Satapatha Bramhana Part 02

Author(s): Julius Eggeling
Publisher: Oxford
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/007678/1

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UC-NRLF
B 3 021 327

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LIBRARY
OF THE
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA.
Received. Jan. 188 Accessions No. 33997 Shelf No. 685
72.94-6
VELUT

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ΤΗ Ε
SACRED BOOKS OF THE EAST
[26]
a
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London
HENRY FROWDE
IR
PRESES Eleg
OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS WAREHOUSE
AMEN CORNER, E.C.
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THE
SACRED BOOKS OF THE EAST
TRANSLATED
BY VARIOUS ORIENTAL SCHOLARS
AND EDITED BY
F. MAX MÜLLER
VOL. XXVI
UNT
Orford
AT THE CLARENDON PRESS
1885
( All rights reserved ]
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THE
SATAPATHA-BRÂHMANA
ACCORDING TO THE TEXT OF THE
MADHYANDINA SCHOOL
TRANSLATED BY
JULIUS EGGELING
PART II
BOOKS III AND IV
CALICOM
Oxford
AT THE CLARENDON PRESS
1885
( All rights reserved ]
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32,007
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CONTENTS
INTRODUCTION.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
PAGE
xi
.
III
THIRD KANDA. A. Day (or Days) of Preparation.
Dîkshå,'or Consecration Prâyaniyeshfi, or Opening Sacrifice . . . . 47 Hiranyavatî-ahuti, or Offering with Gold; and Homage
to Soma-cow . . . . . Purchase of Soma-plants . Procession and Entrance of King Soma Subrahmanyâ-litany · · · Atithya, or Guest-meal to King Soma. TânQnaptra, or Covenant of TanQnapat Avântara-dîkshâ, or Intermediary Consecration Upasadah, or Homages (sieges) . . . . Preparation of Soma-altar with High-altar. Agni-pranayana, or Leading Forward of the Fire to the
High-altar . . . . . . . . 121 Construction of Sheds, and Preparation of Pressingplace and Dhishnya-hearths . .
. . Havirdhana, or Cart-shed.
. 126 Uparava, or Sound-holes.
• 135 Sadas, or Tent
: 140 Dhishnya-hearths . .
148 Vaisargina-offerings, and Leading Forward of Agni and
Soma (to Âgnidhra) . Animal Sacrifice
. . . . 162 Setting up of Sacrificial Stake.
162 Slaying of Victim . . . . . . 178 Oblations:
Fore-offerings with Âpri-verses . . Offering of Omentum (vapa) . . . 190 Pasu-purođầsa, or Cake-offering . . . 199 Cutting and offering of Flesh-portions . . 201
155
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viii
CONTENTS
PAGE
210
Offering of gravy (vasa)
205 Offering to Vanaspati.
208 After-offerings . . . . . Purificatory Bath, &c. .
215 Ekadasini, or Set of Eleven Victims
. 217 Vasatîvari-water . . . .
. . .
222
. B. Day of Soma-feast.
Prâtar-anuváka, or Morning-prayer; and Preparatory Ceremonies . . . . .
226 Prâtah-savana, or Morning-pressing:
Preliminary Pressing.
Nigrâbhya-water. Nigrabha-formula
238
coing -
FOURTH KÂNDA. Upâmsu-graha .
• . 248 Great Pressing :
Antaryâma-graha . . . . . 257 Aindravâyava-graha
265 Maitråvaruna-graha
: 265 Askina-graha .
· 272 Sukra- and Manthi-grahas
278 Agrayana-graha . . .
: 288 Ukthya-graha : .
292 Vaisvânara- and Dhruva-grahas. • 298 Viprud-homa, or Oblation of Drops.
• 305 Bahishpavamâna-stotra
307 Åsvina-graha ..
· 312 Offering of Savaniya-purodásáh .
314 Ritu-grahas, or Libations to the Seasons Aindragna-graha . . . .
322 Vaisvadeva-graha. ..
. 323 Agya-sastra . . . . . . . 325 Mâdhyandina-savana, or Midday-pressing, .. 331
Sukra and Manthin; Âgrayana and Ukthyagrahas . . .
. . 332 Marutvatîya-grahas
• 334 Mahendra-graha . . . . . . 338 Dakshina-homas
. 340
318
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CONTENTS.
PAGE Tritîya-savana, or Evening-pressing. .
350 Âsvina-graha . . . .
351 Âgrayana-graha . . . . • 355 Savitra-graha .
• 357 Vaisvadeva-graha . . · · 359 Offering of karu (rice-pap) to Soma . · 363 Pâtnîvata-graha.
· 365 Âgnimâruta-sastra . .
369 Hâriyogana-graha
370 Concluding Ceremonies ..
374 Samishtayagus . .
374 Avabhritha, or Purificatory Bath
. 378 Udayanîya-ishti. . . .
• 386 Udavasânîyâ-ishdi, or Completing Oblation. . 389
Offering of Barren Cow . C. Additional Forms of Soma-sacrifice.
Shodasin . . . . . . . . . 397 Dvadasaha
402 Atigrâhyas Avakåsas.
409 Trirâtra sahasradakshina .
414 Dvadasäha vyadha-khandas. Amsu-graha . .
• 423
• 426 Mahâvratîya-graha.
. 429 Brahma-saman. . .
. . 434 Dikshâ, or Consecration, for Sacrificial Sessions. 440 Sattrotthâna, or Rising from a Session . . 447
Raturhotri-formulas : : : : :
Brahmodya . . . . . . . 452 INDEX TO Parts I AND II (VOL. XII AND XXVI) . . 457 Additions and Corrections . . . . . . 474 Plan of Sacrificial Ground.
402
• 418
Gavâm ay
Transliteration of Oriental Alphabets adopted for the
Translations of the Sacred Books of the East. : 477
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UuY
CALIFOR IDEAS
INTRODUCTION.
THE contents of the third and fourth books of the Satapatha-brâhmana form an important chapter of its dogmatic explanation of the sacrificial ceremonial. This portion of the work treats of the ordinary forms of the most sacred of Vedic sacrificial rites, the Soma-sacrifice. The exposition of the Soma-ritual also includes an account of the animal offering which, though it may be performod as an independent sacrifice, more usually constitutes an integral part of the Saumya-adhvara.
Since F. Windischmann, in his treatise Ueber den Somacultus der Arier' (1846), pointed out the remarkable similarity of conceptions prevalent among the ancient Indians and Iranians in regard to the Soma, both from a sacrificial and a mythological point of view, this subject has repeatedly engaged the attention of scholars. In A. Kuhn's masterly essay, 'Die Herabkunft des Feuers und des Göttertranks' (1859), the Soma-myth was thoroughly investie gated, and its roots were traced far back into the IndoEuropean antiquity. Within the last few years the entire Rig-vedic conceptions regarding Soma have, for the first time, been subjected to a searching examination in M. A. Bergaigne's 'La Religion Védique.' This book forms an important contribution to the interpretation of the Vedic hymns; and though the combinations and theories put forth by the author may not always commend themselves to scholars generally, there can be no doubt that his enquiries exhibit a rare analytic faculty, and have yielded a mass of new and valuable suggestions.
Among the numerous features which the Vedic Aryans had in common with thein Iranian kinsmen, and from which it is supposed that an intimate connection must have sub
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SATAPATHA-BRAHMANA.
sisted between these two easternmost branches of the IndoEuropean stock for some time after they had become separated from their western brethren, the Soma cult and myth are not the least striking. Both the Vedic soma and the Zend haoma-derived from the root su (Zend hu), 'to press, produce'-denote in the first place a spirituous liquor extracted from a certain plant, described as growing on the mountains; the words being then naturally applied to the plant itself. But the Rig-veda, not less than the Avesta, distinguishes between an earthly and a celestial Soma; and it is precisely the relation between these two, or the descent of the heavenly Soma to the world of men, which forms the central element of the Soma-myth. To the childlike intellect of the primitive Åryan which knew not how to account for the manifold strange and awe-inspiring phenomena of nature otherwise than by peopling the universe with a thousand divine agents, the potent juice of the Soma-plant which endowed the feeble mortal with godlike powers, and for a time freed him from earthly cares and troubles, seemed a veritable god, not less worthy of adoration than the wielder of the thunderbolt, the roaring wind, or the vivifying orb of day. The same magic powers are, upon the whole, ascribed to Soma by the Indian and Persian bards : to both of them he is the wise friend and mighty protector of his votary, the inspirer of heroic deeds of arms as well as of the flights of fancy and song, the bestower of health, long life, and even immortality. The divine personality of Soma, it is true, is, even for Vedic imagery, of an extremely vague and shadowy character ; but it is difficult to see what plastic conception there could be of a deity whose chief activity apparently consists in mingling his fiery male nature with the teeming waters of the sky, and the swelling sap of plants. The principal cause, however, of the vagueness of Soma's personality, and the source of considerable difficulties in explaining many of the Vedic conceptions of this deity, is his twofold nature as a fiery liquor, or liquid fire,—that is to say, his fluid and his fiery or luminous nature.
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INTRODUCTION.
xiii
The Soma, with whom the worshipper is chiefly concerned, is the Soma-plant, and the juice extracted from it for the holy service. This is the earthly Soma, or, so to speak, the Avatar of the divine Soma. The latter, on the other hand, is a luminous deity, a source of light and life. In the Brahmanas, Soma, in this respect, has become completely identified with the Moon, whose varying phases, and temporary obscuration at the time of new-moon, favoured the mystic notions of his serving as food to the Gods and Fathers (Manes); and of his periodical descents to the earth, with the view of sexual union with the waters and plants, and his own regeneration. Though this identification appears already clearly in several passages of the Rik, Vedic scholars seem mostly inclined to refer this conception to a secondary stage of developments According to Professor Roth, indeed, this identification would have no other mythological foundation than the coincidence of notions which finds its expression in the term indu* (commonly used for Soma, and in the later language for the moon), viz. as a drop' and 'a spark (drop of light).' This is not unlikely, but it does not of course help us to settle the point as to how that term came ultimately to be applied exclusively to the moon among heavenly luminaries. To the Vedic poet it is rather the sun that appears, if not identical, at any rate closely connected, with the divine Soma. The fact was first pointed out by Grassmann', who proposed to identify Pavamana, the 'pure-streamed, sparkling' Soma, with the, apparently solar, deity Puemuno of the
1 Or, as the vessel containing the divine Soma, the drink conferring immortality.
See, for instance, Sat. Br. 1, 6, 4, 5 seq. Possibly also the shape of the horned moon' may have facilitated the attribution to that luminary of a ball. like nature such as is ascribed to Soma; though a similar attribution, it is true, is made in the case of other heavenly objects whose outward appearance offers no such points of comparison.
M. A. Barth, The Vedic Religions, p. 37, on the other hand, is of opinion that this identification goes back to Indo-European times.
• St. Petersburg Dict. 8. v. According to A. Kuhn, the two myths of the descent of Fire and of the divine Liquor spring from one and the same conception, whence the spark of fire is conceived as a drop. 'Herabkunft,' p. 161.
Kubn's Zeitsch. f. Vergl. Spr. XVI, p. 183 seq.
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SATAPATHA-BRÂHMANA.
Iguvian tablets. M. Bergaigne has also carefully collected the passages of the Rik in which Soma appears either compared or identified with the sun. Although a mere comparison of Indu-Soma with the sun can scarcely be considered sufficient evidence on this point, since such a comparison might naturally enough suggest itself even to one who had the identity of Soma and the moon in his mind, there still remain not a few passages where no such ambiguity seems possible. Somewhat peculiar are the relations between Soma and Surya's daughter (probably the Dawn), alluded to several times in the Rik. In one passage (IX, 1, 6) she is said to pass Sarya through the perpetual filter (sasvat våra); whilst in another (IX, 113, 8) Surya's daughter brought the bull (Soma?), reared by Parganya (the cloud); the Gandharvas seized him and put him, as sap, into the Soma (plant ?). A combination of this female bearer of Soma with the eagle (or falcon) who carried off Soma (IV, 27, &c.) seems to have supplied the form of the myth, current in the Brahmanas, according to which Gayatri fetched Soma from heaven. The hymn X, 85, on the other hand, celebrates the marriage ceremony of Soma and Sarya, at which the two Asvins act as bride'smen, and Agni as the leader of the bridal procession to the bridegroom's home.
There are, however, other passages in the Rig-veda, in which Soma, so far from being identified with the sun, seems to be regarded as some sovereign power which originates or controls that luminary, as well as the other lights of heaven. Thus in Rig-veda IX, 61, 16 Soma is represented as producing (ganayan) the bright light belonging to all men; in IX, 97, 41 as producing the light in the sun (aganayat sûrye gyotir induk); in IX, 28, 5; 37, 4 as causing the sun to shine (rokayan); in IX, 86, 22; 107, 7 as making him rise (å-rohayan) in the sky; in IX, 63, 6
1 M. Bergaigne, II, p. 149, identifies with Sürya's daughter the girl (? Apala) who, going to the water, found Soma, and took him home, saying, I'll press thee for Indra l' On this hymn see Prof. Aufrecht, Ind. Stud. IV, 1 seq.
On this hymn see A. Weber, Ind. Stud. V, 178 seq.; J. Ehni, Zeitsch. der D.M.G. XXXIII, p. 166 seq.
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INTRODUCTION.
XV
as harnessing Svar's Etasa ; in IX, 36, 3; 49,5 as causing the lights to shine (8yotîmshi vi-rokayan; pratnavad rokayan rukah); in IX, 42, 1 as producing the lights of the sky (and) the sun in the (heavenly) waters; in IX, 41, 5 as filling the two wide worlds (rodasi), even as the dawn, as the sun, with his rays. Nay, the poet of IX, 86, 29, 'Thou art the (heavenly) ocean (samudra)... thine are the lights (8yotimshi), O Pavamâna, thine the sun,' seems to conceive Soma as the bright ether, the azure 'sea of light'generally; and a similar conception is perhaps implied when, in IX, 107, 20, the bard sings, 'Thine I am, O Soma, both by night and by day, for friendship's sake, O tawny one, in the bosom (of the sky ): like birds have we flown far beyond the sun scorching with heat.'
On the other hand, it must not be forgotten that similar functions to those here referred to are ascribed to other deities besides Soma, without there being any cogent reason for assuming an intentional rapprochement, still less identification of these deities with Soma; and, in point of fact, the allusions in the hymns are too vague to enable us to determine the exact relations between Soma and the heavenly light. Indeed, it may be questioned whether there was any very clear apprehension of these relations; or whether, prior to the ultimate identification of Soma with the moon, we have not to deal with a body of floating ideas rather than with a settled mythological conception of the divine Soma. During his brief term of existence on earth-from his mountain birth to his final consummation as 'the supreme offering' (uttamam havis)—the outward form of Soma passes through a succession of changes from which the poet would draw many a feature wherewith to endow the divine object of his fancy. He might thus represent Soma now as a shining tree springing from the mountains of the sky; now as a luminous drop or spark moving through the heavens, and shedding light all around; or as innumerable drops of light scattered over the wide aerial
Udhani, lit. in, or on, the adder (whence Soma is milked, 1.c. the sky).
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SATAPATHA-BRAHMANA.
expanse; now as a glittering stream, or again, as a vast sea of liquid light.
The references of the Avesta to the divine Haoma are even less definite and explicit than those of the Vedic hymns. His connection with the heavenly light, though not perhaps so close as that of Mithra and other deities, is unmistakable enough1; but we look in vain for any clear indication as to what the exact relations are. It is certain, however, that nowhere in the Avesta is there any passage which could warrant us to assume an identification of Haoma with either the Sun or the Moon. In Yasna IX, 81-82, we are told that Haoma was the first to be invested by Ahura-Mazda with the zone, spangled with stars, and made in heaven, in accordance with the good Mazda-yasnic law; and that girt therewith he dwells upon the heights of the mountain to uphold the sacred ordinances. It is difficult to see what else the star-spangled zone (the heavenly counterpart of the ordinary Kusti of the orthodox Pârsî) could here refer to, except the milky way, or perhaps the starry sky generally ;-unless, indeed, as is scarcely likely, some special constellation be implied; but neither this nor any other passage enables us in any way to define the divine personality of Haoma.
Soma's descent to the earth, as pictured in the Vedic hymns, is attended with violent disturbances in the regions of the sky, in which Indra generally plays the principal part. It is admitted on all hands that we have to look upon these supernal struggles as mythic impressions of ordinary atmospheric phenomena, especially those of the Indian monsoon and rainy season, and the violent thunderstorms by which they are usually accompanied. According to the needs and anxieties by which he was swayed at the moment, these atmospheric occurrences presented themselves to the poet's mind chiefly in two different lights. Either, the approaching masses of clouds brought with them the long-desired rain, and the prospect of abundant food for man and beast: in that case the gods were doing battle for the possession of
1 Cf. Spiegel, Eranische Alterthumskunde, II, p. 114.
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INTRODUCTION.
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the celestial waters, or the heavenly cows, too long confined by malicious demons in their mountain strongholds; or, after a time of tempest and gloom, one longed to see again the bright sky and the golden sunlight, to cheer life and ripen the crops : in which case it was a struggle for the recovery of the heavenly light.
The relation in which Soma stands to Indra is mainly that of the fiery beverage, the welcome draughts of which give the warrior god the requisite strength and nerve for battling with the demons of drought and darkness. Indra's favourite weapon is the thousand-spiked, iron or golden thunderbolt, the lightning. But inasmuch as it is Soma that enables Indra effectually to wield his weapon, the poet might, by a bold, yet perfectly natural, metaphor, identify the potent drink with the terrible bolt. This identification is indeed met with in several passages of the Rik', notably in IX, 47, 3, 'When his song of praise is brought forth, then Soma, the powerful indriya) liquor, becomes the thousandfold-winning thunderbolt ;' in IX, 72, 7, · Indra's thunderbolt, the bountiful (vibhavasu) bull, the exhilarating Soma clarifies itself in a manner pleasing to the heart;' and in IX, 77, 1, 'This sweet (Soma) has roared in the tub, Indra's thunderbolt, more beautiful than the beautiful one?! Not less natural is the simile implied in epithets, properly applying to Indra,—such as 'vritrahan' (slayer of Vritra), and 'goda' (cow-giver),—when applied to Soma, who helps him to make good those titles of his; just as one can understand their being occasionally applied to Agni, the sacrificial fire, as the medium through which the libations reach Indra. A similar kind of poetic figure is involved in passages representing Soma as exercising an influence, not on Indra himself, but on the weapons wielded by him ;
Cf. A. Bergaigne, Religion Védique, II, 253. In the Brahmanas it is not Soma, but the pressing-stone, that is identified with the Vagra.
Prof. Ludwig proposes to read 'vagrát' instead of .vagro,' thus 'more beautiful than Indra's beautiful thunderbolt.' But even if we retain the received reading, 'vapushah' might refer to the (real) thunderbolt; though, of course, it may also be taken as referring either to the sun, or to Agni, or to some other deity or heavenly object. . Cf. A. Bergaigne, II, 251.
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SATAPATHA-BRAHMANA.
such as VIII, 76, 9, ‘O Indra, drink the pressed Soma,... sharpening the thunderbolt with its strength;' or IX, 96, 12, where Soma is called upon to join Indra, and produce weapons for him (ganayayudhani); or VIII, 15, 7, where the Soma-cup (dhishana) is said to whet Indra's power, his daring and intelligence, as well as the desirable thunderbolt.
But, while most scholars will probably be content to apply this kind of interpretation to cases of an apparent identification of Soma and the Vagra such as those referred to, M. Bergaigne is evidently in favour of their identity pure and simple. Now, it cannot be denied that the authors of some of those passages may really have intended to represent Soma as virtually or actually the same as the thunderbolt; but even if that were so, we should hardly be justified in assuming this identity to have been anything like a settled and universally accepted conception in the times of the hymns. There surely is some danger in treating a miscellaneous collection like the Rig-veda, as if it were a uniform and homogeneous production, and in generalizing from one or two isolated passages. In this respect I cannot help thinking that M. Bergaigne has often gone farther than many scholars will be prepared to follow him. Thus another of his favourite theories seems to be the ultimate identity of Soma and Agni. But close as the relations of these two deities undoubtedly are, and even admitting that they may occasionally have been the object of those syncretist tendencies which we see so often at work in the mythological speculations of the Rishis, nevertheless I cannot but think that to the generality of Vedic poets Agni and Soma were perfectly distinct deities, as distinct from each other as the two visible objects which represent them on earth. Indeed, M. Bergaigne himself has to admit (I, 167) that, as the fire and beverage were in reality distinct on earth, this distinction was inevitably extended sometimes to their divine forms. But if such is the case, and if they are actually invoked together in one and the same hymn, should one not think that even in those divine forms of theirs they must at least have
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INTRODUCTION.
xix
been regarded as two different manifestations of the same divinity?
Soma makes his descent to the earth in showers of rain, amid thunder and lightning. Here a new problem presents itself: in this strife of elements, what is the exact phenomenon in which we are to recognise the divine Soma as temporarily embodied? It used to be taken for granted that the rain of the thunderstorm must be so regarded, being as it were the atmospheric counterpart of the earthly Soma drops, expressed from the juicy stalk and flowing into the vat. M. Bergaigne, however, has put forward the theory that it is not the rain, but the lightning, that really represents Soma; and has tried to show, with no little ingenuity, that several passages of the Rik can only, or at any rate most naturally, be explained by the light of his theory. Now, according to an old myth, frequently alluded to in the hymns, Soma was brought down to the earth by an eagle or falcon (syena). Thus we read in 1, 93, 6, 'Måtarisvan has brought down the one (Agni) from the sky, and the Syena has churned the other (Soma) from the (celestial) rock.' A. Kuhn saw in this bird only another form of Indra who, in two passages (1, 32, 14; X, 99, 8), is indeed directly likened to a Syena. On the other hand, this identification is rendered doubtful by two other passages (1, 80, 2; IV, 18, 13), in which the Syena is represented as bringing the Soma to Indra himself. Here, then, is a veritable crux. M. Bergaigne does not hesitate to cut the knot by identifying the Soma-bearing bird with the lightning; and the lightning again being to him no other than Soma, the myth thus resolves itself into the rather commonplace fact that Soma takes himself down to the earth. He only needed to go a step further by identifying Soma, not only with Agni and the lightning, but also with Indra himself, and the phantasmagory would have been complete. Indeed, one or M. Bergaigne's disciples, M. Koulikovski, has already come very near supplying this deficiency, when he remarks (Revue de Linguistique, XVIII, p. 3), that in the hymn IV, 26'we have to do with a twofold personage, composed of the attributes of Indra and Soma.'
b 2
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SATAPATHA-BRAHMANA.
Now, if this myth were a purely Indian one, one might be content to relegate it to the category of Vedic 'paradoxes' to the vindication of which M. Bergaigne declares himself ready to devote his life. But as there can be no reasonable doubt that the myth goes back to Indo-European times, and that its object is simply to account for the mysterious effect of spirituous liquor or the fire-water,' so to speak, I for one find it impossible to accept M. Bergaigne's explanation of this myth, at least so far as the identification of Soma and the lightning is concerned. On the other hand, his theory undoubtedly receives a considerable amount of support from the fact that the Soma is frequently compared with the Syena. But we saw that the same term is applied to Indra, as it also is to the Maruts (X, 92, 6), to the Asvins (IV, 74, 9; VIII, 73, 4), and to Surya (V, 45, 9); and there is in my opinion no evidence to show that this comparison has any connection with the myth which makes the fiery liquor to be brought down by a Syena. Moreover, wherever that comparison occurs, it undoubtedly applies to the Pavamâna, or the drops or streams of Soma flowing through the filter into the vat; and I can see no reason why we should not consider the showers of rain as the exact counterpart of the clarifying Soma. But, of course, the real divine Soma is not the rain-drop itself, any more than he is the drop of juice expressed from the Soma-plant; but he is the spark of celestial fire enclosed in the drop. It would seem, then, that, as the masses of cloud overspread the sky, Soma, the heavenly light, is conceived as entering into union with the celestial cows or waters, released by the thunderbolt from their mountain keep, and coming down with them to the earth.
1 For the same reason I find it impossible to accept M. Bergaigne's interpretation of the hymn IV, 27, put forward at the end of his work (vol. iii, P. 322 seq.). According to that interpretation, Soma, in the first verse, declares that he himself flew forth from his prison as an eagle; and then, in the second verse--as it were reproving those who might imagine the eagle to be a different being from himself-he adds, 'It was not he (the eagle) that bore me away with ease, but I triumphed by my own cleverness and bravery!' I am afraid this critical specimen of the feathered tribe will not find many admirers among
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But while I find it impossible, as regards the myth of the Soma-bearing bird, to identify with M. Bergaigne the winged bearer (probably the lightning) with its burden, the Soma; the descent of the fiery god is pictured in various other ways, and it might still be possible that one or other poet had conceived of the bull-like Soma, as the lightning, uniting with the heavenly cows in their earthward course, so that before reaching the earth the rain-drops would be impregnated with Soma's essence, and would, in fact, be of the same nature as the Soma-juice. I am not prepared, therefore, entirely to reject the identification of Soma with the lightning ; only I do not think that any one of the crucial passages adduced by M. Bergaigne in favour of that identity necessarily requires the interpretation he proposes. Thus, in IX, 41, 3, 'The sound of the mighty Pavamâna (the clarifying Soma) is heard like that of the rain : the lightnings pass in the sky,' it surely seems rather farfetched to take the lightning, instead of the rain, to be the object with which Soma is compared, merely because in the same hymn Soma is also compared with the sun and the heavenly river Raså. The same may be said of IX, 108, 11, 'That joy-pouring (mada-kyut) thousand-streamed bull they have milked out from the sky,' and several other passages. The verse IX, 87, 8, divo na vidyut stanayanty abhraih, somasya te pavata indra dhåra, 'Thy stream of Soma, O Indra, clarifies itself, as (does) the thundering lightning of the sky by means of the clouds,' is more favourable to
prosaic Sanskritists. I should prefer, with Prof. Roth, to read 'nir adfyat' instead of nir adiyam,' unless it were possible to read 'syenagavasa' instead of syenó gaváså.' M. Koulikovski, in the paper referred to, throws the hymns IV, 26 and 27 together, and takes them as a sort of mytho-critical controversy between the god Soma and some other person (perhaps the author himself), advocating two different versions of the Soma-myth, viz. Soma contending that it was himself who brought the divine plant, while his interlocutor (who has the last word in the hymn ') maintains that it was brought by a falcon. Thus, according to this scholar, the falcon was already (!) distinguished from Soma ; and these two hymns are, as it were, an echo of a religious, or rather mythological dispate, which had divided the theologians of the Vedic epoch.' Perhaps Prof. Oldenberg's theory of Akhyâta-hymns, or detached pieces of poetry connected by prose narratives, might have a chance with these hymns.
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M. Bergaigne's view, as may also be the doubtful passage, V, 84, 3, yat te abhrasya vidyuto divo varshanti vrishtayah, When the rains of the cloud rain thee (О earth) lightnings from the sky (?). As regards VII, 69, 6, addressed to the Asvins, 'Come, ye two men, to our libations this day, like two thirsty bulls to the lightning,' M. Bergaigne (1, 168) thinks that the identification of Soma with the lightning can alone explain this passage; since it would be impossible to imagine that the two bulls could anticipate the falling of rain from the appearance of the lightning. Though a poetic figure like this hardly bears such critical handling, perhaps M. Bergaigne will allow me to ask whether, if the passage had read, Come ye hither to our libations, like two bulls to the thunder 1,' he would have thought it so very bold a figure for a Vedic poet to use?
The most important of all passages, however, undoubt. edly is IX, 84, 3: a yo gobhih srigyata oshadhîshu ....a vidyutâ pavate dhåraya sutah, indram somo madayan daivyam ganam. M. Bergaigne translates (I, 172) the first påda by 'Lui qui est répandu avec les vaches (i. e. the raindrops) dans les plantes,' which, of course, fits either view equally well; the only question being, whether Soma is already united with the rain-drops when they are poured forth by the clouds, or whether, in the shape of lightning, he is still separate from them. The third påda, M. Bergaigne remarks (I, 170), may be boldly (hardiment) translated by 'Il se clarifie, exprimé en un torrent qui est l'éclair.' This rendering, if correct, would doubtless settle the point; but to my mind it is not only a very doubtful, but a highly improbable explanation. What I believe to be the true interpretation of the passage had been given by Prof. Ludwig two years before the publication of M. Bergaigne's volume, viz. 'Expressed in a stream, he clarifies himself by the lightning-Soma who exhilarates (or inebriates) Indra and the divine race.' It will be seen that this alters the case completely. The lightning would be
1 Cp. IX, 100, 3: Send forth mind-yoked thought, as the thunder sends forth rain.'
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compared with the filter of white sheep's wool, through which the Soma-juice percolates into the vat. The same simile, in my opinion, is implied wherever the formula pavate (a) vrishtim, he clarifies himself into rain,' is used (IX, 49, 1; 3 ; 65, 3; 24; 96, 14; 108, 10). And, in truth, the simile seems to me a very striking one; but we must not, of course, think of single flashes of lightning such as we are accustomed to in our northern climes (and as are doubtless implied in the Vedic conception of the Vagra or thunderbolt), but of that continuous and widespread electric illumination (vi-dyut) which forms a characteristic feature of the monsoon, when the showers of rain seem to flow through an immense space of light".
' For a description of this phenomenon in the districts where we must imagine the Vedic poets to have composed their hynins, see Elphinstone, Account of the Kingdom of Cabool, p. 126 seq.
I cannot forbear here to quote a few extracts from a graphic description of the setting in of the monsoon in India proper, given in the Rev. H. Caunter's Oriental Annual (1834) :-'There was a slight haze upon the distant waters which seemed gradually to thicken, although not to a density sufficient to refract the rays of the sun, which still flooded the broad sea with one unvarying mass of glowing light .... Towards the afternoon, the aspect of the sky began to change; the horizon gathered blackness, and the san, which had risen so brightly, had evidently culminated in darkness, and to have his splendour veiled from human sight by a long, gloomy period of storm and turbulence. Masses of heavy clouds appeared to rise from the sea, black and portentous, accompanied by sudden gasts of wind, that suddenly died away, being succeeded by an intense, death-like stillness, as if the air were in a state of utter stagnation, and its vital properties arrested. It seemed no longer to circulate, until again agitated by the brief but mighty gusts which swept fiercely along, like the giant heralds of the sky. Meanwhile the lower circle of the heavens looked a deep brassy red, from the partial reflection of the sunbeams upon the thick clouds, which had now everywhere overspread it .... From the house which we occupied we could behold the setting in of the monsoon in all its grand and terrific sublimity. The wind, with a force which nothing could resist, bent the tufted heads of the tall, slim cocoa-nut trees almost to the earth, flinging the light sand into the air in eddying vortices, until the rain had either so increased its gravity, or beaten it into a mass, as to prevent the wind from raising it. The pale lightning streamed from the clouds in broad sheets of flame, which appeared to encircle the heavens as if every element had been converted into fire, and the world was on the eve of a general conflagration, whilst the peal, which instantly followed, was like the explosion of a gunpowder-magazine, or the discharge of artillery in the gorge of 4 mountain, where the repercussion of surrounding hills multiplies with terrific energy its deep and astounding echoes. The heavens seemed to be
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The striking coincidences between the Vedic Agnishtoma and the Homa ceremony of the Parsis, pointed out by Martin Haug (Ait. Br. I, p. 59 seq.), leave no doubt as to the complete development of the Soma-ritual in its essential features before the separation of the Indo-Iranians. The exact identity of the plant from which their sacred liquor was prepared is still somewhat doubtful. An official inquiry which has been set on foot in consequence of two papers published by Prof. Roth (Journal of Germ. Or. Soc. 1881 and 1883), and translated by Mr. C. J. Lyall, secretary to the Chief Commissioner of Assam, and which, it is understood, is now carried on, on the part of the Government of India, by Dr. Aitchison, botanist to the Afghan Boundary Commission, will probably ere long settle the matter once for all. The appearance of the first official blue-book on the subject has already led to a renewed discussion of the matter, in the columns of a weekly journal", in which Profs. Max Müller and R. v. Roth, as well as several distinguished botanists, especially Drs. J. G. Baker and W. T. Thiselton Dyer, have taken part. Of especial interest in this discussion is a letter?, by Mr. A.Houttum-Schindler, dated Teheran, December 20, 1884, in which an account is given of the plant from which the present Pârsîs of Kerman and Yezd obtain their Hům juice, and which they assert to be the very same
one vast reservoir of flame, which was propelled from its voluminous bed by some invisible but omnipotent agency, and threatened to fling its fiery ruin upon everything around. In some parts, however, of the pitchy vapour by which the skies were by this time completely overspread, the lightning was seen only occasionally to glimmer in faint streaks of light, as if struggling, but unable, to escape from its prison, igniting, but too weak to burst, the impervious bosoms of those capacious magazines in which it was at once engendered and pent up. So heavy and continuous was the rain, that scarcely anything, save those vivid bursts of light which nothing could arrest or resist, was perceptible through it.... Day after day the same scene was repeated with somewhat less violence, though at intervals the might of the hurricane was truly appalling .... The breaking up of the monsoon is frequently even more violent, if possible, than its setting in, and this happened to be the case during the first season after my arrival in India. It was truly stupendous, and I shall never cease to remember it to the latest moment of my existence. .
The Academy, Oct. 25, 1884-Feb. 14, 1885. * Ibid., Jan. 31, 1885.
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as the Haoma of the Avesta. The Hum shrub, according to this description, grows to the height of four feet, and consists of circular fleshy stalks (the thickest being about a finger thick) of whitish colour, with light brown streaks. The juice was milky, of a greenish white colour, and had a sweetish taste. Mr. Schindler was, however, told that, after being kept for a few days, it turned sour and, like the stalks, became yellowish brown. The stalks break easily at the joints, and then form small cylindrical pieces. They had lost their leaves, which are said to be small and formed like those of the jessamine. This description, according to the above naturalists, would seem to agree tolerably well with the Sarcostemma (akin to the common milk-weed), or some other group of Asclepiads, such as the Periploca aphylla which, as Mr. Baker states, has been traced by Dr. Haussknecht to 3000 feet in the mountains of Persia, and, according to Dr. Aitchison, is common also in Afghanistan. A quotation from a medical Sanskrit work, to which attention was drawn by Prof. Max Müller many years ago, states that, 'the creeper, called Soma, is dark, sour, without leaves, milky, fleshy on the surface; it destroys (or causes) phlegm, produces vomiting, and is eaten by goats.' The foul, sour smell of the Soma-juice is also alluded to in our Bråhmana (see the present volume, p. 266). According to Prof. Spiegel", the Parsîs of Bombay obtain their Homa from Kermân, whither they send their priests from time to time to get it. The plant at present used by the Hindu priests of the Dekhan, on the other hand, according to Haug, is not the Soma of the Vedas, but appears to belong to the same order. 'It grows (he informs us, Ait. Br. II, 489) on hills in the neighbourhood of Poona to the height of about four to five feet, and forms a kind of bush, consisting of a certain number of shoots, all coming from the same root; their stem is solid like wood; the bark grayish; they are without leaves ; the sap appears whitish, has a very stringent taste, is bitter, but not sour: it is a very nasty drink, and has some intoxicating effect. I tasted it several times, but
Eranische Alterthumskunde, III, p. 572.
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it was impossible for me to drink more than some teaspoonfuls. In fact, several varieties of Sarcostemma or Asclepiads, somewhat different from those of Persia and Afghanistan, which are not to be found so far south, seem to have been, and indeed seem still to be, made use of for the Soma-sacrifice. And notwithstanding the objections raised by Dr. G. Watt, in his useful .Notes,' appended to the translation of Professor Roth's papers, every probability seems to me to be in favour of the identity of the original Soma-plant with the shrub, the stalks of which are used by the Pårsîs in preparing their Hom juice, or with some other plant of the same genus. It certainly would seem to have been a plant with soft, succulent stems. Dr. Watt remarks, 'We know of no instance of a succulent plant retaining, for weeks or months, its sap within isolated twigs, and, indeed, we can recall but few plants which could withstand, even for a day or two, the dry climate of India, so as to retain the sap within their isolated and cut twigs.' But, though at the time of the Vedic hymns fresh and juicy plants were probably used for the preparation of the sacred drink, in later times, when the plants had to be conveyed some considerable distance into India, the withered and shrunk plants were apparently found, with the admixture of water and other ingredients, to serve the same purpose. For we know from the description given in the Satras, that water was poured on the plants previously to their being beaten with the pressing-stones. This moistening or steeping is called apyâyanam, or 'the making the plants) swell.' After being then well beaten and bruised, they were thrown into the vat, or rather trough, partly filled with water, and were pressed out with the hand. Dr. Watt thinks Professor Roth ought rather to have published briefly the leading passages in the hymns descriptive of the plant, from which naturalists might have drawn their own conclusions. One might as well ask a Hebrew
· Especially Sarcostemma intermedium, S. brevistigma, and S. viminale (or Asclepias acida). See R. Roth, Zeitsch. der D. Morg. Ges. vol. xxxv, p. 681 seq.
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scholar to give accurate descriptions of the 'lily of the valley' to enable the botanist to identify and classify the lovely flower which delighted the heart of kirg Solomon. It is exactly the want of an accurate knowledge of the nature of the Soma-plant which prevents the Vedic scholar from being able to understand some of the few material allusions to it. Thus the term am su, commonly applied to the Soma-plant, used to be taken to mean simply plant' or 'sprig, shoot;' but Professor Roth seems now inclined, perhaps rightly, to take it as referring to the internode, or cylindrical piece between two joints of the stem. The substitutes approved of by the Satapatha-brâhmana, in case no genuine Soma-plants can be obtained, will be found enumerated at pp. 421-422 of the present volume. A de. scription of these plants, so far as they have been identified, is given in Professor Roth's paper.
I cannot conclude these remarks without expressing my hearty thanks to those scholars who have done me the honour of reviewing the first volume of this work. To Professor Whitney I feel especially indebted for his most careful examination of my translation, and the searching, yet appreciative, criticism he has been good enough to apply to it. I shall feel content, if the present volume finds at least one reader as conscientious and painstaking. While I agree with most of Prof. Whitney's suggestions 1, there are one or two points raised by him, and these perhaps of the more important, on which I have been unable to take his view; and as some of these points involve renderings adhered to in the present volume, I take the opportunity here briefly to advert to them.
The most important of these points probably is my rendering of the term kapala by 'potsherd,' instead of cup, dish,' as proposed by Prof. Whitney. Instead of speaking of a sacrificial cake on eleven or twelve potsherds, we are to call it a cake on so many cups or dishes. The term
"American Journal of Philology, vol. iii, pp. 391-410; Proceedings of the American Oriental Society, October 1882, p. xiv seq.
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potsherd' no doubt is somewhat awkward, and, had it been possible, I should have preferred to use the simple obsolete word 'shard' or 'sherd' for it; but I decidedly object to either cup' or 'dish.' I gather from his suggestion, that we take entirely different views of the purpose and nature of the kapâla. I have to reject the proposed renderings for the very reason for which they commend themselves to Prof. Whitney, namely, because they imply so many vessels complete in themselves. He asks, whether I suppose that the Brahmans made their offerings on fragments of broken pottery?' Well, I certainly believe that the kapâlas are meant to represent the fragments of a broken dish. The sacrificial cake is to be baked on a dish, but for symbolic reasons this dish is supposed to be broken up into a number of pieces or kapalas. The symbolic significance of this seems to be a twofold one. On the one hand, the dish is to resemble the human skull. Hence we read Sat. Br. I, 2, 1, 2, 'The cake is the head of Yagra (the sacrifice, and symbolically the sacrificer himself); for those potsherds (kapâlâni) are what the skull-bones (sîrshnah kapalani) are, and the ground rice is nothing else than the brain.' On the other hand, the kapalas are usually arranged (see Part I, P. 34, note) in such a manner as to produce a fancied resemblance to the (upper 1) shell of the tortoise, which is a symbol of the sky, as the tortoise itself represents the universe. Thus with cakes on a single kapala, the latter is indeed a complete dish. In the same way the term ka pala, in the singular, is occasionally applied to the skull, as well as to the upper and the lower case of the tortoise, e.g. Sat. Br. VII, 5, 1, 2: “That lower kapala of it (the tortoise) is this world, for that (kapâla) is firmly established, and firmly established is this world, and that upper (kapala) is yonder sky, for it has its ends turned down, and so has that sky its ends turned down; and that which is between is that atmosphere : verily that same (tortoise) represents these worlds.' More usually, however, the term is applied to the single
Or perhaps the lower shell which represents the earth, being as it were a symbol of firmness and safety.
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bones of the skull (and the plates of the tortoise-case). Hence the Medini says (lânta 71), kapalo 'strî siro-'sthni syâd, ghatâdeh sakale, vrage,- kapala may be used in the sense of 'head-bone,' in that of fragment of a pot,' &c., and in the sense of collection.'
Professor Whitney takes exception to my occasionally translating åtman by 'body,'-an inaccuracy, he remarks, that might easily be avoided. I do not quite understand on what grounds he objects to this rendering. The original meaning of atman doubtless is (breath) 'self, soul;' but surely there can be no question that it also commonly means 'body, trunk,' in contradistinction to the limbs, wings, &c. Thus we read Sat. Br. IV, 1, 2, 25, 'The sacrifice is fashioned like a bird : the Upåmsu and Antaryâma are its wings, and the Upåmsusavana is its body?'
My rendering of 'videgho ha måthavah' (I, 4, 1, 10) by Mathava the (king of) Videgha,' instead of Videgha (the) Mathava,' is rightly objected to. Indeed, I had already taken occasion, in the introduction to the same volume (I, p. xli, note 4), to make that correction.
Prof. Whitney's remarks on 'yûpena yopayitva' are adverted to at p. 36, note I of the present volume; as are also those on 'ed' at p. 265, note 2. In regard to the latter point he father does me wrong by supposing that I apparently regarded the particle (or particles)'ed' (for which the Kárva text seems to read '& hi') as a verb-form from the root 'i,' to go. The fact is that I followed Prof. Weber (Ind. Stud. IX, p. 249) in taking it to be a popular expression, with a verb of motion understood, somewhat in the sense of the German 'hin ;' e.g. 'Shall we go there?'Hin denn l' i. e. 'Let us go then.' My translation of II, 4, 2, 19 is not quite approved of by
* Professor Max Müller has been kind enough to send me a number of passages from Upanishads and Aranyakas, in which åtman has the sense of 'body, trunk,' and is usually explained in the commentaries by sarira (Atmanah = sariravayavah, Bribadâr. Up. I, 1, 2, 7). The adverb adhyatmam, he remarks, always means with reference to the body;' cf. Taitt. Up. I, 7; Sat. Br. IV, 1, 3, 1, the present volume, p. 265, note 1.
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Prof. Whitney. There offering is made severally to the sacrificer's grandfather and great-grandfather with the formula ‘N. N., this for thee!' to which some authorities add and for those who come after thee.' This addition is rejected by the author on the ground that 'svayam vai teshâm saha yeshâm saha,' which I translated by 'since he himself is one of those to whom [it would be offered] in common. Prof. Whitney takes exception to this, remarking that in that case, the phrase "and those who (come) after thee' might be added, without any reason to the contrary. But he forgets one important point, namely, that it would be a fatal thing for the sacrificer in this way to associate himself with the departed ancestors, and even make offering to himself along with them : it would simply mean that 'he would straightway go to yonder world,' that he would not live his fulness of days. The clause under discussion is elliptic, its literal translation being 'Himself surely (is) of those withal of whom (he is) withal.' This may either be taken in the sense in which I took it (see also St. Petersb. Dict. s.v. saha); or in a general way, 'He surely is one of those with whom he associates himself;' i.e. he would himself be a dead man.
In the legend of Manu and the Flood (I, 8, 1, 1 seq.) I find it impossible to accept Prof. Delbrück's conjecture, which Prof. Whitney thinks the best and only acceptable one, viz. that (in par. 4) the sentence sasvad ha ghasha asa, sa hi gyeshtham vardhate' is an interpolated gloss. My reason for not accepting it is the fact that the passage occurs likewise in the Kanva recension, and is thus authenticated for so comparatively early a period that the difficulty of accounting for the interpolation might be even greater than that of the interpretation of the passage itself. Professor Ludwig, in his kindly notice in Göttinger Gel. Anz.' 1883, proposes to take sasvat in the sense of avtws :
It quite so (i. e. in accordance with the prediction) became a large fish.' Prof. Max Müller has again translated this legend in his 'India, what can it teach us?' p. 134 seq., where he renders this passage by He became soon a large fish
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(ghasha), for such a fish grows largest.' I am still inclined to take ghasha as the name of some kind of fish, real or mythic.
Professor Whitney once more discusses the vexed question as to the real meaning of Gåtávedas,' and thinks the translation Wesen-kenner,' being-knower,' or 'he who knoweth [all] beings' to be unacceptable. He remarks that 'The word may, indeed, fairly be regarded as an obscure one: that is to say, it is very strange that an appellation so frequently applied to Agni should not have its meanings distinctly pointed out, either by its applicableness, or by parallel expressions used in the descriptions of the same god or in ascriptions made to him ; but no such explanation has been found obtainable from the Vedic writings. It is no doubt a fact that at the time of Yaska—who (7, 19) proposes five different derivations of the term, the first of which is the one given above, viz. gåtâni veda, 'he knows (the things) that are bom'-the real meaning of the compound was unknown; and even at the time of the hymns the epithet seems to have been understood in different ways. That the meaning 'knower of beings' was, at any rate, one of those commonly assigned to 'Gatavedas' by the Vedic poets, seems to me, however, sufficiently manifest from a number of parallel expressions used in reference to Agni, such as Rigveda VI, 15, 13, visvå veda ganima gåtavedâh, 'Gatavedas knows all races (or existences);' I, 70, 1, à daivyâni vrata kikitvân à manushyasya ganasya ganma,' he who minds the divine ordinances, and the race of the human kind;' ib. 3, devånâm ganma martāms ka vidvân, 'knowing the race of gods and the men;' I, 189, 1, visvani vayunâni vidvan, “knowing all works ;' ib. 7, tvam tân agna ubhayan v vidvän veshi, &c. On the other hand, in Sat. Br. IX, 5, 1, 68, the term is explained by gåtam gåtam vindate; he takes possession of being after being, or of whatsoever is born. How easily terms such as Gâtavedas and Wesen
* See Grassmann, Wörterbuch & v.; M. Bergaigne, III, 334, takes this passage to supply the etymology of the word.
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kenner (knower of beings) may assume different meanings, may be seen from Mr. Peile's remark (Notes on the Nalopakhyanam, p. 23), "Gâtavedas, the Vedic epithet of Agni, is described as the “knower of the essence" (gâta), Grassmann, Dict. s. v.'
For the first chapter of the third book, treating of the ceremony of consecration, I have had the advantage of availing myself of the German translation, published by Dr. B. Lindner in his pamphlet, 'Die Dîksha,' Leipzig, 1878.
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SATAPATHA-BRAHMANA. THIRD KÅNDA.
BRAD
W OF TE THE AGNISHTOMA.UNIVERSITY
CALTOR THE DIKSHÂ, OR CONSECRATION.
First ADHyÂYA. First BRÂHMANA. 1. They choose a place of worship. Let them choose (the place) which lies highest, and above which no other part of the ground rises '; for it was from thence that the gods ascended to heaven, and he who is consecrated indeed ascends to the gods. He thus sacrifices on a place of worship frequented by the gods; but were any other part of the ground to rise above it, he would indeed be lowered while sacrificing : let them therefore choose (the place) which lies highest.
2. While being high, that place should be even; and being even, it should be firm; and being firm, it should incline towards the east, since the east is the quarter of the gods; or else it should incline
1 Abhi-st, to lie or rise above,' with Sây. Dr. Lindner takes bhameh as abl., and translates 'whereon nothing but earth lies.' The Kânva rec. has bhûmeh (gen.) likewise in the preceding clause : tad yad eva varshishlham bhūmes tad eva devayaganam syâd yatrânyad bhûmer nâbhisayfteto vai devå, &c.' The gods evidently ascended to heaven from the highest spot of the earth, and so is the sacrificer to choose the highest available place. See Kâty. VII, 1, 11 scholl.; Låły. S. I, 1, 17, na kasya sthalataram (higher place) adure syât.'
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towards the north, since the north is the quarter of men. It should rise somewhat towards the south, that being the quarter of the Fathers. Were it to incline towards the south, the sacrifice would quickly go to yonder world; but in this way the sacrificer lives long let it therefore rise somewhat towards the south.
2
3. Let not the measure of the sacrificial ground be exceeded on the east side, since such an excess would be in favour of his spiteful enemy. It may be so in the south, and also in the north; but that place of worship alone is thoroughly efficient where the measure of the sacrificial ground is exceeded in the west; for to him (who possesses such a one) the higher1 worship of the gods readily inclines. So much as to the place of worship.
4. Now Yâgñavalkya spake, 'We went to choose a place of worship for Vårshnya. Sâtyayagña then said, "Verily, this whole earth is divine: on whatever part thereof one may sacrifice (for any
'Or 'subsequent;' a play on the word 'uttara,' which has the meanings 'upper (superior), later, and left (north).' Dr. Lindner takes it in the sense of 'from the north.' Possibly uttara also refers to the Soma-altars (uttara vedi and uttara-vedi) to be prepared later on (see III, 5, 1, 1 seq.) on the eastern part of the sacrificial ground.
"The Kânva text reads,-Accordingly Yagñavalkya spake, 'Vârshna intended to sacrifice (ayakshyata). Thus we went (ayama 1) to look for a place of worship.' He who is known as Sâtyayagñi said, 'Verily, this whole earth is divine: a place of worship there is wheresoever one sacrifices on it, after enclosing it with a yagus.' And thus indeed he thought, but the officiating priests doubtless constitute the (real) place (medium) of worship: where wise (priests) perform the sacrifice in due form, there alone no failure takes place. That (other definition) is not the characteristic of the place of worship. (Without final iti.)
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III KÂNDA, I ADHYÂYA, 1 BRÂHMANA, 7.
3
one), after enclosing (and consecrating) it with a sacrificial formula, there is a place of worship."
5. 'It is, however, the officiating priests that constitute the place (or medium) of worship: wheresoever wise and learned Brâhmans, versed in sacred lore, perform the sacrifice, there no failure takes place: that (place of worship) we consider the nearest (to the gods)?.'
6. On this (ground) they erect either a hall or a shed, with the top-beams running from west to east?; for the east is the quarter of the gods, and from the east westwards the gods approach men: that is why one offers to them while standing with his face towards the east.
7. For this reason one must not sleep with his
1 That is to say, one who employs such skilled Brahmans for his officiating priests (ritvig) may use sacrificial ground of any description. Kâty. VII, 1, 18.
? Prâkîna-vamsa (prag-vamsa, K.). The 'vamsas' are the horizontal beams supported by the four corner-posts. In the first place two cross-beams are fastened on the corner-posts, to serve as the lintels of the eastern and western doors. Across them tie-beams are then laid, running from west to east, on which mats are spread by way of a roof or ceiling. The term 'pråkina-vamsa' refers to these upper beams (upari-vamsa), and especially to the central beam (prishtha-vamsa or madhyavala) the ends of which rest on the middle of the lintels of the eastern and western doors; cf. Sâyana on Taitt. S. I, 2, 1 (vol. I, pp. 279, 286); Käty. VII, 1, 20 scholl. Inside the Prakina-vamsa there is the Ahavaniya fire immediately facing the east door; the Gârhapatya fire facing the west door; between the two the altar; and south of the latter the Dakshinagni. The shed (vimita) is to be erected on the back (west) part of the sacrificial ground, after the roots have been dug up. It is described as a square structure of ten (or twelve) cubits, somewhat higher in front than at the back; with doors on each side (except, optionally, on the north). The sala, or hall, is to measure twenty cubits by ten. Käty. VII, 1, 19-24 comm.
B 2
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head towards the west, lest he should sleep stretching (his legs) towards the gods. The southern quarter belongs to the Fathers; and the western one to the snakes; and that faultless one is the one where the gods ascended (to heaven); and the northern quarter belongs to men. Hence in human (practice) a hall or shed is constructed with the top-beams running from south to north, because the north is the quarter of men. It is only for a consecrated, not for an unconsecrated person that it is (constructed) with the top-beams running from west to east.
8. They enclose it on every side, lest it should rain upon (the sacrificer, while being consecrated): this, at least, is (the reason for doing so in) the rainy season! He who is consecrated, truly draws nigh to the gods, and becomes one of the deities. Now the gods are secreted from men, and secret also is what is enclosed on every side: this is why they enclose it on every side.
9. Not every one may enter it, but only a Brâhman, or a Râganya, or a Vaisya, for these are able to sacrifice.
10. Let him not commune with every one; for he who is consecrated draws nigh to the gods, and becomes one of the deities. Now the gods do not commune with every one, but only with a Brahman, or a Râganya, or a Vaisya; for these are able to sacrifice. Should there be occasion for him to converse with a Sadra, let him say to one of those, 'Tell this one so and so! tell this one so and so!'
(7) Iti nv eva varshah. The same particles occur III, 2, 1, 11. The Kanva text has,-lest it should freeze in winter, lest it should pour in the rainy season, and lest there should be burning heat in summer.'
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III KÂNDA, I ADHYAYA, 2 BRÂHMANA, 1.
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This is the rule of conduct for the consecrated in such a case.
11. In the first place, having taken the two churning-sticks in his hand, he approves of the hall. Taking hold of the chief post of the front (east) side, he pronounces this sacrificial formula (Vâg. S. IV, 1),
We have come to this place of worship on earth, wherein all the gods delighted.' Thereby that (place of worship) of his becomes acceptable to all the gods, as well as to the learned Brâhmans versed in sacred lore; and that (place of worship) of his, which those Brâhmans versed in sacred lore see with their eyes, becomes acceptable to them.
12. And when he says, Wherein all the gods delighted,' thereby it becomes acceptable for him to all the gods. 'Crossing over by means of the rik and sâman, and by the yagus;' by means of the rik and sâman, and the yagus, indeed, they reach the end of the sacrifice : May I reach the end of the sacrifice!' he thereby says. May we rejoice in increase of substance and in sap!' Increase of substance doubtless means abundance, and abundance means prosperity: he thereby invokes a blessing. May we rejoice in sap,' he says, because people say of one who enjoys prosperity and attains to the highest distinction, that'he rejoices in sap;' therefore he says, ' May we rejoice in sap!'
SECOND BRÂHMANA. 1. Let him perform the rite of consecration (diksha) ' in the afternoon. Previously to the shaving
1 The rite described in the following paragraphs is called apsudiksha, or consecration in water.'
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of his hair and beard he may eat of what he likes, or whatever comes to hand; for hereafter his food consists of fast-milk (vrata) only. But, if he does not care to eat, he need not eat anything.
2. Thereupon they enclose a place 1 north of the hall, and place a vessel of water in it. Beside this the barber takes up his position. He (the sacrificer) then shaves his hair and beard, and cuts his nails. For impure, indeed, is that part of man where water does not reach him. Now at the hair and beard, and at the nails the water does not reach him : hence when he shaves his hair and beard, and cuts his nails, he does so in order that he may be consecrated after becoming pure.
3. Now some shave themselves all over, in order that they may be consecrated after becoming pure all over ; but let him not do this. For even by shaving the hair of his head and his beard, and by cutting his nails, he becomes pure: let him therefore shave only the hair of his head and his beard, and cut his nails.
4. In the first place he cuts his nails, first of the right hand—for in human (practice) those of the left hand (are cut) first, but with the gods in this manner. First (he cuts those of the thumbs-for in human (practice) those of the little fingers (are cut) first, but with the gods in this manner.
5. He first passes (the comb) through his right whisker-for in human (practice they comb) first the left whisker, but with the gods in this manner.
6. His right whisker he moistens first, with the text, ‘May these divine waters be propitious
1 It is to be square and covered in on all sides with mats, and with a door on the east side. Kâty. VII, 1, 25 scholl.
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unto me!' The reason why he says, ' May these divine waters be propitious unto me,' is this: the waters are a thunderbolt, for the waters are indeed a thunderbolt; hence wherever these waters flow they produce a hollow, and whatever they come near that they destroy (lit. burn up). Hereby, then, he appeases that same thunderbolt; and thus appeased, that thunderbolt does not injure him. This is why he says, 'May these divine waters be propitious unto me!
7. Thereupon he lays a stalk of sacrificial grass on (the hair of the whisker), with the text, 'O plant, protect me!' For the razor is a thunderbolt, and thus that thunderbolt, the razor, does not injure him. Thereto he applies the razor, with the text,
O knife, injure him not ! for the razor is a thun. derbolt, and thus that thunderbolt, the razor, does not injure him.
8. Having cut off (part of the stalk and hair), he throws it into the vessel of water. Silently he moistens the left whisker ; silently he lays the stalk of grass on it; and having silently applied the razor thereto and cut through it and the hair), he throws them into the vessel of water.
9. He then hands the razor to the barber, and the latter shaves off the hair and beard. When he has shaved the hair and beard !,
· The text has, 'when he shaves (vapati) the hair and beard when he shaves himself (vapate), K.] he bathes. According to this it would seem that he does not bathe unless he shaves (?). See, however, Katy. VII, 2, 32, where the shaving is said to be optional, but not so, according to the commentary, the bathing. There seems also to be some doubt as to where the bathing is to take place. While, according to Karka, the sacrificer is to bathe in the vessel of water in the tent; according to other authorities he is to
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10. He bathes. For impure, indeed, is man: he is foul1 within, in that he speaks untruth;-and water is pure he thinks, 'May I be consecrated, after becoming pure;'-and water is cleansing: he thinks, 'May I become consecrated after being cleansed!' This is the reason why he bathes.
II. He bathes, with the text (Vâg. S. IV, 2; Rigveda X, 17, 10), 'May the waters, the mothers, cleanse us!' whereby he says, 'May they cleanse'!' 'May the purifiers of ghee purify us with (heavenly) ghee!' For he, indeed, is thoroughly purified whom they have purified with ghee3: accordingly he says, 'May the purifiers of ghee purify us with ghee!'-'For they, the divine, take away all taint;' now 'all' means 'every,' and 'taint' means what is impure; for they do take away from him every impurity: therefore he says, 'For they, the divine, take away all taint.'
12. He steps out (from the water) towards the north-east, with the text, 'Cleansed and pure
do so in some tank, or other kind of bathing-place of standing water. Cf. Taitt. S. VI, 1, 1, tîrthe snâti, tîrtham eva samânânâm bhavati.
1 I now take pâti (with Dr. Lindner) in the sense of 'foul, filthy, fetid,' and would correct the passage (I, 1, 1, 1) accordingly. Professor Ludwig (Göttinger Gel. Anz. 1883, p. 49) proposes to take pûti in the sense of 'pure,' both here and in I, I, I, I.
The Kânva recension has the better reading, 'For they, indeed, now cleanse him when he bathes.' According to Taitt. S. VI, 1, 1, 3, he also sips (asnâti) some water with the view of internal purification.
Lit. 'for that indeed is well purified, whom they purified (i. e. when they purify anybody) with ghee.' The imperfect is rather strange. See also III, 1, 3, 22. The Kanvas read, 'For that, indeed, is well purified what is purified (yad pûyate) with ghee.'
• Prân ivodan uttarapûrvårdham, Kâty. VII, 2, 15, i. e. 'towards the north with a slight turn to the east.' Dr. Lindner takes 'udan'
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I go forth from them;' for cleansed and pure he indeed goes forth from them.
13. He then puts on a (linen) garment, for completeness' sake: it is indeed his own skin he thereby puts on himself. Now that same skin which belongs to the cow was originally on man.
14. The gods spake, 'Verily, the cow supports everything here (on earth); come, let us put on the cow that skin which is now on man: therewith she will be able to endure rain and cold and heat.'
9
15. Accordingly, having flayed man, they put that skin on the cow, and therewith she now endures rain and cold and heat.
16. For man was indeed flayed; and hence whereever a stalk of grass or some other object cuts him, the blood trickles out. They then put that skin, the garment, on him; and for this reason none but man wears a garment, it having been put on him as his skin. Hence also one should take care to be properly clad, so that he may be completely endued with his own skin. Hence also people like to see even an ugly person properly clad, since he is endued with his own skin.
17. Let him, then, not be naked in the presence of a cow. For the cow knows that she wears his skin, and runs away for fear lest he should take the skin from her. Hence also cows draw fondly near to one who is properly clad.
18. Now the woof of this cloth belongs to Agni, and the warp to Vâyu', the thrum to the Fathers,
as meant to explain the preposition 'ud.' This, however, does not account for the 'iva.'
1 Agneh paryâso bhavati, vâyor anukhâdo (?). The Black Yagus
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the fore-edge to the snakes, the threads to the All-gods, and the meshes to the asterisms. For thus indeed all the deities are concerned therein; and hence it is the garment of the consecrated.
19. Let it (if possible) be a new ones, for the sake of unimpaired vigour. Let him (the Adhvaryu) tell (the Pratiprasthầtri) to beat it, in order that whatsoever part of it an unclean woman has spun or woven may become clean. And if it be a new one, let him sprinkle it with water, so that it become clean. Or let him be consecrated in one which is laid aside to be worn (daily) after bathing, without being soaked (in some sharp cleansing substance) ?
20. He puts it round him, with the text, 'Thou art the covering' of consecration and penance;' heretofore, indeed, this was the covering of him as one unconsecrated, but now it is that of consecration and penance : hence he says, 'thou art the covering of consecration and penance.' 'I put thee on, the kindly and auspicious;' whereby he means to say, 'I put thee on, the kindly and pleasing one;'
(T.S. VI, 1, 1) reads, agnes täshadhânam (salâkopadhânam tůshah, tatra tantanam paranam tushadhanam; Sây.), vâyor vậtapẫnam (vâyunâ soshanam vâtapânam, S.). The warp (prâkînatâna) and woof (otu), on the other hand, are by the Black Yagus ascribed to the Adityas and Visve Devâh respectively.
i Praghâta, apparently the closely-woven part at both ends of the cloth from whence the loose threads of the nîvi, or unwoven fringe (thrum), come out. The Black Yagus ascribes it to the plants.
* Literally,‘unbeaten (ahata), unwashed.'
8 That is to say, if it be not a new garment, it should be one that has not been washed by a washerman (with mautra, &c.), but worn daily after bathing.
4 Or, outward form, tanu. Its meaning sometimes comes very near to that of skin,' assigned to it by the lexicographers. Cf. III, 2, 2, 20; 4, 3, 9.
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'fostering a fair appearance;' for evil indeed is that appearance which he has heretofore fostered while unconsecrated; but now (he fosters) a fair appearance: therefore he says, 'fostering a fair appearance.'
21. He (the Adhvaryu) then makes him enter the hall. Let him not eat (the flesh) of either the cow or the ox; for the cow and the ox doubtless support everything here on earth. The gods spake, 'Verily, the cow and the ox support everything here: come, let us bestow on the cow and the ox whatever vigour belongs to other species'!' Accordingly they bestowed on the cow and the ox whatever vigour belonged to other species (of animals); and therefore the cow and the ox eat most. Hence, were one to eat (the flesh) of an ox or a cow, there would be, as it were, an eating of everything, or, as it were, a going on to the end (or, to destruction). Such a one indeed would be likely to be born (again) as a strange being, (as one of whom there is) evil report, such as ‘he has expelled an embryo from a woman,' 'he has committed a sin;' let him therefore not eat (the flesh) of the cow and the ox. Nevertheless Yågñavalkya said, 'I, for one, eat it, provided that it is tender.'
Vayasâm, cf. III, 3, 3, 3. The Kânva rec. has'yad anyeshâm vayasâm vîryam yad anyeshâm pasūnâm.'
* A different translation of this passage is proposed by Professor Delbrück (Synt. Forsch. III, p. 25); but the Kanva text (sâ tam hesvaro 'dbhutam abhiganitor gâyâya va garbham niravadhîd yad veti tad u hovâka) shows that we have here, as frequently, to supply isvarah to the infinitive in tos. The Kanva yad vå (or some such thing') would also seem to indicate that we ought to translate:-(as of one of whom there is evil report: he has committed some such (iti) sin as the producing of abortion.'
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THIRD BRAHMANA. 1. Having brought water forward', he takes out (the material for) a cake on eleven potsherds for Agni and Vishnu; for Agni is all the deities, since it is in Agni that offering is made to all the deities. Moreover Agni is the lower half, and Vishnu is the upper half of the sacrifice: 'I will become consecrated after encompassing all the deities, after encompassing the entire sacrifice,' thus he thinks, and hence there is a cake on eleven potsherds for Agni and Vishnu.
2. Some then offer a rice-pap to the Adityas. This is referred to in the passage, Rig-veda X, 72, 8), “There are eight sons of Aditi who were born from her body; with seven she went to the gods, but Mârtànda? she cast off.'
3. Now Aditi had eight sons. But those that are called 'the gods, sons of Aditi,' were only seven, for the eighth, Mârtânda, she brought forth unformed 3 : it was a mere lump of bodily matter“, as broad as it was high. Some, however, say that he was of the size of a man.
4. The gods, sons of Aditi, then spake, 'That
1 Viz. the so-called 'pranîtah,' see part i, p. 9 note. The offering, described in the following paragraphs, is called the Dîk shaniyeshti, Consecration offering. As to the formulas used at the offering, see Ait. Br. I, 4 seq.
9 The bird, Vishnu, the sun.
• Or, the eighth she brought forth undeveloped, as a mârtânda (? either a bird, or, more probably, in accordance with Taitt. S. VI, 5, 6, 1,=vyriddham andam, an abortive egg'). See Rig-veda Sanhita, translated by M. M., p. 239.
• Sandegha; the St. Petersburg Dict. takes it in the sense of doubt, uncertainty,' in this passage.
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which was born after us' must not be lost: come, let us fashion it.' They accordingly fashioned it as this man is fashioned. The flesh which was cut off him, and thrown down in a lump, became the elephant: hence they say that one must not accept an elephant (as a gift), since the elephant has sprung from man. Now he whom they thus fashioned was Vivasvat, the Aditya (or the sun); and of him (came) these creatures.
5. He spake,‘Among my offspring he shall be successful who shall offer that rice-pap to the Adityas.' Accordingly he alone succeeds who offers that ricepap to the Adityas. Only that (cake) to Agni and Vishnu is, however, generally approved.
6. There are seventeen kindling-verses for its. In a low voice he offers to the two deities. There are five fore-offerings and three after-offerings. For the sake of completeness they perform the patnisamyagas“; but he offers no samishtayagus, lest, having put on that garment of the consecrated, he should reach the end of the sacrifice before its completion; for the samishtayagus is the end of the sacrifice.
7. He (the sacrificer) then gets himself anointed (with fresh butter), while standing east of the hall. For, having been flayed, man is sore; and by getting himself anointed, he becomes healed of his soreness : for man's skin is on the cow, and that fresh butter
* Or, perhaps, after the manner of us (anu).
. Muir, O.S. T. IV, 15, reads “parigrihniyât' instead of pratigrihnîyât,' and translates, let no one catch an elephant, for an elephant partakes of the nature of man.
. For the ordinary eleven Sâmidhenis (raised to the number of fifteen by repetitions of the first and last verses), see part i, p. 102, and for the two additional ones (dhâyyâ), ib. p. 112 note.
See part i, p. 256; for the Samishlayagus, ib. p. 262.
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also comes from the cow. He (the Adhvaryu) thus supplies him with his own skin, and for this reason he gets himself anointed.
8. It is fresh butter,—for melted butter (ghee) belongs to the gods, and creamy butter to men. Here, on the other hand, it is neither ghee nor creamy butter; it should rather be both ghee and creamy butter, for the sake of unimpaired vigour : by means of that which is of unimpaired vigour he accordingly makes him of unimpaired vigour.
9. He anoints him from the head down to the feet in accordance with the tendency of the hair, with the text (Vâg. S. IV, 3), 'Thou art the sap of the great ones. The 'great ones,' doubtless, is one of the names of those cows, and their sap indeed it is: therefore he says, 'thou art the sap of the great ones.' 'Thou art life-giving: give me light!' There is nothing obscure in this.
10. Thereupon he anoints the eyes. "Sore, indeed, is the eye of man; mine is sound,' so spake Yagñavalkya. Dim-eyed, indeed, he was (heretofore); and the secretion of his eyes was matter. He now makes his eyes sound by anointing them.
11. Now, when the gods slew the Asura-Rakshas, Sushna', the Dânava, falling backward entered into the eyes of men: he is that pupil of the eye, and
? Phânta, explained as the first particles of butter that appear in churning (?). The Kânva recension, on the other hand, reads
ágyam nishpântam' (1) instead. Cf. Taitt. S. VI, 1, 1, 4, Ghritam devânâm, mastu pitrinâm, nishpak vam (i.e. surabhi ghritam,
well-seasoned butter,' Sây.) manushyânâm; tad vai etat sarvadevatyam yan navanîtam; also Ait. Br. I, 3, ágyam vai devânâm, surabhi ghritam manushyânâm, âyutam pitrinâm, navanitam garbhânâm; with Haug's note, Transl. p. 8.
The Kânva text (MSS. O. W.) reads Sisna.
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looks like a young lad? Against him he (the sacrificer), now that he enters on the sacrifice, raises a rampart of stone all round himself, for the ointment is (produced from) stone.
12. It is such as comes from mount Trikakud; for when Indra slew Vritra he transformed that eye of his (Vritra's) into the mount Trikakud? The reason, then, why (ointment) from mount Trikakud (is used), is that he thereby puts eye into eye. Should he be unable to obtain any Traikakuda ointment, any other than Traikakuda may be used; for one and the same, indeed, is the significance of the ointment
13. He anoints (the eyes) with a reed-stalk, for the reed is a thunderbolt. It is one with a tuft, in order to chase away the evil spirits 8. For rootless,
i Sa esha kanînakah kumaraka iva paribhâsate. A play on the word kanînaka, which has the double meaning of youth' and
pupil of the eye.' The St. Petersburg Dict. assigns also to kumaraka the meaning of ball of the eye' in this the only) passage. The Kanva recension reads, Sa esha kumaraka iva kaninakayam (? both 'maiden' and 'pupil of the eye').
3 Indra slew Vritra, his eye-ball fell away, it became collyrium.' Taitt. S. VI, 1, 1, 5.
Professor Delbrück, S. F. III, 27, takes it thus, He brushes the eye with the end of a reed, for the reed is a thunderbolt capable of repelling mischief.' But, if virakshastayai' belonged to what pre. cedes, it would probably have to be construed with 'sareshikaya 'nakti,' the clause with "vai,' giving the reason, being inserted parenthetically; while, in an idiomatic rendering, it would have to be placed at the end: He anoints the eyes with a reed-stalk in order to chase away the evil spirits, the reed being a thunderbolt. This abstract dative of purpose is very common; it being generally construed with what precedes, as, for instance, I, 1, 4, 1; 3, 2, 8; 5, 3, 8; 15; III, 1, 2, 13; 19; 3,6; 8; and, with a parenthetic clause with 'vai' intervening, III, 2, 1, 13; IV, 5, 7, 7. Not less common is the analogous construction with a clause with 'ned'
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indeed, and unfettered on both sides, the Rakshas roams along the air; even as man here roams along the air, rootless and unfettered on both sides : the reason, then, why it is (a reed-stalk) with a tuft, is to chase away the evil spirits.
14. The right eye he anoints first; for in human practice the left (eye is anointed) first, but with the gods (it is done) thus.
15. He anoints it with the text, 'Thou art the eye-ball of Vritra,'-for Vritra's eye-ball it indeed is ;—'Eye-giving thou art: give me the eye!' in this there is nothing obscure.
16. The right eye he anoints once with the sacrificial formula, once silently; and the left one he anoints once with the formula, twice silently: thus he makes the left (or upper) one superior?
17. And the reason why he anoints five times, is that the sacrifice is of equal measure with the year, and five seasons there are in the year: he thus obtains possession of the latter in five (divisions), and therefore he anoints five times.
18. He then purifies him with a cleanser (pavitra, strainer) of sacred grass ; for impure, indeed, is man:-he is foul within in that he speaks untruth ;-and sacred grass is pure : ‘Having become pure, I shall be consecrated,'thus he thinks;—and the stalks of sacred grass are a means of cleansing, -
("lest such an event should happen') instead of the dative of the abstract, cf. I, 2, 1, 8; 9; IV, 5, 9, 3.
* I now take this passage differently from my interpretation of I, 1, 2, 4 and, in order that this man may move about the air, rootless and unfettered in both directions'). See also IV, 1, 1, 20.
$ Tad uttaram evaitad uttarâvat karoti ;' uttarãm évaitad úttaram karoti,' Kânva recension. Cf. p. 2, note 1.
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‘Having become cleansed, I shall be consecrated,'thus he thinks; and therefore he purifies him with a cleanser of sacred grass.
19. It may consist of one (stalk of grass); for that blower (or purifier, the Wind) is one only, and in accordance with his nature is this (cleanser): hence it may consist of one (stalk).
20. Or there may be three (stalks); for one, indeed, is that blower, but on entering into man he becomes threefold, to wit, the out-breathing, the in-breathing, and the through-breathing', and in accordance with his measure is this (cleanser): hence there may be three (stalks).
21. Or there may be seven (stalks ); for there are seven vital airs of the head : hence there may be seven (stalks). There may even be thrice seven - one and twenty: such indeed is perfection.
22. He purifies him with seven (stalks) each time, with the text (Vág. S. IV, 4), “May the Lord of thought purify me!' The lord of thought doubtless is Pragâpati 3 : he thereby means to say, ' May Pragâpati purify me!' 'May the lord of speech purify me!' The lord of speech doubtless is Pragapati+: he thereby means to say, “May Pragåpati purify me!'May the divine Savitri purify me,'--for well purified indeed is he whom the divine
See parti, p. 19, note 2.
The Taitt. S. VI, 1, 1 allows the option between (one), 2, 3, 5, 6, 7, 9, and 21 stalks; while the Ait. Br. I, 3 mentions only the highest number.
s The Kânva text adds, sa hi kittânâm îsh/e,- for he rules over the thoughts.'
• The Kânvas read, ayam vâva våkpatir yo 'yam pavate, tad enam esha punâti, the lord of speech doubtless is that blower (purifier, the wind): hence it is he that purifies him.'
[26]
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SATAPATHA-BRAHMANA.
Savitri has purified"; therefore he says, 'May the divine Savitri purify me!'-'with a flawless cleanser;' for that blower (the wind) is indeed a flawless cleanser : 'with that one,' he means to say; 'with the rays of the sun;' for they, the rays of the sun, are indeed purifiers; therefore he says, 'with the rays of the sun.'
23. O Lord of the pavitra' (means of purification),- for he (who is consecrated) is indeed the lord of the pavitra,—' of thee, purified by the pavitra, -for he is indeed purified by the pavitra ; — with whatsoever desire I purify myself, may I be able to effect it!' whereby he says, ' May I reach the end of the sacrifice!'
24. He then makes him pronounce the beginning of the benedictions (Vâg. S. IV, 5), 'We approach you, O gods, for desirable goods, at the opening of the sacrifice; we call on you, O gods, for holy2 blessings.' Thereby the officiating priests invoke on him those blessings which are their own.
25. He (the sacrificer) then bends his fingers inwards, viz. the two little fingers), with the text (Våg. S. IV, 6), 'Hail, from the mind (I take hold of) the sacrifice!'-the two (nameless or ring fingers) with, 'Hail, from the wide ether!'-the two (middle fingers) with,'Hail, from the sky and earth!'—with, Hail, from the wind, I take hold (of the sacrifice)!' he clenches both fists. Not visibly
i See p. 8, note 3.
s I take yagñiyâsah as acc. pl. fem., as does Mahîdh. Perhaps it ought to be translated for prayers proper at the sacrifice,' whereby he makes sure that each priest uses his own proper prayers during the sacrifice.
s For the symbolic meaning of the closing of the hands, see III, 2, 1, 6; Ait. Br. I, 3, 20.
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indeed is the sacrifice to be taken hold of, as is either this staff or the garment,—but invisible indeed are the gods, invisible is the sacrifice.
26. Now when he says, “Hail, from the mind (I take hold of) the sacrifice,' he takes hold of it from the mind;-in saying, ' From the wide ether,' he takes hold of it from the ether ;-in saying, 'From heaven and earth,' he takes hold of it from those two, heaven and earth, on which this entire universe rests ;-and in saying, 'From the wind I take hold of (the sacrifice)'-the wind being the sacrifice-he takes hold of the sacrifice directly.
27. And when he calls, ‘Hail! Hail?!' — the Svâhâ' being the sacrifice-he thereby appropriates the sacrifice. Here now he restrains his speech; the sacrifice being speech : he thereby appropriates? the sacrifice.
28. He (the Adhvaryu) then makes him enter the hall. He walks along the back of the Ahavaniya and the front of the Garhapatya",—this is his passage until the Soma pressing. The reason why this is his passage until the Soma pressing is this. The fire is the womb of the sacrifice, and the consecrated is an embryo; and the embryo moves about
1 That is, svâhâ' in each formula. The Samhità has twice svâhâ' in the last formula (svâhâ våtâd arabhe svaha), to which this might refer, but neither recension of the Brahmana mentions the final 'svâhâ.'
Literally, he takes within him' (as the speech confined within him through silence).
• That is, he enters the hall by the front (east) door, then walks along the north side of the Ahavaniya and altar, and passes between the Gârhapatya and altar to his seat south of the Ahavanîya. The Pratiprasthầtri then silently anoints and purifies the Dikshita's wife and leads her into the hall, either by the front or back door.
C2
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SATAPATHA-BRAHMANA.
within the womb. And since he (the sacrificer) moves about there (between the fires), and now turns round and now back, therefore these embryos move about, and now turn round and now back. Hence this is his passage till the Soma pressing.
Fourth BRAHMANA. 1. All formulas of the consecration are audgrabhana (elevatory), since he who is consecrated elevates himself (ud-grabh) from this world to the world of the gods. He elevates himself by means of these same formulas, and therefore they say that all formulas of the consecration are 'audgrabhana.' Now they also (specially) designate these intermediate ones as 'audgrabhana,' because these are libations!, and a libation is a sacrifice. For the muttering of a sacrificial formula is an occult (form of sacrifice), but a libation is a direct (form of) sacrifice: hence it is by this same sacrifice that he elevates himself from this world to the world of the gods.
2. And again, the three libations which he makes with the dipping-spoon (sruva) are said to be 'adhitayagus.' The fourth libation is made for the sake of completeness; while the fifth, which is made with the offering-spoon (sruk, viz. the guhů), is the real audgrabhana-libation : for he makes it with an
· While all the formulas of the Dîkshâ are supposed to be of an elevatory (audgrabhana' character, the designation audgrabhanâni (ya gümshi, or elevatory formulas)' is specially applied to the five libations described in the succeeding paragraphs. The Kânva text reads,-atha yad etâny avântarâm audgrabhanânîty âkhyâyanta ahutayo hy eta ahutir hy eva yagñah paroksham iva hi tad yad yagur gapaty etena hi tad yagñenodgribhnîte..
* I. e. yagus for some meditated' object.
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anushubh verse, and the anushubh is speech, and the sacrifice also is speech.
3. By means of the sacrifice the gods obtained that supreme authority which they now wield. They spake, 'How may this (world) of ours be unattainable by men!' They then sipped the sap of the sacrifice, as bees would suck out honey; and having drained the sacrifice and effaced its traces by means of the sacrificial stake, they disappeared: and because they effaced (scattered, yopaya) therewith, therefore it is called yupa (stake).
4. Now this was heard by the Rishis. They collected the sacrifice, just as this sacrifice is collected (prepared)1; for even so does he now collect the sacrifice, when he offers those (audgrabhana) libations.
5. He offers five libations, because the sacrifice is commensurate to the year, and there are five seasons in the year: thus he gains it (the year) in five (divisions), and therefore he makes five libations.
6. Now then of the oblation (Vâg. S. IV, 7): To the Purpose, to the Impulse, to Agni, hail!' At the outset he indeed purposes to sacrifice. What part of the sacrifice (is contained) in this (first libation), that he now collects and makes his own.
7. 'To Wisdom, to Thought, to Agni, hail!' with wisdom and thought he indeed conceives that he may sacrifice. What part of the sacrifice (is contained) in this (second libation), that he now collects and makes his own.
8. 'To Initiation, to Penance, to Agni, hail!' This is merely uttered, but no libation is made.
1 Sam-bhri; on the technical meaning of this verb (to equip, prepare) and the noun sambhâra, see part i, p. 276, note 1.
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9. 'To Sarasvati, to Pashan, to Agni, hail!' Now Sarasvati is speech, and the sacrifice also is speech. And Pashan represents cattle, because Pashan means prosperity (pushti), and cattle also means prosperity, since the sacrifice means cattle. What part of the sacrifice (is contained) in this (third libation), that he now collects and makes his own.
10. As to this they say, 'These (three) libations are offered indefinitely; they are unestablished, without a god : therein is neither Indra, nor Soma, nor Agni.
11. 'To the Purpose, to the Impulse, to Agni, hail !'-not any one (god we obtain) from this !! But Agni surely is definite, Agni is established: when he offers in Agni (the fire), surely those (libations) are thereby made definite, are thereby established: for this reason he offers at all libations with, 'To Agni, hail!' Moreover, these libations are called 'âdhitayagūmshi.'
12. "To the Purpose, to the Impulse, to Agni, hail!' he says; for by his own mind he purposes to sacrifice, and from his own mind he impels it (the sacrifice) when he performs it: these two deitiesthe Purpose and the Impulse--are meditated upon (âdhita) in his mind.
13. 'To Wisdom, to Thought, to Agni, hail!' he says; for with wisdom and thought he indeed conceives that he may sacrifice: these two deities
· This last sentence has probably to be taken ironically. In the Kânva text it seems to form part of the objection raised: Sa yat sarveshv agnaye svaheti guhoty anaddheva va etâ âhutayo hûyante 'pratishthitâ iva na hi kasyai kana devatâyai hūyante 11 âkutyai prayuga iti tan nâgnir nendro na somo, medha yai manasa iti nâto 'nyatarak kanaivam eva sarveshv, agnir uvâ addhâ ...
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Wisdom and Thought-are meditated upon in his mind.
14. To Sarasvati, to Pushan, to Agni, hail!'he says; for Sarasvati is speech, and the sacrifice also is speech: this deity-Speech-is meditated upon in his mind. Pashan, on the other hand, means cattle, for Pashan means prosperity (pushti), and cattle means prosperity, since the sacrifice means cattle : hence cattle are meditated upon in his mind. And because these deities are meditated upon (à-dhita) in his mind, therefore (these libations) are called adhitayag û mshi.
15. He then offers the fourth libation, with the text, Ye divine, vast, all-soothing Waters! Heaven and Earth, wide Ether! let us render homage unto Brihaspati with offering, hail!' This (libation) truly is nearer to the sacrifice, since he praises the waters, and water is sacrifice. •Heaven and Earth! wide Ether!' he says, because he thereby praises the worlds. Let us render homage unto Brihaspati, with offering, haill' he says; for Brihaspati is the Brahman, and the sacrifice also is the Brahman: for this reason also this (libation) is nearer to the sacrifice.
16. But the fifth libation which he makes with the offering-spoon (sruk), doubtless is the veritable sacrifice; for he offers it with an anushtubh (verse), and the anushtubh is speech and so is the sacrifice.
17. In the first place he pours the butter, which remains in the dhruva, into the guhů. He then ladles with the sruva three times butter from the melting-pot into the guhů : with what he takes the third time he fills the sruva ".
· The third time he holds the sruva over the guhů and pours
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18. He offers, with the text (Vág. S. IV, 8; Rigveda V, 50, 1), ‘May every mortal espouse the friendship of the divine guide! every one prayeth for wealth: let him choose glory, that he may prosper, hail!
19. Now this (verse and libation) consists of five parts in respect of deities 1: visvo devasya' refers to the Visve Devâh; 'netur' to Savitri; 'marto vurita' to Mitra ; 'dyumnam vrinita' to Brihaspati, since Brihaspati means dyumna (glory); and 'pushyase' (for prospering) refers to Pushan.
20. This (libation), then, consists of five parts, in respect of deities ;-fivefold is the sacrifice, fivefold the animal victim, and five seasons there are in the year : the latter he accordingly gains by this (libation) consisting of five parts in respect of deities.
21. He offers this libation with an anushtubh verse, because the anushtubh is speech, and the sacrifice is speech; so that he thereby obtains the real sacrifice.
22. As to this they say, 'Let him offer only this one: for whatever object the others are offered, that object he gains even by this one.' And, indeed?, if
ghee from the pot into the sruva, so as to fill it; after which he pours it from the sruva into the guha. Kâty. VII, 3, 18 comm.
1 The Taitt. S. (VI, 1, 2, 5) divides the couplet into its four pâdas, which it assigns to Savitri, the Fathers, the Visve Devah, and Pashan respectively. The various reading 'visve' of the Black Yagus, instead of visvah,' is very remarkable.
2 The author here states, in his own words, the reasons (byvai') which have led the teachers referred to to maintain that by offering this one oblation one gains all the objects in view. The Kânva text includes the entire passage regarding the fivefold division of the formula and oblation (pars. 19-21) in the argument of those teachers. For a detailed description of the půrnâhuti, or full-offering,
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he offers only this one, he would offer a full-offering; and the full means everything: hence he gains everything by this (oblation). And by filling the dipping-spoon (sruva), he fills the offering-spoon (guhu), and the latter he offers full. This, however, is a mere statement (of others' views)1; but all (five) libations are offered.
23. He offers this one with an anushubh verse. Being an anushubh verse, it consists of thirty-one syllables. Now there are ten fingers, ten toes, ten vital airs, and the thirty-first is the body wherein those vital airs are contained; for this much constitutes man, and the sacrifice is a man, the sacrifice is of the same proportion as a man'. Thus, whatever the extent of the sacrifice, whatever its measure, to that extent he takes possession of it by means of this (libation), when he offers it with an anush/ubh verse of thirty-one syllables.
SECOND ADHYAYA.
FIRST BRIMANA.
1. South of the Âhavantya he spreads two Maek antelope skins on the ground, with the neck parts towards the east: thereon he consecrates him. If there are two (skins), they are an image of these two worlds (heaven and earth), and thus he consecrates him on these two worlds.
see part i, p. 302, note 2. A similar view, that the full-offering renders other oblations unnecessary, is there given (II, 2, 1, 5).
1 Saisha mîmâmsaiva, 'This, however, is mere speculation,' Kanva recension.
See I, 2, 5, 14, with note. The sacrifice represents the sacrificer himself, and thus he makes sure of his offering up his entire Self, and obtaining a new divine Self, and a place among the immortals.
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2. They are joined (fitted) together along their edge', for these two worlds are also, as it were, joined together at their edge. At the hind part they are fastened together through holes: thus, after uniting (mithunikritya) these two worlds, he consecrates him thereon.
3. But if there be only one (skin), then it is an image of these (three) worlds; then he consecrates him on these (three) worlds. Those (hairs) which are white are an image of the sky; those which are black are (an image) of this (earth);—or, if he likes, conversely: those which are black are an image of the sky, and those which are white are an image) of this (earth). Those which are of a brownish yellow colour?, are an image of the atmosphere. Thus he consecrates him on these (three) worlds.
4. And let him, in that case, turn in the hind end (of the skin)3: thus, after uniting these worlds with each other, he consecrates him thereon.
5. He then squats down behind the two skins, with his face towards the east and with bent (right) knee; and while touching them thust at a place
The two skins are fitted together at the inner sides, and stretched along the ground by means of wooden pins driven into the ground and passed through holes all round the edge of the skins; the hairy sides of the latter remaining outside (above and below). At their hind parts they are tacked together by means of a thong passed through the holes and tied together in a loop.'
? Yâny eva babhrûnîva harini. The Kânva text reads, Yâny eva madhye babhrůni va harini vâ, those in the centre (or between the black and white) which are either brown or yellow (grey).
& According to Kâty. VII, 3, 21 it would seem that the two hind feet, or one of them, should be doubled up (at the joint) and sewed under. According to the Satras of the Black Yagus, on the other hand, the right fore-foot is turned under.
* According to the Sätras of the Black Yagus, he is to touch at
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where the white and black (hair) join, he mutters (Våg. S. IV, 9), 'Ye are the images of the Rik and Saman;'-an image doubtless is what is conformable': Ye are conformable to the riks and sâmans' he thereby means to say.
6. 'I touch you. Now, he who is consecrated becomes an embryo, and enters into the metres : hence he has his hands closed, since embryos have their hands closed.
7. And when he says, 'I touch you,' he means to say, 'I enter into you.' 'Do ye guard me up to the goal of this sacrifice!' whereby he says, • Do ye protect me until the completion of this sacrifice !'
8. He then kneels down with his right knee (on the skin), with the text, “Thou art a refuge: afford me refuge!' for the skin (karma) of the black deer it is indeed among men, but among the gods it is a refuge (sarma): therefore he says, 'Thou art a refuge: afford me refuge.' 'Homage be to thee: injure me not!' Now he who raises himself upon the sacrifice? doubtless raises himself to one that is his better; for the black deer skin is a (means of) sacrifice. Hereby, now, he propitiates that sacrifice, and thus that sacrifice does not injure him: for this reason he says, 'Homage be to thee: injure me not!'
9. He must indeed sit down first on the hind part (of the skin). Were he, on the other hand, to sit down at once in the middle (of the skin), and were
the same time the white hair with his thumb and the black with his fore-finger. Sây. on Tait, S. 1, 2, 3 (vol. 1, P. 297).
· Sreyâmsam va esha upâdhirohati yo manushyah san yagñam upâdhirobati. Kânva recension.
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any one there to curse him, saying, ' He shall either become demented or fall down headlong!' then that would indeed come to pass. Let him therefore first sit down on the hind part (of the skin).
10. He then girds himself with the zone. For once upon a time when the Angiras were consecrated, they were seized with weakness, for they had prepared no other food but fast-milk. They then perceived this (source of) strength (viz. the zone), and this (source of) strength they put in (or round) the middle of their body as a (means of attaining) completion and thereby they attained completion. And so does he now put that (source of) strength in the middle of his body and thereby attain completion.
28
11. It is made of hemp. Hempen it is in order to be soft. Now when Pragâpati, having become an embryo, sprung forth from that sacrifice, that which was nearest to him, the amnion, became hempen threads: hence they smell putrid. And that which was the outer membrane (and placenta) became the garment of the consecrated. Now the amnion lies under the outer membrane, and hence that (zone) is worn under the garment. And in like manner as Pragâpati, having become an embryo, sprung forth from that sacrifice, so does he become an embryo and spring forth from that sacrifice.
12. It (the cord) is a triple one, because food is threefold, food being cattle. (Moreover) the father and mother (are two), and that which is born is a third: hence it is a triple (cord).
13. It is intertwined with a shoot of reed (munga) grass, for the sake of chasing away the evil spirits, the reed being a thunderbolt. It is plaited after
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the manner of a braid of hair. For were it to be twisted? sunwise (from left to right) as any other cords, it would be human; and were it twisted contrary to the course of the sun, it would be sacred to the Fathers : hence it is plaited after the manner of a braid of hair.
14. He girds himself with it, with the text (Vag. S. IV, 10), “Thou art the strength of the Angiras,'— for the Angiras perceived this (source of) strength ;-'soft as wool, bestow thou strength on me!' there is nothing obscure in this.
15. He then tucks up the end of his (nether) garment, with the text, “Thou art Soma's tuck.' For heretofore it was the tuck of him, the unconsecrated; but now that he is consecrated, it is that of Soma 2: therefore he says, 'Thou art Soma's tuck.'
16. He then wraps up (his head). For he who is consecrated becomes an embryo; and embryos are enveloped both by the amnion and the outer membrane: therefore he covers (his head).
17. He covers himself, with the text, 'Thou art Vishnu's refuge, the refuge of the sacrificer.' He who is consecrated indeed becomes both Vishnu and a sacrificer; for when he is consecrated, he is Vishnu; and when he sacrifices, he is the sacrificer: therefore he says, “Thou art Vishnu's refuge, the refuge of the sacrificer.'
18. Thereupon he ties a black deer's horn to the
Twisted and plaited is here expressed by the same term srishta.'
* Literally, but now it being that) of (him) the consecrated, (it is that) of Soma.
• With his upper garment, or, according to others, with a turban. Káty. VII, 3, 28 scholl.
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end (of his garment ?). Now the gods and the Asuras, both of them sprung from Pragâpati, entered upon their father Pragâpati's inheritance: the gods came in for the Mind and the Asuras for Speech. Thereby the gods came in for the sacrifice and Asuras for speech; the gods for yonder (heaven) and the Asuras for this (earth).
19. The gods said to Yagña (m., the sacrifice), . That Vâk (f., speech) is a woman: beckon her, and she will certainly call thee to her.' Or it may be, he himself thought, “That Vâk is a woman: I will beckon her and she will certainly call me to her.' He accordingly beckoned her. She, however, at first disdained him from the distance: and hence a woman, when beckoned by a man, at first disdains him from the distance. He said, She has disdained me from the distance.'
20. They said, 'Do but beckon her, reverend sir, and she will certainly call thee to her.' He beckoned her; but she only replied to him, as it were, by shaking her head : and hence a woman, when beckoned by a man, only replies to him, as it were, by shaking her head. He said, She has only replied to me by shaking her head.'
21. They said, 'Do but beckon her, reverend sir, and she will certainly call thee to her. He beckoned her, and she called him to her; and hence a woman at last calls the man to her. He said, 'She has indeed called me.'
d'
1 The Madhyandinas tied the horn to the unwoven end (thrum, dasa) of the nether garment which was tucked through (par. 15) and then allowed to hang down in front. The Kânvas, on the other hand, tied it to the hem of the upper garment (uttarasike ! Kanva text); cf. Kâty. VII, 3, 29 scholl.
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22. The gods reflected, 'That Vâk being a woman, we must take care lest she should allure him?.-Say to her, “Come hither to me where I stand !" and report to us her having come.' She then went up to where he was standing. Hence a woman goes to a man who stays in a well-trimmed (house). He reported to them her having come, saying, 'She has indeed come.'
23. The gods then cut her off from the Asuras; and having gained possession of her and enveloped her completely in fire, they offered her up as a holocaust, it being an offering of the gods 3. And in that they offered her with an anushtubh verse, thereby they made her their own; and the Asuras, being deprived of speech, were undone, crying, 'He 'lavah! he 'lavah!
1 Yosha và iyam vẫg yad enam na yuvit. The St. Petersburg Dict. (s. v. yu) takes it differently, 'That Vák is indeed a woman, since she does not wish to draw him towards herself (i. e, since she does not want him to come near her).' Sâyana, on the other hand, explains it elliptically, 'Since she has not joined him (no confidence can be placed in her).' The Kânva text reads : Ta u ha deva bibhayam kakrur yoshâ vâ iyam iti yad va enam na yuviteti. Perhaps in our passage also we should read 'yuvita' (as proposed by Delbrück, Syntact. Forschungen III, p. 79), and translate, 'Verily that Vâk is a woman: (it is to be feared) that she will [or, it is to be hoped that she will not allure him (viz. so that Yagña also would fall to the share of the Asuras);' Dass sie ihn nur nicht an sich fesselt !' For similar elliptic constructions with yad and the optative, see paragraphs 26 and 27; and II, 2, 4, 3 [Dass er mich nur nicht auffrisst l']; IV, 3, 5, 3 (Dass uns nur die Rakshas nichts zu Leide thun!'); IV, 6, 9, 1. One would expect an iti' here.
* And therefore requiring no priests' portion &c. to be taken from it.
According to Sâyana, 'He 'lavo' stands for · He 'rayo (i. e. ho, the spiteful (enemies))!' which the Asuras were unable to pronounce correctly. The Kanva text, however, reads, te hâttavako 'sura hailo haila ity etâm ha vâkam vadantah parábabhůvuh; (? i.e. He
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24. Such was the unintelligible speech which they then uttered, and he (who speaks thus) is a Mlekha (barbarian). Hence let no Brahman speak barbarous language, since such is the speech of the Asuras. Thus alone he deprives his spiteful enemies of speech; and whosoever knows this, his enemies, being deprived of speech, are undone.
25. That Yagña (sacrifice) lusted after Vak (speech"), thinking, May I pair with her!' He united with her.
26. Indra then thought within himself, “Surely a great monster will spring from this union of Yagña and Vak: [I must take care) lest it should get the better of me.' Indra himself then became an embryo and entered into that union.
27. Now when he was born after a year's time, he thought within himself, “Verily of great vigour is this womb which has contained me: [I must take care] that no great monster shall be born from it after me, lest it should get the better of me!'
28. Having seized and pressed it tightly, he tore it off and put it on the head of Yagña (sacrifice);for the black (antelope) is the sacrifice: the black deer skin is the same as that sacrifice, and the black deer's horn is the same as that womb. And because it was by pressing it tightly together that Indra tore out (the womb), therefore it (the horn) is bound tightly (to the end of the garment); and as Indra,
ilâ, “ho, speech.') A third version of this passage seems to be referred to in the Mahâbhâshya (Kielh.), p. 2.
Compare the corresponding legend about Yagña and Dakshina (priests' fee), Taitt. S. VI, 1, 3, 6.
3. Yagñasya sirshan;' one would expect krishna(sara)sya sirshan.' The Taitt. S. reads 'tâm mrigeshu ny adadhất.'
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having become an embryo, sprang from that union, so is he (the sacrificer), after becoming an embryo, born from that union (of the skin and the horn).
29. He ties it (to the end of the garment) with the open part upwards, for it is in this way that the womb bears the embryo. He then touches with it his forehead close over the right eyebrow, with the text, 'Thou art Indra's womb,'-for it is indeed Indra's womb, since in entering it he enters thereby1, and in being born he is born therefrom: therefore he says, Thou art Indra's womb.'
C
30. Thereupon he draws (with the horn) the ('easterly') line, with the text, 'Make the crops full-eared!' Thereby he produces the sacrifice; for when there is a good year, then there is abundant (material) for sacrifice; but when there is a bad year, then there is not even enough for himself: hence he thereby produces the sacrifice.
31. And let not the consecrated henceforth scratch himself either with a chip of wood or with his nail. For he who is consecrated becomes an embryo; and were any one to scratch an embryo either with a chip of wood or his nail, thereby expelling it, it would die. Thereafter the consecrated would be liable to be affected with the itch; and-offspring (retas) coming after the consecrated-that offspring would then also be liable to be born with the itch. Now his
In the Kâzva text 'atah (therewith)' refers to the head of the sacrificer,-sa yak khirasta upasprisaty ato vâ enâm etad agre pravisan pravisaty ato vâ agre gâyamâno gâyate tasmâk khirasta upasprisati.
apâ
* Apâsyan mrityet=apagakkhan mritim prâpnuyât, Sây. syet, 'he would force it out and it would die.' The Kânva text has merely ayam mrityet (1).'
"
[26]
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own womb? does not injure its offspring, and that black deer's horn being indeed his own womb, that (horn) does not injure him; and therefore the consecrated should scratch himself with the black deer's horn and with nothing but the black deer's horn.
32. He (the Adhvaryu) then hands to him a staff, for driving away the evil spirits,—the staff being a thunderbolt.
33. It is of Udumbara wood (Ficus Glomerata), for him to obtain food and strength, the Udumbara means food and strength : therefore it is of Udumbara wood.
34. It reaches up to his mouth,—for so far extends his strength : as great as his strength is, so great it (the staff) is when it reaches up to his mouth.
35. He makes it stand upright, with the text, 'Stand up, O tree, erect; guard me from injury on to the goal of this sacrifice!' whereby he means to say, 'Standing erect, protect me till the completion of this sacrifice!'
36. It is only now that some bend the fingers inward ? and restrain their speech, because, they argue, only from now will he not have to mutter anything. But let him not do so; for in like manner as if one were to try to overtake some one who runs away, but could not overtake him, so does he not overtake the sacrifice. Let him therefore turn in his fingers and restrain his speech on that (former) occasion.
37. And when the consecrated (after restraining his speech) utters either a rik, or a sâman, or a yagus 3,
That is, the womb from which he (the sacrificer) is born. * II, 1, 3, 25. · Viz. in muttering the formulas mentioned above, III, 2, 1, 5 seq.
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he thereby takes a firmer and firmer hold of the sacrifice: let him therefore turn in his fingers and restrain his speech on that (former) occasion.
38. And when he restrains his speech-speech being sacrifice-he thereby appropriates the sacrifice to himself1. But when, from speech restrained, he utters any sound (foreign to the sacrifice), then that sacrifice, being set free, flies away. In that case, then, let him mutter either a rik or a yagus addressed to Vishnu, for Vishnu is the sacrifice: thereby he again gets hold of the sacrifice; and this is the atonement for that (transgression).
39. Thereupon some one 2 calls out, 'Consecrated is this Brâhman, consecrated is this Brâhman:' him, being thus announced, he thereby announces to the gods: 'Of great vigour is this one who has obtained the sacrifice; he has become one of yours: protect him!' this is what he means to say. Thrice he says for threefold is the sacrifice.
40. And as to his saying, ' Brâhman,' uncertain, as it were, is his origin heretofores; for the Rakshas, they say, pursue women here on earth, and so the Rakshas implant their seed therein. But he, forsooth, is truly born, who is born of the Brahman (neut.), of the sacrifice: wherefore let him address even a Râganya, or a Vaisya, as Brâhman, since he who is born of the sacrifice is born of the Brahman (and hence a Brahmana). Wherefore they say, 'Let no one slay a sacrificer of Soma; for by (slaying) a Soma-sacrificer he becomes guilty of a heinous sin*!'
Or, puts it in himself, encloses it within himself.
That is, some one other than the Adhvaryu, viz. the Pratiprasthâtri or some other person, Kâty. VII, 4, II scholl. That is, inasmuch as he may be of Rakshas origin. Viz. of the crime of Brâhmanicide (brahmahatyâ).
D 2
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SATAPATHA-BRAHMANA.
SECOND BRÂHMANA. 1. He maintains silence; and silently he remains seated till sunset. The reason why he maintains silence is this:
2. By means of the sacrifice the gods gained that supreme authority which they now wield. They spake, 'How can this (world) of ours be made unattainable to men?' They sipped the sap of the sacrifice, even as bees would suck out honey; and having drained the sacrifice and scattered it by means of the sacrificial post, they disappeared : and because they scattered (yopaya, viz. the sacrifice) therewith, therefore it is called yûpa (post)".
3. Now this was heard by the Rishis. They collected the sacrifice. As that sacrifice was collected (prepared)?, so does he who is consecrated collect the sacrifice (by keeping his speech within him),—for the sacrifice is speech.
| Professor Whitney (American Journal of Philology, III, p. 402) proposes to take yopaya here in the sense of to set up an obstacle, to block or bar the way.' He remarks, 'How the setting up of a post should operate to "efface traces " cannot easily be made to appear.' I am not aware that any one has supposed that it was by the setting up' of the post that the traces of the sacrifice were obliterated. From what follows_ They collected the sacrifice'-it seems to me pretty clear that our author at any rate connects yopaya' with the root yu, to mix, stir about, and hence to efface the traces by mixing with the ground, or by scattering about. This causative was evidently no longer a living form, but resorted to for etymological purposes.
? Or, perhaps, They collected the sacrifice in the same way as this (present) sacrifice has been collected. See, however, the corresponding passage III, 2, 2, 29; 4, 3, 16. The Kârva text is clearer : Tam yathâ yatharshayo yagñam samabharams tathấyam yagñah sambhrito yatho vai tad rishayo yagfiam samabharann evam u vâ esha etad yagñam sambharati yo dîkshate.
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4. When the sun has set, he breaks silence. Now Pragâpati is the year, since the sacrifice is Pragàpati; and the year is day and night, since these two revolving produce it. He has been consecrated during the day, and he has gained the night: as great as the sacrifice is, as great as is its extent, to that extent has he gained it before he breaks silence.
5. Some, however, make him break his silence on seeing the (first) star", arguing that then the sun has actually set. But let him not do so, for what would become of them if it were cloudy? Let him therefore break silence as soon as he thinks the sun has set.
6. Now, some make him break silence by the formula, 'Earth! ether! sky!' arguing that thereby they strengthen the sacrifice, they heal the sacrifice. But let him not do so; for he who breaks silence with that (formula) does not strengthen the sacrifice, does not heal the sacrifice.
7. Let him rather break silence with this one (Vág. S. IV, 11), Prepare ye the fast-food! prepare ye the fast-food! [prepare ye the fastfood!] Agni is the Brahman, Agni is the sacrifice; the tree is meet for the sacrifice.' For this indeed is his sacrifice, this is his havis-offering at this (rite of consecration), even as the Agnihotra was heretofore? In thus preparing the (Soma) sacrifice by means of the sacrifice, he establishes the sacrifice
1 After pointing out (some) stars [nakshatrâni darsayitva];' Kârva recension. Cf. Taitt. S. VI, 1, 4, 4, when the stars have risen, he breaks silence with “ Prepare the fast-food !"
? That is to say, the eating of the fast-food, consisting chiefly of milk, takes, as it were, the place of the Agnihotra, or evening and morning sacrifice, which he is not allowed to perform during the time of his consecration.
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in the sacrifice, and carries on the sacrifice by means of the sacrifice; for (the partaking of) that fast-food is indeed carried on by him till the pressing of the Soma. Thrice he pronounces (the first words'), for threefold is the sacrifice.
8. Moreover, he breaks silence, after turning round towards the fire. He, on the other hand, who breaks silence with any other (formula) but this, does not strengthen the sacrifice, does not heal the sacrifice. In pronouncing the first (part of the formula) : he utters the truth of speech*.
9. 'Agni is the Brahman' (neut.), he says, for Agni is indeed the Brahman (sacerdotium);—' Agni is the sacrifice,' for Agni is indeed the sacrifice ;'the tree is meet for the sacrifice,' for trees are indeed meet for the sacrifice, since men could not sacrifice, if there were no trees : therefore he says, the tree is meet for the sacrifice.'
10. Thereupon they cook the fast-food for him. For he who is consecrated draws nigh to the gods and becomes one of the deities. But the sacrificial food of the gods must be cooked, and not uncooked: hence they cook it, and he partakes of that fast-milk
· Viz. the injunction Prepare ye the fast-food l' which is indeed read thrice in the Kanva text, where the arrangement of these paragraphs is much clearer.
Thus Sây.'ato 'nyena, bhûr bhuvah suvar ityanena' (MS.I.O. 657). Dr. Lindner makes atah refer to Agni. The Kanva text begins the passage, corresponding to paragraphs 7 and 8: 'So'gnim îkshamâno visrigate vratam krinuta (thrice) etad vâ etasya havir esha yagño yad vratam.'
8 That is, the words 'Agni is the Brahman.'
• Viz. because the Brahman (neut.) is the truth (or essence, satyam) Sây.
• Viz. trees from which sacrificial implements, fire-wood, the sacrificial stake, &c., are obtained.
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(vrata) and does not offer it in the fire. The reason why he eats the fast-food and does not offer it in the fire is this:
II. By means of the sacrifice the gods gained that supreme authority which they now wield. They spake, 'How can this (world) of ours be made unattainable to men ?' They sipped the sap of the sacrifice, even as bees would suck out honey; and having drained the sacrifice and scattered it by means of the sacrificial post, they disappeared. And because they scattered (yopaya) therewith, therefore it is called yûpa (post).
12. Now this was heard by the Rishis. They collected the sacrifice. As that sacrifice was collected, so does he who is consecrated now become the sacrifice, for it is he that carries it on, that produces it. And whatever (sap) of the sacrifice was sucked out and drained, that he now restores again by sipping the fast-milk and not offering it in the fire; for, assuredly, were he to offer it in the fire, he would not replenish (the sacrifice). But let him, nevertheless, think (that he does so) sacrificing and not the reverse.
13. For, verily, these vital airs are born of the mind, endowed with mind', of intelligent power? : Agni is speech; Mitra and Varuna are the outbreathing and the in-breathing; Åditya (the sun) is the eye; and the All-gods are the ear,-it is unto these deities that offering is thereby made by him.
14. Now, some add both rice and barley to the first (day's) fast-milk, arguing,—"By means of these two substances (rasa) we restore what part of the sacrifice was sucked out and drained; and, should
Manoyug (?), 'mind-yoked,' i.e. having thoughts for their team. * Cf. paragraph 18.
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the vrata-cow yield no milk, he may prepare his fastfood of whichever of these (cereals) he pleases; and thus both the rice and the barley are 'taken hold of' by him." But let him not do this; for he who adds both rice and barley (to the milk) neither replenishes the sacrifice nor heals it. Let him therefore add only the one or the other (cereal). Both the rice and barley doubtless form his (havis) material for offering (at the New and Full-moon Sacrifice), and when they do so become his material for offering, then they are also taken hold of 'by him. Should the vrata-cow yield no milk, let him prepare the fast-food of whichever of them he pleases.
15. Some, again, add to the first (day's) fast-food (vrata) all manner of vegetables and fragrant (seasoning), arguing,—If disease were to befall him, he might cure it by whatever thereof he pleases, as if he cured it by the fast-milk?' But let him not
1 Anvârabdha has here the usual sacrificial meaning of taken hold of (from behind),' with perhaps something of that of taken (as medicine=einnehmen).' Thus at the invocation of the Ida, the sacrificer has to touch (anv-ârabh) the idâ from behind, thereby keeping up his connection, and identifying himself, with the sacrifice. Cf. part i, p. 228, note r; and III, 2, 4, 15. Hence the author, making use of the term suggested by those he criticises, argues that as both kinds of material have already been used and therefore touched (anvârabdha) by him at the New and Full-moon Sacrifice (Sâyana), they have therefore been taken possession of by him. It is possible, though scarcely likely, that the verb may have reference here to the anvârambhanîyâ ishti,-or preliminary ceremony of the first performance of the New and Full-moon Sacrifice, with which the present use of these cereals would, in that case, be identified, as that of the vrata-milk was with the Agnihotra (cf. paragraph 7 above). The Kânva text has the verb a-rabh instead, yatha havisharabdhena bhishagyed ity evam etat.
? That is to say, though the restoration might be due to the medicinal properties of some of those ingredients, it could be ascribed to the milk.
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do this, lest he should do what is inauspicious to the sacrifice; for those people do at the sacrifice what is a human act, and inauspicious to the sacrifice assuredly is that which is human. If any disease were to befall him who is consecrated, let him cure it wherewith he pleases ; for completion is proper?.
16. He (the Adhvaryu) hands the fast-food to him, after letting the ordinary (meal-) time pass,—viz. the evening-milk in the latter part of the night, and the morning-milk in the afternoon,- for the sake of distinction : he thereby distinguishes the divine from the human.
17. And when he is about to hand the fast-food to him he makes him touch water?, with the text,
For protection we direct our thoughts to divine devotion, the source of supreme mercy, the bestower of glory and the bearer of sacrificest: may it prosper our ways, according to our desire! Heretofore, indeed, it was for a human meal that he cleansed himself, but now it is for the sake of divine devotion : therefore he says,
For the sake of assistance we turn our thoughts to divine devotion, the source of supreme mercy, the bestower of glory, the bearer of sacrifices : may it
1 Sayana takes this to mean, that, as above all the consummation of the sacrifice is desirable, one should in case of disease cure it by any of those drugs without their being taken (anvârabdha) sacrificially, or as part of the sacrificial performance.
According to the Kanva text, the sacrificer first washes himself (nenikte) and then sips water (akamati); and having drunk the fast-milk, he touches water (apa upasprisati).
Or, perhaps, we meditate on the divine intelligence, the most merciful.'
• Yagñavâhasam (bringing, or bearing, worship'); thus also Taitt. S. 1, 2, 2. The Kanva text reads visvadhâyasam, 'allnourishing, all-sustaining.'
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prosper our ways, according to our desire!' Whenever, being about to take the fast-food, he touches water, let him touch it with this same (formula).
18. Thereupon he drinks the fast-food, with the text, ‘May the gods favour us, they who are born of the mind, and endowed with mind?, and of intelligent power! may they protect us! Hail to them! Thus that (fast-food) comes to be for him (by means of the Svâhâ) as an oblation consecrated by the Vashat.
19. Having drank the fast-food, he touches his navel, with the text (Vag. S. IV, 12), “Ye waters that have been drank, may ye become palatable and auspicious within as! may they prove agreeable to us, freeing us from disease and weakness and sin, -they the divine, the immortal, the holy!' Now, he who is consecrated draws nigh to the gods and becomes one of 'the deities; but the sacrificial food of the gods is not increased (with other material): hence, if in handing the fast-food (to the consecrated) he increases it (with other milk), he commits a fault and breaks the fast. This (formula), however, is the atonement for that (transgression), and thus that fault is not committed by him, and he does not break the fast (or vow): therefore he says, ' Ye waters ....!' Whenever, after drinking the fast-food, he touches his navel, let him touch it with this (formula); for who
1 See p. 39, note 2. The Kânva text here again identifies the divinities referred to in the text with the vital airs.
> Having eaten and touched water, he strokes his belly (udaram abhimrisate), Kanv. The Kanva text renders the meaning quite clear: Uta vai tîvram vratam bhavati tat kshudrataram asad iti vopotsikaty, alpam và bhavati tad bhūyaskamyopotsiskati.
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knows whether (or not) he who hands the fast-food (to the consecrated) increases it (with other milk)1!
20. When he intends to pass urine, he takes up a clod of earth or some other object by means of the deer's horn, with the text (Vâg. S. IV, 13), 'This (O Earth) is thy covering meet for worship.' For this earth truly is divine, and serves as a place for the worship of the gods: it must not be defiled by him who is consecrated. Having lifted up this its sacrificially pure covering, he now relieves himself on its impure body, with the formula, 'I discharge not offspring, but waters,'-for so indeed he does'; 'delivering from trouble, and consecrated by Svâlâ,'-for they do indeed deliver from trouble what is pressed together inside: therefore he says, 'delivering from trouble,'-'consecrated by Svåhâ, enter ye the earth!' whereby he means to say, 'Having become offerings, do ye enter the earth, appeased!'
21. Thereupon he throws the clod of earth down again, with the text, 'Unite with the earth!' for truly this earth is divine, and serves as a place for the worship of the gods: it must not be defiled by him who is consecrated. Having lifted up this its
1 No other fresh milk is to be added to that obtained by one milking of the vrata dugh â (fast-milk) cow (Kâty. VII, 4, 29); but the preceding formula is to be muttered in order to obviate any evil consequences arising from a possible secret breach of this rule, on the part of him who hands the milk to the sacrificer. Dr. Lindner takes upotsik in the sense of 'to spill,' but I find no authority for this rendering, which neither the prep. upa, nor abhi (in the equivalent a bhyutsik) would seem to admit of.
See p. 10, note 4.
Ubhayam vâ ata ety âpas ka retas ka; sa etad apa eva muñkati na pragâm.'
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sacrificially pure covering, he has relieved himself on its impure body, and now restores to it this its pure covering therefore he says, Unite with the earth!' 22. He then gives himself up to Agni (the fire) for protection and lies down to sleep. For he who is consecrated draws nigh to the gods and becomes one of the deities; but the gods do not sleep, while to him sleeplessness is not vouchsafed; and Agni being Lord of vows to the gods, it is to him that he now commits himself and lies down to sleep, with the text (Vâg. S. IV, 14), 'O Agni, be thou a good waker: may we thoroughly refresh ourselves!' whereby he says, 'O Agni, wake thou: we are going to sleep!''Guard us unremittingly!' whereby he means to say, 'protect us heedfully!'-'Make us awake again!' whereby he means to say, 'Order so that, having rested here, we may awake safely.'
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23. And when he has slept and does not wish to fall asleep again, (the Adhvaryu) makes him mutter the text (Vâg. S. IV, 15), 'Thought and life have come back to me, breath and soul have come back to me, eye and ear have come back to me;' for all these depart from him when he sleeps ; the breath alone does not; and after he has slept he again unites with them: therefore he says, 'Thought and life have come back to me...'-'May Agni Vaisvânara, the unassailable preserver of lives, preserve us from mishap and shame!' whereby he means to say, 'May Agni save us from whatever mistake (may be committed) on this occasion, either by sleep or otherwise:' this is why he says, 'May Agni Vaisvânara, the unassailable preserver of lives, preserve us from mishap and shame!' 24. For, when he who is consecrated utters any
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thing that is foreign to the vow, or when he becomes angry, he commits a fault and breaks his vow, since suppression of anger behoves him who is consecrated. Now, Agni is the Lord of vows among the gods, — it is to him therefore that he resorts (Vág. S. IV, 16; Rig-veda VIII, 11, 7): 'Thou, O Agni, art the divine guardian of vows among men, to whom praise is due at the sacrifices.' This, then, is his atonement for that (transgression); and thus that fault is not committed by him, and he does not break his vow: therefore he says, 'Thou, O Agni, art the divine guardian of vows among men, to whom praise is due at the sacrifices.'
25. And whatever (gift) people offer to him", thereon he (the Adhvaryu) makes him pronounce the text, 'Bestow this much, O Soma, bring more!' for Soma indeed it is that appropriates for the consecrated whatever people offer to him: when he says,
Bestow this much, O Soma,' he means to say, 'Bestow this much on us, O Soma ;' and by Bring more,' he means to say, 'Fetch more for us!'—'The divine Savitri, the bestower of wealth, hath bestowed wealth on us;' whereby that (gift) comes to be impelled by Savitri with a view to (further) gifts.
26. Before sunset he (the Adhvaryu) says, 'Consecrated, restrain thy speech!' and after sunset he releases speech. Before sunrise he says, “Consecrated, restrain thy speech !' and after sunrise he releases
1 And if they were to bring him either a garment or a cow, let him address it with the text - Kanva text. According to some authorities the Dîkshita is to go about for twelve days begging his means of subsistence, and whatever he obtains he is to touch and consecrate by the above text. Kâty. VII, 5, 3, comm.
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his speech,- for the sake of continuity: with the night he continues the day, and with the day the night.
27. Let not the sun set on him while abiding elsewhere (than the hall); nor let the sun rise on him while asleep. For were the sun to set on him while abiding elsewhere, he (the sun) would cut him off from the night; and were the sun to rise on him while asleep, he would cut him off from the day : there is no atonement for this, hence it must by all means be avoided. Prior to the purificatory bath he should not enter water, nor should it rain upon him; for it is improper that he should enter water, or that it should rain upon him, before the purificatory bath. Moreover, he speaks his speech falteringly, and not effusively after the manner of ordinary speech? The reason why he speaks his speech falteringly and not after the manner of ordinary speech is this:
28. By means of the sacrifice the gods gained that supreme authority which they now wield. They spake, 'How can this (world) of ours be made unattainable to men ?' They sipped the sap of the sacrifice, even as bees would suck out honey; and having drained the sacrifice and scattered it by means of the sacrificial post, they disappeared. And because they scattered (yopaya) therewith, therefore it is called yû pa (post).
29. Now this was heard by the Rishis. They collected the sacrifice; and as that sacrifice was collected, so does he who is consecrated now collect the sacrifice (by keeping back his speech),—for the sacrifice is speech. And whatever part of the sacrifice
* Literally, 'Falteringly (i. e. hesitatingly, cautiously) he speaks speech, not human effusive (speech).'
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was then sucked out and drained, that he now restores again by speaking his speech falteringly and not effusively after the manner of ordinary speech. For were he to speak effusively after the manner of ordinary speech, he would not restore (the sap of the sacrifice): therefore he speaks his speech falteringly and not effusivelyafter the manner of ordinary speech.
30. He verily anoints himself,—it is for speech that he anoints himself', since he anoints himself for the sacrifice, and the sacrifice is speech. Dhikshita (the anointed) doubtless is the same as dikshita (the consecrated).
THE PRAYANİYESHTI, OR OPENING-SACRIFICE.
THIRD BRÂHMANA. 1. He prepares the Prayantya rice-pap for Aditi. Now while the gods were spreading (performing) the sacrifice on this (earth) they excluded her (the earth) from the sacrifice. She thought, 'How is it that, in spreading the sacrifice on me, they should exclude me from the sacrifice?' and confounded their sacrifice : they knew not that sacrifice.
i Dhikshate, apparently the desiderative of dih (Weber, in St. Petersb. Dict. s. v.) Cf. III, 1, 3, 7 seg. The construction (especially the first hi) is rather peculiar. This paragraph apparently is to supply further proof why he should be cautious in his speech, and the words 'sa vai dhikshate' have to be taken parenthetically:
He speaks his speech cautiously....; for (anointing himself as he does) he anoints himself for speech, &c.' The Kânva text offers less difficulty : Atha yad dhỉkshito nama vâke vâ esha etad dhîkshate, yagñaya hi dhîkshate, yagño hi vâk, tasmad dhîkshito nâma, dhikshito ha vai namaitad yad dikshita ity ahuh. Sayana's comment (MS.) is not very satisfactory: Vakam yagñasâdhanatvena prasamsati; sa vai dhikshita iti prasangâd dhikshitasabdam nirvakti dhikshito ha vå iti yasmad dikshita iti nama tâdrisi dikshå vâk sådhyeti vâk srutih.
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2. They said, 'How comes it that our sacrifice was confounded, when we spread it on this (earth)? how is it that we know it not ?'
3. They said, 'In spreading the sacrifice on her, we have excluded her from the sacrifice: it is she that has confounded our sacrifice,—let us have recourse to her!'
4. They said, 'When we were spreading the sacrifice on thee, how was it that it became confounded, that we know it not ?'
5. She said, “While spreading the sacrifice on me, ye have excluded me from the sacrifice : that was why I have confounded your sacrifice. Set ye aside a share for me; then ye shall see the sacrifice, then ye shall know it!
6. 'So be it !' said the gods : ‘Thine, forsooth, shall be the opening (prâyaniya'), and thine the concluding (udayaniya) oblation! This is why both the Prầyaniya and the Udayaniya (pap) belong
1 At IV, 5, 1, 2, the name prâyaniya is derived from pra-i, to go forth, because by means of this offering they, as it were, go forth to buy the Soma. Similarly, udayaniya is explained as the offering he performs after coming out (ud-i) from the bath. In Ait. Br. I, 7, on the other hand, the name prâyaniya is explained as that by means of which sacrificers go forward (pra-i) to the heavenly world. In the Soma sacrifice, the Prayaniya and Udayanîya may be said to correspond to the Fore-offerings and After-offerings (prayâga and anuyâga) of the New and Full-moon Sacrifice; though, of course, the Fore- and After-offerings form part of the prâyaniya and udayanîyâ, as ishtis. But they are peculiar in this respect, that offering is made at both to the very same deities, and that the invitatory prayers (anuvákyâ) of the prâyaniyesh/i form the offering-prayers (yâgyá) of the udayanîyesh/i, and vice versa. For these formulas, see Asval. Srautas. IV, 3; Haug, Ait. Br. Transl. p. 16. The offering formula of the oblation to Aditi at the Prayanîya (and invitatory formula at the Udayaniya), strange to say, is not a Rik-verse, but one from the Atharvan (VII, 6, 2).
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to Aditi; for Aditi truly is this (earth). Thereupon they saw and spread the sacrifice.
7. Hence, when he prepares the Prâyaniya rice-pap for Aditi, he does so for the purpose of his seeing the sacrifice : 'After seeing the sacrifice I shall buy (the Soma) and spread that (sacrifice);' thus thinking he prepares the Prâyaniya pap for Aditi. The sacrificial food had been prepared, but offering had not yet been made to the deity (Aditi),
8. When Pathya Svasti? appeared to them. They offered to her, for Pathya Svasti (the wishing of a happy journey') is speech, and the sacrifice also is speech. Thereby they perceived the sacrifice and spread it.
9. Thereupon Agni appeared to them: they offered to him ; whereby they perceived that part of the sacrifice which was of Agni's nature. Now of Agni's nature is what is dry in the sacrifice: that they thereby perceived and spread.
10. Then Soma appeared to them: they offered to him ; whereby they perceived that part of the sacrifice which was of Soma's nature. Now of Soma's nature is what is moist in the sacrifice: that they thereby perceived and spread.
11. Then Savitri appeared to them : they offered to him. Now Savitri represents cattle, and the sacrifice also means cattle: hence they thereby perceived and spread the sacrifice. Thereupon they offered to the deity (Aditi), for whom the sacrificial food had been prepared.
12. It is to these same five deities, then, that he offers. For that sacrifice, when thrown into dis
* I.e. "welfare on the road, or a happy journey,' a genius of well-being and prosperity.
[26]
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order, was in five parts; and by means of those five deities they recognised it.
13. The seasons became confounded, the five: by means of those same five deities they recognised them.
14. The regions became confounded, the five: by means of those same five deities they recognised them.
15. Through Pathyâ Svasti they recognised the northern (upper) region : wherefore speech sounds higher here? among the Kuru-Pañkalas; for she (Pathyâ Svasti) is in reality speech, and through her they recognised the northern region, and to her belongs the northern region.
16. Through Agni they recognised the eastern region: wherefore they take out Agni from behind towards the east, and render homage to him; for through him they recognised the eastern region, and to him belongs the eastern region.
17. Through Soma they recognised the southern region: hence, after the Soma has been bought, they drive it round on the south side; and hence they say that Soma is sacred to the Fathers; for through him they recognised the southern region, and to him belongs the southern region.
18. Through Savitri they recognised the western region, for Savitri is yonder burning (sun): wherefore he goes towards the west, for through him they recognised the western region, and to him belongs the western region.
Atra, there. In the St. Petersb. Dict. uttarâhi is here taken in the sense of in the north,' instead of higher.' See also part i, pref. p. xlii, note 1; Weber, Ind. Stud. I, p. 191.
That is, from the Gârhapatya to the Ahavanîya fire-place.
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19. Through Aditi they recognised the upper region, for Aditi is this (earth): wherefore the plants and trees grow upwards on her; for through her they recognised the upper region, and to her belongs the upper region.
20. The hospitable reception1 (of King Soma) verily is the head of the sacrifice, and the opening and closing oblations are its arms. But the arms are on both sides of the head, and hence those two oblations, the Prâyaniya and Udayaniya, are made on both sides of (before and after) the reception.
21. Now, they say that whatever is done at the Prâyaniya should be done at the Udayaniya', and the barhis (grass-covering of the altar), which is used at the Prâyaniya, is also used at the Udayaniya: he lays it aside, after removing it (from the altar). The pot (in which the rice-pap was cooked) he puts aside with the parched remains of dough, and (so he does) the pot-ladle after wiping it. And the priests who officiate during the Prayaniya, officiate also at the Udayaniya. And because of this identical performance at the sacrifice the two arms are alike and of the same shape.
22. But let him not do it in this way. Let him rather (at the proper time) throw both the barhis and the pot-ladle after (the prastara, into the fire1), and let him put the pot aside after rinsing it. The priests who officiate during the Prâyaniya, officiate also at the Udayaniya; but should they (in the
1 See III, 4, I.
See p. 48, note 1. For the Udayanîya, see IV, 5, 1. 'Or, perhaps, 'let him, if he chooses (kâmam).. VII, 5, 16-19; cf. also note on III, 2, 4, 14.
See I, 8, 3, 19; 9, 2, 29.
E 2
see Kâty.
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mean time) have departed this life, others may officiate instead. It is because he offers to the same deities, and the same oblations, that the two arms are alike and of the same shape.
23. To five deities he offers at the Prầyaniya, and to five at the Udayaniya: hence there are five fingers here and five there. This (Prầyaniya offering) ends with the Samyu. They perform no Patnisamyâgas'. For the arms are on the fore-part of the body, and the fore-part of the sacrifice he perfects by this (opening ceremony). This is why it ends with the Samyu, and why no Patnisamyâgas are performed.
HIRAN YAVATI-ÂHUTI, OR OFFERING WITH GOLD;
AND HOMAGE TO THE SOMA-COW.
Fourth BRÂHMANA. 1. Now Soma was in the sky, and the gods were here on earth. The gods desired,—Would that Soma came to us : we might sacrifice with him, when come.' They created those two illusions, Suparnt and Kadra. In the chapter on the hearths (dhishnya?) it is set forth how that affair of Suparni and Kadrd came to pass.
2. Gayatri flew up to Soma for them. While she was carrying him off, the Gandharva Visvavasu stole him from her. The gods were aware of this,'Soma has indeed been removed from yonder (sky), but he comes not to us, for the Gandharvas have stolen him.'
For the Samyuvâka, see I, 9, 1, 24; for the Patnîsamyâgas, I, 9, 2, I seq.
? See III, 6, 2, 2 seq.
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3. They said, “The Gandharvas are fond of women: let us send Vâk (speech) to them, and she will return to us together with Soma.' They sent Vâk to them, and she returned to them together with Soma.
4. The Gandharvas came after her and said, Soma (shall be) yours, and Vâk ours?! So be it!' said the gods; 'but if she would rather come hither, do not ye carry her off by force : let us woo her!' They accordingly wooed her.
5. The Gandharvas recited the Vedas to her, saying, 'See how we know it, see how we know it’!'
6. The gods then created the lute and sat playing and singing, saying, 'Thus we will sing to thee, thus we will amuse thee !' She turned to the gods; but, in truth, she turned to them vainly, since she turned away from those, engaged in praising and praying, to dance and song. Wherefore even to this day women are given to vain things : for it was on this wise that Vâk turned thereto, and other women do as she did. And hence it is to him who dances and sings that they most readily take a fancy.
7. Both Soma and Vak were thus with the gods. Now, when he buys Soma he does so in order that he may sacrifice with him, when obtained, for his (own) obtainment (of heavenly bliss“); for he who
1. Yours (shall be) Soma, and ours Vâk, where with you bought (Soma) from us.' Kanva text.
2 The G. proclaimed the sacrifice and Veda to her, saying, 'Thus we know the sacrifice, thus we know (the Veda); mighty are we.' Kânva text.
3.And hence it is to him who is given to vain things, who dances and sings, that women are most attached.' Kanva text.
• Literally, that he may sacrifice with the arrived (guest) for his own arrival (? in the world of the gods).'
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sacrifices with Soma that has not been bought, sacrifices with Soma that has not been (properly) obtained'.
8. In the first place he pours the butter, which remains in the dhruvâ spoon, in four parts into the guhd; and having tied a piece of gold with a blade of the altar-grass?, and laid it down in the guha), he offers (the butter), thinking, ‘I will offer with pure milk;' for milk and gold are of the same origin, since both have sprung from Agni's seeds.
9. He lays down the piece of gold, with the text (Vág. S. IV, 17), 'This (butter) is thy body, O shining (Agni)! this (gold) is thy light,' — for that gold is indeed light :-'unite therewith and obtain splendour!' When he says, ' Unite therewith,' he means to say, 'Mingle therewith ;' and when he says, 'Obtain splendour,'—splendour meaning Soma,-he means to say, 'Obtain Soma.'
10. And as the gods then sent her (Vak) to Soma, so does he now send her to Soma ; and the cow for which the Soma is bought being in reality Vâk, it is her he gratifies by this offering, thinking, With her, when gratified, I shall buy the Soma.'
11. He offers, with the text, “Thou art the singer of praises“,'— for this (word 'gâh'), the ‘singer of praises,' is one of her (Vak’s) names ;'upholden by the Mind,'—this speech of ours
1 Lit. with Soma that has not come' (to him as a guest), so that the guest-offering (âtithya, III, 4, 1) could not take place.
Because of this piece of gold, the offering here described is called Hiranya vati-âhuti, or offering with gold.'
3 See II, 1, 1, 5; 3, 1, 15.
* The author seems to take gah here as nom. of gur=gur (gri, gir), cf. gurni. Some of the native dictionaries give gû as one of the names of Sarasvati. The St. Petersb. Dict. takes it here in the sense of drängend, treibend (pressing forward).'
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is indeed upheld by the mind, because the Mind goes before1 Speech (and prompts her), 'Speak thus! say not this!' for, were it not for the Mind, Speech would indeed talk incoherently for this reason he says, 'Upholden by the Mind.'
12. 'Well-pleasing to Vishnu,' whereby he means to say, 'Well-pleasing to Soma whom we approach. [He proceeds, Vâg. S. IV, 18], 'Inspired by thee of true inspiration,' whereby he means to say, 'Be thou of true inspiration! go thou to Soma for us!'-'May I obtain a support for my body, Svâhâ!' for he who reaches the end of the sacrifice, indeed obtains a support for his body: hence he thereby means to say, 'May I reach the end of the sacrifice!'
13. Thereupon he takes out the piece of gold (from the spoon), whereby he bestows gold on men; but were he to offer (the butter) together with the gold, he would doubtless cast the gold away from men, and no gold would then be gained among men.
14. He takes it out, with the text, 'Thou art pure, thou art shining, thou art immortal, thou art sacred to all the gods.' When, having offered the whole milk, he now says, 'Thou art pure..., it is indeed pure, and shining, and immortal, and sacred to all the gods. Having loosened the grass-blade, he throws it on the barhis, and ties a string round the gold 3.
15. Having then taken butter a second time in
1 Mano hîdam purastâd vâkas karati, Kânva text. To whom we send you, K.
The concluding ceremonies of the Prâyanîya (see III, 2, 3, 23) are now performed; the offering of the Barhis being optional, as the barhis may be used again for the Udayanîya (ib. 22). Kâty. VII, 6, 11 comm.
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four parts, he says, Sacrificer, hold on behind 1!' They open the (south and east) 2 doors of the hall (and walk out). On the right side (of the front door) approaches the Soma-cows: (by having) her thus put forward", he has sent her forth (to Soma); for the Soma-cow is in reality Våk: it is her he has gratified by this offering, thinking, With her, when gratified, I will buy Soma.'
16. Having gone up to her, he (the Adhvaryu) salutes her, with the text (Vág. S. IV, 19), 'Thou art thought, thou art the mind,'—for speech, doubtless, speaks in accordance with thought, with the mind 6;—'Thou art intelligence, thou art the Dakshina ®,'—for it is by means of their respective intelligence? that people seek to make their living, either by reciting (the Veda), or by readiness of speech, or by songs: therefore he says, 'Thou art intelligence;' and 'Dakshina' (gift to the priests) he calls her, because she is indeed the Dak
1 According to the Kanvas, the Adhvaryu's formula is, -Ihi, Yagamâna, 'Go, Sacrificer l' In Kâty. VII, 6, 12 only the above formula is mentioned.
The eastern door is for the Adhvaryu (and Sacrificer) and the southern for the Pratiprasthâtri.
8 Soma-krayani, the cow for which the Soma is bought.'
• Prabitam seems to be taken here in the double sense of put forward or in front' (from pra-dha) and despatched (from pra-hi).
o 'In accordance with the thought of the mind,' manaso vai kittam anu väg vadati, K.
• The omission of a si' in the Brahmana is curious; the Kanva text has correctly dakshinasi.'
Dhiyâ-dhiya, or rather by means of this their respective genius in regard to speech).' Dhî seems to mean thought expressed by speech,' hence often 'prayer, hymn;' cf. III, 5, 3, 11.
• Prakamodya, rather either fondness for talk' or 'effusive speech.' It seems to refer to story-tellers (? amusing speech).
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shina;—'Thou art supreme, thou art worthy of worship,'—for she is indeed supreme and worthy of worship ;-Thou art Aditi, the doubleheaded,'—inasmuch as, through her (Vak, speech) he speaks the right thing wrongly, and puts last what comes first, and first what comes last, therefore she is double-headed : that is why he says, 'Thou art Aditi, the double-headed 1.'
17. 'Be thou for us successful in going) forward and successful (in coming) back!' when he says, 'Be thou for us successful in going) forward,' he means to say, 'Go to (fetch) Soma for us!' and when he says, 'Be thou successful in coming back,' he means to say, 'Come back to us with Soma!' This is why he says, 'Be thou for us successful (in going) forward and successful (in coming) back!'
18. May Mitra bind thee by the foot! For that rope, doubtless, is of Varuna ; and were she (the cow) tied with a rope, she would be (under the power) of Varuna. And, on the other hand, were she not tied at all, she would be uncontrolled. Now that which is of Mitra is not of Varuna ; and as (a cow), if tied with a rope, is under control, so it is in the case of this one when he says, 'May Mitra bind thee by the foot!'
19. May Pushan guard thy paths!' Now Pushan is this Earth, and for whomsoever she is the guardian of his paths, he stumbles not at any time: therefore he says, May Pashan guard thy paths !
20. 'For Indra as the supreme guide;'-- whereby he says, “May she be well-guarded!' [He
In Taitt. S. VI, 1, 7, 5, this epithet is explained by the fact that both the prâyanîya and the udayanîya belong to Aditi.
3. And her be thereby makes the guardian on his path,' imam evåsmå etad adhvani goptaram karoti, K.
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proceeds, Vag. S. IV, 20], 'May thy mother grant thee permission, thy father, thine own brother, thy fellow in the herd!' whereby he says, 'Go thou for us to fetch Soma, with the permission of all thy kin.'-'O goddess, go to the god,'-for it is indeed as a goddess, as Vâk, that she goes to a god, to Soma: therefore he says, 'O goddess, go to the god;'-' To Soma for the sake of Indra!' Indra truly is the deity of the sacrifice therefore he says, 'To Soma for the sake of Indra.' 'May Rudra guide thee back!' this he says for her safety, for cattle cannot pass beyond Rudra'. 'Hail to thee! come back, with Soma for thy companion!' whereby he says, ' Hail to thee, come back to us together with Soma!'
21. Even as, at that time, the gods sent her to Soma, and she returned to them together with Soma, so does he now send her to Soma, and she returns to him together with Soma.
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22. And as the gods then wooed her with the Gandharvas, and she turned to the gods, so does the sacrificer now woo her, and she turns to the sacrificer. They lead her (the Soma-cow) northwards round (to the place where the Soma is to be sold); for the north is the quarter of men, and hence it is that of the sacrificer: for this reason they lead her northwards round.
THIRD ADHYAYA. FIRST BRAHMANA.
1. He follows her, stepping into seven foot-prints of hers 2; he thereby takes possession of her: that
1 Rudra rules over these (cows); the cattle do not pass beyond (nâtiyanti) him; and thus she does not pass beyond him: therefore he says, 'May Rudra turn thee back!' Kânva text.
2 Viz. into seven foot-prints of her right fore-foot. According to
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is why he steps into seven of her foot-prints. For when the metres were produced from Vâk (speech), the one consisting of seven feet, the Sakvart, was the last (highest) of them. It is that (metre) he now draws down towards himself from above: this is why he steps into seven of her foot-prints.
2. It is as Vâk1 that he steps into them; (with the text, Vâg. S. IV, 21), 'Thou art a Vasvi, thou art Aditi, thou art an Adityâ, thou art a Rudrâ, thou art Kandrâ; for she is indeed a Vasvi and Aditi, an Adityâ, a Rudrâ, Kandrâ. 'May Brihaspati make thee rest in happiness!'-Brihaspati being the Brahman, he thereby means to say, 'May Brihaspati lead thee hither by means of the good (work)!' 'Rudra, together with the Vasus, is well-pleased with thee:' this he says to secure her (the cow's) safety, for cattle cannot pass beyond Rudra.
3. They now sit down round the seventh footprint; and having laid down the piece of gold in the foot-print, he offers. For offering is made on nothing but fire, and the gold has sprung from Agni's seed: and thus that offering of his is indeed made over
Taitt. S. VI, 1, 8, 1 he steps into six foot-prints and offers on the seventh. According to Kâty. VII, 6, 17 they pass (or overstep, atikram) six foot-prints and sit down round the seventh.
1 Literally, 'by a form (rûpena) of Vâk (speech),' viz. the text which is pronounced.
This can scarcely be the correct reading. The Kânva text has the more acceptable reading, 'Brihaspati being the Brahman, and felicity the sacrifice, he thereby says, "May the Brahman make thee rest (or delight, ramayatu) in the good (work), the sacrifice!"'
According to the comm. on Kâty. VII, 6, 17 the Brahman and the Sacrificer are to sit on the south, the Adhvaryu on the west, and the Neshtri on the north side of the foot-print.
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the fire. And the clarified butter being a thunderbolt, he now delivers her (the cow) by means of that thunderbolt, the butter; and by delivering her he makes her his own.
4. He (the Adhvaryu) offers (with the text, Vâg. S. IV, 22), 'On Aditi's head I pour thee;' for Aditi being this earth, it is on the head of the latter that he offers;-'on the worshipping-ground of the earth'-for on the worshipping-ground of the earth he indeed offers; -'Thou art Idâ's footprint, filled with butter, Hail!' for Idâ being the cow 1, he indeed offers on the cow's foot-print; and 'filled with butter, Hail!' he says, because it indeed becomes filled with butter when offered upon.
5. Thereupon he takes the wooden sword and draws lines round (the foot-print): the wooden sword being a thunderbolt, it is with the thunderbolt that he draws round it. Thrice he draws round it, so that he encompasses it on all sides with a threefold thunderbolt, for no one to trespass upon it.
6. He draws the lines (with the texts), 'Rejoice in us!' whereby he means to say, 'Rejoice in the sacrificer!' Having then, by tracing, cut out the foot-print all round, he throws it into the pan, with, 'In us is thy kinship,' whereby he means to say, 'In the sacrificer is thy kinship.'
7. He then pours some water on (the place whence the earth has been removed). Wherever in digging they hurt her (the earth) and knock off anything
1 See the legend, part i, p. 216 seq.; especially I, 8, 1, 7; 20; and p. 216, note 3.
According to the comm. on Kâty. VII, 6, 20, it would rather seem that he scratches with the sphya all over the foot-print and then takes out the loose dust (pâmsun) and throws it into the pan.
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from her,-water being (a means of) soothing,—that he now soothes by means of water, that he heals by means of water : that is why he pours water thereon.
8. He then hands (the dust of) the foot-print to the sacrificer, with, 'In thee is wealth,'—wealth meaning cattle, he thereby means to say, 'in thee is cattle. The sacrificer receives it with, With me' is wealth,'-wealth meaning cattle, he thereby means to say, 'with me is cattle.'
9. The Adhvaryu then touches himself (near the heart), with, 'May we not be deprived of prosperity! Thus the Adhvaryu does not exclude himself from (the possession of) cattle.
10. Thereupon they hand (the dust of) the footprint over to the (sacrificer's) wife. The house being the wife's resting-place, he thereby establishes her in that safe resting-place, the house : for this reason he hands over the (earth of the) foot-print to the wife.
11. The Neshtri makes her say, 'Thine, thine ? is wealth;' whereupon he causes her to be looked at by the Soma-cow. Now, Soma is a male, and the wife is a female, and that Soma-cow becomes here (exchanged for) Soma: a productive union is thus effected ;- this is why he causes her to be looked at by the Soma-cow.
12. He causes her to be looked at (while she pronounces the text, Våg. S. IV, 23), 'I have seen eye to eye with the divine intelligence, with the far-seeing Dakshina: take
1 The Kânva text (Samhita and Br.) has asme instead of me...
· See St. Petersb. Dict. s. v. totas. The Kanva text explains it similarly : 'tvayi tvayi pasavah.' The Taitt. S. VI, 1, 8, 5 has Tote râyah'_“Thine (?) is wealth” thus for the wife, for she, the wife, is one half of himself.'
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not my life from me, neither will I take thine; may I obtain a hero' in thy sight!' She thereby asks a blessing: a hero meaning a son, she thereby means to say, 'May I obtain a son in thy sight!'
13. One that is brown, with red-brown eyes, is (fit to be) a Soma-cow. For when Indra and Vishnu divided a thousand (cows) into three parts, there was one left, and her they caused to propagate herself in three kinds; and hence, even now, if any one were to divide a thousand by three, one would remain over.
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14. The brown one, with red-brown eyes, is the Soma-cow; and that ruddy one is the Vritra-killer's (Indra's) own, whom the king here chooses for himself after winning the battle; and the ruddy one with reddish-white eyes is the Fathers' own whom they slay here for the Fathers.
15. Let, then, the brown one, with red-brown eyes, be the Soma-cow. And if he be unable to obtain a brown one with red-brown eyes, let it be a dark-red one. And if he be unable to obtain a dark-red one, let it be a ruddy one, one of the
1 The Kânva text reads 'may I obtain heroes.'
This arithmetical feat of Indra and Vishnu is apparently already referred to in Rig-veda VI, 69, 8, though nothing is said there as to the difficulty regarding the odd cow. The threefold division seems to refer to Vishnu's three steps, by which (as the sun) he measures the sky; or to the division of the universe into the three worlds (?). See also Ait. Br. VI, 15.
Or, drives forth (from the enemy's stables). The red cows are compared with the red clouds, which appear after the thunderstorm (i. e. after king Indra's battle with Vritra).
Sâyana takes 'syetâkshî' as 'black-eyed (krishnalokanâ).' Arunâ;' the Kânva text adds, ' for that one nearest to it (the brown one, or Soma-cow proper) in appearance.'
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Vritra-killer's own. But let him nowise turn his fancy upon a ruddy one with reddish-white eyes.
16. Let it be one that is not impregnated. For that Soma-cow is in reality Vâk, and this Vâk (speech) is of unimpaired vigour; and of unimpaired vigour is one not (yet) impregnated : let it therefore be one not impregnated. Let it be one that is neither tailless, nor hornless, nor one-eyed, nor earless', nor specially marked, nor seven-hoofed ? ; for such a one is uniform, and uniform is this speech. AR
(UNIVERSITY THE BUYING OF SOMA.
SECOND BRÂumana. VALIFORLY 1. Having thrown the (earth of the) foot-print into the pan), he (the Adhvaryu) washes his hands. Now as to why he washes his hands ;-clarified butter being a thunderbolt, and the Soma being seed, he washes his hands lest 8 he should injure the seed, Soma, with the thunderbolt, the ghee.
2. Thereupon he ties the piece of gold to this (finger“). Now, twofold indeed is this (universe), there is no third, the truth and the untruth : the gods are the truth and men are the untruth. And gold having sprung from Agni's seed, he ties the gold to this (finger), in order that he may touch the twigs (of the Soma) with the truth, that he may handle the Soma by means of the truth.
1 Akarnâ ;' the Kanva text has 'anupârshtakarnâ (one whose ears are not perforated ?),' and instead of 'alakshità (not specially marked),' it reads.asronâ (aslona), not lame.'
* That is, with one hoof undivided (seven-toed).
• The construction in the original is as usual in the oratio directa.
• Viz. to the nameless (or ring) finger. Kâty. VII, 6, 27.
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3. He then orders (the sacrificer's men), ‘Bring thou the Soma-cloth! bring thou the Soma-wrapper! bring thou the head-band!' Let some shining (cloth) be the Soma-cloth ; for this is to be his (king Soma's) garment, and shining indeed is his garment: and whosoever serves him with a shining (garment), he truly shines. But he who says, '(Bring) anything whatsoever,' he will indeed be anything whatsoever : let the Soma-cloth, therefore, be some splendid (cloth), and the Soma-wrapper one of any kind.
4. If he can get a head-band, let there be a headband; but if he cannot get a head-band, let him cut off from the Soma-wrapper a piece two or three fingers long, to serve as the head-band. Either the Adhvaryu or the Sacrificer takes the Soma-cloth, and some one or other the Soma-wrapper.
5. Now, in the first place, they pick the king (Soma). A pitcher of water is placed close to him, and a Brâhman sits beside him? Thither they (the priests and sacrificer) now proceed eastward.
6. While they go there, he (the Adhvaryu) makes
I do not think .asya' could refer to the sacrificer, in opposition to 'etasya' (Soma); nor can the latter be construed with the following relative clause 'sa yo ... The Kânva text reads, Tad yad eva sobhanatamam tat somopanahanam syâd, vâso hy asyaitad bhavati; sa yo haitak khobhanatamam kurute, sobhate haiva sah, &c.
: The Pratiprasthâtri, in the first place, takes the Soma-plants (from the seller) and puts them on an ox-hide, dyed red and spread on the ground at the place in the east of the hall) where the 'sounding-holes' will be dug (see III, 5, 4, 1 seq.). The seller of the Soma, who is to be either of the Kutsa tribe or a Sudra, then picks the Soma, breaking the plants at the joints. A jar filled with water is placed in front of the Soma, and a Brâhman (or the assistant of the Brahman, viz. the Brahmanakhamsin) sits down by the (right or south) side of the Soma. Kâty. VII, 6, 1-6.
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(the sacrificer) say the text (Våg. S. IV, 24), 'Say thou, for me, unto Soma, "This is thy gâya tripart (bhaga)!" Say thou, for me, unto Soma, "This is thy trishtubh-part!" Say thou, for me, unto Soma, "This is thy gayati-part!" Say thou, for me, unto Soma, "Obtain thou the supreme sovereignty of the names of metres!". Now, when he (king Soma) is bought, he is bought for one (destination 2)-for the sovereignty of the metres, for the supreme sovereignty of the metres; and when they press him, they slay him: hereby now he says to him, 'It is for the sovereignty of the metres, for the supreme sovereignty of the metres that I buy thee, not for slaying thee.' Having gone there, he sits down (behind the Soma) with his face towards the east.
7. He touches (the Soma-plants), with, 'Ours thou art,'-thereby he (Soma), now that he has come (as a guest), becomes as it were one of his (the sacrificer's) own (people): for this reason he says, 'Ours thou art;'-Thy pure (juice) is meet for the draught,' for he will indeed take therefrom the 'pure draught.' 'Let the pickers pick thee!' this he says for the sake of completeness.
8. Now some, on noticing any straw or (piece of) wood (among the Soma-plants), throw it away. But let him not do this; for-the Soma being the nobility and the other plants the common people, and the
The three parts refer to the three Savanas, at which the respective metres are used. See IV, 3, 2, 7 seq.
* Bhagam appears to have been lost here, since a play on that word seems to be intended, which might perhaps be reproduced by 'lot.' It is given both at the Kânva text and at III, 4, 1, 7. For the Sukra-graha, see IV, a, I, I seq.
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people being the nobleman's food-it would be just as if one were to take hold of and pull out some (food) he has put in his mouth, and throw it away. Hence let him merely touch it, with, “Let the pickers pick thee!' Those pickers of his do indeed pick it.
9. He then spreads the cloth (over the ox-hide), either twofold or fourfold, with the fringe towards the east or north. Thereon he metes out the king (Soma); and because he metes out the king, therefore there is a measure,-both the measure among men and whatever other measure there is.
10. He metes out, with a verse to Savitri; for Savitri is the impeller of the gods, and so that (Soma) becomes for him impelled by Savitri to the purchase.
11. He metes out with an atikhandas-verse; for that one, viz. the atikhandas', embraces all metres; and so that (Soma) is meted out for him by means of all the metres: therefore he metes out with an atikhandas-verse.
12. He metes out, with the text (Vâg. S. IV, 25), Unto that divine Savitri within the two bowls?, the sage, I sing praises, to him of true
* Atikhandas (over-metre') is the generic name for the metres which number more than forty-eight syllables: hence it is said to include all the other metres which consist of fewer syllables. See VIII, 6, 2, 13, where the term is explained by atti-khandah (metre-eater).'
. Or, that divine invigorator of the two oni.' According to the St. Petersb. Dict., 'oni' would seem to refer to two parts of the Soma-press. Professor Ludwig takes it to mean 'press-arm' and the 'arm' generally, which suits very well some of the passages in which the word occurs. Here, in the loc. or gen. case, it can scarcely mean 'arms' (though Savitri's two arms are often referred to as dispelling the darkness and keeping asunder the spaces, cf. Rig-veda II, 38, 2; IV, 53, 3; 4; VI, 71, 1; 5; VII, 45, 2), but apparently refers to heaven and earth' being thus equivalent to
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impulse, the bestower of treasures, the wise and thoughtful friend;-he at whose impulse the resplendent light shone high, the goldenhanded sage hath measured the ether with his form.
13. Therewith he metes out the Soma) with all (five fingers), therewith with four, therewith with three, therewith with two, therewith with one; therewith with one, therewith with two, therewith with three, therewith with four, therewith with all (fingers); having laid (the two hands) together a he throws (Soma) thereon with the joined open hands.
14. He metes out while bending up and bending down (the fingers). The reason why he metes out in bending (the fingers) up and down is that he thereby makes those fingers of separate existence, and therefore they are born separate (from each other); and as to his meting out with all (fingers) together, these (fingers) are to be born, as it were, united. This is why he metes out in bending (the fingers) up and down.
15. And, again, as to his meting out in bending them up and down,—he thereby renders them of varied power, and hence these (fingers) are of varied the two kamů (originally the two receptacles or bowls into which the pressed Soma flows) in Rig-veda III, 55, 20.
1 Viz. with the same formula, repeating it each time. The meting out of the Soma is done with the fingers of the right hand, first with all five, and then successively turning in one (beginning with the thumb), till the little finger remains with which he takes Soma twice, whereupon he again successively releases the fingers.
. There is some doubt as to whether this refers to the preceding with all (viz. ten fingers); ' or whether he is to take for the tenth time some Soma with the five fingers of the right hand, and then once more (without muttering the text) with the joined hands. See Katy. VII, 7, 18, 19. The text seems to be purposely vague.
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power. That is why he metes out in bending them up and down.
16. And, again, as to his meting out in bending them up and down,-he thereby harnesses a virág (to ply) thitherwards and hitherwards: going thitherwards, namely, it conveys the sacrifice to the gods, and coming hitherwards it assists men. This is why he metes out in bending (the fingers) up and down.
17. And as to his meting out ten times,—the virág is of ten syllables, and the Soma is of virág nature: for this reason he metes out ten times.
18. Having gathered up the ends of the Somacloth, he (the Adhvaryu) ties them together by means of the head-band, with, 'For descendants (I tie) thee;'--for it is indeed for (the purpose of obtaining) descendants that he buys it (Soma): what (part of man) here is, as it were, compressed between the head and the shoulders, that he thereby makes it to be for him (the sacrificer).
19. He then makes a finger-hole in the middle (of the knot), with the text, 'Let the descendants breathe after thee!' For, in compressing the cloth), he, as it were, strangles him (Soma and the sacrificer) and renders him breathless ; hereby now he emits his breath from inside, and after him breathing the descendants also breathe : for this reason he says, 'Let the descendants breathe after thee.' Thereupon he hands him (Soma) to the Soma-seller. Now, then, of the bargain.
· The virág (the shining' or 'ruling' metre) consists of (generally three or four) pâdas of ten syllables each : hence it is here connected with the ten metings out of Soma.
* The Soma representing offspring, he gives the bundle a shape resembling the human body.
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THIRD BRAHMANA. 1. He bargains for the king (Soma); and because he bargains for the king, therefore any and everything is vendible here. He says, “Soma-seller, is thy king Soma for sale?'-'He is for sale,' says the Soma-seller.--'I will buy him of thee I'—' Buy him!' says the Soma-seller.—' I will buy him of thee for one-sixteenth (of the cow).'— 'King Soma, surely, is worth more than that!' says the Soma-seller.— Yea, King Soma is worth more than that; but great, surely, is the greatness of the cow,' says the Adhvaryu.
2. 'From the cow (comes) fresh milk, from her boiled milk, from her cream, from her sour curds, from her sour cream, from her curdled milk, from her butter, from her ghee, from her clotted curds, from her whey :
3. I will buy him of thee for one hoof!!'-'King Soma, surely, is worth more than that l' says the Soma-seller.— Yea, King Soma is worth more than that, but great, surely, is the greatness of the cow,' replies the Adhvaryu; and, having (each time) enumerated the same ten virtues, he says, 'I will buy him of thee for one foot,'—'for half (the cow),'— 'for the cow!'-'King Soma has been bought !' says the Soma-seller,' name the kinds !'
4. He (the Adhvaryu) says, 'Gold is thine, a cloth is thine, a goat is thine, a milch cow is thine, a pair of kine is thine, three other (cows) are thine!' And because they first bargain and afterwards come to terms, therefore about any and everything that is for sale here, people first bargain and afterwards
* That is, for one-eighth of a cow, each foot consisting of two hoofs (or toes, sapha).
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come to terms. And the reason why only the Adhvaryu enumerates the virtues of the cow, and not the Soma-seller those of the Soma, is that Soma is already glorified, since Soma is a god. And the Adhvaryu thereby glorifies the cow, thinking, 'Seeing her virtues he shall buy her!' This is why only the Adhvaryu enumerates the virtues of the cow, and not the Soma-seller those of the Soma.
5. And as to his bargaining five times :—the sacrifice being of equal measure with the year, and there being five seasons in the year, he thus obtains it (the sacrifice, Soma) in five (divisions), and therefore he bargains five times.
6. He then makes (the sacrificer) say on the gold? (Vág. S. IV, 26), 'Thee, the pure, I buy with the pure,' for he indeed buys the pure with the pure, when (he buys) Soma with gold ;-—'the brilliant with the brilliant,' for he indeed buys the brilliant with the brilliant, when (he buys) Soma with gold;—the immortal with the immortal,' for he indeed buys the immortal with the immortal, when (he buys) Soma with gold.
7. He then tempts ? the Soma-seller (with the gold): 'In compensation for thy cow, whereby he means to say, ' With the sacrificer (be) thy cow!'
That is, according to Kâty. VII, 8, 5, in making him touch the gold. The Kanva text has,' Thereupon he buys him (Soma) with
gold.'
. Or, according to the commentaries, 'he frightens the Somaseller (by threatening to take back the money).'
8? Sagme ( compact), explained by the commentators as meaning the sacrificer. Perhaps it may mean, one of the parties to an agreement,' and hence here the sacrificer as the bargainee.
The Kanva text reads, He then takes it back again (punar adatte) with Sagme te goh,' and throws it down with Ours thy gold.'
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He then draws it (the gold) back towards the sacrificer, and throws it down, with, 'Ours be thy gold !' whereby he (the sacrificer) takes unto himself the vital energy, and the Soma-seller gets only the body. Thereupon the Soma-seller takes it?.
8. He then makes him (the sacrificer) say on the she-goat, which stands facing the west, 'Thou art the bodily form of fervour,'--that she-goat was indeed produced as the bodily form of fervour, of Pragâpati ; hence he says, “Thou art the bodily form of fervour,' — Pragâ pati's kind,' because she brings forth three times in the year, therefore she is Pragâ pati's kind. “Thou art bought with the most excellent animal,' because she brings forth three times in the year, she is the most excellent of animals. “May I increase with a thousandfold increase!' Thereby he implores a blessing : a thousand meaning abundance, he thereby means to say, “May I obtain abundance !
9. With that (text) he gives the she-goat, with that he takes the king'; for agà (goat) doubtless
According to some authorities, the gold is again taken away forcibly from the Soma-seller by the Adhvaryu, after the sacrificer has uncovered his head (paragraph 12), and the seller is driven away by blows with a speckled cane. Kâty. VII, 8, 27. According to Apastamba (ib.), he buys off the Soma-cow with another cow, and then dismisses her to the cow-pen; and if the Soma-seller objects, he is to be beaten with a speckled cane. The Mänava-sQtra merely says, that they are to give the Soma-seller something for compensation. The whole transaction was evidently a feigned purchase, symbolising the acquisition of the Soma by the gods from the Gandharvas. The real bargain was probably concluded before the sacrificial performance. See also Haug, Ait. Br. Transl. P. 59, note 2.
3 While making over the she-goat to the Soma-seller with his left hand, he receives the Soma with the right.
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means the same as âgà (driving thither), since it is through her (the she-goat) that he finally drives him (Soma) thither. It is thus in a mystic sense that they call her 'agà.'
10. He takes the king, with the text (Vag. S. IV, 27), 'Come to us, a friend, bestowing good friends!' whereby he means to say, 'Come to us, as a kind and propitious one!' Having pushed back the garment on the sacrificer's right thigh, he lays him (Soma) down thereon, with the text, Seat thee on Indra's right thigh,'--for he, the sacrificer, is at present Indra': therefore he says, 'Seat thee on Indra's right thigh ;'--' willing on the willing' whereby he means to say, 'beloved on the beloved one;'--'tender on the tender!' whereby he means to say, 'propitious on the propitious one.'
11. Thereupon he (the sacrificer) assigns (to the Gandharvas) the objects constituting the purchase price for the Soma, with the text, O Svâna, Bhraga, Anghari, Bambhâri, Hasta, Suhasta, Krisânu! these are your wages for Soma: keep them! may they not fail you!' Now those (Gandharvas) are instead of the hearthmounds—these being the names of the hearthmounds—it is these very (names) that he thereby has assigned to them.
Sâyana takes â-ag in the sense of to go to, to come' (aga, the comer); because the sacrificer through her comes to Soma.
. See part i, introduction, p. xix, note 4.
8 For those same Gandharvas, the overseers of the Guardians of Soma, they are (meant) in lieu of those (? hearth-mounds), for those are their names: it is to them that he thereby assigns those (objects constituting the purchase-price), and thus he becomes debtless towards them.' Kanva text. See also part i, p. 183, note 2.
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12. He now uncovers (his head'); for he who is consecrated becomes an embryo, and embryos are enveloped both in the amnion and the outer membrane: him (the sacrificer or sacrifice) he has now brought forth, and therefore he uncovers himself. Now it is he (Soma*) that becomes an embryo, and therefore he is enveloped, since embryos are, as it were, enveloped both in the amnion and the outer membrane.
13. He then makes (the sacrificer) say the text (Våg. S. IV, 28), 'Keep me, O Agni, from evil ways! let me share in the right ways. Now he (Soma) approaches him while he is seated, and when he has come, he rises: thereby he does wrong and breaks the vow. This, then, is his expiation of that (transgression), and thus no wrong is thereby done, and he breaks not the vow: therefore he says, Keep me, O Agni, from evil ways ! let me share in the right ways!'
14. Having then taken the king, he rises, with the text, With new life, with good life, am I risen after the immortals;' for he who rises after the bought Soma, rises indeed after the immortal: therefore he says, ' With new life, with good life, am I risen after the immortals.'
15. Thereupon he takes the king and goes towards the car, with the text (Vág. S. IV, 29), 'We have
· See III, 2, 1, 16. His wife does the same.
• According to a former passage (III, 1, 2, 28), the sacrificer is supposed to remain in the embryonic state till the pressing of the Soma. The Kanva recension reads, Sa etam yagñam agîganat sa esha garbho bhavaty a sutyâyâh;' where 'apiganat' seems to mean he has begotten.' I am not quite certain whether Soma himself is really implied. See III, 3, 4, 6.
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entered upon the path that leadeth to wellbeing, free from danger; whereon he escheweth all haters, and meeteth with goodi.'
16. Now, once on a time, the gods, while performing sacrifice, were afraid of an attack from the Asura-Rakshas. They perceived that prayer for a safe journey; and having warded off the evil spirits by means of that prayer, they attained wellbeing in the safe and foeless shelter of that prayer. And so does he now ward off the evil spirits by means of that prayer, and attain wellbeing in the safe and foeless shelter of that prayer. For this reason he says, 'We have entered upon the path that leadeth to well-being, free from danger; whereon he escheweth all haters and meeteth with good.'
17. They carry him thus, and (afterwards) drive him about on the cart; whereby they exalt him : for this reason they carry the seed on their head (to the field), and bring in (the corn) on the cart.
18. Now the reason why he buys (the Soma) near water' is that—water meaning sap—he thereby buys Soma sapful; and as to there being gold, he thereby buys him lustrous; and as to there being a cloth, he thereby buys him with his skin; and as to there being a she-goat, he thereby buys him fervid; and as to there being a milch cow, he thereby buys him with the milk to be mixed with him; and as to there being a pair (of kine), he thereby buys him with a mate.—He should buy him with ten (objects), and
Compare the slightly different verse, Rig-veda VI, 51, 16. 2 The sacrificer carries the bundle of Soma on his hand resting on his head.
3 Viz, the vessel of water mentioned III, 1, 2, 2.
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not with other than ten, for the virág consists of ten syllables, and Soma is of virág nature: therefore he should buy him with ten (objects) and not with other than ten.
PROCESSION AND ENTRANCE OF KING SOMA.
Fourth BRÂHMANA. 1. In the enclosed space (of the cart)- he (the Adhvaryu) lays down the black deer-skin, with the text (Vag. S. IV, 30), 'Thou art Aditi's skin;' its significance is the same as before). Thereon he places him (Soma), with, 'Seat thee on Aditi's seat!' for Aditi being this (earth), and she being indeed a safe resting-place, he thereby places him on that safe resting-place: therefore he says, 'Seat thee on Aditi's seat!'
2. He then makes (the sacrificer) say, after touching (the Soma), “The bull hath propped the sky, the welkins' For, when the gods were spreading the sacrifice, they were afraid of an attack on the part of the Asura-Rakshas. Now by what he says, 'The bull hath propped the sky, the welkin,'
· The cart stands south of the place where the purchase of Soma took place, with the shafts towards the east, fitted with all the appliances, and yoked with a pair of oxen. The antelope skin is spread with the hairy side upwards, and the neck part towards the east.
See I, 1, 4, 1 seq. The Kârva text has : 'the significance of this yagus is the same.'
9 In Rig-veda VIII, 42, I, this verse relates to Varuna. In adapting it to the present sacrificial requirements, 'vrishabho (rishabho, K.) antariksham' has been substituted for the original asuro visvavedah;' Soma being meant by the bull.'
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thereby they rendered it (the sacrifice or Soma) superior to the deadly shaft”.
3. 'He hath measured the breadth of the earth;'—thus he gains through him (Soma) these worlds, for there is no slayer, no deadly shaft for him by whom these worlds have been gained: therefore he says, 'He hath measured the breadth of the earth.'
4. 'As all-ruler hath he taken his seat over all things existing (bhuvana);'—thus he gains through him this All, for there is no slayer, no deadly shaft for him by whom this All has been gained : therefore he says, 'As all-ruler hath he taken his seat over all things existing.'
5. Verily, all these are Varuna's ordinances;'—thereby he makes here everything whatsoever obedient to him, and every one that is refractory: therefore he says, 'Verily, all these are Varuna's ordinances.'
6. Thereupon he wraps (the Soma) up in the Soma-wrapper, lest the evil spirits should touch him. For this one doubtless is an embryo, and hidden (tiras), as it were, are embryos, and hidden also is that (which is) wrapped up ;-hidden, as it were, are the gods to men, and hidden is that which is wrapped up: therefore he wraps him up.
7. He wraps him up, with the text (Vág. S. IV, 31; Rig-veda V, 85, 2), 'Over the woods he hath stretched the welkin,' for over the woods, over the tops of the trees, that welkin (or air) is indeed stretched ;-' strength (hath he laid) into the coursers, milk into the kine,'—strength means
'Or, superior to (beyond the reach of) the slayer (or the blow), gyâyÂmsam vadhất.”
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manliness and the coursers are the men : he thereby bestows manliness upon men; and 'milk into the kine' he says, because this milk is indeed contained in the kine ;—'Into the hearts Varuna (hath laid) wisdom, into the homesteadsi fire;' for into the hearts that wisdom, the swiftness of thought, has indeed entered ; and 'into the homesteads fire' he says, because that fire is in the homesteads, with the people;—'Into the heaven hath he placed the Sun, and Soma upon the rock;' for that sun is indeed placed in the heaven; and Soma on the rock' he says, because Soma is in the mountains. This is why he says, “In the heaven hath he placed the Sun, and Soma upon the rock.'
8. If there are two deer-skins, he then puts up the other by way of a flag 8;--and if there is only one, he cuts off the neck of the deer-skin and puts it up by way of a flag ;-with the text (Våg. S. IV, 32), 'Mount thou the eye of Surya, the eye-ball of Agni, where thou fliest along with the dappled (horses), shining through the wise (Surya).' He thereby places Sarya (the sun) in front, thinking, May Sarya, in front, ward off the evil spirits !' They now drive (Soma) about on a safe (cart), unmolested by evil spirits.
9. At the fore-part of the shafts two boards have been put up: between them the Subrahmanya
»
Y
1 Into the waters (apsu),' Rig-veda.
See III, 2, 1, 1 seq. • He is to fasten it to a staff fixed to the pole of the cart near the yoke. Kâty. VII, 9, 9.
• The Subrahmanya is one of the assistants of the Udgatri (chanter of Såma-hymns). He stands on the ground between the two shafts in front of the yoke; the two planks, according to Såyana, reaching up to his chin.
.
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stands and drives. He (Soma), indeed, is too high for (the driver) mounting beside him, for who is worthy of mounting beside him? Therefore he drives while standing between (the boards).
10. He drives with a palâsa branch. Now when Gâyatri flew towards Soma', a footless archer aiming at her while she was carrying him off, severed one of the feathers (or leaves, parna), either of Gâyatri or of king Soma; and on falling down it became a parna (palâsa) tree; whence its name parna. May that which was there of the Soma nature, be here also now!' so he thinks, and for this reason he drives with a palâsa branch.
11. He urges on the two oxen. If they be both black, or if either of them be black, then let him know that it will rain, that Parganya will have abundance of rain that year: such indeed is science.
12. He (the Adhvaryu) first yokes them, with the text (Vâg. S. IV, 33), 'Ye oxen, come hither, patient of the yoke!' for they are indeed oxen, and they are patient of the yoke;-Let yourselves be yoked, tearless!' for they are now being yoked; and tearless means unscathed;-'not man-slaying,' this means 'not doing wrong;''speeding the Brahman,' for they are indeed speeders of the Brahman (worship, or the priests);— 'Go ye happily to the sacrificer's dwelling!' this he says in order that the evil spirits may not injure them on the way.
13. Having then gone round to the back (of the
1 See I, 7, 1, 1; part i, p. 183. According to Ait. Br. III, 26, Krisânu the Soma-keeper's arrow cut off one of the talons of Gâyatri's left foot, which was turned into a porcupine.
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cart) and taken hold of the drag1, he says (to the Hotri), 'Recite to the bought Soma !' or,'-to Soma, now driven about!' whichever way he pleases.
14. He then makes (the sacrificer) say the text (Våg. S. IV, 34), 'Thou art gracious unto me, go forth, O Lord of the world-,' for he (Soma) is indeed gracious to him, wherefore he heeds no other but him. Even his (Soma's own) kings come (to
1 Apâlamba, a piece of wood fastened to the back part of the cart to prevent its running backwards when going up-hill; or, according to others, a rope used for retarding the progress of the cart in going down-hill. Kâty. VII, 9, 15 comm. The cart stands with the oxen towards the east; it is then wheeled round towards the right to the west and driven to the hall, in front of which it is turned towards the north; the Soma being then taken down. Ait. Br. I, 14.
See
The duties of the Hotri, while the Soma-cart is driven to the hall, are set forth Asv. Srautas. IV, 4: He stands three feet behind the cart between the two wheel tracks, and throws thrice dust towards the south with the fore-part of his foot without moving the heel, with the formula, 'Thou art wise, thou art intelligent, thou upholding all things: drive away the danger arising from men!' Thereupon, after uttering the sound 'Him,' he recites eight verses, or, the first and last being recited thrice each, in all twelve verses. Cf. Ait. Br. I, 13. He first remains standing in the same place and recites thrice the first verse. Then in following the cart he recites the five following verses. The cart having now stopped, he walks round it on its right (south) side, and while looking on the Soma follows it while it is placed on the throne. He then touches it and completes his recitation by the last two verses. The first of these two verses is the same which the sacrificer is to mutter (with the Adhvaryu) while Soma is carried into the hall, and which is given in paragraph 30.
While the Soma is driven to the hall, the sacrificer has to hold on to it from behind.
'Asya râgânah sabhâgâh ;'-Soma seems to be compared here with an emperor or overlord of kings (adhirâgo râgñâm, V, 4, 2, 2), who is holding a royal court (râgasabhâ), or a Darbar, to which the under-kings are flocking. Sâyana seems to interpret the passage differently: apy asya râgânah iti sabhâgâ ity anena râgñâm anatikra
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him) to attend the assembly, and he is the first to salute the kings, for he is gracious. This is why he says, 'Thou art gracious.' 'Go forth, O Lord of the world,' he says, because he (Soma) is the lord of beings. “To all dwellings,' all dwellings'doubtless means the limbs; with reference to his limbs he says this,'May no prowling enemies meet theel may no waylayers meet thee! May no malicious wolves meet thee!' this he says lest the evil spirits should meet him on his way.
15. 'Having become a falcon, fly away! he thereby makes him Ay forward after becoming a falcon; for the evil spirits fly not after what is fearful: now he, the falcon, forsooth is the most fearful, the strongest of birds, and as such a one he makes him (Soma) fly forwards when he says, Having become a falcon, fly away!'
16. Now they (can) only hit his body'Go to the sacrificer's dwelling,—that is the place prepared for us.' In this there is nothing obscure.
manîyam uktam bhavati; api sambhavanayam madhuparkam aha
rågñe kâkâryasvasurapitrivyamâtulânam keti' (Asv. Grihyas. I, 24) sambhavanfyânâm madhye râgñam prathamato nirdisena (1) sreshthyâvagamâd itarapūgyopalakshakatvenâpy asya rågana iti nirdesa iti mantavyam, râgña âgatân svayam prahva eva san pūrvas tebhyah prâg evåbhivadati vâgvyavahâram karoti. The Kanva text reads : For he is his gracious lord, therefore he heeds not even a king; and yet (?) he is the first to salute the kings: thus he is indeed gracious to him :'esha vâ etasya bhadro bhavati, tasmad esha na râgånam kanadriyate 'tho půrvo ragño'bhivadati tathâsyaisha eva bhadro bhavati(t).'
1 Or, they can only shoot after his body,' sariram evânvavahanti.' The Kanva text has 'athåsyedam sariram evânaså 'nvavahanti,' i.e. "Now they only bring his body with the cart.' The MS. of Sâyana also has 'anvavahanti,' but it explains it by 'syenibhâvâd upâdeyasya sârâmsasya badhâbhâvåd dhanta sariram evânugatya hanti nâtmậnam?
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17. Thereupon he recites the Subrahmanya litany. Even as one would say to those for whom he intends to prepare a meal, 'On such and such a day I will prepare a meal for you ;' so does he thereby announce the sacrifice to the gods. Subrahmanyôm! Subrahmanyôm! Subrahmanyôm!' thus he calls, for the Brahman indeed moves the gods onward. Thrice he says it, because the sacrifice is threefold.
18. Come, O Indra!' Indra is the deity of the sacrifice: therefore he says, 'Come, O Indra!' 'Come, o lord of the bay steeds! Ram of Medhâtithi?! Wife of Vrishanasva?! Bestriding buffalo! Lover of Ahalya'!' Thereby he wishes him joy in those affairs of his.
1 This myth, according to which Indra was supposed to have assumed the form of a ram and to have carried off Medhâtithi, the Kânva (or, according to others, to have robbed him of his Soma), appears to be alluded to in Rig-veda VIII, 2, 40. On the possible connection of the myth with the Greek one of Ganymede, see Weber, Ind. Stud. IX, p. 40. Sâyana does not explain the Subrahmanyâ formula, but remarks, that he has already done so in the Sáma-brahmana (viz. in the Shadvimsa).
. According to Rig-veda I, 51, 13, Indra became the wife (mena) of Vrishanasva (Mena); the reason for this transformation being, according to the Shadvimsa Br., that he was in love with Menâ or Menaka, the daughter of that king (or sage). Ind. Stud. I, p. 38. The later explanation of the simple statement of the Rik seems of doubtful authenticity, unless the choice of the word menâ for wife' was intended by the bard as an allusion to the name of the king's daughter. It is more likely that the myth alluded to in the Rik had been forgotten at the time of the Brahmanas, and a new version of it was invented, based on the 'mena' of the original. Haug, Transl. Ait. Br. p. 383, takes Menâ here as a name.
* This is another of Indra's love-myths about which very little is known. Ahalya (Maitreyî) is said to have been the wife of the Rishi Gautama (or of Kausika, according to Shady. Br.) and to have been loved by Indra.
[26]
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19. O Kausika?, Brâhman, thou who callest thee Gautama?! Just so has this (formula) been devised in these days by Aruni, to wit, thou who callest thee Gautama :' he may say it, if he choose, and if he does not choose, he need not attend to its. In so and so many days, to the Somafeast,' (stating) in how many days from hence the pressing is to be.
20. Ye gods and priests, come hither'l' This he says to the gods and Brâhmans, because it is of these two, the gods and Brâhmans, that he
has need.
21. Thereupon the Pratiprasthâtri steps up to the front of the hall with the victim for Agni and Soma. Now Agni and Soma have seized him, who consecrates himself, between their jaws, for that consecration-offering above 6 belongs to Agni and Vishnu, and Vishnu, forsooth, is no other than
According to Sâyana on Rig-veda I, 10, 11 (where Indra is called Kausika, 'favourable to the Kusikas' Kusika desired to have a son equal to Indra, whence the latter was born as Kusika's son Gâthin (Gâdhin). Differently Sây. on Taitt. Âr. I, I 2, 4.
? The Shadv. Br. (Ind. Stud. I, p. 38) explains this as follows:- The Gods and Asuras were at war with each other. Gotama was performing austerities between them. Indra went up to him and said, 'Go out as our spy.' 'I cannot,' he replied. Then I will go in your form.' 'As thou thinkest fit l' And because he (Indra) went about in the form of Gotama, passing himself off as Gotama, therefore he says, 'thou who callest thee Gotama.'
The Kanva text also states that this last portion of the formula was devised by Äruni, but nothing is said as to its use being optional.
* For variations of this concluding part of the Subrahmanyâ in different schools, see Laty. Sr. I, 3, 3 seq.; also notes to III, 9, 3, 10; IV, 9, 6, 25; Haug, Transl. Ait. Br. p. 383.
6 See III, 1, 3, 1 seq.
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Soma, and the offering is he himself who is consecrated: thus they have seized him between their jaws; and by this victim he now redeems himself1.
22. Now, some take a firebrand from the Ahavantya, saying, 'Here is Agni, and here is Soma: with these two thus being together we will redeem ourselves.' But let him not do this; for wheresoever these two are, there they are indeed together.
23. It (the victim) is two-coloured, because it belongs to two deities: For the sake of concord between the two deities let it be a black-spotted (buck)!' they say; 'for that is most like those two (gods).' If he be unable to obtain a black-spotted buck, it may be a red-spotted one.
24. Thereon he makes (the sacrificer) say (Vâg. S. IV, 35; Rig-veda X, 37, 1), 'Homage be to the eye of Mitra and Varuna! perform ye diligently this holy service to the god! sing ye unto the far-seeing, god-born light, to Surya, the son of the sky!' Thereby he renders homage to it (the victim) and makes it a token of the covenant.
25. The Adhvaryu then removes the Somawrapper. With (Vâg. S. IV, 36) 'Thou art Varuna's stay,' he props (the cart) with the prop. With 'Ye two are the rest of Varuna's stay,' he pulls out the two wedges. The reason why he says, 'Ye two are the rest of Varuna's stay?,' is that he, the bought Soma, now indeed is of Varuna3.
1 'By this victim he redeems himself, the victim, and with that redeemed self, now his own, he sacrifices.' Kânva rec.
* Skambha visarganî ('support or pin of the prop') is taken by Sâyana in the sense of 'offshoot of the prop' or 'that which is let go (srishta) by the prop.'
I.e. belongs to Varuna or is of Varuna's nature (varunyo
G 2
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26. Thereupon four men take up the king's throne; two men, it is true, take it up for the human king, but four take up this for him who rules over everything here.
27. It is of udumbara wood-udumbara meaning sap and food-for (the sacrificer's) obtainment of sap and food : therefore it is of udumbara wood.
28. It reaches up to his navel, for it is there that the food settles, and Soma is food : therefore it reaches up to his navel. Moreover, there is the seat of the seed, and Soma is seed: therefore it reaches up to his navel.
29. He (the Adhvaryu) touches it with, 'Thou art the rightful seat (ritasadani) of Varuna!' He then spreads on it the black deerskin with, 'Thou art the rightful seat (ritasadanam) of Varuna !' and places him (Soma) thereon with, 'Seat thee on the rightful seat of Varuna!' The reason why he says, 'Seat thee on the rightful seat of Varuna,' is that he (Soma) is now of Varuna's nature.
30. Thereupon he makes him (king Soma) enter the hall; and in making him enter, he causes (the sacrificer) to say (Vâg. S. IV, 37; Rig-veda I, 91, 19), Whatsoever powers of thine they worship with offering, may they all encompass the sacrifice'! Go forth to our dwellings, O Soma, prospering our homes, ever helpful, bestowing abundance of men, not slaying our
bhavati). Sâyana (if the MS. is correct) takes it in the sense of ‘is Varuna himself,' etasmin krîtâvasare somo varuno bhavati.
Or,'may the sacrifice encompass them all,' if, with Grassmann and Ludwig, we read yagnah' instead of "yagñam.' This verse is likewise recited (at the same time) by the Hotri, see p. 79, note 2.
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men!' dwellings meaning houses, he thereby means to say, 'Go forth to our houses, kind, propitious, not doing evil.'
31. Some now pour out a vessel of water beside him, saying that this would be as one would bring water for a king that has come to him. But let him not do this, for they (who do this) do at the sacrifice what is human, and inauspicious for the sacrifice forsooth is that which is human: let him therefore not pour out water, lest he should do at the sacrifice what is inauspicious.
THE ÂTITHYA, OR GUEST-OFFERING (HOSPITABLE RECEPTION GIVEN TO KING SOMA).
Fourtu Adhyâya. First BRÂHMANA. 1. Verily, the guest-offering is the head of the sacrifice, and the Prayaniya and Udayaniya are its arms. But the arms are on both sides of the head : therefore those two oblations, the Prayaniya and Udayaniya, are on both sides of the guest-offering.
2. Now as to why it is called 'guest-offering.' He, the purchased Soma, truly comes as his (the sacrificer's) guest, — to him (is offered) that (hospitable reception): even as for a king or a Brâhman one would cook a large ox or a large he-goatfor that is human (fare offered to a guest), and the oblation is that of the gods--so he prepares for him that guest-offering.
3. Here now they say, 'Let him first walk past (Soma) and take out (the material for offering)!' For (they argue) where people do not show respect
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to a worthy person (arhant) who has come to them, he becomes angry,—and in this way he (Soma) is indeed honoured.
4. Then only one (of the oxen) is to be unyoked, and the other to be left unyoked"; and thereupon he is to take out (the material for offering): for (they argue) in that one of them is unyoked, thereby he (Soma) has arrived ; and in that the other is left unyoked, thereby he is honoured.
5. Let him, however, not do this; but let him take out (the material for offering) only after unyoking (both oxen) and after making (Soma) enter (the hall); for the ways of men are in accordance with those of the gods. And accordingly, in human practice, so long as (a guest) has not unyoked, people do not bring water to him and show him no honour, for so long he has not yet arrived; but when he has unyoked, then they bring him water and show him honour, for then he has indeed arrived : let him therefore take out (the material for offering) only after unyoking and after making (Soma) enter (the hall).
6. Let him take it out with all speed, for thus he (Soma) is honoured. The housewife holds on to it from behind? ; for the sacrificer holds on to him (Soma), while he is driven around, and here his wife does so. Thus they enclose him on the two sides by a (married) couple: and, indeed, wherever a
This is the practice recognised by the Taittirîyas (T.S. VI, 2, 1,1), on the ground that, if one were to unyoke both oxen, he would interrupt the sacrifice; and if he were to leave them both unyoked, it would be as if a hospitable reception were given to one who has not actually arrived.
9 That is, by touching the Adhvaryu while he takes out the sacrificial food. See p. 79, note 3.
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worthy person comes, there all the inmates of the house bestir themselves, for thus he is honoured.
7. Let him take out (the material) with a different formula from that wherewith (one takes out) any other oblations', since, when he (Soma) is bought, he is bought for one special destination,- for the sovereignty of the metres, for the supreme sovereignty of the metres. The metres act as attendants about him ; even as the non-royal king-makers, the heralds and headmen, (attend upon) the king, so do the metres act as attendants about him (Soma).
8. In no wise, then, is it befitting that he should take out any (material for offering) solely for the metres *;' for whenever people cook food for some worthy persons, then the attendants about him, the non-royal king-makers, the heralds and headmer, have their share (of the food) assigned to them after (or along with their master): hence, when he takes out that (oblation to Soma), let him assign the metres a share in it along with (the deity).
9. He takes it out, with the text (Vâg. S. V, 1), Thou art Agni's body,-thee (I take) for Vishnu!' the Gâyatri is Agni: to Gayatri he thus assigns her share.
10. “Thou art Soma's body, — thee for Vishnu !' Soma is the nobility, and the Trishtubh
For the ordinary formula with which material for offering is taken out at an ishti, 'At the impulse of the divine Savitri, I take thee with the arms of the Asvins, with the hands of Pashan, thee well-pleasing to - !' see I, 1, 2, 17.
? According to Taitt. S. VI, 2, 1, the five portions are taken out for the metres Gâyatrî, Trishtubh, Gagati, Anushtubh, and Gâyatrî, with the texts, Thou art Agni's hospitable feast, for Vishnu (I take) thee,' &c.
3 Arhant' seems rather to mean "ruler' here.
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is the nobility: to Trishtubh he thus assigns her share.
11. 'Thou art the guest's hospitable entertainment!,—thee for Vishnu!' This is his (Soma's) special share : as there is a special share for a chief, so is this his special share apart from the metres.
12. 'Thee for the Soma-bearing falcon! thee for Vishnu!' thereby he assigns to Gayatri her share. Because Gayatri, in the form of a falcon, carried off Soma from the sky, therefore she is the Soma-bearing falcon : in virtue of that heroic deed he now assigns to her a second share.
13. 'Thee for Agni, the bestower of prosperity! thee for Vishnu!' Prosperity means cattle, and the Gagati (the moving, living one) means cattle: to Gagati he thereby assigns her share.
14. Now as to his taking five times;—the sacrifice is of equal measure with the year, and five seasons there are in the year : the latter he gains in five (divisions);- for this reason he takes five times. And as to his taking it with 'For Vishnu (I take) thee! for Vishnu thee !' it is because he who takes out (material) for the sacrifice, takes it for Vishnu.
15. It is a sacrificial cake on nine potsherds ;—for the guest-offering is the head of the sacrifice, and the Gayatri consists of nine syllables 2: eight (syllables) are those he recites and the sacred syllable 3, is the ninth; and the Gâyatri is the fore-part of the
Atither atithyam, the guest's guest-meal.' 2 According to Taitt. S. VI, 2, 1, 4, it is because the head has nine seams, 'navadhâ siro vishyutam.'
* The final syllable of the prayers recited in offering is protracted and nasalized, a final 'a' becoming ôm,—this drawing out of the syllable is called 'pranava.'
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sacrifice !, and so is that (cake) the fore-part of the sacrifice: therefore it is a cake on nine potsherds.
16. The enclosing-sticks are of kârshmarya wood (Gmelina Arborea?), for the gods, once upon a time, perceived that one, the kârshmarya, to be the Rakshas-killer among trees. Now, the guest-offering being the head of the sacrifice, the enclosingsticks are of kârshmarya wood, in order that the evil spirits may not injure the head of the sacrifice.
17. The prastara-bunch 3 is of asvavâla-grass (Saccharum Spontaneum). For, once upon a time, the sacrifice escaped from the gods. It became a horse (asva) and sped away from them. The gods, rushing after it, took hold of its tail (vála) and tore it out; and having torn it out, they threw it down in a lump, and what had been the hairs of the horse's tail then grew up as those plants (of asvavâla-grass). Now the guest-offering is the head of the sacrifice, and the tail is the hind-part (of animals): hence by the prastara being of asvavâla-grass he encompasses the sacrifice on both sides.
18. There are two vidhritis of sugar-cane, lest
Because the Gayatri metre is connected with the prâtahsavana or morning pressing. See IV, 2, 5, 20 seq.; Ait. Br. III, 27 seq.
? See I, 3, 3, 19-20, where the approved kinds of wood for the paridhis at an ishti are enumerated.
. For the prastara, or bunch of reed-grass, representing the sacrificer, see 1, 3, 3, 5 seq.; 8, 3, 11 seq. The asvavala (horsetail) grass (generally called kasa) is said to resemble horse-hair, and is used for twine, mats, thatch, &c. Sir H. M. Elliot, Races of the N. W. Prov.,' II, pp. 371, 372, describes it as growing from three to fifteen feet high, and flowering in great profusion after the rains; the base of the flowers being surrounded with a bright silvery fleece, which whitens the neighbouring fields so much as frequently to resemble a fall of snow.
. For the vidhriti or stalks laid across the barhis (sacrificial
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the barhis and the prastara should become mixed up together. Having then purified the ghee 1, he takes all the butter-portions in four ladlings?, for at this (sacrifice) there are no after-offerings.
19. When he has placed the sacrificial dishes (on the altar) 3, he churns the fire. For the guest-offering is the head of the sacrifice; and in churning (the fire) they produce that (sacrifice); and one who is born is born with the head first: hence he thereby makes the sacrifice to be produced with the head first. Further, Agni means all the gods, since offering is made in the fire to all gods; and the guest-offering is the head of the sacrifice : hence, through all the deities, he secures success to the sacrifice from the very head (beginning). This is why he churns the fire 4.
20. He takes the bottom piece of wood, with the text (Vâg. S. V, 2), 'Thou art the birth-place of Agni;' for it is thereon that Agni is produced : hence he says, 'Thou art the birth-place of Agni.'
21. Thereon he lays two sprouts of a kusa stalk (with the tops towards the east), with, “Ye are
grass covering the altar), to keep the prastara separate from the latter when laid upon it, see I, 3, 4, 1o. As no special mention is made of the barhis, the same material has to be used for it as at the model ishti (New and Full-moon sacrifice), viz. Kusa grass (Poa Cynosuroides). 1 See I, 3, 1, 22-23.
? See I, 3, 2, 8-9. 3 See I, 3, 4, 14.
. On the production of the fire by churning,' see part i, p. 294, note 3
• The adhimanthana sakala is a chip of wood used for the lower churning-stick (adharârani), wherein the upper churning-stick is drilled, to rest upon. It is laid down on the altar-grass (barbis) from south to north. According to Sâyana it is a chip obtained in rough-hewing the sacrificial stake.
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males; thereby these two are as two (sons) born together here from a woman.
22. Thereon he lays the lower churning-stick (with the top to the north), with, 'Thou art Urvasi!' He then touches the (ghee in the) gheepan with the upper churning-stick, with, 'Thou art Âyu,' he puts it down (on the lower arani) with, 'Thou art Purûravas.' For Urvast was a nymph, and Pururavas was her husband; and the (child) which sprung from that union was Âyu2: in like manner does he now produce the sacrifice from that union. Thereupon he says (to the Hotri), 'Recite to Agni, as he is churned 3!'
23. He churns, with the texts, 'With the Gayatri metre I churn thee!-With the Trishtubh metre I churn thee!-With the Gagati metre I churn thee!' For it is with the metres that he churns him (Agni, the fire); the metres he recites to him when he is churned, whereby he attaches the metres to the sacrifice, even as the rays (are attached) to yonder sun.-' Recite to the born one!' he says,
91
In this sense 'vrishanau' is taken by Mahîdhara (sektârau, from vrishan), Sâyana, and apparently also by our author. Perhaps it means 'testicles' (vrishana) in the text. See III, 6, 3, 10; and part i, p. 389, note 3.
The myth of Purûravas and Urvasî is given at length XI, 5, 1, 1-17. Compare also Max Müller, Chips, vol. ii, p. 102 seq.; A. Kuhn, Herabkunft des Feuers, p. 78 seq.
The verses which the Hotri has to recite are (a) one to Savitri (the Vivifier, viz. Rig-veda I, 24, 3); (b) to Heaven and Earth (IV, 56, 1); (c) a triplet to Agni (VI, 16, 13-15). If fire has not appeared by this time, he recites the so-called Rakshas-killing verses (X, 118), repeating them until fire has been produced. See Ait. Br. I, 17; Âsv. Sr. II, 16.
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when he (Agni) is produced 1; and To him who is thrown 2! when he throws him (on the old Ahavaniya fire).
24. He throws (the fire on the hearth), with the text (Vâg. S. V, 3), For our sake be ye two (fires) friendly to one another, of one mind, unblemished! Injure not the sacrifice, nor the lord of the sacrifice! be gracious unto us this day, ye knowers of beings!' He thus bespeaks peacefulness between them, that they may not injure each other.
25. He then takes out some clarified butter with the dipping-spoon, and pours it on the fire, with the text (Vâg. S. V, 4), 'Agni resorteth to Agni, he the son of the seers that shieldeth us from curses: graciously offer thou for us now with good offering, never with holding the oblation from the gods, Hail!' For the purpose of offering they have produced him, and by this offering he has now gratified him : that is why he thus makes offering unto him.
26. It (the guest-offering) ends with the Idâ; no after-offerings are performed. For the guest-offering is the head of the sacrifice, and the head is the fore-part: he thus fits him up as the head of the sacrifice. But were he to perform the after-offerings, it would be as if, by reversing, he were to put the feet in the place of the head. Hence it ends with the Idâ, and no after-offerings are performed.
1 The Hotri recites the two verses, Rig-veda I, 74, 3; VI, 16, 40.
9 The verb is 'pra-hri,' which is also the common term for the hurling of the thunderbolt. The six verses, recited by the Hotri, are Rig-veda VI, 16, 41-42; I, 12, 6; VIII, 43, 14; VIII, 73, 8; I, 164, 50.
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THE TÂNÚNAPTRA, OR COVENANT OF
TANÛNAPÂT'
SECOND BRÂHMANA. 1. When the gods had performed the guestoffering, discord befell them. They separated into four different parties, unwilling to yield to each other's excellence,-Agni with the Vasus, Soma with the Rudras, Varuna with the Adityas, and Indra with the Maruts. Brihaspati with the All-gods, say some?, but, indeed, those who separated into four parties were all the gods.' When they were separated, the Asura-Rakshas came after them and entered between them.
2. They became aware of it,- Forsooth, we are in an evil plight, the Asura-Rakshas have come in between us: we shall fall a prey to our enemies. Let us come to an agreement and yield to the excellence of one of us!' They yielded to the excellence of Indra; wherefore it is said, 'Indra is all the deities, the gods have Indra for their chief.'
3. For this reason let not kinsmen fall out, for any (enemy) of theirs, be he ever so far away, steps in between them; they do what pleases their enemies and fall a prey to their enemies: therefore let them not fall out. For he who, knowing this, quarrels not, does what displeases his enemies and
· The Tânûnaptra is a solemn covenant made by the sacrificer and his priests, in the name of Tanûnapât, and while touching sacrificial butter; thereby pledging themselves not to injure each other.
2 Thus Ait. Br. I, 24, where moreover the Rudras are assigned to Indra, (the Vasus to Agni, and the Adityas to Varuna.)
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falls not a prey to his enemies: let him therefore not quarrel.
4. They said, 'Well then, let us contrive so that this (concord) of ours shall be for ever imperishable!
5. The gods laid down together their favourite forms and desirable powers ?, one after another, and said, 'Thereby he shall be away from us, he shall be scattered to the winds, whosoever shall transgress this (covenant) of ours!'- Whose (is it) as witness 3?' — Tanûnapât, the mighty!' - Now the mighty Tanûnapät indeed is yonder blowing (wind), he is the witness of living beings, entering thus as the in-breathing and out-breathing.
6. Wherefore they say, 'The gods know the mind of man.' In his mind he proposes; it passes on to the breath, and the breath to the wind, and the wind tells the gods what the mind of man is.
7. Hence it was in regard to this what was said by the Rishi, 'In his mind he proposeth, and it goeth on to the wind 4; and the wind telleth the gods what thy mind is, O man.'
8. The gods laid down together their favourite forms and desirable powers, and said, 'Thereby he shall be away from us, he shall be scattered to the winds, whosoever shall transgress this (covenant) of ours!' And even now the gods do not transgress that (covenant), for how would they fare, were they
* Literally, cut off together, part by part.' ? Or, attributes, resources,' dhâmâni.'
. Kasya upadrashtur; the Kânva text has, Tasya nah ka upadrashtâ, who (shall be) the witness of this (covenant) of ours?'
• Cp. Atharva-veda XII, 4, 31,'In his mind he proposes and it goes forth to the gods.'
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to transgress it?--they would speak untruth, and verily there is one law which the gods do keep, namely, the truth. It is through this that their conquest, their glory is unassailable: and so, forsooth, is his conquest, his glory unassailable whosoever, knowing this, speaks the truth. Now, the Tânûnaptra is really that same (covenant of the gods).
9. The gods laid down together their favourite forms and desirable powers. Now it is by taking portions of butter that they (the priests) lay down together the desirable forms and favourite powers. Let him, then, not covenant with any one and every one, lest his favourite forms and desirable powers should be mixed up (with those of others). But let him not deceive one with whom he makes a covenant; for thus it is said, 'Let there be no deceiving of him with whom one has made the covenant of Tananapât.'
10. In the first place he takes (butter) therefrom', with the text (Vâg. S. V, 5), 'For him that rushes onward, for him that rushes about, I take thee.' He that blows yonder (the wind) does indeed rush onward and rush about; and it is for him that he takes (the butter): therefore he says, 'for him that rushes onward, for him that rushes about, I take thee.'
11. 'For Tanûna pât, the mighty. The mighty Tanûnapát truly is yonder blowing (wind), and it is for him that he takes (the butter) : therefore he says, ' For Tanûnapât, the mighty.'
1 Viz. the butter in the dhruva spoon, pouring it into the 'vratapradana,' or vessel in which the fast-milk is handed to the sacrificer.
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12. For the powerful, the most strong!' He is indeed powerful and most strong; and for him he takes it: therefore he says, 'For the powerful, the most strong.'
13. They then touch it at the same time. Now the gods were fully agreed on this point, Verily, so and thus shall he of us fare who shall transgress this (covenant) of ours!' And so are these (priests and sacrificer) now agreed on this,-'Verily, so and thus shall he of us fare who shall transgress this (covenant) of ours!'
14. They touch it simultaneously, with the text, 'Thou art the strength of the gods, unassailed and unassailable; for the gods were indeed unassailed and unassailable while being together, and speaking with one accord and holding together. 'The strength of the gods' doubtless means the favourite forms and desirable powers of the gods, 'uncursed, curse-averting, uncursable,' for the gods have overcome every curse; - 'May I straightway go to the truth!' whereby he means to say, 'May I speak the truth, may I not transgress this (covenant);'-'Establish me in welfare!' for in welfare the gods indeed established themselves by speaking the truth, by performing the truth: therefore he says, ' Establish me in welfare!'
15. Now those favourite forms and desirable powers which the gods put together, they then deposited in Indra1;- Indra verily is he that burns yonder (the sun); but he indeed did not burn in the beginning, but as now everything else is dark, so was he then; and it is by that very energy (derived
1 According to Ait. Br. I, 24 the gods deposited their forms in the house of king Varuna.
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from those divine objects) that he burns. Hence, if many persons perform the consecration', let it (the Tânûnaptra butter), after pouring the fast-milk to it, be handed only to the master of the house, since he, among them, is the representative of Indra. And if he perform the consecration by means of an (offering) with a dakshinâ, let them hand it (the butter) to the sacrificer, after pouring the fast-milk to it, for thus it is said, 'The Sacrificer is Indra.'
16. Now what favourite forms and desirable powers the gods then laid together, all that was wrought together and became the Sâman: wherefore they say, 'The Sâman is the truth, the Sâman is born of the gods.'
THE AVÂNTARADIKSHA, OR INTERMEDIARY
CONSECRATION.
THIRD BRAHMANA.
1. When the gods had performed the guestoffering, discord arose between them. They allayed it by means of the Tânûnaptra (oaths). They desired an atonement for having spoken evil to one another; for they had appointed no other consecration-ceremony till the expiatory bath. They perceived this intermediate consecration2.
2. By means of fire they enveloped (the body) with a skin. Now, fire being fervour, and the consecration being fervour, they thereby underwent an intermediate consecration; and because they underwent that
1 That is, in a Sattra or sacrificial session, where all the officiating priests are consecrated and 'sacrificers;' the Yagamâna proper being styled Grihapati (master of the house). See IV, 6, 8, I seq. * The Avântaradîkshâ extends to the
end of the sixth Brahmana.
[26]
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intermediate consecration, therefore this in termediary consecration (avântaradikshâ, is performed). They turned in their fingers more tightly and drew! their zone tighter, whereby they (again) put round them what had been put round them before 2;-and so does he thereby make atonement for what heretofore he has done injurious to the vow, for what he has spoken injurious to the vow.
3. By means of the fire they (the priests) envelop him with a skin. Now, fire being fervour, and the consecration being fervour, he thereby undergoes an intermediate consecration. He turns in his fingers more tightly and draws the zone tighter, whereby he (again) puts round himself what was put round him before. Moreover, it was offspring the gods thereby
obtained.
4. By means of Agni (fire) they enveloped (the body) with a skin. Now, Agni being the causer of sexual union, the progenitor, they thereby obtained offspring. They turned in their fingers more tightly and drew their zone tighter, whereby they produced offspring for themselves. And in like manner does he (the sacrificer) thereby obtain offspring.
5. By means of Agni he envelops himself with a skin. Now, Agni being the causer of sexual union, the progenitor, he thereby : obtains offspring. He turns in his fingers more tightly and draws his zone tighter, whereby he produces offspring for himself.
6. Now, while the gods were consecrated, whichever of them fetched fire-wood or uttered his appointed texts, him the Asura-Rakshas endeavoured to
1 Our text has no verb; the Kânva recension reads "auhanta.' 2 Viz. the diksha, as symbolised by the zone (or the skin). : Viz. through Agni, or the Avântaradîksha.
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strike the one by (assuming) the form of this one, and the other by that of another. They came together, upbraiding one another, saying, 'See, what thou hast done to me! see, how thou hast struck me!' But Agni alone did not speak thus to any one, nor did any one speak thus to Agni.
7. They said, 'Have they spoken thus to thee also, Agni?' He said, 'Verily, I have not spoken to any one, nor has any one spoken to me.'
8. They became aware,-' He verily is the greatest repeller of the Rakshas among us; let us be like him: thereby we shall escape from the Rakshas, thereby we shall attain to the heavenly world.' They accordingly became like Agni, and thereby escaped from the Rakshas and attained to the heavenly world. And in like manner does this one now become like Agni, and thereby escape from the Rakshas and attain to the heavenly world. It is in putting a kindling-stick on (the Åhavantya fire1) that he enters upon the
Avântaradikshâ.
9. He puts on the kindling-stick, with the text (Vâg. S. V, 6), 'O Agni, protector of vows; on thee, O protector of vows-' for Agni is lord of vows to the gods; wherefore he says, 'O Agni, protector of vows, on thee, O protector of vows'what bodily form2 there is of thine, (may that be) here on me; and what bodily form there is of mine, (may that be) on thee! May my vows be bound up with thine, O lord of vows!' whereby he envelops himself with the skin by means of Agni. 'May the lord of consecration approve my
1 The sacrificer's wife performs silently on and near the Gârhapatya fire the same ceremonies as her husband.
Tanu, see p. 10, note 4.
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consecration, and the lord of penance my penance! Thereby he enters upon the intermediary consecration. More closely he turns in his fingers, and closer he draws the zone; whereby he (again) puts round himself what was put round him before.
10. They then attend on him with the boiling lustral water (madantt);- fire is heat, and the lustral water is heat: that is why they attend on him with the lustral water.
11. Having touched the lustral water, they (the priests and sacrificer) therewith strengthen the king (Soma). The reason why, after touching the lustral water, they strengthen the king is this ;-ghee is a thunderbolt, and Soma is seed: hence they strengthen the king after touching the lustral water, lest they should injure the seed, Soma, by the thunderbolt, the ghee.
12. Here now they say, Him, Soma, for whom that strengthening (meal), the guest-offering, is prepared, they ought first to strengthen, and then (ought to be performed) the Avântaradikshâ, and thereupon the Tanûnaptra.' But let him not do this. For such indeed was the course of the sacrificial performance : discord arose between them (the gods) thereat; they attained to their former tranquillity; then the Avantaradiksha and finally the strengthening.
13. Then as to why they strengthen (Soma). Soma is a god, since Soma (the moon) is in the sky. 'Soma, forsooth, was Vritra ; his body is the same as the mountains and rocks: thereon grows that plant called Usânâ,'—so said Svetaketu Auddalaki;
* On the apyâyana' (a-øyai, 'to swell, make swell,' to strengthen, become strong, increase, fill), see part i, p. 178, note 2. According to Âpastamba and other authorities, they tie a piece of gold to their pameless (gold) finger, and touch the Soma with their moist hands.
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they fetch it hither and press it; and by means of the consecration and the Upasads, by the Tänanaptra and the strengthening they make it into Soma.' And in like manner does he now make it into Soma by means of the consecration and the Upasads, by the Tändnaptra and the strengthening.
14. 'It is bees' honey,' they say; for bees' honey means the sacrifice, and the bees that make the honey are no other than the officiating priests; and in like manner as the working-bees make the honey increase, so do they (the priests) thereby strengthen the sacrifice.
15. By means of the sacrifice the gods gained that supreme authority which they now wield. They spake, 'How can this world) of ours be made unattainable to men ?' Having sipped the sap of the sacrifice, as bees would suck out honey, and having drained the sacrifice and scattered it by means of the sacrificial post, they disappeared ; and because they scattered (yopaya) therewith, therefore it is called yūpa (post).
16. Now this was heard by the Rishis. They collected the sacrifice; and as that sacrifice was collected, so does he collect the sacrifice who is consecrated. The sacrifice is speech : hence he thereby again supplies what part of the sacrifice here has been sucked out and drained.
17. They strengthen (the Soma), being six ?;there are six seasons : having become the seasons, they strengthen it
18. They strengthen him with (Våg. S. V; 7), · Viz. the five priests — Brahman, Udgâtri, Hotri, Adhvaryu, and Agnidhra-and the sacrificer.
* That is, as the seasons make the Soma-plant grow.
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'Let stalk after stalk of thine wax strong, divine Soma!' whereby they strengthen (increase) stalk after stalk of his ;-'for Indra, the winner of the ekadhanas1;' Indra indeed is the deity of the sacrifice therefore he says, 'For Indra, the winner (or bestower) of the ekadhanas.' For verily every one of those stalks swells to fill a hundred or ten2 ekadhana cups for the several gods. 'May Indra wax strong for thee, and wax thou strong for Indra!' for Indra is the deity of the sacrifice: he thus strengthens him who is the deity of the sacrifice. By saying, 'Wax thou strong for Indra,' he instils that invigorating draught into him. 'Strengthen us friends with gain and understanding!' 'With gain' he says with reference to what he gains; and 'with understanding' he says with reference to what he recites. 'Mayest thou thrive, O divine Soma, and may I attain to the Soma-feast!' They, the priests and sacrificer, have one prayer in common, 'May we reach the end of the sacrifice!' hence he thereby means to say,' May I reach the end of the sacrifice!'
102
19. Thereupon they make amends on the prastara. For the sacrifice requires a northward attend
1 Ekadhana-vid; the meaning of 'ekadhana' (apparently 'one prize' or 'one part of the booty or goods') in this compound is not clear. The author of the Brahmana seems to take it in its technical sense, viz. the ekadhana pitchers in which the ekadhanâ water, used for mixing with the Soma juice, is kept, see III, 9, 3; 16; 27; 34. According to Haug, Transl. Ait. Br. p. 114 notes, they are so called because the Adhvaryu throws one stalk of Soma (eka-dhana) into each pitcher to consecrate it.
This anticlimax is rather curious. The Kânva text reads: dasa dasa vâ ha smaisha ekaiko 'msur devân pratîndrâyaikadhanân âpyâyayanti (1) satam satam vâ tasmâd âhaikadhanavida iti.
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ance; but now they strengthen (Soma) after going, as it were, towards the right (south) ; and, the sacrifice being the fire, they thereby turn their back on the sacrifice and thus do wrong and are cut off from the gods. Now the prastara also is (part of the sacrifice, and by (touching) it they again get hold of the sacrifice. And this is his expiation of that (transgression); and so no wrong is committed by them and they are not cut off from the gods : for this reason they make amends on the prastara.
20. Here now they say, 'On the anointed ?-let them rather make amends on the unanointed ?!' They should indeed make amends on the unanointed (prastara), since anointed it is thrown into the fire.
21. They make amends 3 with, 'Desirable treasures (may come) forth for strength and wellbeing—the right for the right-saying'—whereby
1 Soma's throne stands south of the Ahavanîya fire, and in going to perform the apyayanam upon him, the priests and sacrificer have to move round the fire, along the east side of it towards the south (the region of the Fathers).
This seems to be Sâyana's interpretation of the passage akte nihnuvîrîn anaktãi.' The two words, with their final syllable protracted, being intended to strongly contradict the preceding 'akte.' It is hardly possible to take the latter absolutely, it being anointed (when thrown into the fire), let them make amends on it while unanointed.' On the throwing of the prastara into the fire, see I, 8, 3, 17. The prastara referred to is that of the guest-offering (âtithyeshti), which was broken off after the Idà ceremony (see III, 4, 1, 26) and has to be completed after the present ceremony. Neither the prastara nor the barhis is burnt on this occasion.
* In performing this propitiatory rite, the priests and sacrificer lay their hands on the prastara, either both of them with the palms upwards, or only the right one, and the left in the opposite way. Kâty. VIII, 2, 9. The latter mode is the one practised by the Taittiriyas. Sây. on Tait. S. 1, 2, II.
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he means to say, 'the truth for the truth-speaking ;'
Homage be to Heaven and to the Earth!' whereby they make amends to these two, heaven and earth, on whom this All is founded.
22. Having then picked up the prastara, he says, 'Agnidh, does the water boil ? '-'It boils,' replies the Agnidh? Come hither with it!' He holds (the prastara) quite close over the fire. The reason why he does not throw it into the fire is that he (the sacrificer) is to perform therewitha during the days that follow; and in that he holds it quite close over the fire, thereby it is for him as if it were really thrown into the fire. He hands it to the Agnidh, and the Agnidh puts it aside (in a safe place).
THE UPASADS, OR HOMAGES.
Fourth BRÂHMANA. 1. Verily the Upasads (homages or sieges) are the neck of the sacrifice, and the Pravargya is its head. Hence when it is performed with the Pravargyas,
1 According to the Kanva text, this conversation takes the place of the colloquy (samudita) held by the Adhvaryu and the Âgnîdhra, after the prastara has been thrown into the fire at the normal ishti; see I, 8, 3, 20.
? Or, 'in the shape of it (tena),' the prastara representing the sacrificer himself. This sentence seems also to imply, that the sacrificer thereby continues to live during the days that follow.
: The Pravargya, an offering of heated milk, which precedes each performance of the Upasads, except at the first performance of the Soma-sacrifice, when it is prohibited by many authorities, seems originally to have been an independent ceremony, and as such it is treated by most ritualistic books apart from the exposition of the Soma-cult. The Satapatha-brâhmana deals with it in XIV, 1-3 (Våg. S. XXXIX). Its mystic significance appears to have been that of supplying the sacrificer with a new celestial body. There seems to have been a tendency towards exalting its
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they perform the Upasadsafter performing the Pravargya, and thereby they put the neck in its place.
2. The anuvâkyâs invitatory prayers) in the forenoon are the yâgyâs (offering prayers) in the afternoon; and the yâgyâs are the anuvâkyâs?. He thus interlinks them, whence those joints and those bones of the neck are interlinked.
3. Now the gods and the Asuras, both of them sprung from Pragâpati, were contending against each other & The Asuras then built themselves castles in these worlds,-an iron one in this world, a silver one in the air, and a golden one in the sky.
4. The gods then prevailed. They besieged them by these sieges (upasad); and because they besieged (upa-sad) them, therefore the name Upasads.
importance- if not, indeed, towards making it take the place of the Soma-cult. The hot milk (gharma) is even styled Samrag' or supreme king--as against the title 'râgan' or king, assigned to Soma; and a throne is provided for it, just as for the latter. The rules for its performance, according to the Âpastamba Srauta-sútra, have been published, with a translation, by Professor Garbe (Zeitsch. der D. M. G. XXXIV, p. 319 seq.). See also Haug's Transl. of the Ait. Br. pp. 41-43; Weber, Ind. Stud. IX.pp. 218-220.
1 The Upasadah, consisting of three offerings of ghee to Agni, Soma, and Vishnu, followed by a Homa, have to be performed twice daily, for at least three days (the normal number at the Agnishtoma). The first day's performance is called (from the corresponding Hom) the 'ayahsaya' (lying in iron, made of iron), the second day's 'ragahsaya' (silvern), and the third day's 'hari saya'(golden). If there are six, or twelve Upasad days, each of the three varieties of performance has assigned to it an equal number of successive days; and if there are more than twelve the three varieties are to be performed alternately.
For the anuvâkyâs and yâgyås, as well as the kindling-verses (sâmidhenîs) to be recited at the Upasads, see Ait. Br. I, 26; Åsv. IV, 8.
For other versions of this myth, see Ait. Br. I, 23; Taitt, S. VI, 2, 3.
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They clove the castles and conquered these worlds. Hence they say, 'A castle is conquered by siege;' for it is indeed by beleaguering that one of these human castles is taken.
5. By means of these sieges, then, the gods clove the castles and conquered these worlds. And so does this one (the sacrificer) now,—no one, it is true, builds for himself castles against him in this world; he cleaves these same worlds, he conquers these worlds: therefore he offers with the Upasads.
6. They have clarified butter for their offering material. For ghee is a thunderbolt, and by that thunderbolt, the ghee, the gods clove the strongholds and conquered these worlds. And so does he cleave these worlds by that thunderbolt, the ghee, and conquer these worlds; therefore they (the Upasads) have ghee for their offering material.
7. He takes eight times (ghee) in the guhů, and four times in the upabhrit; or conversely, they say, he is to take of it only four times in the guhů and eight times in the upabhrit?
8. He takes eight times in the guhd, and four times in the upabhrit. He thereby makes the thunderbolt heavy in front, and with that thunderbolt heavy in front he cleaves these worlds, and conquers these worlds.
9. Agni and Soma verily are yoke-fellows among the gods: for these two he takes (ghee) in common? For Vishnu (he takes) singly. He makes only the one libation (âghâra) which (he makes) with the dipping-spoon (sruva)? For when he has made
* This would be the regular mode of ladling. See 1, 3, 2, 8 seq. . See p. 108, note 1. • For the two âghara, or libations of ghee, made with the
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the northern (higher) libation he retires': 'May I conquer for conquest' so he thinks, and therefore he makes only the one libation, that with the dipping-spoon.
10. When he has called (on the Agnidhra) for the Sraushat, he does not elect the Hotri2. 'Seat thee, O Hotri!' he says. The Hotri sits down on the Hotri's seat. Having sat down he urges the Adhvaryu; and he, thus urged, takes the two offering-spoons3.
11. While passing over (to the south side of the fire and altar) he says (to the Hotri), ' Recite the invitatory prayer to Agni!' and having called for the Sraushat, he says, ' Pronounce the offering prayer to Agni!' and pours out the oblation when the Vashat is uttered.
12. Thereupon he says, 'Recite the invitatory prayer to Soma!' and having called for the Sraushat, he says, 'Pronounce the offering prayer to Soma!' and pours out the oblation when the Vashat is uttered.
13. Thereupon, while pouring the ghee which is in the upabhrit, together (with what is left in the guhů), he says, 'Recite the invitatory prayer to Vishnu!' and, having called for the Sraushat, he says, 'Pronounce the offering prayer to Vishnu !'
sruva north of the fire and guhû south of the fire respectively, see I, 4, 4, I seq. At the Upasad-ish/i neither fore-offerings (prayâga) nor after-offerings (anuyâga) are performed.
1 Viz. to the offering place on the south side of the fire. The covert meaning is that, were he to make the second libation, he would have to recede from the higher (uttara, northern) position already gained.
2 See I, 5, I, I seq.
See I, 5, 2, I seq.
4 See I, 7, 2, I seq.
Of the ghee in the guhû (obtained from eight ladlings with the
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and pours out the oblation when the Vashat is uttered.
14. The reason why in offering he remains standing in one and the same place, and does not move about as he is wont to do here in performing, isthat he thinks I will conquer for conquest1!' And the reason why he offers to those deities is that he thereby constructs the thunderbolt: Agni (he makes) the point (anika), Soma the barb (salya), and Vishnu the connecting piece (kulmala)".
15. For the thunderbolt is the year: the day is Agni, the night Soma, and what is between the two, that is Vishnu. Thus he makes the revolving year.
16. The thunderbolt is the year: by that year, as a thunderbolt, the gods clove the strongholds and conquered these worlds. And so does he now by that year, as a thunderbolt, cleave these worlds, and conquer these worlds. This is why he offers to those gods.
17. Let him undertake three Upasads; for, there being three seasons in the year, it is thereby made of the form of the year: he thus makes up the year. He performs twice each.
sruva) he first offers one half each to Agni and Soma. Thereupon he pours the ghee from the upabhrit (obtained from four ladlings with the sruva) into the guhû and offers it to Vishnu.
1 'It is for conquest that he does not move about as he (does when he) performs here in any other sacrifice.' Kâzva recension.
?? The socket; compare Ait. Br. I, 25, 'The gods constructed that arrow, the Upasads: Agni was its point (? anîka, shaft, Haug), Soma its barb (salya, steel, H.), Vishnu its shaft (teganam, point, H.), and Varuna its feathers (parna). For the arrow consists of three parts, anîka, salya, and tegana .... For the arrow consists of two parts, salya and tegana.' Here salya would seem to be the barbed head-piece (with the point, anîka), and tegana the shaft or reed of the arrow.
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18. These amount to six; for, there being six seasons in the year, it is thereby made of the form of the year: he thus makes up the year.
19. And should he undertake twelve Upasads, there being twelve months in the year, it is thereby made of the form of the year: he thus makes up the year. He performs twice each.
20. These amount to twenty-four ;—there being twenty-four half-moons in the year, it is thereby made of the form of the year: he thus makes up the year.
21. As to his performing in the evening and in the morning, -it is because only thus completeness is obtained. When he performs in the forenoon, then he gains the victory ;-and when he performs in the afternoon, he does so that it may be a good (complete) victory ;-and when he offers the Homa, it is as if) people fight here for a stronghold, and having conquered it, they enter it as their own.
22. When he performs (the upasads), he fights ; and when the performance) is completed, he conquers; and when he offers the Homa', he enters that (stronghold) now his own.
23. He offers it (with the verse) with which he
* On the completion of each performance of the Upasad offerings, after the anointing of the prastara (see 1, 8, 3, 11-14) and previously to taking up the enclosing-sticks (ib. 22), a homa (or guhoti) offering (parti, p. 263, note 2), called Upasad-homa, has to be performed with the dipping-spoon; the sacrificer holding on to Adhvaryu from behind, while the ghee is poured into the fire. Its performance over, the Upasads are brought to an end by a repetition of the ceremony with the prastara (which is not burnt) described above, III, 4, 3, 22, and the minor concluding ceremonies (I, 8, 3, 23 seq.; 9, 2, 19 seq.); whereupon the Subrahmanyâ litany (III, 3, 4, 17) is recited.
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will have to perform twice in one day! (Vâg. S. V,8), What most excellent iron-clad body is thine, O Agni, established in the deep, it hath chased away the cruel word, it hath chased away the fearful word; Hail!' for such-like it was, it was indeed iron.
24. Again he offers (with the verse) with which he will have to perform twice in one day, 'What most excellent silver-clad body is thine, O Agni, established in the deep, it hath chased away the cruel word, it hath chased away the fearful word; Hail!' for such-like it was, it was indeed silver.
25. And again he offers (with the verse) with which he will have to perform twice in one day, What most excellent gold-clad body is thine, O Agni, established in the deep, it hath chased away the cruel word, it hath chased away the fearful word; Haill' for such-like it was, it was indeed golden. If he undertakes twelve Upasads, let him perform each of them for four days.
26. Now then of the fast-homages. Some Upasads get wider and wider, others narrower and narrower : those at which he milks out one (teat)a on the first day, then two, and then three, are those that get wider and wider; and those at which he
" While the Hotri, as we saw (parag. 2, above), uses the same two verses twice in one day, viz. one for the anuvâkyâ in the morning and for the yâgyâ in the afternoon; and the other for the yagyâ in the morning and for the anuvâkyâ in the evening,—the Adhvaryu is to use the three formulas here mentioned on the three Upasad days respectively, both at the morning and afternoon performances.
3 Viz. of the vratadugha, or cow supplying his fast-milk. The milk so obtained is to be his only food during the Upasad days.
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milks out three on the first day, then two, and then one, are those that get narrower and narrower. Those getting narrower and narrower are (as good as) those getting wider and wider; and those getting wider and wider are (as good as) those getting narrower and narrower.
27. Verily, the world is conquered by austere devotion. Now, his devotion becomes ever and ever wider, he conquers an ever and ever more glorious world and becomes better even in this world, whosoever, knowing this, undertakes the Upasads that get narrower and narrower!: let him, therefore, undertake the Upasads that get narrower and narrower. And should he undertake twelve Upasads, let him have three (teats) milked out for four days, two for four days, and one for four days. .
PREPARATION OF THE SOMA ALTAR WITH
THE HIGH ALTAR'. FIFTH ADHYÂYA. First BRÂHMANA. 1. From that post which is the largest on the east side (of the hall): he now strides three steps forwards (to the east), and there drives in a peg, - this is the intermediate (peg).
1 The simile is apparently taken from the arrow, which pierces the deeper the more pointed it is; cf. parag. 14, above; Ait. Br. I, 25. Also Taitt. S. VI, 2, 3, 5, where a goad (ara?) is compared.
• The preparation of the special altars—viz. the large Soma altar (mahâ-vedi, or saumiki-vedi) and the high altar' (uttara-vedi) on the former-takes place on the last but one Upasad day, after the morning performance of the Upasads.
This post stands in the middle of the east door of the hall or Prâkîna-vamsa, just in front of the Ahavaniya-fire. See p. 3, note 2.
• Antahpata, lit. 'falling within or between,' because it stands
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2. From that middle peg he strides fifteen steps to the right, and there drives in a peg,--this is the right hip.
3. From that middle peg he strides fifteen steps northwards, and there drives in a peg,—this is the left hip.
4. From that middle peg he strides thirty-six steps eastwards, and there drives in a peg,—this is the fore-part'.
5. From that middle peg (in front) he strides twelve steps to the right, and there drives in a peg,this is the right shoulder.
6. From that middle peg he strides twelve steps to the north, and there drives in a peg,—this is the left shoulder. This is the measure of the altar.
7. Now the reason why it is thirty steps broad behind is this: the Virág metre consists of thirty syllables, and by means of the Virag the gods obtained a firm footing in this world; and even so does he now, by means of the Virág, obtain a firm footing in this world.
8. But there may also be thirty-three (steps); for of thirty-three syllables also consists the Virág; and by means of the Virág he obtains a firm footing in this world.
9. Then as to why the 'easterly lines' is thirty-six steps long ;-the Brihatt consists of thirty-six syllables, and by means of the Brihati the gods obtained between the (new) altar and the Prakina-vamsa fires and altar. See III, 5, 2, 2.
1 That is, the middle of the front side of the altar, or, as it were, its head, where the high altar' is to be raised.
? The 'prakt' is the line drawn from the middle of the west side to that of the front side of the altar, forming as it were the spine (prishthya) of the altar.
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the heavenly world: and so does he now, by means of the Brihati, obtain the heavenly world and that offering-fire (Åhavaniya) of his is in the sky.
10. And as to (the altar) being twenty-four steps broad in front;—the Gayatri consists of twenty-four syllables, and the Gayatri is the fore-part of the sacrifice: this is why it is twenty-four steps broad in front. This is the measure of the altar.
11. And why it is broader behind, — Wider behind, broad-hipped,' thus they praise a woman. And by its being wider behind, he makes that womb at the hind-part (of the altar) wider, and from that wider womb these creatures are born.
12. That high altar (Uttaravedi ) is the nose of the sacrifice; because they throw it up so as to be higher than the altar, therefore it is called 'high altar.'
13. Now, in the beginning there were two kinds of beings here, the Adityas and the Angiras. The Angiras then were the first to prepare a sacrifice, and having prepared the sacrifice they said to Agni, · Announce thou to the Adityas this our to-morrow's Soma-feast, saying, “Minister ye at this sacrifice of ours !" !
14. The Adityas spake (to one another), Contrive ye how the Angiras shall minister unto us, and not we unto the Angiras !
15. They said, 'Verily by nothing but sacrifice is there a way out of this? : let us undertake another
1 On the uttara-vedi (lit..higher, upper altar ), now about to be raised on the fore-part of the great altar (maha-vedi or saumiki vedi) described in the preceding paragraphs, see also part i, p. 392 note. * The Kånva MS. reads, napakramanam astv iti, which, if correct,
[26]
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Soma-feast!' They brought together the (materials for) sacrifice, and having made ready the sacrifice, they said, Agni, thou hast announced to us a Somafeast for to-morrow; but we announce to thee and the Angiras a Soma-feast even for to-day: it is for us that thou art (to officiate as) Hotri?!'
16. They sent back some other (messenger) to the Angiras; but the Angiras going after Agni, were exceeding angry with him, saying, 'Going as our messenger, why didst thou not mind us ? ?'
17. He spake, “The blameless chose me: as the chosen of the blameless, I could not go away.' And let not therefore the chosen (priest) of a blameless man turn away from him. The Angiras then officiated for the Adityas in the sacrifice with Soma bought (krt) on the same day (sadyas); whence this Sadyah kris
18. They brought Vak (speech) to them for their sacrificial fee. They accepted her not, saying, 'We shall be losers if we accept her.' And so the performance of that sacrifice was not discharged (completed), as it was one requiring a sacrificial fee.
19. Thereupon they brought Sarya (the sun) to them, and they accepted him. Wherefore the Angiras say, “Verily, we are fit for the sacrificial office, we are worthy to receive Dakshinas; yea, even he that burns yonder has been received by us ? !' would mean, 'Let there be no going away!' i.e. Let us not go (to the Angiras) l' or perhaps, 'Do not thou (Agni) go away!' 1 Tesham nas tvam hotâsiti, perhaps thou wilt sacrifice for us.' 9 Sent by us, why didst thou not return?' Kanva rec.
9 An ekâha (one day's) performance of the Soma-sacrifice at which the consecrations, buying and pressing of Soma, are compressed into one day.
• Api vâ asmábhir esha pratigrihitah, 'Ist doch jener von uns empfangen worden.'
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Hence a white horse is the sacrificial fee for the Sadyahkri.
20. On the front of this (horse) there is a golden ornament, whereby it is made an image of him that burns yonder.
21. Now Vâk was angry with them: 'In what respect, forsooth, is that one better than 1,-wherefore is it, that they should have accepted him and not me??' So saying she went away from them. Having become a lioness she went on seizing upon (everything 2) between those two contending parties, the gods and the Asuras. The gods called her to them, and so did the Asuras. Agni was the messenger of the gods, and one Saharakshas for the Asura-Rakshas.
22. Being willing to go over to the gods, she said, What would be mine, if I were to come over to you?'- The offering shall reach thee even before (it reaches) Agni. She then said to the gods, Whatsoever blessing ye will invoke through me, all that shall be accomplished unto you!' So she went over to the gods.
23. And, accordingly, when he pours ghee on the high altar, while the fire is held (over it)—since the gods said to her on that occasion, 'The offering shall reach thee even before Agni'--then that offering does reach her even before (it reaches) Agni; for this (high altar) is in reality Vâk. And when he raises
1 The Kânva text reads, Na mad esha kena kana sreyân iti na bandhunâ na kena kana katham etam pragrihniyur na mâm iti; "That one is not my superior by anything, not by kinship, not by anything, why should they accept him and not me?'
. Adadana kakara=gighatsaya samipastham sarvam svíkurvati, Sây. • See III, 5, 2, 9-11.
I 2
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the high altar, it is for the completeness of the sacrifice, for the sacrifice is Vâk (speech) and that (high altar) is Vak.
24. He measures it with the yoke and pin ;namely with the yoke (that place) whither they take (the earth); and with a yoke-pin that, from whence they take (the earth), for the team is harnessed with the yoke and the pin : it is because she (Vâk), as a lioness, at that time roamed about unappeased that he thus yokes her here at the sacrifice.
25. One must not therefore accept a Dakshina (sacrificial fee) that has been refused (by another priesta), for, having turned into a lioness, it destroys him ;-nor must he (the sacrificer) take it home again, for, having turned into a lioness, it destroys him ;-nor must he give it to any one else, as he would thereby make over the sacrifice to some one other than himself. Hence if he have any wretched kinsman, let him give it to him; for in that he gives it away, it will not turn into a lioness and destroy him; and in that he gives it to a kinsman, he does not make over the sacrifice) to one other than himself: and this is the settling of a refused Dakshina.
26. He now takes the yoke-pin and the wooden sword; and from where the northern peg of the front side is, he strides three steps backwards and there marks off the pit (katvala). The measure for the pit is the same (as for the high altar) ; there
That is to say, the pit (kâtvåla) whence the earth for the high altar is taken is measured with the yoke-pin, and the high altar with the yoke. Sâyana seems to take it differently: Yatra yasmin dese yugena haranti yato yasmât tatra samyayâpi haranti.
? Or perhaps, one must not take back a Dakshinâ, refused by a priest. * The earth taken from the pit being used for constructing the
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is no (other) measure in regard to it: wherever he himself may think fit in his mind (to fix it), in front of the heap of rubbish (utkara), there let him mark off the pit.
27. From the (north) edge of the altar he lays down the pin from south to north, and draws the (western) outline, with the text (Våg. S. V, 9), 'Thou art for me the resort of the afflicted!' Thereby he means this (earth), for it is thereon that he walks afflicted.
28. Thereupon he lays down the pin in front from south to north, and draws the outline with, 'Thou art my wealth-resort.' Thereby he means this (earth), for it is thereon that he walks having acquired (wealth).
29. He then lays down the pin along the (north) edge of the altar from west to east, and draws the outline with, ‘Preserve me from being in want'!' Thereby he means this (earth): “Wherever there is want, from that preserve me!
30. He then lays down the pin on the north side from west to east, and draws the outline with, Preserve me from being afflicted?!' Thereby he
high altar, both are of the same size or cubic content. The pit is to measure thirty-two angulas (about two feet) on each side. As to the exact distance of the pit from the north-east peg, this is to be left to the discretion of the Adhvaryu, provided it be in front of the utkara, or heap of rubbish formed in making the large altar (on which the high altar is raised), and a passage be left between the utkara and the pit. The latter is contiguous to the north edge of the large altar. As described in the succeeding paragraphs, the west side is marked off first (by drawing the wooden sword along the inner side of the yoke-pin), then successively the front, the south, and the north sides.
1 For 'nâthitât' and 'vyathitât,' the Kânva text, as the Taitt. S. VI, 2, 7, 2, has the readings näthitam' and 'vyathitam.'
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means this (earth) : 'wherever there is affliction, from that preserve me!'
31. He then fings (the wooden sword)?; at the place where he flings?, the Agnidh sits. He Alings while mentioning the names of the Agniss. For those (three) Agnis whom the gods at first chose for the office of Hotri passed away: they crept into these very earths,-namely, into this one and the two beyond it. It is really with this one that he now flings.
32. He Alings with the texts, "May the Agni called Nabhaso know (thee)! Go thou, O Agni, Angiras, with the name of Ayu (life)! What life they passed away from that he bestows, that he re-animates. Having with, 'Thou who art in this earth,' taken (the loose soil dug up by the wooden sword), he puts it down (on the altar), with, 'Whatever inviolate, holy name of thine,
Compare the Stambayagur-haranam (which has also to be performed on the present occasion, in preparing the large altar), I, 2, 4, 8 seq.
* That is, at the place where the uttaravedi is to be raised, whence the Adhvaryu throws the sphya to where the pit is to be dug. While he throws (or thrusts in the wooden sword, the sacrificer has to take hold of him from behind.
* See I, 2, 3, 1. • I. e. with the Agni who entered into this earth.
* Apparently 'vapour, welkin.' The Kânva rec. reads, Mayest thou know Agni's name Nabhas' (Vider Agner, &c.). The Taitt, S., on the other hand, reads "vider Agnir nabho nâma,' which Sâyana explains by 'the Agni of the vedi (1) is Nabhas by name.'
• Yat prâdhanvams tad âyur dadhâti. Perhaps we ought to read with the Kânva text, Yat pradhanvat tad asminn âyur dadhâti tad enam samîrayati, 'the life which passed away (), that he bestows on him, therewith he re-animates him.'
? He throws it on the fore-part of the altar, close to the peg marking the middle of the front side, where the 'high altar' is to be raised on it.
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therewith I lay thee down!' whereby he means to say, 'whatever holy name, unviolated by the Rakshas, is thine, thereby I lay thee down?.'—With 'Thee, moreover, for the delight of the gods,' he takes (earth) a fourth time? ; whereby he means to say, 'I take thee well-pleasing to the gods.' He takes that (high altar) from a quadrangular pit, for there are four quarters : thus he takes it from all the four quarters.
33. Thereupon he shifts (the earth) asunder, with the text (Våg. S. V, 10), Thou art a lioness, overcoming the enemies; be thou meet for the gods! Inasmuch as, on that occasion, she became a lioness and roamed about unappeased, therefore he says to her, 'Thou art a lioness;' and by overcoming the enemies' he means to say, 'Through thee may we worst our enemies.' 'Be thou meet for the gods' he says, because the high altar is a woman : her he thus renders meet for the gods.
34. He makes it on each side either of the size of the yoke, or ten feet of the sacrificer's 8 ; for the
1 He repeats the same ceremony a second and a third time with the same texts, except that, instead of 'Thou who art in this earth,' he says, 'Thou who art in the second (third) earth.'
He takes with the spade as much as is required to make the high altar of the proper size.
This statement seems to have greatly puzzled the later ritualists, as Kâty. V, 3, 32-35 and the comments thereon show. In rule 32 it is laid down, in accordance with paragraph 26 above, that the Adhvaryu is to make the high altar of the size of the yoke-pin and the pit, i.e. about two feet square. The next rule then leaves an option between four other measurements, viz. he may make it either one third of the area of the large altar, or of unlimited size, or of the size of the yoke (86 angulas=c. 5-6 feet) or of ten of the sacrificer's feet. This latter measurement is explained rather ingeniously by Harisvâmin, as meaning that the high altar is to form
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Virág consists of ten syllables, and the Virág is speech, and the sacrifice is speech. In the middle' he makes, as it were, a navel, thinking, Seated in one and the same place, I shall sprinkle (ghee) all round.'
35. He sprinkles it with water : inasmuch as, on that occasion, she became a lioness and roamed about unappeased - water being (a means of) appeasement-he appeases her with water. And, the high altar being a woman, he thereby fits her for the gods: this is why he sprinkles it with water.
36. He sprinkles it with, Thou art a lioness, overcoming the enemies: get thee pure for the gods!' He then bestrews it with gravel. Now gravel certainly is an ornament, because gravel is rather shining. And that gravel being the ashes of Agni Vaisvânara, he is now about to place Agni thereon, and so Agni does not injure it: this is why he bestrews it with gravel. He bestrews it with, 'Thou art a lioness, overcoming the enemies: array thee for the gods!' He then covers it, and thus covered it remains during that night.
an oblong of three feet by one foot, when, in counting the number of sides of the three squares thus obtained, we obtain ten sides of one foot each. However, the repetition of dasa' in our textwhich can only mean'ten feet on each side'-does not favour this explanation. The last two alternatives, according to rules 34-35, only apply to the Soma-sacrifice, because otherwise the altar (as in the case of the northern altar' at the Kâturmâsya, cf. part i, p. 392) would not be large enough to contain a 'high altar' of that size.
1 The Kanva text wants it to be made at the back (gaghanena).
. When he makes the libation of ghee on the high altar (III, 5, 2,9-11), he pours it on the four corners of the 'navel'and thereby, as it were, on the whole high altar.'
· Viz. with branches of udumbara or plaksha (see III, 8, 3, 10), or with darbha grass.
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THE AGNI-PRANAYANA, OR LEADING FORWARD OF THE FIRE TO THE HIGH ALTAR.
SECOND BRÂHMANA. 1. They put fire-wood on (the Åhavaniya fire), and prepare the underlayer (of gravel 2). He (the Adhvaryu) puts the butter on (the Gårhapatya to melt), and cleans both the dipping-spoon and the offering-spoon. Having then clarified the ghee, he ladles five times thereof (into the offering-spoon). When the fire-wood is ablaze
2. They lift the (burning) fire-wood, and place it on the underlayers. Thereupon he says (to the Hotri), Recite for Agni as he is taken forward'!' (and to the Pratiprasthầtri), 'Come up after me with the single sword(-line)!' The Pratiprasthâtri goes up after him with the single sword(-line) as far
* The transferring of the Ahavaniya fire to the high altar takes place in the forenoon of the last Upasad day (that is, on the day preceding the pressing day, and called upavasatha, or preparation day). It is preceded by the double or combined performance of the Upasad offerings (one of which took place in the afternoon on the two preceding days).
• Some gravel is put in a pan for the burning wood to lie upon, when it is to be transferred from the Ahavaniya to the new altar. The Taittirîyas mix with the gravel one-fourth part of the dust of the foot-print of the Soma-cow (III, 3, 1, 6), the other three parts being used respectively for anointing the axle of the Soma-cart (III, 5, 3, 13), for the underlayer of the Agnidhra fire (III, 6, 3, 4), and for scattering about behind the Gårhapatya (III, 6, 3, 4-7).
. Lit. they lift the underlayer underneath (the burning wood).
• For the eight verses (or twelve, the first and last being recited thrice each) which the Hotri has to repeat while the fire is carried eastward and laid down on the high altar, see Ait. Br. I, 28; Âsv. Sr. II, 17. For the Brahman's duties, see Katy. XI, 1, 9.
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as that middle peg on the hind-part of the altar? : whatever part of the Gârhapatya? is cut off from the altar by that intermediate (peg), that he thereby carries on to connects with) it.
3. Now some walk up behind (and draw a line) as far as the high altar; but let him not do that: let him walk up only as far as that middle peg. They proceed and come up to the high altar 3.
4. The Adhvaryu takes the sprinkling-water. He first sprinkles (the high altar) in front, while standing (south of it) facing the north, with the text (Vâg. S. V, 11), May Indra's noiset shield thee in front with the Vasus!' whereby he means to say, “May Indra's noise protect thee in front with the Vasus.'
5. He then sprinkles it behind with, May the Wise ó shield thee from behind with the Rudras!' whereby he means to say, "May the Wise One protect thee from behind with the Rudras !'
6. He then sprinkles on the right (south) side with, 'May the Thought-swift shield thee with the Fathers on the right!' whereby he means
1 See III, 5, 1, 1.
• The Ahavaniya or offering fire being now transferred to the new altar, the old Âhavanîya hearth is henceforward used as Gârhapatya ; and a line is drawn from it up to the antahpâta, marking the middle of the west side of the great altar.
s In leading forwards the fire they proceed along the north side of the large altar.
• Indraghosha, perhaps Indra's name;' Mahîdhara and Sayana take it as 'he who is noised abroad as Indra' (i.e. called Indra), which, however, would require the accent 'Indraghosha. Perhaps the noise of Indra' means Agni, the roaring fire: for Agni and the Vasus, see III, 4, 2, 1.
Praketas, here Varuna according to Mahîdhara and Sâyana. Cf. III, 4, 2, 1.
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to say, “May he swift as thought protect thee on the right with the Fathers!'
7. He then sprinkles on the left side with, ‘May Visvakarman (the All-shaper) shield thee with the Adityas on the left!' whereby he means to say, 'May Visvakarman protect thee on the left with the Adityas !
8. The sprinkling-water which is left he pours outside the altar close to where is the southern of those two front corners (of the high altar) with, *This burning water I dismiss from the sacrifice.' Because she (Vâk—the altar) on that occasion became a lioness and roamed about unappeased?, he thus dismisses from the sacrifice that sorrow of hers, if he do not wish to exorcise. But should he wish to exorcise, let him indicate it by saying, “This burning water I dismiss from the sacrifice against so and so l' He then smites him with that sorrow, and sorrowing he goes to yonder world.
9. Now as to why he pours ghee on the high altar, while the fire is held (over it). Because the gods said to her on that occasion, 'The offering shall reach thee before Agni,' therefore the offering now does reach her before it reaches) Agni. And because she said to the gods, 'Whatsoever blessing ye will invoke through me, all that shall be accomplished unto you!' therefore the priests now invoke through her that blessing upon the sacrificer, and it is fully accomplished unto him.
10. When he pours ghee on the high altar, he
1Manogavas' is taken by Mahidhara and Sâyana as referring to
Yama.
& Sokanti (sorrowing),' Kanva rec.
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does it twofold even while doing it in one! Now that which is the southern of the two front corners of that navel, so to say, which is in the middle of these (sides of the high altar)
11. On that he pours ghee, with the text (Våg. S. V, 12), 'Thou art a lioness, Hail!' Then on the northern of the two back corners with, 'Thou art a lioness, winning the Adityass, Hail!' Then on the southern of the two back corners with, 'Thou art a lioness, winning the Brahman, winning the Kshatra, Hail!' Manifold, verily, is the prayer for blessing in the sacrificial texts : by this one he prays for the Brahman (priesthood) and the Kshatra (nobility), those two vital forces.
12. Then on the northern of the front corners with, 'Thou art a lioness, winning abundant offspring, winning growth of wealth, Hail! In that he says, 'winning abundant offspring,' he prays for offspring; and in that he says, 'winning growth of wealth'- growth of wealth meaning abundance-he prays for abundance.
13. He then pours ghee into the middle with, 'Thou art a lioness, bring thou hither the gods for the sacrificer! Hail!' whereby he causes the gods to be brought to the sacrificer. He then raises the offering-spoon with, 'To the
Viz. by pouring the ghee cross-wise on the corners of the navel' of the altar.
• The south-east is sacred to Agni, the north-west to Vâyu.
* Because the Âdityas brought her as a Dakshina, Kanva rec.; cf. III, 5, 1, 18.
• But for the lack of a demonstrative pronoun with asih one would like to take the passage thus: Plenteous, forsooth, is this prayer for blessing among sacrificial texts : he thereby prays for the priesthood and the nobility.' Cf. I, 2, 1, 7.
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beings thee! Hail!'-beings meaning offspringhe thereby means to say, 'To offspring thee!'
14. He then lays the enclosing-sticks' round (the navel); with the text (Vâg. S. V, 13), “Thou art firm, steady thou the earth!' the middle one; with, Thou art firmly settled, steady thou the air!' the right one; with, 'Thou art immovably settled, steady thou the sky!' the left one. With, 'Thou art Agni's provision' he throws the 'equipments' upon (the high altar). Wherefore are the equipments ?—for Agni's completeness.
15. The pine-wood, namely, is his body> : hence in that there are enclosing-sticks of pine-wood, thereby he supplies him with a body, makes him whole.
16. And the bdellium, forsooth, is his flesh: hence in that there is bdellium, thereby he supplies him with flesh, makes him whole.
17. And the fragrant reed-grass (sugandhi-tegana), forsooth, is his fragrance : hence in that there is fragrant reed-grass, thereby he supplies him with fragrance, makes him whole.
18. And as to why there is a wether's hair-tuft,Agni, forsooth, dwelt once for one night between the two horns of a wether: 'Whatever of Agni's nature is inherent therein, let that be here too, so he thinks, and therefore there is a wether's hair-tuft. Let him, therefore, cut off that (tuft) which is nearest to the head, and bring it; and if he be unable to procure that, let him bring any kind (of wether's hair). And why there are enclosing-sticks?--for the
* They are of pîtudáru (Pinus Deodora) wood, a span (of thumb and fore-finger) long.
* The Kanva text makes it his bones.
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protection (of Agni): for it is somewhat long before the next enclosing-sticks will come nigh to him?.
CONSTRUCTION OF SHEDS, AND PREPARATION OF PRESSING-PLACE AND HEARTHS (DHISHNYAS).
THIRD BRAHMANA. 1. The sacrifice is a man; it is a man for the reason that a man spreads (prepares) it. In being spread it is made just as large as a man: this is why the sacrifice is a man.
2. The Soma-cart (shed) is no other than his head, and has Vishnu for its deitys. And because Soma is therein-Soma being havis (material for offering) for the gods—therefore it is called Havirdhana (receptacle of havis).
3. The Åhavantya is no other than his mouth :: hence, when he offers on the Åhavaniya, it is as if he poured (food) into the mouth.
4. The sacrificial stake is no other than his crestlock; and the Agnidhriya and Märgaliya* are his arms.
1 Ordinarily the laying round of the paridhis takes place immediately before the fire is kindled for the offering; but as the next offering is not to come off for some time, the fire would be without a protection, if he were to leave it without the enclosing-sticks. Sayana takes *düre' in the sense of in a long time,' as above; but it might be taken of space far off,' when the passage would refer to the offering about to be performed on the old Âhavanîya (III, 5, 3, 10 seq.); and it may be noticed in reference to this point, that, according to Kâty. VIII, 3, 30, that fire does not become the Garhapatya till immediately after that offering.
9 Yavat-tavat would rather seem to mean here 'of corresponding (or relatively the same) proportions' as a man, viz. as the respective sacrificer. "Sa vai tâyamâno yâvân eva purushas tâvân vidhîyate, purushasyaiva vidhâm anu.' Kanva rec. • Soma himself is Vishnu.
See III, 6, 1, 23; 2, 21.
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5. The Sadas! (tent for the priests) is no other than his belly: wherefore they feed in the Sadas, for whatever food is eaten here on earth all that settles down here in the belly. And because all the gods sat (sad) in it therefore it is called Sadas: and so do these Brahmans of every family now sit therein.
6. And the two fires which are behind it are his feet. In being spread it is made just as large as a man : this is why the sacrifice is a man.
7. The cart-shed has doors on both sides; and so has the Sadas doors on both sides : hence this man is perforated from one end to the other. He steps to the Soma-carts when they have been washed down.
8. They turn them round, the southern one on the south side, and the northern one on the north sides. The larger of the two should be the southern (or right) one
9. Over them, having been turned round (and placed on the altar), they put a mat of reed-grass; or, if he cannot procure a reed-mat, a frame of split cane
1 See III, 6, 2, 21.
That is, the (old) Ahavaniya and Gárhapatya fires of the Prâkînavamsa.
• The southern (and larger) cart is under the charge of the Adhvaryu and the northern one under that of his assistant, the Pratiprasthầtri. Each now drives his cart westward along the south and north sides respectively; and when they are opposite the hall (sala), they make the carts turn round from left to right; whereupon they drive back to the altar, and place them thereon with the shafts towards the east, near the antahpâta ("intermediate' peg, see III, 5, 1, 1), south and north of the spine' (cf. p. 112, note 2), each at the distance of one cubit from the latter.
• In order to make the shed incline towards the north, cf. III, 1, 1, 2.
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made in like manner as a reed-mat. They fasten a front-band (to the posts of the front door ). They enclose (the carts) within two upright hurdles; and lay a (second) reed-mat, or a frame of split cane made in like manner as a reed-mat, behind (the first mata).
10. Now, having again entered (the hall), and
* It is not clear to me whether the arrangements mentioned in this paragraph refer to the carts in the first place, and have then to be repeated after the shed has been erected, or whether, as I think, some of them refer to the shed only. Even at the time of the Katy. Satras there seems to have been some confusion in this respect, and the rules VIII, 4, 7-12 (10–15, in edition) were entirely misunderstood by the commentator. It is, however, certain that the carts were covered with mats, previously to being shifted from the back to the front part of the altar. As regards the shed, it seems to have been constructed in the following way. In front of the carts, as well as behind them, beams are driven into the ground, six on each side, according to Sayana on T.S. I, 2, 13; the two middle ones, one cubit north and south of the spine' respectively, forming a gateway on each side (Kâty. VIII, 4, 24 scholl.). On these two rows of beams other beams are laid, running from south to north, and forming, as it were, the lintels of the gates; and thereon the tie-beams rest (west to east). This frame of timber is to form a square of nine (or ten) cubits. Over the tie-beams three mats of reed-grass (kadis)-measuring nine (or ten) cubits by three (31)-are spread, from south to north; first the middle one and then the two others, behind and in front of it. Upright hurdles (or reed-mats) are then stretched between the respective corner-posts, so as to form the south and north sides of the shed; and are sewn' to the corner-posts. Between the tops of the two front door-posts a band or garland of plaited reed-tufts (or, according to Haug, a bunch of Darbha grass, consisting of dry and green stalks) is hung up, to represent either a fillet or wreath worn on the forehead (?), or as a door-garland.
This remark would seem to imply that there are only two mats (cf. parags. 23, 24), but perhaps it is merely intended to show that two mats are spread behind and in front of the first mat (i. e. from south to north, and not west to east); not that there are only two mats.
* If the preceding paragraph refers (at least partly) to the shed,
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taken ghee in four ladlings, he makes offering to Savitri for his impulsion, for Savitri is the impeller (prasavitri) of the gods: We will perform the sacrifice, for one impelled by Savitri,' thus (the priest thinks and) therefore he makes offering to Savitri.
11. He offers with the text (Vâg. S. V, 14; Rigveda V, 81, 1),‘They harness the mind and they harness the thoughts'—with the mind and with speech they truly perform the sacrifice. When he says, 'They harness the mind,' he harnesses the mind; and when he says, "and they harness the thoughts (dhi),'he harnesses speech; for it is thereby? that people seek to make their living in accordance with their respective intelligence (dht), either by reciting (the Veda), or by readiness of speech, or by songs,—with these two thus harnessed they perform the sacrifice.
12. 'The priests of the priest, of the great inspirer of devotion,'—the learned Brâhmans versed in sacred writ, truly, are the priests: it is regarding them that he says this. And of the great inspirer of devotion?,'—the great inspirer of devotion, truly, is the sacrifice: it is regarding the sacrifice that he says this. The knower of rites alone hath assigned the priestly offices,' for, in per
then the atha here means 'Now, in the first place,' thereby introducing details preliminary to what has just been stated.
See III, 2, 4, 16. I now refer "etayâ' to 'vâkam,' as does Sâyana, -yada buddhir gâyate tada khalv etayâ vâkâ gugyūshanti. He explains prakamodya' by 'mlaikkhikam laukikam bhashanam,' barbarous, worldly speech.
• Vipaskit, probably thinker of hymns.' It remains doubtful what meaning our author assigned to the word. Mahidhara explains it by sarvagña, 'all-knowing. Sâyana, on Taitt. S. I, 2, 13, refers 'viprasya brihato vipaskitah' to the sacrificer. [26]
K
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forming the sacrifice, they indeed assign the priestly offices. 'Great is the praise of the divine Savitri; Hail!' Thus he offers to Savitri for his impulsion.
13. Having then taken ghee a second time in four ladlings, he walks out (of the hall by the front door). The (sacrificer's) wife is led out by the south door. He then lays down a piece of gold in the right wheeltrack of the southern Soma-cart, and offers thereon, with (Våg. S. V, 15; Rig-veda I, 22, 17), 'Vishnu strode through this(universe), thrice he put down his foot:itis enveloped in his dust; Hail!' The residue (of ghee) he pours into the wife's hand. She anoints the burning (part) of the axle 1 with (Vâg. S. V, 17), 'Audible to the gods, announce ye unto the gods!' He hands to his assistant both the offering-spoon and the melting-pot. They lead the wife round by the back of the two fires.
14. Having taken ghee in four ladlings, the assistant lays down a piece of gold in the right wheeltrack of the northern Soma-cart, and offers thereon, with (Vág. S. V, 16; Rig-veda VII, 99, 3), 'Be ye too abundant in food and milch kine and pastures, through benevolence to man! Thou proppedst asunder these two worlds, O Vishnu; with beams of light didst thou hold fasts the earth on all sides; Hail!' The residue (of ghee) he pours into the wife's hand. She anoints the burning (part) of the axle with,
1 That is, the iron pins driven into the axle, round which the naves of the wheels revolve. See also p. 121, note 2.
? They make her enter the hall by the south door and walk round by the back of the (old) Gârhapatya fire-place to the wheeltracks on the north side where the Pratiprasthatri is about to offer.
& The rays of the sun are apparently likened to ropes wherewith he keeps the earth straight and firm,
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* Audible to the gods, announce ye unto the gods!' Then as to why he thus offers.
15. Now, once on a time, the gods, while performing sacrifice, were afraid of an attack on the part of the Asura-Rakshas; and, the ghee being a thunderbolt, they kept off the evil spirits from the south by that thunderbolt, the ghee; and thus they came not after them on their way. And in like manner does he now keep off the evil spirits from the south by that thunderbolt, the ghee; and thus they do not come after him on his way. And the reason why he offers with two verses relating to Vishnu, is that the Soma-cart belongs to Vishnu.
16. And in that the wife anoints the burning (part) of the axle, thereby a productive union is effected ; for when woman and man become heated, the seed flows, and thereupon birth takes place. She anoints in a direction away (from the cart), for away the seed is cast. He then says (to the Hotri), 'Recite to the Soma-carts as they are wheeled forward?!'
17. He makes (the sacrificer) say, 'Go ye both forward, furthering the cult!' The cult, namely, is the sacrifice: 'go ye both forward, furthering the sacrifice' he thereby means to say, 'Convey ye the sacrifice upward; lead it not astray?!' whereby he means to say, 'convey this sacrifice upward to the world of the gods ;' and by saying lead it not astray,' he prays for this (sacrificer) that he may not
1 While reciting his hymn of eight verses (brought up, as usual, to twelve by repetitions of the first and last verses) the Hotri has to follow the carts so as to have the north wheel-track of the south cart between his feet. Cf. p. 79, note 1. For the verses recited by him, see Ait. Br. I, 29; Asv. Sr. IV, 9. Or, 'falter not!'
K 2
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stumble. Let them wheel (the carts) forward, as it were lifting them, so that they may not creak; for of the Asuras is that voice which is in the axle! :
Lest the Asuras' voice should speak here!' so he thinks. But if they should creak,
18. Let him make (the sacrificer) say this,'Speak ye unto your own cow-pen, ye divine resorts; speak not my life away, speak not my offspring away!' This, then, is the expiation thereof.
19. As to this they say, “Let him stride three steps from the high altar westward and make the Soma-carts stop there: this is the measure for the Soma-carts. But there is no (fixed) measure in this; wherever he himself may think fit in his mind, only not too near’, nor too far (from the high altar), there let him stop them.
20. He salutes them with, 'May ye rejoice here on the height of the earth!' for this (altar) is verily the height: (top) of the earth, since his offering-fire is in the heaven. He makes them rest on their naves4 for that is the appearance of repose.
1 The Taitt. S. VI, 2, 9 refers it to Varuna, on account of the axle being bound firmly with strings (thongs), resembling Varuna's noose.
? Rather, 'not so very near,' nicht allzu nahe, nicht gar zu nahe.'
3 Both here, and on Taitt. S. I, 2, 13, Sâyana takes 'varshman' in the sense of body (sarîra).'
Or rather, nave-boards (nabhya).' The cart wheels are described as consisting, after the fashion prevalent in Mâlava (Kâty. VIII, 4, 5 scholl.), of three parallel boards: the two outer ones form segments, and the middle and largest one has the nave fixed to it, the axle-pin running through its centre. It is on this middle board that he is to make the carts stand. Perhaps kshema' should be taken in the sense of security, firm position,' instead of "repose, rest,' in which case the upright position of the middle board would seem to be compared with a man in upright position; nâbhi (nâbhya)' meaning both navel' and 'nave.'
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21. The Adhvaryu, having gone round along the north side (of the carts), props the southern cart, with (Våg. S. V, 18; Rig-veda I, 154, 1), Now will I declare the heroic deeds of Vishnu, who measured out the earthly regions; who propped the upper seat, striding thrice, the wide-stepping! For Vishnu (I prop) thee!' He fixes the prop in a different place from where it is fixed) in ordinary practice'.
22. The assistant then props the northern cart, with (Vâg. S. V, 19), 'Either from the heaven, O Vishnu, or from the earth, or from the great, wide airy region, O Vishnu, fill both thine hands with wealth and bestow on us from the right and the left! For Vishnu thee!' He fixes the prop in a different place from where (it is fixed) in ordinary practice. The reason why he performs with prayers to Vishnu is that the Soma-cart belongs to Vishnu.
23. He then makes (the sacrificer) say, after touching the middle reed-mat? (Vậg. S.V, 20; Rig-veda I, 154, 2), 'Let Vishnu then be praised for his power, terrible like a wild beast prowling about the mountains, on whose three wide strides all beings abide!' Now that (mat-covering) indeed is his (Vishnu, the shed's) upper skull-bone",
Sâyana, on Taitt. S. I, 2, 13, remarks:—The southern and northern parts of the yoke represent the ears of the cart. Through a hole (is effected) the firm tying (of the yoke parts) to the shafts. At the juncture (sandhi) at the (place of) fastening of the southern (part of the yoke) the prop is fixed.' In ordinary practice the prop is put up to support the extreme end of the shafts or pole.
* See p. 128, note 1.
* Apparently the parietal bone is meant; or perhaps the frontal bone. The Kanva text reads: "He then touches that reed-mat, or
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for thereon, as it were, the other skull-bones rest: this is why he says 'they abide on.
24. Thereupon he makes him say, after touching the front-band (Vag. S. V, 2), 'Thou art Vishnu's fillet;' for it indeed is his fillet. He then makes him say, after touching the two upright hurdles,
Ye are the corners of Vishnu's mouth;' for they indeed are the corners of his mouth. Then that mat which is behind there, that indeed is that skull-bone of his here behind (viz. the occiput).
25. With 'Thou art Vishnu's sewer?,' he sews (the hurdles to the four door posts) with cord by means of a wooden pin. With,'Thou art Vishnu's fixed (point)?,' he then makes a knot, 'lest it should fall asunder.' That same (knot) he undoes when the work is completed; and thus disease 3 befalls not either the Adhvaryu or the Sacrificer. The completed (cart-shed) he touches with, “Thou art Vishnu's own,' for the Soma-cart (and shed) belongs to Vishnu.
cane-frame, above, with “Let Vishnu..." for that is for him (Vishnu, the shed) what that skull-bone is up here. And when he says "they abide upon," it is because that rest on the other skull-bones [? adhi hy etad anyeshu kapâleshu kshiyantil]. Then what two reed-mats there are on the two carts, they indeed are for him what the two skull-bones are here on both sides. And that reed-mat, or caneframe, which he puts on there behind (or behind that one), that is for him what the skull-bone behind is.'
Syü, explained by Sâyana as 'thread, cord,' by Mahidhara as needle.'
? ? Dhruvah, the firm one,' (? 'pole-star.') The St. Petersburg Dictionary gives the tentative meaning 'knot.' The Taitt. S. reads dhruvam.
. Grâha, lit. seizing. For Varuna, whose attribute the knot is (1, 3, 1, 16), seizing upon men by means of disease ; see II, 5, 2, 2.
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TE
(UMIV".
Fourth BRÂHMANA.
CALIFORNIA
1. It is for a twofold reason that the soundingholes are dug. The cart-shed, truly, is the head of the sacrificer; and what four holes there are here in the head-namely, these two and these twothose he thereby makes: for this reason he digs the sounding-holes.
2. Now the gods and the Asuras, both of them sprung from Pragâpati, were contending. The Asuras then by way of witchcraft buried charms within these worlds, thinking, Peradventure we may thus overcome the gods.
3. The gods then prevailed. By means of these (sounding-holes) they dug up those magic charms. Now, when a charm is dug up, it becomes inoperative and useless. And in like manner, if any malicious enemy buries here charms by way of witchcraft for this (sacrificer), does he thereby dig them up: this is why he digs sounding-holes. He digs just beneath the fore-part of the shafts of the southern cart.
4. He takes up the spade), with the text (Våg. S.
1 Viz. the ears and nostrils.
Krityâm valagân nikakhnuh, 'they dug in, as a charm, secret (magic) objects.' Valaga is explained as charms, consisting of bones, nails, hair, foot-dust, and similar objects, tied up in a piece of worn matting or cloth, or the like, and dug into the ground armdeep, for causing injury to enemies. See Taitt. S. VI, 2, 11, where Professor Weber refers to Wuttke, Der Deutsche Volksaberglaube, $ 492 seq.
* The instrument used seems to be a kind of scoop or trowel,
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V, 22), 'At the impulse of the divine Savitri, I take thee with the arms of the Asvins, with the hands of Pashan: thou art a woman.' The significance of this formula is the same (as before). That spade (abhri, fem.) is indeed a female : therefore he says 'thou art a woman.'
5. He draws their outlines, saving the measure of a span, with, 'Here do I cut off the necks of the Rakshas!' For the spade is the thunderbolt: it is with the thunderbolt that he thus cuts off the necks of the Rakshas.
6. Let him first mark off the right (southern) one of the two that are in front; then the left one of the two behind; then the right one of those behind; then the left one of those in front.
7. But they say conversely, that he should mark off first the left one of the two behind; then the right one of those in front; then the right one of those behind; and then the left one of those in front. Or he may also mark them off in one and the same direction : but let him, in any case, mark off last of all the one which is on the left of those in front.
8. He digs them, in the very same order in which they have been marked off, with, 'Thou art great,
sharpened on one side. For a fuller description, see VI, 3, 1, 30 seq.
i Vinâ, i.e. leaving that space between each two adjoining uparavas. They are themselves to be round, a span in diameter. Hence by connecting the four centres by lines, a square of two spans (of thumb and forefinger), or one cubit, is obtained. See Baudh. Sulvas. 101.
? That is, successively the south-eastern, the south-western, the north-western, and last, the north-eastern hole.
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of great sound!'-he praises and extols them, when he says, “Thou art great, of great sound;'-—'Utter thou the great voice unto Indra!'- Indra, forsooth, is the deity of the sacrifice; and the cart-shed belonging to Vishnu, he thereby makes it to be connected with Indra : therefore he says, 'Utter thou the great voice unto Indra!'
9. The Rakshas-killing, charm - killing (voice),' for it is indeed for the killing of the charms of the Rakshas that these (holes) are dug ;-Of Vishnu;' for that voice in the cart-shed is indeed Vishnu's.
10. He throws out (the earth from) them in the order in which he has dug them, with (Vág. S. V, 23),
Here do I cast out the charm which the alien, which the inmate of my house has buried for me!' Either an alien or an inmate of his house buries charms by way of witchcraft : these he thereby casts out.
11. 'Here do I cast out the charm which my equal, which my unequal has buried for me!' Either one equal, or one unequal, to him buries charms by way of witchcraft : these he thereby casts out.
12. 'Here do I cast out the charm which the kinsman, which the stranger has buried for me! Either a kinsman or a stranger buries charms by way of witchcraft: these he thereby casts out.
13. 'Here do I cast out the charm which the countryman, which the foreigner has buried for me!' Either a countryman or a foreigner buries charms by way of witchcraft: these he thereby casts out. With 'I cast out witchcraft!' he finally
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throws out the earth remaining in the several holes), whereby he casts out witchcraft.
14. Let him dig them arm-deep; for that being the end (extreme limit to which he can reach) he thereby in the end brings witchcraft to naught. He connects them crossways by(underground) channels?; or, if he cannot crossways, he may do so in one and the same direction. This is why these (openings of the) vital airs are connected by channels farther (inside).
15. In the same order in which he has dug them he makes (the sacrificer) touch them, with the texts (Våg. S. V, 24), 'Self-ruling thou art, a slayer of enemies! Ever-ruling thou art, a slayer of haters! Man-ruling thou art, a sla yer of Rakshas! All-ruling thou art, a slayer of foemen! This is the blessing of that work: he thereby invokes a blessing.
16. The Adhvaryu and Sacrificer then touch one another (with their right hands through the holes), the Adhvaryu is at the right one of those in front, and the Sacrificer at the left one of those behind. The Adhvaryu asks, Sacrificer, what is here?''Happiness !' he says.—'(Be) that ours in common!' says the Adhvaryu in a low voice.
17. Thereupon the Adhvaryu is at the right one of those behind, and the Sacrificer at the left one of those in front. The Sacrificer asks, 'Adhvaryu, what is here?'-'Happiness!' he says.—'(Be) that mine !' says the Sacrificer. Now in that they thus
i That is, these words are to be pronounced at the end of each of the preceding four formulas, and the remaining loose soil is therewith to be removed from the respective hole.
• Lit. he inter-perforates, inter-channels.
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touch one another, thereby they make the vital airs yoke-fellows: hence these vital airs meet together farther (inside). And in that, when asked, he replies,
Happiness (bhadram),' thereby he utters the wish of prosperity (kalyanam)' of ordinary speech : that is why, being asked, he replies, ‘Happiness. Thereupon he sprinkles (the holes with water): one and the same forsooth is the significance of sprinkling; he thereby renders them pure.
18. He sprinkles, with the text (Vag. S. V, 25), You, the Rakshas-killers, the charm-killers;' for they are indeed Rakshas-killers as well as charmkillers ; 'Vishnu's own, I sprinkle;' for they indeed belong to Vishnu.
19. What remains of the sprinkling-water he then pours out into the pits ;-what moisture there is here in the vital airs?, that he thereby puts into them : hence that moisture in the vital airs.
20. He pours it out with, 'You, the Rakshaskillers, the charm-killers, Vishnu's own, I pour out.' Thereupon he spreads barhis-grass, both such as is turned with its tops to the east and such as is turned to the north ? ; what hair there is here at (the openings of) the vital airs, that he thereby bestows : hence that hair at (the openings of) the vital airs.
21. He spreads it with, You, the Rakshaskillers, the charm-killers, Vishnu's own, I spread.' He, as it were, covers the bodies on the top, for that (grass) is indeed his (Vishnu's) hairs.
· The Kârva text has kidra ("holes, openings ') instead of prâna.
Cp. I, 3, 3, 7 seq. * Or, the hair of the sacrificial man; see III, 5, 3, 1 seq.
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22. Thereon he lays two pressing-boards? with, You, the Rakshas-killers, the charm-killers, Vishnu's own, I lay down;' they are indeed his (Vishnu's) jaws. He surrounds them (with earth) with, You, the Rakshas-killers, the charmkillers, Vishnu's own, I surround;' he thereby steadies them, makes them immovable.
23. Now the pressing-skin is cut straight all round and (dyed) red all over, for it is his (Vishnu's) tongue: the reason, then, why it is quite red, is because this tongue is, as it were, red. He lays it down with, “Thou art Vishnu's own;' for it indeed belongs to Vishnu.
24. He then brings down the (five) press-stones. The press-stones, doubtless, are his (Vishnu's) teeth: hence, when they press (the Soma) with the stones it is as if he chewed with his teeth. He puts them down with, “Ye are Vishnu's own;' for they indeed belong to Vishnu. Thus, then, the head of the sacrifice is complete.
Sixth ADHYAYA. First BRÂHMANA.
1. The Sadass is no other than his (Vishnu, the sacrifice's) belly; therefore they feed (drink) in the
1 The pressing-boards are a cubit long, and somewhat broader behind than in front. They are placed one south of the other, and so as to lie close together behind (sambaddhânte, Kanva rec.), or the space of two inches between them. The space between them is filled up with earth.
East of the 'sound-holes' he raises a square mound (khara), covered with gravel, for placing vessels on, Kâty. VIII, 5, 28.
• The Sadas is a shed or tent, facing the east with its long side, which is to measure eighteen (or twenty-one, or twenty-four, or, according to the Sulva-sútra, twenty-seven) cubits, the breadth by
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Sadas; for whatever food is eaten here on earth, all that settles down in the belly. And because all the gods sat (sad) in it, therefore it is called sadas: and so do these Brahmans of every family now sit therein. By way of deity it belongs to Indra.
2. In the middle of it he puts up a (post) of udumbara wood (Ficus Glomerata); for the udumbara means strength and food; now the Sadas being his (Vishnu's belly), he thereby puts food therein; this is why he puts up an udumbara (post) in the middle of it.
3. From the peg' which stands in the middle on the hind-part of the altar, he strides six steps eastwards (along the spine'); the seventh he strides away from it to the right, for the sake of completeness, and there marks off a pit.
4. He takes the spade with (Våg. S. V, 26), 'At the impulse of the divine Savitri, I take thee with the arms of the Asvins, with the hands of Pashan: thou art a woman;' the significance of this formula is the same (as before). That spade, indeed, is a female (feminine): therefore he says 'thou art a woman.'
5. He then marks off the pit with, 'Herewith
six cubits (or ten, or one half that of the long side). The udumbara post, according to some, is to stand exactly in the centre of the shed; or, according to others, at an equal distance from the (long) east and west sides; the 'spine' (cf. p. 112, note 2) in that case dividing the building into two equal parts, a northern and a southern one. In the middle the shed is to be of the sacrificer's height, and from thence the ceiling is to slant towards the ends where it is to reach up to the sacrificer's navel. According to the Black Yagus, the erection of the Sadas precedes the digging of the Uparavas, described in the preceding Brâhmana. Taitt. S. VI, 2, 10, II.
1 The antahpata, see III, 5, 1, 1.
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I cut off the necks of the Rakshas!' for the spade is the thunderbolt: it is with the thunderbolt that he cuts off the necks of the evil spirits.
6. Thereupon he digs : eastwards he throws up the heap of earth. Having made the udumbara (post) of the same size as the sacrificer, he cuts it smooth all round, and lays it down, with the top to the east, in front (of the pit). Thereon he lays barhis-grass of the same length.
7. Now the sprinkling-water (used on this occasion) contains barley-corns. For the essence (sap) of plants is water; wherefore plants when eaten alone do not satiate; and the essence of water, on the other hand, are the plants; wherefore water when drunk alone does not satiate; but only when the two are united they satiate; for then they are sapful: 'with the sapful I will sprinkle,' so he thinks.
8. Now, the gods and the Asurus, both of them sprung from Pragâpati, were contending. Then all the plants went away from the gods, but the barley plants alone went not from them.
9. The gods then prevailed: by means of these (barley-grains) they attracted to themselves all the plants of their enemies; and because they attracted (yu) therewith, therefore they are called yava (barley).
10. They said, 'Come, let us put into the barley whatever sap there is of all plants !' And, accordingly, whatever sap there was of all plants, that they put into the barley: therefore the latter thrives lustily where other plants wither, for in such wise
1 It is the part which is to stand above ground that is to be of the sacrificer's size.
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did they put the sap into them. And in like manner does this one now by means of those (barley-grains) attract to himself all the plants of his enemies: this is why the sprinkling-water contains barley-corns.
11. He throws the barley-corns into it, with, 'Thou art barley (yava): keep thou (yavaya) from us the haters, keepfrom us the enemies!' In this there is nothing obscure. He then besprinkles (the post);-the significance of the sprinkling is one and the same: he thereby renders it sacrificially pure.
12. He sprinkles (the top, middle, and bottom parts), with, For the sky-theel for the airthee! for the earth-thee!' He thereby endows these worlds with strength and sap, bestows strength and sap on these worlds.
13. And the sprinkling-water which remains he pours into the hole, with, ‘Be the worlds pure wherein the Fathers reside!' for a pit that is dug is sacred to the Fathers: this he thereby renders sacrificially pure.
14. He now strews barhis-grass therein, both eastward-pointed and northward-pointed with,'Thou art the seat of the Fathers;' for that part of it (the post) which is dug into the ground is sacred to the Fathers: as though it were (naturally) established 1 among plants, and not dug in, so does it become established among those plants.
15. He raises it, with the text (Våg. S. V, 27), Prop thou the sky! fill the air! stand firm on the earth!' Thereby he endows these worlds with strength and sap, bestows strength and sap on these worlds.
Svâruh, 'naturally grown,' Taitt. S. VI, 2, 10, 4.
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16. He then sinks it (in the hole, with), 'May Dyutâna, the son of the Maruts, plant thee!' Dyutâna the son of the Maruts, doubtless, is he that blows yonder (the wind): by means of him he thus plants it;—'Mitra and Varuna with firm support!' Mitra and Varuna are the in-breathing and outbreathing: he thus plants it with the in-breathing and out-breathing.
17. He then heaps up (earth) round it, with, 'I enclose thee, winner of the priesthood, winner of the nobility, winner of growth of wealth!' Manifold, verily, is the prayer for blessing in the sacrificial texts : by this one he prays for the priesthood and nobility, those two vital forces ?. 'Winner of growth of wealth,'-growth of wealth means abundance: he thereby prays for abundance.
18. He then presses it firmly all round, with, Uphold thou the priesthood! uphold the nobility, uphold our life, uphold our progeny!' this is the blessing of this rite: that blessing he thereby invokes. He presses it so as to be level with the ground: with an (ordinary) hole (round trees for watering) it is higher than the ground, but in this way it is with the gods ;-—and thus it is not planted in an (ordinary) hole.
19. He then pours water thereon ;-wherever, in digging, they wound or injure this (earth),-water being a means of soothing,—there he soothes it by that means of soothing, water, there he heals it by water: therefore he pours water thereon.
See III, 5, 2, 11 with note. The Kanva text has, bahvî vâ âsîr yaguhshu te asmâ ete åsisha và sâste yad brahma ka kshatram ka.
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20. He then makes (the sacrificer) say, while touching it thus (Våg. S. V, 28), 'Thou art firm: may this sacrificer be firm in this homestead through progeny'-or, 'through cattle!' thus whatever wish he entertains that wish is accomplished unto him.
21. Thereupon, having taken clarified butter with the dipping-spoon, he pours it upon the (forked) top?, with 'O Heaven and Earth, be ye full of ghee!' whereby he endows the heaven and the earth with strength and sap, bestows strength and sap on them : upon them thus full of sap and affording subsistence, these creatures subsist.
22. He then lays on a mat?, with, 'Thou art Indra's mat,'—for the Sadas belongs to Indra,-'a shelter to every one,' for Brâhmans of all families sit therein. He adds two mats, one on each side thereof, and three north of them and three further (to the north): these make nine. For the sacrifice
1 The post is to be furcate at the top, and between the branchstumps (forming as it were its ears) he is to put a piece of gold and pour the ghee thereon; when the ghee reaches the ground, he is to pronounce the final 'Svâhâ l' in accordance with the practice at the homas; the gold representing, as it were, the sacrificial fire. Sâyana on Taitt. S. I, 3, 1; Kâty. VIII, 5, 37 seq.
? That is, after putting up the posts of the front and back doors, and laying the beams on, both longways and crossways, in the same way as was done in erecting the Prâkinavamsa and Havirdhana, he is to spread over the beams the nine mats that are to form the ceiling,- viz. first the middle, and then the two others, of the three southern ones, thereupon three alongside these, across the central part of the shed, and finally the three across the north side. According to some authorities the central mats are laid down first, and then those on the south and north sides. See Sayana on Taitt. S. I, 3, 1 (p. 450).
[36]
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is threefold and nine also is threefold: for this reason there are nine.
23. That Sadas has its tie-beams running (from south) to north, and the cart-shed (from west) to east. For this, the cart-shed, belongs exclusively to the gods : hence neither food nor drink is taken therein, because it belongs exclusively to the gods; and were any one either to eat or to drink therein, his head would verily burst asunder. But those two, the Agnidhra and the Sadas, are common (to the gods and men): hence food and drink is taken in these two, because they are common (to the gods and men). Now the north is the quarter of men : therefore the Sadas has its tie-beams running (from south) to north.
24. They enclose it?, with the text (Vâg. S. V, 29; Rig-veda I, 10, 12), “May these songs encompass thee on every side, O thou that delightest in songs! May these favours be favourably received by thee, invigorating the vigorous!' He that delights in songs, forsooth, is Indra, and songs mean the people: he thus surrounds the nobility with the people, and therefore the nobility is here surrounded on both sides by the people.
25. Thereupon he sews (the hurdles to the posts) with a needle and cord ?, with the text (Vâg. S. V, 30), 'Thou art Indra's sewer.' With, “Thou art Indra's fixed (point),' he then makes a knot, lest it should fall asunder. He undoes it again, when the work is completed; and thus disease befalls not either the Adhvaryu or the Sacrificer. When completed, he
1 Viz. with hurdles, or upright grass-mats, fastened to the doorposts by means of cord.
? See III, 5, 3, 25.
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touches it (the Sadas) with, “Thou art Indra's own!' for the Sadas belongs to Indra.
26. In the north-with regard to the back part of the Soma-carts?he then raises the Âgnidhra (shed). One half of it should be inside the altar, and one half outside; or more than one half may be inside the altar and less outside ; or the whole of it may be inside the altar. When completed, he touches it with,
Thou art the All-gods' own!' To the All-gods it belongs, because on the day before (the Soma feast) the All-gods abide in it by the Vasativari water.
27. Now, once on a time, the gods, while performing sacrifice, were afraid of an attack on the part of the Asura-Rakshas. The Asura-Rakshas attacked them from the south and forced them out of the Sadas, and overturned those hearths (dhishnya) of theirs which are within the Sadas.
28. For, indeed, all of those (hearths) at one time burnt as brightly as this Åhavaniya and the Gârhapatya and the Agnidhriya; but ever since that time when they (the Asuras) overturned them they do not burn. They forced them (the gods) back to the Âgnidhra (fire) and even won from them one half of the Ågnidhra. From there the All-gods gained immortality', --whence it (the Âgnfdhra fire) is sacred to the All-gods.
1 North of the clog (apalamba) of the carts, Kanva rec.
? They gained it, as would seem, by means of the other half of the Âgnidhra fire. Cf. Ait. Br. II, 36. Såyana interprets 'tân apy ardham ågnidhrasya gigyus' by, They forced those (gods) back to the Sadas ;] and they (the gods), having reached the side (ardham=samipam) of the Agnidhra (fire), conquered the Asuras and won immortality.' The Kânva rec. reads :- Te hâpy ägnidhrasgårdham gigyus te 'rdhân (I read 'rdhâd) etad visve devå amritatvam apagayan.'
L2
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29. The gods kindled them again, as one would (light the fire where he is going to stay. Therefore they are kindled at every Soma feast. Wherefore the duties of the Agnidh should be discharged by one who is accomplished. Now he who is known and learned in sacred lorel is truly accomplished : hence they take to the Agnidh his Dakshinâ first ?, since it is from thence (from the Agnidh's fire) that the gods gained immortality. And if weakness were to come upon one of those that are consecrated, let (the Adhvaryu) say, ' Lead him to the Agnidhra !'thinking that is unscathed, there he will not meet with affliction 8.' And because the All-gods gained immortality from there, therefore it is sacred to the All-gods.
SECOND BRÂHMANA. 1. The Dhishnya-hearths 4, forsooth, are no other
Or, as Sâyana takes it, he who is known (as well-conducted) and a repeater (reader) of the Veda.'
• See IV, 3, 4, 19 seq. • Or, 'that (fire) will not suffer evil' (ârtim na labheta, Sâyana).
• There are altogether eight dhishnyas, two of which, viz. the Âgnidhra and the Margaliya, are raised north and south of the back part of the cart-shed (havirdhâna) respectively; while the other six are raised inside the Sadas along the east side of it, viz. five of them north of the spine,' belonging (from south to north) to the Hotri, Brahmanâkhamsi, Potri, Neshtri, and Akhâvâka respectively; and one south of the spine, exactly south-east of the Udumbara post, for the Maiträvaruna (or Prasastri) priest. These six priests, together with the Agnidhra, are called the 'seven Hotris.' The Âgnîdhra and Mârgâliya have square sheds with four posts erected over them, open on the east side and on the side facing the cart-shed. The Agnîdhra hearth is thrown up first, and the Mârgâlîya last of all; and the Maitrâvaruna's immediately after that of the Hotri. For the formulas by which they are consecrated, see Våg. S. V, 31, 32.
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than its (the sacrifice's) congeners?. They have the same marks, and those which have the same marks are congeners; and these, then, are those (corresponding limbs) of its trunk.
2. Now Soma was in heaven, and the gods were here on earth. The gods desired, “Would that Soma might come to us; we might sacrifice with him, when come.' They produced those two illusions, Suparni and Kadra? ; Suparnt, forsooth, was Vâk (speech)s, and Kadrû was this (earth). They caused discord between them.
3. They then disputed and said, 'Which of us shall spy furthest, shall win the othert '—'So be it!' Kadrų then said, 'Espy thou!'
4. Suparni said, 'On yonder shore of this ocean there stands a white horse at a post, that I see; doest thou also see it?'- I verily do!' Then said Kadra, * Its tail was just now hanging down; there, now the wind tosses it, that I see.'
5. Now when Suparnt said, 'On yonder shore of this ocean,' the ocean, forsooth, is the altar, she thereby meant the altar ; 'there stands a white horse at a post,' the white horse, forsooth, is Agni, and the post means the sacrificial stake. And when Kadrd said, 'Its tail was just now hanging down;
1 That is, the parts of the body corresponding to one another, as arms, loins, &c.
I See III, 2, 4, I seq.; Oldenberg, Zeitsch. d. Deutsch. Morg. Ges. XXXVII, p. 67 seq.; Weber, Ind. Stud. VIII, p. 31.
* In Taitt. S. VI, 1, 6; Kath. XXIII, 1o, suparnî, 'the wellwinged,' is identified with the sky.
• Lit. 'she shall win both of us,' i. e. each saying that the other would win herself.
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there, now the wind tosses it, that I see;' this is nothing else than the rope.
6. Suparnt then said, 'Come, let us now fly thither to know which of us is the winner.' Kadrů said, 'Fly thou thither; thou wilt tell us, which of us is the winner.'
7. Suparni then flew thither; and it was even as Kadrů had said. When she had returned, she (Kadrų) said to her, 'Hast thou won, or I ?'
-Thou!' she replied. Such is the story. called 'Suparni-Kâdrava?'
8. Then said Kadrų, · Verily I have won thine own self; yonder is Soma in the heaven: fetch him hither for the gods, and thereby redeem thyself from the gods?!'-'So be it!' She brought forth the metres; and that Gayatri fetched Soma from heaven.
9. He was enclosed between two golden cups : ; sharp-edged they closed together at every twinkling of the eye; and these two, forsooth, were Consecration and Penance. Those Gandharva Soma-wardens watched over him; they are these hearths, these fire-priests.
10. She tore off one of the two cups, and gave it to the gods,—this was Consecration: therewith the gods consecrated themselves.
1 And because these two there disputed, therefore the story called “Sauparnakâdrava” is here told,' Kânva text. It is difficult to see how this statement came to be inserted here, unless it be because of a division in the text,--this paragraph being the nineteen hundreth in the Madhyandina recension. This explanation would not, however, apply to the Kanva text.
9 Therewith redeem thee from death,' Kânva rec.
• Kusî ?=kosi, pod' (or case). Sâyana explains it by 'âyudha' (? weapon, or vessel, sheath).
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11. She then tore off the second cup, and gave it to the gods,—this was Penance : therewith the gods underwent penance, to wit the Upasads, for the Upasads are penance.
12. She took possession (ä-kakhâda)' of Soma by means of (a stick of) khadira wood (Acacia Catechu), whence (the name) Khadira; and because she thereby took possession of him, therefore the sacrificial stake and the wooden sword (sphya) are of khadira wood. She then carried him off while he was under the charge of the Akhåváka, wherefore this Akhâváka priest was excluded (from drinking Soma).
13. Indra and Agni preserved him for the production of creatures, whence the Akhåvâka priest belongs to Indra and Agni.
14. Therefore the consecrated keep charge of the king (Soma), lest (the Gandharvas) should carry him off.' Let him therefore guard him diligently, for verily in whosesoever charge they carry him off, he is excluded (from the Soma).
15. Wherefore the students guard their teacher, his house, and cattle, lest he should be taken from them. Let him therefore guard him (Soma) diligently in that place, for verily in whosesoever charge they carry him off, he is excluded therefrom. By means of him Suparni redeemed herself from the gods; wherefore they say, 'He who has sacrificed shares in the world of bliss.'
Sâyana takes it in the sense of 'she swallowed (khâd),' but I should feel inclined to refer it to the same verb‘khid' (? khad) as
Akhidat' coming immediately after it. Could Panini's Sutra VI, 1, 52 refer to this passage? (Kas. V., Benares edition kikhåda; MS. Indian Office kakhada.] The Kånva text has the same reading: Akakhâda-Akhidat.
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16. Verily, even in being born, man, by his own self, is born as a debt (owing) to death. And in that he sacrifices, thereby he redeems himself from death, even as Suparni then redeemed herself from the gods.
17. The gods worshipped with him. Those Gandharva Soma-wardens came after him; and having come up they said, 'Do ye let us share in the sacrifice, exclude us not from the sacrifice; let there be for us also a share in the sacrifice!'
18. They said, “What will there be for us, then ?'— Even as in yonder world we have been his keepers, so also will we be his keepers here on earth!'
19. The gods spake, 'So be it!' By saying, '(Here are) your Soma-wages . .,' he assigns to them the price of the Soma! They then said unto them, ' At the third pressing an offering of ghee shall fall to your share, but not one of Soma, for the Somadraught has been taken from you, wherefore ye are not worthy of a Soma-offering !' And accordingly, when he pours ghee on the hearths by means of fagots?, at the evening libation, that same offering of ghee falls to their share, but not one of Soma. · 20. 'And what they will offer in the fire that will satiate you ;' hence that which they offer in the fire satiates them. And when they will move about, holding the Soma over each, that will satiate you;' hence when they move about, holding the Soma over each (hearth), that satiates them.
I See III, 3, 3, 11. . ? For these oblations poured upon burning bundles of chips and grass held over the several hearth-fires, see IV, 4, 2, 7.
* Yad vâ uparyupari somam bibhratah samkarishyanti, Kânva rec. (? holding the Soma close above the dhishnyas). This passage
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Wherefore let not the Adhvaryu pass between the hearths, for the Adhvaryu carries the Soma, and they sit waiting for him (Soma) with open mouths, and he would enter into their open mouths; and either Agni would burn him, or else that god who rules over beasts (Rudra) would seek after him ; hence whenever the Adhvaryu should have business in the hall, let him pass north of the Âgnidhra shed.
21. Now it is for the protection of Soma that those (hearths) are thrown up, to wit the Ahavaniya in front (on the high altar), the Mârgâliya in the south, and the Agnidhriya in the north; and those that are in the Sadas (protect him) from behind.
22. They are in part raised?, in part they are assigned 8. And, in truth, they themselves insisted thereon, saying, “They shall in part raise us, and in part they shall assign us; thus we shall know again that heavenly world from which we have come, thus we shall not go astray.'
23. And whichever of them are raised they are
apparently refers to the Kamasa-Adhvaryus or cup-bearers, who at the time of the Savanas hold up their cups filled with Soma, which, after libations have been made of it on the fire, is drunk by the priests.
Samayâ; the Kanva text has 'pratyan (in going to the back)' instead.
* That is, bestrewed with gravel.
: When the dhishnyas have been completed, the Adhvaryu, standing east of the front door of the Sadas, has to point at the Åhavanîya, the Bahishpavamâna-place, the pit whence the earth for the hearths and high altar was taken, the slaughtering place, the Udumbara post, the Brahman's seat, the (old Ahavaniya at the) hall-door, the old Gârhapatya, and the Utkara (heap of rubbish) one by one with the texts, Våg. S. V, 32, 3, &c. Kåty. VIII, 6, 23, 24.
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thereby visibly in this world; but whichever of them are assigned they are thereby visibly in yonder world.
24. They have two names; for, in truth, they themselves insisted thereon, saying, 'We have not prospered with these names, since Soma has been taken away from us; well, then, let us take each a second name!' They took each a second name, and therewith prospered, inasmuch as they from whom the Soma-draught had been taken had a share in the sacrifice assigned to them; hence they have two names. Wherefore let a Brahman, if he prosper not, take a second name, for verily he prospers, whosoever, knowing this, takes a second name.
25. Now what he offers in the fire, that he offers unto the gods, thereby the gods exist; and what (Soma) is consumed in the Sadas, that he offers unto men, thereby men exist; and in that the Nârâsamsa? (cups of Soma) stand with the Somacarts, thereby he offers unto the Fathers, thereby the Fathers exist.
26. But those creatures which are not admitted to the sacrifice are forlorn ; wherefore he now admits to the sacrifice those creatures here on earth that are not forlorn; behind the men are the beasts; and behind the gods are the birds, the plants, and
1 Narasamsa, 'pertaining to Narasamsa (man's praise, i.e. Agni, or Soma, or the Fathers),' is the name given to certain remains of Soma-libations (or potations) sacted to the Fathers, which, in the · nine Soma-cups, are temporarily deposited under the axle of the
southern Soma-cart, till they are drunk by the priests at the end of the libation.
? Or, alongside of, corresponding to, included in, them (anu).
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the trees; and thus whatsoever exists here on earth all that is admitted to the sacrifice. And verily both the gods and men, and the Fathers drink together, and this is their symposium; of old they drank together visibly, but now they do so unseen.
THE VAISARGINA OFFERINGS AND LEADING FORWARD OF AGNI AND SOMA.
THIRD BRAHMANA. 1. Verily he who consecrates himself, consecrates himself for the sake of this All; for he consecrates himself for the sacrifice, and this All indeed results from the sacrifice; having prepared the sacrifice for which he consecrates himself, he now sets free (or produces) this All.
2. The reason why he performs the Vaisargina offerings is this. They are called Vaisargina, because he sets free (vi-sarg) this All; wherefore let him who takes part in the rite8 touch (the sacrificer) from behind; but if he have to go elsewhere (on business) he need not heed this. When he sacrifices, he sets free this All.
3. And again why he performs the Vaisargina offerings. Vishnu, forsooth, is the sacrifice ; by his strides he obtained (vi-kram) for the gods that allpervading power (vikranti) which now belongs to them; by his first step he gained this same (earth); by the second, the region of air ; and by the last,
1 Sma' does not seem here to have its usual force, which it has in the next sentence, combined with 'pura.'
* Or, corresponds to (anu).
• That is, a blood-relation of the sacrificer, dwelling together with him. Cf. also p. 40, note i.
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the heaven. And that same pervading power Vishnu, the sacrifice, obtains by his strides for this (sacrificer) when he sacrifices: this is why he performs the Vaisargina offerings.
4. In the afternoon, having covered the altar (with sacrificial grass), and handed (to the sacrificer and his wife) one half of the fast-milk, they enter (the hall), put fire-wood on', and prepare the underlayer (of gravel). He (the Adhvaryu) puts the butter on the old Gârhapatya), and cleans the spoons. The sacrificer takes the king (Soma) on his lap. He (the Adhvaryu) scatters about the (dust of the) foot-print of the Soma-cow behind the (new) Gârhapatya for the sake of a firm standing, for it is with the foot that one stands firmly.
5. Now some divide it (the dust) into four parts? : one fourth part (they put) into the underlayer whereon they take up the Ahavaniya (for transferring it to the high altar); with one fourth part they anoint the axle ; one fourth part (they put) into this underlayer (for taking out the Ågnfdhriya fire); and one fourth part he scatters about behind the Gârhapatya.
6. But let him not do this ; let him rather scatter it about entirely behind the Gârhapatya. Having then purified the ghee, he takes thereof four ladlings (with the sruva), both in the guhd and in the upabhrit; and clotted ghee: in five ladlings, with (Vâg.
· Viz. on the Âhavanîya of the Prâkînavamsa (hall) now serving as the Gârhapatya, and generally called sâlâdvarya, i.e. the one near the (front or eastern) hall-door.
? See p. 121, note 2.
• Prishad-agya (lit. mottled butter) is clarified butter mixed with sour milk.
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S. V, 35), 'Thou art a light endowed with all forms, the flame of the All-gods;' for the clotted ghee belongs to the All-gods. When the wood is well kindled, they hold the spoons for him.
7. He then offers ?, with, 'Thou, O Soma, wilt widely withhold thy protection from the lifeinjuring 2 hatreds put forth by others, Hail!' Thereby he takes a firm stand on this resting-place, the earth, and gains this world.
8. He then offers the second oblation to (Soma) the Nimble, with, May the Nimble graciously accept the butter, Hail!' For he (Soma) spake upon that time, 'Verily I am afraid of the Rakshas : do ye make me to be too small for their deadly shaft, so that the evil spirits (the Rakshas) shall not injure me on the way; and take me across in the form of a drop, for the drop is nimble.' And accordingly, having made him too small for the deadly shaft, they lead him safely across in the form of a drop, from fear of the Rakshas, for the drop is nimble : this is why he offers the second oblation to (Soma) the Nimble.
9. They lift the (burning) fire-wood, and place it on the support. He then says (to the Hotri), *Recite for Agni, taken forward l' or (say some), '- for Soma, led forward.' But let him say, 'Recite for Agni, taken forwards!
He offers some ghee from a substitute spoon (prakarani), as the proper offering-spoons now filled with ghee and clotted ghee have to be carried with the fire to the Agnîdhra.
. Mahîdhara explains'tan@krit' by 'tanum krintanti kindanti.' It ought rather to mean .body-making,'-?from the enemies that assume (various) forms.
• The Kânva text, on the contrary, enjoins that he is to say, Recite for Soma...!' In the Horri's ritual this is called the
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10. They take the pressing-stones, the Somatrough (drona-kalasa), Vâyu's cups", the (twenty pieces of) fire-wood, the enclosing-sticks of kârshmarya wood (Gmelina Arborea), one prastara of asvavâla grass?, and the two Vidhritis of sugarcane; that barhis (which was used before") is tied up therewith. Further, the two spits for (roasting) the omenta“, the two ropes (for binding the stake and victims), the two churning-sticks (for producing fire), the adhimanthana chip, and the two vrishara", -having taken up all these they go forward (to the Âgnidhra): thus the sacrifice goes upwards.
11. While they proceed thither, he makes (the sacrificer) say the text (Vâg. S. V, 36; Rig-veda I, 189, 1), 'O Agni, lead us on a good path unto wealth, thou, O God, that knowest all works! keep thou from us the sin that leadeth astray, and we will offer unto thee most ample adoration!' He thereby places Agni in front, and Agni marches in front repelling the evil spirits; and they. take him thither on a (way) free from danger and
Agnîshoma-pranayana. For the seventeen verses (brought up to twenty-one by repetitions) of the Hotri, see Ait. Br. I, 30 (Haug, Translation, p. 68); Åsv. IV, 10. The Soma is carried either by the Brahman himself or by the sacrificer. Kâty. XI, 1, 13, 14.
1 The Vayavya'are wooden cups shaped like a mortar. It seems here to include all the Soma-cups, see IV, 1,3,7-10; Kâty. VIII, 7,5.
See III, 4, 1, 17-18. 3 Viz. at the guest-offering, see p. 103, note 3. It was tied up with the three objects mentioned immediately before.
+ The vapâsrapanî are sticks of kârshmarya wood. * For these objects, see p. 90, note 5.
• Thus that sacrifice goes upwards to yonder heavenly world, and, the sacrifice being the sacrificer, the sacrificer thus goes thither,' Kårva text. See III, 6, 1, 28, where the gods are said to have attained immortality from the Âgnîdhrîya.
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injury. They proceed, and reach the Âgnidhra ; and he (the Adhvaryu) puts (the fire) down on the Ågnidhra hearth.
12. Thereon, when laid down, he offers with the text (Vag. S. V, 37), 'May this Agni make wide room for us; may he march in front smiting the haters! May he gain riches in the winning of riches: may he, fiercely rushing, conquer the enemies, Hail!' By means of him (Agni) he thus takes a firm stand in that reşting-place, the aerial region, and gains that world.
13. In the same place they deposit the pressingstones, the Soma-trough, and Vayu's cups!. Having then taken up the other (objects), they proceed and deposit them north of the Åhavaniya.
14. The Adhvaryu takes the sprinkling-water, and sprinkles first the fire-wood, and then the altar. They then hand to him the altar-grass. He puts it down with the knot towards the east, and sprinkles it. Having poured (the remaining sprinkling-water) upon (the root ends of the altar-grass), and untied the knot,—the Prastara-bunch of asvavala grass is tied together (with the altar-grass),-he takes that; and having taken the Prastara, he spreads the altargrass in a single layer. Having spread the altargrass, he lays the enclosing-sticks of kârshmaryawood round (the fire). Having laid the enclosingsticks around, he puts two kindling-sticks (on the fire); and having put on the two kindling-sticks,
15. He offers with the text (Vâg. S.V,38), Stride thou widely, O Vishnu, make wide room for our abode! drink the ghee, thou born of ghee,
Also the two fringed filtering-cloths (dasápavitre), according to the Kanva rec.
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here I the men with increase of wealth.' Now Agni and Soma have seized him who consecrates himself between their jaws", for that consecrationoffering belongs to Agni and Vishnu, and Vishnu forsooth is no other than Soma; and he himself that consecrates himself is the food of the gods : thus they have seized him between their jaws, and he now expressly redeems himself from Soma, when he says, 'Now, O divine Soma, hast thou, a god, joined the gods, and here (have I joined) the men with increase of wealth ; '- increase of wealth means abundance : with abundance' he thereby means to say.
20. He then walks out (of the cart-shed), with, Haill I am freed from Varuna's noose!' For he, truly, is in Varuna's noose who is in another's mouth: he now frees himself from Varuna's noose, when he says, 'Hail! I am freed from Varuna's noose.
21. He then puts a kindling-stick on the Åhavaniya in this way, 'O Agni, protector of vows, on thee, O protector of vows-' for Agni is lord of vows to the gods, wherefore he says, 'O Agni, protector of vows, on thee, O protector of vows''what bodily form of thine hath been on me, (may) that (be) on thee; what bodily form of mine has been on thee, (may) that (be) here on me! Our vows, O lord of vows, (have been performed) rightly: the lord of consecration hath
· See III, 3, 4, 21.
• Thus (iti), viz. with the following modifications of the corresponding formula, used at the intermediary consecration,' III, 4, 3, 9. Perhaps iti' may mean 'th us,' i. e. while still keeping his fingers turned in; or, it may mean 'as such' (as a free man).
[36]
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approved my consecration; the lord of penance hath approved my penance.' Thereby he frees himself visibly from Agni, and sacrifices with a self (body) now his own: hence they now partake of his food, for he is a man (again); hence they now use his (real) name, for he is a man. And as to their not eating (of his food) heretofore, it is as one would not eat of sacrificial food, before offering has been made thereof: therefore let no one partake of the food of one consecrated. He now loosens his fingers.
THE ANIMAL SACRIFICE TO AGNI AND SOMA.
Fourth BRAHMANA. A. THE SETTING UP OF THE SACRIFICIAL STAKE. 1. Being about to cut the sacrificial stake, he offers a with a verse addressed to Vishnu. For the stake belongs to Vishnu; therefore he offers with a verse addressed to Vishnu.
2. And again, why he offers with a verse addressed to Vishnu—Vishnu being the sacrifice, he thus approaches the stake by means of the sacrifice: therefore he offers with a verse addressed to
Vishnu
3. If he offers with the offering-spoon, he offers after taking ghee by four ladlings; and if he offers with the dipping-spoon, he offers after 'cutting out' (some ghee from the pot) with the dipping-spoon ;with the text (Våg. S. V, 41), Stride thou widely,
On the Animal Sacrifice, cp. Dr. J. Schwab's dissertation, 'Das altindische Thieropfer,' 1882.
• This oblation is called yû på huti, or 'stake-offering.'
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O Vishnu, make wide room for our abode! drink the ghee, thou born of ghee, and speed the lord of the sacrifice ever onwards ! Hail!'
4. He takes the ghee which is left (in the meltingpot). Whatever chopping-knife the carpenter uses, that the carpenter now takes. They then proceed (to the wood). Whatever (tree) they select for the stake,
5. That he touches while muttering (Vâg. S. V, 42),—or he salutes it while standing behind it with his face towards the east,— I have passed over the others, I have not gone nigh the othershe does indeed pass over others and does not go near to others : wherefore he says, 'I have passed over the others, I have not gone nigh the others.'
6. 'Thee have I found on the nearer side of the farther, and on the farther side of the nearer;' he does indeed fell it on the nearer side of the farther, of those that are farther away from it; and 'on the farther side of the nearer,' he says, because he does fell it on the farther side of the nearer, of those that are on this side of it. This is why he says, 'Thee have I found on the nearer side of the farther, and on the farther side of the nearer.'
7. 'Thee do we favour, O divine lord of the forest', for the worship of the gods. As for the good work, he would favour (select) one from amidst many (men) and he (the chosen) would be well-disposed to that work, even so does he now, for the good work, favour that (tree) from amidst many, and it becomes well-disposed to the felling.
1 'Vanaspati' is a common synonym of vriksha, tree.
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8. 'Thee may the gods favour for the worship of the gods!' for that is truly successful which the gods favour for the good work: therefore he says, 'Thee may the gods favour for the worship of the gods!'
9. He then touches it with the dipping-spoon, with, 'For Vishnu, thee!' for the stake belongs to Vishnu, since Vishnu is the sacrifice, and he fells this (tree) for the sacrifice : therefore he says, 'For Vishnu, thee!'
10. He then places a blade of darbha-grass between", with, 'O plant, shield it!' for the axe is a thunderbolt; but thus that thunderbolt, the axe, does not hurt it (the tree). He then strikes with the axe, with, 'O axe, hurt it notr' for the axe is a thunderbolt, but thus that thunderbolt, the axe, does not hurt it.
11. The first chip’ which he cuts off, he takes (and lays aside). Let him cut (the tree) so as to cause no obstruction to the axle S. For, indeed, it is on a cart that they convey it, and in this way he does not obstruct the cart.
1 Viz, he places or holds it against where he is about to strike the tree, so as first to cut the grass.
. For the destination of this chip of the bark, see III, 7, 1, 8.
. That is to say, he is not to cut the tree too high from the ground, so that the axle of the cart might readily pass over the remaining stump without touching it. The Kanva text reads, “tam anakshastambhe vrisked uta hy enam anaså vakshyanto bhavanty uto svargam hâsya lokam yate (sic) 'kshastambhah syât tasmad anakshastambhe vrisket.' Nothing is said anywhere about the yüpa being conveyed on a cart to the sacrificial ground, if, indeed, that statement refer to the yûpa at all. Sayana's comment is very corrupt here, but he seems to interpret the passage to the effect that some people might convey the stake on the cart (pakshe anasa yupam nayeyuh) and that in that case the cart would be obstructed.
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12. Let him cut it so as to fall towards the east, for the east is the quarter of the gods; or towards the north, for the north is the quarter of men; or towards the west. But let him take care to keep it from (falling towards) the southern quarter, for that is the quarter of the Fathers: therefore he must take care to keep it from the southern quarter.
13. The falling (tree) he addresses with the text (Vág. S. V, 43), “Graze not the sky! hurt not the air! unite with the earth i' for verily that (tree) which they cut for the stake is a thunderbolt, and these worlds tremble for fear of that falling thunderbolt; but he thereby propitiates it for these worlds, and thus propitiated it injures not these worlds.
14. Now when he says, 'Graze not the sky,' he means to say, “Injure not the sky!' In the words 'hurt not the air' there is nothing obscure. By
Unite with the earth,' he means to say, 'Be thou in harmony with the earth!' 'For this sharp-edged axe hath led thee forward unto great bliss,' for this sharp axe indeed leads it forward.
15. Upon the stump he then offers ghee, lest the evil spirits should rise therefrom after the tree) :' ghee being a thunderbolt, he thus repels the evil spirits by means of the thunderbolt, and thus the evil spirits do not rise therefrom after it. And ghee being seed, he thus endows the trees with that seed; and from that seed (in) the stump trees are afterwards produced 1.
16. He sacrifices with, 'Grow thou out of this, O lord of the forest, with a hundred shoots!
1 Or, hence trees grow up again from the stump (? after felling, "â vraskanát") out of seed.'
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May we grow out with a thousand shoots!' There is nothing obscure in this.
17. Thereupon he cuts it (the stake of the proper length): of whatever length he cuts it the first time, so long let it remain.
18. He may cut it five cubits long; for fivefold is the sacrifice and fivefold is the animal (victim), and five seasons there are in the year : therefore he may cut it five cubits long.
19. He may cut it six cubits long; for six seasons there are in the year; and the year is a thunderbolt, as the sacrificial stake is a thunderbolt : therefore he may cut it six cubits long.
20. He may cut it eight cubits long, for eight syllables has the Gâyatri, and the Gâyatri is the fore-part of the sacrifice, as the sacrificial stake is the fore part of the sacrifice: therefore he may cut it eight cubits long.
21. He may cut it nine cubits long, for threefold is the sacrifice, and 'nine' is threefold : therefore he may cut it nine cubits long.
22. He may cut it eleven cubits long, for eleven syllables has the Trishtubh, and the Trishtubh is a thunderbolt, as the sacrificial stake is a thunderbolt: therefore he may cut it eleven cubits long.
23. He may cut it twelve cubits long, for twelve months there are in the year, and the year is a thunderbolt, as the sacrificial stake is a thunderbolt : therefore he may cut it twelve cubits long.
24. He may cut it thirteen cubits long, for thirteen months there are in a year, and the year is a thunderbolt, as the sacrificial stake is a thunderbolt : therefore he may cut it thirteen cubits long.
25. He may cut it fifteen cubits long, for the
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fifteen-versed chant is a thunderbolt?, as the sacrificial stake is a thunderbolt: therefore he may cut it fifteen cubits long.
26. The sacrificial stake of the Vagapeya sacrifice is seventeen cubits long. Indeed, it may be unmeasured, for with that same unmeasured thunderbolt did the gods conquer the unmeasured; and in like manner does he now conquer the unmeasured with that unmeasured thunderbolt: therefore it may even be unmeasured.
27. It is (made to be) eight-cornered, for eight syllables has the Gayatri, and the Gayatri is the fore-part of the sacrifice, as this (stake) is the forepart of the sacrifice: therefore it is eight-cornered.
SEVENTH ADHVẬYA. First BRÂHMANA. 1. He takes the spade, with (Våg. S. VI, 1), I take thee, at the impulse of the divine Savitri, with the arms of the Asvins, with the hands of Pashan: thou art a woman.' The significance of that formula is the same (as before); and that spade (abhri, fem.) is indeed female : therefore he says 'thou art a woman.'
2. He thus draws the outline of the hole (for the stakes), with, 'Herewith I cut off the necks of
1 On the connection of the Pañkadasa-stoma with Indra, the wielder of the thunderbolt, see part i, introduction, p. xviii.
* The Kânva text leaves an option first between stakes six, eight, eleven, fifteen (and for the Vâgapeya seventeen) cubits long; and finally lays down the rule that no regard is to be had to any fixed measure.
• According to the Kanva text, one half of it is to be within, and one half outside of the altar. See Katy. VI, 2, 8.
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the Rakshas!' The spade is the thunderbolt: with the thunderbolt he thus cuts off the necks of the Rakshas.
3. He then digs, and throws up a heap of earth towards the east. He digs the hole, making it equal (in depth) with the (unhewn) bottom part (of the stake). In front of it he lays down the stake with the top towards the east. Thereon he puts sacrificial grass of the same size, and thereupon he puts the chip of the stake. In front on the (north) side of the stake) he puts down the head-piece!. The sprinkling-water has barley-corns mixed with it: the significance of this is the same (as before).
4. He throws the barley-corns in with, “Thou art barley (yava), keep thou (yavaya) from us the haters, keep from us the enemies!' There is nothing obscure in this. He then sprinkles : the significance of the sprinkling is one and the same: he thereby renders it sacrificially pure.
5. He sprinkles (the top, middle, and bottom parts) with, 'For the sky—thee! for the air-thee! for the earth-thee! the stake being a thunderbolt (he does so) for the protection of these worlds 3 : 'I sprinkle thee for the protection of these worlds,' is what he thereby means to say.
6. The sprinkling-water that remains he then pours into the hole with, 'Be the worlds pure
Of the part of the tree cut off from the sacrificial stake, a toppiece or head-ring (kashâla) is made some eight or nine inches high, eight-cornered (like the sacrificial stake); narrower in the middle like a mortar, and hollowed out so as to allow its being fixed on the stake.
See III, 6, 1, 7 seq. For the construction, see p. 15, note 3.
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wherein the Fathers reside!' for a pit that is dug is sacred to the Fathers: this he thereby renders sacrificially pure.
7. Thereupon he strews barhis-grass therein, both eastward-pointed and northward-pointed, with,'Thou art the seat of the Fathers!' for that part of it (the stake) which is dug into the ground is sacred to the Fathers : as though it were (naturally) established among plants, and not dug in, so does it become established among those plants.
8. He then throws in the (first) chip of the stake. Now that chip of the outer (bark) doubtless is the vigour of trees; hence, when a chip of their outer (bark) is cut off they dry up, for it is their vigour. Hence, when he throws in the chip of the stake, he does so thinking, 'I will plant it (the stake) full of vigour. The reason why it is this (chip) and no other, is that this one has been produced with a formula, is sacrificially pure: therefore he throws in the chip of the stake.
9. He throws it in with (Vag. S. VI, 2), “Thou art a leader, easy of access to the Unnetris;' for that (chip) is cut from it in front, wherefore he says, 'Thou art a leader, easy of access to the Unnetris.' 'Be thou mindful of this: it will stand u pon thee!' for it (the stake) will indeed stand on it, wherefore he says, 'Be thou mindful of this : it will stand upon thee.'
10. Having then taken out ghee with the dippingspoon, he offers it into the hole, 'lest the evil spirits should rise from below :' ghee is a thunderbolt, he
i See III, 6, 4, II. * The Unnetris are the priests that have to draw the Soma.
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thus repels the evil spirits by means of the thunderbolt, and thus the evil spirits do not rise from below. Having then gone round to the front, he sits down facing the north and anoints the stake. He says (to the Hotri), 'Recite to the stake as it is anointed?!'
11. He anoints it with, “The divine Savitri anoint thee with sweet drink (milk)!' for Savitri is the impeller (prasavitri) of the gods, and that stake is in reality the sacrificer himself; and sweet drink is everything here; he thus puts it in connection with all that, and Savitri, the impeller, impels it for him: therefore he says, 'The divine Savitri anoint thee with sweet drink!'
12. Having then anointed the top-ring on both sides, he puts it on (the stake) with, 'To the fullberried plants—thee!' for that (top-ring) is as its berry. And as to its being, as it were, contracted in the middle, the berryhere on trees is fastened (to the stalk) sideways; what connecting part there is between (the fruit and stalk) pressed in, as it were, that he thereby makes it. This is why it is, as it were, contracted in the middle.
13. He anoints from top to bottom the corner) facing the fire; for the (corner) facing the fire is the sacrificer, and the ghee is sap: with sap he thus anoints the sacrificer; therefore he anoints from top to bottom the corner) facing the fire. He then
1 Recite to the stake being anointed!' or 'we anoint the stake: Recite l' Kânva rec. The latter is the formula mentioned Ait. Br. II, 2 (but 'angmo yūpam,' for Kanvayûpam añgmo'); where the seven verses recited by the Hotri (brought up to eleven as usual) are given. See also Asv. III, 1, 8.
Pippala refers especially to the berry or fruit of the Ficus Religiosa.
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grasps the girding-part all round, and says (to the Hotri), 'Recite to the (stake) being set up!'
14. He raises it with, “With thy crest thou hast touched the sky; with thy middle thou hast filled the air; with thy foot thou hast steadied the earth;'—the sacrificial stake being a thunderbolt, (he raises it) for the conquering of these worlds; with that thunderbolt he gains these worlds, and deprives his enemies of their share in these worlds.
15. He then plants it (in the hole) with (Vâg. S. VI, 3), 'To what resorts of thine we long to go where are the swift-footed, many-horned kine; there, forsooth, was imprinted widestriding Vishnu's highest mighty foot-step.' With this trishtubh verse he plants it; the trishtubh is a thunderbolt, as the sacrificial stake is a thunderbolt; therefore he plants it with a trishtubh verse.
16. That (corner which was) facing the fire he places opposite the fire; for the (corner) facing the fire is the sacrificer, and the sacrifice is fire. Hence were he to turn the fire-corner aside from the fire, the sacrificer would assuredly turn aside from the sacrifice; therefore he places the corner which was) facing the fire opposite the fire. He then heaps up (earth) round it and presses it firmly all round, and pours water thereon'.
17. Thereupon he makes (the sacrificer) say while touching it (Vág. S. VI, 4; Rig-veda I, 22, 19), 'See ye the deeds of Vishnu, whereby he beheld the sacred ordinances, Indra's allied
* The same formulas are used on this occasion as at III, 6, 1, 17-18.
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friend!' For he who has set up the sacrificial stake has hurled the thunderbolt: 'See ye Vishnu's conquest!' he means to say when he says, 'See ye the deeds of Vishnu, whereby he beheld the sacred ordinances, Indra's allied friend.' Indra, forsooth, is the deity of the sacrifice, and the sacrificial stake belongs to Vishnu; he thereby connects it with Indra; therefore he says, “Indra's allied friend.
18. He then looks up at the top-ring with (Vág. S. VI, 5; Rig-veda I, 22, 20), 'The wise ever behold that highest step of Vishnu, fixed like an eye in the heaven.' For he who has set up the sacrificial stake has hurled the thunderbolt: 'See ye that conquest of Vishnu !' he means to say when he says, 'The wise ever behold that highest step of Vishnu, fixed like an eye in the heaven.'
19. He then girds (the stake with a rope of kusagrass). Now it is to cover its nakedness that he girds it; wherefore he girds it in this place (viz. on a level with the sacrificer's navel), for it is thus that this (nether) garment is (slung round)? He thereby puts food into him, for it is there that the food settles; therefore he girds it at that place.
20. He girds it with a triple (rope), for threefold is food, and food means cattle; and (there is) the father and the mother, and what is born is the third; therefore he girds it with a triple (rope).
21. He girds it with (Vậg. S. VI, 6), Thou art enfolded; may the heavenly hosts enfold
1 According to the Kanva text it is to be slung round nividaghne, 'on a level with the nether garment' (nâbhidaghne, Taitt. S. VI, 3, 4, 5). According to Kâty. VI, 3, 1, the girding is preceded by a call on the.Hotri to recite to the post being anointed; but neither recension mentions this.
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thee! may riches enfold this sacrificer among men!' He invokes a blessing on the sacrificer, when he says, “May riches enfold this sacrificer among men.'
22. Thereupon he inserts a chip of the stake (under the rope) with, 'Thou art the son of the sky. For it is doubtless the offspring of that (sacrificial stake); hence if there be the full number of eleven stakes?, let him insert in each its own (chip) without confounding them; and his offspring is born orderly and not foolish. But whosoever inserts them in confusion, not its own in each, verily his offspring is born disorderly and foolish ; therefore let him insert its own in each without confounding them.
23. Moreover, that chip of the stake is made an ascent to the heavenly world; there is this girdlerope; after the rope the chip of the stake; after the chip of the stake the top-ring; and from the top-ring one reaches the heavenly world.
24. And as to why it is called svaru ('very sore'),--that (chip) is cut off from that (stake), and thus is its own (sva) sore (arus); therefore it is called 'svaru.'
25. With that part of it which is dug in, he gains the world of the Fathers; and with what is above the dug-in part, up to the girdle-rope, he gains the world of men; and with what is above the rope, up to the top-ring, he gains the world of the gods; and what (space of) two or three fingers' breadths
1 When, instead of a single he-goat to Agni, eleven victims are slaughtered, they are either bound to one stake each, or all to one and the same. See III, 9, 1, 4 seq. The chip alluded to is one of those obtained in rough-hewing the stake and making it eightcornered.
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there is above the top-ring, - the gods called the * Blessed",'—their world he therewith gains; verily, whosoever thus knows this, he becomes one of the same world with the blessed gods.
26. That (sacrificial stake) he sets up on the fore-part (of the altar); for the stake is a thunderbolt, as the club is a thunderbolt. But in hurling the club one takes hold of its fore-part; and that (stake) is the fore-part of the sacrifice; therefore he sets it up on the fore-part (of the altar).
27. Verily, by means of the sacrifice the gods gained that supreme authority which they now wield. They spake, 'How may this (world) of ours be made unattainable to men?' They sipped the sap of the sacrifice, as bees would suck out honey, and having drained the sacrifice and scattered it by means of the sacrificial stake, they disappeared. And because they scattered (yopaya) therewith, therefore it is called yûpa (sacrificial stake). At the head stands intelligence, at the head swiftness of thought; therefore he sets it up on the fore-part (of the altar).
28. It is eight-cornered; for the gayatri metre consists of eight syllables, and the gayatri is the fore-part of the sacrifice, as this (stake) is the forepart of the sacrifice; therefore it is eight-cornered.
29. Now the gods once threw it after (the prastara into the fire) even as now some throw it after, thinking, 'So the gods did it.' Thereupon the Rakshas sipped the sacrifice (Soma) after (the gods).
30. The gods said unto the Adhvaryu, ‘Offer thou only a chip of the stake; thereby this (sacri
On the 'sâdhyas' see Weber, Ind. Stud. IX, p. 6, note 2.
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ficer) will be bid good-speed"; and thus the Rakshas will not hereafter sip the sacrifice, thinking, “that (stake) surely is a raised thunderbolt.”
31. The Adhvaryu, then, offered up only a chip of the stake, and thereby that (sacrificer) was bid good-speed; and thus the Rakshas did not thereafter sip the sacrifice, thinking, 'that surely is a raised thunderbolt.'
32. And in like manner does he now only offer up that chip of the sacrificial stake?; thereby this (sacrificer) is bid good-speed; and thus the Rakshas do not thereafter sip the sacrifice, thinking, 'that surely is a raised thunderbolt !' He offers its with the text (Vág. S. VI, 21), May thy smoke rise up to the sky, thy light to the heavens! fill the earth with ashes, Hail!'
SECOND BRAHMANA.
1. Verily, as large as the altar is, so large is the earth. The sacrificial stakes are thunderbolts; and by means of these thunderbolts he obtains possession of this earth, and excludes his enemies from sharing therein. Hence there are eleven stakes, and the twelfth lies aside rough-hewn; he puts it down south (of the altar). The reason why the twelfth lies aside is this.
2. Now the gods, while performing this sacrifice,
See I, 8, 3, 11 seq. ,
• See Ait. Br. II, 3. • The offering of the chips does not take place till the end of the after-offerings (see note to III, 8, 5, 6). It is somewhat strange that it should be anticipated in this place, both in this and the Kanva recensions.
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were afraid of an attack from the Asura-Rakshas. Those raised (sacrificial stakes), then, were as a discharged arrow,—therewith one either smites or smites not; as a hurled club,—therewith one either smites or smites not. But that twelfth (stake) lying aside,-even as an arrow drawn but not discharged, as (a weapon) raised but not hurled, so was that a thunderbolt raised for repelling the evil spirits on the south; therefore the twelfth (stake) lies aside.
3. He lays it down with (Vâg. S. VI, 6), 'This is thy place on earth; thine is the beast of the forest.' There are the animal (victim) and the sacrificial stake; to this one he thereby assigns of animals that of the forest, and thus it, too, is possessed of an animal (victim). That setting up of the eleven sacrificial stakes is said to be of two. kinds,-some, namely, set (them all) up (on the previous day) for the morrow's Soma feast, and others set up (one) stake for the preparation of the morrow's Soma feast.
4. Let him, however, not do this; but let him only set up the one opposite the fire. For after setting it up the Adhvaryu does not quit his hold of it till the girding; but those (others) remain
i No satisfactory explanation of prakubrata' occurs to me. It seems to be derived from 'kubra,' to which the dictionaries assign the meanings 'hole for sacrificial fire'and 'thread' (besides those of
forest,' earring,' and 'cart'). Unâd. II, 28, derives this from a root 'kub,' to cover, shelter. For the safe foundation (or the protraction) of to-morrow's Soma feast. The Kânva text, on the other hand, reads: Some, now, raise all (the stakes) on the upavasatha (day before the Soma feast) for the sake of quickening (prakudratâyai) the work, thinking, we will quickly bring the sacrifice to a close.'
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ungirt during that night. Thus there would be an offence, since it is for the victim that the stake is set up, and the victim is (only) slaughtered on the next morning : let him therefore set up (the others) on the next morning.
5. Let him first set up that (stake) which stands (immediately) north of the one opposite the fire, then the one on the south, then a northern one, - last of all the one on the southern flank: thus it (the row of stakes) inclines to the north.
6. But they also say conversely?, 'Let him first set up that which is south of the one opposite the fire, then the northern one, then a southern one,last of all the one on the northern flank: and thus indeed his work attains completion towards the north.'
7. Let the largest be the one forming the southern flank; then shorter and shorter; and the one forming the northern flank the shortest : thus (the row of stakes) inclines to the north.
8. Thereupon they set up the wife-stake for the wives. It is for the sake of completeness, forsooth, that the wife-stake is set up: there they seize (and bind) the victim for Tvashtri, for Tvashtri fashions the cast seed, and hence he fashions the seed now cast. It (the victim to Tvashtri) is an animal with testicles, for such a one is a begetter. Let him not slay that one, but let him set it free after fire has been carried round it. Were he to slay it, there would assuredly be an end to offspring, but in this way he sets free the offspring. Therefore let him not
1 The Kanva text first mentions the practice set forth in the preceding paragraph, as the teaching of some,' but then rejects it in favour of the second alternative.
[26]
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slay it, but let him set it free after fire has been carried round it.
THIRD BRÂHMANA.
B. THE KILLING OF THE Victim. 1. There are both an animal and a sacrificial stake, for never do they immolate an animal without a stake. And as to why this is so :-well, animals did not at first submit thereto that they should become food, as they are now become food; for just as man here walks two-footed and erect, so did they walk two-footed and erect.
2. Then the gods perceived that thunderbolt, to wit, the sacrificial stake; they raised it, and from fear thereof they (the animals) shrunk together and thus became four-footed, and thus became food, as they are now become food, for they submitted thereto: wherefore they immolate the animal only at a stake and never without a stake.
3. Having driven up the victim, and churned the fire, he binds it (to the stake). And as to why this is so :-well, animals did not at first submit thereto that they should become sacrificial food, as they are now become sacrificial food and are offered up in the fire. · The gods secured them : even thus secured they did not resign themselves.
4. They spake, 'Verily, these (animals) know not the manner of this, that it is in fire that sacrificial food is offered, nor (do they know) that secure resort (the fire) : let us offer fire into the fire after securing the animals and churning the fire, and they will know that this truly is the manner of sacrificial food,
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this its resort; that it is truly in fire that sacrificial food is offered : and accordingly they will resign themselves, and will be favourably disposed to the slaughtering.'
5. Having, then, first secured the animals, and churned the fire, they offered fire into the fire; and then they (the animals) knew that this truly is the manner of sacrificial food, this its resort; that it is truly in fire that sacrificial food is offered. And accordingly they resigned themselves, and became favourably disposed to the slaughtering.
6. And in like manner does he now offer fire into the fire, after securing the animal and churning the fire. It (the animal) knows that this truly is the manner of sacrificial food, this its resort; that it is truly in fire that sacrificial food is offered; and accordingly it resigns itself and becomes favourably disposed to the slaughtering. Therefore having driven up the victim and churned the fire, he binds it (to the stake).
7. As to this they say, 'Let him not drive up (the victim), nor churn the fire; but having taken the rope and straightway gone thither and put (the rope) round it, let him bind it.' Let him, however, not do this; for it would be as if he intended to commit secretly some lawless action. Let him therefore go round there.
8. Then, taking a straw, he drives it up, thinking, 'having a companion, I will secure it;' for he who has a companion is strong.
9. He takes the straw with (Våg. S. VI, 7), 'Thou art a cheerer!' for a companion does cheer one: therefore he says, “Thou art a cheerer.' 'The celestial hosts have approached the gods;'
N2
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the celestial hosts, forsooth, are those beasts: 'they have submitted to the gods' he means to say, when he says, 'The celestial hosts have approached the gods.'
10. The considerate?, best of leaders;' for the gods are wise: therefore he says, 'The considerate, best of leaders.'
II. O divine Tvashtri, settle the wealth!' for Tvashtri is lord of beasts (cattle), and wealth means cattle, it is with regard to those which did not submit that the gods then said to Tvashtri,
Quiet them,' when he says, 'O divine Tvashtri, settle the wealth!'
12. "May the offerings be relished by thee!'. Since they themselves submitted thereto that they should become sacrificial food, therefore he says, May the offerings be relished by thee!'
13. 'Rejoice, ye prosperous!' for cattle are prosperous: therefore he says, ' Rejoice ye prosperous.' 'O Lord of prayer, preserve our goods!' The Lord of prayer, forsooth, is the Brahman; and goods mean cattle: those, which did not submit, the gods on that occasion enclosed with the Brahman on the farther side, and they did not pass over it. And in like manner does he now enclose them with the Brahman on the farther side, and they do not pass over it: therefore he says, O Lord of prayer, preserve our goods!' Having made a noose he throws it over (the victim). Now then as to the binding itself.
· Usig rather means 'willing, loving, devoted.'
According to the Taitt. authorities (Sâyana on Taitt. S. I, 3, 8), the rope is wound round the right fore-leg and then passed upwards
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Fourth BRÂHMANA. CATHOTE 11
1. Having made a noose, he throws it over the victim) with (Vág. S. VI, 8), With the noose of sacred order I bind thee, O oblation to the gods!' for that rope, forsooth, is Varuna's: therefore he thus binds it with the noose of sacred order, and thus that rope of Varuna does not injure it.
2. Be bold, O man?!' for at first man dared notto approach it (the victim); but now that he thus binds it with the noose of sacred order, as an oblation to the gods, man dares to approach it : therefore he says, 'Be bold, O man !'
3. He then binds it (to the stake) with (Vâg. S. VI, 9), 'At the impulse of the divine Savitri, I bind thee with the arms of the Asvins, with the hands of Pashan, thee agreeable to Agni and Soma!' Even as on that occasion, when taking out an oblation for a deity, he assigns it, so does he now assign it to the two deities. He then sprinkles it, one and the same, forsooth, is the
to the head. From Kâty. VI, 3, 27, on the other hand, it would seem that the rope is passed either between the horns (and under the neck?), or round the horns.
Thus the author appears to take the formula 'dharshâ mânushah.' It would rather seem to mean, Be bold: [I am (or he, the slaughterer, is)] a man.' Mahîdhara interprets, May he (the Samitri) be bold enough!' Either the Kanva reading dharshân mânushah' or that of the Taittiriyas dharsha mânushân' would seem preferable.
• The Kânva text has 'dhrishnoti' for 'adhrishnot,' which renders it more simple : At first the man (the slaughterer) dares not approach it, but when he thus binds it, &c.'
3 Viz. at the Haviryagña; see I, 1, 2, 17.
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significance of sprinkling: he thereby makes it sacrificially pure.
4. He sprinkles with, 'For the waters-thee, for the plants!' whereby it (the victim) exists, thereby he thus makes it sacrificially pure. For when it rains, then plants are produced here on earth; and by eating plants and drinking water that sap originates, and from sap seed, and from seed beasts: hence whereby it exists, wherefrom it springs, thereby he thus makes it sacrificially pure.
5. 'May thy mother grant thee permission, and thy father-;' for it is from its mother and father that it is born: hence wherefrom it is born, thereby he thus makes it sacrificially pure; '—thine own brother, thy fellow in the herd;' whereby he means to say, 'whatever kin there is of thine, with their approval I slay thee.' 'I sprinkle thee, agreeable to Agni and Soma;' he thus makes it pure for those two deities for whom he slays it.
6. With (Vâg. S. VI, 10), 'Thou art a drinker of water,' he then holds (the lustral water) under (its mouth), whereby he renders it internally pure. He then sprinkles it underneath (the body), with, May the divine waters make it palatable, a true palatable offering to the gods!' he thus makes it sacrificially pure all over.
7. Thereupon he says (to the Hotri),' Recite to the fire being kindled! when he has made the second libation of ghee', and returned to his former place) without letting the two spoons touch one another”, he anoints the victim with the (ghee in the)
For the course of performance, see I, 3, 5, 1 seq.; I, 4, 4, I seq. 2 See I, 4, 5, 5.
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guha. For the second libation is the head of the sacrifice, and the sacrifice here indeed is that victim: hence he thereby puts the head on the sacrifice and therefore anoints the victim with the guhů.
8. With ‘May thy breath unite with the wind!' he anoints it on the forehead; with 'Thy limbs with those worthy of sacrifice on the shoulders; with 'The lord of sacrifice with (the object of) his prayer!' the loins; whereby he means to say, 'For whatsoever object the animal is slain, do thou obtain that!'
9. For, indeed, the breath of the victim when slain here passes into the wind : Obtain thou that thy breath may pass into the wind !' is what he thereby means to say. “Thy limbs with those worthy of offering' he says, because it is with its limbs that they sacrifice: Obtain thou that they may sacrifice with thy limbs' is what he thereby means to say. The lord of sacrifice with his prayer,' hereby they invoke a blessing on the sacrificer: 'Obtain thou that through thee they may invoke a blessing on the sacrificer' is what he thereby means to say. He then deposits the two spoons and calls for the Sraushat with a view to the Pravara (election of the Hotri)? The significance of this is the same (as before).
10. Thereupon he calls a second time for the Sraushat, for on this occasion there are two Hotris: it is with regard to the Maitråvaruna ? that he now calls for the Sraushat. But it is the sacrificer whom
See I, 5, 1, 1 seq. (also note to part i, p. 115). · The Maiträvaruna or Prasastri is the Hotri's chief assistant. He receives, as the badge of his office, the staff which the sacrificer
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he chooses, saying, “Verily, Agni is the leader of the divine hosts,' for Agni is the head of the deities; wherefore he says, “Verily, Agni is the leader of the divine hosts ;'—'this sacrificer of the human;' for that community wherein he sacrifices is behind (inferior to) him ; wherefore he says, • This sacrificer (is the head) of the human.' 'May the household of these two shine brightly, not (like a cart yoked) with one bullock, for a hundred winters,-two yoke-fellows!' whereby he means to say, “May their household matters be free from calamities for a hundred years?' :
11. “Uniting blessings, not uniting bodies;' whereby he means to say, 'Unite ye your blessings only, but not also your bodies ;' for were they also to unite their bodies, Agni (the fire) would burn the sacrificer. Now when this one sacrifices in the fire, he gives gifts to Agni; and whatever blessing the priests here invoke upon the sacrificer, all that Agni accomplishes. Thus they unite only their blessings, but not also their bodies : wherefore he says,‘Uniting blessings, not uniting bodies.'
Eighth Adhyâya. FIRST BRÂHMANA.
C. THE OBLATIONS 1. Thereupon the Hotri, having sat down on the Hotri's seat whereon he sits down after being chosen”, held while he was consecrated, and has, at the instance of the Adhvaryu, to call on the Hotri for the offering-prayers,—his summons (praisha) beginning with Hotâ yakshat, 'let the Hotri worship (or, pronounce the offering-prayer)...,' and occasionally himself to pronounce the invitatory prayer.
1 See I, 9, 3, 19.
* Viz. at the north-west corner (or left hip) of the altar. For the formulas used by him, see I, 5, 1, 24-2, 1.
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urges, and thus urged the Adhvaryu takes the two spoons.
2. They then proceed with the Apri (verses). The reason why they proceed with the pris is this. With his whole mind, with his whole self, forsooth, he who consecrates himself prepares and endeavours to prepare the sacrifice. His self is, as it were, emptied out; with those Åpris they fill it again; and because they fill it therewith, therefore they are called Apri. For this reason they proceed with the Âpris.
3. Now there are here eleven fore-offerings; for here in man there are ten vital airs, and the eleventh is the self wherein those vital airs are contained; this is the whole man; thus they fill his whole self, and therefore there are eleven fore-offerings.
4. [The Adhvaryu] having called (on the Ågnidhra) for the Sraushat, he says (to the Maitråvaruna),
Prompt (the Hotri to recite to) the kindlingsticks?!' Thus he proceeds with ten fore-offerings,
1 The text has only 'âpyâyayanti,' but the verb with which the author connects the verb 'âprí' is either â-prinâti, he fills; or (more correctly) &-prinâti,' he gratifies, propitiates, corresponding to the Zand afrînaiti. Perhaps some words have been lost here. The Kanva text has : sa yad etabhir âprîbhih punar âpyâyata etábhir enam âprînâti tasmad âpriyo nama. On the Aprî verses, which form the offering-prayers (yágyas) at the fore-offerings of the animal sacrifice, and vary according to different families, see Ait. Br. II, 4; Max Müller, Hist. of A. S. L., p. 463 seq.; Haug, Essays, p. 241.
See I, 5, 3, 8. The Adhvaryu calls out to the Agnidh, 'O sråvaya (make listen)!' The Agnîdh calls out,'Astu sraushal (yea, may one hear)l' The Adhvaryu calls on the Maiträvaruna, 'Preshya samidhah (prompt as to the kindling-sticks)!'[or,' Preshya TanGnapatam or Narasamsam'&c. in the succeeding fore-offerings.] The Maiträvaruna calls out, Hotâ yakshat samidham [Tandnapâtam, &c.], (let the Hotri pronounce the offering-prayer to the kindling-sticks, &c. !)' Each offering-prayer (Aprî) is introduced
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saying, Prompt ...' at each, and pouring the ghee together at every fourth fore-offering?. Having performed ten fore-offerings, he says, Bring the slayer !' 'Slayer,' namely, the (butcher's) knife is called.
5. He then takes the (svaru) chip of the sacrificial stake, and having anointed both (the slaughteringknife and the chip) at the top (with ghee) from the guhd-spoon, he touches the forehead of the victim with them, saying (Vág. S. VI, 11), 'Anointed with ghee, protect ye the animals!' for the chip of the stake is a thunderbolt, and the slaughteringknife is a thunderbolt, and ghee is a thunderbolt; having thus fitted together the entire thunderbolt ? he appoints it the keeper of this (victim), lest the evil spirits should injure it. He again conceals the chip of the stake (under the girding-rope of the stake). In handing the slaughtering-knife to the butcher, he says, ' Be this thine approved edge!' and deposits the two spoons.
6. Thereupon he says (to the Hotri), 'Recite to Agni circumambient'!' Having taken a firebrand,
with the formula Ye yagâmahe, &c. See part i, p. 148 note. The divine objects of these oblations of ghee are: 1. the Samidhs or kindling-sticks; 2. either Tanů napât or Nara samsa; 3. the Idas; 4. the Barhis (sacrificial grass on the altar); 5. the gates (of heaven and worshipping-ground); 6. Dawn and Night; 7. the two divine Hotris; 8. the three goddesses (Sarasvati, Idâ, and Bhârati); 9. Tvashtri; 10. Vanaspati (the tree, or lord of the forest); 11. the Svâ hâkritis (calls of All-hail,' which at this, the last offering-prayer, are repeated before the names of the principal deities of the sacrifice). For this last fore-offering, see III, 8, 2, 23 seq.
I See I, 5, 3, 16. ? For the three parts of the thunderbolt, see p. 108, note 2. 3 The Hotri recites the triplet, Rig-veda IV, 15, 1-3.
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the Agnidh carries the fire round (the victim). Why he carries the fire round, is that he encircles it (the victim) by means of the fire with an unbroken fence, lest the evil spirits should seize upon it; for Agni is the repeller of the Rakshas; therefore he carries the fire round. He carries it round the place where they cook it (the victim ').
7. As to this they say, 'Let him take back that firebrand (to the Ahavaniya); and having there (at the Sâmitra) churned out a new fire, let them cook it (the victim) thereon. For this (firebrand), surely, is dhavaniya (fit to offer upon); it is not for the purpose that they should cook uncooked (food) thereon, but for this that they should sacrifice cooked (food) thereon.'
8. Let him, however, not do this. For in that he carries fire round it, it (the victim) becomes as food swallowed by that (firebrand), and it would be as if he were to seize and tear out food that has been swallowed and offer it to some one else; let them, therefore, crumble some coals off that same firebrand, and thereon cook that (victim).
9. Thereupon the Agnidh, taking a (new) firebrand, walks in front: whereby he places Agni in front, thinking, 'Agni shall repel the evil spirits in front !' and
Sâyana seems to take 'abhipariharati' in the sense of 'he takes it round to the place where they cook.' According to Kâty. VI, 5, 2, 3, the Agnîdh circumambulates thrice from left to right, either the place comprising the victim, the ghee, the slaughteringplace, the sacrificial post, the kâtvala, and Ahavanîya; or only the ghee, the victim, and slaughtering-place. He then throws the firebrand back on the Ahavanîya, and performs the circumambulation as many times in the opposite direction. On the Paryagnikarana, see also part i, p. 45 note.
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they lead the victim after him (to the slaughteringplace) on a (way) free from danger and injury. The Pratiprasthâtri holds on to it from behind by means of the two spits', and the Adhvaryu (holds on to) the Pratiprasthầtri, and the Sacrificer to the Adhvaryu.
10. As to this they say, 'That (victim) must not be held on to by the sacrificer, for they lead it unto death; therefore let him not hold on to it.' But let him nevertheless hold on to it; for that (victim) which they lead to the sacrifice they lead not to death; therefore let him hold on to it. Moreover he would cut himself off from the sacrifice, were he not to hold on to it; therefore let him hold on to it. It is held on to in a mysterious way; by means of the spits the Pratiprasthâtri (holds on to it); to the Pratiprasthâtri the Adhvaryu, to the Adhvaryu the Sacrificer; thus then it is held on to in a mysterious way.
11. Thereupon the Adhvaryu takes two stalks of grass from the covered altar, and having called for the Sraushat, he says (to the Maitrâvaruna), O Hotri, prompt again (the Hotri to recite for) the offerings to the gods?!' This is what belongs to the All-gods at the animal offering.
12. He then makes (the Sacrificer) say the text (Våg. S. VI, 11), O thou prosperous! upon
For the two omentum-spits, see note on III, 8, 2, 16. 9 The Maitrâvaruna's additional cue or order (upapraisha) is 'Agni has been victorious; he has won wealth!' On the Hotri's recitation-the so-called Adhrigu litany-commencing Ye divine quieters (slaughterers), commence, as well as ye that are human!' and consisting of formulas usually pronounced by the Adhvaryu (and hence perhaps going back to a time when the Hotri had to perform all but the menial parts of the sacrificial service), see Ait. Br. II, 6–7; Roth, Yaska XXXVII seq.
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the Sacrificer,'--the prosperous one, forsooth, is Speech, it is because she speaks much, that Speech is prosperous,-'bestow thou what is agreeable unto him! Approach thou,'—thereby he means to say, 'Approach thou an existence free from affliction,'— 'from the wide air, along with the divine wind;' for the Rakshas moves about the air rootless and unfettered on both sides, even as man here moves about the air rootless and unfettered on both sides : he means to say, 'Meeting together with the wind, protect thou this one from the wide air,' when he says from the wide air, along with the divine wind.'
13. Offer thou with the self of this oblation!' whereby he means to say to Speech, Offer thou with the soul of this unblemished oblation ;'"Unite thou with its body!' whereby he means to say to Speech, Unite thou with the body of this unblemished oblation!
14. In front of the place where they cut it up, he throws down a stalk of grass, with, 'O great one, lead the lord of sacrifice unto greater sacrifice !' he thus strews barhis (an underlayer of sacrificial grass) for it, that no sacrificial food may be spilt; whatever may now be spilt of it when it is cut up, that settles thereon and thus is not lost.
15. They then step back (to the altar) and sit down turning towards the Åhavaniya, “lest they should be eye-witnesses to its being quieted (strangled).' They do not slay it on the frontal bone ?, for that is human
1 According to Kâty. VI, 5, 15, the stalk is put down behind the Sâmitra (i. e. the fire at the slaughtering-place) with the top towards the east.
* Lit. ' by means of the frontal bone. Såyana explains it by'in
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manner; nor behind the ear, for that is after the manner of the Fathers. They either choke it by merely keeping its mouth closed, or they make a noose. Therefore he says not, 'Slay! kill !' for that is human manner, but,' Quiet it! It has passed away!' for that is after the manner of the gods. For when he says, 'It has passed away,' then this one (the Sacrificer) passes away to the gods: therefore he says, 'It has passed away.'
16. When they hold it down, then, before the strangling, he offers with Hail, to the gods!' And when the butcher) says, 'Quieted is the victim,' he offers with, "To the gods, Hail!' Thus some of the gods are preceded by Hail,' and others followed by Hail;' he thereby gratifies them, and thus gratified both kinds of gods convey him to the heavenly world. These are the so-called 'paripasavyal'oblations; he may offer them if he choose; or, if he choose, he need not mind them.
SECOND BRAHMANA. 1. When he (the slaughterer) announces, “The victim has been quieted !' the Adhvaryu says,
Neshtar, lead up the lady!' The Neshtri leads up the (sacrificer's) wife bearing a vessel of water for washing the feet.
2. He makes her say (Våg. S. VI, 12), 'Homage be to thee, O wide-stretched!' - the widestretched one, forsooth, is the sacrifice; for they stretch the sacrifice (over the sacrificial ground): seizing it by the horn;' Professor Weber, Ind. Stud. IX, p. 222,"by striking it with a horn.' The Kanva text reads, tasya na kutena praghnanti mânusham ha kuryâd yad asya kutena prahanyuh.
1 That is, surrounding, relating to, the victim.
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hence the wide-stretched one is the sacrifice. But that wife, forsooth, is the hind-part of the sacrifice, and he wants her, thus coming forward, to propitiate the sacrifice. Thereby, then, she makes amends to that sacrifice, and thus that sacrifice does not injure her : therefore she says, 'Homage be to thee, O widestretched !
3. 'Advance, unresisted!' whereby she means to say, 'Advance on (a way) free from injury!' *Unto the rivers of ghee, along the paths of sacred truth!' whereby she means to say, 'Unto good.' [Vâg. S. VI, 13), Ye divine, pure waters, carry ye (the sacrifice) to the gods, well-prepared! May we be well-prepared preparers!' Thereby she purifies the water.
4. Thereupon the wife cleanses with the water the (openings of the) vital airs of the victim. The reason why she thus cleanses with water the (openings of the) vital airs is this: the food of the gods is living, is immortal (ambrosia) for the immortals; but in quieting and cutting up that victim they kill it. Now the vital airs are water; hence she now puts into it those vital airs, and thus that food of the gods becomes truly living, becomes immortal for the immortals.
5. Then as to why it is the wife that cleanses. The wife is a woman, and from woman progeny is born here on earth; thus he causes that (creature) to be born from that woman; and therefore the wife cleanses (the victim).
6. With (Vág. S. VI, 14).Thy speech I cleanse' she wipes the mouth; with Thy breath I cleanse,' the nostrils; with 'Thine eye I cleanse,' the eyes ; with 'Thine organ of hearing I cleanse,' the
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ears; with 'Thy navel I cleanse,' that mysterious (opening of a) vital air; or with 'Thy sexual organ I cleanse;' with 'Thy hind-part I cleanse,' that (opening of a) vital air behind. Thus she puts the vital airs into it, revives it. Thereupon, holding the legs together, (she wipes them) with 'Thy feet I cleanse;' for it is on its feet that it stands firmly; she thus makes it stand (on its feet) for the sake of a firm position.
7. With one half or the whole of the water that is left, he (the Adhvaryu) and the Sacrificer? then sprinkle it, beginning from the head; thereby they put those vital airs into it, and revive it (beginning) from that part.
8. Thus, wherever they wound it?, wherever they hurt it-water being a means of soothingthere they soothe it by that means of soothing, water, there they heal it with water.
9. They sprinkle with (Vậg. S. VI, 15), “May thy mind grow full! may thy speech grow full! may thy breath grow full! may thine eye grow full! may thine ear grow full!' Thus they put the vital airs into it and revive it: Whatever is sore, whatever hurt in thee, may that fill up and become firm.'
10. Thus, wherever they wound it, wherever they hurt it—water being a means of soothing - they soothe it by that means of soothing, water, there
1 Or, perhaps, she and the sacrificer, as Sâyana takes it (yagamânah patnî ka). Kâty. VI, 6, 4 leaves it doubtful; but the commentator interprets the rule as referring to the Adhvaryu and Sacrificer, in accordance with the reading of the Kânva text-atha yâh parisishłâ âpo bhavanti tabhir adhvaryus ka yagamânas kânushinkatah.'
· Asthậpayanti=samgñapayanti, Sâyana.
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they heal it with water : "May that become pure in thee!' thereby they render it sacrificially pure. With 'Auspicious be the days!' they pour out (the remaining water) behind the victim.
11. Thus, wherever they wound it, wherever they hurt it,—lest thereafter the days and nights should be inauspicious',—they pour out (the water) behind the victim with, 'Auspicious be the days.'
12. Thereupon they turn the victim over so as to lie on its back. He (the Adhvaryu) puts the (other) stalk of grass thereon, with, 'O plant, protect!' for the knife is a thunderbolt, and thus that thunderbolt, the knife, does not injure it (the victim). He then applies the edge of the knife to it (and cuts through it) with, “Injure it not, O blade!' for the knife is a thunderbolt, and thus that thunderbolt, the knife, does not injure it.
13. He applies that approved edge of his, for that has been made sacrificially pure by a text. That which is the top part of the stalk he puts in his left hand, and that which is the bottom part he takes with his right hand.
14. And where he skins (the victim), and whence the blood spirts out, there he smears it (the bottom part with blood) on both ends with (Vâg. S. VI, 16), 'Thou art the Rakshas' share!' for that blood is indeed the Rakshas' share.
15. Having thrown it away (on the utkara), he treads on it with, 'Herewith I tread down the Rakshas! herewith I drive away the Rakshas! herewith I consign the Rakshas to the
1 Ned idam any ahorâtrâni sokan iti, Kanva recension. ? See III, 8, 1, 5.
[36]
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nethermost darkness!' Thus it is by means of the sacrifice that he drives away the evil spirits, the Rakshas. And as to its being rootless and severed on both sides,-rootless, forsooth, and severed on both sides, the Rakshas moves about in the air, even as man here moves about in the air rootless and severed on both sides : therefore it (the grass-end) is rootless and severed on both sides.
16. Thereupon they pull out the omentum, and envelop the two spits? therein with, ‘May ye envelop heaven and earth with ghee! whereby he endows those two, heaven and earth, with strength and sap, and puts strength and sap into them; and upon those two, thus filled with sap and affording the means of subsistence, these creatures subsist.
17. The two omentum-spits are made of kârshmarya wood. For when the gods in the beginning seized (slew) a victim, then, as it was drawn upwards, its sacrificial essence flowed downwards, and from it sprang a tree; and because it flowed down from the (victim) as it was drawn (karsh) upwards, therefore (it became) a kârshmarya trees. With that
1 The two vapâsrapanîs (omentum-roasters) consist of sticks of kârshmarya wood (Gmelina Arborea), one of them being quite straight, while the other is bifurcate at the top, thus resembling a prop.
. Or, its flesh-juice, medha. The Kânva text reads throughout medhas.
9 The Kânva text has the preferable reading, -Sa yat krishyamânât samabhavat tasmât kârshmaryo nâma, and because it sprang from that drawn-up (victim), therefore it is called kârshmarya.'
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same sacrificial essence he now perfects it, and makes it whole; therefore the two omentum-spits are of kârshmarya wood.
18. He cuts it (the omentum) off on all sides (from the belly) and heats it at the cooking-fire: thus it becomes cooked for him already at this (fire)? The Agnidh again takes a firebrand (from the Sâmitra, and walks in front). They go behind the pit (kâtvâla) and proceed to the Ahavaniya, The Adhvaryu throws that (top part of the) grassstalk into the Ahavaniya with, O Vayu, graciously accept the drops!' for this is the kindler (samidh) of the drops 2.
19. Thereupon he heats the omentum while standing on the north side ; for he is about to pass by the fire and to roast (the omentum) after walking round to the south side. Hereby then he propitiates it, and thus that fire does not injure him while passing by; this is why he heats the omentum while standing on the north side.
20. They take it along between the sacrificial stake and the fire. The reason why they do not take it across the middle (of the altar), where they take other sacrificial dishes, is lest they should bring the sacrifice in the middle into contact with the uncooked (omentum). And why they do not take it there outside (the altar) along the front of the sacrificial stake, is that they would thereby put it outside the sacrifice; therefore they take it along
1 [He does so, thinking), 'Lest I should cook it on the Âhavanîya uncooked.' Kânva rec.
3. For it is for the drops that he thus lights it.' Kânva rec.
3 That is, across the altar immediately behind the fire or high altar,
02
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between the sacrificial stake and the fire. Having gone round to the south side, the Pratiprasthâtri roasts it.
21. Thereupon the Adhvaryu, having taken ghee with the dipping-spoon, pours it upon the omentum, with, May Agni graciously accept the ghee, Hail!' Thus those drops thereof reach the fire after becoming cooked offerings, made with Svâhâ (hail)!
22. He then says (to the Maitrâvaruna'), 'Recite to the drops!' He recites to the drops verses addressed to Agni? The reason why he recites to the drops verses addressed to Agni, is that rain originates from gifts made from this earth, for from here it is that Agni obtains the rain; by means of these drops (falling from the omentum) he obtains those (rain) drops, and those drops rain down; therefore he recites to the drops verses addressed to Agni. When it is roasted,
23. The Pratiprasthâtri says, 'It is roasted: proceed !' The Adhvaryu, having taken the two spoons and stept across (to the north side of the fire) and called for the Sraushat, says (to the Maitrâvaruna).
Prompt for the Svâhâs !' and offers (the ghee) when the Vashat has been pronounced”.
1 Thus according to the commentator on Kâty. VI, 6, 18. See also note on IV, 2, 5, 22, and Haug, Transl. Ait. Br. p. 1or note.
* The invitatory) formulas are Rig-veda I, 75, 1, and III, 21, 1-5; Ait. Br. II, 12; Asv. Sr. III, 4, 1.
The Pratiprasthâtri withdraws the omentum from the fire, and takes it (between fire and stake) to the north of the pit, where the Adhvaryu in the first place performs the so-called prânadâna (vol. i, p. 438 note), after which he deposits it on the altar. Kâty. VI, 6, 20.
. That is, for the offering-prayer or yâgyâ of the last fore-offering, being the last verse of whatever âprî hymn may be used; followed by a number of Svâhâs, each with the name of some deity or deities (cf. I, 3, 3, 22–23).
o Cf. Haug, Transl. Ait. Br. p. 100, note 4.
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24. Having offered, he bastes first the omentum, then the clotted ghee. Now the Karaka-Adhvaryus, forsooth, baste first the clotted ghee, arguing that the clotted ghee is the breath; and a Karaka-Adhvaryu, forsooth, cursed Yagñavalkya for so doing, saying, "That Adhvaryu has shut out the breath; the breath shall depart from him!'
25. But he, looking at his arms, said, “These hoary arms—what in the world has become of the Brahman's word'!' Let him not heed that (objection of the Karakas); for this is the last fore-offering - and this being a havis-offering, at the last foreoffering he first pours ghee into the dhruvâ, being about to offer the first two butter-portions with it? Now, on the present occasion, he will first offer the omentum ; therefore let him first baste the omentum, then the clotted ghee. And though he does not baste the victim with ghee, 'lest he should baste the uncooked,' that whole victim of his yet becomes (as it were) basted with ghee in that he bastes the omentum ; let him therefore first baste the omentum, then the clotted ghee.
26. Thereupon he makes an 'underlayer' of ghee (in the guhd-spoon), and lays a piece of gold thereon. Then, cutting off the omentum (from the spits and putting it into the spoon), he says (to the Hotri), * Recite (the invitatory prayer) to Agni and Soma
1 That is, so much time has gone by since I first adopted that practice, and here I am grown old and still in full vigour, Sây.
But he, lying old and worn out, said, "These two arms have become gray--what in the world has become of the Brahman's word!") Kânva text.
On the two butter-portions to Agni and Soma, succeeding the fore-offerings, see part i, p. 174 note.
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for the omentum and fat of the buck!' He then lays (another) piece of gold on (the omentum) and bastes it twice with ghee above.
27. The reason why there is a piece of gold on both sides is this. When they offer the victim in the fire they slay it; and gold means immortal life: hence it (the victim) rests in immortal life. And so it rises from hence, and so it lives; for this reason there is a piece of gold on both sides. Having called for the Sraushat, he says (to the Maitrâvaruna), 'Prompt (the Hotri to recite the offeringprayer? on) the omentum and fat of the buck for Agni and Soma!' He does not say,'... (the omentum and fat) brought forward ;' when the Soma has been pressed he says, “brought forwards.' He offers when the Vashat has been pronounced.
28. Having offered the omentum, he lays the two spits together and throws them after (the omentum into the fire), with, Consecrated by Svâha, go ye to Urdhvanabhas“, son of the Maruts!' He does so, thinking, 'Lest these two wherewith we have cooked the omentum should come to nought.'
29. The reason why they perform with the omentum is this. For whatever deity the victim is seized, that same deity he pleases by means of that fat (part); and that same deity, thus pleased with that fat, waits
· The Kânva text has ‘hiranyasalká (masc.)'here and elsewhere.
9 The anuvâkyâ and yâgyâ for the omentum are Rig-veda I, 93, I and 5 respectively.
At the animal offerings on the Soma-days he adds to his praisha (order) the word 'prasthitam,' lit. standing before the altar). Kâty. VI, 6, 27. See also S. Br. IV, 4, 3, 9.
Urdhvanabhas, 'he who drives the clouds upwards' (or, keeps the clouds above), or, perhaps, 'he who is above (in) the welkin, is apparently a name of Vâyu, the wind. Cf. III, 6, 1, 16.
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TV
patiently for the other sacrificial dishes being cooked; this is why they perform with the omentum.
30. They then cleanse themselves over the pit'. For in quieting and cutting up (the victim) they wound it; and water being a means of soothing, they now soothe it by means of water, heal it by means of water; therefore they cleanse themselves over the pit.
Third BRÂHMANA. ( 1. For the same deity for which there a vietina by he subsequently prepares a sacrificial cake? The reason why he subsequently prepares a cake is this. Rice and barley, truly, are the sacrificial essence of all animals (victims) 3; with that same essence he now completes that (victim) and makes it whole. This is why he subsequently prepares a sacrificial cake.
2. And why he proceeds with that cake after performing (offering) with the omentum is this. It is from the middle (of the victim) that this omentum is pulled out, and from the middle he now completes that (victim) by means of that sacrificial essence and makes it whole; therefore he proceeds with that cake after performing with the omentum. The relation of
1 They do so with the mantra, Vâg. S. VI, 17 (Atharva-veda VII, 89, 3; cf. Rig-veda I, 23, 22; X, 9, 8).
2 The technical name of this cake to Indra and Agni is pasupurodâ sa (animal-cake). The anuvâkyâ and yâgyâ for the chief oblation, are Rig-veda I, 93, 2 and 6 respectively; for the Svishtakrit, III, 1, 23, and III, 54, 22; Âsv. III, 8, 1; 5, 9. For a similar performance, described in detail, see note on III, 2, 5, 22.
: On the sacrificial essence passing successively from man into the horse, the ox, the goat, and finally into the rice and barley, see 1, 2, 3, 6–7.
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this (cake to the animal offering), indeed, is one and the same everywhere; that cake is prepared after (and supplementary to) a victim.
3. Thereupon he cuts up the victim : ‘Move thrice', and make the heart the uppermost of the thrice-moved !' thus (he says to the slaughterer), for threefold is the sacrifice.
4. He then instructs the slaughterer : 'If one ask thee, “ Is the sacrificial food cooked, O Samitar?” say thou only “Cooked!" not “Cooked, reverend sir!” nor “Cooked, forsooth!”).
The order of proceeding is not quite clear from the context, and seems to have puzzled the later ritualists. From Kâty. VI, 7-8 it would seem that the author of the Stras means the performance of the cake-offering to go on simultaneously with the cutting up of the victim (and the cooking of the portions and roasting of the beast). The comm. on Kâty. VI, 7, 29, however, protests against this arrangement as contrary to the order laid down in the Brâhmana; and insists especially on the
atha (now)' at the beginning of this paragraph. This particle is, however, often used in a vague sense; as very frequently when, after sketching the chief course of performance, the author turns back to fill in the details. There seems also a difference of opinion as to the exact meaning of the above direction given by the Adhvaryu to the Samitar after as would seem) the portions have been cooked. The commentator on Kâty. VI, 8, I apparently takes 'trih prakyavaya' in the sense of shake thrice' or 'turn thrice.' Sâyana, on the other hand, explains it as meaning that the Samitri is to divide the portions into three parts, according to whether they are destined for the chief offerings, or the Svishtakrit, or the by-offerings (?). As the direction cannot refer to the taking out of the portions from the cooking-vessel (ukha) it would seem that the Samitar is either to move (shake) the vessel itself, or to stir the contents, perhaps hereby separating the respective portions. The Kânva text reads, Trih prakyâvayâd ity uttame prakyâva uttamârdhe hridayam kurutâd iti. The heart, when done, is to be removed from the spit and laid on the portions; whereupon the Adhvaryu pours ghee on the portions (paragraph 8).
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5. Having then taken clotted ghee with the guha, the Adhvaryu, stepping up (from the altar) to (the Sâmitra), asks, 'Is the sacrificial food cooked, O Sâmitar ?' 'Cooked,' he says. "That is of the gods,' says the Adhvaryu in a low voice.
6. The reason why he asks is this. Cooked, forsooth, not uncooked (must be) the gods' food; and the Samitri indeed knows whether it is cooked or uncooked.
7. And again, why he asks. “I will perform with cooked (food),' so he thinks; and if that sacrificial food be uncooked, it is yet cooked food for the gods, and is cooked as regards the Sacrificer; and the Adhvaryu is guiltless ; on the slaughterer that guilt lies. Thrice he asks, for threefold is the sacrifice. And as to his saying, “That is of the gods,' that which is cooked, indeed, belongs to the gods ; therefore he says, That is of the gods.'
8. The heart he bastes (with clotted ghee) first of all; for the heart is the self (soul), the mind; and the clotted ghee is the breath; he thus puts the breath into its (the victim's) self, into its mind; and thus it verily becomes the living food of the gods, and immortal for the immortals.
9. He bastes it with (Vág. S. VI, 18), ‘May thy mind unite with the mind; thy breath with the breath!' He utters no Svâhâ (“hail'), for this is not an oblation. They remove the victim (from the cooking-fire)?
10. They take it along the back of the pit, and
The Adhvaryu removes the dish northwards from the fire, takes the portions out of it, puts them into some kind of basket, and performs prânadâna' (p. 196, note 3) on them.
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between the sacrificial stake and the (Åhavaniya) fire. The reason why, though it is cooked, they do not take it across the middle (of the altar), as they take other sacrificial dishes, is 'lest they should bring the sacrifice in the middle in connection with that which is cut up by limbs and mangled.' And why they do not take it outside (the altar) in front of the stake, is that they would thereby put it outside the sacrifice: therefore they take (the flesh) along between the stake and the fire. When they have put it down south (of the fire), the Pratiprasthầtri cuts off (the portions). There are Plaksha branches (Ficus Infectoria) by way of an upper barhis (covering of altar); thereon he cuts. The reason why there are Plaksha branches by way of an upper barhis is this.
11. For when the gods, at first, seized an animal (to sacrifice), Tvashtri first spat upon its head, thinking, 'Surely, thus they will not touch it !' for animals belong to Tvashtri. That (spittle became) the brain in the head and the marrow in the neckbone 2: hence that (substance) is like spittle, for Tvashtri spat it. Let him therefore not eat that, since it was spitten by Tvashtri.
12. Its sacrificial essence flowed down and there a tree sprang up. The gods beheld it; wherefore it (was called) 'prakhya' (visible), for 'plaksha,'
I Or, the Plaksha branches with which the altar was covered on the preceding night. See p. 120, note 3. The Kânva text (as Taitt. S. VI, 3, 10, 2) speaks of one Plaksha branch put on the barhis.
' Anûka, of which anakya is the adjective, means 'the forepart of the spinal column. The Kanva text reads,-yan mastishko yad andke maggâ.
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doubtless, is the same as 'prakhya. With that same sacrificial essence he now completes it (the victim), and makes it whole: hence there are Plaksha branches as an upper covering.
13. He then makes an 'underlayer' of ghee both in the guhů and the upabhrit, and in the vasâhomahavani!, and the samavattadhânia; and puts a piece of gold both in the guhů and the upabhrit.
14. Thereupon he addresses (the Hotri) for the recitation on the havis to the manotà deity". The reason why he addresses him for the recitation on the havis to the manotâ deity is this. All the deities draw nigh to the victim while it is immolated, thinking,
My name he will choose, my name he will choose!' for the animal victim is sacrificial food for all deities. The minds (manas), then, of all those deities are fixed upon (ota) that victim; those (minds of theirs) he thereby satisfies, and thus the minds of the gods have not drawn nigh in vain. For this reason he addresses him for the recitation on the havis to the manotâ deity.
That is, the ladle used (as a substitute for the guhd) for offering the fat-liquor or gravy. See paragraph 20.
? That is, the vessel used for holding the cuttings (samavatta) of the idâ ; also called idâpâtrî, see part i, p. 219, note 3.
* See p. 198, note 1.
• Thereupon he says, 'Recite to the manotâ (deity) the invitatory prayer for (of) the havis which is being cut in portions (havisho 'vadiyamânasya). Kanva text; cf. Ait. Br. II, 10.-While the sacrificial portions are being cut into the respective spoons, the Hotri recites the Hymn to Agni, Rig-veda VI, 1, 1-13, beginning, 'Thou, O wondrous Agni, the first thinker (manotri) of this hymn, wert verily the priest.... From the occurrence of this word manotâ, the latter has come to be the technical name both of the hymn itself and of the deity (Agni) to whom it is recited.
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15. He first makes a portion of the heart? The reason why he first makes a portion of the heart which is in the middle, is that the heart is the breath, since it is from there that this breath moves upward?; and the animal is breath, for only so long does the animal (live) as it breathes with the breath; but when the breath departs from it, it lies there useless, even (as) a block of wood.
16. The heart, then, is the animal; thus he first . makes a portion of its very self (or soul). And,
accordingly, if any portion were omitted, he need not heed this, since it is of his entire animal victim that the first portion is made which is made of the heart. He therefore first makes a portion of the heart, that being in the middle. Thereupon according to the proper order.
17. Then of the tongue, for that stands out from its fore-part. Then of the breast, for that also (stands out) therefrom. Then of the simultaneously moving (left) fore-foot". Then of the flanks. Then of the liver. Then of the kidneys.
18. The hind-part he divides into three parts ; the broad piece (he reserves) for the by-offerings 6 ; the middle one he cuts into the guhů after dividing it in two; the narrow piece (he reserves) for the
Literally, he makes a cutting of the heart (hridayasya-avadyati), that is to say, he puts the entire heart into the guhů as an offeringportion.
Etasmad dhy ayam urdhvah prâna ukkarati, Kânva rec. s Or, that comes) after that (tongue): tad dhi tato 'nvak, Kanva rec.
* According to Kâty. VI, 7, 6, it is the foremost (or upper) joint (pârvanadaka) of the left fore-foot which is taken. The Kanva text has simply "atha doshnah.'
o See III, 8, 4, 9 seq.
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tryanga?. Then of the simultaneously moving (right) haunch?. This much, then, he cuts into the guhů.
19. Then into the upabhrit, he makes a portion of the upper part of the fore-foot belonging to the tryanga (viz. the right one); of the (narrow piece of the) hind-part, after dividing it in two; and of the haunch belonging to the tryanga (viz. the left). Thereupon he puts two pieces of gold on (the flesh oblations in the spoons) and pours ghee thereon.
20. He then takes the oblation of gravy: with (Vâg. S. VI, 18), “Thou art trembling,' for quivering, as it were, is the broth : hence he says, 'Thou art trembling; '-'May Agni prepare thee!' for the fire does indeed cook it: hence he says, 'May Agni prepare thee!'—'The waters have washed thee together;' for the water indeed gathers together that (fat) juice from the limbs : hence he says, "The waters have washed thee together.'
21. 'For the sweeping of the wind-thee!' for verily yonder blower sweeps along the air, and for the air he takes it: hence he says, 'For the sweeping of the wind (I take) thee.
22. 'For the speed of Pushan,'— Pashan's speed, forsooth, is yonder (wind)°, and for that he takes it: hence he says, 'For the speed of Pashan.'
? Literally, the three-limbs, the technical name of the portion for Agni Svishtakrit.
* For 'athaikakarayai sroneh' the Kânva text reads "áth&dhyadhasah sróneh,' of the hip above the udder.
& Vasa, i.e. the melted fat (and juice) mixed with the water in which the portions have been cooked, and forming a rich gravy, offered with the Vasahomahavani.
• Literally, 'mix'-sri, this root being here, as usual, confounded with sri, to cook.
• Esha vâva påshå yo 'yam pavata etasmâ u hi grihnâti, Kânva recension.
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23. 'From the hot vapour may totter—;' the hot vapour, namely, is yonder (wind), and for that he takes it: hence he says, 'From the hot vapour may totter—. Thereupon he bastes it twice with ghee above.
24. He then mixes it either with the crooked knife or with the chopping-knife!, with —Confounded hatred ?!' whereby he chases away from here those evil spirits, the Rakshas.
25. The broth which is left he pours into the Samavattadhâni, and therein he throws the heart, tongue, breast, the broad piece (of the back part), the kidneys, and the rectum. He then bastes it twice with ghee above.
26. The reason why there is a piece of gold on each side is this. When they offer up the victim in the fire, they slay it, and gold means immortal life: thereby then it rests in immortal life; and so it rises from hence, and so it lives. This is why there is a piece of gold on each side.
27. And because he cuts crossways,—of the left fore-foot and the right haunch; and of the right forefoot and the left haunch,—therefore this animal draws forward its feet crossways. But were he to cut straight on, this animal would draw forward its feet (of the same side) simultaneously: therefore he cuts crossways. Then as to why he does not make cuttings of the head, nor the shoulders, nor the neck, nor the hind-thighs.
Sâsena vâ pârsvena vâ, Kânva text. ? This forms part of the preceding formula (as subject to the verb may totter'), though the author seems to separate it therefrom, as does Mahîdhara. The meaning of the formula seems to be, May the enemies perish, confounded by (?) the hot vapour l'
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28. Now the Asuras, in the beginning, seized a victim. The gods, from fear, did not go near it?. The Earth? then said unto them, 'Heed ye not this: I will myself be an eye-witness thereof, in whatsoever manner they will perform this (offering).
29. She said, Only one oblation have they offered, the other they have left over.' Now that which they left over are these same portions. Thereupon the gods made over three limbs to (Agni) Svishtakrit, whence the Tryanga oblations. The Asuras then made portions of the head, the shoulders, the neck, and the hind-thighs: therefore let him not make portions of these. And since Tvashtri spat upon the neck, therefore let him not make a portion of the neck. Thereupon he says (to the Hotri), 'Recite (the invitatory prayer) to Agni and Soma for the havis of the buck!' Having called for the Sraushat, he says (to the Maitrâvaruna), Prompt (the Hotri to recite the offering-prayer 8 for) the havis of the buck to Agni and Soma!' He does not say '(the havis) made ready:' when the Soma has been pressed he says 'made ready.'
30. In the interval between the two half-verses of the offering-prayer he offers the oblation of gravy. It is from out of this that that essence (juice) has risen upwards here,—that sap of this earth whereby creatures exist on this side of the sky; for the
1 The St. Petersburg Dict. takes Na-upâveyuh' in the sense of they did not fall in therewith; they did not feel inclined for it;' as above, III, 7, 3, 3. Sâyana explains it by 'nopagatâh' (MSS. napagatal).
? That is, Aditi, according to the Kânva recension. * The yâgyâ and anuvákyâ are I, 93, 3 and 7 respectively.
• Ito vâ ayam Ürdhva ukkhrito raso yam idam imâh praga upagîvanty arvậg divo 'sminn antarikshe, Kanva recension,
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oblation of gravy is sap, and essence is sap: thus he renders the sap strong by means of sap, whence this sap when eaten does not perish.
31. And as to why he offers the oblation of gravy in the interval between the two half-verses of the offering-prayer, - one half-verse, forsooth, is this earth, and the other half-verse is yonder sky. Now between the sky and the earth is the air, and it is to the air that he offers : therefore he offers the oblation of gravy between the two half-verses of the offeringprayer.
32. He offers with (Vâg. S. VI, 19), 'Drink the ghee, ye drinkers of ghee! Drink the gravy, ye drinkers of gravy! thou art the havis of the air, Hail!' With this prayer to the All-gods he offers, for the air belongs to the All-gods : because creatures move about here in the air breathing in and breathing out therewith, therefore it belongs to the All-gods. As the Vashat (of the offering-prayer for the meat portions) is pronounced, he offers the portions that are in the guha.
3.3. Thereupon, while taking clotted ghee with the guha, he says (to the Hotri), Recite (the invitatory prayer) to the Lord of the forest!' Having called for the Sraushat, he says (to the Maitrâvaruna),
Prompt (the Hotri to recite the offering-prayer) to the lord of the forest!' and offers, as the Vashat is pronounced. The reason why he offers to the lord of the forest (the tree) is,-he thereby makes that thunderbolt, the sacrificial stake, a sharer (in the sacrifice); and, the lord of the forest being Soma?,
1 For the formulas used with this oblation, as well as the Svishtakrit, see Haug, Transl. Ait. Br. pp. 95-96 notes.
? Or, Soma being a tree (plant).
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he thereby makes the victim to be Soma. And as to his offering (to the tree) between the two oblations, he thus fills both completely: therefore he offers between the two oblations.
34. Thereupon, while pouring together the meat portions that are for the upabhrit, he says (to the Hotri), "Recite (the invitatory prayer) to Agni Svishtakrit (the maker of good offering)!' Having called for the Sraushat, he says (to the Maitravaruna), Prompt for Agni Svishtakrit!' and offers as the Vashat is pronounced.
35. With what is left of the offering of gravy, he then sprinkles the quarters, with,'The regions, the fore-regions--the by-regions,—the intermediate regions,—the upper regions-to the regions, Hail!' For the offering of gravy is sap: thus he imbues all the regions with sap, and hence sap is obtained here on earth in every region.
36. Thereupon he touches (what remains of the victim': now is the time for the touching. And whether he has touched it before, fearing 'those (evil spirits) that hover near will tear it about,' or whether he be not afraid of its being torn about, let him in any case now touch (the victim).
1 This touching takes place either before or after the invocation of Idà (see I, 8, 1, 1 seq.), whereupon the priests and sacrificer eat their respective portions; the straight gut being the Agnidh's, the part above the udder (adhyadhnî) the Hotri's, the kloman (apparently the right lung) the Brahman's, the pericardium (? purîtat) the Adhvaryu's, and the spleen the sacrificer's share, while the Idâ is eaten by all of them.
Or perhaps, And as to his touching it before this, (he did so) fearing lest those (evil spirits) that hover near would tear it about; and even if he be not (any longer?) afraid of its being torn about, let him now touch it in any case. The Kânva text has simply,
[26]
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37. [Vâg. S. VI, 20), "To Indra belongeth the out-breathing: may it attend to every limb! To Indra belongeth the in-breathing : it is attended to in every limb. Where it has been cut up limb by limb, there he heals it by means of the out-breathing and in-breathing.-'0 divine Tvashtri, let thine ample (forms) closely unite together, that it be uniform what is of different shape:' whereby he makes it completely enclosed (in its limbs and flesh). May thy friends, thy father and mother to please thee, joyfully welcome thee going to the gods!' Thus, having made it whole wherever he has offered (a piece of) it, he afterwards unites it firmly, and that body (self) of it is complete in yonder world.
Fourth BRAHMANA. I. Now there are three elevens at the animal offering,-eleven fore-offerings, eleven after-offerings, and eleven by-offerings: ten fingers, ten toes, ten vital airs, and the out-breathing, in-breathing and through-breathing—this much constitutes man, who is the highest of animals, after whom are all animals.
This is the time for touching ; but if he think, Those standing about here will meddle with it,' he may also touch it before: but this is certainly the time for touching.
1 The St. Petersburg Dictionary suggests that 'nididhyat' and nidhita' are probably corruptions of forms from 'dha;' the Taitt. S. (I, 3, 10) having ni dedhyat-vi bobhuvat' instead. Mahîdhara also takes 'nididhyat' from 'dhi' in the sense of.dha,' -Indra's out-breathing is infused into every limb; Indra's in-breathing has been infused into every limb.' The Kánva text has '-nidhitah, -nididhe.'
* Rather, the mothers (or mother) and fathers.' The Taitt. S. separates mâtä pitarah, the mother and the fathers.'
& That is, inferior to whom, or, after the manner of whom.
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2. Now they say, 'What, then, is done at the sacrifice whereby the vital air is kindly to all the limbs ?'
3. When he divides the hind-part into three portions,—the hind-part being an opening of the) vital air, and that (animal) extending from thence forward, that vital air pervades it all through.
4. And in that he cuts the hind-part into three portions,-one third for the by-offerings, one third into the guhd, and one third into the upabhrit,thereby the vital air is kindly to all the limbs.
5. He alone, however, may slay an animal who can supply it with the sacrificial essence. And if it be lean, let him stuff into the hind-part whatever may be left of the fat of the belly: the hind-part being (an opening of) the vital air, and that (animal) extending from thence forward, that vital air pervades it all through. The animal, forsooth, is breath; for only so long (does) the animal (live), as it breathes with the breath ; but when the breath departs from it, it lies there useless, even (as) a block of wood.
6. The hind-part is (part of) the animal, and fat means sacrificial essence 2: thus he supplies it with the sacrificial essence. But if it be tender (juicy), then it has itself obtained the sacrificial essence.
7. Thereupon he takes clotted ghee; for twofold. indeed is this (clotted ghee),—to wit, both ghee
Sâyana takes 'medham' as apposition to enam,' and explains it by 'medhârha, pravriddha,' and 'upanayet' by 'prâpnuyat' (it is, doubtless, zuführen '). The Kanva text, however, reads,-Tad áhuh sa vai pasum labheteti ya enam medha upanayed iti.
Gudo vai pasuh, medo vai medhas; this is one of many exceptions to the rule laid down by Professor Delbrück regarding the order of subject and predicate, Synt. Forsch., III, p. 26. Copulative sentences with a tertium comparationis likewise do not generally conform to that rule.
P2
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and sour milk?,-and a productive union means a couple: thus a productive union is thereby effected.
8. Therewith they perform at the after-offerings. The after-offerings mean cattle, and clotted ghee means milk : hence he thereby puts milk into the cattle, and thus milk is here contained (or beneficial, hita) in the cattle; for clotted ghee means breath, because clotted ghee is food, and breath is food.
9. Therewith he (the Adhvaryu) performs in front (on the Åhavaniya) at the after-offerings,—whereby he puts into the victim) that vital air which is here in front;—and therewith he (the Pratiprasthầtri) performs behind (the altar) at the by-offerings ?,whereby he puts into it that vital air which is here behind: thus two vital airs are here contained (or beneficial) on both sides, the one above and the one below.
10. Here now, one (Hotri) pronounces the Vashat for two,-for the Adhvaryu (who performs the after
* See p. 156, note 3.
? When the priests and sacrificer have eaten their portions of the Ida, the Agnidh fetches hot coals from the Samitra (or, at the animal offering connected with the Soma-sacrifice), optionally from the Âgnîdhra, and puts them on the Hotri's hearth (p. 148, note 4), - or at the ordinary animal offering (niràdha pasu), on the north hip (north-west corner) of the altar after removing the sacrificial grass. On these coals the Pratiprasthầtri performs the by-offerings (upayag), while the Adhvaryu performs the after-offerings (anuyâga) on the Åhavanîya. For the by-offerings the Pratiprasthâtri cuts the respective part and the hind-quarter (III, 8, 3, 18) into eleven parts, and at each Vashat throws one piece thereof with his hand into the fire. The recipients of the first eight and the last after-offerings, on the other hand, are the same as those of the nine after-offerings at the Seasonal sacrifices (part i, p. 404). The Hotri's formulas for the additional two offerings, inserted before the last, are: 9. The divine lord of the forest (10. The divine barhis of water-plants] may graciously accept (the offering) for abundant obtainment of abundant gift | Vaushall' (cf. part i, p. 235; Āsv. Sr. III, 6, 13.)
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offerings) and for him (the Pratiprasthầtri) who performs the by-offerings. And because he offers them by (in addition to) the offering (Adhvaryu), therefore they are called by-offerings. And in performing the by-offerings, he produces (offspring)', since he performs the by-offerings behind (the altar), and froin behind offspring is produced from woman.
11. He offers the by-offerings with (Vág. S. VI, 21), 'Go thou to the sea, Hail!' The sea is water, and seed is water : he thereby casts seed.
12. 'Go thou to the air, Hail!' It is into (along) the air that offspring is born: into the air he produces (offspring).
13. 'Go thou to the divine Savitri, Hail! Savitri is the impeller of the gods : impelled by Savitri he thus produces creatures.
14. "Go thou to Mitra and Varuna, Hail!' Mitra and Varuna are the out-breathing and inbreathing: he thus bestows out-breathing and inbreathing on the creatures.
15. 'Go thou to the day and the night, Hail!' It is through (along) day and night that offspring is born : through day and night he causes creatures to be born.
16. Go thou to the metres, Hail!' There are seven metres; and there are seven domestic and seven wild animals: both kinds he thus causes to be produced.
17. Go thou to heaven and earth, Hail!' For, Pragâpati, having created the living beings,
* Praivainam tag ganayati,'he causes it (the victim) to be born (again), Kårva rec. The above passage has apparently to be understood in a general sense, he causes birth to take place among living creatures.'
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enclosed them between heaven and earth, and so these beings are enclosed between heaven and earth. And in like manner does this (offerer), having created living beings, enclose them between heaven and earth.
18. He then makes additional by-offerings (atiupayag). Were he not to make additional by-offerings, there would only be as many living beings as were created in the beginning; they would not be propagated; but by making additional by-offerings he indeed propagates them; whence creatures are again born here repeatedly?
Fifth BRAHMANA. 1. He makes the additional by-offerings :-with 'Go thou to the sacrifice?, Hail!' The sacrifice is water, and seed is water : he thus casts seed.
2. 'Go thou to Soma, Hail!' Soma is seed : he thus casts seed.
3. 'Go thou to the heavenly ether, Hail!' The heavenly ether is water, and seed is water : he thus casts seed.
4. Go thou to Agni Vaisvanara, Hail!' Agni Vaisvânara ('belonging to all men') is this earth, and she is a safe resting-place : upon that safe resting-place he thus produces (creatures).
5. He then touches his mouth, with, Give me mind and heart!' thus indeed the by-offerer does not throw himself after (the oblations into the fire).
6. Thereupons they perform the Patnfsamyâgas
i Or, by making additional by-offerings he reproduces them: whence creatures are born here returning again and again' (metempsychosis).
9 The Kanva text (as the Taitt. S.) reverses the order of this and the following formula. Nor does it begin a new Brahmana here.
• Having completed the last after-offering, the Adhvaryu, in the
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with the tail (of the victim), for the tail is the hindpart, and from the hind-part of woman offspring is produced : hence offspring is produced by the Patnisamyågas being performed with the tail.
7. For the wives of the gods he cuts portions from the inside, since it is from the inside of woman that offspring is produced; for Agni the householder from above, since it is from above that the male approaches the female.
8. Thereupon they betake themselves, with the heart-spit, to the purificatory bath? Now, the anguish of the victim, in being slaughtered, concentrates itself into the heart, and from the heart into the heart-spit; and whatever part of cooked (food) is pierced that becomes palatable? : therefore let him roast it on the spit after piercing it. Uppermost on the thrice-moved (portions of the) victim he places that heart after pulling it off (the spit).
9. He (the slaughterer) then hands the heart-spit (to the Adhvaryu). Let him not throw it on the
first place, throws the first chip of the sacrificial stake into the fire, in accordance with III, 7, 1, 32. For the four Patnîsamyâgas, the deities of which are Soma, Tvashtri, the wives of the gods, and Agni the householder, see part i, p. 256. The first two offerings may consist only of ghee, or, as the last two, of a piece of the tail.
1 The technical term for this purificatory ceremony is salavabhritha, or "spit-bath.' On the present occasion it is not performed (see paragraph 11), but it is inserted here because it forms the conclusion of the ordinary animal offering, not connected with the Soma-sacrifice (nirudha-pasu), as well as of the offering of a sterile cow (termed andbandhyâ) to Mitra and Varuna, which concludes the Soma-sacrifice. See part i, p. 379, note 1, and IV, 5,4 54, 1 seq. 13?)
'? Alamgusha, sufficient for eating,' Sayana; 'sufficient in itself,' St. Petersburg Dict. The Kânva text has the probably preferable reading,-atha alamgusham sritam eva paritrindanti,*they then pierce (with the spit) what is already sufficiently cooked.'
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ground, nor into the water.; for were he to throw it on the ground, that anguish would enter into the plants and trees; and were he to throw it into the water, that anguish would enter into the water : hence neither on the ground, nor into the water.
10. But on going down to the water, let him bury it at the place where the dry and the moist meet. But if he feel disinclined to going down (to the water), he pours out a vessel of water in front of the sacrificial stake and buries (the spit) at the place where the dry and the moist meet, with (Vág. S. VI, 22), “Injure thou not the waters nor the plants!' thus it injures neither the waters nor the plants'; ‘From every fetter?—therefrom deliver us, o king Varuna! That they say, we swear by the “Inviolable (cows),” by"Varuna 3,"
1 This is a doubtful rendering in accordance with the suggestion in the St. Petersburg Dict., that'dhâmno-dhâmnah' in this passage is an old corruption of damno-dâmnah,' The Taitt. S. has the same reading. Sâyana and Mahidhara take it in the sense of from every place (infested by enemies, or, rendered fearful by thy noose) deliver usl' Could dhâmno-dhâmnah' be taken as gen, to'râgan?'
$? Or, 'That they say (i.e. mention the word) “Cows,"—that we swear by “ Varuna,"—therefrom deliver us, O Varunal' If the mentioning of words for cow (as well as the taking in vain of Varuna's name) is meant to be censured in this passage, Sat. Br. II, 2, 4, 14 (part i, p. 326 note) may be compared. It seems, however, doubtful whether the author of the Brahmana took the term aghnyâh as referring to 'cows' here. The St. Petersburg Dict., s.v. sap, translates, when we swear by the name of Varuna.' Instead of "Yad Khur aghnya iti varuneti sapâmahe,' the Taitt. S. (I, 3, 11, 1) reads "Yad apo aghniya varuneti sapamahe,' which Sâyana explains by 'O ye waters, O ye Aghnyâh (? inviolable ones, cows, waters), O Varunal thus we solicit thee (lo avert evil from us);' adding a passage to the effect that he who approaches his better (addressing him) by name, wishes him 'punyârti;' while in the present mantra, he contends there is no mere taking the name of Varuna in vain.'
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therefrom deliver us, O Varuna!' Thereby he delivers him? from every noose of Varuna, from all (guilt) against Varuna.
11. He then addresses (the water) with, “May the waters and plants be friendly unto us, unfriendly to him who hateth us, and whom we hate!' For when they proceed with that (spit), the waters, forsooth, as well as the plants, keep as it were receding from him ; but hereby he now makes a covenant with them, and so they again approach to him, and that expiation is performed (to them). He does not perform (the spit-bath) at the animal offering to Agni and Soma, nor at that to Agni, but only at that of the Andbandhyâ-cows, for therewith the whole sacrifice attains to completion. And in that they perform (the ceremony) with the heart-spit at the cow (offering), thereby indeed it comes to be performed also for the animal offering to Agni and Soma, as well as for that to Agni.
NINTH Adhyâya. First BRÂHMANA. 1. Now Pragâpati (the lord of creatures), having created living beings, felt himself as it were exhausted. The creatures turned away from him ; the creatures: did not abide with him for his joy and food.
2. He thought within him, “I have exhausted
* I.e. the sacrificer (or the victim representing the sacrificer).
• According to the Kânva text and Katy. VI, 10, 5 they (the priests and sacrificer) touch the water while muttering the formulaFrom every fetter .... and whom we hate.' • See IV, 5, 1, 5 seq. • Ririkânah, lit. emptied,' as âpyây means 'to fill.
Praga' has likewise here the meaning of people, subjects,' constituting the power or glory (srî) of the king.
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myself, and the object for which I have created has not been accomplished: my creatures have turned away from me, the creatures have not abode with me for my joy and food.'
3. Pragâ pati thought within him, How can I again strengthen myself: the creatures might then return to me; the creatures might abide with me for my joy and food!'
4. He went on praising and toiling, desirous of creatures (or progeny). He beheld that set of eleven (victims). By offering therewith Pragâ pati again strengthened himself; the creatures returned to him, his creatures abode for his joy and food. By offering he truly became better.
5. Therefore, then, let him offer with the set of eleven (victims), for thus he truly strengthens himself by offspring and cattle; the creatures turn unto him, the creatures abide with him for his joy and food;—he truly becomes better by offering: therefore, then, let him offer with the set of eleven (victims).
6. In the first place he seizes 2 a victim for Agni. For Agni is the head, the progenitor of the gods, he is the lord of creatures : and thereby the sacrificer truly becomes Agni's own.
7. Then one for Sarasvati. For Sarasvatt is speech : by speech Pragâpati then again strengthened himself; speech turned unto him, speech he made subject to himself. And so does this one now become strong by speech, and speech turns unto him, and he makes speech subject to himself.
8. Then one for Soma. For Soma is food : by
For 'asmâ u kâmâya' we ought to read 'yasma u kâmâya,' with Sayana and the Kanva text.
• Alabh, to touch, seize, is a euphemistic term for immolating.
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wolf
food Pragâpati then again strengthened himself; food turned unto him, and he made food subject to himself. And so does this one now become strong by food; food turns unto him, and he makes food subject to himself.
9. And as to why it comes after that for Sarasvati,--Sarasvati is speech, and Soma is food: he who is incomplete by (having only) speech, now becomes indeed an eater of food.
10. Then one for Pashan. For Pashan means cattle ; by means of cattle Pragậpati then again strengthened himself; cattle turned unto him, he made cattle subject to himself. And so does this one now become strong by means of cattle; the cattle turn unto him, and he makes the cattle subject to himself.
11. Then one for Brihaspati. For Brihaspati means the priesthood (brahman); by means of the priesthood Pragâ pati then again strengthened himself; the priesthood turned unto him, he made the priesthood subject to himself. And so does this one now become strong by means of the Brahman; the priesthood turns unto him, he makes the priesthood subject to himself.
12. And as to why it comes after that for Pashan,— Pashan means cattle, and Brihaspati the priesthood; hence the Brâhmana (priest) has the most power over beasts, because they are placed in front (are protected) by him, because they are placed at the head (or in his mouth); therefore
Puråhitäh (pura-âhilâh, Kånva rec.) has both the general meaning of put before him (as food)' and that of being placed next in order before him.'
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having given all that, he walks clad in sheepskin.
13. Then one for the Visve devâh. For the All-gods mean everything (or the All); with everything Pragapati then again strengthened himself; everything turned unto him, and he made everything subject to him. And so does this one now become strong by everything; everything turns to him, and he makes everything subject to himself.
14. And as to why it comes after that for Brihaspati,- Brihaspati means the priesthood, and the Allgods this All; he then makes the priesthood the head of this All; wherefore the Brâhman is the head of this All.
15. Then one for Indra. For Indra means power (indriya) and vigour; by power and vigour Pragâ pati then again strengthened himself; power and vigour turned unto him, and he made power and vigour subject to himself. And so does this one now become strong by means of power and vigour; power and vigour turn to him, and he makes power and vigour subject to himself.
16. And as to why it comes after that for the Allgods,—Indra is the nobility, and the All-gods are the clans (people); he thus places the food before him.
17. Then one for the Maruts. For the Maruts mean the clans, and a clan means abundance; with abundance Pragâpati then again strengthened himself; abundance turned unto him, and he made abundance subject to himself. And so does this one now become strong by abundance; abundance
1 Since the lordship over cattle belongs to the Brâhman, therefore (the sacrificer) having given all his property to the Brahmans,' &c. Sây.
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turns unto him, and he makes abundance subject to himself.
18. And as to why it comes after that for Indra,Indra is the nobility, and the All-gods are the clans, and the Maruts are the clans; he thus guards the nobility by the clan, and hence the nobility here is on both sides guarded by the clan.
19. Then one for Indra and Agni. For Agni means penetrating brilliance, and Indra means power and vigour; with these two energies Pragàpati then again strengthened himself; both energies turned unto him, and he made both energies subject to himself. And so does this one now become strong by both these energies; both energies turn unto him, and he makes both energies subject to himself.
20. Then one for Savitri. For Savitri is the impeller (prasavitri) of the gods; and so all those wishes become accomplished for him, impelled as they are by Savitri.
21. Then finally he seizes one for Varuna; thereby he delivers him (the sacrificer) from every noose of Varuna, from every (guilt) against Varuna 1.
22. Hence if there be eleven sacrificial stakes, let him bind Agni's (victim) to the one opposite the fire; and let them lead up the others one by one in the proper order.
23. But if there be eleven victims?, let them only immolate at the stake that for Agni, and after that the others in the proper order.
1 Varunyâd evaitat sarvasmât kilbishad enaso 'ntato varunapâsât pragâh pramuñkati, Kânva rec.
? That is, if there be eleven victims and only one stake, in that case Agni's victim is tied to the stake, and each succeeding victim is tied to the neck of the preceding one. Kâty. VIII, 8, 28.
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24. When they lead them northwards, they lead the one for Agni first, and then the others in the proper order.
25. When they throw them down, they throw down first the one for Agni, as the southernmost; then the others after leading them round northwards in the proper order.
26. When they perform (offerings) with the omenta, they perform first with the omentum of Agni's (victim); then with those of the others in the proper order.
27. When they perform with those (chief oblations), they perform first with that to Agni; then with the others in the proper order.
THE VASATİVARI WATER.
SECOND BRAHMANA. 1. Now, when the head of the sacrifice (victim) was struck off, its sap, running, entered the waters. It is by that very sap that those waters flow; that very sap is believed to be flowing there?
2. And when he goes for the Vasat vart water, he fetches that same sap and puts it into the sacrifice, and makes the sacrifice sapful; this is why he goes for the Vasativart water.
3. He distributes it over all the Savanas (Somapressings)2 ; thereby he imbues all the pressings
1 Yatra vai yagñasya siro 'khhidyata tasya raso drutvâpah prâvisat sa esha rasa eti yâ etâ apah syandante tenaivainâ etad rasena syandamânâ manyante yah sa yagñasya rasas tam evaitad rasam syandamânam manyante, Kanva rec.
''He divides it into three parts for all the pressings,' Kânva text. See note on IV, 2, 3, 4.
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with that sap, makes all the pressings sapful: this is why he distributes it over all the pressings.
4. Let him take it from flowing (water); for that sap of the sacrifice was moving 1: let him therefore take it from flowing (water).
5. Moreover, it is taken for the purpose of protection. Now, everything else here on earth, whatever it be, takes rest, even yonder blowing (wind); but these (waters) alone take no rest : therefore let him take it from flowing (water).
6. Let him take it by day, thinking, 'Seeing, I will take the sap of the sacrifice ::' therefore let him take it by day. For it is for him that burns yonder (the sun) that he takes it, since he takes it for all the gods, and all the gods are his rays of light : therefore let him take it by day. For it is by day alone that he (shines): therefore, then, let him take it by day.
7. And again, all the gods, forsooth, now come to the sacrificer's house; and if one takes the Vasatsvart water before the setting of the sun, it is as when one's better comes to visit one, he would honour him by trimming his house. They draw nigh to that sacrificial food, and abide (upa-vas) in that Vasatsvart 3 water,—that is the Upavasatha (preparation-day).
8. And if the sun were to set on any one's (Vasativaris) not having been taken, then expiation is made. If he have performed a (Soma-sacrifice before this, let him (the Adhvaryu) take it from his tank“, since
Aid hi; see p. 222, note 1. . Or perhaps, I will take it while I see the sap of the sacrifice.'
s Vasativari' seems to mean'affording dwelling;' or perhaps, 'that (water) which abides, remains (over night).' Cf. par. 16.
• Ninâhya' (ninähyah kumbháh, Kânva rec. each time); a vessel or cistern, dug into the ground for keeping water cool.
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that (water) of his has been taken before (sunset) by day. But should he not have offered before, if there be one who has offered (Soma) settled close by or somewhere thereabout?, let him take it from his tank, since that (water) of his has been taken before, by day.
9. But if he cannot obtain either kind (of water), let him seize a firebrand and betake himself (to the flowing water), and let him take thereof while holding that (firebrand) close above it; or let him take it while holding a piece of gold close above it: thus it is made like yonder burning (sun).
10. He takes therefrom with the text (Vág. S. VI, 23), 'Rich in havis are these waters,'-for the sap of the sacrifice entered into them, wherefore he says, 'Rich in havis (sacrificial food) are these waters;'—'One rich in havis wooeth for (them),' for the sacrificer, rich in havis, woos for (wishes to obtain) them; wherefore he says, 'One rich in havis wooeth for (them).'
11. 'Rich in havis (may be) the divine cult;' cult, namely, means the sacrifice; thus he makes the sacrifice for which he takes it rich in sacrificial food, therefore he says, ' Rich in havis is the divine cult.'
12. "May Sarya be rich in havis! For he takes it for yonder burning (sun), since he takes it for all the gods, and all the gods are his (the sun's) rays of light; therefore he says, 'May Sarya (the sun) be rich in havis !'
13. Having fetched it, he deposits it behind the Gârhapatya ?, with (Vâg. S. VI, 24), 'I seat you in
Upâvasito vâ paryavasito (prátiveso, Kânva text instead) vâ. * That is, behind the old Âhavaniya of the Prâkînavamsa, where the altar would be prepared at the ordinary haviryagña.
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the seat of Agni, the safe-housed;' whereby he means to say, 'I seat you (waters) in the seat of Agni, whose house is unimpaired. And when the animal offering to Agni and Soma comes to a close, then he carries (the Vasativari water) round. He says (thrice), 'Disperse!' The sacrificer is seated in front of the Soma-carts (holding Soma on his lap”). He (the Adhvaryu) takes it (the water standing behind the Garhapatya).
14. He walks out (of the hall) by the south (door), and puts it down on the south hip (of the high altar), with, Ye (waters) are Indra and Agni's share!' for he takes it for all the gods, and Indra and Agni are all the gods. He takes it up again and puts it down in front of the lady (who, seated behind the Gârhapatya, touches the water-jar). Walking round behind the lady he (again) takes it.
15. He walks out (of the hall by the east door), along the north side (of the altar), and puts down (the water) on the north hip (of the high altar), with, 'Ye are Mitra and Varuna's share!' Let him not put it down in this way, that is redundant, and no fitting conclusion is thus attained. Let him rather (here also) say, 'Ye are Indra and Agni's share!' only thus there is nothing redundant, and so a fitting conclusion is obtained.
16. That (Vasativari water) is carried round for the sake of protection; Agni is in front (of the sacrificial ground), and now that (water) moves about all round, repelling the evil spirits. He puts it
1 According to Katy. VIII, 9, 16.
9 Some put it down with this (formula), but let him not put it down so, for thus completeness is left behind (or, has a surplus, sampad rikyate).' Kanva text.
[26]
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down in the Agnidhra (fire-house) with, 'Ye are all the gods' share!' whereby he makes all the gods enter it. It is a desirable object (vara) to the dwellers (vasat), hence the name Vasativari', and verily he who knows this, becomes a desirable object to the dwellers.
17. Now there are here seven formulas; with four he takes (the water), with one he puts it down behind the Gârhapatya, with one he carries it round, with one (he puts it down) in the Agnidhra,—this makes seven. For when the metres were produced from Vâk (speech), the one consisting of seven feet, the Sakvari, was the last (highest) of them ;—that completeness (he brings about): hence there are seven formulas.
THE SOMA FEAST.
THIRD BRÂHMANA. A. PRÂTAR-ANUVÂKA (MORNING-PRAYER) AND PREPARATORY
CEREMONIES. 1. They (the priests) are wakened (towards morning). Having touched water, they proceed together to the Âgnidhra (fire-house) and take the portions of ghee (for the Savaniya animal offerings). Having taken the portions of ghee, they betake themselves (to the high altar). When they have deposited the ghee,
1 Cf. Taitt. S. VI, 4, 2, 'devâh ... abruvan, vasatu nu na idam iti, tad vasatîvarînâm vasativaritvam.'
. After performing their ablutions they have to perform the preliminary work and ceremonies, such as preparing the Garhapatya, fetching and arranging the vessels, cleaning of spoons, &c. up to the depositing of the ghee, near the high altar.
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2. He (the Adhvaryu) takes down the king (Soma)! Now this (earth) is a safe resting-place, and the birth-place of living beings; it is to this safe resting-place that he now takes him down; he spreads him thereon, produces him therefrom.
3. He takes him down between the shafts; for the cart is (a means of) the sacrifice, and thus alone he does not put him outside the sacrifice. He puts him on the pressing stones lying there with their heads (mukha, mouths) towards each other; for Soma is the nobility, and the stones are the clans (people); he thereby raises the nobility over the clan. And as to why they are lying with their heads together,—he thereby makes the clan of one head (or mouth) with, and uncontentious towards, the nobles; therefore they are lying with their heads towards each other.
4. He takes (Soma) down, with (Vâg. S. VI, 25), 'Thee for the heart, thee for the mind! This he says for the (accomplishment of the) sacrificer's wish, since it is with the heart and mind that the sacrificer entertains the wish for which he sacrifices; therefore he says, 'Thee for the heart, thee for the mind!
5. 'Thee for the sky, thee for the sun!' This, on the other hand, he says with a view to the world of the gods. When he says, 'Thee for the sky, thee
According to Kâty. VIII, 9, 24-25, on the previous evening,immediately after the carrying round and depositing of the Vasativarî water,—the Soma is placed on a seat (@sandi) in the Agnidhra fire house, where the sacrificer has to watch over it during that night. This is not mentioned in the Brahmana, and from what follows it would rather seem that the Soma is taken down from the cart (see III, 6, 3, 17 seq.). Otherwise we might translate, 'He brings him down (from the Agnîdhra).' ? That is, with their broad sides turned towards each other.
Q2
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for the sun,' he means to say, 'Thee for the gods!'
Upwards convey thou to the sky, to the gods, this cult, these invocations!' Cult, doubtless, means sacrifice: he thereby means to say, 'Upwards carry thou this sacrifice to the sky, to the gods!'
6. [Vâg. S. VI, 26], 'O Soma, king, descend unto all thy people!' whereby he brings him down for the lordship, for the sovereignty of these people (creatures).
7. Having quitted his hold (of Soma) he sits down by him, with, May all thy people descend to thee. Now, in saying, 'Descend unto all thy people,' he does what is unseemly, for Soma being the nobility, he thereby, as it were, confounds good and bad!, -and, indeed, in consequence thereof, people now confound good and bad. But in this (formula) he does what is right and according to order,-in saying, “May all thy people descend to thee,' he makes all his subjects go down (on their knees) before him; and hence when a noble approaches, all these subjects, the people, go down before him, crouch down by him on the ground. Sitting near (Soma), the Hotri is about to recite the morning-prayer.
8. Then, while putting a kindling-stick on the fire), he (the Adhvaryu) says, 'Recite to the gods
1He commits a pâpavasyasam, i. e. according to Haug, Ait. Br. p. 413,' a breach of the oath of allegiance' (where Sâyana explains it by 'exceedingly bad'); or 'an (act of) perversity,' Weber, Ind. Stud. IX, p. 300. Sâyana, to our passage, explains it by 'mixing the bad with the good or better). The literal translation is 'a bad-bettering. What is chiefly implied in the term is evidently the showing of disrespect by an inferior to a superior person.
? Tasmât kshatriyam upary âsînam adhastad visa imah praga upâsate. Kanva text.
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the early-coming! Now the early-coming gods are the metres, as the after-offerings are the metres; and the after-offerings are performed with, Prompt (the Hotri to recite) to the gods! Recite (the offeringprayer) to the gods!'
9. And so some say, ' Recite to the gods?!' But let him not say so; for the early-coming gods are the metres, as the after-offerings are the metres, and the after-offerings are performed with, ‘Promptto the gods! Recite (the offering-prayer) to the gods !' therefore let him say, 'Recite to the gods, the early-coming!
10. And when he puts on a kindling-stick, it is the metres he thereby kindles. And when the Hotri recites the morning-prayer”, he thereby
Here now, some say only, 'Recite to the early-coming!' not to the ... gods!' but let him not say this. Kanva text.
· The Prâtar-anuvâka, or morning-prayer (matin chant), has to be recited by the Hotri in the latter part of the night before any sound (of birds, &c.) is to be heard. It may begin immediately after midnight, and conclude as soon as daylight appears. When called upon by the Adhvaryu to recite the morning-prayer, the Hotri first makes an oblation of ghee on the Âgnîdhra fire, with the mantra, Protect me from the spell of the mouth, from every imprecation, Haill' and then two oblations on the Ahavanîya with appropriate mantras. Thereupon he betakes himself to the Havirdhana (cart-shed), in entering which, by the east door, he touches successively the front-wreath (rarâlâ, cf. III, 5, 3, 9) and the doorposts, with formulas. He then squats down between the yokepieces of the two Soma-carts, and begins his recitation with Rig-veda X, 30, 12, 'Ye, O wealthy waters, verily possess good things; ye confer desirable energy and immortality; ye command riches with abundant offspring: may Sarasvatî (the river S., and Speech) bestow on the bard that vital vigourl' The early-coming' deities to whom the recitation is successively addressed, are Agni, Ushas (the dawn), and the two Asvins (the precursors of the sun); the prayer thus consisting of three sections, termed kratu (Agni
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again strengthens the metres, makes them to be of unimpaired vigour; for the metres had their vigour impaired by the gods, since it was through the metres that the gods reached the heavenly worlds; they neither sing praises (chants) nor recite (sastras) here. Hereby he now again strengthens the metres and makes them to be of unimpaired vigour; and by means of them, thus unimpaired in vigour, they
kratu, &c.). The hymns and detached verses making up these sections are arranged according to the seven metres (thus forming seven sub-sections of each), viz. gâyatrî, anush/ubh, trish/ubh, brihatî, ushnih, gagatî, and pankti. The prayer may consist of as many verses as can be recited between midnight and daybreak; but there should be at least one hymn in each of the seven metres to each of the three deities; nor should the recitation consist of less than a hundred verses. From the beginning of the recitation up to the end of the last hymn but one, Rig-veda I, 112, there is to be a gradual modulation of the voice so as to pass upwards through the seven tones (yama) of the deep scale (mandrasvara). Moreover, that hymn is to be repeated (if necessary) till daylight appears. As soon as this is the case, he passes on without any break from the last (25th) verse to the last hymn (v. 75, 1-9), which he intones in the lowest tone of the middle scale, after shifting his place further east towards the gate. The recitation of the first eight verses of this hymn again gradually ascends through the whole of the middle scale; when-after once more shifting his place so as to be seated between the two door-posts-he intones the last verse
The Dawn hath appeared with her shining kine, Agni hath been kindled at his appointed time: your car hath been yoked, ye mighty, mead-loving(?) Asvins, showerers of wealth, hear my call !' in reciting which he makes his voice pass through the several tones of the high scale. The Subrahmanyâ, likewise, has to chant the Subrahmanyâ litany (see III, 3, 4, 17 seq.)—as he had to do on the previous evening-inserting in it the names of the sacrificer's father and son. The Agnidh, in the meantime, prepares the five havis-oblations (savanîyâh purodåsâb) to be offered at the morningpressing (cf. IV, 2, 4, 18), and the Unnetri puts the numerous Soma-vessels in their respective places on the khara, and about the Soma-carts.
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perform the sacrifice; this is why the Hotri recites the morning-prayer.
11. Here now they say, "What is the (Adhvaryu's) response to the morning-prayer??' The Adhvaryu should wait through (the prayer) waking, and when he blinks, this is his response. But let him not do this; if he fall asleep (again) he may as well sleep. When the Hotri brings his morningprayer to a close”, – there is an offering-spoon called Prakarani,—having therein taken ghee in four ladlings, he (the Adhvaryu) offers it.
12. For when the head of Yagña (the sacrifice) was struck off, his sap, running, entered the waters; that (sap) he fetched yesterday with the Vasativari water; and he now goes for what sap of the sacrifice remains therein.
13. And when he offers that offering, he pours out (the ghee) towards that same sap of the sacrifice (in the water) and draws it to him. And, indeed, he pleases those deities to whom he offers that offering, and thus satisfied and pleased, they fit that sap of the sacrifice together 3 for him.
14. He offers with, 'May Agni, with his flame, hear my prayer;' whereby he means to say, 'May he hear this prayer of mine, may he vouchsafe it to me;'—'May the waters and the Soma-bowls hear, the divine!' whereby he means to say,
May the waters hear this (prayer) of mine, may they vouchsafe it to me.'-' Hear me, ye stones,
1 Cf. IV, 3, 2, 1 seq.
. That is, when he recites the last verse, Ushas hath appeared,' &c.
• Literally, 'Bend together (sam-nam),' which refers to the 'bending together' of the cups at the Aponaptrîya ceremony.
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as knowing the sacrifice!' whereby he means to say, 'May the (pressing) stones hear this (prayer) of mine, may they vouchsafe it to me;' and 'as knowing the sacrifice,' he says, because the stones are indeed knowing? May the divine Savitri hear my prayer, Hail.!' whereby he means to say, 'May the divine Savitri hear this (prayer) of mine, may he vouchsafe it to me;' for Savitri is the impeller of the gods; impelled by him he goes for that sap of the sacrifice.
15. Having then a second time taken ghee by four ladlings, he says, while going forth towards the north, 'Summon the waters!' whereby he means to say, 'Desire the waters, O Hotar!' The reason why the Hotri then recites 2 is this : by that
1 The text has rather to be construed, 'Ye stones, hear (my prayer) as (of one) knowing the sacrifice.'
While the Adhvaryu and assistants go to the water to fill the Ekadhana pitchers, the Hotri recites the so-called A ponaptriya hymn (Rig-veda X, 30) to the waters, omitting verse twelve, which was already recited as the opening verse of the morning-prayer. The first verse is recited thrice, and the tenth verse is recited after the eleventh, while the priests are returning with the water. As soon as they are in sight, the Hotri recites verse 13, followed by Rig-veda V, 43,1; and (when the Ekadhana and Vasatîvarî waters meet together, paragraph 29) Rig-veda II, 35, 3; and, in case some of the water is actually poured over into the Hotri's cup, I, 83, 2. When the water is brought to the Havirdhana, the Hotri addresses the Adhvaryu as stated in paragraph 31; whereupon he pronounces a nigada' (for which see Ait. Br. II, 20; Âsv. Sr. V, 1, 14-17), followed by Rig-veda I, 23,16; while the Ekadhana pitchers are carried past him. The water in the Maiträvaruna cup and one third of both the Vasativari and Ekadhanâ water having been poured into the Adhavanîya trough (standing on the northern cart), the pitchers with the remaining water are then deposited in their respective places behind the axle of the northern cart, whereupon the Hotri recites the two remaining verses (14 and 15) of the
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(oblation) he (the Adhvaryu) pours out (the ghee) towards that sap of the sacrifice (in the water), and draws it to him; and he (the Hotri) then stands by those (Ekadhana pitchers) lest the evil spirits should injure them on the way.
16. He (the Adhvaryu) then gives directions, Come hither, cup-bearer of the Maiträvaruna ! Neshtar, lead up the wives! Ye bearers of the Ekadhana (cups), come hither! Agnidh, step over against the pit with the Vasatsvart water and the Hotri's cup!' this is a composite direction.
17. They walk northwards out (of the sacrificial ground)—by the back of the pit and the front side of the Ågnidhra ; whereupon they proceed in the direction in which the water is. They go thither together with the wives. The reason why they go thither with the wives is this.
18. When the head of the sacrifice was struck off, its sap, running, entered the waters; those Gandharva Soma-wardens watched it.
19. The gods then said, “Those Gandharvas, surely, are a great danger to us here, how can we carry off the sap of the sacrifice to a place free from danger and injury?'
20. They said, Well, the Gandharvas are fond of women ; let us go together with the wives! The Gandharvas, surely, will hanker after the wives, and we shall carry off that sap of the sacrifice to a place free from danger and injury.'
21. They went with the wives; the Gandharvas did indeed hanker after the wives, and they (the
Aponaptriya hymn, and sits down in front of the Soma, behind the northern door-post of the Havirdhana (cart-shed).
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gods) carried off that sap of the sacrifice to a place free from danger and injury.
22. And so does that (Adhvaryu) now go (to the water) with the wives; the Gandharvas hanker after the wives, and he carries off that sap of the sacrifice to a place free from danger and injury.
23. He offers (the ghee) upon the water; for that sap of the sacrifice, indeed, draws near to that oblation, when offered; it rises (to the surface) to meet it; and having thus brought it to light, he seizes it.
24. And again why he offers this oblation : he thereby pours out (ghee) towards that sap of the sacrifice, and draws it to him, and craves it of the waters. And, indeed, he pleases those deities to whom he offers that oblation, and thus satisfied and pleased they fit that sap of the sacrifice together for him.
25. He offers with (Vậy. S. VI, 27), 'Ye divine waters,—the son of waters;' the waters are indeed divine, hence he says, 'Ye divine waters, the son of waters ;' That wave of yours, suitable for offering;' whereby he means to say, "That wave of yours which is suitable for the sacrifice;' 'Mighty, most grateful;' by 'mighty' he means to say 'powerful,' and by 'most grateful' he means to say 'most sweet ;' 'Give ye that unto those gods among the gods,' in saying this he has craved it of them; 'The drinkers of the pure (Soma);' the pure, doubtless, is the truth; in saying, 'the drinkers (pa) of the pure,' he means to say, 'the defenders (pa) of the truth ;'Whose portion ye are, Hail!' for this indeed is their portion.
26. Thereupon he makes that oblation (ghee) float away by means of the Maitrâvaruna's cup, with (Vậg. S. VI, 28), Thou art furrowing! Even
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as a coal is consumed by Fire, so is that oblation consumed by that deity. Now that water, which is in the Maitrâvaruna's cup, he will have to pour on the king (Soma); and ghee being a thunderbolt, and Soma seed, he makes (the ghee) float away lest he should injure that seed, Soma, by that thunderbolt, the ghee.
27. He then takes (water) with, 'I draw thee up for the imperishableness of the ocean;' for the ocean is water; he thus confers imperishableness upon the waters; wherefore, in spite of so much food (and drink) being consumed, the waters are not diminished. Thereupon they draw (water in) the Ekadhana pitchers, and thereupon the vessels for washing the feet
28. The reason why he takes (water) with the Maitråvaruna's cup is this. When the sacrifice escaped from the gods, the gods endeavoured to call it up by means of (sacrificial) calls (praisha); by means of the puroruk (shining before') formulas 3 they pleased it (pra-rokaya), and by the nivids they made (their wishes) known (ni-vid) to it. Therefore he takes (water) with the Maitrâvaruna's cup.
29. They come back. The Agnidh takes up his position opposite to the pit with the Vasatsvart water and the Hotri's cup. Close over the pit he
1 These are filled by the sacrificer's wife, or, if there be more than one sacrificer (or, if the sacrificer have more than one wife), by all the wives, each having two vessels. For the use of this water, see note on IV, 4, 2, 18.
• The praishas or sacrificial directions to the Hotri, for the recitations of offering-formulas, are given by the Maitravaruna; see p. 183, note 2.
• See note on IV, 1, 3, 15; the nivids, part i, p. 114, note 2.
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236
SATAPATHA-BRÂHMANA. (the Adhvaryu) makes the Vasatsvari water and the Maiträvaruna's cup touch one another, with, Water hath united with water, plants with plants!' the sap of the sacrifice which was fetched yesterday and that fetched to-day, both kinds he thereby mixes together.
30. Now some indeed pour (some of) the Vasativart water into the Maitrâvaruna's cup, and from the Maiträvaruna's cup (back) to the Vasativarf water, arguing, 'Thereby we mix together both the sap of the sacrifice which was fetched yesterday and that fetched to-day.' But let him not do this; for when he pours (the water) together into the Adhavaniya trough, then both kinds of sap are mixed together. Thereupon he pours the Vasatsvart water into the Hotri's cup for the Nigrâbhyâs?. And as to why he makes them touch one another close over the pit, it was from thence, forsooth, that the gods rose to heaven; he thus makes the sacrificer look along the road to heaven.
31. They return (to the Havirdhana). The Hotri asks him, ' Adhvaryu, hast thou gained the waters ?' whereby he means to say, 'Hast thou obtained the waters?' He replies to him, “Yea, they have yielded themselves !' whereby he means to say, 'I have obtained them and they have yielded to me.'
32. And if it be an Agnishtoma, and there be left a residue (of ghee poured together) in the prakarani
See p. 232, note 2 to paragraph 15.
Nigrâbhyâh is the technical name the Vasatîvarî water in the Hotri's cup henceforth bears. It is handed to the sacrificer to carry to the Havirdhâna ; and is afterwards used for moistening the Soma plants (or, for being poured thereon) at the time of the pressing. See III, 9, 4, 14 seq.
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spoon sufficient for an oblation, let him offer that. But if it be not sufficient for an oblation, he takes another portion of ghee in four ladlings and offers it, with (Våg. S. VI, 29; Rig-veda I, 27, 7), 'Whatever mortal thou favourest in battles, whomsoever thou speedest in the race, he winneth unfailing strength, Hail!' He offers with a prayer) to Agni, because the Agnishtoma ( Agni's praise') means Agni ; thus he establishes the Agnishtoma in Agni. [He offers) with (a verse) containing the word 'mortal,' because the Agnishtoma is of the same measure as man. Let him then offer in this manner, if it be an Agnishtoma.
33. And if it be an Ukthya, let him touch the middle enclosing-stick,—there are three enclosingsticks and three recitations (uktha)?; and by means of them the sacrifice is there established. And if it be either an Atirâtra or a Shodasin ?, let him neither make an oblation nor touch the middle enclosingstick; having merely muttered (the above verse), let him silently betake himself (to the Havirdhana) and enter its. In this way he duly distinguishes the forms of sacrifice from one another.
34. The Ekadhana pitchers are always of uneven number,—either three, or five, or seven, or nine, or eleven, or thirteen, or fifteen“. Now two and two
See note on IV, 4, 2, 18; Haug, Ait. Br., Transl. p. 251. . And if it be a Shodasin, or an Atirâtra, or a Vâgapeya. Kanva rec. See note on IV, 5, 3, 1.
According to Kâty. IX, 3, 20-21 he may, while muttering that verse, touch the front wreath at the Shodasin, and the side-mat at the Atirâtra.
The original has, either three, or five, or five, or seven, or seven, or nine, &c. The Kânva text, on the other hand, has merely,- either three, or five, or seven, or nine, or nineteen.
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(an even number) means a productive pair; and the one that remains over, remains over for the sacrificer's prosperity. And, moreover, that which remains over for the sacrificer's prosperity is the common property (sa-dhana) of these (others); and because it is the common property of these, therefore they are called Ekadhana (having one as their common property).
Fourth BRÂHMANA.
B. THE PRÂTAIISAVANA, OR MORNING-PRESSING.
I. UpÂMSU-GRAHA. 1. Thereupon they sit down round the two pressboards! He (the Adhvaryu) then ties a piece of gold to that (nameless finger). For twofold, verily, is this; there is no third, namely, the truth and the untruth; the gods, forsooth, are the truth, and men are the untruth. And the gold has sprung from Agni's seed: With the truth I will touch the stalks, with the truth I will take hold of Soma,' thus he thinks, and therefore he ties a piece of gold to that (ring-finger).
2. He then takes a press-stone 2. Now those
1 The Adhvaryu and sacrificer sit north of them, looking towards the south; and the assistants of the former-viz. the Pratiprasthatri, Neshtri, and Unnetri- on the south side, looking northwards. The press-boards were laid down on the sound-holes,' under the fore-part of the southern Soma-cart, and the pressing-skin was spread over them; see III, 5, 4, 22-23. The Udgâtris, or chanters, are seated behind the carts.
· Viz. the upâmsusavana, or 'low-voiced pressing (stone),' (see paragraph 6,) with which the Soma for the Upâmsu libation (or cup, graha) is pressed.
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press-stones are of rock, and Soma is a god-for Soma was in the sky, Soma was Vritra; those mountains, those rocks are his body-he thus perfects him by means of his body, makes him whole; therefore they are of rock. Moreover, in pressing him they slay him, they slay him by means of that (stone, Soma's own body); thus he rises from thence, thus he lives; therefore the press-stones are of rock.
3. He takes it with (Våg. S. VI, 30), 'At the impulse of the divine Savitri I take thee with the arms of the Asvins, with the hands of Pashan; thou art a giver!' For Savitri is the impeller of the gods; thus he takes it, impelled by Savitri. With the arms of the Asvins,' he says, - the Asvins are the Adhvaryus (of the gods): with their arms he thus takes it, not with his own. With the hands of Pashan,' he says,—Pashan is the distributor of portions: with his hands he thus takes it, not with his own. Moreover, that (stone) is a thunderbolt, and no man can hold it: by means of those deities he takes it.
4. 'I take thee: thou art a giver,' he says; for when they press him by means of that (stone), then there is an oblation; and when he offers an oblation, then he gives sacrificial gifts,—thus, then, that (stone) gives twofold, oblations and sacrificial gifts; wherefore he says, 'Thou art a giver.'
5. 'Perform thou this deep cult!' Cult means sacrifice; he thereby means to say, ' Perform thou this great sacrifice !'-'well-gotten for Indra;' by 'well-gotten' he means to say, 'well-produced ;' and Indra is the deity of the sacrifice, wherefore he says, 'for Indra ;'-—' by the most excellent bolt,'
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for he, Soma, is indeed the most excellent bolt', therefore he says, 'by the most excellent bolt;'-— 'the (cult) rich in food and sweetness and drink,' whereby he means to say, 'the (cult) rich in sap.'
6. Thereupon he restrains speech. For once on a time, the gods, while performing sacrifice, were afraid of an attack from the Asura - Rakshas. They said, 'Let us sacrifice in a low voice, let us restrain speech! They sacrificed (with formulas muttered) in a low voice and restrained speech.
7. He then fetches the Nigrâbhyas (waters), and makes him (the sacrificer) mutter over them?, “Ye are the Nigrâbhyâs, heard by the gods; satisfy me, satisfy my mind, satisfy my speech, satisfy my breath, satisfy mine eye, satisfy mine ear, satisfy my soul, satisfy mine offspring, satisfy my flocks, satisfy my followers, let not my fol. lowers thirst! For water is sap, and over it he invokes this blessing, Satisfy ye my whole self, satisfy my offspring, satisfy my followers, let not my followers thirst !' Now that Upåmsusavana (stone), forsooth, is in reality Aditya Vivasvant (the sun), it is the pervading vital air (vyảna) of this (sacrifice).
8. Thereon he metes out (the Soma). For in pressing him they slay him, they slay him by means of that (stone); thus he rises from hence, thus he
* It is doubtful what 'pavi' may mean here. It seems to mean originally a metallic mounting, especially of a shaft. The commentators explain it by 'thunderbolt.'
* The sacrificer holds the Hotri's cup with the Nigrâbhyâh to his breast.
• Viz. by being placed upon the stone, which is identical with the sun (?); but cf. III, 8, 2, 27.
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lives. And because he metes him out, therefore there is a measure,—both the measure among men', and what other measure there is.
9. He metes out with (Vág. S. VI, 32), 'Thee for Indra, with the Vasus, with the Rudras!' For Indra is the deity of the sacrifice : therefore he says, 'Thee for Indra;' and by saying with the Vasus, with the Rudras,' he assigns a share, along with (or after) Indra, to the Vasus and the Rudras.
-'Thee for Indra, with the Adityas!' whereby he assigns a share to the Adityas along with Indra.
—'Thee for Indra, the slayer of foes!' a foe is an enemy: 'Thee for Indra, the slayer of enemies,' he means to say. This is his (Indra's) special share : as there is a special share for a chief, so is this his special share apart from the (other) gods.
10. 'Thee for the Soma-bearing falcon!' this he metes out for Gayatri.—'Thee for Agni, the bestower of growth of wealth! Now Agni is Gayatri : he metes this out for Gayatri. And since Gâyatri, as a falcon, fetched Soma from heaven, therefore she is (called the Soma-bearing falcon: for that prowess of hers he metes out (for her) a second portion.
11. Now as to why he metes out five times?,—the sacrifice is of the same measure as the year, and there are five seasons in the year: he takes possession of it in five (divisions); hence he metes out five
times.
1 Tasmâd v iyam manushyeshu mâtrâ yat kaushi ho yat kumbhî yeyam kâ ka manushyeshu mâtrå. Kanva text.
3 According to Taitt. S. VI, 4, 4 he metes out five times with the above texts, and five times silently.
[26]
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12. He touches it with (Våg. S. VI, 33), 'What light of thine there is in the heavens, O Soma, what on earth, and what in the wide air, therewith make wide room for this sacrificer, for his prosperity: speak thou for the giver!' Now when he (Soma) first became sacrificial food for the gods, he thought within himself,'I must not become sacrificial food for the gods with my whole self!' Accordingly he deposited those three bodies of his in these worlds.
13. The gods then were victorious. They obtained those bodies by means of this same (formula), and he became entirely the sacrificial food of the gods. And in like manner does this (priest) now thereby obtain those bodies of his, and he (Soma) becomes entirely the food of the gods : this is why he thus touches it.
14. He then pours Nigråbhyâ water on it. Now the waters, forsooth, slew Vritra and by virtue of that prowess of theirs they now flow. Wherefore nothing whatsoever can check them when they flow; for they followed their own free will, thinking, 'To whom, forsooth, should we submit (or stop), we by whom Vritra was slain!' Now all this (universe), whatsoever there is, had submitted to Indra, even he that blows yonder.
15. Indra spake, Verily, all this (universe), whatsoever there is, has submitted unto me: submit ye also to me!'—They said, 'What shall be our (reward) then ?'— The first draught of king Soma shall be yours!'-'So be it !' thus they submitted to
* The Kånva MS. has twice 'tatsthâna,' as Ait. Br. VI, 5, and twice 'tasthâna;' cf. Weber, Ind. Stud. IX, p. 295.
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him; and they having submitted, he drew (ni-grabh) them to his breast; and because he thus drew them to his breast, therefore they are called Nigrâbhyâs. And in like manner does this sacrificer now draw them to his breast: and this is their first draught of king Soma, in that he pours Nigrâbhyâ water thereon.
16. He pours it with (Vág. S. VI, 34), 'Ye are grateful, the subduers of Vritra ;'—the waters indeed are propitious: therefore he says, 'Ye are grateful;' and 'the subduers of Vritra' he says because they did slay Vritra ;-'the beneficent wives of the immortal (Soma);' for the waters are immortal ;—Ye goddesses, lead this sacrifice to the gods! there is nothing obscure in this ;
Invited, drink ye of Soma!' Thus invited they drink the first draught of king Soma.
17. Being about to beat (the Soma with the pressing-stone), let him think in his mind of him he hates : ‘Herewith I strike N. N., not thee!' Now whosoever kills a human Brâhman here, he, forsooth, is deemed guilty1,-how much more so he who strikes him (Soma), for Soma is a god. But they do kill him when they press him ;—they kill him with that (stone): thus he rises from thence, thus he lives; and thus no guilt is incurred. But if he hate no one, he may even think of a straw, and thus no guilt is incurred.
18. He beats with (Vag. S. VI, 35), 'Fear not, tremble not!' whereby he means to say, 'Be not afraid, do not tremble, it is N. N. I strike, not thee!' - Take thou strength!' whereby he means to say, "Take sap!'_Both ye bowls, that are
i Parikakshate' ought rather to mean they despise him.'
R2
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firm, remain firm, take strength!'—Surely, it is those two (pressing-)boards that are thereby meant,' so say some ;-what, then, if one were to break those two boards?? But, forsooth, it is these two, heaven and earth, that tremble for fear of that raised thunderbolt (the stone): hereby now he propitiates it for those two, heaven and earth; and thus propitiated it does not injure them. By 'Take strength!' he means to say, 'Take sap!'—'The evil is slain, not Soma!' he thereby slays every evil of his.
19. Thrice he presses?, thrice he gathers together,
1 That is to say, in that case the formula would prove to have been a failure. According to the Taitt. Kalpas., quoted to Taitt. S. I, 4, 1 (p. 590), he presses the skin down upon the two press-boards while muttering this formula. The Kanva text argues somewhat differently,—ime evaitat phalake âhur iti haika ahus tad u kim adriyeta yad athaite bhidyeyâtâm eveme haiva dyâvâprithivyâv etasmád vagrâd udyatât samregete, - Some say those two boards are thereby meant; but who would care if they should get broken; for it is rather those two, heaven and earth,' &c.?
The pressing of the Upâmsu-graha-also called the 'small' pressing, distinguished from the great pressing' (mahâbhishava) for the subsequent cups or libations (graha)-consists of three turns of eight, eleven, and twelve single beatings respectively. Before each turn Nigrâbhyâ water is poured upon the Soma plants by the sacrificer from the Hotri's cup. After each turn of pressing the Adhvaryu throws the completely-pressed stalks into the cup, and when they have become thoroughly soaked, he presses them out and takes them out again ; this being the gathering together referred to above. At the same time he mutters the Nigrabha formula (paragraph 21); after which the pressed-out juice, absorbed by the water, is poured into the Upâmsu vessel in the following manner. Before the pressing the Pratiprasthâtri had taken six Soma-stalks, and put two each between the fingers of his left hand. After each turn of pressing he takes the Upâmsu vessel with his right hand and holds one pair of the Soma-stalks over it (or, according to others, all six at the same time), through which (as through
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four times he performs the Nigrâbha,—this makes ten, for of ten syllables consists the virág, and Soma is of virág nature: therefore he completes (the ceremony) in ten times.
20. Then as to why he performs the Nigrâbha. Now when he (Soma) first became sacrificial food for the gods, he set his heart on those (four) regions, thinking, 'Could I but consort with those regions as my mate, my loved resort !' By performing the Nigrâbha, the gods then made him consort with the regions as his mate, his loved resort; and in like manner does this (sacrificer) now, by performing the Nigrâbha, make him (Soma) consort with those regions as his mate, his loved resort.
21. He performs with (Vâg. S. VI, 36), 'From east, from west, from north, from south-from every side may the regions resort to thee! whereby he makes him consort with the regions as his mate, his loved resort. 'O mother, satisfy (him)! may the noble meet together?!' A mother
a strainer) the Adhvaryu then pours the Soma-juice from the pressing-skin into the vessel. After the third turn the pressing-stone itself is put into the Hotri's cup, either with or without the muttering of the Nigrábha formula. According to the commentary on Kâty. IX, 4, 27, the Soma-juice is transferred from the skin to the Upâmsu cup, by the straining-cloth being made to imbibe the juice and then being pressed out so as to trickle down through the plants between the Pratiprasthâtri's fingers. The description given by Haug, Ait. Br., Transl. p. 489, is somewhat different.
1 The interpretation of this formula is very doubtful. The author evidently takes 'arîh' as nom. plur. of 'ari' ( = arya); but it does not appear how he takes 'nishpara,' while Mahîdhara explains it by
pūraya (give him, Soma, his fill).' The St. Petersburg Dict. sug. gests that nishpara 'may mean come out l' and that arîh' seems to be a nom. sing. here. I take the last part of the formula to mean, 'May he (Soma) win (or, perhaps, join) the longing (waters)!'
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(ambå) is a woman, and the regions (dis, fem.) are women: therefore he says, 'O mother, satisfy (him)!May the noble meet together!' The noble doubtless means people (creatures, offspring): he thus means to say, May the people live in harmony with each other !' Even the people that are far away (from each other) live in harmony with each other : therefore he says, ' May the noble meet together.'
22. Now as to why he is called Soma. When he first became sacrificial food for the gods, he thought within him, 'I must not become sacrificial food for the gods with my whole self!' That form of his which was most pleasing he accordingly put aside. Thereupon the gods were victorious; they said, * Draw that unto thee, for therewith shalt thou become our food!' He drew it to him even from afar, saying, verily, that is mine own (svå me): hence he was called Soma.
23. Then as to why he is called Yagña (sacrifice). Now, when they press him, they slay him; and when they spread him”, they cause him to be born. He is born in being spread along, he is born moving (yan gâyate): hence yan-ga, for 'yañga,' they say, is the same as 'yagña.'
24. Also this speech did he then utter (Væg. S.
some of the Nigrâbhyâ water being poured on the Soma at each turn of pressing; and small stalks of Soma being, besides, thrown into the Hotri's cup containing that water. As to the first part of the formula, it may perhaps mean, Well, pour out (or, pour forth, intrans.).' Professor Ludwig, Rig-veda IV, p. xvi, thinks that 'nishpara' is a correction of the Taitt. reading nishvara,' which Sâyana interprets, 'O mother (Soma), come out (from the stalks, in the form of juice),' and according to the Sätra quoted by him, the sacrificer is at the same time to think of the wife he loves.
1 That is, when they perform the Soma-sacrifice.
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VI, 37; Rig-veda I, 84, 19), 'Verily thou, a god, shalt extol the mortal, O most mighty! than thee there is no other giver of joy!, O lord! unto thee do I speak this word, O Indra!' For it was indeed as a mortal that he uttered this, 'Thou alone wilt produce (me) from here, no other but thee!'
25. And from the Nigrâbhyâ water they draw the several grahas (cups or libations of Soma). For it was the waters that slew Vritra, and in virtue of this prowess they flow; and it is from flowing water that he takes the Vasativart water, and from the Vasativart the Nigrâbhyâ water; and from the Nigrâbhyâ water the several grahas are drawn. In virtue of that prowess, then, the grahas are drawn from the Hotri's cup. Now the Hotri means the Rik (fem.), a woman; and from woman creatures are born here on earth : hence he makes him (Soma) to be born from that woman, the Rik, the Hotri; wherefore (he takes the grahas) from the Hotri's cup.
1 This is the traditional meaning (sukhayitri) assigned to mardayitri (the merciful, comforter); but it is not quite clear how the author of the Brahmana interprets it.
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SATAPATHA-BRAHMANA.
FOURTH KÂNDA.
First Adhyâya. First BRÂHMANA.
1. The Upâmsu (graha), forsooth, is the outbreathing of the Sacrifice 1, the Upâmsu-savana (press-stone) the through-breathing, and the Antaryâma (graha) the in-breathing.
2. Now as to why it is called Upâmsu. There is a graha called Amsu ?, that is Pragâpati : his outbreathing is this (graha); and because it is his outbreathing, therefore it is called Upâmsu.
3. This (graha) he draws without a strainer 3 : whereby he puts the out-breathing into him as one tending away from him, and thus this forward-tending out-breathing of his streams forth from him. He purifies it with sprigs of Soma, thinking it shall be pure.' He purifies it with six (sprigs), for there are six seasons: it is by means of the seasons that he thus purifies it.
4. As to this they say, When he purifies the Upâmsu by means of sprigs, and all (other) Soma
i That is, the sacrificial man, or the sacrifice personified in Soma and the sacrificer.
· Lit. 'the Soma-plant,' hence the (Soma)-sacrifice itself, or Pragâpati. See IV, 6, 1, 1 seq.
* Bahishpavitrât, lit. from (a vessel, or Soma) having the strainer outside (away from) it. While no proper strainer is used for the Upâmsu-graha, the Soma-juice being poured through Soma-plants (see p. 244, note 2); at the great pressing it is passed through a fringed straining-cloth (dasapavitra) spread over the Dronakala sa (the largest of the three Soma-troughs, the others being the Adhavaniya and Patabhrit). See IV, 1, 2, 3.
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draughts are purified by means of a strainer, whereby, then, do its sprigs become pure?'
5. He throws them down again (on the unpressed plants) with (Vâg. S. VII, 2), 'What inviolable, quickening name is thine, to that Soma of thine, O Soma, be Hail!' Thus his sprigs become purified by means of the Svâhâ (* Hail!'). But this graha means everything, for it is the type of all the pressings
6. Now, once on a time, the gods, while performing sacrifice, were afraid of an attack from the AsuraRakshas. They said, 'Let us completely establish the sacrifice: if the Asura-Rakshas should then attack us, our sacrifice will at least be completely established.'
7. Even at the morning Soma-feast they then completely established the entire sacrifice ?,-at this same (upâmsu) graha by means of the Yagus; at the first chant (stotra) by means of the Sâman; and at the first recitation (sastra) by means of the Rik : with that sacrifice thus completely established they subsequently worshipped. And in like manner does this sacrifice now become completely established, - by means of the Yagus at this same graha; by means of the Sâman at the first chant; and by means of the Rik at the first recitation; and with this sacrifice thus completely established he subsequently worships.
8. He presses (the Soma) eight times; for of eight
1 Viz, inasmuch as the Upamsu-graha is obtained by three turns of pressing, and each of the three Savanas (pressings, Soma-feasts) consists of three rounds of pressing of three turns each. See p. 256, note 1.
? Cf. Taitt. S. VI, 4, 5, where this theory (divested of its legendary form) is ascribed to Aruna Aupavesi.
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syllables consists the Gayatri, and the morning Somafeast belongs to the Gâyatri ; thus this (first turn of pressing) is made to be the morning Soma-feast.
9. He draws (the juice of the first turn of pressing into the cup) with (Vâg. S. VII, I), 'Grow thou pure for Vâkaspati!' for Vakaspati (lord of speech) is the out-breathing, and this (Upâmsu) graha is the out-breathing: hence he says, 'Grow thou pure for Vâkaspati!'-'purified by the hands with the sprigs of the bull;' for he purifies it with sprigs of Soma: hence he says, 'with the sprigs of the bull;' and purified by the hands (gabhasti-pata?),' he says; for—' gabhasti' being the same as 'pâni' (hand)he indeed purifies it with his hands.
10. He then presses eleven times; for of eleven syllables consists the Trishtubh, and the midday Soma-feast belongs to the Trishtubh: thus this (second turn of pressing) is made to be the midday Soma-feast.
11. He draws (the juice into the cup) with, Grow thou pure, a god, for the gods-;' for he (Soma) is indeed a god, and for the gods he becomes pure; —'whose portion thou art;' for he indeed is their portion.
12. He then presses twelve times; for of twelve syllables consists the Gagati, and the evening Somafeast belongs to the Gagati : thus this (third turn of pressing) is made to be the evening Soma-feast.
Sâyana, on Taitt. S. I, 4, 2, interprets it, ' Having been purified by the ray of the sun (while growing in the forest), do thou now become pure for the gods through the sprigs of the bull !' Cf., however, Taitt. S. VI, 4, 5, gabhastinâ hy enam pavayati,' where
gabhasti' would seem to be taken in the sense of 'hand' (? the forked one). See p. 244, note 2.
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13. He draws (the juice) with, 'Make thou our draughts sweet!' whereby he imbues him (Soma) with sap, and renders him palatable for the gods : hence, when slain, he does not become putrid! And when he offers (that graha) he thereby completely establishes him.
14. 'For one desirous of spiritual lustre (brahmavarkasa) he should press eight times at each (turn),' so they say ;-for of eight syllables consists the Gayatri, and the Gayatri is the Brahman : he indeed becomes endowed with spiritual lustre.
15. Thus the pressing amounts to twenty-four times (of beating). Now there are twenty-four halfmoons in the year; and Pragâpati (the lord of creatures) is the year, and the sacrifice is Pragâpati : thus as great as the sacrifice is, as great as is its measure, so great he thereby establishes it.
16. For one desirous of cattle he should press five times at each (turn), so they say ;-the cattle (animal victims) consist of five parts: he indeed gains cattle; and there are five seasons in the year; and Pragâpati is the year, and the sacrifice is Pragàpati : thus as great as the sacrifice is, as great as is its measure, so great he thereby establishes it. This, however, is mere speculation : it is the other (manner) which is practised.
17. Having drawn the graha, he wipes (the vessel) all round, lest any (Soma-juice) should trickle down. He does not deposit it; for this is his out-breathing, whence this out-breathing passes unceasingly. Should he, however, desire to exorcise, he may
1 The Kânva text adds, while whosoever else is slain becomes
putrid.'
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deposit it? with, 'I put thee down, the out-breathing of N. N.!' Thus, forsooth, inasmuch as he (the Adhvaryu) does not quit his hold of it, it is not again in that (enemy); and thus both the Adhvaryu and the Sacrificer live long.
18. Or he may merely cover (the vessel by his hand) with, 'I shut thee off, the out-breathing of N. N.!' Thus, forsooth, inasmuch as he does not deposit it, it is not again in that enemy; and thus he does not disorder the vital airs.
19. While he is still inside (the Havirdhâna) he utters Hail!' For the gods were afraid lest the Asura-Rakshas should destroy what part of this graha was previous to the offering. They offered it (symbolically) by means of the Svâhâ, while they were still inside (the cart-shed), and what was thus offered they afterwards offered up in the fire. And in like manner does he now offer it up by means of the Svâhâ, while he is still inside, and what has thus been offered he afterwards offers up in the fire.
20. He then walks out of the Havirdhana) with, 'I walk along the wide air?' For along the air
1 That is, he may set it down on the khara for a moment without quitting his hold of it. While the subsequent cups of Soma are deposited in their respective places after they have been drawn, the Upâmsu and Antaryâma are offered immediately.
With the Taittiriyas the order of proceeding is somewhat different: The Adhvaryu pours the Soma through the Soma-plants into the Upâmsu cup after each turn of pressing, with, ‘Become pure for Vākaspati, O courser l'_ The bull purified by the hand with the plants of the bull!'-—'Thou, a god, art a purifier of the gods whose share thou art: thee, to them l' respectively. He then takes the cup from the Pratiprasthâtri with, 'Thou art self-made l' eyes it with, Make our drinks sweet;' and wipes it clean upwards with, "Thee for all powers, divine and earthly!' He then rises with, May the mind obtain thee !' steps to the Ahavanîya with, 'I move
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the Rakshas roams rootless and unfettered on both sides, even as man here roams along the air, rootless and unfettered on both sides ? ; and, that formula being the Brahman (prayer), a slayer of the Rakshas, he, by means of that Brahman, renders the air free from danger and injury.
21. Thereupon he (the Sacrificer) asks a boon. For the gods, forsooth, greatly desire to obtain the offering of that graha, and they grant to him that boon, in order that he may forthwith offer that graha to them: this is why he asks a boon.
22. He (the Adhvaryu) offers with (Vâg. S.VII, 3), Self-made thou art,' for, this graha being his (Yagña's) out-breathing, it is indeed made by itself, born of itself 2: hence he says, 'Self-made thou art;'for all powers, divine and earthly,'—for it is born of itself for all creatures 3 ;—May the mind obtain thee!'—the mind being Pragâpati, he thereby means to say, 'may Pragâpati obtain thee!' Haill thee, O well-born, for Suryal' thus he utters the second
CAL
along the wide air,' and offers, while the sacrificer holds on to him from behind, with, Haill thee, O well-born, to Sarya!'
i See III, 1, 3, 13.
9. For this libation is the out-breathing, and the out-breathing is he that blows yonder (the wind); and he indeed is made by himself, begotten (gâta) of himself, since there is no other maker nor begetter of him.' Kânva text.
Perhaps we ought to translate the passage, 'from all the powers, divine and earthly,' for it is born by itself from all the creatures. But cf. Taitt. S. VI, 4, 5: Thereby he puts out-breathing both into gods and men.'
• While, in its force of subsequent,'avara here refers back to the first Svâhâ, pronounced by the Adhvaryu (par. 19); it also has here the meaning of lower,' and, developed out of this, that of preceding' in which meaning it occurs in the Rikprâtisâkhya). Hence it is quite impossible adequately to render this play on the words avara, 'subsequent, lower, preceding,' and para,'higher, subsequent.'
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(or inferior) Hail!' with regard to a subsequenti (or higher; the highest) deity.
23. Now it is in him that burns yonder (the sun) that he has just offered that (libation); and the latter is the All: hence he makes that (sun) the highest of the All. But were he to utter the second (or higher)
Hail!' with regard to a preceding (or lower) deity ?, then it would be even higher than yonder sun : therefore he utters the second Hail !' with regard to a subsequent deity.
24. And, having offered, he wipes the (vessel of the) graha upwards; whereby he puts that outbreathing into him as one tending away from him. Thereupon he rubs (the wiped off Soma) upon the middle enclosing stick from west to east with the palm of his hand turned upwards :—whereby he puts that out-breathing into him as one tending away from him—with, 'Thee to the gods sipping motes of light!'
25. For in that orb which burns yonder he has just offered this (libation), and those rays thereof are the gods sipping motes of light: it is these he thereby gratifies; and thus gratified those gods convey him to the heavenly world.
26. For this same graha there is neither an invitatory prayer nor an offering prayer 4 : he offers it
1 That is, coming after Svâhâ in the formula.
: The Kanva text reads : etasmin vâ etan mandale 'haushîd ya esha tapati; sarvam u vâ esha grahah; sarvasmad evaitad asmad enam uttaram karoti ya esho 'smât sarvasmâd uttaro yad dhâvarâm devatâm kuryât param svâhâkâram anyad dhaitasmad uttaram kuryât.
That is to say, he is to pass his hand, palm upwards, under the middle enclosing stick.
. Such (Rik verses) as are ordinarily recited by the Hotri. When
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with a (Yagus) formula, and thereby it becomes for him supplied with both an invitatory and an offering prayer. And if he desire to exorcise, let him offer some spray (of Soma) which may adhere either to his arm, or to his breast, or to his garment, with, 'O divine plant, let that be true wherefore I pray thee: let N. N. be struck down by destruction falling from above, crash!' Even as one of (enemies) that are being slain might escape, so does this (sprig) fly away from those that are being pressed: thus nothing (hostile)-either running thither or running away!— remains to him for whom he performs this. He deposits that (cup) with, 'Thee for the out-breathing!' for this (graha) indeed is his out-breathing.
27. Now some deposit it on the south part (of the khara ?), for, they say, it is in that direction that
the Upamsu cup is drawn, the Hotri says, Restrain the outbreathing (prâna)! Haill thee, O well-calling one, to Sürya l' whereupon he breathes into (or towards) the cup with, 'O outbreathing, restrain my out-breathing !' After that he remains silent till the Antaryâma is drawn, when he addresses that graha with, Restrain the in-breathing (apâna)! Haill thee, O well-calling one, to Sorya l' whereupon he draws in his breath over the cup, and says, 'O in-breathing, restrain my in-breathing !' He then touches the pressing-stone with, Thee to the through-breathing I' and therewith frees his speech from restraint. Ait. Br. II, 21. On the terms out-breathing (prâna)and in-breathing (apâna, or up-breathing, udâna) see part i, p. 19, note 2; J. S. Speijer, Jâtakarma, p. 64; Sâyana on Taitt. S. I, 4, 3 (vol. I, p. 603); Taitt. S. VI, 4, 6. Different Haug, Ait. Br. Transl. p. 118.
1 Na dhavan nâpadhâvat parisishyate ;' perhaps we ought to read 'nâpadhavan;' unless indeed tasya' refers to Soma, as Sâyana seems to take it. The Kânva text has : tatha ha teshâm napadhâvañs kana mukyate yebhyas tatha karoti.
According to the Satras of the Black Yagus (cf. Sâyana on Taitt. S. I, 4, 2, p. 598), the Upâmsu cup is deposited' on the south-east and the Antaryâma cup on the north-east corner of the
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yonder (sun) moves. Let him, however, not do this, but let him deposit it on the north (uttara) part (of the khara), because there is not any higher (uttara) graha than this. He deposits it with, 'Thee for the out-breathing !' for this (graha) is indeed his outbreathing.
28. He then takes the Upânesu-savana (pressingstone). He neither touches it with the fringe nor with the straining-cloth, for that would be like rinsing it in water. If there be any spray adhering to it, let him remove it with his hand, and then lay down (the stone) beside the Upâmsu cup), with the face towards the north, with, 'Thee for the throughbreathing !' for this (stone) is indeed his (Yagña's) through-breathing.
SECOND BRÂHMANA.
II. THE GREAT PRESSING! 1. The Upâmsu (graha), forsooth, is his outbreathing, the Upâmsu-savana (stone) his through
khara or mound; the Upamsu-savana stone being placed between them. Before depositing the vessel, the Adhvaryu pours some of the residue of Soma-juice from the Upâmsu cup into the Agrayanasthâlî, and having put a large twig of Soma into it for the evening pressing (? the Adâbhya graha, cf. Sây. on Taitt. S. I, 603), he deposits' it on the mound.
1 The Great Pressing' (mahâbhishava) from which the Antaryâma and following libations are obtained is performed by the four priests, viz. the Adhvaryu and his three assistants, Pratiprasthâtri, Neshtri, and Unnetri, each having an equal portion of Soma-plants and one of the four remaining pressing-stones assigned to him. The ceremonies mentioned in III, 9, 4, I seq. are repeated on the present occasion, each of the priests tying a piece of gold to his ring-finger. The pressing is performed in three rounds of three turns each, the number of single strokes of the several turns
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breathing, and the Antaryâma (graha) his inbreathing.
2. Now as to why it is called Antaryâma. That which is the out-breathing is also the in-breathing and the through-breathing. Now, in drawing the Upâmsu (graha), he puts into him that out-breathing which tends away from him; and in drawing the
being, however, not limited, as was the case at the pressing of the Upåmsu. Only before the first turn of each round Nigrâbhya water is poured on the plants. After each turn the scattered plants are gathered together on a heap. At the end of each round (of three turns) the Soma is touched (or strengthened'); whereupon the completely pressed-out stalks are thrown into the Hotri's cup and the Nigrâbha formula is pronounced (III, 9, 4, 21). The stalks which are still juicy are then gathered together' (see III, 9, 4, 19) into the so-called sambharanî and poured into the Adhavanîya trough, and having been stirred about therein by the Unnetri, are taken out, pressed out, and thrown on the skin, when the same process is repeated. On the completion of the third round the Dronakalasa is brought forward (from behind the axle of the southern cart) by the Udgâtris (for the mantras used by them see Tândya Br. I, 2, 6-7) and placed on the four stones covered with the pressed-out Soma husks, the straining-cloth being then stretched over it, with the fringe towards the north. The Hotri's cup (held by the sacrificer and containing the remaining Nigrâbhyâ water) having then been filled up by the Unnetri with the Soma-juice in the Adhavanîya trough, the sacrificer pours it in one continuous stream from the Hotri's cup upon the straining-cloth, spread over the Dronakalasa by the chanters (Udgâtris), muttering a mantra (Tândya Br. I, 2, 9) all the time. From this stream the first eight (at the midday pressing the first five) libations are taken, by the respective cups being held under, the remaining libations or cups being drawn either from the strained (or 'pure,' sukra) Soma-juice in the Dronakalasa, or from the Agrayanasthalî or the Pâtabhrit. Sayana on Ait. Br. II, 23, 1 seems to exclude the Antaryâma graha from the great pressing:' antaryâmagrahahomad Urdhvam mahabhishavam kritvå. Also in II, 21, 1 he mentions the Dadhi graha, Amsu graha, and Adabhya graha (see p. 255, n. 2) as intervening between the Aponaptrîya ceremony and the drawing of the Upâmsu graha.
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Antaryâma, he puts into him that in-breathing which tends towards him. But this same in-breathing is confined within his self; and because it is confined (yam) within (antar) his self, or because these creatures are sustained (yam) by it, therefore it is called Antaryâma.
3. He draws it from inside the strainer", whereby he puts that in-breathing into him as one tending towards him, and that in-breathing of his is placed (or beneficial) within his self. And thereby also that Upâmsu (libation) of his comes to be drawn from inside the strainer (i. e. from the pure Soma), for one and the same are the Upâmsu and Antaryâma, since they are the out-breathing and inbreathing. And thereby, moreover, that (vital air) of his comes to be unceasing also at the other grahas.
4. Now as to why he purifies the Soma by means of a strainer (pavitra). When Soma had oppressed his own family-priest Brihaspati, he restored to him (his property); and on his restoring it, he (Brihaspati) became reconciled to him. Still there was guilt remaining, if only for having contemplated oppressing the priesthood.
5. The gods purified him by some means of purification (or a strainer, pavitra), and, being cleansed and pure, he became the (sacrificial) food of the gods. And
Antahpavitrât, lit. from (the vessel or stream of Soma) which has the strainer inside it; the straining-cloth being spread over the Dronakalasa, into which the pressed-out Soma-juice is poured. The Petersburg Dictionary assigns to it the meaning 'the Soma within the filtering vessel' (see IV, 1, 1, 3). Perhaps it means 'from that which has a strainer between,' i.e. from the poured-out stream from which the libation is taken, and which is separated from the Dronakalasa by the straining-cloth.
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in like manner does he now purify him by means of that strainer, and, being cleansed and pure, he becomes the food of the gods.
6. Then as to why the grahas are drawn with the Upayâma?. Now Aditi is this (earth), and hers was that prầyaniya oblation, that Aditya rice-papa. But that was, as it were, previous to the Soma feast : she desired to have a share along with the gods in the Soma feast, and said, 'Let there be for me also a share of the pressed Soma!'
7. The gods said, 'This sacrifice has already been distributed among the deities: by means of thee the grahas shall be taken and offered to the deities !'—
The term Upayama, lit. 'foundation, substratum,' referring properly to that which is held under' while taking the libation, that is, the cup of the respective graha (and hence also identified with the earth, as the substratum of everything, cf. Sây. on Taitt. S. I, 4, 3), has come to be applied likewise to the formula 'upayamagrihito 'si,' i.e. thou art taken with (or on) a support,' which is repeated at those libations before the formulas muttered while they are drawn into the respective vessels or cups (see par. 15). Haug, Transl. Ait. Br. p. 118 note, makes the following distinction between the graha (cup) and pâtra (vessel) of the Antaryâma (and Upâmsu) libation : "The pâtra is a vessel resembling a large wooden jar with but a very slight cavity on the top, in which the Soma-juice is filled. The graha is a small cup, like a saucer, made of earth, and put over the cavity of the Soma vessel, in order to cover the "precious" juice. The bottom of it is first put in water, and a gold leaf placed beneath it. There are as many grahas as there are pâtras; they belong together just as cup and saucer, and are regarded as inseparable. The word graha is, however, taken often in the sense of the whole, meaning both graha and pâtra.' I doubt, however, whether this distinction is in accordance with the old authorities. The graha vessels or cups are described as resembling the shape of a mortar. For other peculiarities, see IV, 1, 5, 19. With some libations there is both a pâtra (cup) and a sthâlî (bowl). * See III, 2, 3, 1 seq.
S2
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"So be it!' This, then, is her share of the pressed Soma.
8. And, again, why the grahas are drawn with the Upayâma. The Upayâma indeed is this earth), since it is this earth) that bears (upa-yam) food here for cattle and men and trees; and the gods are above this, for the gods are in heaven.
9. The reason, then, why the grahas are drawn with the Upayâma, is that they are drawn by means of this (earth); and why he deposits them in the womb?, is that this earth is the womb of everything, that it is from her that these creatures have sprung.
10. That same Soma the priests carry about as seed. And seed which is cast outside the womb is lost; but that which he deposits in the womb is indeed deposited in this earth.
11. Now these two grahas are his out-breathing and in-breathing; one of them he offers after sunrise and the other before sunrise, in order to keep the out-breathing and in-breathing distinct from each other. He thus keeps the out-breathing and inbreathing distinct from each other : hence these two, even while being one and the same, are yet called differently 'out-breathing' and 'in-breathing.'
12. Now those two grahas are for him day and night; one of them he offers after sunrise and the
Lit. forms the support or basis for it. The sentence could also be translated, this earth doubtless is an upayama (support), since she bears food.' Apparently he means to say that, as the gods are above, the food to be offered to them requires some support, something to hold it up' by for the gods to reach it.
This refers to the formula "This is thy womb,' with which most libations, after being drawn, are deposited in their proper place on the khara until they are used for offering. See IV, 1, 3, 19.
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other before sunrise, in order to keep day and night distinct from each other: he thus keeps day and night distinct from each other?
13. The Upâmsu, being the day, he offers in the night; and thus he puts the day into the night : whence even in the deepest darkness one distinguishes something ?
14. The Antaryâma, being the night, he offers after sunrise, and thus he puts the night into the day: whence that sun, on rising, does not burn up these creatures; whence these creatures are preserved.
15. He draws (the Antaryâma graha) therefrom 3 with (Vág. S. VII, 4), 'Thou art taken with a support!' – The significance of the Upayâma has been told 4: - Restrain thou, O mighty (Indra), guard Soma!' the mighty, forsooth, is Indra; and Indra is the leader of the sacrifice: wherefore he says 'O mighty!' and by 'guard Soma' he means to say 'protect Soma!' Preserve the riches! gain thee food in the sacrifice!'-riches mean cattle : Protect the cattle'he thereby means to say. 'Gain thee food in the sacrifice !-food means creatures: he thus makes these eager to sacrifice, and these creatures go on sacrificing and praising and toiling.
1.Were he to offer both after sunrise, there would only be day, and no night; and were he to offer both before sunrise, there would only be night, and no day.' Kanva text.
* Tasmad v idam râtrau tamasi sati nirgñayata iva kimkid iva. Kanva text.
• Viz. from the stream of Soma poured from the Hotri's cup on the straining-cloth. See p. 256, note 1.
See paragraph 6, with note.
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16. 'Into thee I lay day and night'; in to thee I lay the wide air: allied with the gods, the lower and the higher,'—thereby he makes this (graha) one belonging to all the gods: because by means of it these creatures move about in the air breathing out and breathing in, therefore it belongs to all the gods.--Delight thyself in the Antaryâma, O mighty one!' the mighty one is Indra, and Indra is the leader of the sacrifice, wherefore he says 'O mighty one !' and in that he draws it with
into-into,' thereby he means to say 'I lay thee into his (Indra's) self.'
17. Having drawn it, he wipes (the vessel) all round, lest (any Soma-juice) should trickle down. He does not deposit it; for this is the in-breathing : hence this in-breathing passes unceasingly. But should he desire to exorcise, let him deposit it with "I put thee down, the in-breathing of N. N.!'
18. If he deposits the Upâmsu, let him also deposit this (Antaryâma cup)?; and if he does not deposit the Upåmsu, let him also not deposit this. And if he covers the Upâmsu (with his hand), let him also cover this; and if he does not cover the Upåmsu, let him also not cover this: as the performance regarding the Upåmsu, so regarding this (graha); for one and the same are these two, the Upâmsu and Antaryâma, since they are the outbreathing and in-breathing.
19. Now the Karakas, forsooth, offer these two
1 Mahîdhara offers the alternative interpretation, through thee I place day and night between (Soma and the enemies),' which is also Sâyana's interpretation on Taitt. S. I, 4, 3; as apparently that of the Taitt. S. itself, VI, 4, 6.
$ See IV, 1, 1, 17-18.
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(libations) with two different formulas', saying,
These two are his out-breathing and in-breathing : we make the out-breathing and in-breathing of varied vigour.' But let him not do this, for they disorder the sacrificer's out-breathing and in-breathing. Now, one might also 2 offer this one silently :
20. But, as he offers the Upâmsu with a formula, even thereby this (libation) also comes to be offered with a formula. How then could one offer it silently, for these two, the Upâmsu and Antaryâma, are one and the same, since they are the out-breathing and in-breathing ?
21. With the very same formula with which he offers the Upâmsu, he offers this (libation),– Selfmade thou art: for all powers divine and earthly: may the mind obtain thee! Hail!-- thee, O well-born, for Surya!' The significance of this formula has been told.
22. And, having offered 3, he wipes the cup clean downwards. For even now,after offering the Upamsu, he wiped (the cup) upwards; but here he wipes it downwards; whereby he puts the in-breathing into him as one tending towards him.
23. He then rubs (the wiped-off Soma) upon the middle enclosing stick from east to west with the palm of his hand turned downwards. For even now, after offering the Upamsu, he rubbed it upon the
This does not appear to refer to the Taittirîyas, since by them the same order of proceeding is prescribed for the Antaryâma as for the Upâmsu (p. 252, note 2); cf. Så yana on Taitt. S. I, p. 603. See, however, Maitrây. Samh. 1, 3, 4-5.
8. Apid (vai)' seems to have much the same meaning ('perhaps”) as the later 'api nama.' Cf. I, 9, 1, 19.
• He offers the entire Soma in the Antaryâma cup, without leaving any, or pouring any juice into the Âgrayanasthali.
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middle enclosing stick from west to east with the palm of his hand turned upwards; but here he does so from east to west with the palm of his hand turned downwards—whereby he puts the in-breathing into him as one tending towards him with, 'Thee for the gods sipping motes of light!' The significance is the same as before.
24. Having returned (to the cart-shed), he deposits that (cup) with, 'Thee for the in-breathing !' for this is indeed his in-breathing. He deposits them! so as to touch one another; whereby he makes outbreathing and in-breathing touch one another, joins the out-breathings and in-breathings together.
25. Now these (cups and stone) repose without being moved until the evening Soma feast, whence men sleep here on earth; and at the evening Soma feast they are used again, whence these men, having slept, awake and are bustling and restless ;—this, forsooth, is after the manner of the sacrifice, for the sacrifice is fashioned like a bird : the Upâmsu and Antaryâma (grahas) are its wings, and the Upåmsusavana (stone) its body.
26. They repose without being moved until the evening Soma feast. The sacrifice is spread along; but what is spread along moves, whence those birds Ay spreading their wings, not drawing them in. At the evening Soma feast they are again used; whence
According to the Kânva text he is to place the Antaryâma cup on the south-east corner (dakshinârdhe) of the khara (see p. 255, n. 2); while, according to Kâty. IX, 2, 1, both the Upâmsu and Antaryama are to be placed on the north-east corner, the former south of the latter. This arrangement, however, would scarcely agree with IV, 1, 1, 27-28. The Upâmsu-savana stone, doubtless, is to lie between the two cups, with its face towards the Upamsu.
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these birds fly drawing in their wings to fold them. this indeed is after the manner of the sacrifice.
27. The Upåmsu, forsooth, is this (earth), for the Upåmsu is the out-breathing, and breathing out one breathes upon this earth). And the Antaryâma is yonder (sky), for the Upâmsu is the in-breathing (up-breathing), and in breathing up one breathes towards yonder world. And the Upamsu-savana (stone) is the air, for the Upâmsu-savana is the through-breathing, and he who breathes through (in and out), breathes through this air.
THIRD BRÂHMANA. 1. The Aindra-vâyava (graha), forsooth, is his speech; and as such belonging to his self?. Now Indra, when he had hurled the thunderbolt at Vritra, thinking himself to be the weaker, and fearing lest he had not laid him low, hid himself. The gods also hid themselves away in the same place.
2. The gods then said, 'Verily, we know not if Vritra be slain or alive: come, let one of us find out, if Vritra be slain or alive!'
3. They said unto Vâyu-Váyu, forsooth, is he that blows yonder—'Find thou out, O Vayu, if Vritra be slain or alive; for thou art the swiftest among us: if he lives, thou indeed wilt quickly return hither.'
4. He spake, 'What shall be my reward then?'• The first Vashat of king Soma !'-'So be it !' so Vâyu went, and lo2 Vritra slain. He spake, ‘Vritra is slain : do ye with the slain what ye list !'
1 That is, to Yagña's body (madhyadeha, Sây.) as distinguished from his limbs. The Petersb. Dict. takes adhyâtmam in the sense of in regard to the self (or person).' See IV, 1,4, 1, with note; IV, 2, 2, 1 seq.
* At I, 6, 2, 3; II, 2, 3, 9, I erroneously supplied a verb of
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5. The gods rushed thither,-as (those) eager to take possession of their property, so it fared with) him (Vritra-Soma)?: what (part of him) one of them seized, that became an ekadevatya (graha, belonging to one deity), and what two of them, that became a dvidevatya’, and what many (seized), that became a bahudevatya ;--and because they caught him up each separately (vi-grah) by means of vessels, therefore (the libations) are called graha.
6. He stank in their nostrils,—sour and putrid he blew towards them: he was neither fit for offering, nor was he fit for drinking.
7. The gods said to Vậyu, “Vậyu, blow thou through him, make him palatable for us !' He said,
What shall be my reward then ?'—' After thee they shall name those cups.'—'So be it!' he said, 'but blow ye along with me!'
8. The gods dispelled some of that smell, and laid it into the cattle, this is that foul smell in (dead) cattle : hence one must not close (his nose) at that foul smell, since it is the smell of king Soma.
9. Nor must one spit thereat 3; even though he should think himself ever so much affected, let him motion with the particle ed, following the original interpretation in the Petersb. Dict. and Weber's Ind. Stud. IX, 249. I now adopt the later explanation put forth in the Nachträge.' Professor Whitney, Amer. Journ. of Phil., III, p. 399, apparently draws from the same source,
1 As (those) wishing to take possession of their property, so did they seize upon him each for himself (evam tam vyagrihnata);' Kânva text. The construction of our text is quite irregular.
The dvidevaty a grahas (libations belonging to two gods) at the morning Soma feast are the Aindra-vâya va (Indra and Väyu), the Maitra-varuna (Mitra and Varuna), and the Asvina.
* That is, because of it, or away from it. Perhaps, however, it belongs to the next clause, therefore, even ....'
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go round it windward ?; for Soma means eminence, and disease meanness: even as at the approach of his superior the meaner man would get down (from his seat), so does disease go down before him (Soma).
10. Then Vậyu blew a second time through him and thereby made him palatable; whereupon he was fit for offering and fit for drinking. Hence those (vessels), though belonging to various deities, are called 'vâyavya (Vayu's vessels)?. His (Vayu's) is that first Vashat of king Soma, and, moreover, those vessels are named after him.
11. Indra then thought within himself :- Vayu, forsooth, has the largest share of this our sacrifice, since his is the first Vashat of king Soma, and, moreover, those vessels are named after him : nay, but I, too, will desire a share therein !'
12. He said, 'Vayu, let me share in this cup!'— What will then be ?'— Speech shall speak intelligibly 3!'—' If speech will speak intelligibly, then will I let thee share !' Thus that cup henceforward belonged to Indra and Vậyu, but theretofore it belonged to Vâyu alone.
13. Indra said, 'One half of this cup is mine!'Only one fourth is thine!' said Vayu.—' One half is mine !' said Indra.—'Only one fourth is thine!' said Vayu.
14. They went to Pragâpati for his decision. Pragâpati divided the cup (of Soma) into two parts and said, “This (half) is Váyu's!' Then he divided the (other) half into two parts and said, “This is
* That is, in order to inhale as much of the strong smell of the Soma as possible (?).
? See p. 158, note 1. • Or, articulately, distinctly (niruktam).
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Vậyu's!—This is thine ! then he assigned to Indra a fourth part for his share-one fourth is the same as a quarter : henceforward that cup belonged, one fourth of it, to Indra.
15. Now with this libation there are two puroruki-formulas,-the first belonging to Väyu alone, and the second to Indra and Vậyu; and two invitatory prayers (anuvâkyâ),—the first to Vâyu alone, and the second to Indra and Vayu; and two praisha (directions),—the first belonging to Väyu alone, and the second to Indra and Väyu; and two offering prayers (yâgya),—the first to Vâyu alone, and the second to Indra and Vâyu: thus he assigns to him (Indra) each time a fourth part for his share.
16. He said, “If they have assigned to me a fourth part each time for my share, then speech shall speak intelligibly only one fourth part!' Hence only that fourth part of speech is intelligible which men speak; but that fourth part of speech which beasts speak is unintelligible; and that fourth part of speech which birds speak is unintelligible; and that fourth part of speech which the small vermin here speaks is unintelligible.
17. Wherefore it has been thus spoken by the Rishi (Rig-veda I, 164, 45):—*Four are the measured grades of speech; the Brâhmans that are wise know them: three, deposited in secret, move not; the fourth grade of speech men speak.'
18. He now draws (the graha) from that (stream of Soma)?, with (Vâg. S. VII, 7; Rig-veda VII, 92, 1), ‘Come nigh to us, O Vayu, sipping of
1 Puroruk (lit. 'fore-shining') is the designation of the formulas preceding the Upayâma, .Thou art taken with a support, &c.'
* See p. 256, note I.
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the pure (Soma)! Thine are a thousand steeds, O bestower of all boons! Unto thee hath been offered the gladdening juice whereof thou, O God, takest the first draught!- Thee for Vayu!'
19. And, having withdrawn (the cup), he again fills it?, with (Våg. S. VII, 8; Rig-veda 1, 2, 4),
O Indra and Vayu, here is Soma-juice: come ye hither for the refreshing draught, the drops long for you!—Thou art taken with a support?!—Thee for Vayu, for Indra and Vayu!'-with 'This is thy wombs: thee for the closely unitedl'he deposits (the cup). As to why he says, 'Thee for the closely united,'-he who is Vâyu, is Indra ; and he who is Indra, is Vayu : therefore he says, 'This is thy womb : thee for the closely united!'
Fourth BRÂHMANA. 1. Mitra and Varuna, forsooth, are his intelligence and will; and as such belonging to his self: whenever he desires anything in his mind, as Would that this were mine! I might do this!' that is intelligence; and whenever that is accomplished, that is will. Now intelligence indeed is Mitra, and will is
1 When the cup is half-filled he withdraws it for a moment from the stream of Soma flowing from the Hotri's cup into the Dronakalasa trough; after which he again holds it under to have it filled completely. For the shape of this cup, see IV, 1, 5, 19.
? See IV, 1, 2, 6, with note. See IV, 1, 2, 9, with note.
• The Kânva text adds, tad asyaitav âtmanah, and these two are of his self,' which seems to be intended to explain the preceding adhyâtmam, 'belonging to his self.' See IV, 1, 3, 1, with note.
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Varuna; and Mitra is the priesthood, and Varuna the nobility; and the priesthood is the conceiver, and the noble is the doer.
2. Now in the beginning these two, the priesthood and the nobility, were separate: then Mitra, the priesthood, could stand without Varuna, the nobility.
3. Not Varuna, the nobility, without Mitra, the priesthood: whatever deed Varuna did unsped by Mitra, the priesthood, therein, forsooth, he succeeded not.
4. Varuna, the nobility, then called upon Mitra, the priesthood, saying, 'Turn thou unto me that we may unite: I will place thee foremost, sped by thee, I will do deeds!'—'So be it!' So the two united; and therefrom resulted that graha to Mitra and Varuna.
5. Such, then, is the office of Purohita (placed foremost, domestic priest). Wherefore let not a Brâhman desire to become the Purohita of any one Kshatriya (he may meet with), as thereby righteousness and unrighteousness unite ; nor should a Kshatriya make any Brâhman (he may meet with his Purohita, as thereby righteousness and unrighteousness unite.—Whatever deed, sped by Mitra, the priesthood, Varuna thenceforward did, in that he succeeded.
6. Hence it is quite proper that a Brâhman should be without a king, but were he to obtain a king, it would be conducive to the success (of both). It is, however, quite improper that a king should be without a Brâhman, for whatever deed he does, unsped by Mitra, the priesthood, therein he succeeds not. Wherefore a Kshatriya who intends to do a deed ought by all means to resort to a Brâhman, for
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he verily succeeds only in the deed sped by the Brâhman.
7. Now he draws (the Maitra-varuna graha) from that (stream of Soma)!, with (Vág. S. VII, 9; Rig-veda II, 41, 4), “This Soma, O Mitra and Varuna, hath been pressed for you; ye holy, now hear my cry!—Thou art taken with a support?!—Thee for Mitra and Varuna!'
8. He mixes it with milk. The reason why he mixes it with milk is this. Soma, forsooth, was Vritra. Now when the gods slew him, they said to Mitra, 'Thou also slayest!' But he liked it not and said, 'Surely, I am every one's friend (mitra): being no friend, I shall become an enemy (or, other than Mitra, Amitra).'—'Then we shall exclude thee from the sacrifice !—Then said he, ‘I, too, slay!' Thereupon the cattle went from him, saying, 'Being a friend, he has become an enemy!' Thus he was deprived of the cattle. By mixing (the Soma) with milk, the gods then supplied him with cattle; and in like manner does this (priest) now supply him (the sacrificer or Mitra) with cattle by mixing (the Soma) with milk.
9. As to this they say, 'Surely he liked it not to slay!' Thus, what milk there is in this (mixture) that belongs to Mitra, but the Soma belongs to Varuna : therefore one mixes it with milk.
10. He mixes it with (Våg. S. VII, 10; Rig-veda IV, 42, 10), ‘May we delight in the wealth we have gained, the gods in the offering, the kine in pasture! that unfailing milch cow,
See p. 256, note 1. For the shape of this cup, see IV, 1, 5, 19.
* See IV, 1, 2, 6, and note.
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O Mitra and Varuna, grant ye unto us day by day!'-with 'This is thy womb: thee for truth and life?!' he deposits it. Now as to why he says, 'Thee for truth and life,'--the truth is Mitra ?, since Mitra is the Brahman, and the truth is the Brahman (sacerdotium or sacred writ);and life is Varuna, since Varuna is the year, and life is the year : therefore he says, 'This is thy womb : thee for truth and life!'.
FIFTH BRAHMANA.
1. The Åsvina graha-, forsooth, is his organ of hearing; hence in drinking it he turns (the cup) all round", since with that ear of his he hears all round.—Now when the Bhrigus, or the Angiras, attained the heavenly world, Kyavana the Bhargava, or Kyavana the Ångirasa, was left behind here (on earth) decrepit and ghostlike 6.
This is a false analysis of ritâyu, righteous, holy.' ? The text has · Brahman,' which must be wrong. The Kânva recension has, correctly, mitro vâ ritam, brahma hi mitro, brahma hy ritam.
The Åsvina graha is not actually taken at this time, but later on, after the oblation of drops and the chanting of the Bahishpavamâna stotra; see IV, 2, 5, 12. The reasons for inserting it here are given in parag. 15-16.
• Lit. 'he drinks it while turning it all round' in accordance with the regular Sanskrit idiom. The Asvina cup has three mouths, from which the Soma is drunk by turns. See Haug, Transl. Ait. Br. p. 132.
On this legend, and its probable connection with that of Medea's cauldron, and the Germanic 'quecprunno' (Jungbrunnen, well of renovation), see A. Kuhn, 'Herabkunft des Feuers und des Göttertranks,' p. 11. For other translations, see Weber, Ind. Streifen, i. p. 13 seq.; Muir, O. S. T. v. p. 250 seq.; Delbrück ii. p. 121. For
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2. But Saryâta, the Mânava, just then wandered about here with his tribe, and settled near by that same place. His boys !, while playing, setting that decrepit, ghostlike man at nought, pelted him with clods.
3. He was wroth with the Sâryâtas, and sowed discord among them: father fought with son, and brother with brother.
4. Saryâta then bethought him ?,- This has come to pass for something or other I have done!' He caused the cowherds and shepherds to be called together, and said,
5. He said, 'Which of you has seen anything here this day?'—They said, 'Yonder lies a man, decrepit and ghostlike: him the boys have pelted with clods, setting him at nought.' Then Saryata knew that this was K'yavana.
6. He yoked his chariot, and putting his daughter Sukanya thereon, he set forth, and came to the place where the Rishi was.
7. He said, 'Reverence be to thee, O Rishi;
another version, apparently more modern, of the same legend, found in the Gaiminîya (Talavakâra) Brâhmana, see Professor Whitney, Proceedings Amer. Or. Soc. 1883, p. ix.
I That is, youths of his clan.
i Saryâta then bethought him, 'From something I have done, thence (has come) so great a calamity. It then occurred to him,
Surely, Kyavana, the Bhargava, or Angirasa, was left behind here, decrepit : him I (must) have somehow offended sorely, thence so great a calamity.' He called his tribe together. Having called the tribe together, he said, 'Who, be he cowherd or shepherd, has noticed anything here?' They said, 'Yonder in the wood lies a decrepit, ghostlike man; him the boys have this day pelted with clods: that is the only thing we have descried (? tad evâdarishma),' &c. Kanva text.
[26]
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because I knew thee not, therefore have I offended thee; here is Sukanya ?, with her I make atonement to thee : let my tribe live at peace together!' And from that same time his tribe lived at peace together. But Saryâta, the Mânava, departed a forthwith, lest he should offend him a second time.
8. Now the Asvins then wandered about here on earth performing cures. They came to Sukanya, and desired to win her love; but she consented not thereto.
9. They said, 'Sukanya, what a decrepit, ghostlike man is that whom thou liest with ; come and follow us!' She said, 'To whom my father has given me, him will I not abandon, as long as he lives!' But the Rishi was aware of this.
10. He said, 'Sukanya, what have those two said to thee?' She told him all; and, when she had told him, he said, 'If they speak to thee thus again, say thou to them, “But surely, ye are neither quite complete nor quite perfect, and yet ye deride my husband !” and if they say to thee, “In what respect are we incomplete, in what respect imperfect?” say thou to them, “Nay, make ye my husband young again, and I will tell you!" They came again to her, and said to her the same thing.
11. She said, “But surely ye are neither quite complete nor quite perfect, and yet ye deride my husband!' They said, 'In what respect are we incomplete, in what respect imperfect?' She said, 'Nay, make ye my husband young again, and I will tell you l'
1 That is, the fair maiden.'
* That is, ' he broke up his camp and departed with his tribe' (so 'payuyuge grâmah, Kanva recension).
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12. They said, 'Take him down to yonder pool', and he shall come forth with whatever age he shall desire !' She took him down to that pool, and he came forth with the age he desired
13. They said, 'Sukanyâ, in what respect are we incomplete; in what respect imperfect?' The Rishi himself answered them,—' In Kurukshetra yonder the gods perform a sacrifice and exclude you two from it: in that respect ye are incomplete, in that respect imperfect!' And the Asvins departed forthwith, and came to the gods, as they were performing a sacrifice, after the chanting of the Bahishpavamâna.
14. They said, 'Invite us thereto 1' The gods said, 'We will not invite you : ye have wandered and mixed much among men, performing cures.'
15. They said, 'But surely ye worship with a
1 Or, according to the Petersburg Dictionary, 'Throw him into yonder pool.' In the Kânva text no mention is made of a pool (hrada), but merely of water to which the Rishi is taken by his wife. I subjoin Professor Whitney's translation of the corresponding passage of the Gaiminîya Br. version : ‘They (the Asvins) said to him: “Sage, make us sharers in the Soma, Sir." “Very well,” said he ; " do you now make me young again." They drew him away to the saisa va of the Sarasvati. He said: “Girl, we shall all come out looking alike; do you then know me by this sign." They all came out looking just alike, with that form which is the most beautiful of forms. She, recognising him .... “This is my husband." They said to him: "Sage, we have performed for you that desire which has been your desire ; you have become young again; now instruct us in such wise that we may be sharers in the Soma."....
Then K'yavana the Bhargavan, having become young again, went to Karyāta the Mānavan, and conducted his sacrifice on the eastern site. Then he gave him a thousand; with them he sacrificed. Thus Kyavana the Bhārgavan, having praised with this sāman (the kyāvana), became young again, won a girl for wife, sacrificed with a thousand,' &c.
T 2
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headless sacrifice !'- How with a headless (sacrifice) ?'— Nay, invite us, and we will tell you !'~So be it!' so they invited them. They drew this Asvina cup for them; and those two became the Adhvaryu priests of the sacrifice, and restored the head of the sacrifice. Then, in the chapter of the divâkirtyas ", it is explained how they did restore the head of the sacrifice. Hence this libation is drawn after the chanting of the Bahishpavamâna, for it was after the chanting of the Bahishpavamâna that they arrived.
16. They said, “Well, but we two, being the Adhvaryus, are the heads (leaders) of the sacrifice : transfer ye that graha of ours to this earlier time, to those belonging to two deities ? !' Accordingly they transferred that graha for them to a former time, to those belonging to two deities: hence that graha is drawn in the tenth place, and is consecrated by Vashat in the third place. And as to the significance of) the Asvins,—the Asvins are manifestly8 those two, heaven and earth“, for it is those two
Certain verses which are to be chanted by day. According to Benfey (Ind. Stud. III, p. 228) also called mahâdivâkîrtya, and consisting of eleven verses (not in Sâma-veda), the first of which is called 'siras (head),' the second 'grîvâh (neck),' &c. The term is also applied to Sâma-veda II, 803-5 (Rig-veda X, 170, 1-3) in the Uhyagana II, 12. The reference in the text seems to be to Sat. Br. XIV, 1, 1, 8 seq. See, however, Weber, Ind. Streifen, I, p. 15, note 4. The Kanva MSS. read divakîrteshu.'
* One might expect the dual dvidevatyau,' as, besides the Asvina graha, there are only two dvidevatya (belonging to two gods) grahas, viz. the Aindra-vâyava and Maitra-varuna. See p. 266, note 3. • Or, in their visible form (pratyaksham).
See Muir, O. S. T. v, p. 234. The identification of the Asvins with heaven and earth may have been suggested by Rig-veda VI, 70,5,
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that have obtained possession of everything here ;
the lotus-crowned' they (the Asvins) are called : Agni, forsooth, is the lotus of this earth, and the sun that of yonder sky.
17. Thus he takes (the Åsvina graha) from that (stream of Soma)', with (Vâg. S. VII, 11; Rig-veda 1, 22, 3), 'Mix ye the sacrifice, O Asvins, with that goad of yours, rich in honey and joyfulness!—Thou art taken with a support?! thee for the Asvins!' with .This is thy womb: thee for the honey-loving: (A svins)!' he deposits it. Now as to why he takes (the graha) with a verse containing (the word) 'honey (madhu),' and deposits it with thee for the honey-loving !'
18. Dadhyañk, the Atharvana, imparted to them (the Asvins) the brâhmana called Madhu*: that (Madhu) is their favourite resort, and with that (favourite resort) of theirs he now approaches them;
-hence he takes (their graha) with a verse containing (the word) 'honey,' and deposits it with thee for the honey-loving !
19. Now those vessels (other than those of the three dvidevatya grahas) are smooth. The vessel of the graha for Indra and Vâyu has a (wooden)
where heaven and earth are called upon to mix the sweet drink, just as is the case with the Asvins in the verse with which their libation is taken.
See p. 256, note i. * See IV, 1, 2, 6, and note. • The real meaning of this epithet (mâdhvi) is uncertain.
• p.The mystery called Madhu (sweet drink, Soma).' See parti, Introd. p. xxxiv; Weber, Ind. Stud. I, p. 290.
• It might also mean, that those (three dvidevatya) vessels are smooth, straight, save the peculiarities noticed above. The Kanva text, however, reads, takkhlakshnâny anyâni pâtrâni bhavanti.
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'belt'round it: this is its second (peculiarity of) shape, and therefore it belongs to two deities. The vessel of the graha for Mitra and Varuna is goatlikel: this is its second shape, and therefore it belongs to two deities. The vessel of the graha for the Asvins is lip-shaped : this is its second shape, and therefore it belongs to two deities. And the reason why (this belongs to) the Asvins is that the Asvins are the heads (mukhya, viz. of the sacrifice), and this head (mukha 2) is supplied with lips : hence the vessel of the Asvina graha is lip-shaped.
SECOND ADHYAYA. FIRST BRÂHMANA.
.
1. The Sukra and Manthin (grahas), forsooth, are his eyes. Now the Sukra, indeed, is he that burns yonder (the sun); and because it burns there 3, therefore it is (called) Sukra ('bright'). And the Manthin, indeed, is the moon.
2. He mixes it with (barley) meal: thus he makes it to be gruel (mantha), whence it is (called) Manthin. Now those two (sun and moon), forsooth, are the eyes of these creatures; for were those two not to rise, these (creatures) could not distinguish even their own hands.
3. One of them is the eater, and the other the
1 Or rather, according to the commentary on Kâty. IX, 2, 6, it resembles the breast of the goat (agakâ).
9 Lit. 'mouth.'
8 This is how Sâyana takes the passage : sukragrahas tapati sokati dîpyata iti tasya sukranâmadheyam. It is doubtless the correct interpretation, though the pronouns esha' and 'etad' might lead one to refer them to the sun.
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food 1; to wit, the Sukra is the eater, and the Manthin the food.
4. To one of them corresponds the eater, and to the other the food; to wit, the eater corresponds to the Sukra, and the food to the Manthin. Now these two (cups) are drawn for one (person) and offered to another. There are two Asura-Rakshas, Sanda and Marka : for them they are drawn; and to deities they are offered. The reason for this is as follows.
5. Now when the gods drove away the AsuraRakshas, they could not drive away these two ; but whatever (sacrificial) work the gods performed, that these two disturbed, and then quickly fled.
6. The gods then said, 'Contrive ye how we shall drive away these two!' They said, 'Let us draw two cups (of Soma-juice) for them: they will come down to us, and we shall seize them and drive them away. They accordingly drew two cups (of Soma) for them, and they both came down, and, having seized them, they (the gods) drove them away? This is why (the two cups) are drawn for Sanda and Marka, but are offered to deities.
7. Also Yâgñavalkya said, 'Should we not rather draw them for the deities, since that is, as it were, the sign of conquests ?' In this, however, he merely speculated, but he did not practise it.
The one that is to be eaten (adyah). -
Muir, O. S. T. ii, p. 386, translates apa-han by 'to smite,' which would seem to suit this passage much better than the ordinary meaning to beat off, repulse, eject;' but see paragraph 20. The corresponding version of the legend in Taitt. S. VI, 4, 10 has 'apa-nud (to drive away).'
* Thus this passage is interpreted by Sayana, who refers to Pân. III, 3, 161 (samprasne lin) and VIII, 2, 97 (vikâryamânânâm
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8. Now some make this the puroruk formula of the Sukra, 'He, the longing, light-enveloped, urged the daughters of the dappled (cloud) along the measurer of the welkin,'-saying, 'We thus make it like him that burns yonder, in that he says "the light-enveloped.”
9. But let him make this one the puroruk formula of the Sukra (Vag. S. VII, 12; Rig-veda V, 44, 1), 'In the olden way, in the former way, in every way, in this way (drawest thou) supremacy from him, the barhis-seated, and the blissattaining,'—for the eater corresponds to this (Sukra cup), and the eater is supreme: hence he says, 'Supremacy from him, the barhis-seated, blissattaining,'—'and onward strength drawest thou from him, the roaring!, the swift, that winneth those' through which thou waxest strong.-Thou art taken with a support: thee for Sandal'— With This is thy womb: protect manhood!' he deposits (the cup); for to this one corresponds the eater, and the man (hero) is the eater: hence he says, “This is thy womb : protect manhood !' He deposits it on the south part (of the mount), for it is in that direction that yonder (sun) moves.
10. Thereupon he draws the Manthin with (Vâg.
plutah). Possibly, however, 'no svid' may have to be separated from what follows: 'by no means ! for deities we should draw them,' &c. The Kanva text reads, 'no svit khalu devatâbhya eva grihniyâmeti viditam hidam iti, tad utan mimamsâm eva kakre nety u tak kakâra.'
· The Rig-veda reads.girå (through song)' instead of dhunim.'
· Viz. waters, juice, sap. Professor Ludwig supplies 'plants.' This verse is extremely obscure.
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S. VII, 16; Rig-veda X, 123, 1), 'He, the longing', light-enveloped, urged the daughters of the dappled 8 on the measurer of the welkin*: him the bards kiss like a child with songs at the union of the waters and the sun.
-Thou art taken with a support: thee to Marka!
11. He mixes it with (barley) meal: the reason why he mixes it with meal is this. Varuna once struck king Soma right in the eye, and it swelled (asvayat): therefrom a horse (asva) sprung; and because it sprung from a swelling, therefore it is called asva. A tear of his fell down: therefrom the barley sprung; whence they say that the barley belongs to Varuna. Thus whatever part of his eye was injured on that occasion in (that part he now restores him and makes him whole by means of this (barley): therefore he mixes (the libation) with meal.
12. He mixes it with (Vâg. S.VII, 17; Rig-veda X, 61, 3), 'At whichever offerings ye two, rushing swiftly as thought, accept with favour the songs—he, the manly, who by the reeds of this (one) hath seasoned in the hand the
1 Vena, according to Roth and Grassmann, refers to the Gandharva, as the representative of the rainbow. This view is, however, rejected by Ludwig. The entire hymn is extremely and purposely obscure.
· Gyotir-garayu, lit. 'having light for his chorion, or placenta.'
s Prisnigarbhâh, lit. those who have the dappled (cloud) for their womb (or, are contained therein);' apparently the rain-drops.
• Ludwig identifies the measurer of the welkin with the moon (Soma). Grassmann takes it in the sense of 'in measuring through the air.'
5 The verse is manifestly corrupt. Professor Ludwig omits the accent in 'astinita,' thus taking it out of the relative clause; but
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(object of his) desire;'—with This is thy womb: protect the creatures!' he deposits it (on the north part of the mound); for to this (graha) corresponds the food, and these creatures, the people, are food : hence he says, “This is thy womb : protect the creatures!'
13. There are two sprinkled and two unsprinkled chips of the sacrificial stakel: the Adhvaryu takes a sprinkled and an unsprinkled one; and in like manner the Pratiprasthầtri takes a sprinkled and an unsprinkled one. And the Adhvaryu takes the Sukra, the Pratiprasthâtri the Manthin.
14. The Adhvaryu cleanses (his cup) with the unsprinkled chip, with, 'Swept away is Sanda!' In like manner the Pratiprasthâtri with, 'Swept a way is Marka!' Thus even while drawing (the cups), they drive away the two Asura-Rakshas. With "May the Sukra-sipping gods lead thee forward! the Adhvaryu walks out (of the cartshed); with May the Manthin-sipping gods lead thee forward!' the Pratiprasthâtri: thus they lead forward those two (libations) to the deities.
15. Behind the Ahavaniya fire they put their (right) elbows together, and deposit (the cups) on the high altar : the Adhvaryu on the right hip, and the Pratiprasthâtri on the left—without quitting their hold of them— with ‘Unassailable art
even thus, no satisfactory sense, it seems to me, can be extracted from this line. When the Soma is mixed with milk or some other substance (as meal) two stalks of (kusa) reed-grass are laid on the cup, the accessory substance being then poured through them. Kâty. IX, 6, 9-10.
In paragraphs 13-31 the libations from the Sukra and Manthin cups are anticipated. For their proper place in the actual performance, see note to IV, 3, 1, 1.
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thou!' whereby they make the high altar unassailable by evil spirits ; for they are about, in walking round it, to pass by the fire : hereby, then, they propitiate it, and so the fire does not injure them, while they walk round it on different sides?
16. The Adhvaryu walks round it (on the north side) with (Vág. S. VII, 13), ‘Abounding in heroes, producing heroes'--for to this (libation) corresponds the eater, and the hero is the eater : hence he says, 'Abounding in heroes, producing heroes!'-—'encompass thou? the sacrificer with growth of wealth!' By saying 'Encompass thou the sacrificer with growth of wealth!' he invokes a blessing upon the sacrificer.
17. And the Pratiprasthâtri walks round (on the south side) with (Vâg. S. VII, 18),· A bounding in creatures, producing creatures'—for to this (libation) corresponds the food, and the creatures, the people, are the food : hence he says, 'Abounding in creatures, producing creatures,'—'encompass thou the sacrificer with growth of wealth!' By saying 'Encompass thou the sacrificer with growth of wealth!' he invokes a blessing on the sacrificer.
18. They step out (from the altar) after closing the two (cups with their hands): thereby they make them invisible; whence no one sees yonder sun and moon when they go forward (eastwards). Having gone round to the front (of the stake), they uncover (the cups), and offer them while standing in front : thereby they make them visible; whence every one
1 The Petersburg Dictionary takes 'vi-pari-i' in the sense of 'to turn round.' Cf. Kâty. IX, 10, 8; vividham dakshina uttaratas ka paribhogam ishyantau (!),' Sâyana.
2 Or, walk round to the sacrificer.'
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sees yonder sun and moon when they go backwards. Hence also no one sees the seed which is cast forwards, but every one sees what is produced backwards.
19. They put their elbows together behind the sacrificial stake, unless the fire should blaze up'; but if the fire blaze up, they may join their elbows in front of the stake,—the Adhvaryu with,'The Sukra (bright), uniting with the sky, with the earth, with the brightly shining;' the Pratiprasthầtri with, The Manthin, uniting with the sky, with the earth, with the manthin-shining. Thus they make these two (cups) the resting-places of the eyes, and join the two eyes together : whence these two eyes are joined together with bones all round?.
20. The Adhvaryu throws the unsprinkled stakechip outside the altar) with, Cast out is Sanda!' and in like manner the Pratiprasthâtri with, 'Cast out is Marka!' Thus they drive away the two Asura-Rakshas before the offerings.
21. Thereupon the Adhvaryu throws the sprinkled stake-chip on the Ahavaniya with, “Thou art the abode of the Sukra!' and in like manner the Pratiprasthâtri with,'Thou art the abode of the Manthin!' These two (chips), forsooth, are the kindlers of the eyes,-he kindles the eyes therewith ; whence these eyes are kindled.
22. Thereon he mutters (Vâg. S. VII, 14), “May
1 The sacrificial stake stands immediately in front of the high altar and fire. Yadi tato 'gnir nodbâdheta,' Känva text.
That is, the cups represent the sockets of the eyes, and the libations the eyes themselves. Perhaps, however, we ought to translate, whence these eyes are joined together (so as to be on both sides of the bone,' the sacrificial stake representing the bone or bridge of the nose. See paragraph 25.
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we be the preservers of thine unbroken manhood and prosperity, O divine Soma!' This is the benediction of that performance: he thereby invokes a blessing.
23. He then calls (on the Agnidh) for the Sraushat, and says, 'Urge thou for Indra the Soma-draughts brought forward, the pure, sweet-flowing, of the morrow's morning feast!' As the Vashat is uttered, the Adhvaryu offers; then the Pratiprasthâtri; then the cup-bearers (kamasadhvaryu).
24. Those two offer while standing in front of the fire); for these two (libations) are the eyes : thus they put those eyes in the front; and hence these eyes are in the front.
25. They offer while standing on both sides of the stake; for what the nose is, that is the sacrificial stake: hence these two eyes are on both sides of the nose.
26. Being consecrated by Vashat, these two (libations) are offered with a prayer. Now it is because the entire Savana is offered after these two (libations) that they attain to this (distinction)"; and the reason why the entire Savana is offered after them, is that they are most distinctly Pragâ pati's own : for they are the eyes, and the eye is the truth, and Pragâpati is the truth ;-this is why the entire Savana is offered after them.
27. He offers with, 'This is the first consecration, assuring all boons: he is the first, Varuna,
1 And because these two (libations), having been consecrated by Vashat, are offered with a mantra, therefore they attain this (distinction) that the entire Savana is offered after them; and the reason why the entire Savana is offered after them, is that these two are its eyes,' &c.
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Mitra, Agni;-he is the first, Brihaspati, the wise: to that Indra offer ye the liquor, Hail'!'
28. Now when he offers with, “This is the firsthe is the first,' it is just as with cast seed; for the eyes doubtless are formed first? : hence he offers with, “This is the first-he is the first.'
29. He then gives directions :- Let the Hotri's cup advance ! let the Brahman's, the Chanters', the Sacrificer's (cups) advance! Ye cup-bearers of the fire-priests 3, approach and fill up (the cups) with pure Soma!'—this is a composite direction. Having gone round (to behind the high altar) the Pratiprasthầtri pours his residue (of Soma) into the Adhvaryu's (Sukra) vessel; whereby he makes the food pay tribute to the eater. The Adhvaryu pours it into the Hotri's cup for drinking ; because the draught belongs to the utterer of the Vashat; for the Vashat is the breath, and that breath has, as it were, departed from him while uttering the Vashat. Now the draught is breath: thus he puts that breath back into him.
30. And the reason why they do not take those
1 Or, according to Mahîdhara, 'To that Indra offer ye the liquor with Svâhâ l' The Pratiprasthatri makes his libation after the Adhvaryu. The Kânva texts read, 'When the Vashat has been uttered, the Adhvaryu offers, then the Pratiprasthätri, then the others offer;' and, according to Kâty. IX, 11, 2, the Kamasadhvaryus make libations from the cups of the nine Kamasins (see note 2, next page) with, This to Indra' at the Vashat, and "This to Agni' at the Anu-vashat. These libations are evidently referred to in paragraph 31.
? ? Sasvad dha vai retasah siktasya sambhavatas kakshushf eva prathame sambhavatas tasmad v evam gapati; Kânva rec.
S Sadasyânam hotrânam. The subordinate priests to whom the dhishnyas (except that of the Hotri) belong, both those in the Sadas and the Âgnîdhra. See page 148, note 4.
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two (cups) behind 1, but do so take the other cups, is that those two are the eyes. The residue (of Soma), then, he pours into the Hotri's cup.
31. They now fill up the cups of the fire-priests. For those residues ? are remains of oblations, insufficient for offering : he now fills them up again, and thus they become sufficient for offering : therefore they fill up the cups of the fire-priests.
32. Thereupon they make the fire-priests offer together 3. Now the fire-priests combined convey
1 That is, to the Sadas, for the priests to drink from.
• Viz. the residues in the kamasas of the Hotrakas. The filling (by the Unnetri) of the cups of the Kamasins-Hotri, Brahman, Udgâtri, (and Sacrificer); Prasastri, Brâhmanâkhamsin, Potri, Neshtri, and Âgnîdhra ; that of the Akhâvâka remains empty for the presenttakes place before the libations from the Sukra and Manthin grahas. Their cups are filled by the Unnetri with Soma-juice from the Pâtabhrit, with an 'underlayer' and final 'sprinkling' or 'basting' of pure' Soma from the Dronakalasa. Previous to the filling, the Adhvaryu calls on the Maiträvaruna to 'recite to (those cups) being drawn,' the latter then reciting the hymn, Rig-veda I, 16, while the cups are filled. When the Sraushat is about to be pronounced by the Agnîdh for the Sukra and Manthin libations, the cup-bearers lift (udyam) the cups, and, after the Pratiprasthâtri has made his libation, they also pour some Soma-juice into the fire. The cupbearers of the first four Kamasins do so twice and then take their cups back to the Sadas), the others only once. Thereupon the cup-bearers of these last five—the so-called Hotrakas, or subordinate Hotris-are summoned again, and their cups having been filled up with 'pure' Soma, the Adhvaryu makes, after the Sraushat, two more libations from each at the Vashat and Anuvashat respectively. For the offering-formulas and Anuvasha/kâras, see Asv. V, 5, 18-19. Holding the Agnîdh's cup in his hand, he then goes to the Sadas and sits down facing the Hotri, whereupon they drink together the Soma in the dvidevatya cups.
• The phrase "hotrâh (fem.) samyagayanti' is apparently analogous to the 'patnîh samyagayanti'[they perform the Patnisamyâgas, or, make the wives (of the gods) participate in the sacrifice] of the
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the sacrifice to the gods, it is them he thereby satisfies together, thinking, 'Satisfied and pleased they shall convey the sacrifice to the gods :' therefore they make the fire-priests offer together.
33. When (the libation of) the first, or last? firepriest has been offered, he addresses them (Vág. S. VII, 15), 'Let the priests' offices be satisfied, they that have obtained a good sacrifice of sweet drink; they that are well-pleased, when they have obtained good offering with Svâhâ !' for this is the satisfaction of the priests' (offices). Thereupon he approaches (to the Hotri's hearth) and sits down with his face to the west, with •The Agnidh hath sacrificed!' for on this occasion the Agnidh sacrifices last of those that sacrifice: hence he says, “The Agnidh hath sacrificed.'
SECOND BRAHMANA.
1. The Ågrayana graha, forsooth, is his self (body, trunk), and as such it is his all; for this self is one's all. Therefore he draws it by means of this (earth), for of her is the bowl ?, and with a bowl he draws this (libation); and this (earth) is all, as this
Haviryagña. See part i, p. 256. Indeed Mahîdhara identifies the hotrâs with the metres of the offering-formulas, thus treating them as a kind of deities.
1 The order of the dhishnya-priests is (1. Hotri), 2. Prasastri (Maitrâvaruna), 3. Brâhmanakhamsin, 4. Potri, 5. Neshtri, 6. Akhávâka--the fires of all of whom are in the Sadas--and 7. the Agnidh (in the Âgnidhra fire-house). The Akhâvaka, however, is for the present excluded from offering.
2 Viz. inasmuch as the bowl is made of clay,-asyâh prithivyâh sakâsât stháli bhavati utpadyate ; Sây. The Âgrayana, Ukthya, and Dhruva grahas are drawn in a sthâlî (pot or bowl).
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graha is all: hence he takes it by means of this (earth).
2. He draws it full; for the 'full' means all, and this graha is all: therefore he draws it full.
3. He draws it for the All-gods; for the All-gods are all, and this graha is all: therefore he draws it for the All-gods.
4. He draws it at all (three) Soma feasts; for the (three) feasts mean all, and this graha is all : therefore he draws it at all the feasts.
5. And if the king (Soma) become exhausted, they extend him from out of that (bowl), make him issue therefrom ; for the Ågrayana is the body, and from the body all these limbs issue. Therefrom they draw at the end the Hâriyogana cupl: whereby the sacrifice is established at the end in this resting-place, the body (or its own self).
6. Then as to why it is called Âgrayana. His speech which he restrains, on taking up that press-stone", spoke out again first at this (libation); and because it spoke out first (agre) at this (libation), therefore this is called the Agrayana ?
7. It was from fear of the evil spirits that (the gods) restrained their speech. Previously to this he draws six grahas, and this is the seventh : for there are six seasons in the year, and the year is all.
8. And all being conquered and free from danger and injuryt, the gods now first uttered speech; and
See IV, 4, 3, 2. * The Upâmsusavana, cf. III, 9, 4, 6.
* The primary meaning seems to be firstling. For the Âgrayaneshh, or offering of first-fruits, see part i, p. 369.
. Or perhaps, and their entire conquest being free from danger and injury;' or, 'security and peace (abhayam anâshtram) having
[26]
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in like manner does he first utter speech now that everything is conquered and free from danger and injury.
9. He now draws it from that (stream of Soma) with (Vâg. S. VII, 19; Rig-veda I, 139, 11), Ye Gods, who are eleven in heaven, who are eleven on earth, and who are eleven dwelling in glory in the (aerial) waters: do ye graciously accept this sacrifice !- Thou art taken with a support: thou art Ågrayana, a good firstling (sv-âgrayana)!' Hereby he makes that speech of renewed vigour ; whence he speaks therewith in a different way, while yet the same, in order to avoid sameness; for were he to take it with, “Thou art Âgrayana, thou art Âgrayana,' he would commit (the fault of) sameness: therefore he says, 'Thou art Ägrayana, a good agrayana.'
10. Guard the sacrifice! guard the lord of the sacrifice!' whereby he utters freed speech, meaning to say, 'Protect the sacrifice! protect the sacrificer!' for the lord of the sacrifice is the sacrificer. 'May Vishnu guard thee with his might! guard thou Vishnu!' whereby he utters freed speech-Vishnu being the sacrifice—May the sacri
been completely gained.' Cf. IV, 3, 3, 5; also III, 6, 3, 11; 8, 1, 9; 8, 2, 3.
The Âgrayana is taken rather from two streams of Soma, viz. from that poured by the sacrificer from the Hotri's cup into the Dronakalasa, and from another poured out by the Unnetri, and consisting either of Soma taken from the Adhavaniya or, according to others, of the residue of the Upâmsu libation, which had been temporarily kept in the Agrayana bowl (see p. 255, note 2), and has to be emptied by the Unnetri into some other vessel, when that bowl is about to be used for the Âgrayana libation. See Kâty. IX, 6, 15 comm.
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fice protect thee with its power! protect thou the sacrifice !'-'Guard thou the Soma feasts all around! whereby he means this very graha, because that belongs to all (three) Soma feasts?.
11. Having then wrapped up (the bowl in) a fringed filtering-cloth, he utters ·Hin!' Now that same speech (Vâk, fem.), being unsupported, lay exhausted. By means of the 'Hin' the gods infused breath into that exhausted speech, for the 'Hin' is breath, the *Hin' is indeed breath : hence one cannot utter the sound 'hin' after closing his nostrils. By means of that breath she rose again, for when one who is exhausted takes breath, he rises again. And in like manner does he now infuse breath into the exhausted speech by means of the Hin,' and through that breath she rises again. Thrice he utters the 'Hin,' for threefold is the sacrifice.
12. He then says (Vag. S. VII, 21), 'Soma becometh pure! For that (speech) which, for fear of the Asura-Rakshas, they (the gods) did not utter, he now utters and reveals when all is conquered and free from danger and injury: therefore he says, 'Soma becometh pure.
13. 'For this priesthood, for this nobilitywhereby he means to say, 'for the priesthood as well as for the nobility ;'-'for the Soma-pressing sacrificer he becometh pure;' whereby he means to say, 'for the sacrificer.'
14. Here now they say, 'Having said this much, let him deposit (the cup); for as much as the priesthood, and the nobility, and the people are, so much
· The Âgrayana libation is repeated at the midday as well as at the evening feast.
U2
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means this All, since Indra and Agni are this Alli: hence, having said this much, let him deposit (the
cup).'
15. Let him, nevertheless, say this more, 'For sap and pith he becometh pure,'—by saying 'for sap' he means to say 'for rain ;' and 'for pith' he says with a view to that pith or juice which springs from rain ;-'for the waters and plants he becometh pure,' this he says for the waters and plants ;-'for heaven and earth he becometh pure,' this he says for those two, heaven and earth, whereon this All rests ;-'for well-being he becometh pure,' whereby he means to say for good.'
16. Here now some say, 'for spiritual lustre he becometh pure;' but let him not say so, for in saying 'for this priesthood,' he says it with a view to spiritual lustre. With, 'Thee for the All-gods! this is thy womb: thee for the All-gods!' he deposits (the cup); for it is for the All-gods that he draws it. He deposits it in the middle (of the mound); for this is his trunk, and that trunk is, as it were, in the middle. On the right (south) side of it is the Ukthya bowl, and on the left side the Aditya bowl.
THIRD BRAHMANA. 1. That Ukthya (graha), forsooth, is his undefined breath (vital air)”, and as such it is that self of his; for the undefined breath is the self; it is his
1 On Indra and Agni, as the divine representatives of the two privileged castes, see part i, Introd. p. xvi seq.
* We ought doubtless, with the Kânva text, to read 'prânah' instead of atmî.'
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vital energy. Hence he draws it by means of this (earth), because of her is the bowl, and he draws it with a bowl;—for undecaying and immortal is this (earth), and undecaying and immortal is the vital energy; therefore he draws it by means of this (earth or bowl).
2. He draws it full; for full means all, and the vital energy means all: therefore he draws it full.
3. That Dhruva (graha)', forsooth, (also) is his vital energy; by it his body is held together, and the joints are knit together. For (when) the last cup has not yet been drawn from that (Soma juice in the Ukthya vessel) for the Akhâvâka priest,
4. Then he takes the king (Soma) down (from the cart), and pours one third of the Vasativaris (into the Adhavaniya trough). Thus the joint unites; for, indeed, he makes (the Ukthya cup) the first of the second pressing (Soma feast), and the last of the first: that which belongs to the second pressing he makes first, and that which belongs to the first he makes last. Thus he interlocks them; whence these joints are interlocked: this one overlapping thus, and this one thus.
5. In like manner at the midday pressing : (when)
See IV, 2, 4, 1 seq. . At the end of the morning feast the Soma in the Ukthya bowl (sthâlî) is poured into the Ukthya cup (pâtra) in three portions ; and part of each having been offered, the remaining juice is drunk by the Hotri's assistants, viz. the Prasastri, Brâhmanâkhamsin, and Akhâvâka. Each of these potations is preceded by the chanting of an ágya-stotra, and the recitation of the âgya-sastra (see next page, note 2). But before the portion of the last-named priest is poured into his cup (kamasa), fresh Soma-plants are taken down from the cart for the midday pressing; one half of the remaining Vasatîvarî water (or one third of the original quantity) being also poured into the Adhavaniya trough. See III, 9, 2, 3,
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the last cup has not yet been drawn therefrom for the Akhâvâka priest, he pours (the remaining) onethird of the Vasativari (into the Adhavaniya). Thus the joint unites; for, indeed, he makes it the first of the second pressing, and the last of the first pressing': that which belongs to the second pressing he makes first, and that which belongs to the first he makes last. Thus he interlocks them; whence these joints are interlocked: this one overlapping thus, and this one thus. And because his body is thereby held together, therefore this (graha) is his vital energy.
6. This (Ukthya graha) is the cow of plenty, Indra's special portion. At the morning feast he (the Adhvaryu) divides it for three songs of praise ?, and at the midday feast for three,—this makes six times, for there are six seasons, and the seasons mature all wishes here on earth : for this reason, then, this (libation) is the cow of plenty, Indra's special portion.
7. He draws it without (reciting) a puroruk; for the puroruk is a song of praise, since the puroruk is a Rik, and the song of praise is Rik; and the libation is Sâman; and what other (formula) he mutters, that is Yagus. Formerly these same (puroruk verses) were apart from the Riks, apart from the Yagus, and apart from the Såmans.
That is to say, the last (thing) of the first of the last two pressings, or of the midday pressing.
* Uktha, lit. 'recitation,' is the old term for 'sastra' (IV, 3, 2, I seq.). Regarding the three sastras of the Hotrakas, for the recitation of which the Ukthya graha is divided between those priests, see notes on IV, 3, 1, 25; 3, 3, 19.
3 The Kânva text reads thrice abhyardhe.' Regarding the puroruk formulas see p. 268, note 1.
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8. The gods said, Come, let us place them among the Yagus : thus this science will be still more manifold. Accordingly they placed them among the Yagus, and thenceforward this science was still more manifold.
9. And the reason why he draws this (graha) without a puroruk, is that the puroruk is praise, (being) a Rik, and the song of praise is Rik; and in that he divides it for recitations, thereby indeed it becomes possessed of a puroruk : hence he draws it without a puroruk.
10. Now he draws it from that (stream of Soma'), with (Vâg. S. VII, 22), “Thou art taken with a support: thee for Indra, possessed of the great (chant), possessed of vigour,'—for Indra is the deity of the sacrifice; wherefore he says
thee for Indra ;' and by 'possessed of the great (chant), possessed of vigour,' he means to say for him, the strong ;'-'I take (thee) the songpleasing,' for he indeed takes it for songs of praise ;—'what great vigour is thine, O Indra' -whereby he means to say, 'what strength is thine, O Indra'-'for that (I take) thee! for Vishnuthee!' for he takes it for the life of the sacrifice: hence he says, 'for that-thee! for Vishnu—thee!' With, 'This is thy womb: thee for the songs of praise ! he deposits it; for he indeed takes it for songs of praise.
11. He distributes it? with, “Thee, the god
See p. 256, note 1. . That is, he pours, for each of the three assistant priests, his respective portion into the Ukthya-pâtra. This distribution does not however take place till the end of the morning performance; see note to IV, 2, 2, 4; 3, 1, 25.
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pleasing !, I take for the gods, for the life of the sacrifice.' He who would perform it in this manner would assume the command?; but let him rather distribute it to the respective deities.
12. With, 'Thee, the god-pleasing, I take for Mitra and Varuna, for the life of the sacrifice!' (he takes the portion) for the Maitrâvaruna priest; — for in verses to Mitra and Varuna they (the Udgâtris) chant praises for this (libation); and he (the Hotri) afterwards recites verses to Mitra and Varuna for the sastra, and offers with a verse to Mitra and Varuna.
13. With, 'Thee, the god-pleasing, I take for Indra, for the life of the sacrifice!' (he takes the portion) for the Brâhmanâkhamsin; for in verses to Indra praises are chanted for this (libation); and verses to Indra are afterwards recited as a sastra, and offering is made with a verse to Indra.
14. With, 'Thee, the god-pleasing, I take for Indra and Agni, for the life of the sacrifice! (he takes the portion) for the Akhâvâka ; for in verses to Indra and Agni praises are chanted for this (libation); and verses to Indra and Agni are afterwards recited as a sastra, and offering is made
? Or, the god-prospering (i.e. the one prospering the gods), devâvî. ? Prasasanam kuryât. The same phrase occurs I, 9, 1, 14, where I translated will ensure dominion,'-probably wrongly, though I am by no means sure of the correct meaning. Sâyana there seems to take it in the sense of he bids (the gods grant his request), thus having chiefly his own interest in view'—'prasâsyante 'to devâh prârthyamânâ iti prasasanam parusham syât sâkshât svârthaparatvam kuryâd ity arthah.' The Kanva text reads, 'let him not divide the libation) with this (formula), for he who divides it thus-prasâsanam kuryât.' Perhaps he means to say, that by using that formula one would put oneself above the gods. At I, 9, 1, 14 one would give orders (to the gods' is probably the right translation.
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with a verse to Indra and Agni. With, 'Thee.... for Indra,' he performs at the midday feast, for the midday feast is sacred to Indra.
15. Now the Karakâdhvaryus' divide (the Ukthya libation into three portions), with 'Thou art taken with a support: thee, the god-pleasing, I take for the gods; (thee) the praise-pleasing, for praises,agreeable to Mitra and Varuna !'—with ‘This is thy womb: thee to Mitra and Varuna!' he (the Karakâdhvaryu) deposits it; and with 'Thou art a reoffering' he touches the sthalt.
16. 'Thou art taken with a support: thee, the god-pleasing, I take for the gods; (thee) the praisepleasing, for praises,-agreeable to Indra !—This is thy womb : thee to Indra !' thus he deposits it; and with 'Thou art a re-offering' he touches the sthält.
17. Thou art taken with a support: thee, the god-pleasing, I take for the gods; (thee) the praisepleasing, for praises,--agreeable to Indra and Agni !
-This is thy womb : thee for Indra and Agni!' thus he deposits it. He does not at this (third portion) touch the sthâli with 'Thou art a re-offering.' ..... Thee for Indra l' he says each time at the midday feast, for the midday feast is sacred to Indra. Twice he touches the sthalt with “Thou art a reoffering ;' and silently he puts it down the third time.
18. But, in order to avoid sameness (of performance), let him not take it out with the support;' nor let him deposit it in the 'womb;' for this (Ukthya
1.Such is the rule (sthiti); but the Karakâdhvaryus divide it in this way.' Kânva text. The formulas of the Taitt. S. I, 4, 12, and Maitrây. S. I, 3, 14, differ from the above; perhaps the Kathaka is referred to; see v. Schroeder, M. S. I, p. 36, note 3.
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libation) has at first been taken with the support,' and it has at first been deposited in the womb;-and were he now also to take it with the support,' and deposit it in the womb,' he would assuredly commit (the fault of) sameness. And as to his touching the sthali with 'Thou art a re-offering,' he will indeed again take a libation therefrom. Let him not heed this, but let him put down (the vessel) silently.
Fourth BRÂHMANA. 1. That (opening of) vital air of his which is in front, that, forsooth, is the Vaisvânara (graha); and that which is behind is the Dhruva. Formerly, indeed, both these grahas, the Dhruva and Vaisvânara, were drawn; and even now one of them is still drawn, to wit, the Dhruva? And if he acquire a knowledge of that (Vaisvânara graha) either from the Karakas, or from anywhere else, let him pour it into the sacrificer's cup; but this (Dhruva graha he pours) into the Hotri's cup.
2. Now, what part of him there is below the navel, that part of his self, that vital energy of his, is this (Dhruva): hence he draws it by means of this (earth), because of her is the bowl (sthåll) 3, and with a bowl he draws it ;—for undecaying and immortal is this (earth), and undecaying and immortal is the vital energy: therefore he draws it by means of this (earth).
1 'Formerly they took these two separately, as Dhruva and Vaisvânara ; but now they take them as one only.' Kânva text.
Both these libations are reserved for the evening feast. 3 See p. 288, note 2.
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3. He draws it full; for full means all, and the vital energy means all: therefore he draws it full.
4. He draws it for (Agni) Vaisvânara; for Vaisvânara (he that belongs to all men ') is the year, and the vital energy (life) is the year: therefore he draws it for Vaisvånara.
5. Having been drawn at the morning pressing, it reposes apart from that time: thus he guides him (the sacrificer) safely through all the pressings.
6. Let him not pour it into the Hotri's cup) during the chanting; for, verily, were he to pour it out during the chanting, the sacrificer would not live through the year.
7. He pours it out during the recitation of the sastra ; whereby he guides him safely over the twelvefold chant of praise : thus he obtains ever continued life, and thus does the sacrificer live long. Therefore the Brâhman should sit through the praise of Agni (Agnishtoma)"; till the offering of this (libation) he must not slip awayè—nor must he
1 ? Tasmâd brâhmano 'gnishtomasat syât. The obvious meaning of this sentence is, 'hence the celebrator of the Agnishtoma should be a Brahman,' or, perhaps, hence a Brahman should celebrate the Agnish/oma;' but I do not see how it can have that meaning here, without at least a double-entendre in the term 'agnishtomasad,' Agnishłoma in that case ('the praise of Agni') referring both to the sacrifice generally and to the chanting (stoma or stotra). See next note. My MS. of Sâyana's commentary (from the library of the Mahârâga of Bikaner) has unfortunately an omission here.
3 Viz. from the Sadas; nihsarpet,' Kânva text. The verb sarp, 'to glide or creep,' is used technically of a peculiar noiseless mode of leaving (nihsarp) the Sadas and returning thither (prasarp or pratisarp, see paragraph 10), and respectfully approaching the dhishnya fires. If it has to be taken here in that sense, the first prohibition would seem to refer to the Hotri (cf. Ait. Br. II, 22, where the question is argued whether or not the Hotri ought to
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discharge urine : thus he obtains the full life-for this (libation) is his life-thus he reaches the full (measure of) life.
8. For, what part of him there is below the navel, that part of his self is this (Dhruva libation). Hence were he to slip away or discharge urine before the offering of this (libation), he would discharge the Dhruva (the firm, constant one): hence, lest he should discharge the Dhruva, he sits through the praise of Agni. This, indeed, applies only to the sacrificer?, for this (libation) is part of the sacrificer's self.
9. He sits through the praise of Agni;- for Soma is glory: hence they both approach, he who partakes of the Soma and he who does not,—they approach, forsooth, to behold that glory. And thus indeed the Brahmans, having crept near together, take unto them that glory, when they drink (the Soma);-and verily whosoever, knowing this, drinks (Soma), becomes glorious: indeed.
10. Now, those same (priests) having, while gliding along“, deposited that glory in him who sits through (celebrates) the praise of Agni, they glide along and turn away from that glory5 : having thus encompassed it, he again takes that glory unto him
proceed to the chanting-place with the other priests, and is decided in the negative); since the sacrificer, to whom the second prohibition refers (Kâty. IX, 6, 23), goes along with them, according to IV, 2, 5, 4. According to the commentary on Kâty. IX, 6, 33, in performing the sarpana the priests and sacrificer should move along sitting at the morning feast; walking with bent bodies at the midday feast; and walking upright at the evening feast.
i Tad u tad yagamânasyaiva. Kânva text. 2 Or, he indeed becomes a celebrator of the Agnish/oma. 3 The Kânva text has 'yasasvî.' • Sce p. 299, note 2. • The Kânva MS. (W.) reads, ' agnishlomasad etad yásah sanni
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self ;-verily, whosoever, knowing this, sits through (celebrates) the praise of Agni, he passes away after becoming the most glorious of these (men).
11. Now, the gods and the Asuras, both of them sprung from Pragâ pati, were contending for this sacrifice—their father Pragâ pati, the year,-saying, 'Ours he shall be! ours he shall be !'
12. Then the gods went on singing praises and toiling. They devised this Agnishtoma feast, and by means of this Agnishtoma feast they appropriated the entire sacrifice and excluded the Asuras from the sacrifice. And in like manner does this (sacrificer), by means of this Agnishtoma feast, now appropriate the entire sacrifice, and exclude his enemies from the sacrifice: therefore he celebrates the Agnishtoma.
13. Having drawn it (the Dhruva graha), he deposits it with the northern cart", lest he should confound the vital airs, for the grahas are vital airs : now the other grahas he deposits on the raised (mound), but this one (he deposits) after pushing (the dust) aside without leaving as much as a blade of grass between
14. For those (other cups of Soma) are that part of his body from the navel upwards, and above, as it were, is what is from the navel upwards, and above, as it were, is what is raised: therefore he deposits
dhâyata etasmât parâñko yasaso (sic) bhavanti' ('they turn away from that glorious one').
1 The dhruva-sthält is placed just in front of the northern prop.
* Lit. not putting a blade of grass between (the sthâlî and the ground on which it stands). Cf. Kâty. IX, 2, 18. Apparently he is to shift the sthâlî along the ground from the khara to the place where it is to stand, all grass and other objects being thus removed between this vessel and those standing on the mound ("vyuhyaitam na trinam kanântardhâya,' Kânva text).
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(the others) on the raised (mound), and this one (he deposits) after pushing (the dust) aside without leaving as much as a blade of grass between.
15. For this (cup of Soma) is that part of his body from the navel downwards; and below, as it were, is what is from the navel downwards; and below, as it were, is what (one deposits) after pushing (the dust) aside and leaving not so much as a blade of grass between: therefore he deposits this (Dhruva graha) after pushing (the dust) aside, without leaving so much as a blade of grass between.
16. Now, that sacrifice which is being performed is Pragâ pati, from whom these creatures on earth have been born,-and indeed even now they are born after this (sacrifice). The creatures that are born therefrom after those (libations) which he deposits on the raised (mound), stand on this (earth) with something different from their own self,—for those which stand on hoofs indeed stand on this (earth) with something different from their own self. And when he deposits this (Dhruva cup) after shifting aside (the dust), and not leaving so much as a blade of grass between,—the creatures that are born thereafter from this (sacrifice), stand on this (earth) with their own self, namely, men and wild beasts?
17. Moreover, on the one hand, in throwing up (the mound) he puts upon this (earth) something different from it; and those creatures that are born from this (sacrifice) after those (libations) which he deposits on the raised (mound), they stand on this (earth) with something different from their own self, namely, with hoofs.
Svâpada, lit. 'dog-footed' beasts.
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18. And, on the other hand, they offer in the Åhavaniya' a sacrificial cake, parched barley-grains, porridge, sour curds, and clotted curds,—this is like pouring (food) into one's mouth. But this (libation) remains apart, (being) of one form like water. Hence while he eats the multiform food with that mouth (the fire), he lets flow from that opening the uniform (libation) like water. Then as to why it is called Dhruva.
19. Now, once on a time, the gods, while performing sacrifice, were afraid of an attack from the AsuraRakshas. The Asura-Rakshas assailed them from the south, and overturned those southern cups of Soma,-even that southern Soma-cart they overturned; but that other (cart) they could not overturn: the northern cart then kept the southern cart steady? And because they could not overturn that (northern cup) therefore it is called Dhruva (firm)
20. They indeed watch over it; for this (cup of Soma) is the head of Gâyatri, Gayatri being the sacrifice,—there are twelve chants (stotra) and twelve recitations (sastra): that makes twenty-four, and of twenty-four syllables consists the Gâyatri. This cup of Soma is her head; but the head means excellence, for the head indeed means excellence: hence people say of him who is the best man of a place, that 'so and so is the head of such and such a place. And, indeed, the best man' would come to harm, if this
See IV; 2, 5, 15 seq.
"They (the gods) then made the southern cart firm from (or by means of) the northern cart. Kanva text.
It is more probable that the Dhruva (firm, constant) derives its name from the fact that it remains intact till the very end of the Agnishtoma, as suggested in the Petersburg Dictionary.
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(cup) were to come to harm; and, the best man being the sacrificer, they watch (this cup) lest the sacrificer should come to harm.
21. Moreover, this (graha) is Gâyatri's calf, Gayatri being the sacrifice,- there are twelve chants and twelve recitations : that makes twenty-four, and of twenty-four syllables consists the Gâyatri. This is her calf;—when they watch it, then they watch these calves for the sake of the milking : 'as they yield this milk, even so may this Gayatri yield all the sacrificer's wishes,' - this is why they watch it.
22. And when both the Adhvaryu and the Pratiprasthåtri walk out (of the cart-shed) and (afterwards) enter (again)", it is as if (a cow) were to come with the calf tied to her. They come to this cup of Soma, and he (the Adhvaryu) pours it out; whereby he lets loose the Gâyatri : 'Made over to the sacrificer, may this Gayatri yield all his desires !' for this reason he pours it out.
23. He pours it into the Hotri's cup') with (Vâg. S. VII, 25), “The firm Soma I pour out-or, I take-with firm mind and speech: now may Indra make our people of one mind, free from enemies!' whereby he means to say, 'so that Indra may make these our creatures, the people, of one mind and free from enemies, for their happiness and glory and nourishment!'
24. Here now he draws it from that (stream of Soma) ?, (Vâg. S. VII, 24; Rig-veda VI, 7, 1), 'Agni
1 Viz. at the evening feast, when the Adhvaryu pours the Soma from the Dhruva-sthâlî into the Hotri's cup (paragraph 23).
See p. 256, note 1. The preceding paragraphs anticipate the future rites regarding this libation, the original drawing of which is only now described.
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Vaisvanara, the crest of heaven, the disposer of the earth, born in the sacred rite, the wise all-ruler, the guest of men,-him the gods have begotten as a vessel for their mouth. Thou art taken with a support: thou art firm (Dhruva), of firm abode, the firm est of the firm, the most solidly founded of the solid! This is thy womb~thee for Vaisvânara!' therewith he deposits it after pushing (the dust) aside, and not leaving so much as a blade of grass between : for he indeed takes it for (Agni) Vaisvânara.
Fifth BRÂHMANA. 1. Having drawn the cups of Soma, and gone out (of the cart-shed to the high altar), he offers the oblation of drops. The reason why he offers the oblation of drops is this. Whatever drops of that (Soma) are spilt here, to them he now wishes a safe journey to the Ahavantya, for the Ahavaniya is the resting-place of offerings: this is why he offers the oblation of drops.
2. He offers with (Vâg. S. VII, 26; Rig-veda X, 17, 12), 'Whatever drop of thine leapeth
The libations (grahas) having been taken, and the remaining Nigrabhya water, mixed with Soma-juice, poured from the Hotri's cup into the Dronakalasa (p. 256, note 1), the Adhvaryu, Pratiprasthatri, Prastotri, Udgâtri, Pratihartri, and Sacrificer walk out of the Havirdhâna shed, each following one touching the hem of the garment of the one before him, and betake themselves to the altar.
? The viprud-homa, an expiatory oblation for the Soma spilt during the pressing, consists of a prakaranî spoon full of ghee. According to Âsv. V, 2, 6, and Låty. I, 11, 9, it would seem that each of those taking part in the Sarpana (see p. 299, note 2) makes two oblations (called 'pravritta-homa' by Láty. Sr. and Pañkavimsa Br.).
[36]
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away, whatever stalk of thine,'—whatever particle (of Soma) is spilt, that is a drop, that indeed he means; and by whatever stalk of thine' he mentions the stalk;—'stone-pressed, from the lap of the press-bowls;' for pressed by the stone! it leaps away from the two press-bowls ;—be it from the Adhvaryu or from the strainer,'--for it leaps away either from the Adhvaryu's hands or from the strainer,—'that I offer unto thee in my mind consecrated by Vashat, Hail!' whereby it becomes for him as an offering consecrated by Vashat.
3. Thereupon the Adhvaryu takes two stalks of grass from the covered altar. The two Adhvaryus 2 proceed first (to the chanting-place beside the pit), as the out-breathing and in-breathing of the sacrifice; then the Prastotri, as the voice of the sacrifice; then the Udgâtri, as the self (or body), the Pragâpati, of the sacrifice; then the Pratihartri, either as the physician or the through-breathing.
4. The Sacrificer holds on to those five priests from behind“, for as much as those five priests are, so much is the whole sacrifice, the sacrifice being fivefold: hence the Sacrificer thereby holds on to the sacrifice.
5. He (the Adhvaryu) then throws one of the two
1 Grâva-kyuta' seems to be taken by the author in the sense of set in motion by the (pressing) stone. The Rig-veda reads bâhu-kyuta ;' also dhishanâyâh' instead of 'dhishanayoh.' ? That is, the Adhvaryu and his assistant, the Pratiprasthâtri.
8 Ait. Br. II, 20 enumerates Adhvaryu, Prastotri, Pratihartri, Udgâtri, and Brahman (see also Asv. V, 2, 4-5); the Ladyây. Satra I, II, Adhvaryu, Prastotri, Udgâtri, Pratihartri, Brahman, and Sacrificer.
• That is, each holds on to the hem of the garment of the one who precedes him.
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stalks of grass forward towards the pit', with, 'Thou art the ascent of the gods!' for when the gods through the sacrifice attained to the heavenly world, it was from that pit that they went upwards to the heavenly world: he thus makes the sacrificer look along the road to heaven. - 6. He then throws down the other stalk in front of the chanters, silently, for those chanters represent the hymn of praise (stotra), Pragâpati (the sacrifice), he (Pragậpati) draws to himself everything here, and takes possession of everything here : it is to him that that stalk is offered, and thus he does not draw the Adhvaryu to himself, and take possession of him. And when they mutter ?,- for the chanters mutter now?,
7. Then he bespeaks the chant, saying, 'Soma becometh pure!' He bespeaks the chant right off“, and they chant right off; for these chants, the Pavamânâh”, are directed towards the gods, since
1 The Udgâtris (chanters) also throw stalks of grass to the south with their left hands, with the text, Pañkav. I, 3, 3.
? And when he thinks 'they have muttered' (atha yada manyate 'gâpishur iti)—for the chanters mutter now. Kanva text.
* For the mantras the Udgâtris have to mutter on this occasion, previous to the chanting, see Tândya Br. I, 3, 4-6. The recitation of the Ägyasastra, by the Hotri, succeeding the chanting of the Bahishpavamâna-stotra, is likewise preceded by a prayer muttered by that priest, for which see Ait. Br. II, 38; Asv. V, 9.
That is, without repeating that formula, in the same way as the Pavamâna chants are performed without repeating single verses. See p. 308, note 2.
• The first stotra at each pressing is called pava mâna (purifying, i.e. during the chanting of which the Soma becomes clarified), viz. the Bahishpavamâna at the morning, the Mâdhyandina pavamâna at the midday, and the Arbhava (or tritîya) pava mâna at the evening pressing. The other stotras are called Dhurya, 'to be harnessed, belonging to or forming a team.' For the correspondence between the stotra and sastra, see p. 325, note 2.
X 2
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the gods thereby attained to the heavenly world right off (straightway): therefore he bespeaks the chant right off, and right off they chant.
8. With 'Turn ye back ?!' (he bespeaks) the other chants (viz. the Dhuryas), and turning back (or repeating) they chant the Dhuryas, for the latter
1 This is Sâyana's interpretation of upâvartadhvam,' instead of draw near,' as translated by me at I, 5, 2, 12. He is probably right in connecting it with the repetitions which certain verses have to undergo in the dhurya-stotras.
There are many different stomas, or forms of chanting stotras, named from the number of verses produced in each form (generally by repetitions of certain verses). Those required for the Shadaha and Dvadasâha (see IV, 5, 4, 1 seq.) are: trivrit (9), pan kadasa (15), saptadasa (17), ekavim sa (21), trinava (27), trayastrimsa (33), katurvimsa (24), katuskatvarimsa (44), and a shtakatvarimsa (48). The first four of these are those most frequently used, and the only ones used at the Agnishtoma. All these stomas, with one exception (24), have two or more different varieties or arrangements, called vish/uti, differing from one another either in the order in which the several verses are to be chanted, or in regard to the number of repetitions which the corresponding verses have to undergo. Besides, stomas are generally performed in three turns or rounds, paryaya, consisting of a triplet of verses (some of which may have to be repeated more than once), and preceded by the sound 'hum' (Hinkâra). Thus the first Ägyastotra, Sâmav. II, 10-12, (consisting of three verses, a, b, c,) is to be performed in the pankada sa-stoma; that is, the three verses have to be so treated, by repetitions, as to produce fifteen verses in three turns. Now, as there are three different varieties of performing the pañkadasastoma, the stotra might be chanted in one or other of the following three arrangements : 1. Hum aa a b
this form is called 'pañkaHum a bbb c pankini,' i. e. consisting
Hum a b ccc) of five in each row. Or 2. Hum a a
Hum a b c (apara' or 'other, second'). Huma bbb ccc
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are directed towards these creatures : whence creatures are produced here repeatedly.
9. And as to why they chant the Bahishpavamâna here (near the kåtvåla). In the beginning, forsooth, yonder sun was here on earthThe seasons embraced him and ascended from hence to the heavenly world: there he burns firmly established
Or 3. Hum a b
this form is called 'udyatî,' Huma bbb c Hum a aa b ccc)
or the ascending one. The three paryâyas of a stoma (or vishruti) show each three subdivisions (viz. a a a-b-c, being those of the first paryaya above), called vish tava. When the Udgâtris are about to commence a chant, the Prastotri spreads in their midst a cloth, doubled up so that the unwoven fringe lies over the selvage, either towards the east or north. Thereon he marks the subdivisions of the rounds, by means of sticks (kusa), a span long, of some kind of wood suitable for sacrifice, split lengthways along the pith (the bark being left outside) and somewhat pointed at one end, then smeared over with some fragrant substance, and wrapped up singly in pieces of the same kind of cloth as that spread on the ground. The marking of the vishtâvas, or subdivisions, takes place at the end of the prastâva or prelude see next page, note 1) in this way, that each vishlâva is marked by as many sticks as the corresponding verse has to be repeated; those of the first vishlâva being laid down with the point to the north, then behind or west of them those of the second turn with the point to the west, and behind them those of the third turn with the point to the north. Thereupon those of the other two rounds are laid down in the same way, each turn north of the preceding one. Hence the arrangement of sticks for the first of the above varieties of the pankadasa-stoma would be three straight, one across, one straight; one straight, three across, one straight; one straight, one across, three straight.
With the exception of the Bahishpavamâna, the chanting is performed in the Sadas by the side of the Udumbara post (see III, 6, 1, 2 seq.), the latter being likewise enclosed in a cloth of the above description, wrapt round it from left to right, with the unwoven fringe towards the top.
1 Cf. Tandya Br. VI, 7, 24.
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in the seasons. And in like manner do the priests thereby embrace the sacrificer and ascend from hence to the heavenly world: this is why they chant the Bahishpavamâna here.
10. The Bahishpavamâna' chant truly is a ship
1 The Bahishpavamâna-(stotra), or outside-pavamâna,'--SO called because (on the first day of a Soma-sacrifice) it is performed outside the altar (commentary on Parkav. Br. VI, 8, 10-II; or outside the Sadas, Sây.on Sâmav. S. p. 47),-is chanted in the Trivrit, or threefold, stoma; consisting, as it does, of three gâyatrf triplets (Sâmav. II, 1-9 for the Agnishloma), and none of its verses being chanted more than once. This stoma has three different varieties, viz. the udyatî, or ascending mode, the first turn of which consists of the first verses of the three triplets, the second turn of the second verses, and the third turn of the last verses, hence al al a b ' b b-c c c®; the parivartinî, or reverting mode, following the natural order, a? bic-a'b' c-a'b' c; and the kula yini, or web-like mode, performed in the order al bic-b8ca-ca' be. Cf. Haug, Transl. Ait. Br. p. 237, where, however, these forms are described quite differently. The term used for the natural order of verses in the parivartini vishtuti is 'paråki,' i. e. thitherwards, straight off. From the statement in paragraph 7 above, that they chant straight off (parâk),' one might therefore infer that that particular mode of chanting ought to be used for the Bahishpavamânastotra; but the term 'parâk' may also be taken as referring to each of the several verses being chanted 'straight off' without any repetition. Haug, Transl. Ait. Br. p. I 20 note, remarks : Each of these verses is for the purpose of chanting divided into four parts : Prastáva, i.e. prelude, the first being preceded by huñ, to be sung by the Prastotar; Udgitha, the principal part of the Sâman, preceded by Om, to be chanted by the Udgâtar; the Pratihára, i. e. response [? rather check, stop ; cf. IV, 3, 4, 22], introduced by huñ, to be chanted by the Pratihartar; and the Nidhana, i.e. finale, to be sung by all three. To give the student an idea of this division, I here subjoin the second of these rikas in the Sâman form, distinguishing its four parts :
[The connected rik form is: Abhi te madhunâ payo-athar. vâno asisrayur-devam devâya devayu.]
Prastava : abhi te madhunâ payom. Udgitha : om atharvâno asisradeyurvam devâyada.
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bound heavenwards: the priests are its spars and oars, the means of reaching the heavenly world. If there be a blameworthy one, even that one (priest) would make it sink : he makes it sink, even as one who ascends a ship that is full would make it sink. And, indeed, every sacrifice is a ship bound heavenwards : hence one should seek to keep a blameworthy (priest) away from every sacrifice.
11. Thereupon, when the chanting is over, he
Pralihdra : hum avâyo. · Nidhana : sâm.
• The Nidhanas, i. e. finales, are for the nine Pavamâna-stotra verses the following ones: sât, sâm, suvah, ida, vâk, and a (for the four last verses). See also Burnell, Arsheyabr. p. xlv seq.
Láty. I, 12; II, 1; Tândya Br. VI, 7 seq. give the following details : The Prastotri takes the prastara (bunch of grass, representing the Sacrificer) from the Adhvaryu and says, 'Brahman, we will chant, О Prasastar!' The Brahman and Maiträvaruna having given their assent (Åsv. V, 2, 12-14), the Prastotri hands the prastara to the Udgâtri. The latter touches his right thigh with it (or bends his right knee thereon) and harnesses' (introduces) the chant by the formula, .With Agni's fire, with Indra's might, with Sarya's brilliance, may Brihaspati harness thee,' &c. (Tândya Br. 1, 3, 5); whereupon he mutters, I will make food,' &c. (ib. 6); and after looking towards the pit and a vessel of water and the sun, he commences the chant. The three chanters are seated west of the Adhvaryu and Pratiprasthâtri (who look towards them), viz. the Udgâtri facing the north, the Prastotri the west, and the Pratihartri the south (or south-east). To the west of them are seated three, four, or six subordinate singers, or choristers (upagâtri), who accompany the chanting in a deep voice with the sound 'Ho.' When the chant is completed, the Udgâtri says, 'I have made food,' and makes the sacrificer mutter the formula, Thou art a falcon,' &c. (Pañk. Br. I, 3, 8); whereupon he takes a stalk of grass from the prastara, cuts off the top and bottom, so as to make it of the length of four thumbs' breadths, and throws it into the pit with, 'If it has been chanted,' &c. (ib. II, 1, 8). They then pour out the vessel of water into the pit, with, I send you to the sea,' &c., and make 3, 5, 7 or 9 steps northwards outside the altar,
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utters this speech,—' Agnidh, spread the fires ! strew the barhis! Prepare the cakes! go on with the victim!' The Agnidh spreads the fires, that is to say, kindles them?; he strews that barhis?, thinking,
When the barhis is strewn, I will offer to the gods on the kindled (fire). — Prepare the cakes,' he says, because he is about to proceed with the cakes; and, 'Go on with the victim,' because he is about to get ready the victim .
12. Having again entered (the cart-shed) he draws the Åsvina graha“. Having drawn the Asvina graha he goes out and girds the sacrificial stake; and having girt the stake he gets ready the victim : he thereby puts flavour (juice) into him (Soma—the sacrificer).
13. Having been slain at the morning feast, it continues being cooked till the evening feast; whereby he puts flavour (juice) into the whole sacrifice, imbues it with flavour. .
14. Let him therefore, at the Agnishtoma, slay a (victim) sacred to Agni, for there is harmony when, at the Agnishtoma, he slays a (victim) for Agni. If
whereupon they betake themselves to the Âgnidhrîya. During the chanting, the Unnetri pours the Soma-juice from the Âdhavanîya trough through the strainer into the Patabhrit.
1 The Agnidh takes burning coals from the Âgnîdhrîya fire, and puts them on the dhishnya hearths, in the order in which they were raised. See p. 148, note 4.
* He spreads a layer of (ulapa) grass along the spine' (the line from the middle of the back to the middle of the front side of the altar.
s Pasum hy alipsyamâno (!) bhavati. Kânva MS
• Having taken this cup of Soma or libation (with the formula, Vâg. S. VII, 11) from the Drona-kalasa or the Patabhrit, he makes the sacrificer eye the several cups and Soma vessels, as set forth IV, 5,6,1 seq.; the Asvina being looked at sixth in order (or fourth of the grahas), not tenth (as was its order of drawing). See IV, 1, 5, 16.
• See III, 7, 1, 19 seq.
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it be an Ukthya sacrifice, let him slay one to Indra and Agni in the second place, for songs of praise (uktha)' refer to Indra and Agni. If it be a Shodasin sacrifice, let him slay one to Indra in the third place, for the sixteenfold chant (shodasin)means Indra. If it be an Atirâtra, let him slay one to Sarasvati in the fourth place, for Sarasvati is speech, and speech (vâk, fem.) is female, as the night (râtri, fem.) is female : he thus duly distinguishes the forms of sacrifice s.
* Or, the (three) Uktha-stotras (Sâmav. II, 55-62) and sastras, the characteristic feature of the Ukthya sacrifice. Cf. p. 325, note 2; and IV, 6, 3, 3.
9 The Sho da si-stotra (Sâmav. II, 302-304) chanted in the ekavimsa stoma is the characteristic stotra of the Shodasin sacrifice. The term meaning 'having a sixteenth' (viz. stotra), it evidently refers originally to the sacrifice, and has then also been applied to the stotra and sastra. See also Haug, Ait. Br. Transl. p. 255, note 2.
. On this occasion the same rites are performed as at the sacrifice of the Agnishomîya buck (III, 6, 4, 1 seq.), viz. from the girding of the stake (III, 7, 1, 19) to the election of the Hotri (III, 7, 4, 9). Then the other priests are elected, viz. Adhvaryu (and Pratiprasthầtri), the Prasastri (Maitrâvaruna), the Brahmanakhamsin, the Potri, the Neshtri, the Āgnîdhra, and finally the sacrificer himself; after which each of them makes two election-oblations (pravritahoma) of ghee, the first with, May I be well-pleasing to Speech, well-pleasing to the Lord of speech : O divine Speech, what sweetest, most pleasing speech is thine, therewith endow me! Hail to Sarasvatîl' the second with, May the holy Sarasvati, of abundant powers, rich in devotion, accept favourably our sacrifice! Thereupon they proceed with the animal offering up to the offering of the omentum (vapa) and cleansing (III, 8, 2, 30); after which all the eighteen priests and the sacrificer perform the Sarpana (see p. 299, note 2), that is, they step up to the eight dhishnya hearths (with formulas Vâg. S. V, 31 a-d; 32 a-d respectively), the Adhvaryu then pointing out the Ahavanîya, the Bahishpavamâna place, the Kâtvala, &c. (with Vâg. S. V, 32 e seq.); and touching the Sadas and its door-posts, and addressing Surya (the sun), the Ritvigs (officiating priests) and dhishnya hearths (with V, 33-34). Kâty. IX, 8, 8-25. For the duties of the Udgâtris, see Lâty. Sr. II, 2, 10 seq.
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· 15. Thereupon he proceeds with (the offering of) the cakes of the Soma feast. Now Soma is a god, for Soma was in the heaven ;-Soma, forsooth, was Vritra ; the mountains and stones are his body: thereon grows that plant called Usânâ,' said Svetaketu Auddalaki; 'that they bring hither and press.
16. Now when he slays the victim, he thereby puts flavour into it; and when he proceeds with (the offering of) the Soma feast cakes, he puts sap into it : thus it becomes Soma for him.
17. They all belong to Indra ; for Indra is the deity of the sacrifice: that is why they all belong to Indra.
18. And as to why there are a cake, parched barley-grain, a porridge, sour curds, and clotted curds,—it is that those who are the deities of the sacrifice shall be well-pleased.
19. For, when one has eaten cake here, he wishes, 'I should like to take parched grains, I should like to eat porridge, I should like to eat sour curds, I should like to eat clotted curds !' All these are objects of one's) wishes : it is in order that those who are the deities of the sacrifice shall be well-pleased. Now as to why that offering of clotted curds (payasya) is prepared only at the morning libation, and not at the two other libations (Soma feasts).
20. The Gayatri, forsooth, bears the morning libation (to the gods), the Trishtubh the midday libation, and the Gagati the evening libation,—but, then, the Trishtubh bears the midday libation, not alone, (but) with both the Gâyatri and the Brihati'; and the Gagati (bears) the evening libation, not alone,
1 For the metres of which the Mâdhyandina-pavamâna stotra is composed, see p. 333, note I.
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(but) with the Gâyatri, the Kakubh, and Ushnih, and the Anushtubh 1
21. The Gayatri alone bears singly the morning libation,—with those two sets of five (pankti) ?, the set of five chants, and the set of five oblations : there are four Agya (chants) and the Bahishpavamâna is the fifth,—the Parkti metre is five-footedwith that parkti of chants, not alone, the Gayatri bears the morning libation.
22. To Indra belongs the cake, to the two bay steeds the parched grains (dhânâl)*, to Pashan the porridge (karambha), to Sarasvati the sour curds (dadhi), and to Mitra and Varuna the clotted curds (payasya) 6,—the Paikti is five-footed—with that parkti of oblations, not alone, the Gâyatri bears the
1 The Arbhava or Tritîya-pavamâna stotra, Sâmav. II, 39-52 (see note on IV, 3, 5, 24), is made up of five parts, composed chiefly in the Gâyatrî, Kakubh, Ushnih, Anushrubh, and Gagats metres respectively. It is chanted in the Saptadasa-stoma, the seventeen verses being obtained in the following way. The Gayatri triplet (II, 39-41) is chanted twice, in the Gayatra and Samhita tunes, making six verses. Then verses 42 and 44 once each, in the Sapha and Paushkala tunes respectively. Then the triplet II, 47-49 twice, in the Syâvâsva and Andhîgava tunes (six verses). And finally the triplet II, 50-52 once, in the Káva tune (three verses). This makes together seventeen verses. Verses 43, 45, and 46 of the Samhita are omitted in the chanting.
2 Pańkti means both a set of five,' and the pankti metre, consisting of five octosyllabic feet.
See p. 325, note 2. • Taitt. Br. I, 5, 11 assigns them to the Asvins, for the reason that they performed cures therewith.
• These five sacrificial dishes, called savanîyâh (or aindran) purodâ sâh, are placed together in one vessel (pâtrî) the purodâ sa proper, or rice-cake to Indra, being placed in the centre-and oblations are made from them to the respective deities at one and the same time, two pieces being cut from each dish into the guhů for the chief offering, and one piece from each into the upabhrit
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morning libation (to the gods): for the sake of completing that parkti, that oblation of clotted curds to Mitra and Varuna is prepared only at the morning libation, and not at the two other libations.
THIRD Adhyâya. First Brâhmana. 1. Having drunk (Soma)' and said, “We are
spoon, for the svishtakrit. While cutting the portion he calls on the Maitravaruna to .Recite (the invitatory prayer) of the cakes of the morning feast for Indral' The anuvâkya (Rig-veda III, 52, 1) having been recited by the Maiträvaruna, the Adhvaryu steps to the fire, calls on the Agnidhra for the Sraushat formula (see 1, 5, 2, 16, with note), and thereupon on the Maitrâvaruna to Urge the cakes of the morning feast brought forward for Indra l' That priest then urges, 'Let the Hotri pronounce the offering prayer to Indra! May Indra with his bays eat the grain! [O Hotar, pronounce the offering prayer! | Whereupon the Hotri recites, We who worship (part i, p. 142, note),-May Indra with his bays eat the grains, with Pashan the porridge; with Sarasvatî, with Bhåratî, the sour curds, with Mitra and Varuna the clotted curds ! (cf. Ait. Br. II, 24; Taitt. Br. I, 5, 11; Âsv. V, 4, 3] Vaushat l' when the Adhvaryu pours the oblation into the fire. For the oblation to Agni Svishtakrit the invitatory prayer is Rig-veda III, 28, 1, and the offering formula Havir agne vihii' graciously accept the offering, O Agnil' The offerings completed, the dishes of sacrificial food are placed on the Hotri's hearth.
"The Puroda sa offerings, described in the preceding paragraphs, are followed by libations from the dvidevaty a cups, viz. the Aindravâyava, Maitrâvaruna, and Asvina. Each time the Adhvaryu is about to make a libation, the Pratiprasthâtri draws Soma-juice into the Aditya cup (pâtra) and makes libations therefrom immediately after the Adhvaryu on the north side of the fire. And each time he pours the remains from the Aditya cup into the Aditya sthâlî with, 'Thee to the Adityas l' finally covering the latter with the former (see IV, 3, 5, 6). Then follows the filling of the cups of the Kamasins (see p. 287, note 2), and the libations from the Sukra and Manthin grahas (already anticipated in IV, 2, 1, 1331) and from the cups of the Kamasins. Thereupon the Adhvaryu goes to the Sadas and sits down opposite the Hotri; and in alternate draughts and with mutual invitations' they empty the
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invited together 1,' he (the Adhvaryu) rises. He takes a piece of the cake, and at the place where the Akhâvâka, being seated, is now (about to) recite, he puts the piece of cake in his hand and says,
O Akhâvâka, say what thou hast to say! Now, the Akhâvâka was excluded (from the Soma) 2.
2. Indra and Agni preserved him for the production of creatures, whence the Akkâvâka priest belongs to Indra and Agni. But it is by means of that sacrificial food, the piece of cake which he now puts in his hand, and by means of that (saying) of the seers which he now recites, it is thereby they (Indra and Agni) preserve him.
3. When the Akhâvâka has (again) taken his seat dvidevatya cups. The remains are poured into the Hotri's cup, and portions of the purodasas having then been put into those cups, they are deposited in the left track of the southern cart. The Adhvaryu and Pratiprasthầtri then drink the remains of the Sukra and Manthin cups; the other priests also drinking from their cups, without, however, quite emptying them, after which the cup-bearers deposit them in the Havirdhana, behind the axle of the southern cart. Henceforward, till the Vaisvadeva cup is drawn (IV, 3, 1, 25), those cups are called nârâsamsa. The Adhvaryu then takes a piece of the sacrificial cake and rises, calling out, We are invited together;' after which follows the rehabilitation of the Akhâvâka, referred to above. Being called upon by the Adhvaryu, he recites the verse Rig-veda V, 25, 1 (beginning with 'akha,' whence perhaps his name), Hither will I sing Agni the god for your protection,' &c., and then says, Ye Brahmans, invite us Brahmans also !' whereupon the Adhvaryu says, "This Brahman desires an invitation: invite him, Hotril Being then invited, he pronounces an anuvâkyâ, and his cup-bearer fills his cup, which henceforth ranks last but one, thus preceding that of the Agnidhra. He now drinks from his cup, and the latter is then deposited along with the other Kamasas; whereupon the priests, who have taken part in the offering of the purodâsas, and the sacrificer eat the Idà in the Âgnîdhra fire-house.
1 Or rather, we have been mulually invited. * See III, 6, 2, 12.
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(behind his hearth), he (his Adhvaryu) proceeds with the libations of the seasons (Ritugraha). The reason why he proceeds with the libations of the seasons when the Akhâvâka is seated, is that the Akhâvâka represents a sexual union, since the Akhâvâka belongs to Indra and Agni, and Indra and Agni are two, and a productive union means a pair : from that same productive union he produces the seasons, the year.
4. And again why he proceeds with the libations of the seasons, when the Akhâvâka is seated. The seasons, the year, are everything; he thus produces everything: this is why he proceeds with the libations of the seasons when the Akhâvâka is seated.
5. Let him draw twelve of them,-twelve months there are in the year: therefore he should draw twelve (cups of Soma). But he may also draw thirteen, for, they say, there is a thirteenth month. Let him nevertheless draw twelve only, for such is completeness.
6. He draws them from the Dronakalasa (Soma trough), for the Dronakalasa is Pragâpati, and from out of that Pragâpati he produces the seasons, the year.
7. He draws them by means of double-mouthed cups ? ;—for where is the end of those two (cups) that are double-mouthed ? Hence this year revolves without end. When he has drawn this (libation), he does not deposit it: whence this year is ceaseless.
8. He recites no invitatory prayer; since one
See part i, p. 321, note 6.
The two Ritu vessels are made of kârshmarya or asvattha wood, of the shape of spoon-bowls, with spouts on both sides. Kâty. IX, 2, 13.
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invites with an invitatory prayer, and the present season has already come, either by day or by night. Nor does he utter a second Vashat, lest he should turn away the seasons. Simultaneously they (the Adhvaryu and Pratiprasthâtri) draw the two first and the two last libations: thus they embrace everything here by means of the year, and everything here is embraced within the year.
9. Out (of the Havirdhâna shed) walks the one, in steps the other, whence these months pass following one another. But were both to walk out together, or were both to enter together, these months would assuredly pass separated one from the other : therefore while out walks the one, in steps the other.
10. Six times they perform' with, With the
The twelve Ritugrahas are drawn alternately by the Adhvaryu and Pratiprasthátri- the first two and the last two simultaneously, the others singly, so that the one enters the cart-shed while the other leaves. Both in entering and leaving the Pratiprasthâtri passes by the Adhvaryu on the north side, and for a moment encircles him by passing his arms round him and holding his own vessel south of him. With the exception of the last two libations, the libations are offered up entire (holocausts). When either of them is about to offer one of the first six libations, he calls on the Maitrâvaruna to Prompt (the Hotri, &c.) by the season I'—and at the four succeeding ones (after turning round the vessels so as to put the other mouth in front) to .Prompt by the seasons !' For the last two libations they again reverse the vessels to the previous position and call on him to Prompt by the season!' The Maitravaruna's formula runs thus : 'Let the Hotri pronounce the offering prayer to Indra l-From the Hotri's cup, from heaven to earth, may he drink Soma together with the season (or, seasons)! O Hotri, pronounce the offering prayer l' Whereupon the Hotri (Pouri, &c.) recites—'We who worship,-From the Hotri's cup, from heaven to earth, may he drink Soma together with the season (or, seasons)! Vaushal!' These formulas are slightly varied according to the deity to whom the libation is offered, and the priest who pronounces the offering prayer and Vaushat. The
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season'—thereby the gods created the day; and four times with, “With the seasons'—thereby they created the night. And, assuredly, were only this much (used), there would be nothing but night: it would never pass away.
11. Over and above they perform twice with the formula 'With the season ;' thereby the gods subsequently gave the day (again), whence it is now day here, then it will be night, and to-morrow day.
12. By With the season' the gods forsooth created the men, and by With the seasons' the beasts; and because they created the beasts in the middle of those (men), therefore these beasts (cattle), being shut in on both sides, have come into the power of men.
13. And having performed six times with, With the season,' they both turn round their vessels to the other side; and having performed four times with,
With the seasons,' they turn round their vessels to the other side: from the one side (or mouth) indeed the gods created the day, and from the other side the night; from the one side the gods created men, and from the other beasts.
14. Now he draws the cups (for the seasons)
deities and offering priests of the twelve libations are: 1. Indrathe Hotri; 2. the Maruts—the Potri; 3. Tvashtri and the wives of the gods—the Neshtri; 4. Agni—the Âgnîdhra; 5. IndraBrahman—the Brahmanakhamsin; 6. Mitra-Varuna—the Maitravaruna; 7-10. Deva Dravinodas—the Hotri, Potri, Neshtri, and Akhâvâka respectively; 11. the Asvins—the Hotri; 12. Agni Grihapati—the Hotri. For this last libation, the Maiträvaruna in the first place calls on the sacrificer with, 'O lord of the house, pronounce the offering prayer l' and the sacrificer then again on the Hotri with, O Hotri, pronounce the offering prayer upon this l' whereupon the Hotri pronounces the sacrificer's) offering prayer, Kâty. IX, 13; Sâökhâyana Sr. VII, 8; Haug, Transl. Ait. Br. p. 135.
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therefrom", with (Vâg. S. VII, 30), · Thou art taken with a support: thee for Madhu!' the Adhvaryu takes (the first); with ‘Thou art taken with a support: thee for Madhava!' the Pratiprasthåtri (the second). These two are the spring (months): because in spring plants sprout and trees are brought to ripeness, therefore these two are Madhu (sweet) and Madhava.
15. With 'Thou art taken with a support: thee for Sukra !' the Adhvaryu draws (the third); with “Thou art taken with a support: thee for Sukil' the Pratiprasthầtri (the fourth). These two are the summer (months): because during them it burns fiercest, therefore these two are Sukra (clear) and Suki (bright).
16. With 'Thou art taken with a support: thee for Nabhas!' the Adhvaryu draws (the fifth); with 'Thou art taken with a support: thee for Nabhasya!' the Pratiprasthàtri (the sixth). These two are (the months) of the rainy season: it rains from yonder sky, and hence these two are Nabhas (mist, cloud) and Nabhasya.
17. With 'Thou art taken with a support: thee for Ish (sap)!' the Adhvaryu draws (the seventh); with 'Thou art. taken with a support: thee for Urg (food)!' the Pratiprasthầtri (the eighth). These two are the autumn (months): because in autumn food (urg) and juice, (namely) plants, ripen, therefore these two are Isha and Urga.
18. With ‘Thou art taken with a support: thee for Sahas! the Adhvaryu draws (the ninth); with ‘Thou art taken with a support: thee for
1 Viz, from the Dronakalasa trough; see paragraph 6.
The Kânva text adds rita in each case. [26]
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Sahasya!' the Pratiprasthâtri (the tenth). These two are the winter (months): because the winter by force (sahas) brings these creatures into his power, therefore these two are Saha and Sahasya.
19. With 'Thouart taken with a support: thee for Tapas!' the Adhvaryu draws (the eleventh); with 'Thou art taken with a support: thee for Tapasya !' the Pratiprasthâtri (the twelfth). These two are (the months) of the dewy season : because during them it freezes most severely, therefore these two are Tapas and Tapasya.
20. With 'Thou art taken with a support: thee to Amhasaspati (lord of trouble)!' he (the Adhvaryu) draws the thirteenth libation, if he draw a thirteenth. The Pratiprasthầtri then pours his residue into the Adhvaryu's vessel, or the Adhvaryu pours his residue into the Pratiprasthâtri's vessel. He (the Adhvaryu) takes it (to the Sadas) for the purpose of drinking it ?
21. Thereupon the Pratiprasthầtri draws the Aindragna graha with the vessel not used for the drinking. The reason why he draws the Aindragna libation with the vessel not used for drinking is that
1 The Kanva text has bhakshiyam' instead of bhaksham.' Each of the priests who have pronounced the offering prayer and Vaushat partakes of this Soma in his respective order,-the Hotri thus taking four draughts; and the Adhvaryu and Pratiprasthâtri (who, after drawing the Aindragna cup, join them in the Sadas) drinking alternately from the same vessel with those Hotri priests, who pronounced the Vashat at their libations. As at the drawing of the libations, the vessel is turned round after the sixth and tenth offering priests have drank. The vessel having been emptied, the Adhvaryu takes it outside the Sadas, and then sits down in front of the Hotri's hearth, with his face to the east, till the recitation of the Sastra (IV, 3, 2, 2).
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no second Vashat is pronounced on the Ritugrahas, and for them he is about to take the Aindragna graha : thus they become consecrated for him by a second Vashat through the Aindragna.
22. And again, why he draws the Aindragna graha. By drawing the libations to the seasons he has generated this All, and having generated this All, he now establishes it on the out-breathing and in-breathing : hence this All is established on the out-breathing and in-breathing, for Indra and Agni are the outbreathing and in-breathing, and these two, heaven and earth, are the out-breathing and in-breathing, and within these two this All is established.
23. And again, why he draws the Aindragna cup. By drawing the libations to the seasons he has generated this All, and having generated this. All, he lays the out-breathing and in-breathing into this All: hence these two, the out-breathing and in-breathing, are laid into (or beneficial, hita, in) this All.
24. He now draws it from that (dronakalasa trough) with (Våg. S. VII, 3, 1; Rig-veda III, 12, 1),
O Indra and Agni, through our songs come ye hither to the Soma, to the agreeable fume: drink thereof, urged by our hymn!—Thou art taken with a support: thee to Indra and Agni! -with 'This is thy womb: thee to Indra and Agni!' he deposits it (on the mound), for it is for Indra and Agni that he draws it.
25. Thereupon he draws the Vaisva deva cup!
According to Kâty. IX, 13, 33 seq. the order of performance is as follows. In the first place the first Âgya-sastra is recited. Thereupon the Adhvaryu fetches the Aindragna cup from the Havirdhana (where it was deposited by the Pratiprasthâtri), makes a libation from it-after calling on the Hotri, as at all libations accompanied
Y 2
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For by drawing the Ritugrahas he has generated this All; but were there nothing but that, there would indeed be only as many creatures as were created in the beginning: no (more) would be generated.
26. Now, in that he draws the Vaisvadeva graha, thereby he sends forth this All, these creatures in due order: whence these creatures are generated again repeatedly. He draws it with the Sukra cup, for the Sukra (bright) is yonder burning (sun), and
by a sastra, Singer of praises, recite Soma's offering prayer;' the nârâsamsa cups being shaken by the cup-bearers at the same time
—and then drinks the remaining Soma with the Hotri. Thereupon he draws the Vaisvadeva cup from the Dronakalaca, pours the remaining juice from the latter into the Patabhrit, and spreads the straining-cloth over the empty vessels for the midday pressing. He also prepares the Savanîya purodāsas (see p. 315, note 4), for the midday feast, omitting however the dish of clotted curds (payasyâ). Then follows the chanting of the first Agya stotra by the Udgâtris, and the recitation of the Praüga-sastra by the Hotri, after which takes place the Vaisvadeva libation (and emptying of the cup) in the same way as with the Aindragna—the kamasas being also drained of their contents by the respective priests. Then follows the distribution-already referred to IV, 2, 3, II seq. -of the Soma in the Ukthya bowl into three parts for the three Hotrakas, now about to recite their sastras (preceded by their respective stotras). The Adhvaryu takes one portion of the Soma, calls on the Udgâtris to chant the stotra, and afterwards on the Prasastri (Maitrâvaruna) to recite his sastra; after which he makes a libation from the portion of Soma, and pours the remainder into the Prasastri's cup, to be drunk by that priest. In the same way the Pratiprasthầtri then proceeds with the portions of the two other Hotrakas, viz. the Brahmanâkhamsin and Akhâvâka. Each time also the ten kamasas are filled, and after libations therefrom, are emptied by the Kamasins. See also p. 287, note 2. At the end of the performance the priests pass silently out (nihsarp, see p. 299, note 1) of the Sadas by the back-door and out of the Vedi ; the midday performance afterwards beginning with the pratisarpana, or creeping back' to the Sadas, with homage to the dhishnya hearths, &c.
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what rays of his there are, they are the All-gods : therefore he draws it with the Sukra cup.
27. He draws it from that (Soma in the Dronakalasa) with (Våg. S. VII, 33; Rig-veda I, 3, 7), Ye protectors and supporters of men, O All-gods, come hither, ye givers, to the giver's liquor!Thou art taken with a support: thee to the All-gods!' with “This is thy womb: thee to the All-gods!'he deposits it?, for it is for the Allgods that he draws it.
SECOND BRÂHMANA. 1. Now truly when the Hotri praises (recites the sastra ?), he sings, and to him thus singing the
· Viz. in the place of the Sukra cup, on the south-east corner of the khara or mound.
. Every chant or hymn (stotra) of the Udgâtris is followed by a song of praise' (sastra) recited by the Hotri or one of his three assistants (Maiträvaruna, Brâhmanâkhamsin, and Akhâvâka); the first two sastras at each savana being recited by the Hotri, and the three additional ones at the morning and midday feast by his assistants (Hotrakas). The exact correlation between the stotras and sastras at the three savanas will appear from the following table :
I. Prâtah-savana 1. Bahish-pavamâna-stotra. 1. Âgya-sastra (Hotri). Agya-stotra
2. Praüga-sastra (Hour 1). dhuryas.
4. Âgya-sastras (Hotrakas;
wow
.
II. Madhyandina-savana. 6. Madhyandina-pavamâna- 6. Marutvatîya-sastra (Hotri).
stotra. 7. Prishtha-stotra
7. Nishkevalya-sastra (Hotri). dhuryas.
Doo dio
jakursas Liz
!
?
?}(Hotrakas).
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Adhvaryu responds (prati-â-gar), whence the name response (pratigara).
2. [The Hotri] calls upon that (Adhvaryu) seated (before him) with his face towards the east. For all
III. Tritiya-savana. 11. Årbhava (or Tritîya)-pava- | 11. Vaisvadeva-sastra (Hotri).
mâna. 12. Agnishtoma-saman (Yagña. 12. Ágnimâruta-sastra (Hotri).
yagñiya). These are the twelve stotras and sastras of the Agnishtoma. At the Ukthya sacrifice, the performance of the evening feast is completed by the addition of three uktha stotras and sastras, one for each Hotraka.
1 While the Adhvaryu sits before the Sadas, with his back to the Hotri (p. 322, note 1), the latter performs the (tâshnim-) gapai.e. the muttering of the formula May Father Mâtarisvan grant flawless (verse-) feet! may the bards sing flawless hymns l' &c. Ait. Br. II, 38; Âsv. Sr. V, 9, 1-after which he addresses to the Adhvaryu his call (âhâva), 'sõmsavām (let us two recite, Om)!' —which formula is used at all sastras, except that, at the midday and evening libations, it is preceded by Adhvaryo' (O Adhvaryu); while at the evening savana the first syllable of the verb is repeated, thus 'sosomsavo.'-The Adhvaryu rises, turns round so as to face the Hotri, and responds by 'somisamo daiva (we recite, O divine one)l' According to Ait. Br. III, 12, the Ahâva and Pratigara together are to consist of the number of syllables corresponding to the metre of the respective libation, viz. 8, II, 12 respectively. Then follows the Hotri's Tashnim-samsa or 'silent praise ;' viz. * Earth! Agni is the light, the light is Agni, Om 1-Indra is the light, Ether! the light is Indra, Om! Sürya is the light, the light, Heaven! is Sûrya, OmI'This is followed by a Puroruk, or preliminary invocation of a deity, recited in a loud voice, and consisting of twelve short formulas resembling the Nivid (part i, p. 114, note 2 ; ib. I, 4, 2, 5 seq.), which, indeed, takes its place in the sastras of the midday and evening libations, being inserted in the middle or before the last verse of the hymn of the sastra; viz. Agni kindled by the gods, Agni kindled by man, Agni the well-kindling, the Hotri chosen by the gods, the Hotri chosen by men, the carrier of offerings, the leader of sacrifices, the irresistible Hotri, the swift carrier of oblations : may he, the god,
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others except the Udgâtri perform their priestly duties while facing the east, and in this manner that priestly duty of his is performed towards the east.
3. Now the Udgâtri is Pragâpati, and the Hotri, (being) the Rik (fem.), is a female. And when he chants, then the Udgâtri, Pragâ pati, implants seed in the female Hotri, the Rik; this the Hotri brings forth by means of the sastra (recitation), he sharpens
bring hither the godsl may Agni, the god, worship the gods ! may (Agni), the knower of beings, perform the sacrificial rites l' (Ait. Br. II. 34.) Then follows the hymn, the Âgya-sakta, the chief part of the sastra, viz. Rig-veda III, 13, To him, your god Agni, will I sing with loudest voice; may he come hither to us with the gods; may he, the best offerer, sit down on our sacred grass !' &c.; the seven (anushtubh) verses of which are recited in the order 1, 5, 4, 6, 3, 2, 7. The first and last verses being, however, repeated thrice, the number is thus raised to eleven. The recitation of the hymn is followed by the so-called ukthavîrya ('the strength of the praise), consisting of the formula uktham vâki, praise hath been sung,' with some words added to it differing at different sastras,-at the present sastra 'ghoshầya två,''thee (I have 'recited) for sound (praise)l' [for school-differences as to these formulas, see Haug, Transl. Ait. Br. p. 1771,--to which the Adhvaryu responds, Om ukthasah, yea, singer of praise!' The Ukthavirya, together with the response, is again to consist of as many syllables as the characteristic metre of the respective libation. Then follows the recitation, by the Agnîdhra (Ait. Br. VI, 14), of the yag yâ or offering prayer, viz. Rig-veda III, 25, 4.-As regards the term 'âgya,' the Pank. Br. VII, 2, 1, 2, derives it from agi, a race, in accordance with the following legend: When Pragâpati offered himself as a sacrifice to the gods, the latter could not agree as to which of them should have the first share. Pragâpati then proposed that they should run a race for it. In this race Agni came off first, then Mitravaruna, then Indra. To each of these three divinities an agya was thereupon assigned; and, by a secret understanding between Indra and Agni, these two divided the fourth âgya between them. Hence the âgneya, maiträvaruna, aindra, and aindragna sastra (and stotra), belonging to the Hotri, Maitrâvaruna, Brâhmanâkhamsin, and Akhâvâka priests respectively.
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it even as this man is sharpened', and because he thereby sharpens (so) therefore it is called sastra.
4. Having turned round (so as to face the Hotri, the Adhvaryu) then responds: thereby he quickens 2 that implanted seed. On the other hand, were he to respond while standing with his face turned away (from the Hotri), that implanted seed would assuredly perish away, and would not be brought forth; but thus facing each other (the male and female) bring forth the implanted seed.
5. Now the strength of the metres was exhausted by the gods, for it was by the metres that the gods attained the world of heaven. And the response (song) is ecstasy (mada 3)—what ecstasy there is in the rik and that which there is in the Saman, that is sap: this sap he now lays into the metres, and thus makes the metres of restored strength; and with them of restored strength they perform the sacrifice.
6. Hence if (the Hotri) recites by half-verses, let (the Adhvaryu) respond at each half-verse; and if he recites by pâdas (hemistichs), let him respond at each pâda. For whenever, in reciting, he (the Hotri) draws breath, there the Asura-Rakshas rush into the sacrifice: there he (the Adhvaryu) closes it up by means of the response, so that the evil spirits, the Rakshas, cannot rush in; and thus he destroys the world of the sacrificer's enemies.
1 That is, fashions him, or makes him slender. A fanciful derivation of sastra sams, to recite, praise, cf. carmen), from the root så (so), to sharpen (? or from sas, to cut, carve). Yathấyam purovarti purushas tîkshnakritah, avaya(va)vibhāgena spashfikritas tatha sastrenaitad retah syati spashtam karoti,' Sây.
* Upanimadati, cheers ;' the Kanva text (W.) has 'upanivadati.'
3 Or, intoxication, intoxicating drink. See paragraph 10, and P. 330, note 1.
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. 7. Now, in the beginning the metres consisted of four syllables. Then Gagati flew up for Soma and came back, leaving behind three syllables. Then Trishtubh flew up for Soma and came back, leaving behind one syllable. Then Gayatri flew up for Soma, and she came back bringing with her those syllables as well as Soma. Thus she came to consist of eight syllables : wherefore they say, 'Gayatri is octosyllabic.'
8. With her they performed the morning feast of the Soma-sacrifice,—whence the morning feast pertains to Gayatri. With her they performed the midday feast. Trishtubh then said to her, .To thee will I come with three syllables : invite me, and exclude me not from the sacrifice!' - So be it!' she said and invited her. Thus the Trishtubh came to consist of eleven syllables, and therefore they say, The midday Soma feast pertains to Trishtubh.'
9. With her (Gayatri) indeed they performed the evening feast. Gagati then said to her, “To thee will I come with one syllable: invite me, and exclude me not from the sacrifice !'—'So be it!' she said and invited her. Thus the Gagati came to consist of twelve syllables; and therefore they say, 'The evening Soma feast pertains to Gagati.'
10. As to this they say, 'Surely all the Soma feasts pertain to Gayatri, since Gâyatri alone went on increasing. At the morning feast he should therefore respond with a complete (formula), for complete Gayatri returned. At the midday feast
1 Or perhaps, successful, samsiddhå (svakîyâny aksharâny aparityagyavikrita (? avikrittà), Sáy.). The response (pratigara) here alluded to, is probably the one ordinarily used by the Adhvaryu, whenever the Hotri pauses in his recitation, at the end of half
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(he responds with a formula) containing once (the verb) to rejoice (mad) ?,' for she (Trishtubh) came back, leaving one syllable behind; and with that same (formula) he then completes her, makes her whole, -
11. When trishtubh verses were recited. At the evening Soma feast (the Adhvaryu responds with a formula) containing thrice (the verb) to rejoice?,' for she (Gagati) came back leaving three syllables behind; and with these (formulas) he then completes her, makes her whole,
12. When (the hymn) to Heaven and Earth is recited 3. Now these creatures subsist on those two,
verses (or pâdas), nivids, &c., viz. 'Othâmo daiva,'-or, Othâvo daivom, whenever the Hotri puts in the sacred syllable 'om.'
Tasmat kâranâd gayatra-prâtahsavane samsiddham avikritam vidhâsyamânam omantam prati-grihnîyât,' Sây. For the Adhvaryu's response, 'samsâmo daiva,' to the Hotri's summons (âhâva), see p. 326, note 1.
1 When the first verse of the trishtubh hymn, Rig-veda X, 73, is recited by the Hotri in the Marutvatîya Sastra at the midday feast, the Adhvaryu's response is 'madamo daiva' (we rejoice, O divine one). Kâty. X, 3, 8; cf. Weber, Ind. Stud. X, p. 37.
. According to Kâty. X, 6, 6'madamo daiva' is optionally the Adhvaryu's response at the recitation in the Agnimârutra Sastra of three of the so-called Anupânîya (or Svâdushkiliya) trishtubh verses VI, 47,1-4 (see note on IV, 4, 2, 18). Possibly the present paragraph may refer to those verses, in which case the words 'when trishtubh verses are recited' would begin a fresh paragraph. Sayana, however, seems to take it in the same way as above; cf. also the Kanva reading in next note.
* This is the (Gagati) hymn I, 159 recited in the Vaisvadeva Sastra. According to Kâty. X, 6, 5, the response is to be thrice (after each of the three first verses) madamo daiva. The Kânva has for paragraphs 10-12, 'At the morning feast he responds by a complete (formula), for complete Gayatri returned. At the midday feast he responds once with one containing "mad," when he
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the heaven and the earth—he thereby imbues those two, heaven and earth, with vigour; and upon those two, thus vigorous and affording the means of subsistence, these creatures subsist. Let him respond with 'Om!' only, for that is truth, that the gods know.
13. Now some respond with 'Othâmo daiva vâk,' saying, “The response is speech (vâk): thus we obtain speech. But let him not do this; for surely, in whichsoever way he may respond, speech is obtained by him, since he responds by speech. Let him therefore respond with Om?!' only, for that is truth, that the gods know.
THIRD BRÂHMANA. C. The MADHYANDINA Savana, or MIDDAY Soma Feast.
1. He presses out the Soma-juice) with 'Thã! Ihã ?!' (hither), whereby he draws Indra nigh; and
recites trishtubh verses, for she (Trishtubh) returned leaving one syllable behind : hereby now he completes her, makes her whole. At the evening feast with something containing thrice "mad," for she (Gagatî) returned leaving three syllables behind : hereby now he completes her, makes her whole. At the (hymn) to Heaven and Earth he responds with one that contains "mad;" when he recites (the hymn) Heaven and Earth—these creatures subsisting on those two, Heaven and Earth-he thereby puts juice into them, and upon those two, thus rendered juiceful, these creatures subsist. He responds with “Om," for that is truth, that the gods know.'
1 That is, instead of vâk,' hence Othâmo daivom.' 'Om' pure and simple is the response at the end of the sastra.
Iha' (here, hither) with the last syllable protracted. The Hotri's cup with the Nigrâbhyâ (vasatîvarî) water having been handed to the sacrificer, and the fillet or band (ushnisha) with which the Soma-plants are tied together, to the Grâvastut, the pressing is performed in the same way as the great pressing,' at
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with ‘Brihat! Brihat!' (great), whereby he draws Indra ' nigh.
2. The Sukra and Manthin grahas he draws first, for thereby the Soma feast comes to be supplied with pure Soma (sukra). Thereupon the Ågrayana, for that (cup) is drawn at all (three) feasts. Then the Marutvatiya cup; then the Ukthya, for here also there are songs of praise (Uktha)2.
3. Now some draw the Marutvatiya after they have drawn the Ukthya ; but let him not do this, - let him rather draw the Ukthya after he has drawn the Marutvatiya.
the Prâtahsavana (see p. 256, note 1). Meanwhile the Grâvastut takes the band, and winds it thrice round his head and face from left to right. And whenever Soma-stalks are taken out for pressing he extols the stones by chanting the Grava-stotra or 'praise of the stones.' According to Asv. Sr. V, 12; Ait. Br. VI, 7, 2, this chant consists of the verses Rig-veda I, 24, 3; V, 81, 1; VIII, 81, 1; VIII, 1, 1, followed by the hymn X, 94, ascribed to the serpent Rishi Arbuda. Before the last verse of this hymn he inserts the hymns X, 76 and X, 175 (ascribed to the serpents Garatkarna and Arbuda respectively); and either before, or between, or after these two hymns he throws in the pavamânih (Rig-veda IX) according to requirement, till the pressing is completed, or the libations are to be drawn, when having wound up with the last verse of the first Arbuda hymn, he makes over the band to the sacrificer. The five cups mentioned in paragraph 2 are filled from the stream of Soma flowing from the Hotri's cup into the Dronakalasa ; the Āgrayana (p. 290, note 2) however being taken (in the Agrayana sthali or bowl) from that and two other streams, poured by the Unnetri from the Adhavanîya, and by the Pratiprasthatri from some vessel containing the Soma previously kept in the Agrayana sthâli.
1 Probably on account of the connection of the Brihat-sâman with Indra; see part i, p. 196, note 2.
See p. 294, note 2. Sâyana here curiously explains the term by stotrani.'
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4. These, then, are five grahas he draws ; for that midday Pavamâna chant is a thunderbolt : hence it is a fifteenfold five-hymned chant ', for the thunderbolt is fifteenfold ?. He is so by means of these five grahas (cups of Soma 3): for five are these fingers, and with the fingers he hurls (the thunderbolt).
5. Indra hurled the thunderbolt at Vritra; and having smitten Vritra, the wicked, and safety and peace being secured", he led forth the dakshinas (gifts to priests). Wherefore now also, when they (the Udgâtris) chant the midday Pavamâna, and safety and peace are secured, the dakshinâs are led forth. And so, forsooth, does he now by means of those five cups of Soma hurl the thunderbolt at the wicked, hateful enemy, and having smitten Vritra, the wicked, and safety and peace being
1 The Mâdhyandina-pavamâna-stotra, Sâmav. II, 22-29, is made up of three hymns (sūkta), consisting of three gayatri (22-24), two brihatî (and satobrihati, 25, 26), and three trish/ubh verses (27-29) respectively. These are chanted in such a way as to produce five Sâman hymns (i.e. a hymn of three verses), viz. the gâyatri triplet is chanted twice, in the Gayatra and Amahîyava tunes;—the brihatî-satobrihatî couplet is likewise chanted twice, in the Raurava and Yaudhagaya tunes, the two verses being as usual (by the repetition of certain pâdas) made into three. These, with the addition of the trishtubh hymn, chanted in the Ausana tune, make five Sâman hymns of three verses each, or altogether fifteen verses (pankadasastoma).
Or consists of the fifteenfold (chant), as Sâyana takes it. Regarding the connection between the pañkadasa-stoma (the characteristic stoma of the midday pressing) and Indra (the deity of the inidday pressing), see part i, introd. p. xviii.
s Perhaps 'graha' has here a double meaning, viz. that which is taken, a draught, cup of Soma,' and the laker, se zer.'
. See p. 289, note 4.
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secured, he leads forth the dakshinâs. This is why he draws those five cups.
6. Then as to why he draws the Marutvatiya cups. Now this, the midday pressing feast, is Indra's special (nishkevalya) feast: thereby he strove to smite Vritra, thereby he strove to vanquish him. But the Maruts, having on that account withdrawn, were standing on an Asvattha tree 2 (Ficus Religiosa). Now Indra is the nobility, and the Maruts are the people, and through the people the noble becomes strong : therefore the two Ritu cups (they say) s may be of asvattha wood; but in reality they are of kârshmarya wood.
7. Indra called on them, saying, 'Do ye join me that with you as my force I may smite Vritra !
They said, 'What will be our (reward) then ?' He drew those two Marutvatlya cups for them.
8. They said, “Having put aside this one (cup) for our vigour, we will join thee.' Having accordingly put it aside for their vigour 4, they joined him. But Indra sought to obtain it, thinking, 'They have come to me after putting aside their vigour.'
1 Lit. 'thus;''itisabdenâpakramanaprakâro 'bhinayena pradarsyate, Sây.
? This passage would seem to be based on a mistaken interpretation of Rig-veda I, 135, 8; where the bard says that the victorious (gâyavah) have come nigh to the asvattha,' the 'gâyavah' here evidently referring (not to the Maruts, as in I, 119, 3), but to the powerful draughts of Soma flowing into the asvattha vessel. The Kânva text reads, Så (i.e. vis, the people or Maruts) hâsvatthe tishthate.
• The Kânva text inserts "ityâhuh.'
• The context seems to be purposely ambiguous, as it may also be construed thus: They said, ' After putting aside this (cup), we will come (attain) to strength. Having accordingly put it aside, they came to strength.
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9. He said, Do ye join me with vigour!'*Then draw a third cup for us,' they said. He drew a third cup for them, with, Thou art taken with a support,—thee for the vigour of the Maruts!' They then joined him with vigour,—and he conquered with them, and smote Vritra with them ;for Indra is the nobility, and the Maruts are the people, and through the people the noble becomes strong. Hence he now bestows that strength on the nobility, and therefore he draws the Marutvatiya cups.
10. Let him draw them for Indra Marutvat (accompanied by the Maruts), and not for the Maruts likewise. For were he also to draw cups for the Maruts, he would make the people refractory to the nobility. He thus assigns to the Maruts a share therein, after Indra, whereby he makes the people subservient and obedient to the nobility: therefore let him draw the cups for Indra Marutvat, and not for the Maruts likewise.
11. But he was afraid of their desertion,-Lest they should desert me, lest they should take to some other (party)?, so thinking, he by that (share in the libation) made them unwilling to desert him. This is why he should draw the grahas for Indra Marutvat.
12. He draws them with the two vessels of the . seasons, for the year, the sacrifice, means the seasons. There, at the morning Soma feast, they are overtly attended to, in that he draws the grahas for the seasons 2; and now they are covertly attended
For the construction, see p. 33, note i. 2 See IV, 3, 1, 3 seq.
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to, in that he draws the Marutvatiya grahas with the two vessels of the seasons.
13. He draws (the first) from that (stream of Sama)', with (Vag. S. VII, 35; Rig-veda III, 51, 7),
O Indra, leader of the Maruts, drink thou the Soma here, as thou drankest of the liquor at (the sacrifice of) the Son of Saryâti: by thy guidance, in thy protection, O Lord, do the wise serve. thee with good offerings !—Thou art taken with a support: thee to Indra Marutvat!—This is thy womb: thee to Indra Marutvat!'.
14. [The second he draws ? with Vâg. S. VII, 36;
See p. 331, note 2. ? Here the author again anticipates, important parts of the performance being not even referred to. On the present occasion only one Marutvatîya cup is drawn and deposited on the mound (khara). The Ukthya cup having then been drawn and deposited, the priests leave the Havirdhâna in the same way as at the morning performance (see IV, 2, 5, 1, with note), and perform the Viprudhomas, or drop-offerings. Thereupon the priests creep' (sarp), with their upper bodies bent parallel to the ground, to the Sadas, where, near the Udumbara post, the chanting of the midday Pavama na-stotra now takes place after the necessary preliminaries. If the Pravargya has been performed on the preceding day (see III, 4, 4, 1, with note), the Dadhi-gharma, or libation of hot milk mixed with sour milk, is now made. Then follow the oblations from the Savanîya-purodâsa (see IV, 2, 5, 15 seq., and p. 323, note 1). Thereupon filling of the cups of the ten Kamasins, and the libations from and drinking of) the Sukra and Manthin cups. After the eating of the Idâ of the purodâsas, the Dakshina-homas and distribution of the sacrificial fees take place, as set forth in the next Brâhmana. Thereupon the Adhvaryu calls on the Maiträvaruna to pronounce the invitatory prayer to Indra Marutvat (viz. Rig-veda III, 51, 7), O Indra, attended by the Maruts, here drink the Soma,' &c., followed by the order (praisha), Let the Hotri pronounce the offering prayer to Indra Marutvat l'
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Rig-veda III, 47, 5], 'The mighty bull, followed by the Maruts, the bountiful, divine ruler Indra-him, the all-subduing, the terrible bestower of victory, do we now invoke for new favour.-Thou art taken with a support: thee to Indra Marutvat!- This is thy womb: thee to Indra Marutvat!'-with Thou art
The Pratiprasthâtri now draws a second Marutvatîya cup in the other Ritu-pâtra. The offering prayer (Rig-veda III, 47, 2, United with the host of Maruts, O Indra, drink the Soma, O wise hero l' &c.) having meanwhile been pronounced by the Hotri, the Adhvaryu makes libations from the first cup at the Vashat and Anuvashat. Then pouring the remains of the juice into some other vessel, to be taken to the Sadas, he enters the Havirdhâna and draws the third Marutvatiya graha with the cup just emptied. Having deposited it, he betakes himself to the Sadas to drink with the Hotri the remains of the first libation. Thereupon the Hotri recites the Marutvatîya Sastra.
The Marutvatiya Sastra consists of the following parts. After the summons (âhâva) to the Adhvaryu, and the response (pratigara) of the latter, the Hotri intones the
Pratipad (opening triplet), Rig-veda VIII, 57, 1-3, followed by the Anukara (sequel), VIII, 2, 1-3.
Then the Indranihava pragatha (VIII, 53, 5) and the Brâhmanaspatya pragatha (I, 40, 5).
Then follow the three Dhâyyâs (complementary verses), III, 20, 4; I, 91,2; 1, 64, 6; and the Marutvatîya pragatha, VIII, 89, 3, succeeded by the hymn X, 73, the chief part of the Sastra, in the middle of which (after the sixth verse), the Nivid (Let us sing, Om! may Indra with the Maruts drink of the Soma,' &c.) is inserted.
Having recited the last verse (paridhânîyâ or closing verse) of the hymn, he concludes the Sastra by the Ukthavîrya, Praise has been sung to Indra who hears thee!' Thereupon the offering prayer III, 47, 4 is pronounced, and libations are made, both at the Vashat and Anuvashal, by the Adhvaryu from the third, and after him each time, by the Pratiprasthātri from the second graha.
The priests having drank in the Sadas the Soma remaining from the grahas and in the kamasas, the Mahendra cup is drawn. [26]
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taken with a support: thee for the strength of the Maruts!'he draws the third cup.
15. Thereupon he draws the Mahendra cup. For Indra was then bound up with evil, in the shape of the people, the Maruts; as one might, for the sake of victory, eat from the same vessel with the people?, so it was when they drew a cup for him in common with the Maruts.
16. When all was conquered and free from danger and injury, the gods plucked him from out of all evil --even as one might pluck out a reed from its sheath - when they drew the cup for the Great Indra. And even as the reed becomes leafless, so is he thereby freed from all evil, when one draws the Mahendra cup.
17. And again, why he draws the Mahendra cup. Before the slaughter of Vritra, he was indeed Indra ; but when he had slain Vritra, he became the Great Indra, even as one who has conquered all around, becomes a Great King (mahârâga): therefore he draws the Mahendra cup. And, moreover, he forsooth makes him great for the slaughter of Vritra : therefore also he draws the Mahendra cup. He draws it in the Sukra vessel, for bright (sukra) and great indeed is he (the sun) that burns yonder: therefore he draws it in the Sukra vessel.
18. He thus draws it from that (Dronakalasa or Patabhrit), with (Vág. S. VII, 39; Rig-veda VI, 19, 1), 'Great is Indra and hero-like, gladdening the people, of double stature and unimpaired in power. For our sake he waxed strong for heroic deed, great and broad was he, and
That is, as a chief, or lord, might do so with a clansman (vaisyena, Kanva text); or as the master of a house with his servants.
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well-shapen by the shapers!.-Thou art taken with a support: thee to Mahendra!'-— with 'This is thy womb: thee to Mahendra!' he deposits it; for it is indeed for the Great Indra that he draws it.
19. And having bespoken (the chant), he says this speech, — Pressers, press yel make the mortars
Or, according to Ludwig, rendered favourable by the performers (priests).'
? That is, the (first) Prishtha-stotra, consisting of the Rathantara-saman, Samav. II, 30-31. For the way in which the two verses are manipulated by repetition of the last pâda of the first, and of the second pâda of the second verse), so as to yield a three-versed choral, see Haug, Ait. Br. II, p. 198; Weber, Ind. Stud. VIII, p. 25. These chants derive their name from the circumstance that the Sâmans employed in them are capable of being used as 'prishthas,' that is, of being chanted twice with another Saman inserted between them,- or, to speak symbolically, to serve as the womb for the reception of an embryo. For this purpose the Rathantara and Brihat Sâmans are chiefly used. See note on IV, 5, 4, 13. Whenever the Prishlhas are chanted in this way (which they are not at the ordinary Agnishtoma), it is chiefly at this very place in the Soma performance, at the midday libation. The chant is succeeded by the recitation, by the Hotri, of the Nishke. valya Sastra, consisting of the following parts. The Ahava (and pratigara) is followed by the Stotriya (Rig-veda VII, 32, 22-23, identical with the Rathantara) and Anurpa (VIII, 3, 7-8) pragathas; then a dhãy yâ, X, 74,6; the Sâma-pragatha, VIII, 3, 1, and the hymn (to Indra) I, 32, with the Nivid inserted in the middle (after the eighth verse). Finally the Hotri pronounces the Ukthavîrya, and the offering prayer, VII, 22, 1, after which the Mahendra libation is poured into the fire.
Then follows the distribution of the Ukthya graha among the three assistants of the Hotri, and the recitation of their (nishkevalya) sastras—each preceded by a Prishtha-stotra (Sâmav. II, 32–34 (chanted to the Vámadevya-saman); 35-36 (Naudhasa); 37-38 (Kaleya) respectively]-as at the conclusion of the morning performance; see p. 295, note 2. Thereupon he addresses the above summons to the respective priests, for the preparations necessary for the evening pressing.
Z 2
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resound! Agnidh, stir the sour milk ! be thou mindful of Soma's (pap)! It is for the evening's pressfeast that those pressers press out (the Soma-juice), for the evening feast they make the mortars resound, for the evening feast the Agnidh stirs the sour milk, for the evening feast he boils the pap for Soma. For these two press-feasts, the morning feast and the midday feast, are indeed rich in pure Soma, are rich in juice; but that third press-feast is emptied of the pure Soma. Hence he forms it from out of this midday feast; and thus that third press-feast becomes for him rich in pure Soma, rich in juice : this is why he now speaks that speech.
Fourth BRAHMANA. 1. Now, they slay the sacrifice, when they spread (perform) it:—to wit, when they press out the king (Soma), they slay him ; when they quiet the victim, they slay it; and with mortar and pestle, with the upper and nether millstone, they slay the havis offering.
2. When slain, that sacrifice was no longer vigorous. By means of dakshinas (gifts to the priests) the gods invigorated it: hence the name dakshina, because thereby they invigorated (dakshay) it. Whatever, therefore, fails in this sacrifice, when slain, that he now invigorates by means of gifts to the priests ; then the sacrifice becomes indeed successful: for this reason he makes gifts to the priests.
3. Now at the Haviryagña, indeed, they give as little as six or twelve (cows), but no Soma-sacrifice should have dakshinâs of less than a hundred. For
* See II, 2, 2, 3-5.
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he, Pragàpatii, forsooth, is the visible sacrifice; and man is nearest to Pragâpati, and he has a life of a hundred years, a hundred powers, a hundred energies. Only by a hundred he invigorates him, and not by less than a hundred: wherefore no Soma-sacrifice should have dakshinâs of less than a hundred; nor should any one officiate as a priest for a sacrificer at a (Soma-sacrifice) where less than a hundred are given,–*lest he should be an eyewitness when they will but slay and not invigorate him (Soma).'
4. Now, truly, there are two kinds of gods; for the gods, forsooth, are the gods; and the learned Brâhmans versed in sacred lore are the human gods. And the sacrifice to them is twofold, oblations (being the sacrifice) to the gods, and gifts to the priests being that to the human gods, to the learned Brâhmans versed in sacred lore. With oblations, forsooth, one gratifies the gods, and with gifts to the priests the human gods, the learned Brahmans versed in sacred lore. These two kinds of gods, when gratified, convey him to the heavenly world.
5. But it is to the officiating priests, forsooth, that these gifts of his belong, for they prepare him another self,--to wit, this sacrifice, consisting of Rik and Yagus and Sâman and oblations,—that becomes his self in yonder world: 'It is they that have generated me,' from this (consideration) he should give the gifts to officiating priests and not to nonofficiating.
6. Having gone back to the Garhapatya fires, he
1 'For he, Soma, doubtless is the visible Pragapati (pratyaksham pragâpatih).' Kanva text.
That is, the fire at the front door of the hall (the old Åhavanîya fire). Each priest has to perform two such dåkshina-homas
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offers the gift offerings. Having tied a piece of gold in a fringed cloth', and laid it into the spoon), he offers. May there be a place for me in the world of the gods!' With this hope he offers whoever offers: that same sacrifice of his goes to the world of the gods; and behind it goes the gift he gives to the priests, and holding on to the gift follows the sacrificer.
7. Now, there are four (kinds of) gifts to priests,gold, the cow, cloth, and the horse. But it is not proper that he should lay a horse's foot or a cow's foot (into the spoon): hence he ties up a piece of gold in a fringed cloth, and having laid it (into the spoon) he offers.
8. He offers with two verses to the Sun. For yonder world is shut off by darkness; and dispelling the darkness by that light he reaches the heavenly world: therefore he offers with two verses to the Sun.
9. He offers with this gayatri verse (Vág. S. VII, 41; Rig-veda I, 50, 1), 'The lights bear on high that divine knower of beings, Sarya, that all may see him,-Hail!'-for the gâyatrt is this earth, and she is a safe resting-place: hence he thereby stands firmly on this safe resting-place.
10. He then makes the second offering with this trishtubh verse (Vág. S. VII, 42; Rig-veda I, 115, 1), 'The brilliant front of the gods hath risen,
of ghee. For the Hotri's formulas, see Âsv. Sr. V, 13, 14. For the proper place of these offerings in the performance, see p. 336, note 2.
1 Or rather, in a cloth such as is used at a dasahoma, or oblation at which the fringe (or unwoven end) of a cloth is used (dasáhomiya).
. That is, either face' or 'van-guard,' anika.
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the eye of Mitra, Varuna, and Agni: Sarya, the soul of the movable and immovable, hath filled the heaven and the earth and the air,Hail!' whereby he approaches the world (of the gods).
11. He then makes either one or two oblations on the Ågnidhra (fire). The reason why he makes one or two oblations on the Agnidhra fire is that Agni rules over beasts (cattle)', and they lie round about him on every side: it is him he pleases by this oblation, and thus pleased he is gracious unto this (sacrificer), and the latter offers (to the priests a cow) graciously given up by him (Agni).
12. He offers with (Vâg. S. VII, 43; Rig-veda I, 189, 1), 'O Agni, lead us on a good path unto wealth; thou, O god, that knowest all works! keep thou from us the sin that leadeth astray, and we will offer unto thee most ample adora. tion,—Hail!' Thereupon, if he intends to give away a horse, harnessed or unharnessed, let him make a second oblation; but if not, he need not attend to this.
13. He offers with (Vág. S. VII, 44), 'May this Agni make wide room for us: may he march in front smiting the haters! May he gain riches in the winning of riches: may he, fiercely rushing, conquer the enemies! Hail!' for the horse is a winner of riches (spoils, prizes).
14. Thereupon, taking some gold, (the sacrificer)
· For this usurpation, on the part of Agni, of one of Rudra's functions, Sayana refers to a legend in the Taittirîyaka (Taitt. S. I, 5,1), where Agni is identified with Rudra, Agni being so called because he roared (rud). See also Sat. Br. 1, 7, 3, 8.
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goes to the hall. South of the altar stand the Dakshina (cows). Standing in front of the hall, he respectfully addresses them with (Vâg. S. VII, 45),
By your beauty have I come to beauty.' Now at first cattle did not submit to being given away. Laying aside their own beauteous forms ? they approached with their (bare) bodies. The gods then went up to them from the offering ground with their (the animals ') own forms; and they, knowing their own forms, resigned themselves and became well-disposed to being given away. And in like manner does he now go up to them from the offering ground with their own forms; and they, knowing their own forms, resign themselves and become well-disposed to being given away.
15. May the all-knowing Tutha distribute you!'-Now, Tutha is the Brahman : he thus distributes them by means of the Brahman. And the Brahman knows who is fit to receive a dakshina and who is unfit: thus these (cows) of his are given away only to him who is fit to receive a dakshina and not to him who is unfit.
16. Go ye forward in the way of truth,'--for whosoever walks in the way of the gods, walks in the way of truth ;-'ye of shining (kandra) gifts!' whereby they walk with that light (kandra, the moon).
1 The cows are driven past him along the back of the altar, between the hall and Sadas, and then along the north side of the altar, south of the Agnidhra and between the pit (katvala) and heap of rubbish (utkara), the sacrificer following them as far as the Âgnîdhra. At the same time the Subrahmanyâ litany (see III, 3, 4, 17 seq.) may be recited.
? Sâyana explains rūpâni' by sâmarthyâni,' capabilities, powers.
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17. He then goes to the Sadas, saying, 'Behold thou the heaven, behold the airl' whereby he means to say, “May I through thee, the dakshina, see the (heavenly) world.'
18. Thereupon he looks on the Sadas, with, Unite with the Sadas-priests !' whereby he means to say, 'May the Sadas-priests not go beyond thee!'
19. He then takes the gold and goes up to the Agnidhra (fire-house), saying (Vậg. S. VII, 46), May I this day obtain a Brâhman who has a father and forefathers!'--for he who is renowned and of renowned family, is one who has a father and forefathers; and by the gifts which he gives to a renowned (priest), though they be but few, he gains great things.-'A Rishi, the scion of Rishis,' for he who is renowned as learned in sacred lore, is a Rishi, the scion of Rishis ;-' of well-bestowed gifts,' for he indeed is one on whom gifts are wellbestowed.
20. Having thus respectfully sat down by the Agnidh, he gives him the gold, with 'Given (râta) by us, go ye to the gods!'--for whatever sacrificial gift he gives unhesitatingly, with a liberal (râta) mind, thereby he gains great things, 'Go ye to the gods,' he says, for he who sacrifices, sacrifices with the hope, May there be a place for me in the world of the gods;' and he thus makes him a sharer in the world of the gods.—'Enter ye to the Giverl' whereby he means to say, 'Enter ye into me!' and thus those (cows)do not get lost to him. And as to his giving
1 The cows (and other gifts) are presented at the same time, viz. either a hundred to each officiating priest, or to each his proportionate share of an aggregate of a hundred cows, viz. twelve cows
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a dakshinâ first to the Agnidh, it was from thence (from the Agnidhra)? that all the gods gained immortality: therefore he gives the dakshinâ first to the Agnidh.
21. Then, approaching in the same way, he gives some gold to an Atreya ? For, at the time 3 when they recite the morning prayer, they were once upon a time singing praises here in front“. Now Atri was the Hotri of the Rishis. Then the darkness of the Asuras came rushing into the Sadas. The Rishis said to Atri, Come back here, and dispel this darkness!' He dispelled that darkness; and thinking, 'He indeed is the light who has dispelled this darkness,' they brought him this light, gold, for a sacrificial gift,-for gold is indeed light; and by that same splendour and energy the Rishi dispelled the darkness. And so does he now also dispel the darkness by that light: therefore he bestows gold on an Atreya.
to each of the first four priests, six to each of the second four (Brâhmanâkhamsin, &c., see § 22), four to each of the third four, and three cows to each of the remaining four priests. 1 See III, 6, 1, 27-28.
That is, one of Atreya descent, who does not officiate as a priest, and who is seated in front of the Sadas. According to the Kânva text (and Kâty. X, 2, 21) the Adhvaryu approaches him with Ka âtreyam'--who (sees) the Âtreya ?-thrice repeated. Kâtyâyana specifies some subdivision of the (female line of the Åtreya race-also mentioned in the same order in the Pravaradhyâya—as excluded from this privilege. On this legend cf. V, 3, 2, 2; Taitt. S. II, 1, 2, 2; Tândya Br. VI, 6, 8; Ind. Stud. III, p. 464.
Viz. early in the morning of the sutyâ day, when the Prâtaranuvâka is recited. See p. 229, note 2.
I take 'pura' in the sense of in front' (cf. III, 9, 1, 12), that is, in the havirdhana shed, and not in that of formerly' (Ind. Stud. X, 158). The Kânva text brings out the meaning still more clearly: Sa yad atreyâya hiranyam dadâty, atrir hi vâ rishînâm hotâ sa yatro
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22. Then to the Brahman, for the Brahman watches over the sacrifice from the south. Then to the Udgåtri (chanter); then to the Hotri; then to the two Adhvaryus, seated in the cart-shed. Then, having returned (to the Sadas he presents gold) to the Prastotri; then to the Maitrâvaruna; then to the Brâhmanâkhamsin; then to the Potri; then to the Neshtri ; then to the Akhâvâka; then to the Unnetri; then to the Grâvastut; then to the Subrahmanya. To the Pratihartri he presents it last, since he is the restrainer(pratihartri)?: he thus in the end restrains (the cows) for him, and so they do not become lost to him.
23. Thereupon he (the Adhvaryu) says (to the Maiträvaruna), "Recite (the invitatory prayer) to Indra, followed by the Maruts!' Now when, in the beginning, Pragâpati gave gifts, Indra thought within himself, 'Everything here, forsooth, he will give away, and not anything will he leave for us.' He then, to stop the giving, raised up that thunderbolt 'Recite to Indra Marutvat!' and thereafter he (Pragâpati) gave no more. And in like manner is that thunderbolt 'Recite to Indra Marutvat!' now raised up to stop the giving, and thereafter he (the sacrificer) gives no more.
24. There are, then, four (kinds of) sacrificial gifts: Gold—thereby indeed he preserves his own life, for gold is life. That he (Pragâ pati or Varuna) gave
ha vâ ada asinah prâtaranuvâkam anväha tad dha smaitat purasîno hotâ samsaty atha paskât tamah sado 'bhipupluve. Te hokus tamo vâ idam sado 'bhyaproshteti pratyan prehîti pratyan prehiti sa pratyan prait sa tat tamo 'pâhan, &c. Sâyana also interprets it by pūrvasmin pradese âhavanîyasya samîpe.'
1 For the part taken by the Pratihartri in the chanting of stotras, see p. 310, note 1.
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to Agni, performing the office of the Agnidh (firekindler): wherefore now also gold is given to the Agnidh
25. Then the Cow-thereby he preserves his own breath, for the cow is breath, since the cow is food, and breath also is food : her he gave to Rudra, the Hotri.
26. Then Cloth-thereby he preserves his own skin, for the cloth is skin : this he gave to Brihaspati, who chanted.
27. Then the Horse--for the horse is a thunderbolt: he thereby makes the thunderbolt the leader. And, moreover, he who sacrifices, sacrifices with the hope May there be a place for me in Yama's world!' He thus makes him a sharer in Yama's world. This he gave to Yama, the Brahman.
28. The (proffered) gold he (the Adhvaryu) goes to meet (accepts) with (Vậg. S. VII, 47), 'Let Varuna give thee to me (who am) Agni!' for to Agni Varuna gave it. May I obtain immortality! be thou life to the giver, joy (mayas) to me, the receiver!'
29. And the cow he accepts with, 'Let Varuna give thee to me, Rudra!' for to Rudra Varuna gave her. 'May I obtain immortality! be thou breath to the giver, strength (vayas) to me, the receiver!'
30. And the cloth he accepts with, 'Let Varuna give thee to me, Brihaspati!' for to Brihaspati Varuna gave it. “May I obtain immortality! be thou a skin to the giver, joy to me, the receiver!'
31. And the horse he accepts with, 'Let Varuna give thee to me, Yama!' for to Yama Varuna
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gave it. May I obtain immortality! be thou a steed (hayah) to the giver, strength (vayas) to me, the receiver!'
32. And whatever other gift he gives that he gives with the hope, “May I also have this in yonder world!' That he accepts with (Vág. S. VII, 48), •Who hath given it? to whom hath he given it? Hope hath given it, for Hope hath he given it: Hope is the giver, Hope the receiver. This to thee, O Hope!' Thus he assigns it to a deity.
33. Here they say', -Let him not assign it to any deity; for whatsoever deity he here kindles, that deity, being kindled, becomes ever more glorious from one day to the morrow; and to whatever fire he here adds fuel, that fire, being kindled, becomes ever more glorious from one day to the morrow; and ever more glorious does he become, whosoever, knowing this, accepts (a gift): even as one offers in kindled fire, so does he offer that (gift) which he gives to one learned in the scriptures. Therefore he who is learned in the scriptures need not assign (the gift to a deity).
The Kânva text of this paragraph seems more correct: Thus he assigns it to deities; for when he bestows (abhyâdha) anything on a deity, that deity thereby shines ever more brilliantly; and whatever (fuel) he adds to the fire, thereby it shines ever more brilliantly: and more glorious does he become from day to day whosoever, knowing it, accepts it thus. Here now Asuri said, But he who is learned in the scriptures need not regard this; for as one puts fuel on kindled fire, and offers on kindled fire, thus he gives who gives gifts to one learned in the scriptures.'
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FIFTH BRÂHMANA. D. The Tritîya SAVANA, OR EVENING PRESSING. 1. Now there are three kinds of gods, - the Vasus, the Rudras, and the Adityas. Between them the press-feasts are divided : the morning pressing belongs to the Vasus, the midday pressing to the Rudras, and the third pressing to the Ådityas. But the morning pressing belonged to the Vasus exclusively, and the midday pressing to the Rudras exclusively, and the third pressing to the Ådityas conjointly (with others).
2. The Adityas then said, 'As that morning pressing belongs exclusively to the Vasus, and that midday pressing exclusively to the Rudras, so offer ye now to us a libation before the common (pressing).' The gods said, 'So be it!' After the completion of the midday pressing, they offered that (libation) previous to the third pressing? And in like manner is that libation offered to this day after the completion of the midday pressing and previous to the third pressing
3. The Adityas said, ' Neither in the one pressing have we a share nor in the other : we fear lest the Rakshas might injure us!'
4. They said to the (cups) belonging to two deities (dvidevatya), 'We are afraid of the Rakshas : pray, let us enter into you!'
1 The Aditya-graha, with which the succeeding paragraphs deal, is considered as not belonging to the Tritîya Savana proper, but as a preliminary ceremony.
? For the three dvidevatya grahas (Aindravậyava, Maitravaruna, and Asvina), see Brahmanas IV, 1, 3-5.
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5. The Dvidevatyas said, 'What will be our reward then ?'— By us ye shall be supplied with the Anuvashat?!' said the Adityas.—So be it!'—They entered into the dvidevatya cups.
6. Hence, when at the morning pressing he (the Adhvaryu) proceeds with the dvidevatya cups, the Pratiprasthâtri draws Soma-juice from the Dronakalasa into the Aditya vessel, with this much (of the formula, Vâg. S. VIII, 1), “Thou art taken with a support!' The Adhvaryu calls for the (Agnidh's) Sraushat, and after the Adhvaryu's libation the Pratiprasthầtri pours (his juice into the fire), and with this much 'Thee to the Adityas!' he pours the remains (into the Âditya-sthålt). In the same way at all (three dvidevatya libations).
7. Thus, the reason why the Pratiprasthâtri draws the Soma-juice, is that they entered into the dvidevatya cups. And the Adityas then said, 'By us ye shall be supplied with the Anuvashat!' For, that second libation which he (the Pratiprasthầtri) makes, he makes to (Agni) Svishtakrit, and by means of the Svishtakrit these (dvidevatyas) are supplied with the Anuvashat; and thus those (libations) of
At the three dvidevatya libations no Anuvashatkâra is permitted; that is to say, the Hotri is not to pronounce the words,
O Agni, accept of the Soma l' after the Vashat, with which the offering prayer (yâgya) concludes. But as the libation, ordinarily made at the Anuvashal, corresponds to the oblation to Agni Svishtakrit made after each chief oblation at the haviryagña (see I, 7, 3; Ait. Br. III, 5), there is apparently no such Svishtakrit oblation at the dvidevatya libations. Now, as each of these chief libations, made by the Adhvaryu, is followed by one made by the Pratiprasthâtri from the Aditya vessel (see p. 316, note 1), these latter libations are here, as it were, identified with the Svish/akrit and the Anuvasha/kâra.
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his are supplied with the Anuvashat, having the (oblation to Agni) Svishtakrit performed for them. He offers on the north part of the fire), for that is the region of that god?: hence he offers on the north part.
8. And again, why the Pratiprasthâtri draws the Soma. They entered into the Dvidevatyas; and from those which they entered he thereby draws them out. He then covers it for they were afraid of the Rakshas—with 'O Vishnu, Far-strider, here is thy Soma, protect it lest they should injure it!' For Vishnu is the sacrifice: to the sacrifice he thus makes it over for protection. Now, after the completion of the midday Soma feast and before the evening feast he says, 'Come hither, Sacrificer!'
9. They enter (the Havirdhana) together, the Adhvaryu, Sacrificer, Âgnidhra, Pratiprasthàtri, Unnetri, and whatever other attendant (of the Adhvaryu) there is. They close both doors,- for they (the Adityas) were afraid of the Rakshas. He (the Adhvaryu) takes up the Åditya-sthali and Aditya-pâtra, and holds them close over the Patabhrit, 'lest (any Soma-juice) should be spilt.'
10. He then draws (the juice from the sthalt into the pâtra) with (Vâg. S. VIII, 2; Rig-veda VIII, 51, 7), 'At no time art thou barren, and never failest thou the worshipper, O Indra; but
1 See I, 7, 3, 20.
? The remains of Soma-juice he pours after each libation from the Aditya-pâtra into the Aditya-sthâlî, and finally puts the former on the latter by way of a lid. See p. 316, note 1.
While they enter by the front door, the mistress of the house enters by the back (west) door. Kâty. X, 4, 2.
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more and ever more is thy divine gift increased, O mighty lord!—Thee to the Adityas!'
11. Let him not draw it with a 'support'—for it was originally drawn with a support—to avoid a repetition (of sacrificial performance); but were he now also to draw it with a support, he would certainly commit a repetition.
12. Having withdrawn (the cup for a moment from the flowing juice), he again pours it in with (Våg. S. VIII, 3; Rig-veda VIII, 52, 7), 'At no time art thou heedless, but watchest over both generations; the Soma feast is thy strength, O fourth Åditya: the ambrosia is ready for thee in the heavens!—Thee to the Adityas!'
13. Thereupon he takes sour milk; for the evening pressing belongs to the Adityas, and cattle are after the manner of) the Ådityas2: he thereby puts milk into the cattle, and thus that milk in cattle is beneficials. 'He should put it right in the centre (of the Aditya cup),' they say, 'for that milk is right in the centre of cattle.' But let him rather put it in the back part of the cup), for that milk is in the hind part of cattle.
14. And the reason why he takes sour milk is that those remains (of Soma) poured together are the leavings of offerings, and insufficient for an oblation: he now increases those (remains), and thus they
· The Rig-veda reads 'havanam' (invocation) instead of "savanam.'
Or, cattle correspond, stand in relation, to the Adityas. Sâyana takes 'anu' in the sense of 'behind, inferior to, dependent upon (hîna).' The cattle are inferior to, or dependent upon, the Âdityas, inasmuch as the Adityas give the rain on which the cattle depend for their food. • Or, 'put' (hita) into them. [26]
A a
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become sufficient for an oblation. This is why he takes sour milk.
15. He takes it with (Vâg. S. VIII, 4; Rig-veda I, 107, 1), .The sacrifice draweth nigh to the glory of the gods: be ye merciful, O Âdityas! Let your favour incline unto us, that it may set us free from all trouble!-Thee to the Adityas!
16. He mixes it by means of the Upânsusavana stone! For, indeed, that Aditya Vivasvat (the sun) is really the same as the Upâmsusavana, and this is the Aditya libation : thus he makes him delight in his own share
17. He touches it neither with the fringe nor with (the woven part of) the straining-cloth; for those two pressings, the morning pressing and midday pressing, forsooth are rich in pure Soma, rich in juice, but this, the third pressing, is emptied of its pure Soma. Now, in that he does not touch it either with the fringe or the straining-cloth, thereby that third pressing of his also becomes rich in pure Soma and juice : therefore he touches it neither with the fringe nor with the straining-cloth.
18. He mixes it with (Vâg. S. VIII, 5), 'O Åditya Vivasvat, this is thy draught of Soma : feast thou upon it!' Thereupon he hands the Upamsusavana to the Unnetri. Then he says to the Unnetri,' Drop in the pressing-stones!' He drops them either into the Ådhavaniya or into a cup?.
1 See p. 238, note 2.
9 Into the Adhavaniya trough or into a kamasa cup containing Soma-juice,' Kâty. X, 4, 10; 'into the Ådhavaniya or the Sambharani,' Kânva text; into the Adhavaniya or into the graha,' Weber, Ind. Stud. X, 386. Perhaps the next paragraph has to
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19. After drawing the king (Soma)—the third press-feast belonging to the Adityas, and the pressing-stones being after (the manner oft) the Adityas, he thus makes them delight in their own share-they open the doors.
20. He now walks out, covering (the cup with his hand or the sthâli); for they (the Adityas) were afraid of the Rakshas. He then says (to the Maitrâvaruna), "Recite (the invitatory prayer) to the Ådityas !' If he likes, he may now enumerate (their qualities); but let him rather enumerate them, after he has called for the Sraushat,— Prompt (the Hotri to recite the offering prayer) to the Adityas, the beloved, rite-loving, law-loving lords of the great abode, the rulers of the wide air. He offers, as the Vashat is pronounced. He (the Hotri) pronounces no Anuvashat, lest he should consign the cattle to the fire. The remains (of juice in the sthalt and graha) he (the Adhvaryu) hands to the Pratiprasthâtri.
21. Thereupon he again enters (the Havirdhana) and draws the Âgrayana graha:. They spread (over the Patabhrit) a straining-cloth with the fringe towards the north. The Adhvaryu pours out (the
be taken along with this : 'Or into a kamasa, after drawing Soma (into it).' According to Katy., the stones are taken out again immediately and laid down in their places on the pressing-skin.
See p. 353, note 2. Sayana again takes 'anu' in the sense of after, behind,' apparently on the ground that, in the above formulas, the stones are mentioned after the Aditya. The text of my manuscript is, however, rather corrupt at this place.
• The Âgrayana Soma was originally drawn into the Âgrayana bowl (sthâlî) and deposited in its place in the centre of the khara. It is now poured from the bowl into some other vessel, and thence through a straining-cloth into the PQtabhrit.
Аа 2
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juice) of the Ågrayana; the Pratiprasthầtri holds out (and pours in) the two residues (of the Aditya graha"); the Unnetri adds thereto (some juice from the Âdhavaniya) by means of a kamasa cup or a dipping-vessel (udañkana).
22. Thus he draws the Ågrayana graha from four streams; for the evening pressing belongs to the Adityas, and cows are after the manner of the Adityas; whence this milk of cows is of a fourfold nature: therefore he draws the Âgrayana from four streams?
23. And as to why the Pratiprasthâtri holds out the two residues : this is the remains of) the Aditya libation, and for the Aditya libation he pronounces no Anuvashat; and from that (Ågrayana graha) he intends to draw the Sâvitra graha, --so that the Anuvashat is performed for it by means of the Sâvitra graha.
24. And again why the Pratiprasthâtri holds out the two residues. Previous to that mixed (pressfeast), previous to the evening feast, they have offered that (unmixed or special) libation to those (Adityas); but this libation is taken for the evening feast: thereby the Adityas take part in the evening feast, and thus they are not excluded from the sacrifice. This is why the Pratiprasthầtri holds out the two residues.
1 Sampraskandayati pratiprasthâtâdityapâtrayoh samsravam,” Kanva text.
3 In drawing the Âgrayana cup he uses the same formula as at the morning pressing. See IV, 2, 2, 9 seq.
* In the actual performance of the Agnishtoma the drawing of the Agrayana graha is followed by sour milk being poured to the Soma-juice left in the Pâtabhrit, the compound being consecrated by the lady eying it with an appropriate mantra. Thereupon they leave the Havirdhâna shed in the same way as at the morning feast
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Fourth AdhyÂYA. First BRÂHMANA. I. Savitri, forsooth, is his mind: therefore he draws the Savitra cup. And, forsooth, Savitri is his breath (vital air);-when he draws the Upâmsu cup, then he puts into him that vital air in front; and when he draws the Savitra cup, then he puts into him that vital air behind: thus those two vital airs on both sides are beneficial (or, put into him), both that which is above and that which is below.
2. And the sacrifice, forsooth, is the seasons, the year. There, at the morning feast, they are overtly attended to, in that he draws the cups for the seasons; and at the midday feast they are covertly attended to, in that he takes the Marutvatiya libations by means of the two Ritu vessels?. Now here (at the evening feast) they neither draw any libation expressly for the seasons, nor is any libation taken with the two Ritu vessels.
(see IV, 2, 5, 1, with notes), and perform the Viprud-homas, followed by the Sarpana and chanting of the Arbhava, or Tritîyar Pavamâna stotra (for an account of which, see p. 314, note 2). Then follow the oblations from the victim (which has been cooking since the morning, see IV, 2, 5, 13), &c., up to the eating of the pasvida (see III, 8, 3, 4 seq.); and offering of the four Savaniyapurodāsas, likewise up to the eating of the idâ. Previous to the eating, small pieces of rice-cake are thrown into the kamasa cups, as an oblation to the sacrificer's deceased ancestors, with naming of his father, grandfather, and great-grandfather (as at the Pindapitriyagña, II, 4, 2, 19 seq.); whereupon the pieces are eaten along with the idå.
1 Viz. that of Yagña, the sacrificial man, representing the sacrificer himself, with a view to the preparation of a new body in a future existence.
See IV, 3, 3, 12.
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3. But Savitri, forsooth, is he that burns yonder (the sun); and he indeed is all the seasons: thus the seasons, the year, are overtly attended to at the evening feast,-for this reason he draws the Savitra cup.
4. He draws it with the Upâmsu vessel. For Savitri is his mind, and the Upâmsu is his breath : therefore he draws it with the Upâmsu vessel; or with the Antaryâma vessel, for that is one and the same, since the Upâmsu and Antaryâma are the outbreathing and in-breathing?
5. He draws it from the Âgrayana graha; for Savitri is his mind, and the Ågrayana is his body (or self): he thus puts the mind into the body. Savitri is his breath, and the Âgrayana is his body: he thus puts the breath into the body.
6. He thus draws it therefrom with (Våg. S. VIII, 6; Rig-veda VI, 71, 6), 'Bring thou forth boons for us this day, O Savitar, boons to-morrow, boons day by day: 0 God, through this our prayer may we be sharers of boons, of a good and plenteous abode!—Thou art taken with a support!—Thou art Savitri's joy-giver, thou art a joy-giver: give me joy! speed the sacrifice; speed the lord of the sacrifice to (receive) his share!'
7. Having drawn it, he does not deposit it; for Savitri is his (Yagña's) mind, and hence this mind is restless. And Savitri is his breath: hence this breath passes to and fro unrestingly. He then says (to the Maitrâvaruna), Recite (the invitatory prayer) to the god Savitri!' Having called for the
I See IV, 1, 1, 1.
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Sraushat, he says, Prompt (the Hotri to recite the offering prayer) to the god Savitri!' The Vashat having been pronounced, he offers. He (the Hotri) pronounces no Anuvashat", - for Savitri is his mind, —lest he should consign his mind to the fire;' and Savitri being his breath, - lest he should consign his breath to the fire.'
8. Then with the (same) vessel, without drinking therefrom?, he draws the Vaisvadeva graha. The reason why he draws the Vaisvadeva graha with the (same) vessel, without drinking therefrom, is this: on the Sâvitra graha he (the Hotri) pronounces no Anuvashat, and it is therefrom that he is about to draw the Vaisvadeva graha,—thus it is by means of the Vaisvadeva that it becomes supplied with the Anuvashat for him.
9. And further why he draws the Vaisvadeva graha. Savitri, forsooth, is his mind, and the Visve Devâh (All-gods, or all the gods ) are everything here: he thus makes everything here subservient and obedient to the mind, and hence everything here is subservient and obedient to the mind.
10. And again why he draws the Vaisvadeva graha. Savitri, forsooth, is his breath, and the Allgods are everything here: he thereby puts the outbreathing and in-breathing into everything here, and
See p. 351, note 1. . Lit. with the not-drunk-from vessel.' He is not to drink with the Hotri the remains of the Savitra graha, which is to be offered up entirely (holocaust).
In Ait. Br. III, 31 five classes of beings, viz. the gods and men, the Gandharva-Apsaras, the serpents and the manes, are included in the term Visve Devâh.
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thus the out-breathing and in-breathing become beneficial (or put) in everything here.
11. And again why he draws the Vaisvadeva graha. The evening feast belongs to the All-gods : thus indeed it is called on the part of the Saman, in that the evening feast is called Vaisvadeva on the part of the Rik1, and in the same way on the part of the Yagus, by way of preparatory rite, when he draws that Mahâ-vaisvadeva graha.
12. He draws it from the Patabhrit; for the Patabhrit belongs to the All-gods, because therefrom they draw (Soma-juice) for the gods, therefrom for men, therefrom for the Fathers : hence the Patabhrit belongs to the All-gods.
13. He draws it without a puroruka, for he draws it for the All-gods, and the All-gods are everything, the Rik and Yagus and Saman; and even in that he draws it for the All-gods, thereby it becomes supplied with a puroruk for him : therefore he draws it without a puroruk.
14. He thus draws it therefrom with (Våg. S. VIII, 8), “Thou art taken with a support: thou art well-guarded, well-established,'--for well-guarded and well-established is the breath, homage to the great bull!'—the great bull is Pragâpati (the lord of creatures): 'homage to Pragâpati,' he thereby means to say.—'Thee to the All-gods! this is thy womb,—thee to the All-gods! Therewith he
1 The first sastra of the Tritîya-savana, now about to be recited by the Hotri (Rig-veda priest), is the Vaisvadeva sastra; hence also, he argues, it is Vaisvadeva on the part of the Saman, because of the intimate connection of the Sâman chants (here the Tritîya, or Arbhava, pavamâna stotra; see p. 325, note 2) with the sastras.
See p. 268, note 1.
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deposits it; for it is for the All-gods that he draws it. Thereupon he goes to the Sadas) and sits down (in front of the Hotri) with his face to the east?.
15. And when he (the Hotri) recites this (verse), With one and ten for thine own sake, with two and twenty for offering, with three and thirty for up-bearing the sacrifice to the gods); with thy teams, O Vâyu, do thou here unloose them!'-during (the recitation of) this verse to Väyu the drinking-vessels are unyoked, for beasts have Vayu for their leader; and Vậyu
He remains thus seated till the Hotri utters the âhâva Adhvaryo sosamsâvom' (Adhvaryu, let us sing !), when he turns round and makes his response (pratigara) Samsâmo daivom.' See p. 326, note 1. The Vaisvadeva sastra consists of the following parts :
Pratipad (opening triplet), Rig-veda V, 82, 1-3. Anukara (sequel), ib. 4-7.
Sakta (hymn) to Savitri, IV, 54. Before the last verse the Nivid("May the god Savitri drink of the Soma !' &c.) is inserted; to which the verse to Vâyu, referred to in paragraph 15, is added.
Sakta to Heaven and Earth, I, 159, with the Nivid May Heaven and Earth delight in the Somal' &c., inserted before the last verse; the Adhvaryu's response being thrice Madamo daiva,' see p. 330, note 3.
Dhâyyâ verse, I, 4, 1. Sakta to the Ribhus, I, 111; with Nivid before the last verse. Three Dhâyyâs, X, 123, 1; X, 63, 3; IV, 50, 6. Sakta to Visve Devâh, I, 89; with Nivid before the last verse.
The concluding verse (paridhâniya) is recited thrice; the first time with stops at every half verse, the second and third time at every pâda.
Ukthavîrya, 'Praise has been sung to Indra, to the gods, to hear thee l' Then follows the recitation of the offering prayer VI, 52, 13, after which the libation is made, the remaining juice being then drunk, as well as that in the kamasas.
* That is, having been rinsed in the Mârgâlîya, the three dvidevatya are deposited on the khara by the Pratiprasthâtri.
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(wind) is breath, since it is by means of the breath that beasts move about.
16. Now once on a time he went away from the gods with the beasts. The gods called after him at the morning pressing,-he returned not. They called after him at the midday pressing - but he returned not. They called after him at the evening pressing.
17. Being about to return, he said, “If I were to return to you, what would be my reward?'—'By thee these vessels would be yoked, and by thee they would be unloosed !'-Hence those vessels are yoked by that (Vậyu), when he (the Adhvaryu) draws the (cups) for Indra and Vayu and so forth 1. And now those vessels are unloosed by him, when he says, 'with thy teams, O Vâyu, do thou here unloose them ;'-teams mean cattle : thus he unlooses those vessels by means of cattle.
18. Now, had he returned at the morning pressing—the morning pressing belonging to the Gâyatri, and the Gâyatri being the priesthood then cattle would have come to be with priests only. And had he returned at the midday pressing—the midday pressing belonging to Indra, and Indra being the nobility-cattle would have come to be with nobles only. But in that he returned at the evening pressing—the evening pressing belonging to the All-gods, and the All-gods being everything heretherefore there are cattle everywhere here.
1 See IV, 1, 3-10.
? Perhaps we ought to read, with the Kanva text, gâyatram vai prâtahsavanam gâyatram agnes khando brahma vâ agnir, brâhmaneshu haiva pasavo 'bhavishyan, 'the morning pressing relating to the gâyatrî, and the gayatrî metre belonging to Agni, and Agni being the priesthood.'
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( U
EY SECOND BRÂHMANA. L E VIEW 1. He proceeds with the offering of) Somast pap; for Soma is the sacrificial food of the gods ; and here now sacrificial food is prepared for Soma on his part; and thus Soma is not excluded therefrom. It is a rice-pap (karu), for rice-pap is food for the gods, since rice-pap is boiled rice, and boiled rice is clearly food : therefore it is a rice-pap.
2. Neither at the morning feast, nor at the midday feast does he offer it, for those two pressfeasts, the morning feast and the midday feast, are the exclusive feasts of the gods; and Soma is sacred to the Fathers ?
3. But were he to offer it at the morning feast, or at the midday feast, he would cause discord between the gods and Fathers. He offers it at the evening feast, because the evening feast belongs to the Allgods 2: thus he does not cause discord. He recites no invitatory prayer (but only an offering prayer), for the Fathers have passed away once for all: hence he recites no invitatory prayer.
4. Having, in the first place, taken ghee in four ladlings, and having called (on the Agnidh) for the Sraushat, he says, ' Recite the offering prayer of the ghee !' and offers as the Vashat is uttered. Whatever oblations have been offered previous to this (karu), therefrom he separates this one (to Soma), and thus he causes no discord.
1 Probably, because Soma is slain in being sacrificed (see IV, 3, 4, I), and therefore belongs to the Fathers or Departed Spirits.
* And the All-gods (or all the gods) mean everything. See IV, 4, 1, 4.
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5. Having poured (into the spoon) an 'underlayer' of ghee, he makes two cuttings from the rice-pap; and bastes them with ghee above. Having called for the Sraushat, he says, "Recite the offering prayer of the Saumya (rice-pap)!' and offers as the Vashat is uttered.
6. He then takes ghee a second time by four ladlings, and having called for the Sraushat, he says, "Recite the offering prayer of the ghee!' and offers as the Vashat is uttered. From whatever oblations he intends to offer hereafter, he thereby separates this one (to Soma), and thus he causes no discord. If he chooses, he may offer (ghee) on both sides (before and after the Soma's rice-pap); or, if he chooses, he may offer on one side only.
7. Now there is an offering-spoon called 'prakarant.' Therein the Adhvaryu takes ghee by four ladlings (with the dipping-spoon) and pours it on the Dhishnya hearths by means of fagots (held over them). The reason why he pours ghee on the hearths by means of fagots is this. Because, on a former occasion ?, the gods said to those (Gandharva
1 The homa of ghee, made before the rice-pap oblation to Soma, belongs to Agni, and the one made after the oblation, to Vishnu. If only one homa be made, it belongs to Agni and Vishnu. The Kanva text reads, 'Tad vâ âhur anyatarata eva pariyaget purastad eveti,' now they say, 'He should offer on one side only, and that in front (previously to the karu).' For the offering formulas, see Åsv. V, 19, 3; Ait. Br. III, 32. After the completion of these offerings, the Adhvaryu pours ordinary ghee on the rice-pap and presents it to the Hotri, who looks at it while pronouncing some formulas (Asv. V, 19, 4, 5), and he smears his eyes with the ghee on the pap, after which the latter is handed to the chanters (udgâtri) to be eaten by them.
· See III, 6, 2, 19.
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Soma-wardens), * At the third pressing an offering of ghee shall fall to your share, but not one of Soma, for the Soma-draught has been taken from you, wherefore ye are not worthy of a Soma-offering,' that same offering of ghee now falls to their share at the evening pressing, but not one of Soma, in that he pours ghee on the hearths by means of fagots. One after another, in the order in which they were thrown up, and with the same formulas?, he pours ghee upon them; on the Mârgâliya last of all.
8. Now some make a second pouring on the Ågnidhriya hearth, thinking, 'In the North (or upwards) shall this sacred work of ours be accomplished !' but let him not do it in this way, but rather the Mârgâliya last 2.
9. Now, while the Adhvaryu pours ghee on the hearths by means of fagots, the Pratiprasthầtri draws the Pâtnivata : cup. For from the sacrifice creatures are produced; and being produced from the sacrifice, they are produced from union; and being produced from union, they are produced from the hind part of the sacrifice;-hence he thereby produces them from a productive union, from the hind part of the sacrifice : therefore he draws the Pátnivata cup.
10. He draws it with the Upâmsu vessel. If he
· Viz., Vâg. S. V, 31, 32. The Âgnîdhra hearth is prepared first, and the Mârgâlîya last of the eight dhishnyas. See p. 148, note 4.
• Or, uppermost (uttamam; the Kanvas read' antamâm').
• The meaning of the term pâtnîvata is relating to the patnîvant (i. e. wived or mated one),' the 'patnîvant' being probably Soma with the water mixed with it; or Agni with the wives of the gods, (with special reference to the sacrificer's wife); cf. Taitt. S. VI, 5, 8, 1, 2. According to the Kanva text, Agni associated with the goddess Speech (Vâk patni) seems to be understood.
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draws the Sâvitra libation with the Upâmsu vessel, (he draws) this one with the Antaryâma vessel; and if he draws the Savitra with the Antaryâma vessel (he draws) this one with the Upâmsu vessel ;-for one and the same indeed are the Upâmsu and Antaryâma, being breath, and that which is the outbreathing is also the in-breathing. Now the breath (prâna, masc.) is male, and the wife is female : a productive union is thus brought about
11. He draws it without a puroruk»,—the puroruk being manhood,-lest he should bestow manhood on women: therefore he draws it without a puroruk.
12. He thus draws it from that (Âgrayana graha) with (Vâg. S. VIII, 9), 'Thou art taken with a support: Of thee, divine Soma, begotten by Brihaspati'-- Brihaspati is the priesthood: 'of thee, divine Soma, the priest-begotten' he thereby means to say—' Of thee, the potent juice'-'of the powerful (manly) juice' he means to say when he says of thee, the potent juice' - May I prosper the draughts of thee, the mated one?!' he does not now draw it for the wives, lest he should bestow manhood on women: therefore he does not now draw it for the wives.
13. He (the Adhvaryu) then mixes it with the residue (of ghee) which is left in the prakarani spoon. Now other libations he completes by mixing, but this one he diminishes; for ghee is a thunderbolt,
See p. 268, note 1. * In the St. Petersburg Dictionary patnivatah' seems to be taken as qualifying 'grahân;' but cp. Rig-veda VIII, 82, 22, United with their wives (i.e. the water mixed with the Somajuice ?) these Soma-draughts (sutâh) go longing to the rejoicing.'
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and by that thunderbolt, the ghee, the gods smote the wives and unmanned them, and thus smitten and unmanned they neither owned any self nor did they own any heritage. And in like manner does he now, by that thunderbolt, the ghee, smite the wives and unman them; and thus smitten and unmanned, they neither own any self nor do they own any heritage.
14. He mixes it, with (Vậg. S. VIII, 9), 'I am above, I am below; and what space there is between, that was my father ;-I saw the sun on both sides: I am what is highest to the gods in secret.' In that he mixes with 'I-I,' thereby he bestows manhood on men.
15. He then says, 'Agnidh, pronounce the offering prayer of the Pâtnivata !' The Agnidh is male, and the wife is female : thus a productive union is brought about. He offers with (Våg. S. VIII, 10),
O Agni, wife-leader?!'-Agni is male, and the wife is female : thus a productive union is brought about.
16. “Together with the divine Tvashtri'for Tvashtri transforms the cast seed: thus he thereby transforms the cast seed ;-'drink the Soma, Hail!' therewith he offers on the north (left) part (of the fire); what other offerings there are, they are the gods, and these are the wives: thus alone it is a proper union, since the woman lies on the left (north) side of the man. The Adhvaryu takes a draught of Soma to the Agnidh, and the latter says, ' Adhvaryu, invite me l' [It might be said
1 is,' etymologically connected with own.'
? Or, wived, mated one, 'patnivan;' the Kanva text reads "Agne Vák patni.' See preceding page, note 2.
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that] he should not invite him, since how can there be an invitation of one smitten and unmanned? He should nevertheless invite him: they offer in his fire, and utter the Vashat,—therefore he should invite him.
17. He then gives orders, 'Agnidh, sit in the Neshtri's lap! Neshtri, lead up the lady, and make her exchange looks with the Udgâtri! Unnetri, fill up the Hotri's cup, and let no Soma-juice remain!' Thus, if it be an Agnishtoma sacrifice.
18. But if it be an Ukthya’, let him say, ' Lengthen out the Soma I'— Holding the same vessel (from which the Pâtnivata libation was made, the Agnidh) sits down in the Neshtri's lap,- for he, the Agnidh, is in reality Agni, and the Neshtri is female: the Agnidh is male, and the Neshtri female,-a productive union is thus brought about. The Neshtri leads up the lady and makes her exchange looks with the Udgâtri, with 'Thou art Pragâ pati, the
1 “But if it be an Ukthya, or Shodasin, or Atirâtra, or Vâgapeya, Kanva text. See towards the end of next note.
• Kâty. X, 7 and schol. supply the following details. The Unnetri puts down the kamasa cups behind the high altar, and pours into them the entire Soma-juice remaining in the Pätabhrit, putting but little into the Hotri's cup, to leave room in it for the dhruva libation. Besides this the Âgrayana is the only Soma that remains. The Adhvaryu then, by touching the Soma in the Hotri's cup with two stalks of grass, gives the signal for the chanting of the Agnishtoma Sâman (viz. the Yagñâyagñiya, Sâmav. II, 53, 54), wrapping up his head, if he chooses, in the same way as the Udgâtris. Meanwhile the Neshtri leads up the lady through the back door into the Sadas, makes her sit down north of the Udgâtri and exchange looks with the latter three times at the 'Him,' see p. 308, note 2). Three times also (at every Nidhana) she uncovers her right leg and pours on it some of the pânnegani water fetched by her in the morning (see III, 9, 3, 27),
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male, the bestower of seed: lay thou seed into me!' The Udgâtri is Pragâpati, and the lady is a woman: a productive union is thus brought about.
THIRD BRÂHMANA. 1. The metres, forsooth, are the (draught) cattle of the gods. Even as harnessed cattle here on earth
whereupon she returns to her own tent. Then follows the recitation of the Âgnimâ ruta sastra, consisting of the following parts :Sakta (hymn), Rig-veda III, 3, to Agni Vaisvânara, with Nivid
("May Agni Vaisvânara feast on this Soma,' &c.) inserted
before the last verse. Dhayya, I, 43, 6; or (verse to Rudra) II, 33, 1. Sûkta, I, 87, to Maruts, with Nivid (May the Maruts feast on
this Soma,' &c.) before the last verse. (Stotriya pragatha, VI, 48, 1-2 (identical with the text of 3 the Yagñayagñîya Sâman).
(Anurûpa pragatha, VII, 16, 11-12 (antistrophe). Sakta to Agni Gatavedas, I, 143, with Nivid before the last verse. Tristich to Apah (waters), X, 9, 1-3, recited in breaks, the Hotri
having previously uncovered his head (as do the other priests) and touched water, and the others holding on to him from behind. This and the following parts also have the Ahâva
(somsâvom ') before each of them. Verse VI, 50, 14 to Agni Budhnya. Verses V, 46, 7-8 to wives of gods. Verses II, 32, 4-5 to Râkâ. Verse VI, 49, 7 to Pâviravî (daughter of lightning). Verse X, 14, 4 to Yama. Verse X, 14, 3 to Kavyas (manes). Verses X, 15, 1, 3, 2 to Pitarah (fathers), with the Âháva before
each verse. Anupânîya (or Svâdushkilîya) verses VI, 47, 1-4 to Indra. After
each of the first three the Adhvaryu may respond to the Hotri's Āhâva, with madamo daiva' (instead of 'samsamo
daiva'). See note on IV, 3, 2, 11. Verse to Vishnu and Varuna (Atharva-veda VII, 25, 1). [26]
Bb
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draw for men, so do the harnessed metres draw the sacrifice for the gods. And whenever the metres gratified the gods, then the gods gratified the metres. Now it has been previous to this, that the harnessed metres have drawn the sacrifice to the gods, that they have gratified them?:
2. He now draws the Hâriyogana: graha-the Hariyogana being the metres-it is the metres he thereby gratifies: this is why he draws the Hâriyogana graha.
3. He draws it as an additional (libation); since
Verse to Vishnu, Rig-veda I, 154, I. Verse to Pragâpati, X, 53, 6. Paridhânîyâ (concluding verse) IV, 17, 20, in reciting which the
Hotri touches the ground; and during the recitation of the
last pâda the Dhruva graha is poured into the Hotri's cup. Ukthavirya, 'Praise has been sung to Indra, to the gods, for
hearing (?) thee !' Yâgyâ (offering prayer) V, 60, 8, at the conclusion of which
libations are made to Agni and the Maruts, both at the
Vashat and Anuvashat. Then follow the after-offerings of the animal sacrifice (see III, 8, 4, I seq.).
At the Ukthya (and other Soma-sacrifices) the Ukthya graha is drawn immediately after the drawing of the Agrayana (see IV, 3, 5, 24, with note). Previous to the after-offerings the Ukthya graha is divided, as at the morning and midday performances (see p. 293, note 2), between the three Hotrakas, with a view to the recitation of their sastras which form the distinctive feature of the Ukthya sacrifice, bringing up the number of sastras (and stotras) from twelve (of the Agnishtoma) to fifteen. Besides, the Ukthya requires the immolation of at least two victims on the Soma-day, viz. a he-goat to Indra and Agni, besides the one to Agni.
1 See I, 8, 2, 8; the translation has been amended in accordance with Professor Whitney's suggestions, American Journal of Philology, III, p. 406.
? That is, referring to the 'hari-yogana,' or (Indra's) team of bay steeds.
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he draws it when he (the Hotri) pronounces the * All-hail and blessing?' For there are here the gods, and the metres in addition to them; and there are men, and beasts in addition to them : therefore he draws it as an additional one.
4. He draws it in the Dronakalasa. Now Soma was Vritra. When the gods slew him, his head rolled off 2: it became the Dronakalasa. Thereinto flowed together so much of the juice as it could holds; that was in excess; and so is this graha in excess : he thus puts the excess to the excess,therefore he draws it in the Dronakalasa.
5. He draws it without a puroruk-formula, for he draws it for the metres; and in that he draws it for the metres, even thereby that (graha) of his becomes supplied with a puroruk: therefore he draws it without a puroruk.
6. He now draws it from that (Ågrayana graha) with (Vág. S. VIII, 11), 'Thou art taken with a support: of bay colour art thou, meet for the team of bay steeds,-thee to the pair of bay steeds!' Now, the two bay horses are the Rik and Sâman: it is for the Rik and Saman that he draws it.
7. He then pours parched grain into it with, 'Ye are the bays' grains, united with the Soma for
* For the Sam-yos, see part i, p. 254, note. The pronunciation of that formula takes place after the offering proper is completed.
? Or burst (udvavarta), as the St. Petersburg Dictionary takes it. The Kânva text reads-Vritro vai soma âsît tam yatra devâh påtreshu vyagrihnata tasya mürdhno (!) vyavartta sa dronakalaso 'bhavat.
Yâvân vâ yâvân vâ rasah, (? some indeterminate quantity of the juice.) Cf. IV, 4, 5, 13.
Bb 2
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Indra!' Whatever metres there are, both measured and unmeasured, they all thereby drink (of the Soma).
8. For this (libation) the Unnetri? calls for the Sraushat;--for the Unnetri is in excess (additional), since he does not call for the Sraushat for any other (libation); and this libation also is in excess : thus he puts the excess to the excess,—therefore the Unnetri calls for the Sraushat.
9. Placing (the Dronakalasa) on his head, he calls for the Sraushat,-for this (vessel) is his (Soma's) head. He first says (to the Maitråvaruna), “Recite (the invitatory prayer) for the Soma-draughts with grains!' Having called for the Sraushat, he says, * Prompt (the Hotri to pronounce the offering prayer on) the Soma-draughts with grain brought forwards!' and offers as the Vashat and Anuvashat are uttered. They then divide the grain between them for the sake of the Soma-draught.
10. Now some take the Dronakalasa over to the Hotri, on the ground that the draught belongs to the utterer of the Vashat. But let him not do it thus; for the other draughts are (taken by the respective priests) according to the kamasa cups, but this one is in excess: therefore there is a draught in it for all of them,- for this reason they divide the grain between them for the sake of the Somadraught.
1 The text might also be taken in the sense of Whatever metre there is, both measured and unmeasured, all that he thereby conGumes.' The libation is, however, taken out for the metres or cattle, represented by the grain.
? Instead of the Âgnîdhra, see I, 5, 2, 16, with note. s Regarding 'prasthitam,' see p. 198, note 3.
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11. They must not bite them with their teeth, - for these (grains) mean cattle,-thinking 'lest we should do aught to crush our cattle!' They only drink it in with their breath', with (Vág. S. VIII, 12), 'What horse-winning, what cow-winning draught is thine? ;' for they are cattle: therefore he says, “what horse-winning, what cow-winning draught is thine;'—'Of that draught, offered with Yagus, praised by chants,'—for Yagusprayers have indeed been offered, and chants have been chanted ;- sung by hymns,'- for songs (sastras) have been sung ;-Of the invited“ do I drink, invited,'--for invited, he now drinks of the invited
12. They must not throw them into the fire, lest they offer remains (of offerings) in the fire. They rather throw them on the high altar: thus they are not excluded from the sacrifice.
13. Thereupon they touch the vessels filled (with water") which some call Apsushomâh (Soma-draughts in water). For even as a yoked (animal) draws, so
They are only to smell the grains steeped in the Soma-juice. ? The Kânva recension adds, 'O divine Soma !
Lit., having Yagus offered, and chants chanted for it. . ? I.e. 'that to which I am invited.'
That is, the ten Kamasins touch their respective kamasa cups, filled with water and placed in the proper order from south to north, behind the pit (katvala), after putting fresh kusa stalks on them. Those priests who have no cups of their own touch the cups of those with whom they are most nearly connected, viz. the four Adhvaryus that of the Neshtri, the Udgâtri's assistants that of their principal, the Grâvastut that of the Hotri. Thereupon they touch their faces and betake themselves to the Agnidhra fire-house, to partake of sour milk. Then follow, on the Gârhapatya (at the front hall door), the Patnîsamyâgas of the cakes of the animal offe followed by the Samishayagus. See also Laty. Sr. II, 11, 16 seq.
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do they who perform the priestly duties. But the yoked (animal) galls or scratches itself; and water is a means of soothing, a medicine: thus wherever in this (sacrifice) they gall or scratch themselveswater being a means of soothing--they soothe by that means of soothing, water; they heal it by water. This is why they touch the vessels filled (with water).
14. They touch them with (Våg. S. VIII, 14), With lustre, with sap, with bodies? have we united, -with the happy spirit: may Tvashtri, the dispenser of boons, grant us riches, and may he smooth what was injured in our body!' thus they heal what was torn.
15. They then touch their faces. There is a twofold reason why they touch their faces ;-water, forsooth, is the elixir of immortality: it is with the elixir of immortality that they thus touch themselves. And, moreover, they thus deposit that holy work into their own self: therefore they touch their faces.
Fourth BRÂHMANA.
E. CONCLUDING CEREMONIES. 1. Now, it is nine Samishtayagus? he offers on this occasion. The reason why he offers nine Samishtayagus is that those stotra-verses at the Bahishpavamâna' chant amount to nine. Thus there is at both ends an inferior (incomplete) virág-, for the
1 See I, 9, 3, 6. Cf. Atharva-veda VI, 53, 3. The Tândya Br. I, 3, 9 reads 'sam tapobhih' (with fervour).
See I, 9, 2, 25 seq. See p. 310, note 1.
The virág consists of pâdas of ten syllables. For the same speculation, see II, 5, 1, 20.
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sake of production: it was from that same inferior (lower) source of production on both sides that Pragâpati produced the creatures,- from the one (he created) the upright, and from the other those tending to the ground. And in like manner does he (the Adhvaryu) now create creatures from that lower source of production on both sides,- from the one the upright, and from the other those tending to the
ground.
2. The call ‘Him' is the tenth of stotra-verses, and the 'Svâhâ' (the tenth) of these (Samishtayagus): and thus does this incomplete virág come to consist of tens and tens.
3. And as to why they are called Samishtayagus. Whatever deities he invites at this sacrifice, and for whatever deities this sacrifice is performed, they all are thereby 'sacrificed-to together' (sam-ishta); and because, after all those (deities) have been 'sacrificed-to together,' he now offers those (libations), therefore they are called Samishtayagus.
4. And as to why he offers the Samishtayagus. Now, the self of him who has sacrificed has, as it were, become emptied, since he gives away of whatever is his : it is him he fills again by three out of these (oblations).
5. And as to the three following which he offers, – whatever deities he invites at this sacrifice, and for whatever deities this sacrifice is performed, they continue waiting till the Samishtayagus are performed, thinking, 'These, forsooth, he must offer unto us!' It is these same deities he thereby dismisses in due form whithersoever their course lies.
6. And as to the three last which he offers,-in performing the sacrifice he has produced it, and,
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having produced it, he firmly establishes it where there is a safe resting-place for it: this is why he performs the Samishtayagus.
7. He offers (the first) with (Vâg. S. VIII, 15; Rig-veda V, 42, 4), 'With thought lead us, O Indra, to meet with kine,'' with thought:' him who was emptied he thereby fills with thought; 'with kine;' him who was emptied he thereby fills with kine; with patrons, O mighty Lord, with well-being; with prayer which is divinely inspired','' with prayer:' him who was emptied he thereby fills with prayer;-' with the favour of the adorable gods! Hail!'
8. [The second with Vâg. S. VIII, 16], 'With lustre, with sap, with bodies,'- 'with lustre :' him who was emptied he thereby fills with lustre ; 'with sap,'-sap is vigour-him who was emptied he thus fills with sap;--'We have united, with the happy spirit: may Tvashtri, the dispenser of boons, grant us riches, and may he smooth what was injured in our body!' Thus they heal what was torn.
9. [The third with Vâg. S. VIII, 17; Atharva-veda VII, 17, 4], 'May the gracious Dhâtri, Savitri, Pragâpati, the guardian of treasures, and the divine Agni accept this (offering); and Tvashtri and Vishnu: grant ye willingly to the sacrificer wealth together with children! Hail!' Him who was emptied he fills again, when he says, 'grant ye wealth to the sacrificer, Hail!'
1? The author of the Brâhmana would rather seem to take it in the sense of 'with the priestly authority (sacerdotium) instituted by the gods.'
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10. [The fourth with Vag. S. VIII, 181], Accessible homes have we prepared for you, O gods, who graciously came to this Soma feast;'whereby he.means to say, 'seats easy of access we have prepared for you, O gods, who have graciously come to this Soma feast; -Carrying and driving the offerings,' thereby he dismisses the several deities; “Those forsooth who are without cars may go away carrying; and those who have cars may go away driving,' this is what he means to say; therefore he says, ' Carrying and driving the offerings ;'-- bestow goods on him, ye good! Hail!'
11. [The fifth with Vag. S. VIII, 19; Atharva-veda VII, 97, 3), «The willing gods whom thou, O God, broughtest hither, speed them each to his own abode, O Agni!' For to Agni he said, 'Bring hither such and such gods! bring hither such and such gods!' and to him he now says, 'Whatever gods thou hast brought hither, make them go whithersoever their course lies !'-'Ye have all eaten and drunk,'--for they have eaten the cakes of the animal offering, and they have drunk the king Soma : therefore he says, 'ye have all eaten and drunk;'— Draw ye nigh to the air, to the heat, to the light! Hail!' Hereby, then, he dismisses the deities.
12. [The sixth with Våg. S. VIII, 20), 'Thee, O Agni, have we chosen here for our Hotri at the opening of this sacrifice: severally hast thou offered to them, and severally hast thou toiled; well-knowing the sacrifice, draw thou nigh”, thou the wise! Hail!' by this (verse) he releases Agni, dismisses Agni.
1 Cf. Atharva-veda VII, 97, 4. ? That is, according to Mahîdhara, 'knowing that the sacrifice
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13. [The seventh with Vâg. S. VIII, 21), ‘Ye path-finding gods,'—for the gods are, indeed, the finders of the path ;—'having found the path,— having found the sacrifice,' he thereby means to say ;—'go ye in the path!' therewith he dismisses them in due form ;-'0 divine Lord of mind, this sacrifice-Svâhâ !-give thou to the wind!' for the sacrifice, indeed, is yonder blowing (wind): having thus completed this sacrifice, he establishes it in that sacrifice, and thus unites sacrifice with sacrifice,-hence he says, 'Svâhâ l give (it) to the wind !
14. [The eighth with Vâg. S. VIII, 22), O sacrifice, go to the sacrifice, go to the lord of the sacrifice, go to thine own womb, Hail!'—the sacrifice, thus established, he thereby establishes in its own womb. [The ninth he offers with], 'This is thy sacrifice, Olord of the sacrifice, bestow. ing numerous heroes, together with the song of praise: do thou accept it, Hail!' the sacrifice, thus established, bestowing numerous heroes, together with the song of praise he thereby finally establishes in the sacrificer.
FIFTH BRAHMANA. 1. He now betakes himself to the expiatory bath (avabhritha). The reason why he betakes himself to the expiatory bath is this. What vital sap there has been in him (Soma and the sacrificer), that (sap) of his he (the priest) has produced (extracted) for the offerings. Now that body (of Soma, i.e.
is accomplished, go thou to thine own house l' Cf, Atharva-veda VII, 97, 1 ("draw near to Soma I').
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the Soma-husks),—there is no sap in it; (yet) it is not to be cast away : they take it down to the water and water being sap—he puts that sap into it. Thus he unites him with that sap, and thus he produces him from it,-he (Soma), even when produced, produces him (the sacrificer)': and because they take it down (ava-hria) to the water, therefore (the bath is called) avabhritha.
2. In the first place he performs the Samishtayagus offerings, for the Samishtayagus are the extreme end of the sacrifice. As soon as he has performed the Samishtayagus, they go together to the katvala (pit) with whatever he (the sacrificer) has about him8: both the black-deer's horn* and the girdle he throws into the pit,
3. With (Vág. S. VIII, 23), 'Be thou nor adder nor viper!' Now when they take the Soma-husks down to the water, that forsooth is the wishing of 'good-speed6!' to it, and this now is the 'good-speed !' to him (the sacrificer); for snakes are like rope, and snakes' haunts are like wells (pits), and there is as it were a feud between men and snakes : 'Lest that should spring therefrom,' he thinks, and therefore he says, 'Be thou nor adder nor viper!'
1 ? That is, as the Soma plants become juicy again, so the sacrificer has his vital sap or spirit restored.
. Or, according to the St. Petersburg Dictionary, 'they throw it into the water.'
s Or, whatever is connected with Soma (?). According to Kâty. X, 8, 12, 19 the throne (@sandî) and Audumbari, as well as the Soma vessels, Dronakalasa, &c., are to be carried in the first place to the katvala, and from there to the water.
See III, 2, 1, 18. The Pratiprasthåtri is silently to throw after the lady's zone and peg (for scratching herself).
6 For the 'svagåkåra,' see I, 8, 3, 11.
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4. He then makes (the sacrificer) say (Rig-veda I, 24, 8), 'Broad forsooth is the path which king Varuna hath made for the sun to walk along,'-whereby he means to say, 'even as there is for the sun that broad path, free from danger and injury, so may there be for me here a broad path, free from danger and injury.'
5. For the footless hath he made feet to put down?' for, although he (the sun) is footless, yet he is able to walk ;—' And the forbidder is he of all that woundeth the heart,'-thus he frees him from every guilt and evil of the heart.
6. He then says, 'Sing the Sâman!' or 'Speak the Sâman !' but let him rather say 'Sing,' for they do sing the Sâman. The reason why he sings the Sâman is that the evil spirits may not injure that body of his outside the sacrifice, for the Sâman is a repeller of the evil spirits.
7. He (the Prastotri) sings a (verse) to Agni, for Agni is a repeller of the evil spirits. He sings in the Atikhandas; for this, the Atikhandas, is all the metres 2: therefore he sings in the Atikhandas.
8. He sings, Agni burneth, Agni encountereth with flames,-Ahà vah! Ahâvah!' Thus he drives the evil spirits away from here.
Or, 'To the footless he has given to put down his feet :' in either sense it seems to be taken by the author of the Brahmana (and the St. Petersburg Dictionary). Perhaps, however, 'apade' had better be taken, with Mahadhara (and Sayana?), in the sense of
padarahite,' i. e. 'in the trackless (ether he caused him the sun) to plant his feet.' Similarly Ludwig, Im Ortlosen hat er sie die Füsse niedersetzen lassen.'
9.Eshả vai sarvam ati yad atikhandah,' Kanva text. Atikhandas, i. e. over-metre, redundant metre, is the generic term for metres consisting of more than forty-eight syllables.
* All the priests, as well as the sacrificer, are to join in the
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9. They walk out (from the sacrificial ground) northwards, along the back of the pit and the front side of the Agnidhra : then they proceed in whatever direction the water is.
10. Where there is a standing pool of flowing water, there let him (the sacrificer) descend into the water-for whatsoever parts of flowing water flow not, these are holden by Varuna ; and the expiatory bath belongs to Varuna--to free himself from Varuna. But if he does not find such, he may descend into any water.
11. While he makes him descend into the water, he bids him say, 'Homage be to Varuna: downtrodden is Varuna's snare!' thus he delivers him from every snare of Varuna, from every (infliction 1) of Varuna.
12. Thereupon, taking ghee in four ladlings, and throwing down a kindling-stick (on the water), he offers thereon, with (Vág. S. VIII, 24), 'The face of Agni, the waters, have I entered, escaping from the power of demons, O son of the waters! In every homestead offer thou the log, O Agni! let thy tongue dart forth towards the ghee,-Hail!'
13. Now, once on a time, the gods made so much of Agni, as would go in?, enter the water, in order that the evil spirits should not rise therefrom; for Agni is the repeller of evil spirits. It is him he kindles by this kindling-stick and by this
nidhana (finale, or concluding word of the Saman). According to Katy. X, 8, 16, 17 the Sâman is chanted thrice, viz. in starting from the kâtvala, midway, and at the water-side.
1 Or guilt against Varuna. See p. 221, note 1. ? Agner yâvad vå yâvad vå. Cf. p. 371, note 3.
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oblation, thinking 'On the kindled (fire) will I offer to the gods!'
14. Then, having taken ghee a second time in four ladlings, and having called for the (Ågnidhra's) Sraushat, he says, 'Pronounce the offering prayer to the Kindling-sticks!' He offers four foreofferings, omitting that to the Barhis —the Barhis being offspring, and the expiatory bath belonging to Varuna-lest Varuna should seize upon his offspring. This is why he offers four fore-offerings, omitting that to the Barhis.
15. Then follows a cake on one potsherd for Varuna. For whatever sap there had been in him (Soma), that sap of his he has produced (extracted) for the offerings. Now that body: there is no sap in it. But the cake is sap: that sap he puts into it. Thus he unites him with that sap, and so produces him from it-he (Soma), even when produced, produces him (the sacrificer): hence there is a cake on one potsherd for Varuna.
16. Having made an underlayer' of ghee (in the offering-spoon), he says, while making the cuttings from the cake?, 'Recite (the invitatory prayer) to Varuna!' Here now some make two cuttings from the Soma-husks, but let him not do so; for that (heap of husks) is an empty body, unfit for offering. He makes two cuttings (from the cake) and bastes them once with ghee, and anoints (replenishes the places whence) the cuttings (have been made). Having called for the Sraushat, he says, ' Recite the
1 For the usual five prayâgas, see I, 5, 3, 8-13.
. As a rule, cakes on one potsherd are to be offered entire. The present cake, however, is to be an exception, and the usual two portions are to be cut from it. See part i, p. 192, note.
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17. Then, having made an underlayer of ghee, he says, while putting the (remainder of the) cake (into the spoon), 'Recite the invitatory prayer to Agni and Varuna !' This is for (Agni) Svishtakrit?; and as to why he does not say 'To Agni,' it is lest Varuna might seize upon Agni. If before he has cut twice from the Soma-husks, he now does so once, but if (he did) not, he need not heed it. He then bastes it twice with butter on the upper side; and having called for the Sraushat, he says, 'Recite the offering prayer to Agni and Varuna!' and offers as the Vashat is uttered.
18. Now these are six oblations; for there are six seasons in the year, and Varuna is the year: hence there are six oblations.
19. This is the course of the Adityas ?; and these Yagus, they say, belong to the Adityas. Let (the Adhvaryu) endeavour to perform as much of it as is his (the sacrificer's) wish. And if the sacrificer tell him to do otherwise, then he should do otherwise. He may also perform those same four fore-offerings, -omitting that to the Barhis-two butter-portions, (the oblations of cake) to Varuna and Agni-Varuna, and two after-offerings,-omitting the one to the Barhis ;—this makes ten. Now the virag consists
· See 1, 7, 3, 7 seq.
· Professor Weber, Ind. Stud. X, p. 393, refers us to XIV, 9, 4, 33, where it is stated that the Vågasaneyin Adhvaryu has to study the Yagus of the Aditya Rishi. One might also be inclined to think that, by Âdityânâm ayanam' and Angirasâm ayanam'the author intended to connect the Agnishtoma with the sacrificial sessions designated by those terms, for which see Asv. Sr. XII, 1-2; Ait. Br. IV, 17, with Haug's notes.
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of ten syllables, and the sacrifice is virág : thus he makes the sacrifice to be like the virag.
20. This is the course of the Angiras. Having performed the offerings either way, (the Adhvaryu) makes the pot, in which the husks are, float with (Våg. S. VIII, 25), 'In the ocean, in the waters, is thy heart (O Soma)'—for the ocean is the waters, and water is sap: that sap he now puts into him (Soma), and thus he unites him with that sap, and produces him therefrom; and he (Soma), even when produced, produces him (the sacrificer);—May the plants and the waters unite with thee!'thereby he puts two kinds of sap into him, that which is in plants, and that which is in water,—'that we may serve thee, O lord of the sacrifice, in the singing of praises and the utterance of worship', with Svâhâ !' Whatever is good in the sacrifice, that he thereby puts into him.
21. Thereupon, letting it go, he stands by it with (Våg. S. VIII, 26), ‘Ye divine waters, this is your child,'--for he (Soma) indeed is the child of the waters,—' bear ye him, well-beloved, wellnourished!'he thereby makes him over to the waters for protection—This, O divine Soma, is thine abode: thrive thou well therein, and thrive thou? thoroughly!' whereby he means to say, 'Be thou therein for our happiness, and shield us from all inflictions!'
· See part i, p. 249, note 1.
. Vakshva' is by Mahidhara (and apparently by the author of the Brâhmana) referred to 'vah;' by the St. Petersburg Dictionary to 'vas' for 'vatsva.' I have referred it to 'vaksh.' The Kanva text reads, Pari ka vakshi sam ka vakshiti pari ka no gopâya sam ka na edhity evaitad âha.
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22. He then immerses it with (Vâg. S. VIII, 27), Olaving bath, laving thou glidest along: with the help of the gods may I wipe out the sin committed against the gods; and with the help of the mortals that committed against mortals!'--for the sin committed against the gods he has indeed wiped out with the help of the gods, namely, with the help of king Soma; and the sin committed against mortals he has wiped out with the help of mortals, namely, by means of the animal victim and the sacrificial cake :—Preserve me, O god, from injury from the fiercely-howling (demon)!' whereby he means to say, ' Preserve me from all inflictions!'
23. Thereupon both (the sacrificer and his wife) having descended, bathe, and wash each other's back. Having wrapped themselves in fresh garments? they step out: even as a snake casts its skin, so does he cast away all his sin,—there is not in him even as much sin as there is in a toothless child. By the same way by which they came out (from the sacrificial ground), they return thither ? ; and, having returned, he puts a kindling-stick on the Ahavaniya (at the front hall-door) with, Thou art the kindler of the gods!' He thereby kindles the sacrificer him
According to the Månava Satra, as quoted on Kâty. X, 9, 6, the sacrificer wraps himself in the cloth in which the Soma stalks were tied (somopanahana), and his wife in the outer cloth tied round the Soma bundle (paryanahana). The Soma vessels and implements are likewise thrown into the water.
While going thither they all mutter the Amahiya verse, Rigveda VIII, 48, 3, 'We have drunk Soma, we have become immortal, we have gone to the light, we have attained to the gods: what now can the enemy do unto us, what the guile, O immortal, of the mortal?' [26]
сс
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self, for along with the kindling of the gods the sacrificer is kindled'.
FIFTH ADHYAYA. FIRST BRAHMANA. 1. He proceeds with the rice-pap to Aditi, as the concluding oblation. The reason why there is a rice-pap for Aditi is this. Because, on that former occasion, the gods said to her, 'Thine forsooth shall be the opening, and thine the concluding oblation,' therefore he prepares that share for her at both ends (of the Soma-sacrifice).
2. And because, on that occasion, he offers when about to go forth (upa-pra-i) to buy the king (Soma), therefore that (opening oblation) is called Prayaniya. And because he now offers after coming out (ud-â-i) from the expiatory bath, therefore this (concluding oblation) is called Udayaniyas. For this indeed is one and the same oblation: to Aditi belongs the opening, to Aditi the concluding (oblation); for Aditi is this (earth).
3. To Pathyâ Svasti he offers first (at the opening sacrifice): then the gods, through speech, saw their way in what was unknown to them, for by speech the confused becomes known. But now that it is known, he performs in the proper order.
4. To Agni he offers first, then to Soma, then to Savitri, then to Pathya Svasti, then to Aditi, Now Pathyâ Svasti (the wishing of a 'happy journey')
1 The sacrificer sits down behind the saládvârya fire and spreads the black deer-skin over his knees; the Adhvaryu then making an oblation of ghee from the dipping-spoon. See III, 2, 3, 6.
See p. 48, note 1,
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is speech, and Aditi is this (earth): on her the gods thereby established speech, and thus established thereon speech speaks here.
5. Thereupon he slaughters a barren anûbandhyâ? cow for Mitra and Varuna. And this indeed is performed as a different sacrifice, and that an animal offering; for the Samishtayagus form the end of the sacrifice.
6. The reason why there is a barren cow for Mitra and Varuna is this. Whatever part of his (sacrifice)? who has offered is well-offered that part of his Mitra takes, and whatever is ill-offered that Varuna takes.
7. Then they say, 'What has become of the sacrificer ?'—whatever well-offered part of his (sacrifice) Mitra here takes, that he now again surrenders to him, being pleased with this (cow); and whatever ill-offered part of his Varuna takes, that indeed he makes well-offered for him, being pleased with this (cow), and surrenders it again to him. This forsooth is his own sacrifices, his own merit.
8. And again, why there is a barren cow for Mitra and Varuna. Now, when the gods caused the cast seed to spring,—there is that sastra called Agnimâruta: in connection therewith it is explained how
1 The meaning of this technical term would seem to be 'to be bound (or immolated) after the sacrifice.
* Or, of him, the sacrificer. * That is, the sacrifice of his own self.
• The same passage occurs at I, 7, 4, 4, where I erroneously supplied 'samabhavat.' It is a broken, incoherent construction. The explanation, referred to in these two passages, may be Ait. Br. III, 34, though in that case one might have expected a somewhat closer adherence to the order of production there proposed;
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the gods caused that seed to spring. From it the coals (angåra) sprung, and from the coals the Angiras; and after that the other animals?.
9. Then the dust of the ashes which remained : therefrom the ass was produced,-hence when it is dusty anywhere, people say, 'A very place for asses, forsooth? !' And when no sap whatever remained, - thence was produced that barren cow belonging to Mitra and Varuna; wherefore that (cow) does not bring forth, for from sap seed is produced, and from seed cattle. And because she was produced at the end, therefore she comes after the end of the sacrifice. Hence also a barren cow for Mitra and Varuna is the most proper here: if he cannot obtain a barren cow, it may also be a bullocks.
10. Then the Visve Devâh applied themselves* a second time: thence the Vaisvadevi (cow) was produced; then the Bârhaspatya: that is the end, for Brihaspati is the end.
11. And whosoever gives a thousand or more
see part i, p. 210, note 1. Regarding the Âgnimâruta sastra, see above, p. 369 note.
17 Or, the others, the animals (tad any anye pasaval). Cp. the French idiom, Les femmes et nous autres hommes.' The Kånva text reads, tad anu pasavah.
• The Kånva reads, And when they (the coals) became dust of . ashes, the ass was produced therefrom: hence they call'asses' place' where the dust of the ashes (lies).
Kâty. X, 9, 15 allows, in lieu of the animal offering, an oblation of clotted curds (payasya or amiksha). See also II, 4, 2, 14.
'? They applied their minds, or, they took hold (amarîmrisanta): Tad u visve devâ marimrisâm kakrire tato dvitîyâ vaisvadevi samabhavat.' Kanva text. Perhaps the verb has here the same meaning as 'dh d' in the passage of the Ait. Br. referred to, tad (reto) maruto 'dhunvan.
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(cows to the priests), he will slaughter all these;indeed, everything is obtained, everything conquered by him who gives a thousand or more. Those (three) cows are everything, (when offered) thus in the proper order : first one to Mitra and Varuna, then one to the All-gods, then one to Brihaspati.
12. And those who perform a long sacrificial session, for a year or more, they will slaughter all these?;-indeed everything is obtained, everything conquered by those who perform a long sacrificial session, for a year or more: those (cows) are everything, (when offered) thus in the proper order.
13. Thereupon he performs the Udavasâniya ishti (completing oblation). He prepares a cake on five potsherds for Agni. Its invitatory and offering prayers are five-footed panktis. For at this time the sacrifice of him who has sacrificed is, as it were, exhausted in strength : it, as it were, passes away from him. Now all sacrifices are Agni, since all sacrifices are performed in him, the domestic sacrifices as well as others. He thus takes hold again of the sacrifice, and thus that sacrifice of his is
* The immolation of the three anubandhyâ cows is prescribed at the end of the Gavâmayana (see note on IV, 5, 4, 14), and at other Sattras (sacrificial session) lasting at least a year, and endowed with fees of at least a thousand cows, except the Sarasvata Sattra. Kâty. XIII, 4, 4, 5.
• The Udavasà niya ish/i is performed, with certain modifica. tions, on the model of the Paunaradheyiki ishti, or offering for the re-establishment of the sacred fire ; for which see II, 2, 3, 4 seq., and especially the notes on part i, p. 317 seq. It is to be performed somewhere north of the sacrificial ground on a fire produced by the churning of the aranis or (pairs of) churning-sticks, with which the priests have previously lifted' their several fires. See p. 90, notes 4 and 5; and part i, p. 396, note 1.
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not exhausted in strength, and does not pass away from him.
14. The reason why the cake is one on five potsherds, and the invitatory and offering prayers are panktis (verses of five feet), is that the sacrifice is fivefold. He thus takes hold again of the sacrifice, and thus that sacrifice of his is not exhausted in strength, and does not pass away from him.
15. The priests' fee for it is gold; for this is a sacrifice to Agni, and gold is Agni's seed: therefore the priests' fee is gold. Or an ox, for such a one is of Agni's nature as regards its shoulder, since its shoulder (bearing the yoke) is as if burnt by fire.
16. Or?, he takes ghee in five ladlings, and offers it with the verse to Vishnu (Vág. S. V, 38), 'Stride thou widely, O Vishnu, make wide room for our abode! drink the ghee, thou born of ghee, and speed the lord of the sacrifice ever onwards, Hail!' For Vishnu is the sacrifice: he thus takes hold again of the sacrifice, and thus his sacrifice is not exhausted in strength, and does not pass away from him. And let him on this occasion give as much as he can afford, for no offering, they say, should be without a Dakshina. When this Udavasânîyâ-ishti is completed, he offers the (ordinary) evening (milk-)offering»,—but the morning offering at its proper time.
1 According to Kâty. X, 9, 20 (as interpreted by the commen. tator) this (Vaishnavî) & huti may optionally take the place of the Udavasânîya ishfi. 'Atho' has evidently the force of or' here, as in IV, 6, 4, 5. The Kânva text has a tho apy ahutim eva guhuyât; with the same meaning, cf. I, 1, 3, 3 ; also uto,' note to IV, 5, 2, 13.
For the Agnihotra, or morning and evening libation of milk, see II, 3, 4; 3, 4. The performance being completed, the tempo
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SECOND BRAHMANA. 1. They lay hands on the barren cow!, and having laid hands on it, they quiet it. It having been quieted, he says (to the slaughterer), ‘Pull out the omentum!' The omentum having been pulled out?, let him tell (the slaughterer) to search groping for an embryo. If they do not find one, why need they care ? and if they find one, atonement is made therefore.
2. For surely it is not right that, thinking it to be one (cow), they should perform, as it were, with that one; or that, thinking them to be two, they should perform, as it were, with two Let him bid (the
rary erections, as the Sadas, cart-shed, Âgnidhra fire-house, &c., are set on fire, and the sacrificer and priests go home.
1 The order of this and the succeeding Brahmanas differs con. siderably in the two recensions. In the Kanva recension the present Brâhmana (the text of which also differs very much) is preceded by three others (V, 6, 1-3), corresponding to M. IV, 5, 3; IV, 5, 4 and IV, 5, 6, respectively.
* The text has simply, he (viz. the Samitri or butcher) having quieted it, he (the Adhvaryu) says, (S.) having pulled it out, let him (A.) bid. ...
The meaning of this would seem to be, that they should not content themselves with the supposition of its being a barren cow, but that they should ascertain whether she is not-as the term is'ashtåpadi,' or eight-footed, i.e. a cow with calf (cf. par. 12), and should in that case make atonement. The Kanva text reads, Now when they thus proceed with that (animal offering), they, thinking it to be one (cow) only, pronounce the âprî verses (âprînanti). They turn out to be two (te dve bhavatah); and surely it is not right that one should cast away that on which the aprî verses have been pronounced. Now that juice has flowed together from all the limbs : thus offering is also made with those sacrificial portions of that (embryo). And the sacrifice is as much as the havis and Svishtakrit: he thus connects that whole (embryo) with that sacri,
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slaughterer) get ready the pot (sthåll) and the cloth (ushntsha)?
3. They then perform with the omentum, just as its mode of performance is. Having performed with the omentum, both the Adhvaryu and Sacrificer return to the sacrificial ground). The Adhvaryu says, 'Pull out that embryo l' otherwise he would not pull it out from the womb, since it is only pulled out from the womb of a sick or dead (female); but when the embryo is full grown, then indeed it comes out through birth : let him bid him pull it out even after tearing asunder the thighs.
4. When it is pulled out, he addresses it with (Vág. S. VIII, 28), "May the embryo of ten months move together with the caul!'—by saying, 'May it move,' he puts breath into it; and of ten months' he says, because when an embryo is full grown, then it is one of ten months: thus, even though it is not ten months old, he makes it one of ten months by means of the Brahman (prayer), the Yagus.
5. 'Together with the caul'—this he says so that, like a ten months' (calf), it may go out with the cauls,— As yonder wind moveth, as the ocean moveth;'— thereby he puts breath into it;— So hath this ten months' (calf) slipped out with the caul;'—this he means to say so that, like a ten months' calf, it may slip out with the caul.
6. Here now they say, "What is he to do with
fice, and thus that which is superfluous (atirikta) becomes not superfluous.
1 The comm. on Katy. XXV, 10, 7, describes the ushnisha, used on this occasion, as a small cloth, or kerchief.
? See III, 8, 2, 16 seq.
8 Or, even as a ten months' calf moves with the caul, so he means to say (that) this (should take place).
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that embryo ?'—They might cut off a portion from every limb, even as (is done) the portioning of other portions. But let him notdoso; for that (embryo) surely has its limbs undeveloped. Having cut it below the neck, they should let that fat juice drip into the pot; for that same juice drips from all its limbs, and thus it is a portion cut out from all its limbs. He then cuts the sacrificial portions of the cow in the same way in which they are (usually) portioned off.
7. They cook them on the cooking-fire of the animal offering : at the same time they cook that fat juice. Having wrapped the embryo in the cloth, he lays it down by the side of the cooking-fire. When it (the victim) is cooked, he puts together 2 the (flesh) portions and bastes only them, but not that juice. They remove the victim (from the fire); and at the same time they remove that juice.
8. They take it along the back of the pit, between the sacrificial stake and the fire. It having been put down south (of the fire), the Pratiprasthầtri cuts off the sacrificial portions. He then makes an underlayer (of ghee) in both offering-spoons, and addresses (the Hotri) for the recitation to the Manotâ deity on the havis. Thereupon they make cuttings from the portions of the cow, in the same way in which cuttings are made from them.
9. Now there is an offering-spoon called prakarani :
? Or, in the same place. The Kanva text reads, Having cut off the head, and let the juice (rasa) flow out, he cooks it by the side of (prativesam) the (filesh) portions. And when they proceed with the havis, then having made an underlayer of ghee, and, taking twice from that juice, having basted (the portions therewith), he replenishes the (places of the) two portions.
? ? Read 'samuhya' for 'samudya.' See III, 8, 3, 5 seq. s See III, 8, 3, 15 seq.
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SATAPATHA-BRÂHMANA. therein the Pratiprasthầtri makes an underlayer of ghee for the fat juice, takes two portions (from the juice), bastes them once (with ghee), and replenishes (the juice whence) both portions (have been taken). He (the Adhvaryu) then addresses (the Hotri) for the recitation (of the invitatory prayer). Having called for the Sraushat, he says (to the Maitrâvaruna), Prompt (the Hotri to recite the offering prayer)!' As the Vashat is uttered, the Adhvaryu offers (the flesh portions). After the Adhvaryu's oblation the Pratiprasthâtri offers (the fat juice)
10. With (Vâg. S. VIII, 29), “Thou whose fruit is fit for sacrifice,'--for embryos are unfit for sacrifice: this one he thus makes fit for sacrifice by means of the Brahman, the Yagus ;-'thou who hast a golden womb,'--for on that former occasion ?, they rend the womb when they tear out (the embryo); and gold means immortal life; he thus makes that womb of her (the cow) immortal ;'Him whose limbs are unbroken, I have brought together with his mother, Hail!' Thus, if it be a male (embryo); but if it be a female one, with, 'Her whose limbs are unbroken, I have brought together with her mother, Hail!' And, if it be an indistinguishable embryo, let him offer in making it male, since embryos (garbha, masc.) are male, Him whose limbs are unbroken, I have brought together with his mother, Hail!' For on that former occasion, when they tear out (the embryo) they separate it from its mother: now, having rendered it successful by means of the Brahman, the Yagus, he brings it again together with its mother in the midst of the sacrifice.
1 See par. 3.
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11. Thereupon the Adhvaryu makes the oblation to the Lord of the forest'. Having made the oblation to the Lord of the forest, the Adhvaryu, while pouring together the sacrificial portions that are for the upabhrit, says (to the Hotri), ' Recite the invitatory prayer to Agni Svishtakrit!' The Pratiprasthâtri comes and takes all that fat juice, and pours twice (ghee) thereon. Having called for the Sraushat, the Adhvaryu says, 'Prompt!' and offers as the Vashat is uttered. After the Adhvaryu's oblation the Pratiprasthâtri offers,—
12. With (Vâg. S. VIII, 30), 'The bountiful multiform juice','-by 'bountiful' he means to say (the bestower) of numerous gifts;' and 'the multiform' he says, because embryos are, as it were, multiform, 'The strong juice hath invested itself with greatness:'-for it (the embryo) is indeed invested in the mother.- May the worlds spread along her, the one-footed, two-footed, three-footed, four-footed, eight-footed,'Hail!' He thereby magnifies her (the cow): far more, forsooth, does he gain by offering an eightfooted one, than by one not eight-footed.
13. Here now they say, 'What is he to do with that embryo?' They may expose it on a tree; for
1 See III, 8, 3, 33.
Indu, lit. 'droop,' a term usually applied to the draughts of Soma, a connection with which doubtless is here intended.
A different simile is implied in the original 'antar mahimânam ânanga.'
The Kânva text is much briefer here: He then ties up the head (sirah pratinahya, ? with the body) either with a cloth (ushnîsha), or with bast (vakala), and having pushed asunder the cooking-fire of the animal offering, he lays it above them, with 'Verily, O Maruts ...,' for the common people are eaters of raw flesh, and the Maruts
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embryos have the air for their support, and the tree is, as it were, the same as the air: thus he establishes it on its own support. But, say they, if, in that case, any one were to curse him, saying, “They shall expose him? dead on a tree,' then verily it would be so.
14. They may throw it into the water, for water is the support of everything here: he thus establishes it in the water. But, say they, if, in that case, any one were to curse him, saying, 'He shall die in water !' then verily it would be so.
15. They may bury it in a mole-hill; for this (earth) is the support of everything here: he thus establishes it on this same (earth). But, say they, if, in that case, any one were to curse him, saying, 'They shall quickly prepare a burying-place for him, being dead !' then verily it would be so.
16. He may offer it to the Maruts on the cookingfire of the animal sacrifice; for the Maruts, the clans (common people) of the gods, are not oblation-eaters (ahuta-ad), and the uncooked embryo, as it were, is no oblation (ahuta); and the animal cooking-fire is taken from the Åhavaniya : thus indeed it (the embryo) is
are the people: he thus establishes it with the Maruts. Or (uto) with a verse to Heaven and Earth,' The great Heaven and Earth ...,' for additional superfluous (atirikta) is that (garbha), beyond these two, heaven and earth, nothing whatever remains (or, nothing surpasses them, atirikyata): thus he establishes it within those two, heaven and earth; and while being superfluous, it comes to be no longer superfluous (or redundant),
1 Enam' apparently refers both to the sacrificer and to the embryo (garbha, masc.).
? For the common people are eaters of raw flesh (amad), and the Maruts are the people. Kanva text. Neither a Kshatriya nor a Vaisya can eat remains of offerings, but only a Brahman is hutad, Ait. Br. VII, 19.
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not excluded from the sacrifice, and yet is not (offered) directly in the Åhavaniya (offering-fire). And the Maruts are of the gods : he thus establishes it with the Maruts?.
17. As soon as he has performed the Samishtayagus offerings, when the coals are only just extinguished, he takes that embryo with the cloth, and standing with his face to the east, he offers it with a verse to the Maruts (Våg. S. VIII, 31; Rig-veda I, 86, 1),— Verily, O Maruts, in whosesoever house ye drink, the heroes of the sky, he is the best protected man. He utters no Svâhà (hail), for the Maruts, the clans of the gods are no oblation-eaters, and no oblation, as it were, is what is offered without Svâhà. And the Maruts are of the gods: he thus establishes it with the Maruts.
18. He then covers it over with the coals with (Vág. S. VIII, 32; Rig-veda I, 22, 13), “The great Heaven and Earth may mix this our sacrifice, and fill us with nourishments!'
THIRD BRÂHMANA. 1. The Shodasin (graha) forsooth is Indra. Now, at one time the beings surpassed (ati-rik)
1 One might expect deveshu :' thus he establishes it with the gods; unless it is intended as the final decision : 'hence he consigns it to the Maruts. The wording is, however, the same as in the preceding paragraphs.
The author has now completed his exposition of the simplest form of Soma-sacrifice, viz. the Agnishtoma, the libations of which are accompanied by twelve chants (stotra) and as many recitations (sastra), and which (on the press-day) requires one victim to Agni (see IV, 2, 5, 14). He has also incidentally (IV, 4, 2, 18) touched upon the characteristic features of the Ukthya sacrifice, viz. its second victim, a he-goat to Indra-Agni, and three additional Uktha stotras and sastras (p. 370 note). He now proceeds to
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Indra—the beings being the creatures—they were in a state of equality, as it were, with him.
2. Indra then bethought himself, “How can I stand forth over everything here, and how may everything here be beneath me?' He saw that graha, and drew it for himself. Then he stood forth over everything here, and everything here was
consider another libation which, with its accompanying stotra and sastra, forms the distinctive feature of the Shodasin sacrifice, i.e. the one having sixteen or a sixteenth (hymn). This sacrifice also requires a third victim on the press-day, viz. a ram to Indra. By the addition, on the other hand, of the Shodasin graha, with its chant and recitation, to an ordinary Agnishtoma, another form of one day's (ekâha) Soma-sacrifice is obtained, viz. the Atyagnishloma, or redundant Agnishtoma, with thirteen stotras and sastras. This form of sacrifice is, however, comparatively rarely used, and was probably devised on mere theoretic grounds, to complete the sacrificial system. A somewhat more common form is the Atirâtra, lit. 'that which has a night over and above,' differing as it does from the Shodasin in that-besides a fourth victim (a he-goat to Sarasvati) it has in addition a night performance of libations, with three rounds (paryâyas) of four stotras and sastras each (one for the Hotri and for each of his three assistants), and concluding at daybreak with one more stotra, the sandhi (twilight) stotra, and the Åsvina sastra and offering. These are the forms of Soma-sacrifice referred to in the present book, as required for the performance of sacrificial sessions (twelve days and more) of which its concluding portion treats. With another form, the Vâgapeya sacrifice, the author deals in the next Kanda. These—with the Aptoryama, which to the Atirâtra adds another course of four Atirikta, or superadded stotras-constitute in the later official classification the seven fundamental forms (samstha) of Soma-sacrifice. This term, meaning properly 'termination, consummation,' probably applied originally to the concluding rites of the Soma-sacrifice proper, as the distinctive features of the several forms of sacrifice, but by a natural transition, became the generic terms for the complete forms of sacrifice. See Professor Weber's somewhat different explanation, Ind. Stud. IX, 229.
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beneath him. And, verily, for whomsoever, knowing this, they draw that cup of Soma, he stands forth over everything here, and everything here is beneath him.
3. Wherefore it has been said by the Rishi (Rigveda III, 32, 11), “The sky hath not reached thy greatness, when thou didst rest on the earth with thine other thigh,'—for, verily, yonder sky did not reach up to his other thigh': so did he stand forth over everything here, and everything here was beneath him. And, verily, for whomsoever, knowing this, they draw that cup of Soma, he stands forth over everything here, and everything here is beneath him.
4. He draws it with a verse to the lord of the bay steeds (Indra Harivant); they (the Udgâtris) chant verses to (Indra) Harivant, and he (the Hotri) afterwards recites verses to (Indra) Harivant. For Indra seized upon the strength, the fury (haras) of his enemies, the Asuras; and in like manner does he (the sacrificer) now seize upon the strength, the fury of his enemies: therefore he draws the graha with a verse to (Indra) Harivant; they chant verses to Harivant, and he (the Hotri) afterwards recites verses to Harivant.
5. He draws it with an Anushtubh verse; for the morning press-feast belongs to the Gâyatri, the midday feast to the Trishtubh, and the evening feast to the Gagati. The Anushtubh, then, is over and above ? (ati-rikta), and he thus makes that (Soma of the
1? Or either of his thighs. The situation depicted in this verse would seem that of the warrior Indra lying or kneeling on Vritra, whom he has thrown on the ground.
* Or, additional, in excess; see IV, 4, 3, 4.
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Shodasin) to remain over : hence he takes it with an Anushtubh.
6. He draws it in a square cup; for there are three worlds: these same worlds he gains by three corners, and by the fourth corner he makes that (Soma) to remain over ;—therefore he draws it in a square cup.
7. Let him draw it at the morning pressing, after drawing the Agrayana. Having been drawn at the morning pressing, it reposes apart from that time: he thus makes it to outlast all (three) pressings.
8. Or he may draw it at the midday pressing, after drawing the Agrayana, -- but this is mere speculation : let him rather draw it at the morning pressing, after drawing the Agrayana: having been drawn at the morning pressing, it reposes apart from that time.
9. He thus draws it therefrom with (Vág. S. VIII, 33; Rig-veda I, 84, 3), ‘Mount the chariot, o slayer of Vritra, thy bay steeds have been harnessed by prayer! May the stone by its sound draw hitherward thy mind!—Thou art taken with a support: thee to Indra Shodasin (the sixteenfold)!-- This is thy womb: thee to Indra Shodasin!'
10. Or with this (verse, Vâg. S. VIII, 34; Rigveda I, 10, 3), ‘Harness thy long-maned, girthfilling bay steeds! Come hither to us, O Indra, drinker of Soma, to hear our songs! Thou art taken with a support: thee to Indra Shoda sin !—This is thy womb: thee to Indra Shodasin!'
11. Thereupon he returns (to the sadas) and bespeaks the chant with, Soma has been left over :
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Turn ye back?!' for he indeed causes it to remain over by that (Shodasin graha). He (the Adhvaryu) bespeaks it before the setting of the sun; and after sunset he (the Hotri) follows it up by reciting the sastra : thus he thereby joins day and night together,—therefore he bespeaks (the stotra): before the
See IV, 2, 5, 8. The verb, here and elsewhere translated by to bespeak,' is upå-kri, the proper meaning of which would seem to be 'to prepare, to introduce, to bring up' the chant. As the same verb is, however, also used for the driving up, or bringing up' of cattle (to the stable), it may perhaps have a similar meaning in connection with the stotra ; the metres of the chant (which are often called the cattle of the gods) being, as it were, 'led up' (or put to ') by the Adhvaryu, to be 'harnessed' or 'yoked' (yug) by the Udgatri; see p. 311, note 1. Instead of the Prastara, handed to the Udgâtri on the occasion of the Pavamânas, two stalks of sacrificial grass are generally used with other chants; but certain stotras and såmans require to be introduced' by special objects, such as a fan, or the two churning sticks (for producing fire), or water mixed with avakå plants, or an arrow.
? ? Read 'tad' for 'tam;' or 'he calls upon him (the Udgâtri).'
· The Shodasi-stotra usually consists of the Gaurivita Saman (S. V. II, 303-4); but the Nânada Saman (ib. II, 790–3) may be used instead. It is performed in the ekavimsa stoma, i.e. the three verses are chanted in three turns, so as, by repetitions, to produce twenty-one verses; the usual form being a a a-bbb-c; a-bbbccc; a aa-b-ccc. For some modifications in the present case, see Haug, Transl. Ait. Br. p. 258 note. The first turn is to be performed in a low voice, while the sun is going down; the second in a middle voice, when the sun has disappeared, but not entirely the daylight; and the third turn in a loud voice, when darkness is closing in. If, for some reason or other, the stotra is entirely performed after sunset, it is chanted with a loud voice throughout. During the chanting a horse (black, if possible), or a bullock, or he-goat is to stand at the front (or back) gate of the sadas, facing the latter. Besides, a piece of gold is to circulate among the chanters, each of them holding it, while his turn of chanting lasts, and the Udgâtri (or all three) doing so during the nidhana or finale. [26]
Dd
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setting of the sun, and after sunset he follows it up by reciting the sastra1.
402
THE DVADA SÂHA'.
FOURTH BRAHMANA.
1. Now, at first the gods were all alike, all good. Of them, being all alike, all good, three desired, 'May we be superiors!'-Agni, Indra, and Surya.
2. They went on praising and toiling. They saw those Atigrâhyas', and drew (grah) them for them
1 The Shodasi-sastra is minutely described in the Ait. Br. IV, 3 seq. The opening verses are in the Anush/ubh metre (of sixteen syllables), but otherwise also the Hotri has by means of pauses and insertions of formulas (nivid) to bring out its sixteenfold' character so as to accord with its designation.
The Dvâdasâh a, or twelve days' performance, forms the connecting link between the so-called Ahîna sacrifices (consisting of between two and twelve press-days) and the sattras, or sacrificial sessions (of twelve press-days and upwards); since it can be performed as one or the other. As a sattra (which seems to be its usual character) it consists of the Dasarâtra, or ten nights' (or days') period, preceded and followed by an Atirâtra, as the prâyaniya (opening) and udayanfya (concluding) days. The Dasarâtra, on its part, consists of three tryahas (or tridua), viz. a Prishthya shadaha (see note 4), and three Ukthya days, the so-called Khandomas (on which see Haug, Ait. Br.Transl. p. 347). These are followed by an Atyagnishtoma day, called Avivákya (i. e. on which there should be no dispute, or quarrel').
Ati-tishthâvânah, lit. 'standing forth over (all others,' see IV, 5, 3, 2). In this, as in the preceding Brâhmana, the prefix ati has to do service repeatedly for etymological and symbolical purposes.
I. e. cups of Soma 'to be drawn over and above' (Weber, Ind. Stud. IX, 235; for a different explanation see Haug, Ait. Br. Transl. p. 490). These three grahas are required at the Prishthya shadaha, which forms part of the Dvâdasâha (see note 2), and of sacrificial sessions generally. The shadaha, or period of six Soma days, which (though itself consisting of two tryaha, or
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selves over and above (ati): hence the name Atigråhyas. They became superior, even as they are now superior?: and verily he becomes superior for whomsoever, knowing this, they draw those cups of Soma.
3. And at first there was not in Agni that lustre which is now in him. He desired, 'May that lustre be in me!' He saw this graha, and drew it for himself, and henceforth that lustre was in him.
tridua) may be considered as forming a kind of unit in sattras, or sacrificial sessions, is of two kinds, viz. the Abhiplava sha daha and the Prishthya sha daha. Both require (for the Hotri's prishtha-stotra at the midday pressing) the use of the Rathantara-saman on uneven, and that of the Brihat-sâman on even days. The chief difference between them is that while the prishtha-stotras of the Abhiplava are performed in the ordinary (Agnishtoma) way, the Prishthya shadaha requires their performance in the proper prishtha form, see p. 339, note 2. Besides, while the Abhiplava shadaha consists of four Ukthya days, preceded and followed by one Agnishtoma day; the first day of the Prishthya shadaha is an Agnishtoma, the fourth a Shodasin, the remaining four days being Ukthyas. There is also a difference between the two in regard to the stomas, or forms of chanting, used; for while the Prishthya requires successively one of the six principal stomas (from the Trivrit up to the Trayastrimsa, as given p. 308, note a) for each day, the Abhiplava requires the first four stomas (Trivrit to Ekavimsa) for each day, though in a different order. In this respect, three groups or forms are assumed for the performance of the stotras at the Agnishtoma and Ukthya, viz. the Gyotish toma (a. Bahishpavavamâna in the Trivrit; b. Âgyastotras and c. Madhyandina-pavamâna in the Pankadasa ; d. the Prishtha-stotras and e. Arbhava-pavavamâna in the Saptadasa; and f. the Agnishtoma saman in the Ekavimsa stoma); the Goshtoma [a. Pañkadasa; b. Trivrit; c. Saptadasa; e. f. (and g. Ukthastotras) Ekavimsa); and Ayushtoma [a. Trivrit; b. Pañkadasa ; c. d. Saptadasa; e. f. g. Ekavimsa]. These forms are distributed over the two tridua of the Abhiplava in the order : Gyotishtoma, Goshtoma, Ayushtoma; Goshtoma, Ayushtoma, Gyotishtoma. · Lit. even as they are now the superiority, i.e. a superior power.
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4. And at first there was not in Indra that power which is now in him. He desired, 'May that power be in me!' He saw this graha and drew it for himself, and henceforth that power was in him.
5. And at first there was not in Surya that splendour which is now in him. He desired, May that splendour be in me!' He saw this graha and drew it for himself, and henceforth that splendour was in him. And verily for whomsoever, knowing this, they draw those cups of Soma, he takes unto himself those same fires (energies), those same powers.
6. Let him draw them at the morning pressing, after drawing the Ågrayana ; for the Agrayana is the self (body), and many parts of this self are one each (and thus) over and above (the others), such as the lung' and heart, and others.
7. Or he might draw them from the Patabhrit, at the midday pressing, after drawing the Ukthya, or when about to bespeak (the chant), for the Ukthya indeed is the same as that undefined self of his. But this is mere speculation : let him rather draw them at the morning pressing, after drawing the Agrayana.
8. They are offered after the offering of the Mahendra graha ; for that, the Mahendra, is Indra's special cup; and so are the (Nishkevalya) stotra and sastra specially his. But the sacrificer is Indra; and for the sacrificer's benefit (these cups) are drawn : therefore they are offered after the offering of the Mahendra graha.
9. He thus draws them therefrom the first with
That is, the right lung (kloman), the left lung being called by a different name. See St. Petersb. Dict. S. v.
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Våg. S. VIII, 38; Rig-veda IX, 66, 21], O Agni, skilful in works, become thou pure, bestowing upon us lustre and manly vigour, and upon me health and wealth !—Thou art taken with a support: thee to Agni, for lustre!—This is thy womb: thee to Agni, for lustre!'
10. [The second with Våg. S. VIII, 39; Rig-veda VIII, 76, 10],'Uprising by thy power didst thou move thy jaws, O Indra, drinking the cupdrawn juice !-Thou art taken with a support: thee to Indra for power!—This is thy womb: thee to Indra for power!
11. [The third with Vâg. S. VIII, 40; Rig-veda I, 50, 3],'His beacons have appeared, his beams, wide and far over the people, shining splendidly like fires!—Thou art taken with a support: thee to Sarya for splendour!—This is thy womb: thee to Surya for splendour!'
12. The drinking of these (cups is performed by the sacrificers with the resp. texts), 'O lustrous Agni, lustrous art thou among the gods: may I be lustrous among men !—Most powerful Indra, most powerful art thou among the gods: may I be the most powerful among men! Most splendid Sarya, most splendid art thou among the gods: may I be the most splendid among men!' And, verily, these same splendours, these same powers he takes unto himself for whomsoever, knowing this, they draw these cups.
13. Let him draw them on the first three days of the Prishthya shadaha?; namely, the Agni cup on
* The Kanvas use a different formula, viz. Rig-veda IX, 66, 19. See Vág. S. ed. Weber, p. 254 (XII).
* See page 402, note 4. In conjunction with the Rathantara
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the first day, the Indra cup on the second, the Sarya cup on the third-thus one day by day.
14. Some', however, draw them on the last three days; but let him not do so: let him rather draw them on the first three days. But should he intend to draw them on the last three days, let him first draw them on the first three days and let him then draw them on the last three days. In like manner they are drawn (all three) in their proper order, on one and the same day, at the Visvagit’ with all the Prishthas.
Fifth BRÂHMANA. 1. Pragâpati, forsooth, is that sacrifice which is performed here, and from which these creatures have been produced : and in like manner are they produced thereafter even to this day.
2. After the Upâmsu cup goats are produced. Now that (cup) is again employed in the sacrifice: hence creatures are here produced again and again.
3. After the Antâryama cup sheep are produced. Now that (cup) is again employed at the sacrifice : hence creatures are here produced again and again.
(Sâma-veda II, 30-31) and Brihat(II, 159-60) sâmans, the other four principal prishtha sâmans-viz. the Vairūpa (II, 213-13), Vairaga (II, 277-9), Sâkvara (II, 1151-3; or Mahânâmnî, 1-3), and Raivata (II, 434-6)—are used respectively by the Hotri on the last four days of the shadaba. As regards the Hotri's assistants, while the Maiträvaruna always uses the same sâman, as at the Agnishtoma, viz. the Vâmadevya (II, 32-34), the sâmans used by the other Hotrakas are given in the Sama-veda immediately after the respective såman of the Hotri, mentioned above.
1 The Kânva text ascribes this practice to the Karakas.
? Regarding the sacrificial session, called Gavám ayana, of which the Visvagit forms part, see p. 426, note 3.
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4. And because of those two (cups) which are together he offers the Upåmsu first, therefore, of goats and sheep when they are together, the goats go first, and the sheep behind them.
5. And because, having offered the Upåmsu, he wipes (the vessel) upwards, therefore these goats walk like nimbly? climbing spokes.
6. And because, having offered the Antaryâma, he wipes (the vessel) downwards, therefore these sheep walk with their heads down, as if digging. Now they, the goats and sheep, are most conspicuously Pragàpati-like: whence, bringing forth thrice in the year, they produce two or three 8 (young ones).
7. After the Sukra cup men are produced. Now that (cup) is again employed at the sacrifice: hence creatures are here produced again and again. But the Sukra (bright) is the same as he that burns yonder, and he indeed is Indra ; and of animals, man is Indra-like 6: whence he rules over animals.
8. After the Ritu cup the one-hoofed species is produced. Now that (cup) is again employed in the sacrifice: hence creatures are here produced again and again. And such-like is the Ritu cups, and suchlike the head of the one-hoofed. The Âgrayana
1 That is, in mixed flocks. In the compound agavika' (Kâni. agavayah, alyes kal ties) also the goats come first.
* Perhapsara' has to be taken in the sense of quick, nimble,' instead of spokes,' and 'ditara' might mean 'flying up,' 'popping up their heads, as opposed to avakinasirshan.'
s? Or, three (times) two, dvau trin iti;' the Kånva text reads (of goats alone) trîms trîn.'
Or, along with, correspondingly with, anu. * Or, connected with Indra, Indra's own (aindra).
• The two Ritupåtras are shaped like spoon-bowls, with spouts on both sides.
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cup, the Ukthya cup, and the Aditya cup,-after them cows are produced. Now, these are again employed in the sacrifice: hence creatures are here produced again and again.
9. And because goats are produced after the fewest cups, therefore, though bringing forth thrice in a year, producing two or three, (they are) very few, for they are produced after the fewest cups.
10. And because cows are produced after the most cups, therefore, though bringing forth once in a year, and producing one each time, (they are) most numerous, for they are produced after the most cups.
11. Then, in the Dronakalasa (trough) he finally draws the Hâriyogana graha. Now, the Dronakalasa is Pragàpati ;—he turns unto these creatures, and fosters them, and kisses them?: he fosters them in that he produces them.
12. Now, these same cups after which creatures are produced, are five,-those of the Upâmsu and Antaryâma (counting as) one and the same, the Sukra cup, the Ritu cup, the Ågrayana cup, and the Ukthya cup; for there are five seasons in the year, and Pragàpati is the year, and the sacrifice is Pragapati. But if there be six seasons in the year, then the Aditya cup is the sixth of them.
13. But indeed there is only that one cup after which creatures are produced here, to wit, the U pâmsu cup; for the Upâmsu is breath, and Pragâpati is breath, and everything here is after Pragâpati.
Or, smells, sniffs at them (as a cow does the calf).
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IV KÂNDA, 5 ADHYAYA, 6 BRÂHMANA, 3.
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SIXTH BRÂHMANA. 1. Pragàpati, forsooth, is that sacrifice which is here performed, and whence these creatures have been produced, and in like manner are they produced therefrom even to this day. Having drawn the Åsvina graha, he makes (the sacrificer) eye (the several cups, while muttering) the Avakåsa formulas'.
2. The Upåmsu cup he eyes first with (Våg. S. VII, 27), 'For mine out-breathing, (a) giver of lustre?, become thou pure for lustre!' Then the Upåmsusavana stone with, 'For my throughbreathing, giver of lustre, become thou pure for lustre!' Then the Antaryâma cup with, 'For mine up-breathing, giver of lustre, become thou pure for lustre!' Then the Aindravåyava with, 'For my voice, giver of lustre, become thou pure for lustre!' Then the Maitråvaruna with, 'For mine intelligence and will, giver of lustre, become thou pure for lustre!' Then the Åsvina with, 'For mine ear, giver of lustre, become thou pure for lustre!' Then the Sukra and Manthin with, “For mine eyes, givers of lustre, become ye pure for lustre!'
3. Then the Ågrayana with (Vâg. S. VII, 28), 'For my mind, giver of lustre, become thou pure for lustre! Then the Ukthya with, 'For
· For the proper place of this ceremony in the actual performance of the Agnishtoma, see p. 312, note 4.
* Either, thou who bestowest lustre on my out-breathing ..., or, Thou who art a bestower of lustre, become thou pure for lustre to my out-breathing.
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my vigour, giver of lustre, become thou pure for lustre!' Then the Dhruva with,' For my life, giver of lustre, become thou pure for lustre!' Then the two Soma-troughs (Patabhrit and Ådhavaniya) with, 'For all mine offspring, givers of lustre, become ye pure for lustre!' Now the two troughs belong to the All-gods, for therefrom they draw (Soma) for the gods, therefrom for men, therefrom for the Fathers: therefore the two Somatroughs belong to the All-gods.
4. Then the Dronakalasa with (Våg. S. VII, 29), Who (ka) art thou? Which one art thou?'Ka is Pragàpati ;— Whose (kasya, or Ka's) art thou? who (ka) art thou by name?'-ka (who') by name is Pragâpati ;—'Thou upon whose name we have thought,' for he indeed thinks upon his name; – Thou whom we have gladdened with Soma;'--for he indeed gladdens him with Soma. Having drawn the Åsvina cup, he prays for blessing part after part of the sacrifice) with, “May I be abundantly supplied with offspring,' thereby he prays for offspring ;-'abundantly supplied with men, thereby he prays for men (heroes);'abundantly supplied with food!' thereby he prays for prosperity.
5. He must not let every one eye them, but only him who is well known, or one who is his friend, or one who, being learned in sacred lore, may acquire these (texts) through study. Having drawn the Åsvina cup, he (thus) produces the whole sacrifice; and having produced the whole sacrifice, he deposits it in his own self, and makes it his own.
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SEVENTH BRÂHMANA. 1. Now, there are here thirty-four utterances, called expiations 1. Pragâ pati, forsooth, is that sacrifice which is performed here, and from which these creatures have been produced, -and in like manner are they produced therefrom even to this day.
2. There are eight Vasus, eleven Rudras, twelve Ådityas; and these two, Heaven and Earth, are the (thirty-second and) thirty-third. And there are thirty-three gods, and Pragàpati is the thirty-fourth; -thus he makes him (the sacrificer, or Yagña) to be Pragàpati?: now that S is, for that is immortal, and what is immortal that is. But what is mortal that also is Pragâpati; for Pragâpati is everything: thus he makes him to be Pragàpati, and hence there are these thirty-four utterances, called expiations.
3. Now some call these (formulas) the 'forms of the sacrifice;' but, indeed, they are rather the joints of the sacrifice : this same sacrifice, in being performed, is continually becoming those deities.
4. Now should the cow, which supplies the gharma 4, fail (to give milk), let them go to another ; and at the same place where they otherwise make that gharma (milk) flow, let them place her with her
1 Viz. the formulas, Vag. S. VIII, 54-58, employed for making good any mishaps during the Soma-sacrifice. Cf. Sat. Br. XII, 6, 1, I seq. In the Kårva recension, V, 7, 4, kandikâs 5-10 correspond to the present Brahmana, while kandikâs 1-4 contain the account of the Mahâyratiya graha corresponding to M. IV, 6, 4. '? Or, this then he makes Pragâpati to be; but see IV, 6, 1, 5.
? I.e. that divine race or element. The Kânva text reads, etavad và idam asty, etad dhy amritam, yad dhy amritam tad asti. * See p. 104, note 3.
That is, when they milk the cow with the Mantras · Flow thou
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head towards the north, or in front of the hall with her face to the east.
5. And that which is the right one of the two bones with hair-tufts which protrude on both sides of her tail-bone,—thereon he offers those thirtyfour oblations of ghee; for as much as are those thirty-four utterances, so much is the sacrifice: thus he lays the whole sacrifice entirely into her; for therefrom she lets the gharma (milk) flow, and this is the atonement therefore.
6. And if any part of the sacrifice were to fail, let him make an oblation with regard thereto on the Åhavaniya during the consecration and the Upasads, and on the Agnidhra during the Soma feast-for whatever point of the sacrifice fails, that breaksand whichever then is the deity in that (special offering), through that one he heals it, through that he puts it together again.
7. And if anything! be spilt, let him pour water thereon--everything here being pervaded (or ob tained) by water-for the obtainment of everything ; with a verse to Vishnu and Varuna,-for whatsoever distress one undergoes here on earth, all that Varuna inflicts 3,—(Vág. S. VIII, 59; Atharva-veda VII, 25,
for the Asvins l' &c., see IV, 2, 1, 11 seq. Perhaps yasyâm velâyâm has to be taken in the sense of at the same time at which . they make it flow,' as is done in the St. Petersb. Dict. Compare, however, the Kanva reading, tad yâm upasamkrâmeyus tâm agrena vå dikshita salam yatra vainam etat pinvayanti tad enam prâkim vodikîm vâ sthâpayitavai brûyât.
1 Viz. any Soma, according to Kåty. XXV, 2, 9; or any clotted ghee (prishadâgya), according to the Kanva text.
* For this construction, see p. 15, note 3.
* Or, whatsoever undergoes (suffering) here on earth, all that Varuna causes to undergo it.
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1), 'They by whose vigour the spheres were propped up, who are in strength the strongest and mightiest; who sway with powers unresisted, to Vishnu and Varuna hath it gone at the morning prayer!' For Vishnu is the sacrifice, and it is that (sacrifice) of his which now undergoes distress; and Varuna is the inflicter: thus by both these deities-that whose (sacrifice) undergoes distress, and that which inflicts it-he heals (the joint of the sacrifice), by both he puts it together.
8. And let him then touch (the spilt material) with (Vâg. S. VIII, 60), 'To the gods, to the sky hath the sacrifice gone: may wealth thence accrue to me! to the men, to the air hath the sacrifice gone: may, wealth thence accrue to me! to the Fathers, to the earth hath the sacrifice gone: may wealth thence accrue to me!'-'To whatever world the sacrifice has gone, thence happiness has come to me'!' this is what he thereby means to say.
9. Here now Aruni said, 'Why should he sacrifice who would think himself the worse for a miscarriage of the sacrifice? I, for one, am the better for a miscarriage of the sacrifice 2!' This, then, he said with reference to the adoption of those benedictions.
1 This last sentence (To whatever world...') is treated as if it belonged to the sacrificial formula, to which it is attached in the Samhita. The mistake (which doubtless there is) probably arose from the omission of the 'iti' in the Brâhmana. In the Kânva text of the Brahmana, the analogous sentence appears clearly as belonging to the exposition, and not to the Samhita.
Kim sa yagñena yageteti yo yagñah syât tena vyriddhena sreyo nâbhigakhed iti. Kânva text.
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Eighth BRÂHMANA. 1. Now when at that Triratra' sacrifice he gives those thousand (cows), then that one is made the one thousandth. On the first day he brings three hundred and thirty-three; and likewise on the second day he brings three hundred and thirty-three; and likewise on the third day he brings three hundred and thirtythree. Then that one-thousandth is left over.
2. She should be three-coloured, they say, for that is the most perfect form for her. But let it be a red one, and spotted, for that indeed is the most perfect form for her.
3. Let it be one that has not been approached (by a bull), for she, the Sahasrf, is in reality Vák (speech); but Vak, forsooth, is of unimpaired vigour, and so is one of unimpaired vigour which has not been approached : therefore it should be one that has not been approached.
4. He may lead her up (to the sacrificial ground) on the first day; for she, the Sahasri, is in reality Vak, and hers, Vak's, is that thousandfold progeny.
1 The Sahasradakshina Triratra, or sacrifice of three (pressing) days, with a thousand cows as the priests' fee, is mentioned Kâty. XIII, 4, 15 seq. as, apparently, an independent Ahîna sacrifice. I do not, however, know whether it might not be added on to some other sacrificial performance, as, for instance, to the Prishthya shadaha, thus forming together with this the Navaratra (or first nine days of the Dasarâtra, see p. 402, note 2). Kâty. gives no indication as to the particular forms of Soma-sacrifice required for the several days; but, guided no doubt by the Brahmana, he confines his remarks to the manner of distribution of the dakshinâs.
* Sahasrî, lit. 'she who makes the dakshinâ to consist of one thousand.'
• Or,—and from her, Vâk, those thousand (cows) were produced ;
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She walks at the head (of the other 333 cows), and behind her follows her progeny. Or he may lead her up on the last day; then her progeny precedes her, and she herself walks behind. This, however, is mere speculation : let him lead her up on the last day, her progeny precedes her, and she herself walks behind.
5. North of the Havirdhâna shed, and south of the Âgnidhra fire-house he makes her smell the Dronakalasa ; for the Dronakalasa is the sacrifice; thus he makes her see the sacrifice.
6. With (Vâg. S. VIII, 42), 'Smell the trough: may the drops enter thee, O mighty one!' Now he who gives a thousand (cows) becomes, as it were, emptied: him, thus emptied, he thereby replenishes, when he says, 'Smell the trough: may the drops enter thee, O mighty one!'
7. 'Return again with sap!'him who is emptied he thus replenishes when he says, 'Return again with sap!'
8. 'And milk to us a thousandfold !' him who is emptied he thus replenishes with a thousand (forces), when he says, 'And milk to us a thousandfold !'
9. 'Broad-streamed, milk-abounding,-may wealth come back to me!' him who is emptied he thus replenishes when he says, ' May wealth come back to me!'
10. He then mutters in her right ear, 'O I da, blithesome, adorable, lovable, bright, shining, Aditi (inviolable), Sarasvati (sapful), mighty,
or,—and from her (the thousandth cow that thousandfold progeny of Vâk was produced; see IV, 6, 7, 3, where the thousandfold progeny of Vâk is identified with the Vedic texts generally.
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glorious, these are thy names, O cow: tell thou the gods of me as a doer of good!'-or, 'speak thou.... These indeed are her names with the gods: he thus means to say, 'whatever thy names are with the gods, therewith tell the gods of me as a doer of good.'
11. They release her. If, not urged by any man, she goes eastwards, then let him know that this sacrificer has succeeded, that he has won the happy world. If she goes northwards, let him know that the sacrificer will be more glorious in this world. If she goes westwards, let him know that he will be rich in dependants and crops. If she goes southwards, let him know that the sacrificer will quickly depart from this world. Such are the ways of knowledge.
12. And what three (cows) there are each time over and above the (three hundred and) thirty, thereto they add that one1. Now, when they draw out a Virág (verse), they pull it asunder, and a Virag which is pulled asunder is torn in two;-and the Virâg consisting of ten syllables, he thus makes the Virág complete. Let him give her to the Hotri; for the Hotri is a thousandfold 2: therefore let him give her to the Hotri.
1 I am not certain whether I understand this passage rightly. According to paragraph 16, and Kâty. XIII, 4, 23, he is to give away the cows by tens. This would leave three each day, or nine on the three days. To them he is to add the Sâhasrî, and give the ten cows to the Hotri.-A common Virâg verse consists of three times ten syllables; but there are also such as consist of three times eleven syllables. These latter the sacrificer is thus represented (by withholding three cows out of thirty-three) to make into a proper Virâg.
That is, according to the St. Petersb. Dict., he possesses a
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13. Or let him appoint two Unnetris, and let him give her to him, of the two, who does not call for the Sraushat; for defective, indeed, is he who, being an officiating priest, does not call for the Sraushat; and defective also is the Virag which is pulled asunder: thus he puts the defective to the defective.
14. Now they say, one ought not to give anything above a thousand (cows), because by a thousand he obtains all the objects of his desire. But Åsuri said, * Let him give according to his wish : by a thousand he indeed obtains all his wishes; and anything else (that he gives) is likewise given at his wish?
15. And should he intend to give a cart yoked (with a team of oxen), or something else, let him give it either after the offering of the omentum of the barren cow, or at the concluding (udavasâniya) offering.
16. In bringing the dakshinâs, let him bring complete decads. If he intends to give one (cow) to any (priest), let him pass over a decad to ten such (priests). If he intends to give two to any one, let him pass over a decad to five such (priests). If hę intends to give three to any one, let him pass over a decad to three such ? If he intends to give five to
thousand verses ;—if it does not rather refer to the extent of the Rig-veda, consisting of rather more than a thousand (1028) hymns. Cp. also 'the thousandfold progeny of Vák,' p. 414, note 3.
1 The Kanva text has much the same reasoning, but does not ascribe it to any one.
? In this and all other cases the text has 'to those three (ten &c.). It is not clear in what manner he is to divide the ten cows between the three priests, unless indeed he is to repeat the same process three times, giving the odd cow each time to another priest. The Kânva text only mentions two of the cases here given, viz. that if he intends to give one cow to each (ekaikām), [26]
Ee
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any one, let him pass over a decad to two such. Thus up to a hundred: and thus this perfect Virâg of his becomes a cow of plenty for him in yonder world.
NINTH BRAHMANA.
1. When he performs a twelve days' sacrifice with transposed metres (Dvâdasâha vyûdhakhandas), then he (the Adhvaryu) transposes the grahas (cups of Soma); and both the Udgâtri and the Hotri transpose the metres. Now there is first that normal Tryaha (triduum), with settled metres1: there he draws the cup beginning with the Aindravâyava.
he is to give ten to ten such; and if he intends to give two to each, he is to give ten to five such. Professor Weber, Ind. Stud. X, 52, remarks that this paragraph is not clear to him, and suggests that it may be interpolated. It does not appear, what the exact proportion of the thousand cows is for each of the sixteen priests; but we may assume that it did not differ much from that given at the Agnishtoma (see p. 345, note), and that this result was brought about by repeated distributions among varied groupings of the priests.
1 That is, three days, on which the order of the Agnish/oma is observed. Hence, having drawn the Upâmsu and Antaryâma cups (IV, 1, 1 and 2), which must always be drawn first, he draws the Aindravâyava cup (IV, 1, 3) and so on. The same order is preserved on the fifth, eighth, and last three days. On the fourth and ninth days, on the other hand, he follows up the Upâmsu and Antaryâma by the grahas of the third pressing, beginning with the Agrayana (IV, 3, 5, 21 seq.); these being then succeeded by those of the morning and midday pressings; and on the sixth and seventh days the Upâmsu and Antaryâma cups are succeeded by the grahas of the midday pressing, beginning with the Sukra cup (IV, 3, 3, 2). This change of the proper order of performance, of course, involves a different arrangement of the stotras and sastras (or 'the metres,' as they are called in the texts). This dislocation of the three pressings is afterwards to be rectified by the various cups being 'deposited' on the khara in their normal order. In the last two paragraphs of the present Brahmana the author, however,
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2. Then, on the fourth day, he transposes the grahas, and they transpose the metres. There he draws the cups beginning with the Agrayana,- for that fourth day is Pragâpati's own; and the Âgrayana is the self, and Pragâpati is the self: therefore he draws the cups beginning with the Ågrayana.
3. Having drawn that (Agrayana) cup, he does not deposit it—the grahas being the vital airs-lest he should disorder the vital airs?; for he would indeed disorder the vital airs, were he to deposit it. They sit near holding that (cup) ?; and (the Adhvaryu) draws (the other) cups; and while he draws the cups, then whenever the time of that cup in the order of performance comes), he utters Him' and deposits it. Then follows that normals fifth day; on that he draws the cups beginning with the Aindravậyava.
4. Thereupon, on the sixth day, he transposes the grahas, and they transpose the metres. There he draws the cups beginning with the Sukra; for that sixth day is Indra's own, and the Sukra (bright, clear) is he that burns yonder, and he (the sun) indeed is Indra: therefore he draws the cups beginning with the Sukra.
5. Having drawn that (cup), he does not deposit it-the grahas being the vital airs-lest he should disorder the vital airs; for he would indeed disorder the vital airs, were he to deposit it. They sit near discountenances this practice of changing the natural order of drawing the cups. i For this construction see p. 15, note 3.
Having given it to some one else (to hold), he draws the other cups.' Kanva text.
• Or, that known' fifth day, i.e. performed in the manner known, or explained before (viz. at the Agnishloma).
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holding that (cup); and he draws (the other) cups; and while he draws the cups, then whenever the time of that (cup comes), he deposits it.
420
6. Then, on the seventh day, he transposes the grahas, and they transpose the metres. There he draws the cups beginning with the Sukra cup; for that seventh day belongs to the Brihati ('great' metre); for the Sukra is he that burns yonder, and he indeed is great: therefore he draws the cups beginning with the Sukra.
7. Having drawn that (cup), he does not deposit it-the grahas being the vital airs-lest he should disorder the vital airs; for he would indeed disorder the vital airs, were he to deposit it. They sit near holding that (cup); and he draws the (other) cups; and while he draws the cups, then whenever the time of that (cup comes), he deposits it. Then follows that normal eighth day: there he draws the cups beginning with the Aindravâyava.
8. Then, on the ninth day, he transposes the grahas, and they transpose the metres. There he draws the cups beginning with the Âgrayana; for that ninth day belongs to the Gagati (metre), and the Âgrayana is the self, and the self (soul) is this whole world (gagat): therefore he draws the cups beginning with the Agrayana.
9. Having drawn it, he does not deposit it-the grahas being the vital airs-lest he should disorder the vital airs; for he would indeed disorder the vital airs, were he to deposit it. They sit near holding that (cup); and he draws the (other) cups; and while he draws the cups, when the time of that (cup comes), he utters 'Him' and deposits it.
10. Now they say, He should not transpose the
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cups—the cups being the vital airs-lest he should disorder the vital airs; for he would indeed disorder the vital airs, were he to transpose them: therefore he should not transpose (the cups).
11. But let him, nevertheless, transpose them; for the cups are the limbs, and in sleeping one likes to turn' his limbs from one side to the other : therefore let him nevertheless transpose them.
12. Nevertheless, he should not transpose themthe cups being the vital airs—lest he should disorder the vital airs; for he would indeed disorder the vital airs, were he to transpose (the cups): therefore let him not transpose them.
13. What, then, is the Adhvaryu to do in that case, when both the Udgâtri and Hotri transpose (change) the metres ? ? In that, at the morning pressing, he draws first the Aindravåyava cup; and at the midday pressing the Sukra cup; and at the evening pressing the Agrayana cup,-thereby forsooth the Adhvaryu transposes (the cups).
TENTH BRÂHMANAS: 1. If the Soma is carried off, let him say, 'Run about and seek l' If they find it, why should they care? But if they do not find it, atonement is made therefore.
2. Now there are two kinds of Phâlguna plants,
* In the text our subordinate clause is, as usual, the principal clause : 'one sleeps in turning his limbs from one side to the other.'
• The chanters and the Hotri in any case use different metres, as the principal ones, at different pressings.
In the Kanva text I have met with nothing corresponding to this Brahmana.
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the red-flowering and the brown-flowering. Those Phâlguna plants which have brown flowers one may press; for they, the brown-flowering Phâlgunas, are akin to the Soma-plant: therefore he may press those with brown flowers.
3. If they cannot get brown-flowering (Phâlgunas), he may press the Syenahrita? plant. For when Gâyatri flew up for Soma, a sprig of Soma fell from her, as she was bringing him : it became the Syenahrita plant: therefore he may press the.Syenahrita plant.
4. If they cannot get the Syenahrita, he may press Ådâra plants. For when the head of the sacrifice was cut off, then Adâra plants sprung from the sap which spirted from it: therefore he may press Adâra plants.
5. If they cannot get Ådaras, he may press brown Dab (dûrvâ) plants, for they, the brown Dùb plants, are akin to the Soma : therefore he may press brown Dab plants.
6. If they cannot get brown Dùb plants, he may also press any kind of yellow Kusa plants. In that case let him also give one cow; and, when he comes out of the purificatory bath, let him again become consecrated, for the atonement for that (use of plants other than Soma) is a second sacrifice. So much then as to those robbed of their Soma.
7. Now as to those who burst their Soma-trough (kalasa). If the trough bursts, let him say, 'Try to catch it!' If they catch a handful or a goupenful: (of Soma), let them perform, as far as is in their power ,
That is, the plant carried away by the falcon (or eagle).' ? Scotch for the measure of both hands placed side by side; Ags. geap, Low Germ. göpse.
• Yathaprabhavam: Kâty. XXV, 12, 24 seems to take it in the
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after pouring (water) to it from other ekadhana pitchers. But if they do not catch any, let them perform, as far as is in their power, after pouring out some of the Âgrayana and pouring (water) thereto from other ekadhana pitchers. And if the trough bursts before the dakshinâ (cows) have been led up, let him then give one cow; and after coming out from the purificatory bath, let him be consecrated again; for the atonement for that (mishap) is a second sacrifice. So much then as to those who burst the trough.
8. Then as to those by whom any Soma is left over. If any (Soma) be left after the Agnishtoma, let him draw the Ukthya cup from the Pûtabhrit. If any be left after the Ukthya, let him undertake the Shodasin. If any be left after the Shodasin, let them undertake a night (performance)'. If any be left after the night (performance), let them undertake a day (performance). But nothing, surely, remains after that 3.
SIXTH ADHYAYA. FIRST BRAHMANA.
1. Now, the Amsu (graha), forsooth, is no other than Pragâpati: that (cup) is his (Yagña's or the
sense of 'abundantly,' as he circumscribes it by 'prabhavayantah' (which the commentator explains by 'distributing over the several vessels').
That is, he is to perform an Atirâtra, see p. 397, note 2.
Kâty. XXV, 13, 12-14, in that emergency, prescribes (ither the Brihat-sâman (by which a seventeenth stotra is obtained at the Vâgapeya sacrifice, for which see more in Kânda V), or the Mahâvrata (see IV, 6, 4, 1, with note), or the Aptoryâma (see p. 398, note).
The meaning of this seems to be, that after the Aptoryâma, no other sacrifice remains at which he could dispose of any Soma that might be left (and hence one must finish it at that sacrifice). According to Kâty. ib. 15, he is to repeat the Aptoryâma, if any Soma remains after the first performance.
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Sacrificer's) self', for Pragâpati is the self. Hence when they draw that (cup) they produce that self of his. Therein they lay these vital airs, according to as these vital airs, the grahas, are explained 2; and verily the sacrificer is born with his whole body in yonder world.
2. Where they draw that (cup), then that is (like) having a hold 3; and where they do not draw it, then that is (like) having no hold: therefore, then, he draws the Amsu.
3. He draws it with a vessel of udumbara wood; for that (cup) is Pragâpati, and the udumbara tree is Pragâ pati's own: therefore he draws it with a vessel of udumbara wood.
4. He draws it with a square vessel ; for there are here three worlds : these three worlds he obtains by three (corners). And Pragâpati is the fourth over and above these three worlds : thus he obtains Pragapati by the fourth (corner): therefore he draws it with a square vessel.
5. Silently he takes up the pressing-stone; silently he throws down the Soma-plants (amsu); silently he pours water thereon; silently raising (the stone), he
Or body (âtman); am su meaning the Soma-plant, and hence the body of the Soma. This graha seems to consist of imperfectly pressed Soma-plants in water. Cf. Kâty. XII, 5, 6-12. See also Sat. Br. IV, I, I, 2; Taitt. S. VI, 6, Io; Sấy. on Taitt. S. I, p. 603. In the Kanva text this Brahmana is followed by one on the Adâ bhya graha, which is identified with speech.
Or, perhaps, according to as the grahas are explained as being these vital airs.
Or, like something that has a handle. The Kânva text reads,for whomsoever they draw that (cup), his vital airs are, as it were, supplied with a firmer hold, and, as it were, firmly established (ârambhanavattarâ iva pratishthitâ iva). And for whomsoever they do not draw it, his vital airs are, as it were, without any hold (baltloser ') and quite unrestrained (anarambhanatarâ ivâsyâyatatara iva prânâh).
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presses once; silently he offers that (libation) without drawing breath : thus he makes him (the sacrificer) to be Pragâpati.
6. Now there is a piece of gold in that (spoon): that he smells at. And if he either galls or scratches himself at this (sacrifice),-gold being immortal life,he lays that immortal life into his own self.
7. As to this Râma Aupatasvini said, 'Let him freely breathe out and freely breathe in : if he but. offers silently, thereby he makes him (the sacrificer) to be Pragâpati.'
8. Now there is a piece of gold in that (spoon): that he smells at. And if he either galls or scratches himself at this (sacrifice), gold being immortal life,– he lays that immortal life into his own self.
9. As to this Budila Åsvatarâsvi said, 'Let him draw it after merely raising (the stone), and let him not press; for they do press for other deities : thus he does different from what he does for other deities ; and in that he raises (the stone) thereby indeed the pressing takes place for him.'
10. As to this Yâgñavalkya said, 'Nay, let him press: "The unpressed Soma delighted not the mighty Indra, nor the outpressed draughts without prayer,” thus spake the Rishi (Rig-veda VII, 26, 1). For no other deity does he strike but once : thus he does different from what he does for other deities,-therefore let him press!'
11. Twelve heifers pregnant with their first calf are the priests' fee for this (graha). Now there are twelve months in the year, and Pragâpati is the year, and the Amsu is Pragâpati : thus he makes him (the sacrificer) to be Pragàpati.
12. They have twelve embryo calves,—that makes
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twenty-four. Now there are twenty-four half-moons in the year, and Pragâpati is the year, and the Amsu is Pragâpati : thus he makes him to be Praxåpati.
13. Now Kaukūsta' indeed gave as many as twenty-four heifers with their first calf as dakshinas, and a bull as the twenty-fifth, and gold; and truly that is what he gave.
14. This (graha) should not be drawn for every one, since this is his (Yagña's) self. It should only be drawn for one who is well known, or one who is his (the Adhvaryu's) friend, or one who, being learned in sacred lore, would acquire it by his study.
15. It should be drawn at a (sacrifice with) a thousand (cows as the priests' fee); for a thousand is everything, and this (graha) is everything. It should be drawn at (a sacrifice) where the entire property is given away, for the entire property is everything, and this (graha) is everything. It should be drawn at a Visvagit with all the Prishthas, for the Visvagit (all-conquering') is everything, and this (cup) is everything. It should be drawn at a Vâgapeya and Râgasaya, for that is everything. It should be drawn at a sattra (sacrificial session), for the sattra means everything, and this (cup) means everything. These are the drawings.
THE GAVÂM AYANA”.
SECOND BRAHMANA. 1. Verily, they who sit (sacrificing) for a year, by means of six months go to him that burns yonder :
1 The Kanva MSS. read 'Kaükthasta.
Perhaps the author here means to connect sattra (satra) with the adverbs satram, satra, altogether, always,' instead of with the verb sad, to sit; but cf. IV, 6, 8, 1.
8 The great sacrificial session (sattra), called Gavâm ayana, or
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so it is told on the part of the Saman, in as much as it is made of the form of that (sun) it is told on the part of the Rik"; and now in like manner on the part of the Yagus, by means of preparatory rite, when they draw that (graha) ?, they thereby also go to him (the sun).
cows' walk (or course), usually extends over twelve months (of 30 days), and consists of the following parts :
Prầyaniya Atirâtra, or opening day. Katurvim sa day, an Ukthya, all the stotras of which are in
the Katurvimsa stoma. Five months, each consisting of four Abhiplava shadahas
and one Prishthya shadaha ( - 30 days). Cl. p. 402, n. 2. Three Abhiplavas and one ) 28 days, which, with the two Prishthya.
opening days, complete the Abhigit day.
sixth month. Three Svarasaman days. VISHUVANT or central day.
Three Svarasâman days. 28 days, which, with the two Visvagit day.
concluding days, complete One Prishthya and three
the seventh month. Abhiplavas. Four months, each consisting of four Abhiplavas and one Prishthya. Three Abhiplava shadahas. One Goshloma (Agnishloma, p. 403, n.). One Ayushtoma (Ukthya).
$30 days. One Dasarâtra (the ten central days of
1 the Dvâdasâha, p. 402, note 2). J Mahâ vrata day.
Udayanîya Atirâtra. In imitation of the retrograde course of the sun, the order of the performance during the second part of the year is, generally speaking, the reverse of that of the former half.
I Ta etam shadbhir mâsair yanti, tasmât paranko grahå grihyante parâñki stotrani parâñki sastrani. Ta etam shashthe mâse gakhanti tad etasya rûpam kriyate. Kânva text.
• Viz, the Atigrâhya cup to Sürya (IV, 5, 4, 2 seq.), which has
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2. He thus takes it therefrom with (Vág. S. VIII, 41; Rig-veda I, 50, 1)', 'The lights bear on high that divine knower of beings, Surya, that all may see him!—Thou art drawn with a support: thee to Sarya for splendour!—This is thy womb: thee to Sûrya for splendour!'
THIRD BRÂHMANA. 1. Now as to the manner of animal offerings. One may perform with the (ordinary) set of eleven victims. He seizes one for Agni as the first victim, and one for Varuna (as the last); then again one for Agni: in this way let him perform with the set of eleven victims ?.
2. Or one may day after day seize a victim for Indra and Agni; for all the gods are Agni, since in Agni offering is made to all the deities; and Indra is the deity of the sacrifice : thus he neither offends any of the deities, nor does he offend him who is the deity of the sacrifice.
3. Then as to the manner (of animal offering) in accordance with the Stomas. At the Agnishtoma
to be drawn on the Vishuvant or middle day of the Gavâm ayana; an animal sacrifice to the same deity being also prescribed.
1 The Kânva text allows the alternative mantra, Rig-veda I, 50, 3; Våg. S. VIII, 40, Adrisram asya ketavah, &c. See IV, 5, 4, II.
* See III, 9, 1, 5 seq. He is to sacrifice one victim each day, and if after the eleventh day, the performance is to go on (as at the Dvadasaha), he is to begin anew with the first victim of the ekâdasinî. According to the Kanva text and Kâty. XII, 6, 17 he is on such an odd day to immolate all the remaining victims of the set of eleven. Thus on the last twelfth) day of the Dvadasaha -the Udayanîya Atirâtra-he would have to sacrifice the entire set of eleven victims.
3 I. e. the particular form of the Gyotish/oma, which is being performed.
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let him seize a (victim) for Agni; for it is befitting that at the Agnishtoma (Agni's praise ') he should seize a victim for Agni. If it be an Ukthya sacrifice, let him seize as the second (victim) one for Indra and Agni, for the hymns (uktha)' belong to Indra and Agni. If it be a Shodasin sacrifice, let him seize as the third (victim) one for Indra; for the Shodasin (graha) is Indra. If it be an Atirâtra, let him seize as the fourth (victim) one for Sarasvatt; for Sarasvati is Vâk (speech), and Vâk is a female, and so is râtri (fem., 'night') female. Thus he duly distinguishes between the sacrificial performances. Such are the three manners (of animal offering): he may perform in whichever manner he pleases. Two victims must needs be seized,—for Särya he seizes the second on the Vishuvant day, and for Pragâ pati at the Mahâvrata.
Fourth BRÂHMANA. 1. Then as to the Mahâvratiya (graha). Now when Pragàpati had created the living beings, his
That is, the hymns of the Rig-veda, the single collections of which begin with the hymns to Agni, followed by those to Indra. The 'ukthâni' here can scarcely refer to the three additional sastras of the Ukthya sacrifice, as they are composed of hymns to Indra - Varuna, Indra-Brihaspati, and Indra - Vishnu respectively. Asv. Sr. VI, 1; Ait. Br. III, 50. Cp. IV, 3, 5, 14.
* The drawing of this cup forms part of the performance of the last but one day of the Gavâm ayana, the so-called Mahâvrata (great vow) day, on which the following particulars are supplied by Katyayana XIII, 2, 16 seq. The particular form of sacrifice prescribed for the day is the Agnishtoma. A victim to Pragâpati is to be immolated. The Mahâvratîya-graha is drawn as an additional libation (like the Atigrâhyas, IV, 5, 4, 2). The signal for the chanting of the Prishtha-stotras is given by (a Brâhman) play. ing, with a rattan plectrum, on a harp with a hundred strings of
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joints were relaxed : with his relaxed joints he was unable to raise himself. Then the gods went on praising and toiling. They saw this Mahâvratiya (cup) and drew it for him : thereby they restored his joints.
2. With his joints thus restored, he approached this food, what food of Pragàpati there is,- for what eating is to men, that the vrata (fast-food, or religious observance generally) is to the gods. And because (they say), 'Great, indeed, is this vrata whereby he has raised himself, therefore it is called Mahâvratiya.
3. Now, even as Pragâ pati then was, when he had created the living beings, so are those who sit in sacrificial session) for a year; and as Pragâpati then, after a year, approached food, so do they now, after a year, approach food, for whomsoever that knows this, they draw that cup.
4. Let him draw it for Indra Vimridh (the Averter of scorn), for, verily, the scorners of those who sit for Muñga grass. During the chanting and recitation, the Udgâtri sits on an arm-chair, the Hotri on a hammock or swing, the Adbvaryu on a board, and the other priests on cushions of grass. Then follow several curious ceremonies, performed partly inside and partly outside the Vedi. The performance of the Sattra is alternately lauded and vituperated by two persons (the one, a Brahman, seated at the front door of the Sadas; the other, a Sadra, at the back door; both facing each other ;-thus Lâty. IV, 3, according to which authority, however, they are merely to say respectively, 'These Sattrins have not succeeded I'— They have succeeded !') At the same time a harlot and a theological student (brahmakharin) upbraid one another (in front of the Agnîdhrîya fire shed); while (south of the Margaliya) a sham contest takes place between an Arya (Vaisya) and a Sudra for the possession of a round white skin, the Sadra having to give in (after the third effort, when the Arya beats him with the skin). Thereupon a couple is shut up in an enclosed space south of the Mârgâliya (or behind the Agnidhriya, Laty.) for maithuna.
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a year are smitten, and all is won by them: hence for Indra Vimridh,— with (Vág. S. VIII, 44; Rigveda X, 152, 4), 'Scatter thou our scorners, O Indra, lay them low that war against us, and send them, that persecute us, to the nethermost darkness!—Thou art taken with a support: thee to Indra Vimridh!—This is thy womb: thee to Indra Vimridhl'
5. Or for Visvakarman (the All-worker), for all work is done, everything is won by those who sit in session for a year: hence for Visvakarman,-with (Vâg. S. VIII, 45; Rig-veda X, 81, 7), Vâkaspati Visvakarman, the thought-speeder!, let us invoke for protection in our struggle this day: may he, the all-beneficient worker of good, delight in all our offerings for our protection !-Thou art taken with a support: thee to Indra Visvakarman*!-This is thy womb: thee to Indra Visvakarman!'
6. But if he knows the (verse) referring to Indra (and) Visvakarman, let him draw it thus (Vag. S. VIII, 46), 'O Visvakarman, with strengthening libation madest thou Indra an invincible champion: to him did the people bow down of
Or, the thought-swift (manoga). : For the different meanings of vâga' see Max Müller, 'India, what can it teach us?' p. 164.
• Or, in all our invocations (havana).
• The identification of Visvakarman with Indra was probably suggested by the final pada of the preceding verse of the hymn (Rig-veda X, 81, 6): "May there be (or may he, Visvakarman, be) for us a Sori Maghavan' (a rich patron; terms frequently applied to Indra). But cp. Muir, O. S. T. vol. iv, p. 7.
o The Kanva text does not give the verse, but remarks merely, But if he can get (vindet) an aindri vaisvakarmanî (verse), let him draw it therewith.
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old, because he, the mighty, is worthy of adoration.—Thou art taken with a support: thee to Indra Visvakarman!—This is thy womb: thee to Indra Viswakarman!'
Fifth BRAHMANA. 1. Now the graha ?, forsooth, is he that burns yonder, since by him all these creatures are held (swayed). Hence they say, 'We take (grah) the grahas,' “They walk, seized by the grahas.'
2. The graha, forsooth, is Vâk (speech); for by speech everything is swayed (grah) here 3, -what wonder, then “, that Vâk is the graha ?
3. The graha, forsooth, is the name, for everything is held (fixed) by a name here,—what wonder, then, that the name is the graha ? We know the names of many, and are they not thereby held by us ?
1 I see no other way of rendering 'yatha-asat' in this passage.
? That is, the seizer, holder, swayer. According to the St. Petersb. Dict. the word 'graha' probably has not already in this passage the later meaning of 'planet' as the one holding or influencing man; but that of some demoniac being. The whole Brâhmana is a play on the word 'graha' in its active and passive meanings of seizer, holder, influence; and draught, libation. The corresponding Brahmana of the Kanva text (V, 7, 1) differs widely from our text. Its general drift is as follows: The graha is the breath, the graha of that breath is food, the graha of that food is the water,—the graha of that water is fire,-the graha of the fire (Agni) is the breath,-thus the deities are seized by him, and he wins a place in the world of the deities.
Perhaps with the double-entendre, everything (libation &c.) is drawn with speech here.'
. ? Kimu tad yad vậg grahah. The usual meaning of kim u, how much more,' still more so,' seems hardly to suit this passage.
o? Or, are not those of us (that have a name) held (known) thereby?' In either case, however, the interrogative force of atha,' without any other particle, is rather unusual.
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4. The graha, forsooth, is food; for by food everything is kept (grah) here: hence as many as eat our food, all those are kept by us. Such is the natural order of things.
5. And as to this graha of Soma, that is food; for whatever deity one draws this graha, that deity, being seized by this graha, fulfils that wish of his for which he draws it. He approaches either the rising or the setting sun, thinking, “Thou art the seizer, seize thou N.N. by such and such a disease! may N.N. not obtain such and such !' (naming) him whom he hates; or with, ‘May such and such a wish not be fulfilled to him!' and, assuredly, that wish is not fulfilled to him for whom he thus approaches (the sun).
Sixth BRÂHMANA, 1. Now once on a time the gods, while performing sacrifice, were afraid of an attack from the AsuraRakshas. They said, 'Who of us shall sit on the south side; we will then enter upon the sacrifice on the north side in a place free from danger and injury.'
2. They said, 'He who is the strongest of us, let him sit on the south side; we will then enter upon the sacrifice on the north side in a place free from danger and injury.'
3. They said, 'Verily, Indra is the strongest of us : let Indra sit on the south side ; we will then enter upon the sacrifice on the north side in a place free from danger and injury.'
4. They said to Indra, Verily, thou art the strongest of us : sit thou on the south side; we will then enter upon the sacrifice on the north side in a place free from danger and injury.'
5. He said, 'What will be my reward then ?'•The office of Brahmanakhamsin shall be thine, the [26]
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Brahmasaman? shall be thine !'-Hence one elects the Brâhmanâkhamsin with, ‘Indra is the Brahman, by virtue of the Brahmaship!' for to Indra belongs this (office). Indra sat on the south side, and they entered upon the sacrifice on the north side in a place free from danger and injury. Therefore let him who is the strongest sit on the south side, and let them then enter upon the sacrifice on the north side in a place free from danger and injury. Now he, forsooth, who is the most learned of Brâhmans, is the strongest of them; and as now any one is (able to become) a (superintendent) Brahman?-nay, does he not sit still ?—therefore whosoever is the strongest
That is, the Sâman which supplies the text for the Stotra chanted in connection with the Brâhmanakhamsin's Sastra, and forming the Stotriya verse of the latter. Thus, at the midday savana, the (Prishtha Stotra of that priest usually consists of the Naudhasa-saman (Sâma-veda II, 35-36), if the Rathantara-saman (Sâma-veda II, 30-31) is used for the Hotri's Stotra; but, if the Brihat-sâman (ib. II, 159-160) is used for the latter, then the Syaita-sâman (II, 161-2) is used as the Brahma-saman. See p. 339, note 2. The reason, however, why special mention is made of the Brahmanâkhamsin in this place, probably is that at the Gavâm ayana the Brahma-saman is treated in a peculiar way. For, while on 142 days of the first half of the year, viz. on the Katurvimsa, on all (6 x 23) Abhiplavika days and on the three Svara-saman days,
-one and the same tune, the Abhîvarta-sậman, is to be used day by day, but each time with a different pragatha stanza (thus the pragatha S. V. II, 35-36, usually chanted to the Naudhasa tune, being on this occasion chanted to the Abhivarta tune); on the corresponding days of the second half of the year, one and the same stanza, Indra kratum na â bhara' (S. V. II, 806–7), is to be used day by day, but with different tunes (six such being given in the Calc. ed. vol. iv, pp. 529-34). Tândya Br. IV, 3, 1 seq.
According to XII, 6, 1, 40 only priests of the Vasishtha family could become Brahmans, or superintendent priests, in olden times; because they alone knew the Somabhaga mantras; but now every one learns them, and can therefore become a Brahman.
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of them, let him sit on the south side, and let them then enter upon the sacrifice on the north side in a place free from danger and injury. Hence Brâhmans sit on the south side (of the vedi), and they enter upon the sacrifice on the north side in a place free from danger and injury.
6. When (the Prastotri) says, 'Brahman, we will chant, О Prasastar!' then the Brahman mutters (Våg. S. II, 12), “This thy sacrifice, o divine Savitar, have they announced unto Brihaspati (the lord of prayer), the Brahman': therefore speed the sacrifice, speed the lord of the sacrifice, speed me?!— Praise ye at the impulse (prasava) of Savitri!' The significance is the same (as before)! With this (text) most probably enter upon (the chant).
7. But one may also enter upon it with, 'O divine Savitar; this, O Brihaspati, forwards!' Therewith he hastes to Savitri for his impulsion, for he is the impeller (prasavitri) of the gods; and 'O Brihaspati, forwards !' he says, because Brihaspati is the Brahman of the gods,—thus he announces it to him who is the Brahman of the gods: therefore he says, O Brihaspati, forwards * !' 8. The Maitråvaruna then mutters, “Impelled
Mahîdhara interprets, 'This sacrifice, o divine Savitar, they announce to thee and to Brihaspati, the Brahman.' Perhaps the correct meaning (though not that assumed by the Brahmana) is, *This sacrifice they announce to thee as the Brihaspati, the Brahman !' and similarly the mantra in the next paragraph.
* The Kânva text adds here the verse Vâg. S. II, 13 ; see Sat. Br. I, 7, 4, 22, with the same various reading syotir.'
See I, 7, 4, 21. Asau nvaivaitasya yagusho bandhur ya evâsau darsapürnamâsayoh; Kanva text. • On pra' see part i, p. 101 note.
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by the divine Savitri, acceptable to Mitra and Varuna!' Therewith he hastes to Savitri for his impulsion, for he is the impeller of the gods; and 'acceptable to Mitra and Varuna' he says, because Mitra and Varuna are the deities of the Maitravaruna (Prasastri),—thus he announces it to those who are the deities of the Maiträvaruna: therefore he says, 'acceptable to Mitra and Varuna.'
SEVENTH BRÂHMANA. 1. Threefold, forsooth, is science; the Riks, the Yagus, and the Sâmans. The Riks are this (earth). since it is thereon that he who sings them, does sing them; the Riks are speech, since it is by speech that he who sings them, does sing them. And the Yagus, forsooth, are the air, and the Sâmans the sky. That same threefold science is used in the Soma-sacrifice.
2. By the Rik he conquers this world, by the Yagus the air, and by the Sâman the sky. Therefore whosoever has learnt one of these sciences, let him endeavour to learn also what is contained in the two others : by the Rik, forsooth, he conquers this world, by the Yagus the air, and by the Sâman the sky.
3. This, then, is the thousandfold progeny of Vâk (speech), Indra (obtained for his share) two-thirds, and Vishnu one-third 2: the Riks and Samans are Indra, and the Yagus are Vishnu. Therefore in the Sadas they perform (the Sastras and Stotras) with the Rik and Sâman, for the Sadas is Indra's own.
4. And by means of these Yagus they, as it were, bring forward (puras) that Vishnu, the sacrifice: hence the name 'puraskarana' (preparatory ceremony).
* See IV, 5, 8, 4.
? Thus according to the Kanva text,- dvau bhagav indro 'bhagataikam vishnuh.
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5. Both the Riks and the Sâmans are Speech, and the Yagus are the Mind. Now wherever this Speech was, there everything was done, everything was known; but wherever Mind was, there nothing whatever was done, nothing was known, for no one knows (understands) those who think in their mind.
6. The gods said to Speech, 'Go thou forward and make this known!' She said, 'What will be my reward then?'—'Whatever in the sacrifice is offered with Svâhâ, and without Vashat, that shall be thine!' Hence whatever in the sacrifice is offered with Svâhâ, and without Vashat, that belongs to Speech. She then went forward and made that known, saying, 'Do this so! do this so!'
7. Therefore they also perform with the Rik in the Havirdhana : he (the Hotri) recites the morning prayer, he recites the kindling-verses; he (the Gravastut) praises the pressing-stones,-for thus, indeed, they (Speech and Mind) became yoke-fellows.
8. And hence they also perform with the Yagus in the Sadas : they raise up the Udumbara post, they erect the Sadas, they throw up the dhishnya hearths,- for thus they became yoke-fellows.
9. That same Sadas they enclose on all sides with a view to that generation, thinking, 'Quite secretly shall be carried on that generation !' for improper, indeed, is the generation which another sees : hence even when a husband and wife are seen, while carrying on intercourse, they run away from each other, for they give offence. Therefore to any one looking into the Sadas, except through the door, let him say, 'Look not!' for it is as if he were seeing intercourse being carried on. Freely (one may look) through the door, for the door is made by the gods.
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10. In like manner they enclose the Havirdhana on all sides with a view to that generation, thinking, 'Quite secretly this generation shall be carried on!' for improper, indeed, is the generation which another sees : hence even when a husband and wife are seen, while carrying on intercourse, they run away from each other, for they give offence. Therefore to any one looking into the Havirdhâna, except through the door, let him say, “Look not!' for it is as if he were seeing intercourse being carried on. Freely (one may look) through the door, for the door is made by the gods.
11. Now there, in the Sadas, that male, the Såman, longs after the female, the Rik. From that generation Indra was produced: from fire, indeed, fire is produced, viz. Indra from the Rik and the Saman; for Indra they call him that burns yonder (the sun).
12. And there, in the Havirdhana, that male, the Soma, longs after the female, the water. From that generation the moon was produced : from food, indeed, food is produced, viz. the moon from water and Soma; for the moon is the food of him that burns yonder! Hence he thereby produces the sacrificer, and for him he produces food : from the Rik and Saman he produces the sacrificer, and from water and Soma he produces food for him.
13. Now with the Yagus the gods first performed sacrifice, then with the Rik, then with the Sâman ; and in like manner do they now perform the sacrifice, first with the Yagus, then with the Rik, then with the Saman; for Yagus, they say, is the same as Yagas (worship).
14. Now when the gods milked (the objects of) their wishes from these sciences, the Yagus science
See I, 6, 4, 13 seq.
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milked most wishes. It became, as it were, emptied the most; it was not equal to the other two sciences,— the air-world was not equal to the two other worlds.
15. The gods desired, 'How can this science become equal to the other two sciences; how can the air-world become equal to the two other worlds?'
16. They said, 'Let us perform in a low voice with the Yagus: then that science will become equal to the other two sciences; then the air-world will become equal to the two other worlds!'
17. They performed with them in a low voice, and thereby strengthened them; and henceforth that science was equal to the other two sciences, and the air-world was equal to the two other worlds. Therefore the Yagus, while being distinct, are yet indistinct; and therefore the air-world, while being distinct, is yet indistinct (indefinable).
18. He who performs with the Yagus in a low voice, strengthens them; and they, thus strengthened, strengthen him. But he who performs in a loud voice, weakens them, and, being weak, they weaken him.
19. The Riks and Sâmans, forsooth, are speech, and the Yagus are the mind; and so those who perform with the Rik and Sâman are speech, and those who perform with the Yagus are the mind. Hence nothing whatever is done, unless ordered by the Adhvaryu: when the Adhvaryu says, 'Recite (the invitatory prayer)! Pronounce the offering prayer!' then those who perform with the Rik perform it. And when the Adhvaryu says, 'Soma becometh pure: turn ye back1!' then those who perform with the Sâman perform it, for speech speaks not but what is conceived by the mind.
1 See IV, 2, 5, 8.
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20. Thus, then, the Adhvaryu, the mind, walks, as it were, in front (puras-karati): hence the name 'puraskarana';' and verily, he who knows this, stands, as it were, in front through prosperity and glory.
21. Now that same puraskarana (going before) is nothing else than yonder burning (sun): one ought to perform in accordance with his (the sun's) course. When he (the Adhvaryu) has drawn a cup of Soma, let him turn round in accordance with his course; when he has responded (to the Hotri's recitation), let him turn round in accordance with his course; when he has offered a graha, let him turn round in accordance with his course: he (the sun), verily, is the supporter; and whosoever, knowing this, is able to perform in accordance with his course, he, forsooth, is able to support his dependants 2.
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EIGHTH BRAHMANA.
1. Now the consecration-ceremony3 (for the sacrificial session) is a sitting down, is a session (sattra): hence they say of them, 'they sit.' And when thereafter they perform the sacrifice, then they (under)go; then he, who is the leader, leads: hence they say of them, 'they (under)go*.'
1 That is, preparation, preparatory ceremony;-and hence also the taking the lead, being the precursor.'
In the Kânva text this is the last Brâhmana of the (fifth) Kânda.
For the Dikshâ see III, 1, 1, 1 seq. In the Kâzva text I have found nothing corresponding to the present Brahmana.
That is to say, the verb 'i' (to go; more especially its compound upa-i, to undergo, go through, undertake) is used of sacrificial performances in the Sattra lasting for twelve (pressing) days and upward, to distinguish the latter from the ahîna-sacrifices, lasting for from two to twelve (pressing) days.
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2. The consecration-ceremony, then, is a sitting down, it is a session, it is an (under)going, it is the (under)going of a session. And when afterwards, having reached the end of the sacrifice, they rise, that is the rising :' hence they say of them, 'They have risen.' So much, then, for preliminary remark.
3. Now those who are about to consecrate themselves settle (the time and place) between them. If they intend to construct a fire-altar, they take up their (ordinary sacrificial) fires on churning-sticks! and betake themselves together to where they are about to perform the animal offering to Pragâpati. Having churned (the fire), and put fire-wood on, they take out the Åhavaniya fire, and perform that animal offering to Pragàpati.
4. Its head they keep?. If their consecration does not fall upon that same day (of the animal offering), then, taking up the fires (again) on the churning-sticks, they disperse to their several (homes) and perform the (daily) offerings.
5. But if their consecration falls upon that same day, then, taking up the fires (again) on the churningsticks, they betake themselves to where they intend to perform the consecration-ceremony. The Grihapatis churns (his fire) first somewhere about the centre of the hall; and one half of the others settle down south and one half north of him. Having
· That is to say, they hold their churning-sticks to the fires to get warm ; see part i, p. 396, note 1.
* The head of the victim (or victims, sce VI, 2, I seq.) will have to be put in the bottom layer of the fire-altar, to impart stability to the latter.
* See p. 97, note 1. At a Sattra the Grihapati, as well as all the other ritvig, should be a Brâhman; Kâty. I, 6, 13-16.
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churned (their fires), and put on fire-wood, they take one fire-brand each and betake themselves together to the Grihapati's Gârhapatya fire. Having taken out the Ahavaniya from the Grihapati's Garhapatya, they perform the consecration-ceremony. They have one and the same Åhavaniya, but different Gârhapatyas, during the consecration and the Upasads?
6. Then, on whatever day their purchase (of Somaplants) takes place, on that day he raises the Gårhapatya hearth; and on the Upavasatha day 2 the dhishnya hearths for the others. At the time of the Vaisargina 8 offerings, the wives come forward together; and they (the sacrificers) abandon those other (Gârhapatya) fires". As soon as the Vaisargina offering has been performed,
7. He leads forward the king (Soma). That Ågnidhriya fire has just been taken up on the support", when they take one fire-brand each (from the fire at the hall-door) and disperse to their several dhishnya hearths: “They who do so,' said Yagñavalkya, 'slay with those fire-brands of theirs.' This now is one way.
* At Sattras there are usually twelve Upasad days. See p. 105, note 1. Ait. Br. IV, 24 enjoins twelve days for the Diksha and as many for the Upasads of the Dvadasaha. Kâty. XII, 1, 19; 2, 14 gives no special rule regarding the duration of the Dîkshâ, but enjoins twelve Upasads. See also Lâty. III, 3, 27; Âsv. VI, 1, 2.
2 The day before the first pressing day. s See III, 6, 3, I seq.
4 Or, those minor (? western) fires, viz. they extinguish those south and north of the Grihapati's Gârhapatya, or (optionally) also the latter, it being again supplied by the fire-brand from the Sâlâdvârya fire. Cf. Kâty. XII, 1, 25-26.
• See III, 6, 3, 9 seq.
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8. Then there is this second. Having taken up their fires on churning-sticks, they betake themselves to where they intend to perform the animal offering to Pragâpati. Having churned (the fire), and put on (fire-wood), they take out the Åhavaniya and perform that animal offering to Pragâpati.
9. Its head they keep. If their consecration does not fall upon the same day, then, taking up the fires (again) on the churning-sticks, they disperse to their several (homes), and perform (the ordinary) offerings.
10. But if their consecration falls upon the same day, then, taking up the fires (again) on the churning-sticks, they betake themselves to where they intend to perform the consecration-ceremony. The Grihapati churns first, and then the others churn, seated round about him, and throw each the (fire) produced by him on the Grihapati's Gârhapatya. Having taken out the Ahavaniya from the Grihapati's Garhapatya, they perform the Diksha. Theirs is the same Åhavaniya and the same Gârhapatya during the consecration and the Upasads.
11. Then, on whatever day their purchase (of Soma-plants) takes place, on that day he piles up the Garhapatya hearth, and on the Upavasatha day the dhishnya hearths for the others. At the time of the Vaisargina offerings the wives come forward together; they (the sacrificers) abandon that (common Gârhapatya) fire. As soon as the Vaisargina offering has taken place,
12. He leads forward the king. That Agnidhriya fire has just been taken up on the support, when they take one fire-brand each and disperse to their several dhishnya hearths. But those who do it thus, raise
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up strife, and strife comes upon them; they become contentious, and, moreover, strife comes upon that community where they sacrifice. This is the second way.
13. Then there is this third. They commune with each other over the Grihapati's churning-sticks,What fire shall be produced therefrom, be that ours in common! what we shall gain by this sacrifice, by this animal offering, be that ours in common! In common be our good work! whosoever shall do evil, be that his alone!' Having thus spoken, the Grihapati first takes up (the fire on the churning-sticks) for himself, then he takes it up for the others, or they take it up for themselves. They betake themselves to where they intend to perform the animal offering to Pragâpati. Having churned (the fire) and put on (fire-wood), they take out the Åhavaniya and perform that animal offering to Pragâpati.
14. Its head they keep. If their consecration does not fall on the same day, then, taking up (again) the fires on the churning-sticks, they disperse to their several (homes), and perform (the ordinary) offerings.
15. But if their consecration falls on the same day, they commune with each other over the Grihapati's churning-sticks,—'What fire shall be produced therefrom, be that ours in common! what we shall gain by this sacrifice, by this session, be that ours in common! In common be our good work! Whosoever shall do evil, be that his alone!' Having thus spoken, the Grihapati first takes up (the fire) on the churning-sticks for himself, then he takes it up for
Or, according to Kâty. XII, 2, 8-9, each takes up two fires, viz. his own and that of the Grihapati.
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the others, or they take it up for themselves. They betake themselves to where they intend to perform the consecration-ceremony. Having churned (the fire) and put on (fire-wood), they take out the Åhavaniya and perform the consecration-ceremony. Theirs is the same Åhavaniya and the same Gârhapatya during the consecration and the Upasads.
16. And on whatever day their purchase (of Somaplants) takes place, on that day he piles up the Gârhapatya hearth, and on the Upavasatha day the dhishnya hearths for the others. At the time of the Vaisargina offerings the wives come forward together; and they (the sacrificers) abandon that (Gârhapatya) fire. As soon as the Vaisargina offering has been performed, -
17. He leads forward the king. That Âgnidhriya fire has just been taken up on the support, when they take one fire-brand each and disperse to their several dhishnya hearths. Thus is this done, and not (left) undone. The reason why they have different dhishnyas, is that there may be wider space for moving about; and why they have different purodåsas !, is that more sacrificial food may be left over for completeness.
18. Now then the sacrificial session is explained, whereby the gods quickly drove out evil, and gained the supreme authority which they now wield: having one Grihapati, one purodása, one dhishnya, they quickly drove out mischief and quickly were born again. And in like manner will these (sacrificers), by having one Grihapati, one purodása, one dhishnya, quickly drive out evil and be born again.
· The usual Savanîya-purodāsas (III, 8, 3, 1) are to be offered separately on each fire.
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SATAPATHA-BRAHMANA.
19. Now, in that former case, there is a hall with the roof-beams running from south to north 1,--that is human practice. There are one and the same Åhavaniya, and different Gârhapatyas—that is dissimilar. On the Grihapati's Garhapatya they perform the Patnisamyågas with the tail (of the victim), and the others sit offering in response with ghee that is dissimilar.
20. But here there is a hall with the roof-beams running from west to east? : that is as with the gods. There are the same Ahavaniya, the same Gârhapatya, and the same Ågnidhriya : thus this sacrificial session is successful, even as the one day's Somasacrifice was successful, there is no failure for it. Its course is one and the same in everything except the dhishnyas.
NINTH BRAHMANA. 1. Now, once on a time, the gods were sitting : in a sacrificial session, thinking, 'May we attain excellence, may we be glorious, may we be eaters of food !' That same food, gained by them, wished to go away from them,-and, food being cattle, it was the cattle that wished to go away from them, thinking, 'It is to be feared lest they, being exhausted, may hurt us: how, indeed, will they deal with us ?'
2. They offered these two oblations in the Gâr
1 Viz, the Sadas, see p. 128, note I.
? As in the case of the Prâkîna-vamsa of ordinary ishtis. See III, 1, 1, 6-7.
• The Kânva text has nisheduh, they sat down.' See IV, 6, 8, 1.
• See p. 31, note 1.
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hapatya; and—the Gårhapatya being a house (griha), and a house being a resting-place-they thereby secured them in the house, and thus that food, gained by them, did not go away from them.
3. And in like manner do these Sattrins now sit through a sacrificial session, thinking, May we attain excellence, may we be glorious, may we be eaters of food!' That food, gained by them, wishes to go away from them,—and, food being cattle, it is the cattle that wish to go away from them, thinking, ' It is to be feared lest they, being exhausted, may hurt us: how, indeed, will they deal with us?'
4. They offer these two oblations in the Gârhapatya ; and—the Gârhapatya being a house, and the house being a resting-place- they thereby secure them in the house, and thus that food, gained by them, does not go away from them.
5. And in like manner that offered food wishes to go away from him, thinking, 'It is to be feared lest this one will hurt me: how, indeed, will he deal with me?'
6. He first eats a very little from the further (back) end of it;—thereby he encourages it: it knows, 'It was not so as I thought: he has in no wise hurt me. Thus it becomes attached to him, and, indeed, whosoever, knowing this, is able to observe the vow thereof, he becomes an eater of food, dear to food.
7. This, then, is done at the Sattrotthâna (rising from the session) on the tenth day? Each of them
· Viz. those referred to in paragraphs 8 and 9.
That is, on the tenth day of the Dasarâtra, and hence either the last but one day of the sessional Dvadasaha (p. 402, note 2), or the last day but two of the Gavâm ayana (p. 426, note 3), called
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sits speechless, strengthening his voice': with that (voice) strengthened and reinvigorated they perform the last day. Then the others are dismissed, either (for) fetching fuel or to their day's reading of the scriptures. Now also they take food.
8. In the afternoon, having come together and touched water, they enter the ladies' hall, and while the others hold on to him from behind, he 3
SATAPATHA-BRAHMANA.
Avivâkya. The ceremonies here described take place in the afternoon, after the regular performance of that day's (atyagnish/oma) Soma-sacrifice.
1 'Each of them (? or, one by one), speech-bound, guards Soma till the wakening,' Kâty. XII, 4, 1. According to the Kânva text only one (eko haishâm) does so (but perhaps at a time), while the others disperse (vitishthante).
2 The Patnîsâla seems to be identical here with the Prâkînavamsa (see Kâty. XII, 4, 7), unless it be some shed or tent adjoining the latter, cf. Âpast. Sr. X, 5, comm. The sacrificial formula of the first offering seems to refer to the domestic hearth, the centre of the family life, as a source of joy and strength to the householder.
According to the Kânva text, the Adhvaryu makes the oblations; but if he does not know how to perform them (i.e. if they are not recognised by his school as belonging to the Adhvaryu's duties), the Grihapati does so; and if he cannot do so, any one that knows them, may perform them. Regarding these oblations, and the order of the subsequent ceremonies, there is indeed considerable difference of opinion among the ritualistic authorities. According to Âsv. VIII, 13, 1-2 all of them offer, but only the first oblation is to be performed on the Gârhapatya, and the second on the Agnîdhrîya. Lâty. III, 7, 8 seq., on the other hand, enjoins the Udgâtri to perform two oblations on the Gârhapatya; the first with the (somewhat modified) formula, assigned in our text to the second oblation, while the second oblation is to be made with 'Svâhâ' simply. [The first of the above formulas is, according to that authority, to be used by them, when they touch the Udumbara post, see IV, 6, 9, 22.] The oblations completed, they are to proceed to the Ahavaniya, where the Udgâtris are to chant thrice the Sâman II, 1126 (?); after which they enter the Sadas to perform the Mânasa-stotra.
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offers (on the Sâlâdvârya fire) those two oblations ; (the first) with (Vậg. S. VIII, 51), *Here is joy: here rejoice ye! here is stability, here is (your) own stability,--Haill' He thereby addresses the cattle; they thereby secure cattle for themselves.
9. And the second he offers with, ‘Letting the sucking calf to the mother,'-he means to say by this, 'letting the fire go to the earth ;'-—'a sucking calf drinking from the mother,'—he thereby means the fire sucking the (moisture of the) earth ;
-'may he maintain increase of wealth among us-Hail!' increase of wealth is cattle: they thus secure cattle for themselves.
10. They go out eastward, and enter the (shed of the) Havirdhana carts from behind towards the front; for from the front towards the back (they enter) when about to perform the sacrifice, but thus (it is done) at the rising from the session.
II. On the hinder shaft of the northern cart1 they sing the Såman (Vág. S. VIII, 52), called the completion of the session,'—there it is that they reach completeness; or on the northern hip of the high altar; but the other is the more usual, -
12. That is, on the hinder shaft of the northern cart. 'We have gone to the light, we have become immortal,'--for they who sit through a sacrificial session become indeed the light, they
* According to Katy. XII, 4, 10 and comm., the southern shaft of the northern cart is intended. Similarly the Kanva text, —while touching the right shaft of the northern cart he sings thereon the Saman the completion (success) of the session. The words
sattrasya riddhih' are doubtless the name of the Såman, which has been erroneously made, with asi' appended to it in the Madhy. text of the Samhitâ, the beginning of the Såman.
Gg
[36]
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SATAPATHA-BRAHMANA.
become immortal;—'to the sky have we ascended from the earth,'—for they who sit through a sacrificial session indeed ascend from the earth to the sky;— we have attained to the gods,'—for they indeed attain to the gods ;-'to heaven, to the light!' thrice they repeat the finale; for they indeed become (partakers of) heaven and bliss. Thus, whatever the nature of his Sâman is, that they come to be who sit through a sacrificial session.
13. They creep' along right under the axle of the southern cart: even as a snake frees itself from its skin, so do they free themselves from all evil. They creep along with an atikhandas verse; for that, the atikhandas (redundant metre), is all the metres ;thus evil does not overtake them : therefore they creep along with an atikhandas verse.
14. They creep along with (Vág. S. VIII, 53 ; Rig-veda I, 132, 6), 'O Indra and Parvata, leaders in battle, smite ye every one that wars against us, smite him with the thunderbolt! him that is hidden may it please in the far retreat which he hath reached : our foes, O hero, on all sides may the tearer tear to pieces,-on all sides!'
15. They go out eastward, and enter the Sadas from the front towards the back; for from the back towards the front (they do so) when about to perform the sacrifice; but thus (they do) at the rising from the session.
16. They sit down by their several dhishnyahearths. Now, once on a time, the pith of Vâk (speech) wished to desert the gods who had won it ; it tried to creep away along this earth, for Vâk is
See p. 299, note 2.
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this earth : her pith are these plants and trees. By means of this Sâman1 they overtook it, and, thus overtaken, it returned to them. Hence upwards on this earth grow the plants, and upwards the trees. And in like manner does the pith of Vâk wish to desert these (sacrificers) who have won it, and tries to creep away along this earth, for Våk is this earth : her pith are these plants and trees. By means of this Sâman they overtake it, and, thus overtaken, it returns to them. Hence upwards on this earth grow the plants, and upwards the trees.
17. They chant verses of the queen of serpents ; for the queen of serpents is this earth : through her they thus obtain everything. The prelude is performed by (the Udgâtri) himself?, and the chant is not joined in (by the choristers :), lest some one else overhear it. For he would cause (the performance) to be in excess were another to chant; he would cause an excess, were another to join in it; he would cause an excess, were another to overhear it: therefore the prelude is performed by (the Udgâtri) himself, and the chant is not joined in.
1 Viz. the so-called Mânasa-stotra (mental chant), Sâma-veda II, 726–8 (Rig-veda X, 189, 1-3, ascribed to the queen of serpents):
The spotted bull has come up, &c.,' performed inaudibly. In connection with this Stotra, an imaginary liba Vâyu is performed, everything connected with which, from the upâkarana (or introduction, on the part of the Adhvaryu, see p. 401, note 1) up to the bhaksha, or drinking of the cup by the priests, is done 'mentally' (that is, as would seem, by gestures merely). According to Asv. II, 13, 6, however, the Hotri recites the same bymn in a low voice (upâmsu), but not inaudibly, as a Sastra. But see p. 452, note 1.
9 Not by the Prastotri, as is otherwise the case ; see p. 310, note 1. 3 See p. 311, note i.
G g 2
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SATAPATHA-BRAHMANA,
18. The Hotri recites the Four-Hotri formulas, whereby he follows up that chant by a Sastra!. If the Hotri does not know them, let the Grihapati recite them; but it is the Hotri's recitation ?
19. Then the Adhvaryu's response 8 is, 'These sacrificers have prospered: happiness hath accrued unto them!' whereby he bespeaks success to human speech.
20. Thereupon they utter the Brahmodya' in
1 According to this (and Tândya Br. IV, 9, 13) it would seem that the Hotri is not to recite the hymn of the Mânasa-stotra, as prescribed by the Ait. Br. and Asv.
9 The katurhotri formulas-so-called from four priests, Agnidh, Adhvaryu, Hotri, and Upavaktri, being mentioned in them -are as follows: Their offering-spoon was (the power of) thinking; the ghee was thought; the altar was speech; the barhis was object of meditation; the fire was intelligence; the Agnidh was understanding; the oblation was breath; the Adhvaryu was the Saman; the Hotri was Vâkaspati; the Upavaktri was the mind;'
-at the end of each of these ten formulas the Adhvaryu, according to Âsv., responds,' Yea (om), Hotar! So it is), O Hotar l'-(the Hotri proceeds), 'They forsooth took that (mânasa) graha; O Vâkaspati! O disposer (or decree), O name! Let us praise thy name! Praise thou (and) by our name go to heaven! What success the gods have obtained with Pragapati as their grihapati, that success shall we obtain I
s? That is, at the conclusion of the katurhotri-mantras. Âsv., on the other hand, makes the Hotri conclude the Brahmodya with the benediction, 'O Adhvaryu, we have succeeded !' to which the latter is to respond, We have succeeded, O Hotar l'
• That is, a discussion, or disputation, regarding the nature of the Brahman. According to Tândya Br. IV, 9, 14, as interpreted by the commentary, the performance consists rather in (or is followed by ?) vituperative remarks on Pragâpati, whom they have now safely got into their power (allusion being made, for instance, to his criminal relations to his daughter; to his having created thieves, gad-flies and mosquitos, &c.); but this, it seems to me, is probably a wrong interpretation of the 'parivadanti' in the text, which may mean that they discourse' opon Pragâpati. So also Kåty. XII, 4,
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(the form of a) dialogue. For everything, indeed, is obtained, everything gained by them that sit through a sacrificial session, they have performed with Yagus prayers : these have obtained so much, have acquired so much; they have recited Rik verses : these have obtained so much, have acquired so much; they have chanted Sâmans: these have obtained so much, have acquired so much. But this has not been obtained, this has not been acquired by them, namely, the (theological) discussion, the sacred discourse : this is what they thereby obtain, what they acquire.
21. Having crept' up to the Udumbara post, they restrain their speech. Now, they who perform the sacrifice with speech, milk and suck out the
21, Pragâpater agunâkhyânam, aguna' may have to be taken in the sense of nirguna' or nirgunatvam' (unqualifiedness, unconditionedness), rather than in that of vice;' and it is worthy of note that the Pragâpati-tanu formulas, preceding the Brahmodya proper, consist chiefly in the enumeration of negative qualities. The twelve bodies of Pragapati are qualified as follows:—the eater of food and the mistress of food; the happy and glorious; the abodeless and dauntless; the unattained and unattainable; the invincible and irresistible; the unpreceded and unmatched.' Then follows the Brahmodya :-'Agni is the house-lord (grihapati),' so say some:
he is the house-lord of this world ;'--Váyu is the house-lord,' so say some : "he is the house-lord of the airy region ;'- yonder (sun), forsooth, is the house-lord: he who burns yonder, he is the lord, and the seasons are the house. Verily, to whatsoever sacrificers) he becomes the grihapati, who knows that divine grihapati, that grihapati prospers, and they, the sacrificers, prosper : to whatsoever (sacrificers) he becomes the grihapati, who knows the divine averter of evil, that grihapati averts evil, and they, the sacrificers, avert evil! See Ait. Br. V, 25. According to Asv., the Hotri alone would seem to repeat the Brahmodya. The expression vâkovakya (dialogue) apparently refers to the controversial form of this discourse. See also A. Ludwig, Rig-veda, III, p. 390 seq.
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SATAPATHA-BRAHMANA.
sacrifice; for sacrifice speech. And previously to this, each of them sits speechless, strengthening his speech, and with their speech thus strengthened and reinvigorated they perform the last day. But at this (disputation) the entire speech, thus obtained, becomes exhausted: that speech they all strengthen (by remaining) speechless, and with it thus strengthened and reinvigorated they perform the Atirâtra 2.
22. They sit touching the Udumbara post3, for strength is food, and the Udumbara tree is strength: with strength he thus invigorates speech.
23. When the sun has set, they go out (of the Sadas) eastward, and sit down behind the Åhavaniya, in front of the Havirdhâna shed. Round them, sitting speechless, the Pratiprasthâtri carries the Vasativari water 1. For whatever object they perform the session, therewith let them release their speech. For in olden times the Rishis were wont to hold sacrificial sessions for certain objects, such is our wish may that be fulfilled!' And if they be desirous of different objects, desirous of subjects, desirous of offspring, desirous of cattle,
The construction of the text is quite irregular, and I am by no means certain whether 'tâm eshâm purâ' should not be separated from what follows, and have the verbs 'viduhanti' and 'nirdhayanti' supplied after them,-That (speech) of theirs (they milk and suck out) before this. Each now sits speech-bound, strengthening his speech, &c.
That is, the last day of the Dvâdasâha, or of the Gavâmayana, the so-called Udayanîya-atirâtra.
According to Lâty. III, 8, 11 they form a circle round the Udumbara post and touch it, muttering the mantra, 'Here is stability, here is (our) own stability! Here is joy: here rejoice ye l' or,' 'In me is stability, in me is (your) own stability! in me is joy: in me rejoice ye!' or both. See p. 448, note 3.
See III, 9, 2, I seq.
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24. Let them release their speech with this (Vâg. S. VIII, 53), 'Earth! Air! Sky!' Thus they render their speech auspicious by means of the truth, and with that auspicious (speech) they pray for blessings,—May we be abundantly supplied with offspring!'—thereby they pray for offspring; —May we be abundantly supplied with men!' —thereby they pray for men ;-May we be abundantly supplied with food!' thereby they pray for prosperity.
25. Thereupon the Grihapati, or whomsoever the Grihapati may call upon, recites the Subrahmanya litany! Some, indeed, recite the Subrahmanya each separately; but rather let the Grihapati, or whomsoever the Grihapati may call upon, recite the Subrahmanya. Having desired an invitation to that (Atirâtra feast), they put kindling-sticks on the fire ?
• See III, 3, 4, 17 seq.
• According to the comm. on Kâty. XII, 4, 28 it is the reciter of the Subrahmanya who, having said 0 Subrahmanya, invite me thereto l' puts sticks on the fire.
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Page #492

INDEX TO PARTS I AND II.
(KÂNDAS I–IV.)
à, Part I, page rol. abhighårana, 1, 193. abhiplava-shadaba, II, 403. abhivarta-sâman, II, 434. abortion, causing of, 11, 11. adabhya-graha, II, 434. adåra plant, a substitute for Soma
plants, II, 433. adhitayagus, II, 20, 22, 23. adhrigu litany, 11, 188. adhvara, I, 114. Adhvaryu, I, introd. xx seq., xxvi;
must not pass between dhishnyas, II, 153 ; passes north of Agnidhra shed, ib.; his response (pratigara), 231, 326, 328, 330, 331; he is the head of the sacrifice, 376; goes in
front, 440. Aditi, I, 25, 73, 307; has seven or
eight sons, II,12; to her belong the Prâyaniya and Udayaniyaishti, II, 48, 386; is the earth, 51; two-headed, 57; her share
in the Soma feast, 259. Aditya, seven or eight Adityas, sons
of Aditi, II, 13; they accompany Varuna, 93; Vivasvat (sun) the Aditya, 13; is the eye, 39; the vyana, 240; Adityab and Angirasab, 113; Indra with Vasus, Rudras, and Adityas, 241, 350; evening feast is theirs, ib.; cattle after their manner, 353; the press-stones, 355 ; to them belong the yagus, 383; Adityanamayana, II, 383; twelve Adityas, eight' Vasus,
and eleven Rudras, 411. aditya-graha, II, 350, 352. âghåra, two libations of ghee (to
Pragapati and Indra), 1,91, 124;
(to Agnishomau and Vishnu), II,
106. Agnà-vishna, cake to, II, 12; to them
belongs dîkshaniyeshri, 81. Agni, representative of priestly caste
(brahman), I, introd. xvi seq.; four different forms, I, 47, 136, 452; their names, II, 118; shuts out Asuras, I, 54; is the youngest, 108; messenger of gods, 110, 156; ancestral Hotri, 115; repeller of Rakshas, 158; II, 99; best of gods, I, 163; seeks for Indra, 175; identified with Rudra, 201 ; II, 343; with Pragâpati, 1, 346, 386; with Rudra, Varuna, Indra, Mitra, Brahman, 340 seq.; unites with waters, 377; gold is his seed, 277; milk ditto, 326; Agni first created by Pragapati, 323 seq., 342 seq., 389; the root and progenitor of deities, 386; II, 98; is tegas, I, 418, 419; originally alone immortal, 310; covets the beasts deposited with him, 347; all forms (rupa) deposited with him, 314; Agni Vaisvânara, 104 seq.; oblations to Agni pavamâna, pavaka, and suki, 304 seq.; Agni pavamâna and indumat, 320; Agni anîkavat, 408; Agni kavyavahana, 430; the woof of cloth belongs to Agni, 11,9; Agni is all the deities, 12; the lower (Vishnu the upper) half of the sacrifice, 12; Indra, Soma, and Agni, 22; Agni is the brahman (sacerdotium) and sacrifice, 38; speech, 39; Vratapati, 44, 45; guardian of the east, 50; Agni attended by
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SATAPATHA-BRÂHMANA.
the Vasus, 93; messenger to Angiras and Adityas, 113; Agni Vaisvânara's ashes is gravel, 120; Agni head of deities, 184; his victim, 218; the lotus of the earth, 377; Varuna, Mitra, and Agni, 285; Agni vaisvanara, 305; rules over beasts, 343; officiates as Agnidh, 348; Agni with Vayu and Surya, I, 325, 327; II, 453 ; Agni, Varuna, and Indra, leaders of the gods, I, 449 seq.; Agni, Soma, and Vishnu form the thunderbolt, II, 108; five-kapala cake to Agni, 389; Agni, Indra, and Sürya superior to the others,
402. Agnidhra (Agnidh), identical with
Agni, I, 58; ought to be learned, and receives first the dakshina, II, 148; heads procession with a firebrand, 187, 195; with the vasatîvarî water, 235; sits
in the Neshtri's lap, 368. Ågnidhriya (Agnidhra) fire - shed,
Yagña's arm, II, 126; erection of, 147, 148, from thence the gods gained immortality, 147; sacred to the All-gods, 148; the gods stay therein beside the
vasativarî water, 226. Agnihotra, 1, 2, 3 20 sec.; is the Sun,
327; time of, 328 seq.; two libations each time, 332, 334; a domestic sacrifice, 333; first of sacrifices, 344; a heavenward sailing ship, 345; number of, in
the year, 346. agnihotra-havani, ladle, I, II, 67,
agnishtoma-saman, II, 368. Agnyâdhầna (agnyâdheya), I, 1, 2,
274 seg. agnyanyâdhầna, 1, 3. agnyuddbarana, 1, 2; time of, 328
seq. agnyupasthâna, 1, 339 seq. ågrayana-graha, II, 288 seq. 332,
355; -sthåli, ib.; drawn for All-gods, 289; at all three Savanas, ib.; mode of drawing,
290; depositing, 292. Ågrayaneshti, offering of first-fruits,
1, 369 seq. agur ('ye yagámahe'), I, 142, 148. ágyabhàga, butter portions to Agni
and Soma, I, 159 seq. ágya-sastra, II, 293 ; -stotra, 293,
324. Ahalya, Indra as lover of, 11, 81. âhâva, II, 326, 361. ahâvab, II, 380. Åhavanîya, used for cooking, I, 18;
when taken out from Gårhapatya, 328 seq.; is Yagña's
mouth, II, 126. âhavaniya, I, 208; II, 187. ahuti (guhoti-offering), I, 263. aindrågna-graha, II, 322 seq. aindravayara (graha), II, 365 seg.;
shape of cup, 377. airs, vital, three, I, 19 seq. ; nine,
140; seven, II, 17; ten, 25; ten (besides out-breathing, inbreathing, and through-breathing), 210; speech, out-breathing and in-breathing, eye and
ear, 39. Akhâvâka, priest, II, 317 seq. akhûtkara, mole-hill, I, 441; earth
of (akhukarîsha), 278. âkhyânavidab, I, introd. xxiv. Åkuli, Asura priest, I, 29. akyuta, I, 156. altar, see vedi. Amaravati, I, 110, amâvâsya, 1, 172, 177. amsu-graba = Pragàpati, II, 248,
423 seq. Anasnat såñgamana (as the sabhya
fire) resides with man, I, 338. Angiras and Adityas perform a
Soma-sacrifice, II, 113; a name of Agni, 118; Angirasam ayana,
384. anika, I, 408 seq.; II, 342.
331.
ågnimâruta-sastra, I, 209; II, 369. agni-pranayana, I, 298; II, 121 seq.,
157 seq.; cf. fire. agnirahasya, 1, introd. xxx seq. Agnîshomau, I, 169, 373 seq., 377,
379; Agni and Soma (offered to separately, I, 364); seize the Soma sacrificer between their jaws, II, 82, 161; are
yoke-fellows, 106. agnishomiya he-goat, II, 82; black.
spotted, 83; sacrifice of, 162
seq. Agnishtoma, II, 301; stotras and
sastras, 325, 326, 397.
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INDEX TO PARTS I AND II.
459
animal (victim), fivefold, II, 34; sa-
crifice, 162 seq. anointment of Dikshita with fresh
butter, II, 13; of his eyes with Traikakuda ointment, 14 ; of the sacrificial stake, 170; of the
victim, 183. antabpata, peg, II, 111. antaryâma (graha), II, 257 seq. ; is
the night and offered at sunrise,
261; offered entirely, 263. anabandhyâ, barren cow slaughtered
at Soma-sacrifice, I, 379; II, 217; maiträvaruni, 387, 391 seq.; vaisvadevi and bårhas-
patya, 388. anumantrana, 1, 124, 154. anushrubh, metre, is speech, II, 21,
Aruna Aupavesi, I, introd. xli, 313, Aruni, I, 14; Takshan recites for
him, 335; arranger of Subrah
manyà litany, 11, 82, 413. Arunmukhas, 1, 57. Arurmaghas, I, 57. Arvâvasu, I, 137. Asat Pâmsava, resides with man, I,
338. Åshadba Sâvayasa, I, 4.
anuvákyâ, invitatory prayer, I, 119,
135, 170 seq., 195. anuvashatkâra, II, 351. anuyaga, after-offering; three at
baviryagña, 1, 80, 230 seq., 445; nine at Vaisvadeva, Varunapraghâsâb, &c., 390, 404, 418; eleven at animal offerings, II,
210. anvâhârya, 1, 7, 49. anyâhâryapakana fire (dakshinâgni),
I, 339; when taken out from
Garhapatya, 340. anvâ-rabh, II, 40. anvârambhaniya-ishti, 1, 7, 386; II,
40. apâna, I, 120. apasalavi (apadakshina), I, 441; re
ferring to the Fathers, II, 29. Åpastamba, 1, introd. xxxix seq. aponaptrîya sakta, II, 232. apri-hymns, I, introd. xv; II, 185. apsu-dikshâ, II, 5. apsushomâb, II, 373. Aptoryâma, II, 398. Aptya, I, 47 seq. apûpa, cake, I, 317. apyayana, strengthening of Soma.
plants, I, 178; II, 100, 103. arani, I, 275; are held while the
prâkîna-vamsa is approved of,
11, 5. Araru, I, 57. arbhava, or tritiya pavamâna stotra,
II, 315. Arguni (phalguni), nakshatra, I, 285. årsbeya, 1, 115.
asråvana (sraushat), I, 132, 140, 142
seq. Asuras, contend against gods, I, 54;
by speech (numerals), 153; divide the world with gods, 59 seq.; have darkness and magic (mâyâ) assigned to them by Pragàpati, 362; defile plants, 370; deprived of intelligible) speech, II, 31; build three strongholds, one in each world, 105; bury magic charms, 135; the blood spirting out from
victims is their share, 193. Asuri, 1, introd. xxxv, 169, 300, 432,
448; II, 349. asvavâla-grass, 11, 89. âsvina-graha, II, 272 seq.; drawn in
the tenth place and offered in the third, 276, 312; shape of
cup, 278. Asvins, Adhvaryus of gods, I, 16, 53;
II, 276; wander about on earth performing cures, 274 seq.; are
heaven and earth, 276. Atharvangirah, I, 38. atigrâhya (graha), II, 402 seq. atikbandas, II, 66, 380. Atirâtra, II, 398. Atithyeshti (guest-offering to Soma),
11, 51, 85 seq. Åtreya, II, 346. Atri, etymology, I, 131; hotri of
Rishis, II, 346. Atyagnishtoma, II, 398. audgrabhana, II, 20. audumbari. 'See udumbara post. Aupoditeya (Tuminga Vaiyaghapa
dya), I, 271. austerity (tapas), world conquered
by, II, 111. avabhritha, expiatory bath, I, 406;
II, 378; sâlâvabhritha, 115. avadana, portion, I, 191.
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SATAPATHA-BRÂHMANA.
avahana (devatânâm), 1, 118, 157. avakåsa formulas, II, 409. avântaradikshâ, II, 97 seq. avântareda, 1, 221. avara, II, 253. avivâkya, II, 402, 448. ayavan, 1, 199. Åyu, 1, 389; II, 91; a name of
Agni, 118. ayushtoma, II, 403.
Budila Asvatarasvi, II, 425. bull, at Sâkamedhấb, representative
of Indra, I, 416. butter, fresh, used for anointing the
Dikshita, II, 14; melted: see ghee.
bahishpavamâna (stotra), II, 307, 309
seq. bali, 1, 329. barhis, i, 84 seq., 147, 233. Barku Vârshna, I, 5. beasts, ruler of (Rudra), I, 301; II,
153; Tvashtri, II, 180. Bhaga, is blind, I, 210. Bhâllavega (Indradyumna), I, 206,
293. Bhava (Rudra-Agni), I, 201. Bhrigu-Angiras, I, 38. bhûr bhuvab svab, I, 296; II, 37. Bhutavat (Rudra), 1, 209. black-deer skin (krishnagina), 1, 23;
two, representing heaven and earth, II, 25; Soma placed
thereon, 160. brahmabhaga, I, 314. brahmahatya, 1, 48. Brahman priest, 1, introd. xx seq.,
223; II, 347, 434. Brahman, the glowing fire, I, 341. Brâhmana, human god, I, 309, 374;
follows the Kshatriya, 47, 452 ; may be without a king, but not
vice versâ, II, 270. brahmana, I, introd. xxii seq. Brâhmanákbamsin, is Indra, 11, 433. brahmanicide, I, 47; 11, 243. brahmasadana, 1, 6. brahmasaman, II, 434. brahmodya, II, 452. Brihaspati, 1, introd. xvi seq.; Angi-
rasa, 1, 67; as Brahman priest, 211; the brahman (n.), II, 23, 59; is dyumna, 24; animal offering to, 219; Brihaspati the purohita of Soma, oppressed by Soma, 258; Brihaspati the wise, is the first, 286; officiates as
Udgâtri, 348. brihati, metre, I, 175; II, 112. brihati-sastra, II, 430. bribat-saman, 1,196,222; 11, 339, 403.
calf, first-born of season, dakshina at
Agrayaneshri, 1, 373; dakshina at Vaisvadeva (seasonal sacri
fice), 390. carpenter, unclean, I, 23. cart, receptacle of bavis, I, 12 seq.;
bound with thongs, 452; turned round and placed on altar, II,
137 seq.; description of, 132. caste, 1, introd. xii, xviii, 28,452; 11, 4. castles, three, built by the Asuras,
II, 105. cattle, threefold, II, 28. charms, only effective when buried
in the ground, II, 135; for
mulas against, 137. chip, first of the sacrificial stake, II,
164, 169; svaru, 173, 186; four
chips, 282. cloth, its parts assigned to various
deities, II, 9. confession of sin, I, 397. consecration (diksha) for Soma
sacrifice, II, i seq. covenant of Tanûnapât, not to be
broken, II, 95 seq. cow, when created, coveted by Agni,
1, 326; her skin originally on man, II, 9; her flesh not to be eaten by the consecrated, 11; to be eaten according to Yågnaval
kya, ib.; her ten properties, 69. creatures, of three kinds, I, 384;
the upright and those tending
downwards, 387, 404.. dadhigharma, II, 336. Dadhyahk Atharvana, teaches the
Asvins the madhu - brâhmana,
II, 277. Daivya, messenger of Asuras, I, 111. Daksha (Pragâpati), I, 375. Daksha Parvati, I, 377. Dâkshâyanas, I, 377. Dakshảyana sacrifice, I, 374 seq. dakshina, I, 48, 308; (the greater
the better), 309, 322; not to be accepted, if refused by some one else, II, 116; different
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461
Dyâvâprithivi, heaven and earth,
cake-offering to, at Ågrayaneshri, I, 369 seq.; ditto at Vaisvadeva, 388; contain the universe, II, 19, 26; when agreeing (uniting) they give rain, I, 196,
241; hymn to, 330. Dyutâna, son of the Maruts, II, 144.
kinds of, 340 seq.; are the sacri-
fice to human gods, 341, 417. Dakshinagni (anvähâryapakana ),
when taken out from Garhapatya, 1, 339 seq.; altar near it
at pitriyagra, 432. dákshina-homa, II, 336, 341. dakshinikarana, I, 37. Dânava (Vritra), I, 166. Danayu, I, I66. Danu, I, 166. darbha grass, I, 84. Darsapürnamasa-ishti, I, 1 seq. darvihoma, oblation of spoonful of
boiled rice, to Indra, 1, 415. da såpavitra, straining-cloth, II, 348, 1. 258. dasarâtra, II, 402. deasil (deiseil, dessel), I, 37. death, identification with the sun, I,
343 seq. debt, owed by man to Rishis,
fathers, and men, I, 190. deva (Savitri), I, 46. Devabhaga Srautarsha, purobita to
Kurus and Sriñgayas, 1, 377. dhaman, 1, 74, 93. dhânya, 1, 39. dhâyya, I, 112. dhishnya, hearth-mounds, represent
the Gandharvas, II, 72; overturned by Asuras, 147; pre- paration of, 148 seq.; fagots
held over them, 364. dhrishti, I, 33. dhruva (graha), II, 293, 298 seq.;
-sthâli, 298. dhruva, spoon, I, 67; 11, 23. dhurya (stotra), II, 307. Dikshâ, consecration, II, I seq.;
apsu-d., 5; intermediate, 97 seq. Dikshaniyeshti, II, 12 seq. Dikshita, consecrated, is an embryo,
II, 19; is Vishnu, 29; (dhi
kshita), 47. doshâvastar, I, 354. drona-kalasa, 11, 257 seq., 268, 318;
is Vritra's head, 371. drop, Soma as bindu, II, 157; obla
tion of drops (stoka), 195 seq. durva (dub) plant, a substitute for
Soma-plants, II, 432. dvadasâha, II, 402; vyûdbakbandas,
418. dvidevatya grahas, II, 266; shape of
cups, 277, 316, 351.
Earth, trembling like lotus-leaf, 1,
379 ; creation of, 280; goes to witness the Asuras' animal of
fering, II, 307. east, quarter of gods, II, 1, 3, 4;
(faultless) man offers, facing
east, II, 3; assigned to Agni, 50. ekâdasins, set of eleven stakes, il,
173, 176 seq., 218 seq. ekadhana, 11, 102, 232, 233, 235,
237. ekavimsa (stoma), II, 401. elephant, its origin, II, 13; not to
be accepted as a gift, ib. embryo, expulsion of, II, II, 19;
have their bands closed, 27; enveloped in the amnion and placenta, 28, 29, 73; found in cow slaughtered, 391; unfit for sa
crifice, 394, 396. ewe, image of, at Varunapragbåsåb,
1, 395 seq. eye, the truth, I, 78; man's eye is
sore (secreting matter), II, 14 ; entered by Sushna the Dânava, ib.
falcon (? eagle), Soma as falcon, II,
80; Gayatri, 88. fast. See vrata. fast-food, II, 37 seq. Fathers (manes). See Pitarab. fingers, bending in of, II, 18, 98;
(nameless) ring-finger, eating with, I, 332 ; gold tied to it, IT, 63 ; different fingers used in meting out Soma-plants, 67;
loosening of fingers, 162. Fire, kindling of, 1,. 95 seq.;
production of (by churning, agni - manthana), 375, 294, 297, 311, 389; II, 90 seq. ; carrying fire round (paryagnikarana), 1, 45; II, 187; leading forwards (agni-pranayana), 1, 298; II, 131 seq., 157 beq.; homage to, at time of Agnihotra, 1, 301, 332 seq., 348 seq.;
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homage to, when leaving home, 360; mounting of (samâropana), 396; womb of the sacrifice, II, 19; serves as a skin to the sacrificer (as embryo), 98. fire-place, fivefold lustration of, I, 2, 276, 359.
fish, accursed, I, 452; Manu's, 216
seq.
five, number, I, 16. flood, legend of the, I, 216. food, threefold (cattle), II, 28. Full-moon sacrifice, I, 1, 17, 180.
Gagati, metre, means cattle, II, 88. Ganaka Vaideha, I, introd. xxxi, xlii seq. Gandaki, I, 104. Gandharvas, steal Soma, II, 52; fond of women, 53, 233; receive purchase price for Soma, 72, 152; Soma-wardens, 150 seq.,
233.
Gârhapatya, used for cooking, I, 18; sacred to sacrificer, 339. gatasri, 1, 98, 183. Gâtavedas, I, 119. gaurivîta-sâman, II, 401. Gavâm ayana, II, 426. Gâyatrî, I, 80, 91, 97, 100; fetches Soma, 183; II, 52, 150, 329; as a falcon, 88, 241; by means of a khadira stick, 151; is the earth, 1, 194; Agni, 234; II, 87; fore-part of the sacrifice, 89; her calf is the dhruva graha, 304. gharma, I, 44; (samrâg), II, 105,
411.
gbasha, I, 216.
ghee (ghrita), sap of heaven and earth, I, 372; a purifier, II, 8; belongs to the gods, 14; a thunderbolt, 106, 170.
girdle, hempen, putting on for consecration, II, 28, 98; of sacrificial stake, 172. Givala Kailaki, I, 336. goat (he-) tied up at agnyâdhâna, I, 292; she-goat given for Soma, II, 71, 74; goat and sheep, 407. gods, path to, I, 267; how they became immortal, 310 seq.; do not sleep, II, 44; thrice eleven, 290; three kinds of, 350; eight Vasus, eleven Rudras, and twelve Adityas, 411,
gold, Agni's seed, I, 277; II, 59, 390; piece of gold used in offering, II, 54; tied to the ring-finger (as a symbol of truth), 63, 70; symbol of the sun, 115, 224; put in right wheel-track and offered on, 130; with oblation of omentum, 198. goshtoma, II, 403. Gotama Râhugana, I, 104 seq. Graha, cup of Soma, II, 247, 259; meanings of, 432 seq. grâva-stotra, II, 332. Grâvastut, assistant of Hotri, 1, 223, 332.
gravel (sikata), the ashes of Agni Vaisvânara, II, 120.
grihapati, II, 97, 441, 453, 455. Grihya-sutra, I, introd. xlviii. guhû, offering-spoon, I, 67 seq., 139; II, 23; portions of victim for guhû, 204. Gyotishroma, II, 403.
harî, the two bay steeds, are the Rik and Sâman, II, 371. Harivant (Indra), II, 399. hâriyogana (graha), II, 289, 370 seq. Hasta (nakshatra), I, 286. havirdhâna, I, 14; Soma-cart shed,
II, 126 seq.; sacred to Vishnu, 126, 131; belongs exclusively to the gods, 146; Soma placed there, 160. haviryagña, I, introd. xv, xlviii. havis, I, 151. havishkrit, I, 27. havishpankti, 1, 16. havyadâti, I, 107. heart, of victim, is roasted first, II, 201; offered, 204. Heaven and Earth.
See dyâvâ
prithivi. hin, I, 100, 325. Hiranyagarbha, I, 271. Hiranyastupa, I, 175. hiranyavati-âhuti, II, 52 seq. horn, of black antelope, used for scratching, II, 32, 33; taking up earth, 43.
horse, present at production and
carrying forward of fire, I, 297 seq.; white horse (symbol of sun), dakshinâ at Sunâsîrîya, 447; at the Sadyabkri, II, 115; at Soma-sacrifice, 348.
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INDEX TO PARTS I AND II.
463
hotrå (samyagay-), II, 287. Hotraka (Maiträvaruna, Brâhmana
kbamsin, and Akbâvâka), II, 295
seq., 324. Hotri, seven, I, 223.
371; outbreathing and inbreathing, 393 ; animal offering to, 221; are all the gods, 225; the universe, 292; cup to them,
323. indra satru, I, 165. Indrâvishna, divide one thousand by
three, I1, 62. Iråvati, I, nro. ishti (yagati-offering), I, 263.
idà, 1, 216 seq.; II, 6o. Idab, I, 147, 152. immortality, gained by the gods, II,
147. Indra, representative of the Kshatra,
I, introd. xvi seq.; slays Vritra, 1, 20, 52, 166, 175, 416, 452; 11, 265; slays Visvarūpa, I, 47, 164; is deity of sacrifice, I, 129; the Vasu of gods, 176; overturns Asuras' fire-altar, 387; resides with man, 338; is the blazing fire, 340; Indra Vimridh, 375; 11, 430; Indra and Maruts - Kshatra and Vis, I, 399; Agni, Varuna, and Indra, leaders of gods, 449 seq.; Indra, Soma, and Agni, II, 22 ; he is born of Yagnia and Vak, 32; the ruddy cow belongs to Indra vritrahan, 62; Indra's amours, 81; called Kausika, Gautama, 8a; attended by the Maruts, 93; Indra the chief of gods, 93; is the Sun, 96; delights in songs, 146; animal offering to, 220; Indra with the Vasus, Rudras, and Ådityas, 241; is assigned a special (chief's ) share, 241; everything submits to him, even the wind, 342; leader of the sacrifice, 262; the cow of plenty (Kamaduh) his special portion, 294; Indra marutvant, 335 seq., 347; stands over every- thing, 398; Indra harivant, 399; Indra shodasin, 400; Indra, Agni, and Sürya, superior to others, 402; Indra visvakarman, 431; Indra, the strongest of gods, 433; is the Brahmana- kbamsin, ib.; to Indra belong Rik and Saman, 436; he is pro- duced by them, 438; Indra and
Parvata, leaders in battle, 450. Indragni, win the race, 1, 371; cake
to, at Ågrayaneshri, ib.; at Dákshầyaneshti, 375, 378; at Varunapraghasáb, 393; at Ma- hâhavis, 419; are the Kshatra,
Ka (Pragapati), I, 8, 395; II, 410. Kadra (and Suparni), II, 52 seq.,
149 seq. ; is the earth, 149. Kahoda Kaushitaki, I, 370. kamaduh, cow of plenty, Indra's
special portion, II, 294. Kamasadhvaryu, II, 287. Kamasins, enumerated, II, 387;
touch the cups, 373. kâmyeshti, I, 97. Kanva-sâkhâ, I, introd. xxviii seq.,
xxxviii, xliv seq. kapâlas, 1, 32; arrangement of, 34. Karakas, 1, introd. xxvi; a Karaka
Adhvaryu curses Yaghavalkya,
II, 197, 262, 297, 298. karambha, porridge, 1, 395; II, 303. Karatoya, 1, 104. Karira' fruit, offered at Varuna
praghasáb, I, 394. kârshmarya tree, Rakshas-killer, II,
89. karu (pap of whole rice-grains), I,
7, 211, 410. Kasbaka, 1, introd. xxvi seq. katurhotri formulas, II, 452. kâturmâsya, seasonal sacrifice, I, 383
seq.; detached sacrifices, 407. katushprâsya, I, 275, 292, 373. kåtvala, pit, il, 116, 379. Kâtyâyana, I, introd. xxxv seq., xl. Kauk ústa (Kaükthasta), II, 426. Kavasha Ailasha (Ailushîputra), 1,
introd. xxxv. khadira stick, therewith Soma car
ried off by Gâyatrî, II, 151. kbandoma, II, 402. Kilâta, Asura priest, I, 29. kim-purusha, i, 51. kim u, II, 432. king, paying homage to (Soma as)
supreme ruler, II, 79; attended
by heralds and headmen, 87. Kitra (nakshatra), I, 386.
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knot, attribute of Varuna, 1, 73; II,
146. Kosala-Videhas, I, introd. xlii. Krisânu (Gandharva archer), I, 183;
11, 72; footless archer, 78. Krittikas, 1, 282. Kshatra, served by the Vis, I, 393;
Kshatra and Vis, Indra and Maruts, 399; Varuna and Ma
ruts, 401. Kshatriya, oppressor of Vaisya, 1,
82; served by Vis, 94; lives on them, II, 66; before a Ksbatriya approaching the people go down, 238; should always have
recourse to a Brahman, 270. kukkuta, 1, 30. Kurukshetra, II, 275. Kurus, I, introd. xliii, 377. Kuru-Pankalas, I, introd. xli seq.,
192; nature of their speech,
II, 50. kusa-plant, yellow, a substitute for
Soma-plants, II, 423. kusa, II, 309. Kusri Vagasravasa, I, introd. xxxiii. Kyavana Bhargava (Angirasa), II,
272 seq.
Manesa nife of k 151, d earth, ikely,
Indragni, Mahendra, and Visva
karman), 1, 417 seq. mabârâga, II, 338. mahâvrata, I1, 429. mahâvratiya-graha, II, 429. Mahendra, 1, 182, 419; I1, 338. mahendra, graha, II, 337 seq. Maiträvaruna (or Prasastri), assistant
of Hotri, 1, 223, 224; II, 183 ; prompts the Hotri, 188; his cup meets the Vasatîvari water,
235 seq. Maiträvaruna-graha, II, 369 seq. ;
mixed with milk, 271; shape of
cup, 278. Maitråyani-samhitå, I, introd. xxvi. man, the highest of animals, II, 210;
his skin now on the cow, 9. Manas (mind) and Vad (speech), I,
124 seq. ; II, 55; inherited by gods and Asuras respectively,
30; are beaven and earth, ib. månasa-stotra, II, 451. Manavi, wife of Manu, I, 29. Manes (Fathers). See Pitarab. Manotâ deity, offering to, II, 203,
393. mantha, gruel, II, 278. Manthin graha, II, 278 seq., 316
seq., 332. Manu, his bull, I, 29; Manu and the
fish, 216 seq. Margaliya, shed, in Yagtta's arm, II,
126; erection, 148. Marka and Sanda, two Asuras, II,
279 seq. marriage between kinsfolk, 1, 238. Mårtânda, abortive child of Aditi,
II, 13. Maruts, representative of the Visab,
I, introd. xvii, 387, 393, 399 ; divided into troups of seven each, 394; threaten to destroy creatures, 393, 394; Marutab santapanâb, 409; Marato grihamedhinab, 409; Marutab kridinab, 416; Maruts accompany Indra, II, 93; Dyutâna, son of the Maruts, 144; Urdhvanabbas, son of the Maruts, 198; animal offering to Maruts, 230; assist Indra in smiting Vritra, 334 ; embryo of slaughtered cow
offered to Maruts, 396. marutvatiya (graha), II, 333, 334,
336; sastra, 337.
lines, drawing of, on hearth, 1, 2,
376; round the altar (pari- graha), 62; round foot-print of Soma-cow, II, 60; one line drawn with the sphya in following the fire carried to uttara
vedi, 121. lute, created by the gods, II, 53.
madanti, (hot) lustral water, II, 100. madhukanda, I, introd. xxxiv; ma-
dhu-brahmana, II, 277. Madhuki, I, 300. madhyama (kânda), I, introd. xxix. Madhyandina, I, introd. xxviii seq. madhgandina-pavamâna (stotra), II,
333, 336. mâdhyandina - savana, belongs to
Trishrubh, II, 250; to the Ru
dras, 330, 331 seq. Magbavan, 1, introd. xi. mahâbhishava, great pressing, II,
244, 256. mahad uktham, II, 430. . . mahahavis, great oblation, at Saka
medhâb (offerings to Agni, Soma, Savitri, Sarasvati, and Pasban,
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Mâtarisvan's cauldron, I, 186. nakshatra name, I, 251. Medhâtithi's ram, Indra, II, 81. name, a second, to be taken, 11, 154. Menâ (7 wife) of Vrishanasva, II, 81. nânada-saman, II, 401. metres, 1, 80, 96; Soma supreme Narasamsa, 1, 136, 146, 233.
ruler of metres, 11, 65; they are nârasamsa cups, belong to Fathers, his attendants, 87; their part in
II, 154. the guest-offering, 88; in the navaratra, II, 414. production of fire, 91; at Soma- Neshtri, priest, leads up the Patni, sacrifice, 314, 315, 329; are the II, 190 ; takes the Agnidh in his draught cattle of the gods, lap, 368. 369 seq.
nidhana, II, 310, 311. milk, should be cooked, I, 330; nigada, I, 114, 202.
sustains creatures, 385 seq., nigrâbha formula, II, 245.
388; offered to Vâyu, 446. nigrâbhya, the Vasatîvari water mill-stones, I, 38 seq.
poured into the Hotri's cup, mind, is sacrifice, 11, 30; heaven, ib. II, 236; used for moistening Mitra, the waning fire, I, 341; the the Soma-plants, 240, 242 ; ety
waning moon, 380; implants mology, 243, 247. seed in Varuna, ib.; (friendly) nirvapana, 1, 168. tying of foot by Mitra, II, 57; nishkevalya-sastra, II, 339. what is of Mitra is not of Va- nîvi, tuck of nether garment, sacred runa, ib.; Mitra, priesthood, to Manes, 1, 368, 435; (Soma), can exist without the Kshatra, II, 29. but not vice versa, 270; every nivid, formulas, II, 235. one's friend, 271; Mitra is the north, quarter of men, II, 2, 4; of brahman, the truth, 272; Va- Pathyâ Svasti (speech), 50; runa, Mitra, and Agni, 285.
sacrifice performed north, 102. Mitravarunau, offering of payasya to, north-east, 11, 8.
at Dâkshầyaneshti, I, 375 seq., 378 seq.; they are the out- omentum. See vapa. breathing and in-breathing, II, oni, II, 66. 39; intelligence and will, 269; oshadhi, etymology, I, 323. brahman and kshatra, 370; Otos and Ephialtes, myth of (piling andbandhyâ cow to, 387.
of Ossa on Olympus, and Pelion Mlekkba, speaks barbarous, unintelli- on Ossa), I, 286. gible language, II, 32.
ox, present at production and carrymole-hill used for hearth, 1, 378; ing forward of fire, I, 297; its
for burying Rudra's oblation in, flesh not to be eaten by conse441; for burying the embryo crated, II, I1; to be eaten ac
of a slaughtered cow, II, 396. cording to Yagnâvalkya, ib.; months, names of, II, 301.
black oxen, insure rain, 78; is of moon, waxing and waning - Varuna Agai's nature, 390.
and Mitra, 1, 381. Mrigasîrsha I, 284.
påkayagia, I, introd, xlviii, 333. Mügavantab, 1, 443.
palåsa, tree, identified with the brahmusala (mortar), I, 26.
man, I, 90; central leaflet of
palasa leaf used for offering on Nabhas, a name of Agni, II, 118.
to Rudra, 439; branch used Nada Naishadha, resides with man, for driving the calves from the 1, 338.
cows, 183; for driving Soma, nails, cutting of, II, 6.
II, 78. Nakshatra, etymology, I, 288, 452; Pånini, I, introd. xxxv seq.
lights of righteous men, 269; pankadasa-stoma, I, 96; 11, 308, 333. those suitable for agayadhâna, Paikalas, I, introd. xli. 382 sec.; the meshes of cloth Parki, 1, 61, 300. belong to them, II, 10.
pankti, II, 315. [26]
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pânnegana water, used by Patni for
cleansing the victim, II, 190. parak, 11, 310. Parâvasu, 1, 137. paridhi, enclosing-stick, 1, 87 seq. ;
offering of, 245; 11, 125. parigraha, line of enclosure, I, 60
seq. parna, 1, 183; II, 78. Parvata, Indra and Parvata, leaders
in battle, II, 450. paryagnikarana, I, 45; II, 187. paryâya (turn of chanting), II, 308
seq. pasupurodása, II, 199 seq. Patangali, I, introd. xxxvi seq. path to Gods or Fathers, I, 267. Pathyâ svasti, offering to, II, 49, 50,
386. Patni, girding of, I, 71 seq.; seat,
72; interrogated by Pratiprasthâtri as to her lovers, 396; the house her resting-place, II, 61; exchanges looks with Udgâtri, 368; touches (bids welcome to) Soma when he enters the hall, 87; anoints axle of Soma-cart, 130; is led up by Neshtri to
cleanse the victim, 190 seq. patni-sâla, II, 448. patnisamyaga, I, 75, 256 seq. ; not
performed at Prayaniyeshri, II, 52; at animal offerings per
formed with tailof victim, II, 215. patnîvant, II, 365 seq. pâtnivata-graha, II, 365 seq. påtra, cup, II, 259. pavamana (stotra), II, 307. pavamâneshri, I, 304. pavitra (strainer, purifier), consisting
of two stalks of grass, I, 19; II, 16; of one, three, seven, or twenty-one stalks, 17; (strain
ing-cloth), 258. pagasyă, clotted curds offered to
Mitrâvarunau, 378 seq.; preparation, 381; sexual union with
whey, 388, 394. pebbles, used for hearth, I, 280. phâlguna plants, a substitute for
Soma-plants, II, 421. Phalgunî, 1, 385. pinda, (round) rice-cakes to deceased
ancestors, I, 366. Pindapitriyagña, 1, 361 seq. pishta-peshana, 1, 41.
Pitarab (Manes, Fathers); condi
tions of existence assigned to them by Pragàpati, i, 361; Pitarab somavantab, barhishadab, agnishváttáb, 421; path to Pitarab, 267; the nivi (tuck) sacred to Pitarab, 368, 435; the thrum of cloth sacred to, II, 9; ruddy cows with reddishwhite eyes belong to Pitarab, 62; part of post dug into the ground is sacred to them, 143;
pit ditto, 169. pitritirtha, 1, 365. Pitriyagna, oblation to Manes, 1,
361 seq., 420 seq. plaksha (ficus infectoria) branches
used to cover the altar, II, 120,
202. plants, are the vis, II, 65. porcupine-quill used for shaving, I,
450. pra, I, 101; II, 435. pradakshina, I, 37, 45, 272, 441: cf.
prasalavi, apas., dakshinikára. Pragàpati, father of gods and Asuras,
1, 54; II, 301; creates and becomes exhausted, I, 173; enamoured of his daughter, 208 seq.; creates Agni, 322 seq. 342; creates living beings, 384; heals the creatures stricken by Varuna, 391; assigns conditions of life to creatures, 361; identified with Agni, 346; with Agni and Savitri, 386; is Daksha, 375; is vasishaba, 376; man nearest to him, 384; Pragâpati, lord of thought and speech, II, 17; becomes an embryo, 28; is the sacrifice, the year, 37; exhausted, fortifies himself by animal offering, 217 seg.; arbiter between Indra and Vayu, 268; is over and above the thirty-one gods and heaven and earth, 411; over and above the three worlds, 424; libation to Pragâpati
Vâyu, 451. pragapati-tanu formulas, II, 453. praxi, the easterly line, I, 63; II,
33; forms the back-bone of
vedi, 112. prâkina-vamsa, II, 3; used for the
consecrated, 4; approved of, 5.
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INDEX TO PARTS I AND II.
467
prishtba-stotra, II, 339, 403; -sâman, . 406. prishtbya shadaha, 11, 402, 403, 405. prokshani, sprinkling water, I, 20,
83; II, 123, 139, 142, 159, 168,
181, Prometheus, 1, 186. Punaràdheya, I, 285, 313 seq. Punarvasů, I, 285. puraskarana, II, 436, 440. purisha, I, 64. pürnâhuti, full-offer ring, 1, 302; II,
25. purodās, I, 32. purodāsa, preparation of, 1, 42 seq.;
etymology, 163, purohita, I, introd. xii, 377; II, 270. puroruk, preliminary formula, ii,
235, 280, 295. PurGravas, I, 389; II, 91. Püshan, distributer of portions, I,
53; toothless, 211; identified with the earth, 418; II, 57; represents (prosperity) cattle, II, 21; guardian of paths, 57; Pashan's speed is the wind,
205; animal offering to, 119. pati, II, 8.
prâna, I, 19, 120: cf. airs, vital. prânadana, 1, 94, 438. pranitâb, 1, 9, 23, 265; II, 13. pra-ruk, I, 161. prasalavi (pradakshina), I, 442;
strings twisted, II, 29. prasitra, fore-portion (Brahman's),
1, 212. prasitra-harana, I, 69, 212. prastara, 1,84 seq., 92 seq.;(the sacri-
ficer), 240 seq., 389, 405; II, 89; amends made on the prastara, 102; anointed when thrown
into the fire, 103, 104. prastava, II, 310. prasthita, II, 198, 372. Prastotri, II, 310, 311. Prâtabsavana, II, 238 seq.; belongs
to Gayatri, 250; to the Vasus,
350. Prâtaranuvâka, morning-prayer, II,
226 seq. Pratidarsa Svaikna, 1, 376. pratigara, Adhvaryu's response, 11,
231, 326, 328, 361, pratibâra, II, 310. Pratihartri, II, 310, 347. Pratiprast håtri, assistant of Adh-
varyu, roasts the omentum, II,
196. pratyabhighârana, replenishing, I,
201, 414. pratyåsråvana, 1, 132, 140. praüga-sastra, II, 324. pravara, I, introd. xvi, 95, 114 seq.,
131 seq. pravargya, 1, 44; II, 104. pravritta (pravrita) boma, II, 305. prayaga (fore-offering), five at havir
yagña, I, 138 seq., 318 seq., 445; four at avabhritha, II, 382 ; nine at Vaisvadeva, Varunapraghâsâh, &c., 390, 400, 418; eleven at animal offer
ing, II, 185, 210. Prayaniyeshti, belongs to Aditi, II,
47; oblations to Pathyå svasti, Agni, Somna, Savitri, and Aditi,
49-51. press-board (adhishavana), II, 140. pressing-skin, round and dyed red,
II, 140. press-stones (five), 11, 140, 227. priest, medium of worship, II, 3. prisbad-âg'ya, clotted butter, I,
404.
Quarters (dis), oblation of whey to
disab, pradisab, âdisab, vidisab, uddisab, 1, 382; oblation of fat gravy, II, 209.
Rakshas, etymology, I, 8; roam
about the air, ib.; II, 16; pur
sue women, 35. ram, image of, at Varuna-praghasáb,
1, 395 seg.; Varuna's victim, ib. Råma Aupatasvini, II, 425. rathantara-sâman, I, 196, 222; II,
339, 403. rauhina (fire-altar constructed by
Asuras), I, 286. razor, copper, 1, 450; II, 7. reed, used for anointing, being a
thunderbolt, II, 15; for inter
twining with zone, 28. region (dis). See quarter. repetition of sacrificial performance
to be avoided, I, 80. Ribhus, II, 361. Rig-veda, arrangement of hymns, I,
introd. xvi, xx seq. riksha (ursa major), I, 283. Rishi, the seven, 1, 282.
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SATAPATHA-BRAHMANA.
ritu-graha, oblations for seasons, II,
318 seq.; -pâtra, 407. Robini (nakshatra), I, 283. Rudra, purification after mention-
ing his name, I, 3; identified with Agni (Sarva, Bhava, Pasûnam pati), 201; is the newlykindled fire, 340; pierces Pragâpati, 309; to Rudra is due what is injured in the sacrifice, 211; pursues creatures, 340; Tryambaka oblations to Rudra, on a cross-road, 438; the mole sacred to him, 440; Rudra with Vasus, II, 59; the Rudras ac- company Soma, 93; (pasūnâm ishte, 153. See Tvashtri); Indra with Vasus, Rudras, and Adityas, 241, 350; Rudra offi- ciates as Hotri, 348; eleven Rudras, eight Vasus, and twelve Adityas, 411.
sabhya, hall-fire, 1, 302; resides with
man (as Anasnat sângamana),
338; worship of, 339. sacrifice, Indo-Iranian, I, introd.
xv, 49; is man, 78; II, 25, 126; passes from priest to priest, I, 140 seq.; from father to son, 162; as tortoise, 161; place of, II, i seq.; Brâhman, Râganya, and Vaisya, able to sacrifice, 4; of equal measure with the year, 16; is invisible, 19; is speech, 23, 24; the Brahman, ib.; fivefold, 24; changed into a horse, 89; animal sacrifice, 162 seq.; the Sacrifice (Yaghia) is Soma, 146; fashioned like a
bird, 264. sacrificer (yagamâna), is the victim,
1, 49, 62, 78; his foot used for
measuring uttara-vedi, II, 119. sacrificial essence (medba), 1, 50. Sadânirâ, I, introd. xlii, 104 seq. Sadas (text), is Yagha's belly, II,
127; construction of, 140 seg.; sacred to Indra, 141; is common
to gods and men, 146. sadasya, II, 286. sådhyâb, 'blessed' gods, II, 174. sadyabkri, kind of Soma-sacrifice, II,
114. Saladeva Sârágaya, I, 376.
Saharakshas, messenger of Asuras, I,
110; II, 115. sahasrî, II, 414. Sâkamedhấb (seasonal sacrifice), 1,
384, 408 seq.; cake to Agni Anikavat, 408; karu to Marutab sântapanåb, 409; ditto gribamedhinâb, ib.; darvihoma, 415; cake to Maruts, 416; mabahavis,
417 seq.; Pitriyagia, 430. Sakvari metre, II, 226. sâlâ (hall), measure of, II, 3. salt, used for hearth, I, 278. saman, 1, 100; is the truth, II, 97. samaropana, lifting or mounting of
fire, I, 396. samavatta, cuttings from ida, I, 119;
II, 203; -dhani, 207. sambhâra, 1, 276 seq. Sâmgivi-putra, I, introd. xxxii seq. samf leaves, offered at Varunapra
ghâsâb, 1, 395. samidh, I, 91 seq., 95 seq., 146,
152. sâmidheni, I, 95 seq.; II, 13. samishtayagus, one, 1, 262 seq., 445;
three, 390, 406, 418; nine, II, 374; the end of the sacrifice,
13, 374 seq. samitri, butcher, cooks the victim,
11, 200. samsrava, offering of, I, 236. samsthâ, II, 398. samya, yoke-pin, used as wedge, I,
29; II, 116 seq. samyagye, I, 164, 307. Samyu Bảrhaspatya, I, 354. samyuvâka, I, 236, 247, 254 seq. Sanda and Marka, two Asuras, II,
279 seq. sandhya, twilight worship, I, 344. Sandilya, I, introd. xxxi seq., xlvi. sân nàyya, 1, 162, 178 seq., 381. saptahotra, 1, 223. sarabba, I, 52. Sarasvati, river, I, 104 seq. Sarasvati, goddess, oblation to, I,
418; speech, II, 22; animal
offering to, 218. sarpana, II, 299. sarparaghi, II, 451. Sarva (Rudra-Agni), I, 201. Saryâta Mânava, 11, 273 seq. sasni, I, 15. Jastra, twelve at Agnishtoma, II,
303, 325 seq.
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INDEX TO PARTS I AND II.
469
Satapatha - brâhmana, I, introd.
xxviii seq. Satarudriya-homa, I, 346. sattra, sacrificial session, II, 402,
426, 440; sattrasya riddhi, 449. sattrotthâna, II, 441, 447. Satyayagia (Satyayagtiti), II, 2. saumya-adhvara, 1, 26, 114. saumya karu, II, 364. sautrâmani, I, 165. savaniya purodasa, II, 230, 314, 315,
324. såvitra-graba, II, 357. Savitri, the intermediate progenitor
(Pragapati), I, 386; is netri (leader), II, 34; repres, cattle, 49; (the sun) guardian of the west, 50; animal offering to,
221; the sun, the mind, 358. Savitri (gayatri), 1, 356. seasons (ritu), five, 1,98; II, 16, 34,
50, 241; six, I, 281; II, 101, 389; siding with Asuras, I, 155 seq. ; identified with gods and fathers, 289; with the castes, 290 ; the divine coursers, 382; oblation of whey, ib.; consort
with Soma, 245. session, sacrificial. See sattra; rising
from, sattrotthåna. shadaha, II, 402. shadavatta, 1, 229. shasbripatha, I, introd. xxix, xxxii,
xlvi. shaving, II, 6. sheep, goats and, II, 407. shodasin, stotra, II, 313, 401; sastra,
403 ; graha and samstha, 398;
Indra, 400. silver, not suitable for dakshinas, 1,323. sin, confession of, I, 397; expiation
of, 398, 406; II, 385. snakes, west their quarter, II, 4;
the fore-edge () belongs to
them, 10. Soma, plant (juice) and moon, I,
176; fetched by Gayatri, 183, 452; II, 52, 341; establishes the fire, I, 313; offering to Soma (and Agni) at Pitriyagha, 364; Indra, Soma, and Agni, II, 12; purchase of, 63 seq.; Soma is seed, ib.; Soma-cloth, wrapper and head-band, 64; picking of Soma-plants, ib.; Soma the Kshatra, 65, 87;
meting out of Soma, 66; tied up in the form of a man, 68; bargaining for Soma, 69 seq.; Soma driven on car, 74; grows on mountains, 77; seated on throne of udumbara wood, 84; enters the hall, ib.; guestoffering to Soma, 85 seq.; Soma attended by the Rudras, 93; Soma strengthened (àpyai), 100; Soma is Vritra, 100, 271, 314; Agni, Soma, and Vishnu form the thunderbolt, 108 ; Soma, when carried off by Gayatri, was enclosed in two golden cups, 150; Soma placed on sacrificer's lap, 156; Soma the nimble, 157; enters the Havirdhana, 160; is Vanaspati, 108 ; animal offering to, 218; Soma taken down from cart, 227; watched in the Agnidhra, ib.; pressing of, 238 seq.; meting out, 240; deposits his three bodies (or lights) in the three worlds, 242; consorts with the seasons, 345; explanation of the name, 246; pressing, 349; great pressing, 256; oppresses his family-priest Brihaspati, 258; king Soma struck in the eye by Varuna, 281; karu to Soma, 363 ; substitutes of Soma-plants, 420 seg. - On Soma-myth generally, 11, introd.
xi seq. Soma-krayani, cow, is Våk, II, 54,
56, 58; her seven foot-prints, 59; colour of, 62; her virtues, 69; dust of foot-print scattered
behind Garhapatya, 156. Soma-sacrificer, sacred, 11, 35. Soma-seller, II, 69; beaten, 71. south, quarter of Fathers, 11,2,4,165. spaces, the six (urvi), I, 136. speech. See Vâk; four grades of
speech, II, 268. sphya (wooden sword), I, 6, 13, 54,
66; II, 60, 121. spoons, sacrificial, I, 67 seq.; brush
ing of, 69 seq., 78 seq.; separa
tion (vyuhana) of, 236, 404. sprinkling with lustral water), 1, 2,
20, 83; II, 133, 139, 143, 159,
168, 181. sraddha (pitriyaga), 1, 361 seq., 420.
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SATAPATHA-BRAHMANA.
creatures, ib.; wards off evil spirits, II, 77; given as dakshina to the Angiras, 114; the soul of the universe, 343; Indra, Agni and Sarya, superior to
others, 402. Sushna, the Dânava, enters the eye
of man, II, 14. svaga, 1, 244, 259; II, 379. svâhâ, I, 324 (derivation of), 148 seq.,
153; II, 252. svaru, chip, II, 173, 186. Svetaketu (Auddálaki), I, introd.
xli seq., 11, 100, 314. Svishtakrit, I, 129, 151, 199 seq.,
372. syenahrita plant, a substitute for
Soma-plants, II, 422.
sraushat, I, 132, 140, 142, 239. Srauta-sacrifices, I, 26. Sriñgayas, a prosperous tribe, 1, 376. srità vadâna, I, 429. sruk, offering-spoon, I, 67; II, 20, 23. sruva, dipping-spoon, I, 68; II, 20. staff, the Dikshita's, a thunderbolt,
11, 34; reaches up to his mouth,
ib. stambayagur-harana, 1, 55; II, 118. stoma, kinds of, 11, 308. stomayoga, II, 311. stotra, twelve at Agnishtoma, II,
303; preparation (upakarana)
for, 307 seq. ; 325 seq. strainer, straining-cloth. See pa
vitra, dasâpavitra. Subrahmanya,priest,drives the Soma
cart, II, 77; litany, 81, 330. Sadra, must not enter the prâkina
vamsa, II, 4. Sukanya, daughter of Saryâta Ma
nava, II, 273. Sukra graha, II, 278 seq., 316 seq.,
332. súktavāka, I, 236 seq., 247 seq., 405. salâvabhritha, spit-bath, II, 215. Sun, rays of, are the righteous dead,
I, 269; are purifiers, II, 18; they are the gods, 224; the sun is the final goal, I, 271; moving north and south, 289; (Vivasvat) is the Âditya, 11, 13; the eye, 39; wards off evil spirits, 77; is Indra, 96; (sürya) given as dakshina to the Angiras, 114; its rays are the gods sipping motes of light, 254; the lotus of the heavens, 277; offering to, 342; the eye of Mitra, Varuna,
and Agni, 343. Sunåsiriya (seasonal sacrifice), I, 384,
444 seq. sunwise circumambulation. Cf. pra-
dakshina, dakshinikära, prasa-
lavi. Suparni (and Kadra), II, 52 seq.,
149 seq.; is Vâk, 149. Suparníkâdrava (Sauparnakådrava),
II, 150. Suplan Sârngaya, I, 376. sürpa, winnowing-basket, 1, 11, 30,
398. Sarya (with Agni and Vậyu), I, 325,
327; II, 453 ; Sürya is death, 1, 343 ; his rays attached to
Taittiriyas, I, introd. xxvi seq. Takshan, recites for Åruni, I, 335. tanu, II, 10. tandhavir-ishti, 1, 304, 317. Tanûnapât, 1, 146 seq., 152; is Vayu,
11, 94, 95. TânQnaptra, covenant of Tanûnapât,
11, 93 seq. tapas (austerity), world conquered
by, II, 111. thousand, one, divided by three, II,
63. thunderbolt, composed of anika,
salya, and kulmala, II, 108. Tittiri (slokab), 1, introd. xxxviii. Traikakuda ointment, II, 15. trayi vidya, II, 436. trees, fit for sacrificial purposes, 1,90. Trikakud, mount, originally Vritra's
eye, II, 15. trirâtra (sahasradakshina), II, 414. Trishrubh, is the sky, 1, 195, 205;
the air, 234; the kshatra, II,
87. Trita, I, introd. xvii, 47 seq. Tritiya-savana, II, 350 seq.; belongs
to Gagati, 250. Tryambakâb (seasonal offerings), I,
437 seq.; offered to Rudra, 438. tryanga, the three limbs, the portion
of Agni svishtakrit in animal
offerings, II, 205, 307. Tuminga Aupoditeya, I, 271. Tura Kâvasheya, I, introd. XXXI
seg. Tutha (the brahman), II, 344. Tvashtri, father of Visvarūpa, I, 47,
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INDEX TO PARTS I AND II.
471
164 seq., offering to, 358; ob- tains the forms from Agni, 314; victim and stake for Tvashtri, II, 177; pasanam ishte, (? 153), 180; spits upon the head of a victim, 202; fashions the seed, 367; dispenser of boons and
healer, 374. tyåga, dedicatory formula, I, 303.
upayaga, by-offerings of Pratipra
sthầtri, II, 204 ; eleven, 210, 212; four additional (aty-upa
yag), 214. upayama, formula of support,' II,
259 seq. Ordbvanabhas (? Vậyu), son of the
Maruts, II, 198. Urvasi, I, 389; II, 91. urvi, I, 136. ushânâ (the Soma-plant), 11, 314. ushxisha, II, 392. utkara, I, 25, 54. utpavana, 1, 76. uttara, II, 2. uttarâhi, II, 50. uttaravedi, 1, 388, 392, 393, 417; II,
113; is Vak, 115; measure of, 116; is a woman, 120.
udâna, I, 19, 76, 120. udavasâniyeshti, II, 389. udayaniyeshti, ii, 48, 51, 386 seq. Udgâtri, I, introd. xx seq.; chanting
of, II, 307 seq., 310; exchanges
looks with Patnî, 368. udgitha, IT, 310. udumbara post in Sadas), II, 141;
made of the sacrificer's size,
142; touching of, 448, 453, 454. udumbara wood, food and strength,
II, 34. uktha (= sastra), II, 294, 313. ukthavîrya, 11, 327. Ukthya-graha,I1, 292 seq., 332, 336;
distribution among hotrakas, 295 seq., 339, 370; -sthålî and
pâtra, 293. Ukthya sacrifice, II, 326, 370, 397. ulik hala, I, 26. Unnetri, calls for the sraushat at
the hâriyogana libation, II, 372;
two Unnetris, 417. upabhrit, I, 67 seq., 139; portions
of victim for upabhrit, II, 205. upakarana, the introducing of the
stotra, II, 401. upåmsu-graha, II, 238 seq., 244,
248; offered, 255; is the day,
and offered at night, 261. * upâmsu-savana, stone, II, 238; is
Aditya Vivasvat, 240, 256, 354. upâmsuyaga (low-voiced offering),
1, 118, 192, 372. upanamuka, 1, 326. uparava, sounding-hole, II, 135 seq. upasad (homage or siege), II, 104
seq.; three, 108; or twelve, 109; the fasting connected with
them, 110; at sattras, 442. upasargani, I, 42, 65. upastarana, 1, 192. upavaktri, II, 452. upavasatha, fast-day, I, 1, 5, 291; I1,
223. upavesha, 1, 33, 125.
Vågapeya, II, 398. Vagasaneyaka, 1, introd. xxxix. Vagasaneyinab, i, introd. xxxvi seq. Vaikarnau, I, introd. xlii. vaisargina oblations, II, 155 seq.,
442. Vaisvadeva (seasonal sacrifice), 1, 383
seq.; cake to Agni, 386; karu for Soma, ib.; cake for Savitri, ib.; karu for Sarasvatî, ib.; cake for Maruts, 387; payasya to Visve devâb, 388; cake to
Heaven and Earth, ib. Vaisvadeva-graha, II, 323 seq., 359
seq.; (mahâ-), 360. Vaisvadeva-sastra, II, 360 seq. Vaisvanara-graha, II, 298. Vâk (speech) and Manas (mind), 1,
124 seq.; II, 55 seq.; inherited by Asuras and gods respectively, II, 30; Vâk wooed by Yagnia, 30 seq.; sent by the gods to the Gandharvas, 53; given as dakshina to the Angiras, 114; becomes a lioness, 115; Våk speaks intelligibly in men, 267, 268; her thousandfold progeny, 414, 436; pith of Vâk,
450. Vâkaspati, lord of speech, is the
out-breathing, II, 250. vákovâkya, II, 453. vakshva, 11, 384. Vâmadevya-saman, I, 222. vamsa (roof-beam), I1, 3, 146. vamsas, lists of, 1, introd. xxxiv.
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SATAPATHA-BRÂHMANA.
vanaspati (lord of forest, tree), obla
tion to, 11, 208, 395; is Soma,
108. vapa, omentum, cut out and roasted,
II, 194 seq.; offered, 198, 392. vapasrapani, omentum-spit, II, 194. varsha, varshâb, I, 315. Vârshnya (Vârshxa), II, 2. Varuna, noose of, 1, 72, 391;
II, 161; (noose of sacred order), 181; knot, I, 73; rope, II, 57, 181; he establishes the fire and becomes king Varuna, I, 313; is the brightlyburning fire, 340; the waxing moon, 380 (cf. Mitra, the wan- ing); seizes creatures by disease, 391, 398; is the Kshatra, 393, 401; the ram his victim, 395; Varuna guardian of conjugal vow, 397; Agni, Varuna, and Indra, leaders of gods, 449 seq.; oblation to Varuna and the Maruts, 394, 395; Varuna attended by Adityas, I1, 93 ; swearing by Varuna (?), 216; animal offering to, 221; Varuna the Kshatra, cannot exist without the priest- hood, 270; strikes king Soma in the eye, 281; Varuna, Mitra, and Agni, 285; king Varuna has
made a path for the sun, 380. Varunapraghảsâb (seasonal sacrifice),
I, 384, 391 seq.; cake to Indrágni, 393; payasyâ to Varuna and to the Maruts, 394; cake to Ka, 395; dishes of karambha (porridge) to Varuna and the
Maruts, 395 seq. vasâ, fat gravy, II, 205; offered
(vasáhoma), 307. vasáhomahavanî, II, 203. vasatîvari water, II, 147, 322 seq.;
carrying around of, 225, 454; etymology, 226, 231; meets the water in Maitrâvaruna cup, 235; in the Hotri's cup it be
comes the Nigrábhyâb, 236, 293. vashat (vaushat), 1, 88, 135, 143, 171,
193 seq., 197 seq., 198. Vasisht bayagña, 1, 376. Vastavya (Rudra), I, 200. Vasu, 1, 176; the Vasus accompany
Rudra, 59, Agni, II, 93; Indra with Vasus, Rudras, and Adityas, 241, 350; eight Vasus,
eleven Rudras, twelve Adityas,
411. vâyavya, Soma-cups, II, 158, 267. Vâyu (with Agni and Sürya), I, 325,
327; II, 453; oblation of drops (stoka) to Vayu, II, 195; sent by the gods to ascertain if Vritra be slain, 265; leader of beasts, 361;
libation to Pragapati-Vayu, 451. veda, bunch of grass, 1, 41, 84. vedi, etymology, 1, 60; measure and
construction of, 62 seq.; lustration of, 423 ; Soma-altars prepared, II, 111; vedi is as large
as the earth, 175. Vedic science, threefold, I, 24. victim, kinds of, I, 50; killing of,
II, 178 seq.; mode of killing, 189; skinning and cutting open, 193 seq.; cutting up, 200 seq. ; offering of portions, 204 seq. ; touching of, 209; the eleven, 218 seq.; those suitable for certain forms of sacrifice, 312, 313,
428, 429. Videgha Mathava, 1, introd. xli seq.,
104 seq. Videhas, I, introd. xlii. vidhriti, stalks of grass laid across
the barhis, I, 93 ; 11, 89. vikankata tree, when created, 1, 325. virág, I, u; II, 68, 112; incom
plete, 1, 390; II, 374. vis, serves the Kshatra, 1, 393 ; eat
no offerings, 398; is the Kshatriya's food, II, 66; go down
before a Kshatriya, 228. Vishxu, three steps of, 1, 15, 268 ;
II, 155; Vishnu a dwarf, 1, 59; etymology, 73; is the upper (Agai the lower) half of the sacrifice, II, 12; is the consecrated, 29; formula referring to Vishnu used for atonement, 35; Agni, Soma, and Vishnuform the thunderbolt, 108; fixed like an eye in the heavens, 172; to
Vishnu belong the Yagus, 436. vishrava, II, 309. vishtuti, II, 308 seq. vishuvant day, II, 427. visvadhâyas, 1, 188. visvakarman, 1, 188. Visvakarman, offering to, I, 419;
with the Adityas, II, 193; Indra, 431,
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INDEX TO PARTS I AND II.
473
woman, given to vain things, II, 53. worlds, three, II, 26. worship, is truth, I, 313.
Yagha (sacrifice) wooes Vak, II,
30 seq.
Visvarüpa, son of Tvashtri, I, 47,
164 seq. Visvavasu, Gandharva, I, 90; steals
Soma from Gayatri, 11, 52. visvayu, I, 188. Visve Devâb (All-gods), representa
tive of Vis, IT, introd. xvi, 204, 371; oblation of karu at Agrayaneshti, 369 seq.; share with Indra and Agni, 371; the threads of cloth belong to them, II, 10; they are the ear, 39; the air belongs to them, 208; animal
offering to, 330. viti, I, 107. Vivasvat (the sun), is the Aditya, II,
13; Aditya Vivasvat, the vyana
of the Soma-sacrifice, 340. vrata, 1, 1 seq.; II, 6. vrata-dughâ, cow, II, 40, 43. vratopaniya, I, 3. Vrishanasva's Menâ (wife?), II, 81. Vritra, slain by Indra, I, 20 seq. ;
52, 452; 11, 265; by the waters, II, 242, 243, 247; (Dânava), I,
166 ; Vritra is Soma, II, 100. vyana, I, 19, 20, 120. vyQdbakbandas (dvâdasâha), 11, 418.
Yaghavalkáni brâhmanani, I, introd.
Xxxvi seq. Yâgfavalkya, I, introd. xxx seq., 5,
76, 77, 271, 333, 370, 384 (contradicted); II, a; (advocates the eating of the flesh of cows and oxen), 11, 14; cursed by a Karaka Adhvaryu, 197, 279,
425, 442. yagfyagiya (saman), II, 368. yagñopavîtin, 1, 361, 434. Yagur-veda, 1, introd. xxvii. yâgyâ, I, 119, 135, 142, 170 seq., 195. Yama, king, resides with man, 1,
338; chief of Fathers, 364; Yama angirasvat pitrimat, 429; officiates as Brahman priest, II,
348. yava, II, 143, 168. yavan, 1, 199. yâvihotra, I, 199. yüpa, sacrificial state, I, 160; II,
21, 36, 39, 46, 101; is Yagha's crest-lock, 126; belongs to Vishnu, 162, 164; cutting of, 162 seq. ; size of, 166; raising of, 167 seq.; anointing of, 170; girding, 172; means of ascending to the blessed' gods, 174; it is eight-cornered, 174; is not thrown into the fire, ib.; is a thunderbolt, 175, 176; wifestake, 177; eleven : see eka
dasini. Yâpâhuti, stake-offering, II, 163 seq.
water, a thunderbolt, II, 7; the
waters slay Vritra, 242, 243,
247. west, quarter of snakes, II, 4; of
Savitri (the sun), 50; sleeping with head towards, forbidden,
11, 4.
wether, hair-tuft of, II, 125. whey, offering of, to divine coursers
(seasons), I, 382; is seed, 388. wind, tells the gods the thoughts of
men, II, 94.
.
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474
SATAPATHA-BRAHMANA.
ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS.
PART I. (VOL. XII OF SERIES.) Page vii, line 15. Read, -Stambhayagus. P. xvi, 1. 8. Read, -arrangement. P. xxx, 1. 2. Read,-sixty' for forty.' P. xliv, 1. 28. Read, -recensions' for 'relations.' P. 3, 1. a seq. I now take 'pati' in the sense of 'foul,' and would translate
thus,-The reason why he touches water is this: man forsooth is impare; in that he speaks untruth, thereby he is foul within. Now water is pare:
Having become pare, I will enter on the vow,' &c. See Part II, p. 8, n. 1. P. 9, paragraph 18. Cf. mas ignis, quod ibi semen, aqua femina, quod fetus
alitur humore.' Varro, L. L. 5, 61. P. 65, last line. Read, -a composite direction. P. 94, 1. 8. Read, vedi' for 'prastara.' P. 142, 1. 1. Read, -Turn ye back I' for draw near!' see Part II, p. 308, n. 1. P. 166, par. 13. Read,-Now while Indra, being thus pushed aside, was moving
on, be addressed ... P. 183, 1. 6. Dele,-(the moon). P. 210, note 1. Read twice,- sastra' for 'sastra.' P. 321, l. 4 seq. Instead of,—'Before the Rakshas (come),' B. R.'s Dict. inter
prets, perhaps rightly, 'Safely from the Rakshas.' P. 263, par. 27.-These same deities . . .; for an improved rendering, cf. IV,
4, 4, 5-6. P. 308, 1. 11. For,—and in pressing,' read 'to wit, in pressing.' P. 323, 1. 15. 'whom, surely, he would not eat;' for this construction, see Part
II, p. 31, 0. I. P. 338, 1. 9. Read, -Verily, with him ... P. 389, 1. 26. Read, — Âyu' for 'Âyus.'
PART II. (VOL. XXVI.) P. 2, 1. 4. Read, -sacrificer' for 'sacrifice.' P. 31, note 3. Cf. J. Muir, O.S.T. II, p. 114 note. P. 71, pote I. According to Åp. Sr. X, 30, 12 he is to buy the Soma from a
Kautsa Brahman; otherwise from any Brahman; otherwise from one who
is not a Brahman. P. 77, 11. 27, 32. Read, Subrahmanya. P. 103, note 1. Read,-åpyâyanam. P. 128, 1. 26. Read,- (khadis). P. 153, 1.6, to Rudra cf. III, 7, 3, 11. P. 201, l. 4. Read, -Samitar. P. 224, 11. 17-20. Dele thrice for.' P. 267, par. 10. Cf. A. Bergaigne, La Religion Védique, I, p. 171. P. 286, note 3. Read, -sadasyânâm hotrânâm. P. 305, last line. Cf. Ap. XI, 20, 1 (pravrita-homa). P. 324, 11. 8, 9. Read, -Sukra. P. 334, note 2. Cf. Atharva-veda V, 4, 3; Kuhn, Herabkunft, p. 126 seq. P. 441, 1.15. Read, -all-beneficent.
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PLAN OF SACRIFICIAL GROUND.
475
PLAN OF SACRIFICIAL GROUND.
d
o
o
Sacrificial states (ropa) .
.
Slaughter plac & cooling fire ...sâmitra....
katvala
pit
nábhi
Uttara.
POA
(Ahavaniya)
Utkara
A - V E DI
HAVIRDHÂNA
Ä - V E DI
Agnidhriya)
(Cart Shed)
Margaliya
Sprine or Easkerly Line
(pratt)
А
DHISHNYAS
Athay,
Neshtri
Potri
Hotri
Maitr. Udu Lam
Post
MA
30.5
Vedi Tailart
EXPLANATIONS Â = Ahavaniya fire G = Gårbapatya fire D = Dakshindgni. C = Seat of Brahman. y = Seat of Yayamana
(Sacrificer).
40
Prikina - vansa
EXPLANATIONS. I p = Seat of Patnl (Sacri
ficer's wife). h = Seat of Hotri. a = Seat of Agnldhra. pr = Place for pranith. = Utkara (heap of rul
bish)
G
W.
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TRANSLITERATION OF ORIENTAL ALPHABETS ADOPTED FOR THE TRANSLATIONS
OF THE SACRED BOOKS OF THE EAST.
MISSIONARY ALPHABET.
CONSONANTS
Sanslerit.
Zend.
Pehlerl
Persian
Arabic.
Hebrew. Chinese
I Class
II Claus. | 111 Clan.
Gutturales. 1 Tenuis ..... 2 1 aspirata ... 3 Media ......... 4 aspirata ..... 5 Gutturo-labialis .....
.
6 Nasalis ..........
(ng).
b
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.
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.
.
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.
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Gutturales modificatae
(palatales, &o.) 13 Tenuis ..... 14 , aspirata ... 15 Media ........ 16 aspirata .... 17 . Nasalis .
.
477
.

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18 Semivocalis
2222
19 Spiritus asper
lenis
20
21
""
"
39
23 Tenuis
24
39
""
"9
39
"
CONSONANTS (continued).
25
99
26 Media
27
28
"5
29 Nasalis.
30 Semivocalis
31
32
33 Spiritus asper 1 asper 2
34
35
lenis
36
37
"9
"9
asper assibilatus
lenis assibilatus
Dentales.
aspirata assibilata
aspirata.
assibilata
mollis 1 mollis 2
asperrimus 1
asperrimus 2
MISSIONARY ALPHABET.
I Class.
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t
th
d
dh
II Class.
ས སSའུ
(3)
III Class.
.
.
.2
TH
DH
8 (√)
z (8)
7 (3)
Sanskrit.
य
श
A a
घ
न
3
कळ
..
Zend.
324:
init.
M
eb
21
ge
}
JJ
Pehlevi.
3
2
: : २०
2
.
1
1.5
5:18:5
Persian. Arabic. Hebrew. Chinese.
જી
:3 ཤ
:༣:
ງ
;.
y
3
(ث) و
(ذ) زا 5
ت
:32
...
ت | ت
3
س
3
+
ES
..
K-08.
צ
ཝ
2
th
z
3, 3h
478
TRANSLITERATION OF ORIENTAL ALPHABETS

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Dentales modificatae (linguales, &c.)
38 Tenuis
39
"
40 Media
41
""
42 Nasalis
43 Semivocalis
44
45
99
46 Spiritus asper 47
lenis
"
"
99
aspirata
aspirata
48 Tenuis
49
99
50 Media
51
52 Tenuissima.
53 Nasalis.
54 Semivocalis
55
56 Spiritus asper .
57
lenis.
"
fricata
diacritica
Labiales.
aspirata
aspirata
39
58 Anusvåra.
59. Visarga
aspirata
sh
zh
P
ph
b
bh
m
W
hw
f
V
t
th
d
dh
718
R
Ntom
८
G
प
* 444
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22.5.1
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: &:
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6
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b
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b
··
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ค ค.ศ.
..
מ
sh
PA
m
W
FOR THE SACRED BOOKS OF THE EAST.
479

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MISSIONARY ALPHABBT.
- I Class II Class III Class
VOWELS.
Sanskrit.
Zend.
Pehlevt
Persian
Arabic
Hebrew. Chinese.
•
•
•
::
fin. winit.
480
:
JID
T
1 Neutralis ........... 2 Laryngo-palatalis .... 3 » labialis . 4 Gutturalis brevis ..... 6
longa ... 6 Palatalis brevis .. 7 , longa .... 8 Dentalis brevis ....... 9 longa ........ 10 Lingualis brevis ..... 11 , longa ....... 12 Labialis brevis ...... 13 „ longa ...... 14 Gutturo-palatalis brevis ... 15 , longa ... & (ai) 16 Diphthongus gutturo-palatalis
ei (ei) 18 )
oi (ou) 19 Gutturo-labialis brevis ....1 0 . 20
longa .... 10(au) 21 Diphthongus gutturo-labialis au (ar 22
Jeu (ếu) •
. 23 . 24 Gutturalis fracta ..... 25 Palatalis fracta ...... 26 Labialis fracta ...... 27 Gutturo-labialis fracta ..
ani anate : :
CALIFORNITIVE (UNISTIETTY)
Digitized by Google
::Io lol :::yyeli b : : : :alam :::Yulis : : : :-04::ib: : :
: : :1
ib: : : : 11: : : :1::::::::
: : : : : : : : : : : :
.
TRANSLITERATION OF ORIENTAL ALPHABETS.
.
::::::32: : : 30: E:::::
17
»
:::::94: :
Jou (ou)

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RETURN TO
LOAN PERIOD 1
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CIRCULATION DEPARTMENT 202 Main Library
3
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YC 54595
GOO

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S.B.E. 27
Indian Institute, Oxford.
Presented by the
Delegates of the Oxford University Press May May 1886.
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THE
SACRED BOOKS OF THE EAST
[27]
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London HENRY FROWDE
5835971
VOGEL
OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS WAREHOUSE
AMEN Corner, E.C.
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THE
SACRED BOOKS OF THE EAST
TRANSLATED
BY VARIOUS ORIENTAL SCHOLARS
AND EDITED BY
F. MAX MÜLLER
VOL. XXVII
Orford
AT THE CLARENDON PRESS
1885
[All rights reserved]
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INDIA
* CXFO
PRD
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THE
SACRED BOOKS OF CHINA
THE TEXTS OF CONFUCIANISM
TRANSLATED BY
JAMES LEGGE
PART III
THE LI KI, I-X
Orford
AT TIE CLARENDON PRESS
1885
(All rights reserved ]
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IN:
TITU
NDIAN
OXFORD
RD *
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CONTENTS.
PAGE
PREFACE .
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
xi
INTRODUCTION CHAP. I. THREE DIFFERENT LI KING, OR RITUAL BOOKS, ACKNOW
LEDGED IN CHINA. THE RECOVERY OF THE FIRST TWO, AND FORMATION OF THE THIRD, UNDER THE HAN
DYNASTY. . . . . . . . . . How Confucius spoke of the Lí. How Mencius spoke of them. Now there are three Li King or three Rituals. State of the Li books at the rise of the Han dynasty. Work of the emperors of Han in recovering the ancient books. i. Recovery of the I Li. ii. King Hsien of Ho-kien, and his recovery of the Kâu Li. iii. Formation of the Li K?. Council of B.C. 51. Condition in B.C. 26. Hâu Zhang and the two Tâis. Må Yung and Kång Hsuan. Shải Yung and his manusculpt. Li of the Greater Tâi.
9
11. SIGNIFICANCE OF THE CHINESE CHARACTER CALLED LI.
MEANING OF THE TITLE LI KI. VALUE OF THE WORK. Li is a symbol of religious import, and a symbol for the feeling of propriety. Translation of the title. The value of the Li Ki. The Li Ki as one of the five King.
III. BRIEF NOTICES OF THE DIFFERENT BOOKS WHICH MAKE
UP THE COLLECTION . . . . . . . BOOK
1. Kbu Li . . 2. Than Kung . 3. Wang Kih 4. Yüeh Ling 5. Băng-ze Wăn . 6. Wăn Wang Shih-jze 7. Li Yun . . . . . . . . . 8. Li Kbi . 9. Kiao Theh Sảng 10. Nei Zeh . . . . . . . . . .
Log
.
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viii
CONTENTS.
PAGE
BOOK
11. Yü Zão, 12. Ming Thang Wei . 13. Sang FG Hsiao Ki. 14. Tá Kwan 15. Shão 1 . . 16. Hsio KT. 17. Yo Ki . 18. 3å Ki . 19. Sang Ta Ki 20. K Fá . 21. KI . 22. Kĩ Thung 23. King Kieh 24. Ai Kung Wăn . . 25. Kung-ni Yen Ku . 26. Khung-zze Hsien Kü 27. Fang ki. . . 28. Kung Yung 29. Piảo Ki. 30. 3ze I . . 3. Pin Sang . 32. Văn Sang . 33. FG WR . . 34. Kien Kwan . 35. San Nien Wăn 36. Shăn [ . 37. Thâu Hà. . 38. ZQ Hsing. 39. Tá Hsio. 40. Kwan 1 . 4. Hoắn [. 42. Hsiang Yin K 43. Shê . . . 44. Yen 1 45. Phing 1 46. Sang Fa Sze Kib .
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
DOOK 1. KHÊ LI OR SUMMARY OF THE RULES OF PROPRIETY.
SECTION I. Part 1. . . . . . . . . .
II. . . . . . . . . . , Ill. . . . . . . . . ,,IV. . . . . . . . . . , V. . . . . . . . . .
61
. . . . .
>
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CONTENTS.
BOOK
Part 1.
» II. » III .
. . .
. . .
Sectiox II. . . . . . . . . .
. . .
. . .
. . .
. . .
. 99 . 109
114
II. THE THAN KUNG.
Part
„
1. Il .
. .
. .
SECTION 1. . . . .
. .
. .
. .
. .
. 120 . 132
SECTION II. Part 1. . . . . .
„ II. . . . . .
» III. Appendix to Book II . . . Plates I-VI after page 208.
. .
. .
. .
. . . .
. 161 . 173 . 187 . 202
.
.
.
III. THE ROYAL REGULATIONS. Section I . . . . .
. . . . 209 „ II . . . . . . . . . . 212 III . . .
. . . . . . 222 v . in : : : : : : : 230
: : .
240 IV. YÜEH LING OR PROCEEDINGS OF GOVERNMENT IN THE DIFFERENT MONTHS.
SECTION I.. Part 1. . . . . . . . .
. . 249 , II. . „ III. . . .
. . 262
•
•
257
.
.
.
268
272
276
SECTION 11. Part 1. . . „ II. .
111. . Supplementary Section,
Section III. Part 1. . . . . , II . . . . . . . III. . . . . .
.
.
280
. .
. .
. . :
. 283 . 286 : 291
SECTION IV.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
Part 1.
» II. , III .
. . . .
. . .
296 301 306
.
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.
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.
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X
BOOK
V. THE QUESTIONS OF 3ANG-JZE.
Section I
II
39
VI. WAN WANG SHIH-32E OR KING WAN AS SON AND HEIR.
Section I II
99
99
23
39
""
VII. THE LI YUN OR CEREMONIAL USAGES;-THEIR ORIGIN, DEVELOPMENT, AND INTENTION.
Section I
II
III
IV
Section I
II
III
CONTENTS.
•
""
.
"
VIII. THE LI KHI OR RITES IN THE FORMATION OF CHARACTER.
Section I 11
99
•
•
IX. THE KIAO THEH SANG OR THE SINGLE VICTIM AT THE BORDER SACRIFICES.
X. THE NEI 3EH OR THE PATTERN OF THE FAMILY. Section I II
•
·
Transliteration of Oriental Alphabets adopted for the Translations of the Sacred Books of the East
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• 372
380
385
311
328
343 353
394
404
416
426
437
449 464
481
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PREFACE.
I MAY be permitted to express my satisfaction that, with the two volumes of the Li Ki now published, I have done, so far as translation is concerned, all and more than all which I undertook to do on the Chinese Classics more than twenty-five years ago. When the first volume was published in 1861, my friend, the late Stanislas Julien, wrote to me, asking if I had duly considered the voluminousness of the Lî Ki, and expressing his doubts whether I should be able to complete my undertaking. Having begun the task, however, I have pursued it to the end, working on with some unavoidable interruptions, and amidst not a few other engagements.
The present is the first translation that has been published in any European language of the whole of the Li Ki. In 1853 the late J. M. Callery published at the Imprimerie Royale, Turin, what he called 'Li Kí, ou Mémorial des Rites, traduit pour la première fois du Chinois, et accompagné de Notes, de Commentaires, et du Texte Original.' But in fact the text which P. Callery adopted was only an expurgated edition, published by Fan 3ze-tăng, a scholar of the Yuan dynasty, as commented on and annotated by Kâu Kih, whose well-known work appeared in 1711, the 50th year of the Khang-hsî reign or period'. Callery has himself called attention to this in his introduction, and it is to be regretted that he did not indicate it in the titlepage of his book. Fan's text omits entirely the 5th, 12th, 13th, 19th, 28th, 31st, 32nd, 33rd, 34th, 35th, 37th, and 39th Books in my translation, while of most of the others,
* The m e t tAA , for which Callery givesCombinaison des Commentaires Ta Tsüên (le Grand Complet) et Chu (l'explication), d'après le sens original du Mémorial des rites.' Kâu Kih ( K) has the alias of Kau Tan-lis
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xii
PREFACE.
“a good third' has been expurgated. I do not think that Callery's version contains above one half of the Lî Ki, as it is found in the great editions of the Thang and present dynasties. The latter of these was commanded in an imperial rescript in 1748, the 13th year of the Khien-lung period. The committee charged with its execution consisted of 85 dignitaries and scholars, who used the previous labours of 244 authors, besides adding, on many of the most difficult passages, their own remarks and decisions, which are generally very valuable.
My own version is based on a study of these two imperial collections, and on an extensive compilation, made specially for my use by my Chinese friend and former helper, the graduate Wang Thào, gathered mostly from more recent writers of the last 250 years. The Khien-lung editors make frequent reference to the work of Khăn Hảo, which appeared 'in 1322 under the modest title of, ' A Collection of Remarks on the Li Kil' This acquired so great a celebrity under the Ming dynasty, that, as Callery tells us, an edict was issued in 1403 appointing it the standard for the interpretation of the Classic at the public examinations; and this pre-eminence was accorded to it on to the K hien-lung period. The whole of the Li Ki is given and expounded by Khăn, excepting the 28th and 39th Books, which had long been current as portions of 'The Four Books.' I may say that I have read over and over, and with much benefit, every sentence in his comments. Forming my own judgment on every passage, now agreeing with him and now differing, and frequently finding reason to attach a higher value to the views of the Khien-lung editors, I must say that 'he deserves well' of the Li Ki. His volumes are characterised by a painstaking study of the original text, and an honest attempt to exhibit the logical connexion of thought in its several parts.
T
. The anthor has the aliases for Håo of Kho Ta (PT A), Yün Kwang ( #), and Tung Hui ( ); the last, I suppose, from his having lived near the lake so called.
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PREFACE.
xiii
P. Callery's translation of his expurgated text is for the most part well executed, and his notes, of which I have often made use, are admirable. I have also enjoyed the benefit of the more recent work, Cursus Litteraturae Sinicae,' by P. Angelo Zottoli, in whom the scholarship of the earlier Jesuit missionaries has revived. In his third volume, published at Shang-hai in 1880, there are good translations of the ist, 5th, ioth, 20th, 21st, and 22nd Books; while the 28th and 39th are in his second volume. In the Latin which he employs, according to the traditions of his church and what is still a practice of some scholars, he is able to be more brief in his renderings than Callery and myself, but perhaps not so satisfactory to readers generally. I also referred occasionally to Signor Carlo Puini's 'Li-Ki: Instituzioni, Usi e Costumanze della Cina antica ; Traduzione, Commento e Note (Fascicolo Prino; Firenze, 1883).
The present translation is, as I said above, the first published in any European language of the whole of the Lî Ki; but another had existed in manuscript for several years,the work of Mr. Alexander Wylie, now unhappily, by loss of eye-sight and otherwise failing health, laid aside from his important Chinese labours. I was fortunate enough to obtain possession of this when I had got to the 35th Book in my own version, and, in carrying the sheets through the press, I have constantly made reference to it. It was written at an early period of Mr. Wylie's Chinese studies, and is not such as a Sinologist of his attainments and research would have produced later on. Still I have been glad to have it by me, though I may venture to say that, in construing the paragraphs and translating the characters, I have not been indebted in a single instance to him or P. Callery. The first six Books, and portions of several others, had been written out, more than once, before I finally left China in 1873; but I began again at the beginning, early in 1883, in preparing the present version. I can hardly hope that, in translating so extensive and peculiar a work, descriptive of customs and
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PREFACE.
things at so remote a period of time, and without the assistance of any Chinese graduate with whom I could have talked over complicated and perplexing paragraphs, I may not have fallen into some mistakes; but I trust they will be found to be very few. My simple and only aim has been, first, to understand the text for myself, and then to render it in English, fairly and as well as I could in the time attain to, for my readers.
OXFORD, July 10, 1885.
J. L.
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THE LÎ KÊ
OR
COLLECTION OF TREATISES ON THE RULES OF PROPRIETY OR CEREMONIAL USAGES.
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THE LI KI
OR
COLLECTION OF TREATISES ON THE RULES OF PROPRIETY OR CEREMONIAL USAGES.
INTRODUCTION.
CHAPTER I. THREE DIFFERENT LÎ KING, OR RITUAL BOOKS, AC
KNOWLEDGED IN CHINA. THE RECOVERY OF THE FIRST TWO, AND FORMATION OF THE THIRD,
UNDER THE HAN DYNASTY. 1. Confucius said, 'It is by the Odes that the mind is aroused ; by the Rules of Propriety that the character is How Confucins established; from Music that the finish is spoke of the Lf. received 1.' On another occasion he said, Without the Rules of Propriety, respectfulness becomes laborious bustle; carefulness, timidity; boldness, insubor. dination, and straightforwardness, rudeness 1.'
These are two specimens of the manner in which Confucius expressed himself. about the Li, the Rules of Propriety or Ceremonial Usages, recognised in his time. It is a natural inference from his language that there were Collections of such Rules which could be read and studied; but he does not expressly say so.
The language of Mencius was more definite. In at least two passages of his works we find the usual form of quota
How Mencius tion Li Yüeh, 'The Li says?,' which, acspoke of them. cording to the analogy of Shih Yüeh, 'The Shih King, or Book of Poetry, says,' might be rendered,
1 Confucian Analects, Book VIII, 8 and 2.
• Works of Mencius, II, Part ii, 1. 5; III, Part ii, 3. 3. [27]
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THE LÎ xi.
CH. 1.
"The Lî King says.' In another passage, he says to a Mr. King Khun, "Have you not read the Lil?' It does not appear that Mencius was always referring to one and the same collection of Li; but it is clear that in his time there were one or more such collections current and well known among his countrymen. There are now three Chinese classics into which the name
Li enters:—the I Li, the Kau Li, and the Li Now there are three Li King, Ki, frequently styled, both by the Chinese or three Rituals. themselves and by sinologists, ‘The Three Rituals?! The first two are books of the Kâu dynasty (B. C. 1122-225). The third, of which a complete translation is given in the present work, may contain passages of an earlier date than either of the others; but as a collection in its present form, it does not go higher than the Han dynasty, and was not completed till our second century. It has, however, taken a higher position than those others, and is ranked with the Sha, the Shih, the Yi, and the Khun Khid, forming one of 'The Five King,' which are acknowledged as the books of greatest authority in China. Other considerations besides antiquity have given, we shall see, its eminence to the Li K 1.
2. The monuments of the ancient literature, with the exception, perhaps, of the Yi King, were in a condition of State of the Li disorder and incompleteness at the rise of the of the Hanse Han dynasty (B. C. 206). This was the case
dynasty. especially with the I Li and Kau Lĩ. They had suffered, with the other books, from the fires and proscription of the short-lived dynasty of Khin, the founder of which was bent especially on their destructions; and during the closing centuries of Kâu, in all the period of 'The Warring Kingdoms,' they had been variously mutilated by the contending princes*.
I Works of Mencius, III, ii, 2. a.
* See Wylie's Notes on Chinese Literature, p. 4, and Mayers' Chinese Reader's Manual, p. 300. • Sze-ma khien's Biographies, Book 61
. 5. Other testimonies to the fact could be adduced.
• Mencius V, ii, 2. 3. See also the note of Lid Hsin, appended to his catalogue of Li works, in the Imperial library of Han.
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CH. 1.
INTRODUCTION.
The sovereigns of Han undertook the task of gathering Work of the up and arranging the fragments of the ancient emperors of Han in recovering the
the books, and executed it well. In B.C. 213 ancient books. Shih Hwang Tî of Khin had promulgated his edict forbidding any one to hide and keep in his possession the old writings. This was repealed in B. C. 191 by the emperor Hui, so that it had been in existence only twentytwo years, during most of which, we may presume, it had been inoperative. Arrangements were also made to receive and preserve old tablets which might be presented', and to take down in writing what scholars might be able to repeat. In B. C. 164, the emperor Wăn ordered 'the Great Scholars' of his court to compile 'the Royal Ordinances,' the fifth of the Books in our Li Kia.
i. Internal evidence shows that when this treatise was Recovery of made, the I Lî, or portions of it at least,
the ILI. had been recovered; and with this agrees the testimony of Sze-mà Khien, who was born perhaps in that very year, and lived to between B. C. 90 and 80. In the 61st Book of his Biographies, referred to in a note above, Khien says, 'Many of the scholars repeated (parts of) the Li; but no other of them so much as Käo Thang of LQ; and now we have only the Shih Li, which he was able to recite.' In harmony with this statement of the great historian, is the first entry in Liu Hsin's Catalogue of Li books in the Imperial library of Han :-56 küan or sections of Lî in the old text, and 17 phien in the (current) text (of the time);' forming, as is universally believed, the present I Lî, for which the Shih Lî of Khien is merely another name.
That Kâo Thang should have been able to dictate so much of the work will not be thought wonderful by those who
Such was the Stone-Conduit Gallery,' which Mayers (Mandal, p. 185) describes as a building erected by Hsiao Ho at Khang-en for the reception of the records of the extinct Khin dynasty, about B.C. 200, adding that 'in B.C. 51, the emperor Hsüan appointed a commission of scholars to assemble in this building, and complete the revision of the classical writings. But it had also been intended from the first as a repository for those writings as they were recovered.
? See the General Mirror of History under that year. • Mayers puts his birth about B.C. 163,' and his death about 85.'
B2
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THE Li ri.
CH. 1.
are familiar with the power of memory displayed by many Chinese scholars even at the present day. The sections in the old text were found in the reign of the emperor Wa (B. C. 140-87), and came into the possession of his brother, known as king Hsien of Ho-kien. We do not know how much this mass of tablets added to the I Lî, as we now have it, but they confirmed the genuineness of the portion obtained from Kào.
ii. The recovery of the Kau Lî came not long after, and through the agency of the same king Hsien. No one did King Hsien of so much as he in the restoration of the ancient Ho-kien, and his recovery of her
f literature. By name Teh, and one of the fourthe Kâu Lf. teen sons of the emperor King (B.C. 156–141), he was appointed by his father, in B. C. 155, king of Ho-kien, which is still the name of one of the departments of Kih-lî, and there he continued till his death, in 129, the patron of all literary men, and unceasingly pursuing his quest for old books dating from before the Khin dynasty. Multitudes came to him from all quarters, bringing to him the precious tablets which had been preserved in their families or found by them elsewhere. The originals he kept in his own library, and had a copy taken, which he gave to the donor with a valuable gift. We are indebted to him in this way for the preservation of the Tao Teh King, the works of Mencius, and other precious treasures; but I have only to notice here his services in connexion with the Li books?
Some one? brought to him the tablets of the Kâu Lî, then called Kau Kwan, The Official Book of Kâu,' and purporting to contain a complete account of the organised government of the dynasty of Kau in six sections. The sixth section, however, which should have supplied a list of the officers in the department of the minister of Works,
See the account of king Hsien in the twenty-third chapter of the Biographies in the History of the first Han dynasty. Hsien was the king's posthumous title ( k), denoting. The Profound and Intelligent.'
The Catalogue of the Sai Dynasty's (A. D. 589-618) Imperial library says this was a scholar of the surname LI ( ). I have been unable to trace the authority for the statement farther back.
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5
with their functions, was wanting, and the king offered to pay 1000 pieces of gold to any one who should supply the missing tablets, but in vain1. He presented the tablets which he had obtained at the court of his half-brother, the emperor Wû; but the treasure remained uncared for in one of the imperial repositories till the next century; when it came into the charge of Liû Hsin. Hsin replaced the missing portion from another old work, called Khao Kung Ki, which Wylie renders by 'The Artificers' Record.' This has ever since continued to appear as the sixth section of the whole work, for the charge of which Hsin obtained the appointment of a special board of scholars, such as had from the first been entrusted with the care of the I Li. The Kau Li is a constitutional and not a ritual work. The last entry in Hsin's Catalogue of Li Books is :-'The Kâu Kwan in six sections; and a treatise on the Kâu Kwan in four sections.' That is the proper name for it. It was not called the Kâu Lî till the Thang dynasty2.
iii. We come to the formation of the text of the Li Ki, in which we are more particularly interested. We cannot Formation of speak of its recovery, for though parts of the Li Ki. it had been in existence during the Kâu dynasty, many of its Books cannot claim a higher antiquity than the period of the Han. All that is known about the authorship of them all will be found in the notices which form the last chapter of this Introduction.
After the entry in Liû Hsin's Catalogue about the re
CH. I.
INTRODUCTION.
This is related in the Catalogue of the Sui dynasty. It could not be in Khien's sixty-first chapter of Biographies, because the Kâu Kwan was not known, or, at least, not made public, in Khien's time. The Sui writers, no doubt, took it from some biography of the Han, which has escaped me.
'A complete translation of the Kâu Lî appeared at Paris in 1851, the work of Edward Biot, who had died himself before its publication, before his fiftieth year. According to a note in Callery's Mémorial des Rites' (p. 191), the labour of its preparation hastened Biot's death. There are some errors in the version, but they are few. I have had occasion to refer to hundreds of passages in it, and always with an increasing admiration of the author's general resources and knowledge of Chinese. His early death was the greatest loss which the cause of sinology has sustained. His labours, chiefly on Chinese subjects, had been incessant from 1835. The perusal of them has often brought to my memory the words of Newton. If Mr. Cotes had lived, we should have known something. Is there no sinologist who will now undertake a complete translation of the I LI?
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6
THE LI KI.
covered text of the I Li, there follows-131 phien of Ki,' that is, so many different records or treatises on the subject of Li. These had also been collected by king Hsien, and Ka Hsi's note about them is that they were "Treatises composed by the disciples of the seventy disciples,' meaning by 'the seventy disciples' those of Confucius' followers who had been most in his society and profited most from his instructions. These 131 phien contained, no doubt, the germ of our Li Ki; but there they remained for about a century in the imperial repositories, undigested and uncared for, and constantly having other treatises of a similar nature added to them.
At last, in B. C. 51, the emperor Hsüan (B. C. 73-47) convoked a large assembly of Great Scholars to meet in the Stone-Conduit Gallery, and discuss the text of the recovered classics1. A prominent member of this assembly, the president of it I suppose, was Liû Hsiang, himself a celebrated writer and a scion of the imperial house, who appears to have had the principal charge of all the repositories. Among the other members, and in special connexion with the Lî works, we find the name of Tâi Shăng, who will again come before us 2.
Council of B. C. 51.
CH. I.
B. C. 26.
We do not know what the deliberations of the Great Scholars resulted in, but twenty-five years later the emperor Khăng caused another search to be made throughout the empire for books that might hitherto have escaped notice; and, when it was completed, he ordered Hsiang to examine all the contents of the repositories, and collate the various copies of the classics. From this came the preparation of a catalogue; and Hsiang dying at the age of seventy-two, in B. C. 9, before it was completed, the work was delegated to his third and youngest son Hsin. His catalogue we happily possess. It mentions, in addition to the I Li and
1 See the Details in the General Mirror of History, under B. C. 51.
* See the 58th Book of Biographies () in the History of the first
Han, and the Catalogue of the Sui Library.
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CH. 1.
INTRODUCTION.
Kêu Lĩ, 199 phien of LỄ treatises. The resume appended to the Li books in the Catalogue of the Sui Dynasty, omitting works mentioned by Hsin, and inserting two others, says that Hsiang had in his hands altogether 214 phien. What was to be done with this mass of tablets, or the written copies made from them?
The most distinguished of the Lî scholars in the time of the emperors Hsian and Khăng was a Hâu Zhang, the Håg Shang and author of the compilation called in Hsin's
the two Tâis. Catalogue Khü Tai Ki; and two of his disciples, Tâi Teh and Tài Shăng, cousins 1, the name of the latter of whom has already been mentioned as a member of the council of B. C. 51, were also celebrated for their ability. Teh, the older of the two, and commonly called Ta Tâi, or 'the Greater Tai,' while Hsiang was yet alive, digested the mass of phien, and in doing so reduced their number to 85. The younger, called Hsiao Tâi, or 'the Lesser Tai,' doing the same for his cousin's work, reduced it to 46 treatises. This second condensation of the Li documents met with general acceptance, and was styled the Li K 1. Shăng himself wrote a work in twelve chapters, called 'A Discussion of the Doubts of Scholars about the Li K 1,' which, though now lost, was existing in the time of Sui. Through Khiâo Zăn and others, scholars of renown in their day, the redaction passed on to the well-known Ma Yung and Må Yung (A.D. 79-166), who added to Kang Hišüan. Shăng's books the Yüeh Ling, the Ming
1 Sinologists, without exception I believe, have called Shăng a 'nephew of Teh, overlooking the way in which the relationship between them is expressed in Chinese. Shăng is always Teh's Tale on r Ź F, and not simply R
Ź F Foreign students have overlooked the force of the phrase T R and, more fully. The R. Teh and Shăng's father had the same grandfather, and were themselves the sons of brothers. They were therefore what we call first cousins, and Teh and Shăng were second cousins. The point is unimportant, but it is well to be correct even in small matters. Not unimportant, however, is the error of Callery (Introduction, p. 6), who says, 'Le neveu, homme dépravé, beaucoup plus adonné aux plaisirs, qu'à l'étude, retrancha encore davantage et fixa le nombre des chapitres à 46. No such stigma rests on the character of Tai Shăng, and I am sure translators have reason to be grateful to him for condensing, as he did, the result of his cousin's labours.
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THE LÎ ki.
CH. 1.
Thang Wei, and the Yo Ki, making their number in all forty-nine, though, according to the arrangement adopted in the present translation, they still amount only to fortysix. From Må, again, it passed to his pupil Kăng Hsuan (A.D. 127–200), in whom he was obliged to acknowledge a greater scholar than himself.
Thus the Li Kî was formed. It is not necessary to pursue its history farther. Kăng was the scholar of his age, and may be compared, in scholarship, with the later KQ Hsi. And he has been fortunate in the preservation of his works. He applied himself to all the three Rituals, and his labours on them all, the Kau Lî, the I Li, and the Li Kî, remain. His commentaries on them are to be found in the great work of The Thirteen King' of the Thang dynasty. There they appear, followed by the glosses, illustrations, and paraphrases of Khung Ying-tå.
In A. D. 175, while Käng was yet alive, Zhai Yung, a scholar and officer of many gifts, superintended the work Bhai Yung and of engraving on stone the text of all the his manusculpt. Confucian classics. Only fragments of that great manusculpt remain to the present day, but others of the same nature were subsequently made. We may feel assured that we have the text of the Li Ki and other old Chinese books, as it was 1800 years ago, more correctly than any existing manuscripts give us that of any works of the West, Semitic, or Greek, or Latin, of anything like equal antiquity.
3. A few sentences on the Lî of the Greater Tai will fitly close this chapter. He handed down his voluminous com
Lf of the pilation to a Hsü Liang of Lang Yeh in the Greater Tâi,
present Shan-tung 1, and in his family it was
present Shantun transmitted ; but if any commentaries on it were published, there is no trace of them in history. As the shorter work of his cousin obtained a wide circulation, his fell into neglect, and, as Ka 1-jun says, was simply put upon the shelf. Still there appears in the Sui Catalogue these two entries :'The Lî Kî of Tå Tâi, in 13 Sections,' and 'The Hsia
Pa
1, *#
*
this
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CA. II.
INTRODUCTION.
Hsiao Kăng, in 1 Section,' with a note by the editor that it was compiled by Tà Tài. This little tractate may, or may not, have been also included in one of the 13 Sections. There are entries also about Ta Tai's work in the catalogues of the Thang and Sung dynasties, which have given rise to many discussions. Some of the Sung scholars even regarded it as a 14th King. In the large collection of Books of Han and Wei,' a portion of the Li of Tà Tài is still current, 39 Books in 10 Sections, including the fragment of the Hsiâ dynasty, of which a version, along with the text, was published in 1882 by Professor Douglas of King's College, under the title of •The Calendar of the Hsià Dynasty. I have gone over all the portion in the Han and Wei Collection, and must pronounce it very inferior to the compilation of the Hsiao or Lesser Tâi. This inferiority, and not the bulk, merely, was the reason why from the first it has been comparatively little attended to.
CHAPTER II. SIGNIFICANCE OF THE CHINESE CHARACTER CALLED
LÎ. MEANING OF THE TITLE LI KT. VALUE OF
THE WORK. 1. The Chinese character Li admits of a great variety of terms in translating a work where it abounds into any of our western languages. In order fully to apprehend its significance, we must try to get hold of the fundamental ideas which it was intended to convey. And these are two. First, when we consult the Shwo Wăn, the oldest Chinese Lt is a symbol
dictionary, we find Li defined as a step or of religious act; that whereby we serve spiritual beings import.
and obtain happiness. The character was to the author, Hsü Shăn, an ideagram of religious import; and we can see that he rightly interpreted the intention of its maker or makers. It consists of two elements, separately called khih and lil. That on the left is the symbol,
"Ti +
=19
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THE LI KI.
determining the category of meaning to which the compound belongs. It was the earliest figure employed to indicate spiritual beings, and enters into characters denoting spirits, sacrifices, and prayer1. That on the right, called lî, is phonetic, but even it is the symbol for 'a vessel used in performing rites;' and if, as the Khanghsî dictionary seems to say, it was anciently used alone for the present compound, still the spiritual significance would attach to it, and the addition of the khih to complete the character, whensoever it was made, shows that the makers considered the rites in which the vessel was used to possess in the first place a religious import.
·
Next, the character is used, in moral and philosophical disquisitions, to designate one of the primary constituents of human nature. Those, as set forth by Mencius, are Li is a symbol four; 'not fused into us from without,' not for the feeling produced, that is, by any force of circumof propriety. stances, but 'belonging naturally to us, as our four limbs do.' They are benevolence (săn), righteousness (î), propriety (lî), and understanding (kih). Our possession of the first is proved by the feeling of distress at the sight of suffering; of the second, by our feelings of shame and dislike; of the third, by our feelings of modesty and courtesy; of the fourth, by our consciousness of approving and disapproving 2.
Thus the character lî, in the concrete application of it, denotes the manifestations, and in its imperative use, the rules, of propriety. This twofold symbolism of it-the religious and the moral-must be kept in mind in the study of our classic. A life ordered in harmony with it would realise the highest Chinese ideal, and surely a very high ideal, of human character.
IO
But never and nowhere has it been possible for men to maintain this high standard of living. In China and elsewhere the lî have become, in the usages of society in its various relationships, matters of course, forms without the
E. g. (shăn), (4), (kh). Mencius, II, i, 6; VI, i, 6. 7.
CH. If.
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CH. JI.
INTRODUCTION.
II
spirit, and hence we cannot always translate the character by the same term. It would be easy to add to the number of words, more or less synonymous, in French or English or any other Aryan language, which Callery has heaped together in the following passage :-'Autant que possible, j'ai traduit Lî par le mot Rite, dont le sens est susceptible à une grande étendue ; mais il faut convenir que, suivant les circonstances où il est employé, il peut signifier-Cérémonial, Cérémonies, Pratiques cérémoniales, L'étiquette, Politesse, Urbanité, Courtoisie, Honnêteté, Bonnes manières, Egards, Bonne éducation, Bienséance, Les formes, Les convenances, Savoir-vivre, Décorum, Décence, Dignité personnelle, Moralité de conduite, Ordre Social, Devoirs de Société, Lois Sociales, Devoirs, Droit, Morale, Lois hiérarchiques, Offrande, Usages, Coutumes?' I have made little use in my translation of the word Rite or Rites, which Callery says he had endeavoured to adhere to as much as possible, but I do not think I have allowed myself so much liberty in other terms in my English as he has done in his French. For the symbol in the title I have said 'Rules of Propriety or Ceremonial Usages.'
2. The meaning of the title-Lî Ki-need not take us so long. There is no occasion to say more on the signiTranslation of ficance of Li; the other character, K î, should
the title. have a plural force given to it. What unity belongs to the Books composing it arises from their being all, more or less, occupied with the subject of Lî. Each one, or at least each group, is complete in itself. Each is a Ki; taken together, they are so many Kis. Only into the separate titles of seven of them, the 13th, 16th, 17th, 18th, 19th, 27th, and 29th, does the name of Ki enter. That character is the symbol for the recording of things one by one,' and is often exchanged for another Kis, in which the classifying element is sze, the symbol for 'a packet of cocoons,' the compound denoting the unwinding
"Introduction, p. 16.
• The classifier of K't in the title is this kr (ft) is (sze).
yen), the symbol of words ; that of
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14
THE LỄ KÝ.
CH, II.
l'occident, le besoin impérieux de sonder les mystères du monde invisible.'
The number of the Kî that are devoted to the subject of the mourning rites shows how great was the regard of the people for the departed members of their families. The solidarity of the family, and even the solidarity of the race, is a sentiment which has always been very strong among them. The doctrine of filial piety has also the prominence in several Books which we might expect
As to the philosophical and moral ideas which abound in the work, they are, as Callery says, 'in general, sound and profound.' The way in which they are presented is not unfrequently eccentric, and hedged about with absurd speculations on the course of material nature, but a prolonged study of the most difficult passages will generally bring to light what Chinese scholars call a tão-li, a ground of reason or analogy, which interests and satisfies the mind.
4. The position that came gradually to be accorded to the Lî Ki as one of “The Five King,' par excellence,
was a tribute to its intrinsic merit. It did The Li K1 as was one of the Five not, like the Kau Lî, treat of matters pecu
King. liar to one dynasty, but of matters important in all time; nor like the I Lî, of usages belonging to one or more of the official classes, but of those that concerned all men. The category of Five King' was formed early, but the "Three Rituals' were comprehended in it as of equal value, and formed one subdivision of it. So it was early in the Thang dynasty when the collection of The Thirteen King' was issued ; but ere the close of that dynasty our classic had made good its eminence over the other two Rituals. In the 29th chapter of the Monographs of Thang, page 17, it is said, 'To the charge of each of the Five King two Great Scholars were appointed. The Yi of Kâu, the Shang Shu, the Shih of Mao, the Khun Khid, and the Li Ki are the Five King.'
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CA. III, BK. I.
INTRODUCTION.
CHAPTER III. BRIEF NOTICES OF THE DIFFERENT Books WHICH
MAKE UP THE COLLECTION.
BOOK I. KHÜ Li. This first Book in the collection is also the longest, and has been divided because of its length into two Books. In this translation, however, it appears only as one Book in two Sections, which again are subdivided, after the Khien-lung editors, into five Parts and three Parts respectively.
The name Khü Li is taken from the first two characters in the first paragraph, and the first sentence, 'The Khü Li says,' extends over all that follows to the end of the Book. P. Callery, indeed, puts only the first paragraph within inverted commas, as if it alone were from the Khü Li, and the rest of the Book were by a different hand. He translates the title by 'Rites Divers,' and to his first sentence, 'Le Recueil des rites divers dit,' appends the following note :- This work, that for a very long time has been lost, was, so far as appears, one of those collections of proverbs and maxims with which philosophy has commenced among nearly all peoples. Although the author does not say so, it is probable that this chapter and the next contain an analysis of that ancient collection, for the great unconnectedness which we find in it agrees well with the variety indicated by the title Khü L 1.' My own inference from the text, however, is what I have stated above, that the Book is a transcript of the Khü Li, and not merely a condensation of its contents, or a redaction of them by a different author.
It is not easy to translate the title satisfactorily. According to Kăng Hsian (or Kăng Khang-khăng), the earliest of all the great commentators on the Li K1, 'The Book is named Khü Li, because it contains matters relating to all the five ceremonial categories. What is said in it about sacrifices belongs to the "auspicious ceremonies ;”
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THE LÎ ki.
CH. III.
about the rites of mourning, and the loss or abandonment of one's state, to the "inauspicious ;" about the payment of tributory dues and appearances at the royal court, to "the rites of hospitality;" about weapons, chariots, and banners, "to those of war;" and about serving elders, reverencing the aged, giving offerings or presents, and the marriage of daughters, to the “ festive ceremonies."' On this view the title would mean Rules belonging to the different classes of ceremonies,' or, more concisely, the 'Rites Divers of Callery; and Mr. Wylie has called the Book ‘The Universal Ritual.'
But this rendering of the title does not suit the proper force of the character Khü, which is the symbol of being bent or crooked,' and is used, with substantival meaning, for what is small and appears irregularly. Mention is made in Book XXVIII, ii, 23, of him who cultivates the shoots of goodness in his nature,' those shoots' being expressed by this character Khü; and in a note on the passage there I have quoted the words of the commentator Pai Lü: Put a stone on a bamboo shoot, or where the shoot would show itself, and it will travel round the stone, and come out crookedly at its side.' Thus Khü is employed for what is exhibited partially or in a small degree. Even Kăng Hsüan on that passage explains it by 'very small matters ;' and the two ablest in my opinion of all the Chinese critics and commentators, Ku Hsî and Wa Khăng (of the Yuan dynasty, A.D. 1249–1333), take our title to mean "The minuter forms and smaller points of ceremony.' P. Zottoli is not to be blamed for following them, and styling the Book — Minutiores Ritus.' Still even this does not satisfy my own mind. Great rites are mentioned in the treatise as well as small ones. Principles of ceremony are enunciated as well as details. The contents are marked indeed by the unconnectedness' which Callery mentions; but a translator cannot help that. The Book may not be as to method all that we could wish, but we must make the best we can of it as it stands; and I have ventured
to call it A Summary of the Rules of Ceremony.'. It • occupies very properly the place at the beginning of the
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collection, and is a good introduction to the treatises that follow.
BK. II.
INTRODUCTION.
Among the Li books in Liû Hsin's Catalogue of the Imperial Library of Han, is a Treatise in nine chapters (phien), compiled by Hâu 3hang, and called Khu Thâi Ki, or Record made in the Khü Tower.' The Khü Tower was the name of an educational building, where scholars met in the time of the emperor Hsüan to discuss questions about ceremonies and other matters connected with the ancient literature, and Hâu 3hang (mentioned in the preceding chapter) kept a record of their proceedings. I should like to think that our Khü Li is a portion of that Khu Thâi Ki, and am sorry not to be able to adduce Chinese authorities who take the same view. It would relieve us of the difficulty of accounting for the use of Khü in the title.
BOOK II. THAN KUNG.
The name Than Kung given to this Book is taken from the first paragraph in it, where the gentleman so denominated appears attending the mourning rites for an officer of the state of La. Nowhere else in the Treatise, however, is there any mention of him, or reference to him. There can be no reason but this, for calling it after him, that his surname and name occur at the commencement of it. He was a native, it is understood, of Lû; but nothing more is known of him.
The Than Kung, like the Khü Li, is divided into two Books, which appear in this translation as two Sections of one Book. Each Section is subdivided into three Parts. The whole is chiefly occupied with the observances of the mourning rites. It is valuable because of the information which it gives about them, and the views prevailing at the time on the subject of death. It contains also many historical incidents about Confucius and others, which we are glad to possess. Some of the commentators, and especially the Khien-lung editors, reject many of them
[27]
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as legendary and fabulous. The whole Book is reduced to very small compass in the expurgated editions of the Li Ki. We are glad, however, to have the incidents such as they are. Who would not be sorry to want the account of Confucius' death, which is given in I, ii, 201 We seem, moreover, to understand him better from accounts which the Book contains of his intercourse with his disciples, and of their mourning for him.
Zze-ya!, an eminent member of his school, appears in the first paragraph much to his credit, and similarly afterwards on several occasions; and this has made the Khienlung editors throw out the suggestion that the Book was compiled by his disciples. It may have been so.
Book III. WANG Kih. According to La Kih (died A.D. 192), the Wang Kih, or 'Royal Regulations,' was made by the Great Scholars of the time of the emperor Wăn (B.C. 179–157), on the requisition of that sovereigns. It professes to give the regulations of the early kings on the classes of the feudal nobles and officers and their emoluments, on their sacrifices, and their care for the aged. The emperor ordered it to be compiled after the death of Kia I, a Great scholar and highly esteemed by the sovereign, which event must have taken place about B. C. 170, when Kia was only thirty-three. The Book is said to have contained, when it first appeared, an account of the royal progresses and of the altars and ceremonies of investiture, of which we do not now find any trace. Parts of it are taken from Mencius, from the Sha, and from the Commentaries of Kung-yang and Zo on the Khun Khid; other parts again are not easily reconciled with those authorities.
'F*
See the 54th Book of the Biographies in the History of the Second Han Dynasty.
• In B.C. 164. See the Mirror of History on that year.
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BK. III.
INTRODUCTION.
19
The Khien-lung editors deliver their judgment on it to the following effect: When it was made, the I Li must have appeared, but not the Kâu Lî. Hence the Banquet and Missions appear among the 'Six Subjects of Teaching,' and no mention is made of the minister of Religion, as one of the six great ministers, nor is anything said of the minister of War's management of the army. On a general view of it, many subjects are evidently based on Mencius, and whole paragraphs are borrowed from him. Nothing is said of the peculiar position of the son of Heaven, because in the Han dynasty, succeeding immediately to that of Khin, the emperor was to be distinguished from, and not named along with, the feudal princes. In what is said about the reports of the Income and fixing the Expenditure, only the Grand ministers of Instruction, War, and Works are mentioned, because these were the three ducal ministers of the Han dynasty, and the ancient arrangements were represented so as to suit what had come into existence. That nothing is said about altars and investitures arose from Wăn's having disregarded in that matter the advice of Hsin-yuan Phing! It only shows how much the information of the compilers exceeded that of Shd-sun Thung' and Sze-mà Hsiang-s08. The Book was received into the collection of the Li Ki, because it was made at no great distance from antiquity. It is foolish in later scholars to weigh and measure every paragraph of it by its agreement or disagreement with Mencius and the Kâu Li.
This account of the Wang Kih must commend itself to unprejudiced readers. To myself, the most interesting thing in the Book is the information to be gathered from it about the existence of schools in the earliest times. We see at the very commencement of history in China a
TIB . A Taoistic charlatan, honoured and followed for a few years by the emperor Wăn ; put to death in B. C. 163.
the W. A scholar of Khin ; was a counsellor afterwards of the first and second emperors of Han.
# # A. An officer and author. Died B. C. 136.
C2
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THE LÎ xi.
CH. IIT.
rudimentary education, out of which has come by gradual development the system of examinations of the present day.
Book IV. YüEH LING. The Yüeh Ling, or 'Proceedings of Government in the different Months,' appears in the Khien-lung edition of the Li Ki in six Sections, but it has seemed to me more in harmony with the nature of the Book and more useful for the student to arrange it in four Sections, and each Section in three Parts, a Section thus comprehending a season of the year, and every month having a part to itself. There is also a short supplementary Section in the middle of the year, at the end of the sixth month, rendered necessary by the Taoist lines on which the different portions are put together.
Zhai Yung (A.D. 133-192)' and Wang Sa?, somewhat later (in our third century), held that the Book was the work of the duke of Kâu, and must be assigned to the eleventh or twelfth century B.C. But this view of its antiquity may be said to be universally given up. Even Kăng Hsüan saw in the second century that it was a compilation from the Khun Khid of Lü PQ-wei, still foolishly said by many Chinese writers to have been the real father of the founder of the Khin dynasty, and who died in B.C. 237. La Teh-mingo, writing in our seventh century, said, 'The Yüeh Ling was originally part of Lü's Khun Khid, from which some one subsequently compiled this Memoir.' The Khien-lung editors unhesitatingly affirm this origin of the Yüeh Ling; as indeed no one, who has compared it with the work ascribed to Lü, can have any doubts on the matter. Of that work, Mayers says that it is a collection of quasi-historical notices, and, although nominally Lü's production, really compiled under his direction by an assemblage of scholars.'
'
. 'I
'978; SÆT
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BK. V.
INTRODUCTION.
21
Mayers adds, that on the completion of the work, Lü Pu-wei suspended 1000 pieces of gold at the gate of his palace, which he offered as a reward to any one who could suggest an improvement of it by adding or expunging a single character1.
Such was the origin of the Yüeh Ling. We do not know who compiled it from the Khun Khia of Lü, but it was first received into the Li Ki by Må Yung. It can be explained only by noting the Khin peculiarities in the names of titles and other things. It is in itself full of interest, throwing light on the ancient ways and religious views, and showing how the latter more especially came to be corrupted by the intrusion among them of Taoistic elements.
The Book has sometimes been called 'A Calendar of the Months of Kâu.' Callery translates the name Yüeh Ling by 'Attributs des Mois.' My own translation of it is after Kăng Hsüan, who says, 'The Book is called Yüeh Ling, because it records the proceedings of Government in the twelve months of the year.'
BOOK V. 3ANG-3ZE WAN.
This Book is named from the first three characters in it, meaning 'The Questions of 3ăng-jze.' Most of the different paragraphs or chapters in the two Sections of it commence in the same way. It is not found at all in the expurgated editions of the classic.
3ăng-ze, or Mr. 3ăng, about fifty years younger than Confucius, was one of the chief disciples of his school, perhaps the ablest among them. He was distinguished for his filial piety, and straightforward, honest simplicity.
Mayers' Chinese Reader's Manual, p. 146. The 1000 pieces of gold suspended at Lü's gate are probably only a variation of what has been related in the preceding chapter of what was done by king Hsien of Ho-kien towards the recovery of the missing Book of the Kâu Kwan.
2
; his name was (Shăn,), and that which he received in his maturity, 3ze-yü().
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THE LÎ ki.
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There is an interesting account of his death in Book II, i, Part i, 18. In the department of Lid Hsin's Catalogue, which contains Works of the Literati,' there are entered '18 Treatises (phien) of 3ăng-gze,' but without any further specification of them. Ten of those treatises, or fragments of them, are found in the Lî of the Greater Tai, but this Book is not among them, nor have I seen it anywhere ascribed to him as the writer of it. It must have been compiled, however, from memoranda left by him or some of his intimate disciples. The names of only two other disciples of the Master occur in it—those of Zze-yll and Zze-hsial. The reference to the disciples of the former in Section ii, 19, must be a note by the final compiler. The mention of Lào-jze or Lão Tan, and his views also, in Section ii, 22, 24, 28, strikes us as remarkable.
If it were necessary to devise a name for the Book, I should propose - Questions of Casuistry on the subject of Ceremonial Rites.' Zăng-zze propounds difficulties that have struck him on various points of ceremony, especially in connexion with the rites of mourning; and Confucius replies to them ingeniously and with much fertility. Some of the questions and answers, however, are but so much trifling. Khung Ying-tà says that only Zăng-gze could have proposed the questions, and only Confucius have furnished the answers. He applies to the Book the description of the Yi in the third of the Appendixes to that classic, i, 40, as Speaking of the most complex phenomena under the sky, and having nothing in it to awaken dislike, and of the subtlest movements under the sky, and having nothing in it to produce confusion.'
BOOK VI. WAN WANG SHIH-BZE.
No hint is given, nothing has been suggested, as to who was the compiler of this Book, which the Khien-lung editors publish in two Sections. Its name is taken from the first
'F
and F1
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BK. VII.
INTRODUCTION.
clause of the first paragraph, which treats of king Wăn, the founder of the Kau dynasty, as he demeaned himself in his youth, when he was Shih-gze, or son and heir of his father. This is followed by a similar account of his son, who became king Wa; and in paragraph 3 the writer goes on to the duke of Kau's training of king Khăng, the young son of Wů. In the last paragraph of the second Section, the subject of king Wăn as prince is resumed.
But the real subject-matter of the Book lies between those portions, and treats of three things.
First; Section i, paragraph 5 to the end, treats of the education and training of the eldest sons of the king and feudal.princes, and of the young men of brightest promise throughout the kingdom, chosen to study with these. We learn much from it as to the educational institutions and methods of ancient times.
Second; in Section ii, paragraphs 1 to 15, we have the duties of the Shu-sze, the head of an official Section, belong. ing to the department of the premier, whose special business was with the direction of the young noblemen of the royal and feudal courts in all matters belonging to their instruction.
Third; from paragraph 17 to 23 of Section ii, we have an account of the various ceremonies or observances in the king's feasting and cherishing of the aged, and of his care that a similar course should be pursued by all the princes in their states.
BOOK VII. Li Yun.
Li Yun means, literally, 'The Conveyance of Rites.' P. Callery translates the name, not unsuccessfully, by
Phases du Cérémonial;' but I prefer my own longer rendering of it, because it gives the reader a better idea of the contents of the Book. Kăng Hsuan said it was called the Conveyance of Rites, because it records how the five Tis and three Kings made their several changes in them, and how the Yin and the Yang, or the twofold movement
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THE LÎ xi.
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and operation of nature, produced them by their revolutions. The whole is difficult and deep; and no other portion of the collection has tasked the ablest commentators more. The Khien-lung editors say that we have in the Book a grand expression of the importance of ceremonial usages, and that, if we are on our guard against a small Taoistic element in it, it is pure and without a flaw. That depraving element, they think, was introduced by the smaller Tai, who ignorantly thought he could make the Treatise appear to have a higher character by surreptitiously mixing it up with the fancies of Lâo and Kwang. But the Taoistic admixture is larger than they are willing to allow.
Some have attributed the Book to Zze-ya, who appears, in the first of its Sections, three times by his surname and name of Yen Yen, as the questioner of Confucius, and thereby giving occasion to the exposition of the sage's views; others attribute it to his disciples. The second Section commences with an utterance of Confucius without the prompting of any interlocutor; and perhaps the compiler meant that all the rest of the Treatise should be received as giving not only the Master's ideas, but also his words. Whoever made the Book as we now have it, it is one of the most valuable in the whole work. Hwang Kăn (in the end of the Sung dynasty) says of it, that notwithstanding the appearance, here and there, of Taoistic elements, it contains many admirable passages, and he instances what is said about creation or the processes of nature, in iii, 2; about government, in ii, 18; about man, in iii, 1, 7; and about ceremonial usages, in iv, 6.
But the Taoistic element runs through the whole Book, as it does through Book IV. There is an attempt to sew the fancies about numbers, colours, elements, and other things on to the common-sense and morality of Confucianism. But nevertheless, the Treatise bears important testimony to the sense of religion as the first and chief element of ceremonies, and to its existence in the very earliest times.
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BK. VIII.
INTRODUCTION.
BooK VIII. Li KHÍ.
Book VII, it was said, has been attributed to 3ze-yû. I have not seen this ascribed to any one; but it is certainly a sequel to the other, and may be considered as having proceeded from the same author. The more the two are studied together, the more likely will this appear.
Callery has not attempted to translate the title, and says that the two characters composing it give the sense of 'Utensils of Rites,' and have no plausible relation with the scope of the Book in which there is no question in any way of the material employed either in sacrifices or in other ceremonies; and he contends, therefore, that they should not be translated, but simply be considered as sounds1.
25
.
But the rendering which I have given is in accordance with an acknowledged usage of the second character, Khi. We read in the Confucian Analects, V, 3:-' 3ze-kung asked, "What do you say of me?" The Master answered, "You are a vessel." "What vessel ?" "A sacrificial vessel of jade." The object of the Book is to show how ceremonial usages or rites go to form the vessel of honour,' 'the superior man,' who is equal to the most difficult and important services. Kăng Hsuan saw this clearly, and said, 'The Book was named Li Khi, because it records how ceremonies cause men to become perfect vessels.' The former Book shows the evolution of Rites; this shows the use of them:'-such was the dictum in A. D. 1113 of Fang Küeh, a commentator often quoted by Khăn Hâo and by the Khien-lung editors.
Throughout the Book it is mostly religious rites that are spoken of; especially as culminating in the worship of God. And nothing is more fully brought out than that all rites are valueless without truth and reverence.
'禮器
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THE LÎ xi.
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BOOK IX. KIÂO THEH SANG. The name of the Book is made up of the three characters with which it commences, just as the Hebrew name for the Book of Genesis in our Sacred Scriptures is Beraishith (nowna). From the meaning, however, of Kiào Theh Săng the reader is led to suppose that he will find the Treatise occupied principally with an account of the great Border Sacrifice. But it is not so.
The main subject of the Book is sacrifice generally; and how that which is most valuable in it is the reverence and sincerity of the worshipper, finding its exhibition in the simplicity of his observances. In the preceding Book different conditions have been mentioned which are of special value in sacrifice and other ceremonies. Among them is the paucity of things (Section i, paragraph 8); and this consideration is most forcibly illustrated by the Single Victim' employed in the Border Sacrifice, the greatest of all ceremonies. At the same time various abuses of the ancient sincerity and simplicity are exposed and deplored.
The ceremonies of capping and marriage are dealt with in the third Section; and we are thankful for the information about them which it supplies. In the end the writer returns to the subject of sacrifices ; and differences in the different dynasties, from the time of Shun downwards, in the celebration of them are pointed out.
The Khien-lung editors say that this Book was originally one with the last, and 'was separated from it by some later hand. I had come to the same conclusion before I noticed their judgment. Books VII, VIII, and IX must have formed, I think, at first one Treatise.
BOOK X. NẾI ZEH. The title of this book, meaning 'The Pattern of the Family,' rendered by Callery, 'Réglements Intérieurs,'approxi
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BK. XI.
INTRODUCTION.
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mates to a description of its contents more than most of the titles in the Li Ki. It is not taken, moreover, from any part of the text near the commencement or elsewhere. It is difficult to understand why so little of it is retained in the expurgated editions, hardly more than a page of P. Callery's work being sufficient for it.
Kăng Hsüan says : - The Book takes its name of Nei Zeh, because it records the rules for sons and daughters in serving their parents, and for sons and their wives in serving her parents-in-law in the family-home. Among the other Treatises of the Li Ki, it may be considered as giving the Rules for Children. And because the observances of the harem are worthy of imitation, it is called Néi Zeh, "the Pattern of the Interior."' Ka Hsi says, that it is a Book which was taught to the people in the ancient schools, an ancient Classic or Sacred Text.'
Because the name of Zăng-jze and a sentence from him occur, the Khien-lung editors are inclined to ascribe the authorship to his disciples ; but the premiss is too narrow to support such a conclusion.
The position of the wife, as described in Section i, will appear to western readers very deplorable. Much in this part of the Treatise partakes of the exaggeration that is characteristic of Chinese views of the virtue of filial piety.
The account in Section ii of the attention paid to the aged, and the nourishing of them, is interesting, but goes, as the thing itself did, too much into details. What is it to us at the present time how they made the fry, the bake, the delicacy, and the other dishes to tempt the palate and maintain the strength? The observances in the relation of husband and wife, on the birth of a child, and the education and duties of the young of both sexes, which the Section goes on to detail, however, are not wanting in attraction.
Book XI. Yü Zło. The name of the Book, Yü Zão, is taken from the first clause of the first paragraph. The two characters denote the pendants of the royal cap worn on great occasions, and
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THE LI Kİ.
on which beads of jade were strung. There were twelve of those pendants hanging down, before and behind, from the ends of the square or rectangular top of the cap, as in the cardinal cap which is the crest of Christ Church, Oxford. But we read nothing more of this cap or its pendants after the first paragraph; and the contents of all the three Sections of the Book are so various, that it is impossible to give an account of them in small
CH. III.
compass.
Kăng Hsuan said that the Book was named Yü 3ão, because it recorded the dresses and caps worn by the son of Heaven; but it is not confined to the king, but introduces rulers also and officers generally. It treats also of other matters besides dress, which it would be difficult to speak of in so many categories. Much, moreover, of the second Section seems to consist of disjecta membra, and the paragraphs are differently arranged by different editors. Here and there the careful reader will meet with sentiments and sentences that will remain in his memory, as in reading Book I; but he will only carry away a vague impression of the Book as a whole.
BOOK XII. MING THANG WEI.
Readers will turn to this Book, as I did many years ago, expecting to find in it a full description of the Ming Thang, generally called by sinologists, 'The Brilliant Hall,' and 'The Hall of Light;' but they will find that the subject-matter is very different. I have here translated the name by 'the Hall of Distinction,' according to the meaning of it given in paragraph 5, taking 'distinction' in the sense of separation or discrimination.
The Treatise commences with, but does not fairly describe, the great scene in the life of the duke of Kâu, when as regent of the kingdom, he received all the feudal lords and the chiefs of the barbarous tribes at the capital, on occasion of a grand audience or durbar. The duke was the ancestor of the lords or marquises of the state of
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INTRODUCTION.
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Lû,-part of the present province of Shan-tung. He was himself, indeed, invested with that fief by his nephew, king Khăng, though, remaining for reasons of state at the royal court, he never took possession of it in person, but sent his son Po-khin to do so in his room. Because of his great services in the establishment and consolidation of the new dynasty, however, various privileges were conferred on the rulers of Lû above the lords of other states. These are much exaggerated in the Book; and after the sixth paragraph, we hear no more of the Hall of Distinction. All that follows is occupied with the peculiar privileges said to have been claimed, and antiques reported to have been possessed, by the marquises of Lû. What is said has no historical value, and the whole Book is excluded from the expurgated editions.
The Khien-lung editors say that its author must have been an ignorant and vainglorious scholar of Lû in the end of the Kâu dynasty. Some have imagined that it was handed on, with additions of his own, by Ma Yung to Kǎng Hsüan; but the latter says nothing about the other in his brief prefatory note.
The Hall of Distinction was a royal structure. Part of it was used as a temple, at the sacrifices in which peculiar honour was done to king Wăn (The Shih, IV, i, 7). It was also used for purposes of audience, as on the occasion referred to in this Book; and governmental regulations were promulgated from it (Mencius, I, ii, 5). To this third use of it would belong the various references to it in Book IV of this collection.
The principal Hall was in the capital; but there were smaller ones with the same name at the four points where the kings halted in their tours of inspection to receive the feudal lords of the different quarters of the kingdom. It was one of these which Mencius had in his mind in the passage referred to above.
In the 67th Book of the Li of the Greater Tâi there is a description of the building and its various parts; and among the Books of Kâu' said to have been found in A. D. 279 in the grave of king Hsiang of Wei, the 55th
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THE LÎ xi.
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chapter has the title of Ming Thang, but it is little more than a rifacimento of the first four paragraphs of this Book of the Lî Kt.
In Morrison's Chinese Dictionary, vol. I, p. 512, there is a ground-plan of the Hall according to a common representation of it by Chinese authorities.
BOOK XIII. SANG FO HSIÂO KI.
This 'Record of Smaller Points in connexion with the Dress of Mourning,' is the first of the many treatises in our collection, devoted expressly to the subject of the mourning rites, and especially of the dress worn by the mourners, according to the degree of their relationship. The expurgated editions do not give any part of it; and it is difficult-I may say impossible--to trace any general plan on which the compiler, who is unknown, put the different portions of it together. Occasionally two or three paragraphs follow one another on the same subject, and I have kept them together after the example of Khung Ying-tà; but the different notices are put down as if at random, just as they occurred to the writer.
Ka Hsi says that 3ze-hsia made a supplementary treatise to the 11th Book of the I Li, and that we have here an explanation of many points in that Book. It is so; and yet we may not be justified in concluding that this is a remnant of the production of Zze-hsia.
BOOK XIV. TÂ Kwan.
This Book, 'the Great Treatise,' has been compared to the Hsî 3hze, the longest and most important of the Appendixes to the Yî King, which is also styled Tå Kwan.
It is short, however, as compared with that other; nor is it easy to understand, the subjects with which it deals being so different in the conceptions of Chinese and western minds. 'It treats,' said Khăn Hsiang-tão (early in the Sung dynasty), 'of the greatest sacrifice,- that
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offered by the sovereign to all his ancestors; of the greatest instance of filial piety,- that of carrying back to his forefathers the title gained by the sacrificer; of the greatest principle in the regulation of the family,—that expressed by the arrangement of the names of its members according to their relations to one another; and of the course of humanity as the greatest illustration of propriety and righteousness. On account of this it is called The Great Treatise.'
From this summary of its contents the importance of the Book will be seen. We know nothing either of its author or of the date of its compilation.
Book XV. SHẬo f. The Shảo I, or 'Smaller Rules of Conduct,' is akin to much of the first Book in our collection, 'the Summary of the Rules of Ceremony.' Shão means 'few,' and often 'few in years,' or young ;' and hence some have thought that the subject of the Book is 'Rules for the Young. So Callery, who gives for the title, 'Règles de Conduite des Jeunes Gens.
But the contents cannot be so restricted; and since the time of Kăng Hsuan, shảo has been taken by most Chinese commentators as equivalent to hsiaol, which occurs in the title of Book XIII. The difference between the two Chinese characters is not so great as that between these alphabetic exhibitions of their names. La Teh-ming says, 'Shâo is here equivalent to hsiao;' and Kăng says, that the Book is named Shâo i because it records the small rules of demeanour at interviews and in bringing in the provisions for a feast.' But the observances described are very various, and enable us to form a life-like picture of manners in those early days.
According to Ka Hsi, the Book was intended to be a branch of the smaller learning, or lessons for youth; but
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was extended to a variety of subjects in daily life and the intercourses of society. When and by whom it was compiled is not known.
BOOK XVI. Hsio Ki. The H sio Ki, or Record of Studies,' is a treatise of very considerable interest and importance. Khăng-gze, whom KU Hsî was accustomed to call his 'Master,' considered it to be, after Books XXVIII and XXXIX, the Kung Yung and T8 Hsio, the most correct and orthodox Book in the Li Ki.
The Khien-lung editors say that in paragraphs 4 and 5 we have the institutions of the ancient kings for purposes of education; in 6 to 19, the laws for teachers; and in what follows, those for learners. The summary is on the whole correct, but the compiler (who is unknown) did not always keep his subjects distinct. In the three commencing paragraphs the importance of education to the moral well-being of the people is strikingly exhibited. The whole displays an amount of observation and a maturity of reflection on the subject, which cannot but be deemed remarkable. The information about ancient schools and higher institutions may be found in the earlier Books, but we are glad to have this repetition of it.
Book XVII. YO Ki. The Yo Ki, or 'Record of Music,' will be found to have more interest for general readers than most of the other Books of the Li. Khăng-gze speaks of it in terms similar to those quoted from him in the preceding notice about the H sio Ki. That, so far as correctness and orthodoxy are concerned, is next to the Kung Yung and Tà H sio; this is near to them. Its introduction into our collection is ascribed to Mà Yung.
The old documents on music that had been recovered during the earlier Han dynasty, appear in Lid Hsin's Catalogue after those of the Lî, amounting in all to
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165 phien, distributed in six collections. The first of these was the Yo Ki, in 23 phien; the second, the Ki of Wang Yü?, in 24 phien. Khung Ying-tå, deriving his information from a note in Hsin's Catalogue and other sources, sums up what he has to say about this Book in the following way :-On the rise of the Han dynasty, the treatises of former times on music, as well as the practice of the art, were in a state of special dilapidation. In the time of the emperor Wa, his brother Teh, with the help of many scholars, copied out all that remained on the subject of music, and made a Yo Ki, or Record of Music,' in 24 phien or books, which Wang Yü presented to the court in the time of the emperor Khăng (B. C. 32–7); but it was afterwards hardly heard of. When Liu Hsiang (died B. C. 9) examined the books in the Imperial library, he found a 'Record of Music' in 23 phien, different from that which Wang Yü had presented. Our present Yo Ki contains eleven of those phien, arranged with the names of their subjects. The other twelve are lost, though their names remain.
Most of the present text is found in Sze-mà Khien's Monograph on Music; and as he was so long before Lid Hsiang (Khien died between B.C. 90 and 80), the Khienlung editors suppose that it is one of the portions of Khien's work, supplied by Khu Shâo-sun, who was a contemporary of Hsiang.
KU Hsî had a great admiration of many passages in the Yo Ki, and finds in them the germs of the views on the constitution of humanity, and on the action and interaction of principle and passion, reason and force, in the economy of what we call Providence, on which he delighted to dwell in his philosophical speculations. We expect from the title, as Hwang Kan-hsing (Ming dynasty) says, that music will be the chief subject of the Treatise, but everywhere we find ceremonial usages spoken of equally and in their relation to it; for, according to the view of the author, the framework of society is built on the truth 'I . ' see Wylie's Notes, p. 14.
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underlying ceremonies, and music is the necessary expres sion of satisfaction in the resulting beauty and harmony.
BOOK XVIII. 3Â KI. Book XVII is given nearly complete in the expurgated edition translated by Callery, while the 18th or · Miscellaneous Records,' happily rendered by him by the one French word Mélanges,' is reduced to about a third of its length in the Chinese text. Notwithstanding its name of Miscellanies,' the greater part is occupied with the observances of the Mourning Rites. Interesting questions concerning them are discussed, and information is given on customs which we do not find in such detail elsewhere, --such, for instance, as those relating to the gifts of graveclothes and other things for the burial of the dead. Towards the end other customs, besides those of the mourning rites, are introduced. It would be a mistake, however, to suppose that this is done to justify the name of Miscellaneous Records given to the whole. It is a peculiarity of many of the other Books that the writer, or writers, seem to get weary of confining themselves to one subject or even to a few subjects, and introduce entries of quite a different nature for no reason that we can discover but their arbitrary pleasure.
The correctness and integrity of many paragraphs have been justly called in question. The authority of the Book does not rank high. It must be classed in this respect with the Than Kung.
BOOK XIX. SANG TA KỲ. Book XIII deals with smaller points in connexion with the dress of mourning; Book XVIII, with miscellaneous points in mourning; and this Book with the greater points, especially with the two dressings of the dead, the coffining, and the burial. Beginning with the preparations for death in the case of a ruler, a Great officer, or an ordinary officer, it goes methodically over all the observances at and after death, until the burial has taken place. It takes us into
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the palace, the mansion, and the smaller official residence, and shows us what was done at the different steps that intervened between death and the committing of the coffin to the grave. Some of the observances differ in minor points from details in those other Books, and in the Than Kung or Book II ; but taking them all together, we get from them a wonderfully minute account of all the rites of mourning in ancient China. Wa Khăng says, This Book relates the greater rules observed in each event which it mentions. It was not intended to supplement the information elsewhere given about smaller details; and hence it is named 'The Greater Record of Mourning Rites.'
Book XX. KI Fâ. Ki Fa, so named from the first two characters in the Book, and meaning 'Laws or Rules of Sacrifices,' is the first of three treatises, all on the subject of sacrifices, that come together at this part of the collection of the Li. They were not, perhaps, the production of the same hand; but the writer of this one evidently had before him the 17th article in the first part of the Narratives connected with the state of La, which form the second Section of 'the Narratives of the States?' That article contains an exposition of the subject of sacrifices by a Ken Khin, in deprecation of a sacrifice ordered by · Zang Wăn-kang, who had been for about fifty years one of the ministers of La. Zang died in B. C. 617.
Difficulties attach to some of the historical statements in the Book, which cannot be cleared up from our want of sufficient documents. The whole consists of two Parts, - paragraphs 1-8, and paragraph 9. All the former is excluded from the expurgated editions; but in it, as well as in the other, the sacrifices are mainly those to departed worthies. There is no idea of deprecation in them; much less of atonement. They are expressions of gratitude, and commemorative of men whose laws and achievements were
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beneficial to their own times, and helped on the progress of civilisation, so that they would be beneficial also to all ages.
In the conclusion, the sacrifices to the sun, moon, and other parts of nature appear; and it is said that they were instituted because the action of those bodies contributed to promote the comfort and agency of men. So far those sacrifices were a species of nature-worship; but the question arises whether they were not really offered to the spirits under whose guardianship those objects operated.
BOOK XXI. Ki i.
The Ki i, or 'The Meaning of Sacrifices,' 'Sens des Sacrifices' in Callery, embraces a wider extent of subjects than the last Book. It treats first of the sacrifices to Heaven, and to the sun and moon in connexion with it, as well as of those in the ancestral temple, though the latter are the principal subject. The writer, whoever he was, goes fully into the preparations of the sacrificer, and the spirit of reverence in which the services should be conducted.
No idea of deprecation or expiation is expressed as belonging to the sacrifices. It is said, indeed, in Section i, 18, that the sacrifice in the suburb of the capital was the great expression of gratitude to Heaven.
In Section ii other subjects besides sacrifice are treated of. It commences with a remarkable conversation between Confucius and his disciple 3ài Wo, on the constitution of man, as comprehending both the Kwei and Shăn, the former name denoting the animal soul, which, with the bones and flesh, 'moulders below and becomes the dust of the fields ;' while the latter denotes the intelligent soul or spirit, which issues forth at death, and is displayed on high in a condition of glorious brightness.
The ploughing of the special fields by the king and rulers of states, and the regulations for the nourishment of silkworms and the preparation of silk by their wives, are set forth, both operations being to provide the sacrificial grain and robes.
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After this we have the views of 3ăng-xze and one of his disciples on filial piety, which subject again passes into the submission of the younger brother to the elder, and the respect to be paid generally by juniors to their elders.
BOOK XXII. KI THUNG
The Summary Account of Sacrifices' is the last and longest, and, it may be added, the most interesting, of the treatises, specially on that subject. We find nothing in it, any more than in the others, of the idea of propitiation; but it gives many details of the purposes which the institution of sacrifices served in the Chinese state. The old commentators took the character Thung? in the sense of Root' or 'Origin?,' and hence some English sinologists have named the book "The Origin of Sacrifices,' and P. Zottoli gives for the title Sacrificii Princi. pium.' Callery calls it, better, 'Généralités sur les Sacrifices. The very able commentator Khăn Hsiangtão compares the Treatise to the large rope which controls the meshes of a net,' saying, that it commences with sacrifice as coming from the feeling of the heart, and ends with the display of its influence in the conduct of government.
The concluding paragraph shows that it was written while the state of La still had an existence; and if the whole Book proceeded from the same hand, it must have been composed some time after the death of Confucius and before the extinction of Lů, which was consummated by Khd in B.C. 248. I think we may refer it to the fourth century B. C.
The doctrine of Filial Piety occupies a prominent place in it. Paragraph 13 and the ten that follow, on the connexion between sacrifice and the ten relationships of men, are specially instructive. The author writes forcibly and often subtilely; and can hardly do himself justice in the
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expression of his ideas. What he says on the subject of Inscriptions towards the conclusion is interesting. He was a true LQ man, and his views on the sacrifices of his state are contrary to the standard of Chinese orthodoxy about
them.
Book XXIII. King Kieh.
King Kieh has been translated 'Explanations of the Classics,' and Callery gives for the title 'Sens Général des Livres Canoniques.' A slight attention to the few paragraphs which compose the Book, however, will satisfy the reader that these translations of the name are incorrect. No explanation is attempted of passages in the different. King. The true meaning of King Kieh was given by Hwang Khan in A. D. 538. Kieh,' he says, 'is to be taken in the sense of "separation" or "division ;" and the Treatise describes the difference between the subjects dealt with in the different King.'
The Book, though ingenious, is not entitled to much attention. The first two paragraphs, assigned to Confucius, could not have come from him. They assume that there were six King; but that enumeration of the ancient writings originated with the scholars of the Han dynasty. And among the six is the Khun Khid, the work of Confucius himself, which he compiled only a year or two before his death. It was for posterity, and not for him, to raise it to the rank of a King, and place it on the same level with the Shù, the Shih, and the Yi. It may be doubted, moreover, if there were ever a Yo King, or
Classic of Music.' Treatises on music, no doubt, existed under the Kâu dynasty, but it does not appear that there was any collection of them made till the attempts that have been referred to in the introductory notice to Book XVII.
Who the ingenious, but uncritical, compiler of the King Kieh was is unknown.
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BOOK XXIV. AI KUNG WAN.
'Questions of Duke Ai' is a translation of the three characters with which the Book commences, and which mean there 'Duke Ai asked;' and the title is so far descriptive of the contents of the Book,-two conversations on ceremonies and the practice of government between the marquis 3iang of Lû, posthumously called duke Ai, and Confucius. The sage died in the sixteenth year of 3iang's marquisate. As an old minister of the state, after he had retired from public life, he had a right of entrance to the court, which, we know, he sometimes exercised. He may have conversed with the marquis on the subjects discussed in this Treatise; but whether he held the particular conversations here related can only be determined by the consideration of their style and matter. I am myself disposed to question their genuineness.
There are other recensions of the Treatise. It forms the third of the Books in the current editions of the Li of the Greater Tâi,' purporting to be the forty-first of those which were in his larger collection; and is the same as in our Li Ki, with hardly a variation. The second conversation, again, appears as the fourth article in the collection called the 'Narratives of the School',' but with considerable and important variations, under the title of Tâ Hwăn, The Grand Marriage.' The first conversation is found also in the same collection, as part of the sixth article, called Wăn Lî, or 'Questions about Ceremonies.' There are also variations in it; but the questioner in both articles is duke Âi.
The most remarkable passages of the Book are some paragraphs of the second conversation towards its conclusion. P. Callery translates Thien Tão, 'the Way of Heaven,' in paragraph 16, by 'La Vérité Céleste,' and
‘家語
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says in a note that Confucius speaks of this Tâo in a way not unlike Lào-gze in the Tào Teh King, adding that 'these two fathers of Chinese philosophy had on this mysterious Being ideas nearly similar.' But a close examination of the passage, which is itself remarkable, shows that this resemblance between it and passages of the Taoist classic does not exist. See my concluding note on the Book. If there were a Taoist semblance in the phraseology, it would make us refer the composition of the Treatise to the time of Khin or the early days of Han, when Taoism had taken a place in the national literature which it had not had under the dynasty of Kau.
BOOK XXV. KUNG-Nİ YEN KU.
The title of this Book is taken from the four characters with which it commences. Confucius has returned from his attendance at the court of La, and is at home in his own house. Three of his disciples are sitting by him, and his conversation with them flows on till it has reached the subject of ceremonial usages. In reply to their questions, he discourses on it at length, diverging also to the subjects of music and the practice of government in connexion with ceremonies, in a familiar and practical manner.
He appears in the title by his designation, or name as married, Kung-nî, which we find also two or three times in Book XXVIII, which is received as the composition of his grandson Khung Kî, or 3ze-sze. This Treatise, however, is much shorter than that, and inferior to it. The commentator Wang of Shih-liang!, often quoted by Khăn Hào, says, that though this Treatise has a beginning and end, the style and ideas are so disjected and loose, that many of the utterances attributed to Confucius cannot be accepted as really his.
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Book XXVI. KHUNG-BZE Hsien KU.
The title of this Book is akin to that of the last, the characters of that leading us to think of Confucius as having returned from court to ‘his ease,' and those of this suggesting nothing of his immediate antecedents, but simply saying that he was 'at home and at leisure. Instead of being called, as there, by his designation, he appears here as Khung-gze, 'the philosopher Khung,' or 'Mr. Khung.'
The Book also relates a conversation, but only one disciple is present, and to him the Master discourses on the description of a sovereign as 'the parent of the people,' and on the virtue of the founders of the three dynasties of Hsia, Shang, and Kau, illustrating his views by quotations from the Book of Poetry. His language is sometimes strange and startling, while the ideas underlying it are subtle and ingenious. And the poetical quotations are inapplicable to the subjects in connexion with which they are introduced. If the commentator Wang could not adopt the speeches attributed to Confucius in the last Book as really his, much less can we receive those in this as such.
From their internal analogies in form and sentiment, I suppose that the two Books were made by the same writer ; but I have met with no guess even as to who he was.
BOOK XXVII. FANG KI.
The Dykes,' which is the meaning of the title of this Book, is suggestive of its subject-matter. We have in it the rules or usages of ceremony presented to us under the figure of dykes, dams, or barriers; defensive structures made to secure what is inside them from escaping or dispersion, and to defend it against inundation or other injurious assault and invasion from without. The character, called fang, is used for the most part with verbal force, 'acting as a dyke or barrier ;' and it would often be difficult to say
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whether the writer was thinking of the particular institution or usage spoken of as fulfilling the purpose of defence against peril from within, or violence from without.
The illustrations are numerous, and they are all given as if they came from the lips of Confucius himself; but we cannot suppose that they were really from him. They are hot in his style, and the reasonings are occasionally unworthy of him. Many paragraphs carry on their front a protest against our receiving them as really his. Nevertheless, the Book, though sometimes tedious, is on the whole interesting, and we like the idea of looking on the usages as 'dykes.' We do not know to whom we are indebted for it. One of the famous brothers Khăng of the Sung dynasty has said : We do not know who wrote the Treatise. Since we find such expressions in it as "The Lun Yü says," it is plainly not to be ascribed to Confucius. Passages in the Han scholars, Kia I and Tung Kung-shů, are to the same effect as what we find here; and perhaps this memoir was their production.'
Book XXVIII. KUNG YUNG. The Kung Yung would be pronounced, I think, by Chinese scholars to be the most valuable of all the Treatises in the Li Ki; and from an early time it asserted a position peculiar to itself. Its place in the general collection of Ritual Treatises was acknowledged by Må Yung and his disciple Kăng Hsuan; but in Lill Hsin's Catalogue of the Lî Books, we find an entry of Observations on the Kung Yung, in two phien;' so early was the work thought to be deserving of special treatment by itself. In the records of the Sui dynasty (A. D. 589-617), in the Catalogue of its Imperial library, there are the names of three other special works upon it, one of them by the emperor Wa (A. D. 502549) of the Liang dynasty.
Later on, under the Sung dynasty, the Kung Yung, the Ta Hsio, or Great Learning,' which is also a portion of the Li Ki, the Confucian Analects, or the Lun Yü, and the works of Mencius, were classed together as 'The Four Books,'
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which have since that time formed so important a division of Chinese literature; and 'the Kung Yung, in chapters and sentences, with a digest of commentaries on it,' was published by Ka Hsi early in A. D. 1189. About 125 years afterwards, the fourth emperor of the Yuan dynasty enacted that Ko's edition and views should be the text-book of the classic at the literary examinations. From that time merely the name of the Kung Yung was retained in editions of the Li Ki, until the appearance of the Imperial edition of the whole collection in the Khien-lung period of the present dynasty. There the text is given in two Sections according to the old division of it, with the ancient commentaries from the edition of 'The Thirteen King' of the Thang dynasty, followed at the end of each paragraph by the Commentary, of Ka.
The authorship of the Kung Yung is ascribed to Khung Ki, better known as Zze-sze, the grandson of Confucius. There is no statement to this effect, indeed, in the work itself; but the tradition need not be called in question. It certainly existed in the Khung family. The Book must have been written in the fifth century B.C., some time, I suppose, between 450 and 400. Since A. D. 1267, the author has had a place in the temples of Confucius as one of The Four Assessors,' with the title of The Philosopher Zze-sze, transmitter of the Sage.' I have seen his tomb-mound in the Confucian cemetery, outside the city of Khü-fd in Shantung, in front of those of his father and grandfather. There is a statue of him on it, bearing the inscription, 'Duke (or Prince) of the State of 1.
It is not easy to translate the name of the Treatise, Kung Yung. It has been represented by Juste Milieu;' "Medium Constans vel Sempiternum;' 'L'Invariable Milieu ;' The Constant Medium;' "The Golden Medium;' The True Medium;' and other. wise. I called it, in 1861, 'The Doctrine of the Mean,' which I have now changed for 'The State of Equilibrium and Harmony,' the reasons for which will be found in the notes on the first chapter of the present version.
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I do not here enter on an exhibition of the scope and value of the Book. It gives the best account that we have of the Confucian philosophy and morals, and will amply repay careful study, and hold its place not only in China, but in the wider sphere beyond it. The writer had an exaggerated conception of the sage; but he deserves well of his own country and of the world.
Book XXIX. PIÂO KI. The character called Piâo is the symbol for the outer garments, and is used to indicate whatever is external in opposition to what is internal; the outside of things, what serves to mark them out and call attention to them. Hence comes its use in the sense which it bears in the title of this Book, for what serves as an example or model. Callery renders that title by 'Mémoire sur l'Exemple;' Wylie, by The Exemplar Record.
Piao is also used for the gnomon of a dial; and the Khien-lung editors fix on this application of the character in explaining the name of the Book. 'Piao,' they say,
is the gnomon of a dial, by which the movement of the sun is measured ; it rises up in the centre, and all round is regulated by it. The Fang Ki shows men what they ought to be on their guard against; the Piko Ki, what they should take as their pattern.' Then they add— Of patterns there is none so honourable as benevolence (or humanity proper), and to aid that there is righteousness, while, to complete it, there is sincerity or good faith, and reverence is that by which the quest for humanity is pursued.' This second sentence may be considered a summary of the contents of the Book, which they conclude by saying, they have divided into eight chapters after the example of the scholar Hwang ; meaning, I suppose, Hwang Khan, who has been already mentioned as having published his work on our classic in A. D. 538.
That division into eight chapters lies on the face of the Treatise. We have eight paragraphs commencing with the characters which I have rendered by 'These were the words
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of the Master ;' and these are followed by a number of others, more or fewer as the case may be, in which the words of the Master ("The Master said') are adduced to substantiate what has been stated in that introductory passage. The arrangement is uniform, excepting in one instance to which I have called attention in a note, and suitably divides the whole into eight chapters.
But no one supposes that 'the words of the Master' are really those of Confucius, or were used by him in the connexion which is here given to them. They were invented by the author of the Treatise, or applied by him, to suit his own purpose ; and scholars object to many of them as contrary to the sentiments of the sage, and betraying a tendency to the views of Taoism. This appears, most strikingly perhaps, in the fifth chapter. On the statement, for instance, in paragraph 32, that the methods of Yin and Kâu were not equal to the correction of the errors produced by those of Shun and Hsia, the Khien-lung editors say:– How could these words have come from the mouth of the Master? The disciples of Lào-gze despised forms and prized the unadorned simplicity, commended what was ancient, and condemned all that was of their own time. In the beginning of the Han dynasty, the principles of Hwang and Lào were widely circulated; students lost themselves in the stream of what they heard, could not decide upon its erroneousness, and ascribed it to the Master. Such cases were numerous, and even in several paragraphs of the Lî Yun (Book VII) we seem to have some of them. What we find there was the utterance, probably, of some disciple of Lào-gze.'
No one, so far as I have noticed, has ventured to assign the authorship of this Book on example. I would identify him, myself, with the Kung-sun Ni-zze, to whom the next is ascribed.
BOOK XXX. ZZE 1. It is a disappointment to the reader, when he finds after reading the title of this Book, that it has nothing to do with the Black Robes of which he expects it to be an account.
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That phrase occurs in the second paragraph, in a note to which its origin is explained; but the other name Hsiang Po, which is found in the same paragraph, might with equal appropriateness, or rather inappropriateness, have been adopted for the Treatise.
I
It is really of the same nature as the preceding, and contains twenty-four paragraphs, all attributed to 'the Master,' and each of which may be considered to afford a pattern for rulers and their people. It ought to form one Book with XXIX under the title of 'Pattern Lessons.' have pointed out in the notes some instances of the agreement in their style and phraseology, and the intelligent reader who consults the translation with reference to the Chinese text will discover more. Lû Teh-ming (early in the Thang dynasty) tells us, on the authority of Liû Hsien, that the 3ze I was made by a Kung-sun Ni-jze. Liû Hsien was a distinguished scholar of the early Sung dynasty, and died about A. D. 500; but on what evidence he assigned the authorship of the Book to Kung-sun Ni-ze does not, in the present state of our knowledge, appear. The name of that individual is found twice in Liû Hsin's Catalogue, as belonging to the learned school, and among 'the Miscellaneous writers,' with a note that he was 'a disciple of the seventy disciples of the Master.' The first entry about him precedes that about Mencius, so that he must be referred to the closing period of the Kâu dynasty, the third century B. C. He may, therefore, have been the author of 'The Black Robes,' and of the preceding Book as well, giving his own views, but attributing them, after the fashion of the time, to Confucius; but, as the commentator Făng ↑ (? Ming dynasty) observes: Many passages in the Book are made to resemble the sayings of a sage; but the style is not good and the meaning is inferior.'
CH. III.
BOOK XXXI. PAN SANG.
This Book refers to a special case in connexion with the mourning rites, that of an individual who has been prevented, from taking part with the other relatives in the usual
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observances at the proper time. It might be that he was absent from the state, charged by his ruler with public business, or he might be in the same state but at a distance, and so occupied that he had been unable to take part in the mourning services.
But they were too sacred to be entirely neglected, and we have here the rules applicable to such a case, in a variety of circumstances and different degrees of consanguinity. Some other matter, more or less analogous, is introduced towards the end.
We have seen how the first of the Three Rituals' recovered in the Han dynasty was seventeen Books that now form the i Li. Kăng Hsüan supposed that the Păn Sang had been another Book of that collection, and was afterwards obtained from the tablets found in the village of Yenkung in LQ. It has been decided, however, that the style determines it to be from another hand than the I Li.
Here it is, and we have only to make the best of it that we can, without knowing who wrote it or when it came to light. The Khien-lung editors say :-'Anciently, in cases of mourning for a year or shorter period even, officers left their charges and hurried to the rites. In consequence of the inconvenience arising from this, it was enacted that officers should leave their charge only on the death of a parent. It was found difficult, however, to enforce this. The rule is that a charge cannot be left, without leave asked and obtained.'
Book XXXII. WAN SANG. The Wăn Sang, or Questions about Mourning Rites," is a short Treatise, which derives its name from inquiries about the dressing of the corpse, the putting off the cap and replacing it by the cincture, and the use of the staff in mourning. Along with those inquiries there are accounts of some of the rites, condensed and imperfect. The Book should be read in connexion with the other Books of a similar character, especially XIII.
Much cannot be said in favour of the style, or of the
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satisfactoriness of the replies to the questions that are propounded. The principal idea indeed in the mind of the author, whoever he was, was that the rites were the outcome of the natural feelings of men, and that mourning was a manifestation of filial piety. The most remarkable passage is that with which the Treatise concludes, that the use of the staff was not to be sought in any revelation from heaven or earth, but was simply from the good son's filial affection. The way in which the sentiment is expressed has often brought to my mind the question of the Apostle Paul about faith, in Romans x. 6–8.
Book XXXIII. FU WAN. Like the last two Books and the two that follow, the Fa Wăn is omitted in the expurgated editions. It is still shorter than the Wăn Sang, and treats also of the mourning rites, and specially of the dress in it, and changes in it, which naturally gave rise to questioning.
The writer, or compiler, often quotes from what he calls the Kwan, a name which has sometimes been translated by 'Tradition. But the Chinese term, standing alone, may mean what is transmitted by writings, as well as what is handed down by oral communication. It is used several times in Mencius in the sense of Record' and 'Records. I have called it here 'The Directory of Mourning.' Wa Khăng says rightly that the Book is of the same character as XIII; that the mourning rites were so many, and some of them so peculiar, that collisions between different rites must have been of frequent occurrence. The Fu Wăn takes up several such cases and tells us how they were met satisfactorily, or, as we may think, unsatisfactorily.
BOOK XXXIV. KIEN Kwan.
The Kien Kwan is a Treatise on subsidiary points in the mourning rites. It is not easy to render the name happily in English. I have met with it as 'The Inter
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INTRODUCTION,
mediate Record.' Kwan is the character spoken of in the preceding notice; Kien is the symbol for the space between two things, suggesting the idea of distinction or difference. Kăng Hsüan says that 'the name has reference to the distinctions suitably made in mourning, according as it was lighter or more important.'
However we translate or explain the name, we find the Book occupied with the manifestations of grief in the bearing of the mourners; in the modulation of their voices; in their eating and drinking ; in their places; in the texture of their dress; and in the various changes which were made in it till it was finally put off. Some points in it are difficult to understand at this distance of time, and while we are still imperfectly acquainted with the mourning usages of the people at the present day.
Book XXXV. SAN NIEN WÄN. The Questions about the Mourning for three years' is occupied principally with the mourning for parents for that period, but it touches on all the other periods of mourning as well, explaining why one period differs in its duration from the others.
Mourning, it is said, is the outcome of the relative feeling proper to man ; the materials of the dress, the duration of the rites, and other forms are from the ancient sages and legislators, to regulate and direct the expression of the feeling.
What is said in paragraph 4 about the mourning of birds and beasts is interesting, but fantastical. Though the mourning for a parent is said to last for three years, the western reader is not to suppose that it continues to the end of that time, but simply that it extends into the third year. Virtually it terminates with the twenty-fifth month, and positively with the twenty-seventh. It is the eastern mode in speaking of time to say that it lasts for three years. Similarly, I have often been told that a child, evidently not more than six months, was two years old, when a little crossquestioning has brought out the fact that it had been born [27]
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towards the end of the previous year, that it had lived in two years, and was, therefore, spoken of as two years old.
BOOK XXXVI. SHĂN Í. The Shăn 1 is what we should expect from the name, a description of the dress so-called. It was the garment of undress, worn by all classes of the people, from the highest to the lowest, when they were at home and at ease. What distinguished it from other dresses was that in those the jacket or upper garment was in one piece, and the skirt or lower garment in another, whereas in this they were joined together, so that it could be put on and off with ease.
In the Khien-lung edition of the Lî Kî, chapter 29, second collection of Plates, there are pictures of the Shăn i, taken from Ko Hsi's 'Rules for the Family,' but they do not correspond with the description here. More accurate plates are to be found in a monograph on the subject by Yung Kiang, a senior licentiate of the present dynasty, which forms the 251st chapter in the 'Explanations of the Classics under the Imperial dynasty of Khing.' The proper meaning of Shăn I is 'The Deep Dress; ' but the garment was also called “The Long Dress,' which suits our nomenclature better; and 'The Inner Dress,' when it was worn under another.
The reasons assigned for fashioning it after the description in paragraphs 3 and 4 are of course fanciful; but M. Callery is too severe on the unknown author, when he says : - On est tenté de rire en voyant les rapprochements que l'auteur cherche à établir entre la forme de cet habit et les principes les plus abstraits de la morale. Je suis porté à croire que toutes ces allégories ont été imaginées après coup; car si elles avaient dirigé la coupe primitive du Shăn I, il faudrait dire que les ateliers des anciens tailleurs de la Chine étaient des écoles de mysticisme.'
BOOK XXXVII. THÂU HỦ. The Thâu Ha, or · Pitching into a Jar,' gives the description of a game, played anciently, and probably at the pre
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INTRODUCTION.
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sent day also, at festal entertainments. It was a kind of archery, with darts instead of arrows, and the hand instead of a bow; 'the smallest,' as Kăng says,' of all the games of archery,' and yet lessons for the practice of virtue and for judging of character might be learned from it. It is interesting to us, however, simply as a game for amusement, and a sufficient idea of it may be gained from this Book.
Two might play at it, or any number. The host and guest in the text are the representatives of two sides or parties. It was a contest at pitching darts into the mouth of a pot or vase, placed at a short distance from the players, -too short a distance, it appears to us. There was nothing peculiar in the form of the vase of which we have an account in paragraph 10. We are surprised to read the description of it in the late Dr. Williams' Syllabic Dictionary, under the character for HQ:-'One ancient kind (of vase) was made with tubes on each side of the mouth, and a common game, called Thàu Hd, was to pitch reeds into the three orifices.' This would have been a different jar, and the game would have been different from that here described, and more difficult.
The style of the Treatise is like that of the I Li, in the account of the contests of archery in Books VIII-XI, to which we have to refer to make out the meaning of several of the phrases.
The Book should end with paragraph 10. The three paragraphs that follow seem to have been jotted down by the compiler from some memoranda that he found, that nothing might be lost which would throw light on the game.
Then follows a paragraph, which may be pronounced unintelligible. The whole Book is excluded from the expurgated editions.
BOOK XXXVIII. 20 HSING. The 20 Hsing, or 'Conduct of the Scholar,' professes to be a discourse delivered to duke Ai of LQ on the character and style of life by which scholars, or men claiming to
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THE LI XI.
possess literary acquirements, ought to be, and were in a measure, distinguished. Even so far back, such a class of men there was in China. They had certain peculiarities of dress, some of which are alluded to in Odes of the Shih. The duke, however, had not been accustomed to think highly of them; and struck by something in the dress of Confucius, he asks him if he wore the garb of a scholar. The sage disclaims this; and being questioned further as to the conduct of the scholar, he proceeds to dilate on that at great length, and with a remarkable magnificence of thought and diction. He pourtrayed to his ruler a man sans peur et sans reproche, strong in principle, of cultivated intelligence, and animated by the most generous, patriotic, and benevolent spirit. We are told in the conclusion that the effect on duke Åi was good and great. It made him a better man, and also made him think more highly of the class of scholars than he had done. The effect of the Book on many of the literati must have been great in the ages that have intervened, and must still be so.
But did such a conversation really take place between the marquis of Lû and the sage? The general opinion of Chinese scholars is that it did not do so. Lü Tâ-lin (of the eleventh century, and a contemporary of the brothers Khăng), as quoted by the Khien-lung editors, while cordially approving the sentiments, thinks the style too grandiloquent to allow of our ascribing it to Confucius. Another commentator of the Sung period, one of the Lîs1, holds that the language is that of some ambitious scholar of the period of the Warring States, who wished to stir up the members of his order to a style of action worthy of it. P. Callery appends to his translation the following note:-'In general, the maxims of this chapter are sufficiently profound to justify us in ascribing them to Confucius, in preference to so many other passages which the author of this work places to the credit of the great philosopher. We find nevertheless in it some ideas of which the really authentic works of Confucius do not offer any trace.'
1
李氏
CH, IIIA
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INTRODUCTION.
BOOK XXXIX. TÂ Hsio.
Like the Kung Yung (XXVIII), the Tå Hsio has long been published separately from the other Books of the Li Ki, and is now the first of the well-known 'Four Books.' As it appears in this translation, we follow the arrangement of the text given by the Khien-lung editors from that in the Thirteen King published by Khung Ying-ta, who himself simply followed Kăng Hsuan. Early in the Sung dynasty the brothers Khăng occupied themselves with the Treatise ; and thinking that errors had crept into the order of the paragraphs, and that portions were missing, made various alterations and additions. Ka Hsî entered into their labours, and, as he thought, improved on them. It is now current in the Four Books, as he published it in 1189, and the difference between his arrangement and the oldest one may be seen by comparing the translation in the first volume of my Chinese Classics and that in the present publication. Despite the difference of arrangement, the substance of the work is the same.
There can be no doubt that the Ta Hsio is a genuine monument of the Confucian teaching, and gives us a sufficient idea of the methods and subjects in the great or higher schools of antiquity. The enthusiasm of M. Pauthier is not to be blamed when he says: It is evident that the aim of the Chinese philosopher is to exhibit the duties of political government as the perfecting of self and the practice of virtue by all men.'
Pauthier adopts fully the view of Ka, that the first chapter is a genuine relic of Confucius himself, for which view there really is no evidence. And he thinks also that all that follows should be attributed to the disciple, 3ăng-gze, which is contrary to the evidence which the Treatise itself supplies.
If it were necessary to assign an author for the work, I should adopt the opinion of Kia Kwei (A.D. 30–101), and assign it to Khung K1, the grandson of Confucius, and author of the Kung Yung. When Khung K1,' said Kià,
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'was still alive, and in straits, in Sung, being afraid that the lessons of the former sage (or sages) would become obscure, and the principles of the ancient Tîs and Kings fall to the ground, he made the Tà Hsio as the warp. of them, and the Kung Yung as the woof. This would seem to have been the opinion of scholars in that early time, and the only difficulty in admitting it is that Kăng Hsuan does not mention it. Notwithstanding his silence, the conviction that Khung Ki wrote both treatises has become very strong in my mind. There is that agreement in the matter, method, and style of the two, which almost demands for them a common authorship.
BOOK XL. Kwan 1. A fuller account of the ceremony of capping is obtained from portions of the ninth and other Books, where it comes in only incidentally, than from this Book in which we might expect from the title to find all the details of it brought together. But the object of the unknown writer was to glorify the rite as the great occasion when a youth stepped from his immaturity into all the privileges and responsibilities of a man, and to explain some of the usages by which it had been sought from the earliest times to mark its importance. This intention is indicated by the second character in the title called I, which we have met with only once before in the name of a Book-in Ki i, the Meaning of Sacrifices,' the title of XXI. It is employed in the titles of this and the five Books that follow, and always with the same force of 'meaning,' signification,' 'ideas underlying the ceremony. Callery renders correctly Kwan I by Signification de la Prise du Chapeau Viril.'
The Chinese cap of manhood always suggests the toga virilis of the Romans; but there was a difference between the institutions of the two peoples. The age for assuming the toga was fourteen; that for receiving the cap was twenty. The capped Chinese was still young, but he had grown to man's estate ; the gowned Roman might have reached puberty, but he was little more than a boy.
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INTRODUCTION,
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Until the student fully understands the object of the Treatise, the paragraphs seem intricate and heavy, and the work of translation is difficult.
BOOK XLI. HWĂN 1.
After capping comes in natural order the ceremony of marriage ; and we are glad to have, in the first portion of this Book, so full an account of the objects contemplated in marriage, the way in which the ceremony was gone about, and the subsequent proceedings by which the union was declared to be established.
The writer made much use of the chapters on marriage in the I Li. Nothing is said of the age at which it was the rule for a young man to marry; and this, we have seen, is put down, in other parts of this collection, as thirty. The same age is mentioned in the Kau Li, XIII, 55, on the duties of the marriage-contractor. But marriage, we may assume from the case of Confucius himself, actually took place earlier in ancient times, as it does now. The Zze, or name of maturity, which was given at the capping, is commonly said to be the name taken at marriage, as in Morrison's Dictionary, I, i, page 627.
The duties set forth in the Book, however, are not those of the young husband, but those of the wife, all comprised in the general virtue of obedience. After the tenth paragraph, the author leaves the subject of marriage, and speaks of the different establishments of the king and queen and of their functions. So far what is said on these topics bears on marriage as it sets forth, mystically, that union as analogous to the relations of heaven and earth, the sun and moon, and the masculine and feminine energies of nature; and the response made by these to the conduct of the human parties in their wedded union.
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BOOK XLII. HSIANG YIN K10 i. Hsiang was anciently the name for the largest territorial division of the state. Under the dominion of Kâu, from the hamlet of five families, through the lü, the jų, the tang, and the kâu, we rise to the hsiang, nominally containing 12,500 families, and presided over by a 'Great officer.' The royal domain contained six hsiang, and a feudal state three.
In more than one of these territorial divisions, there were festive meetings at regular intervals, all said to be for the purpose of drinking. There was feasting at them too, but the viands bore a small proportion to the liquor, called by the name of Kid, which has generally been translated wine, though the grape had nothing to do with it, and whether it was distilled or merely fermented is a disputed
point.
The festivity described in this Book was at the true H siang meeting, celebrated once in three years, under the superintendence of the Great officer' himself, when, in the principal school or college of the district, he assembled the gentlemen of accomplishments and virtue, and feasted them. His object was to select, especially from among the young men, those who were most likely to prove useful to the government in various departments of service. There was in the celebration the germ of the competitive examinations which have been for so long a characteristic feature of the Chinese nation.
The writer had before him the sixth and seventh Books of the I Lî on the same subject, or their equivalents. He brings out five things accomplished by the ceremony, all of a moral and social nature ; but in trying to explain the arrangements, he becomes allegorical or mystical, and sometimes absurd.
BOOK XLIII. SHÊ I. There were various games or competitions of archery; at the royal court, at the feudal courts, at the meetings in
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the country districts which form the subject of the last Book, and probably others of a less public and distinguished character. We have references in this Book to at least one of the archery trials at the royal court; to that at the feudal courts; and to one presided over by Confucius himself, of which it is difficult to assign the occasion. The object of the author is to show the attention paid to archery in ancient times, and how it was endeavoured to make it subservient to moral and educational purposes.
BK. XLIV.
INTRODUCTION.
He had before him the accounts of the archery for officers in Books VIII, IX, and X of the I Li; but he allows himself more scope, in his observations on them, than the authors of the two preceding Books, and explains several practices in his own way,-unsatisfactorily, as I have pointed out in my notes.
BOOK XLIV. YEN Í.
The Yen 1, or 'Meaning of the Banquet,' is a fragment of only five paragraphs, which, moreover, are inartistically put together, the first having no connexion with the others. The Book should begin with paragraph 2, commencing :'The meaning of the Banquet at the feudal courts was this.' It was of this banquet that the compiler intended to give his readers an idea.
The greatest of all the ancient banquets was that which immediately followed the sacrifices in the ancestral temple, given to all the kindred of the same surname as the ruler, and to which there are several references in the Shih King. Thang San-3hâi (Ming dynasty) specifies four other occasions for the banquet besides this:It might be given by a feudal prince, without any special occasion,-like that described in the second of the Praise Songs of Lû; or to a high dignitary or Great officer, who had been engaged in the royal service,-like that in the Minor Odes of the Kingdom, iii, 3; or when a high dignitary returned from a friendly mission,-like that also in the Minor Odes, i, 2; or when an officer came from one state to another on a friendly mission. Many other occasions,
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however, can be imagined on which public banquets were appropriate and might be given. The usages at them would, for the most part, be of the same nature.
The eleventh and twelfth chapters of the I Li are occupied with the ceremony of the banquet. The author of this Treatise quotes passages here and there from them, and appends his own explanation of their educational significance. Two lessons, he says, were especially illustrated in them :-the right relations to be maintained between superiors and inferiors, and the distinction between the noble and the mean.
Book XLV. PHING I. The subject of the Phing I is the interchange of missions between the ancient feudal states. It was a rule of the kingdom that those states should by such interchange maintain a good understanding with one another, as a means of preventing both internal disturbances and aggression from without. P. Callery gives for the title :- Signification (du Rite) des Visites. I have met with it rendered in English by 'The Theory of Embassies;' but the Phing was not an embassy on any great state occasion, nor was it requisite that it should be sent at stated intervals. It could not be long neglected between two states without risk to the good fellowship between them, but events might at any time occur in any one state which would call forth such an expression of friendly sympathy from others.
A mission occasioned a very considerable expenditure to the receiving state, and the author, with amusing ingenuity, explains this as a device to teach the princes and their peoples to care little for such outlay in comparison with the maintenance of the custom and its ceremonies.
Those visits are treated with all the necessary details in the I Lî, Books XV-XVIII; and though the extracts from them are not many, we get from the author a sufficiently intelligible account of the nature of the missions and the way in which they were carried through.
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INTRODUCTION.
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In paragraph 11, however, he turns to another subject, and writes at some length about archery, while the concluding paragraphs (12 and 13) give a conversation between Confucius and his disciple Zze-kung on the reasons why jade is thought so much of. The three paragraphs have no connexion with those that precede on the subject of the missions; and the question arises—Whence were they derived? The previous paragraphs, taken from or based on the I Lî, are found in one of the surviving Treatises of the larger collection of the Greater Tài, the thirty-sixth Book, called Khâo-sze, in consequence of which the Khien-lung editors suggest that these concluding paragraphs were an addition made by his relative, Tai Shăng. It may have been so, but we should not thereby be impressed with a high idea of the skill or judgment with which Shăng executed his work.
BOOK XLVI. SANG FO SZE KIH. This Book, with which the collection of the Li Ki concludes, is an attempt to explain the usages of the mourning rites, and especially of the dress, wherein they agree, and wherein they differ, by referring them to the four constituents of man's nature,— love, righteousness, the sentiment of propriety, and knowledge, in harmony with the operations of heaven and earth in the course of nature. We do not know who was the author of it, but the Khien-lung editors contend that it could not have been in the original compilation of the Smaller Tai, and owes its place in the collection to Kăng Hsüan.
The greater part of it is found in the thirty-ninth, or last but one!, of the Books still current as the Lî of the Greater Tâi; and another part in the 'Narratives of the School,' the third article in the sixth chapter of that collection, the compilation of which in its present form is attributed to Wang Sa in the first half of our third century. But this second fragment must have existed previously, else Kăng
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himself could not have seen it. The argument of those editors, therefore, that some scholar, later than the Smaller Tài, must have incorporated it with what we find in the Greater Tâi, adding a beginning and ending of his own, so as to form a Book like one of those of Tai Shăng, and that Kăng thought it worth his while to preserve it as the last portion of Shăng's collection,—this argument is inconclusive. The fragment may originally have formed part of Tai Teh's thirty-ninth Book or of some other, and the whole of this Book have been arranged, as we now have it by Shăng himself, working, as he is reported to have done, on the compilation or digest of his cousin. However this be, the views in the Book are certainly ingenious and deserve to be read with care.
A few lines in Callery's work are sufficient to translate all of the Book which is admitted into the expurgated editions.
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THE LĨ KÍ.
A COLLECTION OF TREATISES ON THE RULES OF PROPRIETY OR CEREMONIAL USAGES.
BOOK I. KHU LI. SUMMARY OF THE RULES OF PROPRIETY.
SECTION I. Part I. Ch. 1. 1. The Summary of the Rules of Propriety says :-Always and in everything let there be reverence ; with the deportment grave as when
On the names of the whole work and of this book, see the Introduction, pp. 9-12 and 15-17.
Part I is occupied with general principles and statements about Propriety rather than with the detail of particular rules. It may be divided into seven chapters, containing in all thirty-one paragraphs.
Ch. 1. 1, tells how reverence and gravity, with careful speech, are essential in Propriety; and shows its importance to a community or nation. 2. 2, specifies habits or tendencies incompatible with Propriety. 3. 3-5, gives instances of Propriety in superior men, and directions for certain cases. 4. 6, 7, states the rules for sitting, standing, and a mission to another state. 5. 8-22, sets forth how indispensable Propriety is for the regulation of the individual and society, and that it marks in fact the distinction between men and brutes. 6. 23-26, indicates how the rules, unnecessary in the most ancient times, grew with the progress of society, and were its ornament and security. 7. 27-31, speaks of the different stages of life, as divided into decades from ten years to a hundred; and certain characteristics belonging to them.
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THE Lİ Kİ.
one is thinking (deeply), and with speech composed and definite. This will make the people tranquil.
BK. I.
2. 2. Pride should not be allowed to grow; the desires should not be indulged; the will should not be gratified to the full; pleasure should not be carried to excess.
3. 3. Men of talents and virtue can be familiar with others and yet respect them; can stand in awe of others and yet love them. They love others and yet acknowledge the evil that is in them. They accumulate (wealth) and yet are able to part with it (to help the needy); they rest in what gives them satisfaction and yet can seek satisfaction elsewhere (when it is desirable to do so). 4. When you find wealth within your reach, do not (try to) get it by improper means; when you meet with calamity, do not (try to) escape from it by improper means. Do not seek for victory in small contentions; do not seek for more than your proper share. 5. Do not positively affirm what you have doubts about; and (when you have no doubts), do not let what you say appear (simply) as your own view1.
4. 6. If a man be sitting, let him do so as a personator of the deceased; if he be standing, let him do so (reverently), as in sacrificing. 7. In
The text in the second part of this sentence is not easily translated and interpreted. I have followed in my version the view of Kăng, Kû Hsî, and the Khien-lung editors. Callery gives for the whole sentence, 'Ne donnez pas comme certain ce qui est douteux, mais exposez-le clairement sans arrière-pensée.' Zottoli's view of the meaning is probably the same as mine: 'Dubius rerum noli praesumere, sed sincerus ne tibi arroges.'
2 On the personator of the deceased, see vol. iii, pp. 300, 301. According to the ritual of Kâu, the representatives of the dead always sat, and bore themselves with the utmost gravity.
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SECT. 1. PT. I.
RHÜ Li.
(observing) the rules of propriety, what is right (for the time and in the circumstances) should be followed. In discharging a mission (to another state), its customs are to be observed.
5. 8. They are the rules of propriety, that furnish the means of determining (the observances towards) relatives, as near and remote; of settling points which may cause suspicion or doubt; of distinguishing where there should be agreement, and where difference; and of making clear what is right and what is wrong. 9. According to those rules, one should not (seek to) please others in an improper way, nor be lavish of his words. 10. According to them, one does not go beyond the definite measure, nor encroach on or despise others, nor is fond of (presuming) familiarities. 11. To cultivate one's person and fulfil one's words is called good conduct. When the conduct is (thus) ordered, and the words are accordant with the (right) course, we have the substance of the rules of propriety. 12. I have heard that it is in accordance with those rules that one should be chosen by others (as their model); I have not heard of his choosing them (to take him as such). I have heard in the same way of (scholars) coming to learn; I have not heard of (the master) going to teach. 13. The course (of duty), virtue, benevolence, and righteousness cannot be fully carried out without the rules of propriety; 14. nor are training and oral lessons for the rectification of manners complete ; 15. nor can the clearing up of quarrels and discriminating in disputes be accomplished; 16. nor can (the duties between) ruler and minister, high and low, father and son, elder brother and younger, be determined ; 17. nor can students for office and
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(other) learners, in serving their masters, have an attachment for them; 18. nor can majesty and dignity be shown in assigning the different places at court, in the government of the armies, and in discharging the duties of office so as to secure the operation of the laws; 19. nor can there be the (proper) sincerity and gravity in presenting the offerings to spiritual Beings on occasions of supplication, thanksgiving, and the various sacrifices?. 20. Therefore the superior man is respectful and reverent, assiduous in his duties and not going beyond them, retiring and yielding ;-thus illustrating (the principle of) propriety. 21. The parrot can speak, and yet is nothing more than a bird ; the ape can speak, and yet is nothing more than a beasts. Here now is a man who observes no rules of propriety; is not his heart that of a beast ? But if (men were as) beasts, and without (the principle of) propriety, father and son might have the same mate. 22. Therefore, when the sages arose, they framed the rules of propriety in order to teach men, and cause them, by
· Four religious acts are here mentioned, in connexion with which the offerings to spiritual Beings were presented. What I have called 'various sacrifices' is in Chinese Ki sze. wa Khăng says: 'Ki means sacrificial offerings to the spirit (or spirits) of Earth, and sze those to the spirits of Heaven. Offerings to the manes of men are also covered by them when they are used together.'
? We know that the parrot and some other birds can be taught to speak; but I do not know that any animal has been taught to enunciate words even as these birds do. Williams (Dict. p. 809) thinks that the shăng shăng mentioned here may be the rhinopithecus Roxellana of P. David, found in Sze-khüan; but we have no account of it in Chinese works, so far as I know, that is not evidently fabulous.
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SECT. I. PT. I.
KHU LI.
65
their possession of them, to make a distinction between themselves and brutes.
6. 23. In the highest antiquity they prized (simply conferring) good; in the time next to this, giving and repaying was the thing attended to 1. And what the rules of propriety value is that reciprocity. If I give a gift and nothing comes in return, that is contrary to propriety; if the thing comes to me, and I give nothing in return, that also is contrary to propriety. 24. If a man observe the rules of propriety, he is in a condition of security; if he do not, he is in one of danger. Hence there is the saying, 'The rules of propriety should by no means be left unlearned.' 25. Propriety is seen in humbling one's self and giving honour to others. Even porters and pedlers are sure to display this giving honour (in some cases); how much more should the rich and noble do so (in all)! 26. When the rich and noble know to love propriety, they do not become proud nor dissolute. When the poor and mean know to love propriety, their minds do not become cowardly.
7. 27. When one is ten years old, we call him a boy; he goes (out) to school. When he is twenty, we call him a youth; he is capped. When he is thirty, 'He is at his maturity;' he has a wife 2. When
we say,
1 Compare with this paragraph the state of 'the highest antiquity' described in the Tâo Teh King, chapters 18, 19, et al.
2 When it is said that at thirty a man has a wife, the meaning must be that he ought not to reach that age without being married. Early marriages were the rule in ancient China, as they are now. Confucius was married when barely twenty. In the same way we are to understand the being in office at forty. A man might take office at thirty; if he reached forty before he did so, there was something wrong in himself or others.
[27]
F
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THE LI Kİ.
he is forty, we say, 'He is in his vigour;' he is employed in office. When he is fifty, we say, ' He is getting grey;' he can discharge all the duties of an officer. When he is sixty, we say, 'He is getting old;' he gives directions and instructions. When he is seventy, we say, 'He is old;' he delegates his duties to others. At eighty or ninety, we say of him, 'He is very old.' When he is seven, we say that he is an object of pitying love. Such a child and one who is very old, though they may be chargeable with crime, are not subjected to punishment. At a hundred, he is called a centenarian, and has to be fed. 28. A great officer, when he is seventy, should resign (his charge of) affairs. 29. If he be not allowed to resign, there must be given him a stool and staff. When travelling on service, he must have the attendance of his wife1; and when going to any other state, he will ride in an easy carriage. 30. (In another state) he will style himself 'the old man;' in his own state, he will call himself by his name. 31. When from another they ask (about his state), he must tell them of its (old) institutions3.
BK. I.
1 Perhaps we should translate here in the plural-' his women,' which would include his wife.
An easy carriage' was small. Its occupant sat in it, and did not stand.
It is supposed here that the foreign envoys first question the ruler, who then calls in the help of the aged minister.
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Page #607

SECT. I. PT. II.
KHU LI.
67
PART II.
1. 1. In going to take counsel with an elder, one must carry a stool and a staff with him (for the elder's use). When the elder asks a question, to reply without acknowledging one's incompetency and (trying to) decline answering, is contrary to propriety'.
2. 2. For all sons it is the rule :-in winter, to warm (the bed for their parents), and to cool it in summer; in the evening, to adjust everything (for their repose), and to inquire (about their health) in the morning; and, when with their companions, not to quarrel.
3. 3. Whenever a son, having received the three (first) gifts (of the ruler), declines (to use) the carriage and horses, the people of the hamlets and smaller districts, and of the larger districts and neighbourhoods, will proclaim him filial; his brothers and relatives, both by consanguinity and affinity, will proclaim him
Part II enters more into detail about the rules of Propriety. It has been divided into seven chapters, containing in all thirty-two paragraphs.
2. 2, describes
Ch. 1. 1, speaks of a junior consulting an elder. services due from all sons to their parents. 3. 3, shows a filial
son when raised to higher rank than his father. 4. 4-16, contains rules for a son in various circumstances, especially with reference to his father. 5. 17-26, gives the rules for younger men in their intercourse with their teachers and elders generally, and in various cases. 6. 27, is the rule for an officer in entering the gate of his ruler or coming out by it. 7. 28-32, deals with a host and visitor, and ceremonious visiting and intercourse generally.
1 The reply of Tsăng Shăn to Confucius, as related in vol. iii, pp. 465, 466, is commonly introduced in illustration of this second
sentence.
F 2
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THE LI KI.
loving; his friends who are fellow-officers will proclaim him virtuous; and his friends who are his associates will proclaim him true1.
BK. I.
4. 4. When he sees an intimate friend of his father, not to presume to go forward to him without being told to do so; nor to retire without being told; nor to address him without being questioned :—this is the conduct of a filial son. 5. A son, when he is going abroad, must inform (his parents where he is going); when he returns, he must present himself before them. Where he travels must be in some fixed (region); what he engages in must be some (reputable) occupation. 6. In ordinary conversation (with his parents), he does not use the term 'old' (with reference to them). 7. He should serve one twice as old as himself as he serves his father, one ten years older than himself as an elder brother; with one five years older he should walk shoulder to shoulder, but (a little) behind him. 8. When five are sitting together, the eldest must have a different mat (by himself) 3. 9. A son should not occupy the south-west corner of the apartment, nor sit in the
1 The gifts of distinction, conferred by the sovereign on officers, ministers, and feudal princes, were nine in all; and the enumerations of them are not always the same. The three intended here are the appointment to office, or rank; the robes belonging to it; and the chariot and horses. We must suppose that the rank placed the son higher than the father in social position, and that he declines the third gift from humility,-not to parade himself as superior to his father and others in his circle.
* Some understand the rule to be that the son is not to speak of himself as old; but the meaning in the translation is the more approved.
• Four men were the proper complement for a mat; the eldest of the five therefore was honoured with another mat for himself.
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SECT. I. PT. 11.
KHU LI.
middle of the mat (which he occupies alone), nor walk in the middle of the road, nor stand in the middle of the doorway? 10. He should not take the part of regulating the (quantity of) rice and other viands at an entertainment. 11. He should not act as personator of the dead at sacrifice? 12. He should be (as if he were) hearing (his parents) when there is no voice from them, and as seeing them when they are not actually there. 13. He should not ascend a height, nor approach the verge of a depth; he should not indulge in reckless reviling or derisive laughing. A filial son will not do things in the dark, nor attempt hazardous undertakings, fearing lest he disgrace his parents. 14. While his parents are alive, he will not promise a friend to die (with or for him), nor will he have wealth that he calls his own. 15. A son, while his parents are alive, will not wear a cap or (other) article of dress, with a white border: 16. An orphan son, taking his father's place, will not wear a cap or (other article of) dress with a variegated border.
5. 17. A boy should never he allowed to see an
1 The father is supposed to be alive; the south-west part of an apartment was held to be the most honourable, and must be reserved for him. So of the other things.
* This was in the ancestral worship. A son, acting such a part, would have to receive the homage of his father.
. I have known instances of Chinese agreeing to die with or for a friend, who wished to avenge a great wrong. See the covenant of the three heroes of the 'romance of the Three Kingdoms' near the beginning.
• White was and is the colour worn in mourning.
• The son here is the eldest son and heir; even after the regular period of mourning is over, he continues to wear it in so far. The other sons were not required to do so.
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THE LI KI.
instance of deceit1. 18. A lad should not wear a jacket of fur nor the skirt. He must stand straight and square, and not incline his head in hearing. 19. When an elder is holding him with the hand, he should hold the elder's hand with both his hands. When the elder has shifted his sword to his back and is speaking to him with the side of his face bent down, he should cover his mouth with his hand in answering 3. 20. When he is following his teacher*, he should not quit the road to speak with another person. When he meets his teacher on the road, he should hasten forward to him, and stand with his hands joined across his breast. If the teacher speak to him, he will answer; if he do not, he will retire with hasty steps. 21. When, following an elder, they ascend a level height, he must keep his face towards the quarter to which the elder is looking. 22. When one has ascended the wall of a city, he should not point, nor call out". 23. When he intends to go to a lodging-house, let it not be with the feeling that he must get whatever he asks for. 24. When about to go up to the hall (of a house), he must raise his voice. When outside the door there are two (pairs
70
BK. I.
1 This maxim deserves to be specially noted. It will remind the reader of Juvenal's lines :
'Maxima debetur puero reverentia.
Si quid Turpe paras, nec tu pueri contempseris annos.' To make him handy, and leave him free to execute any service required of him.
The second sentence here is difficult to construe, and the critics differ much in dealing with it. Zottoli's version is-'Si e dorso vel latere transverso ore (superior) eloquatur ei, tunc obducto ore respondebit.'
Teacher' is here the one born before him,' denoting 'an old man who teaches youth.'
And thus make himself an object of general observation.
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SECT. I. PT. II.
KHÜ Li.
71
of) shoes!, if voices be heard, he enters; if voices be not heard, he will not enter. 25. When about to enter the door, he must keep his eyes cast down. As he enters, he should (keep his hands raised as high as if he were) bearing the bar of the door. In looking down or up, he should not turn (his head). If the door were open, he should leave it open ; if it were shut, he should shut it again. If there be others (about) to enter after him, while he (turns to) shut the door, let him not do so hastily. 26. Let him not tread on the shoes (left outside the door), nor stride across the mat (in going to take his seat); but let him hold up his dress, and move hastily to his corner (of the mat). (When seated), he must be careful in answering or assenting.
6. 27. A great officer or (other) officer should go out or in at the ruler's doors?, on the right of the middle post, without treading on the threshold.
7. 28. Whenever (a host has received and) is entering with a guest, at every door he should give place to him. When the guest arrives at the innermost door (or that leading to the feast
It was the custom in China, as it still is in Japan, to take off the shoes, and leave them outside the door on entering an apartment. This paragraph and the next tell us how a new-comer should not enter an apartment hastily, so as to take those already there by surprise.
? It is necessary to translate here in the plural. Anciently, as now, the palace, mansion, or public office was an aggregate of courts, with buildings in them, so that the visitor passed from one to another through a gateway, till he reached the inner court which conducted to the hall, behind which again were the family apartments. The royal palace had five courts and gates; that of a feudal lord had three. Each gate had its proper name. The whole assemblage of buildings was much deeper than it was wide.
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THE Lİ Kİ.
room), the host will ask to be allowed to enter first and arrange the mats. Having done this, he will come out to receive the guest, who will refuse firmly (to enter first). The host having made a low bow to him, they will enter (together). 29. When they have entered the door, the host moves to the right, and the guest to the left, the former going to the steps on the east, and the latter to those on the west. If the guest be of the lower rank, he goes to the steps of the host (as if to follow him up them). The host firmly declines this, and he returns to the other steps on the west'. 30. They then offer to each other the precedence in going up, but the host commences first, followed (immediately) by the other. They bring their feet together on every step, thus ascending by successive paces. He who ascends by the steps on the east should move his right foot first, and the other at the western steps his left foot. 31. Outside the curtain or screen (a visitor) should not walk with the formal hasty steps, nor above in the hall, nor when carrying the symbol of jade. Above, in the raised hall, the foot-prints should be alongside each other, but below it free and separate. In the apartment the elbows should not be held out like wings in bowing. 32. When two (equals) are sitting side by side, they do not have their elbows extended crosswise. One should not kneel in handing anything to a (superior) standing, nor stand in handing it to him sitting.
BK. I.
1 The host here is evidently of high dignity, living in a mansion. The screen was in front of the raised hall, in the courtyard; until they passed it visitors might not be in view of their host, and could feel at ease in their carriage and movements.
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Page #613

SECT. I. PT. III.
KHU LI.
73
PART III.
1. I. In all cases of (a lad's) carrying away the dirt that has been swept up from the presence of an elder, it is the rule that he (place) the brush on the basket, keeping his sleeve before it as he retires. The dust is not allowed to reach the elder, because he carries the basket with its mouth turned towards himself. 2. He carries the (elder's) mat in his arms like the cross-beam of a shadoof. 3. If it be a mat
Part III continues to lay down the rules for various duties and classes of duties. It extends to sixty-seven paragraphs, which may be comprised in twenty-one chapters.
Ch. 1. 1-4, describes a youth's ways in and in carrying and placing his mats. and guest. 3. 8-19, is about a youth, especially a pupil, in attendance on his elders. 4. 20-26, is about his ways in serving a superior. 5. 27-29, is about the shoes in visiting. 6. 30-39, gives rules about not interfering with people's private affairs, and avoiding, between male and female, what would cause suspicion. 7. 40, is a message of congratulation to a friend on his marriage. 8. 41, is about consideration for the poor and the old. 9. 42-46, gives rules for the naming of sons and daughters. 10. 47-51, describes the arrangement of the dishes, and the behaviour of the host and guests, at an entertainment. 11. 52, we have a youth and his host eating together. 12. 53, shows how people, eating together, ought to behave. 13. 54-58, is about things to be avoided in eating. 14. 59, shows us host and guest at the close of the entertainment. In 15. 60, we have a youth and elder drinking together. 16. 61, is about a gift from an elder. 17. 62, shows how the kernel of a fruit given by an elder is to be dealt with in his presence. 18. 63, 64, relates to gifts at a feast from the ruler, and how they are to be used. ruler asking an attendant to share in a feast. the use of chopsticks with soup. paring a melon for the ruler and others.
19. 65, is about a
20. 66, is about
21. 67, gives the rules for
sweeping for an elder
2. 5-7, relates to host
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THE LÎ Ri.
BK, I.
to sit on, he will ask in what direction (the elder) is going to turn his face; if it be to sleep on, in what direction he is going to turn his feet. 4. If a mat face the south or the north, the seat on the west is accounted that of honour; if it face the east or the west, the seat on the south.
2. 5. Except in the case of guests who are there (simply) to eat and drink, in spreading the mats a space of ten cubits should be left between them'. 6. When the host kneels to adjust the mats (of a visitor), the other should kneel and keep hold of them, declining (the honour)?. When the visitor (wishes to) remove one or more, the host should firmly decline to permit him to do so. When the visitor steps on his mats, (the host) takes his seat. 7. If the host have not put some question, the visitor should not begin the conversation.
3. 8. When (a pupil) is about to go to his mat, he should not look discomposed. With his two hands he should hold up his lower garment, so that the bottom of it may be a cubit from the ground. His clothes should not hang loosely about him, nor should there be any hurried movements of his feet. 9. If any writing or tablets of his master, or his lute or cithern be in the way, he should kneel down and remove them, taking care not to disarrange them. 10. When sitting and doing nothing, he should keep quite at the back (of his mat); when eating, quite at the front of its. He should sit quietly and keep
To allow space and freedom for gesticulation. 9 Two or more mats might be placed over each other in honour of the visitor.
* The dishes were placed before the mats.
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SECT. I. PT. III.
KHU LI.
a watch on his countenance. If there be any subject on which the elder has not touched, let him not introduce it irregularly. 11. Let him keep his deportment correct?, and listen respectfully. Let him not appropriate (to himself) the words (of others), nor (repeat them) as (the echo does the) thunder. If he must (adduce proofs), let them be from antiquity, with an appeal to the ancient kings. 12. When sitting by his side, and the teacher puts a question, (the learner) should not reply till (the other) has finished. 13. When requesting (instruction) on the subject of his studies, (the learner) should rise; when requesting further information, he should rise. 14. When his father calls, (a youth) should not (merely) answer 'yes,' nor when his teacher calls. He should, with (a respectful) 'yes,' immediately rise (and go to them). 15. When one is sitting in attendance on another whom he honours and reveres, he should not allow any part of his mat to keep them apart, nor will he rise when he sees others (come in) of the same rank as himself. 16. When the torches come, he should rise; and also when the viands come in, or a visitor of superior ranks. 17. The torches should not (be allowed to burn) till their ends can be seen. 18. Before an honoured visitor we should not shout (even) at
1 Here, and in some other places, we find the second personal pronoun; as if the text were made up from different sources. I have translated, however, as if we had only the third person.
? He should sit on the front of his mat, to be as near the other as possible.
The torches were borne by boys. They were often changed, that the visitors might not be aware how the time was passing.
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76
THE LI KÎ.
a dog. 19. When declining any food, one should not spit.
BK. I.
4. 20. When one is sitting in attendance on another of superior character or rank, and that other yawns or stretches himself, or lays hold of his staff or shoes, or looks towards the sun to see if it be early or late, he should ask to be allowed to leave. 21. In the same position, if the superior man put a question on a new subject, he should rise up in giving his reply. 22. Similarly, if there come some one saying (to the superior man), 'I wish, when you have a little leisure, to report to you,' he should withdraw to the left or right and wait. 23. Do not listen with the head inclined on one side, nor answer with a loud sharp voice, nor look with a dissolute leer, nor keep the body in a slouching position1. 24. Do not saunter about with a haughty gait, nor stand with one foot raised. Do not sit with your knees wide apart, nor sleep on your face. 25. Have your hair gathered up, and do not use any false hair. 26. Let not the cap be laid aside; nor the chest be bared, (even) when one is toiling hard; nor let the lower garment be held up (even) in hot weather.
5. 27. When (going to) sit in attendance on an elder, (a visitor) should not go up to the hall with his shoes on, nor should he presume to take them off in front of the steps. 28. (When any single visitor is leaving), he will go to his shoes, kneel down and take them up, and then move to one side. 29. (When the visitors retire in a body) with their
1 The style and form of 23-26 differ from the preceding. Perhaps they should form a paragraph by themselves.
• Which women were accustomed to do.
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Page #617

SECT. I. PT. III.
KHU LE.
77
faces towards the elder, (they stand) by the shoes, which they then, kneeling, remove (some distance), and, stooping down, put on?
6. 30. When two men are sitting or standing together, do not join them as a third. When two are standing together, another should not pass between them. 31. Male and female should not sit together (in the same apartment), nor have the same stand or rack for their clothes, nor use the same towel or comb, nor let their hands touch in giving and receiving. 32. A sister-in-law and brother-inlaw do not interchange inquiries (about each other). None of the concubines in a house should be employed to wash the lower garment (of a son). 33. Outside affairs should not be talked of inside the threshold (of the women's apartments), nor inside (or women's) affairs outside it. 34. When a young lady is promised in marriage, she wears the strings (hanging down to her neck)3; and unless there be some great occasion, no (male) enters the door of her apartment". 35. When a married aunt, or sister, or daughter returns home (on a visit), no brother (of the family) should sit with her on the same mat or eat with her from the same dish. (Even) the father and daughter should not occupy the same mat. 36.
The host would be seeing the visitors off, and therefore they would keep their faces towards him.
Concubines might be employed to wash clothes; delicacy forbade their washing the lower garments of the sons.
• Those strings were symbolic of the union with and subjection to her husband to which she was now pledged.
• Great sickness or death, or other great calamity, would be such an occasion
This is pushing the rule to an extreme. The sentence is also (but wrongly) understood of father and son.
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THE LÎ ki.
BK. I.
Male and female, without the intervention of the matchmaker, do not know each other's name. Unless the marriage presents have been received, there should be no communication nor affection between them. 37. Hence the day and month (of the marriage) should be announced to the ruler, and to the spirits (of ancestors) with purification and fasting; and (the bridegroom) should make a feast, and invite (his friends) in the district and neighbourhood, and his fellow-officers :-thus giving its due importance to the separate position (of male and female). 38. One must not marry a wife of the same surname with himself. Hence, in buying a concubine, if he do not know her surname, he must consult the tortoise-shell about it? 39. With the son of a widow, unless he be of acknowledged distinction, one should not associate himself as a friend.
7.40. When one congratulates (a friend) on his marrying, his messenger says, 'So and So has sent me. Having heard that you are having guests, he has sent me with this present.'
8. 41. Goods and wealth are not to be expected from the poor in their discharge of the rules of propriety; nor the display of sinews and strength from the old.
9. 42. In giving a name to a son, it should not be that of a state, nor of a day or a month, nor of any hidden ailment, nor of a hill or river?. 43.
1 Not to find out what her surname is, but to determine whether it be the same as that of the gentleman or not.
. Such names were so common, th it if it became necessary to avoid them, as it might be, through the death of the party or on other grounds, it would be difficult and inconvenient to do so.
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Page #619

SECT. I. PT. III.
KHU LI.
79
Sons and daughters should have their (relative) ages distinguished'. 44. A son at twenty is capped, and receives his appellation? 45. Before his father a son should be called by his name, and before his ruler a minister 46. When a daughter is promised in marriage, she assumes the hair-pin, and receives her
appellation.
10. 47. The rules for bringing in the dishes for an entertainment are the following :-The meat cooked on the bones is set on the left, and the sliced meat on the right; the rice is placed on the left of the parties on the mat, and the soup on their right; the minced and roasted meat are put outside (the chops and sliced meat), and the pickles and sauces inside; the onions and steamed onions succeed to these, and the drink and syrups are on the right. When slices of dried and spiced meat are put down, where they are folded is turned to the left, and the ends of them to the right. 48. If a guest be of lower rank (than his entertainer), he should take up the rice“, rise and decline (the honour he is receiving). The host then rises and refuses to allow the guest (to retire). After this the guest will resume his seat. 49. When the host leads on the guests to present an offering (to the father of cookery), they will begin
* As primus, prima; secundus, secunda, &c.
* The appellation was thus the name given (at a family meeting) to a youth who had reached man's estate. Morrison (Dict. i. 627) calls it the name taken by men when they marry. Such a usage testifies to the early marriages in ancient China, as referred to in note 2, p. 65.
• There might be some meaning in the appellation which would seem to place its bearer on the level of his father or his ruler.
•The rice is called the principal article in a feast.' Hence the humbler guest takes it up, as symbolical of all the others.
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THE LÎ xi.
BK. I.
with the dishes which were first brought in. Going on from the meat cooked on the bones they will offer of all (the other dishes)?. 50. After they have eaten three times, the host will lead on the guests to take of the sliced meat, from which they will go on to all the other dishes. 51. A guest should not rinse his mouth with spirits till the host has gone over all the dishes.
11. 52. When (a youth) is in attendance on an elder at a meal, if the host give anything to him with his own hand, he should bow to him and eat it. If he do not so give him anything, he should eat without bowing.
12. 53. When eating with others from the same dishes, one should not try to eat (hastily) to satiety. When eating with them from the same dish of rice, one should not have to wash his hands 2.
13. 54. Do not roll the rice into a ball; do not bolt down the various dishes; do not swill down (the soup). 55. Do not make a noise in eating ; do not crunch the bones with the teeth; do not put back fish you have been eating ; do not throw the bones to the dogs ; do not snatch (at what you want). 56. Do not spread out the rice (to cool); do not use chopsticks in eating millets.
1 This paragraph refers to a practice something like our 'saying grace.' According to Khung Ying-tâ, a little was taken from all the dishes, and placed on the ground about them as an offering to the father of cookery.'
2 As all ate from the same dish of rice without chopsticks or spoons, it was necessary they should try to keep their hands clean. Some say the washing' was only a rubbing of the hands with sand.
• A spoon was the proper implement in eating millet.
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SECT. I. PT. III.
KHU LI.
81
57. Do not (try to) gulp down soup with vegetables in it, nor add condiments to it; do not keep picking the teeth, nor swill down the sauces. If a guest add condiments, the host will apologise for not having had the soup prepared better. If he swill down the sauces, the host will apologise for his poverty58. Meat that is wet (and soft) may be divided with the teeth, but dried flesh cannot be so dealt with. Do not bolt roast meat in large pieces.
14. 59. When they have done eating, the guests will kneel in front (of the mat), and (begin to) remove the dishes) of rice and sauces to give them to the attendants. The host will then rise and decline this service from the guests, who will resume their seats.
15. 60. If a youth is in attendance on, and drinking with, an elder, when the (cup of) spirits is brought to him, he rises, bows, and (goes to) receive it at the place where the spirit-vase is kept. The elder refuses (to allow him to do so), when he returns to the mat, and (is prepared) to drink. The elder (meantime) lifts (his cup); but until he has emptied it, the other does not presume to drink his.
16. 61. When an elder offers a gift, neither a youth, nor one of mean condition, presumes to decline it.
17. 62. When a fruit is given by the ruler and in his presence, if there be a kernel in it, (the receiver) should place it in his bosom?.
1 The sauce should be too strong to be swallowed largely and hurriedly.
Lest he should seem to throw away anything given by the ruler.
[27]
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82
THE LÎ ki.
BK. I.
18. 63. When one is attending the ruler ata meal, and the ruler gives him anything that is left, if it be in a vessel that can be easily scoured, he does not transfer it (to another of his own); but from any other vessel he should so transfer it?
19. 64. Portions of (such) food should not be used as offerings (to the departed). A father should not use them in offering even to a (deceased) son, nor a husband in offering to a (deceased) wife?.
20. 65. When one is attending an elder and (called to) share with him (at a feast), though the viands may be double (what is necessary), he should not (seek) to decline them. If he take his seat (only) as the companion of another (for whom it has been prepared), he should not decline them.
21. 66. If the soup be made with vegetables, chopsticks should be used; but not if there be no vegetables.
22. 67. He who pares a melon for the son of Heaven should divide it into four parts and then into eight, and cover them with a napkin of fine linen. For the ruler of a state, he should divide it into four parts, and cover them with a coarse napkin. To a great officer he should (present the four parts) uncovered. An inferior officer should receive it (simply) with the stalk cut away. A common man will deal with it with his teeth.
1 A vessel of potter's ware or metal can be scoured, and the part which his mouth has touched be cleansed before the ruler uses it again.
· The meaning of this paragraph is not clear.
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Page #623

SECT. I. PT. IV.
KHU LI.
Part IV.
1. 1. When his father or mother is ill, (a young man) who has been capped should not use his comb, nor walk with his elbows stuck out, nor speak on idle topics, nor take his lute or cithern in hand. He should not eat of (different) meats till his taste is changed, nor drink till his looks are changed'. He should not laugh so as to show his teeth, nor be angry till he breaks forth in reviling. When the illness is gone, he may resume his former habits. 2. He who is sad and anxious should sit with his mat
Part IV contains fifty-two paragraphs, which have been arranged in ten chapters, stating the rules to be observed in a variety of cases.
Ch. 1. 1, 2, treats of the ways of a young man who is sorrowful in consequence of the illness or death of a parent. 2. 3-26, treats of the rules in giving and receiving, and of messages connected therewith. The presentations mentioned are all from inferiors to superiors. 3. 27, 28, does not lay down rules, but gives characteristics of the superior man, and the methods by which he preserves his friendships unbroken. 4. 29, 30, refers to the arrangement of the tablets in the ancestral temple, and to the personators of the dead. 5. 31, tells how one fasting should keep himself from being excited. 6. 32-34, sets forth cautions against excess in the demonstrations of mourning. 7. 35, 36, speaks of sorrowing for the dead and condoling with the living. 8. 37, 38, gives counsels of prudence for one under the influence of sympathy and benevolent feeling. 9. 39-48, describes rules in connexion with mourning, burials, and some other occasions. 10. 49-52, describes gradations in ceremonies and in the penal statutes; and how a criminal who has been punished should never be permitted to be near the ruler.
1 Does the rule about eating mean that the anxious son should restrict himself to a single dish of meat?
G2
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spread apart from others; he who is mourning (for a death) should sit on a single mat?.
2. 3. When heavy rains have fallen, one should not present fish or tortoises (to a superior)? 4. He who is presenting a bird should turn its head on one side; if it be a tame bird, this need not be done. 5. He who is presenting a carriage and horses should carry in his hand (to the hall) the whip, and strap for mounting bys 6. He who is presenting a suit of mail should carry the helmet (to the hall). He who is presenting a staff should hold it by its endt 7. He who is presenting a captive should hold him by the right sleeve. 8. He who is presenting grain unhulled should carry with him the left side of the account (of the quantity); if the hull be off, he should carry with him a measure-drumo. 9. He who is presenting cooked food, should carry with him the sauce and pickles for it. 10. He who is presenting fields and tenements should carry with him the writings about them, and give them up (to the superior). 11. In every case of giving a bow to another, if it be bent, the (string of) sínew should be kept upwards; but if unbent, the horn.
i Grief is solitary. A mourner afflicts himself.
? Because the fish in such a case are so numerous as not to be valuable, or because the fish at the time of the rains are not clean. Other reasons for the rule have been assigned.
* The whip and strap, carried up to the hall, represented the carriage and horses, left in the courtyard.
• For convenience; and because the end, going into the mud, was not so honourable.
* So that he could not attempt any violence.
• The account was in duplicate, on the same tablet. The right was held to be the more honourable part. Drum' was the name of the measure.
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SECT. I. PT. IV.
KHU LI.
(The giver) should with his right hand grasp the end of the bow, and keep his left under the middle of the back. The (parties, without regard to their rank as) high and low, (bow to each other) till the napkins (at their girdles) hang down (to the ground). If the host (wish to) bow (still lower), the other moves on one side to avoid the salutation. The host then takes the bow, standing on the left of the other. Putting his hand under that of the visitor, he lays hold of the middle of the back, having his face in the same direction as the other; and thus he receives (the bow). 12. He who is giving a sword should do so with the hilt on his left side 1. 13. He who is giving a spear with one hook should do so with the metal end of the shaft in front, and the sharp edge behind. 14. He who is presenting one with two hooks, or one with a single hook and two sharp points, should do so with the blunt shaft in front. 15. He who is giving a stool or a staff should. (first) wipe it. 16. He who is presenting a horse or a sheep should lead it with his right hand. 17. He who is presenting a dog should lead it with his left hand. 18. He who is carrying a bird (as his present of introduction) should do so with the head to the left? 19. For the ornamental, covering of a lamb or a goose, an embroidered cloth should be used. 20. He who receives a pearl or a piece of jade should do so with both his hands. 21. He who receives a bow or a sword should do so (having his hands covered) with his sleeves S. 22. He who has
1 That the receiver may take it with his right hand.
? Compare paragraph 4. In this case the bird was carried across the body of the donor with its head on his left.
A different case from that in paragraph 11. It is supposed that
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drunk from a cup of jade should not (go on to) shake it out? 23. Whenever friendly messages are about to be sent, with the present of a sword or bow, or of (fruit, flesh, and other things, wrapped in) matting of rushes, with grass mats, and in baskets, round and square, (the messenger) has these things (carried with him, when he goes) to receive his commission, and deports himself as when he will be discharging it?. 24. Whenever one is charged with a mission by his ruler, after he has received from him his orders, and (heard all) he has to say, he should not remain over the night in his house. 25. When a message from the ruler comes (to a minister), the latter should go out and bow (to the bearer), in acknowledgment of the honour of it. When the messenger is about to return, (the other) must bow to him (again), and escort him outside the gate. 26. If (a minister) send a message to his ruler, he must wear his court-robes when he communicates it to the bearer; and on his return, he must descend from the hall, to receive (the ruler's) commands.
3. 27. To acquire extensive information and remember retentively, while (at the same time) he is modest; to do earnestly what is good, and not become weary in so doing :-these are the characteristics of him whom we call the superior man. 28. A superior man does not accept everything by which another would express his joy in him, or his devotion to him3; and thus he preserves their friendly intercourse unbroken.
here the two things were presented together, and received as on a cushion.
Because of the risk to a thing so valuable. ? A rehearsal of what he would have to do. * E. g., it is said, festive entertainments and gifts.
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4. 29. A rule of propriety says, 'A superior man may carry his grandson in his arms, but not his son.'
This tells us that a grandson may be the personator of his deceased grandfather (at sacrifices), but a son cannot be so of his father! 30. When a great officer or (other) officer sees one who is to personate the dead (on his way to the ancestral temple), he should dismount from his carriage to him. The ruler himself, when he recognises him, should do the same? The personator (at the same time) must bow forward to the cross-bar. In mounting the carriage, he must use a stool.
5. 31. One who is fasting in preparation for a sacrifice) should neither listen to music nor condole with mourners
6. 32. According to the rules for the period of mourning (for a father), (a son) should not emaciate himself till the bones appear, nor let his seeing and hearing be affected (by his privations). He should not go up to, nor descend from, the hall by the steps on the east (which his father used), nor go in or out by the path right opposite to the (centre of the) gate. 33. According to the same rules, if he have a scab on his head, he should wash it; if he have a sore on his body, he should bathe it. If he be ill, he should drink spirits, and eat flesh, returning to his former
i The tablets of a father and son should not be in the same line of shrines in the ancestral temple, and the fact in the paragraph-hardly credible—seems to be mentioned as giving a reason for this.
The personator had for the time the dignity of the deceased whom he represented.
* The fasting and vigil extended to seven days, and were intended to prepare for the personating duty. What would distract the mind from this must be eschewed.
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(abstinence) when he is better. If he make himself unable to perform his mourning duties, that is like being unkind and unfilial. 34. If he be fifty, he should not allow himself to be reduced (by his abstinence) very much; and, if he be sixty, not at all. At seventy, he will only wear the unhemmed dress of sackcloth, and will drink and eat flesh, and occupy (the usual apartment) inside (his house).
BK. I.
7. 35. Intercourse with the living (will be continued) in the future; intercourse with the dead (friend) was a thing of the past'. 36. He who knows the living should send (a message of) condolence; and he who knew the dead (a message also of his) grief. He who knows the living, and did not know the dead, will send his condolence without (that expression of) his grief; he who knew the dead, and does not know the living, will send the (expression of) grief, but not go on to condole.
8. 37. He who is condoling with one who has mourning rites in hand, and is not able to assist him with a gift, should put no question about his expenditure. He who is enquiring after another that is ill, and is not able to send (anything to him), should
1 This gives the reasons for the directions in the next paragraph. We condole with the living-to console them; for the dead, we have only to express our grief for our own loss. P. Zottoli's translation is:-'Vivis computatur subsequens dies; mortuo computatur praecedens dies;' and he says in a note:- Vivorum luctus incipit quarta a morte die, et praecedente die seu tertia fit mortui in feretrum depositio; luctus igitur et depositio, die intercipiuntur; haec precedit ille subsequetur.' This is after many critics, from Kăng Khang-khăng downwards; but it does great violence to the text. I have followed the view of the Khien-lung editors.
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not ask what he would like. He who sees (a traveller), and is not able to lodge him, should not ask where he is stopping. 38. He who would confer something on another should not say, 'Come and take it;' he who would give something (to a smaller man), should not ask him what he would like.
9. 39. When one goes to a burying-ground, he should not get up on any of the graves. When assisting at an interment, one should (join in) holding the rope attached to the coffin? 40. In a house of mourning, one should not laugh. 41. In order to bow to another, one should leave his own place. 42. When one sees at a distance a coffin with the corpse in it, he should not sing. When he enters among the mourners, he should not keep his arms stuck out. When eating (with others), he should not sigh. 43. When there are mourning rites in his neighbourhood, one should not accompany his pestle with his voice. When there is a body shrouded and coffined in his village, one should not sing in the lanes. 44. When going to a burying-ground, one should not sing, nor on the same day when he has wailed (with mourners). 45. When accompanying a funeral, one should not take a by-path. When taking part in the act of interment, one should not (try to avoid mud or pools. When presenting himself at any mourning rite, one should have a sad countenance. When holding the rope, one should not laugh. 46. When present on an occasion of joy, one should not sigh. 47. When wearing his coat of
The rope here may also be that, or one of those, attached to the low car on which the coffin was drawn to the grave. Compare paragraph 45.
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mail and helmet, one's counteriance should say,
Who dares meddle with me?' 48. Hence the superior man is careful to maintain the proper expression of his countenance before others.
10. 49. Where the ruler of a state lays hold of the cross-bar, and bends forward to it, a great officer will descend from his carriage. Where a great officer lays hold of the bar and bends forward, another officer will descend. 50. The rules of ceremony do not go down to the common people? 51. The penal statutes do not go up to great officers? 52. Men who have suffered punishment should not be allowed to) be by the side of the ruler 3.
Not that the common people are altogether freed from the rules. But their occupations are engrossing, and their means small. Much cannot be expected from them.
* It may be necessary to punish them, but they should be beyond requiring punishment. The application of it, moreover, will be modified by various considerations. But the regulation is not
good.
3 To preserve the ruler from the contamination of their example, and the risk of their revenge.
Part V.
1. 1. A fighting chariot has no cross-board to assist its occupants in bowing; in a war chariot the
Part V contains forty-eight paragraphs, which may be arranged in ten chapters.
Ch. 1. I-10, relates to carriages, especially to war chariots, and the use of them with their banners and other things in an expedition. 2. 10, gives the rules in avenging the deaths of a father, brother, and friend. 3. 11, shows the responsibility of ministers and officers generally in maintaining the defence and the cultivation
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banner is fully displayed ; in a chariot of peace it is kept folded round the pole. 2. A recorder should carry with him in his carriage his implements for writing; his subordinates the (recorded) words (of former covenants and other documents). 3. When there is water in front, the flag with the green bird? on it should be displayed. 4. When there is (a cloud of) dust in front, that with the screaming kites. 5. For chariots and horsemen, that with wild geese in flights. 6. For a body of troops, that with a tiger's (skin). 7. For a beast of prey, that with a leopard's (skin). 8. On the march the (banner with the) Red Bird should be in front; that with the Dark Warrior behind ; that with the Azure Dragon on the left; and that with the White Tiger on the right; that
of their country. 4. 12-14, relates to sacrifices,--the sacrificers, their robes, the victims, &c. 5. 15-21, gives rules about avoiding the mention of certain names. 6. 22-27, is on the subject of divination, of divining, especially, about the days for contemplated undertakings. 7. 28–33, describes the yoking the horses to a ruler's chariot, his taking his seat, and other points. 8. 34, 35, is about the strap which the driver handed to parties who wished to mount the carriage. 9. 36, gives three prohibitive rules: -about a visitor's carriage; a woman riding in a carriage; and dogs and horses. 10. 37-48, relates various rules about driving out, for the ruler and people generally.
The original character denotes what is now used for 'pencils ;' but the ordinary pencil had not yet been invented.
9 Some kind of water-bird.
: A flock of geese maintains a regular order in flying, and was used to symbolise lines of chariots and horsemen. Khung Ying-tâ observes that chariots were used in the field before cavalry, and that the mention of horsemen here looks like the close of the Kâu dynasty. One of the earliest instances of riding on horseback is in the 3o Kwan under the year B. c. 517.
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with the Pointer of the Northern Bushel should be reared aloft (in the centre of the host) :--all to excite and direct the fury (of the troops)'. 9. There are rules for advancing and retreating; there are the various arrangements on the left and the right, each with its (proper) officer to look after it.
2..10. With the enemy who has slain his father, one should not live under the same heaven. With the enemy who has slain his brother, one should never have his sword to seek (to deal vengeance). With the enemy who has slain his intimate friend, one should not live in the same state (without seeking to slay him).
3. 11. Many ramparts in the country round and near (a capital) are a disgrace to its high ministers and great officers? Where the wide and open country is greatly neglected and uncultivated, it is a disgrace to the officers (in charge of it).
4. 12. When taking part in a sacrifice, one should not show indifference. 13. When sacrificial robes are worn out, they should be burnt: sacrificial vessels in the same condition should be buried, as should the tortoise-shell and divining stalks, and a victim that has died. 14. All who take part with the ruler in a sacrifice must themselves remove the stands (of their offerings).
1.The Red Bird' was the name of the seven constellations of the southern quarter of the Zodiac; "the Dark Warrior' embraced those of the northern; 'the Azure Dragon,' those of the eastern; and the Tiger,' those of the western. These flags would show the direction of the march, and seem to suggest that all heaven was watching the progress of the expedition.
? As showing that they had not been able to keep invaders at a distance.
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5. 15. When the ceremony of wailing is over?, a son should no longer speak of his deceased father by his name. The rules do not require the avoiding of names merely similar in sound to those not to be spoken. When (a parent had) a double name, the avoiding of either term (used singly) is not required. 16. While his parents (are alive), and a son is able to serve them, he should not utter the names of his grandparents; when he can no longer serve his parents (through their death), he need not avoid the names of his grandparents. 17. Names that would not be spoken (in his own family) need not be avoided (by a great officer) before his ruler ; in the great officer's, however, the names proper to be suppressed by the ruler should not be spoken. 18. In (reading) the books of poetry and history, there need be no avoiding of names, nor in writing compositions. 19. In the ancestral temple there is no such avoiding. 20. Even in his presence, a minister need not avoid the names improper to be spoken by the ruler's wife. The names to be avoided by a wife need not be unspoken outside the door of the harem. The names of parties for whom mourning is worn (only) nine months or five months are not avoided? 21. When one is crossing the boundaries (of a state), he should ask what are its prohibitory laws; when he has fairly entered it, he should ask about its customs; before entering the door (of a house), he should ask about the names to be avoided in it.
1 After the burial. Till then they would not allow themselves to think of the departed as dead.
? As, in the first place, for uncles; and in the second, for cousins and grand-uncles.
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6. 22. External undertakings should be commenced on the odd days, and internal on the even'. 23. In all cases of divining about a day, whether by the tortoise-shell or the stalks, if it be beyond the decade, it is said, 'on such and such a distant day,' and if within the decade, 'on such and such a near day. For matters of mourning a distant day is preferred; for festive matters a near day?. 24. It is said, 'For the day we depend on thee, O great Tortoise-shell, which dost give the regular indications; we depend on you, O great Divining Stalks, which give the regular indications.' 25. Divination by the shell or the stalks should not go beyond three times. 26. The shell and the stalks should not be both used on the same subject? 27. Divination by the shell is called pů; by the stalks, shih. The two were the methods by which the ancient sage kings made the people believe in seasons and days, revere spiritual beings, stand in awe of their laws and orders; the methods (also) by which they made them determine their perplexities and settle their misgivings. Hence it is said, If you doubted, and have consulted the stalks, you need not (any longer) think that you will do wrong. If the day (be clearly indicated), boldly do on it (what you desire to do).'
7. 28. When the ruler's carriage is about to have the horses put to it, the driver should stand before
The odd days are called 'strong,' as belonging to the category of yang; the even days weak,' as of the category of yin.
S A distant day' gave a longer period for cherishing the memory of the departed; "a near day' was desired for festive celebrations, because at them the feeling of 'respect' was supposed to predominate.
* To reverse by the one the indication of the other.
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them, whip in hand. 29. When they are yoked, he will inspect the linch pin, and report that the carriage is ready. 30. (Coming out again), he should shake the dust from his clothes, and mount on the right side, taking hold of the second strap? He should (then) kneel in the carriage?. 31. Holding his whip, and taking the reins separately, he will drive the horses on five paces, and then stop. 32. When the ruler comes out and approaches the carriage, the driver should take all the reins in one hand, and (with the other) hand the strap to him. The attendants should then retire out of the way. 33. They should follow quickly as the carriage drives on. When it reaches the great gate, the ruler will lay his hand on that of the driver (that he may drive gently), and, looking round, will order the warrior for the seat on the right to come into the carriages. In passing through the gates (of a city) or village, and crossing the waterchannels, the pace must be reduced to a walk.
8. 34. In all cases it is the rule for the driver to hand the strap (to the person about to mount the carriage). If the driver be of lower rank (than himself) that other receives it. If this be not the case, he should not do so4. 35. If the driver be of the lower rank, the other should (still) lay his own
In a carriage the ruler occupied the seat on the left side; the driver avoided this by mounting on the right side. Each carriage was furnished with two straps to assist in mounting ; but the use of one was confined to the chief occupant.
But only till the ruler had taken his seat. * This spearman occupied the seat on the right; and took his place as they were about to pass out of the palace precincts.
That is, I suppose, he wishes the driver to let go the strap that he may take hold of it himself.
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hand on his (as if to stop him). If this be not the case (and the driver will insist on handing it), the other should take hold of the strap below (the driver's hand).
9. 36. A guest's carriage does not enter the great gate; a woman does not stand up in her carriage; dogs and horses are not taken up to the halli.
10. 37. Hence, the ruler bows forward to his cross-board to an old man of) yellow hair ; he dismounts (and walks on foot) past the places of his high nobles in the audience court). He does not gallop the horses of his carriage in the capital; and should bow forward on entering a village. 38. When called by the ruler's order, though through a man of low rank, a great officer, or (other) officer, must meet him in person. 39. A man in armour does not bow, he makes an obeisance indeed, but it is a restrained obeisance. 40. When the carriage of a deceased ruler is following at his interment, the place on the left should be vacant. When (any of his ministers on other occasions) are riding in (any of) the ruler's carriages, they do not presume to leave the seat on the left vacant, but he who occupies it should bend forward to the cross-board”. 41. A charioteer
The carriage halted outside in testimony of the guest's respect. A man stood up in the carriage; a woman, as weaker, did not do so. For horses, see the rules in Part IV, 5. Dogs were too insignificant to be taken up. ? We do not see the connexion indicated by the 'hence.'
Leaving the palace, he walks past those places to his carriage. Returning, he dismounts before he comes to them.
• The first sentence of this paragraph has in the original only four characters; as P. Zottoli happily renders them in Latin, Fausti currus vacante sinistra;' but they form a complete
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driving a woman should keep his left hand advanced (with the reins in it), and his right hand behind him!. 42. When driving the ruler of a state, (the charioteer) should have his right hand advanced, with the left kept behind and the head bent down. 43. The ruler of a state should not ride in a one-wheeled carriage?. In his carriage one should not cough loudly, nor point with his hand in an irregular way. 44. Standing (in his carriage) one should look (forward only) to the distance of five revolutions of the wheels. Bending forward, he should (do so only till he) sees the tails of the horses. He should not turn his head round beyond the line of the) naves. 45. In the streets of the capital one should touch the horses gently with the brush-end of the switch. He should not urge them to their speed. The dust should not fly beyond the ruts. 46. The ruler of a state should bend towards the cross-board when he meets a sacrificial victim, and dismount (in passing) the ancestral temple. A great officer or (other) officer should descend (when he comes to) the ruler's gate, and bend forward to the ruler's horses 3. 47.
sentence. The left seat was that of the ruler in life, and was now left vacant for his spirit. Khung Ying-tâ calls the carriage in question, the Soul Carriage' (hwăn kü). A ruler had five different styles of carriage, all of which might be used on occasions of state; as in the second sentence.
1 The woman was on the driver's left, and they were thus turned from each other as much as possible.
? Common so long ago as now, but considered as beneath a ruler's dignity. So, Wang Tâo. See also the Khang-hsî dictionary under (ki).
The text says that the ruler should dismount before a victim, and bow before the temple. The verbal characters have been misplaced, as is proved by a passage of the commentary on the [27]
H
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(A minister) riding in one of the ruler's carriages must wear his court robes. He should have the whip in the carriage with him, (but not use it). He should not presume to have the strap handed to him. In his place on the left, he should bow forward to the cross-board. 48. (An officer) walking the ruler's horses should do so in the middle of the road. If he trample on their forage, he should be punished, and also if he look at their teeth, (and go on to calculate their age).
Official Book of Kâu, where one part is quoted. The Khien-lung editors approve of the alteration made in the version above.
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99
SECTION II. Part I.
1. 1. When a thing is carried with both hands, it should be held on a level with the heart; when with one hand, on a level with the girdle. 2. An article belonging to the son of Heaven should be held higher than the heart; one belonging to a ruler of a state, on a level with it ; one belonging to a Great officer, lower than it; and one belonging to an (inferior)
This Part I contains thirty-three paragraphs, which have been arranged in sixteen chapters.
Ch. 1. 1-5, describes the manner of carrying things belonging to superiors, and standing before them. 2. 6, relates to the not calling certain parties by their names. 3. 7, 8, to designations of themselves to be avoided or used by certain other parties. 4. 9, prescribes modesty in answering questions. 5. 10, 11, gives rules about the practice of ceremonies in another state. 6. 12, is a rule for an orphan son. 7. 13, 14, is for a son in mourning for his father, and other points. 8. 15-17, describes certain offences to be punished, and things to be avoided in the palace; and in private. 9. 18, shows us a superior man in building, preparing for sacrifice, and cognate matters; 10. 19-21, a great or other officer, leaving his own state to go to another, and in that other; 11. 22, 23, officers in interviews with one another and with rulers. 12. 24-26, gives the rules for the spring hunting; for bad years; and for the personal ornaments of a ruler, and the music of officers. 13. 27, is about the reply of an officer to a question of his ruler; 14. 28, about a great officer leaving his state on his own business. 15. 29, tells how parties entreat a ruler, and others, not to abandon the state. 16. 30–33, gives rules relating to the king : his appellations, designations of himself, &c.
H 2
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officer should be carried lower still. 3. When one is holding an article belonging to his lord, though it may be light, he should seem unable to sustain it. In the case of a piece of silk, or a rank-symbol of jade, square or round, he should keep his left hand over it. He should not lift his feet in walking, but trail his heels like the wheels of a carriage. 4. (A minister) should stand (with his back) curved in the manner of a sounding-stone', and his girdle-pendants hanging down. Where his lord has his pen. dants hanging at his side, his should be hanging down in front; where his lord has them hanging in front, his should descend to the ground. 5. When one is holding any symbol of jade (to present it), if it be on a mat, he leaves it so exposed ; if there be no mat, he covers it with (the sleeve of) his outer robe?
2. 6. The ruler of a state should not call by their names his highest ministers, nor the two noble ladies of her. surname, who accompanied his wife to the harem. A Great officer should not call in that way an officer who had been employed by his father, nor
1 The sounding-stone which the writer had in mind could not have been so curved as it is ordinarily represented to be in pictures, or the minister must have carried himself as Scott in his. Fortunes of Nigel,' ch. 10, describes Andrew the Scrivener.
· P. Zottoli translates this paragraph by:- Deferens gemmas, si eae habent sustentaculum, tunc apertam indues diploidem; si non habent sustentaculum, tunc clausam.' The text is not easily construed; and the commentaries, very diffuse, are yet not clear.
. When a feudal prince married, two other states, of the same surname as the bride, sent each a daughter of their ruling house to accompany her to the new harem. These are the noble ladies' intended here.
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the niece and younger sister of his wife (members of his harem)” (Another) officer should not call by name the steward of his family, nor his principal concubine.
3. 7. The son of a Great officer (of the king, himself equal to) a ruler, should not presume to speak of himself as 'I, the little son?' The son of a Great officer or (other) officer (of a state) should not presume to speak of himself as 'I, the inheriting son, so-and-so*.' They should not so presume to speak of themselves as their heir-sons do. 8. When his ruler wishes an officer to take a place at an archery (meeting), and he is unable to do so, he should decline on the ground of being ill, and say, 'I, soand-so, am suffering from carrying firewood.'
4. 9. When one, in attendance on a superior man, replies to a question without looking round to see (if any other be going to answer), this is contrary to rule.
5. 10. A superior man?, in his practice of cere
The bride (what we may call the three brides in the preceding note) was accompanied by a niece and a younger sister to the harem.
• This would be the younger sister of the wife, called in the text the oldest concubine.' * So the young king styled himself during mourning.
• The proper style for the orphan son of such officer was, ' I, the sorrowing son.'
• Mencius on one occasion (I. ii. 2. 1) thus excused himself for not going to court. The son of a peasant or poor person might speak so; others, of higher position, adopted the style in mock humility.
• The action of 3ze-la in Analects 9, 5. 4, is referred to as an instance in point of this violation of rule.
? The superior man' here must be an officer, probably the
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monies (in another state), should not seek to change his (old) customs. His ceremonies in sacrifice, his dress during the period of mourning, and his positions in the wailing and weeping, will all be according to the fashions of his former (state). He will carefully study its rules, and carry them exactly into practice. 11. (But) if he (or his descendants) have been away from the state for three generations, and if his dignity and emoluments be (still) reckoned to him (or his representative) at the court, and his outgoings and incomings are announced to the state, and if his brothers or cousins and other members of his house be still there, he should (continue to) send back word about himself to the representative of his ancestor. (Even) after the three generations, if his dignity and emoluments be not reckoned to him in the court, and his outgoings and incomings are (no longer) announced in the state, it is only on the day of his elevation (to official rank) that he should follow the ways of his new state.
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6. 12. A superior man, when left an orphan, will not change his name. Nor will he in such a case, if he suddenly become noble, frame an honorary title for his father1.
7. 13. When occupied with the duties of mourning, and before the interment of (a parent), (a son) should study the ceremonies of mourning; and after
head of a clan or family. Does not the spirit of this chapter still appear in the unwillingness of emigrants from China to forget their country's ways, and learn those of other countries?
1 The honorary title properly belonged to men of position, and was intended as a condensed expression of their character and deeds. A son in the position described would be in danger of styling his father from his own new standpoint.
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the interment, those of sacrifice. When the mourning is over, let him resume his usual ways, and study the pieces of music. 14. When occupied with the duties of mourning, one should not speak of music. When sacrificing, one should not speak of what is inauspicious. In the ruler's court, parties should not speak of wives and daughters.
8. 15. For one to have to dust his (collection of) written tablets, or adjust them before the ruler, is a punishable offence; and so also is it to have the divining stalks turned upside down or the tortoiseshell turned on one side, before him? 16. One should not enter the ruler's gate, (carrying with him) a tortoise-shell or divining stalks, a stool or a staff, mats or (sun-)shades, or having his upper and lower garments both of white or in a single robe of fine or coarse hempen cloth. Nor should he do so in rush sandals, or with the skirts of his lower garment tucked in at his waist, or in the cap worn in the shorter periods of mourning. Nor, unless announcement of it has been made (and permission given), can one take in the square tablets with the written (lists of articles for a funeral), or the frayed sackcloth, or the coffin and its furniture? 17. Public affairs should not be privately discussed.
9. 18. When a superior man, (high in rank), is about to engage in building, the ancestral temple should
1 These things indicated a want of due preparation and care.
. All these things were, for various reasons, considered inauspicious.
* A death had in this case occurred in the palace, and the things mentioned were all necessary to prepare for the interment; but still they could not be taken in without permission asked and granted.
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have his first attention, the stables and arsenal the next, and the residences the last. In all preparations of things by (the head of) a clan, the vessels of sacrifice should have the first place; the victims supplied from his revenue, the next; and the vessels for use at meals, the last. Those who have no revenue from lands do not provide vessels for sacrifice. Those who have such revenue first prepare their sacrificial dresses. A superior man, though poor, will not sell his vessels of sacrifice; though suffering from cold, he will not wear his sacrificial robes ; in building a house, he will not cut down the trees on his grave-mounds.
10. 19. A Great or other officer, leaving his state', should not take his vessels of sacrifice with him across the boundary. The former will leave his vessels for the time with another Great officer, and the latter his with another officer. 20. A Great or other officer, leaving his state?, on crossing the boundary, should prepare a place for an altar, and wail there, looking in the direction of the state. He should wear his upper garment and lower, and his cap, all of white; remove his (ornamental) collar, wear shoes of untanned leather, have a covering of white (dog's-fur) for his cross-board, and leave his horses' manes undressed. He should not trim his nails or beard, nor make an offering at his (spare) meals. He should not say to any one that he is not chargeable with guilt, nor have any of his women approach him. After three months he will return to his usual dress. 21. When a Great or other officer has an interview with the ruler of the state (to whom he has been sent),
And expecting to return.
This is in case of exile.
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if the ruler be condoling with him on the toils of his journey, he should withdraw on one side to avoid (the honour), and then bow twice with his head to the ground. If the ruler meet him (outside the gate) and bow to him, he should withdraw on one side to avoid (the honour), and not presume to return the bow.
11. 22. When Great or other officers are having interviews with one another, though they may not be equal in rank, if the host reverence (the greater worth of) the guest, he should first bow to him; and if the guest reverence the greater worth of the) host, he should first bow. 23. In all cases but visits of condolence on occasion of a death, and seeing the ruler of one's state, the parties should be sure to return the bow, each of the other. When a Great officer has an interview with the ruler of (another) state, the ruler should bow in acknowledgment of the honour (of the message he brings); when an officer has an interview with a Great officer (of that state), the latter should bow to him in the same way. When two meet for the first time in their own state, (on the return of one from some mission), the other, as host, should bow in acknowledgment (of the service). A ruler does not bow to a (simple) officer; but if it be one of a different state, he should bow to his bow. A Great officer should return the bow of any one of his officers, however mean may be his rank. Males and females do (? not) bow to one another
1 The text says that they do bow to one another ; but it is evident that King Khang-Khăng understood it as saying the very opposite. LQ Teh-ming had seen a copy which had the character for not.'
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12. 24. The ruler of a state, in the spring hunting, will not surround a marshy thicket, nor will Great officers try to surprise a whole herd, nor will (other) officers take young animals or eggs. 25. In bad years, when the grain of the season is not coming to maturity, the ruler at his meals will not make the (usual) offering of the lungs', nor will his horses be fed on grain. His special road will not be kept clean and swept?, nor even at sacrifices will his musical instruments be suspended on their stands. Great officers will not eat the large grained millet; and (other) officers will not have music (even) at their drinkings. 26. Without some (sad) cause, a ruler will not let the gems (pendent from his girdle) leave his person, nor a Great officer remove his music-stand, nor an (inferior) officer his lutes.
13. 27. When an officer presents anything to the ruler of his state, and another day the ruler asks him, 'Where did you get that?' he will bow twice with his head to the ground, and afterwards replys.
14. 28. When a Great officer wishes to go beyond the boundaries (of the state) on private business, he must ask leave, and on his return must present some offering. An (inferior) officer in similar cir
The offering here intended was to the father of cookery ;' see the first note on p. 80. Such offering, under the Kâu dynasty, was of the lungs of the animal which formed the principal dish. It was not now offered, because it was not now on the ground, even the ruler not indulging himself in such a time of scarcity.
? The road was left uncared for that vegetables might be grown on it, available to the poor at such a time.
8. The offering must have been rare and valuable. The officer had turned aside at the time of presenting it to avoid any compliment from his ruler.
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cumstances, must (also) ask leave, and when he comes back, must announce his return. If the ruler condole with them on their toils, they should bow. If he ask about their journey, they should bow, and afterwards reply.
SECT. II. PT. I.
15. 29. When the ruler of a state (is proposing to) leave it, they should (try to) stop him, saying, 'Why are you leaving the altars of the spirits of the land and grain?' (In the similar case of) a Great officer, they should say, 'Why are you leaving your ancestral temple?' In that of an (inferior) officer, they should say, 'Why are you leaving the graves (of your ancestors)?' A ruler should die for his altars; a Great officer, with the host (he commands); an inferior officer, for his charge.
16. 30. As ruling over all, under the sky, (the king) is called 'The son of Heaven'.' As receiving at court the feudal princes, assigning (to all) their different offices, giving out (the laws and ordinances of) the government, and employing the services of the able, he styles himself, 'I, the one man'.' 31. When he ascends by the eastern steps, and presides at a sacrifice, if it be personal to himself and his family, his style is, 'I, so-and-so, the filial king;' if it be external to himself, 'I, so-and-so, the inheriting king.' When he visits the feudal princes, and sends to make announcement (of his
1 Meaning, 'Heaven-sonned; constituted by Heaven its son, its firstborn.'
An expression of humility as used by himself, 'I, who am but
a man;' as used of him, ' He who is the one man.'
In the ancestral temple.
At the great sacrifices to Heaven and Earth. On his tours of inspection.
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presence) to the spirits (of their hills and streams), it is said, 'Here is he, so-and-so, who is king by (the grace of) Heaven.' 32. His death is announced in the words, 'The king by (the grace of) Heaven has fallen?' In calling back (his spirit), they say, 'Return, O son of Heaven?' When announcement is made (to all the states) of the mourning for him, it is said, “The king by (the grace of) Heaven has gone far on high. When his place is given to him in the ancestral temple, and his spirit-tablet is set up, he is styled on it, the god'.' 33. The son of Heaven, while he has not left off his mourning, calls himself, I, the little child.' While alive, he is so styled ; and if he die (during that time), he continues to be so designated.
A great landslip from a mountain is called pång, which I have rendered has fallen.' Like such a disaster was the death of the king.
? This ancient practice of calling the dead back is still preserved in China; and by the people generally. There are many references to it in subsequent Books.
3 The body and animal soul went downward, and were in the grave; the intelligent soul (called the soul and spirit,''the essential breath') went far on high. Such is the philosophical account of death; more natural is the simple style of the text.
The spirit-tablet was a rectangular piece of wood, in the case of a king, a cubit and two inches long, supposed to be a restingplace for the spirit at the religious services in the temple. Kăng says that the deceased king was now treated as a heavenly spirit,'—he was now deified. P. Zottoli translates the character here-Ti-by imperator; but there was in those times no 'emperor' in China.
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Part II. 1. 1. The son of Heaven has his queen, his helpmates, his women of family, and his ladies of honour. (These) constituted his wife and concubines?
2. 2. The son of Heaven appoints the officers of Heaven's institution, the precedence among them belonging to the six grandees:-the Grand-governor; the Grand-minister of the ancestral temple; the Grand-historiographer; the Grand-minister of prayers; the Grand-minister of justice; and the Grand-diviner. These are the guardians and superintendents of the six departments of the statutes. 3. The five (administrative) officers of the son of Heaven are:the minister of instruction; the minister of war; the
Part II consists of twenty-one paragraphs, which are distributed in eight chapters.
Ch. 1. 1, describes the members of the royal harem. 2. 2-6, relates to the various ministers and officers appointed by the king, with their departments and duties. 3. 7-10, gives the names and titles, applied to, and used by, the chiefs of regions, provinces, and of the barbarous tribes. 4. 11-16, is about audiences, meetings, and covenants, and the designations of the princes and others in various circumstances. 5. 17, is about the demeanour of the king and others. 6. 18, 19, is about the inmates of the harems, and how they designated themselves. 7. 20, is about the practice of sons or daughters, and various officers, in designating themselves. 8. 21, is about certain things that should not be said of the king, of princes, and of superior men.
See the very different translation of this paragraph by P. Zottoli in his Cursus, üi. p. 653. It is confessed out of place here, should belong to paragraph 18, and is otherwise incomplete.
So described, as Powers that be ordained' by the will of Heaven, equally with the king, though under him these grandees are not all in the Kâu Kwan.
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minister of works; the minister of offices; and the minister of crime. These preside over the multitude in (each of) their five charges. 4. The six treasuries of the son of Heaven are under the charge of the superintendent of the land; the superintendent of the woods; the superintendent of the waters ; the superintendent of the grass; the superintendent of articles of employment; and the superintendent of wares. These preside over the six departments of their charges. 5. The six manufactures of the son of Heaven are under the care of the superintendents of) the workers in earth; the workers in metal; the workers in stone; the workers in wood; the workers in (the skins of) animals; and the workers in twigs. These preside over the six departments of stores. 6. When the five officers give in their contributions, they are said to present their offerings?.'
3. 7. Chief among the five officers are the presidents?, to whom belong the oversight of quarters (of the kingdom). In any message from them transmitted to the son of Heaven, they are styled ministers of the son of Heaven. If they are of the same surname as he, he styles them 'paternal uncles;' if of a different surname, 'maternal uncles.' To the feudal princes, they designate themselves, the ancients of the son of Heaven.' Outside (their own states), they are styled 'duke;' in their states, 'ruler. 8. The head prince in each
1 Who are the five officers here? Those of paragraph 37 or the feudal dukes, marquises, earls, counts, and barons ? Both views have their advocates. The next paragraph favours the second view.
Such presidents were the dukes of Kâu and Shâo, at the commencement of the Kâu dynasty.
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of the nine provinces, on entering the state of the son of Heaven, is styled 'pastor.' If he be of the same surname as himself, the son of Heaven calls him 'my paternal uncle;' if he be of a different surname, 'my maternal uncle.' Outside (his own state) he is called 'marquis;' in it, 'ruler. 9. The (chiefs) among the wild tribes of) the I on the east, the Ti on the north, the Zung on the west, and the Man on the south, however great (their territories), are called 'counts.' In his own territories each one calls himself, 'the unworthy one;' outside them, the king's ancient.' 10. Any of the princelets of their various tracts', on entering the state of the son of Heaven, is styled, 'Such and such a person.' Outside it he is called 'count,' and calls himself 'the solitary
4. 11. When the son of Heaven stands with his back to the screen with axe-head figures on it, and the princes present themselves before him with their faces to the north, this is called kin (the autumnal audience). When he stands at the (usual) point (of reception) between the door and the screen, and the dukes have their faces towards the east, and the feudal princes theirs towards the west, this is called Khảo (the spring audience)? 12. When feudal princes see one another at a place and time not agreed on beforehand, the interview is called 'a meeting. When they do so in some open place agreed on beforehand, it is called 'an assembly.'
* It is held, and I think correctly, that these princelets were the chiefs of the wild tribes.
• There were other audiences called by different names at the other two seasons.
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When one prince sends a great officer to ask about another, it is called 'a message of friendly inquiry.' When there is a binding to mutual faith, it is called a solemn declaration.' When they use a victim, it is called 'a covenant.' 13. When a feudal prince is about to be introduced to the son of Heaven, he is announced as 'your subject soand-so, prince of such-and-such a state.' He speaks of himself to the people as 'the man of little virtue.' 14. If he be in mourning (for his father), he is styled 'the rightful eldest son, an orphan;' if he be taking part at a sacrifice in his ancestral temple, 'the filial son, the prince of suchand-such a state, the prince so-and-so.' If it be another sacrifice elsewhere, the style is, 'so-and-so, prince of such-and-such a state, the distant descendant.' 15. His death is described by the character hung (disappeared). In calling back (his spirit), they say, 'Return, sir so-and-so.' When he has been interred and (his son) is presented to the son of Heaven, the interview, (though special), is said to be 'of the same kind as the usual interviews.' The honorary title given to him is (also) said to be 'after the usual fashion.' 16. When one prince sends a message to another, the messenger speaks of himself as 'the ancient of my poor ruler.'
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5. 17. The demeanour of the son of Heaven should be characterised by majesty; of the princes, by gravity; of the Great officers, by a regulated composure; of (inferior) officers, by an easy alertness; and of the common people, by simplicity and humility.
6. 18. The partner of the son of Heaven is called
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the queen;' of a feudal prince, 'the helpmate ;' of a Great officer, 'the attendant;' of an (inferior) officer, 'the serving woman;' and of a common man, 'the mate?' 19. A duke and (one of) the feudal princes had their helpmate, and their honourable women, (which) were their mates and concubines. The helpmate called herself, before the son of Heaven, 'the aged servant;' and before the prince (of another state), ‘the small and unworthy ruler.' To her own ruler she called herself 'the small maid.' From the honourable women downwards, (each member of the harem) called herself 'your handmaid.'
7. 20. To their parents, sons and daughters called themselves by their names. A Great officer of any of the states, entering the state of the son of Heaven, was called 'the officer of such-and-such (a state),' and styled himself 'your subsidiary minister.' Outside (his own state), he was called 'sir;' and in that state, the ancient of our poor ruler.' A messenger (to any state) called himself 'so-and-so.'
8. 21. The son of Heaven should not be spoken of as 'going out (of his state)?' A feudal prince should not be called by his name, while alive. (When either of these things is done), it is because the superior man' will not show regard for wickedness. A prince who loses his territory is named, and also one who extinguishes (another state ruled by) lords of the same surname as himself.
1 Here should come in paragraph 1.
• All the states are his. Wherever he may flee, he is still in what is his own land.
* This 'superior man' would be an upright and impartial historiographer, superior to the conventions of his order.
[27]
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PART III.
1. 1. According to the rules of propriety for a minister, he should not remonstrate with his ruler openly. If he have thrice remonstrated and is still not listened to, he should leave (his service). In the service of his parents by a son, if he have thrice remonstrated and is still not listened to, he should follow (his remonstrance) with loud crying and tears. 2. When a ruler is ill, and has to drink medicine, the minister first tastes it. The same is the rule for a son and an ailing parent. The physic of a doctor, in whose family medicine has not been practised for three generations at least, should not be taken.
2. 3. In comparing (different) men, we can only do so when their (circumstances and conditions) are of the same class.
Part III contains twenty paragraphs, which may be comprised in eleven chapters.
Ch. 1. 1, 2, contains the rules for a minister and a son in remonstrating with a ruler or parent; and also in seeing about their medicine when ill. 2. 3, gives the rule in making comparisons. 3. 4, 5, gives the rules to be observed in asking about the age and wealth of different parties from the king downwards. 4. 6-10, is about sacrifices: those of different parties, the sacrificial names of different victims, &c. 5. 11, 12, gives the terms in which the deaths of different men, and of animals, are described. 13, 14, gives the names of near relatives, when they are sacrificed to, and when they are alive. 7. 15, tells how different parties should look at others. 8. 16, 17, is about executing a ruler's orders, and things to be avoided in the conduct of business. 9. 18, is about great entertainments. 10. 19, is about presents of introduction. 11. 20, contains the language used in sending daughters to different harems.
6.
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3. 4. When one asks about the years of the son of Heaven, the reply should be—'I have heard that he has begun to wear a robe so many feet long?' To a similar question about the ruler of a state, the reply should be— He is able to attend to the services in the ancestral temple, and at the altars of the spirits of the land and grain,' if he be grown up; and, if he be still young, 'He is not yet able to attend to the services in the ancestral temple, and at the altars of the spirits of the land and grain.' To a question about the son of a Great officer, the reply, if he be grown up, should be' He is able to drive;' and, if he be still young, 'He is not yet able to drive.' To a question about the son of an (ordinary) officer, the reply, if he be grown up, should be—'He can manage the conveying of a salutation or a message;' and, if he be still young, 'He cannot yet manage such a thing.' To a question about the son of a common man, the reply, if he be grown up, should be— He is able to carry (a bundle of) firewood;' and, if he be still young, 'He is not yet able to carry (such a bundle). 5. When one asks about the wealth of the ruler of a state, the reply should be given by telling the extent of his territory, and the productions of its hills and lakes. To a similar question about a Great officer, it should be said, 'He has the lands allotted to him, and is supported by the labour (of his people). He needs not to borrow the vessels or dresses for his sacrificial occasions. To the
1 This would seem to imply that the king was still young.
I 2
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same question about an (ordinary) officer, the reply should be by giving the number of his carriages; and to one about a common man, by telling the number of the animals that he keeps.
4. 6. The son of Heaven sacrifices (or presents oblations) to Heaven and Earth'; to the (spirits presiding over the) four quarters; to (the spirits of) the hills and rivers; and offers the five sacrifices of the house,-all in the course of the year. The feudal princes present oblations, each to (the spirit presiding over) his own quarter; to (the spirits of) its hills and rivers; and offer the five sacrifices of the house,-all in the course of the year. Great officers present the oblations of the five sacrifices of the house, -all in the course of the year. (Other) officers present oblations to their ancestors. 7. There should be no presuming to resume any sacrifice which has been abolished (by proper authority)', nor to abolish any which has been so established. A sacrifice which it is not proper to offer, and which yet is offered, is called a licentious · sacrifice. A licentious sacrifice brings no blessing. 8. The son of Heaven uses an ox of one colour, pure and unmixed; a feudal prince, a fatted ox; a Great officer, an ox selected for the occasion; an (ordinary) officer, a sheep or a pig. 9. The son of an inferior
1 There were various sacrifices to Heaven and also to Earth. The great ones were—that to Heaven at the winter solstice, and that to Earth at the summer solstice. But all the sacrifices to Heaven and Earth were confined to the king.
The king offered all the sacrifices in this paragraph. The other parties only those here assigned to them, and the sacrifices allowed to others of inferior rank. The five sacrifices of the house will come before the reader in Book IV and elsewhere.
3 The proper authority' would be the statutes of each dynasty.
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member of the harem cannot offer the sacrifice (to his grandfather or father); if (for some reason) he have to do so, he must report it to the honoured son, (the head of the family). 10. According to the rules for all sacrifices in the ancestral temple, the ox is called 'the creature with the large foot;' the pig, 'the hard bristles;' a sucking-pig, 'the fatling;' a sheep, 'the soft hair;' a cock, 'the loud voice;' a dog, 'the soup offering;'. a pheasant, 'the wide toes;' a hare, 'the clear seer;' the stalks of dried flesh, the exactly cut oblations;' dried fish, the well-considered oblation;' fresh fish, 'the straight oblation.' Water is called 'the pure cleanser;' spirits, 'the clear cup;' millet, 'the fragrant mass;' the large-grained millet, 'the fragrant (grain);' the sacrificial millet, 'the bright grain ;' paddy, 'the admirable vegetable;' scallions, the rich roots;' salt, “the saline, briny substance;' jade, 'the admirable jade;' and silks, 'the exact silks.'
5.11. The death of the son of Heaven is expressed by pång (has fallen); of a feudal prince, by hung (has crashed); of a Great officer, by gà (has ended); of an (ordinary) officer, by pa 1a (is now unsalaried); and of a common man, by sze (has deceased). (The corpse) on the couch is called shih (the laid-out); when it is put into the coffin, that is called kid (being in the long home). 12. (The death of) a winged fowl is expressed by hsiang (has fallen down); that of a quadruped, by zhze (is disorganised). Death from an enemy in fight is called ping (is slain by the sword).
6. 13. In sacrificing to them, a grandfather is
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called 'the sovereign grandfather;' a grandmother, 'the sovereign grandmother;' a father, 'the sovereign father;' a mother, 'the sovereign mother;' a husband, the sovereign pattern. 14. While (they are) alive, the names of father (fa), mother (ma), and wife (khi) are used; when they are dead, those of the completed one (khâo),' the corresponding one (pt),' and 'the honoured one (pin).' Death in old age is called 'a finished course (34);' an early death, ‘being unsalaried (pù la).'
7.15. The son of Heaven does not look at a person above his collar or below his girdle; the ruler of a state looks at him a little lower (than the collar); a Great officer, on a line with his heart; and an ordinary officer, not from beyond a distance of five paces. In all cases looks directed above to the face denote pride, and below the girdle grief; directed askance, they denote villainy.
8. 16. When the ruler orders (any special business) from a Great officer or (other) officer, he should assiduously discharge it; in their offices speaking (only) of the official business ; in the treasury, of treasury business; in the arsenals, of arsenal business; and in the court, of court business. 17. At court there should be no speaking about dogs and horses. When the audience is over, and one looks about him, if he be not attracted by some strange thing, he must have strange thoughts in his mind. When one keeps looking about him after the business of the court is over, a superior man will pronounce him uncultivated. At court the conversation should be according to the rules of propriety;
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every question should be so proposed, and every answer so returned.
9. 18. For great entertainments: there should be no consulting the tortoise-shell, and no great display of wealth.
10. 19. By way of presents of introduction, the son of Heaven uses spirits of black millet; feudal princes, their symbols of jade; a high minister, a lamb; a Great officer, a goose; an (ordinary) officer, a pheasant; a common man, a duck. Lads should bring their article, and withdraw. In the open country, in the army, they do not use such presents ;-a tassel from a horse's breast, an archer's armlet, or an arrow may serve the purpose. For such presents women use the fruits of the hovenia dulcis, or of the hazel tree, strings of dried meat, jujube dates, and chestnuts.
11. 20. In presenting a daughter for (the harem of) the son of Heaven it is said, 'This is to complete the providers of sons for you;' for that of the ruler of a state, 'This is to complete the providers of your spirits and sauces;' for that of a Great officer, 'This is to complete the number of those who sprinkle and sweep for you.'
1 Instead of for great entertainments,' P. Zottoli has 'summo sacrificio;' but the Khien-lung editors decide in favour of the meaning which I have followed.
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SECTION I. Part I.
1. At the mourning rites for Kung-1 Kung-gze, Than Kung (was there), wearing the mourning cincture for the head. Kung-gze had passed over his grandson, and appointed one of his (younger) sons as his successor (and head of the family). Than Kung said (to himself), “How is this? I never heard of such a thing ;' and he hurried to 3ze-fd Po-zze at the right of the door, and said, • How is it that Kung-sze passed over his grandson, and made a (younger) son his successor ?' Po-zze replied, 'Kung-gze perhaps has done in this, like others, according to the way of antiquity. Anciently, king Wăn passed over his eldest son
Yi-khâo, and appointed king Wa; and the count • of Wei passed over his grandson Tun, and made
Yen, his (own) younger brother, his successor. Kung-zze perhaps did also in this according to the way of antiquity.' 3ze-yd asked Confucius (about the matter), and he said, “Nay, (the rule is to) appoint the grandson?.'
On the name and divisions of this Book, see the Introduction, pp. 17, 18.
1 Important as showing the rule of succession to position and property. We must suppose that the younger son, who had been made the head of the family, was by a different mother, and one whose position was inferior to that of the son, the proper heir who was dead. Of course the succession should have descended
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2. In serving his father, (a son) should conceal (his faults), and not openly or strongly remonstrate with him about them; should in every possible way wait on and nourish him, without being tied to definite rules; should serve him laboriously till his death, and then complete the mourning for him for three years. In serving his ruler, (a minister) should remonstrate with him openly and strongly (about his faults), and make no concealment (of them); should in every possible way wait on and nourish him, but according to definite rules; should serve him laboriously till his death, and should then wear mourning for him according to rule for three years. In serving his master, (a learner) should have nothing to do with openly reproving him or with concealing (his faults); should in every possible way wait upon and serve him, without being tied to definite rules; should serve him laboriously till his death, and mourn for him in heart for three years?
3. Ki Wa-zze had built a house, at the bottom of the western steps of which was the grave of the Ta family. (The head of that) asked leave to bury (some member of his house) in it, and leave was granted to him to do so. (Accordingly) he entered the house (with the coffin), but did not dare to wail (in the usual fashion). Wa-gze said to him, 'To bury in the same grave was not the way of antiquity. It was begun by the duke of Kâu, and has not been
in the line of the rightful heir. Po-zze evaded the point of Than Kung's question; but Confucius did not hesitate to speak out the truth. On other matters which the paragraph might suggest we need not enter.
i On differences in the services rendered to a parent, a ruler, and a master or instructor.
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changed since. I have granted you the great thing, and why should I not grant the less ?' (With this) he ordered him to wail 1.
4. When zze-shang's mother died, and he did not perform any mourning rites for her, the disciples of (his father) 3ze-sze asked him, saying, “ Did your predecessor, the superior man, observe mourning for his divorced mother?' 'Yes,' was the reply. (And the disciples went on), Why do you not make Pâi also observe the mourning rites (for his mother)?' Zze-sze said, "My progenitor, a superior man, never failed in pursuing the right path. When a generous course was possible, he took it and behaved generously; and when it was proper to restrain his generosity, he restrained it. But how can I attain to that? While she was my wife, she was Pâi's mother; but when she ceased to be my wife, she was no longer his mother.' It was in this way that the Khung family came not to observe mourning for a divorced mother; the practice began from Zze-sze?.
5. Confucius said, 'When the mourner) bows to (the visitor), and then lays his forehead to the ground,
This Wa-zze was a great-grandson of Kî Ya, the third son (by an inferior wife) of duke K'wang of LQ (B.C. 693-662), and the ancestor of the Ki-sun, one of the three famous families of LQ. It would appear that he had appropriated to himself the buryingground of the Ta family.
* 3ze-shang, by name, Pâi, was the son of 3ze-sze, and greatgrandson of Confucius. What is related here is important as bearing on the question whether Confucius divorced his wife or not. If I am correct in translating the original text by your predecessor, the superior man,' in the singular and not in the plural, and supposing that it refers to Confucius, the paragraph has been erroneously supposed to favour the view that he did divorce his wife,
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this shows the predominance of courtesy. When he lays his forehead to the ground, and then bows (to his visitor), this shows the extreme degree of his sorrow. In the three years' mourning, I follow the extreme (demonstration)".'
6. When Confucius had succeeded in burying (his mother) in the same grave (with his father) at Fang, he said, 'I have heard that the ancients made graves (only), and raised no mound over them. But I am a man, who will be (travelling) east, west, south, and north. I cannot do without something by which I can remember (the place).' On this, he (resolved to) raise a mound (over the grave) four feet high. He then first returned, leaving the disciples behind. A great rain came on; and when they rejoined him, he asked them what had made them so late. “The earth slipped,' they said, “from the grave at Fang.' They told him this thrice without his giving them any answer. He then wept freely, and said, 'I have heard that the ancients did not need to repair their graves.'
7. Confucius was wailing for Zze-ld in his courtyard. When any came to condole with him, he bowed to them. When the wailing was over, he made the messenger come in, and asked him all about (zze-la's death). They have made him into pickle,' said the
* In the former case the mourner first thought of his visitor; in the latter, of his dead and his own loss. The bow was made with the hands clasped, and held very low, the head being bowed down to them. They were then opened, and placed forward on the ground, on each side of the body, while the head was stretched forward between them, and the forehead made to touch the ground. In the second case the process was reversed.
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THE LI KÎ.
messenger; and forthwith Confucius ordered the pickle (in the house) to be thrown away1.
BK. II.
8. 3ăng-ze said, 'When the grass is old2 on the grave of a friend, we no (longer) wail for him.'
9. 3ze-sze said, 'On the third day of mourning, when the body is put into the coffin, (a son) should exercise sincerity and good faith in regard to everything that is placed with it, so that there shall be no occasion for repentance3. In the third month when the body is interred, he should do the same in regard to everything that is placed with the coffin in the grave, and for the same reason. Three years are considered as the extreme limit of mourning; but though (his parents) are out of sight, a son does not forget them. Hence a superior man will have a lifelong grief, but not one morning's trouble (from without); and thus on the anniversary of a parent's death, he does not listen to music.'
10. Confucius, being quite young when he was left fatherless, did not know (his father's) grave. (Afterwards) he had (his mother's) body coffined in the street of Wû-fù. Those who saw it all thought that it was to be interred there, so carefully was (everything done), but it was (only) the coffining. By inquiring of the mother of Man-fû of 3âu, he succeeded
13ze-lû had died in peculiar circumstances in the state of Wei, through his hasty boldness, in B. C. 480. It was according to rule that the Master should wail for him. The order about the pickled meat was natural in the circumstances.
2 The characters in the text imply that a year had passed since the friend's death.
The graveclothes and coverlet. The things placed in the grave with the coffin were many, and will by-and-by come before the reader at length.
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in burying it in the same grave (with his father) at Fang?
11. When there are mourning rites in the neighbourhood, one should not accompany his pestle with his voice?. When there is a body shrouded and coffined in his village, one should not sing in the lanes?. For a mourning cap the ends of the ties should not hang down.
12. (In the time of Shun) of Yü they used earthenware coffins 3 ; under the sovereigns of Hsiâ, they surrounded these with an enclosure of bricks. The people of Yin used wooden coffins, the outer and inner. They of Kâu added the surrounding curtains and the feathery ornaments. The people of Kâu buried those who died between 16 and 19 in the coffins of Yin ; those who died between 12 and 15 or between 8 and 1 in the brick enclosures of Hsiâ; and those who died (still younger), for whom no mourning is worn, in the earthenware enclosures of the time of the lord of Yü.
13. Under the sovereigns of Hsiâ they preferred what was black. On great occasions (of mourning), for preparing the body and putting it into the coffin, they used the dusk; for the business of war, they used black horses in their chariots; and the victims which they used were black. Under the Yin dynasty they preferred what was white. On occa
This paragraph is generally discredited. The Khien-lung editors say it is not to be relied on.
9 These two rules are in Book I, i. Pt. iv, 43, page 89.
* In a still earlier time, according to the third Appendix of the Yi (vol. xvi, p. 385), they merely covered the body on the ground with faggots.
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sions of mourning, for coffining the body, they used the midday; for the business of war they used white horses; and their victims were white. Under the Kâu dynasty they preferred what was red. On occasions of mourning, they coffined the body at sunrise; for the business of war they used red horses, with black manes and tails; and their victims were red.
14. When the mother of duke Mû of La’ died, he sent to ask 3ăng-gze? what (ceremonies) he should observe. Zăng-gze said, 'I have heard from my father that the sorrow declared in the weeping and wailing, the feelings expressed in the robe of sackcloth with even or with frayed edges, and the food of rice made thick or in congee, extend from the son of Heaven to all. But the tent-like covering (for the coffin) is of (linen) cloth in Wei, and of silk in Lù.'
15. Duke Hsien of Zin, intending to put to death his heir-son Shăn-shăng, another son, Khung-r, said to the latter, Why should you not tell what is in your mind to the duke ?' The heir-son said, I cannot do so. The ruler is happy with the lady Ki of Li. I should (only) wound his heart.' Then,' continued the other, Why not go away?' The heirson replied, 'I cannot do so. The ruler says that I wish to murder him. Is there any state where the (sacredness) of a father is not recognised? Where should I go to obviate this charge ?' (At the same time) he sent a man to take leave (for him) of Hù
· Duke MÀ was marquis of Lû from B.C. 409 to 376.
* This was not the disciple of Confucius, but his son, also named Shăn like him; but the characters for the names are different.
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Ta, with the message, 'I was wrong in not thinking (more) of your words, my old friend, and that neglect is occasioning my death. Though I do not presume to grudge dying, yet our ruler is old, and his (favourite) son is (quite) young. Many difficulties are threatening the state, and you, old Sir, do not come forth (from your retirement), and consult for (the good of) our ruler. If you will come forth and do this, I will die (with the feeling that I have received a (great) favour from you.' He (then) bowed twice, laying his head to the ground, after which he died (by his own hand). On this account he became (known in history as): the Reverential Heir-son?'
16. There was a man of La, who, after performing in the morning the ceremony which introduced the 25th month of his mourning, began to sing in the evening. Zze-la laughed at him, (but) the Master said, 'Ya, will you never have done with your finding fault with people? The mourning for three years is indeed long. When Zze-lû went out, the Master said, “Would he still have had to wait long? In another month (he might have sung, and) it would have been well.
17. Duke Kwang of La fought a battle with the men of Sung at Shăng-khid. Hsien Pån-fd was driving, and Pa Kwo was spearman on the right. The horses got frightened, and the carriage was broken, so that the duke fell down? They handed the strap
i The marquis of Zin, who is known to us as duke Hsien, ruled from B.C. 676 to 651. Infatuated by his love for a barbarian captive from among the Lî, he behaved recklessly and unnaturally to his children already grown up. One very tragical event is the subject of this paragraph.
* The text would seem to say here that the army of the duke
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THE LÎ ki.
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of a relief chariot (that drove up) to him, when he said, 'I did not consult the tortoise-shell (about the movement). Hsien Pân-fd said, 'On no other occasion did such a disaster occur; that it has occurred to-day is owing to my want of courage.' Forthwith he died in the fight). When the groom was bathing the horses, a random arrow was found (in one of them), sticking in the flesh under the flank; and (on learning this), the duke said, It was not his fault;' and he conferred on him an honorary name. The practice of giving such names to (ordinary) officers began from this.
18. Zăng-gze was lying in his chamber very ill. Yo-kăng Zze-khun was sitting by the side of the couch; zăng Yüan and zăng Shăn were sitting at (their father's) feet; and there was a lad sitting in a corner holding a torch, who said, 'How beautifully coloured and bright! Is it not the mat of a Great officer ?' 3ze-khun (tried to stop him, but Zăng-zze had heard him, and in a tone of alarm called him, when he repeated what he had said. “Yes,' said 3ăng-gze, it was the gift of Ki-sun, and I have not been able to change it. Get up, Yüan, and change the mat.' 3ăng Yüan said, 'Your illness is extreme. It cannot now be changed. If you happily survive till the morning, I will ask your leave and reverently change it.' Zăng-zze said, “Your love of me is not equal to his. A superior man loves another on grounds of virtue; a little man's love of another is seen in his indulgence of him. What do I seek for?
was defeated; but the victory was with the duke. See the 30 Kwan, under B.C. 684, and there was a different reading, to which La Teh-ming refers on the passage, that leaves us free to translate as I have done.
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I want for nothing but to die in the correct way.' They then raised him up, and changed the mat. When he was replaced on the new one, before he could compose himself, he expired.
19. When (a father) has just died, (the son) should appear quite overcome, and as if he were at his wits' end; when the corpse has been put into the coffin, he should cast quick and sorrowful glances around, as if he were seeking for something and could not find it; when the interment has taken place, he should look alarmed and restless, as if he were looking for some one who does not arrive; at the end of the first year's mourning, he should look sad and disappointed; and at the end of the second year's, he should have a vague and unreliant look.
20. The practice in Ka-lü of calling the (spirits of the dead') back with arrows took its rise from the battle of Shăng-hsing2. That in La of the women making their visits of condolence (simply) with a band of sackcloth round their hair took its rise from the defeat at Ha-thâi 3.
21. At the mourning for her mother-in-law, the Master instructed (his niece), the wife of Nan-kung
Thâo“, about the way in which she should tie up her hair with sackcloth, saying, 'Do not make it very high, nor very broad. Have the hair-pin of hazel-wood, and the hair-knots (hanging down) eight inches.'
22. Măng Hsien-zze, after the service which ended
See p. 108, par. 32; p. 112, par. 15; and often, farther on. ? In B. c. 638. See the 30 Kwan of that year. • See in the 20 Kwan, under B. C. 569. * This must have been the Nan Yung of the Analects, V, 1, 2.
[27]
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the mourning rites, had his instruments of music hung on their stands, but did not use them; and when he might have approached the inmates of his harem, he did not enter it. The Master said, 'Hsien¡ze is a degree above other men'.'
BK. II.
23. Confucius, after the service at the close of the one year's mourning, in five days more (began to) handle his lute, but brought no perfect sounds from it; in ten days he played on the organ and sang to it?.
24. Yu-ze, it appears, after the service of the same period of mourning, wore shoes of (white) silk, and had ribbons of (white) silk for his cap-strings".
1 The sacrificial service on the final putting off of the mourning dress, and to which reference is here made, was called than (). It will come several times before us hereafter. It is celebrated at the end of the 'three years' mourning' for a parent; that is, at the end of twenty-seven months from the death: see the Introduction, p. 49. Wang Sû of the Wei dynasty contended that the mourning was put off at the end of twenty-five months, and the editors of the Khang-hsî dictionary rather approve of his decision: see their note under the character than. I do not think the controversy as to the exact time when the mourning ceased can be entirely cleared up. Confucius praised Hsien-zze, because he could not forget his grief, when the outward sign of it was put off.
2 The sacrificial service here is called by a different name from than; it is hsiang (E); and in mourning for parents there was 'the small hsiang,' at the end of the first year, and 'the great hsiang,' at the end of the second. The character here probably denotes the mourning for one year, which is not continued beyond that time. Music was not used during any of the period of mourning; and it is doing violence to the text to take hsiang here as equivalent to than.
In condemnation of Yu-zze (see Analects, I, 2), as quick to forget his grief.
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25. There are three deaths on which no condolence should be offered :- - from cowardice; from being crushed (through heedlessness); and from drowning'.
26. When 3ze-lû might have ended his mourning for his eldest sister, he still did not do so. Confucius said to him, 'Why do you not leave off your mourning?' He replied, 'I have but few brothers, and I cannot bear to do so.' Confucius said, 'When the ancient kings framed their rules, (they might have said that) they could not bear (to cease mourning) even for (ordinary) men on the roads.' When 3ze-la heard this, he forthwith left off his mourning.
27. Thâi-kung was invested with his state, (and had his capital) in Ying-khiû; but for five generations (his descendants, the marquises of Khi) were all taken back and buried in Kâu. A superior man has said, 'For music, we use that of him from whom we sprang; in ceremonies, we do not forget him to whom we trace our root.' The ancients had a saying, that a fox, when dying, adjusts its head in the direction of the mound (where it was whelped); manifesting thereby (how it shares in the feeling of) humanity.
28. When the mother of Po-yü died, he kept on wailing for her after the year. Confucius heard him, and said, 'Who is it that is thus wailing?' The disciples said, 'It is Li.' The Master said, 'Ah! (such a demonstration) is excessive.' When Po-yü heard it, he forthwith gave up wailing2.
1 The third death here must be supplemented, as I have done the second.
* Compare paragraph 4, and the note on it. Lî, designated Po-yu, was the son of Confucius, and it has been supposed that his mother had been divorced, so that his protracted wailing for her gave
K 2
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THE LI XI.
29. Shun was buried in the wilderness of 3hangwa, and it would thus appear that the three ladies of his harem were not buried in the same grave with him 1. Ki Wa-ze said, ' Burying (husband and wife) in the same grave appears to have originated with
the duke of Kâu.'
132
BK. II.
PART II.
1. At the mourning rites for 3ăng-ze, his body was washed in the cook-room2.
2. During the mourning for nine months one should suspend his (musical) studies. Some one has said, 'It is permissible during that time to croon over the words (of the pieces).'
3. When 3ze-kang was ill, he called (his son), Shăn-hsiang, and addressed him, saying, 'We speak of the end of a superior man, and of the death of
occasion to the rebuke of his father. But while his father was alive, a son did not wail for his mother beyond the year. The passage does not prove that Confucius had divorced his wife, but the contrary; though he might have shown more sympathy with his son's sorrow.
1 From the first part of the Shû King we know that Shun married the two daughters of Yão. The mention of three' wives here has greatly perplexed the commentators. Where 3hang-wû was is also much disputed.
2 The proper place for the operation was the principal chamber. There is only conjecture to account for the different place in the case of Băng-zze.
In relationships of the third degree: as by a man for a married aunt or sister, a brother's wife, a first cousin, &c.; by a wife, for her husband's grand-parents, uncles, &c.; by a married woman, for her uncle and uncle's wife, a spinster aunt, brothers, sisters, &c. See Appendix at the end of this Book.
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a small man. I am to-day, perhaps, drawing near to my end (as a superior man).'
SECT. I. PT. II.
THE THAN KUNG.
4. 3ăng-aze said, 'May not what remains in the cupboard suffice to set down (as the offerings) by (the corpse of) one who has just died?'
5. 3ăng-ze said, 'Not to have places (for wailing) in cases of the five months' mourning' is a rule which sprang from the ways in small lanes.' When 3zesze wailed for his sister-in-law, he made such places, and his wife took the lead in the stamping. When Shăn-hsiang wailed for Yen-sze, he also did the
same.
6. Anciently, (all) caps were (made) with the seams going up and down them; now the (mourning cap) is made with the seams going round. Hence to have the mourning cap different from that worn on felicitous occasions is not the way of antiquity2.
7. 3ăng-ze said to 3ze-sze, 'Khi, when I was engaged in the mourning for my parents, no water or other liquid entered my mouth for seven days.' 3ze-sze said, 'With regard to the rules of ceremony framed by the ancient kings, those who would go beyond them should stoop down to them, and those who do not reach them should stand on tip-toe to do Hence, when a superior man is engaged in mourning for his parents, no water or other liquid
So.
1 In relationships of the fourth degree: as by a man for his grand-uncle and his wife, a spinster grand-aunt, a second cousin, &c.; by a wife for her husband's aunt, brother or sister, &c.; by a married woman, for her spinster aunt, married sister, &c. See Appendix.
This paragraph does not seem to contain any lessons of censure or approval, but simply to relate a fact.
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enters his mouth for three days, and with the aid of his staff he is still able to rise.'
8. Zăng-xze said, 'If, in cases coming under the five months' mourning, none be worn when the death is not heard of till after the lapse of that time, then when brethren are far apart there would be no wearing of mourning for them at all; and would this be right ?'
9. On the mourning rites for Po-kâo, before the messenger from Confucius could arrive, Zan-zze had taken it on him, as his substitute, to present a parcel of silks and a team of four horses. Confucius said,
Strange! He has only made me fail in showing my sincerity in the case of Po-kâo?'
10. Po-kâo died in Wei, and news of the event was sent to Confucius. He said, "Where shall I wail for him ? For brethren, I wail in the ancestral temple; for a friend of my father, outside the gate of the temple; for a teacher, in my chamber; for a friend, outside the door of the chamber; for an acquaintance, in the open country, (some distance off). (To wail) in the open country would in this case be too slight (an expression of grief), and to do so in the bed-chamber would be too great a one. But it was by Zhze that he was introduced to me. I will wail for him in 3hze's.' Accordingly he ordered 3ze-kung to act as presiding mourner on the occa
i We know almost nothing of the Po-kâo (the eldest son, Kao) here. From the next paragraph it does not appear that his intimacy with Confucius had been great. Zan-zze had taken too much on himself. Perhaps the gift was too great, and sympathy cannot well be expressed by proxy. The parcel of silks contained five pieces.
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sion, saying to him, 'Bow to those who come because you have a wailing in your house, but do not bow to those who come (simply) because they knew Pokao.'
11. Băng-xze said, 'When one during his mourning rites falls ill, and has to eat meat and drink spirits, there must be added the strengthening flavours from vegetables and trees;' meaning thereby ginger and cinnamon.
12. When Zze-hsia was mourning for his son, he lost his eyesight. 3ăng-gze went to condole with him, and said, I have heard that when a friend loses his eyesight, we should wail for him. Thereupon he wailed, and Zze-hsiâ also wailed, and said, 'O Heaven, and I have no guilt!' zăng-zze was angry, and said, 'Shang, how can you say that you have no guilt ?'
I and you served the Master between the Ka and the Szel; and (after his death) you retired, and grew old in the neighbourhood of the Western Ho, where you made the people compare you with the Master. This was one offence.
When you mourned for your parents, you did so in such a way that the people heard nothing of it. This was a second offence.
• When you mourned for your son, you did it in such a way that you have lost your eyesight. This is a third offence. And how do you say that you have no guilt ?'
1 These were two streams of La, near which was the home of Confucius. I thought of this passage when I crossed at least one of them on my way to Khu-f0, the city of Confucius,' about twelve years ago.
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3ze-hsiâ threw down his staff, and bowed, saying, 'I was wrong, I was wrong. It is a long time since I left the herd, and lived apart here.'
BK. II.
13. When a man stops during the daytime in his inner (chamber), it is allowable to come and ask about his illness. When he stops outside during the night, it is allowable to come and condole with him. Hence a superior man, except for some great cause1, does not pass the night outside (his chamber); and unless he is carrying out a fast or is ill, he does not day and night stop inside.
14. When Kâo 3ze-kâo was engaged with the mourning for his parents, his tears flowed (silently) like blood for three years, and he never (laughed) so as to show his teeth. Superior men considered that he did a difficult thing.
15. It is better not to wear mourning at all than not to have it of the proper materials and fashion. When wearing the sackcloth with the edges even (for a mother), one should not sit unevenly or to one side, nor should he do any toilsome labour, (even) in the nine months' mourning 2.
16. When Confucius went to Wei, he found the mourning rites going on for a man with whom he had formerly lodged. Entering the house, he wailed for him bitterly; and when he came out, he told 3zekung to take out the outside horses of his carriage, and present them as his gift. 3ze-kung said, 'At the mourning for any of your disciples, you have
'A great cause:'- such as danger from enemies, or death and the consequent mourning, which, especially in the case of a father's death, required the son thus to afflict himself.'
The whole of this paragraph seems overstrained and trivial.
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never taken out those horses (for such a purpose); is it not excessive to do so for a man with whom you (merely) lodged?' The Master said, 'I entered a little ago, and wailed for him; and I found (the mourner) so dissolved in grief that my tears flowed (with his). I should hate it, if those tears were not (properly) followed. Do it, my child'.'
17. When Confucius was in Wei, there was (a son) following his (father's) coffin to the grave. After Confucius had looked at him, he said, 'How admirably did he manage this mourning rite! He is fit to be a pattern. Remember it, my little children.' 3ze-kung said, 'What did you, Master, see in him so admirable?' 'He went,' was the reply, 'as if he were full of eager affection. He came back (looking) as if he were in doubt.' 'Would it not have been better, if he had come back hastily, to present the offering of repose?' The Master said, 'Remember it, my children. I have not been able to attain to it.'
18. At the mourning rites for Yen Yüan, some of the flesh of the sacrifice at the end of (? two) years was sent to Confucius, who went out and received it. On re-entering he played on his lute, and afterwards ate it2.
19. Confucius was standing (once) with his dis
1 We are willing to believe this paragraph, because it shows how the depths of Confucius' sympathy could be stirred in him. He was not in general easily moved.
This paragraph has occasioned a good deal of discussion. The text does not make it clear whether the sacrifice was that at the end of one, or that at the end of two years. Why did Confucius play on his lute? and was he right in doing so?
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ciples, having his hands joined across his breast, and the right hand uppermost. They also all placed their right hands uppermost. He said to them, “You do so from your wish to imitate me, but I place my hands so, because I am mourning for an elder sister.' On this they all placed their left hands uppermost (according to the usual
fashion).
20. Confucius rose early (one day), and with his hands behind him, and trailing his staff, moved slowly about near the door, singing• The great mountain must crumble ;
The strong beam must break;
The wise man must wither away like a plant.' Having thus sung, he entered and sat down opposite the door. Zze-kung had heard him, and said, • If the great mountain crumble, to what shall I look up? If the strong beam break, (on what shall I lean)?? If the wise man wither like a plant, whom shall I imitate? The Master, I am afraid, is going to be ill.' He then hastened into the house. The Master said, “Zhze, what makes you so late? Under the sovereigns of Hsia, the body was dressed and coffined at the top of the steps on the east, so that it was where the deceased used to go up (as master of the house).
The people of Yin performed the same ceremony between the two pillars, so that the steps for the host were on one side of the corpse, and those for
1 The original of this supplement has dropt out of the text. It is found in the Narratives of the School;' and in a Corean edition of the Li Ki.
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the guest on the other. The people of Kâu perform it at the top of the western steps, treating the deceased as if he were a guest. I am a man (descended from the house) of Yin', and last night I dreamt that I was sitting with the offerings to the dead by my side between the two pillars. Intelligent kings do not arise; and what one under heaven is able to take me as his Master ? I apprehend I am about to die.' With this he took to his bed, was ill for seven days, and died.
21. At the mourning rites for Confucius, the disciples were in perplexity as to what dress they should wear. 3ze-kung said, 'Formerly, when the Master was mourning for Yen Yuan, he acted in other respects as if he were mourning for a son, but wore no mourning dress. He did the same in the case of Zze-là. Let us mourn for the Master, as if we were mourning for a father, but wear no mourning dress?'
22. At the mourning for Confucius, Kung-hst Khih made the ornaments of commemoration. As the adornments of the coffin, there were the wall-like curtains, the fan-like screens, and the cords at its sides, after the manner of Kâu. There were the flags with their toothed edges, after the manner of Yin; and there were the flag-staffs bound with white silk, and
1 It is well known that the Khung family was a branch of the ducal house of Sung, the lords of which were the representatives of the royal house of Shang. The Khungs were obliged to flee from Sung, and take refuge in LQ in the time of the great-grandfather of Confucius.
'It is doubtful whether this advice was entirely followed as regards the matter of the dress.
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long streamers pendent from them, after the manner of Hsia?
23. At the mourning for 3ze-kang, Kung-ming i made the ornaments of commemoration. There was a tent-like pall, made of plain silk of a carnation colour, with clusters of ants at the four corners, (as if he had been) an officer of Yin?
24. Zze-hsiâ asked Confucius, saying, 'How should (a son) conduct himself with reference to the man who has killed his father or mother?' The Master said, 'He should sleep on straw, with his shield for a pillow; he should not take office; he must be determined not to live with the slayer under the same heaven. If he meet with him in the market-place or the court, he should not have to go back for his weapon, but (instantly) fight with him.'
'Allow me to ask,' said (the other), 'how one should do with reference to the man who has slain his brother?' 'He may take office,' was the reply,
but not in the same state with the slayer; if he be sent on a mission by his ruler's orders, though he may then meet with the man, he should not fight with him.'
*And how should one do,' continued 3ze-hsiâ, 'in the case of a man who has slain one of his paternal cousins ?' Confucius said, 'He should not take the lead (in the avenging). If he whom it chiefly concerns is able to do that, he should support him from behind, with his weapon in his hand.'
See the full description of a coffin and hearse with all its ornaments in Book XIX.
? In honour of the Master, though 3ze-kang himself could not claim to be descended from the kings of Yin.
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25. At the mourning rites for Confucius, his disciples all wore their head-bands of sackcloth, when they went out. For one of their own number, they wore them in the house (when condoling), but not when they went out.
26. Keeping (the ground about) their graves clear of grass was not a practice of antiquity!
27. 3ze-la said, 'I heard the Master say that in the rites of mourning, exceeding grief with deficient rites is better than little demonstration of grief with superabounding rites; and that in those of sacrifice, exceeding reverence with deficient rites is better than an excess of rites with but little reverence.'
28. 3ăng-ze having gone on a visit of condolence to Fa-hsiâ, the chief mourner had already presented the sacrifice of departure, and removed the offerings. He caused the bier, however, to be pushed back to its former place, and made the women come down (again), after which (the visitor) went through his ceremony. The disciples who accompanied 3ăngzze asked him if this proceeding were according to rule, and he said, “The sacrifice at starting is an unimportant matter. And why might he not bring (the bier) back, and let it rest (for a while)?'
The disciples further asked the same question of 3ze-ya, who said, “The rice and precious shell are put into the mouth of the corpse under the window (of the western chamber); the slighter dressing is
* Some would interpret this sentence as if it were changing the grave' ( and not ); but the Khien-lung editors say that this practice, originating in geomancy, arose in the time of Zin, and was unknown during the Han dynasty.
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THE LÎ xl.
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done inside the door, and the more complete one at (the top of) the eastern steps; the coffining takes place at the guests' place; the sacrifice at starting in the courtyard; and the interment at the grave. The proceedings go on in this way to what is more remote, and hence in the details of mourning there is a constant advance and no receding. When Zăngsze heard of this reply, he said, 'This is a much better account than I gave of the going forth to offer the sacrifice of departure.
29. 3ăng-zze went on a visit of condolence, wearing his fur robe over the silk one, while Zze-yû went, wearing the silk one over his fur. 3ăng-gze, pointing to him, and calling the attention of others, said, • That man has the reputation of being well versed in ceremonies, how is it that he comes to condole with his silk robe displayed over his fur one ?' (Byand-by), when the chief mourner had finished the slighter dressing of the corpse, he bared his breast and tied up his hair with sackcloth, on which ¿ze-ya hastened out, and (soon) came back, wearing his fur robe over the silk, and with a girdle of sackcloth. 3ăng-zze on this said, 'I was wrong, I was wrong. That man was right.
30. When Zze-hsia was introduced (to the Master) after he had put off the mourning (for his parents), a lute was given to him. He tried to tune it, but could hardly do so; he touched it, but brought no melody from it. He rose up and said, 'I have not yet forgotten my grief. The ancient kings framed the rules of ceremony, and I dare not go beyond them?' When a lute was given to 3ze-kang in the same circumstances, he tried to tune it, and easily
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did so; he touched it, and brought melody from it. He rose up and said, 'The ancient kings framed the rules of ceremony, and I do not dare not to come up to them.'
SECT. I. PT. II.
THE THAN KUNG.
31. At the mourning rites for Hui-ze, who had been minister of Crime, 3ze-yû (went to condole), wearing for him a robe of sackcloth, and a headband made of the product of the male plant. Wăn-ze (the brother of Hui-ze), wishing to decline the honour, said, 'You condescended to be the associate of my younger brother, and now further condescend to wear this mourning; I venture to decline the honour.' 3ze-yû said, 'It is in rule;' on which Wăn-zze returned and continued his wailing. 3ze-yû then hastened and took his place among the officers (of the family); but Wăn-¡ze also declined this honour, and said, 'You condescended to be the associate of my younger brother, and now further condescend to wear for him this mourning, and to come and take part in the mourning rites; I venture to decline the honour.' 3ze-yû said, 'I beg firmly to request you to allow me (to remain here).'
Wăn-zze then returned, and supporting the rightful son to take his position with his face to the south, said, 'You condescended to be the associate of my younger brother, and now you further condescend to wear this mourning for him, and to come and take part in the rites; dare Hû but return to his (proper) place?' 3ze-yû on this hastened to take his position among the guests'.
1 The object of 3ze-yû in all the movements detailed here is supposed to have been to correct some irregularity in the pro
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32. At the mourning rites for the general Wănaze, when the first year's mourning was at an end, there came a man from Yüeh1 on a visit of condolence. The chief mourner, wearing the long robe (assumed on the completion of the first year's mourning), and the cap worn before that, wailed for him in the ancestral temple, with the tears running from his eyes and the rheum from his nose. 3ze-yû saw it, and said, 'The son of the general Wăn is not far from being (a master of ceremonies). In his observances at this time, for which there is no special rule, his proceeding is correct.'
BK. II.
33. The giving of the name in childhood2, of the designation at the capping, of the title of elder uncle or younger uncle at fifty, and of the honorary title after death, was the practice of the Kâu dynasty.
The wearing of the sackcloth head-bands and girdles, to express the real (feeling of the heart); the digging a hole in the middle of the apartment (over which) to wash (the corpse); taking down the (tiles of the) furnace, and placing them at the feet (of it)3; and at the interment pulling down (part of the wall on the west of the door of) the ancestral temple, so as to pass by the upper side (of the altar to the spirit)
ceedings on the occasion. Kăng Hsüan thinks that Wăn-zze was supporting a grandson, instead of Hû, his deceased brother's rightful son, to be the principal mourner, and consequently to succeed Hui-zze as his representative and successor. Hui-zze and Wǎn-zze (called Mei-mâu) were of the state of Wei.
1 A distant state, south of Wû, on the seaboard.
2 Three months after birth.
To show the deceased had no more occasion for food, and to keep the feet straight, so that the shoes might be put on at the dressing of the corpse.
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of the way, and issue by the great gate ;-these were the practices of the Yin dynasty, and the learners (in the school of Confucius) followed them.
SECT. I. PT. II,
THE THAN KUNG.
34. When the mother of 3ze-liû died, (his younger brother) 3ze-shih asked for the means (to provide what was necessary for the mourning rites). 3zeliû said, 'How shall we get them?' 'Let us sell (the concubines), the mothers of our half-brothers,' said the other. 'How can we sell the mothers of other men to bury our mother?' was the reply; ' that cannot be done.'
After the burial, 3ze-shih wished to take what remained of the money and other things contributed towards their expenses, to provide sacrificial vessels; but 3ze-liû said, 'Neither can that be done. I have heard that a superior man will not enrich his family by means of his mourning. Let us distribute it among the poor of our brethren.'
35. A superior man said, 'He who has given counsel to another about his army should die with it when it is defeated. He who has given counsel about the country or its capital should perish with it when it comes into peril.'
36. Kung-shû Wăn-ze ascended the mound of Hsiâ, with Kü Po-yü following him. Wăn-ze said, 'How pleasant is this mound! I should like to be buried here when I die.' Kü Po-yü said, You may find pleasure in such a thought, but allow me (to go home) before (you say any more about it)1.'
37. There was a man of Pien who wept like a
1 Was there anything more than a joke in this reply of Po-yu? The commentators make it out to be a reproof of Wăn-zze for wishing to appropriate for his grave the pleasant ground of another. [27] L
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THE LI Ri.
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child on the death of his mother. Confucius said, *This is grief indeed, but it would be difficult to continue it. Now the rules of ceremony require to be handed down, and to be perpetuated. Hence the wailing and leaping are subject to fixed regulations.'
38. When the mother of Shu-sun Wa-shù died, and the slighter dressing had been completed, the bearers went out at the door (of the apartment) with the corpse. When he had himself gone out at the door, he bared his arms, throwing down also his cap, and binding his hair with sackcloth. 3ze-yū said in derision), ' He knows the rules?!'
39. (When a ruler was ill), the high chamberlain supported him on the right, and the assigner of positions at audiences did so on the left. When he died these two officers lifted (the corpse) ?
40. There are the husband of a maternal cousin and the wife of a maternal uncle ;—that these two should wear mourning for each other has not been said by any superior man. Some one says, 'If they have eaten together from the same fireplace, the three months' mourning should be worn.'
41. It is desirable that affairs of mourning should be gone about with urgency, and festive affairs in a
1 He should have made his preparations before, and not have had to throw down his cap on the ground.
The text of this paragraph would make the assisting parties to be the chief diviner and the chief archer. The translation is according to an emendation of it from the Kâu Lt.
s Worn in relationships of the fifth degree: as by a man for his great-grand-uncle and his wife, a spinster great-grand-aunt, the son of a mother's brother or sister, &c.; by a wife for her husband's great-great-grand-parents, &c. See Appendix.
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leisurely way. Hence, though affairs of mourning require urgency, they should not go beyond the prescribed rules; and though festive affairs may be delayed, they should not be transacted negligently. Hurry therefore (in the former) becomes rudeness, and too much ease (in the latter) shows a small man. The superior man will conduct himself in them as they severally require.
42. A superior man is ashamedi to prepare (beforehand) all that he may require in discharging his mourning rites. What can be made in one or two days, he does not prepare (beforehand).
43. The mourning worn for the son of a brother should be the same as for one's own son: the object being to bring him still nearer to one's self. An elder brother's wife and his younger brother do not wear mourning for each other : the object being to maintain the distance between them. Slight mourn ing is worn for an aunt, and an elder or younger sister, (when they have been married); the reason being that there are those who received them from us, and will render to them the full measure of observance.
... PART III. J. When (the Master) was eating by the side of one who had mourning rites in hand, he never ate to the full.
2. 3ăng-sze was standing with (another) visitor by the side of the door (of their house of entertainment), when a companion (of the other) came hurrying out.
· Lest he should seem not to be wishing individuals to live.long.
L2
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•Where are you going ?' said 3ăng-gze; and the man replied, 'My father is dead, and I am going to wail for him in the lane.' 'Return to your apartment,' was the reply, and wail for him there. (The man did so), and 3ăng-zze made him a visit of condolence, standing with his face to the north.
3. Confucius said, 'In dealing with the dead, if we treat them as if they were entirely dead, that would show a want of affection, and should not be done; or, if we treat them as if they were entirely alive, that would show a want of wisdom, and should not be done. On this account the vessels of bamboo (used in connexion with the burial of the dead) are not fit for actual use; those of earthenware cannot be used to wash in; those of wood are incapable of being carved; the lutes are strung, but not evenly; the pandean pipes are complete, but not in tune; the bells and musical stones are there, but they have no stands. They are called vessels to the eye of fancy; that is, (the dead) are thus treated as if they were spiritual intelligences?'
1 The Khien-lung editors say on this : To serve the dead as he served the living is the highest reach of a son's feeling. But there is a difference, it is to be presumed, between the ways of spirits and those of men. In the offerings put down immediately after death, there is an approach to treating the deceased as if he were still a living) man. But at the burial the treatment of him approaches to that due to a (disembodied) spirit. Therefore the dealing with the dead may be spoken of generally as something between that due to a man and that due to a spirit,-a manifestation of the utmost respect without any familiar liberty. We should like to have something still more definite. Evidently the subject was difficult to those editors, versed in all Chinese lore, and not distracted by views from foreign habits and ways of thinking. How much more difficult must it be for a foreigner to place
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4. Yu-ze asked 3ăng-ze if he had ever questioned the Master about (an officer's) losing his place. 'I heard from him,' was the reply,' that the officer in such a case should wish to become poor quickly, (just as) we should wish to decay away quickly when we have died.' Yu-ze said, 'These are not the words of a superior man.' 'I heard them from the Master,' returned 3ăng-ze. Yû-jze repeated that they were not the words of a superior man, and the other affirmed that both he and
3ze-yu had heard them. 'Yes, yes,' said Yu-jze, 'but the Master must have spoken them with a special reference.' 3ăng-ze reported Yu-ze's words to 3ze-yu, who said, 'How very like his words are to those of the Master! Formerly, when the Master was staying in Sung, he saw that Hwan, the minister of War, had been for three years having a stone coffin made for himself without its being finished, and said, "What extravagance! It would be better that when dead he should quickly decay away." It was with reference to Hwan, the minister of War, that he said, "We should wish to decay away quickly when we die." When Nankung King-shû returned (to the state), he made it a point to carry his treasures with him in his carriage when he went to court, on which the Master said, "Such an amount of property! It would have been better for him, when he lost his office, to make haste to become poor." It was with reference to Nan-kung King-shû that he said that
himself 'en rapport' with the thoughts and ways of men, so far removed from him in time and in mental training! The subject of these vessels, which yet were no vessels, will come up again.
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THE LI Kİ.
"We should work to become poor quickly, when we have lost office."
3ăng-ze reported these words of 3ze-yû to Yû-zze, who said, 'Yes, I did say that these were not the words of the Master.' When the other asked him how he knew it, he said, 'The Master made an ordinance in Kung-tû that the inner coffin should be four inches thick, and the outer five. By this I knew that he did not wish that the dead should decay away quickly. And formerly, when he had lost the office of minister of Crime in Lû, and was about to go to King, he first sent 3ze-hsiâ there, and afterwards Zan Yu. By this, I knew that he did not wish to become poor quickly1.'
5. When Kwang-ze of Khăn died, announcement of the event was sent to Lû. They did not want to wail for him there, but duke Mû2 called Hsien-¡ze, and consulted him. He said, 'In old times, no messages from Great officers, not even such as were accompanied by a bundle of pieces of dried meat, went out beyond the boundaries of their states. Though it had been wished to wail for them, how could it have been done? Nowadays the Great officers share in the measures of government throughout the middle states. Though it may be wished not to wail for one, how can it be avoided? I have heard, moreover, that there are two grounds for the wailing; one from love, and one from fear.' The duke said, 'Very well; but how is the thing to be managed in this
BK. II.
1 Confucius sent those two disciples, that he might get their report of King (or Kha), and know whether he might himself go and take office there as he wished to do.
2
B. C. 409-377.
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case ?' Hsien-gze said, 'I would ask you to wail for him in the temple of a family of)a different surname;' and hereon the duke and he wailed for Kwang-zze in (the temple of) the Hsien family.
6. Kung Hsien said to 3ăng-gze, “Under the sovereigns of the Hsiâ dynasty, they used (at burials) the vessels which were such only to the eye of fancy, intimating to the people that (the dead) had no knowledge. Under the Yin they used the (ordinary) sacrificial vessels, intimating to the people that (the dead) had knowledge. Under the Kâu we use both, intimating to the people that the thing is doubtful.' 3ăng-sze replied, "It is not so! What are vessels (only) to the eye of fancy are for the shades (of the departed); the vessels of sacrifice are those of men; how should those ancients have treated their parents as if they were dead?'
7. An elder brother of Kung-shū Ma, by the same mother but a different father, having died, he asked Zze-ya (whether he should go into mourning for him), and was answered, Perhaps you should do so for the period of nine months.'
A brother, similarly related to Ti I, having died, he consulted 3ze-hsiâ in the same way, and was answered, 'I have not heard anything about it before, but the people of La wear the one year's mourning in such a case.' Ti I did so, and the present practice of wearing that mourning arose from his question'.
8. When Zze-sze's mother died in Wei, Lia Zo said to him, 'You, Sir, are the descendant of a sage.
1 Confucius gives a decision against mourning at all in such a case, excepting it were exceptional, --in the Narratives of the School,' chapter 10, article 1.
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THE L' ri.
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From all quarters they look to you for an example in ceremonies; let me advise you to be careful in the matter.' Zze-sze said, 'Of what have I to be careful? I have heard that when there are certain ceremonies to be observed, and he has not the necessary means for them. a superior man does not observe them, and that neither does he do so, when there are the ceremonies, and he has the means, but the time is not suitable; of what have I to be careful?'
9. Hsien-zze So said, 'I have heard that the ancients made no diminution in the degrees of mourning on any other ground); but mourned for every one above and below them according to his relationship. Thus Wăn, the earl of Thăng, wore the year's mourning for Măng-hd, who was his uncle, and the same for Măng Phi, whose uncle he was.'
10. Hâu Ma said, 'I heard Hsien-gze say about the rites of mourning, that (a son) should certainly think deeply and long about them all, and that (for instance) in buying the coffin he should see that, inside and outside, it be equally) well completed. When I die, let it be so also with me?'
11. 3ăng-gze said, 'Until the corpse has its ornaments put on it, they curtain off the hall; and after the slighter dressing the curtain is removed.' Kungliang-gze said, 'Husband and wife are at first all in
13ze-sze's mother, after his father's death, had married again into the Shll family of Wei. What mourning was 3ze-sze now to wear for her? Lid Zo seems to have apprehended that he would be carried away by his feelings and would do more than was according to rule in such a case. Sze-sze's reply to him is not at all explicit.
* This record is supposed to be intended to ridicule Hâu Ma for troubling himself as he did.
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confusion', and therefore the hall is curtained off. After the slighter dressing, the curtain is removed.'
12. With regard to the offerings to the dead at the time of the slighter dressing, Zze-yd said that they should be placed on the east (of the corpse). 3ăngzze said, “They should be placed on the west, on the mat there at the time of the dressing. The placing the offerings on the west at the time of the slighter dressing was an error of the later times of La.
13. Hsien-zze said, 'To have the mourning robe of coarse dolichos cloth, and the lower garment of fine linen with a wide texture, was not (the way of) antiquity.'
14. When 3ze-phù died, the wailers called out his name Mieh. Zze-kao said, 'So rude and uncultivated are they! On this they changed their style.
15. At the mourning rites for the mother of Ta Khião no one was employed in the house to assist (the son in the ceremonies), which was accounted a careless omission.
16. The Master said, 'As soon as a death occurs, (the members of the family) should change their lambskin furs and dark-coloured caps, though they may do nothing more. The Master did not pay a visit of condolence in these articles of dress.
17. 3ze-yd asked about the articles to be provided for the mourning rites, and the Master said, 'They should be according to the means of the family.'
Settling places for the wailers, &c. But this explanation is deemed unsatisfactory.
* The name was used only in calling the spirit back immediately after death; the wailing was a subsequent thing.
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THE LI xi.
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Zze-yū urged, 'How can a family that has means and one that has not have things done in the same way?' Where there are means,' was the reply, 'let there be no exceeding the prescribed rites. If there be a want of means, let the body be lightly covered from head to foot, and forthwith buried, the coffin being simply let down by means of ropes. Who in such a case will blame the procedure?'
18. Pån, superintendent of officers' registries, informed 3ze-yd of his wish to dress his dead on the couch. You may, said Zze-yû. When Hsien-zze heard of this, he said, How arrogant is the old gentleman! He takes it on himself to allow men in what is the proper rule 1.'
19. At the burial of his wife, duke Hsiang of Sunga placed in the grave) a hundred jars of vinegar and pickles. 3ăng-zze said, 'They are called “ vessels only to the eye of fancy," and yet he filled them!'
20. After the mourning rites for Măng Hsien-zze, the chief minister of his family made his subordinates return their money-offerings to all the donors. The Master said that such a thing was allowable.
21. About the reading of the list of the material contributions (towards the service of a funeral), 3ăng
1 On death, the body was lifted from the couch, and laid on the ground. When there was no response to the recalling of the spirit, it was returned to the couch and dressed. A practice seems to have arisen of slightly dressing it on the ground, which Pån did not wish to follow. Sze-yll ought to have told him that his proposal was according to rule; whereas he expressed his permission of it,-a piece of arrogance, which Hsien-zze condemned.
• Hsiang died in B. c. 637.
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ze said, 'It is not an ancient practice; it is a second announcement (to the departed) 1!'
22. When Khăng-ze Kâo was lying ill, Khing 1 went in to see him, and asked his (parting) commands, saying, 'Your disease, Sir, is severe. If it should go on to be the great illness, what are we to do?' 3ze-kão said, 'I have heard that in life we should be of use to others, and in death should do them no harm. Although I may have been of no use to others during my life, shall I do them any harm by my death? When I am dead, choose a piece of barren ground, and bury me there.'
23. 3ze-hsiâ asked the Master (how one should deport himself) during the mourning for the ruler's mother or wife, (and the reply was), 'In sitting and stopping with others, in his conversation, and when eating and drinking, he should appear to be at ease".'
24. When a stranger-visitor arrived, and had nowhere to lodge, the Master would say, 'While he is alive, let him lodge with me. Should he die, I will see to his coffining3.'
25. Kwo-zze Kão said, 'Burying means hiding
1 The contributions had been announced by the bier, as if to the departed, and a record of them made. To read the list, as is here supposed, as the procession was about to set forth, was a vain-glorious proceeding, which 3ăng-zze thus derided.
The supplements in this paragraph are from the 'Narratives of the School.' Some contend that the whole should be read as what 3ze-hsiâ said, and that the Master gave him no reply, disapproving of his sentiments.
This paragraph, like the preceding, appears in rather a different form in the Narratives of the School'
4
Kwo-jze Kâo was the same as the Khăng-zze Kâo of par. 22. Kwo was the surname, and Khǎng the posthumous title. It is difficult to decide between Kwo-zze Kâo and Kwo 3ze-kâo.
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away; and that hiding (of the body) is from a wish that men should not see it. Hence there are the clothes sufficient for an elegant covering; the coffin all round about the clothes; the shell all round about the coffin; and the earth all round about the shell. And shall we farther raise a mound over the grave and plant it with trees?'
BK. II,
26. At the mourning for Confucius, there came a man from Yen to see (what was done), and lodged at 3ze-hsia's. 3ze-hsiâ said to him, 'If it had been for the sage's conducting a burial, (there would have been something worthy to see); but what is there to see in our burying of the sage? Formerly the Master made some remarks to me, saying, "I have seen some mounds made like a raised hall; others like a dyke on a river's bank; others like the roof of a large house; and others in the shape of an axe-head." We have followed the axeshape, making what is called the horse-mane mound. In one day we thrice shifted the frame-boards, and completed the mound. I hope we have carried out the wish of the Master.'
27. Women (in mourning) do not (change) the girdle made of dolichos fibre.
28. When new offerings (of grain or fruits) are presented (beside the body in the coffin), they should be (abundant), like the offerings on the first day of the moon.
29. When the interment has taken place, everyone should make a change in his mourning dress.
30. The gutters of the tent-like frame over the coffin should be like the double gutters of a house. 31. When a ruler succeeds to his state, he makes
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his coffin, and thereafter varnishes it once a year, keeping it deposited away.
32. Calling the departed back; plugging the teeth open; keeping the feet straight; filling the mouth; dressing the corpse; and curtaining the hall:these things are set about together. The uncles and elder cousins give their charges to those who are to communicate the death (to friends).
33. The (soul of a deceased) ruler is called back in his smaller chambers, and the large chamber; in the smaller ancestral temples and in the great one; and at the gate leading to the court of the external audience, and in the suburbs all round. .
34. Why do they leave the offerings of the mourning rites uncovered ? May they do so with the flesh of sacrifice ??
35. When the coffining has taken place, in ten days after, provision should be made for the materials (for the shell), and for the vessels to the eye of fancy.
36. The morning offerings should be set forth (beside the body) at sunrise ; the evening when the sun is about to set.
37. In mourning for a parent, there is no restriction to (set) times for wailing. If one be sent on a mission, he must announce his return (to the spirits of his departed).
38. After the twelfth month of mourning, the (inner) garment should be of white silk, with a yellow
* This short paragraph is difficult to construe. The Khien-lung editors seem to approve of another interpretation of it; but even that is not without its difficulties. The flesh of sacrifice, it is said, left uncovered, would become unfit for use or to be sold.
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lining, and having the collar and the edges of the cuffs of a light purple. The waist-band should be of dolichos cloth; the shoes of hempen string, without the usual ornaments at the points; and the ear-plugs of horn. The lining of the deer's-fur (for winter) should be made broader and with longer cuffs, and a robe of thin silk may be worn over it?.
39. When (a parent's) corpse has been coffined, if the son hear of mourning going on for a cousin at a distance, he must go (to condole), though the relationship would only require the three months' mourning. If the mourning be for a neighbour, who is not a relative, he does not go.
At (the mourning) for an acquaintance, he must pay visits of condolence to all his brethren, though they might not have lived with him.
40. The coffin of the son of Heaven is fourfold. The hides of a water-buffalo and a rhinoceros, overlapping each other, (form the first), three inches in thickness. Then there is a coffin of I wood, and there are two of the Rottlera. The four are all complete enclosures. The bands for the composite) coffin are (five); two straight, and three cross; with a double wedge under each band (where it is on the edge).
1 The outer sackcloth remained unchanged; but inside it was now worn this robe of white silk, a good deal ornamented. Inside this and over the deer's-fur in winter might be worn another robe of thin silk, through which the fur was seen. Inside the fur was what we should call the shirt, always worn.
• Tracing the I tree, through the dictionaries from synonym to synonym, we come at last to identify it with the white aspen ;' whether correctly or not I do not know.
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The shell is of cypress wood, in pieces six cubits long, from the trunk near the root.
41. When the son of Heaven is wailing for a feudal prince, he wears the bird's-(head) cap', a headband of sackcloth, and black robes. Some one says, ' He employs an officer to wail for him.' While so engaged, he has no music at his meals.
42. When the son of Heaven is put into his coffin it is surrounded with boards plastered over, and (rests on the hearse), on whose shafts are painted dragons, so as to form a (kind of) shell. Then over the coffin is placed a pall with the axe-heads figured on it. This being done, it forms a plastered house. Such is the rule for (the coffining of) the son of Heaven'.
43. It is only at the mourning rites for the son of Heaven that the feudal princes are arranged for the wailing according to their different surnames.
44. Duke Âi of La eulogised Khung Khid in the words, 'Heaven has not left the old man, and there is no one to assist me in my place. Oh! Alas! Ni-f03!
45. When a state had lost a large tract of terri
1 This cap, it is said, was of leather, of the dark colour of a male sparrow's head. Hence its name.
* See Book XIX.
• Confucius' death took place on the 18th of the fourth month of duke Âi's 16th year, B.C. 479. The eulogy is given somewhat differently in the 30 Kwan under that year: 'Compassionate Heaven vouchsafes me no comfort, and has not left me the aged man, to support me, the One man, on my seat. Dispirited I am, and full of distress. Woe is me! Alas! O Ni-fd. There is no one now to be a rule to me!' Khid was Confucius' name, and Kung-nî his designation ! After this eulogy, Nî-fd was for a time his posthumous title.
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tory with its cities, the highest and other ministers, and the Great and other officers, all wailed in the grand ancestral temple, in mourning caps, for three days; and the ruler (for the same time) had no full meal with music. Some one says, “The ruler has his full meals and music, but wails at the altar to the spirit of the land.'
46. Confucius disliked those who wailed in the open fields'.
47. (A son) who has not been in office should not presume to give away anything belonging to the family. If he should have to do so?, he ought to have the order of his father or elder brother for the act.
48. When the (ordinary) officers are all entered, then (the chief mourner and all the others) fall to their leaping, morning and evening.
49. After the service on the conclusion of the twenty-fourth month of mourning, the plain white cap is assumed. In that month the service on leaving off mourning is performed, and after another month (the mourners) may take to their music4.
50. The ruler may confer on any officer the small curtain (as a pall for his father's coffin).
1 It was the rule to mourn in the open country for an acquaintance. See p. 134. There must have been some irregularity in the practice adverted to.
That is, supposing him to have been in office; though some suppose that the necessity might arise, even in the case of a son who had not been in office.
. Of course the higher officers must also be there. This refers to the mourning rites for a ruler.
• See the note on page 130. It is difficult, notwithstanding all the references to it, to say definitely in what month the than sacrifice was performed.
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SECTION II. Part I.
1. (At the funeral of) a ruler's eldest son by his acknowledged wife, who has died under age, there are three (small) carriages (with the flesh of sacrifice to be put in the grave). At that of an eldest son by one of his concubines, dying under age, there is one such carriage; as at the funeral of the eldest rightful son of a Great officer in the same circumstances ?
2. At the mourning rites for a feudal lord, his chief officers who had received their appointments directly from him, carried their staffs.
3. When a Great officer of a state was about to be buried, its ruler (went to) condole with his son) in the hall where the coffin was. When it was
This refers to a strange custom which was practised at the burial of men of rank, or of others who were treated as such, as in the cases here. The carriages employed in it,' says Ying-tâ,
were very small. When the funeral car was about to set off from the temple, and all to be done at the grave was arranged, they took portions of the bodies which had supplied the offerings put down by the coffin, broke them in small pieces, wrapped them up, and placed them in these carriages, to be conveyed after the car. At the grave the little bundles were placed one by one, inside the outer shell at its four corners.' The number of these small carriages varied according to the rank of the deceased. We shall find the practice mentioned again and again. It is not easy for a foreigner fully to understand it, and I have found great haziness in the attempts of native scholars to explain it. The eldest sons' would have died between sixteen and nineteen.
[27]
M
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being taken out, he ordered some one to draw the (bier-carriage) for him. This moved on for three paces and stopped ; in all for three times; after which the ruler retired. The same proceeding was gone through, when the bier entered the ancestral temple, and also at the place of (special) grief.
4. Men of fifty, who had no carriage, did not make visits of condolence beyond the boundaries (of their states).
5. When Ki Wa-gze was lying ill in his chamber, Kiko Ku entered and appeared before him without taking off the mourning with its even edges (which he happened to wear). This practice,' said he,'has nearly fallen into disuse. But it is only at the gate of the ruler that an officer should take off such mourning as I have on.' Wa-zze replied, * Is it not good that you should act thus ? ? A superior man illustrates the smallest points (of propriety).'
At the mourning rites for Wa-zze, 3ăng Tien leant against his gate and sang
6. If a Great officer pay a visit of condolence
1 Where visitors had been lodged during the mourning rites, outside the great gate.
· Wa-zze was the posthumous title of Ki-sun Suh, the principal minister of LQ in the time of duke Hsiang (B. C. 572-543). He was arrogant, and made other officers pay to him the same observances as to the ruler; but he was constrained to express his approval of the bold rectitude of Kiâo.
* This is added by the writer, and implies a condemnation of 3ăng Tien, who did not know how to temper his censure of the minister, as Kião KQ had done. But there must be an error in the passage. Tien (the father of Găng Shăn) could have been but a boy when Wa-zze died.
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chce.
(to an ordinary officer), and he arrive when the latter) is occupied with the business of the occasion, an apology is made (for not coming to the gate to receive him).
7. When one has paid a visit of condolence, he should not on the same day show manifestations of joy!
8. A wife should not go beyond the boundaries of the state on a visit of condolence.
9. On the day when he has made a visit of condolence, one should not drink spirits nor eat fesh.
10. When one pays a visit of condolence, and the arrangements for the funeral are going on, he should take hold of the ropes (attached to the car). Those who follow to the grave should take hold of those attached to the coffin.
11. During the mourning rites, if the ruler send a message of condolence, there must be some one to acknowledge it, by bowing to the messenger. A friend, or neighbour, or even a temporary resident in the house, may perform the duty. The message is announced in the words :— Our unworthy ruler wishes to take part in your (sad) business.' The chief mourner responds :- We acknowledge your presence with his message ?
12. When a ruler meets a bier on the way, he must send some one to present his condolences (to the chief mourner).
* Or it may be, 'should not have music ;' toning one of the characters differently.
It is supposed that the deceased had left no son to preside at the mourning rites.
M 2
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THE LÎ ki.
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13. At the mourning rites for a Great officer, a son by an inferior wife should not receive the condolences ?.
14. On the death of his wife's brother who was the successor of their father, (the husband) should wail for him in the court of) the principal chamber?. He should appoint his (own) son to preside (on the occasion). With breast unbared and wearing the cincture instead of the cap, he wails and leaps. When he enters on the right side of the gate, he should make some one stand outside it, to inform comers of the occasion of the wailing; and those who were intimate (with the deceased) will enter and wail. If his own father be in the house, the wailing should take place (before) his wife's chamber. If (the deceased) were not the successor of his father, the wailing should take place before a different chamber.
15. If a man have the coffin of a parent in his hall, and hear of mourning going on for a cousin of the same surname at a distance, he wails for him in a side apartment. If there be no such apartment, he should wail in the court on the right of the gate. If the deceased's body be in the same state, he should go to the place, and wail for him there.
16. When Zze-kang died, zăng-ze was in mourning for his mother, and went in his mourning dress
1 But if there be no son by the wife proper, the oldest son by an inferior wife may receive the condolences. See the Khien-lung editors in loc.
For some reason or other he has not gone to the house of the deceased, to wail for him there.
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to wail for him. Some one said, “That dress of sackcloth with its even edges is not proper for a visit of condolence.' 3ăng-sze replied, “Am I condoling (with the living)?'
17. At the mourning rites for Ya Zo, duke Tâo? came to condole. 3ze-yd received him, and introduced him by (the steps on) the left ?
18. When the news was sent from Kht of the mourning for the king's daughter who had been married to the marquis, duke Kwang of La wore the nine months' mourning for her. Some have said, 'She was married from Las; therefore he wore the same mourning for her as for a sister of his own. Others have said, 'She was his mother's mother, and therefore he wore it.'
19. At the mourning rites for duke Hsien of zin, duke Ma of Khin sent a messenger to present his condolences to Hsien's son Khung-y (who was then an exile), and to add this message :-' I have heard that a time like this is specially adapted to the
B.C. 467-431. Ya Zo had been a disciple of Confucius, and here we find the greater follower of the sage, Zze-yû, present and assisting at the mourning rites for him.
? That is, the prince went up to the hall by the steps on the east, set apart for the use of the master and father of the house. But the ruler was master everywhere in his state, as the king was in his kingdom. An error prevailed on this matter, and 3ze-ya took the opportunity to correct it.
* That is, she had gone from the royal court to LQ, and been married thence under the superintendence of the marquis of that state, who also was of the royal surname. This was a usual practice in the marriage of kings' daughters; and it was on this account the lord of the officiating state wore mourning for them, The relationship assigned in the next clause is wrong; and so would have been the mourning mentioned, if it had been correct.
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losing of a state, or the gaining of a state. Though you, my son, are quiet here, in sorrow and in mourning, your exile should not be allowed to continue long, and the opportunity should not be lost. Think of it and take your measures, my young son.' Khung-y reported the words to his maternal uncle Fan, who said, ' My son, decline the proffer. An exile as you are, nothing precious remains to you; but a loving regard for your father is to be considered precious. How shall the death of a father be told ? And if you take advantage of it to seek your own profit, who under heaven will be able to give a good account of your conduct ? Decline the proffer, my son.
On this the prince replied to his visitor :- The ruler has kindly (sent you to condole with his exiled servant. My person in banishment, and my father dead, so that I cannot take any share in the sad services of wailing and weeping for him ;—this has awakened the sympathy of the ruler. But how shall the death of a father be described ? Shall I presume (on occasion of it) to think of any other thing, and prove myself unworthy of your ruler's righteous regard ?' With this he laid his head to the ground, but did not bow (to the visitor); wailed and then arose, and after he had risen did not enter into any private conversation with him.
3ze-hsien reported the execution of his commission to duke Ma, who said, 'Truly virtuous is this prince Khung-y. In laying his forehead on the ground and not bowing to the messenger), he acknowledged that he was not his father's successor, and therefore he did not complete the giving of thanks. In wailing before he rose, he showed how
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he loved his father. In having no private conversation after he arose, he showed how he put from him the thought of gain '.'
20. The keeping the curtain up before the coffin with the corpse in it was not a custom of antiquity. It originated with the wailing of King Kiang for Mû-po'.
SECT. II. PT. I.
THE THAN KUNG.
21. The rites of mourning are the extreme expression of grief and sorrow. The graduated reduction of that expression in accordance with the natural changes (of time and feeling) was made by the superior men, mindful of those to whom we owe our being 3.
22. Calling (the soul) back is the way in which love receives its consummation, and has in it the mind which is expressed by prayer. The looking for it to return from the dark region is a way of seeking for it among the spiritual beings. The turning the face to the north springs from the idea of its being in the dark region.
23. Bowing to the (condoling) visitor, and laying the forehead on the ground are the most painful demonstrations of grief and sorrow. The laying the forehead in the ground is the greatest expression of the pain (from the bereavement).
1 Fully to understand this paragraph, one must know more particulars of the history of Khung-r, and his relations with his father and the duke of Khin, than can be given here in a note. He became the ablest of the five chiefs of the Khun Khiû period.
2 This was a prudish action of the young widow, but it changed an old custom and introduced a new one.
This has respect to the modifications adopted in regulating the mourning rites for parents.
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THE LI XI.
24. Filling the mouth with rice uncooked and fine shells arises from a feeling which cannot bear that it should be empty. The idea is not that of giving food; and therefore these fine things are used.
BK. II.
25. The inscription1 forms a banner to the eye of fancy. Because (the person of) the deceased can no longer be distinguished, therefore (the son) by this flag maintains the remembrance of him. From his love for him he makes this record. His reverence for him finds in this its utmost expression. 26. The first tablet for the spirit (with this inscription on it) serves the same purpose as that (subsequently) placed in the temple, at the conclusion of the mourning rites. Under the Yin dynasty the former was still kept. Under the Kâu, it was removed 1.
27. The offerings to the unburied dead are placed in plain unornamented vessels, because the hearts
1 This inscription contained the surname, name, and rank of the deceased. It was at first written, I suppose, on a strip of silk, and fastened up under the eaves above the steps on the east. In the meantime a tablet of wood called Khung, the first character in the next paragraph, and for which I have given 'The first tablet for the spirit,' was prepared. The inscription was transferred to it, and it was set up on or by the coffin, now having the body in it, and by and by it was removed to the east of the coffin pit, where it remained till after the interment.
The observances in this paragraph and the next remain substantially the same at the present day. The bier,' writes Wang Thâo, 'is placed in the apartment, and the tablet with the inscription, as a resting-place for the spirit, is set up, while the offerings are set forth near it morning and evening. After the interment this tablet is burned, and the permanent tablet (E) is made, before which the offerings are presented at the family sacrifices from generation to generation. Thus "the dead are served as the living have been."
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SECT. II. PT. I.
THE THAN KUNG.
It is
of the living are full of unaffected sorrow. only in the sacrifices (subsequent to the interment), that the principal mourner does his utmost (in the way of ornament). Does he know that the spirit will enjoy (his offerings)? He is guided only by his pure and reverent heart.
28. Beating the breast (by the women), and leaping (by the men) are extreme expressions of grief. But the number of such acts is limited. There are graduated rules for them.
29. Baring the shoulders and binding up the hair (with the band of sackcloth) are changes, (showing) the excited feeling which is a change in the grief. The removal of the (usual) ornaments and elegancies (of dress) has manifold expression, but this baring of the shoulders and the sackcloth band are the chief. But now the shoulders are quite bared, and anon they are covered (with a thin garment);— marking gradations in the grief.
169
30. At the interment they used the cap of plain white (silk), and the headband of dolichos fibre; thinking these more suitable for their intercourse with (the departed) now in their spirit-state. The feeling of reverence had now arisen. The people of Kâu use the pien cap at interments; those of Yin used the hsü1.
The hsü
1 The Three Rituals Explained' (E), ch. 238, give the figures of these caps thus:
O
The pien
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.
THE LÎ xi.
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31. The gruel of the chief mourner (the son), the presiding wife ?, and the steward of the family (of a Great officer) is taken by them at the order of the ruler lest they should get ill.
32. On returning (from the grave) to wail, (the son) should ascend the hall (of the ancestral temple); --returning to the place where (the deceased) performed his rites. The presiding wife should enter the chamber ;-returning to the place where he received his nourishment.
33. Condolences should be presented (to the son) when he returns (from the grave) and is wailing, at which time his grief is at its height. He has returned, and (his father) is not to be seen; he feels that he has lost him. (His grief is) then most intense. Under the Yin, they presented condolences immediately at the grave; under the Kâu, when the son had returned and was wailing. Confucius said, “Yin was too blunt; I follow Kâu.'
34. To bury on the north (of the city), and with the head (of the dead) turned to the north, was the common practice of the three dynasties :--because (the dead) go to the dark region.
35. When the coffin has been let down into the grave, the chief mourner presents the (ruler's) gifts (to the dead in the grave ?), and the officer of prayer (returns beforehand) to give notice of the sacrifice of repose 8 to him who is to personate the departed.
This would be the wife of the deceased, or the wife of his son. ? These were some rolls of purplish silks, sent by the ruler as his parting gifts, when the hearse-car reached the city gate on its way to the grave.
: Where was the spirit of the departed now? The bones and
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36. When he has returned and wailed, the chief mourner with the (proper) officer inspects the victim. (In the meantime other) officers have set out a stool and mat with the necessary offerings on the left of the grave? They return, and at midday the sacrifice of repose is offered ?
37. The sacrifice is offered on the day of interment; they cannot bear that the departed should be left a single day (without a place to rest in).
38. On that day the offerings, (previously) set forth (by the coffin), are exchanged for the sacrifice of repose. The (continuous) wailing is ended, and they say, 'The business is finished.'
39. On that day the sacrifices of mourning were exchanged for one of joy. The next day the service of placing the spirit-tablet of the departed next to that of his grandfather was performed.
40. The change to an auspicious sacrifice took place on that day, and the placing the tablet in its place on the day succeeding :-(the son) was unable
filesh had returned to the dust, but the soul-spirit might be anywhere (IN T EF Źl=2]). To afford it a resting-place, the permanent tablet was now put in the shrine, and this sacrifice of repose (B [=*] B) was offered, so that the son might be able to think that his father was never far from him. For a father of course the personator was a male; for a mother, a female ; but there are doubts on this point.
For the spirit of the ground. * If the grave were too far distant to allow all this to be transacted before midday, then the sacrifice was performed in the chamber where the coffin had rested. So says Wang Thâo on the authority of Zăn Yi-shăn
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to bear that (the spirit of the departed) should be a single day without a resting-place.
41. Under the Yin, the tablet was put in its place on the change of the mourning at the end of twelve months ; under the Kâu, when the (continuous) wailing was over. Confucius approved the practice of Yin.
42. When a ruler went to the mourning rites for a minister, he took with him a sorcerer with a peachwand, an officer of prayer with his reed-brush), and a lance-bearer,—disliking (the presence of death), and to make his appearance different from (what it was at any affair of) life? In the mourning rites it is death that is dealt with, and the ancient kings felt it difficult to speak of this?
43. The ceremony in the mourning rites of (the coffined corpse) appearing in the court (of the ancestral temple) is in accordance with the filial heart of the deceased. He is (supposed to be) grieved at leaving his chamber, and therefore he is brought to the temple of his fathers, and then the coffin) goes on its way.
Under the Yin, the body was thus presented and then coffined in the temple ; under the Kâu the interment followed immediately after its presentation (in the coffin).
44. Confucius said, He who made the vessels
1 When visiting a minister when alive, the ruler was accompanied by the lance-bearer, but not by those other officers; there was the difference between life and death.
' I suspect that the sorcerer and exorcist were ancient superstitions, not established by the former kings, but with which they did not care to interfere by saying anything about them.
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which are so (only) in imagination, knew the principles underlying the mourning rites. They were complete (to all appearance), and yet could not be used. Alas! if for the dead they had used the vessels of the living, would there not have been a danger of this leading to the interment of the living with the dead ?'
45. They were called 'vessels in imagination,' (the dead) being thus treated as spiritual intelligences. From of old there were the carriages of clay and the figures of straw,-in accordance with the idea in these vessels in imagination. Confucius said that the making of the straw figures was good, and that the making of the (wooden) automaton was not benevolent.-Was there not a danger of its leading to the use of (living) men ?
Part II. 1. Duke Ma' asked Zze-sze whether it was the way of antiquity for a retired officer still to wear the mourning for his old ruler. Princes of old,' was the reply, 'advanced men and dismissed them equally according to the rules of propriety; and hence there was that rule about still wearing mourning for the old ruler. But nowadays princes advance men as if they were going to take them on their knees, and dismiss them as if they were going to push them into an abyss. Is it not good if (men so treated) do not head rebellion ? How should there be the observance of that rule about still wearing mourning (for old rulers)?'
i or LQ, B. C. 409-377.
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THE LÎ ki.
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2. At the mourning rites for duke Tâo?, Ki Kâo-zze asked Măng King-ze what they should eat (to show their grief) for the ruler. King-gze replied, “To eat gruel is the general rule for all the kingdom.' (The other said), 'It is known throughout the four quarters that we three ministers ? have not been able to live in harmony with the ducal house. I could by an effort make myself emaciated; but would it not make men doubt whether I was doing so in sincerity? I will eat rice as usual.'
3. When Sze-tha King-gze of Wei died, 3ze-hsia made a visit of condolence (to his house); and, though the chief mourner had not completed the slight dressing (of the corpse), he went in the headband and robe of mourning. 3ze-ya paid a similar visit ; and, when the chief mourner had completed the slight dressing, he went out, put on the bands, returned and wailed. Zze-hsiâ said to him, 'Did you ever hear (that) that (was the proper method to observe)?' 'I heard the Master say,' was the reply, 'that until the chief mourner had changed his dress, one should not assume the mourning bands 3.'
4. 3ăng-gze said, “An-zze may be said to have known well the rules of propriety ;-he was humble and reverent.' Ya Zo said, 'An-zze wore the same (robe of) fox-fur for thirty years. (At the burial of
1 B.C. 467-431.
? The heads of the Kung-sun, Shû-sun, and Ki-sun families; whose power Confucius had tried in vain to break.
* In this case 3ze-yu was correct, according to rule, following the example of the chief mourner. Sze-thû was a name of office, -the ministry of Instruction ; but it had become in this case the family name; from some ancestor of King-sze, who had been minister of Instruction.
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SECT. II. PT. II.
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his father), he had only one small carriage (with the offerings to be put into the grave'); and he returned immediately from the grave (without showing the usual attentions to his guests). The ruler of a state has seven bundles of the offerings, and seven such small carriages for them, and a Great officer five. How can it be said that An-gze knew propriety?' 3ăng-zze replied, 'When a state is not well governed, the superior man is ashamed to observe all ceremonies to the full. Where there is extravagance in the administration of the state, he shows an example of economy. If the administration be economical, he shows an example of (the strict) observance of all rules.'
5. On the death of the mother of Kwo Kâo-gze, he asked 3ze-kang, saying, 'At the interment, when (all) are at the grave, what should be the places of the men and of the women?' Zze-kang said, 'At the mourning rites for Sze-tha King-gze, when the Master directed the ceremonies, the men stood with their faces to the west and the women stood with theirs to the east.' 'Ah!' said the other, that will not do;' adding, 'All will be here to see these mourning rites of mine. Do you take the sole charge of them. Let the guests be the guests, while I (alone) act as the host. Let the women take their places behind the men, and all have their faces towards the west?'
See the note on paragraph 1, page 161. An-zze was the chief minister of Khi.
3. The master' here would seem to be Confucius; and yet he died before Sze-tha King-sze. There are other difficulties in parts of the paragraph.
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THE LI kl.
BR. 11.
6. At the mourning for Ma-po (her husband), King Kiang wailed for him in the daytime, and at that for Wăn-po (her son), she wailed for him both in the daytime and the night. Confucius said, She knows the rules of propriety?'
At the mourning for Wăn-po, King Kiang (once) put her hand on the couch (where his body lay), and without wailing said, 'Formerly, when I had this son, I thought that he would be a man of worth. (But) I never went with him to the court (to see his conduct there); and now that he is dead, of all his friends, the other ministers, there is no one that has shed tears for him, while the members of his harem all wail till they lose their voices. This son must have committed many lapses in his observance of the rules of propriety!'
7. When the mother of K Khang-zze died, (her body was laid out with her private clothes displayed. King Kiang (Khang-gze's grand-uncle's wife) said, 'A wife does not dare to see her husband's parents without the ornament (of her upper robes); and there will be the guests from all quarters coming ;—why are her under-clothes displayed here ?' With this she ordered them to be removed.
8. Ya-sze and 3ze-ya were standing together when they saw (a mourner) giving all a child's demonstrations of affection. Ya-zze said, 'I have never understood this leaping in mourning, and. have long wished to do away with it. The sincere feeling (of sorrow) which appears here is right, (and
* It is said, She mourned for her husband according to propriety; for her son according to her feelings.'
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THE THAN KUNG.
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should be sufficient).' Zze-yd replied, “In the rules of propriety, there are some intended to lessen the (display of) feeling, and there are others which purposely introduce things (to excite it). To give direct vent to the feeling and act it out as by a short cut is the way of the rude Zung and Ti. The method of the rules is not so. When a man rejoices, he looks pleased; when pleased, he thereon sings; when singing, he sways himself about; swaying himself about, he proceeds to dancing; from dancing, he gets into a state of wild excitement”; that excitement goes on to distress; distress expresses itself in sighing; sighing is followed by beating the breast; and beating the breast by leaping. The observances to regulate all this are what are called the rules of propriety.
When a man dies, there arises a feeling of disgust (at the corpse). Its impotency goes on to make us revolt from it. On this account, there is the wrapping it in the shroud, and there are the curtains, plumes (and other ornaments of the coffin), to preserve men from that feeling of disgust. Immediately after death, the dried Aesh and pickled meats are set out (by the side of the corpse). When the interment is about to take place, there are the things sent and offered (at the grave); and after the interment, there is the food presented (in the sacrifices of repose). The dead have never been seen to partake of these things. But from
· Evidently there is a lacuna in the text here ; there should be some mention of stamping. Many of the critics have seen this, especially the Khien-lung editors; and various additions have been proposed by way of correction and supplement.
[37]
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THE LÎ ki.
BK. II.
the highest ages to the present they have never been neglected ;-all to cause men not to revolt (from their dead). Thus it is that what you blame in the rules of propriety is really nothing that is wrong in them.'
9. Wa made an incursion into Khăn, destroying the (places of) sacrifice, and putting to death those who were suffering from a pestilence (which prevailed). When the army retired, and had left the territory, Phi, the Grand-administrator of Khăn, was sent to the army (of wa). Fa Khải (king of wa) said to his internuncius i, .This fellow has much to say. Let us ask him a question.' (Then, turning to the visitor), he said, “A campaign must have a name. What name do men give to this expedition?' The Grand-administrator said, 'Anciently, armies in their incursions and attacks did not hew down (trees about the) places of sacrifice; did not slay sufferers from pestilence; did not make captives of those whose hair was turning. But now, have not you in this campaign slain the sufferers from pestilence? Do they not call it the sick-killing expedition ?' The king rejoined, 'If we give back your territory, and return our captives, what will you call it?' The reply was, 'O ruler and king, you came and punished the offences of our poor state. If the result of the campaign be that you now compassionate and forgive it, will the campaign be without its (proper) name??'
1 This incursion must be that mentioned in the 3o Kwan under B. C. 494. Various corruptions and disruptions of the text of the paragraph have to be rectified, however; and the interpretation is otherwise difficult..
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SECT. 11. PT. II.
THE THAN KUNG.
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10. Yen Ting deported himself skilfully during his mourning. Immediately after the death (of his father), he looked grave and restless, as if he were seeking for something, and could not find it. When the coffining had taken place, he looked expectant, as if he were following some one and could not get up with him. After the interment he looked sad, and as if, not getting his father to return (with him), he would wait for him.
11. 3ze-kang asked, saying, 'The Book of History says, that Kao Zung for three years did not speak; and that when he did his words were received with joys. Was it so ?' Kung-nf replied,
Why should it not have been so ? Anciently, on the demise of the son of Heaven, the king, his heir, left everything to the chief minister for three years.'
12. When Kih Tâo-yze died', before he was buried, duke Phing was (one day) drinking along with the music-master Kwang and Li Thiâo. The bells struck up; and when Tù Khwai, who was coming in from outside, heard them, he said, 'Where is the music ?' Being told that it was in the (principal) apartment, he entered it; and having ascended the steps one by one, he poured out a cup of spirits, and said, 'Kwang, drink this. He then poured out another, and said, “Thiko, drink this.' He poured out a third cup; and kneeling in the hall, with his face to the north, he drank it himself, went down the steps, and hurried out.
* An officer of La ? Compare above, paragraph 17, p. 137 et al. * See vol. iï, p. 113. The Shd is not quoted exactly.
• This was in B.C. 533. Kih Tâo-zze was a great officer of Sin. See the story in the 30 Kwan under that year.
N 2
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THE LI Kİ.
Duke Phing called him in again, and said, 'Khwâi, just now I thought you had something in mind to enlighten me about, and therefore I did not speak to you. Why did you give the cup to Kwang?' 'On the days (Kiâ-)ze and (Ki-)mâo,' was the reply, 'there should be no music; and now Kih Tâo-ze is (in his coffin) in his hall, and this should be a great ze or mâo day. Kwang is the grand music-master, and did not remind you of this. It was on this account that I made him drink.'
BK. II.
'And why did you give a cup to Thiâo?' Tû Khwâi said, 'Thiâo is your lordship's favourite officer; and for this drinking and eating he forgot the fault you were committing. It was on this account I made him drink.'
'And why did you drink a cup yourself?' Khwâi replied, 'I am (only) the cook; and neglecting my (proper work of) supplying you with knives and spoons, I also presumed to take my part in showing my knowledge of what should be prohibited. It was on this account that I drank a cup myself.'
Duke Phing said, 'I also have been in fault. Pour out a cup and give it to me.' Tu Khwâi then rinsed the cup, and presented it. The duke said to the attendants, 'When I die, you must take care that this cup is not lost.' Down to the present day, (at feasts in 3in), when the cups have been presented all round, they then raise up this cup, and that which Tû presented.'
say, 'It is
13. When Kung-shû Wăn-jze died, his son Shû begged the ruler (of the state) to fix his honorary title, saying, 'The sun and moon have brought the time;- ;-we are about to bury him. I beg that you will fix the title, for which we shall change his name.'
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SECT. II. PT. 11.
THE THAN KUNG.
181
The ruler said, 'Formerly when our state of Wei was suffering from a severe famine, your father had gruel made, and gave it to the famishing ;-was not this a proof of how kind he was ? Moreover, in a time of trouble, he protected me at the risk of his own life ;—was not this a proof of how faithful he was? And while he administered the government of Wei, he so maintained the regulations for the different classes, and conducted its intercourse with the neighbouring states all round, that its altars sustained no disgrace ;-was not this a proof of how accomplished he was ? Therefore let us call him “The Faithful, Kind, and Accomplished.” !
14. Shih Tâi-kung died, leaving no son by his wife proper, and six sons by concubines. The tortoise-shell being consulted as to which of them should be the father's successor, it was said that by their bathing and wearing of their girdlependants the indication would be given. Five of them accordingly bathed and put on the girdle-pendants with their gems. Shih Khi-gze, however, said, “Whoever, being engaged with the mourning rites for a parent, bathed his head or his body, and put on his girdle-pendants ?' and he declined to do either, and this was considered to be the indication. The people of Wei considered that the tortoise-shell had shown a (true) knowledge.
15. Khăn 3ze-kü having died in Wei, his wife and the principal officer of the family consulted together
* This was in B. C. 512. Twice in the Analects (XIV, 14, 19) Kung-shuh Wăn-zze, Kung-shu, the accomplished,' is mentioned. Whether he received the long honorary title given in the conclusion of this paragraph is considered doubtful.
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THE LI Kİ.
about burying some living persons (to follow him). When they had decided to do so, (his brother), Khăn 3ze-khang arrived', and they informed him about their plan, saying, 'When the master was ill, (he was far away) and there was no provision for his nourishment in the lower world; let us bury some persons alive (to supply it).' 3ze-khang said, 'To bury living persons (for the sake of the dead) is contrary to what is proper. Nevertheless, in the event of his being ill, and requiring to be nourished, who are so fit for that purpose as his wife and steward? If the thing can be done without, I wish it to be so. If it cannot be done without, I wish you two to be the parties for it.' On this the proposal was not carried into effect.
BK. II.
16. 3ze-lû said, 'Alas for the poor! While (their parents) are alive, they have not the means to nourish them; and when they are dead, they have not the means to perform the mourning rites for them.' Confucius said, 'Bean soup, and water to drink, while the parents are made happy, may be pronounced filial piety. If (a son) can only wrap the body round from head to foot, and inter it immediately, without a shell, that being all which his means allow, he may be said to discharge (all) the rites of mourning.'
17. Duke Hsien of Wei having (been obliged to) flee from the state, when he returned, and had
disciples of Confucius,
1 Khăn Sze-khang was one of the mentioned in the Analects I, 10; VII, 25. It is difficult to follow the reasoning of the wife and steward in justification of their proposals.
Duke Hsien fled from Wei in B. c. 559, and returned to it in 547.
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SECT. II. PT. II.
THE THAN KUNG.
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reached the suburbs (of the capital), he was about to grant certain towns and lands to those who had attended him in his exile before entering. Lia Kwang said, “If all had remained at home) to guard the altars for you, who would have been able to follow you with halter and bridle ? And if all had followed you, who would have guarded the altars ? Your lordship has now returned to the state, and will it not be wrong for you to show a partial feeling?' The intended allotment did not take place.
18. There was the grand historiographer of Wei. called Lid Kwang, lying ill. The duke said", 'If the illness prove fatal, though I may be engaged at the time in sacrificing, you must let me know. (It happened accordingly, and, on hearing the news), the duke bowed twice, laying his head to the ground, and begged permission from the personator of the dead, saying, “There was the minister Lið Kwang, -not a minister of mine (merely), but a minister of the altars of the state. I have heard that he is dead, and beg leave to go to his house).' On this, without putting off his robes, he went; and on the occasion presented them as his contribution (to the mourning rites). He also gave the deceased the towns of Khid-shih and Hsien-fan-shih by a writing of assignment which was put into the coffin, containing the words :-'For the myriads of his descendants, to hold from generation to generation without change.'
19. When Khăn Kan-hst was lying ill, he assembled his brethren, and charged his son Zun-ki,
1 The same duke Hsien of wei. Khăn Hảo and others condemn his action in this case. Readers may not agree with them.
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THE LI ki.
BK. II.
saying, 'When I am dead, you must make my coffin large, and make my two concubines lie in it with me, one on each side. When he died, his son said, "To bury the living with the dead is contrary to propriety; how much more must it be so to bury them in the same coffin l' Accordingly he did not put the two ladies to death.
20. Kung Sui died in Khui; and on the next day, which was Zăn-wų, the sacrifice of the previous day was notwithstanding repeated in the capital of La). When the pantomimes entered, however, they put away their futes. Kung-nf said, It was contrary to rule. When a high minister dies, the sacrifice of the day before should not be repeated?'
21. When the mother of K1 Khang-gze died, Kung-shồ Zo was still young. After the dressing, Pan asked leave to let the coffin down into the grave by a mechanical contrivance. They were about to accede, when Kung-kien Kia said, “No. According to the early practice in Lu, the ducal house used (for this purpose) the arrangement looking like large stone pillars, and the three families that like large wooden columns. Pan, you would, in the case of another man's mother, make trial of your ingenuity ;-could you not in the case of your own mother do so? Would that distress you ? Bah!' They did not allow him to carry out his plans
See this incident in the Chinese Classics, V, i, pp. 301, 302, where the account of it is discussed in a note. • This must be the greater dressing.
Pan and Zo were probably the same man; but we know that Pan lived at a later period. The incident in this paragraph therefore is doubted.
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22. During the fight at Lang1, Kung-shu Zü-zăn saw (many of) the men, carrying their clubs on their shoulders, entering behind the shelter of the small wall, and said, 'Although the services required of them are distressing, and the burdens laid on them heavy, (they ought to fight); but though our superiors do not form (good) plans, it is not right that soldiers should not be prepared to die. This is what I say.' On this along with Wang 1, a youth, (the son) of a neighbour, he went forward, and both of them met their death.
SECT. II. PT. II.
THE THAN KUNG.
The people of Lû wished to bury the lad Wang Î not as one who had died prematurely, and asked Kung-nf about the point. He said, 'As he was able to bear his shield and spear in the defence of our altars, may you not do as you wish, and bury him as one who has not died prematurely?'
23. When 3ze-lû was going away from Lû, he said to Yen Yüan, 'What have you to send me away with?' 'I have heard,' was the reply, 'that, when one is leaving his state, he wails at the graves (of his fathers), and then takes his journey, while on his return to it, he does not wail, but goes to look at the graves, and (then) enters (the city).' He then said to 3ze-lu, 'And what have you to leave with me here?' 'I have heard,' was the reply, 'that, when you pass by a grave, you should bow forward to the cross-bar, and, when you pass a place of sacrifice, you should dismount.'
24. Shang Yang, director of Works (in Khû), and
1 The fight at Lang is mentioned in the Khun Khiû under B. C. 484. 3o's description of the battle gives the incident mentioned here, but somewhat differently.
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THE LÎ ri.
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Khăn Khi-ki? were pursuing the army of Wa, and came up with it. The latter said to Shang Yang,
It is the king's a business. It will be well for you to take your bow in hand.' He did so, and Khi-kl told him to shoot, which he did, killing a man, and returning immediately the bow to its case. They came up with the enemy again, and being told as before to shoot, he killed other two men ; whenever he killed a man, he covered his eyes. Then stopping the chariot, he said, “I have no place at the audiences; nor do I take part in the feasts. The death of three men will be sufficient for me to report.' Confucius said, “Amidst his killing of men, he was still observant of the rules of propriety
25. The princes were engaged in an invasion of Khin, when duke Hwan of Zhâo died at their meeting. The others asked leave to (see) the plugging of his teeth with the jade, and they were made to enshroud (his corpse).
Duke Hsiang being in attendance at the court of King, king Khang died. The people of King said to him, 'We must beg you to cover (the corpse
Khi-kî was a son of the king of Kha, and afterwards became king Phing. Khu, in B. C. 534, reduced Khăn to be a dependency of itself, and put it under Khi-ki, who became known as Khi-kî of Khăn.
3 "The king's business ;' that is, the business of the count of Kha, who had usurped the title of king.
* It is not easy to discover the point of Confucius' reply. Even Sze-la questioned him about it (as related in the Narratives of the School), and got an answer which does not make it any clearer.
• In B.C. 578.
• Probably by the marquis of Zin-duke Wăn-as lord of Meetings and Covenants."
• In B. c. 545
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with your gift of a robe).' The men of Lû (who were with him) said, 'The thing is contrary to propriety.' They of Khû, however, obliged him to do what they asked; and he first employed a sorcerer with his reed-brush to brush (and purify) the bier. The people of King then regretted what they had done1.
SECT. II. PT. III.
THE THAN KUNG.
26. At the mourning rites for duke Khăng of Thăng, 3ze-shû King-shû was sent (from Lû) on a mission of condolence, and to present a letter (from duke Âi), 3ze-fû Hui-po being assistant-commissioner. When they arrived at the suburbs (of the capital of Thăng), because it was the anniversary of the death of I-po, (Hui-po's uncle), King-shû hesitated to enter the city. Hui-po, however, said, 'We are on government business, and should not for the private affair of my uncle's (death) neglect the duke's affairs.' They forthwith entered.
PART III.
1. Duke Âi sent a message of condolence to Khwâi Shang, and the messenger met him (on the way to the grave). They withdrew to the way-side, where Khwâi drew the figure of his house, (with the coffin in it), and there received the condolences 3. 3ăng-ze said, ' Khwai Shang's knowledge of the
1 King was another name for Khû. Duke Hsiang went from Lû in B. c. 545; and it was in the spring of the next year, probably, that the incident occurred. The sorcerer and his reed-brush were used when a ruler went to the mourning for a minister (see Part i. 42), so that Kha intending to humiliate Lû was itself humiliated.
* Duke Khăng of Thăng died in B. C. 539.
This must have been a case for which the rule is given in Part i. 12.
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THE LÎ XI.
BK. II.
rules of ceremony was not equal to that of the wife of Khi Liang. When duke Kwang fell on Kü by surprise at Thui, Khi Liang met his death. His wife met his bier on the way, and wailed for him bitterly. Duke Kwang sent a person to convey his condolences to her ; but she said, “If his lordship's officer had been guilty of any offence, then his body should have been exposed in the court or the market-place, and his wife and concubines apprehended. If he were not chargeable with any offence, there is the poor cottage of his father. This is not the place where the ruler should demean himself to send me a message?'
2. At the mourning rites for his young son Tun, duke Ai wished to employ the (elm-juice) sprinklers, and asked Ya Zo about the matter, who said that it might be done, for his three ministers even used them. Yen Liù said, 'For the son of Heaven dragons are painted on the shafts of) the funeral carriage, and the boards surrounding the coffin, like the shell, have a covering over them. For the feudal princes there is a similar carriage (without the painted dragons), and the covering above. (In both cases) they prepare the elm-juice, and therefore employ sprinklers. The three ministers, not employing (such a carriage), and yet employing the sprinklers, thus appropriate a ceremony which is not suitable for them; and why should your lordship imitate them ??'
* See the 3o Kwan, under B.C. 550, the twenty-third year of duke Hsiang. The name of the place in the text (To, read Thui by Kang Hsüan) seems to be a mistake. See the Khang-hsî dictionary on the character To (2).
3 There is a good deal of difficulty and difference of opinion in
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SECT. II. PT. III.
THE THAN KUNG.
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3. After the death of the mother of (his son, who became) duke Tâo, duke Ai wore for her the one year's mourning with its unfrayed edges. Ya Zo asked him, if it was in rule for him to wear that mourning for a concubine. Can I help it ?' replied the duke. •The people of La will have it that she was my wife.'
4. When Ki Zze-kao buried his wife, some injury was done to the standing corn, which Shăn-hsiang told him of, begging him to make the damage good. Zze-kảo said, “The Măng has not blamed me for this, and my friends have not cast me off. I am here the commandant of the city. To buy in this manner a right of) way in order to bury (my dead) would be a precedent difficult to follow !!
5. When one receives no salary for the official duties which he performs 3, and what the ruler sends to him is called 'an offering,' while the messenger charged with it uses the style of our unworthy ruler;' if such an one leave the state, and afterwards the ruler dies, he does not wear mourning for him.
6. At the sacrifice of Repose a personator of the
the interpretation of this paragraph. According to the common view, the funeral carriage used by the king and princes was very heavy, and difficult to drag along. To ease its transit, a juice was prepared from the elm bark, and sprinkled on the ground to make it slippery. But this practice was because of the heaviness of the carriage; and was not required in the case of lighter conveyances.
1 This X1 Sze-kâo was Kảo Khải, one of the disciples of Confucius. Shăn-hsiang was the son of Sze-kang; see paragraph 3, page 132.
Such was 3ze-sze in LA, and Mencius in Khî. They were guests,' not ministers. Declining salary, they avoided the obligations incurred by receiving it.
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THE Lİ Kİ.
dead is appointed, and a stool, with a mat and viands on it, is placed (for him). When the wailing is over, the name of the deceased is avoided. The service of him as living is over, and that for him in his ghostly state has begun. When the wailing is over, the cook, with a bell having a wooden clapper, issues an order throughout the palace, saying, 'Give up disusing the names of the former rulers, and henceforth disuse (only) the name of him who is newly deceased.' This was done from the door leading to the chambers to the outer gate.
190
BK. 11.
7. When a name was composed of two characters they were not avoided when used singly. The name of the Master's mother was Kăng-3âi. When he used 3âi, he did not at the same time use Kăng; nor 3âi, when he used Kăng.
8. When any sad disaster occurred to an army, (the ruler) in plain white robes wailed for it outside the Khû gate1. A carriage conveying the news of such disaster carried no cover for buff-coats nor case for bows.
9. When the (shrine-)apartment of his father was burned, (the ruler) wailed for it three days. Hence it is said, 'The new temple took fire;' and also, There was a wailing for three days'.'
10. In passing by the side of mount Thâi, Confucius came on a woman who was wailing bitterly by a grave. The Master bowed forward to the cross-bar, and hastened to her; and then sent
The Khû (arsenal or treasury gate) was the second of the palace gates, and near the ancestral temple. Hence the position selected for the wailing.
2 See the Khun Khiû, under B. C. 588.
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3ze-lû to question her. 'Your wailing,' said he, 'is altogether like that of one who has suffered sorrow upon sorrow.' She replied, 'It is so. Formerly, my husband's father was killed here by a tiger. My husband was also killed (by another), and now my son has died in the same way.' The Master said, 'Why do you not leave the place?' The answer was, 'There is no oppressive government here.' The Master then said (to the disciples), ' Remember this, my little children. Oppressive government is more terrible than tigers.'
11. In Lû there was one Kâu Făng1, to whom duke Âi went, carrying an introductory present, and requesting an interview, which, however, the other refused. The duke said, 'I must give it up then.' And he sent a messenger with the following questions:-(Shun), the lord of Yü, had not shown his good faith to the people, and yet they put confidence in him. The sovereign of Hsiâ had not shown his reverence for the people, and yet the people revered him: what shall I exhibit that I may obtain such things from the people?' The reply was: Ruins and graves express no mournfulness to the people, and yet the people mourn (amidst them). The altars of the spirits of the land and grain and the ancestral temples express no reverence to the people, and yet the people revere them. The kings of Yin made their solemn proclamations, and yet the people began to rebel; those of Kâu made their covenants, and the people began to distrust them. If there be not. the heart
1 This Kâu Făng must have been a worthy who had withdrawn from public life.
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observant of righteousness, self-consecration, good faith, sincerity, and guilelessness, though a ruler may try to knit the people firmly to him, will not all bonds between them be dissolved ?'
12. While mourning (for a father), one should not be concerned about (the discomfort of) his own resting-place ?, nor, in emaciating himself, should he do so to the endangering of his life. He should not be the former ;- he has to be concerned that (his father's spirit-tablet) is not (yet) in the temple. He should not do the latter, lest (his father) should thereby have no posterity.
13. Ki-zze of Yen-ling' had gone to Kht; and his eldest son having died, on the way back (to Wa), he buried him between Ying and Po. Confucius (afterwards) said, 'Ki-jze was the one man in Wa most versed in the rules of propriety, so I went and saw his manner of interment. The grave was not so deep as to reach the water-springs. The grave-clothes were such as the deceased) had ordinarily worn. After the interment, he raised a mound over the grave of dimensions sufficient to cover it, and high enough for the hand to be easily placed on it. When the mound was completed, he bared his left arm;
Referring, I think, to the discomfort of the mourning shed. But other interpretations of the paragraph are to be found in Khăn Hâo's work, and elsewhere.
• This Ki-zze is better known as KT Ka #L), a brother of the ruler of wa. Having declined the state of Wo, he lived in the principality of Yen-ling. He visited the northern states La, Khî, Zin, and the others, in B.C. 515; and his sayings and doings in them are very famous. He was a good man and able, whom Confucius could appreciate. Ying and Po were two places in Kot.
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and, moving to the right, he went round it thrice, crying out, “That the bones and flesh should return again to the earth is what is appointed. But the soul in its energy can go everywhere; it can go everywhere." And with this he went on his way. Confucius (also) said, “Was not Kl-gze of Yen-ling's observance of the rules of ceremony in accordance with (the idea of them)?
14. At the mourning rites for the duke Khâo of KA-lü ?, the ruler of Hsü sent Yung Kü with a message of condolence, and with the articles to fill the mouth of the deceased. “My unworthy ruler,' said he, ‘hath sent me to kneel and put the jade for a marquis which he has presented into your (deceased) ruler's mouth. Please allow me to kneel and do so. The officers of Kü replied, “When any of the princes has deigned to send or come to our poor city, the observances have been kept according to their nature, whether simple and easy, or troublesome and more difficult; but such a blending of the easy and troublesome as in your case, we have not known. Yung Kü replied, 'I have heard that in the service of his ruler one should not forget that ruler, nor be oblivious of his ancestral (rules). Formerly, our ruler, king Kü, in his warlike operations towards the west, in which he crossed the Ho, everywhere used this style of speech. I am a plain, blunt man, and do not presume to forget his example 2?
1 Khảo should probably be Ting. Duke Khâo lived after the period of the Khun Khid, during which the power of Hsü had been entirely broken.
· Here was Yung Kü, merely a Great officer, wishing to do what only a prince could do, according to the rules of propriety.
[27]
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15. When the mother of 3ze-sze died in Wei, and news of the event was brought to him, he wailed in the ancestral temple. His disciples came to him and said, 'Your mother is dead, after marrying into another family; why do you wail for her in the temple of the Khung family?' He replied, 'I am wrong, I am wrong.' And thereon he wailed in one of the smaller apartments of his house.
194
BK. II
16. When the son of Heaven died, three days afterwards, the officers of prayer 2 were the first to assume mourning. In five days the heads of official departments did so; in seven days both males and females throughout the royal domain; and in three months all in the kingdom.
The foresters examined the trees about the various altars, and cut down those which they thought suitable for the coffins and shell. If these did not come up to what was required, the sacrifices were abolished, and the men had their throats cut 3.
17. During a great dearth in Khi, Khien Áo had food prepared on the roads, to wait the approach of hungry people and give to them. (One day), there came a famished man, looking as if he could
He defends himself on the ground that the lords of Hsü claimed the title of King. The language of the officers of Kû shows that they were embarrassed by his mission.
1 Literally, 'The mother of the Shû family is dead,' but the interpretation of the text is disputed. The Khien-lung editors and many others question the genuineness of the whole paragraph. The officers of prayer were divided into five classes; the first and third of which are intended here. See the Official Book of Kâu, ch. 25.
* Great efforts are made to explain away this last sentence.
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hardly see, his face covered with his sleeve, and dragging his feet together. Khien Åo, carrying with his left hand some rice, and holding some drink with the other, said to him, ' Poor man! come and eat.' The man, opening his eyes with a stare, and looking at him, said, 'It was because I would not eat “Poor man come here's” food, that I am come to this state.' Khien Åo immediately apologised for his words, but the man after all would not take the food and died.
When 3ăng-xze heard the circumstances, he said, Was it not a small matter? When the other expressed his pity as he did, the man might have gone away. When he apologised, the man might have taken the food.'
18. In the time of duke Ting of Ka-lü, there occurred the case of a man killing his father. The officers reported it; when the duke, with an appearance of dismay, left his mat and said, “This is the crime of unworthy me!' He added, I have learned how to decide on such a charge. When a minister kills his ruler, all who are in office with him should kill him without mercy. When a son kills his father, all who are in the house with him should kill him without mercy. The man should be killed; his house should be destroyed; the whole place should be laid under water and reduced to a swamp. And his ruler should let a month elapse before he raises a cup to his lips.'
This duke Ting became ruler of Ka in B. C. 613. Some interpret the paragraph as if it said that all the officers, as well as the whole family of a regicide or parricide, should be killed with him. But that cannot be, and need not be, the meaning.
O2
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19. (The ruler of) Zin having congratulated Wănzze on the completion of his residence, the Great officers of the state went to the house-warming Kang Lào said, 'How elegant it is, and lofty! How elegant and splendid! Here will you have your songs! Here will you have your wailings! Here will you assemble the representatives of the great families of the state!' Wăn-zze replied, 'If I can have my songs here, and my wailings, and assemble here the representatives of the great families of the state, (it will be enough). I will then (only) seek to preserve my waist and neck to follow the former Great officers of my family to the Nine Plains.' He then bowed twice, laying his head also on the ground.
A superior man will say (of the two), that the one was skilful in the expression of his praise and the other in his prayer.
20. The dog kept by Kung-nt having died, he employed Zze-kung to bury it, saying, 'I have heard that a worn-out curtain should not be thrown away, but may be used to bury a horse in; and that a worn-out umbrella should not be thrown away, but may be used to bury a dog in. I am poor and have no umbrella. In putting the dog into the grave, you can use my mat; and do not
1 It is doubtful how this first sentence should be translated. Most naturally we should render Hsien-wăn-zze of Zin having completed his house, but binomial honorary titles were not yet known; and the view seems to be correct that this Wăn-jze was Kao Wa, a well-known minister of Zin. The Nine Plains' below must have been the name of a burying-place used by the officers of Sin. There seems to be an error in the name in the text, which is given correctly in paragraph 25.
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let its head get buried in the earth. When one of the horses of the ruler's carriage dies, it is buried in a curtain (in good condition)?.'
21. When the mother of Ki-sun died, duke Âi paid a visit of condolence to him. (Soon after) 3ăng-gze and 3ze-kung arrived for the same purpose; but the porter declined to admit them, because the ruler was present. On this they went into the stable, and adjusted their dress more fully. (Shortly) they entered the house, Zze-kung going first. The porter said to him, 'I have already announced your arrival;' and when zăng-pze followed, he moved on one side for him. They passed on to the inner place for the droppings from the roof, the Great officers all moving out of their way, and the duke descending a step and bowing to them. A superior man has said about the case, 'So it is when the toilet is complete! Immediately its influence extends far 8.'
22. A man-at-arms at the Yang gate (of the capital of Sung) having died, Zze-han, the superintendent of Works, went to (his house), and wailed for him bitterly. The men of zin who were in Sung as spies returned, and reported the thing to
The concluding sentence is found also in the Narratives of the School,' and may have been added to the rest by the compiler of this Than Kung. We are not prepared for the instance which Confucius gives of his poverty; but perhaps we like him better for keeping a dog, and seeing after its burial.
? Because he was older than 3ăng-gze.
* This concluding sentence is much objected to; seeming, as it does, to attribute to their toilet what was due to the respectful demeanour of the two worthies, and their established reputation. But the text must stand as it is.
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THE LÎ ki.
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the marquis of zin, saying, 'A man-at-arms at the Yang gate having died, 3ze-han wailed for him bitterly, and the people were pleased ; (Sung), we apprehend, cannot be attacked (with success).'
When Confucius heard of the circumstances, he said, 'Skilfully did those men do their duty as spies in Sung. It is said in the Book of Poetry, "If there was any mourning among the people,
I did my utmost to help them.” Though there had been other enemies besides zin, what state under the sky could have withstood one (in the condition of Sung) 1 ?'
23. At the mourning rites for duke Kwang of La, when the interment was over, (the new ruler) did not enter the outer gate with his girdle of dolichos cloth. The ordinary and Great officers, when they had finished their wailing, also did not enter in their sackcloth ?
24. There was an old acquaintance of Confucius, called Yüan Zang. When his mother died, the Master assisted him in preparing the shell for the coffin. Yuan (then) got up on the wood, and said,
It is long since I sang to anything;' and (with this he struck the wood), singing :
It is marked like a wild cat's head; It is(smooth)as a young lady's hand which you hold.' The Master, however, made as if he did not hear, and passed by him.
· The whole narrative here is doubted. See the Shih, I. iii. Ode 10. 4. The reading of the poem, but not the meaning, is different from the text. The application is far-fetched
The time was one of great disorder; there may have been reasons for the violations of propriety, which we do not know.
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The disciples who were with him said, 'Can you not have done with him ?' 'I have heard,' was the reply, that relations should not forget their relationship, nor old acquaintances their friendship?'.
25. Kao Wăn-gze and Shd-yü were looking about them at the Nine Plains , when Wăn-zze said, If these dead could arise, with whom would I associate myself?' Shd-yü asked, "Would it be with Yang Khu-fd8?' 'He managed by his course,' was the reply, 'to concentrate in himself all the power of Zin, and yet he did not die a natural death. His wisdom does not deserve to be commended.'
Would it be with uncle Fan?' Wăn-gze said, When he saw gain in prospect, he did not think of his ruler; his virtue does not deserve to be commended. I think I would follow WA-3ze of Sui". While seeking the advantage of his ruler, he did not forget himself; and while consulting for his own advantage, he was not forgetful of his friends.'
The people of Zin thought that Wăn-zze knew men. He carried himself in a retiring way, as if he could not bear even his clothes. His speech
1 We have another instance of Confucius's relations with Yuan Zang in the Analects, XIV, 46. He was evidently 'queer,' with a sort of craze. It gives one a new idea of Confucius to find his interest in, and kindly feeling for, such a man.
See paragraph 19 and note. • Master of duke Hsiang B.C. 627-621, and an important minister afterwards.
* See in paragraph 19, Part i. But scant measure is dealt kere to uncle Fan.'
* Wa-zze of Sui had an eventful life, and played an important part in the affairs of Zin and Khin in his time. See a fine testimony to him in the 30 Kwan, under B.C. 546.
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THE LÎ xi.
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was low and stuttering, as if he could not get his words out. The officers whom he advanced to responsible charges in the depositories of Zin were more than seventy. During his life, he had no contentions with any of them about gain, and when dying he required nothing from them for his sons.
26. Shu-kung Pht instructed (his son) Zze-lia (in the rules of ceremony); and when he died, 3zelid's wife, who was a plain, blunt woman, wore for him the one year's mourning and the headband with its two ends tied together. (Phi's brother), Shu-kung Khien spoke to 3ze-lid about it, and requested that she should wear the three months mourning and the simple headband; saying, 'Formerly, when I was mourning for my aunts and sisters, I wore this mourning, and no one forbade it.' When he withdrew, however, (3ze-lid) made his wife wear the three months' mourning and the simple headband ?
27. There was a man of Khăng, who did not go into mourning on the death of his elder brother. Hearing, however, that 3ze-kâo was about to become governor of the city, he forthwith did so. The people of Khăng said, “The silkworm spins
i ShQ-kung Phî was the first of a branch of the Shu-sun clan, descended from the ruling house of Lu. The object of the paragraph seems to be to show, that Zze-lit's wife, though a plain simple woman, was taught what to do, by her native feeling and sense, in a matter of ceremony, more correctly than the two gentlemen, mere men of the world, her husband and his uncle. The paragraph, however, is not skilfully constructed, nor quite clear. Kång Hsüan thought that Zze-lid was Phi's son, which, the Khien-lung editors say, some think a mistake, They do not give definitely their own opinion,
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its cocoons, but the crab supplies the box for them; the bee has its cap, but the cicada supplies the strings for it. His elder brother died, but it was 3ze-kâo who made the mourning for him ?.'
28. When Yo King, Zze-khun's mother, died, he was five days without eating. He then said, 'I am sorry for it. Since in the case of my mother's death, I could not eat according to my feelings, on what occasion shall I be able to do so ?'
29. In a year of drought duke MQ ? called to him Hsien-ze, and asked him about it. “Heaven,' said he, has not sent down rain for a long time. I wish to expose a deformed person in the sun (to move its pity), what do you say to my doing so ?' 'Heaven, indeed,' was the reply, 'does not send down rain; but would it not be an improper act of cruelty, on that account to expose the diseased son of some one in the sun ?
*Well then,' (said the duke), "I wish to expose in the sun a witch; what do you say to that?' Hsien-zze said, 'Heaven, indeed, does not send down rain; but would it not be wide of the mark to hope anything from the suffering of) a foolish woman, and by means of that to seek for rain : ?'
"The Bze-kâo here was the same as Kao Khải; see the note on paragraph 4. The incident here shows the influence of his well-known character. He is the crab whose shell forms a box for the cocoons, and the cicada whose antennae form the strings for the cap.
* Duke MQ and Hsien-zze;' see Section I. Part iii. 5.
* In the 30 Kwan, under B. c. 639, duke HsÎ of La makes a proposal about exposing a deformed person and a witch like that which is recorded here. Nothing is said, however, about changing the site of the market. Reference is made, however, to that
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THE LI Kİ.
'What do you say then to my moving the marketplace elsewhere?' The answer was, 'When the son of Heaven dies, the market is held in the lanes for seven days; and it is held in them for three days, when the ruler of a state dies. It will perhaps be a proper measure to move it there on account of the present distress.'
30. Confucius said, 'The people of Wei, in burying husband and wife together (in the same grave and shell), leave a space between the coffins. The people of Lû, in doing the same, place them together; -which is the better way.
APPENDIX TO BOOK II.
THE reader will have been struck by the many references in the Than Kung to the degrees and dress of mourning; and no other subject occupies so prominent a place in many of the books of the Li Kî that follow. It is thought well, therefore, to introduce here, by way of appendix to it, the following passage from a very valuable paper on Marriage, Affinity, and Inheritance in China,' contributed, on February 8th, 1853, to the China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, by Mr. W. H. Medhurst, jun., now Sir Walter H. Medhurst. The information and subjoined illustrative tables were taken by him mainly from the Ritual and Penal Code of China, a preliminary chapter of which is devoted to the subject of 'The Dress of Mourning:'
'The ideas of the Chinese as to nearness of kin, whether by
practice in a work of Tung Kung-shu (second century, B. c.), of which Wang Thâo ventures to give a geomantic explanation. The narrative in the text is probably taken from the 30 Kwan, the compiler having forgotten the time and parties in the earlier
account.
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blood or marriage, differ widely from our own. They divide relationships into two classes, Nêi khin ( 1) and Wâi yin ( 1), terms analogous to our" consanguinity" and "affinity," but conveying, nevertheless, other associations than those which we attach to these words. The former (Nêi khin) comprehends all kindred derived from common stock with the individual, but only by descent through the male line; the latter (Wai yin) includes what the Chinese designate mů tang ( m), khi tang (**), and nü tang ( ), three terms best translated, perhaps, by "mother's kin," "wife's kin," and "daughter's kin,"and understood by them to mean a mother's relatives, relatives of females received into one's kindred by marriage, and members of families into which one's kinswomen marry. Thus, for example, a first cousin twice removed, lineally descended from the same great-greatgrandfather through the male line, is a nêi-khin relative; but a mother's parents, wife's sister, and a sister's husband or child, are all equally wai-yin kindred. The principle on which the distinction is drawn appears to be, that a woman alienates herself from her own kin on marriage, and becomes a part of the stock on which she is grafted; and it will be necessary to keep this principle distinctly in mind in perusing any further remarks that may be made, as otherwise it will be found impossible to reconcile the many apparent contradictions in the theory and practice of the Chinese Code.
The indication of the prohibited degrees (in marriage) depends then upon a peculiar genealogical disposition of the several members of a family with respect to the mourning worn for deceased relatives; and this I shall now proceed to explain. The Ritual prescribes five different kinds of mourning, called wa fa (. AB), to be worn for all relatives within a definite proximity of degree, graduating the character of the habit in proportion to the nearness of kin. These habits are designated by certain names, which by a species of metonymy come to be
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THE Li ki.
applied to the relationships themselves, and are used somewhat as we apply the terms “ist degree," « 2nd degree," and so on; and plans, similar to our genealogical tables, are laid down, showing the specific habit suitable for each kinsman. The principal one of these tables, that for a married or unmarried man, comprises cousins twice removed, that is, derived by lineal descent from a common great-great-grandfather, that ancestor himself, and all relatives included within the two lines of descent from him to them; below the individual, it comprehends his own descendants (in the male line) as far as great-great-grandchildren, his brother's as far as great-grandchildren, his cousin's as far as grandchildren, and the children of his cousin once removed. In this table néi-khin relationships will alone be found; mourning is worn for very few of the wai-yin, and these, though actually, that is, in our eyes, ties of consanguinity, and deserving far more consideration than many for which a deeper habit is prescribed, are classed among the very lowest degrees of mourning.
"Six tables are given in the Ritual to which the five habits are common; they prescribe the mourning to be worn by
ist, A man for his kinsmen and kinswomen; 2nd, A wife for her husband's kinsfolk; 3rd, A married female for her own kinsfolk; 4th, A man for his mother's kinsfolk; 5th, A man for his wife's kinsfolk;
6th, A concubine for her master's kinsfolk. "A seventh table is given, exhibiting the mourning to be worn for step-fathers and fathers by adoption, and for stepand foster-mothers, &c.; but I have not thought it necessary to encumber my paper by wandering into so remote a portion of the field.
"To render these details more easily comprehensible, I shall class the relationships in each table under their appropriate degrees of mourning, and leave the reader to examine the tables at his leisure. It need only be borne
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in mind, that, excepting where otherwise specified, the relationship indicated is male, and only by descent through the male line, as, for example, that by "cousin" a father's brother's son alone is meant, and not a father's sister's son or daughter.
APPENDIX TO BOOK II.
'The five kinds of mourning, the names of which serve, as has been said, to indicate the degrees of relationship to which they belong, are:
1st, Kan-jui (), nominally worn for three years, really for twenty-seven months;
2nd, 3ze-jui (H), worn for one year, for five months, or for three months;
3rd, Ta-kung (), worn for nine months;
4th, Hsiao-kung (), worn for five months; 5th, Sze-ma (), worn for three months.
'The character of each habit, and the relatives for whom it is worn, are prescribed as follows:
'1st, Kan-jui indicates relationships of the first degree. The prescribed habit for it is composed of the coarsest hempen fabric, and left unhemmed at the borders. It is
worn:
'By a man, for his parents; by a wife, for her husband, and husband's parents; and by a concubine, for her
master.
'2nd, 3ze-jui indicates relationships of the second degree. The prescribed habit for it is composed of coarse hempen fabric, with hemmed borders. It is worn for one year :
'By a man, for his grandparents; uncle; uncle's wife; spinster aunt; brother; spinster sister; wife; son (of wife or concubine); daughter-in-law (wife of first-born); nephew; spinster niece; grandson (first-born son of first-born); by a wife, for her husband's nephew, and husband's spinster niece; by a married woman, for her parents, and grandparents; and by a concubine, for her master's wife; her master's parents; her master's sons (by wife or other concubine), and for sons. It is worn for five months :
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'By a man, for his great-grandparents; and by a married woman, for her great-grandparents. It is worn for three months :
and by
'By a man, for his great-great-grandparents;
a married woman, for her great-great-grandparents.
3rd, Tâ-kung indicates relationships of the third degree. The prescribed habit for it is composed of coarse cotton fabric 1. It is worn :
'By a man, for his married aunt; married sister; brother's wife; first cousin; spinster first cousin; daughter-in-law (wife of a younger son, or of a son of a concubine); nephew's wife; married niece; and grandson (son of a younger son, or of a concubine's son); by a wife, for her husband's grandparents; husband's uncle; husband's daughter-in-law (wife of a younger son, or of a concubine's son); husband's nephew's wife; husband's married niece; and grandson; by a married woman, for her uncle; uncle's wife; spinster aunt; brother; sister; nephew; spinster niece; and by a concubine, for her grandson.
'4th, Hsiao-kung indicates relationships of the fourth degree. The habit prescribed for it is composed of rather coarse cotton fabric. It is worn :
'By a man, for his grand-uncle; grand-uncle's wife; spinster grand-aunt; father's first cousin; father's first cousin's wife; father's spinster first cousin; married female first cousin; first cousin once removed; spinster female first cousin once removed; second cousin; spinster female second cousin; grand-daughter-in-law (wife of first-born of first-born son); grand-nephew; spinster grand-niece; mother's parents; mother's brother; mother's
1 In the very brief account of this preliminary chapter in the Penal Code, given by Sir George Staunton, in his translation of the Code (page lxxv), he gives for the material 'coarse' linen cloth. The Chinese character is simply 'cloth.' I suppose the material originally was linen; but since the use of cotton, both of native and foreign manufacture, has increased in China, it is often substituted for linen. I have seen some mourners wearing linen, and others wearing cotton.
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sister'; by a wife, for her husband's aunt; husband's brother ; husband's brother's wife; husband's sister ; husband's second cousin; spinster female second cousin of husband; husband's grand-nephew; and spinster grandniece of husband; by a married woman, for her spinster aunt; married sister; first cousin ; and married niece; and by a concubine, for her master's grandparents.
5th, Sze-mâ indicates relationships of the fifth degree. The prescribed dress for it is composed of rather-fine cotton cloth. It is worn :
By a man, for his great-grand-uncle; great-granduncle's wife; spinster great-grand-aunt; married grandaunt; grandfather's first cousin ; grandfather's first cousin's wife; spinster first cousin of grandfather; married female first cousin of father; father's first cousin once removed ; wife of father's first cousin once removed ; father's spinster first cousin once removed ; first cousin's wife; married female first cousin once removed ; first cousin twice removed; spinster first cousin twice removed; married female second cousin ; second cousin once removed ; spinster second cousin once removed ; grand-daughter-in-law (wife of son of a younger son, or of son of a concubine); grand-nephew's wife; married grand-niece; third cousin ; spinster third cousin; great-grandson; great-grand-nephew; spinster great-grand-niece; great-great-grandson; aunt's son; mather's brother's son; mother's sister's son; wife's parents; son-in-law; daughter's child: by a wife, for her husband's great-great-grand-parents; husband's great-grand-parents; husband's grand-uncle; husband's spinster grand-aunt; father-in-law's first cousin ; father-in-law's first cousin's wife; spinster first cousin of father-in-law; female first cousin of husband; husband's second cousin's wife; married female second cousin of husband; husband's second cousin once removed; husband's
These Dames and others farther on, printed with spaced letters, all belong to the Wai-yin relationships.
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208
THE Li xi.
spinster second cousin once removed ; grand-daughter-inlaw (wife of own or a concubine's grandson); husband's grand-nephew's wife; husband's married grand-niece; husband's third cousin; spinster third cousin of husband; greatgrandson ; great-grand-daughter-in-law; husband's greatgrand-nephew; spinster great-grand-niece of husband; and great-great-grandson: and by a married woman, for her grand-uncle; spinster grand-aunt; father's first cousin; spinster first cousin of father; spinster first cousin ; second cousin ; spinster second cousin.'
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Page #750

TABLE No. 1. Mourning worn by a Man for his Kinsmen and Kinswomen.
Great-greal grand
wacher.
Oreat grand-cune.
Great grandmother
(6 months.)
Married
Single.
Grandfather's lot Corin.
(female)
Grand
Grand-mother
(1 year.)
Married
Single
Single
Married.
Father
e
of Conscience
(female)
Father let Corin.
(female)
du
d
V the
Strigle
Neri
Married.
Single (1 year.)
La Cosein wice removed.
(female)
Sieter
lot Corinne med
(female)
let Couri (female)
SELE.
Married.
Single.
Narried.
Single.
Married
Single,
Married
Single. (1 year.)
Ind Coin once mond.
(female)
And Cousin (female)
Younger
Nice
younger
Sune of
V Song Concu Mine. (1 yeur.)
Married
Single.
inferior
Married
Single
Married
Single.
Son.
3rd Cousin (female)
Grunden
wine or
Young Sona younger
youngerer
inferior Grund.com
Norried
Single.
Married
Single
Interior Sons
Great grand see
Great-grand-con' wye
Marriel.
single.
Grogrend-o
Son's
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DEGREES.
La Degree were
And Degree 1 year 5 month,
Great-great-grand
father. (8 months)
3 months
4th
Brd Degree 9 monthe.
Degree. 5 months.
Great grandfather.
(6 months.)
Great grand-uncle and wife
sek Degree. 3 month.
Nouring
Grand uncle and wife
Grandfather.
(1 year.)
Grandfather's lat Cuturin
and wife
rather
Unele and wife
(1 year.)
Father's lo con
and Wife.
Father'lat Cannee
Permoved, and ..
ILF.
Sisterin
lase.
Ruth ( yes.)
1 Corina
fe
wielof Illuf Coin Coin once Fred
removed.
Wife of 11
lot Corint Ce wekee tulee remowd.
remed.
And Conrin
2
Nephews wife.
Couf
Wife of oldest Seal (1 year.)
1
Eldet Sex of Wife (1 year.)
(1 yeur.)
w of and Connonce remored.
d.
Pife of
Eldest Son of eldert Son's
eldest
Grand pha Fife.
Grand sphere.
3rd Con'
w
ard Con
Sena eldest
Som
(1 year)
Great-grand
Greatyrand
Hepbe.
Oreat-grand-01
Oreat-gr
. Son
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Page #753

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Page #754

TABLE No. 2.
Mourning worn by a Wife for her Husband's Kinsfolk.
Husband's End Cousin once remed (female)
Married.
Single.
Father-in-law's let Cousin. (female.)
Married.
Husband's lat Cousin, (female.)
Single.
Husband's 2nd Cousin, (female.)
Married.
Married.
Single.
Husband's 3rd Cousin, (female.)
Single.
Husband's Grand-aunt.
Married
Busband's Aunt.
Single.
Stater-in-law.
Husband's Nicor.
Married.
Husband's Grand-niece.
Single. (1 year.)
Married.
Single.
Husband's Great-grand-niece.
Single.
Digitized by
Husband's Great-greatgrand-mother.
Husband's Oreat-grand
Husband's Grandmother.
Mother-in-law.
(Husband for Wife.) (1 year.)
Dougher totoo
mother.
Sone of car
Daughter
Bon
#1
Best Bul Bangko
Great-grand-con's Wife.
Google
Great-grand wen's Daughter in Jans.
Bul
8

Page #755

Husband's Great-greatgrand father.
Husband's Great-grand
Husband's Grandfather.
Father-in-law.
Husband.
3011 (1 year.)
Grand-con.
Great-grand-com.
Great-grand-son's Son.
Husband's Orand-undle.
Husband Unch.
Brother-in-law and We.
Hband's Nephew's Wife.
Husband's Grandphon's Wife.
Husband Nephew. (1 year.)
Buland's Grand
Husband's Great-grand nephew.
Father-in-law's let Cousin and Hipe.
Husband's Lot Cousin and Hife.
Bad Cousin's
Harland's 2nd Consin
Husband's 3rd Cousin.
Husband's 2nd Cousin once removed.
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Page #756

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Page #757

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Page #758

TABLE No. 8. Mourning worn by a married Female
for her oron Kinfolk.
Orwelt
Onunda
Urand-porte
Anondok
(1
r.)
Diode
rather
One
We
Lot Cowoln (female)
SELF.
Coin.
Il
ek
Pomele (
la)
od Couple
Vople.
Marvin.
Mari
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Page #760

TABLE No. 4.
Mourning worn by a Man for his Mother's Kinsfolk.
Son of Mother's Lot Cousin (female.)
Mother's Mater.
Mother's Slater's Bon.
Mother's Sister's Grand-com.
Nors-Father's Batur's Son and Grand-com, though not relatives
·外親。
by the Mother's side, are yet properly fore are inearted hope.
Mother's Grandparents
and there
Mother's Permis.
SELF.
Father's Bidler's Grand-son.
Aunt Bon.
Mother's Brother.
Mother's Brother's Bon.
Mother's Brother's Grand-com.
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Son of Mother's Lot Couples (male.)
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Page #761

Wit's Father's later.
w' Seter.
Wid's Sider's son.
Wyr's Grand-parents
Father-in-law, Mother-in-law.
SELF.
B-in-law.
Daughter's Child.
Daughter's Grand-son and Grond
daughter.
TABLE No. 5.
Mourning worn by a Man for his Wife's Kinsfolk.
WW Father's Brother.
Wy's Brether and Wife.
Wit's Brother's Son.
w's Mother's Parts
Nora-Ben-in-law, and Grand-children and Great-grand-bildren by Daughter and Grand-daughter, are not Wife's relations, but are included heren.
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TABLE No. 6. Mourning worn by a Concubine for her Mother's Kimafolk.
Crondp
l ane
Lotta
hu
dont son
and
Your endrier den
Eldor H
odont son of Lord.
How of your and interier for
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·
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Page #765

BOOK III. THE ROYAL REGULATIONS".
SECTION I. 1. According to the regulations of emolument and rank framed by the kings, there were the duke; the marquis; the earl; the count; and the baron? :-in all, five gradations (of rank). There were (also), in the feudal states, Great officers of the highest grade,—the ministers; and Great officers of the lowest grade; officers of the highest, the middle, and the lowest grades :-in all, five gradations (of office)
2. The territory of the son of Heaven amounted to 1000 11 square; that of a duke or marquis to 500 lt square; that of an earl to 70 11 square; and that of a count or baron to 50 11 square *. (Lords) who could not number 50 11 square, were not
See the Introduction, chapter iïi, pages 18–20. * Most sinologists have adopted these names for the Chinese terms. Callery says, 'Les ducs, les marquis, les comtes, les vicomtes, et les barons.' See the note on Mencius, V, i, 2, 3, for the meaning given to the different terms.
3. Great officers are in Chinese Tå FQ, Great Sustainers.' The character fa ( ) is different from that for officer,' which follows. The latter is called shih (+), often translated scholar,' and is
the designation of one having a special charge.' Callery generally retains the Chinese name Ta Fa, which I have not liked to do.
• A li is made up of 360 paces. At present 278 li=10 English miles, and one geographical lî=1458.53 English feet. The territories were not squares, but when properly measured, 'taking the length with the breadth,' were equal to so many li square. The Chinese term rendered 'territory' is here (!?), meaning fields;" but it is not to be supposed that that term merely denotes 'ground that could be cultivated,' as some of the commentators maintain.
[07]
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THE LI Kİ.
admitted directly to (the audiences of) the son of Heaven. Their territories were called 'attached,' being joined to those of one of the other princes.
210
BK. III.
3. The territory assigned to each of the ducal ministers of the son of Heaven was equal to that of a duke or marquis; that of each of his high ministers was equal to that of an earl; that of his Great officers to the territory of a count or baron; and that of his officers of the chief grade to an attached territory.
4. According to the regulations, the fields of the husbandmen were in portions of a hundred acres1. According to the different qualities of those acres, when they were of the highest quality, a farmer supported nine individuals; where they were of the next, eight; and so on, seven, six, and five. The pay of the common people, who were employed in government offices, was regulated in harmony with these distinctions among the husbandmen.
5. The officers of the lowest grade in the feudal states had an emolument equal to that of the husbandmen whose fields were of the highest quality; equal to what they would have made by tilling the fields. Those of the middle grade had double that of the lowest grade; and those of the highest grade double that of the middle. A Great officer of the lowest grade had double that of an officer of the highest. A high minister had four times that of
1 The mâu is much less than an English acre, measuring only 733 square yards. An English acre is rather more than 6 mâu.
But held their appointments only from the Head of their department, and were removable by him at pleasure, having no commission from the king, or from the ruler of the state in which they were.
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SECT. I.
THE ROYAL REGULATIONS.
211
a Great officer; and the ruler had ten times that of a high minister. In a state of the second class, the emolument of a minister was three times that of a Great officer; and that of the ruler ten times that of a minister. In small states, a high minister had twice as much as a Great officer; and the ruler ten times as much as a minister.
6. The highest minister, in a state of the second class, ranked with the one of the middle grade in a great state; the second, with the one of the lowest grade; and the lowest, with a Great officer of the highest grade. The highest minister in a small state ranked with the lowest of a great state; the second, with the highest Great officer of the other; and the lowest, with one of the lower grade.
7. Where there were officers of the middle grade and of the lowest, the number in each was three times that in the grade above it'.
8. Of the nine provinces embracing all within the four seas, a province was 1000 lt square, and there were established in it 30 states of 100 li (square) each; 60 of 70 li; 120 of 50 lt:-in all, 210 states. The famous hills and great meres were not included in the investitures 3. The rest of the
Some of the critics think that this sentence is out of place, and really belongs to paragraph 5 of next section. As the text stands, and simple as it appears, it is not easy to construe.
2 The expression 'the four seas' must have originated from an erroneous idea that the country was an insular square, with a sea or ocean on each side. The explanation of it in the R Ya as denoting the country surrounded by The 9 1, the 8 Tî, the 7 Zung, and the 6 Man,' was an attempt to reconcile the early error with the more accurate knowledge acquired in the course of time. But the name of 'seas' cannot be got over.
That is, these hills and meres were still held to belong to all
P 2
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212
THE LI kl.
BK. III.
ground formed attached territories and unoccupied lands of the eight provinces (apart from that which formed the royal domain), each contained (the above) 210 states 1.
9. Within the domain of the son of Heaven there were 9 states of 100 11 square; 21 of 70 11; and 63 of 50 11:-in all, 93 states. The famous hills and great meres were not assigned. The rest of the ground served to endow the officers, and to form unoccupied lands.
10. In all, in the nine provinces, there were 1773 states, not counting in (the lands of) the officers of the chief grade of the son of Heaven, nor the attached territories in the feudal states.
SECTION II. 1. (The contributions from) the first hundred 11 (square) of the son of Heaven served to supply (the needs of) the (various) public offices; (those from the rest of) the thousand 11 were for his own special use*:
2. Beyond his thousand 11, chiefs of regions were appointed. Five states formed a union, which had
the people, and all had a right to the game on the hills and the fish of the waters. The princes could not deny to any the right of access to them; though I suppose they could levy a tax on what they caught
1 This statement must be in a great degree imaginary, supposing, as it does, that the provinces were all of the same size. They were not so; nor are the eighteen provinces of the present day so.
. The character in the text here is different from that usually employed to denote the royal domain.
The term is different from the invested' of the previous paragraph. The tenures in the royal domain were not hereditary.
• Such seems to be the view of the Khien-lung editors. Callery translates the paragraph substantially as I have done.
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213
a President. Ten formed a combination, which had a Leader. Thirty formed a confederation, which had a Director. Two hundred and ten formed a province, which had a Chief. In the eight provinces there were eight Chiefs, fifty-six Directors, one hundred and sixty-eight Leaders, and three hundred and thirty-six Presidents. The eight Chiefs, with those under them, were all under the two Ancients of the son of Heaven. They divided all under the sky between them, one having charge of the regions on the left and the other of those on the right, and were called the two (Great) Chiefs 1.
3. All within the thousand It (of the royal domain) was called the Tien (or field Tenure). Outside that domain there were the 3hâi (or service territories) and the Liû (or territory for banished persons).
4. The son of Heaven had three dukes, nine high ministers, twenty-seven Great officers, and eighty-one officers of the chief grade.
5. In a great state there were three high ministers3, all appointed by the son of Heaven; five Great
SECT. II.
THE ROYAL REGULATIONS.
1 Of these two great chiefs, we have an instance in the dukes of Kâu and Shao, at the rise of the Kâu dynasty, the former having under his jurisdiction all the states west of the Shen river, and the other, all east of it. But in general, this constitution of the kingdom is imaginary. Compare the Shû V, xx. The three dukes (Kung) were the Grand Tutor, Grand Assistant, and Grand Guardian. The mine ministers were the Prime Minister, the Ministers of Instruction, Religion, War, Crime, and Works, with the Junior Tutor, Junior Assistant, and Junior Guardian added. The six ministers exist still, substantially, in the six Boards. The titles of the three Kung and their Juniors also still exist.
• These appear to have been the Ministers of Instruction, War, and Works. The first had also the duties of Premier, the second those of minister of Religion, and the third those of minister of Crime.
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Page #770

THE LI KI.
officers of the lower grade; and twenty-seven officers of the highest grade. In a state of the second class there were three high ministers, two appointed by the son of Heaven and one by the ruler; five Great officers of the lower grade; and twenty-seven officers of the highest grade. In a small state there were two high ministers, both appointed by the ruler; five Great officers of the lower grade; and twentyseven officers of the highest grade.
214
BK. III.
6. The son of Heaven employed his Great officers as the Three Inspectors,-to inspect the states under the Chiefs of Regions'. For each state there were three Inspectors.
7. Within the domain of the son of Heaven the princes enjoyed their allowances; outside it they had their inheritances 2.
8. According to the regulations, any one of the three ducal ministers might wear one additional sym bol of distinction,-that of the descending dragon3.
1 The Khien-lung editors think that this was a department first appointed by the Han dynasty, and that the compilers of this Book took for it the name of 'the Three Inspectors,' from king Wu's appointment of his three brothers to watch the proceedings of the son of the last sovereign of Yin, in order to give it an air of antiquity. Was it the origin of the existing Censorate?
Outside the royal domain, the feudal states were all hereditary. This is a fact of all early Chinese history. In the domain itself the territories were appanages rather than states. Yet they were in some sense hereditary too. The descendants of all who had served the country well, were not to be left unprovided for. Compare Mencius I, ii, 5, 3.
See the Shih, Part I, xv, Ode 6. 1, with the note in my edition of the Chinese Classics.' The old symbols of distinction gave rise to the Insignia of Civil and Military Officers' of the present dynasty, called Kiu phin (). See Williams' Dictionary, p. 698. This paragraph is in the expurgated edition
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215
But if such an addition were made (to his eight symbols), it must be by special grant. There were only nine symbols (in all). The ruler of a state of the second class wore only seven of them, and the ruler of a small state only five.
SECT. 11.
THE ROYAL REGULATIONS.
9. The high minister of a great state could not wear more than three of the symbols, and the ministers below him only two. The high ministers of a small state, and Great officers of the lowest class, wore only one.
10. The rule was that the abilities of all put into offices over the people should first be discussed. After they had been discussed with discrimination, the men were employed. When they had been (proved) in the conduct of affairs, their rank was assigned; and when their position was (thus) fixed, they received salary.
II. It was in the court that rank was conferred, the (already existing) officers being (thus) associated in the act1. It was in the market-place that punishment was inflicted; the multitude being (thus) associated in casting the criminals off. Hence, neither the ruler, nor (the head of) a clan, would keep a criminal who had been punished about him; a Great officer would not maintain him; nor would an officer, meet
of the Li K, used by Callery, and he gives for it, unfortunately, the following version:- Il est de règle que les trois ministres (qui d'habitude n'appartiennent qu'au 8e ordre de dignitaires), en montant un degré portent l'habit des dragons en broderie. Si, après cela, il y a lieu de leur accorder de nouvelles récompenses, on leur donne des objets de valeur, car on ne va pas au delà du 9o ordre.'
1 The presence of the officers generally would be a safeguard against error in the appointments, as they would know the individuals.
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Page #772

THE LI Kİ.
ing him on the road, speak to him. Such men were sent away to one of the four quarters, according to the sentence on each. They were not allowed to have anything to do with affairs of government, to show that there was no object in allowing them to live1.
216
BK. III.
12. In their relation to the son of Heaven, the feudal princes were required to send every year a minor mission to the court, and every three years a greater mission; once in five years they had to appear there in person.
13. The son of Heaven, every five years, made a tour of Inspection through the fiefs2.
14. In the second month of the year, he visited those on the East, going to the honoured mountain of Tâi. There he burnt a (great) pile of wood, and announced his arrival to Heaven; and with looks directed to them, sacrificed to the hills and rivers. He gave audience to the princes; inquired out those who were 100 years old, and went to see them : ordered the Grand music-master to bring him the poems (current in the different states), that he might see the manners of the people; ordered the superintendents of markets to present (lists of prices), that he might see what the people liked and disliked, and whether they were set on extravagance and loved
1 It has been said that these were rules of the Yin or Shang dynasty. The Khien-lung editors maintain that they were followed by all the three feudal dynasties.
• Compare vol. iii, pp. 39, 40.
These would include ballads and songs. Perhaps Grand music-master' should be in the plural, meaning those officers of each state. Probably these would have given them to the king's Grand music-master.
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SECT. II.
THE ROYAL REGULATIONS.
217
what was bad; he ordered the superintendent of rites to examine the seasons and months, and fix the days, and to make uniform the standard tubes, the various ceremonies, the instruments of) music, all measures, and (the fashions of) clothes. (Whatever was wrong in these) was rectified.
15. Where any of the spirits of the hills and rivers had been unattended to, it was held to be an act of irreverence, and the irreverent ruler was deprived of a part of his territory. Where there had been neglect of the proper order in the observances of the ancestral temple, it was held to show a want of filial piety, and the rank of the unfilial ruler was reduced. Where any ceremony had been altered, or any instrument of music changed, it was held to be an instance of disobedience, and the disobedient ruler was banished. Where the statutory measures and the (fashion of) clothes had been changed, it was held to be rebellion, and the rebellious ruler was taken off. The ruler who had done good service for the people, and shown them an example of virtue, received an addition to his territory and rank.
16. In the seventh month, (the son of Heaven) continued his tour, going to the south, to the mountain of that quarter, observing the same ceremonies as in the east. In the eighth month, he went on to the west, to the mountain of that quarter?, observing the
· Mount Hång; in the present district of Hàng-shan, dept. Hằng-lâu, Hu-nan.
Mount Hwa; in the present district of Hwa-yin, dept. Thungkâu, Shen-hsî.
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218
THE LÎ xi.
BK. III.
same ceremonies as in the south. In the eleventh month, he went on to the north, to the mountain of that quarter", observing the same ceremonies as in the west. (When all was done), he returned (to the capital), repaired (to the ancestral temple) and offered a bull in each of the fanes, from that of his (high) ancestor to that of his father.
17. When the son of Heaven was about to go forth, he sacrificed specially, but with the usual forms, to God, offered the i sacrifice at the altar of the earth, and the Zhâo in the fane of his father. When one of the feudal princes was about to go forth, he offered the 1 sacrifice to the spirits of the land, and the Zhâo in the fane of his father.
18. When the son of Heaven received the feudal princes, and there was no special affair on hand, it was (simply) called an audience. They examined their ceremonies, rectified their punishments, and made uniform what they considered virtuous; thus giving honour to the son of Heaven*.
19. When the son of Heaven gave (an instrument of) music to a duke or marquis, the presentation was
1 Mount Hàng; in the present district of Khü-yang, dept. Ting-kâu, Kih-lî.
. I have followed here the view of Khung Ying-tâ. It seems to me that all the seven fanes of the son of Heaven were under one roof, or composed one great building, called the Ancestral Temple.' See p. 224.
* The meaning of the names of the different sacrifices here is little more than guessed at.
• The second sentence of this paragraph is variously understood.
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SECT. II.
THE ROYAL REGULATIONS.
219
preceded by a note from the signal box?; when giving one to an earl, count, or baron, the presentation was preceded by shaking the hand-drum. When the bow and arrows were conferred on a prince, he could proceed to execute the royal justice. When the hatchet and battle-axe were conferred, he could proceed to inflict death. When a large libation-cup was conferred, he could make the spirits from the black millet for himself. When this cup was not conferred, he had to depend for those spirits (as a gift) from the son of Heaven.
20. When the son of Heaven ordered a prince to institute instruction, he proceeded to build his schools; the children's?, to the south of his palace, on the left of it; that for adults, in the suburbs. (The college of) the son of Heaven was called (the palace of) Bright Harmony, (and had a circlet of water). (That of) the princes was called the Palace with its semicircle of water.
A representation of the signal box is here given (1). The note was made by turning the upright handle, which then struck on some arrangement inside. The hand-drum is also represented (2). It was merely a sort of rattle; only that the noise was
made by the two little balls striking against the ends of the drum. It is constantly seen and heard in the streets of Chinese cities at the present day, in the hands of pedlers and others.
? That is, the children of the princes; but an impulse was thus given to the education of children of lower degree.
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220
THE LÎ ki.
BK. III.
21. When the son of Heaven was about to go forth on a punitive expedition, he sacrificed specially, but with the usual forms, to God; offered the Î sacrifice at the altar of the Earth, and the Zhao in the fane of his father. He offered sacrifice also to the Father of War (on arriving) at the state which was the object of the expedition. He had received his charge from his ancestors, and the complete (plan) for the execution of it in the college. He went forth accordingly, and seized the criminals; and on his return he set forth in the college his offerings, and announced (to his ancestors) how he had questioned (his prisoners), and cut off the ears (of the slain)".
22. When the son of Heaven and the princes had no (special) business in hand, they had three huntings? in the year. The first object in them was to supply the sacrificial dishes with dried flesh; the second, to provide for guests and visitors; and the third, to supply the ruler's kitchen.
23. Not to hunt when there was no (special) business in the way was deemed an act of irreverence To hunt without observing the rules (for hunting) was deemed cruelty to the creatures of Heaven.
24. The son of Heaven did not entirely surround (the hunting ground)*; and a feudal prince did not
Compare paragraph 17, and vol. iii, pp. 392, 393. * The huntings were in spring, summer, and winter, for each of which there was its proper name. In autumn the labours of the field forbade hunting.
Irreverence, in not making provision for sacrifices; disrespect, in not providing properly for guests.
He left one opening for the game. This paragraph contains some of the rules for hunting.
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SECT. II.
THE ROYAL REGULATIONS.
221
take a (whole) herd by surprise. When the son of Heaven had done killing, his large flag was lowered; and when the princes had done, their smaller flag. When the Great officers had done, the auxiliary carriages were stopped?; and after this, the common people fell a hunting (for themselves).
25. When the otter sacrificed its fish, the foresters entered the meres and dams. When the wolf sacrificed its prey, the hunting commenced. When the dove changed into a hawk, they set their nets, large and small. When the plants and trees began to drop their leaves, they entered the hills and forests (with the axe). Until the insects had all withdrawn into their burrows, they did not fire the fields. They did not take fawns nor eggs. They did not kill pregnant animals, nor those which had not attained to their full growth. They did not throw down nests 8.
26. The chief minister determined the expenditure of the states, and it was the rule that he should do so at the close of the year. When the five kinds of grain had all been gathered in, he then determined the expenditure ;-according to the size of each territory, as large or small, and the returns of the year, as abundant or poor. On the average of thirty years he determined the expenditure, regulating the outgoing by the income.
1 These were light carriages used in driving and keeping the game together.
* See the next Book, where all these regulations are separately mentioned.
The Chinese have a reputation for being callous in the infliction of punishment and witnessing suffering; and I think they are so. But these rules were designed evidently to foster kindness and sympathy.
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222
THE LÎ ki.
BK, III.
27. A tenth of the (year's) expenditure was for sacrifices. During the three years of the mourning rites (for parents), the king did not sacrifice (in person), excepting to Heaven, Earth, and the Spirits of the land and grain; and when he went to transact any business, the ropes (for his chariot) were made of hemp (and not of silk)! A tithe of three years' expenditure was allowed for the rites of mourning. When there was not sufficient for the rites of sacrifice and mourning, it was owing to lavish waste; when there was more than enough, the state was described as affluent. In sacrifices there should be no extravagance in good years, and no niggardliness in bad.
28. If in a state there was not accumulated (a surplus) sufficient for nine years, its condition was called one of insufficiency; if there was not enough for six years, one of urgency. If there was not a surplus sufficient for three years, the state could not continue. The husbandry of three years was held to give an overplus of food sufficient for one year; that of nine years, an overplus sufficient for three years. Going through thirty years in this way), though there might be bad years, drought, and inundations, the people would have no lack or be reduced to (eating merely) vegetables, and then the son of Heaven would every day have full meals and music at them.
SECTION III. 1. The son of Heaven was encoffined on the seventh day (after his death), and interred in the seventh month. The prince of a state was en
i Such is the meaning of the text here given by the Khien-lung editors. It is found also in the Khang-hsi dictionary, under the character , called in this usage hwo.
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coffined on the fifth day, and interred in the fifth month. A Great officer, (other) officers, and the common people were encoffined on the third day, and interred in the third month. The mourning rites of three years (for parents) extended from the son of Heaven to all.
2. The common people let the coffin down into the grave by ropes, and did not suspend the interment because of rain. They raised no mound, nor planted trees over the grave. That no other business should interfere with the rites of mourning was a thing extending from the son of Heaven to the common people.
3. In the mourning rites they followed (the rank of) the dead ; in sacrificing to them, that of the living. A son by a concubine did not (preside at) the sacrifices?
4. (The ancestral temple of) the son of Heaven embraced seven fanes (or smaller temples); three on the left and three on the right, and that of his great ancestor (fronting the south) :-in all, seven. (The temple of) the prince of a state embraced five such fanes: those of two on the left, and two on the right, and that of his great ancestor :-in all, five. Great officers had three fanes :-one on the left, one on the right, and that of his great ancestor :-in all, three. Other officers had (only) one. The common people presented their offerings in their (principal) apartment
Even though he might attain to higher rank than the son of the wife proper, who represented their father.
* The technical terms (as they may be called) in the text make it impossible to translate this paragraph concisely, so as to make it intelligible to a foreign reader unacquainted with the significance of
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5. The sacrifices in the ancestral temples of the son of Heaven and the feudal princes were that of
those terms. The following ground-plan of an ancestral temple of a king of Kau is given in the plates of the Khien-lung edition of the Li ki:-after KU Hsi. I introduce it here with some condensations.
Grand Ancestor
King Wăn
King wa
Great Grandfather
G.G.Grandfather
Father
Grandfather
Entering at the gate on the south, we have, fronting us, at the northern end, the fane of the grand ancestor to whom, in the distant past, the family traced its line. South of his fane, on the right and left, were two fanes dedicated to kings Wån and WQ, father and son, the joint founders of the dynasty. The four below them, two on each side, were dedicated to the four kings preceding the reigning king, the sacrificer. At the back of each fane was a comparatively dark apartment, called khi where the spirit tablet was kept during the intervals between the
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spring, called Yo; that of summer, called T1; that of autumn, called Khang; and that of winter, called Khăng.
6. The son of Heaven sacrificed to Heaven and Earth; the princes of the states, to the (spirits of the) land and grain; Great officers offered the five sacrifices (of the house). The son of Heaven sacrificed to all the famous hills and great streams under the sky, the five mountains receiving (sacrificial) honours like the honours paid (at court) to the three ducal ministers, and the four rivers honours like those paid to the princes of states; the princes sacrificed to the famous hills and great streams which were in their own territories.
7. The son of Heaven and the feudal lords sacrificed to the ancient princes who had no successors to
sacrifices. When a sacrifice was offered, the tablet was brought out and placed in the centre of a screen, in the middle of the fane. As the line lengthened, while the tablets of the grand ancestor and joint ancestors always remained untouched, on a death and accession, the tablet of the next oldest occupant was removed and placed in a general apartment for the keeping of all such tablets, and that of the newly deceased king was placed in the father's fane, and the other three were shifted up, care being always taken that the tablet of a son should never follow that of his father on the same side. The number of the lower fanes was maintained, as a rule, at four. Those on the east were called Kao (!?), and on the west Ma (), the names in the text here. See the Chinese Classics, I, pp. 266, 267, and the note there.
1 The names of some of these sacrifices and their order are sometimes given differently.
* For four of these mountains, see pages 217, 218, notes. The fifth was that of the centre, mount Sung, in the present district of Sung, department Ho-nan, Ho-nan. The four rivers were the Kiang, the Hwai, the Ho, and the Ki.
[27]
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preside over the sacrifices to them, and whose possessions now formed part of the royal domain or of their respective states.
8. The son of Heaven offered the spring sacrifice apart and by itself alone, but his sacrifices of all the other seasons were conducted on a greater scale in the fane of the high ancestor. The princes of the states who offered the spring sacrifice omitted that of the summer; those who offered that of the summer omitted that of the autumn; those who sacrificed in autumn did not do so in winter; and those who sacrificed in winter did not do so in spring?
In spring they offered the sacrifice of the season by itself apart; in summer, in the fane of the high ancestor ? ; in autumn and winter both the sacrifices were there associated together.
9. In sacrificing at the altars to the spirits of the land and grain, the son of Heaven used in each case a bull, a ram, and a boar; the princes, (only) a ram and a boar. Great and other officers, at the sacrifices in their ancestral temples, if they had lands, sacrificed an animal; and, if they had no lands, they only presented fruits. The common people, in the spring, presented scallions; in summer, wheat; in autumn, millet; and in winter, rice unhulled. The scallions were set forth with eggs; the wheat with
The princes who omitted one sacrifice in the year would probably be absent in that season, attending at the royal court. They paid that attendance in turns from the several quarters.
* If in this summer service the seasonal and the sacrifice in the fane of the high sacrifice were associated together, the rule for the princes was the same as for the king. There was the ordinary associate sacrifice, and the great;' about which the discussions and different views have been endless.
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fish; the millet with a sucking-pig; and the rice with a goose.
10. Of the bulls used in sacrificing to Heaven and Earth, the horns were (not larger than) a cocoon or a chestnut. Those of the one used in the ancestral temple could be grasped with the hand; those of the ox used for (feasting) guests were a foot long.
Without sufficient cause, a prince did not kill an ox, nor a Great officer a sheep, nor another officer a dog or a pig, nor a common person eat delicate food.
The various provisions (at a feast) did not go beyond the sacrificial victims killed; the private clothes were not superior to the robes of sacrifice; the house and its apartments did not surpass the ancestral temple.
11. Anciently, the public fields were cultivated by the united labours of the farmers around them, from the produce of whose private fields nothing was levied. A rent was charged for the stances in the marketplaces, but wares were not taxed. Travellers were examined at the different passes, but no duties were levied from them. Into the forests and plains at the foot of mountains the people went without hindrance at the proper seasons. None of the produce was levied from the fields assigned to the younger sons of a family, nor from the holy fields. Only three days' labour was required (by the state) from the people in the course of a year. Fields and residences in the hamlets, (when once assigned), could
1 The victims must all have been young animals; 'to show, says Wang Thảo, that the sincerity of the worshipper is the chief thing in the view of Heaven.'
Q2
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not be sold. Ground set apart for graves could not be sought (for any other purpose)".
12. The minister of Works with his (various) instruments measured the ground for the settlements of the people. About the hills and rivers, the oozy ground and the meres, he determined the periods of the four seasons. He measured the distances of one spot from another, and commenced his operations in employing the labour of the people. In all his employment of them, he imposed (only) the tasks of old men (on the able-bodied), and gave (to the old) the food-allowance of the able-bodied.
13. In all their settlements, the bodily capacities of the people are sure to be according to the sky and earthly influences, as cold or hot, dry or moist. Where the valleys are wide and the rivers large, the ground was differently laid out; and the people born in them had different customs. Their temperaments,
Compare Mencius III, i, 3, 6–9, et al. ; II, 1, 5, 2-4; I, 1, 3, 3, 4; III, i, 3, 15-17; with the notes. I give here also the note of P. Callery on the first sentence of this paragraph : Sous les trois premières dynasties, époque éloignée où il y avait peu de terrains cultivés dans l'empire, le gouvernement concédait les terres inculles par carrés équilatères ayant goo mâu, ou arpents, de superficie. Ces carrés, qu'on nommait Zing (#), d'après leur analogie de tracé avec le caractère 3ing, "a well," étaient divisés en neuf carrés égaux de 100 mâu chacun, au moyen de deux lignes médianes que deux autres lignes coupaient à angle droit à des distances égales. Il résultait de cette intersection de lignes une sorte de damier de trois cases de côté, ayant huit carrés sur la circonférence, et un carré au milieu. Les huit carrés du pourtour devenaient la propriété de huit colons ; mais celui du centre était un champ de réserve dont la culture restait bien à la charge des huit voisins, mais dont les produits appartenaient à l'empereur.'
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as hard or soft, light or grave, slow or rapid, were made uniform by different measures; their preferences as to flavours were differently harmonised; their implements were differently made; their clothes were differently fashioned, but always suitably. Their training was varied, without changing their customs; and the governmental arrangements were uniform, without changing the suitability (in each case).
14. The people of those five regions-the Middle states, and the Zung, 1, (and other wild tribes round them)-had all their several natures, which they could not be made to alter. The tribes on the east were called 1. They had their hair unbound, and tattooed their bodies. Some of them ate their food without its being cooked. Those on the south were called Man. They tattooed their foreheads, and had their feet turned in towards each other. Some of them (also) ate their food without its being cooked. Those on the west were called Zung. They had their hair unbound, and wore skins. Some of them did not eat grain-food. Those on the north were called Ti. They wore skins of animals and birds, and dwelt in caves. Some of them also did not eat
SECT. III.
THE ROYAL REGULATIONS.
grain-food.
The people of the Middle states, and of those Î, Man, Zung, and Ti, all had their dwellings, where they lived at ease; their flavours which they preferred; the clothes suitable for them; their proper implements for use; and their vessels which they prepared in abundance. In those five regions, the languages of the people were not mutually intelligible, and their likings and desires were different. To make what was in their minds apprehended, and to communicate their likings and desires, (there were officers),—in the
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east, called transmitters; in the south, representationists; in the west, T1-tis?; and in the north, interpreters.
15. In settling the people, the ground was measured for the formation of towns, and then measured again in smaller portions for the allotments of the people. When the division of the ground, the cities, and the allotments were thus fixed in adaptation to one another, so that there was no ground unoccupied, and none of the people left to wander about idle, economical arrangements were made about food; and its proper business appointed for each season. Then the people had rest in their dwellings, did joyfully what they had to do, exhorted one another to labour, honoured their rulers, and loved their superiors. This having been secured, there ensued the institution of schools.
SECTION IV.
1. The minister of Instruction defined and set forth the six ceremonial observances? :-to direct and control the nature of the people; clearly illustrated the seven lessons (of morality) 3 to stimulate their virtue ; inculcated uniformity in the eight objects of government, to guard against all excess; taught the
"I cannot translate Ti-tî. It was the name of a region (Williams says, 'near the Koko-nor'), the people of which had a reputation for singing.
? See the last paragraph of these Regulations, at the end of next Section.
* It has become the rule, apparently with all sinologists, to call the minister in the text here, Sze Thů, by the name of The minister
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sameness of the course (of duty) and virtue, to assimilate manners; nourished the aged, to secure the completion of filial piety; showed pity to orphans and solitaries, to reach those who had been bereaved; exalted men of talents and worth, to give honour to virtue; and dealt summarily with the unworthy, to discountenance wickedness.
2. He commanded that, throughout the districts, there should be marked and pointed out to him those who were disobedient to his lessons. (This having been done), the aged men were all assembled in the schools, and on a good day archery was practised and places were given according to merit. (At the same time) there was a feast, when places were given according to age. The Grand minister of Instruction conducted thither the eminent scholars of the state and along with them superintended the business.
of Instruction. Callery describes him as Le ministre qui a dans ses attributions l'instruction publique et les rites.' And this is correct according to the account of his functions here, in the Kau Li, and in the Sha (V, xx, 8); but the characters ( 1 ) simply denote 'superintendent of the multitudes.' This, then, was the conception anciently of what government had to do for the multitudes,-to teach them all moral and social duties, how to discharge their obligations to men living and dead, and to spiritual beings. The name is now applied to the president and vicepresident of the board of Revenue.
That is, the six districts embraced in the royal domain, each nominally containing 12,500 families.
? The great school of the district. The aged men would be good officers retired from duty, and others of known worth.
• Here we have the Grand minister of Instruction;' and it may be thought we should translate the name in the first paragraph in the plural. No doubt, where there is no specification of the grand, it means the board or department of Education.
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If those (who had been reported to him) did not (now) change, he gave orders that they who were noted as continuing disobedient in the districts on the left should be removed to those on the right, and those noted on the right to the districts on the left. Then another examination was held in the same way, and those who had not changed were removed to the nearest outlying territory. Still continuing unchanged, they were removed, after a similar trial, to the more distant territory. There they were again examined and tried, and if still found defective, they were cast out to a remote region, and for all their lives excluded from distinction.
3. Orders were given that, throughout the districts, the youths who were decided on as of promising ability should have their names passed up to the minister of Instruction, when they were called 'select scholars.' He then decided which of them gave still greater promise, and promoted them to the (great) college', where they were called 'eminent scholars.' Those who were brought to the notice of the minister were exempted from services in the districts; and those who were promoted to the (great) school, from all services under his own department, and (by and by) were called 'complete scholars ?'
4. The (board for the direction of Music gave all honour to its four subjects of instructions, and
This would be the college at the capital. ? Have we not in these the prototypes of the Flowering Talents' (Hsia Zhai +) and Promoted Men' (Ku Zån
N of to-day? * In the text these are called the four Arts' and 'the four Teachings;' but the different phrases seem to have the same meaning.
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arranged the lessons in them, following closely the poems, histories, ceremonies, and music of the former kings, in order to complete its scholars. The spring and autumn were devoted to teaching the ceremonies and music; the winter and summer to the poems and histories'. The eldest son of the king and his other sons, the eldest sons of all the feudal princes, the sons, by their wives proper, of the high ministers, Great officers, and officers of the highest grade, and the eminent and select scholars from (all) the states, all repaired (to their instruction), entering the schools according to their years.
5. When the time drew near for their quitting the college, the smaller and greater assistants, and the inferior director of the board, put down those who had not attended to their instructions, and reported them to the Grand director, who in turn reported them to the king. The king ordered the three ducal ministers, his nine (other) ministers, the Great officers, and the (other) officers, all to enter the school (and hold an examination). If this did not produce the necessary change; the king in person inspected the school; and if this also failed, for three days he took no full meal nor had music, after which the (culprits) were cast out to the remote regions. Sending them to those of the west was called a (temporary) expul
1 The Khien-lung editors say that in spring and autumn the temperature is equable and the bodily spirits good, well adapted for the practice of ceremonies and moving in time to the music, whereas the long days of summer and long nights of winter are better adapted for the tasks of learning the poems and histories.'
* The smaller assistants of the Grand director of Music were eighteen, and the greater four. See the Kâu Li, XVII, 21. Their functions are described in XXII, 45-53.
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sion;' to the east, a temporary exile.' But all their lives they were excluded from distinction.
6. The Grand director of Music, having fully considered who were the most promising of the 'completed scholars,' reported them to the king, after which they were advanced to be under the minister of War, and called 'scholars ready for employment?:
7. The minister of War gavę discriminating consideration (to the scholars thus submitted to him), with a view to determine the offices for which their abilities fitted them. He then reported his decisions concerning the best and ablest of them to the king, to have that judgment fixed. When it was, they were put into offices. After they had discharged the duties of these, rank was given them; and, their positions being thus fixed, they received salary.
8. When a Great officer was dismissed as incompetent from his duties, he was not (again) employed in any office to the end of his life. At his death, he was buried as an (ordinary) officer,
1 Exactly the name to the candidates of to-day who have succeeded at the triennial examinations at the capital; the Metropolitan Graduates,' as Mayers (page 72) calls them.
It is strange to find the minister of War performing the services here mentioned, and only these. The Khien-lung editors say that the compilers of this Book had not seen the Kâu Lĩ nor the Sh. It has been seen in the Introduction, pages 4, 5, how the Kâu Li came to light in the reign of WQ, perhaps fifty years after this Book was made, and even then did not take its place among the other restored monuments till the time of Lill Hsin. To make the duties here ascribed to the minister of War (literally, Master of Horse,' a ) appear less anomalous, Kång and other commentators quote from the Shơ (V, xx, 14) only a part of the account of his functions.
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9. If any expedition of war were contemplated, orders were given to the Grand minister of Instruction to teach the scholars the management of the chariot and the wearing of the coat of mail.
10. In the case of all who professed any particular art, respect was had to their strength. If they were to go to a distant quarter, they had to display their arms and legs, and their skill in archery and charioteering was tested. All who professed particular arts for the service of their superiors, such as prayermakers, writers, archers, carriage-drivers, doctors, diviners, and artizans,mall who professed particular arts for the service of their superiors, were not allowed to practise any other thing, or to change their offices; and when they left their districts, they did not take rank with officers. Those who did service in families (also), when they left their districts, did not take rank with officers.
11. The minister of Crime adapted the punishments (to the offences for which they were inflicted), and made the laws clear in order to deal with criminal charges and litigations. He required the three references as to its justice (before the infliction of a capital punishment)?. If a party had the intention, but there were not evidence of the deed, the charge was not listened to. Where a case appeared as doubtful, it was lightly dealt with ; where it might be pardoned, it was (still) gravely considered.
12. In all determining on the application of any of the five punishments, it was required to decide
See the Kâu Li, XXXVII, 45, 46. ? Branding; cutting off the nose; cutting off the feet; castration; death. See vol. iii, p. 40.
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according to the judgment of Heaven. Inadvertent and redeemable offences were determined by the circumstances of) each particular case?
13. When hearing a case requiring the application of any of the five punishments, (the judge) was required to have respect to the affection between father and son?, or the righteousness between ruler and ministers (which might have been in the mind of the defendant), to balance his own judgment. He must consider the gravity or lightness (of the offence), and carefully try to fathom the capacity (of the offender) as shallow or deep, to determine the exact character (of his guilt). He must exert his intelligence to the utmost, and give the fullest play to his generous and loving feeling, to arrive at his final judgment. If the criminal charge appeared to him doubtful, he was to take the multitude into consultation with him; and if they also doubted, he was to pardon the defendant. At the same time he was to examine analogous cases, great and small, and then give his decision.
14. The evidence in a criminal case having thus been all taken and judgment given, the clerk reported it all to the director (of the district), who heard it and reported it to the Grand minister of Crime. He also heard it in the outer court', and then reported it to the king, who ordered the three ducal ministers,
Vol. iii, pp. 260–263. The compilers in this part evidently had some parts of the Shů before them.
? Which might make either party conceal the guilt of the other. s Which might in a similar way affect the evidence.
• The text says, Under the Zizyphus trees. These were planted in the outer court of audience, and under them the different ministers of the court had their places.
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with the minister and director, again to hear it. When they had (once more) reported it to the king, he considered it with the three mitigating conditions, and then only determined the punishment.
15. In all infictions of punishments and fines, even light offenders (that were not doubtful) were not forgiven. Punishment may be compared to the body. The body is a complete thing; when once completed, there cannot be any subsequent change in it?. Hence the wise man will do his utmost (in deciding on all these inflictions).
16. Splitting words so as to break (the force of) the laws; confounding names so as to change what had been definitely settled; practising corrupt ways so as to throw government into confusion: all guilty of these things were put to death. Using licentious music; strange garments; wonderful contrivances and extraordinary implements, thus raising doubts among the multitudes: all who used or formed such things were put to death. Those who were persistent in hypocritical conduct and disputatious in hypocritical speeches; who studied what was wrong, and went on to do so more and more, and whoever increasingly followed what was wrong so as to bewilder the multitudes : these were put to death. Those
· Callery gives for this,'qui pardonne trois fois.' The conditions were-ignorance, mistake, forgetfulness.
. There is here a play upon the homophonous names of different Chinese characters, often employed, as will be pointed out, in the Li Ki, and in which the scholars of Han set an example to future times. Callery frames a French example of the reasoning that results from it: Un saint est un ceint; or, la ceinture signifiant au figuré la continence, il s'ensuit que la vertu de continence est essentielle à la sainteté!'
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who gave false reports about (appearances of) spirits, about seasons and days, about consultings of the tortoise-shell and stalks, so as to perplex the multitudes : these were put to death. These four classes were taken off, and no defence listened to.
17. All who had charge of the prohibitions for the regulation of the multitudes? did not forgive transgressions of them.
Those who had rank-tokens, the long or the round, and gilt libation-cups were not allowed to sell them in the market-places; nor were any allowed to sell robes or chariots, the gift of the king; or vessels of an ancestral temple; or victims for sacrifice; or instruments of war; or vessels which were not according to the prescribed measurements; or chariots of war which were not according to the same; or cloth or silk, fine or coarse, not according to the prescribed quality, or broader or narrower than the proper rule; or of the illegitimate colours, confusing those that were correcta; or cloth, embroidered or figured ; or vessels made with pearls or jade; or clothes, or food, or drink, (in any way extravagant); or grain which was not in season, or fruit which was unripe; or wood which was not fit for the axe; or birds, beasts, fishes, or reptiles, which were not fit to be killed. At the frontier gates, those in charge of the prohibitions, examined travellers, forbidding such as wore strange clothes, and taking note of such as spoke a strange language.
18. The Grand recorder had the superintendence of
1 These would be, especially, the superintendents of the markets.
The five correct colours were-black, carnation, azure, white, and yellow.
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ceremonies. He was in charge of the tablets of record, and brought before the king what (names) were to be avoided', and what days were unfavourable (for the doing of particular affairs)". The son of Heaven received his admonitions with reverences.
19. (The office of) the accountants & prepared the complete accounts of the year to be submitted to the son of Heaven which were reverently received by the chief minister. The Grand director of Music, the Grand minister of Crime, and the (chief) superintendent of the markets, these three officers, followed with the completed accounts of their departments to be submitted to the son of Heaven. The Grand minister of Instruction, the Grand minister of War, and the Grand minister of Works, reverently received the completed accounts of their several departments from their various subordinates, and examined them, then presenting them to the son of Heaven. Those subordinates then reverently received them after being so examined and adjudicated on. This being done, the aged were feasted and the royal sympathy shown to the husbandmen. The business of the year was concluded, and the expenditure of the states was determined.
1 See pages 93, 180, et al.
Some of the functions here belonged to the assistant recorder, according to the Kâu Lĩ, but the two were of the same department.
This office was under the board of the chief minister, and consisted of sixty-two men of different grades under the Kâu dynasty (the Kâu Li, I, 38; their duties are described in Book VI). It is not easy to understand all the text of the rest of the paragraph, about the final settlement of the accounts of the year.
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SECTION V.
1. In nourishing the aged, (Shun), the lord of Yü, used the ceremonies of the drinking entertainment; the sovereigns of Hsiâ, those at entertainments (after) a reverent sacrifice or offering1; the men of Yin, those of a (substantial) feast; and the men of Kâu cultivated and used all the three.
2. Those of fifty years received their nourishment in the (schools of the) districts; those of sixty, theirs in the (smaller school of the) state; and those of seventy, theirs in the college. This rule extended to the feudal states. An old man of eighty made his acknowledgment for the ruler's message, by kneeling once and bringing his head twice to the ground. The blind did the same. An old man of ninety employed another to receive (the message and gift for him).
3. For those of fifty the grain was (fine and) different (from that used by younger men). For those of sixty, flesh was kept in store. For those of seventy, there was a second service of savoury meat. For those of eighty, there was a constant supply of delicacies. For those of ninety, food and drink were never out of their chambers. Wherever they wandered (to another place), it was required that savoury meat and drink should follow them.
1 The commentators make this to have been a Barmecide feast, merely to show respect for the age; and Callery, after them, gives for the text: 'La dynastie des Hsiâ faisait servir un repas qu'on ne mangeait point.' But Ying-tâ's authorities adduced to support this view do not appear to me to bear it out. See the commencing chapter of Book X, Section ii, where all this about nourishing the aged is repeated.
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4. After sixty, (the coffin and other things for the mourning rites) were seen to be in readiness, (once) in the year; after seventy, once in the season ; after eighty, once in the month ; and after ninety, every day they were kept in good repair. But the bandages, sheet, and coverlets and cases (for the corpse) were prepared after death.
5. At fifty, one begins to decay; at sixty, he does not feel satisfied unless he eats flesh; at seventy, he does not feel warm unless he wears silk; at eighty, he does not feel warm unless there be some one (to sleep) with him ; and at ninety, he does not feel warm even with that.
6. At fifty, one kept his staff always in his hand in his family; at sixty, in his district; at seventy, in the city; at eighty, (an officer) did so in the court. If the son of Heaven wished to put questions to an officer) of ninety, he went to his house, and had rich food carried after him.
7. At seventy, (an officer) did not wait till the court was over (before he retired); at eighty, he reported every month (to the ruler's messenger) that he was still alive ; at ninety, he (had delicate food sent) regularly to him every day.
8. At fifty, a (common) man was not employed in services requiring strength; at sixty, he was discharged from bearing arms along with others; at seventy, he was exempted from the business of receiving guests and visitors; and at eighty, he was free from the abstinences and other rites of mourning. 9. When one was fifty, he received the rank (of a
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Great officer)”; at sixty, he did not go in person to the college; at seventy, he retired from the service of the government; and in mourning, he used only the dress of sackcloth (without adopting the privations of the mourning rites).
10. (Shun), the lord of Yü, nourished the aged (who had retired from the service) of the state in (the school called) the higher hsiang, and the aged of the common people (and officers who had not obtained rank) in (the school called) the lower hsiang. The sovereigns of Hsiâ nourished the former in (the school called) the hsü on the east, and the latter in (that called) the hsü on the west. The men of Yin nourished the former in the school of the right, and the latter in that of the left. The men of Kâu entertained the former in (the school called the eastern kiâo, and the latter in (what corresponded to) the hsiang of Yü. This was in the suburb of the capital on the west?.
11. The lord of Yü wore the hwang cap in sacri
· See Book X, Section ii, 1. This was, say the Khien-lung editors, a lesson against forwardness in seeking office and rank as retirement at seventy was a lesson against cleaving to these too long.
* It is wearisome to try and thread one's way through the discussions about the schools, called by all these different names. One thing is plain, that there were the lower schools which boys entered when they were eight, and the higher schools into which they passed from these. But in this paragraph these institutions are mentioned not in connexion with education, but as they were made available for the assembling and cherishing of the aged. They served various purposes. A school-room with us may do the same, occasionally; it was the rule in ancient China that the young should be taught and the old ministered to in the same buildings.
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THE ROYAL REGULATIONS.
243
ficing (in the ancestral temple), and the white robes in nourishing the aged. The sovereigns of Hsiâ used the shâu cap in sacrificing, and the upper and lower dark garments of undress in nourishing the aged. During the Yin, they used the hsü cap in sacrificing, and the upper and lower garments, both of white thin silk, in nourishing the aged. During the Kâu dynasty, they used the mien cap in sacrificing, and the dark-coloured upper and lower garments in nourishing the aged.
12. The kings of the three dynasties', in nourishing the old, always had the years of those connected with them brought to their notice. Where (an officer) was eighty, one of his sons was free from all duties of government service ; where he was ninety, all the members of his family were set free from them. In cases of parties who were disabled or ill, and where the attendance of others was required to wait upon them, one man was discharged from those duties (for the purpose). Parties mourning for their parents had a discharge for three years. Those mourning for one year or nine months had a discharge for three months. Where an officer was about to move to another state, he was discharged from service for three months beforehand. When one came from another state, he was not required to take active service for a round year.
13. One who, while quite young, lost his father was called an orphan; an old man who had lost his sons was called a solitary. An old man who had lost his wife was called a pitiable (widower); an old woman who had lost her husband was called a poor
1 Hsia, Shang or Yin, and Kâu.
R 2
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THE LÎ ki.
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(widow). These four classes were the most forlorn of Heaven's people, and had none to whom to tell their wants; they all received regular allowances.
14. The dumb, the deaf, the lame, such as had lost a member, pigmies, and mechanics, were all fed according to what work they were able to do.
15. On the roads, men took the right side and women the left; carriages kept in the middle. A man kept behind another who had a father's years.; he followed one who might be his elder brother more closely, but still keeping behind, as geese fly after one another in a row. Friends did not pass by one another, when going the same way. (In the case of an old and a young man, carrying burdens,) both were borne by the younger; and if the two were too heavy for one, he took the heavier. A man with grey hair was not allowed to carry anything, though he might do it with one hand.
16. An officer of superior rank, of the age of sixty or seventy, did not walk on foot. A common man, at that age, did not go without flesh to eat.
17. A Great officer, (having land of his own), was not permitted to borrow the vessels for sacrifice; nor to make vessels for his own private use before he had made those for sacrifice.
18. A space of one 11 square contained fields amounting to 900 mâu? Ten 11 square were equal to 100 spaces of one 11 square, and contained 90,000 mâu. A hundred 11 square were equal to 100 spaces of ten 11 square, and contained 9,000,000 màu. A
* See note as to the size of the mâu on page 218.
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SECT. V.
THE ROYAL REGULATIONS.
245
thousand 11 square were equal to 100 spaces of 100 square, and contained 900,000,000 mâu.
11
19. From mount Hăng1 to the southernmost point of the Ho was hardly 1000 lt. From that point to the Kiang was hardly 1000 11. From the Kiang to mount Hǎng in the south was more than 1000 11. From the Ho on the east to the eastern sea was more than 1000 lt. From the Ho on the east to the same river on the west was hardly 1000 lt; and from that to the Moving Sands was more than 1000 lf. (The kingdom) did not pass the Moving Sands on the west, nor mount Hăng on the south. On the east it did not pass the eastern sea, nor on the north did it pass (the other) mount Hăng. All within the four seas, taking the length with the breadth, made up a space of 3000 11 square, and contained eighty trillions of mâu3.
20. A space of 100 square contained ground to the amount of 9,000,000 mâu. Hills and mounds, forests and thickets, rivers and marshes, ditches and canals, city walls and suburbs, houses, roads, and
1 See notes on pages 217, 218. I have said below '(the other) mount Hăng;' but the names, or characters for the names, of the two mountains are different in Chinese.
What is now called the desert of Gobi.
As it is in the text 80 x 10000 x 100000 x 10000 x 100000 mâu. A translator, if I may speak of others from my own experience, is much perplexed in following and verifying the calculations in this and the other paragraphs before and after it. The Khien-lung editors and Wang Thâo use many pages in pointing out the errors of earlier commentators, and establishing the correct results according to their own views, and I have thought it well to content myself with simply giving a translation of the text.
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lanes took up one third of it, leaving 6,000,000 mâu.
21. Anciently, according to the cubit of Kâu, eight cubits formed a pace. Now, according to the same, six cubits and four inches make a pace. One hundred ancient mâu were equal to 146 of the present day and thirty paces. One hundred ancient li were equal to 121 of the present day, sixty paces, four cubits, two inches and two-tenths.
22. A space of 1000 li square contained 100 spaces of 100 li square each. In this were constituted thirty states of 100 1# square, leaving what would have been enough for other seventy of the same size. There were also constituted sixty states of 70 If square, twenty-nine of 100 li square, and forty spaces of 10 li square ; leaving enough for forty states of 100 lt square, and sixty spaces of 10 11 square. There were also constituted a hundred and twenty states of 50 li square, and thirty of 100 lt square, leaving enough for ten of the same size, and sixty spaces of io li square.
The famous hills and great meres were not included in the fiefs; and what remained was assigned for attached territories and unoccupied lands. Those unappropriated lands were taken to reward any of the princes of acknowledged merit, and what was cut off from some others (because of their demerit) became unappropriated land.
23. The territory of the son of Heaven, amounting to 1000 11 square, contained 100 spaces of 100 11 square each. There were constituted nine appanages of 100 11 square, leaving ninety-one spaces of the same size. There were also constituted twenty-one
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SECT. V.
THE ROYAL REGULATIONS.
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appanages of 70 lt square, ten of 100 11, and twentynine spaces of 10 11 square; leaving enough for eighty of 100 li square, and seventy-one of 10 li. There were further constituted sixty-three appanages of 50 11 square, fifteen of 100 li, and seventy-five spaces of 10 l1, while there still remained enough for sixty-four appanages of 100 11 square, and ninety-six spaces of 10 li each.
24. The officers of the lowest grade in the feudal states received salary sufficient to feed nine individuals; those of the second grade, enough to feed eighteen; and those of the highest, enough for thirty-six. A Great officer could feed 72 individuals ; a minister, 288; and the ruler, 2880.
In a state of the second class, a minister could feed 216; and the ruler, 2160.
A minister of a small state could feed 144 individuals ; and the ruler, 1440.
In a state of the second class, the minister who was appointed by its ruler received the same emolument as the minister of a small state.
25. The Great officers of the son of Heaven acted as 'the three inspectors.' When they were inspecting a state, their salary was equal to one of its ministers, and their rank was that of a ruler of a state of the second class. Their salaries were derived from the territories under the chiefs of regions?
26. The chiefs of regions, on occasion of their appearing at the court of the son of Heaven, had cities assigned them for purification within his domain like those of his officers of the chief grade.
See page 212, paragraph 2, and note 1, page 213. ? The text says, Cities for bathing and washing the hair ;'
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27. The (appointed)heir-sons of the feudal princes inherited their states. Great officers (in the royal domain) did not inherit their rank. They were employed as their ability and character were recognised, and received rank as their merit was proved. Till their rank was conferred (by the king), (the princes) were in the position of his officers of the chief grade, and so they ruled their states. The Great officers of the states did not inherit their rank and emoluments.
28. The six ceremonial observances were :-capping; marrying; mourning rites; sacrifices; feasts; and interviews. The seven lessons (of morality) were :-(the duties between) father and son ; elder brother and younger; husband and wife ; ruler and minister ; old and young; friend and friend ; host and guest. The eight objects of government were :-food and drink; clothes; business (or, the profession); maintenance of distinctions; measures of length ; measures of capacity; and definitely assigned rules.
but preparing by mental exercises for appearing before the king is also intimated by the phrase.
A son, generally the eldest son by the wife proper, had to be recognised by the king before he could be sure of succeeding to his father.
See page 230, paragraph 1.
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BOOK IV. THE YÜEH LING
OR
PROCEEDINGS OF GOVERNMENT IN THE
DIFFERENT MONTHS.
SECTION I. Part I. 1. In the first month of spring the sun is in Shih, the star culminating at dusk being Zhan, and that culminating at dawn Weil.
2. Its days are kià and yf?.
1 In this month the conjunction of the sun and moon took place in Shih or a Markab Pegasi. Zhan is a constellation embracing Betelguese, Bellatrix, Rigel, y, d, e, S, n, of Orion; and Wei ise, H, of Scorpio. Shih is called in the text Ying Shih,
the Building Shih,' because this month was the proper time at which to commence building.
Kia and yî are the first two of the ten heavenly stems,' which are combined with the twelve earthly branches,' to form the sixty binomial terms of the cycle of sixty,' that was devised in a remote antiquity for the registration of successive days, and was subsequently used also in the registration of successive years. The origin of the cycle and of the names of its terms is thus far shrouded in mystery; and also the application of those terms to the various purposes of divination. The five pairs of the stems correspond, in the jargon of mysterious speculation, to the five elements of wood, fire, earth, metal, and water, and, as will be seen in this Book, to the seasons of spring, summer, the intermediate centre, autumn, and winter. Whether there be anything more in this short notice than a declaration of this fact, or any indication of the suitableness of the days' for certain "undertakings' in them, as even the Khien-lung editors seem to think, I cannot say.
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250
THE LÎ ki.
BK. IV.
3. Its divine ruler is Thai Hâo, and the (attending) spirit is Kâu-mang'.
4. Its creatures are the scalya.
5. Its musical note is Kio, and its pitch-tube is the Thai Nhâu.
6. Its number is eight* ; its taste is sour; its smell is rank.
1 Thái Hào, the Grandly Bright, is what is called the dynastic designation' of Fa-hsî and his line. By the time that the observances described in this Book had come into use, Fü-hsî and other early personages had been deified (G), and were supposed to preside over the seasons of the year. To him as the earliest of them was assigned the presidency of the spring, and the element of wood, the phenomena of vegetation being then most striking. He was the divine ruler of the spring, and sacrificed to in its months; and at the sacrifices there was associated with him, as assessor, an inferior personage called Kâumang (literally, 'curling fronds and spikelets '), said to have been a son of Shâo Hâo, another mythical sovereign, founder of the line of Kin Thien ( F ). But Shảo Hâo was separated from Thái Hào by more than 1000 years. The association at these sacrifices in the spring months of two personages so distant in time from each other as FQ-hsî and Kâu-mang, shows how slowly and irregularly the process of deification and these sacrifices had grown up.
? The character for which I have given 'creatures' is often translated by 'insects;' but fishes, having scales, must form a large portion of what are here intended. The seven (zodiacal) constellations of the east,' says wa Khăng, make up the Azure Dragon, and hence all moving creatures that have scales belong to the element of) wood.'
: Kio is the name of the third of the five musical notes of the Chinese scale, corresponding to our B (?); and Thai 3hâu is the name of one of the twelve tubes by which, from a very early date, music was regulated. The Thai Zhâu, or Great Pipe,' was the second of the tubes that give the six upper musical accords.'
The number' of wood is three, which added to five, the
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SECT. I. PT. I.
THE YÜEH LING.
251
7. Its sacrifice is that at the door!, and of the parts of the victim the spleen has the foremost place!
8. The east winds resolve the cold. Creatures that have been torpid during the winter begin to move. The fishes rise up to the ice. Otters sacrifice fish. The wild geese make their appearance.
9. The son of Heaven occupies the apartment on the left of the Khing Yang (Fane); rides in the carriage with the phenix (bells), drawn by the azure-dragon (horses), and carrying the green flag; wears the green
'number' of earth, gives eight, the number' of the months of spring; but this, to me at least, is only a jargon.
This was one of the sacrifices of the house; see paragraph 6, page 116, and especially the seventh paragraph of Book XX. As the door is the place of exodus, it was the proper place for this sacrifice in the spring, when all the energies of nature begin to be displayed afresh. Among the five viscera,--the heart, the liver, the spleen, the lungs, and the kidneys, - the spleen corresponds to the element of earth, and therefore it was made prominent in this service, in the season when the earth seems to open its womb beneath the growing warmth of the year.
. These are all phenomena of the spring. The third of them is differently expressed in Hwai-nan 3ze, the Taoist grandson of the founder of the Han dynasty (see Book V of his works), and in the Hsia Hsiao Kång, showing that this text of the Li Ki was taken from Lu Pa-wei, if the whole Book were not written by him. They read
, which Professor Douglas renders, Fish mount (to the surface of the water, bearing on their backs pieces of ice.' But the meaning of the longer text is simply what I have given. Ying-tâ says, 'Fishes, during the intense cold of winter, lie close at the bottom of the water, attracted by the greater warmth of the earth; but, when the sun's influence is felt, they rise and swim near to the ice.' K =' with their backs near to the ice.' What is said about the otter is simply a superstitious misinterpretation of its habit of eating only a small part of its prey, and leaving the rest on the bank. The geese come from the south on the way to their quarters during the warmer season in the north.
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THE LÎ xi.
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robes, and the (pieces of) green jade (on his cap and at his girdle pendant). He eats wheat and mutton. The vessels which he uses are slightly carved, (to resemble) the shooting forth (of plants)?
The Khing Yang ("Green and Bright ') was one of the principal divisions in the Hall of Distinction of Book XII. We must suppose that the sovereign went there (among other purposes) to give out the first day of the month, and did so in the apartment indicated, and in the style and robes and ornaments of the text, in the first month of spring. The ancient Shun, it is said, set the example of the carriage with bells, whose tinkling was supposed to resemble the notes of the lwan, a bird at which we can only guess, and which has been called the phenix, and the argus pheasant. Horses above eight feet high were called dragon steeds. The predominating green colour suits the season and month; but what made wheat and mutton then peculiarly suitable for the royal mat, I do not know the fancies of Taoism sufficiently to be able to understand.
In the plates to the Khien-lung edition of our classic, the following rude ground-plan of the structure is given to illustrate the various references to it in this Book:
NC
quou 4101
quou qutquot qiei
w
9th month. 8th month. 7th month.
SEASON OF THE CENTRE.
3rd month. and month. ist month.
6th month.
5th month.
4th month.
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SECT. I. PT. I.
THE YÜEH LING.
253
10. In this month there takes place the inauguration of spring. Three days before this ceremony, the Grand recorder informs the son of Heaven, saying,
On such and such a day is the inauguration of the spring. The energies of the season are fully seen in wood.' On this the son of Heaven devotes himself to self-purification, and on the day he leads in person the three ducal ministers, his nine high ministers, the feudal princes (who are at court), and his Great officers, to meet the spring in the eastern suburb?;
The building is made to consist of nine large apartments or halls; three fronting the different points of the compass, and one in the centre; making nine in all. That in the centre was called. The Grand Apartment of the Grand Fane;' south from it was 'The Ming Thang Grand Fane;' on the east 'The Khing Yang Grand Fane;' on the west The Jung Yang Grand Fane;' and on the north The Hsuan Thang Grand Fane.
In the second month of the seasons, the king went the round of the Grand Fanes. The four corner apartments were divided into two each, each one being named from the Grand Fane on the left or right of which it was. Commencing with the half on the left of the Khing Yang Fane, the king made the circuit of all the others and of the Fanes, returning to the other half on the right of the Hsüan Thang Fane in the twelfth month. The Grand Apartment in the centre was devoted to the imaginary season of the centre, between the sixth and seventh months, or the end of summer and beginning of autumn.
1 We are not told what the ceremonies in the inauguration of the spring were. The phrase li khun ( #) is the name of the first of the twenty-four terms into which the Chinese year is divided, dating now from the sun's being in the fifteenth degree of Aquarius. Kăng Hsüan thought that the meeting of the spring in the eastern suburb was by a sacrifice to the first of the five planetary gods,' corresponding to Jupiter, the Azure Tî, called Ling-wei-jang' ( Ap). But where he found that name, and what is its significance, is a mystery; and the whole doctrine
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THE LI ki.
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and on their return, he rewards them all in the court1
11. He charges his assistants? to disseminate (lessons of) virtue, and harmonise the governmental orders, to give effect to the expressions of his satisfaction and bestow his favours; down to the millions of the people. Those expressions and gifts thereupon proceed, every one in proper (degree and direction).
12. He also orders the Grand recorder to guard the statutes and maintain the laws, and (especially) to observe the motions in the heavens of the sun and moon, and of the zodiacal stars in which the conjunctions of these bodies take place, so that there should be no error as to where they rest and what they pass over; that there should be no failure in the record of all these things, according to the regular practice of early times.
13. In this month the son of Heaven on the first (hsin)day prays to God for a good year; and afterwards, the day of the first conjunction of the sun and moon having been chosen, with the handle and share of the plough in the carriage, placed between the man-at-arms who is its third occupant and the driver, he conducts his three ducal ministers, his nine high ministers, the feudal princes and his Great officers, all with their own hands to plough the field of
of five planetary Tîs is held to be heresy, and certainly does not come from the five King.
This rewarding, it is understood, was that mentioned in paiagraph 15, p. 217.
. These assistants are supposed to be the 'three ducal ministers.
% This took and takes place on the first hsin (*) day, the first day commencing with that character, the eighth of the stems.'
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SECT. I. PT. 1.
THE YÜEH LING.
255
God. The son of Heaven turns up three furrows, each of the ducal ministers five, and the other ministers and feudal princes nine? When they return, he takes in his hand a cup in the great chamber, all the others being in attendance on him and the Great officers, and says, 'Drink this cup of comfort after your toil.'
14. In this month the vapours of heaven descend and those of the earth ascend. Heaven and earth are in harmonious co-operation. All plants bud and grow.
15. The king gives orders to set forward the business of husbandry. The inspectors of the fields are ordered to reside in the lands having an eastward exposure, and (see that) all repair the marches and divisions (of the ground), and mark out clearly the paths and ditches. They must skilfully survey the mounds and rising grounds, the slopes and defiles, the plains and marshes, determining what the different lands are suitable for, and where the different grains will grow best. They must thus instruct and lead on the people, themselves also engaging in the tasks. The business of the fields being thus ordered, the guiding line is first put in requisition, and the husbandry is carried on without errors.
16. In this month orders are given to the chief director of Music to enter the college, and practise the dances (with his pupils).
1 The services described here are still performed, in substance, by the emperors of China and their representatives throughout the provinces. The field is generally called 'the imperial field,' through error. The grain produced by it was employed in the sacrifices or religious services of which God (Shang Tî) was the object, and hence arose the denomination.
? Compare vol. iii, pp. 320-322, 370-373. 3.The chief director of Music' would be the same as the Tâ
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256 THE LÎ ki.
BK. IV. 17. The canons of sacrifice are examined and set forth, and orders are given to sacrifice to the hills and forests, the streams and meres, care being taken not to use any female victims?
18. Prohibitions are issued against cutting down trees.
19. Nests should not be thrown down ; unformed insects should not be killed, nor creatures in the womb, nor very young creatures, nor birds just taking to the wing, nor fawns, nor should eggs be destroyed.
20. No congregating of multitudes should be allowed, and no setting about the rearing of fortifications and walls
21. Skeletons should be covered up, and bones with the flesh attached to them buried.
22. In this month no warlike operations should be undertaken ; the undertaking of such is sure to be followed by calamities from Heaven. The not undertaking warlike operations means that they should not commence on our side 3.
Sze Yo of the Kâu Lî, Book XXII. There were dances of war (wan), and dances of peace (wân); but neither is in the text. But either term may include both classes of dancing. Callery translates by 'faire des évolutions.'
1 Not to destroy the life unborn. At the great sacrifices,' those to Heaven and Earth, and in the ancestral temple, only male victims were used, females being deemed unclean. The host of minor sacrifices is intended here.
. Such operations would interfere with the labours of husbandry.
s War is specially out of time in the genial season of spring; but a state, when attacked, must, and might, defend itself even then.
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SECT. I. PT. II.
THE YUEH LING.
23. No change in the ways of heaven is allowed; nor any extinction of the principles of earth; nor any confounding of the bonds of men'.
257
24. If in the first month of spring the governmental proceedings proper to summer were carried out, the rain would fall unseasonably, plants and trees would decay prematurely, and the states would be kept in continual fear. If the proceedings proper to autumn were carried out, there would be great pestilence among the people; boisterous winds would work their violence; rain would descend in torrents; orach, fescue, darnel, and southernwood would grow up together. If the proceedings proper to winter were carried out, pools of water would produce their destructive effects, snow and frost would prove very injurious, and the first sown seeds would not enter the ground2.
PART II.
I. In the second month of spring, the sun is in Khwei, the star culminating at dusk being Hû, and that culminating at dawn Kien-hsing3.
2. Its days are kiâ and yt. Its divine ruler is Thâi Hâo, the attending spirit is Kâu-mang. Its
1 Compare what is said in the fifth Appendix to the Yî King, paragraph 4 (vol. xvi, pp. 423, 424). The next paragraph is the sequel of this.
2 Such government would be comparable to the inversion of the seasons in the course of nature. Compare Proverbs xxvi. 1.
s The constellation Khwei contains 8 (Mirac), 8, 4, 5, μ, v, π of Andromeda, and some stars of Pisces. Ha or Hû Kih contains 8, 4, 7, k, of Canis Major; and 8, ∞, of Argo; and Kien-hsing v, &, π, p, σ, of Sagittarius' head.
[27]
S
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258
THE LÎ ki.
BR. IV.
creatures are the scaly. Its musical note is Kio, and its pitch-tube is the Kia Kung?.
3. Its number is eight; its taste is sour; its smell is rank. Its sacrifice is that at the door, and of the parts of the victim the spleen has the foremost place.
4. The rain begins to fall. The peach tree begins to blossom. The oriole sings. Hawks are transformed into doves?
5. The son of Heaven occupies the Khing Yang Grand Fane“; rides in the carriage with the phenix bells, drawn by the azure dragon-(horses), and bearing the green flag. He is dressed in the green robes, and wears the azure gems. He eats wheat
* Kiâ Kung, the double tube,' is the second tube of the six lower accords.
Literally, There commence the rains. The rains' is now the name of the second of the twenty-four terms (February 15 to March 4).
3 This is the converse of the phenomenon in page 277, paragraph 3. Both are absurd, but the natural rendering in the translation is the view of Kăng, Ying-tâ, Kâo Ya (the glossarist of Hwâi-nan 3ze), and the Khien-lung editors. Seeking for the actual phenomenon which gave rise to the superstitious fancy, Professor Douglas renders the corresponding sentence of the Hsia Káng by hawks become crested hawks,' and thinks that the notice is based on the appearance of the hawks when the rearing instinct becomes excessive, and birds of prey become excited.' It may be so, but this meaning cannot be brought out of the text, and should not be presented as that of the writer of the Book.
See the note on p. 252. The three apartments (two of them subdivided) on the east of the Hall of Distinction, all received the general designation of Khing Yang, 'the Green and Bright,' as characteristic of the season of Spring. It was now the second month of that season, and the king takes his place in the principal or central apartment, 'the Grand Fane.'
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SECT. I. PT. II.
THE YÜEH LING.
259
and mutton. The vessels which he uses are slightly carved, (to resemble) the bursting forth (of nature).
6. In this month, they keep both the young buds and those more advanced from being disturbed; they nourish both the young animals and those not fully grown; they especially watch over all orphans.
7. The fortunate day is chosen, and orders are given to the people to sacrifice at their altars to the spirits of the ground?
8. Orders are given to the (proper) officers to examine the prisons; to remove fetters and handcuffs; that there shall be no unregulated infliction of the bastinado; and that efforts shall be made to stop criminal actions and litigations.
9. In this month the swallow makes its appearance? On the day of its arrival, the son of Heaven sacrifices to the first match-maker with a bull, a ram, and a boar. He goes to do so in person, with his queen and help-mates, attended by his nine ladies of honour. Peculiar courtesy is shown to those whom he has (lately) approached. Bow-cases have been brought, and a bow and arrows are given to each before (the altar of) the first match-maker.
10. In this month day and night are equals. Thunder utters its voice, and the lightning begins
i The sacrifice here was not that to Earth, which it was competent to the king alone to offer; nor to the spirits of the territories of the different states. It was offered by the people generally to the spirits presiding over their fields.
. The swallow is the dark-coloured bird,' of the third sacrificial ode of the Shang dynasty; see vol. iii, p. 307. 3 The vernal equinox.
S 2
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to be seen. Insects in their burrows are all in motion, opening their doors and beginning to come forth.
11. Three days before the thunder', a bell with a wooden tongue is sounded, to give notice to all the people. The thunder,' it is said, 'is about to utter its voice. If any of you be not careful of your behaviour, you shall bring forth children incomplete ; there are sure to be evils and calamities.'
12. At the equinox they make uniform the measures of length and capacity; the weight of 30 catties, the steelyard, and the weight of 120 catties. They correct the peck and bushel, the steelyard weights and the bushel-scraper.
13. In this month few of the husbandmen remain in their houses in the towns. They repair, however, their gates and doors, both of wood and wattles; and put their sleeping apartments and temples all in good repair. No great labours, which would interfere with the work of husbandry, should be undertaken.
14. In this month (the fishermen) should not let the streams and meres run dry, nor drain off all the water from the dams and ponds, in order to catch all the fish), nor should (the hunters) fire the hills and forests.
1 We are not told how they knew this third day.
* A catty (kin) at present = Iflb. avoirdupois. The khün, or 30 catties, = 40lbs. av.; and the shih, or 120 catties, = 160 lbs. av.; see Williams' Commercial Guide, pp. 278-231. The tâu (or peck, in use in the market) contains 10 catties of dry, cleaned rice, and measures 316 cubic zhun, or inches; and the hở, or bushel,
= 5 tâu. The bushel-scraper is a piece of wood or roller used to level the top of the hů. But see Williams, pp. 281, 282.
s Compare vol. iii, pp. 368–373.
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15. The son of Heaven at this time offers a lamb (to the ruler of cold), and opens the (reservoirs of) ice. Before (using it generally), they offer some in their principal apartment or in the ancestral temple1.
2
3
16. On the first ting day orders are given to the chief director of Music to exhibit the civil dances and unfold the offerings of vegetables (to the inventor of music). The son of Heaven, at the head of the three ducal ministers, his nine high ministers, the feudal princes (at court), and his Great officers, goes in person to see the ceremony. On the second ting' day orders are given again to the same chief to enter the college, and practise music (with his pupils).
17. In this month at the (smaller) services of supplication they do not use victims. They use offerings of jade, square and round, and instead (of victims) skins and pieces of silk.
18. If in this second month of spring the governmental proceedings proper to autumn were observed,
1
Compare vol. iii, page 445. Where there was an ancestral temple, the ice would be presented there. The people who had no such temple might present it before the spirit-tablets of their deceased in their principal apartment, where these were set up.
The fourth and fourteenth cycle days.
The offerings were small and scanty in this month, fruits not yet being ready for such a use. Cress and tussel-pondweed are mentioned among the vegetables which were presented on this occasion.
The received text here means not services of supplication,' but sacrifices. That which I have adopted is found in 3hâi Yung, and is approved by the Khien-lung editors. It is a necessary alteration, for in paragraphs 9 and 15 we have instances of victims used this month at sacrifices. The change in the text is not great in Chinese, the character
for
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THE LI XI.
there would be great floods in the states; cold airs would be constantly coming; and plundering attacks would be frequent. If those of winter were observed, the warm and genial airs would be insufficient; the wheat would not ripen; and raids and strifes would be rife among the people. If those of summer were observed, there would be great droughts among the people; the hot airs would come too early; and caterpillars and other insects would harm the grain1.
BK. IV
PART III.
I. In the last month of spring, the sun is in Wei, the constellation culminating at dusk being Khihhsing, and that culminating at dawn Khien-niû2.
2. Its days are kiâ and yi. Its divine ruler is Thai Hâo, and the attending spirit is Kâu-mang. Its creatures are the scaly. Its musical note is the Kio, and its pitch-tube is the Kû Hsien3. Its number is eight. Its taste is sour. Its smell is rank.
3. Its sacrifice is that at the door, and of the parts of the victim the spleen has the foremost place.
1 Before this and the corresponding paragraphs in the Parts of the Book that follow, we must always understand paragraph 23 of the last Part, of which these concluding paragraphs are supposed to be the natural sequence.
Wei is the seventeenth of the twenty-eight Chinese constellations (longitude in 1800, 44° 8' 17") corresponding to Musca borealis. Khih-hsing is understood to be a (Alphard) of Hydra, and small stars near it. Khien-niû corresponds to certain stars (,, v) in the neck of Aquila.
Ka Hsien, 'the lady bathes,' is the third of the tubes that give the six upper musical accords.
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4. The Elaeococca begins to flower!. Moles are transformed into quails Rainbows begin to appear. Duckweed begins to grow.
5. The son of Heaven occupies the apartment on the right of the Khing Yang (Fane); rides in the carriage with the phenix bells, drawn by the azure dragon-(horses), and bearing the green flag. He is dressed in the green robes, and wears the azure gems. He eats wheat and mutton. The vessels which he uses are slightly carved, (to resemble) the bursting forth (of nature).
6. In this month the son of Heaven presents robes yellow as the young leaves of the mulberry tree to the ancient divine ruler (and his queen)
7. Orders are given to the officer in charge of the boats to turn a boat bottom up. Five times he does so, and five times he turns it back again, after which he reports that it is ready for the son of Heaven, who
This would probably be the Elaeococca vernicia, or Aleurites cordata.
% This statement, perhaps, arose from seeing quails running about among the mole-hills. The Khien-lung editors say that the quails fly at night, and in the day keep hidden among the grass; but they seem to admit the transformation. Professor Douglas explains the error from a want of recognition of the migration of quails.
* Callery translates this by : L'empereur offre de la belle jaune de céréales (aux empereurs anciens et modernes qui l'ont précéde),' following a different reading for the article offered. The general view is what I have followed. The offering is supposed to have been in connexion with a sacrifice preparatory to the silkworm season. The rearing of silkworms was due, it was supposed, to Hsî-ling, the wife of the Yellow Ti. He is the Ancient Ti' intended here, I suppose. The name is not to be taken as in the plural. See the Khang-hsî dictionary on the character khu ( ).
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then gets into it for the first time (this spring). He offers a snouted sturgeon (which he has caught) in the rear apartment of the ancestral temple, and also prays that the wheat may yield its produce?.
8. In this month the influences of life and growth are fully developed ; and the warm and genial airs diffuse themselves. The crooked shoots are all put forth, and the buds are unfolded. Things do not admit of being restrained.
9. The son of Heaven spreads his goodness abroad, and carries out his kindly promptings. He gives orders to the proper officers to distribute from his granaries and vaults, giving their contents to the poor and friendless, and to relieve the needy and destitute; and to open his treasuries and storehouses, and to send abroad through all the nation the silks and other articles for presents, thus stimulating the princes of states to encourage the resort to them of famous scholars and show courtesy to men of ability and virtue.
10. In this month, he charges the superintendents of works, saying, “The rains of the season will be coming down, and the waters beneath will be swelling up. Goin order over the states and visit the towns, inspecting everywhere the low and level grounds. Put the dykes and dams in good repair, clear the ditches and larger channels, and open all paths, allowing no obstruction to exist.
1 The five times repeated inspection of the boat does seem rather ridiculous. We must regard the king's taking to the boat as an encouragement to the fishermen, as his ploughing was to the husbandmen. The long-snouted sturgeon has always been called 'the royal sturgeon.' How the praying for a good wheat harvest seems to be connected with this ceremony I do not know.
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II. The nets used in hunting animals and birds, hand nets, archers' disguises, and injurious baits should not (in this month) issue from (any of) the nine gates1.
SECT. I. PT. III.
THE YUEH LING.
12. In this month orders are given to the foresters throughout the country not to allow the cutting down of the mulberry trees and silk-worm oaks. About these the cooing doves clap their wings, and the crested birds light on them. The trays and baskets with the stands (for the worms and cocoons) are got ready. The queen, after vigil and fasting, goes in person to the eastern fields to work on the mulberry trees. She orders the wives and younger women (of the palace) not to wear their ornamental dresses, and to suspend their woman's-work, thus stimulating them to attend to their business with the worms. When this has been completed, she apportions the cocoons, weighs out (afterwards) the silk, on which they go to work, to supply the robes for the solstitial and other great religious services, and for use in the ancestral temple. Not one is allowed to be idle.
13. In this month orders are given to the chiefs of works, to charge the workmen of their various departments to inspect the materials in the five storehouses:-those of iron and other metals; of skins
1 On each side of the wall of the royal city,' says La Tien (early in the Sung dynasty), 'there were three gates.' Wû Khăng says, 'The three gates on the south were the chief gates. Generally, such things as are mentioned here might issue from the other gates, but not from these; but in this month they could not
Other explanations of 'the nine The 'baits' (or medicines) were
issue from any of the nine.' gates' have been attempted. used to attract and to stupefy. 2 Perhaps the hoopoe.
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THE LI XI.
and hides and sinews; of horn and ivory; of feathers, arrows and wood (for bows); and of grease, glue, cinnabar, and varnish. (They are to see) that all these things be good. The workmen then labour at their several tasks. (The chiefs) inspect their work, and daily give them their orders. They must not produce anything contrary to what the time requires; nor can they practise a licentious ingenuity, which would dissipate the minds of their superiors.
BK. IV.
14. In the end of this month a fortunate day is chosen for a grand concert of music. The son of Heaven, at the head of the three ducal ministers, the nine high ministers, the feudal princes (at court), and his great officers, goes in person to witness it.
15. In this month they collect the large, heavy bulls, and fiery stallions, and send them forth to the females in the pasture grounds. They number and make a list of the animals fit for victims, with the foals and calves.
16. Orders are given for the ceremonies against pestilence throughout the city; at the nine gates (also) animals are torn in pieces in deprecation (of the danger):- -to secure the full development of the (healthy) airs of the spring'.
17. If, in this last month of spring, the governmental
1 Compare Analects X, 10, 2. The ceremonies there referred to were the same as those here, carried out in the villages and, indeed, throughout the land. Diseases prevailing were attributed by superstition to the action of evil spirits, and ridiculous measures adopted to drive them away. Confucius and others, even the government itself, gave countenance to these, seeing, perhaps, that in connexion with them the natural causes of disease would be in a measure dispelled.
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SECT. I. PT. III.
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proceedings proper to winter were observed, cold airs would constantly be prevailing ; all plants and trees would decay; and in the states there would be great terrors. If those proper to summer were observed, many of the people would suffer from pestilential diseases; the seasonable rains would not fall; and no produce would be derived from the mountains and heights. If those proper to autumn were observed, the sky would be full of moisture and gloom ; excessive rains would fall early; and warlike movements would be everywhere arising.
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SECTION II. Part I.
1. In the first month of summer, the sun is in P1; the constellation culminating at dusk being Yi, and that culminating at dawn Wu-nü?.
2. Its days are ping and ting?
3. Its divine ruler is Yen Ti, and the attending) spirit is KA-yungs
4. Its creatures are the feathered.
5. Its musical note is Kih, and its pitch-tube is the Kung Lük.
6. Its number is seven'. Its taste is acrid. Its smell is that of things burning.
1 Pi is the name for the Hyades, or, more exactly, of six stars in Hyades, with u and of Taurus; it is the nineteenth of the Chinese constellations. Yî is crater. WO-nu is not so well identified. Williams says that it is a star near the middle of Capricorn,' but others say in Hercules. The R Yå makes it the same as Hsü-nü E *). Probably it was a star in the constellation Nu of Aquarius.
· The third and fourth stem characters of the cycle.
* Yen Tî ('the blazing Tî') is the dynastic designation of Shăn Năng, generally placed next to Fa-hsî in Chinese chronology, and whose date cannot be assigned later than the thirty-first century B.C. KQ-yung in one account is placed before Fa-hsî; in a second, as one of the ministers of Hwang Ti; and in a third, as a son of Khwan-hsü (B.C. 2510-2433). He was the Director of Fire,' and had the presidency of summer.
* Kih is the fourth of the notes of the Chinese scale, and Kung Lü (the middle Spine') the third of the tubes that give the six lower accords.
• The number of fire is 2, which + 5, that of earth, = 7.
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7. Its sacrifice is that at the furnace?; and of the parts of the victim the lungs have the foremost place.
8. The green frogs croak. Earth-worms come forth. The royal melons grow The sow-thistle is in seed.
9. The son of Heaven occupies the apartment on the left of the Ming Thang (Grand Fane); rides in the vermilion carriage, drawn by the red horses with black tails, and bearing the red flag. He is dressed in the red robes, and wears the carnation jade. He eats beans and fowls. The vessels which he uses are tall, (to resemble) the large growth (of things).
10. In this month there takes place the inauguration of summer. Three days before this ceremony, the Grand recorder informs the son of Heaven, saying, 'On such-and-such a day is the inauguration of summer. The energies of the season are most fully seen in fire. On this the son of Heaven devotes himself to self-purification; and on the day, at the head of the three ducal ministers, the nine high ministers, and his Great officers, he proceeds to meet the summer in the southern suburbs. On their return, rewards are distributed. He grants to the feudal princes (an increase of) territory. Congratulations and gifts proceed, and all are joyful and pleased.
11. Orders are also given to the chief master of
It was natural that they should sacrifice here in the summer. • The lungs' is the fourth of the five viscera, and metal' the fourth of the five elements; but' fire subdues metal.' This is supposed to account for the prominence given to the lungs in this sacrifice.
• According to Williams this is the 'common cucumber.'
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music to teach the practice of ceremonies and music together.
12. Orders are given to the Grand Peace-maintainer to recommend men of eminence, allow the worthy and good to have free course and bring forward the tall and large. His conferring of rank and regulation of emolument must be in accordance with the position (of the individual).
13. In this month what is long should be encouraged to grow longer, and what is high to grow higher. There should be no injuring or overthrowing of anything ; no commencing of works in earth ; no sending forth of great multitudes (on expeditions); no cutting down of large trees.
14. In this month the son of Heaven begins to wear thin dolichos cloth.
15. Orders are given to the foresters throughout the country to go forth over the fields and plains, and, for the son of Heaven, to encourage the husbandmen, and stimulate them to work, and not let the season slip by unimproved.
Orders are (also) given to the minister of Instruction to travel in order through the districts to the borders, charging the husbandmen to work vigorously, and not to rest in the towns.
16. In this month they chase away wild animals to prevent them from doing harm to any of the
1 The Grand Peace-maintainer' (+ kt) was a title under the Khin dynasty, and instituted by it, of the Minister of War. The functions of the latter, as described in the last Book, page 234, are in harmony with what is said here. The occurrence of the name bears out the attributing of this book to Lü PQ-wei.
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(growing) grain; but they should not have a great hunting.
17. When the husbandmen present (the first-fruits of) their wheat, the son of Heaven tastes it along with some pork, first offering a portion in the apartment behind (the hall of the) ancestral temple.
18. In this month they collect and store up the various medicinal herbs. Delicate herbs (now) die; it is the harvest time (even) of the wheat. They decide cases for which the punishments are light; they make short work of small crimes, and liberate those who are in prison for slight offences?.
19. When the work with the silk-worms is over, the queen presents her cocoons; and the tithe-tax of cocoons generally is collected, according to the number of mulberry trees; for noble and mean, for old and young there is one law. The object is with such cocoons to provide materials for the robes to be used at the sacrifices in the suburbs and in the ancestral temple.
20. In this month the son of Heaven (entertains his ministers and princes) with strong drink and with (much) observance of ceremony and with music.
1 There does not appear to be any connexion between the first sentence of this paragraph and the remainder of it. The medicinal herbs are collected while all their vigour is in them. For the things in the second sentence the summer heats' make a premature harvest; and this seems to lead to the third topic,- the saving those charged with slight offences from the effects of that heat in confinement.
9 The Khien-lung editors have a note here, which is worth quoting, to the effect that as the great solstitial sacrifices and the seasonal sacrifices of the ancestral temple do not appear in this Book, the drinking here was at court entertainments.
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21. If, in this first month of summer, the proceedings proper to autumn were observed, pitiless rains would be frequent; the five esculent plants? would not grow large, and in all the borders people would have to enter the places of shelter. If those proper to winter were observed, all plants and trees would wither early, and afterwards there would be great floods, destroying city and suburban walls. If those proper to spring were observed, there would be the calamity of locusts, violent winds would come, and plants in flower would not go on to seed.
PART II.
1. In the second month of summer the sun is in the eastern Zing, the constellation culminating at dusk being Khang, and that culminating at dawn Wei?.
2. Its days are ping and ting. Its divine ruler is Yen Ti, and the attending) spirit is Kha-yung. Its creatures are the feathered. Its musical note is Kih, and its pitch-tube is Sui Pins
3. Its number is seven. Its taste is acrid. Its smell is that of things burning. Its sacrifice is that at the furnace; and of the parts of the victim the lungs have the foremost place.
4. The (period of) slighter heat arrives ; the praying mantis is produced ; the shrike begins to give its notes; the mocking-bird ceases to sing
* Hemp or fax, millet, rice, bearded grain, and pulse.
? Zing comprehends y, 6, 5, 1, H, , Gemini; Khang, “, K, , H, P, Virgo; and Wei corresponds to a, Aquarius, and , 0, Pegasus.
Sui Pin, the flourishing Guest,' is the fourth of the tubes that give the six upper musical accords.
This is here the inverted Tongue.' The Khang-hsî dictionary
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THE YUEH LING.
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5. The son of Heaven occupies the Ming Thang Grand Fane; rides in the vermilion carriage, drawn by the red horses with black tails, and bearing the red flag. He is dressed in the red robes, and wears the carnation gems. He eats beans and fowls. The vessels which he uses are tall, (to resemble) the large growth (of things).
6. They encourage the (continued) growth of what is strong and beautiful'.
7. In this month orders are given to the musicmasters to put in repair the hand-drums, smaller drums, and large drums; to adjust the lutes, large and small, the double flutes, and the pan-pipes; to teach the holding of the shields, pole-axes, lances, and plumes ; to tune the organs, large and small, with their pipes and tongues ; and to put in order the bells, sonorous stones, the instrument to give the symbol for commencing, and the stopper?.
8. Orders are given to the (proper) officers to pray for the people and offer sacrifice to the (spirits of the) hills, streams, and all springs. (After that) comes the great summer sacrifice for rain to God, when all says it is the same as the hundred Tongues;' the Chinese mocking-bird.
Ka Hsî would remove this paragraph to the thirteenth of the last Part. It seems to me to be in its proper place.
? See vol. iii, p. 324. The stopper is represented thus :
It was made to sound by a metal rod drawn along the spinous back. I have seen a similar instrument, used for the same purpose, brought from Madras,
[27]
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the instruments of music are employed. Then orders are given throughout all the districts to sacrifice to the various princes, high ministers, and officers who benefited the people ; praying that there may be a good harvest of grain?
9. The husbandmen present (the first-fruits of) their millet; and in this month the son of Heaven partakes of it along with pullets, and with cherries set forth beside them, first offering a portion in the apartment behind the ancestral temple.
10. The people are forbidden to cut down the indigo plant to use it in dyeing,
11. Or to burn wood for charcoal, or to bleach cloth in the sun.
12. The gates of cities and villages should not be shut", nor should vexatious inquiries be instituted at the barrier gates or in the markets.
1 The first and last of the three sacrificial services in the paragraph were subsidiary to the second, the great praying for rain to God by the sovereign; the motive is not mentioned in the text, but only he could conduct a service to God. Callery renders :'En même temps l'empereur invoque le ciel avec grand apparat (afin d'obtenir de la pluie), et cette cérémonie est accompagnée de grande musique.' All Chinese commentators admit that the performer was the sovereign. Răng Khang-khăng says: "For this sacrifice to God, they made an altar (or altars) by the side of the (grand altar in the) southern suburb, and sacrificed to the five essential (or elemental) gods with the former rulers as their assessors.' But the Khien-lung editors insist on the text's having God,' and not
five gods, and that the correct view is that the sacrifice was to the one God dwelling in the bright sky, or, as Williams renders the phrase, 'the Shang Ti of the glorious heaven.'
$ The plant would not yet be fully fit for use.
• Every facility should be afforded for the circulation of air during the summer heats.
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31
13. Leniency should be shown to prisoners charged (even) with great crimes, and their allowance of food be increased?
14. Impregnated mares are collected in herds by themselves, and the fiery stallions are tied up. The rules for the rearing of horses are given out.
15. In this month the longest day arrives. The influences in nature of darkness and decay and those of brightness and growth struggle together; the tendencies to death and life are divided. Superior men give themselves to vigil and fasting. They keep retired in their houses, avoid all violent exercise, restrain their indulgence in music and beautiful sights, eschew the society of their wives, make their diet spare, use no piquant condiments, keep their desires under rule, and maintain their spirits free from excitement. The various magistrates keep things quiet and inflict no punishments 3 ;-to bring about that state of settled quiet in which the influence of darkness and decay shall obtain its full development.
16. Deer shed their horns. Cicadas begin to sing. The midsummer herb is produced. The tree hibiscus flowers.
17. In this month fires should not be lighted (out of doors) in the southern regions (of the country).
1 The leniency would be seen in the lightening of their fetters for one thing,-in consequence of the exhaustion produced by the season.
* Decay begins to set in, while growth and vigour seek to maintain their hold.
The Khien-lung editors approve a reading here, which means, instead of 'no punishments,''no rash or hurried action.'
• The 'tree hibiscus' is the 'hibiscus syriacus.' The 'half-summer herb' is medicinal. It is 'white, with round seeds, and of a hot and pungent taste.'
T 2
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18. People may live in buildings high and bright. They may enjoy distant prospects. They may ascend hills and heights. They may occupy towers and lofty pavilions'.
19. If, in the second month of summer, the governmental proceedings of winter were observed, hail and cold would injure the grain; the roads would not be passable; and violent assaults of war would come. If the proceedings proper to spring were observed, the grains would be late in ripening; all kinds of locusts would continually be appearing ; and there would be famine in the states. If those proper to autumn were observed, herbs and plants would drop their leaves; fruits would ripen prematurely; and the people would be consumed by pestilence.
PART III.
1. In the third month of summer the sun is in Lid, the constellation culminating at dusk being Kwo, and that culminating at dawn Khwei?.
2. Its days are ping and ting. Its divine ruler is Yen T1, and the (assisting) spirit is Kha-yung. Its musical note is Kih, and its pitch-tube is Lin Kung
At the beginning of this paragraph there should be — In this month.'
. Lig comprehends d, , , , 4, p, r, and w Hydræ; Hwo is the same as Hsin, the fifth of the Chinese zodiacal constellations comprehending Antares, q, r, and two c. 2584, 2587, Scorpio; Khwei (as stated above, p. 257) comprehends B (Mirac), d, , S, M, »m of Andromeda, and some stars of Pisces.
The fourth of the tubes that give the six lower musical accords.
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3. Its number is seven. Its taste is acrid. Its smell is that of things burning. Its sacrifice is that at the furnace; and of the parts of the victim the lungs have the foremost place.
4. Gentle winds begin to blow. The cricket takes its place in the walls. (Young) hawks learn to practise (the ways of their parents)?. Decaying grass becomes fire-flies.
5. The son of Heaven occupies the apartment on the right of the Ming Thang (Fane); rides in the vermilion carriage, drawn by the red horses with black tails, and bearing the red flag. He is dressed in the red robes, and wears the carnation gems. He eats beans and fowls. The vessels which he uses are tall, (to resemble) the large growth (of things).
6. Orders are given to the master of the Fishermen to attack the alligator, to take the gavial, to present the tortoise, and to take the great turtle.
7. Orders are given to the superintendent of the Meres to collect and send in the rushes available for use.
8. In this month orders are given to the four
1 Compare what is said about hawks in paragraph 4, page 258. 'Here,' says Wang Thao, we have the turtle doves transformed back to hawks, showing that the former notice was metaphorical.' What is said about the fire-flies is, of course, a mistaken fancy.
The first of these animals—the kiâo-is, probably, the alligator or crocodile; it was taken only after a struggle or fight. The second-the tho—had a skin used in making drums; and its flesh, as well as that of the fourth-the yllan-was used in making soup.
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BK. IV.
inspectors to make a great collection over all the districts of the different kinds of fodder to nourish the sacrificial victims; and to require all the people to do their utmost towards this end ;—to supply what is necessary for (the worship of) God (who dwells in) the great Heaven, and for the spirits of the famous hills, great streams, and four quarters, and for the sacrifices to the Intelligences of the ancestral temple, and at the altars to the spirits of the land and grain; that prayer may be made for blessing to the people.
9. In this month orders are given by the officers of women's (work), on the subject of dyeing ? (They are to see that the white and black, the black and green, the green and carnation, the carnation and white be all according to the ancient rules, without error or change; and that their black, yellow, azure, and carnation be all genuine and good, without any presumptuous attempts at imposition. These furnish the materials for the robes used at the sacrifices in the suburbs and the ancestral temple; for flags and their ornaments; and for marking the different degrees of rank as high or low.
10. In this month the trees are luxuriant; and orders are given to the foresters to go among the hills and examine the trees, and see that the people do not cut any down or lop their branches'.
1 Of hills, forests, rivers, and meres.
. We find full details of the number and duties of the superintendents of women's work, with its tailoring, dyeing, and other things, in the Kâu Li, Books I and VII.
The Khien-lung editors say that this was to let the process of growth have its full course; and, besides, that wood cut down in spring and summer will be found full of insects.
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11. There should not be any work in earth (now) undertaken; nor any assembling of the princes of the states; nor any military movements, causing general excitement. There should be no undertaking of (such) great affairs, which will disturb the nourishing growth that is proceeding, nor any issuing of orders to be hereafter carried into effect. All these things will interfere with the business of husbandry, (which is specially dear to) the Spirits. The floods are now great and overflow the roads; husbandry (dear to) the Spirits has to take in hand its various tasks. The curse of Heaven will come on the undertaking of great affairs (at this time).
Such as building walls and fortifications, or laying out the ground.
• The text is—will interfere with the business of Shăn Năng (teti m esa Ž ). How is it that “husbandry' has here the epithet of Shăn, or spiritual,' mysterious,' applied to it? The Khien-lung editors say:-Zhai Yung (our second century) makes Shăn Năng to be Yen Ti (the divine ruler of the summer). Kang made the name to be that of "the spirit of the ground." Kao Ya (second century) took it as a name for the minister of Husbandry. To some extent each of these views might be admitted, but none of them is very certain. Looking carefully at the text it simply says that no great undertakings should be allowed to interfere with husbandry. That it does not plainly say husbandry, but calls it the Shăn husbandry, is from a sense of its importance, and therefore making it out to be Spirit-sanctioned. Heaven produced the people, and the grain to nourish them; is not sowing and reaping the business of Heaven ? When a ruler knows this, he feels that he is under the inspection of Heaven in his reverent regard of the people, and the importance which he attaches to husbandry. He will not dare lightly to use the people's strength, 80 as to offend against Heaven.' I have tried to bring out their view in my version.
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12. In this month the ground lies steaming and wet beneath the heats, for great rains are (also) continually coming. They burn the grass lying cut upon the ground and bring the water over it. This is as effectual to kill the roots as hot water would be; and the grass thus serves to manure the fields of grain and hemp, and to fatten the ground which has been but just marked out for cultivation.
13. If, in the last month of summer, the governmental proceedings proper to spring were observed, the produce of grain would be scanty and fail; in the states there would be many colds and coughs; and the people would remove to other places. If the proceedings proper to autumn were observed, even the high grounds would be flooded; the grain that had been sown would not ripen; and there would be many miscarriages among women. If those proper to winter were observed, the winds and cold would come out of season; the hawks and falcons would prematurely attack their prey; and all along the four borders people would enter their places of shelter.
SUPPLEMENTARY SECTION.
1. Right in the middle(between Heaven and Earth, and the other elements) is earth.
2. Its days are wû and ki.
3. Its divine ruler is Hwang Tt; and the attending) spirit is Hâu-tha.
1 Compare what is said on the duties of those who cut the grass, as is here assumed to be done, in the Kâu Li, Book XXXVII, paragraphs 80, 81 (WE ).
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4. Its creature is that without any natural covering but the skin.
5. Its musical note is Kung, and its pitchtube gives the kung note from the tube Hwang Kung.
6. Its number is five. Its taste is sweet. Its smell is fragrant.
7. Its sacrifice is that of the middle court; and of the parts of the victim the heart has the foremost place.
8. The son of Heaven occupies the Grand apartment of the Grand fane ; rides in the great carriage drawn by the yellow horses with black tails, and bearing the yellow flag; is clothed in the yellow robes, and wears the yellow gems. He eats panicled millet and beef. The vessels which he uses are round, (and made to resemble) the capacity (of the earth)?
1 I have called this a supplementary section. It is dropt in, in all its brevity, without mention of any proceedings of government, between the end of summer and the beginning of autumn. It has all the appearance of an after-thought, suggested by the superstitious fancies of the compiler. Callery says on it:
*This passage can only be comprehended by help of the intimate affinities which Chinese philosophers have attributed to the different beings of nature. According to them, the four seasons are related to the four cardinal points: spring to the east, summer to the south, autumn to the west, and winter to the north. Each of the cardinal points is related to an element: the east to wood, the south to fire, the west to metal, and the north to water. But as there is a fifth element, that of earth, and the four cardinal points have no reason for being distinguished as they are, but that there is a point in the middle between them, which is still the earth, it follows from this that the earth ought to have its place in the midst of the four seasons, that is, at the point of separation
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THE LI Kİ.
between summer and autumn. Here a difficulty presented itself. The bamboo flutes to which the Chinese months are referred being but twelve, where shall be found the musical affinities of the earth? But the Chinese philosopher did not find himself embarrassed. See how he reasoned. The sound of the first flute, that is, of the longest and largest, is the strongest and most grave, and, like a bass, harmonizes with all the other sounds more acute. So the earth, likewise, is the most important of all the elements; it extends towards all the cardinal points, and intervenes in the products of each season. Hence the earth ought to correspond to the sound of the first flute! These affinities extend to colours, tastes, and a crowd of other categories.'
BK. IV.
The Khien-lung editors say:
'Speaking from the standpoint of Heaven, then the earth is in the midst of Heaven; that is, (the element of) earth. Speaking from the standpoint of the Earth, then wood, fire, metal, and water are all supported on it. The manner in which the way of Earth is affected by that of Heaven cannot be described by reference to one point, or one month. Speaking from the standpoint of the heavenly stems, then wût and kî occupy the middle places, and are between the stems for fire and metal, to convey the system of mutual production. Speaking from the standpoint of the "earthly branches," the khăn, hsü, khâu, and wi occupy the corners of the four points; wood, fire, metal, and water, all turn to earth. This is what the idea of reciprocal ending, and that of elemental flourishing, arise from. This may be exhibited in the several points, and reckoned by the periods of days. The talk about the elements takes many directions, but the underlying principle comes to be the same!'
I shall be glad if my readers can understand this.
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SECT. 111. PT. I.
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SECTION III. PART I.
1. In the first month of autumn, the sun is in Yi; the constellation culminating at dusk being Kienhsing, and that culminating at dawn P↑1.
2. Its days are kǎng and hsin.
3. Its divine ruler is Shâo Hâo, and the (attending) spirit is Zu-shâu3.
4. Its creatures are the hairy.
5. Its musical note is Shang; its pitch-tube is Î 3eh3.
6. Its number is nine. Its taste is bitter. Its smell is rank.
7. Its sacrifice is that at the gate; and of the parts of the victim the liver has the foremost place.
8. Cool winds come; the white dew descends'; the cicada of the cold chirps". (Young) hawks at this
1 Yi corresponds to Crater. Kien-hsing comprehends stars in Sagittarius (see page 257). Pî corresponds to the Hyades.
Shao Hão follows Hwang Tî, whose eldest son he was, as the fourth in the list of the five Tî, or divine rulers (B. C. 2594). His capital was at Khü-fâu, the city of Confucius; and I have seen, at a little distance from it, perhaps the only pyramid in China, which is in memory of him, and said to be on or near his grave. His personal appellation is Kin-thien (), or Thien-kin, the element to which he and his reign are assigned being kin, or metal. Zu-shâu was one of his sons.
Î 3eh, 'the equalization of the Laws,' is the tube giving the fifth of the upper musical accords.
4 White dew is a name for hoar-frost.
This cicada (Williams thinks the cicada viridis) is called
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time sacrifice birds, as the first step they take to killing (and eating) them!
9. The son of Heaven occupies the apartment on the left of the Zung-kang (Fane); rides in the war chariot, drawn by the white horses with black manes, and bearing the white flag. He is clothed in the white robes, and wears the white jade. He eats hemp-seeds and dog's flesh. The vessels which he uses are rectangular, and going on to be deep?
10. In this month there takes place the inauguration of autumn. Three days before the ceremony, the Grand recorder informs the son of Heaven, saying, 'On such-and-such a day is the inauguration of the autumn. The character of the season is fully seen in metal.' On this the son of Heaven devotes himself to self-adjustment; and on the day he leads in person the three ducal ministers, the nine high ministers, the princes of states (at court), and his Great officers, to meet the autumn in the western suburb, and on their return he rewards the generalin-chief, and the military officers in the court.
11. The son of Heaven also orders the leaders and commanders to choose men and sharpen weapons, to select and exercise those of distinguished merit, and
the dumb. Now it begins to chirp. Its colour is 'green and red.'
Compare what is said about the otter, page 251.
Zung-kang is made out to mean, all bright,' and the apartment was on the west; with mystical reference to the maturity and gathering of all things in the autumn, or season of the west. The vessels were rectangular, having sharp corners in harmony with the sharp weapons made of metal, to which element the season of autumn is referred; and they were deep, to resemble the deep bosom of the earth, to which things now begin to return,
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to give their entire trust only to men whose services have been proved; - thereby to correct all unrighteousness. (He instructs them also) to make enquiries about and punish the oppressive and insolent; thereby making it clear whom he loves and whom he hates, and giving effect to (the wishes of) the people, even the most distant from court.
SECT. III. PT. I.
THE YUEH LING.
12. In this month orders are given to the proper officers to revise the laws and ordinances, to put the prisons in good repair, to provide handcuffs and fetters, to repress and stop villainy, to maintain a watch against crime and wickedness, and to do their endeavour to capture criminals. Orders are (also) given to the managers (of prisons) to look at wounds, examine sores, inspect broken members, and judge particularly of dislocations. The determination of cases, both criminal and civil, must be correct and just. Heaven and earth now begin to be severe ;there should be no excess in copying that severity, or in the opposite indulgence'.
13. In this month the husbandmen present their grain. The son of Heaven tastes it, while still new, first offering some in the apartment at the back of the ancestral temple.
14. Orders are given to all the officers to begin their collecting and storing the contributions (from
1 For this last sentence Callery has :-' (Ce mois-ci) la nature commençant à devenir rigoureuse, on ne doit pas augmenter (ses rigeurs par l'application de châtiments trop sévères).' Wang Thâo takes an opposite view. I think I have got the thought that was in the compiler's mind. See the note of the Khien-lung editors with reference to the advocacy of it by commentators of 'the Brief Calendar of Hsia.'
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the husbandmen); to finish the embankments and dykes ; to look to the dams and fillings up in preparation for the floods, and also to refit all houses; to strengthen walls and enclosures; and to repair city and suburban walls.
15. In this month there should be no investing of princes, and no appointment of great ministers. There should be no dismemberment of any territory, no sending out on any great commission, and no issuing of great presents.
16. If, in this first month of autumn, the proceedings of government proper to winter were observed, then the dark and gloomy influence (of nature) would greatly prevail; the shelly insects would destroy the grain ; and warlike operations would be called for. If the proceedings proper to spring were observed, there would be droughts in the states; the bright and growing influence would return; and the five kinds of grain would not yield their fruit. If the proceedings proper to summer were observed, there would be many calamities from fire in the states; the cold and the heat would be subject to no rule ; and there would be many fevers among the people.
Part II.
1. In the second month of autumn the sun is in Kio, the constellation culminating at dusk being Khien-nia, and that culminating at dawn Zze-hsi'.
2. Its days are kăng and hsin. Its divine ruler
Kio corresponds to a (Spica) and 5 of Virgo; Khien-nia (see on page 262) to certain stars in the neck of Aquila; and Sze-hsi is said to be a Orion.
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is Shâo Hâo, and the attending) spirit is zashâu. Its insects are the hairy. Its musical note is Shang, and its pitch-tube is Nan Lü?.
3. Its number is nine. Its taste is bitter. Its smell is rank. Its sacrifice is that of the gate; and of the parts of the victim the liver has the foremost place.
4 Sudden and violent winds come. The wild geese arrive? The swallows return (whence they came)? Tribes of birds store up provisions (for the future)
5. The son of Heaven occupies the Zung-kang Grand Fane; rides in the war chariot, drawn by the white horses with black manes, and bearing the white flag. He is clothed in the white robes, and wears the white gems. He eats hemp-seed and dog's Aesh. The vessels which he uses are rectangular or cornered, and rather deep.
6. In this month they take especial care of the
"Nan Lü, the southern spine,' is the tube that gives the fifth of the lower musical accords.
The wild geese are now returning to their winter quarters, from which they had come in the first month of spring; see page 251. So with the swallows, who had appeared in the second month of spring ; see page 259.
: This sentence is hardly translatable or intelligible. Some would read as in paragraph 95 of the Brief Calendar of Hsiâ'
É ), translated by Professor Douglas: "The red birds (i. e. fire-fies) devour the white birds (i. e. mosquitoes),' which he ingeniously supports by a reference to the habits of the fire-fily from Chambers' Encyclopædia. But his translation of hsia by
devour' is inadmissible. Wang Thâo says that this view is 'chisseling.' 'Sparrows and other birds,' he says, 'now collect seeds of grapes and trees, and store them in their nests and holes against the time of rain and snow.'
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decaying and old; give them stools and staves, and distribute supplies of congee for food.
7. Orders are given to the superintendent of robes to have ready the upper and lower dresses with their various ornaments. For the figures and embroidery on them there are fixed patterns. Their size, length, and dimensions must all be according to the old examples. For the caps and girdles (also) there are regular rules.
8. Orders are given to the proper officers to revise with strict accuracy (the laws about) the various punishments. Beheading and (the other) capital executions must be according to (the crimes) without excess or defect. Excess or defect out of such proportion will bring on itself the judgment (of Heaven).
9. In this month orders are given to the officers of slaughter and prayer to go round among the victims for sacrifice, seeing that they are entire and complete, examining their fodder and grain, inspecting their condition as fat or thin, and judging of their looks. They must arrange them according to their classes. In measuring their size, and looking at the length (of their horns), they must have them according to the assigned) measures. When all these points are as they ought to be, God will accept the sacrifices?
10. The son of Heaven performs the ceremonies against pestilence, to secure development for the (healthy) airs of autumn.
11. He eats the hemp-seed (which is now pre
? Kang says here: 'And if God accept them, of course there is no other spirit that will not do so.'
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sented) along with dog's flesh, first offering some in the apartment at the back of the ancestral temple.
12. In this month it is allowable to rear city and suburban walls, to establish cities and towns, to dig underground passages and grain-pits, and to repair granaries, round and square.
13. Orders are given to the proper officers to be urgent with the people, and (to finish) receiving their contributions and storing them. They should do their best to accumulate (large) stores of vegetables and other things.
14. They should (also) stimulate the wheat-sowing. (The husbandmen) should not be allowed to miss the proper time for the operation. Any who do so shall be punished without fail.
15. In this month day and night are equal. The thunder begins to restrain its voice. Insects stop up the entrances to their burrows. The influence to decay and death gradually increases. That of brightness and growth daily diminishes. The waters begin to dry up.
16. At the equinox, they make uniform the measures of length and capacity; equalise the steelyards and their weights; rectify the weights of 30 and 120 catties; and adjust the pecks and bushels.
17. In this month they regulate and reduce the charges at the frontier gates and in the markets, to encourage the resort of both regular and travelling traders, and the receipt of goods and money; for the convenience of the business of the people. When merchants and others collect from all quarters, and come from the most distant parts, then the resources (of the government) do not fail. There is no want
[27]
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• THE LÎ ki.
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of means for its use; and all things proceed prosperously.
18. In commencing great undertakings, there should be no opposition to the great periods (for them) as defined (by the motion of the sun). They must be conformed to the times (as thereby marked out), and particular attention paid to the nature of each?
19. If in this second month of autumn the proceedings proper to spring were observed, the autumnal
Callery translates this paragraph by : Toute personne ayant une chose importante à accomplir ne doit pas se mettre en opposition avec les grands principes (yin et yang); il doit se conformer au temps (propre à agir ; mais il doit aussi) bien examiner la nature même de l'entreprise.' He appends to this the following note :- Les deux principes yin et yang auxquels se rapportent tous les êtres, ayant tour-a-tour la prédominance dans certaines époques de l'année, le temps convenable pour une chose quelconque est celui auquel prédomine le principe dont cette chose dépend par son affinité naturelle. Ainsi, par exemple, les travaux de terrassement et de construction conviennent en automne, parce que le principe yin dont ils dépendent est en progrès pendant l'automne. Néanmoins, de ce que cette époque de l'année est favorable sous ce point de vue, il ne s'ensuit pas que toute entreprise de construction faite en automne soit avantageuse en ellemême ; une foule de circonstances peuvent la rendre ruineuse, et c'est à l'entrepreneur de bien l'examiner, abstraction faite de la saison.'
The text rendered by Callery, 'les deux principes (yin et yang),' is simply tâ shû, 'the grand numbers,' the meaning of which I have endeavoured to bring out by the supplements in my version. The yin and yang are not mentioned in the text of the paragraph. They are simply a binomial phrase for the course of nature, with special reference to the weather and its conditions, as regulated by the action of the sun on the earth in the course of the seasons.
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rains would not fall; plants and trees would blossom; and in the states there would be alarms. If those proper to summer were observed, there would be droughts in the states; insects would not retire to their burrows; and the five grains would begin to grow again. If those proper to winter were observed, calamities springing from (unseasonable) winds would be constantly arising ; the thunder now silent would be heard before its time; and plants and trees would die prematurely.
Part III. I. In the last month of autumn the sun is in Fang, the constellation culminating at dusk being Hsül, and that culminating at dawn Lid.
2. Its days are kăng and hsin. Its divine ruler is Shảo Hâo, and the (attending) spirit is 30-shâu. Its creatures are the hairy. Its musical note is Shang, and its pitch-tube is Wa Y12.
3. Its number is nine. Its taste is bitter. Its smell is rank. Its sacrifice is that at the gate; and of the parts of the victim the liver has the foremost place.
4. The wild geese come, (and abide) like guests 8.
1 Fang comprehends 8, 8, 7, p Scorpio. Hsü corresponds to B Aquarius; and Liù comprehends 8, 4, 6, 7, 8, p, 0, $ Hydra.
'Wa Yi, 'the unwearied,' is the tube giving the sixth upper musical accord.
• The addition of guests here is a difficulty. It is said on the previous month that 'the wild geese come;' are these here the same as those, or are they others,—the younger birds, as some suppose, which had waited after the former, and still found it necessary to remain on their passage to recruit their strength ?
U 2
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Small birds enter the great water and become mollusks?. Chrysanthemums show their yellow flowers. The khai sacrifice larger animals, and kill (and devour) the smaller ?.
5. The son of Heaven occupies the apartment on the right of the Zung-kang (Fane); rides in the war chariot, drawn by the white horses with black manes, and bearing the white flags; is dressed in the white robes, and wears the white jade. He eats hempseeds and dog's flesh. The vessels which he uses are rectangular, cornered, and rather deep.
6. In this month the orders are renewed and
1 Professor Douglas has made it more than probable that the small birds' here are sand-pipers. What is said about them, however, will not admit of his version, that they go into the sea or lakes for crustaceae.' His crustaceae' should be mollusks.' According to all rules of Chinese composition, what he renders
for' must be taken verbally,='to become.' It is not merely the Chinese commentators,' who consider the sentence to mean,
Sparrows go into the sea and become crustaceae (mollusks);' it is what the text says. It is indeed an absurd statement, but a translator is not responsible for that. The Khien-lung editors observe that there is no mention here of the little birds being 'transformed,' as in the paragraph about the hawks' on page 258, and hence they argue that we cannot understand the notice here metaphorically. They accept the fact (?). The marine Ko, which is mentioned here, as figured in the plates of the Pån Zhao Kang-mů, is the Calyptroida Trochita.
? Compare what is said about the otter, page 251. Professor Douglas argues that the khai is the polecat. But this identification cannot yet be received as certain. The khai is 'dogfooted,'hunts in troops,' and has a voice like that of the dog In Japanese plates it is not at all like 'the polecat.' An English naturalist, to whom I submitted a Japanese work illustrative of the Shih King, many years ago, has written over the khai, a wild dog or wolf.
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strictly enjoined, charging the various officers (to see) that noble and mean all exert themselves in the work of ingathering, in harmony with the storing of heaven and earth. They must not allow anything to remain out in the fields.
7. Orders are also given to the chief minister, after the fruits of husbandry have all been gathered in, to take in hand the registers of the produce of the different grains (from all the country), and to store up the produce that has been gathered from the acres of God in the granary of the spirits; doing this with the utmost reverence and correctness?
8. In this month the hoar-frost begins to fall; and all labours cease (for a season).
9. Orders are given to the proper officers, saying, 'The cold airs are all coming, and the people will not be able to endure them. Let all enter within their houses (for a time).'
10. On the first ting day orders are given to the chief Director of music to enter the college, and to practise (with his pupils) on the wind instruments.
11. In this month an announcement is made to the son of Heaven that the victims for the great sacrifice to God, and the autumnal sacrifice in the ancestral temple are fit and ready. .
1.This,' says Hsü Sze-zăng (Ming dynasty), “is the great rule of making provision for the sustenance of men and for serving spiritual beings,-two things demanding the utmost inward reverence and outward reverential vigour.' I suppose that the 'spiritgranary' contained the grain for all governmental sacrifices, as well as that gathered from the acres of God,' and to be used specially in sacrifices to Him.
This paragraph gives great trouble to the Khien-lung editors; but we need not enter on their discussions.
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12. The princes of the states are assembled, and orders given to the officers of the various districts (in the royal domain). They receive the first days of the months for the coming year1, and the laws for the taxation of the people by the princes, both light and heavy, and the amount of the regular contribution to the government, which is determined by the distance of the territories and the nature of their several productions. The object of this is to provide what is necessary for the suburban sacrifices and those in the ancestral temple. No private considerations are allowed to have place in this.
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BK. IV.
13. In this month the son of Heaven, by means of hunting, teaches how to use the five weapons of war, and the rules for the management of horses.
14. Orders are given to the charioteers and the seven (classes of) grooms to see to the yoking of the several teams, to set up in the carriages the flags and various banners, to assign the carriages according to the rank (of those who were to occupy them), and to arrange and set up the screens outside (the royal tent). The minister of Instruction, with his baton
1 This last month of autumn, the ninth from the first month of spring, was the last month of the year with the dynasty of 3hin, when it was high time to give out the calendar for the months of the next year.
The sovereign's horses were divided into six classes, and every class had its own grooms, with one among them who had the superintendence of the rest. See a narrative in the 30 Kwan, under the eighteenth year of duke Khăng.
Two of these insignia are mentioned in the text;-the 3ing, which was only a pennant, and the Kâo, a large banner with a tortoise and serpent intertwined. No doubt the meaning is, 'the various banners.'
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stuck in his girdle, addresses all before him with his face to the north.
SECT. III. PT. III.
15. Then the son of Heaven, in his martial ornaments, with his bow in one hand, and the arrows under the armpit of the other, proceeds to hunt. (Finally), he gives orders to the superintendent of Sacrifices, to offer some of the captured game to (the spirits of) the four quarters.
16. In this month the plants and trees become yellow and their leaves fall, on which the branches are cut down to make charcoal.
17. Insects in their burrows all try to push deeper, and from within plaster up the entrances. In accordance with (the season), they hurry on the decision and punishment of criminal cases, wishing not to leave them any longer undealt with. They call in emoluments that have been assigned incorrectly, and minister to those whose means are insufficient for their wants.
18. In this month the son of Heaven eats dog's flesh and rice, first presenting some in the apartment at the back of the ancestral temple.
19. If, in this last month of autumn, the proceedings proper to summer were observed, there would be great floods in the states; the winter stores would be injured and damaged; there would be many colds and catarrhs among the people. If those proper to winter were observed, there would be many thieves and robbers in the states; the borders would be unquiet; and portions of territory would be torn from the rest. If those proper to spring were observed, the warm airs would come; the energies of the people would be relaxed and languid; and the troops would be kept moving about.
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SECTION IV. Part I.
1. In the first month of winter the sun is in Wei, the constellation culminating at dusk being Wei, and the constellation culminating at dawn Khihhsing
2. Its days are the săn and kwei.
3. Its divine ruler is Kwan-hsü, and the (attending) spirit is Hsüan-ming.
4. Its creatures are the shell-covered.
5. Its musical note is Yü, and its pitch-tube is Ying Kung
6. Its number is six. Its taste is salt. Its smell is that of things that are rotten.
7. Its sacrifice is that at the altar of) the path, and
1 Wei (2) comprehends, Scorpio; Wei as on page 272) corresponds to stars in Aquarius and Pegasus. Khib Hsing (as on p. 262) corresponds to stars in Hydra.
? Kwan-hsü is the dynastic designation of the grandson of Hwang Tî, the commencement of whose reign is assigned in B.C. 2510. He is known also by the personal designation of Käoyang, from the name of his second capital. Among the elements his reign is assigned to water, and thence to the north; and hence the designation of his minister as Hsuan-ming, the dark and mysterious,' who was called Hsia () and Hsî (AP), and is said to have been a son of Shâo Ho.
3 Yu is the fifth of the notes of the scale; and Ying Kung, the responsive tube,' the name of the last of the tubes giving the six lower musical accords.
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SECT. IV. PT. I.
THE YÜEH LING.
297
among the parts of the victim the kidneys have the foremost place.
8. Water begins to congeal. The earth begins to be penetrated by the cold. Pheasants enter the great water and become large mollusks. Rainbows are hidden and do not appear.
9. The son of Heaven occupies the apartment on the left of the Hsüan Thang (Fane); rides in the dark-coloured carriage, drawn by the iron black horses, and bearing the dark-coloured flag; is dressed in the black robes, and wears the dark-coloured jade. He eats millet and sucking-pig. The vessels which he uses are large and rather deep.
10. In this month there takes place the inauguration of winter. Three days before this ceremony, the Grand recorder informs the son of Heaven, saying, 'On such-and-such a day is the inauguration of winter. The character of the season is fully seen in
This altar was outside the gate leading to the ancestral temple, on the west of it. Many say that here was the 'well' supplying the water used for the temple, and would read zăng E!) for hsing (15).
. The great water' here is said in the Narratives of the States' (Book XV) to be the Hwai. The khăn is said to be a large species of the ko, into which small birds are transformed (p. 292). Of course the transmutation of the pheasants into these is absurd. Professor Douglas has found in a Chinese Enclyclopædia a statement that khăn is sometimes an equivalent of phở 10 ( ), sweet flags and rushes.' The 10, however, is sometimes read 18, and said to have the same sound and meaning as a spiral univalve ;' but the great objection to Professor Douglas' view is the meaning he puts on the , as pointed out on p. 292. The text cannot be construed as he proposes.
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298
THE LÎ ki.
BK. IV.:
water.' On this the son of Heaven devotes himself to self-adjustment; and on the day of the inauguratión he leads in person the three ducal ministers, the nine high ministers, and his Great officers to meet the winter in the northern suburbs. On his return he rewards (the descendants of those who died in the service (of the kingdom), and shows his compassion to orphans and widows.
11. In this month orders are given to the Grand recorder to smear with blood the tortoise-shells and divining stalks', and by interpreting the indications of the former and examining the figures formed by the latter, to determine the good and evil of their intimations. (In this way) all flattery and partizanship in the interpretation of them (will become clear), and the crime of the operators be brought home. No concealment or deceit will be allowed.
12. In this month the son of Heaven sets the example of wearing furs.
13. Orders are issued to the proper officers in the words : The airs of heaven are ascended on high, and those of earth have descended beneath. There is no intercommunion of heaven and earth. All is shut up and winter is completely formed.'
14. Orders are given to all the officers to cover up carefully the stores (of their departments). The minister of Instruction is also ordered to go round (among the people and see) that they have formed their stores, and that nothing is left ungathered.
15. The city and suburban walls are put in good
See in Mencius, I, 7, 4, on the consecration of a bell by smearing parts of it with blood.
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SECT. IV. PT.I.
THE YÜEH LING.
299
repair ; the gates of towns and villages are looked after; bolts and nuts are put to rights; locks and keys are carefully attended to; the field-boundaries are strengthened; the frontiers are well secured; important defiles are thoroughly defended ; passes and bridges are carefully seen after; and narrow ways and cross-paths are shut up.
16. The rules for mourning are revised; the distinctions of the upper and lower garments are defined; the thickness of the inner and outer coffins is decided on; with the size, height and other dimensions of graves. The measures for all these things are assigned, with the degrees and differences in them according to rank.
17. In this month orders are given to the chief Director of works to prepare a memorial on the work of the artificers; setting forth especially the sacrificial vessels with the measures and capacity (of them and all others), and seeing that there be no licentious ingenuity in the workmanship which might introduce an element of dissipation into the minds of superiors; and making the suitability of the article the first consideration. Every article should have its maker's name engraved on it, for the determination of its genuineness. When the production is not what it ought to be, the artificer should be held guilty and an end be thus put to deception.
18. In this month there is the great festivity when they drink together, and each of the stands bears half its animal roasted?
Wang Thâo understands this paragraph as meaning that at this season all, both high and low, feast in expression and augmentation of their joy. The characters will bear this inter
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300
THE LI RI.
BK. IV.
19. The son of Heaven prays for (a blessing on) the coming year to the Honoured ones of heaven ; sacrifices with an ox, a ram, and a boar at the public altar to the spirits of the land, and at the gates of towns and villages; offers the sacrifice three days after the winter solstice with the spoils of the chase to all ancestors, and at the five (household) sacrifices; —thus cheering the husbandmen and helping them to rest from their toils'.
20. The son of Heaven orders his leaders and commanders to give instruction on military opera
pretation. The king, of the text however, has also the meaning which appears in the translation; though on that view the statement is not so general. See the 'Narratives of the States,' I, ii. 8.
The most common view seems to be that we have here the various parts of one sacrificial service, three days after the winter solstice, called ka (k), in the time of Kâu, and la ( ), in that of Khin. While the son of Heaven performed these services, it must have been at different places in the capital I suppose, analogous and modified services were celebrated generally throughout the kingdom.
There is no agreement as to who are intended by the Honoured ones of heaven.' Many hold that they are the six Honoured ones,' to whom Shun is said to have sacrificed in the second part of the Shů King. But the Khien-lung editors contend that the want of
six' is a fatal objection to this view. Kao Ya, supposing the six Honoured ones to be meant, argued that heaven, earth, and the four seasons' were intended by them, those seasons co-operating with heaven and earth in the production of all things; but the same editors show, from the passages in the Shů, that heaven can in no sense be included among the six Honoured ones. They do not say, however, who or what is intended by the designation in the text. The la in the paragraph is taken in a pregnant sense, as if it were lieh (x, and not al), meaning to sacrifice with the spoils of the chase.'
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SECT. IV. PT. II.
THE YÜEH LING.
301
tions, and to exercise (the soldiers) in archery and chariot-driving, and in trials of strength.
21. In this month orders are given to the superintendent of waters and the master of fishermen to collect the revenues from rivers, springs, ponds, and meres, taking care not to encroach in any way on any among the myriads of the people, so as to awaken a feeling of dissatisfaction in them against the son of Heaven. If they do this, they shall be punished for their guilt without forgiveness.
22. If, in the first month of winter, the proceedings of government proper to spring were observed, the cold that shuts up all beneath it would not do so tightly; the vapours of the earth would rise up and go abroad; many of the people would wander away and disappear. If those proper to summer were observed, there would be many violent winds in the states; winter itself would not be cold; and insects would come forth again from their burrows. If those proper to autumn were observed, the snow and hoarfrost would come unseasonably; small military affairs would constantly be arising; and incursions and loss of territory would occur.
PART II. 1. In the second month of winter the sun is in Tàu, the constellation culminating at dusk being the eastern Pi, and that culminating at dawn Kan?
1 Tâu comprehends , X, H, O, 1, $ of Sagittarius; the eastern Pi, the fourteenth of the Chinese constellations, consists of Algenib or y Pegasus, and a of Andromeda; Kan is the last of the constellations, and contains B, 7, 8, and of Corvus.
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302
THE LÎ xi.
BK. IV.
2. Its days are zăn and kwei. Its divine ruler is Kwan-hsü, and the (attending) spirit is Hsüan-ming. Its creatures are the shell-covered. Its musical note is Yü, and its pitch-tube is Hwang Kung?
3. Its number is six. Its taste is salt. Its smell is that of things that are rotten. Its sacrifice is that at (the altar of) the path, and of the parts of the victim the kidneys have the foremost place.
4. The ice becomes more strong. The earth begins to crack or split. The night bird ceases to sing. Tigers begin to pair.
5. The son of Heaven occupies the Grand Fane Hsuan Thang; rides in the dark-coloured carriage, drawn by the iron black horses, and bearing the darkcoloured flag. He is dressed in the black robes, and wears the dark-coloured gems of jade. He eats millet and sucking-pig. The vessels which he uses are large and rather deep.
6. All things relating to the dead are revised and regulated s.
7. Orders are given to the proper officer to the following effect*:—'There should nothing be done int
See page 281, paragraph 5. 9.The earth begins to crack;' some say from the increasing intensity of the cold; others from the warmth which has begun to return. The returning warmth is indicated by the undivided line with which Fŭ, the hexagram of the eleventh month, commences
= 'The night bird' sings during the night till the dawn; a hill bird, like a fowl.'
• See paragraph 16, page 299. The paragraph may be inadvertently introduced here.
• The proper officer' here is said to be the minister of Instruction,' or 'the officer of the People.'
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SECT. IV. PT. II.
THE YÜEH LING.
303
works of earth; care should be taken not to expose anything that is covered, nor to throw open apartments and houses, and rouse the masses to action; —that all may be kept securely shut up. (Otherwise) the genial influences of earth will find vent, which might be called a throwing open of the house of heaven and earth. In this case all insects would die ; and the people be sure to fall ill from pestilence, and various losses would ensue.' This charge is said to be giving full development to the (idea of the) month.
8. In this month orders are given to the Director of the eunuchs to issue afresh the orders for the palace, to examine all the doors, inner and outer, and look carefully after all the apartments. They must be kept strictly shut. All woman's-work must be diminished, and none of an extravagant nature permitted. Though noble and nearly related friends should come to visit the inmates, they must all be excluded.
9. Orders are given to the Grand superintendent of the preparation of liquors to see that the rice and other glutinous grains are all complete; that the leaven-cakes are in season; that the soaking and heating are cleanly conducted; that the water be fragrant; that the vessels of pottery be good; and that the regulation of the fire be right. These six things have all to be attended to, and the Grand superintendent has the inspection of them, to secure that there be no error or mistake.
10. The son of Heaven issues orders to the proper officers to pray and sacrifice to (the spirits presiding over) the four seas, the great rivers (with
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304
THE Lł ki.
BK, IV.
their) famous sources, the deep tarns, and the meres, (all) wells and springs?.
11. In this month, if the husbandmen have any productions in the fields, which they have not stored or collected, or if there be any horses, oxen or other animals, which have been left at large, any one may take them without its being inquired into.
12. If there be those who are able to take from the hills and forests, marshes and meres, edible fruits, or to capture game by hunting, the wardens and foresters should give them the necessary information and guidance. If there be among them those who encroach on or rob the others, they should be punished without fail.
13. In this month the shortest day arrives. The principle of darkness and decay (in nature) struggles with that of brightness and growth. The elements of life begin to move. Superior men give themselves to self-adjustment and fasting. They keep retired in their houses. They wish to be at rest in their
1 Winter is the season in which the element of water predominates, and it was in virtue of this that the dynasty of Bhin professed to rule. The Khwăn-lun mountains (Koulkun), between the desert of Gobi and Thibet, are the source of the Hwang Ho; Yuan-min, the source of the Kiang; Thung-po, that of the Hwai; the Kî grew out of the Yen, rising from the hill of Wang-wa. See Chinese Classics, vol. iii, pp. 127-140.
? Hazel-nuts and chestnuts are given as examples of the former; and the water-caltrops and Euryale ferox, or 'cock's head,' of the latter.
* This description of the month is well illustrated by the lines of F4, the hexagram of it referred to above, the lowest line representing the principle of light and growth, which just found readmission in the year, and is seeking to develop itself.
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SECT. IV. PT. II.
THE YÜEH LING.
305
persons; put away all indulgence in music and beautiful sights; repress their various desires ; give repose to their bodies and all mental excitements. They wish all affairs to be quiet, while they wait for the settlement of those principles of darkness and decay, and brightness and growth.
14. Rice begins to grow. The broom-sedge rises up vigorously' Worms curl?. The moose-deer shed their horns. The springs of water are (all) in movement.
15. When the shortest day has arrived, they fell trees, and carry away bamboos, (especially) the small species suitable for arrows.
16. In this month offices in which there is no business may be closed, and vessels for which there is no use may be removed.
17. They plaster (and repair) the pillars and gateways (of the palace), and the courtyard (within), and also doors and other gateways ; rebuilding (also all) prisons, to co-operate with the tendency of nature to shut up and secure (the genial influences at this season).
18. If in this second month of winter the proceedings of government proper to summer were observed,
* This is called by Dr. Williams a species of iris.' The roots are made into brooms.
· This is a fancy. The commentators say that the worms curl and twist, with their heads turned downwards, as if seeking to return to the warmth beneath the surface.
: The shedding of the horns in winter shows that the mi here, (), is a species of the elk or moose-deer, and different from the lů (2), which sheds its horns in the sixth month. The mi is described as being fond of the water, and as large as a small ox.
[27]
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306
THE LI Kİ.
there would be droughts in the states; vapours and fogs would shed abroad their gloom, and thunder would utter its voice. If those proper to autumn were observed, the weather would be rainy and slushy; melons and gourds would not attain their full growth; and there would be great wars in the states. If those proper to spring were observed, locusts would work their harm; the springs would all become dry; and many of the people would suffer from leprosy and foul ulcers.
PART III.
1. In the third month of winter the sun is in Wûnü, the constellation culminating at dusk being Lâu, and that culminating at dawn Ti1.
2. Its days are zăn and kwei. Its divine ruler is Kwan-hsü, and the (attendant) spirit is Hsüanming. Its creatures are the shell-covered. Its musical note is Yü, and its pitch-tube is Tâ Lü3.
BK. IV.
3. Its number is six. Its taste is salt. Its smell is that of things that are rotten. Its sacrifice is that at (the altar of) the path; and the part of the victim occupying the foremost place is the kidneys.
4. The wild geese go northwards. The magpie begins to build. The (cock) pheasant crows. Hens hatch.
Wa-nü, as in paragraph 1, page 268. Lâu corresponds to a, B, y, in the head of Aries; Tî, to a, 8, 8, 4, H, Libra.
Tâ Lu is the first of the tubes giving the six lower musical accords.
As is said in the Shih, II, v, 3, 5:
'Crows the pheasant at the dawn, And his mate is to him drawn.'
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5. The son of Heaven occupies the apartment on the right of the Hsuan Thang (Fane); rides in the dark-coloured carriage, drawn by the iron-black horses, and bearing the dark-coloured flag. He is dressed in the black robes, and wears the dark-coloured gems of jade. He eats millet and sucking-pig. The vessels which he uses are large and rather deep.
SECT. IV. PT. III.
THE YUEH LING.
6. He issues orders to the proper officers to institute on a great scale all ceremonies against pestilence, to have (animals) torn in pieces on all sides, and (then) to send forth the ox of earth, to escort away the (injurious) airs of the cold1.
7. Birds of prey fly high and rapidly.
8. They now offer sacrifices all round to (the spirits of) the hills and rivers, to the great ministers of the (ancient) deified sovereigns, and to the spirits of heaven (and earth)3.
9. In this month orders are given to the master of the Fishermen to commence the fishers' work. The son of Heaven goes in person (to look on). He partakes of the fish caught, first presenting some in the apartment at the back of the ancestral temple*.
1 Compare par. 16, p. 266. The 'ox of earth' is still seen in China. This evidently is one of the natural phenomena of the season, and should belong to paragraph 4. The translation of the first two characters by 'Birds of prey' is sufficiently close and exact.
'The Khien-lung editors point out the difficulties in explaining the three sacrifices here referred to, and seem to think they were practices of Khin, about which we have little information. The great ministers of the Ti' in the second member were probably those mentioned at the commencement of each season. They supplement the concluding member, as I have done, from Lu's Khun Khiêu.
• Compare paragraphs 7, p. 263; 17, p. 271. In paragraph 7,
X 2
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308
THE LI RI.
BK, IV.
10. The ice is now abundant; thick and strong to the bottom of the waters and meres. Orders are given to collect it, which is done, and it is carried into (the ice-houses).
11. Orders are given to make announcement to the people to bring forth their seed of the five grains. The husbandmen are ordered to reckon up the pairs which they can furnish for the ploughing; to repair the handles and shares of their ploughs; and to provide all the other instruments for the fields.
12. Orders are given to the chief director of Music to institute a grand concert of wind instruments; and with this (the music of the year) is closed 1.
13. Orders are given to the four Inspectors to collect and arrange the faggots to supply the wood and torches for the suburban sacrifices, those in the ancestral temple, and all others.
14. In this month the sun has gone through all his mansions; the moon has completed the number of her conjunctions; the stars return to (their places) in the heavens. The exact length (of the year) is nearly completed, and the year will soon begin again. (It is said), 'Attend to the business of your husbandmen. Let them not be employed on anything else.'
15. The son of Heaven, along with his ducal and
p. 263, the sovereign gets himself into a boat, a thing now impossible through the ice. Fish are in their prime condition in winter and spring.
1 Compare paragraph 16, p. 261, et al. Wind instruments were supposed to suit the quiet and meditativeness of autumn and winter, better than the drums and dances of the other seasons.
8.The four Inspectors.' Compare paragraph 8, p. 277. Some read thien (1) for sze (L), 'Inspectors of the fields.'
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SECT. IV. PT. III.
THE YUEH LING.
309
other high ministers and his Great officers, revises the statutes for the states, and discusses the proceedings of the different seasons; to be prepared with what is suitable for the ensuing year.
16. Orders are given to the Grand recorder to make a list of the princes of the states according to the positions severally assigned to them', and of the victims required from them to supply the offerings for the worship of God dwelling in the great heaven, and at the altars of (the spirits of) the land and grain. Orders were also given to the states ruled by princes of the royal surname to supply the fodder and grain for the (victims used in the worship of the) ancestral temple. Orders are given, moreover, to the chief minister to make a list of (the appanages of) the various high ministers and Great officers, with the amount of the land assigned to the common people, and assess them with the victims which they are to contribute to furnish for the sacrifices to (the spirits presiding over) the hills, forests, and famous streams. All the people under the sky, within the nine provinces, must, without exception, do their utmost to contribute to the sacrifices:-to God dwelling in the great heaven; at the altars of the (spirits of the) land and grain; in the ancestral temple and the apartment at the back of it; and of the hills, forests, and famous streams.
17. If, in the last month of winter, the governmental proceedings proper to autumn were observed, the white dews would descend too early; the shelly crea
1 As being of the same surname as the royal house, or otherwise; the degree of their rank; the size of their territory.
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310
THE LI XI.
tures would appear in monstrous forms1; throughout the four borders people would have to seek their places of shelter. If those proper to spring were observed, women with child and young children would suffer many disasters; throughout the states there would be many cases of obstinate disease; fate would appear to be adverse. If those proper to summer were observed, floods would work their ruin in the states; the seasonable snow would not fall, the ice would melt, and the cold disappear.
BI. IV.
1 This is the proper force of the characters. Wang Thâo interprets them as meaning that the creatures would bore through dykes and boats, so that the former would let the water through and the latter sink.
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BOOK V. THE QUESTIONS OF 3ÅNG-3ZE1.
SECTION I.
1. 3ăng-ze asked, 'If a ruler dies and a son and heir is born (immediately after), what course should be adopted?'
Confucius said, 'The high nobles, Great officers and (other) officers, following the chief (minister), who takes charge of the government for the time, (should collect) at the south of the western steps, with their faces towards the north3. (Then) the Grand officer of prayer, in his court robes and cap, bearing in his hands a bundle of rolls of silk, will go up to the topmost step, and (there), without ascending the hall, will order the wailing to cease. Mournfully clearing his voice three times, he will make announcement (to the spirit of the deceased ruler), saying, "The son of such and such a lady has been born. I venture to announce the fact." He will then go up, and place the silks on a stool on the east of the body in the coffin', wail, and descend. All the relatives of the deceased who are there (at the mourning), the high nobles, the Great and other
1 See the introduction, pp. 21, 22.
2 These were also ministers; see paragraph 4, page 213.
3 The usual place was at the eastern steps.
To call the attention of the spirit of the deceased.
The rolls of silk were, I suppose, the introductory present proper on an interview with a superior.
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THE LI Kİ.
officers, (with the women) in the apartments, all will wail, but without the leaping. When this burst of sorrow is over, they will return to their (proper) places, and proceed forthwith to set forth the mourning offerings to the dead. The minor minister will ascend, and take away the bundle of silks1.
BK. V.
2. 'On the third day, all the relatives, high nobles, Great and other officers, should take their places as before, with their faces to the north. The Grand minister, the Grand master of the ancestral temple, and the Grand officer of prayer, should all be in their court-robes and caps. The master for the child will carry the child in his arms on a mat of sackcloth. The officer of prayer will precede, followed by the child, and the minister and master of the temple will come after. Thus they will enter the door (of the apartment where the coffin is), when the wailers will cease. The child has been brought up by the western steps, and is held in front of the coffin with his face to the north, while the officer of prayer stands at the south-east corner of it. Mournfully clearing his voice three times, he will say, "So and So, the son of such and such a lady, and we, his servants, who follow him, presume to appear before you." The boy is (then made) to do obeisance, with his forehead on the ground, and to wail. The officer of prayer, the minister, the officer of the temple, all the relatives, the high nobles, with the Great and other officers,
1 And bury it in the court between the two flights of stairs.
Thus early is it made to appear that the child is put under a master; P. Zottoli translates the name by 'secundus magister.'
The child had been brought by the master from the women's apartments, and carried to the court, that he might thus go up again to the hall by these steps.
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SECT. I.
THE QUESTIONS OF BĂNG-32E.
313
will wail and leap?, leaping three times with each burst of grief. (Those who had gone up to the hall then) descend, and go back to their proper places on the east; where all bare the left arm and shoulder. The son (in the arms of his bearer is made) to leap, and (the women) in the apartments also leap. Thrice they will do so, leaping three times each time. (The bearer for the son) will cover up his sackcloth”, walk with a staff, (ascend and) set forth the offerings by the dead, and then quit the scene. The Grand minister will charge the officer of prayer and the recorder to announce the name all round, at the five altars of the house, and at those (to the spirits) of the hills and streams S'
3. Zăng-sze asked, 'If the son and heir have been born after the burial (of the) ruler, what course should be followed ?'
Confucius said, 'The Grand minister and the Grand master of the ancestral temple will follow the Grand officer of prayer, and announce the fact before the spirit tablet (of the deceased ruler) Three months after they will give the name in the same place, and announce it all rounds, and also at the altars to (the
* A most expressive indication of the sorrow proper to the occasion. • The breast and shoulder of the child had also been bared.
• The five household altars' are those at which the sacrifices were offered in the palace or house, often mentioned in the last Book.
• The characters of the text, in the shrine temple of the father,' denote the special shrine or smaller temple assigned to the father in the great ancestral temple; but that was not assigned till after all the rites of mourning were over. The characters here denote the spirit tablet which had been before the burial set up over the coffin, and which was now removed to a rear apartment. P. Zottoli simply has 'coram tabella.'
* At the courts of the sovereign and of the other princes.
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314
THE LÎ xi.
BK. V.
spirits of) the land and grain, in the ancestral temple, and (at the altars of) the hills and streams.
4. Confucius said, When princes of states are about to go to the (court of the) son of Heaven, they must announce (their departure) before (the shrine of) their grandfather, and lay their offerings in that of their father? They then put on the court cap, and go forth to hold their own court. (At this) they charge the officer of prayer and the recorder to announce (their departure) to the (spirits of the) land and grain, in the ancestral temple, and at the (altars of the) hills and rivers. They then give (the business of) the state in charge to the five (subordinate) officers ?, and take their journey, presenting the offerings to the spirits of the roads as they set forth. All the announcements should be completed in five days. To go beyond this in making them is contrary to rule. In every one of them they use a victim and silks. On the return (of the princes) there are the same observances.'
5. “When princes of states are about to visit one another, they must announce (their departure) before
1 The characters here are the same as in the preceding paragraph, but here they have their usual force. Announcement and offerings were made at both shrines.
The most likely opinion is that these five officers were—two belonging to the department of the minister of Instruction, two to that of the minister of Works, and one to that of the minister of War. On them, for reasons which we may not be able to give, devolved on such occasions the superintendence of the state.
* There seems to be no doubt of the meaning here, but this significance of is not given in the Khang-hsi dictionary. The more common term is will
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SECT. I.
THE QUESTIONS OF BĂNG-BZE.
315
the shrine of their father'. They will then put on their court robes, and go forth to hold their own court. (At this) they charge the officer of prayer and the recorder to announce (their departure) at the five shrines in the ancestral temple, and at the altars of the hills and rivers which they will pass. They then give (the business of) the state in charge to the five officers, and take their journey, presenting the offerings to the spirits of the road as they set forth. When they return, they will announce the fact) in person to their grandfather and father, and will charge the officer of prayer and the recorder to make announcement of it at the altars where they announced (their departure). (When this has been done), they enter and give audience in the court.'
6. 3ăng-sze asked, 'If the funerals of both parents 2 take place together, what course is adopted? Which is first and which last ?'
Confucius said, 'The rule is that the burying of the less important (mother) should have the precedence, and that of the more important (father) follow, while the offerings to them are set down in the opposite order. From the opening of the apartment and conveying out the coffin (of the mother) till its interment no offerings are put down; when the coffin is on the route to the grave, there is no wailing at the regular place for that ceremony. When they return from this interment, they set down the offerings (to the father), and afterwards announce (to his spirit) when the removal of his coffin will take
1 There would seem to be an omission in the former of these sentences of the announcement to the grandfathers.
? Or grandparents.
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place, and proceed to arrange for the interment. It is the rule that the sacrifice of repose should first be offered to the more important (father), and afterwards to the less important (mother).'
7. Confucius said 1, 'The eldest son, even though seventy, should never be without a wife to take her part in presiding at the funeral rites. If there be no such eldest son, the rites may be performed without a presiding wife.'
8. 3ăng-sze asked, 'It has been proposed to invest a son with the cap, and the investors have arrived, and after exchanging bows and courtesies (with the master of the house), have entered. If then news should come that the death of some relative has occurred, for whom a year's mourning or that of nine months must be worn, what should be done ?'
Confucius said, 'If the death has taken place within (the circle of the same surname), the ceremony should be given upo; but if without (that circle), it will go on, but the sweet wine will not be presented to the youth. The viands will be removed and the place swept, after which he will go to his proper position and wail. If the investors have not yet arrived, the capping will be given up (for the time) ?
9. 'If the arrangements for the capping have been
1 The words of Confucius are here, as in some other paragraphs, not preceded by the formula, Zăng-zze asked.' Some say this is an omission, intentional or unintentional, of the compiler. Some commentators deride the judgment (see especially Ho Kung-yü), holding it unworthy of Confucius.
Because then a festal and a mourning service would come together in the ancestral temple.
• The investors may have previously heard of the death, and not kept their appointment.
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made, but before the day arrives, an occasion for the one year's mourning, or for that of nine months, or five months, have arrived, the youth shall be capped in his mourning dress.'
10. 'When all mourning is over, may a son continue to wear the cap which he has hitherto worn??'
Confucius said, 'When the son of Heaven gives to the (young) prince of a state or a Great officer his robes and the cap proper to each in the grand ancestral temple, the youth on his return home will set forth his offering in his own ancestral temple), wearing the robes that have been given to him, and here he will drink the cup of capping (as if) offered by his fathers, without the cup of wine at the ceremony.
II. When a son is (thus) capped after his father's death, he is considered to be properly capped; he will sweep the ground, and sacrifice at his father's shrine. This being done, he will present himself before his uncles, and then offer the proper courtesies to the investors.'
12. 3ăng-sze asked, “Under what circumstances is it that at sacrifice they do not carry out the practice of all drinking to one another ?'
Confucius said, I have heard that at the close of the one year's mourning, the principal concerned in it
Till he was capped, a youth wore nothing on his head. But in the case supposed the youth's time for capping had arrived; and he had assumed a cap without the ceremony.
? When a father gave orders to his son about his capping or marriage, he gave him a cup of ordinary wine. The sweet wine was given to the youth by a friend or friends who had invested him with the cap. The real answer to 3ăng-sze's question is in paragraph ii.
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sacrifices in his inner garment of soft silk, and there is not that drinking all round. The cup is set down beside the guests, but they do not take it up. This is the rule. Formerly duke Kâo of La !, while in that silken garment, took the cup and sent it all round, but it was against the rule; and duke Hâo, at the end of the second year's mourning, put down the cup presented to him, and did not send it all round, but this also was against the rule.'
13. Zăng-gze asked, 'In a case (of the) mourning for nine months, can (the principal) take part in contributing to the offerings (to the dead of others)?'
Confucius said, 'Why speak only of (the mourning for) nine months ? In all cases from the mourning for) three years downwards, it may be done. This is the rule.'
3ăng-gze said, “Would not this be making the mourning of little importance, and attaching (undue) importance to mutual helpfulness?'
Confucius said, 'This is not what I mean. When there is mourning for the son of Heaven or the prince of a state, (all) who wear the sackcloth with the jagged edges (will contribute to) the offerings. At the mourning of a Great officer, (all) who wear the sackcloth with the even edges will do so. At the mourning of an ordinary officer, his associates and friends will do so. If all these be not sufficient, they may receive contributions from all who should mourn for nine months downwards; and if these be still insufficient, they will repeat the process.'
1 B.C. 541-510.
B. C. 795-769. This is going a long way back. . On this paragraph P. Zottoli says:- Băng-zze petit an
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14. Zăng-sze asked, 'In a case of the mourning for five months, may (the principal) take part in the other sacrifices (of mourning)' ?'
Confucius said, “Why speak only of the mourning for five months ? In all cases from the mourning for three years downwards, (the principals) take part in those sacrifices.
3ăng-gze said, “Would not this be making the mourning of little importance, and giving (undue) importance to the sacrifices ?
Confucius said, 'In the mourning sacrifices for the son of Heaven and the prince of a state, none but those who wear the sackcloth with the jagged edges take part in them. In those for a Great officer, they who wear the sackcloth with the even edges do so. In those for another officer, if the participants be insufficient, they add to them from their brethren who should wear mourning for nine months downwards.'
15. 3ăng-zze asked, "When acquaintances are in mourning, may they participate in one another's sacrifices ?'
Confucius said, 'When wearing the three months' mourning, one has no occasion to sacrifice in his own ancestral temple), and how should he assist another man (out of his own line) ?'
aliquis in novem mensium luctu constitutus possit adjuvare alterius funestae familiae oblationem. Confucius intelligit de adjuvanda proprii funeris oblatione. There appears to be a similar misunderstanding between the two in the next paragraph.
Khung Ying-tâ makes this out to be the sacrifices of repose, and at the end of the wailing. I think the reference is more general.
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16. 3ăng-ze asked, 'When one has put off his mourning, may he take part in contributing to the offerings (for the dead of another)?'
Confucius said, 'To take part in the offerings (to another's dead), on putting off one's own sackcloth, is contrary to the rule. Possibly, he may perform the part of assisting him in receiving visitors.'
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17. 3ăng-ze asked, 'According to the rules for marriages, the presents have been received and a fortunate day has been fixed;-if then the father or mother of the young lady die, what course should be adopted?'
Confucius said, 'The son-in-law will send some one to condole; and if it be his father or mother that has died, the family of the lady will in the same way send some to present their condolences. If the father have died, (the messenger) will name the (other) father (as having sent him); if the mother, he will name the (other) mother. If both parents be dead (on both sides), he will name the oldest uncle and his wife. When the son-in-law has buried (his dead), his oldest uncle will offer a release from the engagement to the lady, saying, "My son, being occupied with the mourning for his father or mother, and not having obtained the right to be reckoned among your brethren, has employed me to offer a release from the engagement." (In this case) it is the rule for the lady to agree to the message and not presume to (insist on) the marriage (taking place immediately). When the son-in-law has concluded his mourning, the parents of the lady will send and request (the fulfilment of the engagement). The son-in-law will not (immediately come to) carry her (to his house), but afterwards she will be married to him; this is the
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rule. If it be the father or mother of the lady who died, the son-in-law will follow a similar course?'
18. 3ăng-zze asked, “The son-in-law has met the lady in person, and she is on the way with him :-if (then) his father or mother die, what course should be adopted ?'
Confucius said, 'The lady will change her dress 2; and in the long linen robe ), with the cincture of white silk round her hair, will hasten to be present at the mourning rites. If, while she is on the way, it be her own father or mother who dies, she will return.'
19. 'If the son-in-law have met the lady in person, and before she has arrived at his house, there occur a death requiring the year's or the nine months' mourning, what course should be adopted ?'
Confucius said, 'Before the gentleman enters, he will change his dress in a place outside. The lady will enter and change her dress in a place inside. They will then go to the proper positions and wail.'
3ăng-zze asked, 'When the mourning is ended, will they not resume the marriage ceremonies?'
* Is the final marriage of the lady to the original betrothed son-in-law,' or bridegroom as we should say; or to another, that she may not pass the proper time for her marrying? Khung Ying-tå, and other old commentators, advocate the latter view. Others, and especially the Khien-lung editors, maintain the former; and I have indicated in the version my agreement with them. There are difficulties with the text; but Confucius would hardly have sanctioned the other course.
. At the house of him who was now her husband.
* This, called the deep garment,' had the body and skirt sown together. See Book XXXIV.
* This would be done, it is said, by Hsü Sze-zhăng (Ming dynasty), to allow play to her filial piety, but she would live at the house of the son-in-law.'
[27]
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Confucius said, 'It is the rule, that when the time of sacrifice has been allowed to pass by, it is not then offered. Why in this case should they go back to what must have taken place previously?'
20. Confucius said, The family that has married a daughter away, does not extinguish its candles for three nights, thinking of the separation that has taken place. The family that has received the (new) wife for three days has no music; thinking her bridegroom is now in the place of his parents?. After three months she presents herself in the ancestral temple, and is styled " The new wife that has come.” A day is chosen for her to sacrifice at the shrine of her father-in-law; expressing the idea of her being (now) the established wife.'
21. 3ăng-zze asked, 'If the lady die before she has presented herself in the ancestral temple, what course should be adopted?'
Confucius said, '(Her coffin) should not be removed to the ancestral temple, nor should (her tablet) be placed next to that of her mother-in-law. The husband should not carry the staff ; nor wear the shoes of straw; nor have a (special) place (for wailing). She should be taken back, and buried among her kindred of her own family ;-showing that she had not become the established wife.
22. Zăng-gze asked, 'The fortunate day has been fixed for taking the lady (to her new home), and she dies (in the meantime) :—what should be done?'
Confucius said, The son-in-law will come to condole, wearing the one year's mourning, which he will
This and the statements that follow suppose that the bridegroom's parents are dead.
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lay aside when the interment has taken place. If it be the husband who dies, a similar course will be followed on the other side.'
23. 3ăng-gze asked, 'Is it according to rule that at the mourning rites there should be two (performing the part of) the orphan son (and heir, receiving visitors)', or that at a temple-shrine there should be two spirit-tablets ?'
Confucius said, 'In heaven there are not two suns ; in a country there are not two kingsa; in the seasonal sacrifices, and those to Heaven and Earth®, there are not two who occupy the highest place of honour. I do not know that what you ask about is according to rule. Formerly duke Hwan of Khia, going frequently to war, made fictitious tablets and took them with him on his expeditions, depositing them on his return in the ancestral temple. The practice of having two tablets in a temple-shrine originated from duke Hwan. As to two (playing the part of the) orphan son, it may be thus explained :-Formerly, on occasion of a visit to La by duke Ling of Wei, the mourning rites of Ki Hwan-gze were in progress. The ruler of Wei requested leave to offer his condolences. Duke Ai (of La)* declined (the ceremony), but could not
1 The Chinese characters mean simply 'two orphans. Neither Khang-hsî nor any English-Chinese dictionary explains the peculiar use of the term here; nor is Confucius' explanation satisfactory, or to the point.
Compare paragraphs 5, 8, III, iii, pages 224-226. * See the Doctrine of the Mean,' 19, 6, Chinese Classics, vol. i.
B. C. 685-643.
Literally the temple-shrine of his grandfather;' but I think the name must have the general meaning I have given.
. It has been shown that the ruler of Wei here could not be
Y
2
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enforce his refusal. He therefore acted as the principal (mourner), and the visitor came in to condole with him. Khang-ze stood on the right of the gate with his face to the north. The duke, after the usual bows and courtesies, ascended by the steps on the east with his face towards the west. The visitor ascended by those on the west, and paid his condo lences. The duke bowed ceremoniously to him, and then rose up and wailed, while Khang-zze bowed with his forehead to the ground, in the position where he was. The superintending officers made no attempt to put the thing to rights. The having two now acting as the orphan son arose from the error of Ki
Khang-ze.
24. Zăng-sze asked, 'Anciently when an army went on an expedition, was it not first necessary to carry with it the spirit-tablets that had been removed from their shrines??'
Confucius said, 'When the son of Heaven went on his tours of Inspection, he took (one of) those tablets along with him, conveying it in the carriage of Reverence, thus intimating how it was felt necessary to have with him that object of honours. The practice
duke Ling. He must have been duke Kha. But this error discredits the view of the statement having come from Confucius.
1 See note 2 and plan of the royal ancestral temple of Kâu on pages 223-225,
* This, it is said, was the tablet of the royal ancestor which had been last removed from its shrine, and placed in the shrine-house for all such removed tablets. The carriage of Reverence was the
metal-guilt' carriage of the king, second to that adorned with jade, in which he rode to sacrifice. Zottoli renders : Imperator perlustrans custodita, cum translatitii delubri tabella peragrabat, imposita super casti curru, significatum necessariam praesentiam superioris.'
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now-a-days of taking the tablets of the seven templeshrines along with them on an expedition is an error. No shrine in all the seven (of the king), or in the five of the prince of a state, ought to be (left) empty. A shrine can only be so left without its tablet, when the son of Heaven has died, or the prince of a state deceased, or left his state, or when all the tablets are brought together at the united sacrifice, in the shrinetemple of the highest ancestor. I heard the following statement from Lão Tan? :-"On the death of the son of Heaven, or of the prince of a state, it is the rule that the officer of prayer should take the tablets from all the other shrines and deposit them in that of the high ancestors. When the wailing was over, and the business (of placing the tablet of the deceased in its shrine) was completed, then every other tablet was restored to its shrine. When a ruler abandoned his state, it was the rule that the Grand minister should take the tablets from all the shrines and follow him. When there was the united sacrifice in the shrine of the high ancestor, the officer of prayer met (and received) the tablets from the four shrines. When they were taken from their shrines or carried back to them all were required to keep out of the way.” So said Lão Tan.
1 This was, most probably, Lâo-zze, though some of the commentators deny it. Kång says : Lào Tan, the title of old for men of longevity, was a contemporary of Confucius ;' and Khăn Hảo quotes a note on this from Wang of Shih-liang, that This was not the author of the “Five thousand words," ' i. e. of the T&o Teh King.
• While the special sacrifices and other funeral rites were going on, the other sacrifices, which belonged to a different category of rites, were suspended.
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25. 3ăng-gze asked, 'Anciently, when they marched on an expedition, and carried no displaced tablets with them, what did they make their chief consideration ?'
Confucius said, 'They made the instructions from the tablet their chief consideration?'
• What does that mean?' asked the other.
Confucius said, 'When the son of Heaven or the prince of a state was about to go forth, he would, with gifts of silk, skins, and jade-tokens, announce his purpose at the shrines of his grandfather and father. He then took those gifts with him, conveying them on the march in the carriage of Reverence. At every stage (of the march), he would place offerings of food by them, and afterwards occupy the station. On returning, they would make announcement (at the same shrines), and when they had set forth (again) their offerings, they would collect the silk and jade, and bury them between the steps (leading) up to the fane of the high ancestor ; after which they left the temple. This was how they made the instructions they received their chief consideration.'
26. Zze-yd asked, 'Is it the rule to mourn for a foster-mother' as for a mother?'
Zottoli gives for this phrase simply "adhaerebant numini,' subjoining no note on it. The parties spoken of put down their offerings before the shrines, announcing that they were about to undertake such an expedition; and taking it for granted that their progenitors approved of their object, proceeded to carry it out, as if they had received a charge from them to do so, carrying the offerings with them in token of that charge from the spirits in the tablets of the shrines. This view is distinctly set forth by Hwang Khan (end of early Sung dynasty) and others.
? This foster-mother was not what we call a nurse;' but a lady
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Confucius said, 'It is not the rule. Anciently, outside the palace, a boy had his master, and at home his foster-mother; they were those whom the ruler employed to teach his son;—what ground should these be for wearing mourning for them ? Formerly duke Kâo of La having lost his mother when he was little, had a foster-mother, who was good; and when she died, he could not bear (not) to mourn for her, and wished to do so. The proper officer on hearing of it, said, “ According to the ancient rule, there is no mourning for a foster-mother. If you wear this mourning, you will act contrary to that ancient rule, and introduce confusion into the laws of the state. If you will after all do it, then we will put it on record, and transmit the act to the future;—will not that be undesirable ?” The duke said, "Anciently the son of Heaven, when unoccupied and at ease, wore the soft inner garment, assumed after the year's mourning, and the cap." The duke could not bear not to wear mourning, and on this he mourned for his fostermother in this garb. The mourning for a fostermother originated with duke Kâo of La?'
of the harem to whom the care of an orphan boy was entrusted ;-it may have been after he ceased to be suckled. The reasoning of Confucius goes on the assumption that mourning should be worn only in cases of consanguinity or affinity; and it may be inferred from this that concubinage was not the most ancient rule in China.
1 See the eleventh article in the forty-third chapter of the Narratives of the School,' where a similar, probably the same, conversation, with some variations, is found. The duke of Lê in it, however, is not Kâo, but Hảo; see paragraph 12, page 315.
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SECTION II. 1. 3ăng-sze asked, 'The princes are assembled in a body to appear before the son of Heaven; they have entered the gate, but are not able to go through with the rites (of audience);-how many occurrences will make these be discontinued ?'
Confucius said, 'Four.' 'May I ask what they are?' said the other. The reply was:—'The grand ancestral temple taking fire; an eclipse of the sun; funeral rites of the queen; their robes all unsightly through soaking rain. If, when the princes are all there, an eclipse of the sun take place, they follow the son of Heaven to save it?; each one dressed in the colour of his quarter, and with the weapon proper to it?. If there be a fire in the grand ancestral temple, they follow him to extinguish it without those robes and weapons.'
2. 3ăng-aze said, 'Princes are visiting one another. (The strangers) have entered the gate after the customary bowings and courtesies, but they are not able to go through with the rites (of audience); how many occurrences will make these be discontinued ?'
Confucius said, “Six;' and, in answer to the ques
The phenomenon of an eclipse suggested the idea of some enemy or adverse influence devouring the sun's disk.
• The colour appropriate to the east was green, and the weapon the spear with two hooks; the colour of the south was red, and the weapon the spear with one hook and two points; the colour of the west was white, and the weapon the bow; the colour of the north was black, and the weapon the shield; the colour of the centre was yellow, and the weapon the drum.
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tion as to what they were, replied :-'The death of the son of Heaven; the grand ancestral temple taking fire; an eclipse of the sun; the funeral rites of the queen or of the princess of the state; and their robes all unsightly through soaking rain.'
3. Zăng-gze said, 'At the seasonal sacrifices of the son of Heaven, at those to Heaven and Earth, and at (any of) the five sacrifices of the house, after the vessels, round and square, with their contents have been set forth, if there occur the death of the son of Heaven or mourning rites for the queen, what should be done?'
Confucius said, The sacrifice should be stopped.' The other asked, 'If, during the sacrifice, there occur an eclipse of the sun, or the grand ancestral temple take fire, what should be done ?' The reply was, *The steps of the sacrifice should be hurried on. If the victim have arrived, but has not yet been slain, the sacrifice should be discontinued.
4. When the son of Heaven has died and is not yet coffined, the sacrifices of the house are not offered. When he is coffined, they are resumed; but at any one of them the representative of the dead takes (only) three mouthfuls (of the food), and is not urged (to take more). He is then presented with a cup, but does not respond by presenting another, and there is an end (of the ceremony). From the removal of the coffin to the return (from the burial) and the subsequent wailing, those sacrifices (again) cease. After the burial they are offered, but when the officer of prayer has finished the cup presented to him, they stop.'
5. Zăng-zze asked, 'At the sacrifices to the spirits
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of the land and grain proper to the feudal princes, if, after the stands and vessels, with their contents, have been arranged, news arrive of the death of the son of Heaven or of the mourning rites for his queen, or if the ruler die or there be mourning rites for his consort, what should be done?'
Confucius said, 'The sacrifice should be discontinued. From the ruler's death to the coffining, and from the removal of the coffin to the return (from the burial) and the (subsequent) wailing, they will follow the example set by the son of Heaven'.'
BK. V.
6. 3ăng-ze asked, 'At the sacrifices of a Great officer, when the tripods and stands have been arranged, and the dishes of bamboo and wood, with their contents, have been set forth, but they are not able to go through with the rites, how many occurrences will cause them to be discontinued?'
Confucius said, 'Nine;' and when asked what they were, he added:-'The death of the son of Heaven; funeral rites for his queen; the death of the ruler (of the state); funeral rites for his consort; the ruler's grand ancestral temple taking fire; an eclipse of the sun; (a call to) the three years' mourning; to that of one year; or to that of nine months. In all these cases the sacrifice should be given up. If the mourning be merely for relatives by affinity, from all degrees of it up to the twelve months, the sacrifice will go on. At one where the mourning is worn for twelve months, the representative of the dead, after entering, will take (only) three mouthfuls (of the food), and not be urged to take (any more).
1 As given in the preceding paragraphs. In his ancestral temple.
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He will be presented with a cup, but will not respond by presenting one in return, and there will be an end (of the ceremony). Where the mourning is for nine months, after he has presented the responsive cup, the thing will end. Where it is for five or for three months, it will not end till all the observances in the apartment are gone through. What distinguishes the proceedings of an ordinary officer is, that he does not sacrifice when wearing the three months' mourning. He sacrifices, however, if the dead to whom he does so had no relationship with him requiring him to wear mourning.'
SECT. II.
7. 3ăng-ze asked, 'May one, wearing the three years' mourning for a parent, go to condole with others?'
Confucius said, 'On the completion of the first of the three years, one should not be seen standing with others, or going along in a crowd. With a superior man the use of ceremonies is to give proper and elegant expression to the feelings. Would it not be an empty form' to go and condole and wail with others, while wearing the three years' mourning?'
8. 3ăng-ze asked, 'If a Great officer or ordinary officer be in mourning for a parent' he may put it off3; and if he be in mourning for his ruler, under what conditions will he put that off?'
Confucius said, 'If he have the mourning for his
1 How could he, occupied with his own sorrow, offer anything but an empty form of condolence to others?
'Literally 'private mourning,' as below; but evidently the master and disciple both had the mourning for a parent in mind.
'On his having to go into mourning for his ruler.
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ruler on his person, he will not venture to wear any private mourning ;-—what putting off can there be ? In this case, even if the time be passed (for any observances which the private mourning would require), he will not put it off. When the mourning for the ruler is put off, he will then perform the great sacrifices (of his private mourning)? This is the rule.
9. Zăng-zze asked, “But is it allowable thus to give up all the mourning rites for a parent through this keeping on of the mourning (for a ruler)?
Confucius said, 'According to the ceremonies as determined by the ancient kings, it is the rule that when the time has passed (for the observance of any ceremony), there should be no attempt to perform it. It is not that one could not keep from not putting off the mourning; but the evil would be in his going beyond the definite statute. Therefore it is that a superior man does not offer a sacrifice, when the proper time for doing so has passed.'
10. 3ăng-xze said, 'If, when the ruler has died, and is now lying in his coffin, the minister be called to the funeral rites for his father or mother, what course will he pursue ?"
Confucius said, 'He should go home and remain there; going indeed to the ruler's for the great
"That is, the rightsul son and heir may then perform the sacrifice marking the close of the first year's mourning for a parent, and that marking the close of the second year's mourning in the month after. But Khăn Hâo argues that it was only the rightful son who could thus go back and offer the sacrifices proper to the mourning rites for parents, and that the other sons could not do so. This is the case underlying the next paragraph.
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SECT. 11. THE QUESTIONS OF BANG-SZE. 333 services (to the departed), but not for those of every morning and evening?'
11. (3ăng-zze asked), 'If, when they have begun to remove the coffin, the minister be called to the funeral rites for his father or mother, how should he do?
Confucius said, “He should go home and wail, and then return and accompany the funeral of the ruler.'
12. 'If,' said (3ăng-gze), before the ruler has been coffined, a minister be called to the funeral rites for his father or mother, what should be his course ?'
Confucius said, 'He should go home, and have the deceased put into the coffin, returning (then) to the ruler's. On occasion of the great services, he will go home, but not for those of every morning and evening. In the case of a Great officer, the chief servant of the household will attend to matters; in the case of an ordinary officer, a son or grandson. When there are the great services at the ruler's, the wife of the Great officer will also go there, but not for those of every morning and evening.'
13. One in a low position should not pronounce the eulogy of another in a high, nor a younger man that of one older than himself. In the case of the son of Heaven, they refer to Heaven as giving his
1 It has been seen that morning and evening offerings to the dead were placed near the coffin. On the first and fifteenth of the month these were on a great scale, and with special observances, at the new and full moon. They were the great services. The practice still continues.
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eulogy. It is not the rule for princes of states to deliver the eulogy of one another?
14. Zăng-gze asked, 'When a ruler goes across the boundary of his own state, he takes with him his inner coffin as a precaution for the preparations against the three years' (mourning rites) forhim. If he die (abroad), what are the proceedings on his being brought back?'
Confucius said, 'The clothes to be put on him after the coffining having been provided, the son in the linen cap, with the sackcloth band round it, wearing coarse sackcloth and the shoes of straw, and carrying a staff, will enter by the opening made in the wall of the apartment for the coffin, having ascended by the western steps. If the slighter dressing (preparatory to the coffining) have still (to be made), the son will follow the bier without a cap, enter by the gate, and ascend by the steps on the east. There is one and the same rule for a ruler, a Great officer, and an ordinary officer.
15. 3ăng-xze asked, "If one is occupied in drawing (the carriage with the bier on it) at the funeral rites of his ruler, and is then called to the funeral rites of his father or mother, what should he do?'
1 The eulogy has in China for more than a thousand years taken the form of inscriptions on tombs and sacrificial compositions ; of which there are many elegant and eloquent specimens. It should be summed up in the honorary title. Truth, however, might require that that should be the reverse of eulogistic; and perhaps this led to its being conferred, as a rule, by one superior in rank and position. The honorary title of a deceased sovereign was first proclaimed at the great sacrifice to Heaven at the winter solstice; and hence it is referred to in the text as coming from Heaven!
9 That is, I think, simply, as a precaution against his dying while abroad.' Zottoli renders :-- Regulus excedens confinia, ut in tres annos praecaveatur, habit sandapilam sequacem.'
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THE QUESTIONS OF SÅNG-3ZE.
335
Confucius said, 'He should complete what he is engaged in ; and when the coffin has been let down into the grave, return home, without waiting for the departure of the (ruler's) son.
16. Zăng-sze asked, 'If one, occupied with the funeral rites of a parent, has (assisted in) drawing the bier to the path (to the grave), and there hear of the death of his ruler, what should he do ?'
Confucius said, 'He should complete the burial; and, when the coffin has been let down, he should change his dress, and go to the ruler's).'
17. 3ăng-gze asked, “If the eldest son by the proper wife be (only) an officer, and a son by a secondary wife be a Great officer, how will the latter proceed in his sacrificing ?'
Confucius said, 'He will sacrifice, with the victims belonging to his higher rank, in the house of the eldest son. The officer of prayer will say, “So and So, the filial son, in behalf of So and So, the attendant son, presents his regular offering?"
18. If the eldest son, now the head of the family, be residing, in consequence of some charge of guilt, in another state, and a son by a secondary wife be a Great officer, when (the latter) is offering a sacrifice (for the other), the officer of prayer will say, "So
1 Here two things were in collision. The oldest son by the proper wife was the representative of the father, and only he could preside at the service in the ancestral temple of the family. But here an inferior son has been advanced to a higher rank than his older brother. As a Great officer he is entitled to have three shrine temples; but it would be contrary to the solidarity of the family for him to erect an ancestral temple for himself. The difficulty is met in the way described, the sacrifice being ascribed to the elder brother, as head of the family.
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336
THE LI Kİ.
and So, the filial son, employs the attendant son, So and So, to perform for him the regular service." (In this case, however), the principal in this vicarious service will not conduct the sacrifice so as to see that the spirit of the deceased is satisfied to the full; nor send the cup round among all who are present, nor receive the blessing (at the close); nor lay on the ground the portions of the sacrifice as thank-offerings; nor have with him (the wife of the elder brother) who should appear before the spirit-tablet of her mother-in-law, the wife of the deceased. He will put down the cup before the (principal) guests, but they will put it down (in another place), and not send it round. He will not send to them portions of the flesh. In his address to the guests (at the beginning of the service), he will say, "My honoured brother, the honoured son (of our father), being in another state, has employed me, So and So, to make announcement to you1."'
BK. V.
19. 3ăng-ze asked, 'If the eldest son have gone and is in another state, while a son by a secondary
1 This paragraph continues the case in the preceding, with the additional circumstances that the head of the family is a fugitive from it, and that the sacrifice referred to in it is performed by the inferior brother remaining in the state, in lieu of him. It is difficult to translate without amplification so as to be intelligible, because of what may be called the technical terms in it. The five points in which the service was deficient, different from what it would have been, if performed by the proper brother, are given in the reverse order of their regular occurrence; whether designedly or not, we cannot tell. For that portion of the paragraph P. Zottoli gives: Sed vicarius dominus vacabit satisfactionis sacrificio; vacabit universali propinatione; vacabit benedictione; vacabit consternationis sacrificio; vacabit copulatione;' appending a note to explain the terms.
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SECT. II. THE QUESTIONS OF 3ANG-3ZE.
337
wife, and without rank, remains at home, may the latter offer the sacrifice?'
Confucius said, 'Yes, certainly.'
And how will he sacrifice?' He will rear an altar in front of the (family-)grave, and there he will sacrifice at the different seasons. If the oldest son die, he will announce the event at the grave, and afterwards sacrifice in the house, calling himself, however, only by his name, and abstaining from the epithet filial." This abstinence will cease after his death.' The disciples of 3ze-yû, in the case of sons by inferior wives sacrificing, held that this practice was in accordance with what was right. Those of them who sacrifice now-a-days do not ground their practice on this principle of right;-they have no truthful ground for their sacrifices1.
"
20. 3ǎng-ze asked, 'Is it necessary that there should be a representative of the dead in sacrifice ? or may he be dispensed with as when the satisfying offerings are made to the dead?'
Confucius said, 'In sacrificing to a full-grown man for whom there have been the funeral rites, there must be such a representative, who should be a grandson; and if the grandson be too young, some one must be employed to carry him in his arms. If there be no grandson, some one of the same surname should be selected for the occasion. In sacrificing to one who has died prematurely, there are (only) the satisfying offerings, for he was not
1 These last two sentences evidently should not be ascribed to Confucius. It was only after his death that Sze-yû would have a school of his own. They must have been written moreover after the death of 3ze-yû.
[27]
Z
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338
THE LÎ ki.
BK. V.
full-grown. To sacrifice to a full-grown man, for whom there have been the funeral rites without a representative, would be to treat him as if he had died prematurely.'
21. Confucius said, “There is the offering of satisfaction made in the dark chamber, and that made in the brighter place.
Zăng-gze answered with a question, 'But to one who has died prematurely there is not made a complete sacrifice; what do you mean by speaking of two satisfying offerings, the dark and the bright?'
Confucius said, 'When the oldest son, who would take the father's place, dies prematurely, no brother by an inferior wife can be his successor. At the auspicious sacrifice to him?, there is a single bullock; but the service being to one who died prematurely, there is no presentation (of the lungs), no stand with the heart and tongue, no dark-coloured spirits?, no announcement of the nourishment being completed. This is what is called the dark satisfying offering. In regard to all others who have died prematurely and have left no offspring, the sacrifice is offered to them in the house of the oldest son, where the apartment is most light, with the vases in the chamber on the east. This is what is called the bright satisfying offering.'
22. 3ăng-gze asked, 'At a burial, when the bier has been drawn to the path (leading to the place), if there happen an eclipse of the sun, is any change made or not?'
· The first auspicious sacrifice took place when the ceremony of wailing was over.
. A name for water.
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SECT. II. THE QUESTIONS OF BANG-3ZE.
339
Confucius said, 'Formerly, along with Lâo Tan', I was assisting at a burial in the village of Hsiang, and when we had got to the path, the sun was eclipsed. Lão Tan said to me, "Khiû, let the bier be stopped on the left of the road; and then let us wail and wait till the eclipse pass away. When it is light again, we will proceed." He said that this was the rule. When we had returned and completed the burial, I said to him, "In the progress of a bier there should be no returning. When there is an eclipse of the sun, we do not know whether it will pass away quickly or not, would it not have been better to go on?" Lâo Tan said, "When the prince of a state is going to the court of the son of Heaven, he travels while he can see the sun. At sun-down he halts, and presents his offerings (to the spirit of the way). When a Great officer is on a mission, he travels while he can see the sun, and at sun-down he halts. Now a bier does not set forth in the early morning, nor does it rest anywhere at night; but those who travel by star-light are only criminals and those who are hastening to the funeral rites of a parent. When there is an eclipse of the sun, how do we know that we shall not see the stars? And moreover, a superior man, in his performance of rites, will not expose his relatives to the risk of distress or evil." This is what I heard from Lâo Tan.'
23. 3ăng-ze asked, 'In the case of one dying where he is stopping, when discharging a mission for
'This was Lâo-zze, the old master.' It seems better to keep Lâo as if it had been the surname. See paragraph 24, p. 325. Graves were north of the towns. Z 2
The east of the road.
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340
THE Lİ Kİ.
his ruler, the rules say1 that, (if he die) in a government hotel his spirit shall be recalled; but not, (if he die) in a private one. But to whatever state a commissioner may be sent, the lodging which may be assigned to him by the proper officer becomes a public hotel;-what is the meaning of his spirit not being recalled, (if he die) in a private one?'
BK. V.
Confucius said, 'You have asked well. The houses of a high minister, a Great officer, or an ordinary officer, may be called private hotels. The government hotel, and any other which the government may appoint, may be called a public hotel. In this you have the meaning of that saying that the spirit is recalled at a public hotel.'
24. 3ăng-ze asked, ' Children dying prematurely, between eight and eleven, should be buried in the garden in a brick grave, and carried thither on a contrivance serving the purpose of a carriage, the place being near; but now if the grave is chosen at a distance, what do you say about their being buried there?'
Confucius said, 'I have heard this account from Lâo Tan:-"Formerly," he said, "the recorder Yi had a son who died thus prematurely, and the grave was distant. The duke of Shâo said to him, 'Why not shroud and coffin him in your palace?' The recorder said, 'Dare I do so?' The
1 Where these rules are to be found I do not know.
I use 'hotel' here in the French meaning of the term. We must suppose that the private hotel' about which Băng-zze asked was one to which the commissioner had gone without the instructions of the state; and, as the Khien-lung editors say, 'the rites were therefore so far diminished.'
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SECT. I.
THE QUESTIONS OF BÅNG-SZE.
341
duke of Shâo spoke about it to the duke of Kâu, who said, “Why may it not be done ?' and the recorder did it. The practice of coffins for boys who have died so prematurely, and shrouding them, began with the recorder Yi.”
25. 3ăng-sze asked, 'A minister or a Great officer is about to act the part of a personator of the dead for his ruler. If, when he has received (orders) to pass the night in solemn vigil, there occur in his own family an occasion for him to wear the robe of hemmed sackcloth, what should he do ?'
Confucius said, 'The rule is for him to leave (his house) and lodge in a state hotel, and wait till (the ruler's) business is accomplished.'
26. Confucius said, 'When one who has represented the dead comes forth in the officer's) leathern cap, or the (Great officer's) tasseled cap (which he has worn), ministers, Great officers, and other officers, all will descend from their carriages (when his passes). He will bow forward to them, and he will also have a forerunner (to notify his approach).'
27. 3ze-hsià asked, “There is such a thing as no longer declining military service, after the wailing in the three years' mourning has come to an end. Is this the rule ? or was it at first required by the officers (of the state) ?'
Confucius said, 'Under the sovereigns of Hsiâ, as soon as the coffining in the three years' mourning was completed, they resigned all their public duties. Under Yin they did so as soon as the interment was over. Is not this the meaning of what we find in the record, that "the ruler does not take from men their affection to their parents, nor do men take from their parents their filial duty ?”
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342
THE LỈ KỈ.
28. 3ze-hsiâ asked, 'Is then not declining military service (during mourning) to be condemned?'
Confucius said, 'I heard from Lâo Tan that duke Po-khin engaged once in such service, when there was occasion for it; but I do not know if I should allow it in those who seek (by it) their own advantage during the period of the three years' mourning'.'
BK. V.
1 Po-khin was the son of the duke of Kâu, and the first marquis of Lû. The time of his entering on the rule of that state was a very critical one in the kingdom; and though it was then, it would appear, the period of his mourning for his mother's death, he discharged his public duty in the time of his own grief.
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BOOK VI. wĂN WANG SHIH AZE
OR KING WÅN AS SON AND HEIR ?.
SECTION I. 1. Thus did king Wăn act when he was eldest son and heir :Thrice a day he made a visit in due form to king Ki. When the cock first crowed he dressed himself, and going to the outside of the bedroom, asked one of the servants of the interior who was in attendance how the king was and if he were well. When told that he was well, the prince was glad. At midday he repeated the visit in the same way; and so he did again in the evening. If the king were not so well as usual, the servant would tell the prince, and then his sorrow appeared in his countenance, and his walk was affected and disturbed. When king Ki took his food again, Wăn recovered his former appearance. When the food went up (to the king), he would examine it and see if it were cold and hot as it ought to be? When it came down, he asked of what dishes the king had eaten. He gave orders to the cook that none of the dishes should go up again, and withdrew on receiving the cook's assurance accordingly.
· See the introduction, pages 22, 23.
* It was the duty of a son to wait on his father twice a day,-at morning and night. King Wan showed his filial duty by paying king Ki a third visit.
* According to the season. • According to the ordinary dates in Chinese chronology, ling
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344 THE LÎ kt.
Br. " 2. King Wd acted according to the example (of Wăn), not presuming to go in anything) beyond it. When king Wăn was ill, wa nursed him without taking off his cap or girdle. When king Wăn took a meal, he also took a meal; and when king Wăn took a second, he did the same. It was not till after twelve days that he intermitted his attentions.
King Wăn said to WQ, What have you been dreaming ?' 'I dreamt,' was the reply, 'that God gave me nine ling?' 'And what do you think was the meaning?' King Wd said, 'There are nine states in the west ;—may it not mean that you will yet bring them all under your happy sway ?' Wăn said, “That was not the meaning. Anciently they called a year ling. The age is also called ling. I am 100; and you are go. I give you three years.' King Wăn was 97 when he died, and king Wa was 93?
* 3. King Khăng, being quite young, could not perform his part at the eastern steps. The duke of Kâu acted as regent, trod those steps, and adminis
Wăn was born in B. c. 1258, and named Khang (1). King Ki died in 1185, when he was in his seventy-fourth year.
1 It is difficult to understand and interpret the latter half of this paragraph. The Khien-lung editors say that, according to the ordinary accounts, king Wû was born when Wån was fifteen years old, and there was an elder son, Yi-khâo, who died prematurely; whereas king Wa died at 93, leaving his son Sung (king Khăng) only seven years old. Wăn,' they said, 'must have married very early, and Wů very late. They say also that they cannot understand the text that Wăn gave to his son three years,' &c., and suppose that some erroneous tradition has here been introduced.
? The king received his nobles at the top of the eastern steps. The phrase 'in the government of the kingdom.
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SECT. I.
WXN WANG SHIH SZE.
345
tered the government. He illustrated the rules for the behaviour of a young heir in his treatment of Po-khin, that king Khăng might thereby know the courses to be pursued by father and son, ruler and minister, old and young. When he committed an error, the duke punished Po-khin. This was the way in which he showed king Khăng his duty as the son and heir.
4. So much on the way in which king Wăn acted as son and heir.
5. In teaching the heir-sons (of the king and feudal princes), and young men (chosen from their aptitude) for learning?, the subjects were different at different seasons. In spring and summer they were taught the use of the shield and spear; in autumn and winter that of the feather and Aute :--all in the eastern school. The inferior directors of Music? taught the use of the shield aided by the great assistants. The flute masters taught the use of the spear, aided by the subdirectors, while the assistants regulated by the drum (the chanting of) the Nano
In spring they recited (the pieces), and in summer
1 These scholars,' no doubt, were those of whose selection for the higher instruction we have an account in the fourth and other paragraphs of Section IV, Book III.
These are mentioned in the Royal Regulations, though the title does not occur in the Kâu Li. They are supposed to be the same as its music masters' (Yo Sze, Book XXII).
* This clause about the drum' is perplexing to a translator. It destroys the symmetry of the paragraph. What we are to understand by the Nan' is also much disputed. I suppose the term should embrace the two Nan, or two first Books of the Shih, Part I. Compare the Shih II, vi, 4. 4.
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346
THE Li ki.
BK. VI.
they played on the guitar,-being taught by the grand master in the Hall of the Blind? In autumn they learned ceremonies,-being instructed by the masters of ceremonies. In winter they read the book of History,—being instructed by the guardians of it. Ceremonies were taught in the Hall of the Blind; the book in the upper school.
1 The names of these different schools are also very perplexing; and I here give a note about them by Lid Khang of our eleventh century. Under the Kâu dynasty they had its own schools and those of the three former dynasties; four buildings, all erected in proximity to one another. Most in the centre was the Pi Yung of Kâu itself. On the north of it was the school of Shun (the lord Yü); on the east that of Hsiâ; and on the west that of Shang. Those who were learning the use (in dancing) of the shield and spear, and of the plume and flute, went to the eastern school; those who were learning ceremonies went to that of Shang; and those who were learning history, to that of Shun. In the Pi Yung the son of Heaven nourished the old, sent forth his armies, matured his plans, received prisoners, and practised archery. When he came to the Pi Yung, they came from all the other three schools, and stood round the encircling water to look at him. There were also schools on the plan of Shun - the hsiang ( -in the large districts (the , containing 12500 families): others on the plan of Hsia—the hsu ()-in the Kâu, or smaller districts (the y, containing 2500 families); and others still on the plan of Shang—the hsiâo () - in the Tang (h), or those still smaller (containing 500 families). These were all schools for young boys. The most promising scholars (in the family schools) were removed to the hsiang; the best in the hsiang, again to the hsü; and the best in the hsü, to the hsião. The best in these were removed finally to the great school (or college) in the suburbs (of the capital).' Such is the account of Lid Khang. Other scholars differ from him in some points; but there is a general agreement as to the existence of a system of graduated training
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SECT. I.
WÅN WANG SHIH SZE.
347
6. All the rules about sacrificial offerings and at the nourishing of the old begging them to speak (their wise counsels) and the conversation at general reunions, were taught by the lower directors of Music in the eastern school.
7. The Grand director of Music taught how to brandish the shield and axe. He also delivered the graduated rules relating to conversations and the charges about begging the old to speak. The Grand perfecter (of Instruction) : discussed all about (these matters) in the eastern school.
8. Whenever a pupil was sitting with the Grand completer (of Instruction), there was required to be between them the width of three mats. He might put questions to him; and when he had finished, sit back on the mat near to the wall. While the instructor had not finished all he had to say on any one point, he did not ask about another.
9. In all the schools, the officer in charge), in spring set forth offerings to the master who first taught (the subjects); and in autumn and winter he did the same
10. In every case of the first establishment of a school the offerings must be set forth to the earlier
? Probably, not sacrifices in general, but offerings to sages, distinguished old men, &c.
* This asking the old men to speak was a part of the festal nourishment of them.
s I do not think this officer appears in the lists of the Kâu Lĩ. He seems to be named as giving the finishing touch to the training of the young princes.
• No mention is made of summer ; but, no doubt, there were then the same observances as in the other seasons,-a tribute to the merit of the past, and a stimulus to the students.
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348
THE Lxt.
BK. VI.
sages and the earlier teachers; and in the doing of this, pieces of silk must be used.
11. In all the cases of setting forth the offerings, it was required to have the accompaniments (of dancing and singing). When there were any events of engrossing interest in a state (at the time), these were omitted.
12. When there was the accompaniment of music on a great scale, they proceeded immediately to feast the aged.
13. At all examinations in the suburban schools, the rule was to select the best and mark out the most talented. The pupils might be advanced for their virtue, or commended for something they had accomplished, or distinguished for their eloquence? Those who had studied minor arts were encouraged and told to expect a second examination. If they (then) had one of the three things (above mentioned), they were advanced to a higher grade, according to their several orders, and were styled 'Men of the schools.' They were (still, however,) kept out of the royal colleges, and could not receive the cup from the vase restricted to the superior students.
14. On the first establishment of schools in any state), when the instruments of music were
See paragraphs 2-4, pp. 231-233. . These minor arts, it is understood, were such as medicine and divination.
The name for this college here perhaps indicates that on reaching it, all from the other schools were 'on the same level.' The youths would appear to have passed into it with a festive ceremony. The suburban schools' were those in the note on P. 346, with the addition of the 'Eastern Kiâo' ), which it is not easy to distinguish from the eastern school,' already mentioned.
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SECT. 1.
WÅN WANG SHIH SZE.
349
completed", offerings of silk were set forth; and afterwards those of vegetables. But there was no dancing and (consequently) no giving out of the spears and other things used in it. They simply retired and received visitors in the eastern school. Only one cup was passed round. The ceremony might pass without (parade of) attendants or conversation.
15. (All these things) belonged to the education of the young princes.
16. In the education of the crown princes adopted by the founders of the three dynasties the subjects were the rules of propriety and music. Music served to give the interior cultivation; the rules to give the external. The two, operating reciprocally within, had their outward manifestation, and the result was a peaceful serenity,-reverence of inward feeling and mild elegance of manners.
17. The Grand tutor and the assistant tutor were appointed for their training, to make them acquainted with the duties of father and son, and of ruler and minister. The former made himself perfectly master of those duties in order to exhibit them; the latter guided the princes to observe the virtuous ways of the other and fully instructed him about them. The Grand tutor went before them, and the assistant came
1.Were completed,' should be, according to Khang-khăng, were consecrated.' For the character in the text he would substitute that which we find in Mencius, I, I, 7, 4, applied to the consecration of a bell. Compare vol. iii, p. 323.
The ordinary offerings (see above, paragraph 9); but now a sequel to the offerings of silk. These two offerings, it is understood, were in the school on the west (the hsiang), and thence the parties officiating adjourned to that on the east (the hsu).
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350
THE LÎ xf.
BK. VI.
after them. In the palace was the guardian, outside it was the master; and thus by this training and instruction the virtue (of the princes) was completed. The master taught them by means of occurring things, and made them understand what was virtuous. The guardian watched over their persons, and was as a stay and wings to them, leading them in the right way. The history says, 'Under the dynasties of Yü, Hsiâ, Shang, and Kâu, there were the master, the guardian, the I, and the Khăng, and there were appointed the four aides and the three ducal ministers. That these offices should all be filled was not so necessary as that there should be the men for them;' -showing how the object was to employ the able'.
18. When we speak of a superior man' we intend chiefly his virtue. The virtue perfect and his instructions honoured; his instructions honoured and the (various) officers correct; the officers correct and order maintained in the state :—these things give the ideal of a ruler.
1 The Khien-lung editors seem to say that the Grand tutor' and the assistant tutor,' who had the charge of the young prince from his infancy, must have been ladies of the harem; so that, in fact, the government of a ruler's household was regulated after the model of the government of the state in his maturer years. There are no materials to illustrate the duties of the ministers who are called the I and the Khăng.'
· Wa Khăng thinks that the first three characters here should be translated — The superior man (Rün-zze) says;' a sequel to
The history says' of the preceding paragraph. He then proposes to suppress one of the virtues that follow. But the structure of the whole will not admit this way of dealing with it. There is a play on the characters rendered 'a superior man' and 'a ruler,'-Kün-gze ( F) and Kün (); like our English 'a noble man' and ' a noble,' a princely man' and 'a prince.'
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SECT. I.
WĂN WANG SHIH SZE.
351
19. Kung-nt said, 'Formerly, when the duke of Kâu was administering the government, he did so while he (continued to) go up by the eastern steps. He (also) set forth the rules for a crown prince in (his dealing with) Po-khin, and it was thus that he secured the excellence of king Khăng. I have heard it said, “A minister will sacrifice himself to benefit his ruler, and how much more will he swerve from the ordinary course to secure his excellence !" This was what the duke of Kâu did with ease and unconcern.
20. Therefore he who knows how to show himself what a son should be can afterwards show himself what a father should be; he who knows how to show himself what a minister should be can afterwards show himself what a ruler should be ; he who knows how to serve others can afterwards employ them. King Khăng, being quite young, could not discharge the duties of the government. He had no means of learning how to show himself what the crown prince should be? On this account the rules for a crown prince were exhibited in the treatment of) Po-khin, and he was made to live with the young king that the latter might thus understand all that was right between father and son, ruler and minister, elders and youngers?.?
· His father being dead.
3 With reference to this paragraph, which, he thinks, appears here as from Confucius, Wa Khăng says When king Wa died, Khăng was quite young. (His uncles of) Kwan and Bhai sent their reports abroad, and the people of Yin planned their rebellion. Then the duke of Kau left the capital, and dwelt in the east, and Po-khin went to his jurisdiction, and defeated the people of Hsü and the Zung. Three years afterwards the duke of
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352
THE L' &t.
BK. VI.
21. Take the case of the sovereign and his son and heir. Looked at from the standpoint of affection, the former is father ; from that of honour, he is ruler. If the son can give the affection due to the father, and the honour due to the ruler, hereafter he will (be fit to) be the lord of all under the sky. On this account the training of crown princes ought to be most carefully attended to.
22. It is only in the case of the crown prince that by the doing of one thing three excellent things are realised ; and it is with reference to his taking his place in the schools according to his age that this is spoken. Thus it is that when he takes his place in them in this way, the people observing it, one will say, 'He is to be our ruler, how is it that he gives place to us in the matter of years ?' and it will be replied, While his father is alive, it is the rule that
Kâu returned, took the regency and made his expedition to the east,-it was impossible for Khăng and Po-khin to be always together. Perhaps the duke made them keep so, while king Wa was alive: and the account in the text was an erroneous tradition.' To this the Khien-lung editors reply:- Immediately on the death of king WQ, the duke of Kâu must have adopted the method described in the text Thai Kung was Grand master; the duke of Shâo, Grand guardian; and the duke of Kâu himself Grand tutor. They, no doubt, made Po-khin, Kun Khăn, Lô K, Wangsun Mâu, and others associate with the young king. In the winter of his first year, the duke removed to the eastern capital, while the other two continued in their places, and Po-khin was daily with Khăng, and there was no change in the rules for a son and heir. Next year happened the storm which changed the king's views about the duke, who returned to the court. The third year saw the removal of the people of Yen, and Po-khin proceeded to his jurisdiction in La. But by this time king Khăng's virtue and ability were matured. Wa's objections to the ordinary view of the text are without foundation.'
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WAN WANG SHIH SZE.
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he should do so.' Thus all will understand the right course as between father and son. A second will make the same remark, and put the same question; and it will be replied, 'While the ruler is alive, it is the rule that he should do so;' and thus all will understand the righteousness that should obtain between ruler and minister. To a third putting the same question it will be said, 'He is giving to his elders what is due to their age;' and thus all will understand the observances that should rule between young and old. Therefore, while his father is alive, he is but a son; and, while his ruler is alive, he may be called merely a minister. Occupying aright the position of son and minister is the way in which he shows the honour due to a ruler and the affection due to a father. He is thus taught the duties between father and son, between ruler and minister, between old and young; and when he has become master of all these, the state will be well governed. The saying, 'Music's Director the foundation lays; The Master this doth to perfection raise.
Let him but once the great and good be taught, And all the states are to correctness brought,' finds its application in the case of the heir-son.
23. So much for the duke of Kâu's going up by the eastern steps.
SECTION II.
1. The Shu-ze', who had the direction of the (other) members of the royal and princely families,
1 See Book XLIV, paragraph 1, and note. The Shu-zze or Ku¡ze belonged to the department of the Sze-mâ. They were two,Great officers of the third grade; and under them thirty assistants, -officers and employés. The superintendents of the Lists in next
A a
[27]
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THE LÎ ki.
BK, VI.
inculcated on them filial piety and fraternal duty, harmony and friendship, and kindly consideration ; illustrating the righteousness that should prevail between father and son, and the order to be observed between elders and juniors.
2. When they appeared at court, if it were at a reception in the innermost (courtyard of the palace), they took their places, facing the east, those of the most honourable rank among them, as ministers, being to the north (of the others); but they were arranged according to their age. If it were a reception in the outer (and second courtyard), they were arranged according to their offices ;-(as in the former case), by the superintendents of the official lists.
3. When they were in the ancestral temple, they took their places as at the reception in the outer (and second courtyard); and the superintendent of the templeassigned his business to each according to rank and office. In their ascending (to the hall), partaking of what had been left (by the personator of the dead), presenting (the cup to him), and receiving it (from him), the eldest son by the wife took the precedence. The proceedings were regulated by the ShQ-gze. Although one might have received three of the gifts of distinction, he did not take precedence of an uncle or elder cousin.
4. At the funeral rites for rulers, they were arranged according to the character of their mourning
paragraph belonged to the same department;- also two of the same rank as the Shu-zze, and under them sixty-eight others. The functions of both are described in the Kâu Lî, Book XXXI.
1.See the Kâu Lî, Book XXVII.
. These ceremonies do not appear to be mentioned here in the -order of their occurrence.
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SECT. II.
WAN WANG SHIH 3ZE.
dress in the fineness or coarseness of the material. In case of such rites among themselves, the same order was observed, the principal mourner, however, always taking precedence of all others.
355
5. If the ruler were feasting with his kindred, then all of a different kindred were received as guests. The cook acted as master of the ceremonies1. The ruler took place among his uncles and cousins according to age. Each generation of kindred took a lower place as it was a degree removed from the parent-stem.
6. When with the army, the kindred guarded the spirit-tablets that had been brought from their shrines. If any public duties called the ruler beyond the limits of the state, those officers of the kindred employed the members of it, who had not other duties, to guard the ancestral temple and the apartments of the palace, the eldest sons by the proper wives guarding the temple of the Grand ancestor; the various uncles, the most honoured temple-shrines and apartments; the other sons and grandsons, the inferior shrines and apartments.
7. All descended from any of the five rulers to whom the temple-shrines were dedicated, even those who were now classed among the common people, were required to announce the events of capping and marriage, so long as the temple-shrine of the (Grand ancestor) had not been removed. Their deaths had to be announced; and also their sacrifices during the
1 We have here an instance of the important part which the cook played in the establishments of the kings and princes of those days; see vol. iii, pp. 356, 422. The ruler was too dignified to drink with the guests.
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THE LI Kİ.
period of mourning. In the relations of the kindred among themselves, the proper officers punished any neglect of the regulations for condoling and not condoling, leaving off and not leaving off the cap (in mourning). There were the correct rules for the mourning gifts of articles, money, robes, and jade to put into the mouth (of the deceased).
BK. VI.
8. When one of the ruler's kindred was found guilty of a capital offence, he was hanged by some one of the foresters' department. If the punishment for his offence were corporal infliction or dismemberment, it was also handed over to the same department. No one of the ruler's kindred was punished with castration.
When the trial was concluded, the proper officer reported the sentence to the ruler. If the penalty were death, he would say, 'The offence of So and So is a capital crime.' If the penalty were less, he would say, 'The offence of So and So has received a lighter sentence.' The ruler would say, 'Let the sentence be remitted for another;' and the officer would say, That is the sentence.' This was repeated till the third time, when the officer would make no answer, but hurry off and put the execution into the hands of the appointed forester. Still the ruler would send some one after him, and say, 'Yes, but grant forgiveness,' to which there would be the reply, 'It is too late.' When the execution was reported to the ruler, he put on white clothes, and did not have a full meal or music, thus changing his usual habits. Though the kinsman might be within the degree for which there should be mourning rites, the ruler did not wear mourning, but wailed for him himself (in some family of a different surname).
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WÅN WANG SHIH BZE.
357
9. That the ruler's kindred appeared at the reception in the innermost (court) showed how (the ruler) would honour the relatives of his own surname. That they took places according to their age, even those among them of high rank, showed the relation to be maintained between father and son. That they took places at the reception in the outer court according to their offices, showed how (the ruler) would show that they formed one body with (the officers of) other surnames?
10. Their taking their places in the ancestral temple according to rank served to exalt the sense of virtue. That the superintendent of the temple assigned to them their several services according to their offices was a tribute of honour to worth. That the eldest son by the proper wife was employed to ascend, take precedence in partaking of what had been left, and in receiving the cup, was to do honour to their ancestor?
11. That the distinctions at the funeral rites were arranged according to the fineness or coarseness of their mourning robes was not to take from any one the degree of his relationship.
12. The ruler, when feasting with his kindred, took his place among them according to age, and thus development was given to filial piety and fraternal duty. That each generation took a lower place as it was removed a degree from the parentstem showed the graduation of affection among relatives,
* See paragraph 3, above. . See paragraph 4, above.
* See paragraph 3, above. * See paragraph 5, above.
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THE LÎ xi.
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13. The guard maintained during war over the spirit-tablets in the army showed the deep sense of filial piety and love. When the eldest son by the proper wife guarded the temple of the Grand ancestor, honour was done to the temple by the most honoured, and the rule as between ruler and minister was exhibited. When the uncles guarded the most honoured shrines and apartments, and the cousins those that were inferior, the principles of subordination and deference were displayed 1.
14. That the descendants of the five rulers, to whom the temple-shrines were dedicated, were required, so long as the shrine of the Grand ancestor had not been removed, to announce their cappings and marriages, and their death was also required to be announced, showed how kinship was to be kept in mind?. While the kinship was yet maintained, that some were classed among the common people showed how mean position followed on want of ability. The reverent observance of condoling, wailing, and of presenting contributions to the funeral rites in articles and money, was the way taken to maintain harmony and friendliness 8.
15. Anciently, when the duties of these officers of the royal or princely kindred were well discharged, there was a constant model for the regions and states; and when this model was maintained, all knew to what to direct their views and aims.
See paragraph 6, above.
See paragraph 12, above. • See paragraph 7, above. · This paragraph is evidently out of place, and should follow the
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SECT. II. WĂN WANG SHIH SZE.
359 16. When any of the ruler's kindred were guilty of offences, notwithstanding their kinship, they were not allowed to transgress with impunity, but the proper officers had their methods of dealing with them :-this showed the regard cherished for the people. That the offender was punished in secret', and not associated with common people, showed (the ruler's) concern for his brethren. That he offered no condolence, wore no mourning, and wailed for the criminal in the temple of a different surname, showed how he kept aloof from him as having disgraced their ancestors. That he wore white, occupied a chamber outside, and did not listen to music, was a private mourning for him, and showed how the feeling of kinship was not extinguished. That one of the ruler's - kindred was not subjected to castration, showed how he shrank from cutting off the perpetuation of their family.
17. When the son of Heaven was about to visit the college, the drum was beaten at early dawn to arouse all (the students). When all were come together, the son of Heaven then arrived and ordered the proper officers to discharge their business, proceeding in the regular order, and sacrificing to the former masters and former sages. When
next. Some of the critics endeavour very ingeniously to account for its having been designedly placed where it stands.
This refers to the statement in paragraph 8, that members of the ruler's kindred, instead of being executed or exposed in the court or market-place, were handed over to be dealt with in the country, by the foresters' department. On that department and the duties and members of it, see the Kâu Lî, Book I, 11; IV, 64-69.
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THE li xt.
BK. VI.
they reported to him that everything had been done, he then began to go to the nourishing (of the aged).
18. Proceeding to the school on the east, he unfolded and set forth the offerings to the aged of former times, and immediately afterwards arranged the mats and places for the three (classes of the) old, and the five (classes of the) experienced, for all the aged (indeed who were present)?.
19. He (then) went to look at the food and examine the liquor. When the delicacies for the nourishment of the aged were all ready, he caused the song to be raised (as a signal for the aged to come). After this he retired ; and thus it was that he provided for (the aged) his filial nourishment.
20. When (the aged) had returned (to their seats after partaking of the feast), the musicians went up and sang the Khing Miâo?, after which there was
1 There is great difference of opinion about the three old' and the five experienced.' A common view is that the former name denotes the old men of 80, 90, and 100; which appears to have been first propounded by Ta Yü (A. D. 222-284). The Khien-lung editors speak contemptuously of it, and ask what analogous division is to be made of the five classes of the experienced. Callery has a note on the paragraph, to the effect that there were two old men, one called 'the san-lâo,' and the other the wa-kång.' The emperor of the Khien-lung period, he tells us, because of the great age at which he had himself arrived, wished to restore the ancient practices in honour of old age. His proposal, however, was so vigorously opposed in council, especially by a Chinese minister, that he was obliged to abandon it. Many volumes,' he says, 'have been written on the origin and meaning of the denominations in the text, but nothing certain is known on the subject.'
? Khing Miâo' is the name of the first of The Sacrificial Odes of Kâu;' see vol. iii, pp. 313, 314.
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WAN WANG SHIH SZE.
361
conversation to bring out fully its meaning. They spoke of the duties between father and son, ruler and minister, elders and juniors. This union (of the conversation) with the highest description of virtue in the piece constituted the greatest feature of the ceremony.
21. Below (in the court-yard), the flute-players played the tune of the Hsiang', while the Tâ-wû was danced, all uniting in the grand concert according to their parts, giving full development to the spirit (of the music), and stimulating the sense of virtue. The positions of ruler and minister, and the gradations of noble and mean were correctly exhibited, and the respective duties of high and low took their proper course.
22. The officers having announced that the music was over, the king then charged the dukes, marquises, earls, counts, and barons, with all the officers, saying, 'Return, and nourish the aged and the young in your eastern schools.' Thus did he end (the ceremony) with (the manifestation of) benevolence.
23. The above statements show how the sage (sovereign) bore in mind the various steps (of this ceremony). He anxiously thought of it as its greatness deserved; his love for the aged was blended
. Hsiang' was the name of a piece of music played to the dance Tâ-wû, in memory of the kings Wăn and Wa. It is hardly possible to give any more detailed description either of the piece or of the dance.
'The young' is supposed to be an interpolation.
This sentence is difficult. Callery translates it:-'En vue de tout cela l'empereur vertueux repasse dans sa mémoire ce que (les anciens) ont fait (pour honorer la vieillesse, afin de les imiter).'
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THE LÎ KI.
BK. VI.
with reverence; he carried the thing through with attention to propriety; he adorned it with his filial nourishing; he connected with it the exhibition of the legitimate distinctions (of rank); and concluded it with (the manifestation of) benevolence. In this way the ancients, in the exhibition of this one ceremony, made all know how complete was their virtue. Among them, when they undertook any great affair, they were sure to carry it through carefully from beginning to end, so that it was impossible for any not to understand them. As it is said in the Yüeh Ming?, “The thoughts from first to last should be fixed on (this) learning.'
24. The Record of (king Wăn's) son and heir says, Morning and evening he went to the outside of the door of the great chamber, and asked the attendant of the interior whether his father were well, and how he was. If told that he was well, his joy appeared in his countenance. If his father were not so well, the attendant would tell him so, and then his sorrow and anxiety appeared, and his demeanour was disturbed. When the attendant told him that his father was better, he resumed his former appearance. Morning and evening when the food went up, he would examine it and see if it were hot or cold as it ought to be. When it came down, he asked what his father had eaten. He made it a point to know what viands went in, and to give his orders to the cook; and then he retired.
'If the attendant reported that his father was ill, then he himself fasted and waited on him in his darkcoloured dress. He inspected with reverence the
? See the 'Charge to Yueh,' in vol. iii, p. 117.
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food prepared by the cook, and tasted himself the medicine for the patient. If his father ate well of the food, then he was able to eat. If his father ate but little, then he could not take a full meal. When his father had recovered, then he resumed his former ways'.'
SECT. II.
WAN WANG SHIH SZE.
1 This is evidently an unskilful reproduction of the first paragraph of Section i. We try in vain to discover why the compiler inserted it here.
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BOOK VII. THE LÎ YUN
OR
CEREMONIAL USAGES; THEIR ORIGIN, DEVELOP
MENT, AND INTENTION'.
SECTION I.
1. Formerly Kung-nt was present as one of the guests at the Kà sacrifice?; and when it was over, he went out and walked backwards and forwards on the terrace over the gate of Proclamations 3, looking sad and sighing. What made him sigh was the state of Lû^. Yen Yen was by his side, and said to him, Master, what are you sighing about ?' Confucius replied, 'I never saw the practice of the Grand course, and the eminent men of the three dynasties ®; but I have my object (in harmony with
theirs).
2. When the Grand course was pursued, a public and common spirit ruled all under the sky; they
1 See the introduction, pages 23, 24.
• Offered in the end of the year, in thanksgiving for all the crops that had been reaped. See in Book IX, ii, paragraphs 9, 1o.
The gateway where illustrated copies of the laws and punishments were suspended. It belonged of right only to the royal palace, but it was among the things which LQ had usurped, or was privileged to use.
• As usurping royal rites, and in disorder. • This sounds Taoistic. It is explained of the time of the five Tis.
• The founders of the Hsia, Shang, and Kâu, and their great ministers.
of the ring af the great
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THE LÎ YUN.
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chosel men of talents, virtue, and ability; their words were sincere, and what they cultivated was harmony. Thus men did not love their parents only, nor treat as children only their own sons. A competent provision was secured for the aged till their death, employment for the able-bodied, and the means of growing up to the young. They showed kindness and compassion to widows, orphans, childless men, and those who were disabled by disease, so that they were all sufficiently maintained. Males had their proper work, and females had their homes. (They accumulated articles (of value), disliking that they should be thrown away upon the ground, but not wishing to keep them for their own gratification. (They laboured) with their strength, disliking that it should not be exerted, but not exerting it (only) with a view to their own advantage”. In this way (selfish) schemings were repressed and found no development. Robbers, filchers, and
1 They chose;' who are intended by the they?' Shall we find them in the all under the sky' of the preceding clause? Callery has : Sous le grand règne de la vertu, l'empire était la chose publique. On choisissait pour le gouverneur les hommes éminents,' &c. Khung Ying-tâ explains the clause by. They made no hereditary princes.' Perhaps it would be well to translate passively,- Men of virtue and ability were chosen (to govern).' The writer has before him the Taoistic period of the primitive simplicity, when there was no necessity for organised government as in after ages.
. It is rather difficult to construe and translate these two sentences. Callery gives for them, not very successfully : Quant aux objets matériels, ceux qu'on n'aimait pas, on les abandonnait (aux personnes qui en avaient besoin), sans les mettre en réserve pour soi. Les choses dont on était capable, on regardait comme fort mauvais de ne pas les faire, lors même que ce n'était pas pour soi.'
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THE LI KI.
rebellious traitors did not show themselves, and hence the outer doors remained open, and were not shut. This was (the period of) what we call the Grand Union.
BK. VII.
'Now that the Grand course has fallen into disuse and obscurity, the kingdom is a family inheritance. Every one loves (above all others) his own parents and cherishes (as) children (only) his own sons. People accumulate articles and exert their strength for their own advantage. Great men imagine it is the rule that their states should descend in their own families. Their object is to make the walls of their cities and suburbs strong and their ditches and moats secure. The rules of propriety and of what is right are regarded as the threads by which they seek to maintain in its correctness the relation between ruler and minister; in its generous regard that between father and son; in its harmony that between elder brother and younger; and in a community of sentiment that between husband and wife; and in accordance with them they frame buildings and measures; lay out the fields and hamlets (for the dwellings of the husbandmen); adjudge the superiority to men of valour and knowledge; and regulate their achievements with a view to their own advantage. Thus it is that (selfish) schemes and enterprises are constantly taking their rise, and recourse is had to arms; and thus it was (also) that Yü, Thang, Wăn and Wû, king Khăng, and the duke of Kâu obtained their distinction. Of these six great men every one was very attentive to the rules of propriety, thus to secure the display of righteousness, the realisation of sincerity, the exhibition of errors, the exemplification of benevolence, and
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SECT. I.
THE LÎ yun.
367
the discussion of courtesy, showing the people all the normal virtues. Any rulers who did not follow this course were driven away by those who possessed power and position, and all regarded them as pests. This is the period of what we call Small Tranquillity?'
4. Yen Yen again asked, 'Are the rules of Propriety indeed of such urgent importance ?' Confucius said, 'It was by those rules that the ancient kings sought to represent the ways of Heaven, and to regulate the feelings of men. Therefore he who neglects or violates them may be (spoken of) as dead, and he who observes them, as alive. It is said in the Book of Poetry, " Look at a rat-how small its limbs and fine!
Then mark the course that scorns the proper line. Propriety's neglect may well provoke A wish the man would quickly court death's stroke?.” Therefore those rules are rooted in heaven, have their correspondencies in earth, and are applicable to spiritual beings. They extend to funeral rites, sacrifices, archery, chariot-driving, capping, marriage, audiences, and friendly missions. Thus the sages made known these rules, and it became possible for the kingdom, with its states and clans, to reach its correct condition.'
5. Yen Yen again asked, “May I be allowed to hear, Master, the full account that you would give of
1 The Taoism in this and the preceding paragraph is evident, and we need not be surprised that Wang of Shih-liang should say that they ought not to be ascribed to Confucius. The Khien-lung editors try to weaken the force of his judgment by a theory of misplaced tablets and spurious additions to the text.
The Shih, I, iv, 8; metrical version, page 99.
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THE LÎ xi.
BK. VII.
these rules?' Confucius said, 'I wished to see the ways of Hsia, and for that purpose went to Khi. But it was not able to attest my words, though I found there “The seasons of Hsiâ." I wished to see the ways of Yin, and for that purpose went to Sung. But it was not able to attest my words, though I found there “The Khwăn Khien." In this way I got to see the meanings in the Khwăn Khien, and the different steps in the seasons of Hsia?
6. 'At the first use of ceremonies, they began with meat and drink. They roasted millet and pieces of pork?; they excavated the ground in the form of a jar, and scooped the water from it with their two hands; they fashioned a handle of clay, and struck with it an earthen drum. (Simple as these arrangements were), they yet seemed to be able to express by them their reverence for Spiritual Beings.
7. '(By-and-by)s, when one died, they went upon
Compare with this paragraph the ninth in the third Book of the Analects. In that Confucius tells of his visits to Khi and Sung; but says nothing of his finding any book or fragment of a book in either, dwelling instead on the insufficiency of their records. The seasons of Hsia,' which it is said here he got in Khi,' is supposed to be the 'small calendar of Hsia,' preserved by the Greater Tai, and 'the Khwăn Khien' to have been the Kwei Zhang Yi,' attributed by many to the Shang dynasty. But all this is very uncertain.
9 In an unartificial manner, we are told, by placing them on heated stones. It is only the last sentence of the paragraph which makes us think that the previous parts have anything to do with sacrifice or religion.
* Khung Ying-tâ thinks that this describes the practices of the period of the five Tis. The north is the quarter of darkness and decay, the south that of brightness and life. The paragraph
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THE LÎ yun.
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the housetop, and called out his name in a prolonged note, saying, “Come back, So and So.” After this they filled the mouth (of the dead) with uncooked rice, and (set forth as offerings to him) packets of raw flesh. Thus they looked up to heaven (whither the spirit was gone), and buried (the body) in the earth. The body and the animal soul go downwards; and the intelligent spirit is on high. Thus (also) the dead are placed with their heads to the north, while the living look towards the south. In all these matters the earliest practice is followed.
8. 'Formerly the ancient kings had no houses. In winter they lived in caves which they had excavated, and in summer in nests which they had framed. They knew not yet the transforming power of fire, but ate the fruits of plants and trees, and the flesh of birds and beasts, drinking their blood, and swallowing (also) the hair and feathers. They knew not yet the use of flax and silk, but clothed themselves with feathers and skins.
9. “The later sages then arose, and men (learned) to take advantage of the benefits of fire. They moulded the metals and fashioned clay, so as to rear towers with structures on them, and houses with windows and doors. They toasted, grilled, boiled, and roasted. They produced must and sauces. They dealt with the flax and silk so as to form linen and silken fabrics. They were thus able to nourish the living, and to make offerings to the dead; to serve
teaches us,' says Hsu Shih-jang, that the burial and other mourning ceremonies were not inventions of later sages, but grew from the natural feelings and sorrow of the earliest men.'
1 This was, says Kång, the time of the highest antiquity;' the time,' says Ying-tå, before the five Tîs.' . [27]
Bb
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THE LI Kİ.
the spirits of the departed and God'. In all these things we follow the example of that early time.
10. Thus it is that the dark-coloured liquor is in the apartment (where the representative of the dead is entertained)2; that the vessel of must is near its (entrance) door; that the reddish liquor is in the hall; and the clear, in the (court) below. The victims (also) are displayed, and the tripods and stands are prepared. The lutes and citherns are put in their places, with the flutes, sonorous stones, bells, and drums. The prayers (of the principal in the sacrifice to the spirits) and the benedictions (of the representatives of the departed) are carefully framed. The
BK. VII.
1 According to Ying-tâ, this is descriptive of the times of Shăn Năng in middle antiquity, of the five Tîs, and of the three kings. This would extend it over a very long space of time. When it is said that men in their advancing civilisation were able to serve the spirits of the departed and God, the peculiarity of style by which those spirits (literally, the Kwei Shăn) are placed before God (Shang Tî) does not fail to attract the notice of the student. The explanation of it was given ingeniously, and I believe correctly, by Dr. Medhurst (Theology of the Chinese, page 78), who says, 'it was done, probably, in order to distinguish the one from the other, and to prevent the reader from imagining that the Kwei Shăns belonged to the Shang Tî, which mistake might have occurred had the characters been differently arranged.' I translate the last sentence in the present tense, the speaker having, I think, his own times in mind.
2 The 'dark-coloured' liquor was water, which was employed in the earliest times, before there was any preparation of liquor made from grain, either by fermentation or distillation, and the use of it was continued in the subsequent times of which this paragraph speaks, in honour of the practice of antiquity; and is continued, probably, to the present day. The other liquors are mentioned in the order of their invention, following one another in the historical line of their discovery, the older always having a nearer and more honourable place.
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371
object of all the ceremonies is to bring down the spirits from above, even their ancestors1; serving (also) to rectify the relations between ruler and ministers; to maintain the generous feeling between father and son, and the harmony between elder and younger brother; to adjust the relations between high and low; and to give their proper places to husband and wife. The whole may be said to secure the blessing of Heaven.
SECT. I.
11. 'They proceed to their invocations, using in each the appropriate terms. The dark-coloured liquor is employed in (every) sacrifice. The blood with the hair and feathers (of the victim) is presented. The flesh, uncooked, is set forth on the stands 2. The bones with the flesh on them are sodden; and rush mats and coarse cloth are placed underneath and over the vases and cups. The robes of dyed silk are put on. The must and clarified liquor are presented. The flesh, roasted and grilled, is brought forwards. The ruler and his wife take alternate parts in presenting these offerings, all being done to please the souls of the departed, and constituting a union (of the living) with the disembodied and unseen.
1 Dr. Medhurst rendered this-'to bring down the Shans of the upper world, together with the manes of their first ancestors.' In giving to the two phrases one and the same reference I am following Ying-tâ and others.
The last three observances were in imitation of what was done in the earliest antiquity.
In these six things the ways of middle antiquity' were observed. The whole paragraph is descriptive of a sacrifice in the ancestral temple under Kâu, where an effort was made to reproduce all sacrificial customs from the earliest times.
B b 2
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12. “These services having been completed, they retire, and cook again all that was insufficiently done. The dogs, pigs, bullocks, and sheep are dismembered. The shorter dishes (round and square), the taller ones of bamboo and wood, and the soup vessels are all filled. There are the prayers which express the filial piety (of the worshipper), and the benediction announcing the favour (of his ancestors). This may be called the greatest omen of prosperity; and in this the ceremony obtains its grand completion?'
SECTION II. 1. Confucius said, “Ah! Alas ! I look at the ways of Kâu. (The kings) Ya2 and Lis corrupted them indeed, but if I leave La, where shall I go (to find them better)? The border sacrifice of La, (however,) and (the association with it of) the founder of the line (of Kâu) is contrary to propriety ;-how have (the institutions of) the duke of Kâu fallen into decay' ! At the border sacrifice in Khi, Yü was the assessor, and at that in Sung, Hsieh ; but these were observ
? This last paragraph appears to me to give a very condensed account of the banquet to a ruler's kindred, with which a service in the ancestral temple concluded. Paragraphs 10, 11, 12 are all descriptive of the parts of such a service. Compare the accounts of it in the Shih II, vi, ode 5, and other pieces. ? B.C. 781-771.
B. C. 878-828. • That the sacrificial ceremonies of Lû were in many things corrupted in LQ in the time of Confucius is plain to the reader of the Analects. How the corruption first began is a subject of endless controversy. It seems to be established that special privileges were granted in this respect to the duke of Kâu and his son, Po-khin. Guarded at first and innocent, encroachments were made by successive princes, as the vigour of the royal authority declined; and by-and-by as those princes became them
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ances of the sons of Heaven, preserved (in those states by their descendants). The rule is that (only) the son of Heaven sacrifices to heaven and earth, and the princes of states sacrifice at the altars to the spirits of the land and grain.'
2. When no change is presumptuously made from the constant practice from the oldest times between the prayer and blessing (at the beginning of the sacrifice)' and the benediction (at the end of it)', we have what might be called a great and happy service.
3. For the words of prayer and blessing and those of benediction to be kept hidden away by the officers of prayer of the ancestral temple, and the sorcerers and recorders, is a violation of the rules of propriety. This may be called keeping a state in darkness?
selves more and more weak, their ministers followed in their wake, and usurped the same ceremonies in their own services.
The commentators throw little light on the special corruption selected here for condemnation by Confucius. I have interpreted it by the analogy of the cases of Khi and Sung. The lords of those states were descended from the sovereigns of Hsia and Shang respectively, and were invested with them at the rise of the Kâu dynasty, that they might continue in them the sacrifices of their royal ancestors. They did so not as the lords of Khî and Sung, but as representing the lines of Hsiâ and Shang. But the case was different with the lords of Lo, belonging to the time of Kâu, but not representing it. Its kings were still reigning. Whether the words of Confucius should be extended over all the paragraph is a doubtful point.
· See paragraph 12 of the last section.
* In this way new forms of prayer and benediction came into use, and the old forms were forgotten. The sorcerers; see page 172, paragraph 42.
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4. (The use of) the kan cup (of Hsia) and the kiâ cup (of Yin), and (the pledging in them) between the representative of the dead and the ruler are contrary to propriety ;—these things constitute 'a usurping ruler?'
5. (For ministers and Great officers to) keep the cap with pendents and the leathern cap, or military weapons, in their own houses is contrary to propriety. To do so constitutes 'restraint of the ruler?'
6. For Great officers to maintain a full staff of employés, to have so many sacrificial vessels that they do not need to borrow any; and have singers and musical instruments all complete, is contrary to propriety. For them to do so leads to 'disorder in a state'
7. Thus, one sustaining office under the ruler is called a minister, and one sustaining office under the head of a clan is called a servant. Either of these, who is in mourning for a parent, or has newly married, is not sent on any mission for a year".
It would be of little use to give representations of those cups, as they are ordinarily figured. Only in Khi, Sung, and LÔ could they be used with any degree of propriety. In the times referred to in these paragraphs they were used by other states; which was an act of usurpation.
• Certain styles of these caps were peculiar to the king, and of course could not be used by inferiors. Others might be used by them, but were kept in public offices, and given out when required. Sometimes they were conferred by special gift ; but none could make them for themselves.
SA Great officer, if he had land, might have a ruler or steward, to whom everything was entrusted; and he might have some sacrificial vessels, but not a complete set. He did not have music at his sacrifices, unless it were by special permission. .. Compare Deuteronomy xxiv. 5.
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To enter court in decayed robes, or to live promiscuously with his servants, taking place among them according to age :-all these things are contrary to propriety. Where we have them, we have what is called 'ruler and minister sharing the state.
8. Thus, the son of Heaven has his domain that he may settle there his sons and grandsons; and the feudal princes have their states; and Great officers their appanages that they may do the same for theirs. This constitutes 'the statutory arrangement.'
9. Thus, when the son of Heaven goes to visit a feudal prince, the rule is that he shall lodge in the ancestral temple, and that he do not enter it without having with him all the rules to be observed. If he act otherwise, we have an instance of The son of Heaven perverting the laws, and throwing the regulations into confusion.' A prince, unless it be to ask about the sick or to condole with a mourner, does not enter the house of a minister. If he act otherwise, we have the case of 'ruler and minister playing with each other.'
10. Therefore, ceremonies form a great instrument in the hands of a ruler. It is by them that he resolves what is doubtful and brings to light what is abstruse ; that he conducts his intercourse with spiritual beings, examines all statutory arrangements, and distinguishes benevolence from righteousness; it is by them, in short, that government is rightly ordered, and his own tranquillity secured.
11. When government is not correct, the ruler's seat is insecure. When the ruler's seat is insecure,
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the great ministers revolt, and smaller ones begin pilfering. Punishments (then) are made severe, and manners deteriorate. Thus the laws become irregular, and the rules of ceremony uncertain. When these are uncertain, officers do not perform their duties; and when punishments become severe, and manners deteriorate, the people do not turn (to what is right). We have that condition which may be described as 'an infirm state.'
BK. VII.
12. In this way government is the means by which the ruler keeps and protects his person, and therefore it must have a fundamental connection with Heaven. This uses a variety of ways in sending down the intimations of Its will. As learned from the altars of the land, these are (receptivity and docility) imparted to the earth. As learned from the ancestral temple, they are benevolence and righteousness. As learned from the altars of the hills and streams, they are movement and activity. As learned from the five sacrifices of the house, they are the statutes (of their various spirits). It is in this way that the sage rulers made provision for the safe keeping of their persons1.
1 On this paragraph M. Callery has the following note:-' Très difficile à comprendre dans nos idées, ce passage offre un sens tout simple et naturel aux Chinois, dont la bizarre métaphysique va chercher dans la nature une analogie essentielle entre les accidents divers des êtres, et les phénomènes rationnels ou psychologiques. Ainsi, suivant les philosophes Chinois, tant anciens que modernes, la société présente des inégalités dans ses classes d'individus, comme la terre présente à sa surface des montagnes et des vallées; telle loi provoque l'action et le mouvement, comme les rivières pleines de poissons et les montagnes couvertes de forêts sont des foyers de vie et de développement; telle autre loi
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13. Hence the sage forms a ternion with Heaven and Earth, and stands side by side with spiritual beings, in order to the right ordering of government. Taking his place on the ground of the principles inherent in them, he devised ceremonies in their order ; calling them to the happy exercise of that in which
pbe.
impose des obligations humanitaires, comme les temples inspirent la piété filiale envers les ancêtres, ou le respect envers les Dieux. Ces analogies sont quelquefois poussées jusqu'au dernier ridicule mais les Chinois ne les trouvent jamais forcées, et semblent faire très peu de cas de la logique Européenne, qui ne les admire pas.'
The Khien-lung editors say on it:—Hsiao (7) gives the idea of distribution. All the principles under the sky are simply expressive of the mind of the one Heaven. Heaven is everywhere, and its distributions from which we see its ordinations are also everywhere. Khien ( ), 'great and originating,' contains all the meaning belonging to the name Heaven. Eart diently receives the influences of heaven. Consequently, when we see how earth supports all things, we know how the ordination of Heaven has descended on it. Heaven is the author of all things. It produced men, and men go on to produce one another, in succession. From this we see that every man has his ancestor, and know how the ordination of Heaven has descended on the ancestral temple. Hills and streams are also the productions of Heaven, but every one of them is also able to produce other things; and when we see their productiveness, we know that the ordination of Heaven to that effect has descended on them. The productive power of Heaven is distributed in the five elements, and their results, which are most important to men, are exhibited in the five sacrifices of the house, so that we see those results in these, and know that the ordination of Heaven has descended on them. Now the ancestral temples, the hills and streams, and those five altars of the house, are all distributed on the earth, but in reality have their root in Heaven. And so it is that the sages after the pattern of Heaven made their ordinations; and their filial piety and righteousness, and all the duties enjoined by them, effective, though unseen, secure the issues of government.'
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they find pleasure, he secured the success of the government of the people.
14. Heaven produces the seasons. Earth produces all the sources of wealth. Man is begotten by his father, and instructed by his teacher. The ruler correctly uses these four agencies, and therefore he stands in the place where there is no error!.
15. Hence the ruler is he to whose brightness men look; he does not seek to brighten men. It is he whom men support; he does not seek to support men. It is he whom men serve ; he does not seek to serve men. If the ruler were to seek to brighten men, he would fall into errors. If he were to seek to nourish men, he would be unequal to the task. If he were to seek to serve men, he would be giving up his position. Therefore the people imitate the ruler, and we have their self-government; they nourish their ruler, and they find their security in doing so; they serve the ruler, and find their distinction in doing so. Thus it is by the universal application of the rules of propriety, that the lot and duty (of different classes) are fixed; thus it is that men, (acting contrary to those rules,) would all have to account death a boon, and life an evil.
16. Therefore (the ruler), making use of the wisdom of others, will put away the cunning to which that wisdom might lead him; using their courage, he will in the same way) put away
1.If the ruler,' says Khung Ying-tâ, 'were to undertake to do all the work of these agencies himself, he would commit many errors. Employing them according to the natural operation of each, the work is easily performed, and without error.'
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passion; and using their benevolence, he will put away covetousness".
17. Therefore, when calamity comes on a state, for the ruler to die for its altars is to be regarded as right; but for a Great officer to die for the ancestral temple is to be regarded as a change (of the duty required from him).
18. Therefore when it is said that the ruler being) a sage can look on all under the sky as one family, and on all in the Middle states as one man, this does not mean that he will do so on premeditation and purpose. He must know men's feelings, lay open to them what they consider right, show clearly to them what is advantageous, and comprehend what are their calamities. Being so furnished, he is then able to effect the thing.
19. What are the feelings of men ? They are joy, anger, sadness, fear, love, disliking, and liking. These seven feelings belong to men without their learning them. What are the things which men consider right?' Kindness on the part of the father, and filial duty on that of the son; gentleness on the part of the elder brother, and obedience on that of
"I have here followed the Khien-lung editors in preference to Káng Khang-khăng and others. The latter consider that the cunning, passion, and covetousness are those of the men whom the ruler employs,—vices generally found along with the good qualities belonging to them.
* It is not easy to see the ground of the reprehension of the devotion of a Great officer which is here implied. The care of the state is a trust committed to the ruler by the sovereign,-he should die in maintaining it. An officer has services to discharge, and not trusts to maintain. When the services can no longer be discharged, he may leave them and save himself '(?).
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THE LÎ xi. the younger ; righteousness on the part of the husband, and submission on that of the wife ; kindness on the part of elders, and deference on that of juniors; with benevolence on the part of the ruler, and loyalty on that of the minister ; – these ten are the things which men consider to be right. Truthfulness in speech and the cultivation of harmony constitute what are called 'the things advantageous to men. Quarrels, plundering, and murders are 'the things disastrous to men.' Hence, when a sage (ruler) would regulate the seven feelings of men, cultivate the ten virtues that are right; promote truthfulness of speech, and the maintenance of harmony; show his value for kindly consideration and complaisant courtesy; and put away quarrelling and plundering, if he neglect the rules of propriety, how shall he succeed?
20. The things which men greatly desire are comprehended in meat and drink and sexual pleasure ; those which they greatly dislike are comprehended in death, exile, poverty, and suffering. Thus liking and disliking are the great elements in men's minds. But men keep them hidden in their minds, where they cannot be fathomed or measured. The good and the bad of them being in their minds, and no outward manifestation of them being visible, if it be wished to determine these qualities in one uniform way, how can it be done without the use of the rules of propriety (implied in the ceremonial usages)?
SECTION III. 1. Man is (the product of) the attributes of Heaven and Earth, (by) the interaction of the dual
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forces of nature, the union of the animal and intelligent (souls), and the finest subtile matter of the five elements!
2. Heaven exercises the control of the strong and light force, and hangs out the sun and stars. Earth exercises the control of the dark and weaker force, and gives vent to it in the hills and streams. The five elements are distributed through the four seasons, and it is by their harmonious action that the moon is produced, which therefore keeps waxing for fifteen days and waning for fifteen?.
Callery's translation of this paragraph is the following :L'homme émane, (pour le moral), de la vertu du Ciel et de la Terre; (pour le physique il émane) de la combinaison des (deux principes) Yin et Yang; (pour la partie spirituelle, il émane) de la réunion des esprits et des Dieux ; et pour la forme qui lui est propre, il émane de l'essence la plus subtile des cinq éléments.' To this he subjoins the following note : Il m'est difficile de croire que les Chinois eux-mêmes aient jamais rien compris à ces théories androgénésiques, dont tout le mérite gît dans le vague de l'énoncé.' The Khien-lung editors say:-- The characteristic attributes of Heaven and Earth are blended and hid in the two forces of nature; and this is called the truth that is unlimited. If we speak of those forces in their fundamental character, we call them the Yin and Yang. If we speak of them as they develop their power, we call them Kwei and Shăn. If we speak of them as they become substantial, we call them the five elements. And this is what is called the essence of what is meant by the second and fifth lines of the Khien hexagram,' &c. &c.
? Callery says here : C'est toujours l'application de la théorie des affinités naturelles dont nous avons parlé (see note, p. 281) et dont il importe de bien se pénétrer lorsqu'on veut comprendre quelque chose aux dissertations philosophiques des Chinois.' But after the student has done his best to get hold of the theory, he will often be baffled in trying to follow the applications of it. For example, I cannot get hold of what is said here about the genesis of the moon. Much of the next four paragraphs is very obscure.
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3. The five elements in their movements alternately displace and exhaust one another. Each one of them, in the revolving course of the twelve months of the four seasons, comes to be in its turn the fundamental one for the time.
4. The five notes of harmony, with their six upper musical accords, and the twelve pitch-tubes, come each, in their revolutions among themselves, to be the first note of the scale:
5. The five flavours, with the six condiments, and the twelve articles of diet, come each one, in their revolutions (in the course of the year), to give its character to the food.
6. The five colours, with the six elegant figures, which they form on the two robes, come each one, in their revolutions among themselves, to give the character of the dress that is worn.
7. Therefore Man is the heart and mind of Heaven and Earth, and the visible embodiment of the five elements. He lives in the enjoyment of all flavours, the discriminating of all notes (of harmony), and the enrobing of all colours.
A little light seems to flash on them from parts of different sections of Book IV, but it is neither bright nor steady.
For this paragraph M. Callery gives :- L'homme est donc le coeur du Ciel et de la Terre, la fine essence des cinq éléments, et vit en mangeant des choses sapides, en distinguant les sons, et en s'habillant de différentes couleurs (contrairement à la brute, dont les goûts sont grossiers, et les instincts sans raison). Of course the first predicate about man, and, we might almost say, the second also, are metaphorical. La fine essence'is not a correct translation of the text in the second predicate, the Chinese character so rendered is different from the two characters in paragraph 1. On the former predicate Hsiang An-shih (Sung dynasty) says :
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8. Thus it was that when the sages would make rules (for men), they felt it necessary to find the origin (of all things) in heaven and earth; to make the two forces (of nature) the commencement (of all); to use the four seasons as the handle (of their arrangements); to adopt the sun and stars as the recorders (of time), the moon as the measurer (of work to be done), the spirits breathing in nature) as associates, the five elements as giving substance (to things), rules of propriety and righteousness as (their) instruments, the feelings of men as the field (to be cultivated), and the four intelligent creatures as domestic animals (to be reared).
9. The origin of all things being found in heaven and earth, they could be taken in hand, one after the other. The commencement of these being found in the two forces (of nature), their character and tendencies could be observed. The four seasons being used as a handle, (the people) could be stimulated to the business (of each). The sun and stars being constituted the measures of time,
The heart of Heaven and Earth is simply benevolence. The perfect benevolence of Heaven and Earth is lodged in man. Given the human body, and forthwith there is the benevolent heart. Hence it is said (Mencius VII, ii, 16), “Man is benevolence; " "Benevolence is the heart of man.” Moreover, the heart of Heaven and Earth is seen in the very idea of life, so that the heart (or kernel) of all fruits is called săn () or benevolence, which is again a name for man (
E H ) * Callery has for this :- Les Esprits et les Dieux pour compagnons ;' Medhurst, the Kwei Shins, as the associates.' Kang and Khung say that by Kwei Shăn are to be understood the hills and streams of last section,' paragraph 12, for 'those help the respiration of the earth.'
. See paragraph 10.
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that business could be laid out in order. The moon being taken as the measure (of work to be done), that work could be accomplished successfully. The spirits breathing (in nature) being considered as associates, what is done will be maintained permanently. The five elements being considered as giving substance (to things), what has been done could be repeated. Rules of propriety and righteousness being viewed as the instruments, whatever was done would be completed. The feelings of men being the field to be cultivated, men would look up (to the sages) as to their lords. The four intelligent creatures being made to become domestic animals, there would be constant sources of food and drink.
BK. VII.
10. What were the four intelligent creatures1? They were the Khi-lin, the phoenix, the tortoise, and the dragon. When the dragon becomes a domestic animal, (all other) fishes and the sturgeon do not lie hidden from men (in the mud). When the phoenix becomes so, the birds do not fly from them in terror. When the Khi-lin does so, the beasts do not scamper away. When the tortoise does so, the feelings of men take no erroneous course.
1 Callery calls these four creatures 'le cerf, l'aigle, la tortue, et le dragon;' and says:-'D'après la mythologie historique des Chinois, ces quatre animaux ne se montrent sur la terre que sous le règne des empereurs d'une vertu extraordinaire. Alors, la plus grande paix règne dans l'univers; tous les hommes sont heureux; personne ne manque de rien :-C'est l'âge d'or, moins les idées poétiques des Grecs et des Latins.' All the four excepting the tortoise are fabulous animals, and even Confucius believed in them (Ana. IX, 8). The lesson drawn from the text by many is that men's goodness is the pledge of, and the way to, all prosperity.
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1. The ancient kings made use of the stalks and the tortoise-shell; arranged their sacrifices; buried their offerings of silk; recited their words of supplication and benediction; and made their statutes and measures. In this way arose the ceremonial usages of the states, the official departments with their administrators, each separate business with its own duties, and the rules of ceremony in their orderly arrangements.
2. Thus it was that the ancient kings were troubled lest the ceremonial usages should not be generally understood by all below them. They therefore sacrificed to God in the suburb (of the capital), and thus the place of heaven was established. They sacrificed at the altar of the earth inside the capital, and thus they intimated the benefits derived from the earth. Their sacrifices in the ancestral temple gave their fundamental place to the sentiments of humanity. Those at the altars of the hills and streams served to mark their intercourse with the spirits breathing (in nature). Their five sacrifices (of the house) were a recognition of the various business which was to be done.
For the same reason, there are the officers of prayer in the ancestral temple; the three ducal ministers in the court; and the three classes of old .men in the college. In front of the king there were the sorcerers, and behind him the recorders; the diviners by the tortoise-shell and by the stalks, the blind musicians and their helpers were all on his left and right. He himself was in the centre. His
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mind had nothing to do, but to maintain what was entirely correct.
3. By means of the ceremonies performed in the suburb, all the spirits receive their offices. By means of those performed at the altar of the earth, all the things yielded (by the earth) receive their fullest development. By means of those in the ancestral temple, the services of filial duty and of kindly affection come to be discharged. By means of those at the five sacrifices of the house, the laws and rules of life are correctly exhibited. Hence when the ideas in these sacrifices in the suburb, at the altar of the earth, in the ancestral temple, at the altars of the hills and streams, and of the five sacrifices of the house are fully apprehended, the ceremonies used are found to be lodged in them".
4. From all this it follows that rules of ceremony must be traced to their origin in the Grand Unity.
1 Kång explains all the spirits' in the first sentence of this paragraph by all the constellations. Khung agrees with him. Khăn Hảo (Yuan dynasty) explains it of' wind, rain, cold, and heat.' The Khien-lung editors say that the two explanations must be united. But why are these phenomena described as all or
the hundred spirits ?' Is it by personification? or a kind of pantheism?
• Medhurst translated this name by the Supreme One;' Callery, as I do, by 'la Grande Unité,' adding in parentheses, 'principe de toutes choses. Does the name denote what we are to consider an Immaterial Being, acting with wisdom, intention, and goodness? Medhurst came to this conclusion. He says:- Thai Yi -) must mean the Supreme One, or the infinitely great and undivided one. Bearing in mind also that this paragraph follows another in which Ti (1), the ruling Power, is honoured with the highest adoration, and that this ruling Power is the same
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This separated and became heaven and earth. It revolved and became the dual force in nature).
with the being here called the Supreme One, there can be no doubt that the reference in the whole passage is to the Almighty One who rules over all things' (Dissertation on the Theology of the Chinese, p. 85). He goes on to say that the Critical Commentary makes this still more plain by saying that this Supreme One is the source of all others, and that he existed before the powers of nature were divided, and before the myriad things were produced, the one only being. The operations ascribed to him of dividing heaven and earth, of revolving light and darkness, of changing the four seasons, and of appointing the various Kwei Shins to their several offices, are all indicative of that omnipotent power which must be ascribed to him alone. But the operations referred to in this last sentence are mentioned in the text, not as performed by the Supreme One, but as undergone by the Grand Unity. And, moreover,' the Critical Commentary' yields a testimony different from what Dr. Medhurst supposed. Khung Ying-tå says :— The name Thai Yi means the original vapoury matter of chaos, before the separation of heaven and earth (+ - F W 5t, mit Ž U );' and there is nothing in any of the other commentators contrary to this. But the concluding sentence of the paragraph, that. The law and authority (of all the lessons in the rules of ceremony) is in Heaven,' seems to me to imply 'a recognition (indistinct it may be) of a Power or Being anterior to and independent of the Grand Unity.' Wa Khăng says: The character Thien (Heaven) is used to cover the five things the Grand Unity, heaven and earth, the (dual force of) Yin and Yang, the four seasons, and the Kwei Shăn.' The attempt, apparent in the whole treatise, to give Taoistic views a place in the old philosophy of the nation, is prominent here. Medhurst is not correct in saying that the Ti (6) in paragraph a is the same as the Thai Yi in this paragraph, but It, or rather He, is the same as the Thien (F) with which it concludes. The earliest Chinese adopted Thien or Heaven as the name for the supreme Power, which arose in their minds on the contemplation of the order of nature, and the principles of love and righteousness developed in the constitution of man and the course of providence, and
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It changed and became the four seasons. It was distributed and became the breathings (thrilling in the universal frame). Its (lessons) transmitted (to men) are called its orders; the law and authority of them is in Heaven.
5. While the rules of ceremony have their origin in heaven, the movement of them reaches to earth. The distribution of them extends to all the business (of life). They change with the seasons; they agree in reference to the (variations of) lot and condition. In regard to man, they serve to nurture (his nature). They are practised by means of offerings, acts of strength, words and postures of courtesy, in eating and drinking, in the observances of capping, marriage, mourning, sacrificing, archery, chariot-driving, audiences, and friendly missions.
6. Thus propriety and righteousness are the great elements for man's (character); it is by means of them that his speech is the expression of truth and his intercourse (with others) the promotion of harmony; they are (like) the union of the cuticle and cutis, and the binding together of the muscles and bones in strengthening (the body). They constitute the great methods by which we nourish the living,
proceeded to devise the personal name of Tf or God, as the appellation of this; and neither Taoism, nor any other form of materialistic philosophising, has succeeded in eradicating the precious inheritance of those two terms from the mind of peasant or scholar.
Callery has misconstrued 'the paragraph by making Les Rites,' or the 'toutes choses' of his gloss, the subject of all the predicates in it:- Les rites ont pour origine essentielle la Grande Unité (principe de toutes choses). Ils se divisent ensuite, les uns pour le Ciel, les autres pour la Terre,' &c.
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SECT. IV.
THE LI YUN.
389
bury the dead, and serve the spirits of the departed. They supply the channels by which we can apprehend the ways of Heaven and act as the feelings of men require. It was on this account that the sages knew that the rules of ceremony could not be dispensed with, while the ruin of states, the destruction of families, and the perishing of individuals are always preceded by their abandonment of the rules of propriety.
7. Therefore the rules of propriety are for man what the yeast is for liquor. The superior man by (his use of them) becomes better and greater. The small man by his neglect of them becomes meaner and worse.
8. Therefore the sage kings cultivated and fashioned the lever of righteousness and the ordering of ceremonial usages, in order to regulate the feelings of men. Those feelings were the field (to be cultivated by) the sage kings. They fashioned the rules of ceremony to plough it. They set forth the principles of righteousness with which to plant it. They instituted the lessons of the school to weed it. They made love the fundamental subject by which to gather all its fruits, and they employed the training in music to give repose (to the minds of learners).
1 On this comparison Callery says:- Ce que les Chinois appellent du vin () n'étant une autre chose qu'une eau de vie de grains obtenue par la distillation, plus il y a de ferment dans la macération primitive, plus la fermentation vineuse est forte, et plus il y a d'alcool quand on la passe par l'alambic. De là cette comparaison entre le degré d'urbanité chez le sage et le degré de force dans le vin.'
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390
THE LÎ xi.
BK, VII.
9. Thus, rules of ceremony are the embodied expression of what is right. If an observance stand the test of being judged by the standard of what is right, although it may not have been among the usages of the ancient kings, it may be adopted on the ground of its being right.
10. (The idea of) right makes the distinction between things, and serves to regulate (the manifestation of) humanity. When it is found in anything and its relation to humanity has been discussed, the possessor of it will be strong.
11. Humanity is the root of right, and the embodying of deferential consideration. The possessor of it is honoured.
12. Therefore to govern a state without the rules of propriety would be to plough a field without a share. To make those rules without laying their foundation in right would be to plough the ground and not sow the seed. To think to practise the right without enforcing it in the school would be to sow the seed and not weed the plants. To enforce the lessons in the schools, and insist on their agreement with humanity, would be to weed and not to reap.
To insist on the agreement of the lessons with humanity, and not give repose to (the minds of) the learners by music, would be to reap, and not eat (the product). To supply the repose of music and not proceed to the result of deferential consideration would be to eat the product and get no fattening from it.
13. When the four limbs are all well proportioned, and the skin is smooth and full, the individual is in good condition. When there is generous affection between father and son, harmony between brothers,
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SECT. IV.
THE LÎ yun.
391
and happy union between husband and wife, the family is in good condition. When the great ministers are observant of the laws, the smaller ministers pure, officers and their duties kept in their regular relations and the ruler and his ministers are correctly helpful to one another, the state is in good condition. When the son of Heaven moves in his virtue as a chariot, with music as his driver, while all the princes conduct their mutual intercourse according to the rules of propriety, the Great officers maintain the order between them according to the laws, inferior officers complete one another by their good faith, and the common people guard one another with a spirit of harmony, all under the sky is in good condition. All this produces what we call (the state of) great mutual consideration (and harmony).
14. This great mutual consideration and harmony would ensure the constant nourishment of the living, the burial of the dead, and the service of the spirits (of the departed). However greatly things might accumulate, there would be no entanglement among them. They would move on together without error, and the smallest matters would proceed without failure. However deep some might be, they would be comprehended. However thick and close their array, there would be spaces between them. They would follow one another without coming into contact. They would move about without doing any hurt to one another. This would be the perfection of such a state of mutual harmony.
15. Therefore the clear understanding of this state will lead to the securing of safety in the midst of danger. Hence the different usages of ceremony,
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THE LÎ xl.
BK. VII.
and the maintenance of them in their relative proportions as many or few, are means of keeping hold of the feelings of men, and of uniting (high and low, and saving them from) peril.
16. The sage kings showed their sense of this state of harmony in the following way :—They did not make the occupants of the hills (remove and) live by the streams, nor the occupants of the islands (remove and live) in the plains; and thus the (people) complained of no hardship. They used water, fire, metal, wood, and the different articles of food and drink, each in its proper season. They promoted the marriages of men and women, and distributed rank and office, according to the years and virtues of the parties. They employed the people with due regard to their duties and wishes. Thus it was that there were no plagues of flood, drought, or insects, and the people did not suffer from bad grass or famine, from untimely deaths or irregular births. On account of all this heaven did not grudge its methods; earth did not grudge its treasures; men did not grudge (the regulation of) their feelings. Heaven sent down its fattening dews?; earth seat forth its springs of sweet wine'; hills produced implements and chariots ?; the Ho sent forth the horse with the map (on his
1 Kao Yi in his Filial Miscellanies, Book III, art. 9, contends that these are only different names for the same phenomenon. Few readers will agree with him, though the language means no more than that the dews were abundant, and the water of the springs delicious.'
. There must have been some legend which would have explained this language, but I have not succeeded in finding any trace of it.
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SECT. IV. THE LÎ YUN.
393 back)". Phænixes and Khi-lins were among the trees of the suburbs, tortoises and dragons in the ponds of the palaces, while the other birds and beasts could be seen at a glance in their nests and breeding places. All this resulted from no other cause but that the ancient kings were able to fashion their ceremonial usages so as to convey the underlying ideas of right, and embody their truthfulness so as to secure the universal and mutual harmony. This was the realisation of it.
The famous 'River Map' from which, it has been fabled, FQ-hsî fashioned his eight trigrams. See vol. xvi, pp. 14–16.
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BOOK VIII. THE LĨ KHÍ
OR RITES IN THE FORMATION OF CHARACTER'.
SECTION I. 1. The rules of propriety serve as instruments to form men's characters, and they are therefore prepared on a great scale. Being so, the value of them is very high. They remove from a man all perversity, and increase what is beautiful in his nature. They make him correct, when employed in the ordering of himself; they ensure for him free course, when employed towards others. They are to him what their outer coating is to bamboos, and what its heart is to a pine or cypress? These two are the best of all the productions of the (vegetable) world. They endure through all the four seasons, without altering a branch or changing a leaf. The superior man observes these rules of propriety, so that all in a wider circle are harmonious with him, and those in his narrower circle have no dissatisfactions with him. Men acknowledge and are affected by his goodness, and spirits enjoy his virtue.
2. The rules as instituted by the ancient kings had their radical element and their outward and
1 See the introductory notice, p. 25.
* The author evidently knew the different conditions of their structure on which the growth and vigour of Endogens (the monocotyledonous plants) and Exogens (dicotyledons) respectively depend.
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SECT. I.
THE LÎ Xhf.
395
elegant form. A true heart and good faith are their radical element. The characteristics of each according to the idea of what is right in it are its outward and elegant form. Without the radical element, they could not have been established; without the elegant form, they could not have been put in practicel
3. (The things used in performing) the rites should be suitable to the season, taken from the resources supplied by the ground, in accordance with (the requirements of) the spirits, and agreeable to the minds of men ;-according to the characteristics of all things. Thus each season has its productions, each soil its appropriate produce, each sense its peculiar power, and each thing its advantageousness. Therefore what any season does not produce, what any soil does not nourish, will not be used by a superior man in performing his rites, nor be enjoyed by the spirits. If mountaineers were to (seek to) use fish and turtles in their rites, or the dwellers
Callery gives for this short paragraph :- Les rites établis par les anciens rois ont leur essence intimé et leur dehors; la droiture est l'essence des rites; leur accord patent avec la raison en est le dehors. Sans essence, ils ne peuvent exister; sans dehors ils ne peuvent fonctionner.' He appends a long note on the difficulty of translation occasioned by the character (wăn), which he renders by 'le dehors,' and I by 'the outward, elegant form;' and concludes by saying, “Traduise mieux qui pourra.' I can only say that I have done the best I could (at the time) with this and every other paragraph.
Khung Ying-tâ says here that 'the spirits were men who, when alive, had done good service, and were therefore sacrificed to when dead. From which it follows that what was agreeable to the minds of men would be in accordance with (the requirements of) the spirits.
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THE Li ki.
BK. VIII.
near lakes, deer and pigs, the superior man would say of them that they did not know (the nature of) those usages.
4. Therefore it is necessary to take the established revenues of a state as the great rule for its ceremonial (expenditure). Important for the determination of this is the size of its territory. The amount of the offerings (also) should have regard to the character of the year as good or bad. In this way, though the harvest of a year may be very defective, the masses will not be afraid, and the ceremonies as appointed by the superiors will be economically regulated.
5. In (judging of) rites the time should be the great consideration. (Their relation to) natural duties, their material substance, their appropriate ness to circumstances, and their proportioning are all secondary
Yao's resignation of the throne to Shun, and Shun's resignation of it to Yü; Thang's dethronement of Kieh; and the overthrow of Kâu by Wăn and Wa:-all these are to be judged of by the time. As the Book of Poetry says, It was not that he was in haste to gratify his
wishes; It was to show the filial duty that had come down
to him.'
1. The time' comes about by the ordering of heaven. The instances given of it are all great events in the changing of dynasties. But such changes can hardly be regarded as rites. Perhaps the writer thought that the abdication in some cases, and the violent dethroning in others, were precedents, which might be regarded as having that character. For the quotation from the Shih, which is not very happy, see Part III, ode 10, 2.
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THE L KHỔ.
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The sacrifices to heaven and earth; the services of the ancestral temple; the courses for father and son; and the righteousness between ruler and minister :these are to be judged of as natural duties.
The services at the altars of the land and grain and of the hills and streams; and the sacrifices to spirits: these are to be judged of by the material substance of the offerings. The use of the funeral rites and sacrifices; and the reciprocities of host and guest:-these are to be judged of by their appropriateness to circumstances.
SECT. I.
Sacrificing with a lamb and a sucking pig, by the multitude of officers, when yet there was enough; and sacrificing with an ox, a ram, and a boar, when yet there was nothing to spare :-in these we have an instance of the proportioning.
6. The princes set great store by the tortoise, and consider their jade-tokens as the insignia of their rank, while the (chiefs of) clans have not the tortoises that are so precious, nor the jade-tokens to keep (by themselves), nor the towered gateways:these (also) are instances of the proportioning.
7. In some ceremonial usages the multitude of things formed the mark of distinction. The son of Heaven had 7 shrines in his ancestral temple; the prince of a state, 5; Great officers, 3; and other officers, I. The dishes of the son of Heaven on stands were 26; of a duke, 16; of another prince, 12; of a Great officer of the upper class, 8; of one of the lower class, 6. To a prince there were given 7 attendants and 7 oxen; and to a Great officer, 5 of each. The son of Heaven sat on 5 mats placed over one another; a prince, on 3; and a Great officer,
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THE LI KI.
on 2.
When the son of Heaven died, he was buried after 7 months, in a fivefold coffin, with 8 plumes; a prince was buried after 5 months, in a threefold coffin, with 6 plumes; a Great officer after 3 months, in a twofold coffin, with 4 plumes. In these cases, the multitude of things was the mark of distinction'.
398
BK. VIII.
8. In other usages, the paucity of things formed the mark of distinction. To the son of Heaven there were given no attendants 2, and he sacrificed to Heaven with a single victim; when he visited the princes (on his tours of inspection), he was feasted with a single bullock. When princes went to the courts of one another, fragrant spirits were used in libations, and there were no dishes on stands, either of wood or bamboo. At friendly missions by Great officers, the ceremonial offerings were slices of dried meat and pickles. The son of Heaven declared himself satisfied after I dish; a prince, after 2; a Great officer and other officers, after 3; while no limit was set to the eating of people who lived by their labour. (The horses of) the Great carriage had I ornamental tassel at their breast-bands; those of the other carriages had 7 (pieces of) jade for ranktokens; and libation cups were presented singly; as also the tiger-shaped and yellow cups. In sacrificing to spirits a single mat was used; when princes were giving audience to their ministers, they (bowed to) the Great officers one by one, but to all the other officers
1 The different views in attempting to verify all the numbers and other points in the specifications here are endless.
The attendants waited on the visitors. But the son of Heaven
was lord of all under the sky. He was at home everywhere; and could not be received as a visitor.
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THE LỄ KHỈ.
together. In these cases the fewness of the things formed the mark of distinction.
SECT. 1.
399
9. In others, greatness of size formed the mark. The dimensions of palaces and apartments; the measurements of dishes and (other) articles; the thickness of the inner and outer coffins; the greatness of eminences and mounds 1:-these were cases in which the greatness of size was the mark.
10. In others, smallness of size formed the mark. At the sacrifices of the ancestral temple, the highest in rank presented a cup (of spirits to the representative of the dead), and the low, a san (containing five times as much): (at some other sacrifices), the honourable took a khih (containing 3 cups), and the low a horn (containing 4). (At the feasts of viscounts and barons), when the vase went round 5 times, outside the door was the earthenware fâu (of supply), and inside, the hû; while the ruler's vase was an earthenware wû:-these were cases in which the smallness of size was the mark of distinction 2.
11. In others, the height formed the mark of
1 Both these names refer, probably, to mounds raised over the dead. Those over the emperors of the Ming dynasty, about midway between Peking and the Great Wall, and that over Confucius at Khü-fû in Shan-tung, are the best specimens of these which I have seen.
It is difficult to explain fully and verify all the statements in this paragraph, for want of evidence. The unit in them is the shăng (升), or 'pint,' now = 1031 litre; the cup, (3i0, 1) contained one shăng; the khih (), three; the kio (), four; and the san (), five. The hû () contained one 'stone' (), 10'310 litre; and the wû (A) size of the fâu () is unknown.
=
=5155. The
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400
THE LÎ .
BX, VIII.
distinction. The hall of the son of Heaven was ascended by 9 steps'; that of a prince, by 7; that of a Great officer, by 5; and that of an ordinary officer, by 3. The son of Heaven and the princes had (also) the towered gateway. In these cases height was the mark.
12. In others, the lowness formed the mark. In sacrificing, the highest reverence was not shown on the raised altar, but on the ground beneath, which had been swept. The vases of the son of Heaven and the princes were set on a tray without feet? ; those of Great and other officers on one with feet (3 inches high). In these cases the lowness was the mark of distinction.
13. In others, ornament formed the mark. The son of Heaven wore his upper robe with the dragons figured on it; princes, the lower robe with the axes embroidered on it; Great officers, their lower robe with the symbol of distinction; and other officers, the dark-coloured upper robe, and the lower one red. The cap of the son of Heaven had 12 pendents of jade beads set on strings hanging down of red and green silk; that of princes, 9; that of Great officers of the highest grade, 7; and if they were of the lowest grade, 5; and that of other officers, 3. In these cases the ornament was the mark of distinction.
14. In others, plainness formed the mark. Acts of the greatest reverence admit of no ornament.
This literally is nine cubits;' each step, it is said, was a cubit high.
. This tray was four cubits long, two cubits four inches wide, and five inches deep.
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SECT. I.
THE LÝ KHÍ.
401
The relatives of a father do not put themselves into postures (like other visitors). The Grand jade-token has no engraving on it. The Grand soup has no condiments. The Grand carriage is plain, and the mats in it are of rushes. The goblet with the victim-ox carved on it is covered with a plain white cloth. The ladle is made of white-veined wood. These are cases in which plainness is the mark.
15. Confucius said, ' Ceremonial usages should be most carefully considered. This is the meaning of the remark that 'while usages are different, the relations between them as many or few should be maintained?' His words had reference to the proportioning of rites.
16. That in the instituting of) rites the multitude of things was considered a mark of distinction, arose from the minds (of the framers) being directed outwards. The energy (of nature) shoots forth and is displayed everywhere in all things, with a great discriminating control over their vast multitude. In such a case, how could they keep from making multitude a mark of distinction in rites? Hence the superior men, (the framers), rejoiced in displaying (their discrimination).
But that in (the instituting of) rites the paucity of things was (also) considered a mark of distinction, arose from the minds (of the framers) being directed inwards. Extreme as is the energy (of nature) in production, it is exquisite and minute. When we look at all the things under the sky, they do not
See page 392, paragraph 15. We may conclude that the Li Yun was compiled and published before the Li Khi; or it may be that the sentences common to them both had long been in use. [27]
Dd
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THE LĨ KĨ.
BK. VIII.
seem to be in proportion to that energy. In such a case, how could they keep from considering paucity a mark of distinction ? Hence the superior men, (the framers), watched carefully over the solitude (of their own thoughts).
17. The ancient sages (thus) gave honour to what was internal, and sought pleasure in what was external; found a mark of distinction in paucity, and one of what was admirable in multitude; and therefore in the ceremonial usages instituted by the ancient kings we should look neither for multitude nor for paucity, but for the due relative proportion.
18. Therefore, when a man of rank uses a large victim in sacrifice, we say he acts according to propriety, but when an ordinary officer does so, we say he commits an act of usurpation.
19. Kwan Kung had his sacrificial dishes of grain carved, and red bands to his cap; fashioned hills on the capitals of his pillars, and pondweed on the small pillars above the beams ? :-the superior man considered it wild extravagance.
20. An Phing-kung, in sacrificing to his father, used a sucking-pig which did not fill the dish, and went to court in an (old) washed robe and cap :the superior man considered it was niggardliness?
Callery thinks that the theory about rites underlying this paragraph is éminemment obscure. One difficulty with me is to discover any connection between its parts and what is said in paragraphs 7 and 8 about the 'multitude and paucity of rites.'
• See the Analects, V, xvii, and the note there. In that passage the extravagance is charged on the Sang Wăn-kung of paragraph a3.
• An Phing-kung was a Great officer of Khî, and ought not to have been so niggardly.
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SECT. I.
THE LÎ Kal.
403
21. Therefore the superior man thinks it necessary to use the utmost care in his practice of ceremonies. They are the bond that holds the multitudes together; and if the bond be removed, those multitudes fall into confusion. Confucius said, If I fight, I overcome; when I sacrifice, I receive blessing?' He said so, because he had the right way (of doing everything).
22. A superior man will say?, 'The object in sacrifices is not to pray; the time of them should not be hastened on; a great apparatus is not required at them; ornamental matters are not to be approved ; the victims need not be fat and large; a profusion of the other offerings is not to be admired.
23. Confucius said, How can it be said that Zang Wăn-kung was acquainted with the rules of propriety? When Hsià Fa-kht went right in the teeth of sacrificial orders, he did not stop him, (nor could he
* It is understood that the I' is not used by Confucius of himself, but as personating one who knew the true nature of ceremonial usages. See the language again in the next Book, Sect. i, 22; it is found also in the Narratives of the School.'
• Khăn Hảo remarks that the compiler of the Book intends himself by the superior man.' Thus the compiler delivers his own judgment in an indirect way. Most of what he says will be admitted. It is to the general effect that simple offerings and sincere worship are acceptable, more acceptable than rich offerings and a formal service. But is he right in saying that in sacrificing we should not 'pray?' So long as men feel their own weakness and needs, they will not fail to pray at their religious services. So it has been in China in all the past as much as elsewhere.
• Hsia Fa-khî was the keeper, or minister in charge, of the ancestral temple of La, and contemporary with Sang Wăn-kung during the marquisates of Kwang, Wăn, and Hsî. He introduced at least one great irregularity in the ancestral temple, placing the
od 2
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404
THE LI KI.
BK. VIII.
prevent) his burning a pile of firewood in sacrificing to the spirit of the furnace. Now that sacrifice is paid to an old wife. The materials for it might be contained in a tub, and the vase is the (common) wine-jar.'
SECTION II.
1. The rules of propriety may be compared to the human body. When the parts of one's body are not complete, the beholder1 will call him 'An imperfect man;' and so a rule which has been made unsuitably may be denominated 'incomplete.'
Some ceremonies are great, and some small; some are manifest, and some minute. The great should not be diminished, nor the small increased. The manifest should not be hidden, nor the minute made great. But while the important rules are 300, and the smaller rules 3000, the result to which they all lead is one and the same 2. No one can enter an apartment but by the door.
2. A superior man in his observance of the rules, where he does his utmost and uses the greatest care, is extreme in his reverence and the manifestation of sincerity. Where they excite admiration and an
tablet of Hsî above that of Wăn; and Wăn-kung made no protest. Of the other irregularity mentioned in the text we have not much information; and I need not try to explain it. It seems to me that it must have been greater than the other.
1 The text has here 'the superior man,' for which Callery has 'au dire du sage.'
* See Book XXVIII, ii, paragraph 38. What the 300 and 3000 rules are is very much disputed. The 'one and the same result' is, according to most, reverence and sincerity;' according to some, 'suitability.'
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SECT. II.
THE LÎ xh.
405
elegant attractiveness, there is still) that manifestation of sincerity.
3. A superior man, in his consideration of the rules, finds those which are carried directly into practice ; those in which one has to bend and make some modification ; those which are regular and the same for all classes; those which are diminished in a certain order; those in which (a kind of) transplantation takes place, and (the ceremony) is distributed; those in which individuals are pushed forward and take part in the rules of a higher grade; those in which there are ornamental imitations (of natural objects); those in which the ornamental imitations are not carried out so fully; and those where appropriation (of higher observances) is not deemed usurpation'.
4. The usages of the three dynasties had one and the same object, and the people all observed them. In such matters as colour, whether it should be white or dark, Hsiâ instituted and Yin adopted (its choice, or did not do so).
5. Under the Kâu dynasty the representatives of
· Nine peculiarities in ceremonial usages are here indicated. It would be possible to illustrate them fully after the most approved commentators; but there would be little advantage in thus recalling the past which has for the most part passed away, even in China.
Callery takes a different view of the second sentence in this paragraph, and translates it :- (Si quelque chose a subi des modifications, ce n'a été que la couleur blanche ou la couleur verte (caractéristique de telle ou telle autre dynastie ; en dehors de ces choses peu importantes, pour tout ce qui est essentiel) la dynastie des Yin s'est scrupuleusement conformée à ce qui a été établi par les Hsia.' His view of the whole paragraph, however, comes to much the same as mine.
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THE LÎ xt.
BY. VIII.
the dead sat. Their monitors and cup-suppliers observed no regular rules. The usages were the same (as those of Yin), and the underlying principle was one. Under the Hsiâ dynasty, the personators had stood till the sacrifice was ended, (whereas) under Yin they sat. Under Kâu, when the cup went round among all, there were six personators'. 3ăngsze said, 'The usages of Kâu might be compared to those of a subscription club?'
6. A superior man will say, 'The usages of ceremony that come closest to our human feelings are not those of the highest sacrifices ; (as may be seen in) the blood of the border sacrifice; the raw flesh in the great offering (to all the royal ancestors) of the ancestral temple; the sodden flesh, where the spirits are presented thrice; and the roast meat, where they are presented once '
7. And so those usages were not devised by
1 This would be on occasion of the anited sacrifice to all the ancestors; the personator of Hâu Kt being left out of the enumeration, as more honourable than the others.
. That is, all stand equally as if each had paid his contribution to the expenses.
- The greatest of all sacrifices was that to Heaven in a suburb of the capital; the next was the great triennial or quinquennial sacrifice in the ancestral temple; the third was that at the altars of the land and grain, and of the hills and rivers, which is supposed to be described here as that at which the cup' was thrice presented; and the last in order and importance were small sacrifices to individual spirits. The four offerings in the text were presented at the first three ; but not in the same order. That to Heaven began with blood; that in the ancestral temple with raw flesh. Those farthest from our human feelings had the place of honour in the greatest services. We must seek for a higher and deeper origin of them than our ordinary feelings.
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SECT. 11. THE LÎ kat.
409 superior men in order to give expression to their feelings. There was a beginning of them from (the oldest times); as when (two princes) have an interview, there are seven attendants to wait on them and direct them. Without these the interview would be too plain and dull. They reach (the ancestral temple) after the visitor has thrice declined the welcome of the host, and the host has thrice tried to give precedence to the other. Without these courtesies the interview would be too hurried and abrupt.
In the same way, when in La they were about to perform the service to God (in the suburb), they felt it necessary first to have a service in the college with its semicircular pool. When they were about in Zin to sacrifice to the Ho, they would first do so to the pool of Wa. When in Kkl they were about to sacrifice to mount Thai, they would do so first in the forest of Phei.
Moreover, the keeping the victims (for the altar of Heaven) for three months (in the stable); the abstinence (of the worshippers) for seven days; and the vigil of three days:--all showed the extreme degree of (preparatory) care (for the service).
The ritual arrangements, further, of the reception (of guests) and communication between them and the host, and for assisting and guiding the steps of the (blind) musicians, showed the extreme degree of kindly (provision)?
It is not easy to construe this paragraph, nor to discover and indicate the connexion between its different parts. Generally we may say that it illustrates the previous statement about the rites as not simply the expression of natural feeling, but of that feeling wisely guided and embodied so as to be most beneficial to the
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THE LÎ xi.
BK. VIII.
8. In ceremonial usages we should go back to the root of them (in the mind), and maintain the old (arrangements of them), not forgetting what they were at first. Hence there is no need to be) calling attention to the demonstrations expressive of grief"; and those which (more particularly) belong to the court are accompanied by music. There is the use of sweet spirits, and the value set on water; there is the use of the (ordinary) knife, and the honour expressed by that furnished with (small) bells; there is the comfort afforded by the rush and fine bamboo mats, and the (special) employment of those which are made of straw. Therefore the ancient kings in their institution of the rules of propriety had a ruling idea, and thus it is that they were capable of being transmitted, and might be learned, however many they were.
9. The superior man will say, 'If a man do not have in himself the distinctions (embodied in ceremonies), he will contemplate that embodiment without any intelligent discrimination; if he wish to exercise that discrimination, and not follow the guidance of the rules, he will not succeed in his object. Hence if his practice of ceremonies be not according to the rules, men will not respect them;
individual and society. The auxiliary services in the first part of it were all preparatory to the great services that followed. That in the great college of LÀ was concerned with Hâu Ki, the ancestor of the House of Kâu and all its branches, and preliminary to the place he was to occupy at the great sacrifice to Heaven.
The remaining two paragraphs show how the natural feeling was quietly nourished, guided, and modified.
1 Yet much is said in the Than Kung about those demonstrations of grief in the mourning rites.
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SECT. II.
THE LÝ KHÍ.
409
and if his words be not according to those rules, men will not believe them. Accordingly it is said, " The rules of ceremony are the highest expression of (the truth of) things."
10. Hence it was that in old times, when the ancient kings instituted ceremonies, they conveyed their idea by means of the qualities of the articles and observances which they employed. In their great undertakings, they were sure to act in accordance with the seasons; in their doings morning and evening, they imitated the sun and moon; in what required a high situation, they took advantage of mounds and hillocks, and in what required a low situation, of the banks of the) rivers and lakes. Hence each season has its rains and benefits, and those wise men sought to make use of them with intelligence with all the earnestness they could command".
11. The ancient kings valued (men's) possession of virtue, honoured those who pursued the right course, and employed those who displayed ability. They selected men of talents and virtue, and
See Callery's translation of this paragraph. He says on it:Cette période offre, par son incohérence, des difficultés sérieuses qui me font supposer une grave altération du texte primitif;' and justifies his own version by the remark, Je me suis dit qu'après tout il vaut mieux embellir que défigurer.' He takes the whole, like Kang, as referring to the ceremonies of different sacrifices. Ying Yung (Sung dynasty; earlier than Ka Hsi) understood it more generally of other royal and imperial doings. The Khien-lung editors say that the two views must be united. They remark on the last sentence that, as 'every season has its appropriate productions and every situation its own suitabilities, we must examine them in order to use things appropriately.'
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410
THE Lf rf.
BK. VIII.
appointed them. They assembled the whole of them and solemnly addressed them?
12. Then in accordance with the height of) heaven they did service to Heaven, in accordance with (the lower position of) earth they did service to Earth; taking advantage of the famous hills they ascended them, and announced to Heaven the good government (of the princes). When thus at the felicitous spot (chosen for their capitals) they presented their offerings to God in the suburb and announced to Heaven (the general good government from the famous hills), the phenix descended, and tortoises and dragons made their appearance? When they presented their offerings to God in the suburb the winds and rains were duly regulated, and the cold and heat came each in its proper time, so that the sage (king) had only to stand with his face to the south, and order prevailed all under the sky.
13. The courses of the heavenly (bodies) supply the most perfect lessons, and the sages possessed the highest degree of virtue. Above, in the hall of the ancestral temple, there was the jar, with clouds and hills represented on it on the east, and that with the victim represented on it on the west. Below the hall the larger drums were suspended on the west, and the smaller drums answering to them on the east. The ruler appeared at the (top of the) steps on the east; his wife was in the apartment on the west. The great luminary makes his appearance in
The 'selection' here, it is understood, was of the functionaries to take part in the sacrificial ceremonies, and the solemn address was on the duties they had to perform.
* See pp. 392, 393, paragraph 16.
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SECT. II.
THE LÎ xn.
411
the east; the moon makes her appearance in the west. Such are the different ways in which the processes of darkness and light are distributed in nature, and such are the arrangements for the positions (corresponding thereto).of husband and wife. The ruler fills his cup from the jar with an elephant represented on it; his wife fills hers from that with clouds and hills. With such reciprocation do the ceremonies proceed above, while the music responds in the same way below ;—there is the perfection of harmony.
14. It is the object of ceremonies to go back to the circumstances from which they sprang, and of music to express pleasure in the results which first gave occasion to it. Thus it was that the ancient kings, in their institution of ceremonies, sought to express their regulation of circumstances, and, in their cultivation of music, to express the aims they had in mind. Hence by an examination of their ceremonies and music, the conditions of order and disorder in which they originated can be known. Kü Po-yü 1 said, 'A wise man, by his intelligence, from the sight of any article, knows the skill of the artificer, and from the contemplation of an action knows the wisdom of its performer. Hence there is the saying, “The superior man watches over the manner in which he maintains his intercourse with other men.'
15. Within the ancestral temple reverence prevailed. The ruler himself led the victim forward,
1 A friend, and perhaps a disciple of Confucius, an officer of the state of Wei. He is mentioned in the Confucian Analects and in Mencius.
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412
THE Li ki.
BK. VIIT.
while the Great officers assisted and followed, bearing the offerings of silk. The ruler himself cut out (the liver) for (the preliminary) offering, while his wife bore the dish in which it should be presented. The ruler himself cut up the victim, while his wife presented the spirits.
The high ministers and Great officers followed the ruler; their wives followed his wife. How grave and still was their reverence! How were they absorbed in their sincerity! How earnest was their wish that their offerings should be accepted! The arrival of the victim was announced (to the spirits) in the courtyard; on the presentation of the blood and the flesh with the hair on it, announcement was made in the chamber ; on the presentation of the soup and boiled meat, in the hall. The announcement was made thrice, each time in a different place; indicating how they were seeking for the spirits, and had not yet found them. When the sacrifice was set forth in the hall, it was repeated next day outside (the gate of the temple); and hence arose the saying, 'Are they there ? Are they here?'
16. One offering of the cup showed the simplicity of the service; three offerings served to ornament it; five, to mark discriminating care; and seven, to show (the reverence for) the spirits'.
17. Was not the great quinquennial sacrifice a service belonging to the king? The three animal victims, the fish, and flesh, were the richest tributes for the
The sacrifices where only one cup was presented were, it is said, the smallest; three cups belonged to the altars of the land and grain; five, to those of the hills and rivers; and seven, to those in the ancestral temple. All this is quite uncertain.
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THE LỈ KHÍ.
413
palate from all within the four seas and the nine provinces. The fruits and grain presented in the high dishes of wood and bamboo were the product of the harmonious influences of the four seasons. The tribute of metal showed the harmonious submission (of the princes). The rolls of silk with the round pieces of jade placed on them showed the honour they rendered to virtue. The tortoise was placed in front of all the other offerings, because of its knowledge of the future; the tribute of metal succeeded to it, showing the (hold it has on) human feelings. The vermilion, the varnish, the silk, the floss, the large bamboos and the smaller for arrows-the articles which all the states contribute; with the other uncommon articles, which each state contributed according to its resources, even to those from the remote regions:-(these followed the former). When the visitors left they were escorted with the music of the Sze Hsiâ1. All these things showed how important was the sacrifice.
SECT. II.
18. In the sacrifice to God in the suburb, we have the utmost expression of reverence. In the sacrifices of the ancestral temple, we have the utmost expression of humanity. In the rites of mourning, we have the utmost expression of leal-heartedness. In the preparation of the robes and vessels for the dead, we have the utmost expression of affection. In
1 We are told in the Kâu Lî, Book XXIII, art. 32, that the bell master, with bells and drums, performed the nine Hsiâ pieces, on the occasions appropriate to them. The second of them was 'the Sze Hsiâ,' as here, but the occasion for it in the text would be inappropriate. The eighth, or Kâi Hsiâ, would be appropriate here, and hence Kăng said that sze was a mistake for kai ().
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414
THE LI XI.
the use of gifts and offerings between host and guest, we have the utmost expression of what is right. Therefore when the superior man would see the ways of humanity and righteousness, he finds them rooted in these ceremonial usages.
•
19. A superior man has said, What is sweet may be tempered; what is white may be coloured. So the man who is right in heart and sincere can learn the (meaning of the) rites.' The rites should not be perfunctorily performed by the man who is not right in heart and sincere. Hence it is all important (in the performance of them) to get the proper men.
BK. VIII.
20. Confucius said, 'One may repeat the three hundred odes, and not be fit to offer the sacrifice where there is (but) one offering of the cup. He may offer that sacrifice, and not be fit to join in a great sacrifice. He may join in such a sacrifice, and not be fit to offer a great sacrifice to the hills. He may perform that fully, and yet not be able to join in the sacrifice to God. Let no one lightly discuss the subject of rites '.'
1 It is not easy to trace satisfactorily the progress of thought here from one sacrificial service to another. 'The great sacrifice' is understood to be the triennial or quinquennial sacrifice to all the ancestors of the ruling House. It is a great step to that from a small sacrifice where only one cup was presented. What 'the great sacrifice to the hills was' is uncertain. It is in the text Tâ Lu). The meaning of Lu as a sacrifice to the spirit of a hill is well established from the Analects III, 6. Once the phrase Tâ Lu appears as used in the Kâu Lî, Book V, 91, of the royal sacrifice to God ('Lorsque l'empereur offre un grand sacrifice au Seigneur Suprême,' Biot); but it cannot have that meaning here, because the text goes on to speak of that sacrifice as superior to this. Kang Hsuan made Tâ Lü to be the sacrifice to the five Tîs,' or the five Planetary Gods, which view, as
•
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THE LÍ KHÍ.
415
21. When 3ze-lû was steward to the House of Ki, its chief had been accustomed to commence his sacrifices before it was light, and when the day was insufficient for them, to continue them by torchlight. All engaged in them, however strong they might appear, and however reverent they might be, were worn out and tired. The officers limped and leaned, wherever they could, in performing their parts, and the want of reverence was great. Afterwards, when 3ze-lû took the direction of them, the sacrifices proceeded differently. For the services in the chamber, he had parties communicating outside and inside the door; and for those in the hall, he had parties communicating at the steps. As soon as was light, the services began, and by the time of the evening audience all were ready to retire. When Confucius heard of this management, he said, 'Who will say that this Yû does not understand ceremonies1?'
SECT. II.
the Khien-lung editors point out, cannot be adopted. And how any sacrifice to the hills, however great, could be represented as greater than the quinquennial sacrifice in the ancestral temple, I cannot understand. I must leave the paragraph in the obscurity that belongs to it.
'The Khien-lung editors say:-'3ze-lû was a leal-hearted and sincere man, and the Book ends with this account of him. From the mention of the preparation of the rites on a great scale and of their high value at the beginning of the Book down to this tribute to 3ze-lû as understanding ceremonies, its whole contents show that what is valuable in the rites is the combination of the idea of what is right with the elegant and outward form as sufficient to remove from a man all perversity and increase what is good in his nature, without a multiplicity of forms which would injure the natural goodness and sincerity, and lead their practiser to a crooked perversity. Deep and far-reaching is the idea of it!'
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BOOK IX. THE KIAO THEH SÅNG
OR
THE SINGLE VICTIM AT THE BORDER SACRIFICES'.
SECTION I.
1. At the border sacrifices a single victim was used, and at the altars to (the spirits of) the land and grain there was (the full complement of) three victims. When the son of Heaven went on his
See the introductory notice, p. 26.
The object of the statements here and some other paragraphs is to show that the degree of honour was expressed by the 'paucity' of the articles; compare last Book, Sect. i, paragraph 8. Perhaps the name Kiâo () in the title should be translated in the plural as the name for all the border sacrifices, or those offered in the suburbs of the capital. There were several of them, of which the greatest was that at the winter solstice, on the round hillock in the southern suburb. Besides this, there was in the first month the border sacrifice for 'grain,'-to pray for the blessing of Heaven on the agricultural labours of the year, in which Hâu Kî, the father of the line of Kâu, and its 'Father of Husbandry,' was associated by that dynasty. There were also the five seasonal border sacrifices, of which we have mention in the different parts of Book IV, though, so far as what is said in them goes, the idea of Heaven falls into the background, and the five deified ancient sovereigns come forward as so many Tîs. In the first month of summer there was, further, a great border sacrifice for rain, and in the last month of autumn a great border sacrifice of thanksgiving. Of all these border sacrifices,' say the Khien-lung editors, 'there is clear evidence in classical texts.' Into the discussions growing out of them about 'one Heaven,' or 'five Heavens,' and about their origin, it is not necessary that I should enter; it would be foreign, indeed, to my object in this translation to do so. The
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SECT. I.
THE KIAO THEH SÁNG.
417
inspecting tours to the princes, the viands of the feast to him were composed of a (single) calf; and when they visited him, the rites with which he received them showed the three regular animals. (The feasting of him in such a manner) was to do honour to the idea of sincerity? Therefore if the animal happened to be pregnant, the son of Heaven did not eat of it, nor did he use such a victim in sacrificing to God.
2. The horses of the Grand carriage had one ornamental tassel at the breast; those of the carriages that preceded had three; and those of the carriages that followed had fives. There were the blood at the border sacrifice; the raw flesh in the great offering of the ancestral temple; the sodden flesh where spirits are presented thrice; and the roast meat where they are presented once 8:—these were expressive of the greatest reverence, but the taste was not valued; what was held in honour was the scent of the air 4. When the princes appeared as guests,
border sacrifices were the greatest religious or ceremonial services of the ancient Chinese: and the fact to which our attention is called in this Book, is that at them there was used only a single victim.
Why 'a calf?' 'Because of its guileless simplicity,' says Kâu Hsü of our eleventh century; earlier than Ka Hsî, who adopted his explanation. The calf, whether male or female, has not yet felt the appetency of sex, and is unconscious of any dissipation.' This is a refinement on the Hebrew idea of the victim lamb, without blemish.'
9 This might be referred to his unwillingness to take life unnecessarily, but for what has just been said about the calf. * See last Book, Sect. i, 8; and Sect. ii, 6.
Little is said on the meaning of this statement, which appears to say that the most subtle and ethereal thing in sacrifices, the [37]
Ee
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418
THE LI Kİ.
they were presented with herb-flavoured spirits, because of their fragrance; at the great entertainment to them the value was given to (the preliminary) pieces of flesh prepared with cinnamon and nothing more.
BK. IX.
3. At a great feast (to the ruler of another state), the ruler (who was the host) received the cup seated on his three mats. (On occasion of a visit through a minister or Great officer) when the cup was thrice presented, the ruler received it on a single mat:-so did he descend from the privilege of his more honourable rank, and assume the lower distinction (of his visitor).
4. In feasting (the orphaned young in spring) and at the vernal sacrifice in the ancestral temple they had music; but in feeding (the aged) and at the autumnal sacrifice they had no music:-these were based in the developing and receding influences (prevalent in nature). All drinking serves to nourish the developing influence; all eating to nourish the receding influence. Hence came the different character of the vernal and autumnal sacrifices; the feasting the orphaned young in spring, and the feeding the aged in autumn:-the idea was the same. But in the feeding and at the autumnal sacrifice there was no music. Drinking serves to nourish the developing influence and therefore is accompanied with music. Eating serves to nourish the receding influ
'sweet savour' of the offerings, was the most important, and should excite the worshippers to add to their sincerity and reverence all other graces of character. The same lesson was given to the feudal princes when they were entertained as visitors at the royal
court.
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THE KIAO THEH SÅNG.
ence, and therefore is not accompanied with music. All modulation of sound partakes of the character of development.
SECT. I.
5. The number of tripods and meat-stands was odd, and that of the tall dishes of wood and bamboo was even 1; this also was based in the numbers belonging to the developing and receding influences. The stands were filled with the products of the water and the land. They did not dare to use for them things of extraordinary flavours or to attach a value to the multitude and variety of their contents, and it was thus that they maintained their intercourse with spiritual intelligences.
419
6. When the guests had entered the great door 3, the music struck up the Sze Hsiâ, showing the blended ease and respect (of the king). (While feasting), at the end of (every) cup the music stopped (for a moment), a practice of which Confucius often indicated his admiration. When the last cup had been put down, the performers ascended the hall, and sang; -exhibiting the virtues (of host and guests). The singers were (in the hall) above, and the organists were (in the court) below;-the honour being thus
1 Every Chinese scholar knows that odd numbers all belong to the category of Yang (- −), and even numbers to that of Yin
-).
• The meaning of this clause is uncertain, and I have not found it anywhere sufficiently explained, considering what the characters
(亵味)
are
This paragraph and the next describe ceremonies on occasion of the king's reception of the great nobles, when they appeared in great force at court. With this the expurgated Lî Kî begins. See note 1, page 413.
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THE LỄ KỈ.
given to the human voice. Music comes from the expanding influence (that operates in nature); ceremonies from the contracting. When the two are in harmony, all things obtain (their full development).
420
BK. IX.
7. There were no fixed rules for the various articles of tribute. They were the different products of the different territories according to their several suitabilities, and were regulated by their distances (from the royal domain). The tortoises were placed in front of all the other offerings;-because (the shell) gave the knowledge of the future. The bells succeeded to them ;-because of their harmony, they were a symbol of the union of feeling that should prevail1. Then there were the skins of tigers and leopards;-emblems of the fierce energy with which insubordination would be repressed; and there were the bundles of silks with disks of jade on them,showing how (the princes) came to (admire and experience) the virtue (of the king).
8. (The use of) a hundred torches in his courtyard began with duke Hwan of Khi. The playing of the Sze Hsiâ (at receptions) of Great officers began with Kâo Wăn-jze 2.
9. When appearing at another court, for a Great officer to have a private audience was contrary to propriety. If he were there as a commissioner, bearing
As we have no account anywhere of bells, made, being sent as tribute, many understand the name as merely = 'metal.'
This and the five paragraphs that follow seem the work of another hand, and are not in the expurgated Ki. Duke Hwan was the first and greatest of the five presiding princes' of the Khun Khiû period. He died B. C. 643. Kâo Wăn-¡ze was a Great officer and chief minister of 3in about a century after. The king alone might have a hundred torches in his courtyard.
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SECT. I.
THE KIÂO THEH SÅNG.
421
his own prince's token of rank, this served as his credentials. That he did not dare to seek a private audience showed the reverence of his loyalty. What had he to do with the tribute-offerings in the court of the other prince that he should seek a private audience? The minister of a prince had no intercourse outside his own state, thereby showing how he did not dare to serve two rulers.
10. For a Great officer to receive his ruler to an entertainment was contrary to propriety. For a ruler to put to death a Great officer who had violently exercised his power was (held) an act of righteousness; and it was first seen in the case of the three Hwan.
The son of Heaven did not observe any of the rules for a visitor or guest;- no one could presume to be his host. When a ruler visited one of his ministers, he went up to the hall by the steps proper to the master ;-the minister did not presume in such a case to consider the house to be his own. According to the rules for audiences, the son of Heaven did not go down from the hall and meet the princes. To descend from the hall and meet the princes, was an error on the part of the son of Heaven, which began with king i?, and was afterwards observed.
1 The three Hwan' intended here were three sons of duke Hwan' of Lů, known as Khing-fd, Yâ, and Ki-yQ; see the 30 Kwan, and Kung-yang, on the last year of duke Kwang. Instances of the execution of strong and insubordinate officers in different states, more to the point, had occurred before ; but the writer had in mind only the history of La.
• I was the ninth of the sovereigns of Kâu (B.C. 894-879); with him appeared the first symptoms of decline in the dynasty.
.
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422
THE LI ki.
BK.IX.
11. For the princes to suspend their drums and bells) in four rows like the walls of an apartment (after the fashion of the king), and to use a white bull in sacrificing 1; to strike the sonorous jade; to use the red shields with their metal fronts and the cap with descending tassels in dancing the Tâ-wû; and to ride in the grand chariot :these were usages which they usurped. The towered gateway with the screen across the path, and the stand to receive the emptied cups; the axes embroidered on the inner garment with its vermilion colour :-these were usurpations of the Great officers. Thus, when the son of Heaven was small and weak, the princes pushed their usurpations; and when the Great officers were strong, the princes were oppressed by them. In this state (those officers) gave honour to one another as if they had been of (high) degree; had interviews with one another and made offerings; and bribed one another for their individual benefit: and thus all usages of ceremony were thrown into disorder. It was not lawful for the princes to sacrifice to the king to whom they traced their ancestry, nor for the Great officers to do so to the rulers from whom they sprang. The practice of having a temple to such rulers in their private families, was contrary to propriety. It originated with the three Hwan?
12. The son of Heaven preserved the descend
1 That a white bull was used in LQ in sacrificing to the duke of Kâu, appears from the fourth of the Praise Odes of La. See vol. iii, p. 343.
2 These must be the three families of La, so powerful in the time of Confucius, all descended from duke Hwan. The expression in this (state)' shows that the writer was a man of LQ. 8 We must think of this son of Heaven' as the founder of a
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SECT. I.
THE KIAO THEH SÁNG.
423
ants of (the sovereigns of) the two (previous) dynasties, still honouring the worth (of their founders). But this honouring the ancient) worthies did not extend beyond the two dynasties.
13. Princes did not employ as ministers refugee rulers?. Hence anciently refugee rulers left no son who continued their title.
14. A ruler stood with his face towards the south, to show that he would be (in his sphere) what the influence of light and heat was in nature). His ministers stood with their faces to the north, in response to him. The minister of a Great officer did not bow his face to the ground before him, not from any honour paid to the minister, but that the officer might avoid receiving the homage which he had paid himself to the ruler.
15. When a Great officer was presenting (anything to his ruler), he did not do so in his own person ; when the ruler was making him a gift, he did not go to bow in acknowledgment to him :that the ruler might not (have the trouble of) responding to him.
16. When the villagers were driving away pestilential influences, Confucius would stand at the top of his eastern steps, in his court robes, to keep the spirits (of his departed) undisturbed in their shrines 2.
new dynasty. Thus it was that king wa of Kâu enfeoffed the duke of Sung as representing the kings of Shang, and the rulers of Kü as representing those of Hsia.
1 Rulers expelled from their own state. But the princes might employ their sons as ministers, who ceased to be named from their former dignity.
? See the Confucian Analects X, 10, 2, and note. Dr. Williams (on ) says that the ceremony is now performed by the Board of Rites ten days before the new year.
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424
THE LE RE.
BK. IX.
17. Confucius said, “The practice of archery to the notes of music (is difficult). How shall the archer listen, and how shall he shoot, (that the two things shall be in harmony)?'
Confucius said, 'When an officer is required to shoot, if he be not able, he declines on the ground of being ill, with reference to the bow suspended at the left of the door (at his birth)".'
18. Confucius said, “There are three days' fasting on hand. If one fast for the first day, he should still be afraid of not being (sufficiently) reverent. What are we to think of it, if on the second day he beat his drums??'
19. Confucius said, 'The repetition of the sacrifice next day inside the Khu gate; the searching for the spirits in the eastern quarter; and the holding the market in the morning in the western quarter :these all are errors.'
20. At the Shê, they sacrificed to the spirits of) the land, and on the tablet rested the power of the darker and retiring influence of nature. The ruler stands (in sacrificing) with his face to the south at the foot of the wall on the north, responding to the idea of that influence as coming from the north. A kiâ day is used (for the sacrifice),- to employ a commencing day in the Cycle).
Every gentleman was supposed to learn archery as one of the six liberal arts ;' and a bow was suspended near the door on the birth of a boy in recognition of this. The excuse in the paragraph is a lame one. See the Narratives of the School,' article 28; and Book XLIII, 19. . ? Narratives of the School,' XLIV, 9.
3 There are of course six decades of days in the Cycle, each beginning with a kiâ day.
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SECT. I.
THE KIAO THEH SÅNG.
425
The great She altar of the son of Heaven was open to receive the hoarfrost, dew, wind, and rain, and allow the influences of heaven and earth to have full development upon it. For this reason the She altar of a state that had perished was roofed in, so that it was not touched by the brightness and warmth of Heaven. The altar (of Yin) at Po1 had an opening in the wall on the north, so that the dim and cold (moon) might shine into it.
21. In the sacrifice at the Shê altars they dealt with the earth as if it were a spirit. The earth supported all things, while heaven hung out its brilliant signs. They derived their material resources from the earth; they derived rules (for their courses of labour) from the heavens. Thus they were led to give honour to heaven and their affection to the earth, and therefore they taught the people to render a good return (to the earth). (The Heads of) families provided (for the sacrifice to it) at the altar in the open court (of their houses); in the kingdom and the states they did so at the Shê altars; showing how it was the source (of their prosperity).
When there was a sacrifice at the Shê altar of a village', some one went out to it from every house. When there was such a sacrifice in preparation for a hunt, the men of the state all engaged in it. When there was such a sacrifice, from the towns, small and large, they contributed their vessels of rice, thereby
1 Po had been the capital of the Shang dynasty. The site was in the present Ho-nan; changed more than once, but always retaining the name. We have the Northern, the Southern, and the Western Po.
See page 259, paragraph 7.
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426
THE LĨ KĨ.
.
BK. IX.
expressing their gratitude to the source (of their prosperity) and going back in their thoughts to the beginning (of all being).
22. In the last month of spring', the fire star having appeared, they set fire to (the grass and brushwood). When this was done, they reviewed the chariots and men, numbering the companies of a hundred and of five. Then the ruler in person addressed them in front of the Shê altar, and proceeded to exercise their squadrons, now wheeling to the left, now wheeling to the right, now making them lie down, now making them rise up; and observing how they practised these evolutions. When the game came in sight and the desire of capturing it was exerted, (he watched) to see that (the hunters) did not break any of the rules (for their proceedings). It was thus sought to bring their wills into subjection, and make them not pursue the animals in an irregular way). In this way such men conquered in fight, and such sacrificing obtained blessing.
SECTION II.
1. The son of Heaven, in his tours (of Inspection) to the four quarters (of the kingdom), as the first thing (on his arrival at each) reared the pile of wood (and set fire to it) 2.
* Perhaps the last month' should be the second month.' There is much contention on the point.
This paragraph is not in the expurgated Li. It does seem out of place, for the book goes on to speak of the border or suburban sacrifices presented in the vicinity of the capital, and having nothing to do with the tours of Inspection, of which we
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THE KIAO THEH SĂNG.
2. At the (Great) border sacrifice, he welcomed the arrival of the longest day. It was a great act of thanksgiving to Heaven, and the sun was the chief object considered in it'. The space marked off for it was in the southern suburb;-the place most open to the brightness and warmth (of the heavenly
SECT. II.
. ii.
427
first read in the Canon of Shun, in the Shû. Those tours, however, were understood to be under the direction of Heaven, and the lighting of the pile of wood, on reaching the mountain of each quarter, is taken as having been an announcement to Heaven of the king's arrival.
1 P. Callery has here the following note:-'Il résulte de ce passage et de plusieurs autres des chapitres suivants, que dès les temps les plus anciens, les Chinois rendaient au soleil un véritable culte, sans même y supposer un esprit ou génie dont il fût la demeure, ainsi qu'ils le faisaient pour les montagnes, les rivières et tous les autres lieux auxquels ils offraient des sacrifices. De nos jours encore on sacrifie au soleil et à la lune; mais c'est plutôt un acte officiel de la part des autorités, qu'une pratique de conviction, car le peuple Chinois n'a pas, comme les Japonais, une grande dévotion pour l'astre du jour. XVIII.'
Voyez la fin du chapitre
The text conveys no idea to me of such an ancient worship, but I call the attention of the reader to Callery's view. The other passages to which he refers will be noticed as they occur. For my, 'and the sun was the principal object regarded in it,' he says, 'C'est le soleil qui est le principal objet (des adorations).' The original text is simply. I let my translation stand as I first made it; but on a prolonged consideration, I think, it would be more accurate to say, 'and the sun was considered (for the occasion) as the residence of (the spirit of) Heaven.' Such an acceptation of is quite legitimate. The sun became for the time the 'spirit-tablet()' of Heaven. Fang Küch says:-(The Son of Heaven) was welcoming the arrival of the longest day, and therefore he regarded the sun as the residence (for the time) of the spirit of Heaven. That spirit could not be seen; what could be looked up to and beheld were only the sun, moon, and stars.'
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THE LI KI.
influence). The sacrifice was offered on the ground which had been swept for the purpose; to mark the simplicity (of the ceremony). The vessels used were of earthenware and of gourds;-to emblem the natural (productive power of) heaven and earth. The place was the suburb, and therefore the sacrifice was called the suburban or border. The victim was red, that being the colour preferred by the (Kâu) dynasty; and it was a calf;-to show the estimation of simple sincerity.
3. For (all) sacrifices in the border they used a hsin day1; because when Kâu first offered the border sacrifice, was the longest day, and its name began with hsin.
When divining about the border sacrifice, (the king) received the reply in the fane of his (great) ancestor, and the tortoise-shell was operated on in that of his father;-honour being thus done to his ancestor, and affection shown to his father. On the day of divination, he stood by the lake, and listened himself to the declarations and orders which were
428
BK. IX.
1 The mention of the 'hsin day' requires that we should understand kião () here of other sacrifices so called, and not merely of the great one at the winter solstice. The Khien-lung editors say: 'The border sacrifices for which they used the hsin days were those at which they prayed for a good year. They used such a day, because when king Wû offered his great sacrifice after the battle of Mû-yêh, and announced the completion of his enterprise, the day was hsin-hâi, and from it dated Kâu's possession of the kingdom, and the hsin days became sacred days for the dynasty.' There were of course three hsin days in every month.
The 'lake' here must be a name for the royal college with the water round it. So Lû Tien and others explain it (
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SECT. II.
THE KIAO THEH SÁNG.
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delivered",—showing an example of receiving lessons and reproof. (The officers) having communicated to him the orders (to be issued), he gives warning notice of them to all the officers (of a different surname from himself), inside the Khů gate (of the palace), and to those of the same surname, in the Grand temple.
5. On the day of the sacrifice, the king in his skin cap waits for the news that all is ready,—showing the people how they ought to venerate their superiors. Those who were engaged in mourning rites did not wail nor venture to put on their mourning dress. (The people) watered and swept the road, and turned it up afresh with the spade ; at (the top of) the fields in the neighbourhood they kept torches burning,—thus without special orders complying with (the wish of) the king?
6. On that day, the king assumed the robe with the ascending dragons on it as an emblem of the heavens. He wore the cap with the pendants of jade-pearls, to the number of twelvet, which is the
T 5 ), and Yuan Yuan's dictionary with reference to this paragraph, defines it as 'the place where they practised ceremonies.'
By the officers as the result of the divination. . It was an established custom that they should do so.
8.The robe with the dragons on it,'—Kwăn ,-is thus described in the dictionary. But there must have been also some emblazonry of the heavenly figures on it also; otherwise it would not have emblemed the heavens. But I have not been able to find this in any dictionary.
• Having now changed the skin cap mentioned in the preceding paragraph.
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THE LÎ KI.
BK. IX.
number of heaven! He rode in the plain carriage, because of its simplicity. From the flag hung twelve pendants, and on it was the emblazonry of dragons, and the figures of the sun and moon, in imitation of the heavens. Heaven hangs out its brilliant figures, and the sages imitated them. This border sacrifice is the illustration of the way of Heaven.
7. If there appeared anything infelicitous about the victim intended for God, it was used for that intended for Ki? That intended for God required to be kept in its clean stall for three months. That intended for Ki simply required to be perfect in its parts. This was the way in which they made a distinction between the spirits of Heaven and the manes of a man
8. All things originate from Heaven; man originates from his (great) ancestor. This is the reason
1. The heavenly number;'-—with reference, I supr ose, to the twelve months of the year.
ki, better known as Hâu Ki, 'the prince, the minister of agriculture,' appears in the Shû as Shun's minister of agriculture (Khî , vol. iii, pp. 42, 43), and one of the principal assistants of Yü, in his more than Herculean achievement (vol. iii, pp. 56-58); and in the Shih as the father of agriculture (vol. üi, pp. 396-399). To him the kings of Kâu traced their lineage, and they associated him with God at the Great border sacrifice. See the ode to him, so associated, vol. iii, p. 320. In that service there was thus the expression of reverence for God and of filial piety, the second virtue coming in as the complement of the other. It would seem to be implied that they used the ox for Ki for the blemished one.
By 'spirit' and 'manes' I have endeavoured to come as near as I could to the different significance of the characters shăn Taw) and kwei (2)
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SECT. II.
THE KIAO THEH SÁNG.
HEH SÁNG.
431
why Ki was associated with God (at this sacrifice). In the sacrifices at the border there was an expression of gratitude to the source (of their prosperity and a going back in their thoughts to the beginning of (all being).
9. The great kà sacrifice of the son of Heaven consisted of eight (sacrifices). This sacrifice was first instituted by Yin Khil. (The word) kâ expresses the idea of searching out. In the twelfth month of a year, they brought together (some of) all the productions (of the harvest), and sought out (the authors of them) to present them to them as offerings.
10. In the kå sacrifice, the principal object contemplated was the Father of Husbandry. They also presented offerings to (ancient) superintendents of husbandry, and to the (discoverers of the) various grains, to express thanks for the crops which had been reaped.
They presented offerings (also) to the (representatives of the ancient inventors of the overseers of the) husbandmen, and of the buildings marking out the boundaries of the fields, and of the birds and beasts. The service showed the highest sentiments of benevolence and of righteousness.
The ancient wise men had appointed all these agencies, and it was felt necessary to make this
1 Who this Yin Khi was is unknown. Kắng thought he was an ancient sovereign. The Khien-lung editors seem to prove in opposition to him and others that he was the minister of some ancient sovereign. His descendants were subordinate ministers under Kâu, having to do with sacrifice. They are mentioned at the end of the 37th Book of the Kâu Li.
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432
THE LÎ ki.
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return to them. They met the (representatives of the) cats, because they devoured the rats and mice (which injured the fruits) of the fields, and (those of) the tigers, because they devoured the (wild) boars (which destroyed them). They met them and made offerings to them. They offered also to (the ancient Inventors of) the dykes and water-channels ;-(all these were) provisions for the husbandry? 11. They said,
"May the ground no sliding show, Water in its channels flow, Insects to keep quiet know;
Only in the fens weeds grow!' They presented their offerings in skin caps and white robes ;-in white robes to escort the closing year (to its grave). They wore sashes of dolychos cloth, and carried staffs of hazel, -as being reduced forms of mourning. In the kâ were expressed the highest sentiments of benevolence and righteousness.
1 This and the other paragraphs down to 13 about the ka sacrifice are not in the expurgated copies. It is difficult to understand what it really was. What is said of it leads us to think of it as a Chinese Saturnalia at the end of the year, when all the crops had been gathered in, and the people abandoned themselves to license and revel under the form of sacrificial services. The Father of Husbandry' was probably Shăn Năng, the successor of Fa-hsî; see vol. iii, pp. 371, 372. The Superintendents of Husbandry' would be Hâu Ki and others, though Hâu Ki appears in the Shih as really the father of agriculture. The overseer' occurs in the Shih (vol. iii, p. 371 et al.) as 'the surveyor of the fields. The commentators, so far as I have read, are very chary of giving us any information about the offerings to the cats and tigers.' Kiang Kao-hsî says, "They met the cats and tigers, that is, their spirits (10
S e p # t).
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(After this)" they proceeded to sacrifice in yellow robes and yellow caps,-releasing the field-labourers from the toils (of the year). Countrymen wore yellow hats, which were made of straw.
12. The Great Netter? was the officer who had the management for the son of Heaven of his birds and (captured) beasts, and to his department belonged (all such creatures) sent by the princes as tribute. (Those who brought them): wore hats of straw or bamboo splints, appearing, by way of honour to it, in that country dress. The Netter declined the deer and women (which they brought)4, and announced to the visitors the message (of the king) to this effect, that they might warn the princes with it :
"He who loves hunting and women,
Brings his state to ruin.' The son of Heaven planted gourds and flowering plants ; not such things as might be reaped and stored 6.
1 This seems to introduce another service, following that of the ka. It is understood to be the la sacrifice of Khin, described on page 300, paragraph 19.
? We find the Netter' called Lo ( #), as if Lo had become the surname of the family in which the office was hereditary, as the last but one of the departments described in the 30th Book of the Kau Li.
Those would be Great officers' from the various states, personating for the occasion hunters or labouring men.
• The deer' would be taken in the chase; the women,' attractive captives, taken in war. But they would not have such to present from year to year. We can say nothing more about this article of tribute.
• Many take this concluding sentence as part of the king's message. The Khien-lung editors decide against that view; its meaning is that the king never farmed for his own gain. [27]
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THE LÎ ki.
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13. The kâ with its eight sacrifices, served to record (the condition of the people) throughout all the quarters (of the country). If in any quarter the year had not been good, it did not contribute to those services,-out of a careful regard to the resources of the people. Where the labours of a good year had been successfully completed, they took part in them,—to give them pleasure and satisfaction. All the harvest having by this time been gathered, the people had nothing to do but to rest, and therefore after the kâ wise (rulers) commenced no new work?
14. The pickled contents of the ordinary dishes were water-plants produced by the harmonious powers of nature); the brine used with them was from productions of the land. The additional dishes contained productions of the land with the brine from productions of the water.
The things in the dishes on stands were from both the water and land. They did not venture to use in them the flavours of ordinary domestic use, but variety was considered admirable. It was in this way that they sought to have communion with the spirits; it was not intended to imitate the flavours of food
15. The things set before the ancient kings served as food, but did not minister to the pleasures of the palate. The dragon-robe, the tasseled cap, and
· This paragraph treats of the kâ as celebrated in the states.
3 The conclusion of this paragraph leads us to take all the dishes spoken of in it as containing sacrificial offerings. It would take too long to discuss all that is said about the regular' and the additional' dishes in the first part.
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SECT. II.
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the great carriage served for display, but did not awaken a fondness for their use.
The various dances displayed the gravity of the performers, but did not awaken the emotion of delight. The ancestral temple produced the impression of majesty, but did not dispose one to rest in it. Its vessels might be employed (for their purposes in it), but could not be conveniently used for any other. The idea which leads to intercourse with spiritual Beings is not interchangeable with that which finds its realisation in rest and pleasure.
16. Admirable as are the spirits and sweet spirits, a higher value is attached to the dark spirit and the bright water?,- in order to honour that which is the source of the five flavours. Beautiful as is the elegant embroidery of robes, a higher value is set on plain, coarse cloth,-going back to the commencement of woman's work. Inviting as is the rest afforded by the mats of fine rushes and bamboos, the preference is given to the coarse ones of reeds and straw,—distinguishing the fcharacter of the service in which they were employed). The Grand soup is unseasoned,—in honour of its simplicity. The Grand symbols of jade have no engraving on them,
-in admiration of their simple plainness. There is the beauty of the red varnish and carved border
1 We have seen, before, that the dark spirit' is water. Was there a difference between this and 'the bright water?' The Khienlung editors think so, and refer to the functions of the Sze Hsuan oficer ( C#, Kâu Lf, Book XXXVII, 41-44), who hy means of a mirror drew the bright water from the moon. How he did so, I do not understand. The object of the writer in this part of the section is to exhibit the value of simple sincerity in all religious services.
Ff2
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THE LÎ ki.
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(of a carriage), but (the king) rides in a plain one,doing honour to its plainness. In all these things it is simply the idea of the simplicity that is the occasion of the preference and honour. In maintaining intercourse with spiritual and intelligent Beings, there should be nothing like an extreme desire for rest and ease in our personal gratification. It is this which makes the above usages suitable for their purpose.
17. The number of the tripods and meat-stands was odd, but that of the tall dishes of wood and bamboo was even,-having regard to the numbers belonging to the developing and receding influences of nature? The vase with the yellow eyes? was the most valued of all, and contained the spirit with the fragrant herbs. Yellow is the colour (of earth) which occupies the central place 3. In the eye the energy (of nature) appears most purely and brilliantly. Thus the spirit to be poured out is in that cup, the (emblem of the) centre, and (the symbol of) what is most pure and bright appears outsidet.
See the fifth paragraph of Section i, and the note. It may be added here, after Khung Ying-tâ, that the tripod and stand contained the body of the victim, which, as belonging to an animal that moved, was of the category of Yang, but the dishes contained the products of trees and vegetables, which were of the category of Yin.'
In pictures, this vase was figured with two eyes. They were carved on the substance of the vessel and then gilt, so as to appear yellow.
: On the central place assigned to the element of earth and its yellow colour, see the supplementary section appended to Book IV, Section ii, Part üi.
• P. Callery characterises the reasoning of this paragraph as puéril et grotesque;' and concludes a long note on it with th:
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18. When sacrificing to Heaven, the earth is swept, and the sacrifice presented on the ground, - from a regard to the simplicity of such an unartificial altar. Admirable as are the vinegar and pickles, suet boiled and produced through evaporation is preferred,—to do honour to the natural product of heaven. An ordinary knife might be employed (to kill the victim), but that fitted with bells is preferred, -giving honour to the idea thereby indicated; there is the harmony of sound, and then the cutting work is done.
SECTION III. 1. (As to the meaning of (the ceremony of) capping':-The cap used for the first act of the service was of black cloth,—the cap of the highest antiquity. It was originally of (white) cloth, but the colour when it was used in fasting was dyed black. As to its strings, Confucius said, 'I have not heard anything about them. This cap, after it had been once put upon (the young man), might be disused.
2. The son by the wife proper was capped by the eastern stairs (appropriate to the use of the master), to show how he was in their line of succes
sentence:- Je laisse à ceux qui peuvent suivre ce logogriphe dans le texte Chinois, le soin d'en saisir toutes les finesses; car, à mon sens, ce n'est qu'une ineptie.'
I These paragraphs about capping are not in the expurgated copy of the Lî, and many commentators, especially Wang of Sl.ihliang, would relegate them to Book XI. And they are not all easy to be understood. The capping was thrice repeated, and each time with a different cap. So much is clear. The names and forms of the caps in paragraph 3 have given rise to much speculation, from which I purposely abstain; nor do I clearly comprehend its relation to the threefold capping in the ceremony.
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THE LÎ xi.
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sion to him. The father handed him a cup in the guests' place (without receiving one in return). The capping showed that he had reached maturity. The using of three caps was to give greater importance (to the ceremony), and show its object more clearly. The giving the name of maturity in connexion with the ceremony was to show the reverence due to that name.
3. The wei-mão was the fashion of Kau; the kang-fd, that of Yin; and the mâu-tui, that of the sovereigns of Hsia. Kâu used the pien; Yin, the hsü; and Hsia, the shâu. The three dynasties all used the skin cap, with the skirt-of-white gathered up at the waist.
4. There were no observances peculiar to the capping (in the families) of Great officers, though there were (peculiar) marriage ceremonies. Anciently a man was fifty when he took the rank of a Great officer ; how should there have been peculiar ceremonies at his cappings? The peculiar ceremonies at the cappings as used by the princes arose in the end of the Hsiâ dynasty.
5. The eldest son of the son of Heaven by his proper queen (was capped only as) an ordinary officer. There was nowhere such a thing as being born noble. Princes received their appointments on thė hereditary principle, (to teach them) to imitate the virtue of their predecessors. Men received office and rank according to the degree of their virtue. There was the conferring of an honourable designation after death; but that is a modern institution. Anciently, there was no rank on birth, and no honorary title after death.
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6. That which is most important in ceremonies is to understand the idea intended in them. While the idea is missed, the number of things and observances in them may be correctly exhibited, as that is the business of the officers of prayer and the recorders. Hence that may all be exhibited, but it is difficult to know the idea. The knowledge of that idea, and the reverent maintenance of it was the way by which the sons of Heaven secured the good government of the kingdom.
7. By the united action of heaven and earth all things spring up. Thus the ceremony of marriage is the beginning of a (line that shall last for a) myriad ages. The parties are of different surnames; thus those who are distant are brought together, and the separation (to be maintained between those who are of the same surname) is emphasised'. There must be sincerity in the marriage presents; and all communications (to the woman) must be good. She should be admonished to be upright and sincere. Faithfulness is requisite in all service of others, and faithfulness is (specially) the virtue of a wife. Once mated with her husband, all her life she will not change (her feeling of duty to him), and hence, when the husband dies she will not marry (again)
"I do not see how Callery translates here :-'On rapproche ce qui était éloigné, et on unit ce qui était distinct. He says, however, in a note :- Ceci se rapporte à l'antique loi, encore en vigueur, qui interdit le mariage entre personnes d'un même nom, parce que lors même qu'il n'existe entre elles aucune trace de parenté, il est possible qu'elles proviennent de la même souche, et se trouvent ainsi sur la ligne directe, où les Chinois admettent une parenté sans fin.'
* This brief sentence about a woman not marrying again is not
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440
THE LÎ kt.
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8. The gentleman went in person to meet the bride, the man taking the initiative and not the woman,according to the idea that regulates the relation between the strong and the weak (in all nature). It is according to this same idea that heaven takes precedence of earth, and the ruler of the subject.
9. Presents are interchanged before (the parties) see each other";—this reverence serving to illustrate the distinction (that should be observed between man and woman). When this distinction (between husband and wife) is exhibited, affection comes to prevail between father and son. When there is this affection, the idea of righteousness arises in the mind, and to this idea of righteousness succeeds (the observance of) ceremonies. Through those ceremonies there ensues universal repose. The absence of such distinction and righteousness is characteristic of the way of beasts.
10. The bridegroom himself stands by (the carriage of the bride), and hands to her the strap (to assist her in mounting?), showing his affection. Having in the expurgated copies. Callery, however, says upon it:– Dans certains textes du Li Kî, on trouve à la suite de ce passage une phrase qui restreint à la femme cette immutabilité perpétuelle dans le mariage. En effet, les lois Chinoises ont de tout temps permis à l'homme de se remarier après la mort de sa première femme, tandis que pour les veuves, les secondes noces ont toujours été plus ou moins flétries, ou par la loi, ou par l'usage.'
Callery has for this :- Les présents que porte l'époux dans ses visites. But the young people did not see each other till the day of the marriage.
? On the strap' to help in mounting the carriage, see p. 45, et al. Callery has here les rênes.' The text would seem to say that the bridegroom was himself driving, and handed the strap to help the other up; but that would have been contrary to all etiquette;
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that affection, he seeks to bring her near to him. It was by such reverence and affection for their wives that the ancient kings obtained the kingdom. In passing out from the great gate (of her father's house), he precedes, and she follows, and with this the right relation between husband and wife commences. The woman follows (and obeys) the man :-in her youth, she follows her father and elder brother; when married, she follows her husband; when her husband is dead, she follows her son. "Man' denotes supporter. A man by his wisdom should (be able to) lead others.
11. The dark-coloured cap, and the (preceding) fasting and vigil, (with which the bridegroom meets the bride, makes the ceremony like the service of) spiritual beings, and (the meeting of the bright and developing and receding influences (in nature). The result of it will be to give the lord for the altars to the spirits of the land and grain, and the successors of the forefathers of the past ;-is not the utmost reverence appropriate in it? Husband and wife ate together of the same victim,—thus declaring that they were of the same rank. Hence while the wife had (herself) no rank, she was held to be of the rank of her husband, and she took her seat according to the position belonging to him?.
and they appear immediately, not sitting together, but following each other.
It is exceedingly difficult to construe this sentence, nor do the commentators give a translator much help. Rendering ad verbum, all that we have is this : The dark-coloured cap, self-purification (and) abstinence; spiritual beings, Yin (and) Yang. Káng s explanation is very brief:- The dark-coloured cap (was) the dress in sacrificing. Yin (and) Yang mean husband and wife.' I have
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THE Li ki.
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12. The old rule at sacrifices was to have the vessels (only) of earthenware and gourds; and when the kings of the three dynasties instituted the (partaking of the) victim, those were the vessels employed. On the day after the marriage, the wife, having washed her hands, prepared and presented (a sucking-pig) to her husband's parents; and when they had done eating, she ate what was left, -as a mark of their special regard. They descended from the hall by the steps on the west, while she did so by those on the east ;—so was she established in the wife's (or mistress's) place.
13. At the marriage ceremony, they did not employ music,-having reference to the feeling of solitariness and darkness (natural to the separation from parents). Music expresses the energy of the bright and expanding influence. There was no congratulation on marriage ;—it indicates how (one generation of) men succeeds to another?.
tried to catch and indicate the ideas in the mind of the writer. Taken as I have done, the passage is a most emphatic declaration of the religious meaning which was attached to marriage. Dr. Medhurst (Theology of the Chinese, pp. 88, 89) has translated the greater part of the paragraph, but not very successfully, thus :—' A black crown, with fasting and watching, is the way to serve the Kwei Shins, as well as the male and female principle of nature. The same is the case also (with regard to marriages which are contracted) with the view of obtaining some one to perpetuate the lares domestici ); and principally respect obtaining successors for our ancestors :- can they therefore be conducted without reverence?'
See p. 322, paragraph 20; where Confucius says that in a certain case the bridegroom's family has no music for three days, on the ground that the bridegroom had lost his parents, and sorrow was more suitable than mirth as he thought of their
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14. At the sacrifices in the time of the lord of Yü the smell was thought most important. There were the offerings of blood, of raw flesh, and of sodden flesh; all these were employed for the sake of the smell.
SECT. III.
15. Under the Yin, sound was thought most important. Before there was any smell or flavour, the music was made to resound clearly. It was not till there had been three performances of it that they went out to meet (and bring in) the victim. The noise of the music was a summons addressed to all between heaven and earth.
16. Under the Kâu, a pungent odour was thought most important. In libations they employed the smell of millet-spirits in which fragrant herbs had been infused. The fragrance, partaking of the nature of the receding influence, penetrates to the deep springs below. The libations were poured from cups with long handles of jade, (as if) to employ (also) the smell of the mineral. After the liquor was poured, they met (and brought in) the victim, having first diffused the smell into the unseen realm. Artemisia along with millet and rice having then been burned (with the fat of the victim), the fragrance penetrates through all the building. It was for this reason that, after the cup had been put down, they burnt the fat with the southernwood and millet and rice.
17. So careful were they on all occasions of sacri
being gone. This statement was generalised by the writer; but in the Shih, as in ordinary life, music is an accompaniment of marriage. See the paraphrase of the 'Amplification of the fourth of the Khang-hst precepts.'
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fice. The intelligent spirit returns to heaven; the body and the animal soul return to the earth; and hence arose the idea of seeking (for the deceased) in sacrifice in the unseen darkness and in the bright region above. Under the Yin, they first sought for them in the bright region; under Kâu, they first sought for them in the dark.
BK. IX.
18. They informed the officer of prayer in the apartment; they seated the representative of the departed in the hall; they killed the victim in the courtyard. The head of the victim was taken up to the apartment. This was at the regular sacrifice, when the officer of prayer addressed himself to the spirit-tablet of the departed. If it were (merely) the offering of search, the minister of prayer takes his place at the inside of the gate of the temple. They knew not whether the spirit were here, or whether it were there, or far off, away from all men. Might not that offering inside the gate be said to be a searching for the spirit in its distant place?
19. That service at the gate was expressive of the energy of the search. The stand with the heart and tongue of the victim (set forth before the personator) was expressive of reverence. (The wish of the principal) for wealth (to those assisting him) included all happiness. The (presentation of the) head was (intended as) a direct (communication with the departed). The presence (of the representative) was that the spirit might enjoy (the offerings). The blessing (pronounced by him) was for long continuance, and comprehensive. The personator (seemed) to display (the departed).
20. The (examination of the) hair and the (taking
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of the) blood was an announcement that the victim was complete within and without. This announcement showed the value set on its being perfect!.
The offering of the blood was because of the breath which is contained in it. They offered (specially) the lungs, the liver, and the heart, doing honour to those parts as the home of the breath.
21. In offering the millet and the glutinous millet, they presented the lungs along with it. In offering the various prepared liquors, they presented the bright water ;-in both cases acknowledging their obligations to the dark and receding influence (in nature). In taking the fat of the inwards and burning it, and in taking the head up (to the hall), they made their acknowledgments to the bright and active influence.
22. In the bright water and the clear liquor the thing valued was their newness. All clarifying is a sort of making new. The water was called 'bright' because the principal in the service had purified it.
23. When the ruler bowed twice with his head to the ground, and, with breast bared, himself applied
i From the middle of paragraph ro to 18 inclusive is not in the expurgated edition, which closes with the nineteenth paragraph and the half of the twenty-first. I need not quote Callery's translation of this portion, but he says on it :- Ce passage est un de ceux qui se refusent le plus à la traduction, et qui renferment, au fond, le moins d'idées claires et raisonnables. L'auteur a voulu, ce me semble, donner une explication mystique à des mots et à des coutumes qui n'en étaient point susceptibles, et il lui est arrivé, comme à certains commentateurs bibliques du moyen âge, de faire un galimatias, auquel lui même, sans doute, ne comprenait rien.'-On what the author says about the hair and blood, compare vol. iii, page 370.
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446
THE LÎ xi.
BK. IX.
the knife, this expressed his extreme reverence. Yes, his extreme reverence, for there was submission in it. The bowing showed his submission; the laying the head on the ground did that emphatically; and the baring his breast was the greatest (outward) exhibition of the feeling.
24. When the sacrificer styled himself 'the filial son,' or 'the filial grandson,' he did so (in all cases) according to the meaning of the name. When he styled himself 'So and So, the distant descendant,' that style was used of (the ruler of) a state or (the Head of) a clan. (Though) there were the assistants at the service, the principal himself gave every demonstration of reverence and performed all his admirable service without yielding anything to any one.
25. The flesh of the victim might be presented raw and as a whole, or cut up in pieces, or sodden, or thoroughly cooked; but how could they know whether the spirit enjoyed it? The sacrificer simply showed his reverence to the utmost of his power.
26. (When the representative of the departed) had made the libation with the kiâ cup, or the horn, (the sacrificer) was told (to bow to him) and put him at ease. Anciently, the representative stood when nothing was being done ; when anything was being done, he sat. He personated the spirit; the officer of prayer was the medium of communication between him and the sacrificer.
27. In straining (the new liquor) for the cup, they used the white (mâo) grass and obtained a clear cup. The liquor beginning to clear itself was further clarified by means of pure liquor. heans of Pure Liclear itself was
The juice
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SECT. III.
THE KIÂO THEH SÅNG.
447
obtained by boiling aromatics (with the extract of millet) was clarified by mingling with it the liquor which had begun to clear itself :-in the same way as old and strong spirits are qualified by the brilliantly pure liquor or that which has begun to clear itself 1.
· He would be a bold man who would say that he had given a translation of this paragraph, which he was sure represented exactly the mind of the author. The interpretation given of it even by Kang Hsuan is now called in question in a variety of points by most scholars; and the Khien-lung editors refrain from concluding the many pages of various commentators, which they adduce on it, with a summary and exposition of their own judgment. Until some sinologist has made himself acquainted with all the processes in the preparation of their drinks at the present day by the Chinese, and has thereby, and from his own knowledge of the general subject, attained to a knowledge of the similar preparations of antiquity, a translator can only do the best in his power with such a passage, without being sure that it is the best that might be done.
In the Kâu Li, Book V, 23-36, we have an account of the duties of the Director of Wines ( E; Biot, Intendant des Vins'). Mention is made of the three wines (
E E ), which were employed as common beverages, and called shih kia ( ), hsf kid ( ), and khing kia ( ); in Biot, vin d'affaire, vin âgé, and vin clair.' Consul Gingell, in his useful translation of The Institutes of the Kâu Dynasty Strung as Pearls' (London: Smith, Elder, and Co., 1852), calls them—wine made specially for any particular occasion; wine which has become ripe ; and old, clear, and fine wine.'
In addition to these three kill, the Director had to do with the five ki (TL ; Biot, 'les cinque sorts de vins sacrés'), and called fan ki (E ), lî kî ( ), ang kî ( K), thî ki ( ), and khăn kî (ioti 7); in Biot, after Kång Hsuan, 'vin surnageant, vin doux, vin qui se clarifie, vin substantiel, vin reposé;' in Gingell, 'rice-water which has undergone
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448
THE LÎ xi.
BK. IX.
28. Sacrifices were for the purpose of prayer, or of thanksgiving, or of deprecation.
29. The dark-coloured robes worn during vigil and purification had reference to the occupation of the thoughts with the dark and unseen. Hence after the three days of purification, the superior man was sure (to seem) to see those to whom his sacrifice was to be offered?
fermentation, wine in which dregs have formed, wine in which the dregs have risen to the surface, wine in which the dregs have congealed, and of which the colour has become reddish, and pure clear wine in which the dregs are subsiding. Whether Biot be correct or not in translating ki (perhaps should be read kâi, =
vin sacré,' the five preparations so called were for use at sacrifices. They were,' say the Khien-lung editors,' for use at sacrifices, and not as ordinary drinks.' They were all thin, and unpalatable ; for the cup, and not for the mouth.'
The Khien-lung editors say that from paragraph 14 to this, the compiler mentions promiscuously a great many particulars about the ancient sacrifices, the different places in which the services at them were performed, the things used in them, &c., showing how sincere and earnest those engaged in them must be to attain to the result mentioned in this last paragraph; and that this is the fundamental object of the whole treatise.
I have called attention to this promiscuous nature of the contents of many of the Books towards the end of them, in the introduction, page 34, as a characteristic of the collection.
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Page #1005

BOOK X. THE NÊI ZEH :
OR
THE PATTERN OF THE FAMILY 1.
SECTION I. 1. The sovereign and king orders the chief minister to send down his (lessons of) virtue to the millions of the people.
2. Sons, in serving their parents, on the first crowing of the cock, should all wash their hands and rinse their mouths, comb their hair, draw over it the covering of silk, fix this with the hair-pin, bind the hair at the roots with the fillet, brush the dust from that which is left free, and then put on their caps, leaving the ends of the strings hanging down. They should then put on their squarely made black jackets, knee-covers, and girdles, fixing in the last their tablets. From the left and right of the girdle they should hang their articles for use :-on the left side, the duster and handkerchief, the knife and whetstone, the small spike, and the metal speculum for getting fire from the sun ; on the right, the archer's thimble for the thumb and the armlet, the tube for writing instruments, the knife-case, the larger spike, and the borer for getting fire from wood. They should put on their leggings, and adjust their shoe-strings.
See the introductory notice, pp. 26, 27. ? The 'sons' here are young gentlemen of good families, shih (+), who might be employed as ordinary officers. [27]
Gg
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450
THE LÎ xi.
BX. I.
3. (Sons') wives should serve their parents-in-law as they served their own. At the first crowing of the cock, they should wash their hands, and rinse their mouths; comb their hair, draw over it the covering of silk, fix this with the hair-pin, and tie the hair at the roots with the fillet. They should then put on the jacket, and over it the sash. On the left side they should hang the duster and handkerchief, the knife and whetstone, the small spike, and the metal speculum to get fire with ; and on the right, the needle-case, thread, and foss, all bestowed in the satchel, the great spike, and the borer to get fire with from wood. They will also fasten on their necklaces', and adjust their shoe-strings.
4. Thus dressed, they should go to their parents and parents-in-law. On getting to where they are, with bated breath and gentle voice, they should ask if their clothes are (too) warm or (too) cold, whether they are ill or pained, or uncomfortable in any part; and if they be so, they should proceed reverently to stroke and scratch the place. They should in the same way, going before or following after, help and support their parents in quitting or entering (the apartment). In bringing in the basin for them to wash, the younger will carry the stand and the elder the water; they will beg to be allowed to pour out
1 Necklaces is only a guess at the meaning. Khăn Hảo and others make the character to mean scent bags. But this also is only a guess. There is nothing in its form to suggest such a meaning; and as many other critics point out, it is inconsistent with the usage in paragraph 5. These acknowledge that they do not understand the phrase A . See I, 1, 3, 34, but the use of ying there is considered inappropriate here.
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SECT. I.
THE NEI SEH.
451
the water, and when the washing is concluded, they will hand the towel. They will ask whether they want anything, and then respectfully bring it. All this they will do with an appearance of pleasure to make their parents feel at ease. (They should bring) gruel, thick or thin, spirits or must, soup with vegetables, beans, wheat, spinach, rice, millet, maize, and glutinous millet,-whatever they wish, in fact; with dates, chestnuts, sugar and honey, to sweeten their dishes; with the ordinary or the large-leaved violets, leaves of elm-trees, fresh or dry, and the most soothing rice-water to lubricate them; and with fat and oil to enrich them. The parents will be sure to taste them, and when they have done so, the young people should withdraw1.
5. Youths who have not yet been capped, and maidens who have not yet assumed the hair-pin, at the first crowing of the cock, should wash their hands, rinse their mouths, comb their hair, draw over it the covering of silk, brush the dust from that which is left free, bind it up in the shape of a horn, and put on their necklaces. They should all hang at their girdles the ornamental (bags of) perfume; and as soon as it is daybreak, they should (go to) pay their respects (to their parents) and ask what they will eat
2
The structure of this and the preceding sentences is easy enough, but it is not easy for a translator to assure himself that he is rendering every Chinese character by its correct equivalent in his own language.
2 They hang on these instead of the useful appendages mentioned in paragraphs 2 and 3, as being too young to employ these. This determines the meaning of in the last clause as I have given it. Zottoli's rendering is:-'Si nondum comederint, tunc adjuturi majores inspectabunt praeparata,'
Gg 2
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452
THE LÎ ri.
BK. X.
and drink. If they have eaten already, they should retire; if they have not eaten, they will (remain to) assist their elder (brothers and sisters) and see what has been prepared.
6. All charged with the care of the inner and outer parts (of the house), at the first crowing of the cock, should wash their hands and mouths, gather up their pillows and fine mats, sprinkle and sweep out the apartments, hall, and courtyard, and spread the mats, each doing his proper work. The children go earlier to bed, and get up later, according to their pleasure. There is no fixed time for their meals.
7. From the time that sons receive an official appointment, they and their father occupy different parts of their residence. But at the dawn, the son will pay his respects, and express his affection by (the offer of) pleasant delicacies. At sunrise he will retire, and he and his father will attend to their different duties. At sundown, the son will pay his evening visit in the same way.
8. When the parents wish to sit (anywhere), the sons and their wives should carry their mats, and ask in what direction they shall lay them. When they wish to lie down, the eldest among them should carry the mats, and ask where they wish to place their feet, while the youngest will carry a (small) bench for them to lean on while they stretch out their legs. (At the same time) an attendant will place a stool by them. They should take up the mat on which they had been lying and the fine mat over it, hang up the coverlet, put the pillow in its case, and roll up the fine mat and put it in its cover.
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SECT. I.
THE NEI BEH.
453
9. (Sons and their wives) should not move the clothes, coverlets, fine mats, or undermats, pillows, and stools of their parents?; they should reverently regard their staffs and shoes, but not presume to approach them; they should not presume to use their vessels for grain, liquor, and water, unless some of the contents be left in them; nor to eat or drink any of their ordinary food or drink, unless in the same case.
10. While the parents are both alive, at their regular meals, morning and evening, the eldest) son and his wife will encourage them to eat everything, and what is left after all, they will themselves eat?. When the father is dead, and the mother still alive, the eldest son should wait upon her at her meals ; and the wives of the other sons will do with what is left as in the former case. The children should have the sweet, soft, and unctuous things that are left.
11. When with their parents, (sons and their wives), when ordered to do anything, should immediately respond and reverently proceed to do it. In going forwards or backwards, or turning round, they should be careful and grave; while going out or coming in, while bowing or walking, they should not presume to eructate, sneeze, or cough, to yawn or stretch themselves, to stand on one foot, or to lean against anything, or to look askance. They should not dare to spit or snivel, nor, if it be cold, to put on more clothes, nor, if they itch anywhere, to scratch
? That is, the parents of the husband, and parents-in-law of the wife.
3 "That nothing,' says Khung Ying-tâ, 'may be served up again.'
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454
THE LÎ xi.
BK. X.
themselves. Unless for reverent attention to something?, they should not presume to unbare their shoulders or chest. Unless it be in wading, they should not hold up their clothes. Of their private dress and coverlet, they should not display the inside. They should not allow the spittle or snivel of their parents to be seen? They should ask leave to rinse away any dirt on their caps or girdles, and to wash their clothes that are dirty with lye that has been prepared for the purpose; and to stitch together, with needle and thread, any rent.
Every five days they should prepare tepid water, and ask them to take a bath, and every three days prepare water for them to wash their heads. If in the meantime their faces appear dirty, they should heat the water in which the rice has been cleaned, and ask them to wash with it; if their feet be dirty, they should prepare hot water, and ask them to wash them with it. Elders in serving their youngers, and the low in serving the noble, should all observe these rules.
12. The men should not speak of what belongs to the inside (of the house), nor the women of what belongs to the outside. Except at sacrifices and funeral rites, they should not hand vessels to one another. In all other cases when they have occasion to give and receive anything, the woman should receive it in a basket. If she have no basket, they should both sit down, and the other put the thing on
1 As for archery. The meaning is, I suppose, that none of the things mentioned should be seen or known, while they are waiting on their parents.
* But instantly wipe it off, according to Khăn Hảo,
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SECT. I.
THE NÊI SEH.
455
the ground, and she then take it up. Outside or inside', they should not go to the same well, nor to the same bathing-house. They should not share the same mat in lying down; they should not ask or borrow anything from one another; they should not wear similar upper or lower garments. Things spoken inside should not go out, words spoken outside should not come in. When a man goes into the interior of the house, he should not whistle nor point. If he have occasion to move in the night, he should use a light; and if he have no light, he should not stir. When a woman goes out at the door, she must keep her face covered. She should walk at night (only) with a light; and if she have no light, she should not stir. On the road, a man should take the right side, and a woman the left.
13. Sons and sons' wives, who are filial and reverential, when they receive an order from their parents should not refuse, nor be dilatory, to execute it? When (their parents) give them anything to eat or drink, which they do not like, they will notwithstanding taste it and wait (for their further orders); when they give them clothes, which are not to their mind, they will put them on, and wait (in the same way) s. If (their parents) give them anything to do, and then employ another to take their place,
* Zottoli has for this—' viri mulieresque.' The writer is speaking of men and women, indeed; but the characters have reference to place, and = 'out of the house or in it.'
* That is, they will not presume on any indulgence which they might expect from the impression made by their general character and behaviour.
s'Orders,' consequent on their parents' seeing that the food or garment is not to their mind.
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456
THE LÝ K.
BK. X.
although they do not like the arrangement, they will in the meantime give it into his hands and let him do it, doing it again, if it be not done well.
14. When the sons and their wives are engaged with laborious tasks, although (their parents) very much love them, yet they should let them go on with them for the time ;—it is better that they take other occasions frequently to give them ease.
When sons and their wives have not been filial and reverential, (the parents) should not be angry and resentful with them, but endeavour to instruct them. If they will not receive instruction, they should then be angry with them. If that anger do no good, they can then drive out the son, and send the wife away, yet not publicly showing why they have so treated them?.
15. If a parent have a fault, (the son) should with bated breath, and bland aspect, and gentle voice, admonish him. If the admonition do not take effect, he will be the more reverential and the more filial; and when the father seems pleased, he will repeat the admonition. If he should be displeased with this, rather than allow him to commit an offence against any one in the neighbourhood or countryside, (the son) should strongly remonstrate. If the parent be angry and (more) displeased, and beat him till the blood
This last sentence is enigmatical in the original text. Zottoli says :- Si non possint coerceri, filium ejice nurum exclude, quin tamen patefacius agendi morem;' adding as an explanation of that agendi morem,' siquidem eos haud certe in finem sic ejectos voles.' Different views of the Chinese have been given by different critics; and it would not be difficult to add to their number,
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SECT. I.
THE NÊI ZEH.
457
flows, he should not presume to be angry and resentful, but be (still) more reverential and more filial.
16. If parents have a boy born (to the father) by a handmaid, or the son or grandson of one of his concubines, of whom they are very fond, their sons should after their death, not allow their regard for him to decay so long as they live.
If a son have two concubines, one of whom is loved by his parents, while he himself loves the other, yet he should not dare to make this one equal to the former whom his parents love, in dress, or food, or the duties which she discharges, nor should he lessen his attentions to her after their death. If he very much approves of his wife, and his parents do not like her, he should divorce her?. If he do not approve of his wife, and his parents say, 'she serves us well,' he should behave to her in all respects as his wife,—without fail even to the end of her life.
17. Although his parents be dead, when a son is inclined to do what is good, he should think that he will thereby transmit the good name of his parents, and carry his wish into effect. When he is inclined to do what is not good, he should think that he will thereby bring disgrace on the name of his parents, and in no wise carry his wish into effect.
18. When her father-in-law is dead, her mother-inlaw takes the place of the old lady?; but the wife of the eldest son, on all occasions of sacrificing and receiving guests, must ask her directions in every
1 Khăn Hảo quotes here from the Li of the elder Tâi (Book XIII, chapter 26) the seven grounds of divorce,' the first of them being the wife's want of accordance with her husband's parents.'
* Who now retires from the open headship of the family.
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458
THE LI XI.
thing, while the other sons' wives must ask directions from her. When her parents-in-law employ the eldest son's wife, she should not be dilatory, unfriendly, or unpolite to the wives of his brothers (for their not helping her). When the parents-in-law employ any of them, they should not presume to consider themselves on an equality with the other; walking side by side with her, or giving their orders in the same way, or sitting in the same position as she.
BI. 1.
19. No daughter-in-law, without being told to go to her own apartment, should venture to withdraw from that (of her parents-in-law). Whatever she is about to do, she should ask leave from them. A son and his wife should have no private goods, nor animals, nor vessels; they should not presume to borrow from, or give anything to, another person. If any one give the wife an article of food or dress, a piece of cloth or silk, a handkerchief for her girdle, an iris or orchid, she should receive and offer it to her parents-in-law. If they accept it, she will be glad as if she were receiving it afresh. If they return it to her, she should decline it, and if they do not allow her to do so, she will take it as if it were a second gift, and lay it by to wait till they may want it. If she want to give it to some of her own cousins, she must ask leave to do so, and that being granted, she will give it.
20. Eldest cousins in the legitimate line of descent and their brothers should do reverent service to the son, who is the representative chief of the family and his wife'. Though they may be richer and
1 These are all legitimate members of the same surname or clan, but the honoured cousin is the chief of it in the direct line,
He is
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Page #1015

SECT. I.
THE NÊT ZEH.
459
higher in official rank than he, they should not presume to enter his house with (the demonstrations of) their wealth and dignity. Although they may have in attendance many chariots and footmen, these should stop outside, and they enter it in more simple style with a few followers.
If to any of the younger cousins there have been given vessels, robes, furs, coverlets, carriages and horses, he must offer the best of them (to his chief), and then use those that are inferior to this himself. If what he should thus offer be not proper for the chief, he will not presume to enter with it at his gate, not daring to appear with his wealth and dignity, to be above him who is the head of all the clan with its uncles and elder cousins.
A wealthy cousin should prepare two victims, and present the better of them to his chief. He and his wife should together, after self-purification, reverently assist at his sacrifice in the ancestral temple. When the business of that is over, they may venture to offer their own private sacrifice.
21. Of grain food, there were millet, the glutinous rice, rice, maize, the white millet, and the yellow maize, cut when ripe, or when green.
Of prepared meats, there were beef soup, mutton soup, pork soup, and roast beef; pickle, slices of beef, pickle and minced beef; roast mutton, slices
the chieftain of the clan. They are heads of subordinate branches of it. They may have become more wealthy and attained to higher rank in the service of their common ruler, but within the limits of the clan, he is their superior, and has duties of sacrifice to the ancestors of it, with which they cannot of themselves intermeddle.
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460
THE LÎ kt.
BX. X.
of mutton, pickle, and roast pork ; pickle, slices of pork, mustard sauce, and minced fish ; pheasant, hare, quail, and partridge".
22. Of drinks, there was must in two vessels, one strained, the other unstrained, made of rice, of millet, or of maize. In some cases, thin preparations were used as beverages, as millet gruel, pickle, with water syrup of prunes, and of steeped rice; clear wine and white ?
Of confections, there were dried cakes, and riceflour scones.
23. For relishes, snail-juice and a condiment of the broad-leaved water - squash were used with pheasant soup; a condiment of wheat with soups of dried slices and of fowl ; broken glutinous rice with dog soup and hare soup; the rice-balls mixed with these soups had no smart-weed in them.
A sucking-pig was stewed, wrapped up in sonchus leaves and stuffed with smart-weed; a fowl, with the same stuffing, and along with pickle sauce ; a fish, with the same stuffing and egg sauce; a tortoise, with the same stuffing and pickle sauce.
For meat spiced and dried they placed the brine of ants; for soup made of sliced meat, that of hare; for a ragout of elk, that of fish; for minced fish, mustard sauce ; for raw elk flesh, pickle sauce ; for preserved peaches and plums, egg-like suet.
24. All condiments for grain food were of a
* In all, four rows of prepared meats, consisting of four dishes each.
. Both the old wine and occasional wine, mentioned in the note on page 447, were 'white. The kill here, probably, were the three kill there.
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Page #1017

Sect. 1.
THE NÊI SEH.
461
character corresponding to the spring; for soup, to the summer; for sauces, to the autumn; and for beverages, to the winter.
In all attempering ingredients, sour predominated in the spring ; bitter, in the summer; acrid, in the autumn; and salt, in the winter :-with the due proportioning of the unctuous and sweet.
The glutinous rice (was thought) to suit beef; millet, to suit mutton; glutinous millet, to suit pork; maize, to suit dog; wheat, to suit goose; and the broad-leaved squash, to suit fish.
25. Lamb and sucking-pig were (thought to be) good in spring, fried with odorous (beef) suet ; dried pheasant and fish, in summer, fried with the strong-smelling suet (of dog); veal and fawn, in autumn, fried with strong suet (of fowl); fresh fish and goose, in winter, fried with the frouzy suet
(of goat).
26. There were dried beef, and dried stalks of deer's flesh, of wild pig's, of elk's, and of the muntjac's. Elk's flesh, deer's, wild pig's, and muntjac's, was (also eaten uncooked ; and) cut in large leaflike slices. Pheasants and hares were (made into soup) with the duckweed. There were sparrows and finches, partridges, cicadas, bees, lichens, small chestnuts, the water-caltrops, the hovenia dulcis, the zizyphus, chestnuts, hazel-nuts, persimmons, cucumbers, peaches, plums, ballaces, almonds, haws, pears, ginger, and cinnamon '.
* In this there are the names of more than thirty condiments or relishes, which, according to most commentators, were, or might be, served up at the meals of the rulers of states. But from paragraph 21 we have a list of viands, drinks, and their accom
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462
THE LI Kİ.
27. If a Great officer, at his ordinary meals, had mince, he did not have, at the same time, dried slices of meat; and if he had the latter, he did not have the former. An ordinary officer did not have two kinds of soup, or sliced flesh. (But) old men of the common people, did not eat their meat alone without accompaniments.
BK. X.
28. Mince was made in spring, with onions; in autumn, with the mustard plant. Sucking-pig was used in spring, with scallions; in autumn, with smartweed. With lard they used onions; with fat, chives. With the three victim-animals they used pepper, and employed pickle as an accompaniment. For wild animals' flesh they used plums. In quail soup, fowl soup, and with the curlew, the condiment was smartweed. Bream and tench were steamed; pullets, roasted; and pheasants, (boiled); with. fragrant herbs and no smart-weed..
29. Things not eaten were the turtle, when hatching; the intestines of the wolf, which were removed, as also the kidneys of the dog; the straight spine of the wild cat; the rump of the hare; the head of the fox; the brains of the suckingpig; the yt-like bowels of fish'; and the perforated openings of the turtle1.
30. (Bones and sinews) were taken from the flesh; the scales were scraped from fish; dates were made to appear as new; chestnuts were
paniments with no information as to when and by whom they were used. To descend to further particulars about them would be troublesome.
Z. It is uncertain what some of these forbidden articles really were.
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Page #1019

SECT. I.
THE NÊI BEH.
463
selected; peaches were made smooth; kâ and pears had the insects drilled out of them?
31. When an ox lowed at night, its flesh was (considered) to be rank; that of a sheep, whose long hair showed a tendency to get matted, to be frouzy; that of a dog which was uneasy and with the inside of) its thighs red, to be coarse; that of birds when moulting and with their voices hoarse, to be fetid; that of pigs, when they looked upwards and closed their eyes, to be measly; that of a horse, black along the spine and with piebald fore-legs, to smell unpleasantly.
A pullet, whose tail could not be grasped by the hand, was not eaten, nor the rump of a tame goose, nor the ribs of a swan or owl, nor the rump of a tame duck, nor the liver of a fowl, nor the kidneys of a wild goose, nor the gizzard of the wild goose without the hind-toe, nor the stomach of the deer.
32. Flesh cut small was made into mince; cut into slices it was made into hash. Some say that the flesh of elks, deer, and fish was pickled ; that of muntjacs also, being cut in small pieces; that of fowls and wild pigs, in larger pieces; of hares, the stomach was pickled. Onions and scallions were mixed with the brine to soften the meats.
· The explanation of these brief notes is also perplexing. Zottoli makes the kå to have been a kind of medlar (azarolus). Medhurst calls it, after the Khang-hsî dictionary, 'a kind of pear.' Williams, explaining it under a synonym (of the same sound), 'a sour red fruit of the size of a cherry, a kind of hawthorn.
? The manner of these preparations has not been definitely explained. The meaning is uncertain. So also is what is said of the cupboards in the next paragraph.
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THE LÎ xt.
BX. X.
33. Soup and boiled grain were used by all, from the princes down to the common people, without distinction of degree. Great officers did not regularly have savoury meat, but when seventy they had their cupboards. The cupboards of the son of Heaven were five on the right (of the dining hall), and five on the left; those of dukes, marquises, and earls were five, all in one room; those of Great officers three (in a side chamber), and other officers had one on their buffet.
SECTION II. 1. In nourishing the aged ", (Shun), the lord of Yü, used the ceremonies of a drinking entertainment; the sovereigns of Hsiâ, those (at entertainments after) a reverent sacrifice or offering; the men of Yin, those of a (substantial) feast; and the men of Kâu cultivated and used all the three 2
Those of fifty years were entertained in the schools of the districts; those of sixty, in the school of the capital ; and those of seventy, in the college. This rule extended to the feudal states. An old man of eighty made his acknowledgment for the ruler's invitation by kneeling once and bringing his head to the ground twice. The blind did the same. An
i Khăn Hâo says: The nourishment of the aged took place in four cases: ist, in the case of the three classes of ancients; and, in that of the father and grandfather of one who had died in the service of the country; 3rd, in that of officers who had retired from age; and 4th, in that of the aged of the common people. On seven occasions of the year it was done formally.
? On the different designations of the dynasties, see on Confucian Analects, III, 21.
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SECT. II.
THE NRI SEH.
465
old man of ninety employed another to receive (the message and gift for him).
For those of fifty, the grain was (fine and) different (from that used by younger men). For those of sixty, there was meat kept in store (from the day before). For those of seventy, there was a second service of savoury meat. Those of eighty were supplied regularly with delicacies. For those of ninety, food and drink were never out of their chambers ; wherever they wandered, it was deemed right that savoury meat and drink should follow them.
After sixty (the coffin and other things for the funeral) were seen to be in readiness (once) a year ; after seventy, once a season; after eighty, once a month; and after ninety, they were every day kept in good repair. The bandages, however, the sheet, the larger coverlets, and the cases were prepared after death.
At fifty, one was supposed to begin to decay; at sixty, not to feel satisfied unless he had Alesh to eat. At seventy, he was thought to require silk in order to make him feel warm ; at eighty, to need some one (to sleep) with him, to keep him warm; and at ninety, not to feel warm even with that.
At fifty, one kept his staff in his hand in the family; at sixty, in his district; at seventy, in the city; at eighty, (an officer) did so in the court. If the son of Heaven wished to put questions to (an officer of) ninety, he went to his house, and had rich food carried after him.
The sheet was for the slighter dressing of the corpse immediately after death; the coverlets for the fuller dressing at the coffining; the cases were for the upper part of the corpse and for the legs. [27]
hh
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466
THE LI Kİ.
At seventy, (an officer) did not wait till the court was over (before he retired). At eighty, he reported every month (to the ruler's messenger) that he was still alive; at ninety, he had (delicate food) sent to him regularly every day.
At fifty, one was not employed in services requiring strength; at sixty, he was discharged from bearing arms along with others; at seventy, he was exempted from the business of receiving guests and visitors; at eighty, he was free from the abstinences and other rites of mourning.
BK. X.
When one received at fifty the rank (of a Great officer), at sixty he did not go in person to the school1. At seventy he resigned office; and then and afterwards, in mourning he used only the unhemmed dress of sackcloth (without adopting the privations of the mourning rites)1.
The kings of the three dynasties, in nourishing the old, always caused the members of families who were advanced in years to be brought to their notice. Where an officer was eighty, one of his friends was free from all service of government; where he was ninety, all the members of his family were exempted from them. So also it was in the case of the blind.
(Shun), the lord of Yü, entertained the aged (who had retired from the service) of the state in (the school called) the higher hsiang, and the aged of the common people in (the school called) the lower
1 Does this intimate, that if he had learned better at school, when young, he might have become a Great officer earlier? He was now too old to learn.
The government could not attend to all the aged; but it wished to hear of all cases of remarkable age, and would then do what it could for them.
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hsiang. The sovereigns of the line of H siâ entertained the former in (the school called) the hsü on the east, and the latter in (that called) the hsü on the west. The men of Yin entertained the former in the School of the Right, and the latter in that of the Left. The men of Kâu entertained the former in the kiâo on the east, and the latter in the Yü hsiang. This was in the suburb of the capital on the west.
The lord of Yu wore the hwang cap in sacrificing (in the ancestral temple), and the white robes in entertaining the aged. The sovereigns of Hsiâ sacrificed in the shân cap, and entertained the aged in the dark garments of undress. Those of Yin sacrificed in the hsü cap, and entertained in the garments of white thin silk. Those of Kâu sacrificed in the mien cap, and entertained the aged in the dark upper garment (and the lower white one)1.
SECT. II.
THE NEI SEH.
2. 3ăng-ze said, 'A filial son, in nourishing his aged, (seeks to) make their hearts glad, and not to go against their wishes; to promote their comfort in their bed-chambers and the whole house; and with leal heart to supply them with their food and drink: -such is the filial son to the end of life. By "the end of life," I mean not the end of parents' lives, but the end of his own life. Thus what his parents loved he will love, and what they reverenced he will He will do so even in regard to all their
reverence.
1 The above long paragraph constitutes, with very little difference, the first twelve paragraphs of Section v of Book III. Kû Hsi says that in this Book we have 'old text,' whereas Book III is a compilation of the Han dynasty; and that the authors of it incorporated this passage. I am willing to allow that they did so; but it may be doubted if this Book in its present form be older than the time of Han.
Hh 2
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468
THE LÎ .
BK. X.
dogs and horses, and how much more in regard to the men (whom they valued)!
3. In all their nourishment of the aged, (the object of) the five Tis was to imitate (their virtue), while the kings of the three dynasties also begged them to speak (their lessons). The five Tis taking them as models, sought to nourish their bodily vigour, and did not beg them to speak; but what good lessons they did speak were taken down by the faithful recorders. The three (lines of) kings also took them as models, and after nourishing their age begged them to speak. If they (seemed to) diminish the ceremonies (of entertainment), they all had their faithful recorders as well (to narrate their virtue).
4. For the Rich Fry, they put the pickled meat fried over rice that had been grown on a dry soil, and then enriched it with melted fat. This was called the Rich Fry.
5. For the Similar Fry, they put the pickled meat fried over the millet grains, and enriched it with melted fat. This was called the Similar Fry.
6. For the Bake, they took a sucking-pig or a (young) ram, and having cut it open and removed the entrails, filled the belly with dates. They then wrapped it round with straw and reeds, which they plastered with clay, and baked it. When the clay was all dry, they broke it off. Having washed their hands for the manipulation, they removed the crackling and macerated it along with rice-flour, so as to form a kind of gruel which they added to the pig.
They then fried the whole in such a quantity of melted fat as to cover it. Having prepared a large pan of hot water, they placed in it a small tripod,
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SECT. II.
THE NÊI BEH.
469
which was filled with fragrant herbs, and the slices of the creature which was being prepared. They took care that the hot water did not cover this tripod, but kept up the fire without intermission for three days and nights. After this, the whole was served up with the addition of pickled meat and vinegar.
7. For the Pounded Delicacy, they took the filesh of ox, sheep, elk, deer and muntjac, a part of that which lay along the spine, the same in quantity of each, and beat it now as it lay flat, and then turning it on its side; after that they extracted all the nerves. (Next), when it was sufficiently cooked, they brought it (from the pan), took away the outside crust, and softened the meat (by the addition of pickle and vinegar).
8. For the Steeped Delicacy, they took the beef, which was required to be that of a newly killed animal, and cut it into small pieces, taking care to obliterate all the lines in it. It was then steeped from one morning to the next in good wine, when it was eaten with pickle, vinegar, or the juice of prunes.
9. To make the Grill, they beat the beef and removed the skinny parts. They then laid it on a frame of reeds, sprinkled on it pieces of cinnamon and ginger, and added salt. It could be eaten thus when dried. Mutton was treated in the same way as beef, and also the flesh of elk, deer, and muntjac. If they wished the Aesh wet, they added water and fried it with pickled meat. If they wished it dry, they ate it as eaten (at first).
10. For the (Soup) Balls, they took equal quantities of beef, mutton and pork, and cut them small. Then they took grains of rice, which they mixed
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470
THE LÎ xi.
BK. X.
with the finely cut meat, two parts of rice to one of meat, and formed cakes or balls, which they fried.
11. For the Liver and Fat, they took a dog's liver, and wrapped it round with its own fat. They then wet it and roasted it, and took it in this condition and scorched it. No smartweed was mixed with the fat.
12. They took the grains of rice and steeped them in prepared rice-water. They then cut small the fat from a wolf's breast, and with it and the grains of rice made a fry?
13. The observances of propriety commence with a careful attention to the relations between husband and wife. They built the mansion and its apartments, distinguishing between the exterior and interior parts. The men occupied the exterior; the women the interior. The mansion was deep, and the doors were strong, guarded by porter and eunuch. The men did not enter the interior; the women did not come out into the exterior.
14. Males and females did not use the same stand or rack for their clothes. The wife did not presume to hang up anything on the pegs or stand of her husband; nor to put anything in his boxes or satchels; nor to share his bathing-house. When her husband had gone out (from their apartment), she put his pillow in its case, rolled up his upper and under mats, put them in their covers, and laid them away in their proper receptacles. The young served the old ; the low served the noble ;-also in this way.
This and the other paragraphs from 4 are understood to describe the eight delicacies ( 3),' which were specially prepared for the old. See the Kâu Li, Book IV, par. 18.
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SECT. II.
THE NEI SEH.
471
15. As between husband and wife, it was not until they were seventy, that they deposited these things in the same place without separation. Hence though a concubine were old, until she had completed her fiftieth year, it was the rule that she should be with the husband (once) in five days. When she was to do so, she purified herself, rinsed her mouth and washed, carefully adjusted her dress, combed her hair, drew over it the covering of silk, fixed her hair-pins, tied up the hair in the shape of a horn, brushed the dust from the rest of her hair, put on her necklace, and adjusted her shoe-strings. Even a favourite concubine was required in dress and diet to come after her superior. If the wife were not with the husband, a concubine waiting on him, would not venture to remain the whole night'.
16. When a wife was about to have a child, and the month of her confinement had arrived, she occupied one of the side apartments, where her husband sent twice a day to ask for her. If he were moved and came himself to ask about her ?, she did not presume to see him, but made her governess dress herself and reply to him.
When the child was born, the husband again sent twice a day to inquire for her. He fasted now, and did not enter the door of the side apartment. If the child were a boy, a bow was placed on the left of the door; and if a girl, a handkerchief on the
1 This paragraph has given rise to a great deal of discussion and writing among the commentators, into which it is not desirable to enter.
· The first character in this clause occasions difficulty to a translator. Zottoli has :-Negotiisque ipsemet interrogabit illam.' Wang Tâo understands it as I have done.
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472
THE LI KI.
right of it. After three days the child began to be carried, and some archery was practised for a boy, but not for a girl.
BK. X.
17. When a son and heir to the ruler of a state was born, and information of the fact was carried to him, he made arrangements to receive him at a feast where the three animals should all be provided; and the cook took in hand the (necessary) preparations. On the third day the tortoise-shell was consulted for a good man to carry the child; and he who was the lucky choice, kept a vigil over night, and then in his court robes, received him in his arms outside the chamber. The master of the archers then took a bow of mulberry wood, and six arrows of the wild rubus, and shot towards heaven, earth, and the four cardinal points. After this the nurse received the child and carried it in her arms. The cook (at the same time) gave (a cup of) sweet wine to the man who had carried the child, and presented him with a bundle of silks, and the tortoise-shell was again employed to determine the wife of an officer, or the concubine of a Great officer, who should be nurse.
18. In all cases of receiving a son, a day was chosen; and if it were the eldest son of the king, the three animals were killed (for the occasion). For the son of a common man, a sucking-pig was killed; for the son of an officer, a single pig; for the son of a Great officer, the two smaller animals; and for the son of the ruler of a state, all the three. If it were not the eldest son, the provision was diminished in every case one degree.
19. A special apartment was prepared in the
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THE NÉI ЗЕН.
473
palace for the child, and from all the concubines and other likely individuals there was sought one distinguished for her generosity of mind, her gentle kindness, her mild integrity, her respectful bearing, her carefulness and freedom from talkativeness, who should be appointed the boy's teacher; one was next chosen who should be his indulgent mother, and a third who should be his guardian mother. These all lived in his apartment, which others did not enter unless on some (special) business.
SECT. II.
20. At the end of the third month a day was chosen for shaving off the hair of the child, excepting certain portions,-the horn-like tufts of a boy, and the circlet on the crown of a girl. If another fashion were adopted, a portion was left on the left of the boy's head, and on the right of the girl's. On that day the wife with the son appeared before the father. If they were of noble families, they were both in full dress. From the commissioned officer downwards, all rinsed their mouths and washed their heads. Husband and wife rose early, bathed and dressed as for the feast of the first day of the month. The husband entered the door, going up by the steps on the east, and stood at the top of them with his face to the west. The wife with the boy in her arms came forth from her room and stood beneath the lintel with her face to the east.
21. The governess then went forward and said for the lady, 'The mother, So and So, ventures to-day reverently to present to you the child!' The husband replied, 'Reverently (teach him to) follow the right way.' He then took hold of the right hand of his son, and named him with the smile and voice of a child. The wife responded, 'We will remember.
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474
THE LÉ Ki.
BK. X.
May your words be fulfilled !' She then turned to the left, and delivered the child to his teacher, who on her part told the name all round to the wives of the relatives of all ranks who were present. The wife forthwith proceeded to the (festal) chamber.
22. The husband informed his principal officer of the name, and he in turn informed all the (young) males (of the same surname) of it. A record was made to the effect—' In such a year, in such a month, on such a day, So and So was born,' and deposited. The officer also informed the secretaries of the hamlets, who made out two copies of it. One of these was deposited in the office of the village, and the other was presented to the secretary of the larger circuit, who showed it to the chief of the circuit; he again ordered it to be deposited in the office of the circuit. The husband meanwhile had gone into (the festal chamber), and a feast was celebrated with the ceremonies of that with which a wife first entertains her parents-in-law.
23. When an heir-son has been born, the ruler washed his head and whole body, and put on his court robes. His wife did the same, and then they both took their station at the top of the stairs on the east with their faces towards the west. One of the ladies of quality, with the child in her arms, ascended by the steps on the west. The ruler then named the child ; and (the lady) went down with it.
24. A (second) son or any other son by the wife proper was presented in the outer chamber?, when
It seems plain that the sons in this paragraph were all by the proper wife or chief lady of the harem, for it is not till paragraph 26 that sons by inferior members of it are spoken of. The Khien
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SECT. II.
THE NÊI BEH.
475
(the ruler) laid his hand on its head, and with gentle voice named it. The other observances were as before, but without any words.
25. In naming a son, the name should not be that of a day or a month or of any state, or of any hidden ailment Sons of Great and other officers must not be called by the same name as the heir-son of the ruler.
26. When a concubine was about to have a child, and the month of her confinement had arrived, the husband sent once a day to ask for her. When the son was born, at the end of three months, she washed her mouth and feet, adjusted herself early in the morning and appeared in the inner chamber (belonging to the wife proper). There she was received with the ceremonies of her first entrance into the harem. When the husband had eaten, a special portion of what was left was given to her by herself; and forthwith she entered on her duties of attendance.
27. When the child of an inferior member of the ruler's harem was about to be born, the mother went to one of the side apartments, and at the end of three months, having washed her head and person, and
lung editors clearly establish this point. Kăng Hsüan took a different view, saying that "the (second) son" was a brother of the heir-son (in paragraph 23), and "any other son " a son by a concubine,' and P. Zottoli adopts this view:— Reguli haeres (IH F), ejus germanus frater ( F ), a subnuba filius (# F); adding, 'Regulus excipiebat primum in praecipua diaeta ( ); secundum in postica diaeta (R ), quae hic exterior dicitur relate ad adjacentes aedes, quibus nobilis puerpera morari solebat ; tertium excipiebat in adjacentibus aedibus (10 ). But these side apartments' are not mentioned till paragraph 27.
See page 78, paragraph 42.
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476
THE LÎ ri.
BK. X.
put on her court robes, she appeared before the ruler. (One of) her waiting women (also) appeared with the child in her arms. If the mother) was one to whom the ruler had given special favours, he himself named the son. In the case of such children generally, an officer was employed to name them.
28. Among the common people who had no side chambers, when the month of confinement was come, the husband left his bed-chamber, and occupied a common apartment. In his inquiries for his wife, however, and on his son's being presented to him, there was no difference (from the observances that have been detailed).
29. In all cases though the father is alive, the grandson is presented to the grandfather, who also names him. The ceremonies are the same as when the son is presented to the father ; but there is no (interchange of) words (between the mother and him).
30. The nurse of the ruler's boyquitted the palace after three years, and, when she appeared before the ruler, was rewarded for her toilsome work. The son of a Great officer had a nurse. The wife of an ordinary officer nourished her child herself.
31. The son of a commissioned officer and others above him on to the Great officer was presented (to the father once) in ten days. The eldest son of a ruler was presented to him before he had eaten, when he took him by the right hand; his second or any other son by the wife proper 2 was presented after he had eaten, when he laid his hand on his head.
32. When the child was able to take its own food,
i See above, par. 17.
* See above, par. 24.
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SECT. II.
THE NÊI BEH.
477
it was taught to use the right hand. When it was able to speak, a boy (was taught to) respond boldly and clearly; a girl, submissively and low. The former was fitted with a girdle of leather; the latter, with one of silk?
1 The account which follows this of the teaching and training of the brothers and sisters is interesting; and we may compare it with what is said in volume iii, p. 350, of the different reception given to sons and daughters in the royal family, though the distinction between them is not accentuated here so strongly. The passage treats of the children in a family of the higher classes, but those of the common people would be dealt with in a corresponding manner according to their circumstances. And even in the early feudal times the way was open for talent and character to rise from the lower ranks in the social scale, and be admitted to official employment. The system of competitive examinations was even then casting a shadow before. To number the days was, and is, a more complicated affair in China than with us, requiring an acquaintance with all the terms of the cycle of sixty, as well as the more compendious method by decades for each month. The education of a boy, it will be seen, comprehended much more than what we call the three Rs. The conclusion of paragraph 33 gives the translator some difficulty. Zottoli haset petet exerceri lectionibus sermonisque veritate,' and my own first draft was 'he would ask to be exercised in (reading) the tablets, and in truthful speaking.' But it is making too much of the boys of ancient China to represent them as anxious to be taught to speak the truth. The meaning of the concluding characters, as given in the text, is that assigned to them by Káng Hsuan.
There is nothing in what is said of the daughters to indicate that they received any literary training. They were taught simply the household duties that would devolve on them in their state of society; though among them, be it observed, were the forms and provision for sacrifice and worship. It will be observed, also, at how early an age all close intercourse between them and their brothers came to an end, and that at ten they ceased to go out from the women's apartments. On what is said about the young men marrying at the age of thirty I have spoken in a note on page 65.
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478
THE LÎ xi.
BK. X.
33. At six years, they were taught the numbers and the names of the cardinal points; at the age of seven, boys and girls did not occupy the same mat nor eat together; at eight, when going out or coming in at a gate or door, and going to their mats to eat and drink, they were required to follow their elders :—the teaching of yielding to others was now begun; at nine, they were taught how to number the days.
At ten, (the boy) went to a master outside, and stayed with him (even) over the night. He learned the (different classes of) characters and calculation ; he did not wear his jacket or trousers of silk; in his manners he followed his early lessons; morning and evening he learned the behaviour of a youth; he would ask to be exercised in (reading) the tablets, and in the forms of polite conversation.
34. At thirteen, he learned music, and to repeat the odes, and to dance the ko (of the duke of Kau)! When a full-grown lad, he danced the hsiang (of king Wa)? He learned archery and chariot-driving. At twenty, he was capped, and first learned the (different classes of) ceremonies, and might wear furs and silk. He danced the tà hsia (of Yü)', and attended sedulously to filial and fraternal duties. He might become very learned, but did not teach others ;—(his object being still) to receive and not to give out.
35. At thirty, he had a wife, and began to attend
1 It is difficult to describe exactly, amid the conflict of different views, these several dances. Dances were of two kinds, the civil and military. The ko was, perhaps, the first of the civil dances, ascribed to the duke of Kâu (vol. iü, p. 334); and the hsiang, the first of the martial. The two are said to have been combined in the ta hsia.
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SECT. II.
THE NÊI SEH.
479
to the business proper to a man. He extended his learning without confining it to particular subjects. He was deferential to his friends, having regard to the aims (which they displayed). At forty, he was first appointed to office; and according to the business of it brought out his plans and communicated his thoughts. If the ways (which he proposed) were suitable, he followed them out; if they were not, he abandoned them. At fifty, he was appointed a Great officer, and laboured in the administration of his department. At seventy, he retired from his duties. In all salutations of males, the upper place was given to the left hand.
36. A girl at the age of ten ceased to go out (from the women's apartments). Her governess taught her (the arts of) pleasing speech and manners, to be docile and obedient, to handle the hempen fibres, to deal with the cocoons, to weave silks and form fillets, to learn (all) woman's work, how to furnish garments, to watch the sacrifices, to supply the liquors and sauces, to fill the various stands and dishes with pickles and brine, and to assist in setting forth the appurtenances for the ceremonies.
37. At fifteen, she assumed the hair-pin ; at twenty, she was married, or, if there were occasion (for the delay), at twenty-three. If there were the betrothal rites, she became a wife; and if she went without these, a concubine. In all salutations of females, the upper place was given to the right hand.
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I KANSLITERATION OF VRIENTAL ALPHABETS ADOPTED FOR THE TRANSLATIONS
OF THE SACRED BOOKS OF THE EAST.
MISSIONARY ALPHABET.
[27]
CONSONANTS
Sanskrit.
Zend.
Pehlevi
Persian
Arabic. Hebrew. Chinese.
I Class
Class.
III Class.
kh
ао
Gutturales. 1 Tenuis .......... 2 aspirata ..... 3 Media ........ 4 , aspirata ...... 5 Gutturo-labialis .....
:
6 Nasalis ..........
TRANSLITERATION OF ORIENTAL ALPHABETS.
(og)
9.990 0 ::: Dibing : -- www:
::::: --www:
:
..
7 Spiritus ssper ...... 8 , lenis .........
asper faucalis .. lenis faucalis ..
asper fricatus .. , lenis fricatus ..
10
:::::.
»
Ludo
•
•
•
•
•
4
2
Gutturales modificatae
(palatales, &c.) 13 Tenuis .......... 14 „ aspirata ..... 15 Media ......... 16 » aspirata ......
Nasalis ......
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: www: :: ww:
: :
481
A

Page #1038

I
MISSIONARY ALPHABET.
CONSONANTS
continued
crit.
Zend.
Pehlent. Persian
Arabic,
Hebrew. Chinese
l
482
1 Class. 11 Class
III Class
18 Semivocalis ...
init.
.
::
.
~ • Eos
::
TH
19 Spiritus asper........ 20
lenis ........ 21 asper assibilatus .. 22 , lenis assibilatus ..
Dentales. 23 Tennis ......... 24 „ aspirata .... 25 assibilata .. 26 Media ........ 27 , aspirata ........ 28 „ assibilata .... 29 Nasalis ......... 30 Semivocalis ....... 31 , mollis 1 . 32 , mollis 2..... 33 Spiritus asper 1 .......
» asper 2..... 35 . lenis ........ 36
naporrimus 1.... saperrimus 2....
yo y
:: puz 370 ::?8 eorge
::3 ::3n
1:3
::,::- :oin 37::9:933
:: :- 17:: 3:23:
: ::
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TRANSLITERATION OF ORIENTAL ALPHABETS
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:::: *: 831: **: As :
«-08 : vivis
* (3)

Page #1039

Dentales modifcatae
(linguales, &c.) 38 Tenuis ............ 39 „ aspirata ..... 40 Media .......... 41 , aspirata ..... 42 Nasalis ....... 43 Semivocalis ......... 44
fricata ...... 45
diacritica.... 46 Spiritus asper ...... 47 # lenis .........
*.:::
:: Metal and as an
:::::::P: os::::::: **:35::::
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:
Labiales. 48 Tenuis ............ 49 aspirata ..... 50 Media .......... 51 „ aspirata ..... 52 Tenuissima........ 53 Nasalis .......... 54 Semivocalis ....... 55 » aspirata ... 56 Spiritus asper...... 57 → lenis.... 58 Anusvåra ........... 59 Visarga ............
FOR THE SACRED BOOKS OF THE EAST.
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.
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MISSIONARY ALPHABET
VOWELS.
Sanskrit.
Zend.
Pehlevi
l'estan.
Arabic
Hebrew
I Class
11 Class
111 Class.
=:::
:::
fin. winit.
a1:
484
aanni:
:::20: E::::::::::
1 Neutralis ........ 2 Laryngo-palatalis ... 3 » labialis .... 4 Gutturalis brevis ..... 5 » longa .. 6 Palatalis brevis .... 7 , longa ..... 8 Dentalis brevis ..... 9 , longa ....... 10 Lingualis brevis ..... 11 , longs ..... 12 Labialis brevis ..... 13 » longa ....... 14 Gutturo-palatalis brevis ...
longa ... é (ai) 16 Diphthongus gutturo-palatalis di 16 17 »
ei (fi) 18
oi (ou) 19 Gutturo-labialis brevis . ... 20
longa. 21 Diphthongus gutturo-labialis Au (au) 22
eu (du) ...
ou (ou) 24 Gutturalis fracta ... 26 Palatalis fracta ...... 26 Labialis fracta ...... 27 Gutturo-labialis fracta ..
:::: 41: : : Mimi sina A 4 0 24 et en ga : :
To b::..:::::
:::::::::98: : Yolu::9
| : :lol lol : : : :lololi : : :
TRANSLITERATION OF ORIENTAL ALPHALETS.
o
1
(0)
(au)
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: : : : : : :

Page #1041

March 1886.
Clarendon Press, Oxford
A SELECTION OF BOOKS PUBLISHED FOR THE UNIVERSITY BY
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[9]
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Page #1042

CLARENDON PRESS, OXFORD.
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Page #1044

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The DELEGATES OF THE PRESS invite suggestions and advice from all persons interested in education; and will be thankful for hints, &c. addressed to the SECRETARY TO THE DELEGATES, Clarendon Press, Oxford.
41
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O ALISOIHIN JHL 30
(Buches
LIBRARY OF THE BRIVERSITY
THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFO
OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFOR
LIBRARY GO THE UNDERSITY OF CALIFORNIA
CARY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFGI
SITY OF CALIFORNIA - LIBRARY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORN
ANY OF THE TUNIVERSITY AS CALIFORNIA
OF THE RIVERSITY OF CALIFOR
LIBRARY R THE ENIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA - LIBRARY OF THE SNIVERSITY OF COLECAM
LIBRARY IS THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNA
AY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA
Y
AN
DALLE
LIBRARY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIF
LIBRARY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA
OF THE GRIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA
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THE
SACRED BOOKS OF THE EAST
[28]
a
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London HENRY FROWDE :
PRESS
OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS WAREHOUSE
AMEN CORNER, E.C.
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THE
SACRED BOOKS OF THE EAST
TRANSLATED
BY VARIOUS ORIENTAL SCHOLARS
AND EDITED BY
F. MAX MÜLLER
VOL. XXVIII
Orford
AT THE CLARENDON PRESS
1885
( All rights reserved ]
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THE
SACRED BOOKS OF CHINA
THE TEXTS OF CONFUCIANISM
TRANSLATED BY
JAMES LEGGE
PART IV
THE LI KI. XI-XLVI
In rett (UT:73RSITY
--
Orford
AT THE CLARENDON PRESS
1885
[ All rights reserved ]
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ኃን መማ
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CONTENTS.
„
II
17
29
XOOK XI. YÜ ZÃO OR THE JADE-BEAD PENDANTS OF THE ROYAL CAP. Section 1
11i : : : : : : : : : XII. MING THANG WEI OR THE PLACES IN THE HALL OF
DISTINCTION . . . . . . . . . XIII. SANG FO HsiÃO KI OR RECORD OF SMALLER MATTERS
IN THE DRESS OF MOURNING. Section 1 Section 1 . . . . . . . . . .
5 II : : : : : : : XIV. TA KwÅN OR THE GREAT TREATISE XV. SHẢO I OR SMALLER RULES OF DEMEANOUR. . . XVI. Hsio KI OR RECORD ON THE SUBJECT OF EDUCATION. XVII. YO KI OR RECORD OF MUSIC.
Section
. .
II
. .
„
. .
. .
.
. .
.
.
.
.
105
»
II.
.
.
10
RITES.
XVIII. SÅ KT OR MISCELLANEOUS RECORDS.
SECTION 1. Part 1 . . .
: :
.
: » II.
. : : . . : : : : 132
:
. . . 139 SECTION II. Part I...
.
150 11 . . XIX. SANG TA KI OR THE GREATER RECORD OF MOURNING Section I . .
. . 1731
• 185 XX. KI FÅ OR THE LAW OF SACRIFICES. . . . 201 XXI. K Í OR THE MEANING OF SACRIFICES. Section 1
„ 11 : : : : : : : : : : 310 XXII. KI THUNG OR A SUMMARY ACCOUNT OF SACRIFICES. 336 XXIII. KING KIEH OR THE DIFFERENT TEACHING OF THE
DIFFERENT KINGS . . . . . . . 255 XXIV. ÂI KUNG WXN OR QUESTIONS OF DUKE ÂU. . . 361 XXV. KUNG-Nİ YEN KÜ OR KUNG-NI AT HOME AT EASE . 270
.
.
220
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viii
CONTENTS.
BOOK
PAGE XXVI. KHUNG-AZE HSIEN KÜ OR CONFUCIUS AT HOME AT
• LEISURE . . . . . . . . 278 XXVII. FANG KI OR RECORD OF THE DYKES . . • 284 XXVIII. KUNG YUNG OR THE STATE OF EQUILIBRIUM AND
HARMONY. Section ! . . . . .
» I : : : : : : : : : : 319 XXIX. PIẢO KI OR THE RECORD ON EXAMPLE . . . 330 xxx. 3ze i OR THE BLACK ROBES . . . . . 352 XXXI. PXN SANG OR RULES ON HURRYING TO MOURNING RITES . . .
. . . . . . 365 XXXII. WXN SANG OR QUESTIONS ABOUT MOURNING RITES. 375 XXXIII. FO WXN OR SUBJECTS FOR QUESTIONING ABOUT THE MOURNING DRESS. . .
. . . 380 XXXIV. KIEN KwÂN OR TREATISE ON SUBSIDIARY POINTS IN MOURNING USAGES
. . . . 385 XXXV. SAN NIEN WÄN OR QUESTIONS ABOUT THE MOURNING FOR THREE YEARS.
. . . . . . 391. XXXVI. SHÅN I OR THE LONG DRESS IN ONE PIECE . . 395 XXXVII. THÂU HO OR THE GAME OF PITCH-POT . . . 397 XXXVIII. ZO HsixG (HĂNG) OR THE CONDUCT OF THE SCHOLAR 403 XXXIX. ΤΑ Hsio OR THE GREAT LEARNING
. . . 411 XL. KWAN I OR THE MEANING OF THE CEREMONY OF CAPPING XLI. HwĂN Í OR THE MEANING OF THE MARRIAGE CEREMONY 428 XLII. HSIANG YIN KIU I OR THE MEANING OF THE DRINKING
FESTIVITY IN THE DISTRICTS XLIII. SHÊ I OR THE MEANING OF THE CEREMONY OF
. . . . . . . . 440 XLIV. YEN I OR THE MEANING OF THE BANQUET. . . 454 XLV. PHING I OR THE MEANING OF THE INTERCHANGE OF
MISSIONS BETWEEN DIFFERENT COURTS . . 458 XLVI. SANG FU SZE KIH OR THE FOUR PRINCIPLES UNDER
LYING THE DRESS OF MOURNING . . . . 465 INDEX TO PARTS I, 11, III, IV (Vols. III, XVI, XXVII, XXVIII). Index of Subjects. .
. . . . . . 471 Index of Proper Names.
. . 485
425
Transliteration of Oriental Alphabets adopted for the Translations
of the Sacred Books of the East. . . . . . 493
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THE LĨ KĨ.
.
*
A COLLECTION OF TREATISES ON THE RULES OF PROPRIETY OR CEREMONIAL USAGES.
BOOK XI. Y
BẢO
OR
THE JADE-BEAD PENDANTS OF THE ROYAL CAP.
SECTION I. 1. The son of Heaven, when sacrificing ?, wore (the cap) with the twelve long pendants of beads of jade hanging down from its top before and behind, and the robe embroidered with dragons.
2. When saluting the appearance of the sun outside the eastern gate“, he wore the dark-coloured square-cut robes; and (also) when listening to the notification of the first day of the month outside the southern gate.
* See introductory notice, vol. xxvii, pp. 27, 28.
• Probably, to Heaven; Kång thought it was to the former kings. Many try to unite both views.
• At the vernal equinox. Callery has Quand de bon matin il sacrifie au soleil.' Probably there was a sacrifice on the occasion; but the text does not say so. The character (khiấo) means 'to appear at audience.'
• Probably, of the city; many say, of the Hall of Distinction.
• This announcement was to the spirits of his royal ancestors in the first place. Compare Analects III, 16.
[28]
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THE LI KÎ.
3. If the month were intercalary, he caused the left leaf of the door to be shut, and stood in the middle of that (which remained open)1.
2
BK. XI.
4. He wore the skin cap at the daily audience in the court, after which he proceeded to take the morning meal in it. At midday he partook of what was left in the morning. He had music at his meals. Every day a sheep and a pig were killed and cooked; and on the first day of the month an ox in addition. There were five beverages-water, which was the principal; rice-water, spirits, must, and millet-water.
5. When he had done eating, he remained at ease in the dark-coloured square-cut robes 2. His actions were written down by the recorder of the Left, and his utterances by the recorder of the Right. The blind musician in attendance judged whether the music were too high or too low 3.
6. If the year were not good and fruitful, the son of Heaven wore white and plain robes, rode in the plain and unadorned carriage, and had no music at his meals.
This is not easy to understand, nor easy to make intelligible. An intercalary month was an irregular arrangement of the year. It and the previous month formed one double month. The shutting half the door showed that one half of the time was passed. There remained the other leaf to be given-in the temple or in the palace -to the king for all the ceremonies or acts of government appropriate in such a position for the whole intercalary month. Something like this is sketched out as the meaning by the Khienlung editors.
These were so named from the form in which they were made, the cloth being cut straight and square.
And judged, it is said, of the character of the measures of government; but this is being 'over-exquisite' to account for the custom.
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SECT. I.
YỦ BẢO.
7. The princes of states, in sacrificing, wore their dark-coloured square-cut robes. At court-audiences (of the king), they wore the cap of the next inferior degree of rank to their own! They wore the skincap, when listening to the notification of the first day of the month in the Grand temples; and their court robes when holding their daily audience in the inner court-yard.
8. (Their ministers and officers) entered (the palace) as soon as they could distinguish the dawning light ?, and the ruler came out daily (to the first court, inside the Khů gate), and received them. (After this audience), he retired, and went to the great chamber, there to listen to their proposals about the measures of government. He employed men to see whether the Great officers (were all withdrawn) *; and when they had left, he repaired to the smaller chamber, and put off his (court) robes.
9. He resumed his court robes, when he was about to eat. There was a single animal; with three (other) dishes of meat, the lungs forming the sacrificial offering. In the evening he wore the long robe in one piece, and offered some of the flesh of the animal. On the first day of the moon,
So it seems to be said ; but why it was done so, does not clearly appear.
. Several pieces in the Shih allude to this early attendance at court. See Book II, ï, 8; ü, 8, et al.
* They sat or waited, not inside the chamber, but outside. Some Great officer might wish to bring a matter before the ruler which he had not ventured to mention in public. The ruler, therefore, would give him a private audience; and did not feel himself free from business till all had withdrawn,
B 2
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THE LÎ xi.
BK. XI.
a sheep and a pig were killed, and there were five (other) dishes of meat, and four of grain. On zze and Mào days there were only the glutinous rice and vegetable soup. His wife used the same kitchen as the rulers.
10. Without some cause for it, a ruler did not kill an ox, nor a Great officer a sheep, nor a lower officer a pig or a dog. A superior man had his shambles and kitchen at a distance (from the) house ; he did not tread wherever there was such a thing as blood or (tainted) air 3.
11. When the eighth month came without rain, the ruler did not have full meals nor music. If the year were not abundant, he wore linen, and stuck in his girdle the tablet of an officer Duties were not levied at the barrier-gates and dams ; the prohibitions of the hills and meres were enforced, but no contributions were required (from hunters and fishermen). No earthworks were undertaken, and Great officers did not make any new) carriages for themselves.
12. The officer of divination by the tortoise-shell fixed the shell (to be used); the recorder applied the ink; and the ruler determined the figures (produced by the fire).
1 See vol. xxvii, p. 180.
* That is, the wife was supplied with what was left from the ruler's meals.
o La Tien says, 'He would not tread on ants. The Khien-lung editors characterise this as 'a womanish remark.'
• A ruler's tablet was of ivory; an officer's only of bamboo, tipt with ivory.
See the Kâu Lî, Book XXII, 25. The Rhien-lung editors say that the methods of this divination are lost.
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SECT. I.
YU BAO.
13. (The cross-board in front of) the ruler was covered with lambskin, edged with tiger's fur; for his sacred carriage and court-carriage a Great officer had a covering of deer skin, edged with leopard's fur; as also had an ordinary officer for his sacred carriage!
14. The regular place for a gentleman was exactly opposite the door, (facing the light). He slept with his head to the east. When there came violent wind, or rapid thunder, or a great rain, he changed (countenance). It was the rule for him then, even in the night, to get up, dress himself, put on his cap, and take his seat.
15. He washed his hands five times a day. He used millet-water in washing his head, and maizewater in washing his face. For his hair (when wet) he used a comb of white-grained wood, and an ivory comb for it when dry. (After his toilet), there were brought to him the (usual) cup and some delicacy; and the musicians came up and sang.
In bathing he used two towels; a fine one for the upper part (of his body), and a coarser for the lower part. When he got out of the tub, he stepped on a straw mat; and having next washed his feet with hot water, he stepped on the rush one. Then in his (bathing) robe of cloth, he dried his body (again), and put on his shoes; and a drink was then brought into him.
16. When he had arranged to go to the ruler's,
1 "The sacred carriage' was one used for going in to some temple service that required previous fasting. The paragraph is strangely constructed. It is supposed that the ruler's carriage at the beginning of it was also a sacred one.
. Came up on the raised hall, that is.
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THE LÎ xi.
BK. XI.
he passed the night in vigil and fasting, occupying an apartment outside his usual one. After he had washed his head and bathed, his secretary brought him the ivory tablet, on which were written his thoughts (which he should communicate to the ruler), and how he should respond to orders (that he might receive). When he was dressed he practised deportment and listened to the sounds of the gems (at his girdle pendant). When he went forth, he bowed to all in his own private court elegantly, and proceeded to mount his carriage (to go to the ruler's) in brilliant style.
17. The son of Heaven carried in his girdle the thing tablet, showing how exact and correct he should be in his relations with all under heaven. The feudal lords had the shŲ, rounded at the top and straight at the bottom, showing how they should give place to the son of Heaven. The tablet of the Great officers was rounded both at the top and the bottom; showing how they should be prepared to give place in all positions.
18. When (a minister) is sitting in attendance on his ruler, the rule was that he should occupy a mat somewhat behind him on one side. If he did not occupy such a mat, he had to draw the one assigned to him back and keep aloof from the ruler's kindred who were near him ?.
One did not take his place on his mat from the
* It is not clear what the tablets of this paragraph were, and whether they were carried in the hand or inserted in the girdle. The character (Zin) seems to imply the latter.
The Khien-lung editors say that after these two sentences; the subject of the rest of the paragraph is a student before his teacher.
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SECT. I.
YÜ BAO.
7
front, to avoid seeming to step over it. When seated and unoccupied he did not take up the whole of the mat by at least a cubit. If he were to read any writings or to eat, he sat forward to the edge. The dishes were put down a cubit from the mat1.
19. If food were given (to a visitor), and the ruler proceeded to treat him as a guest, he would order him to present the offering, and the visitor would do So. If he took the precedence in eating, he would take a little of all the viands, drink a mouthful, and wait (for the ruler to eat). If there were one in attendance to taste the viands, he would wait till the ruler ate, and then eat himself. After this eating, he would drink (a mouthful), and wait (again).
20. If the ruler ordered him to partake of the delicacies, he took of that which was nearest to him. If he were told to take of all, he took of whatever he liked. In all cases, in tasting of what was some way off, they began with what was near.
(The visitor) did not dare to add the liquid to his rice till the ruler had touched the corners of his mouth with his hands and put them down. When the ruler had done eating, he also took of the rice in this fashion, repeating the process three times. When the ruler had the things removed, he took his rice and sauces, and went out and gave them to his attendants.
21. Whenever pressed (by his host) to eat, one should not eat largely; when eating at another's,
1 And also any tablets or other things to be referred to.
Tasting the things before the ruler to see that they were good and safe.
3 That is, touched those parts with his fingers to see that no grains were sticking to them.
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THE Lİ Kİ.
one should not eat to satiety. It was only of the water and sauces that some was not put down as an offering;-they were accounted too trivial for such a purpose.
22. If the ruler gave a cup (of drink) to an officer, he crossed over from his mat, bowed twice, laid his head to the ground, and received it. Resuming his place, he poured a portion of it as an offering, drank it off, and waited. When the ruler had finished his cup, he then returned his empty.
The rule for a superior man in drinking (with the ruler) was this:-When he received the first cup, he wore a grave look; when he received the second, he looked pleased and respectful. With this the ceremony stopped. At the third cup, he looked selfpossessed and prepared to withdraw. Having withdrawn, he knelt down and took his shoes, retired out of the ruler's (sight) and put them on. Kneeling on his left knee, he put on the right shoe; kneeling on the right knee, he put on the left one'.
23. (At festive entertainments), of all the vases that with the dark-coloured liquor (of water) was considered the most honourable2; and only the ruler sat with his face towards it. For the uncultivated people in the country districts, the vases all con
BK. XI.
1 The subject in the two parts of this paragraph does not appear to be the same. The officer in the former was merely an attendant we may suppose; in the latter, one of a superior rank. The cup in the one case was of special favour; in the second the cups were such as were drunk with the ruler at certain times, but were always confined to three.
2 Mindful,' says Kăng, 'of the ways of antiquity.' See Book VII, i, 10, 11, et al. on the honour paid to water at sacrifices and feasts, and the reasons for it.
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SECT. II.
YÜ SÃO.
tained prepared liquors ? Great officers had the vase on one side of them upon a tray without feet; other officers had it in a similar position on a tray with feet.
SECTION II. 1. At the ceremony of capping, the first cap put on was one of black linen. The use of this extended from the feudal lords downwards. It might, after having been thus employed, be put away or disused 9.
2. The dark-coloured cap, with red strings and tassels descending to the breast, was used at the capping of the son of Heaven. The cap of black linen, with strings and tassels of various colours, was used at the capping of a feudal prince. A darkcoloured cap with scarlet strings and tassels was worn by a feudal lord, when fasting. A dark-coloured cap with gray strings and tassels was worn by officers when similarly engaged.
3. A cap of white silk with the border or roll of a dark colour was worn (? at his capping) by a son or grandson (when in a certain stage of mourning)". A similar cap with a plain white edging, was worn after the sacrifice at the end of the year's mourning. (The same cap) with strings hanging down five inches,
The gratification of their taste was the principal thing at festive entertainments of the common people.
. On the two trays mentioned here,—the yu (composed oft, and ts on the right of it) and the kin (s),-see Book VIII, i, 12.
Such a cap had been used anciently; and it was used in the ceremony, though subsequently disused, out of respect to the ancient custom.
• When his grandfather was dead, and his father (still alive) was in deep mourning for him.
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THE LÎ xf.
BK. XI.
served to mark the idle and listless officer! A darkcoloured cap with the roll round it of white silk was worn by one excluded from the ranks of his compeers ?
4. The cap worn in private, with the roll or border attached to it, was used by all from the son of Heaven downwards. When business called them, the strings were tied and their ends allowed to hang down.
5. At fifty, one did not accompany a funeral with his sackcloth hanging loose. When his parents were dead, (a son) did not have his hair dressed in tufts (any more). With the large white (cap) they did not use strings hanging down. The purple strings with the dark-coloured cap began with duke Hwan of Las.
6. In the morning they wore the dark-coloured square-cut dress; in the evening, the long dress in one piece. That dress at the waist was thrice the width of the sleeve; and at the bottom twice as wide as at the waist. It was gathered in at each side (of the body). The sleeve could be turned back to the elbow.
7. The outer or under garment joined on to the sleeve and covered a cubit of it The collar was 2 inches wide; the cuff, a cubit and 2 inches long; the border, 1 inch broad. To wear silk under or inside linen was contrary to rule.
8. An (ordinary) officer did not wear anything woven of silk that had been first dyed. One who had left the service of his ruler wore no two articles of different colours.
· By way of punishment or disgrace. ? Also in punishment. See Book III, iv, 2-5. B.C. 711-694.
• If we could see one dressed as in those early days, we should understand this better than we do.
* Because of its expensiveness.
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YU SÂO.
If the upper garment were of one of the correct colours, the lower garment was of the (corresponding) intermediate one 1.
SECT. II.
II
9. One did not enter the ruler's gate without the proper colours in his dress; nor in a single robe of grass-cloth, fine or coarse; nor with his fur robe either displayed outside, or entirely covered.
10. A garment wadded with new floss was called kien; with old, phâo. One unlined was called kiung; one lined, but not wadded, tieh.
II. The use of thin white silk in court-robes began with Ki Khang-ze. Confucius said, 'For the audience they use the (regular) court-robes, which are put on after the announcement of the first day of the month (in the temple).' He (also) said, 'When good order does not prevail in the states and clans, (the officers) should not use the full dress (as prescribed) 2.'
12. Only a ruler wore the chequered fur robe3 in addressing (his troops or the multitudes), and at the autumnal hunts. (For him) to wear the Great fur robe was contrary to ancient practice.
13. When a ruler wore the robe of white fox-fur, he wore one of embroidered silk over it to display it".
1 The five 'correct' colours were azure (; of varying shade), scarlet ; carnation, the colour of the flesh), white, black, and yellow. The 'intermediate' were green (*), red (I), jadegreen (), purple (*), and bay-yellow (†).
See the concluding article in the 'Narratives of the School.' The words of Confucius are understood to intimate a condemnation of Ki Khang-zze.
Made of black lamb's fur and white fox-fur.
• Or, according to many, in giving charges about agriculture. 5 Of one colour, worn by the king, at a border sacrifice.
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I 2
THE LÎ xi.
BK. XI.
When (the guards on) the right of the ruler wore tigers' fur, those on the left wore wolves' fur. An (ordinary) officer did not wear the fur of the white fox.
14. (Great and other) officers wore the fur of the blue fox, with sleeves of leopard's fur, and over it a jacket of dark-coloured silk to display it; with fawn's fur they used cuffs of the black wild dog, with a jacket of bluish yellow silk, to display it; with lamb's fur, ornaments of leopard's fur, and a jacket of black silk to display it ; with fox-fur, a jacket of yellow silk to display it. A jacket of embroidered silk with fox-fur was worn by the feudal lords.
15. With dog's fur or sheep's furo, they did not wear any jacket of silk over it. Where there was no ornamentation, they did not use the jacket. The wearing the jacket was to show its beauty.
When condoling, they kept the jacket covered, and did now show all its ornamental character; in the presence of the ruler, they showed all this.
The covering of the dress was to hide its beauty. Hence, personators of the deceased covered their jackets of silk. Officers holding a piece of jade or a tortoise-shell (to present it) covered it; but if they had no (such official) business in hand, they displayed the silken garment, and did not presume to cover it.
16. For his memorandum-tablet, the son of Heaven used a piece of sonorous jade; the prince of a state, a piece of ivory; a Great officer, a piece of bamboo, ornamented with fishbone ®; ordinary
1 Or foreign dog. An animal like the tapir or rhinoceros is called by the same name, but cannot be meant here.
3.The dress,' says Káng, 'worn by the common people.'
* The bone seems to be specified; , read pan. What bone and of what fish, I do not know.
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SECT. II.
Yü gÃO.
13
officers might use bamboo, adorned with ivory at the bottom
17. When appearing before the son of Heaven, and at trials of archery, there was no such thing as being without this tablet. It was contrary to rule to enter the Grand temple without it. During the five months' mourning, it was not laid aside. When engaged in the performance of some business, and wearing the cincture, one laid it aside. When he had put it in his girdle, the bearer of it was required to wash his hands; but afterwards, though he had something to do in the court, he did not wash them (again).
When one had occasion to point to or draw anything before the ruler, he used the tablet. When he went before him and received a charge, he wrote it down on it. For all these purposes the tablet was used, and therefore it was ornamental.
18. The tablet was 2 cubits and 6 inches long. Its width at the middle was 3 inches; and it tapered away to 24 inches (at the ends).
19. (A ruler) wore a plain white girdle of silk, with ornamented ends; a Great officer, a similar girdle, with the ends hanging down ; an ordinary officer, one of dyed silk, with the edges tucked in, and the ends hanging down; a scholar waiting to be employed, one of embroidered silk; and young lads, one of white silk ?.
1 From this paragraph to the end of the part, the text is in great confusion; with characters missing here and there, and sentences thrown together without natural connexion. Khăn Hảo has endeavoured to readjust them; but I have preferred to follow the order of the imperial and other editions. The Khien-lung editors advise the reader to do so, and make the best he can of them by means of Kång Hsuan's notes. Khăn Hâo's order is
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14
THE LÎ ri.
BK. XI.
20. For all these the buttons and loops were made of silk cords.
21. The knee-covers of a ruler were of vermilion colour; those of a Great officer, white; and of another officer, purple :-all of leather; and might be rounded, slanting, and straight. Those of the son of Heaven were straight (and pointed at all the corners); of the prince of a state, square both at bottom and top; of a Great officer, square at the bottom, with the corners at the top rounded off; and of another officer, straight both at bottom and top.
22. The width of these covers was 2 cubits at bottom, and i at top. Their length was 3 cubits. On each side of (what was called) the neck were 5 inches, reaching to the shoulders or corners. From the shoulders to the leathern band were 2 inches?.
23. The great girdle of a Great officer was 4
paragraphs--25, 19, 20, 27, 23, 21, 22, 24, 26, 28, 29. By this arrangement something like a train of thought can be made out.
1 The knee-covers of the prince of a state are represented thus
; and of a Great officer,
The middle suspender joined on to the top strap at the neck; the two others at the shoulders. On the central portions of the cover were represented certain of the emblems of distinction, according to the rank of the wearer :-dragons on the king's; flames on a prince's; and mountains on a Great officer's. But I do not think the makers of these figures had distinct ideas of the articles which they intended to represent. They certainly fail in giving the student such ideas. The colours, &c., moreover, appear to have varied with the occasions on which they were worn.
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Page #1106

SECT. II.
YŨ BẢO.
15
inches (wide)? In variegated girdles, the colours for a ruler were vermilion and green ; for a Great officer, cerulean and yellow; for an (ordinary) officer, a black border of 2 inches, and this, when carried round the body a second time, appeared to be 4 inches. On all girdles which were tucked in there was no needlework.
24. (An officer) who had received his first commission wore a cover of reddish-purple, with a black supporter for his girdle-pendant. One who had received the second commission wore a scarlet cover, (also) with a black supporter for the pendant; and one who had received the third commission, a scarlet cover, with an onion-green supporter for the pendant?
25. The son of Heaven wore a girdle of plain white silk, with vermilion lining, and ornamented ends.
26. The queen wore a robe with white pheasants embroidered on it; (a princess) wife, one with green pheasants.
27. (The cords that formed the loops and buttons) were 3 inches long, equal to the breadth of the girdle. The rule for the length of the sash (descending from the girdle) was, that, for an officer, it should
This, according to the Khien-lung editors, was the girdle or sash of correct dress,' and white. The variegated girdles, they say, were worn in private and when at leisure.
* The character for a knee-cover here (#, fd) is different from that in paragraph 21 (, pî); but the Khien-lung editors say their significance is exactly the same. How the knee-covers and the supporter or balance-yard (1T, hàng) of the girdle pendant are spoken of together, I do not know.
& The pheasants here referred to are described as I have done in the R-Ya. The wife' is supposed also to include the ladies called the king's 'three helpmates' in Book I, ii, Part ii, 1.
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16
THE LI Kİ.
be 3 cubits; for one discharging a special service, 2. 3ze-yû said, 'Divide all below the girdle into three parts, and the sash will be equal to two of them. The sash, the knee-covers, and the ties are all of equal length'.'
BK. XI.
28. (The wife of a count or baron) who had received a degree of honour from the ruler 2 wore a pheasant cut out in silk on her robe; (the wife of the Great officer of a count or baron), who had received two degrees, wore a robe of fresh yellow; (the wife of a Great officer), who had received one degree, a robe of white; and the wife of an ordinary officer, a robe of black.
29. Only the ladies of honours received their degree of appointment, when they presented their Cocoons. The others all wore the dresses proper to them as the wives of their husbands.
1 Khăn Hâo says, 'Man's length is 8 cubits; below the waist 4(=45 inches). A third of this is 15 inches. 2 x 15 30 or 3 cubits, the length of the sash, and of the covers in par. 22. cubit must have been shorter than the name now indicates. not know what the ties' were.
The I do
2 Kăng Hsuan took the ruler here to be feminine, and to mean 'the queen;' and, notwithstanding the protest of the Khien-lung editors, I think he was right. This paragraph and the next speak of the queen and ladies who were brought around her by their work in silk. Why may we not suppose that in her department she could confer distinction on the deserving as the king did in his? This passage seems to show that she did so.
These ladies-'hereditary wives'-occur also in Bk. I, ii, Part ii, 1. It is commonly said that there were twenty-seven members of the royal harem, who had each that title; but there is much vagueness and uncertainty about all such statements. The others' must refer to the ladies, wives of the feudal lords and Great officers, whose rank gave them the privilege to co-operate with the queen in her direction of the nourishing of the silkworms and preparation of silk.
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Page #1108

SECT. III.
YU SÂO.
LI
SECTION III.
1. All (officers) in attendance on the ruler let the sash hang down till their feet seemed to tread on the lower edge (of their skirt)1. Their chins projected like the eaves of a house, and their hands were clasped before them low down. Their eyes were directed downwards, and their ears were higher than the eyes. They saw (the ruler) from his girdle up to his collar. They listened to him with their ears turned to the left 2.
17
sence,
2. When the ruler called (an officer) to his prehe might send three tokens. If two of them came to him, he ran (to answer the message); if (only) one, he yet walked quickly. If in his office, he did not wait for his shoes; if he were outside elsewhere, he did not wait for his carriage.
3. When an officer received a visit from a Great officer, he did not venture to bow (when he went) to meet him ; but he did so when escorting him on his departure. When he went to visit one of higher rank than himself, he first bowed (at the gate) and then went into his presence. If the other bowed to him in replying, he hurried on one side to avoid (the honour).
4. When an officer was speaking before the ruler, if he had occasion to speak of a Great officer who was dead, he called him by his posthumous epithet, or by the designation of his maturity; if of an officer
1 See vol. xxvii, page 100, note I.
• They were on the right of the ruler, and turned their ears to the left to hear him.
C
That the more honourable visitor might not have the trouble of responding with a bow.
[28]
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Page #1109

18
THE LÎ ki.
BK. XI.
-
(who was similarly dead), he called him by his name. When speaking with a Great officer, he mentioned officers by their name, and (other) Great officers by their designation.
5. In speaking at a Great officer's, he avoided using the name of the (former) ruler, but not that of any of his own dead. At all sacrifices and in the ancestral temple, there was no avoiding of names. In school there was no avoiding of any character in the text.
6. Anciently, men of rank did not fail to wear their girdle-pendants with their precious stones, those on the right giving the notes Kih and Kio, and those on the left Kung and Yül.
When the king or ruler) was walking quickly (to the court of audience), he did so to the music of the Zhài Khi; when walking more quickly (back to the reception-hall), they played the Sze hsia . When turning round, he made a complete circle ; when turning in another direction, he did so at a right angle. When advancing, he inclined forward a little; he held himself up straight; and in all these movements, the pieces of jade emitted their tinklings. So also the man of rank, when in his carriage, heard the harmonious sounds of its bells; and, when walking, those of his pendant jade-stones; and in this way evil and depraved thoughts found no entrance into his mind.
7. When the ruler was present, (his son and heir)
Kih and Kio were the fourth and third notes of the musical scale, corresponding to our Dand B; Kung and Yü, the first and fifth, corresponding to G and E. See the Chinese Classics, vol.iii,p. 84, note.
* Zhâi Khî is taken as another name for the Kha Zhze, Chinese Classics, vol. iii, pr. 317-318.
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Page #1110

SECT. III.
19
did not wear the pendant of jade-stones. He tied it up on the left of his girdle, and left free the pendant (of useful things) on the right. When seated at ease, he wore the (jade) pendant ; but in court, he tied it up!
In fasting and vigil they wore it, but the strings were turned round, and fastened at the girdle. They wore then the purple knee-covers!
8. All wore the jade-stone pendant at the girdle, excepting during the mourning rites. (At the end of the middle string) in it was the tooth-like piece, colliding with the others. A man of rank was never without this pendant, excepting for some sufficient reason; he regarded the pieces of jade as emblematic of the virtues (which he should cultivate).
9. The son of Heaven had his pendant composed of beads of white jade, hung on dark-coloured strings; a duke or marquis, his of jade-beads of hillazure, on vermilion strings; a Great officer, his of beads of aqua-marine, on black strings; an heir-son, his of beads of Yü jade, on variegated strings; an ordinary officer, his of beads of jade-like quartz, on orange-coloured strings.
Confucius wore at his pendant balls of ivory?, five inches (round), on gray strings.
10. According to the regulations for (the dress of) a lads, his upper garment was of black linen,
1 There were three pendants from the girdle :- the jade-stone in the middle, called the pendant of virtue ;' and two others of useful things on the left and right, of which we shall read by and by. The subject of the first two sentences is said, correctly as I think, to be the heir-son of a ruler; while the last two have a more general application. Or'an ivory ring. One who had not yet been capped.
C 2
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Page #1111

THE LI XI.
with an embroidered edging. His sash was embroidered, and (also) the strings for the button-loops (of his girdle). With such a string he bound up his hair. The embroidered border and strings were all red.
20
BK. XI.
11. When the ends of fastening strings reached to the girdle, if they had any toilsome business to do, they put them aside. If they were running, they thrust them in the breast1.
•
12. A lad did not wear furs, nor silk, nor the ornamental points on his shoes. He did not wear the three months' mourning. He did not wear the hempen band, when receiving any orders. When he had nothing to do (in mourning rites), he stood on the north of the principal mourner, with his face to the south. When going to see a teacher, he followed in the suite of others, and entered his apartment.
13. When one was sitting at a meal with another older than himself, or of a different (and higher) rank, he was the last to put down the offering2, but the first to taste the food. When the guest put down the offering, the host apologised, saying that the food was not worthy of such a tribute. When the guest was enjoying the viands, the host apologised for their being scanty and poor. When the host himself put down the pickle (for the guest), the guest himself removed it. When the members of a household ate together, not being host and guests, one of them removed the dishes; and the same was done when a company had eaten together. At all festival meals, the women (of the house) did not remove the dishes.
1 This paragraph seems to be out of place. Kăng thought should follow the first sentence of paragraph 27 in the last part. By way of thanksgiving to the father of Cookery.
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Page #1112

SECT. III.
YÜ SÃO.
21
14. When eating dates, peaches, or plums, they did not cast the stones away (on the ground)? They put down the first slice of a melon as an offering, ate the other slices, and threw away the part by which they held it. When others were eating fruits with a man of rank, they ate them after him; cooked viands they ate before him? At meetings of rejoicing, if there were not some gift from the ruler, they did not congratulate one another; at meetings of sorrow, ....
15. If one had any toilsome business to do, he took them in his hand. If he were running, he thrust them in his breast".
16. When Confucius was eating with the head of) the Ki family, he made no attempt to decline anything, but finished his meal with the rice and liquid added to it, without eating any of the flesh”.
17. When the ruler sent (to an officer) the gift of a carriage and horses, he used them in going to give thanks for them. When the gift was of clothes, he wore them on the same occasion. (In the case of similar gifts to a commissioner from the king), until his (own) ruler had given him orders to use them, he did not dare at once to do so. When the ruler's
Compare vol. xxvii, page 81, paragraph 62. * Fruits were the productions of nature, and there could be no poison in them. Cooked food might have been tampered with, and those in attendance on a superior man first tasted it as a precaution for his safety.
* The conclusion is evidently lost. • A mistaken and meaningless repetition of part of paragraph 11.
• To express, it is supposed, his dissatisfaction with some want of courtesy in his host.
• This sentence is perplexing, and there are different views in interpreting it. I have followed Kång Hsuan.
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2
THE LÎ xi.
BK. XI.
gift reached him, he bowed his head to the ground with his two hands also, laying one of them over the other. A gift of liquor and flesh did not require the second expression of thanks (by the visit).
18. Whenever a gift was conferred on a man of rank, nothing was given to a small man on the same day.
19. In all cases of presenting offerings to a ruler, a Great officer sent his steward with them, and an ordinary officer went with them himself. In both cases they did obeisance twice, with their heads to the ground as they sent the things away; and again the steward and the officer did the same at the ruler's?. If the offerings were of prepared food for the ruler, there were the accompaniments of ginger and other pungent vegetables, of a peach-wood and a sedge-broom. A Great officer dispensed with the broom, and the officer with the pungent vegetables. (The bearers) went in with all the articles to the cook. The Great officer did not go in person to make obeisance, lest the ruler should come to respond to him.
20. When a Great officer went (next day) to do obeisance for the ruler's gift, he retired after performing the ceremony. An officer, (doing the same), waited to receive the ruler's acknowledgment (of his visit), and then retired, bowing again as he did so ; but (the ruler) did not respond to his obeisance.
When a Great officer gave anything in person to an ordinary officer, the latter bowed on receiving
1 This translation seems to make too much out of the text; but it is after Khung Ying-tâ, Khăn Hảo, and others.
Such presents might decompose or become offensive, and therefore these accompaniments were sent with them.
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sect. III.
YÜ SÃO.
23
it ; and also went to his house to repeat the obeisance. He did not, however, wear the clothes (which might have been the gift), in going to make that obeisance.
(In interchanges between) equals, if (the recipient) were in the house (when the gift arrived), he went and made his obeisance in the house (of the donor).
21. When any one presented an offering to his superior in rank, he did not dare to say directly that it was for him?.
An ordinary officer did not presume to receive the congratulations of a Great officer; but a Great officer of the lowest grade did so from one of the highest.
When one was exchanging courtesies with another, if his father were alive, he would appeal to his authority; if the other gave him a gift, he would say, in making obeisance for it, that he did so for his father.
22. If the ceremony were not very great, the (beauty of the) dress was not concealed. In accordance with this, when the great robe of fur was worn, it was without the appendage of one of thin silk to display it, and when the king) rode in the grand carriage, he did not bend forward to the cross-bar (to show his reverence for any one beyond the service he was engaged on) 2.
He would say, for instance, that it was for some member of his household.
* There are only fifteen characters in this paragraph, nor is there any intricacy in its structure, but few passages in the collection perplex a translator more. If we leave out the negatives in the former sentence, the meaning becomes clear. The grand carriage and grand fur-robe were used at the greatest of all ceremonies, the solstitial sacrifice to Heaven, which itself so occupied the mind
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Page #1115

THE LI Kİ.
23. When a father's summons came to him, a son reverently obeyed it without any delay. Whatever work he had in hand, he laid aside. He ejected the meat that was in his mouth, and ran, not contenting himself with a measured, though rapid pace. When his parents were old and he had gone away, he did not go to a second place, nor delay his return beyond the time agreed on; when they were ailing, his looks and manner appeared troubled:-1 -these were less-important observances of a filial son.
24. When his father died, he could not (bear to) read his books;-the touch of his hand seemed still to be on them. When his mother died, he could not (bear to) drink from the cups and bowls that she had used; the breath of her mouth seemed still to be on them.
24
BK. XI.
25. When a ruler, (visiting another ruler), was about to enter the gate, the attendant dusted the low post (at the middle of the threshold). The Great officers stood midway between the side-posts and this short post (behind their respective rulers). An officer, acting as an attendant, brushed the side-posts.
(A Great officer) on a mission from another court, did not enter at the middle of (either half of) the gate, nor tread on the threshold. If he were come on public business, he entered on the west of the short post; if on his own business, on the east of it.
26. A ruler and a representative of the dead brought their feet together step by step when they walked; a Great officer stepped along, one foot after the other; an ordinary officer kept the length of his
of the sovereign that he was supposed to think of nothing else. The paragraph might have had a more appropriate place in the seventh Book or the ninth.
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Page #1116

SECT. II.
YÜ 3o.
foot between his steps. In walking slowly, they all observed these rules. In walking rapidly, while they wished to push on (and did so), they were not allowed to alter the motion either of hands or feet. In turning their feet inwards or outwards, they did not lift them up, and the edge of the lower garment dragged along, like the water of a stream. In walking on the mats it was the same.
When walking erect, (the body was yet bent, and) the chin projected like the eaves of a house, and their advance was straight as an arrow. When walking rapidly, the body had the appearance of rising constantly with an elevation of the feet. When carrying a tortoise-shell or (a symbol of) jade, they raised their toes and trailed their heels, presenting an appearance of carefulness.
27. In walking (on the road), the carriage of the body was straight and smart; in the ancestral temple, it was reverent and grave; in the court, it was exact and easy..
28. The carriage of a man of rank was easy, but somewhat slow ;-grave and reserved, when he saw any one whom he wished to honour. He did not move his feet lightly, nor his hands irreverently. His eyes looked straightforward, and his mouth was kept quiet and composed. No sound from him broke the stillness, and his head was carried upright. His breath came without panting or stoppage, and his standing gave (the beholder) an impression of virtue. His looks were grave, and he sat like a personator of the dead. When at leisure and at ease, and in conversation, he looked mild and bland.
* See vol. xxvii, page 62, paragraph 6, and note 2.
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26
THE Lİ Kİ.
29. At all sacrifices, the bearing and appearance (of the worshippers) made it appear as if they saw those to whom they were sacrificing.
30. When engaged with the mourning rites, they had a wearied look, and an aspect of sorrow and unrest. Their eyes looked startled and dim, and their speech was drawling and low.
31. The carriage of a martialist was bold and daring; his speech had a tone of decision and command; his face was stern and determined; and his eyes were clear and bright.
32. He stood with an appearance of lowliness, but with no indication of subserviency. His head rose straight up from the centre of the neck. He stood (firm) as a mountain, and his movements were well timed. His body was well filled with the volume of his breath, which came forth powerfully like that of nature. His complexion showed (the beauty and strength of) a piece of jade1.
33. When they spoke of themselves, the style of the son of Heaven was, 'I, the One man;' a chief of regions described himself as 'The strong minister.
BK. XI.
1 On the translation of this, and many of the paragraphs immediately preceding, Callery says:-'The Chinese text contains dissyllabic expressions very difficult to translate, because they are a sort of onomatopoeias, which have nothing in common with the nature of the things to which they are applied. We could do nothing better with them than adopt the sense given by the commentators.' But these binomial combinations, which are often repetitions of the same character, are only onomatopoietic in the sense in which all words, sensuously descriptive at first, are applied by the mind to express its own concepts; metaphorical rather than onomatopoietic. They are very common in the Shih, or Book of Poetry, and in all passionate, descriptive composition. So it is in other languages as well as Chinese.
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Page #1118

SECT. III.
YÜ 3ÃO.
27
of the son of Heaven;' the relation of a feudal lord expressed itself by 'So and So, the guardian of such and such a territory.' If the fief were on the borders, he used the style~So and So, the minister in such and such a screen. Among his equals and those below him, he called himself “The man of little virtue.' The ruler of a small state called himself 'The orphan. The officer who answered for him (at a higher court) also styled him so?.
34. A Great officer of the highest grade (at his own court), called himself 'Your inferior minister;' (at another court), his attendant who answered for him, described him as 'The ancient of our poor ruler.' A Great officer of the lowest grade (at his own court), called himself by his name; (at another court), his attendant described him as 'Our unworthy Great officer.' The son and heir of a feudal prince (at his own court), called himself by his name; (at another court), his attendant described him as 'The rightful son of our unworthy ruler.'
35. A ruler's son (by an inferior lady) called himself Your minister, the shoot from the stock.' An (ordinary) officer styled himself 'Your minister, the fleet courier;' to a Great officer, he described himself as 'The outside commoner. When a Great officer went on a mission about private affairs, a man of his private establishment went with him as his spokesman, and called him by his name.
36. When an officer belonging to the ruler's establishment acted (at another court for a Great officer), he spoke of him as 'Our unworthy Great officer,' or 'The ancient of our unworthy ruler.'
So, most commentators; but this last sentence is not clear.
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Page #1119

28
THE LÎ ki.
BK. XI.
When a Great officer went on any mission, it was the rule that he should have such an officer from the ruler's establishment with him, to answer for him.
PLAN OF THE HALL OF DISTINCTION.
LUI
nin
UU
UU
man
A
INS
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Page #1120

BOOK XII. MING THANG WEI
OR
THE PLACES IN THE HALL OF DISTINCTION'.
1. Formerly, when the duke of Kâu gave audience to the feudal princes in their several places in the Hall of Distinction, the son of Heaven stood with his back to the axe-embroidered screen, and his face towards the south.
2. The three dukes* were in front of the steps, in the middle, with their faces to the north, inclining to the east as the most honourable positions. The places of the marquises were at the east of the
See introductory notice, vol. xxvii, pp. 38-30. On the opposite page there is the plan of the Hall, as given in Morrison's Dictionary, vol. i, part i, page 512. Compare it with the less complicated figure in vol. xxvii, page 252.
* See vol. xxvii, page 111, paragraph 11.
• Many chronological and other perplexing questions arise in connexion with the great audience described in this and the paragraphs that immediately follow. The time should be referred, I think, to the inauguration of Lo as the eastern capital of Kâu, probably in B.C. 1109, at the close of the duke of Kâu's regency for the young king Khăng ; see the Shů, V, xiii. That 'the son of Heaven' must be understood of king Khăng himself, and not of the duke of Kåu, is a point, it seems to me, that no Chinese commentator should ever have called in question.
• The three Kung, I suppose, mentioned in vol. iii, page 227, paragraph 3. The duke of Kâu was himself one of them; but perhaps, during his regency, another had been appointed in his place.
• The text þere simply = 'the east the upper.' The nearer one was to the king, the more honourable was his position.
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Page #1121

30
THE LÎ kt.
BK. XII.
eastern steps, with their faces to the west, inclining to the north as the most honourable position. The lords of the earldoms were at the west of the western steps, with their faces to the east, inclining also and for the same reason to the north. The counts were on the east of the gate, with their faces to the north, inclining to the east as the more honourable position. The barons were on the west of the gate, with their faces to the north, inclining also and for the same reason to the east.
3. The chiefs of the nine ii were outside the eastern door, with their faces to the west, inclining to the north as the position of honour; those of the eight Man were outside the door on the south, with their faces to the north, inclining for the same reason to the east; those of the six Zung were outside the door on the west, with their faces to the east, inclining for the same reason to the south ; and those of the five Ti were outside the door on the north, with their faces to the south, inclining for the same reason to the east.
4. The chiefs of the nine Zhâi were outside the Ying gate, with their faces to the north, inclining to the east as the position of honour for them; those of the four Sâi (also) came, who had only once in their time to announce their arrival (at the court). These were the places of the lords in the Hall of Distinction (when they appeared before) the duke of Kâu?.
· I was the general name for the wild tribes of the east; Mân, for those of the south ; Zung, for those of the west ; and Tî, for those of the north.
It is so difficult to explain what is meant by the nine 3 hãi,' and again by 'the four Sâi,' that I am inclined to doubt, with Wang Yen (E X ) and others, the genuineness of this paragraph.
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Page #1122

BK. XIL
MING THANG WEI.
31
5. The Hall of Distinction was so called, because in it the rank of the princes was clearly shown as high or low'.
6. Formerly, when Kâu of Yin was throwing the whole kingdom into confusion, he made dried slices of (the flesh of) the marquis of Kwei?, and used them in feasting the princes. On this account the duke of Kau assisted king wa in attacking Kâu. When king Wa died, king Khăng being young and weak, the duke took the seat of the son of Heaven”, and governed the kingdom. During six years he gave audience to all the princes in the Hall of Distinction ; instituted ceremonies, made his instruments of music, gave out his (standard) weights and measures, and there was a grand submission throughout the kingdom.
7. In the seventh year, he resigned the government to king Khăng; and he, in consideration of the duke's services to the kingdom, invested him with (the territory about) Khü-fa", seven hundred 11 square, and sending forth a thousand chariots of
* See the introduction, vol. xxvii, page 28.
s. The marquis of Kwei' appears in Sze-mâ Khien's history of Yin (near the end), as the marquis of Khill (tu ), and is made into pickle. The reference, no doubt, is to some act of atrocious and wanton cruelty on the part of Kâu.
. This can only mean that the duke, as regent, administered the government, though the compiler of the Book wanted to exalt his personality beyond the bounds of truth.
• The text is—measures of length and of capacity.
. Khu-fd is still a district city in the department of Yen-kâu, Shan-tung. It was the capital of La; and is called by foreigners
the city of Confucius.' It contains the great temple of the sage, and is the residence of his representative-descendant, with thousands of other Khungs.
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32
THE LI ki.
BK. XII.
war". He (also) gave charge that (the princes of) La, from generation to generation, should sacrifice to the duke of Kâu with the ceremonies and music proper at a sacrifice by the son of Heaven.
8. Thus it was that the rulers of La, in the first month of spring, rode in a grand carriage, displaying the banner, suspended from its bow-like arm, with the twelve streamers, and having the sun and moon emblazoned on it, to sacrifice to God in the suburb of their metropolis, associating Hâu Ki as his assessor in the service ;-according to the ceremonies used by the son of Heaven
9. In the last month of summer, the sixth month, they used the ceremonies of the great sacrifice in sacrificing to the duke of Kau in the great ancestral temple, employing for the victim to him a white bull. The cups were those with the figure of a victim bull, of an elephant, and of hills and clouds; that for the fragrant spirits was the one with gilt eyes on it. For libations they used the cup of jade with the handle made of a long rank-symbol. The dishes with the offerings were on stands of wood, adorned with jade and carved. The cups for the personator were of jade carved in the same way. There were also the plain cups and those of horn, adorned with round pieces of jade ; and for the meat-stands, they used those with four feet and the cross-binders.
10. (The singers) went up to the hall (or stage),
* This is one of the gross exaggerations in the Book. The marquisate of LQ was only a hundred lî square on its first constitution.
Of this and many of the statements in the paragraphs that follow, see the fourth of the Praise Odes of La,' in the Shih, Metrical version, pp. 379-383.
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BK. XII.
MING THANG WEI.
33
and sang the Khing Miao; (in the court) below, (the pantomimes) performed the Hsiang dance', to the accompaniment of the wind instruments. With their red shields and jade-adorned axes, and in their caps with pendants, they danced to the music of the Ta Wa?; in their skin caps, and large white skirts gathered at the waist, and jacket of silk, they danced the Tà Hsias There (were also) the Mei, or music of the wild tribes of the East; and the Zăn, or music of those of the South. The introduction of these two in the grand temple was to signalise the distinction of Là all over the kingdom,
11. The ruler, in his dragon-figured robe and cap with pendants, stood at the eastern steps; and his wife, in her head-dress and embroidered robe, stood in her room. The ruler, with shoulder bared, met the victim at the gate; his wife brought in the stands for the dishes. The ministers and Great officers assisted the ruler; their wivesassisted his wife. Each one discharged the duty proper to him or her. Any officer who neglected his duty was severely punished; and throughout the kingdom there was a great acknowledgment of, and submission to, (the worth of the duke of Kâu).
12. (In La) they offered (also) the sacrifices of summer, autumn, and winter (in the ancestral temple); with those at the altars of the land and grain in spring, and that at the autumnal hunt, going on to the great sacrifice of thanksgiving at
· See vol. xxvii, page 361, paragraph 21. • Attributed to king wa. Said to be of the Hsiâ dynasty.
• The commissioned wives ;' including, according to Khăn Hảo, the ruler's ladies of honour,' as well as the wives of his ministers and Great officers.
[28]
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34
.
THE LÎ af.
BK. XII.
the end of the year :--all (after the pattern of) the sacrifices of the son of Heaven.
13. The grand temple (of La) corresponded to the Hall of Distinction of the son of Heaven, the Khả gate of the (marquis's palace) to the Kâo (or outer) gate of the king's, and the Kih gate to the Ying? They shook the bell with the wooden clapper in the court as was done in the royal court, in announcing governmental orders.
14. The capitals of the pillars with hills carved on them, and the pond-weed carving on the small pillars above the beams; the second storey and the great beams projecting under the eaves; the polished pillars and the windows opposite to one another; the earthen stand on which the cups, after being used, were placed; the high stand on which the jade tokens were displayed aloft; and the slightly carved screen:— all these were ornaments of the temple of the son of Heaven.
15. (The princes of La) had, as carriages, that of (Shun), the lord of Yü, furnished with bells; that of the sovereign of Hsiâ, with its carved front; the Great carriage (of wood), or that of Yin ; and the carriage (adorned with jade), or that of Kâu.
16. They had, as flags or banners, that of (Shun), the lord of Yü; the yak's tail of the sovereign of Hsiâ ; the great white flag of Yin; and the corresponding red one of Kâu.
The five gates of the royal palace, beginning with the outermost, were the Kao (), the KhQ (VI), the Rib (hi). the Ying (L), and the La ( ); the palaces of the princes wanted the Kảo and Ying gates. The grand temples appear to have been constructed on a similar plan, to the east of the palace.
. And in the temple of LQ, also, it is implied.
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BK. XII.
MING THANG WEI.
35
17. They had the white horses of the sovereign of Hsiâ, with their black manes; the white horses of Yin, with their black heads; and the bay horses of Kâu, with red manes. The sovereigns of Hsià preferred black victims; those of Yin, white ; and those of Kâu, victims which were red and strong.
18. Of jugs for liquor, they had the earthenware jug of the lord of Yü; the jug of Hsia, with clouds and hills figured on it; the ko of Yin, with no base, which rested directly on the ground; and the jugs of Kâu, with a victim-bull or an elephant on them.
19. For bowls or cups they had the kân' of Hsia; the kiâ of Yin?; and the kio of Kaus.
20. For libations they had the jug of Hsia, with a cock on it; the kiâ of Yin; and that of Kâu, with gilt eyes on it.
For ladles they had that of Hsiâ, with the handle ending in a dragon's head; that of Yin, slightly carved all over; and that of Kâu, with the handle like plaited rushes.
21. They had the earthen drum, with clods for the drumstick and the reed pipe,-producing the music of I-khl"; the pillow-like bundles of chaff,
1 Made of-jade, or adorned with it.
With plants of grain figured on it. . Also made of, or adorned with, jade.
• I-khî is said by Kång to be the dynastic title of an ancient son of Heaven.' Many identify him with Shăn Năng, who generally follows Fa-hss in the chronology, and who cannot be placed later than the thirty-first century B.C., if we can speak at all of so distant dates. Evidently the compiler is putting down the names of the most ancient instruments which he had heard of. There is in the Khien-lung edition of our collection, chapter 81, page 5, a representation of the drum and its handle; with a collection of the views about them, contradictory and fantastical,
D2
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Page #1127

36
THE LÎ xl.
BK. XII.
which were struck1; the sounding stone of jade; the instruments rubbed or struck, (to regulate the commencement and close of the music) 2; the great lute and great cithern; the medium lute and little citherns: -the musical instruments of the four dynasties.
22. The temple of the duke of Lû was maintained from generation to generation like that of (king) Wăn (in the capital of Kâu), and the temple of duke Wa in the same way like that of (king) W04.
23. They had the hsiang (school) of the lord of Yü, in connexion with which were kept the stores of (sacrificial) rice"; the hsü school of the sovereign of Hsiâ; the school of Yin, in which the blind were
so that it is not worth while to reproduce them here. There is a figure also of the reed pipe, which can only have been something a little superior to the early 'oaten pipe' of the west.
1 This also is represented in the Khien-lung edition; but how anything like music could be brought from the pillows I do not know. The two characters, supposed to give the name, are found, perhaps, in the Shu, II, iv, 9, used with verbal force of playing on the lute. · The KQ and Yü; see vol. xxvii, pages 219 and 273.
The invention of the lute and cithern is ascribed to Fu-hsî. They are represented thus
D
W
?
• The duke of La here is the first duke, Po-khin (B.C. 11151063). Duke Wa was the ninth duke (8.c. 826-817).
As a lesson, it is said, of filial duty.
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BX. XII.
MING THANG WEI.
honoured"; and the college of Kâu, with its semicircle of water.
24. They had the tripods of Khung' and Kwano; the great jade hemisphere; and the tortoise-shell of Făng-fu :-all articles (properly) belonging to the son of Heaven. They also had the lance of Yüeho; and the great bow,-military weapons of the son of Heaven.
25. They had the drum of Hsià supported on four legs; that of Yin supported on a single pillar; the drums of Kâu, pendent from a stand; the peal of bells of Sui"; the differently toned khing (sonorous stones) of Shao; and the organ of Nükwas, with its tongues.
26. They had the music-stand of Hsia, with its face-board and posts, on which dragons were carved; that of Yin, with the high-toothed face-board; and that of Kâu, with its round ornaments of jade, and feathers (hung from the corners).
1 The father of Music, it is said, was here sacrificed to, or had offerings presented to him. All this is very uncertain. Blind men were used as musicians.
? These are names of states mentioned in the Shů, with which we find king Wån at war.
* Fång-fQ must also be the name of an ancient state; but where it was I do not know. Yüeh was a great state, south of Wa, on the seaboard.
• See the Shů, II, i, 21, and note. * Shû was also called Wa-kâu ( ).
Nu-kwa is placed between Fä-hsî and Shăn Năng. Various fabulous marvels are related of 1 him or her (for many hold the name to be that of a female) in the account of the five Tîs, prefixed to Sze-mâ Khien's histories. The organ is represented thus
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Page #1129

THE LÎ xi.
BK. XII.
27. They had the two tui of the lord of Yü (for holding the grain at sacrifices); the four lien of Hsia; the six hd of Yin; and the eight kwei of Kâu?
28. They had for stands (on which to set forth the flesh of the victims), the khwan of Shun; the küeh of Hsiâ; the kü of Yin; and the room-like stand of Kâu. For the tall supports of the dishes, they used those of Hsiâ of unadorned wood; those of Yin, adorned with jade; and those of Kâu, with feathers carved on them.
29. They had the plain leather knee-covers of Shun; those of Hsia, with hills represented on them; those of Yin, with flames; and those of Kâu, with dragons.
30. They used for their sacrificial offerings (to the father of Cookery), like the lord of Yü, (portions of) the head; like the sovereigns of Hsia, (portions of) the heart; as they did under Yin, (portions of) the liver; and as they did under Kâu, (portions of) the lungs?
31. They used the bright water preferred by Hsia; the unfermented liquor preferred by Yin; and the completed liquor preferred by Kâu:
* Figures of all these are given. The number of the vessels in the different dynasties is thought to have been regulated by the number of the kinds of grain; but most of this is conjecture.
· Kang Hsuan, in explanation of these practices, has only three characters, which I confess I do not fully comprehend. Khung Ying-tâ says nothing about them, nor the Khien-lung editors. Fang Kueh writes, on the relation between the five elements and the five colours, and the symbolical colours adopted by the different dynasties, and of the different members of the victims; very mystically and darkly, and failing to elucidate the passage.
There have been various references to these points already, and there will be more hereafter.
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BK, XII.
MING THANG WEI.
39
32. They used (the names) of the 50 officers of the lord of Yü; of the 100 of the sovereigns of Hsia; of the 200 of Yin; and of the 300 of Kau!.
33. (At their funerals) they used the feathery ornaments of the lord of Yü; the wrappings of white silk (about the flag-staffs) of the sovereigns of Hsià ; (the flags) with their toothed edges of Yin; and the round pieces of jade and plumes of Kâu
34. La (thus) used the robes, vessels and officers of all the four dynasties, and so it observed the royal ceremonies. It long transmitted them everywhere. Its rulers and ministers never killed one another. Its rites, music, punishments, laws, governmental proceedings, manners and customs never changed. Throughout the kingdom it was considered the state which exhibited the right ways; and therefore dependence was placed on it in the matters of ceremonies and music
Compare the Shů, V, XX, 3. Various attempts are made to reconcile the statements there and those of this paragraph ; 'all,' says Khăn Hào, mere conjectures.”
• Compare paragraph 22, page 139, vol. xxvii.
* Much of what is said here is glaringly false ; and justifies what is said of the Book in the introduction, page 29.
1.
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Page #1131

Book XIII. SANG FỦ HSIÁO KĨ
OR . RECORD OF SMALLER MATTERS IN THE
DRESS OF MOURNING”.
SECTION I. 1. When wearing the unhemmed sackcloth (for a father), (the son) tied up his hair with a hempen (band), and also when wearing it for a mother. When he exchanged this band for the cincture (in the case of mourning for his mother) ?, this was made of linen cloth.
(A wife) 3, when wearing the one year's mourning) of sackcloth with the edges even, had the girdle (of the same), and the inferior hair-pin (of hazel-wood), and wore these to the end of the mourning.
2. (Ordinarily) men wore the cap, and women the hair-pin ; (in mourning) men wore the cincture, and women the same after the female fashion.
* See the introductory notice, vol. xxvii, page 30.
* This was done after the slighter dressing of the corpse. The cincture (wăn, h) is mentioned in the first paragraph of the Than Kung (vol. xxvii, page 120). The hempen band being removed, one of linen cloth, about the breadth of which there are different accounts, was put round the hair on the crown, taken forward to the forehead, there crossed, taken back again, and knotted at the back of the hair.
* The text does not mention the wife' here; but a comparison of different passages shows that this sentence is only applicable to her.
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SECT. I.
SANG FU HSIÃO ki.
41
The idea was (simply) to maintain in this way a distinction between them'.
3. The dark-coloured staff was of bamboo ; that pared and fashioned (at the end) was of eleococca wood ?
4. When the grandfather was dead, and afterwards (the grandson) had to go into mourning for his grandmother, he, being the representative of the family (through the death of his father), did so for three years.
5. The eldest son, (at the mourning rites) for his father or mother, (before bowing to a visitor who had come to condole with him), first laid his forehead to the ground (as an expression of his sorrow).
When a Great officer came to condole (with an ordinary officer), though it might be (only) in a case of the three months' mourning, (the latter first) laid his forehead to the grounds.
A wife, at the rites for her husband or eldest son, bowed her head to the ground before she saluted
Anciently, it is said, there was no distinction between these two cinctures, but in the name. There probably came to be some difference between them; but what it was I cannot discover.
• This is found also in the I Lî, XXXII, 5; but the interpretation there is as difficult as here. The translation of the first character (F, zhu) by dark-coloured' is from Khung Ying-ta. The paring away the end of the dryandria branch was to make it square. The round bamboo was carried in mourning for a father, and was supposed to symbolise heaven; the other was carried in mourning for a mother, and its square end symbolised earth. What heaven and earth were to nature that the father and mother were to a child. I can make nothing more or better of the passage.
• We do not see how this instance coheres with the former one; nor why. the two are brought together.
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42
THE LÎ xi.
'BK. XIIL.
v
a visitor ; but in mourning for others, she did not do so 1
6. The man employed to preside (at the mourning rites) was required to be of the same surname (as the deceased parent); the wife so employed, of a different surname .
7. The son who was his father's successor (as now head of the family) did not wear mourning for his mother who had been divorced.
8. In counting kindred (and the mourning to be worn of them), the three closest degrees become expanded into five, and those five again into nine. The mourning diminished as the degrees ascended or descended, and the collateral branches also were correspondingly less mourned for; and the mourning for kindred thus came to an end 3.
9. At the great royal sacrifice to all ancestors, the first place was given to him from whom the founder of the line sprang, and that founder had the place of assessor to him. There came thus to be established four ancestral shrines - In the
1 The others,' according to Kång, must be understood of her own parents. She was now identified with a family of another surname; and her husband's relatives were more to her than her own.
The son and his wife who should have presided are supposed to be dead. The wife elected for the office would be the wife of some other member of the family, herself therefore of a different surname.
The three closest degrees are 'father, son, and son's son.' Add the grandfather and grandson (counting from the son), and we have five; great-grandfather and great-grandson (here omitted), and we have seven. Then great-great-grandfather and great-greatgrandson, make nine; and the circle of kindred, for whom mourning should be worn, is complete. See Appendix, Book II, vol. xxvii.
• This statement about the four shrines has given occasion to much writing.
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SECT. I.
SANG FU HSIÃO ki.
43
case of a son by another than the queen coming to be king, the same course was observed. .
10. When a son other than (the eldest) became the ancestor (of a branch of the same line), his successor was its Honoured Head, and he who followed him in the line) was its smaller Honoured Head. After five generations there was a change again of the Honoured Head; but all in continuation of the High Ancestor.
11. Hence the removal of the ancestor took place high up (in the line), and the change of the Honoured Head low down in it). Because they honoured the ancestor, they reverenced the Honoured Head; their reverencing the Honoured Head was the way in which they expressed the honour which they paid to the ancestor and his immediate successor 1
12. That any other son but the eldest did not sacrifice to his grandfather showed that (only he was in the direct line from) the Honoured Head (of their branch of the family). So, no son but he wore the (three years) unhemmed sackcloth for his eldest son, because the eldest son of no other continued (the direct line) of the grandfather and father
13. None of the other sons sacrificed to a son
1 The subject imperfectly described in these two paragraphs,the manner in which a family, ever lengthening its line and multiplying its numbers, was divided into collateral branches, will come before the reader again in the next Book.
It is difficult to catch exactly the thought in the writer of these, and several of the adjacent, sentences. Even the native critics, down to the Khien-lung editors, seem to experience the difficulty.
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Page #1135

44
THE LÎ ki.
BK. XIII.
(of his own) who had died prematurely, or one who had left no posterity. (The tablet of) such an one was placed along with that of his grandfather, and shared in the offerings made to him.
14. Nor could any of them sacrifice to their father ; showing that (the eldest son was the representative of) the Honoured Head.
15. (In the distinctions of the mourning) for the kindred who are the nearest, the honoured ones to whom honour is paid, the elders who are venerated for their age, and as the different tributes to males and females ; there are seen the greatest manifestations of the course which is right for men.
16. Where mourning would be worn from one's relation with another for parties simply on the ground of that affinity, when that other was dead, the mourning ceased. Where it would have been worn for them on the ground of consanguinity, even though that other were dead, it was still worn .
When a concubine had followed a ruler's wife to the harem, and the wife came to be divorced, the concubine, (following her out of the harem), did not wear mourning for her son ?
17. According to the rules, no one but the king offered the united sacrifice to all ancestors 3.
Khung Ying-tâ specifies six cases coming under the former of these cases, and four under the second. It is not necessary to set them forth. The Khien-lung editors say that the paragraph has reference only to the practice of the officer; for a Great officer did not wear mourning either for his wife or mother's kin.
* This concubine would be either of the near relatives of the wife, who had gone with her on her marriage.
* This paragraph is out of place. It should have formed part, probably, of paragraph 9.
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Page #1136

SECT. I.
SANG FU HSIÂO xi.
45
18. The heir-son (of the king or a feudal lord) did not diminish the mourning for the parents of his wife. For his wife he wore the mourning which the eldest and rightful son of a Great officer did for his 1
19. When the father was an officer, and the son came to be king or a feudal prince, the father was sacrificed to with the rites of a king or a lord ; but the personator wore the dress of an officer. When the father had been the son of Heaven, or a feudal lord, and the son was (only) an officer, the father was sacrificed to with the rites of an officer, but his personator wore only the dress of an officer 2.
20. If a wife were divorced while wearing the mourning (for her father or mother-in-law), she put it off. If the thing took place while she was wearing the mourning for her own parents, and before she had completed the first year's mourning, she continued to wear it for the three years; but if that term had been completed, she did not resume the mourning.
If she were called back before the completion of the year, she wore it to the end of that term; but if that term had been completed before she was called back, she went on wearing it to the regular term of mourning for parents.
21. The mourning which lasted for two complete years was (held to be) for three years; and that
1 The sackcloth for one year, without carrying the staff.
• Both the cases in this paragraph can hardly be taken as anything more than hypothetical. On the concluding statement, the Khien-lung editors ask how the robes of a king could be exhibited in the ancestral temple of an officer.
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Page #1137

THE LI RI.
BK. XIII.
which lasted for one complete year for two years ?. The mourning for nine months and that for seven months 2 was held to be for three seasons; that for five months for two ; and that for three months for one. Hence the sacrifice at the end of the completed year was according to the prescribed rule ; but the putting off the mourning (or a part of it) then was the course (prompted by natural feeling). The sacrifice was not on account of the putting off of the mourning
22. When the interment (for some reason) did not take place till after the three years, it was the rule that the two sacrifices (proper at the end of the first and second years) should then be offered. Between them, but not all at the same time, the mourning was put off,
23. If a relative who had himself to wear only the nine months' mourning for the deceased took the direction of the mourning rites in the case of any who must continue their mourning for three years, it was the rule that he should offer for them the two annual terminal sacrifices. If one who was merely a friend took that direction, he only offered
1 See the introduction on Book XXXV, vol. xxvii, page 49.
• We have not met before with this mourning term of seven months. It occurs in the I Li, Book XXIV, 6, as to be worn for those who had died in the second degree of prematurity between the age of twelve and fifteen inclusive.
8 "This remark is made by the compiler,' say the Khien-lung editors, 'to guard against the sudden abandonment of their grief by the mourners, as if they had done with the deceased when the mourning was concluded.'
• After the first, it is said, men put off the mourning headband, and women that of the girdle. After the second they both put off their sackcloth.
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Page #1138

SANG FU HSIAO KI.
the sacrifice of Repose, and that at the placing of the tablet in the shrine 1.
SECT. I.
47
24. When the concubine of an officer had a son, he wore the three months' mourning for her. If she had no son, he did not do so?.
25. When one had been born (in another state), and had had no intercourse with his grand-uncles and aunts, uncles and cousins, and his father, on hearing of the death of any of them, proceeded to wear mourning, he did not do so.
26. If one did not (through being abroad) hear of the death of his ruler's father or mother, wife or eldest son, till the ruler had put off his mourning, he did not proceed to wear any.
27. If it were a case, however, where the mourning was reduced to that of three months, he wore it3.
28. (Small) servants in attendance on the ruler, (who had followed him abroad), when he assumed mourning (on his return, for relatives who had died when he was away), also put it on. Other and (higher officers in his train) also did so; but if the proper term for the mourning in the case were past, they did not do so. (Those who had remained at home), though the ruler could not know of their doing so, had worn the (regular) mourning.
1 Because of the youth of the son, or of some other reason existing in the case. The director would himself be a cousin.
But Great officers wore the three months' mourning for the relatives who had accompanied their wives to the harem, though they might have had no son. No such relatives accompanied the
wife of an officer.
This, it is supposed, should follow paragraph 25. There are doubts as to the interpretation of it.
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Page #1139

88.
THE LÎ ri.
BK, XIII.
SECTION II.
1. (The presiding mourner), after the sacrifice of Repose, did not carry his staff in proceeding to his apartment; after the placing of the tablet of the deceased (in the shrine of the grandfather), he did not carry it in going up to the hall?.
2. The (son of another lady of the harem), who had been adopted as the child of the (childless) wife of the ruler, when that wife died, did not go into mourning for her kindred ?
3. The sash was shorter (than the headband), by one-fifth of the length of the latter). The staff was of the same length as the sash 3.
4. For the ruler's eldest son a concubine wore
See vol. xxvii, p. 170. I have met with the Pacifying sacrifice,' instead of the sacrifice of Repose,' which I prefer for in this application. The character is explained by the symbol of
being at rest.' The mourners had done all they could for the body of the deceased. It had been laid in the grave; and this sacrifice of Repose was equivalent to our wish for a departed friend, "Requiescat in pace.' It was offered in the principal apartment of the house. It remained only to place with an appropriate service the tablet of the deceased in its proper shrine in the ancestral temple next day. The staff was discarded by the mourner, it is said, to show that his grief was beginning to be assuaged. He and the others would pass from the principal apartment to others more private; and on leaving the temple, would have to mount the steps to the hall.
• The Khien-lung editors argue, and, I think, correctly, that this paragraph should say the opposite of what it does. They think it has been mutilated.
The purely native staff in China is very long. At temples in the interior of the country I have often been asked to buy choice specimens as long as a shepherd's crook, or an alpenstock.
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Page #1140

SECT. II.
SANG FU ASIÃO xi.
49
mourning for the same time as his wife, (the son's mother).
5. In putting off the mourning attire, they commenced with what was considered most important. In changing it, they commenced with what was considered least important.
6. When there was not the (regular) occasion for it, they did not open the door of the temple 1. All wailed in the (mourning) shed (at other times).
7. In calling the dead back, and writing the inscription to be exhibited over the coffin), the language was the same for all, from the son of Heaven to the ordinary officer. A man was called by his name. For a wife they wrote her surname, and her place among her sisters. If they did not know her surname, they wrote the branch-name of her family.
8. The girdle of dolychos cloth assumed with the unhemmed sackcloth (at the end of the wailing), and the hempen girdle worn when one (first) put on the hemmed sackcloth (of one year's mourning), were of the same size. The girdle of dolychos cloth assumed (as a change) in the hemmed sackcloth mourning, and that of hempen cloth at the (beginning of the) nine months' mourning, were of the same size. When the occasion for assuming the girdle of the lighter mourning occurred, a man wore both it and the other together 2.
1 This is not the ancestral temple; but the apartment where the body was kept in the coffin, entered regularly for wailing in the morning and evening.
? So far as I can understand this paragraph, it describes the practice of a man (not of a woman), when, while he was wearing
[28]
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Page #1141

THE LÎ ri.
SO
BK. XIII.
9. An early interment was followed by an early sacrifice of repose. But they did not end their wailing till the three months were completed.
10. When the mourning rites for both parents occurred at the same time, the sacrifices of repose and of the enshrining of the tablet, for the (mother) who was buried first, did not take place till after the burial of the father. The sackcloth worn at her interment was the unhemmed and jagged 1.
II. A Great officer reduced the (period of) mourning for a son by a concubine 2 ; but his grandson, (the son of that son), did not reduce his mourning for his father.
12. A Great officer did not preside at the mourning rites for an ordinary) officer.
13. For the parents of his nurse 3 a man did not wear mourning.
14. When the husband had become the successor and representative of some other man (than his own father), his wife wore the nine months' mourning for his parents-in-law 4
15. When the tablet of an (ordinary) officer was placed in the shrine of (his grandfather who had been) a Great officer, the victim due to him (as an officer) was changed (for that due to a Great officer).
16. A son who had not lived with his step-father (did not wear mourning for him). (They) must
deep mourning, a fresh death in his circle required him to add to it something of a lighter mourning.
Compare vol. xxvii, page 315, paragraph 6. ? To nine months. • A concubine of his father's.
* Her husband's own parents. But the paragraph is a difficult one; nor have the commentators elucidated it clearly.
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SANG FU HSIAO KI.
51
have lived together and both be without sons to preside at their mourning rites; and (the stepfather moreover) must have shared his resources with the son, and enabled him to sacrifice to his grandfather and father, (in order to his wearing mourning for him);-under these conditions they were said to live together. If they had sons to preside at the mourning rites for them, they lived apart.
SECT. II.
17. When people wailed for a friend, they did so outside the door (of the principal apartment), on the left of it, with their faces towards the south'.
18. When one was buried in a grave already occupied, there was no divination about the site (in the second case).
19. The tablet of an (ordinary) officer or of a Great officer could not be placed in the shrine of a grandfather who had been the lord of a state; it was placed in that of a brother of the grandfather who had been an (ordinary) officer or a Great officer. The tablet of his wife was placed by the tablet of that brother's wife, and that of his concubine by the tablet of that brother's concubine.
If there had been no such concubine, it was placed by the tablet of that brother's grandfather; for in all such places respect was had to the rules concerning the relative positions assigned to the tablets of father and son 2. The tablet of a feudal lord could not be placed in the shrine of the son of Heaven (from whom he was born or descended); but that of the son of Heaven, of a feudal lord, or
1 See vol. xxvii, page 134, paragraph 10.
* See vol. xxvii, page 223, paragraph 4, and note.
E 2
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32
THE LÎ ki.
BK. XIII.
of a Great officer, could be placed in the shrine of an (ordinary) officer (from whom he was descended)".
20. For his mother's mother, who had been the wife proper of her father, if his mother were dead, a son did not wear mourning.
21. The son who was the lineal Head of his new branch of the surname, even though his mother were alive, (his father being dead), completed the full period of mourning for his wife 8.
22. A concubine's son who had been reared by another, might act as son to that other; and she might be any concubine of his father or of his grandfather
23. The mourning went on to the than ceremony for a parent, a wife, and the eldest son.
24. To a nursing mother, or any concubine who was a mother, sacrifice was not maintained for a second generation.
25. When a grown-up youth had been capped, (and died), though his death could not be considered premature; and a (young) wife, after having worn
1 A descendant in a low position could not presume on the dignity of his ancestors; but those who had become distinguished glorified their meaner ancestors. . . It is difficult to say exactly what is the significance of the
in the text here. 3 Meaning, say some, performed the than sacrifice at the end of twenty-seven months for her. I cannot think this is the meaning. Even for such a wife there could not be the three years' mourning. According to Wang Yuan ( BH), the mourning for one year terminated with a than sacrifice in the fifteenth month. This must be what is here intended.
* This is the best I can do for this paragraph, over which there is much conflict of opinion.
• Here is the same difficulty as in paragraph 21.
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SANG FU HSIAO KI.
53
the hair-pin, (died), though neither could her death be said to be premature; yet, (if they died childless), those who would have presided at their rites, if they had died prematurely, wore the mourning for them which they would then have done 1.
SECT. II.
26. If an interment were delayed (by circumstances) for a long time, he who was presiding over the mourning rites was the only one who did not put off his mourning. The others having worn the hempen (band) for the number of months (proper in their relation to the deceased), put off their mourning, and made an end of it.
27. The hair-pin of the arrow-bamboo was worn by (an unmarried daughter for her father) to the end of the three years' mourning 3.
28. That in which those who wore the sackcloth with even edges for three months, and those who wore (it) for all the nine months' mourning agreed, was the shoes made of strings (of hemp).
29. When the time was come for the sacrifice at the end of the first year's mourning, they consulted the divining stalks about the day for it, and the individual who was to act as personator of the deceased. They looked that everything was clean, and that all wore the proper girdle, carried their staffs, and had on the shoes of hempen-string. When the officers charged with this announced that all was ready, (the son) laid aside his staff, and assisted at the divinations for the day and for the
1 Another difficult paragraph, about the interpretation of which there seem to be as many minds as there are commentators.
* Yet they would keep it by them till the interment took place, and then put it on again for the occasion.
• Should form part of the first paragraph of Section i.
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54
THE LÎ xi.
BK. XIII.
personator. The officers having announced that these were over, he resumed his staff, bowed to the guests (who had arrived in the meantime), and escorted them away. At the sacrifice for the end of the second year, (the son) wore his auspicious (court) robes, and divined about the personator.
30. The son of a concubine, living in the same house with his father, did not observe the sacrifice at the end of the mourning for his mother.
Nor did such a son carry his staff in proceeding to his place for wailing.
As the father did not preside at the mourning rites for the son of a concubine, that son's son might carry his staff in going to his place for wailing. Even while the father was present, the son of a concubine, in mourning for his wife, might carry his staff in going to that place.
31. When a feudal prince went to condole on the death of a minister of another state', (being himself there on a visit), the ruler of that state received him and acted as the presiding mourner. The rule was that he should wear the skin cap and the starched sackcloth. Though the deceased on account of whom he paid his condolences had been interred, the presiding mourner wore the mourning cincture. If he had not yet assumed the full mourning dress, the visitor also did not wear that starched sackcloth.
32. One who was ministering to another who was ill did not do so in the mourning clothes (which he might be wearing); and (if the patient died), he might go on to preside at the mourning rites for him. But if another relative, who had not ministered
That is, if the visit were made before the removal of the coffin.
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SECT. II.
SANG FÛ HSIÂO ki.
to the deceased in his illness, came in to preside at the rites for him, he did not change the mourning which he might be wearing. In ministering to one more honourable than himself, the rule required a person to change the mourning he might be wearing, but not if the other were of lower position !
33. If there had been no concubine of her husband's grandmother by whose tablet that of a deceased concubine might be placed, it might be placed by that. of the grandmother, the victim offered on the occasion being changed
34. In the mourning rites for a wife, at the sacrifices of repose and on the ending of the wailing, her husband or son presided; when her tablet was put in its place, her father-in-law presided.
35. An (ordinary) officer did not take the place of presiding (at the mourning rites) for a Great officer. It was only when he was the direct descendant of the Honoured Head of their branch of the surname that he could do so.
36. If a cousin arrived from another state to take part in the rites), before the presiding mourner had put off his mourning, the latter received him in the part of host, but without the mourning cincture?
37. The course pursued in displaying the articles, (vessels to the eye of fancy, to be put into the grave), was this :-If they were (too) many as dis
* If the other, it is said, in the former case were elder, an uncle or elder cousin; in the latter, a younger cousin.
? If the ruler came to condole after the interment, the presiding mourner would resume his cincture to receive him, out of respect to his rank; but this was not required on the late arrival of a relative.
* These articles were the contributions of friends and those
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56
THE LÎ ki.
BK. XIII,
played, a portion of them might be put into the grave; if they were comparatively few as displayed, they might all be put into it.
38. Parties hurrying to the mourning rites for a brother or cousin (whose burial had taken place) first went to the grave and afterwards to the house, selecting places at which to perform their wailing. If the deceased had (only) been an acquaintance, they (first) wailed in the apartment (where the coffin had been), and afterwards went to the grave.
39. A father (at the mourning rites) for any of his other sons did not pass the night in the shed outside (the middle door, as for his eldest son by his wife).
40. The brothers and cousins of a feudal prince wore the unhemmed sackcloth (in mourning for him)?
41. In the five months' mourning for one who had died in the lowest stage of immaturity, the sash was of bleached hemp from which the roots were not cut away. These were turned back and tucked in.
42. When the tablet of a wife was to be placed by that of her husband's grandmother, if there were three (who could be so denominated), it was placed by that of her who was the mother of her husband's father?
43. In the case of a wife dying while her husband
prepared by the family. They were displayed inside the gate of the temple on the east of it when the body was being moved, and in front of the grave, on the east of the path leading to it.
Even though they might not be in the same state with him. : We must suppose that the grandfather had had three wives : not at the same time, but married one after another's death. Some suppose the three to be a mistake for two. "The mother of her husband's father' is simply the nearest' in the text.
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SECT. 11.
SANG FO HSIÃO kl.
57
was a Great officer, and his ceasing, after her death, to be of that rank; if his tablet were placed (on his death) by that of his wife, the victim on the occasion was not changed (from that due to an ordinary officer). But if her husband (who had been an officer) became a Great officer after her death, then the victim at the placing of his tablet by hers was that due to a Great officer
44. A son who was or would be his father's successor did not wear mourning for his divorced mother. He did not wear such mourning, because one engaged in mourning rites could not offer sacrifice 2.
45. When a wife did not preside at the mourning rites and yet carried the staff, it was when her mother-in-law was alive, and she did so for her husband. A mother carried the eleococca staff with its end cut square for the oldest son. A daughter, who was still in her apartment unmarried, carried a staff for her father or mother. If the relative superintending the rites did not carry the staff, then this one child did so".
! We must suppose that the appointment of the husband, whether as officer or Great officer, had been so recent that there had been no time for any tablets of an elder generation to get into his ancestral temple. His wife's had been the first to be placed in it.
? That is, he might have to preside at the sacrifices in the ancestral temple of his own family, and would be incapacitated for doing so, if he were mourning for her. The reader should bear in mind that there were seven justifiable causes for the divorce of a wise, without her being guilty of infidelity, or any criminal act.
It is supposed there was no brother in the family to preside at the rites, and a relative of the same surname was called in to do so. But it was not in rule for him to carry the staff, and this daughter therefore did so, as if she had been a son.
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58
THE LÎ ki.
BK. XIII.
46. In the mourning for three months and five months, at the sacrifice of repose and the ending of the wailing, they wore the mourning cincture.
After the interment, if they did not immediately go to perform the sacrifice of repose, they all, even the presiding mourner, wore their caps; but when they came to the sacrifice of repose, they all assumed the cincture.
When they had put off the mourning for a relative, on the arrival of his interment, they resumed it; and when they came to the sacrifice of repose and the ending of the wailing, they put on the cincture. If they did not immediately perform the sacrifice, they put it off.
When they had been burying at a distance, and were returning to wail, they put on their caps. On arriving at the suburbs, they put on the cincture, and came back to wail.
47. If the ruler came to condole with mourners, though it might not be the time for wearing the cincture, even the president of the rites assumed it, and did not allow the ends of his hempen girdle to hang loose. Even in the case of a visit from the ruler of another state, they assumed the cincture. The relatives all did so.
48. When they put off the mourning for one who had died prematurely, the rule was that at the (accompanying) sacrifice, the dress should be darkcoloured. When they put off the mourning for one fully grown, they wore their court robes, with the cap of white, plain, silk.
49. A son, who had hurried to the mourning rites of his father (from a distance), bound up his hair in the raised hall, bared his chest, descended to
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SANG FU HSIAO KÎ.
the court, and there performed his leaping. (The leaping over, he reascended), covered his chest, and put on his sash in an apartment on the east.
If the rites were for his mother, he did not bind up his hair. He bared his chest, however, in the hall, descended to the court, and went through his leaping. (Reascending then), he covered his chest, and put on the cincture in the apartment on the east.
SECT. II.
59
In the girdle (or the cincture), he proceeded to the appointed place, and completed the leaping. He then went out from the door (of the coffin-room), and went to (the mourning shed). The wailing commencing at death had by this time ceased. In three days he wailed five times, and thrice bared his chest for the leaping.
50. When an eldest son and his wife could not take the place hereafter of his parents, then, (in the event of her death), her mother-in-law wore for her (only) the five months' mourning'.
The scope of this paragraph is plain enough; but the construing of it is difficult. I have translated after Khăn Hâo's text, which contains a character more than that of the Khien-lung edition. The son and his wife could not become the representatives of the family. Various reasons are suggested by the commentators for the fact. The text supposes the death of the wife to take place before that of her mother-in-law.
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Page #1151

BOOK XIV. TA KHÂN
OR THE GREAT TREATISE 1. 1. According to the rules, only the king offered the united sacrifice to all ancestors. The chief place was then given to him from whom the founder of the line sprang, and that founder had the place of assessor to him?
The sacrifices of the princes of states reached to their highest ancestor. Great officers and other officers, who had performed great services, when these were examined (and approved) by the ruler, were able to carry their sacrifices up to their high ancestor.
2. The field of Mo-yeh was the great achievement of king Wû. When he withdrew after the victory, he reared a burning pile to God; prayed at the altar of the earth; and set forth his offerings in the house of Mûs. He then led all the princes of the kingdom, bearing his offerings in their various stands, and hurrying about, and carried the title of king back to Thâi who was Than-fû, Kl-li, and king Wăn who was Khang ;-he would not approach his honourable ancestors with their former humbler titles.
See the introductory notice, vol. xxvii, pages 30, 31. ? See the last Book, I, paragraphs 9, 17, et al.
: I suppose that all which is here described was done by king Wa after his victory at Mů, under the advice of his brother, known to us as the duke of Kâu; see the Kung Yung, paragraphs 54, 55. * The house of MQ' would be a building converted for the occasion into a temple.
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BK. XIV.
.
TÂ KWÂN.
3. Thus he regulated the services to be rendered to his father and grandfather before him ;-giving honour to the most honourable. He regulated the places to be given to his sons and grandsons below him ;—showing his affection to his kindred. He regulated (also) the observances for the collateral branches of his cousins ;-associating all their members in the feasting. He defined their places according to their order of descent; and his every distinction was in harmony with what was proper and right. In this way the procedure of human duty was made complete.
4. When a sage sovereign stood with his face to the south, and all the affairs of the kingdom came before him, there were five things which for the time claimed his first care, and the people were not reckoned among them. The first was the regulating what was due to his kindred (as above); the second, the reward of merit; the third, the promotion of worth ; the fourth, the employment of ability; and the fifth, the maintenance of a loving vigilance. When these five things were all fully realised, the people had all their necessities satisfied, all that they wanted supplied. If one of them were defective, the people could not complete their lives in comfort.
It was necessary for a sage on the throne of government to begin with the above) procedure of human duty.
5. The appointment of the measures of weight, length, and capacity; the fixing the elegancies (of ceremony); the changing the commencement of the year and month ; alterations in the colour of dress ; differences of flags and their blazonry; changes in vessels and weapons, and distinctions in dress :
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62
THE LỄ KỈ.
these were things, changes in which could be enjoined on the people. But no changes could be enjoined upon them in what concerned affection for kin, the honour paid to the honourable, the respect due to the aged, and the different positions and functions of male and female.
BK. XIV.
6. Members of the same surname were united together in the various ramifications of their kinship, under the Heads of their different branches1. Those of a different surname2 had their mutual relations regulated principally by the names assigned to them. Those names being clearly set forth, the different positions of males and females were determined.
When the husband belonged to the class of fathers [or uncles]3, the wife was placed in that of mothers [or aunts]; when he belonged to the class of sons [or cousins], the wife was placed in that of (junior) wives. Since the wife of a younger brother was (thus) styled (junior) wife, could the wife of his elder brother be at the same time styled mother [or aunt]? The name or appellation is of the greatest
1 That is, the males all called by the surname of the family. 2 That is, the females, married into the family from other families of different surnames, and receiving different names or appellations from the places of their husbands in the family roll.
Fathers' and 'mothers' here are really uncles and aunts, thefor the former being equivalent to 1; and
for the latter to
the #. The uncles were of the same category as the father in respect to age, and the aunts in the same category as the mother.
Fû, the character here for wife, does not in itself contain the idea of this inferiority in point of age. That idea was in the mind of the writer, arising from the subject of which he was treating.
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BK. XIV.
TÂ KWÂN.
✓
importance in the regulation of the family ;-was not anxious care required in the declaration of it?
7. For parties four generations removed (from the same common ancestor) the mourning was reduced to that worn for three months, and this was the limit of wearing the hempen cloth. If the generations were five, the shoulders were bared and the cincture assumed; and in this way the mourning within the circle of the same was gradually reduced. After the sixth generation the bond of kinship was held to be at an end.
8. As the branch-surnames which arose separated the members of them from their relatives of a former time, and the kinship disappeared as time went on, (so far as wearing mourning was concerned), could marriage be contracted between parties (so wide apart)'? But there was that original surname tying all the members together without distinction, and the maintenance of the connexion by means of the common feast?;—while there were these conditions, there could be no intermarriage, even after a hundred generations. Such was the rule of Kâu
9. The considerations which regulated the mourning worn were six:- first, the nearness of the kinship";
Khăn Hảo says that under the Yin dynasty intermarriages were allowed after the fifth generation in a family of the same surname. The same statement is referred to by Khung Ying-tâ, from whom Khăn, probably, took it; but the Khien-lung editors discard it, as being without proof.'
The feast' given to all the kindred after the seasonal sacrifices in the ancestral temple.
. Khăn Hảo refers to this prohibition of intermarriages by Kâu as the grand distinction of the dynasty, marking clearly for the first time the distinction between man and beast.'
• As between parents and children.
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64
THE LÎ ki.
BK. XIV.
second, the honour due to the honourable?; third, the names (as expressing the position in the relative circle); fourth, the cases of women still unmarried in the paternal home, and of those who had married and left it 8 ; fifth, age 4; and sixth, affinity, and external relationship.
10. Of the considerations of affinity and external relationship there were six cases those arising from inter-relationship ®; those in which there was no inter-relationship’; those where mourning should be worn, and yet was not; those where it should not be worn, and yet was; those where it should be deep, and yet was light; and those where it should be light, and yet was deep.
11. Where the starting-point was affection, it began from the father. Going up from him by degrees it reached to the (high) ancestor, and was said to diminish. Where the starting point was the consideration of what is right, it began with the ancestor. Coming down by natural degrees from him, it reached to the father, and was said to increase. In the diminution and the increase, the considerations of affection and right acted thus.
12. It was the way for the ruler to assemble and feast all the members of his kindred. None of
* As to the ruler, Great officers, and ministers. * See paragraph 6. s Spinsters and married aunts, cousins, sisters, &c. • Relatives dying as minors, and after maturity.
See next paragraph. • Mother's kin; husband's kin; wife's kin. "As when a minister wore mourning for his ruler's kindred; a concubine for the kindred of the wife, &c. The reader must task himself to imagine cases in which the other four conditions would apply.
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TÂ KWÂN.
65
them could, because of their mutual kinship, claim a nearer kinship with him than what was expressed by the places (assigned to them).
13. Any son but the eldest, (though all sons of the wife proper), did not sacrifice to his grandfather,to show there was the Honoured Head (who should do so). Nor could he wear mourning for his eldest son for three years, because he was not the continuator of his grandfather 1.
14. When any other son but the eldest became an ancestor of a line, he who succeeded him became the Honoured Head (of the branch); and his successor again became the smaller Head1.
15. There was the (great) Honoured Head whose tablet was not removed for a hundred generations. There were the (smaller) Honoured Heads whose tablets were removed after five generations. He whose tablet was not removed for a hundred generations was the successor and representative of the other than the eldest son (who became an ancestor of a line); and he was so honoured (by the members of his line) because he continued the (High) ancestor from whom (both) he and they sprang; this was why his tablet was not removed for a hundred generations. He who honoured the continuator of the High ancestor was he whose tablet was removed after five generations. They honoured the Ancestor, and therefore they reverenced the Head. The reverence showed the significance of that honour.
BK. XIV.
16. There might be cases in which there was a smaller Honoured Head, and no Greater Head (of
[28]
1 See the last Book, I, paragraphs 10-12.
F
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Kun
Enfiern
66
THE Lİ Kİ.
a branch family); cases in which there was a Greater Honoured Head, and no smaller Head; and cases in which there was an Honoured Head, with none to honour him. All these might exist in the instance of the son of the ruler of a state1.
BX. XIV.
The course to be adopted for the headship of such a son was this; that the ruler, himself the proper representative of former rulers, should for all his half-brothers who were officers and Great officers appoint a full brother, also an officer or a Great officer, to be the Honoured Head. Such was the regular course.
17. When the kinship was no longer counted, there was no further wearing of mourning. The kinship was the bond of connexion (expressed in the degree of mourning).
18. Where the starting-point was in affection, it began with the father, and ascended by steps to the ancestor. Where it was in a consideration of what was right, it began with the ancestor, and descended in natural order to the deceased father. Thus the course of humanity (in this matter of mourning) was all comprehended in the love for kindred.
19. From the affection for parents came the honouring of ancestors; from the honouring of the
Suppose a ruler had no brother by his father's wife, and appointed one of his brothers by another lady of the harem, to take the headship of all the others, this would represent the first case. If he appointed a full brother to the position, but could not appoint a half-brother to the inferior position, this would represent the second; and if the younger brothers of the ruling house were reduced to one man, he would represent the third case, having merely the name and nothing more. Such is the explanation of the text, so far as I can apprehend it.
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Page #1158

BK. XIV.
TÂ KWÂN.
ancestor came the respect and attention shown to the Heads (of the family branches). By that respect and attention to those Heads all the members of the kindred were kept together. Through their being kept together came the dignity of the ancestral temple. From that dignity arose the importance attached to the altars of the land and grain. From that importance there, ensued the love of all the (people with their) hundred surnames. From that love came the right administration of punishments and penalties. Through that administration the people had the feeling of repose. Through that restfulness all resources for expenditure became sufficient Through the sufficiency of these, what all desired was realised. The realisation led to all courteous usages and good customs; and from these, in fine, came all happiness and enjoyment :-affording an illustration of what is said in the ode :
Glory and honour follow Wăn's great name, And ne'er will men be weary of his fame 1.'
See vol. iii, page 314, the last two lines of ode 1; Metrical Version, page 351.
KII
(UNIV?RITY CALIFORNIEM
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Page #1159

BOOK XV. SHẢO I
OR
SMALLER RULES OF DEMEANOUR".
1. I have heard the following things): When one wished to see for the first time another of character and position, his language was, ' I, so and so, earnestly wish my name to be reported to the officer of communication?' He could not go up the steps directly to the host. If the visitor were of equal rank with the host, he said, 'I, so and so, earnestly wish to see him.' If he were an infrequent visitor, he asked his name to be reported. If he were a frequent visitor, he added, 'this morning or evening. If he were blinds, he asked his name to be reported.
2. If it were on an occasion of mourning, the visitor said he had come as a servant and helper; if he were a youth, that he had come to perform whatever might be required of him. If the visit were at the mourning rites for a ruler or high minister, the language was, 'I am come to be employed by the chief minister of the household
See the introductory notice, vol. xxvii, pages 31, 32. • The visitor did not dare to send even a message directly to the master of the establishment where he was calling.
That is, an officer of music, high or low. • The name of the minister here is generally translated by • Minister of Instruction.' But that can hardly be its meaning here; and there were officers so called also in the establishments of Great officers; see vol. xxvii, page 154, paragraph 20.
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BK. XV.
SHẤo .
3. When a ruler was about to go out of his own state', if a minister were presenting to him money or pieces of jade, or any other article, the language was, 'I present this to the officer for the expenses of his horses.' To an equal in a similar case it was said, 'This is presented for the use of your followers.'
4. When a minister contributed a shroud to his ruler, he said, 'I send this laid-aside garment to the valuers?' An equal, sending such a gift to another equal, simply said, 'a shroud.' Relatives, such as brothers, did not go in with the shrouds which they presented.
5. When a minister was contributing articles or their value to his ruler who had mourning rites on hand for the previous ruler, he said, 'I present these products of my fields to the officers'
6. A carriage and horses presented for a funeral, entered the gate of the ancestral temple. Contributions of money and horses with the accompanying presents of silk, the white flag (of a mourning carriage) and war chariots, did not enter the gate of the templet.
7. When the bearer of the contribution had
* About to proceed to the royal court.
? In the Kâu Li, Book I, 35, we find that among the functionaries attached to the Treasury of Jade,' there were eight men thus denominated 'valuers.' There were officers, probably, performing a similar duty in the department to which the charge of the offering in this paragraph would be consigned.
The things presented here are called 'articles (coarse), shells' (HDD), the meaning being, I think, what I have given. The things were not the produce of the donor's land; but that land being held by him from the ruler, he so expressed himself.
• It is difficult for us to appreciate the reasons given for the distinction made between these contributions.
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THE LI ri.
BK. XV.
delivered his message, he knelt down and left the things on the ground. The officer of communication took them up. The presiding mourner did not himself receive them.
8. When the receiver stood, the giver stood; neither knelt. Parties of a straightforward character might, perhaps, do so.
9. When (the guest was) first entering, and it was proper to give the precedence to him, the officer of communication said (to the host), 'Give precedence.' When they proceeded to their mats, he said to them, Yes; be seated.'
When the leaves of the door were opened, only one man could take off his shoes inside the door. If there were already an honourable and elderly visitor, parties coming later could not do so.
10. When asking about the various dishes (of a feast), they said, 'Have you enjoyed such and such a dish?'
When asking one another about their (various) courses and accomplishments, they said, 'Have you practised such and such a course ? Are you skilful at such and such an accomplishment ?'
11. (A man sought to) give no occasion for doubt about himself, nor to pass his judgment on the articles of others. He did not desire the (possessions of) great families, nor speak injuriously of the things which they valued.
12. Sweeping in general was called sào. Sweep
1 There was the threefold course of aim, diligence, and filial duty, in filialness, friendship, and obedience.
· The accomplishments were six :-ceremonies, music, archery, charioteering, writing, mathematics.
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SHẢO Ý.
ing up in front of a mat was called phân. In sweeping a mat they did not use a common broom. The sweeper held the dust-pan with its tongue towards himself.
13. There was no divining (twice about the same thing) with a double mind. In asking about what had been referred to the tortoise-shell or the stalks, two things were to be considered, whether the thing asked about were right, and what was the diviner's own mind. On the matter of right he might be questioned, but not on what was in his own mind.
14. When others more honourable and older than one's self took precedence of him, he did not presume to ask their age. When they came to feast with him, he did not send to them any (formal) message. When he met them on the road, if they saw him, he went up to them, but did not ask to know where they were going. At funeral rites for them, he waited to observe the movements (of the presiding mourner), and did not offer his special condolences. When seated by them, he did not, unless ordered to do so, produce his lutes. He did not draw lines on the ground; that would have been an improper use of his hand. He did not use a fan. If they were asleep, and he had any message to communicate to them, he knelt in doing so.
15. At the game of archery, the inferior carried his four arrows in his hand. At that of throwing darts, he carried the four together in his breast. If he conquered, he washed the cup and gave it to the other, asking him to drink. If he were defeated, the elder went through the same process with him. They
? It might be dirty, having been used to sweep the ground.
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THE LỄ KÍ.
BK. XV.
did not use the (large) horn; they did not remove the (figure of a) horse (for marking the numbers).
16. When holding the reins of the ruler's horses, the driver knelt. He wore his sword on his right side with his back to the best strap (for the ruler). When handing this to him, he faced him and then drew the strap towards the cross-bar. He used the second or inferior strap to help himself in mounting. He then took the reins in hand, and began to move on.
17. One asked permission to appear at court, but not to withdraw.
One was said to withdraw from court; to return home from a feast or a ramble; to close the toils of a campaign.
18. When sitting by a person of rank, if he began to yawn and stretch himself, to turn round his tablet, to play with the head of his sword, to move his shoes about, or to ask about the time of day, one might ask leave to retire.
19. For one who (wished to) serve his ruler, (the rule was) first to measure (his abilities and duties), and then enter (on the responsibilities); he did not enter on these, and then measure those. There was the same rule for all who begged or borrowed from others, or sought to engage in their service. In this way superiors had no ground for offence, and inferiors avoided all risk of guilt.
20. They did not spy into privacies nor form intimacies on matters aside from their proper business. They did not speak of old affairs, nor wear an appearance of being in sport.
i See in Book XXXVII.
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SHÃO i.
73
21. One in the position of a minister and inferior might remonstrate (with his ruler), but not speak ill of him ; might withdraw (from the state), but not (remain and) hate (its Head); might praise him, but not flatter; might remonstrate, but not give himself haughty airs (when his advice was followed). (If the ruler were) idle and indifferent, he might arouse and assist him; if (the government) were going to wreck, he might sweep it away, and institute a new one. Such a minister would be pronounced as doing service for the altars (of the state).
22. Do not commence or abandon anything hastily. Do not take liberties with or weary spiritual Beings. Do not try to defend or cover over what was wrong in the past, or to fathom what has not yet arrived. A scholar should constantly pursue what is virtuous, and amuse himself with the accomplishments.
A workman should follow the rules (of his art), and amuse himself with the discussion of their application). One should not think about the clothes and elegant articles (of others), nor try to make good in himself what is doubtful in words (which he has heard).
23. The style prized in conversation required that it should be grave and distinct. The demeanour prized in the court required that it should be
These cautions are expressed enigmatically in the text. The expurgated edition gives only the third and fourth, which P. Callery translates thus :- L'homme de lettres s'applique à la vertu pardessus tout, et ne s'adonne que d'une façon secondaire à la culture des arts libéraux, semblable en cela à l'ouvrier qui suit d'abord les procédés fondamentaux de son art, et ne discute qu'après les changements à introduire dans leur application.'
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THE Li xi.
BK. XV.
well regulated and urbane; that at sacrifices was to be grave, with an appearance of anxiety. The horses of the chariot were to be well-paced and matched. The beauty of their bells was that they intimated dignity and harmony 1.
24. To a question about the age of a ruler's son, if he were grown up, it was said, 'He is able to attend to the business of the altars.' If he were still young, it was said, 'He is able to drive,' or 'He is not yet able to drive.' To the same question about a Great officer's son, if he were grown up, it was said, 'He is able to take his part in music;' if still young, it was said, 'He is able to take lessons from the music-master,' or 'He is not yet able to do so.' To the same question about the son of an ordinary officer, if he were grown up, it was said, 'He is able to guide the plough;' if he were still young, it was said, 'He is able to carry firewood,' or 'He is not yet able to do so ?'
25. When carrying a symbol of jade, a tortoiseshell, or the divining stalks, one did not walk hastily. Nor did he do so in the raised hall, or on a city wall. In a war chariot he did not bow forward to the cross-bar. A man in his mail did not try to bow
26. A wife, on festive occasions, even though it were on receiving a gift from the ruler, (only) made
1 This paragraph is in the expurgated edition, in the commentary to which, however, the whole is understood with reference to the heir-son of the kingdom or a state ; and P. Callery translates accordingly:-(L'héritier présomptif du trône) doit avoir,' &c.
• Compare vol. xxvii, page 115, paragraph 4.
. Compare vol xxvii, page 72, paragraph 30; page 96, paragraph 39; et al.
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SHẤo .
75
a curtsy! When seated as a personatrix (of the deceased grandmother of her husband), she did not bow with her head to her hands, but made the curtsy. When presiding at the mourning rites, she did not bow with her head to her hands lowered to the ground.
27. (After the sacrifice of repose), her head-band was of dolychos cloth, and her girdle of hempen.
28. When taking meat from a stand or putting meat on it, they did not kneel.
29. An empty vessel was carried (with the same care) as a full one, and an empty apartment entered (with the same reverence) as if there were people in it.
30. At all sacrifices, whether in the apartment or in the hall, they did not have their feet bare. At a feast they might.
31. Till they had offered a portion in the temple, they did not eat of a new crop.
32. In the case of a charioteer and the gentleman whom he was driving, when the latter mounted or descended, the other handed him the strap. When the driver first mounted, he bowed towards the cross-bar. When the gentleman descended to walk, (he also descended), but (immediately) returned to the carriage and stood.
33. The riders in an attendant carriage (to court or temple), bowed forward to the bar, but not if it were to battle or hunt. Of such attendant carriages, the ruler of a state had seven; a Great officer of
' In Chinese fashion, an inclination of the head towards the hands.
• Some interpret this as saying that she did not even make the curtsy.
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THE LÎ ki.
BK, XV.
the highest grade, five; and one of the lowest grade, three?
34. People did not speak of the age of the horses or of the carriages of those who pos sessed such attendant carriages ; nor did they put a value on the dress, or sword, or horses of a gentleman whom they saw before them.
35. In giving (to an inferior) or offering to a superior, four pots of spirits, a bundle of dried meat, and a dog, (the messenger) put down the liquor, and carried (only) the dried meat in his hand, when discharging his commission, but he also said that he was the bearer of four pots of spirits, a bundle of dried meat, and a dog. In presenting a tripod of flesh, he carried (one piece) in his hand. In presenting birds, if there were more than a couple, he carried a couple in his hand, leaving the others outside.
36. The dog was held by a rope. A watch dog or a hunting dog was given to the officer who was the medium of communication; and on receiving it, he asked its name. An ox was held by the tether, and a horse by the bridle. They were both kept on the right of him who led them ; but a prisoner or captive, who was being presented, was kept on the left.
37. In presenting a carriage, the strap was taken off and carried in the hand of the messenger. In presenting a coat of mail, if there were other things to be carried before it, the messenger bore them. If there were no such things, he took off its covering, and bore the helmet in his hands. In the case of a
Compare vol. xxvii, page 125, paragraph 4.
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BK. XV.
SHẢO .
vessel, he carried its cover. In the case of a bow, with his left hand he stript off the case, and took hold of the middle of the back. In the case of a sword, he opened the cover of its case, and placed it underneath. Then he put into the case a silken cloth, on which he placed the sword.
38. Official tablets ; writings; stalks of dried Alesh ; parcels wrapped in reeds; bows; cushions ; mats; pillows; stools; spikes; staffs ; lutes, large and small; sharp-edged lances in sheaths; divining stalks ; and Autes :—these all were borne with the left hand upwards. Of sharp-pointed weapons, the point was kept behind, and the ring presented; of sharp-edged weapons, the handle was presented. In the case of all sharp-pointed and sharp-edged weapons, the point was turned away in handing them to others.
39. When leaving the city, in mounting a warchariot, the weapon was carried with the point in front; when returning and entering it again, the end. The left was the place for the general and officers of an army; the right, for the soldiers.
40. For visitors and guests the principal thing was a courteous humility; at sacrifices, reverence; at mourning rites, sorrow; at meetings and reunions, an active interest. In the operations of war, the dangers had to be thought of. One concealed his own feelings in order to judge the better of those of others.
41. When feasting with a man of superior rank and character, the guest first tasted the dishes and then stopt. He should not bolt the food, nor swill down the liquor. He should take small and frequent mouthfuls. While chewing quickly, he did not make faces with his mouth. When he
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THE I. KỸ.
BK. XV.
proceeded to remove the dishes, and the host declined that service from him, he stopt?
42. The cup with which the guest was pledged was placed on the left; those which had been drunk (by the others) on the right. Those of the guest's attendant, of the host himself, and of the host's assistant ;-these all were placed on the right
43. In putting down a boiled fish to be eaten, the tail was laid in front. In winter it was placed with the fat belly on the right; in summer with the back. The slices offered in sacrifice (to the father of the fish-diet were thus more easily cut').
44. All condiments were taken up with the right (hand), and were therefore placed on the left.
45. He who received the presents offered to the ruler) was on his left; he who transmitted his words, on the right.
46. A cup was poured out for the driver of a personator of the dead as for the driver of the ruler. In the carriage, and holding the reins in his left hand, he received the cup with his right; offered a little in sacrifice at the end of the axle and cross
-
Compare vol. xxvii, pages 80, 81, paragraphs 54, 57, et al The writer passes in this paragraph from the indicative to the imperative mood.
* The guest sat facing the south, so that the east and west were on his left and right respectively. The cups were set where they could be taken up and put down most conveniently.
• The fish, as a sacrificial offering and on great occasions, was placed lengthways on the stand. As placed in this paragraph, it was more convenient for the guest. It may be correct that the belly is the best part of a fish in winter, and the back in summer. Let gastronomers and those who are fond of pisciculture decide and explain the point.
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SHẢO Ý.
79
bar on the right and left (to the father of charioteering), and then drank off the cup.
47. Of all viands which were placed on the stands, the offering was put down inside the stand.
A gentleman did not eat the entrails of grain-fed animals?
A boy ran, but did not walk quickly with measured steps. When he took up his cup, he knelt in offering (some of the contents) in sacrifice, and then stood up and drank (the rest). Before rinsing a cup, they washed their hands. In separating the lungs of oxen and sheep, they did not cut out the central portion of them *; when viands were served up with sauce, they did not add condiments to it.
In selecting an onion or scallion for a gentleman, they cut off both the root and top.
When the head was presented among the viands, the snout was put forward, to be used as the offering.
48. He who set forth the jugs considered the left of the cup-bearer to be the place for the topmost one. The jugs and jars were placed with their spouts towards the arranger.
The drinkers at the ceremonies of washing the head and cupping, in presence of the stand with the divided victims on it, did not kneel. Before the common cup had gone round, they did not taste the viands.
? Dogs (bred to be eaten) and pigs. The reason for not eating their entrails can hardly be stated.
* A waiting-boy.
• That it might easily be taken in hand and put down as an offering of thanksgiving.
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49. The flesh of oxen, sheep, and fish was cut small, and made into mince. That of elks and deer was pickled; that of the wild pig was hashed:these were all sliced, but not cut small. The flesh of the muntjac was alone pickled, and that of fowls and hares, being sliced and cut small. Onions and shalots were sliced, and added to the brine to soften the meat.
50. When the pieces of the divided body were on the stand, in taking one of them to offer and in returning it, they did not kneel. So it was when they made an offering of roast meat. If the offerer, however, were a personator of the dead, he knelt.
51. When a man had his robes on his person, and did not know their names (or the meaning of their names), he was ignorant indeed.
52. If one came late and yet arrived before the torches were lighted, it was announced to him that the guests were all there, and who they were. The same things were intimated to a blind musician by the one who bid him. At a drinking entertainment, when the host carried a light, or bore a torch before them, the guests rise and decline the honour done to them. On this he gave the torch to a torchbearer, who did not move from his place, nor say a word, nor sing 2.
53. When one was carrying in water or liquor and food to a superior or elder, the rule was not to
1 The lungs.
. In the 30 Kwân we have many accounts of these entertainments. The singing was almost always of a few lines from one of the pieces of the Shih King, expressing a sentiment appropriate to the occasion. The custom was like our after-dinner speeches and toasts.
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SHẢO Ý.
breathe on it; and if a question was asked, to turn the mouth on one side.
54. When one conducted sacrifice for another, (and was sending to others the flesh of the victim), the message was, •Herewith (the flesh of) blessing.' When sending of the flesh of his own sacrifice to a superior man, the party simply announced what it was.
If it were flesh of the sacrifice on placing the tablet of the deceased in the temple, or at the close of the first year's mourning, the fact was announced. The principal mourner spread out the portions, and gave them to his messenger on the south of the eastern steps, bowing twice, and laying his head to the ground as he sent him away; when he returned and reported the execution of his commission, the mourner again bowed twice and laid his head to the ground.
If the sacrifice were a great one, consisting of the three victims, then the portion sent was the left quarter of the ox, divided into nine pieces from the shoulder. If the sacrifice were the smaller, the portion sent was the left quarter, divided into seven pieces. If there were but a single pig, the portion was the left quarter, divided into five portions.
55. When the revenues of a state were at a low ebb, the carriages were not carved and painted ; the buff-coats were not adorned with ribbons and cords ; and the dishes were not carved; the superior man did not wear shoes of silk; and horses were not regularly supplied with grain.
[28]
G
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BOOK XVI. HSIO KI
OR
RECORD ON THE SUBJECT OF EDUCATION!
✓
..tave that
v
1. When a ruler is concerned that his measures should be in accordance with law, and seeks for the (assistance of the) good and upright, this is sufficient to secure him a considerable reputation, but not to move the multitudes.
When he cultivates the society of the worthy, and tries to embody the views of those who are remote (from the court), this is sufficient to move the multitudes, but not to transform the people.
If he wish to transform the people and to perfect their manners and customs, must he not start from
the lessons of the school? ! 2. The jade uncut will not form a vessel for use; and if men do not learn, they do not know the way (in which they should go). On this account the ancient kings, when establishing states and governing the people, made instruction and schools a primary object;-as it is said in the Charge to Yüeh, “The thoughts from first to last should be fixed on learning ?
3. However fine the viands be, if one do not eat, he does not know their taste; however perfect the course may be, if one do not learn it, he does not know its goodness. Therefore when he learns, one
* See the introductory notice, vol. xxvii, page 32.
Vol. iii, page 117.
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BK. XVI.
HSIO RI:
knows his own deficiencies ; when he teaches, he knows the difficulties of learning. After he knows his deficiencies, one is able to turn round and examine himself; after he knows the difficulties, he is able to stimulate himself to effort. Hence it is said, 'Teaching and learning help each other ;' as it is said in the Charge to Yüeh, 'Teaching is the half of learning ??
4. According to the system of ancient teaching, for the families of (a hamlet) : there was the village school; for a neighbourhood there was the hsiang; for the larger districts there was the hsü; and in the capitals there was the college.
5. Every year some entered the college, and v every second year there was a comparative examination. In the first year it was seen whether they could read the texts intelligently, and what was the meaning of each; in the third year, whether they were reverently attentive to their work, and what companionship was most pleasant to them; in the fifth year, how they extended their studies and sought the company of their teachers; in the seventh year, how they could discuss the subjects of their studies and select their friends. They were now said to have made some small attainments. In the ninth year, when they knew the different classes of subjects and had gained a general intelligence, were firmly established and would not fall back, they
.
1 Vol. iii, page 117.
2 The hamlet was supposed to contain twenty-five families; the neighbourhood 500; and the district 2,500. For the four institutions, P. Callery adopts the names of school, college, academy, and university. It would be tedious to give the various explanations of the names Hsiang and Hsü.
G 2
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The Li xî.
BK. XVI.
were said to have made grand attainments. After this the training was sufficient to transform the people, and to change (anything bad in) manners and customs. Those who lived near at hand submitted with delight, and those who were far off thought (of the teaching) with longing desire. Such was the method of the Great learning; as is said in the Record, “The little ant continually exercises the art (of amassing).'
6. At the commencement of the teaching in the Great college, (the masters) in their skin caps presented the offerings of vegetables (to the ancient sages), to show their pupils the principle of reverence for them; and made them sing (at the same time) the (first) three pieces of the Minor Odes of the Kingdom, as their first lesson in the duties of officers. When they entered the college, the drum was beaten and the satchels were produced, that they might begin their work reverently. The cane and the thorns 3 were there to secure in them · . a proper awe. It was not till the time for the summer sacrifice + was divined for, that the testing examination was held ;—to give composure to their minds. They were continually under inspection, but not spoken to,—to keep their minds undisturbed. They listened, but they did not ask questions; and
See the note of Callery in loc. The quotation is from some old Record; it is not known what.
• The three pieces were the La Ming, the Zze Mâu, and the Hwang-hwang Kê hwâ, the first three pieces in the first decade of the Shih, Part II; showing the harmony and earnestness of officers.
• Callery calls these 'la latte et la baguette.'
• Khung Ying-tâ thought this was the quinquennial sacrifice. See the Khien-lung editors on the point.
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BK. XVI.
HSIO KI.
83
they could not transgress the order of study (imposed on them). These seven things were the chief regulations in the teaching. As it is expressed in the Record, 'In all learning, for him who would be an officer the first thing is the knowledge of) business; for scholars the first thing is the directing of the mind.'
7. In the system of teaching at the Great college, every season had its appropriate subject; and when the pupils withdrew and gave up their lessons (for the day), they were required to continue their study at home.
8. If a student do not learn (at college) to play in v tune, he cannot quietly enjoy his lutes; if he do not learn extensively the figures of poetry, he cannot quietly enjoy the odes; if he do not learn the varieties of dress, he cannot quietly take part in the different ceremonies; if he do not acquire the various accomplishments, he cannot take delight in learning.
9. Therefore a student of talents and virtue pursues his studies, withdrawn in college from all besides, and devoted to their cultivation, or occupied with them when retired from it, and enjoying himself. Having attained to this, he rests quietly in his studies and seeks the company of his teachers; he finds pleasure in his friends, and has all confidence in their course. Although he should be separated from his teachers and helpers, he will not act contrary to the course ;-as it is said in the Charge to Yüeh, 'Maintain a reverent humility, and strive to be constantly earnest. In such a case the cultivation will surely come?'
1 Vol. iii, p. 117. But the quotation is a little different from the text of the Shu.
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THE LÎ ri.
BK. XVI.
10. According to the system of teaching now-adays, (the masters) hum over the tablets which they see before them, multiplying their questions. They speak of the learners' making rapid advances, and pay no regard to their reposing in what they have acquired). In what they lay on their learners they are not sincere, nor do they put forth all their ability in teaching them. What they inculcate is contrary to what is right, and the learners are disappointed in what they seek for. In such a case, the latter are distressed by their studies and hate their masters; they are embittered by the difficulties, and do not find any advantage from their (labour). They may seem to finish their work, but they quickly give up its lessons. That no results are seen from their instructions :-is it not owing to these defects ?
11. The rules aimed at in the Great college were the prevention of evil before it was manifested; the timeliness of instruction just when it was required; the suitability of the lessons in adaptation to circumstances; and the good influence of example to parties observing one another. It was from these four things that the teaching was so effectual and flourishing.
12. Prohibition of evil after it has been manifested meets with opposition, and is not successful. Instruction given after the time for it is past is done with toil, and carried out with difficulty. The communication of lessons in an undiscriminating manner and without suitability produces injury and disorder, and fails in its object. Learning alone and without friends makes one feel solitary and uncultivated, with but little information. Friendships of festivity
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HSIO ki.
lead to opposition to one's master. Friendships with the dissolute lead to the neglect of one's learning. These six things all tend to make teaching vain.
13. When a superior man knows the causes which make instruction successful, and those which make it of no effect, he can become a teacher of others. Thus in his teaching, he leads and does not drag; he strengthens and does not discourage; he opens the way but does not conduct to the end (without the learner's own efforts). Leading and not dragging produces harmony. Strengthening and not discouraging makes attainment easy. Opening the way and not conducting to the end makes (the learner) thoughtful. He who produces such harmony, easy attainment, and thoughtfulness may be pronounced a skilful teacher.
14. Among learners there are four defects with which the teacher must make himself acquainted. Some err in the multitude of their studies ; some, in their fewness; some, in the feeling of ease (with which they proceed); and some, in the readiness with which they stop. These four defects arise from the difference of their minds. When a teacher knows the character of his mind, he can save the learner from the defect to which he is liable. Teaching should be directed to develope that in which the pupil excels, and correct the defects to which he is prone.
15. The good singer makes men (able) to continue his notes, and (so) the good teacher makes them able to carry out his ideas. His words are brief, but far-reaching ; unpretentious, but deep; with few illustrations, but instructive. In this way he may be said to perpetuate his ideas.
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THE LI Kİ.
16. When a man of talents and virtue knows the difficulty (on the one hand) and the facility (on the other) in the attainment of learning, and knows (also) the good and the bad qualities (of his pupils), he can vary his methods of teaching. When he can vary his methods of teaching, he can be a master indeed. When he can be a teacher indeed, he can be the Head (of an official department). When he can be such a Head, he can be the Ruler (of a state). Hence it is from the teacher indeed that one learns to be a ruler, and the choice of a teacher demands the greatest care; as it is said in the Record, The three kings and the four dynasties were what they were by their teachers'.'
"
17. In pursuing the course of learning, the difficulty is in securing the proper reverence for the master. When that is done, the course (which he inculcates) is regarded with honour. When that is done, the people know how to respect learning. Thus it is that there are two among his subjects whom the ruler does not treat as subjects. When one is personating (his ancestor), he does not treat him as such, nor does he treat his master as such. According to the rules of the Great college, the master, though communicating anything to the son of Heaven, did not stand with his face to the north. This was the way in which honour was done to him.
BK. XVI.
The three kings' are of course the Great Yü, founder of the Hsiâ dynasty; Thang the Successful, founder of the Shang; and Wăn and Wû, considered as one, founders of Kâu. The four dynasties is an unusual expression, though we shall meet with it again, as we have met with it already. They are said to be those of Yü (the dynasty of Shun), Hsiâ, Shang, and Kâu. But how then have we only the three kings?' I should rather take them to be Hsiâ, Shang (considered as two, Shang and Yin), and Kâu.
(
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BK. XVI.
HSIO RI.
18. The skilful learner, while the master seems indifferent, yet makes double the attainments of another, and in the sequel ascribes the merit (to the master). The unskilful learner, while the master is diligent with him, yet makes (only) half the attainments (of the former), and in the sequel is dissatisfied with the master. The skilful questioner is like a workman addressing himself to deal with a hard tree. First he attacks the easy parts, and then the knotty. After a long time, the pupil and master talk together, and the subject is explained. The unskilful questioner takes the opposite course. The master who skilfully waits to be questioned, may be compared to a bell when it is struck. Struck with a small hammer, it gives a small sound. Struck with a great one, it gives a great sound. But let it be struck leisurely and properly, and it gives out all the sound of which it is capable'. He who is not skilful in replying to questions is the opposite of this. This all describes the method of making progress in learning.
19. He who gives (only) the learning supplied by
''P. Callery makes this sentence refer to the master, and not to the bell, and translates it :-(Mais quelle que soit la nature des questions qu'on lui adresse, le maître) attend que l'élève ait fait à loisir toutes ses demandes, pour y faire ensuite une réponse complète.' He appends a note on the difficulty of the passage, saying in conclusion that the translation which he has adopted was suggested by a citation of the passage in the Pei-wăn Yun-fa (0 W), where there is a different reading of ( ), instruction,'
ound. I have not been able to find the citation in the great Thesaurus, to which he refers. Yen Yuan does not mention any different reading in his examination of the text (
chapter 917); and I do not see any reason for altering the translation which I first made.
SILIULUI
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THE LÎ ki.
BK. XVI.
his memory in conversations is not fit to be a master. Is it not necessary that he should hear the questions (of his pupils)? Yes, but if they are not able to put questions, he should put subjects before them. If he do so, and then they do not show any knowledge of the subjects, he may let them alone.
20. The son of a good founder is sure to learn how to make a fur-robe. The son of a good maker of bows is sure to learn how to make a sieve. Those who first yoke a (young) horse place it behind, with the carriage going on in front of it. The superior man who examines these cases can by them instruct himself in the method of) learning
21. The ancients in prosecuting their learning compared different things and traced the analogies between them. The drum has no special relation to any of the musical notes; but without it they cannot be harmonised. Water has no particular relation to any of the five colours; but without it they cannot be displayed? Learning has no particular relation to any of the five senses; but without it they cannot be regulated. A teacher has no
The Khien-lung editors say that this paragraph is intended to show that the course of learning must proceed gradually. So far is clear ; but the illustrations employed and their application to the subject in hand are not readily understood. In his fifth Book (towards the end), Lieh-zze gives the first two illustrations as from an old poem, but rather differently from the text :- The son of a good maker of bows must first learn to make a sieve; and the son of a good potter must first learn to make a fur-robe.' In this form they would more suitably have their place in paragraph 18.
· That is, in painting. The Chinese only paint in water colours. Water itself,' says Khung Ying-tâ, 'has no colour, but the paint requires to be laid on with water, in order to its display.' I cannot follow the text so easily in what it says on the other illustrations.
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HSIO KI.
91
special relation to the five degrees of mourning; but without his help they cannot be worn as they ought to be.
22. A wise man has said, 'The Great virtue need not be confined to one office; Great power of method need not be restricted to the production of one article; Great truth need not be limited to the confirmation of oaths ; Great seasonableness accomplishes all things, and each in its proper time.' By examining these four cases, we are taught to direct our aims to what is fundamental.
When the three sovereigns sacrificed to the waters, they did so first to the rivers and then to the seas; first to the source and then to its result. This was what is called 'Paying attention to the root.'
UNITY
CAL
ALIFORN I
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BOOK XVII. YO KI
OR RECORD OF MUSIC".
SECTION I. I. All the modulations of the voice arise from the mind, and the various affections of the mind are produced by things (external to it). The affections thus produced are manifested in the sounds that are uttered. Changes are produced by the way in which those sounds respond to one another; and those changes constitute what we call the modulations of the voice. The combination of those modulated sounds, so as to give pleasure, and the direction in harmony with them of the) shields and axes?, and of the plumes and ox-tails?, constitutes what we call music.
2. Music is (thus) the production of the modulations of the voice, and its source is in the affections of the mind as it is influenced by (external) things.
* See the introductory notice, vol. xxvii, pages 32-34.
? There was a pantomimic exhibition of scenes of war, in which the performers brandished shields and axes; and another of scenes of peace, in which they waved plumes and ox-tails. What I have rendered by the modulations of the voice' is in the text the one Chinese character yin ( ), for which Callery gives "air musical,' and which Kăng Hsüan explains as meaning the five full notes of the scale.' See the long note of Callery prefixed to this record, concluding :- La musique Chinoise, telle que l'ont entendue les anciens, avait tous les caractères d'une représentation théatrale ayant pour but de parler tout à la fois aux yeux, aux oreilles, à l'esprit, et au coeur.'
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SECT. I.
yo ki.
93
When the mind is moved to sorrow, the sound is sharp and fading away; when it is moved to pleasure, the sound is slow and gentle; when it is moved to joy, the sound is exclamatory and soon disappears; when it is moved to anger, the sound is coarse and fierce; when it is moved to reverence, the sound is straightforward, with an indication of humility; when it is moved to love, the sound is harmonious and soft. These six peculiarities of sound are not natural"; they indicate the impressions produced by (external) things. - On this account the ancient kings were watchful in regard to the things by which the mind was affected.
3. And so (they instituted) ceremonies to direct men's aims aright; music to give harmony to their voices; laws to unify their conduct; and punishments to guard against their tendencies to evil. The end to which ceremonies, music, punishments, and laws conduct is one; they are the instruments by which the minds of the people are assimilated, and good order in government is made to appear.
4. All modulations of the voice spring from the minds of men. When the feelings are moved within, they are manifested in the sounds of the voice; and when those sounds are combined so as to form compositions, we have what are called airs. Hence, the airs of an age of good order indicate composure and enjoyment. The airs of an age of disorder indicate dissatisfaction and anger, and its government is per
i Or, are not the nature;' that is, the voice does not naturally, when the mind is not moved, from without itself, give such peculiar expressions of feeling. What belongs to man by his nature is simply the faculty of articulate speech, slumbering until he is awakened by his sensations and perceptions.
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THE LÎ ki.
BR. XVII.
versely bad. The airs of a staţe, going to ruin are expressive of sorrow and (troubled) thought.n There is an interaction between the words and airs (of the people) and the character of their government.
5. (The note) kung represents the ruler; shang, the ministers; kio, the people; kih, affairs; and yü, things. If there be no disorder or irregularity in these five notes, there will be no want of harmony in the state. If kung be irregular, (the air) is wild and broken; the ruler of the state is haughty. If shang be irregular, (the air) is jerky; the offices of the state are decayed. If kio be irregular, (the air) expresses anxiety; the people are dissatisfied. If kih be irregular, (the air) expresses sorrow; affairs are strained. If yü be irregular, (the air) is expressive of impending ruin; the resources (of the state) are exhausted. If the five notes are all irregular, and injuriously interfere with one another, they indicate a state of insolent disorder; and the state where this is the case will at no distant day meet with extinction and ruin?.
6. The airs of Kånga and Wei were those of an age of disorder, showing that those states were near such an abandoned condition. The airs near the river Pů, at the mulberry forest, were those of a state going to ruins. The government (of Wei) was in a state of dissipation, and the people were unsettled, calumniating their superiors, and pursuing their private aims beyond the possibility of restraint.
On those notes, see Chinese Classics, vol. iii, page 48. * See Confucian Analects, XV, 10, 6.
$ This place was in the state of Wei. See the ridiculous incident which gave rise to this account of the airs in Sze-mâ Khien's monograph on music, pages 13, 14.
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SECT. I.
Yo xi.
7. All modulations of sound take their rise from the mind of man; and music is the intercommunication of them in their relations and differences. Hence, even beasts know sound, but not its modulations ; and the masses of the common people know the modulations, but they do not know music. It is only the superior man who can (really) know music.
8. On this account we must discriminate sounds in order to know the airs; the airs in order to know the music; and the music in order to know the character of) the government. Having attained to this, we are fully provided with the methods of good order. Hence with him who does not know the sounds we cannot speak about the airs, and with him who does not know the airs we cannot speak about the music. The knowledge of music leads to the subtle springs that underlie the rules of ceremony. He who has apprehended both ceremonies and music may be pronounced to be a possessor of virtue. Virtue means realisation (in one's self)'.
9. Hence the greatest achievements of music were not in the perfection of the airs; the (efficacy) of the ceremonies in the sacrificial offerings was not in the exquisiteness of the flavours. In the lutes for the Khing Miâo the strings were of red (boiled) silk, and the holes were wide apart; one lute began, and
1 Virtue ( ) and getting or realising (1) have the same name or pronunciation (teh) in Chinese. This concluding sentence, as Callery points out, is only a sort of pun on that common name. And yet virtue' is the realisation' in one's self of what is good.' The next paragraph expands the writer's thought. The greatest achievement of music in its ancient perfection was the softening and refining of the character, and that of the services of the temple was the making men reverent, filial, and brotherly.
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THE LÎ kl.
BK. XVII.
(only) three others joined it; there was much melody not brought out. In the ceremonies of the great sacrifices, the dark-coloured liquor took precedence, and on the stands were uncooked fish, while the grand soup had no condiments: there was much flavour left undeveloped.
10. Thus we see that the ancient kings, in their institution of ceremonies and music, did not seek how fully they could satisfy the desires of the appetite and of the ears and eyes; but they intended to teach the people to regulate their likings and dislikings, and to bring them back to the normal course of humanity.
11. It belongs to the nature of man, as from Heaven, to be still at his birth. His activity shows itself as he is acted on by external things, and developes the desires incident to his nature. Things come to him more and more, and his knowledge is increased. Then arise the manifestations of liking and disliking. When these are not regulated by anything within, and growing knowledge leads more astray without, he cannot come back to himself, and his Heavenly principle is extinguished.
12. Now there is no end of the things by which man is affected; and when his likings and dislikings are not subject to regulation (from within), he is changed into the nature of things as they come before him ; that is, he stifles the voice of Heavenly principle within, and gives the utmost indulgence to the desires by which men may be possessed. On this we have the rebellious and deceitful heart, with licentious and violent disorder. The strong press upon the weak; the many are cruel to the few; the knowing impose upon the dull; the bold make it bitter for
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yo ki.
97
the timid; the diseased are not nursed; the old and young, orphans and solitaries are neglected :—such is the great disorder that ensues.
13. Therefore the ancient kings, when they instituted their ceremonies and music, regulated them by consideration of the requirements of humanity. By the sackcloth worn for parents, the wailings, and the weepings, they defined the terms of the mourning rites. By the bells, drums, shields, and axes, they introduced harmony into their seasons of rest and enjoyment. By marriage, capping, and the assumption of the hair-pin, they maintained the separation that should exist between male and female. By the archery gatherings in the districts, and the feastings at the meetings of princes, they provided for the correct maintenance of friendly intercourse.
14. Ceremonies afforded the defined expression for the (affections of the) people's minds; music secured the harmonious utterance of their voices; the laws of government were designed to promote the performance (of the ceremonies and music); and punishments, to guard against the violation of them. When ceremonies, music, laws, and punishments had everywhere full course, without irregularity or collision, the method of kingly rule was .complete?
1 With this paragraph ends the first portion of the treatise on music, called Yo Pån ( ), or 'Fundamental Principles in Music. The K'hien-lung editors divide it into four chapters :-the first setting forth that music takes its character as good or bad from the mind of man, as affected by what is external to it; the second, that the character of the external things affecting the mind is determined by government as good or bad; the third, that the ceremonies and music of the ancient kings were designed to [28]
1Η
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98
THE LÎ kt.
BK. XVII.
15. Similarity and union are the aim of music; difference and distinction, that of ceremony. From union comes mutual affection; from difference, mutual respect. ; Where music prevails, we find a weak coalescence; where ceremony prevails, a tendency to separation. It is the business of the two to blend people's feelings and give elegance to their outward manifestations.
16. Through the perception of right produced by ceremony, came the degrees of the noble and the mean; through the union of culture arising from music, harmony between high and low. By the exhibition of what was to be liked and what was to be disliked, a distinction was made between the worthy and unworthy. When violence was prevented by punishments, and the worthy were raised to rank, the operation of government was made impartial. Then came benevolence in the love (of the people), and righteousness in the correction (of their errors); and in this way good government held its course.
17. Music comes from within, and ceremonies from without Music, coming from within, produces the
stillness (of the mind); ceremonies, coming from I without, produce the elegancies (of manner). The
highest style of music is sure to be distinguished by its ease; the highest style of elegance, by its undemonstrativeness."
18. Let music attain its full results, and there would be no dissatisfactions (in the mind); let ceremony do so, and there would be no quarrels. When
regulate the minds of men in their likings and dislikings; and the fourth, that that regulation was in harmony with the will of Heaven, as indicated in the nature of man,
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SBCT. I.
Yo xl.
99
bowings and courtesies marked the government of the kingdom, there would be what might be described as music and ceremony indeed. Violent oppression of the people would not arise; the princes would appear submissively at court as guests; there would be no occasion for the weapons of war, and no employment of the five punishments?; the common people would have no distresses, and the son of Heaven no need to be angry :-such a state of things would be an universal music. When the son of Heaven could secure affection between father and son, could illustrate the orderly relation between old and young, and make mutual respect prevail all within the four seas, then indeed would ceremony (be seen) as power.
19. In music of the grandest style there is the same harmony that prevails between heaven and earth; in ceremonies of the grandest form there is the same graduation that exists between heaven and earth. Through the harmony, things do not fail (to fulfil their ends); through the graduation we have the sacrifices to heaven and those to earth.' In the visible sphere there are ceremonies and music; in the invisible, the spiritual agencies. These things being so, in all within the four seas, there must be mutual respect and love.
20. The occasions and forms of ceremonies are different, but it is the same feeling of respect (which they express). The styles of musical pieces are different, but it is the same feeling of love (which they
* The five punishments' were branding on the forehead, cutting off the nose, other various dismemberments, castration, and death; see Mayers' Chinese Readers' Manual,' page 313. But the one word punishment' would sufficiently express the writer's meaning.
H 2
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THE LÎ xi.
BK. XVII.
promote). The essential nature of ceremonies and music being the same, the intelligent kings, one after another, continued them as they found them. The occasions and forms were according to the times when they were made ; the names agreed with the merit which they commemorated.
21. Hence the bell, the drum, the Aute, and the sounding-stone; the plume, the fife, the shield, and the axe are the instruments of music; the curvings and stretchings (of the body), the bending down and lifting up (of the head); and the evolutions and numbers (of the performers), with the slowness or rapidity (of their movements), are its elegant accompaniments. The dishes, round and square, the stands, the standing dishes, the prescribed rules and their elegant variations, are the instruments of ceremonies; the ascending and descending, the positions high and low, the wheelings about, and the changing of robes, are their elegant accompaniments.
22. Therefore they who knew the essential nature of ceremonies and music could frame them; and they who had learned their elegant accompaniments could hand them down. The framers may be pronounced sage; the transmitters, intelligent. Intelligence and sagehood are other names for transmitting and inventing.
. 23. Music is (an echo of) the harmony between heaven and earth ; ceremonies reflect the orderly distinctions (in the operations of) heaven and earth.) From that harmony all things receive their being; to those orderly distinctions they owe the differences
between them. . Music has its origin from heaven ; ( ceremonies take their form from the appearances of earth. If the imitation of those appearances were
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SECT. 1.
YO KT.
ΙΟΙ
carried to excess, confusion (of ceremonies) would appear; if the framing of music were carried to excess, it would be too vehement. Let there be an intelligent understanding of the nature and interaction of (heaven and earth), and there will be the ability to practise well both ceremonies and music.
24. The blending together without any mutual injuriousness (of the sentiments and the airs on the different instruments) forms the essence of music; and the exhilaration of joy and the glow of affection are its business. /Exactitude and correctness, without any inflection or deviation, form the substance of ceremonies, while gravity, respectfulness, and a humble consideration are the rules for their discharge.
25. As to the employment of instruments of metal and stone in connexion with these ceremonies and this music, the manifestation of them by the voice and its modulations, the use of them in the ancestral temple, and at the altars to the spirits of the land and grain, and in sacrificing to (the spirits of) the hills and streams, and to the general spiritual agencies (in nature) ;-—these are (external demonstrations), natural even to the people?
26. When the (ancient) kings had accomplished their undertakings, they made their music (to commemorate them); when they had established their
1 The eleven paragraphs ending with this form the second chapter of the Book, called by Lill Hsiang Yo Lun ( A), while the third chapter, extending to the end of the section, is called Yo Lî ( B), as if the two were an expansion of the statement in the seventh paragraph, that music is the intercommunication of the modulated sounds and the mind in their relations and differences.'
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THE LI KÎ.
government, they framed their ceremonies. The excellence of their music was according to the greatness of their undertakings; and the completeness of their ceremonies was according to the comprehensiveness of their government. The dances with shields and axes did not belong to the most excellent music', nor did the sacrifices with cooked flesh mark the highest ceremonies1.
102
BK. XVII.
27. The times of the five Tis were different, and therefore they did not each adopt the music of his predecessor. The three kings belonged to different ages, and so they did not each follow the ceremonies of his predecessor. Music carried to an extreme degree leads to sorrow, and coarseness in ceremonies indicates something one-sided. To make the grandest music, which should bring with it no element of sorrow, and frame the completest ceremonies which yet should show no one-sidedness, could be the work only, of the great sage.
28. There are heaven above and earth below, and between them are distributed all the (various) beings with their different (natures and qualities) :-in accordance with this proceeded the framing of ceremonies. (The influences of) heaven and earth flow forth and never cease; and by their united action (the phenomena of) production and change ensue :in accordance with this music arose. The processes of growth in spring, and of maturing in summer (suggest the idea of) benevolence; those of in-gathering in autumn and of storing in winter, suggest
1 As being, I suppose, commemorative of the achievements of war, and not the victories of peace; and as marking a progress of society, and a departure from the primitive era of innocent simplicity and reverence.
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SECT. I.
yo ki.
103
righteousness. Benevolence is akin to music, and righteousness to ceremonies.
29. Harmony is the thing principally sought in music :-it therein follows heaven, and manifests the spirit-like expansive influence characteristic of it. Normal distinction is the thing aimed at in ceremonies :--they therein follow earth, and exhibit the spirit-like retractive influence characteristic of it. Hence the sages made music in response to heaven, and framed ceremonies in correspondence with earth. In the wisdom and completeness of their ceremonies and music we see the directing power of heaven and earth?
30. (The relation) between ruler and minister was determined from a consideration of heaven (conceived of as) honourable, and earth (conceived of as) mean. The positions of noble and mean were fixed with a reference to the heights and depths displayed by the surface (of the earth). The regularity with which movement and repose follow each other in the course of nature) led to the consideration of affairs as small
* On the first of these two paragraphs, P. Callery says :-The celebrated Encyclopædist, Må Twan-lin (Book 181), says that this passage is one of the most marvellous that ever were written, and he draws from it the proof that the work could not have been written later than the Han, “because reckoning from that dynasty, there did not appear any author capable of conceiving ideas so profound, and expressing them in language so elevated."' P. Callery adds, "As regards the origin of the Li Ki, the reasoning of the Encyclopædist appears to me passably (passablement) false ; as to the intrinsic worth of the passage, I leave it to the reader to form his judgment from the translation, which I have endeavoured to render as faithful as possible.'
In the passage of Mâ Twan-lin, however, that author is simply quoting the words of KQ Hsî (Tá Kwan, Book 37), and expresses no opinion of his own.
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THE Lİ Kİ.
and great. The different quarters (of the heavens) are grouped together, and the things (of the earth) are distinguished by their separate characteristics; and this gave rise to (the conception of) natures and their attributes and functions. In heaven there are formed its visible signs, and earth produces its (endless variety of) things; and thus it was that ceremonies were framed after the distinctions between heaven and earth.
104
BK. XVII.
31. The breath (or influence) of earth ascends on high, and that of heaven descends below. These in their repressive and expansive powers come into mutual contact, and heaven and earth act on each other. (The susceptibilities of nature) are roused by the thunder, excited by the wind and rain, moved by the four seasons, and warmed by the sun and moon; and all the processes of change and growth vigorously. proceed. Thus it was that music was framed to indicate the harmonious action of heaven and earth.
32. If these processes took place out of season, there would be no (vigorous) life; and if no distinction were observed between males and females, disorder would arise and grow :-such is the nature of the (different qualities of) heaven and earth.
33. When we think of ceremonies and music, how they reach to the height of heaven and embrace the earth; how there are in them the phenomena of retrogression and expansion, and a communication with the spirit-like (operations of nature), we must pronounce their height the highest, their reach the farthest, their depth the most profound, and their breadth the greatest.
34. Music appeared in the Grand Beginning (of all things), and ceremonies had their place on the coin
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pletion of them. Their manifestation, being ceaseless, gives (the idea of) heaven; and again, being motionless, gives (the idea of) earth. Through the movement and repose (of their interaction) come all things between heaven and earth. Hence the sages simply spoke of ceremonies and music.
SECT. II.
YO KI.
SECTION II.
1. Anciently, Shun made the lute with five strings, and used it in singing the Nan Făng. Khwei was the first who composed (the pieces of) music to be employed by the feudal lords as an expression of (the royal) approbation of them'.
2. Thus the employment of music by the son of Heaven was intended to reward the most virtuous among the feudal lords. When their virtue was very great, and their instructions were honoured, and all the cereals ripened in their season, then they were rewarded by (being permitted) the use of the music. Hence, those of them whose toils in the government of the people were conspicuous, had their rows of pantomimes extended far; and those of them who had been indifferent to the government of the people
1 Nan Făng, 'the South wind,' was the name of a poetical piece made by Shun, and celebrating the beneficent influence of rulers and parents as being like that of the south wind. Four lines of it are found in the Narratives of the School (Article 35):
:
'The south wind's genial balm
Gives to my people's sorrows ease; Its breath amidst the season's calm,
Brings to their wealth a large increase.'
The invention of the khin or lute, here ascribed to Shun, is also attributed to the more ancient Tîs, Shăn Năng and Fû-hsî. Perhaps Shun was the first to make it with five strings. Khwei was his minister of music; see vol. iii, pages 44, 45.
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· 106
THE LÎ ki.
BK. XVII.
had those rows made short. On seeing their pantomimes, one knew what was (the degree of) their virtue, (just as) on hearing their posthumous designations, we know what had been (the character of) their conduct.
3. The Tà Kang expressed the brilliance (of its author's virtue); the Hsien Kih, the completeness (of its author's); the Shâo showed how (its author) continued (the virtue of his predecessor); the H siâ, the greatness (of its author's virtue); the music of Yin and Kâu embraced every admirable qualitył.
4. In the interaction of heaven and earth, if cold and heat do not come at the proper seasons, illnesses arise (among the people); if wind and rain do not come in their due proportions, famine ensues. The instructions (of their superiors) are the people's cold and heat; if they are not what the time requires, an injury is done to society. The affairs (of their superiors) are the people's wind and rain ; if they are not properly regulated, they have no success. In accordance with this, the object of the ancient kings in their practice of music was to bring their government into harmony with those laws (of heaven and earth). If it was good, then the conduct (of the people) was like the virtue (of their superiors).
5. (The feast on) grain-fed animals, with the adjunct of drinking, was not intended to produce evil, and yet cases of litigation are more numerous in consequence of it:it is the excessive drinking which produces the evil. Therefore the former kings framed
1 Tâ Kang was the name of Yao's music; Hsien Kih, that of Hwang Ti's; Shâo, that of Shun's; and Hsia, that of Yu's. Pages would be required to condense what is said about the pieces and their names.
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SECT. II.
YO KI.
107
the rules to regulate the drinking. Where there is (but) one presentation of the cup (at one time), guest and host may bow to each other a hundred times, and drink together all the day without getting drunk. This was the way in which those kings provided against evil consequences.
Such feasts served for the enjoyment of the parties at them. The music was intended to illustrate virtue; the ceremonies to restrain excess.
6. Hence the former kings, on occasions of great sorrow, had their rules according to which they expressed their grief; and on occasions of great happiness, they had their rules by which they expressed their pleasure. The manifestations, whether of grief or joy, were all bounded by the limits of these rules?
7. In music the sages found pleasure, and (saw that) it could be used to make the hearts of the people good. Because of the deep influence which it exerts on a man, and the change which it produces in manners and customs, the ancient kings appointed it as one of the subjects of instruction.
8. Now, in the nature of men there are both the energy of their physical powers and the intelligence of the mind; but for their (affections of) grief, pleasure, joy, and anger there are no invariable rules. They are moved according to the external objects which excite them, and then there ensues the manifestation of the various faculties of the mind.
9. Hence, when a (ruler's) aims are small, notes 1 With this paragraph ends the fourth division of the Book, called Yo Shih (un tot), meaning · The grant of Music,' or the principles on which the ancient kings permitted their music to be used by the feudal princes, to signify their approval of what was good, and stimulate all to virtue.
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THE LÎ xi.
BR. XVII.
that quickly die away characterise the music, and the people's thoughts are sad; when he is generous, harmonious, and of a placid and easy temper, the notes are varied and elegant, with frequent changes, and the people are satisfied and pleased; when he is coarse, violent, and excitable, the notes, vehement at first and distinct in the end, are full and bold throughout the piece, and the people are resolute and daring; when he is pure and straightforward, strong and correct, the notes are grave and expressive of sincerity, and the people are self-controlled and respectful; when he is magnanimous, placid, and kind, the notes are natural, full, and harmonious, and the people are affectionate and loving; when he is careless, disorderly, perverse, and dissipated, the notes are tedious and ill-regulated, and the people proceed to excesses and disorder.
10. Therefore the ancient kings (in framing their music), laid its foundations in the feelings and nature of men; they examined (the notes) by the measures (for the length and quality of each); and adapted it to express the meaning of the ceremonies (in which it was to be used). They (thus) brought it into harmony with the energy that produces life, and to give expression to the performance of the five regular constituents of moral worth. They made it indicate that energy in its Yang or phase of vigour, without any dissipation of its power, and also in its Yin or phase of remission, without the vanishing of its power. The strong phase showed no excess like that of anger, and the weak no shrinking like that of pusillanimity. These four characteristics blended harmoniously in the minds of men, and were similarly manifested in their conduct. Each occupied quietly
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SECT. II.
yo ki.
109
in its proper place, and one did not interfere injuriously with another.
11. After this they established schools for (teaching their music), and different grades (for the learners). They marked most fully the divisions of the pieces, and condensed into small compass the parts and variations giving beauty and elegance, in order to regulate and increase the inward virtue (of the learners). They gave laws for the great and small notes according to their names, and harmonised the order of the beginning and the end, to represent the doing of things. Thus they made the underlying principles of the relations between the near and distant relatives, the noble and mean, the old and young, males and females, all to appear manifestly in the music. Hence it is said that 'in music we must endeavour to see its depths.'
12. When the soil is worn out, the grass and trees on it do not grow well. When water is often troubled, the fish and tortoises in it do not become large. When the energy (of nature) is decayed, its production of things does not proceed freely. In an age of disorder, ceremonies are forgotten and neglected, and music becomes licentious.
13. In such a case the notes are melancholy but without gravity, or joyous without repose. There is remissness (in ceremonies), and the violation of them is easy. One falls into such a state of dissoluteness that he forgets the virtue properly belonging to his nature. In great matters he is capable of treachery and villainy; in small matters he becomes greedy and covetous. There is a diminution in him of the enduring, genial forces of nature, and an extinction of the virtue of satisfaction and harmony. On this
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account the superior man despises such (a style of music and ceremonies)?
14. Whenever notes that are evil and depraved affect men, a corresponding evil spirit responds to them (from within); and when this evil spirit accomplishes its manifestations, licentious music is the result. Whenever notes that are correct affect men, a corresponding correct spirit responds to them (from within); and when this correct spirit accomplishes its manifestations, harmonious music is the result. The initiating cause and the result correspond to each other. The round and the deflected, the crooked and the straight, have each its own category; and such is the character of all things, that they affect one another severally according to their class.
15. Hence the superior man returns to the (good) affections (proper to his nature) in order to bring his will into harmony with them, and compares the different qualities (of actions) in order to perfect his conduct. Notes that are evil and depraved, and sights leading to disorder, and licentiousness, are not allowed to affect his ears or eyes. Licentious music and corrupted ceremonies are not admitted into the mind to affect its powers. The spirit of idleness, indifference, depravity, and perversity finds no exhibition in his person. And thus he makes his ears, eyes, nose, and mouth, the apprehensions of his mind, and the movements of all the parts of his body, all follow the course that is correct, and do that which is right.
This and the six previous paragraphs form the fifth division of the Book, and are called Yo Yen ( ), Words about Music.' The Khien-lung editors, however, propose changing the Yen (3) into Hsing (F), so that the meaning would be • Manifestations of Music.'
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SECT. II.
YO KI.
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16. After this there ensues the manifestation (of the inward thoughts) by the modulations of note and tone, the elegant accompaniments of the lutes, small and large, the movements with the shield and battleaxe, the ornaments of the plumes and ox-tails, and the concluding with the pipes and flutes'. All this has the effect of exhibiting the brilliance of complete virtue, stirring up the harmonious action of the four (seasonal) energies; and displaying the true natures and qualities of all things.
17. Hence in the fine and distinct notes we have an image of heaven; in the ample and grand, an image of earth; in their beginning and ending, an image of the four seasons; in the wheelings and revolutions (of the pantomimes), an image of the wind and rain. (The five notes, like) the five colours, form a complete and elegant whole, without any confusion. (The eight instruments of different materials, like) the eight winds, follow the musical accords, without any irregular deviation. The lengths of all the different notes have their definite measurements, without any uncertainty. The small and the great complete one another. The end leads on to the beginning, and the beginning to the end. The key notes and those harmonising with them, the sharp and the bass, succeed one another in their regular order.
1 Thus:
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18. Therefore, when the music has full course, the different relations are clearly defined by it; the perceptions of the ears and eyes become sharp and distinct; the action of the blood and physical energies is harmonious and calm; (bad) influences are removed, and manners changed ; and all under heaven there is entire repose. · 19. Hence we have the saying, 'Where there is music there is joy.' Superior men rejoice in attaining to the course (which they wish to pursue); and smaller men in obtaining the things which they desire. When the objects of desire are regulated by a consideration of the course to be pursued, there is joy without any disorder. When those objects lead to the forgetfulness of that course, there is delusion, and no joy.
20. It is for this purpose that the superior man returns to the (good) affections (proper to his nature), in order to bring his will into harmony with them, and makes extensive use of music in order to perfect his instructions. When the music has free course, the people direct themselves to the quarter (to which they should proceed), and we can see the power of) his virtue.
21. Virtue is the strong stem of (man's) nature, and music is the blossoming of virtue. Metal, stone, silk, and bamboo are (the materials of which) the instruments of music (are made). Poetry gives expression to the thoughts; singing prolongs the notes (of the voice); pantomimic movements put the body into action (in harmony with the sentiments). These three things originate in the mind, and the instruments of the music accompany them.
22. In this way the affections (from which comes the music) are deeply seated, and the elegant display
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of them is brilliant. All the energies (of the nature) are abundantly employed, and their transforming power is mysterious and spirit-like. A harmonious conformity (to virtue) is realised within, and the blossoming display of it is conspicuous without, for in music, more than other things, there should be nothing that is pretentious or hypocritical.
23. Music springs from the movement of the mind; the notes are the manifestation of the music; the elegant colours and various parts are the ornaments of the notes. The superior man puts its fundamental cause in movement, makes its manifesting notes into music, and regulates its ornaments.
24. Thus they first strike the drum to warn (the performers) to be in readiness, and (the pantomimes) take three steps to show the nature of the dance. This is done a second time and they begin to move forward; and when they have completed their evolutions, they return and dress their ranks. However rapid their movements may be, there is nothing violent in them ; however mysterious they may be, they are not beyond the power of being understood. One, studying them alone, finds pleasure in the object of them, and does not tire in his endeavours to understand them. When he has fully understood them, he does not keep what he desires to himself. Thus the affections (of joy) are displayed; the ideal) of righteousness is established; and when the music is ended, the (due) honour has been paid to virtue. Superior men by it nourish their love of what is good; small men in it hear the correction of) their errors. Hence it is said, that'for the courses to be pursued by men the influence of music is great.' 25. In music we have the outcome and bestowal
[28]
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(of what its framers felt); in ceremonies a return (for what their performers had received). Music expresses the delight in what produces it, and ceremonies lead the mind back to the favours) which originate them. Music displays the virtue (of the framer); ceremonies are a return of the feelings (which led to them), as carrying the mind back to what originated them.
26. What is called 'a Grand carriage' is one which is (the gift) of the son of Heaven; the flag with dragons, and a nine-scolloped border, was the banner (conferred by) the son of Heaven; that with the azure and black edging exhibited the precious tortoises, and was also the gift of) the son of Heaven; and when these were followed by herds of oxen and sheep, they were the gifts bestowed on the feudal lords?
Section III. 1. In music we have the expression of feelings which do not admit of any change; in ceremonies that of principles which do not admit of any alteration. Music embraces what all equally share; ceremony distinguishes the things in which men differ. Hence the theory of music and ceremonies embraces the whole nature of man.
2. To go to the very root (of our feelings) and know the changes (which they undergo) is the province of music; to display sincerity and put away all that is hypocritical is the grand law of ceremonies. Ceremonies and music resemble the nature of Heaven and Earth, penetrate to the virtues of the spiritual Intelligences, bring down the spirits from above, and
1 With this ends the sixth chapter of the Book, called Yo H siang ( ), meaning the natural symbols of music.
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raise up those whose seat is below. They give a sort of substantial embodiment of what is most subtle as well as material, and regulate the duties between father and son, ruler and subject.
3. Therefore, when the Great man uses and exhibits his ceremonies and music, Heaven and Earth will in response to him display their brilliant influences. They will act in happy union, and the energies (of nature), now expanding, now contracting, will proceed harmoniously. The genial airs from above and the responsive action below will overspread and nourish all things. Then plants and trees will grow luxuriantly; curling sprouts and buds will expand; the feathered and winged tribes will be active; horns and antlers will grow; insects will come to the light and revive; birds will breed and brood; the hairy tribes will mate and bring forth; the mammalia will have no abortions, and no eggs will be broken or addled, - and all will have to be ascribed to the power of music?
4. When we speak of music we do not mean the notes emitted by the Hwang Kung, Tà Lü, (and the other musical pipes), the stringed instruments and the singing, or the (brandishing of the) shields and axes. These are but the small accessories of the music; and hence lads act as the pantomimes. (In
1 There is extravagance in this description. The Great man is the sage upon the throne. The imagination of the eloquent writer runs riot as he dwells on the article of his creed, that ‘Heaven, Earth, and Man' are the Three Powers (E +)' intended by their harmonious co-operation to make a happy and flourishing world. That would indeed be wonderful music which should bring about such a result. Compare the words of the Hebrew prophet in Hosea ii. 21, 22. Callery's translation of the concluding clause is : Tout cela n'est autre chose que l'harmonie de la musique rejaillissant (sous tous les êtres de la nature).'
I 2
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the same way), the spreading of the mats, the disposing of the vases, and the arranging of the stands and dishes, with the movements in ascending and descending, are but the small accessories of ceremonies; and hence there are the smaller) officers who direct them. The music-masters decide on the tunes and the pieces of poetry; and hence they have their places with their stringed instruments, and their faces directed to the north. The prayer-officers of the ancestral temple decide on the various ceremonies in it, and hence they keep behind the representatives of the deceased. Those who direct the mourning rites after the manner of the Shang dynasty', have their places (for the same reason) behind the presiding mourner.
5. It is for this reason that the practice of virtue is held to be of superior worth, and the practice of any art of inferior; that complete virtue takes the first place, and the doing of anything, (however ingenious, only) the second. Therefore the ancient kings had their distinctions of superior and inferior, of first and last; and so they could frame their music and ceremonies for the whole kingdom. .
6. The marquis Wăn of Weis asked 3ze-hsiâ, saying, 'When in my square-cut dark robes and cap I listen to the ancient music, I am only afraid that I shall go to sleep. When I listen to the music of
1 Which was distinguished for the plain simplicity of its observances.
With this ends the seventh chapter, called Yo Khing in , . The attributes of Music.'
* The marquis Wăn ruled in Wei from B.C. 425 to 387. He is said to have received the classical books from 3ze-hsiâ, when that disciple of Confucius must have been a hundred years old, and was blind, in B.C. 407.
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Kăng and Wei, I do not feel tired ; let me ask why I should feel so differently under the old and the new music.'
7. Zze-hsià replied, “In the old music, (the performers) advance and retire all together; the music is harmonious, correct, and in large volume; the stringed instruments (above) and those made from gourd shells with the organs and their metal tongues (below), are all kept waiting for the striking of the drum. The music first strikes up at the sound of the drum; and when it ends, it is at the sound of the cymbals. The close of each part of the performance is regulated by the Hsiang', and the rapidity of the motions by the Yå? In (all) this the superior man speaks of, and follows, the way of antiquity. The character is cultivated; the family is regulated ; and peace and order are secured throughout the kingdom. This is the manner of the ancient music.
8. 'But now, in the new music, (the performers) advance and retire without any regular order; the music is corrupt to excess; there is no end to its vileness. Among the players there are dwarfs like monkeys, while boys and girls are mixed together, and there is no distinction between father and son. Such music can never be talked about, and cannot be said to be after the manner of antiquity. This is the fashion of the new music.
9. What you ask about is music; and what you like is sound. Now music and sound are akin, but they are not the same.'
* These are names of musical instruments, of which figures are given in the plates to the Khien-lung edition; but there is much uncertainty about them.
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10. The marquis asked him to explain, and 3zehsiâ replied, 'In antiquity, Heaven and Earth acted according to their several natures, and the four seasons were what they ought to be. The people were virtuous, and all the cereals produced abundantly. There were no fevers or other diseases, and no apparitions or other prodigies. This was what we call “the period of great order.” After this arose the sages, and set forth the duties between father and son, and between ruler and subject, for the guidance of society. When these guiding rules were thus correctly adjusted, all under heaven, there was a great tranquillity; after which they framed with exactness the six accords (upper and lower), and gave harmony to the five notes (of the scale), and the singing to the lutes of the odes and praise-songs; constituting what we call “the virtuous airs.” Such virtuous airs constituted what we call “Music," as is declared in the Book of Poetry (III, i, ode 7, 4). “Silently grew the fame of his virtue, His virtue was highly intelligent; Highly intelligent, and of rare discrimination ; Able to lead, able to rule, - To rule over this great country, Rendering a cordial submission, effecting a cordial
union. When (the sway) came to king Wăn, His virtue lest nothing to be dissatisfied with. He received the blessing of God, And it was extended to his descendants."
11. “May I not say that what you love are the vile airs ?' The marquis said, 'Let me ask where the vile airs come from?' Zze-hsiâ replied, “The
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airs of Kång go to a wild excess, and debauch the mind; those of Sung tell of slothful indulgence and women, and drown the mind; those of Wei are vehement and rapid, and perplex the mind; and those of Khi are violent and depraved, and make the mind arrogant. The airs of those four states all stimulate libidinous desire, and are injurious to virtue ;—they should therefore not be used at sacrifices.
12. 'It is said in the Book of Poetry (IV, i [Part ii), ode 5), “ In solemn unison (the instruments) give forth their
notes ; Our ancestors will hearken to them." That solemn unison denotes the grave reverence and harmony of their notes :-with reverence, blended with harmony, what is there that cannot be done?
13. 'A ruler has only to be careful of what he likes and dislikes. What the ruler likes, his ministers will practise; and what superiors do, their inferiors follow. This is the sentiment in the Book of Poetry (III, ii, ode 10, 6),
“To lead the people is very easy." 14. “Seeing this, and after the repose of the people was secured), the sages made hand-drums and drums, the stopper and the starter, the earthen whistle and the bamboo flute,—the six instruments which produced the sounds of their virtuous airs. After these came the bell, the sounding-stone, the organ with thirty-six pipes, and the large lute, to be played in harmony with them; the shields, axes, ox-tails, and plumes, brandished by the pantomimes in time and
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tune. These they employed at the sacrifices in the temple of the former kings, at festivals in offering and receiving the pledge cup; in arranging the services of officers in the temple) according to the rank due to each, as noble or mean, and in showing to future ages how they observed the order due to rank and to age.
15. 'The bells give out a clanging sound as a signal. The signal is recognised by all, and that recognition produces a martial enthusiasm. When the ruler hears the sound of the bell, he thinks of his officers of war.
"The sounding-stones give out a tinkling sound, as a summons to the exercise of discrimination. That discrimination may lead to the encountering of death. When the ruler hears the sounding-stone, he thinks of his officers who die in defence of his frontiers.
*The stringed instruments give out a melancholy sound, which produces the thought of purity and fidelity, and awakens the determination of the mind. When the ruler hears the sound of the lute and cithern, he thinks of his officers who are bent on righteousness.
The instruments of bamboo give out a sound like that of overflowing waters, which suggests the idea of an assembly, the object of which is to collect the multitudes together. When the ruler hears the sound of his organs, pipes, and flutes, he thinks of his officers who gather the people together.
The drums and tambours give out their loud volume of sound, which excites the idea of movement, and tends to the advancing of the host. When the ruler hears the sounds of his drums and tam
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bours, he thinks of his leaders and commanders. When a superior man thus hears his musical instruments, he does not hear only the sounds which they emit. There are associated ideas which accompany these?'
16. Pin-mâu Kia? was sittting with Confucius. Confucius talked with him about music, and said, 'At (the performance of) the Wa, how is it that the preliminary warning (of the drum) continues so long ?' The answer was, “To show (the king's) anxiety that all his multitudes should be of one mind with him.'
How is it that (when the performance has commenced) the singers drawl their notes so long, and the pantomimes move about till they perspire ?' The answer was, 'To show his apprehension that some (princes) might not come up in time for the engagement.'
'How is it that the violent movement of the arms and stamping fiercely with the feet begin so soon?' The answer was, ' To show that the time for the engagement had arrived.'
'How is it that, (in the performance of the Wa,) the pantomimes kneel on the ground with the right
1 With this ffteenth paragraph ends the eighth chapter of the Book called simply · Marquis Wan of Wei's Chapter F ); and the Khien-lung editors say nothing more about it.
Pin-mâu Kiâ must have been a scholar of Confucius' time, a master of music; but, so far as I have read, nothing is known about him beyond what appears here. The Khang Hung at the end of the paragraph was a historiographer of Kâu, with whom Confucius is said to have studied music. The Wa was the dance and music which king Wa is said to have made after his conquest of Shang or Yin.
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knee, while the left is kept up?' The answer was, "There should be no kneeling in the Wa.'
How is it that the words of the singers go on to speak eagerly of Shang?' The answer was, 'There should be no such sounds in the Wa.'
But if there should be no such sound in the wa, where does it come from?' The answer was, 'The officers (of the music) failed to hand it down correctly. If they did not do so, the aim of king wa would have been reckless and wrong.'
The Master said, 'Yes, what I heard from Khang Hung was to the same effect as what you now say.'
17. Pin-mâu Kiâ rose up, left his mat, and addressed Confucius, saying, 'On the long-continued warning (of the drum) in the Wa, I have heard your instructions; but let me ask how it is that after that first delay there is another, and that a long one?'
The Master said, 'Sit down, and I will tell you. Music is a representation of accomplished facts. The pantomimes stand with their shields, each erect and firm as a hill, representing the attitude of king Wa. The violent movements of the arms and fierce stamping represent the enthusiasm of Thai-kung. The kneeling of all at the conclusion of the performance represents the government (of peace, instituted) by (the dukes of) Kâu and Shâo.
18. Moreover, the pantomimes in the first movement proceed towards the north (to imitate the marching of king Wû against Shang); in the second, they show the extinction of Shang; in the third, they show the return march to the south; in the fourth, they show the laying out of the Southern states; in the fifth, they show how (the dukes of) Kâu and Shâo were severally put in charge of the states on the
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left and right; in the sixth, they again uning at the point of starting to offer their homage to the son of Heaven. Two men, one on each side of the performers, excite them with bells, and four times they stop and strike and thrust, showing the great awe with which (king Wû) inspired the Middle states. Their advancing with these men on each side shows his eagerness to complete his helpful undertaking. The performers standing long together show how he waited for the arrival of the princes.
19. ‘And have you alone not heard the accounts of Ma-yeh ? King Wa, after the victory over Yin, proceeded to (the capital of) Shang; and before he descended from his chariot he invested the descendants of Hwang Ti with K1; those of the Ti Yao with Ka; and those of the Ti Shun with Khăn. When he had descended from it, he invested the descendant of the sovereign of Hsiâ with Ki; appointed the descendants of Yin to Sung ; raised a mound over the grave of the king's son, Pi-kan; released the count of Khi from his imprisonment, and employed him to restore to their places the officers who were acquainted with the ceremonial usages of Shang. The common people were relieved from (the pressure) of the (bad) government which they had endured, and the emoluments of the multitude of (smaller) officers were doubled.
(The king then) crossed the Ho, and proceeded to the west. His horses were set free on the south of mount Hwâ, not to be yoked again. His oxen were dispersed in the wild of the Peach forest, not to be put to the carriages again. His chariots and coats of mail were smeared with blood, and despatched to his arsenals, not to be used again. The
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shields and spears were turned upside down and conveyed away, wrapped in tiger skins, which were styled “the appointed cases." The leaders and commanders were then constituted feudal lords; and it was known throughout the kingdom that king Wů would have recourse to weapons of war no more
20. “The army having been disbanded (the king commanded) a practice of archery at the colleges in the suburbs. At the college on the left (or east) they shot to the music of the Li-shâu?; at that on the right (or west) they shot to the music of the Za u-yü; and (from this time) the archery which consisted in going through (so many) buffcoats ceased. They wore (only) their civil robes and caps, with their ivory tokens of rank stuck in their girdles; and the officers of the guard put off their swords. (The king) offered sacrifice in the Hall of Distinction, and the people learned to be filial. He gave audiences at court, and the feudal lords knew how they ought to demean themselves. He ploughed in the field set apart for that purpose, and the lords learned what should be the object of reverence to them in their states). These five things constituted great lessons for the whole kingdom.'
21. In feasting the three (classes of the) old and the five (classes of the) experienced in the Great college, he himself (the son of Heaven) had his
See the account of all these proceedings after the victory of Md in the Shû, V, iii, 9, though it is difficult to reconcile the two accounts in some of their details.
? See the Kâu Lî, Book 22, 32. The ode Li-shâu was used at the archery celebrations of the feudal lords, and is now lost. The Zâu-yü is the last ode in the second Book of the Shih, Part I. It was used at contests where the king presided.
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breast bared and cut up the animals. He (also) presented to them the condiments and the cups. He wore the royal cap, and stood with a shield before him. In this way he taught the lords their brotherly duties.
22. 'In this manner the ways of Kâu penetrated everywhere, and the interaction of ceremonies and music was established;-is it not right that in the performance of the Wût there should be that gradual and long-continuing action1?'
SECT. III.
23. A superior man says: 'Ceremonies and music should not for a moment be neglected by any one. When one has mastered completely (the principles of) music, and regulates his heart and mind accordingly, the natural, correct, gentle, and honest heart is easily developed, and with this development of the heart comes joy. This joy goes on to a feeling of repose. This repose is long-continued. The man in this constant repose becomes (a sort of) Heaven. Heaven-like, (his action) is spirit-like. Heaven-like, he is believed without the use of words. Spirit-like, he is regarded with awe, without any display of rage. So it is, when one by his mastering of music regulates his mind and heart.
24. 'When one has mastered completely (the principle of) ceremonies so as to regulate his person accordingly, he becomes grave and reverential. Grave and reverential, he comes to be regarded with awe. If the heart be for a moment without the feeling of harmony and joy, meanness and deceitfulness enter
1 The preceding seven paragraphs form the ninth chapter, which, like the former, simply bears the name of one of the parties in it, and is called 'The chapter of Pin-mâu Kiâ.'
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it. If the outward demeanour be for a moment without gravity and respectfulness, indifference and rudeness show themselves.
25. Therefore the sphere in which music acts is the interior of man, and that of ceremonies is his exterior. The result of music is a perfect harmony, and that of ceremonies a perfect observance (of propriety). When one's inner man is (thus) harmonious, and his outer man thus docile, the people behold his countenance and do not strive with him; they look to his demeanour, and no feeling of indifference or rudeness arises in them. Thus it is that when virtue shines and acts within (a superior), the people are sure to accept (his rule), and hearken to him; and when the principles (of propriety) are displayed in his conduct, the people are sure (in the same way) to accept and obey him. Hence it is said, “Carry out perfectly ceremonies and music, and give them their outward manifestation and application, and under heaven nothing difficult to manage will appear."!
26. Music springs from the inward movements (of the soul); ceremonies appear in the outward movements (of the body). Hence it is the rule to make ceremonies as few and brief as possible, and to give to music its fullest development. This rule for ceremonies leads to the forward exhibition of them, and therein their beauty resides; that for music leads to the introspective consideration of it, and therein its beauty resides. If ceremonies demanding this condensation were not performed with this forward exhibition of them, they would almost disappear altogether; if music, demanding this full development, were not accompanied with this introspection, it would produce a dissipation of the mind. Thus it
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is that to every ceremony there is its proper response, and for music there is its introspection. When ceremonies are responded to, there arises pleasure; and when music is accompanied with the right introspection, there arises the (feeling of) repose. The responses of ceremony and the introspection of music spring from one and the same idea, and have one and the same object.
1^. A
27. Now music produces pleasure; - what the nature of man cannot be without. That pleasure must arise from the modulation of the sounds, and have its embodiment in the movements (of the body); -such is the rule of humanity. These modulations and movements are the changes required by the nature, and they are found complete in music. Thus men will not be without the ministration of pleasure, and pleasure will not be without its embodiment, but if that embodiment be not suitably conducted, it is impossible that disorder should not arise. The ancient kings, feeling that they would feel ashamed (in the event of such disorder arising), appointed the tunes and words of the Yâ and the Sung to guide (in the music), so that its notes should give sufficient pleasure, without any intermixture of what was bad, while the words should afford sufficient material for consideration without causing weariness; and the bends and straight courses, the swell and diminution, the sharp angles, and soft melody throughout all its parts, should be sufficient to stir up in the minds of the hearers what was good in them, without inducing any looseness of thought or depraved air to be suggested. Such was the plan of the ancient kings when they framed their music.
28. Therefore in the ancestral temple, rulers and
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ministers, high and low, listen together to the music, and all is harmony and reverence; at the district and village meetings of the heads of clans, old and young listen together to it, and all is harmony and deference. Within the gate of the family, fathers and sons, brothers and cousins, listen together to it, and all is harmony and affection. Thus in music there is a careful discrimination (of the voices) to blend them in unison so as to bring out their harmony; there is a union of the (various) instruments to give ornamental effect to its different parts; and these parts are combined and performed so as to complete its elegance. In this way fathers and sons, rulers and subjects are united in harmony, and the people of the myriad states are associated in love. Such was the method of the ancient kings when they framed their music.
29. In listening to the singing of the Yâ and the Sung, the aims and thoughts receive an expansion. From the manner in which the shields and axes are held and brandished, and from the movements of the body in the practice with them, now turned up, now bent down, now retiring, now stretching forward, the carriage of the person receives gravity. From the way in which (the pantomimes) move to their several places, and adapt themselves to the several parts (of the performance), the arrangement of their ranks is made correct, and their order in advancing and retiring is secured. In this way music becomes the lesson of Heaven and Earth, the regulator of true harmony, and what the nature of man cannot dispense with
30. It was by music that the ancient kings gave elegant expression to their joy; by their armies and
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axes that they gave the same to their anger. Hence their joy and anger always received their appropriate response. When they were joyful, all under heaven were joyful with them; when they were angry, the oppressive and disorderly feared them. In the ways of the ancient kings, ceremonies and music may be said to have attained perfection'.
31. (Once), when Zze-kung had an interview with the music-master Yi, he asked him, saying, 'I have heard that in the music and words belonging to it there is that which is specially appropriate to every man; what songs are specially appropriate to me?' The other replied, 'I am but a poor musician, and am not worthy to be asked what songs are appropriate for particular individuals ;-allow me to repeat to you what I have heard, and you can select for yourself (what is appropriate to you). The generous and calm, the mild and correct, should sing the Sung; the magnanimous and calm, and those of wide penetration and sincere, the Tâ Yå (Major Odes of the Kingdom); the courteous and self-restraining, the lovers of the rules of propriety, the Hsiâo Ya (Minor Odes of the Kingdom); the correct, upright, and calm, the discriminating and humble, the Făng (Airs of the States); the determinedly upright, but yet gentle and loving, the Shang; and the mild and honest, but yet capable of decision, the Khi. The object of this singing is for one to make himself right, and then to display his virtue. When he has thus put
? From paragraph 23 to this forms the tenth chapter of the Book, which has the name of Yo Hwa ( 1), · The Transforming Operation of Music,' supplementing and summarising all the previous chapters. [28]
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130
THE Lİ Kİ.
himself in a condition to act, Heaven and Earth respond to him, the four seasons revolve in harmony with him, the stars and constellations observe their proper laws, and all things are nourished and thrive.
32. 'What are called the Shang1 were the airs and words transmitted from the five Tis; and having been remembered by the people of Shang, we call them the Shang. What are called the Khi were transmitted from the three dynasties; and having been remembered by the people of Khi, we call them the Khi. He who is versed in the airs of the Shang will generally be found to manifest decision in the conduct of affairs. He who is versed in the airs of the Khi, when he is attracted by the prospect of profit, will yet give place to others. To manifest decision in the conduct of affairs is bravery; to give place to others in the prospect of gain is righteousness. Who, without singing these songs, can assure himself that he will always preserve such bravery and righteousness?
33. 'In singing, the high notes rise as if they were borne aloft; the low descend as if they were falling to the ground; the turns resemble a thing broken off; and the finale resembles (the breaking) of a willow tree; emphatical notes seem made by the
BK. XVII.
1 All the other pieces of song mentioned in the preceding paragraph are well known, as the divisions under which the odes of the Shih King are arranged. What are called the Shang and Khì are lost, but some account of them is given in this paragraph. When it is said that the people of Shang remembered the airs and poetry of the five Tîs, we must understand by Shang the duchy of Sung, which was ruled by the representation of the line of the Shang kings. Why the state of Khi should have remembered the airs and songs of the three dynasties' more than any other state, I cannot tell.
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SECT. III.
YO KT.
131
square; quavers are like the hook (of a spear); and those prolonged on the same key are like pearls strung together. Hence, singing means the prolonged expression of the words; there is the utterance of the words, and when the simple utterance is not sufficient, the prolonged expression of them. When that prolonged expression is not sufficient, there come the sigh and exclamation. When these are insufficient, unconsciously there come the motions of the hands and the stamping of the feet?!
(Such was the answer to) 3ze-kung's question about music?
* On this passage, P. Callery says :-Quoique, à la rigueur, on puisse comparer des airs à des objets, ou à des accidents matériels, comme nous disons de tel motif musical qu'il est “Large," "Sec," “Dur," etc., il faut avouer que les comparaisons adoptées par l'artiste Chinois sont, en général, fort mauvaises, c'est une amplification gâtée de ce qu'il a dit plus haut.'
. This and the two preceding paragraphs form the eleventh chapter of the Book, the last of those of which the text has been preserved. It is called, 'Questions of Zze-kung about Music.'
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2
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BOOK XVIII. 3Å KI
OR
MISCELLANEOUS RECORDS'.
SECTION I. Part I. 1. When a feudal lord was on the march and died in his lodging?, they called back his soul in the same way as in his state. If he died on the road, (one) got up on the nave of the left wheel of the chariot in which he had been riding, and called it, waving the pennon of his flag.
(For the carriage with the bier) there was a pall, and attached to it a fringe made of black cloth, like a lower garment, serving as a curtain (to the temporary coffin), and the whole was made into a sort of house by a covering of white brocade. With this they travelled back to his state), and on arriving at the gate of the temple, without removing the (curtain) wall, they entered and went straight to the place where the coffining was to take place. The pall was removed at the outside of the door.
2. When a Great officer or an ordinary officer died on the road, (one) got up on the left end of the nave of his carriage, and called back his soul, waving his pennon. If he died in his lodging, they called the soul back in the same manner as if he had died in his house.
* See the introductory notice, vol. xxvii, page 34. * The public lodging assigned to him in the state where he was.
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sect. 1. PT. 1.
ZÂ ki.
133
In the case of a Great officer they made a pall of cloth, and so proceeded homewards. On arriving at the house, they removed the pall, took the (temporary) coffin on a handbarrow, entered the gate, and proceeding to the eastern steps, there halted and removed the barrow, after which they took the body up the steps, right to the place where it was to be coffined.
3. The pall-house made over the body of an ordinary officer was made of the phragmites rush; and the fringe for a curtain below of the typha.
4. In every announcement of a death to the ruler it was said, 'Your lordship's minister, so and so, has died.' When the announcement was from a parent, a wife, or an eldest son, it was said, 'Your lordship's minister, my — , has died. In an announcement of the death of a ruler to the ruler of another state, it was said, 'My unworthy ruler has ceased to receive his emoluments. I venture to announce it to your officers?' If the announcement were about the death of his wife, it was said, 'The inferior partner of my poor ruler has ceased to receive her emoluments.' On the death of a ruler's eldest son, the announcement ran, 'The heir-son of my unworthy ruler, so and so, has died.'
5. When an announcement of the death of a Great officer was sent to another of the same grade, in the same state, it was said, 'So and so has ceased to receive his emoluments.' The same terms were employed when the announcement was to an ordinary officer. When it was sent to the ruler of another state, it ran, 'Your lordship's outside minister,
Not daring to communicate the evil tidings directly to the ruler.
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134
THE LÍ KT.
BK. XVIII.
my poor Great officer, so and so, has died.' If it were to one of equal degree (in the other state), it was said, 'Sir, your outside servant, our poor Great officer, has ceased to receive his emoluments, and I am sent here to inform you. If it were to an ordinary officer, the announcement was made in the same terms.
6. In the announcement of the death of an ordinary officer to the same parties, it was made in the same style, only that 'So and so has died,' was employed in all the cases.
7. A Great officer had his place in the lodgings about the palace, till the end of the mourning rites (for a ruler), while another officer returned to his home on the completion of a year. An ordinary officer had his place in the same lodgings. A Great officer occupied the mourning shed; another officer, the unplastered apartment'.
8. In the mourning for a cousin, either paternal or maternal, who had not attained to the rank of a Great officer, a Great officer wore the mourning appropriate
Two places of lodging about the palace are mentioned here :-- the mourning shed, and the unplastered apartment. Both these appear to have been in the courtyard, outside the palace itself: the former, a hut, formed by trees and branches of trees, placed against the wall on the east, with the most slender provision for accommodation and comfort; the latter, an apartment in some other place, made of unburnt bricks, and unplastered, more commodious, but nearly as destitute of comfort. In the former, the chief mourners 'afflicted themselves,' while those whose mourning was not so intense occupied the other.
The ordinary officer, who returned home at the end of a year, is supposed to have had his charge in some town at a distance from court, where his presence could no longer be dispensed with; and the other, who occupies the unplastered apartment to the end of the rites, to have been employed at the court.
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SECT. I. PT. I.
BA KÍ.
135
for an ordinary officer; and an ordinary officer, in mourning similarly for a cousin on either side who had been a Great officer, wore the same mourning.
9. The son of a Great officer by his wife proper wore the mourning appropriate for a Great officer.
10. The son of a Great officer by any other member of his harem, who was himself a Great officer, wore for his father or mother the mourning of a Great officer; but his place was only the same as that of a son by the proper wife who was not a Great officer.
11. When the son of an ordinary officer had become a Great officer, his parents could not preside at his mourning rites. They made his son do so ; and if he had no son, they appointed some one to perform that part, and be the representative of the deceased.
12. When they were divining by the tortoise-shell about the grave and the day of interment of a Great officer, the officer superintending (the operation) wore an upper robe of sackcloth, with (strips of) coarser cloth (across the chest), and a girdle of the same and the usual mourning shoes. His cap was of black material, without any fringe. The diviner wore a skin cap.
13. If the stalks were employed, then the manipulator wore a cap of plain silk, and the long robe. The reader of the result wore his court robes.
14. At the mourning rites for a Great officer (preparatory to the interment), the horses were brought out. The man who brought them wailed, stamped, and went out. After this (the son) folded up the offerings, and read the list (of the gifts that had been sent).
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136
THE LÍ xi.
.
BK. XVIII.
15. At the mourning rites for a Great officer, one from the department of the chief superintendent of the ancestral temple assisted (the presiding mourner), and one from that of the assistant superintendent put the question to the tortoise-shell, which was then manipulated in the proper form by the diviner.
16. In calling back (the soul of) a feudal lord, they used the robe which had first been conferred on him, with the cap and corresponding robes, varying according to the order of his nobility.
17. (In calling back the soul of) a friend's wife, they used the black upper robe with a purple border, or that with pheasants embroidered on it in various colours; both of them lined with white crape.
18. (In calling back that of) the wife of a high noble, they used the upper robe of light green, worn on her first appointment to that position, and lined with white crape ; (in calling back that of the wife of) a Great officer of the lowest grade, the upper robe of plain white. (The souls of other wives were called back) by parties with the same robe as in the case of an ordinary officer.
19. In the calling back, they stood (with their faces to the north), inclining to the west ?
20. (To the pall over the coffin of a Great officer) there was not attached the (curtain of) yellow silk with pheasants on it, descending below the (bamboo) catch for water.
21. (The tablet of a grandson who had been a Great officer was placed (in the shrine of his grandfather who had (only) been an officer ; but not if he
Paragraph 18 in the ordinary editions is before 16. The tablets must have been confused, and were, perhaps, defective.
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SECT. I. PT. I.
137
had only been an officer, and the grandfather a Great officer. In that case, the tablet was placed in the shrine of a brother of the grandfather (who had only been an officer). If there were no such brother, (it was placed in the shrine of their high ancestor), according to the regular order of relationship. Even if his grand-parents were alive, it was so.
22. The (tablet of a) wife was placed after that of the wife (of the principal of the shrine), in which her husband's tablet was placed. If there had been no such wife, it was placed in the shrine of the wife of the high ancestor, according to the regular order of relationship. The (tablet of a) concubine was placed in the shrine of her husband's grandmother (concubine). If there had been no such concubine, then it was placed in that of the concubine of the high ancestor) according to the regular order of relationship.
23. (The tablet of) an unmarried son was placed in the shrine of his grandfather, and was used at sacrifices. That of an unmarried daughter was placed in the shrine of her grandmother, but was not used at sacrifices. The (tablet of) the son of a ruler was placed in the shrine of (one of) the sons (of his grandfather), that grandfather having also been a ruler.
24. When a ruler died, his eldest son was simply styled son (for that year), but he was treated (by other rulers) as the ruler.
25. If one, after wearing for a year the mourning and cap proper to the three years for a parent, met with the death of a relative for whom he had to wear the mourning of nine months, he changed it for the hempen-cloth proper to the nine months; but he did not change the staff and shoes.
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138
THE LI KI.
26. In mourning for a parent, (after a year) the sackcloth of the nine months' mourning is preferred; but if there occurred the placing in its shrine of the tablet of a brother who had died prematurely, the cap and other mourning worn during that first year was worn in doing so. The youth who had died prematurely was called 'The Bright Lad,' and (the mourner said), 'My so and so,' without naming him. This was treating him with reference to his being in the spirit-state.
BK. XVIII.
27. In the case of brothers living in different houses, when one first heard of the death of another, he might reply to the messenger simply with a wail. His first step then was to put on the sackcloth, and the girdle with dishevelled edges. If, before he had put on the sackcloth, he hurried off to the mourning rites, and the presiding mourner had not yet adjusted his head-band and girdle, in the case of the deceased being one for whom he had to mourn for five months, he completed that term along with the presiding mourner. If nine months were due to the deceased, he included the time that had elapsed since he assumed the sackcloth and girdle.
28. The master, presiding at the mourning rites for a concubine, himself conducted the placing of her tablet (in its proper shrine). At the sacrifices at the end of the first and second years, he employed her son to preside at them. The sacrifice at her offering did not take place in the principal apartment.
29. A ruler did not stroke the corpse of a servant or a concubine.
30. Even after the wife of a ruler was dead, the concubines (of the harem) wore mourning for her
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SECT. 1. PT. II.
ZÂ ki.
139
relatives. If one of them took her place (and acted as mistress of the establishment), she did not wear mourning for the relatives?
Part II. 1. If one heard of the mourning rites for a cousin for whom he had to wear mourning for nine months or more, when he looked in the direction of the place where those rites were going on, he wailed. If he were going to accompany the funeral to the grave, but did not get to the house in time, though he met the presiding mourner returning, he himself went on to the grave. The president at the mourning rites for a cousin, though the relationship might not have been near, also presented the sacrifice of Repose.
2. On all occasions of mourning, if, before the mourning robes had all been completed, any one arrived to offer condolences, (the president) took the proper place, wailed, bowed to the visitor, and leaped.
3. At the wailing for a Great officer, another of the same rank, wore the conical cap, with a sackcloth band round it. He wore the same also when engaged with the coffining.
If he had on the cap of dolichos-cloth in mourning for his own wife or son, and were called away to the lighter mourning for a distant relative, he put on the conical cap and band.
4. (In wailing for) an eldest son, he carried a staff, but not for that son's son; he went without it
1 This lady took the deceased wife's place, and performed many of the duties; but she had not the position of wife. Anciently, a feudal ruler could only, in all his life, have one wife, one lady, that is, to be called by that name.
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THE LÎ ki.
BK. XVIII.
to the place of wailing. (An eldest son), going to wail for his wife, if his parents were alive, did not carry a staff, nor bow so as to lay his forehead on the ground. If (only) his mother were alive, he did not lay his forehead to the ground. Where such a prostration should have taken place, as in the case of one who brought a gift with his condolence, an ordinary bow was made.
5. (An officer) who had left a feudal prince and gone into the service of a Great officer did not on the lord's death return and wear mourning for him ; nor did one who had left a Great officer to serve a prince, return to mourn on the death of the former.
6. The strings of the mourning cap served to distinguish it from one used on a festive occasion. The silk cap worn after a year's mourning, and belonging to that for three years, had such strings, and the seam of it was on the right. That worn in the mourning of five months, and a still shorter time, was seamed on the left. The cap of the shortest mourning had a tassel of reddish silk. The ends of the girdle in the mourning of nine months and upward hung loose.
7. Court robes were made with fifteen skeins (1200 threads) in the warp. Half that number made the coarse cloth for the shortest mourning, which then was glazed by being steeped with ashes.
8. In sending presents to one another for the use of the dead, the princes of the states sent their carriages of the second class with caps and robes. They did not send their carriages of the first class, nor the robes which they had themselves received (from the king).
9. The number of (small) carriages, sent (to the
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SECT. I. PT. II.
· ZÂ ki.
14.1
grave) was according to that of the parcels of flesh to be conveyed. Each one had a pall of coarse cloth. All round were ornamental figures. These parcels were placed at the four corners of the coffin.
10. (Sometimes) rice was sent, but Yu-gze said that such an offering was contrary to rule. The food put down (by the dead) in mourning was only dried meat and pickled.
11. At the sacrifices (after the sacrifice of Repose), the mourner styled himself · The filial son,' or 'The filial grandson;' at the previous rites, 'The grieving son,' or 'The grieving grandson.'
12. In the square upper garment of the mourner and the sackcloth over it, and in the carriage in which he rode to the grave, there was no difference of degree.
13. The white cap of high (antiquity) and the cap of black cloth were both without any ornamental fringe. The azure-coloured and that of white silk with turned-up rim had such a fringe.
14. A Great officer wore the cap with the square top when assisting at a sacrifice of his ruler; but that of skin when sacrificing at his own shrines. An ordinary officer used the latter in his ruler's temple, and the cap (of dark cloth) in his own. As an officer wore the skin cap, when going in person to meet his bride, he might also use it at his own shrines.
15. The mortar for the fragrant herbs, in making sacrificial spirits, was made of cypress wood, and the pestle of dryandria. The ladle (for lifting out the flesh) was of mulberry wood, three, some say five, cubits long. The scoop used in addition was of mulberry, three cubits long, with its handle and end carved.
16. The girdle over the shroud used for a prince
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THE LI Kİ.
or a Great officer was of five colours; that used for another officer, only of two.
17. The must (put into the grave) was made from the malt of rice. There were the jars (for it and other liquids), the baskets (for the millet), and the boxes (in which these were placed). These were placed outside the covering of the coffin; and then the tray for the mats was put in.
18. The spirit-tablet (which had been set up over the coffin) was buried after the sacrifice of Repose. 19. (The mourning rites for) all wives were according to the rank of their husbands.
20. (Visitors who had arrived) during the slighter dressing of the corpse, the more complete dressing, or the opening (the enclosure where the coffin was), were all saluted and bowed to (after these operations were finished).
142
BK. XVIII.
21. At the wailing morning and evening, (the coffin) was not screened from view. When the bier had been removed, the curtain was no more suspended.
22. When the ruler came to condole, after the carriage with its coffin (had reached the gate of the temple), the presiding mourner bowed towards him with his face towards the east, and moving to the right of the gate, leaped there, with his face towards the north. Going outside, he waited till the ruler took his departure and bade him go back, after which he put down (by the bier the gifts which the ruler had brought).
23. When 3ze-kâo was fully dressed after his death, first, there were the upper and lower garments both wadded with floss silk, and over them a suit of black with a purple border below; next, there was a suit of white made square and straight, (the
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SECT. I. PT. II.
3Â ki.
143
suit belonging to the skin cap; next, that belonging to the skin cap like the colour of a sparrow's head; and next, (that belonging to the dark-coloured cap, with the square top. 3ăng-gze said, 'In such a dressing there should be nothing of woman's dress.'
24. When an officer died on some commission, upon which he had gone for his ruler, if the death took place in a public hotel, they called his soul back; if in a private hotel, they did not do so. By a public hotel was meant a ruler's palace, or some other building erected by him, and by a private hotel, the house of a noble, a Great officer, or an officer below that rank..
25. (On the death of) a ruler, there is the leaping for him for seven days in succession; and on that of a Great officer, it lasts for five days. The women take their share in this expression of grief at intervals, between the presiding mourner and his visitors. On the death of an ordinary officer, it lasts for three days; the women taking their part in the same way.
26. In dressing the corpse of a ruler, there is first put on it the upper robe with the dragon; next, a dark-coloured square-cut suit; next, his court-robes; next, the white lower garment with gathers ; next, a purple-coloured lower garment; next, a sparrow-head
It is generally supposed that the Zze-kâo here was the disciple of Confucius, so styled, and also known as Kâo Khâi; but the dressing here is that of the corpse of a Great officer, and there is no evidence that the disciple ever attained to that rank; and I am inclined to doubt, with Kiang Kâo-hsî and others, whether the party in the text may not have been another Zze-kâo. The caps of the last three suits are understood to be used for the suits them. selves, with which they were generally worn. Băng-zze's condemnation of the dressing was grounded on the purple border of one of the articles in the first suit. See Analects X, 4.
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THE LÎ ki.
BK. XVIII.
skin cap; next, the dark-coloured cap with the square top; next, the robe given on his first investiture ; next, a girdle of red and green; over which was laid out the great girdle.
27. At the slight dressing of the corpse the son (or the presiding mourner) wore the band of sackcloth about his head. Rulers, Great officers, and ordinary officers agreed in this.
28. When the ruler came to see the great dressing of the corpse, as he was ascending to the hall, the Shang priest spread the mat (afresh), and proceeded to the dressing.
29. The gifts (for the dead, and to be placed in the grave), contributed by the people of Lu, consisted of three rolls of dark-coloured silk, and two of light red, but they were (only) a cubit in width, and completing the length of (one) roll?
30. When one came (from another ruler) with a message of condolence, he took his place outside, on the west of the gate, with his face to the east. The chief officer attending him was on the south-east of him, with his face to the north, inclining to the west, and west from the gate. The orphan mourner, with his face to the west, gave his instructions to the officer waiting on him, who then went to the visitor and said, 'My orphaned master has sent me to ask why you have given yourself this trouble,' to which the visitor replies, 'Our ruler has sent me to ask for your master in his trouble. With this reply the officer returned to the mourner and reported it,
1 This paragraph, which it is not easy to construe or interpret, is understood to be condemnatory of a stinginess in the matter spoken of, which had begun in the La. The rule had been that such pieces of silk should be twenty-five cubits wide, and eighteen cubits long.
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SECT. I. PT. II.
ZÂ kt.
145
returning and saying, 'My orphaned master is waiting for you.' On this the visitor advanced. The mourning host then went up to the reception hall by the steps on the east, and the visitor by those on the west. The latter, with his face to the east, communicated his message, saying, 'Our ruler has heard of the bereavement you have sustained, and has sent me to ask for you in your sorrows.' The mourning son then bowed to him, kneeling with his forehead to the ground. The messenger then descended the steps, and returned to his place.
31. The attendant charged with the jade for the mouth of the deceased, and holding it in his handa flat round piece of jade-communicated his instructions, saying, 'Our ruler has sent me with the gem for the mouth.' The officer in waiting went in and reported the message, then returning and saying,
Our orphaned master is waiting for you. The bearer of the gem then advanced, ascended the steps, and communicated his message. The son bowed to him, with his forehead to the ground. The bearer then knelt, and placed the gem on the south-east of the coffin, upon a phragmites mat; but if the interment had taken place, on a typha mat. After this, he descended the steps, and returned to his place. The major-domo, in his court robes, but still wearing his mourning shoes, then ascended the western steps, and kneeling with his face to the west, took up the piece of jade, and descending by the same steps, went towards the east (to deposit it in the proper place).
32. The officer charged with the grave-clothes said, 'Our ruler has sent me with the grave-clothes.' The officer in waiting, having gone in and reported,
[28]
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146
THE LÎ ki.
BK. XVIII.
returned and said, 'Our orphaned master is waiting for you.' Then the other took up first the cap with the square top and robes, with his left hand holding the neck of the upper garment, and with his right the waist. He advanced, went up to the hall, and communicated his message, saying, 'Our ruler has sent me with the grave-clothes. The son bowed to him, with his forehead to the ground; and when the bearer laid down the things on the east of the coffin, he then went down, and received the skin cap of the sparrow's-head colour, with the clothes belonging to it inside the gate, under the eaves. These he presented with the same forms; then the skin cap and clothes which he received in the middle of the courtyard; then the court robes ; then the dark-coloured, square-cut garments, which he received at the foot of the steps on the west. When all these presentations were made, five men from the department of the major-domo took the things up, and going down the steps on the west, went away with them to the east. They all took them up with their faces towards the west.
33. The chief of the attendants (of the messenger) had charge of the carriage and horses, and with a long symbol of jade in his hand communicated his message, saying, 'Our ruler has sent me to present the carriage and horses.' The officer in waiting went in and informed the presiding mourner, and returned with the message, 'The orphan, so and so, is waiting for you.' The attendant then had the team of yellow horses and the grand carriage exhibited in the central courtyard, with the front to the north ; and with the symbol in hand he communicated his message. His grooms were all below, on
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the west of the carriage. The son bowed to him, with his forehead to the ground. He then knelt, and placed his symbol in the corner, on the southeast of the coffin. The major-domo then took the symbol up, and proceeded with it to the east.
34. The message was always delivered with the face turned towards the coffin, and the son always bowed to the attendant charged with it, with his forehead down to the ground. The attendant then knelt with his face to the west, and deposited his gift (or its representative). The major-domo and his employés ascended by the steps on the west to take these up, and did so with their faces towards the west, descending (again) by the same steps.
The attendant charged with the carriage and horses went out, and returned to his place outside the gate.
SECT. I. PT. II.
3â xi.
35. The chief visitor then, (wishing) to perform the ceremony of wailing, said, 'My ruler, being engaged in the services of his own ancestral temple, could not come and take part in your rites, and has sent me, so and so, his old servant, to assist in holding the rope.' The officer in waiting (reported his request), and returned with the message, 'The orphan, so and so, is waiting for you.' The messenger then entered and took his place on the right of the gate. His attendants all followed him, and stood on his left, on the east. The superintendent of ceremonies introduced the visitor, and went up on the hall, and received his ruler's instructions, then descending and saying, 'The orphan ventures to decline the honour which you propose, and begs you to return to your place.' The messenger, however, replied, 'My ruler charged me that I should not
L 2
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THE LÎ ki.
BK. XVIII.
demean myself as a visitor or guest, and I venture to decline doing as you request.' The other then reported this reply, and returned, and told the messenger that the orphan firmly declined the honour which he proposed, and repeated the request that he would return to his place. The messenger repeated his reply, saying that he also firmly declined (to return to his place). The same message from the mourner was repeated, and the same reply to it, (after which) the mourner said, 'Since he thus firmly declines what I request, I will venture respectfully to comply with his wish.
The messenger then stood on the west of the gate, and his attendants on his left, facing the west. The orphaned mourner descended by the steps on the east, and bowed to him, after which they both ascended and wailed, each of them leaping three times in response to each other. The messenger then went out, escorted by the mourner outside of the gate, who then bowed to him, with his forehead down to the ground.
36. When the ruler of a state had mourning rites in hand for a parent, (any officer who was mourning for a parent) did not dare to receive visits of condolence (from another state).
37. The female relatives of the exterior kept in their apartments; the servants spread the mats; the officer of prayer, who used the Shang forms, spread out the girdle, sash, and upper coverings; the officers washed their hands, standing on the north of the vessel; they then removed the corpse to the place where it was to be dressed. When the dressing was finished, the major-domo reported it. The son then leant on the coffin and leaped. The wife with her
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face to the east, also leant on it, kneeling; and then she got up and leaped1.
38. There are three things in the mourning rites for an officer which agree with those used on the death of the son of Heaven:—the torches kept burning all night (when the coffin is to be conveyed to the grave); the employment of men to draw the carriage; and the keeping of the road free from all travellers on it.
SECT. I. PT. II.
1 See the twelfth paragraph in the second section of next Book. It appears here, with some alteration, by mistake.
1 OF TIE
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THE Lİ Kİ.
BK. XVIII.
SECTION II. PART I.
1. When a man was wearing mourning for his father, if his mother died before the period was completed, he put off the mourning for his father (and assumed that proper for his mother). He put on, however, the proper dress when sacrificial services required it; but when they were over 1, he returned to the mourning (for his mother).
2. When occasion occurred for wearing the mourning for uncles or cousins, if it arrived during the period of mourning for a parent, then the previous mourning was not laid aside, save when the sacrificial services in these cases required it to be so; and when they were finished, the mourning for a parent was resumed.
3. If during the three years' mourning (there occurred also another three years' mourning for the eldest son), then after the coarser girdle of the Kiung hemp had been assumed in the latter case, the sacrifices at the end of the first or second year's mourning for a parent might be proceeded with.
4. When a grandfather had died, and his grandson also died before the sacrifices at the end of the first or second year had been performed, (his spirittablet) was still placed next to the grandfather's.
5. When a mourner, while the coffin was in the house, heard of the death of another relative at a
1 That is, the sacrifices regularly presented at the end of the first and second year from the death. The translation here and in the next three paragraphs, if it were from an Aryan or Semitic language, could not be said to be literal; but it correctly represents the ideas of the author.
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distance, he went to another apartment and wailed for him. (Next day), 'he entered where the coffin was, and put down the offerings (to the deceased), after which he went out, changed his clothes, went to the other apartment, and repeated the ceremony of the day before.
ment.
6. When a Great officer or another officer was about to take part in a sacrifice at his ruler's, if, after the inspection of the washing of the vessels to be used, his father or mother died, he still went to the sacrifice; but took his place in a different apartAfter the sacrifice he put off his (sacrificial) dress, went outside the gate of the palace, wailed, and returned to his own house. In other respects he acted as he would have done in hurrying to the mourning rites. If the parent's death took place before the inspection of the washing, he sent a messenger to inform the ruler of his position; and when he returned, proceeded to wail (for his deceased parent).
SECT. II. PT. I.
151
When the death that occurred was that of an uncle, aunt, or cousin, if he had received the previous notice to fast, he went to the sacrifice; and when it was over, he went out at the ruler's gate, put off his (sacrificial) dress, and returned to his own house. In other respects he acted as if he had been hurrying to the mourning rites. If the deceased relative lived under the same roof with him, he took up his residence in other apartments 1.
1 The Khien-lung editors doubt the genuineness of this last sentence. A commissioned officer, they say, and much more a Great officer, occupied his own residence, and had left the family at home; and they fail to see how the condition supposed could have existed.
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7. Zăng-zze asked, “When a high minister or Great officer is about to act the part of the personator of the dead at a sacrifice by his ruler, and has received instructions to pass the night previous in solemn vigil, if there occur in his own family occasion for him to wear the robe of hemmed sackcloth, what is he to do?' Confucius said, 'The rule is for him to leave his own house, and lodge in the ruler's palace till the service (for the ruler) is accomplished.'
8. Confucius said, 'When the personator of the dead comes forth in his leathern cap, or that with the square top, ministers, Great officers, and other officers, all should descend from their carriages when he passes. He should bow forward to them, and he should (also) have people going before him (to notify his approach, that people may get out of the way)
9. During the mourning rites for a parent, when the occasion for one of the sacrifices was at hand, if a death occurred in the family of a brother or cousin, the sacrifice was postponed till the burial of the dead had taken place. If the cousin or brother were an inmate of the same palace with himself, although the death were that of a servant or concubine, the party postponed his sacrifice in this way. At the sacrifice the mourner went up and descended the steps with only one foot on each, all assisting him, doing the same. They did so even for the sacrifice of Repose, and to put the spirit-tablet in its place.
10. From the feudal rulers down to all officers, at the sacrifice at the end of the first year's mourning
* See vol. xxvii, page 341, paragraph 26, which is here repeated.
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for a parent, when the chief mourner took the cup offered to him by the chief among the visitors, he raised it to his teeth, while the visitors, brothers, and cousins all sipped the cups presented to them, After the sacrifice at the end of the second year, the chief mourner might sip his cup, while all the visitors, brothers, and cousins might drink off their cups.
11. The attendants at the sacrifices during the funeral rites give notice to the visitors to present the offerings, of which, however, they did not afterwards partake.
12. Zze-kung asked about the rites of mourning (for parents), and the Master said, 'Reverence is the most important thing ; grief is next to it; and emaciation is the last. The face should wear the appearance of the inward feeling, and the demeanour and carriage should be in accordance with the dress.'
He begged to ask about the mourning for a brother, and the Master said, “The rites of mourning for a brother are to be found in the tablets where they are written.'
13. A superior man will not interfere with the mourning of other men to diminish it, nor will he do so with his own mourning?
14. Confucius said, 'Shâo-lien and Tå-lien demeaned themselves skilfully during their mourning (for their parents). During the (first) three days they were alert; for the (first) three months they manifested no weariness; for the (first) year they were full of grief; for the (whole) three years they were
"The Rhien-lung editors think paragraph 13 is out of place, and would place it farther on, after paragraph 43.
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THE LÎ ki.
BK. XVIII.
sorrowful. (And yet) they belonged to one of the rude tribes on the East?!
15. During the three years of mourning (for his father), (a son) might speak, but did not discourse; might reply, but did not ask questions. In the shed or the unplastered apartment he sat (alone), nobody with him. While occupying that apartment, unless there were some occasion for him to appear before his mother, he did not enter the door (of the house). On all occasions of wearing the sackcloth with its edges even, he occupied the unplastered apartment, and not the shed. To occupy the shed was the severest form in mourning.
16. (The grief) in mourning for a wife was like that for an uncle or aunt; that for a father's sister or one's own sister was like that for a cousin; that for any of the three classes of minors dying prematurely was as if they had been full-grown.
17. The mourning for parents is taken away (at the end of three years), (but only) its external symbols; the mourning for brothers (at the end of one year), (and also) internally.
18. (The period of mourning) for a ruler's mother or wife is the same as that for brothers. But (beyond) what appears in the countenance is this, that (in the latter case) the mourners do not eat and drink (as usual).
19. After a man has put off the mourning (for his father), if, when walking along the road, he sees one like (his father), his eyes look startled. If he hear one with the same name, his heart is agitated.
Shâo-lien; see Analects XVIII, 8, 3, and · Narratives of the School,' Article 43.
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In condoling with mourners on occasion of a death, and inquiring for one who is ill, there will be something in his face and distressed manner different from other men. He who is thus affected is fit to wear the three years' mourning. So far as other mourning is concerned, he may walk right on (without anything) having such an effect on him.
20. The sacrifice at the end of the second1 year is signalized by the principal mourner putting off his mourning dress. The evening (before), he announces the time for it, and puts on his court robes, which he then wears at the sacrifice.
SECT. II. PT. I.
21. 3ze-yû said, 'After the sacrifice at the end of the second year, although the mourner should not wear the cap of white silk, (occasions may occur when) he must do so 2. Afterwards he resumes the proper dress.'
22. (At the mourning rites of an officer), if, when he had bared his breast, a Great officer arrived (on a visit of condolence), although he might be engaged in the leaping, he put a stop to it, and went to salute and bow to him. Returning then, he resumed his leaping and completed it, after which he readjusted his dress and covered his breast.
In the case of a visit from another officer, he went on with his leaping, completed it, readjusted his upper dress, and then went to salute and bow to him, without having occasion to resume and complete the leaping.
23. At the sacrifice of Repose for a Great officer of the highest grade, there were offered a boar and a
* So, Khăn Kâo.
Such as receiving the condolences of visitors on account of some other occasion of mourning.
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THE LÎ KI.
BK. XVIII.
ram; at the conclusion of the wailing, and at the placing of his spirit-tablet, there was, in addition, the bull. On the similar occasions for a Great officer of the lowest grade, there was in the first case a single victim, and in the others the boar and the ram.
24. In consulting the tortoise-shell about the burial and sacrifice of Repose, the style of the petition was as follows :-A son or grandson spoke of himself as 'the sorrowing,' (when divining about his father or grandfather); a husband (divining about his wife) said,
So and so for so and so ;' an elder brother about a younger brother, simply said, 'So and so;' a younger brother about an elder brother said, 'For my elder brother, so and so.'
25. Anciently, noble and mean all carried staffs. (On one occasion) Shd-sun Wa-sha !, when going to court, saw a wheelwright put his staff through the nave of a wheel, and turn it round. After this (it was made a rule that) only men of rank should carry a staff.
26. (The custom of) making a hole in the napkin (covering the face of the dead) by which to introduce what was put into the mouth, was begun by Kungyang Kia 2.
27. What were the grave-clothes (contributed to the dead)? The object of them was to cover the body. From the enshrouding to the slighter dressing, they were not put on, and the figure of the body was seen. Therefore the corpse was first enshrouded, and afterwards came the grave-clothes.
28. Some one asked 3ăng-gze, ‘After sending
1 A Great officer of La, about B.C. 500. . We do not find anything about this man elsewhere.
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away to the grave the offerings to the dead, we wrap up what remains ;-is this not like a man, after partaking of a meal, wrapping up what is left (to take with him)? Does a gentleman do such a thing ?' Zăng-xze said, 'Have you not seen what is done at a great feast? At a great feast, given by a Great officer, after all have partaken, he rolls up what is left on the stands for the three animals, and sends it to the lodgings of his guests. When a son treats his parents in this way as his (honoured) guests, it is an expression of his grief (for their loss). Have you, Sir, not seen what is done at a great feast?'
29. 'Excepting at men's funeral rites, do they make such inquiries and present such gifts as they then do ? At the three years' mourning, the mourner bows to his visitors in the manner appropriate to the occasion; at the mourning of a shorter period, he salutes them in the usual way?'
30. During the three years' mourning, if any one sent wine or Aesh to the mourner, he received it after declining it thrice; he received it in his sackcloth and band. If it came from the ruler with a message from him, he did not presume to decline it;-he received it and presented it (in his ancestral temple).
One occupied with such mourning did not send any gift, but when men sent gifts to him he received them. When engaged in the mourning rites for an uncle, cousin, or brother, and others of a shorter period, after the wailing was concluded, he might send gifts to others.
31. Hsien-gze said, “The pain occasioned by the
See vol. xxvii, pp. 122-3, paragraph 5. There is probably something wanting at the beginning of this paragraph.
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THE LI ri.
BR. XVIII.
mourning for three years is like that of beheading; that arising from the one year's mourning, is like the stab from a sharp weapon.'
32. During the one year's mourning, in the eleventh month, they put on the dress of silk, which was called lien; in the thirteenth month they offered the hsiang sacrifice, and in the same month that called than;—which concluded the mourning.
During the mourning for three years, even though they had occasion to assume the dress proper for the nine months' mourning, they did not go to condole (with the other mourners). From the feudal lords down to all officers, if they had occasion to dress and go to wail (for a relative newly deceased), they did so in the dress proper to the mourning for him. After putting on the lien silk, they paid visits of condolence.
33. When one was occupied with the nine months' mourning, if the burial had been performed, he might go and condole with another mourner, retiring after he had wailed without waiting for any other part of the mourner's proceedings.
During the mourning for one year, if before the burial one went to condole with another in the same district, he withdrew after he had wailed, without waiting for the rest of the proceedings.
If condoling during the mourning for nine months, he waited to see the other proceedings, but did not take part in them.
During the mourning for five months or three months, he waited to assist at the other proceedings, but did not take part in the (principal) ceremony.
· That is, in putting down the offerings to the deceased.
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34. When one (was condoling with) another whom he had been accustomed to pass with a hasty step', (at the interment of his dead relative), he retired when the bier had passed out from the gate of the temple. If they had been on bowing terms, he retired when they had reached the station for wailing. If they had been in the habit of exchanging inquiries, he retired after the coffin was let down into the grave. If they had attended court together, he went back to the house with the other, and wailed with him. If they were intimate friends, he did not retire till after the sacrifice of Repose, and the placing of the spirittablet of the deceased in the shrine.
35. Condoling friends did not (merely) follow the principal mourner. Those who were forty (or less) held the ropes when the coffin was let down into the grave. Those of the same district who were fifty followed him back to the house and wailed ; and those who were forty waited till the grave was filled up.
36. During mourning, though the food might be v bad, the mourner was required to satisfy his hunger with it. If for hunger he had to neglect anything, this was contrary to the rules. If he through satiety forgot his sorrow, that also was contrary to the rules. It was a distress to the wise men (who made the rules) to think that a mourner should not see or hear distinctly; should not walk correctly or be unconscious of his occasion for sorrow; and therefore (they enjoined) that a mourner, when ill, should drink wine and eat flesh; that people of fifty should do nothing to bring on emaciation; that at sixty they should not be emaciated; that at seventy they should drink
· This was a mark of respect. Compare Analects IX, 9.
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THE LÎ xi.
BK. XVIII.
liquor and eat flesh:-all these rules were intended
as preventives against death. ✓ 37. If one, while in mourning, was invited by an
other to eat with him, he did not go while wearing the nine months' mourning or that of a shorter period; if the burial had taken place, he might go to another party's house. If that other party belonged to his relative circle, and wished him to eat with him, he might do so; if he did not belong to that circle, he did not eat with him. V 38. While wearing the mourning of nine months,
one might eat vegetables and fruits, and drink water and congee, using no salt or cream. If he could not eat dry provisions, he might use salt or cream with them.
39. Confucius said, 'If a man have a sore on his body, he should bathe. If he have a wound on his head, he should wash it. If he be ill, he should drink liquor and eat flesh. A superior man will not emaciate himself so as to be ill. If one die from such emaciation, a superior man will say of him that he has failed in the duty of a son.'
40. Excepting when following the carriage with the bier to the grave, and returning from it, one was not seen on the road with the mourning cap, which was used instead of the ordinary one.
41. During the course of mourning, from that worn for five months and more, the mourner did not wash his head or bathe, excepting for the sacrifice of Repose, the placing the spirit-tablet in the shrine, the assuming the dress of lien silk, and the sacrifice at
the end of a year. --- 42. During mourning rites, when the sackcloth with
the edges even was worn, after the burial, if one asked an interview with the mourner, he saw him, but
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he himself did not ask to see any person. He might do so when wearing the mourning of five months. When wearing that for nine months, he did not carry the introductory present in his hand (when seeking an interview). It was only when wearing the mourning for a parent that the mourner did not avoid seeing any one, (even) while the tears were running from him.
43. A man while wearing the mourning for three years might execute any orders of government after the sacrifice at the end of a year. One mourning for a year, might do so when the wailing was ended; one mourning for nine months, after the burial ; one mourning for five months or three, after the encoffining and dressing.
44. 3ăng Shăn asked 3ăng-gze, saying, 'In wailing for a parent, should one do so always in the same voice?' The answer was, 'When a child has lost its mother on the road, is it possible for it to think about the regular and proper voice?'
Part II. 1. After the wailing was ended, there commenced the avoiding of certain names. (An officer) did not use the name of his (paternal) grandfather or grandmother, of his father's brothers or uncles; of his father's aunts or sisters. Father and son agreed in avoiding all these names. The names avoided by his mother the son avoided in the house. Those avoided by his wife he did not use when at her side. If among them there were names which had been borne by his own paternal great-grandfather or great-grand-uncles, he avoided them in all places). [28]
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THE LÎ KI.
BK. XVIII.
2. When (the time for) capping (a young man) came during the time of the mourning rites, though they were those for a parent, the ceremony might be performed. After being capped in the proper place, the subject went in, wailed and leaped, three times each bout, and then came out again.
3. At the end of the nine months' mourning, it was allowable to cap a son or to marry a daughter. A father at the end of the five months' mourning, might cap a son, or marry a daughter, or take a wife (for a son). Although one himself were occupied with the five months' mourning, yet when he had ended the wailing, he might be capped, or take a wife. If it were the five months' mourning for one who had died in the lowest degree of immaturity, he could not do so.
4. Whenever one wore the cap of skin with a sackcloth band (in paying a visit of condolence), his upper garment of mourning had the large sleeves.
5. When the father was wearing mourning, a son, who lived in the same house with him, kept away from all music. When the mother was wearing it, the son might listen to music, but not play himself. When a wife was wearing it, the son, (her husband), did not play music by her side. When an occasion for the nine months' mourning was about to occur, the lute and cithern were laid aside. If it were only an occasion for the five months' mourning, music was not stopped.
6. When an aunt or sister died (leaving no son), if her husband (also) were dead, and there were no
1 This paragraph seems to me, as to many of the Chinese critics, irretrievably corrupt or defective.
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BÂ xi.
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brother or cousin in his relative circle, some other of her husband's more distant relatives was employed to preside at her mourning rites. None of a wife's relatives, however near, could preside at them. If no distant relative even of her husband could be found, then a neighbour, on the east or the west, was employed. If no such person (suitable) could be found, then the head man of the neighbourhood presided. Some say, 'One (of her relatives) might preside, but her tablet was placed by that of the (proper) relative of her husband.'
7. The girdle was not used along with the sackcloth band. That band could not be used by one who carried in his hand his jade-token; nor could it be used along with a dress of various colours.
8. On occasions of prohibitions issued by the state (in connexion with the great sacrifices), the wailing ceased; as to the offerings deposited by the coffin, morning and evening, and the repairing to their proper positions, mourners proceeded as usual'.
9. A lad, when wailing, did not sob or quaver; did not leap; did not carry a staff; did not wear the straw sandals; and did not occupy the mourning shed.
10. Confucius said, 'For grand-aunts the mourning with the edges even is worn, but the feet in leaping are not lifted from the ground. For aunts and sisters the mourning for nine months is worn, but the feet in leaping are lifted from the ground. If a man understands these things, will he not (always) follow the right forms of ceremonies? Will he not do so?'
* The punctuation and place of this short paragraph vary. Its integrity is also doubted.
M 2
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THE LI KI.
II. When the mother of Î Liû died, his assistants in the rites stood on his left; when I Liû died, they stood on his right. The practice of the assistants (at funeral rites) giving their aid on the right, originated from the case of Î Liù 1.
12. The mouth of the son of Heaven was stuffed after death with nine shells; that of a feudal lord, with seven; that of a Great officer, with five; and that of an ordinary officer, with three 2.
13. An officer was interred after three months, and the same month the wailing was ended. A Great officer was interred (also) after three months, and after five months the wailing was ended. A prince was interred after five months, and after seven the wailing was ended.
For an officer the sacrifice of Repose was offered three times; for a Great officer, five times; and for a feudal prince, seven times.
14. A feudal lord sent a messenger to offer his condolences; and after that, his contributions for the mouth, the grave-clothes, and the carriage. All these things were transacted on the same day, and in the order thus indicated.
BK. XVIII.
15. When a high minister or Great officer was ill, the ruler inquired about him many times. When an ordinary officer was ill, he inquired about him once. When a Great officer or high minister was buried, the ruler did not eat flesh; when the wailing was finished, he did not have music. When an officer was encoffined, he did not have music.
16. After they had gone up, and made the bier
1 A minister of duke Mû of Lû, B.C. 409-377. This was not the practice in the Kâu dynasty.
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ready, in the case of the burial of a feudal lord, there were 500 men to draw the ropes. At each of the four ropes they were all gagged. The minister of War superintended the clappers ; eight men with these walking on each side of the bier. The chief artizan, carrying a shade of feathers, guided the pro gress (of the procession). At the burial of a Great officer, after they had gone up and made the bier ready, 300 men drew the ropes; four men with their clappers walked on each side of the bier; and its progress was guided (by the chief artizan) with a reed of white grass in his hand.
17. Confucius said, 'Kwan Kung had carving on the square vessels for holding the grain of his offerings, and red ornaments for his cap; he set up a screen where he lodged on the way, and had a stand of earth on which the cups he had used, in giving a feast, were replaced; he had hills carved on the capitals of his pillars, and pondweed on the lower pillars supporting the rafters?. He was a worthy Great officer, but made it difficult for his superiors (to distinguish themselves from him).
'An Phing-kung ?, in sacrificing to his father and other progenitors, used only the shoulders of a pig, not large enough to cover the dish. He was a worthy Great officer, but made it difficult for his inferiors (to distinguish themselves from him).
"A superior man will not encroach on (the observances of) those above him, nor put difficulties in the way of those below him.'
See Confucian Analects III, 22, and V, 17. ? A minister of Khî, contemporary with Confucius, distinguished for his simple, and perhaps parsimonious, ways.
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18. Excepting on the death of her father or mother, the wife (of a feudal lord) did not cross the boundaries of the state to pay a visit of condolence. On that occasion she did so, and went back to her original home, where she used the ceremonies of condolence proper to a feudal lord, and she was treated as one. When she arrived, she entered by the women's gate, and went up (to the reception hall) by steps at the side (of the principal steps), the ruler receiving her at the top of the steps on the east. The other ceremonies were the same as those of a guest who hastened to attend the funeral rites.
19. A sister-in-law did not lay the soothing hand on the corpse of her brother-in-law; and vice versa.
20. There are three things that occasion sorrow to a superior man (who is devoted to learning):- If there be any subject of which he has not heard, and he cannot get to hear of it; if he hear of it, and cannot get to learn it; if he have learned it, and cannot get to carry it out in practice. There are five things that occasion shame to a superior man (who is engaged in governmental duties) :-If he occupy an office, and have not well described its duties; if he describe its duties well, but do not carry them into practice ; if he have got his office, and lost it again ; if he be charged with the care of a large territory, and the people be not correspondingly numerous; if another, in a charge like his own, have more merit than he.
21. Confucius said, “In bad years they used in their carriages their poorest horses, and in their sacrifices the victims lowest (in the classes belonging to them).'
22. At the mourning rites for Hsü Ya, duke Âi
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sent Zu Pi to Confucius to learn the rites proper at the mourning for the officer. Those rites were thus committed at that time to writing.
SECT. II. PT. II.
23. 3ze-kung having gone to see the agricultural sacrifice at the end of the year, Confucius said to him, '3hze, did it give you pleasure?' The answer was, 'The people of the whole state appeared to be mad; I do not know in what I could find pleasure.' The Master said, 'For their hundred days' labour in the field, (the husbandmen) receive this one day's enjoyment (from the state);—this is what you do not understand. (Even) Wăn and Wû could not keep a bow (in good condition), if it were always drawn and never relaxed; nor did they leave it always relaxed and never drawn. To keep it now strung and now unstrung was the way of Wăn and Wû.'
24. Mâng Hsien-ze said, 'If in the first month at the (winter) solstice it be allowable to offer the (border) sacrifice to God, in the seventh month, at the summer solstice, we may offer the sacrifice in the temple of the ancestor (of our ruling House).' Accordingly Hsien-ze offered that sacrifice to all the progenitors (of the line of Lu) in the seventh month1.
25. The practice of not obtaining from the son of Heaven the confirmation of her dignity for the wife (of the ruler of Lû) began with duke Kâo2.
1 Hsien-zze was the honorary title of Kung-sun Mieh, a good officer of Lû, under dukes Wăn, Hsuan, Khăng, and Hsiang. He must understand him as speaking of the sacrifices of the state, and not of his own.
See Confucian Analects VII, 30. Duke Kâo married a lady of Wa, of the same surname with himself, and therefore had not announced the marriage to the king.
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168
THE LÎ ki.
BK. XVIII.
26. The mourning of a ruler and his wife were regulated by the same rules for the ladies of his family married in other states and for those married in his own?
27. When the stables of Confucius were burned, and the friends of his district came (to offer their condolences) on account of the fire, he bowed once to the ordinary officers, and twice to the Greater officers ;-according to the rule on occasions of mutual condolence.
28. Confucius said, 'Kwan Kung selected two men from among (certain) thieves with whom he was dealing, and appointed them to offices in the state, saying, “They were led astray by bad men with whom they had associated, but they are proper men themselves.” When he died, duke Hwan made these two wear mourning for him. The practice of old servants of a Great officer wearing mourning for him, thus arose from Kwan Kung. But these two men only mourned for him by the duke's orders.'
29. When an officer, in a mistake, used a name to his ruler which should be avoided, he rose to his feet. If he were speaking to any one who had the name that should be avoided with the ruler, he called him by the name given to him on his maturity.
30. (A Great officer) took no part in any seditious movements within his state, and did not try to avoid calamities coming from without.
31. The treatise on the duties of the Chief Internuncius says, 'The length of the long symbol of rank was for a duke, nine inches; for a marquis or
There are differences of opinion as to the meaning of this paragraph, between which it is not easy to decide. It would be tedious to go into an exhibition and discussion of them.
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SECT. II. PT. II. BA KÍ.
169 earl, seven ; for a count or baron, five. The width in each case was three inches; and the thickness, half an inch. They tapered to the point for one inch and a half. They were all of jade. The mats for them were made with three different colours, (two rows of each,) six in all.'
32. Duke Âi asked 3ze-kâo, 'When did members of your family first begin to be in office ?' The answer was, 'My ancestor held a small office under duke Wăn?'
33. When a temple was completed, they proceeded to consecrate it with the following ceremony :-The officer of prayer, the cook, and the butcher, all wore the cap of leather of the colour of a sparrow's head, and the dark-coloured dress with the purple border. The butcher rubbed the sheep clean, the officer of prayer blessed it, and the cook with his face to the north took it to the pillar and placed it on the south-east of it. Then the butcher took it in his arms, went up on the roof at the middle point between the east and west, and with his face to the south stabbed it, so that the blood ran down in front; and then he descended. At the gate of the temple, and of each of the two side apartments, they used a fowl, one at the gate of each (going up as before and stabbing them). The hair and feathers about the ears were first pulled out under the roof (before the victims were killed). When the fowls were cut at the gates of the temple, and the apartments on each side of it, officers stood, opposite to each gate on the north. When the thing was over, the officer of prayer announced that it
This paragraph is supposed to be defective. Duke Wăn was marquis of La from B.C. 626 to 609.
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170
THE LÎ xi.
BK. XVIII.
was so, and they all retired, after which he announced it to the ruler, saying, 'The blood-consecration has been performed. This announcement was made at the door of the back apartment of the temple, inside which the ruler stood in his courtrobes, looking towards the south. This concluded the ceremony, and all withdrew'.
When the great apartment (of the palace) was completed, it was inaugurated (by a feast), but there was no shedding of blood. The consecration by blood of the temple building was the method taken to show how intercourse with the spirits was sought. All the more distinguished vessels of the ancestral temple were consecrated, when completed, by the blood of a young boar.
34. When a feudal lord sent his wife away, she proceeded on her journey to her own state, and was received there with the observances due to a lord's wife. The messenger, accompanying her, then discharged his commission, saying, 'My poor ruler, from his want of ability, was not able to follow her, and take part in the services at your altars and in your ancestral temple. He has, therefore, sent me, so and so, and I venture to inform your officer appointed for the purpose of what he has done.' The officer presiding (on the occasion) replied, ' My poor ruler in his former communication did not lay (her defects) before you, and he does not presume to do anything but respectfully receive your lord's message.' The officers in attendance on the commis
1 This ceremony is also described in the 'Rites of the greater Tâi,' Book X, with some difference in the details. It is difficult, even from the two accounts, to bring the ceremony fully before the mind's eye.
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3â xi.
171
sioner then set forth the various articles sent with the lady on her marriage, and those on the other side received them.
SECT. II. PT. II.
6
35. When the wife went away from her husband, she sent a messenger and took leave of him, saying, So and so, through her want of ability, is not able to keep on supplying the vessels of grain for your sacrifices, and has sent me, so and so, to presume to announce this to your attendants.' The principal party (on the other side) replied, 'My son, in his inferiority, does not presume to avoid your punishing him, and dares not but respectfully receive
your orders.' The messenger then retired, the
principal party bowing to him, and escorting him. If the father-in-law were alive, then he named himself; if he were dead, an elder brother of the husband acted for him, and the message was given as from him; if there were no elder brother, then it ran as from the husband himself. The message, as given above, was, 'The son of me, so and so, in his inferiority.' (At the other end of the transaction), if the lady were an aunt, an elder sister, or a younger, she was mentioned as such.
36. Confucius said, 'When I was at a meal at Shao-shih's, I ate to the full. He entertained me courteously, according to the rules. When I was about to offer some in sacrifice, he got up and wished to stop me, saying, "My poor food is not worth being offered in sacrifice." When I was about to take the concluding portions, he got up and wished to stop me, saying, "I would not injure you with my poor provisions 1."'
1 See pages 20, 21, paragraph 13.
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THE LI XI.
37. A bundle of silk (in a marriage treaty) contained five double rolls, each double roll being forty cubits in length.
38. At the (first) interview of a wife with her father and mother-in-law, (her husband's) unmarried aunts and sisters all stood below the reception hall, with their faces towards the west, the north being the place of honour. After this interview, she visited all the married uncles of her husband, each in his own apartment.
172
BK. XVIII.
Although not engaged to be married, the rule was for a young lady to wear the hair-pin ;-she was thus treated with the honours of maturity. The (principal) wife managed the ceremony. When she was unoccupied and at ease, she wore her hair without the pin, on each side of her head.
39. The apron (of the full robes) was three cubits long, two cubits wide at bottom, and one at the top. The border at the top extended five inches; and that at the sides was of leather the colour of a sparrow's head, six inches wide, terminating five inches from the bottom. The borders at top and bottom were of white silk, embroidered with the five colours.
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BOOK XIX. SANG TẢ KỈ
OR
THE GREATER RECORD OF MOURNING RITES1.
SECTION I.
1. When the illness was extreme, all about the establishment was swept clean, inside and out. In the case of a ruler or Great officer, the stands, with the martial instruments suspended from them, were removed; in that of an officer, his lute and cithern. The sufferer lay with his head to the east, under the window on the north. His couch was removed (and he was laid on the ground). The clothes ordinarily worn at home were removed, and new clothes substituted for them. (In moving the body) one person took hold of each limb. Males and females changed their dress2. Some fine floss was put (on the mouth and nostrils), to make sure that the breath was gone. A man was not permitted to die in the hands of the women, or a woman in the hands of the men.
2. A ruler and his wife both died in the Great chamber, a Great officer and his acknowledged wife in the Proper chamber3; the not yet acknowledged
1 See introductory notice, vol. xxvii, pages 34, 35.
The clothes of the dying master and friend were changed; it was right that all about them should also change their dress. The court or best robes were put on, moreover, that inquiring visitors might be properly received.
·
3 This proper, or legitimate' chamber corresponded in the mansion of a Great officer to the Grand chamber in the palace.
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174
THE Lî kî.
BK. XIX,
wife of a high minister, in an inferior chamber, but the corpse was then removed to the higher chamber. The wives of officers died in their chambers.
3. At (the ceremony of) calling back the soul, if(the deceased were a lord on whose territory) there were forests and copses, the forester arranged the steps (by which to go up on the roof); and if there were no forests, one of the salvage men (employed about the court in menial offices) did so. An officer of low rank performed the ceremony. All who did so employed some of the court robes (of the deceased) :-for a ruler, the robe with the descending dragon; for the wife, that with the descending pheasant; for a Great officer, the dark robe and red skirt; for his recognised wife, the robe of fresh yellow; for an officer, that worn with the cap of deep purple leather; and for his wife, the dark dress with the red border. In all cases they ascended from the east wing to the middle of the roof, where the footing was perilous. Facing the north, they gave three loud calls for the deceased, after which they rolled up the garment they had employed, and cast it down in front, where the curator of the robes received it, and then they themselves descended by the wing on the north-west.
If the deceased were a visitor, and in a public lodging, his soul was called back; if the lodging were private, it was not called back. If he were in the open country, one got up on the left end of the nave of the carriage in which he had been riding, and called it back.
Connected with the Grand chamber were two smaller apartments. It is mentioned in the 30 Kwan, under B.C. 627, that duke Hss of Lù died in the small apartment;' which has always been understood as discreditable to him.
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SECT. I.
SANG TÂ ki.
175
4. The garment which had been used in calling the soul back was not employed to cover the corpse, nor in dressing it. In calling back the soul of a wife, the upper robe with the purple border in which she had been married was not employed. In all cases of calling back the soul, a man was called by his name, and a woman by her designation. Nothing but the wailing preceded the calling the soul back. After that calling they did what was requisite on an occasion of death.
5. Immediately after death, the principal mourners sobbed 1; brothers and cousins (of the deceased) wailed; his female relatives wailed and leaped.
6. When the dead body (of a ruler) had been placed properly (beneath the window with the head to the south), his son sat (or knelt) on the east; his ministers, Great officers, uncles, cousins, their sons and grandsons, stood (also) on the east; the multitude of ordinary officers, who had the charge of the different departments, wailed below the hall, facing the north. His wife knelt on the west; the wives, aunts, sisters, their daughters and grand-daughters, whose husbands were of the same surname as he, stood (behind her) on the west; and the wives, his relatives of the same surname, whose position had been confirmed in their relation to their husbands, at the head of all the others married similarly to husbands of other surnames, wailed above in the hall, facing the north.
7. At the mourning rites (immediately after death) of a Great officer, the (son), presiding, knelt on the east, and the wife, presiding, on the west. The
1 They were too much affected, it is said, to give loud expression to their grief.
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176
THE LÎ ki.
BK. XIX.
husbands and wives (among the relations) whose positions had been officially confirmed, sat (or knelt); others who had not that confirmation, stood.
At the rites for a deceased officer, the son presiding, uncles, brothers, and cousins, with their sons and grandsons, all sat (or knelt) on the east; the wife presiding, aunts, sisters, and cousins, with their female children and grandchildren, all sat (or knelt) on the west.
Whenever they wailed by the corpse in the apartment, the presiding mourner did so, holding up the shroud with his two hands at the same time,
8. At the mourning rites of a ruler, before the slighter dressing was completed, the principalmourner came out to receive the visit of a refugee ruler, or a visitor from another state.
At those for a Great officer, at the same period, he came out to receive a message from his ruler. At those for an ordinary officer, also at the same period, he came out to receive a Great officer, if he were not engaged in the dressing.
9. Whenever the presiding mourner went forth (to meet visitors), he had his feet bare, his skirt tucked under his girdle, and his hands across his chest over his heart. Having gone down by the steps on the west, if a ruler, he bowed to a refugee ruler, or a minister commissioned from another state, each in his proper place. When a message from his ruler came to a Great officer, he came to the outside of the door of the apartment (where the dead was), to receive the messenger who had ascended to the hall and communicated his instructions. (They then went down together), and the mourner bowed to the messenger below.
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SANG TÂ KỈ.
177
When a Great officer came himself to condole with an ordinary officer, the latter wailed along with him, but did not meet him outside the gate.
10. The wife of a ruler went out (of her apartment) on a visit from the wife of a refugee ruler.
The confirmed wife (of a Great officer) went out (in the same way) on the arrival of a message from the ruler's wife.
SECT. I.
The wife of an officer, if not engaged in the dressing, (also) went out to receive the confirmed wife (of a Great officer).
II. At the slighter dressing, the presiding mourner took his place inside the door (on the east of it), and the presiding wife had her face to the east. When the dressing was ended, both of them made as if they leant on the body, and leaped. The mourner unbared his breast, took off the tufts of juvenility, and bound up his hair with sackcloth. The wife knotted up her hair, and put on her sackcloth girdle in her room.
12. When the curtain (which screened the body) was removed, the men and women carried it and put it down in the hall, (the eldest son) going down the steps and bowing (to the visitors).
13. The (young) ruler (who was mourning) bowed to refugee lords, and to ministers, commissioners from other states. Great officers and other officers bowed to ministers and Great officers in their respective places. In the case of (the three grades of) officers, they received three side-bows', one for each grade. The ruler's wife also bowed to the wife of a refugee
1 The side-bows were somehow made, without the ruler's turning directly towards the officers.
[28]
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178
THE LĨ KỲ.
BK, XIX.
lord, above in the hall. With regard to the wives of Great officers and of other officers, she bowed specially to each whose position had received the official appointment; to the others she gave a general bow;-all above in the hall..
14. When the mourner had gone to his own place (after bowing to his visitors), he closed the robe which was drawn on one side, covering his breast, put on his girdle and head-band, and leapt. When the mourning was for his mother, he went to his place, and tied up his hair, after which he put down the offerings by the body. The visitors who had come to condole, covered their fur robes, put the roll at the back of their caps, assumed their girdles and head-bands, and leapt in correspondence with the mourner.
15. At the funeral rites for a ruler, the chief forester supplied wood and horns; the chief of the salvagemen supplied the vases for water; the chief of the slaughtering department supplied boilers; and (an officer from the department of the minister of War (saw to the) hanging of these. Thus they secured the succession of wailers. Some of those in the department took their part in the wailing. If they did not hang up the vases, and the Great officers were sufficient to take the wailing in turns, then they did not use those others ?.
In the hall of the ruler there were two lights above and two below; for that of a Great officer, one above
1 The object of the arrangements in this obscure paragraph was evidently to maintain the wailing uninterrupted, and to provide, by means of the clepsydra, a regular marking of the time for that purpose. See, in the Kâu Kwan XXX, 51-52, the duties of the officer of the department of the minister of War who had charge of the vase.
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SANG TÂ KI.
179
and two below; for that of an ordinary officer, one above and one below1.
SECT. I.
16. When the guests went out, the curtain was removed 2.
17. When they were wailing the corpse above in the hall, the principal mourner was at the east ; visitors coming from without, took their place at the west, and the women stood facing the south.
18. The wife (presiding), in receiving guests and escorting them, did not go down from the hall with them. If she did go down (as with the wife of the ruler), she bowed to her, but did not wail.
If the son (presiding), had occasion to go outside the door of the apartment, and saw the guest (whom he so went to meet), he did not wail.
When there was no female to preside, a son did so, and bowed to the female visitors inside the door of the apartment. If there were no son to preside, a daughter did so, and bowed to the male visitors at the foot of the steps on the east.
If the son were a child, then he was carried in his sackcloth in the arms, and his bearer bowed for him.
If the successor of the deceased were not present, and was a man of rank, an apology was made to the guests; if he were not a man of rank, some other one bowed to them for him.
If he were anywhere in the state, they waited for him; if he had gone beyond it, the encoffining and burial might go on. The funeral rites might proceed without the presence of the successor of the deceased, but not without one to preside over them.
This must have been towards morning. During the night torches were kept burning.
This should be at the end of paragraph 14.
N 2
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180
THE LI KI.
19. At the mourning rites for a ruler, on the third day his sons and his wife assumed the staff. On the fifth day, when the corpse was put into the coffin, his daughters who had become the wives of Great officers were allowed to use it. His (eldest) son and Great officers used it outside the door of the apartment (where the coffin was); inside the door they carried it in their hands (but did not use it). The wife and his daughters, the wives of Great officers, used the staff in their rooms; when they went to their places (in the apartment where the coffin was), people were employed to hold it for them.
When a message came from the king, (the son presiding) put away his staff; when one came from the ruler of another state, he only held it in his hand. When attending to any consultation of the tortoise-shell about the corpse, he put away his staff.
A Great officer, in the place of the ruler, carried his staff in his hand; at another Great officer's, he used it.
BK. XIX.
20. At the mourning rites for a Great officer, on the morning of the third day, when the body was put into the coffin, his son presiding, his wife presiding, and the steward of the House, all assumed the staff. On a message from the ruler, the (new) Great officer put away his staff; on a message from another Great officer, he carried it in his hand. His wife, on a message from the wife of the ruler, put her staff away; on a message from the confirmed wife (of another Great officer), she gave it to some one to hold for her.
21. At the mourning rites for an officer, the body on the second day was put into the coffin. On the morning of the third day, the presiding mourner
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SANG TA KI.
assumed the staff, and his wife also. The same observances as in the rites for a Great officer were observed on messages arriving from the ruler or his wife, or from a Great officer and his confirmed wife.
22. All the sons assumed the staff, but only the eldest son used it when they were going to their places (in the apartment where the coffin was). Great officers and other officers, when wailing by the coffin, used the staff; when wailing by the bier, they carried it in their hands. When the staff (used in mourning) was thrown away, it was broken and thrown away in secret.
23. As soon as death took place, the corpse was transferred to the couch, and covered with a large sheet. The clothes in which the deceased had died
SECT. I.
181
were removed. A servant plugged the mouth open with the spoon of horn; and to keep the feet from contracting, an easy stool was employed'. These observances were the same for a ruler, a Great officer, and an ordinary officer 3.
24. The servant in charge of the apartments drew the water, and without removing the well-rope from the bucket gathered it up, and carried the whole up to the top of the steps. There, without going on the hall, he gave it to the attendants in waiting on the body. These then went in to wash the corpse, four
1 When death seemed to be imminent, the body was removed from the couch and laid on the ground;-if, perhaps, contact with 'mother' earth might revive it. When death had taken place, it was replaced on the couch.
? I do not quite understand how this stool was applied so as to accomplish its purpose.
* This paragraph is the 24th in the Khien-lung edition. See below, paragraph 26.
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182
THE Lî kî.
BK. XIX.
lower servants holding up the sheet, and two performing the washing ; having put the water in basins, to which they took it with ladles. In washing they used napkins of fine linen, and in drying the body the ordinary bathing clothes. Another servant then pared the nails of the feet, after which they threw away the rest of the water into the pit. At the funeral rites for a mother (or other female), the female attendants in waiting in the inner room held up the sheet and washed the body.
25. The servant in charge of the apartments, having drawn water and given it to the attendants in waiting on the body, these prepared the wash for the head, above in the hall :—for a ruler, made from maize-water; for a Great officer, from that of the glutinous millet; and for an ordinary officer, that from maize-water. After this, some of the forester's department made a sort of furnace at the foot of the wall on the west; and the potter brought out a large boiler, in which the servant in charge of the apartments should boil the water. The servants of the forester's department brought the fuel which he had removed from the crypt in the north-west of the apartment, now converted into a shrine, to use for that purpose. When the water was heated, he gave it to the attendants, who proceeded to wash the head, and poured the water into an earthenware basin, using the napkin as on ordinary occasions to dry the head. Another servant then clipped the nails of the fingers, and wiped the beard. The water was then thrown into the pit.
26. For a ruler they put down a large vessel, full of ice; for a Great officer, a middle-sized one, full of ice; and for an ordinary officer, only one of earthen
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SECT. I.
SANG TA KỲ.
183
ware, without any ice in it. Over these they placed the couch with a single sheet and pillow on it; another couch on which the jade should be put into the mouth; and another still, where the fuller dressing should be done. Then the corpse was removed to a couch in the hall, on which was a pillow and mat. The same forms were observed for a ruler, a Great officer, and an ordinary officer ?
27. At the mourning rites for a ruler, his (eldest) son, Great officers, his other sons, and all the other) officers (employed about the court), ate nothing for three days, but confined themselves to gruel. (Afterwards) for their consumption they received in the morning a handful of rice, and another in the evening; which they ate without any observance of stated times. Officers (at a distance) were restricted to coarse rice and water for their drink, without regard to any stated times. The wife (of the new ruler), the confirmed wives (of the Great officers), and all the members of their harems, had coarse rice and drank water, having no regard in their eating to stated times.
28. At the mourning rites for a Great officer, the presiding mourner, the steward, and grandsons, all were confined to gruel. All the inferior officers were restricted to coarse rice, and water to drink. Wives and concubines took coarse rice, and water to drink. At the rites for an ordinary officer the same rules were observed.
29. After the burial, the presiding mourner had (only) coarse rice and water to drink ;—he did not
* This paragraph is the 23rd in the Khien-lung edition, confessedly out of place.
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184
THE LÎ xi.
BK. XIX,
eat vegetables or fruits. His wife observed the same rule. So it was in the case of rulers, Great officers, and other officers.
After the change of mourning, towards the end of the year, they ate vegetables and fruit; and after the subsequent sacrifice, they ate flesh.
30. They took their gruel in bowls, and did not wash their hands (before doing so). When they took their rice from the basket, they washed their hands. They ate their vegetables along with pickles and sauces. When they first ate flesh, it was dry flesh; when they first drank liquor, it was that newly made.
31. During the mourning of a year, on three occasions they abstained from eating. When eating coarse rice, with water to drink, they did not eat vegetables or fruits. After the burial, at the end of three months, they ate flesh and drank liquor. When the year's mourning was ended, they did not eat flesh nor drink liquor. When the father was alive, in the mourning of nine months, the rules were the same as in that for a year, on account of the mother or of the wife. Though they ate flesh and drank liquor, they could not take the enjoyment of these things in company with others?
32. During the mourning for five months, and that for three months, it was allowable to abstain from eating once or twice. Between the coffining and burial”, when eating flesh and drinking liquor,
The statements in this paragraph, and those in the next, might certainly be stated more distinctly.
* Such is the meaning of the text here, as fully defined by a Fang Pâo (F):- KE R T HEFU.
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SECT. II.
SANG TA KỲ.
185
they did not take the enjoyment of these things in company with others. While mourning for an aunt, the confirmed wife of an uncle, one's old ruler, or the head of a clan, they ate flesh and drank liquor.
If a mourner could not eat the gruel, he might eat soup of vegetables. If he were ill, he might eat flesh and drink liquor. At fifty, one did not go through all the observances of mourning. At seventy, he simply wore the sackcloth on his person.
33. After the burial, if his ruler feasted a mourner, he partook of the viands; if a Great officer or a friend of his father did so, he partook in the same way. He did not even decline the grain and flesh that might be set before him, but wine and new wine he declined.
SECTION II. 1. The slighter dressing was performed inside the door (of the apartment where the body was); the fuller dressing (at the top of) the steps (leading up to the reception hall) on the east. The body of a ruler was laid on a mat of fine bamboo; of a Great officer, on one of typha grass; and of an ordinary officer, on one of phragmites grass.
2. At the slighter dressing one band of cloth was laid straight, and there were three bands laid cross-wise. The sheet for a ruler's body was embroidered; for a Great officer's, white; for an ordinary officer's, black :-each had one sheet.
There were nineteen suits of clothes ?; those for
So in all our dictionaries; as in Medhurst, te- a suit of clothes.' But why nineteen suits? Käng and Ying-tã say, 'To make up ten, the concluding number of heaven; and nine, that of
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186
THE LÎ ki.
BK. XIX.
the ruler, displayed in the corridor on the east; and those for a Great officer, or a common officer, inside the apartments :--all with their collars towards the west, those in the north being the best. The sash and sheet were not reckoned among them.
3. At the fuller dressing there were three bands of cloth laid straight, and five laid cross-wise. There were (also) strings of cloth, and two sheets :equally for a ruler, a Great officer, and a common officer. The clothes for a ruler consisted of one hundred suits, displayed in the courtyard, having their collars towards the north, those on the west being the best ; those of a Great officer were fifty suits, displayed in the corridor on the east, having the collars towards the west, those on the south being the best; those of a common officer were thirty suits, displayed also in the corridor on the east, with their collars towards the west, the best on the south. The bands and strings were of the same quality as the court robes. One strip of the band-cloth was divided into three, but at the ends was not further divided. The sheets were made of five pieces, without strings or buttons.
4. Among the clothes at the slighter dressing, the sacrificial robes were not placed below the others. For the ruler no clothes were used that were presented. For a Great officer and a common officer, the sacrificial (and other) robes belonging to the principal mourner were all used, and then they used those contributed by their relatives; but these were not displayed along with the others.
earth' But how shall we account for the hundred, fifty, and thirty suits at the greater dressing, in next paragraph ? These suits were set forth, I suppose, for display; they could hardly be for use.
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SECT. II.
SANG TA KỲ.
187
At the slighter dressing, for a ruler, a Great officer, and a common officer, they used wadded upper robes and sheets.
At the greater dressing, the number of sacrificial (and other) robes put on a ruler, a Great officer, or another officer, was not definitely fixed; but the upper robes and sheets for a ruler had only a thin lining, (instead of being wadded); for a Great officer and a common officer, they were as at the slighter dressing.
5. The long robe (worn in private) had a shorter one placed over it ;-it was not displayed alone. It was the rule that with the upper garment the lower one should also be shown. So only could they be called a suit.
6. All who set forth the clothes took them from the chests in which they had been deposited ; and those who received the clothes brought (as contributions) placed them in (similar) chests. In going up to the hall and descending from it, they did so by the steps on the west. They displayed the clothes without rumpling them. They did not admit any that were not correct; nor any of fine or coarse dolychos fibre, or of coarse flax.
7. All engaged in dressing the corpse had their arms bared; those who moved it into the coffin, had their breasts covered. At the funeral rites for a ruler, the Great officer of prayer performed the dressing, assisted by all the members of his department; at those for a Great officer, the same officer stood by, and saw all the others dress the body; at those of a common officer, the members of that department stood by, while other officers (his friends) performed the dressing.
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8. At both the dressings the sacrificial robes were not placed below the others. They were all placed with the lappel to lie on the left side. The bands were tied firmly, and not in a bow-knot.
9. The rule was that the dressers should wail, when they had completed their work. But in the case of an officer, as the dressing was performed by those who had served in office along with him, they, after the work was done, omitted a meal. In all cases the dressers were six.
10. The body cases (used before the dressing) were made :-for a ruler, the upper one embroidered, and the lower one striped black and white, with seven strings on the open side ; for a Great officer, the upper one dark blue, and the lower one striped black and white, with five tie-strings on the side ; for a common officer, the upper one black, and the lower one red, with three tie-strings at the side. The upper case came down to the end of the hands, and the lower case was three feet long. At the smaller dressing and afterwards, they used coverlets laid on the body (instead of these cases), their size being the same as that of the cases.
11. When the great dressing of a ruler's body was about to commence, his son, with the sackcloth band about his cap, went to his place at the (south) end of the eastern) corridor, while the ministers and Great officers took theirs at the corner of the hall, with the pillar on their west, their faces to the north, and their row ascending to the east. The uncles, brothers, and cousins were below the hall, with their faces to the north. The (son's) wife, and other wives whose position had been confirmed were on the west of the body, with their faces to
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the east. The female relations from other states were in their apartments with their faces to the south. Inferior officers spread the mats. The Shang officers of prayer spread the strings, the coverlet, and clothes. The officers had their hands over the vessels. They then lifted the corpse and removed it to the place for the dressing. When the dressing was finished, the superintendent announced the fact. The son then (seemed to) lean on it, and leaped while his wife did the same, with her face to the east.
SECT. II.
SANG TÂ Kİ.
12. At the mourning rites of a Great officer, when they were about to proceed to the great dressing, and the tie-strings, coverlets, and clothes had all been spread out, the ruler arrived, and was met by (the son), the principal mourner. The son entered before him, (and stood) at the right of the gate, outside which the exorcist stopped. The ruler having put down the vegetables (as an offering to the spirit of the gate), and the blesser preceding him, entered and went up to the hall. He then repaired to his place at the end of the corridor, while the ministers and Great officers took theirs at the corner of the hall on the west of the pillar, looking to the north, their row ascending to the east. The presiding mourner was outside the apartment (where the corpse was), facing the south. His wife presiding was on the west of the body, facing the east. When they had moved the corpse, and finished the dressing, the steward reported that they had done so, and the presiding mourner went down below the hall, with his face to the north. There the ruler laid on him the soothing hand, and he bowed with his forehead to the ground. The ruler signified to him to go up, and lean on the
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THE LÎ xi.
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body, and also requested his wife, presiding, to lean on it.
13. At the mourning rites for a common officer, when they were about to proceed to the great dressing, the ruler was not present. In other respects the observances were the same as in the case of a Great officer.
14. They also leaped at the spreading out of the ties and strings'; of the sheet; of the clothes; at the moving of the corpse; at the putting on of the clothes; of the coverlet; and of the adjusting of the ties and bands.
15. The ruler laid his hand on the body of a Great officer, and on that of the most honourable ladies of his own harem. A Great officer laid his hand on the body of the steward of his house, and on that of his niece and the sister of his wife, who had accompanied her to the harem.
The ruler and a Great officer leant closely with their breasts over the bodies of their parents, wives, and eldest sons, but not over those of their other sons.
A common officer, however, did so also to all his other sons.
If a son by a concubine had a son, the parents did not perform this ceremony over him. When it was performed, the parents did it first, and then the wife and son.
A ruler laid his hand on the body of a minister; parents, while bending over that of a son, also took hold of his hand. A son bent over his parents, bringing his breast near to theirs. A wife seemed as if she would place her two arms beneath the bodies of her parents-in-law; while they (simply)
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ri1A
(UNIVERSITY
SECT. II.
SANG TÂ KI.
CALIFOES
laid their hands on her. A wife made as the would cling to her husband's body; while the husband held her hand as he did that of a brother or cousin. When others brought the breast near the body of a corpse, they avoided the point at which the ruler had touched it. After every such mark of sorrow, the mourner rose up and leaped.
16. At the mourning rites for a parent, (the son) occupied the slanting shed, unplastered ; slept on straw, with a clod of earth for his pillow. He spoke of nothing but what related to the rites. A ruler enclosed this hut; but Great and common officers left it exposed.
After the burial, the inclined posts were set up on lintels, and the hut was plastered, but not on the outside which could be seen. Rulers, Great and common officers, all had it enclosed.
All the other sons, but the eldest by the proper wife, even before the burial had huts made for themselves in out-of-the-way places.
17. After the burial, the son would stand with others. If a ruler, he would speak of the king's affairs, but not of those of his own state. If a Great officer, or a common officer, he would speak of the ruler's affairs, but not of those of his own clan or family.
18. When the ruler was buried, the royal ordinances came into the state. After the wailing was finished, the new ruler engaged in the king's affairs.
When a Great officer or a common officer was buried, the ordinances of the state came to his family. After the wailing was finished, while continuing the sackcloth band round his cap, and the girdle, he might don his armour and go into the field.
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THE Lİ Kİ.
19. After the mourning was changed at the end of a year, (the sons) occupied the unplastered apartment, and did not occupy one along with others. Then the ruler consulted about the government of the state; and Great officers and common officers about the affairs of their clan and families. After the sacrifice at the end of two years, the ground of the apartment was made of a dark green, and the walls were whitened. After this, they no longer wailed outside; and after the sacrifice at the end of twentyseven months, they did not do so inside; for, after it, music began to be heard.
192
BK. XIX.
20. After that sacrifice, at the end of twenty-seven months, (the son) attended to all his duties; and after the felicitous sacrifice (of re-arranging the tablets in his ancestral temple), he returned to his (usual) chamber.
At the one year's mourning, he occupied the hut; and when it was completed, the occasions on which he did not seek the nuptial chamber were:-when his father was alive, and he had been wearing the hemmed sackcloth of a year for his mother or his wife, and when he had been wearing the cloth mourning of nine months; on these occasions, for three months he did not seek the intercourse of the inner chamber.
A wife did not occupy the hut, nor sleep on the straw. At the mourning for her father or mother, when she had changed the mourning at the end of a year, she returned to her husband; when the mourning was that of nine months, she returned after the burial.
21. At the mourning rites for a duke (of the royal domain), his Great officers continued till the
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change of mourning at the end of a year, and then returned to their own residences. A common officer returned at the conclusion of the wailing.
22. At the mourning rites for their parents, (the other sons who were) Great officers or common officers, returned to their own residences after the change of the mourning at the end of the year; but on the first day of the month and at full moon, and on the return of the death-day, they came back and wailed in the house of him who was now the Head of their family.
SECT. II.
193
At the mourning for uncles and cousins, they returned to their own residences at the conclusion of the wailing.
23. A father did not take up his quarters (during the mourning) at a son's, nor an elder brother at a younger's.
24. At the mourning rites for a Great officer or his acknowledged wife, a ruler (went to see) the greater dressing; but if he wished to show special favour, he attended the slighter dressing.
The ruler, in the case of an acknowledged wife, married to a Great officer of a different surname from his own, arrived after the lid was put on the coffin.
He went to an officer's, when the body was put into the coffin; but if he wanted to show special favour, he attended at the greater dressing.
The ruler's wife, at the mourning for a (Great officer's) acknowledged wife, attended at the greater dressing; but if she wished to show special favour, at the slighter. In the case of his other wives, if she wished to show special favour, she attended at the greater dressing. In the case of a Great officer's
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acknowledged wife, who was of a different surname from her own, she appeared after the coffining had taken place.
25. When the ruler went to a Great officer's or a common officer's, after the coffining had taken place, he sent word beforehand of his coming. The chief mourner provided all the offerings to be set down for the dead in the fullest measure, and waited outside the gate, till he saw the heads of the horses. He then led the way in by the right side of the gate. The exorcist stopped outside, and the blesser took his place, and preceded the ruler, who put down the offerings of vegetables (for the spirit of the gate) inside it. The blesser then preceded him up the eastern steps, and took his place with his back to the wall, facing the south. The ruler took his place at the top of) the steps; two men with spears standing before him, and two behind. The officer of reception then advanced. The chief mourner bowed, laying his forehead to the ground. The ruler then said what he had to say; looked towards the blesser and leaped. The chief mourner then (also) leaped.
26. If the visit were paid to a Great officer, the offerings might at this point be put down by the coffin. If it were to a common officer, he went out to wait outside the gate. Being requested to return and put down the offerings, he did so. When this was done, he preceded the ruler, and waited for him outside the gate. When the ruler retired, the chief mourner escorted him outside the gate, and bowed to him, with his forehead to the ground.
27. When a Great officer was ill, the ruler thrice inquired for him; and when his body was coffined, visited (his son) thrice. When a common officer
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195 was ill, he inquired for him once; and when his body was coffined, visited (his son) once.
When the ruler came to condole (after the coffining), the (son) put on again the clothes he had worn at the coffining.
28. When the ruler's wife went to condole at a Great officer's or a common officer's, the chief mourner went out to meet her outside the gate, and, when he saw her horses' heads, went in before her by the right side of the gate. She then entered, went up to the hall, and took her place. The wife presiding went down by the steps on the west, and bowed with her head to the ground below (the hall). The ruler's wife looked towards her eldest son (who had accompanied her), and leaped.
The offerings were put down according to the rules for them on the visit of the ruler. When she retired, the wife presiding went with her to the inside of the door of the apartment, and bowed to her with her head to the ground. The chief mourner escorted her to the outside of the great gate, but did not bow.
29. When a Great officer came to the mourning rites of one of his officers to whom he stood in the relation of ruler, the officer did not meet him outside the gate. He entered and took his place below the hall. The chief mourner (stood on the south of his place), with his face to the north, though the general rule for chief mourners was to face the south. The wife took her place in the room.
If, at this juncture, there came a message from the ruler of the state, or one from a confirmed (Great) officer or his confirmed wife, or visitors from the neighbouring states, the Great officer-ruler, having
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the chief mourner behind him, performed the bow of ceremony to each visitor.
30. When a ruler, on a visit of condolence, saw the bier for the corpse, he leaped.
If a ruler had not given notice beforehand of his coming to a Great officer or a common officer, and he had not prepared the various offerings to be put down by the coffin on the occasion, when the ruler withdrew, the rule was that they should then be put down.
31. The largest (or outermost) coffin of the ruler of a state was eight inches thick ; the next, six inches; and the innermost, four inches. The larger coffin of a Great officer of the highest grade was eight inches thick ; and the inner, six inches; for one of the lowest grade, the dimensions were six inches and four. The coffin of a common officer was six inches thick.
32. The (inner) coffin of a ruler was lined with red (silk), fixed in its place with nails of various metals; that of a Great officer with (silk of a) dark blue, fixed with nails of ox-bone; that of a common officer was lined, but had no nails.
33. The lid of a ruler's coffin was varnished, with three double wedges (at the edges) over which were three bands; that of a Great officer's was (also) varnished, with two double wedges and two bands; that of a common officer was not varnished, but it had two double wedges and two bands.
34. The accumulated) hair and nails of a ruler and Great officer were placed (in bags) at the four corners of the coffin; those of an officer were buried (without being put in the coffin).
35. The coffin of a ruler was placed upon a bier,
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which was surrounded with high stakes, inclined over it till, when all was finished and plastered, there was the appearance of a house. That of a Great officer, having been covered with a pall, was placed in the western corridor and staked, but the plastering did not reach all over the coffin. That of a common officer was placed so that the double wedges could be seen; above that it was plastered. All were screened.
36. Of scorched grain there were put by the coffin of a ruler eight baskets, containing four different kinds; by that of a Great officer, six baskets, containing three kinds; by that of a common officer, four baskets, containing two kinds. Besides these, there were (dried) fish and flesh.
SECT. II.
37. Ornamenting the coffin (on its way to the grave), there were for a ruler :-the curtains with dragons (figured on them), and over them three gutter-spouts; the fluttering ornaments (with pheasants figured on them and the ends of the curtains); above (on the sloping roof of the catafalque) were figures of axe-heads, of the symbol of discrimination, thrice repeated, and of flames, thrice repeated. These occupied the pall-like roof of white silk, as embroidery, and above it was the false covering attached to it by six purple ties, and rising up with ornaments in five colours and five rows of shells. There were (at the corners) two streamers of feathers, suspended from a frame with the axes on it; two from another, bearing the symbol of discrimination; two from another, variously figured; all the frames on staffs, showing jade-symbols at the top. Fishes were made as if leaping at the ends of the gutters. The whole of the catafalque was kept together by six supports rising from the coffin, and wound round with purple
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THE LÎ kl.
BK. XIX.
silk, and six sustaining ropes, also purple, (drawn through the curtains).
For the catafalque of a Great officer there were painted curtains, with two gutter-spouts (above them); there were not the fluttering ornaments ; above (on the sloping roof) there were flames painted, thrice repeated ; and three symbols of discrimination. These formed the pall-like roof, and there were two purple ties, and two of deep blue. At the very top there were ornaments in three colours, and three rows of shells. There were two feather-streamers from a frame with axes, and two from a painted frame; all the frames on staffs with plumage at the tops. Figures of fishes were made at the ends of the gutters. The front supports of a Great officer's catafalque were purple, and those behind deep blue. So also were the sustaining ropes.
For the catafalque of a common officer, the curtains were of (plain) linen, and there was the sloping roof. There was (but) one gutter-spout. There were the fluttering pheasants on the bands. The purple ties were two, and the black also two. At the very top the ornaments were of three colours, and there was only one row of shells. The streamers of feathers from a painted frame were two, the staffs of which had plumage at their tops. The front supports of the catafalque were purple, and those behind black. The sustaining ropes were purple.
38. In burying the coffin of a ruler, they used a bier, four ropes, and two pillars. Those guiding the course of the coffin carried the shade with pendent feathers.
In burying a Great officer, they used two ropes and two pillars. Those who guided the coffin used a reed of white grass.
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SANG TA KỲ.
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In burying a common officer, they used a carriage of the state. They employed two ropes and no post. As soon as they left the residence, those who directed the coffin used the shade of merit.
39. In letting down the coffin into the grave, they removed the ropes from the posts, and pulled at them with their backs to the posts. For a ruler's coffin, they also used levers, and for a great officer's or a common officer's, ropes attached to the sides of the coffin. Orders were given that they should not cry out in letting down that of the ruler. They let it down as guided by the sound of a drum. In letting down a Great officer's, they were commanded not to wail. In letting down a common officer's, those who began to wail stopped one another.
40. The outer shell of the coffin of a ruler was of pine; of a Great officer, of cypress; of another officer, of various kinds of wood.
41. The surface between the coffin and shell of a ruler was sufficient to contain a music stopper ; in the case of the coffin and shell of a Great officer, a vase for water; in that of the coffin and shell of a common officer, a jar of liquor.
42. In the rites of a ruler, the shell was lined, and there were baskets of yü; in those of a Great officer, the shell was not lined; in those of a common officer, there were no baskets of yür.
1 We cannot tell what these baskets were. Kăng says he did not know, and the Khien-lung editors think they may have contained the grain mentioned in paragraph 36. Otherwise, the paragraph is obscure.
On the next page there is given a figure of the catafalque over the coffin as borne to the grave, copied from the second volume of
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THE Lİ Kİ.
P. Zottoli's work. A larger one, more fully illustrating the details of the text, forms the last plate in the Khien-lung edition of the Classic; but it is so rough and complicated that the friend who has assisted me with most of the figures that I have ventured to introduce shrank from attempting to reproduce it on a smaller scale.
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BOOK XX. KI FÅ
OR
THE LAW OF SACRIFICES.
1. According to the law of sacrifices, (Shun), the sovereign of the line of Yü, at the great associate sacrifice, gave the place of honour to Hwang Ti, and at the border sacrifice made Khu the correlate of Heaven; he sacrificed (also) to Kwan-hsü as his ancestor (on the throne), and to Yão as his honoured predecessor.
See the introduction, vol. xxvii, pp. 35, 36. It is there said that in the idea of sacrifices (ki), which is here given, there is no indication of deprecation by means of them, and much less of atonement, but that they were merely expressions of gratitude. The character ki EB) is one of those formed by combination of the ideas in its several parts. The Shwo-wăn, the earliest Chinese dictionary, says that it is made up of two ideagrams : , the symbol for spiritual beings; and another, composed of u and V, representing a right hand and a piece of flesh. Offerings of flesh must have been common when the character was formed, which then itself entered, as the phonetic element, into the formation of between twenty and thirty other characters. The explanations of it given by Morrison (Dict., part i), taken mostly from the Khang-hsî dictionary, are :-'To carry human affairs before the gods [i. e. spirits). That which is the medium between, or brings together men and gods (spirits). To offer flesh in the rites of worship; to sacrifice with worship.' There is nothing, however, in the Khang-hsî corresponding to this last sentence; and I suppose that Morrison gave it from the analysis of the character in the Shwo-wăn. The general idea symbolised by it is -- an offering whereby communication and communion with spiritual beings is effected.
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THE LÎ xi.
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The sovereigns of Hsiâ, at the corresponding sacrifice, gave the place of honour also to Hwang Ti, and made Khwăn the correlate at the border sacrifice; they sacrificed to Kwan-hsü as their ancestor, and to Yü as their honoured predecessor.
Under Yin, they gave the place of honour to Khů, and made Ming the correlate at the border sacrifice; they sacrificed to Hsieh as their ancestor, and to Thang as their honoured predecessor.
Under Kâu they gave the place of honour to Khû, and made Ki the correlate at the border sacrifice; they sacrificed to king Wân as their ancestor, and to king Wa as their honoured predecessor 1.
2. With a blazing pile of wood on the Grand altar they sacrificed to Heaven”; by burying (the victim)
1 This and other portions of the Book are taken mainly from the seventh article in the second section of the Narratives of the States,' part i. The statements have much perplexed the commentators, and are held to be of doubtful authority. Some of them, indeed, are said by Khăn Hảo to be inexplicable. Khwăn, the correlate in the sacrifices of Hsiâ, was the father of Yü,' of whom we receive a bad impression from the references to him in the Shû King; and Ming, who occupied the same position in those of Yin, was the fifth in descent from Hsieh, the ancestor of that dynasty, a minister of Works, who died somehow in his labours on a flood. P. Zottoli thinks that of the four sacrifices here mentioned, the first (s) was to the Supreme Deity (Supremo Numini), and the second, to the Highest Heaven (Summo Coelo). My own view is different, and agrees with that of the Khien-lung editors. The discuss the different questions that have been agitated on the subject, and their conclusions may be taken as the orthodoxy of Chinese scholars on the subject; into the exhibition of which it is not necessary to go at greater length.
* On the blazing pile were placed the victim and pieces of jade; in the square mound were buried the victim and pieces of silk. For
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ki FÂ.
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in the Grand mound, they sacrificed to the Earth. (In both cases) they used a red victim
3. By burying a sheep and a pig at the (altar of) Great brightness, they sacrificed to the seasons. (With similar) victims they sacrificed to (the spirits of) cold and heat, at the pit and the altar, using prayers of deprecation and petition ? ; to the sun, at the (altar called the) royal palace; to the moon, at the (pit called the) light of the night; to the stars at the honoured place of gloom; to (the spirits of) flood and drought at the honoured altar of rain; to the (spirits of the) four quarters at the place of the four pits and altars; mountains, forests, streams, valleys, hills, and mounds, which are able to produce clouds, and occasion winds and rain, were all regarded as (dominated by) spirits.
He by whom all under the sky was held sacrificed to all spirits. The princes of states sacrificed to those which were in their own territories; to those which were not in their territories, they did not sacrifice.
4. Generally speaking, all born between heaven and earth are said to have their allotted times; the death of all creatures is spoken of as their dissolution; but man when dead is said to be in the ghostly
#r, which follow, Zottoli gives solenni angulari, and I have met with the great pit' as a translation of them. Of course a 'pit' was formed in the mound to receive the offerings; but in the Khangbsî dictionary # is specially defined with reference to this passage as 'a mound of earth as a place of sacrifice;' though we do not find this account of the character in Morrison, Medhurst, or Williams.
1 This was specially the colour of the victims under the Kâu dynasty.
Such is the meaning given by Ying-tâ and others to WIL which they think should be .
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THE LÎ ki.
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state. There was no change in regard to these points in the five 1 dynasties. What the seven ? dynasties made changes in, were the assessors at the Great associate and the border sacrifices, and the parties sacrificed to in the ancestral temple ;—they made no other changes.
5. The sovereigns, coming to the possession of the kingdom, divided the land and established the feudal principalities; they assigned (great) cities (to their nobles), and smaller towns (to their chiefs); they made ancestral temples, and the arrangements for altering the order of the spirit-tablets; they raised altars, and they cleared the ground around them for the performance of their sacrifices. In all these arrangements they made provision for the sacrifices according to the nearer or more remote kinship, and for the assignment of lands of greater or less amount.
Thus the king made for himself seven ancestral temples, with a raised altar and the surrounding area for each. The temples were-his father's; his grandfather's; his great-grandfather's ; his greatgreat-grandfather's; and the temple of his (high) ancestor. At all of these a sacrifice was offered every month. The temples of the more remote ancestors formed the receptacles for the tablets as they were displaced; they were two, and at these only the seasonal sacrifices were offered. For the removed tablet of one more remote, an altar was
1 Those of Yâo, Shun, Hsiâ, Shang or Yin, and Kâu.
• What these seven 'dynasties were is doubtful. Add to the preceding five, the names of Kwan-hsű and Khů, and we get the number, all descended from Hwang Tỉ. The writer must have regarded him as the founder of the Chinese kingdom.
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xi Fâ.
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raised and its corresponding area ; and on occasions of prayer at this altar and area, a sacrifice was offered, but if there were no prayer, there was no sacrifice. In the case of one still more remote, (there was no sacrifice);—he was left in his ghostly state.
A feudal prince made for himself five ancestral temples, with an altar and a cleared area about it for each. The temples were-his father's; his grandfather's; and his great-grandfather's; in all of which a sacrifice was offered every month. In the temples of the great-great-grandfather, and that of the (high) ancestor only, the seasonal sacrifices were offered. For one beyond the high ancestor a special altar was raised, and for one still more remote, an area was prepared. If there were prayer at these, a sacrifice was offered ; but if there were no prayer, there was no sacrifice. In the case of one still more remote, (there was no service);—he was left in his ghostly state.
A Great officer made for himself three ancestral temples and two altars. The temples were-his father's; his grandfather's; and his great-grandfather's. In this only the seasonal sacrifices were offered. To the great-great-grandfather and the (high) ancestor there were no temples. If there were occasion for prayer to them, altars were raised, and sacrifices offered on them. An ancestor still more remote was left in his ghostly state.
An officer of the highest grade had two ancestral temples and one altar ;—the temples of his father and grandfather, at which only the seasonal sacrifices were presented. There was no temple for his greatgrandfather. If there were occasion to pray to him, an altar was raised, and a sacrifice offered to him.
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THE LÊ 61.
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Ancestors more remote were left in their ghostly state.
An officer in charge merely of one department had one ancestral temple ; that, namely, of his father. There was no temple for his grandfather, but he was sacrificed to in the father's temple.) Ancestors beyond the grandfather were left in their ghostly state,
The mass of ordinary officers and the common people had no ancestral temple. Their dead were left in their ghostly state, (to have offerings presented to them in the back apartment, as occasion required).
6. The king, for all the people, erected an altar to (the spirit of) the ground, called the Grand altar, and one for himself, called the Royal altar.
A feudal prince, for all his people, erected one called the altar of the state, and one for himself called the altar of the prince.
Great officers and all below them in association erected such an altar, called the Appointed altar.
7. The king, for all the people, appointed (seven altars for the seven sacrifices :-one to the superintendent of the lot; one in the central court, for the admission of light and the rain from the roofs; one at the gates of the city wall; one in the roads leading from the city; one for the discontented ghosts of kings who had died without posterity ; one for the guardian of the door; and one for the guardian of the furnace. He also had seven corresponding altars for himself.
A feudal prince, for his state, appointed (five altars for) the five sacrifices:-one for the superintendent of the lot; one in the central court, for the admission of light and rain; one at the gates of the city wall ;
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one in the roads leading from the city; one for the discontented ghosts of princes who had died without posterity. He also had five corresponding altars for himself.
A Great officer appointed (three altars for) the three sacrifices :-one for the discontented ghosts of his predecessors who had died without posterity; . one at the gates of his city; and one on the roads leading from it.
An officer of the first grade appointed (two altars for) the two sacrifices :-one at the gates, and one on the roads (outside the gates).
Other officers and the common people had one (altar and one) sacrifice. Some raised one altar for the guardian of the door; and others, one for the guardian of the furnace.
8. The king, carrying down (his favour), sacrificed to five classes of those who had died prematurely :-namely, to the rightful eldest sons (of former kings); to rightful grandsons; to rightful great-grandsons; to rightful great-great-grandsons ; and to the rightful sons of these last.
A feudal prince, carrying down (his favour), sacrificed to three classes; a Great officer similarly to two; another officer of the first grade and the common people sacrificed only to the son who had died prematurely?.
9. According to the institutes of the sage kings about sacrifices, sacrifice should be offered to him who had given (good) laws to the people; to him
From paragraph 1 down to this is absent from the expurgated edition of Fan Sze-tăng, which P. Callery translated, so that the book contains in it only the one long paragraph that follows.
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who had laboured to the death in the discharge of his duties; to him who had strengthened the state by his laborious toil; to him who had boldly and successfully met great calamities; and to him who had warded off great evils.
Such were the following :-Năng, the son of the · lord of Li-shan', who possessed the kingdom, and
showed how to cultivate all the cereals; and Khi (the progenitor) of Kâu, who continued his work after the decay of Hsia, and was sacrificed to under the name of K12; Hâu-tha, a son of the line of Kung-kung 8, that swayed the nine provinces, who was able to reduce them all to order, and was sacrificed to as the spirit of the ground; the T1 Kha, who could define all the zodiacal stars, and exhibit their times to the people ; Yao, who rewarded (the worthy), made the penal laws impartial, and the end of whose course was distinguished by his righteousness; Shun, who, toiling amid all his affairs, died in the country (far from his capital); Yü, (the son of) Khwăn, who was kept a prisoner till death for trying to dam up the waters of the flood, while Yü completed the work, and atoned for his father's failure ; Hwang Ti, who gave everything its right name, thereby showing the people how to avail themselves of its qualities; Kwan-hsü, who completed this work
· Lî-shan is generally mentioned as Lieh-shan, and sometimes Lien-shan. Where the country so-called was, we do not know. Năng, or Shăn Năng, is generally accepted as the first of the line, about B.C. 3072.
* This account of Kî is given confusedly.
• It is difficult to find a place in chronology for this Kung-kung. An article in the 30 Kwan (under duke Kao's seventeenth year, paragraph 3) places him between Fa-hsî and Shăn Năng.
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of Hwang Tt; Hsieh, who was minister of Instruction, and perfected the condition and manners of the) people; Ming, who, through his attention to the duties of his office, died in the waters ; Thang, who ruled the people with a benignant sway and cut off their oppressor; and king Wăn, who by his peaceful rule, and king Wa, who by his martial achievements, delivered the people from their afflictions. All these rendered distinguished services to the people.
As to the sun and moon, the stars and constellations, the people look up to them, while mountains, forests, streams, valleys, hills, and mountains supply them with the materials for use which they require. Only men and things of this character were admitted into the sacrificial canon.
[28]
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BOOK XXI. ki i
OR
THE MEANING OF SACRIFICES -.
Section I. 1. Sacrifices should not be frequently repeated. Such frequency is indicative of importunateness; and importunateness is inconsistent with reverence. Nor should they be at distant intervals. Such infrequency is indicative of indifference; and indifference leads to forgetting them altogether. Therefore the superior man, in harmony with the course of Heaven, offers the sacrifices of spring 2 and autumn. When he treads on the dew which has descended as hoar-frost he cannot help a feeling of sadness, which arises in his mind, and cannot be ascribed to the cold. In spring, when he treads on the ground, wet with the rains and dews that have fallen heavily, he cannot avoid being moved by a feeling as if he were seeing his departed friends. We meet the approach of our friends with music, and escort them away with sadness, and hence at the sacrifice in spring we use music, but not at the sacrifice in autumn.
2. The severest vigil and purification is maintained and carried on inwardly; while a looser vigil
1 See the introduction, vol. xxvii, pages 36, 37.
* The spring sacrifice is here called tí (s), probably by mistake for yo (1993), the proper name for it.
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is maintained externally. During the days of such vigil, the mourner thinks of his departed, how and where they sat, how they smiled and spoke, what were their aims and views, what they delighted in, and what things they desired and enjoyed. On the third day of such exercise he will see those for whom it is employed.
3. On the day of sacrifice, when he enters the apartment (of the temple), he will seem to see the deceased) in the place (where his spirit-tablet is). After he has moved about (and performed his operations), and is leaving at the door, he will seem to be arrested by hearing the sound of his movements, and will sigh as he seems to hear the sound of his sighing.
4. Thus the filial piety taught by the ancient kings required that the eyes of the son should not forget the looks (of his parents), nor his ears their voices; and that he should retain the memory of their aims, likings, and wishes. As he gave full play to his love, they seemed to live again ; and to his reverence, they seemed to stand out before him. So seeming to live and stand out, so unforgotten by him, how could his sacrifices be without the accompaniment of reverence ?
5. The superior man, while (his parents) are alive, reverently nourishes them; and, when they are dead, he reverently sacrifices to them ;-his (chief) thought is how to the end of life not to disgrace them. The saying that the superior man mourns all his life for his parents has reference to the recurrence of the day of their death. That he does not do his ordinary work on that day does not mean that it would be unpropitious to do so; it ,
P 2
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means that on that day his thoughts are occupied with them, and he does not dare to occupy himself as on other days with his private and personal affairs.
6. It is only the sagewho can sacrifice to God, and (only) the filial son who can sacrifice to his parents. Sacrificing means directing one's self to. The son directs his thoughts (to his parents), and then he can offer his sacrifice (so that they shall enjoy it). Hence the filial son approaches the personator of the departed without having occasion to blush; the ruler leads the victim forward, while his wife puts down the bowls; the ruler presents the offerings to the personator, while his wife sets forth the various dishes; his ministers and Great officers assist the ruler, while their acknowledged wives assist his wife. How well sustained was their reverence! How complete was the expression of their loyal devotion! How earnest was their wish that the departed should enjoy the service!
7. King Wăn, in sacrificing, served the dead as if he were serving the living. He thought of them dead as if he did not wish to live (any longer himself). On the recurrence of their death-day, he was sad ; in calling his father by the name elsewhere forbidden, he looked as if he saw him. So sincere was he in sacrificing that he looked as if he saw the things which his father loved, and the
According to /rule, and in fact, only the sovereign sacrifices to God. He may be a sage,' but more frequently is not. But the ritual of China should impress on him, as on no other person, the truth in the words 'noblesse oblige.'
* Khăn Hảo says here: As if he wished to die himself and follow them.'
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pleased expression of his face :-such was king Wăn! The lines of the ode (II, v, ode 2),
When early dawn unseals my eyes,
Before my mind my parents rise, might be applied to king Wăn. On the day after the sacrifice, when the day broke, he did not sleep, but hastened to repeat it; and after it was finished, he still thought of his parents. On the day of sacrifice his joy and sorrow were blended together. He could not but rejoice in the opportunity of offering the sacrifice; and when it was over, he could not but be sad.
8. At the autumnal sacrifice, when Kung-nt advanced, bearing the offerings, his general appearance was indicative of simple sincerity, but his steps were short and oft repeated. When the sacrifice was over, Zze-kung questioned him, saying, 'Your account of sacrificing was that it should be marked by the dignity and intense absorption of all engaged in it; and now how is it that in your sacrificing there has been no such dignity and absorption?'
The Master said, “That dignity of demeanour should belong to those who are only distantly connected (with him who is sacrificed to), and that absorbed demeanour to one whose thoughts are turned in on himself (lest he should make any mistake). But how should such demeanour consist with communion with the spirits (sacrificed to)? How should such dignity and absorption be seen in my sacrifice ? (At the sacrifices of the king and rulers) there is the return of the personator to his apartment, and the offering of food to him there; there are the performances of the music, and the setting forth of the stands with the victims on them; there
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are the ordering of the various ceremonies and the music; and there is the complete array of the officers for all the services. When they are engaged in the maintenance of that dignity and absorption in their duties, how can they be lost in their abandonment to intercourse with the spiritual presences? Should words be understood only in one way? Each saying has its own appropriate application.'
9. When a filial son is about to sacrifice, he is anxious that all preparations should be made beforehand ; and when the time arrives, that everything necessary should be found complete ; and then, with a mind free from all pre-occupation, he should address himself to the performance of his sacrifice.
The temple and its apartments having been repaired, the walls and roofs having been put in order, and all the assisting officers having been provided, husband and wife, after vigil and footing, bathe their heads and persons, and array themselves in full dress. In coming in with the things which they carry, how grave and still are they ! how absorbed in what they do! as if they were not able to sustain their weight, as if they would let them fall :Is not theirs the highest filial reverence? He sets forth the stands with the victims on them; arranges all the ceremonies and music; provides the officers for the various ministries. These aid in sustaining and bringing in the things, and thus he declares his mind and wish, and in his lost abstraction of mind seeks to have communion with the dead in their
spiritual state, if peradventure they will enjoy his . offerings, if peradventure they will do so. Such is the aim of the filial son (in his sacrifices)!
10. The filial son, in sacrificing, seems never able
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to exhaust his earnest purpose, his sincerity, and reverence. He observes every rule, without transgression or short-coming. His reverence appears in his movements of advancing and retiring, as if he were hearing the orders (of his parents), or as if they were perhaps directing him.
11. What the sacrifice of a filial son should be can be known. While he is standing (waiting for the service to commence), he should be reverent, with his body somewhat bent; while he is engaged in carrying forward the service, he should be reverent, with an expression of pleasure; when he is presenting the offerings, he should be reverent, with an expression of desire. He should then retire and stand, as if he were about to receive orders; when he has removed the offerings and (finally) retires, the expression of reverent gravity should continue to be worn on his face. Such is the sacrifice of a filial son.
To stand without any inclination of the body would show insensibility; to carry the service forward without an expression of pleasure would show indifference; to present the offerings without an expression of desire (that they may be enjoyed) would show a want of love; to retire and stand without seeming to expect to receive orders would show pride; to retire and stand, after the removal of the offerings, without an expression of reverent gravity would show a forgetfulness of the parent to whom he owes his being. A sacrifice so conducted would be wanting in its proper characteristics.
'12. A filial son, cherishing a deep love (for his parents), is sure to have a bland air; having a bland air, he will have a look of pleasure; having a look
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of pleasure, his demeanour will be mild and compliant. A filial son will move as if he were carrying a jade symbol, or bearing a full vessel. Still and grave, absorbed in what he is doing, he will seem as if he were unable to sustain the burden, and in danger of letting it fall. A severe gravity and austere manner are not proper to the service of parents ;-—such is the manner of a full-grown man.
13. There were five things by means of which the ancient kings secured the good government of the whole kingdom :—the honour which they paid to the virtuous; to the noble; and to the old ; the reverence which they showed to the aged; and their kindness to the young. It was by these five things that they maintained the stability of the kingdom.
Why did they give honour to the virtuous ? Because of their approximation to the course of duty! They did so to the noble because of their approximation to the position of the ruler; and to the old because of their approximation to that of parents. They showed reverence to the aged, because of their approximation to the position of elder brothers; and kindness to the young, because of their approximation to the position of sons.
" P. Callery translates this by-Parce qu'ils sont proche de la vérité,' saying in a note :-'According to the Chinese philosophers, they understand by teh ) that which man has obtained by his own efforts or the virtue he has acquired, and by tâo ) that which all men should be striving to reach, what is suitable, what is in order, or virtue in the abstract. Now, as I think, there is nothing but truth which satisfies these conditions, for, according to the Christian philosophy, God Himself is the truth,' &c. Zottoli's translation is, 'Quia hi appropinquant ad perfectionem.
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14. Therefore he who is perfectly filial approximates to be king, and he who is perfectly fraternal approximates to being presiding chieftain. He who is perfectly filial approximates to being king, for even the son of Heaven had the father (whom he must revere); and he who is perfectly fraternal approximates to being presiding chieftain, for even a feudal lord had his elder brothers (or cousins), (whom he must obey). The observance of the lessons of the ancient kings, without admitting any change in them, was the way by which they united and kept together the kingdom with its states and families 1.
15. The Master said, 'The laying the foundation of (all) love in the love of parents teaches people concord. The laying the foundation of (all) reverence in the reverence of elders teaches the people obedience. When taught loving harmony, the people set the (proper) value on their parents; when taught to reverence their superiors, the people set the (proper) value in obeying the orders given to them. Filial piety in the service of parents, and obedience in the discharge of orders can be displayed throughout the kingdom, and they will everywhere take effect.
16. At (the time of) the border sacrifice (to Heaven), those who are engaged in funeral rites do not dare to wail, and those who are wearing mourning do not dare to enter the gate of the capital ;this is the highest expression of reverence.
17. On the day of sacrifice, the ruler led the victim forward, along with and assisted by his son on
1 The sequence in the writer's mind in this paragraph almost eludes my discovery; it does so still more in the translation of it by Callery and Zottoli.
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the opposite side; while the Great officers followed in order. When they had entered the gate of the temple, they fastened the victim to the stone pillar. The ministers and Great officers then bared their arms, and proceeded to inspect the hair, paying particular attention to that of the ears. They then with the knife with the bells attached to it, cut it open, took out the fat about the inwards, and withdrew (for a time"). Afterwards they offered some of the flesh boiled, and some raw, then (finally) withdrawing. There was the highest reverence about everything.
18. The sacrifice in the suburb of the capital was the great expression of gratitude to Heaven, and it was specially addressed to the sun, with which the moon was associated. The sovereigns of Hsiâ presented it in the dark. · Under the Yin dynasty they did so
They withdrew for a time, 'to offer the hair and blood.' % This sentence is translated by Zottoli:-'Coeli sacrificio summe rependitur coelum sed potissimum intenditur sol, consociatus cum luna. Callery says :- Le sacrifice qu'on offre dans la campagne est un acte de grande reconnaissance envers le ciel, et principalement envers le soleil, auquel on associe la lune.'
Here, again, nature-worship seems to crop up. Khăn Hảo says on the passage :- Heaven is the great source of tạo (the course of nature and duty), and of all the visible bodies which it hangs out, there are none greater than the sun and moon. Therefore, while the object of the suburban sacrifice was a grateful acknowledgment of Heaven, the sun was chosen as the restingplace for its spirit (or spirits). The idea in the institution of the rite was deep and far-reaching.' It must be borne in mind that the rites described in the text are those of former dynasties, especially of that of Kâu. I cannot bring to mind any passages in which there is mention made of any sacrifice to the sun or sunspirit in connexion with the great sacrifice to Heaven, or Shang Tî, at the service on the day of the winter solstice in the southern suburb.
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at noon. Under the Kâu they sacrificed all the day, especially at daybreak, and towards evening.
19. They sacrificed to the sun on the altar, and to the moon in the hollow;—to mark the distinction between (the) gloom (of the one) and (the) brightness (of the other), and to show the difference between the high and the low. They sacrificed to the sun in the east, and to the moon in the west;—to mark the distinction between (the) forthcoming (of the former) and (the) withdrawing (of the latter), and to show the correctness of their (relative) position. The sun comes forth from the east, and the moon appears in the west; the darkness and the light are now long, now short; when the one ends, the other begins, in regular succession :thus producing the harmony of all under the sky?
20. The rites to be observed by all under heaven were intended to promote the return (of the mind) to the beginning (= Creator of all); to promote (the honouring of) spiritual Beings; to promote the harmonious use (of all resources and appliances) of government; to promote righteousness; and to promote humility. They promote the return to the beginning, securing the due consideration of their originator. They promote (the honouring) of spiritual Beings, securing the giving honour to superiors. They promote the proper) use of all resources, thereby establishing the regulations (for the well-being of) the people. They promote
The sacrifices in this paragraph are those at the equinoxes ; that to the sun at the vernal in the eastern suburb, and that to the moon at the autumnal in the western suburb. They are still maintained. See the ritual of the present dynasty (t
), Book VIII, where the former is called , and the lattery .
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righteousness, and thus there are no oppositions and conflictings between high and low. They promote humility, in order to prevent occasions of strife. Let these five things be united through the rites for the regulation of all under heaven, and though there may be some extravagant and perverse who are not kept in order, they will be few.
SECTION II, 1. Zài Wo said, 'I have heard the names Kwei. and Shăn, but I do not know what they mean?' The Master said, 'The intelligent) spirit? is of the shăn nature, and shows that in fullest measure; the animal soul is of the kwei nature, and shows that in fullest measure. It is the union of kwei and shăn ; that forms the highest exhibition of doctrine.
"All the living must die, and dying, return to the ground; this is what is called kwei. The bones and flesh moulder below, and, hidden away, become the earth of the fields. But the spirit issues forth, and is displayed on high in a condition of glorious brightness. The vapours and odours which produce a feeling of sadness, (and arise from the decay of their substance), are the subtle essences of all things, and (also) a manifestation of the shăn nature.
"I am unable to give a translation of the characters kwei (2) and shăn, so as to make the meaning readily intelligible to the English reader. Callery gives for them 'L'âme et l'esprit.' Zottoli, 'Manes Spiritusque.' Evidently the question is about the application of them to the dead and gone, and the component elements of the human constitution.
. The character in the text here is khi )the breath.' Zottoli translates it by 'rationalis vis,' and Callery by 'la respiration de l'homme.'
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'On the ground of these subtle essences of things, with an extreme decision and inventiveness, (the sages) framed distinctly (the names of) kwei and shăn, to constitute a pattern for the black-haired race1; and all the multitudes were filled with awe, and the myriads of the people constrained to submission.'
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2. 'The sages did not consider these (names) to be sufficient, and therefore they built temples with their (different) apartments, and framed their rules for ancestors who were always to be honoured, and those whose tablets should be removed;-thus making a distinction for nearer and more distant kinship, and for ancestors the remote and the recent, and teaching the people to go back to their oldest fathers, and retrace their beginnings, not forgetting those to whom they owed their being. In consequence of this the multitude submitted to their lessons, and listened to them with a quicker readiness.
"
3. These two elements (of the human constitution) having been established (with the two names), two ceremonies were framed in accordance with them. They appointed the service of the morning, when the fat of the inwards was burned so as to bring out its fragrance, and this was mixed with the blaze of dried southern-wood. This served as a tribute to the (intelligent) spirit, and taught all to go back to their originating ancestors. They (also) presented millet and rice, and offered the delicacies of the liver, lungs, head, and heart, along with two bowls (of
1 It is observed by many of the commentators that the characters here employed for 'black-haired race' were unused in the time of Confucius, and became current under the Khin dynasty.
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liquor) and odoriferous spirits. This served as a tribute to the animal soul, and taught the people to love one another, and high and low to cultivate good feeling between them;—such was the effect of those ceremonies.
4. 'The superior man, going back to his ancient fathers, and returning to the authors of his being, does not forget those to whom he owes his life, and therefore he calls forth all his reverence, gives free vent to his feelings, and exhausts his strength in discharging the above service;--as a tribute of gratitude to his parents he dares not but do his utmost?'
5. Thus it was that anciently the son of Heaven had his field of a thousand acres, in which he himself held the plough, wearing the square-topped cap with red ties. The feudal princes also had their field of a hundred acres, in which they did the same, wearing the same cap with green ties. They did this in the service of Heaven, Earth, the Spirits of the land and grain, and their ancient fathers, to supply the new wine, cream, and vessels of grain. In this way did they procure these things;-it was a great expression of their reverence.
6. Anciently, the son of Heaven and the feudal lords had their officers who attended to their animals; and at the proper seasons, after vigil and fasting, they washed their heads, bathed, and visited them in person?, taking from them for victims those which
1 The above conversation with Zai Wo is found in the Narratives of the School, Article 17, headed “Duke Âi's Questions about Government;' and the reply of Confucius ends here. I hesitate, therefore, to continue the points of quotation in what follows.
• The first day, probably, of the last month of spring. If it were not bright, perhaps another was chosen.
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were spotless and perfect;—it was a great expression of their reverence.
The ruler ordered the oxen to be brought before him, and inspected them; he chose them by their hair, divined whether it would be fortunate to use them, and if the response were favourable, he had them cared for. In his skin cap, and the white skirt gathered up at the waist, on the first day and at the middle of the month, he inspected them. Thus did he do his utmost;—it was the height of filial piety.
7. Anciently, the son of Heaven and the feudal lords had their own mulberry trees and silkworms' house; the latter built near a river, ten cubits in height, the surrounding walls being topped with thorns, and the gates closed on the outside. In the early morning of a very bright day, the ruler, in his skin cap and the white skirt, divined for the most auspicious of the honourable ladies in the three palaces of his wife?, who were then employed to take the silkworms into the house. They washed the seeds in the stream, gathered the leaves from the mulberry trees, and dried them in the wind to feed the worms.
When the (silkworm) year was ended, the honourable ladies had finished their work with the insects, and carried the cocoons to show them to the ruler. They then presented them to his wife, who said, "Will not these supply the materials for the ruler's robes ?' She forthwith received them, wearing her head-dress and the robe with pheasants on it, and afterwards caused a sheep and a pig to be killed and
The
· The queen had six palaces; the wife of a prince, three. writer confines his account here to the latter.
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cooked to treat (the ladies). This probably was the ancient custom at the presentation of the cocoons.
Afterwards, on a good day, the wife rinsed some of them thrice in a vessel, beginning to unwind them, and then distributed them to the auspicious and honourable ladies of her three palaces to (complete) the unwinding. They then dyed the thread red and green, azure and yellow, to make the variouslycoloured figures on robes. When the robes were finished, the ruler wore them in sacrificing to the former kings and dukes ;-all displayed the greatest reverence.
8. The superior man says, 'Ceremonies and music should not for a moment be neglected by any one. When one has mastered (the principles of) music, and regulates his heart and mind accordingly, the natural, correct, gentle, and honest heart is easily developed, and with this development of the heart comes joy. This joy goes on to a feeling of repose. This repose is long continued. The man in this constant repose becomes (a sort of) heaven. Heaven-like, his action is spirit-like. Heaven-like, he is believed, though he do not speak. Spirit-like, he is regarded with awe, though he display no rage. So it is when one by his mastering of music regulates his mind and heart.
When one has mastered (the principle of) ceremonies, and regulates his person accordingly, he becomes grave and reverential. Grave and reverential, he is regarded with awe. If the heart be for a moment without the feeling of harmony and joy, meanness and deceitfulness enter it. If the outward demeanour be for a moment without gravity and reverentialness, indifference and rudeness show themselves.
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“Therefore the sphere in which music acts is the interior of man, and that of ceremonies is his exterior. The result of music is a perfect harmony, and that of ceremonies is a perfect observance (of propriety). When one's inner man is thus harmonious, and his outer man thus docile, the people behold his countenance and do not strive with him; they look to his demeanour, and no feeling of indifference or rudeness arises in them. Thus it is that when virtue shines and moves within (a superior), the people are sure to accept (his rule) and hearken to him; and when the principles (of propriety) are displayed in his conduct, the people are all sure to accept (his rule) and obey him. Therefore it is said, “Let ceremonies and music have their course till all under heaven is filled with them; then give them their manifestation and application, and nothing difficult to manage will appear.'
Music affects the inward movements (of the soul); ceremonies appear in the outward movements (of the body). Hence it is the rule to make ceremonies as few and brief as possible, and to give to music its fullest development. This leads to the forward exhibition of ceremonies, and therein their beauty resides; and to the introspective consideration of music, and therein its beauty resides. If ceremonies, demanding this condensation, did not receive this forward exhibition of them, they would almost disappear altogether; if music, demanding this full development, were not accompanied with the introspection, it would produce a dissipation of the mind. Thus it is that to every ceremony there is its proper response, and for music there is this introspection. When ceremonies are responded to, there arises [28]
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pleasure, and when music is accompanied with the right introspection, there arises repose. The response of ceremony and the introspection of music spring from one and the same idea, and have one and the same object.
9. 3ăng-zze said, “There are three degrees of filial piety. The highest is the honouring of our parents; the second is the not disgracing them; and the lowest is the being able to support them.'.
10. (His disciple), Kung-ming 1, said, 'Can you, master, be considered (an example of a) filial son ?' Zăng-zze replied, 'What words are these? What words are these? What the superior man calls filial piety requires the anticipation of our parents' wishes, the carrying out of their aims and their instruction in the path (of duty). I am simply one who supports his parents ;-how can I be considered filial?'
11. Zăng-gze said, 'The body is that which has been transmitted to us by our parents; dare any one allow himself to be irreverent in the employment of their legacy? If a man in his own house and privacy be not grave, he is not filial; if in serving his ruler, he be not loyal, he is not filial; if in discharging the duties of office, he be not reverent, he is not filial; if with friends he be not sincere, he is not filial; if on the field of battle he be not brave, he is not filial. If he fail in these five, things, the evil (of the disgrace) will reach his parents ;—dare he but reverently attend to them?'
To prepare the fragrant flesh and grain which he has cooked, tasting and then presenting them before his parents, is not filial piety; it is only nourishing them. He whom the superior man pronounces filial is he whom (all) the people of (his) state praise,
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227
saying with admiration, 'Happy are the parents who have such a son as this !'— that indeed is what can be called being filial. The fundamental lesson for all is filial piety. The practice of it is seen in the support (of parents). One may be able to support them; the difficulty is in doing so with the proper reverence. One may attain to that reverence;the difficulty is to do so without self-constraint. That freedom from constraint may be realised ;-the difficulty is to maintain it to the end. When his parents are dead, and the son carefully watches over his actions, so that a bad name, (involving) his parents, shall not be handed down, he may be said to be able to maintain his piety to the end. True love is the love of this; true propriety is the doing of this; true righteousness is the rightness of this; true sincerity is being sincere in this; true strength is being strong in this. Joy springs from conformity to this; punishments spring from the violation of this.
12. Zăng-zze said, 'Set up filial piety, and it will fill the space from earth to heaven; spread it out, and it will extend over all the ground to the four seas; hand it down to future ages, and from morning to evening it will be observed; push it on to the eastern sea, the western sea, the southern sea, and the northern sea, and it will be (everywhere) the law for men, and their obedience to it will be uniform. There will be a fulfilment of the words of the ode (III, i, ode 10, 6),
" From west to east, from south to north,
There was no unsubmissive thought." 13. 3ăng-sze said, 'Trees are felled and animals killed, (only) at the proper seasons. The Master said",
· The master here is Confucius. The record of his saying is found only here.
Q 2
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THE L xl.
BK, XXI.
“ To fell a single tree, or kill a single animal, not at the proper season, is contrary to filial piety."
There are three degrees of filial piety :the least, seen in the employment of one's strength (in the service of parents); the second, seen in the endurance of toil (for them); and the greatest, seen in its never failing. Thinking of the gentleness and love (of parents) and forgetting our toils (for them) may be called the employment of strength. Honouring benevolences and resting with the feeling of repose in righteousness may be called the endurance of toil; the wide dispensation of benefits and the providing of all things (necessary for the people) may be called the piety that does not fail.
When his parents love him, to rejoice, and not allow himself to forget them ; when they hate him, to fear and yet feel no resentment; when they have faults, to remonstrate with them, and yet not withstand them; when they are dead, to ask the help only of) the good to obtain the grain with which to sacrifice to them :- this is what is called the completion (by a son) of his proper services.
14. The disciple Yo-kăng Khun' injured his foot in descending from his hall, and for some months was not able to go out. Even after this he still wore a look of sorrow, and (one of the) disciples of the school said to him, Your foot, master, is better; and though for some months you could not go out, why should you still wear a look of sorrow?' Yokăng Khun replied, 'It is a good question which
1 Yo-kăng Khun evidently was a disciple of Băng-zze. Men.cius had a disciple of the same surname, Yo-kăng Kho (I, ii, 16). Another is mentioned by him (V, ii, 3). Lieh-zze mentions a fourth. The Yo-kăngs are said to have sprung from the ducal stock of Sung.
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xi 1.
229
you ask! It is a good question which you ask! I heard from 3ăng-gze what he had heard the Master say, that of all that Heaven produces and Earth nourishes, there is none so great as man. His parents give birth to his person all complete, and to return it to them all complete may be called filial duty. When no member has been mutilated and no disgrace done to any part of the person, it may be called complete ; and hence a superior man does not dare to take the slightest step in forgetfulness of his filial duty. But now I forgot the way of that, and therefore I wear the look of sorrow. (A son) should not forget his parents in a single lifting up of his feet, nor in the utterance of a single word. He should not forget his parents in a single lifting up of his feet, and therefore he will walk in the highway and not take a by-path, he will use a boat and not attempt to wade through a stream ;—not daring, with the body left him by his parents, to go in the way of peril. He should not forget his parents in the utterance of a single word, and therefore an evil word will not issue from his mouth, and an angry word will not come back to his person. Not to disgrace his person and not to cause shame to his parents may be called filial duty.'
15. Anciently, the sovereigns of the line of Yü honoured virtue, and highly esteemed age; the sovereigns of Hsiâ honoured rank, and highly esteemed age; under Yin they honoured riches, and highly esteemed age; under Kau, they honoured kinship, and highly esteemed age. Yü, Hsiâ, Yin, and Kâu produced the greatest kings that have appeared under Heaven, and there was not one of them who neglected age. For long has honour been paid
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THE LÎ xi.
BK. XXI.
to years under the sky; to pay it is next to the service of parents.
16. Therefore, at court among parties of the same rank, the highest place was given to the oldest. Men of seventy years carried their staffs at the court. When the ruler questioned one of them, he made him sit on a mat. One of eighty years did not wait out the audience, and when the ruler would question him he went to his house. Thus the submission of a younger brother (and juniors generally) was recognised at the court.
17. A junior walking with one older (than himself), if they were walking shoulder to shoulder, yet it was not on the same line. If he did not keep transversely (a little behind), he followed the other! When they saw an old man, people in carriages or walking got out of his way. Men, where the white were mingling with their black hairs, did not carry burdens on the roads. Thus the submission of juniors was recognised on the public ways.
Residents in the country took their places according to their age, and the old and poor were not neglected, nor did the strong come into collision with the weak, or members of a numerous clan do violence to those of a smaller. Thus the submission of juniors was recognised in the country districts and hamlets 2.
18. According to the ancient rule, men of fifty years were not required to serve in hunting expeditions : ; and in the distribution of the game, a larger
* If the elder were a brother or cousin, the junior kept a little behind, and apart. If he were an uncle, the other followed in a line.
Five Râu, translated districts,' made a 'hsiang,' here translated the country districts.' • Literally, 'men of the tien' ( ). The tien was a tract of
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KỲ I.
share was given to the more aged. Thus the submission of juniors was recognised in the arrangements for the hunts. In the tens and fives of the army and its detachments, where the rank was the same, places were given according to age. Thus the submission of juniors was recognised in the army.
19. The display of filial and fraternal duty in the court; the practice of them on the road; their reaching to the districts and hamlets; their extension to the huntings; and the cultivation of them in the army, (have thus been described). All would have died for them under the constraint of righteousness, and not dared to violate them.
SECT. II.
231
20. The sacrifice in the Hall of Distinction served to inculcate filial duty on the feudal lords; the feasting of the three classes of the old and five classes of the experienced in the Great college served to inculcate brotherly submission on those princes; the sacrifices to the worthies of former times in the western school served to inculcate virtue on them; the (king's) ploughing in the field set apart for him, served to teach them the duty of nourishing (the people); their appearances at court in spring and autumn served to inculcate on them their duty as subjects or ministers. Those five institutions were the great lessons for the kingdom.
21. When feasting the three classes of the old and five classes of the experienced, the son of Heaven bared his arm, cut up the bodies of the victims, and handed round the condiments; he also presented
considerable size; contributing to the army a chariot, three mailed men, and seventy-two foot-men. There was a levy on it also of men to serve in the hunting expeditions.
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THE LÎ ki.
BK. XXI.
the cup with which they rinsed their mouths, wearing the square-topped cap, and carrying a shield. It was thus he inculcated brotherly submission on the princes. It was thus that in the country and villages regard was paid to age, that the old and poor were not neglected, and that the members of a numerous clan did not oppress those of a smaller ;—these things came from the Great college.
The son of Heaven appointed the four schools; and when his eldest son entered one of them, he took his place according to his age.
22. When the son of Heaven was on a tour of inspection, the princes (of each quarter) met him on their borders. The son of Heaven first visited those who were a hundred years old. If there were those of eighty or ninety, on the way to the east, he, though going to the west, did not dare to pass by (without seeing them); and so, if their route was to the west, and his to the west. If he wished to speak of matters of government, he, though ruler, might go to them.
23. Those who had received the first degree of office took places according to age (at meetings) in the country and villages ; those who had received the second, took places in the same way (at meetings) of all the members of their relatives. Those who had received the third degree did not pay the same regard to age. But at meetings of all the members of a clan no one dared to take precedence of one who was seventy years old.
Those who were seventy, did not go to court unless for some great cause. When they did so for such a cause, the ruler would bow and give place to them, afterwards going on to the parties possessed of rank.
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ki i.
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24. Whatever good was possessed by the son of Heaven, he humbly ascribed the merit of it to Heaven; whatever good was possessed by a feudal lord, he ascribed it to the son of Heaven; whatever good was possessed by a minister or Great officer, he attributed it to the prince of his state; whatever good was possessed by an officer or a common man, he assigned the ground of it to his parents, and the preservation of it to his elders. Emolument, rank, felicitations, and rewards were (all) transacted in the ancestral temple; and it was thus that they showed (the spirit of) submissive deference.
SECT. II.
25. Anciently, the sages, having determined the phenomena of heaven and earth in their states of rest and activity, made them the basis of the Yi (and divining by it). The diviner held the tortoise-shell in his arms, with his face towards the south, while the son of Heaven, in his dragon-robe and squaretopped cap, stood with his face to the north. The latter, however intelligent might be his mind, felt it necessary to set forth and obtain a decision on what his object was;-showing that he did not dare to take his own way, and giving honour to Heaven (as the supreme Decider)'. What was good in him (or in his views) he ascribed to others; what was wrong, to himself; thus teaching not to boast, and giving honour to men of talents and virtue.
26. When a filial son was about to sacrifice, the
1 Who does not see that, from the writer's point of view, divination was originally had recourse to in the search for an 'infallible' director in matters to be done? The Decider was held to be 'Heaven;' the error was in thinking that the will of Heaven could be known through any manipulation of the tortoise-shell, or the stalks.
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.
BK, XXI.
rule was that he should have his mind well adjusted and grave, to fit him for giving to all matters their full consideration, for providing the robes and other things, for repairing the temple and its fanes, and for regulating everything. When the day of sacrifice arrived, the rule was that his countenance should be mild, and his movements show an anxious dread, as if he feared his love were not sufficient. When he put down his offerings, it was required that his demeanour should be mild, and his body bent, as if (his parents) would speak (to him) and had not yet done so; when the officers assisting had all gone out, he stood lowly and still, though correct and straight, as if he were about to lose the sight (of his parents).
After the sacrifice, he looked pleased and expectant, as if they would again enter.
In this way his ingenuousness and goodness were never absent from his person; his ears and eyes were never withdrawn from what was in his heart; the exercises of his thoughts never left his parents. What was bound up in his heart was manifested in his countenance; and he was continually examining himself;—such was the mind of the filial son.
The text here is difficult. I have followed Kång, as has Zottoli;—the interpretation of
T a s assisting officers,' can otherwise be defended. Callery gives for the clause : Toutes les pensées étrangères (au sacrifice) il les chasse au dehors,' which it would be difficult to justify.
? Here again translation is difficult. Zottoli gives :—'Cumque sacrificium transiverit, intendet animo, prosequetur ore, quasi mox iterum ingressuri essent.' Callery: -- Après le sacrifice il s'en va lentement, comme (s'il suivait quelqu'un pas à pas, et avait envie) de rentrer (avec lui dans le temple).'
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SECT. II.
Kl 1.
235
27. The sites for the altars to the spirits of the land and grain were on the right; that for the ancestral temple on the left'.
That is, with reference to the palace. As you looked out from it to the south, the altars were on the right hand and the temple on the left.
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BOOK XXII. KĨ THUNG
OR
A SUMMARY ACCOUNT OF SACRIFICES !.
1. Of all the methods for the good ordering of men, there is none more urgent than the use of ceremonies. Ceremonies are of five kinds, and there is none of them more important than sacrifices. | Sacrifice is not a thing coming to a man from without; it issues from within him, and has its birth in his heart. When the heart is deeply moved, expression is given to it by ceremonies; and hence, only men of ability and virtue can give complete exhibition to the idea of sacrifice.
2. The sacrifices of such men have their own blessing ;—not indeed what the world calls blessing Blessing here means perfection ;—it is the name given to the complete and natural discharge of all duties. When nothing is left incomplete or improperly discharged ;-this is what we call perfection, implying the doing everything that should be done in one's internal self, and externally the performance of everything according to the proper method. There is a fundamental agreement between a loyal subject in his service of his ruler and a filial son in
· See the introduction, vol. xxvii, pp. 37, 38. .
• The five kinds of ceremonies are the Auspicious ( including all acts of religious worship); the Mourning (XI); those of Hospitality (*); the Military (U); and the Festive ( ).
• Success, longevity, the protection of spiritual Beings.
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his service of his parents. In the supernal sphere there is a compliance with (what is due to) the repose and expansion of the energies of nature; in the external sphere, a compliance with (what is due) to rulers and elders; in the internal sphere, the filial service of parents;-all this constitutes what is called perfection.
BK. XXII.
Kİ THUNG.
It is only the able and virtuous man who can attain to this perfection; and can sacrifice when he has attained to it. Hence in the sacrifices of such a man he brings into exercise all sincerity and good faith, with all right-heartedness and reverence; he offers the (proper) things; accompanies them with the (proper) rites; employs the soothing of music; does everything suitably to the season. Thus intelligently does he offer his sacrifices, without seeking for anything to be gained by them :-such is the heart and mind of a filial son.
3. It is by sacrifice that the nourishment of parents is followed up and filial duty to them perpetuated. The filial heart is a storehouse (of all filial duties). Compliance with everything that can mark his course, and be no violation of the relation (between parent and child):-the keeping of this is why we call it a storehouse. Therefore in three ways is a filial son's service of his parents shown :-while they are alive, by nourishing them; when they are dead, by
1 Callery gives for these:-Conformité avec les Esprits et les Dieux.' Zottoli :-'Ordo erga Genios Spiritusque.' Medhurst: Being obedient to the Kwei Shins.' If they had observed the 'three spheres' of the writer, I think they would have translated differently. I believe the idea is 'Compliance with the will of Heaven or God, as seen in the course of Nature and Providence.'
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THE LI Kİ.
all the rites of mourning; and when the mourning is over by sacrificing to them. In his nourishing them we see his natural obedience; in his funeral rites we see his sorrow; in his sacrifices we see his reverence and observance of the (proper) seasons. In these three ways we see the practice of a filial son.
4. When a son had done everything (for his sacrifices) that he could do himself, he proceeded to seek assistance from abroad; and this came through the rites of marriage. Hence the language of a ruler, when about to marry a wife, was:-'I beg you, O ruler, to give me your elegant daughter, to share this small state with my poor self, to do service in the ancestral temple, and at the altars to (the spirits of) the land and grain.' This underlay his seeking for that assistance (from abroad).
BK. XXII.
In sacrificing, husband and wife had their several duties which they personally attended to; and on this account there was the array of officials belonging to the exterior and interior departments (of the palace). When these officers were complete, all things necessary (for the service) were made ready:small things, such as the sourcrout of water plants and pickles from the produce of dry grounds; and fine things, such as the stands for the bodies of the three victims, and the supplies for the eight dishes. Strange insects and the fruits of plants and trees, produced under the best influences of light and shade, were all made ready. Whatever heaven produces, whatever earth developes in its growth;-all were then exhibited in the greatest abundance. Everything was there from without, and internally there was the utmost effort of the will:-such was the spirit in sacrificing.
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BK, XXII.
KĨ THUNG.
239
5. For this reason, also, the son of Heaven himself guided the plough in the southern suburb, to provide the grain for the sacrificial vessels; and the queen looked after her silkworms in the northern suburb, to provide the cap and robes of silk. The princes of the states guided the plough in their eastern suburb, also to provide the grain for the sacrificial vessels, and their wives looked after their silkworms in the northern suburb, to provide the cap and robes of silk. This was not because the son of Heaven and the princes had not men to plough for them, or because the queen and the princes' wives had not women to tend the silkworms for them; it was to give the exhibition of their personal sincerity. Such sincerity was what is called doing their utmost; and such doing of their utmost was what is called reverence. When they had reverently done their utmost, they could serve the spiritual Intelligences— such was the way of sacrificing.
6. When the time came for offering a sacrifice, the man wisely gave himself to the work of purification. That purification meant the production of uniformity (in all the thoughts);—it was the giving uniformity to all that was not uniform, till a uniform direction of the thoughts was realised. Hence a superior man, unless for a great occasion, and unless he were animated by a great reverence, did not attempt this purification. While it was not attained, he did not take precautions against the influence of (outward) things, nor did he cease from all (internal) desires. But when he was about to attempt it, he guarded against all things of an evil nature, and suppressed all his desires. His ears did not listen to music;—as it is said in the Record, 'People occupied with purification
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THE LI XI.
have no music,' meaning that they did not venture to allow its dissipation of their minds. He allowed no vain thoughts in his heart, but kept them in a strict adherence to what was right. He allowed no reckless movement of his hands or feet, but kept them firmly in the way of propriety. Thus the superior man, in his purification, devotes himself to carrying to its utmost extent his refined and intelligent virtue.
BK. XXII.
Therefore there was the looser ordering of the mind for seven days, to bring it to a state of fixed determination; and the complete ordering of it for three days, to effect the uniformity of all the thoughts. That determination is what is called purification; the final attainment is when the highest degree of refined intelligence is reached. After this it was possible to enter into communion with the spiritual Intelligences.
7. Moreover, on the eleventh day, before that appointed for the sacrifice, the governor of the palace gave warning notice to the wife of the ruler, and she also conducted that looser ordering of her thoughts for seven days, and that more complete ordering of them for three. The ruler accomplished his purification in the outer apartment, and the wife her purification in the inner. After this they met in the grand temple.
The ruler, in the dark-coloured square-topped cap, stood at the top of the steps on the east; his wife in her head-dress and pheasant-embroidered robe stood in the eastern chamber. The ruler from his macehandled libation-cup poured out the fragrant spirit before the personator of the dead; and the great minister in charge of the temple with his halfmace
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BI. XXII.
K THUNG.
241
handled cup poured the second libation (for the wife). When the victim was introduced, the ruler held it by the rope; the ministers and Great officers followed ; other officers carried the dried grass (to lay on the ground when it should be killed); the wives of the ruler's surname followed the wife with the basins ; she presented the purified liquid ; the ruler held in his hand the knife with bells; he prepared the lungs (to be offered to the personator); and his wife put them on the dishes and presented them. All this shows what is meant in saying that husband and wife had their parts which they personally performed.
8. When they went in for the dance, the ruler, holding his shield and axe, went to the place for the performance. He took his station at the head of those on the east, and in his square-topped cap, carrying his shield, he led on all his officers, to give pleasure to the august personator of the dead. Hence the son of Heaven in his sacrifices (gave expression to the joy of all in the kingdom. (In the same way) the feudal princes at their sacrifices (gave expression to) the joy of all within their territories. In their square-topped caps, and carrying their shields, they led on all their officers, to give joy to the august personators :—with the idea of showing the joy of all within their territories.
9. At a sacrifice there were three things specially important. Of the offerings there was none more important than the libation ; of the music there was none more important than the singing in the hall above; of the pantomimic evolutions there was none more important than that representing (king) Wa's (army) on the night (before his battle). Such was [38]
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THE LÎ ki.
BK. XXII.
the practice of the Kâu dynasty. All the three things were designed to increase the aim of the superior man by the use of these external representations, Hence their movements in advancing and retreating were regulated by (the degree of) that aim. If it were less intense, they were lighter; if it were more intense, they were more vehement. If the aim were less intense, and they sought to make the outward representation more vehement, even a sage could not have accomplished this.
Therefore the superior man, in sacrificing, exerted himself to the utmost in order to give clear expression to these more important things. He conducted everything according to the rules of ceremony, thereby giving prominent exhibition to them, and displaying them to the august personator :such was the method of the sages.
10. At sacrifices there are the provisions that are left. The dealing with these is the least important thing in sacrifices, but it is necessary to take knowledge of it. Hence there is the saying of antiquity, 'The end must be attended to even as the beginning :'—there is an illustration of it in these leavings. Hence it was the remark of a superior man of antiquity, that “The personator also eats what the spirits have left ;—it is a device of kindness, in which may be seen (the method of) government.
Hence, when the personator rose, the ruler and his three ministers partook of what he had left. When the ruler had risen, the six Great officers partook ;—the officers partook of what the ruler had left. When the Great officers rose, the eight officers partook :—the lower in rank ate what the higher had
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BK. XXII.
RÎ THUNG.
243
left. When these officers rose, each one took what was before him and went out, and placed it in the court) below the hall, when all the inferior attendants entered and removed it :-the inferior class ate what the superior had left.
11. Every change in the disposal of these relics was marked by an increase in the number (of those who partook of them); and thus there was marked the distinction between the degrees of the noble and the mean, and a representation given of the dispensation of benefits (by the sovereign). Hence by means of the four vessels of millet there is shown the cultivation of this in the ancestral temple, which becomes thereby a representation of all comprised within the confines (of the state).
What is done at sacrifices afforded the greatest example of the dispensation of favours?. Hence when the superior possessed the greatest blessing, acts of favour were sure to descend from him to those below him, the only difference being that he enjoyed the blessing first, and those below him afterwards ;—there was no such thing as the superior's accumulating a great amount for himself, while the people below him might be suffering from cold and want. Therefore when the superior enjoyed his great blessing, even private individuals waited till the stream should flow down, knowing that his favours would surely come to them. This was shown by what was done with the relics at sacrifices, and hence came the saying that ‘By the dealing with these was seen (the method of) government.'
* It is difficult to detect the mind of the writer here, and make out the train of his reasoning. Zottoli:- Sacrificium, beneficiorum maximum est.' Callery: — Dans les sacrifices, les bien
R2
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THE LÎ ki.
BK. XXII.
12. Sacrifice is the greatest of all things. Its apparatus of things employed in it is complete, but that completeness springs from all being in accordance with the requirements (of nature and reason) :is it not this which enables us to find in it the basis of all the lessons of the sages? Therefore those lessons, in the external sphere, inculcated the honouring of the ruler and of elders, and, in the internal sphere, filial piety towards parents.; Hence, when there was an intelligent ruler above, all his ministers submitted to and followed him. When he reverently sacrificed in his ancestral temple, and at the altars to the (spirits of the) land and grain, his sons and grandsons were filially obedient. He did all his duty in his own walk, and was correct in his righteousness ;- and thence grew up the lessons (of all duty).)
Therefore a superior man, in the service of his ruler, should find (guidance for all his personal conduct. What does not satisfy him in the behaviour of) his superiors, he will not show in his employment of those below himself; and what he dislikes in the behaviour of those below him, he will not show in the service of his superiors. To disapprove of anything in another, and do the same himself, is contrary to the rule of instruction. Therefore the superior in the inculcation of his lessons, ought to proceed from the foundation (of all duty). This will show him pursuing the greatest method of what is natural and right in the highest degree; and is not this what is seen in sacrifice ? Hence we have the saying that
faits sont la plus grande chose.' Wylie :- Sacrifice is the greatest of the virtuous influences.' But is not the writer simply referring to what he has said about the admission of all classes to participate in the relics of a sacrifice ?
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BK. XXII.
KÎ THUNG.
245
'The first and greatest teaching is to be found in sacrifice.'
13. In sacrifice there is a recognition of what belongs to ten relationships'. There are seen in it the method of serving spiritual Beings; the righteousness between ruler and subject; the relation between father and son; the degrees of the noble and mean; the distance gradually increasing between relatives; the bestowment of rank and reward; the separate duties of husband and wife; impartiality in government affairs; the order to be observed between old and young; and the boundaries of high and low. These are what are called the (different duties in the) ten relationships.
14. The spreading of the mat and placing on it a stool to serve for two, was intended as a restingplace for the united spirits (of husband and wife)". The instruction to the blesser in the apartment and the going out to the inside of the gate, was the method pursued in (seeking) communion with the spirits.
15. The ruler went to meet the victim, but not to meet the representative of the dead;-to avoid misconstruction. While the representative was outside
Zottoli :-'Sacrificium habet decem sensus.' Callery:- Les sacrifices renferment dix ordres d'idées.'
⚫ The reason given for this practice is peculiar. While alive,' says Khăn Hâo, 'every individual has his or her own body, and hence in the relation of husband and wife, there are the separate duties to be discharged by each; but when they are dead, there is no difference or separation between their spiritual essences (*), and one common stool for support is put down for them both.' Is there any truth that these Chinese speculators are groping after?
See vol. xxvii, page 444, paragraph 18.
It was not for the ruler to go to meet one who was still a
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THE LÎ xi.
BK. XXII.
the gate of the temple, he was to be regarded only as a subject; inside the temple, he had the full character of a ruler. While the ruler was outside the gate of the temple, he was there the ruler; when he entered that gate (on the occasion of the sacrifice), he had the full character of a subject, or a son. Hence his not going forth (to meet the representative) made clear the right distinction between the ruler and subject.
16. According to the rule in sacrifices, a grandson acted as the representative of his grandfather. Though employed to act the part of representative, yet he was only the son of the sacrificer. When his father, with his face to the north, served him, he made clear how it is the way of a son to serve his father. Thus (sacrifice) illustrated the relation of father and son.
17. When the representative had drunk the fifth cup, the ruler washed the cup of jade, and presented it to the ministers. When he had drunk the seventh cup, that of green jasper was presented to the Great officers. When he had drunk the ninth cup, the plain one varnished was presented to the ordinary officers, and all who were taking part in the service. In all the classes the cup passed from one to another, according to age; and thus were shown the degrees of rank as more honourable and lower.
18. At the sacrifice the parties taking part in it were arranged on the left and right, according to their order of descent from the common ancestor, and thus the distinction was maintained between the order of fathers and sons, the near and the
subject, and had not yet entered on the function, which placed him in a position of superiority for the time and occasion.
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distant, the older and the younger, the more nearly related and the more distantly, and there was no confusion. Therefore at the services in the grand ancestral temple, all in the two lines of descent were present, and no one failed to receive his proper place in their common relationship. This was what was called (showing) the distance gradually increasing between relatives.
19. Anciently the intelligent rulers conferred rank on the virtuous, and emoluments on the meritorious; and the rule was that this should take place in the Grand temple, to show that they did not dare to do it on their own private motion. Therefore, on the day of sacrifice, after the first presenting (of the cup to the representative), the ruler descended and stood on the south of the steps on the east, with his face to the south, while those who were to receive their appointments stood facing the north. The recorder was on the right of the ruler, holding the tablets on which the appointments were written. He read these, and (each man) bowed twice, with his head to the ground, received the writing, returned (home), and presented it in his (own) ancestral temple :-such was the way in which rank and reward were given.
20. The ruler, in the dragon robe and squaretopped cap, stood at the top of the steps on the east, while his wife in her head-dress and pheasantembroidered robe, stood in the chamber on the east. When the wife presented and put down the dishes on stands, she held them by the foot; (the officer) who held the vessels with new wine, presented them to her, holding them by the bottom; when the representative of the dead was handing the cup to the wife, he held it by the handle, and she gave it to him by
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the foot; when husband and wife were giving and receiving, the one did not touch the place where the other had held the article ; in passing the pledge cup, they changed the cups :-So was the distinction to be maintained between husband and wife shown.
21. In all arrangements with the stands, the chief attention was given to the bones. Some bones were considered nobler, and some meaner. Under the Yin they preferred the thigh bone; and under the Kâu, the shoulder bone. Generally, the bones in front were thought nobler than those behind. The stands served to illustrate the rule in sacrifices of showing favours. Hence the nobler guests received the nobler bones, and the lower, the less noble; the nobler did not receive very much, and the lower were not left without any :-impartiality was thus shown. With impartiality of favours, government proceeded freely; with the free proceeding of government, undertakings were accomplished; with the accomplishment of undertakings, merit was established. It is necessary that the way in which merit is established should be known. The stands served to show the rule for the impartial bestowment of favours. So did the skilful administrators of government proceed, and hence it is said that (sacrifices showed the principle of) impartiality in the business of government.
22. Whenever they came to the (general) circulation of the cup, those whose place was on the left stood in one row, and also those whose place was on the right. The members of each row had places according to their age; and in the same way were arranged all the assistants at the service. This was what was called (exhibiting) the order of the old and young.
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23. At sacrifices there were portions given to the skinners, cooks, assistants, feather-wavers, and doorkeepers, showing how favours should descend to the lowest. Only a virtuous ruler, however, could do this; having intelligence sufficient to perceive (the wisdom of) it, and benevolence equal to the bestowment of it. Apportioning means bestowing ; they were able to bestow what was left on those below them.
Skinners were the meanest of those who looked after the buff-coats; cooks' assistants, the meanest of those who looked after the flesh; feather-wavers, the meanest of those who had to do with the music; door-keepers, those who looked after the doors ; for anciently they did not employ men who had suffered dismemberment to keep the doors. These four classes of keepers were the meanest of the servants ; and the representative of the dead was the most honoured of all. When the most honoured, at the close of the sacrifice, did not forget those who were the most mean, but took what was left and bestowed it on them, it may be seen how) with an intelligent ruler above, there would not be any of the people within his territory who suffered from cold and want. This is what was meant by saying that sacrifices show the relation between high and low.
24. For the sacrifices in the ancestral temple) there were the four seasons. That in spring was called yo'; that in summer, tt; that in autumn, khang; and that in winter, khăng. The yo and ti expressed the idea in the bright and expanding (course of nature); the khang and khăng, that in
Meaning, it is said, 'meagre;' the things offered being few in the spring season; but such explanations are far-fetched.
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the sombre and contracting course). The ti showed the former in its fullest development, and the khang showed the latter in the same. Hence it is said, “There is nothing more important than the ti and khang. Anciently, at the ti sacrifice, they conferred rank, and bestowed robes ;-acting according to the idea in the bright and expanding (course); and at the khang they gave out fields and homesteads, and issued the rules of autumnwork ;-acting according to the idea in the sombre and contracting course). Hence it is said in the Record, 'On the day of the khang sacrifice they gave forth (the stores of) the ruler's house;' showing how rewards (were then given). When the plants were cut down, the punishment of branding might be inflicted. Before the rules of autumn-work were issued, the people did not dare to cut down the grass.
25. Hence it is said that the ideas in the ti and khang are great, and lie at the foundation of the government of a state ; and should by all means be known. It is for the ruler to know clearly those ideas, and for the minister to be able to execute (what they require). The ruler who does not know the ideas is not complete, and the minister who cannot carry them into execution is not complete.
Now the idea serves to direct and help the aim, and leads to the manifestation of all virtue. Hence he whose virtue is the completest, has the largest aims; and he whose aims are the largest, has the clearest idea. He whose idea is the clearest, will be most reverent in his sacrifices. When the sacrifices (of a state) are reverent, none of the sons and grandsons within its borders will dare to be irreverent. Then the superior man, when he has a sacrifice, will
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feel it necessary to preside at it in person. If there be a (sufficient) reason for it, he may commit the performance of it to another. But when committing the performance to another, the ruler will not fail (to think) of its meaning, because he understands the ideas in it. He whose virtue is slight, has but a small aim. He who is in doubts as to the idea in it, and will yet seek to be reverent in his sacrifice, will find it impossible to be so; and how can he, who sacrifices without reverence, be the parent of his people?
26. The tripods (at the sacrifices) had inscriptions on them. The maker of an inscription named himself, and took occasion to praise and set forth the excellent qualities of his ancestors, and clearly exhibit them to future generations. Those ancestors must have had good qualities and also bad. But the idea of an inscription is to make mention of the good qualities and not of the bad :-such is the heart of a filial descendant; and it is only the man of ability and virtue who can attain to it.
BK. XXII.
The inscriber discourses about and panegyrises the virtues and goodness of his ancestors, their merits and zeal, their services and toils, the congratulations and rewards (given to them), their fame recognised by all under heaven; and in the discussion of these things on his spiritual vessels, he makes himself famous; and thus he sacrifices to his ancestors. In the celebration of his ancestors he exalts his filial piety. That he himself appears after them is natural. And in the clear showing (of all this) to future generations, he is giving instruction.
27. By the one panegyric of an inscription benefit accrues to the ancestors, to their descendant and to
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others after them. Hence when a superior man looks at an inscription, while he admires those whom it praises, he also admires him who made it. That maker had intelligence to see (the excellences of his ancestors), virtue to associate himself with them, and wisdom to take advantage (of his position) ;-he may be pronounced a man of ability and virtue. Such worth without boasting may be pronounced courteous respect.
28. Thus the inscription on the tripod of Khung Khwei of Wei was :- In the sixth month, on the day ting-hai, the duke went to the Grand Temple, and said, "My young uncle, your ancestor Kwang Shů assisted duke Khăng, who ordered him to follow him in his difficulties on the south of the Han, and afterwards to come to him in his palace (of imprisonment) in the honoured capital of Kâu; and all these hurried journeyings he endured without wearying of them. From him came the helper of duke Hsien, who charged your later) ancestor Khăng Shuh to continue the service of his ancestor. Your deceased father Wăn Sha cherished and stimulated in himself the old desires and aims, roused and led on the admirable officers, and showed his own great personal interest in the state of Wei. His labours for our ducal house never wearied early or late, so that the people all testified how good he was.” The duke further said, “ My young uncle, I give you (this tripod with) its inscription. Carry on and out the services of your father.” Khwei bowed with his head to the ground, and said, “In response to the distinction (you have conferred upon me) I will take your great and important charge, and I will put it on the vases and tripods of my winter sacrifice."' Such
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was the inscription on the tripod of Khung Khwei of Wei?
In this way the superior men of antiquity panegyrised the excellent qualities of their ancestors, and clearly exhibited them to future generations, thereby having the opportunity to introduce their own personality and magnify their states. If descendants who maintain their ancestral temples and the altars to the spirits of the land and grain, praised their ancestors for good qualities which they did not possess, that was falsehood ; if they did not take knowledge of the good qualities which they did possess, that showed their want of intelligence; if they knew them and did not transmit them (by their inscriptions), that showed a want of virtue :these are three things of which a superior man should have been ashamed.
29. Anciently, Tan, duke of Kâu, did most meritorious service for the kingdom. After his death the kings Khăng and Khang, bearing in mind all his admirable work, and wishing to honour La, granted to its lords the right of offering the greatest sacrifices ;—those in the borders of their capital to Heaven and Earth, in the wider sphere of sacrifice ; and the great summer and autumnal sacrifices in the ancestral temple of the state. At those great summer and autumnal sacrifices, on the hall above, they sang the Khing Miâo, and in the courtyard below it they danced the Hsiang to the flute; they
In the year that Confucius died, B.C. 479, this Khung Khwei was obliged to flee from Wei to Sung. The duke K’ăng, who is mentioned in connexion with his ancestor known as Kwang Shồ, was marquis of Wei from B.C. 635 to 600. Duke Hsien ruled from B.C. 577 to 559.
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THE LỄ KỈ.
carried red shields and axes adorned with jade in performing the Tâ Wû dance; and this was the music employed by the son of Heaven. (Those kings) in acknowledgment of the great merit of the duke of Kâu, allowed (the use of those sacrifices and this music) to the (marquis of) Lû. His descendants have continued it, and down to the present day it is not abolished, thereby showing clearly the virtue of the lords of Kâu and magnifying their state'.
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BK. XXII.
1 This distinction, said to have been thus conferred on the princes of Lû, is contrary to the views of the ablest commentators on the subject.
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BOOK XXIII. KING KIEH
OR THE DIFFERENT TEACHING OF THE DIFFERENT
KINGS?
1. Confucius said, "When you enter any state you can know what subjects (its people) have been taught. If they show themselves men who are (mild and gentle, sincere and good, they have been taught from the Book of Poetry. If they have a wide comprehension (of things), and know what is remote and old, they have been taught from the Book of History. If they be large-hearted and generous, bland and honest, they have been taught from the Book of Music, ; If they be pure and still, refined and subtile, they have been taught from the Yi. i If they be courteous and modest, grave and respectful, they have been taught from the Book of Rites and Ceremonies. If they suitably adapt their language to the things of which they speak, they have been taught from the Khun Khid.
'Hence the failing that may arise in connexion with the study of the Poems is a stupid simplicity; that in connexion with the History is duplicity; that
in connexion with Music is extravagance; that in ( connexion with the Yi is the violation (of reason)";
that in connexion with the practice of Rites and Ceremonies is fussiness; and that in connexion with the Khun Khid is insubordination 2
See the introductory notice, vol. xxvii, p. 38. * Callery translates the character in the text by 'l'hérésie.' I have met with 'robbery' for it.
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2.- If they show themselves men who are mild and gentle, sincere and good, and yet free from that simple stupidity, their comprehension of the Book of Poetry is deep. If they have a wide comprehension (of things), and know what is remote and old, and yet are free from duplicity, their understanding of the Book of History is deep. If they are largehearted and generous, bland and honest, and yet have no tendency to extravagance, their knowledge of Music is deep. If they are pure and still, refined and subtle, and yet do not violate (reason), they have made great attainments in the Yi. If they are courteous and modest, grave and reverent, and yet not fussy, their acquaintance with the Book of Rites and Ceremonies is deep. If they suitably adapt their language to the things of which they speak, and yet have no disposition to be insubordinate, their knowledge of the Khun Khid is deep.')
3. The son of Heaven forms a ternion with heaven and earth. Hence, in power of his goodness he is their correlate, and his benefits extend at once to all things! His brilliancy is equal to that of the sun and moon, and enlightens all within the four seas, not excepting anything, however minute and small. In the audiences at his court everything is done according to the orderly procedure of benevolence, wisdom, propriety, and righteousness. At his entertainments he listens to the singing of the Odes of the Kingdom and the Odes of the Temple and Altar. When he walks, there are the.notes from his girdle pendant. When he rides in his chariot, there are the harmonious sounds of the bells attached to
* Compare vol. xxvii, pp. 377, 378.
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his horses. When he is in private at ease, there is the observance of the rules of propriety. When he advances or retires, he does so according to rule and measure. All the officers fulfil their duties rightly, and all affairs are carried on with order. It is as described in the Book of Poetry (1, xiv, 3), •That virtuous man, the princely one,
Has nothing wrong in his deportment; He has nothing wrong in his deportment, And thus he rectifies the four quarters of the state.'
4. When (a ruler) issues his notices and gives forth his orders, and the people are pleased, we have what may be called the condition of harmony. When superiors and inferiors love one another, we have the condition of benevolence. When the people get what they desire without seeking for it, we have the condition of confidence. When all things in the operations of heaven and earth that might be injurious are taken out of the way, we have the condition of rightness. Rightness and confidence, harmony and benevolence are the instruments of the presiding chieftain and the king. If any one wishes to govern the people, and does not employ these instruments, he will not be successful.
5. In the right government of a state, the Rules of Propriety serve the same purpose as the steelyard in determining what is light and what is heavy; or as the carpenter's line in determining what is crooked and what is straight; or as the circle and square in determining what is square and what is round. Hence, if the weights of the steel-yard be true, there can be no imposition in the matter of weight; if the line be truly applied, there can be no
[28]
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imposition in the evenness of a surface; if the square and compass be truly employed, there can be no imposition in the shape of a figure. When a superior man (conducts the government of his state) with a discriminating attention to these rules, he cannot be imposed on by traitors and impostors.
6. Hence he who has an exalted idea of the rules, and guides his conduct by them, is called by us a mannerly gentleman, and he who has no such exalted idea and does not guide his conduct by the rules, is called by us one of the unmannerly people. These rules (set forth) the way of reverence and courtesy; and therefore when the services in the ancestral temple are performed according to them, there is reverence; when they are observed in the court, the noble and the mean have their proper positions; when the family is regulated by them, there is affection between father and son, and harmony among brothers; and when they are honoured in the country districts and villages, there is the proper order between old and young. There is the verification of what was said by Confucius, 'For giving security to superiors and good government of the people, there is nothing more excellent than the Rules of Propriety?'
7. The ceremonies at the court audiences of the different seasons were intended to illustrate the righteous relations between ruler and subject; those of friendly messages and inquiries, to secure mutual honour and respect between the feudal princes ; those of mourning and sacrifice, to illustrate the kindly feelings of ministers and sons; those of social
* See vol. iïi, page 482 (The Hsiko King).
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meetings in the country districts, to show the order that should prevail between young and old ; and those of marriage, to exhibit the separation that should be maintained between males and females. Those ceremonies prevent the rise of disorder and confusion, and are like the embankments which prevent the overflow of water. He who thinks the old embankments useless and destroys them is sure to suffer from the desolation caused by overflowing water ; and he who should consider the old rules of propriety useless and abolish them would be sure to suffer from the calamities of disorder.
8. Thus if the ceremonies of marriage were discontinued, the path of husband and wife would be embittered, and there would be many offences of licentiousness and depravity. If the drinking ceremonies at country feasts were discontinued, the order between old and young would be neglected, and quarrelsome litigations would be numerous. If the ceremonies of mourning and sacrifice were discontinued, the kindly feeling of officers and sons would become small; there would be numerous cases in which there was a revolt from the observances due to the dead, and an oblivion of (those due to the living. If the ceremonies of friendly messages and court attendances were discontinued, the positions of ruler and subject would fall into disuse, the conduct of the feudal princes would be evil, and the ruin wrought by rebellion, encroachment, and oppression would ensue.
9. Therefore the instructive and transforming power of ceremonies is subtile; they stop depravity before it has taken form, causing men daily to move towards what is good, and keep themselves farther
S
2
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apart from guilt, without being themselves conscious of it. It was on this account that the ancient kings set so high a value upon them. This sentiment is found in the words of the Yi, ‘The superior man is careful at the commencement; a mistake, then, of a hair's breadth, will lead to an error of a thousand 111.'
? But these words, common enough in later Chinese writings, are not found in the Yi King. Khung Ying-tå says they are from the Great Appendix.' It is more likely that he was in error, than that they existed there in his time.
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BOOK XXIV. ÂI KUNG WĂN
OR
QUESTIONS OF DUKE ÂI'.
1. Duke Åiasked Confucius, saying, 'What do you say about the great rites ? How is it that superior men, in speaking about them, ascribe so much honour to them ?' Confucius said, 'I, Khiù, am a small man, and unequal to a knowledge of the rites. By no means,' said the ruler. “Tell me what you think, my Master. Then Confucius replied, 'According to what I have heard, of all things by which the people live the rites are the greatest. Without them they would have no means ofregulating the services paid to the spirits of heaven and earth; without them they would have no means of distinguishing the positions proper to father and son, to high and low, to old and young ; without them they would have no means of maintaining the separate character of the intimate relations between male and female, father and son, elder brother and younger, and conducting the intercourse between the contracting families in a marriage, and the frequency or infrequency (of the reciprocities between friends). These
* See the introduction, vol. xxvii, pp. 39, 40.
Âi (The Courteous, Benevolent, and Short-lived') was the posthumous title of the marquis Ziang C) of LQ (B.C. 494-468), in whose sixteenth year Confucius died. He seems to have often consulted the sage on important questions, but was too weak to follow his counsels.
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are the grounds on which superior men have honoured andr everenced (the rites) as they did.
2. “Thereafter, (having this view of the rites), they taught them to the people, on the ground of their ability (to practise them), not disregarding their general principles or the limitations (that circumstances impose in particular cases).
3. When their object had been accomplished (so far), they proceeded to give rules for the engraving (of the ceremonial vessels), and the embroidering in various colours (of the robes), in order to secure the transmission (of the rites).
4. 'Having obtained the concurrence (of the people in these things), they proceeded to tell them the different periods of mourning; to provide the full amount of tripods and stands; to lay down the (offerings of) pork and dried meats; to maintain in good order their ancestral temples; and then at the different seasons of the year reverently to present their sacrifices; and to arrange thereat, in order, the different branches and members of their kindred. Meanwhile (they themselves) were content to live economically, to have nothing fine about their dress; to have their houses low and poor; to eschew much carving about their carriages; to use their vessels without carving or graving; and to have the plainest diet, in order to share all their advantages in common with the people. In this manner did the superior men of antiquity practise the rites.'
5. The duke said, “How is it that the superior men of the present day do not practise them (in this way). Confucius said, The superior men of the present day are never satisfied in their fondness for wealth, and never wearied in the extravagance of
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AI KUNG wĂN.
263
their conduct. They are wild, idle, arrogant, and insolent. They determinedly exhaust the (resources of the) people, put themselves in opposition to the multitude, and seek to overthrow those who are pursuing the right way. They seek to get whatever they desire, without reference to right or reason. The former using of the people was according to the ancient rules; the using of them now-a-days is according to later rules. The superior men of the present day do not practise the rites (as they ought to be practised).
6. Confucius was sitting beside duke Âi, when the latter said, 'I venture to ask, according to the nature of men, which is the greatest thing (to be attended to in dealing with them).' Confucius looked startled, changed countenance, and replied, “That your lordship should put this question is a good thing for the people. How should your servant dare but express his opinion on it?' Accordingly he proceeded, and said, 'According to the nature of men, government is the greatest thing for them.'
7. The duke said, 'I venture to ask what is meant by the practice of government. Confucius replied, •Government is rectification. When the ruler is correct himself, all the people will follow his government. What the ruler does is what the people follow. How should they follow what he does not do ?
8. The duke said, “I venture to ask how this practice of government is to be effected ?' Confucius replied, 'Husband and wife have their separate functions; between father and son there should be affection ; between ruler and minister there should be a strict adherence to their several parts. If
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THE LI Kİ.
these three relations be correctly discharged, all other things will follow.'
9. The duke said, 'Although I cannot, in my unworthiness, count myself as having attained, I should like to hear how these three things which you have mentioned can be rightly secured. May I hear it from you?' Confucius replied, 'With the ancients in their practice of government the love of men was the great point; in their regulation of this love of men, the rules of ceremony was the great point; in their regulation of those rules, reverence was the great point. For of the extreme manifestation of reverence we find the greatest illustration in the great (rite of) marriage. Yes, in the great (rite of) marriage there is the extreme manifestation of respect; and when one took place, the bridegroom in his square-topped cap went in person to meet the bride;-thus showing his affection for her. It was his doing this himself that was the demonstration of his affection. Thus it is that the superior man commences with respect as the basis of love. To neglect respect is to leave affection unprovided for. Without loving there can be no (real) union; and without respect the love will not be correct. Yes, love and respect lie at the foundation of government.'
10. The duke said, 'I wish that I could say I agree with you, but for the bridegroom in his squaretopped cap to go in person to meet the bride,-is it not making too much (of the ceremony)?' Confucius looked startled, changed countenance, and said, '(Such a marriage) is the union of (the representatives of) two different surnames in friendship and love, in order to continue the posterity of the
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ÂI KUNG WXN.
265
former sages, and to furnish those who shall preside at the sacrifices to heaven and earth, at those in the ancestral temple, and at those at the altars to the spirits of the land and grain ;-how can your lordship say that the ceremony is made too great ?'
11. The duke said, 'I am stupid. But if I were not stupid, how should I have heard what you have just said ? I wish to question you, but cannot find the proper words (to do so); I beg you to go on a little further. Confucius said, “If there were not the united action of heaven and earth, the world of things would not grow. By means of the grand rite of marriage, the generations of men are continued through myriads of ages. How can your lordship say that the ceremony in question is too great ?' He immediately added, 'In their own peculiar sphere, (this marriage) serves for the regulation of the ceremonies of the ancestral temple, and is sufficient to supply the correlates to the spiritual Intelligences of heaven and earth; in the (wider) sphere abroad, it serves for the regulation of the ceremonies of the court, and is sufficient to establish the respect of those below him to him who is
Y
* Kång takes this in the singular, 'the former sage,' meaning the duke of Kâu, so that Confucius should say that the ceremony in question was a continuation of that instituted by the duke of Kau. I cannot construe or interpret the text so. · The text here seems to be corrupt. Translating it as it stands
Ź - we should have to say, the regulation of straightforward speech. Khăn Hảo says that he does not understand the , and mentions the conjecture of some one' that they should be E. I have followed this conjecture, which also is followed in Callery's expurgated edition.
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THE LI Kİ.
above them all. If there be ground for shame on account of (a deficiency of) resources, this is sufficient to stimulate and secure them; if there be ground for shame on account of the condition of the states, this is sufficient to revive and renew them. Ceremonies are the first thing to be attended to in the practice of government. Yes, (this) ceremony (of marriage) lies at the foundation of government!'
12. Confucius continued, 'Anciently, under the government of the intelligent kings of the three dynasties, it was required of a man to show respect to his wife and son. When the path (of right government) was pursued, the wife was the hostess of the (deceased) parents;-could any husband dare not to show her respect? And the son was the descendant of those parents;-could any father dare not to show him respect? The superior man's respect is universal. Wherein it appears the greatest is in his respect for himself. He is in his person a branch from his parents;-can any son but have this selfrespect? If he is not able to respect his own person, he is wounding his parents. If he wound his parents, he is wounding his own root; and when the root is wounded, the branches will follow it in its dying. These three things are an image of what is true with the whole people (in the body politic). One's own person reaches to the persons of others; one's own son to the sons of others; one's own wife to the wives of others. If a ruler do these things, the spirit of his conduct will reach to all under the sky. If the course of the great king be thus, all the states and families will be docilely obedient.'
13. The duke said, 'I venture to ask what is meant by "respecting one's self." Confucius replied,
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267
'When a man who is over others1 transgresses in his words, the people will fashion their speech accordingly; when he transgresses in his actions, the people will make him their model. If in his words he do not go beyond what should be said, nor in his actions what should be a model, then the people, without being commanded, will reverence and honour him. When this obtains, he can be said to have respected his person. Having succeeded in respecting his person, he will (at the same time) be able to do all that can be done for his parents.'
14. The duke said, 'I venture to ask what is meant by doing all that can be done for one's parents?' Confucius replied, 'Kün-ze is the completest name for a man; when the people apply the name to him, they say (in effect) that he is the son of a kün-¡ze; and thus he makes his parents (? father) to be a kün-zze. This is what I intend by saying that he does all that can be done for his parents'.'
Confucius forthwith added, In the practice of
C
BK. XXIV.
The phrase in the text for a man who is high in rank' is Kün-zze (#, Keun-zze, in Southern mandarin, and as it is transliterated by Morrison and our older scholars), meaning 'ruler's son,' 'a princely man,' 'a superior man,' 'a wise man,' 'a sage.' In all these ways it has been translated by Chinese scholars, and I have heard it proposed to render it by 'a gentleman.' Here all the commentators say it is to be understood of a
man of rank and position (君子以位言), which is a not unfrequent application of it.
་
• What I translate by doing all that can be done for his parents' is in the text completing his parents.' Callery renders it:-'Assurant (un nom honorable) à ses père et mère.' Wylie :'Completing his duty to his parents.' It certainly is not easy to catch the mind of Confucius here and in the context.
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government in antiquity, the love of men was the great point. If (a ruler) be not able to love men he cannot possess' his own person; unable to possess his own person, he cannot enjoy in quiet his land; unable to enjoy in quiet his land, he cannot rejoice in Heaven ; unable to rejoice in Heaven, he cannot do all that can be done for his person.'
15. The duke said, “I venture to ask what is meant by “doing all that could be done for one's person.”' Confucius replied, “ It is keeping from all
transgression of what is due in all the sphere beyond · one's self??)
to his being on ony nato 16. The duke said, I venture to ask what it is that the superior man values in the way of Heaven.' Confucius replied, 'He values its unceasingness. There is, for instance, the succession and sequence of the sun and moon from the east and west:-that is the way of Heaven. There is the long continuance of its progress without interruption that is the way of Heaven. There is its making (all) things complete without doing anything :-that is the way of Heaven. There is their brilliancy when they have been completed :—that is the way of Heaven.'
17. The duke said, 'I am very stupid, unintelligent also, and occupied with many things; do you, Sir, help me that I may keep this lesson in my mind.'
18. Confucius looked grave, moved a little from his mat, and replied, 'A man of all-comprehensive
Kång says that 'to possess' is equivalent to 'to preserve' (H
), adding ‘men will injure him.' So all the other commentators.
. Callery gives for this :—'Ce n'est autre chose que de se maintenir dans le devoir.' Wylie : It is not to transgress the natural order of things. The reply of Confucius appears more fully in the Narratives of the School.'
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virtue' does not transgress what is due from him in all the sphere beyond himself, and it is the same with a filial son. Therefore a son of all-comprehensive virtue serves his parents as he serves Heaven, and serves Heaven as he serves his parents. Hence a filial son does all that can be done for his person'.'
BK. XXIV.
19. The duke said, 'I have heard your (excellent) words;-how is it that I shall hereafter not be able to keep from the guilt (of transgressing)?' Confucius answered, 'That your lordship gives expression to such words is a happiness to me.'
1 'A man of all-comprehensive virtue' is in the text simply 'the benevolent man (EA). But that name must be to be taken in the sense of Mencius, who says that 'Benevolence is man (仁也 )' (vii, 11, 16); as Julien translates it, 'Humanitas homo est.' There'benevolence,' is a name denoting the complex of human virtues, with the implication that it is itself man's distinguishing characteristic. So 'humanity' may be used in English to denote 'the peculiar nature of man as distinguished from other beings.'
2
Callery has a note on this paragraph: :-'Ces axiômes de Confucius ne sont pas d'une grande clarté; on y entrevoit, cependant, que le philosophe veut établir l'identité entre le devoir chez l'homme et la vérité éternelle, ou la vertu dans le sens abstrait.' But perhaps the sayings of the Master seem to be wanting in 'clearness' because it is difficult to catch his mind and spirit in them. Nor do I think that the latter part of what the French sinologue says is abundantly clear or appropriate. I have often said that Confucius and his school try to make a religion out of filial virtue. That appears here with a qualification; for the text makes out 'the service of Heaven,' which would be religion, to be identical with the full discharge of all filial duty, equivalent, in the Chinese system, to all morality.
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BOOK XXV. KUNG-NI YEN KU
OR
KUNG-NI AT HOME AT EASE".
1. Kung-ni 'being at home at ease?,' with Zzekang, Zze-kung, and Yen Ya by him, their conversation went on from general matters to the subject of ceremonies.
2. The Master said, “Sit down, you three, and I will discourse to you about ceremonies, so that you may rightly employ them everywhere and in all circumstances.'
3. 3ze-kung crossed over (3ze-kang's) mat®, and replied, 'Allow me to ask what you mean. The Master said, 'Respect shown without observing the rules of propriety is called vulgarity ; courtesy without observing those rules is called forwardness; and boldness without observing them is called violence.' The Master added, 'Forwardness takes away from gentleness and benevolence.'
4. The Master said, 'Sze, you err by excess, and Shang by defect.' ¿ze-khân might be regarded as a
See the introductory notice of this Book, vol. xxvii, page 40. The Yen (1.1) in Yen Kü is said by Kång to denote that the party had been to court, and was now at his ease in his own residence.
? The three disciples must have risen from their mats on the introduction of a new topic, according to vol. xxvii, page 76, paragraph 21.
Substantially a violation of vol. xxvii, page 71, paragraph 26.
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mother of the people. He could feed them, but he could not teach them?.
5. 3ze-kung (again) crossed the mat, and replied, 'Allow me to ask by what means it is possible to secure this due mean.' The Master said, 'By means of the ceremonial rules; by the rules. Yes, it is those rules which define and determine the due mean.'
6. Zze-kung having retired, Yen Ya advanced, and said, “May I be allowed to ask whether the rules of ceremony do not serve to control what is bad, and to complete what is good ?' The Master said, 'They do. Very well, and how do they do it?' The Master said, 'The idea in the border sacrifices to Heaven and Earth is that they should give expression to the loving feeling towards the spirits; the ceremonies of the autumnal and summer services in the ancestral temple give expression to the loving feeling towards all in the circle of the kindred ; the ceremony of putting down food (by the deceased) serves to express the loving feeling towards those who are dead and for whom they are mourning; the ceremonies of the archery fêtes and the drinking at them express the loving feeling towards all in the district and neighbourhood; the ceremonies of festal entertainments express the loving feeling towards visitors and guests.'
· The Khien-lung editors say that in this paragraph, the part from 3ze-khân' has been introduced by an error in manipulating the tablets. It is found, and more fully, also in the Narratives of the School, article 41 (E A ). The previous sentence of it also appears to me to be out of place. Why should Confucius address himself to Sze?--that was not the name of 3ze-kung. What is said to him is found in the Analects, VI, 15, and also more fully.
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7. The Master said, 'An intelligent understanding of the idea in the border sacrifices to Heaven and Earth, and of the ceremonies of the autumnal and summer services, would make the government of a state as easy as to point to one's palm. Therefore let the ceremonial rules be observed:-in the ordinary life at home, and there will be the (right) distinction between young and old ; inside the door of the female apartments, and there will be harmony among the three branches of kin; at court, and there will be the right ordering of office and rank; in the different hunting expeditions, and skill in war will be acquired; in the army and its battalions, and military operations will be successful.
'In this way, houses and their apartments will be made of the proper dimensions; measures and tripods will have their proper figure; food will have the flavour proper to its season ; music will be according to the rules for it; carriages will have their proper form; spirits will receive their proper offerings; the different periods of mourning will have their proper expression of sorrow; discussions will be conducted by those who from their position should take part in them; officers will have their proper business and functions; the business of government will be properly distributed and applied. (The duty) laid on (each) person being discharged in the matter before him (according to these rules), all his movements, and every movement will be what they ought to be.'
8. The Master said, 'What is (the object of) the ceremonial rules ? It is just the ordering of affairs. The wise man who has affairs to attend to must have the right method of ordering them. (He who
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should attempt) to regulate a state without those rules would be like a blind man with no one to lead him;-groping about, how could he find his way? Or he would be like one searching all night in a dark room without a light;-how could he see anything?
'If one have not the ceremonial rules, he would not (know how to) dispose of his hands and feet, or how to apply his ears and eyes; and his advancing and retiring, his bowings and giving place would be without any definite rules. Hence, when the rules are thus neglected:-in the ordinary life at home, then the right distinction between old and young will be lost; in the female apartments, then the harmony among the three branches of kin will be lost; in the court, then the order of office and rank will be lost; in the different hunting expeditions, then the prescribed methods of military tactics will be lost; in the army and its battalions, then the arrangements that secure success in war will be lost. (Also), houses and apartments will want their proper dimensions; measures and tripods will want their proper figure; food will want its seasonal flavour; music will want its proper parts; Spirits will want their proper offerings; the different periods of mourning will want their proper expression of sorrow; discussions will not be conducted by the pro¡ er men for them; officers will not have their proper business; the affairs of government will fail to be properly distributed and applied; and (in the duties) laid on (each) person to be discharged in the matters before him, all his movements, every movement, will fail to be what they ought to be. In this condition of things it will be impossible to put one's self at the
[28]
BK. XXV.
T
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head of the multitudes, and secure harmony among them.'
9. The Master said, 'Listen attentively, you three, while I discourse to you about the ceremonial rules. There are still nine things (to be described), and four of them belong to the Grand festive entertainments. When you know these, though your lot may lie among the channeled fields, if you carry them into practice, you will become wise as sages.
When one ruler is visiting another, they bow to each other, each courteously declining to take the precedence, and then enter the gate. As soon as they have done so, the instruments of music, suspended from their frames, strike up. They then bow and give place to each other again, and ascend to the hall; and when they have gone up, the music stops. In the court below, the dances Hsiang and Wa are performed to the music of the flute, and that of Hsia proceeds in due order with (the brandishing of feathers and) fifes. (After this), the stands with their offerings are set out, the various ceremonies and musical performances go on in regular order, and the array of officers provided discharge their functions. In this way the superior man perceives the loving regard (which directs the entertainment). They move forward in perfect circles; they return and form again the squares. The bells of the equipages are tuned to the Khải-khi; when the guest goes out they sing the Yung; when the things are being taken away, they sing the Khănyü; and thus the superior man (sees that) there is not a single thing for which there is not its proper ceremonial usage. The striking up of the instruments of metal, when they enter the gate, serves to
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indicate their good feeling; the singing of the Khing Miâo, when they have gone up to the hall, shows the virtue (they should cultivate); the performance of the Hsiang to the flute in the court below, reminds them of the events (of history). Thus the superior men of antiquity did not need to set forth their views to one another in words; it was enough for them to show them in their music and ceremonies.'
BK. XXV.
10. The Master said, 'Ceremonial usages are (the prescriptions of) reason; music is the definite limitation (of harmony). The superior man makes no movement without (a ground of) reason, and does nothing without its definite limitation. He who is not versed in the odes will err in his employment of the usages, and he who is not versed in music will be but an indifferent employer of them. He whose virtue is slender will vainly perform the usages.'
II. The Master said, 'The determinate measures are according to the rules; and the embellishments of them are also so; but the carrying them into practice depends on the men.'
12. 3ze-kung crossed over the mat and replied, 'Allow me to ask whether even Khwei was ignorant (of the ceremonial usages)1?'
13. The Master said, 'Was he not one of the ancients? Yes, he was one of them. To be versed in the ceremonial usages, and not versed in music, we call being poorly furnished. To be versed in the usages and not versed in music, we call being onesided. Now Khwei was noted for his acquaintance with music, and not for his acquaintance with cere
1 Khwei was Shun's Director of Music. See the Shû, II, i, 24.
T 2
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THE LÎ ki.
BK, XXV.
monies, and therefore his name has been transmitted with that account of him (which your question implies). But he was one of the men of antiquity.'
14. Zze-kang asked about government. The Master said, 'Sze, did I not instruct you on that subject before? The superior man who is well acquainted with ceremonial usages and music has only to take and apply them in order to practise government).'
15. Zze-kang again put the question, and the Master said, 'Sze, do you think that the stools and mats must be set forth, the hall ascended and descended, the cups filled and offered, the pledge-cup presented and returned, before we can speak of ceremonial usages ? Do you think that there must be the movements of the performers in taking up their positions, the brandishing of the plumes and fifes, the sounding of the bells and drums before we can speak of music? To speak and to carry into execution what you have spoken is ceremony; to act and to give and receive pleasure from what you do is music. The ruler who vigorously pursues these two things may well stand with his face to the south, for thus will great peace and order be secured all under heaven; the feudal lords will come to his court; all things will obtain their proper development and character; and no single officer will dare to shrink from the discharge of his functions. Where such ceremony prevails, all government is well ordered ; where it is neglected, all falls into disorder and confusion. A house made by a good (though unassisted) eye will yet have the corner of honour, and the steps on the east for the host to ascend by; every mat have its upper and lower end; every chariot have
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KUNG-Nİ YEN KÜ.
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its right side and left; walkers follow one another, and those who stand observe a certain order :-such were the right rules of antiquity. If an apartment were made without the corner of honour and the steps on the east, there would be confusion in the hall and apartment. If mats had not their upper and lower ends, there would be confusion among the occupants of them; if carriages were made without their left side and right, there would be confusion in their seats ; if people did not follow one another in walking, there would be confusion on the roads ; if people observed no order in standing, there would be disorder in the places they occupy. Anciently the sage Tis and intelligent kings and the feudal lords, in making a distinction between noble and mean, old and young, remote and near, male and female, outside and inside, did not presume to allow any to transgress the regular rule they had to observe, but all proceeded in the path which has been indicated.'
16. When the three disciples had heard these words from the Master, they saw clearly as if a film had been removed from their eyes.
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BOOK XXVI. KHUNG-BZE HSIEN KÜ
OR
CONFUCIUS AT HOME AT LEISURE".
1. Confucius being at home at leisure, with Zzehsia by his side, the latter said, 'With reference to the lines in the Book of Poetry (III, ii, ode 8, I),
“The happy and courteous sovereign
Is the father and mother of the people;" I beg to ask what the sovereign must be, who can be called "the parent of the people."' Confucius said, 'Ah! the parent of the people! He must have penetrated to the fundamental principles of ceremonies and music, till he has reached the five extreme points to which they conduct, and the three that have no positive existence, and be able to exhibit these all under heaven; and when evil is impending in any part of the kingdom, he must have a foreknowledge of it:such an one is he whom we denominate the parent of the people.'
2. 3ze-hsià said, 'I have thus heard (your explanation) of the name "parent of the people;" allow me to ask what “the five extreme points " (that you mention) mean. Confucius said, 'The furthest aim of the mind has also its furthest expression in the Book of Poetry. The furthest expression of the Book of Poetry has also its furthest embodiment in the ceremonial usages. The furthest embodiment
See the introductory notice, vol. xxvii, page 41.
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KHUNG-SZE HSIEN KÜ.
279
in the ceremonial usages has also its furthest indication in music. The furthest indication of music has also its furthest indication in the voice of sorrow. Sorrow and joy produce, each the other; and thus it is that when we look with the directest vision of the eyes at (these extreme points) we cannot see them, and when we have bent our ears with the utmost tension we cannot hear them. The mind and spirit must embrace all within heaven and earth :--these are what we denominate “the five extreme points."
3. 3ze-hsiâ said, 'I have heard your explanation of “the five extreme points;" allow me to ask what "the three points that have no positive existence" mean. Confucius said, 'The music that has no sound; ceremonial usages that have no embodiment; the mourning that has no garb :these are what we denominate “the three points that have no positive existence." Zze-hsiâ said, I have heard what you have said on those three negations; allow me to ask in which of the odes we find the nearest expression of them.' Confucius said, 'There is that (IV, ii, ode 1, 6), “Night and day he enlarged its foundations by
his deep and silent virtue :"there is music without sound. And that (I, iii, ode 1, 3), “My deportment has been dignified and good,
Without anything wrong that can be pointed out;”— there is the ceremony that has no embodiment. And that (1, iii, ode 10, 4), “When among any of the people there was a death,
I crawled on my knees to help them:"there is the mourning that has no garb.'
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4. 3ze-hsiâ said, 'Your words are great, admirable, and complete. Do they exhaust all that can be said on the subject? Is there nothing more?' Confucius said, 'How should it be so ? When a superior man practises these things, there still arise five other points.
5. 3ze-hsià said, How is that?' Confucius said, When there is that music without sound, there is no movement of the spirit or will in opposition to it. When there is that ceremony without embodiment, all the demeanour is calm and gentle. When there is that mourning without garb, there is an inward reciprocity, and great pitifulness.
When there is that music without sound, the spirit and will are mastered. When there is that ceremony without embodiment, all the demeanour is marked by courtesy. When there is that mourning without garb, it reaches to all in all quarters.
When there is that music without sound, the spirit and will are followed. When there is that ceremony without embodiment, high and low are harmonious and united. When there is that mourning without garb, it goes on to nourish all regions.
When there is that music without sound, it is daily heard in all the four quarters of the kingdom. When there is that ceremony without embodiment, there is a daily progress and a monthly advance. When there is that mourning without garb, the virtue (of him who shows it) becomes pure and very bright.
When there is that music without sound, all spirits and wills are roused by it. When there is that ceremony without embodiment, its influence extends to all within the four seas. When there is
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KHUNG-BZE HSIEN KÜ.
281
that mourning without garb, it extends to future generations.'
6. Zze-hsiâ said, '(It is said that) the virtue of the kings (who founded the) three dynasties was equal to that of heaven and earth; allow me to ask of what nature that virtue was which could be said to put its possessors on an equality with heaven and earth.' Confucius said, 'They reverently displayed the Three Impartialities, while they comforted all beneath the sky under the toils which they imposed.' 3ze-hsià said, Allow me to ask what you call the “Three Impartialities."' Confucius said, 'Heaven overspreads all without partiality; Earth sustains and contains all without partiality; the Sun and Moon shine on all without partiality. Reverently displaying these three characteristics and thereby comforting all under heaven under the toils which they imposed, is what is called "the Three Impartialities.” It is said in the Book of Poetry (IV, iii, ode 4, 3), “God in His favour Thang's House would not leave, And then Thang rose that favour to receive. Thang's birth was not from Hsieh too far re
moved, His sagely reverence daily greater proved; For long to Heaven his brilliant influence rose, And while his acts the fear of God disclose, God Thang as model fit for the nine regions
chose:"— such was the virtue of Thang.
7. .To Heaven belong the four seasons, spring, autumn, winter, summer, with wind, rain, hoar-frost, and dew;—in the action) of all and each of these there is a lesson.
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THE LÎ ki.
BK. XXVI.
'Earth contains the mysterious energy (of nature). That mysterious energy (produces) the wind and thunder-clap. By the wind and thunder-clap the (seeds of) forms are carried abroad, and the various things show the appearance of life :-in all and each of these things there is a lesson.
8. "When the personal character is pure and bright, the spirit and mind are like those of a spiritual being. When what such an one desires is about to come, there are sure to be premonitions of it in advance, (as when) Heaven sends down the seasonable rains, and the hills produce the clouds. As it is said in the Book of Poetry (III, iii, ode 5, 1), “How grand and high, with hugest bulk, arise Those southern hills whose summits touch the
skies! Down from them came a Spirit to the earth, And to the sires of Fa and Shăn gave birth. In those two states our Kâu a bulwark has, O'er which the southern foemen dare not pass, And all its states they screen, and through them
spread Lessons of virtue, by themselves displayed :"— such was the virtue of (kings) Wăn and Wa.
9. 'As to the kings (who founded) the three dynasties, it was necessary that they should be preceded by the fame of their forefathers. As it is said in the Book of Poetry (III, iii, ode 8, 6), “Very intelligent were the sons of Heaven,
Their good fame was without end :"such was the virtue of (the founders) of the three dynasties.
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(And again), “ He displayed his civil virtues,
And they permeated all parts of the kingdom:”— such was the virtue of king Thâi.'
10. Zze-hsiâ rose up with a sudden joy, and, standing with his back to the wall, said, 'Your disciple dares not but receive (your instructions) with reverence.'
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BOOK XXVII. FANG KI
OR
RECORD OF THE DYKES !.
1. According to what the Masters said, the ways laid down by the superior men may be compared to dykes, the object of which is to conserve that in which the people may be deficient; and though they may be on a great scale, the people will yet pass over them. Therefore the superior men framed rules of ceremony for the conservation of virtue ; punishments to serve as a barrier against licentiousness; and declared the allotments (of Heaven), as a barrier against evil desires.
2. The Master said, “The small man, when poor, feels the pinch of his straitened circumstances; and when rich, is liable to become proud. Under the pinch of that poverty he may proceed to steal; and when proud, he may proceed to deeds of disorder. The rules of propriety recognise these feelings of men, and lay down definite regulations for them, to serve as dykes for the people. Hence the sages dealt with riches and honours, so that riches should
See the introductory notice, vol. xxvii, pp. 41, 42. * Any reader acquainted with Chinese will see that the character fang (5) is used substantively and meaning a dyke,' and as a verb, 'to serve as a dyke.' But a dyke has two uses :-to conserve what is inside it, preventing its flowing away; and to ward off what is without, barring its entrance and encroachment. So the character is here used in both ways. The Khien-lung editors insist on this twofold application of it, tersely and convincingly.
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not have power to make men proud ; that poverty should not induce that feeling of being pinched; and that men in positions of honour should not be intractable to those above them. In this way the causes of disorder would more and more disappear.'
3. The Master said, ' Under heaven the cases are few in which the poor yet find enjoyment, the rich yet love the rules of propriety, and a family that is numerous (and strong) yet remains quiet and at peace. As it is said in the Book of Poetry (111, iii, ode 3, 11), “The people desire disorder,
And find enjoyment in bitter, poisonous ways." Hence it was made the rule that no state should have more than 1000 chariots, no chief city's wall more than 100 embrasures, no family, however rich, more than 100 chariots. These regulations were intended for the protection of the people, and yet some of the lords of states rebelled against them.'
4. The Master said, 'It is by the rules of ceremony that what is doubtful is displayed, and what is minute is distinguished, that they may serve as dykes for the people. Thus it is that there are the grades of the noble and the mean, the distinctions of dress, the different places at court; and so the people are taught to give place to one another.'
5. The Master said, 'There are not two suns in the sky, nor two kings in a territory, nor two masters in a family, nor two superiors of equal honour; and the people are shown how the distinction between ruler and subject should be maintained.
Literally, the poor are fond of (enjoyment);' but the fond of' is acknowledged to be an addition to the text.
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THE LÎ ki.
BK. XXVII.
The Khun Khid does not mention the funeral rites for the kings of Khu and Yüeh. According to the rules, the ruler of a state is not spoken of as “Heaven's," and a Great officer is not spoken of as "a ruler;"-lest the people should be led astray. It is said in the ode, "Look at (that bird) which in the night calls out for
the morning?." Even this is still occasion for being dissatisfied with it.'
6. The Master said, ' A ruler does not ride in the same carriage with those of the same surname with himself; and when riding with those of a different surname, he wears a different dress ;-to show the people that they should avoid what may give rise to suspicion. This was intended to guard the people (from incurring suspicion), and yet they found that there were those of the same surname who murdered their ruler?'
7. The Master said, “The superior man will decline a position of high honour, but not one that is mean; and riches, but not poverty. In this way confusion and disorder will more and more disappear. Hence the superior man, rather than have his emoluments superior to his worth, will have his worth superior to his emoluments.'
8. The Master said, 'In the matter of a cup of liquor and a dish of meat, one may forego his claim and receive that which is less than his due ;
1 This is from one of the old pieces, which have been forgotten and lost. Is the bird alluded to the cock ? and where is the point of the reference ?
· The Khien-lung editors labour in vain to make this paragraph clear, and say that it is an error of errors' to ascribe it to Confucius.
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FANG XI.
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and yet the people will try to obtain more than is due to their years. When one's mat has been spread for him in a high place, he may move and take his seat on a lower; and yet the people will try to occupy the place due to rank. From the high place due to him at court one may in his humility move to a meaner place; and yet the people shall be intrusive even in the presence of the ruler. As it is said in the Book of Poetry (II, vii, ode 9, 4), “When men in disputations fine
To hear their consciences refuse, Then 'gainst each other they repine,
And each maintains his special views. If one a place of rank obtain,
And scorn humility to show, The others view him with disdain,
And, wrangling, all to ruin go.”' 9. The Master said, 'The superior man exalts others and abases himself; he gives the first place to others and takes the last himself ;-and thus the people are taught to be humble and yielding. Thus when he is speaking of the ruler of another state, he calls him “ The Ruler;" but when mentioning his own ruler, he calls him “Our ruler of little virtue."
10. The Master said, 'When advantages and rewards are given to the dead first", and to the living afterwards, the people will not act contrarily to the (character of) the dead. When (the 'ruler) places those who are exiles (from and for their state) first, and those who remain in it last, the people may be
The memory of the dead would be honoured, and titles given to them, while those they left behind would be supported.
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trusted with (the most arduous duties). It is said in the Book of Poetry (I, iii, ode 3, 4),
“In thinking of our deceased lord,
She stimulated worthless me.” When this dyke is set up for the people, will they still act contrarily to the dead and have to bewail their lot, with none to whom to appeal ?'
11. The Master said, “When the ruler of a state, with its clans, thinks much of the men and little of the emoluments (which he bestows on them), the people give place readily (to those men). When he thinks much of their ability, and little of the chariots (with which he rewards them), the people address themselves to elegant arts. Hence a superior man keeps his speech under control, while the small man is forward to speak.'
12. The Master said, “If superiors consider and are guided by the words of the people, the people. receive their gifts or commands as if they were from Heaven. If superiors pay no regard to the words of the people, the people put themselves in opposition to them. When inferiors do not receive the gifts of their superiors as if they were from Heaven, there ensues violent disorder. Hence, when the superior exhibits his confidence and courtesy in the government of the people, then the usages of the people in response to him are very great. It is said in the Book of Poetry (III, ii, ode 10, 3), “Remember what in days of old they spake,
With grass and fuel-gatherers counsel take."
13. The Master said, 'If (the ruler) ascribe what is good to others, and what is wrong to himself, the
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people will not contend (among themselves). If he ascribe what is good to others, and what is wrong to himself, dissatisfactions will more and more disappear. It is said in the Book of Poetry (I, v, ode 4, 2), “You had consulted the tortoise-shell ; you had
consulted the stalks; In their responses there was nothing unfavour
able." 14. The Master said, If the ruler) ascribe what is good to others and what is wrong to himself, the people will yield to others (the credit of) what is good in them. It is said in the Book of Poetry (III, i, ode 10, 7),
“He examined and divined, did the king,
About settling in the capital of Hâo. The tortoise-shell decided the site,
And king Wa completed the city.” 15. The Master said, 'If (ministers) ascribe what is good to their ruler and what is wrong to themselves, the people will become loyal. It is said in the Book of History (V, xxi, 6),
""When you have any good plans or counsels, enter and lay them before your ruler in the court; and thereafter, when you are acting abroad in accordance with them, say, 'This plan, or this view, is all due to the virtue of our ruler !' Oh! in this way how good and distinguished will you be!”'
16. The Master said, If (a ruler, being a son) ascribe what is good to his father, and what is wrong to himself, the people will become filial. It is said in “The Great Declaration," “ If I subdue Kâu, it will not be my prowess, but the faultless virtue of
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my deceased father Wăn. If Kàu subdues me, it will not be from any fault of my deceased father Wăn, but because I, who am as a little child, am not good”. (Shu, V, i, sect. 3, 6).
17. The Master said, 'A superior man will forget and not make much of the errors of his father, and will show his reverence for his excellence. It is said in the Lun Yü (1, xi), “ He who for three years does not change from the way of his father, may be pronounced filial;" and in the Kâo Zung (Sha, III, viii, 1) it is said, “For three years he kept without speaking ; when he did speak, they were delighted."
18. The Master said, 'To obey (his parents') commands without angry (complaint); to remonstrate with them gently without being weary; and not to murmur against them, though they punish him, may be pronounced filial piety. It is said in the Book of Poetry (III, ii, ode 3, 5), "Your filial son was unceasing in his service.”'
19. The Master said, 'To cultivate harmony with all the kindred of parents may be pronounced filial! It is said in the Book of Poetry (II, vii, ode 9, 3), “ Brethren whose virtue stands the test,
By bad example still unchanged, Their generous feelings manifest,
Nor grow among themselves estranged, But if their virtue weakly, fails
The evil influence to withstand, Then selfishness o'er love prevails,
And troubles rise on every hand.”' 20. The Master said, ' (A son) may ride in the chariot of an intimate friend of his father, but he
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should not wear his robes. By this (rule) the superior man widens (the sphere of) his filial duty.'
21. The Master said, 'Small men are all able to support their parents. If the superior man do not also reverence them, how is his supporting to be distinguished (from theirs)?'
22. The Master said, 'Father and son should not be in the same (official) position ;-to magnify the reverence (due to the father). It is said in the Book of History (Shd, III, v, sect. 1, 3), “ If the sovereign do not show himself the sovereign, he disgraces his ancestors."
23. The Master said, “Before his parents (a son) should not speak of himself as old; he may speak of the duty due to parents, but not of the gentle kindness due from them; inside the female apartments he may sport, but should not sigh. By these (rules) the superior man would protect the people (from evil), and still they are found slight in their acknowledgment of filial duty, and prompt in their appreciation of gentle kindness.
24. The Master said, 'When they who are over the people show at their courts their respect for the old, the people become filial.'
25. The Master said, “The (use of the representatives of the deceased at sacrifices, and of one who presides (at the services) in the ancestral temple, was intended to show the people that they had still those whom they should serve. The repairing of the ancestral temple and the reverential performance of the sacrifices were intended to teach the people to follow their dead with their filial duty. These things should guard the people (from evil), and still they are prone to forget their parents.'
U 2
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26. The Master said, 'When (it is wished to) show respect to guests), the vessels of sacrifice are used". Thus it is that the superior man will not in the poverty of his viands neglect the rules of ceremony, nor in their abundance and excellence make those rules disappear. Hence, according to the rules of feasting, when the host gives in person anything to a guest, the guest offers a portion in sacrifice, but he does not do so with what the host does not himself give him. Therefore, when there is no ceremony in the gift, however admirable it may be, the superior man does not partake of it. It is said in the Yi, “The ox slain in sacrifice by the neighbour on the east is not equal to the spare spring sacrifice of the neighbour on the west, (whose sincerity) receives the blessing?." It is said in the Book of Poetry (III, ii, ode 3, 1), "You have made us drink to the full of your
spirits, You have satiated us with your virtue." But though in this way the people are admonished, they will still keep striving after profit, and forget righteousness.
27. The Master said, “There are the seven days of fasting, and the three days of vigil and adjustment of the thoughts; there is the appointment of the one man to act as the personator of the dead, in passing whom it is required to adopt a hurried pace :-all to teach reverence (for the departed)
1 This would be in the entertainment, at the close of the sacrifices, given to the relatives and others who had taken part in them.
· This is the symbolism of the fifth line of the 63rd Hexagram (Ki 3i). See vol. xvi, pp. 206–208.
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The sweet liquor is in the apartment (where the personator is); the reddish in the hall; and the clear in the court below :--all to teach the people not to go to excess in being greedy?
The personator drinks three cups, and all the guests drink one :-teaching the people that there must be the distinction of high and low.
The ruler takes the opportunity of the spirits and flesh of his sacrifice to assemble all the members of his kindred :-teaching the people to cultivate harmony.
Thus it is that on the hall above they look at what is done in the apartment, and in the court below at what is done by those in the hall (for their pattern); as it is said in the Book of Poetry (II, vi, ode 5, 3),
Every form is according to rule;
Every smile and word is as it should be.' 28. The Master said, 'The giving place to a visitor at every stage of his advancing (from the entrance gate), according to the rules for visitors; and the repetition of the ceremonies, according to the mourning rites, in an ever-increasing distance from the apartment of the corpse; the washing of the corpse over the pit in the centre of the open court; the putting the rice into the mouth under the window; the slighter dressing of the corpse inside the door of the apartment; the greater dressing at the top of the steps on the east; the coffining in the place for guests; the sacrifice on taking the road (with the coffin) in the courtyard; and the interment in the grave :-these were intended to teach the people how the element of distance enters into the
The best liquor was in the lowest place.
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THE LI Kİ.
usages. Under the Yin dynasty they condoled with the mourners at the grave; they do so under Kâu in the house-showing the people that they should not neglect the custom.'
294
BK. XXVII.
The Master said, '(These services in connexion with) death are the last duties which the people have to pay (to their departed). I follow Kâu in them. They were intended to serve as guards to the people (to keep them from error). Among the princes, however, there still were those who did not attend the burials of other princes, and take part in them'.'
29. The Master said, 'The going up to the hall by the steps for the guests, and receiving the condolences sent to him in the guests' place, are designed to teach the filial to continue their filial duty even to the dead.
'Until the mourning rites are finished, a son is not styled "Ruler:"—showing the people that there ought to be no contention (between father and son). Hence in the Khun Khiû of Lû, recording deaths in 3in, it is said, "(Li Kho) killed Hsi-kht, the son of his ruler, and his ruler Kho2:"- -a barrier was thus raised to prevent the people (from doing such deeds). And yet there were sons who still murdered their fathers.'
30. The Master said, 'Filial duty may be transferred to the service of the ruler, and brotherly sub
It is not easy to determine the meaning of the text in this sentence. Chinese writers differ about it among themselves. The whole paragraph, indeed, is confused; and the second 'The Master said' should probably form a paragraph by itself.
• This forms two entries in the Khun Khiû, under the ninth and tenth years of duke Hsî. The first notice is according to the rule about a son of a feudal prince being still only called 'Son' till the mourning for his father was completed, and the second is contrary to it. The concluding remark is also away from the point.
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mission to the service of elders :-showing the people that they ought not to be double-minded. Hence a superior man, while his ruler is alive, should not take counsel about taking office (in another state). It is only on the day of his consulting the tortoise-shell (about such a thing) that he will mention two rulers'.'
'The mourning for a father lasts for three years, and that for a ruler the same time:-showing the people that they must not doubt (about the duty which they owe to their ruler).
'While his parents are alive, a son should not dare to consider his wealth as his own, nor to hold any of it as for his own private use:-showing the people how they should look on the relation between high and low. Hence the son of Heaven cannot be received with the ceremonies of a guest anywhere within the four seas, and no one can presume to be his host. Hence, also, when a ruler goes to a minister's (mansion) he goes up to the hall by the (host's) steps on the east and proceeds to the place (of honour) in the hall: showing the people that they should not dare to consider their houses their own.
BK. XXVII.
'While his parents are alive, the gifts presented to a son should not extend to a carriage and its team :showing the people that they should not dare to monopolise (any honours).
"
All these usages were intended to keep the people from transgressing their proper bounds; and yet there are those who forget their parents, and are doubleminded to their ruler.'
31. The Master said, 'The ceremony takes place before the silks (offered in connexion with it) are
1 The translation here is according to a view appended by the Khien-lung editors to the usual notes on the sentence.
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THE LÎ xi.
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presented :-this is intended to teach the people to make the doing of their duties the first thing, and their salaries an after consideration. If money be sought first and the usages of propriety last, then the people will be set on gain: if the mere feeling be acted on, without any expressions (of courtesy and deference), there will be contentions among the people. Hence the superior man, when presents are brought to him, if he cannot see him who offers them, does not look at the presents. It is said in the Y1, “He reaps without having ploughed that he may reap; he gathers the produce of the third year's field without having cultivated them the first year;there will be evil?.” In this way it is sought to guard the people, and yet there are of them who value their emoluments and set little store by their practice.'
32. The Master said, 'The superior man does not take all the profit that he might do, but leaves some for the people. It is said in the Book of Poetry (II, vi, ode 8, 3), “There shall be handfuls left on the ground,
And ears here and there left untouched;
For the benefit of the widow." 'Hence, when a superior man is in office (and enjoys its emoluments), he does not go in for farming; if he hunts, he does not (also) fish; he eats the (fruits of the) season, and is not eager for delicacies ; if a Great officer, he does not sit on sheepskins; if a lower officer, he does not sit on dogskins. It is said in the Book of Poetry (I, iii, ode 10, 1),
? See the symbolism of line 2, of the 25th Hexagram, vol. xvi, pp. 110, 111. The last character here is not in the Yi, and a different moral seems to be drawn from the whole.
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“When we gather the mustard-plant and earth
melons, We do not reject them because of their roots. While I do nothing contrary to my good name,
I should live with you till our death." In this way it was intended to guard the people against loving wrong; and still some forget righteousness and struggle for gain, even to their own ruin.'
33. The Master said, “The ceremonial usages serve as dykes to the people against bad excesses (to which they are prone). They display the separation which should be maintained (between the sexes), that there may be no occasion for suspicion, and the relations of the people be well defined. It is said in the Book of Poetry (I, viii, ode vi, 3, 4), "How do we proceed in hewing an axe-handle ? Without another axe it cannot be done. How do we proceed in taking a wife? Without a go-between it cannot be done. How do we proceed in planting hemp ? The acres must be dressed length-wise and cross
wise. How do we proceed in taking a wife ?
Announcement must first be made to our parents.” In this way it was intended to guard the people (against doing wrong), and still there are some (women) among them, who offer themselves (to the male).'
34. The Master said, 'A man in taking a wife does not take one of the same surname with himself :-to show broadly the distinction (to be maintained between man and wife). Hence, when a man is buying a concubine, if he do not know her surname,
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he consults the tortoise-shell about it. In this way it was intended to preserve the people (from going wrong in the matter); and yet the Khun Khid of La still suppresses the surname of duke Kao's wife, simply saying “wa," and the record of her death is "Măng (the elder) 3ze died?.”'
35. The Master said, 'According to the rules, male and female do not give the cup to one another, excepting at sacrifice. This was intended to guard the people against (undue freedom of intercourse); and yet the marquis of Yang killed the marquis of Ma, and stole away his wife? Therefore the presence of the wife at the grand entertainments was disallowed.'
36. The Master said, 'With the son of a widow one does not have interviews :—this would seem to be an obstacle to friendship, but a superior man will keep apart from intercourse in such a case, in order to avoid (suspicion). Hence, in the intercourse of friends, if the master of the house be not in, a visitor, unless there is some great cause, does not enter the door. This was intended to preserve the people (from all appearance of evil); and yet there are of them who pay more regard to beauty than to virtue.'
37. The Master said, “The love of virtue should be like the love of beauty (from an inward constraint). Princes of states should not be like fishers for beauty
· The latter entry is found in the Khun Khið, under the twelfth year of duke Âi. The lady's surname is not found in that King at all; and Confucius himself probably suppressed it. Compare what is said in the Analects, VII, 30, where the sage, on the same subject, does not appear to more advantage than he does here.
• Who these princes were, or what were the circumstances of the case, is not known.
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(in the families) below them. Hence the superior man keeps aloof from beauty, in order to constitute a rule for the people. Thus male and female, in giving and receiving, do not allow their hands to touch; in driving his wife in a carriage, a husband advances his left hand; when a young aunt, a sister, or a daughter has been married, and returns (to her father's house), no male can sit on the same mat with her; a widow should not wail at night; when a wife is ill, in asking for her, the nature of her illness should not be mentioned :-in this way it was sought to keep the people (from irregular connexions); and yet there are those who become licentious, and introduce disorder and confusion among their kindred.'
38. The Master said, 'According to the rules of marriage, the son-in-law should go in person to meet the bride. When he is introduced to her father and mother, they bring her forward, and give her to him?:-being afraid things should go contrary to what is right. In this way a dyke is raised in the interest of the people; and yet there are cases in which the wife will not go (to her husband's)?'
1 Warning her, at the same time, to see that she reverenced her husband.
* We should rather say here—' in which the bride will not go to the bridegroom's.' The commentators do not give instances in point from the records of Chinese history. Perhaps the Master merely meant to say that there were cases in which the bride did not go to her new home in the spirit of reverence and obedience enjoined upon her.
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BOOK XXVIII. KUNG YUNG
OR
THE STATE OF EQUILIBRIUM AND HARMONY'.
SECTION I. 1. What Heaven has conferred is called the Nature. An accordance with this nature is called the Path of Duty; the regulation of this path is called the System of Instruction.
2. The path should not be left for an instant ; if it could be left, it would not be the path.
3. On this account the superior man does not wait till he sees things to be cautious, nor till he hears things to be apprehensive.
4. There is nothing more visible than what is secret, and nothing more manifest than what is minute. Therefore the superior man is watchful over himself when he is alone.
5. When there are no stirrings of pleasure, anger, sorrow, or joy, we call it the State of Equilibrium. When those feelings have been stirred, and all in their due measure and degree, we call it the State of Harmony. This Equilibrium is the great root (from which grow all the human actings) in the world; and this Harmony is the universal path (in which they should all proceed).
6. Let the State of Equilibrium and Harmony exist in perfection, and heaven and earth
See the introductory notice, vol. xxvii, pp. 42, 43.
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would have their (right) places, (and do their proper work), and all things would be nourished (and flourish)?
7. Kung-nis said, The superior man (exhibits) the state of equilibrium and harmony8; the small
· These six short paragraphs may be considered a summary of the Confucian doctrine, and a sort of text to the sermon which follows in the rest of the Treatise; the first chapter of it. The commencing term, Heaven, gives us, vaguely, the idea of a supreme, righteous, and benevolent Power ; while heaven and earth,' in paragraph 6, bring before us the material heaven and earth with inherent powers and capabilities, by the interaction of which all the phenomena of production, growth, and decay are produced. Midway between these is Man; and nothing is wanting to make a perfectly happy world but his moral perfection, evidenced by his perfect conformity to the right path, the path of duty. The superior man,' in paragraph 3, bas evidently the moral signification of the name in its highest degree. He is the man who embodies the path ( Ź N . The description of him in paragraph 4, that he is watchful over himself when alone,' is, literally, that he is watchful over his solitariness,—his aloneness,' that'solitariness' being, I conceive, the ideal of his own nature to which every man in his best and highest moments is capable of attaining. · See the introductory notice of Book XXV.
Formerly I translated this by `The superior man (embodies) the course of the mean.' Zottoli gives for it, Sapiens vir tenet medium;' Rémusat, 'Le sage tient invariablement le milieu,' and 'Sapiens medio constat.' The two characters Kung yung ( W), however, are evidently brought on from the preceding chapter, yung (9) being used instead of the ho Ef) in paragraphs 5 and 6. In the Khang-hsf dictionary, we find that yung is defined by ho, among other terms, with a reference to a remark of King Hsuan, preserved by LQ Teh-ming, that the Book is named the Kung Yung, because it records the practice of the Kung Ho.' Kang was obliged to express himself so, having defined the yung of the title by another yung (), meaning "use' or 'practice. But both kung and yung are adjectival terms used substantively.
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man presents the opposite of those states. The superior man exhibits them, because he is the superior man, and maintains himself in them; the small man presents the opposite of them, because he is the small man, and exercises no apprehensive caution.'
8. The Master said, 'Perfect is the state of equilibrium and harmony! Rare have they long been among the people who could attain to it!'
9. The Master said, I know how it is that the Path is not walked in. The knowing go beyond it, and the stupid do not come up to it. The worthy go beyond it, and the unworthy do not come up to it. There is nobody but eats and drinks; but they are few who can distinguish the flavours (of what they eat and drink)?'
10. The Master said, 'Ah! how is the path untrodden!'
11. The Master said, “Was not Shun grandly wise ? Shun loved to question others, and to study their words though they might be shallow. He concealed what was bad in them), and displayed what was good. He laid hold of their two extremes, determined the mean? between them, and used it in (his government of) the people. It was this that made him Shun!'
12. The Master said, “Men all say, "We are wise;" but being driven forward and taken in a net, a trap, or a pitfall, not one of them knows how to escape. Men all say, "We are wise;" but when they have chosen the state of equilibrium and harmony, they are not able to keep in it for a round month.'
1 Men eat and drink without knowing why or what.
* Here Kung has the signification of the mean,' the just medium between two extremes.
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13. The Master said, 'This was the character of Hui :-Having chosen the state of equilibrium and harmony, when he found any one thing that was good, he grasped it firmly, wore it on his breast, and did not let it go!'
14. The Master said, “The kingdom, its states, and clans may be perfectly ruled; dignities and emoluments may be declined; but the state of equilibrium and harmony cannot be attained to.'
15. 3ze-la? asked about fortitude. 16. The Master said, 'Do you mean the fortitude of the South, the fortitude of the North, or your fortitude ?' 17. To show forbearance and gentleness in teaching others; and not to return conduct towards one's self which is contrary to the right path : this is the fortitude of the South, and the good man makes it his study. 18. To lie under arms, and to die without regret:—this is the bravery of the North, and the bold make it their study. 19. Therefore, the superior man cultivates a (friendly) harmony, and is not weak ;how firm is he in his fortitude! He stands erect in the middle, and does not incline to either side ;how firm is he in his fortitude! If right ways prevail in (the government of his state), he does not change from what he was in retirement ;-how firm is he in his fortitude! If bad ways prevail, he will die sooner than change ;-how firm is he in his fortitude!'
20. The Master said, 'To search for what is
1 Zze-hui was Yen Yuan, Confucius' favourite disciple.
• 3ze-la was Kung Ya, another celebrated disciple, famous for his bravery. Your fortitude,' in paragraph 16, is probably the fortitude which you ought to cultivate, that described in paragraph 19.
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mysterious ?, and practise marvellous (arts), in order to be mentioned with honour in future ages :—this is what I do not do 21. The good man tries to proceed according to the (right) path, but when he has gone half-way, he abandons it ;-I am not able (so) to stop. 22. The superior man, acting in accordance with the state of equilibrium and harmony, may be all unknown and unregarded by the world, but he feels no regret :-it is only the sage who is able for this?
23. 'The way of the superior man reaches far and wide, and yet is secret. 24. Common men and women, however ignorant, may intermeddle with the knowledge of it; but in its utmost reaches there is that which even the sage does not know. Common men and women, however much below the ordinary standard of character, can carry it into practice; but in its utmost reaches, there is that which even the sage cannot attain to. 25. Great as heaven and earth are, men still find things in their action with which to be dissatisfied
26. “Therefore, if the superior man were to speak (of this way) in its greatness, nothing in the world would be able to contain it; and if he were to speak of it in its smallness, nothing in the world would be
1 This is translated from a reading of the text, as old as the second Han dynasty.
With this ends the second chapter of the Treatise, in which the words of Confucius are so often quoted; specially it would appear, to illustrate what is meant by the state of equilibrium and harmony. Yet there is a great want of definiteness and practical guidance about the utterances.
• Who does not grumble occasionally at the weather, and disturbances apparently of regular order in the seasons?
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found able to divide it. of Poetry (III, i, ode 5),
305
27. It is said in the Book
"Up to heaven flies the hawk; Fishes spring in the deep,"
telling how (the way) is seen above and below. 28. The way of the superior man may be found in its simple elements among common men and women, but in its utmost reaches it is displayed in (the operations of) heaven and earth'.'
29. The Master said, 'The path is not far from man. When men try to pursue a path which is far from what their nature suggests, it should not be considered the Path. 30. It is said in the Book of Poetry (I, xv, ode 5),
""
‘In hewing an axe-shaft, in hewing an axe-shaft, The pattern is not far off."
We grasp one axe-handle to hew the other; but if we look askance at it, we still consider it far off. 31. Therefore the superior man governs men according to their humanity; and when they change (what is wrong), he stops. 32. Fidelity to one's self and the corresponding reciprocity are not far from the path. What you do not like when done to yourself, do not do to others. 33. In the way of the superior man there are four things, to not one of which have I, Khiû, as yet attained.-To
1 With this chapter commences, it is commonly and correctly held, the third part of the Treatise, intended to illustrate what is said in the second paragraph of it, that the path cannot be left for an instant.' The author proceeds to quote sayings of Confucius to make his meaning clear, but he does so 'in a miscellaneous way,' and so as to embrace some of the widest and most difficult exercises of Chinese thought.
? The name first given to Confucius by his parents.
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serve my father as I would require my son to serve me, I am not yet able; to serve my ruler as I would require my minister to serve me, I am not yet able ; to serve my elder brother as I would require a younger brother to serve me, I am not yet able ; to set the example in behaving to a friend as I would require him to behave to me, I am not yet able. 34. In the practice of the ordinary virtues, and attention to his ordinary words, if (the practice) be in anything defective, (the superior man) dares not but exert himself; if (his words) be in any way excessive, he dares not allow himself in such license. His words have respect to his practice, and his practice has respect to his words. 35. Is not the superior man characterised by a perfect sincerity ?
36. “The superior man does what is proper to the position in which he is; he does not wish to go beyond it. In a position of wealth and honour, he does what is proper to a position of wealth and honour. In a position of poverty and meanness, he does what is proper to a position of poverty and meanness. Situated among barbarous tribes, he does what is proper in such a situation. In a position of sorrow and difficulty, he does what is proper in such a position. The superior man can find himself in no position in which he is not himself. 37. In a high situation, he does not insult or oppress those who are below him; in a low situation, he does not cling to or depend on those who are above him.
38. 'He rectifies himself, and seeks for nothing from others; and thus none feel dissatisfied with him. Above, he does not murmur against Heaven; below, he does not find fault with men. 39. Therefore the superior man lives quietly and calmly, waiting for the
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Lielf
appointments (of Heaven); while the mean man does what is full of risk, looking out for the turns of luck.' 40. The Master said, 'In archery we have something like (the way of) the superior man. When the archer misses the centre of the target, he turns round and seeks for the cause of his failure in himself.
41. The way of the superior man may be compared to what takes place in travelling, when to go far we must traverse the space that is near, and in ascending a height we must begin from the lower ground. 42. It is said in the Book of Poetry (II, i, ode 4, 7, 8),
“Children and wife we love;
Union with them is sweet, As lute's soft strain, that soothes our pain.
How joyous do we meet! But brothers more than they
Can satisfy the heart. 'Tis their accord does peace afford,
And lasting joy impart. For ordering of your homes,
For joy with child and wife, Consider well the truth I tell ;
This is the charm of life!" 43. The Master said, “How complacent are parents (in such a state of things)!
44. The Master said, “How abundant and rich are the powers possessed and exercised by Spiritual Beings! We look for them, but do not see them ; we listen for, but do not hear them; they enter into all things, and nothing is without them? 45. They
* We hardly see the relevancy of pars. 44-47 as illustrating the
X2
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cause all under Heaven to fast and purify themselves, and to array themselves in their richest dresses in order to attend at their sacrifices. Then, like overflowing water, they seem to be over the heads, and on the left and right (of their worshippers). 46. It is said in the Book of Poetry (III, iii, ode 2, 7), “The Spirits come, but when and where, No one beforehand can declare. The more should we not Spirits slight,
But ever feel as in their sight.” 47. Such is the manifestness of what is minute. Such is the impossibility of repressing the outgoings of sincerity!'
48. The Master said, 'How greatly filial was Shun! His virtue was that of a sage; his dignity was that of the son of Heaven; his riches were all within the four seas; his ancestral temple enjoyed his offerings; his descendants preserved (those to) himself. 49. Thus it was that with his great virtue he could not but obtain his position, his riches, his fame, and his long life. 50. Therefore Heaven, in
statement that the path cannot be left.' They bear rather on the next statement of the first chapter, the manifestness of that which is most minute, and serve to introduce the subject of sincerity,' which is dwelt upon so much in the last part of the Treatise. But what are the Spirits or Spiritual Beings that are spoken of? In paragraphs 45, 46, they are evidently the spirits sacrificed to in the ancestral temple and spirits generally, according to our meaning of the term. The difficulty is with the name in paragraph 44, the Kwei Shăn there. Rémusat renders the phrase simply by 'les esprits,' and in his Latin version by 'spiritus geniique,' as also does Zottoli, Wylie gives for it the Spiritual Powers.' Of course Kâu Hss and all the Sung scholars take it, according to their philosophy, as meaning the phenomena of expansion and contraction, the displays of the Power or Powers, working under Heaven, in nature.
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producing things, is sure to be bountiful to them according to their qualities. 51. Thus it nourishes the tree that stands flourishing, and that which is ready to fall it overthrows. 52. It is said in the Book of Poetry (III, ii, ode 5, 1), “What brilliant virtue does our king,
Whom all admire and love, display! People and officers all sing
The praise of his impartial sway. Heaven to his sires the kingdom gave,
And him with equal favour views, Heaven's strength and aid will ever save
The throne whose grant it oft renews.” Hence (we may say that) he who is greatly virtuous is sure to receive the appointment (of Heaven).'
53. The Master said, 'It is only king Wăn of whom it can be said that he had no cause for grief! His father was king Ki, and his son was king Wa. His father laid the foundations of his dignity, and his son transmitted it. 54. King Wa continued the line and enterprise of kings Thai, K1, and Wăn. Once for all he buckled on his armour, and got possession of all under heaven; and all his life he did not lose the illustrious name of being that possessor. His dignity was that of the son of Heaven; his riches were all within the four seas; his ancestral temple enjoyed his offerings; and his descendants preserved those to himself. 55. It was in his old age that king Wû received the appointment (to the throne), and the duke of Kau completed the virtuous achievements of Wăn and Wa. He carried back the title of king to Thai and Ki, sacrificing also to all the dukes before them with the ceremonies of the son
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of Heaven. And the practice was extended as a rule to all the feudal princes, the Great officers, all other officers, and the common people. If the father were a Great officer, and the son an inferior officer, the former was buried with the ceremonies due to a Great officer, and sacrificed to with those due by an inferior officer. If the father were an ordinary officer, and the son a Great officer, the burial was that of an ordinary officer, and the sacrifices those of a Great officer. The one year's mourning extended up to Great officers ; the three years' mourning extended to the son of Heaven (himself). In the mourning for a father or mother no difference was made between the noble and the mean ;-it was one and the same for all.'
56. The Master said, 'How far-extending was the filial piety of king Wa and the duke of Kâu! Now filial piety is the skilful carrying out of the wishes of our forefathers, and the skilful carrying on of their undertakings. In spring and autumn they repaired and beautified the temple-halls of their ancestors, set forth their ancestral vessels, displayed their dresses, and presented the offerings of the several seasons. 57. By means of the ceremonies of the ancestral temple, they maintained the order of their ancestors sacrificed to, here on the left, there on the right, according as they were father or son; by arranging the parties present according to their rank, they distinguished between the more noble and the less; by the arrangement of the various services, they made a distinction of the talents and virtue of
* Two seasons, instead of the four, as in the title of the Khun Khiu.
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those discharging them; in the ceremony of general pledging, the inferiors presented the cup to the superiors, and thus something was given to the lowest to do; at the (concluding) feast, places were given according to the hair, and thus was made the distinction of years. 58. They occupied the places (of their forefathers); practised their ceremonies; performed their music; showed their respect for those whom they honoured; and loved those whom they regarded with affection. Thus they served the dead as they served them when alive, and served the departed as they would have served them if they had been continued among them :-all this was the perfection of filial duty.
59. 'By the ceremonies of the border sacrifices (to Heaven and Earth) they served God, and by those of the ancestral temple they sacrificed to their forefathers 1. 60. If one understood the ceremonies of the border sacrifices and the meaning of the sacrifices of the ancestral temple, it would be as easy for him to rule a state as to look into his palm'.'
1 The phraseology of this paragraph and the next is to be taken in accordance with the usage of terms in the chapters on Sacrifices. With this ends, according to the old division of the Treatise, followed by the Khien-lung editors, the first section of it; and with it, we may say, ends also the special quotation by the author of the words of Confucius to illustrate what is said in the first chapter about the path being never to be left. The relevancy of much of what we read from paragraph 24 downwards to the purpose which it is said to serve, it is not easy for us to appreciate. All that the Master says from paragraph 48 seems rather to belong to a Treatise on Filial Piety than to one on the States of Equilibrium and Harmony.
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SECTION II.
1. Duke Ai asked about government1. The Master said, 'The government of Wăn and Wû is exhibited in (the Records),-the tablets of wood and bamboo. Let there be the men, and their government would (again) flourish; but without the men, their government must cease. 2. With the (right) men the growth of government is rapid, (just as) in the earth the growth of vegetation is rapid. 3. Government is (like) an easily-growing rush2. 4. Therefore the exercise of government depends on (getting) the proper men. 5. (Such) men are to be got by (the ruler's) own character. That character is to be cultivated by his pursuing the right course. That course is to be cultivated by benevolence. 6. Benevolence is (the chief element in) humanity 3, and the greatest exercise of it is in the love of relatives. Righteousness is (the accordance of actions with) what is right, and the greatest exercise of it is in the honour paid to the worthy. The decreasing
1 A considerable portion of this chapter, with variations and additions, is found in the Narratives of the School, forming the 17th article of that compilation. It may very well stand by itself; but the author of the Kung Yung adopted it, and made it fit into his own way of thinking.
2 Literally, 'a typha or a phragmites.' Such is Kû Hsi's view of the text. The old commentators took a different view, which appears to me, and would appear to my readers, very absurd.
Literally, 'Benevolence is Man (t);' a remarkable saying, found elsewhere in the Lî Kî, and also in Mencius. The value of it is somewhat marred by what follows about 'righteousness' and 'propriety.'
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measures in the love of relatives, and the steps in the honour paid to the worthy, are produced by the principle of) propriety. 7. When those in inferior situations do not obtain (the confidence of) their superiors, the people cannot be governed successfully!. 8. Therefore the wise ruler should not neglect the cultivation of his character. Desiring to cultivate his character, he should not neglect to serve his parents. Desiring to serve his parents, he should not neglect to know men. Desiring to know men, he should not neglect to know Heaven. 9. The universal path for all under heaven is fivefold, and the (virtues) by means of which it is trodden are three. There are ruler and minister; father and son; husband and wife; elder brother and younger; and the intercourse of friend and friend:-(the duties belonging to) these five (relationships) constitute the universal path for all. Wisdom, benevolence, and fortitude :-these three are the universal virtues of all. That whereby these are carried into exercise is one thing 10. Some are born with the knowledge of these (duties); some know them by study; and some know them as the result of painful experience. But the knowledge being possessed, it comes to one and the same thing. 11. Some practise them with the ease of nature; some for the sake of their advantage; and some by
· This short sentence is evidently out of place. It is found again farther on in its proper place. It has slipped in here by mistake. There is a consent of opinion, ancient and modern, on this point
. One thing;' literally .one,' which might be translated 'singleness,' meaning, probably, the solitariness' of chapter i, or the sincerity' of which we read so often in the sequel.
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dint of strong effort. But when the work of them is done, it comes to one and the same thing?'
12. The Master said, 'To be fond of learning is near to wisdom; to practise with vigour is near to benevolence; to know to be ashamed is near to fortitude. He who knows these three things, knows how to cultivate his own character. Knowing how to cultivate his own character, he knows how to govern other men. Knowing how to govern other men, he knows how to govern the kingdom with its states and families.
13. ‘All who have the government of the kingdom with its states and families have nine standard rules to follow:-the cultivation of themselves; the honouring of the worthy; affection towards their relatives; respect towards their great ministers; kind and sympathetic treatment of the whole body of officers; dealing with the mass of the people as their children; encouraging the resort of all classes of artisans ; indulgent treatment of men from a distance; and the kindly cherishing of the princes of the states.
14. “By (the ruler's) cultivation of himself there is set up (the example of) the course (which all should pursue); by his honouring of the worthy, he will be preserved from errors of judgment; by his showing affection towards his relatives, there will be no dissatisfaction among his uncles and brethren; by respecting the great ministers he will be kept from mistakes; by kindly treatment of the whole body of officers, they will be led to make the most
After this, it follows in the Narratives :'-The duke said, Your words are admirable, are perfect ; but I am really stupid and unable to fulfil them.'
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grateful return for his courtesies; by dealing with the mass of the people as his children, they will be drawn to exhort one another (to what is good); by encouraging the resort of artisans, his wealth for expenditure will be rendered sufficient; by indulgent treatment of men from a distance, they will come to him from all quarters; by his kindly cherishing of the princes of the states, all under heaven will revere him.
15. 'The adjustment of all his thoughts, purification, arraying himself in his richest dresses, and the avoiding of every movement contrary to the rules of propriety ;-this is the way in which (the ruler) must cultivate his own character. Discarding slanderers, keeping himself from (the seductions of beauty, making light of riches and honouring virtue :this is the way by which he will encourage the worthy. Giving his relatives places of honour, and large emolument, and entering into sympathy with them in their likes and dislikes :—this is the way by which he can stimulate affection towards relatives. Giving them numerous officers to discharge their functions and execute their orders :this is the way by which he will stimulate his Great ministers. According to them a generous confidence, and making their emoluments large :-this is the way by which he will stimulate (the body of) his officers. Employing them (only) at the regular times and making the imposts light:—this is the way by which he will stimulate the people. Daily examinations and monthly trials, and rations and allowances in proportion to the work done :--this is the way in which he will stimulate the artisans. Escorting them on their departure, and meeting them on their coming, commending the good among them and showing pity to the incom
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petent:-this is the way in which he will manifest his indulgent treatment of men from a distance. Continuing families whose line of succession has been broken, reviving states that have ceased to exist, reducing confusion to order, supporting where there is peril; having fixed times for receiving the princes themselves and their envoys; sending them away after liberal treatment and with liberal gifts, and requiring from them small offerings on their coming :this is the way in which he will cherish with kindness the princes of the states.
16. All who have the government of the kingdom with its states and families have these nine standard rules to attend to. That whereby they are carried into exercise is one thing. In all things success depends on previous preparation ; without such preparation there is failure. If what is to be spoken be determined beforehand, there will be no stumbling in the utterance. If the things to be done be determined beforehand, there will be no difficulty with them. If actions to be performed be determined beforehand, there will be no difficulty with them. If actions to be performed be determined beforehand, there will be no sorrow or distress in connexion with them. If the courses to be pursued be determined beforehand, the pursuit of them will be inexhaustible 1.
17. "When those in inferior situations do not
1 The one thing in this paragraph carries us back to the same phrase in paragraph 9. If we confine our attention to this paragraph alone, we shall say, with Kăng and Ying-tâ, 'the one thing' is the preparation beforehand,' of which it goes on to speak; and it seems to be better not to grope here for a more mysterious meaning.
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obtain (the confidence of) their superiors, the people cannot be governed successfully.
18. 'There is a way to obtain (the confidence of) the superior;-if one is not believed in by his friends, he will not obtain the confidence of his superior. There is a way to secure being believed in by his friends;-if he be not in submissive accord with his parents, he will not be believed in by his friends. There is a way to secure submissive accord with parents; if one, on turning his thoughts in on himself, finds that he has not attained to the perfection of his nature 1, he will not be in submissive accord with his parents. There is a way to secure the perfection of the nature;—if a man have not a clear understanding of what is good, he will not attain to that perfection.
19. 'Perfection of nature is characteristic of Heaven. To attain to that perfection belongs to man. He who possesses that perfection hits what is right without any effort, and apprehends without any exercise of thought;-he is the sage who
2
SECT. II.
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1 Literally, 'that he is not sincere,' which is Mr. Wylie's rendering; or, as I rendered it in 1861, 'finds a want of sincerity.' But in the frequent occurrence of in the 'Sequel of the Treatise,' 'sincerity' is felt to be an inadequate rendering of it. Zottoli renders the clause by 'Si careat veritate, integritate,' and says in a note, est naturalis entis perfectio, quae rei convenit juxta genuinum Creatoris protypon, quaeque a creatore infunditur; proindeque est rei veritas, seu rei juxta veritatem perfectio.' It seems to me that this ideal perfection, as belonging to all things, which God made 'good,' is expressed by in the last clause; and that the realisation of that perfection by man, as belonging to his own nature, is the work of, and may be spoken of as actually and fully accomplished, or in the process of being accomplished. It is difficult with our antecedent knowledge and opinions to place ourselves exactly in the author's point of view.
8
-Rémusat, Zottoli, and many give for this name
"
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naturally and easily embodies the right way. He who attains to perfection is he who chooses what is good, and firmly holds it fast.
20. 'He extensively studies what is good ; inquires accurately about it; thinks carefully over it; clearly discriminates it; and vigorously practises it. While there is anything he has not studied, or in what he has studied there is anything he cannot (understand), he will not intermit his labour. While there is anything he has not asked about, or anything in what he has asked about that he does not know, he will not intermit his labour. While there is anything he has not thought over, or anything in what he has thought about that he does not know, he will not intermit his labour. While there is anything which he has not tried to discriminate, or anything in his discrimination that is not clear, he will not intermit his labour. While there is anything which he has not practised, or any want of vigour so far as he has practised, he will not intermit his labour.
'If another man succeed by one effort, he will use a hundred efforts ; if another succeed by ten, he will use a thousand. Let a man proceed in this way, and though stupid, he is sure to become intelligent; though weak, he is sure to become strong.
21. The understanding (of what is good), springing from moral perfection, is to be ascribed to the nature; moral perfection springing from the under
sanctus vir,''un saint,''the holy man.' I prefer, after all, to adhere to the rendering, 'le sage,' the sage.' The sage is the ideal man; the saint is the man sanctified by the Spirit of God. Humanity predominates in the former concept; Divinity in the latter. The ideas of morality and goodness belong to both names. See Mencius, VII, ix, 35, for his graduation of the appellations of good men.
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standing of what is good) is to be ascribed to instruction. But given the perfection, and there shall be the understanding; given the understanding, and there shall be the perfection?
22. It is only he of all under heaven who is entirely perfect that can give its full development to his nature. Able to give its full development to his own nature, he can also give the same to the nature of other men. Able to give its full development to the nature of other men, he can also give the same to the natures of animals and things. Able to give their full development to these, he can assist the transforming and nourishing operations of heaven and earth. Capable of assisting those transforming and nourishing operations, he can form a ternion with heaven and earth.
23. Next to the above is he who cultivates to the utmost the shoots (of goodness in his nature), till he becomes morally perfect. This perfection will then obtain embodiment; embodied, it will be manifested; manifested, it will become brilliant; brilliant,
With this paragraph there commences the last chapter of the Treatise. Sze-sze, it is said, takes up in it the commencing utterances in paragraph 19, and variously illustrates and prosecutes them. From the words 'nature and instruction' it is evident how he had the commencing chapter of the Treatise in his mind.
* The text is simply the nature of things;' but the word 'things ( comprehends all beings besides man. Zottoli's 'rerum natura' seems quite inadequate. Rémusat's Latin version is the same; his French is ' la nature des choses.' Wylie says, 'the nature of other objects. This chapter has profoundly affected all subsequent philosophical speculation in China. The ternion of Heaven, Earth, and Man' is commonly called San Zhai E +), 'the Three Powers.'
• The character in the text here is a difficult one :-ha (ili),
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it will go forth in action ; going forth in action, it will produce changes; producing changes, it will effect transformations. It is only he of all under heaven who is entirely perfect that can transform.
24. It is characteristic of him who is entirely perfect that he can foreknow. When a state or family is about to flourish, there are sure to be lucky omens, and when it is about to perish, there are sure to be unlucky omens. They will be seen in the tortoise-shell and stalks 1; they will affect the movements of the four limbs. When calamity or happiness is about to come, the good is sure to be foreknown by him, and the evil also. Hence, he who is entirely perfect is like a Spirit ?.
meaning crooked,' often used as the antithesis of 'straight;' but the title of the first Book in this collection shows that it need not be used only of what is bad. In that case, the phrase Ek ih would mean-carries to the utmost what is bad.' Zottoli's rendering of it by 'promovere declinatam naturam' is inadmissible. Nor can we accept Rémusat's diriger efforts vers une seule vertu,' which Wylie follows, merely substituting 'object' for 'vertu.' See the introduction on the title of the first Book. Very much to the point is an illustration by the scholar Pâi Lü:-'Put on stone on a bamboo shoot, or where it would show itself, and it will travel round the stone and come out crookedly at its side. So it is with the good nature, whose free and full development is repressed.
1 These were the two principal methods of divination practised from very ancient times. The stalks were those of the Ptarmica Sibirica; of which I possess a bundle brought from the tomb of Confucius in 1873. It is difficult to say anything about 'the four limbs,' which were to Kång the four feet of the tortoise.
3 The Spirit-man' is, according to Mencius' graduation, an advance on the Sage or Holy man, one whose action is mysterious and invisible, like the power of Heaven and Earth working in nature. Chinese predicates about him could not go farther.
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25. Perfection is seen in (its possessor's) selfcompletion; and the path (which is its embodiment), in its self-direction.
26. Perfection is (seen in) the beginning and end of (all) creatures and things. Without this perfection there would be no creature or thing.
27. Therefore the superior man considers perfection as the noblest of all attainments.
28. He who is perfect does not only complete himself; his perfection enables him to complete all other beings also. The completion of himself shows the complete virtue of his nature; the completion of other beings shows his wisdom. (The two) show his nature in good operation, and the way in which the union of the external and internal is effected.
29. Hence, whenever he exercises it, (the operation) is right.
30. Thus it is that entire perfection is unresting; unresting, it continues long; continuing long, it evidences itself; evidencing itself, it reaches far; reaching far, it becomes large and substantial; large and substantial, it becomes high and brilliant.
31. By being large and substantial it contains (all) things. By being high and brilliant, it overspreads (all) things. By reaching far and continuing long, it completes (all) things. By its being so large and substantial, it makes its possessor) the coequal of earth; by its height and brilliancy, it makes him the co-equal of heaven; by its reaching far and continuing long, it makes him infinite.
32. Such being his characteristics, without any manifestation he becomes displayed ; without any movement he effects changes; without any exertion [28]
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he completes. The way of heaven and earth may be completely described in one sentence :
33. They are without any second thought, and so their production of things is inexhaustible.
34. The characteristics of heaven and earth are to be large; to be substantial; to be high; to be brilliant; to be far-reaching ; to be long-continuing.
35. There now is this heaven; it is only this bright shining spot, but when viewed in its inexhaustible extent, the sun, moon, stars, and constellations of the zodiac are suspended in it, and all things are overspread by it. There is this earth ; it is only a handful of soil, but when regarded in its breadth and thickness, it sustains mountains like the Hwa and the Yo, without feeling the weight, and contains the rivers and seas without their leaking away. There is this mountain; it looks only the size of a stone, but when contemplated in all its altitude the grass and trees are produced on it, birds and beasts dwell on it, and the precious things which men treasure up are found in it. There is this water; it appears only a ladleful, but, when we think of its unfathomable depths, the largest tortoises, iguanas, iguanadons, dragons, fishes, and turtles are produced in them, and articles of value and sources of wealth abound in them.
36. It is said in the Book of Poetry (IV, i, sect. 1, ode 2),
The ordinances of Heaven,
How profound are they and unceasing !' intimating that it is thus that Heaven is Heaven. (And again) :
Oh! how illustrious Was the singleness of the virtue of king Wăn!'
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intimating that it was thus that king Wăn was the accomplished (king), by his singleness unceasing.
37. How great is the course of the sage! Like an overflowing food it sends forth and nourishes all things! It rises up to the height of heaven.
38. How complete is its greatness! It embraces the three hundred usages of ceremony, and the three thousand modes of demeanour. It waits for the right man, and then it is trodden. Hence it is said, 'If there be not perfect virtue, the perfect path cannot be exemplified.'
39. Therefore the superior man honours the virtuous nature, and pursues the path of inquiry and study (regarding it); seeking to carry it out in its breadth and greatness, so as to omit none of the exquisite and minute points (which it embraces); raising it to its greatest height and brilliancy, so as to be found in the way of equilibrium and harmony. He cherishes his old knowledge so as (continually) to be acquiring new, and thus manifests an honest, generous, earnestness in the esteem and practice of all propriety
40. Therefore, when occupying a high situation he is not proud, and in a low situation he is not insubordinate. If the state is well-governed, his words are able to promote its prosperity; and if it be illgoverned, his silence is sufficient to secure forbearance (for himself).
41. Is not this what is said in the Book of Poetry (III, iii, ode 6, 4),
'Intelligent is he and wise,
Protecting his own person ?' 42. The Master said, 'Let a man who is ignorant be fond of using his own judgment; let one who is
Y 2
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in a low situation be fond of arrogating a directing power; let one who is living in the present age go back to the ways of antiquity;-on all who act thus calamity is sure to come.'
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43. To no one but the son of Heaven does it belong to discuss the subject of ceremonial usages; to fix the measures; and to determine (the names of) the written characters.
44. Now, throughout the whole kingdom, carriages have all wheels of the same breadth of rim; all writing is with the same characters; and for conduct there are the same rules.
45. One may occupy the throne, but if he have not the proper virtue, he should not presume to make ceremonies or music. One may have the virtue, but if he have not the throne, he in the same way should not presume to make ceremonies or music.
46. The Master said, 'I might speak of the ceremonies of Hsiâ, but Kht could not sufficiently attest (my words). I have learned the ceremonies of Yin, and they are preserved in Sung. I have learned the ceremonies of Kâu, and they are now used. I follow Kâu.'
47. If he who attains to the sovereignty of all the kingdom attach the due importance to (those) three points 1, there are likely to be few errors (among the people).
48. However excellent may have been (the regulations of) those of former times, they cannot be attested. Not being attested, they cannot command credence. Not commanding credence, the people
1 What are those three points? The old interpretations said,— 'The ceremonies of the three kings;' Kû Hsf thought they were the three things in paragraph 43;-which is more likely.
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would not follow them. However excellent might be those of one in an inferior station, they would not be honoured. Not honoured, they would not command credence. Not commanding credence, the people would not follow them.
SECT. II.
KUNG YUNG.
49. Therefore the course of the superior man is rooted in his own character and conduct, and attested by the multitudes of the people. He examines (his institutions) by comparison with those of the founders of the three dynasties, and finds them without mistake. He sets them up before heaven and earth, and there is nothing in them contrary to (their mode of operation). He presents himself with them before Spiritual Beings, and no doubts about them arise. He is prepared to wait for the rise of a sage a hundred ages hence, and has no misgivings. That he can present himself with them before Spiritual Beings, without any doubts about them arising, shows that he knows Heaven; that he is prepared to wait for the rise of a sage a hundred ages hence, without any misgivings, shows that he
knows men.
50. Therefore the movements of the superior man mark out for ages the path for all under heaven; his actions are the law for ages for all under heaven; and his words are for ages the pattern for all under heaven. Those who are far from him look longingly for him, and those who are near are never weary of him. 51. It is said in the Book of Poetry (IV, i, sect. 2, ode 3),
'There in their own states are they loved, Nor tired of are they here;
Their fame through lapse of time shall grow, Both day and night, more clear.'
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· Never has a superior man obtained an early renown throughout the kingdom who did not correspond to this description.
52. Kung-ni handed down the views of) Yao and Shun as if they had been his ancestors, and elegantly displayed (the ways) of Wăn and wa, taking them as his model. Above, he adopted as his law the seasons of heaven; and below, he conformed to the water and land.
53. He may be compared to heaven and earth in their supporting and containing, their overshadowing and curtaining all things. He may be compared to the four seasons in their alternating progress, and to the sun and moon in their successive shining. All things are nourished together without their injuring one another; the courses (of the seasons and of the sun and moon) proceed without any collision among them. The smaller energies are like river-currents; the greater energies are seen in mighty transformations. It is this which makes heaven and earth so great.
54. It is only he possessed of all sagely qualities that can exist under heaven, who shows himself quick in apprehension, clear in discernment, of farreaching intelligence and all-embracing knowledge, fitted to exercise rule; magnanimous, generous, benign, and mild, fitted to exercise forbearance; impulsive, energetic, firm, and enduring, fitted to maintain a strong hold; self-adjusted, grave, never swerving from the mean, and correct, fitted to command respect; accomplished, distinctive, concentrative, and searching, fitted to exercise discrimination.
55. All-embracing is he and vast, deep and active as a fountain, sending forth in their due seasons these (qualities).
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56. All-embracing is he and vast, like heaven. Deep and active as a fountain, he is like an abyss. He shows himself, and the people all revere him; he speaks, and the people all believe him; he acts, and the people all are pleased with him. In this way his fame overspreads the Middle kingdom, and extends to all barbarous tribes. Wherever ships and carriages reach; wherever the strength of man penetrates; wherever the heavens overshadow and the earth sustains; wherever the sun and moon shine; wherever frosts and dews fall; all who have blood and breath unfeignedly honour and love him. Hence it is said, 'He is the equal of Heaven 1.'
57. It is only he among all under heaven who is entirely perfect that can adjust and blend together the great standard duties of all under heaven, establish the great fundamental principles of all, and know the transforming and nourishing operations of heaven and earth.
SECT. II.
KUNG YUNG.
58. How shall this individual have any one beyond himself on whom he depends? Call him man in his ideal, how earnest is he! Call him an abyss, how deep is he! Call him Heaven, how vast is he!
59. Who can know him but he who is indeed quick in apprehension and clear in discernment, of sagely wisdom, and all-embracing knowledge, possessing heavenly virtue?
60. It is said in the Book of Poetry (I, v, ode 3, 1),
1 It was the old opinion that in this part of the Treatise we have his grandson's eloquent eulogium of Confucius, and I agree with that opinion. Yet I have not ventured to translate the different parts of it in the past tense. Let it be read as the description of the ideal sage who found his realisation in the Master.
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THE LỄ KỈ.
'Over her embroidered robe she wears a (plain)
garment;'
BK. XXVIII.
expressing how the wearer disliked the display of the beauty (of the robe). Just so, it is the way of the superior man to prefer the concealment (of his virtue), while it daily becomes more illustrious, and it is the way of the small man to seek notoriety, while he daily goes more and more to ruin.
61. It is characteristic of the superior man, appearing insipid, yet not to produce satiety; preferring a simple negligence, yet to have his accomplishments recognised; seeming mild and simple, yet to be discriminating. He knows how what is distant lies in what is near. He knows where the wind proceeds from. He knows how what is minute becomes manifested1. He, we may be assured, will enter (the innermost recesses of) virtue.
62. It is said in the Book of Poetry (II, iv, ode 8, 11),
'Though they dive to the bottom, and lie there, They are very clearly seen.'
Therefore the superior man internally examines his heart, that there may be nothing wrong there, and no occasion for dissatisfaction with himself.
63. That wherein the superior man cannot be equalled is simply this,-his (work) which other men do not see. It is said in the Book of Poetry (III, iii, ode 2, 7),
'When in your chamber, 'neath its light, Maintain your conscience pure and bright.'
1 That is how the ruler's character acts on the people as the wind on grass and plants.
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64. Therefore the superior man, even when he is not acting, has the feeling of reverence; and when he does not speak, he has the feeling of truthfulness. It is said in the Book of Poetry (IV, iii, ode 2),
These offerings we set forth without a word, Without contention, and with one accord, To beg the presence of the honoured lord.'
65. Therefore the superior man does not use rewards, and the people are stimulated (to virtue); he does not show anger, and the people are awed more than by hatchets and battle-axes. It is said in the Book of Poetry (IV, i, sect. 1, ode 4), What is most distinguished is the being virtuous; It will secure the imitation of all the princes.' 66. Therefore the superior man being sincerely reverential, the whole kingdom is made tranquil. It is said in the Book of Poetry (III, i, ode 7, 7), 'I am pleased with your intelligent virtue,
Not loudly proclaimed, nor pourtrayed.' 67. The Master said, “Among the appliances to transform the people, sounds and appearances (may seem to have a trivial effect. But it is said in another ode (III, iii, ode 6, 6),
“Virtue is light as a hair.” 68. “But a hair will still admit of comparison (as to its size). In what is said in another ode (III, i, ode 1, 7),
“The doings of high Heaven
Have neither sound nor odour," we have the highest description (of transforming virtue).'
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BOOK XXIX. PIẢO KI
OR
THE RECORD ON EXAMPLE".
1. These were the words of the Master : — Let us return?' The superior man, in obscurity, yet makes himself manifest; without giving himself any airs, his gravity is acknowledged ; without the exercise of severity, he inspires awe; without using words, he is believed.
2. The Master said, 'The superior man takes no erroneous step before men, nor errs in the expression of his countenance, nor in the language of his speech. Therefore his demeanour induces awe, his countenance induces fear, and his words produce confidence. It is said in The Punishments of Fa (The Sha, V, xxvii, 11): "They were all reverence and caution. They had no occasion to make choice of words in reference to their conduct."
3. The Master said, 'The dress and the one worn over it do not take the place, the one of the other, it being intimated to the people thereby that they should not trouble or interfere with one another.'
4. The Master said, 'When a sacrifice has come to the point of greatest reverence, it should not be immediately followed by music. When the dis
See the introductory notice, vol. xxvii, pp. 44, 45. * Compare Analects, V, 22. When Confucius thus spoke, he was accepting his failure in the different states, and saying in effect that his principles and example would ultimately win their way, without his being immediately successful.
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cussion of affairs at court has reached its utmost nicety, it should not be immediately followed by an idle indifference.'
5. The Master said, 'The superior man is careful (in small things), and thereby escapes calamity. His generous largeness cannot be kept in obscurity. His courtesy keeps shame at a distance.'
6. The Master said, 'The superior man, by his gravity and reverence, becomes every day stronger (for good); while indifference and want of restraint lead to a daily deterioration. The superior man does not allow any irregularity in his person, even for a single day;-how should he be like (a small man) who will not end his days (in honour)?'
7. The Master said, 'Vigil and fasting are required (as a preparation) for serving the spirits (in sacrifice); the day and month in which to appear before the ruler are chosen beforehand :-these observances were appointed lest the people should look on these things without reverence.'
8. The Master said, '(The small man) is familiar and insolent. He may bring death on himself (by being so), and yet he stands in no fear1.'
9. The Master said, 'Without the interchange of the formal messages, there can be no reception of one party by another; without the presenting of the ceremonial (gifts), there can be no interview (with a superior) :—these rules were made that the people might not take troublesome liberties with one another! It is said in the Yi, "When he shows (the sincerity that marks) the first recourse to divination, I instruct him. If he apply a second and third time,
1 The text of this short paragraph is supposed to be defective.
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that is troublesome, and I do not instruct the troublesome?.”'
10. These were the words of the Master :(Humanity, of which the characteristic is) Benevolence, is the Pattern for all under Heaven; Righteousness is the Law for all under Heaven; and the Reciprocations (of ceremony) are for the Profit of all under Heaven.'
11. The Master said, 'When kindness is returned for kindness, the people are stimulated to be kind). When injury is returned for injury, the people are warned (to refrain from wrong-doing). It is said in the Book of Poetry (III, iii, ode 26):
“ Answers to every word will leap,
Good deeds their recompense shall reap." 'It is said in the Thai Kia (Sha, IV, v, sect. 2, 2), “Without the sovereign, the people cannot enjoy repose with one another; without the people, the sovereign would have none to rule over in the four quarters (of the kingdom).”
12. The Master said, 'They who return kindness for injury are such as have a regard for their own persons. They who return injury for kindness are men to be punished and put to death?'
13. The Master said, “Under heaven there is only a man (here and there) who loves what is proper to humanity without some personal object in the
* See the explanation of the 4th Hexagram, Măng, vol. xvi, pp. 64, 65,- with this paragraph ends the first section of the Treatise. It seems to be extended to exhibit the necessity of reverence in the superior man, who is to be an example to others.
Comparing this utterance with the decision of Confucius in the Analects, XIV, 36, Khăn Hảo thinks it doubtful that we have here the sentiment or words of the sage.
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matter, or who hates what is contrary to humanity without being apprehensive (of some evil). Therefore the superior man reasons about the path to be trodden from the standpoint of himself, and lays down his laws from the (capabilities of the people.'
14. The Master said, '(The virtues of) humanity appear in three ways. (In some cases) the work of humanity is done, but under the influence of different feelings. In these, the true character of the) humanity cannot be known; but where there is some abnormal manifestation of it, in those the true character can be known'. Those to whom it really belongs practise it easily and naturally; the wise practise it for the sake of the advantage which it brings; and those who fear the guilt of transgression practise it by constraint.
15. Humanity is the right hand; pursuing the right path is the left?. Humanity comprehends the (whole) man; the path pursued is the exhibition of righteousness. Those whose humanity is large, while their exhibition of righteousness is slight, are loved and not honoured. Those whose righteousness is large and their humanity slight are honoured and not loved.
16. There is the perfect path, the righteous path, and the calculated path. The perfect path conducts to sovereignty; the righteous path, to chieftaincy; and the calculated path, to freedom from error and failures.
1 In illustration of this point there is always adduced the case of the duke of Kâu, who erred, under the influence of his brotherly love, in the promotion of his brothers that afterwards joined in rebellion.
* The right hand is used most readily and with greatest effect. . With this paragraph ends the second section of the Treatise. It
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17. These were the words of the Master :- Of humanity there are various degrees ; righteousness is now long, now short, now great, now small. Where there is a deep and compassionate sympathy in the heart, we have humanity evidenced in the love of others; where there is the following of (old) examples, and vigorous endeavour, we have the employment of humanity for the occasion. It is said in the Book of Poetry (III, i, ode 10, 6),
“Where the Făng-water flows,
Is the white millet grown. So his men Wa employed,
And his merit was shown ! To his sons he would leave
His wise plans and his throne
And our Wa was a sovereign true.” That was a humanity extending to many generations. In the Lessons from the States it is said (I, iii, ode IO, 3),
“Person slighted, life all blighted,
What can the future prove ?" • That was a humanity extending (only) to the end of the speaker's life.
18. The Master said, 'Humanity is like a heavy vessel, and like a long road. He who tries to lift the vessel cannot sustain its weight; he who travels the road cannot accomplish all its distance. There is nothing that has so many different degrees as (the course of) humanity; and thus he who tries to nerve himself to it finds it a difficult task. Therefore when
is occupied with the subject of humanity, or the whole nature of man, of which benevolence is the chief element and characteristic, as the most powerful form of example.
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the superior man measures men with the scale of righteousness, he finds it difficult to discover the men (whom he seeks); when he looks at men and compares them with one another, he knows who among them are the more worthy.'
19. The Master said, 'It is only one man (here and there) under heaven, who with his heart of hearts naturally rests in humanity. It is said in the Tâ Yâ, or Major Odes of the Kingdom (III, iii, ode 6, 6),
BK. XXIX.
"Virtue is very light,
Light as a hair, yet few can bear The burden of its weight.
'Tis so; but Kung Shan, as I think, Needs not from virtue's weight to shrink That other men defies.
Aid from my love his strength rejects. (If the king's measures have defects, What's needed he supplies)."
'In the Hsiao Yâ, or Minor Odes of the Kingdom, it is said (II, vii, ode 4, 5),
"To the high hills I looked; The great way I pursued."'
The Master said, 'So did the poets love (the exhibition of) humanity. (They teach us how) one should pursue the path of it, not giving over in the way, forgetting his age, taking no thought that the years before him will not be sufficient (for his task), urging on his course with earnestness from day to day, and only giving up when he sinks in death.'
20. The Master said, 'Long has the attainment of a perfect humanity been difficult among men! all men err in what they love ;-and hence it is easy to
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apologise for the errors of those who are seeking this humanity?'
21. The Master said, 'Courtesy is near to propriety; economy is near to humanity; good faith is near to the truth of things. When one with respect and humility practises these (virtues), though he may fall into errors, they will not be very great. Where there is courtesy, the errors are few; where there is truth, there can be good faith; where there is economy, the exercise of forbearance is easy:-will not failure be rare in the case of those who practise these things ? It is said in the Book of Poetry (III, iii, ode 2, 9),
"Mildness and reverence base supply
For virtue's structure, broad and high.”' 22. The Master said, 'Long has the attainment of perfect humanity been difficult among men; it is only the superior man who is able to reach it. Therefore the superior man does not distress men by requiring from them that which (only) he himself can do, nor put them to shame because of what they cannot do. Hence the sage, in laying down rules for conduct, does not make himself the rule, but gives them his instructions so that they shall be able to stimulate themselves to endeavour, and have the feeling of shame if they do not put them in practice. (He enjoins) the rules of ceremony to regulate the conduct; good faith to bind it on them; right demeanour to set it off; costume to distinguish it; and friendship to perfect it :-he desires in this way to produce a uniformity of the people. It is said in the Hsiâo Ya (V, ode 5, 3),
1 This seems to be the meaning, about which there are various opinions.
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PIAO KI.
"Shall they unblushing break man's law? Shall they not stand of Heaven in awe?" 23. 'Therefore, when a superior man puts on the dress (of his rank), he sets it off by the demeanour of a superior man. That demeanour he sets off with the language of a superior man; and that language he makes good by the virtues of a superior man. Hence the superior man is ashamed to wear the robes, and not have the demeanour; ashamed to have the demeanour, and not the style of speech; ashamed to have the style of speech, and not the virtues; ashamed to have the virtues, and not the conduct proper to them. Thus it is that when the superior man has on his sackcloth and other mourning, his countenance wears an air of sorrow; when he wears the square-cut dress and square-topped cap, his countenance wears an air of respect; and when he wears his mail-coat and helmet, his countenance says that he is not to be meddled with. It is said in the Book of Poetry (I, xiv, ode 2, 2),
"Like pelicans, upon the dam
Which stand, and there their pouches cram, Unwet the while their wings,
Are those who their rich dress display,
But no befitting service pay,
337
Intent on meanest things1.""
1 With this paragraph ends the 3rd section of the Book. 'It speaks,' say the Khien-lung editors, of the perfect humanity, showing that to rest naturally in this is very difficult, yet it is possible by self-government to advance from the practice of it, with a view to one's advantage, to that natural resting in it; and by means of instruction to advance from the practice of it by constraint to the doing so for its advantages.'
[28]
Z
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.
THE LÎ ki.
BK. XXIX.
24. These were the words of the Master :—'What the superior man calls righteousness is, that noble and mean all have the services which they discharge throughout the kingdom. The son of Heaven himself ploughs the ground for the rice with which to fill the vessels, and the black millet from which to distil the spirit to be mixed with fragrant herbs, for the services of God, and in the same way the feudal lords are diligent in discharging their services to the son of Heaven.'
25. The Master said, 'In serving (the ruler) his superior, (an officer) from his position has great opportunity to protect the people; but when he does not allow himself to have any thought of acting as the ruler of them, this shows a high degree of humanity. Therefore, the superior man is courteous and economical, seeking to exercise his benevolence, and sincere and humble in order to practise his sense of propriety. He does not himself set a high value on his services; he does not himself assert the honour due to his person. He is not ambitious of (high) position, and is very moderate in his desires. He gives place willingly to men of ability and virtue. He abases himself and gives honour to others. He is careful and in fear of doing what is not right. His desire in all this is to serve his ruler. If he succeed in doing so (and obtaining his ruler's approbation), he feels that he has done right; if he do not so succeed, he still feels that he has done right :-prepared to accept the will of Heaven concerning himself. It is said in the Book of Poetry (III, i, ode 5, 6), “How the creepers close twine
Round the branches and stems!
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Self-possession and ease
Robed our prince as with gems. · Happiness increased unsought,
Nor by crooked ways was bought.” Might not this have been said of Shun, Yü, king Wăn, or the duke of Kâu, who had the great virtues (necessary) to govern the people, and yet were (only) careful to serve their rulers ? It is said again in the same Book of Poetry (III, i, ode 2, 3), “ This our king Wăn in all his way
Did watchful reverence display, With clearest wisdom serving God, Who, pleased to see the course he trod,
Him with great favour crowned. His virtue no deflection knew, But always to the right was true. The states beheld, and all approved. With loyal ardour stirred and moved,
Wăn as their head they owned.”' 26. The Master said, 'The practice of the ancient kings in conferring honorary posthumous names was to do honour to the fame (of the individuals); but they limited themselves to one excellence in the character);—they would have been ashamed if the name had been beyond the actions (of the life). In accordance with this the superior man does not himself magnify his doings, nor himself exalt his merit, seeking to be within the truth ; actions of an extraordinary character he does not aim at, but seeks to occupy himself only with what is substantial and good. He displays prominently the good qualities of others, and celebrates their merits, seeking to place himself below them in the scale of worth. There
22
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fore, although the superior man abases himself, yet the people respect and honour him.'
27. The Master said, 'The meritorious services of Hâu Ki were the greatest of all under Heaven; could his hands and feet be described as those of an ordinary man? But all which he desired was that his doings should be superior to his name, and therefore he said of himself that he was simply “a man useful to others "."'
28. These were the words of the Master: - • Difficult is it to attain to what is called the perfect humanity of the superior man! It is said in the Book of Poetry?,
“The happy and courteous prince
Is the father and mother of his people." Happy, he (yet) vigorously teaches them; courteous, he makes them pleased and restful. With all their happiness, there is no wild extravagance; with all their observance of ceremonial usages, there is the feeling of affection. Notwithstanding his awing gravity, they are restful; notwithstanding his sonlike gentleness, they are respectful. Thus he causes
1 With this ends the 4th section of the Book, 'On the service of his ruler by an inferior, showing the righteousness between them, and how that righteousness completes the humanity.'
The ode here quoted from can hardly be any other than III, ü, 7. The first character in the former of the two lines in that ode, however, is only the phonetic part of that in the text here, and the meaning of force or vigour' which the writer employs seems incongruous with that belonging to it in the Shih, where it occurs several times, in combination with the character that follows it, used as a binomial adjective. I need not say more on the difficulty. The meaning of the paragraph as a whole is plain:— The superior man,' the competent ruler, must possess, blended together, the strength of the father and the gentleness of the mother,
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them to honour him as their father, and love him as their mother. There must be all this before he is the father and mother of his people. Could any one who was not possessed of perfect virtue be able to accomplish this?
BK. XXIX.
29. 'Here now is the affection of a father for his sons; he loves the worthy among them, and places on a lower level those who do not show ability; but that of a mother for them is such, that while she loves the worthy, she pities those who do not show ability: the mother deals with them on the ground of affection and not of showing them honour; the father, on the ground of showing them honour and not of affection. (So we may say of) water and the people, that it manifests affection to them, but does not give them honour; of fire, that it gives them honour, but does not manifest affection; of the ground, that it manifests affection, but does not give honour; of Heaven, that it gives them honour, but does not manifest affection; of the nature conferred on them, that it manifests affection, but does not give them honour; and of the manes of their departed, that they give honour, but do not manifest affection'.' 30. Under the Hsiâ dynasty it was the way to give honour to the nature conferred on men; they served the manes of the departed, and respected Spiritual Beings, keeping them at a distance, while they brought the people near, and made them loyal; they put first the (attraction) of emolument, and last the terrors of power; first rewards, and then punishments; showing their affection (for the people), but
"
1 The ruler-father of the previous paragraph is here contrasted with the ordinary parent; but the second half of the text is not easily translated, and is difficult to comprehend.
}
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not giving them honour. The bad effect on the people was, that they became stupid and ignorant, proud and clownish, and uncultivated, without any accomplishments.
BK. XXIX.
'Under the Yin dynasty, they honoured Spiritual Beings, and led the people on to serve them; they put first the service of their manes, and last the usages of ceremony; first punishments, and then rewards; giving honour (to the people), but not showing affection for them. The bad effect on the people was, that they became turbulent and were restless, striving to surpass one another without any sense of shame.
'Under the Kâu dynasty, they honoured the ceremonial usages, and set a high value on bestowing (favours); they served the manes and respected Spiritual Beings, yet keeping them at a distance; they brought the people near, and made them loyal; in rewarding and punishing they used the various distinctions and arrangements of rank; showing affection (for the people), but not giving them honour. The bad effects on the people were, that they became fond of gain and crafty; were all for accomplishments, and shameless; injured one another, and had their moral sense obscured.'
31. The Master said, 'It was the method of the Hsiâ dynasty not to trouble (the people) with many notices; it did not require everything from the people, nor (indeed) look to them for great things; and they did not weary of the affection (between them and their rulers).
'Under the Yin dynasty, they did not trouble (the people) with ceremonies, and yet they required everything from them.
Under the Kâu dynasty, they were rigorous with
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the people, and not troublesome in the services to the spirits ; but they did all that could be done in the way of awards, conferring rank, punishments, and penalties.'
32. The Master said, Under the methods of (the dynasties of the line of) Yü 1 and Hsia, there were few dissatisfactions among the people. The methods of Yin and Kâu were not equal to the correction of their errors.'
33. The Master said, 'The plain and simple ways of the dynasties of the line of) Yü and Hsia, and the multiplied forms of Yin and Kâu were both extreme. The forms of Yü and Hsiâ did not neutralise their simplicity, nor was there sufficient simplicity under Yin and Kau to neutralise their
forms.
34. These were the words of the Master :Although in subsequent ages there arose (distinguished sovereigns), yet none of them succeeded in equalling the T1 of the line of) Yü. He ruled over all under heaven, but, while he lived, he had not a selfish thought, and when he died, he did not make his son great (with the inheritance). He treated the people as his sons, as if he had been their father and mother. He had a deep and compassionate sympathy for them (like their mother); he instructed them in loyalty and what was profitable (like their father). While he showed his affection for them, he also gave them honour; in his natural restfulness, he was reverent; in the terrors of his majesty, he yet was loving ; with all his riches, he was yet observant
1.The line of Yu' was Shun, who succeeded to Yão. He did not found a dynasty; but he is often spoken of as if he had done so.
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BK. XXIX. of the rules of propriety; and his kindness was yet (rightly) distributed. The superior men who stood in connexion with him gave honour to benevolence, and stood in awe of righteousness; were ashamed of lavish expenditure, and set little store by their accumulation of substance; loyal, but not coming into collision with their sovereign; righteous, and yet deferential to him; accomplished, and yet restful; generous, and yet discriminating. It is said in Fa on Punishments, “ He sought to awe the people by his virtue, and all were filled with dread; he pro ceeded to enlighten them by his virtue, and all were enlightened.” Who but the Ti of (the line of) Yü could have been able to do this??" (Sha, V, xxvii, 7.)
35. These were the words of the Master :-'(A minister) in the service of his ruler will first offer his words of counsel, and (when they are accepted), he will bow and voluntarily offer his person to make good his sincerity. Hence, whatever service a ruler requires from his minister, the minister will die in support of his words. In this way the salary which he receives is not obtained on false pretences, and the
1 With this paragraph it is understood that the 5th section of the Book ends, 'illustrating the perfect humanity of the superior man in the government of the people.' Every fresh section thus far, however, has commenced with a—These were the words of the Master,' and in no case ended with that phraseology. Paragraph 35 rightly begins with it. It is out of place, or rather misplaced, in this; and belongs, I believe, to another place, as we shall see. We should read here, instead of it, The Master said.' With regard to the greater part of the section, its genuineness is liable to suspicion, and is indeed denied by the majority of commentators, including the Khien-lung editors. The sentiments are more Taoistic than Confucian. See the introductory notice of the Book.
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things for which he can be blamed will be more and more few.'
36. The Master said, 'In the service of a ruler, when great words are spoken to (and accepted by) him, great advantages (to the state) may be expected from them; and when words of small importance are presented to him, only small advantages are to be looked for. Therefore a superior man will not for words of small importance receive great emolument, nor for words of great importance small emolument. It is said in the YI, “ He does not enjoy his revenues in his own family, (but at court); there will be good fortune?."
37. The Master said, 'In the service of a ruler, (a minister) should not descend to subjects beneath him, nor set a high value on speeches, nor accept an introduction from improper individuals. It is said in the Hsiao Yà (II, vi, ode 3, 4),
“Your duties quietly fulfil, And hold the upright in esteem,
With friendship fast; So shall the Spirits hear your cry, You virtuous make, and good supply
In measure vast." 38. The Master said, 'In the service of a ruler, for (a minister) whose place is remote from (the court), to remonstrate is an act of sycophancy; for one whose place is near the ruler, not to remonstrate is to hold his office idly for the sake of gain.'
39. The Master said, Ministers near (the ruler) should seek to) preserve the harmony (of his
See the Thwan, or first of the appendixes of the Yî, on Hexagram 26, vol. xvi, page 234.
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virtues). The chief minister should maintain correctness in all the departments. Great ministers should be concerned about all parts (of the kingdom).'
40. The Master said, 'In the service of a ruler there should be the wish to remonstrate, but no wish to set forth (his faults). It is said in the Book of Poetry (II, viii, ode 4, 4). “I cherish those men in my heart ;Might not my words my love impart ? No;-if the words were once but spoken, The charm of love might then be broken. The men shall dwell within my heart,
Nor thence with lapse of time depart.”' 41. The Master said, “In the service of a ruler, when it is difficult to advance and easy to retire, there is a proper order maintained in the occupancy of places (according to the character of their holders). If it were easy to advance and difficult to retire, there would be confusion. Hence a superior (visitor) advances (only) after he has been thrice bowed to, while he retires after one salutation on taking leave; and thus confusion is prevented.'
42. The Master said, 'In the service of a ruler, if (an officer), after thrice leaving the court (on his advice being rejected), do not cross the borders (of the state), he is remaining for the sake of the profit and emolument. Although men say that he is not trying to force (his ruler), I will not believe them.'
43. The Master said, 'In the service of a ruler, (an officer) should be careful at the beginning, and respectful to the end.'
44. The Master said, 'In the service of a ruler, one may be in a high position or a low, rich or poor, to live or to die (according to the will of the ruler),
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but he should not allow himself to be led to do anything contrary to order or right.'
45. The Master said, “In the service of a ruler, if it be in the army, (an officer) should not (try to) avoid labour and danger ; if it be at court, he should not refuse a mean office. To occupy a post and not perform its business is contrary to order and right. Hence, when a ruler employs him on any duty, if it suit his own mind, he thinks carefully of what it requires, and does it; if it do not suit his own mind, he thinks the more carefully of what it requires, and does it. When his work is done, he retires from office :-such is an officer who well discharges his duty. It is said in the Yi (vol. xvi, p. 96), “He does not serve either king or feudal lord, but in a lofty spirit prefers (to attend to) his own affairs.”'
46. The Master said, 'It is only the son of Heaven who receives his appointment from Heaven; officers receive their appointments from the ruler. Therefore if the ruler's orders be conformed (to the mind of Heaven), his orders to his ministers are also conformed to it; but if his orders be contrary (to that mind), his orders to them are also contrary to it. It is said in the Book of Poetry (I, iv, ode 5, 2), “How strong the magpies, battling fierce,
Each one to keep his mate! How bold the quails together rush,
Upon the same debate ! This woman, with no trait that's good,
Is stained by vicious crime, Yet her I hail as marchioness ;
Alas! woe worth the time !"' 47. The Master said, “The superior man does not consider that his words (alone) show fully what a
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man is. Hence when right ways prevail in the kingdom, the branches and leaves (from the stem) of right conduct appear; but when there are not right ways in the kingdom, the branches and leaves of (mere) words appear.
'In accordance with this, when a superior man is by the side of one occupied with the mourning rites, and cannot contribute to assist him in his expenditure, he does not ask him what it is; when he is by the side of one who is ill, and cannot supply him with food, he does not ask what he would like ; when he has a visitor for whom he cannot provide a lodging, he does not ask where he is staying. Hence the intercourse of a superior man may be compared to water, and that of a small man, to sweet wine. The superior man seems insipid, but he helps to perfection; the small man seems sweet, but he leads to ruin. It is said in the Hsiao Ya (II, v, ode 4, 3), “He trusts the rogues that lie and sneak,
And make things worse ; Their duties shirked, their words so meek
Prove but a curse.” 48. The Master said ?, •The superior man does not confine himself to praising men with his words ; and so the people prove loyal to him. Thus, when he asks about men who are suffering from cold, he clothes them; or men who are suffering from want, he feeds them; and when he praises a man's good qualities, he (goes on to) confer rank on him. It
1 With this commences the 7th section of the Book, but it commences irregularly with the Master said,' instead of 'The words of the Master were;' see note above, on page 344.
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is said in the Lessons from the States (I, xiv, ode 1, 3),
BK. XXIX.
"I grieve; would they but lodge with me!"'
49. The Master said, 'Dissatisfaction and calamity will come to him whose lip-kindness is not followed by the corresponding deeds. Therefore the superior man will rather incur the resentment arising from his refusal than the charge of promising (and then not fulfilling). It is said in the Lessons from the States (V, ode 4, 6),
"I wildly go; I'll never know Its smiles and chat again,
To me you clearly swore the faith, Which now to break you're fain. Could I foresee so false you'd be? And now regrets are vain."
50. The Master said, 'The superior man is not affectionate to others with his countenance (merely) as if, while cold in feeling, he could assume the appearance of affection. That belongs to the small man, and stamps him as no better than the thief who makes a hole in the wall.'
51. The Master said, 'What is required in feeling is sincerity; in words, that they be susceptible of proof 1.'
52. These were the words of the Master :-'The ancient and intelligent kings of the three dynasties all served the Spiritual Intelligences of heaven and earth, but invariably used the tortoise-shell and divining stalks. They did not presume to employ their own private judgment in the service of God.
1 Here ends the 7th section, showing how the superior man strives to be sincere in his words and looks.
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In this way they did not transgress in the matter of the day or month, for they did not act contrary to the result of the divination. The tortoise and the shell were not consulted in succession on the same point.
53. 'For the great (sacrificial) services there were (fixed) seasons and days; for the smaller services these were not fixed. They fixed them by divination (near the time). (In divining) about external affairs they used the odd days; and for internal affairs, the even. They did not go against the (intimations of the) tortoise-shell and stalks.'
54. The Master said, 'With the victims perfect, the proper ceremonies and music, and the vessels of grain, (they sacrificed); and thus no injury was received from the Spiritual Powers, and the people had no occasion for dissatisfaction.'
55. The Master said, “The sacrifices of Hâu Ki were easily provided. His language was reverential; his desires were restricted; and the blessings received extended down to his descendants. It is said in the Book of Poetry (III, ii, ode 1, 8),
“ Hâu Ki founded the sacrifice;
No one has failed in it,
Down to the present day.”' 56. The Master said, “The shell and stalks employed by the great men' must be held in awe and reverence. But the son of Heaven does not divine by the stalks. While the princes are keeping guard in their states, they divine by the stalks. When the son of Heaven is on the road (travelling), he (also) divines by the stalks. In any other state but their
* The king and feudal lords.
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PIÃO 61.
351
own they do not divine by the stalks. They consult the tortoise-shell about the chambers and apartments of the houses (where they lodge). The son of Heaven does not so consult the tortoise-shell ; he stays always in the grand ancestral temples.'
57. The Master said, “The men of rank, on occasions of special respect, use their sacrificial vessels. On this account they do not fail to observe the set seasons and days, and do not act contrary to the intimations of the shell and stalks; thus seeking to serve with reverence the ruler and their superiors. In this way superiors are not troublesome to the people, and the people do not take liberties with their superiors 1.'
Paragraphs 52 to 57 from the last section of the Book. They are not so interesting as the previous sections, nor do they hang closely together. The section,' say the Khien-lung editors, 'treats of the two methods of divination, and also of reverence. Reverence is the subject of the first section, and here again it occurs in the end of the Treatise. Reverence is the beginning and end of the learning of the superior man.'
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BOOK XXX. ZZE I
OR
THE BLACK ROBES'.
1. These were the words of the Master :When the superior is easily served, his inferiors are easily knowns, and in this case punishments are not numerous in the state).'
2. The Master said, “When the superior) loves the worthy as (the people of old loved him of) the black robes (Shih, I, vii, ode 1), and hates the bad as Hsiang-po (hated them ;-11, v, ode 6), then without the frequent conferring of rank the people are stimulated to be good, and without the use of punishments they are all obedient to his orders. It is said in the Ta Ya (III, i, ode 1, 7), "From Wăn your pattern you must draw,
And all the states will own your law.”' 3. The Master said, “If the people be taught by lessons of virtue, and uniformity sought to be given to them by the rules of ceremony, their minds will go on to be good. If they be taught by the laws, and uniformity be sought to be given to them by punishments, their minds will be thinking of how
* See the introductory notice, vol. xxvii, pp. 45, 46.
Thus the Book begins as if it were another section of the preceding Treatise.
They are easily known,' there being nothing in the ruler's method to make them deceitful.
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BZE 1.
353
they can escape (the punishment ;-Analects, II, iii). Hence, when the ruler of the people loves them as his sons, they feel to him as a parent; when he binds them to himself by his good faith, they do not turn away from him; when he presides over them with courtesy, their hearts are docile to him. It is said in the Punishments of Fa (Sha, V, xxvii, 3), “Among the people of Miâo they did not use orders simply, but the restraints of punishment. They made the five punishments engines of oppression, calling them the laws.” In this way their people became bad, and (their rulers) were cut off for ever (from the land).'
4. The Master said, 'Inferiors, in serving their superiors, do not follow what they command, but what they do. When a ruler loves anything, those below him are sure to do so much more. Therefore the superior should by all means be careful in what he likes and dislikes. This will make him an example to the people?'
5. The Master said, 'When Yü had been on the throne three years, the humanity of the common people was in accordance with his ;-was it necessary that all (at court) should be perfectly virtuous ? It is said in the Book of Poetry (II, v, ode 7, 1), "Awe-inspiring are you, O (Grand-)Master Yin,
And the people all look up to you." It is said in the Punishments of Fa (V, xxvii, 13), "I, the One man, will have felicity, and the millions of the people will look to you as their sure dependence." It is said in the Ta Yâ (III, i, ode 9, 3),
1 This again looks very much as if this Treatise were a continuation of the last. [28]
A a
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“King Wa secured the people's faith,
And gave to all the law." 6. The Master said, 'When superiors are fond of showing their humanity, inferiors strive to outstrip one another in their practice of it. Therefore those who preside over the people should cherish the clearest aims and give the most correct lessons, honouring the requirement of their humanity by loving the people as their sons; then the people will use their utmost efforts with themselves to please their superiors. It is said in the Book of Poetry (III, iii, ode 2, 2),
“Where from true virtue actions spring,
All their obedient homage bring.”' 7. The Master said, 'The king's words are (at first) as threads of silk; but when given forth, they become as cords. Or they are (at first) as cords ; but when given forth, they become as ropes. Therefore the great man does not take the lead in idle speaking. The superior does not speak words which may be spoken indeed but should not be embodied in deeds ; nor does he do actions which may be done in deed but should not be expressed in words. When this is the case, the words of the people can be carried into action without risk, and their actions can be spoken of without risk. It is said in the Book of Poetry (III, iii, ode 2, 8),
"Keep on your acts a watchful eye,
That you may scrutiny defy.”' 8. The Master said, “The superior man leads men on (to good) by his words, and keeps them (from evil) by (the example of) his conduct. Hence, in speaking, he must reflect on what may be the end of his words, and examine whether there may not be
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BZE 1.
355
some error in his conduct; and then the people will be attentive to their words, and circumspect in their conduct. It is said in the Book of Poetry (III, iii, ode 2, 5),
“Be circumspect in all you say,
And reverent bearing still display.” It is said in the Ta Yå (III, i, ode 1, 4), “Deep were Wăn's thoughts, unstained his ways; His reverence lit its trembling rays."
9. The Master said, 'When the heads of the people use no (improper) variations in their dress, and their manners are always easy and unconstrained, and they seek thus to give uniformity to the people, the virtue of the people does become uniform. It is said in the Book of Poetry (II, viii, ode 1, 1), “In the old capital they stood,
With yellow fox-furs plain ; Their manners all correct and good,
Speech free from vulgar stain. Could we go back to Kau's old days,
All would look up to them with praise.”' 10. The Master said, “When (the ruler) above can be known by men looking at him, and (his ministers) below can have their doings related and remembered, then the ruler has no occasion to doubt his ministers, and the ministers are not led astray by their ruler. The Announcement of Yin says (Shů, IV, vi, 3), “There were I, Yin, and Thang; both possessed the same pure virtue." It is said in the Book of Poetry (1, xiv, ode 3, 3), “In soul so steadfast is that princely man, Whose course for fault or flaw we vainly scan.”' II. The Master said, 'When the holders of states
A
a
2
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and clans give distinction to the righteous and make it painful for the bad, thus showing the people the excellence (they should cultivate), then the feelings of the people do not swerve (to what is evil). It is said in the Book of Poetry (11, vi, ode 3, 5),
“ Your duties quietly fulfil, And hold the upright in esteem,
With earnest love." 12. The Master said, 'When the highest among men has doubts and perplexities, the common people go astray. When the ministers) below him are difficult to be understood, the toil of the ruler is prolonged. Therefore when the ruler exhibits clearly what he loves, and thus shows the people the style of manners (they should aim at), and is watchful against what he dislikes, and thereby guards the people against the excesses (of which they are in danger), then they do not go astray.
'When the ministers are exemplary in their conduct, and do not set a value on (fine) speeches ; when they do not try to lead (the ruler) to what is unattainable, and do not trouble him with what cannot be (fully) known, then he is not toiled. It is said in the Book of Poetry (III, ii, ode 10, I), “Reversed is now the providence of God;
The lower people groan beneath their load." It is said in the Hsiao Ya (II, v, ode 4, 4),
“They do not discharge their duties,
But only cause distress to the king." 13. The Master said, “When (the measures of) government do not take effect, and the lessons of the ruler do not accomplish their object, it is because) the giving of rank and emoluments is
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357 unfit to stimulate the people to good, and (the infliction of) punishments and penalties is unfit to make them ashamed (of evil). Therefore (the ruler) above must not be careless in punishing, nor lightly confer rank. It is said in the Announcement to the Prince of Khang (Sha, V, ix, 8), “Deal reverently and understandingly in your infliction of punishments;" and in the Punishments of FQ (Shů, V, xxvii, 12), “He spreads abroad his lessons to avert punishments.”
14. The Master said, 'When the great ministers are not on terms of friendly intimacy (with the ruler), and the common people consequently are not restful, this is because the loyalty (of the ministers) and the respect (of the ruler) are not sufficient, and the riches and rank conferred (on the former) are excessive. (The consequence is, that) the great ministers do not discharge their functions of government, and the ministers closer (to the ruler) form parties against them. Therefore the great ministers should by all means be treated with respect; they are examples to the people; and ministers nearer (to the ruler) should by all means be careful ;—they direct the way of the people. Let not the ruler consult with inferior officers about greater, nor with those who are from a distance about those who are near to him, nor with those who are beyond the court about those who belong to it. If he act thus, the great ministers will not be dissatisfied; the ministers closer to him will not be indignant; and those who are more remote will not be kept in obscurity. The duke of Sheh in his dying charge said, “Do not by little counsels ruin great enterprises; do not for the sake of a favourite concubine
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provoke queen Kwang; do not for the sake of a favourite officer provoke your grave officers,—the Great officers or high ministers?."
15. The Master said, 'If the great man be not in affectionate sympathy with (his officers) whom he considers worthy, but give his confidence to others whom he despises, the people in consequence will not feel attached to him, and the lessons which he gives them will be troublesome (and ineffective). It is said in the Book of Poetry (II, ii, ode 8), “As if I were hidden they sought me at first,
At court for a pattern to shine; 'Tis with hatred intense they now bend their
scowls, And my services curtly decline." It is said in the Kün-khăn (ShŲ, V, xxiv, 4), “While they have not seen a sage, (they are full of desire) as if they could not get a sight of him ; but after they have seen him, they are still unable to follow him.”'
16. The Master said, 'A small man is drowned in the water ; a superior man is drowned or ruined by his mouth; the great man suffers his ruin from the people ;-all suffer from what they have played and taken liberties with. Water is near to men, and yet it drowns them. Its nature makes it easy to play with, but dangerous to approach ;-men are easily drowned in it. The mouth is loquacious and
* This is an error. The dying counsels referred to were not given by any duke of Sheh (a dependency of Kha), but by Wân-fa, duke of Zai, to king Ma of Kâu. They are found with some slight alterations in the Apocryphal Books of Kâu (te ), Book VIII, article 1. Confucius would not have fallen into such a mistake.
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BZE f.
359
troublesome; for words once uttered there is hardly a place of repentance ;-men are easily ruined by it. The people, restricted in their humanity, have vulgar and rude minds; they should be respected, and should not be treated with contempt ;-men are easily ruined by them. Therefore the superior man should by all means be careful in his dealings with them. It is said in the Thai Kia (Shů, III, v, sect. 1, 5, 7), “Do not frustrate the charge to me, and bring on yourself your own overthrow. Be like the forester, who, when he has adjusted the string, goes to examine the end of the arrow, whether it be placed according to rule, and then lets go.” It is said in the Charge to Yüeh (III, viii, sect. 2, 4), “It is the mouth which gives occasion to shame; they are the coat of mail and helmet which give occasion to war. The upper robes and lower garments (for reward) should not be taken (lightly from) their chests; before spear and shield are used, one should examine himself." It is said in the Thai Kia (Shu, III, v, sect. 2, 3), “Calamities sent by Heaven may be avoided; but from those brought on by one's self there is no escape." It is said in the Announcement of Yin (Shů, III, v, sect. 1, 3), "I have seen it myself in Hsia with its western capital, that when its sovereigns went through a prosperous course to the end, their ministers also did the same."
17. The Master said, “To the people the ruler is as their heart; to the ruler the people are as his body. When the heart is composed, the body is at ease ; when the heart is reverent, the body is respectful; when the heart loves anything, the body is sure to rest in it. (So), when the ruler loves anything, the people are sure to desire it. The !
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body is the complement of the heart, and a wound in it makes the heart also suffer. So the ruler is
preserved by the people, and perishes also through | the people. It is said in an ode,
“Once we had that former premier, His words were wise and pure; The states and clans by him were at rest, The chief cities and towns by him were well
regulated, All the people by him enjoyed their life. Who (now) holds the ordering of the kingdom? Not himself attending to the government,
The issue is toil and pain to the people ?." It is said in the Kün-yà (Sha, V, XXV, 5), “ In the heat and rain of summer days the inferior people may be described as murmuring and sighing. And so it may be said of them in the great cold of winter."
18. The Master said, 'In the service by an inferior of his superior, if his personal character be not correct, his words will not be believed ; and in this case their views will not be the same, and the conduct (of the superior) will not correspond (to the advice given to him) ?'.
19. The Master said, 'Words should be capable of proof by instances, and conduct should be conformed to rule; when the case is so, a man's aim cannot be taken from him while he is alive, nor can his good name be taken away when he is dead. Therefore the superior man, having heard much, verifies it by
This is from an ode not in the Shih, and only preserved, so far, here. The three concluding lines, however, are also found in the Shih, II, iv, ode 7, 6.
. The meaning of this latter part is matter of dispute.
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BK. XXX.
SZE .
361
inquiry, and firmly holds fast (what is proved); he remembers much, verifies it by inquiry, and makes it his own ; when he knows it exactly, he carries the substance of it into practice. It is said in the Künkhăn (ShQ, V, xxi, 5), "Going out and coming in, seek the judgment of the people about things, till you find a general agreement upon them." It is said in the Book of Poetry (I, xiv, ode 3, 1), “The virtuous man, the princely one,
Is uniformly correct in his deportment.”' 20. The Master said, 'It is only the superior man who can love what is correct, while to the small man what is correct is as poison. Therefore the friends of the superior man have the definite aims which they pursue, and the definite courses which they hate. In consequence, those who are near at hand have no perplexities of thought about him, and those who are far off, no doubts. It is said in the Book of Poetry (I, i, ode 1, 1),
“For our prince a good mate." 21. The Master said, “When a man on light grounds breaks off his friendship with the poor and mean, and only on great grounds with the rich and noble, his love of worth cannot be great, nor does his hatred of evil clearly appear. Though men may say that he is not influenced by (the love of) gain, I do not believe them. It is said in the Book of Poetry (III, ii, ode 3, 4),
“And all the friends assisting you
Behave with reverent mien.”' 22. The Master said, 'The superior man will not voluntarily remain to share in private acts of kind
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ness not offered on grounds of virtue. In the Book of Poetry it is said (II, i, ode 1, 1),
"They love me, and my mind will teach
How duty's highest aim to reach.”' 23. The Master said, 'If there be a carriage (before you), you are sure (by-and-by) to see the cross-board (in front); if there be a garment, you are sure (in the same way) to see (the traces of) its being worn; if one speaks, you are sure to hear his voice; if one does anything, you are sure to see the result. It is said in the Book of Poetry (I, i, ode 2, 2), “I will wear them without being weary of them."
24. The Master said, “When one says anything, and immediately proceeds to act it out, his words cannot embellish it; and when one does anything, and immediately proceeds to describe it, the action cannot be embellished. Hence the superior man saying little, and acting to prove the sincerity of his words, the people cannot make the excellence of their deeds greater than it is, nor diminish the amount of their badness! It is said in the Book of Poetry (III, iii, ode 2, 5), “A flaw in mace of white jade may By patient toil be ground away; But for a flaw we make in speech, What can be done? 'Tis past our reach."
The excellence and the badness would seem, in the text, to belong to the conduct of the superior man; but to predicate badness of him would be too daring. To justify the view which appears in my translation, the Khien-lung editors, in their expansion of the meaning, after the people,' interpolate who come under the transforming influence of his example.'
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BZE 1.
363
It is said in the Hsiao Yå (II, iïi, ode 5, 8), “Well does our lord become his place,
And high the deeds his reign have crowned.” It is said to the Prince Shih (Sha, V, xvi, 11), “Aforetime, when God beheld the virtue of king Wăn in the fields of Kâu, he made the great decree light on his person.”'
25. The Master said, 'The people of the south have a saying that “A man without constancy cannot be a diviner either with the tortoise-shell or the stalks." This was probably a saying handed down from antiquity. If such a man cannot know the tortoise-shell and stalks, how much less can he know other men?? It is said in the Book of Poetry (II, v, ode 1, 3), “Our tortoise-shells are wearied out,
And will not tell us anything about the plans.” The Charge to Yüeh says (Shủ, IV, viii, sect. 2, 5, 11), “ Dignities should not be conferred on men of evil practices. (If they be), how can the people set themselves to correct their ways ? If this be sought merely by sacrifices, it will be disrespectful (to the spirits). When affairs come to be troublesome, there ensues disorder; when the spirits are served so, difficulties ensue."
It is said in the YI, “When one does not conti
I cannot make anything but this of this sentence, though Khung Ying-tå takes it differently. The whole paragraph is evidently very corrupt, and even the Khien-lung editors have put forth all their strength upon it in vain.
. We have here a quotation from the Sha, IV, viii, sect. 2; but it is very different from the textus receptus. All the commentators and critics are at fault upon it; see vol. iii, pp. 115, 116.
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nuously maintain his virtue, some will impute it to him as a disgrace?;—(in the position indicated in the Hexagram.) When one does maintain his virtue continuously in the other position indicated), this will be fortunate in a wife, but in a husband evil.”'
1 See the symbolism of the 3rd and 5th lines of the Hång or 3and Hexagram, vol. xvi, pp. 125-128.
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BOOK XXXI. PÅN SANG
OR
RULES ON HURRYING TO MOURNING RITES1.
1. According to the rules for hurrying to attend the mourning rites, when one first heard that the mourning rites for a relative were going on, he wailed as he answered the messenger, and gave full vent to his sorrow. Having asked all the particulars, he wailed again, with a similar burst of grief, and immediately arranged to go (to the place). He went 100 lf a day, not travelling in the night.
2. Only when the rites were those for a father or a mother did he travel while he could yet see the stars, and rested when he (again) saw them. If it was impossible for him to go (at once), he assumed the mourning dress, and then went (as soon as he could). When he had passed through the state (where he was), and reached its frontier, he stopped and wailed, giving full vent to his sorrow. He avoided wailing in the market-place and when near the court. He looked towards the frontier of his own state when he wailed.
1 See the introductory notice, vol. xxvii, pp. 46, 47.
The mourner is absent from his state, and a messenger has been sent to tell him of the death. The relative, it is argued, may have been any one within the 'five degrees' of consanguinity.
'That is, from peep of dawn till the stars came out again after
sunset.
• Being restrained by the duties of the commission, with which he was charged by the ruler.
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THE LÎ xi.
BK. XXXI.
3. When he came to the house, he entered the gate at the left side of it, (passed through the court), and ascended to the hall by the steps on the west. He knelt on the east of the coffin, with his face to the west, and wailed, giving full vent to his grief. He (then) tied up his hair in a knot, bared his arms, and went down from the hall, proceeding to his place on the east, where he wailed towards the west. Having completed the leaping, he covered his arms and put on his sash of sackcloth in the corridor on the east; and after tucking up the ends of his sash, he returned to his place. He bowed to the visitors, leaping with them, and escorted them (to the gate), returning (afterwards) to his place. When other visitors arrived, he bowed to them, leaped with them, and escorted them ;—all in the same way.
4. (After this), all the principal mourners', with their cousins, went out at the gate, stopping there while they wailed. The gate was then closed, and the director told them to go to the mourning shed.
5. At the next wailing, the day after, they tied up their hair, bared their arms, and went through the leaping. At the third wailing next day, they again tied up their hair, bared their arms, and went through the leaping. On these three days, the finishing the mourning dress, bowing to and escorting the visitors, took place as in the first case.
6. If he who has hurried to be present at the
1 This seems to mean all the sons of the departed. Of course there was really but one chief or host-man,' as in par. 6.
* This takes us by surprise. Did all go to the shed? Were there many sheds ?
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PÄN SANG.
367
rites were not the presiding mourner on the occasion', then that presiding mourner, instead of him, bowed to the visitors and escorted them.
7. When one hurried to the rites, even where they were less than those for a mother or father, which required the wearing of sackcloth, with even edge or frayed, he entered the gate at the left side of it, and stood in the middle of the court-yard with his face to the north, wailing and giving full vent to his sorrow. He put on the cincture for the head and the sackcloth girdle in the corridor on the east, and repaired to his place, where he bared his arms. Then he wailed along with the presiding mourner, and went through the leaping. For the wailing on the second day and the third, they wore the cincture and bared the arms. If there were visitors, the presiding mourner bowed to them on their arrival, and escorted them.
The husbands and wives of the family) waited for him at the wailing-places for every morning and evening, without making any change.
8. When one hurries to the mourning rites for a mother, he wails with his face to the west, giving full vent to his sorrow. He then ties up his hair, bares his arms, descends from the hall, and goes to his station on the east, where, with his face to the west, he wails and goes through the leaping. After that, he covers his arms and puts on the cincture and sash in the corridor on the east. He bows to the visitors, and escorts them to the gate) in the same way as if he had hurried to the rites for his
· This seems to imply that, in the preceding paragraphs, he had been the principal mourner.
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THE LI Kİ.
father. At the wailing on the day after, he does not tie up his hair.
9. When a wife1 hurried to the mourning rites, she went up to the hall by the (side) steps on the east, and knelt on the east of the coffin with her face to the west. There she wailed, giving full vent to her grief. Having put on the lower cincture on the east2, she went to the station (for wailing), and there leaped alternately with the presiding mourner.
10. When one, hurrying to the mourning rites, did not arrive while the coffin with the body was still in the house, he first went to the grave; and there kneeling with his face to the north, he wailed, giving full vent to his sorrow. The principal mourners have been waiting for him (at the grave), and have taken their stations, the men on the left of it, and the wives on the right. Having gone through the leaping, and given full expression to his sorrow, he tied up his hair, and went to the station of the principal mourners on the east. In his headband of sackcloth, and sash with the ends tucked up, he wailed and went through the leaping. He then bowed to the visitors, and returned to his station, going (again) through the leaping, after which the director announced that the business was over3.
II. He then put on the cap, and returned to the
BK. XXXI.
1 An aunt, sister, or daughter of the family, who was married, and hurried to the family home from her husband's.
' I suppose this was in the corridor on the east. The rule was for the women to dress in an apartment; but a distinction was made between those residing in the house, and those who returned to it for the occasion.
It is understood that this mourner was the eldest and rightful son of the deceased.
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BK. XXXI.
PĂN SANG.
369
house. There he entered at the left side of the door, and, with his face to the north, wailed and gave full vent to his sorrow. He then tied up his hair, bared his arms, and went through the leaping. Going to his station on the east, he bowed to the visitors, and went through the leaping. When the visitors went out, the presiding mourner bowed to them, and escorted them. When other visitors afterwards arrived, he bowed to them, went through the leaping, and escorted them in the same way. All the principal mourners and their cousins went out at the gate, wailed there and stopped, when the directors instructed them to go to the shed. At the wailing next day, he bound up his hair and went through the leaping. At the third wailing, he did the same. On the third day he completed his mourning dress (as was required). After the fifth wailing, the director announced that the business was over.
12. Wherein the usages at the rites for a mother differed from those at the rites for a father, was that there was but one tying up of the hair. After that the cincture was worn to the end of the business. In other respects the usages were the same as at the rites for a father.
13. At the rites for other relations, after those for the mother or father, the mourner who did not arrive while the coffin was in the house, first went to the grave, and there wailed with his face to the west, giving full vent to his sorrow. He then put on the cincture and hempen sash, and went to his station on the east, where he wailed with the presiding mourner, and went through the leaping. After this he covered his arms; and if there were visitors, the presiding mourner bowed to them and escorted them away. B b
[28]
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THE LI XI.
If any other visitors afterwards came, he bowed to them, as in the former case, and the director announced that the business was over.
BK. XXXI.
Immediately after he put on the cap, and returned to the house. Entering at the left side of the door, he wailed with his face to the north, giving full vent to his sorrow. He then put on the cincture, bared his arms, and went through the leaping. Going then to the station on the east, he bowed to the visitors, and went through the leaping again. When the visitors went out, the presiding mourner bowed to them and escorted them.
At the wailing next day, he wore the cincture, bared his arms, and went through the leaping. At the third wailing he did the same. On the third day, he put on his mourning-garb; and at the fifth wailing, the director announced that the business was over.
14. When one heard of the mourning rites, and it was impossible (in his circumstances) to hurry to be present at them, he wailed and gave full vent to his grief. He then asked the particulars, and (on hearing them) wailed again, and gave full vent to his grief. He then made a place (for his mourning) where he was, tied up his hair, bared his arms, and went through the leaping. Having covered his arms, and put on the higher cincture and his sash with the ends tucked up, he went (back) to his place. After bowing to (any visitors that arrived), he returned to the place, and went through the leaping. When the visitors went out, he, as the presiding mourner, bowed to them, and escorted them outside the gate, returning then to his station. If any other visitors came afterwards, he bowed to them and went through the leaping, then escorting them as before,
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BK. XXXI.
PẦN SANG.
371
At the wailing next day, he tied up his hair, bared his arms, and went through the leaping. At the third wailing he did the same. On the third day, he put on his mourning-garb, wailed, bowed to his visitors, and escorted them as before.
15. If one returned home after the mourning rites had been completed, he went to the grave, and there wailed and went through the leaping. On the east of it, he tied up his hair, bared his arms, put on the cíncture for the head, bowed to the visitors, and went (again) through the leaping. Having escorted the visitors, he returned to his place, and again wailed, giving full vent to his grief. With this he put off his mourning. In the house he did not wail. The principal mourner, in his treatment of him, made no change in his dress; and though he wailed with him (at the grave), he did not leap.
16. Wherein at other observances than those for the death of a mother or father, the usages (of such a mourner) differed from the above, were in the cincture for the head and the hempen sash.
17. In all cases where one made a place for his mourning (away from home), if it were not on occasion of the death of a parent, but for some relative of the classes not so nearly related, he went to the station, and wailed, giving full vent to his sorrow. Having put on the cincture for the head and the girdle on the east, he came back to the station, bared his arms, and went through the leaping. He then covered his arms, bowed to the visitors, went back to the station, wailed, and went through the leaping. (After this), he escorted the guests away, and came back to the station, when the director told him to go to the shed. When the fifth wailing
B b 2
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THE LÎ ki.
BK. XXXI.
was ended, on the third day, the presiding moumer came forth and escorted the visitors away. All the principal mourners and their cousins went out at the gate, wailed, and stopped there. The director announced to them that the business was ended. He put on his full mourning-garb, and bowed to the visitors!
18. If the home were far distant from the place which an absent mourner has selected (for his wailing), they completed all their arrangements about dress before they went to it.
19. One hurrying to mourning rites, if they were for a parent, wailed when he looked towards the district (where they had lived); if they were for a relation for whom nine months' mourning was due, he wailed when he could see the gate of his house ; if for one to whom five months' mourning was due, he wailed when he got to the door; if for one to whom but three months' mourning was due, he wailed when he took his station.
20. For one of his father's relations (for whom he did not need to go into mourning) a man wailed in the ancestral temple; for one of his mother or wife's relatives, in the back chamber of the temple; for his teacher, outside the gate of the temple; for a friend, outside the door of the back-chamber; for an acquaintance, in the open country, having pitched a tent for the occasion. Some say the wailing for a mother's relation was in the temple.
v
· The Rhien-lung editors think that this last sentence is an erroneous addition to the paragraph. But with other parts of it there are great difficulties, insoluble difficulties, as some of the commentators allow.
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BK. XXXI.
PAN SANG.
373
21. In all cases where a station was selected, away from the house of mourning, for paying funeral rites, no offerings were put down (for the departed). v 22. For the son of Heaven they wailed nine days; for a feudal prince, seven; for a high minister and Great officer, five; for another officer, three.
23. A Great officer, in wailing for the ruler of his state, did not presume to bow to the visitors.
24. Ministers in other states, when they selected a station (for their wailing), did not presume to bow to the visitors.
25. Officers, of the same surname with a feudal prince, (but who were serving in other states), also made a place at which to wail for him (on his
death). ✓ 26. In all cases where one made a place (at a
distance) at which to wail, he bared his arms (only)
once. v 27. In condoling with (the relations of) an ac
quaintance (after he has been buried), one first wailed in his house, and afterwards went to the grave, in both cases accompanying the wailing with the leaping. He alternated his leaping with that of the presiding mourner, keeping his face towards the north.
28. At all mourning rites (in a household), if the father were alive, he acted as presiding mourner ; if he were dead, and brothers lived together in the house, each presided at the mourning for one of his own family-circle. If two brothers were equally related to the deceased for whom rites were necessary, the eldest presided at those rites; if they were not equally related, the one most nearly so presided.
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THE LỄ KÝ.
BK, XXXI.
29. When one heard of the death of a brother or cousin at a distance, but the news did not arrive till the time which his own mourning for him would have taken had expired", he (notwithstanding) put on the mourning cincture, bared his arms, and went through the leaping. He bowed to his visitors, however, with the left hand uppermost.
30. The only case in which a place was chosen in which to wail for one for whom mourning was not worn, was the death of a sister-in-law, the wife of an elder brother. For a female member of the family who had married, and for whom therefore mourning was not worn, the hempen sash was assumed.
31. When one had hurried to the mourning rites, and a Great officer came (to condole with him), he bared his arms, and bowed to him. When he had gone through the leaping, he covered his arms. In the case of a similar visit from an ordinary officer, he covered his arms, and then bowed to him.
1 The deceased would have been only in the degree of relationship, to which five months' mourning was assigned.
9 The left hand uppermost made the bow one more appropriate to a festive occasion.
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BOOK XXXII. WÅN SANG
OR
QUESTIONS ABOUT MOURNING RITES!
1. Immediately after his father's death, (the son ✓ put off his cap, and) kept his hair, with the pin in it, in the bag (of silk); went barefoot, with the skirt of his dress tucked up under his girdle; and wailed with his hands across his breast. In the bitterness of his grief, and the distress and pain of his thoughts, his kidneys were injured, his liver dried up, and his lungs scorched, while water or other liquid did not enter his mouth, and for three days fire was not kindled (to cook anything for him). On this account the neighbours prepared for him gruel and rice-water, which were his (only) meat and drink. The internal grief and sorrow produced a change in his outward appearance; and with the severe pain in his heart, his mouth could not relish any savoury food, nor his body find ease in anything pleasant.
2. On the third day there was the (slighter) dressing (of the corpse). While the body was on the couch it was called the corpse; when it was put into the coffin, it was called kig. At the moving of the corpse, and lifting up of the coffin, (the son) wailed and leaped, times without number. Such was the bitterness of his heart, and the pain of his thoughts, so did his grief and sorrow fill his mind and
1 See the introductory notice, vol. xxvii, pp. 47, 48.
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THE LI KÎ.
agitate his spirit, that he bared his arms and leaped, seeking by the movement of his limbs to obtain some comfort to his heart and relief to his spirit.
The women could not bare their arms, and therefore they (merely) pushed out the breast, and smote upon their hearts, moving their feet with a sliding, hopping motion, and with a constant, heavy sound, like the crumbling away of a wall. The expression of grief, sorrow, and deep-seated pain was extreme; hence it is said, 'With beating of the breast and movement of the feet, did they sorrowfully accompany the body; so they escorted it away, and so did they come back to meet its essential part.'
BK. XXXII.
When (the mourners) went, accompanying the coffin (to the grave), they looked forward, with an expression of eagerness, as if they were following some one, and unable to get up to him. When returning to wail, they looked disconcerted, as if they were seeking some one whom they could not find. Hence, when escorting (the coffin), they appeared full of affectionate desire; when returning, they appeared full of perplexity. They had sought the (deceased), and could not find him; they entered the gate, and did not see him; they went up to the hall, and still did not see him; they entered his chamber, and still did not see him; he was gone; he was dead; they should see him again nevermore. Therefore they wailed, wept, beat their breasts, and leaped, giving full vent to their sorrow, before they ceased. Their minds were disappointed, pained, fluttered, and indignant. They could do nothing more with their wills; they could do nothing but continue sad.
3. In presenting the sacrifice (of repose) in the
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BK, XXXII.
WĂN SANG.
377
ancestral temple !, (the son) offered it (to his parent) in his disembodied state, hoping that his shade would peradventure return (and enjoy it). When he came back to the house from completing the grave, he did not venture to occupy his chamber, but dwelt in the mourning shed, lamenting that his parent was now outside. He slept on the rushes, with a clod for his pillow, lamenting that his parent was in the ground. Therefore he wailed and wept, without regard to time; he endured the toil and grief for three years. His heart of loving thoughts showed the mind of the filial son, and was the real expression of his human feelings.
4. Some one may ask, “Why does the dressing not commence till three days after death ?' and the answer is :—When his parent is dead, the filial son is sad and sorrowful, and his mind is full of trouble. He crawls about and bewails his loss, as if the dead might come back to life ;-how can he hurriedly take (the corpse) and proceed to dress it? Therefore, when it is said that the dressing does not begin till after three days, the meaning is, that (the son) is waiting that time to see if (his father) will come to life. When after three days there is no such return, the father is not alive, and the heart of the filial son is still more downcast. (During this space, moreover), the means of the family can be calculated, and the clothes that are necessary can be provided and made accordingly; the relations and connexions who live at a distance can also arrive. Therefore the sages decided in the case
1.Not the structure so called,' says Khung Ying-tå, but the apartment where the coffin had been ;'-now serving for the occasion as a temple.
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THE li xi.
BK. XXXII.
that three days should be allowed, and the rule was made accordingly.
5. Some one may ask, 'How is it that one with the cap on does not bare his arms, and show the naked body ?' and the answer is :-The cap is the most honourable article of dress, and cannot be worn where the body is bared, and the flesh 'exposed. Therefore the cincture for the head is worn instead of the cap, (when the arms are bared).
6. And so, when a bald man does not wear the cincture, and a hunchback does not bare his arms, and a lame man does not leap, it is not that they do not feel sad, but they have an infirmity which prevents them from fully discharging the usages. Hence it is said that in the rites of mourning it is the sorrow that is the principal thing. When a daughter wails, weeps, and is sad, beats her breast, and wounds her heart; and when a son wails, weeps, is sad, and bows down till his forehead touches the ground, without regard to elegance of demeanour, this may be accepted as the highest expression of sorrow.
7. Some one may ask, “What is the idea in the cincture?' and the reply is :-The cincture is what is worn while uncapped. The Rule says,
Boys do not wear (even) the three months' mourning; it is only when the family has devolved on one that he does so. The cincture, we may suppose, was what was worn in the three months' mourning (by a boy). If he had come to be the representative of the family, he wore the cincture, and carried the staff.
8. Some one may ask, "What is meant by (using) the staff?' and the answer is :- The staff of bamboo
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BE, XXXII.
wĂN SANG.
379
and that of elaeococcus wood have the same meaning. Hence, for a father they used the black staff of bamboo ; and for a mother, the square-cut staff, an elaeococcus branch
9. Some one may say, 'What is meant by (using) the staff?' and the answer is :—When a filial son mourns for a parent, he wails and weeps without regard to the number of times ; his endurances are hard for three years; his body becomes ill and his limbs emaciated ; and so he uses a staff to support his infirmity.
10. Thus, while his father is alive he does not dare to use a staff, because his honoured father is still living. Walking in the hall, he does not use the staff ;-refraining from doing so in the place where his honoured father is. Nor does he walk hastily in the hall,—to show that he is not hurried. Such is the mind of the filial son, the real expression of human feeling, the proper method of propriety and righteousness. It does not come down from heaven, it does not come forth from the earth; it is simply the expression of the human feelings.
' On Book XIII, 1, 3 the Khien-lung editors say, that the staff of old men was carried with the root up, and the other end down; but the opposite was the case with the mourner's staff. In breaking off a branch from the elaeococcus, the part which has been torn from the stem is cut square and smooth with a knife. The round stem of the bamboo cane is said by Khăn Hảo to symbolise heaven, and so is carried for a father; and the square cut end of the dryandria branch, to symbolise earth, and so is used for a mother. But this fanciful explanation seems to be contrary to what is said in the conclusion of the next paragraph.
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BOOK XXXIII. FU WĂN
OR
SUBJECTS FOR QUESTIONING ABOUT THE
MOURNING DRESS1.
1. The Directory for Mourning says, 'There are cases in which parties wear deep mourning, while those, in consequence of their connexion with whom they assume it, wear only light.' Such is the mourning for her husband's mother by the wife of the son of a ruler (by a concubine) 2.
2. There are cases in which parties wear light mourning, while those, in consequence of their connexion with whom they assume it, wear deep mourning.' Such is the mourning of a husband for the father or mother of his wife 3.
"
3. There are cases in which parties wear mourning, while those, in consequence of their connexion with whom they have a relation with the deceased, wear none.' Such is the case of the wife of a ruler's
1 See the introductory notice, vol. xxvii, page 48.
Such a son of a ruler could wear for his mother only the nine months' mourning, as she was but a concubine with an inferior position in the family; but his wife wore mourning for her for a whole year. She was her husband's mother, and the general rule for mourning in such a relation was observed by the wife, without regard to the deceased being only a concubine, and whether the ruler were alive or dead.
"The wife, of course, observed the three years' mourning for her father or mother; the husband only the three months.
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BE. XXXIII.
FU WĂN.
381
son with the cousins of her husband on the female side 1
4. There are cases in which parties wear no mourning, while those, in consequence of their connexion with whom they have a relation with the deceased, do wear mourning. Such is the case of a ruler's son with regard to the father and mother of his wife.
5. The Directory of Mourning says, 'When his mother has been divorced, the son wears mourning for the relatives of the wife whom his father has taken in his mother's place.' When his mother has died ? (without being divorced), a son wears mourning for her relatives. Wearing mourning for his own mother's relatives, he does not do so for those of the step-mother, whom his father may have taken in her place.
6. After the sacrifice at the end of the first year, during the three years' rites, and after the interment has taken place, during those of one year (occurring at the same time), the mourner puts on the old sash of dolychos cloth, and the headband of the one year's mourning, wearing (at the same time) the sackcloth of the mourning for nine months.
7. The same thing is done (after the interment) during the nine months' mourning.
8. No change is made (after the interment) during the five months' mourning.
There is no satisfactory account of this case. • Khăn Hảo supposed that this mother 'dying' is the wife whom his father has taken in the place of the son's divorced mother. The Khien-lung editors rightly point out his error; but it shows how these notices are perplexing, not only to foreigners, but also to native scholars.
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382
THE LÎ kt.
BK. XXXIII,
9. Where they wore the sash with the roots of hemp wrought into the cloth ?, they changed it for the dolychos cloth of the three years' mourning 2.
10. After the sacrifice at the end of a year, if there occurred an occasion for using the hempen sash with the roots cut off, (the mourner) put on the proper band along with the higher cincture. When the cincture was no longer worn, he put off the band. When it was proper to use the band, the rule was to wear it; and when the occasion for it was over, it was put off.
11. In the mourning for five months they did not change the cap worn for the sacrifice at the end of a year. If there were occasion to wear the cincture, then they employed the band proper for the mourning of three months or five months; still keeping on the first dolychos sash. The linen of the three months' mourning did not make it necessary to change the dolychos cloth of the five months; nor the linen of the five months to change the dolychos cloth of the nine months. Where the roots were woven with the cloth, they made a change.
12. On occasion of mourning for a minor, if he were of the highest grade or the middle, they changed the dolychos cloth of the three years' mourning, assuming it when they had completed the months of these intervening rites. This was done not because of the value set on the linen, but because no change was made at the conclusion of
This was done in the mourning for nine months and for one year; not in that for five months and for three.
. That is, after the sacrifice at the end of the first year. • This is supplementary, say the Khien-lung editors, to para
graph 8.
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BK. XXXIII.
FÛ WĂN.
383
the wailing. They did not observe this rule on the death of a minor of the third or lowest grade.
13. The ruler of a state mourned for the son of Heaven for the three years. His wife observed the rule of a lady of her husband's house who had gone to her own married home in mourning for the ruler1.
14. The heir-son of a ruler did not wear mourning for the son of Heaven?
15. A ruler acted as presiding mourner at the mourning rites for his wife, his eldest son, and that son's wife.
16. The eldest son of a Great officer, by his proper wife, wore the mourning of an ordinary officer for the ruler, and for the ruler's wife and eldest son.
17. When the mother of a ruler had not been the wife (of the former ruler) 3, the body of the ministers did not wear mourning (on her death). Only the officers of the harem, the charioteer and the man-atarms who sat on the left, followed the example of the ruler, wearing the same mourning as he did.
18. For a high minister or Great officer, (during the mourning rites for him), the ruler wore in his place the coarse glazed linen, and also when he went out (on business not connected with the rites). If it were on business connected with them, he wore also the skin-cap and the band round it. Great officers dressed in the same way for one another. At the mourning rites for their wives, they wore the same dress, when they were going to be present at
· That is, for a year. * To avoid suspicion, say the commentators. I do not see it.
She must have been a concubine, or some inferior member of the harem. Various circumstances might have concurred to lead to her son's succession to the state.
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those rites; if they went out (on other business), they did not wear it.
19. In all cases of going to see others, the visitor (being in mourning for his parents) did not put off his headband. Even when he was going to the ruler's court, he did not put it off; it was only at the ruler's gate that (in certain circumstances) he put off his sackcloth. The Directory of Mourning says, 'A superior man will not take away from others their mourning rites;' and so it was deemed wrong to put off this mourning.
20. The Directory of Mourning says, 'Crimes are many, but the punishments are only five. The occasions for mourning are many, but there are only five varieties of the mourning dress. The occasions must be arranged, according as they are classed in the upper grade or in the lower.'
THE LI XI.
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BOOK XXXIV. KIEN KWÂN
OR
TREATISE ON SUBSIDIARY POINTS IN MOURNING
USAGES1.
1. What is the reason that the headband worn with the frayed sackcloth, for a father, must be made of the fibres of the female plant?
Those fibres have an unpleasant appearance, and serve to show outwardly the internal distress. The appearance of (the mourners), wearing the sackcloth for a father with its jagged edges, corresponds to those fibres. That of one wearing the sackcloth for a mother with its even edges, corresponds to the fibres of the male plant. That of one wearing the mourning of nine months looks as if (the ebullitions of sorrow) had ceased. For one wearing the mourning of five months or of three, his (ordinary) appearance is suitable.
These are the manifestations of sorrow in the bodily appearance 2.
2. The wailing of one wearing the sackcloth for his father seems to go forth in one unbroken strain;
1 See the introductory notice, vol. xxvii, pp. 48, 49.
The 3sü () is commonly understood to be the female plant of hemp, and the hsf () the male plant; though some writers reverse the application of the names. The fibres of both are dark coloured, those of the female plant being the darker. The cloth woven of them was also of a coarser texture. All admit that the subject here is the mourning band for the head; the staffs borne in the two cases corresponded in colour to the band.
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THE LÎ ki.
BK. XXXIV.
that of one wearing the sackcloth for a mother is now and then broken; in the mourning of nine months, after the first burst there are three quavers in it, and then it seems to die away; in the mourning of five and three months, an ordinary wailing is sufficient.
These are the manifestations of sorrow in the modulations of the voice .
3. When wearing the sackcloth for a father, one indicates that he hears what is said to him, but does not reply in words; when wearing that for a mother, he replies, but does not speak of anything else. During the nine months' mourning, he may speak of other things, but not discuss them; during that for five months or three months, he may discuss other things, but does not show pleasure in doing so.
These are the manifestations of sorrow in speech.
4. When a mourner has assumed the sackcloth for a father, for three days he abstains from food; for a mother, for two days. When he has commenced the nine months' mourning, he abstains from three meals; in that of five months or of three, for two. When an ordinary officer takes part in the dressing (of a friend's corpse), he abstains from one meal. Hence at the mourning rites for a father or mother, when the coffining takes place, the children) take gruel made of a handful of rice in the morning, and the same quantity in the evening. During all the rites for a mother, they eat coarse rice and drink only water, not touching vegetables or fruits. During the nine months' mourning (the mourners) do not eat pickles or sauces; during that of five months or three, they do not drink prepared liquor, either new or old.
I have read something of the same kind as this account of the wailing' in descriptions of the 'keening' at an Irish wake.
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BK. XXXIV. KIEN KWÂN.
387 These are the manifestations of sorrow in drinking and eating.
5. In the mourning rites for a parent, when the sacrifice of repose has been presented, and the wailing is at an end, (the mourners) eat coarse rice and drink water, but do not take vegetables or fruits. At the end of a year, when the smaller felicitous sacrifice has been offered, they eat vegetables and fruits. After another year, when the greater sacrifice has been offered, they take pickles and sauces. In the month after, the final mourning sacrifice is offered, after which they drink the must and spirits. When they begin to drink these, they first use the must; when they begin to eat flesh, they first take that which has been dried.
6. During the mourning rites for a parent, (the son) occupied the mourning shed, and slept on straw with a clod for his pillow, without taking off the headband or girdle. If they were for a mother (only, and the father were still alive), he occupied the unplastered chamber, (sleeping on typha rushes with their tops cut off, but not woven together. During the mourning for nine months, there was a mat to sleep on. In that for five months or for three, it was allowed to use a bedstead.
These were the manifestations of sorrow given in the dwelling-places.
7. At the mourning rites for a parent, after the sacrifice of repose, and when the wailing was concluded, the inclined) posts of the shed were set up on lintels, and the screen (of grass) was clipped, while typha rushes, with the tops cut off, but not woven together, (were laid down for a mat). At the end of a year, and when the smaller felicitous sacrifice had
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THE LI Kİ.
been offered, (the son) occupied the unplastered chamber, and had a mat to sleep on. After another year, and when the greater felicitous sacrifice had been offered, he returned to his old sleeping apartment. Then, when the final mourning sacrifice was offered, he used a bedstead.
8. The mourning with jagged edges was made with 3 shǎng of hempen threads, each shăng containing 81 threads; that with even edge, with 4, 5, or 6 shăng; that for the nine months' mourning with 7, 8, or 9 shăng; that for the five months, with 10, 11, or 12 shăng; that for the three months, with 15 shăng less the half'. When the thread was manipulated and boiled, no such operation was performed on the woven cloth, and it was called sze (or the material for the mourning of three months).
These were the manifestations of sorrow shown in the fabrics of the different mournings.
9. The sackcloth with jagged edges (worn at first) was made with 3 shăng, but after the sacrifice of repose when the wailing was over, this was exchanged for a different fabric made with 6 shăng, while the material for the cap was made with 7 shăng. The coarse sackcloth for a mother was made with 4 shăng, exchanged for a material made with 7 shăng, while the cap was made with one of 8 shăng.
When the hempen dress is put away (after the burial), grass-cloth is worn, the sash of it being made of triple twist. At the end of the year, and when the first felicitous sacrifice has been offered, (the son) puts on the cap of dyed silk proper to that
1 Ka Hsî says, 'Inexplicable!'
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sacrifice, and the red collar, still retaining the sash and headband. A son begins at the head, and a woman with the girdle, in putting off their mourning. What is the reason? Because a man considers the head the most important to him, and a woman the waist. In laying aside the mourning, they began with the most important; in changing it, with what was least.
BK. XXXIV.
KIEN KWÂN.
At the end of the second year, and when the greater felicitous sacrifice had been offered, the cap and dress of plain hempen cloth was assumed. After the concluding sacrifice of mourning, in the next month, the black cap and silk of black and white were put on, and all the appendages of the girdle were assumed.
10. Why is it that in changing the mourning they (first) changed what was the lightest? During the wearing of the sackcloth with jagged edges for a father, if when, after the sacrifice of repose and the end of the wailing, there came occasion to wear the even-edged sackcloth for a mother, that, as lighter, was considered to be embraced in the other, and that which was most important was retained.
After the sacrifice at the end of the year, when there occurred occasion for the mourning rites of nine months, both the sackcloth and grass-cloth bands were worn.
During the wearing of the sackcloth for a mother, when, after the sacrifice of repose and the end of the wailing, there came occasion to wear the mourning for nine months, the sackcloth and grasscloth bands were worn together.
The grass-cloth band with the jagged-edged sackcloth and the hempen band with the even-edged
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THE LÎ xi.
BK, XXXIV.
sackcloth were of the same value. The grass-cloth with the even-edged sackcloth and the hempen band of the nine months' mourning were of the same value. The grass-cloth with the nine months' mourning and the hempen band with that of five months were of the same value. The grass-cloth with the five months' mourning and the hempen with that of three months were of the same value. So they wore them together. When they did so, that which was the lighter was changed first.
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L
BOOK XXXV.
SAN NIEN WĂN
OR
QUESTIONS ABOUT THE MOURNING FOR THREE YEARS1.
1. What purposes do the mourning rites for three years serve?
The different rules for the mourning rites were established in harmony with (men's) feelings. By means of them the differences in the social relations are set forth, and the distinctions shown of kindred as nearer or more distant, and of ranks as more noble or less. They do not admit of being diminished or added to; and are therefore called The unchanging rules.'
2. The greater a wound is, the longer it remains; and the more pain it gives, the more slowly is it healed. The mourning of three years, being appointed with its various forms in harmony with the feelings (produced by the occasion of it), was intended to mark the greatest degree of grief. The sackcloth with jagged edges, the dark colour of the sackcloth and the staff, the shed reared against the wall, the gruel, the sleeping on straw, and the clod of earth for a pillow-these all were intended to set forth the extremity of the grief.
3. The mourning of the three years came really to an end with (the close of) the twenty-fifth month. The sorrow and pain were not yet ended, and the
1 See the introductory notice, vol. xxvii, pp. 49, 50.
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THE LÎ ki.
BK. XXXV.
longing loving thoughts were not yet forgotten ; but in the termination of the mourning dress in this way, was it not shown that there should be an end to the duties rendered to the dead, and that the time was come for the resumption of their duties to the living ?
4. All living creatures between heaven and earth, being endowed with blood and breath, have a certain amount of knowledge. Possessing that amount of knowledge, there is not one of them but knows to love its species. Take the larger birds and beasts :when one of them has lost its mate, after a month or a season, it is sure to return and go about their old haunts. It turns round and round, utters its cries, now moves, now stops, and looks quite embarrassed and uncertain in its movements, before it can leave the place. Even the smaller birds, such as swallows and sparrows, chatter and cry for a little before they can leave the place. But among all creatures that have blood and breath, there is none which has intelligence equal to man; and hence the feeling of man on the death of his kindred remains unexhausted even till death.
5. Will any one follow the example of those men who are under the influence of their depraved lusts? In that case, when a kinsman dies in the morning, he will forget him by the evening. But if we follow the course of such men, we shall find that they are not equal to the birds and beasts. How can they live with their kindred, and not fall into all disorders ?
6. Will he rather follow the example of the superior man who attends to all the methods by which the feeling of grief is set forth? In that case, the
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BK. XXXV.
SAN NIEN WĂN.
393
twenty-five months, after which the mourning of three years comes to an end, will seem to pass as quickly as a carriage drawn by four horses is whirled past a crevice. And if we continue to indulge the feeling, it will prove to be inexhaustible.
7. Therefore the ancient kings determined the proper medium for mourning, and appointed its definite terms. As soon as it was sufficient for the elegant expression of the varied feeling, it was to be laid aside.
8. This being the case, how is it that (in certain cases the mourning lasts) only for a year? The answer is, that in the case of the nearest kindred, there is a break in it at the end of a year.
9. How is that? The answer is:-The interaction of heaven and earth has run its round; and the four seasons have gone through their changes. All things between heaven and earth begin their processes anew. The rules of mourning are intended to resemble this.
10. Then how is it that there are three years' mourning (for a parent)? The answer is:-From the wish to make it greater and more impressive, the time is doubled, and so embraces two round years.
II. What about the mourning for nine months' and the shorter periods? The answer is:-It is to prevent such mourning from reaching (the longer periods).
12. Therefore the three years should be considered as the highest expression of grief in mourning; the three months and five months, as the lowest ; while the year and the nine months are between them. Heaven above gives an example; earth beneath, a law; and man between, a pattern. The
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THE LI Kİ.
harmony and unity that should characterise men living in their kinships are hereby completely shown.
13. Thus it is that in the mourning of three years the highest forms that vary and adorn the ways of men are displayed. Yes, this is what is called the richest exhibition (of human feelings).
14. In this the hundred kings (of all the dynasties) agree, and ancient and modern customs are one and the same. But whence it came is not known.
394
BK. XXXV.
15. Confucius said, 'A son, three years after his birth, ceases to be carried in the arms of his parents. The mourning of three years is the universal rule of all under heaven.'
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BOOK XXXVI. SHĂN Í
OR THE LONG DRESS IN ONE PIECE !.
1. Anciently the long dress had definite measurements, so as to satisfy the requirements of the compass and square, the line, the balance, and the steelyard. It was not made so short as to show any of the skin, nor so long as to touch the ground. The outside pieces of the skirt joined, and were hooked together at the side; (the width of) the seam at the waist was half that at the bottom (of the skirt).
2. The sleeve was joined to the body of the dress at the arm-pit, so as to allow the freest movement of the elbow-joint; the length of the lower part admitted of the cuffs being turned back to the elbow. The sash was put on where there were no bones, so as not to interfere with the action of the thighs below or of the ribs above.
3. In the making (of the garment) twelve strips (of the cloth) were used, to correspond to the twelve months. The sleeve was made round, as if fashioned by a disk. The opening at the neck was square, as if made by means of that instrument so named. The cord-like (seam) at the back descended to the ankles, as if it had been a straight line. The edge at the bottom was like the steelyard of a balance, made perfectly even.
4. In this way through the rounded sleeves the arms could be lifted up in walking (for the purpose of salutation) in the most elegant form. The
See the introductory notice, vol. xxvii, p. 50.
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THE LÎ kl.
BK. XXXVI.
cord-like seam of the back and the square-shaped collar about the neck in front, served to admonish (the wearer) how his government should be correct and his righteousness on the square. It is said in the Yi, 'The movement indicated by the second line in Khwăn, divided, is “from the straight (line) to the square 1."! The even edge at the bottom, like the steelyard and balance, admonished him to keep his will at rest, and his heart even and calm.
5. These five rules being observed in the making (of the dress), the sages wore it. In its squareness and roundness they saw its warning against selfishness; in its line-like straightness they saw its admonition to be correct, and in its balance-like evenness they saw its lesson of impartiality. Therefore the ancient kings attached a high value to it; it could be worn in the discharge of both their civil and military duties; in it they could receive visitors and regulate the cohorts of their armies. It was complete, but not extravagant; it ranked in the second class of good dresses
6. For ornament, while his parents and grandparents were alive, (a son) wore the dress with its border embroidered. If (only) his parents were alive, the ornamental border was blue. In the case of an orphan sons, the border was white. The border round the mouth of the sleeves and all the edges of the dress was an inch and a half wide.
1 See the symbolism of the second line of the 2nd Hexagram, and especially the lesser symbolism in the 2nd Appendix, from which the quotation is made ;-vol. xvi, pages 60 and 268.
* That is, next after the court and sacrificial robes.
* Káng says that a son whose father was dead was called 'an orphan son' up to thirty.
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BOOK XXXVI. THÂU HU
OR
THE GAME OF PITCH-POT1.
1. According to the rules for Pitch-pot, the host carries the arrows in both his hands put together; the superintendent of the archery carries in the same way the stand on which the tallies were placed; and an attendant holds in his hand the pot.
2. The host entreats (one of the guests), saying, 'I have here these crooked3 arrows, and this pot with its wry3 mouth; but we beg you to amuse yourself with them.' The guest says, 'I have partaken, Sir, of your excellent drink and admirable viands; allow me to decline this further proposal for my pleasure.' The host rejoins, 'It is not worth the while for you to decline these poor arrows and pot; let me earnestly beg you to try them.' The guest repeats his refusal, saying, 'I have partaken (of your entertainment), and you would still further have me enjoy myself;-I venture firmly to decline.' The host again addresses his request in the same words, and then the guest says, 'I have firmly declined what you request, but you will not allow me to refuse; I venture respectfully to obey you.'
1 See the introductory notice, vol. xxvii, pp. 50, 51.
? This was a small stand or tray, with the figure of a stag (or some other animal, according to the rank of the party) carved in wood and put down on it, with a tube by its side in which the tallies were to be placed.
These are merely the customary terms of depreciation in which a Chinese speaks of his own things.
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THE LÎ ki.
BK. XXXVII.
The guest then bows twice, and signifies that he will receive the arrows). The host wheels round, saying, 'Let me get out of the way;' and then at the top of the steps on the east, he bows to the guest and gives him the arrows. The guest wheels round, and says, 'Let me get out of the way?.'
3. (The host) having bowed, and received the arrows (for himself), advances to the space between the two pillars. He then retires, and returns to his station, motioning also to the guest to go to his mat (for pitching from).
4. The superintendent of the archery comes forward, and measures the distance of the pot (from the mats), which should be a space of the length of two and a half arrows. He then returns to his station, sets forth the stand for the tallies, and with his face to the east, takes eight counters and stands up. He asks the guest to pitch, saying, When the arrow goes straight in, it is reckoned an entry. If you throw a second (without waiting for your opponent to pitch), it is not reckoned. The victor gives the vanquished a cup to drink; and when the cups of decision have been dispatched, the superintendent begs to set up what he calls 'a horse' for the victor. If he set up one horse, then a second, and finally a third, he begs to congratulate the thrower on the number of his horses. He asks the host to pitch in the same way, and with the same words.
5. He orders the cithern-players to strike up * From this point to the end of the paragraph, it is very difficult to make out from the text the sequence of proceedings between the host and guest.
"The pitching,' say the Khien-lung editors,' has been agreed on.'
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BX, XXXVII,
THẤU HÚ.
399
The Fox's Head,' with the same interval between (each repetition of the tune), and the director of the music answers, 'Yes.'
6. When the superintendent announces to them on the left and right that the arrows are all used up, he requests them to pitch again. When an arrow enters, he kneels, and puts down a counter. The partners of the guest are on the right, and those of the host on the left.
7. When they have done pitching, he takes up the counters, and says, 'They have done pitching, both on the left and right; allow me to take the numbers. He then takes the numbers two by two, and leaves the single counters. After this he takes the single counters, and gives the announcement, saying, 'Such and such a side has the better by so many doubles, or naming the number of the singles.' If they are equal, he says, 'Left and right are equal.'
8. He then orders the cups to be filled, saying, Let the cup go round, and the cup-bearer (of the successful side) replies, 'Yes.' Those who have to drink all kneel, and raising their cups with both hands, say, 'We receive what you give us to drink.' The victors (also) kneel and say, 'We beg respectfully to refresh you.'
9. When this cup has gone round, according to rule, (the superintendent) asks leave to exhibit the 'horses' (of the victorious side). Each 'horse' stands for so many counters. (He who has only) one 'horse' gives it to him who has two, to congratulate him (on his superiority). The usage in congratulating (the most successful) is to say, 'Your three "horses” are all here; allow me to congratulate you on their number.' The guests and host all express their
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BK. XXXVII.
assent. The customary cup goes round, and the superintendent asks leave to remove the ‘horses.'
10. The number of the counters varies according to the place in which they kneel (when playing the game). (Each round is with 4 arrows.) (If the game be in) the chamber, there are 5 sets of these; if in the hall, 7; if in the courtyard, 9. The counters are I cubit 2 inches long. The neck of the pot is 7 inches long; its belly, 5; and its mouth is 2 inches in diameter. It contains a peck and 5 pints. It is filled with small beans, to prevent the arrows from leaping out. It is distant from the mats of the players, the length of 2 arrows. The arrows are made of mulberry wood, or from the zizyphus, without the bark being removed.
11. In Lû, the young people (taking part in the game) were admonished in these words, 'Do not be rude; do not be haughty; do not stand awry; do not talk about irrelevant matters; for those who stand awry, or speak about irrelevant matters, there is the regular (penal) cap.' A similar admonition in Hsieh was to this effect: Do not be rude; do not be haughty; do not stand awry; do not speak about irrelevant matters. Those who do any of these things must pay the penalty.'
12. The superintendent of the archery, the overseer of the courtyard, and the capped officers who stood by, all belonged to the party of the guest. The musicians and the boys who acted as attendants, all belonged to the party of the host.
13. There follows after this what appears to be a representation of the progress of a game by means of small circles and squares. The circles indicating blows on a small drum
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THÂU HỨ.
called phî, and the squares, blows on the larger drum (ka); according, we may suppose, to certain events in the game. The 'drum' marks are followed by what are called 'halves' or semis. The representation is:
BK. XXXVII.
одо
O☐☐
ООО ДО
O☐☐ O
Semis.
Semis.
Semis.
ᄆ
OOOOO
Then follows the representation of a game in La:—
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000
0 0 0
0 0 0 0
DOD
DO
ODDO
000 D
Drums.
O☐
0 0 0
There is then a remark that in the Hsieh drums the semi marks were used for the game of pitch-pot, and all the marks for the archery game; and then we have:
Hsieh drums.
D d
000
Lû drums.
DODO
0000
0 0 0 0
Semis.
000
одо
00000 00000
OOD O
401
Lû drums.
0 0 0
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BOOK XXXVIII. ZU HSING
OR
THE CONDUCT OF THE SCHOLAR '.
v
1. Duke Âi of La asked Confucius, saying, 'Is not the dress, Master, which you wear that of the scholar??' Confucius replied, “When I was little, I lived in La, and wore the garment with large sleeves; when I was grown up, I lived in Sung, and was then capped with the kang-f& caps I have heard that the studies of the scholar are extensive, but his dress is that of the state from which he sprang. I do not know any dress of the scholar.'
2. The duke said, "Allow me to ask what is the conduct of the scholar. Confucius replied, 'If I were to enumerate the points in it summarily, I could not touch upon them all; if I were to go into details on each, it would take a long time. You would have changed all your attendants-in-waiting before I had concluded. The duke ordered a mat
See the introductory notice, vol. xxvii, pp. 51, 52.
Callery renders ZQ here by 'le Philosophe.' Evidently there was in Confucius' time a class of men, thus denominated, distinguished by their learning and conduct. The name first occurs in the Kâu Li. It is now used for the literati of China, the followers of Confucius, in distinction from Taoists and Buddhists.
• See vol. xxvii, page 438, paragraph 3. Confucius' ancestors belonged to the state of Sung, the representative of the ancient Yin.
. It was the custom for a ruler to change his attendants-inwaiting, so as not to overtire any.
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BK. XXXVIII.
ZŮ HSING.
403
to be placed for him, and Confucius took his place by his side.
3. He then said, 'The scholar has a precious gem placed upon its mat, with which he is waiting to receive an invitation (from some ruler)?; early and late he studies with energy, waiting to be questioned. He carries in his bosom leal-heartedness and good faith, waiting to be raised (to office); he is vigorous in all his doings, waiting to be chosen(to employment): - so does he establish his character and prepare himself (for the future).
4. “The scholar's garments and cap are all fitting and becoming; he is careful in his undertakings and doings : in declining great compliments he might seem to be rude, and in regard to small compliments, hypocritical; in great matters he has an air of dignity, and in small matters, of modesty; he seems to have a difficulty in advancing, but retires with ease and readiness; and he has a shrinking appearance, as if wanting in power :-such is he in his external appearance.
5. •The scholar, wherever he resides, ordinarily or v only for a time, is grave as if he were apprehensive of difficulties; when seated or on foot, he is courteous and respectful; in speaking, his object is, first of all, to be sincere; in acting, he wishes to be exact and correct; on the road, he does not strive about the most difficult or easiest places; in winter and summer, he does not strive about the temperature, the light and shade; he guards against death that he may be in waiting (for whatever he may be called to); he attends well to his person that he may be
Compare Analects IX, 12. The gem is the scholar's virtue, - his character and capacities.
dd 2
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BK, XXXVIII.
ready for action :-such are his preparations and precautions for the future.
6. The scholar does not consider gold and jade to be precious treasures, but leal-heartedness and good faith; he does not desire lands and territory, but considers the establishment of righteousness as his domain; he does not desire a great accumulation of wealth, but looks on many accomplishments as his riches; it is difficult to win him, but easy to pay him; it is easy to pay him, but difficult to retain him. As he will not show himself when the time is not proper for him to do so, is it not difficult to win him? As he will have no fellowship with what is not righteous, is it not difficult to retain him? As he must first do the work, and then take the pay, is it not easy to pay him?-such are the conditions of his close association with others.
7. Though there may be offered to the scholar valuable articles and wealth, and though it be tried to enervate him with delights and pleasures, he sees those advantages without doing anything contrary to his sense of righteousness; though a multitude may attempt to force him (from his standpoint), and his way be stopped by force of arms, he will look death in the face without changing the principles (which) he maintains ; (he would face) birds and beasts of prey with their talons and wings, without regard to their fierceness; he would undertake to raise the heaviest tripod, without regard to his strength; he has no occasion to regret what he has done in the past, nor to make preparations for what may come to him in the future; he does not repeat any error of speech; any rumours against him he does not pursue up to their source; he does not allow his
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BK. XXXVIII.
ZŮ HSING.
v 405
dignity to be interrupted; he does not dread to practise (beforehand) the counsels (which he gives):such are the things in which he stands out and apart from other men.
8. ĽWith the scholar friendly relations may be cultivated, but no attempt must be made to constrain him ; near association with him can be sought, but cannot be forced on him; he may be killed, but he cannot be disgraced ;/in his dwelling he will not be extravagant; in his eating and drinking he will not be luxurious; he may be gently admonished of his errors and failings, but he should not have them enumerated to him to his face :-such is his boldness and determination.
9. The scholar considers leal-heartedness and v good faith to be his coat-of-mail and helmet; propriety and righteousness to be his shield and buckler; he walks along, bearing aloft over his head benevolence; he dwells, holding righteousness in his arms before him; the government may be violently oppressive, but he does not change his course :such is the way in which he maintains himself.
10. “The scholar may have a house in (only) a mâu of ground,-a (poor) dwelling each of whose (surrounding) walls is (only) ten paces long, with an outer door of thorns and bamboos, and openings in the wall, long and pointed; within, the inner door stopped up by brushwood, and little round windows like the mouth of a jarl; the inmates may have to
1 This is a picture of squalid poverty, in which it is not easy to understand all the details without a discussion of the force of the Chinese characters, on which it is impossible to enter here. With all the discussion which they have received from the critics, there are still difficulties in interpreting the paragraph.
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THE LÎ ki.
BK. XXXVIII.
exchange garments when they go out; they may have to make one day's food serve for two days; if the ruler respond to him, he does not dare to have any hesitation (in accepting office); if he do not respond, he does not have recourse to flattery :such is he in the matter of taking office, (however small).
II. "The scholar lives and has his associations with men of the present day, but the men of antiquity are the subjects of his study. Following their (principles and example) in the present age, he will become a pattern in future ages. If it should be that his own age does not understand and encourage him, that those above him do not bring him, and those below him do not push him, forward, or even that calumniators and flatterers band together to put him in danger, his person may be placed in peril, but his aim cannot be taken from him. Though danger may threaten him in his undertakings and wherever he is, he will still pursue his aim, and never forget the afflictions of the people, (which he would relieve) :-—such is the anxiety which he cherishes. . 12. “The scholar learns extensively, but never
allows his researches to come to an end; he does what he does with all his might, but is never weary; he may be living unnoticed, but does not give way to licentiousness; he may be having free course in his acknowledged position, but is not hampered (by it); in his practice of ceremonial usages he shows the value which he sets on a natural ease; in the excellence of his leal-heartedness and good faith, he acts under the law of a benignant playfulness; he shows his fond regard for men of virtue and ability, and yet
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BK. XXXVIII.
ZŮ HSING.
407
.
is forbearing and kind to all; he is like a potter who) breaks his square (mould), and his tiles are found to fit together :-such is the largeness and generosity of his spirit.
13. The scholar recommends members of his own family (to public employment), without shrinking from doing so, because of their kinship, and proposes others beyond it, without regard to their being at enmity with him ; he estimates men's merits, and takes into consideration all their services, selecting those of virtue and ability, and putting them forward, without expecting any recompense from them; the ruler thus gets what he wishes, and if benefit results to the state, the scholar does not seek riches or honours for himself:-such is he in promoting the employment of the worthy and bringing forward the able.
14. "The scholar when he hears what is good, tells it to his friends), and when he sees what is good, shows it to them; in the view of rank and position, he gives the precedence to them over himself; if they encounter calamities and hardships, he is prepared to die with them; if they are long (in getting advancement), he waits for them; if they are far off, he brings them together with himself :such is he in the employment and promotion of his friends.
15. •The scholar keeps his person free from stain, and continually bathes (and refreshes) his virtue; he sets forth what he has to say (to his superior by way of admonition), but remains himself in the back-ground, trying thus quietly to correct him; if his superior do not acknowledge (his advice), he more proudly and clearly makes his views known, but still does
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408
THE Li ki.
BK. XXXVIII.
not press them urgently; he does not go among those who are low to inake himself out to be high, nor place himself among those who have little (wisdom) to make himself out to have much ; in a time of good government, he does not think little (of what he himself can do); in a time of disorder, he does not allow his course to be obstructed; he does not (hastily) agree with those who think like himself, nor condemn those who think differently :-so does he stand out alone among others and take his own solitary course.
16. "The scholar sometimes will not take the high office of being a minister of the son of Heaven, nor the lower office of serving the prince of a state; he is watchful over himself in his retirement, and values a generous enlargement of mind, while at the same time he is bold and resolute in his intercourse with others; he learns extensively that he may know whatever should be done; he makes himself acquainted with elegant accomplishments, and thus smoothes and polishes all his corners and angles ; although the offer were made to share a state with him, it would be no more to him than the small weights of a balance; he will not take a ministry, he will not take an office :—such are the rules and conduct he prescribes to himself.
17. "The scholar has those with whom he agrees in aim, and pursues the same objects, with whom he cultivates the same course, and that by the same methods; when they stand on the same level with him, he rejoices in them; if their standing be below his, he does not tire of them; if for long he has not seen them, and hears rumours to their prejudice, he does not believe them; his actions are rooted in
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BK, XXXVIII.
ZŮ HSING.
409
correctness, and his standing is in what is right?; if they proceed in the same direction with him, he goes forward with them, if not in the same direction, he withdraws from them :-so is he in his inter- : course with his friends.
18. 'Gentleness and goodness are the roots of humanity ; respect and attention are the ground on which it stands; generosity and large-mindedness are the manifestation of it; humility and courtesy are the ability of it; the rules of ceremony are the demonstration of it; speech is the ornament of it; singing and music are the harmony of it ; sharing and distribution are the giving of it. The scholar possesses all these qualities in union and has them, and still he will not venture to claim a perfect humanity on account of them :-such is the honour (he feels for its ideal), and the humility (with which) he declines it (for himself).
19. The scholar is not cast down, or cut from his root, by poverty and mean condition; he is not elated or exhausted by riches and noble condition ; he feels no disgrace that rulers and kings (may try to inflict); he is above the bonds that elders and superiors (may try to impose); and superior officers cannot distress him. Hence he is styled a scholar. Those to whom the multitude now-a-days give that name have no title to it, and they constantly employ it to one another as a term of reproach.'
When Confucius came (from his wanderings to La) to his own house, duke Åi gave him a (public) lodging. When the duke heard these words, he became more sincere in his speech, and more
i 'I suspect there is here some error in the text.
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410
THE Lİ Kİ.
righteous in his conduct. He said, 'To the end of my days I will not presume to make a jest of the name of scholar1.'
BK. XXXVIII.
1 It is doubtful whether any of this paragraph should be ascribed to Confucius, even in the sense in which we receive the preceding paragraphs as from him. Evidently the latter half of it is a note by the compiler to show the effect which the long discourse had on duke Âi.
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BOOK XXXIX. TÅ HSIO
OR
THE GREAT LEARNING ?.
1. What the Great Learning teaches, is to illustrate illustrious virtue; to love the people ?; and to rest in the highest excellence.
The point where to rest being known, the object of pursuit is then determined ; and, that being determined, a calm unperturbedness may be attained to. To that calmness there will succeed a tranquil repose. In that repose there will be careful deliberation, and that deliberation will be followed by the attainment (of the desired end).
Things have their root and their branches; affairs have their end and their beginning. To know what is first and what is last will lead near to what is taught in the Great Learning).
2. The ancients who wished to illustrate illustrious virtue throughout the kingdom, first ordered well their states. Wishing to order well their states, they first regulated their families. Wishing to regulate their families, they first cultivated their persons. Wishing to cultivate their persons, they
See the introductory notice, vol. xxvii, pp. 53, 54. · The text of the Tà Hsio, since the labours of Ka Hsî upon it, reads here—'to renovate,' instead of 'to love,' the people. Ka adopted the alteration from Po-shun, called also Ming-tao, one of his
masters,' the two brothers Khăng; but there is really no authority for it.
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412
THE LI Kİ.
first rectified their hearts. Wishing to rectify their hearts, they first sought to be sincere in their thoughts. Wishing to be sincere in their thoughts, they first extended to the utmost their knowledge.
3. The extension of knowledge is by the investigation of things1.
4. Things being investigated, their knowledge became complete. Their knowledge being complete, their thoughts were sincere. Their thoughts being sincere, their hearts were then rectified. Their hearts being rectified, their persons were cultivated. Their persons being cultivated, their families were regulated. Their families being regulated, their states were rightly governed. Their states being rightly governed, the whole kingdom was made tranquil and happy.
BK. XXXIX.
From the son of Heaven down to the multitudes of the people, all considered the cultivation of the person to be the root (of everything besides). It cannot be, when the root is neglected, that what should spring from it will be well ordered. It never has been the case that what was of great importance has been slightly cared for, and at the same time what was of slight importance has been greatly cared for 2.
'There is great difficulty in determining the meaning of this short sentence. What Kǎng and Khung Ying-tâ say on it is unsatisfactory. Kû introduces a long paragraph explaining it from his master Khăng;-see Chinese Classics, vol. i, pp. 229, 239.
Here ends the first chapter of the Book according to the arrangement of Ku Hsî. He says that it is the words of Confucius, handed down by 3ăng-zze,' all the rest being the commentary of 3ăng-zze, recorded by his disciples. The sentiments in this chapter are not unworthy of Confucius; but there is no
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BK. XXXIX.
TÂ HSIO.
413
This is called 'knowing the root, this is called 'the perfection of knowledge.'
5. What is called 'making the thoughts sincere' is the allowing no self-deception ;-as when we hate a bad smell and love what is beautiful, naturally and without constraint. Therefore the superior man must be watchful over himself when he is alone. There is no evil to which the small man, dwelling retired, will not proceed; but when he sees a superior man, he tries to disguise himself, concealing his evil, and displaying what is good. The other beholds him as if he saw his heart and reins ;of what use (is his disguise) ? This is an instance of the saying, "What truly is within will be manifested without.' Therefore the superior man must be watchful over himself when he is alone.
6. 3ăng-zze said, 'What ten eyes behold, what ten hands point to, is to be regarded with reverence? (As) riches adorn a house, so virtue adorns the person. When the mind becomes enlarged, the body appears at ease. Therefore the superior man is sure to make his thoughts sincere. 7. It is said in the Book of Poetry (I, v, ode 1, 1), How rich the clumps of green bamboo,
Around each cove of Khi!
evidence that they really proceeded from him, nor of the other assertions of Ku. See what is said on the subject in the introductory notice.
1 This saying is from Băng-zze ; but standing as it does alone and apart, it gives no sanction to the view that the first chapter was handed down by him, or the rest of the Book compiled by his disciples. Rather, the contrary. The ten eyes and ten hands,' says Lo Kung-fân, 'indicate all the spirits who know men's inmost solitary thoughts.
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414
THE LI Ri.
BK. XXXIX.
They lead my thoughts to our duke Wa;
Of winning grace is he! As knife and file make smooth the bone, As jade by chisel wrought and stone,
Is stamp upon him set. Grave and of dignity serene; With force of will as plainly seen; Accomplished, elegant in mien;
Him we can ne'er forget.' (That expression), as knife and file make smooth the bone,' indicates the effect of learning. 'Like jade by chisel wrought and stone' indicates that of self-culture. “Grave and of dignity serene' indicates the feeling of cautious reverence. With force of will as plainly seen' indicates an awe-inspiring deportment. (The lines),
Accomplished, elegant in mien,
Him can we ne'er forget,' indicate how when virtue is complete, and excellence extreme, the people cannot forget them. 8. It is said in the Book of Poetry (IV, i, ode 4),
The former kings in mind still bear,
What glory can with theirs compare?' Superior men deem worthy whom they deemed worthy, and love whom they loved. The inferior people delight in what they delighted in, and are benefited by their beneficial arrangements. It is on this account that the former kings, after they have quitted the world, are not forgotten.
9. It is said in the Announcement to the Prince of Khang (Shů, V, ix, 3),
He was able to make his virtue illustrious.' It is said in the Thai Kia, 'He kept his eye
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BK. XXXIX.
TÂ HSIO.
415
continually on the bright requirements of Heaven' (Shû, III, v, sect. 1, 2).
It is said in the Canon of the Ti (Yâo), 'He was able to make illustrious his lofty virtue' (Shû, I, 2). These (passages) all show how (those sovereigns) made themselves illustrious.
10. On the bathing-tub of Thang1, the following words were engraved, ‘If you can one day renovate yourself, do so from day to day. Yea, daily renovate yourself.'
In the Announcement to the Prince of Khang it is said, 'Stir up the new people' (Shû, V, ix, 7). In the Book of Poetry it is said (III, i, 1, 1),
'The state of Kâu had long been known; Heaven's will as new at last was shown.' Therefore the superior man in everything uses his utmost endeavours 2.
II. It is said in the Book of Poetry (IV, iii, 3), 'A thousand lt extends the king's domain, And there the people to repose are fain.'
And in another place (II, viii, 1),
'Twitters fast the oriole
Where yonder bends the mound, The happy little creature
Its resting-place has found.'
The Master said, 'Yes, it rests; it knows where
1 A fact not elsewhere noted. But such inscriptions are still common in China.
The repeated use of 'new,' 'renovated,' in this paragraph, is thought to justify the change of 'loving the people,' in paragraph 1, to 'renovating the people;' but the object of the renovating here is not the people.
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THE LÎ xi.
BK. XXXIX.
to rest. Can one be a man, and yet not equal (in this respect) to this bird ?'
12. It is said in the Book of Poetry (III, I, 1, 4), 'Deep were Wăn's thoughts, sustained his ways;
And reverent in each resting-place.' As a ruler, he rested in benevolence; as a minister, he rested in respect; as a son, he rested in filial piety; as a father, he rested in kindness; in intercourse with his subjects, he rested in good faith.
13. The Master said, 'In hearing litigations, I am like any other body. What is necessary is to cause the people to have no litigations, so that those who are devoid of truth shall find it impossible to carry out their speeches, and a great awe be struck into the minds of the people.
14. This is called 'knowing the root ?'
15. What is meant by The cultivation of the person depends on the rectifying of the mind' (may be thus illustrated) :-If a man be under the influence of anger, his conduct will not be correct. The same will be the case, if he be under the influence of terror, or of fond regard, or of sorrow and distress. When the mind is not present, we look and do not see; we hear and do not understand; we eat and do not know the taste of what we eat. This is what is meant by saying that the cultivation of the person depends on the rectifying of the mind.'
16. What is meant by The regulation of the family depends on the cultivation of the person'
It is certainly difficult to see how paragraphs 13, 14 stand where they do. Lo Kung-fân omits them.
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BK. XXXIX.
TÂ HSIO.
417
is this :-Men are partial where they feel affection and love; partial where they despise and dislike; partial where they stand in awe and with a feeling of respect; partial where they feel sorrow and compassion; partial where they are arrogant and rude. Thus it is that there are few men in the world who love and at the same time know the bad qualities (of the object of their love), or who hate and yet know the good qualities of the object of their hatred). Hence it is said, in the common adage, 'A man does not know the badness of his son; he does not know the richness of his growing corn.' This is what is meant by saying, that if his person be not cultivated, a man cannot regulate his family.'
17. What is meant by 'In order to govern well his state, it is necessary first to regulate his family' is this :- It is not possible for one to teach others while he cannot teach his own family. Therefore the superior man (who governs a state), without going beyond his family, completes the lessons for his state. There is filial piety ;-it has its application in the service of the ruler. There is brotherly obedience ;—it has its application in the service of elders. There is kindly gentleness;—it has its application in the employment of the multitudes. It is said in the Announcement to the Prince of Khang (Sha, V, ix, 9), (Deal with the people), as if you were watching over an infant. If (a mother) be really anxious about it, though she may not hit (exactly the wants of her infant), she will not be far from doing so. There never has been (a girl) who learned (first) to bring up an infant that she might afterwards be married. 18. From the loving (example) of one family, [28]
Еe
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418
THE LÎ xi.
BK. XXXIX.
a whole state may become loving, and from its courtesies, courteous, while from the ambition and perverseness of the One man, the whole state may be thrown into rebellious disorder ;—such is the nature of the influence. This is in accordance with the saying, 'Affairs may be ruined by a single sentence; a state may be settled by its One man.'
19. Yão and Shun presided over the kingdom with benevolence, and the people followed them. Kieh and Kâu did so with violence, and the people followed them. When the orders of a ruler are contrary to what he himself loves to practise the people do not follow him.
20. Therefore the ruler must have in himself the (good) qualities, and then he may require them in others; if they are not in himself, he cannot require them in others. Never has there been a man who, not having reference to his own character and wishes in dealing with others, was able effectually to instruct them. Thus we see how the government of the state depends on the regulation of the family.' 21. In the Book of Poetry it is said (I, I, 6, 3), Graceful and young the peach-tree stands,
Its foliage clustering green and full. This bride to her new home repairs ;
Her household will attest her rule.' Let the household be rightly ordered, and then the people of the state may be taught.
In another ode it is said (II, ii, 9, 3), 'In concord with their brothers may they dwell !' Let rulers dwell in concord with all their brethren, and then they may teach the people of their states.
In a third ode it is said (I, xiv, 3, 3),
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BK, XXXIX.
TÂ HSIO.
419
His movements without fault or flaw beget
Good order for his rule throughout the state.' When the ruler as a father, a son, an elder brother or a younger, is a model for imitation, then the people imitate him. These (passages) show how 'the government of a state depends on the regulation of the family.
22. What is meant by “The making the whole kingdom peaceful and happy depends on the government of its states’ is this :—When the superiors behave to their aged as the aged should be behaved to, the people become filial; when they behave to their elders as elders should be behaved to, the people learn brotherly submission; when they treat compassionately the young and helpless, the people do the same. Thus the superior man has a principle with which, as with a measuring square, to regulate his course.
23. What a man dislikes in his superiors, let him not display in his treatment of his inferiors; and what he dislikes in his inferiors, let him not display in his service of his superiors: what he dislikes in those who are before him, let him not therewith precede those who are behind him; and what he dislikes in those who are behind him, let him not therewith follow those who are before him : what he dislikes to receive on the right, let him not bestow on the left; and what he dislikes to receive on the left, let him not bestow on the right :—this is what is called “The Principle with which, as with a measuring square, to regulate one's course.' 24. In the Book of Poetry it is said (II, ii, 7, 3), "To be rejoiced in are these noble men, The parents of the people l' Еe 2
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420
THE LI Kİ.
When (a ruler) loves what the people love, and hates what the people hate, then is he what is called 'The Parent of the People.'
BK. XXXIX.
25. In the Book of Poetry it is said (II, iv, 7, 1), 'That southern hill, sublime, uprears its craggy
height;
Such thou, Grand-master Yin, before the nation's sight!'
Rulers of states should not neglect to be careful. If they deviate (to a selfish regard only for themselves), they will be counted a disgrace throughout the kingdom.
26. In the Book of Poetry it is said (III, i, 1, 6),
'Ere Shang had lost the nation's heart,
Its monarchs all with God had part In sacrifice. From them we see 'Tis hard to keep High Heaven's decree.'
This shows that by gaining the people, the state is gained; and by losing the people, the state is lost.
Therefore the ruler should first be careful about his (own) virtue. Possessing virtue will give him the people. Possessing the people will give him the territory. Possessing the territory will give him its wealth. Possessing the wealth, he will have resources for expenditure.
Virtue is the root; wealth is the branches. If he make the root his secondary object, and the branches his primary object, he will only quarrel with the people, and teach them rapine. Hence the accumulation of wealth is the way to scatter the people, and the distribution of his wealth is the way to collect the people. Hence (also), when his words go forth contrary to right, they will come back to
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AX. XXXIX.
TÂ HSIO.
421
him in the same way, and wealth got by improper ways will take its departure by the same.
27. It is said in the Announcement to the Prince of Khang (Shû, V, ix, 2, 3), The decree (of Heaven) is not necessarily perpetual.' That is, goodness obtains the decree, and the want of goodness loses it. · 28. In a Book of Khù it is said !, The state of Khů does not consider (such a toy) to be precious. Its good men are what it considers to be precious.'
29. Fan, the maternal uncle (of duke Wăn of Zin), said, ' A fugitive (like you) should not account (that) to be precious. What he should consider precious is the affection due (even) to his (deceased) parent?'
30. It is said in the Speech of (duke Md of) Khin (Shů, V, xxx, 6, 7), 'Let me have but one minister, plain and sincere, not possessed of other abilities, but with a simple, upright, and at the same time a generous, mind, regarding the talents of others as if they were his own; and when he finds accomplished and perspicacious men, loving them in his heart more than his mouth expresses, and really showing himself able to bear them (and employ them),—such a minister will be able to preserve my sons and grandsons, and other benefits (to the state) may well be expected from him. But if (it be his character), when he finds men of ability, to be
1 The narratives about Khu, Section II, Article 5, in the Narratives of the States.' The exact characters of the text are not found in the article, but they might easily arise from what we do find. An officer of Zin is asking Wang-sun Wei, an envoy from Kha, about a famous girdle of that state. The envoy calls it a toy, and gives this answer.
See vol. xxvii, page 165, paragraph 19.
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THE LỄ KỈ.
jealous of them and hate them; and, when he finds accomplished and perspicacious men, to oppose them, and not allow their advancement, showing himself really not able to bear them,—such a man will not be able to protect my sons and grandsons, and black-haired people; and may he not also be pronounced dangerous (to the state)?'
31. It is only the truly virtuous man that can send away such a man and banish him, driving him out among the barbarous tribes around, determined not to dwell with him in the Middle states. This is in accordance with the saying, 'It is only the truly virtuous man who can love others or can hate others.'
422
BK. XXXIX.
32. To see men of worth, and not be able to raise them to office; to raise them to office, but not to do so quickly :-this is treating them with disrespect. To see bad men, and not to be able to remove them; to remove them, but not to do so to a distance :-this is weakness.
33. To love those whom men hate, and to hate those whom men love:-this is to outrage the natural feeling of men. Calamities are sure to come on him who does so.
34. Thus we see that the ruler has a great course to pursue. He must show entire self-devotion and sincerity to succeed, and by pride and extravagance he will fail.
35. There is a great course (also) for the production of wealth. Let the producers be many, and the consumers few. Let there be activity in the production, and economy in the expenditure. Then the wealth will always be sufficient.
36. The virtuous (ruler) uses his wealth so as to
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BK. XXXIX. TÂ HSIO.
423 make himself more distinguished. The vicious ruler will accumulate wealth, even though it cost him his life.
37. Never has there been a case of the superior loving benevolence, and his inferiors not loving righteousness. Never has there been a case where (his inferiors) loved righteousness, and the business (of the superior) has not reached a happy issue. Never has there been a case where the wealth accumulated in the treasuries and arsenals (of such a ruler and people) did not continue to be his.
38. Mang Hsien-szel said, He who keeps his team of horses does not look after fowls and pigs.
The family which has its stores of ice s does not keep cattle or sheep. The house which possesses a hundred chariots should not keep a grasping minister to gather up all the taxes for it. Than have such a minister, it would be better to have one who would rob it of its revenues.' This is in accordance with the saying, 'In a state gain should not be considered prosperity; its prosperity lies in righteousness.
39. When he who presides over a state or a family makes his revenues his chief business, he must be under the influence of some small man. He may consider him to be good ; but when such a person is employed in the administration of a state
1 The worthy minister of LQ, mentioned in vol. xxvii, p. 154, et al. His name was Kung-sun Mieh. Hsien was his posthumous title.
. An officer who has just attained to be a Great officer, and received from the ruler the carriage of distinction.
"To be used in sacrificing; but, we may suppose, for other uses as well.
• A dignitary, possessing an appanage.
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THE Li ki.
BK. XXXIX.
or family, calamities and injuries will befal it to gether; and though a good man (may take his place), he will not be able to remedy the evil. This illustrates (again) the saying, 'In a state gain should not be considered prosperity ; its prosperity should be sought in righteousness.'
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BOOK XL. KWAN Î
OR
THE MEANING OF THE CEREMONY OF CAPPING 1.
1. Generally speaking, that which makes man man is the meaning of his ceremonial usages. The first indications of that meaning appear in the correct arrangement of the bodily carriage, the harmonious adjustment of the countenance, and in the natural ordering of the speech. When the bodily carriage is well arranged, the countenance harmoniously adjusted, and speech naturally ordered, the meaning of the ceremonial usages becomes complete, and serves to render correct the relation between ruler and subject, to give expression to the affection between father and son, and to establish harmony between seniors and juniors. When the relation between ruler and subject is made correct, affection secured between father and son, and harmony shown between seniors and juniors, then the meaning of those usages is established. Hence after the capping has taken place, provision is made for every other article of dress. With the complete provision of the dress, the bodily carriage becomes (fully) correct, the harmonious expression of the countenance is made perfect, and the speech is all conformed to its purposes. Hence it is said that in capping we have the first indications of (the meaning of the) ceremonial usages. It was on this account that the sage See the introductory notice, vol. xxvii, pp. 54, 55.
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426
THE LÎ xi.
BR. XL.
kings of antiquity made so much as they did of the capping.
26 Anciently, when about to proceed to the ceremony of capping, they divined for the day by the stalks, and also for the guests (who should be present). In this way did they manifest the value which they attached to capping. Attaching such a value to it, they made the ceremony very important. They made the ceremony so important, showing how they considered it to lie at the foundation of the state's (prosperity).
3. Hence (also) the capping took place at the top of the eastern steps, (appropriate to the use of the Master);—to show that the son would (in due time) take his place. (The father) handed him a (special) cup in the guests' place. Three caps were used in the ceremony, each successive one more honourable, and giving the more importance to his coming of age. When the capping was over, he received the name of his maturity. So was it shown that he was now a full-grown man!.
4. He presented himself before his mother, and his mother bowed to him; he did the same before his brothers and cousins, and they bowed to him :he was a man grown, and so they exchanged courtesies with him. In the dark-coloured cap, and the dark-coloured square-cut robes, he put down his gift of introduction before the ruler, and then proceeded with the proper gifts to present himself to the high ministers and Great officers, and to the old gentlemen of the country :-appearing before them as a man grown.
Compare paragraph 2 on pages 437, 438, vol. xxvü.
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BX. XL.
KWAN 1.
427
5/ Treating him (now) as a grown-up man, they would require from him all the observances of a full-grown man. Doing so, they would require from him the performance of all the duties of a son, a younger brother, a subject, and a junior. But when these four duties or services were required from him, was it not right that the ceremony by which he was placed in such a position should be considered
important ?
6. Thus when the discharge of filial and fraternal duties, of loyal service, and of deferential submission was established, he could indeed be regarded as a (full-grown) man. When he could be regarded as such, he could be employed to govern other men.. It was on this account that the sage kings attached such an importance to the ceremony, and therefore it was said, that in capping we have the introduction to all the ceremonial usages, and that it is the most important of the festive services.
Therefore the ancients considered the capping as so important. Considering it so important, they performed it in the ancestral temple. They did so, to do honour to so important a service. Feeling that it was to be honoured so, they did not dare to take the responsibility of its performance on themselves. Not daring themselves to take the responsibility of it, they therefore humbled themselves, and gave honour in doing so to their forefathers.
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BOOK XLI. HWĂN Î
OR
THE MEANING OF THE MARRIAGE CEREMONY1.
VI. The ceremony of marriage was intended to be
a bond of love between two (families of different) surnames, with a view, in its retrospective character, to secure the services in the ancestral temple, and in its prospective character, to secure the continuance of the family line. Therefore the superior men, (the ancient rulers), set a great value upon it. Hence, in regard to the various (introductory) ceremonies,―the proposal with its accompanying gift2; the inquiries about the (lady's) name; the intimation of the approving divination; the receiving the special offerings; and the request to fix the day":— these all were received by the principal party (on the lady's side), as he rested on his mat or leaning-stool in the ancestral temple. (When they arrived), he met the messenger, and greeted him outside the gate, giving place to him as he entered, after which they ascended to the hall. Thus were the instruc
1 See the introductory notice, vol. xxvii, page 55
* This gift was always a goose; into the reasons for which it is not necessary to enter.
'The gentleman's family had divined on the proposal.
4 These were various.
The lady's family fixed this. The first proposal was made, and perhaps those which followed also, by that important functionary in Chinese life, 'the go-between,' or a friend acting in that capacity.
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HWAN 1.
429
tions received in the ancestral temple1, and in this way was the ceremony respected, and watched over, while its importance was exhibited and care taken that all its details should be correct.
BK. XLI.
2. The father gave himself the special cup to his son, and ordered him to go and meet the bride; it being proper that the male should take the first step (in all the arrangements). The son, having received the order, proceeded to meet his bride. Her father, who had been resting on his mat and leaning-stool in the temple, met him outside the gate and received him with a bow, and then the son-in-law entered, carrying a wild goose. After the (customary) bows and yieldings of precedence, they went up to the hall, when the bridegroom bowed twice and put down the wild goose. Then and in this way he received the bride from her parents.
After this they went down, and he went out and took the reins of the horses of her carriage, which he drove for three revolutions of the wheels, having handed the strap to assist her in mounting. He then went before, and waited outside his gate. When she arrived, he bowed to her as she entered. They ate together of the same animal, and joined in sipping from the cups made of the same melon 3;
1 Thus a religious sanction entered into the idea of marriage.
The same cup that is mentioned in the last chapter, paragraph 3; the son received it and gave no cup to the father in return. This was its speciality. In the capping ceremonies it was given ' in the guests' place;' in those of marriage, in the son's chamber.
• Once when I was permitted to witness this part of a marriage ceremony, the bridegroom raised his half of the melon, with the spirit in it, to the bride's lips, and she raised her half to his. Each sipped a little of the spirit.
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430
THE Li ki.
BK. XLI.
thus showing that they now formed one body, were of equal rank, and pledged to mutual affection.
3. The respect, the caution, the importance, the attention to secure correctness in all the details, and then the pledge of) mutual affection,—these were the great points in the ceremony, and served to establish the distinction to be observed between man and woman, and the righteousness to be maintained between husband and wife. From the distinction between man and woman came the righteousness between husband and wife. From that righteousness came the affection between father and son ; and from that affection, the rectitude between ruler and minister. Whence it is said, 'The ceremony of marriage is the root of the other ceremonial observances.'
4. Ceremonies (might be said to) commence with the capping; to have their root in marriage; to be most important in the rites of mourning and sacrifice; to confer the greatest honour in audiences at the royal court and in the interchange of visits at the feudal courts; and to be most promotive of harmony in the country festivals and celebrations of archery. These were the greatest occasions of ceremony, and the principal points in them.
5. Rising early (the morning after marriage), the young wife washed her head and bathed her person, and waited to be presented to her husband's parents), which was done by the directrix, as soon as it was bright day. She appeared before them, bearing a basket with dates, chestnuts, and slices of dried spiced meat. The directrix set before her a cup of sweet liquor, and she offered in sacrifice some of the dried meat and also of the liquor, thus
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HWĂN Î.
431
performing the ceremony which declared her their son's wife 1.
BK. XLI.
6. The father and mother-in-law then entered their apartment, where she set before them a single dressed pig, thus showing the obedient duty of (their son's) wife1.
7. Next day, the parents united in entertaining the young wife, and when the ceremonies of their severally pledging her in a single cup, and her pledging them in return, had been performed, they descended by the steps on the west, and she by those on the east, thus showing that she would take the mother's place in the family1.
8. Thus the ceremony establishing the young wife in her position; (followed by) that showing her obedient service (of her husband's parents); and both succeeded by that showing how she now occupied the position of continuing the family line:all served to impress her with a sense of the deferential duty proper to her. When she was thus deferential, she was obedient to her parents-in-law, and harmonious with all the occupants of the women's apartments; she was the fitting partner of her husband, and could carry on all the work in silk and linen, making cloth and silken fabrics, and maintaining a watchful care over the various stores and depositories (of the household).
9. In this way when the deferential obedience of the wife was complete, the internal harmony was
1 The details of the various usages briefly described in these paragraphs are to be found in the 4th Book of the I Lî, the 2nd of those on the scholar's marriage ceremonies: paragraphs 1-10; 11-17; 18-20. There were differences in the ceremonies according to the rank of the parties; but all agreed in their general character.
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432
THE LI ki.
BK, XLI.
secured ; and when the internal harmony was secured, the long continuance of the family could be calculated on. Therefore the ancient kings attached such importance (to the marriage ceremonies).
10. Therefore, anciently, for three months before the marriage of a young lady, if the temple of the high ancestor (of her surname) were still standing (and she had admission to it), she was taught in it, as the public hall (of the members of her surname); if it were no longer standing (for her), she was taught in the public hall of the Head of that branch of the surname to which she belonged ;—she was taught there the virtue, the speech, the carriage, and the work of a wife. When the teaching was accomplished, she offered a sacrifice (to the ancestor), using fish for the victim, and soups made of duckweed and pondweed. So was she trained to the obedience of a wife.
11. Anciently, the queen of the son of Heaven divided the harem into six palace-halls, (occupied) by the 3 ladies called fd-zăn, the 9 pin, the 27 shihfa, and the 81 yü-khi. These were instructed in the domestic and private rule which should prevail throughout the kingdom, and how the deferential obedience of the wife should be illustrated; and thus internal harmony was everywhere secured, and families were regulated. (In the same way) the son of Heaven established six official departments, in
1 There is supposed to be an allusion to this custom in the Shib, I, ii, 4, beginning,
'She gathers fast the large duckweed,
From valley stream that southward flows; And for the pondweed to the pools
Left on the plains by floods she goes.'
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433
which were distributed the 3 kung, the 9 khing, the 27 tâ fû, and the 81 sze of the highest grade. These were instructed in all that concerned the public and external government of the kingdom, and how the lessons for the man should be illustrated; and thus harmony was secured in all external affairs, and the states were properly governed.
It is therefore said, 'From the son of Heaven there were learned the lessons for men; and from the queen, the obedience proper to women.' The son of Heaven directed the course to be pursued by the masculine energies, and the queen regulated the virtues to be cultivated by the feminine receptivities. The son of Heaven guided in all that affected the external administration (of affairs); and the queen, in all that concerned the internal regulation (of the family). The teachings (of the one) and the obedience (inculcated by the other) perfected the manners and ways (of the people); abroad and at home harmony and natural order prevailed; the states and the families were ruled according to their requirements:-this was what is called 'the condition of complete virtue.'
12. Therefore when the lessons for men are not cultivated, the masculine phenomena in nature do not proceed regularly;—as seen in the heavens, we have the sun eclipsed. When the obedience proper to women is not cultivated; the feminine phenomena in nature do not proceed regularly;-as seen in the heavens, we have the moon eclipsed. Hence on an eclipse of the sun, the son of Heaven put on plain white robes, and proceeded to repair what was wrong in the duties of the six official departments, purifying everything that belonged to the masculine F f
[28]
BK. XLI.
HWĂN Í.
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434
THE LÎ ki.
BK. XLI.
sphere throughout the kingdom; and on an eclipse of the moon, the queen dressed herself in plain white robes, and proceeded to repair what was wrong in the duties of the six palace-halls, purifying everything that belonged to the feminine sphere throughout the kingdom. The son of Heaven is to the queen what the sun is to the moon, or the masculine energy of nature to the feminine. They are necessary to each other, and by their interdependence they fulfil their functions.
13. The son of Heaven attends to the lessons for men ;--that is the function of the father. The queen attends to the obedience proper to women ;-that is the function of the mother. Therefore it is said, "The son of Heaven and the queen are (to the people) what father and mother are. Hence for him who is the Heaven(-appointed) king they wear the sackcloth with the jagged edges, -as for a father; and for the queen they wear the sackcloth with the even edges, -as for a mother.
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Page #1526

BOOK XLII. HSIANG YIN KIU I
OR
THE MEANING OF THE DRINKING FESTIVITY IN
THE DISTRICTS".
1. The meaning of the drinking in the country districts may be thus described :—The president on the occasion bows to the (coming) guest as he receives him outside the college gate. They enter and thrice salute each other till they come to the steps. There each thrice yields the precedence to the other, and then they ascend. In this way they carry to the utmost their mutual demonstrations of honour and humility. (The host) washes his hands, rinses the cup, and raises it,--to give the highest idea of purity. They bow on the guest's arrival ; they bow as (the cup) is washed; they bow when the cup is received, and when it is presented (in return); they bow when the drinking it is over :in this way carrying to the utmost their mutual respect.
2. Such giving of honour, such humility, such purity, and such respect belonged to the intercourse of superior men with others. When they gave honour and showed humility, no contentions arose. When they maintained purity and respect, no indifference or rudeness arose. When there was no rudeness or contention, quarrels and disputations were kept at a distance. When men did not quarrel
:
See the introductory notice, vol. xxvii, page 56.
Ff2
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436
THE LI Kİ.
nor dispute, there came no evils of violence or disorder. It was thus that superior men escaped suffering calamity from other men; and therefore the sages instituted the observances in this ceremony to secure such a result.
BK. XLII.
3. The chief of the district with the accomplished and virtuous men belonging to it had the vessel of liquor placed between the room (on the east), and the door (leading to the apartments on the west), host and guests sharing it between them. The vessel contained the dark-coloured liquor (of pure water);-showing the value they attached to its simplicity. The viands came forth from the room on the east ;-being supplied by the host. All washing took place (in the courtyard) opposite the eastern wing-showing how the host purified himself and made himself ready to serve the guests.
4. The (principal) guest and the host represented heaven and earth; the attendants of the guest and host respectively represented the forces inherent in nature in their contracting and expanding operations; the three (heads of the) guests (in their threefold division) represented the three (great) luminaries; the precedence thrice yielded (to the guest) represented the three days when the moon is invisible till it begins to reappear; the seating of the parties present (all round or) on the four sides represented the four seasons 1.
1 P. Callery says:-'There were at this ceremony, 1. the chief and his assistant; 2. the principal guest who was supposed to represent all the other guests, and who also had his assistant; 3. three guests who formed a second category; 4. finally, the crowd of guests, a number not fixed, to whom no honour was paid directly, since they were held to receive all the honours rendered to
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BK. XLII.
HSIANG YIN XIÙ f.
437
5. The snell and icy wind (that blows between) heaven and earth begins in the south-west and is strongest in the north-west. This is the wind that represents the most commanding severity of heaven and earth ;—the wind of their righteous justice. The warm and genial wind (that blows between) heaven and earth begins in the north-east and is strongest in the south-east. This is the wind that represents the abundant virtue of heaven and earth ;—the wind of their benevolence. The host, wishing to do honour to his guest, assigns him his seat on the north-west, and that of his attendant on the south-west, that he may there (most conveniently) assist him. The guest (represents) the treatment of others according to justice, and therefore his seat is
the principal guest.' Khăn Hảo quotes an opinion that the principal guest was made to represent heaven, to do him the greater honour; and the host to represent the earth, because he was the entertainer and nourisher; and that their assistants represented the yin and yang, because they assisted their principals as these energies in nature assist heaven and earth.
On the three Luminaries,' Callery says : - Ordinarily the name of “the three Luminaries " belongs to the sun, the moon, and the stars, but par. 16 below does not allow us to take it so here. The commentators say that we are to understand the three most brilliant constellations in the firmament, which they call Hsin, Fâ, and Po-khăn, corresponding, I believe, in part to Orion, Scorpio, and Argo or the Ship.' So also Khăn Hâo's authority. Hsin is generally understood to be Scorpio (Antares, 5, 7, and two c. 3584 and 3587); Få to be v Orion; and Po-khăn to be the north polar star.
On the 'thrice-yielded precedence to the guest,' Callery says :The comparison is far-fetched; it is intended to say that as the moon would not receive light if the sun did not accord it, so the guest would not receive such honours if the host did not render them.' So the commentators certainly try to explain it.
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438
THE LÎ xi.
BK. XLII.
on the north-west; the host (represents) the treatment of others according to benevolence and a genial kindness, and therefore his seat is on the southeast, and his attendant is seated on the north-east, that he may there (most conveniently) assist him?
6. That intercourse according to benevolence and righteousness being established, so as to show the respective duties of host and guest, and the number of stands and dishes being properly fixed ;-all this must be the result of sage intelligence. That intelligence established the arrangements, and each one being carried through with respect, it became a ceremonial usage. That usage proceeding to mark and embody the distinction between old and young, it became a virtue. Virtue is that which is the characteristic of the person. Therefore we have the saying, 'In the learning of antiquity, the methods by which they pursued the course adopted were intended to put men in possession of their proper virtue. On this account the sages employed their powers (on its lessons) 2.
1 P. Callery observes on this paragraph :—The meteorological observations on which these statements rest must have been made very long ago in the interior of the country, there where the winds come under the influence of the icy plains of Tartary and the high mountains which separate China from Thibet; for on the seacoasts of China, exactly the contrary has place. During the winter the north-east monsoon prevails, varying sometimes to the north and sometimes to the east, rarely to the north-west; while during the heats of summer the wind blows from the south-west, bending a little towards the south or towards the east, according as the monsoon is in the period of its increase or decline. It is generally in the course of this monsoon that there takes place the terrible storms known by the name of typhoons.'
* The Khien-lung editors do their best to elucidate this
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BK, XLII.
HSIANG YIN KIÙ I.
439
7. When (the guest) offers in sacrifice some of the things that have been set before him, and some of the liquor, he showed how he respected (the host) for his courtesy; when he proceeded to take some of the lungs in his teeth, he thereby tasted (the host's) courtesy; when he then sipped some of the liquor, that was his last step in acknowledgment thereof. This last act was done at the end of his mat, showing that the mat was spread straight before him, not only for the purpose of eating and drinking, but also for the performance of the (proper) rites. In this was shown how it was the ceremony that was valued, while the wealth was made little account of. Finally, when the host filled their cups from the horn, they drained them at the top of the western steps ;-showing how the mat was set not (merely) for the purpose of eating and drinking, and how the idea was that of giving to the ceremony the first place, and to wealth the last. But when the ceremony has the first place, and wealth the last, the people become respectful and yielding, and are not contentious with one another.
8. At the ceremony of drinking in the country districts, those who were sixty years old sat, and those who were (only fifty) stood, and were in waiting to receive any orders and perform any services ;-thus illustrating the honour which should be paid to elders.
Before those who were sixty, three dishes were placed ; before those of seventy, four; before those of eighty, five; before those of ninety, six :
difficult and obscure paragraph; but are obliged to quote in the end the judgment of Ka Hsî that it is vague and intractable, and not worth taking much trouble about.'
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440
THE LI Ri.
BK. XLII.
thus illustrating how the aged should be cherished and nourished.
When the people knew to honour their elders and nourish their aged, then at home they could practise filial piety and fraternal duty. Filial and fraternal at home and abroad, honouring elders and nourishing the aged, then their education was complete, and this led to the peace and tranquillity of the state. What the superior man calls filial piety, does not require that (every) family should be visited and its members daily taught; if (the people) be assembled at the archery meetings in the districts, and taught the usages at the district-drinkings, their conduct is brought to be filial and fraternal.
9. Confucius said, 'When I look on at the festivity in the country districts, I know how easily the Royal way may obtain free course.
10. "The host in person invites the principal guest and his attendant, and all the other guests follow them of themselves. When they arrive outside the gate, he bows (and welcomes) the chief guest and his attendant, and all the others enter of themselves. In this way the distinction between the noble and the mean is exhibited.
11. With the interchange of three bows (the host and guest) arrive at the steps; and after precedence has been thrice yielded to him, the guest ascends. In bowing to him (on the hall), (the host) presents to him the cup, and receives the cup from him in return. The usages between them, now declining, now yielding, the one to the other, are numerous; but the attention paid to the assistant is less. As to the crowd of guests, they ascend, and receive the cup. Kneeling down they offer some of it in sacri
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BK. XLII.
HSIANG YIN KI0 .
441
fice; they rise and drink it; and without pledging the host in the return-cup, they descend. In this way the proper distinction is made between the different parties by the multitude or paucity of the observances paid to them.
12. 'The musicians enter, ascend the hall, and sing the three pieces which complete their performance, after which the host offers to them the cup. The organists enter, and (below the hall) play three tunes, which complete their part of the performance, after which the host offers to them (also) the cup. Then they sing and play alternately other three pieces and tunes ; and also thrice again they sing and play in concert. When this is finished, the musicians announce that the music is over, and go out.
'At the same time a person (as instructed by the host) takes up the horn, and one is appointed to superintend the drinking, and see that it proceeds correctly. From this we know how they could be harmonious and joyful, without being disorderly.
13. “The (principal) guest pledges the host, the host pledges the attendants, the attendants pledge all the guests. Young and old pledge one another according to their age, and the cup circulates on to the keepers of the vases and the cup-washers. From this we know how they could practise brotherly deference to their elders without omitting any one.
14. 'Descending (after this), they take off their shoes; ascending again, and taking their seats, they take their cups without any limit as to number. But the regulations of the drinking do not allow them to neglect the duties either of the morning or evening. When the guests go out, the host bows to each as he escorts him away. The regulations and
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442
THE LI Kİ.
forms are observed to the end; and from this we know how they could enjoy the feast without turbulence or confusion.
"
BK. XLII.
15. The distinction between the noble and mean thus exhibited; the discrimination in the multitude or paucity of the observances to different parties; the harmony and joy without disorder; the brotherly deference to elders without omitting any; the happy feasting without turbulence or confusion;— the observance of these five things is sufficient to secure the rectification of the person, and the tranquillity of the state. When that one state is tranquil, all under heaven will be the same. Therefore I say that when I look on at the festivity in the country districts, I know how easily the Royal Way may obtain free course 1.'
16. According to the meaning attached to the festivity of drinking in the country districts, the principal guest was made to represent heaven; the host, to represent earth; their attendants respectively to represent the sun and moon; and the three head guests (according to the threefold division of them) to represent the three (great) luminaries. This was the form which the festivity received on its institution in antiquity: the presiding idea was found in heaven and earth; the regulation of that was found in the sun and moon; and the three luminaries were introduced as a third feature. (The
1 I have supposed that all from paragraph 9 to this is the language of Confucius, and translated in the present tense as he would speak. Possibly, however, after par. 9 the compiler of the Book may be giving his own views of the different parts of the festivity (which would in that case have to be translated in the past tense), and then winds up with therefore 'He-Confucius-said,' &c.
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BK. XLII.
HSIANG YIN KIÚ 1.
443
whole represented) the fundamental principles in the conduct of government and instruction.
17. The dogs were boiled on the eastern side (of the courtyard);-in reverential acknowledgment of the fact that the vivifying and expanding power in nature issues from the east.
The washings took place at the eastern steps, and the water was kept on the east of the washingplace;-in reverential acknowledgment of the fact that heaven and earth have placed the sea on the left.
The vessel contained the dark-coloured liquid ;teaching the people not to forget the original practice (at ceremonies).
18. The rule was that the (principal) guest should face the south. The quarter of the east suggests the idea of the spring, the name of which (also) denotes the appearance of insects beginning to move :-(there is then at work that mysterious) intelligence which gives birth to all things. The quarter of the south suggests the idea of the summer, the name of which (also) denotes what is great :-what nourishes things, encourages their growth, and makes them great is benevolence. The quarter of the west suggests the idea of the autumn, the name of which also denotes gathering or collecting :-—the fruits of the earth are gathered at this season, suggesting the idea of justice in discrimi
1 Compare the statement in paragraph 3, that 'the viands come forth from the room on the east. Khăn Hsiang-tao says : The dog is a creature that keeps watch, and is skilful in its selection of men ;-it will keep away from any one who is not what he should be. On this account the ancients at all their festive occasions of eating and drinking employed it.'
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444
THE LÎ kt.
BK. XLII.
nating and guarding. The quarter of the north suggests the idea of winter, the name of which denotes also what is kept within :—and the being within leads us to think of being stored up. On this account, when the son of Heaven stands up, he keeps (the quarter of the life-giving) intelligence on his left hand, faces (the quarter of) benevolence, has that of justice on his right hand, and that of depositing behind him".
19. It was the rule that his attendants should face the east; thus (making) the principal guest to be the chief (party) at the festivity.
1 The Khien-lung editors say that portions of this paragraph have been lost, and that other parts are out of their proper place; and they suggest the additions and alterations necessary to make it right. It is not worth while, however, to consider their views. No alterations will remedy its incurable defects or reverse the severe judgment passed on it by P. Callery :—The method,' he says, 'by which the author proceeds is exceedingly eccentric, and partakes at once of the nature of the pun, of allegory, and of mysticism. He begins by basing his comparisons on the resemblance of certain sounds, or the homophony of certain words. Then he seeks to find in the sense, proper to those words that are homophonous or nearly so, connexions with the principal word in the text; and as those connexions are far from being natural or simply plausible, he puts his spirit to the torture, and goes to seek in the mysterious action of nature points of contact of which no one would think. Thus in the sound khun # ) he finds a natural analogy between the slow and gradual movement of a worm without eyes, and the march, equally slow and gradual, of vegetation in spring; in the sounds hsiâ and kiâ (0, 2) he finds a direct connexion between greatness and the action which makes plants become great in summer. So in the same way with the other sounds which he deals with. To many Chinese this fashion of reasoning appears to be very profound; but, as I think, it is nothing but a childish play on words and hollow ideas.'
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BK. XLII.
HSIANG YIN KIÙ i.
445
It was the rule that the host should be in the eastern quarter. The eastern quarter suggests the idea of spring, the name of which (also) denotes the appearance of insects beginning to move, and (it is spring) which produces all things. The host makes the festivity ; that is, he produces all things.
20. The moon, after three days, completes the period of its dark disk. Three months complete a season. Therefore in this ceremony precedence is thrice yielded to the guest, and in establishing a state three high ministers must be appointed. That the guests are in three divisions, each with its head or leader, indicated the fundamental principles in the administration of government and instruction, and was the third great feature of the ceremony.
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Page #1537

BOOK XLIII. SHÊ I
OR
THE MEANING OF THE CEREMONY OF ARCHERY".
1. Anciently it was the rule for the feudal lords, when they would practise archery, first to celebrate the ceremony of the Banquet, and for the Great officers and ordinary officers, when they would shoot, first to celebrate the ceremony of the Drinking in the country districts. The ceremony of the Banquet served to illustrate the relation between ruler and subject; that of the District-drinking, to illustrate the distinction between seniors and juniors.
2. The archers, in advancing, retiring, and all their movements, were required to observe the rules. With minds correct, and straight carriage of the body, they were to hold their bows and arrows skilfully and firmly; and when they did so, they might be expected to hit the mark. In this way (from their archery) their characters could be seen!
3. To regulate (the discharging of the arrows), there was,-in the case of the son of Heaven, the playing of the Zàu-yü; in the case of the feudal lords, that of the Li-shâu; in the case of the dignitaries, the Great officers, that of the Zhai-pin; and in the case of officers, that of the Zhài-fan.
1 See introductory notice, vol. xxvii, pages 56, 57.
* Each archer discharged four arrows at the target. According to the account of the duties of the superintendent of archery in
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BK. XLIII.
SHẾ .
447
The Zà u-yül is expressive of joy that every office is (rightly) filled; the Li-shâu is expressive of the joy at audiences of the court; the 3 hâi-pin is expressive of the joy in observing the laws (which have been learned); and the Zhâi-fân is expressive of the joy in being free from all failures in duty. Therefore the son of Heaven regulated his shooting by keeping in his mind the right feeling of all officers; a feudal prince, by keeping in his mind the times of his appearing before the son of Heaven; a dignitary, being a Great officer, by keeping in his mind the observing of the laws (which he had learned); and an officer, by keeping in his mind that he must not fail in the duties of his office.
In this way, when they clearly understood the meaning of those regulating measures, and were thus able to avoid all failure in their services, they were successful in their undertakings, and their character
the Kâu Lî ( 1, Book XXX, paragraphs 54-67, especially 57), the Sâu-yu was played or sung nine times; the Li-shau seven times; and the two other pieces five times. When the king was shooting therefore, he began to shoot after the fifth performance, and had all the previous time to prepare himself; a prince began to shoot after the third performance; and in the two other cases there was only the time of one performance for preparation.
1 The Sâu-yu is the last piece in the 2nd Book of the first part of the Book of Poetry ; supposed to celebrate the benevolence of the king; here seen in his delight at every office being rightly filled. The Lî-shâu, 'Fox's Head,' or 'Wild Cat's Head,' has not come down to us ;-see note 2, page 124. The Zhâi-pin and 3hai-fan are the fifth and second pieces of the same Book and same part of the Shih as the Bâu-yů. The regulating the discharge of the arrows by the playing of these pieces was part of the moral discipline to which it was sought to make the archery subservient.
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448
THE LÎ xi.
BK. XLIII.
and conduct were established. When their characters were established, no such evils as oppression and disorder occurred; and when their undertakings were successful, the states were tranquil and happy. Hence it is said that 'the archery served to show the completeness of (the archer's) virtue.'
4. Therefore, anciently, the son of Heaven chose the feudal lords, the dignitaries who were Great officers, and the officers, from their skill in archery. Archery is specially the business of males, and there were added to it the embellishments of ceremonies and music. Hence among the things which may afford the most complete illustration of ceremonies and music, and the frequent performance of which may serve to establish virtue and good conduct, there is nothing equal to archery: and therefore the ancient kings paid much attention to it.
5. Therefore, anciently, according to the royal institutes, the feudal princes annually presented the officers who had charge of their tribute to the son of Heaven, who made trial of them in the archeryhall. Those of them whose bodily carriage was in conformity with the rules, and whose shooting was in agreement with the music, and who hit the mark most frequently, were allowed to take part at the sacrifices. When his officers had frequently that privilege, their ruler was congratulated; if they frequently failed to obtain it, he was reprimanded. If a prince were frequently so congratulated, he received an increase to his territory; if he were frequently so reprimanded, part of his territory was taken from him. Hence came the saying, “The archers shoot in the interest of their princes.' Thus, in the states, the rulers and their officers devoted
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BK, XLIII.
SHỂ .
449
themselves to archery, and the practice in connexion with it of the ceremonies and music. But when rulers and officers practise ceremonies and music, never has it been known that such practice led to their banishment or ruin. 6. Hence it is said in the ode (now lost),
• The long-descended lord
Presents your cups of grace. His chiefs and noble men Appear, all in their place; Small officers and Great, Not one will keep away. See them before their prince, All in their full array. They feast, and then they shoot,
Happy and praised to boot.' The lines show how when rulers and their officers earnestly devoted themselves together to archery, and the practice in connexion with it of ceremonies and music, they were happy and got renown. It was on this account that the son of Heaven instituted the custom, and the feudal lords diligently attended to it. This was the way in which the son of Heaven cherished the princes, and had no need of weapons of war (in dealing with them); it furnished (also) to the princes an instrument with which they trained themselves to rectitude.
7. (Once), when Confucius was conducting an archery meeting in a vegetable garden at Kiohsiang, the lookers-on surrounded it like a wall. When the proceedings reached the point when a Master of the Horse should be appointed, he directed Zre-ld to take his bow and arrows, and go [28]
Gg
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450
THE Li ki.
BK. XLIII.
out to introduce those who wished to shoot, and to say, 'The general of a defeated army, the Great officer of a ruler-less state, and any one who (has schemed to be) the successor and heir of another, will not be allowed to enter, but the rest may all enter.' On this, one half went away, and the other half entered.
After this, (wishing to send the cup round among all the company), he further directed Kung-wang Khiû and Hsü Tien to raise the horns of liquor, and make proclamation. Then Kung-wang Khiù raised his horn, and said, 'Are the young and strong (here) observant of their filial and fraternal duties? Are the old and men of eighty (here) such as love propriety, not following licentious customs, and resolved to maintain their characters to death? (If so), they may occupy the position of guests. On this, one half of those who had entered) went away, and the other half remained.
Hsu Tien next raised his horn, and proclaimed, Are you fond of learning without being tired ? are you fond of the rules of propriety, and unswerving in your adherence to them? Do those of you who are eighty, ninety, or one hundred, expound the way (of virtue) without confusion or error ? If so, you can occupy the position of visitors. Thereupon hardly any remained'.
8. To shoot means to draw out to the end, and some say to lodge in the exact point. That draw
The authenticity of what is related in this paragraph, which is not in the expurgated edition of the Li ki, may be doubted. But however that be, it is evidently intended to be an illustration of what did, or might, take place at meetings for archery in the country, Kio-hsiang is understood to be the name of some place in La.
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BK. XLIII.
SHE I.
451
ing out to the end means every one unfolding his own idea; hence, with the mind even-balanced and the body correctly poised, (the archer) holds his bow and arrow skilfully and firmly. When he so holds them, he will hit the mark. Hence it is said, 'The father (shoots) at the father-mark; the son, at the son-mark; the ruler, at the ruler-mark; the subject, at the subject-mark.' Thus the archer shoots at the mark of his (ideal) self; and so the Great archery of the son of Heaven is called shooting at (the mark of) the feudal prince. Shooting at the mark of the feudal prince' was shooting to prove himself a prince. He who hit the mark was permitted to be (that is, retain his rank as) a prince; he who did not hit the mark was not permitted to retain his rank as a prince1.
(
9. When the son of Heaven was about to sacrifice, the rule was that he should celebrate the archery at the pool, which name suggested the idea of selecting the officers (by their shooting). After
In this paragraph we have a remarkable instance of that punning or playing on words or sounds, which Callery has pointed out as a 'puerility' in Chinese writers, and of which we have many examples in the writers of the Han dynastry. The idea in the paragraph is good, that when one realises the ideal of what he is, becoming all he ought to be, he may be said to hit the mark. But to bring out this from the character (), which is the symbol of shooting with the bow, the author is obliged to give it two names,-yi ( drawing out or unwinding the thread of a cocoon, or clue of silk, to the end) and shê ( = 4, a cottage or booth, a place to lodge in). The latter is the proper name for the character in the sense of shooting.
'Here there is another play on names,-eh, in Pekinese kâi (澤) 'a pond or pool,' suggesting the character, which has the same name, and means 'to choose, select.' There were two Gg 2
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THE LỄ KỈ.
the archery at the pool came that in the archery hall. Those who hit the mark were permitted to take part in the sacrifice; and those who failed were not permitted to do so. (The ruler of those) who did not receive the permission was reprimanded, and had part of his territory taken from him. The ruler of those who were permitted was congratulated, and received an addition to his territory. The advancement appeared in the rank; the disapprobation, in the (loss of) territory.
10. Hence, when a son is born, a bow of mulberry wood, and six arrows of the wild raspberry plant (are placed on the left of the door), for the purpose of shooting at heaven, earth, and the four cardinal points. Heaven, earth, and the four points denote the spheres wherein the business of a man lies. The young man must first give his mind to what is to be his business, and then he may venture to receive emolument, that is, the provision for his food.
11. Archery suggests to us the way of benevolence. (The archer) seeks to be correct in himself, and then discharges his arrow. If it miss the mark, he is not angry with the one who has surpassed himself, but turns round and seeks (for the cause of failure) in himself1. Confucius said, 'The student of virtue has no contentions. If it be said that he cannot avoid them, shall this be in archery? (But) he bows complaisantly to his competitor, ascends
BK. XLIII
places for the archery, one called the Kai Kung, 'Palace or Hall by the pool,' and the other, Shê Kung, 'Palace or Hall of Archery,' which was, says Callery, 'a vast gallery in the royal college.'
1 Compare above, page 307, paragraph 40, where we have 'the way of the superior man' instead of the way of benevolence, or perfect virtue.'
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BK. XLIII.
SHÊ 1.
453
(the hall), descends (again), and exacts the forfeit of drinking. In his contention, he is still the superior man 1'
12. Confucius said, 'How difficult it is to shoot! How difficult it is to listen (to the music)! To shoot exactly in harmony with the note (given) by the music, and to shoot without missing the bull'seye on the target :-it is only the archer of superior virtue who can do this! How shall a man of inferior character be able to hit the mark? It is said in the Book of Poetry (II, viii, ode 6, 1), "" Now shoot,” he says, “and show your skill.”
The other answers, “ Shoot I will, And hit the mark ;-and when you miss,
Pray you the penal cup to kiss.". "To pray'is to ask. The archer seeks to hit that he may decline the cup. The liquor in the cup is designed (properly) to nourish the aged, or the sick. When the archer seeks to hit that he may decline the cup, that is declining what should serve to nourish (those that need it).
See Confucian Analects, III, vii.
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BOOK XLIV. YEN Í
OR
THE MEANING OF THE BANQUET !
1. Anciently, among the officers of the kings of Kâu, there was one called the sha-zze. He was charged with the care of the sons of the feudal lords, the high dignitaries who were the Great officers, and (other) officers,—the eldest sons who occupied the next place to their fathers. He managed (the issuing) to them of (all) cautions and orders; superintended their instruction in all they had to learn and (the art of self-)government; arranged them in their different classes ; and saw that they occupied their correct positions. If there were any grand solemnity (being transacted) in the kingdom, he conducted them-these sons of the state and placed them under the eldest son, the heir-apparent, who made what use of them he thought fit. If any military operations were being undertaken, he provided for them their carriages and coats of mail, assembled for them the companies of a hundred men and of five men (of which they should have charge), and appointed their inferior officers, thus training them in the art of war :—they were not under the jurisdiction of the minister of War. In all (other) governmental business of the state, these sons of it were left free, their fathers' eldest sons, without public occupation,
* See introductory notice, vol. xxvii, pages 57, 58.
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BK. XLIV.
• YEN 1.
455
and were made to attend to the cultivation of virtuous ways. In spring, (the sha-zze) assembled them in the college ; and in autumn, in the archery (hall), that he might examine into their proficiency, and advanced or degraded them accordingly.
2. The meaning of the ceremony of the banquet at the feudal courts (may be thus described) :--The ruler stood on the south-east of his own) steps on the east, having his face towards the south, fronting the ministers or dignitaries who were nearest to him. They and all the other) Great officers came forward a little, taking each his proper station. The ruler's mat is placed at the top of the eastern steps :—there is the station of the host. The ruler alone goes up and stands on his mat; with his face to the west he stands there by himself :showing that no one presumes to place himself on a par with him.
3. Guests and host having been arranged, according to the rules for the ceremony of drinking in the country districts, (the ruler) makes his chief cook act for him in presenting (the cup): -a minister may not presume to take on himself any usage proper to the ruler. None of the (three) kung and no high minister has the place of a guest ; but the Great officers are among the guests,-because of the doubts that might arise, and to show the jealousy (which such great men in that position might create).
When the guests have entered to the middle of the courtyard, the ruler descends a step and bows to them :-thus courteously receiving them.
4. The ruler sends the cup round among the guests in order; and when he has given a special çup to
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THE Lİ Kİ.
any, they all descend, and bow twice, laying at the same time their heads to the ground; after which they ascend, and complete their bowing:-thus showing the observance due from subjects. The ruler responds to them, for every act of courtesy must be responded to :-illustrating the observances due from the ruler and superiors. When ministers and inferiors do their utmost to perform service for the state, the ruler must recompense them with rank and emoluments. Hence all officers and inferiors endeavour with their utmost strength and ability to establish their merit, and thus the state is kept in tranquillity, and the ruler's mind is at rest.
(The principle) that every act of courtesy must be responded to, showed that rulers do not receive anything from their inferiors without sufficient ground for doing so. The ruler must illustrate the path of rectitude in his conduct of the people; and when the people follow that path and do good service (for the state), then he may take from them a tenth part (of their revenues). In this way he has enough, and his subjects do not suffer want. Thus harmony and affection prevail between high and low, and they have no mutual dissatisfactions. Such harmony and rest are the result of the ceremonial usages. This is the great idea in the relation between ruler and subject, between high and low-hence it is said that the object of the banquet was to illustrate the idea of justice between ruler and subject.
BK. XLIV.
5. The mats were arranged so that the dignitaries of smaller rank occupied the place next (in honour) to those of higher; the Great officers, the place next to the lower dignitaries. The officers and sons of
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BK. XLIV.
YEN 1.
457
concubines ? (also) took their places below in their regular order. The cup being presented to the ruler, he begins the general pledging, and offers the cup to the high dignitaries. They continue the ceremony, and offer the cup to the Great officers, who offer it in turn to the (other) officers, and these finally offer it to the sons of concubines. The stands and dishes, with the flesh of the animals 3, and the savoury viands, were all proportioned to the differences of rank in the guests :--and thus the distinction was shown between the noble and the mean.
· This is a common meaning of the phrase shQ-zze. We cannot suppose that there is a reference to the officer so called in paragraph 1. He was of too high a rank to be placed after the officers, who ranked below the Great officers. Nor can we suppose that it denotes here 'the sons of the state' under his charge.
The ruler did this by his deputy, the chief cook, who officiated for him on the occasion. All the different offerings are said to have been made by him indeed; but that is not the natural interpretation of the text.
• Khăn Hảo says these were dogs; see above, page 443, para- graph 17.
.
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BOOK XLV.
OR
PHING f
THE MEANING OF THE INTERCHANGE OF MISSIONS BETWEEN DIFFERENT COURTS'.
1. According to the ceremonies in missions, a duke of the highest grade sent seven attendants with (his representative); a marquis or earl, five; and a count or baron, three. The difference in number served to show the difference in rank of their principals'.
2. The messages (between the visitor and the host) were passed through all the attendants, from one to another. A superior man, where he wishes to do honour, will not venture to communicate directly and in person. This was a high tribute of respect.
3. The message was transmitted (only) after the messenger had thrice declined to receive (the courtesies offered to him at the gate); he entered the gate of the ancestral temple after thrice in the same way trying to avoid doing so; thrice he exchanged bows with his conductor before they arrived at the steps; and thrice he yielded the precedence offered to him before he ascended the hall:-so did he carry to
See introductory notice, vol. xxvii, pages 58, 59.
2 If the ruler went in person on the mission, he had in every case, according to his rank, two attendants more than the number specified for his representative.
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BK. XLV.
PHING 1:
459
the utmost his giving of honour and yielding courtesy.
4. The ruler sent an officer to meet (the messenger) at the border (of the state), and a Great officer to offer him the customary presents and congratulations (after the toils of the journey) in the suburb (near the capital); he himself met him and bowed to him inside the great gate, and then received him in the ancestral temple; with his face to the north he bowed to him when the presents (which he brought) were presented, and bowed again (when his message was delivered), in acknowledgment of its condescension :-in this way did he (on his part) testify his respect.
5. Respectfulness and yielding courtesy mark the intercourse of superior men with one another. Hence, when the feudal lords received one another with such respectfulness and yielding courtesy, they would not attack or encroach on one another.
6. A high minister is employed as principal usher (for the messenger), a Great officer as the next, and (ordinary) officers acted as their attendants. (When he had delivered his message), the ruler himself showed him courtesy, (and presented to him the cup of new liquor). He had his private interviews (with the dignitaries and Great officers of the court), and also with the ruler 1. (After this), supplies of animals, slaughtered and living, were sent (to his hotel). (When he was about to take his departure), the jade-symbols (by which he was accredited) were returned to him, and the return
* At these interviews, after he had discharged his mission and presented the gifts from his ruler, he presented other gists on his own account.
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The li xt.
BX, XLV.
gifts (of silk and other things) presented at the same time. He had been entertained and feasted. All these observances served to illustrate the idea underlying the relations between ruler and minister in receiving visitors and guests 1.
7. Therefore it was a statute made by the son of Heaven for the feudal lords, that every year they should interchange a small mission, and every three years a great one :thus stimulating one another to the exercise of courtesy. If the messenger committed any error in the exchange of his mission, the ruler, his host, did not personally entertain and feast him :-thereby making him ashamed, and stimulating him.
When the princes thus stimulated one another to the observance of the ceremonial usages, they did not make any attacks on one another, and in their states there was no oppression or encroachment. In this way the son of Heaven cherished and nourished them; there was no occasion for any appeal to arms, and they were furnished with an instrument to maintain themselves in rectitude.
8. (The commissioners) carried with them their jade-symbols, the sceptre and half-sceptre :-showing the importance of the ceremony. On the completion of their mission, these were returned to them :showing the small importance to be attached to their value, and the great importance of the ceremony. When the princes thus stimulated one another, to set light by the value of the articles, and recognise the importance of the ceremony, the people learned to be yielding and courteous.
The entertainment took place in the open court; the banquet in the banqueting chamber.
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BK. XLV.
PHING 1.
461
9. The prince of the state to which the mission was sent treated his guests in this way :- Till their departure from their coming, they were supplied from the three stores (provided for such purposes). Living animals were sent to them at their lodging. A provision of five sets of the three animals for slaughter was made inside. Thirty loads of rice, the same number of grain with the straw, and twice as many of fodder and firewood were provided outside. There were five pairs of birds that went in flocks every day. All the attendants had cattle supplied to them for their food. There was one meal (a day in the court), and two (spare) entertainments in the temple). The banquets and occasional bounties were without any definite number. With such generosity was the importance of the ceremony indicated?
10. They could not always be so profuse as this in antiquity in the use of their wealth ; but their employment of it thus liberally (in connexion with these missions) showed how they were prepared to devote it to the maintenance of the ceremonies. When they expended it as they did on the ceremonies, then in the states ruler and minister did not encroach on one another's rights and possessions, and different states did not attack one another. It was on this account that the kings made their statute about these missions, and the feudal lords did their utmost to fulfil its.
1 The particulars here briefly mentioned and many others are to be found in great detail in the 8th division of the I Lî, Books 1618, which are on the subject of these missions.
About twenty years ago, when I had occasion to accompany a mandarin from Canton to a disturbed district in the interior, he
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462
THE LI KI.
11. The archery in connexion with these missions was a very great institution. With the early dawn they commenced it, and it was nearly midday before the whole of the ceremonies were concluded:it required men of great vigour and strength to go through with it.
:
BK. XLV.
And further, when such men were about to engage in it, though the liquor might be clear and they were thirsty, they did not venture to drink of it; though the stalks of flesh were dry (and ready to their hand), and they were hungry, they did not venture to eat of them; at the close of the day, when they were tired, they continued to maintain a grave and correct deportment. So they carried out all the details of the ceremonies; so they maintained correctly the relation between ruler and subject, affection between father and son, and harmony between seniors and juniors. All this it is difficult for the generality of men to do, but it was done by those superior men; and on this account they were called men possessed of great ability in action. The ascribing to them such ability in action implied their possession of the sense of righteousness; and their possession of that sense implied that they were valiant and daring. The
introduced one day in conversation the subject of these missions, saying that they must have been a great drain on the revenues of the ancient states, and that in the same way in the present day the provincial administrations were burdened with many outlays which should be borne by the imperial treasury. As resident ambassadors from foreign nations had then begun to be talked about, he asked whether China would have to pay their expenses, or the countries which they represented would do so, and was greatly relieved when I told him that each nation would pay the expenses of its embassy.
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BK. XLV.
PHING 1.
463
most valuable quality in a man who is bold and daring is that he can thereby establish his sense of righteousness; the most valuable quality in him who establishes that sense is that he can thereby show his great ability in action; the most valuable quality in him who has that ability is that he can carry all ceremonies into practice. In this way, the most valuable quality in valiant daring is that its possessor dares to carry into practice the rules of ceremony and righteousness.
-
It follows from this that such men, bold and daring, full of vigour and strength, when the kingdom was at peace, employed their gifts in the exercise of propriety and righteousness; and, when there was trouble in the kingdom, employed them in the battle-field and in gaining victory. When they employed them to conquer in battle, no enemies could resist them; when they employed them in the exercise of propriety and righteousness, then obedience and good order prevailed. No enemies abroad, and obedience and good order at home :this was called the perfect condition for a state. But when men, so endowed, did not use their valour and strength in the service of propriety and righteousness, and to secure victory, but in strifes and contentions, then they were styled men of turbulence or disorder. Punishments were put in requisition throughout the kingdom, and the (first) use of them was to deal with those same men, and take them off. In this way (again), the people became obedient and there was good order, and the state was tranquil and happy.
12. 3ze-kung asked Confucius, saying, 'Allow me to ask the reason why the superior man sets
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THE LÎ xi.
BK. XLV.
a high value on jade, and but little on soapstone ? Is it because jade is rare, and the soapstone plentiful ?'
13. Confucius replied, "It is not because the soapstone is plentiful that he thinks but little of it, and because jade is rare that he sets a high value on it. Anciently superior men found the likeness of all excellent qualities in jade. Soft, smooth, and glossy, it appeared to them like benevolence; fine, compact, and strong, -like intelligence; angular, but not sharp and cutting,-like righteousness; hanging down (in beads) as if it would fall to the ground, - like (the humility of) propriety; when struck, yielding a note, clear and prolonged, yet terminating abruptly,—like music; its flaws not concealing its beauty, nor its beauty concealing its flaws,-like loyalty; with an internal radiance issuing from it on every side,-like good faith ; bright as a brilliant rainbow,-like heaven; exquisite and mysterious, appearing in the hills and streams,-like the earth ; standing out conspicuous in the symbols of rank, like virtue; esteemed by all under the sky,—like the path of truth and duty. As is said in the ode (1, xi, ode 3, 1), “Such my lord's car. He rises in my mind,
Lovely and bland, like jade of richest kind." This is why the superior man esteems it so highly!'
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BOOK XLVI. SANG FŮ SZE KIH
OR
THE FOUR PRINCIPLES UNDERLYING THE DRESS
OF MOURNING.
1. All ceremonial usages looked at in their great characteristics are the embodiment of (the ideas suggested by) heaven and earth; take their laws from the changes of the four seasons; imitate the (operation of the) contracting and developing movements in nature; and are conformed to the feelings of men. It is on this account that they are called the Rules of Propriety; and when any one finds fault with them, he only shows his ignorance of their origin.
2. Those usages are different in their applications to felicitous and unfortunate occurrences; in which they should not come into collision with one another :- this is derived from (their pattern as given by) the contracting and developing movements in nature.
3. The mourning dress has its four definite fashions and styles, the changes in which are always according to what is right:--this is derived from the changes of the four seasons.
Now, affection predominates; now, nice distinctions; now, defined regulations; and now, the consideration of circumstances : - all these are
See the introductory notice, vol. xxvii, pp. 59, 60.
Hh
? [28]
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THE LÎ xi.
BK. XLVI.
derived from the human feelings. In affection we have benevolence; in nice distinctions, righteousness; in defined regulations, propriety; and in the consideration of circumstances, knowledge. Benevolence, righteousness, propriety, and knowledge;these make up the characteristic attributes of humanity.
4. Where the affection has been great, the mourning worn is deep. On this account the sackcloth with jagged edges is worn for the father for three years : the regulation is determined by affection.
5. In the regulation (of the mourning) within the family circle, the affection throws the (duty of public) righteousness into the shade'. In the regulation (of that which is) beyond that circle, the (duty of public) righteousness cuts the (mourning of) affection short'. The service due to a father is employed in serving a ruler, and the reverence is the same for both :-this is the greatest instance of (the conviction of the duty of) righteousness, in all the esteem shown to nobility and the honour done to the honourable. Hence the sackcloth with jagged edges is worn (also) for the ruler for three years :the regulation is determined by righteousness.
6. The eating after three days; the washing the head after three months; the sacrifice and change of dress at the end of the first year; the not carrying the emaciation to such an extent as to affect life :—these regulations were to avoid doing harm to the living
A son, on his father's death, is exempted from official duties for a time; but this exemption is suspended on occasions of pressing exigency.
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BK. XLVI.
SANG FÛ SZE KIH.
467
(by the mourning) for the dead. Not protracting the mourning rites beyond three years; not mending even the coarsest sackcloth ; making no addition to the mound (raised at first) over the grave; fixing the day for the sacrifice at the end of the second year ; playing (at first, on the conclusion of the rites) on a plain, unvarnished lute:-all these things were to make the people aware of the termination (of the several rites), and constituted the defined regulations.
The service due to a father is employed in serving a mother, and the love is the same for both. (But) in the sky there are not two suns, nor in a land two kings, nor in a state two rulers, nor in a family two equally honourable :-one (principle) regulates (all) these conditions. Hence, while the father is alive, the sackcloth with even edges is worn (for a mother), (and only) for a year, showing that there are not in the family) two equally honourable.
7. What is meant by the use of the staff? It is (a symbol of) rank. On the third day it is given to the son; on the fifth day, to Great officers; and on the seventh day, to ordinary officers ; — (at the mourning rites for a ruler). Some say that it is given to them as the presiding mourners; and others, that it is to support them in their distress.
A daughter (not yet fully grown) and a son (while but a lad), do not carry a staff ;-being supposed) not to be capable of (extreme) distress.
When all the array of officers is complete, and all things are provided, and (the mourner) cannot speak (his directions), and things must (still) proceed, he is assisted to rise. If he be able to speak, and things will proceed (as he directs), he rises by the help of
Hh 2
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THE LI XI.
the staff. Where (the mourner) has himself to take part in what is to be done, he will have his face grimed (as if black with sorrow). Women who are bald do not use the coiffure; hunchbacks do not unbare their arms; the lame do not leap; and the old and ill do not give up the use of liquor and flesh. All these are cases regulated by the consideration of circumstances.
BK. XLVI.
8. After the occurrence of the death, the (wailing for) three days, which left no leisure for anything else; the not taking off (the headband or girdle) for three months; the grief and lamentation for a whole year; and the sorrow on to the three years :(in all these things) there was a gradual diminution of the (manifestation of) affection. The sages, in accordance with that diminution of the natural feeling, made their various definite regulations.
9. It was on this account that the mourning rites were limited to three years. The worthiest were not permitted to go beyond this period, nor those who were inferior to them to fall short of it. This was the proper and invariable time for those rites, what the (sage) kings always carried into practice.
When it is said in the Shû (Part IV, Book VIII, i, 1), that Kâo 3ung, while occupying the mourning shed, for three years did not speak, this expresses approval of that sovereign. But the kings all observed this rule;-why is the approval only expressed in connexion with him? It may be replied, 'This Kâo 3ung was Wa Ting.' Wa Ting was a worthy sovereign of Yin. He had come to the throne in the due order of succession, and was thus loving and good in his observance of the mourning rites. At this time Yin, which had been
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BK. XLVI.
SANG FŰ SZE KIH.
469
decaying, revived again; ceremonial usages, which had been neglected, came again into use. On this account the approval of him was expressed, and therefore it was recorded in the Shồ, and he was styled Kao (The Exalted), and designated Kâo Zung (The Exalted and Honoured Sovereign). (The rule was that), during the three years' mourning, a ruler should not speak; and that the Sha says, 'Kao Zung, while he occupied the mourning shed, for the three years did not speak,' was an illustration of this. When it is said (in the Hsiao King, chapter 18th), "They speak, but without elegance of phrase,' the reference is to ministers and inferior (officers).
10. According to the usages, when wearing the sackcloth with jagged edges (for a father), (a son) indicated that he heard what was said to him, but did not reply in words; when wearing that with even edges (for a mother), he replied, but did not speak (of anything else); when wearing the mourning of nine months, he might speak (of other things), but did not enter into any discussion ; when wearing that of five months, or of three, he might discuss, but did not show pleasure in doing so.
11. At the mourning rites for a parent, (the son) wore the cap of sackcloth, with strings of cords, and sandals of straw; after the third day, he (began to) take gruel ; after the third month, he washed his head; at the end of the year, in the thirteenth month, he put on the mourning silk and cap proper after the first year; and when the three years were completed, he offered the auspicious sacrifice.
12. When one has completed these three regulated periods, the most animated with the sentiment
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470
THE LÎ ri.
BK. XLVI.
of benevolence (or humanity) can perceive the affection (underlying the usages); he who has (most) knowledge can perceive the nice distinctions pervading them; and he who has (most) strength can perceive the (force of) will (required for their discharge). The propriety that regulates them, and the righteousness that maintains their correctness, may be examined by filial sons, deferential younger brothers, and pure-minded virgins.
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INDEX
TO THE
TEXTS OF CONFUCIANISM,
PARTS I, II, III, IV,
VOLUMES III, XVI, XXVII, XXVIII.
INDEX OF SUBJECTS.
The references refer to the parts and the pages.
Ability and character necessary to
official employment, Parti,
pages 221-5; iii, 322-4. Acts and character, of Yao, i, 31-6;
of Shun, as Yão's vice-gerent, i,
38-41; as sovereign, i, 42-5. Administration of government, royal
regulations for, iii, 209-48; in the twelve months of the year, iii, 249-310; of justice, and how tempered, i, 43, 48-9, 254-64;
iii, 235-8. Admonitions, of Yü to Shun, i, 58
61; of I Yin to Thâi Kia, 92103; to the prince of Khang, 170-1; to prince Shih, 205-10; to king Kbăng, 200-5, 320-5, 404-7; to officers, 407-10; of
duke Wa to himself, 413-17. Age and the aged, all dynasties
honoured in all conditions of life, iv, 229-31; reverence and care of, i, 123, 185, 401; iii, 678, 70, 73-4, 240-4, 287-8, 46470 (delicacies provided for); how shown in walking with, iv, 230; three classes of the aged, see Three.
Agriculture, references to and de
scriptions of, i, 33-4, 42-3, 85, 258, 312, 316, 320-3, 331-3, 365, 369-70, 383, 389, 398-9; iii, 2 a730, 239, 255, 260, 264,270-1,274,
284, 289, 293, 304, 308-9, 431-3. Altars, i, 40, 153, 420 (and note);
the Great, i, 384 (and note); to the spirits of the land and grain,
iv, 233; various, iv, 206-7. Ancestral temples and worship, i, 40
1, 44, 51, 92, 95, 126, 130, 134, 304-13, 313-36, 343, 348, 365-8, 370, 374-5, 387, 402-3, 420, 4312, 477-8, 485-6, 488; iii, 223-5, 369-71, 411-13; iv, 204-6, 309
11. Ancients, the, emblematic figures of,
i, 58; lessons and examples of, 107, 166, 171, 204, 229, 249, 252,
301. Ancient sayings, i, 271,408. Announcements, or public procla
mations, and speeches, at Kan, i, 76-7; of Thang, 84-6; of Kunghui, 86-9; of king Wů,-the Great Declaration, 124-32, Speech at M0, 131-2, and The Completion of the War, 133-5 ;
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472
THE TEXTS OF CONFUCIANISM.
of king Kbăng, 156-61(the Great Announcement); to prince of Khang,165-71; against drunken- ness, 171-81; of the duke of Shâo, 181-8; of the duke of Kau, 188-95; of king Kbăng, to the people of Shang, 196-200; to his ministers, 326-31; of king Khang, 243-8; the speech at P1, 267-70; of the marquis
of Khin, 270-72. Announcements of deaths, forms of,
iv, 133-4. Antiquity, Yao and Shun studied, i,
227 (and note); highest, the, ii, 385; middle, the, ii, 397; ways
of, to be followed, iv, 324. Aprons, or knee-covers, i, 350; iv,
14, 15; size of parts of, iv, 172. Archery, i, 375-400; iii, 202, 231,
375, 400; the ceremony of, iii,
56-7; iv, 446-53. Arrows in the game of pitch-pot, iv,
397-400. Armv, royal, i, 76-7, 81, 244; see
Six; signals and movements of, in an expedition, iii, 90-a. Army
of La, i, 344 (and note). Arts or special acquirements, iii,
235; iv, 116. Association of husband and wife in
sacrifices, iv, 238-41. See also
i, 431-2, Astronomical references, i, 23-8,
32-4, 38-9, 82, 142, 296, 355, 363-4, 419; iii, 91-3, 249, 254, 257, 259, 262, 268, 272, 275, 276, 283, 286, 289, 291, 296,
301, 304, 306, 308, 426. Audiences and other great meetings,
i, 40, 229, 373-4, 427-8; iii, III-2, 218; non-attendance at
was criminal, i, 426. Avenging the death of parents and
others, iii, 92, 140.
tongued bell, i, 82; iii, 190,
260; iv, 34, 165. Birth, usages in connexion with, of
a boy or girl, by the wife, iii, 471-4; by a concubine, 475; of sons and daughters differently regarded, i, 350-1; usages on special occasions of, iii, 311
13. Blessing of sacrifice, the, iv, 236-7. Blind, musicians, i, 323 (and note).
Hall of the, a school of music,
iii, 346. Bows, see Weapons of war. Bows
and arrows, conferred as rewards and at investitures, i, 267; use of, at the birth of an heir-son, iii, 424 (and note), 472. How a bow was presented and
received, iii, 84-5. Branding, i, 256. Bride and bridegroom, observances
between, iii, 440-1 ; iv, 264-5; see also Book XLI. Brides of
kings Ki, Wăn, and W0, i, 380-1. Burial, earliest forms of gave way
to use of coffins, ii, 385; different materials of coffins, iii, 125; coffins prepared beforehand and kept in readiness, üi, 241; taken with rulers leaving their states, iii, 334. Reasons for burial and coffin, iii, 177, 185; times of, iii, 222-3. Thickness of coffins, iii, 150; iv, 196. Coffins of kings fourfold, iii, 158. Coffin on bier presented in temple, and then drawn to grave, iii, 172; iv, 164-5; catafalque of, at great funerals, iv, 197-8; letting down of, iv, 198-9; with head to the north, and on the north of city, iii, 170. Rain did not interrupt an interment, iii, 233; case of an eclipse occurring, iii, 338-9; vessels to the eye of fancy and other things for the grave or coffin, iii, 148 (and note), 173 (wooden automata condemned), iv, 55-6, 144, 197-8. Procedure when both parents were buried at same time, iii, 315; in case of a lady dying before she had become acknowledged wife, iü, 322. Origin of burying young
tim fins, ii, 15 foid, iii, in tempuii,
Banishment, rules for, i, 40-1, 43;
iii, 232-4; cases of, i, 41, 75-6. Banners, i, 326, 338, 342, 351, 418;
iii, 91-2. Banquet, ceremony of the, ii, 57-8;
iv, 454-57. Barter, established by Yü, i, 58. See
Inventions. Bathing and washing, iv, 5. Bells, see Music. The wooden
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INDEX OF SUBJECTS.
473
boys in coffins, iii, 341. A stone
coffin, iii, 149. Burying living persons with the dead,
i, 443 ; iii, 182, 184.
Co
300 greater rules and 3000
smaller, iv, 323. Charges, to Yüeh, i, 112-8; to the
count of Wei, 161-3; to Kung of Zhâi, 211-3; to Kun-kban, 331-4; to the duke of Pi, 2459; to Kun-yâ, 250-1; to Kbiung, 252-3; to the marquis Wăn, 265-7; the Testamentary Charge of king Kbăng, 234-42; to the earl of Shâo, 423-4; to Kung Shan-fa, 425-6; to Hû of
Shão, 427. Civilisation, steps in early progress
of, ii, 383-5. See Inventions. Comparisons, rule about, iii, 114. Complaint, of king Ya's queen, i,
376 ; of distressed officer, 364; of a wife, 433-4; of unfortunate
woman deserted, 437-8. Concubines, iii, 78, 101, 109, 113,
184, 189, 457, 471-2, 475, 478; iv, 44, 47, 48-9, 51, 52, 55, 137,
138-9, 152, 183, 297-8. Condolences, see Mourning rites. Confucius, at home at ease, iv, 270
7; at leisure, 278-83; death of, iii, 138-9. His burial of his mother, iii, 123, in same grave with his father, 124-5, and of his dog, 196-7. Ideal description of, iv, 326-7. Friendship with Yuan Zang, iii, 198-9 (and
note). Consecration of a temple and its
vessels by blood, iv, 169-70. Constellations and stars, see Astro
nomical, and i, 149. Counsels, of Shun to pastors of pro
vinces, i, 42; of the Great Yü, 46-52; of Kao-yao, 53-6; of 1 Yin, 93-103 ; of duke wa to
himself, i, 413-7. Count, one of the orders of nobility,
i, 136 (and note); iii, 209; iv, 30. Title of chiefs of the wild
tribes, iii, 111. Crimes, of Kieh of Hsiâ, i, 85, 197,
216; of Shâu of Yin or Shang, i, 119-21, 125-30, 135, 177, 197
8, 222, 411-3. Criminals, how dealt with, iii, 215-6. Cups, jugs, and other drinking ves
sels, i, 343, 366, 374-5 (and note),
386, 427, 445-6; iv, 32, 35. Cupboards, iii, 464.
Calamities, the avoidable and un
avoidable, i, 98. Calling back the dead, iii, 108, 112,
129, 157, 167, 340, 368-9; iv,
132, 136, 143, 174-5. Cap, the royal, with pendants, iv, 1;
other caps, i, 240, 334, 379; iii, 69, 76, 103, 125, 133, 144, 146, 153, 160, 201 (cap of the bee), 288, 327, 344, 402, 433, 437-8, 449, 454 ; iv, 5, 9, 10, 54, 135-6, 138, 140-1, 162, 369,
378, 382, 402. Capping, ceremony of, iii, 65, 79,
83, 144, 316-7, 358, 367, 388, 437-8, 477 ; iv, 9, 52, 97, 162,
402, 425-7. Carriages or chariots, and their
teams, i, 239 (and note), 243, 327, 342, 382, 407, 414, 418, 434; easy, iii, 66. Chariot and horses, royal gift of, i, 267; iii, 67; small, sent to grave, iii, 161 (and note); iv, 140-1; the
soul-carriage, iii, 96 (and note). Carrying and holding articles, rules
for, iii, 73, 99, 100; iv, 77. Castration, iv, 99 (note). Ceremonies, respect or reverence
in, essential, i, 482 ; iii, 61-2; their use and indispensableness, iii, 63-5; iv, 270-77. Origin, growth, and development, iii, 364-93; originated in the Grand Unity, 386-8; their use in the formation of character, with the varying characteristics of their value, 394-414; as dykes, for conservation and defence, iv, 284-99. In government of a state, and all relationships, iv, 257-60. Afford example, iv, 330-64. The greatest of all things by which men live, iv, 261. Determine the due mean, and what is right, 171. Compared and contrasted with music, iv, 96-105, 114-6, 214-6. Grouped under five categories; iv, 236 (and note); and under six, iii, 230, 248. Comprehend
b ertathero idea triends and
and what is contrasted
2-6. Cups, 15.1, 343, 366,374), 32, 35.
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474
THE TEXTS OF CONFUCIANISM.
Doubts, submitted to divination, i,
145-6. Dress, ordinary, of young men and
their wives, iii, 449-50; of mourning, see Mourning rites. The black robes, iv, 352-64. The long dress, iv, 395-6. Darkcoloured robes, iii, 448; various
particulars about, iv, 9-17. Drinks, iii, 446-7(and note), 460; iv, 8. Drinking in the country districts,
ceremony of, iii, 56; iv, 435-45. Dyeing, ii, 278. Dynasties, see Three, Four, Five,
Seven.
worthies
DECOFRE 247 Usband alive anos, of
videt
Dancing or pantomime, taught to
boys at thirteen, and afterwards, iii, 477 (and note); 255 (and note), 345, 347; iv, 92 (and note), 121-31 (to the piece Tawų)." Dancing habits of Yin, i,
239. See also i, 343, 375. Death, what takes place at, iii, 369,
444; iv, 220-1; names for, of different parties, iii, 108, 112, 117; of parents alive and dead, 118; of husband, wife's lament over, i, 441-2; of three worthies
of Kbin, i, 443-4. Decades, life divided into, and de
scribed, iii, 65-6. Demeanour, importance of, i, 413-
4; of different parties, iii, 112; iv, 25-7; of son, on father's death, iii, 129; at grave, 137; in serving parents, i, 480-1; in
mourning, 487-8. Different, teaching of the different
classical books, iv, 255-6; answers to questions about age
and wealth, iii, 115-6. Dishes, arrangement of, at feast, iii,
79; various, of food, iii, 459
64; 468-70. Divination, i, 50, 104, 128, 145-7
(and note), 153-4, 157-9, 161, 183, 189-90, 349, 350-2 (about dreams), 358-9; ii, 371-2 (and all ii. is, in form at least, a book of divination); iii, 78, 94, 119, 128, 181, 235, 238, 385, 428,472 ; iv, 51, 71, 84, 135, 156, 180, 223,
289, 295, 298, 320, 331, 349-51. Division of kingdom into twelve
provinces, i, 40, 60; into nine, i, 64-72, 101 (see also 310); iii, 111, 211-2, 413 ; iv, 208. Division and apportioning of the
income, iii, 321-2. Divorce, iii, 122 (and note, Did
Confucius divorce his wife?), 457 (and note); iv, 42, 44, 45, 57; of a lady sent back before she had become the acknowledged
wife, iv, 170-1. Doctor's family should have prac
tised medicine for three genera
tions, iii, 114. Domains or tenures, the five, i, 75-6,
229. See also i, 163, 176-7, 183, 207, 244.
Ears, cutting off, a punishment, i,
168, 256; left, of captives, i,
339, 392. Ears of grain, left in field for the
widow, i, 373. Eating, rules in, iii, 80-1,89; iv, 20-1. Eclipse of the sun, and ceremonies
at, i, 82 (and note); another, i,
355 ; at an interment, iii, 338-9. Economy, rules of, iv, 3, 4; iii, 237. Education and schools, iii, 231-5,
342, 255, 266, 308, 347-9, 35961; iv, 81-90; attention of king Wo to, i, 137. Education of young princes, iii, 345-50; iv, 82-90; ordinary of a boy, iii, 476-7; of a girl, 478. The
Great Learning, iv, 411-34. Eight is the number of the months
of spring, iii, 250, 258, 262. Eight objects of government, i, 141-2; ii, 230, 248; tribes of the Man, i, 150; iv, 30; kâ sacrifices, iii, 431; materials of musical instruments, iv, III; men walked beside the ruler's bier with clappers, iv, 165; bells at the bits of carriage team, i, 338, 426; baskets of grain placed by ruler's coffin, iv,
197; dishes at sacrifice, iv, 38. Eighty, old men of, iii, 66, 463-6;
iv, 230, 232. Endogens and exogens, iji, 394(note). Equilibrium and barmony, state of,
iv, 300-29 (see note 3, p. 301). Eulogies, rule for, iii, 333-4(and note). Example, the, of the sovereign, i,
53-4, 60, 88-9; effects of, i, 201-4; of crown-prince, iii,
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INDEX OF SUBJECTS.
475
351-3; as taught by the ceremonial usages, iv, 330-64.
Father and son, the relationship of,
iii, 345; iv, 313. Father and mother, different posi
tion of with son, iv, 341, Fathers of husbandry, the, i, 371
(and note), 372; iii, 431; of war, i, 392 (and note); iii, 220; of cookery, iii, 79; iv, 38; of match-making, iii, 259; of the
fish-diet, iv, 78. Filial Piety, Classic of, i, 465-88 ;
its name, early existence, contents, and author, 449-51; its history to A. D. 745, i, 452-8; and since, 458-62; descriptions and instances of, i, 312, 393-4; iii, 67-9, 87-8, 172, 182, 343, 357-8, 360-1, 372, 379, 386, 446, 449, 455-7, 467, 477 ; iv, 24, 41, 211-7, 222, 226-9, 233-4, 236-8, 268-9, 289-91, 308-11; when parents are ill, iii, 343-4; 7 under other peculiar circumstances, iii, 335-7; when parents have faults, and deal hardly, iii, 456-7. An unfilial ruler was
reduced in rank, iii, 217. Five jade-symbols of rank, i, 39; iv,
168-9; relationships of society, and duties of, i, 43, 129, 137; iii, 379-80; ceremonies, i, 55 (see Ceremonies); emblematic figures on robes, i, 56; punishments, i, 48, 56, 255, 261, 481; iii, 335-6; iv, 99, 384; coloured earths, i, 67; correct colours, iii, 382 ; iv, 90; intermediate colours, iv, 11 (in note); flavours, iii, 382, 435; domains (see Domains); elements, i, 77, 140-1; ii, 382; sons, songs of the, i, 78-80; orders of nobility, i, 136, and their territories, iii, 209; personal matters and their qualities, i, 141; dividers of time, i, 142; favourable and unfavourable verifications, i, 147; sources of happiness and extreme evils, i, 149; administrative officers, iii, 109-10; sacrifices of the house, iii, 116, 225, 300, 329, 376, 385; Great officers in Great state, iii, 214;
states, a union, iii, 312; tour of inspection in five years, i, 40; iii, 316; princes appeared at court once in five years, i, 40; iii, 316; five kinds of grain, iii, 221, 229, 270, 271, 276, 280, 393, 308; ancestral temples of princes, iii, 223, 397 ; iv, 205; five regions, the, iii, 229; turnings over of royal boat, iii, 263; five storehouses, iii, 265; conditions in sacrificial victims, iii, 288; weapons of war, iii, 294; descendants of the rulers in five temple shrines, iii, 355-8; five classes of the experienced, iii, 360; iv, 124, 231; beverages, iv, 3; washings of hands a day, iv, 5; Tî, the, iv, 30; Tis, the, iii, 468; iv, 103, 130; degrees in kinship, iv, 42 (and note); heads of clans changed in five generations, 43, 63, 65; five things claiming first attention of sovereign, 61; attendant carriages of Great officers of first grade, 75; fifth year of study, 83; five degrees of mourning, 90; five senses, 90; strings, lute with, 105; usages of king, conveying great lessons, 124; days' leaping on death of Great officer, 143; months' mourning, 158; shells in stuffing Great officer's mouth, wailing for him ended in five months, sacrifice of Repose for him offered five times, prince buried five months after death, 164; things of shame to an officer, 166; double rolls of silk, a marriage offering, 172; cross-bands in greater dressing of dead, 186; dynasties, 204; five premature deaths for which king sacrificed, 307; things securing good government, 216; objects accomplished by sacrifice, 219-20; extreme points, the, 278-9; fivefold or universal path, 313; wailings and leapings of one who had hurried to mourning rites, 369-73; rules
for long dress, 396. Fifty, men of, iii, 66, 162, 140-1,
464-6; iv, 230.
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476
THE TEXTS OF CONFUCIANISM.
Four, classes of the people, i, 229;
seas, the, 41, 46, 47, 76, 81, 117-8, 136 ; iii, 211, 245, 303, 413; iv, 91, 99, 327, 280, 295, 308-9; mountains, i, 229 (see 35, 39-40); states, the, 214, 217; rivers, iii, 225 (and note); subjects of instruction in four seasons, iii, 233-3 (and note); cases of fatal criminality, 238; forlorn classes, 244; inspectors, 278, 308; things interrupting an audience, 328; aides, 350; agencies, 378; intelligent creatures, 383-4; limbs, 390; iv, 320; quarters, or cardinal points, 472; dishes of grain at royal
meal, iv, 4; Sai, the, 30; dynasties, 36, 39, 88; rules for effectual teaching, 86; defects in learners, 87; aids to the fundamental in instruction, 91; characteristics of ancient music, 108; states with bad music, 119; baskets of grain put by officer's coffin, 197; schools, the, 232; lowest classes of menials, 249; things at grand festive entertainments, 374; seasons, the, 281, 326, 393; things Confucius had not at
tained to, 305-6. Forty, men at, iii, 66.
258. So, in the phrase "five Tfs,' see Five; and, in iii, 250, 257, 262, 268, 272, 276, 280,
283, 287, 291, 296, 302, 306. Good, their, ascribed by men to
their parents, by ministers to their rulers, by sovereigas to
Heaven, iv, 233. Good, men are born, i, 89-99, 234,
410, 425. Government, appointed by Heaven
for good of the people, i, 86-7, 90, 115, 309; fundamental connexion of, with Heaven, iii, 376; different conditions of, iii, 375-8; of Kâu dynasty, i, 219-25, 22631; Royal regulations for, ii, 209-48; Confucius on the prac
tice of, iv, 263-4, 312-7, 340-7. Governmental proceedings for each
month, iii, 249-310. Grand course, early period of the,
iii, 364-6. Grief, various outward manifesta
tions of in mourning, iv, 385-90.
Goretice si Con
the, 932:34. thingsnes, 574
Game of pitch-pot, iv, 397-401. Gifts sent on occasions of death and
burial, and ceremonies of, iv,
144-8. God (Tĩ and Shang Tĩ), i, 39, 38,
85, 87, 89, 91, 95, 99, 111, 114, 126, 130, 135, 139, 144, 153, 159, 161, 163, 166, 184-5, 196-8, 206-8, 214-5, 221-2, 245, 256, 259, 266, 307, 309-10, 319-20, 321, 341, 343, 354, 378, 381-3, 389-92, 397, 399, 408, 410, 412, 420, 422; ii, 150, 223, 255, 287, 341, 425; iii, 218, 220, 254, 273, 288, 293, 309, 344, 370, 385, 407, 410, 413-4, 430-1; iv, 60, 118, 167, 112, 281, 311,
338-9, 349, 363. God (ti and shang-tî, used, pro
bably, in the sense of demigod, or deified hero), i, 32, 34, 38, 41-5, 46-52, 54, 57-8, 60-2, 256,
Habit becomes a second nature, i, 97. Hall of Distinction, the, iii, intro
duction, 28-30; i, 477 (and note); iv, 231; progress of king through its different apartments from month to month, iii, 251-3, 258, 263, 269, 273, 277, 281, 284, 287, 292, 297, 302, 307; audience held in it by duke of Kâu, iv, 29-31;
effect of sacrifice in it, iv, 231. Harems of king and princes, iii,
100, 109, 113; iv, 432-4. Harmony, benevolence, confidence,
and rightness, conditions of, iv,
357. Heaven (=the Supreme Being), i,
39, 45, 50, 55-6, 58, 62, 77, 81, 83, 85, 86-7, 89, 90-1, 93, 96, 98-9, IOI, 104, 108-9, 115, 11822, 125-30, 132, 134.5, 139, 154, 156-61, 166-7, 169-70, 174, 176-8, 184-90, 192, 196-201, 305-8, 210, 212, 214-9, 236, 241, 245, 248, 259-60, 262, 264, 266, 306-7, 310-2, 316-7, 320, 325, 335, 342, 345, 347-8, 352, 354, 357-61, 364, 376, 378-81, 389, 394, 408-11, 414, 416-9, 425, 428-9, 434-5, 439, 441, 444, 479,
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INDEX OF SUBJECTS.
484; ii, 88, 155, 213-4, 218, 226, 229-30, 234-5, 239, 251, 254, 263, 276, 285, 322, 351, 354, 372, 375-6, 383, 417; iii, 135, 159, 201, 220, 236, 244, 256, 279, 333, 367, 371, 388-9, 410, 427, 430; iv, 96, 201, 218, 224, 233, 268-9, 281, 286, 288, 300, 306, 309, 313, 317, 322, 325, 327, 329, 337-8, 341, 347, 359. To these should be added the very many instances of the occurrence of the term in the highest name of the sovereign as 'the son of Heaven,' see iii, 107, note 1.
Heaven and Earth (where the phrase has more than a material mean
ing), i, 125, 129, 135, 228; ii, 223-4, 226, 227, 235, 238-40, 242-3, 245, 250-1, 257, 353-4, 358, 362, 380-1, 395, 417, 424, 433; iii, 116, 222, 225, 285, 372, 377, 380, 382-3, 387, 396, 410, 439; iv, 100, 106, 111, 114-5, 118, 128, 131, 202-3, 222, 257, 281, 300, 304-5, 311, 321-2, 326-7, 349, 379. How they respond to music and ceremonies, iii, 115 (and note). Honoured ones of heaven, the, i, 39 (six); iii, 300 (and note). Honoured Head, and Smaller Head, in new clan families, iv, 43-4, 65-6.
Honorary title or name, the, iii, 102, 112, 144, 180-1, 438; iv, 18, 106, 339. Humanity, as the totality of man's nature, iv, 332-6.
Hunting, iii, 106, 220-1, 294-5; excessive, i, 79; king Wăn, in, i, 203. Husband and wife, how the separa
tion between them, as of different sex, continued to be maintained, iv, 470-1.
477
the relations of society, iv, 257
60.
Introduction, presents of, iii, 119. Inventions early, of the eight tri
grams, ii, 382; of written characters and bonds, 385; of use of fire in cooking and moulding, iii, 369; of nets, markets, of plough and husbandry, ii, 383; of canoes and oars, of the use of oxen and horses for draught, of gates and other means of defence, of the pestle and mortar, of the bow and arrow, 384; of house building, 385; iii, 369; of burial and coffins, ii, 385; of fermented or distilled liquors, see i, 172-3.
Jade, why more valued than soapstone, iv, 463-4.
Ice, preservation and use of, i, 445; iii, 261, 308; iv, 423; use of, in mourning rites, iii, 182. Inauguration, of the different sea
sons, iii, 253-4, 269, 284, 297-8; of palace, i, 349-50; of mansion, iii, 196.
Inscriptions on tripods, iv, 251-3. Instruments of government, and in
Judges, and administration of justice, i, 43, 48-9, 83, 259-64; iii, 235-8.
King, the, is appointed by Heaven
for the good ruling of the people, i, 89-90, 126; the permanence of, and his line depend on Heaven, 1, 95, 126, 378-9, 3802, 389; should excel in virtue, 187; forms a ternion with Heaven and Earth, iii, 377; iv, 256; three prerogatives of, iv, 324; Sacrifices peculiar to, see Sacri. fices. His ploughing, and its object, iii, 254-5 (and note); iv, 239. How he dealt in regard to his criminal kindred, iii, 356, 359, and at audiences and feasts, 357. His care of schools, see Education. His domain, i, 75; iii, 209, 212-3; appanages in it not hereditary, iii, 214. He could never be said to go abroad, iii, 113 (and note). Knee-covers, see Aprons.
Ka sacrifice, the, see Sacrifices.
Lament, see Death; over miserable state of kingdom, i, 351-3, 354-5, 355-7,357-8; over absence from parents, i, 441.
Lessons, of the ancients, see Ancients; of the four seasons, iv,
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attained to it, iv, 305-6; standard of, to be set up by king, i,
88.
281-2 ; of the will of Heaven,
iii, 376 (and note). Li Ki, the history of, ili, 1-9; title
and value of, 9-14; enrolment as one of the Five King, 14; notices
of different books in, 15-60. Life, decades of, see Decades. Longevity, of several virtuous kings,
i, 201-3; sought in worship, i, 345, 348; eyebrows of, i, 306,
326, 345. Looking, regulation and direction
of, iii, 70-1, 77, 97, 118. Love and respect lie at foundation
of government, iv, 264.
Man has a moral sense from God, i,
89, 90; is born good, 231, 425; is the heart and mind of Heaven and Earth, embodying the five elements, iii, 382; is benevolence, iv, 268-9 (and note); the most intelligent of all creatures, iv, 392 ; is in danger of becom
ing bad, i, 86, 234, 410-11. Man, the Superior, often meaning a
man of rank, but generally of virtue and all admirable qualities, iii, 350 (see note I); iv, 267. The name occurs more than 300 times, and is applied to men of all classes, from the
scholar to the sage. Man, the great, ii, 417. Marriage, iii, 348, 367, 388, 438;
iv, 97; details about, iii, 77-8, 374, 439-42; iv, 45, 338, 259, 261, 264-6, 299, 438-34 ; peculiar case in, iii, 320-1; could only be formed through the parents and the services of a match-maker, iii, 78; iv, 297; between parties of different surnames, iii, 78; iv, 63; age at, iii, 65 (and note), 478; a second was discreditable on the part of the widow, i, 435 (and
introductory note). Marriages, of Shun, i, 36 (but see
iii, 132 and note); of Yü, 60;
of kings Ki and Wån, 360. Meals, offerings at, see Offerings. Mean, the, Doctrine of, or State of
Equilibrium and Harmony, see Equilibrium; Golden Rule of, iv, 305, 419; Confucius bad not
Melon, cutting, for different parties,
iii, 82. Minister, the prime, i, 228; had
under him the six grandees, iii, 109 (see i, 727-8); of Instruction, i, 228; ii, 230-3; of War, i, 228; iii, 234-5; of Crime, i, 229; iii, 235-8; of Religion, i, 228 (i, 44, and iii, 109, and the minister of Offices, rio); of Works, i, 229; iii, 110, 328-30 (see note on i, 229). King had six Great ministers, i, 268-9, and the feudal lords, three, i, 233; iii, 213-4; their emolu
ments and rank, üi, 210-11. Missions, friendly, between states,
iii, 57-8. Mourning, rites of, dress, times, and
tables of, iii, 202-8 (appendix to Book II). Questions of 3ăng-tze about them and other rites, iii, 311-42. Smaller points in dress, iv, 40-59. Greater points, 173-200. Gifts for and miscellaneous points, 133-72. Hurrying to, from a distance, 365-74. Questions about, 375-9. Questions about dress in, 380-4. Subsidiary points in, 385-90. Questions about the three years of, 391-4. The four moral constituents underlying, iv, 465-72, Preparations for a death, iv, 173, 181 (and note). Calling the dead back, see Calling back. Covering the body, plugging the mouth open, keeping the feet straight, washing, abstinence of mourners, and replacing on the couch, and putting in coffin, ii, 141-2, 144-5; iv, 181-5, 193. Putting down offerings of food by the corpse or coffin, iü, 133, 148 (and note), 153,1567; iv, 194-6. The slighter and greater dressings (body-cases, clothes, ties, and operations with them), iv, 185-9, 375-7. The first spirit-tablet, iii, 168 (and note). Taking hold of the hand and bending over the corpse, iv, 190-1. The hut, huts, and
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INDEX OF SUBJECTS.
479
ing, iii, 130. See Notes, Officers, and Tubes.
Rome man a hunc sacrifice. with
unplastered apartment, iv, 134, 154, 163, 191-2. The wailing, leaping, and beating the breast, iii, 89, 93 (and note), 131-7, 150, 160; iv, 51, 58-9, 143, 188-90, 194-6, 370-9, 385-6, et saepe. Visits of condolence, iii, 123, 135-6, 141; iv, 41, 54, 58, 139, 144, et saepe. The use of the staff, iii, 134, 136, 161, 313, 372, 334 ; iv, 48, 54, 57, 163, 180-1, 378-9, 467-8. The coffin and burial, see Burial. Sacrifices, in connexion with mourning, see Sacrifice. A bald man, a hunchback, and a lame man, and the rites, iv, 378. Real grief is better than many
rites, iii, 141. Music, the, of Shun, i, 61; of Yão,
Shun, and Yü, iv, 106 (and note); of Wū, 121-4 (see also 130); the ancient schools of, 109; rules and times for teaching and practising, iii, 232, 255, 261, 266, 269-71, 274, 293, 348; iv, 274-5; instruments of, i, 305,319,323-4, 326, 367; iii, 83, 219, 273; iv, 35-7, 97, III, 115, 119-31, 123; times for regulating, iii, 217, 373; were composed of eight materials, iv, 11-2. The Record of music, iv, 95-131; with the account of it in, iii, 32-3. Object and effects of music, iii, 389-91; iv, 107, 224-5, 255-6; see also i, 61. The music that has no sound, iv, 279; see 276. Officers kept their instruments at hand, iii, 106. But music was not played during mourning, i, 41; ii, 103; nor in bad years, iii, 106; nor at marriages, iii, 442 (and note); nor for three days after bride came to her husband's, 332 (and note); nor in escorting friends or in autumn, iv, 210. Occasions when the ruler gave up bis music, iii, 159; iv, 164; see iii, 179-80. It was used at sacrifices, iv, 213-4, 350; but with discrimination, iv, 330; and not in preliminary purification, iv, 240. Confucius and Hsien-jze, in resuming music after mourn
Name, the first, was given in child
hood, iii, 79, 144; by the father, three months after birth, iii, 473-5; that of maturity (the designation), at the capping at the age of twenty, iii, 65, 79, 144, 438; the name of uncle was not used till fifty, iii, 144. The honorary or posthumous name, see Honorary. The first naming of a ruler's heir-son, born after his father's death, iii,
311-3; after the burial, 313-4. Names which should not be given to
a child, iii, 78 (and note), 474-5. On the avoiding of certain names, and the names used in certain circumstances, iii, 66, 79, 93, 101, 107-8, 110-1, 190; iv, 18, 27-8, 138, 161, 175; case of names, composed of two characters, iii, 93, 190; sacrificial names for victims, offerings, grandparents and parents, iii,
117-8. Dogs got names, iv, 76. Natural phenomena of the different
months, iii, 251, 258, 259-60, 263-4, 269, 272, 275, 277-8, 283, 287, 289, 291-2, 295, 297, 302,
305-6, 308. Nine is the number of the months
of autumn, iii, 283, 286, 291; and the indication of the strong or undivided lines in the diagrams of volume ii. Nine provinces, see Divisions; classes of kin, i, 32; iv, 42 ; pastors, i, 229; virtues, i, 54, 221; divisions of the Great Plan, i, 13949; tribes of the i, i, 150; iv, 30; services of good government, and nine songs of them, i, 48, 61; plains, iii, 196, 199; individuals supported on best farms, 210; high ministers, 213, 269; symbols of distinction, 215; years' surplus of income, 222; ladies of honour, 259; gates of capital, 265-6; things that suspend a sacrifice, 330; boys taught to number the days at nine, 476; nine 3hâi, iv, 30; the ninth year of study, 83;
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nine-scolloped flag, 114; shells put in mouth of deceased king, 164; nineteen suits, in dressing corpse, 185; standard rules of government, 314-6; days' wailing for king's death, 373 ; months' mourning, fabric of, 388 ; nine pin of king's harem,
iv, 432. Nose, cutting off the, punishment
of, i, 40 (note), 110. Notes of music, see Five. Numerical categories, see under two,
three, and other numbers Numerous Officers,' the, i, 196-200;
Numerous Regions,'i, 213-9.
Odour, or fragrance, a charac
teristic of the Kåu sacrifices, iii, 443; i, 366 (and note), 367, 399. The fragrance of good government, i, 232; and of vir- tue before God, and the rank odour of cruel punishments, i,
People, will of, Heaven's will, i, 128. Perfection, what it is, iv, 236-7;
the royal perfection, i, 142-4. The perfect man, and the manifestation of his perfection, iv,
317 (and note), 318-22. Personators of the dead in sacrifices,
i, 300-1, 365, 367, 369, 375, 401, 403, 409 ; iii, 62, 69 (son cannot personate father), 87, 170, 183, 189-90, 329-30, 337-8, 341, 374, 405-6 (six at the Great sacrifice), 444, 446; iv, 12, 25-6, 45, 53-4, 75, 78, 80, 88, 116,
152, 212, 240-2, 245-7. Ploughing, the, of king and princes,
iv, 222. See King. Powers, the three, ii, 402, 424; iv,
319 (note 2). Prayer of king Hsüan, i, 419-23; of
duke of Kâu, 153-4. Precautions against excess in mourn
ing austerities, iii, 87-8; iv, 159. Premature deaths, iii, 13s (three
classes of), 161, 185, 337-8; iv, 44, 52-3, 56, 58, 154, 162, 207,
383. Preparation, importance of, i, 116;
iv, 316. Presents of introduction, see Intro
duction. Presenting various offerings, rules
for, iii, 84-6; iv, 22-3, 144-7; presenting a daughter for a
harem, language in, iü, 119. Provisions, left, iii, 82; at sacrifices,
the, iv, 343-3.
256.
Offerings, sacrificial or thanksgiving,
at meals, iii, 79; iv, 20; et al. Officers, the number of, gradually increased, i, 227; gradations,
modations. numbers, emoluments, and other
arrangements of, iii, 209-14. One man, the, i, 100, 163, 394; iii,
107 (and note); iv, 418. Order, Great, period of, iv, 118. Otter, the, offers fish in sacrifice, üi,
321, 251 (and note).
Palace, the royal, i, 236 (and note);
ancestral temple was built be fore the palace, in new settle
ment, 384; see also iii, 103-4. Parent, the, of all creatures, i, 125,
361; parent of the people, i, 125, 144; import of that name,
iv, 278, 340-1, 420. Parents, service of, see Filial piety;
by sons and their wives, fii, 449-51, 452-6; assisted by the younger brothers and sisters of the household, 451 ; of the widowed mother-in-law by the
wife, 453, 457. Pastors, i, 39, 42, 221-3, 114-5; iii,
III. Judges, the pastors or
shepherds of Heaven, i, 259. Paths, three, iv, 333.
Queen, her six palaces and their
inmates (the harem), and how she trained them, iv, 433-4; work with silkworms and in silk, iii, 265, 278; iv, 239. She sacrifices to the first matchmaker, iii, 359. Her robe, iv, 15. Effect of her sudden death, iii, 328-30. Associated, when she died, in a sacrifice to her deceased husband, i, 326. Famous queens, i, 380-1, 383, 387-8, 3967. The bad Sze of Pào, i, 356 (and note).
Recorders or secretaries, i, 4-6;
178 (Grand, and Recorder of interior); iii, 91,235-6, 238, 309,
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INDEX OF SUBJECTS.
481
313-15, 373, 385, 439, 468, 474 ; iv, a (recorders of Left and
Right), 4, 6, 135, 246-7. Remonstrances, with parents and
rulers, on, iii, 114, 239, 456-7; iv, 73, 228, 290, 345-6; of the people should not be suppressed,
i, 1o5. Respect for one's self, iv, 266-7. Reverence in ceremonies generally,
see Ceremonies; in marriage,
iv, 264-5. Rise of new families or clans within
the same surname, iv, 43-4, 63 ; rules for sacrifice in connexion with them, iii, 458.
Sacrifices, the laws of, iv, 200-9;
the meaning of, iv, 210-35; a summary account of, iv, 236-54; were for the purposes of prayer, thanksgiving, and deprecation, iii, 448; were especially expressions of gratitude to God, and the reverent commemoration of ancestors and benefactors of men, iv, 201 (and note), 307-8; were preceded by vigil and purification, see Purification; were performed with selected victims and other offerings, in the proper robes, at the proper altars, with the prescribed ceremonies and music, iii, 107, 112, 326,343-3,288; iv, 201-7,214-5, 213-4, 237, 245-6. Most anciently, water was the only liquid used at them, and afterwards had the most honoured place, iii, 370-1; iv, 8 (and note). They lie at the founda
tion of all teaching, iv, 245. Sacrifices of the king, wherein they
exceeded and differed from those of others, iii, 116, 225-7; iv, 204-6. The border sacrifices, presented on the border or suburbs of the capital to God or Heaven and Earth (iv, 311), were peculiar to him. There was but a single victim (Book IX, and note 2, iii, 416) in them, and the offerings of grain, and the robes were the product of the king's ploughing and the queen's work in silk; they
[28]
were the deepest expression of reverence' and greatest act of thanksgiving,' iii, 373, 309, 398, 413, 426-31; iv, 1, 202-3. The sacrifice at the Great She altar, iii, 425; sacrifices to the sun, moon, and other material objects, iii, 427 (and note); iv, 209. Sacrifices to ancestors, see Ancestral temple; to the spirits of the land and grain, to seas, hills, rivers, and streams, iii, 373, 303, 307, 309. Sacrifices of the house, with the parts of the victims made prominent in them, iii, 116,251, 258, 262, 269, 272, 277, 281, 283, 287, 296-7, 302, 306; iv, 38. The Kà sacrifice, iji, 364, 431-4; iv, 333, 167. Sacrifices of Ld, iv, 31-4. That for driving away pestilence, iii, 423 (and note); to the kings of two preceding dynasties, iii, 421-3; on tours of inspection, i, 39-40;
iii, 417, 426,-compare iii, 218. Sacrifices connected with the mourn
ing rites:- That of Repose, iii, 137, 170 (and note), 189-90, 316; iv, 46-7,48 (and note), 50, 55, 58, 139, 142, 155-6, 159-60, 164, 387-9; at the end of the Ist year (hsiao hsiang) and of the and (tâ hsiang), iii, 129-30 (and note), 317-8; iv, 9, 52, 138, 159, 153-3, 184, 192, 387; and at the end of the mourning (than), iii, 129-30 (and note); iv, 192, 388. The same names are employed of services at the end of shorter periods of mourning,
iv, 158, 160. Sacrifices, expense of, were a tenth
of all expenditure, iii, 213. The robes at them were the most prized of all, iv, 186, 308; they and vessels were burnt or buried,
when worn out, iii, 92. Scholar, the, and his character and
course, iv, 403-10. Seven was the number of the
months of summer, iii, 268, 272,
377. Seven directors, the (in astronomy),
i, 39; days' fasting, case of, i 133; all in royal domain as
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sumed mourning seven days after king's death, iii, 194, and during them the market-place was shut, iii, 202; ruler of second class had seven symbols of distinction, 215; king was coffined on seventh day, 222; seven lessons of morality, 230, 248; classes of grooms, 294; feelings of men, the, 379; brothers and sisters did not use the same mat or eat together at seven, 476 ; seven months' mourning held to be for three seasons, iv, 46 (and note); the seventh year of study, 83; seven regulations in teaching, 84-5; days' leaping for ruler's death, 143; his mouth stuffed with seven shells, wailing for him ended in seven months, and sacrifice of repose offered seven times, 164, 372; seven dynasties, 204 (and note); sacrifices and altars of king, 206; days of looser vigil, 240, 292; drinking the seventh cup, 246; seven shang in fabric of me
dium sackcloth, 388. Seventy, old men of, iii, 66, 88, 240
2, 464-6; eldest son of, should
not be without a wife, 316. Shih King, the, name and contents
of, i, 275-79; before Confucius, and what, if any, were his labours on it, 280-4; from him to the acknowledgment of present text, 285-9; how it was formed, 290-3; how it is so incom- plete, 293-4; interpretation and writers, 294-6; the Confucian
preface, 296-8. Shoes, left outside the door, iii, 71.
Rules about, iii, 71, 76-7, 103, 449-50, 453 ; iv, 17, 20, 53, 70,
72, 81, 135, 137, 145. Shů King, the, nature and history
of, i, 1-11; credibility of, 12-19, principal eras in, and chronology of China, with chart of the principal stars for epoch of B.C.
2300, 10-30. Six was the number for the months
of winter, iii, 296, 302, 306, and the name for the divided lines of the diagrams of vol. ii. Six Honoured ones, i, 39 ; hosts of
king and their leaders, i, 76-7, 81, 129, 229, 244; magazines of natural wealth, 48, 74; Grand ministers and their departments, 228-9; extreme evils, 149 (and note); tenures, 226; grandees of Heaven's institution, and six departments of the statutes, iii, 109; treasuries and six stores of the king, 110; ceremonial observances, 230, 248; things that break up an audience, 328-9; Great men, 366; upper musical accords, and six figures on robes, 382 ; personators, 406; arrows shot on birth of ruler's heir-son, 472; Zung tribes, iv, 30; years of the duke of Kâu's regency, 31; bond of kinship ends with sixth generation, 63 ; six considerations regulating the mourning worn, 63-4; cases of affinity, 64 ; things that make teaching vain, 86-7; peculiarities of sound, in music, 93; six upper and six lower musical accords, 118; instruments introducing virtuous airs, 119; dressers of corpse, 188; baskets of grain by coffin of Great officer, and six supporting ropes of ruler's catafalque, 197-8; shăng in fa
bric of certain sackcloth, 388. Sixty, men of, iii, 66,88,240-2,464-6. Slept, how gentlemen, and would rise
for wind, thunder, and rain, iv, 5. Spirit, spirits, spirit-like, and cognate
words, denoted by shăn tal and kwei shăn ( T), i, 39, 45, 47, 51 (k. s.), 51-2, 90 (and note), 93 (k. s.), 96, 99 (k. s.), 101, 109, 116, 123, 126, 135, 153 (k. s.), 163, 217, 228, 232, 318 (and note), 347-8, 365-8, 372, 387-8, 405 (and note), 415 (and note), 419-20, 422, 428, 485-6 (k. s.); ii, 226 (k. s.), 230, 259 (k. s.), 354 (k. s.), 354, 357 (and note), 365 (k. s.), 366, 370, 372-4, 377-8, 383, 390, 392, 395, 417 (k. s.), 412, 427; iii, 64 (k. s.), 78 (k. s.), 108 (k. s.), 148, 167 (k. s.), 169, 173,317, 238, 250, 257, 262, 268,
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INDEX OF SUBJECTS.
272, 276, 278, 280, 283, 287, 291, 296, 302, 306, 367 (k. s.), 368 (k.s.), 370 (k.s.), 371, 375 (k.s.), 377 (k. s.), 381 (k. s.), 383 (k.s.), 384 (k.s.), 385 (k. s.), 386 (k.s.), 388 (k.s.), 389 (k. s.), 391 (k. s.), 394 (k. s.), 395 (k. s.), 397 (k. s.), 398 (k.s.), 412, 423, 425, 430, 434, 436, 441 (k. s.), 444, 446; iv, 73, 99 (k. s.), 101 (k. s.), 104 (k. s.), 113-4, 125, 138, 170, 203, 213-4, 219 (k.s.), 220 (k. s.), 224, 235, 237 (k.s.), 239-40, 245, 261, 265, 271 (k. s.), 272 (k. s.), 273 (k. s.), 282, 307 (k. s.), 308, 320, 325 (k.s.), 331 (k.s.), 342-3, 345, 349-50 (k. s.), 363, 464. Staff, the, was always carried, even in house, after fifty, iii, 241,465; and stool were carried to an interview with an old man, iii, 67, and always given to one of seventy still in office, 66. Staffs of hazel, iii, 432; of bamboo, and a dryandria branch, iv, 41. Use in mourning, see Mourning rites.
State, officers and rulers leaving their, rules for, iii, 104, 107. Strap, for mounting a carriage by,
iii, 95 (and note), 96, 98. Sympathy and kindly feeling, rules of, iii, 106, 125, 256, 265, 275, 287-8.
Tablet, the Spirit, iii, 108 (and
note), 168 (and note), 171-2, 323, 336, 444; iv, 47, 51, 81, 136-7, 142, 163; in the event of war, iii, 324-5, 355; the memorandum, iv, 12, 13.
483
right or virtues, 380; relationships recognised in sacrifice, iv, 245-9; what ten eyes behold,413. Terminus, the Grand, ii, 373. Ternion, the Great, iii, 377; iv, 256; see iv, 319 (and note). Testamentary Charge of king Khăng, the, i, 234-42.
Ten evil ways of three bad fashions, i, 94; able ministers of king Wa, 128; good men who helped king Kbăng, 158, 160; a boy went out to school at ten, iii, 65, 477; and a girl no longer went out from the women's apartments, 478; a youth serves one older by ten years as an elder brother, 68; ten states formed a confederacy, 212; a tenth of the expenditure went for sacrifices, and during the three years of mourning for the rites, 222; ten things held to be
Thirty, marriage at, iii, 65 (and note), 477.
Three Miâo and three Wei, i, 41,
45; silks, 40; localities for banishment, 43; religious ceremonies, 44; examinations, 45; departments of governmental action, 48, 222; virtues, 55, 144, 260; characters of soil, 75; commencements of the year, 77; kings of Kâu, 153; grades of ability, 221-2; Kung and three Kû, 227-8; Kiâo and three Sui, 269; extremes, ii, 351; first three gifts of king, iii, 67, 215; divination should not exceed thrice, 94; absence from one's state for three generations or more, 102; three years' mourning for father, ruler, and teacher, 121; deaths not condoled about, 131; wives of Shun, 132 (and note); small carriages sent to the grave, 161; dynasties, usages of, in burial, 170; families of Lû, 184 (and note); days' wailing for a burnt shrine, 190; different times in assuming mourning for king, 194; market shut for three days on a ruler's death, 202; huntings, 220 (note); customs for three days and three nights after a marriage, 322; king Wăn visited his father thrice a day, 347 (note); three mats' distance between pupil and master, 347; classes of the old, 360, 385; iv, 124, 231; dynasties, 405; iv, 130, 349; dukes, iv, 29; over two years counted three, 45; third year's studies, 83; three kings, the, 88, 91, 102; impartialities, 281; things common to mourning rites for king and an officer, 149; shouts in calling dead back, 174; grades of officers, 177; mourners took
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THE TEXTS OF CONFUCIANISM.
the staff on the third day, 180; taken captive, 178; two Great they abstained from food for chiefs, 113 (and note); best three days, 183, 375; three trees, the, 394 ; concubines, occasions for abstinence, 184 ; case of, 457; victims, 459; months' keeping from nuptial towels in bathing, iv, 5; subchamber, 192; condoling visits jects not treated as subjects, of ruler, 194; shells put in 88; torches in ruler's hall, in mouth of officer, and sacrifice mourning, 178; two prisoners of Repose thrice offered for liberated by Kwan Kung, 168 ; him, 164; three things about baskets of grain by coffin of his learning that occasion sor- officer, 197; elements in man's row to superior men, 166; spe- constitution, the, 231; surcial sacrifices of Great officer, names united by marriage, 264, 207; things specially important 428; elements in ceremony at a sacrifice, 341; great re- and music, 276; days' abstilationships and their functions, nence on mother's death, 386. 363-4 ; points having no positive existence, 278-9, and their five Union, the Grand, period of, iii, 365-6. effects, 280-1 ; universal virtues, Unity, the Grand, iii, 386-8 (and note). 313; things essential to cultivation of character, 314; hundred Verifications, the various, i, 147-9 ceremonies and three thousand (and notes). modes of demeanour, 323 ; iü, Victims and offerings, of, i, 134, 183, 404; ways in which the virtues 194, 306, 317, 323, 325, 332-4, of humanity appear, 333; a 343, 387-9, 401, 419-20, 445 ; visitor only advances after three iii, 226-7, 338 (the satisfying salutations, and an officer leaves offerings, dark and bright), 347the state when his advice has 8, 369-72, 398, 408, 411-2, 416been thrice rejected, 346; 9, 428, 435-7, 446; iv, 35, 8o. dressing the corpse commenced Visits between princes, iv, 274. The three days after death, 377; ceremony of friendly missions three quavers in wailing, 386; or visits, iv, 458-64. shăng in fabric of coarsest sackcloth, 388; reason for the Wailing, see Mourning rites. three years' mourning, 394; Walking, rules in, iii, 68, 244; iv, 25-6. "horses' in game of pitch-pot, Wedges, double, use of, ji, 158; iv, 399.
196-7. Tranquillity Small, the period of, ii, Widow, a, should not wail at night, 366-7.
iv, 299; and one should not Tribute, of Yu,' the, i, 63-76; arti- have interviews with her son, cles of tribute, iii, 420.
298 ; iii, 78. Twelve pendants of royal cap, iv, 1; Wife, the correct, will not marry
streamers of LQ banner, 32; again, i, 435; iii, 439. shăng in fabric of five months. Wild tribes, the, and their characmourning, 388; strips of cloth teristics, iii, 299-30; they had in the Long dress, 395; mouths, different languages, and interpitch-tubes, articles of diet, iii, preters were used in communi382.
cating with them, ib.; their Twenty, the age for capping, iii, 79, et places at an audience, iv, 30.
al., and for marriage of girls, 478, Witch, exposing a, in the sun, iii, 201. Two, living animals in introductory
presents, i, 40; characters in a Yi King, history of, from twelfth name, case of, iii, 93, 190; century B. c. to the commencegrounds for a certain wailing, ment of the Christian era, ii, 150; hair of two colours (turn- 1-9; the subject matter of the ing grey), men with, not to be Text, with the lineal figures
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INDEX OF PROPER NAMES.
485
and the explanation of them, 9-36; the Appendixes, 26-55. Diagrams of the Trigrams and Hexagrams, after the Introduction.
Yin and Yang, the, i, 278; ii, 223,
355, 357, 359, 388, 395, 421, 423 ; iii, 286, 304, 338, 381, 383, 387 ; iv, 104, 108, 115, 219, 233, 338, 249-50, 403, 433, 436, 465.
INDEX OF PROPER NAMES. A-hàng, Part i, pages 95, II8, 3II. 193, 345, 407; iv, 123. (The | Called Pao-hằng, i 18, 107. Ho map), ii, 14-17 ; iii, 374. I.4. I Yin, q.v.
(Another river), i, 70. (State), Ai (duke), iii, 159, 187-9,191, 197; iv, i, 239. Ho-li, i, 73.
166, 169, 261, 263, 312, 403, 409. Hsi (astronomers), i, 33-4, 87. HsiAn (surname), An-zze and An Phing. kih, i, 72. Hsî-kbi, iv, 194. kung, iii, 174-5, 402; iv, 165.
Hsî-sze, i, 346.
Hsia (river), i, 381. (Dynasty), i, Black-, the, water, i, 71, 73.
23-4, 63, 84-5, 87, 89, 93, 96,
101, 128, 185-7, 197, 199, 214Få (name of king Wa, 4.v.), i, 136, 6, 127, Io, 43. Hsia Hâu132, 135. .
shih, iii, 125, 138, 151, 191, 240, Fan, i, 355. (Relative of Kbung r), 342-3, 341, 438, 464 ; iv, 34-9, iii, 166, 199; iv, 431.
123. Hsia FQ-kbi, iii, 403. Fang (constellation), i, 83. (Place), Hsiang, i, 356. (Dukes), iii, 154;
iii, 125. Fang-hsün, i, 32. Fang 186. (The symbols of the Yi), kbi, i, 34. Fang-fd, iv, 37.
ii, 12, 360, 381. Făng (capital of king Wăn), i, 133, Hsiao (duke), iii, 318. Hsiao KbQ
183, 246, 394-5. (River), i, 71, (hex. 9), ii, 76-7, 321-2, 378-9, 74, 395. (Name of prince), i,
433-4, 443. Hsiao Kwo (hex. 164-71. (Hexagram 55), ii, 183- 62), ii, 201-3, 264, 344-5, 384, 6, 258-9, 335-6, 438, 443.
438, 443. Fa (state), i, 423; iv, 282. (Hexa- Hsieh, i, 43-3, 303, 307, 309; iii,
gram 24), ii, 107-8, 233, 297-8, 372; iv, 202, 208. 435, 442. FQ-kbâi, iii, 178. Hsien (dukes), iii, 126, 165; 182, iv, Fa-kbien, i, 73. FO-kwan, i, 252. (Hex. 31), ii, 123-4, 238, 438. Fl-yen, i, 114.
303-6, 436, 442. Hsien Pån-fa,
iii, 127-8. Hsien-gze, Hsien-jze Han (river), i, 68-9, 73. (State), i, So, iii, 150, 152-4, 201; iv, 423.
426. (Hill), i, 386. (Milky way), Hsin (state), i, 381 (note). Hsin-fa, i, 363, 419.
i, 346. Hằng (river), i, 65. (Mountains), Hsiung-r, i, 73.
i, 68, 72-3. (Hex. 32), ii, 125-6, Hsü (hex. 5), ii, 67, 318, 273, 433, 338-9, 307, 436, 442.
443. Hsü Kâu, i, 66. (Region), Hao, i, 395.
i, 269 ; iii, 193. Hsu Yd, iv, 166. Hậu-1, , 320, 34-3, 397-9, 420; Hsu Tien, iv, 450.
iv, 32, 340, 350 (i.q. Ki and Hstan-ming, iii, 296, 302, 306. Khi q.v.) Hâu Md, ii, 152. HQ (hill), i, 345. (Nobles), i, 212-3, Hầu-thu, iii, 280; iv, 2o8. (A 427. (State), i, 77. (Officer),
domain), i, 75, 134, 165,189, 344. iii, I43. Hi-khâu, i, 64, 78. Ho (astronomers), i, 32-4, 81. (The HQ Tâ, iii, 126-7.
Ho, or Yellow river), i, 65, 67, Hui, iv, 303 (i. q. Yen Yuan, 9. v.) 69, 71, 73-4, 79, 108, 117, 308, Hui-zze, iii, 143. 318, 336, 435; i, 81; ii, 135, Hung Yao, i, 308.
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Hwa, i, 70, 73 (Thâi Hwa), 133.
za-zăn, iii, 185. Kung-yang Hwâi, i, 66-8, 74, 268, 339-40, 345. .
Kia, iv, 156. Hwan (river), i, 71. (Dukes), iii, Khung (sumame). Khung-ize, Con
186; iii, 323, 420; iv, 168; iv, fucius, passim in iii, iv. Called 10. (Hex. 59), ii, 194-6, 261-2, also Khung Khill, iii, 123, 139, 341, 384, 438, 442. (Minis- 196, 198, 364 ; iv, 122, 261, 305. ter), iii, 149. Hwan-tâu, i, 34, Called also Kung-ni and Ni-fú,
41,54. The three Hwan, iii, 421. q.v. Styled also F0-jze, the Hwang Ti, iii, 280; iv, 123, 201, Master, and still more often, 209. Hwang-fu, i, 355.
simply 3ze, the Master. Khung Hwo, i, 211.
Kwei, iv, 252.
Kwâi (hex. 43), ii, 151-3, 249, 320i (rivers), i, 66, 74. (Another), 69, 1, 385, 437, 444.
74. (Tribes of the East), i, 150; Khwai Shang, iii, 187. (nine I), as in iv, 30. (Element. Kwan (state), i, 154, 211. (Hordes), ary forms of the Yi), ii, 12. i, 389. (Hex. 20), ii, 99-100, (Prince), i, 79. (An officer), 229-30, 292-3, 434, 441. Kwan iii, 178. (Hex. 37), ii, 114-5, Kung, iii, 402; iv, 165, 168. 335, 301-2, 435, 443. 1-ho, i, Khwăn (mountain), i, 83. (Yu's 266-7. I Kih, i, 207. I Lill, iv, father), I, 35, 41, 139; iv, 208. 164. 1-po, iii, 187. I Yin, i, 92, (Trig. 8), ii, 11, 32-3, 348-9, 95, 97-10I, AO7 (i. 4. A-hàng).
377-81, 425-6, 428-30. (Hex.
2), ii, 59-61, 314-5, 368-9, 418Kan (place), i, 76. Kan Pan,1,116,207.
21, 433, 441. (Hex, 47), ii, 161Kản (trigram 1), ii, II, 32, 33, 435- 3, 252, 325-6, 437, 442. Khwăo
6, 428-30, 432. (Hex. 52), ii, lun, i, 72.
175-7, 256, 331-2, 437, 441. Khwei (minister), i, 44-5, 61; ir, Khan (trig. 6), ii, ii, 32-3, 425-6, 105, 375. (Hex. 38), ii, 139-40,
428-9, 431. (Hex. 29), ii, 118- 243, 314, 385, 436, 442. 9, 236-7,.303-4, 435, 443.
Kwei (hill), i, 345. (Stream), i, 36. Khang (state), i, 164. (King), i, 243 Kwei Mei (hex. 54), 180-2, 257
250, 319; iv, 253. (King of 8, 334-5, 438, 444. Kba), iii, 186.
Kwo (state), i, 208. Kwo-lin, i, 211. Kao, Kâo Yao, i, 43, 53-8, 61-2,339. Kwo Kao-zze, iii, 175.
Kao Zung, i, 118-9; ii, 205; iii, 179; iv, 390, 468 (i. 9. Wa-ting, Kà (a festivity), iii, 364, 431-4; iv,
9.v.) Kâo 3ze-kao, iii, 136. . 33-4, 167. Khâo (duke), iii, 193.
Kán (marsh), i, 68. (Trig. 4), ii, 11, Kâu (hex. 44), ii, 154-5, 250, 321-3, 32-3, 425-31. (Hex. 51), ii, 172
437, 443. Kâu-mang, iii, 250, 4, 255-6, 330-1, 437, 441. 257, 262.
Kang (river), 1, 64. (City), i, 346. Ko (marsh), i, 70, 74. (State), i, 88. Kang Lão, iii, 196.
(Hex. 49), ii, 167-8, 253-4, 328- Kang (state), iv, 117, 119. Kang 9, 437, 443.
Kiang, iii, 167, 176. Káng-jai, Ka (state), i, 310. (Hex. 18), ii, iii, 190.
95-6, 228-9, 390-1, 434, 442. Kban, i, 69, 74, 189. Ka-sâu, i, 52.
Kbăn, or Khin (state), i, 270-1, 442Kung (place), i, 391. Kung-hsî Kbih, 3 ; iji, 186; iv, 421, (As sur
ii, 139. Kung-i Kung-jze, iii, name), Kbån :-Kan-hsi, iii, 185; 120. Kung Kiang, i, 434. Kung- Kbi-ki, iii, 186; Ho, i, 207; kien Kiâ, iii, 184. Kung-kung Sze-ku, iii, 181; Sze-khang, iii, (minister), i, 34, 41, 43; iv, 182; Kwang-gze, iii, 150. 1o8 (Kung-kung-shih). Kung Khang (king Văn), iv, 6o. Khang ming i, iii, 140; iv, 226. Kung, lv, 123. Kung-shQ; Ma, iii, 151; Wan- Kbăng (king), i, 155, 250, 316, 319, jze, iii, 145, 180; Zo, iii, 184; 321, 326, 328, 342; iii, 344-5.
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(Duke), iii, 187; iv, 252. Kbăngsha, iv, 253. (Tribes), i, 223. Kbăng-lâu, i, 246, 149. Kbăng
jze Kâo, iii, 155. Kảo (duke), iii, 318, 327; iv, 167.
(State, as surname), Wăn-jze,
iii, 196, 199, 420 (i.q. Kao Wa). Kâu (state and dynasty), i, 124, and
passim, in the Books of Kâu (i, 124-272); also in the Shih King (i, 313-445); ii, 3 (Kâu Yi), 403; iii, 125-6, 131, 139, 144, 151, 168-9, 172, 240, 242-3, 341, 350, 372, 406, 428, 438, 443-4, 467; iv, 34-9, 63, 106, 122, 125, 202, 208, 219, 229, 242, 248, 252, 282, 294, 324, 342-3, 355, 363, 415. In many of these instances, and others, the reference is to the duke of Kâu, called Tan, 9. v. (The tyrant of Shang or Yin), iii, 396; iv, 31, 63, 290, 448 (called also Kâu-hsin, and Shân, q. v.)
Kâu Fang, iii, 191. Ki (king Ki Lî), i, 134, 153, 303, 381,
390 ; iii, 343; iv, 60. Ki, i, 56-8, and Kbi, i, 43; i. q. Hậu- ki, q. v. (1. q. 3ze-sze), iii, 122, 133. (Clan name), iii, 415; iv, 21 (Ki-shih); jii, 128, 197 (Ki-sun); Hwan-jze, iii, 323; Khang-ize, ii, 176, 184, 324; iv, 11; Kâo-jze, iii, 174; WQ- jze, iii, 121, 132, 162. Ki-jze, fii, 192. Ki zi (hex. 63), ii, 1046, 365, 345-6, 438,443. Ki-shin, i, 72. Ki Kâu, i, 64. (River), i,
65-6, 74. Kbi (states), i, 136, 139; ii, 135,
242, 311 (Kbi-zze); i, 152 (note), 237; iii, 188, 323, 420; iv, 123. (Mountain), i, 64, 71. 2, 316, 342, 383, 391. (Kbi-kâu), 427; ii, 160, 324. (Rivers), i, 74, 325, 382, 438. (King, son of YQ), i, 60, 72 (note). Kbi Liang, iii, 188. (Poetical pieces), iv,
129-30. Kia, Kia Zăn (hex. 37), ii, 136-8,
242, 312-3, 436, 442. Kià-fa, i,
353. Kià-po, i, 356. Kiang (tribes), i, 131. (The Great
river), i, 68 (Three K., nine K.), 69, 73 (Northern K., nine K.), 427; iii, 245. (Another
river), i, 73. (Surname), i, 383 (i. q. Thâi K.) Kiang Yuan, i,
341, 396. Kbiang, i, 43.. Kieh (rocks), i, 65, 72. (The tyrant),
i, 84 (note), 86, 127, 197, 221, 310; iii, 396; iv, 418. (Hex. 40), ii, 144-5, 245, 316-7, 436, 442. (Hex. 60), ii, 197-8, 262, 342-3, 438, 442 (may be read
Zieh). Kien (river), i, 69, 74, 189. (Hex.
39), ii, 141-3, 244, 315,436, 442. (Hex. 53), ii, 178-9, 257, 333,
437-8, 442. Kbien (trig. 1), ii, ii, 32-3, 395,
425-6, 428-30. (Hex. 1), ii, 578, 213, 267, 348-9, 381, 408-17, 430, 441. (Hex. 15), ii, 89-90, 226, 286-7, 434, 442. (Mountain), i, 72. (River), i, 69.
Kbien Åo, iii, 194. Kbiung (state), i, 78-9. (Office), i,
252 (and Po-kbiung). Kih, Kih Tâo-jze, ii, 179. Kbih, Kbih Zắn, i, 106. Kbih-yů,
i, 255. King (hills), i, 68-9, 71, 308, 313.
(River), i, 71, 74, 402. (State), i, 311-2 (and King-kbů), 344;
iii, 150, 186-7. King Kâu, i, 68. Kbing I, iii, 155. Kbing Kâu, i, 65. Kbo (a name), iv, 294. KQ (Yao's son), i, 34, 60. (River),
iii, 135. Ku-yeh, i, 75. KG-yu, i, 72. KG-lu, iil, 193, 195. Kd
yung, iii, 268, 272, 276. ba (T1), iv, 208. Kun (hex. 3), ii, 62-3, 215-6, 270,
433, 439 (note), 441. Kbun-wâ, i, 77. Kbun Kbia, iv, 255-6. Kbui, i, 239. Kung (prince), i, 311 (i. q. Hů).
Kung-nî, iii, 179, 184-5, 196, 351, 364; iv, 213, 270, 301, 326 (Confucius). Kung Hwan, i, 237. Kung Hsien, iii, 151. Kung Liang-jze, iii, 152. Kung Shan-fd, i, 425-6; iv, 335. Kung Sui, iii, 184. Kung Khang (king), i 81. Kung-nan (hill), i, 71. Kung-tů, iii, 150. Kung Bung (king), i, 201, 204. Kung Fa (hex. 61), ii, 199-200, 263,
343-4, 438, 443. Kbung (minister), i, 257. (City),
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i, 392-3. (Mountain), I, 41. 4), ii, 64-6, 217, 271-2, 433, 441. Kbung-hwa, i, 38. Kbung-r (Marsh), Măng-ků, i, 69, 70. (prince), iii, 126, 165-6.
(Ford), Măng King, 1, 13, 125, Ku (king), iii, 193. Kü-kbiâo, i, 136. 136. (Surname), Măng:-HsienKü Po-yü, iii, 145, 411.
jze, iii, 129, 154; iv, 167, 423; Khi (river), 5, 74, 383. Khu-sâu, i, 72. king-jze, iii, 174; HQ and Phi, Kün, Kün-kbăn, i, 231•3. Kün-wa, üi, 152.
i, 310. Kün Ya, i, 250-1. Mao (tribes), i, 131. (State), i, 235. Kwan (Ti), Kwan-hsü, iii, 296, 301, Mei (region), i, 174.5. Mei-mâu 306; iv, 201, 208.
(name), iii, 143. Kwang (dukes), i, 342; iii, 127, 165, MI, i, 391.
188, 198. Kwang-sha, iv, 253. Miao, i, 51-1, 54, 61, 255-6, 258-60. Kwang Kiang, i, 433. (Mu- See San Mião. sician), iii, 179.
Mien, i, 71.
Min, i, 70, 73. Lai, i, 66.
Ming, iv, 303, 309 (i. q. HsüanLang, iii, 185.
ming, q.v.) Ming I (hex. 36), Lào, Lào Tan, iii, 35, 339-40, 342 ii, 134-5, 241-2, 311-2, 436, 442. (i.q. Lâo-ze).
Ming-thiâo, i, 93. Lei, Lei-hsia, i, 65. Lêi-shåu, i, 73. Mo (tribes), i, 345. LI, see Ki LI. (State), i, 120. MO (king), i, 250 (Dukes), iii, 136,
(Stream), i, 73, 189. (Hill), i, 150, 173, 201, 165-6. (State), 52. Minister), i, 257. (Con- iv, 298. Ma-po, iii, 167, 176. fucius' son), iii, 131 (i.q. Po-yü). (Trig. 3), ii, 11, 33-3, 425, 428- Nan (domain), i, 75, 165, 177-8, 183, 30, 432. (Hex, 10), ii, 78-80, 244. Nan-kbào, i, 86. Nan322-3, 380-1, 434, 443. (Hex. kião, i, 33. Nan-kung (sur30), ii, 120-2, 237, 304-5, 435, name):- King-sha, iii, 149; 443. Li-shan Shih, iv, 208. Kwo, i, a08; Mão, i, a 37; Thão, Li KT, iii, 126. Li Shâu, iv, 124.
iii, 129. Liang (mountain), i, 64, 421. Liang Nêi-fang, i, 73. Kau, i, 70.
Ni-fä, iii, 159 (Confucius). Ling (duke), ii, 323.
Niko-sha, i, 71, and Niâo-sha ThungLid (duke), i, 134 (note). Lid zo, hsteb, 74.
iii, 151. Lid Kwang, iii, 183. Lid Nü-kwa, iv, 37. Nü-fang, i, 73.
Sha (moving sands), i, 73, 76. Lo (river), i, 69, 70, 73-4, 79, 183. Pâi, iii, 123.
(City), i, 165, 183, 188-9, 196, Pan, iii, 184 (i. q. Kung-shů Zo). 199, 200, 218, 246. Lo Shih, Pan-kăng, i, 103-6, 108, 11. iii, 433 (and note).
Păn, iii, 154. Păn-mâu Kia, in, LI (state), i, 269, 336-46; ii, 126
121-1. 7, 109, 150-, 53, 59, 65, Phăng (tribes), i, 3I. Phăng-f, i 184-5, 187, 189, 191, 202, 327, 67, 73. 364, 372, 407; iv, 31-9, 144. Pâo (state), i, 356 (Pão Sze). Pão(Tribes), i, 131,233: Lũ Thái, hsî, ii, 382:3 (i.q. Fa-bsî). Pãoi, 136.
hàng, see A-hang. Lü (state), i, 254-5. (Tribe), i, 149- Pei-wei, i, 73.
50. "(Hex. 56), ii, 187-8, 259- Pi (place), i, 267-8. (State), i, 235, 60, 337, 438, 443.
243, 245. (Hex. 8), ii. 73-5, Lung (minister), i, 44-5. Lung- 110-1, 277-8, 433, 441. (Hex. măn, i, 72-3.
22), ii, 103-4, 231, 294-5, 435,
442. Pi-kan, i, 136; iv, 133. Man (southern tribes), i, 345 ; iii, Phi, iii, 178. (Hex 1a), ii, 83-5, 111, 229; iv, 30 (eight M.),
224, 282-3, 434, 443. Man-fa, iii, 124.
Pin, i, 444. Măng (hills), i, '66, 70, 345. (Hex. Phing (duke), iii, 179-80.
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Po (hill), i, 70, 73 (Po Kbung).
(Capital), i, 89, 93, 97, 117, 333 (three Po). (Hexagram 33), ii, 105-6, 232, 296, 435, 443. Po 1, i, 44, 258. Po Kbin, i, 268; lii, 342, 345, 350. Po Kbing, i, 252. Po Yi-khâo, iii, 120. Po-yu, i, 43 ; iii, 131 (i.q. Li,
q. v.) Pho, i, 131. PG Kwo, iii, 197. San I-shăng, i, 308. San Miâo, i,
41, .45, 71 (see Mião). San
Wei, i, 41, 71, 75. Shăn (state), i, 423; iv, 283. (Name
of Bang-jze), ii, 465 ; iii, 149 ; iv, 226. Shăn-hsiang, iii, 132-3. Shắn-sing, iii, 126. Shắn Năng, iii, 279 (see note); ii, 383 (i.q.
Yen Ti, 9. v.) Shang (dynasty), i, 84, 87-8, 93, 98,
101, 118, 123, 125, 127-8, 1316, 303-13, 412; iv, 116, 1233; see Yin. (Disciple), iii, 135; iv, 270 (i. q. Sze-hsia). Shang-få, i, 383. Shang Yung, i, 136. Shang Yang, iii, 185.
(Odes), iv, 129-30. Shăng (hex. 46), ii, 159-60, 251-2,
324-5, 437, 443. Shăng-hsing,
iii, 129. Shão (state), i, 181, 404, 427 ; iii,
34o-I; iv, 123. Shao Hảo (T7), iii, 283, 287, 291. Shâo-lien,
iv, 153. Shâo-shih, iv, 171. Shâu, i, 126-3, 34, 35-6, 304,
322. Shih, i, 205-9,235. Shih:-Tai-kung
and Kbí-zze, iii, 18r. Shih Ho (hex. 31), ii, 101-2, 230-1, 393-4,
434, 442. Sha (name), i, 43; iii, 180. (King), iv,
255-6. Shû-sun WG-sha, iii, 146; iv, 156. ShQ-kung :- Phi and
Yen, iii, 200. Shd-yo, iii, 199. Shun (Ti), i, 35, 37-8, 45, 118, 227;
iii, 132, 396; iv, 105, 123, 208, 302, 308, 326 (called also YQ
Yu-shih, see Yu). Sui (Zui, Kbui), i, 43, 339; iv, 37.
(State), iii, 194. (Hex. 17), ii,
934,128, 189-9o, 384, 434, 442. Sun (trig. 5), ii, 11, 32-3, 425,
428-9, 431. (Hex.41), ii, 146-8, · 346, 317-8, 437, 441. (Hex,
57), ii, 189-91, 360, 338-9 438,
443. Sung (state), i, 327; iii, 127, 149,
197, 368, 372; iv, 119, 123, 246, 403. (Praise-songs), i, 336-7 (note). (Hex. 6), ii, 69-70, 219,
174-5, 433, 443. Sze (disciple), iv, 270, 276, (i. q.
Sze-kang, q. v.) (Hex. 7), ii, 22-5, 71-2, 220, 275-6, 433, 441.
Sze-tha King-jze, iii, 174-5. Ta-lu, i, 65, 73. Ta-lien, iv, 153.
Ta-pei, i, 73. Tå-yeh, i, 66. Tå-ya (hex. 14), ii, 88, 225-6, 285-6, 434, 443. Tå Kwang (hex. 34), ii, 129-30, 140, 309, 385, 436, 443. Tá KbQ (hex. 36), ii, 112-3, 234-5, 300, 435, 441. Tá Kwo (hex. 28), ii, 116-7, 234-5, 301-3, 385, 435,
443. Tha, i, 6s. Tai, Tai-jung, and Thai (moun
tain), 1, 39, 65-6, 345. Thai (king), i, 134 (note), 153, 203,
316, 342 (i. q. Than-fà, q. v.) State, i, 398. (Hex. 11), ii, 81-2, 123-4, 281-2, 434, 443. Thai Hảo, iii, 255, 25, 262, (i. q. Fa-hsî, or Pâo-hsi). Thâi Kia, i, 95, 100, 206; iv, 332, 359, 44. Thải-hang,i, 72, Thái Wu, i, 207 (i. q. Kung Sung, 9. v.) Thai Tien, i, 208. Thâi Yo, i, 73. Thái Dăn,i, 38o-I, 387. Thái Sze, i, 388. Thài Kiang (or Kau Kiang), i, 383, 387. Thai gian, i, 64. Thái Kung, iii,
131; iv, 122 (i. 9. Shang-fa). Tan (state), i, 60. (Name), i, 153
(note), 153, 185, 194, 209, 224 (i. q. Kau Kung). Tan-hwai,
i, 64. Than Kung, iii, 17, 130. Than-fd,
i, 383; iv, 60 (i.q. king Thâi). Thang (state), i, 31, 35, 237
(king), i, 85 (title), 89, 92, 128, 162, 176, 197, 206, 215, 221, 304-12; iii, 366, 396; iv,
302, 309, 281, 355. Thăng, iii, 152, 187.. Thảo (state), i, 8o (and note). Thao
kbid, i, 74. Thâo-lin, i, 134. Thwan, the, ii, 31, 35, 313-66, 352,
387, 400, 405.
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Ti (northern tribes), iii, 177, 229;
iv, 30 (six Ti). (Region), i, 312. Tî-kba, i, 73. Ti i,
iii, 151. Ting (constellation), i, 436. (Duke),
iii, 195. (Hex. 50), ii, 169-71,
254-5, 329-30, 437, 443. Tho, i, 68-9, 70, 73 Ta (place), i, 426. TA Khiâo, iii,
153. Tu Khwai, iii, 179. Thu-shan, i, 6o. Tui (trig. 2), ii, II, 32-3, 425-6,
428-32. (Hex. 58), ii, 192-3, 261, 340, 438, 442. (Armourer),
i, 239. Tun (names), iii, 120, 188. Tun
kbia, i, 438. Thun (hex. 33), ii, 127-8, 240, 308,
436, 443. Thung (place), i, 97. (State), i,
235. Thung-pâi, i, 73. Thung- yuan, i, 67. Thung Zăn (hex. 13), ii, 86-7, 225, 284, 434, 443.
200. Sze-shih, ii, 145. Szekban, iv, 270. 3ze-hsien, iii, 166. sze-ban, iii, 197-8. Szeyü, iii, 120, 141-4, 146, 165, 174, 176, 326, 337; iv, 16, 155 (i. q. Yen Yü, q.v.) Sze-fQ Hui-po, iii, 187. ¿ze-fů Po-zze, iii, 120. 3ze-kü Yen-hsî, i, 443. Sze
shû King-shû, iii, 187. Zhze, iii, 134, 138; iv, 129, 167 (i. q.
Sze-kung) Bin (state), ii, 126, 165, 196-7, 199,
407; iv, 294. (Hex. 35), ii,
131-3, 241, 310, 436, 442. Sing (hex. 48), ii, 164-6, 253, 327-8,
437, 442. 30 i, i, 120-1. K1, i, 119. 30
lai, i, 346, 3G-kiâ, i, 204. 39yi, i, 207. 3Û-shâu, iii, 291
(should be Zu-shâu). Zhui (hex. 45), ii, 156-8, 250-1,
323-4, 437, 443. Zun-ki, iii, 183.
Zâi Wo, iv, 220. 3hâi (hill), i, 70. (State), i, 211-2.
(Domain), i, 165 (compare i, 75,
ch. 4, par. 3). Zang Wăn-kung, iii, 403. Zhang-lang, i, 73. 3ăng (surname), Băng-ze, i, 465,
472, 476, 483; iii, 124, 126, 128, 132-5, 141-2, 147, 149, 151-2, 154, 164, 174, 187, 197, 311-92 (passim), 406, 467; iv, 143, 152, I56-7, r6 (see Shăn). Bằng Tien, iii, 162. Băng Shăn, iii, 126 (and note), 128; iv, 161.
8ắng Yuan, iii, 128. Bze (river), i, 66. (In names or desig
nations), 3ze-hsia, iii, 135-6, 140, 142, 150, 155-6, 174, 341-2; iv, 116-8, 278-81 (i. q. Shang, q. v.) 3ze-kang, iii, 132, 140, 142, 164, 179; iv, 270, 276 (i. q. Sze, 4. v.) Szekung, iii, 134, 136-7, 138-9, 196-7; iv, 129, 131, 153, 167, 213, 270-1, 275 (i.q. Zhze, 4.v.) Bze-kâo, iv, 142, 169. Sze-la, iii, 123, 127, 131, 139, 141, 182, 185, 190-1, 415; iv, 303, 144, (i. q. Yû, .q. v.) Sze-sze, iii, 122, 184, 133, 151-2, 173, 194 (i. q. Khung ki, q. v.) Szeshang, iii, 122. Sze-lia, iii, 145,
Wai-fang, i, 73. Wăn (king), i, 126, 130, 134, 153,
165-6, 170, 174-5, 192-5, 203-4, 208-10, 212, 221-5, 235-6, 241, 244, 246, 250-1, 252, 266, 314-5, 317, 328, 342, 377-8, 380-1, 387, 391-2, 394, 411-2; ii, 241, 403, iii, 120, 343-5, 366; iv, 60, 118, 167, 209 (see Kbang). (Duke), iv, 169. (Earl), iii, 152. (Marquises), i, 265; iv, 116, 118. (River), i, 66, 74. Wăn-jze, lii, 143-4. Wan-po, iii, 176. Wăn
ming, i, 46. Wang-wū, i, 72. Wang i, iii, 185. Weak-water, the, i, 73. Wei (states), i, 121-2, 437; ii, 120,
126, 134, 136-7, 181-3, 194, 252; iv, 94, 116, 119. (River), i, 65,71,74, 381,392. (Domain), i, 165, 177-8, 189, 344. Wei gi (hex. 64), ii, 207-10, 365-6,
346-7, 439, 444. wa(king), i, 154-5, 192-5, 208, 232-5,
236, 241, 244, 250-1, 252, 266, 318-9, 328, 334-5, 342, 393, 395, 427; ii, 254 ; iii, 120, 344, 366, 396 ; iv, 31, 36, 60, 121-3, 267, 310 (see Få). (Musical performance), iv, 121-2. (Dukes), i, 374 (note); iv, 36. WO-wang (hex. 28), ii, 109-11, 233-4, 299,
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INDEX OF PROPER NAMES.
435, 441. Wa-ting (king), i, 112 (note), 207, 308; iv, 468 (i. q. Kâu 3ung, q. v.) WO Hsien, i, 207.
Yâ odes, iv, 84, 127-8, 129 (Tâ Yâ, Hsiao Yâ). (Musical instrument), iv, 117.
Yang (river), i, 73. Yang Kâu, i, 67. Yang Kba-fa, iii, 199. Yao, i, 31, 38, 118, 227; iii, 396; iv, 123, 201, 208, 326, 418. Yen (Ti), iii, 268, 272, 276 (i. q. Shan Năng, q. v.) (Region), i, 199, 214. (Name), iii, 120. Yensze, iii, 133. Yen Yû, iv, 270-1; (i. q. 3ze-yû, q. v.) Yen Yuan, iii, 137, 139, 185 (i.q. Hui, q.v.) Yen LiQ, iii, 188.
Yi (hill), i, 67. (Minister), i, 44, 47, 56-7. (A Recorder), i, 195; iii, 341; iv, 129. (Hex. 42), ii, 149-50, 247-8, 319, 437, 441. Yin (dynasty, later name of Shang),
i, 104, 108, 120, 122-3, 157, 161, 162, 168, 170-1, 176-8, 183-7, 190, 194, 196-9, 201, 205, 208, 214, 217-8, 233, 236, 244, 246, 248-9, 308, 311, 411-2 (Yin Shang); iii, 125, 138-40, 145, 168-70, 172, 191, 240, 242-3, 341, 368, 405-6, 438, 443-4, 464, 467; iv, 31, 349, 106, 123, 202, 218, 229, 294, 324, 342-3.
Yin Khi, iii, 43. Yo (mountain), i, 64, 72 (Thâi Yo).
491
201.
Yo-kǎng 3ze-kbun, iii, 128, Yu (king), i, 296; iii, 372. (Disciple), iii, 127, 415 (i. q. 3ze-lû, q. v.) Yu-ze, iii, 130, 149, 176; iv, 141, i. q. Ya Zo, iii, 165, 174, 188-9.
Yu (the Great), i, 42, 46-52, 53-4, 57-8, 60, 64, 76, 79, 87, 140, 225, 258, 342, 369, 395, 426; iii, 366, 372, 396, 202, 208, 339, 353; (included in Hsiâ Hâu-shih, q. v.) Yu Ti, iv, 343, i. q. Shun, who is also called Yu Yu Shih, iii, 125, 191, 240, 242, 443, 467; iv, 34-6, 38-9, 201, 229. (Hill), i, 41, 66-7. (Officer), i, 356. (State), i, 385. (Hex. 16), ii, 91-2, 227, 287-8, 434, 442. Yü Kâu, i, 19.
Yuan (state), i, 391. (Name), iii, 145. Yuan Zang, iii, 198. Yüeh, i, 112-8 (name of man, and title of Book). (State), iv, 37. Yun, i, 69. Yung (river), i, 65. (Tribes), i, 131. Yung Kâu, i, 71. Yung-po, i, 69, 74. Yung Kü, iii, 193.
Zan-zze, iii, 134. Zan Ya, iii, 150. Zâu (district), iii, 124. Zu-shâu, iii, 283, 287, 291, printed 3û. Zu Pi, iii, 167. Zui, i, 235, 244, 385. Zung, i, 72, 266; iii, 111, 177, 229; iv, 30 (six Zung).
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TRANSLITERATION OF ORIENTAL ALPHABETS ADOPTED FOR THE TRANSLATIONS OF THE SACRED BOOKS OF THE EAST.
1 Tenuis
2
"9
3 Media
95
16
17
4
aspirata
5 Gutturo-labialis
6 Nasalis
7 Spiritus asper
8
9
10
11
12
""
99
"9
""
99
13 Tenuis
14 99 15 Media
CONSONANTS.
""
Gutturales.
"
aspirata
Gutturales modificatae (palatales, &c.)
lenis. asper faucalis
lenis faucalis
asper fricatus
lenis fricatus
aspirata
aspirata Nasalis
MISSIONARY ALPHABET.
I Class. II Class. III Class.
k
kh
ܽ
g
gh
q
h (ng)
'h
h
'h
k
kh
9 gh
Sanskrit.
བསམ་
町西可万可
Zend.
Moro 26
(3 (ng)
N(N)) w (who)
2
と
Pehlevi. Persian, Arabic.
ค 3 ฝ
J
ว
2:59
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Hebrew. Chinese.
คก.
J
EXEAK
ה
א
k
kh
h, hs
k
kh
TRANSLITERATION OF ORIENTAL ALPHABETS.
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18 Semivocalis
19 Spiritus asper
20
lenis
21
22
23 Tenuis
24
35
88888
دو
33
36
در
37
99
25
33
26 Media
27
28
""
29 Nasalis
30 Semivocalis
31
33
"9
CONSONANTS (continued).
39
32
29
33 Spiritus asper 1
34
asper 2
lenis
در
99
asper assibilatus
lenis assibilatus
Dentales.
39
aspirata assibilata
aspirata. assibilata
mollis 1
mollis 2
asperrimus 1
asperrimus 2
MISSIONARY ALPHABET.
1 Class.
५
༤༅ :ཁ:ཐ
8
Z
11 Class.
(y)
(3)
S
III Class.
TH
DH
L
8 (/)
z (3) 7 (3)
Sanskrit.
य
ST
Aa
य
22.
द
ध
151218
न
3
ळ
स
Zend.
22:
init.
૪ ઢ
26
ག�
}
دد
Pehlevi.
•
: : २०
2
C
2.5.1
ཕ:༦:
Persian. Arable. Hebrew. Chinese.
ي
135
ງ
・ง 1
3
J
(3)
၅။
ي
3
]
:00
3
33
3
3
4
כּל
4.
T
J
ל
KCE.
3
y
2
t
th
n
Z
3, 3h
494
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call or n
o
: Ć: :6::.3::
: N
$ :
&*:51:e : 8vier ::
Dentales modificatao
(linguales, &c.) 38 Tenuis .. 39 aspirata ....... 40 Media ........ 41 aspirata . .... 42 Nasalis ......... 43 Semivocalis ...... 44 „ fricata . . 45 , diacritica ... 46 Spiritus asper...... 47 lenis .........
Labiales. 48 Tenuis ............ 49 , aspirata ....... 50 Media ............ 51 , aspirata ....... 52 Tenuissima....... 53 Nasalis ........ 54 Semivocalis ...... 55
aspirata ..... 6 Spiritus asper ........ 57 , lenis. ........ 58 Anusvåra ......... 59 Visarga ........
:
FOR THE SACRED BOOKS OF THE EAST.
HA
d2::::::: do:8:9: : : : 2:::::::: AMANIA:
: :;:: ::::.: :24: :
::99: :
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
::öe::~::bie
4 4..:::$: S
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1
**
495

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VOWELS.
vevo
I Class
II Class
III Class.
Itin.
496
:
winit.
:
*:::::
CALIL
1 Neutralis ..... 2 Laryngo-palatalis ...... 3
labialis ....... 4 Gutturalis brevis ....... 5 „ longa ....... 6 Palatalis brevis . ... 7 , longa ....... 8 Dentalis brevis ........
longa ........ 10 Lingualis brevis ... 11 » longa ....... 12 Labialis brevis ........ 13 , longa ........ 14 Gutturo-palatalis brevis ... 15 » longa ... é (ai) 16 Diphthongus gutturo-palatalis di
ei (ei)
oi (ou) 19 Gutturo-labialis brevis . 20 ~ longa .... (an) 21 Diphthongus gutturo-labialis
eu (eu) 23 „
„
ou (ou) 24 Gutturalis fracta ...... 25 Palatalis fracta . ....... 26 Labialis fracta ........ 27 Gutturo-labialis fracta . ...
UNIVERSITY)
(e)
CO::
::::-::::•:-::::::.
| :: :loli bi : : : :non
ryylib: : : :non rib: lllick: : : :lol: : : :|::::
oby: : : : : : : : : :
TRANSLITERATION OF ORIENTAL ALPHABETS.
17
18
SW (au)
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LINKS
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CG.
Fibrary of the
College of Dew
Jersey. 1889
Purchased in 1878

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THE
SACRED BOOKS OF THE EAST
[29]
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London
HENRY FROWDE
DOM MINA NVS TIO ILLY MEA
OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS WAREHOUSE
AMEN CORNER, E.C.
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THE
SACRED BOOKS OF THE EAST
TRANSLATED
BY VARIOUS ORIENTAL SCHOLARS
AND EDITED BY
F. MAX MÜLLER
VOL. XXIX
Orford
AT THE CLARENDON PRESS
1886
( All rights reserved ]
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THE GRIHYA-SUTRAS
RULES OF VEDIC DOMESTIC CEREMONIES
TRANSLATED BY
HERMANN OLDENBERG
PART I
SANKHAYANA-GRIHYA-SUTRA
ÂSVALAYANA-GRIHYA-SUTRA
PÂRASKARA-GRIHYA-SUTRA
KHADIRA-GRIHYA-SUTRA
Orford
AT THE CLARENDON PRESS
1886
[ All rights reserved]
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INTRODUCTION
TRANSLATION
SANKHÂYANA-GR/HYA-SÛTRA.
INTRODUCTION
TRANSLATION
INTRODUCTION
TRANSLATION
INTRODUCTION
TRANSLATION
ÂSVALAYANA-GR/HYA-SÛTRA.
Tees
CONTENTS.
.798
vol.29 (op.
PÂRASKARA-GRIHYA-SÛTRA.
KHÂDIRA-GR/HYA-SÛTRA.
Transliteration of Oriental Alphabets adopted for the Translations of the Sacred Books of the East
1:40
.
•
•
55016
PAGE
3
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The Second Volume will contain a GENERAL INTRODUCTION to the Grihya-Sutras.
153
159
263
269
371
374
437
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SÂN KHẤYANA-GRIHYA
SÚTRA.
[29]
250
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INTRODUCTION
TO THE
SÂŃKHÂYANA-GR/HYA-SÛTRA.
THE Grihya-sûtra ascribed to Sânkhâyana, which has been edited and translated into German by myself in the XVth volume of the Indische Studien, is based on the first of the four Vedas, the Rig-veda in the Bâshkala recension1, and among the Brahmana texts, on the Kaushîtaka. Its reputed author, whom we ordinarily find called by his family name, Sânkhâyana, had the proper name Suyagña. This we may infer from the lists of Vedic teachers given in different Grihya texts where they describe the Tarpana ceremony. Though in these lists the order of names varies very much, yet the two names Suyagña and Sânkhâyana are constantly placed side by side, so that this fact alone would render it probable that they belonged to the same person. Thus we read in the Sânkhâyana-Grihya IV, 10 = =VI, 1:
Kaholam Kaushitakim, Mahâkaushîtakim, Suyagñam Sân khâyanam, Åsvalâyanam, Aitareyam, Mahaitareyam.
Here we have grouped together the two Brahmana authors (with the fictitious doubles, the great Kaushîtaki, the great Aitareya) and the two corresponding Sutra authors belonging to the two chief branches of the Rigveda literature; first comes one Brâhmana author (for Kahola Kaushitaki is one person) with the Sûtra author connected with him, then the second Sûtra author and the corresponding Brahmana teacher.
In the Sâmbavya-Grihya (Indische Studien, XV, 154) the corresponding passage runs thus: Gârgya- Gautama- Sâkalya- Bâbhravya- Mândattavya
1 See IV, 5, 9.
B 2
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SÂNKHẤYANA-GRIHIYA-SÛTRA.
[sic]- Mândûkeyâh Suyagña- Sâmkhyâyana- Gâtukarnyeyåh [sic] Paimga [sic]- Sâmbavy'-Aitareyah.
The same Grihya still more explicitly bears witness to the name of Suyagia Sânkhâyana, by adding at the end of the list from which these names are quoted the following words: Suyagña Sakhâyanas [sic] trispyaltu, i. e. 'May Suyagia Sânkhâyana satiate himself (with the water offering).'
In the Åsvalayana-Grihya III, 4, we read:
Kaholam Kaushitakam Mahâkaushîtakam Paingyam Mahâpaingyam Suyag nam Sankh â yanam Aitareyam Mahaitareyam.
We may also quote here a Kårikå given by Narayana ? in his great commentary on the Sankhayana-Grihya (1, 1, 10):
Atrâranipradânam yad adhvaryuh kurute kvakit? matam tan na Suyaginasya, mathitam so 'tra nekkhati.
It would perhaps be hazardous to claim for the author of this Kârikâ the authority of an independent witness, for very likely he may have derived his knowledge from the lists of teachers which we have quoted before. But at all events the concordance of the three Grihya texts furnishes a proof which, I think, cannot be set aside by another testimony which we must mention now. At the end of the Kaushitaki-Åranyaka (Adhyâya 15) we find a Vamsa or list of the teachers by whom the knowledge contained in that Åranyaka is supposed to have been handed down. The opening words of this list run thus:
'Om! Now follows the Vamsa. Adoration to the Brahman! Adoration to the teachers! We have learnt (this text) from Gunâkhya Sankh â yana, Gunâkhya Sân khâ yana from Kahola Kaushîtaki, Kahola Kaushitaki from Uddâlaka Åruni, &c.'
It is a very natural supposition that the author of this list intended to begin with the name of the Doctor eponymus, if we may say so, of the Sûtras of his school, and then to proceed to name the Doctor eponymus of the Brahmanas, and after him the more ancient teachers and
1 Manuscr. Chambers 712 (Berlin Royal Library), fol. 12 b. * Comp. Pâraskara-Grihya I, 2, 5: aranipradanam eke.
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INTRODUCTION.
sages. But whether the author of this passage really supposed this Gunakhya Sankhayana to be the author of the Sankhåyana-sâtras, or not, we shall be justified in following rather the unanimous statements of the texts previously quoted, and in accepting in accordance with them, as the full name of our Satrakára, the name Suyagña Sånkhâyana.
The Grihya-sútra which has been here translated presupposes, as all Grihya-stras do, the existence of the Srauta-sútra, with which it is intimately connected and which is referred to in the Grihya in several instances?
Here the question arises whether the Grihya-satra was composed by the same author to whom the authorship of the Srauta-satra belongs, so that the two texts form together, and would, in the conception of their author, be intended to form, one great body of Satras, or, on the other hand, whether the Grihya-sútra is a later addition to the Srauta-sútra. On this question I have ventured, in the preface to my German edition of Sankhâyana ?, to offer a few remarks which, however, I feel bound to say do not seem to myself quite decisive. I there pointed out that the Grihyasâtra contains a few aphorisms which we should rather expect would have found their place in the Srauta-sútra, if the two texts were composed by the same author and on a common plans. But, apart from the possibility that in a work of such considerable extent as that collection of Satras would be, such trifling incongruences or irregularities might very easily escape the attention even of a very careful author, there is still another objection that may be urged against the inference drawn by me from such passages. It can be shown that the Grihya texts which we possess are based to some extent on one common original, from which they have taken verbatim, or nearly verbatim, a certain number of aphorisms. Thus if we were to suppose that Sânkhâyana,
See, for instance, Gribya I, 16, 1 (Srauta IV, 16, 2). • Indische Studien, vol. xv, pp. 11, 12.
· The Sutras with reference to which I made that observation are I, 8, 14; 14, 13-15; II, 15, 10. Comp. Srauta-sútra II, 7, 12; IV, 21.
• I intend to give some proofs of this in the General Introduction to the Gribya-sútras which will be given in the second volume of these translations.
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SÂNKHÂYANA-GRIHYA-SÛTRA.
or whosoever the author of this Grihya-sútra may have been, found the aphorisms on which I once based my argument, in that original text, this would explain the occurrence of those passages in a portion of the great body of Satras different from that in which we should expect to meet them. Now several of the passages in question recur identically in other Grihya texts, so that we may infer indeed that they are taken from that lost original, and we have no means to judge whether the other similar passages are not taken from it also. I believe, therefore, that the opinion which I once pronounced regarding the relation in which the two Sutra texts stand to each other, cannot be vindicated, and that it is better to leave that question unanswered until perhaps further discoveries throw a new light on it.
For the reconstruction of the correct text of the Sânkhåyana-Grihya, and occasionally also for its interpretation, it is of considerable importance that we possess, besides the Devanagarî MSS. of the text and of the commentaries, a South Indian MS. written in the Grantha character (MS. Whish 78 in the library of the Royal Asiatic Society, London) which contains a Grihya based on that of Sankhâu yana and following it, during the greater part of the work, nearly word for word'. It is designated in the MS., at the end of the single Adhyâyas, as 'Kaushîtaka-Grihya.' It therefore professes to follow the teaching of the same Brâhinana which is adhered to also by the Sûtra school of Sânkhâyana. A metrical commentary, which in the MS. follows after the text, names in its opening Sloka a teacher Sâmbavya as the author of this Sutra. The Sloka runs thus: Natvâ Kaushitakâkâryam Sâmbavyain sûtrakrittamam grihyam tadiyam samkshipya vyakhyâsye bahuvismritam.
('Having bowed to the most excellent author of Sûtras, to Sâmbavya, the Akârya belonging to the Kaushîtaka school, I shall compose a short commentary on his Grihya, which has been forgotten by many:')
The name of this Sâmbavya does not occur among the
1 Comp. the statements given with regard to that text in my German edition of Sankhâyana, Indische Studien, XV, 4 seq.
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· INTRODUCTION.
teachers enumerated in the description of the Tarpana ceremony, neither in Sankhayana IV, 10, nor in Åsvalů. yana III, 4; but in the list of the Sambavya-Grihya itself it is found (see above, p. 4); and besides it seems to me also to be mentioned in Asvalayana-Grihya IV, 8, 24, in which passage it will scarcely be considered too bold to conjecture Sambavya instead of Samvatya.
Though the MS. of the Sambavya-Grihya is very confused, and full of blunders of all sorts, yet it deserves to be attentively studied by all scholars who are accustomed to look, if not in theory yet in practice, on the agreement of a few Vedic text MSS., or of a few Indian commentaries, as if it had a claim to an unassailable authority to which European Orientalists would have no right to deny their faith. In the Sankhayana-Grihya a number of passages are found in which corrupt readings or perverse explanations are supported by all the Sankhayana MSS. and by all the Sankhayana commentaries, and if, by a rare and fortunate chance, the Sambavya Grantha MS., which is unaffected by the blunders of the Devanagari MSS., had not been discovered in the south of the peninsula, these readings and explanations would seem to rest on the unanimous agreement of tradition. Perhaps it seems unnecessary to dwell on this point, for very few Orientalists, if any, would be prepared to assert that Indian tradition is infallible. But when looking over many of the editions and translations of the Vedic texts, even such as have been published in the last years, one finds plentiful occasion to observe that in hundreds of passages tradition has been practically treated, by scholars of very high merit, as if it had an authority not very far removed from infallibility. A case like that of which we have to speak here, in which a whole set of MSS., and occasionally also of commentaries, can be tested by a MS. of a nearly related text, written in a different character and in a distant part of India, will strengthen our belief that we are right in judging for ourselves, even if that judgment should oppose itself to such authorities as Narayana or Ramakandra or Gayarâma.
Perhaps it will not be out of place to add here, as an
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SÂNķHÃYANA-GRIHYA-SÚTRA.
illustration of these remarks, a few observations on one of the passages in which the rejection of the traditional Sankhayana reading, together with the traditional Sankhåyana explanation, is confirmed by the Sâmbavya MS., though no doubt, even without the aid of that MS., we ought to have formed the right conclusions for ourselves. At San. khayana II, 4, 1. 2 the traditional reading is :
Mama vrate hridayam te dadhâmi mama kittam anu kittam te astu | mama vākam ekamana gushasva Brihaspatish två niyunaktu mahyam iti | kamasya brahmakaryasyâsâv iti.
Sankhâyana is treating here of the Upanayana, or the initiation of the student who is received by a teacher and intends to study the Veda with him. The teacher on that occasion is to pronounce the Mantra which we have just transcribed, and which translated into English would run thus :
Under my will I take thy heart; after my mind shall thy mind follow ; in my word thou shalt rejoice with all thy heart; may Brihaspati join thee to me.' 'Of the Brahmakarya of Kama (or lust), N. N.I'
The MSS. give the end of the passage as we have printed it above, kâmasya brahmakaryasyâsâv iti. This Nårâyana explains in the following way. Brahmakarya here means the observances which the student has to keep through certain periods of time before the different texts which he has to learn can be taught him. First comes the Såvitri verse, for which he prepares himself by observing the sâvitra vrata; this lasts either one year, or three days, or the Såvitrî can also be taught him immediately (see chap. 5, 1-3). Then follows the sukriya vrata, of three days, or twelve days, or one year, or any other period of time according to the teacher's pleasure (chap. 11, 10); by this vrata the student is enabled to study the main portion of the Veda. Finally come the sâkvara, vrâtika, au panishada observances, each of which has to last one year, and which refer to the different parts of the Aranyaka (see chap. II, 11 seq., and the sixth book). Now the formula of which we treat here refers principally to the sâvitra
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INTRODUCTION.
vrata. The teacher announces to the student how long he has to keep that vrata. He says (Satra 1), May Brihaspati join thee to me (Satra 2) for a brahmakarya (i.e. a vrata) of such and such (kamasya) a time (one year, three days, &c.), N. N.I' Kama (the pleasure) would thus stand here as an expletive which was to be replaced in each single case by the indication of the real space of time that depended on the teacher's pleasure (... niyunaktu mahyam samvatsarikasya trairâtrikasya vånvakshikasya vâ såvitrasya brahmakaryasyâmukâmukasarmann iti vâkyasamyogo gñeyah'). The same should take place at the corresponding forms of Upanayana which had to precede the entrance of the student upon the sukriya, såkvara, &c. observances. This is the explanation of Narayana, with which Râmakandra and all the other commentaries agree. It will scarcely be necessary to observe that the singular use of kama, on which this traditional explanation rests, is neither in accordance with the meaning of the word, nor supported by any parallel texts. So, even before I had the opportunity of collating the Sâmbavya MS., I had no doubt that the system of the Vratas has nothing at all to do with our Satra, and that its text should be made intelligible by a slight alteration touching only the quantity of the a in two syllables, by writing, Kamasya brahmakâry asy asâv iti (thou art the Brahmakârin of Kâma, N.N.!), as we read in Åsvalâ yana I, 20,8, kasya brahmakâr y asi, pranasya brahmakary asi. Afterwards I found that the Grantha MS. of Sâmbavya gives the very reading which I had conjectured.
Passages like this are not very rare in the Grihya-sútras. In the other Satras we are not in the same favourable position of possessing a MS. which enables us, as the Grantha MS. of Sâmbavya does, to test their text.
We cannot conclude these introductory remarks without speaking of the later additions tacked on at the end of the original body of the Sankhâyana-Grihya-sûtras! There are unmistakable indications that the fifth and sixth books are later additions. The fifth book is
* Comp. the remarks in my German edition of Sânkhâyana, Ind. Stadien, XV, 7.
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10
SÂNKHẨYANA-GRIHYA-SÛTRA.
designated as a parisish ta in a Kárikå quoted by Nârâyana :
parisish tâd avasathye pårvanàtikrame karuh
Vaisvânarâyâgnaye kâgnayel tantumate tatha. (According to the Parisishta, if one of the half-monthly sacrifices has been omitted, a mess of rice should be offered on the sacred domestic fire to Agni Vaisvânara and to Agni Tantumat.')
The passages of the 'Parisishta' here referred to are the two first aphorisms of V, 4:
Now if a half-monthly sacrifice has not been performed, one or the other of them, then a mess of rice (is to be offered)
With (the words), "To Agni Vaisvânara svâhâ ! To Agni Tantumat svâhâ !'".
There are, besides, several passages in which Nârâyana himself mentions the fifth book under the designation of Pariseshâdhyâya?. And even if we had not the authority of the Kârikâ and of Narayana, the contents alone of the fifth book would raise our suspicion against its genuineness. The matter ordinarily treated of in the Grihya texts is brought to an end in Adhyâyas I-IV; in the fifth book we find diverse supplementary additions on points discussed before; rules, which no doubt would have been given at their proper place, had the fifth book been composed at the same time, and by the same author, as the preceding books3. Besides, we find different prâyaskitta oblations treated of, and a description of two ceremonies which are mentioned, as far as I know, in no other Grihya-sútra, but belong to the rites frequently described in such works as Purânas, Parisishtas, and later Dharma texts: the consecration of ponds or wells (chap. 2), and the consecration of gardens (chap. 3).
There can thus be little doubt as to the secondary character of the fifth book. And this alone suffices to
1 vâgnaye the MS. Narayana on I, 9, 3; 10, 2.
The Paddhati inserts the paraphrase of several of these rules into the explanation of the first Adhyâya.
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INTRODUCTION,
11
furnish an important argument in favour of the same view with regard to the sixth book also. This view is furthermore supported by the opening invocation in that book, addressed to Brahman and to a number of mythological beings and Vedic sages and teachers. It is evident that by such an invocation this book is characterised as a separate treatise, presupposing of course the main body of the Sankhayana-sútras, but not forming part of it in the same sense in which, for instance, the second or the third Adhyâya does. The object of that treatise is the exposition of the ritual connected with the study of the Rahasya texts. The sixth book, composed no doubt by a later adherent of the Sankhâyana school, returns, in fact, to, and enlarges on, matters that have already found their proper place in the original Grihya-sátra at II, 12, and partly also at IV, 7.
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SÂNKHẤYANA-GR/HYA-SÚTRA.
ADHYAYA I, KHANDA 1. 1. Now henceforth we shall declare the Pâkayagñas.
2. When (a pupil) is going to return (from his teacher), let him keep that fire (as his domestic fire) on which he has put the last piece of wood (as required by the regulations for a student),
3. Or (he should keep) his nuptial fire.
1, 1. The ceremonies to be treated of are defined here as the Pâkayagñas (i. e. oblations of cooked offerings) just as in the opening sentence of the Paraskara-Grihya they are called grihyasthâlîpâkâs. This is indeed the most characteristic form of offerings belonging to the domain of the Grihya ritual, though it would not be correct to state that the Grihya-sûtras treat exclusively of sacrificial ceremonies of this kind.
2. As to the duty of the Vedic student of putting every day a piece of wood on the sacred fire of his teacher, see below, II, 6, 8, and compare the Grihya-samgraha-parisishta II, 58. According to a Kârikâ given by Nârâyana, and the Karmapradîpa (I, 6, 13), the prescription of this Sutra regarding the time for the kindling of the sacred fire refers exclusively to the case of vâg dâna (betrothal). Comp. also Dr. Bloomfield's note on the Grihya-samgraha-parisishta I, 76 (Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft, XXXV, 560). In the Karikâ it is stated that if the betrothed girl dies after the fire has been kindled, but before the marriage, the sacrificer is not to forsake his fire, but to marry another girl; if he cannot find a bride, he should make the fire enter into himself according to the rules given by SânkhayanaGrihya V, 1, and himself become uttarasramin, i.e. enter one of the two final Asramas.
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I ADHYAYA, I KHANDA, 8.
13
4. Some declare (that the domestic fire should be kindled) at the time of the division of the inheritance.
5. Or that after the death of the householder the eldest one himself (should kindle it).
6. (It should be kindled) on the day of the new moon of the month of Vaisakha or on another (new moon day).
7. Some say (that the fire should be kindled) according to the (sacrificer's) wishes under the (corresponding) constellation.
8. He should light his fire at one of the following places, viz. in the house of a Vaisya who is rich in
5. Nârâyana : 'If the fire has not been kindled at the time stated above, then, after the householder ... i.e. the father, even if he should not have performed the âdhâna, or the elder brother has died, the eldest son (or the son who after his elder brother's death has become the eldest), after he has performed the Sapindikarana (for the dead father or brother; see below, IV, 3, and the ninth chapter of the Parisishta book V1), even if he has not divided the inheritance with his younger brothers (so that the time stated in the fourth Sätra would not have arrived), should kindle the fire himself, i.e. without an officiating priest (ritvig). ... Or the Sätra should be divided into two; prete vâ grihapatau (or after the death of the householder), and svayam gyâyân (the eminent one himself), i.e. of Brahmanas, Kshatriyas, and Vaisyas a gyâyâ n, which means a most eminent person, a Brahmana, performs the Påkayagñas himself; for the two other castes the Pâkayagñas have to be performed through an officiating priest : this is the meaning of this svayam (himself). I have given this note of Narayana as a specimen of the entirely arbitrary and obviously misleading explanations which are unfortunately so frequently found in this author, as indeed in most of the other Sätra commentators. As to the true meaning of this svayam I still adhere to the explanation which I proposed in my German edition of the text (p. 118), that in case no division of the inheritance takes place, the sacred fire should be kindled on behalf of all the joint-proprietors, but that only the eldest brother should act personally (svayam).
8. Or, 'at (the fire of) a person rich in cattle, in the house of a Vaisya,' &c.? The commentators (see p. 118 of the German
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SANKHAYANA-GRIHYA SÚTRA.
cattle, at a frying-pan, or (at the fire of) one who offers many sacrifices.
9. Some say that (the fire should be fetched from one of the above-mentioned places) in the evening and in the morning.
14
10. The inauguration (of the fire) by an evening offering should be learnt from the Adhvaryus, according to (my) teacher.
11. In the morning he shall offer a full oblation with a verse sacred to Vishnu, or silently.
12. The time for setting it (i.e. the domestic fire) in a blaze and for sacrificing on it has been explained by (the rules given with regard to) the Agnihotra.
edition) differ as to whether in purupasu-vi/kula one or two alternatives are contained, and it is interesting to see that the Sutra authors themselves differed in this respect; Pâraskara (I, 2, 3), when declaring from what place the fire should be fetched, speaks of the house of a Vaisya rich in cattle; Âsvalâyana, on the contrary, who in the Grihya-sûtra does not expressly treat of the kindling of the domestic fire, in the corresponding passage of the Srauta-sûtra (II, 2, 1), gives the rule that the dakshinâgni is to be fetched 'from the house of a Vaisya or from a rich person.'
9-11. I now differ from the opinion which I pronounced in my German edition with regard to the relation in which these three Sûtras stand to each other. I think they ought to be understood thus: 9. Some teachers say that the fetching of the fire from its yoni, as taught in Sûtra 8, ought to be done twice; in the evening, so that the fire, after the necessary rites have been performed, goes out, and then again in the morning. 10. But my (the author's) teacher (comp. as to â kâryâh, Kâtyâyana's Srauta-sûtra I, 3, 7; Professor Garbe's note on Vaitâna-sûtra 1, 3) is of opinion that the fire should be fetched only once, and that with this fire the ceremonies which are taught by the Adhvaryus are to be performed in the evening (see, for instance, Kâty. IV, 7. 8, which passage is paraphrased here by Nârâyana). 11. In the morning (according to the same teacher, not, as I once understood this passage, according to the eke referred to in Sûtra 9), a full oblation is to be offered, &c.
12. Srauta-sûtra II, 6, 2 seq.
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I ADHYAYA, 2 KHANDA, 2.
15
13. And 'invested with the sacrificial cord,' &c., all these rules, as far as they are applicable, should be applied (here also) in consequence of the unity of the ritual.
14. With regard to this they quote also (the following Sloka):
15. 'The kinds of Pâkayagñas, the kinds of Haviryagñas, and again the kinds of Soma sacrifices, 'Twenty-one by number, these are proclaimed to be the kinds of sacrifice.'
KHANDA 2.
I. At the end of the sacrificial acts (follows) the distribution of food to Brahmanas.
2. Voice, (pleasantness of) form, age, learning, moral character, (right) conduct are the qualities (required in the Brahmanas who are to be invited thereto).
13. Srauta-sûtra I, 1, 6. 7: yagñopavîtî devakarmâni karoti, prâkînâvîtî pitryâni, &c. The unity of the ritual of course means the unity of the two great domains of the Srauta and Grihya ritual. 15. With regard to the twenty-one kinds of sacrifice compare, for instance, Gautama VIII, 18-20; Max Müller, Z. D. M. G. IX, p. lxxiii; Weber, Indische Studien, X, 326. The seven kinds of Pâkayagñas are the Ashtakâ sacrifices (see below, III, 12 seq.), the sacrifices offered at each Parvan (I, 3), the Srâddha (or funeral) sacrifices (IV, I seq.), the sacrifice of the Srâvanî full moon (IV, 15), of the Agrahâyanî (IV, 17 seq.), of the Kaitrî (IV, 19), and of the Asvayugi (IV, 16). The seven Havis sacrifices (belonging, as is the case also with the third division of sacrifices, to the Srauta ritual) are the Agnyâdheya, the Agnihotra, the sacrifices of the full and new moon, the Âgrayana, the three Kâturmâsya sacrifices, the Nirudhapasubandha, and the Sautrâmanî. The seven kinds of Soma sacrifices (of which the more ancient texts mention only three or four samsthâs, see Weber, Indische Studien, IX, 120) are the Agnish/oma, the Atyagnish/oma, the Ukthya, the Shodasin, the Atirâtra, the Aptoryâma.
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16
SANKHAYANA-GRIHYA-SUTRA.
3. Learning, however, outweighs every (other qualification).
4. A learned one should not be passed over.
5. The threefold (knowledge, viz. that) which refers to the deities, that which refers to the Âtman, and that which refers to sacrifice,
'(Handed down) in the Mantras and in the Brâhmana: this is called learning.
"
6. A performer of the sacred rights, a man who has studied (the Veda), who is old in learning and devoted to austerities:
'He who gives food (even) once to such (a Brâhmana), hunger will not befall that man any more.
7. 'Whatsoever deity he may wish to satiate at any sacrifice,
Destining it to that (deity) in his mind, he shall give (the food) to a person like that.
"
8. An oblation deposited in a person like that will never miss its way to the deity;
'Treasure of men, vessel of gods (in which they receive what is given to them) he is called.'
KHANDA 3.
1. Now (follow) the ceremonies of the days of the new and full moon.
He fasts.
2. In the morning, when the sun shines on the
3, 1. Most probably this rule should be divided into two Sutras, so that atha darsapûrnamâsau would stand as the heading of the chapter; comp. below, chap. 18, 1, atha katurthîkarma; chap. 24, 1, atha gâtakarma, &c.
2. If this is expressly stated, the oblation is to be made in night-time; for instance, at the Vâstoshpatiya ceremony it is stated, "The tenth oblation of the Sthâlipâka, to Agni Svishtakrit at night" (see below, III, 4, 8).' Nârâyana.
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I ADHYÂYA, 3 KHANDA, 4.
17
top of the great trees, that is the most auspicious time for all kinds of sacrifices, unless there be a special rule.
3. With a genial mind, clean, on a pure, protected spot, having cooked a full, thin mess of rice, he offers that cooked oblation to the deities of the festivals of the new and full moon, distributing it in the due way.
4. In the oblations of cooked food the acts of taking the intended oblation), of putting it down (near the fire), and of sprinkling it (with water) are performed with regard to the deities of the (respective) Mantras.
3. On vigha na, which I have translated thin, see the note in the German edition, pp. 119 seq.
The deities of the festivals of the new and full moon (i. e. of the rites which in the Srauta ritual correspond to that taught here are, at the full moon, Agni and Agnîshomau, at the new moon, Agni, Vishnu, and Indragnî, who are preceded in both cases by Agni and Soma as the deities of the two âgyabhagas (see below, ch. 9, 7), and followed by Agni Svishtakrit. For more detailed statements see Hillebrandt, Das altindische Neu- und Vollmondsopfer (Jena, 1879), pp. 102 seq.
4. For instance, the taking of the portion of food destined to Agni should be performed with the Mantra: Agnaye två gushtam grihnâmi, &c. A number of ceremonies common to the Sthâlîpaka ritual and to the ordinary ritual of Agya oblations, such as the strewing of Kusa grass round the fire, the ceremonies regarding the Pavitras (strainers), &c., have to be supplied here from the Âgya ritual given below (ch. 7 seq.); this may be looked upon as an argument in favour of our conjecture which will be stated in the preface (vol. ii of the Grihya-sůtras), that our text, as probably is the case also with the Pâraskara-sâtra, is based on an original, the opening sentences of which are preserved to us in Sânkh. I, 5, 1-5=Paraskara I, 4, 1-5, so that the first chapters of Sânkhâyana, and among them the exposition of the festivals of the full and new moon, would have been prefixed to the original commencement of the text.
[29]
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SÂNKHÂVANA-GRIHYA-SOTRA.
5. And the rules about the portions to be cut off (from the sacrificial food, are valid).
6. But before the sacrifices of the new and full moon one should make offerings to the deities of the Anvârambhaniya ceremony.
7. The time for the new moon sacrifice is not elapsed until the full moon, nor that for the full moon sacrifice until the new moon.
8. And some say that the morning oblation may be made at the time of the evening oblation, in the case of danger.
9. But the time is fixed, as at the Agnihotra an expiation has been prescribed for him who has neglected the time.
10. At the two daily oblations one should use as sacrificial food either rice or barley or grains.
11. In case these are not at hand, other (sorts of sacrificial food are) not prohibited.
12. Some say that if he uses grains, he should wash them.
13. With the other (kinds of food) no such preparation takes place.
5. On the avadânadharmâs comp. Weber, Indische Studien, X, 95; Hillebrandt, Neu- und Vollmondsopfer, pp. 122 seqq.
6. The Anvârambhaniya-ishri is the sacrifice taught in the Srauta texts which is to be performed before the sacrificer for the first time offers the Darsapůrnamâsa sacrifice. See Weber, Indische Studien, X, 330; Hillebrandt, loc. cit., p. 185. The deities of this ceremony are Agnîvishnu, Sarasvatî, and Sarasvat.
7. Comp. the expiatory sacrifice prescribed in the Parisishta book, V, 4.
8. The text here passes over from the two monthly sacrifices to the two daily ones, which correspond to the Agnihotra of the Srauta ritual.
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I ADHYAYA, 4 KHANDA, 2.
19
14. In the evening (he makes the oblation) to Agni, in the morning to Sarya,
15. And after both silently to Pragâpati.
16. Some (say that) before the first oblation a piece of wood (is to be put on the fire).
17. The sprinkling with water as indicated (in the Srauta-stra).
KHANDA 4. 1. When he has risen in the morning and has sipped water, let him daily repeat his recital.
2. (This consists of, or is accompanied by, the following texts :) the two verses, “To-day, god Savitar' (Rig-veda V, 82, 4-5); the hymn, 'Go away, Manasaspati' (X, 164); the hymn, 'Right and truth' (X, 190); the verses, 'Look down, ye Ådityas,' to the end of the hymn (VIII, 47, 11-18);
14, 15. These are the same deities who are worshipped also at the Agnihotra.
17. Srauta-sätra II, 6, 9-11. Comp. p. 120 of the German edition.
4, 1. The Paddhati of Râmakandra understands svådhyâyam adhiyita as a prescription to perform the daily Brahmayagña (comp., for instance, Asvalâyana-Grihya III, 2 ; Âpastamba I, 11, 22 seq.), which consists in the recitation of portions of the Veda; the hymns and verses stated in Sätra a are, according to the same authority, to be repeated immediately after the recitation of the syâdhyâya (svadhyâyânantaram'). Nårâyana, on the contrary, considers that the svadhyâya prescribed in Sätra i consists of those very hymns and verses which are indicated in the second Sätra. As to the Brahmayagña, he says that the ka at the end of the second Sätra may be referred to it the word ka means that texts procuring a long life, such as Rig-veda I, 89, should be murmured, or an injunction of the Brahmayagña is intended'). At all events it is very difficult to believe that the recitation of the texts stated in this chapter should be quite independent from the daily Brahmayagña. About the performance of the Brahmayagña in our days comp. the note of Professor Bühler, Sacred Books of the East, vol. ii, p. 43.
C2
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SÂN KHẤYANA-GRIHYA-SOTRA.
the verse, O Indra, the best treasures' (II, 21, 6); the verse, 'The swan dwelling in purity' (IV, 40, 5); the verse, 'Adoration to the great ones' (I, 27, 13); the verse, 'What we fear, Indra' (VIII, 50, 13); the verse, 'And of the sleep' (I, 120, 12); the verse, 'He who says to me, O king' (II, 28, 10); the hymn, * Let glory be mine, Agni' (X, 128); and the five verses, ‘Bliss may create for us' (V, 51, 11 seq.).
Kuanda 5. 1. There are four kinds of Pâkayagñas, viz. the Huta, the Auuta, the PRAHUTA, and the PRÂSITA.
2. On the following five occasions, viz. the wedding, the tonsure (of the child's head), the initiation (of the Brahmakârin), the cutting of the beard, and the parting of the hair, (on these occasions) in the outer hall
3. To a place that has been smeared (with cowdung), which is elevated, and which has been sprinkled (with water), he carries forward the fire,
4. Having kindled it by rubbing, according to some teachers, at his marriage.
5. During the northern course of the sun, in the
5, 1. This Satra and the following ones down to the fifth are identical with Paraskara I, 4, 1-5; it seems to me that we have here before us the opening Sûtras of a lost text from which this passage has been copied both by Sânkhayana and Paraskara. Comp. the preface of the second volume of the Grihya-sútras.
With regard to the fourfold division of Pakayagñas stated here comp. below, chap. 10, 7.
2. Comp. the Kârikâ quoted by Nârâyana, 'vivâhâdishu bâhyo 'gnir mandape ka tad ishyata iti.'
3. On the Agni-pranayana comp. the details given in the Grihyasamgraha-parisishta (Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft, vol. xxxv), I, 64-69.
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I ADHYÂYA, 6 KHANDA, 5.
-
21
time of the increasing moon, on an auspicious day he shall seize the hand of a girl,
6. Who should possess (the auspicious) characteristics (required),
7. Whose limbs should be proportionate, 8. Whose hair should be smooth,
9. Who should also have at her neck two curls turned to the right.
10. (Of such a girl) he shall know that she will give birth to six men.
KHANDA 6. 1. If he will acquire a wife, let him recite over the wooers (whom he sends to the girl's father) when they go away, the verse, 'Thornless' (Rigveda X, 85, 23).
2. When they arrive, they take flowers, fruits, barley, and a pot of water.
3. They say thrice, 'Here I am, sir!
4. When these words have been uttered, they ask the girl in marriage, reciting the clan names, the dwellers turning their faces to the east, the visitors to the west.
5. When the matter pleases both sides, let them touch a full vessel into which have been put flowers,
9. On avartau comp. the note in the German edition, p. 121. 6, 1. The wooers, i.e. his own father, &c.' Narayana.
3. When the father of the suitor and the others, together with their Akarya, have arrived at the house of him who is to give away the girl, they station themselves in the hall, and the father of the suitor says thrice, "Here am I, N. N. (amukasarman), Sir!”-in these words he announces himself three times .... For at the house of the person who gives the gir away, there arrive also, in order to see the festivities, many other people. In order to distinguish himself from these, he pronounces his name.' Nârâyana.
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SÂNKHAYANA-GRIHYA-SÚTRA.
fried grain, fruits, barley, and gold, and let them recite (the formula), Undisturbed art thou, the undisturbable vigour of the gods, not cursed, protecting against a curse, unexposed to a curse. Might I straightway attain to truth. Put me into prosperity.'
6. With the verse, Offspring may produce us' (Rig-veda X, 85, 43), the Âkarya of the girl's (family), standing up, places (the vessel) on her head (saying), 'Offspring I put into thee, cattle I put into thee, splendour and holy lustre I put into thee.'
KHANDA 7. 1. When assent has been declared (by the girl's father, the bridegroom) sacrifices.
2. He besmears a quadrangular space with cowdung.
3. (Let him consider in the ceremonies to be performed,) of the two eastern intermediate directions, the southern one as that to which (the rites) should be directed, if the rites belong to the Manes,
6. The position of the words as well as the sense favours combining the genitive kanyâyâh with â kâryah, not with mûrdhani, though Râmakandra says that the varapakshâkârya is to be understood.
7, I seg. Here follows a description of the sacrifice which is to be performed when the girl's father has declared his assent (pratisrute) to give her away in marriage: this is the general model for all Grihya sacrifices.—'Varo guhoti,' Nârâyana.
3. 'He here states an exception to the rule, “The ceremonies sacred to the Manes are directed towards the south" (Srauta-sútra I, 1, 14).... He should consider the south-eastern direction, sacred to Agni, as that to which the ceremonies are to be directed (prâkim parvam kalpayet) which are sacred to the Manes, such as
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I ADHYÂYA, 7 KHANDA, 11.
23
4. The northern one, if the rites belong to the gods,
5. Or rather the east (itself) according to some (teachers).
6. He draws in the middle of the sacrificial ground) a line from south to north,
7. Upwards from this, turned upwards, to the south one line, in the middle one, to the north one.
8. These he sprinkles (with water),
9. Carries forward the fire with the verse, I carry forward Agni with genial mind; may he be the assembler of goods. Do no harm to us, to the old nor to the young; be a saviour to us, to men and animals,'
10. Or (he carries it forward) silently,
II. Then he wipes with his wet hand three times around the fire, turning his right side to it. This they call SaMÜHANA (sweeping together).
prescribed in the Sætra, “Let him make oblations every month to the Fathers" (IV, 1, 1).... He states an exception to the rule, “The ceremonies sacred to the gods are directed towards the east" (Sraut. I, 1, 13).... The northern of the two eastern intermediate directions, sacred to Isâna, should be considered as that to which the ceremonies sacred to the gods, such as oblations, &c., are to be directed.'-Comp. Asvalâyana-Sraut. I, 12, 4.
6-7. See the quotations from Ramakandra's and Narayana's commentaries, p. 123 of the German edition. An illustration of the form of the sthandila with the lines drawn thereon is given by Dr. Bloomfield in his note on the Grihya-samgraha-parisishta I, 52 seq.; instead of the three lines, however, which are here prescribed in Sätra 7, there are four indicated in accordance with the doctrine of that Parisishta and of Gobhila himself, which are stated to be sacred to Prithivî, Pragâ pati, Indra, and Soma, while the line turned from south to north is sacred to Agni.
9. On the Agnipranayana (carrying forward of the fire) see the Gribya-samgraha-parisishta I, 64-69.
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SÂNKHAYANA-GRIHYA-SOTRA.
12. Once, turning his left side to it, in the rites belonging to the Manes.
KHANDA 8. 1. Now (follows) the strewing (of grass) around (the fire).
2. He strews eastward-pointed Kusa grass around it, in three layers or in five layers,
3. Beginning on the east side, then to the west, then to the west.
4. He covers the roots (of the grass-blades) with the points.
5. And all kinds of rites are to be performed beginning south, ending north.
6. He places the Brahman south with the words, BHÛR BHUVAH SVAH,
7. Adorns him with flowers,
8. Carries forward on the north side the Pranitâ waters with the words, 'Who carries ye forward ?'
9. Takes up with the left hand the Kusa blades, and arranges them (on the ground) with the right hand,
8, 1. Comp. the passages quoted in Professor Eggeling's note on Satapatha Br. I, 1, 1, 22.
6. Ordinarily there was no real Brahman present, and his place was filled by a bundle of Kusa grass that represented him. Narayana states that this bundle should consist of fifty blades of Kusa grass. Comp. also the Grihya-sangraha-parisishta I, 89-90.
8. Comp. the passages quoted by Dr. Bloomfield, Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländ, Gesellschaft, vol. xxxv, p. 565, note 2.
9. This Satra shows that the paristarana, though already treated of in Sätras 1-4, is not to be performed till after the carrying forward' of the Pranîtâ water. Comp. Narayana's note on Sûtra 1 (p. 123 of the German edition). That this is indeed the order of the different acts is confirmed by Paraskara I, I, 2.
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I ADHYAYA, 8 KHANDA, 21.
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10. Bending his right knee, 11. The left when worshipping the Manes.
12. The strewing around (of the grass) is not necessary in the Agya offerings,
13. Nor in the standing offerings, according to Mândakeya.
14. He now measures off with the span (of his hand) two Kusa blades, which are not unequal, with unbroken points, bearing no young shoots in them, and severs them (from their roots) with a Kusa blade, saying, 'Purifiers are ye.
15. There are two or three (of these Kusa strainers).
16. He holds them with their points to the east and sprinkles them (with water, saying), 'Belonging to Vishnu.
17. With the two Kusa blades he sprinkles (water) around the fire three times, keeping his right side turned towards it,
18. Takes up the Agya pot with the words, Milk of the cows art thou;'
19. Puts it on the fire with the words, ' For sap thee;'
20. Takes it from the fire towards the north with the words, 'For juice thee;'
21. And holding the two (Kusa) strainers with their points to the north, seizing them on both sides
13. 'In the standing offerings, such as the Vaisvadeva sacrifice in the morning and in the evening.' Nârâyana.
14-16. Vâgasaneyi Samhità I, 12 a. 18. Vâg. Samh. IV, 3 a. 19. Vâg. Samh. I, 22 d. 20. Vâg. Samh. I, 30 c.
21. Vâg. Samh. I, 12 b.-The division of Satras 21 and 22 should be after iti, not, as the Indian tradition has it, after rasmibhih.
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SÂNKHÂVANA-GRIHYA-SOTRA.
with his two thumbs and fourth fingers, he bends them down, the points upwards, and dips them into the Ågya with the words,
'By the impulse of Savitar I purify thee with this uninjured purifier, with the rays of the good
sun.'
22. (This) preparation of the Agya (takes place) each time.
23. Let him not offer (Âgya) which has not been (thus) prepared.
24. Also the waters in the Sruva spoon (he purifies) with the words, '(By the impulse) of Savitar (I purify) you.'
25. This is called) the Pranitâ and the ProkSHANÎ water.
KHANDA 9. 1. The Sruva spoon (serves as) a vessel.
2. According to the purpose the properties (of the different things to be used at each oblation) should be chosen.
3. Taking up Kusa blades with the left, and the
24, 25. Râmakandra: “He pours water into the Sruva and purifies this also, as he had done with the Agya (Sutra 21.... He then pours a little portion of that water on to the Pranitâ water (see above, Satra 8), and with the rest, which is called the Prokshanî water, he sprinkles the sacrificial food, the fuel, and the Barhis.'
9, 1. When no special rule is stated, the Sruva is to be understood as the vessel (for the offering). Thereby the rule, “The Guhů is the vessel" (Srauta-sâtra III, 19, 5) is abolished (for the Grihya rites). Nârâyana.
3. The manner of holding the Sruva in which the Agya is, is described by Kâtyâyana, Sraut. I, 10, 6 seq., Stenzler's note on Pâraskara I, 1, 4.
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I ADHYAYA, 9 KHANDA, 10.
Sruva at its bottom with the right hand, with the words, 'The hand of Vishnu art thou'
4. He offers with the Sruva the Agya oblations.
5. Beginning from the north-west side of the fire he offers (the Agya) unintermittingly on the south side (of the fire) with (the verse), 'Thou Agni art full of foresight' (Rig-veda I, 31, 10).
6. Beginning from the south-west side of the fire he unintermittingly offers on the north side with (the verse), ‘To whom these snowy mountains' (Rig-veda X, 121, 4).
7. To Agni belongs the northern Âgya portion, to Soma the southern.
8. In the middle (are made) the other oblations,
9. (With the words,) 'Agni is the begetter; may he give to me N. N. as my wife; svåhå!
Soma is rich in wives; may he make me rich in wives by N. N.; svâhâ !
Pashan is rich in kindred; may he make me rich in kindred by the father, the mother, the brothers of N. N.; svåhå!'
10. At the Agya oblations the offering of the two Agya portions and of the Svishtakrit oblation is not standing,
4. As to the characteristics of Agya (sacrificial butter), which is the substance offered at most of the Grıhya sacrifices, comp.the statements of the Grihya-samgraha-parisishta I, 105 seq.
5. Avikkhinnam (unintermittingly) is explained in Nâr.'s commentary by eka dhâraya.
8 seq. Here are indicated the chief oblations of this sacrifice (anya ahutayah pradhanabhatâh, Nâr.), or the avâpa (the insertion, Satra 12) which comes between the standing introductory and concluding oblations.
10. On Svishtakrit, comp. Weber, Indische Studien, IX, 217.
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SANKHAYANA-GRIHYA-SUTRA.
11. Nor in the standing oblations, according to Mândûkeya.
12. The place for the insertion is the interval between the Mahâvyâhritis, the general expiation, and the oblation to Pragâpati.
11. See chap. 8, 13.
12. This Sûtra prescribes where the âvâpa, i. e. the special characteristical offerings of each sacrifice, is to be inserted between the regular offerings that belong to the standing model. The same subject is treated of in the Srauta-sûtra in the two rules, I, 16, 3 and 'Whatsoever is offered between the two Agya por
4:
tions and the Svish/akrit, that is called âvâpa; this is the chief part (pradhâna) (of the sacrifice); the other (oblations) are subordinate thereto (tadangâni).' The position of the âvâpa among the other oblations is indicated by Pâraskara in the following rule (I, 5, 6): 'Between the general expiation and the oblation to Pragâpati, this is the place for the âvâpa. (The word vivâhe at the end of this Sûtra seems to me to belong not to this rule, but to Sûtra 7.) Our Sutra is identical with that of Pâraskara word for word; only instead of sarvaprâyaskitta, as Pâraskara has, we read here, mahâvyâhritisarvaprâyaskitta. This means, I believe, that the âvâpa, preceded and followed by the Mahâvyâhriti oblations (comp. below, I, 12, 13), should be placed between the Sarvaprâyaskitta and the Prâgâpatya oblation. The oblations made with the Mahâvyâhritayas are four in number; the corresponding formulas are: bhûh svâhâ, bhuvah svâhâ, svâh svâhâ, bhur bhuvah svah svâhâ (comp. below, chap. 12, 12). The Sarvaprâyaskitta (general expiation) consists of two oblations, one with the three Mahâvyâhritayas, the other with the verse ayâs kâgne, quoted in the Srauta-sûtra III, 19, 3, and in Âsvalâyana's Srauta-sûtra I, 11, 13. (On the Sarvaprâyaskitta in the Srauta ritual, compare Hillebrandt, Neu- und Vollmondsopfer, p. 166.) The Prâgâpatya oblation is performed with the formula Pragâ pataye svâhâ. The discussions of Nârâyana on this Sutra (see p. 125 of the German edition) evidently fail to bring out the true meaning of the text; according to this commentator the oblations follow each other in this order: the two Agyabhagas, the principal oblations (pradhânâhutayah), the Svish/akrit, the four Mahâvyâhriti oblations, the two Sarvaprâyaskitta oblations, the Prâgâpatya oblation. Finally we may mention the corrupt form in which the corresponding passage of the Sâmbavya-sûtra is pre
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I ADHYAYA, 9 KHANDA, 19.
13. If the oblation consists in Âgya, let him seize the Kusa blades in his left hand with his right hand at their points and with the left at their roots, and let him wet their points (with Agya) in the Sruva, the middle and the roots in the Agya pot;
14. In the oblations of cooked food, however, the points in the Sruk, the middle in the Sruva, the roots in the Agya pot.
15. When he then has thrown them into the fire) with the words, 'Agni's garment art thou,'
16. And has put on (the fire) three pieces of wood,
17. (Water) is sprinkled round (the fire) as stated above.
18. Oblations for which only the deities are indicated, but no texts prescribed, are to be made merely with the word SvÂHÂ, `To such and such a deity svâhâ ! To such and such a deity svâhâ !'
19. The ritual (here) declared of the sacrifice (to
served in the MS. There the two Satras 10 and 11 are placed before the Mantra in Sätra 9. This Mantra then is given down to svaheti, then follows âgyena, which seems to me to form part of the same Sûtra, and to refer to the oblations to which the Mantra belongs. Then the MS. goes on: mahâvyâhritishu sarvaprayaskittâram (sic) etad âvâpasthanam âgyahavishi vyâhritishu sarvaprây a skittâram (the syllables prây askittâram seem to be expunged) svishtakrito sthálîpâke. In the commentary I find the following Slokas, which I give exactly as they are read in the MS.: tisrinâm vyâhritînam ka prâya skittâhutîr api yad antaram tad â pâpâsthanam sarpihpradhânake. sthâlîpâke vyâhritinâm yat tat svishtakritottaram âhutinam pradhânânâm nânâdaivatakhanda sam yas tu kalas tad âvâpasthanam itakyate budhaih tatas tat tam ma arabhya prayas kittâ hutih kramât.
17. See above, chap. 8, 17. 19. This Sūtra, though reckoned in the Indian tradition to
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SANKHAYANA-GRIHYA-SUTRA.
30
be performed) when (the father's) assent (to give away his daughter) has been declared
KHANDA 10.
1. Forms the standard for all sacrifices that procure happiness,
2. And for all Âgya offerings,
3. For the sacrifice of animals which are tied to a branch,
4. And for the offerings of boiled (rice) grains and of cooked food.
5. These are performed, all the offerings of cooked food, without PRAYAGA and ANUYAGA oblations, without (the invocation of) the ILA, without NIGADA recitation, and without SAMIDHENÎ verses.
6. There are also the following Slokas :
chap. 9, seems to me clearly to belong to the next chapter, and to contain the subject, to which the predicate is given in 10, 1. For pratisrute, see chap. 7, 1.
10, 1. 'As in the Srauta ritual the sacrifice of the full and new moon forms the standard for the ishis, the pasubandha, &c., thus the pratisrut-kalpa is the standard for the vikritis of the Smârta ritual, such as the gâtakarman (chap. 24), &c.' Nârâyana.
3. It is the standard of the sacrifices prescribed in the rules, "The animal (offered) to the teacher is sacred to Agni; to an officiating priest, to Brihaspati, &c." Nârâyana. This refers to the sacrifice of animals which forms part of the Arghya ceremony; see II, 15, 4 seq.
4. Karunâm pâkayagñânâm ka. Nârâyana.
5. On the five Prayâgas and the three Anuyâgas (introductory oblations and oblations following on the principal offerings) prescribed in the Srauta ritual, comp. Hillebrandt's Neu- und Vollmondsopfer, pp. 94 seq., 134 seq. On the Ilâ, see ibid., 122 seq.; on nigada, Weber's Ind. Studien, IX, 217, &c. ; on the Sâmidheni verses, Hillebrandt, loc. cit., pp. 74 seq. On this Sûtra compare also the passage in Kâtyâyana's Srauta-sûtra, VI, 10, 22 seq.
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I ADHYAYA, II KHANDA, 2.
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7. '(An oblation is called) HUTA, (if made) by the performing of the Agnihotra; AHUTA (i.e. unsacrificed, if) by the Bali offering; PRAHUTA (i.e. sacrificed up, if) by a sacrifice to the Manes; PRÂSITA (i.e. tasted, if) deposited as an offering in a Brahmana.
8. Without raising his knees, with spread knees let him always offer his oblation ; for the gods never accept an offering (that has been made holding the hand) not between (the knees).
9. But when he has repeated a text sacred to Rudra, to the Rakshas, to the Manes, to the Asuras, or that contains an imprecation, let him touch water, and so also when he has touched his own body.'
KHANDA 11. 1. Now when the bride is to be carried away (to the bridegroom's house) that night, or on the next, or on the third night,
2. On that night, when (the darkness of) night is gone, they wash the girl up to her head with (water that has been made fragrant by) all sorts of herbs and the choicest fruits together with scents;
7. Comp. chap. 5, 1.
8. Comp. the Grihya-samgraha-parisishta I, 46, and the note, Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenl. Gesellschaft, XXXV, 556. Narayana : dakshinam båhum gânvor antare kritvety arthah, sarvadå sarvasminn api karmani havir homadravyam guhuyât.
9. This verse is found also in the Karmapradîpa III, 8, 4.
11, 1. The ceremony described in this chapter is called Indrânîkarman. The goddess Indrani is mentioned in Sätra 4 among the deities to whom Âgya oblations are made.
2. Nisâkâle, nisâ madhyastham praharadvayam, tasmin kâle atîte. Narayana.
On the anvārambha, comp. Weber's Indische Studien, IX, 224.
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SÂNKHAYANA-GRIHYA-SÛTRA.
3. They put on her a newly-dyed garment or (a new one) which has not yet been washed;
4. Then (the Akarya of the bride's family) makes the girl sit down behind the fire, and while she takes hold of him he sacrifices with the Mahâvyâhritis, and then he makes Âgya oblations to Agni, to Soma, to Pragâpati, to Mitra, to Varuna, to Indra, to Indrâni, to the Gandharva, to Bhaga, to Pashan, to Tvashtar, to Brihaspati, to the king Pratyânika.
5. After they have regaled four or eight women, who are not widows, with lumps of vegetables, Surâ, and food, these should perform a dance four times.
6. The same deities (they worship also) on behalf of the man, • 7. And Vaisravana and Îsâna.
8. Then follows the distribution of food to Brâh
manas.
KHANDA 12. 1. The bridegroom, who has bathed and for whom auspicious ceremonies have been performed, is escorted by happy young women, who are not widows, to the girl's house.
2. To these he shall not behave unobsequiously, except where forbidden food or a transgression is concerned.
3. Having obtained their permission, he then gives her the garment with (the verse), “The Raibhi was' (Rig-veda X, 85, 6).
4. The king Pratyanika' has given origin to a very curious misunderstanding in the Sâmbavya-Grihya and its commentary; see p. 127 of the German edition.
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I ADHYAYA, 12 KHANDA, 9.
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4. With (the verse), ‘Mind was the cushion' (ibid. 7) he takes up the salve-box.
5. The verse for the anointing is, 'May the Visve devâs anoint (or, unite),' (ibid. 47.)
6. 'As this (has protected) Saki the beloved one, and Aditi the mother of noble sons, and Apâlâ who was free from widowhood, may it thus here protect thee, N. N.!'-with these words (the bridegroom) gives her into her right hand the quill of a porcupine (and) a string of three twisted threads,
7. With the verse, "Shape by shape' (Rig-veda VI, 47, 18) a mirror into the left.
8. Her relations tie (to her body) a red and black, woollen or linen cord with three (amulet) gems, with the verse, ‘Dark-blue and red' (Rigveda X, 85, 28).
9. With the verse, 'Full of honey the herbs' (Rig-veda IV, 57, 3), (the bridegroom) ties (to her body) Madhuka flowers.
12, 5. On the ceremony of salving together' (samañgana), comp. Pâraskara I, 4, 14; Gobhila II, 2, &c. Professor Stenzler is certainly wrong in translating Pâraskara's samañgayati by ‘heisst sie beide zusammentreten' (according to Gayarâma's explication, sammukhîkaroti). It is clear from Sânkhâyana, that a real anointing of bridegroom and bride took place. This was performed, according to Gobhila, by the audaka' (this seems to be the same person that is mentioned in Pâraskara I, 8, 3), of whom it is said, panigraham (i.e. the bridegroom) mardhadese 'vasiñkati, tathetarâm. Narayana, on the contrary, in his note on our passage, says that it is the bridegroom who anoints the eyes of the girl with the verse quoted. But the word sam-angana, and the obvious meaning of the whole rite, make it rather probable that both were anointed, and that this was done by a third person.
6. Comp. below, chap. 22, 8, where the use of a porcupine's quill is prescribed at the simantonnayana ceremony; and see chap. 22, 10.
(29)
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SÂNKHẤYANA-GRIHYA-SOTRA.
10. At the wedding one cow, when the Argha ceremony has been performed; in the house one cow: these are the two Madhuparka cows.
11. (The bridegroom) makes the girl sit down behind the fire, and while she takes hold of him he makes three oblations with the Mahâvyâhritis.
10. As to the meaning of arhayitva I differ from the opinion of Narayana (see his note on p. 127 of the German edition), who takes gâm as the object of this verb (gâm arhayitva pügayitvâ mâtå rudrânâm ity rikam gapitvâ (comp. Pâraskara I, 3, 27]). The real meaning of arhayati is, to perform the Argha ceremony for a guest. Evidently in this Sutra two different occasions are stated on which the Argha reception, eventually with the killing of a cow, should be performed; firstly, the bridegroom should be so received in the house of the bride's father; secondly, when the newlymarried people have arrived at their own house, an Argha reception should there be offered to them, perhaps, as the commentaries state, by the Akârya.
11. According to Nârâyana it is the âkârya who performs the rite prescribed in this Satra; Râmakandra, on the contrary, refers it to the bridegroom, which seems to me right. Comp. Gobhila II, 1.
In Sânkhâyana's description of the wedding ceremonies the point at which the bride passes over from the paternal power into that of her new husband is not expressly indicated. Paraskara (I, 4, 15) clearly indicates it (pitrâ prattâm âdâya), and in the Parisishta of the Âsvalâyana-Grıhya this act of handing over the girl is treated of in detail (I, 22). On this depends the description in the Prayogaratna, fol. 69; comp. also Colebrooke's Miscell. Essays, I, 210. The Paddhati of Râmakandra does not fail to mention the kanyâpradâna, but I do not think that the succession of the different rites is stated there correctly. According to the Paddhati the bridegroom goes to the house of the girl's father, and there, after the madhu parka has been offered, the bride is given over to him; he then (labdhavadhûkah) goes (chap. 12, 1), accompanied by young women, to the kautuk âgâra, where the ceremonies described in chap. 12, 3 seq. take place. Paraskara, on the contrary, describes the handing over of the garments, the anointing, &c., as preceding the giving over of the girl, and indeed it is scarcely possible to see in the acts of dressing, adorning the girl, &c., in which both the bridegroom and her relations
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12. A fourth (oblation) with the three Mahầvyahritis) together is to be understood from this rule.
13. In this way, where no express rule is stated, in all sacrifices that procure happiness, one is to sacrifice before and afterwards with these same (Mahâvyâhritis).
KHANDA 13. 1. 'Be queen with thy father-in-law, with this verse (Rig-veda X, 85, 46) her father or brother sacrifices with a sword's point on her head, or with the Sruva, standing while she is sitting, with his face turned to the west, while her face is turned to the east.
2. 'I seize thy hand for the sake of happiness' (Rig-veda X, 85, 36), with these words (the bridegroom) seizes with his right hand her right hand with the thumb, both hands being turned with the palms upwards, he standing while she is sitting, with his face turned to the west, while her face is turned to the east.
3. And when he has murmured the following five verses,
4. (He continues thus,) 'This am I, that art thou;
take part, anything but preparatory performances that precede the decisive moment. The sacrifice, on the contrary, which the bridegroom performs, according to chap. 12, 11, in common with his bride, seems to presuppose that he has already received her from her father, and the ceremonies described in chap. 13, the pânigra hana, the pronouncing of the Mantra, chap. 13, 4, which reminds one of the Roman formula ubi tu Gaius, the seven steps-all that should be understood not as intended to establish the power of the husband over his wife, but as presupposing that power and showing an exercise of it. 13, 4. Narayana states that here four Brâhmanas should repeat
D 2
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SANKHAYANA-GRIHYA-SUTRA.
that art thou, this am I; the heaven I, the earth thou; the Rik art thou, the Sâman I. So be thou devoted
to me.
'Well! Let us here marry. Let us beget offspring. Let us acquire many sons who may reach old age.'
5. (The Akarya) fills, with the words bhur bhuvah svah, a new water-pot,
6. Throws into it (branches) with milky sap and leaves, of a tree the name of which is masculine, together with Kusa grass,
7. And gold, according to some (teachers),
8. And hands it over to a student who observes silence.
9. They should walk round this Stheyâ water, (placed) to the north-east, so that they turn their right sides towards it.
the Sûryâ hymn (Rig-veda X, 85) to the bride. That, according to Sankhâyana, that hymn is recited at the wedding, is clear from chap. 14, 12.
6. Sakshîrânt sapalâsânt sakusân. Nârâyana's commentary divides sa kusân, and refers sa to the â kârya. But this sa would be superfluous, and the substantive to which sakshîrân and sapalâsân are to be referred, is, as both the nature of the case and the corresponding passages show, sâkhân and not kusân. Comp. the Srauta-sûtra IV, 17, 5: palâsasâkhâm sapalâsâm nikhâya, and a passage concerning the very rite here described, Âsvalâyana-parisisha I, 24: audumbaryârdd hayâ (read, ârdrayâ?) sâkhayâ sapalâsayâ sahiranyapavitrayâ sadûrvâpavitrayâ. The MS. of the Sâmbavya-sûtra has sakshîrân palâsân sakusân.
9. 'The Stheyâ water has to be so placed that when the bride and the bridegroom walk (their seven steps, see chap. 14, 5 seq.), their right sides are turned towards it.' Nârâуana. Comp., regarding the Stheyâ water and its bearer, the Grihya-samgrahaparisish/a II, 26. 30. 35.
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I ADHYÂYA, 14 KHANDA, 2.
ANDA, 2. 37 10. And after (the Åkarya) has placed a stone towards the northern direction,
11. (The bridegroom) makes her rise with the words, 'Come, thou joyful one,'
12. And makes her tread with the tip of her right foot on the stone, with the words, 'Come, tread on the stone; like a stone be firm. Tread the foes down; overcome the enemies.'
13. He then leads her round the fire so that their right sides are turned to it,
14. And gives her a second garment with the same text (chap. 12, § 3).
15. Her father or brother pours out of a basket fried grain mixed with Sami leaves into her joined hands.
16. The spreading under, the sprinkling over, and the second sprinkling over (are done) with Ågya. 17. She sacrifices those (fried grains).
KHANDA 14. 1. “This woman, strewing grains, prays thus, “May I bring bliss to my relations; may my husband live long. Svâhâ !”'—while the husband murmurs (this) text, she sacrifices standing
2. (All the ceremonies,) beginning from the tread
2
17. I believe that the words forming this Satra, tâ ñ guhoti, are taken from the same lost old Gribya text which Sânkhâyana has followed word for word also in I, 5, 1-5 and elsewhere. This is made probable by the comparison of Pâraskara I, 6, 2. The author of our text, while literally adopting the words of his original, has not quite succeeded in welding them together with his own statements; thus the sacrifice of grains is treated of in this Satra and in the first Satra of the next chapter, as if there were two different acts, while indeed it is one and the same.
14, 2. The treading on the stone is prescribed in chap. 13, 12.
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SÂŃKHÂYANA-GRIHYA-SOTRA.
ing upon the stone, (are repeated) in the same way for a second time,
3. And in the same way a third time. 4. Silently, if they like, a fourth time.
5. (The Akârya ?) makes (them) step forward in a north-eastern direction seven steps (with the words),
6. 'For sap with one step, for juice with two steps, for the prospering of wealth with three steps, for comfort with four steps, for cattle with five steps, for the seasons with six steps. Friend be with seven steps.
7. (The Akarya ?) ‘appeases' those (foot-steps) with water.
8. With the three Åpohishthiya verses (Rig-veda X, 9, 1-3) he wipes (them) with the Stheyâ water,
9. And sprinkles it on their heads.
10. (The bridegroom then) says, 'I give you a cow.
11. Let him give something to the Brâhmanas each time at the Sthaltpakas and other rites;
12. To him who knows the Saryâ hymn the bride's shift.
5, 7. According to Nârâyana it is the teacher who makes them walk the seven steps; the Paddhati says that the bridegroom or the Âkârya causes her to do so. Comp. Pâraskara I, 8, 1; Âsvalâyana I, 7, 19, &c.
8. Comp. chap. 13, 9.
9. Probably we should read mûrdhanî (acc. dual.), not mûrdhani. Asvalâyana has sirasi. Of course the heads of both the bridegroom and the bride were sprinkled with water; comp. Âsvalâyana I, 7, 20, &c.
12. The Sûryâ hymn is Rig-veda X, 85. Comp. the note above on chap. 13, 4.
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I ADHYAYA, 15 KHANDA, 3. 39 13. A cow is the optional gift to be given by a Brâhmana,
14. A village by a Râganya, 15. A horse by a Vaisya.
16. A hundred (cows) with a chariot (he gives to a father) who has only daughters.
17. To those versed in the sacrificial rites he gives a horse.
KHANDA 15. 1. The three verses, 'I loosen thee' (Rig-veda X, 85, 24), when she departs from the house.
2. “The living one they bewail (Rig-veda X, 40, 10), if she begins to cry.
3. The wife then smears the axle of the chariot with clarified butter with this (verse), 'They feasted, they got drunk' (Rig-veda 1, 82, 2),
13-15. These Sätras, treating of the fee for the sacrifice, are identical with Pâraskara I, 8, 15-18. Apparently they are taken from the same lost original from which several identical passages in the Satras of Paraskara and Sankhayana seem to be derived (see the notes on chap. 5, 1; 13, 7). They stand rather out of place here, for they return to the same subject which had already been treated of in Sätra 10, though in that Satra, as very frequently is the case in our text and in similar ones, only the case of the bridegroom being a Brahmana has been taken notice of.
16. Comp. the passages quoted by Professor Stenzler on Paraskara I, 8, 18. Narayana has the following note: 'To a duhitrimat, i.e. to the father of a girl who has no brother, he shall give a hundred cows and besides a chariot, in order to destroy the guilt brought about by marrying a girl who has no brother.' Possibly we should here emancipate ourselves from the authority of the commentators, and explain duhitrimat "he who gives his daughter in marriage,' the bride's father. Comp. Apastamba II, 11, 18; II, 13, 12 ; Weber, Indische Studien, V, 343, note 2.
15, 3. Probably the use of this verse on this occasion rests on the assonance of its opening word akshan and aksha (rathåksha).
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SÂNKHAYANA-GRIHYA-SÛTRA.
4. And with the two (verses), 'Pure are thy wheels,' 'Thy two wheels' (Rig-veda X, 85, 12. 16), of the two wheels the first with the first (verse) and the second with the second (verse),
5. And the two bulls. 6. After the wife ?) has put, with this (verse), In the box of the wheel' (Rig-veda VIII, 80, 7), a branch of a fruit-bearing tree into each of the holes destined for the pins,
7. Or, if (such branches) are already) fixed, has recited (that verse) over them,
8. They then harness the two bulls with the two (verses), 'Harnessed be thy right one' (Rig-veda I, 82, 5-6), (the bridegroom) reciting the half-verse, White the two bulls' (Rig-veda X, 85, 10), over them when they have been harnessed.
9. Now should any part of the chariot break or burst, let him take the girl to the house of one who keeps the sacred fires,
10. And repair (the damage) with the verse, *Cover thyself with the Khadiras' (Rig-veda III, 53, 19).
11. A knot with the verse, 'Him like a horse' (Rig-veda X, 143, 2).
12. He then murmurs the five verses, “May prosperity give us' (Rig-veda V, 51, 11-15).
13. 'Adorned with Kimsuka flowers' (Rig-veda X, 85, 20), when she mounts the chariot ;
14. May no waylayers meet us' (ibid. 32), at a cross-way;
15. Which the woman's' (ibid. 31), near a cemetery; 16. The half-verse, O tree with thy hundred 6. See Nârâyana's note on sam yâgarta, p. 129 of the German edition.
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. I ADHYAYA, 16 KHANDA, 3.
41
branches' (Rig-veda III, 8, 11), he mutters near a big tree;
17. 'The good protectress' (Rig-veda X, 63, 10), when she ascends a ship;
18. “Carrying stones' (Rig-veda X, 53, 8), when she crosses a river;
19. Optionally (he) also (murmurs the same verse, if that is done) with the harnessed chariot ;
20. 'Up may your wave' (Rig-veda III, 33, 13), at deep places (in the river);
21. And (at such places) let her not look out.
22. The seven verses, 'Here may delight' (Rigveda X, 85, 27 seq.), when she has reached the house, omitting the verses already employed.
KHANDA 16. 1. 'A bull's hide'—this has been declared.
2. On that hide the husband makes her sit down and sacrifices, while she takes hold of him, four oblations (with the following formulas),
3. With god Agni, with the earth-world of the worlds, and the Rig-veda of the Vedas: therewith I appease thee, N. N., svâhâ !
With god Vậyu, with the air-world of the worlds,
16, 1. In chap. 15, 22 it is said that the bride arrives at the house; in 16, 12, that she enters the house. Probably we are to understand, therefore, that the sacrifice prescribed in this chapter, Satras 2 seq., is performed before the house, like the Vâstoshpatîya karman (below, III, 4). The words,'has been declared,' refer to the Srauta-sâtra (IV, 16, 2), "Having spread a red bull's skin, with the neck to the north or to the east, with the hair outside, behind the fire, they sit down,' &c.
2. On anvârambha comp. the quotation in the note on chap. II, 2.
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SANKHAYANA-GRIHYA-SÚTRA.
with the Yagur-veda of the Vedas: therewith I appease thee, N. N., svâhâ!
C
42
'With god Sûrya, with the heaven-world of the worlds, with the Sâma-veda of the Vedas: therewith I appease thee, N. N., svâhâ!
'With god Kandra, with the world of the quarters (of the horizon) of the worlds, with the Brahmaveda of the Vedas: therewith I appease thee, N. N., svâhâ!'
4. Or, 'Bhûh! What harm dwells in thee, bringing death to thy husband, death to thy husband's brother, that I make death-bringing to thy paramour, N. N., svâhâ!'-thus the first (of the beforementioned formulas) may be joined with the first Mahâvyâhriti, the second with the second, the third with the third, the fourth with (the three Mahâvyâhritis) together.
5. With (the verse), 'With no evil eye' (Rigveda X, 85, 44), let him besmear (her) eyes with Âgya salve.
6. (The bridegroom,) having touched the ends of her hair with the three (verses), 'How may us the resplendent one . . .' (Rig-veda IV, 31, 1–3),
7. And having quickly recited the four verses, 'And those divine medicines' (Rig-veda VIII, 18, 8), at the end (of that text) with the word svâ hâ (pours out) the remainder on (her) head.
8. Here some place a boy of good birth on both sides, in her lap, with this (verse), 'Into thy womb' (see below, chap. 19, 6),
8. It should be noted that the verse â te yonim is quoted here only with the Pratîka, while its full text is given below, chap. 19, 6. Can the Sûtras describing this ceremony with the kumâra ubhayatah-sugâta be a later addition ?
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I ADHYAYA, 17 KHANDA, 9.
43
9. Or also silently.
10. Into this (boy's) joined hands (the bridegroom) gives fruits and causes (the Brahmanas) to wish an auspicious day.
11. Thus she becomes the mother of male children.
12. With the rest of the hymn, 'Stay ye here both' (Rig-veda X, 85, 42 seq.), they make them enter the house.
KHANDA 17. 1. With the verse, 'I praised Dadhikrävan' (Rigveda IV, 39, 6), let them drink together curds.
2. Let them sit silent, when the sun has set, until the polar-star appears.
3. He shows her the polar-star with the words, * Firm be thou, thriving with me!'
4. Let her say, 'I see the polar-star; may I obtain offspring.'
5. Through a period of three nights let them refrain from conjugal intercourse.
6. Let them sleep on the ground.
7. Let them eat together boiled rice with curds, with the three verses, ' Drink and satiate yourselves' (Rig-veda VIII, 35, 10).
8. Let them serve the nuptial fire in the evening and in the morning with the words, 'To Agni svâhâ ! To Agni Svishtakrit svâhâ !'
9. Let the two men Mitra and Varuna, let the two men, the Asvins both, let the man Indra and also Agni make a man grow in me. Svâhâ !'—with
17, 2, 3. I have changed in the translation the division of these Satras ; the native authorities divide after dhruvadarsanât, while I propose to divide after astamite.
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SÂNKHẤYANA-GRIHYA-SÚTRA.
(these words she offers) the first oblation if she is desirous of pregnancy.
10. For ten days they are not to set out (from home).
KHANDA 18. 1. Now the rites of the fourth day.
2. When the three nights have elapsed, he makes offerings of cooked food (with the texts),
3. 'Agni! Thou art expiation; thou art the expiation of the gods. What substance dwells in her that brings death to her husband, that drive away from her.
Vâyu! Thou art expiation; thou art the expiation of the gods. What substance dwells in her that brings sonlessness, that drive away from her.
'Sarya! Thou art expiation; thou art the expiation of the gods. What substance dwells in her that brings destruction to the cattle, that drive away from her.
"To god Aryaman the girls have made sacrifice, to Agni; may he, god Aryaman, loosen her from this, and not from that place.
"To god Varuna the girls have made sacrifice, to Agni; may he, god Varuna, &c.
To god Pashan the girls have made sacrifice, to Agni; may he, god Pashan, &c.'
4. The seventh oblation with the verse, 'Pragapati’ (Rig-veda X, 121, 10).
5. The eighth to (Agni) Svishtakrit.
18, 3. As to preto muñkâtu mâmutah compare Paraskara I, 6, 2: preto munkatu mâ pateh. This passage shows what itah and amutah refer to. Comp. Professor Weber's note 3 at Indische Studien, V, 347.
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I ADHYAYA, 19 KHANDA, 6.
KHANDA 19.
1. Let him pound the root of the Adhyândâ plant and sprinkle it at the time of her monthly period with the two (verses), 'Speed away from here; a husband has she' (Rig-veda X, 85, 21. 22), with svåhå at the end of each, into her right nostril.
2. “The mouth of the Gandharva Visvavasu art thou'-with these words let him touch her, when he is about to cohabit with her.
3. When he has finished, let him murmur, 4. 'Into thy breath I put the sperm, N. N.!'
5. Or, 'As the earth is pregnant with Agni, as the heaven is with Indra pregnant, as Vâyu dwells in the womb of the regions (of the earth), thus I place an embryo into thy womb, N. N.!'
6. Or, ‘May a male embryo enter thy womb, as an arrow the quiver ; may a man be born here, a son after ten months.
'Give birth to a male child; may after him (another) male be born; their mother shalt thou be, of the born, and (to others) mayst thou give birth.
'In the male verily, in the man dwells the sperm; he shall pour it forth into the woman : thus has said Dhâtar, thus Pragâ pati has said.
Pragâ pati has created him, Savitar has shaped him. Imparting birth of females to other (women) may he put here a man.
'From the auspicious sperms which the men pro
19, 6. The first verse is that quoted already at chap. 16, 8. The text of the verses quoted in this Sätra is very corrupt; see the notes on p. 36 of the German edition.
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SANKHAYANA-GRIHYA-SOTRA.
duce for us, produce thou a son; be a well-breeding cow.
Roar, be strong, put into her an embryo, achieve it; a male, thou male, put into her; to generation we call thee.
Open thy womb; take in the man's sperm ; may a male child be begotten in the womb. Him thou shalt bear; (having dwelt) ten months in the womb may he be born, the most excellent of his kin.'
KHANDA 20. 1. In the third month the Pumsavana (i.e. the ceremony to secure the birth of a male child),
2. Under (the Nakshatra) Pushya or Sravana.
3. Having pounded a Soma stalk, or a Kusa needle, or the last shoot of a Nyagrodha trunk, or the part of a sacrificial post which is exposed to the fire,
4. Or (having taken) after the completion of a sacrifice the remnants from the Guhů ladle,
5. Let him sprinkle it into her right nostril with the four verses, ‘By Agni may good' (Rig-veda I, 1, 3), “That sperm to us' (III, 4, 9), May he succeed who lights fire' (V, 37, 2), 'Of tawny shape' (I1, 3, 9), with Svâhâ at the end (of each verse).
20, 3. On sungâ compare the note of Nârâyana and the verse quoted from the Karmapradîpa, p. 131 of the German edition.
On kusakantaka Narayana says, kusakantakam kuso darbhas tasya kantakah sûkî (sûka, MS. Berol. Orient. fol. 602) tâm vâ peshayitva. I do not understand why the commentators of Paraskara, whom Professor Stenzler has followed in his translation of Par. I, 14, 4, make kantaka equal to můla.
5. Nasto dakshinatah stands here as in chap. 19, 1. Âsvalayana I, 13, 6 has dakshinasyâm nâsikâyâm, and so has also
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I ADHYAYA, 22 KHANDA, 7.
47
KHANDA 21. 1. In the fourth month the Garbharakshana (i.e. the ceremony for the protection of the embryo),
2. Sacrificing six oblations from a mess of cooked food with (the six verses of the hymn), 'Agni, joined with the prayer' (Rig-veda X, 162),
3. With (the verses), 'From thy eyes, thy nose' (Rig-veda X, 163), verse by verse besmearing her limbs with Ågya salve.
KHANDA 22. 1. In the seventh month, at her first pregnancy, the Simantonnayana (or parting of the hair).
2. He causes her, after she has bathed and put on a (new) garment which has not yet been washed, to sit down behind the fire.
3. He sacrifices, while she takes hold of him, with the Mahâvyâhritis.
4. He cooks a mess of food,
5. According to some (teachers) boiled rice with Mudga beans.
6. The implements used and the Nakshatra should be of male gender.
7. (He then sacrifices with the following texts,) May Dhâtar give to his worshipper further life and safety; may we obtain the favour of the god whose laws are truthful.
Dhâtar disposes of offspring and wealth ; Dhâtar has created this whole world; Dhâtar will give a
Påraskara I, 13. Comp. the natthukamma treated of in the Pali Buddhist texts (Mahavagga VI, 13) and in the medical literature.
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SANKHAYANA-GRIHYA-SUTRA.
son to the sacrificer: to him you shall sacrifice, an offering rich in ghee.'
(Besides) with the three verses, 'Negamesha, fly away' (Rig-veda Khailika sûkta, after X, 184, vol. vi, p. 31), and in the sixth place the verse, ' Pragâpati' (Rig-veda X, 121, 10).
8. (The husband then) parts her hair, upwards, beginning from the middle, with a porcupine's quill that has three white spots, or with a Darbha needle together with unripe Udumbara fruits, with the words, 'Bhûr bhuvah svah.'
9. He lays down (the thing he has used) in her lap, 10. Ties (the fruits) to a string of three twisted threads and fastens them to her neck with the words, 'Rich in sap is this tree; like the sappy one be thou fruitful.'
II. (The husband) then says to lute-players, 'Sing ye the king
12. 'Or if anybody else is still more valiant.'
13. Having poured fried grain into a water-pot, let him cause her to drink it with the six verses,
22, 8. Comp. above, chap. 12, 6.
10. Nârâyana: tisribhis tantu bhir vritte sûtre udumbaraphalâni... gale... badhnâti. I have translated accordingly. Pâraskara I, 15, 6 uses the same expression trivrit. Professor Stenzler there translates it, on the authority of Gayarâma, 'dreifache Haarflechte,' and says in his note on that passage that, according to Sankhâyana, he would have to tie the things with a threefold string to the neck of the woman, as if Sânkhâyana's statement were different from that of Pâraskara. But both authors have the same word, and only the commentators differ in their explanations thereof.
II. Âsvalâyana more explicitly says (I, 14, 6), Somam râgânam samgâyetâm iti.
13. In my German translation there is a mistake which should be corrected. I have there referred shalrika to the verses Râkâm
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I ADHYAYA, 24 KHANDA, 1.
49
May Vishnu take care of thy womb,' 'I call Råka : (Rig-veda X, 184, 1; II, 32, 4-8).
14. Let him then touch her (with the words),
15. •The winged one art thou, the Garutmat; the Trivrit (stoma) is thy head, the Gâyatra thy eye, the metres thy limbs, the Yagus thy name, the Sâman thy body.'
16. Let him cause her to sing merrily, 17. Wearing, if she likes, many gold ornaments. 18. A bull is the fee for the sacrifice.
KHANDA 23. 1. Let him pound the roots of the plants kâkâtant, makakakâtani, kosâtaki, of the egg-plant, and of the indigo plant, and besmear (therewith) the place in which she is going to be confined, in order to drive away the Rakshas.
KHANDA 24. 1. Now the Gâtakarman (i.e. ceremony for the new-born child).
aham, which are actually only five in number. The six verses are Vishnur yonim, &c., and the five verses mentioned.
15. Vågasaneyi Samhita XII, 4.
16, 11. Narayana: moda minim harshayuktâm tâm mậngalikair gitair gâya yet... ma ha hemavatim bahvabhaHanayuktâm và gâyạyet.
24, 1. Comp. Dr. Speijer's essay on the Gâtakarman (Leiden, 1872). Narayana observes that, as it is prescribed below (chap. 25, 4) that a mess of food is to be cooked in the sûtikâgni, here the satikågni is established, and sacrifice is performed therein. The Satra 1, 25, 4, from which it is to be inferred that the sûtikâgni should be kept, is considered, accordingly, as a Gñâpaka (see Professor Bühler's notes on Âpastamba I, 11, 7; Gautama
[29]
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SANKHAYANA-GRIHYA-SÛTRA.
2. Let (the father) breathe three times on the new-born child and then draw in his breath with the words, 'Draw in your breath with the Rik, breathe within with the Yagus, breathe forth with the Sâman.'
3. Let him mix together butter and honey, milk curds and water, or grind together rice and barley, and give it to eat (to the child) thrice from gold (i.e. from a golden vessel or with a golden spoon),
4. With (the verse), 'I administer to thee honey food for the festival, the wisdom ("veda") raised by Savitar the bountiful; long-living, protected by the gods, live a hundred autumns in this world, N. N.!'(with these words) he gives him a name beginning with a sonant, with a semivowel in it, consisting of two syllables, or of four syllables, or also of six syllables; he should take a krit (suffix), not a taddhita.
50
5. That (name only) his father and his mother should know.
6. On the tenth day a name for common use, which is pleasing to the Brâhmanas.
7. Let him pulverise black and white and red hairs of a black ox, intermix (that powder) with those four substances (see Sûtra 3), and give it to eat (to the child) four times: such (is the opinion of) Mândûkeya.
I, 31; Nârâyana's note on chap. 25, 4, p. 133 of the German edition).
2. Abhyavânya should be corrected into abhyapânya, as in IV, 18, I nearly all the MSS. read nivâta instead of nipâta. The Sâmbavya MS. reads in the text, trir abhyânyânuprânya; in the commentary trir anyapânyânuprânyâ. Comp., on the terminology of the different vital airs, Speijer, Gâtakarma, p. 64 seq.; Eggeling, S. B. E., vol. xii, p. 20.
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I ADHYÂVA, 25 KHANDA, 1.
SALA
8. If he likes (let him do so) with the words, Bhah! The Rig-veda I lay into thee, N. N., svâhâ !
Bhuvah! The Yagur-veda I lay into thee, N. N., svâhâ !
Svah! The Sama-veda I lay into thee, N. N., svẫha !
* Bhûr bhuvah svah! Vakovakya (colloquies), Itihâsa, and Purâna-Om! All the Vedas I lay into thee, N. N., svâhâ !'
9. The production of intelligence (is performed) by thrice saying in his right ear, 'Speech!'
10. And let him recite over (the child the following text), 'Speech, the goddess, united with mind, together with breath, the child, uttered by Indramay she rejoice in thee, the goddess, for the sake of joy, the great one, the sweet sounding, the music, full of music, the flowing, self-produced.'
11. Let him tie a piece of gold to a hempen string,
12. And bind it to the child's) right hand until (the mother) gets up (from childbed).
13. After the tenth day let him give it to the Brahmanas,
14. Or keep it himself.
KHANDA 25. 1. After ten days the getting up (of the mother from childbed).
8. Veti vikalpârthe. bhûr rigvedam ityâdikaturbhir mantrair asâv ity atra půrveva (read pûrvavat?) kumâranâmagrahanapûrvakam kumâram prâsayet. Nârâyana.
12. Bâlasya dakshine haste. Narayana.
25, 1. After ten days the impurity (asauka) that falls on the mother at her confinement, ceases; see Gautama XIV, 16; Manu V, 62; Vasishtha IV, 21.
E 2
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52
SÂNKHÂVANA-GRIHYA-SÛTRA.
2. Father and mother with washed heads, wearing (new) clothes which have not yet been washed;
3. And so also the child.
4. Let (the father) cook a mess of food in that same fire that has been kept from her confinement,
5. And let him make oblations to the Tithi of (the child's) birth and to three constellations with their (presiding) deities.
6. Let him place in the middle the oblation to that constellation under which the child) is born; the deity, however, is constantly to precede (the corresponding Nakshatra).
7. (He then makes two other oblations with the verses,) '(May) this Agni, the excellent one, (give) thee to-day life for (our) prayers; give us life that we may live long,'—(and,) 'Life-giving, Agni, be strong by Havis; may thy face and thy seat be full of ghee; drinking ghee, the sweet honey of the cow, protect, as a father (protects) his son, here N. N. The tenth oblation of the mess of cooked food with the verse, 'Thou, Soma, givest bliss to the old one' (Rig-veda I, 91, 7).
8. Having pronounced aloud (the child's) name,
9. And caused the Brâhmanas to say auspicious words,
10. And having sacrificed in the same way every month to the Tithi of (the child's) birth,
11. He sacrifices, when one year has expired, on the (ordinary) domestic fire.
4. Comp. the note on chap. 24, 1.
7. The first Mantra is corrupt; in the Asvalâyana-Srauta-sůtra (II, 10, 4) its text runs thus, âyush te visvato dadhad ayam agnir varenyah, &c. Comp. Atharva-veda VII, 53, 6.
II. The words "every month” (Sūtra 10) retain their value
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I ADHYAYA, 26 KHANDA, 20.
53
KHANDA 26. 1. To Agni, to the Krittikas. 2. To Pragâpati, to Rohint. 3. To Soma, to Mrigasiras. 4. To Rudra, to the Ardrâs. 5. To Aditi, to the two Punarvasus. 6. To Brihaspati, to Pushya. 7. To the Serpents, to the Asleshâs. 8. To the Manes, to the Maghâs. 9. To Bhaga, to the two Phalgunis. 10. To Aryaman, to the two Phalgunis. 11. To Savitar, to Hasta. 12. To Tvashtar, to Kitrâ. 13. To Vayu, to Svâti. 14. To Indra and Agni, to the two Visakhâs. 15. To Mitra, to Anurâdha. 16. To Indra, to Gyeshtha. 17. To Nirriti, to Mala. 18. To the Waters, to the Ashadhâs. 19. To the Visve devâs, to the Ashâdhâs. 20. To Brahman, to Abhigit.
(here also). Thus the satikâgni is to be kept through one year. After the lapse of that year one should sacrifice every month on the domestic fire as long as his life lasts. As it is said " in the domestic fire," the sûtikagni is not to be kept any longer.' Nårâyana.
26, 1. This chapter is not found in the Sâmbavya-Grihya, and Narayana expressly designates it as kshepaka khanda. It is a sort of appendix to the Sätras 25, 5. 6; a sacrifice having there been prescribed to three Nakshatras with their presiding deities, an enumeration of the Nakshatras and deities is here given. Compare, on similar lists, Weber's second article on the Nakshatras (Abhandlungen der Berliner Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1861), pp. 289 seq., 315, 367 seq.
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54
SANKHAYANA-GRIHYA-SUTRA.
21. To Vishnu, to Sravana.
22. To the Vasus, to the Dhanishthâs. 23. To Varuna, to Satabhishag.
24. To Aga ekapad, to the Proshthapadâs.
25. To Ahi budhnya, to the Proshthapadâs. 26. To Pûshan, to Revati.
27. To the two Asvins, to the two Asvints. 28. To Yama, to the Bharanis.
KHANDA 27.
1. In the sixth month the Annaprâsana (i.e. the first feeding with solid food).
2. Goat's flesh, if he is desirous of nourishment, 3. Flesh of partridge, if desirous of holy lustre, 4. Fish, if desirous of swiftness,
5. Boiled rice with ghee, if desirous of splendour6. (Such) food, prepared with milk curds, honey, and ghee, he should give (to the child) to eat.
7. After he has made oblations with (the verses), 'Lord of food, give us food, painless and strong; bring forward the giver; bestow power on us, on men and animals;' 'Whatsoever' (Rig-veda IV, 12, 4); 'Even of great' (ibid. 5), ‘Him, Agni, (lead) to long life and splendour; sharp strength (mayst thou), Varuna, king Soma, protection may Aditi, like a
27, 2-6. These rules stand here, in the beginning of the chapter, as introductory remarks; the act of feeding itself (Sûtra 10) does not follow till after the sacrifice and the other performances prescribed in Sûtras 7-9.
3. This rule evidently rests on the allusion of taittira (partridge flesh) to the Taittirîya school.
7. Both metre and construction show that the Pâda imam Agna âyushe varkase is incomplete; the Sâmbavya-Grihya and Taitt. Samhitâ II, 3, 10, 3 add kridhi after varkase.
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I ADHYÂYA, 28 KHANDA, 9.
55
mother, afford to him, and all the gods that he may reach old age'
8. And has recited over the child) the verse, Powers of life, Agni' (Rig-veda IX, 66, 19),
9. And has set him down on northward pointed Kusa grass with (the verse), ‘Be soft, O earth' (Rigveda I, 22, 15)
10. The act of feeding is performed with the Mahâvyâhritis.
11. Let the mother eat the remnant.
KHANDA 28. 1. After one year the Kadakarman (i.e. the tonsure of the child's head);
2. Or in the third year; 3. In the fifth for a Kshatriya; 4. In the seventh for a Vaisya.
5. Having placed the fire (in the outer hall; see chap. 5, 2)—
6. And having filled vessels with rice and barley, sesamum seeds and beans,
7. And having put down northwards bull-dung and a layer of Kusa grass for receiving the hair, a mirror, fresh butter, and a razor of copper,
8. He pours cold water into warm with (the verse), • Mix yourselves, ye holy ones, with your waves, ye honied ones, mixing milk with honey, ye lovely ones, for the obtaining of wealth.'
9. "May the waters moisten thee for life, for old age and splendour. The threefold age of Gamadagni, Kasyapa's threefold age, the threefold age of
28, 1. Kalâkarman literally means, the preparing of the lock or the locks (left when the rest of the hair is shaven).
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56
SÂNKHÂYANA-GRIHYA-SÛTRA.
Agastya, the threefold age that belongs to the gods, that threefold age I produce for thee! N. N.!'-with these words he sprinkles the right part of his hair three times with lukewarm water.
10. Having loosened the tangled locks, according to some (teachers), with a porcupine's quill,
11. And having anointed (his hair)with fresh butter,
12. He puts a young Kusa shoot among the hairs) with the words, 'Herb, protect him!'
13. Having touched the hair and the Kusa shoot with the mirror,
14. He takes up the copper razor with the words, Sharpness art thou; the axe is thy father. Do no harm to him!'
15. With (the words), “The razor with which in the beginning Savitar, the knowing one, has shaven the beard of king Varuna, and with which Dhâtar Brihaspati has shaven Indra's head, with that, ye Brâhmanas, shave this (head) to-day; blessed with long life, with old age be this man N. N.!' he cuts the tips of the hairs and the Kusa shoot.
16. In the same way a second time; in the same way a third time,
17. In the same way twice on the left side.
18. Under the armpits a sixth and a seventh time at the Godânakarman (ceremony of shaving the beard).
19. The Godânakarman is identical with the Kudakarman.
15. The parallel texts show that instead of Brihaspatir we have to read Brihaspater, instead of adya, asya. So the correct translation would be, ... with what Dhâtar has shaven Brihaspati's and Indra's head, with that do ye Brâhmanas shave this head of this (child).'
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I ADHYAYA, 28 KHANDA, 24.
57
20. (It is to be performed) in the sixteenth or in the eighteenth year.
21. At the third turn of shaving, however, he gives a cow and a garment that has not yet been washed.
22. Silently the rites (are performed) for girls.
23. To the north-east, in a place covered with herbs, or in the neighbourhood of water they bury the hairs in the earth.
24. To the barber the vessels of grain. To the barber the vessels of grain.
24. See Satra 6.
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58
SÂNKHÂYANA-GRIHYA-SÚTRA.
Adhyâya II, Khanda 1. 1. In the eighth year after the conception let him initiate a Brâhmana,
2. With an antelope-skin,
1, 1. With regard to the standing terminology of the Upanayana, or the initiation of the student, we may observe that upa-nî does not mean, as, for instance, Professor Stenzler seems to understand it, 'to introduce a student to his teacher.' Thus Paraskara's Sätra II, 2, 1, ashtâ varsham brâhmanam upanayet, &c., is translated by that distinguished scholar, 'Den achtjährigen Brâhmana soll er (beim Lehrer) einführen,' &c. (comp. also ÂsvalâyanaGrihya I, 19, 1). The texts clearly point to another translation of upa-ni, for they show that the person that introduces the student (upanayati or upanayate; the middle is used very frequently, for instance, Satapatha Brâhmana XI, 5, 4, 1; Sankh. II, 1, 25) is not the father or a relation of the youth who could be supposed to lead him to the teacher, but the teacher himself; he introduces (upanayati) him to the brahmakarya, or introduces him with himself, and the student enters upon (upaiti) the brahmakarya, or enters with (upaiti) the teacher; he who has thus entered upon studentship, is consequently designated as upeta (Sankh. IV, 8, 1; Pâraskara III, 10, 10), and for the initiation, which is usually called upanayana, occasionally also the word upayana is used (see the Mânava-Grihya I, 22, quoted by Professor Jolly in his article, Das Dharma-sätra des Vishnu, p. 79). The following passages may be quoted here as supporting our opinion on this terminology. At Satapatha Brâhmana XI, 5, 3, 13 Saukeya says to Uddalaka Aruni, 'I will enter (as a student) with the reverend One' (upâyâni bhagavantam); and Aruni replies, Come, enter (with me)!' (ehy upehi), and he initiated him' (tam hopaninye). Ibid. XI, 5, 4, 16 it is stated that according to some a teacher who has initiated a Brâhmana as a student (brahmanam brahma karyam upaniya) should abstain from sexual intercourse, for a student who enters upon studentship (yo brahmakaryam upaiti) becomes, as it were, a garbha, &c. Finally we may add that the Buddhist terminology regarding the entering into the order or upon a life of righteousness is clearly connected with that followed, for instance, in the dialogue between
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II ADHYAYA, I KHANDA, 9.
59
3. Or in the tenth year after the conception.
4. In the eleventh year after the conception a Kshatriya with the skin of a spotted deer,
5. In the twelfth year after the conception a Vaisya with a cow-hide.
6. Until the sixteenth year the time has not passed for a Brahmana,
7. Until the twenty-second for a Kshatriya, 8. Until the twenty-fourth for a Vaisya.
9. After that time has passed), they become patitasâ vitrika (men who have lost their right of learning the Savitri).
Saukeya and Aruni. As Saukeya there says, upâyâni bhagavantam, we frequently read in the Pali books expressions like this, upemi Buddham saranam dhammañ kapi anuttaram, &c. (Dhammap. Atthakathâ, p. 97, ed. Fausböll), and as Âruni replies, ehy upehi, Buddha says to those who wish to be ordained, ehi bhikkhu, svâk khâto dhammo, kara brahmakariyam, &c. (Mahavagga I, 6, 32, &c.; S. B. E., vol. xiii, p. 74, note).
The counting of the years not from the birth but from the conception occurs both in the Brahmanical and in the Buddhist ordinances, comp. H.O., Buddha, sein Leben, seine Lehre, seine Gemeinde, p. 354, note 1. Several Grihya texts (for instance, Asv. 1, 19, 1. 2) admit both ways of counting the years. The number of years given for the Upanayana of persons of the three castes (Brâhmanas 8-16, Kshatriyas 11-22, Vaisyas 12-24) is evidently derived from the number of syllables of the three metres which are so very frequently stated to correspond to the three castes, to the three gods or categories of gods (Agni, Indra, Visve devâs) &c., viz. the Gâyatri, the Trishtubh, and the Gagati. This is a very curious example, showing how in India phantastical speculations like those regarding the mystical qualities of the metres, were strong enough to influence the customs and institutions of real life.
9 seq. All these are standing expressions recurring nearly identically in most of the Grihya and Dharma-sQtras. In the rule contained in Sätra 13 a number of the parallel texts have vivaheyuh or vivahayeyuh, others have vyava hareyuh. Comp. Vasishtha XI, 75; Indische Studien, vol. x, p. 21.
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SÂNKHẤYANA-GRIHYA-SÛTRA.
10. Let them not initiate such men, 11. Nor teach them, 12. Nor perform sacrifices for them, 13. Nor have intercourse with them.
14. Or (let them initiate students of) all (castes) wearing a (new) garment that has not yet been washed.
And wearing a girdle.
15. The girdle of a Brâhmana (shall be) made of Muñiga grass,
16. That of a Kshatriya (shall be) a bowstring, 17. That of a Vaisya a woollen thread.
18. The staff of a Brâhmana (shall be) made of Paläsa or of Bilva wood,
19. That of a Kshatriya of Nyagrodha wood, 20. That of a Vaisya of Udumbara wood.
21. That of the Brâhmana shall reach the tip of the nose,
22. That of the Kshatriya the forehead, 23. That of the Vaisya the hair.
24. Or all (sorts of staffs are to be used) by (men of) all (castes).
25. Whatsoever (the student) wears at his initiation, is at the disposal of the teacher.
14. This Sätra should rather be divided into two, as indicated in the translation. As to the mek hala (girdle) comp. below, chap. 2, 1.
21. There is no doubt that prâna sammito (which Narayana explains thus, 'prâna is the wind (or breath]; [the staff should] reach to the place where the wind leaves the body, i.e. to the tip of the nose') should either be corrected into, or explained as, ghrânasammito; the Sâmbavya MS. has ghrânântiko brâhmanasya. Comp. Gautama I, 26, &c. The parallel texts agree in assigning the longer staff to the higher, not as Sânkhayana does, to the lower caste.
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II ADHYAYA, 2 KHANDA, I.
26. Having had him shaved all round (his head) he should initiate him.
27. After (the student) has washed and adorned himself,
28. (And) after (the teacher) has sacrificed, both station themselves behind the fire, the teacher with his face turned to the east, the other with his face to the west.
29. Let him initiate him standing while (the other also) stands.
30. ['The firm, powerful eye of Mitra, glorious splendour, strong and prosperous, a chaste, flowing vesture, this skin I put on, a valiant (man).']
KHANDA 2. 1. 'Here has come to us, protecting (us) from evil words, purifying our kin as a purifier, clothing herself, by (the power of) inhalation and exhalation, with strength, this friendly goddess, this blessed girdle'-with these words, three times repeated, he ties the girdle from left to right thrice round.
26. After the introductory remarks given in the preceding Satras the ritual itself of the Upanayana is now described.
28. Narayana : hutvâ 'nâdesaparibhashâtah (see above, I, 12, 13) puraståtsamgñakam hutvâ agnim sthapitágnim (see above, 1, 5, 2) gaghanena ... tishthatah.
30. This Sätra is wanting in most of the MSS. (see the note, P. 48 of the German edition). It contains the Mantra with which the Agina (the hide mentioned in Sätras 2, 4, 5 of this chapter) is put on. Narayana gives the Mantra which he says is taken from the Mâdhyandina-Grihya (in the Paraskara-Grihya it is not found), after chap. 2, 3, and he states that the corresponding act to which it belongs has its place after the rites concerning the girdle (chap. 2, 1) and the sacrificial cord (2, 3).
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SÂNKHẤYANA-GRIHYA-SÛTRA.
2. (There should be) one knot, or also three, or also five.
3. He adjusts the sacrificial cord with (the words), • The sacrificial cord art thou. With the cord of the sacrifice I invest thee.
4. He fills the two hollows of (his own and the student's) joined hands (with water), and then says to him: What is thy name?'
5. 'I am N. N., sir,' says the other.
6. Descending from the same Rishis ?' says the teacher.
7. * Descending from the same Rishis, sir,' says the other.
2, 2. Râmakandra : 'Let him make one, or three, or five knots, according to the student's) Arsheya,' i. e. accordingly as he belongs to a family that invokes, in the Pravara ceremony, one, or three, or five Rishis as their ancestors. Comp. Weber, Indische Studien, vol. X, p. 79.
3. On the sacrificial cord (upavita) comp. the Grihya-samgrahaparisishta II, 48 seg.
4. Narayana : Âkârya âtmano mânavakasya kâñgali udakena půrayitva, &c.
6, 7. A similar dialogue between the teacher and the student at the Upanayana is given in the Kausika-sûtra (ap. Weber, Indische Studien, X, 70). The student there says, 'Make me an Ârsheya (a descendant of the Rishis) and one who has relations, and initiate me.' And the teacher replies, ' I make thee an Ârsheya and one who has relations, and I initiate thee.' As in this passage of the Kausika-sätra the teacher is represented as having the power of making, by the Upanayana ceremony, an Arsheya of the student, thus, according to the view expressed by Professor Weber (loc. cit., p. 72 seq.), Sânkhâyana would even give it into the teacher's power to make the student his samânârsheya, i. e. to extend his own Arsheya on as many pupils as he likes. Professor Weber understands the sixth Sūtra so that the teacher would have to say, sa mânârsheyo bhavân brûhi (Narayana : bhavân brûhîti brahmakârî bhavân brâhîty atah (Sûtra 8] simhâvalokananyayenâtrânushagyate. According to Ramakandra's Paddhati he is
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II ADHYAYA, 2 KHANDA, 15.
8. 'Declare (that thou art) a student, sir.' 9. 'I am a student, sir,' says the other. 10. With the words, 'Bhûr bhuvah svah' (the teacher) sprinkles thrice with his joined hands (water) on the joined hands (of the student),
11. And seizing (the student's) hands with (his own) hands, holding the right uppermost, he murmurs,
12. By the impulse of the god Savitar, with the arms of the two Asvins, with Pushan's hands I initiate thee, N. N.'
13. Those who are desirous of a host (of adherents, he should initiate) with (the verse), Thee, (the lord) of hosts' (Rig-veda II, 23, 1).
14. Warriors with (the verse), 'Come here, do not come to harm' (Rig-veda VIII, 20, 1).
15. Sick persons with the Mahâvyâhritis.
63
only to say samânârsheyah). The student answers, samânârsheyo 'ham bho; Professor Weber, who supplies the imperative asani, translates this, 'May I have the same Arsheya, sir l'
I think it more natural to simply translate the teacher's question, 'Art thou samânârsheya?' (or, supplying bhavân brûhi from Sûtra 8, 'Declare that thou art samânârsheya '), and the student's reply, 'I am samânârsheya, sir!' Thus we ought possibly to consider these formulas, which state a fictitious, ideal samânârsheyatva of the teacher and the students as a trace, and as far as I can see as the only trace, of an ancient rule requiring a real samânârsheyatva of teacher and student. As long as the ritual differences between the different Gotras, of which, as is well known, only a few traces have survived in the Vedic tradition, had retained their full importance, it can indeed scarcely have been considered as admissible that a young Brâhmana should be confided to the guidance of a teacher who sacrificed and invoked the gods in another way than the customs of the pupil's own family required.
11. Nârâyana: dakshinottarâbhyâm dakshina uttara upari yayos tau dakshinottarau, &c.
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SÂN KHẤYANA-GRIHYA-SOTRA.
KHANDA 3. 1. 'Bhaga has seized thy hand, Savitar has seized thy hand, Pushan has seized thy hand, Aryaman has seized thy hand. Mitra art thou by right, Agni is thy teacher, and I, N. N., both of us. Agni, I give this student in charge to thee. Indra, I give this student in charge to thee. Sun, I give this student in charge to thee. Visve devâs, I give this student in charge to you, for the sake of long life, of blessed offspring and strength, of increase of wealth, of mastership of all Vedas, of renown, of bliss.'
2. 'In Indra's course I move; in the sun's course I move after him'-with these words he turns round from left to right,
3. And grasping down with the span of his right hand over (the student's) right shoulder he touches the place of his heart with the words, “May I be dear to thy inviolate heart.
3, 1. Narayana : 'Instead of asau (N. N.) he puts the name of the student in the vocative case.' I think rather that the teacher here pronounced his own name. Comp. asâv a ham bho, chap. 2, 5, &c., and the Mantra in Pâraskara II, 2, 20.
The text of the Mantra shows that the Akârya here seizes the hand of the Brahmakârin; comp. Asvalâyana I, 20, 4-6, where it is stated that he seizes the student's hand together with the thumb, quite in the way prescribed for the wedding at Sankh. I, 13, 2. Comp. also Pâraskara II, 2, 17. Nârâyana : mânavakasya grihîtasampula evâkâryo Bhagas ta iman mantram gapan, &c.
2. Literally, 'he turns round, following his right arm.' Nârâyana here has the following note, 'Akaryo bator dakshinam bahum hastam aindrîm âvritam iti mantrenânvâvartayet. ayam arthah, akarya imam mantram gaptvâ tam batum ka vâkayitva pradakshinavartam kârayet.' I believe that the commentator here, as he frequently does, instead of interpreting the text of Sânkhâyana, fathers
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II ADHYAYA, 4 KHANDA, 4.
-
65
4. Having silently turned round from right to left,
5. And then laying his hand with the fingers upwards on his (i.e. the student's) heart, he murmurs :
KHANDA 4. 1. Under my will I take thy heart; my mind shall thy mind follow; in my word thou shalt rejoice with all thy heart; may Brihaspati join thee to me.'
2. “Thou art the Brahmakârin of Kâma, N. N.!'
3. With the same text (see chap. 3, 2) he turns round as before,
4. And touching with the span of his right hand (the student's) right shoulder, he murmurs :
on him statements belonging to other Satras, in this case probably to Asvalâyana I, 20, 9. As our text has not anvâvartya but anvâvritya, and in the Mantra not avartasva but avarte, we must conclude that he turned round himself, and, as far as the statements of the text go, did not cause the pupil to do so.
5. The gesture is the same as that prescribed in the ParaskaraGrihya I, 8, 8 to the bridegroom at the wedding; the Mantra there is identical with Sânkh. II, 4, 1, the only difference consisting in the name of the god who is invoked to unite the two : at the wedding this is Pragâpati, of course, because he is 'lord of offspring,' at the Upanayana, Brihaspati, the Brahman kar' Soxhv among the gods. It is very natural that at the Upanayana and at the Vivaha, which both are destined to establish an intimate union between two persons hitherto strangers to each other, a number of identical rites should occur, for instance, the seizing of the hand; see the note on Sūtra 1.
4, 1. Comp. Pârask. I, 8, 8, and the note on chap. 3, 3. See also Atharva-veda VI, 94, 2.
2. As to Kâmasya brahmakâry asi, see my remarks in the Introduction, p. 9.
3. He turns round as described, chap. 3, 2. Nârâyana here also explains paryâvritya paryavartanam kârayitva. See our note above, loc. cit.
[29]
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SÂNKHẤYANA-GRIHYA-SOTRA.
5. 'A student art thou. Put on fuel. Eat water. Do the service. Do not sleep in the day-time. Keep silence till the putting on of fuel.'
6. With (the words), 'Thine, Agni, is this piece of wood,' he puts the fuel on (the fire), or silently.
KHANDA 5. 1. After one year (the teacher) recites the Savitri (to the student),
2. (Or) after three nights, 3. Or immediately. 4. Let him recite a Gâyatri to a Brahmana, 5. A Trishtubh to a Kshatriya, 6. A Gagatî to a Vaisya. 7. But let it be anyhow a verse sacred to Savitar. 8. They seat themselves to the north of the fire,
9. The teacher with his face turned eastward, the other westward.
5. According to Nârâyana the student correspondingly answers, to the teacher's word, A student art thou,' 'I will' (a sâni), to 'Put on fuel,''I will put it on,' &c. Eating water means sipping water after having eased oneself. On the putting on of fuel, comp. Sätra 6 and chap. 1o. The whole formula given in this Sätra is already found in the Satapatha Brâhmana XI, 5, 4, 5.
5, 1. The study of the Veda is opened by the Sâvitrî. Comp. Satapatha Brâhmana, loc. cit., $$ 6 seq.
4-6. The Gayatrî which the teacher shall recite to a Brâhmana is the same verse of which it is said below, chap. 7, 11, that it belongs to Visvâmitra (Rig-veda III, 62, 10); the Trish/ubh which is taught to the Kshatriya is a verse ascribed to Hiranyastūpa, Rig-veda I, 35, 2; the Gagatî which is to be repeated to a Vaisya is Rig-veda IV, 40, 5, belonging to Vâmadeva, or Rig-veda I, 35, 9, belonging to Hiranyastûpa. See the note on chap. 7, 1o.
9. The same position is prescribed, in the same words, for the study of the main part of the Veda, below, chap. 7, 3; during
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10. After (the student) has said, 'Recite, sir!'
11. The teacher, having pronounced the word Om, then causes the other one to say, "Recite the Savitri, sir!'
12. He then recites the Savitri to him, the verse "That glorious (splendour) of Savitar' (Rig-veda III, 62, 10); (firstly) pada by pâda, (then) hemistich by hemistich, (and finally) without a stop.
KHANDA 6.
1. 'Waters are ye by name; happy ones are ye by name; sappy ones are ye by name; undecaying ones are ye by name; fearless ones are ye by name; immortal ones are ye by name. Of you, being such, may I partake; receive me into your favour'-with these words (the teacher) makes the student sip water three times,
2. And hands over to him the staff with the five
the study of the Aranyaka the position is slightly different (VI, 3, 2). According to Narayana this Sūtra would contain a nishedha of the Sätras 828 and 829 of the Rig-veda-Prâtisakhya (p. ccxcii of Professor Max Müller's edition).
10, 11. The Indian tradition divides these Sätras after â kâryah, so that the words adhihi bho would have to be pronounced by the teacher. Thus also Narayana explains, â kârya adhihi bho 3 iti mânavakam uktvâ, &c. In my opinion it is the student or the students who say adhihi bho. Thus the Prátisakhya (Satra 831, ed. Max Müller) says, They invite him with the words adhihi bho 3, all the students the teacher, having embraced his feet.' Comp. also below, IV, 8, 12, the greater part of which Sätra is word for word identical with these rules; VI, 3,6; Gautama I, 46; Gobhila II, ro, 38.
6, 1, 2. Râmakandra : '... with this Mantra which the teacher tells him, and which he (the student) pronounces, he sips water
F 2
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verses, ‘Blessing may give us' (Rig-veda V, 51, 11-15).
3. An optional gift is the fee for the sacrifice.
4. After (the teacher) has led him round the fire, turning his right side towards it, (the student) goes through the village to beg food.
5. (Let him beg,) however, of his mother first, 6. Or of a woman who will not refuse.
7. Having announced the alms to his teacher, he may eat (the food himself) with the master's permission.
8. The daily putting on of fuel, the going for alms, the sleeping on the ground, and obedience to the teacher : these are the standing duties of a student.
three times ... He (the teacher) then gives him again the staff, which he had given him before silently.' I do not think that this double banding over of the staff agrees with the real meaning of the text; Gobhila also (II, 10) and Âsvalâyana (1, 22, 1) prescribe the dandapradâna after the repetition of the Savitri, without mentioning that the same had been already done before; Paraskara II, 2, II speaks of the handing over of the staff before the recital of the Savitrî, and does not state that it should be repeated afterwards.
All these ceremonies, the teaching of the Savitri as well as the dandapradana, were considered as forming part of the Upanayana, even though a longer or shorter space of time (chap. 5, 1-3) might elapse between the first arrival of the student at the teacher's house and the performing of these rites. This follows from chap. 11, Sûtras 2-4.
2. These five verses have already occurred above at I, 15, 12. 3. Comp. I, 14, 13-15.
4 seq. On the student's begging of alms compare the more detailed rules in Pâraskara II, 5; Âpastamba I, 3, &c.
7. Comp. the passages quoted by Professor Bühler on Âpastamba I, 3, 31 (S. B. E., vol. ii, p. 12).
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KHANDA 7. 1. Now (follows the exposition) of the study of the Veda.
2. Both sit down to the north of the fire,
3. The teacher with his face to the east, the other one to the west.
4. After (the student) has reverentially saluted the teacher's feet and has sprinkled his (own) hands (with water),
5. And has kneeled down with his right knee on young Kusa shoots at their roots,
6. And has grasped round (those Kusa shoots) in their middle with his hands, holding the right uppermost,
7. The teacher, having seized them at their tops
7, 1. Narayana : 'Now (atha), i.e. after the observance of the Sukriya vrata,' &c. On the Sukriya vrata which has to be undergone before the Anuvakana treated of in this chapter can be performed, see the note on chap. 4, 1, and below, chap. 11, 9. One would have expected that in the arrangement of Sânkhâyana the rites belonging to the Sukriya vrata would precede the exposition of the Anuvakana. Perhaps it was in consequence of the exact analogy of the Sukriya with the Sâkvara, Vrátika, Aupanishada vratas, that the description of the former has been postponed till the latter had to be treated of.
Ramakandra's Paddhati has the following remark here, Now the way of studying the Veda, called Anuvâkana, is set forth. This can be done only after the Sukriya vrata has been enjoined on the student; before that nothing but the Savitrî can be taught to him.'
2 seq. Comp. above, chap. 2, 8 seq.
4. The way in which this reverential salutation should be performed is described below, IV, 12, 1 seq.
6. On dakshinottarâbhyâm, see chap. 2, 11 and Nârâyana's note there.
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with his left hand, and with his right hand sprinkling them with water, then makes the other say:
8. 'Recite the Sâvitri, sir !' says the other. 9. 'I recite the Savitri to thee!' says the teacher. 10. "Recite the Gayatri, sir!' says the other. 'I recite the Gayatri to thee!' says the teacher.
11. "Recite the verse of Visvâmitra, sir!' says the other.
'I recite the verse of Visvâmitra to thee!' says the teacher.
12. "Recite the Rishis, sir !' says the other. 'I recite the Rishis to thee!' says the teacher. 13. "Recite the deities, sir!' says the other. 'I recite the deities to thee!' says the teacher. 14. "Recite the metres, sir!' says the other. 'I recite the metres to thee!' says the teacher. 15. "Recite the Sruti, sir !' says the other. *I recite the Sruti to thee!' says the teacher. 16. "Recite the Smriti, sir !' says the other. 'I recite the Smriti to thee!' says the teacher. 17. ‘Recite faith and insight, sir !' says the other.
'I recite faith and insight to thee!' says the teacher.
8 seq. Comp. Weber's Indische Studien, vol. X, p. 131 seq.
10. Comp. the note on chap. 5, 4-6. Narayana states, in accordance with these Sätras of the fifth chapter, that in case the student belongs to the second or third caste, an Uha (i.e. a corresponding alteration of the formulas; from the Srauta-sûtra, VI, 1, 3 the definition is quoted here sabdavikâram û ham bruvate) takes place. If he is a Kshatriya, he has to say, 'Recite the Trishtubh, sir 1'—'Recite the verse of Hiranyastûpa (Rig-veda I, 35, 2), sirl' A Vaisya has to say, 'Recite the Gagati, sir!'-Recite the verse of Hiranyastūpa (or, of Vâmadeva, Rig-veda I, 35, 9 or IV, 40, 5), sir!'
17. Comp. Indische Studien, X, 132, note 1.
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18. In that way, according to what Rishi each hymn belongs to and what its deity and its metre is, thus (with the corresponding indications of Rishi, &c.) let him recite each hymn;
19. Or also, if he does not know the Rishis, deities, and metres, the teacher recites this verse, 'That glorious (splendour) of Savitar' (Rig-veda III, 62, 10), pâda by pâda, hemistich by hemistich, (and finally) without a stop, and says, when he has finished, “This (verse belongs to Savitar; it is a Gayatrt; Visvâmitra is its Rishi).'
18-20. I do not think that Professor Weber (Indische Studien, X, 132) has quite exactly rendered the meaning of these Sûtras when he says, 'The teacher then (i.e. after the formula of Sūtra 17 has been pronounced) teaches him first the Rishi, the deity, and the metre of each Mantra. In case he does not know them himself for a Mantra, he recites the holy Savitri (tat Savitur varenyam). After this he teaches him in due order either (1) the single Rishis, i.e. the hymns belonging to each Rishi, or (2) the single Anuvâkas,' &c.It does not seem quite probable to me that the student should have had to learn first the Rishis, deities, and metres of the whole Veda, before the text of the hymns was taught him; I rather believe that hymn by hymn the indication of the Rishis, &c. preceded the anuvakana of the text itself, and with this opinion the statement of Nârâyana agrees, 'Evam pūrvoktena prakârena rishidevatâkhandahpärvakam tam tam Agnim ila ityâdikam mantram mânavakayåkáryo snubrûyât.'
19. According to Narayana by esheti (literally, 'This [is the Rik]') it is meant that the teacher, after having recited the Savitri in the three ways mentioned, should say to the student, 'This Rik is in the Gayatrî metre. If recited pâda by pâda, it has three pâdas. Thus also this Rik, if recited hemistich by hemistich, has two Avasanas (pauses), the first at the end of the hemistich, the second at the end of the third karana (or pâda). Thus also this Rik is recited without stopping; at the end of the three karanas, or of the twenty-four syllables, the pause (avasana) should be made. Thus I recite to thee the Savitri ; I recite to thee the Gayatri; I recite to thee the verse of Visvâmitra.' 'For,' adds Nârâyana, if the Gâyatrî has been recited, the whole complex of the Veda being of that very
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SANKHAYANA-GRIHYA-SUTRA.
20. Let him thus recite (the hymns belonging to) each Rishi, or (each) Anuvâka;
21. Of the short hymns (in the tenth Mandala) an Anuvâka,
22. Or as much as the master may think fit. 23. Or optionally he may recite the first and last hymn of (each) Rishi,
24. Or of (each) Anuvâka,
25. (Or) one (verse) of the beginning of each hymn.
26. The teacher may optionally say at the beginning of the hymn, 'This is the commencement.'
27. This has been (further) explained in (the treatise about) the Rishisvâdhyâya.
substance, a complete knowledge thereof has been produced.' The commentator then indicates a shorter form for the teacher's words which our Sutra prescribes by esheti, 'This verse belongs to Savitar; it is a Gâyatrî; its Rishi is Visvamitra.'
21. The Kshudrasûktas are the hymns Rig-veda X, 129-191.
24 seq. This seems to be an abridged method by which students who had not the intention of becoming Vedic scholars, and probably chiefly students of the Kshatriya and Vaisya caste, could fulfil their duty of learning the Veda; a student who knew the first and last hymn of a Rishi, or of an Anuvâka, was, as would seem from these Sutras, by a sort of fiction considered as though he had known the whole portion belonging to that Rishi, or the whole Anuvâka.
27. Nârâyana explains Rishisvâdhyâya by mantrasamhita. He says, 'The Anuvâkana which has been declared here, is to be understood also with regard to the svâdhyâya, i. e. to the Samhitâ of the Mantras.' I think there is a blunder in the MS., and instead of tad api svâdhyâye . . . gñeyam we ought to read tad rishisvâdhyâye... gñeyam. In this case we should have to translate the quoted passage, ' . . . is to be understood with regard to the Rishisvâdhyâya, i. e. to, &c.'-I think, however, that the true meaning of the Sûtra is different from what Nârâyana believes it to be. The expression vyâkhyâtam apparently conveys a reference to another treatise in which the rules regarding the Rishisvâdhyâya would seem to have been fully set forth. The Srauta-sûtra contains
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28. When (the lesson) is finished, he takes the young Kusa shoots, makes of cow-dung a pit at their roots, and sprinkles water on the Kusa (shoots) for each hymn.
29. For the rest of the day standing and fasting.
KHANDA 8. 1. In the afternoon, having obtained by begging fried barley grains, he shall sacrifice them with his hand on the fire according to the rites of the Agya oblations with the text, “The lord of the seat, the
no passage which could be the one here referred to; we may suppose, therefore, that either a chapter of a Prâtisakhya is quoted here, or a separate treatise on the special subject of the Rishisvâdhyâya. References to such treatises are found in the Sutra texts in several instances, of which the most important is that in the Gobhila-Grihya I, 5, 13, 'On what day the moon becomes full, the knowledge thereof is contained in a special text; that one either should study or ascertain when the Parvan is from those who have studied it.'
28. Narayana : 'First stand the Mantras, then the Brahmana, because it contains the viniyoga (the ritual use of the Mantras), then the Smriti texts such as Manu, &c. When he has repeated these texts to the student, after the end of the Anuvâkana, the teacher should take from the student the Kusa blades which had been taken up before for the sake of the Anuvâkana (see Satras 5 seq.),' &c.—The teacher is made the subject of this rule also by Râmakandra. On yathâsaktam Nârâyana observes that according to some teachers these water oblations were directed to the Rishis of the different hymns (rishîn uddisyeti kekit). This statement seems to be countenanced by IV, 6, 6. Comp. the note below on IV, 9, 1.
29. This rule concerns the Brahmakârin.' Nârâyana. See also Ásvalâyana 1, 22, 11.
8, 1. This is the Anupravakanîyahoma treated of by Âsvalâyana at 1, 22, 12 seq. There it is stated that this sacrifice should be performed as well after the recitation of the Savitrî as after the other
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SANKHAYANA-GRIHYA-SUTRA.
wonderful' (Rig-veda I, 18, 6 seq.), verse by verse, down to the end of the hymn,
74
2. Causing the teacher by (the gift of) food to pronounce auspicious wishes.
KHANDA 9.
1. In the forest, with a piece of wood in his hand, seated, he performs the Sandhyâ (or twilight devotion) constantly, observing silence, turning his face north-west, to the region between the chief (west) point and the intermediate (north-western) point (of the horizon), until the stars appear,
2. Murmuring, when (the twilight) has passed, the Mahâvyâhritis, the Sâvitri, and the auspicious hymns.
3. In the same way in the morning, turning his face to the east, standing, until the disk of the sun appears.
10, 1. When (the sun) has risen, the study (of the Veda) goes on.
portions of the Veda, for instance, as the commentary there has it, after the Mahânâmnîs, the Mahâvrata, and the Upanishad have been recited. Nârâyana indicates the time of this sacrifice in the words, 'On that same fast-day (chap. 7, 29) in the afternoon.'
2. 'He shall, by pronouncing such words as svasti bhavanto bruvantu, dispose the teacher favourably so that he may say svasti!' Nârâyana.
9, 1. On the Sandhyâ ceremony comp. chiefly Baudhâyana II, 7. Samitpâni of course is not samyatapâni, as Nârâyana explains it. On anvash/amades a comp. Professor Stenzler's note on Âsvalâyana III, 7, 4.
2. The Svastyayanas are texts such as Rig-veda I, 89; IV, 31. 10, 1. This Sûtra evidently should be placed at the end of the ninth chapter; comp. IV, 6, 9. The fact that, as the commentary observes, the words nityam vâgyatah (chap. 9, Sûtra 1) are to be
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KHANDA 10. 2. Every day in the evening and in the morning,
3. He establishes the fire (in its proper place), wipes (with his hand the ground) round (it), sprinkles (water) round (it), bends his right knee,
4. (And puts fuel on the fire with the texts,) .To Agni I have brought a piece of wood, to the great Gâtavedas; may he, Gâtavedas, give faith and insight to me. Svâhâ !
'Firewood art thou; may we prosper. Fuel art thou; splendour art thou; put splendour into me. Svâhâ !
'Being inflamed make me prosperous in offspring and wealth. Svâhà !
*Thine is this fuel, Agni; thereby thou shalt grow and gain vigour. And may we grow and gain vigour. Svâhâ !'
supplied here also points in the same direction. That this Satra has nothing to do with the Agniparikarya, of which the tenth chapter treats, becomes evident also from Râmakandra's Paddhati.
4. Narayana : samidham iti mantralingât samidhâm homah, mantraprithaktvật karmaprithaktvam iti nyâyât.
In the Atharva-veda XIX, 64, 1 the MSS. have Agne samidham a hårsham. Professors Roth and Whitney have conjectured in this passage agre instead of Agne. It is shown by our passage and the corresponding ones in the other Satras that the true reading is Agnaye. Instead of a hârsham we should read â hârsham, as all the parallel texts have. In the passage Firewood art thou; might we prosper,' there is a play upon words untranslatable in English, edhossy edhishimahi.' Perhaps instead of samiddho mâm samardhaya we should read samriddho mâm samardhaya. As the Mantra referred to the Samidh-offering, samriddha could very easily be supplanted by the participle of sam-idh. In the parallel texts indicated p. 139 of the German edition it should be, Vâg. Samh. II, 14 a.
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5. Having then sprinkled (water) round (the fire), 6. He approaches the fire with the verse, 'May Agni (vouchsafe) to me faith and insight, not-forgetting (what I have learned) and memory; may this praiseful Gâtavedas give blessing to us.'
[7. He makes with ashes the tripundhra sign (the sign of three strokes) which is set forth in the (treatise on the) Sauparnavrata, which is revealed, which agrees with the tradition handed down by the ancients, with the five formulas 'The threefold age' (see above, I, 28, 9), one by one, on five (places), viz. the forehead, the heart, the right shoulder and the left, and then on the back.]
8. He who approaches the fire after having sacrificed thus, studies of these Vedas, one, two, three, or all.
KHANDA 11.
1. Now (follows) the directing to the (special) observances.
2. The rules for it have been explained by the initiation.
3. He does not recite the Sâvitri.
7. This Sûtra is wanting in one of the Haug MSS. and in the Sâmbavya MS.; Râmakandra's Paddhati takes no notice of it. I take it for a later addition. It should be noticed that the words dakshinaskandhe ka pankasu form a half Sloka.
11, 1. On the four Vratas, of which the Sukriya precedes the study of the main part of the Veda, the Sâkvara, Vrâtika, and Aupanishada that of the different sections of the Âranyaka, see the note on chap. 7, I and the Introduction, p. 8. On the name of the Sukriya Râmakandra says, sukriyasabdo vedavâkî, tatsambandhâd vratam api sukriyam.
2, 4. See the note on chap. 6, 1. 2.
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4. Some say that the handing over of the staff forms the end (of this ceremony).
5. During the northern course of the sun, in the time of the increasing moon
6. The teacher having abstained through one day and one night from sexual intercourse and from eating flesh
7. With the exclusion of the fourteenth day and of the eighth (of the half-month),
8. And of the first and last, according to some (teachers),
9. Or on what day else the constellation seems lucky to him, on that day he shall direct (the student) to the duties of holiness according to the Sukriya rite.
10. Let him observe (those) duties through three days, or twelve days, or one year, or as long as the master may think fit.
11. The Sâkvara (observance), however, (is to be kept) one year.
12. (So also) the Vrâtika and Aupanishada (observances).
13. When the time has elapsed, when the duties
4. On the dandapradâna, see chap. 6, 2.
6. The pleonasm brahmakaryam upetya ... brahmakârî should be removed by expunging brahmakârî, which is omitted in the Sâmbavya text. Comp. chap. 12, Sätra 8; VI, 1, 2.
7. Comp. below, IV, 7, 7.
9. In the Sâmbavya text this Sutra has a fuller form. It runs there thus,' ... he shall direct (the student) to the duties of holiness according to the Sukriya rite, the teacher saying, “Be a Sukriyabrahmakârin;" the other one replying, “I will be a Sukriya-brahmakârin.” Thus also at the other observances he shall pronounce each time the name of the observance to which he directs him.'
10. Comp. above, II, 5, 1. 13. The Samyu Bârhaspatya, i. e, the verse beginning with the
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have been observed, when the Veda has been studied down to the Samyu-Bârhaspatya-(hymn), let (the teacher then), should he intend to instruct (the student) in the secret (part of the Veda), ascertain the time (through which the student has to observe the special rites) and the rules to be observed, from the (special) directions (that are handed down on this subject).
KHANDA 12.
1. After (the student) has eaten something in the morning, in the afternoon, to the north-east
words tak kham yor â vrinîmahe, is the last verse of the Rigveda in the Bâshkala redaction. See below, the note on IV, 5, 9.
On kâlaniyamam, see Nârâyana's note, pp. 140 seq. of the German edition.
12, I seq. The Indian tradition (with the exception only, as far as is known to me, of the Sâmbavya commentary) refers the ceremonies described in this chapter, like those treated of in chap. 11, as well to the Sukriya as to the Sâkvara and the other Vratas. This is not correct. The eleventh chapter gives the rites common to the four Vratas; the Sukriya vrata is connected with no special ceremonies beside those, so that the exposition of this Vrata is brought to an end in that chapter. The last Sûtra of chap. II marks the transition to the special rites which are peculiar to the three other Vratas, and are connected with the character of mystical secrecy attributed to the Aranyaka, and thus it is with the exclusion of the Sukriya that the twelfth chapter refers only to those Vratas. The difference which we have pointed out between the two chapters finds its characteristic expression in Sûtras 9 and 11 of chap. II, compared with chap. 12, 13. 14; in the former Sutras the statements there given are expressly extended to the Sukriya, the Sâkvara, the Vrâtika, and the Aupanishada, while in the latter passage mention is made first of the Mahânâmnîs, i. e. the text corresponding to the Sâkvara vrata, and then the uttarâni prakaranâni (the following sections) are referred to, i. e. the Mahâvrata and the Upanishad, so that the Sukriya vrata or the texts, the study of which is entered upon by that Vrata, are left out here.
There is a good deal of confusion in the several commentaries
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2. Having sacrificed, the teacher then asks him with regard to those deities to whom he has been given in charge (see above, chap. 3, 1), 'Hast thou fulfilled the duties of holiness before Agni, Indra, the Sun, and the Visve devâs ?'
with regard to the succession of the different ceremonies taught in this chapter. They all agree in stating that after the lapse of the year through which the Vrata is kept, a ceremony is performed called Uddikshanika, i. e. the giving up of the Dîkshâ, or preparatory observance. This Uddikshanikâ consists chiefly in the teacher's ascertaining whether the student has fulfilled the duties involved by the Vrata (see Satras 2 and 3). Besides that, there is no doubt that a repetition of the Upanayana (chap. 11, 2) also formed part of the preparatory rites for the study of the Aranyaka. As to the way in which these different ceremonies and the other rites described in this chapter would have to be arranged according to our text, it is perhaps best to follow the statements given in an epitome from the bâlâvabodhanårtham Rishidaivatakhandopaddhati (MS. Berol. Chambers, 199 a, fols. 13-16); the slight confusion therein is not difficult to get rid of. There we read, The Sâkvara, however, is to be kept one year (chap. II, 11). When the Uddîkshanikå has been performed, and three nights (chap. 12, 6) or one day and one night (ibid. 7) have elapsed, the Upanayana should be performed as above (chap. 11, 2), with this difference that at the end of the formula mama vrate, &c. (chap. 4, 1) one should say, “May Brihaspati join thee to me for the holy observance of the Sâkvara through one year, O Devadatta I” (On this formula, resting on a misunderstanding of chap. 4, Sætra 2, see the Introduction, p. 8.) The rest is the same as at the Sukriya. Then, when the year (chap. 11, 11) has elapsed, and the Uddikshanikâ has been performed, and the three days or the night have passed (chap. 12, 6. 7), he should go out of the village ... and in the north-eastern direction,' &c. (here follows the description of how the secret doctrines should be taught to the student, according to Sânkh. VI). The confusion showing itself in the double mention of the Uddikshanika, before and after the Upanayana, should no doubt be put to the account of the excerptor or perhaps even of the MS.; what the meaning of the original Paddhati was is sufficiently shown in the remarks on the following Vratas, for instance, on the Vrâtika (fol. 16), Now follows the Vrâtika vrata. It lasts one year (chap.
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SÂNKHAYANA GRIHYA-SOTRA.
3. If he answers, 'I have fulfilled them, sir!'
4. The teacher three times envelops, from the left to the right, with a fresh garment the face (of the student) who is standing behind the fire, in front of the teacher, with his face to the east.
5. He turns the skirt (of that garment) upwards so that it cannot slip down,
6. (And says :) 'Leaving off for three days the putting on of fuel, the going for alms, the sleeping on the ground, and the obedience to the teacher, fast in the forest, in a god's house or in a place where Agnihotra is performed, keeping silence, with earnest care.'
11, 12). When the Sakvara has reached its end here we find added at the margin of the MS., "After the Uddikshanikâ has been performed." These words ought not to be received into the text; in the corresponding passage on the Aupanishada vrata they are not found] he performs the whole ceremony, beginning from the smearing (of the Sthandila with cow-dung), the drawing of the lines, &c., as at the Upanayana ... and then, when one year has elapsed, he performs the Uddîkshanika, and the rules [given in chap. 12, 9 seq.) are observed as above.' I think that here the meaning of the text is correctly represented; first comes the Upanayana, then follows the Vrata lasting one year, then the Uddîkshanikâ. After this ceremony the teacher gives to the student the directions mentioned in chap. 12, 16; then follow the three days, or the one night (chap. 12, 6. 7), and finally they both go out of the village to the north-east, and in the forest they recite the Rahasya.
On the whole ceremonies connected with the study of the Aranyaka the sixth book should be compared.
5. Nârâyana : Vastrasya dasâh prântabhậga[m] uparishlât kritva tathâ badhnîyâd yathâ na sambhrasyeta adhastân na patati tatha vidheyam.
6. The things which the student here is ordered to leave off for three days are the same that are mentioned above, chap. 6, 8, as his standing duties. According to Narayana this would be the Adesa mentioned in chap. II, 13.
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7. Here some (teachers) prescribe the same observances only for one night, during which he is to stand.
8. The teacher refrains from eating flesh and from sexual intercourse.
9. When those three days or that night has elapsed, going out from the village he shall avoid to look at the following (persons or things) that form impediments for the study (of the Veda):
10. Raw flesh, a Kandala, a woman that has lately been confined, or that has her courses, blood, persons whose hands have been cut off, cemeteries, and all sorts of corpse-like (animals ?) which enter (their dens ?) with the mouth first (?), keeping them away from the place where he dwells.
8. Comp. chap. 11, 6.
10. With Satikâ is meant a woman during the first ten days after her confinement, for which period the asauka lasts.- A pahasta is rendered by Narayana by khinnahasta; the comment on the Sâmbavya-Grihya mentions ayudhâńkitahastâms ka. The translation of the last words of this Satra (sarvâni ka savarûpâni yâny â sye na cor å syena?] praviseyuh svasya vâsân nirasan) is absolutely uncertain. Narayana says that such animals as lions, serpents, &c. are designated in common use as savarûpåni. (This literally means,'having the form of a corpse. Immediately afterwards Nârâyana gives a nearly identical explanation of savarûpa as different from the one stated first. So perhaps we may conjecture that his first explanation rests on a reading sarparûpâni; comp. the reading sarvarûpa of Paraskara.) Of these the animals entering their dwelling-places with the mouth first (asyena) are to be understood here as forming, when looked at, an impediment for the study. Narayana then says that other authorities understand sava in the sense of a dead human body; then savarů pâni are beings having the form thereof (tadrůpâni), such as dogs, jackals, &c. The words yâny âsyena praviseyuh signify that the study is impeded also on the sight of lions, tigers, &c.; for these enter their dwelling-places with their faces first ? anumukhaih kritva). The words svasya vâsân nirasan mean,
[29]
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SANKHAYANA-GRIHYA-SÛTRA.
11. Going out (from the village) in a north-eastern direction the teacher sits down on a clean spot, turning his face to the east.
12. When the sun has risen, he recites, in the way prescribed for the Veda-study, (the Âranyaka texts to the student) who is to keep silence and who wears a turban.
13. This rule is to be observed only for the Mahânâmni verses.
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14. At the sections however that follow (after the Mahânâmnis) the other one hears while the teacher recites them for himself.
15. He gives (to the teacher) the turban, a vessel, a good cow.
16. (The teacher accepts the gifts) with the verses,
according to Nâr., 'when he-i. e. the teacher-goes out of his dwelling-place.' Râmakandra says that savarûpa either means lions, snakes, and other dangerous animals, or nails, horns, and other such things that fall off or are severed from the body. The text of the Sâmbavya MS. is sarvâni ka syâmarûpâni yâvânyâ (?) praviseyuh, which the commentary explains, sarvâms ka bhakshyavargâms ka. I think there can be little doubt that the text of Sânkhâyana is correct (except that some doubt will remain as to âsyena or âsye na), the more so as the passage reoccurs, nearly identically, below at VI, 1, 4. 5. As to the translation we can only go so far as to venture the opinion that the Sankhayana text does not admit the interpretation given by Gayarâma, and accepted by Professor Stenzler (who compares Âpastamba I, 11, 27; Gautama XVI, 41) in Pâraskara II, 11, 3 for sarvarûpa, which consequently should, in our opinion, be rejected also in that passage of Pâraskara. For ascertaining the true meaning of savarupa we shall have to wait until new parallel passages have been discovered.
12. The rules for the Anuvâkana have been given above in chap. 7.
13. The Mahânâmnî verses are given in the fourth Âranyaka of the Aitareyinas. See Sacred Books of the East,
P. xliii.
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'Thou him' (Rig-veda I, 18, 5), and, 'High in the sky' (Rig-veda X, 107, 2), or (he accepts them) all with the Pranava (i. e. the syllable Oм).
17. Here some prepare a mess of rice for the Visve devâs at all sections (of the Aranyaka);
18. For the gods to whom he has been given in charge, according to Mândûkeya.
KHANDA 13.
1. Now (follow) the rules regarding the staff. 2. Let him not leave a passage between himself and the staff.
3. Now should any one of these things, viz. staff, girdle, or sacrificial cord, break or rend, the same penance (takes place) therefore which (has been prescribed) at the wedding with regard to the chariot.
4. If the girdle cannot be repaired, he makes another and speaks over it (the following verses):
5. Thou who knowest the distinction of pure and impure, divine protectress Sarasvati, O girdle, prolong my vow unimpaired, unbroken.
'Thou, Agni, art the pure bearer of vows. Agni, carry hither the gods to our sacrifice and our oblation.
'Bearing the vows, the infallible protector of vows, be our messenger, undecaying and mighty. Giving treasures, merciful, Agni, protect us, that we may live, Gâtavedas!'
6. And he ties the sacrificial cord to the staff. 7. Here it is said also:
18. Comp. the second Sutra of this chapter.
13, 3. See above, I, 15, 9 seq.
G 2
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SÂNKHẤYANA-GRIHYA-SÛTRA.
8. 'Let him sacrifice the sacrificial cord and the staff, the girdle and also the skin in water after the completion of his vow with a Varuna-verse or with the essence (of the Vedas, i.e. the syllable Om).'
KHANDA 14. 1. Now (follows) the Vaisvadeva (sacrifice). 2. The rite of the sacrifice has been explained.
3. Let him pour oblations of prepared Vaisvadeva food in the evening and in the morning into the (sacred) domestic fire.
4. 'To Agni svâhâ ! To Soma svâhâ! To Indra and Agni svâhâ ! To Vishnu svâhâ ! To Bharadvâga Dhanvantari svâhâ ! To the Visve devâs svâhâ ! To Pragâpati svâhâ ! To Aditi svâhå! To Anumati svâhâ ! To Agni Svishtakrit
8. Nârâyana here quotes Rig-veda I, 24, 6, which is the first verse in the Rig-veda addressed to Varuna (i. e. to Varuna alone, not to Mitra and Varuna, &c.).
14, 1. The rules regarding the Vaisvadeva sacrifice stand here, as I have already pointed out in the German edition, p. 142, in a very strange position amid the matter that concerns the student, and before the description of the ceremony that concludes studentship (the Samâvartana; III, 1). On the first word of the chapter, atha, Narayana observes that thereby the householder is marked as the subject of the following rules. It seems rather forced to explain the position of this chapter, as Narayana does, by pointing out that in some cases, for instance when the teacher is away on a journey, a student also can eventually be called upon to perform the Vaisvadeva sacrifice (comp. below, chap. 17, 3).
2. This Sūtra shows, according to Nârâyana, that the Vaisvadeva offering does not follow the ordinary type of sacrifice (the Pratisrute homak alpa, as it is termed above, I, 9, 19), but the form described in the Agnikâryaprakarana, above, chap. 10, 3 seq.
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svåhå !?-having thus offered the oblations belonging to those deities,
5. He then shall offer Balis (i.e. portions of food) in the centre of the floor to the same deities; (then another Bali with the words,) 'Adoration to Brahman and to the Brâhmanas !' and (with the verse),
Vâstoshpati, accept us' (Rig-veda VII, 54, 1) in the centre of the floor to Vastoshpati.
6. He then distributes Balis, from the left to the right, through the different quarters (of the horizon, to the presiding deities) in due order (with the words),
7. ‘Adoration to Indra and to those belonging to Indra! Adoration to Yama and to those belonging to Yama! Adoration to Varuna and to those belonging to Varuna! Adoration to Soma and to those belonging to Soma! Adoration to Brihaspati and to those belonging to Brihaspati !'
8. Then (turned) towards the disk of the sun, 'Adoration to Aditi and to the Âdityas! Adoration
5. He shall offer a Bali to those deities, i. e. to those ten deities to whom he has sacrificed, to Agni, &c. (see Sütra 4), addressing them with the word, “Adoration (to such and such a deity') because in the other cases the word " adoration” (namah) has been prescribed for the Bali. Narayana.
6, 7. The distribution of Balis begins in the east, which is the part of the horizon sacred to Indra; it then proceeds to the south, the west, the north, which are sacred respectively to Yama, Varuna, and Soma. Finally the Bali belonging to Brihaspati and the Bârhaspatyas is offered, according to Nârâyana, to the north-east.
8. The commentators (see p. 142 of the German edition) differ as to whether adityamandala means the disk of the sun towards which this Bali should be offered, or a place or an apartment of circular form (adityamandalarûpe mandalâgâre, as in my opinion we ought to correct the reading in Narayana's note).
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to the Nakshatras, to seasons, to months, to halfmonths, to days and nights, to years!'
9. 'To Pashan, the path-maker; to Dhâtar, to Vidhâtar, and to the Maruts’ – (thus) on the thresholds.
10. To Vishnu on the grindstone. II. 'To the tree'-(thus) in the mortar.
12. "To the herbs '-— (thus) where the herbs are kept.
13. "To Parganya, to the waters '-(thus) near the water-pot.
14. 'Adoration to Sri'-(thus) in the bed at the head, 'to Bhadrakali' at the foot.
15. In the privy, 'Adoration to Sarvânnabhati!'
16. Then (he throws a Bali) into the air, in the evening with the words, 'To the night-walkers,'in the morning with the words, ' To the day-walkers,' and with the verse,' Which gods' (Rig-veda I, 139, 11).
17. To the unknown deities to the north, and to Dhanapati (i.e. the Lord of treasures).
18. With the sacrificial cord suspended over the right shoulder he pours out the remnant to the south with the verse, 'They whom the fire has burnt' (Rig-veda X, 15, 14).
19. When he has made his offerings to gods, fathers (i.e. Manes), and men, let him give food to a Srotriya (i.e. to a learned Brâhmana).
20. Or let him give alms (of food) to a student.
21. Let him immediately afterwards offer food to a female under his protection, to a pregnant woman, to boys, and to old people.
21. Comp. Böhtlingk-Roth s. v. suvásinî, and Professor Bühler's note on Gautama V, 25.
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22. Let him throw (some food) on the ground for the dogs, for the dog-butchers, and for the birds. 23. Let him eat nothing without having cut off (and offered as a Bali) a portion thereof.
24. (Let him) not (eat) alone,
25. Nor before (the others).
26. With regard thereto it has been said also in the Rik, 'In vain the fool gains food' (Rig-veda X, 117, 6).
KHANDA 15.
1. Should any one of the six persons (mentioned in the Srauta-sûtra and in the Sûtras 4-9) to whom the Arghya reception is due, visit (him), let him make (ready) a cow, a goat, or what (sort of food) he thinks most like (thereto).
2. Let the Argha not be without flesh.
3. On the occasion of a sacrifice and of a wedding let (the guest) say, 'Make it (ready).'
22, 23. Probably these Sutras should be divided after iti.
23. Purvam means, he should not eat before his relations (bandhubhyah pûrvam prathamatah).' Nârâyana.
15, 1. This Sutra presupposes the Srauta-sûtra IV, 21, 1: 'To six persons the Argha reception is due, viz. to the teacher, to an officiating priest, to the father-in-law, to a king, to a Snâtaka, to a friend.' Here the fourth person mentioned is the svasura, while in the Grihya text the expression vaivâhya is used. It is difficult not to believe that both words are used in the same sense, and accordingly Nârâyana says vivâhyah svasurah. Comp. Professor Stenzler's note on Pâraskara I, 3, 1; Âpastamba II, 8, 7; Gautama V, 27.
Sâmânyatamam sadrisatamam mâshâdikam (mâkhâdikam the MS.) annam. Nârâyana.
2, 3. These Sutras are identical with Pâraskara I, 3, 29. 30. The following Sûtra of Pâraskara stands in the Sânkhâyana text as
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4. The animal (offered) to the teacher is sacred to Agni;
5. If offered to an officiating priest, to Brihaspati ; 6. If to the father-in-law, to Pragâpati ; 7. If to a king, to Indra; 8. If to a friend, to Mitra; 9. If to a Snâtaka, to Indra and Agni;
10. Even if he performs more than one Soma sacrifice during a year, let only priests who have received (from him) the Arghya reception officiate for him, not such who have not received it.
11. Here it is said also:
Sūtra 10. Probably Paraskara here represents the text which both Sätrakâras follow, more exactly, and the enumeration given by Sânkhâyana in Sūtras 4-9 of the different categories of Arghyas with the corresponding deities, is an addition to that original stock of rules.
Apparently the two Sätras 2 and 3 stand in contradiction to each other, as Sūtra 2 seems to prescribe that at the Argha meal in every case flesh should be given to the guest, and Satra 3 specifies only two occasions on which the killing of the Argha cow cannot be dispensed with. Perhaps the meaning is this, that it is not necessary, except in the cases of a sacrifice and of a wedding, to kill a cow expressly for that purpose, but that in any case, even if the cow offered to the guest be declined by him, the host should take care that some flesh be served at that meal. So says Narayana in his note on Asvalâyana-Grihya I, 24, 33, Pasukaranapakshe tanmâmsena bhoganam, utsarganapakshe mâmsântarena.' Similarly the Buddhists distinguish between eating flesh and eating the flesh of an animal expressly killed in order to entertain that very guest.
6. The literal translation of vaivahya would be 'a person related by marriage.' But comp. the note on Sūtra 1.
8. Priya of course does not mean gâmâtar, as is stated in a number of commentaries. Gobhila says, priyostithih.
11. Other persons, for instance a king, can claim the Argha reception not more than once a year. Comp. Apastamba II, 8, 7; Gautama V, 28, 29, &c.
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KHANDA 16. 1. 'At the Madhuparka and at the Soma sacrifice, at the sacred rites for fathers (Manes) and gods only animals may be killed, not elsewhere: thus has Manu said.
2. ‘Both his teacher and his father, and also a friend who does not stay in his house as a guest : whatever these dispose, that let him do; such is the established custom.
3. Let him not consider as a guest a person living in the same village, or one that comes in returning from a journey; (but let him consider as a guest only) one who has arrived at his house where the wife or the fires (of the host) are.
4. '(The fire of) the Agnihotra, bulls, and a guest that has come in at the right time, children and persons of noble families: these burn up him who neglects them.
5. A bull, the Agnihotra, and a student, these three prosper only if they eat; there is no prosperity for them, if they do not eat.
6. 'Day by day the domestic deities approach the man who performs the domestic rites, in order to receive their share; (that) let him pour out to them.
KHANDA 17. 1. “Even if a man constantly gather grass and perform the Agnihotra, a Brâhmana who stays (in his
16, 3. Comp. Gautama V, 40, &c.
4. On the right time for the arrival of a guest, see Gautama, loc. cit.
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house) without receiving honour takes away all his good works.
2. One should give (even) if it were only a water-pot; one should sacrifice (even) if it were a piece of wood; (even) down to one hymn or to one Anuvâka the Brahmayagña is enjoined.
3. When on a journey let him not fast; (during that time) the wife keeps the vow. Let his son, his brother, or his wife, or his pupil offer the Bali oblation.
4. “Those who perform this Vaisvadeva sacrifice in the evening and in the morning, they will prosper in wealth and (long) life, in fame and offspring.'
KHANDA 18. 1. A student who is going to set out on a journey, speaks thus to his teacher :
2. Of inhalation and exhalation'-(this he says) in a low voice; 'Om, I will dwell'—this aloud.
3. (The teacher) in a low voice (replies), 'To inhalation and exhalation I, the wide-extended one, resort with thee. To the protecting god I give thee in charge. God Savitar; this student belongs to thee; I give him in charge to thee; protect him ; do not forsake him.'
4. 'Om, hail!' the teacher aloud. “Hail!' the teacher aloud.
Here ends the Second Adhyâya.
18, 2. Perhaps vatsyâmi (I will dwell) is a sort of euphemism for pravatsyami (I will go away).
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ADHYAYA III, KHANDA 1.
I. A bath (shall be taken by the student) when he is going to return home (from his teacher).
2. 'A bull's hide'-this has been declared. On that hide he makes him sit down and have his hair and beard cut and the hair of the body and the
nails.
3. Having had (the cut-off hair-ends, &c.) thrown away together with rice and barley, with sesamumseed and mustard-seed, with Apâmârga and Sadâpushpi flowers,
4. Having sprinkled him (with water) with the Åpohishthiya-hymn (Rig-veda X, 9),
5. Having adorned him,
6. Having dressed him with two garments with (the verse), “The garments both of you' (Rig-veda I, 152, 1),
7. He then puts on him a golden ornament (with the words), "Giving life and vigour' (Vågasaneyi Samhita XXXIV, 50).
8. With (the verse), Mine, Agni, be vigour' (Rig-veda X, 128, 1), the veiling (of the head is done).
9. With (the verse), ‘House by house the shining one' (Rig-veda I, 123, 4) (he takes) the parasol,
10. With (the verse), · Rise up' (Rig-veda X, 18, 6), the shoes,
1, 2. Comp. above, I, 16, 1, and the note there.
4. Narayana says here, enam mânavakam abhishikya abhishekam snanam kârayitva. Comp. Paraskara II, 6, 9 seq.
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11. With (the verse), 'Long be thy hook' (Rigveda VIII, 17, 10) he takes a bamboo staff.
12. Let him sit that day in solitude.
13. With (the verses), 'O tree! with strong limbs,' and, 'A ruler indeed' (Rig-veda VI, 47, 26; X, 152, 1) let him mount the chariot.
14. (Before returning home) let him first approach a place where they will perform Argha for him with a cow or a goat.
15. Or let him return (making his start) from cows or from a fruit-bearing tree.
16. With (the verses), 'Indra, give us best goods,' and, ‘Be friendly, О earth' (Rig-veda II, 21, 6; I, 22, 15) he descends (from the chariot).
17. Let him eat that day his favourite food.
18. To his teacher he shall give (that) pair of garments, the turban, ear-rings and jewel, staff and shoes, and the parasol.
KHANDA 2. 1. If he wishes to have a house built, he draws with an Udumbara branch three times a line round (the building-ground) with (the words), 'Here I include the dwellings for the sake of food,' and sacrifices in (its) centre on an elevated spot,
2. (With the texts,) Who art thou ? Whose art
12. Pratilîna evidently means the same thing that is so often expressed in the Buddhist texts by palisallîna.
18. The pair of garments are those referred to in Sätra 6; on the turban see Sûtra 8. On staff and shoes comp. Sûtras 10, 11; on the parasol, Sûtra 9.
2, i seqq. On the house of the Vedic Indians, comp. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, pp. 148 seqq.
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thou? To whom do I sacrifice thee, desirous of (dwelling in the) village? Svâhâ!
'Thou art the gods' share on this (earth). From here have sprung the fathers who have passed away. The ruler has sacrificed, desirous of (dwelling in the) village, not omitting anything that belongs to the gods. Svâhâ!'
3. Having had the pits for the posts dug, 4. He pours water-gruel into them,
5. And with (the verse), 'This branch of the immortal one I erect, a stream of honey, promoting wealth. The child, the young one, cries to it; the cow shall low to it, the unceasingly fertile one'-he puts an Udumbara branch which has been besmeared with ghee into the pit for the right door-post.
6. This branch of the world I establish, a stream of honey, promoting wealth. The child, the young one, cries to it; the cow shall low to it that has a young calf'—thus to the left.
7. In the same way at the two (pits) to the south, to the west, and to the north.
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8. With (the verse), 'This branch of this tree, that drops ghee, I erect in the immortal. The child, the young one, cries to it; cows shall flock to it, unceasingly fertile ones'—he erects the chief post.
9. May the young child come to it, may the calf....; may they come to it with a cup of Parisrut, with pots of curds.
9. On parisrut, see Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, p. 281. The words bhuvanas pari give no sense; Pâraskara probably gives the true reading, â vatso gagadaik saha (III, 4, 4; comp. Sutra 8: Vasûms ka Rudrân Âdityân Îsânam gagadaih saha; gagada is explained in Gayarâma's commentary by anuga, anukara). The word gagada of course was exposed to all sorts of corruptions;
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KHANDA 3. 1. 'Stand here, O post, firm, rich in horses and cows, ....; stand safely, dropping ghee; stand here, fixed in the ground, prosperous, long-lasting(?), amid the prosperity of people who satiate themselves. May the malevolent ones not reach thee!
Hither are called the cows; hither are called goats and sheep; and the sweet essence (?) of food is called hither to our house.
'Stand fast in the Rathantara ; recline on the Vâmadevya; establish thyself on the Brihat'-with (these texts) he touches the chief post.
2. When the house has been built conformably (to its proper dimensions), he touches the posts.
3. The two (posts) to the east with (the words), Truth and faith!'
4. Those to the south with (the words), 'Sacrifice and gift!'
5. Those to the west with (the words), Strength and power!'
6. Those to the north with (the words), “The Brahman and the Kshatra!
7. 'Fortune the pinnacle, law the chief post! thus the text of Âsvalâyana has gâyatâm saka; the Atharva-veda (III, 12, 7) gagatâ saha; and from this gagat to the bhuvana found in our text the way is not very long.
3, 1. According to Nârâyana the verse given in chap. 2,9 forms one Mantra with those in 3, 1. The meaning of sîlamavati is uncertain. The word reoccurs in Rig-veda X, 75, 8. Paraskara (III, 4, 4) has 'sanritâvati. On tilvila, comp. Rig-veda V, 62, 7. The following word is quite uncertain both as to its reading and its meaning. Comp. p. 143 seq. of the German edition. On kîlâla, comp. Zimmer, loc. cit. p. 281.
7. Comp. Pâraskara III, 4, 18.
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8. 'Day and night the two door-jambs!' 9. The year the roof!'
10. With (the verse), 'A bull, an ocean' (Rig-veda V, 47, 3) let him bury an anointed stone under the pinnacle.
KHANDA 4. 1. At the sacrifice to Vastoshpati
2. Having established the sacred) domestic fire outside with (the words), 'I place (here) Agni with genial mind; may he be the assembler of goods. Do no harm to us, to the old nor to the young; be a saviour to us, to men and animals!'--
3. Having put a new water-pot on fresh eastwardpointed Kusa-grass,
4. And spoken over it (the words), 'Unhurt be our men, may our riches not be squandered !'
5. He sacrifices three oblations in the forenoon with the Stotriya text of the Rathantara with repetition and Kakubh-forming;
6. (Three oblations with the Stotriya) of the Vámadevya at midday;
7. Of the Brihat in the afternoon; 8. The four Mahâvyâhritis, the three verses, Vastoshpati!' (Rig-veda VII, 54, 1-3), (the single verses,) Driving away calamity,' (and) 'Vâstoshpati,
4, 1. The sacrifice to Vâstoshpati is celebrated when the sacrificer enters his new house.
2. Comp. above, I, 7, 9.
5-7. On the way of reciting a Pragatha, so as to form three verses, see Indische Studien, VIII, 25; Zeitschrift der deutschen Morg. Gesellschaft, XXXVIII, 476. The Stotriya of the Rathantara is Rig-veda VII, 32, 22 seq.; that of the Vâmadevya, IV, 31, 1-3; that of the Brihat, VI, 46, I seq.
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SÂNKHẤYANA-GRIHYA-SOTRA.
a firm post' (Rig-veda VII, 55, 1; VIII, 17, 14), and to (Agni) Svishtakrit a tenth oblation of cooked food at night.
9. Taking with himself his eldest son and his wife, carrying grain, let him enter (the house with the words),
'Indra's house is blessed, wealthy, protecting ; that I enter with my wife, with offspring, with cattle, with increase of wealth, with everything that is mine.'
KHANDA 5. 1. ‘To every able one, to every blissful one, to you I turn for the sake of safety, of peace. Free from danger may we be. May the village give me in charge to the forest. All! give me in charge to the great one,'—thus (he speaks) when leaving the village.
2. "May the forest give me in charge to the village. Great one! give me in charge to the all'-thus (he speaks) when entering the village, not without (carrying) something (with himself, such as fuel, flowers, &c.)
3. I enter the blessed, joyful house, which does not bring death to men ; manly (I enter) that which is rich in men. Bringing refreshment, dropping ghee (we enter the house) in which I shall joyfully rest'—this verse is constantly to be pronounced (when he enters the house).
5, 3. For anyeshv a ham we should read perhaps yeshv aham. Ásvalâyana-Sraut. II, 5, 17 has teshv aham.
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III ADHYAYA, 7 KHANDA, 5.
97
KHANDA 6. 1. One who has not set up the (sacred Srauta) fires, when setting out on a journey, looks at his house.
2. (He murmurs the text,) 'Do ye both, Mitra and Varuna, protect this house for me; unscathed, undisturbed, may Pashan guard it till our return;'
3. And murmurs (the verse), 'Upon the path we have entered' (Rig-veda VI, 51, 16).
KHANDA 7. 1. When he then returns from his journey, he looks at his house (and says),
2. 'House, do not fear, do not tremble ; bringing strength we come back. Bringing strength, joyful and wise, I come back to thee, to the house, rejoicing in my mind.
That of which the traveller thinks, that in which dwells much joy, that I call the house. May it know us as we know it.
Hither are called the cows; hither are called goats and sheep; and the sweet essence (?) of food is called hither to our house.'
3. Having approached the (sacred) domestic fire with the verse, 'This Agni is glorious to us, this is highly glorious. Worshipping him (?) may we suffer no harm; may he bring us to supremity'
4. Let him pronounce auspicious words.
5. When accepting the water for washing the feet he says, 'The milk of Virág art thou; may I obtain
7, 2. On kilala, see chap. 3, I. 5. Padyâ virág is the Virág metre, so far as it consists of [29]
н
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SÂNKHÂVANA-GRIHYA-SOTRA.
the milk of Virág; in me (may) the milk of Padya Virág (dwell)!'
KHANDA 8. 1. When one who has not set up the (sacred Srauta) fires, is going to partake of the first-fruits (of the harvest), let him sacrifice to the Agrayana deities with (Agni) Svishtakrit as the fourth, and with the word SvÂHÂ, on his (sacred) domestic fire.
2. Having recited over (the food) which he is going to eat (the formula), ‘To Pragâpati I draw thee, the proper portion, for luck to me, for glory to me, for food to me!'
3. He thrice eats of it, sprinkling it with water, with (the verse), ‘From the good you have led us to the better, ye gods! Through thee, the nourishment, may we obtain thee. Thus enter into us, O potion, bringing refreshment; be a saviour to us, to men and animals!'
4. With (the verse), “This art thou, breath; the truth I speak. This art thou ; from all directions thou hast entered into all beings). Thou driving away old age and sickness from my body be at home with me. Do not forsake us, Indra !'-he touches the place of the heart;
Pâdas; in this connection, of course, the phrase is intended besides to convey the meaning of 'the splendour which dwells in the feet.' Comp. Pâraskara I, 3, 12 and Professor Stenzler's note there. My German translation of this Sätra of Sankhâyana rests on a misunderstanding.
8, 1. The Agrayaneshti is the corresponding rite of the Srauta ritual. Comp. Indische Studien, X, 343. The deities of that sacrifice are Indra and Agni; the Visve devas; Heaven and Earth.
3. In the text read for tvayâ gvasena, tvayâsvasena.
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III ADHYAYA, 10 KHANDA, 1. ,
99
5. With (the words), ‘The navel art thou ; do not fear; the knot of the breathing powers art thou ; do not loosen thyself,' (he touches) the navel;
6. With the verse, 'Bliss with our ears' (Rig-veda I, 89, 8), (he touches) the limbs as stated (in that verse);
7. Worshipping the sun with the verse, • Yonder eye' (Rig-veda VII, 66, 16).
KHANDA 9. 1. "May the noisy (goddesses) keep you away from slaughtering hosts. May the entire share, O cows, that belongs to this lord of cows, suffer no harm among you—and)
'May Pashan go after our cows' (Rig-veda VI, 54, 5)this he shall speak over the cows when they go away (to their pasture-grounds).
2. ‘May Pashan hold' (Rig-veda VI, 54, 10), when they run about.
3. "May they whose udder with its four holes is full of sweet and ghee, be milk-givers to us; (may they be) many in our stable, rich in ghee'-and,
The cows have come' (Rig-veda VI, 28), when they have come back.
4. The last (verse) when he puts them in (into the stable).
5. The hymn, 'Refreshing wind' (Rig-veda X, 169), (he recites over the cows), when they are gone into the stable.
KHANDA 10. 1. The new moon that follows after the Phålguna
9, 1. The noisy ones are the winds; comp. the passage of Sânkhayana-Srauta-slltra, quoted p. 144 of the German edition.
H 2
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SÂNKHẤYANA-GRIHYA-SOTRA.
full moon, falls under (the Nakshatra) Revatt: on that (new moon day) he shall have the marks made (on his cattle),
2. With the words), “Thou art the world, thousandfold prospering. To Indra may exertion (?) give thee. Inviolate art thou, unhurt, sap, food, protection. For as many (cows) I shall do this now, for more (than these) may I do it in the latest year.'
3. Of that (cow) that calves first let him sacrifice the biestings with the two verses,' Yearly the milk of the cow' (Rig-veda X, 87, 17. 18).
4. If she brings forth twin-calves, let him sacrifice with the Mahâvyâhritis, and give the mother of the twins (to the Brâhmanas).
KHANDA 11. 1. Now (follows) the Vrishotsarga (i.e. setting a bull at liberty).
2. On the Kârttika full moon day or on that day of the Asvayuga (month) that falls under (the Nakshatra) Revati .
3. He sacrifices, after having kindled amid the cows a well-inflamed fire, Agya oblations (with the words),
4. 'Here is delight; take delight here. Svâhâ !
10, 2. The reading of två sramo dadat is doubtful. See the Various Readings in the German edition.
11, 1. A part of this chapter is nearly identical with the corresponding section of the Kathaka-grihya; see Jolly's article, Das Dharma-stra des Vishnu, &c. (Sitzung der philos. philol. Classe der Bairischen Academie, 7 Juni, 1879), p. 39. Comp. also Pâraskara III, 9; Vishnu LXXXVI, and Jolly's remarks, in Deutsche Rundschau X, p. 428.
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III ADHYAYA, II KHANDA, 16.
IOI
Here is still-standing; here is (your) own stillstanding. Svâhâ !
I have let the calf join its mother. May the calf, sucking its mother's breast, support increase of wealth among us. Svâhâ !'
5. With the verse, ‘May Pashan go after our cows' (Rig-veda VI, 54, 5) he sacrifices from (a mess of sacrificial food) belonging to Pashan.
6. Having murmured the Rudra-(hymns),
7. (He takes) a one-coloured, two-coloured, or three-coloured (bull),
8. Or one that protects the herd, 9. Or that is protected by the herd, 10. Or it may also be red.
11. It should have all its limbs complete, and be the finest (bull) in the herd.
12. Having adorned that (bull),
13. And the four best young cows of the herd, having adorned those too,
14. (He says,) 'This young (bull) I give you as your husband; sporting with him, your lover, walk about. Do not desert us (?), being joined (with us) from your birth. In increase of wealth, in food may we rejoice. Svâhâ !!
15. When (the bull) is in the midst (of the cows), he recites over (them), 'Refreshing,' &c. (Rig-veda X, 169, i seq.) down to the end of the Anuvâka.
16. With the milk of all of them he shall cook milkrice and feed Brâhmanas with it.
6. Rig-veda I, 43. 114; II, 33 ; VII, 46.
14. The translation 'do not desert us,' rests on the conjecture må vasthâta; see the Various Readings, and the note on p. 145 of the German edition.
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102
SÂNKHÂYANA-GR/HYA-SOTRA.
KHANDA 12. 1. After the Âgrahầyani (or the full moon day of the month Margasirsha) (follow) the three Ashtakâs in the second fortnight (of the Margasirsha and of the two following months).
2. At the first of these he sacrifices vegetables,
3. With (the verse), 'She who shone forth first is this (earth); she walks, having entered into this (earth). The wife has brought forth (children), the new-creating mother. May the three powers follow her. Svâhâ !'
4. Now (the oblation for Agni) Svishtakrit,
5. With (the verses), 'She in whom Yama, the son of Vivasvat, and all gods are contained, the Ashtakâ whose face is turned to all sides, she has satiated my desires.
"They call thy teeth "the pressing-stones;" thy
12, 1. On the Ashtakâ festivals, of which some texts reckon three, while others have four, comp. Weber, Naxatra (second article), pp. 337, 341 seq.; Bühler, S. B. E., II, p. 214; Ludwig, Rig-veda, vol. iv, pp. 424 seq.; Atharva-veda III, 1o. The last Ashtaka, which is celebrated in the dark fortnight of Mâgha, is called Ekâshtaka; this Ashtaka is called the wife of the year,''the image of the year,''the disposer of the days. If the Phâlguna month is reckoned as the first of the year, this Ashtakâ precedes the year's beginning only by a few days; there are also some Vedic passages which point to the Ekâshtakâ's following shortly after the beginning of the year; see Weber, loc. cit., p. 342.
3. Instead of navakrit the parallel texts (except the Mantrabrâhmana II, 2, 12) have navagat, which is explained by nûtanavivahavatî (Ludwig, loc. cit.); the three powers' are understood by Mâdhava (in the commentary on Taitt. Samh. IV, 3, 11) as Agni, Surya, and Kandra.
5. After pavamânah there is evidently a word wanting that
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III ADHYÂYA, 13 KHANDA, 4.
103
udder is (Soma) Pavamâna ; .... are the months and half-months. Adoration to thee, O glad-faced one! Svâhâ !'
KHANDA 13. 1. At the middle (Ashtaka) and in the middle of the rainy season,
2. The four Mahâvyâhritis (and) the four (verses), They who have thirsted' (Rig-veda X, 15, 9 seq.): having quickly recited (these verses) he shall sacrifice the omentum ;
3. Or (he shall do so) with the verse, 'Carry the omentum, Gâtavedas, to the Manes, where thou knowest them in the world of virtue. May streams of fat flow to them; may the wishes of the sacrificer be fulfilled. Svâhâ !'
4. (Then follow) the four Mahâvyâhritis (and) the four (verses), “They who have thirsted' (see Sätra 2): (thus is offered) an eightfold oblation of cooked food, together with the cut-off portions.
indicated the limb of the Ashtaka's body identified with the months and half-months.
13, 1. On madhyâvarsha, comp. Weber, loc. cit., pp. 331, 337. Narayana understands not in the middle of the rainy season,' but in the middle of the year' (see his note, p. 146 of the German edition). I cannot help thinking that the word madhyavarshe, given by the MSS. here and in Pâraskara III, 3, 13, and explained by Nârâyana, is a corrupt reading which we should correct into maghyavarshe (the festival celebrated during the rainy season under the Nakshatra Maghâs'), or something like that. The MSS. of Âsvalâyana-Grıhya II, 5, 9 have mâghyâvarsham, mâghavarsham, mâdhyâvarsham. Vishnu (LXXVI, 1, comp. LXXVIII, 52, and Professor Jolly's note, Sacred Books of the East, VII, p. 240) mentions the three Ashtakâs, the three Anvashtakas, a Magha day which falls on the thirteenth of the dark half of the month Praushthapada. Comp. Manu III, 273, varshâsu ka maghâsu ka ; Yâgñavalkya I, 260.
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SÂNKHAYANA-GRIHYA-SÛTRA.
5. Or, ‘Interposed are the mountains; interposed is the wide earth to me. With the sky and all the points of the horizon I interpose another one instead of the father. To N. N. svâhâ !
'Interposed to me are the seasons, and days and nights, the twilight's children. With the months and half-months I interpose another one instead of the father. To N. N. svâhâ !
With the standing ones, with the streaming ones, with the small ones that flow about: with the waters, the supporters of all I interpose another one instead of the father. To N. N. svâhâ !
Wherein my mother has done amiss, going astray, faithless to her husband, that sperm may my father take as his own; may another one fall off from the mother. To N. N. svâhâ !'— these four (verses) instead of the Mahâvyâhritis, if (the sacrificer) is an illegitimate child.
6. Or milk-rice (should be offered).
7. On the next day the Anvashtakya ceremony (i.e. ceremony following the Ashtaka) in accordance with the rite of the Pindapitriyagña.
Khanda 14.
1. On the last (Ashtaka) he sacrifices cakes,
2. With the words, 'The Ukthya and the Atirâtra, the Sadyahkri together with the metre-Ashtaka !
5. Instead of ‘N. N.' (the text has the feminine amushyai) the sacrificer inserts the name of his mother. For mâsâs, ardhamasâs I propose to read, mâsais, ardhamâsais.
7. On Anvashtakya, comp. Bühler, S. B. E., XIV, p. 55; Jolly, loc. cit., p. 59.
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III ADHYÂYA, 14 KHANDA, 6.
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Preparer of cakes! Adoration to thee, O glad-faced one. Svâhâ !
3. A cow or a goat is the animal (to be sacrificed), or a mess of cooked food (should be offered).
4. Or he may optionally offer food to a cow.
5. Or he may optionally burn down brushwood in the forest and say, 'This is my Ashtaka.'
6. But let him not neglect to do (one of these things). But let him not neglect to do (one of these
things).
Here ends the Third Adhyâya.
14, 3-6. This is one of the passages which the author has taken unchanged from a more ancient Sætra ; see Åsv. II, 4, 8-11; Gobhila IV, 1 (end of the chapter). The Sätras do not refer, as their position would seem to indicate, to the third, but to the second Ashtaka.
5. Comp. Weber, loc. cit., p. 342, note 1.
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106
SANKHAYANA-GRIHYA-SUTRA.
ADHYAYA IV, KHANDA 1.
1. Let him offer (Srâddha oblations) every month to the fathers.
2. Having invited an uneven number of Brâhmanas, versed in the Veda, at least three, to sit down as (representing) the fathers,
1, 1. Khandas 1-4 contain the rules regarding the Srâddha oblations directed to the Manes. The dinners offered in connection with these Srâddha sacrifices to Brahmanas and also-though of this of course no notice is taken in Vedic texts-to Sramanas stood in the first line among the exhibitions of liberality of lay people towards priests and monks. Thus we find among the stock phrases that constantly reoccur in the Pâli Pitakas, the mention of Samanas and Brâhmanas 'who have eaten the food given to them out of faith' (saddhâdeyyâni bhoganâni bhungitva) wherein the 'food given out of faith' (saddhâdeyya) either chiefly or exclusively means the Srâddha dinners, which are so called because the sacrificer gives them 'full of faith' (sraddhâsamanvita, Manu III, 275) to the Brâhmanas and through them to the Manes.
The principal form of Srâddha is that treated of in chap. 1, which is designated in other texts (see, for instance, ÂsvalâyanaGrihya IV, 7, 1) as pârvana srâddha. There are, however, besides the parvan of the new moon, other times also considered as admissible for the performing of this monthly Srâddha; see Gautama XV, 2 seq.; Apastamba II, 16, &c.; and comp. on the Srâddhas in general the passages quoted by Professor Jolly, Das Dharma-sûtra des Vishnu (Sitzung der Bair. Akademie, phil. Classe, 7 Juni, 1879), pp. 46 seq.; Max Müller, 'India, what can it teach us?' pp. 234 seq., 374 seq.
2. "As the fathers" means: he invites the youngest, middleaged, and eldest Brâhmanas to sit down in the place of the father, the grandfather, and the great-grandfather' (Nârâyana). A similar explanation of pitrivat is mentioned by Nârâyana on Asvalâyana
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IV ADHYAYA, I KHANDA, 8.
107
3. And having strewn sesamum into an uneven number of water-pots,
4. He shall pour them out over the hands of the Brahmanas, assigning (this gift) to them with the words, N. N.! This to thee!'
5. After this they should be adorned;
6. And after he has (respectfully) spoken to them, and has put food into the fire,
7. Assigning (the food) to them with the words, 'N. N.! This to thee!' he shall cause them to eat.
8. While they are eating, he shall murmur the Mahâvyâhritis, the Sâvitrî, the Madhuvâtiya-verses (Rig-veda I, 90, 6 seq.), and verses addressed to the Manes and to (Soma) Pavamâna.
Grihya IV, 7, 2. My German translation of this Sûtra ought to be altered accordingly.
Besides the Brahmanas mentioned in this Sutra, who represent the fathers, according to all the commentaries, other Brahmanas had to be invited as representing the Visve devâs. Nârâyana gives detailed statements as to the number of the paitrika and of the daivika Brahmanas to be invited, and though at first sight a European reader would rather be inclined to doubt whether at the Srâddha ceremony, as the author of the text intended to describe it, any Brahmanas at all had to be present except the paitrikas, the Sutra 2, 5 shows that the commentators are quite right in their statements regarding both categories of Brâhmanas.
5-7. It would be more natural to alter the division of the Sutras, so as to bring âmantrya in the fifth, annañ ka in the seventh Sutra. In this case we should have to translate : 5. After this, having (respectfully) spoken to them who have been adorned (by him with flowers, ornaments, &c.); 6. And having put (food) into the fire, 7. And having assigned the food to them, &c., he shall cause them to eat.-The respectful address mentioned in the fifth Sutra consists, according to Nârâyana, in the announcement, 'Ye Brahmanas, I will put (food) into the fire!' (comp. Âsv.Grihya IV, 7, 18), which he subsequently does with the formulas,
To Agni Kavyavâhana svâhâ! To Soma Pitrimat svâhâ! To Yama Angirasvat Pitrimat svâhâ!' Comp. Baudhâyana II, 14, 8.
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108
SÂNKHÂVANA-GRIHYA-SOTRA.
9. When they have finished with eating, he shall offer the lumps (of flour).
10. Before (their dinner he shall offer) the lumps, according to some (teachers).
11. Behind (these he places the lumps) for their wives, putting something between these and the preceding ones).
12. To the Brâhmanas he shall announce the remnants.
13. The rites of the putting (of food) into the fire (see Satra 6), &c. have been declared (in the Srauta-sūtra) by the Pindapitriyagña.
KHANDA 2.
1. Now (follows) the Ekoddishta (i.e. the Sraddha ceremony directed to a single dead person),
2. With one strainer, 3. One (pot of) Argha-water, 4. One lump (of flour). 5. No inviting (takes place here), nor the putting
9. As to the way in which the Pindas should be offered, Nåráyana refers to the Srauta-sâtra (IV, 4).
10, II. Pindan evidently belongs to the tenth Sætra, not, as the Indian tradition takes it, to the eleventh. Between the Pindas of the fathers and those belonging to the mothers he puts, according to Narayana, for instance, Darbha grass.
13. Srauta-sútra IV, 3 seq.
2, 1. Eka uddishlo yasmin sraddhe tad ekoddishtam (Nâr.). This is the kind of Sraddha sacrifice which is to be performed for one twice-born during the first year after his death; see Manu III, 247; Yâgñavalkya I, 250.
3. This rule about the Argha water corresponds to those given with regard to the Pârvana Sraddha in the Sätras 3 and 4 of the preceding chapter.
5. Because the âvâhana (inviting) is forbidden here, it follows
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IV ADHYAYA, 3 KHANDA, 1.
109
(of food) into the fire, nor (do) the Visve devas (take part in this ceremony). "Relished ?'—thus are they to be asked whether they are satiated. "May it approach (the fathers),' instead of imperishable.'
6. 'Be satisfied,' when sending them away. 7. Thus through one year, when one has died. 8. And (then) omission of the fourth one.
KHANDA 3. 1. Now (follows) the Sapindlkarana (i.e. reception of a dead person into the community of Pindaofferings with the other Manes).
that it must take place at the Pârvana Sraddha' (Når.). According to Råmakandra's Paddhati he shall say to the Brâhmanas, 'I will invite hither the fathers;' and when they give their consent, he invites them with Rig-veda X, 16, 12. Comp. Yâgñavalkya I, 232 seq., &c. Regarding the Visve devâs comp. the note on chap. 1, 2; as to the triptaprasna (the question whether they are satiated) comp. Manu III, 251 ; Yâgñ. I, 240. At the Pârvana Sraddha, after the Brahmanas have finished their dinner and rinsed their mouths, and after the Pindas have been offered, the sacrificer says,
May what has been given at this Sraddha to our father N. N., who belongs to the gotra N.N., be imperishable !' (comp. Yâgñ. I, 242.) This phrase is to be altered at the Ekoddishta Sraddha in the way indicated in this Satra.
8. After the Ekoddish/a Sraddha has been performed for a dead person during the first year after his death, he is to be admitted, by the Sapindikarana ceremony, among the other Manes, and receives thenceforward his Pinda together with them at the ordinary Pârvana Sraddha. As the ritual of this Sraddha requires that the number of the 'fathers' worshipped should be three, the accession of a new person makes necessary the omission of the pra-prapitâmaha, who has now become fourth among the fathers.
3, 1. It appears to me that this whole chapter is a later addition to the original text. The last Sätra of the preceding chapter, treating of the omission of the fourth father,' which forms, as shown in the preceding note, a consequence of the Sapindikarana,
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SANKHAYANA-GRIHYA-SUTRA.
2. When one year has elapsed, or three halfmonths,
IIO
3. Or on a day when something good happens, 4. He fills four water-pots with sesamum, scents, and water,
5. Three for the fathers, one for the (newly) dead person,
6. And pours the pot that belongs to the (newly) dead person out into the pots of the fathers with the two verses, 'They who commonly' (Vâgasaneyi Samhitâ XIX, 45. 46).
7. Thus also the lump (of flour). 8. This is the Sapindîkarana.
KHANDA 4.
1. Now (follows) the Âbhyudayika (i.e. the Srâddha ceremony referring to good luck).
supposes this ceremony to be known and to require no special explanation. Had the intention of the author been to treat of the Sapindikarana, this would have been the right place for mentioning the katurthavisarga, and not, as we really read it, the end of the chapter treating of the Ekoddish/a. As pointing in the same direction I will mention that the Sâmbavya-Grihya, while giving the first, second, and fourth chapter of this Adhyâya, omits the third. Finally it seems decisive to me that the fifth (Parisishta) book of the Sânkhâyana-Grihya treats of the Sapindikarana in a whole chapter (V, 9), which shows that the text itself, as the author of the Parisish/a read it, gave no exposition of this ceremony.
2. Nârâyana says that tripaksha means either three pakshas, i. e. one month and a half, or one paksha deficient by three days, i. e. twelve days. We need not say that the latter explanation is inadmissible; it evidently rests on a wrong conclusion drawn from a passage of another Sûtra quoted by him, in which it is stated that the Sapindikarana should be performed samvatsarânte dvâdasâhe vâ.
4, 1. The Abhyudayika Srâddha has to be performed on such
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IV ADHYAYA, 4 KHANDA, 14.
2. In the fortnight of the increasing moon, on an auspicious day,
3. After the sacrifice to the mothers has been performed,
4. And an even number of (Brâhmanas) versed in the Veda have been invited to sit down;
III
5. In the forenoon;
6. The rite is performed from left to right.
7. The murmuring with the omission of the verses belonging to the Manes.
8. The Darbha blades are straight.
9. Barley is to be used instead of sesamum.
10. The lumps are mixed with curds, jujube fruits, fried grain.
11. On inviting (the Manes, he should say), 'The Nândimukha (glad-faced?) Manes will I invite.'
12. May the Nândimukha Manes be rejoiced,' instead of 'imperishable.'
13. 'The Nândimukha Manes will I make speak,' when he makes (the Brahmanas) speak.
(
14. (Was it) well done?'-thus are they to be asked whether they are satiated.
occasions as the birth of a son, the marriage of a son or a daughter, the performance of ceremonies such as the nâmakarman, kûdâkarman, &c. See Yâgñavalkya I, 249.
3. A Srâddha ceremony directed to the mothers here precedes that consecrated to the fathers.
6. Professor Stenzler's translation of Yâgñavalkya, loc. cit. (pradakshinâvritka = die Ehrfurcht beobachtend), has to be corrected according to this Sûtra.
7. See chap. 1, 8.
9. See chap. 1, 3.
11. Concerning the 'invitation' (âvâhana) see the note on chap. 2, 5. 12. See chap. 2, 5 and the note there.
13. 'When he causes them to say Svadhâ.' Nârâyana. Comp. Asv.-Grihya IV, 7, 30.
14. Comp. chap. 2, 5.
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II2
SÂNKHẤYANA-GR/HYA-SOTRA.
15. The rest is the same (as in the other kinds of Sraddha rites), as far as it is not prohihited (by contrary rules).
KHANDA 5.
1. Now (follows) the Upakarana (i.e. the ceremony by which the annual course of study is opened).
2. When the herbs appear, under the Nakshatra Hasta or Sravana,
3. Let him make oblations of the flour of fried barley and of grains, mixed with curds and ghee, with the (whole) Veda, verse by verse: thus say some (teachers).
4. Or with the first verses of the Saktas and Anuvâkas.
5. With the first verses of the Adhyâyas and of the sections belonging to the (different) Rishis, according to Mândûkeya.
6. But Kaushitaki has said :
7. 'I praise Agni the Purohita' (Rig-veda I, 1, 1), this one verse,
8. The Kushumbhaka (mungoose ?) has said it;' If thou criest, O bird, announce luck to us ;' 'Sung by Gamadagni;''In thy abode the whole world rests;'
5, 1. As to the Upakarana, see the statements of Professor Weber in his second article on the Nakshatras, Abhandlungen der Berliner Akademie, 1861, p. 338, and of Professor Bühler in his notes on Âpastamba, S. B. E., II, pp. 110, 111.
2. The Nakshatra Sravana is evidently considered as particularly fit for this occasion because of its name containing an allusion to sruti, &c.
4. I have followed Narayana, but perhaps I ought to have translated, Saktas or Anuvâkas,' and in the fifth Sätra, Adhyâyas or the sections, &c.'
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IV ADHYÂYA, 5 KHANDA, 13.
113
Come to our sacrifice, O you that are worthy of sacrifice, with care;' 'Whosoever, be he ours, be he alien;' 'Look on, look about;' 'Come here, Agni, the Maruts' friend;' 'The oblation, O king, cooked for thee :' each time two verses,
9. “That blessing and bliss we choose'—this one verse (the first and last verse of each Mandala).
10. (Taking something) of the remnants of the sacrificed (food) they partake of that sacrificial food with this (verse), I praised Dadhikråvan' (Rigveda IV, 39, 6).
11. They sip water, sit down,
12. Murmur the Mahâvyâhritis, the Savitri, and the auspicious hymns commencing from the beginning of the Veda,
13. And cause the teacher to pronounce auspicious wishes.
9. According to Kaushitaki, the oblations are made with the first and last rikas of each Mandala. The last rik of the tenth Mandala quoted here, tak kham yor å vrinimahe, is different from the verse with which our Samhitâ (the Såkala Samhita of the Rig-veda) closes. It is well known that tak kham yor â vrinimahe is the last verse in the Bashkala Sakha which was adopted by the Sankhayana school (comp. Indische Studien, IV, 431; Weber, Verzeichniss der Berliner Sanskrit-Handschriften, p. 314, &c.; Indische Literaturgeschichte, second edition, Nachtrag, p. 2). It was also known long since that the Bashkala Sakhâ of the Rig-veda contains eight hymns more than the Såkala Sâkha. The Karanavy@ha Bhashya (comp. Dr. von Schroeder's Introduction to his excellent edition of the Maitrầyanî Samhitâ, vol. i, p. xxiv), known to me through the kindness of Professor Weber, tells which eight hymns these are. There it is said (folio 22 of Professor Weber's MS.) that in the Bashkala Samhitâ there followed after VIII, 48 the first two of the Vâlakhilya hymns, after VIII, 94 the Vâlakhilya hymns 3-7, and at the end of the whole collection the so-called samgñana hymn (see Professor Max Müller's edition, vol. vi, p. 32), which ends with the very verse quoted in our Satra, tak kham yor å vrinimahe.
(29)
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SÂNKHAYANA-GRIHYA-SÚTRA.
14. Of this (ceremony) it is also said,
15. `Desirous (of acquiring) for the hymns inexhaustible vigour, reverence, and also soundness, the Rishis, by the power of their austerities, have discovered the Upâkarman.
16. Therefore a constant performer of the six kinds of works should, in order that his Mantras might be successful, perform the Upâkarman-so they say-if he wishes for success of his (holy) works.
17. 'At the time of the Upâkarman and of the Utsarga an interruption (of the Veda-study) shall take place for (three days and) three nights, likewise at the Ashtakâs for one day and one night, and so on the last night of each season.'
KHANDA 6. 1. On the first day of the bright fortnight of Magha,
2. To the north-east, 3. In a place covered with herbs,
4. Having murmured the hymns sacred to the Sun, Upwards that Gâtavedas' (Rig-veda I, 50), *The bright face of the gods' (I, 115), 'Adoration to Mitra's (eye)'(X, 37), 'From the sky (where he dwells) may Sarya protect us' (X, 158),
16. The six kinds of works are, performing sacrifices (yagana), officiating at the sacrifices of others (yâgana), studying the Veda (adhyayana), teaching the Veda to others (adhyâpana), giving (dana), and accepting gifts (pratigraha). Nârâyana.
17. Concerning the Utsarga, see chap. 6. This Sloka occurs also Manu IV, 119 with the reading kshepanam instead of kshapanam kshapanam khandasân virâma anadhyâyah,' Narayana). Kshapanam is correct.
6, 1. This Khanda treats of the Utsarga, i. e. the ceremony performed at the end of the term.
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IV ADHYAYA, 7 KHANDA, 7.
115
5. And having thrown clods of earth (on the ground) to the different quarters (of the horizon), from the left to the right, with the hymn, 'A ruler indeed' (Rig-veda X, 152), verse by verse,
6. And having satiated (with water) the Rishis, the metres, the deities, faith and insight, and the fathers man by man,
7. They interrupt (the study of) the hymns for six months and a half,
8. Or for five and a half.
9. But if they (wish to) recite them (nevertheless), let the recitation go on after a pause of one day and one night.
KHANDA 7.
1. Now the interruption (of the Veda recitation):— 2. In the case of prodigies until the same time (next day),
3. And in the case of other miracles;
4. In the case of lightning, thunder, and rains (the recitation shall be interrupted) till the twilight has thrice passed;
5. At a Srâddha-dinner for one day;
6. If a death (of relations) or birth has happened, for ten days;
7. On the fourteenth days (of the fortnights), the new moon days, and the Ashtakâ days,
6. On the tarpana, comp. chaps. 9 and 10.
7, 2. The translation of âkâlam given in my German edition (Während der betreffenden Zeit) is wrong: comp. the commentary there quoted at p. 150; Gautama XVI, 22; Professor Stenzler's note on Pâraskara II, 11, 2.
6. Agham sapindasodakayor maranam. Nârâyana.
7. According to Nârâyana the ka at the end of this Sutra would
I 2
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SÂNKHAYANA-GRIHYA-SÛTRA.
8. And on misty days. 9. And when the teacher has died, for ten days; 10. When he has heard of it, for three days ;
II. And (on the death) of those whose familyhead he is.
12. On receiving (gifts) as at the Sraddha. 13. On (the death of) a fellow-student ;
14. When he has followed (the funeral of) a dead person,
15. And when he has laid down the lumps of flour to the fathers.
16. At night; 17. During twilight; 18. On the full and change of the moon; 19. After sunset; 20. In the neighbourhood of a Sadra ; 21. When the sound of a Sâman is heard ; 22. On a burial ground;
be intended to convey the meaning that on the pratipad days of each fortnight the study should also be interrupted.
8. The translation of nabhya is quite conjectural. Nârâyana gives a different meaning to this word; comp. p. 150 of the German edition.
II. Akaryaputrâdayah Narayana.
21. The reason why the recitation of the Rig-veda is forbidden when the sound of a Sâman is heard, becomes manifest, for instance, from Apastamba I, 10, 7, where the discontinuance of the Veda-study is prescribed when the barking of dogs, the braying of asses, the cry of a wolf, &c., the sound of musical instruments, of weeping, and of a Sâman is heard. Loud sounds like these would disturb the recitation of Rik or Yagus texts. A very curious opinion has been recently brought forward by Professor Aufrecht (see his edition of the Rig-veda, second edition, vol. ii, p. xxxviii) that the incompatibility of the recitation of Rik hymns and of Samans
beruht auf der Kenntniss von der Willkür und der zum Theil unwürdigen Weise, in welcher der alte Text des Rig-veda in diesem Gesangbuche (i. e. the Sâmavedarkika) behandelt ist.'
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IV ADHYÂYA, 7 KHANDA, 47.
117
23. In a wilderness which belongs to the village ; 24. In a village where a corpse is ; 25. On seeing forbidden sights; 26. On hearing what is forbidden; 27. On smelling a foul smell ; 28. If a high wind blows; 29. If a cloud emits (heavy) rain ; 30. On a carriage road; 31. And while the sound of a lute is heard ; 32. While being on a chariot ;
33. (In the neighbourhood) of a dog as (in that) of a Sadra;
34. Having climbed up a tree; 35. Having descended into a pit ; 36. (Immersed) in water ; 37. While anybody cries ;
38. While suffering bodily pain ; · 39. While he is naked;
40. Whilst impure with the remnants of food; 41. On a bridge ;
42. On the occasion of the shaving of the hair and the beard until the bath;
43. While being rubbed ; 44. While bathing; 45. When having sexual intercourse ; 46. While being anointed;
47. (In the neighbourhood) of a man who has to touch corpses (a corpse-bearer, &c.), of a woman that has recently been confined, or that has her courses, as (in the neighbourhood) of a Súdra ;
23. Grâmâranye grâmam (read, grâma?) evâranyam vanam tatra nádhîyîta. Narayana.
29. Except during the rainy season. Nârâyana.
45. Narayana also understands maithuna, and I think that the German translation ought to be corrected accordingly.
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SANKHÂYANA-GRIHYA-SUTRA.
48. With veiled hands;
49. In an army;
50. In presence of a Brahmana who has not had his meal, and of cows (that have eaten nothing);
51. When (these impediments) have passed, let them (continue to) recite (the Veda).
52. Should any of these cases arise against his will, let him (continue to) recite after having held his breath and looked at the sun.
53. (The same rules hold good,) except (those regarding) lightning, thunder, and rain, for (the study of) the Kalpa. During the five months and a half (they have to behave) as while it rains.
54. Thereof it is also said,
55. 'Food, water, roots and fruits, and whatsoever else Srâddha-food there may be even when he has (only) accepted thereof, the study should be interrupted; the Brâhmana's hand is his mouth; so it is taught.'
53. I think that this Sûtra contains two different rules which have to be separated, viz. 1. vidyutstanayitnuvarshavargam kalpe; 2. varshavad ardhashash the shu. The first of these rules would extend the cases of anadhyâya mentioned in this chapter to the study of the Kalpa-sûtra, except the cases of lightning, rain, &c. The second would refer to the five months and a half following on the Utsarga ceremony (comp. chap. 6, 8), and would imply that during this time the same texts are to be studied or not, according as their study is allowed or forbidden during rainfall: i. e. the study of the Samhitâ is to be discontinued, while that of the Kalpa is allowed to go on. Râmakandra and Nârâyana differ from this interpretation; see p. 151 of the German edition.
55. Comp. Manu IV, 117; Vasish/ha XIII, 16.
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IV ADHYAYA, 8 KHANDA, 16.
ΙΙ9
KHANDA 8. 1. And to (students) who have been duly initiated he shall set forth (the Veda);
2. The teacher sitting to the east or to the north, the other one to the south, with his face turned to the north.
3. Or two (students shall be so seated). 4. But more (than two) as there is room (for them).
5. He should not sit on a high seat in presence of a Guru,
6. Nor on the same seat (with him), 7. Nor with outstretched feet, 8. Nor stretching his arms under his knees, 9. Nor leaning his body (against a support), 10. Nor forming with his feet a lap, 11. Nor holding his feet like an axe.
12. After (the student) has said, "Recite, sir!' the teacher shall cause him to pronounce the syllable OM.
13. Om,' replies the other. 14. Thereafter let him recite uninterruptedly. 15. When he has recited, he embraces (his teacher's
feet),
16. Says, 'We have finished, sir!' and (goes away) according to his business.
8, 1. Nyâyena sishyadharmena upetâh prâptâs tebhyah sishyebhyo vartayed adhyayanam âkâryah pravartayet. · Nârâyana.
II. Karanam kuthârikârūpam kritvâ na pathed ity arthah. Nârâ yana.
12. The words adhîhi bho (recite, sirl) are pronounced by the student; this follows from the passages quoted in the note on II, 5, 10. Narayana states that those words are pronounced by the teacher (âkâryo guruh sishyam adhyapanârtham adhîhi bho 3 iti sabdam uktva ...).
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I 20
SÂNKHÂYANA-GRIHYA-SÛTRA.
17. (He shall say,) 'Leave! Pause meanwhile !' according to some (teachers).
18. Let no one step between (a teacher and students) who study.
19. Let no one change his place during the recitation.
20. Should any fault be committed, let him fast three days, or one day and one night, repeat the Savitri as long as he can, and give something to the Brâhmanas; then after an interruption of one day and one night the study should go on.
KHANDA 9. 1. Having bathed,
2. And having submerged himself at the time prescribed for the bath, he satiates the deities :
19. The translation of âtmânam vipariharet is conjectural; comp. also Nårâyana's note, p. 151 of the German edition.
9, 1. It is not expressly stated in our text for what occasion the tarpana (i.e. satiating of deities, Rishis, &c. with water-offerings), which is treated of in chap. 9-10, shall be prescribed. The comparison of Baudhayana II, 9 might perhaps lead us to believe that the ceremony in question is to be performed whenever the sacrificer takes a bath. But the two texts which are most closely connected with ours, the Sâmbavya and Asvalâ yana Grihyas, seem to point clearly to another conclusion. The Sâmbavya-sûtra transposes the rules about the tarpana to the place which would correspond to Sutra II, 7, 28 of our text. The passage of the Sâmbavyasätra runs thus : mûle kundam kritva yathoktam adbhih parishinkaty athemâs (so the MS.) tarpayati Agnih Pragapatir Vir û pakshah, &c. It ends : pitarah pitâmahâh prapitámahâh Pailah Kaholah Kaushîtakah (sic) Kaholaya Kaushitakaye svadhâstv iti pratipurushah (sic) pitrims tarpayitva. The last words are taken from the Sätra IV, 6, 6 of our text. Thus there can be no doubt that Sâmbavya intended to prescribe the tarpana for the conclusion of the
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IV ADHYAYA, 9 KHANDA, 3.
I 21
3. 'Agni may satiate himself; Vayu may satiate himself; Sürya may satiate himself; Vishnu may satiate himself; Pragậpati may satiate himself; Virgpâksha may satiate himself; Sahasraksha may satiate himself; Soma, Brahman, the Vedas, the gods, the Rishis, and all the metres, the word Om, the word VASHAT, the Mahâvyâhritis, the Sâvitri, the sacrifices, heaven and earth, the Nakshatras, the air, days and nights, the numbers, the twilights, the oceans, the rivers, the mountains, fields, herbs, trees, Gandharvas and Apsaras, the serpents, the birds, the Siddhas, the Sâdhyas, the Vipras, the Yakshas, the Rakshas, the beings that have these (Rakshas, &c.) at their end, may satiate themselves.
'I satiate the Sruti; I satiate the Smriti; I satiate the firmness; I satiate the delight; I satiate
veda dhyayana. The same can be said of Âsvalâyana, who also by the position which he assigns to the tarpana sections (III, 4) brings it into a similar connection with the vedadhyayana (see Narayana's commentary on Asv., loc. cit.). We may also refer to the treatise about the study of the Aranyaka, which is appended to the Sânkhayana-Grihya as its sixth book; there the tarpana is mentioned quite in the same connection (VI, 6, 10 seq.). I believe, therefore, that in our text, chapters 9 and 10 have found their place here as a sort of supplementary addition to chap. 6, 6, just as in the first book the list of Nakshatras seems likewise appended to the Sätra I, 25, 5.
According to Narayana, snâtah in the first Satra would refer to the bath which forms part of the Samâvartana ceremony (see III, 1, 1), so that it would be the Grihastha, who has taken the Samavartana bath, to whom the following rules refer.
3. Comp. the similar lists of Âsvalâyana, Grihya III, 4; Sâmbavya, quoted in my German edition of Sankhâyana, p. 153; and Baudhấyana II, 9 (S. B. E., vol. xiv, pp. 252 seq.). The last seems to be the most modern.
It should be observed that the section of the list contained in this Satra, as well as that given below, chap. 10, 3, is divided into
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1 22
SANKHẤYANA-GRIHYA-SOTRA.
the success; I satiate the thought; I satiate belief and insight, and the memory, cows and Brâhmanas, movable and immovable things. All beings may satiate themselves !'—so far with the sacrificial cord suspended over the left shoulder.
KHANDA 10. 1. Now with the sacrificial cord suspended over the right shoulder,
2. Looking in the direction that belongs to the Manes (i.e. the south):
3. The (Rishis) of the hundred (Rikas), the (Rishis) of the middle (Mandalas), Gritsamada, Visvâmitra, Gamadagni, Vâmadeva, Atri, Bharadvâga, Vasishtha, the Pragathas, the (Rishis) of the Pavamâna hymns, the (Rishis) of the short hymns and of the long hymns, Sumantu, Gaimini, Vaisampâyana, Paila, the Satras, the Bhâshyas, Gârgya, Babhru, Bâbhravya, Mandu, Mândavya, Gârgi Va
two parts, in the first of which the name of the being to be worshipped is given in the nominative case, with the verb tripyatu, while in the second it stands in the accusative, with the verb tarpayâmi. The first part of this section contains the names of gods and of divine beings, such as the rivers, the mountains, &c.; in the second part are found abstract qualities or notions, such as mati, dhriti, sruti. Similarly in chapter 10, 3 the Vedic poets, a few ancient teachers, and wise women, such as Gârgî or Sulabhâ, form the first part of the list, and then follow, in the accusative case, the names of such doctors as Sânkhâyana, Asvalâyana, Sâkalya. In Asvalâyana's Sūtra of the first of our two sections only the first part reoccurs, the second is omitted, while the second section is found there in its entirety, with the same difference of names given in the nominative and accusative cases. The conjectures, however, which I had once based on this difference (see my German edition, pp. 152, 153) as to the distinction of a more ancient part of the list, and of later supplements, are perhaps too hazardous.
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IV ADHYÂYA, II KHANDA, 10.
123
kaknaví, Vadavâ Pratitheyi, Sulabha Maitreyi (may satiate themselves).
'(I satiate) Kahola Kaushitaki, Mahâkaushitaki, Suyagña Sânkhâyana, Åsvalâyana, Aitareya, Mahaitareya, Bhâradvâga, Gâtûkarnya, Paingya, Mahapaingya, Båshkala, Gârgya, Sâkalya, Mândakeya, Mahâdamatra, Audavâhi, Mahaudavâhi, Sauyâmi, Saunaki, Sâkapuni, Gautami ; and whatsoever other teachers there are, may they all satiate themselves.
4. The fathers man by man. 5. •The ancestry of the father may satiate itself. 6. “The ancestry of the mother may satiate itself.'
KHANDA 11. 1. Let him not look at a naked woman, except during sexual intercourse,
2. Nor (look) at the sun while it rises or sets, 3. At an enemy, 4. At an evil-doer, 5. At a person that has to touch dead bodies.
6. Let him not talk with a woman who has recently been confined or who has her courses,
7. Nor with those (mentioned before).
8. Let him not eat food from which its strength is taken away.
9. Let him not do his work with implements wasted by use.
10. Let him not eat together (with his wife),
11, 1 seq. Rules of conduct for a Snâtaka, i.e. a man who has completed his studentship.
7. Etaih půrvoktaih anâptâdibhir na samvadet. Nârâyana.
10. Narayana states that with his wife' is to be supplied to this Sätra, which indeed is rendered probable through the comparison of Gautama IX, 32; Manu IV, 43, &c.
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SÂNKHÂVANA-GRIHYA-SOTRA.
II. Nor remnants (of food).
12. Remnants of (food belonging to the) Manes, gods, guests, and servants he may eat.
13. Gleaning ears of corn, receiving alms unasked for, or for which he has asked the good, performing sacrifices for others, are the means of livelihood;
14. (Of these) each preceding one is the more respectable.
15. Or if (his livelihood) cannot be gained (in one of the ways mentioned), let him follow the occupation of a Vaisya.
16. (He shall be careful about his duties towards Manes and gods.
17. In due time (he shall) have intercourse with his wife.
18. He shall not lie down (to sleep) in the day-time,
19. Nor during the first or the last watch of the night.
20. Let him not sit on the bare ground.
21. He shall constantly perform the prescribed duties regarding the use of water.
22. (And constantly) have his sacrificial cord suspended over his left shoulder.
23. Let him not abandon his teacher, 24. Except on (his teacher's) command, 25. Or with (his) permission.
KHandA 12. 1. Every day he shall respectfully salute his teacher,
11. Here also Narayana understands bhâryâya bhuktasesham.
15. Comp. Professor Bühler's note on Gautama X, 5, S. B. E., vol. ii, p. 225.
19. Râtreh pûrvaprahare râtreh paskimaprahare ka. Nârâyana.
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IV ADHYAYA, 12 KHANDA, 15.
125
2. And his Gurus, 3. A Srotriya when meeting him,
4. When he returns from a journey, (also) one who is not a Srotriya.
5. In the words, 'I am N. N., sir!' pronouncing his own name, crossing his hands (so as to seize with his right hand the right foot, and with his left hand the left of the other person). .
6. (The person who has been thus saluted, in reply addressing him with his name,) N.N.!' and seizing his hands, pronounces a wish to him.
7. Let him not go to a sacrifice without being chosen (thereto).
8. And let him beware of (doing) wrong. 9. Let him not go to assemblies of people.
10. If he has come upon (such assemblies), let him not point out (anything evil) against (anybody).
11. He shall not be a reviler, nor slanderous, nor a wanderer from house to house, nor a prattler.
12. He shall not walk alone, 13. Nor naked, 14. Nor with veiled hands.
15. Gods'-houses (he shall walk round) keeping the right side turned to them.
12, 5. Nåråyana : 'As to how that respectful salutation (abhivådana) should be performed, he says ... with his own right hand he touches the right foot of the  karya or other person (whom he salutes), and with his left hand the left foot (comp. Manu II, 72) (and says), “I am N. N. (amukasarman) of the Gotra N. N., sir ! I offer my respectful salutation !" !
6. 'The â kârya or other person seizes the hands of the saluting person,' &c. Nârâyana.
10. Sec Nârâyana's commentary, p. 154 of the German edition.
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SANKHAYANA-GRIHYA-SUTRA.
16. Let him not run.
17. Let him not spit.
18. Let him not scratch himself.
19. Let him not look on urine and excrements.
20. Let him sit with veiled head,
21. Not on the bare (ground),
22. If he has only one garment, suspending his sacrificial cord on his ear,
23. Not turning his face to the sun,
24. Nor his rump,
25. In the day-time with his face to the north, at night to the south.
26. He shall not (eject) phlegm into water, nor in the neighbourhood (of water).
27. He shall not climb up a tree.
28. He shall not look down into a well.
29. He shall not go to an execution-place,
30. And in no case to a cemetery.
31. Let him bathe day by day with his clothes on. 32. When he has bathed, let him put on another garment before he is dry.
KHANDA 13.
1. Under (the Nakshatra) Rohini he shall have the ploughing done.
2. Before it is done, he shall offer at the eastern boundary of his field a Bali to Heaven and Earth.
3. With a verse sacred to Heaven and Earth and with the words, 'Adoration to Heaven and Earth!' (he performs his) worship (to Heaven and Earth).
16. According to Nârâyana we should have to supply, 'while it is raining,' which is countenanced by a number of parallel texts, for instance, Âsv.-Grihya III, 9, 6.
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IV ADHYAYA, 15 KHANDA, 2.
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4. When the plough is being put into motion first, let a Brâhmana touch the plough reciting this (verse),
For luck may us the plough-shares' (Rig-veda IV, 57, 8).
5. “Through the lord of the field'—with (this hymn (Rig-veda IV, 57), verse by verse, to the different directions (of the sky), from left to right, worship is done.
KHANDA 14.
1. When going to cross water, he performs the Svastyayana (ceremony for lucky progress).
2. He sacrifices thrice with his joined hands full of water into the waters, with the words, ‘Adoration to the Sea, the child of the reed! Adoration to Varuna, the lord of righteousness! Adoration to all rivers !'
3. Murmuring, 'May Visvakarman, the father of them all, relish the food offered.'
4. Against the stream for flowing (waters); up into the air for standing ones.
5. Should he while crossing apprehend any danger, let him murmur the hymn of Vasishtha, 'The eldest of which is the sea' (Rig-veda VII, 49); this (will serve to him as) a boat.
KHANDA 15. 1. The Sravana (oblation) he offers on the full moon day that falls under (the Nakshatra) Sravishthâs, of the flour of fried barley, or of cooked food,
2. With the words), 'To Vishnu svâhâ! To (the Nakshatra) Sravana svâhâ ! To the full moon of Srâvana svâhâ ! To the rainy season svâhâ !'
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3. Having established the (sacred) domestic fire outside, and having mixed together fried grain and the flour of fried barley with butter, he sacrifices,
4. With the words), To the Lord of the celestial Serpents svâhâ ! To the celestial Serpents svâhâ !'
5. Having placed to the north of the fire a new water-pot on eastward-pointed, fresh Kusa grass,
6. With (the words), ‘May the Lord of the celestial Serpents wash himself! May the celestial Serpents wash themselves !'-he pours water into it.
7. With (the words), May the Lord of the celestial Serpents comb himself! May the celestial Serpents comb themselves !'-he makes movements with a comb.
8. With (the words), "May the Lord of the celestial Serpents paint himself! May the celestial Serpents paint themselves !'—he pours out portions of paint.
9. With (the words), 'May the Lord of the celestial Serpents tie (this) to (himself)! May the celestial Serpents tie (this) to themselves!'-he offers flowers.
10. With (the words), 'May the Lord of the celestial Serpents clothe himself! May the celestial Serpents clothe themselves !'~he offers a thread.
11. With the words), May the Lord of the celestial Serpents anoint (his eyelashes)! May the celestial Serpents anoint (their eyelashes)!'-he spirts out (small portions of collyrium) with a young Kusa shoot.
12. With the words), ‘May the Lord of the celestial Serpents look at himself)! May the celestial Serpents look (at themselves)!'-he makes then look in a mirror.
15, 7. For this signification of phana, comp. Kullavagga V, 2, 3.
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13. With (the words), 'Lord of the celestial Serpents, this is thy Bali! Celestial Serpents, this is your Bali!'-he makes a Bali-offering.
14. In the same way for the aërial (Serpents).
15. For those dwelling in the directions (of the horizon).
16. For the terrestrial ones.
17. (He repeats these Mantras) thrice each time, the first (part) with higher voice each time,
18. The second (part) with lower voice each time.
19. In this way he shall offer day by day with the spoon, in small portions, a Bali of the flour of fried barley with water, down to the Pratyavarohana (or the ceremony of the 'redescent'), at night, keeping silence.
20. And (his wife) shall put (it) down silently.
21. The close of the ceremony is the same as the beginning.
22. With (the verse), 'The good protectress' (Rigveda X, 63, 10), let him ascend the (high) couch.
17, 18. The text has ukkaistarâm-ukkaistarâm, and nîkaistarâm-nikaistaram. Nârâyana (comp.the text of his scholion, p. 155 of the German edition) understands this in a different way; he says that in the water-pot mentioned in the fifth Satra two different sthanas are to be distinguished, a higher part of it and a lower (uttarâdharataya). Now when the sacrificer, for instance, as prescribed in Sutra 6, invites the Lord of the celestial Serpents, and the celestial Serpents to wash themselves, the pouring out of water would have to be performed first thrice for the Lord of the celestial Serpents in the higher place, then thrice for the celestial Serpents in the lower place.
19. On the Pratyavarohana see chap. 17.
20. Narayana : vâgyamayukta yagamânapatnî evam balidravyâdikam upasadayet.
22. From the Srâvanî till the Agrahầyanî (see chap. 17, 1) one shall not sleep on the ground out of fear of the snakes.' Nârâyana.
[29]
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SÂNKHẤYANA-GRIHYA-SOTRA.
KHANDA 16. I. On the full moon day of Âsvayuga a milk-rice oblation to Indra.
2. Having sacrificed Agya with (the words), 'To the two Asvins svâhâ! To the two Asvayug svâhâ ! To the full moon of Åsvayuga svâhâ! To the autumn svåhå! To Pasupati svâhâ ! To the tawny one svâhâ !'--
3. He shall sacrifice a mixture of curds and butter with this hymn, 'The cows came hither' (Rig-veda VI, 28), verse by verse.
4. That night they let the calves join their mothers. 5. Then feeding of the Brâhmanas.
KHANDA 17. 1. On the Âgrahầyani full moon day he shall redescend,
2. (Or) under (the Nakshatra) Rohini, or under the Proshthapadás.
3. In the morning, having taken a handfull of Samt leaves, Madhuka flowers, reeds, Apâmârga plants, and of Sirisha, Udumbara, Kusa shoots, and jujube fruits, and an earth-clod (taken) out of a furrow,
4. Having put (all that) into a water-pot,
16, 3. Ghritamisram dadhi prishậtakam. Nârâyana. Comp. the Gribya-samgraha II, 59.
17, 1. The Pratyavarohana (i. e. redescent) here described is the ceremony persormed at the end of the time during which sleeping on high bedsteads is prescribed (chap. 15, 22). Beginning from the Sravanî full moon till the Pratyavarohana, the offerings to the Serpents mentioned above have to be repeated every day (chap. 15, 19); the Pratyavarohana is the concluding ceremony of these rites devoted to the Serpents.
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5. And, after he has quickly repeated the Mahavyâhritis and the Savitri, having repeatedly immersed (it) therein with this hymn, ‘May he burn away from us pain' (Rig-veda I, 97), he shall drive away the evil from the persons standing under his protection, from left to right, and pour out (the water) to the north.
6. A Madhuparka is the fee for the sacrifice.
KHANDA 18. 1. ‘May summer, winter and spring, autumn and rainy season be well-ordered to us. May we be under the safe protection of these seasons, and may they last (to us) through a hundred years. Svâhâ !
'Beat away, Owhite one, with thy foot, with the forefoot and with the hind-foot, these seven daughters of Varuna and all that belong to the king's tribe. Svåhå!
"To the white one, the son of Vidârva svâhâ ! To Vidârva svâhâ ! To Takshaka Vaisâleya svâhâ ! To Visâla svâhâ !'—with (these words) he sacrifices (oblations) of Ägya.
2. 'May a good winter, a good spring, a good summer be bestowed (on us). May the rains be to us happy rains ; may the autumns be blessed to us.'
3. With (the verse), Blessing on us, Mitra'(Rigveda I, 90, 9), he sweeps (the floor) with a Palâsa branch,
5. Saranyebhyo grihebhyah (read, grihyebhyah) sarvebhyah sakâsât, &c. Narayana.
18, 1. This chapter continues the description of the Pratyavarohana begun in the preceding chapter.
Râgabândhavaih, as our text has, should be corrected into râgabândhavîh; comp. Âsv. II, 3, 3.
K2
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4. Sprinkles (it with water) with (the verse), ' From the sea the wave' (Rig-veda IV, 58, 1),
5. And spreads out a layer (of straw) with (the verse), 'Be soft, O earth' (Rig-veda I, 22, 15).
6. They then lie down on their sides, the eldest one to the right hand
7. With (the words), 'In the Brahman I establish myself, in the Kshatra,' on (their) right (sides);
8. With (the words), 'Among the horses I establish myself, among the cows,' on (their) left (sides);
9. With (the words), ' Among the cattle I establish myself, in prosperity,' on (their) right (sides);
10. With (the words), 'Among offspring I establish myself, in food,' on (their) left (sides).
11. With (the verse), 'Arise, the living' (Rigveda I, 113, 16), they arise.
12. During that night they lie on that layer. 13. Afterwards where they like.
KHANDA 19.
1. On the full moon day of Kaitra,
2. (Taking) jujube leaves, and making of meal (images) of couples of animals as it happens.
3. A figure with prominent navel to Indra and Agni.
4. Balls to Rudra.
5. According to custom the Nakshatras and (their ?) images (?). According to custom the Nakshatras and (their ?) images (?).
Here ends the Fourth Adhyâya.
19, 2-5. Several points in the translation of these Sûtras are uncertain. See the extracts from the commentary of Nârâyana, pp. 156 seq. of the German edition.
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ADHYAYA V, KHANDA 1. 1. Now when he intends to set out on a journey, he makes (his sacred) fire enter into himself, (or) into the two kindling sticks, or into (an ordinary) log of wood,
2. Once with (the text), 'Come, enter into my Prânas,' twice silently.
3. Or with (the verse), 'This is thy womb' (Rigveda III, 29, 10) he warms the two kindling sticks,
4. Or an (ordinary log of) wood. 5. And before sunset the kindling (by attrition), 6. And at the time of the Vaisvadeva sacrifice.
7. Having carried a common fire to a place that has been smeared (with cowdung), which is elevated, and
1, 1. The ceremony of Samarohana, by which the duties towards the sacred fire are suspended, by causing the fire to 'enter' into the sacrificer's body, or into the two Aranis, or into another piece of wood, is already mentioned in several passages of the Brâhmana texts; comp. the quotations given by Professor Weber, Indische Studien, IX, 311. Comp. besides Asvalâyana-Srauta-sûtra III, 10; Sânkhâyana-Sraut. II, 17. The Samarohana into the sacrificer's own body is done by warming the hands at the sacred fire ; see Âsv., loc. cit., Sätra 6. In the Sânkhâyana-Srauta-sätra the corresponding rule, which regards there of course the Âhitâgni, runs thus, If he performs the Samarohana, he warms his hands at the Gârhapatya fire, and then touches his Pranas with the words, “Come, enter into my Prânas." ! On the two other cases, see the Sätras 3 and 4. Satras 2, 3, 5 are taken word for word from the Srauta-sútra.
2. This Sätra refers only to the case where he causes the fire to enter into himself.
5. Comp. the commentary on Âsv.-Sraut., loc. cit. 8. He makes the fire redescend from his body or from the Aranis by performing the Manthana (kindling the fire by attrition of the Aranis).
7. The Mantra alluded to here is given in the Srauta-sútra. It
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which has been sprinkled (with water), he makes (the sacred fire) redescend (from its receptacle, with the formula), 'Redescend!'
8. If the fire goes out, he sacrifices the two Sarvaprâyaskitta oblations (oblations for general expiation) and (other oblations) with (the formulas), 'Protect us, Agni, that we may prosper. Svâhâ! Protect us that we may obtain all wealth. Svâhâ! The sacrifice protect, O resplendent one! Svâhâ! Protect everything, O hundredfold wise one.
Svâhâ!'
9. In the case of a breach of his vow let him fast and sacrifice (an oblation) of Agya with (the verse), Thou, Agni, art the lord of the vow' (Rig-veda VIII, II, I).
KHANDA 2.
1. Now about (the consecration of) ponds, wells, and tanks.
2. In the bright fortnight, or on an auspicious Tithi,
3. Having cooked barley-grains with milk,
4. He shall sacrifice with the two (verses), 'Thou
runs thus, 'Redescend, O Gâtavedas; carry again offerings to the gods, knowing us. Long life, offspring, wealth bestow on us; uninjured shine in our dwelling!'
8-9. These Sûtras stand in no connection with the Samârohana treated of before.
On the two Sarvaprâyaskitta oblations see above, I, 9, 12 and the note there.
The vow spoken of in Sûtra 9 Nârâyana refers to the restrictions regarding the food which the sacrificer and his wife are to eat on the Upavasatha days, connected with the festivals of the full and
new moon.
2, 1 seq. Comp. Âsvalâyana-Parisisha IV, 9.
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hast us, Agni' (Rig-veda IV, 1, 4. 5), (and with the verses), 'We propitiate thy wrath' (I, 24, 14), 'This my prayer, Varuna' (I, 25, 19), 'Loosen the highest, Varuna' (I, 24, 15), 'This prayer of the man who exercises himself' (VIII, 42, 3),
5. (And with the words), 'The domestic one, he who goes away from the house, the refreshing one, he who goes into the kennel, he who dwells in the kennel, he who comes out of it, the greedy one, the destroyer of enemies'-to the different directions (of the horizon), beginning with that belonging to Varuna (i. e. the west), from left to right.
6. In the centre he makes oblations with milk with (the verses), 'Having eyes all around' (Rig-veda X, 81, 3), 'This has Vishnu' (Rig-veda I, 22, 17),
7. Plunging (into the water) with (the verse), 'Whatever here' (Rig-veda VII, 89, 5).
8. A cow and a pair of clothes is the fee for the sacrifice.
9. Then feeding of the Brahmanas.
KHANDA 3.
1. Now at (the consecration of) a garden: having established the (sacred) fire (in that garden),
2. (And) having prepared a mess of cooked food, 3. He shall sacrifice with (the formulas), 'To
5. These are names of Agni dwelling in the waters; see Pâraskara II, 6, 10; Mantrabrâhmana I, 7, 1. Several of the names are here misspelled; thus Grihya, Apagrihya should be, no doubt, Gohya, Upagohya, which is the reading given in Pâraskara, loc. cit.
3, I seqq. Comp. Âsvalâyana-Parisishta IV, 10. Nârâyana uses for the ceremony here described the expressions Ârâmapratish/hâ, Ârâmotsarga.
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Vishnu svâhâ! To Indra and Agni svâhâ ! To Visvakarman svâhâ !' (and with the verses), 'Whom the men' (Rig-veda III, 8, 6 seq.), verse by verse.
4. He recites over (the garden), 'O tree with thy hundred branches' (Rig-veda III, 8, 11).
5. The fee for the sacrifice is gold.
KHANDA 4. 1. Now if a half-monthly sacrifice has not been performed, one or the other of them, then a mess of rice (is to be offered as an expiation),
2. With (the words), ‘To Agni Vaisvânara svâhâ ! To Agni Tantumat svâhâ !'
3. In the case of an intermission of the morning or evening) oblations
4. (He shall make expiatory oblations), in the evening with (the formula), 'Enlightener of the darkness, adoration! Svâhâ !'
5. In the morning with (the formula), 'Enlightener of the morning, adoration! Svâhâ !'
6. After he has sacrificed as many oblations as there had been sacrifices (left out), the sacrifice (itself goes on) as (stated) above.
KHANDA 5. 1. If a dove or an owl sits down (on his house),
2. Let him sacrifice with (the hymn), 'O gods, the dove' (Rig-veda X, 165), verse by verse.
4, 6. Nârâyana : 'After he has thus taken and sacrificed as many Sruvas full of Âgya as there were sacrifices omitted through his guilt, the morning and evening sacrifices have to be performed as (stated) above (1, 3, 10) with oblations of rice or barley.'
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V ADHYAYA, 7 KHANDA, 2.
3. If he has seen a bad dream or an occurrence boding misfortune,
4. Or when the cawing of a crow is heard in (the dead of) night,
5. And in the case of other prodigies,
6. Let him cook rice-grains with milk,
7. With the milk of a cow that has a calf of the same colour (with her own),
8. But in no case of a black (cow),
9. And let him sacrifice with the night-hymn (Rigveda X, 127), verse by verse.
10. Having eaten the remnants of those oblations with the Mahâvyâhritis,
137
II. And having recited over his ears (the verse), 'Blessing with our ears' (Rig-veda I, 89, 8),
12. And over himself (the verse), 'May a hundred autumns be before us, ye gods' (ibid. 9),
13. He shall give something to the Brahmanas.
KHANDA 6.
I. When a disease has befallen him,
2. Let him offer boiled rice-grains with Gavedhukâ-grass with (the hymn), 'These (prayers) to Rudra, the strong one, with braided hair' (Rig-veda I, 114), verse by verse.
KHANDA 7.
1. If (his wife) gives birth to a child, without the Simantonnayana having been performed,
2. (Or if) the Gâtakarman has not been performed (for the child),
7, 1. On the Sîmantonnayana, see I, 22.
2. The Gâtakarman has been described I, 24.
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3. He places, when ten days have elapsed since (the delivery), the little child in the mother's lap,
4. And after he has sacrificed with the Mahavyâhritis, the sacrifice that had been omitted, is performed) as (stated) above.
KHANDA 8. 1. If a post puts forth shoots,
2. Let him prepare a mess of cooked food and offer the boiled rice with the two (verses), 'In that way bringing forth deeds' (Srauta-sâtra III, 17, 1),
Of tawny shape, weighty, a giver of vigour' (Rigveda II, 3, 9).
3. Should the pot for the Pranitâ water, the Agyapot, or any other earthen (vessel) be damaged and leak,
4. He sacrifices the two Sarvaprâyaskitta oblations and recites the three verses, 'He who without' (Rig-veda VIII, 1, 12 seq.), over the broken (vessel).
5. Should the two (Kusa blades which are used as) strainers be spoiled before the completion of the sacrifice,
6. Let him sacrifice the Sarvaprâyaskitta and make new ones with (the verse),' In the water, Agni' (Rigveda VIII, 43, 9).
KHANDA 9. 1. Now (follows) the Sapindîkarana.
3. On the ten days, comp. I, 25, I and the note there. 8, 3. On the Pranitâ water, see above, I, 8, 8. 25. 4. Comp. I, 9, 12 and the note there. 5. See I, 8, 14 seqq.
6. See Satra 4. 9, i seqq. Comp. above, IV, 3 and the notes there.
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2. Let him fill four water-pots (for the Manes) from the father upwards,
3. And prepare in the same way lumps (of flour),
4. And let him distribute the first lump on the (other) three with (the verses), They who commonly, concordantly (dwell) in Yama's realm, the fathers : for them be space, freedom, adoration, sacrifice established among the gods.
*They who commonly, harmoniously (dwell), the living among the living, mine : may their prosperity fall to my lot in this world through a hundred years'
And with the two (verses), “Equal the design' (Rig-veda X, 191, 3. 4).
5. In the same way the vessels with Argha water.
6. In the same way for the mother, for a brother, and for a wife that has died before (her husband), adding (the lump belonging to that person) to those (other) lumps.
Khanda 10. 1. If the bees make honey in his house,
2. Let him fast and sacrifice a hundred and eight pieces of Udumbara wood, which are besmeared with curds, honey, and ghee, with the two (verses), 'No (harm) to us in our offspring' (Rig-veda I, 114, 8. 9).
3. And let him murmur the hymn, 'For welfare may Indra and Agni' (Rig-veda VII, 35); and (the same hymn should be used) at all (ceremonies), such
2. On these four vessels, see IV, 3, 4 seq. 5. These are the vessels mentioned in the second Satra.
10, 3. This is a supplementary rule belonging to the exposition of the general type of sacrifice. On the Pratisruta' sacrifice, see I, 7, i seqq.; I, 9, 19.
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as that of the sacrifice after assent has been declared (see above, I, 7, 1).
4. After he has sacrificed seventeen one span long pieces of Palasa wood, he then seizes the Sruva.
5. Fifteen at the full and new moon sacrifices.
6. At the Ashtakâ ceremony in the middle of the rainy season there may optionally be three (pieces of wood); the sacrifice as at the Pitriyagña.
Kuanda 11. 1. If an anthill arises in his house, the house should be abandoned.
2. Then, after having fasted three nights (and days), he should perform the great expiation.
Here ends the Fifth Adhyâya.
4. See I, 9, 1. 3. 6. Comp. III, 13, 1 with the note.
11, 2. Narayana understands the great expiation' as a rite directed to Ganesa and to the planets (comp. Yâgñavalkya I, 276 seq., 292, &c.); that this ceremony was known already to the author of this Sätra seems very doubtful. Another 'mahâsânti' is frequently mentioned in the Kausika-sûtra (quoted in BöhtlingkRoth's Dictionary); comp. my German edition of Sânkhâyana, P. 159.
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ADHYAYA VI, KHANDA 1.
1. Now, after having paid reverence to Brahman, to the Brahmarishi, to (those who descend from) Brahman's womb, to Indra, Pragâ pati, Vasishtha, Vamadeva, Kahola Kaushitaki, Mahâkaushitaki, Suyagña Sânkhayana, Åsvalâyana, Aitareya, Mahaitareya, Kâtyâyana, Sâtyâyana, Sâkalya, Babhru, Bâbhravya, Mandu, Mândavya, and to all the teachers of the past, we will henceforth explain the rules for the Aranyaka as forming the subject of Svâdhyâya (private recitation of a text).
2. The teacher abstains through one day and one night from sexual intercourse and from eating flesh.
3. Raw flesh, a Kandala, a woman that has lately been confined, or that has her courses, seeing blood or persons whose hands have been cut off : (these persons and things he shall know form) impediments for the study.
4. And of the corpse-like (animals ?).
5. Those which enter (their dens ?) with the mouth first (?).
1, I seqq. Comp. the general remarks on this sixth book in the Introduction, p. II.
For the names in the opening invocation, comp. above, IV, 10; on the Vratas and the study of the different Aranyaka sections chiefly treated of in this book, see above, II, 11. 12, and the Introduction,
p. 8.
2. Comp. II, 11, 6.
3-5. Comp. II, 12, 10, and the note of Narayana, p. 160 of the German edition.
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6. When he has vomited, or when his beard has been shaved,
7. When he has eaten flesh or partaken of a Srâddha or birth dinner,
8. During the days that immediately follow on (days of) study in the village,
9. Three nights (and days), if (he has been) put out of order,
10. (Or has been violently) seized by others,
II. And during the second half of the days that precede (?) the Parvan days,
12. And if fire-flames, lightning, thunder, (heavy) rains, and great clouds appear,
13. And if a storm (blows) that carries away pebbles, as long as that lasts.
2, 1. During four months after the full moon of Åshâdha let him not study.
2. Especially the Sakvari verses (are concerned by what has been declared). Such are the rules.
KHANDA 2.
3. Let them go to a clean spot in the north-eastern direction, that receives its light from the east.
4. The drawing of water (should be done) before sunrise,
6. Comp. IV, 7, 42. See also Ait. Âranyaka V, 3, 9.
7. Comp. IV, 7, 5.
2, 2. It seems to me that this Sutra should be divided into two (after sakvaryah), so that the words iti niyamâh would correspond to iti bhâshikam, chap. 2, 13.
3. Comp. II, 12, 11. Perhaps the Petersburg Dictionary is right in proposing for prâggyotisham the translation, vor Anbruch des Lichtes. Nârâyana says, prâk purastât gyotir yasmin tam... . pradesam.
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5. And the entering into the circle with this verse, 'She who smells of salve' (Rig-veda X, 146, 6).
6. The circle should have its entrance to the east or to the north; it should be (praised as) excellent among the people, not too spacious, not too narrow.
7. The final expiation (should extend) to the Vâmadevya.
8. And the invitation to resume the recitation (is done in the following way) :
9. After they have sipped water that stands outside the circle,
10. Let them resume the recitation, having performed the expiation.
11. If the vessel used in the expiation is damaged, sprinkling (with water forms) the expiatory act (to be performed for it).
12. (That) sprinkling, however, (one should perform) holding gold or a bunch of Darbha grass in his hand.
13. So far what pertains to the general rules.
KHANDA 3. 1. Now after they have entered the circle
2. The teacher sits down with his face to the east, the others, according to their rank, (sit down) towards the south, with their faces to the north.
5. The Mandala is a circular space marked by a line of water.
6. I am doubtful whether we should read vâ ganâgrîyam and translate as I have done in accordance with the note of Nârâyana, or if the reading should be vâsganâgrîyam, 'not in the presence of people,' so that ganâgriya would mean ganânâm agre.
7. On the expiation (sânti) comp. chap. 3, 12. 3, 2, 3. Comp. IV, 8, 2-4.
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3. If that is impossible, with their faces to all directions.
4. Let them expect the rising of the sun, 5. And when they behold it in its splendour,
6. Let them with (the words), 'Recite, sir !' seize with their hands, holding the right hand uppermost, the feet of the teacher, which have been washed, with the right (hand) the right (foot), with the left the left,
7. And having then put (the hands) into the vessel used for the expiation, into water in which pieces of Dûrva stalks are, let them begin their study, when their hands have ceased to drip.
8. This is the rite. But when they are tired, let one of them bring it about that the vessel used for the expiation be not empty.
9. And all (should do so) at the beginning and the end of (each) Adhyâya.
10. (All) that is done continuously, without interruption.
11. Now the expiation.
12. The syllable OM, the Mahâvyâhritis, the Sâvitri, the Rathantara, the Brihat, the Vâmadevya; Brihat and Rathantara with repetition and Kakubhforming.
6. Comp. above, II, 5, 10, &c.
7. The translation of a pinvamânaih pânibhih is conjectural Narayana's explanation of a pinvamâna by asamsrishta is inadmissible.
10. Nârâyana explains this Sûtra in the following way. If it is impossible, for any reason, to recite the whole text, only the beginning and the concluding words of each Adhyâya (see Sätra 9) are to be repeated; and these should be recited without interruption so as to form one continual text.
12. Comp. above, III, 4, 5.
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VI ADHYAYA, 4 KHANDA, 1.
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13. These (holy words and verses) are (thus) made to attain (the number of) ten.
14. Of decades consists the Virâg'-thus says the Brâhmana.
KHANDA 4. 1. 'Unerring mind, vigorous eye (is) the sun, the noblest of the stars. Inauguration, do no harm to me!'-with (these words) they look at Savitri (i. e. the sun).
9.
5.
13. The Gayatri is one verse; the Rathantara and the Brihat are Pragathas which are changed in the usual way into Trikas; the Vâmadevya is one Trika : thus the number of ten is obtained.
14. Kaush. Brahmana 17, 3; 19, 5.
4,1. The formula 'Adabdham manah,' &c. has to be recited before each of the single Aranyaka texts (the Sakvarî verses, the Mahâvrata, &c.); to this formula are added, before or after it, as the case may be, other texts specified in the Satras 2-8. Of these there can be no doubt about the meaning of Sūtras 7, 8, treating of the introductory formulas of the Samhita section (Kaush. Ar. VII-VIII) and of the Mantha section (ibid. IX): before the text adabdham, &c. are to be added, in the first case the formula ritam vadis hyâmi, &c., in the second case two Rikas addressed to Savitri. These formulas and verses have been received into the Aranyaka text and are found there in the order here stated, at the beginning of books VII and IX. The meaning of the words samhitânâm tu pūrva m (Sätra 7) having thus been established, I can see no reason why we should not interpret the words sakvarinâm tu pūrvam (Sūtra 3) quite in the same way. Thus the introductory benediction for the recital of the Sakvarî verses would consist, firstly of the verses stated in Sätra 4, then of the formula adabdham, &c.; those verses would have to be repeated again after the Sakvarî verses (end of Satra 4). The recitation of the Mahâvrata (Sätras 1, 2) and of the Upanishads (Satra 5) is preceded by adabdham, &c., and then by the four verses stated in Sätra 2. The interpretation which Narayana gives of this Satra is not quite the same as that which I have here proposed; see p. 163 of the German edition.
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146
SÂŃKHÂYANA-GRIHYA-SUTRA.
2. One (verse), “You both the gladdening one' (Rig-veda X, 131, 4), and the three (verses), Blessing to us on the paths' (Rig-veda X, 63, 15-17) (are to be repeated before the recitation of the Mahâvrata (chapter).
3. But (at that) of the Sakvart (verses) before (the formula mentioned in the first Satra):
4. The three Trikas, ‘To him, the thirsty one' (Rig-veda VI, 42, 1-3), 'The wealthiest (Soma), O wealthy one' (VI, 44, 1-3),' Him who does no harm to you' (VI, 44, 4-6), (the verse), ‘To him, to him the sap of the herb' (VI, 42, 4), (and the verse),
Verily thou art a hero' (VIII, 81, 28)—thus for the Sakvari (verses) before and afterwards.
5. Now for the Upanishad (texts) — 6. The same (recitation) as for the Mahâvrata.
7. For the Samhitâs, however, before the text given in the first Sutra the formula has to be recited), 'I shall speak right, I shall speak truth (&c.)'—this is the difference in the case of the Samhitas).
8. Now for the Mantha the two verses (have to be recited) before (the formula given in the first Satra), 'This we entreat of Savitar,'' That glorious (splendour) of Savitar' (Rig-veda V, 82, 1; III, 62, 10).
4. According to the reading of some MSS. we should have to translate, or (the verse),. Verily,' &c.
7. On the Samhitâs (Kaush. Âr. VII, VIII) see Max Müller, Rigveda Prâtisâkhya, pp. 4 seq.; Ait. Aranyaka III (pp. 305 seqq., ed. Bibl. Ind. ; Sacred Books of the East, I, pp. 247 seq.).
8. Regarding the description of the Mantha sacrifice (Kaush. Âr. IX) which has to be performed by one who wishes to attain greatness, comp. Satap. Brâhmana XIV, 9, 2; Khând. Up. V, 2, 4; Sacred Books of the East, I, p. 75.
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VI ADHYAYA, 5 KHANDA, 3.
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9. With (the formula), 'Unerring mind' (see Satra 1), then follow the expiatory formulas that belong to the (different) sections.
10. (All) this on one day.
KHANDA 5. Khanda 4, 11. Now if the time for rising has come, they drive away (all) evil,
12. Perform the standing expiation,
13. And look at the sun with (the words), ‘From here I take out the brightness (?).'
Khanda 5, 1. - "That (I place) within myself'with (these words they turn their thoughts to the universal) Self that is placed (within themselves ?)— three times repeated (?).
2. With (the formula), May happiness rejoice in me and glory; may happiness rejoice with me and glory
3. Together with Indra, with the hosts, with power, with glory, with strength I will rise'-he rises up.
11, 12. Nârâyana has the following note : The evil which is attached to their body, such as dirt, they drive away, i.e. they remove it by means of their reciting (of the sacred texts), and then they perform the standing expiation which has been declared above, which begins with the syllable Om and with the Mahavyâhritis' (see chap. 3, 12).
5, 1. Narayana says that dadhe is supplied to this Mantra from the preceding Satra, and so indeed the Mantra is given in the Aitareya recension. The translation of abhinihitam trir hitam is merely tentative; see Nârâyana's note, p. 165, of the German edition. Perhaps abhinihitam should be taken in its grammatical value, and the Sülra should be translated, ““That (I place) into myself (âtmani)"-with these words (they look) at themselves, pronouncing the word âtmani) with Abhinidhâna, three times repeated (). On abhinidhana, comp. Professor Max Müller's edition of the Rig-veda Prátisâklıya, pp. cxvii seqq.
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148
SANKHAYANA-GRIHYA-SUTRA.
"
4. May happiness rise to me; may glory rise to me'-when he has risen.
5. 'Hereby I shake off the hater, the rival, the evil one, and the bringer of misfortune'-with (this formula) having shaken the end of the garment,—
6. The hymn, 'Away those to the east' (Rig-veda X, 131), the two (verses), 'And may Indra have mercy upon us' (II, 41, 11. 12), the one (verse), 'Of what we are in fear, O Indra' (VIII, 50, 13)-(when these texts have been murmured), they look with (the verse), 'A ruler indeed, great art thou' (X, 152, 1) to the east; with (the verse), 'The giver of bliss' (X, 152, 2) to the south, turned to the right; with (the verse), 'Away the Rakshas' (X, 152, 3) to the west; with (the verse), 'Destroy, O Indra, our' (X, 152, 4) to the north, turned to the left; with (the verse), 'Away, O Indra' (X, 152, 5) to the sky, turned to the right.
KHANDA 6.
1. Having worshipped the Sun with (the verses), 'Savitri from the west,' 'This eye' (Rig-veda X, 36, 14; VII, 66, 16),
2. They turn away, come back, sit down.
3. With (the words), 'As the water is appeased'they draw water out of the vessel used for the expiation,
4. Pour it out on the ground,
5. Spread (some) of that (water over the ground) with (the words), 'As the earth (is appeased),'
6, 2. Nârâyana explains vyâvartamânâh by parâvartamânadharmayuktâh.
5. Perhaps we should read asyâm (scil. prithivyâm) abhi
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VI ADHYAYA, 6 KHANDA, 16.
6. He (then) smears it on his right shoulder with
C
(the words), Thus may peace dwell in me.'
7. In the same way a second time.
149
8. In the same way a third time.
"
9. Piece by piece thou art produced; piece by piece thou risest up; bring welfare to us, O house!'with (this text they) take pieces of Durvâ stalks (out of the vessel of water), put them on their heads,
10. (And make water-offerings with the formulas), 'May Agni satiate himself; may Vâyu satiate himself; may Sûrya satiate himself; may Vishnu satiate himself; may Pragâpati satiate himself; may Virupâksha satiate himself; may Sahasrâksha satiate himself; may all beings satiate themselves.'
11. (Then) Sumantu, Gaimini, Vaisampâyana, Paila, and the other teachers (receive their offerings).
12. (Then) every one (worships in the same way) his fathers.
13. With (the text), 'To the sea you' (Sraut. IV, II, II) they pour out the water,
14. Murmur the Vâmadevya,
15. And separate according to their pleasure.
16. (The final benedictory formula runs thus), 'Through the power of wisdom, of Sruti and Smriti, as handed down by tradition, through (that power) which has its measure in (the Vedic texts) that have been gone through (?), and which is possessed of
karshanti, and translate, 'they draw (lines of that water) on this (earth).'
6. Nârâyana says that all the students are to do so.
10. Comp. above, IV, 9. On the way in which this Tarpana is to be performed, Nârâyana refers to the Sutra II, 7, 5.
11. Comp. above, IV, 10.
12. Comp. above, IV, 10, 4-6.
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150
SÂNKHÂVANA-GRIHYA-SOTRA.
undisputed firmness, may peace be with us in welfare. Adoration be to gods, Rishis, Manes, and men ! May they whom we have adored, make happy life, beauty, health, peace, incolumity, imperishableness, vigour, splendour, glory, power, holy lustre, renown, age, offspring, cattle, adoration, increase. From wrongly spoken, wrongly used (prayer), from everything that is deficient or excessive, for the good of gods and Rishis, may the Brahman and Truth protect me; may the Brahman and Truth protect me!'
End of the Sixth Adhyâya.
End of the Sânkhâyana - Grihya.
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ÂSVALÂYANA-GRIHYA
SÛTRA.
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INTRODUCTION
TO THE
ÂSVALAYANA-GRIHYA-SÚTRA.
Most of the questions referring to the Grihya-sätra of Åsvaldyana will be treated of more conveniently in connection with the different subjects which we shall have to discuss in our General Introduction to the Grihya-sútras. Here I wish only to call attention to a well-known passage of Shadgurusishya, in which that commentator gives some statements on the works composed by Åsvalâyana and by his teacher Saunaka. As an important point in that passage has, as far as I can see, been misunderstood by several eminent scholars, I may perhaps be allowed here to try and correct that misunderstanding, though the point stands in a less direct connection with the Grihya-sätra than with another side of the literary activity of Asvalâyana.
Shadgurusishya', before speaking of Åsvalâyana, makes the following statements with regard to Åsvalâyana's teacher, Saunaka. There was,' he says, 'the Sakala Samhità (of the Rig-veda), and the Bâshkala Samhità ; following these two Samhitas and the twenty-one Brâhmanas, adopting principally the Aitareyaka and supplementing it by the other texts, he who was revered by the whole number of great Rishis composed the first Kalpa-sútra.' He then goes on to speak of Åsvalâyana –
Saunaka's pupil was the venerable Asvalâyana. He who knew everything he had learnt from that teacher, composed a Satra and announced (to Saunaka that he had done so) Saunaka then destroyed his own Sætra, and
See Max Müller's History of Ancient Sanskrit Literature, pp. 230 seqq.; Indische Studien, I, 102.
* This seems to me to be the meaning of satram kritvå nya vedayat;
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ÂSVALAYANA-GRIHYA-SÚTRA.
determined that Åsvalůyana's Satra should be adopted by the students of that Vedic Sâkhå. Thus, says Shadgurusishya, there were twelve works of Saunaka by which a correct knowledge of the Rig-veda was preserved, and three works of Åsvalayana. Saunaka's dasa granthâs were, the five Anukramanîs, the two Vidhanas, the Bârhaddaivata, the Prâtisâkhya, and a Smarta work?. Åsvalâyana, on the other hand, composed the Srauta-sútra in twelve Adhyâyas, the Grihya in four Adhyâyas, and the fourth Åranyaka : this is Åsvalâyana's great Satra composition ?
Here we have an interesting and important statement by which the authorship of a part of the Aitareyâranyaka, which would thus be separated from the rest of that text, is ascribed, not to Mahidâsa Aitareya, but to an author of what may be called the historical period of Vedic antiquity, to Åsvalâyana.
But what is the fourth Åranyaka to which this passage refers? Is it the text which is now set down, for instance, in Dr. Râgendralâla Mitra's edition, as the fourth Åranyaka of the Aitareyinas?
Before we give an answer to this question, attention must be called to other passages referring, as it could seem, to another part, namely, the fifth part of the Åranyaka.
Sayana, in his great commentary on the Rig-veda, very frequently quotes the pañkamaranyaka as belonging to Saunaka. Thus in vol. I, p. 112, ed. Max Müller, he says: pañkamâranyaka aushnihatrikâsîtir iti khande Saunakena satritam surûpakritnum útaya iti triny endra sânasim rayim iti dve iti. There is indeed in the fifth Åranyaka a chapter beginning with the words aushnihî trikâsîtih, in which the words quoted by Sayana occur 3. Similar quotations, in
the case is similar to that where a pupil gocs on his rounds for alms and announces (nivedayati) to his teacher what he has received. Prof. Max Müller translates these words differently; according to him they mean that Åsvalâyana made a Sútra and taught it.'
Comp. Prof. Bühler's article in the Journal As. Soc. of Bengal, 1866, Pp. 149 seqq.
- Dvadasâdhyâyakam sâtram katushkam grihyam eva ka katurthâranyakam keti by  svalayanasůtrakam.
. See p. 448 of Dr. Râgendralala Mitra's edition in the Bibliotheca Indica.
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INTRODUCTION.
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which the fifth Åranyaka is assigned to Saunaka, are found in Sâyana's commentary on the Aranyaka itself; see, for instance, p. 97, line 19, P. 116, line 3
Thus it seems that the authorship of both the fourth and the fifth Åranyaka was ascribed to teachers belonging to the Satra period of Vedic literature, viz. to Saunaka and to Å svalâyana respectively. And so we find the case stated by both Professor Weber, in his 'Vorlesungen über indische Literaturgeschichte',' and Dr. Rågendralala Mitra, in the Introduction to his edition of the Aitareya Åranyaka
But we must ask ourselves : Are the two books of the Aranyaka collection, ascribed to those two authors, really two different books? It is a surprising fact that Shadgurusishya, while speaking of Åsvalâyana's authorship of the fourth book, and while at the same time intending, as he evidently does, to give a complete list of Saunaka's compositions, does not mention the fifth Aranyaka among the works of that author. In order to account for this omission the conjecture seems to suggest itself that Shadgurusishya, when speaking of the fourth Aranyaka as belonging to Åsvalâyana, means the same work which Sayana sets down as the fifth, and which he ascribes to Saunaka. At first sight this conjecture may seem perhaps rather hazardous or unnatural; however I believe that, if we compare the two texts themselves which are concerned, we shall find it very probable and even evident. What do those two Åranyaka books contain? The fourth is very short : it does not fill more than one page in the printed edition. Its contents consist exclusively of the text of the Mahânâmni or Sakvari verses, which seem to belong to a not less remote
and edition, p. 53: Obwohl wir für das vierte Buch des letztern (i.e. of the Aitareya Aranyaka) sogar die directe Nachricht haben, dass es dem Asvalayana, dem Schüler eines Saunaka angehört, so wie auch ferner für das fünfte Buch desselben dieser Saunaka selbst als Urheber gegolten zu haben scheint, nach dem was Colebrooke Misc. Ess. I, 47 n. darüber berichtet.
P.11: If this assumption be admitted, the proper conclusion to be arrived at would also be that the whole of the fifth Book belongs to Saunaka, and the whole of the fourth Book to Åsvalâyana. P. 12: The writings of both Asvaldyana and Saunaka which occur in the Aranyaka, etc.
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ÁsvalÂYANA-GRIHYA-SOTRA.
antiquity than the average of the Rig-veda hymns. They can indeed be considered as forming part of the Rig-veda Samhitâ, and it is only on account of the peculiar mystical holiness ascribed to these verses, that they were not studied in the village but in the forest, and were consequently received not into the body of the Samhitä itself, but into the Aranyaka. They are referred to in all Brâhmana texts, and perhaps we can even go so far as to pronounce our opinion that some passages of the Rig-veda hymns themselves allude to the Sakvarî verses : yak khakvarîshu brihatâ ravenendre sushmam ada
dhâtå Vasishthâh (Rig-veda VII, 33, 4). rikâm tvah posham âste pupushvân gâyatram tvo gâyati
sakvarishu (Rig-veda X, 71, 11). So much for the fourth Aranyaka. The fifth contains a description of the Mahâvrata ceremony. To the same subject also the first book is devoted, with the difference that the first book is composed in the Brâhmana style, the fifth in the Satra style?
Now which of these two books can it be that Shadgurusishya reckons as belonging to the Åsvalâyanasútraka?' It is impossible that it should be the fourth, for the Mahanâmni verses never were considered by Indian theologians as the work of a human author; they shared in the a paurusheyatva of the Veda, and to say that they have been composed by Asvalâyana, would be inconsistent with the most firmly established principles of the literary history of the Veda both as conceived by the Indians and by ourselves. And even if we were to admit that the Mahanâmni verses can have been assigned, by an author like Shadgurusishya, to Åsvalâyana, -and we cannot admit
See Sânkhayana-Grihya II, 12, 13. • Thus Sâyana, in his note on V, 1, 1, says : Nanu prathamâranyake s pi atha mahâvratam Indro vai Vritram hatvetyâdinâ mahâvrataprayogo s bhihitah, pankame s pi tasyaivâbhidhâne punaruktih syât. nayam doshah, sútrabrahmanarûpena tayor vibhedât. pankamâranyakam rishiproktam sútram, prathama. ranyakan tv apaurusheyam brâhmanam. ata eva tatrarthavâdaprapankena sabitâ vidhayah srüyante, paikame tu na ko py arthavâdo ssti ..., aranya cvaitad adhyeyam ity abhipretyadhyetara aranyakândeantarbhavyadhîyate.
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INTRODUCTION.
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this,-there is no possibility whatever that he can have used the expression Åsvalâ yanasūtraka m' with regard to the Mahânâmnis; to apply the designation of a Satra to the Mahânâmní hymn would be no less absurd than to apply it to any Sakta whatever of the Rik-Samhita. On the other hand, the fifth book of the Åranyaka is a Satra ; it is the only part of the whole body of the Åranyaka collection which is composed in the Satra style. And it treats of a special part of the Rig-veda ritual the rest of which is embodied in its entirety, with the omission only of that very part, in the two great Satras of Åsvalâyana. There seems to me, therefore, to be little doubt as to the fifth Aranyaka really being the text referred to by Shadgurusishya, though I do not know how to explain his setting down this book as the fourth. And I may add that there is a passage, hitherto, as far as I know, unnoticed, in Sayana's Sâma-veda commentary, in which that author directly assigns the fifth Aranyaka not, as in the Rig-veda commentary, to Saunaka, but to Åsvalayana. Sâyana there says?: yathả bahvrikâm adhyâpakå mahavrataprayogapratipâdakam A svalâ yananirmitam kalpasatram aranye - dhiyamânâh panka mam aranyakam iti vedatvena vyavaharanti.
Instead of asserting, therefore, that of the two last Aranyakas of the Aitareyinas the one is ascribed to Saunaka, the other to Asvalâyana, we must state the case otherwise : not two Åranyakas were, according to Sâyana and Shadgurusishya, composed by those Sätrakaras, but one, viz. the fifth, which forms a sort of supplement to the great body of the Satras of that Karana, and which is ascribed either to Saunaka or to Asvalâyana. Perhaps further research will enable us to decide whether that Sátra portion of the Åranyaka, or we may say quite as well, that Åranyaka portion of the Satra, belongs to the author of the Srauta-sutra, or should be considered as a remnant of a more ancient composition, of which the portion studied in the forest has survived, while the portion
Såma-veda (Bibl. Indica), vol. I, p. 19.
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ASVALAYANA-GRIHYA-SÚTRA.
which was taught in the village was superseded by the more recent Asvalâ yana-sætra.
There would be still many questions with which an Introduction to Åsvalâyana would have to deal; thus the relation between Asvalâyana and Saunaka, which we had intended to treat of here with reference to a special point, would have to be further discussed with regard to several other of its bearings, and the results which follow therefrom as to the position of Åsvalâyana in the history of Vedic literature would have to be stated. But we prefer to reserve the discussion of these questions for the General Introduction to the Grihya-sútras.
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ÂSVALAYANA-GR/HYA-SÛTRA.
Adhyâya I, KANDIKÂ 1. 1. The (rites) based on the spreading (of the three sacred fires) have been declared; we shall declare the Grihya (rites).
2. There are three (kinds of) Påkayagñas, the hutas, (i.e. the sacrifices) offered over the fire; over something that is not the fire, the prahutas; and at the feeding of Brâhmanas, those offered in the Brahman.
3. And they quote also Rikas, 'He who with a piece of wood or with an oblation, or with knowledge ("veda").'
1, 1. The spreading (vitâna or, as it is also called, vihâra or vistâra) of the sacred fires is the taking of two of the three sacrificial fires, the Ahavanîya fire and the Dakshinâgni, out of the Garhapatya fire (see, for instance, Weber's Indische Studien, IX, 216 seq.). The rites based on, or connected with the vitâna, are the rites forming the subject of the Srauta ritual, which are to be performed with the three fires.
2. Comp. Sânkhâyana-Grihya I, 5, 1; I, 10,7. The division here is somewhat different from that given by Sânkhâyana ; what Sânkhâyana calls ahuta, is here prahuta ('sacrificed up'); the prahutas of Sankhayana form here no special category; the prâsitas of Sankhâyana are the brahmani hutâs of Asvalâyana. Thus Asvalâyana has three categories, while Sankhayana (and quite in the same way Paraskara I, 4, 1) gives four. Narayana mentions as an example of prahuta sacrifices the baliharana prescribed below, I, 2, 3.
3. Rig-veda VIII, 19, 5, The mortal who with a piece of wood, or with an oblation, or with knowledge worships Agni, who with adoration (worships him) offering rich sacrifices,' &c.
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ÂSVALAYANA-GRIHYA-SÓTRA.
4. Even he who only puts a piece of wood (on the fire) full of belief, should think, 'Here I offer a sacrifice; adoration to that (deity)!'
(The Rik quoted above then says), “He who with an oblation'—and, 'He who with knowledge;' even by learning only satisfaction is produced in the gods).
Seeing this the Rishi has said, 'To him who does not keep away from himself the cows, to him who longs for cows, who dwells in the sky, speak a wonderful word, sweeter than ghee and honey. Thereby he means, ' This my word, sweeter than ghee and honey, is satisfaction (to the god); may it be sweeter'
(And another Rishi says), 'To thee, O Agni, by this Rik we offer an oblation prepared by our heart; may these be oxen, bulls, and cows.' (Thereby he means), “They are my oxen, bulls, and cows (which I offer to the god), they who study this text, reciting it for themselves (as their Svâdhyâya).'
(And further on the Rik quoted above says), 'He who (worships Agni) with adoration, offering rich sacrifices.' Verily also by the performing of adoration (the gods may be worshipped); for the gods are not beyond the performing of adoration; adoration verily is sacrifice'—thus runs a Brâhmana.
4. The words of the Rik, with an oblation,' are here repeated, the Vedic instrumental â hutî being replaced and explained by the regular form âhutya.
The following Rik is taken from the eighth Mandala, 24, 20. The god compared there with a rutting bull is Indra.
The following verse is Rig-veda VI, 16, 47; we may doubt as to the correctness of the explanation given in our text, by which te te is referred to the persons studying the hymns of the Rishi. All these quotations of course are meant to show that the knowledge of the Veda and the performing of namas (adoration) is equivalent to a real sacrifice.
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I ADHYAYA, 2 KANDIKÂ, 6.
161
KANDIKÂ 2. 1. Now he should make oblations in the evening and in the morning of prepared sacrificial food,
2. To the deities of the Agnihotra, to Soma Vanaspati, to Agni and Soma, to Indra and Agni, to Heaven and Earth, to Dhanvantari, to Indra, to the Visve devâs, to Brahman.
3. He says Svâ hâ, and then he offers the Balis
4. To those same deities, to the waters, to the herbs and trees, to the house, to the domestic deities, to the deities of the ground (on which the house stands),
5. To Indra and Indra's men, to Yama and Yama's men, to Varuna and Varuna's men, to Soma and Soma's men—these (oblations he makes) to the different quarters (of the horizon, of which those are the presiding deities).
6. To Brahman and Brahman's men in the middle,
2, 1. This is the Vaisvadeva sacrifice; comp. Sânkhâyana-Grihya II, 14, &c.
2. The deities of the Agnihotra are Sarya, Agni, and Pragâpati.
On Soma Vanaspati see the quotations given in Böhtlingk-Roth's Dictionary s. v. vanaspati, 2.
3. I think the division of the Satras should be altered, so that svaheti would belong to Satra 2, and the third Sûtra would consist only of the words atha baliharanam. In this case we should have to translate, (1) Now he should make oblations, &c. With the words, To the deities of the Agnihotra (i. e. to
Agni, to Sûrya, to Pragậpati), to Soma Vanaspati, &c.,
svâhâ !' (3) Then (follows) the offering of the Balis. Comp. Sânkh.-Grihya II, 14, 4.5, which passage seems to confirm the view expressed here. 5. Manu III, 87.
[29]
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7. To the Visve devâs, to all day-walking beingsthus by day;
8. To the night-walking (beings)—thus at night. 9. To the Rakshas—thus to the north.
10. 'Svadhâ to the fathers (i. e. Manes)'—with these words he should pour out the remnants to the south, with the sacrificial cord suspended over the right shoulder.
KANDIKÂ 3. 1. Now wherever he intends to perform a sacrifice, let him besmear (with cowdung) a surface of the dimension at least of an arrow on each side ; let him draw six lines thereon, one turned to the north, to the west (of the spot on which the fire is to be placed); two (lines) turned to the east, at the two different ends (of the line mentioned first); three (lines) in the middle of those two); let him sprinkle that (place with water), establish the sacred) fire (thereon), put (two or three pieces of fuel) on it, wipe (the ground) round (the fire), strew (grass) round (it), to the east, to the south, to the west, to the north, ending (each time) in the north. Then (follows) silently the sprinkling (of water) round (the fire).
2. With two (Kusa blades used as) strainers the purifying of the Agya (is done)..
3. Having taken two Kusa blades with unbroken tops, which do not bear a young shoot in them, of the measure of a span, at their two ends with his
3, 1. Comp. Sânkh.-Grihya I, 7, 6 seq., where the statements regarding the lines to be drawn are somewhat different, and the note there.
3. Comp. the description of this act of purifying the Âgya, which is in some points more detailed, in Sânkh.-Grihya I, 8, 14-21.
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thumbs and fourth fingers, with his hands turned with the inside upwards, he purifies (the Âgya, from the west) to the east, with (the words), ‘By the impulse of Savitri I purify thee with this uninjured purifier, with the rays of the good sun'-once with this formula, twice silently.
4. The strewing (of grass) round (the fire) may be done or not done in the Agya offerings.
5. So also the two Agya portions (may optionally be sacrificed) in the Pâkayagñas.
6. And the (assistance of a) Brahman (is optional), except at the sacrifice to Dhanvantari and at the sacrifice of the spit-ox (offered to Rudra).
7. Let him sacrifice with the words), ‘To such and such a deity svâhâ !'
8. If there is no rule (as to the deities to whom the sacrifice belongs, they are) Agni, Indra, Pragapati, the Visve devâs, Brahman.
9. (Different Pâkayagñas, when) offered at the same time, should have the same Barhis (sacrificial grass), the same fuel, the same Âgya, and the same (oblation to Agni) Svishtakrit.
10. With reference thereto the following sacrificial stanza is sung :
"He who has to perform (different) Påkayagñas, should offer them with the same Ägya, the same
4. Comp. Sânkh.-Grıhya I, 8, 12.
5. On the two Âgyabhagas offered to Agni and Soma comp. below, chap. 10, 13; Sânkh.-Grıhya I, 9, 5 seq.
6. Comp. on these exceptions the Satras below, I, 12, 7; IV, 8, 15
7. Comp. Sânkh.-Grihya I, 9, 18.
9. On the oblation to Agni Svish/akrit, see Indische Studien, IX, 217.
M 2
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Barhis, and the same Svishtakrit, even if the deity (of those sacrifices) is not the same.'
• KANDIKÂ 4. 1. During the northern course of the sun, in the time of the increasing moon, under an auspicious Nakshatra the tonsure (of the child's head), the initiation (of a Brahmakârin), the cutting of the beard, and marriage (should be celebrated).
2. According to some (teachers), marriage (may be celebrated) at any time.
3. Before those (ceremonies) let him sacrifice four Agya oblations
4. With the three (verses), 'Agni, thou purifiest life' (Rig-veda IX, 66, 10 seq.), and with (the one verse), * Pragâpati, no other one than thou' (Rig-veda X, 121, 10).
5. Or with the Vyâhritis.
6. According to some (teachers), the one and the other.
7. No such (oblations), according to some (teachers).
8. At the marriage the fourth oblation with the verse, 'Thou (O Agni) art Aryaman towards the girls' (Rig-veda V, 3, 2).
KANDIKÂ 5. 1. Let him first examine the family (of the intended bride or bridegroom), as it has been said above,
4, 1. Sânkh.-Grihya I, 5, 2-5.
5. With the words, bhûh, bhuvah, svah, and with the three words together.
6. Thus eight oblations are offered, four with the four Rikas quoted in the fourth Sútra, and four with the Vyâhritis.
7. Neither the oblations with the Rikas nor those with the Vyâhritis.
5, 1. Srauta-sûtra IX, 3, 20, 'Who on their mother's as well as
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I ADHYAYA, 5 KANDIKÂ, 5. 165 ‘Those who on the mother's and on the father's side.
2. Let him give the girl to a (young man) endowed with intelligence.
3. Let him marry a girl that shows the characteristics of intelligence, beauty, and moral conduct, and who is free from disease.
4. As the characteristics (mentioned in the preceding Satra) are difficult to discern, let him make eight lumps (of earth), recite over the lumps the following formula, 'Right has been born first, in the beginning; on the right truth is founded. For what (destiny) this girl is born, that may she attain here. What is true may that be seen,' and let him say to the girl, 'Take one of these.'
5. If she chooses the (lump of earth taken) from a field that yields two crops (in one year), he may know, 'Her offspring will be rich in food. If from a cow-stable, rich in cattle. If from the earth of a Vedi (altar), rich in holy lustre. If from a pool which does not dry up, rich in everything. If from a gambling-place, addicted to gambling. If from a place where four roads meet, wandering to different directions. If from a barren spot, poor. If from a burial-ground, (she will) bring death to her husband.
on their father's side through ten generations are endowed with knowledge, austerity, and meritorious works,' &c.
4. I prefer the reading of the Bibliotheca Indica edition, countenanced by Nárayana's commentary, durvigñeyâni lakshanânîti, &c. The lumps are to be taken from the eight places mentioned in Sûtra 5.
5. No doubt the correct reading is not that given by Nárayana and accepted by Professor Stenzler, dvipravrâginî, but vipravragini, as four of Professor Stenzler's MSS. read (see his Variac Lectiones, p. 48, and the Petersburg Dictionary s. v. vipravrâgin).
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KANDIKÂ 6. 1. (The father) may give away the girl, having decked her with ornaments, pouring out a libation of water : this is the wedding (called) Brâhma. A son born by her (after a wedding of this kind) brings purification to twelve descendants and to twelve ancestors on both (the husband's and the wife's) sides.
2. He may give her, having decked her with ornaments, to an officiating priest, whilst a sacrifice with the three (Srauta) fires is going on: this (is the wedding called) Daiva. (A son) brings purification to ten descendants and to ten ancestors on both sides.
3. They fulfil the law together : this is the wedding called) Prâgâpatya. (A son) brings purification to eight descendants and to eight ancestors on both sides.
4. He may marry her after having given a bull and a cow (to the girl's father): this is the wedding called) Årsha. (A son) brings purification to seven descendants and to seven ancestors on both sides.
5. He may marry her, after a mutual agreement has been made (between the lover and the damsel): this is the wedding called) Gandharva.
6. He may marry her after gladdening (her father) by money: this is the wedding called) Asura.
6, 1. Comp. Vasishtha I, 30; Âpastamba II, 11, 17; Baudhayana 1, 20, 2.
2. Vasishtha I, 31; Âpastamba II, 11, 19; Baudhayana I, 20, 5. 3. Baudhấyana I, 20, 3. 4. Vasishtha I, 32; Âpastamba II, 11, 18; Baudhayana I, 20, 4. 5. Vasishtha I, 33; Âpastamba II, 11, 20; Baudhayana I, 20, 6.
6. Vasishtha I, 35 (where this rite is designated as Mânusha); Âpastamba II, 12, 1; Baudhâyana I, 20, 7.
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7. He may carry her off while (her relatives) sleep or pay no attention : this is the wedding called) Paisâka.
8. He may carry her off, killing (her relatives) and cleaving (their) heads, while she weeps and they weep: this is the wedding called) Rakshasa.
KANDIKÂ 7. 1. Now various indeed are the customs of the (different) countries and the customs of the different) villages : those one should observe at the wedding.
2. What, however, is commonly accepted, that we shall state.
3. Having placed to the west of the fire a millstone, to the north-east of the fire) a water-pot, he should sacrifice, while she takes hold of him. Standing, with his face turned to the west, while she is sitting and turns her face to the east, he should with (the formula), “I seize thy hand for the sake of happiness' seize her thumb if he desires that only mæle children may be born to him ;
4. Her other fingers, (if he is) desirous of female (children);
5. The hand on the hair-side together with the
7. Baudhâyana I, 20, 9.
8. Vasishtha I, 34 (where this rite is called Kshâtra); Âpastamba II, 21, 2; Baudhayana I, 20, 8. The text of this Sutra seems to be based on a hemistich hatva bhittvå ka sirshani rudadbhyo rudatim haret; comp. Manu III, 33.
7, 3. Professor Stenzler is evidently right in taking a smânam as in apposition to drishadam. Nârâyana says, drishat prasiddha asmâ tatputrakah. tatrobhayoh pratishthâpanam siddham.
The sacrifice is that prescribed in Sankh.-Grihya I, 12, II. 12. Regarding the rite that follows, comp. Sânkh.-Grihya I, 13, 2.
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thumb, (if) desirous of both (male and female children).
6. Leading her three times round the fire and the water-pot, so that their right sides are turned towards (the fire, &c.), he murmurs, 'This am I, that art thou ; that art thou, this am I; the heaven I, the earth thou; the Saman I, the Rik thou. Come! Let us here marry. Let us beget offspring. Loving, bright, with genial mind may we live a hundred autumns.'
7. Each time after he has lead her (so) round, he makes her tread on the stone with (the words), Tread on this stone; like a stone be firm. Overcome the enemies; tread the foes down.'
8. Having spread under' (i.e. having first poured Âgya over her hands), her brother or a person acting in her brother's place pours fried grain twice over the wife's joined hands.
9. Three times for descendants of Gamadagni.
10. He pours again (Agya) over (what has been left of) the sacrificial food,
11. And over what has been cut off. 12. This is the rule about the portions to be cut off. 13. 'To god Aryaman the girls have made sacrifice,
6. Sáňkhâyana-Gríhya I, 13, 4. 9. 13. 7. Sankhâyana-Grihya I, 13, 12. 8. Sânkhayana-Grihya I, 13, 15. 16.
9. The two portions of fried grain poured over the bride's hands, together with the first (upastarana) and the second (pratyabhighârana) pouring out of Âgya, constitute the four Avattas, or portions cut off from the Havis. The descendants of Gamadagni were pañkâvattinas, i.e. they used to cut off five such portions (see Kâtyâyana I, 9, 3; Weber, Indische Studien, X, 95); so they had to pour out the fried grain three times.
13. Sankhayana-Grihya I, 18, 3; 13, 17; 14, 1.
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to Agni; may he, god Aryaman, loosen her from this, and not from that place, Svâhâ !
"To god Varuna the girls have made sacrifice, to Agni; may he, god Varuna, &c.
*To god Pashan the girls have made sacrifice, to Agni; may he, god pashan, &c.'—with (these verses recited by the bridegroom) she should sacrifice (the fried grain) without opening her joined hands, as if (she did so) with the (spoon called) Sruk.
14. Without that leading round (the fire, she sacrifices grain) with the neb of a basket towards herself silently a fourth time.
15. Some lead the bride round each time after the fried grain has been poured out: thus the two last oblations do not follow immediately on each other.
16. He then loosens her two locks of hair, if they are made, (i.e. if) two tufts of wool are bound round her hair on the two sides,
17. With (the Rik), 'I release thee from the band of Varuna' (Rig-veda X, 85, 24).
18. The left one with the following (Rik).
19. He then causes her to step forward in a northeastern direction seven steps with (the words), 'For sap with one step, for juice with two steps, for thriving of wealth with three steps, for comfort with four steps, for offspring with five steps, for the seasons
14, 15. According to those teachers whose opinion is related in Satras 6-14, the leading round the fire, the treading on the stone, and the offering of fried grain (with the three parts of the Mantra, Sätra 13) are repeated thrice; then follows the offering prescribed in Satra 14, so that the last two offerings follow immediately on each other. This is not the case, if in the first three instances the order of the different rites is inverted, as stated in Sûtra 15.
In Sûtra 14 Narayana explains sûrpa pula by kona. 19. Sânkhâyana-Grihya I, 14, 5. 6; 13, 2; Pâraskara I, 8, 1.
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with six steps. Be friend with seven steps. So be thou devoted to me. Let us acquire many sons who may reach old age !'
20. Joining together their two heads, (the bridegroom ? the Âkârya ?) sprinkles them (with water) from the water-pot.
21. And she should dwell that night in the house of an old Brâhmana woman whose husband is alive and whose children are alive.
22. When she sees the polar-star, the star Arundhati, and the seven Rishis (ursa major), let her break the silence (and say), ‘May my husband live and I get offspring.'
KANDIKÂ 8. 1. If (the newly-married couple) have to make a journey (to their new home), let him cause her to mount the chariot with the (verse), ‘May Pashan lead thee from here holding thy hand' (Rig-veda X, 85, 26).
2. With the hemistich, 'Carrying stones (the river) streams; hold fast each other' (Rig-veda X, 53, 8) let him cause her to ascend a ship.
3. With the following (hemistich) let him make her descend (from it).
4. (He pronounces the verse), 'The living one they bewail' (Rig-veda X, 40, 10), if she weeps.
5. They constantly carry the nuptial fire in front.
20. Sânkhâyana-Grihya I, 14, 9; Pâraskara I, 8, 5. 22. Sânkhâyana-Grihya I, 17, 2 seq.; Pâraskara I, 8, 19. 8, 1. Sânkhâyana-Grihya I, 15, 13. 2. Sânkhâyana-Grihya I, 15, 17. 18. 4. Sânkhâyana-Gríhya I, 15, 2.
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6. At lovely places, trees, and cross-ways let him murmur (the verse), 'May no waylayers meet us’ (Rig-veda X, 85, 32).
7. At every dwelling-place (on their way) let him look at the lookers on, with (the verse), 'Good luck brings this woman' (Rig-veda X, 85, 33).
8. With (the verse), 'Here may delight fulfil itself to thee through offspring' (Rig-veda X, 85, 27) he should make her enter the house.
9. Having given its place to the nuptial fire, and having spread to the west of it a bull's hide with the neck to the east, with the hair outside, he makes oblations, while she is sitting on that (hide) and takes hold of him, with the four (verses), ‘May Pragâpati create offspring to us' (Rig-veda X, 85, 43 seq.), verse by verse, and with (the verse), May all the gods unite' (Rig-veda X, 85, 47), he partakes of curds and gives (thereof) to her, or he besmears their two hearts with the rest of the Agya (of which he has sacrificed).
10. From that time they should eat no saline food, they should be chaste, wear ornaments, sleep on the ground three nights or twelve nights;
11. Or one year, (according to) some (teachers); thus, they say, a Rishi will be born (as their son).
12. When he has fulfilled (this) observance (and has had intercourse with his wife), he should give the bride's shift to (the Brâhmana) who knows the Surya hymn (Rig-veda X, 85);
13. Food to the Brâhmanas;
6. Sânkhayana-Grihya I, 15, 14. 8. Sânkhayana-Grihya I, 15, 22; 16, 12. 9. Sânkhâyana-Grıhya I, 16, 1. 2. 12. Sânkhayana-Grihya I, 14, 12.
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14. Then he should cause them to pronounce auspicious words.
KANDIKÂ 9. 1. Beginning from the seizing of the bride's) hand (i.e. from the wedding), he should worship the domestic (fire) himself, or his wife, or also his son, or his daughter, or a pupil.
2. (The fire) should be kept constantly.
3. When it goes out, however, the wife should fast: thus (say) some (teachers).
4. The time for setting it in a blaze and for sacrificing in it has been explained by (the rules given with regard to) the Agnihotra,
5. And the sacrificial food, except meat.
6. But if he likes he may (perform the sacrifice) with rice, barley, or sesamum.
7. He should sacrifice in the evening with (the formula), ‘To Agni svâhâ !' in the morning with (the formula), “To Sarya svâhâ !' Silently the second (oblations) both times.
KANDIKÂ 10. 1. Now the oblations of cooked food on the (two) Parvan (i. e. the new and full moon) days.
2. The fasting (which takes place) thereat has been declared by (the corresponding rules regarding) the Darsapůrnamâsa sacrifices.
9, 1. Comp. Sânkhâyana-Grihya II, 17, 3. 4. Sânkhayana-Grihya I, 1, 12; Âsvalâyana-Srauta II, 2.
5. Asvalâyana-Srauta II, 3, i seq. Nârâyana: By the prohibition of meat which is expressed in the words 'Except meat,' it is to be understood that the food to be sacrificed, as stated in other Sastras, may likewise be chosen.
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3. And (so has been declared) the binding together of the fuel and of the Barhis,
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4. And the deities (to whom those oblations belong), with the exception of the Upâmsuyâga (offerings at which the formulas are repeated with low voice), and of Indra and Mahendra.
5. Other deities (may be worshipped) according to the wishes (which the sacrificer connects with his offerings).
6. For each single deity he pours out four handsful (of rice, barley, &c.), placing two purifiers (i. e. Kusa blades, on the vessel), with (the formula), Agreeable to such and such (a deity) I pour thee out.'
4
7. He then sprinkles them (those four portions of Havis with water) in the same way as he had poured them out, with (the formula), 'Agreeable to such and such (a deity) I sprinkle thee.'
8. When (the rice or barley grains) have been husked and cleansed from the husks three times, let him cook (the four portions) separately,
9. Or throwing (them) together.
10. If he cooks them separately, let him touch the grains, after he has separated them, (and say,)' This to this god; this to this god.'
11. But if he (cooks the portions) throwing (them) together, he should (touch and) sacrifice them, after he has put (the single portions) into different vessels.
12. The portions of sacrificial food, when they
10, 3. See Âsvalâyana-Srauta I, 3, 28 Scholion; Kâty.-Srauta II, 7, 22.
4. See Hillebrandt, Das altindische Neu- und Vollmondsopfer, p. 111; my note on Sânkhâyana-Grihya I, 3, 3.
12. In the Mantra we have a similar play upon words (iddha,
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have been cooked, he sprinkles (with Âgya), takes them from the fire towards the north, places them on the Barhis, and sprinkles the fuel with Agya with the formula, 'This fuel is thy self, Gâtavedas; thereby burn thou and increase, and, O burning One, make us increase and through offspring, cattle, holy lustre, and nourishment make us prosper. Svâhâ!'
13. Having silently poured out the two Âghâras (or Agya oblations poured out with the Sruva, the one from north-west to south-east, the other from south-west to north-east), he should sacrifice the two Agya portions with (the formulas), 'To Agni
svâhâ! To Soma svâhâ!'—
14. The northern one belonging to Agni, the southern one to Soma.
15. It is understood (in the Sruti), 'The two eyes indeed of the sacrifice are the Agya portions,
16. 'Therefore of a man who is sitting with his face to the west the southern (i. e. right) eye is northern, the northern (i. e. left) eye is southern.'
17. In the middle (of the two Âgya portions he
lit, or burning, and samedhaya, make us prosper) as in Sankh.Grihya II, 10, 4.
13. Pâraskara I, 5, 3; Sânkh.-Grihya I, 9, 5 seq.
14. Sânkh.-Grihya I, 9, 7.
15. Professor Stenzler here very pertinently refers to Satapatha Brahmana I, 6, 3, 38.
16. It is doubtful whether this paragraph should be considered as forming part of the quotation from the Sruti. The object of this passage is, in my opinion, to explain why the southern Agyabhaga belongs to Soma, who is the presiding deity of the north, and the northern Âgyabhâga to Agni, the presiding deity of the south-east. Professor Stenzler's opinion about this paragraph is somewhat different.
17. Sânkh.-Grihya I, 9, 8.
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sacrifices the other) Havis, or more to the west, finishing (the oblations) in the east or in the north. 18. To the north-east the oblation to (Agni) Svishtakrit.
19. He cuts off (the Avadâna portions) from the Havis from the middle and from the eastern part;
20. From the middle, the eastern part and the western part (the portions have to be cut off) by those who make five Avadânas;
21. From the northern side the portion for Svishtakrit.
22. Here he omits the second pouring (of Âgya) over (what is left of) the sacrificial food.
23. 'What I have done too much in this ceremony, or what I have done here too little, all that may Agni Svishtakrit, he who knows it, make well sacrificed and well offered for me. To Agni Svishtakrit, to him who offers the oblations for general expiation, so that they are well offered, to him who makes us succeed in what we desire! Make us in all that we desire successful! Svâhâ!'
24. He pours out the full vessel on the Barhis. 25. This is the Avabhritha.
19, 20. See above, the note on I, 7, 9 about the Avadâna portions and the peculiar custom of the descendants of Gamadagni with regard to them.
22. Comp. above, I, 7, 10. 'Here' means, at the Svish/akrit
oblation.
23. Comp. Pâraskara I, 2, 11; Satapatha Brahmana XIV, 9, 4, 24. On the oblations for general expiation (sarvaprâyaskittâhuti) comp. Sânkh.-Grihya I, 9, 12, and the note.
24. 'A full vessel which has been put down before, he should now pour out on the Barhis.' Nârâyana.
25. This pouring out of the vessel holds here the place of the Avabhritha bath at the end of the Soma sacrifice. See Weber, Indische Studien, X, 393 seq.
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26. This is the standard form of the Pâkayagñas. 27. What has been left of the Havis is the fee for the sacrifice.
KANDIKA 11.
1. Now (follows) the ritual of the animal sacrifice. 2. Having prepared to the north of the fire the place for the Sâmitra fire, having given drink (to the animal which he is going to sacrifice), having washed the animal, having placed it to the east (of the fire) with its face to the west, having made oblations with the two Rikas, 'Agni as our messenger' (Rig-veda I, 12, 1 seq.), let him touch (the animal) from behind with a fresh branch on which there are leaves, with (the formula), 'Agreeable to such and such (a deity) I touch thee.'
3. He sprinkles it from before with water in which rice and barley are, with (the formula), 'Agreeable to such and such (a deity) I sprinkle thee.'
4. Having given (to the animal) to drink of that (water), he should pour out the rest (of it) along its right fore-foot.
5. Having carried fire round (it), performing that act only (without repeating a corresponding Mantra), they lead it to the north.
6. In front of it they carry a fire-brand.
11, 2. The Sâmitra fire (literally, the fire of the Samitri, who prepares the flesh of the immolated animal) is the one mentioned below in Sûtras 7 and 10. Comp. Indische Studien, X, 345. 'I touch thee' is upâkaromi; comp. Kâtyâyana-Srauta-sûtra VI, 3, 19. 26.
6. It seems that this fire-brand is the same which had been carried round the animal, according to Sutra 5. Comp. KâtyâyanaSrauta-sûtra VI, 5, 2-5.
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7. This is the Sâmitra (fire).
8. With the two Vapásrapani ladles the 'performer' touches the animal.
9. The sacrificer (touches) the performer.
10. To the west of the Sâmitra (fire) he (the Samitri) kills (the animal), the head of which is turned to the east or to the west, the feet to the north; and having placed a grass-blade on his side of the (animal's) navel, (the 'performer ') draws out the omentum, cuts off the omentum, seizes it with the two Agnisrapanis, sprinkles it with water, warms it at the Sâmitra (fire), takes it before that fire, roasts it, being seated to the south, goes round (the two fires), and sacrifices it.
11. At the same fire they cook a mess of food.
12. Having cut off the eleven Avadanas (or portions which have to be cut off) from the animal, from all its limbs, having boiled them at the Sâmitra (fire),
7. Comp. Satra 2.
8. On the two Vapásrapanis, comp. Kâtyâyana-Srauta-stra VI, 5, 7; Indische Studien, X, 345. The act which is here attributed to the kartri (performer'), belongs in the Srauta ritual to the incumbencies of the Pratiprasthâtri.
10. On the way in which animals had to be killed at sacrifices, see Weber's Indische Studien, IX, 322 seq.
On the position of the head and the feet of the victim, comp. Katyayana-Srauta-sâtra VI, 5, 16. 17.
According to Katyayana VI, 6, 8 seq. a grass-blade is placed on the dead animal's body before the navel (agrena nâbhim); through that grass-blade he cuts into the body and draws out the omentum.
That fire'is, according to Narayana, not the Samitra but the Aupasana fire. In the same way in the Srauta ritual the warming of the omentum is performed at the Sâmitra, the boiling at the Âhavaniya fire. Kâtyâyana VI, 6, 13. 16.
11. The Aupâsana fire is referred to.
12. The eleven portions are indicated by Katyayana, Srauta-sûtra VI, 7, 6.
[29]
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and having warmed the heart on a spit, let him sacrifice first from the mess of cooked food (mentioned in Sutra II);
13. Or together with the Avadâna portions.
14. From each of the (eleven) Avadanas he cuts off two portions.
15. They perform the rites only (without corresponding Mantras) with the heart's spit (i.e. the spit on which the heart had been ; see Satra 12).
KANDIKÂ 12. 1. At a Kaitya sacrifice he should before the Svishtakrit (offering) offer a Bali to the Kaitya.
2. If, however, (the Kaitya) is distant, (he should send his Bali) through a leaf-messenger.
14. 'A Pañkâvattin cuts off three portions. Having performed the Upastarana and the Pratyabhighârana (the first and second pouring out of Âgya) he sacrifices (the cut-off portions).' Nârâyana.
15. On the rites regarding the spit, see Kâtyâyana VI, 10, 1 seq. ; Indische Studien, X, 346.
12, 1. There seems to be no doubt that Professor Stenzler is right in giving to kaitya in this chapter its ordinary meaning of religious shrine (Denkmal'). The text shows that the Kaitya sacrifice was not offered like other sacrifices at the sacrificer's home, but that in some cases the offering would have to be sent, at least symbolically, to distant places. This confirms Professor Stenzler's translation of kaitya. Nârâyana explains kaitya by kitte bhava, and says, 'If he makes a vow to a certain deity, saying, "If I obtain such and such a desire, I shall offer to thee an Agya sacrifice, or a Sthalipâka, or an animal”-and if he then obtains what he had wished for and performs that sacrifice to that deity : this is a kaitya sacrifice. I do not know anything that supports this statement as to the meaning of kaitya.
2. He should make of a leaf a messenger and a carrying-pole.' Narayana.
It is not clear whether besides this image of a messenger there was also a real messenger who had to carry the Bali to the Kaitya,
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3. With the Rik, 'Where thou knowest, O tree' (Rig-veda V, 5, 10), let him make two lumps (of food), put them on a carrying-pole, hand them over to the messenger, and say to him, 'Carry this Bali to that (Kaitya).'
4. (He gives him the lump) which is destined for the messenger, with (the words), 'This to thee.'
5. If there is anything dangerous between them and the Kaitya), (he gives him) some weapon also.
6. If a navigable river is between (them and the Kaitya, he gives him) also something like a raft with the words), 'Hereby thou shalt cross.'
7. At the Dhanvantari sacrifice let him offer first a Bali to the Purohita, between the Brahman and the fire.
KANDIKÂ 13. 1. The Upanishad (treats of) the Garbhalambhana, the Pumsavana, and the Anavalobhana (i.e. the ceremonies for securing the conception of a child, the male gender of the child, and for preventing disturbances which could endanger the embryo).
2. If he does not study (that Upanishad), he
or whether the whole rite was purely symbolical, and based on the principle: In sacris ficta pro veris accipiuntur.
3. Comp. Pâraskara III, II, 10. 6. Pâraskara III, 11, II, 7. Comp. above, chap. 3, 6.
13, 1, Narayana evidently did not know the Upanishad here referred to; he states that it belongs to another Sâkhâ. Comp. Professor Max Müller's note on Brihad Aranyaka VI, 4, 24 (S. B.E., vol. xv, p. 222).
2. He should give her the two beans as a symbol of the testicles, and the barley grain as a symbol of the penis.' Nârâyana.
N2
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should in the third month of her pregnancy, under (the Nakshatra) Tishya, give to eat (to the wife), after she has fasted, in curds from a cow which has a calf of the same colour (with herself), two beans and one barley grain for each handful of curds.
3. To his question, What dost thou drink? What dost thou drink?' she should thrice reply,
Generation of a male child! Generation of a male child !
4. Thus three handfuls (of curds).
5. He then inserts into her right nostril, in the shadow of a round apartment, (the sap of) an herb which is not faded,
6. According to some (teachers) with the Pragavat and Givaputra hymns.
7. Having sacrificed of a mess of cooked food sacred to Pragâpati, he should touch the place of her heart with the (verse,) What is hidden, O thou whose hair is well parted, in thy heart, in Pragâpati, that I know; such is my belief. May I not fall into distress that comes from sons.'
5. Nârâyana (comp. also the Prayogaratna, folio 40; Âsvalâyaniya-Grihya-Parisishta I, 25; MS. Chambers 667) separates this rite from the ceremony described in Sätras 2-4. He says that Sätras 2-4-as indeed is evidently the case refer to the Pumsavana, and in Satra 5 begins the Anavalobhana (comp. garbharakshana, Sankh. I, 21). To me it seems more probable that the text describes one continuous ceremony. There is no difficulty in supposing that of the Anavalobhana, though it is mentioned in Sūtra 1, no description is given in the following Satras, the same being the case undoubtedly with regard to the Garbhalambhana, of which a description is found in the Asv.-Parisishta I, 25.
6. Two texts commencing â te garbho yonim etu and Agnir etu prathamah. See Stenzler's Various Readings, p. 48, and the Bibliotheca Indica edition, p. 61.
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KANDIKÂ 14. 1. In the fourth month of pregnancy the Simantonnayana (or parting of the hair, is performed).
2. In the fortnight of the increasing moon, when the moon stands in conjunction with a Nakshatra (that has a name) of masculine gender
3. Then he gives its place to the fire, and having spread to the west of it a bull's hide with the neck to the east, with the hair outside, (he makes oblations,) while (his wife) is sitting on that (hide) and takes hold of him, with the two (verses), “May Dhâtri give to his worshipper,' with the two verses, 'I invoke Raka' (Rig-veda II, 32, 4 seq.), and with (the texts), ‘Negamesha,' and, ‘Pragàpati, no other one than thou' (Rig-veda X, 121, 10).
4. He then three times parts her hair upwards (i.e. beginning from the front) with a bunch containing an even number of unripe fruits, and with a porcupine's quill that has three white spots, and with three bunches of Kusa grass, with (the words), * Bhûr, bhuvah, svar, om!'
5. Or four times.
6. He gives orders to two lute-players, Sing king Soma.
7. (They sing,) May Soma our king bless the human race. Settled is the wheel of N.N.'—(here they name) the river near which they dwell.
14, 3. Comp. above, chap. 8, 9. Regarding the two verses Dhâtâ dadatu dâsushe, see Sânkh.-Grihya I, 22, 7. The Negamesha hymn is Rig-veda Khailika sûkta, vol. vi, p. 31, ed. Max Müller,
7. Comp. Pâraskara I, 15, 8. The Gâthâ there is somewhat different. I cannot see why in the Asvalâyana redaction of it nivish/akakråsau should not be explained, conformably to the
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8. And whatever aged Brâhmana woman, whose husbands and children are alive, tell them, that let
them do.
9. A bull is the fee for the sacrifice.
KANDIKÂ 15. 1. When a son has been born, (the father) should, before other people touch him, give him to eat from gold (i. e. from a golden vessel or with a golden spoon) butter and honey with which he has ground gold(-dust), with (the verse), I administer to thee the wisdom (veda') of honey, of ghee, raised by Savitri the bountiful. Long-living, protected by the gods, live a hundred autumns in this world !'
2. Approaching (his mouth) to (the child's) two ears he murmurs the 'production of intelligence :' 'Intelligence may give to thee god Savitri, intelligence may goddess Sarasvati, intelligence may give to thee the two divine Asvins, wreathed with lotus.
3. He touches (the child's) two shoulders with (the verse), 'Be a stone, be an axe, be insuperable gold. Thou indeed art the Veda, called son; so live a hundred autumns'-- and with (the verses), 'Indra, give the best treasures' (Rig-veda II, 21, 6), 'Bestow on us, O bountiful one, O speedy one' (Rig-veda III, 36, 10).
4. And let them give him a name beginning with regular Sandhi laws, as nivishta kakrâ asau. The wheel of course means the dominion.
15, 1. Comp. Âsv.-Grihya-Parisishta I, 26. I follow Professor Stenzler, who corrects maghonâm into maghonâ; comp. Sankh.Grihya I, 24, 4.
3. Vedo may as well be the nominative of veda as that of vedas (property').
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a sonant, with a semivowel in it, with the Visarga at its end, consisting of two syllables,
5. Or of four syllables;
6. Of two syllables, if he is desirous of firm position; of four syllables, if he is desirous of holy lustre ;
7. But in every case with an even number (of syllables) for men, an uneven for women.
8. And let him also find out (for the child) a name to be used at respectful salutations (such as that due to the Âkârya at the ceremony of the initiation); that his mother and his father (alone) should know till his initiation.
9. When he returns from a journey, he embraces his son's head and murmurs, 'From limb by limb thou art produced; out of the heart thou art born. Thou indeed art the self called son; so live a hundred autumns!'-(thus) he kisses him three times on his head.
10. The rite only (without the Mantra is performed) for a girl.
KANDIKA 16.
1. In the sixth month the Annaprâsana (i. e. the first feeding with solid food).
2. Goat's flesh, if he is desirous of nourishment, 3. Flesh of partridge, if desirous of holy lustre, 4. Boiled rice with ghee, if desirous of splendour: 5. (Such) food, mixed with curds, honey and ghee he should give (to the child) to eat with (the verse), 'Lord of food, give us food painless and strong;
16, I seq. Comp. Sânkh.-Grihya I, 27, I seq. The two texts are nearly word for word identical.
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bring forward the giver ; bestow power on us, on men and animals.'
6. The rite only (without the Mantra) for a girl.
KANDIKÂ 17. 1. In the third year the Kaula (i.e. the tonsure of the child's head), or according to the custom of the family.
2. To the north of the fire he places vessels which are filled respectively, with rice, barley, beans, and sesamum seeds;
3. To the west (the boy) for whom the ceremony shall be performed, in his mother's lap, bull-dung in a new vessel, and Sami leaves are placed.
4. To the south of the mother the father (is seated) holding twenty-one bunches of Kusa grass.
5. Or the Brahman should hold them.
6. To the west of (the boy) for whom the ceremony is to be performed, (the father) stations himself and pours cold and warm water together with (the words), With warm water, O Vâyu, come hither!'
7. Taking of that (water), (and) fresh butter, or (some) drops of curds, he three times moistens (the boy’s) head, from the left to the right, with (the formula), ‘May Aditi cut thy hair ; may the waters moisten thee for vigour !'
8. Into the right part (of the hair) he puts each
4. He cuts off the hair four times on the right side (Satras 1014), three times on the left side (Sûtra 15); each time three Kusa bunches are required. This is the reason why twenty-one bunches are prescribed.
8. Each of the four times and of the three times respectively that he cuts off the hair; see the preceding note.
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time three Kusa bunches, with the points towards (the boy) himself, with (the words), 'Herb! protect
him!'
9. (With the words,) 'Axe! do no harm to him!' he presses a copper razor (on the Kusa blades),
10. And cuts (the hair) with (the verse), 'The razor with which in the beginning Savitri the knowing one has shaved (the beard) of king Soma and of Varuna, with that, ye Brâhmanas, shave now his (hair), that he may be blessed with long life, with old age.
II. Each time that he has cut, he gives (the hairs) with their points to the east, together with Sami leaves, to the mother. She puts them down on the bull-dung.
12. 'With what Dhâtri has shaven (the head) of Brihaspati, Agni and Indra, for the sake of long life, with that I shave thy (head) for the sake of long life, of glory, and of welfare'-thus a second time.
"
13. By what he may at night further see the sun, and see it long, with that I shave thy (head) for the sake of long life, of glory, and of welfare'-thus a third time.
14. With all (the indicated) Mantras a fourth time.
15. Thus three times on the left side (of the head).
16. Let him wipe off the edge of the razor with (the words), 'If thou shavest, as a shaver, his hair with the razor, the wounding, the well-shaped, purify his head, but do not take away his life.'
13. Instead of yena bhûyas ka râtryâm, Pâraskara (II, 1, 16) has, yena bharis karâ divam.
16. Comp. Pâraskara II, 1, 19; Atharva-veda VIII, 2, 17.
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17. Let him give orders to the barber, With lukewarm water doing what has to be done with water, without doing harm to him, arrange (his hair) well.'
18. Let him have the arrangement of the hair made according to the custom of his family.
19. The rite only (without the Mantras) for a girl.
KANDIKÂ 18. 1. Thereby the Godânakarman (i.e. the ceremony of shaving the beard, is declared).
2. In the sixteenth year.
3. Instead of the word 'hair' he should (each time that it occurs in the Mantras) put the word 'beard.'
4. Here they moisten the beard.
5. (The Mantra is), ' Purify his head and his face, but do not take away his life.'
6. He gives orders (to the barber with the words), *Arrange his hair, his beard, the hair of his body, and his nails, ending in the north.'
7. Having bathed and silently stood during the rest of the day, let him break his silence in the presence of his teacher, (saying to him,) 'I give an optional gift (to thee).'
8. An ox and a cow is the sacrificial fee.
18. On these family customs, see Grihya-samgraha-parisishta II, 40; Roth, Zur Literatur und Geschichte des Weda, p. 120; Max Müller, History of A. S. L., p. 54 seq.; Weber, Indische Studien, X,95.
18, 4. See above, chap. 17, 7. 5. See chap. 17, 16. 6. According to Nârâyana, he says to the barber (chap. 17, 17), With lukewarm water doing what has to be done with water, without doing harm to him, arrange his hair, his beard, the hair of his body, and his nails, ending in the north.
7, 8. On restrictions like that contained in the eighth Sätra as to the object in which the vara (optional gift) had to consist, see Weber, Indische Studien, V, 343.
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9. Let (the teacher) impose (on the youth the observances declared below) for one year.
KANDIKÂ 19. 1. In the eighth year let him initiate a Brâhmana, 2. Or in the eighth year after the conception; 3. In the eleventh a Kshatriya; 4. In the twelfth a Vaisya.
5. Until the sixteenth (year) the time has not passed for a Brâhmana ;
6. Until the twenty-second for a Kshatriya ; 7. Until the twenty-fourth for a Vaisya.
8. After that (time has passed), they become patitasåvitrika (i.e. they have lost their right of learning the Sâvitri).
9. No one should initiate such men, nor teach them, nor perform sacrifices for them, nor have intercourse with them.
10. (Let him initiate) the youth who is adorned and whose (hair on the head is arranged, who wears a (new) garment that has not yet been washed, or an antelope-skin, if he is a Brahmana, the skin of a spotted deer, if a Kshatriya, a goat's skin, if a Vaisya.
11. If they put on garments, they should put on dyed (garments) : the Brâhmana a reddish yellow one, the Kshatriya a light red one, the Vaisya a yellow one.
12. Their girdles are: that of a Brâhmana made of Muñga grass, that of a Kshatriya a bow-string, that of a Vaisya woollen.
9. See below, chap. 22, 22.
19, 10. By the arranging of the hair' the cutting of the hair is implied, as is seen from chap. 22, 22.
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13. Their staffs are: that of a Brâhmana of Palâsa wood, that of a Kshatriya of Udumbara wood, that of a Vaisya of Bilva wood.
KANDIKÂ 20. 1. Or all (sorts of staffs are to be used) by (men of) all (castes).
2. While (the student) takes hold of him, the teacher sacrifices and then stations himself to the north of the fire, with his face turned to the east.
3. To the east (of the fire) with his face to the west the other one.
4. (The teacher then) fills the two hollows of (his own and the student's) joined hands with water, and with the verse, 'That we choose of Savitri' (Rigveda V, 82, 1) he makes with the full (hollow of his own hands the water) flow down on the full (hollow of) his, (i.e. the student's hands.) Having (thus) poured (the water over his hands) he should with his (own) hand seize his (i.e. the student's) hand together with the thumb, with (the formula), 'By the impulse of the god Savitri, with the arms of the two Asvins, with Pashan's hands I seize thy hand, N.N.!'
5. With (the words), Savitri has seized thy hand, N. N.!' a second time.
6. With (the words), Agni is thy teacher, N.N.!' a third time.
7. He should cause him to look at the sun while the teacher says, 'God Savitri, this is thy Brahmakârin ; protect him; may he not die.'
20, 2. He offers the oblations prescribed above, chap. 1, 4, 3 seq.
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8. (And further the teacher says), 'Whose Brahmakârin art thou ? The breath's Brahmakârin art thou. Who does initiate thee, and whom (does he initiate)? To whom shall I give thee in charge ?'
9. With the half verse, ‘A youth, well attired, dressed came hither' (Rig-veda III, 8, 4) he should cause him to turn round from the left to the right.
10. Reaching with his two hands over his (i.e. the student's) shoulders (the teacher) should touch the place of his heart with the following (half verse).
11. Having wiped the ground round the fire, the student should put on a piece of wood silently.
Silence indeed is what belongs to Pragâpati. The student becomes belonging to Pragâpati'— this is understood in the Sruti).
KANDIKÂ 21. 1. Some (do this) with a Mantra : 'To Agni I have brought a piece of wood, to the great Gâtavedas. Through that piece of wood increase thou, O Agni; through the Brahman (may) we (increase). Svâhâ !'
2. Having put the fuel (on the fire) and having
11. On the wiping of the ground round the fire, comp. above, chap. 3, 1; Sânkhâyana-Grıhya I, 7, 11. Nârâyana here has the following remarks, which I can scarcely believe to express the real meaning of this Satra : Here the wiping of the ground round the fire is out of place, because the Samskâras for the fire have already been performed. As to that, it should be observed that the wiping is mentioned here in order that, when fuel is put on the fire in the evening and in the morning, the sprinkling of water and the wiping may be performed. But on this occasion at the Upanayana) the student does not perform the wiping, &c., and silently puts a piece of wood on that fire.'
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touched the fire, he three times wipes off his face with (the words), 'With splendour I anoint myself.'
3. For with splendour does he anoint himself'-- this is understood (in the Sruti).
4. 'On me may Agni bestow insight, on me offspring, on me splendour.
On me may Indra bestow insight, on me offspring, on me strength (indriya).
On me may Sarya bestow insight, on me offspring, on me radiance.
What thy splendour is, Agni, may I thereby become resplendent.
What thy vigour is, Agni, may I thereby become vigorous.
'What thy consuming poweris, Agni, may I thereby obtain consuming power'-with these formulas) he should approach the fire, bend his knee, embrace (the teacher's feet), and say to him, 'Recite, sir ! The Sâvitri, sir, recite!'
5. Seizing with his (i.e. the student's) garment and with (his own hands (the student's) hands (the teacher) recites the Sâvitrî, (firstly) Pâda by Pâda, (then) hemistich by hemistich, (and finally) the whole (verse).
6. He should make him recite (the Savitri) as far as he is able.
7. On the place of his (i.e. the student's) heart (the teacher) lays his hand with the fingers upwards, with (the formula), 'Into my will I take thy heart; after my mind shall thy mind follow ; in my word thou shalt rejoice with all thy will; may Brihaspati join thee to me.'
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KANDIKÂ 22. 1. Having tied the girdle round him and given him the staff, he should impose the (observances of the) Brahmakarya on him
2. (With the words), 'A Brahmakârin thou art. Eat water. Do the service. Do not sleep in the day-time. Devoted to the teacher study the Veda.'
3. Twelve years lasts the Brahmakarya for (each) Veda, or until he has learnt it.
4. Let him beg (food) in the evening and in the morning.
5. Let him put fuel on (the fire) in the evening and in the morning.
6. Let him beg first of a man who will not refuse, 7. Or of a woman who will not refuse.
8. (In begging he should use the words), 'Sir, give food!'
9. Or, '(Sir, give) Anupravakantya (food).'
10. That (which he has received) he should announce to his teacher.
11. He should stand the rest of the day.
12. After sunset (the student) should cook the Brahmaudana (or boiled rice with which the Brâhmanas are to be fed) for the Anupravakaniya sacrifice (the sacrifice to be performed after a part of the Veda has been studied), and should announce to the teacher (that it is ready).
22, 9. Food for the Anupravakaniya offering ; see Sûtra 12. 10. Sânkhayana-Grihya II, 6, 7; Pâraskara II, 5, 8.
12. 'The student should, according to the rules for the Pâkayagñas, cook the Anupravakanîya food and announce it to the teacher in the words, “ The food is cooked."! Narayana.
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13. The teacher should sacrifice, while the student takes hold of him, with the verse, 'The wonderful lord of the abode' (Rig-veda I, 18, 6).
14. A second time with the Sâvitrt
15. And whatever else has been studied afterwards.
16. A third time to the Rishis.
17. A fourth time (the oblation) to (Agni) Svishtakrit.
18. Having given food to the Brâhmanas he should cause them to pronounce the end of the Veda (study).
19. From that time (the student) should eat no saline food; he should observe chastity, and should sleep on the ground through three nights, or twelve nights, or one year.
20. When he has fulfilled those observances, (the teacher) performs (for him) the 'production of intelligence,' (in the following way):
21. While (the student) towards an unobjectionable direction (of the horizon) sprinkles thrice (water) from the left to the right with a water-pot round a
15. Nârâyana mentions as such texts especially those belonging to the Aranyaka, viz. the Mahânâmnyas, the Mahâvrata, and the Upanishad. But there is no reason why we should not think quite as well of the Rig-veda Samhitâ itself.
18. He should say, “Sirs! Pronounce the end of the Veda (study)." And they should reply, May an end of the Veda (study) be made.”' Nârâyana.
20. Comp. above, chap. 15, 2.
21. The objectionable directions are three, the south, the southeast, the south-west.' Narayana.
Susravas, which I have translated by 'glorious,' at the same time means, endowed with good hearing,' i.e. successful in study. The student therefore by the same word prays for glory and for success in Vedic learning.
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Palasa (tree) with one root, or round a Kusa bunch, if there is no Palâsa, (the teacher) causes him to say, 'O glorious one, thou art glorious. As thou, O glorious one, art glorious, thus, O glorious one, lead me to glory. As thou art the preserver of the treasure of sacrifice for the gods, thus may I become the preserver of the treasure of the Veda for men.'
22. Thereby, beginning with his having the hair cut, and ending with the giving in charge, the imposing of observances has been declared.
23. Thus for one who has not been initiated before.
24. Now as regards one who has been initiated before:
25. The cutting of the hair is optional,
26. And the 'production of intelligence.'
27. On the giving in charge there are no express rules (in this case);
28. And on the time.
29. (He should recite to him) as the Sâvitri (the Rik), 'That we choose of god Savitri' (Rig-veda V, 82, 1).
KANDIKA 23.
1. He chooses priests (for officiating at a sacrifice) with neither deficient nor superfluous limbs, 'who on
22. The rules stated above for the Upanayana, beginning with the prescription regarding the cutting of the hair (given chap. 19, 10 in the words, whose [hair on the] head is arranged;' see the note there), and ending with the ceremony prescribed chap. 20, 8, are to be extended also to other cases of the imposing of a vow, such, for instance, as that mentioned chap. 18, 9.
25. See chap. 19, 10.
26. See above, Sûtra 20. 28. See chap. 4, I.
27. See chap. 20, 8.
29. Instead of the ordinary Sâvitrî, Rig-veda III, 62, 10. 23, 1. Comp. Srauta-sûtra IX, 3, 20; Grihya-sûtra I, 5, 1.
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the mother's and on the father's side (&c.),' as it has been said above.
2. Let him choose young men as officiating priests : thus (declare) some (teachers).
3. He chooses first the Brahman, then the Hotri, then the Adhvaryu, then the Udgâtri.
4. Or all who officiate at the Ahîna sacrifices and at those lasting one day.
5. The Kaushitakinas prescribe the Sadasya as the seventeenth, saying, 'He is the looker-on at the performances.
6. This has been said in the two Rikas, 'He whom the officiating priests, performing (the sacrifice) in many ways' (Rig-veda VIII, 58, 1. 2).
7. He chooses the Hotri first.
8. With (the formula), 'Agni is my Hotri ; he is my Hotri; I choose thee N.N. as my Hotri' (he chooses) the Hotri.
4. The Ahîna sacrifices are those which last more than one day, but not more than twelve days. (Indische Studien, IX, 373; X, 355.) The priests officiating at such sacrifices are the sixteen stated in the Srauta-sûtra IV, 1, 6. 7. Those besides the sixteen, though they are chosen (saty api varane) for taking part in the sacred performances, have not the rank of ritvigas (officiating priests); such are the Sadasya, the Samitri, and the Kamasadhvaryavah (schol. Srautas. loc. cit.). See Max Müller's History of A. S. L., pp. 450, 469 seq. As to the Sadasya, however, there was some difference of opinion (see the next Sûtra).
5. On the office of the Sadasya, see Indische Studien, X, 136, 144.
6. The two Rikas quoted here belong to the tenth among the Vâlakhilya hymns, a hymn omitted in many of the Rig-veda MSS. They give no special confirmation to the rules stated in our text, but contain only a general allusion to the unity of the sacrifice, which the various priests perform in many various ways.
7. If the four (chief) priests have to be chosen, the choosing of the Brahmana stands first in order (see above, Sætra 3); if all (the sixteen), then the choosing of the Hotri stands first in order.' Narayana.
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9. With (the formula), Kandramas (the moon) is my Brahman; he is my Brahman; I choose thee N. N. as my Brahman' (he chooses) the Brahman,
10. With (the formula), 'Aditya (the sun) is my Adhvaryu; (he is my Adhvaryu, &c.)'-the Adh
"
varyu.
II. With (the formula), ' Parganya is my Udgâtri ; (he is my Udgâtri, &c.) '—the Udgâtri.
12. With (the formula), 'The waters are my reciters of what belongs to the Hotrakas'-the Hotrakas.
13. With (the formula), 'The rays are my Kamasâdhvaryus'-the Kamasâdhvaryus.
14. With (the formula), 'The ether is my Sadasya' the Sadasya.
15. He whom he has chosen should murmur, 'A great thing thou hast told me; splendour thou hast told me; fortune thou hast told me; glory thou hast told me; praise thou hast told me; success thou hast told me; enjoyment thou hast told me ; satiating thou hast told me; everything thou hast told me.'
16. Having murmured (this formula), the Hotri declares his assent (in the words), 'Agni is thy Hotri; he is thy Hotri; thy human Hotri am I.'
17. 'Kandramas (the moon) is thy Brahman; he is thy Brahman (&c.)'-thus the Brahman.
18. In the same way the others according to the prescriptions (given above).
19. And if (the priest who accepts the invitation)
12. The twelve priests of the sixteen (see § 4 note) who do not stand at the head of one of the four categories. Those at the head are enumerated in the Sutras 8-11.
13, 14. See above, § 4 note.
19. Priests who only perform the Agnyâdheya for a person, are, according to Nârâyana's note on this Sûtra, not considered as
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is going to perform the sacrifice (for the inviting person, he should add), 'May that bless me; may that enter upon me; may I thereby enjoy (bliss).'
20. The functions of an officiating priest are not to be exercised, if abandoned (by another priest), or at an Ahina sacrifice with small sacrificial fee, or for a person that is sick, or suffering, or affected with consumption, or decried among the people in his village, or of despised extraction: for such persons (the functions of a Ritvig should not be exercised).
21. He (who is chosen as a Ritvig) should ask the Somapravaka, 'What sacrifice is it? Who are
performing a sacrifice for him; consequently the formula given here is only to be used by priests who are elected for a Soma sacrifice. Stenzler translates, So spricht er, wenn er das Opfer durch sie vollziehen lassen will.' But this would be yakshyamânah, not yâgayishyan.
20. The tradition takes nîkadakshinasya as in apposition to ahinasya, and I have translated accordingly. But I cannot help thinking that the two words should be separated, so that we should have to translate, or at an Ahîna, or for a person that gives small sacrificial fee. Thus the Brahmana quoted by Apastamba (see the commentary on the Pañkavimsa Brâhmana, vol. i, p. 6, ed. Bibl. Indica) gives the following questions which the Ritvig to be chosen should ask, 'Is it no Ahîna sacrifice? Is the Ritvig office not abandoned by others? Is the sacrificial fee plentiful?' It is a very singular fact, that on the one hand the assistance of a number of Ritvigas was unanimously declared necessary for the performance of an Ahîna sacrifice, while on the other hand it was considered objectionable, at least among some of the Vedic schools, to officiate at such a sacrifice. See Weber's Indische Studien, X, 150, 151.
On anudesyabhisasta Nârâyana says, sadesinâbhisastasyaivam eke. anye tu srâddhe pratishiddhasyety âhuh. It seems to me that anudesya (or rather ânudesya?) in Sânkhâyana-Sraut. V, 1, 10 (Indische Studien, X, 147) means the same, though the commentary on that Sûtra ascribes a different meaning to that word.
21. The Somapravâka is the messenger who invites the priests on behalf of the sacrificer to officiate at his intended Soma sacrifice. Comp. Indische Studien, IX, 308.
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the priests officiating? What is the fee for the sacrifice?'
22. If (all the conditions) are favourable, he should accept.
23. Let (the officiating priests) eat no flesh nor have intercourse with a wife until the completion of the sacrifice.
"
24. By this prayer, O Agni, increase' (Rig-veda I, 31, 18)—with (this verse) let him offer (at the end of the sacrifice) an oblation of Agya in (his own) Dakshinâgni, and go away where he likes;
25. In the same way one who has not set up the (Srauta) fires, in his (sacred) domestic fire with this Rik, 'Forgive us, O Agni, this sin' (Rig-veda I, 31, 16).
KANDIKA 24.
1. When he has chosen the Ritvigas, he should offer the Madhuparka (i. e. honey-mixture) to them (in the way described in Sûtras 5 and following);
2. To a Snâtaka, when he comes to his house; 3. And to a king;
4. And for a teacher, the father-in-law, a paternal uncle, and a maternal uncle.
5. He pours honey into curds,
6. Or butter, if he can get no honey.
7. A seat, the water for washing the feet, the Arghya water (i. e. perfumed water into which flowers have been thrown), the water for sipping, the honey
24, I seqq. Comp. Sânkhâyana-Grihya II, 15. The second Sûtra is paraphrased by Nârâyana thus, 'To a person that has performed the Samâvartana (see below, III, 8), when he comes on that day to his house with the intention of forming a matrimonial alliance.'
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mixture, a cow: every one of these things they announce three times (to the guest).
8. With (the verse), 'I am the highest one among my people, as the sun among the thunderbolts. Here I tread on him whosoever infests me'-he should sit down on the seat (made of) northward-pointed (grass).
9. Or (he should do so) after he has trodden on it.
10. He should make (his host) wash his feet.
11. The right foot he should stretch out first to a Brâhmana,
12. The left to a Sûdra.
13. When his feet have been washed, he receives the Arghya water in the hollow of his joined hands and then sips the water destined thereto, with (the formula), 'Thou art the first layer for Ambrosia.'
14. He looks at the Madhuparka when it is brought to him, with (the formula), ' I look at thee with Mitra's eye.
15. He accepts it with his joined hands with (the formula), By the impulse of the god Savitri, with the arms of the two Asvins, with the hands of Pashan I accept thee.' He then takes it into his left hand, looks at it with the three verses, 'Honey the winds to the righteous one' (Rig-veda I, 90, 6 seqq.), stirs it about three times from left to right with the fourth finger and the thumb, and wipes (his fingers) with (the formula), 'Nay the Vasus eat thee with the Gâyatrî metre'—to the east ;
16. With (the formula), May the Rudras eat thee with the Trishtubh metre'-to the south;
17. With (the formula), “May the Adityas eat thee with the Gagatỉ metre'-to the west ;
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18. With (the formula), ‘May the Visve devâs eat thee with the Anushtubh metre'-to the north.
19. With (the formula), 'To the beings thee'-he three times takes (some of the Madhuparka substance) out of the middle of it.
20. With (the formula), 'The milk of Virág art thou '-he should partake thereof the first time,
21. With, The milk of Virág may I obtain '—the second time,
22. With, 'In me (may) the milk of Padyâ Virag (dwell) '—the third time.
23. (He should) not (eat) the whole (Madhuparka). 24. He should not satiate himself.
25. To a Brahmana, to the north, he should give the remainder.
26. If that cannot be done, (he should throw it) into water.
27. Or (he may eat) the whole (Madhuparka).
28. He then makes a rinsing of his mouth follow (on the eating of the Madhuparka) with the water destined thereto, with (the formula), “Thou art the covering of Ambrosia.'
29. With (the formula), “Truth! Glory! Fortune! May fortune rest on me!'-a second time.
30. When he has sipped water, they announce to him the cow.
31. Having murmured, 'Destroyed is my sin; my sin is destroyed,' (he says,) 'Om, do it,' if he chooses to have her killed.
32. Having murmured, “The mother of the Rudras, the daughter of the Vasus' (Rig-veda VIII,
22. On Padyâ Virág, see the note on Sânkhâyana-Grihya III, 7,5. 28. Comp. above, Sûtra 13.
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101, 15), (he says,) 'Om, let her loose,' if he chooses to let her loose.
33. Let the Madhuparka not be without flesh, without flesh.
End of the First Adhyâya.
33. Comp. Sânkhayana-Grihya II, 15, 2.
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201
Adhyâya II, KANDIKÂ 1. 1. On the full moon day of the Srâvana month the Sravana ceremony (is performed).
2. Having filled a new jug with flour of fried barley, he lays (this jug) and a spoon for offering the Balis on new strings of a carrying pole (and thus suspends them).
3. Having prepared fried barley grains, he smears half of them with butter.
4. After sunset he prepares a mess of cooked food and a cake in one dish and sacrifices (the cooked food) with the four verses, ' Agni, lead us on a good path to wealth' (Rig-veda I, 189, i seqq.), verse by verse, and with his hand the (cake) in one dish with (the formula), “To the steady One, the earth-demon, svâhâ !'
5. (The cake) should be (entirely) immersed (into the butter), or its back should be visible.
6. With (the verse), 'Agni, do not deliver us to evil' (Rig-veda I, 189, 5) he sacrifices over it (the butter) in which it had lain.
7. With (the verse), May the steeds at our invocation be for a blessing to us' (Rig-veda VII, 38, 7) (he sacrifices) the besmeared grains with his joined hands.
8. The other (grains) he should give to his people. 9. Out of the jug he fills the spoon with flour,
1, 1. Nârâyana's observation that the Sravana full moon can fall also under certain other Nakshatras than Sravana itself, furnishes no reason why we should think here of solar months, as Prof. Stenzler proposes. 7, 8. See above, Satra 3.
9. See above, Sûtra 1.
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goes out (of the house) to the east, pours water on the ground on a clean spot, sacrifices with (the formula), To the divine hosts of the serpents svâhâ!' and does reverence to them with (the formula), 'The serpents which are terrestrial, which are aerial, which are celestial, which dwell in the directions (of the horizon)-to them I have brought this Bali; to them I give over this Bali.'
202
10. Having gone round (the Bali) from left to right, he sits down to the west of the Bali with (the words), The serpent art thou; the lord of the creeping serpents art thou; by food thou protectest men, by cake the serpents, by sacrifice the gods. To me, being in thee, the serpents being in thee should do no harm. I give over the firm one (i.e. the spoon) to thee.'
6
11. 'Firm one, (I give) N. N. (in charge) to thee! Firm one, (I give) N. N. (in charge) to thee!'with (these words he gives) his people, man by man, (in charge to the serpent god);
12. Firm one, I give myself in charge to thee!'with these words himself at the end.
13. Let no one step between it (i. e. the Bali, and the sacrificer), until the giving in charge has been performed.
14. With (the formula), 'To the divine hosts of the serpents svâhâ!'-let him offer the Bali in the evening and in the morning, till the Pratyavarohana (i. e. the ceremony of the 'redescent').
15. Some count (the days till the Pratyavarohana)
14.
On the Pratyavarohana, see the third chapter of this Adhyâya.
15. I.e. two Bali offerings for each day, one for the morning and one for the evening.
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and offer the corresponding number of Balis already on that day (on which the Sravanâ ceremony is performed).
KANDIKÂ 2. 1. On the full moon day of Åsvayuga the Åsvayugi. ceremony (is performed).
2. Having adorned the house, having bathed and put on clean garments, they should pour out a mess of cooked food for Pasupati, and should sacrifice it with (the formula)," To Pasupati, to Siva, to Samkara, to Prishâtaka svâhâ !'
3. He should sacrifice with his joined hands a mixture of curds and butter (prishâtaka) with (the formula), ‘May what is deficient be made full to me; may what is full not decay to me. To Prishậtaka svâhâ !'
4. United with the seasons, united with the manners, united with Indra and Agni, svâhâ !
United with the seasons, united with the manners, united with the Visve devâs, svâhâ !
United with the seasons, united with the manners, united with Heaven and Earth, svâhâ !'—with (these formulas) a mess of cooked food is offered at the
2, 2. The plural “They should sacrifice it" means, that while the sacrifice is performed by the householder, his sons and the other persons belonging to the house should touch him.' Nârâyana.
4. The Agrayana sacrifice, which is offered when the sacrificer is going to partake of the first-fruits of the harvest, is treated of, with relation to a sacrificer who keeps the Srauta fires, in the Srautasûtra II, 9. This Sätra in my opinion should be understood as a supplementary addition to that chapter. Narayana refers the rule here given to the case of any incident or danger (@pad) which prevents the sacrificer from performing the ceremony in its fuller form, as prescribed in the Srauta-sâtra.
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Âgrayana sacrifice by one who has set up the (sacred Srauta) fires.
5. Also by one who has not set up the (Srauta) fires (the same offering is performed) in the (sacred) domestic fire.
KANDIKÂ 3. 1. On the full moon of Mârgastrsha the “redescent' (is performed)-on the fourteenth (Tithi),
2. Or on (the Tithi of) the full moon (itself).
3. Having again renovated the house by (giving a new) coating (to the walls), by spreading out (a new roof), and by levelling (the floor), they should sacrifice after sunset (oblations) of milk-rice with (the texts), * Beat away, O white one, with thy foot, with the forefoot and with the hind-foot, these seven daughters of Varuna and all that belong to the king's tribe. Svâhâ !
Within the dominion of the white one no serpent has killed anything. To the white one, the son of Vidârva, adoration! Svâhâ !
4. Here no oblation to (Agni) Svishtakrit (is made).
5. May we be secure from Pragâpati's sons'thus he murmurs while looking at the fire.
3, 1. On the ceremony of redescent,' comp. Sânkhayana-Grihya IV, 17; Paraskara III, 2. The fourteenth Tithi of the bright fortnight, preceding the full moon, is referred to.
3. 'Again' refers to chap. 2, 2. As to the words they should sacrifice,' comp. the note on the same Sûtra. The first Mantra reoccurs in Sânkhâyana-Gríhya IV, 18, 1. The text of the second should be, na vai svetasyâdhyâkâre, &c.; comp. Pâraskara II, 14, 5.
5. The serpents are the children of Kasyapa (i.e. Pragâpati) and Kadrû; see Mahâbhârata I, 1074 seqq.
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6. (Saying), Be happy and friendly to us'-he should think in his mind of the winter.
7. To the west of the fire is a well-spread layer (of straw); on that he should sit down, murmur (the verse), 'Be soft, O earth' (Rig-veda I, 22, 15), and lie down (on that layer) with his people, with the head to the east and the face to the north.
8. The others, as there is room.
9. Or following on each other from the eldest to the youngest.
10. Those who know the Mantras, should murmur the Mantras.
11. Arising (they should) three times (murmur the verse), 'From that place may the gods bless us' (Rig-veda I, 22, 16).
12. The same (verse) a fourth time with their faces to the south, to the west, and to the north.
13. Having arisen, having murmured the hymns sacred to the Sun and the auspicious hymns, having prepared food and given to the Brâhmanas to eat, he should cause (them) to pronounce auspicious words.
KANDIKÂ 4. 1. On the eighth days of the four dark fortnights of (the two seasons of) winter and Sisira the Ashtakâs (are celebrated).
10. The Mantras beginning from "Be soft, O earth" (Sûtra 7) down to the auspicious hymns (Sûtra 13).' Narayana.
11. It follows from Satra 12 that they are to turn here their faces to the east.
12. They mutter one Pâda of that verse, which is in the Gâyatrî metre, turned towards each of the three directions.
4, 1. Comp. Sânkhâyana - Grihya III, 12 seqq. The four
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2. Or on one (of these days).
3. The day before, he should offer to the Fathers (i. e. Manes) -
4. Boiled rice, boiled rice with sesamum seeds, rice-milk
5. Or cakes made of four Sarâvas (of ground grain)
6. Sacrificing with the eight (verses), “May the lower (Fathers) and the higher arise' (Rig-veda X, 15, I seqq.), or with as many (verses) as he likes.
7. Then on the next day the Ashtakâs (are celebrated) with an animal (sacrifice) and with a mess of cooked food.
8. He may also give grass to an ox, 9. Or he may burn down brushwood with fire10. With (the words), “This is my Ashtaka.'
11. But he should not omit celebrating the Ashtaka.
12. This (Ashtakâ) some state to be sacred to the Visve devâs, some to Agni, some to the Sun, some to Pra gâpati, some state that the Night is its deity, some that the Nakshatras are, some that the Seasons are, some that the Fathers are, some that cattle is.
13. Having killed the animal according to the
months of Hemanta and Sisira are Mârgasirsha, Pausha, Mâgha, and Phâlguna.
2. The statement of the Prayogaratna that in case the sacrificer should celebrate only one Ashtaka festival, the Ashtakâ of the Mâgha month is to be selected, well agrees with the designation of this Ashtakâ as the one Ashtakâ' (ekâshtaka); see Weber, Naxatra II, 341 seq. ; Indische Studien, XV, 145.
2 segg. Comp. the nearly identical passage in Sankhâyana-Grihya III, 14, 3 seqq. and the note there. Asvalâ yana evidently gives these rules not as regarding one special Ashtakâ but all of them.
13. Comp. above, I, II, 1. 2. 10. As to the Mantra, comp. Sankhâyana III, 13, 3.
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ritual of the animal sacrifice, omitting the sprinkling (with water) and the touching of the animal with a fresh branch, he should draw out the omentum and sacrifice it with (the verse), Carry the omentum, Gâtavedas, to the Fathers, where thou knowest them resting afar. May streams of fat flow to them; may all these wishes be fulfilled. Svâhâ !'
14. Then (follow oblations) of the Avadâna portions and the cooked food, two with (the two verses), * Agni, lead us on a good path to wealth' (Rig-veda I, 189, I seq.), (and other oblations with the texts), “May summer, winter, the seasons be happy to us, happy the rainy season, safe to us the autumn. The year be our lord who gives breath to us; may days and nights produce long life. Svâhâ !
'Peaceful be the earth, happy the air, may the goddess Heaven give us safety. Happy be the quarters (of the horizon), the intermediate quarters, the upper quarters; may the waters, the lightnings protect us from all sides. Svâhâ !
May the waters, the rays carry our prayers (to the gods); may the creator, may the ocean turn away evil ; may the past and the future, (may) all be safe to me. Protected by Brahman may I pour forth songs. Svâhà !
May all the Adityas and the divine Vasus, the Rudras, the protectors, the Maruts sit down (here). May Pragàpati, the abounding one, the highest ruler, bestow vigour, offspring, immortality on me. Svâhâ !
Pragậpati, no other one than Thou (Rig-veda X, 121, 10).
14. I read, as Prof. Stenzler and the Petersburg Dictionary do, svârâ ksharâni. Comp. Pâraskara III, 3, 6.
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15. The eighth (oblation) is that to (Agni) Svishtakrit.
16. He should give to the Brâhmanas to eat: this has been said.
KANDIKÂ 5. 1. On the following day the Anvashtakya (i. e. the ceremony following the Ashtakâ, is performed).
2. Having prepared (a portion) of that same meat, having established the fire on a surface inclined towards the south, having fenced it in, and made a door on the north side of the enclosure, having strewn round (the fire) three times sacrificial grass with its roots, without tossing it, turning the left side towards the fire, he should put down the things to be offered, boiled rice, boiled rice with sesamum seeds, rice-milk, meal-pap with curds, and meal-pap with honey.
3. (The ceremony should be performed) according to the ritual of the Pindapitriyagña.
4. Having sacrificed (of those sorts of food) with the exception of the meal-pap with honey, let him give (lumps of those substances) to the Fathers.
5. And to (their) wives, with the addition of rum and the scum of boiled rice.
6. Some (place the lumps to be offered) into pits, into two or into six,
16. See above, chap. 3, 13.
5, 2. The meat is that of the animal killed on the Ashtakâ day; see chap. 4, 13.
3. This ritual is given in the Srauta-sútra II, 6 seq.
4. He sacrifices the two oblations prescribed in the Srauta-sútra II, 6, 12, to Soma pitrimat and to Agni kavyavahana.
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7. In those situated to the east he should give (the offerings) to the Fathers.
8. In those to the west, to the wives.
9. Thereby the ceremony celebrated in the rainy season on the Mâgha day, in the dark fortnight after the full moon of Praushthapada (has been declared).
10. And thus he should offer (a celebration like the Anvashtakya) to the Fathers every month, observing uneven numbers (i.e. selecting a day with an uneven number, inviting an uneven number of Brahmanas, &c.).
II. He should give food at least to nine (Brâhmanas),
12. Or to an uneven number ;
13. To an even number on auspicious occasions or on the performance of meritorious deeds (such as the consecration of ponds, &c.);
14. To an uneven number on other (occasions).
15. The rite is performed from left to right. Barley is to be used instead of sesamum.
KaNdIKÂ 6. 1. When going to mount a chariot he should touch the wheels with his two hands separately with (the words), 'I touch thy two fore-feet. Thy two wheels are the Brihat and the Rathantara (Samans).'
9. Comp. the note on Sânkhâyana-Grihya III, 13, 1. 10. Comp. Sankhâyana-Grihya IV, 1, 1. 13. Sânkhâyana-Gríhya IV, 4, 4. 15. Sankhâyana-Grıhya IV, 4, 6. 9.
6, 1. He should touch at the same time the right wheel with his right hand, the left wheel with his left hand.' Nârâyana.
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2. “Thy axle is the Vâmadevya'-—with (these words he touches) the two (naves) in which the axle rests.
3. He should mount (the chariot) with the right foot first, with the words), With Vàyu's strength I mount thee, with Indra's power and sovereignty.'
4. He should touch the reins, or if the horses have no reins, (he should touch) the horses with a staff, with (the words), With Brahman's splendour I seize you. With truth I seize you.'
5. When (the horses) put themselves in motion, he should murmur, 'Go forward to thousandfold successful vigour, divine chariot, carry us forward !' -(and the verse),' Free, strong be thy limbs !' (Rigveda VI, 47, 26.)
6. With this (verse he should touch also) other articles of wood.
7. May the two oxen be strong, the axle firm' (Rig-veda III, 53, 17)—with (this verse) he should touch (each) part of the chariot (alluded to in that verse).
8. With (the verse), “The earth, the good protectress, the unattained heaven' (Rig-veda X, 63, 10) (he should ascend) a ship.
9. With a new chariot he should drive round a widely known tree or round a pool that does not dry up, with his right side turned towards it, and then should fetch branches which bear fruits,
2. On the Vedic form of the chariot and of the wheels, comp. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, p. 247.
6. According to Narayana this Sûtra would refer only to other vehicles of wood, which he is directed to touch with that Rik when going to mount them. Perhaps the commentator is right; the wording of the Rik is well in keeping with his explanation.
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10. Or something else that belongs to the household.
11. (He then) should drive (in that chariot) to an assembly.
12. Having murmured, while looking at the sun, (the verse), Make our renown highest' (Rig-veda IV, 31, 15), he should descend.
13. “To the bull among my equals' (Rig-veda X, 166, 1)-(this verse he should murmur) while approaching (that assembly ?).
14. May we be called to-day Indra's best friends' (Rig-veda I, 167, 10)—when the sun is setting.
15. •Thus I address you, O daughters of heaven, while you arise' (Rig-veda IV, 51, 11)—when day appears.
KANDIKÂ 7. 1. Now the examination of the ground (where he intends to build a house).
2. (It must be) non-salinous soil of undisputed property,
3. With herbs and trees, 4. On which much Kusa and Virana grass grows.
5. Plants with thorns and with milky juice he should dig out with their roots and remove them
6. And in the same way the following (sorts of plants), viz.A pâmârga, potherbs, Tilvaka, Parivyâdha.
7. A spot where the waters, flowing together from all sides to the centre of it, flow round the restingplace, having it on their right side, and then Aow off to the east without noise-that possesses all auspicious qualities.
8. Where the waters flow off, he should have the provision-room built.
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ÂSVALAYANA-GRIHYA-SÛTRA.
9. Thus it becomes rich in food.
10. On a spot which is inclined towards the south, he should have the assembly-room constructed; thus there will be no gambling in it.
11. (But others say that) in such an assemblyroom) the young people become gamblers, quarrelsome, and die early.
12. Where the waters flow together from all directions, that assembly-room (situated on such a spot) brings luck and is free from gambling.
KANDIKÂ 8. 1. Now he should examine the ground in the following ways.
2. He should dig a pit knee-deep and fill it again with the same earth (which he has taken out of it).
3. If (the earth) reaches out (of the pit, the ground is) excellent; if it is level, (it is) of middle quality; if it does not fill (the pit, it is) to be rejected.
4. After sunset he should fill (the pit) with water and leave it so through the night.
5. If (in the morning) there is water in it, (the ground is) excellent; if it is moist, (it is) of middle quality; if it is dry, it is to be rejected. · 6. White (ground), of sweet taste, with sand on the surface, (should be elected) by a Brâhmana.
7. Red (ground) for a Kshatriya. 8. Yellow (ground) for a Vaisya.
9. He should draw a thousand furrows on it and should have it measured off as quadrangular, with equal sides to each (of the four) directions ;
10. Or as an oblong quadrangle.
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11. With a Sami branch or an Udumbara branch he sprinkles it (with water), going thrice round it, so that his right side is turned towards it, reciting the Santâtîya hymn.
12. And (so he does again three times) pouring out water without interruption, with the three verses, "O waters, ye are wholesome' (Rig-veda X, 9, 1 seqq.).
13. In the interstices between the bamboo staffs he should have the (single) rooms constructed.
14. Into the pits in which the posts are to stand, he should have an Avakâ, i. e. (the water-plant called) Sipâla put down; then fire will not befall him: thus it is understood in the Sruti).
15. Having put (that plant) into the pit in which the middle-post is to stand, he should spread (on it) eastward-pointed and northward-pointed Kusa grass and should sprinkle (on that grass) water into which rice and barley have been thrown, with the words), "To the steady one, the earth-demon, svâhâ !'
16. He then should, when the middle-post) is being erected, recite over it (the two verses),
'Stand here, fixed in the ground, prosperous, long
8,11. The hymn of which all verses (except a few) commence with, and frequently contain, the word sam (Rig-veda VII, 35).
13. The bamboo staffs (vamsa) rest on the chief posts (sthûnâ); see chap. 9, 1. 2.
15. Comp. chap. 1, 4.
16. Comp. Sânkhâyana-Grihya III, 3, 1 and the note there. How stâmiravatim should be corrected and translated is quite uncertain. Instead of poshasva Prof. Stenzler proposes to read poshasya, as Sânkhâyana has; I have adopted this correction.In the second verse gâyatâm saha seems to be corrupt; comp.my note on Sankhayana III, 2, 9. Instead of parisritah we should read, as Sânkhâyana, Paraskara, and the Atharva-veda (III, 12, 7) have, parisrutah.
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ASVALÂYANA-GRIHYA-SÚTRA.
lasting (?), standing amid prosperity. May, the malevolent ones not attain thee!
'To thee (may) the young child (come), to thee the calf...; to thee (may) the cup of Parisrut (come); (to thee) may they come with pots of curds.'
KANDIKA 9.
1. (Over) the bamboo staff, when it is put on (the middle-post, he recites the hemistich),
2. 'Rightly ascend the post, O staff, bestowing on us long life henceforward.'
3. On four stones, on which Dûrvâ grass has been spread, he should establish the water-barrel with (the words), 'Arise on the earth'
4. Or with (the verse), 'The Arangara sounds, three times bound with the strap. It praises the welfare; may it drive away ill.'
5. He then should pour water into it with (the verse), 'Hither may king Varuna come with the plentiful (waters); at this place may he stay contented; bringing welfare, dropping ghee may they lie down together with Mitra.'
6. He then appeases' it (in the following way). 7. He puts gold into water into which rice and barley have been thrown, and (with that water) he sprinkles it three times, going round it with his right side turned towards it, with the Santâtîya hymn.
8. And (so he does again three times) pouring out
9, 4. The meaning of Arangara is unknown to me; it seems to be a musical instrument. Comp. Atharva-veda XX, 135, 13.
6. The ground on which the house is to be built. 7. On the Santâtîya hymn, see above, chap. 8. II. 8. This Sûtra is identical with chap. 8, 12.
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water without interruption, with the three verses, 'O waters, ye are wholesome' (Rig-veda X, 9, 1 seqq.).
9. In the middle of the house he should cook a mess of food, sacrifice (therefrom) with the four verses, 'Vâstoshpati, accept us' (Rig-veda VII, 54, I seqq.), verse by verse, should prepare food, should give to the Brahmanas to eat, and should cause them to say, 'Lucky is the ground! Lucky is the ground!'
KANDIKA 10.
I. It has been declared how he should enter the house (when returning from a journey).
2. The house, when he enters it, should be provided with seed-corn.
3. He should have his field ploughed under the Nakshatras Uttarâh Proshthapadâs, (Uttarâh) Phâlgunyas, or Rohini.
4. In order that the wind may blow to him from the field, he should offer oblations with the hymn, 'Through the lord of the field' (Rig-veda IV, 57), verse by verse, or he should murmur (that hymn).
5. He should speak over the cows when they go away, the two verses, 'May refreshing wind blow over the cows' (Rig-veda X, 169, I seq.).
6. When they come back, (he should recite the following verses,)
'May they whose udder with its four holes is full
9. Comp. above, chap. 3, 13.
10, 1. See Srauta-sûtra II, 5, 17 seqq. It is there expressly stated that these rules refer also to an Anâhitâgni.
3. Sânkhâyana IV, 13, 1.
5. Sânkhâyana-Grihya III, 9.
6. Sânkhâyana, loc. cit.-Should the reading upa maitu be corrected into upa maita?
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ÂSVALAYANA-GRIHYA-SUTRA.
of honey and ghee, be milk-givers to us; (may they be) many in our stable, rich in ghee.
Come hither to me, giving refreshment, bringing vigour and strength. Giving inexhaustible milk, rest in my stable that I may become the highest one'
And, 'They who have raised their body up to the gods'—the rest of the hymn (Rig-veda X, 169, 3. 4).
7. Some recite (instead of the texts stated in Sutra 6) the Âgâviya hymn.
8. He should approach their herds, if the cows do not belong to his Guru, with the words), 'Prospering are ye; excellent are ye, beautiful, dear. May I become dear to you. May you see bliss in me.'
End of the Second Adhyâya.
7. The hymn commencing å gâvo agman (hither came the cows) is Rig-veda VI, 28.
8. Perhaps the last words which are repeated twice in order to mark the end of the Adhyâya) should be written sam mayi gânidhvam, 'live with me in harmony together.'
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ADHYAYA III, KANDIKA 1.
1. Now (follow) the five sacrifices:
2. The sacrifice to the Gods, the sacrifice to the Beings, the sacrifice to the Fathers, the sacrifice to Brahman, the sacrifice to men.
3. Here now, if he makes oblations over the (sacred) fire, this is the sacrifice to the Gods.
If he makes Bali offerings, this is the sacrifice to the Beings.
If he gives (Pinda offerings) to the Fathers, this is the sacrifice to the Fathers.
If he studies (Vedic) texts, this is the sacrifice to Brahman.
If he gives to men, this is the sacrifice to men. 4. These (five kinds of) sacrifices he should perform every day.
KANDIKA 2.
1. Now the rules how one should recite (the Vedic texts) for one's self.
2. He should go out of the village to the east or to the north, bathe in water, sip water on a clean spot, clad with the sacrificial cord; he should spread out, his garment being not wet, a great quantity of Darbha grass, the tufts of which are directed towards the east, and should sit down thereon with his face turned to the east, making a lap, putting together his hands in which he holds purifiers (i. e. Kusa blades), so that the right hand lies uppermost.
1, I seqq. Comp. Satapatha Brâhmana XI, 5, 6, I seqq.
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ÂSVALÂYANA-GRIHYA-SÛTRA.
It is understood (in the Sruti), 'This is what Darbha grass is: it is the essence of waters and herbs. He thus makes the Brahman provided with essence.'
218
Looking at the point where heaven and earth touch each other, or shutting his eyes, or in whatever way he may deem himself apt (for reciting the Veda), thus adapting himself he should recite (the sacred texts) for himself.
3. The Vyâhritis preceded by (the syllable) Om (are pronounced first).
4. He (then) repeats the Sâvitrî (Rig-veda III, 62, 10), (firstly) Pâda by Pâda, (then) hemistich by hemistich, thirdly the whole.
KANDIKA 3.
1. He then should recite for himself (the following texts, viz.) the Rikas, the Yagus, the Sâmans, the Atharvan and Angiras hymns, the Brâhmanas, the Kalpa (Sûtras), the Gâthâs, the (texts in honour of kings and heroes, called) Nârâsamsts, the Itihâsas and Purânas.
2. In that he recites the Rikas, he thereby satiates the gods with oblations of milk-in that (he recites) the Yagus, with oblations of ghee-the Sâmans, with oblations of honey-the Atharvan and Angiras hymns, with oblations of Soma-the Brâhmanas, Kalpas, Gâthâs, Nârâsamsis, Itihâsas and Purânas, with oblations of ambrosia.
3, 1. On this and the following paragraphs comp. chiefly Satapatha Brahmana XI, 5, 6. Other enumerations, contained in the Veda itself, of the texts that were considered as forming the Veda or as attached to the body of the Veda, are found in the Satapatha Brahmana XIV, 5, 4, 10 (Sacred Books, XV, 111), and in the Khandogya Upanishad VII, 1 (Sacred Books, I, 109).
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3. In that he recites the Rikas, rivers of milk flow, as a funeral oblation, to his Fathers. In that (he recites) the Yagus, rivers of ghee--the Samans, rivers of honey—the Atharvan and Angiras hymns, rivers of Soma—the Brâhmanas, Kalpas, Gâthâs, Nârâsamsis, Itihasas and Purânas, rivers of ambrosia.
4. After he has recited (those texts) as far as he thinks fit, he should finish with the following (verse),
Adoration to Brahman! Adoration be to Agni! Adoration to the Earth! Adoration to the Herbs! Adoration to the Voice! Adoration to the Lord of the Voice! Adoration I bring to great Vishnu!'
KANDIKÂ 4. 1. He satiates the deities : Pragâpati, Brahman, the Vedas, the gods, the Rishis, all metres, the word Om, the word Vashat, the Vyâhritis, the Savitri, the sacrifices, Heaven and Earth, the air, days and nights, the numbers, the Siddhas, the oceans, the rivers, the mountains, the fields, herbs, trees, Gandharvas and Apsaras, the snakes, the birds, the cows, the Sâdhyas, the Vipras, the Yakshas, the Rakshas, the beings that have these (Rakshas, &c.) at their end.'
2. Then the Rishis: The (Rishis) of the hundred (Rikas), the (Rishis) of the middle (Mandalas), Grit
4, 1. Comp. Sânkhâyana-Grihya IV, 9. Nârâyana : Having finished (the Svâdhyâya) he satiates with water oblations these deities.
Pragâpati and the following words stand in the nominative; the verb to be supplied is tripyatu (tripyantu), 'may he (they) satiate himself (themselves).'
2. Sânkhayana-Grihya IV, 10. Sânkhâyana has pâvamânâh, the (Rishis) of the Pavamâna hymns,' but pragâthâh as Asvalayana has, and not as we should expect, prâgâthâh.
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ÂSVALÂVANA-GRIHYA-SOTRA.
samada, Visvâmitra, Vâmadeva, Atri, Bharadvaga, Vasishtha, the Pragathas, the Pavamâna hymns, the (Rishis) of the short hymns, and of the long hymns.'
3. (Then) with the sacrificial cord suspended over the right shoulder :
4. Sumantu, Gaimini, Vaisampayana, Paila, the Satras, the Bhashyas, the Bhârata, the Mahâbhârata, the teachers of law, Gânanti, Bâhavi, Gârgya, Gautama, Sâkalya, Bâbhravya, Mândavya, Mândůkeya, Gârgi Vâkaknavî, Vadavâ Prâtỉtheyi, Sulabhâ Maitreyi, Kahola Kaushitaka, Mahâkaushitaka, Paingya, Mahâpaingya, Suyagña Sânkhâyana, Aitareya, Mahaitareya, the Sâkala (text), the Bashkala (text), Sugatavaktra, Audavâhi, Mahaudavâhi, Saugâmi, Saunaka, Åsvalâyana-and whatsoever other teachers there are, may they all satiate themselves.'
5. After he has satiated the Fathers man by man, and has returned to his house, what he gives (then), that is the sacrificial fee.
6. And it is also understood in the Sruti), “May he be standing, walking, sitting, or lying, (the texts belonging to) whatsoever sacrifice he repeats, that sacrifice indeed he has offered.'
7. It is understood (in the Sruti), ' Regarding this (Svâdhyâya) there are two cases in which the study (of the sacred texts) is forbidden: when he is impure himself, and when the place is.'
4. The names from Kahola Kaushitaki down to Âsvalâyana stand in the accusative; tarpayâmi, ' I satiate N. N.' is to be supplied.
5. Narayana ; 'He satiates his father, grandfather, and greatgrandfather, and goes to his house. What he then gives, for instance, food offered to guests, or given as alms (to religious beggars), is considered as the sacrificial fee for the Brahmayagna.'
6. Comp. Satapatha Brâhmana XI, 5, 7, 3. 4.
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KANDIKÂ 5. 1. Now (follows) the Adhyâyopakarana (i. e. the ceremony by which the annual course of study is opened);
2. When the herbs appear, (when the moon stands in conjunction) with Sravana, in the Srâvana month,
3. Or on the fifth (Tithi of that month), under (the Nakshatra) Hasta.
4. Having sacrificed the two Âgya portions, he should offer Ågya oblations (to the following deities, viz.) Såvitri, Brahman, Belief, Insight, Wisdom, Memory, Sadasaspati, Anumati, the metres, and the Rishis.
5. He then sacrifices grains with curds (with the following texts) :
6. 'I praise Agni the Purohita'—this one verse (Rig-veda I, 1, 1),
7. 'The Kushumbhaka (mungoose ?) has said it'• If thou criest, O bird, announce luck to us '-'Sung by Gamadagni'—'In thy abode the whole world rests'
5, 2, 3. Perhaps the division of these Sûtras should be altered, so that srâvanasya would belong to Satra 2. In this case we should have to translate, 2. When the herbs appear, (on a day on which the moon stands in conjunction with Sravana. 3. Or on the fifth (Tithi) of the Srâvana month, under the Nakshatra) Hasta.' Comp. sfâvanasya pañkamîm, Pâr. II, 10, 2. If we count the month beginning with the bright fortnight, and assume that the full moon day of Sravana falls, as the name of the month implies, on Sravana, the fifth Tithi of that month will fall indeed on Hasta. Comp. on the dates of the Upakarana, Prof. Weber's remarks, Die vedischen Nachrichten von den Naxatra II, 322, and on the special symbolical signification of the Nakshatra Sravana in this connection, my note on Sankhayana IV, 5, 2.
4. On the two Agya portions, comp. above, I, 3, 5; 10, 13 seqq.
7. Comp. Sankhayana IV, 5, 8. The verses with which the oblations are performed, are the first and last verses of each Mandala.
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- Come to our sacrifice, O you that are worthy of sacrifice, with care'- Whosoever, be he ours, be he alien'— Look on, look about'-'Come here, Agni, the Maruts' friend'- The oblation, O king, cooked for thee'-each time two verses ;
8. United is your will’ (Rig-veda X, 191, 4) this one verse;
9. That blessing and bliss we choose'-this one verse.
10. When he intends to study (the Veda together with pupils), he should, while the pupils take hold of him, sacrifice to those deities, and sacrifice to (Agni) Svishtakrit, and partake of the grains with curds; then (follows) the 'cleaning.'
11. Sitting down to the west of the fire on Darbha grass, the tufts of which are directed towards the east, he should put Darbha blades into a water-pot, and making a Brahmâīgali (i. e. joining his hands as a sign of veneration for the Brahman), he should murmur (the following texts):
12. The Vyâhritis preceded by (the syllable) Om (stand first); (these) and the Savitri he should repeat three times and then recite the beginning of the Veda.
0. This is the last verse of the Rik-Samhitâ in the Bashkala Sâkhâ. See my note on Sânkhâyana IV, 5, 9.
10. The expression, Those deities' would, according to Narayana, refer not only to the deities stated in Sūtra 4, but also to the deities of the first and last verses of the Mandalas (Satras 6 seqq.). On the grains with curds, comp. Sûtra 5. The technical sense of the cleaning' is explained in the Srauta-sútra I, 8, 2; comp. Hillebrandt, Das altindische Neu- und Vollmondsopfer, p. 130, note 1. The sacrificer covers his joined hands with the Kusa grass spread out round the fire, and has water sprinkled on them.
II. On the term brahmângali, comp. Manu II, 71.
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13. In the same way at the Utsarga (i.e. at the ceremony performed at the end of the term of Vedic study).
14. He should study six months.
15. One who has performed the Samâvartana (should live during that time) according to the regulations for Brahmakârins.
16. The others according to the rules.
17. Some say that he should have intercourse with his wife.
18. That is a practice) sacred to Pragâpati.
19. This (Upâkarana) they call vârshika (i. e. belonging to the rainy season).
20. On the middle Ashtakâ they offer food to those deities, and descend into water.
21. They satiate those same deities (with water oblations),
22. (And besides) the Akâryas, the Rishis, and the Fathers.
23. This is the Utsargana.
KANDIKA 6.
1. Instead of the Kamya ceremonies (i. e. the ceremonies, prescribed in the Srauta-sútra, by which
15. On the Samâvartana, see below, chap. 8 seq. The restrictions referred to consist in the interdiction of eating honey and meat, of having sexual intercourse, of sleeping in a bedstead and in the day-time, &c. Nârâyana.
16. Le. the Brahmakârins. 17. I.e. one who has performed the Samâvartana.
20. After the six months (Satra 14) have elapsed, on the Ashtaka of Mâgha.
23. Or Utsarga, see Sätra 13.
6, 1. Narayana divides this Sûtra into two: 1. atha kâmyânâm sthâne kåmgah; 2. karavah.
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ASVALÂYANA-GRIHYA-SUTRA.
special wishes are attained, oblations of) boiled (rice) grains, for the attainment of those wishes, (should be made by the Grihya sacrificer).
2. He attains (thereby) those same wishes.
3. For a person that is sick, or suffering, or affected with consumption, a mess of boiled (rice) grains in six oblations (should he offered)—
4. With this (hymn), 'I loosen thee by sacrificial food, that thou mayst live' (Rig-veda X, 161).
"
5. If he has seen a bad dream, he should worship the sun with the two verses, To-day, god Savitri' (Rig-veda V, 82, 4, 5), and with the five verses, 'What bad dreams there are among the cows' (Rigveda VIII, 47, 14 seqq.),
6. Or with (the verse), 'Whosoever, O king, be it a companion or a friend' (Rig-veda II, 28, 10).
7. When he has sneezed, yawned, seen a disagreeable sight, smelt a bad smell, when his eye palpitates, and when he hears noises in his ears, he should murmur, 'Well-eyed may I become with my eyes, well-vigoured with my face, well-hearing with my ears. May will and insight dwell in me!'
8. If he has gone to a wife to whom he ought not to go, or if he has performed a sacrifice for a person for whom he ought not to do so, or has eaten forbidden food, or accepted what he ought not to accept, or pushed against a piled-up (fire altar) or
8. Nârâyana is evidently wrong in explaining kaityam yûpañ ka by agnikayanastham yûpam (which is not, as Prof. Stenzler takes it, der Opferpfahl auf einem Bestattungsplatze). Comp. Gobhila III, 3, 34; Grihya-samgraha-parisishța II, 4.
I have translated the second verse in Sûtra 8, as if the text had kalpantâm. The MSS. give kalpatâm. Atharva-veda VII, 67 has kalpayantâm.
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III ADHYÂYA, 7 KANDIKÂ, 3.
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against a sacrificial post, he should sacrifice two Agya oblations with (the verses),
May my faculties return into me, may life return, may prosperity return; may my goods return to me; may the divine power return into me. Svâhâ !
These fires that are stationed on the (altars called) Dhishnyâs, may they be here in good order, each on its right place. (Agni) Vaisvânara, grown strong, the standard of immortality, may he govern my mind in my heart. Svâhâ !'
9. Or (he may sacrifice) two pieces of wood,
10. Or murmur (the same two verses without any oblation).
KANDIKÂ 7. 1. If the sun sets while he is sleeping without being sick, he should spend the rest of the night keeping silence, without sitting down, and should worship the sun (when it rises) with the five (verses), “The light, Osun, by which thou destroyest darkness' (Rig-veda X, 37, 4 seq.).
2. If (the sun) rises (while he is sleeping without being sick), being fatigued without having done any work, or having done work that is not becoming, he should keep silence, &c., as before, and perform his worship (to the sun) with the following four (verses, Rig-veda X, 37, 9 seq.).
3. Invested with the sacrificial cord, constantly fulfilling the prescribed duties regarding the use of
7, 2. Perhaps we should correct the text, akarmasrântam anabhipe karmani và vậgyata iti, wc.
3 seq. See Sånkhåyana-Grihya II, 9. There the same word anvashtamadesa occurs.
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water, he should perform the Sandhyâ (or twilight devotion), observing silence.
4. In the evening he should, turning his face to the north-west, to the region between the chief (west) point and the intermediate (north-western) point (of the horizon), murmur the Savitri, (beginning) when the sun is half set, until the stars appear.
5. In the same way in the morning
6. Standing, with his face turned to the east, until the disk (of the sun) appears.
7. If a dove Alies against his house or towards it, he should sacrifice with the hymn), O gods, the dove' (Rig-veda X, 165), verse by verse, or should murmur (that hymn).
8. We have thee, O Lord of the path '(Rig-veda VI, 53)—if he is going out for doing some business.
9. 'Bring us together, Pashan, with a knowing one' (Rig-veda VI, 54)—if he wishes to find something lost, or if he has strayed.
10. “Journey over the ways, Pashan' (Rig-veda I, 42)—if he is going out on a long or dangerous way.
KANDIKÂ 8. 1. Now when returning (home from his teacher) he should get the following things, viz. a jewel (to be tied round the neck), two ear-rings, a pair of garments, a parasol, a pair of shoes, a staff, a wreath, (pounded seed of the Karañga fruit) for rubbing with, ointment, eye salve, a turban; (all that) for himself and for the teacher.
9. Mülha may either mean, 'having lost his way,' or 'bewildered in his mind.' Narayana prefers the latter explanation pragñahînah').
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III ADHYÂYA, 8 KANDIKÂ, 10.
227
2. If he cannot get it for both, only for the teacher.
3. He then should get a piece of wood of a tree which is sacrificially pure, in a north-eastern direction
4. Sappy (wood) if he wishes for the enjoyment of food, or for prosperity, or for splendour; dry (wood), if for holy lustre,
5. (Wood) which is both (sappy and dry, in its different parts), if (he wishes) for both.
6. Having put the piece of wood on high, and having given a cow and food to the Brahmanas, he should perform the ceremony of shaving the beard.
7. He should alter the texts so that they refer to himself.
8. With Ekaklitaka (he should perform the rub. bing).
9. Having washed himself with lukewarm water, and having put on two (new) garments which have not yet been washed, with the verse), 'Garments with fat splendour you put on, (Mitra and Varuna)' (Rig-veda I, 152, 1), he should anoint his eyes with (the words), 'The sharpness of the stone art thou ; protect my eye.
10. With (the words), The sharpness of the stone
8, 6. On high' means 'not on the ground' (Nârâyana). On the gaudâ nikam karma (the shaving of the beard), comp. above, Adhyâya 1, Kandikâ 18. The word 'ceremony' would mean here, according to Nârâyana, that he should perform the rite alone, without observing such prescriptions as stated above, I, 18, 7.
7. Thus, instead of Herb protect him l' (I, 17, 8) he is to say, Herb ! protect me!' and so on.
8. Ekaklîtaka is, according to Narayana and the Prayogaratna, the seed of such a Karañga fruit (Pongamia Glabra, Vent.) which contains only one grain of seed. Such grains are pounded before he rubs himself therewith.
Q2
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ÂSVALAYANA-GRIHYA-SOTRA.
art thou ; protect my ear'-he should tie on the two ear-rings.
11. After having salved his two hands with ointment, a Brâhmana should salve his head first,
12. A Râganya his two arms, 13. A Vaisya the belly, 14. A woman her secret parts,
15. Persons who gain their livelihood by running, their thighs.
16. With the formula), ‘Free from pain art thou, free from pain may I become'-he should put on the wreath.
17. Not (such a wreath) which is called mala.
18. If they call it mâlâ, he should cause them to call it srag:
19. With (the formula), “The standing-places of the gods are you; protect me from all sides '-he steps into the shoes, and with (the formula), “The heaven's covering art thou '-he takes the parasol.
20. With (the formula), 'Reed thou art; from the tree thou descendest ; protect me from all sides '-(he takes) a staff of reed.
21. Having with the hymn 'Giving life' tied the jewel to his neck and arranged the turban (on his head), he should standing put the piece of wood (on the fire).
21. On the hymn beginning with the words "Giving life,' see Prof. Stenzler's note on this Satra. Its first verse is identical with Vâgasaneyi Samhitâ XXXIV, 50 (comp. also Sankhayana-Grihya III, 1, 2), and so are most of its verses found in that Samhitâ or in the Atharva-veda; the whole of it occurs among the Rig-veda Khilas (vol. vi, p. 25, 2-12).
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III ADHYÂYA, 9 KANDIKÂ, 3.
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KANDIKÂ 9. 1. (He says), · Memory and reproach and knowledge, faith, and wisdom as the fifth, what is sacrificed, and what is given, and what is studied, and what is done, truth, learning, vow
The vow which belongs to Agni together with Indra, with Pragâpati, with the Rishis, with the royal ones among the Rishis, with the Fathers, with the royal ones among the Fathers, with the human beings, with the royal ones among the human beings, with shine, over-shine, after-shine, counter-shine, with gods and men, with Gandharvas and Apsaras, with wild animals and domestic animals,—the vow, belonging to my own self, dwelling in my own self, that is my universal vow. Hereby, O Agni, I become addicted to the universal vow. Svâhâ !' . 2. With (the hymn), Mine, Agni, be vigour' (Rig-veda X, 128, 1), verse by verse, he should put pieces of wood (on the fire).
3. He should pass that night at a place where they will do honour to him.
9, 1. ""My memory and my non-memory, that is my double vow"-in this way the twelve (parts of which the first section of the Mantra consists) should be recited.' Nârâyana. I think the commentator is wrong here, and that section should rather be recited as it is given in the text without any alteration; it forms a regular Sloka. Agneh instead of Agne is a conjecture of Prof. Stenzler, which I have adopted.
2. According to Narayana the hymn should be recited including the Khila, so that ten pieces of wood are offered. Now the hymn consists of nine verses; there can be, consequently, only one Khailika verse, which is, I suppose, the first verse of the Khila quoted above, p. 228.
3. By a Madhuparka (Narayana). Compare Sânkhayana-Grihya III, I, 14.
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ASVALÂYANA-GRIHYA-SOTRA.
4. When, after having finished his (task of) learning, he has offered something to the teacher, or has received his permission, he should take a bath (which signifies the end of his studentship).
5. He (i.e. the Snâtaka) has to keep the following observances :
6. He shall not bathe in the night-time; he shall not bathe naked; he shall not lie down naked; he shall not look at a naked woman, except during sexual intercourse; he shall not run during rain; he shall not climb up a tree; he shall not descend into a well; he shall not swim with his arms across a river; he shall not expose himself to danger.
A great being indeed is a Snataka'—thus it is understood (in the Sruti).
KANDIKÂ 10.
1. If a student) wishes to be dismissed (by his teacher), he should pronounce before the teacher his (i. e. the teacher's ?) name
2. (And should say), “Here we will dwell, sir!'
4. Narayana : He makes an offer to the teacher in the words, What is it that I can do for you?'-and what the teacher tells him, that he does.
10, 1. Nârâyana refers this rule to a student who has performed the Samâvartana and wishes to go away. But a comparison of Sankhayana-Grihya II, 18 seems to make it probable that the ceremony described here has nothing to do with the Samâvartana. I take this chapter rather for a description of the way in which a student has to take leave of his teacher when setting out on a journey. His name' is the teacher's name, according to Nârâyana.
2. Sankhâyana II, 18, 1. Sânkh. has a ham vatsyâmi; Asvalayana, idam vatsyâmah. The commentator says that instead of idam the Asrama is to be named which the student chooses to enter upon, for instance, 'Devadatta, we will dwellin the state of a householder, sir!'
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III ADHYAYA, IO KANDIKA, II.
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3. With a loud voice (the words) following after the name.
4. Of inhalation and exhalation '-(this he says) with a low voice,
5. And (the verse), 'Come hither, Indra, with thy lovely-sounding, fallow-coloured (horses)' (Rig-veda III, 45, 1).
6. The aged one then murmurs, 'To inhalation and exhalation I, the wide-extended one, resort with thee. To the god Savitri I give thee in charge'and the verse.
7. When he has finished (that verse), and has muttered, 'Om! Forwards! Blessing!' and recited (over the student the hymn), 'The great bliss of the three' (Rig-veda X, 185)—(he should dismiss him).
8. On one who has been thus dismissed, danger comes from no side-thus it is understood (in the Sruti).
9. If he hears (on his way) disagreeable voices of birds, he should murmur the two hymns, 'Shrieking, manifesting his being' (Rig-veda II, 42, 43), and (the verse), 'The divine voice have the gods created' (Rig-veda VIII, 100, 11).
"
10. Praise the renowned youth who sits on the war-chariot' (Rig-veda II, 33, 11)—if (he hears disagreeable voices) of deer.
II. From the direction, or from the (being) from which he expects danger, towards that direction he should throw a fire-brand, burning on both sides, or having twirled about a churning-stick from the right to the left, with (the words), 'Safety be to me, Mitra
6. I have translated, as Prof. Stenzler has also done, according to Sankhayana's reading, prânâ pânâ tvayâ. The 'aged one' is the teacher, the verse that which is quoted in Sûtra 5.
...
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ÂSVALAYANA-GRIHYA-SÚTRA.
and Varuna; encounter the foes and burn them up with your flame. May they find none who knows them and no support; divided by discord may they go to death'
12. He turns the churning-stick downwards with (the verse), •The combined wealth of both, heaped together' (Rig-veda X, 84, 7).
KANDIKÂ 11. 1. If unknown danger from all sides (menaces him), he should sacrifice eight Âgya oblations with (the formulas),
Prithivi (the earth) is covered ; she is covered by Agni. By her, the covered one, the covering one, I ward off the danger of which I am in fear. Svâhâ !
'Antariksha (the air) is covered; it is covered by Vâyu. By it, the covered, the covering, I ward off the danger of which I am in fear. Svâhâ !
Dyaus (the heaven) is covered; she is covered by Aditya (the sun). By her, &c.
The quarters (of the horizon) are covered ; they are covered by Kandramas (the moon). By them, &c.
“The waters are covered; they are covered by Varuna. By them, &c.
•The creatures are covered; they are covered by Prâna (the breath). By them, &c.
•The Vedas are covered; they are covered by the metres. By them, &c.
All is covered; it is covered by Brahman. By it, &c. Svâhâ !'
11, 1. "Covered' is vrita: 'I ward off' is the causative of the same verb, vâraye.
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III ADHYAYA, 12 KANDIKÂ, 10.
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2. Then, stationing himself towards the northeast, he murmurs the Svasti-Åtreya and, 'Of what we are in fear, Indra' (Rig-veda VIII, 61, 13 seqq.), down to the end of the hymn.
KANDIKÂ 12.
1. When a battle is beginning, (the royal Purohita) should cause the king to put on his armour (in the following way).
2. (The Purohita) stations himself to the west of (the king's) chariot with (the hymn ?), 'I have brought thee hither; be here' (Rig-veda X, 173).
3. With (the verse), Like a thunder-cloud is his countenance' (Rig-veda VI, 75, 1), he should tender the coat of mail to him.
4. With the following (verse) the bow.
5. The following (verse) he should cause him to repeat.
6. He should murmur himself the fourth.
7. With the fifth he should tender the quiver to him.
8. When (the king) starts, the sixth. 9. The seventh (he recites) over the horses.
10. The eighth he should cause (the king) to repeat while looking at the arrows;
2. The Svasti-âtreya is the part of the hymn V, 51, which very frequently contains the word svasti (vv. II-15). There is a Khila appended to that hymn (Rig-veda, vol. iii, p. 30), which, according to Narayana, is also to be murmured on this occasion.
12, 2. According to Narayana the Pratîka here signifies not the verse, but the whole hymn, though a whole Pâda is given (comp. Srauta-sätra I, 1, 17).
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ÂSVALAYANA-GRIHYA-SOTRA.
11. (The verse), ‘Like a serpent it encircles the arm with its windings' (Rig-veda VI, 75, 14), when he ties to his arm the leather (by which the arm is protected against the bow-string).
12. He then mounts up to (the king on his chariot), while he is driving, and causes him to repeat the Abhîvarta hymn (Rig-veda X, 174) and the two verses, “He who, Mitra and Varuna' (Rigveda VIII, 101, 3 seq.).
13. He then should look at him with the Aprati- . ratha, Sâsa, and Sauparna hymns.
14. The Sauparna is (the hymn), “May the streams of honey and ghee flow forwards.'
15. (The king) should drive in his chariot successively) to all quarters (of the horizon).
16. He should commence the battle in the line of battle invented by Aditya or by Usanas.
17. He should touch the drum with the three verses, ‘Fill earth and heaven with thy roar' (Rigveda VI, 47, 29 seqq.).
18. With (the verse), 'Shot off fall down' (Rigveda VI, 75, 16), he should shoot off the arrows.
12. The Abhîvarta hymn begins with the word abhivartena, and is ascribed to Abhîvarta Ângirasa.
13. The Apratiratha hymn is Rig-veda X, 103 (ascribed to Apratiratha Aindra); the Sása, X, 152 (ascribed to Sasa Bhâradvâga). On the Sauparna, see the next Sûtra.
14. This hymn is not found in any Vedic Samhitâ, as far as I know, nor does it occur in the Suparnâdhyâya. I have followed Prof. Stenzler's conjecture pra dhârâ yantu instead of pradharayantu, which is confirmed by Sayana's note on Aitareya Brâhmana VI, 25, 7; VIII, 10, 4 (pp. 365, 399, ed. Aufrecht).
17, 18. According to Narayana the subject is the king.
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III ADHYAYA, I 2 KANDIKÂ, 20.
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19. 'Where the arrows fly' (1. 1. v. 17)—this (verse) he should murmur while they are fighting.
20. Or he should teach (the king the texts mentioned). Or he should teach (the king).
End of the Third Adhyâya.
19. Here the subject is the Purohita.
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ÂSVALAYANA-GRIHYA-SÛTRA.
Adhyâya IV, KANDIKÂ 1. 1. If disease befalls one who has set up the (sacred Srauta) fires, he should leave his home (and go away) to the eastern, or northern, or north-eastern direction.
2. “The sacred fires are fond of the village'—thus it is said.
3. Longing for it, desirous of returning to the village they might restore him to health-thus it is understood (in the Sruti).
4. Being restored to health, he should offer a Soma sacrifice, or an animal sacrifice, or an ordinary sacrifice, and take his dwelling (again in the village).
5. Or without such a sacrifice.
6. If he dies, one should have a piece of ground dug up to the south-east or to the south-west
7. At a place which is inclined towards the south or towards the south-east.
8. According to some (teachers), inclined towards south-west.
9. (The piece of ground dug up should be) of the length of a man with upraised arms,
10. Of the breadth of one Vyâma (fathom),
1, 1. Comp. Srauta-sûtra VI, 9, 1. The funeral rites according to the Grihya-sūtras have been treated of by Prof. Max Müller, Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft, vol. ix.
3. I. e. longing for the village. I here differ from Prof. Stenzler's translation, Indem sie, um nach dem Dorfe zu kommen, ihm Gutes wünschen.' Prof. Stenzler here follows Nârâyana, who has the following note, grâmam âgantum ikkhanto-gnaya enam âhitâgnim âsamsante, ayam agado bhaved iti.
4. Comp. Srauta-sûtra VI, 9, 7. 5. Srauta-sûtra VI, 10, 1.
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11. Of the depth of one Vitasti (span). 12. The cemetery should be free from all sides. 13. It should be fertile in herbs.
14. But plants with thorns and with milkyjuice, &c., as stated above.
15. From which the waters flow off to all sides : this is a characteristic required for the cemetery (smasâna) where the body is to be burned.
16. 'They cut off (from the dead body) the hair, the beard, the hairs of the body, and the nails'this has been stated above.
17. (They should provide) plenty of sacrificial grass and of butter.
18. They here pour clarified butter into curds.
19. This is the 'sprinkled butter' used for the Fathers (i. e. Manes).
KANDIKÂ 2. 1. (The relations of the dead person) now carry (his sacred) fires and (his) sacrificial vessels in that direction.
12. Narayana : By the word smasâna (cemetery) two different smasanas are designated here, because below (Sūtra 15) a distinction is added (to the word smasâna), in the words, 'This is a characteristic required for the smasâna where the body is to be burned.' Thus the place where the body is burned, and the place where the gathered bones are deposited, both are called smasana.
14. See above, II, 7, 5. 15. See the note on Sätra 12. 16. See the Srauta-sūtra VI, 10, 2.
17. Dvigulpham barhir âgyañ ka. Nârâyana explains dvigulpha by prabhūta. Comp. bahulatrina, Kâtyayana XXV, 7, 15.
18. Here' means, at a ceremony directed to the Manes. Narayana.
2, 1. In the direction stated above, chap. 1, 6.
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2. After them aged persons forming an odd number, men and women not going together, (carry) the dead body.
ASVALÂYANA-GRIHYA-SUTRA.
3. Some (say) that (the dead body should be carried) in a cart with a seat, drawn by cows.
4. (Some prescribe) a she-animal for covering (the dead body with its limbs):
5. A cow,
6. Or a she-goat of one colour.
7. Some (take) a black one.
8. They tie (a rope) to its left fore-foot and lead it behind (the dead body).
9. Then follow the relations (of the dead person), wearing their sacrificial cords below (round their body), with the hair-locks untied, the older ones first, the younger ones last.
10. When they have thus arrived at the place, the performer (of the rites) walks three times round the spot with his left side turned towards it, and with a Sami branch sprinkles water on it, with (the verse), 'Go away, withdraw, and depart from here' (Rig-veda X, 14, 9).
II. To the south-east, on an elevated corner (of that place), he places the Âhavaniya fire,
12. To the north-west the Gârhapatya fire, 13. To the south-west the Dakshina fire.
14. After that a person that knows (how to do it), piles up between the fires a pile of fuel.
4. See chap. 3, 20-25.
10. Kartodakena (i. e. kartâ udakena) is evidently the right reading, not gartodakena.
12, 13. The words, ' on an elevated corner' (Sutra 11) have to be supplied.
14. As to the pronoun enam, which refers, with an irregular
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IV ADHYÂYA, 2 KANDIKÂ, 22.
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15. After sacrificial grass and a black antelope's skin with the hair outside has been spread out there, they place the dead body thereon, which they have carried so as to pass by the Garhapatya fire on its north-side, turning its head towards the Ahavanfya.
16. To the north (of the body they place) the wife (of the deceased),
17. And a bow for a Kshatriya.
18. Her brother-in-law, being a representative of her husband, or a pupil (of her husband), or an aged servant, should cause her to rise (from that place) with (the verse), 'Arise, O wife, to the world of life' (Rig-veda X, 18, 8).
19. The performer (of the rites) should murmur (that verse), if a Sudra (makes her rise from the pile).
20. With (the verse), ‘Taking the bow out of the hand of the deceased' (Rig-veda X, 18, 9), (he takes away) the bow.
21. It has been stated (what is to be done) in case a Sudra (should perform this act).
22. Having bent the bow, he should, before the piling up (of the things mentioned below, which are put on the dead body) is done, break it to pieces, and throw it (on the pile).
construction, to the dead person, comp. Satapatha Brâhmana XII, 5, 2, 7.
16. The wife is made to lie down on the pile.
18. Possibly the words devarah and patisthânîyah refer to two different persons, so that we should have to translate, 'Her brother-in-law, (or some other) representative of her husband, &c.'
19. This refers to the case of the aged servant. The word for which we have put Sadra here and in Sätra 21, is vris hala.
22. See Sūtra 19.
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ÂSVALAYANA-GRIHYA-SOTRA.
KANDIKA 3. 1. He should then put the following (sacrificial) implements (on the dead body).
2. Into the right hand the (spoon called) Guhů. 3. Into the left the (other spoon called) Upabhrit.
4. On his right side the (wooden sacrificial sword called) Sphya, on his left (side) the Agnihotrahavani (i. e. the ladle with which the Agnihotra oblations are sacrificed).
5. On his chest the (big sacrificial ladle called) Dhruvâ. On his head the dishes. On his teeth the pressing-stones.
6. On the two sides of his nose the two (smaller sacrificial ladles called) Sruvas.
7. Or, if there is only one (Sruva), breaking it in two pieces).
8. On his two ears the two Prâsitraharanas (i. e. the vessels into which the portion of the sacrificial food belonging to the Brahman is put).
9. Or, if there is only one (Prâsitraharana), breaking it (in two pieces).
10. On his belly the (vessel called) Pâtri,
II. And the cup into which the cut-off portions (of the sacrificial food) are put.
12. On his secret parts the (staff called) Samyâ. 13. On his thighs the two kindling woods.
3, 1. On the different implements mentioned in the following Satras, comp. Prof. Max Müller's paper in the Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft, vol. ix, pp. vii seqq.; lxxviii seqq.
8. On the Prâsitra and the Prâsitraharanas, comp. Hillebrandt, Neu- und Vollmondsopfer, pp. 119 (with note 6), 120, 131.
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IV ADHYAYA, 3 KANDIKÂ, 23.
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14. On his legs the mortar and the pestle. 15. On his feet the two baskets.
16. Or, if there is only one (basket), tearing it (in two pieces).
17. Those (of the implements) which have a hollow (into which liquids can be poured), are filled with sprinkled butter.
18. The son (of the deceased person) should take the under and the upper mill-stone for himself.
19. And the implements made of copper, iron, and earthenware.
20. Taking out the omentum of the she-animal he should cover therewith the head and the mouth of the dead person) with the verse, 'Put on the armour (which will protect thee) against Agni, by (that which comes from) the cows' (Rig-veda X, 16, 7).
21. Taking out the kidneys (of the animal) he should lay them into the hands (of the dead body) with the verse, 'Escape the two hounds, the sons of Saramâ' (Rig-veda X, 14, 10), the right (kidney) into the right (hand), the left into the left.
22. The heart (of the animal he puts) on the heart (of the deceased).
23. And two lumps (of flour or rice), according to some (teachers).
17. Nârâyana explains á sekanavanti by bilavanti. On prishadâgya (sprinkled butter ') comp. the two last Satras of the first chapter.
19. The statement in Satapatha Brâhmana XII, 5, 2, 14 is somewhat different.
20. Anustaranyå vapâm. See chap. 2, 4.
23. Narayana states that these lumps are not put, as one would be inclined to believe, on the heart, but into the hands of the deceased. Sätra 24 shows that this interpretation is correct. [29]
R
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ASVALÂVANA-GRIHYA-SOTRA.
24. (Only) if there are no kidneys, according to some (teachers).
25. Having distributed the whole (animal), limb by limb (placing its different limbs on the corresponding limbs of the deceased), and having covered it with its hide, he recites, when the Pranita water is carried forward, (the verse), · Agni, do not overturn this cup' (Rig-veda X, 16, 8).
26. Bending his left knee he should sacrifice Ágya oblations into the Dakshina fire with (the formulas), "To Agni svâhâ ! To Kama svâhâ ! To the world svâhâ ! To Anumati svâhâ !'
27. A fifth (oblation) on the chest of the deceased with the formula), 'From this one verily thou hast been born. May he now be born out of thee, N. N.! To the heaven-world svâhâ !'
KANDIKÂ 4. 1. He gives order, 'Light the fires together.'
2. If the Âhavaniya fire reaches the body) first, he should know, 'It has reached him in the heavenworld. He will live there in prosperity, and so will this one, i. e. his son, in this world.'
3. If the Gârhapatya fire reaches (the body) first, he should know, 'It has reached him in the airworld. He will live there in prosperity, and so will this one, i. e. his son, in this world.'
24. I. e. if there is no Anustaranî animal, which is considered as optional (see chap. 2, 4).
25. Comp. Kâtyâyana XXV, 7, 35.
27. He who is born out of the deceased, is Agni. See Satapatha Brâhmana II, 3, 3, 5; and also XII, 5, 2, 15.
4, 2. Satapatha Brâhmana XII, 5, 2, 10. 3. Satapatha Brahmana l. 1. $ 9.
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4. If the Dakshina fire reaches (the body) first, he should know, 'It has reached him in the world of men. He will live there in prosperity, and so will this one, i. e. his son, in this world.'
5. If (the three fires) reach (the body) in the same moment, they say that this signifies the highest luck.
6. While (the body) is burning, he recites over it the same texts, 'Go on, go on, on the ancient paths' (Rig-veda X, 14, 7).
7. Being burnt by a person who knows this, he goes to the heaven-world together with the smoke (of the funeral pile)—thus it is understood (in the Sruti).
8. To the north-east of the Ahavaniya fire he should have a knee-deep pit dug and should have an Avakâ, i. e. (the water-plant called) SYpala put down into it. From that (pit) he (i. e. the deceased) goes out and together with the smoke he goes up to the heaven-world—thus it is understood (in the Sruti).
9. After he has recited (the verse), “These living ones have separated from the dead' (Rig-veda X, 18, 3), they turn round from right to left and go away without looking back.
10. When they have come to a place where standing water is, having once (plunged into it and) emerged
4. Satapatha Brâhmana 1. 1. $ 11. 5. Satapatha Brâhmana 1. 1. $ 12.
6. The same texts' means that the texts indicated in the Srauta-sútra VI, 10, 19 (twenty-four verses taken from the hymns X, 14, 16, 17, 18, 154) have to be recited.
8. Comp. above, II, 8, 14.
10. All the Samânodaka relations (see Manu V, 60), men and women, should pour out one handful of water each. Pronouncing
R2
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from it, they pour out one handful (of water), pronounce the Gotra name and the proper name (of the deceased), go out (of the water), put on other garments, wring out (the old garments) once, lay them away with their skirts to the north, and sit down until the stars appear.
11. Or they may enter their houses), when still (a part) of the sun-disk is seen,
12. The younger ones first, the older ones last.
13. When they have come to the houses, they touch a stone, the fire, cow's dung, fried barley, sesamum seeds, and water.
14. Let them not cook food during that night. 15. Let them subsist on bought or ready-made food. 16. Let them eat no saline food for three nights.
17. Let them optionally for twelve nights avoid the distribution of gifts and the study (of Vedic texts), if one of the chief Gurus (has died).
18. Ten days after (the death of) Sapindas,
the Gotra name and the proper name of the deceased, saying, for instance, "Devadatta, belonging to the Gotra of the Kåsyapas, this water is for thee!"-they sprinkle it out, with southward-turned faces.' Nârâyana.
12. Possibly praviseyuh (they should enter) belongs to this Sætra. In Prof. Stenzler's edition and in the commentary of Narayana it is taken as belonging to Sätra 11.
15. Vasishtha IV, 15. Narayana here observes, Some authori. ties omit this Satra.'
17. Father and mother and the teacher who, after having performed the Upanayana for him, has taught him the whole Veda, are the chief Gurus. When these have died, they should avoid giving gifts and studying the Veda either for twelve nights, or for ten nights, this rule standing in correlation with the following one.' Narayana.
18. The Sapinda relationship is generally defined as the relationship within six degrees, though the statements in the different
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19. And of a Guru who is no Sapinda,
20. And of unmarried female relations. 21. Three nights after (the death of) other teachers, 22. And of a relation who is no Sapinda, 23. And of married female relations,
24. Of a child that has no teeth,
245
25. And of a dead-born child.
26. One day, after (the death of) a fellow-pupil, 27. And of a Srotriya of the same village.
KANDIKA 5.
1. The gathering (of the bones is performed) after the tenth (Tithi from the death), (on a Tithi) with an odd number, of the dark fortnight, under a single Nakshatra.
2. A man into a male urn without special marks, a woman into a female one without special marks.
3. Aged persons of an odd number, not men and women together (gather the bones).
4. The performer of the ceremony walks three times round the spot with his left side turned towards
texts do not exactly agree. See pastamba II, 15, 2; Manu V, 60; Gautama XIV, 13 (with Prof. Bühler's note, Sacred Books, vol. ii, p. 247, &c.).
21. Comp. Sûtras 17, 19.
5, 1. Nârâyana (comp. the Asvalâyana-Grihya-Parisishta III, 7) understands this Sutra in a different way. 'After the tenth Tithi of the dark fortnight, on a Tithi with an odd number, i. e. on the eleventh, thirteenth, or fifteenth.' The single Nakshatras are those the name of which does not denote two Nakshatras (as, for instance, the two Ashâdhâs). Comp. Kâty.-Sraut. XXV, 8, 1; Manu V, 59.
2. Urns, with or without protuberances like female breasts, are considered as female or male accordingly.
3. See chap. 2, 2.
4. Comp. chap. 2, 10.
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it, and sprinkles on it with a Samî branch milk mixed with water, with the verse, 'O cool one, O thou that art full of coolness' (Rig-veda X, 16, 14).
5. With the thumb and the fourth finger they should put each single bone (into the urn) without making a noise,
6. The feet first, the head last.
7. Having well gathered them and purified them with a winnowing basket, they should put (the urn) into a pit, at a place where the waters from the different sides do not flow together, except rain water, with the verse), 'Go to thy mother Earth there' (Rig-veda X, 18, 10).
8. With the following (verse) he should throw earth (into the pit).
9. After he has done so, (he should repeat) the following (verse).
10. Having covered (the urn) with a lid with (the verse), ‘I fasten to thee' (Rig-veda X, 18, 13), they then should go away without looking back, should bathe in water, and perform a Sraddha for the deceased.
KANDIKÂ 6. 1. They who have lost a Guru by death, or are afflicted by other misfortune, should perform on the new-moon day an expiatory ceremony.
2. Before sunrise they should carry their fire
7. Nârâyana explains pavana by sûrpa. He says that the performer' (kartri) repeats this and the following texts.
10. They should give a Sraddha to the deceased exclusively, according to the Ekoddishta rite.' Nârâyana.
6, 2. According to Narayana the fire means here not the sacred domestic fire, but a common kitchen fire. I doubt whether the
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together with its ashes and with its receptacle to the south with the half-verse, 'I send far away the fleshdevouring Agni' (Rig-veda X, 16, 9).
3. Having thrown that (fire) down at a place where four roads meet or somewhere else, they walk round it three times, turning their left sides towards it, beating their left thighs with their left hands.
4. They then should return home without looking back, bathe in water, have their hair, their beards the hair of their bodies, and their nails cut, and furnish themselves with new jars, pots, vessels for rinsing the mouth, wreathed with garlands of Sami flowers, with fuel of Sami wood, with two pieces of Sami wood for kindling fire, and with branches to be laid round the fire, with bull's dung and a bull's hide, fresh butter, a stone, and as many bunches of Kusa grass as there are young women (in the house).
5. At the time of the Agni(-hotra) he should kindle fire with the hemistich, 'Here may this other Gâtavedas' (Rig-veda X, 16, 9).
commentator is right. The ceremonies described in the following Sutras seem to point rather to a renewal of the sacred Grihya fire, the old one having proved unlucky to the sacrificer. In the same way, in the Srauta ritual, a sacrificer who, after having performed the Âdhâna, has bad luck, performs the Punarâdheya.
3. Comp. Kâtyâyana-Srauta-sûtra V, 10, 15.
5. The text has agnivelâyâm, which Nârâyana explains by agnihotraviharana kâle aparâhne. He states that the fire should be produced by attrition of two new kindling woods (arani), mentioned in Sûtra 4. The fire thus kindled is to be used, he says, as a kitchen-fire. Herein he seems to me to have misunderstood the meaning of the ceremony; see the note on Sûtra 2. The hemistich quoted in this Sûtra (which is the second half of the same verse of which the first half is prescribed in Sûtra 2) clearly points to the sacred quality of the fire in question; it runs thus, 'Here may this other Gâtavedas carry the offerings to the gods, the knowing one.'
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6. Keeping that (fire) burning, they sit till the silence of the night, repeating the tales of the aged, and getting stories of auspicious contents, Itihasas and Purânas, told to them.
7. When all sounds have ceased, or when the others) have gone to the house or the resting-place, (the performer of the ceremony) should pour out an uninterrupted stream of water, beginning at the south side of the door, with (the verse), 'Spinning the thread follow the light of the aerial space' (Rig-veda X, 53, 6), (going round the house), ending at the north side of the door.
8. Having then given its place to the fire, and having spread to the west of it a bull's hide with the neck to the east, with the hair outside, he should cause the people belonging to the house to step on that (hide) with (the verse), 'Arise to long life, choosing old age' (Rig-veda X, 18, 6).
9. With (the verse), "This I lay round the living' (Rig-veda X, 18, 4), he should lay branches round (the fire).
10. After having with (the words), 'A mountain (i. e. a stone) they shall place between themselves and death,' placed a stone to the north of the fire, and having sacrificed with the four (verses), 'Go hence, O death, on another way' (Rig-veda X, 18,
7. The person who pours out the water is, as Nârâyana says, the kartri, i.e. the performer of the whole ceremony. The word cannot be translated, as Prof. Stenzler does, der Bestatter, no funeral ceremonies being here treated of.
8. See above, I, 8, 9. Here Nârâyana sees that the fire is the sacred one. He says, athasabdo »smin kâles gnyantaram aupasanam upasamâdadhyâd iti gñâpanârtham.
10. The words, 'A mountain,' &c., stand at the end of the verse quoted in Sätra 9.
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1-4), verse by verse, he should look at his people with (the verse), 'As the days follow each other' (ibid. 5).
11. The young women (belonging to the house) should, with each hand separately, with their thumbs and fourth fingers, with young Darbha blades, salve their eyes with fresh butter, and throw (the Darbha blades) away, turning their faces away.
12. (The performer of the ceremony) should look at them, while they are salving themselves, with (the verse), “These women, being no widows, having noble husbands' (Rig-veda X, 18, 7).
13. With (the verse), 'Carrying stones, (the river) streams forward ; take hold of each other' (Rig-veda X, 53, 8)—the performer (of the ceremony) first should touch the stone.
14. After that, stationing himself to the northeast, while (the others) go round with the fire, with bull's dung, and with an uninterrupted stream of water, repeating the three verses, 'O waters, ye are wholesome' (Rig-veda X, 9, I seqq.), he should murmur the verse, 'These have led round the cow' (Rig-veda X, 155, 5).
15. A tawny-coloured bull should he lead roundthus they say.
16. They then sit down at a place where they intend to tarry, having put on garments that have not yet been washed.
17. (There) they sit, avoiding to sleep, till sunrise.
18. After sunrise, having murmured the hymns sacred to the sun and the auspicious hymns, having
18. See above, II, 3, 13.
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prepared food, having made oblations with (the hymn), * May he drive evil away from us with his shine (Rig-veda I, 97), verse by verse, having given to the Brahmanas to eat, he should cause (them) to pronounce auspicious words.
19. A cow, a cup of metal, and a garment that has not yet been washed, constitute the sacrificial fee.
KANDIKÂ 7. 1. Now at a Sraddha ceremony, at that which is celebrated on the Parvan day, or for the attainment of special wishes, or at the Abhyudayika Sraddha (i. e. the Sraddha celebrated when some good luck has happened), or at the Ekoddishta Sraddha (the Sraddha directed to a single dead person)
2. He causes Brâhmanas who are endowed with learning, moral character, and correct conduct, or with one of these (characteristics), who have been invited in time, who have taken a bath, washed their feet, and sipped water, to sit down, as representatives of the Fathers, with their faces turned to the north, one for each one of the Fathers, or two for each, or three for each.
3. The larger their number is, the greater is the reward (which the sacrificer is entitled to expect).
4. But in no case one (Brâhmana) for all (the fathers).
7, 1. Comp. on the Sraddha ceremonies in general the note on Sankhayana-Grihya IV, 1, 1, and the quotations given there. The Pârvana Sraddha, which is celebrated on the new-moon day, is treated of by Sankhâyana IV, 1, the Abhyudayika Sraddha, IV, 4, the Ekoddishra Sraddha, IV, 2.
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5. Optionally (he may invite only one Brâhmana) except at the first (Sraddha).
6. By the exposition of) the Pinda sacrifice (the corresponding rules) have been declared (for the Sraddha ceremonies also).
7. Having given water (to the Brâhmanas),
8. Having given to them double-folded Darbha blades, and a seat,
9. Having (again) given water (to them),
10. Having poured water into three vessels of metal, of stone, and of earthen-ware, or (into three vessels) made of the same substance, over which he has put Darbha grass,
II. And having recited over (that water the verse), For luck and help the divine waters' (Rig-veda X, 9, 4), he pours sesamum seeds into it with (the formula), 'Sesamum art thou; Soma is thy deity; at the Gosava sacrifice thou hast been created by
5. Anâdye. Of the different interpretations of this word which Narayana gives, it may suffice here to quote two. The first Sraddha may either mean the Pârvana Sraddha, because this stands first among the different kinds of Sraddha ceremonies enumerated in Satra 1; or it may mean the Sapindîkarana (see Sânkhayana IV, 3), for this is the first occasion on which a dead person receives Sraddha oblations together with two others of the Fathers.
6. The sacrifice to the Manes, as forming part of the Srauta ritual, is explained in the Srauta-sūtra II, 6 seq.
8. Yâgñavalkya I, 229.
9. Yâgñavalkya I, 230. The reading of several words of the Mantra is doubtful, and the parallel texts, as Prof. Stenzler has not failed to observe, differ; especially the words pratnavadbhih prattah seem to me to be corrupt. The word pratnavat is only known to the Petersburg Dictionary as having the meaning,
containing the word pratna,' which will not do here. Thus, I think that the reading pratnam adbhih priktah should be adopted; the translation would be, 'Anciently thou hast been mixed with water.'
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the gods. By the ancients thou hast been offered. Through the funeral oblation render the Fathers and these worlds propitious to us. Svadhâ! Adoration!' 12. (The different rites are performed) from the right to the left.
13. With (the part) of the other (i. e. left) hand between the thumb (and the fore-finger), because he wears the sacrificial cord over his left shoulder, or with the right hand which he seizes with the left (he offers the Arghya water to the Fathers with the words), ' Father, this is thy Arghya. Grandfather, this is thy Arghya. Great-grandfather, this is thy Arghya'-having first offered (ordinary) water (to the Fathers).
14. When he is going to hand over that (Arghya water to the Brâhmanas who represent the Fathers, he says once each time), 'Svadhâ! The Arghya
water!'
15. Over (the Arghya water) which has been
12. Comp. Sânkhâyana-Grihya IV, 4, 6.
13. The part of the hand above the thumb is called the 'Tîrtha belonging to the Manes;' see, for instance, Baudhâyana's Dharmasûtra I, 8, 16. The sacrificer is here understood to wear his sacrificial cord suspended over the left shoulder (he is 'yâgñopavîtin'). But as the oblation here treated of is directed to the Manes, it is required that he should be prâkînâvîtin. Now he is considered as prâkînâvîtin, according to Nârâyana, not only if the cord is suspended over his right shoulder (which is the ordinary meaning of prâkînâvîtin), but also if the hand with which he performs the rites, and the shoulder over which he wears the sacred cord, are either both right or both left. Thus here, acting with the left-hand and wearing the cord over the left shoulder, he becomes prâkînâvîtin.
The last word (appûrvam) is separated by Nârâyana from the rest, so that it forms a separate Sûtra.
15. The sacrificer gives the water to the Brahmanas, and these
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poured out, he should recite the verse, 'The celestial waters which have been produced on the earth, the aerial waters and the waters which are terrestrial, the gold-coloured ones, apt for sacrifice, may these waters bring us luck and be kind to us. Pouring together what has been left (in the three Arghya vessels) he moistens his face with that water, if he desires that a son should be born to him.
16. 'He should not take up the first vessel, into which the Arghya water for the Fathers has been poured. Hidden the Fathers dwell therein : thus Saunaka has said.'
17. In that moment the gifts of perfumes, garlands, incense, lights, and clothes are offered (to the Brâhmanas).
18. Having taken some food (of the Sthâlipaka prepared for the Pindapitriyagña), and having besmeared it with ghee, he asks (the Brahmanas) for their permission by saying, 'I shall offer it in the fire,' or, ‘I will sacrifice my offering in the fire,' or, * I will offer it in the fire.'
19. The permission (is given in the words), 'It may be offered,' or, 'Sacrifice thy offering,' or, Offer it.' 20. He then sacrifices in the fire as stated above,
pour it out. Instead of prithivî sambabhûvuh (prithivî being intended as a locative; see Lanman, Noun-inflection in the Veda, p. 389) we should read, no doubt, as the parallel texts have, payasa sambabhůvuh: The celestial waters which have united themselves with milk.'
16. This is a Sloka. 17. Manu III, 209; Yâgñavalkya I, 231.
20. The oblations alluded to in this Sätra are prescribed in the Srauta-sūtra, II, 6, 12. They are directed to Soma pitrimat and to Agni kavyavahana.
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21. Or, if they give their permission, in the hands (of the Brâhmanas).
22. “The mouth of the gods verily is the fire, the mouth of the Fathers is the hand'-thus says the Brâhmana.
23. If in the hands, he assigns to them other food, after they have sipped water.
24. The food (is put together) with the food.
25. It is said, 'What is given away and offered, that brings prosperity.'
26. When he sees that they are satiated, he should recite (the verses) containing the word madhu, and (the verse), 'They have eaten, they have enjoyed themselves' (Rig-veda I, 82, 2).
27. Having asked them, 'Relished ?' and having taken the food, whatever food he has used, together with the Sthâlipâka, in order to make lumps thereof, he should offer the rest (to the Brâhmanas).
28. After they have either accepted (that rest of food), or left it (to him), and have finished eating, he should, before they have sipped water, put down the lumps for the Fathers.
21. According to Manu (III, 212) this is done only in case there is no fire. Possibly abhyanugñâyâm belongs to Satra 20, so that we should have to translate, He then sacrifices ... if they give their permission. Or in the hands.'
24. The food which is left from the oblations he puts with the food (Sûtra 23) which is to be eaten by the Brâhmanas, and has been put into the vessels.' Narayana.
25. Is srishtam to be understood in the sense of visrishtam? Nârâyana explains it by prabhatam.
26. The verses containing the word madhu are Rig-veda I, 90, 6-8.
27. On the question, 'Relished?'' compare Sânkhâyana-Grihya IV, 2, 5. For several kinds of Sraddha ceremonies a Sthâlîpaka is prescribed, for others it is not; for the Sraddhas of the last kind the words Together with the Sthâlîpaka' are not valid.
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29. After they have sipped water, according to some (teachers).
30. Having strewn the food on the ground and suspended the sacrificial cord over his left shoulder, he should dismiss the Brahmanas, (saying to them), 'Say Om! Svadhâ!'
31. Or, 'So be it! Svadhâ!'
KANDIKA 8.
1. Now the spit-ox (sacrificed to Rudra).
2. In autumn or in spring, under the (Nakshatra) Ârdrâ.
3. The best of his herd,
4. (An ox) which is neither leprous nor speckled;
5. One with black spots, according to some; 6. If he likes, a black one, if its colour inclines to copper-colour.
7. He sprinkles it with water, into which he has thrown rice and barley,
8. From head to tail,
9. With (the formula), 'Grow up, agreeable to Rudra the great god.'
10. He should let it grow up. When it has cut its teeth, or when it has become a bull
II. To a quarter (of the horizon) which is sacrificially pure,
12. At a place which cannot be seen from the village,
30. They reply, 'Om! Svadhâ!'
8, 1. According to Nârâyana, the 'spit-ox' sacrifice is so called because it is offered to Rudra the spit-wearer.
5. Kalmâsho nâma krishnabindukitah. Nârâyana.
10. This Sutra should rather be divided into two. II. I. e. to the east or the north.
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13. After midnight, 14. According to some, after sunrise.
15. Having caused a Brahman who is versed in learning and knows the practice (of this sacrifice), to sit down, having driven a fresh branch with leaves into the ground as a sacrificial post, (having taken) two creeping plants or two Kusa ropes as two girdles, and having wound the one round the sacrificial post, and tied the other round the middle of the animal's head, he binds it to the sacrificial post or to the girdle (which he had tied to that post) with (the formula), ' Agreeable to him to whom adoration (is brought), I bind thee.'
16. The sprinkling with water and what follows is the same as at the animal sacrifice.
17. We shall state what is different.
18. Let him sacrifice the omentum with the Pâtri or with a leaf-thus it is understood (in the Sruti)
19. With the formulas),' To Hara, Mrida, Sarva, Siva, Bhava, Mahâdeva, Ugra, Bhima, Pasupati, Rudra, Sankara, Îsâna svâhâ !'
20. Or with the last six (parts of that formula), 21. Or with the formula), 'To Rudra svåhå!'
22. Let him make Bali offerings towards the four quarters (of the horizon), to each on four rings of Kusa net-work, with (the formulas), 'The hosts, Rudra, which thou hast towards the eastern direction,
15. Round the middle of the head means, between the two horns. Nârâyana.
16. See above, I, II.
22. This Bali offering is performed, according to Nârâyana, before the Svish/akrit oblation of the chief sacrifice. On kusasuna the commentator has the note, ‘Darbhastambais trinais ka kalpavad (or rather, as Prof. Stenzler writes, kalakavad) grathitva sarveshâm agram grihîtva, ekîkritya grathitâh kusasûnâ ukyante.'
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to them this offering is brought). Adoration to thee! Do no harm to me!' In this way the assigning (of the offerings is performed) according to the different quarters (of the horizon).
23. With the following four hymns he should worship the four quarters, viz. “What shall we to Rudra,' 'These prayers to Rudra,' 'To thee, O father,' 'These songs to Rudra with the strong bow' (Rig-veda I, 43, 114; II, 33; VII, 46).
24. (This) worship to the quarters (of the horizon) (is performed) at all sacrifices to Rudra.
25. The husks and chaff (of the rice), the tail, the skin, the head, the feet (of the sacrificial animal) he should throw into the fire.
26. He should turn the skin to some use, according to Sâmvatya.
27. To the north of the fire, on rows of Darbha grass, or on rings of Kusa net-work, he should pour out the blood of the sacrificial animal) with (the formula), “Hissing ones! Noisy ones! Searching ones! Seizing ones ! Serpents! What here belongs to you, take that.'
28. Then, turning to the north, (he assigns it) to the serpents in the words), *Hissing ones! Noisy ones! Searching ones! Seizing ones! Serpents ! What here belongs to you, take that.
Then the serpents take whatever has flowed down there of blood or of the contents of stomach and entrails.
29. All names, all hosts, all exaltations belong
26. Perhaps Sâmvatya is a mis-spelling of the name of the wellknown Grihya teacher Sâmbavya. 27. Darbhavitâ is explained in the commentary by darbharagi.
[29]
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to him ;-to a sacrificer who knows that, he gives joy.
30. Even to a man who only with words sets forth (some part of that (ceremony), he will do no harm; thus it is understood in the Sruti).
31. He should not partake of that (sacrifice).
32. They should not take anything belonging to it into the village. For this god will do harm to (human) creatures.
33. He should keep away his people from the vicinity (of the place where he has sacrificed).
34. On an express injunction, however, he should partake (of that sacrificial food), for it will bring luck.
35. This spit-ox sacrifice procures wealth, (open) space, purity, sons, cattle, long life, splendour.
36. After he has sacrificed, he should let loose another (animal).
37. He should not be without such an animal.
38. Then he will not be without cattle—thus it is understood (in the Sruti).
39. Muttering the Santâtîya hymn, he should go to his house.
40. If disease befalls his cattle, he should sacrifice to that same god in the midst of his cowstable
41. A mess of cooked food, which he sacrifices in its entirety.
32. Instead of abhimâruka we ought to read abbimânuka. See Aitareya Brâhmana III, 34, and the Petersburg Dictionary s. v, abhimanuka.
36. He should destine another young animal in the way stated above (Sätras 7 seqq.) to a new Sûlagava sacrifice.
39. Rig-veda VII, 35. Comp. above, II, 8, 11.
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42. Having thrown the sacrificial grass and the Âgya into the fire, he should lead his cows through the smoke.
43. Murmuring the Santâtiya hymn, he should go in the midst of his cattle. 44. Adoration to Saunaka! Adoration to Saunaka!
End of the Fourth Adhyâya.
End of the Asvaldyana-Grihya-sâtra.
S2
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PÂRASKARA-GRIHYA
SÚTRA.
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INTRODUCTION
TO THE
PÂRASKARA-GRIHYA-SÚTRA.
THE Grihya-sätra of Paraskara, which belongs to the White Yagur-veda and forms an appendix to Katyâyana's Srauta-sutra, has been edited, with a German translation, by the scholar who was the first to make a Grihya text accessible to Orientalists and to begin to grapple with the first and most serious difficulties that beset its interpretation, and who has continued since to do more than anyone else towards elucidating that important branch of Vedic literature. It would be very unbecoming in any one engaged in the study of Grihya texts, not to acknowledge most warmly the debt of gratitude which he owes to Professor Stenzler. At the same time the respect due to the veteran editor and interpreter of Åsvalâyana and Pâraskara not only allows, but requires that one who proposes to himself the same task at which Prof. Stenzler has worked with so much learning, should state as clearly as possible what that distinguished scholar has left for others to do, and why one who prepares an English translation of Paraskara has a very different task from merely translating into English the German translation of Prof. Stenzler.
If I may venture to express in one word the difference between Prof. Stenzler's method, as I understand it, for getting at the meaning of a doubtful or obscure passage, and the method which I have endeavoured to follow, I should say that with Prof. Stenzler the first step and,
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I believe, in many cases also the last step is to ask how Gayarâma and Ramakrishna understand the passage in question, while I hold that we ought rather to make ourselves independent from those commentators in the sense in which Prof. Max Müller once expressed himself 1, 'not that I ever despise the traditional interpretation which the commentators have preserved to us, but because I think that, after having examined it, we have a right to judge for ourselves.' There exists a commentary on the ParaskaraGrihya which far surpasses in trustworthiness Gayarâma's Sagganavallabha and Ramakrishna's Samskâraganapati, and which is not composed by an author who, as says Goethe,
– im Auslegen ist munter ;
Legt er nicht aus, so legt er unter. But the leaves of that commentary are scattered through a good many volumes. Here we find a few lines of it in the Satapatha Brâhmana or in Kâtyâyana's Srauta-satra; there Sankhâyana or Åsvalâyana has preserved a word or a sentence that belongs to it; or the law-books of Manu or Yagiavalkya help us to understand a difficult or doubtful aphorism of our text. In one word : the only true commentary on a work like Pâraskara's Grihya is that which the ancient literature itself furnishes. No one will say that in Prof. Stenzler's translation and notes this commentary has not been consulted. But it has been consulted perhaps not quite as much as it ought to have been, and Râmakrishna and Gayarâma have been consulted too much. They have been consulted and followed in many instances, where a continued consideration of what can be the meaning of a word and what can not, and of what the parallel texts say with regard to the subject in question, would have shown that those commentators, instead of interpreting Pâraskara's meaning, father on him vague opinions of their own.
Perhaps it will not be out of place here to point our
i Sacred Books of the East, vol. xv, p. 2, note 2.
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criticism, lest it should be deemed unjust, by a few remarks on a single passage of Pâraskara in which the difference of Prof. Stenzler's way of translating and of our own becomes manifest. Of the numerous passages which could be selected for this purpose, I choose Sätra I, 2, 5, belonging to the description of the setting up of the sacred domestic fire. The text of that Satra runs thus :
5. aranipradânam eke. Prof. Stenzler translates as follows:
'Einige sagen, es müsse durch Reibhölzer erzeugtes Feuer sein.'
The two Satras which precede give a description of that ceremony from which evidently the opinion of the 'eke' mentioned in this Sûtra differs, or to which they find it necessary to add something. Those Sutras run thus :
3. After he has fetched fire from the house of a Vaisya who is rich in cattle
4. All ceremonies are performed as at the cooking of the katushpråsya food?
It seems evident that the Åkâryas to whom the opinion spoken of in Satra 5 belongs, add, or perhaps substitute, to the fetching of the fire which is to be worshipped as the sacrificer's domestic fire, from a rich Vaisya's house, another rite in which an arani, i.e. a stick for kindling the fire by attrition, is made use of in some way or other.
Now if this may be accepted as a vague expression of the general purport of the Satra, what is the literal meaning of the words? 'Some (teachers),' it says, '(prescribe) the pradâna of the kindling stick (or, of the kindling sticks).'
What does pradâna mean? Gayarâma says, 'prasabda upasabdârthe. aranyupâdânakam eka akâryâ ikkhanti.'
" The food which is eaten by the four chief officiating priests of the Srauta ritual. For these priests a mess of food is prepared at the ceremony of the adhâna of the Srauta fires.
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That is: 'The word pra stands in the sense of the word upa. Some teachers desire that it (i. e. the fire) should have the kindling sticks as its physical basis1.'
Thus, if Gayarâma is right, Prof. Stenzler's translation would be justified. But can we acquiesce indeed in simply accepting the commentator's opinion? Pradâna is pradâna and not upâdâna, as pradadâti is not upâdatte. Pradadâti means 'he hands over,' and pradâna 'the handing over.' This is an established fact, and an interpreter of a Vedic text should not allow himself to be induced by a statement like that of Gayarâma about the preposition pra standing in the sense of upa, to abate one iota of it. Thus we are obliged, until passages have been discovered which modify our knowledge of what pradâna means-but such passages most certainly will never be discovered to translate:
266
5. Some (teachers say that) the handing over of the kindling sticks (takes place).
We should give that translation even if we were not able to find an explanation for it. It appears that Prof. Stenzler, as far as we can judge from his note, has not even thought of the possibility of disregarding the authority of Gayarâma and Râmakrishna, or of looking through the parallel texts to see whether they do not throw light on what that 'handing over of the kindling sticks' signifies. The text to be consulted first is of course Kâtyâyana's Srauta-sûtra. As the Srauta ritual contains a description of an âdhâna which is in some way the prototype of the corresponding Grihya ceremony, we may possibly expect to discover, in the course of that description, the statements regarding the arani-pradâna for which we are searching. Now Kâtyâyana, having described the setting up of the fire in the gârhapatyâgâra, states that at sunset the sacrificer and his
Ramakrishna also, according to Prof. Stenzler's note, explains pradâna by upâdána, kârana, utpattisthána.
2 IV, 7, 15 seqq. The corresponding passage of the Paddhati is found at P. 358 of Prof. Weber's edition.
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wife sit down to the west of the fire which has just been established, and then the Adhvaryu hands over to them the two kindling sticks? The Paddhati, in describing that act, goes into further details. The Adhvaryu hands over to the sacrificer the two Aranis, which, as required by custom, are wrapped up in new clothes. The wife takes the adharàrani from his hand and puts it on her lap; the sacrificer puts the uttarârani on his lap, and they do homage to them with flowers, saffron, sandal wood, &c.; then, after the performance of some other ceremonies, they put the two Aranis away on a chair or bench. The two Aranis have to be kept by the sacrificer; if they are lost or burnt or destroyed in any other way, other Aranis must be procured, and by their attrition a new fire must be kindled?
Âpastamba likewise mentions, in his description of the Agnyâdhâna, the handing over of the two Aranis, and indicates a Mantra which the Adhvaryu recites in giving them to the sacrificer, and two other Mantras with the one of which the sacrificer receives them, while he recites the other over the Aranis, after having taken them into his hands.
Finally we may quote here, as bearing witness to the custom of the Aranipradana, a passage taken from Nârâyana's commentary on the Sankhâyana-Grihya. Though the decisive words in that passage rest only on the authority of the commentator and not of the Satrakâra himself, they deserve to be taken notice of, as they are not subject to the suspicion that they could be influenced by a misunderstanding of that very Sútra of Pâraskara of which we are treating. Nårâyana says, in his explanation of Sankhayana I, 1, 104: 'To the west of the fire the sacrificer, and southwards (of him) the wife sits down. The
IV, 7, 22: asvatthasamigarbhârani prayakkhati. * See the commentary on IV, 7, 22, and the passages of the Karmapradipa quoted there.
Srauta-sútra V, 8, 7; vol. I, p. 255, of Prof. Garbe's edition. • Sâyamahutisamskärodhvaryupratyaya ity âkâryâh.
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handing over of the kindling sticks does not take place. For it is a fire fetched (from a Vaisya's house, &c.) which is inaugurated here? Then the commentator goes on to quote a Sloka :
* The handing over of the Aranis which the Adhvaryu sometimes performs,
'Is not in accordance with the opinion of Suyagía; he does not approve of kindling the fire by attrition 3.'
Thus, I think, no doubt can remain as to the real meaning of Pâraskara's Sútra: it means what its words signify and what is in accordance with Kâtyâyana and Apastamba, and it does not mean what the commentators most gratuitously would make it mean.
Perhaps I have dwelt here too long on the interpretation of a few words which are of no peculiar interest in themselves. But I venture to hope that the discussion on these words will serve as a specimen, by which the fundamental difference of two methods of handling our texts may be discerned. Let us never forget how much we owe to the scholars who have followed the first of these methods, but for ourselves let us choose the second.
1 Agneh paskâd yagamâno dakshinatah patni ka upavisati. aranipradânam na kartavyam. âhritasyâgner eva samskârah.
? On this name of Sankhâyana, see my Introduction to the translation of the Sankhâyana-Grihya, above, p. 3.
Atrâranipradânam yad adhvaryuh kurute kvakit, matam tan na Suyagi asya mathitam so stra nekkhati.
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KÂnda I, KANDIKÂ 1. 1. Now henceforth the performance of the domestic sacrifices of cooked food (will be explained).
2. Having wiped (around the surface on which he intends to perform a sacrifice), having besmeared it (with cowdung), having drawn the lines thereon, having taken the earth out (of the lines), having besprinkled (the place with water), having established the (sacred) fire, having spread out the seat for the Brahman to the south, having carried 1 forward (the Pranita water), having spread (Kusa grass) round (the fire), having put down (the different things used at the sacrifice) according as they are wanted, having prepared two (Kusa blades used as) strainers, having consecrated the Prokshani
1, 1. Comp. Sânkhayana-Grihya I, 1; Asvalâyana-Gríhya I, 1, &c. It seems to me that Professor Stenzler is not quite right in giving to the opening words of the text athâtah, which he translates'nun also,' the explanation: 'das heisst, nach Beendigung des Srauta-stra von Kâtyâyana.' I think rather it can be shown that atah does not contain a reference to something preceding; thus the Srautasatra, which forms the first part of the whole Sätra collection, is opened in the same way by the words a thâtosdhikârah.
2. The description of the standard form of domestic sacrifice opens with an enumeration of the five so-called bhûsamskâra (parisamuhya, &c.). On the samQhana (for parisamuhya is derived
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water, having sprinkled (with that water the sacrificial implements) according to what is needed, having poured out (the Agya or sacrificial butter into the pot), and having put the sacrificial butter on the fire, he should (lustrate the butter by) moving a fire-brand round it.
3. Having warmed the (sacrificial spoon called) Sruva, having wiped it, having besprinkled it (with water), and warmed it again, he should put it down.
4. Having taken the Âgya from the fire, having purified it, having looked at it, and (having purified) the Prokshani water as above, having taken up the Kusa blades with which he is to take hold (of the Âgya pot) by its under surface, having put pieces of wood on (the fire), and having sprinkled (water round it), he should sacrifice.
5. This is the rite wherever a sacrifice is performed.
KANDIKÂ 2. 1. The setting up of the Avasathya (or sacred domestic) fire (is performed) at the time of his wedding
--
-
-
-
-
-
from the root ûh, not from vah; comp. below, II, 4, 2: pâninâgnim parisamûhati), see Sankhâyana I, 7, 11; Grihya-samgraha-parisishta I, 37, &c. On the lines drawn on the sacrificial surface, see Sankhâyana I, 7, 6 seq.; Âsvalâyana 1, 3, 1; Grihya-samgraha-parisishta I, 47 seq.
4. Pûrvavat (“as above') can possibly, as Professor Stenzler understands it, have been said with regard to Katyayana's rule, II, 3, 33 : Tabhyâm (scil. pavitrâbhyâm) utpunâti Savitur va iti. But it is also possible that the expression may refer to the second Sutra of this chapter, where it is said, prokshanîh samskritya. On upayamanan ku sân, comp. Kâtyâyana I, 10, 6-8.
2, 1. Comp. Sânkhâyana-Grihya I, 1, 3.
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2. At the time of the division of the inheritance, according to some (teachers).
3. After he has fetched fire from the house of a Vaisya who is rich in cattle,
4. All ceremonies are performed as at the cooking of the kâtushprâsya food.
5. Some (say that) the handing over of the kindling sticks (should take place),
6. Because the Sruti says, 'There are five great sacrifices.'
7. Having cooked a mess of sacrificial food for the deities of the Agnyâdheya, and having sacrificed the two Agya portions, he sacrifices (the following) Âgya oblations :
8. 'Thou, Agni’ (Vâg. Samhitâ XXI, 3); 'Thus
2. Sânkhayana I, 1, 4. 3. Sânkhâyana I, 1, 8.
4. The kâtushprâsya food is prepared, at the time of the setting up of the Srauta fires, for the four chief officiating priests of the Srauta sacrifices. Comp. Satapatha Brâhmana II, 1, 4. Kâtyâyana's corresponding rules with regard to the Adhâna of the Srauta fires are found at IV, 7, 15. 16.
5. Comp.the remarks on this Satra, in the Introduction, pp. 265 seq.
6. Satapatha Brâhmana XI, 5, 6, 1: "There are five great sacrifices which are great Sattras, viz. the sacrifice to living beings, the sacrifice to men, the sacrifice to the Manes, the sacrifice to the gods, the Brahmayagña.' As the Grihya ceremonies are included here under the category of mahayagñas or great sacrifices, they require, according to the teachers whose opinion is stated in Sätra 5, a form of the Agnyâdhana (setting up of the sacred fire) analogous to the Agnyâdhâna of the Srauta ritual, and containing, like that Âdhậna, the act of the Aranipradâna or handing over of the kindling woods (Sutra 5).
7. The deities of the Agnyâdheya, or of the Srauta ceremony corresponding to the Grihya rite here treated of, are Agni pavamâna, Agni pâvaka, Agni suki, Aditi. On the Agyabhagas, see Sânkhayana I, 9, 7, &c.
8. The verses Vâg. Samh. XXI, 3, 4, the two verses quoted
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thou, Agni' (Vâg. Samhitâ XXI, 4); “This, O Varuna'(XXI, 1); 'For this I entreat thee' (XXI, 2); 'Thy hundred'(Kâty.-Sraut. XXV, 1, 11); 'And quick, Agni' (Kâty. 1. 1.); •The highest one' (Vâg. Samh. XII, 12); 'Be both to us' (ibid. V, 3)—with (these verses he sacrifices) eight (oblations) before (the oblations of cooked food).
9. Thus he sacrifices also afterwards, after he has made oblations of the mess of cooked food to the deities of the Agnyâdheya.
10. And to (Agni) Svishtakrit,
11. With the formulas), Into the quick one (has been put) Agni's (sacrificial portion) over which the word vashat has been spoken ;' •What I have done too much ;' 'O gods who know the way.'
12. Having sacrificed the Barhis, he partakes (of the sacrificial food).
13. Then food is given to the Brâhmanas.
Kâty. XXV, 1, 11, and fifthly the verse Vâg. Samh. XII, 12, are prescribed for the Sarvaprayaskitta (or general expiatory ceremony), see Kâtyâyana l. 1.
11. Professor Stenzler, following Gayarânia, takes the whole as one Mantra, which he translates: Ungehemmet sei Agni's Spende, die durch die That ich überreich machte, bahnschaffende Götter!' But the words yat karmanâtyarîrikam are the opening words of a Mantra quoted Satapatha Brâhmana XIV, 9, 4, 24, (comp. also Âsvalâyana-Grihya I, 10, 23; the connection in which atyarîrikam there stands, shows that the word designates a mistake made in the sacrificial work by doing too much.) The words devâ gâtuvidah are the Pratîka of Vâg. Samhita VIII, 21. Thus I have no doubt that also a yâsy Agner vashatkritam (or possibly a yâsy Agner (?) and vashatkritam (?)) is a Pratika. Of course, the translation of these words must remain uncertain until the Mantra to which they belong has been discovered.
12. On the throwing into the fire of the Barhis, comp. Katyayana III, 8.
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KANDIKÂ 3. 1. To six persons the Arghya reception is due : to a teacher, to an officiating priest, to the father-inlaw, to the king, to a friend, to a Snâtaka.
2. They should honour them (with the Arghya reception) once a year.
3. But officiating priests (they should receive) whenever they intend to perform a sacrifice.
4. Having ordered a seat to be got (for the guest), he says, 'Well, sir! sit down! We will do honour to you, sir !'
5. They get for him a couch (of grass) to sit down on, another for the feet, water for washing the feet, the Argha water, water for sipping, and the honeymixture, i.e. curds, honey, and ghee, in a brass vessel with a brass cover.
6. Another person three times announces (to the guest) the couch and the other things (when they are offered to him).
7. He accepts the couch.
8. He sits down thereon with (the verse), 'I am the highest one among my people, as the sun among the thunder-bolts. Here I tread on whosoever infests me.'
9. With the feet (he treads) on the other (bundle of grass).
3, 1. On vaivahya, which I have translated 'father-in-law,' comp. the note on Sânkhayana II, 15, 1.
2, 3. Comp. below, Satra 31, and Sânkhayana-Grıhya II, 15, 10. 6. Asvalâyana-Grihya I, 24, 7.
8. I have translated according to the reading of Asvaldyana (1. 1. $ 8), vidyuta m instead of udyatâm. 9, 10. There is no doubt that these Sätras should be divided
[29]
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PÂRASKARA-GRIHYA-SÜTRA.
10. When he is seated on the couch, he washes (for his guest) the left foot and then the right foot.
11. If (the host) is a Brâhmana, the right first.
12. (He does so) with (the formula), ‘The milk of Virág art thou. The milk of Virág may I obtain. (May) the milk of Padyâ Virag (dwell) in me.'
13. He accepts the Arghya water with (the words), ‘Waters are ye. May I obtain through you all my wishes.'
14. Pouring it out he recites over (the waters the formula), 'To the ocean I send you; go back to your source. Unhurt be our men. May my sap not be shed.
15. He sips water with the formula), “Thou camest to me with glory. Unite me with lustre. Make me beloved by all creatures, the lord of cattle, unhurtful for the bodies.'
16. With (the formula), With Mitra's' (Vâg. Samh., Kanvasâkhá II, 3, 4) he looks at the Madhuparka.
17. With the formula), ‘By the impulse of the god Savitri' (Vâg. Samh. 1. 1.) he accepts it.
18. Taking it into his left hand he stirs it about
thus : pâdayor anyam. vishtara âsînâya savyam pâdam prakshâlya dakshinam prakshâlayati. Thus it is said in the Khâdira-Grihya : vishtaram astfrya ... adhyâsîta. pâdayor dvitiyayâ (scil. rikâ) dvau ket. Gobhila has the Satra : pâdayor anyam.
11. The words brâhmanas ket refer to the host, as the comparison of Asvalâyana I, 24, 11, shows.
12. Comp. Âsvalâyana l. 1. § 22; Sânkhâyana III, 7, 5.
13. The play on words (âpas=waters, avâpnavâni=may I obtain) is untranslatable.
16. Asvalâyana-Grihya I, 24, 14. 17. Asvalâyana-Grihya I, 24, 15.
18. Âsvalâyana-Grihya l. 1. Annasane instead of annâsane is simply a mistake in spelling.
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three times with the fourth finger of his right hand with (the formula), 'Adoration to the brown-faced One. What has been damaged in thee, when the food was eaten, that I cut off from thee.'
19. And with the fourth finger and the thumb he spirts away (some part of the Madhuparka) three times.
20. He partakes of it three times with the formula), 'What is the honied, highest form of honey, and the enjoyment of food, by that honied, highest form of honey, and by that enjoyment of food may I become highest, honied, and an enjoyer of food.'
21. Or with (the verses) that contain the word 'honey,' verse by verse.
22. Let him give the remainder (of the Madhuparka) to a son or a pupil who is sitting to the north.
23. Or let him eat the whole of it (himself).
24. Or he should pour out (the remainder) to the east, at an unfrequented spot.
25. Having sipped water, he touches his bodily organs with (the formula), “May speech dwell in my mouth, breath in my nose, sight in my eyes, hearing in my ears, strength in my arms, vigour in my thighs. May my limbs be unhurt, may my body be united with my body!'
26. When the guest) has sipped water, (the host), holding a butcher's knife, says to him three times, 'A cow!'
27. He replies, 'The mother of the Rudras, the daughter of the Vasus, the sister of the Âdityas, the
21. These are the three verses, Vâg. Sanzhitâ XIII, 27-29. 22. Asvalâyana-Grihya I, 24, 25. 23. Asvalâyana l. 1. $ 27. 24. Âsvalâyana l. 1. § 26.
T2
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navel of immortality. To the people who understand me, I say, “Do not kill the guiltless cow, which is Aditi." I kill my sin and N.N.'s sin,'—thus, if he chooses to have it killed.
28. But if he chooses to let it loose, he should say, 'My sin and N.N.'s sin has been killed. Om! Let it loose! Let it eat grass !
29. But let the Argha not be without flesh.
30. On the occasion of a sacrifice and of a wedding let (the guest) say, 'Make it (ready).
31. Even if he performs more than one Soma sacrifice during one year, let only priests who have received (from him) the Arghya reception, officiate for him, not such who have not received it; for this has been prescribed in the Sruti.
KANDIKÂ 4. 1. There are four kinds of Pâkayagñas, viz. the huta, the ahuta, the prahuta, and the prâsita.
2. On the following five occasions, viz. the wedding, the tonsure (of the child's head), the initiation (of the Brahmakârin), the cutting of the beard, and the parting of the hair, (on these occasions) in the outer hall,
3. On a place that has been smeared (with cowdung), which is elevated, and which has been sprinkled (with water), he establishes the fire,
29, 30. These Sûtras are identical with two Sätras in the Sankhayana-Grihya II, 15, 2. 3. See the note there. It seems to me inadmissible to translate $ 29, as Professor Stenzler does: Der Argha darf aber nicht immer ohne Fleisch sein.
31. Sankhayana-Grihya II, 15, 1o. 4. 1-5. See Sankhayana-Grihya I, 5, 1-5 and the notes.
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4. Having kindled it by attrition, according to some teachers, at his marriage.
5. During the northern course of the sun, in the time of the increasing moon, on an auspicious day he shall seize the hand of a girl,
6. Under one of the three times) three Nakshatras of which a constellation designated as Uttara is first,
7. Or under (the Nakshatras) Svâti, Mrigasiras, or Rohini.
8. Three (wives are allowed) to a Brâhmana, in accordance with the order of the castes,
9. Two to a Râganya, 10. One to a Vaisya,
11. One Sudra wife besides to all, according to some (teachers), without using Mantras (at the ceremonies of wedding, &c.).
12. He then makes her put on the (under) garment with (the verse), 'Live to old age; put on the garment! Be a protectress of the human tribes against imprecation. Live a hundred years full of vigour; clothe thyself in wealth and children. Blessed with life put on this garment!'
13. Then the upper garment with (the verse), *The goddesses who spun, who wove, who spread
6. I. e. under the constellations Uttaraphalgunî or the two constellations following it, Uttarâshâdhå or the two constellations following it, Uttarabhadrapadâ or the two constellations following it.
12. The words of the Mantra bhava krish/inâm abhisastipâvâ no doubt are an imitation of Rig-veda I, 76, 3, bhava yagñanâm abhisastipâvâ (where the words are applied to Agni). Thus the use of the masculine abhisastipâvâ with reference to the bride may be accounted for.
13. Comp. Atharva-veda XIV, 1, 45. This parallel passage shows us the way to correct the text of this very much corrupted Mantra.
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out, and who drew out the threads on both sides, may those goddesses clothe thee for the sake of long life. Blessed with life put on this garment !'
14. (The bride's father ?) anoints the two, (while the bridegroom recites the verse,) May the Visve devâs, may the waters unite our hearts. May Mâtarisvan, may Dhâtri, may Deshtri (the 'showing' goddess) join us.'
15. (The bridegroom), having accepted her who is given away by her father, takes her and goes away (from that place) with (the verse), When thou wanderest far away with thy heart to the regions of the world like the wind, may the gold-winged Vaikarna (i.e. the wind ?) grant that thy heart may dwell with me! N. N.!'
16. He then makes them look at each other (while the bridegroom repeats the verses), With no evil eye, not bringing death to thy husband, bring luck to the cattle, be full of joy and vigour. Give birth to heroes; be godly and friendly. Bring us luck, to men and animals.
'Soma has acquired (thee) first (as his wife); after him the Gandharva has acquired (thee). Thy third husband is Agni; the fourth is thy human husband.
14. The literal translation would be: 'He salves together (samangayati) the two . . . May the waters salve together (samañgantu) our hearts. It was a real anointing of the bridegroom and of the bride, that took place, and we cannot accept Professor Stenzler's translation (based on Gayarâma's note: samañgayati parasparam sammukhîkaroti), by which the proper signification of samangayati is effaced : Dann heisst der Vater der Braut) sie beide zusammentreten. See the note on Sånkhayana-Grihya I, 12, 5. The parallel passage of the Khâdira-Gríhya runs thus: aparenâgnim auduko gatvà pânigraham mûrdhany avasinked, vadhum ka, samangantv ity avasikta).
16. Comp. Rig-reda X, 85; 44. 40. 41. 37.
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Soma has given thee to the Gandharva ; the Gandharva has given thee to Agni. Wealth and children Agni has given to me, and besides this wife.
'Pashan! Lead her to us, the highly blessed one. Så na ûrd usati vihara, yasyâm usantah praharama sepam yasyâm u kamâ bahavo nivishtyâ (nivishta ?) iti.'
KANDIKÂ 5. 1. Having led her around the fire, keeping it on his right side, according to some (teachers)
2. Having pushed with his right foot a bundle of grass or a mat to the west of the fire, he sits down.
3. While (the bride) touches him, (the following oblations are made :) the two Aghâra oblations, the two Âgya portions, the Mahâvyâhritis, the general expiation, the Prâgapatya oblation, and the Svishtakrit.
4. These are regular (oblations) at every sacrifice.
5. The Svishtakrit comes before the Mahâvyâhritis, if the sacrificial food is different from Âgya.
6. The place for the insertion (of the peculiar oblations belonging to the different sacrifices) is the interval between the general expiation and the oblation to Pragâ pati.
7. At the wedding (he may make oblations) with the Râshtrabhrit formulas (i.e. the formulas procuring royal power), if he likes, and with the Gaya and Abhyâtâna formulas (i.e. the formulas procuring
5, 3. See the note on Sânkhâyana-Grihya I, 9, 12.
6. See the note l. 1.--I have altered the division of Satras 6 and 7, so as to draw the word vivahe to the seventh Satra. The rule in § 6 has an entirely general character; the formulas stated in § 7 are given for the particular occasion of the viváha ceremony.
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victory, and aiming (at the hostile powers]), if he knows them
8. Because it has been said, “By what sacrifice he wishes to attain success.'
9. (The Gaya formulas run thus): "Thought and thinking. Intention and intending. The understood and understanding. The mind and the Sakvari (verses). The new moon and the full moon. Brihat and Rathantara.
* Pragâpati, the powerful one in victorious battles, has given victories (or, the Gaya formulas) to manly Indra. To him all subjects bowed down; he has become powerful and worthy of sacrifice. Svâhâ !'
10. (The Abhyâtâna formulas run thus): “May Agni, the lord of beings, protect me. May Indra, (the lord) of the noblest, Yama, of the earth, Vậyu, of the air, the Sun, of heaven, the Moon, of the Nakshatras, Brihaspati, of the Brahman, Mitra, of truth, Varuna, of the waters, the sea, of the rivers, food, the lord of royalty, protect me. May Soma, (the lord) of herbs, Savitri, of impulses, Rudra, of cattle, Tvashtri, of forms, Vishnu, of mountains, the Maruts, the lords of hosts, protect me. May the fathers,
8. Taittirîya Samhitâ III, 4, 6, 1: By what sacrifice he wishes to attain success, at that sacrifice) he should make oblations with them (i.e. with the Abhyatana Mantras): then he will attain success by that sacrifice.'
9. Instead of sa i havyah we ought to read probably sa u havyah, or, as the Taitt. Samh. III, 4, 4, 1 gives, sa hi havy ah. The Maitr. Samh. has viha vyah (II, 1o, 2).
1o. The words, in this power of holiness . . . svâhâ l' are to be added to each member of the whole formula (comp. Atharva-veda V, 24). The expressions fathers' and 'grandfathers,' which are twice identically repeated in the translation, stand the first time for pitarah pit â ma hâh, and then for tatâs tatâmahâh of the Sanskrit text.
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the grandfathers, the former, the later, the fathers, the grandfathers protect me here in this power of holiness, in this worldly power, in this prayer, in this Purohitaship, in this sacrifice, in this invocation of the gods. Svâhâ!'-this is added each time.
11. (He then makes other oblations with the following texts :)
281
'May Agni come hither, the first of gods. May he release the offspring of this wife from the fetter of death. That may this king Varuna grant, that this wife may not weep over distress (falling to her lot) through her sons. Svâhâ!
'May Agni Gârhapatya protect this woman. May he lead her offspring to old age. With fertile womb may she be the mother of living children. May she experience delight in her sons. Svâhâ!
'Make, Agni, all ways of heaven and earth blissful to us, O thou who art worthy of sacrifices. What is great, born on this (earth), and praised, (born) in heaven, that bestow on us, rich treasures. Svâhâ! Come hither, showing us an easy path. Give us bright, undecaying life. May death go away; may immortality come to us. May Vivasvat's son make us safe from danger. Svâhâ!'
12. And the (verse), 'Another way, O death' (Vâg. Samh. XXXV, 7), after the eating (of the remnant of the sacrificial food), according to some (teachers).
KANDIKA 6.
1. The girl's brother pours out of his joined hands into her joined hands fried grain mixed with Sami leaves.
6, 1. Sankhâyana I, 13, 15; Âsvalâyana I, 7, 8.
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PÂRASKARA-GRIHYA-SOTRA.
2. This she sacrifices, with firmly joined hands, standing, (while the bridegroom recites the verses,)
"To the god Aryaman the girls have made sacrifice, to Agni; may he, god Aryaman, loosen us from here, and not from the husband. Svâhâ !
'This woman, strewing grains, prays thus, “ May my husband live long ; may my relations be prosperous." Svâhâ !
*These grains I throw into the fire: may this bring prosperity to thee, and may it unite me with thee. May Agni grant us that. N. N.! Svâhâ !'
3. He then seizes her right hand together with the thumb, with (the verses),
'I seize thy hand for the sake of happiness, that thou mayst live to old age with me, thy husband. Bhaga, Aryaman, Savitri, Purandhi, the gods have given thee to me that we may rule our house.
'This am I, that art thou ; that art thou, this am I. The Sâman am I, the Rik thou ; the heaven I, the earth thou.
'Come! Let us marry. Let us unite our sperm. Let us beget offspring. Let us acquire many sons, and may they reach old age.
'Loving, bright, with genial minds may we see a hundred autumns, may we live a hundred autumns, may we hear a hundred autumns!'
KANDIKÂ 7. 1. He then makes her tread on a stone, to the north of the fire, with her right foot, (repeating the
2. Sankhâyana 1, 18, 3; 14, 1; Asvalâyana I, 7, 13. 3. Rig-veda X, 85, 36; Sankhâyana I, 13, 4, &c. 7, 1. Âsvalầyana-Grihya I, 7, 7; Sankhâyana-Grıhya I, 13, 12.
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verse,) 'Tread on this stone ; like a stone be firm. Tread the foes down; turn away the enemies.'
2. He then sings a song : Sarasvati! Promote this (our undertaking), O gracious one, bountiful one, thou whom we sing first of all that is, in whom what is, has been born, in whom this whole world dwells—that song I will sing to-day which will be the highest glory of women.'
3. They then go round (the fire) with (the verse, which the bridegroom repeats)
"To thee they have in the beginning carried round Sûryâ (the Sun-bride) with the bridal procession. Mayst thou give back, Agni, to the husbands the wife together with offspring.'
4. Thus (the same rites are repeated) twice again, beginning from the fried grain.
5. The fourth time she pours the whole fried grain by the neb of a basket (into the fire) with (the words), · To Bhaga svâhâ !'
6. After he has led her round (the fire) three times, and has sacrificed the oblation to Pragâpati
KANDIKÂ 8. 1. Then he makes her step forward in a northern direction seven steps (with the words),
One for sap, two for juice, three for the prospering of wealth, four for comfort, five for cattle, six for the seasons. Friend! be with seven steps (united to me). So be thou devoted to me.'
4. See chap. 6, 1.
5. Comp. Khâdira-Grıhya I, 3: sårpena sishtân agnâv opya prâgudîkîm utkramayet. See also Gobhila II, 2; Âsvalâyana 1, 7, 14.
8, 1. The parallel texts have sakhâ and saptapadî for sakhe and saptapadâ of Paraskara.
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2. (The words), “May Vishnu lead thee' are added to every part (of the formula).
3. From the moment of their going away a man who holds a water-pot on his shoulder, stands silent to the south of the fire;
4. To the north, (according to the opinion) of some (teachers).
5. From that (pot) he sprinkles her (with water) on her head (with the formula),
The blessed, the most blessed waters, the peaceful ones, the most peaceful ones, may they give medicine to thee'
6. And with the three (verses), 'Ye waters are' (Vag. Samh. XI, 50-52).
7. He then makes her look at the sun with (the verse), “That eye' (Vâg. Samh. XXXVI, 24).
8. He then touches her heart, (reaching) over her right shoulder, with (the words), ‘Into my will I take thy heart; thy mind shall follow my mind; in my word thou shalt rejoice with all thy heart; may Pragâpati join thee to me.
9. He then recites over her (the verse),'Auspicious ornaments does this woman wear. Come up to her and behold her. Having brought luck to her, go away back to your houses.'
10. A strong man snatches her up from the
3. See above, I, 4, 15. The water mentioned here is designated as stheyâ âpah; see Sânkhâyana-Grihya I, 13, 5 seq.; Grihya-samgraha II, 26. 35.
8. See the note on Sânkhâyana-Grihya II, 3, 3. 9. Rig-veda X, 85, 33.
10. The Atharva-veda (XX, 127, 12) has the reading pra gâyadh vam instead of ni shidantu (in the first Pada); the second hemistich there runs thus : iho sahasradakshino spi Pashâ ni shidati.
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ground, and sets her down in an eastern or northern direction in an out-of-the-way house, on a red bull's hide, with (the words),
Here may the cows sit down, here the horses, here the men. Here may sacrifice with a thousand gifts, here may Pushan sit down.'
11. And what (the people in) the village tell them, that they should do.
12. For it is said, 'At weddings and funerals he shall enter the village ;'
13. (And) because the Sruti says, 'Therefore on these two occasions authority rests with the village.'
14. To the teacher (who helps at the wedding ceremonies) he gives an optional gift.
15. A cow is the optional gift to be given by a Brahmana,
16. A village by a Râganya, 17. A horse by a Vaisya.
18. A hundred (cows) with a chariot (he gives to a father) who has only daughters.
19. After sunset he shows her the firm star (i.e. the polar-star) with the words),
Firm art thou; I see thee, the firm one. Firm be thou with me, O thriving one!
12. I have ventured, differing from Professor Stenzler (Bei der Hochzeit und auf der Leichenstätte richte er sich nach dem Dorfe), to translate pravisatât according to its original meaning. Could this possibly be a rule for Vânaprasthas who live in the forest and enter the village only on exceptional occasions?
15-17. Sânkhâyana I, 14, 13 seqq. 18. Sânkhåyana I, 14, 16. Comp. the note there.
19. In the text the word 'firm' (dhruva) is neuter in the two first instances, and refers to the firm star;' the third time it is feminine, referring to the bride. Paraskara has the vocative poshye for the nominative poshyâ of Sânkhâyana I, 17, 3; comp. above, $ 1 sakhe for sakhâ.
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"To me Brihaspati has given thee; obtaining offspring through me, thy husband, live with me a hundred autumns.'
20. If she does not see (the polar-star), let her say notwithstanding, ' I see,' &c.
21. Through a period of three nights they shall eat no saline food; they shall sleep on the ground; through one year they shall refrain from conjugal intercourse, or through a period of twelve nights, or of six nights, or at least of three nights.
Kandik 9. 1. Beginning from the wedding the worshipping of the Aupâsana (i.e.sacred domestic) fire (is prescribed).
2. After sunset and before sunrise (the fire should 21. Sânkhâyana I, 17, 5. 6; Âsvalâyana I, 8, 10.11.
9, 1. The expression which I have translated 'beginning from the wedding' is upayamanaprabhriti. The Indian commentators and Professor Stenzler explain the term upayamana as implying a reference to the Sätra I, I, 4, upayamanan kusân âdâya (having taken up the Kusa blades with which he is to take hold of the lower surface of the Agya pot'). The worshipping of the domestic fire,' says Stenzler, following the native authorities, consists in the rites which have been prescribed above (I, I, 4), beginning from the word upayamana, i.e. in the taking up of the Kusa blades, the putting of wood on the fire, the sprinkling and sacrificing. As the rites preceding that word, such as the preparation of the sacrificial spoon (I, 1, 3), are hereby excluded, the oblations are offered with the hand.' It would be easy to show that the upaya manâh kusâh have nothing at all to do with the regular morning and evening oblations of which these Sûıras treat. The comparison of ÂsvalâyanaGrihya I, 9, I (see also Manu III, 67, &c.) leaves no doubt that upaya mana is to be understood here as derived from upayakkhati in its very frequent meaning of marrying. I have translated the Sûtra accordingly.
2. On the different statements of Vedic authors with regard to the proper time of the morning oblations, see Weber's Indische Studien, X, 329.
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be worshipped) with (oblations of) curds, (rice) grains, or fried grains.
3. (He sacrifices) in the evening with the formulas), 'To Agni svâhâ! To Pragâpati svâhâ !'
4. In the morning with (the formulas), 'To Surya svâhâ ! To Pragâpati svâhâ !'
5. "Men are both Mitra and Varuna; men are both the Asvins; men are Indra and Sarya. May a man be born in me! Again svâhâ !'—with (this verse) a wife who desires to conceive, (should offer) the first (oblation).
KANDIKA 10.
1. If (in the chariot) of a king the axle breaks, or something that is bound loosens itself, or the chariot is overturned, or if another accident happens, or (if one of these same things occurs) when a bride is carried home, he establishes the same fire, prepares Âgya, and sacrifices (two Agya oblations) separately with the two Mantras, “Here is joy' (Vág. Samh. VIII, 51 a).
2. Having got ready another chariot, he (i.e. the Purohita or the bridegroom) should make the king or the woman sit down thereon with (the formula), • In royal power' down to the word,' in sacrifice'
5. Comp. Sânkhâyana-Grıhya I, 17, 9, where the reading and the construction slightly differ. The words punah svâhâ at the end of the Mantra seem to be corrupt; the frequent repetition of pumâmsam and pumân through the whole verse suggests the correction pumse svâhâ, or pumbhyah svâ hâ, 'to the man svâhâ l' or 'to the men svâhâ !
10, 1. The same fire' is the senâgni (the fire belonging to the army) in the case of the king, the nuptial fire in the second case. The two Mantras are the two parts of Vâg. Samh. VIII, 51 a.
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(Vag. Samh. XX, 10), and with the (verse), • I have seized thee' (ibid. XII, 11).
3. The two beasts that draw the chariot, constitute the sacrificial fee.
4. (This is) the penance. 5. Then (follows) feeding of the Brâhmanas.
Kandik 11. 1. In the fourth night (after the wedding), towards morning, (the husband) establishes the fire within (the house), assigns his seat, to the south (of it), to the Brahman, places a pot of water to the north, cooks a mess of sacrificial food, sacrifices the two Âg ya portions, and makes (other) Âgya oblations with (the following Mantras):
2. 'Agni! Expiation! Thou art the expiation of the gods. 1, the Brâhmana, entreat thee, desirous of protection. The substance which dwells in her that brings death to her husband, that extirpate in her. Svâhâ !
Vayu ! Expiation! Thou art the expiation of the gods. 1, the Brâhmana, entreat thee, desirous of protection. The substance which dwells in her that brings death to her children, that extirpate in her. Svâhâ !
'Sarya! Expiation! Thou art the expiation of the gods. I, the Brâhmana, entreat thee, desirous of protection. The substance which dwells in her that brings death to cattle, that extirpate in her. Svâhâ !
'Kandra! Expiation! Thou art the expiation of the gods. I, the Brahmana, entreat thee, desirous
11, 2. Comp. Sânkhâyana-Grıhya I, 18, 3.
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of protection. The substance which dwells in her that brings destruction to the house, that extirpate in her. Svâhâ !
'Gandharva! Expiation! Thou art the expiation of the gods. I, the Brâhmana, entreat thee, desirous of protection. The substance which dwells in her that brings destruction to fame, that extirpate in her. Svâhâ !'
3. He sacrifices of the mess of cooked food with (the words), 'To Pragâpati svâhâ !'
4. Each time after he has sacrificed, he pours the remainder of the oblations into the water-pot, and out of that (pot) he besprinkles her on her head with (the words), 'The evil substance which dwells in thee that brings death to thy husband, death to thy children, death to cattle, destruction to the house, destruction to fame, that I change into one that brings death to thy paramour. Thus live with me to old age, N.N.!'
5. He then makes her eat the mess of cooked food with the words), 'I add breath to thy breath, bones to thy bones, flesh to thy flesh, skin to thy skin.'
6. Therefore one should not wish for sport with the wife of a Srotriya who knows this; for the other one is a person who knows this (and is thereby enabled to destroy a lover of his wife).
7. After he has led her to his house, he should cohabit with her after each of her monthly periods,
8. Or as he likes, because it has been said, 'May we have intercourse as we like, until a child is born.'
4. The water-pot is that mentioned in Sätra 1.
6. Satapatha Brahmana I, 6, 1, 18; XIV, 9, 4, 11 (=Brihad Aranyaka VI, 4, 12 ; Sacred Books of the East, vol. xv, p. 218). 8. Taittirîya Samhitâ II, 5, 1, 5.
[29]
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9. He then touches her heart, (reaching) over her right shoulder, with (the verse), 'O thou whose hair is well parted! Thy heart that dwells in heaven, in the moon, that I know; may it know me. May we see a hundred autumns; may we live a hundred autumns; may we hear a hundred autumns.'
10. In the same way afterwards.
KANDIKÂ 12. 1. At the beginning of each half-month he cooks a mess of sacrificial food, sacrifices to the deities of the festivals of the new and full moon (as stated in the Srauta ritual), and then sacrifices to the following deities: to Brahman, to Pragàpati, to the Visve devâs, and to Heaven and Earth.
2. To the Visve devâs a Bali is offered, to the domestic deities, and to Akasa (i.e. the Ether).
3. From the Vaisvadeva food he makes oblations in the fire with the formulas), ‘To Agni svâhâ ! To Pragâpati svâhâ! To the Visve devâs svâhâ ! To Agni Svishtakrit svâhâ !'
4. Outside (the house) the wife offers the Bali with (the formulas),'Adoration to the wife! Adoration to the man! To every time of life, adoration ! To the white one with the black teeth, the lord of the bad women, adoration!
*They who allure my offspring, dwelling in the village or in the forest, to them be adoration; I offer
9. See above, chap. 8, 8.
12, 1. Comp. Sânkhayana-Gríhya I, 3, 3. The deities of the corresponding Srauta festivals are, at the full moon, Agni and Agni-shomau; at the new moon, Agni, Vishnu, and Indragni.
2. Comp. below, II, 9; 3. 3. Sankhâyana-Grihya II, 14, 3, 4.
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a Bali to them. Be welfare to me! May they give me offspring
5. The remainder he washes out with water. Then (follows) feeding of the Brâhmanas.
Kandik 13. 1. If she does not conceive, he should, after having fasted, under (the Nakshatra) Pushya, lay down (in his house) the root of a white-blooming Simhi plant, and on the fourth day, after (his wife) has bathed, he should in the night-time crush it in water and insert it into her right nostril with (the verse), 'This herb is protecting, overcoming, and powerful. May I, the son of this great (mother), obtain the name of a father!'
KANDIKÂ 14. 1. Now the Pumsavana (i.e. the ceremony to secure the birth of a male child),
2. Before (the child in his mother's womb) moves, in the second or third month (of pregnancy).
3. On a day on which the moon stands in conjunction with a Nakshatra (that has a name) of masculine gender, on that day, after having caused (his wife) to fast, to bathe, and to put on two garments which have not yet been washed, and after having in the night-time crushed in water descending roots and shoots of a Nyagrodha tree, he inserts that into her right nostril) as above, with the two (verses),
13, 1. I have translated according to the reading of a similar Mantra found in the Atharva-veda (VIII, 2, 6), which no doubt is correct, sahasvatî instead of sarasvati. 14, 3. The words as above' refer to chap. 13, 1.
U 2
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• The gold-child' (Vâg. Samh. XIII, 4) and · Formed of water' (ibid. XXXI, 17);
4. A Kusa needle and a Soma stalk, according to some (teachers).
5. And he puts gall of a tortoise on her lap.
If he desires, ‘May (the son) become valiant,' he recites over him (i.e. over the embryo), modifying the rite (?), “The Suparna art thou’(Våg. Samh. XII, 4), (the Yagus) before (the formulas called) 'steps of Vishnu.
KANDIKÂ 15. 1. Now the Simantonnayana (or parting of the pregnant wife's hair).
2. (It is performed) like the Pumsavana ;
3. In her first pregnancy, in the sixth or eighth month.
4. After he has cooked a mess of sacrificial food, containing sesamum and Mudga beans, and has sacrificed to Pragâpati, he parts for the wife, who is seated to the west of the fire on a soft chair, her hair upwards (i.e. beginning from the front) with a bunch containing an even number of unripe Udumbara
4. Comp. Sânkhâyana-Grihya I, 20, 3.
5. The commentators state that kûrmapitta (gall of tortoise) means 'a dish with water. I place no confidence in this statement, though I cannot show at present what its origin is. I am not sure about the translation of vikrityâ (or vikritya ?). But it seems impossible to me that it should be the name of the metre Vikriti. 'Steps of Vishnu' is a name for the Yagus following in the Samhita on the one prescribed in this Satra. It begins, Vishnu's step art thou, &c.' (Vâg. Samh. XII, 5).
15, 2. I. e. the Nakshatra under which the ceremony is performed, should be of male gender; the wife is to fast, &c. (see chap. 14, 3).
4. Sânkhâyana-Grıhya I, 22, 8; Âsvalâyana I, 14, 4.
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fruits, and with three bunches of Darbha grass, with a porcupine's quill that has three white spots, with a stick of Viratara wood, and with a full spindle, with the words, 'Bhar bhuvah svah.'
5. Or (he parts the hair once) with each of the (three) Mahâvyâhritis.
6. He ties (the Udumbara fruits, &c.) to a string of three twisted threads with (the words), 'Rich in sap is this tree; like the tree, rich in sap, be thou fruitful.'
7. (The husband) then says to two lute-players, 'Sing ye the king, or if anybody else is still more valiant.
8. Here some also prescribe a certain stanza (to be sung by the lute-players): 'Soma alone is our king. May these human tribes dwell on thy banks, O (river) whose dominion is unbroken, N.N.!'—here he names the name of the river near which they dwell.
9. Then (follows) feeding of the Brâhmanas.
KANDIKÂ 16. 1. Soshyantîm adbhir abhyukshaty egatu dasamâsya iti (Våg. Samh. VIII, 28) prâg yasyai ta iti (ibid. 29).
2. Athâvarâvapatanam, avaitu prisni sevalam sune garâyv attave, naiva mâmsena pivari na kasmims kanâyatam ava garayu padyatâm iti.
3. When the boy is born, he performs for him, before the navel-string is cut off, the medhaganana
6. Sânkhâyana I, 22, 10. 7. Sânkhayana 1. 1. SŚ 11, 12 ; Âsvalâyana 1. 1. $ 6.
8. Âsvalâyana l. 1. § 7. I take avimuktakakre to be the vocative of the feminine.
16, 1. Satapatha Brâhmana XIV, 9, 4, 22. 2. Atharva-veda I, 11, 4.
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(production of intelligence) and the âyushya (rite for procuring long life).
4. (The medhaganana is performed in the following way :) With his fourth finger and with an instrument of) gold he gives (to the child) honey and ghee, or ghee (alone), to eat with (the formulas), • Bhah I put into thee ; bhuvah I put into thee; svah I put into thee. Bhûr bhuvah svah everything I put into thee.'
5. He then performs the â yushya.
6. Near his navel or his right ear he murmurs: 'Agni is long-lived; through the trees he is longlived. By that long life I make thee long-lived.
Soma is long-lived ; through the herbs he is, &c. 'The Brahman is long-lived; through the Brâhmanas it is, &c.
'The gods are long-lived; through ambrosia (amrita) they are, &c.
'The Rishis are long-lived; through their observances they are, &c.
*The Fathers are long-lived; through the Svadhâ oblations (or oblations made to the Manes) they are, &c.
'Sacrifice is long-lived ; through sacrificial fee it is, &c.
The ocean is long-lived; through the rivers it is long-lived. By that long life I make thee long-lived;'
7. And three times the verse, ' The threefold age' (Vâg. Sanıh. III, 62).
8. If he desires, ‘May he live his full term of
4. Comp. Satapatha Brahmana XIV, 9, 4, 23 seqq. (Brihad Aranyaka VI, 4, 24 seqq.; S. B. E., XV, 222 seq.). The text has anâmikayâ suvarnântarhitayâ, which literally is : with the nameless (or fourth) finger, between which (and the food) gold has been put.
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life,' he should touch him with the Vâtsapra hymn (Vâg. Samh. XII, 18–29).
9. From the Anuvâka beginning with 'From heaven' (XII, 18 seqq.) he omits the last Rik (XII, 29).
295
10. Having placed five Brahmanas towards the (five) regions, he should say to them, ' Breathe ye upon this (child).'
II. The (Brahmana placed) to the east should say, 'Up-breathing!'
12. The one to the south, 'Back-breathing!' 13. The one to the west, 'Down-breathing!' 14. The one to the north, 'Out-breathing!' 15. The fifth one, looking upwards, should say, 'On-breathing!'
16. Or (the father) may do that himself, going round (his child), if he can find no (Brâhmanas).
17. He recites over the place at which (the child) is born: 'I know, O earth, thy heart that dwells in heaven, in the moon. That I know; may it know me. May we see a hundred autumns; may we live a hundred autumns; may we hear a hundred autumns.'
18. He then touches him with (the verse), 'Be a stone, be an axe, be imperishable gold. Thou indeed art the Self called son; thus live a hundred autumns.'
II seqq. In translating the technical terms for the different kinds of breath, I adopt the expressions chosen by Professor Max Müller, S. B. E., XV, 94. As to the whole rite, comp. Satap. Br. XI, 8, 3, 6.
17. Comp. above, I, 11, 9. The comparison of the parallel Mantra leaves scarcely any doubt that veda (the first word of the verse) is the first, not the third person, and bhumi the vocative case. Compare the vocative darvi of the Vâg. Samhitâ, while the Atharva-veda has darve. Lanman, Noun-Inflection, p. 390. 18. Satapatha Brahmana XIV, 9, 4, 26; Âsvalâyana I, 15, 3.
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19. He then recites over his mother (the verse), * Thou art Idâ, the daughter of Mitra and Varuna ; thou strong woman hast born a strong son. Be thou blessed with strong children, thou who hast blessed us with a strong son.'
20. He then washes her right breast, and gives it to the child with (the verse), · This breast' (Vâg. Samh. XVII, 87);
21. The left (breast) with (the verse), 'Thy breast which '(ibid. XXXVIII, 5)—with these two (verses).
22. He puts down a pot of water near her head with (the verse), O waters, you watch with the gods. As you watch with the gods, thus watch over this mother who is confined, and her child.'
23. Having established near the door the fire that has been kept from (the wife's) confinement, he throws into that fire at the time of the morning and evening twilight, until (the mother) gets up (from childbed), mustard seeds mixed with rice chaff (pronouncing the following names of demons and goblins): * May Sanda and Marka, Upavira, Saundikeya, Ulakhala, Malimluka, Dronâsa, Kyavana vanish hence. Svâhâ !
'May Âlikhat, Animisha, Kimvadanta, Upasruti, Haryaksha, Kumbhin, Satru, Pâtrapâni, Nrimani, Hantrimukha, Sarshapâruna, Kyavana vanish hence. Svâhâ !'
24. If (the demon bringing disease) Kumâra attacks the boy, the father covers him with a net
19. Satapatha Brâhmana l. 1. § 27. Comp. Professor Max Müller's note, S.B.E., XV, 223 seq.
21. Satapatha Brâhmana l. 1. § 28.
23. On the sûtikâgni, comp. Satap. Br. l. 1. § 23; SânkhâyanaGrihya I, 25, 6, &c.
24. Kûrkura seems to me, and this is also Professor Stenzler's
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I KANDA, 17 KANDIKA, 4.
or with an upper garment, takes him on his lap, and murmurs: 'Kurkura, Sukûrkura, Kûrkura, who holds fast children. Ket! ket! doggy! let him loose. Reverence be to thee, the Sisara, barker, bender.
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'That is true that the gods have given a boon to thee. Hast thou then chosen even this boy?
'Ket! ket! doggy! let him loose. Reverence be to thee, the Sisara, barker, bender.
'That is true that (the divine she-dog) Saramâ is thy mother, Sisara thy father, the black and the speckled (two dogs of Yama) thy brothers.
'Ket! ket! doggy! let him loose. Reverence be to thee, the Sisara, barker, bender.'
25. He then touches (the boy) with (the words), 'He does not suffer, he does not cry, he is not stiff, he is not sick, when we speak to him and when we touch him.'
KANDIKA 17.
1. On the tenth day (after the birth of the child) the father, having made (his wife) get up, and having fed the Brahmanas, gives a name (to the child),
2. Of two syllables, or of four syllables, beginning with a sonant, with a semivowel in it, with a long vowel (or) the Visarga (at its end), with a Krit (suffix), not with a Taddhita;
3. With an uneven number of syllables, ending in â, with a Taddhita (suffix) to a girl.
4. (The name) of a Brahmana (should end in)
opinion, identical with kurkura, kukkura ('dog'). The Petersburg Dictionary explains it, 'Name eines die Kinder bedrohenden Dämons (vielleicht eine Personification des Hustens).'
17, 1. Comp. Gobhila II, 8, 14; Âsvalâyana I, 15, 4.
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sarman (for inst. Vishnusarman), that of a Kshatriya in varman (for inst. Lakshmivarman), that of a Vaisya in gupta (for inst. Kandragupta).
5. In the fourth month (follows) the going out.
6. He makes (the child) look at the sun, pronouncing (the verse), “That eye' (Vág. Samhita XXXVI, 24).
KANDIKA 18. 1. When he returns from a journey, he approaches his house in the manner stated above.
2. When he sees his son, he murmurs, 'From limb by limb thou art produced; out of the heart thou art born. Thou indeed art the Self called son; so live a hundred autumns !'
3. He then kisses his head with (the words), With the himkâra (the mystical syllable hin) of Pragâpati, which gives thousandfold life, I kiss thee, N. N.! Live a hundred autumns !'—
4. And three times with the words), With the himkâra of the cows.'
5. In his right ear he murmurs, ‘Bestow on us, O bountiful, onward-pressing Indra, plentiful, rich treasures. Give us a hundred autumns to live; give us many heroes, strong-jawed Indra ;'
6. In the left ear, 'Indra, bestow on us the best treasures, insight of mind, happiness, increase of wealth, health of our bodies, sweetness of speech, and that our days may be good days.'
7. For a girl he only kisses the head silently. 18, 1. See Kâtyâyana, Srauta-sûtra IV, 12, 22 seq.: With the words, House, be not afraid,' &c. (Vâg. Samh. III, 41) he approaches the house. With, “For peace you' (III, 43) he enters it. 5. Rig-veda III. 36, 1o.
6. Rig-veda II, 21, 6.
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KANDIKÂ 19. 1. In the sixth month the Annaprâsana (or first feeding with solid food).
2. Having cooked a mess of sacrificial food, and sacrificed the two Âgyabhagas, he offers two Agya oblations, (the first with the verse,) 'The gods have generated the goddess Speech; manifold animals speak her forth. May she, the sweet-sounding, the cow that (for milk) gives sap and juice to us, Speech, the highly-praised one, come to us. Svâhâ !'
3. And the second (oblation) with (the verse), May vigour us to-day' (Vâg. Samhitâ XVIII, 33).
4. He then sacrifices (four oblations) of cooked food with (the formulas),
“Through up-breathing may I enjoy food. Svâhâ !
'Through down-breathing may I enjoy smells. Svâhâ !
'Through my eye may I enjoy visible things. Svâhâ !
Through my ear may I enjoy renown. Svâhâ !' 5. After he has eaten (himself), he should set apart food of all kinds, and of all different sorts of flavour,and should give it to him (i.e. to his son) to eat,
6. Silently or with (the word), 'Hanta' i.e. Well!). For it is said in the Sruti, 'Men (live on) the word hanta.'
7. (He feeds the child) with Alesh of (the bird called) Bhâradvậgi, if he wishes (to the child) fluency of speech,
8. With flesh of partridge, if abundance of nourishment,
2. Rig-veda VIII, 100, 11.
6. Brihad Aranyaka V, 8.
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9. With fish, if swiftness, 10. (With flesh) of (the bird) Krikashâ, if long life,
II. (With flesh) of (the bird) Ati, if desirous of holy lustre,
12. With all, if desirous of all.
13. Or each (sort of) food one by one. Then (follows) feeding of the Brâhmanas, or each (sort of) food one by one. Then feeding of the Brâhmanas.
End of the First Kânda.
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KÂnda II, KANDIKÂ 1. 1. When (the son) is one year old, the Kadakarana (i.e. the tonsure of his head, should be performed),
2. Or before the lapse of the third (year).
3. When he is sixteen years old, the Kesânta (i.e. the shaving of his beard, is to be done),
4. Or, according as it is considered auspicious by all (the different families).
5. After food has been distributed to the Brâhmanas, the mother takes the boy, bathes him, puts on him an under and an upper garment which have not yet been washed, and putting him on her lap, she sits down to the west of the fire.
6. The father taking hold (of his wife) sacrifices Agya oblations, and after he has partaken of the (sacrificial) food, he pours warm water into cold water with (the words), With warm water come hither, Vâyu! Aditi, cut the hair.'
7. At the Kesânta ceremony (Satra 3), 'hair and beard' (instead of hair ').
8. He throws a piece of fresh butter, or of ghee, or some curds into it (i.e. into the water, Satra 6).
9. Taking some (water) he moistens the hair near the right ear with (the formula), 'On the impulse of Savitri may the divine waters moisten
1, 6. I see no reason why we should not take Aditi for the name of the goddess. Comp. Atharva-veda VI, 68, 2: Aditih smastu vapatu. Asvalâyana-Grihya I, 17, 7. Stenzler translates: Ungebundener, die Haare schneide.
9. The text has, dakshinam godånam undati. The commentary on Katyayana V, 2, 14 explains dakshina godâna : dakshinakarnasamipavartinam sirahpradesam. Sâyana on Satapatha Brahmana III, 1, 2, 4 (p. 323, ed. Weber): godânam nâma karnasyopari pradesah. The Mantra reoccurs in Kâtyâyana, loc. cit.-Savitrâ
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thy body in order that long life and splendour may be thine.'
10. Having unravelled (the hair) with a porcupine's quill that has three white spots, he puts three young Kusa shoots into it with (the formula), ‘Herb' (Vâg. Samh. IV, 1).
11. Taking up a copper razor with (the formula), Friendly by name' (Vâg. Samh. III, 63 a), he cuts (the hair) with (the formula), 'I cut off' (ibid. 63b), (and with the formula,) The razor with which Savitri, the knowing one, has shaven (the beard) of king Soma and Varuna, with that, ye Brahmanas, shave his (head), in order that he may be blessed with long life and may reach old age.'
12. Cutting off (the Kusa shoots) together with the hair, he throws them on a lump of bull's dung which they keep northwards of the fire.
13. In the same way two other times silently.
14. The moistening and the other rites are repeated with the two other (tufts of hair).
15. Behind with (the verse), “The threefold age' (Vâg. Samh. III, 62).
16. Then on the left side with (the verse), · With that prayer by which mayst thou, a mighty one, go to heaven, and long mayst thou see the sun : with that prayer I shave thee for the sake of life, of existence, of glory, of welfare.' prasûtâh should not be translated as Prof. Stenzler does : von Sav. erzeugt, but: von Sav, angetrieben.
10. This Sûtra is identical with Kâtyâyana-Sraut. V, 2, 15.
II. Compare Kityayana 1. 1. $ 17. The Mantra, Vậg. Samh. III, 63 b, is that given by Kâtyâyana, the following one is that which the other Grihya texts prescribe.
16. See the various readings of the Mantra given by Professor Stenzler, p. 53 of his critical annotations, and compare ÂsvalâyanaGrihya I, 17, 13.
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17. Three times he shaves round the head, from left to right;
18. Including the face, at the Kesânta ceremony. 19. (He recites the verse,) When the shaver shaves his hair with the razor, the wounding, the well-shaped, purify his head, but do not take away his life.'
20. He adds (the word), 'his face' at the Kesânta
"
ceremony.
21. With that water (Sûtras 6, 8) he moistens his head, and gives the razor to the barber with (the words), 'Without wounding him, shave him.'
22. The locks of hair which are left over, are to be arranged as it is considered auspicious (in his family).
23. Having put away that lump of dung with the hair so that it is hidden in a cow-stable, or in a small pond, or in the vicinity of water, he gives an optional gift to the teacher;
24. A cow at the Kesânta ceremony.
25. After the Kesânta has been performed, (the youth) should observe chastity and should not be shaven through one year, or twelve nights, or six nights, or at least three nights.
KANDIKA 2.
1. He should initiate a Brâhmana, when he is eight years old, or in the eighth year after the conception,
2. A Râganya, when he is eleven years old,
19. Âsvalâyana 1. 1. § 16; Atharva-veda VIII, 2, 17.
20. He repeats the Mantra, given in Sûtra 19, in this form: 'When the shaver shaves his hair and his face,' &c.
23. See above, Sutra 12.
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3. A Vaisya, when he is twelve years old.
4. Or according as it is considered auspicious by all (the different families).
5. He should feed the Brahmanas. And they lead him (i.e. the boy who is to be initiated) on, with his head shaven all round, and decked with ornaments.
6. (The teacher) makes him place himself to the west of the fire and say, 'I have come hither for the sake of studentship (brahmakarya).' And, 'I will be a student (brahmakârin). .
7. He then makes him put on a garment with (the verse), 'In the way in which Brihaspati put the garment of immortality on Indra, thus I put this garment) on thee, for the sake of long life, of old age, of strength, of splendour.'
8. He ties round him the girdle with (the verse which the youth recites), “Here has come to me, keeping away evil words, purifying my kind as a purifyer, clothing herself, by (the power of) inhalation and exhalation, with strength, this sisterly goddess, this blessed girdle.'
9. Or, A youth, well attired, dressed, came hither. He, being born, becomes glorious. Wise sages extol him, devout ones, turning their minds to the gods.'
10. Or silently. 11. He gives him the staff.
6 seqq. Comp. Satapatha Brâhmana XI, 5, 4.
8. The commentators differ as to whether the Âkârya or the youth should recite the verse. The comparison of Sânkhayana II, 2, I would rather tend to show that it is the teacher, but Gobhila II, 10 says expressly : athainam trih pradakshinam muñgamekhalâm pariharan vâkayatîyam duruktât paribâdhamânety ritasya goptrîti vâ.
9. Rig-veda III, 8, 4. The verse is originally addressed to Agni.
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12. (The student) accepts it with (the verse), ‘My staff which fell down to the ground in the open air, that I take up again for the sake of long life, of holiness, of holy lustre.'
13. According to some (teachers he accepts the staff) in the way prescribed for the inauguration, because it is said, 'He enters upon a long Sattra (or sacrificial period).'
14. (The teacher) then with his joined hands fills (the student's) joined hands with water with the three (verses), 'Ye waters are' (Vâg. Samh. XI, 50 seqq.).
15. He then makes him look at the sun with (the verse), 'That eye' (Våg. Samh. XXXVI, 24).
16. He then touches his heart, (reaching) over his right shoulder, with (the words), 'Into my will I take thy heart, &c.'
17. He then seizes (the student's) right hand and says, 'What is thy name?'
18. He replies, 'I am N. N., sir !'
19. He then says to him, 'Whose pupil (brahmakârin) art thou?'
20. After (the student) has said, 'Yours!'—(the
13. Satapatha Brahmana XI, 3, 3, 2: He enters upon a long Sattra, who enters upon Brahmakarya.' The student, when being initiated, ought to behave, consequently, in the same way as those who receive the inauguration (dîksha) for a long Sattra. This is the meaning of this Satra. The rules regarding the staff handed over by the Adhvaryu to the Yagamâna at the dîkshâ ceremony are given by Kâtyâyana, Srauta-sūtra VII, 4, 1-4.
15. See above, I, 8, 7. 16. See above, I, 8, 8. 17 seqq. Comp. Satapatha Brâhmana XI, 5, 4, 1 seqq.
20. The words I am thy teacher' are omitted in one of Professor Stenzler's MSS. and in his translation. But they are given in the parallel passage of the Satapatha Brahmana. The
[29]
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teacher replies,) 'Indra's pupil art thou; Agni is thy teacher; I am thy teacher, N. N.!'
21. He then gives him in charge to living beings with (the formulas), 'To Pragâpati I give thee in charge. To the god Savitri I give thee in charge. To the waters, the herbs I give thee in charge. To Heaven and Earth I give thee in charge. To the Visve devâs I give thee in charge. To all beings I give thee in charge for the sake of freedom from harm.'
KANDIKA 3.
1. Having walked round the fire with his right side turned towards it, he sits down.
2. Taking hold (of the student), he sacrifices the Âgya oblations, and after having partaken (of the remains of the sacrificial food) he instructs him, 'A student art thou. Take water. Do the service. Do not sleep in the day-time. Keep silence. Put fuel on (the fire). Take water.'
3. He then recites the Sâvitri to him, who is seated to the north of the fire, with his face to the west, sitting near the teacher, and looks (at the teacher), while (the teacher) looks at him;
4. Some say, to (the student) who is standing or seated to the south (of the fire);
5. Pâda by Pâda, (then) hemistich by hemistich, and the third time the whole (verse), reciting it together (with the student);
parallel passage in Sânkhâyana (Grihya II, 3, 1) also runs thus: Agnir âkâryas tava, asâv, aham kobhau.
3, I seqq. Comp. the corresponding section of the Satapatha Brahmana XI, 5, 4, 6 seqq.
4. Satapatha Brâhmana l. 1. § 14.
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6. After one year, or after six months, or after twenty-four days, or after twelve days, or after six days, or after three days.
7. To a Brâhmana, however, he should recite a (Sâvitri) verse in the Gayatri metre immediately. For it is said in the Sruti, 'To Agni indeed belongs the Brâhmana.'
8. A Trishtubh verse to a Râganya, 9. A Gagati to a Vaisya, 10. Or a Gâyatri to (persons of) all (castes).
KANDIKÂ 4. 1. Now the putting on of fuel.
2. He wipes with his hand (the ground) round the fire with (the formula), 'Agni, glorious one, make me glorious. As thou, glorious Agni, art glorious, thus, O glorious one, bring me to glory. As thou, Agni, art the preserver of the treasure of sacrifice for the gods, thus may I become the preserver of the treasure of the Veda for men.'
3. Having sprinkled (water) round the fire from left to right, he stands up and puts a piece of wood on (the fire) with (the texts),
'To Agni I have brought a piece of wood, to the great Gatavedas. As thou, Agni, art inflamed by wood, thus I am inflamed by life, insight, vigour, offspring, cattle, holy lustre.
* May my teacher be the father of living sons; may I be full of insight, not forgetful (of what I have learned); may I become full of glory, of splendour, of holy lustre, an enjoyer of food. Svâhâ !
7. Satapatha Brâhmana l. 1. § 12. 4, 2. Comp. Âsvalâyana-Grıhya I, 22, 21. 3. As to anirâkarishnu, comp. anirâkarana below, III, 16.
X2
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4. In the same way (he puts on) a second (piece of wood); and thus a third.
5. Or (each piece) with (the verse), 'Thine is this' (Vâg. Samh. II, 14).
6. Or (he uses) both (this verse and the formulas given in Satra 3).
7. The wiping and sprinkling (of water) round (the fire are repeated) as above.
8. Having warmed his two hands, he wipes his mouth with (the formulas) :
'Agni, thou art the protector of bodies. Protect my body. Agni, thou art the giver of life. Give me life. Agni, thou art the giver of vigour. Give me vigour.
'Agni, what is deficient in my body, that restore to fulness.
May the god Savitri bestow insight on me, may the goddess Sarasvati, may the two divine Asvins, wreathed with lotus, (bestow) insight (on me).
KANDIKÂ 5. 1. Here (follows the student's) going the rounds for alms.
2. A Brâhmana should beg, addressing (the woman from whom he begs alms) with the word 'Lady' put at the beginning (of his request),
3. A Râganya, with the word 'Lady' inserted in the middle,
4. A Vaisya, with the word Lady' put at the end.
5. (He should beg) from three women who will not refuse ;
7. See above, Sûtras 2, 3.
5, 2-4. Comp. Âpastamba I, 3, 28 seqq. (S. B. E., II, p. 12); Manu II, 49. &c. The Brâhmana says, 'Lady, give alms;' the Kshatriya, 'Give, lady, alms;' the Vaisya, "Give alms, lady.'
5. Asvalâyana-Gríhya I, 22, 7.
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6. From six, twelve, or an indefinite number. 7. From his own mother first, according to some (teachers).
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8. Having announced the alms received to his teacher, he should stand, keeping silence, through the rest of the day, according to some.
9. Having fetched fire-wood out of the forest without damaging (trees), he should put them on that fire as above, and should abandon his silence.
10. He should sleep on the ground and eat no pungent or saline food.
II. Wearing the staff, worshipping the fire, being obedient to his Guru, going the rounds for alms(these are the standing duties of students).
12. He should avoid honey or flesh, bathing (for pleasure), sitting on high seats, going to women, falsehood, and taking what is not given to him.
13. Let him live forty-eight years as a student for the (four) Vedas,
14. Or twelve years for each Veda,
15. Or until he has learnt it.
16. The garment (of a student) should be made of hemp, flax, or wool (accordingly as he is a Brâhmana, a Kshatriya, or a Vaisya).
17. The upper garment of a Brâhmana should be an antelope-skin,
18. That of a Râganya the skin of a spotted deer,
8. Asvalâyana 1. 1. §§ 10, 11.
9. The meaning is, he should not break off branches, but only gather such as have fallen off. The words 'as above' refer to chap. 4.
12. Gautama II, 13; Âpastamba I, 2, 23. 28–30. 21. 26. 13-15. Comp. Âpastamba I, 2, 12 seqq.; Âsvalâyana I, 22, 3.
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19. That of a Vaisya a goat's or cow's skin.
20. Or if (the prescribed sort of garment) is not to be had, a cow's hide (should be worn) by all, because to that belongs the first place (among all kinds of garments).
21. The girdle of a Brâhmana should be of Muñga grass,
22. That of a Kshatriya should be a bowstring,
23. That of a Vaisya, made of Märvå (i.e. Sanseveria Roxburghiana).
24. If there is no Muñga (or the other articles prescribed in g$ 22, 23, the girdles should be made) of Kusa grass, of the plant Asmantaka, or of Balbaga grass (respectively).
25. The staff of a Brâhmana is of Palâsa wood, 26. That of a Râganya of Bilva wood, 27. That of a Vaisya of Udumbara wood. 28. Or all (sorts of staffs may be used) by all.
29. If the teacher calls him, he shall rise and then answer.
30. If (the teacher calls him) while he is lying down, (he should answer) sitting; if sitting, standing; if standing, walking up (to the teacher); if walking up, running up.
31. If he behaves thus, his fame when he has become a Snâtaka (i. e. when he has taken the bath at the end of his studentship) will be (such that people will say of him), 'To-day he stays there; to-day he stays there.'
32. There are three (kinds of) Snâtakas: a Vidyasnâtaka (i. e. a Snâtaka by knowledge), a Vrata
24. Manu II, 43.
32-35. Comp. Âpastamba I, 30, 1-3; Manu IV, 31. The term of the vows extends through forty-eight (or thirty-six, &c.)
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snataka (i.e. a Snataka by the completion of his vows), and a Vidyâ-vrata-snataka (i.e. a Snataka both by knowledge and by the completion of his vows).
33. He who performs the Samåvartana ceremony, after having finished the study of the Veda, but before the time of his vows has expired, is a Vidyâ-snataka.
34. He who performs the Samâvartana, after his vows have expired, but before he has finished the study of the Veda, is a Vrata-snataka.
35. He who performs the Samâvartana, after having finished both, is a Vidya-vrata-snataka.
36. Until the sixteenth year the time (for being initiated) has not passed for a Brâhmana,
37. Until the twenty-second for a Râganya, 38. Until the twenty-fourth for a Vaisya.
39. After that (time has passed), they become patitasåvitrika (or persons who have lost the right of learning the Sâvitri).
40. No one should initiate such men, nor teach them, nor perform sacrifices for them, nor have intercourse with them.
41. After the time has passed, (they should do) as has been prescribed.
42. A person whose ancestors through three generations have been patitasâvitrikas, is excluded
years; see above, Sätras 13 and 14, and below, chap. 6, 2. 3. The Samâvartana is the returning home of the student at the end of his studentship.
36-40. Asvalâyana-Grihya I, 19, 5 seqq. &c.
41. The general rule here alluded to is, according to the commentators, that given by Kâtyâyana, Srauta-sâtra XXV, 1, 12, 13. There it is stated which expiatory oblations have to precede, when a rite that has not been performed, or that has been incorrectly performed, is to be performed for good.
42. Those who have not been initiated in due time, may act as
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from the sacrament (of initiation) and from being taught the Veda.
43. Of such persons those who desire to receive the sacrament, may perform the sacrifice of Vrâtyastoma and then study the Veda, if they like. For (of persons who have done that it is said, “Intercourse with them is permitted.'
KANDIKÂ 6. 1. When he has finished the Veda, he should take the bath (by which he becomes a Snataka);
2. Or when (he has gone through) a studentship of forty-eight years;
3. Or also after (a studentship) of twelve years, according to some (teachers).
4. (Let him take the bath only) if his Guru has given his permission.
5. Rules (regarding the performance of sacrifices), (texts) to be used (at the sacrifices according to those rules), and reasoning (on the meaning of the rites and texts): that is the Veda.
6. Some say (that the Veda should be studied) with its six Angas;
stated in Sätra 41. But if the omission has been perpetuated through three generations, the descendant of such persons is subject to the rules stated in Sutras 42 and 43.
43. Kâtyâyana, after having given the rules on the Vrâtyastoma sacrifice (see Weber, Indische Literaturgeschichte, 2nd edition, pp. 73 seq.), says: 'Intercourse with them (who have performed that sacrifice) is permitted' (Sraut. XXII, 4, 28).
6, 2. See above, chap. 5, 13. 3. See chap. 5, 14. 5. The expressions of the text for the three categories are, vidhi, vidheya, tarka.
6. I. e. with the supplementary treatises on ritual, grammar, astronomy, etymology, pronunciation of the Mantras, and metrics.
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7. Not so that he only knows the ceremonial.
8. But optionally by one who knows the sacrifices (the bath may be taken).
9. (The student) after having embraced (the feet of) his teacher, and put the pieces of wood on the fire, places himself northwards of an enclosure, on eastward-pointed Kusa grass, to the east of eight vessels with water.
10. The fires that dwell in the waters; the fire which must be hidden, the fire which must be covered, the ray of light, the fire which kills the mind, the unwavering one, the pain-causing one, the destroyer of the body, the fire which kills the organs -those I leave behind. The shining one, that I seize here'—with (this formula) he draws water out of one (of the eight vessels);
11. With that he besprinkles himself with (the words), 'Therewith I besprinkle myself for the sake of prosperity, of glory, of holiness, of holy lustre.'
12. (A second time he draws water out of a second of the eight vessels with the formula given in Satra 10, putting instead of the words, 'The shining one, &c.,' the verse): 'By which you have created prosperity, by which you have touched surâ, with which you have anointed the eyes, which is your glory, O Asvins.'
10. As to the names of the eight hostile powers of Agni, comp. Sankhayana-Grihya V, 2; Atharva-veda XIV, I, 38; XVI, 1; Mantrabrâhmana I, 7, 1.
12. The reading of the Mantra seems to be corrupt. Compare the form in which it is given by Bhavadeva, quoted in Professor Stenzler's note on this Satra. Instead of sriyam we have probably to read, as Bhavadeva has, striyam; instead of a kshyau, akshân. Professor Stenzler very pertinently compares Atharva-veda XIV, I, 35. 36. Comp. also Mantrabrâhmana I, 7, 5.
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13. (And he draws water out of three other vessels) with (the three verses), Ye waters are' (Vâg. Samh. XI, 50-52), verse by verse.
14. With (water drawn out of) the three other (vessels he besprinkles himself) silently.
15. Having loosened his girdle with (the verse), 'The highest band' (Vâg. Samh. XII, 12), having put it down, having put on another garment, he worships the sun
16. With (the formulas), 'Rising, bearing a shining spear, Indra stands with the Maruts; he stands with the gods who walk in the morning. Thou art a tenfold winner; make me a tenfold winner. Make me
attain to renown.
314
'Rising, bearing a shining spear, Indra stands with the Maruts; he stands with the gods who walk in day-time. Thou art a hundredfold winner; make me a hundredfold winner. Make me attain to renown.
'Rising, bearing a shining spear, Indra stands with the Maruts; he stands with the gods who walk in the evening. Thou art a thousandfold winner;
make me a thousandfold winner. Make me attain to renown.'
17. Having eaten curds or sesamum seeds, and having had his matted hair, the hair of his body, and his nails cut, he should cleanse his teeth with an Udumbara branch with (the verse), 'Array yourselves for the enjoyment of food. Here has come king Soma: he will purify my mouth with glory and fortune.'
16. In the Mantra the Pâraskara MSS. give bhrâgabhrishnuh and bhrâgabhrishtih, and the Gobhila MSS. (Grihya III, 4) bhrâgabhrishibhih. Possibly the instrumental case is right. Böhtlingk and Roth propose to read bhrâgadrishtih.
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18. Having anointed himself and bathed again, he takes up the salve for nose and mouth with (the words), 'Satiate my up-breathing and down-breathing; satiate my eye; satiate my ear!'
19. Having poured out to the south the water with which he has washed his hands, with (the words), “Ye fathers, become pure,' he should salve himself and murmur, “May I become well-looking with my eyes, well-shining with my face, well-hearing with my ears.'
20. He then should put on a garment which has not yet been washed, or not been soaked in lie, with (the formula), 'For the sake of putting on, of bringing fame, of long life I shall reach old age. I live a hundred long autumns. For the sake of the increase of wealth I will clothe myself.'
21. Then the upper garment with (the verse), With glory (come) to me, Heaven and Earth. With glory, Indra and Brihaspati! May glory and fortune come to me! may glory be my lot!'
22. If (he has only) one (garment), he should cover himself (with a part of that garment as if it were an upper garment) with the second part of the former (Mantra; Satra 20).
23. He takes flowers with (the formula), '(The
20. Comp. Kâtyâyana, Srauta-sûtra VII, 2, 18, to which Sätra Professor Stenzler refers.
22. I give this translation merely as tentative. Professor Stenzler translates: Wenn er nur Ein Gewand hat, so bedecke er sich noch einmal) mit dem oberen Theile des zuerst angelegten. Gayarâma (MS. Chambers 373) says : ekam ket tatrapi paridhânamantram pathitva vastrârdham paridhaya dvir akamya uttarardhe grihîtvå uttarîyam [sic] mantram pathitvottarîyam kritvå punar dvir akamed ity arthah.
23. Hirany.-Grihya 1, 3, 11, 4.
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flowers) which Gamadagni has brought for the sake of faith (has brought to Sraddha ?), of love, of the senses, them I take with glory and with fortune.'
24. He then ties them (to his head) with (the verse), “The high, wide glory, which Indra has created for the Apsarases, the flowers bound up with that, I tie on to me, to bring me glory!'
25. He binds a turban to his head with (the verse), 'A youth, well attired.'
26. (He puts on) the two ear-rings with (the words), 'An ornament art thou; may more ornaments be mine.'
27. He salves his two eyes with the formula), Vritra's' (Vâg. Samh. IV, 3 b).
28. With (the words), Brilliant art thou,' he looks at his image in a mirror.
29. He takes a parasol with (the words), “Thou art Brihaspati's covering. Shelter me from evil. Do not shelter me from splendour and glory.'
30. With (the words), * You are supports; protect me from all sides,' he puts on the two shoes.
31. With (the words), 'From all powers of destruction protect me on all sides,' he takes a bamboo staff.
32. (For) the tooth-cleaner, &c. (the Mantras stated above are to be used in every case; (for) the garment, the parasol, and the shoes, the Mantra (should only be recited) if they have not been used before.
KANDIKA 7. 1. We shall state the rules of conduct for a Snâtaka.
2. Another (may observe those rules) optionally.
25. See above, chap. 2, 9.
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3. Dancing, singing, and playing musical instruments, let him neither perform himself nor go (to see or hear it).
4. Sing, however, he may at his pleasure, for there is another saying, 'He sings either or he rejoices in (other people's) singing.'
5. If everything goes well, he shall not go by night to another village, and shall not run.
6. He shall avoid looking into a well, climbing up a tree, gathering fruits, crawling through narrow openings, bathing naked, jumping over uneven ground, using harsh language, looking at the sun while it is rising or setting, and begging. For there is a Sruti: 'After he has bathed, he should not beg. For he who bathes, drives away from himself begging.'
7. If it rains, he shall go without an upper garment, and shall say, 'May this, my thunderbolt, drive away evil.'
8. He shall not look at himself in water.
9. Agâtalomnim vipumsim shandham ka nopahaset.
10. Let him call a pregnant woman 'viganyâ' (one who will give birth to a child);
11. An ichneumon (nakula), sakula ; 12. A skull (kapâla), bhagâla;
7, 3. Comp. the similar rule given in the Buddhist Vinaya, Mahâvagga I, 56.
4. Satapatha Brâhmana VI, I, I, 15.
5. If no accident happens that makes his going to another village necessary.
6. The passage of the Sruti quoted is found in the Satapatha Brahmana XI, 3, 3, 7. Comp. Vasishtha XII, 2, 10, 25; Gautama IX, 32, 61, &c.
12. Gautama IX, 21.
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13. A rainbow (Indra-dhanu, Indra's bow), manidhanu (the jewelled bow).
14. A cow that suckles (her calf) he should not point out to another (person).
15. Let him not void urine or excrements on a ploughed field, on uncovered ground, or while rising up or standing
16. He shall wipe himself with wood that has fallen off by itself.
17. He should not wear a dyed garment.
18. He should be fixed in his intentions, protect everybody's life, and be everybody's friend, as it were.
KANDIKÂ 8. 1. Through a period of three nights (after the Samâvartana) he should keep (the following) observances.
2. He shall eat no flesh and not drink out of an earthen vessel.
3. He shall avoid seeing women, Sudras, dead bodies, black birds, and dogs, and shall not talk to (such beings).
4. He shall not eat funeral food, or food of a
13. Gautama IX, 22; Vasishtha XII, 32. 33; Âpastamba I, 31, 18. 14. Gautama IX, 23; Âpastamba I, 31, 10:
15. Gautama IX, 38; Vasishtha XII, 13; Âpastamba I, 30, 15. 18. Before easing himself, he shall first cover the ground with grass or the like.
17. Gautama IX, 4; Âpastamba I, 30, 10.
8, 1. The words of this Satra are repeated from Satapatha Brâhmana XIV, 1, 1, 28 (only for karati it is said here karet).
2. Satapatha Brâhmana I. I. $ 30.
3. Satapatha Brâhmana l. 1. § 31. Black birds, according to the commentators, mean crows.
4. Funeral food is such food as described below, III, 10, 26.
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Sudra, or of a woman lying-in (during the period of her impurity).
5. He shall not void urine or excrements, or spit out in the sun-shine, and shall not cover himself against the sun.
6. He shall take warm water for (the rites) in which water is wanted.
7. At night he shall eat by the light (of a lamp or a fire-brand).
8. Or only speaking the truth (suffices instead of the other observances).
9. Also a person who has received the diksha (or inauguration for a Soma sacrifice), should observe these rules beginning from (that which regards) the sun-shine (Satra 5), if he performs the Pravargya ceremony.
KANDIKÂ 9. 1. Now (follow) the five great sacrifices.
2. Of the Vaisvadeva food he should, after having sprinkled (water) round (the sacred fire), make oblations, with the word Svâhâ (each time repeated), to Brahman, to Fragâpati, to the (deities) of the house, to Kasyapa, and to Anumati.
3. To the domestic deities (he offers) three
9. The Pravargya ceremony, one of the preparatory ceremonies of the Soma sacrifice (Indische Studien, X, 363), was not performed at every Soma sacrifice, but there were certain restrictions regarding its performance; see Indische Studien, IX, 219 seq.
9, 1. The five Mahayagñas are, the sacrifice to the gods, the sacrifice to living Beings, the sacrifice to the Fathers, the sacrifice to the Brahman, the sacrifice to men. As to the meaning of the five categories, see Âsvalâyana-Grihya III, 1.
2. Compare above, I, 12, 3. 3. Compare above, I, 12, 2.
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(Balis) in the water-pot: to Parganya, to the waters, to the Earth;
4. To Dhâtri and Vidhâtri at the two doorposts;
5. To the different quarters of the horizon), to Vậyu and (to the presiding deities) of the quarters ;
6. In the middle three (Balis) to Brahman, to the Air, to the Sun.
7. To the north of those (he offers Balis) to the Visve devâs and to all the beings;
8. Further on to Ushas and to the Lord of beings;
9. To the south (to the Fathers) with (the words), "To the Fathers, Svadha! Adoration!'
10. Having rinsed out the vessel, he should pour it out towards the north-west with (the words), 'Consumption! this to thee!'
11. Taking the Brâhmana's portion (of the food which he is going to distribute), he should give it to a Brâhmana, after he has made him wash himself, with (the words), 'Well! (this) to thee!'
12. To (religious) mendicants and to guests they should apportion (food) as due to them.
13. The persons belonging to the house, the young and the old, should eat what is due to them;
14. Afterwards the householder and his wife. 15. Or the householder (should eat) first, because
11. What I have translated the Brâhmana's portion' is agra. See on this word the remark of Nîlakantha quoted by BöhtlingkRoth s.v. agrahâra : agram brâhmanabhoganam, tadartham hriyante râgadhanât prithakkriyante tesgrahârâh kshetrâdayah. According to different commentators and lexicographers one Agra is equal to four or to sixteen mouthfuls of food.
15. I cannot indicate any more than Professor Stenzler could, where the passage here quoted occurs in a Brâhmana.
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the Sruti says, Therefore the householder should eat the sweetest food before his guests.'
16. Every day he should sacrifice with the word svâhâ. If he has no food (to offer, he should make his offering) with something else, be it even a piece of wood (only), to the gods, or be it (only) a waterpot, to the Fathers and to men.
KANDIKÂ 10. 1. Now (follows) the Adhyâyopäkarman (or opening ceremony at the beginning of the annual course of study).
2. When the herbs appear, (when the moon stands in conjunction) with Sravana, on the full-moon day of the Srâvana month, or on the fifth (Tithi) of the Srâvana month under (the Nakshatra) Hasta ;
3. Having sacrificed the two Ågya portions, he offers two Ägya oblations, (namely,)
4. To the Earth and to Agni, if (he studies) the Rig-veda,
5. To the Air and to Vâyu, if the Yagur-veda,
6. To the Heaven and to the Sun, if the Sâmaveda,
7. To the quarters (of the horizon) and to the Moon, if the Atharva-veda;
8. (Besides) to the Brahman, to the metres in every case,
9. And to Pragâpati, to the gods, to the Rishis, to Faith, to Insight, to Sadasaspati, to Anumati.
10. The same (oblations are made) when the
16. Comp. Sânkhayana-Grihya II, 17, 2; Satapatha Brâhmana XI, 5, 6, 2.
10, 2. Comp. Âsvalâyana-Grihya III, 5, 2. 3 and my note. 10. On the different vratas (observances) connected with the
[29]
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observances are imposed (on a student) or given up (by him, after having been kept through the prescribed period of time).
II. With (the verse), 'Sadasaspati' (Vâg. Samh. XXXII, 13) (the teacher) three times (sacrifices) fried grains.
12. All should repeat (that verse after him).
13. After each oblation they should each time put on the fire three pieces of Udumbara wood, fresh branches with leaves, anointed with ghee, reciting the Sâvitri.
14. And the students (should put wood on the fire) in the manner stated above.
15. With (the verse), 'Luck may bring us' (Vâg. Samh. IX, 16) they should eat the fried grains without chewing them.
16. With the verse, 'Of Dadhikrâvan' (Vâng. Samh. XXIII, 32) they should eat curds.
17. As many pupils as he wishes to obtain, so many sesamum grains should he sacrifice with a dice-board, with the Sâvitri or with the Anuvâka, 'Bright-resplending' (Vâg. Samh. XVII, 80 seqq.).
18. After they have eaten (the remainder of the sacrificial food, the teacher) should pronounce the word Om and then repeat the Sâvitrî three times, and the beginnings of the Adhyâyas to (the students) who are seated facing the west;
study of the Veda, such as the Sukriya-vrata, the Sâkvara-vrata, &c., comp. especially Sânkhâyana-Grihya II, 11. 12 and the notes there.
14. See above, chap. 4.
17. Akarshaphala kena. Ramakrishna states that this is a board of Udumbara wood, of the length of an arm, and of the shape of a serpent. (See Professor Stenzler's note.)
18. The following Sutras clearly show that this rule is intended for students of the Yagur-veda only.
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19. The beginnings of the sections belonging to the different) Rishis, if they are Bahvrikas (i. e. if they study the Rig-veda),
20. The Parvans, if they are Khandogas (i.e. if they study the Sâma-veda),
21. The Suktas, if they are Atharvans.
22. All murmur: May it be ours in common; may it bless us in common; may this Brahman be powerful with us together. Indra knows that through which, and in which way, no hatred may spring up amongst us.'
23. Through a period of three nights they should not study (the Veda).
24. And they should not cut the hair of their bodies and their nails.
25. Some say (that this should not be done) till the Utsarga (i. e. the concluding ceremony of the annual course of study).
KANDIKÂ 11. 1. If (a strong) wind is blowing, and on the newmoon day there is an entire interruption of study.
2. If one has partaken of a Sraddha dinner, if a meteor falls, or distant thundering is heard, or if the earth quakes, or if fiery apparitions are seen, and when a new season begins, (the study shall be interrupted) until the same time next day.
3. If the Utsarga ceremony has been performed,
20. On the division of the Sâma-veda into Parvans, comp. Weber, Indische Literaturgeschichte, 2nd edition, p. 72.
11, 1. Entire interruption' means, according to the commentators, that not only the study of the Veda itself, but also that of the Vedângas, or even all sorts of worldly instruction are forbidden. 3. I have left the words sarvardpe ka untranslated. Evidently
Y 2
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if clouds appear, ...., (it shall be interrupted) through a period of three nights or till twilight has thrice passed.
4. After he has eaten, until he has (washed and) dried his hands; while being in water; at nighttime; at the time of the morning and evening twilight; while a dead body or a Kandala is in the village.
5. While running, while seeing a person of bad fame or who has lost his caste, if a miraculous or happy event happens, as long as (that which occasions the interruption of study) endures.
6. If hoar-frost (lies on the ground), if a musical instrument is heard, or the cry of a person in pain, at the border of the village, in a burial ground, or if a dog, an ass, an owl, a jackal, or a Sâman song is heard, or if a learned person approaches, as long as (that occasion) endures.
7. If his Guru has died, let him go down into water (for offering water-oblations) and interrupt (the study) for ten nights.
8. If one who has performed with him the Tânůnaptra ceremony, or a fellow-pupil (has died), for three nights.
9. If one who is not his fellow-pupil, (has died,) for one night.
sarvarûpa is identical with the doubtful word savarupa which twice occurs in the Sânkhâyana-Grihya. See the discussion on that word in the note on Sânkhâyana II, 12, 10.
4. On antardivâkîrtye, comp. Manu V, 85. Gautama XVI, 19.
8. The Tanûnaptra is an invocation directed to Tanûnaptri (i.e. the wind) by which the officiating priests and the Yagamâna at a Soma sacrifice pledge their faith to do no harm to each other. See Indische Studien, X, 362.
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10. After having studied five months and a half, they should celebrate the Utsarga,
11. Or six months and a half.
12. They then mutter this Rik: 'Ye two young sages! The relation which has expired among us, the friendship we dissolve, (turning away) from the condition of friendship.'
13. After having remained together through a period of three nights, they separate.
KANDIKÂ 12. 1. In (the month) Pausha, under (the Nakshatra) Rohini, or at the middle Ashtakâ let them celebrate the conclusion of the study (of the Veda).
2. Let them go to the brink of water and make water oblations to the gods, the metres, the Vedas, the Rishis, the ancient teachers, the Gandharvas, the other teachers, the year with its divisions, and to their own ancestors and teachers.
3. After having four times quickly recited the Sâvitri, they should say, 'We have finished.'
4. Interruption (of the study) and (continuation of the) teaching as stated above.
12. The reading of the Mantra is doubtful. I think it should stand as Professor Stenzler has printed it, except that I should propose to correct yuvâ into yuvânâ (comp. Asvalâyana-Srauta VI, 12, 12). It is probable that the gods addressed are the two Asvins, who are called kavi and yuvânâ in several passages of the Vedas.
12, 1. See Âsvalâyana-Gríhya III, 5, 20; Sânkhâyana-Gríhya IV, 6. On the three Ashtakâs, see below, III, 3, 1.
4. Sânkhayana-Grihya IV, 5, 17, where the same expression kshapana for interruptions of the study is used. The words 'as above' refer to chap. 10, 23. 24.
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KANDIKÂ 13. 1. On an auspicious day the harnessing to the plough. Or under (the Nakshatra) Gyeshthâ, (because that rite is) sacred to Indra.
2. To Indra, Parganya, the two Asvins, the Maruts, Udalâkâsyapa, Svâtikârî, Sitâ, and Anumati, he offers curds, rice grains, perfumes, and fried grains, and then makes the bullocks eat honey and ghee.
3. He should put them to the plough with (the verse), 'They harness to the ploughs' (Vâg. Samh. XII, 67).
4. With (the verse), For luck may us the ploughshares' (Vâg. Samh. XII, 69) let him plough or touch the plough-share.
5. Or (he may) not (do so), because (that verse) has been prescribed for (the erection of) the Agni (-altar), and the act of sowing stands in connection (with it).
6. After the front-bullock has been sprinkled (with water), they then should plough unploughed ground.
13, 1. Indra is the presiding deity over the constellation Gyeshthâ; see Sânkhâyana-Gríhya I, 26, 16, &c.
2. The names of the genius Udalâkâsyapa and of the female genius Svâtikârî occur, as far as I know, only here. BöhtlingkRoth propose to read Sphâtimkârî (the goddess who gives abundance').
5. At the Agni-kayana ceremony furrows are drawn with the plough on the Agni-kshetra with the verses Vâg. Samh. XII, 69-72. Afterwards grains of different kinds are sown. See Kâtyâyana XVII, 2, 12 ; 3, 8; Indische Studien, XIII, 244 seq. Thus in the Srauta ritual the verse Vâg. Samh. XII, 69 stands in a connection which does not conform to the occasion for which it would be used here.
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7. He should make oblations of cooked sacrificial food to the same deities as above, when sowing both rice and barley, and at the sacrifice to Sità.
8. Then (follows) feeding of the Brâhmanas.
KANDIKÂ 14. 1. Now (follows) the Sravanâ ceremony, 2. On the full-moon day of the Srâvana month.
3. He cooks a mess of sacrificial food, fried grains, and a cake in one dish, pounds the greater part of the grains, sacrifices the two Âgya portions, and two (other) Agya oblations (with the following verses) :
4. Beat away, O white one, with thy foot, with the fore-foot and with the hind-foot, these seven [children] of Varuna and all (daughters) of the king's tribe. Svâhâ !
5. Within the dominion of the white one, the Serpent has seen nobody. To the white one, the son of Vidarva, adoration! Svâhâ !'
6. He makes oblations of the mess of cooked sacrificial food to Vishnu, to Sravana, to the full moon of Srâvana, and to the rainy season,
7. (And oblations) of the grains with (the verse), 'Accompanied with grains' (Vâg. Samh. XX, 29).
7. As above' refers to Satra 2. On the Sîtâ-yagña, see below, chap. 17.
14, i seqq. Comp. Sânkhâyana IV, 5; Âsvalâyana II, 1; Gobhila III, 7.
4. Asvalâyana II, 3, 3 ; Sânkhâyana IV, 18, 1. For Varunaih and râgabandha vaih I read Varunih, ragabandhavih. Pragâh is an interpolation.
5. Asvalâyana, loc. cit. One is rather tempted to correct ahir dada m sa kañkana, but Râmakandra's Paddhati on Sânkhâyana gives the reading dadarsa, as the Paraskara MSS. do.
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8. He sacrifices flour, over which ghee has been poured, to the serpents (with the following Mantras):
9. 'To the lord of the serpents belonging to Agni, of the yellowish, terrestrial ones, svâhâ !
To the lord of the white serpents belonging to Vâyu, of the aerial ones, svâhâ !
To the lord of the overpowering serpents belonging to Sarya, of the celestial ones, svâhâ !
10. The (cake) in one dish he offers entirely (without leaving a remainder for the sacrificer) with (the formula), “To the firm one, the son of the Earth, svâhâ !'
11. After he has eaten (of the sacrificial food), he throws a portion of the flour into a basket, goes out, besmears an elevated spot outside the hall (with cowdung), says, while a fire-brand is held (before him), 'Do not step between (myself and the fire),' and without speaking (anything except the Mantras), he causes the serpents to wash themselves, (pouring out water for them, with the formulas :)
12. 'Lord of the serpents belonging to Agni, of the yellowish, terrestrial ones, wash thyself !
'Lord of the white serpents belonging to Vâyu, of the aerial ones, wash thyself !
'Lord of the overpowering serpents belonging to Sarya, of the celestial ones, wash thyself !!
13. Each time after the washing has been done, he offers to the serpents a Bali of flour, picking out
11. The ceremony with the fire-brand seems to stand in connection with the rule given by Asvalâyana, II, 1, 13, that before the sacrificer has given himself in charge' to the serpents, nobody is allowed to step between him and the Bali destined for the serpents. Comp. also below, Sutra 23.
13. I have translated upaghâtam by 'picking out. On the full
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(portions of it) with (the spoon called) Darvi (with the formulas) :
14. 'Lord of the serpents belonging to Agni, of the yellowish, terrestrial ones, this is thy Bali!
'Lord of the white serpents belonging to Vâyu, of the aerial ones, this is thy Bali!
'Lord of the overpowering serpents belonging to Surya, of the celestial ones, this is thy Bali!'
15. After he has made them wash themselves as above, he combs them with combs (with the formulas) :
16.' Lord of the serpents belonging to Agni, of the yellowish, terrestrial ones, comb thyself !
Lord of the white serpents belonging to Vâyu, of the aerial ones, comb thyself !
Lord of the overpowering serpents belonging to Surya, of the celestial ones, comb thyself!'
17. (He offers) collyrium, ointment, and garlands with the same formulas), putting at their end, respectively, the words, 'Salve thy eyes !''Anoint thyself!''Put on garlands !'
18. The remainder of the four he pours out on the elevated spot (mentioned in Satra 11), pours water on it out of a water-pot, and worships the
technical meaning of the term, which implies the omission of the upastarana and abhighârana, see Bloomfield's note on Grihya-samgraha I, 111 (Zeitschrift der deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft, XXXV, 568).
15. The words as above' refer to Sūtra 11. Pralikhati, which I have translated "he combs them,' is the same act for which Sânkhayana (IV, 15, 7) says, phanena keshtayati. I think Professor Stenzler is wrong in translating: Er scharrt (das Mehl) mit Kämmen zusammen. Gayarâma says: pralekhanam ka kramena pratimantram balikandayanam kankataih. tani ka vaikankatîyâni prâdesamâtrâny ekatodantâni kâshthâni bhavanti.
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serpents with the three (verses), 'Adoration be to the serpents’ (Vâg. Samh. XIII, 6 seqq.).
19. At that distance in which he wishes the serpents not to approach (the house), he should three times walk round the house, sprinkling an uninterrupted stream of water round it, with the two (verses), · Beat away, O white one, with thy foot' (Satras 4 and 5).
20. He gives away the (spoon called) Darvi (Sutra 13) and the basket (Sūtra 11), having washed and warmed them.
21. Near the door (of the house) they clean themselves with the three (verses), 'O waters, ye are! (Vâg. Samh. XI, 50 seqq.).
22. Having put away that remainder of flour in a hidden place, he should from that time daily till the Âgrahầyanî, after sunset, when he has performed the service to the fire, offer to the serpents a Bali of flour, picking out (portions of it) with the Darvi (spoon).
23. When he is offering (the Bali), let no one step between (the sacrificer and the Bali).
24. With the Darvi (spoon) he rinses his mouth. Having washed it, he puts it away.
20. According to the commentators he gives these things to the man who holds the fire-brand (Sūtra 11).
22. The Agrahayanî is the full-moon day of Mârgasîrsha, on which the Pratyavarohana ceremony is celebrated. See below, III, 2 ; Weber, die vedischen Nachrichten von den Naxatra, II, 332. The expression darvyopaghatam is the same that has occurred above in Sätra 13
23. Comp. Âsvalâyana-Grihya II, 1, 13, and see above, Şūtra 11.
24. Prakshâlya seems to me to refer to the Darvî; see Satra 20.
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25. They eat the (rice) grains which must not form one coherent mass.
26. Then (follows) the feeding of the Brâhmanas.
KANDIKA 15.
1. On the full-moon day of Praushthapada the sacrifice to Indra.
2. Having cooked milk-rice for Indra and cakes, and having put cakes round (the fire), he sacrifices the two Agya portions and Âgya oblations to Indra, to Indrâni, to Aga Ekapad, to Ahi Budhnya, and to the Proshthapadâs.
3. After he has eaten (his portion of the sacrificial food), he offers a Bali to the Maruts. For the Sruti says, 'The Maruts eat what is not-sacrificed.'
4. (This Bali he offers) in Asvattha leaves, because it is said, 'The Maruts stood in the Asvattha tree.'
25. Asamsyûtâh. Comp. Böhtlingk-Roth s.v. sam-sîv. 15, 2. After these Agya oblations follows the chief oblation of the whole sacrifice, the oblation of milk-rice to Indra. In one of Professor Stenzler's MSS. there is a special Sûtra inserted after Sutra 2, 'Of the cooked food he makes an oblation with (the formula), "To Indra svâhâ." I do not, however, think right to receive this Sûtra into the text, as the other MSS. do not support it, and the commentators did not find it in the text which they read.
3. Professor Stenzler's translation, 'Die Maruts essen kein Opfer,' seems to me not quite exact. I should prefer to say, 'Die Maruts essen Nicht-Opfer.' This passage, taken from Satapatha Brahmana IV, 5, 2, 16, is quoted as supporting the rule that a Bali offering should be made to the Maruts; for in the technical language the term ahuta is applied to Bali offerings (Sânkhâyana-Grihya I, 10, 7, huto - gnihotrahomena, ahuto balikarmanâ).
4. When Indra called them to his help against Vritra. Satapatha Brahmana IV, 3, 3, 6.
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5. (He offers it) with (the texts), 'Brilliantly resplendent' (Vâg. Samh. XVII, 80-85), Mantra by Mantra,
6. And with the (Mantra called) Vimukha. 7. (This Mantra he repeats only) in his mind. 8. For the Sruti says, 'These are their names.' 9. He murmurs, 'To Indra the divine' (Vâg. Samh. XVII, 86).
10. Then (follows) the feeding of the Brahmanas.
KANDIKA 16.
1. On the full-moon day of Âsvayuga the (offerings of) Prishâtakas (are made).
2. Having cooked milk-rice for Indra he sacrifices it, mixed with curds, honey, and ghee, to Indra, Indrânî, the two Asvins, the full moon of Âsvayuga,
and to the autumn.
3. After he has eaten (his portion of the sacrificial food), he sacrifices with his joined hands a Prishâtaka prepared with curds, with the words, 'May what is deficient be made full to me; may what is full not decay to me. Svâhâ!'
4. The inmates of the house look at the mixture of curds, honey, and ghee, with the Anuvâka,
5. This Sûtra is identical with the last words of Kâty. XVIII, 4, 23. 6. This is the first part of Vâg. Samh. XVII, 86.
8. Satapatha Brâhmana IX, 3, 1, 26. There it is said that sukragyotis (brilliantly resplendent') &c. (the words used in Vâg. Samh. XVII, 80) are names of the Maruts.
9. This Sutra is identical with Kâty. XVIII, 4, 25.
16, 1. Prishâtaka means a mixture of curds and butter. Comp. Sankhâyana IV, 16, 3; Âsvalâyana II, 2, 3; Grihya-samgrahaparisisha II, 59.
3. Âsvalâyana II, 2, 3.
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II KÂNDA, 17 KANDIKÂ, 6. 333 “May Indra come hither' (Vâg. Samh. XX, 47 seqq.).
5. They let the calves join their mothers that night and the Âgrahầyani night. 6. Then (follows) the feeding of the Brâhmanas.
KANDIKÂ 17. 1. Now (follows) the sacrifice to Sità.
2. Wherever he sacrifices, be it (on a field) of rice or of barley, of that grain he should prepare a mess of cooked food.
3. One who has sacrificed may, if he likes, prepare elsewhere also a mess of cooked food, either of rice or of barley.
4. (There should be) no doubt (as to whether rice or barley is to be taken), as a rule thereon has been stated above.
5. If it is impossible (to take one of the two species of corn), (that) is excluded.
6. To the east or to the north of the field, on a
5. Sânkhâyana IV, 16, 4.
17, 1. The goddess Sîtâ is, as her name indicates, the rustic deity of the furrow.
3. Perhaps the meaning is that a person who has already once performed the Sîtâ-yagña on the field, is allowed, when repeating the sacrifice another time, to celebrate it elsewhere, and to choose at his will between rice and barley.
4. A rule has been given in the Srauta-sâtra (Kâty. I, 9, 1: Rice or barley, if a Havis sis prescribed ') which shows that it is indifferent whether rice or barley is taken. Thus the sacrificer is free to elect the one or the other. At least this is the traditional meaning of this Satra. But possibly we had better understand it otherwise. The sacrificer should offer, according to Sätra 3, rice or barley. Whether he has to take the one or the other, there can be no doubt, as the rule given above (Sätra 2) shows that rice should be cooked, if the ceremony is performed for a rice-field, and barley, if for a barley-field.
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clean spot that has been ploughed, so that the crop be not damaged,
7. Or in the village, because (there) both (rice and barley) are united, and because no obstacle is there.
8. Where he intends to cook (the sacrificial food), he establishes the fire on a place that has been smeared (with cowdung), which is elevated, and which has been sprinkled (with water), strews (round the fire) Darbha grass mixed with (stalks of) that (sort of corn to which the sacrifice refers), sacrifices the two Agya portions and Agya oblations (with the following Mantras):
9. `For whom earth and heaven, the intermediate points and the chief points (of the horizon) are veiled with light, that Indra I invoke here. May his weapons be friendly towards us. Svâhâ !
* Whatsoever it be that I wish for at this sacrifice, O killer of Vritra, may all that be fulfilled to me, and may I live a hundred autumns. Svâhâ !
. May success, prosperity, earth, rain, eminence, excellence, luck here protect the creatures. Svâhâ !
'In whose substance dwells the prosperity of all Vedic and worldly works, Indra's wife Sitâ I invoke. May she not abandon me in whatever work I do. Svâhâ !
· Her, who rich in horses, rich in cows, rich in delight indefatigably supports living beings, Urvara (i.e. the field) who is wreathed with threshing-floors, I invoke at this sacrifice, the firm One. May she not abandon me. Svâhâ !'
10. He makes oblations of the cooked sacrificial food to Sitâ, Yagâ (the goddess of sacrifice), Sama (the goddess of zealous devotion), Bhậti (the goddess of welfare).
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II KÂnda, 17 KANDIKÂ, 16.
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11. Some say that the giving (of the sacrificial food to the deities) accompanies the Mantras.
12. But this is excluded, as the Sruti says, 'The giving (of the oblation to the deity) accompanies the word Svâhâ'
13. On the Kusa grass which is left over from the strewing (of grass round the fire), he offers a Bali to the protecting demons of the furrow with (the Mantra), “They who are sitting towards the east with strong bows and quivers, may they protect thee from the east, and be vigilant and not abandon thee. To them I bring adoration, and I offer this Bali to them.
14. Then to the south with (the Mantra), .They who are sitting towards the south, not winking the eyes, wearing armour, may they protect thee from the south, and be vigilant and not abandon thee. To them I bring adoration, and I offer this Bali to them.'
15. Then to the west with (the Mantra), “The powerful ones, the excellent ones, prosperity, earth, Pârshni, Sunamkuri, may they protect thee from the west, and be vigilant and not abandon thee. To them I bring adoration, and I offer this Bali to them.'
16. Then to the north with the Mantra), “The fearful ones, like to Vâyu in speed, may they protect
12. The quotation has not been as yet identified in the Sruti itself, but the words quoted are found in Kâty.-Sraut. I, 2, 7.
14. Some words in the beginning of the Mantra are lost. We should probably write: atha dakshinatah.ye dakshinato s nimishah ... varmina âsate, &c. Of course it is impossible, to say which is the word that is wanting before (or perhaps after varminah.
15. Pârshni, which means 'heel,' stands here, of course, as the name of a protecting demon.
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thee from the north, on the field, on the threshingfloor, in the house, on the way, and be vigilant and not abandon thee. To them I bring adoration, and I offer this Bali to them.'
17. Of another (sort of food) as the chief (food used at this sacrifice), and with the remainder of Âgya, he distributes Balis as above.
18. And the women should make accompanying oblations, because such is the custom.
19. When the ceremony is finished, he should feed the Brâhmanas. He should feed the Brâhmanas.
End of the Second Kanda.
17. See above, chap. 13, 2.
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KANDA III, KANDIKA 1.
I. (Now shall be explained) the partaking of the first-fruits (of the harvest), of a person who has not set up the (sacred Srauta) fires.
2. He cooks a mess of fresh sacrificial food, sacrifices the two Agya portions, and two Âgya oblations, (with the formulas),
'To the hundredfold armed, hundredfold valiant, hundredfold blissful one, the vanquisher of enemies -he who may create a hundred autumns for us, Indra,—may he lead us across (the gulf of) misfortune. Svâhâ!
'The four paths that go between heaven and earth, trodden by the gods-of these (paths) lead us to that which may bring us freedom from decay and decline, O all ye gods. Svâhâ!'
3. Having made oblations of the mess of cooked food to the Agrayana deities, he makes another oblation to (Agni) Svishtakrit with (the verse), 'Agni, make this (sacrifice) full, that it may be well offered. And may the god destroy all hostile powers. Come hither, showing us a good path. Bestow on us long life, full of splendour and free from decay. Svâhâ!'
4. He then eats (of the fresh fruits with the
1, 1. The corresponding ceremony of the Srauta ritual is treated of in Kâty. IV, 6.
2. A fresh Sthâlîpâka means probably a Sthâlîpâka prepared from the fresh grain of the new harvest.
3. The deities of the Âgrayana ceremony, which occupies in the Srauta ritual the place corresponding to the rite described here, are Indra and Agni, the Visve devâs, Heaven and Earth.
[29]
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verses), ‘May Agni eat first, for he knows how the Havis (is fit for sacrifice); may he, the friend of all human tribes, make the herbs blessed to us.
From the good you have led us to the better, ye gods! Through thee, the nourishment, may we obtain thee. Thus enter into us, O potion, bringing refreshment, for the good of our children and of ourselves, and pleasant.'
5. Or with the (verse) sacred to Annapati (the Lord of food).
6. For barley, however, (he uses the Mantra), • This barley, mixed with honey, they have ploughed through Sarasvati under Manu. Indra was lord of the plough, the hundredfold wise one; ploughers were the Maruts, the exuberant givers.'
7. Then (follows) the feeding of the Brâhmanas.
KANDIKÂ 2. 1. On the full-moon day of Mârgasirsha the Âgrahâyani ceremony (is performed).
2. He cooks a mess of sacrificial food, sacrifices two Âgya oblations as at the Sravanâ sacrifice, and other oblations with (the following verses) :
The night whom men welcome like a cow that comes to them, (the night) which is the consort of the year, may that (night) be auspicious to us. Svâhâ !
5. The Annapatîya verse is Vâg. Samh. XI, 83. 6. Comp. manâv adhi, Rig-veda VIII, 72, 2.
2, 2. The two oblations belonging to the Sravanâ ceremony are those stated above, II, 14, 4. 5.
2. The first verses in which the Âgrahấyanî night is called the consort of the year, or the image of the year, occur elsewhere with reference to the Ekâsh/akâ night. See Atharva-veda III, 10; Taitt.
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The night which is the image of the year, that we worship. May I reach old age, imparting strength to my offspring. Svâhâ !
"To the Samvatsara, to the Parivatsara, to the Idâvatsara, to the Idvatsara, to the Vatsara bring ye great adoration. May we, undecayed, unbeaten, long enjoy the favour of these (years) which are worthy of sacrifices. Svâhâ !
‘May summer, winter and spring, the rains be friendly, and may autumn be free of danger to us. In the safe protection of these seasons may we dwell, (and) may (they) last (to us) through a hundred years. Svâhâ !
3. He makes oblations of the cooked food to Soma, to (the Nakshatra) Mrigasiras, to the full moon of Mârgasirsha, and to the winter.
4. After he has eaten (of the sacrificial food), he throws the remainder of the flour into a basket, (and then follow the same rites that have been stated above) from (the sacrificer's) going out down to their cleaning themselves.
5. After the cleaning he says, “The Bali offering is finished.'
6. After they have spread out to the west of the fire a layer (of straw) and a garment that has
Samhita V, 7, 2, 1. See also below, Paraskara III, 3, 5. Samvatsara, Parivatsara, Idâvatsara, &c. are terms designating the different years of the quinquennial period of the Yuga. See Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 369, 370.
4. See above, II, 14, 11-21 (not 19-21 as indicated by Professor Stenzler).
6. Redescending' means that they do not sleep any longer on high bedsteads, which they did from the Srâvani day till the Agrahayani, on account of the danger from the snakes, but on the ground. See the notes on Sânkh.-Grihya IV, 15, 22; 17, I.
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not yet been washed, they'redescend,' having bathed, wearing garments which have not yet been washed: the master (of the house) southward, his wife to the north (of her husband, and then the other persons belonging to the house) so that each younger one lies more to the north.
7. Having caused the Brahman to sit down southward, and having placed to the north a water-pot, a Sami branch, an earth-clod taken out of a furrow, and a stone, he murmurs, looking at the fire: This Agni is most valiant, he is most blessed, the best giver of a thousand boons, highly powerful. May he establish us both in the highest place.
8. To the west of the fire he joins his hands (and holds them) towards the east.
9. With the three (verses), “The divine ship’ (Vâg. Samh. XXI, 6–8) they ascend the layer (of straw).
10. He addresses the Brahman: Brahman, we will redescend.'
II. The Brahman having given his permission, they redescend with (the words), Life, fame, glory, strength, enjoyment of food, offspring !
12. Those who have received the initiation murmur, ‘May a good winter, a good spring, a good summer be bestowed on us. Blessed may be to us the rains; may the autumns be blessed to us.'
13. With the verse), 'Be soft to us, O earth' (Vâg. Samh. XXXV, 21), they lie down on their right sides, their heads turned towards the east.
IO, II, See the note on $ 6.
12. On upeta, which means a person for whom the Upanayana has been performed, see my note, Sankhayana-Grihya II, 1, 1.
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14. They arise with (the verse), 'Up! with life, with blessed life. Up! with Parganya's eye, with the seven spaces of the earth.'
15. This (they repeat) two other times, with the Brahman's permission.
16. Let them sleep on the ground four months (after the Pratyavarohana), or as long as they like.
KANDIKÂ 3. 1. After the Ågrahầyani (full moon follow) the three Ashtakâs.
2. (The Ashtakâ is) sacred to Indra, to the Visve devâs, to Pragâpati, and to the Fathers.
3. (The oblations are made) with cakes, flesh, and vegetables, according to the order (of the three Ashtakâs).
4. The first Ashtaka (is celebrated) on the eighth day of the fortnight.
5. Having cooked a mess of sacrificial food and having sacrificed the two Âgya portions, he sacrifices Âgya oblations with (the texts):
(a) “Thirty sisters go to the appointed place,
14. The verse occurs, with a few differences, in the Kânva Sâkhâ of the Vâg. Samhitâ, II, 7, 5.
3, 1. On the Ashtakâs, celebrated on the eighth days of the three dark fortnights following after the Âgrahayanî full moon, see Sânkhâyana III, 12 seqq.; Asvalâyana II, 4; Gobhila III, 10.
2. As there are four deities named, I think it probable that they are referred to all Ashtakâs indiscriminately; comp. Asvalâyana II, 4, 12. Thus in the Mantras prescribed for the first Ashtaka (Sätras 5 and 6), Indra, the Visve devâs, and Pragapati are named; to the Fathers belongs the Anvashtakya ceremony.
3. With regard to the order of these substances the Grinya texts differ.
5. Comp. Taitt. Samhita IV, 3, II; Atharva-veda III, 1o. (a) The thirty sisters seem to be the days of the month. As to
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putting on the same badge. They spread out the seasons, the knowing sages; having the metres in their midst they walk around, the brilliant ones. Svâhâ !
(b) The shining one clothes herself with clouds, with the ways of the sun, the divine night: manifold animals which are born, look about in this mother's lap. Svâhâ !
(c) 'The Ekâshtaka, devoting herself to austerities, has given birth to a child, to the majesty of Indra. Through him the gods have conquered the hostile tribes; he became the killer of the Asuras through his (divine) powers. Svâhâ !
(d) “You have made me who am not the younger (sister), the younger; speaking the truth I desire this: may I be in his (i.e. the sacrificer's ?) favour, as you are; may none of you supplant the other in her work.
(e) 'In my favour dwelt the omniscient one; he has found a firm standing; he has got a footing. May I be in his (i.e. the sacrificer's ?) favour, as you are; may none of you supplant the other in her work.
(f) .On the five dawns follows the fivefold milking; on the cow with the five names, the five seasons. The five regions (of the sky) are estab
madhyekhandas, comp. Taitt. Samh. loc. cit. $ 1: khandasvati ushasa pepisâne; § 2: katushtomo abhavad yâ turîyâ yagñasya pakshâv rishayo bhavantî, gâyatrîm trishtubham gagatîm anushtubham brihad arkam yungânâh suvar ábharann idam.
(d) Probably one Ashtaka addresses the others, her sisters, as Gayarâma explains this verse.
(f) The explanation by which the fivefold milking' is referred to what is called in Taitt. Brahmana II, 2, 9, 'the milkings of Pragâpati,' seems to me more than doubtful, for the milkings
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III KÂNDA, 3 KANDIKÂ, 6. 343 lished through the fifteenfold (Stoma); with one common face (they look over) the one world. Svâhâ !
(g) 'She who shone forth as the first, is the child of truth. One (of them) bears the majesty of the waters; one wanders in the courses of the sun; one (in those) of the heat; Savitri shall govern one. Svâhâ !
(h) She who shone forth as the first has become a cow in Yama's realm. Give us milk, thou who art rich in milk, year by year. Svâhâ !
(i) 'She, the owner of bright bulls, has come to us with clouds and with light, she who has all shapes, the motley one, whose banner is fire. Carrying on the common work, leading us to old age, come to us thou who art exempt from old age, Ushas! Svâhâ !
(k) •The consort of the seasons, the first one has come to us, the leader of days, the producer of offspring. Being one, thou shinest manifold, Ushas. Being free from old age, thou leadest to old age everything else. Svâhâ !'
6. He makes offerings of the mess of cooked food with (the verses) :
* May the earth be peaceful, the air friendly to us;
of Pragâpati' are only four : viz. the dark night, the moonlight, the twilight, and the day.
(i) Sukra-rishabhâ cannot be translated, as Professor Stenizler does, die schönste unter den Lichtern' (Madhava : sukreshu nakshatradishu sreshtha), for this meaning of rishabhâ occurs only in later texts. The word is a Bahuvrîhi compound, as the Petersburg Dictionary explains it.
6. In the first verse I have omitted vya snavai, which impedes the construction and violates the metre. The word has found its way into the text, no doubt, in consequence of the phrase dîrgham â yur vyasna vai occurring in chap. 2, 2. In the second verse
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may the heavens give us bliss and safety. May the points (of the horizon), the intermediate points, the upper points give us bliss, and may day and night create long life for us. Svâhâ !
May the waters, the rays protect us from all sides; may the creator, may the ocean turn away evil. The present and the future, may all be safe for me. Protected by Brahman, may I be well guarded. Svâhâ !
May all Adityas and the divine Vasus, may the Rudras and Maruts be our protectors. May Pragapati, the highest lord, bestow on us vigour, offspring, immortality, long life. Svâhâ !'
7. And with (the formula), “To the Ashtaka Svâhâ !'
8. The middle Ashtaka (is celebrated) with (the sacrifice of) a cow.
9. He sacrifices the omentum of that (cow) with (the verse), Carry the omentum, O Gâta vedas, to the fathers' (Våg. Samh. XXXV, 20).
10. On the day following each (Ashtaka), the Anvashtakâ day, (he brings a sacrifice) with the left ribs and the left thigh, in an enclosure, according to (the ritual of) the Pindapitriyagña.
Il. Also to the female (ancestors he makes Pinda offerings) and pours (for them) strong liquor and water oblations into pits, and (offers) collyrium, salves, and garlands.
12. (He may also make oblations), if he likes, to the teacher and to the pupils who have no children.
akritad is corrupt. I have translated abhayam; comp. Âsvalayana II, 4, 14. In the third verse I have left out mayi, as Professor Stenzler has done in his translation.
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13. And in the middle of the rainy season (there is) a fourth Ashtakâ on which vegetables are offered.
KANDIKÂ 4. 1. Now the building of the house. 2. Let him have his house built on an auspicious
day.
3. Into the pits (in which the posts shall be erected) he pours an oblation with (the words), 'To the steady one, the earth-demon, svâhâ !' 4. He erects the post.
This navel of the world I set up, a stream of wealth, promoting wealth. Here I erect a firm house; may it stand in peace, dropping ghee.
Rich in horses and cows, rich in delight be set up, for the sake of great happiness. To thee may the young calf cry, to thee the lowing cows, the milkcows.
'To thee (may) the young child (go), to thee the calf with its companions, to thee the cup of Parisrut, to thee (may they go) with pots of curds.
13. I have stated in the note on Sânkhâyana III, 13, 1 my reasons for believing that the true reading of this Sûtra is not madhyâvarshe (in the middle of the rainy season), but maghyavarshe (the festival celebrated during the rainy season under the Nakshatra Maghâs). There are no express rules given with regard to the third Ashtakâ, but I think we should understand this Sûtra as involving a statement on that Ashtaka : (The third Ashtaka) and the fourth, on the Maghyavarsha day, are Sâkâshtakâs (Ashtakâs on which vegetables are offered). Sânkhâyana (Grihya III, 13, 1) declares that the ritual of the fourth Ashtakâ is identical with that of the second.
4, 3. Asvalâyana-Grihya II, 8, 15.
4. On gagadaih saha (in the third verse) see my note on Sankhayana-Grihya III, 2, 9.
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'The consort of Peace, the great one, beautifully attired bestow on us, O blessed one, wealth and manly power, which may be rich in horses and cows, full of sap like a tree's leaf. May our wealth increase here, clothing itself with prospering'-with (these four Mantras) he approaches the four (posts).
5. Having established the fire inside (the house), having made the Brahman sit down towards the south, having placed a water-pot to the north, and cooked a mess of sacrificial food, he goes out (of the house), and standing near the door, he addresses the Brahman, Brahman, I enter (the house)!'
6. When the Brahman has given his consent, he enters with (the formula), 'To right I advance, to luck I advance!'
PÂRASKARA-GRIHYA-SÚTRA.
7. Having prepared Agya and sacrificed two Âgya oblations with (the two parts of the Mantra), 'Here is joy' (Vâg. Samh. VIII, 51 a), he sacrifices other oblations with (the verses):
(a) Vâstoshpati ! Receive us (into thy protection); give us good entering and drive away from us evil. For what we ask thee, with that favour us: be a saviour to us, to men and animals. Svâhâ!
(b) Vâstoshpati ! Be our furtherer; make our wealth increase in cows and horses, O Indu (i.e. Soma). Free from decay may we dwell in thy friendship; give us thy favour, as a father to his sons. Svâhâ!
(c) 'Vâstoshpati! Let us be in a fellowship with thee, which may be valiant, joyful, and well proceeding. Protect our wishes when we rest and
7. Rig-veda VII, 54; 55, I.
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when we do our work. Protect us always, ye (gods), and give us welfare. Svâhâ !
(d) Driving away calamity, Vâstoshpati, assuming all shapes, be a kind friend to us. Svâhâ !'
8. He makes offerings of the mess of cooked food (with the following Mantras):
(a) 'Agni, Indra, Brihaspati, the Visve devâs I invoke, Sarasvati and Vagi. Give me a dwellingplace, ye vigorous ones. Svâhâ !
(b) •To all the divine hosts of serpents, to the Himavat, the Sudarsana (mountain), and the Vasus, Rudras, Adityas, Îsâna with his companions, to all these I apply. Give me a dwelling-place, ye vigorous ones. Svâhâ !
(c) 'To forenoon and afternoon both together with noon, to evening and midnight, to the goddess of dawn with her wide path, to all these I apply. Give me a dwelling-place, ye vigorous ones. Svâhâ!
(d) 'To the Creator and the Changer, to Visvakarman, to the herbs and trees, to all these I apply. Give me a dwelling-place, ye vigorous ones. Svâhâ !
(e) 'To Dhâtri and Vidhâtri, and to the Lord of treasures together with them, to all these I apply. Give me a dwelling-place, ye vigorous ones. Svâhâ !
(f) 'As a lucky, a happy (place), give me this dwelling-place, Brahman and Pragâpati, and all deities. Svâhâ !'
9. After he has partaken (of the sacrificial food), let him put into a brass vessel the different things which he has brought together, Udumbara leaves with strong liquor, green turf, cowdung, curds,
8 a. Vâgî is, as the name shows, the goddess of quick vigour. Gayarâma explains Vâgî, a name of Sîtâ, as a personification of food.
b. Comp. Âsvalâyana II, 1, 14. On gagada, comp. above, $ 4.
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honey, ghee, Kusa grass, and barley, and let him besprinkle the seats and shrines (for the images of the gods).
10. He touches (the wall and the posts) at their eastern juncture with the words), ‘May luck and glory protect thee at thy eastern juncture.'
II. He touches (them) at their southern juncture with (the words), May sacrifice and sacrificial fee protect thee at thy southern juncture.'
12. He touches (them) at their western juncture with (the words), ‘May food and the Brâhmana protect thee at thy western juncture.'
13. He touches (them) at their northern juncture with (the words), ‘May vigour and delight protect thee at thy northern juncture.'
14. He then goes out (of the house) and worships the quarters of the horizon, the east) with (the formulas), ‘May Ketâ (i.e. will ?) and Suketà (i.e. good-will ?) protect me from the east.
Agni is Ketâ; the Sun is Suketâ : to them I apply; to them be adoration ; may they protect me from the east.'
15. Then to the south : May that which protects and that which guards, protect me from the south.
'The Day is that which protects; the Night is that which guards; to them I apply; to them be adoration; may they protect me from the south.
16. Then to the west : May the shining one and the waking one protect me from the west.
Food is the shining one ; Breath is the waking one; to them I apply; to them be adoration; may they protect me from the west.'
17. Then to the north : May the sleepless one and the not-slumbering one protect me from the north.
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The Moon is the sleepless one; the Wind is the not-slumbering one ; to them I apply; to them be adoration; may they protect me from the north.'
18. When the house) is finished, he enters it with (the formulas),
'Law, the chief post! Fortune, the pinnacle ! Day and night, the two door-boards!
'Indra's house is wealthy, protecting; that I enter with my children, with my cattle, with everything that is mine.
Hither is called the whole number (of relatives), the friends whose coming is good. Thus (I enter) thee, O house. May our dwellings be full of inviolable heroes from all sides!'
19. Then (follows) feeding of the Brâhmanas.
KANDIKÂ 5. 1. Now (follows) the putting up of the waterbarrel.
2. To the north-east he digs a pit like (the pit for) a sacrificial post, strews into it Kusa grass, fried grains, fruits of the soap-tree, and other auspicious things, and therein he establishes the water-barrel with the words), 'The sea art thou.'
3. He pours water into it with (the verse), 'Ye
18. Comp. Sânkhâyana-Grihya III, 3, 7 seq.; chap. 4, 10. The comparison of Sânkhâyana shows that we have to divide saha pragayâ pasubhih, saha yan me kinkid asty, upahůtah, &c. Sâdhusamvritah (if the reading is correct) seems to me to be the nom. plur. of sâdhusamyrit. I understand this to be a Bahuvrîhi compound, in which samvrit means the approaching. In Atharvaveda VII, 60, 4 we have sakhâyah svâdusammudah. After sale a verb meaning I enter,' or something like that, has been lost.
5, 3. Rig-veda X, 30, 12.
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waters, rich in wealth, ye possess goods. Ye bring us good insight and immortality. Ye are the rulers over wealth and blessed offspring. May Sarasvati give strength to him who praises her!'
4. And with the three (verses), 'O waters, ye are' (Vâg. Samhita XI, 50 seqq.).
5. Then (follows) feeding of the Brâhmanas.
KANDIKÂ 6. 1. Now the cure for headache.
2. Having moistened his hands, he passes them over his eye-brows with (the verse), 'From the eyes, from the ears, from the whiskers, from the chin, from the forehead, I drive away this disease of the head.'
3. If (only) one side (of the head aches, he recites the verse), 'Cleaver! Thou with the disfigured eyes! White-wing! Renowned one! And thou with the various-coloured wing! Let his head not ache.'
4. Then it will get better.
KANDIKÂ 7. I. (Now will be declared) the making water round about a servant who is disposed to run away.
2. While (the servant) is sleeping, he should discharge his urine into the horn of a living animal, and should three times walk round him, turning his left side towards him, and sprinkle (the urine) round him,
7, 1. Uiūla-parimehah. It is probable that utûla, as meaning a slave who habitually runs away, is connected with the use of that word as the name of a tribe in the north-west of India.
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with (the verse), 'From the mountain (on which thou art born), from thy mother, from thy sister, from thy parents and thy brothers, from thy friends I sever thee.
'Run-away servant, I have made water round thee. Having been watered round, where wilt thou go?'
3. Should he run away (nevertheless, his master) should establish a fire that has been taken from a wood that is on fire, and should sacrifice in that fire) Kusa plates (used for protecting the hands when holding a hot sacrificial pan) that have been anointed with ghee, with (the formula), “May the stumbler stumble round thee, .... may he tie thee with Indra's fetter, loosen thee for me, and may he lead another one up (to me).'
4. Then he will quietly remain (in his master's house).
KANDIKÂ 8. 1. The spit-ox (sacrificed to Rudra).
2. It procures (to the sacrificer) heavenly rewards, cattle, sons, wealth, renown, long life.
3. Having taken the sacred domestic fire to the
3. Ukhá yâbhyâm grihyate tâv indvau. Comm. on Kâtyâyana, Sraut. XVI, 4, 2.
In the Mantra I propose to read, pari två hvalano, &c. Nivrittendravirudhah seems to be corrupt; it seems to be a compound of nivritta, a second member which is doubtful, and vîrudh (the plant). The meaning may have been giving it up to consume the plants.'
4. This Satra is word for word identical with chap. 6, 4. 8, 1. Âsvalâyana-Grihya IV, 8. 2. Âsvalâyana, loc. cit. $ 35.
3. The outspreading is the establishing of the three sacred Srauta fires, so that the Grihya fire is considered as the Gârhapatya, and the Ahavanîya and Dakshinâgni are taken from it.
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forest, and having performed the 'outspreading,' he should sacrifice the animal to Rudra.
4. One that is not gelded.
5. Or it may be) a cow, on account of the designation.
6. Having cooked the omentum, a mess of sacrificial food, and the portions cut off (of the victim), he sacrifices the omentum to Rudra, the fat to the Air, and the cut-off portions together with the mess of cooked food to Agni, Rudra, Sarva, Pasupati, Ugra, Asani, Bhava, Mahadeva, îsâna.
7. (Then follows a sacrifice to) Vanaspati. 8. (To Agni) Svishtakrit at the end.
9. Then (follows) the sprinkling round to the different quarters (of the horizon).
10. After the sprinkling has been performed, they sacrifice the Patni-samyâga offerings to Indrâni, Rudrâni, Sarvâni, Bhavâns, and Agni Grihapati.
11. The blood he offers in leaves, on (grass-) bunches, as a Bali to Rudra and to his hosts, with (the Mantras),
'The hosts, Rudra, which thou hast to the east, to them this Bali (is given). To them and to thee be adoration!
The hosts, Rudra, which thou hast to the south ... to the west ... to the north . . . upwards . . .
5. On account of the designation of the sacrifice as sûla-gava. 6. Asvalâyana, loc. cit. § 19.
9. Gayarâma: disâm vyâghâranam kartavyam iti sâtraseshah. tak ka vasayâ bhavati yathâgnishomiye.
10. On the Patni-samyâga offerings, so called because they are chiefly directed to the wives of the gods, see Hillebrandt, Neu- und Vollmondsopfer, pp. 151 seqq.
11. Ásvalâ yana, loc. cit. $ 22.
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downwards, to them this Bali (is given). To them and to thee be adoration !!
12. The contents of the stomach and of the entrails, besmeared with blood, he throws into the fire or buries them in the earth.
13. Having placed the animal so that the wind blows from himself to it, he approaches it with the Rudra hymns, or with the first and last Anuvâka.
14. They do not take anything of that animal to the village.
15. Thereby (also) the cow-sacrifice has been declared.
16. (It is combined with the offering of) milkrice; (the rites) not corresponding (to that special occasion) are omitted.
17. The sacrificial fee at that (sacrifice) is a cow of the same age (as the victim).
KANDIKÂ 9. 1. Now the letting loose of the bull.
2. (The ceremony) has been declared in the cowsacrifice.
3. (It is performed) on the full-moon day of Karttika, or on the (day on which the moon stands in conjunction with) Revati in the Asyayuga month.
4. Having set a fire in a blaze in the midst of the
12. As to ûvadhya, comp. Asvalâyana, § 28.
13. The Rudra hymns form the sixteenth Adhyâya of the Vagasaneyi Samhita. Either that whole Adhyâya or the first and last Anuvâka of it is recited.
15. Gobhila III, 6. 9, I seqq. Comp. Sânkhayana III, II. 2. See above, chap. 8, 15. 3. Sânkhâyana, loc. cit. § 2.
4. Sânkhâyana, $ 3. Of course, in Professor Stenzler's translation, in der Mitte der Küche' is a misprint for in der Mitte der Kühe. [29]
Aa
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cows, and having prepared Agya, he sacrifices six (oblations) with (the Mantras), 'Here is delight' (Vág. Samh. VIII, 51).
5. With (the verses), ' May Pashan go after our cows; may Pashan watch over our horses; may Pashan give us strength'-he sacrifices of (the sacrificial food) destined for Pashan.
6. After murmuring the Rudra hymns they adorn a one-coloured or a two-coloured (bull) who protects the herd or whom the herd protects. Or it should be red, deficient in no limb, the calf of a cow that has living calves and is a milk-giver; and it should be the finest (bull) in the herd. And besides they should adorn the best four young cows of the herd and let them loose with this (verse), 'This young (bull) I give you as your husband; run about sporting with him, your lover. Do not bring down a curse upon us, by nature blessed ones. May we rejoice in increase of wealth and in comfort.'
7. When the bull) stands in the midst of the cows, he recites over it (the texts beginning with) * Bringing refreshment,' down to the end of the Anuvâka (Vâg. Samh. XVIII, 45-50).
8. With the milk of all (the cows) he should cook milk-rice and give it to the Brâhmanas to eat.
5. Rig-veda VI, 54, 5; Sânkhâyana, $ 5.
6. Sânkhâyana, $$ 6–14. On the Rudra hymns, see above, chap. 8, § 13. Perhaps the words mâ nah sâpta are corrupt; the correct reading may possibly be, mâs vasthâta.
7. Sânkhâyana, $ 15. There is no Mantra in the Vâgasaneyi Samhitâ beginning with the word mayobhah, but this word occurs in the middle of XVIII, 45 a; the texts which he recites begin at that word and extend down to the end of the Anuvāka. It is clear that may obhûh was intended in the original text, from which both Sânkhayana and Paraskara have taken this Satra, as the RikPratika, Rig-veda X, 169, 1.
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9. Some also sacrifice an animal.
10. The ritual thereof has been declared by the (ritual for the) spit-ox.
KANDIKÂ 10. 1. Now the water libations (which are performed for deceased persons).
2. When (a child) that has not reached the age of two years dies, his father and mother become impure.
3. The other (relations) remain pure.
4. (The impurity lasts) through one night or three nights.
5. They bury the body without burning it.
6. If a child dies) during the impurity of his mother (caused by the child's birth), the impurity lasts till the mother's) getting up (from child-bed), in the same way as the impurity caused by a child's birth.
7. In this case (of the child being younger than two years) no water libations (are performed).
8. If a child of more than two years dies, all his relations should follow (the corpse) to the cemetery
9. Singing the Yama song and murmuring the Yama hymn, according to some (teachers).
10. If (the dead person) has received the initiation,
9. According to the commentators, a goat is sacrificed. 10. See chap. 8. 10, 2. Manu V, 68; Yagñavalkya III, 1. 7. Manu V, 68; Yâgñavalkya III, 1.
9. The Yama song is stated to be the second verse of Taittiriya Aranyaka VI, 5, 3 ("He who day by day leads away cows, horses, men, and everything that moves, Vivasvat's son Yama is insatiable of the five human tribes'); the Yama hymn is Rig-veda X, 14. Comp. Yâgñavalkya III, 2. 10. The bhômigoshana (election of the site for the Smasâna) is
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(the rites) from the election of the site (for the Smasâna) down to their descending into water in order to bathe themselves) are the same as those prescribed for persons who have set up the (sacred Srauta) fires.
11. They burn him with his (sacred) domestic fire, if he has kept that;
12. Silently, with a common fire, other persons.
13. They should ask one who is related (to the deceased person) by blood or by marriage, for (his permission to perform the water-libation, in the words, We shall perform the libation.'
14. (He replies), 'Do so now and never again,' if the deceased person was not a hundred years old.
15. (He says) only, 'Do so,' if he was.
16. All relations (of the deceased), to the seventh or to the tenth degree, descend into water.
17. If dwelling in the same village, (all) as far as they can trace their relationship.
18. They wear (only) one garment, and have the sacred cord suspended over the right shoulder.
19. With the fourth finger of the left hand they spirt away (the water) with (the words), 'May he drive evil away from us with his splendour' (Vâg. Samh. XXXV, 6).
20. Facing the south, they plunge into the water).
21. They pour out with joined hands one libation of water to the deceased person with (the words), 'N. N.! This water to thee!'
22. When they have come out (of the water) and treated of in Satapatha Brâhmana XIII, 8, 1, 6 seqq.; Kâtyâyana Srauta-sútra XXI, 3, 15 segg. On the bath taken after the ceremony, see Satapatha Brâhmana XIII, 8, 4, 5; Kâtyâyana XXI, 4, 24.
16. Yâgñavalkya III, 3. 22. Yâgñavalkya III, 7: apavadeyus tân itihâsaih purâtanaih.
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have sat down on a pure spot that is covered with grass, (those who are versed in ancient tales) should entertain them (by telling such tales).
23. They return to the village without looking back, in one row, the youngest walking in front.
24. In the doors of their houses they chew leaves of the Pikumanda (or Nimba) tree, sip water, touch water, fire, cowdung, white mustard seeds, and oil, tread upon a stone, and then they enter.
25. Through a period of three nights they should remain chaste, sleep on the ground, do no work and charge nobody (to do it for them).
26. Let them eat food which they have bought or received (from others); (they should eat it) only in the day-time, (and should eat) no meat.
27. Having offered to the deceased person the Pinda, naming his name at the washing, at the offering (of the Pinda), and at the second washing
28. They should that night put milk and water in an earthen vessel into the open air with (the words), Deceased one, bathe here!'
29. The impurity caused by death lasts through three nights;
30. Through ten nights, according to some (teachers).
31. (During that period they) should not perform Svâdhyâya (or study the Vedic texts for themselves).
23. Yâgñavalkya III, 12. 24. Yâgñavalkya III, 12. 13. 25, 26. Yâgħavalkya III, 16; Manu V, 73; Vasishtha IV, 15.
27. See on the washing and on the offering of the Pinda, Kâtyâyana-Srauta-sâtra IV, 1, 10. 11. Comp. Weber, Indische Studien, X, 82.
28. Yagñavalkya III, 17. 29, 30. Yågñavalkya III, 18; Manu V, 59.
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32. They should intermit the standing rites, except those performed with the three (Srauta) fires,
33. And (with the exception of those performed) with the (sacred) domestic fire, according to some (teachers).
34. Others should perform (those rites for them).
35. Those who have touched the dead body should not enter the village until the stars appear.
36. If (they have touched it) in the night-time, (they should not enter) till sunrise.
37. The entering and what follows after it is the same (for these persons) as for the others.
38. (Their) impurity lasts through one or two fortnights.
39. The same (rites should be performed) when the teacher (has died),
40. Or the maternal grandfather or grandmother, 41. Or unmarried females.
42. For those who were married, the others should do it,
43. And they for the (others).
44. If one dies while being absent on a journey, (his relations) shall sit (on the ground, as prescribed for impure persons) from the time when they have heard (of his death), performing the water libation
37. The position of this Satra after 35, 36 seems to me to indicate that it refers to those who have touched the dead body; comp. Yâgñavalkya III, 14 : pravesanâdikam karma pretasamsparsinâm api. I believe that the same persons are concerned also in Sätra 38.
42. I.e. the husband and his relatives. Comp. Vasishtha IV, 19.
43. A married female should perform the rites for her husband and his relatives. See Professor Bühler's note on Vasishtha IV, 19; S. B. E., XIV, 28.
44. Yâgñavalkya III, 21; Manu V, 75, 76. Comp. Gautama XIV, 37; Vasishtha IV, 14.
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(at that time), until the period (of their impurity) has expired;
45. If (that period has already) elapsed, through one night or three nights.
46. Optional is the water libation for an officiating priest, a father-in-law, a friend, for (distant) relations, for a maternal uncle, and for a sister's son;
47. And for married females.
48. On the eleventh day he should give to an uneven number of Brâhmanas a meal at which meat is served.
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49. Some also kill a cow in honour of the deceased person.
50. When the Pindas are prepared, the deceased person, if he has sons, shall be considered as the first of the (three) Fathers (to whom Pindas are offered). 51. The fourth one should be left out.
52. Some (make Pinda offerings to a deceased person) separately through one year (before admitting him to a share in the common Pitriyagña).
53. But there is a rule, 'There can be no fourth Pinda'-for this is stated in the Sruti.
54. Every day he shall give food to him (i.e. to the deceased person), and if he was a Brâhmana, a vessel with water.
55. Some offer also a Pinda.
47. See above, § 42.
51. See Sânkhâyana-Grihya IV, 2, 8.
52. Sankhâyana-Grihya VIII, 2. Comp. the description of the Sapindikarana, ibid., chap. 3.
53. There would be four Pindas, if one were to be offered to the recently deceased person, and three others to those Fathers who had received Pinda offerings before his death. Therefore one of these three Fathers is omitted; see § 51.
54. Comp. Apastamba I, 13, 1; Baudhâyana II, 11, 3.
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KANDIKÂ 11. 1. If an animal (is to be sacrificed), let him wash it, if it is not a cow; let him walk round the fires and drive in front (of them) a Paläsa branch into the ground.
2. The winding (of a Kusa rope) round (that branch), the touching (of the animal with the grassblade), the binding (of it to the branch), and the sprinkling (of the animal with water) should be performed in the way prescribed in the Srauta-sútra), and whatever else is to be done).
3. After he has sacrificed the two oblations before and after the killing of the animal, (he) silently (sacrifices) five other (oblations, directed to Pragâpati).
4. And the omentum is taken out (of the killed animal). He should besprinkle it (with water) and name the deity (to whom the sacrifice is directed).
5. (He should name that deity also) at the touching (of the animal with the grass-blade), at (its) being bound (to the branch), at its being sprinkled (with water), and at (the preparation and oblation) of the mess of cooked food.
6. After he has sacrificed the omentum, he cuts off the Avadâna portions,
11, 1. The branch replaces the sacrificial post (yllpa) of the Srauta ritual. As to agrena, comp. Kâty.-Sraut. VI, 2, 11 and the commentary.
2. See Kâty.-Sraut. VI, 3, 15 on the parivyayana, ibid. $$ 19, 26 on the upâkarana, § 27 on the niyogana, § 33 on the prokshana.
3. Kâtyâyana VI, 5, 22 : He sacrifices (âgya) with the words, "Svâhâ to the gods.' § 24: He sacrifices (Âgya) with the words, "To the gods svâhâ.' In the commentary on § 25 these two oblations are called paripasavyâhutî.
4. See Kâtyâyana VI, 6, 13; Âsvalâyana-Grihya I, 11, 10. 5. See above, Sûtra 2.
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Page #1969

III KANDA, 12 KANDIKA, 4.
361
7. All of them, or three, or five.
8. He sacrifices the Avadâna portions together with the mess of cooked food.
9. A limb of the animal is the sacrificial fee.
10. At (a sacrifice) directed to a special deity he should sacrifice (an animal) belonging to that deity, should make a portion for that (god), and should say to him (i.e. to the messenger who is to convey that offering to a place sacred to that deity): 'Take care that this may reach that (god).'
II. If there is a river between (the sacrificer and that sacred place), he may have a boat made, or he may dispense with this.
KANDIKA 12.
1. Now (follows) the penance for a student who has broken the vow of chastity.
2. On a new-moon day he shall sacrifice an ass on a cross-road (to the goddess Nirviti).
3. (And) he shall offer a mess of cooked food to Nirriti.
4. The Avadâna portions are sacrificed into water (and not into fire).
7. The complete number of the Avadânas (i.e. the portions of the killed animal which have to be cut off, such as the heart, the tongue, &c.) is eleven; see Kâty.-Sraut. VI, 7, 6; AsvalâyanaGrihya I, 11, 12.
8. Asvalâyana-Grihya, loc. cit. § 13.
10, 11. The way for interpreting these Sûtras is shown by Asvalâyana-Grihya I, 12. I do not think that they have anything to do, as Gayarâma states, with reference to Sutra 11, with the offering due to a relative who has died while being absent on a journey (chap. 10, 44).
12, 1. See the parallel passages quoted by Professor Bühler in his note on Âpastamba I, 26, 8 (S. B. E., II, 85), and besides, Kâtyâyana I, 1, 13 seqq.; Gautama XXIII, 17 seqq., &c.
4. This Sûtra is identical with Kâtyâyana I, 1, 16.
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Page #1970
362 PARASKARA-GRIHYA-SOTRA. 5. The Purodasa (or sacrificial cake), which belongs to the animal sacrifice, is cooked on the ground (and not in the Kapalas). 6. (The guilty person) should put on the skin (of the ass), 7. With the tail turned upwards, according to some (teachers). 8. He should through one year go about for alms, proclaiming his deed. 9. After that time he sacrifices two Agya oblations with (the formulas), 'O Lust, I have broken my vow of chastity. I have broken my vow of chastity, O Lust. To Lust svaha !'---'O Lust, I have done evil. I have done evil, O Lust. To Lust svaha !' 10. He then approaches (the fire) with (the verse), "May the Maruts besprinkle me, may Indra, may Brihaspati, may this Agni besprinkle me with offspring and with wealth.' 11. This is the penance. KANDIKA 13. 1. Now the entering of a court of justice. 2. He approaches the court with the words), Court! Thou that belongest to the Angiras ! Trouble art thou by name ; vehemence art thou by name. Thus be adoration to thee!' 3. He then enters (the court) with (the words), * (May) the court and the assembly, the two unani 5. This Sutra is identical with Katyayana I, 1, 15. 9. Baudhayana II, 1, 34. 10. Baudhayana II, 1, 35. 13, 2. The regular Sandhi would be sabha (for sabhe) angirasi, instead of which the text has sabhangirasi. 3. In Sanskrit the words sabha (court) and samiti (assembly) are of feminine gender. I have translated upa ma sa tishthet in the sense indicated by Panini I, 4, 87. Digitized by Digitized by Google

Page #1971
III KANDA, 14 KANDIKA, 2. 363 mous daughters of Pragapati (protect me). May one who does not know me, be below me. May (all) people be considerate in what they say. 4. When he has arrived at the assembly, he should murmur, 'Superior (to my adversaries) I have come hither, brilliant, not to be contradicted. The lord of this assembly is a man insuperable in his power.' 5. Should he think, "This person is angry with me,' he addresses him with (the verses), The destroy-. ing power of wrath and anger that dwells here on thy forehead, that the chaste, wise gods may take away. Heaven am I and I am Earth; we both take away thy anger; the she-mule cannot bring forth offspring; N. N.!' 6. But if he should think, "This person will do evil to me,' he addresses him with (the words), 'I take away the speech in thy mouth, I take away (the speech) in thy heart. Wheresoever thy speech dwells, thence I take it away. What I say, is true. Fall down, inferior to me.' 7. The same is the way to make (a person) subject (to one's self). KANDIKA 14. 1. Now the mounting of a chariot (is declared). 2. After he has given the order, 'Put the horses to it,' and it has been announced, 'They are,' he goes to (the chariot, saying), 'This is the Virag,' and touches the two wheels, 5. Perhaps we should read garbhenasvataryah saha : we take away thy anger together with the offspring of the she-mule (that cannot foal). Comp. Kullavagga VII, 2, 5; S. B.E., XX, 238. 6. It is impossible to give a sure restoration of this corrupt Mantra. Perhaps we should read something like this: a te vakam asya a te hridaya adade. Comp. Hirany.-Grihya I, 4, 15, 6. Digitized by Digitized by Google

Page #1972
364 PARASKARA-GRIHYA-SUTRA. 3. The right (wheel) with (the words), 'The * Rathantara art thou ' 4. The left with (the words), 'The Brihat art thou' 5. The pole with the words), 'The Vamadevya art thou.' 6. He touches the interior of the chariot with his hand (saying), 'The two Ankas, the two Nyankas which are on both sides of the chariot, which move forward with the rushing wind, the far-darting one with keen senses, the winged one, may these fires, the promoters, promote us.' 7. With (the words), 'Adoration to Manikara,' he drives on the beast on the right side. 8. (If going in his chariot) toward (images of) gods, let him descend (from the chariot) before he has reached them; if toward Brahmanas, just before (reaching them); if toward cows, when amid them; if toward fathers, when he has reached them. 9. A woman or a Vedic student shall not be charioteers. 14, 6. The meaning of ankau and nyankau cannot be determined, as far as I can see. The commentators explain the words as the two wheels and the two sides of the chariot, or as the two right wheels and the two left wheels of a four-wheeled chariot. Professor Zimmer (Altindisches Leben, pp. 251 seq.) compares anka with outut, and says, 'Mit ankau (resp. anka) ware daher die obere Einfassung des Wagenkastens (kosa, vandhura) bezeichnet, mit nyankau (resp. nyankQ) ein zu grosserer Befestigung etwas weiter unten (ni) herumlaufender Stab.' To me it seems that ankau and nyankau are to be understood both as designations of certain parts of the chariot and as names of different forms of Agni dwelling in the chariot.-Comp. Taittiriya Samhita 1, 7, 7, 2; Pankavimsa Brahmana I, 7, 5. 7. The name of the demon Manikara occurs, as far as I know, only here. Digitized by Digitized by Google

Page #1973
III KANDA, 15 KANDIKA, 4. 365 10. Having driven a moment beyond (the point to which he intends to go) he should murmur, 'Here is rest, rest here' (Vag. Samh. VIII, 51). 11. Some add (the words), 'Here shall be no rest.' 12. If the chariot is weak, he should murmur, after he has mounted it, 'May this your chariot, O Asvins, suffer no damage on bad ways or by being overthrown. 13. If the horses run away with the chariot, he should touch the post (?) or the earth and should murmur, 'May this your chariot, O Asvins, suffer no damage on bad ways or by being overthrown.' 14. Thus he will suffer no harm and no damage. 15. When he has finished his way, and has unyoked the horses, let him have grass and water given to them. "For thus satisfaction is given to the beast that draws (the cart) 'says the Sruti. KANDIKA 15. 1. Now how he should mount an elephant. 2. He goes to the elephant and touches it (saying), 'The elephants' glory art thou. The elephants' honour art thou.' 3. He then mounts it with the words), With Indra's thunder-bolt I bestride thee. Make me arrive safely.' 4. Thereby it has also been declared how he should mount a horse. 11. If the reading of the text is correct, the meaning would seem to be : We will rest here for a while, but then we will go further. 13. I cannot say what 'the post' (stambha) here means; it may be a part of the chariot. Gayarama has dhvagastambha, i.e. the staff of a flag, which we are to suppose was carried on the chariot. This may be the right explanation. 15. Satapatha Brahmana I, 8, 2, 9. Digitized by Digitized by Google

Page #1974
366 PARASKARA-GRIH 5. When he is going to mount a camel, he addresses it: 'Thou art the son of Tvashtri ; Tvashtri is thy deity. Make me arrive safely.' 6. When he is going to mount a he-ass, he addresses it: 'A Sudra art thou, a Sudra by birth. To Agni thou belongest, with twofold sperm. Make me arrive safely.' 7. A path he addresses: 'Adoration to Rudra who dwells on the paths. Make me arrive safely. 8. A cross-road he addresses: 'Adoration to Rudra who dwells at the cross-roads. Make me arrive safely. 9. When he intends to swim across a river, he addresses it: 'Adoration to Rudra who dwells in the waters. Make me arrive safely.' 10. When going on board a ship, he addresses her : 'The good ship' (Vag. Samh. XXI, 7). 11. When going to cross (the river), he addresses (the ship): "The well-protecting' (Vag. Samh. XXI, 6). 12. A forest (through which he is wandering) he addresses: 'Adoration to Rudra who dwells in the forests. Make me arrive safely.' 13. A mountain (which he is going to cross) he addresses : 'Adoration to Rudra who dwells on the mountains. Make me arrive safely.' 14. A burial-ground he addresses : 'Adoration to Rudra who dwells among the Fathers. Make me arrive safely.' 15. A cow-stable he addresses: 'Adoration to Rudra who dwells among the dung-heaps. Make me arrive safely.' 6. The he-ass has twofold sperm, because he begets both asses and mules. Taittiriya Samhita VII, 1, 1, 2. Digitized by Digitized by Google

Page #1975
III KANDA, 15 KANDIKA, 22. 367 16. And wheresoever else it be, let him always say, "Adoration to Rudra. For the Sruti says, Rudra is this universe.' 17. If the skirt (of his garment) is blown upon him (by the wind), he addresses (that skirt): 'A skirt art thou. Thou art not a thunder-bolt. Adoration be to thee. Do no harm to me!' 18. The thunder he addresses : 'May the rains be friendly to us; may (Indra's) darts be friendly to us--may they be friendly to us which thou throwest, O killer of Vritra.' 19. A howling jackal he addresses : 'Friendly by name' (Vag. Samh. III, 63). 20. A shrieking bird he addresses: 'Goldenwinged bird who goest where the gods send thee ! Messenger of Yama, adoration be to thee! What has the Karkarina told thee?' 21. A tree that serves as a mark (of a boundary, &c.), he addresses: May neither the flash of lightning (destroy thee), nor axe nor wind nor punishment which the king sends. May thy shoots grow up; may rain fall on thee, in safety from the wind. May fire not destroy thy root. Blessing on thee, O lord of the forest! Blessing on me, O lord of the forest!' 22. If he receives something (given to him), he accepts it with the formula), "May Heaven give thee; may the Earth accept thee.' Thus (the thing given) does not decrease to him who gives it, and what he receives increases. 19. The play on words is untranslatable; jackal' is siva, 'friendly,' sivah. 20. I do not know the meaning of karkarinah. Gayarama takes it for a genitive standing instead of an accusative, and explains it by asmadbadhakam. Digitized by Digitized by Google

Page #1976
368 PARASKARA-GRIHYA-SOTRA. 23. If boiled rice is given to him, he accepts it with (the formula), May Heaven, &c.,' and he partakes thereof twice with (the formulas), 'May Brahman eat thee!'--May Brahman partake of thee!' 24. If gruel is given to him, (as above).... three times with the formulas), 'May Brahman eat thee!' -- May Brahman partake of thee!'--'May Brahman drink thee!' KANDIKA 16. 1. Now each time after a lesson (of the Veda) is finished, in order to prevent his forgetting (the texts he has studied, the following prayer should be recited): 'May my mouth be skilful; my tongue be honeysweet speech. With my ears I have heard much ; do not take away that which I have heard, which dwells in me. * The Brahman's word art thou; the Brahman's stand art thou; the Brahman's store-house art thou. Fulfilment art thou ; peace art thou; unforgetfulness art thou ; enter into my store house of the Brahman. With the voice I cover thee! With the voice I cover thee! May I be able to form the vowels, to produce, to hold fast and to utter the guttural, pectoral, dental, and labial sounds. May my limbs grow strong, my voice, breath, eye, ear, honour, and power. What I have heard and studied, may that be fixed in my mind; may that be fixed in my mind.' End of the Third Kanda. End of Paraskara's Grihya-sutra. 16, 1. As to anirakarana, comp. anirakarishnu above, II, 4, 3. Possibly we should read, gihva me madhumad vakah. Digitized by Digitized by Google

Page #1977
KHADIRA-GRIHYA-SUTRA. [9] въ Bb Digitized by Digitized by Google

Page #1978
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Page #1979
INTRODUCTION TO THE KHADIRA-GRIHYA-SUTRA. AMONG the Grantha MSS. collected by the late Dr. Burnell and now belonging to the India Office Library, there are some MSS. (numbers CLXXII and following of the Catalogue) of a Grihya-sutra hitherto unpublished, which is ascribed to Khadirakarya. It belongs to the Drahyayana school of the Sama-veda, which prevails in the south of the Indian peninsula', and it is based on the Gobhiliya-satra, from which it has taken the greater number of its aphorisms, just as the Drahyayana-Srautasatra, as far as we can judge at present, is nothing but a slightly altered redaction of Latyayana?. Like the GobhilaGrihya it very seldom gives the Mantras in their full extent, but quotes them only with their Pratikas, and it is easy to identify these quotations in the Mantrabrahmana (published at Calcutta, 1873), which contains the texts prescribed by Gobhila for the Grihya ceremonies. The Khadira-Grihya has evidently been composed with the intention of abridging Gobhila's very detailed and somewhat lengthy treatise on the domestic rites. Digressions, such as, for instance, that introduced by the words tatraihad a huh, Gobhila I, 2, 10-27, or such as Gobhila's explication of the terms paurnama si and amavasya, I, 5, 7 seqq., or most of the regulations concerning the Sakvaryas, III, 3, or the Slokas, IV, 7, are invariably left 1 See Dr. Burnell's Catalogue, p. 56. * Weber, Vorlesungen uber indische Literaturgeschichte (and edition), p. 87: Almost the entire difference between this Satra and that of Latyayana lies in the arrangement of the matter treated of, which is in itself very nearly the same in both texts, and is expressed in the same words.' Comp. Anandakandra Vedantavagisa's Introduction to his edition of Latyayana in the Bibliotheca Indica), pp. 2, 3, and his statements on Drahyayana in the notes of that edition. B b 2 Digitized by Digitized by Google

Page #1980
372 KHADIRA-GRIHYA-SOTRA. out, and in the descriptions of the single ceremonies throughout the principal points only are given, with the omission of all words and of all matter that it seemed possible to dispense with. On the other hand, the arrangement of the Satras has undergone frequent changes, in which the compiler clearly shows his intention of grouping together, more carefully than was done in the original text, the Satras which naturally belong to each other. Of the Sutras of the Khadira-Grihya which cannot be identified in Gobhila, several are to be traced back to Latyayana, or we I, 1, 14 mantrantam avyaktam parasyadigrahanena vidyat evidently corresponds to Latyayana I, 1, 3, uttaradih parvantalakshanam, and Khad. I, 1, 24 avyavrittim yagnangair avya vayam kekhet is identical with Laty. I, 2, 15, avyavayo-vyavrittis ka yag nangaih. Upon the whole, though certainly the Khadira-Grihya does not contain much matter which is not known to us from other sources, it notwithstanding possesses a certain interest, since it shows by a very clear example how a Sutrakara of the later time would remodel the work of a more ancient author, trying to surpass him by a more correct arrangement, and especially by what became more and more appreciated as the chief accomplishment of Sutra composition, the greatest possible succinctness and economising of words. To an interpreter of Gobhila the comparison of the Khadira-Grihya no doubt will suggest in many instances a more correct understanding of his text than he would have been likely to arrive at without that aid, and perhaps even readings of Gobhila which seemed hitherto subject to no doubt, will have to give way to readings supplied by the Grantha MSS. of the KhadiraGrihya. Thus, Gobhila III, 8, 16, I do not hesitate to correct asamsvadam, on the authority of Khad. III, 3, 13, into a samkhadam or asamkhadan'. 1 Comp. Paraskara II, 10, 15, and the quotations given by Bohtlingk-Roth S. v. sam-khad. Forms derived from the two roots, khad and svad, are fre. quently interchanged in the MSS.; see the two articles in the Dictionary. Digitized by Digitized by Google

Page #1981

INTRODUCTION.
373
As the text of the Khâdira-Grihya is very short and has not yet been published, it has been printed at the foot of the page, together with references to the parallel passages of Gobhila. For further explanations of the single Sûtras, I refer to my translation of Gobhila which will form part of the second volume of the Grihya-sútras, where I shall also hope to give some extracts from Rudraskanda's commentary on the Khâdira-Grihya.
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Page #1982

KHÂDIRA-GRIHYA-SÛTRA.
Patala I, KHANDA 1. 1. Now henceforth the domestic sacrifices (will be explained).
2. During the northern course of the sun, at the time of the increasing moon, on auspicious days, before noon: this is the time at which the constellations are lucky, unless a special statement is given.
3. At the end (of the ceremonies) he should give to the Brâhmanas to eat according to his ability.
4. The sacrificial cord is made of a string or fof Kusa grass.
5. If he suspends it round his neck and raises the right arm (so as to wear the cord on his left shoulder), he becomes yagãopavitin.
6. (If he raises) the left (arm and wears the cord on his right shoulder, he becomes) prâkînâ vitin.
7. After having sipped water three times, let him wipe off the water twice.
I, 1, 1. athậto grihyâkarmâny. 2. udagayanapurvapakshapunyâheshu prâg avartanâd anubhah kâlonâdese. 3. pavarge yathotsaham brâhmanân âsayed. 4. yagnopavîtam sautram kausam vå. 5. grîvâyâm pratimukya dakshinam bâhum uddhritya yagñopavîtî bhavati. 6. savyam prâkînâvîtî. 7. trir âkamyâpo dvih parimrigîta.
I, 1, 1=Gobhila I, 1, 1. 2=1, 1, 3. 3=I, 1, 6. I seqq. 7-10=1, 2, 5 seqq.
4-6=1, 2,
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Page #1983

I PATALA, I KHANDA, 17.
375
8. Having besprinkled his feet (with water), let him besprinkle his head.
9. Let him touch the organs of his senses (i.e. his eyes, his nose, and his ears) with water (i. e. with a wet hand).
10. When he has finally touched (water) again, he becomes pure.
11. (If) sitting, standing, or lying down (is prescribed), he should understand that it is to be done) on northward-pointed Darbha grass, with the face turned to the east, to the west of the fire with which the sacrifice is performed.
12. If the word Snâna (or bathing) is used, (this refers to the whole body) with the head.
13. (The different ceremonies are) performed with the right hand, if no special rule is given.
14. If it is not clear where a Mantra ends, one should discern it by (adverting to) the beginning of the next Mantra.
15. The Mantras have the word svâhâ at their end, when offerings are made.
16. The term Pâkayagña is used of every sacrifice that is performed with one fire.
17. There the Brahman is (present as) officiating priest, with the exception of the morning and evening oblations.
8. pâdâv abhyukshya siro s bhyukshed. 9. indriyâny adbhih samsprised. 10. antatah pratyupasprisya sukir bhavaty. 11. asanasthanasamvesanâny udagagreshu darbheshu prânmukhasya pratîyât paskâd agner yatra homa syât. 12. sahasirasam snânasabde. 13. dakshinena pâninâ krityam anâdese. 14. mantrântam avyaktam parasyadigrahanena vidyệt. I5. svẫhânta mantrả homeshu. 16. pâkayagña ityakhya yah kas kaikāgnau. 17. tatra ritvig brahmâ sâyampratarhomavargam.
11-14 desunt. 1551, 9, 25. 16 deest. 17, 18=I. 9, 8. 9.
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Page #1984

376
KHÂDIRA-GRIHYA-SÛTRA.
18. The Hotri's place is filled by (the sacrificer) himself.
19. To the south of the fire the Brahman sits facing the north, silently, until the oblation has been performed, on eastward-pointed (Darbha grass).
20. But if he likes, he may speak of what refers to the sacrifice.
21. Or if he has spoken (words) which are unworthy of the sacrifice, let him murmur the Mahavyâhritis,
22. Or (the verse), Thus has Vishnu' (Sv. I, 222).
23. If he does himself the work both of the Brahman and of the Hotri, let him sit down on the Brahman's seat, and (leave that seat) placing a parasol on it, or an outer garment, or a water-pot, and then let him perform his other duties.
24. Let him take care not to turn his back to, or become separated (by any person or thing interposed) from what belongs to the sacrifice.
KHANDA 2. 1. In the eastern part of his dwelling he should besmear (the place on which the sacrifice will be
18. svayamhautram. 19. dakshinato sgner udanmukhas toshnim âste brahmâ homât prâgagreshu. 20. kâmam tv adhiyagñam vyâhared. 21. ayagñiyâm vâ vyâhritya mahâvyâhritfr gaped. 22. idam vishnur ita vâ. 23. hautrabrahmatve svayam kurvan brahmasanam [sic] upavisya khattram uttarasangam kamandalum vâ tatra kritvâthânyat kuryâd. 24. avyâvrittim yagñângair avyavâyam kekhet.
2, 1. pûrve bhâge vesmano gomayenopalipya tasya madhyadese lakshanam kuryâd.
19=1, 6, 13 seqq. 20-22=1, 6, 17 seqq. 23=1,6, 21. 24 deest. 2, i seqq.=Gobhila I, 1, 9 seqq.
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Page #1985

I PATAIA, 2 KHANDA, II.
377
performed) with cowdung, and should draw in the middle of it the lines.
2. To the south he should draw a line from west to east.
3. From the beginning of that line (he should draw a line) from south to north ; from the end (of the last-mentioned line) one from west to east; between (the first and the third line) three (lines) from west to east.
4. He besprinkles that (place) with water, 5. Establishes the fire (thereon),
6. Wipes along around the fire) with the three verses, 'This praise' (MB. II, 4, 2-4).
7. To the west of the fire he touches the earth with his two hands turned downwards, with (the verse), 'We partake of the earth's' (MB. II, 4, 1).
8. In night-time (he pronounces that Mantra so that it ends with the word) goods' (vasu).
9. Having strewn Darbha grass to the west (of the fire), let him draw (some grass) from the southend and from the north-end (of what he has strewn), in an eastern direction.
10. Or let him omit this drawing (of Darbha grass to the east),
11. And let him strew (the grass) beginning in the east, so as to keep his right side turned to the
2. dakshinatah prâkîm rekhâm ullikhya. 3. tadârambhâd udîkîm tadavasânât prâkim tisro madhye prâkîs. 4. tad abhyukshyâ. 5. sgnim upasamadhâya. 6. imam stomam iti parisamdhya trikena. 7. paskâd agner bhūmau nyañkau pânî kritvedam bhûmer iti. 8. vasvantan râtrau. 9. paskâd darbhân âstîrya dakshinatah prakîm prakarshed uttaratas kâ. 10. sprakrishya vâ. II. pûrvopakramam pradakshinam agnim strinuyân mâlâny agrais khâdayan trivritam pañkavritam vo.
6-8=IV, 5, 3 seqq.
9-11=I, 7, 9 seqq.
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Page #1986

378
KHÂDIRA-GRIHYA-SOTRA.
fire, covering the roots (of the Darbha blades) with the points, in three layers or in five layers.
12. Sitting down he cuts off two span-long Darbha points, not with his nail, with (the words), Purifiers are ye, sacred to Vishnu.'
13. He wipes them with water, with (the words), By Vishnu's mind are ye purified.'
14. Holding them with his two thumbs and fourth fingers so that their points are turned to the north, he three times purifies the Agya (with them), with (the words), ‘May the god Savitri purify thee with this uninjured purifier, with the rays of the good sun.'
15. Having sprinkled them (with water) he should throw them into the fire.
16. Having put the Âgya on the fire he should take it (from the fire) towards the north.
17. Bending his right knee he should pour out to the south of the fire his joined hands full of water with (the words), 'Aditi! Give thy consent!'
18. To the west with (the words), 'Anumati! Give thy consent!
19. To the north with (the words), 'Sarasvati ! Give thy consent !!
12. pavisya darbhâgre prâdesamâtre prakhinatti na nakhena pavitre stho vaishnavyâv ity. 13. adbhir unmrigya Vishnor manasa pûte stha ity. 14. udagagre ngushthâbhyam anâmikabhyam ka samgrihya trir ágyam utpunâti devas tvâ Savitotpunâtv akhidrena pavitrena vasos sûryasya rasmibhir ity. 15. abhyukshyâgnâv anuprahared. 16. ágyam adhisrityottaratah kuryâd. 17. dakshinagânvakto dakshinenâgnim Adite s numanyasvety udakâñgalim prasis ked. 18. Anumate : numanyasveti paskât. 19. Sarasvate (sic, comp. Hiranyakesi-Grihya I, 1, 2, 9] - numanyasvety uttaratah.
12-16=1, 7, 21–27.
17-21=1, 3, 1 seqq.
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Page #1987

I PATALA, 3 KHANDA, 3.
379
20. With the words), ‘God Savitri! Give thy impulse ! (MB. I, 1, 1) he should sprinkle (water) round the fire so as to keep his right side turned towards it, encompassing what he is going to offer (with the water).
21. (This he does) once or thrice. 22. He puts a piece of wood on (the fire).
23. He should murmur the Prapada formula (MB. II, 4, 5), hold his breath, fix his thoughts on something good, and should emit his breath when beginning the Virupaksha formula (MB. II, 4, 6).
24. At ceremonies for the attainment of special wishes (he should do so) for each of the objects (which he wishes to attain).
25. He should do so always at sacrifices.
KHANDA 3. 1. A student after he has studied the Veda and has offered a present to his teacher, should, with permission (of his parents), take a wife.
2. And (he should take) the bath (which signifies the end of studentship).
3. Of these two (acts the taking of) the bath comes first.
20. deva Savitah prasuveti pradakshinam agnim paryukshed abhipariharan havyam. 21. sakrit trir vâ. 22. samidham adhâya. 23. prapadam gapitvopatâmya kalyanam dhyâyan vairūpâksham ârabhyokkhvaset. 24. pratikâmam kâmyeshu. 25. sarvatraitad dhomeshu kuryât.
3, 1. brahmakâri vedam adhîtyopanyâhritya guraves nugñato dârân kurvîtâ. 2. - plavanañ ka. 3. tayor âplavanam pūrvam.
22=1, 8, 26. 33=IV, 5, 6 seqq. 24, 25 desunt. 3, 1=Gobhila III, 4, 1. 2=III, 4, 7. 3, 4 desunt.
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Page #1988

380
KHÂDIRA-GRIHYA-SÚTRA.
4. As, however, in the collection of) Mantras marriage is treated of (first), it is explained (here) before (the bath).
5. A Brâhmana with a water-pot, wrapped in his robe, keeping silence, should step in front of the fire and should station himself (to the south of it) with his face to the north.
6. After (the bride) has taken a bath, (the bridegroom) should dress her in a garment that has not yet been washed, with (the verse), 'They who spun' (MB. I, 1, 5). While she is led up (to him), the bridegroom should murmur (the verse), 'Soma gave her' (1. 1. 7).
7. To the south of the bridegroom he (who has led her to him) should make her sit down.
8. While she touches him, (the bridegroom) should make oblations of Agya with the Sruva, picking out (portions of it (comp. Pâraskara II, 14, 13]), with the Mahâvyâhritis.
9. A fourth (oblation) with (the three Mahâvyâhritis) together.
10. The same at the ceremonies of the tonsure (of the child's head), of the initiation (of the Brahmakârin), and of the cutting of the beard.
4. mantrâbhivâdât tu pânigrahanasya (correct, pânigrahanam ?) pûrvam vyâkhyâtam. 5. brâhmanas sahodakumbhah prâvrito vágyato-grenâgnim gatvodanmukhas tishthet. 6. snâtâm ahatenakhadya yâ akrintann ity ânîyamânâyâm pânigrâho gapet Somos dadad iti. 7. pânigrâhasya dakshinata upavesayed. 8. anvârabdhâyâm sruvenopaghâtam mahâvyâhritibhir âgyam guhuyât. 9. samastabhis katurthîm. 10. evam kaulopanayanagodâneshv.
5=II, 1, 13. 6=II, 1, 17-19. 7 seqq.=II, 1, 23 seqq.; I, 9, 26 seqq.
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Page #1989

I PATALA, 3 KHANDA, 20.
381
11. And at the marriage (he makes oblations) with the six verses, 'May Agni go as the first' (MB. I, 1, 9 seqq.).
12. At Agya oblations, unless a special rule is given, the two Agya portions and the Svishtakrit oblation (are) not (offered).
13. After (the chief oblations he should) always (make oblations) with the Mahâvyâhritis,
14. And with the (verse) sacred to Pragâpati. 15. He should make an expiatory oblation. 16. After the sacrifice they both arise. 17. (The bridegroom) should pass behind (the bride's) back, station himself to the south, and seize the bride's hand.
18. Her mother who has, towards the east, put fried grain mixed with Samt leaves into a basket,
19. Should make the bride tread with the tip of her right foot on an upper mill-stone, to the west of the fire, with (the verse which the bridegroom repeats), 'On this stone' (MB. I, 2, 1).
20. Her brother, filling once his joined hands
II. Agnir etu prathama iti shaɗbhis ka pânigrahane. 12. nagyabhagau na svishtakrid âgyâhutishv anâdese. 13. sarvatroparish/ân mahâvyâhritibhih1. 14. prâgâpatyaya ka. 15. prâyaskittam guhuyêd. 16. dhutvopottish/hato. 17. nuprishtham gatvâ dakshinato vasthâya vadhvañgalim grihnîyât. 18. pûrvâ mâtâ samîpalâsamisrân (var. lect. misrâl) lâgân khûrpe kritvâ. 19. paskâd agner drishatputram âkramayed vadhum dakshinena prapadenemam asmânam iti. 20. sakridgrihîtam angalim lâgânâm vadhvañgalâv âvaped bhrâtâ.
14, 15 desunt. 16-31-II, 2, 1 seqq.
Possibly the Sûtras 12 and 13 should be divided thus: 12. nâgyabhâgau na svishtakrid âgyâhutishv. 13. anâdese sarvatr° &c. Comp. Gobhila I, 9, 26.
27; Sankhayana I, 12, 13; 9, 10.
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Page #1990

382
KHÂDIRA-GRIHYA-SÚTRA.
with fried grain, should pour it into the bride's joined hands.
21. Or some friend (instead of the brother).
22. That she should sacrifice over the fire without opening her joined hands with (the verse which the bridegroom repeats), 'This woman' (MB. I, 2, 2).
23. (The verses), · Aryaman' and 'Pashan' (1. 1. 3, 4) (are repeated) at the two following (oblations of fried grain).
24. After that sacrifice he should go back in the same way (see Sätra 17), and should lead her round the fire, so that their right sides are turned towards it with the formula), 'The maid from the fathers' (1. 1. 5).
25. (These rites), beginning from his stationing himself (to the south, Satra 17), (are performed) thrice.
26. After (she) has poured the remnants (of the fried grain) into the fire, he should make her step forward in a north-eastern direction with (the formula), 'For sap with one step' (1. 1. 6, 7).
27. The looking at the lookers-on, the mounting of the chariot, the reciting (of Mantras) at places difficult to pass (on the way of the bridegroom and the bride, is performed) with (verses) suited (to those different occasions).
21. suhrid vâ kaskit. 22. tam sâgnau guhuyâd avikhidyângalim iyam nârîty. 23. Aryamanam Pushanam ity uttarayor. 24. hute tenaiva gatvâ pradakshinam agnim parinayet kanyalâ pitribhya ity. 25. avasthânaprabhrity evam iris. 26. sûrpena sishtân agnâv opya pragudikîm utkramayed ekam isha itî. 27. skshakâvekshanarathârohanadurgânumantranâny abhirūpâbhir.
(21 and a part of 27 desunt.)
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Page #1991

I PATALA, 4 KHANDA, 3.
383
28. Walking forward behind the fire, the watercarrier (see Sätra 5) should besprinkle the bridegroom on his forehead.
29. So also the bride.
30. When he has thus been besprinkled, (he should repeat the verse), “May (the Visve devâs) anoint (or, unite)' (MB. I, 2, 9).
31. He should seize her right hand, together with the thumb, with the six (verses), “I seize thy hand' (MB. I, 2, 10 seqq.).
KHANDA 4. 1. He should carry her away in a north-eastern direction.
2. In a Brâhmana's house he should establish the (nuptial) fire, should spread out to the west of the fire a red bull's hide with the hair outside and with the neck to the east, and should make her, who has to keep silence, sit down (thereon).
3. When (somebody) has said that a star has appeared, he should, while she touches him, make oblations (of Agya) with the Sruva, picking out (portions of it), with the six (verses) commencing with (the verse), 'In the lines' (MB. I, 3, I seqq.). The remnants he should pour out over the bride's head.
28. aparenâgnim auduko gatvâ pânigrâham mûrdhany avasiñked. 29. vadhum ka. 30. samañgantv ity avasikto. 31. dakshinam pânim sângushtham grihnîyâd gribhnâmi ta iti shadbhih.
4, 1. prâgudîkîm udvahed. 2. brâhmanakulesgnim upasamadhâya paskâd agner lohitam karmânaduham uttaraloma prâggrîvam astîrya vâgyatâm upavesayet. 3. prokte nakshatres nvârabdhâyâm sruvenopaghâtam guhuyât shadbhir lekhâprabhritibhih sampâtân avanayan mürdhani vadhvâh.
4, 1-11=Gobhila II, 3, 1 seqq.
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Page #1992

384
KHÂDIRA-GRIHYA-SOTRA.
4. Having circumambulated the fire so that their right sides are turned towards it, he shows her the polar star (literally, the firm one), with the verse, 'Firm is the sky' (1. 1. 7).
5. She should break her silence by respectfully calling her Gurus by their Gotra names.
6. A cow constitutes the sacrificial fee.
7. Here the Arghya ceremony should be performed.
8. (Or rather it should be performed) when they have come to their house), according to some (teachers) : [comp. Sânkh. I, 12, 10.]
9. Through a period of three nights they should avoid eating saline. food and drinking milk, and should sleep together without having conjugal intercourse.
10. Having murmured over food which is fit for sacrifice, the (verses), With the tie of food' (MB. I, 3, 8-10), he should pronounce the wife's name, *N. N.!'
11. After he has sacrificed (or, eaten ?) he should give the rest to the wife.
12. After the lapse of that period of three nights, he should make oblations of Agya with the four
4. pradakshinam agnim parikramya dhruvam darsayati dhruvâ dyaur ity. 5. abhivadya gurûn (gurum, Gobhila) gotrena visriged vâkam. 6. gaur dakshinâ. 7. strârghyam. 8. âgateshvity eke. 9. trirâtram kshâralavane dugdham iti vargayantau (vargayânau the MSS.) saha sayîyâtâm (sayyâtâm, saryyatâm the MSS.) brahmakârinau. 10. havishyam annam parigapyânnapäsenety asâv iti vadhva nama brûyâd. II. hutvokkhishtam (bhuktvo?) vadhvai dadyâd. 12. Ürdhvam trirâtrâk katasrıbhir âgyam guhuyâd Agne prâyaskittir iti samasya paskamîm sampâtân avanayann uda pâtre.
12-13=II, 5, I seqq.
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Page #1993

I PATALA, 5 KHANDA, 5.
385
verses, 'Agni, thou art expiation' (MB. I, 4, 1 seqq.). A fifth (oblation) combining (the names of the four gods invoked in those verses). The remnants (of Âgya) he should pour into a water-pot.
13. With that (Ågya) he should wash her, including her hair and nails.
14. Thenceforward he should behave as required by circumstances.
15. At the time of her courses he should touch with his right hand her secret parts with (the verse), May Vishnu make thy womb ready' (MB. I, 4, 6).
16. When (that verse) is finished, he should cohabit with her, with (the verse), 'Give conception' (1. 1. 7).
KHANDA 5. 1. The fire used at his wedding (is kept as) his (sacred) domestic fire.
2. Or that on which he (as a student) puts the last piece of wood.
3. Or (a fire) kindled by attrition: that is pure, but it does not bring prosperity.
4. Or he may get it from a frying-pan.
5. Or from the house of one who offers many sacrifices, with the exception of a Sudra.
13. tenainam sakesanakhâm âplâvayet. 14. tato yathârtham syâd. 15. ritukâle dakshinena paninopastham âlabhed Vishnur yonim kalpayatv iti. 16. samâptâyâm sambhaved garbhan dhehiti.
5, 1. yasminn agnau pânim grihniyât sa grihyo. 2. yasmin vântyam samidham âdadhyân. 3. nirmanthyo va punyas so snardhuko. 4. smbarîshâd vânayed. 5. bahuyagino vâgârâk khudravargam.
14=II, 4, II. 15, 16=II, 5, 9, 10. 5, 1-9=Gobhila I, 1, 20-28.
сс
[29]
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Page #1994

386
KHÂDIRA-GRIHYA-SUTRA.
6. The service (at that sacred domestic fire) begins with an evening oblation.
7. After (the fire) has been set in a blaze before sunset or sunrise
8. The sacrifice (is performed) after sunset, 9. (And) after sunrise or before sunrise.
10. He should with his hand make oblations of food which is fit for sacrifice, having washed it, if it is raw.
11. If it consists in curds or milk, with a brazen
bowl,
12. Or with the pot in which the oblations of cooked rice are prepared.
13. (In the evening the first oblation with the formula), 'To Agni Svâhâ !' in the middle (of the sacred fire);
14. The second (oblation) silently in the northeastern part (of the fire).
15. In the morning the first (oblation with the formula), 'To Sarya (Svâhâ)!'
16. The wiping round the fire and the similar acts, with the exception of the sprinkling (of water) round (the fire), are omitted here.
17. Some (teachers say) that his wife may offer these oblations, for the wife is (as it were) the house, and that fire is the domestic fire.
6. sayamâhutyupakramam parikaranam. 7. prâg astamayodayâbhyam prâdushkritya. 8. sstam ite homa. 9. udite kânudite vâ. 1o. havishyasyânna syâkritam ket prakshâlya guhuyât pâninâ. II. dadhi ket payo vâ kamsena. 12. karusthâlyâ vâ. 13. sgnaye svaheti madhye. 14. tûshnim prâgudîkîm uttarâm. 15. Sâryâyeti prâtah pârvâm. 16. nâtra parisamûhanâdîni paryukshanavargam. 17. patnî guhuyâd ity eke grihâh patnî grihyo sgnir esha iti.
10-19=1, 3, 6–18 (16 deest).
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Page #1995

I PATALA, 5 KHANDA, 30.
387
18. When (the meal) is ready, in the evening and in the morning, (the wife) should say, 'It is ready!' and (the husband) with loud voice, 'Om!'
19. Then in a low voice : May it not fail! Adoration to thee!'
20. Of food which is fit for sacrifice he should make oblations to Pragâpati and to (Agni) Svishtakrit.
21. Then he should make the Bali offerings.
22. He should put down (a Bali) at four places, inside or outside (the Agnyagâra);
23. (Another Bali) near the water-barrel ; 24. (Another) at the middle door ; 25. (Another) in the bed, 26. Or in the privy; 27. Another on the heap of sweepings.
28. He should sprinkle each (Bali with water) before and afterwards.
29. The remnants he should pour out together with water towards the south.
30. Of chaff, of water, and of the scum of boiled rice (he should offer a Bali) when a donation has been made.
18. siddhe sâyamprâtar bhùtam ity ukta om ity ukkair brûyât. 19. mâ kshâ namas ta ity upânsu. 20. havishyasyânnasya guhuyât prägâpatyam sauvishtakritam ka. 21. balim nayed. 22. bahir antar vâ katur nidhaya. 23. manikadese. 24. madhye dvâri, 25. sayyâm anu. 26. varkam [sic] vâ. 27. stha sastūpam. 28. ekaikam ubhayatah parishiñkek. 29. khesham adbhis sârdham dakshina ninayet. 30. phalîkaranânâm apâm âkâmasveti (read, akâmasyeti) visrânite.
20-37=1, 4, I seqq.
CC 2
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Page #1996

KHADIRA-GRIHYA-SÛTRA.
388
31. The gods to whom the Bali offerings belong, are, the Earth, Vâyu, Pragâpati, the Visve devâs, the Waters, the Herbs and Trees, the Ether, Kâma or Manyu, the hosts of Rakshas, the Fathers, Rudra.
32. He should do so silently.
33. He should do so (i.e. offer Balis) of all food. 34. If for one meal the food gets ready at different times, he should do so only once.
35. If (food is prepared) at different places, (he should take) that which belongs to the householder.
36. Of all food he should offer (something) in the fire, and give the due portion to a Brâhmana; he should do so himself.
37. From the rice(-harvest) till the barley (-harvest), or from the barley(-harvest) till the rice(-harvest) he should offer (the Balis) himself. He should offer (the Balis) himself.
End of the First Patala.
31. Prithivî Vâyuh Pragâpatir Visve devâ Âpa Oshadhivanaspataya Âkâsah Kâmo Manyur vâ Rakshoganâh Pitaro Rudra iti balidaivatâni. 32. tûshnîm tu kuryât. 33. sarvasya tv annasyaitat kuryâd. 34. asakrik ked ekasmin kâle siddhe sakrid eva kuryâd. 35. bahudhâ ked yad grihapateh. 36. sarvasya tv annasyâgnau kritvâgram brâhmanâya dadyât; svayam kuryâd. 37. vrîhiprabhrity â yavebhyo yavebhyo vâ vrîhibhya svayam haret svayam prathamapa/alah.
haret.
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Page #1997

II PATALA, I KHANDA, 9.
389
PATALA II, KHANDA 1.
1. Of the sacrifices of the new and full moon, the full-moon sacrifice should be performed first.
2. If (the term for the sacrifice) of the new moon comes first, he should first celebrate the full-moon sacrifice and then perform that.
3. Some say that he should not perform it, and wait till the day of the full moon.
4. In the afternoon, husband and wife, after having bathed, should eat fast-day food.
5. Mânadantavya has said: 'He who eats fastday food, obtains offspring better than himself; he gains favour; hunger will not attack him.'
6. Therefore one should eat (fast-day food) which he likes.
7. He should do nothing unholy (such as cohabiting with his wife).
8. After he has sacrificed the morning oblation, 9. He should pour out the sacrificial food with (the formula), Agreeable to such and such (a deity) I pour thee out:' (this formula) referring to the
II, 1, 1. paurnamâsopakramau darsapaurnamâsau. 2. dârsam ket purvam upapadyeta paurnamâsenesh/vâtha tat kuryâd. 3.: akurvan paurnamâsîm âkânkshed ity eke. 4. parâhne snâtvaupavasathikam dampatî bhungîyâtâm. 5. Mânadantavya uvâka: sreyasîm pragâm vindate kâmyo bhavaty akshodhuko ya aupavasathikam bhunkte. 6. tasmâd yat kâmayeta tad bhungîta. 7. návratyam âkaret. 8. prâtarâhutim hutvâ 9. havir nirvaped amushmai tvâ gushtam nirvapâmîti devatâsrayam sakrid yagur vâ dvis tûshnîm.
II, 1, 1-3 desunt. 4 Gobhila I, 5, 26. 9-16 (15 deest)=I, 7, 2-19.
5-8=1, 6, 1-13.
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Page #1998

390
KHÂDIRA-GRIHYA-SOTRA.
deity, or a Yagus, (is repeated) once; twice (it is done) silently.
10. He should wash (the food) thrice, (if it is destined) for gods;
11. Twice, if for men ; 12. Once, if for the Fathers.
13. Stirring it up with the pot-ladle from the left to the right he should cook it.
14. When he has cooked it, he should sprinkle (Ågya) on it, should take it from the fire towards the north, and should again sprinkle (Agya) on it.
15. Thus all kinds of Havis (are prepared).
16. Having put (the Havis) on the sacrificial grass,
17. He should sacrifice the two Agya portions (in the following way): Having taken four portions of Âgya-five portions are taken by the Bhrigus (or at least?) by the Gâmadagnyas (see Indische Studien, 10, 95]—(he should make two oblations), to the north with (the formula), 'To Agni Svâhâ !' to the south with (the formula), ‘To Soma Svâhâ !'
18. Others (do it) conversely.
19. Having 'spread under' Âgya, he should cut off with the pot-ladle (portions) of the Havis from the middle and from the eastern side ;
10. trir devebhyah prakshâlayed. 11. dvir manushyebhyah. 12. sakrit pitribhyo. 13. mekshanena pradakshinam udâyuvasi srapаyek. 14. khritam abhighâryodag udvâsya pratyabhigharayet. 15. sarvâny evam havîmshi. 16. barhishy âsâdyâ. 17. gyabhagau guhuyâk katurgrihîtam agyam grihîtvâ pañkâvattam Bhrigunâm Gâmadagnyânâm Agnaye svâhety uttaratah Somâyeti dakshinato. 18. viparîtam itara. 19. ágyam upastîrya havisho svadyen mekshanena madhyât purastâd iti.
17-27 (18, 23 desunt)=1, 8, 3-29.
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Page #1999

II PATALA, I KHANDA, 26.
391
20. One who takes five cut-off portions (see Sûtra 17), also from the western side.
21. After he has sprinkled (Âgya) on (the cut-off portions), he anoints the places from which he has cut them off, (with Âgya).
22. (This anointing) is omitted at the Svishtakrit oblation.
23. He should sacrifice with (the formula), 'To N. N. Svâhâ!'-according to the god to whom the oblation belongs.
24. At the Svishtakrit oblation he 'spreads under' once-twice if he is a Bhrigu-, (cuts off) once (a portion) of the Havis, sprinkles (Ågya) on it twice, and sacrifices it in a north-eastern direction with (the formula), 'To Agni Svishtakrit Svâhâ!'
25. Having put a piece of wood (on the fire),
26. He should dip Darbha-blades (of the sacrificial grass strewn round the fire) three times, the points, the middle, and the roots, into the Âgya or into the Havis with (the words), 'May the birds come, licking what has been anointed.' Then, after having sprinkled (those Darbha-blades with water), he should throw them into the fire, with (the verse), 'Thou who art the lord of cattle, Rudra, who walkest with the lines (of cattle), the manly one: do no harm to our cattle; let this be offered to thee. Svâhâ!'
20. paskâk ka paйkâvatty. 21. abhighârya pratyanakty avadânasthânâni. 22. na svish/akrito. 23. mushmai svâheti guhuyâd yaddevatyam syât. 24. svishtakritah sakrid upastîrya dvir Bhrigunâm sakrid dhavisho [sic] dvir abhighâryâgnaye svishtakrite svâheti prâgudîkyâm guhuyât. 25. samidham âdhâya. 26. darbhân âgye havishi vâ trir avadhâyâgramadhyamûlâny aktam rihânâ viyantu vaya ity abhyukshyâgnâv anuprahared yah pasûnâm adhipatî Rudras tantikaro vrishâ pasûn asmâkam mâ himsîr etad astu hutan tava svâheti.
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Page #2000

392
KHÂDIRA-GRIHYA-SUTRA.
27. This (ceremony is called) Yagñavâstu. 28. He should perform it at all (sacrifices).
29. The remnants of the Havis he should take away in a northern direction, and should give them to the Brahman.
30. A full vessel constitutes the fee for the sacri
fice;
31. Or as much as he can afford.
KHANDA 2. 1. By one who has not set up the sacred fires, a mess of cooked food, sacred to Agni, is offered at the festivals of the full and new moon;
2. By one who has set them up, one sacred to Agni and Soma at the full moon;
3. One sacred to Indra, or to Mahendra, or to Indra and Agni, at the new moon;
4. Or as (the sacrifice is performed) by one who has not set up the sacred fires.
5. The time at which the morning oblation may be offered, is the whole day;
6. For the evening oblation the night;
7. For the sacrifice of the full moon the whole second fortnight (of the month);
27. tad yagñavâstu. 28. sarvatra kuryâd. 29. dhavir ukkhishtam udag udvâsya brahmane dadyât. 30. půrnapâtram dakshina. 31. yathotsaham vâ.
2, 1. Âgneya sthálspåkos nâhitâgner darsapârnamâsayor. 2. agnishomîyah paurnamâsyâm âhitâgner. 3. aindro mâhendro vaindragno vâmâvâsyâyâm. 4. yathâ vânâhitâgnes. 5. sarvam ahah prâtarahute sthânam. 6. râtris sâyamâhutes. 7. sarvos parapakshah paurnamâsasya.
28 deest. 29-31=I, 9, 1. 6. 11. 2, 1-4=Gobhila I, 8, 22-25. 5-14=1, 9, 14 seqq.
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8. For the sacrifice of the new moon the first fortnight.
9. Some say that he should keep his vow (until the sacrifice is performed) by abstaining from food.
10. If (the proper) sacrificial food is wanting, let him offer fruits of sacrificially pure (plants or trees); 11. Or leaves (of such plants or trees);
12. Or water.
13. For (even if he offers water) the sacrifice has been performed.
14. A penance (is prescribed) for one who does not perform the sacrifice.
15. If no Havis is indicated, one should offer Âgya.
16. The deity (only should be named), if no Mantra is indicated.
17. In the third month of the first pregnancy (of the sacrificer's wife he should perform) the Pumsavana (i. e. the ceremony to secure the birth of a son).
18. After she has bathed, her husband should put on her a (new) garment that has not yet been washed, and after having sacrificed he should stand behind her.
19. Grasping down over her right shoulder he
8. purvapaksho dârsasyâ. 9. bhoganena santanuyâd ity eke. 10. vidyamâne havye yagñiyânâm phalâni guhuyât. II. palâsâni vâ. 12. po vâ. 13. hutam hi. 14. prâyaskittam ahutasyâ. 15. gyan guhuyâd dhavisho nâdese. 16. devatâ [corr. devatâm?] mantrânâdese. 17. prathamagarbhe tritîye mâsi pumsavanam. 18. snâtâm ahatenâkhâdya hutvâ patih prishthatas tish/hed. dakshinam amsam anvabhimrisyânantarhitam (hitâm, hitân, the MSS.) nâbhidesam abhimriset pumâmsâv ity.
19.
15, 16 desunt. 17-23=II, 6.
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KHÂDIRA-GRIHYA-SUTRA.
should touch the uncovered place of her navel with (the verse), “The two men' (MB. I, 4, 8).
20. Then another (ceremony). Having bought for three times seven barley corns or beans, a Nyagrodha-shoot which has fruits on both sides, which is not dry, and not touched by worms, he should set that up with (the formula), 'Ye herbs everywhere, being well-minded, bestow strength on this (shoot); for it will do its work.'
21. He then should take it and place it in the open air.
22. A girl, or a (wife) addicted (to her husband), or a student, or a Brâhmani should pound (that Nyagrodha-shoot) without moving backward (the stone with which she pounds it).
23. (The husband) should make (the wife) who has bathed, lie down, and should insert (that pounded substance) into her right nostril with (the verse), A man is Agni' (MB. I, 4, 9).
24. Then in the fourth or sixth month (of her pregnancy) the Simantonnayana (or parting of the hair is performed) for her.
25. After she has bathed, her husband should put on her a garment that has not yet been washed,
20. athâparam nyagrodhasungâm ubhayatahphalâm asrâmâm akrimiparisriptâm trissaptair yavaih parikrîyotthâpayen mâshair vâ sarvatraushadhayas sumanaso bhûtva (hutvâ, hutvâm the MSS.) ssyâm vîryam samadhatteyam karma karishyatîty. 21. âhritya vaihâyasîm kuryât. 22. kumârî vratavatî brahmakârî brâhmanî va peshayed apratyaharantî. 23. snâtâm samvesya dakshine nâsikasrotasy âsisket pumân Agnir ity. 24. athâsyâs katurthe mâsi shashthe vâ sîmantonnayanam. 25. snâtâm ahatenâkhâdya hutva patih prishthatas tishthann anupūrvayâ phalavrikshasâkhaya sakrit simantam unnayet trisvetayâ salalyâyam ürgrâvato vriksha iti.
24-27=II, 7, i seqq.
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and after having sacrificed, he should stand behind her and should part her hair once with a well-proportioned (?) branch of a tree, on which there are fruits, (and) with a porcupine's quill that has three white spots, with (the verse), 'Rich in sap is this tree' (MB. I, 5, 1).
26. While she looks at a mess of boiled rice with sesamum seeds, covered with ghee, he should ask her, 'What dost thou see?'
27. He should make her reply, 'Offspring!'
28. When the child is appearing, the sacrifice for the woman in labour (is to be performed)—
29. With the two verses, 'She who athwart' (MB. I, 5, 6 seq.).
30. He should give a name to the child, 'N. N.!' 31. That (is his) secret (name).
32. Before the navel-string is cut off and the breast is given (to the child, the father) should have rice and barley grains pounded in the way prescribed for the Nyagrodha-shoot (see Sûtra 22).
33. He should take thereof with his (right) thumb and fourth finger and give it to the child to eat, with (the formula), 'This order' (MB. I, 5, 8).
34. And butter with (the verse), 'May intelligence to thee' (MB. I, 5, 9).
26. krisarasthâlîpâkam uttaraghritam aveksha[n]tîm prikkhet kim pasyasîti. 27. pragâm iti vâkayet. 28. pratishthite vastau soshyantîhomah. 29. yâ tiraskîti dvâbhyâm. 30. asâv iti nâma dadhyât. 31. tad guhyam. 32. prâǹ nâbhikrintanât stanadânâk ka vrîhiyavau peshayek khungâvritâ. 33. ngush/henânâmikayâ kâdâya kumâram prâsayed iyam âgneti. 34. sarpis ka medhân
ta iti.
28-34 II, 7, 13 seqq.
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KHÂDIRA-GRIHYA-SOTRA.
KHANDA 3.. 1. On the third (Tithi) of the third bright fortnight after his birth, the father should have the child bathed in the morning, and after sunset he should, holding up his joined hands, towards the auspicious directions (of the horizon), worship the moon.
2. The mother, having dressed (the son) in a clean (garment), should hand him, with his face turned to the north, to the father.
3. She then should pass behind (her husband's) back, and should station herself towards the north.
4. After he has performed worship (to the moon) with the three (verses), 'Thy heart, O thou with the well-parted hair' (MB. I, 5, 10 seqq.), and has handed over the son, turning him towards the north, to his mother, he should pour water out of his joined hands with the verse), 'What in the moon' (1.1. 13).
5. (He should do the same) twice silently.
6. After a period of ten nights, or of a hundred nights, or of one year after (the child's birth) he should give him a name.
7. He who is going to perform (that ceremonythe father or a representative of the father), after he
3, 1. gananâg gyautsne tritîye tritîyâyâm prâta snâpya kumâram astam ite sântâsu dikshu pitâ kandramasam upatishthet práñgalih. 2. sukinâkhadya mâtâ prayakhed udaksirasam. 3. anuprishtham gatvottaratas tishthed. 4. yat te susîma iti tisribhir upasthayodañkam mâtre pradâya yad ada ity apam asgalim avasinked. 5. dvis tůshnîm. 6. gananâd ürdhvam dasarâtrâk khatarâtrât samvatsarâd và nâma kuryât. 7. snâpya kumâram karishyata upavish/asya sukinakhadya mâtâ prayakhed udaksirasam.
3, 1-5=Gobhila II, 8, 1-7.
6-12=II, 8, 8-17.
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has had the boy bathed, should sit down, and the mother, having dressed him in a clean (garment), should hand him, with his face turned to the north, to the performer (of the ceremony).
8. She then should walk around behind (his) back and should sit down towards the north.
9. He should sacrifice and should touch the senseorgans at (the boy's) head with the (Mantra), 'Who art thou?' (MB. I, 5, 14, 15.)
10. 'N. N.!'-(at the place thus indicated in the Mantra) he should give him a name.
II. The same (he should pronounce) at the end of the Mantra.
12. He should tell it to the mother first.
13. (The father) when returning from a journey, should grasp (with his two hands) his son round the head, with (the verses), 'From limb by limb' (MB. I, 5, 16-18).
14. With (the formula), 'With the cattle's' (1.1. 19), he should kiss him.
15. Silently (he should do the same) with a daughter.
16. In the third year the tonsure (of the child's head is performed).
17. There the barber, warm water, a mirror, or a
8. anuprishtham gatvottarata upavised. 9. dhutvâ ko sîti tasya mukhyân prânân abhimrised. ro. asâv iti nâma kuryât. 11. tad eva mantrante. 12. mâtre prathamam âkhyâya. 13. viproshyângâd angâd iti putrasya mûrdhânam parigrihnîyât. 14. pasûnâm tvety abhigighret. 15. tûshnîm striyas. 16. tritîye varshe kaulan. 17. tatra nâpita ushrodakam âdarsah kshuro vaudumbarah pingalya iti dakshinata.
13-15 II, 8, 21-25. 16-33=II, 9.
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KHÂDIRA-GRIHYA-SÛTRA.
razor of Udumbara-wood, and (Darbha)-blades (are placed) towards the south.
18. A bull's dung and a mess of boiled rice with sesamum seeds which may be more or less cooked, to the north ;
19. And the mother with the son in her lap.
20. (The performer of the ceremony), after having sacrificed, should look, with the Mantra), Hither has come' (
MB. I, 6, 1), at the barber, fixing his thoughts on (the god) Savitri.
21. With (the Mantra), With warm water' (1. 1. 2), he should look at the warm water, fixing his thoughts on Vâyu.
22. With (the Mantra), ‘May the waters' (1. 1. 3), he moistens (the boy's hair).
23. With the Mantra), Vishnu's' (1.1. 4), he should look at the mirror or at the razor of Udumbara-wood.
24. With (the Mantra), 'Herb!' (1. 1. 5) he puts seven Darbha-blades, with their points upwards (i. e. towards the boy's head ?), into (his hair).
25. With (the formula), 'Axe !' (1. 1. 6) (he presses them down) with the mirror or with the razor of Udumbara-wood.
26. With the Mantra), With which Pashan' (1. 1. 7), he should move forward (the razor) three
18. ânaduho gomayah krisarasthâlîpâko vrithâpakva ity uttarato. 19. mâtâ ka kumâram âdâya. 20. hutvậyam agad iti nâpitam prekshet Savitâram dhyâyann. 21. ushnenety ushnodakam prekshed Vâyum dhyâyann. 22. apa ity untte (ante, umde, unmte, unte the MSS.). 23. Vishnor ity âdarsam prekshetaudumbaram vau. 24. sshadha iti darbhapiñgûlîs saptordhvâgrâ abhinidhaya. 25. sradhita ity âdarsena kshurenaudumbarena vâ. 26. yena Pasheti dakshinatas trih prâñkam prohet.
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II PATALA, 4 KHANDA, 3.
399 times towards the east on the right side (of the boy's hair).
27. Cutting (the hair) once with a razor of metal he should throw the hair on the bull's dung.
28. The same rites, beginning from the moistening (of the hair, are repeated) on the left side and on the back side (of the child's head).
29. Grasping (with his two hands) the boy round his head he should murmur (the verse), 'The threefold age' (1.1. 8).
30. Walking away (from the fire) in a northern direction he should have the arrangement of (the boy's) hair made according to the custom of his Gotra and of his family.
31. Let them bury the hair in the forest.
32. Some throw them on a bunch (of grass or the like).
33. A cow constitutes the sacrificial fee.
KHANDA 4. 1. Let him initiate a Brâhmana in his eighth year.
2. For him the time (for being initiated) has not passed until his sixteenth (year).
3. In the eleventh a Kshatriya.
-
27. sakrid âyasena prakhidyânaduhe gomaye kesân kuryâd. 28. undanaprabhrity evam paskâd uttaratas ka. 29. tryâyusham iti putrasya mûrdhânam parigrihya gaped. 30. udann utsripya kusalîkarayed yathậgotrakulakalpam. 31. aranye kesân nikhaneyuh. 32. stambe nidadhaty eke. 33. gaur dakshina.
4, 1. ashtame varshe brâhmanam upanayet. 2. tasya shodasád anatîtah kala. 3. ekâdase kshatriyam.
4, I=Gobhila II, 10.
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4. For him (the time has not passed) until the twenty-second.
5. In the twelfth a Vaisya.
6. For him (the time has not passed) until the twenty-fourth.
7. After (the student's) hair has been arranged, and he has been adorned, and dressed in a garment which has not yet been washed, (the teacher) should sacrifice with the Mantras which the student recites), 'Agni! Lord of the vow!' (
MB. I, 6, 9-13.)
8. He should cause (the student) to stand northwards of the fire, facing the west, and to join his hands.
9. And he should himself join his hands above (the student's hands).
10. A Brâhmana versed in the Mantras who stands towards the south, should fill the teacher's joined hands with water.
11. While (the student?) looks at him, (the teacher) should murmur (the Mantra), 'With him who comes to us' (MB. I, 6, 14).
12. (The student) to whom (the teacher) has said, 'What is thy name?' should pronounce a name which he is to use at respectful salutations, derived from (the name of) a deity or a Nakshatra, 'I am N. N.!' (1. 1. 17.)
4. tasyâ dvâvimsad. 5. dvâdase vaisyam. 6. tasyâ katurvimsât. 7. kusalikritam alamkritam ahatenâkhâdya hutvâgne vrata pata ity. 8. uttaratos gneh pratyanmukham avasthâpyañgalim karayet. 9. svayam kopari kuryâd. 10. dakshinatas tishthan mantravân brâhmana âkâryâyodakâñgalim půrayed. 11. âgantreti gapet prekshamâne [sic]. 12. ko nâmâsîty ukto devatásrayam nakshatrásrayam vâbhivadanîyam nama brûyâd asâv asmîty.
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13. Having let the water run (out of his joined hands over the student's hands) the teacher should seize with his two hands, holding the right uppermost, (the student's) joined hands, with the formula), By the impulse of the god Savitri' (1. 1. 18).
14. With (the formula), ‘Move in the sun's course' (1. 1. 19) he should make him turn round from left to right.
15. Grasping down over his right shoulder he should touch his uncovered navel with (the formula), (Thou art the knot) of all breath' (1. 1. 20).
16. He then should give him in charge (to the gods) with the Antaka and the other formulas (1. 1. 20 seqq.).
17. (He touches) his right shoulder with (the formula),‘To Pragâpati (I give) thee (in charge)' (1.1. 23),
18. His left shoulder with his left (hand) with (the formula), 'To the god Savitri (I give) thee (in charge)' (1. 1. 24).
19. Having directed him (to observe the duties of Brahmakarya, by the formula), 'A student art thou' (1. 1. 25, 26), (the teacher) sitting down should from left to right tie round the student, who bends his right knee and clasps his hands, the girdle made of Muñga grass, and should cause him to repeat (the verse), ' Protecting us from evil word' (1. 1. 27).
13. utsrigyâpo devasya ta iti dakshinottarâbhyâm hastâbhyâm añgalim grihnîyâd âkâryas. 14. Saryasyeti pradakshinam âvartayed. 15. dakshinam amsam anvavamrisyânantarhitâm nâbhim alabhet prânânâm ity. 16. athainam paridadyâd antakaprabhritibhir. 17. dakshinam amsam Pragâpataye tveti. 18. savyena savyam devâya tveti. 19. brahmakâry asîti sampreshyopavisya (samprekshyo, samprokshyo the MSS.) dakshinagânvaktam añgalîkritam pradakshinam muñgamekhalâm âbadhnan vâkayed iyam duruktâd ity. [29]
Dd
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20. With (the words), 'Recite, sir!' (the student) should respectfully sit down near (the teacher).
21. He then recites the Sâvitri (1. 1. 29) to him, Pâda by Pâda, hemistich by hemistich, (and finally) the whole—thus he should teach him the Savitri,
22. And the Mahâvyâhritis, one by one, 23. And the word Om.
24. He hands over to him the staff, which should be made of (the wood of) a tree
25. With (the formula which the student has to recite), 'O glorious one, make me glorious' (1. 1. 31).
26. Let him put a piece of wood (on the fire) with (the verse), 'To Agni a piece of wood' (1. 1. 32).
27. Let him go to beg food; 28. First of his mother, 29. Then of other women friends.
30. He should announce the alms (received) to his teacher.
31. He should stand silently till sunset.
32. Through a period of three nights he should avoid eating saline food and drinking milk.
KHANDA 5. 1. At the Godâna (or cutting of the beard) the
20. adhîhi bho ity upasîdet. 21. tasma anvâha sâvitrîm pakkho srdharkasas sarvâm iti sâvitrîm vâkayed. 22. mahâvyâhritis kaikaikasa. 23. omkâran ka. 24. prayakhaty asmai vârksham dandam. 25. susravas susravasam meti. 26. samidham âdadhyâd Agnaye samidham iti. 27. bhaiksham karen. 28. mâtaram agre. 29. sthânyâs suhrida. 30. âkâryâya bhaikshan nivedayet. 31. tishthed âstamayât tashnîm. 32. trirâtram kshâralavane dugdham iti vargayet.
5, 1. atha godâne kaulavat kalpah.
5, 1-21=Gobhila III, 1.
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II PATALA, 5 KHANDA, 14.
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rite is identical with the Kaula (cutting of the hair; see above, chap. 3, 16 seqq.).
2. He should have (his beard) and the hair of his body shaven.
3. The sacrificial fee consists of an ox and a cow, or of a pair of horses, or of sheep, for the (three) castes respectively,
4. Or of a cow for all (castes).
5. A goat (is given) to the person who catches up
the hair.
6. The initiation (connected with the Godânakarman, &c.) has been declared.
7. (One should) not initiate one who does not intend to keep the vow through one year.
8. (The use of) a garment, however, which has not yet been washed (see chap. 4,7), is not prescribed (here),
9. Nor the adornment (chap. 4, 7).
10. (The observances prescribed for the Godânavrata are the following :)
He should sleep on the ground.
II. He should avoid eating honey and flesh.
12. He should avoid sexual intercourse, shaving, (luxurious) bathing, combing his head, and cleansing his teeth and his feet (in a luxurious way).
13. nâsya kâme reta skandet.
14. Let him not mount a chariot yoked with
cows,
2. salomam vâpayed. 3. go svâvimithunâni dakshinâh prithag varnânấm. 4. sarveshâm vâ gaur. 5. agah kesapratigrahâyo. 6. ktam upanayanam. 7. nâkarishyantam samvatsaram. 8. aniyuktan tv ahatam. 9. athâlamkâro. 10. dhassamvesy. II. amadhumâmsâs? syân. 12. maithunakshurakrityasnânâvalekhanadantadhâvanapâdadhâvanâniTM vargayen. 13. nâsya kâme reta skanden. 14. na goyuktam ârohen.
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Wage.
15. Nor (wear) shoes in the village.
16. Wearing the girdle, going the rounds for alms, (carrying) a staff, putting fuel (on the fire), touching water, reverentially saluting (the teacher) in the morning : (these are the) standing (duties).
17. The Godâna-vrata, the Vrâtika-vrata, the Aditya-vrata, the Upanishad-vrata, and the Gyeshthasâma-vrata (last) one year (each).
18. The Aditya-vrata some (do) not (undergo). 19. They who undergo it, wear one garment.
20. They allow nothing to be between (themselves and) the sun.
21. And they do not descend into water.
22. For the Sakvari verses, twelve, nine, six, or three (years through which the Vrata is to be kept) make up the various possibilities.
23. He (who keeps the Sâkvara-vrata) wears dark clothes.
24. He eats dark food. 25. He is entirely addicted to his teacher. 26. He should stand in day-time. 27. He should sit at night.
28. According to some (teachers, the Vrata may last only) one year, if the ancestors (of the student) have learnt (the Sakvari verses).
15. na grâma upânahau. 16. mekhalâdhâranabhaikshâkaranadandasamidâdhânopasparsanaprâtarabhivâdâ nityam. 17. godânavrâtikâdityavratopanishaggyeshthasamikâs samvatsarâ. 18. nâdityavratam ekeshâm. 19. ye karanty ekavâsaso bhavanty. 20. adityañ ka nântardadhate. 21. na kapo sbhyupayanti. 22. sakvarînám dvadasa nava shat traya iti vikalpâh. 23. krishnavastrah. 24. krishnabhaksha. 25. âkâryâdhînas. 26. tishthed diva. 27. sîta naktam. 28. samvatsaram ekeshâm půrvais srutâs ked.
22-34= III, 2.
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II PATALA, 5 KHANDA, 35.
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29. (The teacher) should sing (those verses) to (the student) who has fasted and veiled his eyes (thinking), ‘May (the teacher) not burn me (with the Sakvari verses).
30. In the morning they make (the student) look at such things as they expect will not burn him, viz, water, fire, a calf, the sun.
31. At water (he should look) with (the words), Water have I beheld!' At fire with the words), Light have I beheld!' At the calf with (the words),
Cattle have I beheld !' At the sun with (the words), 'The sky have I beheld!'-thus he should break his silence.
32. A cow is the fee (for the teacher),
33. A brazen vessel, a garment, and a golden ornament.
34. At the Anupravakaniya ceremonies (see Åsvalâyana-Grihya I, 22, 12) he should sacrifice Ågya with the two verses), 'To the Rik, to the Saman we sacrifice' (Sâma-veda I, 369), and, “The lord of the seat' (Sv. I, 171).
35. If he has touched a fire-altar or a sacrificial post, if he has humming in his ears, or if his eye
29. uposhitaya parinaddhâkshâyânugâpayed yathả mâ na pradhakshyatîti. 30. tam pratar abhivîkshayanti yâny apradhakshyanti manyante sporgnim vatsam adityam. 31. apos bhivyakhyam ity apo gyotir abhivyakhyam ity agnim pasûn abhivyakhyam iti vatsam sur [sic] abhivyakhyam ity âdityam visriged vâkam. 32. gaur dakshinâ. 33. kamso vâso rukmas kâ. 34. snupravakaniyeshv rikam sâma Sadasaspatim iti kâgyam guhuyâk. 35. kityayüpopasparsanakarnakrosâkshivepaneshu sâryâbhyuditas sâryâbhinimrukta indriyais ka pâpasparsaih punar mâm ity etâbhyâm âhutîr (correct, ahuti?) guhuyâd.
35-37=III, 3, 34-36.
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palpitates, or if the sun rises or sets while he is sleeping, or if his organs of sense have been defiled by something bad, he should sacrifice two oblations of Agya with the two (verses), “May (my strength) return to me;'
36. Or two pieces of wood anointed with Âgya.
37. Or he may murmur (those verses) at light (offences). Or he may murmur (those verses) at light (offences)
End of the Second Patala.
36. âgyalipte vâ samidhau. laghushu. dvitîyapatalah.
37. gaped vâ laghushu, gaped vâ
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Patala III, KHANDA 1. 1. When (the student) is going to take the bath (at the end of his studentship), he seats himself in an enclosure to the east of his teacher's house.
2. The teacher (sits) facing the north, 3. On eastward-pointed (Darbha-grass).
4. Thus one (should act) who is desirous of holy lustre.
5. (The student should sit) in a cow-stable, if he is desirous of cattle,
6. In an assembly-hall, if desirous of renown. 7. Let him boil water with all kinds of herbs, 8. And with scents.
9. With that water, which must be lukewarm, the teacher should besprinkle (the student).
10. Or (the student should do so) himself, because that is signified by the Mantra.
11. Some say that both (should do so). 12. The teacher should say in the Mantra), Therewith (I besprinkle) him,' (instead of, 'Therewith I besprinkle myself').
13. With (the verses), 'Which in the waters' (MB. I, 7, 1) (the student) should pour out his joined hands full of water;
III, 1, 1. âplavane purastad âkâryakulasya parivrita âsta. 2. udanmukha âkâryah. 3. prâgagreshv. 4. evam brahmavarkasakâmo. 5. goshthe pasukamas. 6. sabhâyâm yasaskâmah. 7. sarvaushadhenâpah phânayet. 8. surabhibhis ka. 9. tâbhis sitoshnâbhir akâryosbhishiñket. 10. svayam va mantrâbhivâdad. II. ubhâv ity eke. 12. tenemam ity âkâryo brûyâd. 13. ye apsv ity apam angalim avasinked.
III, 1, 1-32=Gobhila III, 4, 7 seqq. (4-6, 11, 12, 15, 20 desunt).
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408
KHÂDIRA-GRIHYA-SÚTRA.
'
14. And with (the formula), 'What is dreadful) · in the waters' (1. 1. 2);
15. And silently.
16. With (the formula), 'The shining one' (1.1. 3), he should draw (some water) and should besprinkle himself (therewith);
17. And with (the verse), ‘By which the wife' (1. 1. 5);
18. And silently.
19. With (the formulas), 'Rising' (1. 1. 6–8), he. should worship the sun.
20. He may repeat (the sections of that Mantra) continuously.
21. If he repeats them separately, he should add at the end (of each section), 'The eye art thou’ (1. 1. 9).
22. With (the verse), 'Loosen the highest' (1. 1. 10), he should take off the girdle.
23. After he has eaten something, he should have his hair, his beard, the hair of his body, and his nails cut, so as to leave the lock of hair (as required by the custom of his family).
24. Having adorned himself and put on clothes which have not yet been washed, he should put a garland (on his head) with (the formula), 'Luck' (1.1. 11).
25. The two shoes (he puts on) with (the formula), * Leaders are you' (1. 1. 12).
14. yad apâm iti ka. 15. tûshnîñ ka. 16. yo rokana iti grihyâtmânam abhishiñked. 17. yena striyam iti ka. 18. tûshnîn ko. 19. dyann ity adityam upatishthet. 20. samasyed vå. 21. viharann anusamharek kakshur asîty. 22. ud uttamam iti mekhalâm avamuñket. 23. prâsya vâpayek khikâvargam kesasmasrulomanakhâny. 24. alamkrito shatavâsasâ srîr iti sragam pratimuñken. 25. netryau stha ity upânahau.
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III PATALA, I KHANDA, 38.
409
26. With (the formula), “The Gandharva art thou' (1. 1. 13), he takes a bamboo staff.
27. He should approach the teacher and look at the assembly (of pupils, &c.) with (the formula), Like an eye-ball' (1.1. 14).
28. Sitting down, he should touch the senseorgans at his head with (the Mantra), 'Covered by the lips' (1.1. 15).
29. Let him touch a chariot yoked with oxen, with (the verse), 'O tree' (1. 1. 16).
30. With (the words), 'He who stands on thee' (1. 1. 16), he should mount it.
31. Having driven (some distance) in an eastern or northern direction, he should turn round from left to right.
32. Some say that when he has come back, (his teacher should offer to him) the Argha reception.
33. From that time he shall assume a dignified demeanour.
34. nâgâtalomnyopahâsam ikkhet.
35. Nor (should he wish for sport) with a girl who is the only child of her mother,
36. Nor with a woman during her courses,
37. Nor with a woman) who descends from the same Rishis.
38. Let him not eat food which has been brought
26. vainavam dandam adadyâd Gandharvos sîty. 27. upetyakâryam parishadam prekshed yaksham ivety. 28. upavisyaushthâpidhaneti mukhyan prânân abhimrised. 29. goyuktam ratham alabhed vanaspata ity. 30. asthâtâ ta ity ârohet. 31. prâkîm prayâyodîkîm vâ gatvâ pradakshinam avartayet. 32. pratyâgatâyârghyam ity eke. 33. vriddhasîlî syâd ata ûrdhvam. 34. nagatalomnyopahâsam ikkhen. 35. nâyugyâ (read, näyugvâ). 36. na ragasvalayâ. 37. na samânarshyâ. 38. sparayâ dvârâ prapannah (read, prapanna-) dvihpakvaparyushitâni nâsnîyâd.
33-44=III, 5 (40 deest).
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410
KHADIRA-GRIHYA-SUTRA.
by another door (than the usual), or which has been cooked twice, or which has stood over-night
39. Except such as is prepared of vegetables, flesh, barley, or flour
40. Or of milk.
41. He shall avoid gathering fruits, looking into wells, running while it is raining, and taking his shoes in his hands.
42. He should not wear a scentless wreath,
43. If it is not a wreath of gold.
44. He should not use the word 'blessed' without
a reason.
45. If he is desirous of thriving (in his cattle), he should with (the Mantra), 'May these' (MB. I, 8, 1) have his cows driven out.
46. When they have come back, (he should recite the Mantra), 'These which are rich in sweet' (1. 1. 2).
47. If he is desirous of thriving (in his cattle), he should lick the forehead of the first-born calf, before it is licked by its mother, and should gulp with (the formula), ('Thou art the phlegm) of the cows' (1.1. 3).
48. When the cows have calved, he should at night sacrifice in the cow-stable churned curds with drops of ghee, with (the verse), 'Seizer' (1. 1. 4).
39. anyatra sâkamâmsayavapish/avikârebhyah. 40. pâyasâk ka. 41. phalaprakayanodapânâvekshanavarshatidhâvanopânatsvayamharamâni na kuryân. 42. nâgandhâm sragam dhârayen. 43. na ked dhiranyasrag. 44. bhadram iti na vrithâ vyâharet. 45. pushfikâmo gâh prakâlayed imâ ma iti. 46. pratyâgatâ imâ madhumatîr iti. 47. pushkâma eva prathamagâtasya vatsasya prân mâtuh pralehanâl lalâtam ullihya nigired gavâm iti. 48. sampragâtâsu goshthe nisâyâm vilayanañ guhuyât samgrahanety.
45-52=III, 6.
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III PATALA, 2 KHANDA, 4.
411
49. Now another (ceremony). He should make marks on the ears of a male and of a female calf with (the formula), “The world art thou' (1. 1. 5, 6).
50. First on the male. 51. He should recite over them (the Mantra), With metal' (1. 1. 7). .
52. When the rope (to which the calves are bound) is spread out, (let him recite over it the Mantra), This rope' (1. 1. 8).
KHANDA 2. 1. On the full-moon day of the month) Srâvana, let him carry forward fire from his house, and let him besmear (the place around it) to the extent of more than one prakrama (i. e. step) towards the different directions (of the horizon).
2. Having once taken a quantity of flour, and having put it into (the spoon called) Darvi, he should pour out water on the besmeared place to the east (of the fire), and should offer a Bali with (the formula), ('0 king of serpents) dwelling towards the east' (MB. II, 1, 1).
3. He should pour out the rest of the water. 4. Having touched water, he should do the same
49. athấparam vatsamithunayoh karne lakshanam kuryâd bhuvanam iti. 50. pumso-gre. 51. lohitenety anumantrayeta. 52. tantîm prasaritâm iyan tantîti.
2, 1. srâvanyâm paurnamâsyam grihâd agnim atipranîya pratidisam upalimped adhike prakrame. 2. sakridgrihîtân saktûn darvyâm kritvå půrvopalipte ninîyâpo yah prâkyâm iti balim nirvapen. 3. ninayed apâm sesham. 4. apa upasprisyaivam pratidisam yathalingam.
2, 1-7. 14. 15=III, 7.
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412
KHÂDIRA-GRIHYA-SUTRA.
towards the other directions (of the horizon) according as they are mentioned in the Mantras.
5. Between (the besmeared surface) towards the south and that towards the east and the fire (there should be) a passage.
6. After he has thrown the remnants (of flour) out of the basket into the fire, he should go from (the fire) which has been carried forward, to that (fire) which has not been carried forward), and should turn his hands downwards (so as to touch the earth with them) and should murmur (the Mantra), ‘Adoration to the earth's' (1. 1. 3).
7. Thence rising he should place (to the north of the fire) a bunch of Darbha-grass with (the Mantra), *The king Soma' (1. 1. 4), and should fix his thoughts on the serpents that are in that bunch.
8. Taking a portion of fried grain, he should go out of the village in a northern or eastern direction, and should sacrifice it with his joined hands with the four (verses), Hearken, Râkâ !' (MB. II, 6, 2 seqq.).
9. Walking eastwards he should murmur, 'Be a giver of wealth' (1. 1. 6).
10. Thus three times to the different quarters and intermediate quarters (of the horizon).
5. dakshinapaskime antarenâgniñ ka samkarah. 6. sûrpena sishtân agnav opyấtipranitad anatipranitasyardham gatva nyaškau cân kritvā namah Prithivyâ iti gapet. 7. tata utthâya Somo râgeti darbhastambam upasthấya (correct, upasthâpya) stambasthân sarpan manasâ dhyâyann. 8. akshatân âdâya prân vodan va grâmân nishkramya guhuyâd añgalinâ haye Râka iti katasribhih. 9. prân utkramya gaped vasuvana edhîti. 10. tris trih pratidisam avântaradeseshu ko.
8-13=IV, 8, 1 scqq. (10 deest).
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III PATALA, 2 KHANDA, 22.
413
11. Looking upwards (he should offer a Bali) to the hosts of divine beings,
12. (Looking) towards the side, to the hosts of othér beings;
13. Looking downwards, he should go back (to the fire) without looking back, and should eat the fried grain.
14. On the following day he should prepare flour of fried grain, should put it into a new vessel, and after sunset he should offer Balis.
15. (The same is repeated every day) till the Ågrahầyani day.
16. On the full-moon day of Praushthapada (or) under (the Nakshatra) Hasta they should begin the Veda-study;
17. On the full-moon day of Srâvana, according to some (teachers).
18. Having sacrificed as at the Upanayana
19. He should cause (the students) to recite the Savitri,
20. (The verse), 'Soma, the king' (Sâma-veda I, 91), and the first verses of the Parvans.
21. Let them eat grain and curds with two appropriate (verses).
22. On the following day in the morning let them repeat (the Veda) to their pupils.
11. srdhvam prekshan devayaganebhyas (correct, devaganebhyas). 12. tiryann itaraganebhyo. 13. svân prekshan pratyetyanavekshann akshatân prâsnîyâk. 14. khvobhûte: kshatasaktûn kritvå nave pâtre nidhâyâstam ite balîn hared. 15. âgrahầyanyâh. 16. praushthapadîm hastenâdhyâyân upâkuryuh. 17. srâvanim ity eke. 18. hutvopanayanavat. 19. savitrîm anuvâkayet. 20. Somam ra gânam parvâdîms ka. 21. dhânâ dadhi ka präsnîyur abhirupâbhyam. 22. svobhûte pratar adhîyîrañ khishyebhyo.
16-33=III, 3 (22, 25, 29, 33 desunt).
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414
KHÂDIRA-GRIHYA-SOTRA.
23. (After each section of the text) they should repeat (as a sort of index ?) the beginnings of the Rikas and the Prastāvas (of the Sâmans).
24. Then the Rahasya texts are chanted,
25. Except when lightning is seen or thunder heard.
26. When they have studied four months and a half, they finish on the full-moon day of Pausha.
27. From that time studying is forbidden when clouds appear,
28. And when lightning is seen, or thunder heard, or when it is drizzling.
29. When these three things happen together, (studying is forbidden) till the twilight has thrice passed.
30. On an Ashtaka, on a new-moon day, on the (three) festivals which come once in four months, and at (the beginning of) the northern course of the sun, (studying is forbidden) for one night with one day before and one day after it.
31. And if a fellow-pupil has died.
32. On the falling of a meteor, or after an earthquake, or an eclipse of the sun or of the moon, on these occasions one should know (that studying is forbidden) until the same time next day.
33. The Kathas and Kauthumas, however, state
23. s nuvâkyâh kuryur rigâdibhih prastavais kâ. 24. snugânam rahasyânâm. 25. vidyutstanayitnuvargam. 26. ardhapankamân mâsân adhîtya paushîm utsargas. 27. tata ûrdhvam mantrânâdhyâyo (correct, abhrânâdhyâyo). 28. vidyutstanayitnuvrishtiteshu (correct, oprushiteshu or 'prishiteshu ; see Ludwig's note on Rigveda VIII, 1, 12) ka. 29. trisannipâte trisandhyam. 30. ashtakam amâvâsyâm kâturmâsîr udagayane ka pakshinîm râtrîm. 31. sabrahmakârini ka preta. 32. ulkâpâte bhQmikale gyotishos kopasarga eteshv âkâlikam vidyât. 33. kârshvan tu Kathakauthumah.
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፡
z
;
:
415
that (when rain has fallen, studying is forbidden) as long as the water stands in the ditches.
III PATALA, 3 KHANDA, 10.
KHANDA 3.
1. On the full-moon day of Åsvayuga milk-rice sacred to Rudra (is prepared).
2. He should offer it with (the Mantra), 'Not to our children.'
3. Let him pour Âgya into milk; this is called
a Prishâtaka.
4. Therewith he should besprinkle the cows when they have come home, with (the Mantra), 'May Mitra and Varuna' (Sâma-veda I, 220).
5. That night he should let the calves join their mothers.
6. At the sacrifice of the first-fruits, milk-rice sacred to Indra and Agni (is prepared).
7. Let him sacrifice Agya with the four (verses), 'To the bearer of the hundred weapons' (MB. II, 1, 9 seqq.),
8. And afterwards with (the verse), 'May Agni eat' (1. 1. 15).
9. All of them who have received the initiation, should eat the remainder of that (sacrificial food). 10. Having 'spread under' water, he should cut off two portions of the new fruits.
3, 1. âsvayugîm Rudrâya pâyaso. 2. mâ nas toka iti guhuyât. 3. payasy avanayed âgyam tat prishâtakam. 4. tenâbhyâgatâ gâ ukshed â no Mitrâvarumeti. 5. vatsâms ka mâtribhis saha vâsayet tâm râtrâm. 6. navayagne pâyasa aindrâgnah. 7. satâyudhâyeti katasribhir âgyam guhuyâd. 8. uparishtâd Agnih prâsnâtv iti ka. 9. tasya sesham prâsnîyur yâvanta upetâ. 10. upastîryâpo dvir navasyâvadyet.
3, 1-15 Gobhila III, 8 (3 deest).
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416
KHÂDIRA-GRIHYA-SÚTRA.
II. Three (portions are cut off) by descendants of Bhrigu.
12. Over (these portions) water (is poured).
13. He should swallow (some part of that food) three times without chewing it, with (the Mantra), 'From the good’ (1. 1. 13);
14. Or at (the partaking of) barley with (the Mantra), “This barley' (1. 1. 16).
15. With (the Mantra), “This art thou' (1. 1. 14), let him touch the different sense-organs at his head.
16. The Ågrahầyana ceremony has been explained by the Sravana (ceremony).
17. Let him (not ?) murmur (the Mantra), 'Adoration to the Earth' (see chap. 2, 6).
18. In the evening let him make an oblation of milk-rice with (the verse), 'As the first' (MB. II, 2, 1).
19. Turning downwards his two hands (so as to touch the sacrificial grass) he should murmur (the Mantra), 'In worldly strength' (1. 1. 2, 3).
20. Having spread out to the west of the fire a layer of northward-pointed grass, so that it is inclined towards the north, the householder sits down on that layer,
21. (And) the other persons in due order. 22. Then, without an interval, their wives,
II. trir Bhrigunâm. 12. apar koparishtad. 13. bhadrân na ity asamkhâdya pragiret tris trir. 14. etam u tyam iti vâ yavânâm. 15. amos síti mukhyân prânân abhimrised. 16. ágrahayanam karma srâvanenaiva vyâkhyâtam. 17. namah Prithivyâ iti gapet (read, iti na gapet ?). 18. pradoshe pâyasasya guhuyât prathameti. 19. nyañkau pânî kritvå prati kshatra iti gapet. 20. paskâd agne svastaram udagagrais trinair udakpravanam âstîrya tasminn astarane grihapatir áste. 21. snupūrvam itare. 22. snantarâ bhâryâh.
16-31=III, 9 and 10, 1-17 (29 deest).
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III PATALA, 4 KHANDA, I.
23. And their children.
24. The householder, turning his hands downwards (so as to touch the layer of grass), should murmur (the Mantra), 'Be soft' (1. 1. 4).
25. When he has finished that (verse), they should lie down on their right sides. They should turn round three times, turning themselves towards themselves (i. e. turning round forwards, not backwards, and thus returning to their former position ?).
26. Let them repeat the auspicious hymns. 27. Then let them do what they like.
417
28. The eighth days of the three dark fortnights after the Agrahâyani are called the Ashtakâs.
29. On (each of) these a mess of cooked food (is sacrificed),
30. And eight cakes on the first.
31. These he should bake in a dish without turning them round.
32. On the last (Ashtakâ) vegetables (are offered). (So also) at the Anvâhârya (Srâddha).
33. Let him sacrifice with (the formula), 'To the Ashtakâ Svâhâ!'
KHANDA 4.
1. On the middle (Ashtaka) a cow (is sacrificed).
[29]
23. putras ka. 24. nya kau pânî kritvâ syoneti grihapatir gapet. 25. samâptâyâm dakshinaih pârsvaih samviseyus tris trir abhyâtmam âvritya. 26. svastyayanâni kuryus. 27. tato yathâr
tham syâd. 28. urdhvam âgrahâyanyâs tisras tâmisrâshfamyo .sh/akâ ity âkakshate. 29. tâsu sthâlîpâkâ. 30. ash/au kâpûpâh prathamâyâm. 31. tân aparivartayan kapâle srapayed. 32. uttamâyâm sâkam anvâhârye. 33. shtakâyai svâheti guhuyât.
4, 1. madhyamâyâm gaus.
32, 33 IV, 4, 17. 21.
4, 1-13 Gobhila III, 10, 18 seqq.
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418
KHÂDIRA-GRIHYA-SUTRA.
2. He should place that (cow) to the east of the fire, facing the west, and should sacrifice (Ågya) with (the verse), 'What, O beasts' (MB. II, 2, 5).
3. After having made that oblation he should recite over (the cow the verse), May to thee' (1. 1. 6).
4. Let him sprinkle it with water in which barley is, with (the formula), · Agreeable to the Ashtakâ I sprinkle thee!'
5. Having sprinkled it and carried a fire-brand round it, he should give the Prokshant water (to the cow) to drink.
6. Going in a northern direction (from the fire) he should kill (the cow), the head of which is turned to the west, the feet to the north.
7. After it has been killed, he should sacrifice (Âgya) with (the verse), 'If the beast' (1. 1. 8).
8. His wife should wash the apertures of its body.
9. After (the cow's body) has been opened, so that two purifiers (i. e. grass-blades) have been put under (the knife), he should have the omentum drawn out.
10. Seizing it with one branch and with another forked branch of a sacrificially pure tree he should roast it
II. When it has ceased to drop, he should hew (the cow) to pieces.
2. tâm purastâd agneh pratyanmukhîm avasthapya guhuyâd yat pasava iti. 3. hutvâ kânumantrayetânu tveti. 4. yavamatîbhir adbhih prokshed ashtakâyai tvâ gushtam (correct, gushtâm) prokshâmîti. 5. prokshyolmukena parihritya prokshanih pâyayed. 6. udann utsripya pratyaksirasam (osim, osim the MSS.) udakpadim samgñapayet. 7. samgñaptâyâm guhuyâd yat pasur iti. 8. tasyah patnî srotâmsi prakshâlayet. 9. Pavitre antardhâyotkritya vapâm uddhârayed. 10. yagñiyasya vrikshasya visâkhâsâkhâbhyâm parigrihyâgnau srapayet. 11. prasritâyâm visased.
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III PATALA, 4 KHANDA, 23.
419
12. The 'spreading under' and sprinkling (of Ägya) on (the omentum) has been described. (It is done) as at the Svishtakrit oblation (see II, 1, 24).
13. He should sacrifice with (the formula), 'To the Ashtaka Svâhà !'
14. The Avadanas (or portions which have to be cut off) he should have taken from all its limbs.
15. Not from the left thigh and the lungs. 16. The left thigh he keeps (for the Anvashtakya).
17. He should cook the Avadanas and a mess of sacrificial food, (stirring up the ones and the other) with two different pot-ladles.
18. The juice he lets drop into a brazen vessel.
19. The Avadanas he puts on branches of the Plaksha tree.
20. From each (Avadâna) he should cut off (the prescribed portions, and should put them into a brazen vessel ;
21. And from the mess of cooked food.
22. Let him take four portions or eight portions of Âgya (?) and let him sacrifice it with (the verses), * Into Agni’ (MB. II, 2, 9 seqq.).
23. Let him make oblations out of the brazen vessel, each oblation with two of the following (verses).
12. uktam upastaranâbhighâranam yatha svishtakrito. 13. sshtakâyai svâheti guhuyât. 14. sarvângebhyo - vadânâny uddhârayen. 15. na savyât sakthno na klomnah. 16. savyam sakthi nidhaya. 17. prithan mekshanâbhyam avadânâni sthâlîpâkañ ka stapayitva. 18. kamse rasam prasrâvya. 19. plakshasâkhâsv avadânâni kritvai. 20. skaikasmât kamses vadyet. 21. sthâlîpâkâk ka. 22. katurgrihîtam ashtagrihîtam vâtra (vágyam? vâtram, vâtra the MSS.) guhuyâd Agnâv iti. 23. kamsât parâbhir dvâbhyâm dvâbhyâm ekaikâm ahutim.
14-24=IV, 1, 3-17.
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420
KHÂDIRA-GRIHYA-SOTRA.
24. The oblation to (Agni) Svishtakrit with the eighth (verse).
25. At a sacrifice to the Fathers the omentum is sacrificed with (the verse), Carry the omentum'(MB. II, 3, 16).
26. At one to the gods with the verse), 'Gâtavedas !' (1. 1. 17.)
27. If (the deity is) unknown, (in the formula for) assigning (the oblation, instead of the name of a deity the name of) that (ceremony is put) —
28. As (for instance), 'To the Ashtaka.'
29. An animal is the sacrificial fee at (the sacrifice of) an animal;
30. A full vessel at (that of) a mess of cooked food.
KHANDA 5. 1. On the ninth or tenth (of the dark fortnight) the Anvashtakya (ceremony is performed).
2. To the south-east (of the house) they partition off (a place with mats or the like), and to the northern part of that (place) he should carry a fire which has been kindled by attrition.
3. Let him take one portion of rice, let him remove the husks once, and let him cook it, stirring it up from right to left.
ion
24. sauvishtakritam ashtamya. 25. vaha vapâm iti pitrye vapahomo. 26. Gâtaveda iti daivatye. 27. tadâdesam anâgñâte. 28. yathâshtakâyâ iti. 29. pasur eva pasor dakshinâ. 30. sthålîpâkasya půrnapâtram.
5, I. navamim da samim vânvashtakyam. 2. dakshinaparvabhâge parivârya tatrottarârdhe mathitvagnim pranayet. 3. sakridgrihîtân vrîhîn sakritphalîkritân prasavyam udâyuvas srapayed.
30=I, 9, 6. 10.
25-28=IV, 4, 22-24 (29 deest). 5, 1-12=Gobhila IV, 2.
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III PATALA, 5 KHANDA, 13.
421
21
4. And some flesh of that thigh (see above, chap. 4, 16).
5. He should take it from the fire in a southern direction, and should omit the second sprinkling (of Agya) on it.
6. To the west of the fire he should dig, in the southern part (of the place mentioned in Satra 2) three pits, four inches in depth and breadth.
7. He should carry the fire to the east of them. 8. He should strew (Darbha-grass round the fire), 9. And (into) the pits.
10. Having spread out to the west of the fire a layer of southward-pointed grass so that it is inclined towards the south, he should put (a mat) on it.
11. On that (grass) he should place the sacrificial implements, one by one.
12. Cutting off (the prescribed portions of the sacrificial food, and putting those portions) into the brazen vessel he should sacrifice, picking out (portions of the Havis) with the pot-ladle, with (the formulas), 'Svâhâ to Soma Pitrimat! Svâhâ to Agni Kavyavâhana !' (MB. II, 3, 1, 2.)
13. With his left hand he should lay down a firebrand on the southern side of the pits (Satra 6), with
4. amushmâk ka sakthno mâmsam iti. 5. dakshinodvâsya na pratyabhighârayet. 6. paskâd agner dakshinâs tisrah karshuh khanyâk katurangulam adhas tiryak ka. 7. tâsâm purastâd agnim pranayet. 8. strinuyât. 9. karshûs ka. 10. paskâd agne svastaram dakshinâgrais trinair dakshinapravanam astîrya brisîm upari nidadhyât. 11. tasminn ekaikam âharet. 12. kamse samavadâya mekshanenopaghâtam guhuyât svâhâ Somâya pitrimate svâhâgnaye kavyavahanâyeti. 13. savyenolmukam dakshinatah karshûr nidadhyâd apahatâ iti.
13-31=IV, 3 (23 deest).
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KHÂDIRA-GRIHYA-SOTRA.
(the formula), '(The Asuras have been) driven away' (MB. II, 3, 3).
14. (He should perform the different rites) in the eastern pit for his father,
15. In the middle for his grandfather, 16. In the last for his great-grandfather.
17. Let him pour out vessels of water, from right to left, into the pits, pronouncing the name of each one (of his ancestors), with (the formula), ‘N. N.! Wash thyself, and they who follow thee here, and they whom thou followest. To thee Svadhâ !'
18. In the same way he should put down the Pindas for them and should murmur, 'Here, O Fathers, enjoy yourselves; show your manly vigour each for his part' (MB. II, 3, 6).
19. After he has spoken thus, he should turn to the north, doubling his left arm, turning round from right to left.
20. Holding his breath and fixing his thoughts on something good he should, while turning back in the same way), murmur: 'The Fathers have enjoyed themselves; they have shown their manly vigour each for his part' (MB. II, 3, 7).
21. He should sprinkle collyrium on three Darbha
14. pûrvasyâm karshvâm pitur. 15. madhyamâyâm pitâmahasyo. 16. attamâyâm prapitâmahasyo. 17. sdapâtrâny apasalavi karshûshu ninayed ekaikasya nâmoktvâsâv avanenikshva ye kâtra tvânu yans ka tvam anu tasmai te svâheti (correct, svadheti). 18. tathaiva pindân nidhaya gaped atra pitaro mâdayadhvam yathabhâgam âvrishấyadhvam ity. 19. uktvodann ávarteta savyam bâhum upasamhritya prasavyam âvrityo. 20. spatâmya kalyanam dhyâyann abhiparyavartamâno gaped amîmadanta pitaro yathabhagam âvrishayishateti. 21. tisro darbhapiñgalir añganena nighrishya karshûshu nidadhyâd yathậpindam.
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blades, and should put them down into the pits in the same way as the Pindas,
22. And sesamum oil and perfumes.
23. For the Pindas and the following offerings he should alter the formula (Satra 17) accordingly.
24. Now (follows) the deprecation.
25. On the eastern pit he lays his hands, turning the inside of the right hand upwards, with (the formula), Adoration to you, O Fathers, for the sake of life! Adoration to you, O Fathers, for the sake of vital breath!' (MB. II, 3, 8.)
26. On the middle, turning the inside of the left hand upwards, with (the formula), 'Adoration to you, O Fathers, for the sake of terror! Adoration to . you, O Fathers, for the sake of sap !' (MB. 1. 1.)
27. On the western, turning the inside of the right hand upwards, with the formula), ' Adoration to you, O Fathers, for the sake of comfort (svadha)! Adoration to you, O Fathers, for the sake of wrath!' (MB. II, 3, 9.)
28. Joining his hands
29. (He should murmur the formula), ' Adoration to you' (MB. II, 3, 9).
30. He should lay down threads into the pits in the same way as the Pindas, with (the formula), 'This (garment) to you.'
22. tailam surabhi ka. 23. pindaprabhriti yathârtham ühed. 24. atha nihnavanam. 25. půrvasyâm karshvam dakshinottanau pânî kritvå namo vah pitaro gîvâya namo vah pitaras sûshâyeti. 26. savyottânau madhyamâyâm namo vah pitaro ghorâya namo vah pitaro rasâyeti. 27. dakshinottânau paskimâyâm namo vah pitara svadhâyai namo vah pitaro manyava ity. 28. añgalim kritva 29. namo va iti. 30. sûtratantûn karshûshu nidadhyâd yathâpindam etad va ity.
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31. He should recite over the pits (the verse), * Bringing strength' (MB. II, 3, 13).
32. The middle Pinda he should give to his wife to eat, if she is desirous of a son, with (the verse), "Give fruit.
33. With (the verse), '(Gatavedas) has been our messenger' (MB. II, 3, 15), he should throw the firebrand into the fire.
34. They should take the sacrificial vessels back two by two.
35. The same is the rite of the Pindapitriyagña.
36. Let him cook the Havis in the sacred) domestic fire.
37. From that fire (let him take the fire which) he carries forward (see above, Satra 2).
38. (Here is only) one pit. 39. No layer of grass (Satra 10).
40. Of the mess of cooked food sacred to Indrani he should sacrifice with (the verse), The Ekâshtakâ' (MB. II, 3, 19). He should sacrifice with (the verse), The Ekâshtaka.
End of the Third Patala.
31. Orgam vahantîr iti karshûr anumantrayeta. 32. madhyamam pindam putrakâmâm prâsayed âdhattety. 33. abhûn no data ity ulmukam agnau prakshiped. 34. dvandvam pâtrâny atihareyur. 35. esha eva pindapitriyagñakalpo. 36. grihyes gnau havis srapayet. 37. tata evâtipranayed. 38. ekâ karshûr. 39. na svastara. 40. Indrânya sthâlipâkasyaikâshtaketi guhuyâd ekâshtaketi guhuyât. tritîyapatalah.
35-39=IV, 4, 1 seqq. 40=IV, 4, 32. 33.
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IV PATALA, I KHANDA, IO.
425
425
PATALA IV, KHANDA 1. 1. When undertaking ceremonies for the obtainment of special wishes, let him omit six meals or three.
2. At such ceremonies as are repeated daily, (let him do so only) in the beginning;
3. After (the ceremony), if it is performed on account of a prodigy.
4. Thus also at the performances of the sacrificial day (i. e. of the first day of the fortnight).
5. One who keeps the vow (of fasting) through one fortnight, (may avail himself of the following indulgence) :
6. If he is not able (to subsist entirely without food, let him drink) rice-water once a day.
7. Let him murmur the Prapada formula (MB. II, 4, 5), sitting in the forest on eastward-pointed grassblades.
8. Thus one who is desirous of holy lustre.
9. One who is desirous of cattle, as stated above (III, 1, 5?).
10. One who desires that his stock of cattle
IV, 1, I. Mâmyeshu shad bhaktậni trini và nânấyên. 2. nityaprayuktânâm âdita. 3. uparishtât sânnipâtika. 4. evam yaganîyaprayogeshv. 5. ardhamâsavraty. 6. asaktau peyam (read, peyâm) ekam kâlam. 7. aranye prapadam gaped âsînah prâgagreshv. 8. evam brahmavarkasakamo. 9. yathoktam pasu
10. sahasrabâhur iti pasusvastyayanakamo vrîhiyavau guhuyâd.
IV, 1, 1-18=Gobhila IV, 5, 1, 9, 10, 11, 13, 12, 27, 24, 25, 14, 15, 18, 19, 20, 27, 28, 22, 23, 30-34 (9 deest).
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"
may increase, should sacrifice rice and barley, with (the verse), He who has a thousand arms' (MB. II, 4, 7).
II. To one with whom he wishes to become associated, he should give fruits of a big tree, over which he has murmured the Kautomata verse (MB. II, 4, 8).
12. Having kept the vow (of fasting) through one fortnight, he should in the full-moon night plunge up to his navel into a pool which does not dry up, and should sacrifice with his mouth fried grain into the water, with the five (verses), 'Like a tree' (MB. II, 4, 9-13).
13. This ceremony procures (property on) the
earth.
14. One who is desirous of the enjoyment (of riches), should worship the sun with the first (of those five verses), while one who is rich in wealth should look at him.
15. One who desires that his stock of horses and elephants may increase, (should sacrifice) fried grain with the second (of those verses), while the sun has a halo.
16. One who desires that his flocks may increase, (should sacrifice) sesamum seeds with the third (verse), while the moon has a halo.
11. yenekhet sahakâram kautomatenâsya mahâvrikshaphalâni parigapya dadyâd. 12. ardhamâsavratî paurnamâsyâm râtrau nâbhimâtram pragâhyâvidâsini hrade kshatatandulân âsyena guhuyâd udake vriksha iveti pažkabhih. 13. pârthivam karma. 14. prathamayâdityam upatishthed bhogakâmo rthapatau prekshamâne. 15. dvitîyayâkshatatandulân âditye parivishyamâne brihatpattrasvastyayanakâmas. 16. tritîyayâ kandramasi tilatandulan kshudrapasusvastyayanakâmas.
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17. Having worshipped the sun with the fourth (verse), let him try to gain great wealth.
18. Having worshipped the sun with the fifth, let him return home.
19. In order to avert involuntary death let him murmur every day (the formula), 'Bhûh!' (MB. II, 4, 14.)
20. On the sacrificial day (i. e. the first day of the fortnight) let him make oblations with the six verses, 'From the head' (MB. II, 5, 1 seqq.), with the Vâmadevya verses, with the Mahâvyâhritis, and with the verse sacred to Pragâpati (1.1. 8).
21. Thus he will drive away misfortune.
22. On an unsafe road let him murmur the verse, 'Go away' (Rig-veda X, 164, 1).
23. One who is desirous of glory should worship the sun in the forenoon, at noon, and in the afternoon, with (the formula), 'I am glory' (MB. II, 5, 9).
24. Let him change (the word), 'Of the forenoon,' according (to the different times of the day).
25. Worshipping (the sun) at twilight with the formula, O sun! the ship' (MB. II, 5, 14), procures happiness.
26. At the morning twilight (he says),' When thou risest' (1.1. 15).
17. katurthyâdityam upasthâya gurum artham abhyuttishthet. 18. pankamyâdityam upasthâya grihân eyâd. 19. anakâmamâram nityam gaped bhûr iti. 20. yaganîye guhuyân mûrdhno-dhi ma iti shaabhir vâmadevyargbhir mahâvyâhritibhih prâgâpatyayâ kâ. 21. lakshmînirnodo. 22. ksheme pathy apehîti gaped. 23. yaso sham ity âdityam upatishthed yasaskâmah pûrvâhnamadhyandinâparâhneshu. 24. prâtarahnasyeti yathârtham ûhed. 25. âditya nâvam iti sandhyopasthânam svastyayanam. 26. udyantam tveti pûrvâm.
19-27 IV, 6, 1, 4, 5, 7, 8, 9, 3, 10-12 (22 deest).
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KHÂDIRA-GRIHYA-SOTRA.
27. At the evening twilight, 'When thou goest to rest' (1. 1. 16).
KHANDA 2. 1. Having kept the vow (of fasting) through one fortnight, he should, on the first day of the dark fortnight, feed the Brahmanas with boiled milk-rice prepared of one Kamsa of rice.
2. The small grains of that (rice) he should sacrifice (day by day) at the evening twilight to the west of the village, on a place which he has besmeared (with cowdung), with the formula, 'To Phala' (MB. II, 5, 17).
3. And with the formula), ‘To Phalla!' The same on the first day of the next dark fortnight.
4. He shall observe chastity till the end (of the
rite).
5. A hundred cart-loads (of gold) will be his.
6. A Brâhmana should elect the site for building his house on white ground, a Kshatriya on red, a Vaisya on black, which should be even, covered with grass, not salinous, not dry--
7. Where the water flows off to the north-west.
8. (Plants) with milky juice or with thorns or acrid plants should not be there.
27. pratitishthantam tveti paskimâm.
2, 1. ardhamâsavratî tâmisrâdau brâhmanân ásayed vrîhikamsaudanam. 2. tasya kanân aparâsu sandhyâsu pratyag grâmât sthandilam upalipya Phalâyeti guhuyât. . 3. Phallâyeti kaivam evâparasmims tâmisrâdau. 4. brahmakaryam â samâpter. 5. âkitasatam bhavati. 6. gaure bhůmibhâge brâhmano lohite kshatriyah krishne vaisyos vasânam goshayet samam lomasam anîrinam asushkam. 7. yatrodakam pratyagudikim pravartate. 8. kshîrinah kantakinah (sic) katukâs kâtraushadhayo na syur.
2, 1-5=Gobhila IV, 6, 13-16.
6-23=IV, 7.
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9. (Soil) on which Darbha-grass grows, brings holy lustre;
10. Big sorts of grass, strength ; 11. Tender grass, cattle.
12. Or (the site of the house) should have the form of bricks (?) or of ...... (?)
13. Or there should be natural holes (in the ground) in all directions.
14, 15. (A house) with its door to the east brings wealth and fame; with its door to the north, children and cattle. By one with its door to the south all wishes (are obtained). The back-door should not face (?) the house-door.
16. Milk-rice should be offered, 17. And a black cow, 18. Or a white goat. Or only milk-rice.
19. In the middle of the house he should sacrifice the fat (of the animal) and the milk-rice, mixed with Ågya, taking eight portions (of that mixture), with (the verse), · Vastoshpati !' (MB. II, 6, 1.)
20. And with the seven last (texts) used at the driving away of misfortune (see above, chap. 1, 20, 21).
21. After he has sacrificed, he should distribute Balis in the different directions (of the horizon).
9. darbhasammitam brahmavarkasyam. 10. brihattrinair balyam. 11. mridutrinaih pasavyam. 12. sâtâbhir (corr. sâdâbhir?) mandaladvîpibhir vâ. 13. yatra va svayamkritâh svabhrâh sarvatosbhimukha syuh. 14. prâgdvâram dhanyam yasasyam kodagdvaram putryam pasavyam ka dakshinadvâre sarve kâmâ. anudvaram gehadvâram 15. asamlokî (asamloki?) syât. 16. payaso havih. 17. krishnâ ka gaur. 18. ago vâ svetah pâyasa eva vâ. 19. madhye vesmano vasâm pâyasam kâgyena misram ashtagrihîtam guhuyâd Vastoshpata iti. 20. yâs ka paras saptalakshmînirnode tâbhis ka. 21. hutvå disâm balim nayed.
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KHÂDIRA-GRIHYA-SÚTRA. 22. And towards the intermediate points, and upwards and downwards.
23. This (he should repeat) every year, or at the two sacrifices of the first-fruits (of rice and barley).
24. With the two (formulas), 'Obeying the will' (MB. II, 6, 7, 8), he should sacrifice two oblations.
25. He should pronounce the name of the person whom he wishes to subdue to his will, N. N.;' then that person will obey him.
KHANDA 3. 1. Keeping the observance (of fasting) through one fortnight, let him sacrifice in a full-moon night one hundred pegs with the Ekâksharyâ verse (MB. II, 6, 9), if he is desirous of having (a large) family.
2. (Those pegs should be) of Khâdira wood, if he is desirous of long life.
3. Now another (ceremony performed with the same verse). He should go out of the village in an eastern or northern direction, should brush up an elevated surface, or (should raise it) on a mountain with the dung of beasts of the forest, should set it on
22. avântaradisâm kordhvâvâkîbhyam kai. 23. s vam samvatsare samvatsare navayagñayor vâ. 24. vasamgamâv ity etâbhyâm âhuti guhuyâd. 25. yam ikhed vasam âyântam tasya nama grihîtvâsâv iti vasî hâsya bhavati.
3, 1. ardhamasavratî paurnamâsyâm râtrau sankusatam guhuyâd ekâksharyayâ sânvayakamah. 2. khadiran ayushkâmo. 3. sthåparam. prân vodan vâ grâmân nishkramya sthandilam samdhya parvate vâranyair gomayai sthâpayitva (read, gomayais tâpayitva ?) sngârân apohyâsyena guhuyâd.
24=IV, 8, 7 (25 dcest). 3, 1-5=Gobhila IV, 8, 10-16.
6=IV, 9, 15.
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fire, should sweep the coals away (from that surface), and should make an oblation (of butter) with his mouth.
4. If (the butter) catches fire, twelve villages (will be his).
5. If smoke rises, at least three.
6. Let him sacrifice in the evening and in the morning the fallings-off of rice-grains. Thus his means of livelihood will not be exhausted.
7. Of articles of trade let him make an oblation with (the formula), 'Here (this Visvakarman),' (MB. II, 6, 10.)
8. On the sacrificial day (i. e. on the first day of the fortnight) let him sacrifice a full oblation (with the verse MB. II, 6, 11, ‘A full oblation I sacrifice,' &c.).
9. One who is desirous of companions (should sacrifice) with (the formula), Indramavadât' (?), (MB. II, 6, 12.)
10. He should fast through a period of eight nights, and then should kindle a fire to the east or to the north of the village, at a place where four roads meet. The fuel should be Udumbara wood, and the Sruva and the cup (for water should be of the same wood). Let him sacrifice (Âgya) with (the formulas), 'Food indeed,' and 'Bliss indeed' (MB. II, 6, 13, 14).
11. A third (oblation) in the village with (the formula), 'The food's' (1. 1. 15).
4. dvadasa grâmâ gvalite. 5. tryavara dhome. 6. kambakan sâyampratar guhuyân nâsya vrittih kshîyata. 7. idam aham imam iti panyahomam guhuyât. 8. půrnahomam yaganîye guhuyâd. 9. Indramavadâd iti sahayakamo. 10. sshtarâtroposhitos param prân vodan vâ grâmâk katushpathe samidhyâgnim audumbara idhma syât sruvakamasau ka guhuyâd annam va iti srîr vâ iti. 11. grâme tritîyâm annasyety.
7-9=IV, 8, 19 seqq.
10-16=IV, 9, i seqq.
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12. Then he will become a ruler.
13. When (his cows) are sick, let him sacrifice milk-rice in the cow-stable.
14. On a dangerous road let him make knots in the skirts of the garments (of those who travel together). This will bring a prosperous journey to (himself) and his companions.
15. With the two (formulas),‘To Hunger Svâhâ !' (MB. II, 6, 16, 17), let him sacrifice a thousand oblations, if he desires to obtain a thousand cart-loads (of gold).
16. One who is desirous of cattle (should sacrifice one thousand oblations) of the excrements of a male and a female calf. Of a male and a female sheep, if he is desirous of flocks.
17. Let him make oblations of fresh cowdung in the evening and in the morning; then his means of livelihood will not be exhausted.
KHANDA 4. 1. One who has been bitten by a venomous animal, he should besprinkle with water, murmuring (the verse), 'Do not fear' (MB. II, 6, 18).
12. âdhipatyam prâpnoty. 13. upatâpinîshu goshthe payasam guhuyâd. 14. aksheme pathi vastradasânâm granthîn kuryât sahâyinâm (sahâyânâm?) ka svastyayanâni. 15. kshudhe svâhety etâbhyâm âhutisahasram guhuyâd âkitasahasrakâmo. 16. vatsamithunayoh purîshena pasukamos vimithunayoh kshudrapasukâmo. 17. haritagomayena sayamprâtar guhuyân nâsya vrittih kshîyate.
4, 1. vishavatâ dashtam adbhir abhyukshan gapen ma bhaishir
iti.
17=IV, 8, 18. 4, 1-4=Gobhila IV, 9, 16 seqq.
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2. A Snâtaka should, when lying down to sleep, put his bamboo staff near (his bed) with (the formula), Strong one, protect' (1. 1. 19). This will bring him luck.
"
3. A place where he has a worm he should besprinkle with water, murmuring (the verses), 'Thy worm is killed' (MB. II, 7, 1-4).
4. (If doing this) for his cattle, let him fetch in the afternoon an earth-clod taken out of a furrow, and let him in the morning strew the dust of it (on the place attacked by worms), murmuring (the same texts).
5. (A guest) who is going to accept the Madhuparka should come forward murmuring, 'Here I tread on this' (MB. II, 8, 2).
6. They announce three times (to the guest) each (of the following things which are brought to him): a bed (of grass), water for washing the feet, the Argha water, water for sipping, and the Madhuparka;
7. And the cow.
8. Having spread out the bed (of grass, so that the points of the grass are) turned to the north, he should sit down thereon with (the verse), 'The herbs which' (MB. II, 8, 3).
9. With the feet (he treads on another bundle of
4.
2. snâtakas samvisan vainavam dandam upanidadhyât tura gopâyeti svastyayanam. 3. hatas ta (hastata, hahsta, hasta, vitasta, the MSS.) iti krimimantam desam adbhir abhyukshan gapet. pasûnâm ked aparâhne sîtâlosh/am âhritya tasya prâtah pâmsubhih pratishkiran gapen. 5. madhuparkam pratigrahîshyann idam aham imâm iti pratitishthan gaped. 6. vishtarapâdyârghyâkamanîyamadhuparkânâm ekaikam trir vedayante. . gâm ko. 8. 9. pâdayor
dankam vishtaram âstîrya yâ oshadhîr ity adhyâsîta. dvitîyayâ dvau ked.
[29]
5-23=IV, 10.
Ff
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grass), if there are two, with the second (verse) (1. 1. 4).
10. Let him look at the water with (the formula), From which side I see the goddesses' (1. 1. 5).
11. Let him wash his left foot with the formula), * The left' (1. 1. 6), the right with, “The right' (1. 1. 7); both with the rest (8).
12. Let him accept the Arghya water with (the formula), 'Thou art the queen of food' (1.1 9).
13. The water which he is to sip, (he accepts) with (the formula), Glory art thou' (1. 1. 10).
14. The Madhuparka with (the formula), “The glory's glory art thou' (1. 1. 11).
15. Let him drink three times with (the formulas), "The glory's,' The might's,''The fortune's' (1. 1. 12).
16. Having drunk more of it a fourth time silently he should give the remainder to a Brâhmana.
17. Over the cow, when it has been announced to him, he should recite (the formula), 'Let loose the
cow.'
18. Instead of and of N. N.' (in that formula) he should put the name of the person who offers the Arghya reception.
19. Thus if it is no sacrifice (by which the Arghya ceremony has been occasioned).
20. 'Make it (ready),' if it is a sacrifice.
10. apah pasyed yato devîr iti. 11. savyam pâdam avasinked savyam iti dakshinam dakshinam ity ubhau seshena. 12. snnasya râshtrir asîty arghyam pratigrihniyâd. 13. yasos sîty akamanîyam. 14. yasaso yaso - sîti madhuparkam. 15. trih pibed yasaso mahasa sriya iti. 16. tûshnim katurtham bhūyos bhipâya brâhmanayokkaisham dadad. I7. gâm veditâm anumantrareta muka gâm ity. 18. amushya kety arhayitur nâma brüyad. 19. evam ayagñe. 20. kuruteti yagña.
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IV PATALA, 4 KHANDA, 23.
435
21. The six persons to whom the Arghya reception is due are, a teacher, an officiating priest, a Snataka, a king, the father-in-law, a friend.
22. He should honour them (with the Arghya reception) once a year;
23. But repeatedly in the case of a sacrifice and of a wedding. But repeatedly in the case of a sacrifice and of a wedding.
End of the Fourth Patala.
End of the Grihyakhanda.
21. âkârya ritvik snâtako râgâ vivāhyah priya iti shad arghyâh. 22. pratisamvatsarân arhayet. 23. punar yagñavivâhayos ka punar yagñavivāhayos ka. katurthapatalah.
grihyakhandam samâptam.
Ff 2
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TRANSLITERATION OF ORIENTAL ALPHABETS ADOPTED FOR THE TRANSLATIONS
OF THE SACRED BOOKS OF THE EAST.
MISSIONARY ALPHABET.
CONSONANTS
Sanskrit.
Zend.
Pehler.
Persian
Arabic.
Hebrew. Chinese
I Clans
11 Class.
II Class
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MISSIONARY ALPHABRT.
CONSONANTS
(continued)
Sanskrit.
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Pehlevi. Persian
Arabic. Hebrew. Chinese
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II Class.
III Class
438
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20
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lenis assibilatus ..
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mollis 1 .. 32 , mollis 2.. 33 Spiritus asper 1.... 34
» asper 2... 35 „ lenis .... 36
asperrimus 1. 37
asperrimus 2.
TRANSLITERATION OF ORIENTAL ALPHABETS
DH
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all of our
Dentales modificates
(linguales, &o.) 38 Tenuis ............ 39 , aspirata ....... 40 Media ...... 41 , aspirata ...... 42 Nasalis ....... 43 Semivocalis ........ 44
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aspirata .... 56 Spiritus asper ....... 57 „ lenis. ..... 58 Anusvåra ........ 59 Visarga .....
FOR THE SACRED BOOKS OF THE EAST.
::::
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439

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MISSIONARY ALPHABET.
VOWELS.
Sanskrit.
Zend.
Pehlevi.
Persian
Arabic
Hebrew. Chinese.
I Class
II Class
III Class.
::::
440
winit.
A4 B M 4 : :
1 Neutralis ........... 2 Laryngo-palatalis ...... 3 » labialis ....... 4 Gutturalis brevis ....... 5
longa ....... 6 Palatalis brevis ........ 7 , longa ........ 8 Dentalis brevis ........ 9 , longa ........ 10 Lingualis brevis .... 11 , longa ... 12 Labialis brevis ... 13 „ longa .... 14 Gutturo-palatalis brevis ...
longe ... 16 Diphthongus gutturo-palatalis di (ai)
ei (či) 18 ,
oi (ou) 19 Gutturo-labialis brevis ... 10. 20 „ longa .... 21 Diphthongus gutturo-labialis | au
ea (ều).
1
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24 Gutturalis fracta ... 25 Palatalis fracta .... 26 Labialis fracta ...... 27 Gutturo-labialia fracta . .

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December. 1887.
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PRINCETON UNIVERSITY LIBRARY
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REESE LIBRARY
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THE
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London HENRY FROWDE OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS WAREHOUSE
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THE
SACRED BOOKS OF THE EAST
TRANSLATED
BY VARIOUS ORIENTAL SCHOLARS
AND EDITED BY
F. MAX MULLER
VOL. XXX
( UNT!"
Orford
AT THE CLARENDON PRESS
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[All rights reserved)
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Oxford PRINTED AT THE CLARENDON PRESS
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THE GRIHYA-SUTRAS
RULES OF VEDIC DOMESTIC CEREMONIES
TRANSLATED BY
HERMANN OLDENBERG
PART II
GOBHILA, HIRANYAKESIN, APASTAMBA
APASTAMBA, YAGNA-PARIBHASHA-SUTRAS
TRANSLATED BY F. MAX MÜLLER
UNI
Orford
AT THE CLARENDON PRESS
1892
[All rights reserved]
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REISE
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CONTENTS.
PAGE
INTRODUCTION TO THE GR/HYA-SOTRAS
..
.
.
ix
INTRODUCTION TRANSLATION
GOBHILA-GRIHYA-SÛTRA. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. .
. .
3 13
HIRANYAKESI-GRIHYA-SÚTRA. INTRODUCTION . . . . . . . . . TRANSLATION . . . . . . . . .
. .
. 135 . 137
ÂPASTAMBA-GRIHYA-SUTRA.
INTRODUCTION . . . . . . . . . . . 249 TRANSLATION . . . . . . . . . . . 251 SYNOPTICAL SURVEY OF THE CONTENTS OF THE GR/HYA-SOTRAS. 299
ÂPASTAMBA'S YAGÑA-PARIBHÂSHÂ-SÚTRAS. INTRODUCTION . . . . . . . . . . 311 TRANSLATION . . . . . . . . . . 315 INDEX . . . . . . . . . . . . . 365
Transliteration of Oriental Alphabets adopted for the Translations of the Sacred Books of the East ..
. . . 373
11812;
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INTRODUCTION
TO THE
GRIHYA-SUTRAS.
WE begin our introductory remarks on the literature of the Grihya-sutras with the attempt to collect the more important data which throw light on the development of the Grihya ritual during the oldest period of Hindu antiquity.
There are, as it seems, no direct traces of the Grihya ceremonies in the most ancient portion of Vedic literature. It is certain indeed that a number of the most important of those ceremonies are contemporaneous with or even earlier than the most ancient hymns of the Rigveda, as far as their fundamental elements and character are concerned, whatever their precise arrangement may have been. However, in the literature of the oldest period they play no part. It was another portion of the ritual that attracted the attention of the poets to whom we owe the hymns to Agni, Indra, and the other deities of the Vedic Olympus, viz. the offerings of the Srauta-Ritual with their far superior pomp, or, to state the matter more precisely, among the offerings of the Srauta-Ritual the Soma offering. In the Soma offering centred the thought, the poetry, and we may almost say the life of the Vasishthas, of the Visvamitras, &c., in whose families the poetry of the Rig-veda had its home. We may assume that the acts of the Grihya worship, being more limited in extent and simpler in their ritual construction than the great Soma offerings, were not yet at that time, so far as they existed at all, decked out with the reciting of the poetic texts, which we find later on connected with them, and which in the case of the Soma offering came early to be used. Probably they were celebrated in simple unadorned fashion;
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GRIHYA-SUTRAS.
what the person making the offering had to say was doubtless limited to short, possibly prose formulas, so that these ceremonies remained free from the poetry of the above-mentioned families of priests 1. We think that the character of the verses given in the Grihya-sûtras, which had to be repeated at the performance of the different ceremonies, justifies us in making these conjectures. Some of these verses indeed are old Vedic verses, but we have no proof that they were composed for the purposes of the Grihya ceremonies, and the connection in which we find them in the Rig-veda proves rather the contrary. Another portion of these verses and songs proves to have been composed indeed for the very Grihya ceremonies for which they are prescribed in the texts of the ritual: but these verses are more recent than the old parts of the Rig-veda. Part of them are found in the Rig-veda in a position which speaks for their more recent origin, others are not contained in the Rig-veda at all. Many of these verses are found in the more recent Vedic Samhitâs, especially in the Atharva-veda, a Samhita which may be regarded in the main as a treasure of Grihya verses; others finally have not as yet been traced to any Vedic Samhitâ, and we know them from the Grihya-sûtras only. We may infer that, during the latter part of the Rig-veda period, ceremonies such as marriage and burial began to be decked out with poetry as had long been the case with the Soma offering. The principal collection of marriage sentences 2 and the sentences for the
X
1 It is doubtful whether at the time of the Rig-veda the custom was established for the sacrificer to keep burning constantly a sacred Grihya fire besides the three Srauta fires. There is, as far as I know, no express mention of the Grihya fire in the Rig-veda; but that is no proof that it had then not yet come into Of the Srauta fires the gârhapatya is the only one that is mentioned, though all three were known beyond a doubt. (Ludwig, Rig-veda, vol. iii, p. 355; in some of the passages cited the word gârhapatya does not refer to the gârhapatya fire.)
use.
2 Rig-veda X, 85. It is clear that what we have here is not a hymn intended to be recited all at once, but that, as in a number of other cases in the Rig-veda, the single verses or groups of verses were to be used at different points in the performance of a rite (or, in other cases, in the telling of a story). Compare my paper, 'Akhyâna-Hymnen im Rig-veda,' Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft, vol. xxxix, p. 83.-Many verses of Rig-veda X, 85 occur again in the fourteenth book of the Atharva-veda.
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INTRODUCTION.
burial of the dead 1 are found in the tenth Mandala of the Rig-veda, which, for the most part, is known to be of later origin than the preceding portions of the collections. If we look into the character of the verses, which these long Grihya songs are composed of, we shall find additional grounds for assuming their early origin. A few remarks about their metrical character will make this clear 8. There is no other metre in which the contrast between the early and later periods of Vedic literature manifests itself so clearly as in the Anushtubh-metre 4. The Anushtubh hemistich consists of sixteen syllables, which are divided by the caesura into two halves of eight syllables each. The second of these halves has as a rule the iambic ending (u-u), though this rule was not so strictly carried out in the early as in the later period. The iambic ending is also the rule in the older parts of the Veda for the close of the first half, i.e. for the four syllables before the caesura 6. We know that the later prosody, as we see it in certain late parts of Vedic literature, in the Pali Pitakas of the Buddhists, and later in the great epic poems, not only departs from the usage of the older period, but adopts a directly contrary course, i.e. the iambic ending of the first pâda, which was formerly the rule, is not allowed at all later, and instead of it the prevailing ending is the antispast (U--4). It goes without saying that such a change in metrical usage, as the one just described, cannot have
· Rig-veda X, 14-16, and several other hymns of the tenth book. Compare the note at Åsvaldyana-Grihya IV, 4.6.
Compare my Hymnen des Rig-veda, vol. i (Prolegomena), pp. 365 seq. . Compare the account of the historical development of some of the Vedic metres which I have given in my paper, 'Das altindische Akhyana,' Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft, vol. xxxvil, and my Hymnen des Rig-veda, vol. I, pp. 26 seqq.
• The Trishtubh and Gagatt offer a much less promising material for investigation, because, so far as can now be made out, the departures from the old type begin at a later period than in the case of the Anush/ubb.
Compare Max Müller's introduction to his English translation of the Rigveda, vol 1, pp. cxiv seq.
• To demonstrate this, I have given in my last-quoted paper, p. 62, statistics with regard to the two hymns, Rig-veda I, 10 and VIII, 8; in the former the iambic ending of the first påda obtains in twenty out of twenty-four cases, in the latter in forty-two out of forty-six cases.
ast-quoted peption de formacies, in
of the first pada ir veda 1, 10 and VIII, pop, P. 63, statistics
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taken place at one jump. And accordingly a consideration of the Vedic texts reveals a transition period or rather a series of several transition periods between the old and the new standpoints. The first change is that every other ending of the first pâda is allowed by the side of the iambic ending. The two forms of the ending, the one prevailing in the earliest, and the one prevailing in the later period of the prosody, the iambic (~~) and the antispastic (~), are those that occur most frequently in the intermediate period, but besides them all other possible forms are allowed 1.
This is precisely the stage of metrical development which the great Grihya songs of the tenth Mandala of the Rigveda have reached. Let us consider, for instance, the marriage songs and the marriage sayings, X, 85, and see what kind of ending there is at the end of the first påda. Of the first seventeen verses of this Sûkta sixteen are in Anushubh metre (verse 14 is Trishtubh); we have therefore thirty-two cases in which the metrical form of these syllables must be investigated. The quantity of the syllable immediately preceding the caesura being a matter of indifference, we have not sixteen but only eight a priori possible combinations for the form of the last four syllables of the pâda; I give each of these forms below, adding each time in how many of the thirty-two cases it is used:
8
~~ 5 1111 5 C115 4
UUU 3
3
4133 3
I
5311
1331
5131
32
1 Compare the statistics as to the frequency of the different metrical forms at the ending of the first påda, p. 63 of my above-quoted paper, and Hymnen des Rig-veda, vol. i, p. 28. I have endeavoured in the same paper, p. 65 seq., to make it seem probable that this was the stage of prosody prevailing during the government of the two Kuru kings Parikshit and Ganamegaya.
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We see that all the possible combinations are actually represented in these thirty-two cases, and accordingly the metrical build of this Sakta shows that it belongs to a period to which only the latest songs of the Rig-veda collection can be referred, but the peculiarities of which may be often noticed in the Atharva-veda and in the verses scattered throughout the Brahmana literaturel
A hasty glance suffices to show that those verses of the Grihya ritual which do not appear in the Samhitâs, but which are quoted at full length in the Grihya-sútras, are also in the same stage. For instance, the seven Anushtubh verses which are quoted Sankhayana-Grihya I, 19, 5. 6, give us the following relations, if we investigate them as we did those in Rig-veda X, 85:
KKKK KKK
14 Thus even the small number of fourteen hemistichs is enough to give us seven of the eight existing combinations, and no single one occurs at all often enough to allow us to call it predominant.
Or we may take the saying that accompanies the performance of the medhåganana on the new-born child. In the version of Åsvalâyana ® we have:
- - - - 1 - vumedham te devah Savità
- - vlv- - -
medham te Asvinau devau. In the version adopted in the school of Gobhila s the
1 For instance, in the verses which occur in the well-known story of Sunah sepa (Aitareya-Brahmana VII, 13 seq.).
. Å svaldyana-Grihya I, 15, 2. • Mantra-Brahmana 1, 5, 9; cf. Gobhila-Grihya II, 7, 21.
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context of the first line is different, but the metre is the same:
- - - - 11-vu
medham te Miträvarunau. Or the saying with which the pupil (brahmakärin) has to lay a log of wood on the fire of the teacher1 :
- u-uullu - - u Agnaye samidham ahârsham
U- - |- - - u
taya tvam Agne vardhasva. There would be no object in multiplying the number of examples; those here given are sufficient to prove our proposition, that the development of the Grihya rites in the form in which they are described to us in the Satras, that especially their being accompanied with verses, which were to be recited by their performance, is later than the time of the oldest Vedic poetry, and coincides rather with the transition period in the development of the Anushtubh metre, a period which lies between the old Vedic and the later Buddhistic and epic form.
Besides the formulae intended to be recited during the performance of the various sacred acts, the Grihya-sQtras contain a second kind of verses, which differ essentially from the first kind in regard to metre; viz. verses of ritualistic character, which are inserted here and there between the prose Satras, and of which the subject-matter is similar to that of the surrounding prose. We shall have to consider these yagñagathâs, as they are occasionally called, later; at present let us go on looking for traces of the Grihya ritual and for the origin of Grihya literature in the literature which precedes the Satras.
The Brahmana texts, which, as a whole, have for their subject-matter the Vaitànika ceremonies celebrated with the three holyfires, furnish evidence that the Grihya fire, together with the holy acts accomplished in connection with it, were also already known. The Aitareya-Brâhmanagives this
1 Åsvalâyana-Grihya I, 21, 1. In Paraskara and in the Mantra-Brahmana only the first hemistich has the Anushtubh form.
* Aitareya-Brahmana VIII, 10, 9: etya grihân paskåd grihyasyâgner apa
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fire the most usual name, the same name which is used for it in the Satras, grihya agni, and describes a ceremony to be performed over this fire with expressions which agree exactly with the style of the Grihya-sætras? We often find in the Brahmana texts also mention of the terminus technicus, which the Grihya-sútras use many times as a comprehensive term for the offerings connected with Grihya ritual, the word på kayagña?. For instance, the Satapatha Brâhmana, in order to designate the whole body of offerings, uses the expression: all offerings, those that are Påkayagñas and the others. It is especially common to find the Påkayagñas mentioned in the Brahmana texts in connection with the myth of Manu. The Taittirîya Samhità - opposes the whole body of sacrifices to the Pâkayagñas. The former belonged to the gods, who through it attained to the heavenly world; the latter concerned Manu: thus the goddess Ida turned to him. Similar remarks, bringing Manu or the goddess Idå into relation with the Pakayagñas, are to be found Taittiriya Samhita VI, 2, 5, 4; Aitareya-Brahmana III, 40, 2. However, in this case as in many others, the Satapatha Brahmana contains the most detailed data, from which we see how the idea of Manu as the performer of Pakayagñas is connected with the history of the great deluge, out of which Manu alone was left. We read in the Satapatha Brâhmana:
vishtâyân vârabdhaya ritvig antatah kamsena katurgrihitás tisra ágyahutir aindrih prapadam guhoti, &c.
Some of the places in which the St. Petersburg dictionary sees names of the Gribya fire in Brahmana texts are erroneous or doubtful. Taittirfya Samhita V, 5, 9, 2, not gribya but gahya is to be read. Aapâsana, Satapatha Brahmana XII, 3, 5, 5, seems not to refer to a sacrificial fire. Following the identity of a upasana and sabhya maintained in the dictionary ander the heading aupâsana, one might be tempted in a place like Satapatha Brahmana II, 3, 2, 3 to refer the words ya esha sabhayam again to the domestic fire. A different fire is however really meant (Kâtyâyana-Srauta-sútra IV, 9, 30).
Sankhåyana I, 1,1: pâkayagitan vyakhyasyamah; I, 5, I = Pâraskara 1, 4, 1: katvârah pâkayagita huto shutah prahutah prasita iti.
* I, 4, 2, 10: sarvân yagitan ... ye ka pakayana ye ketare.
* I, 7. 1, 3: sarvena val yagiena devah suvargam lokam âyan, påkaya tena Manur asramyat, &c.
• 1, 8, 1, 6 seq. The translation is that of Prof. Max Müller (India, what can it teach us? p. 135 seq.).
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"Now the flood had carried away all these creatures, and thus Manu was left there alone. Then Manu went about singing praises and toiling, wishing for offspring. And he sacrificed there also with a Påka-sacrifice. He poured clarified butter, thickened milk, whey, and curds in the water as a libation. It is then told how the goddess Ida arose out of this offering. I presume that the story of the Pâkayagña as the first offering made by Manu after the great flood, stands in a certain correlation to the idea of the introduction of the three sacrificial fires through Purúravas? Purúravas is the son of Idà; the original man Manu, who brings forth Idå through his offering, cannot have made use of a form of offering which presupposes the existence of Ida, and which moreover is based on the triad of the sacred fires introduced by Purtravas; hence Manu's offering must have been a Pâkayagña; we read in one of the Grıhya-sätras : 'All Påkayagñas are performed without Ida.
There are still other passages in the Brâhmana texts showing that the Grihya offerings were already known; I will mention a saying of Yågñavalkya's reported in the Satapatha Brahmana 3: he would not allow that the daily morning and evening offering was a common offering, but said that, in a certain measure, it was a Pâkayagña. Finally I would call attention to the offering prescribed in the last book of the Satapatha Brahmana* for the man who wishes that a learned son should be born to him ;' it is there stated that the preparation of the Agya (clarified butter) should be performed according to the rule of the Sthâlîpâka (pot-boiling),' and the way in which the offering is to
1 It is true that, as far as I know, passages expressly stating this with regard to Parûravas have not yet been pointed out in the Brahmana texts; but the words in Satapatha Brahmana XI, 5, 1, 14-17, and even in Rig-veda X, 95, 18 stand in close connection to this prominent characteristic of Puriravas in the later texts. * Saikhayana I, I, 5.
II, 3, 1, 21. • XIV, 9, 4, 18- Brihadaranyaka VI, 4, 19 (Sacred Books of the East, vol XV, p. 320). Cf. Gribya-samgraha I, 114 for the expression sthalipâkâvrità which is here used, and which has a technical force in the Grihya literature.
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be performed is described by means of an expression, upaghatam !, which often occurs in the Grihya literature in a technical sense.
We thus see that the Brahmana books are acquainted with the Grihya fire, and know about the Grihya offerings and their permanent technical peculiarities; and it is not merely the later portions of the Brahmana works such as the fourteenth book of the Satapatha Brahmana, in which we meet with evidence of this kind; we find it also in portions against the antiquity of which no objections can be raised.
hile therefore on the one hand the Brâhmana texts prove the existence of the Grihya ceremonial, we see on the other hand, and first of all by means of the Brâhmana texts themselves, that a literary treatment of this ritualistic subject-matter, as we find it in the Brahmanas themselves with regard to the Srauta offerings, cannot then have existed. If there had existed texts, similar to the Brahmana texts preserved to us, which treated of the Grihya ritual, then, even supposing the texts themselves had disappeared, we should still necessarily find traces of them in the Brahmanas and Satras. He who will take the trouble to collect in the Brahmana texts the scattered references to the then existing literature, will be astonished at the great mass of notices of this kind that are preserved : but nowhere do we find traces of Grihya Brahmanas. And besides, if such works had ever existed, we should be at a loss to understand the difference which the Hindus make between the Srauta-sútras based on Sruti (revelation), and the Grihya-sútras resting on Smriti (tradition) alone. The sacred Grihya acts are regarded as 'smarta, and when the question is raised with what right they can be considered as a duty resting on the sacrificer alongside of the Srauta acts, the answer is given that they too are based on a Sakha of the Veda, but that this Sakha is
· See Grihya-samgraha I, 111. 112.
• The Gribya-sútra of Baudhayana is called Smarta-sätra in the best known MS. of this work (Sacred Books of the East, vol. xiv, p. xxx).
[30]
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hidden, so that its existence can only be demonstrated by reasoning
But the Brahmana texts furnish us still in another way the most decisive arguments to prove that there have been no expositions of the Grihya ritual in Brahmana form: they contain exceptionally and scattered through their mass sections, in which they treat of subjects which according to later custom would have been treated in the Grihya-sútras. Precisely this sporadic appearance of Grihya chapters in the midst of expositions of a totally different contents leads us to draw the conclusion that literary compositions did not then exist, in which these chapters would have occupied their proper place as integral parts of a whole. Discussions of questions of Grihya ritual are found in the Brâhmana literature, naturally enough in those appendices of various kinds which generally follow the exposition of the principal subject of the Srauta ritual. Accordingly we find in the eleventh book of the Satapatha Brahmana', among the manifold additions to subjects previously treated, which make up the principal contents of this book ", an exposition of the Upanayana, i.e. the solemn reception of the pupil by the teacher, who is to teach him the Veda. The way in which the chapter on the Upanayana is joined to the preceding one, is eminently characteristic; it shows that it is the merest accident which has brought about in that place the discussion of a subject connected with the Grihya ritual, and that a ceremony such as the Upanayana is properly not in its proper place in the midst of the literature of Brahmana texts. A dialogue (brahmodya) between Uddalaka and Saukeya precedes; the two talk of the Agnihotra and of various expiations (prayaskitta) connected with that sacrifice. At the end Saukeya, filled with astonishment at the wisdom of Uddalaka, declares that he wishes to come to him as a pupil (upâyani bhagavantam), and Uddalaka
Max Müller, History of Ancient Sanskrit Literature, pp. 94-96.
Satapatha Brahmana XI, 5, 4. • Max Müller, History of Ancient Sanskrit Literature, p. 359.
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accepts him as his pupil. It is the telling of this story and the decisive words upayani and u paniny e which furnish the occasion for introducing the following section on the Upanayana'. The subject is there treated in the peculiar style of the Brâhmana texts, a style which we need not characterize here. I shall only mention one point, viz. that into the description and explanation of the Upanayana ceremony has been inserted one of those Slokas, such as we often find in the Grihya-sđtras also, as a sort of ornamental amplification of the prose exposition. Here a Sloka is also sung,' says the Brâhmana 8 :
---- - vuul - - - v - uu akaryo garbhî bhavati "hastam adhầya dakshinam
v-- - u -u-||-- - v- - u u
tritiyasyâm sa gayate " savitryâ saha brahmanah“. From this passage we see, on the one hand, that the composition of such isolated Slokas explaining certain points of the Grihya ritual goes back to quite an early period; on the other hand, we are compelled to assume that the Slokas of this kind which are quoted in the Grihyasâtras differ nevertheless from the analogous Slokas of the early period, or at any rate that the old Slokas must have undergone a change which modernized their structure, so as to be received into the Grihya-stras; for the metre of the Sloka just quoted, which has the antispast before the caesura in neither of its two halves, and which has even a double iambus before the caesura in one half, is decidedly of an older type than the one peculiar to the Slokas quoted in the Grihya-stras
* This is also the way in which Sayana understands the matter; he makes the following remark: tam hopaninya ity upanayanasya prastutatvát taddharma asmin brâhmane nirūpyante.
• Cf. above, p. xiv; below, p. xxxv. * Sect. 12 of the chapter quoted.
# The teacher becomes pregnant by laying his right hand on the pupil for the Upanayana); on the third day he (i.e. the pupil) is born as a Brahmana along with the Savitrt (which is repeated to him on that day).'
* It is not likely that verses of this kind are taken from more comprehensive and connected metrical texts.
. Cf. on this point below, p. XXXV.
b2
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Another Grihya section in the Satapatha Brahmana seems to have found its place there through a similar accidental kind of joining on to a preceding chapter as the above-mentioned passage. In XI, 5,5 a story of the battle of the gods and Asuras is told: the gods beat the Asuras back by means of constantly larger Sattra celebrations and conquer for themselves the world of heaven. It seems to me that the description of the great Sattras celebrated by the gods is the occasion of the joining on of a section beginning with the words 1 : 'There are five great sacrifices (mahayagñas); they are great Sattras: the offering to Beings, the offering to men, the offering to the Fathers (i. e. the Manes), the offering to the Gods, the offering to the Brahman.' After this introduction follows an account of one of the five great offerings, namely of the Brahmayagña, i.e. of the daily Veda recitation (svâdhyâya). The third Adhyâya of Åsvalayana's Grihya-sætra begins in exactly the same way with the sentence : 'Now (follow) the five sacrifices : the sacrifice to the Gods, the sacrifice to the Beings, the sacrifice to the Fathers, the sacrifice to the Brahman, the sacrifice to men,' and then follows here also a discussion of the Brahmayagña, which is entirely analogous to that given in the Satapatha Brahmana. Asvalâyana here does not content himself with describing the actual course of ceremonies as is the rule in the Sutra texts; he undertakes, quite in the way of the Brahmana texts, to explain their meaning: In that he recites the Rikas, he thereby satiates the gods with oblations of milk, in that (he recites) the Yagus, with oblations of ghee,' &c. It is plain that the mode of exposition adopted by Asvalâyana in this passage, which is different from the usual Satra style, finds its explanation in the supposition that exceptionally in this case the author of the Grihya-sætra had before him a Bråhmana text, which he could take as his model, whether that text was the Satapatha itself or another similar text.
Among the extremely various prescriptions which we find
Satapatha Brahmana XI, 5, 6, 1.
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in the last sections of the Satapatha Brahmana, there is a rather long section, which also really belongs to the Grihya domain. To quote from this section' : 'If a man wishes that a learned son should be born to him, famous, a public man, a popular speaker, that he should know all the Vedas, and that he should live to his full age, then, after having prepared boiled rice with meat and butter, they should both eat, being fit to have offspring,' &c. Then follows a description of an Agya offering, after which the marital cohabitation is to be performed with certain formulas. This, however, is not the last of the acts through which the father assures himself of the possession of such a distinguished son; certain rites follow, which are to be performed at birth and after birth, the Ayushya ceremony and the Medhåganana. These rites are here prescribed for the special case where the father has the above-mentioned wishes for the prosperity of his child; but the description agrees essentially with the description of the corresponding acts in the Grihya-sætras, which are inculcated for all cases, without reference to a determined wish of the father. It is a justifiable conjecture that, although this certainly does not apply to the whole of ceremonies described in the Grihya-stras, many portions of these ceremonies and verses that were used in connection with them, &c., were first developed, not as a universal rite or duty, but as the special possession of individuals, who hoped to attain special goods and advantages by performing the ceremony in this way.
It was only later, as I think, that such prescriptions
Satapatha Brahmana XIV, 9, 4, 17 - Bribad Aranyaka VI, 4, 18 (Sacred Books of the East, vol. xv, p. 119 seq.).
* Cf. Prof. Max Müller's notes to the passage quoted from the Brihad Aranyaka. I must mention in this connection a point touched upon by Prof. Müller, loc. cit. p. 222, note 1, viz. that Asvaldyana, Grihya I, 13, 1, expressly calls
the Upanishad' the text in which the Pumsavana and similar ceremonies are treated. It is probable that the Upanishad which Asvalâyana had in mind treated these rites not as a duty to which all were bound, but as a secret that assured the realisation of certain wishes. This follows from the character of the Upanishads, which did not form a part of the Vedic course which all had to study, but rather contained a secret doctrine intended for the few.
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assumed the character of universality, with which we find them propounded in the Grihya-sâtras.
It is scarcely necessary to go through the sections of the texts of other Vedic schools referring to the Grihya ritual in the same way in which we have done it in the case of the Satapatha Brahmana. The data which we have produced from the great Bråhmana of the white Yągur-veda, will be sufficient for our purpose, which is to give an idea of the stage in which the literary treatment of the Grihya ritual stood during the Brahmana period. As we see, there were then properly no Grihya texts; but many of the elements which we find later in the Grihya texts were either already formed or were in the process of formation. Most of the verses which are used for the Grihya actsin so far as they are not verses composed in the oldest period for the Soma offering and transferred to the Grihya ceremonies-bear the formal imprint of the Brahmana period; the domestic sacrificial fire and the ritual peculiarities of the Pakayagñas which were to be performed at it, were known; descriptions of some such Pâkayagñas were given in prose; there were also already Slokas which gave in metrical form explanations about certain points of the Grihya ritual, just as we find in the Brahmana texts analogous Slokas referring to subjects connected with the Srauta ritual.
Thus was the next step which the literary development took in the Satra period prepared and rendered easy. The more systematic character which the exposition of the ritualistic discipline assumed in this period, necessarily led to the taking of this step: the domain of the Grihya sacrifices was recognised and expounded as a second great principal part of the ritual of sacrifices alongside of the Srauta domain which was alone attended to in the earlier period. The Grihya-sätras arose which treat, according to the expression of Åsvalâyana in his first sentence, of the grihyani' as distinguished from the vaitânikani, or, as Sankhayana says, of the pakayag ñas, or, as Paraskara says, of the grihyasthalipakanam karma. The
Similarly Gobhila : gribyåkarmåni.
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Grihya-sûtras treat their subject of course in exactly the same style in which the sacrifices of the Srauta ritual had been treated by the Srauta-sûtras, which they constantly assume to be known and which are the works of teachers of the same Vedic schools, and oftentimes even perhaps the works of the same authors. Only certain differences in the character of the two groups of texts are naturally conditioned on the one hand by the greater complexity of the Srauta sacrifices and the comparative simplicity of the Grihya sacrifices, on the other hand by the fact that the Srauta-sûtras are entirely based on Brahmana texts, in which the same subjects were treated, while the Grihyasûtras, as we have seen, possessed such a foundation only for a very small portion of their contents.
It goes without saying that the above-mentioned statement that the subjects treated of in the Grihya-sûtras are Pakayagñas1 or Grihyasthâlîpâkas should not be pressed with the utmost strictness, as though nothing were treated in the Grihya-sûtras which does not come under these heads. First of all the term Sthâlipâka is too narrow, since it does not include the offerings of sacrificial butter which constituted a great number of ceremonies. But besides many ceremonies and observances are taught in the Grihya-sutras, which cannot in any way be characterised as sacrifices at all, only possessing some inner resemblance to the group of sacrifices there treated of, or standing in more or less close connection with them 2.
The Sutra texts divide the Pâkayagñas in various ways; either four or seven principal forms are taken up. The
1 I believe with Stenzler (see his translation of Asvalâyana, pp. 2 seq.) that påkayagia means 'boiled offering.' It seems to me that the expression på ka in this connection cannot be otherwise taken than in the word sthâlîpâka ('pot-boiling"). Prof. Max Müller (History of Ancient Sanskrit Literature, p. 203), following Hindu authorities, explains Pâkayaga as 'a small sacrifice,' or, more probably, 'a good sacrifice.' The definition of Lâryâyana may be also here quoted (IV, 9, 2): pâkayagiâ ity âkakshata ekâgnau yagân.
2 Compare, for instance, the account of the ceremonies which are to be performed for the journey of the newly-married pair to their new home, SankhâyanaGrihya I, 15, or the observances to which the Snâtaka is bound, Gobhila III, 5, &c. According to the rule Sâñkhâyana I, 12, 13 we are, however, to suppose a sacrifice in many ceremonies where there does not seem to be any.
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commonest division is that into the four classes of the hutas, a hutas, prahutas, prasitas1. The division into seven classes is doubtless occasioned by the division of the Haviryagñas and of the Somayagñas, which also each include seven classes ? ; for the nature of the sacrifices in question would hardly of itself have led to such a division. The seven classes taken up are either those given by Gautama VIII, 158: The seven kinds of Pakayagñas, viz. the Ashtaka, the Pârvana (Sthâlipáka, offered on the new and full moon days), the funeral oblations, the Srâvani, the Ågrahayani, the Kaitri, and the Åsvayugt.' Or else the seven classes are established as follows, the fourfold division being utilised to some extent: 'Huta, Prahuta, Åhuta (sic, not Ahuta), the spit-ox sacrifice, the Bali offering, the redescent (on the Ågrahayana day), the Ashtaka sacrifice.' According to the account of Prof. Bühler, the exposition of Baudhayana, who gives this division, keeps closely to the course which it prescribes. For the rest, however, the Grihya texts with which I am acquainted do not follow any of these divisions, and this is easily accounted for, if we consider the artificial character of these classifications, which are undertaken merely for the sake of having a complete scheme of the sacrifices. On the contrary, as a whole the texts give an arrangement which is based on the nature of the ceremonies they describe. In many instances we find considerable variations between the texts of the different schools; often enough, in a given text, the place
Sankhiyana 1, 5, 1; 10, 7; Påraskara 1, 4, 1. Doubtless Prof. Bühler is right in finding the same division mentioned also Vasishtha XXVI, 10 (Sacred Books of the East, vol. xiv, p. 138). Åsvaldyana (I, 1, ) mentions only three of the four classes.
• In Latyâyana (V, 4, 12-14) all the sacrifices are divided into seven Haviryagila-samsthas and into seven Soma-samsthås, so that the Pâkayagilas do not form a class of their own; they are strangely brought in as the last of the Haviryągilas. Cf. Indische Studien, X, 325.
Sacred Books of the East, vol. ii, p. 214. . Baudhâyana Grihya-sútra, quoted by Bühler, Sacred Books of the East, vol. xiv, p. xxxi; cf. Sayana's Commentary on Aitareya-Brahmana III, 40, 2 (p. 296 of Aufrecht's edition).
Sacred Books of the East, vol. xiv, p. xxxii.
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which is assigned to a given chapter is not to be explained without assuming a certain arbitrariness on the part of the author. But, as a whole, we cannot fail to recognise in the arrangement of the different texts a certain agreement, which we will here merely try to explain in its main traits; the points of detail, which would complete what we here say, will occur of themselves to any one who looks at the texts themselves.
The domestic life of the Hindus represents, so to speak, a circle, in which it is in a certain measure indifferent what point is selected as the starting-point. Two especially important epochs in this life are : on the one hand, the period of studentship of the young Brahmakärin devoted to the study of the Veda ; at the beginning of this period comes the ceremony of the Upanayana, at the end that of the Samávartana; on the other hand, marriage (vivaha), which besides has a special importance for the Grihya ritual, from the circumstance, that as a rule the cultus of the domestic sacrificial fire begins with marriage. One can just as well imagine an exposition of the Grihya ritual, which proceeds from the description of the studentship to that of the marriage, as one which proceeds from the description of the marriage to that of the studentship. The Samåvartana, which designates the end of the period of studentship, gives the Hindu the right and the duty to found a household?. On the other hand, if the exposition begins with the marriage, there follows naturally the series of ceremonies which are to be performed up to the birth of a child, and then the ceremonies for the young child, which finally lead up to the Upanayana and a description of the period of studentship. The Hiranyakesi-sútra alone, of the Satras treated of in these translations, follows the first of the two orders mentioned * ; the other texts follow the other order,
1 Hiranyakesin says: samkvritta & käryakulån måtâpitaran bibhriyat, tâbhyam anggråto bharyam upayakkhet.
The same may be said with regard to two other Gnihya texts which also belong to the black Yagar-veda, the Menava and the Kathaka. See Jolly, Das Dharmasútra des Vishnu und das Kathakagrihyasůtra, p. 75; Von Bradke, Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenlä.d. Gesellschaft, vol. xxxvi, p. 445.
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which has been already described by Prof. Max Müller almost thirty years ago, and we cannot do better than to give his description: Then (i.e. after the marriage) follow the Samskaras, the rites to be performed at the conception of a child, at various periods before his birth, at the time of his birth, the ceremony of naming the child, of carrying him out to see the sun, of feeding him, of cutting his hair, and lastly of investing him as a student, and handing him to a Guru, under whose care he is to study the sacred writings, that is to say, to learn them by heart, and to perform all the offices of a Brahmakârin, or religious student.'
In this way we find, as a rule, in the foreground in the first part of the Grihya-sůtras this great group of acts which accompany the domestic life from marriage to the studentship and the Samåvartana of the child sprung from wedlock. We find, however, inserted into the description of these ceremonies, in various ways in the different Satras, the exposition of a few ritualistic matters which we have not yet mentioned. In the first place a description of the setting up of the sacred domestic fire, i. e. of the ceremony which in the domain of the Grihya ritual corresponds to the agnyâdheya of the Srauta ritual. The setting up of the fire forms the necessary preliminary to all sacred acts; the regular time for it is the wedding, so that the fire used for the wedding acts accompanies the young couple to their home, and there forms the centre of their household worship. Accordingly in the Grihya-stras the description of the setting up of the fire stands, as a rule, at the beginning of the whole, not far from the description of the wedding.
Next the introductory sections of the Grihya-sútras have to describe the type of the Grihya sacrifice, which is universally available and recurs at all household ceremonies. This can be done in such a way that this type is described for itself, without direct reference to a particular sacrifice. This is the case in Paraskara, who in the first chapter of his
· History of Ancient Sanskrit Literature, p. 204.
See, for instance, Paraskara I, 2, 1: &vasathyâdhanam dârakâle.
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Satra describes the rites recurring at each sacrifice, and then remarks: 'This ritual holds good, whenever a sacrifice is offered l.' Similarly Åsvalâyana, in one of the first chapters of his work, enumerates the rites which are to be performed
whenever he intends to sacrifice?' Other texts give a general description of the Grihya sacrifice by exemplifying it by one special sacrifice. Sankhayana 8 chooses for this the sacrifice which the bridegroom has to offer, when a favourable answer has been granted to his wooing ; Gobhila* gives at least the greater part of the rules in question à propos of the full moon and of the new moon sacrifice; Hiranyakesin", who opens his account at the period of the studentship of the young Brahmana, describes the sacrificial type à propos of the Upanayana rite.
The sacrifices which are to be offered daily at morning and at evening, those which are celebrated monthly on the days of the new moon and of the full moon—the Grihya copies of the Agnihotra and of the Darsapurnamasa sacrifices-and, thirdly, the daily distribution of the Bali offerings: these ceremonies are commonly described along with what we have called the first great group of the Grihya acts, immediately preceding or following the Vivaha.
We find, as a second group of sacred acts, a series of celebrations, which, if the man has founded his household, are to be performed regularly at certain times of the year at the household fire. So the Sravana sacrifice, which is offered to the snakes at the time when, on account of the danger from snakes, a raised couch is necessary at night. At the end of this period the festival of the redescent is celebrated : the exchanging of the high couch for the low couch on the ground. Between these two festivals comes the Prishậtaka offering on the full-moon day of the month Asvayuga; it receives in the Grihya texts the place corresponding to that which actually belongs to
11, 1, 5: esha eva vidhir yatra kvakid dhomak. * 1, 3, 1: atha khalı yatra kva ka hoshyant syât, &c. . 1, 7-10.
. I, 6 seqq.
» 1,1.
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it in the series of the festivals. As a rule the acts we have just mentioned are followed, in accordance with the natural series, by the Ashtaka festivals, which are celebrated during the last months of the year.
Alongside of these acts which are connected with fixed points of the year we find in the various Grihya texts an account of a series of other ceremonies, which, in accordance with their nature, have no such fixed position in the system of the ritual. Thus, for instance, the rites which refer to the choice of a piece of ground to build a house or to the building itself; further, the rites connected with agriculture and cattle raising. In many texts we find together with this group of acts also an account of the ceremonies, related to fixed points in the year, which stand in connection with the annual course of Vedic study: the description of the opening festival and of the closing festival of the school term, as well as a point which generally follows these descriptions, the rules as to the anadhyâya, i.e. as to the occasions which necessitate an intermission in the study of the Veda for a longer or for a shorter period. As a rule, the Grihya-sätras bring the account of these things into the group of acts which refer to the household life of the Grihastha; for the Adhyâpana, i.e. the teaching of the Veda, held the first place among the rights and duties of the Brahmana who had completed his time at school. On the other hand these ceremonies can naturally also be considered as connected with the school life of the young Hindu, and accordingly they are placed in that division by Gobhila ?, between the description of the Upanayana and that of the Samåvartana.
The sacred acts connected with the burial and the worship of the dead (the various kinds of Sraddha rites) may be designated as a third group of the ceremonies which are described to us in the Grihya-sätras. Finally, a fourth group comprises the acts which are connected with the attainment of particular desires (kâmyâni). Among the
1 Not in Sânkhayana, who describes the Ashtakás before these sacrifices.
III, 3.
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texts here translated we find a somewhat detailed account of these ceremonies in the Gobhila-sätra and in the Khadira-Grihya only!
These remarks cannot claim to give a complete outline of the contents and arrangement of the Grihya texts; they only aim at giving an idea of the fundamental traits, which in each particular text are modified by manifold variations, but which nevertheless are to these variations as the rule is to the exceptions.
We must now speak of the relations of the Grihya-sätras to the two other kinds of Satra texts, with which they have so many points of contact in the Srauta-stras and the Dharma-stras.
Prof. Bühler, in several places of the excellent introductions which he has prefixed to his translations of the Dharma-sätras, has called attention to the fact that the relation in which the Satra texts of the same school stand to each other is very different in different schools. Many schools possess a great corpus of Satras, the parts of which are the Srauta-stra, the Grihya-stra, &c. This is, for instance, the case with the Apastambiya school?; its Satra is divided into thirty Prasnas, the contents of which are divided as follows:
I-XXIV: Srauta-sútra. XXV: Paribhashås, &c. XXVI: Mantras for the Grihya-stra. XXVII: Grihya-sätra XXVIII-XXIX: Dharma-sätra. XXX: Sulva-sätra.
In other cases the single Satra texts stand more independently side by side; they are not considered as parts of one and the same great work, but as different works. Of course it is the Dharma-sätras above all which could be freed from the connection with the other Satra texts to such an extent, that even their belonging to a distinct Vedic school may be doubtful. The contents
Gobhila IV, 5 seq.; Khad. IV, 1 seq. * Bühler, Sacred Books of the East, vol. ii, pp. xi seq.
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of this class of Satras indeed have hardly any connection with the subdivisions and differences of the Vedic texts handed down in the various schools; there was no reason why Brahmans, who studied various Sakhâs of the Veda, should not learn the ordinances concerning law and morals given in these Satras as they were formulated in the same texts. The Grihya-sūtras are not so independent of the differences of the Vedic schools. The close analogy between the sacrificial ritual of the Grihya acts and that of the Srauta acts, and the consequent necessity of taking into account the Srauta ritual in the exposition of the Grihya ritual, necessarily brought the Grihya-sūtras into closer connection with and into greater dependence on the Srauta-sutras than in the case of the Dharma-sutras 1. But above all, the Grihya ceremonies demanded the knowledge of numerous Mantras, and accordingly as these Mantras were borrowed from the one or the other Mantra Såkha, there followed in the case of the Grihya text in question an intimate connection with the corresponding Mantra schools. We find accordingly as a general rule, that each Grihya-sútra presupposes a Vedic Samhita, whose Mantras it quotes only in their Pratîkas“, and that besides each Grihya-sútra presupposes a previous
1 Professor Jolly in his article on the Dharma-sutra of Vishnu, p. 71, note 1, points out that in the eyes of Hindu commentators also the Dharma-stras differ from the Grihya-sútras in that the former contain rather the aniversal rules, while the latter contain the rules peculiar to individual schools. Cf. Weber, Indische Literaturgeschichte, 2. Aufl., S. 296.
? It seems as though the choice of the Mantras which were to be prescribed for the Gribya ceremonies had often been intentionally made so as to comprise as many Mantras as possible occurring in the Mantra-Sakha, which served as foundation to the Grihya texts in question.
When Govindasvâmin (quoted by Bühler, Sacred Books of the East, vol. xiv, p. xiii) designates the Grihyasástrâni as sarvadhikårâni, this should not be understood literally. In general it is true the Grihya acts are the same for the disciples of all the Vedic schools, but the Mantras to be used in connection with them differ.
* In the introduction to Gobhila I have treated of the special case where & Grihya-sätra, besides being connected with one of the great Samhitas, is connected also with a Grihya-sambita of its own, so to speak, with a collection of the Mantras to be used at the Gribya acts.
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knowledge of the ritual which is acquired through the study of the proper Srauta-sûtra1. It is not necessary to quote the numerous places where the Grihya-sûtras either expressly refer to the Srauta-sûtras, or point to them by repeating the same phrases or often even whole Sûtras. It will be sufficient to quote one out of many places, the opening words of the Asvalâyana-Grihya, which in a way characterise this work as a second part of the Srauta-sûtra: 'The rites based on the spreading (of the three sacred fires) have been declared; we shall declare the Grihya rites?!'
Thus it is not difficult to perceive the dependence of the Grihya-sutras on the Srauta-sûtras; but there remains the much more difficult question whether in each particular case both texts are to be regarded as by the same author, or whether the Grihya-sûtra is an appendix to the Srautasûtra composed by another author. Tradition accepts the one alternative for some Sûtras; for other Sûtras it accepts the other; thus in the domain of the Rig-veda literature Asvalâyana and Sankhayana are credited with the authorship of a Srauta-sûtra as well as of a Grihya-sûtra; the same is true of Apastamba, Hiranyakesin, and other authors. On the other hand, the authorship of the Grihya-sûtras which follow the Srauta-sûtras of Kâtyayana, Lâtyâyana, Drâhyayana, is not ascribed to Kâtyâyana, Lâtyâyana, Drâhyayana, but to Pâraskara, Gobhila, and Khâdirâkarya.
It seems to me that we should consider the testimony of tradition as entirely trustworthy in the second class of cases. Tradition is very much inclined to ascribe to celebrated masters and heads of schools the origin of works which are acknowledged authorities in their schools, even though they are not the authors. But it is not likely that tradition should have made a mistake in the opposite
In the domain of the Atharva-veda literature alone we find this relation reversed; here the Srauta-sûtra (the Vaitâna-sûtra) presupposes the Grihya-sûtra (the Kausika-sutra). Cf. Prof. Garbe's preface to his edition of the Vaitânasútra, p. vii. This relation is not extraordinary, considering the secondary character of the Vaitâna-sûtra.
* Uktâni vaitânikani, grihyâni vakshyâmah.
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direction, that e.g. it should designate Paraskara as author when Katyayana himself was the author.
We shall not be able to trust so implicitly to tradition where it puts down the same author for the Grihya-sútra as for the corresponding Srauta-sútra; the possibility that such data are false is so large that we have to treat them as doubtful so long as we have not discovered certain proofs of their correctness. At present, so far as I can see, we are just as little justified in considering that such a proof has been made as we are able to prove the opposite state of things. It is easy to find the many agreements in contents and expression which exist, for instance, between the Srautasätra and Grihya-sútra of Sankhayana, or between the Srauta-sâ tra and the Grihya-sätra of Åsvalayana. But these agreements cannot be considered as sufficient proof that in each case the Grihya-sätra and the Srauta-sätra are by the same author. Even if the author of the Grihya-sútra was not Åsvaldyana or Sankhåyana in person, still he must have been at all events perfectly familiar with the works of those teachers, and must have intended to fit his work to theirs as closely as possible, so that agreements of this kind can in no way astonish us. On the other hand, if the Srauta-sđtras and Grihya-stras are read together, it is easy to discover small irregularities in the exposition, repetitions and such like, which might seem to indicate different authors. But the irregularities of this kind which have been detected up to the present are scarcely of such
1 The parallel passages from the Srauta-sätra and the Gribya-sútra of the Mânavas are brought together in Dr. Von Bradke's interesting paper, Ueber das Månava-Grihya-satra,' Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländ. Gesellschaft, vol. XXXVI, p. 451.
· For this reason I cannot accept the reasoning through which Prof. Bühler (Sacred Books of the East, vol. ii, p. xiv) attempts to prove the identity of the author of the Srauta-sätra and of the Dharma-sätra of the Åpastambiya school. Bühler seems to assume that the repetition of the same Sútra, and of the same irregular grammatical form in the Srauta-sútra and in the Dharma-stra, must either be purely accidental, or, if this is impossible, that it proves the identity of the authors. But there remains a third possible explanation, that the two texts are by different authors, one of whom knows and imitates the style of the other.
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a character as not to be easily ascribable to mistakes and carelessness such as even a careful author may be guilty of in the course of a large work1. It seems to me then that until the discovery of further circumstances throwing light on the question of the identity of the authors of the Srautas and of the Grihyas, it would be premature if we were to venture on a decision of this question in one direction or the other.
Prof. Bühler's investigations have made perfectly clear the relation in which the Grihya-sûtras and the Dharmasûtras stand to each other in those cases, where we have texts of both kinds by the same school. In the case of the Grihya-sûtra and the Dharma-sûtra of the Apastambiyas he has proved that both texts were the work of the same author according to a common plan, so that the Grihya-sutra is as short and terse as possible, because Åpastamba had reserved for the Dharma-sûtra a portion of the subject-matter generally treated of in the Grihyasûtras. Besides there are references in each of the two texts to the other which strengthen the proof of their being written by the same author. In the Sûtra collection of Hiranyakesin the state of things is different. Here, as Prof. Bühler has also shown 3, we find numerous discrepancies between the Grihya and the Dharma-sûtra, which are owing to the fact, that while this teacher took as Dharma-sûtra that of Apastamba with some unessential changes, he composed a Grihya-sûtra of his own. Of the two Sutras of Baudhâyana, the same distinguished scholar, to whom we owe the remarks we have just mentioned, has treated in the Sacred Books of the East, vol. xiv, p. xxxi.
I believe that every reader who compares the two kinds of texts will notice that the frame within which the exposition of the Dharma-sûtras is inclosed, is an essentially
1 Cf. my remarks in the introduction to the Sankhayana-Grihya, vol. xxix, PP. 5, 6.
Sacred Books of the East, vol. ii, p. xiii seq. Sacred Books of the East, vol. ii, p. xxiii seq.
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broader one than in the case of the Grihya-stras. We have here, I think, the same phenomenon that may also be observed, for instance, in the domain of the Buddhist Vinaya literature, where the exposition of the life of the community was at first given only in connection with the explanation of the list of sins (Pâtimokkha) which was promulgated every half month at the meetings of the spiritual brethren. It was not till later that a more comprehensive exposition, touching all the sides of the life of the community was attempted? an exposition which, on the one hand, no longer limited itself to the points discussed in the Pâtimokkha, and which, on the other hand, necessarily had much in common with what was laid down in the Pâtimokkha. The relation of the Grihya-sūtras and Dharma-sūtras seems to me to be of a similar nature. The Grihya-stras begin to treat of the events of the daily life of the household, but they do not yet undertake to exhaust the great mass of this subjectmatter ; on the contrary they confine themselves principally to the ritual or sacrificial side of household life, as is natural owing to their connection with the older ritualistic literature. Then the Dharma-sätras take an important step further ; their purpose is to describe the whole of the rights and customs which prevail in private, civic, and public life. They naturally among other things touch upon the ceremonies treated in the Grihya-sútras, but they generally merely mention them and discuss the questions of law and custom which are connected with them, without undertaking to go into the technical ordinances as to the way in which these ceremonies are to be performed 2.
Only in a few cases do portions treated of in the domain of the Dharma-sútras happen to coincide with portions treated of in the Grihya-sutras. Thus especially, apart from a few objects of less importance, the detailed rules for the behaviour of the Snataka and the rules for the interruptions
In the work which has Khandhakå as its general title and which has been transmitted to us in two parts, Mahâvagga and Kullavagga.
Compare, for instance, the explanations concerning the Upanayana in the Dharma-sůtras (A pastamba I, 1; Gautama I) with the corresponding sections of the Grihya-sätras.
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of the Veda study (anadhyâya) are generally treated in an exactly similar way in the texts of the one and those of the other category.
We have spoken above of the metrical peculiarities of the Mantras quoted in the Grihya-sútras, the metre of which clearly proves what is indubitable from other reasons, that most, if not all, of these verses were composed at a perceptibly older period than the descriptions of the sacred acts in the midst of which they are inserted? A second kind of verses which are quoted in the Grihya-sâtras must be carefully distinguished from these. It is doubtful whether there are any to be found among them which the authors of the Satras have themselves composed; but they were composed at a period decidedly more recent than those Mantras", and they therefore exhibit metrical peculiarities which are essentially different. The verses I mean are Slokas of ritual contents, which are quoted to confirm or to complete what is stated in the prose, and which are introduced by such expressions as tad apy ahuh'here they say also,' or tad api slokah here there are also Slokas,' and other similar phrases
We called attention above (p. xix) to the fact that a verse of this kind occurs in one of the Grihya chapters of the Satapatha Brahmana, in a metre corresponding to the peculiarities of the older literary style. On the other hand, the verses appearing in the Grihya-sätras differ only in a few cases from the standard of the later Sloka prosody, as we have it, e. g. in the Mahabharata and in the laws of Manu. In the Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländ. Gesellschaft, vol. xxxvii, p. 67, I have given tables for the verses in question out of the Sankhayana-Grihya, and these tables show that the characteristic ending of the first
* We do not mean to deny that among these verses too a few of especially modern appearance are to be found; e.g. this is true of the verses which Dr. Von Bradke has quoted from the Manava-Gríhya II, 14, 34 (Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländ. Gesellschaft, vol. xxxvi, p. 429).
Let me here refer to the fact that one of these verses (Asval@yana-Gribya IV, 7, 16) concludes with the words, thus said Saunaka.' • Asvaldyana-Grihya 1, 3, 10 designates such a verse as yagtagathi.
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Sloka Pada for the later period u--4, which, for instance, in the Nalopåkhyana of the Mahabharata covers precisely five-sixths of all the cases, occurs in Sankhayana in thirty cases out of thirty-nine, that is in about three quarters of the cases 1; Sankhāyana has still twice the ending u-uy which is the rule in the Rig-veda, but which is forbidden by the later prosody: prahutah pitrikarmanâ, uktvå mantram sprised apah'. It may be observed that a similar treatment of the Sloka metre appears also in the Rig-veda Prátisakhya of Saunaka. Here too the modern form of the ending of the first pâda dominates, although sometimes the old iambic form is preserved, e. g. II, 5 antahpadamvivrittayah, III, 6 anudattodaye punah.
It seems evident that we have in this Sloka form of the Sätra period, the last preparatory stage which the development of this metre had to traverse, before it arrived at the shape which it assumes in epic poetry; and it is to be hoped that more exhaustive observations on this point (account being especially taken of the numerous verses quoted in the Dharma-sätras) will throw an important light on the chronology of the literature of this period lying between the Vedas and the post-Vedic age.
We add to these remarks on the Slokas quoted in the Grihya-satras, that we come upon a number of passages in the midst of the prose of the Satras, which without being in any way externally designated as verses, have an unmistakable metrical character, being evidently verses which the authors of the Satras found ready made, and which they used for their own aphorisms, either without changing them at all, or with such slight changes that the original form remained clearly recognisable. Thus we read in Åsvalâyana (Grihya I, 6, 8), as a definition of the Rakshasa marriage: hatva bhittvå ka sîrshani rudatîm rudadbhyo
The few verses which are found in Gobhila preserve the same metrical standard as those quoted in Sankhayana ; it follows that in Gobhila IV, 7, 23, asvatthâd agnibhayam brüyât, we cannot change brûyêt in ka, as Prof. Knater proposes. The supernumerary syllable of the first foot is unobjectionable, but the form --- of the second foot should not be toached.
. Both passages are to be found in Sänkhayana-Gribya I, 10.
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haret: the approximation of these words to the Sloka metre cannot escape attention, and it is only necessary to make rudad bhyah and rudatîm change places in order to obtain a regular Sloka hemistich. In Gobhila the Satras 1, 2, 21-27 represent three hemistichs, which with one exception (na ka sopanatkah kvakit) exactly conform to the laws of the Sloka metre. II, 4, 2 gives also a hemistich by slightly changing the order :
Mahâvrikshan smasanam ka nadis ka vishamani ka'. Somewhat more remote from the original verses is the wording of the Satras I, 6, 8. 9 na pravasann upavased ity åhuh, patnyå vratam bhavatîti ; we have the metrical order in one of the Slokas quoted by Sankhayana (Grihya II, 17): nopavasah pravåse syât patni dhårayate vratam.
The verses which are thus either expressly quoted, or at any rate made use of by the authors of the Grihya-stras, do not seem to be taken from connected metrical works any more than the yagñagathas quoted in the Brahmanas; on the contrary in a later period of literature, when texts similar to Manu's Code were composed, they evidently furnished these texts with some of their materials.
Leaving out of consideration the Khadira-Grihya, which is evidently a recast of the Gobhiliya-Grihya, and the Sutra of Hiranyakesin, which is, at least in part, based on that of Apastamba, we are not in regard to the other Grihya texts in a condition to prove that one of them borrowed from the other. It often happens that single Satras or whole rows of Satras agree so exactly in different texts that this agreement cannot be ascribed to chance; but this does not-80 far at least - enable us to tell which text is to be looked upon as the source of the
* The text has: nadis ka vishamani ka mahavriksbån smasånam ka.
* Cf. Iodische Studien, XV, 11. We do not mean to imply anything us to the metrical portions of other Satra texts than the Gnihya-stras. As regards some verses quoted in the Bandhayana-Dharma-satra, Prof. Bühler (Sacred Books of the East, vol. xiv, p. xli) has shown that they are actually borrowed from a metrical treatise on the Sacred Law.
Cf. Prof. Bühler's remarks, Sacred Books of the East, vol. ii, p. xxiii.
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GRIHYA-SUTRAS.
other, or whether they have a common source which has been lost.
I will content myself with mentioning two such cases of agreement, in the one of which we can at least prove that a certain Sûtra cannot originally spring from one of the texts in which we find it, while in the other case we are able by means of a possibly not too uncertain conjecture to reconstruct the opening Sûtras of a lost Grihya-sûtra.
The description of the vrishotsarga (i. e. of the setting a bull at liberty) agrees almost word for word in the Sutras of Sankhayana (III, 11), Pâraskara (III, 9), and in the Kathaka-Grihya. In Sânkhayana we read:
§15: nabhyasthe-numantrayate mayobhûr ity anuvâka
seshena.
('When the bull is in the midst of the cows, he recites over them the texts "mayobhûh, &c.," down to the end of the Anuvâka.')
On the other hand in Pâraskara we have:
§7: nabhyastham abhimantrayate mayobhûr ity anuvâkaseshena.
('When the bull is in the midst of the cows, he recites over it the texts "mayobhûh, &c.," down to the end of the Anuvâka.')
The quotation mayo bhûh is clear, if we refer it to the Rig-veda. Hymn X, 169, which stands about in the middle of an Anuvâka, begins with this word1. On the other hand in the Vagasaneyi Samhitâ there is no Mantra beginning with Mayobhûh; we find this word in the middle of the Mantra XVIII, 45, and there follow verses whose use at the vrishotsarga would seem in part extremely strange. There can thus be no doubt that Pâraskara here borrowed from a Sûtra text belonging to the Rig-veda, a Pratîka, which, when referred to the Vâgasaneyi Samhitâ, results in
nonsense.
The other passage which I wish to discuss here is Pâra
In the Taittiriya Samhitâ (VII, 4, 17) mayobhûk is the beginning of an Anuvâka; the expression anuvâkaseshena would have no meaning if referred to this text.
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xxxix
skara I, 4, 1-5. Paraskara, being just on the point of describing the marriage ritual, prefixes a few sentences, the position of which here it is not very easy to understand. A general division of all Påkayagñas-general remarks on the nature of the place for sacrificing : this looks very strange between a discussion of the Arghya and marriage ceremonies. Now these same sentences are found almost word for word and with the same passing on to the marriage ritual in Sânkhayana also (Grihya I, 5, 1-5). Here, as in other cases, we have the borrowing word for word of such portions of text from an older text, and, closely related to this phenomenon, the fact that the sentences in question are awkwardly woven into the context of the Grihya where we read them, and are poorly connected with the surrounding parts. Unless we are much deceived, we have here a fragment from an older source inserted without connection and without change. It would seem that this fragment was the beginning of the original work; for the style and contents of these Satras are peculiarly appropriate for the beginning. Thus, if this conjecture is right, that old lost Grihya began with the main division of all the Pâkayagñas into four classes, and then proceeded at once to the marriage ritual. Later, when the texts which we have, came into existence, the feeling evidently arose, that in this way an important part of the matter had been overlooked. The supplementary matter was then inserted before the old beginning, which then naturally, as is to be seen in our texts, joins on rather strangely and abruptly to these newly-added portions.
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GRIHYA-SÛTRA OF
GOBHILA.
">[30]
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INTRODUCTION
TO THE
GR/HYA-SUTRA OF GOBHILA.
THE Grihya-sûtra of Gobhila differs from those of Sânkhâyana, Asvalâyana, Pâraskara, Hiranyakesin in one essential point: while these texts presuppose only the same Vedic Samhitâs on which also the corresponding Srautasûtras are based, viz. the Rig-veda-Samhitâ, the VâgasaneyiSamhitâ, and the Taittirîya-Samhita; the Sûtra of Gobhila, on the other hand, presupposes, beside the Samhitâ of the Sâma-veda1, another collection of Mantras which evidently was composed expressly with the purpose of being used at Grihya ceremonies: this collection is preserved to us under the title of the Mantra-Brâhmana, and it has been edited at Calcutta (1873), with a commentary and Bengali translation by Satyavrata Sâmasramin 2.
Prof. Knauer of Kiew, to whom all students of the Grihya literature are highly indebted for his very accurate edition and translation of Gobhila, has been the first to
The term 'Samhitâ of the Sâma-veda' ought to be understood here in its narrower sense as denoting the so-called first book of the Samhitâ, the Khanda-ârkika or collection of Yoni verses (see on the relation between this collection and the second book my remarks in the Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft, vol. xxxviii, pp. 464 seq.). Prof. Knauer in his list of the verses quoted by Gobhila (p. 29 of his translation of the GobhiliyaGrihya) states that Sâma-veda II, 1138 (=I, 276) and 1139 is quoted in Gobhila III, 9, 6, but an accurate analysis of the words of Gobhila shows that the verse II, 1139 is not referred to, so that only the verse II, 1138 remains, which occurs also in the first book of the Samhita. The 'dvika' of which Gobhila speaks in that Sûtra is not a dvrika, but, as the commentators rightly understand it (see Knauer's edition of the text, p. xii), it is a dyad of Sâmans or melodies, the two Kâvasha Sâmans which are based on the text I, 276, and are given in the great Sâma-veda edition of Satyavrata Sâmasramin, vol. i, pp. 566, 567.
In the same way the Grihya-sutra of Apastamba stands in connection with a similar collection of Grihya verses and formulas, the Apastamblya-Mantrapâlha.
B 2
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GRIHYA-SÛTRA OF GOBHILA.
examine into the relation in which the two texts, the Mantra-Brâhmana and the Gobhilîya-sætra, stand to each other. He has very kindly enabled me to make use, before they were published, of the results of his investigations, which he has laid down in the introduction to his translation of Gobhila. While I wish, therefore, to acknowledge the obligation under which Prof. Knauer has thus laid me, I must try, on the other side, to state my own opinion as to the problem in question, which in some points differs from, or is even opposed to, the theory by which Prof. Knauer has tried to solve it.
To begin with that side of the question regarding which there can scarcely be any doubt: it is certain, I believe, that Gobhila supposes the Mantra-Brâhmana to be known to the students of his Satra. The reasons which show this are obvious enough. By far the greater part of the Mantras of which Gobhila quotes the first words, are not found in the Såma-veda nor, for the most part, in any other Vedic Samhita, except in the Mantra-Brahmana, in which they stand in exactly the same order in which they are referred to by Gobhila. The descriptions of the Grihya sacrifices by Gobhila would have been meaningless and useless, and the sacrificer who had to perform his domestic ceremonies according to the ritual of Gobhila, would have been unable to do so, unless he had known those Mantras as contained in the Mantra-Brâhmana. And not only the Mantras, but also the order in which the Mantras stood, for Satras such as, for instance, Gobh. II, 1, 10 (With the two following verses he should wash,' &c.), would have no meaning except for one who had studied the Mantra-Brahmana which alone could show which the two following verses' were.
There are, consequently, two possibilities : either the Mantra-Brâhmana existed before the Gobhilîya-sútra, or the two works have been composed together and on one common plan. It is the first of these alternatives which Prof. Knauer maintains; I wish, on the other hand, to call
1 Cf, Knauer's Introduction, pp. 24, 31 seq.
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the attention of Vedic scholars to some facts which seem to me to render the second more probable.
A great part of the Mantras which have to be recited, according to Gobhila, at the performance of the Grihya ceremonies, are not given in the Mantra-Brahmana, but they are either found in the Sâma-veda-Samhitâ and then their Pratikas are quoted by Gobhila, or they are cited by Gobhila in extenso. Thus for the ceremonies described in the first Prapâthaka of Gobhila, such as the morning and evening offerings and the sacrifices of the full and new moon, the Mantra-Brahmana gives, with one single exception, no Mantras at all1; but those Mantras, most of which consist only of a few words, are given by Gobhila only. It is scarcely to be believed that in a Samhitâ which had to contain the Mantras required for the performance of the Grihya sacrifices, the Mantras belonging to the two daily and the two fortnightly sacrifices, which occupy one of the first places among all Grihya ceremonies and are treated of accordingly in all Grihya-sûtras, should have been omitted, unless that Samhitâ was intended to stand in relation to another text by which that deficiency was supplied and the Gobhiliya-sûtra exactly supplies it. Prof. Knauer thinks that those Mantras were omitted because they had already found their place in the Srauta ritual; but we must not forget that in the Srauta ritual of the Sâma-vedins neither the Agnihotra nor the Darsapurnamâsa sacrifices, which are performed without the assistance of priests of the Udgâtri class, are treated of. Moreover the one Mantra to which we have already alluded 2, the single one which corresponds in the Mantra-Brahmana to the first book of Gobhila, seems to me quite sufficient to show that it was not the intention of the compiler of that text to disregard that group of sacrifices; he gave that Mantra only, because the other Mantras, consisting of but a few words, were given in extenso in the Gobhila text. The Mantra of which we speak, belongs to the description
•
INTRODUCTION.
1 Cf. Knauer's translation, Introduction, p. 25. Mantra-Brahmana I, I, I.
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GRIHYA-SÓTRA OF GOBHILA.
of the paryukshana of the sacrificial fire. The sacrificer pours out water to the south, the west, and the north of the fire, with the Mantras, Adite numanyasya, Anumate anumanyasva, 'Sarasvaty anumanyasva'; then he sprinkles water round the fire once or three times with a longer Mantra, 'Deva Savitah prasuva yagñam prasuva yagñapatim bhagâya. Divyo gandharva) ketapuh ketam nah punâtu. Vakaspatir vâkam nah svadatu.' This last one is the Mantra given in its entirety in the Mantra-Brâhmana, while Gobhila 1 has only the first words of it. To assume here that the author of the Mantra-Brahmana knew only of that one Mantra, and that at the time of Gobhila the custom of the Sâma-vedins had undergone a change, so that they used four Mantras instead of the one, would be, in my opinion, an artificial and not very probable way of explaining the facts; a much more natural supposition would be, I believe, that the Satra and the Mantra-Brahmana describe one and the same form of the ceremony, so that the Brahmana, by omitting the short Mantras, which were given in the Satra in their entirety, implicitly refers to the Satra, and the Satra, on the other hand, by quoting only the first words of the longer Mantra, refers to the Brâhmana in which the full text of that Mantra was given.
Among the numerous ceremonies described by Gobhila, which could furnish the occasion for similar remarks, we select only two: the rites performed in the evening of the wedding day and the sacrifice on the full-moon day of Åsvayugal. The bridegroom, having carried away his bride from her home, takes her to the house of a Brahmana, and when the stars have appeared, he makes six oblations with the six verses lekhâsandhishu paksh masu (Mantra-Br. I, 3, 1-6): these are given in the Mantra-Brâhmana, and Gobhila has only the Pratîka. Then follow two short Mantras: the bride, to whom the polar-star has been shown, addresses that star with the words : dhruvam asi dhruva ham patikule bhayasam a mushyâ sâv iti;
i Gobh. I, 3, 4.
? Gobh. II, 3, 17 seq.
• Gobh. III, 8.
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INTRODUCTION.
7
and when she sees the star Arundhat, she says, ruddhâham asmi. As the full wording of these Mantras is given by Gobhila, they are omitted in the Brâhmana. Finally the bridegroom recites over the bride the Rik dhruvâ dyaur dhruvâ prithivi, &c.; this we find in the M.-B. (I, 3,7), the Pratîka only being quoted by Gobhila. If one were to suppose here that in the two texts two different stages in the development of this ceremony are represented, so that only the Mantras lekhâsandhishu and dhruvâ dyauh would belong to the more ancient form of it, while the Mantras dhruvam asi and ruddhâham asmi would have been introduced at a later time, it may perhaps not be possible to disprove, in the strictest sense of the word, such an opinion. But I think the data we have given point to another solution of the problem which, if not the only admissible, is yet the most probable and natural one. Gobhila gave the full wording of the shorter Mantras with which the description of the ceremony could be interwoven without becoming obscure or disproportionate; the longer Mantras would have interrupted, rather tediously and inconveniently, the coherency of his ritual statements; so he separated them from the rest of his work and made a separate Samhitâ of them. It is true that there are some exceptions to the rule that all long Mantras are given in the Mantra-Brahmana and all short Mantras only in the Sutra: on the one hand, there are some Mantras of considerable extent that are given by Gobhila and omitted in the Brahmana, thus, for instance, the Mantra yady asi saumî used at a preparatory ceremony that belongs to the Pumsavana 1. On the other hand, a number of short Mantras which Gobhila gives in extenso, are found nevertheless also in the Mantra-Brahmana: such is the case, for instance, with many of the Mantras belonging to the worship of the Fathers, Gobhila IV, 2. 3, Mantra-Br. II, 3.
1 Gobh. II, 6, 7. It is possible, though we have no positive evidence for this conjecture, that such statements regarding preparatory or auxiliary ceremonies may here and there have been added to the Sûtra collection in a later time. The Khâdira-Grihya (II, 2, 20) has instead of that long Mantra only a few words which in the Gobhiliya-sûtra stand at the end of it.
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GRIHYA-SÛTRA OF GOBHILA.
It appears then, that allowance must be made for a certain inconsistency or carelessness in the distribution of the material between the two texts: and such an assumption will easily be allowed by any one who does not entertain very exaggerated ideas as to the care and reflection which presided over the composition of the Satra texts.
I will add only a few words concerning a second Grihya ceremony, which calls for the same sort of comment as the rites which have just been discussed. For the offering on the day of the full moon, Gobhila prescribes (III, 8, 2) first the verse â no mitråvaruna, second the verse mà nas toke. The Mantra-Brâhmana (II, 1, 8) has the second of these verses only, not the first: conversely, the first verse alone, and not the second, is to be found in the Samhitå of the Sama-veda (I, 220). We could hardly assume, as I think, that the Mantra-Brâhmana presupposed another form of the rite differing from Gobhila's; we should be much more inclined to consider the leaving out of that matter, which was contained in other texts of the Sama-veda, as a proof that the compiler of the Mantra-Brahmana assumed that those texts were known
And this brings me to one of Prof. Knauer's conjectures concerning the Mantra-Brâhmana which I have not yet touched. According to tradition we consider the MantraBrâhmana as belonging to the Sama-veda ; in the Calcutta edition it is designated as the 'Sama-vedasya MantraBrahmanam. Prof. Knauer thinks that it is doubtful whether the Mantra-Brahmana belonged to the Sama-veda originally. He conjectures 2 that it existed already in the
Any one who holds the view that the ritualistic formulas, which are not contained in the Mantra-Brahmana, represent later extensions of the ceremonies in question, will do well to notice how in any one of the offerings of the Srauta ritual which we possess, both in the old description of the Samhita and Brahmana texts, and in the more recent description of the Sätra texts, Mantras have been added in more recent times to the former ones. I think that it would be difficult to draw from such observations any argument of analogy calculated to support Dr. Knauer's opinion as to the relation of the Mantras in Gobbila and in the Mantra-Brahmana.
9 Introduction to his translation, p. 23.
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INTRODUCTION.
period during which the separate schools were as yet in the process of sifting, when there were as yet no Sama-vedists in the later and stricter sense of the term 1 For out of 249 Mantras of the Mantra-Brahmana there are only four which are found in the Sama-veda, as Prof. Knauer has shown, while a much greater number of these Mantras occur in the other Vedic Samhitas. I should be inclined to conclude the other way : just because the author of the Mantra-Brahmana presupposed a knowledge of the Samhita of the Sama-veda, but not of the other Vedas-or in other words because he destined his work for Sama-vedins, he did not need to repeat what was in the Sama-veda, but was compelled to incorporate in his compilation the Mantras out of the Rig-veda or of the Yagur-veda 3. Moreover, I would draw the same conclusions from the Mantras cited by Gobhila which are absent in the Mantra-Brahmana, as I did from the Mantras which occur in the Mantra-Brâhmana, but are not to be found in the Sâma-veda. Those Mantras are all to be found in the Sama-veda with the exception of those which Gobhila has in extenso, and which therefore could be omitted in the Mantra-Brâhmana. If we examine the thirteen Mantras collected by Prof. Knauer (p. 29), we find that in the case of nine of them the passage of the Samaveda (always of the first Årkika of the Sama-veda) where they are to be found is quoted by Prof. Knauer.
* Besides the reasons given below in opposition to this conjecture, I may be permitted to point out that this hypothesis is contrary to the whole chronology of the Grihya literature which we endeavoured to arrive at in the general introduction. It is a priori extremely improbable that there was a Grihya Samhitå at a time when there was as yet no Sama-veda.
· Viz. (according to Prof. Knager's alphabetical list of the Mantras of the Mantra-Brâhmana) imam stomam arhate, M.-B. II, 4, 1 =Sv. I, 66; II, 414; tat savitur varenyam, M.-B. I, 6, 29=Sv. II, 812; bharâmedhmam, M.-B. II, 4, 3=Sv. II, 415; sakema tvá, M.-B. II, 4, 4-Sv. II, 416.
Notice that of the four exceptional cases which we put together in the previous note, three cases are Mantras which are found only in the second Arkika of the Sama-veda, not in the first (cf. above, p. 3, note 1). The fourth verse (M.-B. II, 4, 2) is to be found in the first Arkika, it is true, but it stands closely related to two verses which are not to be found in that Arkika (M.-B. II, 4, 3. 4). This explains why it was put into the Mantra-Brahmana, as well as those two verses.
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IO
GRIHYA-SUTRA OF GOBHILA.
The four other cases are:
rikam sâma yagâmahe, Gobh. III, 2, 48. tak kakshur devahitam, III, 8, 5.
sam anyâ yanti, III, 9, 7.
pragâpataye, IV, 7, 36.
Of these Mantras the first is contained in the Sâma-veda (I, 369) just as the nine first-mentioned ones; the second is quoted by Gobhila in extenso; the third is to be found in the Âranyaka division of the Sâma-veda I (vol. ii, p. 292, ed. Bibl. Ind.); in the fourth finally the text is corrupt; it is intended for the verse out of the Mantra-Brahmana Pragapate na tvad etâny anyah. Thus the four apparent exceptions all vanish, and we have in the Mantras which are absent in the Mantra-Brahmana a new proof that this text belongs to the literature of the Sâma-veda1.
Thus, according to my view, we may describe the origin of the Mantra-Brahmana as follows. The Sâma-veda contained in its Samhitâ a much smaller number of Mantras applicable to the Grihya rites than either the Rig-veda or the Yagur-veda; the peculiar character of the Sâman texts, intended for musical recitations at the most important sacrificial offerings, was quite remote from the character of formulas suitable for the celebration of a wedding, for the birth of a child, for the consecration of fields and flocks. Hence it is that, to a much greater extent than Âsvalâyana or Pâraskara, Gobhila mentions Mantras for which a reference to the Samhitâ was not sufficient; and this led to the compiling of a separate Samhitâ of such Grihya-mantras, which presupposes the Grihya-sûtra, just as the latter presupposes this Samhita. The almost perfect agreement of the Mantra-Brahmana with Gobhila furnishes a valuable
1 One will not object that the Mantras in question which are absent in the Mantra-Brahmana are all to be found in the Rig-veda as well as in the Sâmaveda. Since almost all the verses of the Sâma-veda are taken from the Rig-veda there is nothing astonishing about this. Before one could conclude from this that the Mantra-Brahmana belongs to the Rig-veda he would have to answer the question, How is it that the verses in question are always verses of the Rig-veda which are repeated in the Sâma-veda? Why are there not among them verses which are not to be found in the Sâma-veda ?
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INTRODUCTION.
II
warrant for the good preservation of the two texts; of small discrepancies I have noted only two: Mantra-Brâhmana I, 6, 15, the formula agantrà sa maganmahi is given for the ceremony of the Upanayana, while Gobhila does not prescribe this Mantra for this ceremony, although other Grihya texts do; and secondly, the Mantra-Brâhmana II, 5, 1-7 does not consist of six verses as Gobh. IV, 6, 5-6 allows us to assume, but of seven verses.
In concluding this introduction notice is to be drawn to the fact that the text of Gobhila has preserved for us the traces of a division differing from the one into four Prapathakas which is handed down by tradition : in a number of places certain Satras or the last words of certain Sätras are set down twice, a well-known way of indicating the close of a chapter. This repetition, besides occurring at the end of the first, third, and fourth Prapathaka (not at the end of the second), is to be found in the following places which become more frequent towards the close of the work : I, 4, 31; III, 6, 15; IV, 1, 22; 4, 34; 5, 34; 6, 16.
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GR/HYA-SÚTRA OF GOBHILA.
PRAPATHAKA I, Kândik 1. 1. Now henceforth we shall explain the domestic sacrifices.
2. He should perform (the ceremonies) wearing the sacrificial cord on his left shoulder and having sipped water.
3. During the northern course of the sun, at the time of the increasing moon, on an auspicious day, before noon: this he should know as the proper) time (for performing the ceremonies).
4. And as the prescription (is stated with regard to the time of the single ceremonies).
5. All (ceremonies) are accompanied by the Anvâhârya (Sraddha).
1, 1-4. Comp. Khâdira-Grihya I, 1, 1. 2. 5. 7.
5. I cannot give this translation of the words 'sarvâny evânvâhâryavanti' without expressing my doubts as to whether the commentator, whom I have followed, is right. He says: 'anu paskâd âhriyate yasmåt prakritam karma iti, anu paskâd áhriyate yat prastutât (prakritât ?) karmana iti kânvâhâryam nândîmukhasraddham dakshina kokyate.' It is evident that the first explanation of anvâ hârya as a ceremony after which the chief sacrifice follows, is inadmissible. Below, IV, 4, 3. 4, Gobhila himself defines the Anvâhârya Sraddha as a monthly ceremony (comp. Manu III, 123: Max Müller, India, P. 240); it is, consequently, different from a Sraddha accompanying each Grihya sacrifice. The Sloka which the commentary quotes from a 'grihyântara' seems to me not to remove the doubt; I think rather that it contains a speculation based on this very passage of Gobhila, taken in the sense in
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GRIHYA-SOTRA OF GOBHILA.
6. At the end (of each ceremony) he should feed worthy (Brâhmanas) according to his ability.
7. A student, after he has studied the Veda, when going to put the last piece of wood (on the fire),
8. Or to seize a wife's hand (i.e. to marry her),
9. Should fetch water from a hidden place, should sweep a place which is inclined towards north-east, or which is level, and should besmear it (with cowdung). Beginning from the centre of it he should draw a line from west to east, (another line) from south to north which touches that line at its western end, and three lines from west to east (touching the northwards-turned line at three different points) in its midst (i.e. at neither of its ends). He then should besprinkle (those lines with water).
10. In this way the Lakshana (i. e. the preparation of the place for the sacred fire) is performed everywhere.
11. With the words 'Bhûr, bhuvah, svah,' they carry the fire forward (to that place) so that they have it in front of them.
12. Or after the householder has died, the chief
which the commentator takes it, and on the Sätras IV, 4, 3.4. Thus I rather believe that we ought to understand anvâhârya as a mess of food like that offered after the darsapůrnamâsau sacrifices to the officiating priests (Hillebrandt, Neu- und Vollmondsopfer, 133), and I propose to translate : All (sacrifices) are followed by the offering of) the Anvähârya food (to the priest).
6. Khâdira-Grihya I, 1, 3.
7. The text goes on to treat of the setting up of the domestic fire. Khâdira-Grihya I, 3, 1.
9. Khâdira-Grihya I, 3, I seqq.; Gnihya-samgraha I, 47 segg.; Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenl. Gesellschaft, XXXV, 557.
12. I have followed in the translation of parameshthikaranam the
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I PRAPATHAKA, I KÂNDIKÂ, 22.
15
(of the family) should do it (i. e. he should set up the sacred fire).
13. In this way, on the coincidence of an (auspicious) Tithi and an (auspicious) Nakshatra, (or of such a Nakshatra) and a Parvan
14. On the full-moon day or on the new-moon day then he should celebrate the setting up of his (sacred domestic) fire.
:
15. He should get fire from a Vaisya's house or from a frying-pan, and should set it up (as his sacred fire);
16. Or (he should fetch it) from the house of one who offers many sacrifices, be it a Brâhmana, or a Râganya, or a Vaisya.
17. Or he may kindle another fire by attrition and may set it
up.
18. That is pure, but it does not bring prosperity. 19. He may do what he likes (of the things stated as admissible in the last Sûtras).
20. When he puts (at the end of his studentship) the last piece of wood (on the fire), or when he sacrifices when going to seize the hand of a wife, that fire he should keep.
21. That becomes his (sacred) domestic fire. 22. Thereby his morning oblation has been
offered.
way indicated by the Grihya-samgraha I, 77, and by Sankhâyana (I, 1, 5): prete vå grihapatau svayam gyâyân. I think the parameshthi is the same person as the gyâyân. The commentary gives a different explanation: paramesh/hî agnir ity âkakshate, tasya paramesh/hino-gneh karanam yathoktena vidhinâ svîkaranam.
15-18. Khâdira-Grihya I, 5, 3 seqq.
20, 21. Khâdira-Grthya I, 5, 1. 2. Comp. also above, Sutras 7 and 8.
22. I. e. in the first of the two cases mentioned in Sûtra 20, the
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23. Beginning from that time the sacrificing (of regular morning and evening oblations) in the domestic fire is prescribed, so that he begins with an evening oblation.
24. Before the time has come for setting the fire in a blaze, he should fetch in the evening and in the morning from a hidden place the water with which the different acts (such as sipping water) are performed.
25. Or (he should fetch water only) in the evening.
26. Or he should draw it out of a water-pot or of a barrel.
27. Before sunset he should set the fire in a blaze, and sacrifice the evening oblation after sunset.
28. In the morning he should set the fire in a blaze before sunrise, and should sacrifice the morning oblation before sunrise or after it.
KÂNDIKÂ 2. 1. He takes as his yagñopavita (i. e. sacrificial cord) a string, or a garment, or simply a rope of Kusa grass.
putting of fuel on the fire, and in the second case, the oblations of fried grain, &c., prescribed for the wedding, are considered as the sacrificer's morning oblation in his newly-established Grihya fire, so that the regular oblations have to begin with the sấyamâhuti.
23. Khâdira-Grihya I, 5, 6. Comp. Prof. Bloomfield's note 2, Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenl. Gesellschaft, XXXV, 561.
27, 28. Khâdira-Grihya 1, 5, 7-9. As to the two cases regarding the time of the morning oblation, comp. Indische Studien, X, 329.
2,1-4. Rules regarding the Upavîta. Khâdira-Grihya I, 1, 4-6. Compare the detailed description of the nine threads of which the Upavîta-string should consist, in the Grihya-samgraha II, 48 seqq. A string was evidently considered as the regular and preferable form of the Upavîta ; with regard to the second kind of Upavîta. mentioned in Sätra 1, the commentary says, 'A garment (is used),
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2. Raising his right arm, putting the head into (the upavita), he suspends (the cord) over his left shoulder, so that it hangs down on his right side : thus he becomes yagñopavitin.
3. Raising his left arm, putting the head into the upavita), he suspends it over his right shoulder, so that it hangs down on his left side : thus he becomes pråkinâ vitin.
4. Prâkinâvitin, however, he is only at sacrifices offered to the Manes.
5. Having gone in a northern direction from the fire, having washed his hands and feet, and having seated himself, he should sip water three times and wipe off (the water) twice.
6. Having besprinkled his feet (with water) let him besprinkle his head.
7. Let him touch the organs of his senses with water:
8. The two eyes, the nose, the two ears.
9. Whatever (limb of his body) requires his consideration (whether it is pure or not), that he should touch with water (i. e. with a wet hand).
10. Here they say:
11. Let him not touch (himself with water, or sip water) while walking,
12. Nor standing, 13. Nor laughing, 14. Nor looking about, 15. Nor without bending down,
if the Upavita has been lost, for instance, in a forest, and if it is impossible to get a string. A similar remark is given with reference to the third kind of Upavîta, the rope of Kusa grass.
5-32. Rules regarding the â kamana and upasparsana. Khâdira-Grihya I, 1, -10; Manu II, 60 seqq.
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16. Nor (throwing up the water) with his fingers, 17. Nor except with the (proper) Tirtha, 18. Nor uttering a sound,
19. Nor without looking (at the water),
20. Nor with his shoulders put back,
21. Nor wearing a part of his under garment as if it were an upper garment,
22. Nor with warm water,
23. Nor with foamy water,
24. And in no case wearing sandals,
18
25. (Not) with a turban on his head (?),
26. (Not with his garment) tied round his neck,
27. And not stretching out his feet.
28. When he has finally touched (water) again, he becomes pure.
29. Let him, however, sip only water that reaches his heart.
30. For if he does otherwise, he remains impure. 31. Now the cases in which he has to touch (water) a second time.
17. As to the Tîrthas (or parts of the hand) sacred to the different deities or beings, comp. Vasishtha III, 64 seqq., &c. See also Manu II, 58.
20. According to the commentary he has to hold his hands between his knees. Comp. Sankh.-Grihya I, 10, 8. Thus the shoulders are brought forward.
21-27. These Sûtras form three regular Sloka hemistichs. Only at the end of the second hemistich there is a metrical irregularity (sopânatkah kvakit standing at the end of the verse).
25. Kâsaktikah, which the commentary explains as a compound of ka,' the head,' and âsaktikâ=âvesh/ikâ.
28. Khâdira-Grihya I, 1, 10.
29. In other texts (for instance, Manu II, 62; Vasishtha III, 31 seqq.) it is stated that a Brâhmana should sip water that reaches his heart, a Kshatriya water reaching his throat, a Vaisya water that wets his palate; a Sûdra should only touch water with his lips.
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32. Having slept, or eaten, or sneezed, or taken a bath, or drunk something, or changed (his garments), or walked on the high road, or gone to a cemetery, he should sip water and then sip water again.
KÂNDIKA 3.
1. Having put wood on the (sacred) fire, having swept (the ground) round it, he should, bending his right knee, pour out to the south of the fire his joined hands full of water with (the words), * Aditi! Give thy consent!'
2. To the west with (the words), 'Anumati! Give thy consent !
3. To the north with (the words), “Sarasvati ! Give thy consent!'
4. With (the words), 'God Savitri! Give thy impulse !' (Mantra-Brâhmana I, 1, 1) he should sprinkle (water) round the fire once or thrice so as to keep his right side turned towards it
5. Interchanging the points at which he begins and ends the (sprinkling of water), and sprinkling so as to encompass what he is going to offer (with the streams of water).
6. Let him then make oblations of the sacrificial food, be it prepared or raw, over the fire.
32. This Sūtra again forms a Sloka, though a slightly irregular Sloka.
3. Rules regarding the daily morning and evening sacrifice. 1--5. Khâdira-Grihya I, 2, 17-21.
6. The sacrificial food is either krita (prepared) or akrita (unprepared). A mess of boiled rice, for instance, is krita, rice grains are akrita.
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7. If it is raw, he should sacrifice after having washed it and having let the water drop off.
8. If it consists in curds or milk or rice gruel, (he should sacrifice it) with a brazen bowl, or with the pot in which the oblations of boiled rice are prepared, or also with the (sacrificial spoon called) Sruva;
9. In the evening the first (oblation) with (the formula), ‘To Agni Svâhâ !' the second silently, in the middle and in the north-eastern part (of the fire);
10. In the morning the first (oblation) with (the formula), “To Sarya Svâhâ !' the second again silently, again in the middle and in the north-eastern part (of the fire).
11. Having put a piece of wood (on the fire), and having again sprinkled (water) 'round it, he should pour out again his joined hands full of water in the same way (as prescribed in the Satras 1-3); in the Mantras he says, 'Thou hast given thy consent' (instead of Give thy consent ').
12. Having circumambulated the fire so as to turn his right side towards it, having poured out the remains of water, and filled the vessel again, and put it in its proper place), (he may do) whatever his business is.
7-12. Khâdira-Grihya I, 5, 10–12. Prodaka in Sätra 7 is explained by pragatodaka.
9-10. Khâdira-Grihya, 1. 1. 13-15.
9. The first oblation is made in the middle, the second, sacred to Pragâpati (Sânkhâyana I, 3, 15, &c.), in the north-eastern part of the sacred fire. The tenth Sätra of course is to be understood in the same way.
12. The water is that mentioned chap. 1, 24. With regard to
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I PRAPATHAKA, 3 KÂNDIKÂ, 18.
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13. In that way, from that time in which he has begun to offer the two daily sacrifices) he should sacrifice, or should have sacrificed, over the (sacred) domestic fire, till the end of his life.
14. Here now they say:
15. If they like, his wife may offer the morning and evening oblations over the domestic fire. For his wife is (as it were) his house, and that fire is the domestic fire,'
16. When the morning meal or the evening meal is ready, he should make (his wife) say, 'It is ready!'—
17. In an unbroken voice (?), having made himself pure,
18. He replies in a loud voice, 'Om!' Then in
yathartham the commentary says, 'yathartham karmâ pavargavihitam Vamadevya gånadikam prataráhutipa.skâdvihitam brahmayagñam vâ kuryâd iti vâkyaseshah.' Similarly in the note on II, 4, 11 it is said, yathårtham iti karmanah parisamåptir ukyate;' II, 8, 17: ‘yathartham tantrasamâpanam kuryât, &c. In my translation I have adopted the opinion of Professor Weber (Indische Studien, V, 375), according to whom yathârtham simply means,
(he should behave) as required by circumstances; ' (he should do) what happens to be his business.
13. The last words are a givitâ vabhrithát, which literally means till the Avabhritha bath of his life. The Avabbritha bath is the bath taken at the end of certain sacrifices, so that the Avabhritha of life signifies death.
15. Khâdira-Grihya I, 5, 17.
16-18. Khâdira-Grihya, I. 1. 18, 19. In my translation of Satra 17 I have adopted, though not quite without doubt, the conjecture of Professor Roth given in Professor Knauer's note, p. 137. Professor Roth writes ritebhangayâ vâkâ or ritebhagayå våkå: he says simply "om,' and not '6-0-6-0-6-om.' According to the commentary Sätra 17 would refer to the wife, not to the husband.
18. The MSS. give makhya and maksha. We ought to read, tan ma kshayîty upâmsu. Comp. Apastamba II, 2, 3, 11
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a low voice: "To that (food) I bring adoration. May it not fail !
KÂNDIKÂ 4. 1. He then should silently offer the Balis.
2. Let him speak only what refers to the due preparation of the food. With guests he may converse, if he likes.
3. He then should take some portion of food which is fit for sacrifice, should pour over it some liquid fit for sacrifice (such as ghee, milk, or curds), and should sacrifice it silently in the fire with his hand.
4. The first oblation is sacred to Pragapati, the second to (Agni) Svishtakrit.
5. He then should offer the Balis, inside or outside (the Agnyagára), having well cleansed the ground.
6. Let him pour out water once, and put down Balis in four places, and finally sprinkle once (water on the four Balis).
7. Or let him for each Bali which he puts down, sprinkle (water) before and afterwards.
8. What he puts down first, that is the Bali belonging to the Earth. What in the second place, to Vayu. What in the third place, to the Visve devâs. What in the fourth place, to Pragâpati.
9. Then he should offer other Balis (near) the water-pot, the middle (post, and) the door : the first Bali is sacred to the Waters, the second to the Herbs and Trees, the third to the Ether.
4, 1 seqq. The daily Bali offering. Khâdira-Grihya I, 5, 20 seqq. 9. According to the commentary the first of these three Balis has
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10. Then he should offer another Bali in the bed or in the privy. That Bali belongs either to Kama or to Manyu.
11. Then (another Bali) on the heap of sweepings; that (belongs) to the hosts of Rakshas.
12. The remnants of the Balis he should besprinkle with water, and should pour them out towards the south from right to left; they belong to the Fathers.
13. Let him sacrifice in the fire sitting.
14. Let him make the oblation to the Fathers sitting; the other (Balis he may offer) as it happens.
15. He should, however, offer those Balis himself as long as he stays at home.
16. Or another person who must be a Brâhmana (should offer them for him).
17. Both the husband and his wife (should offer them):
18. This is the rule for householders. .
19. The wife in the evening, the man in the morning: thus (it is stated).
20. He should offer such Balis of all food whatever, be it prepared for the Fathers, or for auspicious
to be offered near the water-pot, the second near the middle door of the house, the third (comp. Gautama V, 16) in the air. With the genitives the word sam îpe is supplied. It is difficult to understand why the author, if his intention had been to state three places in which the Balis had to be offered, should have mentioned only two. Thus I believe that the right explanation is that of Professor Knauer, who takes madhyama in ihe sense of the middle post of the house (comp. III, 3, 31).
11. The commentary explains avasalavi here, as is frequently the case, by pitritîrthena. I agree with the opinion pronounced in the Petersburg Dictionary, in rejecting this explanation.
19. Comp. Manu III, 121.
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purposes (for instance, for being offered to Brâhmanas), or for (ordinary) purposes.
21. Only in the case of a sacrifice (this rule) ceases.
22. If rice and barley are prepared for one and the same meal, he should, having offered (Balis) of the one or the other (kind of food), consider his duty as fulfilled.
23. If the food is cooked at different times for one meal, he should perform this Bali ceremony only once.
24. If food is prepared at different places for one family, he should perform this Bali ceremony only from (the food which is prepared in) the kitchen belonging to the householder.
25. However (of the persons belonging to the family) he whose food becomes ready before (that of the householder), (that person) should offer the prescribed portion in the fire, and give to a Brâhmana his share (of the food), and then should eat himself,
26. He whose (food becomes ready) after (that of the householder), should only eat.
27. Here they say also:
28. 'At the end of that offering of Balis let him pronounce a wish. Then it will be fulfilled to him.'
29. He himself, however, should offer the Asasya Bali, from the barley(-harvest) till the rice(-harvest), and from the rice(-harvest) till the barley(-harvest). This is called the Åsasya Bali.
22. Kala I take, as the commentator does, for bhoganakala.
23. Here again kåla occurs in the same sense. Comp. Khádira-Grihya I, 5, 34.
29. Khâdira-Gríhya I, 5, 37. The barley-harvest is in the hot season, the rice-harvest in autumn (see Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 243). The sacrificer offers barley from the barley-harvest till the rice-harvest; and rice from the rice-harvest till the barley-harvest.
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30. Thus he obtains long life.
31. When a donation has been made, he should offer a Bali of chaff, of the scum of boiled rice, and of water. This is sacred to Rudra. This is sacred to Rudra.
KÂNDIKÂ 5. 1. Now at the times of the new moon and of the full moon (the following ceremonies are performed).
2. Let him fast on that full-moon day (when the full moon rises) at the meeting (of day and night).
3. The following day, according to some (teachers).
4. And on that day on which the moon is not seen, (he should fast, considering it) as the newmoon day.
5. The ends of the half-months are the time for fasting, the beginnings for sacrifice.
6. With the sacrificial food of the new-moon
This Bali is called a-sasya, because it is offered until (a) the next crop (sasya) is ripe. As to the regulation that the sacrificer has to offer it himself, compare above, Satras 15-19.
31. Khâdira-Grihya I, 5, 30. The repetition of the last words makes it probable that this Sätra was at one time considered the end of the first book. Comp. Introduction, p. 11.
5. Description of the sacrifices of the full and new moon. Paradigm of the regular Sthâlîpâka offering. The first twelve Satras of this chapter have been translated by Professor Weber, Ueber den Vedakalender namens Jyotisham, PP. 50 seq.
2. See the note below at Satra 1o.
3. With these two Satras,' sandhyâm paurnamâsim upavaset; uttaram ity eke,' a passage should be compared which is identically found in the Aitareya (VII, II), and in the Kaushitaka Brahmana (III, 1): pūrvâm paurnamâsîm upavased iti Paingyam, uttarâm iti Kaushitakam.
6. The month is reckoned here, as is usually done, as beginning with the fortnight of the increasing moon.
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sacrifice he celebrates the first half (of the month), with that of the full-moon sacrifice the second.
26
7. Full-moon is the greatest distance of sun and moon; new-moon is their nearest approach.
8. That day on which the moon is not seen, that he should take as the day of new-moon.
9. Sometimes he may also while (the moon) is (still) visible (accept it as the day of new-moon); for (already then the moon) has made its way.
10. The time of full-moon is reckoned in three ways: (when the full moon rises at) the meeting (of day and night), or when it rises after sunset, or when it stands high (in the sky at sunset).
II. Now on what day it becomes full
12. The doctrine on this point has to be studied
7. Here begins a new exposition of the question of full and new moon which stands independently by the side of the former sections, and which Gobhila has not taken much care to weld together with them. Comp. Sutra ro with Sûtras 2 and 3, and Sûtra 8 with Sutra 4.
10. The first of the three times is that mentioned in Sûtra 2. It seems to me not very safe to interpret sandhyâ in that modern sense, in which sandhi is used, for instance, in the verse quoted by Mâdhava, Weber, Jyotisha 51, so that it designates the meeting-point of the bright and of the dark fortnight ('âvartane yadâ sandhih parvapratipador bhavet,' &c.). If sandhyâ were that, we should expect that the same word would occupy a similar position in the definition of amâvâsyâ. I prefer, therefore, with the commentary, to understand sandhyâ in its ancient sense, as the time which divides day from night. Thus sandhyâ paurnamâsî, the full-moon day, on which the moon rises at the meeting of day and night, stands in opposition to uttarâ paurnamâsî (Sûtra 2), or to astamitoditâ (scil. paurnamâsî, Sutra 10), exactly in the same way as in the Brahmana passages quoted above (note on § 3) pârvâ paurnamâsî is opposed to uttarâ paurnamâsî. The second and third cases are those of the full moon rising (shortly) after sunset, and of the moon becoming full when standing high in the sky.
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separately. One should study it, or should ascertain (the exact time of) the Parvan from those who know it.
13. Now on the day which is the fast-day, on that day, in the forenoon, having offered his morning oblation, he besmears that surface on which the fire is placed, on all sides with cow-dung.
14. He then gets the pieces of wood ready (which are to be put on the fire)-of Khadira or of Paläsa wood.
15. If Khadira or Palasa wood cannot be obtained, it may be wood-as far as it serves the purpose-of any tree, with the exception of Vibhidaka, Tilvaka, Badhaka, Niva, Nimba, Râgavriksha, Salmali, Aralu, Dadhittha, Kovidara, Sleshmâtaka wood.
16. The Barhis consists of Kusa grass cut off at the points at which the blades diverge from the main stalk.
17. (The blades should be) cut off near the roots at (the ceremonies directed to) the Fathers.
18. If that (i. e. Kusa grass) cannot be obtained, (he may take) any kind of grass, with the exception of Suka grass, of Saccharum reed, of such grass as is apt to break, of Balbaga grass, of Mutava, of Amphidonax reed, of Suntha.
19. (He should get ready the following things, viz.) Agya, rice or barley to be cooked for the sacrifice, the pot in which the oblation of cooked rice (or barley) is prepared, the pot-ladle, the Sruva, the water fetched from a hidden place
20. And the other things which we shall mention in the course of (our exposition of) the ritual.
19. As to anuguptâ âpah, see above, chap. 1, 9.
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21. On that day he should not go away (from his house on a journey, &c.);
22. Even from a distant place he should return to his house.
23. (On that day) he may buy goods from others, but not sell (such goods).
24. Let him not speak much. 25. Let him strive to speak the truth.
26. In the afternoon husband and wife, after having bathed, should eat fast-day food which is pleasant to them. It should contain butter (and should be prepared) in the due way.
KÂNDIKÂ 6. 1. Thus has spoken Mânatantavya : Unoffered indeed becomes the offering of a man who does not eat fast-day food.
2. 'He becomes powerless. Hunger will attack him. He does not gain favour among people. His offspring will be perverse.
3. But he who eats fast-day food, becomes powerful. Hunger will not attack him. He gains
26. Khâdira-Grihya II, 1, 4. 6. The commentary explains kusalena: it should be easy to digest. Comp. below, II, 1, 2: (daran kurvita) lakshanaprasastan kusalena.
6, 1. The teacher's name is spelt elsewhere Mânutanta vya, which seems to be the more correct spelling. The Kbâdira-Grihya (II, 1, 5) has Månadantavya. Dr. Knauer has called attention to several other blunders of the MSS., which are unusually frequent just in this passage. For I have no doubt that in spite of the unanimous agreement of the MSS. we are to change manushyahutir into mânusbasyahutir, and I think it very probable, to say the least, that in Sätra 4 kamayeta u pavasathikam should be corrected into kama yeyâtâm aupava sathikam, though here the singular could possibly be defended by very faithful believers in the authority of the MSS.
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favour among people. His offspring will be still more blessed.
4. Therefore (husband and wife) should eat fastday food which is pleasant to them.'
5. Let them sleep that night on the ground.
6. They should spend that night so as to alternate their sleep with waking, entertaining themselves with tales or with other discourse.
7. But they should avoid doing anything unholy (such as cohabiting together).
8. It is said, that when on a journey, he should not fast.
9. For (say they, in that case) the observance has to be kept by his wife.
10. Let him do (herein) what he likes.
11. In the same way also one who has set up the (Srauta) fires should fast
12. And (he should observe) what is enjoined by the sacred tradition.
13. Now in the forenoon, after the sacrificer) has offered his morning oblation, and has walked round the fire on its front side, and strewn to the south of the fire eastward-pointed Darbha grass
14. (The Brahman) stations himself to the east of that (grass), facing the west, and with the thumb and the fourth finger of his left hand he takes one grass blade from the Brahman's seat and throws it away to the south-west, in the intermediate direction (between south and west), with (the words), 'Away has been thrown the dispeller of wealth.'
4. Or, which is pleasant to him? See the note on $1. 7. Khâdira-Grihya II, 1, 7.
14. The ceremonies stated in this Satra have to be performed by the Brahman. This is stated in the commentary, and the com
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15. Having touched water, he then sits down on the Brahman's seat, with (the words), ‘I sit down on the seat of wealth.
16. Facing the fire he sits silently, raising his joined hands, till the end of the ceremony.
17. Let him speak (only) what refers to the due performance of the sacrifice.
18. Let him not speak what is unworthy of the sacrifice.
19. If he has spoken what is unworthy of the sacrifice, let him murmur a verse, or a Yagus, sacred to Vishnu.
20. Or let him only say, 'Adoration to Vishnu!'
21. If one wishes, however, to do himself the work both of the Hotri and of the Brahman, he should in the same way place on the Brahman's seat a parasol, or an outer garment, or a water-pot, or a
parison of parallel texts leaves no doubt as to the correctness of this view. Thus Hiranyakesin says (I, 1): etasmin kâle brahmâ yagnopavîtam kritvâpa âkamyâparenâgnim dakshinatikramya brahmasadanât trinam nirasya, &c. Comp. also the corresponding passages of the Srauta ritual given by Hillebrandt, Neu- und Vollmondsopfer, p. 17. I do not think it probable, however, that we should read brahmâssanât, so that it would be distinctly expressed by the text that the Brahman is the subject (comp. Dr. Knauer's Introduction, p. viii). For we read in this same Satra brahmåsanât trinam abhisamgrihya; in Sūtra 15, brahmâ sana upavisati; in Sätra 21, brahmâsane nidhaya: of these passages it is in the second made probable by the sense, and it is certain in the third, that brahmâsana is to be understood as a compound equal to brahmasadana. Thus it would, in my opinion, be unnatural not to explain it in the same way also in the first passage. Parâvasu is opposed to Vasu (Sūtra 15) in the same way as some texts, for instance Âpastamba, oppose Paragvasy to Arvågvasu.
16 seqq. Khâdira-Gríhya I, 1, 19 seqq. 21. In the same way' refers to the cereinonies stated in Sätras
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bolster of Darbha grass, and should return in the same way in which he has gone to the Brahman's seat), and then should perform the other (duties).
KÂNDIKÂ 7. 1. He then washes the mortar, the pestle, and the winnowing basket, strews to the west of the fire eastward-pointed Darbha grass, and puts (the mortar, &c.) on (that grass).
2. He then pours out, with a brazen vessel or with the pot in which the oblations of cooked rice are prepared, the grain destined for sacrifice, rice or barley—
3. Once pronouncing the name of the deity (to whom the offering will be made): 'Agreeable to such and such (a deity) I pour thee out;' twice (it is done) silently.
4. Then to the west, with his face turned eastward, he begins to husk the grain, with his right hand lying over the left.
5. After the grain has three times been winnowed, he should wash it thrice (if it is destined) for the gods, they say, twice, if for men, once, if for the Fathers.
6. Having put a (Darbha) purifier (into the pot
13 and 14. On the darbhakatu or, as some MSS. read, darbhavalu, see Bloomfield's note on the Grihya-samgraha, I, 88, 89. Knauer gives darbhavalum without adding any various readings. Comp. Khâdira-Grihya I, 1, 23.
7, 2, 3. Khâdira-Grihya II, 1, 9.
4, 5. Comp. Hillebrandt, Neu- und Vollmondsopfer, pp. 29 seqq. Khâdira-Grihya II, 1, 10-13.
6. Hillebrandt, p. 39.
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GRIHYA-SOTRA OF GOBHILA.
in which the oblation is to be prepared), he should pour the grain (into it).
7. He should cook the mess of sacrificial food so that it is well cooked, stirring it up (with the potladle) from left to right.
8. When it has been cooked, he should sprinkle (Agya) on it, should take it from the fire towards the north, and should again sprinkle (Ågya) on it.
9. Having put wood on the fire, he should strew Kusa grass round it on all sides, to the east, to the south, to the north, to the west
10. On all sides in three layers or in five layers
11. Thick, so that always an uneven number (of blades) are put together.
12. (He should strew) eastward-pointed grass, covering the roots with the points.
13. Or he should strew it to the west (of the fire), and should draw (some of the grass which he has strewn) from the south end and (some) from the north end, in an easterly direction.
14. He should (arrange the grass so as to) lay the points of the southern blades uppermost.
15. This rule for strewing (grass) round (the fire is valid) for all (ceremonies) at which oblations are made.
16. Some lay also branches of Samf wood or of Parna wood round (the fire).
10. Khâdira-Grihya I, 2, 10.
II. This seems to me the most probable translation of a yugmasam hatam, on which expression Dr. Knauer's note on pp. viii seq. of his Introduction should be compared. Comp. Hillebrandt, pp. 64 seq.
13-14. This is the same way of strewing the grass which is described in the Mänava-Grihya I, 10, 4.5; Khâdira-Grihya 1, 2,9.
16. Comp. Grihya-samgraha I, 85. 97.
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I PRAPATHAKA, 7 KÂNDIKA, 25.
17. To the north (of the fire) a Sruva full of water (is placed): this is the Pranita water;
3333
18. If there is (such water). Or it may be dispensed with, say some (teachers).
19. Having put the mess of cooked food on the Barhis, and put wood (on the fire), he prepares the Agya.
20. (He may take) ghee, or oil made from Tila seeds, or curds, or milk, or rice gruel.
21. From that same Barhis (he takes two Darbha blades and) makes purifiers (of them), of the length of one span.
22. Putting an herb between (them and the instrument with which he cuts them), he cuts them off, not with his nail, with (the words), 'Purifiers are ye, sacred to Vishnu.'
23. He then wipes them with water, with (the words), 'By Vishnu's mind ye are purified.'
24. Having purified (the Agya by pouring it into the Agya pot, over which he has laid a Darbha purifier), he purifies it (in the pot) with the two northward - pointed purifiers (in the following way):
25. Holding them with his two thumbs and fourth fingers, he purifies (the Âgya) three times, from west to east, once with the Yagus: 'May the god Savitri purify thee with this uninjured purifier, with the rays of the good sun;' twice silently.
20. All the substances which are stated in this Sûtra can be con
sidered as Agya. Grihya-samgraha I, 106. 107.
21 seqq. Khâdira-Grihya I, 2, 12 seqq.
24. As to sampayotpunâti, comp. Hiranyakesin I, 1, 1, 23: pavitrântarhite pâtre pa ânfyopabilam parayitvodagagrâbhyâm pavitråbhyâm trir utpûya...
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GRIHYA-SOTRA OF GOBHILA.
26. He then should sprinkle them with water and should throw them into the fire.
27. Then, having put that Agya on the fire, he should take it from (the fire) towards the north.
28. This is the way to prepare the Âgya.
KÂNDIKÂ 8. 1. To the east (is placed) the Âgya, to the west the mess of cooked food.
2. Having sprinkled (water) round (the fire) and poured Agya on the mess of cooked food, he begins to sacrifice simply with the pot-ladle, picking out portions of the sacrificial food (without 'underspreading' and pouring Agya over the Havis).
3. If he intends, however, to sacrifice so as to 'underspread' (the Havis with Agya) and to pour (Âgya) over it, let him sacrifice first the two Âgya portions (in the following way):
4. He should take four portions of Agya-five portions (are taken) by the Bhrigus—and should sacrifice from west to east, on the northern side with (the formula), “To Agni Svâhâ !' on the southern side with (the words), ‘To Soma Svâhâ !'
5. He then cuts off (two or three Avadânas) from the Havis, having 'spread under' (Ågya).
6. (Two Avadânas) from the middle and from the east side, if he (belongs to the families who) make
8, 2. On the sprinkling of water round the fire, comp. above, chap. 3, 1 seq. On the technical meaning of upaghâtam, see Bloomfield's note on Grihya-samgraha Parisishta I, 111 (Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft, XXXV, 568).
3 seq. Comp. Khâdira-Grihya II, 1, 17. 6. Khâdira-Grihya II, 1, 19 seq. The Upastarana (Satra 5) and
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I PRAPATHAKA, 8 KÂNDIKÂ, 14. 35 four Avadanas. (Three Avadânas) from the middle, from the east and from the west side, if (he belongs to those who) make five Avadanas.
7. He sprinkles (Ågya) on the cut-off portions.
8. He anoints the places from which he has cut them off (with Agya) in order that the strength (of the Havis) may not be lost.
9. He should sacrifice over the middle of the fire with (the words), 'To Agni Svâhâ !'--
10. Once or thrice, in that same way.
11. Now for the Svishtakrit (oblation), after having 'spread under' (Agya), he cuts off once a very big (Avadâna) from the eastern part of the northern part (of the Havis) Twice he should sprinkle (Âgya) on it.
12. But if he (belongs to the families who) make five Avadanas, he should 'spread under 'twice, and cut off (the Avadâna), and sprinkle (Ägya) on it twice.
13. He does not anoint the place from which he has cut off, in order that the strength (of the Havis) may be lost.
14. With the words, “To Agni Svishtakrit
the Abhighârana (Satra 7) are reckoned as two Avadanas, so that they form together with the two or three portions cut off from the Havis, four or five Avadanas respectively. On the difference of the families regarding the number of Avadanas, comp. Weber, Indische Studien, X, 95.
7 seqq. Comp. Khâdira-Grihya II, 1, 21-24.
11. Comp. the corresponding regulations of the Srauta ritual at Hillebrandt, Neu- und Vollmondsopfer, 117-119.
13. The same rule re-occurs in the Srauta ritual; Hillebrandt, 1.1. 117, note 8.
14. The expression used here uttarardhaparvardhe is also found in most of the corresponding passages of the Srauta ritual,
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GRIHYA-SÚTRA OF GOBHILA.
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Svâhâ !' he should sacrifice it over the eastern part of the northern part (of the fire).
15. He should sacrifice oblations of Agya on (the chief oblations of cooked sacrificial food), with the Mahâvyâhritis.
16. The insertion (stands) before the Svishtakrit (oblation).
17. If different sacrifices are performed together, there is only one sweeping (of the ground) round (the fire) (chap. 3, 1), one (putting of) fuel (on the fire) (chap. 7, 19), one Barhis, one sprinkling (of water) round (the fire) (chap. 8, 2), one Ägya, and one offering of the two Agyabhagas (chap. 8, 3).
18. Having cut off (the Avadanas) for all (the single sacrifices), he sacrifices the Svishtakrit oblation only once.
19. After he has sacrificed, he should throw that pot-ladle (which he has used in the preceding ceremonies) into the fire.
20. Or having washed it, he should take with it (the rest of the sacrificial food), and should eat that.
given by Hillebrandt, 1.1. 119, note 3. The Khâdira-Grihya has prägudíkyâm.
15. If the chief oblations consist in Âgya, they are both preceded and followed by the Mahâvyâhriti oblations. See below, chap. 9, Sätra 27.
16. On the à vapa (i. e. the special characteristic offerings of each sacrifice) see Sânkhâyana-Gríhya I, 9, 12, and the note there (vol. xxix, p. 28).
19. According to the commentary, etad would belong to sauvishtakritam (Satra 18): "After he has sacrificed that, he should throw the pot-ladle into the fire. The comparison of Baudhầyana 1, 17, 23, atraitan mekshanam âhavanîye s nupraharati (Hillebrandt, p. 119, note 3), shows that the commentary is wrong, and that etad belongs to mekshanam.
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I PRAPATHAKA, 8 KÂNDIKÂ, 29.
37
21. The Sruva he should not throw into the fire, say some (teachers).
22. By one who has not set up the sacred fires, the mess of cooked food should be offered to Agni at the festivals both of the full and of the new moon.
23. To Agni, or to Agni and Soma, by one who has set them up, at the full-moon (sacrifice);
24. To Indra, or to Indra and Agni, or to Mahendra, at the new-moon (sacrifice).
25. Or also one who has set up the sacred fires, should offer it to Agni at the festivals both of the full and of the new moon.
26. Having put a piece of wood (on the fire), and having afterwards sprinkled (water) round (the fire), he performs the Yagñavâstu ceremony (in the following way):
27. From that same Barhis he should take a handful of Kusa grass, and should dip it thrice into the Ågya or into the Havis, the points, the middle, and the roots, with (the words), “May the birds come, licking what has been anointed.'
28. He then should besprinkle that (handful of grass) with water, and should throw it into the fire with (the verse), 'Thou who art the lord of cattle, Rudra, who walkest with the lines (of cattle), the manly one: do no harm to our cattle; let this be offered to thee! Svâhâ !'
29. This (ceremony) they call Yagñavåstu.
22–25. Comp. Khâdira-Gríhya II, 2, 1-4.
26–29. Khâdira-Gríhya II, 1, 26 seq.; Grihya-samgraha II, I seq.
27. The expression tata eva barhishah has occurred already at chap. 7, 21. The Mantra re-occurs in Våg. Samhita II, 16e, &c.
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GRIHYA-SUTRA OF GOBHILA.
KÂNDIKÂ 9. 1. He then should take away the remnants of the Havis in a northern direction, should take them out (of the vessel in which they are), and should give them to the Brahman.
2. He should try to satiate him. 3. They say indeed with regard to sacrifice : Through the Brâhmana's being satiated (with sacrificial food) I become satiated myself.
4. Then (he should give to the Brahman) what other food has just become ready.
5. Then he should try to gain the favour of Brâhmanas by (gifts of) food.
6. A full vessel constitutes the fee for the sacrifice; that he should give to the Brahman.
7. A brazen vessel or a wooden cup which has been filled with food, with prepared food or with raw food, or even only with fruits: this they call a full vessel.
8. The Brahman is the only officiating priest at the Påkayagñas.
9. (The sacrificer) himself is Hotri.
10. A full vessel (see Satra 7) is the lowest sacrificial fee at a Pâkayagña.
11. The highest is unlimited.
12. Thus Sudás Paigavana, after having offered the sacrifice of a mess of cooked food to Indra and
9, 1. Khâdira-Grihya II, 1, 29. 6 seqq. Khâdira-Grihya II, 1, 30. 31.
8, 9. The native authorities divide these two Sätras after ritvik; I propose to divide after pâkayag ñeshu.
12. The commentary here refers to the rule of the Drahyâyanasutra (=Latyayana VIII, 1, 2): samkhyamâtre ka dakshina gâvah,
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I PRAPATHAKA, 9 KÂNDIKA, 18.
39
Agni, gave one hundred thousand (cows as the sacrificial fee).
13. Now if he should not be able to get for the morning or for the evening oblation, or for the sacrifices of the full or of the new moon at his (sacred) domestic fire, any substance fit for sacrifice or a person who could sacrifice (instead of himself, if he is prevented): what ought he to do?
14. Until the evening oblation the (time for the) morning oblation is not elapsed, nor the (time for the) evening oblation until the morning oblation. Until the new moon the (time for the) sacrifice of the full moon is not elapsed, nor the (time for the) sacrifice of the new moon until the full moon.
15. During that interval he should try to obtain sacrificial food or to find a sacrificer.
16. Or (if he does not succeed in this) he should cook fruits or leaves of trees or herbs which are sacrificially pure, and should sacrifice them.
17. Or he should at least sacrifice water; thus has said Pâkayagña, the son of Idâ. For (even if he offers only water) the sacrifice has been performed.
18. And there is an expiation for one who has not sacrificed..
14 seq. Khâdira-Grihya II, 2, 5 seq.; Sânkhâyana-Grihya I, 3, 6. 16 seqq. Khâdira-Grihya II, 2, 10 seqq. In this teacher Pâkayagia, son of Idâ, whose opinion on the performance of certain Pâkayagñas is here stated, we have of course to see a fictitious sage of the same kind with the well-known Rishi Pragatha, to whom the authorship of a number of Sûktas in the Pragâtha book (Rigveda, Mandala VIII) is ascribed.
18, 19. By the repetition of iti these Sûtras seem to be characterised as continuing the statement of Pâkayagña's opinion; comp. Dr. Knauer's Introduction, p. xvii. As to Sutra 18, comp. Sânkhâyana-Grihya I, 3, 9.
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GRIHYA-SOTRA OF GOBHILA.
19. And, (says Påkayagña,) a Brâhmana should not omit to keep his vow.
20. Here they say also:
21. He should keep (his vow) during that time in which he does not sacrifice, by abstaining from food.
22. When he then has obtained (the necessary substances for sacrificing), he should make up for the (omitted) oblations.
23. For thus also his vow has been duly kept.
24. These rules (which have been given with regard to the sacrifices of the full and new moon) are valid for the Havis oblations which will be stated hereafter.
25. After the end of the Mantra follows the word Syâhâ.
26. At Âgya oblations he should only prepare that Ågya (chap. 7, 28) and should sacrifice it, picking out portions of it. (He should) not (sacrifice) the two Agya portions nor the Svishtakrit.
27. At Âgya oblations he should, if no special rule is given, sacrifice with the Mahâvyâhritis before and after (the chief ceremonies).
22. 'He should count the omitted (oblations), should pour the corresponding number of oblations into his vessel, and should sacrifice them in the due way all at once with one Mantra. In the same way also the other oblations (belonging to other gods).' Karmapradipa.
24. Is Havis here used as opposed to Âgya (Satra 26), in the same way in which Katyayana says (Sraut. I, 9, 1. 20): vrîhîn yavân vâ havishi; ubhayata agyam havishah'? Comp. below, III, 8, 10; Âsvalâyana-Gríhya I, 10, 26.
25. Khâdira-Gríhya I, 1, 15. 26. As to upaghâtam, comp. the note on chap. 8, 2.
27. Sankhayana-Grihya I, 12, 13; Khâdira-Grihya I, 3, 12-13, where the traditional division of the Satras differs from that which is supported by tradition in the text of Gobhila. Gobhila has used
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I PRAPÂTHAKA, 9 KÂNDIKÂ, 29.
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28. As at the wedding, thus at the tonsure (of the child's head), the initiation (of the Brahmakârin), and at the cutting of the beard.
29. At the end of the ceremony the Vâmadevya is sung for the sake of averting evil. The Vâmadevya is sung for the sake of averting evil.
End of the First Prapathaka.
the word ag yâhutishu in the beginning of Satra 26, and it would have been superfluous if he had repeated it in connection with the words nagyabhagau na svish/akrit. In the corresponding Sätras of the Khâdira the case was different, and there the words nâ gyabha gau na svishtakrit inevitably required the addition of a word like âgyâhutishu, by which to show which class of sacrifices it was which required no Agyabhagas and no Svishtakrit. The following word in the Khâdira text, however, anå dese, should be referred, against tradition, to Sätra 13, as is shown by the comparison of Sankhayana-Grihya I, 12, 13.
28. At the wedding, oblations are made first with the three single Mahâvyâhritis, afterwards with the Mahâvyâhritis together; see below, II, 1, 25. 26. The tonsure of the child's head is treated of below, II, 9; the initiation (upanayana), II, 10; the cutting of the beard, III, 1. Comp. Khâdira-Gríhya, I, 3, 10.
29. Apavritte karmani should be corrected into a pavrikte karmani, as has been noticed in the Petersburg Dictionary, s. v. apa-vart. The Sânkhayana-Grihya I, 2, 1 says karmâ pavarge.
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PRAPATHAKA II, KÂNDIKÂ 1.
1. Under a propitious Nakshatra let him take a wife
2. Who should possess the auspicious characteristics in due way.
3. If he can find no such (woman, he should take) earth-clods
4. From an altar, a furrow, a pool, a cow-stable, a place where four roads meet, a gambling-place, a place where corpses are burnt, and from sterile soil ;
5. A ninth (earth-clod) mixed of all.
6. (These he should make) equal (and should) make marks at them.
7. Taking them in his hand he should offer them to the girl, and (reciting the formula) : 'Right alone is the first; right nobody oversteps; on right this earth is founded. May N. N. become this universe!'
-he should pronounce her name and should say: "Take one of these.'
8. If she takes one of the first four (clods), he should marry her,
1, 1-4. Description of the wedding. Comp. Indische Studien, V, 288, 305 seq. ; 312 seq. ;.368 seq.
2. In translating kusalena I have been guided by the comparison of I, 5, 26 (comp. Böhtlingk-Roth, s. v. kusala). The commentary understands the Sätra in a different way. He should take a woman who possesses auspicious characteristics commended by one versed (kusala) in the characteristics of women. If he can find no such person who is able to judge, he should, &c. (Satra 3).
4. Comp. Âsvalâyana-Grihya I, 5,5; Grihya-samgraha II, 21-23. 7. Asvalâyana-Gríhya, 1. 1. $ 4.
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II PRAPATHAKA, I KÂNDIKÂ, 14. 43 9. And according to some (teachers) also, if (she takes) the mixed one.
10. After she has been washed with Klitaka, barley and beans, a friend should besprinkle her three times at her head, so that her whole body becomes wet, with Surâ of first quality, with (the formula), Kama! I know thy name. Intoxication thou art by name,' &c. (Mantra-Brâhmana I, 1, 2). (In the passage of the formula), ' Bring hither N. N.; he should pronounce the husband's name. (The Mantras should have the word Svâhâ at their end. With the two following verses he should wash her private parts.
II. That has to be done by (female) relatives (of the bride).
12. At the wedding wood has been put on the fire to the east of the house, on a surface besmeared (with cow-dung).
13. Then one of the people who assist at the wedding, fills a cup with 'firm' water, and having walked with the water-pot round the fire on its front side, silent, wrapped in his robe, he stations himself to the south (of the fire), facing the north.
14. Another person with a goad (walks in the same way and stations himself in the same place).
9. See Sätra 5.
10. With Klitaka,' &c., means, with water into which Klitaka, &c., has been thrown; comp. Grihya-samgraha II, 15. Surå of first quality' is Surâ prepared from molasses; see Grihya-samgraha II, 16. Comp., however, also Grihya-samgraha II, 41.
13. Khâdira-Grihya I, 3, 5; Grihya-samgraha II, 25. 26. Firm water' seems to be water which does not dry up. The Grihyasamgraha says: 'Water that has its smell, its colour, and its taste, which is in great rivers, in wells and other receptacles, and in ponds : such water is called “firm;" this is the fixed meaning.' Comp. Bloomfield's note, Z.D.M.G. XXXV, 574.
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GRIHYA-SÚTRA OF GOBHILA.
15. They place roasted grain mixed with Sami leaves, to the amount of four handfuls, in a winnowing basket behind the fire,
16. And an upper mill-stone.
17. Now (the girl) whose hand he is going to seize, has been washed, (her whole body) including her head.
18. The husband should put on her a (new) garment which has not yet been washed, with the verse, • They who spun' (Mantra-Brâhmana I, 1, 5), and with (the verse), 'Put on her, dress her' (1. 1. 6).
19. Leading forward (from the house to the sacred fire, the bride) who is wrapped in her robe and wears the sacrificial cord over her left shoulder, he should murmur (the verse), 'Soma gave her to the Gandharva' (MB. I, 1, 7).
20. While she, to the west of the fire, pushes forward with her foot a rush-mat or something else of that kind, veiled (with clothes), he should make her say: 'May the way which my husband goes, be open to me.
21. If she does not murmur (these words out of shame, &c.), he should murmur (them, saying), 'To her' (instead of 'To me').
22. She should make the end of the rush-mat (Satra 20) reach the end of the Barhis.
23. On the east end of the rush-mat she sits down to the right of the bridegroom.
17-19. Khadira-Grihya I, 3, 6. Yagnopavitinîm in Sätra 19 means, according to the commentary, that she wears her outer garment arranged like the sacrificial cord, over her left shoulder; for women are not allowed to wear the sacrificial cord itself.
20. Grihya-samgraha II, 27 seq.
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II PRAPATHAKA, 2 KÂNDIKÂ, 7.
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45
24. While she touches his right shoulder with her right hand, he sacrifices six oblations of Ågya with (the verse), May Agni go as the first,' and the following (verses) (
MB. I, 1, 9-14)— 25. And (three oblations) with the Mahâvyâhritis, one by one;
26. A fourth with (the four Mahâvyâhritis) together.
KÂNDIKÂ 2. 1. After the sacrifice they both arise.
2. The husband passes behind her back, stations himself to the south, with his face turned to the north, and seizes the woman's joined hands.
3. (Standing) to the east (of the girl) her mother or her brother, having taken the roasted grain, should make the bride tread on the stone with the tip of her right foot.
4. The bridegroom murmurs: “Tread on this stone' (MB. I, 2, 1).
5. Her brother filling once his joined hands with roasted grain, pours it into the bride's joined hands.
6. After (Agya) has been spread under and poured over (the fried grain), she sacrifices that in the fire without opening her joined hands, with (the verse which the bridegroom [?] recites), “This woman says' (MB. I, 2, 2).
7. (The verses), 'The god Aryaman,' and, ‘Pa
24-26. Khâdira-Grihya I, 3, 11-13. 2, 1 seqq. Khâdira-Grihya I, 3, 16 seqq.
3. The roasted grain is that mentioned chap. 1, 15, the stone, Sätra 16.
6. Comp. Grihya-samgraha II, 34. 7. On the repetitions of the lagahoma, see below, Satras 9. 10.
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GRİHYA-SOTRA OF GOBHILA.
shan' (1. 1. 3. 4) (are repeated) at the two following (oblations of fried grain).
8. After that sacrifice the husband, passing (behind her back), returns in the same way, and leads her round the fire so that their right sides are turned towards it, or a Brâhmana versed in the Mantras (does the same), with (the verse), 'The maid from the fathers' (MB. I, 2, 5).
9. After she has thus been lead round, she stands as before (Sutras 1. 2), and treads (on the stone) as before (Satra 3), and he murmurs the (Mantra) as before (Satra 4), and (her brother) pours (the fried grain into her hands) as before (Sûtra 5), and she sacrifices as before (Satra 6).
10. In the same way three times.
11. After (she) has poured the remnants (of the fried grain) into the fire, they make (her) step forward in a north-easterly direction with the formula), 'For sap with one step' (MB. I, 2, 6. 7).
12. She should put forward her right foot (first) and should follow with the left.
13. (The bridegroom) should say (to her), 'Do not put the left (foot) before the right.'
14. The lookers-on he should address with (the verse), ‘Auspicious ornaments wears this woman' (1. 1. 8).
15. To the west of the fire the water-carrier follows (their way) and besprinkles the bridegroom on his forehead, and also the other one (i.e. the bride),
8. As to the words ‘in the same way,' see the second Sætra of this chapter.
14-16. Khâdira-Grihya I, 3, 27-31.
15. Comp. Sankhayana-Grihya I, 12, 5 note (vol. xxix, p. 33). The water-carrier is the person mentioned chap. 1, 13.
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II PRAPATHAKA, 3 KÂNDIKÂ, 8.
47
with this verse (which the bridegroom murmurs), May (the Visve devâs) anoint (or, unite)' (1. 1. 9).
16. After she has been (thus) besprinkled, he puts up her joined hands with his left hand, seizes with his right hand her right hand with the thumb, her hand being turned with the palm upwards, and murmurs these six verses referring to the seizing of (a girl's) hand, 'I seize thy hand' (MB. I, 2, 10-15).
17. When these verses) are finished, they carry her away
KÂNDIKÂ 3. 1. To a convenient house of a Brâhmana, which is situated in a north-easterly direction.
2. There wood has been put on the (nuptial) fire.
3. To the west of the fire a red bull's hide has been spread out, with the neck to the east and with the hair outside.
4. On that they make the woman, who has to keep silence, sit down.
5. And (there) she remains sitting until the stars appear.
6. When (somebody) has said that a star has appeared, (the husband) sacrifices six oblations of Ågya with the (six verses) commencing with (the verse), 'In the junctions of the lines' (1. 1. I, 3, 1-6).
7. The remnants of each oblation he should pour out over the bride's head.
8. After the sacrifice they arise, go out (of the house), and he shows her the firm star' (i. e. the polar-star).
3, I segg. Khâdira-Grihya I, 4, I seqq.
3. This is the standing description of the bull's hide used at the Srauta or Grihya ceremonies; comp. Sånkhayana I, 16, I note.
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9. (Repeating the formula): ‘Firm art thou. May I, N. N., become firm in the house of N. N., my husband'-she should pronounce her husband's and her own name.
10. And (he shows her besides the star) Arundhati.
11. (She says): 'I (N. N.) am held fast,' &c., as above (Sutra 9).
12. He then addresses her with the verse, 'Firm is the sky' (MB. I, 3, 7).
13. After she has been addressed (thus), she respectfully calls her Guru by his Gotra name..
14. Thus she breaks her silence.
15. From that time through a period of three nights they should both avoid eating saline or pungent food, and should sleep together on the ground without having conjugal intercourse.
16. Here, they say, an Argha reception (should be offered to the young husband).
17. Some say (that this reception should be offered) when the bridegroom and his companions) have arrived (at the house of the bride's father).
18. The first food which he eats, should be food
10. Âsvalâyana-Grihya I, 7, 22. 11. The play on words (Arundhati-ruddha) is untranslatable.
13. Her Guru' means, according to the commentary, her husband. The commentary quotes the well-known sentence: patir eko guruh strînâm. Perhaps we may also take the Guru for the Brâhmana in whose house they stay. Comp. also chap. 4, 11.
14. Comp. above, Satra 4.
16, 17. Khâdira-Gríhya I, 4,7. 8. Comp. Sânkhâyana-Gríhya I, 12, 10 note. The Gobhila commentary states that this Argha reception should be offered by the bride's father. On the different opinions of the Sankhayana commentaries see the note quoted.
18. Khâdira-Grihya I, 4, 1o.
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fit for sacrifice, over which he has murmured (the verses quoted in Satra 21).
19. Or he should prepare on the following day a mess of cooked food, of which they eat together.
20. The deities to whom it belongs, are, Agni, Pragâpati, the Visve devâs, and Anumati.
21. Having taken that food out of the vessel in which it is), and having spread it out, he should touch one part of it with his hand, with (the verses), With the tie of food, with the jewel' (MB. I, 3, 8-10).
22. After he has eaten, and has given the rest to the wife, (they may do) what they like.
23. A cow is the sacrificial fee.
KÂNDIKÂ 4. 1. When she mounts the chariot, let him murmur the verse, 'Adorned with Kimsuka Aowers, of Salmali wood' (MB. I, 3, 11).
2. On the way he should address crossways, rivers and unevennesses (of the soil), big trees, and burial grounds, with (the verse), “May no waylayers meet us' (ibid. 12).
3. If the axle breaks, or something that is bound gets loose, or if the chariot is overturned, or if some other accident happens, they should put wood on the fire which they carry with themselves, should
22. Khâdira-Grihya I, 4, 11. 14. 23. Khâdira-Grihya I, 4, 6.
4. The way of the bridegroom with the bride to their new home, and their arrival.
2. Perhaps a part of this Satra is based on a half Sloka, the two parts of which have been transposed in the prose version, mahavrikshân smasânam ka nadîs ka vishamâni ka. 3. Comp. Pâraskara I, 10.
(30)
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make oblations (of Ågya) with the Vyâhritis, should procure a new piece (instead of that which has been damaged), and should besmear it with the remnants of the Agya (that has been offered), with (the verse), "He who without binding' (Sâma-veda I, 244).
4. Having sung the Vamadevya, he should mount (again).
5. When they have arrived, the Vámadevya (is sung).
6. When the bride) has reached the house, Brâhmana women of good character, whose husbands and sons are living, make her descend (from the chariot), and make her sit down on a bull's hide with (the verse which the husband recites), “Here, ye cows, bring forth calves' (MB. I, 3, 13).
7. They should place a boy in her lap.
8. Into the joined hands of that (boy) they should throw lotus-roots (?),
9. Or fruits.
10. After she has made that boy rise, she sacrifices the eight firm' Agya oblations with (the formula), 'Here is steadiness' (MB. I, 3, 14).
11. When she has finished, she puts a piece of wood (on the fire) and respectfully salutes the Gurus, according to seniority, with their Gotra names. Then they may do what they like.
8. The explanation of sakalota as salQka is doubtful. Prof. Weber believes that we ought to read sakalosh tân (lumps of dung); see Indische Studien, V, 371.
10. 'Firm' oblations seem to mean oblations by which the wife obtains a firm abode in her husband's house. Comp. Indische Studien, V, 376.
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KANDIKA 5.
1. Now (follow) the ceremonies of the fourth day.
2. Having put wood on the fire, he four times sacrifices expiatory Ågya oblations with (the formula), * Agni! Thou art expiation' (MB. I, 4, 1)
3. (And with the same formula), putting instead of Agni, Vâyu, Kandra, and Sarya ;
4. A fifth oblation (with the names of the four gods) together, changing in the Mantra the singular) into the plural.
5. The remnants of each oblation he should pour into a water-pot.
6. With that (Ågya) they besmear her body, including her hair and nails, remove (that water and Agya by rubbing her), and wash her.
7. After three nights have passed, they should cohabit, according to some (teachers).
8. When she has had her monthly illness and the blood has ceased to flow, that is the time for cohabiting.
9. With his right hand he should touch her secret parts with the verse, ' May Vishnu make thy womb
5, 1. The Katurthîkarman. 2, 3. Comp. Sankhayana-Grihya I, 18, 3; Khảdira-Grihya I,
4, 12.
4. I.e. instead of prayaskitte (expiation) he uses the plural praya skitta yah; and he says, you are the expiations of the gods,' &c.
6. Khâdira-Grihya I, 4, 13. Hrásayitva literally means,'having shortened her.' She is shortened' by the removing of the substance with which they have besmeared her (hrasa yitvå udvartana dina tad abhyañganam apaniya, says the commentary). Comp. on the technical meaning of hrâsana the Grihya-samgraha II, 38, 8-10; Khadira-Grihya I, 4, 15. 16.
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ready' (MB. I, 4, 6), and with that, 'Give conception, Siniväll' (1. 1. 7).
10. When those two verses are finished, they cohabit.
KÂNDIKÂ 6. 1. The beginning of the third month of pregnancy is the time for the Pumsavana (i. e. the ceremony to secure the birth of a son).
2. In the morning, after she has been washed, sitting on northward-pointed Darbha grass, (all over her body) including her head, she sits down to the west of the fire on northward-pointed Darbha grass, facing the east.
3. Her husband, standing behind her, should grasp down with his right hand over her right shoulder, and should touch the uncovered place of her navel with the verse, The two men, Mitra and Varuna' (MB. I, 4, 8).
4. Then they may do what they like.
5. Then afterwards (the following ceremony should be performed).
6. In a north-easterly direction, having bought for three times seven barley corns or beans a Nyagrodha shoot which has fruits on both sides, which is not dry and not touched by worms, he should set that up.
7. (He buys it with the Mantras):
6, 1 seq. The Pumsa vana. Khâdira-Grihya II, 2, 17 seq. On â disa dese the commentary says, adisadese adisamîpapradese prathame tritîyabhâge, ity etat. adimadesa iti pâthe vyakta evârthah. To me it seems probable that adimade se is the true reading.
7. The first Mantra consists of seven sections; with each of
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II PRAPATHAKA, 6 KÂNDIKÂ, II.
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'If thou belongest to Soma, I buy thee for the king Soma.
'If thou belongest to Varuna, I buy thee for the king Varuna.
'If thou belongest to the Vasus, I buy thee for the Vasus.
If thou belongest to the Rudras, I buy thee for the Rudras.
'If thou belongest to the Âdityas, I buy thee for the Ådityas.
If thou belongest to the Maruts, I buy thee for the Maruts.
'If thou belongest to the Visve devâs, I buy thee for the Visve devâs.'
8. He should set it up with (the Mantra), 'Ye herbs, being well-minded, bestow strength on this (shoot); for it will do its work.' Then he should put grass around it, should take it, and place it in the open air.
9. Having washed a nether mill-stone, a student or a (wife) addicted (to her husband), a person who is a Brahmana by birth (only and not by learning), or a girl, pounds (that Nyagrodha shoot) without moving backward (the stone with which she pounds it).
10. In the morning, after she has been washed, sitting on northward-pointed Darbha grass, (all over her body), including her head, she lies down to the west of the fire on northward-pointed Darbha grass, with her head to the east.
II. Her husband, standing behind her, should seize (the pounded Nyagrodha shoot) with the
these sections he should, according to the commentary, give three barley corns or beans to the owner of the Nyagrodha tree, or put them down at the root of the tree.
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thumb and the fourth finger of his right hand, and should insert it into her right nostril with the verse, A man is Agni, a man is Indra' (MB. I, 4, 9).
12. Then they should do what they like.
KÂNDIKÂ 7. 1. Now (follows) the Simantakarana (or parting of the hair), in her first pregnancy,
2. In the fourth, or sixth, or eighth month (of her pregnancy).
3. In the morning, after she has been washed, sitting on northward-pointed Darbha grass, (all over her body), including her head, she sits down to the west of the fire on northward-pointed Darbha grass, facing the east.
4. Her husband, standing behind her, ties (to her neck) an Udumbara branch with an even number of unripe fruits on it, with (the verse), Rich in sap is this tree' (MB. I, 5, 1).
5. He then parts her hair upwards (i. e. beginning from the front), the first time with Darbha blades, with (the word), 'Bhah!' the second time with the word), Bhuvah !' the third time with (the word), Svah!'
6. Then with (a splint of) Viratara (wood) with this verse, 'With which Aditi's' (ibid. 2);
7, 1 seq. The Sîmantakarana or Sîmantonnayana. KhâdiraGrihya II, 2, 24 seq.
3. This Sätra is identical with chap. 6, 2.
4. salátugrathnam should be emended, in my opinion, so as to read salátugrapsam. Comp. Paraskara I, 15, 4: yugmena saràlugrapsenaudumbarena. Asvalâyana I, 14, 4: yugmena salâtuglapsena. Hiranyakesin II, 1: salâtugrapsam upasamgribya.
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II PRAPÂTHAKA, 7 KÂNDIKA, 18.
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7. Then with a full spindle, with this verse, 'I invoke Râkâ' (ibid. 3. 4);
8. And with a porcupine's quill that has three white spots, with (the verse), 'Which are thy blessings, O Råka' (ibid. 5).
9. (There should be prepared) a mess of boiled rice with sesamum seeds, covered with ghee; at that he should make her look.
10. Let him say to her, What dost thou see?' and make her answer, 'Offspring !'
11. That (food) she should eat herself.
12. Brahmana' women should sit by her side, pronouncing auspicious words (such as), “A mother of valiant sons ! A mother of living sons! A living husband's wife!'
13. Now (follows) the sacrifice for the woman in labour.
14. When the child is appearing, he strews (Darbha grass) round the fire and sacrifices two Agya oblations with this verse, She who athwart' (MB. I, 5, 6), and with (the verse), 'Vipaskit has taken away' (ibid. 7).
15. A male he will be born, N. N. by name'-in this passage of the last verse) he pronounces a name.
16. What that (name is), is kept secret.
17. When they announce to him that a son has been born, he should say, 'Delay still cutting off the navel-string and giving him the breast.'
18. Let him have rice and barley-grains pounded in the same way as the (Nyagrodha) shoot.
12 sea. The soshyantîhoma. Khâdira-Grihya II, 2, 28 sea.
17 seq. Ceremonies for the new-born child (Gâtakarman). Khâdira-Gríhya II, 2, 32 seq.
18. See above, chap. 6, 9.
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19. Seizing (that pounded substance) with the thumb and the fourth finger of his right hand, he smears it on the tongue of the boy, with the formula, "This order' (MB. I, 5, 8).
20. In the same way the production of intelligence (is performed). He should give to eat (to the child) clarified butter.
21. Or he takes it with gold (i. e. with a golden spoon) and sacrifices it on the face of the boy with this verse, ‘May Mitra and Varuna bestow intelligence on thee' (MB. I, 5, 9), and with (the verse), 'The lord of the seat, the wonderful' (Sama-veda I, 171).
22. Let him say, Cut off the navel-string,' and, “Give the breast (to the child).'
23. From that time let him not touch (his wife) until ten nights have passed.
KÂNDIKÅ 8.
1. On the third (Tithi) of the third bright fortnight after his birth, in the morning the father has the child washed, including his head, and after sunset, when the evening-red has disappeared, he worships (the moon), holding up his joined hands.
2. Then the mother, having dressed the son in a clean garment, hands him, from south to north, with his face turned to the north, to the father.
19. Comp. above, chap. 6, 11.
23. The impurity (asauka) of the mother lasts through ten days after her confinement; comp. the note on Sânkhayana-Gríhya I, 25, 1 (vol. xxix, p. 51).
8, i seq. Khâdira-Grihya II, 3, 1 seq.
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II PRAPATHAKA, 8 KÂNDIKÂ, 10.
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3. She then passes behind his back and stations herself to the north (of her husband).
4. He then murmurs (the three verses), 'Thy heart, O thou whose hair is well parted' (MB. I, 5, 10-12), and after he has, with the words (standing at the end of verse 12), 'That this son may not come to harm (and thus be torn) from his mother'
5. Handed him, from south to north, to his mother, they may do what they like.
6. Then in the following bright fortnights (at the time) stated above (Satra 1), the father, filling his joined hands with water and turning his face towards the moon, worships it
7. Letting (the water) flow (out of his joined hands) once with the Yagus, 'What in the moon' (MB. I, 5, 13), and twice silently. Then they may do what they like.
8. When ten nights have elapsed after the child's) birth, or a hundred nights, or one year, the Nâmadheyakarana (or giving a name to the child, is performed).
9. He who is going to perform (that ceremonythe father or a representative of the father), sits down to the west of the fire on northward-pointed Darbha grass, facing the east.
10. Then the mother, having dressed the son in a clean garment, hands him, from south to north,
6. I am not sure about the meaning of prathamoddishta eva. I have translated according to the commentary, which has the following note: prathamoddishta eva prathamam yah kâla uddish/ah kathitah tasminn eva kâle tritîyâyam ity etat.--The commentary then mentions a reading prathamodita eva, in which udita may either be derived from vad or from ud-i.
8 seq. The Nâmakarana. Khâdira-Gribya II, 3, 6 seq. 10, 11. Comp. above, Sūtras 2. 3.
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with his face turned to the north, to the performer (of the ceremony).
11. She then passes behind his back and sits down to the north (of him), on northward-pointed Darbha grass.
12. He then sacrifices to Pragâpati, to the Tithi (of the child's birth), to the Nakshatra (of the child's birth), and to the (presiding) deity (of that Tithi and of that Nakshatra).
13. He then murmurs the Mantra, Who art thou? What person art thou ?' (MB. I, 5, 14. 15), touching the sense-organs at (the boy's) head.
14. In (the passage of the Mantra), 'Enter upon the month, that belongs to Ahaspati (i.e. the lord of days), N. N.!' and at the end of the Mantra he should give him a name beginning with a sonant, with a semivowel in it, with a long vowel or the Visarga at the end, (and formed with) a Krit (suffix).
15. It should not contain a Taddhita (suffix).
16. (He should give a name with) an odd (number of syllables), ending in - då, to girls.
17. And after he has told the name to the mother first, they may do what they like.
18. A cow constitutes the sacrificial fee. 19. Every month (after the birth) of the boy, (or)
12. Sânkhayana-Grihya I, 25, 5. In the same Grihya the enumeration of the Nakshatras with their presiding deities is given, I, 26.
14. Sänkhâyana-Gríhya I, 24, 4; Âsvalâyana I, 15, 4; Pâraskara I, 17, 2. In the text read dîrghâbhinish tânântam instead of dîrghabhinishthânântam,
19. Monthly sacrifice in commemoration of the child's birth. Possibly we should translate : Every month after the birth) of the boy, through one year (comp. Sânkhâyana I, 25, 10. 11), or on the Parvan days, &c.
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II PRAPATHAKA, 8 KÂNDIKÂ, 25.
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after one year, or on the Parvan days of the year (i. e. on the last Tithi of each of the three seasons) he should sacrifice to Agni and Indra, to Heaven and Earth, and to the Visve devâs.
20. Having sacrificed to the deity of the Tithi and of the Nakshatra respectively), he should sacrifice to the Tithi and to the Nakshatra.
21. When (the father) returns from a journey, or when (the son) begins to know, 'This is my father,' or when the son) has been initiated, (the father) should grasp with his two hands his son round the head, and should murmur, 'From limb by limb thou art produced' (MB. I, 5, 16-18).
22. With the formula), With the cattle's himkâra I kiss thee' (1. 1. 19) he should kiss him. Then he may do what he likes.
23. In the same way (he should do) to his younger sons
24. According to their age or in the order in which he meets them.
25. Girls he should silently kiss on their head; he should silently kiss them on their head.
20. Sânkhayana-Grihya I, 25, 6.
21 seq. The father's returning from a journey. KhadiraGrihya II, 3,13 seq. As to upeta, comp. Sânkhayana-Grihya II, 1, I note. The position of the words in Sätra 21 is irregular, so as to raise the suspicion that the words yadâ và ... upetasya va (' or when the son begins to know... has been initiated') are an insertion into the text of Gobhila, made by a later compiler, or into a more ancient text, made by Gobhila himself. Comp. Paraskara I, 18.
25. As to the repetition of the last words of this Satra, see the notes on I, 4, 31; II, 10, 50; III, 6, 15.
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KANDIKÂ 9. 1. Now follows the tonsure of the child's head, in the third year.
2. To the east of the house on a surface besmeared (with cow-dung) wood has been put on the fire.
3. There the following things have been placed :
4. To the south of the fire) twenty-one Darbha blades, a brass vessel with hot water, a razor of Udumbara wood or a mirror, and a barber with a razor in his hand;
5. To the north, bull's dung and a mess of boiled rice with sesamum seeds which may be more or less cooked.
6. Let them fill vessels separately with rice and barley, with sesamum seeds and beans, and let them place (those vessels) to the east (of the fire).
7. The boiled rice with sesamum seeds (Sätra 5) and all seeds (mentioned in Sätra 6) are given to the barber.
8. Then the mother, having dressed the son in a clean garment, sits down to the west of the fire on northward-pointed Darbha grass, facing the east.
9,1. The Kudâ karana. Khâdira-Grihya II, 3, 16 seq. On the literal meaning of Kudakarana, see Sânkhayana I, 28, 1 note.
2. Comp. above, II, 1, 13. 5. Comp. above, chap. 7, 9; Grihya-samgraha II, 39.
6. I believe that four vessels were filled, one with rice, one with barley, one with sesamum seeds, and one with beans. The Dvandva compounds vrihiya vais and tilamashais cannot justify the conclusion that one vessel was filled with rice and barley mixed, and another with sesamum seeds and beans, for the plural påträni shows that there were more than two vessels. Asvalayana I, 17, 2, says, vrihiyavamashatilânâm prithak půrnasarâvâni.
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II PRAPATHAKA, 9 KÂNDIKÂ, 16. 61 9. To the west (of her), facing the east, the person stations himself who is going to perform that (ceremony).
10. He then murmurs, fixing his thoughts on Savitri, looking at the barber, (the Mantra), 'Hither has come Savitri with his razor' (MB. I, 6, 1).
11. And fixing his thoughts on Váyu, looking at the brass vessel with warm water, (he murmurs the Mantra), With warm water, O Vâyu, come hither' (ibid. 2).
12. Drawing water (out of that vessel) with his right hand he moistens the patch of hair on the right side (of the boy's head) with (the Mantra), . May the waters moisten thee for life' (ibid. 3).
13. With (the Mantra), 'Vishnu's tusk art thou' (ibid. 4) he looks at the razor of Udumbara wood or at the mirror.
14. With the Mantra), 'Herb ! Protect him!' (ibid. 5) he puts seven Darbha blades, with their points turned towards (the boy's) head, into the patch of hair on the right side of his head.
15. Pressing them down with his left hand, and seizing with his right hand the razor of Udumbara wood or the mirror, he touches with it (the Darbha blades), with the (Mantra), “Axe! Do no harm to him!' (ibid. 6).
16. With the Mantra), With which Pashan has shaven Brihaspati's head' (ibid. 7), he moves forward (that razor or the mirror) three times towards the east without cutting (the hair); once with the Yagus, twice silently.
11. I have translated the Mantra according to the reading of Asvalâ yana (Grihya I, 17, 6) and Paraskara (II, 1, 6): ushnena Vâya udakenehi. Gobhila has udakenaidhi.
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17. Then the barber) with the razor of metal cuts the hair and throws (the cut off hair ends) on the bull's dung.
18. In the same way (after the same rites have been performed), he cuts the patch of hair on the back-side;
19. And that on the left side.
20. He should repeat (when going to cut the hair on the back-side, and then again on the left side, the rites stated above), beginning from the moistening of the hair (Sätra 12).
21. Grasping with his two hands (the boy) round his head he should murmur (the verse), 'The threefold age of Gamadagni' (MB. I, 6, 8).
22. In the same way (the rites are performed) for a girl,
23. (But) silently.
24. The sacrifice, however, (is performed) with the Mantra.
25. Walking away from the fire in a northerly direction they have the arrangement of (the boy's) hair made according to the custom of his Gotra and of his family.
26. They throw the hair on the bull's dung (mentioned above), take it to the forest, and bury it.
27. Some throw them on a bunch (of grass or the like).
20. Thus on the back-side seven Darbha blades are put into the hair, and on the left side seven. This makes, together with the seven blades put into the hair on the right side (Satra 14), twentyone, the number stated in Sätra 4.
24. In the description of the Kadakarana given in this chapter no sacrifice is mentioned. See, however, I, 9, 28.
25. Gribya-samgraha II, 40.
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II PRAPATHAKA, 10 KÂNDIKÂ, 7.
28. Then they may do what they like. 29. A cow constitutes the sacrificial fee.
KÂNDIKÂ 10.
1. In the eighth year after the conception let him initiate a Brahmana,
2. In the eleventh year after the conception a Kshatriya,
3. In the twelfth year after the conception a Vaisya.
4. Until the sixteenth year the time has not passed for a Brahmana, until the twenty-second for a Kshatriya, until the twenty-fourth for a
Vaisya.
5. After that time has passed), they become patitasâ vitrika (i. e. they have lost their right of being taught the Savitri).
6. Let them not initiate such men, nor teach them, nor perform sacrifices for them, nor form matrimonial alliances with them.
7. On the day on which the youth is going to receive the initiation, on that day, early in the morning, they give him to eat, and have his hair arranged, and wash him, and deck him with ornaments, and put on him a (new) garment which has not yet been washed.
10, 1 seq. The initiation of the student. Khâdira-Grıhya II, 4, I seq.
1-4. On the number of years given for the Upanayana of persons of the three castes, see the note on Sånkhâyana-Grihya II, 1, 1.
5, 6. Soe the note on Sânkhayana-Gribya II, 1, 9.
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GRIHYA-SOTRA OF GOBHILA.
8. Their garments are made of linen, of hempen cloth, of cotton, or of wool (according to the caste to which the student belongs).
9. The skins (which they wear), are an antelopeskin, or the skin of a spotted deer, or a goat's skin.
10. Their girdles are made of Muñga grass, of Kâsa grass, of Tâmbala.
11. Their staffs are of Parna wood, of Bilva wood, of Asvattha wood.
12. The garment of a Brâhmana is made of linen, or of hempen cloth, that of a Kshatriya, of cotton, that of a Vaisya, of wool.
13. Thereby also the other articles have been explained.
14. Or if (the proper articles prescribed) cannot be got, all (of them may be used) by (persons of) all castes.
15. To the east of the house on a surface besmeared (with cow-dung) wood has been put on the fire.
16. Having sacrificed with the Mantras which the student recites) : Agni! Lord of the vow' (MB. I, 6, 9-13), the teacher stations himself to the west
8. There are four kinds of garments indicated, though only persons of three castes are concerned. The explanation of this apparent incongruence follows from Sūtra 12.
10. Tambala is stated to be a synonym for sana (hemp).
13. As the garments indicated in Satra 8 belong, in the order in which they are stated, to persons of the three castes respectively, thus also of the skins (Satra 9), of the girdles (Sätra 10), and of the staffs (Sūtra 11); the first is that belonging to a Brahmana, the second, to a Kshatriya, and the third, to a Vaisya.
15. Comp. above, chap. 9, 2.
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II PRAPATHAKA, 10 KÂNDIKÂ, 26.
65
of the fire, on northward-pointed Darbha grass, facing the east.
17. Between the fire and the teacher the student (stands), raising his joined hands, turning his face towards the teacher, on northward-pointed Darbha grass.
18. Standing on his south side a Brahmana versed in the Mantras fills (the student's) joined hands with water,
19. And afterwards (those) of the teacher.
20. Looking (at the student the teacher) murmurs (the verse), “With him who comes to us, we have come together' (MB. I, 6, 14).
21. He causes (the student) to say, 'I have come hither to studentship’ (ibid. 16).
22. In (the words), 'What is thy name' (ibid. 17), he asks after his name.
23. The teacher chooses for him a name which he is to use at respectful salutations,
24. (A name) derived from (the name of) a deity or a Nakshatra,
25. Or also of his Gotra, according to some (teachers).
26. Having let the water run out of his joined
22, 23. It is evident that the words tasya karyah belong to Sūtra 23, and not to Satra 22, to which the traditional division of the Satras assigns them. The corresponding section of the Mantra-Brâhmana runs thus: What is thy name?'-_My name is N.N.!' It is not clear whether the student, being questioned by the teacher, had to indicate his ordinary name, and then to receive from the teacher his abhivadanîya namadheya,' or whether he had to pronounce, on the teacher's question, directly the abhivadanîya name chosen for him by the teacher. The commentary and the corresponding passage of the Khâdira-Grihya (II, 4, 12) are in favour of the second alternative.
[30]
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66
GRIHYA-SÚTRA OF GOBHILA.
hands (over the student's hands), the teacher with his right hand seizes (the student's) right hand together with the thumb, with (the formula), By the impulse of the god Savitri, with the arms of the two Asvins, with Pushan's hands I seize thy hand, N.N.!' (ibid. 18).
27. He then makes him turn round from left to right with (the formula), 'Move in the sun's course after him, N. N. !' (ibid. 19).
28. Grasping down with his right hand over his right shoulder he should touch his uncovered navel with (the formula), · Thou art the knot of all breath' (ibid. 20).
29. Raising himself (from the position implied in Satra 28, he should touch) the place near the navel with (the formula), 'Ahura' (ibid. 21).
30. Raising himself (still more, he should touch) the place of the heart with (the formula), Krisana' (ibid. 22).
31. Having touched from behind with his right hand (the student's) right shoulder with (the formula), "I give thee in charge to Pragâpati, N.N.!' (ibid. 23) -
32. And with his left (hand) the left (shoulder) with (the formula), 'I give thee in charge to the god Savitri, N. N.!' (ibid. 24)
33. He then directs him (to observe the duties of Brahmakarya, by the formula), 'A student art thou, N. N.!' (ibid. 25).
34. Put on fuel. Eat water. Do the service. Do not sleep in the day-time' (ibid. 26).
35. Having gone in a northerly direction from
33, 34. Comp. Sânkhayana-Grihya II, 4, 5 note.
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II PRAPÂTAAKA, 10 KÂNDIKÂ, 47.
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the fire, the teacher sits down to the east, on northward-pointed Darbha grass,
36. The student to the west, bending his right knee, turning his face towards the teacher, also on northward-pointed Darbha grass.
37. (The teacher) then ties round (the student) thrice from left to right the girdle made of Muñga grass and causes him to repeat (the verse), Protecting us from evil word' (ibid. 27), and (the verse), * The protectress of right' (ibid. 28).
38. Then (the student) respectfully sits down near (the teacher) with (the words), 'Recite, sir ! May the reverend one recite the Sâvitrt to me.'
39. He then recites (the Savitri, ibid. 29) to him, Pada by Pâda, hemistich by hemistich, and the whole verse,
40. And the Mahâvyâhritis one by one, with the word Om at the end (ibid. 30).
41. And handing over to him the staff, which should be made of (the wood of) a tree, he causes him to repeat (the formula), 'O glorious one, make me glorious' (ibid. 31).
42. Then (the student) goes to beg food,
43. First of his mother, and of two other women friends, or of as many as there are in the neighbourhood.
44. He announces the alms (received) to his teacher.
45. The rest of the day he stands silently.
46. After sunset he puts a piece of wood on the fire with the Mantra), “To Agni I have brought a piece of wood' (ibid. 32).
47. Through a period of three nights he avoids eating pungent or saline food.
F 2
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68
GRIHYA-SOTRA OF GOBHILA..
48. At the end of that (period) a mess of boiled rice-grains (is offered) to Savitri.
49. Then he may do what he likes. 50. A cow constitutes the sacrificial fee.
End of the Second Prapathaka.
49, 50. Dr. Knauer very pertinently calls attention to the fact that these Sätras are not repeated, as is the rule with regard to the concluding words of an Adhyâya or Prapathaka. Comp. chap. 8, 25 note.
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III PRAPATHAKA, I KÂNDIKÂ, 2.
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PRAPATHAKA III, KÂNDIKÂ 1.
1. Now (follows) the Godana ceremony (or cutting of the beard), in the sixteenth year.
2. The cutting of the hair (and the beard) has been explained by the (description of the) Kadakarana (II, 9).
1, 1. After the description of the regular Upanayana here follow, in chaps. I and 2, statements regarding the special Vratas which the Vedic student has to undergo, or rather which he may undergo, in the time of his studentship. Comp. the corresponding statements on the Vratas of the Rigvedins, Sankhâyana-Grihya II, II and 12. By the followers of the Sâma-veda the ceremony of the Godána, or cutting of the beard (comp. Sänkhayana I, 28, 19; Paraskara II, 1, 7 seq.; Asvalâyana I, 18), was put into connection with their system of Vratas; the undergoing of the Godânavrata enabled the student to study the Purvärkika of the Samaveda. In the commentary on Gobhila III, 1, 28 we find the following statements with regard to this Vrata as well as to the other Vratas mentioned in Satra 28: The Upanayana-vrata has been declared to refer to the study of the Savitri (comp. Bloomfield's notes on Grihya-samgraha II, 42. 43); the Godana-vrata, to the study of the collections of verses sacred to the gods Agni, Indra, and Soma Pavamana (this is the Purvarkika of the Sama-veda); the Vrâtika-vrata, to the study of the Aranyaka, with the exclusion of the Sukriya sections; the Aditya-vrata, to the study of the Sukriya sections; the Aupanishada-vrata, to the study of the UpanishadBrâhmana; the Gyaishthasâmika-vrata, to the study of the Agyadohas.' The Vratas were connected with a repetition of the Upanayana ceremony (Satras 10 seq.) in the way stated in my note on Sânkhayana II, 12, 1.-Khâdira-Grihya II, 5, I seq.
2. Comp. Sånkhả yana I, 28, 19, The Godånakarman is identical with the Kadakarman.' Paraskara II, 1, 7, At the Kesânta ceremony he says, “Hair and beard” (instead of " hair," as at the KQdâkarana).'
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GRIHYA-SÚTRA OF GÓBHILA.
3. The student has his hair and beard) cut himself.
4. He has all the hair of his body shaven.
5. The sacrificial fee given by a Brâhmana consists of an ox and a cow,
6. That given by a Kshatriya, of a pair of horses,
7. That given by a Vaisya, of a pair of sheep. 8. Or a cow (is given by persons) of all (castes).
9. A goat (is given) to the person who catches up the hair.
10. The Upanayana (connected with the Godânavrata and the other Vratas) has been declared by the Upanayana (treated of above, II, 10).
11. (The use of) a garment, however, which has not yet been washed, is not required (here),
12. Nor the adornment.
13. (One should) not initiate one who does not intend to keep the vow through one year.
14. Handing over to him (i. e. to the student) a staff, which should be made of (the wood of) a tree, he directs him (to observe the duties connected with his vow, in the following words) :
15. Obey thy teacher, except in sinful conduct. 16. 'Avoid anger and falsehood, 17. 'Sexual intercourse, 18. Sleeping on high (bedsteads),
19. Performances of singing, dancing, &c., the use of perfumes and of collyrium,
3. At the KQdâkarana the child sits in the mother's lap and others perform the rites for him.
10. See the note on Sūtra 1. 11. Comp. above, II, 10, 7.
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III PRAPATHAKA, I KANDIKA, 33.
20. 'Bathing,
21. Combing the head, cleansing the teeth, washing the feet,
22. 'Shaving,
23. 'Eating honey and flesh,
24. 'Mounting a chariot yoked with cattle,
25. 'Wearing shoes in the village,
71
26. Svayam-indriya-mokanam.'
27. Wearing the girdle, going the rounds for alms, carrying a staff, putting fuel (on the fire), touching water, reverentially saluting (the teacher) in the morning these are his standing duties.
:
28. The Godâna-vrata, the Vrâtika-vrata, the Âditya-vrata, the Aupanishada-vrata, the Gyaishthasâmika-vrata (last) one year (each).
29. Touching water in the evening and in the morning (is prescribed) for these (Vratas).
30. The Aditya-vrata, however, some do not undergo.
31. They who undergo it, wear one garment.
32. They allow nothing to be between (themselves and) the sun, except trees and (the roofs of) houses.
33. They do not descend into water deeper than knee-deep, except on the injunction of their teacher.
28. The meaning of these expressions has been explained in the note on Sutra 1.
30. According to the commentary some study the Sukriyas as a part of the Aranyaka; these do not undergo the Aditya-vrata. Others, for instance the Kauthumas, separate the Sukriyas from the Aranyaka and keep a special vow, the Aditya-vrata, by which they are enabled to study those texts.
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72
GRIHYA-SOTRA OF GOBHILA.
KÂNDIKÂ 2. 1. For the Mahânâmni verses (the Vrata is to be kept) twelve years,
2. (Or) nine, six, three (years). 3. These are the various possibilities. 4. Or also one year, according to some (teachers).
5. (In this case), however, the observances are enhanced.
6. (Keeping the Vrata through one year is allowed only) if (the student's) ancestors have learnt the Mahânâmni verses.
7. There is also a Brâhmana of the Rauruki (Sâkhâ, in which it is said) :
8. "The mothers forsooth say to their sons, when they suckle them :
9. ““Become men, my little sons, who endeavour to accomplish the Sakvarf-vrata!”'
10. During (the Vrata preparatory to the study of) these (i. e. the Mahânâmni verses), touching water at the time of each Savana (is prescribed).
11. Let him not eat in the morning before he has touched water.
12. In the evening, after he has touched water, he should not eat, before he has put the piece of wood on the fire.
2, 1. Regarding the Mahânâmnî or Sakvarî verses and the observances connected with their study, comp. Sânkhâyana II, 12 (see especially the note on II, 12, 13) and the sixth Adhyâya of that text. Khâdira-Grihya II, 5, 22 seq.
10. The rules as to 'touching water' have been given above, 1, 2, 5 seq. The three Savanas or Soma-pressings of which the Soma sacrifice consists, are the prâtah-savana, the mâdhyandinasavana, and the tritîya-savana, i. e. the morning Savana, the midday Savana, and the third or evening Savana.
12. Comp. above, II, 10, 46; III, 1, 27.
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III PRAPÂTHAKA, 2 KÂNDIKÂ, 31.
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13. He should wear dark clothes. 14. He should eat dark food. 15. Let him be devoted to his teacher. 16. Let him make way for nobody. 17. He should be addicted to austerities. 18. He should stand in day-time. 19. He should sit at night.
20. And when it is raining, he should not retire to a covered place.
21. He should say to (the god) when he sends rain, 'The Sakvaris are water.
22. When the god) sends lightning, he should say to him, 'Such forsooth is the nature of the Sakvarts.'
23. When (the god) thunders, he should say to him, “The great voice of the great (cow)!'
24. Let him not cross a river without touching water.
25. Let him not ascend a ship.
26. If his life is in danger, however, he may ascend (a ship), after having touched water.
27. In the same way (he should touch water) having disembarked.
28. For in water the virtue of the Mahânâmnis is contained.
29. If he practises these duties, (the god) Parganya will send rain according to his wish.
30. The rules about dark (clothes), standing, sitting, (making) way, and (dark) food may be considered as optional.
31. After he has kept his vow through one third (of the prescribed time, the teacher) should
30. See Satras 13. 18. 19. 16. 14.
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74 GRIHYA-SÚTRA OF GOBHILA. sing to him the (first) Stotriya verse (of the Mahanâmnis).
32. In the same way the two other Stotriya verses (after two-thirds of the time and at the end of the whole time).
33. Or all (the three verses) at the end of the whole (time).
34. He should sing them to (the student) who has fasted and shuts his eyes.
35. Having filled a brass vessel with water, having thrown into it all sorts of herbs, and dipped (the student's) hands into it, the teacher should veil (the student's eyes) from left to right with a (new) garment that has not yet been washed.
36. Or he should sing (the Mahânâmnts to him) immediately after he has veiled (his eyes).
37. With veiled eyes, keeping silence, he should abstain from food through a period of three nights, or through one day and one night.
38. Or he should stand in the forest till sunset (and spend the night in the village).
39. On the next morning he should put wood on the fire in the forest, should sacrifice with the Mahâvyâhritis, and should cause the student to look at (the following objects, viz.)
40. Fire, Agya, the sun, a Brahman, a bull, food, water, curds,
41. With the words), “The sky have I beheld! Light have I beheld !'
35. Comp. Sânkhayana-Gríhya VI, 3, 7.
36. I. e. the fasting prescribed in Satras 34 and 37 may, if they like, follow after the teaching of the sacred song, instead of preceding it.
37. Sankhayana-Grihya II, 12, 6 seq.
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III PRAPATHAKA, 2 KANDIKA, 49.
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42. In that way all (the objects stated in Sutra 40) three times.
43. After the ceremony for averting evil has been performed, the student respectfully salutes the teacher.
44. Thus he has to break the silence (enjoined upon him).
45. A bull, a brass vessel, a garment, an optional gift (of a cow): this is the sacrificial fee.
46. The first time he may choose (either a bull or a brass vessel).
47. Let him provide his teacher with clothes, according to some (teachers).
48. A mess of cooked food, sacred to Indra, (is prepared). Let him sacrifice of that (food) with this verse, 'To the Rik, to the Sâman we sacrifice' (Sâma-veda I, 369), or (with the verse), 'The lord of the seat, the wonderful' (ibid. I, 171), or with both (verses).
49. This (he should do) at (all) the Anupravakantya ceremonies.
43. Comp. above, I, 9, 29; Sânkhâyana VI, 3, 11 seq.
45, 46. The student is to give a fee to his teacher three times, after he has been taught each of the three Stotriya verses (Sutras 31. 32). To these three occasions the four objects stated in Sutra 45 correspond, so that the first time either the first or the second of those objects, the bull or the brass vessel, may be chosen; the second time he gives a garment, the third time a vara (or optional gift). Comp. the similar correspondence of four objects and three cases to which these objects refer, II, 10, 8. 12.
48. This is the Anupravakanîya ceremony (or ceremony to be performed after the study of a Vedic text has been finished) belonging to the Mahânâmnîs; comp. Khâdira-Grihya II, 5, 34; Âsvalâyana-Grihya I, 22, 12; Sânkhâyana II, 8, 1 note.
49. Perhaps sarvatra (' everywhere') belongs to Sutra 49, so that we should have to translate: This (should be done) everywhere at
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GRIHYA-SOTRA OF GOBHILA.
50. The Mantra has to be altered everywhere (so that he has to say, 'I have kept (the vow),' I have been able,' • Thereby I have prospered,' 'I have undergone.
51. The fee to be given after the study of the Parvans is, a goat for the Agni-Parvan, a ram for the Indra-Parvan, a cow for the Pavamâna-Parvan.
52. After the student) has returned (from the forest), he should entertain his teacher and his retinue with food,
53. And his fellow-students who have come together.
54. The way to sing the Gyeshthasâmans has been explained by (the statements given with regard to) the Mahânâmni-(vrata).
55. Here the following standing duties are to be observed :
56. He should not have intercourse with a Sadra woman.
57. He should not eat birds flesh.
58. He should avoid (constantly living on) the same grain, and in the same place, and wearing one garment.
59. He should perform the rite of 'touching water' with water drawn out (of a pond, &c.).
the Anupravakanîya ceremonies, i.e. also at those Anupravakanîya ceremonies which are connected with the study of the other texts.
50. Instead of I will keep the vow,' he says, 'I have kept the vow,' &c.; II, 10, 16.
51. The Parvans are the three great sections, sacred to Agni, Indra, and Soma Pavâmana, into which the first Sâmavedarkika is divided.
55. According to the commentary he has to keep these observances through his whole life.
58. Or, wearing always the same garment ?
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III PRAPATHAKA, 3 KÂNDIKÂ, 3.
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60. From the time of) his being directed (to observe the duties of his Vrata) he should not eat from an earthen vessel,
61. Nor drink (from such a vessel),
62. (Or rather) from (the time of) his being taught (the Gyeshthasâmans, after the whole preparatory time, or after one third of that time), according to some (teachers).
KANDIKÂ 3 1. On the full-moon day of Praushthapada (or) under (the Nakshatra) Hasta the Upakarana (or opening ceremony of the annual term of Veda-study, is performed).
2. After the teacher) has sacrificed with the Vyâhritis, he recites the Savitrt to the students as at the Upanayana ;
3. And (he chants) the Savitri with its Saman melody,
60. Regarding the directions given to the student by the teacher, see chap. 1, 14.
62. See above, Sätras 31. 33.
3, 1 seq. The Upakarana ceremony; Khâdira-Grihya III, 2, 16 seg. Regarding the different terms for this ceremony, comp. Sånkhayana IV, 5, 2; Asvalâ yana III, 5, 3; Paraskara II, 1o, 2. Hiranyakesin says : sravanapaksha oshadhîshu gâtâsu hastena paurnamâsyâm vâdhyâyopâkarma.-It seems impossible to me to adopt an explanation of this Satra, which gives to praushthapadi another meaning than that based on the constant use of these feminines derived from the names of Nakshatras, i.e. the day of the full moon which falls under such or such a Nakshatra. Hastena, therefore, necessarily refers to another day besides the Praushthapadi, on which the Upåkarana may be celebrated. Perhaps we may conjecture, praushthapadim hastena vopakaranam.
2. Comp. above, II, 10, 39.
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78
GRIHYA-SÛTRA OF GOBHILA.
4. And (the Bârhaspatya Sâman, with the text), Soma, the king, Varuna' (Sâma-veda I, 91).
5. After they have recited (the first verses) of the Khandas book, from its beginning, they may do what they like.
6. They eat fried barley-grains with (the verse), “That which is accompanied by grains and by a karambha (i. e. curds with flour)' (Sâma-veda I, 210).
7. They partake of curds with (the verse), 'I have praised Dadhikrâvan' (Sâma-veda I, 358).
8. After they have sipped water, (the teacher) should cause them to repeat the first (?) verses, and to sing the first (?) Sâmans, of the different sections (?):
9. On the day sacred to Savitri they wait. 10. And at (the beginning of) the northerly
5. The Khandas book is the first Sâmavedarkika in which the verses are arranged according to their metre.
6. It is not quite clear from the text, in what connection the rites described in Sūtras 6-8 stand with those treated of in the preceding Sätras. The expression yathârtham used in Sätra 5 yathârtham iti karmanah parisamâptir ukyate,' Comm.; comp. above, I, 3, 12 note) clearly indicates the close of the ceremony ; on the other hand the comparison of Pâraskara II, 10, 15 seq., Sânkhayana IV, 5, 10 seq., Asvalâyana III, 5, 10, seems to show that the acts stated in Sätras 6-8 form part of the ceremony described before.
8, I do not try to translate this very obscure Sätra according to the commentary, in which khândika is explained as 'the number (of pupils).' Perhaps the word is a misspelling for kandikâ or the like, and means sections of the texts. Comp. Khâdira-Grihya III, 2, 23. The construction (âkântodakâh ... kârayet) is quite irregular.
9. I.e. they do not continue their study. The day sacred to Savitri is the day under the constellation of Hasta, mentioned in Sätra I, for Savitri is the presiding deity over that Nakshatra (comp. Sankhayana I, 26,11).
10. Comp. the note on Satra 16.
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III PRAPÂTHAKA, 3 KÂNDIKÂ, 16.
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course of the sun (they wait) one night with one day before and one day after it,
11. (Or they interrupt their study for) a period of three nights before and afterwards, according to some (teachers).
12. And both times water libations are offered to the Akaryas.
13. Some perform the Upakarana on the fullmoon day of Sravana and wait (with studying) the time (from that day) till the day sacred to Savitri (Stra 9).
14. On the full-moon day of Taisha they leave off (studying the Veda).
15. They should go out of the village in an easterly or northerly direction, should go to water which reaches higher than to their secret parts, should touch water in the way prescribed above, I, 2), and should satiate the metres, the Rishis, and teachers (by libations of water).
16. After this second Upâkarana, until the (chief) Upåkarana (has been performed) again for the Vedic texts, an interruption of the study (of the Veda takes place), if clouds rise.
12. Regarding the Tarpana ceremony comp. Sankhayan I note. From the word ' and 'the commentator concludes that the libations are offered not only to the Akaryas, but also to the Rishis, &c. (Satra 15).
13. Comp. Gautama XVI, 1 ; Vasishtha XIII, 1 ; Âpastamba I, 9, 1, &c.
14. Apastamba I, 9, 2, &c.
15. This is a description of the Utsarga ceremony; comp. Sänkhayana IV, 6, 6; Asvalâ yana III, 5, 21-23; Pâraskara II, 12.
16. The most natural way of interpreting the text would be, in my opinion, to assume that the second Upakarana' (pratyupakarana) is identical with the Utsarga. The second Upakarana thus would in the same time conclude the first term for studying the
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GRIHYA-SÚTRA OF GOBHILA.
17. If lightning (is observed), or if it thunders, or if it is drizzling, (he shall not study) until the same time next day.
18. On the falling of a meteor, or after an earthquake, or an eclipse of the sun or of the moon (the study is interrupted until the same time next day),
19. And if a whirlwind occurs.
20. Let them not study on the Ashtakâ days, and on the days of the new moon,
21. And on the days of the full moon
22. In the three months Karttika, Phålguna, and Åshâdha.
23. And (the study is interrupted) for one day and one night,
24. If a fellow-pupil has died, 25. Or the sovereign of his country; 26. Three days, if his teacher (has died);
27. One day and one night, if somebody (has died) who has reverentially approached.
28. If singing, or the sound of a musical instrument, or weeping is heard, or if it is storming, (the
Veda, and open a second term. The distinction of two such periods, which may be called two terms, is frequently met with in other texts, for instance, in Vasishtha XIII, 5-7 (S. B. E. XIV, 63); Manu IV, 98. According to the commentary, on the other hand, the second Upâkarana is performed at the beginning of the northerly course of the sun (comp. Sätras 10-12); it is stated that after that ceremony the Uttara (i.e. the Uttararkika ?) and the Rahasya texts are studied. It deserves to be noticed that Manu (IV, 96) prescribes the performing of the Utsarga either under the Nakshatra Pushya (i. e. Tishya), or on the first day of the bright fortnight of Mâgha, which is considered as coinciding, at least approximately, with the beginning of the northerly course of the sun.
18. Comp. Manu IV, 105.
22. These are the days of the ancient Vedic kâturmâsya sacrifices.
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study of the Veda is discontinued) as long as that (reason of the interruption) lasts.
29. As regards other (cases in which the reading of the Veda should be discontinued), the practice of the Sishtas (should be followed).
30. In the case of a prodigy an expiation (has to be performed) by the householder (or) by his wife.
31. If a spar of the roof or the middle (post of the house) breaks, or if the water-barrel bursts, let him sacrifice (Agya oblations) with the Vyâhritis.
32. If he has seen bad dreams, let him murmur this verse, 'To-day, O god Savitri' (Sâma-veda I, 141).
33. Now (follows) another (expiation).
34. If he has touched a piled-up (fire-altar) or a sacrificial post, or if he has humming in his ears, or if his eye palpitates, or if the sun rises or sets while he is sleeping, or if his organs of sense have been defiled by something bad, let him sacrifice two Ågya oblations with the two verses, .May my strength return to me' (Mantra-Brâhmana I, 6, 33. 34).
35. Or (let him sacrifice) two pieces of wood anointed with Agya.
36. Or let him murmur (those two verses) at light offences.
29. The definition of a Sishta, or instructed person, is given in Baudhayana I, 1, 6 (S. B. E. XIV, 143).
30–36. Different expiations; comp. Khâdira-Grihya II, 5, 35-37.
34. Kitya means Kitya agni, the piled-up fire-altar, the construction of which is treated of, for instance, in the Satapatha Brâhmana VI-X. Prof. Weber has devoted to the rites connected with the kitya agni a very detailed paper, Indische Studien, XIII, 217 seq. That kitya does not mean here anything different from kitya agni is shown by the Mânava-Grihya I, 3: yadi ... akshi và spandet karno vâ krosed agnim và kityam arohet smasanam và gakkhed yûpam vopaspriset, &c.
[30]
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KÂNDIKÂ 4. 1. A student, after he has studied the Veda,
2. And has offered a present to his Guru (i. e. to his) teacher,
3. Should, with the permission (of his parents), take a wife,
4. One who does not belong to the same Gotra,
5. And who is not a Sapinda relation of his mother.
6. The best, however, is a 'naked girl.
7. Now the bath (which is taken at the end of studentship, will be described).
8. To the north or the east of the teacher's house there is an enclosure.
9. There the teacher sits down, facing the north, on eastward-pointed Darbha grass ;
4,1 seq. The description given in this chapter of the Samâvartana, or of the ceremony performed at the end of studentship, is opened with a few sentences referring to another section of the Grihya ritual, namely, to marriage. It seems to me that these first Satras of this chapter once formed, in a text from which Gobhila has taken them, the introduction to an exposition of the wedding ceremonies, and that Gobhila was induced to transfer them to the description of the Samkvartana, by their opening words, 'A student, after he has studied the Veda, &c.' With Satras 1-3, comp. Khâdira-Grihya I, 3, I.
3. I prefer to supply, (with the permission) of his parents, and not, of his teacher. Hiranyakesin says, samavritta âkâryakulát matapitarau bibhriyât, tábhyam anugñato bhâryâm upayakkhet.
5. Regarding the term Sapinda, see, for instance, Gautama XIV, 13 (S. B. E. II, 247): 'Sapinda-relationship ceases with the fifth or the seventh (ancestor).' Comp. Manu V, 60.
6. According to the Grihya-samgraha (II, 17. 18), a 'naked girl is one who has not yet the monthly period, or whose breast is not yet developed. Comp. Vasishtha XVII, 70; Gautama XVIII, 23.
7 seqq. Comp. Khâdira-Grihya III, 1, 1 seqq.
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10. Facing the east the student on northwardpointed Darbha grass.
11. The teacher should besprinkle (him) with lukewarm, scented water, which has been boiled with all kinds of herbs.
12. But as if he (i. e. the student, should do so) himself
13. (In such a way) he is alluded to in the Mantras; (therefore the besprinkling should be done rather by the student, and not by the teacher [?]).
14. With (the verse), 'The fires which dwell in the waters' (MB. I, 7, 1)-(the student[?]) pours his joined hands full of water (on the ground),
15. And again with the formula), 'What is dreadful in the waters, what is cruel in the waters, what is turbulent in the waters' (ibid. 2).
16. With the formula), The shining one I take here' (ibid. 3)—he besprinkles himself.
17. And again with (the formula), 'For the sake of glory, of splendour' (ibid. 4).
18. And again with the verse), By which you made the wife (pregnant ?') (ibid. 5).
19. A fourth time silently.
20. He then should rise and should worship the sun with the Mantra, ' Rising with (the Maruts) who bear shining spears' (ibid. 6-9), &c.
21. Optionally he may use the single sections of
13. In the Mantras prescribed for the besprinkling of the student (Mantra-Brahmana I, 7, I seq.) there occur passages such as, for instance, .Therewith I, N. N., besprinkle myself.'
21. He may use the first section of the Mantra, which contains the word pratar, in the morning, &c.
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the Mantra separately in the morning, at noon, and in the evening) as indicated in the text.
22. He should add (the formula), “The eye art thou' (ibid. 9) after (each of the three sections of the Mantra, 6-8).
23. With the verse, 'Loosen the highest fetter, O Varuna' (ibid. 10), he takes off the girdle.
24. After he has entertained the Brâhmanas with food and has eaten himself, he should have his hair, his beard, the hair of his body, and his nails cut, so as to leave the lock of hair (as required by the custom of his family).
25. Having bathed and adorned himself, and having put on two garments (an under-garment and an upper-garment) which have not yet been washed, he should put a garland (on his head) with (the formula), 'Luck art thou; take delight in me' (ibid. 11).
26. The two shoes (he puts on) with (the formula), 'Leaders are you ; lead me' (ibid. 12).
27. With the formula), “The Gandharva art thou' (ibid. 13), he takes a bamboo staff.
28. He approaches the teacher together with the assembly (of his pupils) and looks at the assembly of his teacher's (pupils) with (the words), Like an eye-ball may I be dear to you' (ibid. 14).
29. Sitting down near (the teacher) he touches the sense-organs at his head with (the verse), “The she-ichneumon, covered by the lips' (ibid. 15).
30. Here the teacher should honour him with the Argha ceremony.
31. (The student then) should approach a chariot yoked with oxen, and should touch its two sidepieces or the two arms of the chariot-pole with
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(the verse), “O tree, may thy limbs be strong' (ibid. 16).
32. With (the last words of that verse), · May he who stands on thee, win what can be won'-he mounts it.
33. Having driven (some distance) in an easterly or northerly direction, he turns round from left to right and comes back (to his teacher).
34. When he has come back, the Argha ceremony should be performed (for him by his teacher), say the Kauhaliyas.
KÂNDIKÂ 5. 1. From that time he shall assume a dignified demeanour: this is in short the rule (for his behaviour).
2. Here the teachers enumerate the following (regulations).
3. Nâgâtalomnyopahåsam ikkhet.
4. Nor (should he wish for sport) with a girl who is the only child of her mother,
5. Nor with a woman during her courses,
6. Nor with one who descends from the same Rishis.
7. Let him not eat food which has been brought by another door (than the usual),
8. Or which has been cooked twice, 9. Or which has stood over night
10. Except such as is prepared of vegetables, flesh, barley, or flour.
34. Instead of its being performed at the time stated in Sätra 30.
5, i seq. Rules of conduct for the Snataka; comp. KhadiraGrihya III, 1, 33 seq.
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GRIHYA-SUTRA OF GOBHILA.
II. Let him not run while it is raining.
12. Let him not take himself his shoes in his hands (when putting them on or pulling them off). 13. Let him not look into a well.
14. Let him not gather fruits himself.
15. He should not wear a scentless wreath, 16. If it is not a wreath of gold.
86
17. (He should not wear a wreath) of which the expression mâlâ (garland) has been used.
18. He should cause the people to call it srag (wreath). (Then he may wear it.)
19. He should avoid using the word bhadra ('blessed') without a reason.
20. He should say (instead of it), mandra ('lovely').
21. There are three (kinds of) Snâtakas :
22. A Vidyâsnâtaka (or a Snâtaka by knowledge), a Vratasnâtaka (or a Snâtaka by the completion of his vow), and a Vidyâvratasnâtaka (i. e. Snâtaka by both).
23. Of these the last ranks foremost; the two others are equal (to each other).
24. (A Snâtaka) should not put on a wet garment. 25. He should not wear one garment.
26. He should not praise any person (excessively). 27. He should not speak of what he has not seen, as if he had seen it,
20. As to the reading, comp. Dr. Knauer's remarks in his edition of the text, p. xi of the Introduction.
21, 22. These Sûtras are identical with Pâraskara II, 5, 32. Comp. the definitions of these three kinds of Snâtakas, Pâraskara, 1.1.33-35.
25. Comp. above, chap. 2, 58.
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28. Nor of what he has not heard, as if he had heard it.
29. He should give up everything that forms an impediment for his Veda-recitation.
30. He should endeavour to keep himself (pure from every defilement) like a pot of oil.
31. He should not climb a tree.
32. He should not go toward evening to another village,
33. Nor alone,
34. Nor together with Vrishalas (or Sûdras). 35. He should not enter the village by a by-path. 36. And he should not walk without a companion. 37. These are the observances for those who have performed the Samâvartana,
38. And what (besides) is prescribed by Sishtas.
KANDIKA 6.
1. When his cows are driven out, he should repeat (the verse), 'May (Bhava), the all-valiant one, (and Indra protect) these (cows) for me' (MB. I, 8, 1).
2. When they have come back, (he should repeat the verse), 'These which are rich in sweet' (ibid. 2).
33. That the Snâtaka is not allowed to go alone to another village, follows from Sutra 36; thus Sûtra 33 is superfluous. The commentator of course tries to defend Gobhila, but I think he has not succeeded. Probably Gobhila has taken the two Sutras from different texts on which his own composition seems to be based.
38. Baudhâyana I, 1, 6 (S. B. E. XIV, 144): Those are called Sishtas who, in accordance with the sacred law, have studied the Veda together with its appendages, know how to draw inferences from that, and are able to adduce proofs perceptible by the senses from the revealed texts.'
6, 1 seq. Different ceremonies connected with cattle-keeping. Comp. Khâdira-Grihya III, 1, 45 seq.
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3. If he is desirous of thriving (in his cattle), he should lick with his tongue the forehead of the firstborn calf, before it is licked by its mother, and should gulp with (the formula), 'Thou art the phlegm of the cows' (ibid. 3).
4. If he is desirous of thriving (in his cattle), he should, when the cows have calved, at night put wood on the fire in the cow-stable and should sacrifice churned curds with drops of ghee, with (the verse), Seizer, seize' (ibid. 4).
5. If he is desirous of thriving (in his cattle), he makes, when the cows have calved, with a sword of Udumbara wood, marks on a male and on a female calf, first on the male, then on the female, with (the Mantra), 'The world art thou, thousandfold' (ibid.
5. 6),
6. And after he has done so, he should recite (over the two calves the Mantra), With metal, with the butcher's knife' (ibid. 7).
7. When the rope (to which the calves are bound) is spread out, and (again) when the calves have been bound to it, he should recite over it (the verse), This rope, the mother of the cows' (ibid. 8).
8. Here now the following (rites) have to be performed day by day, (viz.)
9. (The rites at) the driving out (of the cows), at the coming back (of the cows), and at the setting into motion of the rope (with the calves).
10. At the cow-sacrifice (i.e. the sacrifice by which a thriving condition for the cows is obtained), boiled rice-grains with milk (are offered).
9. See Satras 1. 2.7.
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11. Let him sacrifice to Agni, Pashan, Indra, and Isvara.
12. To the bull honour is done (by adorning it, by lavish food, &c.).
13. By the cow-sacrifice also the horse-sacrifice (i.e. the sacrifice by which thriving horses are obtained) has been explained.
14. Of deities Yama and Varuna are added here (to the deities stated above) (Satra 11).
15. (After the cow-sacrifice) the cows are besprinkled with scented water; the cows are besprinkled with scented water.
KÂNDIKÂ 7.
1. Now (follows) the Sravanâ ceremony.
2. It has to be performed on the full-moon day (of the month Sravana).
3. Having besmeared (a surface) to the east of the house (with cow-dung), they carry forward (to that place) fire taken from the (sacred) domestic fire.
4. He besmears four spots to the four sides (of the fire),
5. Towards the (four) directions,
6. (To the extent) of more than one prakrama (i.e. step).
7. He puts a dish on the fire and fries (in that
15. As to the repetition of the last words of this chapter, see the notes on I, 4, 31; II, 8, 25; 10, 50.
7, 1 seq. The Sravana ceremony or the Bali-offering to the Serpents. Comp. Khâdira-Grihya III, 2, 1 seq., and the elaborate paper of Dr. Winternitz, Der Sarpabali, ein altindischer Schlangencult (Wien, 1888).
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dish) one handful of barley-grains, without burning them.
8. To the west of the fire he places a mortar so that it stands firmly, and husks (the grains), separating (the husked and the unhusked grains ?).
9. After he has carefully ground them to flour, and has thrown (that) into a wooden cup (kamasa), and covered it with a winnowing-basket, he puts it up (in the house).
10. Between (the besmeared surface) towards the south, and that towards the east (there should be) a passage.
11. After sunset he takes the wooden cup, (the spoon called) Darvi, and the winnowing-basket, and goes to the fire) which has been carried forward (Sutra 3).
12. He throws the flour into the winnowingbasket and fills the wooden cup with water.
13. He takes once a quantity of flour with the Darvi spoon, pours out water on the besmeared place to the east of the fire), and offers (there) a Bali with (the words), O king of Serpents, dwelling towards the east, this is thy Bali !' (MB. II, 1, 1).
14. He pours the rest of the water over (that Bali, taking care) that it does not carry away the Bali.
8. As to avabanti, comp. above, I, 7,4; Hillebrandt, Neu- und Vollmondsopfer, p. 30.
II. According to the commentary atipranita means the fire which has been carried forward (Satra 3). Another explanation is then added, which is based on a quotation from a 'tantrântara :' • After he has established a fire, he should carry forward one firebrand taken from that fire, in a south-eastern direction, with the Mantra ye rûpâni pratimuikamanah &c.; that fire is the atipranita fire.'
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15. Turning round from right to left, he besprinkles the wooden cup and the Darvi spoon, warms them, and (repeats the offering of a Bali) in the same way towards the south, towards the west, and towards the north, as the Mantra (MB. II, 1, 1. 2) runs, without turning away (between the single Baliofferings).
16. After he has thrown the remnants (of flour) out of the basket into the fire, he goes to that fire which has not been carried forward.
91
17. To the west of that fire he touches the earth with his two hands turned downwards, and murmurs the Mantra, 'Adoration to the Earth's'(MB. II, 1, 3).
18. In the evening boiled rice-grains with milk (are prepared).
19. Of that (milk-rice) he should make oblations with (the formulas), ' To Sravana, to Vishnu, to Agni, to Pragâpati, to the Visve devâs Svâhâ!'
20. The rest (should be performed) according to the Sthâlipâka rite.
21. To the north of the fire he places a bunch of Darbha grass with roots, and murmurs the Mantra, 'Soma the king' (ibid. 4), and, 'The agreement which you have made' (ibid. 5).
15. Literally, 'turning round, following his left arm.' Comp. Sankhayana II, 3, 2. The Mantra runs thus, O king of Serpents, dwelling towards the south (the west, the north), this is thy Bali!'
16. Comp. Sutra II and the note.
17. Comp. below, IV, 5, 3.
20. Grihya-samgraha I, 114: 'Where the technical expression is used, "The rest according to the rite of the Sthâlîpâkas," he should, after he has sacrificed the two Agyabhagas, pour (Âgya) into the Sruk and cut off (the Avadânas with the Sruk).' Comp. Gobhila I, 8, 3 seq.
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22. On the following day he has flour of fried barley-grains prepared, and in a new pot, covering (it with another pot), he puts it up (in his house).
23. (Of that flour) he should silently offer Balis day by day in the evening, before the sacrifice, until the Âgrahầyani day.
KÂNDIKÂ 8. 1. On the full-moon day of the month) Åsvayuga, at the Prishâtaka ceremony, a mess of boiled ricegrains with milk, sacred to Rudra, (is prepared). . 2. Of that (milk-rice) let him sacrifice, the first oblation with the verse), 'To us, O Mitra and Varuna' (Sama-veda I, 220), the second with (the verse), "Not in our offspring' (Rig-veda I, 114, 8),
3. And (eight Agya oblations) with the 'cow's names' (i.e. with the formulas), 'The lovely one art thou,' &c., with each (name) separately.
4. The rest (should be performed) according to the Sthalfpâka rite.
5. Having carried the Prishâtaka around the fire, turning his right side towards the fire), and having caused the Brâhmanas to look at it (i.e. at the Prishâtaka), he should look at it himself with the verse
23. The sacrifice is that prescribed in Sätras 18. 19, which should, as well as the offering of Balis, be daily repeated.
8, 1 seq. The Prishâtaka ceremony; comp. Khâdira-Grihya III, 3, 1 seq. A Prishâtaka is a mixture of milk or of curds with Âgya; comp. Khad. I. 1. 3; Grihya-samgraha II, 59; Sânkhâyana IV, 16, 3 note.
3. The 'cow's names' are given in the Grihya-samgraha II, 60; of the nine names given there the last is omitted at the Prishậtaka ceremony.
4. See above, chap. 7, 20 and the note.
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repeated by the Brahmanas and by the sacrificer), 'That bright eye, created by the gods, which rises on the east-may we see it a hundred autumns; may we live a hundred autumns !'
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6. After he has entertained the Brâhmanas with food and has eaten himself, (the sacrificer and his family) should tie (to their arms, necks, &c.) amulets made of lac together with all sorts of herbs, for the sake of prosperity.
7. In the evening he should feed the cows with the Prishâtaka, and should let the calves join them. 8. Thus (the cows) will thrive.
9. At the sacrifice of the first fruits a mess of boiled rice-grains with milk, sacred to Indra and Agni, (is prepared).
10. Having sacrificed first a Havis offering of that (milk-rice), he sacrifices over that (oblation) four Agya oblations with (the verses), 'To him who bears a hundred weapons,' &c. (MB. II, 1, 9-12).
11. The rest (should be performed) according to the Sthâlipâka rite.
12. The rest of the remnants of the sacrificial food he should give to eat to all (persons present) who have received the initiation (Upanayana).
13. Having spread under' water once, he should cut off two portions of the boiled rice-grains,
14. Three (portions are cut off) by descendants of Bhrigu.
15. And over (these portions) water (is poured). 16. (After the food has been prepared in this
9 seq. The sacrifice of the first fruits; comp. Khâdira-Grihya III, 3, 6 seq.
II. See chap. 7, 20 and the note.
16, 20. Instead of asamsvâdam, samsvâdayeran, I read
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way), he should swallow it without chewing it, with (the Mantra), 'From the good to the better' (ibid. 13).
17. In the same way three times. 18. Silently a fourth time. 19. After he has cut off a greater portion, 20. They may, if they like, chew that.
21. Having sipped water, they should touch their mouths, their heads, and their limbs from above downwards, with the verse), *This art thou’ (ibid. 14).
22. In the same way (sacrifices of the first fruits are performed) of Syâmâka (panicum frumentaceum) and of barley.
23. (At the sacrifice) of Syâmâka (the Mantra with which the food is partaken of (comp. Satra 16), is), ‘May Agni eat as the first' (ibid. 15).
24. (At the sacrifice) of barley, “This barley, mixed with honey' (ibid. 16).
KÂNDIKÂ 9.
1. On the Agrahảyani day (or the full-moon day of the month Mârgasirsha) Bali-offerings (are made).
2. They have been explained by the Srâvana sacrifice.
3. He does not murmur (here) the Mantra, 'Adoration to the Earth's.'
a samkhâ dam, samkhada yeran. Comp. Khâdira-Gribya III, 3, 13: asamkhadya pragiret, and the quotations in Böhtlingk-Roth's Dictionary s.v. sam-khâd and å-svad.
9, 1 seq. The Âgrahayani ceremony by which the rites devoted to the Serpents are concluded. Khâdira-Grihya III, 3, 16 seq.
2. See above, chap. 7. 3. Comp. chap. 7, 17: To the west of that fire he touches the
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4. In the morning, after he has sacrificed the (regular) morning oblation, he should have the following (plants and branches of trees) fetched, viz. Darbha grass, a Sami (branch), Virina grass, a (Badari branch) with fruits, Apârârga, and Sirisha. He then should silently throw (a portion) of flour of fried barley into the fire, should cause the Brâhmanas to pronounce auspicious wishes, and should circumambulate the house, turning his right side towards it, starting from the room for the sacred) fire, striking the smoke (of the sacred fire) with those objects (i. e. with the plants and branches mentioned above).
5. He should throw away those objects, after he has made use of them.
6. On solid stones he places a water-barrel with the two (Sâmans belonging to the verse), Vastoshpati' (Sâma-veda I, 275) and with (that) Rik (itself).
7. Let him pour two pots of water into that barrel with this verse, 'Some assemble' (Sâma-vedaAranyaka, vol. ii, p. 292, ed. Bibl. Indica).
8. In the evening boiled rice-grains with milk (are prepared).
9. Of that (milk-rice) he should make an oblation with (the Mantra), She shone forth as the first' (MB. II, 2, 1).
10. The rest (should be performed) according to the Sthâlipâka rite.
earth with his two hands turned downwards, and murmurs the Mantra, Adoration to the Earth's.'
6. He sings the two Kâvasha Samans of which the verse Sama-veda 1, 275 is considered as the Yoni, and then repeats that verse itself.
8. This Satra is identical with chap. 7, 18. 10. Comp. chap. 7, 20 note.
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11. To the west of the fire he touches the Barhis with his two hands turned downwards, and murmurs the Vyâhritis (i. e. the solemn utterances), In the Kshatra I establish myself' (ibid. 2. 3).
12. To the west of the fire he should have a layer spread out,
13. Of northward-pointed grass, 14. Inclined towards the north.
15. After they have spread out on that (grass) new rugs, the householder sits down (thereon) on the southern side.
16. Then without an interval the others according to their age,
17. And without an interval their wives, each with her children.
18. When they are seated, the householder touches the layer (of grass) with his two hands turned downwards, and murmurs the verse, "Be soft to us, O Earth' (ibid. 4).
19. When he has finished that (verse), they lie down on their right sides.
20. In the same way (they lie down on their right sides) three times, turning themselves towards themselves (i. e. turning round forwards, not backwards, and thus returning to their former position ?).
21. They repeat the auspicious hymns as far as they know them; · 22. The complex of Sâmans called Arishta, according to some (teachers).
20. The explanation which the commentary gives of this difficult Sätra can hardly be accepted: trir avritya trilkritvo: bhyasya ... abhyatmam atmano grihapater abhimukhyena, atmana árabhyety arthah. katham nama ? yenaiva kramenopavishtah tenaiva kramena samvesanam trir âvarta yeyuh.
22. The commentary gives a second name for this Saman
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23. Having touched water, they may do whatever they like.
KÂNDIKÂ 10. 1. The Ashtaka (is a festival) sacred to the night.
2. It procures prosperity.
3. It is sacred to Agni, or to the Manes, or to Pragâpati, or to the Seasons, or to the Visve devasthus the deity (to which the Ashtaka is sacred), is investigated (by different teachers).
4. There are four Ashtakâs in (the four months of) the winter;
5. These all he should endeavour to celebrate with (offerings of) meat;
6. Thus says Kautsa.
7. (There are only) three Ashtakâs (in the winter), says Audgâhamâni,
8. And so say (also) Gautama and Värkakhandi.
9. The eighth day of the dark fortnight after the Ågrahầyani is called Apůpashtaka (i. e. Ashtakå of the cakes).
10. Having prepared grains in the way prescribed
litany, arishtabhanga. Nârâyana says: abodhy agnir (Sv. I, 73) mahi trinam (I, 192) iti dve tvâvata (I, 193) ityâdikam sarvalokaprasiddham prayugya.
10, I seg. The Ashtaka festivals; Khâdira-Grihya III, 3, 28. Comp. Sânkhâyana-Grihya III, 12, I note (S. B. E. XXIX, 102).
4, 7. As to the difference of opinion regarding the number of Ashtakâs, comp. Weber, Naxatra, second article, p. 337. Gobhila himself follows the opinion of Audgâhamâni, for he mentions only three Ashtakâs in the winter season, the first following after the Agrahayani full moon (chap. 10, 9), the second after the Taishi (10, 18), and the third after the Mâghî (IV, 4, 17). 10. See above, I, 7, 2 seq. [30]
Н
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GRIHYA-SOTRA OF GOBHILA.
for Sthållpâkas, he cooks (those grains and prepares thus) a karu.
11. And (besides he prepares) eight cakes, without turning them over in the dish (in which he bakes them);
12. (Each) in one dish ; 13. Without Mantras, according to Audgâhamâni ;
14. Of the size of the (cakes) sacred to Tryambaka.
15. After he has baked them, he should pour (Ågya) on them, should take them from the fire towards the north, and should pour (Ägya) on them again.
16. In the way prescribed for Sthâlipâkas he cuts off (the prescribed portions) from the mess of boiled grains and from the cakes, and sacrifices with the words), 'To the Ashtaka Svâhâ !'
17. The rest (should be performed) according to the Sthålipaka rite.
18. (At the second Ashtaka, on) the eighth day after the full-moon day of Taisha, a cow (is sacrificed).
19. Shortly before the time of junction (of day and night, i. e. before the morning twilight) he should place that (cow) to the east of the fire, and when (that time) has come, he should sacrifice (Agya) with
11. Grıhya-samgraha II, 71: prithakkapâlân kurvîta apůpân ashtakavidhau.
14. Regarding the Traiyambaka cakes, comp. Katyâyana SrautasQtra V, 10, 1 seq.; Vaitâna-sätra IX, 18, &c.
16. See above, I, 8, 5 seq. 17. Comp. chap. 7, 20 note.
18. With the following paragraphs the Srauta rites of the animal sacrifice should be compared ; see J. Schwab, Das altindische Thieropfer (Erlangen, 1886).
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III PRAPATHAKA, 10 KÂNDIKÂ, 31. 99 (the verse), 'What, O beasts, you think' (MB. II, 2, 5).
20. And after having sacrificed, he should recite over (the cow the verse), "May thy mother give leave to thee' (ibid. 6).
21. Let him sprinkle (the cow) with water in which barley is, with (the words), · Agreeable to the Ashtaka I sprinkle thee.'
22. Let him carry a fire-brand round it with (the verse), “The lord of goods, the sage (goes) round' (Sâma-veda I, 30).
23. Let him give it water to drink.
24. The remainder of what it has drunk he should pour out under (the feet of) the beast with (the formula), 'Away from the gods the Havis has been taken' (MB. II, 2, 7).
25. They then walk in a northerly direction (from the fire) and kill (the cow),
26. The head of which is turned to the east, the feet to the north, if the rite is sacred to the gods,
27. The head to the south, the feet to the west, if the rite is sacred to the Manes.
28. After it has been killed, he should sacrifice (Ågya) with (the verse), 'If the beast has lowed' (ibid. 8).
29. And (the sacrificer's) wife should get water and should wash all the apertures of the cow's body.
30. They lay two purifiers (i. e. grass-blades) on (the cow's body) near its navel, cut it up in the direction of its hairs, and draw the omentum out.
31. He should spit it on two pieces of wood, on one (simple) branch and on another forked branch, should besprinkle it (with water), and should roast it.
H 2
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GRIHYA-SUTRA OF GOBHILA.
32. When it has ceased to drop, he should say, 'Hew the (cow) to pieces
33. 'So that the blood does not stain the ground to the east of the fire.'
100
34. After he has roasted (the omentum), he should pour (Agya) on it, should take it from the fire towards the north, and should pour (Âgya) on it again.
35. After he has cut off (the prescribed portions from) the omentum in the way prescribed for Sthâlipâkas, or in the way prescribed for the Svishtakrit (oblation), he sacrifices with (the words), 'To the Ashtakâ Svâhâ!'
36. The rest (should be performed) according to the Sthâlipâka rite. The rest according to the Sthâlipâka rite.
End of the Third Prapâthaka.
32. In the text we ought to read visasata, as Dr. Knauer has observed.
35. The regulations concerning the Avadânas are given for Sthâlîpâkas, I, 8, 5 seq., and for the Svishtakrit oblation, I, 8, II seq.
36. Comp. III, 7, 20 note.
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IV PRAPATHAKA, I KÂNDIKÂ, 10.
101
PRAPÂThaka IV, KÂNDIKÂ 1. 1. He throws the two spits into the fire;
2. That which consists of one (simple) branch, towards the east, the other one towards the west.
3. They cut off the Avadâna portions from all its limbs,
4. With the exception of the left thigh and the lungs.
5. The left thigh he should keep for the Anvashtakya ceremony.
6. On the same fire he cooks one mess of ricegrains and one of meat, stirring up the one and the other separately, from left to right, with two potladles.
7. After he has cooked them, he should pour (Âgya) on them, should take them from the fire towards the north, and should pour (Ågya) on them
again.
8. Having poured the juice (of the Avadanas) into a brazen vessel,
9. And having placed the Avadanas on a layer (of grass) on which branches of the Plaksha (tree) have been spread,
10. He cuts off (the prescribed portions) from the
1, 1. Comp. III, 10, 31.
3. Comp. Âsvalâyana-Grihya I, 11, 12; Khâdira-Gribya III, 4, 14 seq.
6. He cooks a mess of meat'-i.e. he cooks the Avadanas. Comp. Khâdira-Grihya, I. I. 17; Asv.-Grihya I, 11, 12.
10. See 1, 8, 5 seq.
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GRIHYA-SOTRA OF GOBHILA.
Avada nas in the way prescribed for Sthâlipâkas, (and puts those portions) into another) brazen vessel ;
11. And (the portion) for the Svishtakrit oblation separately.
12. Taking of the mess of boiled rice-grains (Satra 6) a portion of the size of a Bilva fruit, he should mix that, together with the Avadânas (Sutra 10), with the juice (Satra 8).
13. Taking a fourfold portion of Agya he should sacrifice it with the first of the eight Rikas, 'Entering into fire, the fire' (MB. II, 2, 9-16).
14. Of the mixture (Satra 12) he cuts off the third part and sacrifices it with the second and third (verse).
15. He places the word Svâhâ after the second (of those verses, i.e. after the third verse of the whole Mantra).
16. In the same way he sacrifices the other twothirds (of that mixture, the one) with the fourth and fifth (verse), and (the other) with the sixth and seventh (verse).
17. Having cut off the rest, he should sacrifice the oblation to (Agni) Svishtakrit with the eighth (verse).
18. Even if he be very deficient in wealth, he should celebrate (the Ashtaka) with (the sacrifice of) an animal.
19. Or he should sacrifice a Sthâlîpâka. 20. Or he should offer food to a cow.
20 seq. Regarding these Sätras, which occur nearly identically in Sânkhâyana III, 14, 4 seq., Âsvalấyana II, 4, 8-11, comp. the note, vol. xxix, p. 105.
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IV PRAPATHAKA, 2 KÂNDIKA, 9.
103
21. Or he should burn down brushwood in the forest and should say, 'This is my Ashtakâ.'
22. But let him not neglect to do (one of these things). But let him not neglect to do (one of these things).
KÂNDIKA 2.
1. On the following day the Anvashtakya (ceremony is performed),
2. Or on the day which follows after that.
3. To the south-east (of the house), in the intermediate direction (between south and east), they partition off (a place with mats or the like).
4. The long-side (of that place should lie) in the same (direction).
5. They should perform (the ceremonies) turning their faces towards the same (direction).
6. (It should measure) at least four prakramas (i.e. steps).
7. (It should have) its entrance from the west. 8. In the northern part of that enclosure they make the Lakshana and carry the fire (to that place).
9. To the west of the fire he places a mortar so that it stands firmly, and husks, holding his left hand uppermost, one handful of rice-grains which he has seized with one grasp.
21. I believe that we ought to correct upa dhâya into upadahya. Sankhayana III, 14, 5: api vâranye kaksham apâdahet. Asvalâyana II, 4, 9: agninâ vâ kaksham uposhet.
2, I seq. The Anvashtakya ceremony; comp. Khâdira-Grihya III, 5, I seq.
8. They make the Lakshana' means, they prepare the ground on which the fire shall be established, by drawing the five lines. See above, I, 1, 9. 10; Grihya-samgraha I, 47 seq.
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GRIHYA-SUTRA OF GOBHILA.
10. When (the rice) has been husked,
II. He should once carefully remove the husks. 12. And then he should cut off a lump of flesh from that thigh and should cut it in small pieces on a new slaughtering-bench,
13. (With the intention) that the Pindas (or lumps of food offered to the Manes) should be thoroughly mixed up with flesh.
14. On the same fire he cooks one mess of ricegrains and one of meat, stirring up the one and the other separately, from right to left, with the two pot-ladles.
15. After he has cooked them, he should pour (Agya) on them, should take them from the fire towards the south, and should not pour (Ågya) on them again.
104
16. In the southern part of the enclosure (Sutras 3 seq.) he should have three pits dug, so that the eastern (pit is dug) first,
17. One span in length, four inches in breadth and in depth.
18. Having made the Lakshana to the east of the eastern pit, they carry the fire (to that place).
19. Having carried the fire round the pits on their west side, he should put it down on the Lakshana.
20. He strews (round the fire) one handful of Darbha grass which he has cut off in one portion.
12. As to the words 'from that thigh,' comp. above, chap. 1, 5. 14. Comp. chap. 1, 6. The sacrificial food is stirred up here from right to left, not from left to right, because it is sacred to the Manes. The mess of meat consists of the meat treated of in Sûtra II.
15. Comp. above, chap. 1, 7.
18, 19. As to lakshana, comp. Sûtra 8 note.
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IV PRAPÂTHAKA, 2 KÂNDIKÂ, 33.
21. And (he strews it into) the pits,
22. Beginning with the eastern (pit).
23. To the west of the pits he should have a layer spread out,
24. Of southward-pointed Kusa grass,
25. Inclined towards the south.
26. And he should put a mat on it.
105
27. To that (layer of grass) they fetch for him (the following sacrificial implements), one by one, from right to left:
28. The two pots in which sacrificial food has been cooked (Sutra 14), the two pot-ladles (Sutra 14), one brazen vessel, one Darvi (spoon), and water.
29. (The sacrificer's) wife places a stone on the Barhis and pounds (on that stone the fragrant substance called) Sthagara.
30. And on the same (stone) she grinds some collyrium, and anoints therewith three Darbha blades, including the interstices (between the single blades?).
31. He should also get some oil made from sesamum seeds,
32. And a piece of linen tape.
33. After he has invited an odd number of blameless Brahmanas, whose faces should be turned towards the north, to sit down on a pure spot,
27. The last words of the Sutra, translated literally, would be: 'following the left arm.' Comp. Sânkhâyana-Grihya II, 3, 2. They place the different objects aprâdakshinyena.
29. See chap. 3, 16.
30. See chap. 3, 13.
31. See chap. 3, 15.
32. See chap. 3, 24.
33. As to the two classes of paitrika and daivika Brahmanas, comp. the note on Sankhâyana IV, 1, 2.
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GRIHYA-SÚTRA OF GOBHILA.
34. And has given them Darbha grass (in order that they may sit down thereon),
35. He gives them (pure) water and afterwards sesamum-water, pronouncing his father's name, 'N. N.! To thee this sesamum-water, and to those who follow thee here, and to those whom thou followest. To thee Svadha !'
36. After he has touched water, (he does) the same for the other two.
37. In the same way (he gives them) perfumes.
38. The words in which he addresses (the Brâhmanas) when going to sacrifice, are, I shall offer it into the fire.'
39. After they have replied, Offer it,' he should cut off (the prescribed portions) from the two messes of cooked food (Satra 14), (and should put those portions) into the brazen vessel. He then should sacrifice, picking out (portions of the Havis) with the pot-ladle, the first (oblation) with (the words),
Svâhà to Soma Pitrimat,' the second with the words), Svâhâ to Agni Kavyavâhana' (MB. II, 3, 1. 2).
34. Comp. the note, p. 932 of the edition of Gobhila in the Bibliotheca Indica.
35. Regarding the sesamum-water (i. e. water into which sesamum seeds have been thrown), comp. Asvalayana-Grihya IV, 7, 11
36. He repeats the same ceremony, pronouncing his grandfather's, instead of his father's, name; then he repeats it for his great-grandfather.
37. He gives perfumes to the Brâhmanas, addressing first his father, then his grandfather and his great-grandfather.
38, 39. Comp. Âsvalâyana-Grihya IV, 7, 18 seq. Regarding the term upa ghâtam guhuyât, comp. Grihya-samgraha I, 111 seq. and Professor Bloomfield's note. Regarding the oblation made to Agni Kavyavâhana, comp. Âpastamba VIII, 15, 20: Agnim Kavyavâhanam Svishtakridarthe yagati.
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IV PRAPATHAKA, 3 KÂNDIKÂ, 8.
107
KÂNDIKÂ 3. 1. From now onwards he has to perform the rites) wearing his sacrificial cord over his right shoulder and keeping silence.
2. With his left hand he should seize a Darbha blade and should (therewith) draw (in the middle of the three pits) a line from north to south, with (the formula), 'The Asuras have been driven away (MB. II, 3, 3.
3. Seizing, again with his left hand, a fire-brand, he should place it on the south side of the pits with (the verse), They who assuming (manifold) shapes' (ibid. 4).
4. He then calls the Fathers (to his sacrifice) with (the verse), 'Come hither, ye Fathers, who have drunk Soma' (ibid. 5).
5. He then should place pâtra vessels of water near the pits.
6. Seizing, again with his left hand, (the first) vessel, he should pour it out from right to left on the Darbha grass in the eastern pit, pronouncing his father's name, ‘N. N.! Wash thyself, and (may) those who follow thee here, and those whom thou followest, (wash themselves). To thee Svadhà !'
7. After he has touched water, (he does) the same for the other two.
8. Seizing, again with his left hand, the Darvi spoon, he should cut off one-third of the mixture (of
3, 1. Comp. I, 2, 3 seq. 2. Katyayana-Srauta-sätra IV, 1, 8. 3. Kâtyâyana-Srauta-sūtra IV, 1, 0. 6. Katyayana-Srauta-sätra IV, 1, 10. 7. See chap. 2, 36.
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GRIHYA-SOTRA OF GOBHILA.
the different kinds of sacrificial food) and should put down (that Pinda), from right to left, on the Darbha grass in the eastern pit, pronouncing his father's name, ‘N. Ni! This Pinda is thine, and of those who follow thee here, and of those whom thou followest. To thee Svadhâ!'
9. After he has touched water, (he does) the same for the other two.
10. If he does not know their names, he should put down the first Pinda with (the formula), Svadhâ to the Fathers dwelling on the earth,' the second with (the formula), Svadha to the Fathers dwelling in the air,' the third with the formula), 'Svadha to the Fathers dwelling in heaven.'
11. After he has put down (the three Pindas), he murmurs, 'Here, O Fathers, enjoy yourselves; show your manly vigour each for his part' (MB. II, 3, 6).
12. He should turn away, (should hold his breath) and turning back before he emits his breath, he should murmur, 'The Fathers have enjoyed themselves; they have shown their manly vigour each for his part' (ibid. 7).
13. Seizing, again with his left hand, a Darbha blade (anointed with collyrium ; chap. 2, 30), he should put it down, from right to left, on the Pinda in the eastern pit, pronouncing his father's name, 'N. N.! This collyrium is thine, and is that of those who follow thee here, and of those whom thou followest. To thee Svadhâ !'
14. After he has touched water, (he does) the same for the other two.
15. In the same way (he offers) the oil (to the fathers); 9, 14. See chap. 2, 36.
15. See chap. 2, 31.
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IV PRAPÂTHAKA, 3 KÂNDIKÂ, 24.
109
16. In the same way the perfume.
17. Then he performs the deprecation in the following way):
18. On the eastern pit he lays his hands, turning the inside of the right hand upwards, with (the formula), Adoration to you, O Fathers, for the sake of life! Adoration to you, O Fathers, for the sake of vital breath!' (MB. II, 3, 8);
19. On the middle (pit), turning the inside of the left hand upwards, with (the formula), 'Adoration to you, O Fathers, for the sake of terror! Adoration to you, O Fathers, for the sake of sap!' (MB., loc. cit.);
20. On the last (pit), turning the inside of the right hand upwards, with the formula), 'Adoration to you, O Fathers, for the sake of comfort ! Adoration to you, O Fathers, for the sake of wrath!' (MB. II, 3, 9).
21. Then joining his hands he murmurs, 'Adoration to you, O Fathers ! O Fathers ! Adoration to you !' (MB., loc. cit.).
22. He looks at his house with (the words), Give us a house, O Fathers !' (MB. II, 3, 10).
23. He looks at the Pindas with (the words), ' May we give you an abode, O Fathers !'. (MB. II, 3, 11).
24. Seizing, again with his left hand, the linen thread, he should put it down, from right to left, on the Pinda in the eastern pit, pronouncing his father's
16. See chap. 2, 29. 18 seq. Comp. Vâg. Samhitâ II, 32.
23. The Vâgasaneyi Samhitâ (loc. cit.) has the reading, sato vah pitaro deshma, May we give you, O Fathers, of what we possess !'
24. Comp. chap. 2, 32.
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IIO
GRIHYA-SOTRA OF GOBHILA.
name, N. N.! This garment is thine, and is that of those who follow thee here, and of those whom thou followest. To thee Svadha !' (MB. II, 3, 12).
25. After he has touched water, (he does) the same for the other two.
26. Seizing, again with his left hand, the vessel of water (Satra 5), he should sprinkle (water) round the Pindas from right to left, with (the verse), 'Bringing sap' (MB. II, 3, 13).
27. The middle Pinda (offered to the grandfather) the wife (of the sacrificer) should eat, if she is desirous of a son, with (the verse), "Give fruit to the womb, O Fathers' (MB. II, 3, 14).
28. Or of those Brâhmanas (that person) who receives the remnants (of the sacrificial food, should eat that Pinda).
29. Having besprinkled (and thus extinguished) the fire-brand (Satra 3) with water, with (the verse),
Gâtavedas has been our messenger for what we have offered' (MB. II, 3, 15) -
30. (The sacrificer) should besprinkle the sacrificial vessels, and should have them taken back, two by two.
31. The Pindas he should throw into water,
32. Or into the fire which has been carried forward (to the east side of the pits, chap. 2, 18),
33. Or he should give them to a Brâhmana to eat, 34. Or he should give them to a cow.
35. On the occasion of a lucky event (such as the birth of a son, &c.) or of a meritorious work (such as the dedication of a pond or of a garden) he should give food to an even number (of Brahmanas).
25. See chap. 2, 36. 35. Comp. Sänkhâyana-Grihya IV, 4.
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IV PRAPÂTHAKA, 4 KÂNDIKÂ, 6.
36. The rite (is performed) from left to right. 37. Barley is used instead of sesamum.
KÂNDIKÂ 4. 1. By (the description of) the Sthalipâka offered at the Anvashtakya ceremony the Pindapitriyagña has been declared ;
2. This is a Sraddha offered on the day of the new moon.
3. Another (Sraddha) is the Anvâhârya. 4. (It is performed) monthly.
5. The Havis is prepared (by one who has set up the sacred Srauta fires) in the Dakshinagni (i.e. in that of the three fires which is situated towards the south).
6. And from the same (fire the fire is taken which)
36, 37. Sânkhâyana-Grihya IV, 4, 6. 9. Regarding the use of sesamum seeds, see above, chap. 2, 35.
4, 1. Khâdira-Grihya III, 5, 35. Comp. M. M., India, what can it teach us ?' p. 240. The word Sthâlîpâka is used here, as is observed in the commentary, in order to exclude the mess of meat (chap. 2, 14) from the rites of the Pindapitriyaga.
3. Anvâ hârya literally means, what is offered (or given after something else, supplementary. In the commentary on Gobhila, p. 666, a verse is quoted:
amâvâsyam dvitîyam yad anvähâryam tad ukyate The second (Sraddha) which is performed on the day of the new moon, that is called a n vâ hârya.' First comes the Pindapitriyagña, and then follows the Anvähârya Sraddha; the last is identical with the Pârvana Sraddha, which is described as the chief form of Sraddha ceremonies, for instance in Sånkhayana-Grihya IV, 1. Comp. Manu III, 122, 123, and Kullûka's note; M. M., India, what can it teach us ?' p. 240.
5. According to the commentary this and the following Satras refer only to the Pindapitriyagña, not to the Anvâhârya Sraddha. Comp. Khâdira-Grihya III, 5, 36-39.
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II2
GRIHYA-SOTRA OF GOBHILA.
is carried forward (in order to be used at the ceremonies).
7. In the domestic fire (the Havis is prepared) by one who has not set up the (Srauta) fires.
8. One pit (only is made); 9. To the south of it the fire has its place.
10. Here the laying down of the fire-brand is omitted,
11. And (the spreading out of the layer (of grass),
12. And the anointing (of the bunches of Darbha grass), and the anointing (of the Fathers),
13. And the offering of) perfume, 14. And the ceremony of deprecation.
15. (The ceremony performed with) the vessel of water forms the conclusion (of the Pindapitriyagña).
16. He should, however, put down one garment (for the Fathers in common).
17. On the eighth day after the full moon of Mâgha a Sthâlipaka (is prepared).
18. He should sacrifice of that (Sthâlipâka).
19. ‘To the Ashtaka Svâhâ !'-with (these words) he sacrifices.
20. The rest (should be performed) according to the Sthâlipâka rite.
21. Vegetables (are taken instead of meat) as ingredient to the Anvâhârya (-rice).
22. At animal sacrifices offered to the Fathers let
9. See chap. 2, 18.
10. See chap. 3, 3. II. Chap. 2, 23.
12. Chap. 2, 30; 3, 13. 13. Chap. 3, 16.
14. Chap. 3, 17 seq. 15. Chap. 3, 26.
16. Comp. chap. 3, 24. 25. 17-21. Description of the third Ashtakâ festival. 20. Comp. above, III, 7, 20 note. 21. Comp. IV, 1, 12.
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IV PRAPATHAKA, 4 KÂNDIKÂ, 30.
113
him sacrifice the omentum with (the verse), 'Carry the omentum, O Gâtavedas, to the Fathers' (MB. II, 3, 16);
23. At (such sacrifices) offered to the gods, with (the verse), 'Gâtavedas, go to the gods with the omentum' (ibid. 17).
24. If no (god to whom the sacrifice should be offered, and no Mantra with which the oblation: should be made) is known, he sacrifices, assigning (his offering to the personified rite which he is performing), thus as (for instance), “To the Ashtaka Svâhâ !'
25. The rest (should be performed) according to the Sthâlipâka rite.
26. If a debt turns up (which he cannot pay), he should sacrifice with the middle leaf of Golakas, with (the verse), 'The debt which' (MB. II, 3, 18).
27. Now (follows) the putting into motion of the plough.
28. Under an auspicious Nakshatra he should cook a mess of sacrificial food and should sacrifice to the following deities, namely, to Indra, to the Maruts, to Parganya, to Asani, to Bhaga.
29. And he should offer (Agya) to Sita, Åsa, Arada, Anagha.
30. The same deities (receive offerings) at the
25. See III, 7, 20 note.
26. I am not sure about the translation of the words golakanam madh ya maparnena. The ordinary meaning of golaka is ball,' see, for instance, Sänkhâyana-Grihya IV, 19, 4. The commentary says, golakânâm palâsânam madhyamaparnena madhyamakkhadena.
29. The name of the third of those rural deities is spelt differently; Dr. Knauer gives the readings, Aradâm, Aratham, Aragam, Araram, Aram.
[30]
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furrow-sacrifice, at the thrashing-floor-sacrifice, at the sowing, at the reaping of the crop, and at the putting of the crop into the barn.
31. And at mole hills he should sacrifice to the king of moles.
32. To Indrâni a Sthalipaka (is prepared).
33. Of that he should make an offering with the 'verse), “The Ekâshtakâ, performing austerities' (MB. II, 3, 19).
34. The rest (should be performed) according to the Sthålipáka ritual. The rest according to the Sthalipâka ritual.
KÂNDIKÂ 5. 1. At the sacrifices) for the obtainment of special wishes, which will be henceforth described,
2. And, according to some (teachers), also at (the sacrifices) described above (the following rites should be performed).
3. He should touch the earth, to the west of the fire, with his two hands turned downwards, with (the verse), 'We partake of the earth's' (MB. II, 4, 1).
32-34. Khâdira-Grihya III, 5, 40. I understand that this sacrifice stands in connection with the rural festivals which are treated of in the preceding Sætras. In the commentary, from the Mantra the conclusion is drawn that the ceremony in question belongs to the day of the Ekåshtaka. But the Ekâshtaka is the Ashtakå of the dark fortnight of Mâgha (see S. B. E. XXIX, 102), and the description of the rites belonging to that day has already been given above, Sutras 17-21. It very frequently occurs in the Grihya ritual that Mantras are used at sacrifices standing in no connection with those for which they have originally been composed.
5, 1 seq. Comp. Khâdira-Grihya I, 2, 6 seq.
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4. In the night-time (he pronounces that Mantra so that it ends with the word) 'goods' (vasu), in the day-time (so that it ends) with 'wealth' (dhanam).
5. With the three verses,' This praise' (MB. II, 4, 2-4) he should wipe along (with his hands) around (the fire).
6. Before sacrifices the Virûpâksha formula (MB. II, 4, 6) (should be recited).
7. And at (ceremonies) which are connected with special wishes, the Prapada formula (MB. II, 4, 5)— (in the following way):
8. He should murmur (the Prapada formula), 'Austerities and splendour,' should perform one suppression of breath, and should, fixing his thoughts on the object (of his wish), emit his breath, when beginning the Virupaksha formula.
9. When undertaking ceremonies for the obtainment of special wishes, let him fast during three (days and) nights,
10. Or (let him omit) three meals.
6-8. Khâdira-Grihya I, 2, 23; Grihya-samgraha I, 96. It is stated that the recitation of the Virupaksha and Prapada formulas and also the parisamûhana (Sutra 5) should be omitted at the so-called Kshiprahomas, i. e. at sacrifices performed without the assistance of a yag avid. See Bloomfield's notes on Grihyasamgraha I, 92. 96. Regarding the way in which a prânâyâma ('suppression of breath') is performed, comp. Vasishtha XXV, 13 (S. B. E. XIV, p. 126).
9 seq. Khâdira-Grihya IV, I, I seq.
10. There are two meals a day. The words of this Sutra, 'Or three meals,' are explained in the commentary in the following way. He should, if he does not entirely abstain from food through three days, take only three meals during that time, i. e. he should take one meal a day. The commentator adds that some read abhaktâni instead of bhaktâni (or he should omit three meals'), in which case the result would be the same. I prefer the reading
I 2
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11. At such ceremonies, however, as are repeated regularly, (let him do so only) before their first performance.
12. He should (simply) fast, however, before such ceremonies as are performed on sacrificial days (i. e. on the first day of the fortnight). · 13. (At a ceremony) which ought to be performed immediately (after the occurrence by which it has been caused), the consecration follows after (the ceremony itself).
14. Let him recite the Prapada formula (Satras 7. 8), sitting in the forest on Darbha grass,
15. Of which the panicles are turned towards the east, if he is desirous of holy lustre,
16. To the north, if desirous of sons and of cattle,
17. To both directions, if desirous of both.
18. One who desires that his stock of cattle may increase, should offer a sacrifice of rice and barley
bhaktâni, and propose to supply, not,' he should eat,' but he should omit' (abhoganam,' Sätra 9). Possibly the meaning is that three successive meals should be omitted; thus also the compiler of the Khâdira-Grihya seems to have understood this Satra.
11. Comp., for instance, below, chap. 6, 1. 12. Comp. below, chaps. 6, 4; 8, 23.
13. My translation of this Satra differs from the commentary. There it is said : 'An occurrence which is perceived only when it has happened (sannipatitam eva), and of which the cause by which it is produced is unknown, for instance the appearance of a halo, is called sânnipâtika. Such sânnipâtika ceremonies are uparish laddaiksha. The diksha is the preparatory consecration (of the sacrificer), for instance by three days of fasting. A ceremony which has its dîkshâ after itself is called u parishaddaiksha.' Similarly the commentary on Khâdira-Grihya IV, 1, 3 says, 'uparishtật sânnipâtike naimittike karma kritvabhoganam.'
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with (the verse), 'He who has a thousand arms, the protector of cow-keepers' (MB. II, 4, 7).
19. Having murmured the Kautomata verse (ibid. 8) over fruits of a big tree, he should give them,
20. To a person whose favour he wishes to gain.
21. One (fruit) more than he gives to that person), an even number (of fruits), he should keep himself.
22. There are the five verses, 'Like a tree' (MB. II, 4, 9-13).
23. With these firstly a ceremony (is performed) for (obtaining property on) the earth.
24. He should fast one fortnight,
25. Or, if he is not able (to do so, he may drink) once a day rice-water,
26. In which he can see his image.
27. This observance (forms part) of (all) fortnightly observances.
28. He then should in the full-moon night plunge up to his navel into a pool which does not dry up, and should sacrifice at the end of each of those five) verses fried grains with his mouth into the water, with the word Svâhâ.
29. Now (follows) another (ceremony with the same five verses).
30. With the first (verse) one who is desirous of the enjoyment (of riches), should worship the sun, within sight of (that) person rich in wealth (from
23. The commentary explains pârthivam, prithivyartham kriyate, iti pârthivam, grâmakshetradyartham ;' similarly the commentary on Khâdira-Grihya IV, 1, 13 says, 'prithivîpatitvapraptyartham idam uktam karma.'
27. Comp. below, chap. 6, 12. 28. Gríhya-samgraha II, 11.
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whom he hopes to obtain wealth); then he will obtain wealth.
31. With the second (verse) one who desires that his stock of horses and elephants may increase, should sacrifice fried grains, while the sun has a halo.
32. With the third (verse) one who desires that his flocks may increase, (should sacrifice) sesamum seeds, while the moon (has a halo).
33. Having worshipped the sun with the fourth (verse), let him acquire wealth; then he will come back safe and wealthy.
34. Having worshipped the sun with the fifth (verse) let him return to his house. He will safely return home; he will safely return home.
KÂNDIKA 6. 1. Let him daily repeat (the formula), Bhuh!' (MB. II, 4, 14) in order to avert involuntary death.
2. (He who does so) has nothing to fear from serious diseases or from sorcery.
3. (The ceremony for) driving away misfortune (is as follows).
4. It is performed on the sacrificial day (i. e. on the first day of the fortnight).
5. (Oblations are made with the six verses), 'From the head' (MB. II, 5, 1 seq.), verse by verse.
6. The seventh (verse is), "She who athwart' (MB. I, 5, 6).
7. (Then follow) the verses of the Vâmadevya,
6, i seq. Comp. Khâdira-Gríhya IV, 1, 19 seq. 4. Comp. above, chap. 5, 12. 6. Comp. above, II, 7, 14.
7. The text belonging to the Vamadevya Saman, is the Trika, Sama-veda II, 32-34.
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8. (And) the Mahâvyâhritis.
9. The last (verse) is, 'Pragâpati' (MB. II, 5, 8). 10. With the formula, 'I am glory' (MB. II, 5, 9) one who is desirous of glory should worship the sun in the forenoon, at noon, and in the afternoon,
II. Changing (the words), ' of the forenoon' (into ' of the noon,' and 'of the afternoon,' accordingly).
12. Worshipping (the sun) at the time of the morning twilight and of the evening twilight procures happiness, (both times) with (the formula), 'O sun! the ship' (MB. II, 5, 14), and (after that) in the morning with (the formula), 'When thou risest, O sun, I shall rise with thee' (ibid. 15); in the evening with (the formula), 'When thou goest to rest, O sun, I shall go to rest with thee' (ibid. 16).
13. One who desires to gain a hundred cart-loads (of gold), should keep the vow (of fasting) through one fortnight and should on the first day of a dark fortnight feed the Brahmanas with boiled milk-rice prepared of one Kâmsa of rice.
14. At the evening twilight (of every day of that fortnight), having left the village in a westerly direction, and having put wood on the fire at a place where
10. According to the commentary the formula yaso ham bhavâmi comprises five sections; thus it would include the sections II, 5, 9-13 of the Mantra-Brâhmana. The Mantra quoted next by Gobhila (Sutra 12) is really MB. II, 5, 14.
13. Comp. chap. 5, 24-27. One Kâmsa is stated to be a measure equal to one Drona. The more usual spelling is kamsa, and this reading is found in the corresponding passage of the Khâdira-Grthya (IV, 2, 1).
14. As to the meaning of kana ('small grain of rice '), comp. Hillebrandt, Neu- und Vollmondsopfer, p. 32, note I.
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GRIHYA-SOTRA OF GOBHILA.
four roads meet, he should sacrifice the small grains (of that rice), turning his face towards the sun, with (the words), 'To Bhala Svâhâ ! To Bhala Svâhâ !' (ibid. 17. 18).
15. (He should repeat those rites) in the same way the two next dark fortnights.
16. During the time between those dark fortnights he should observe chastity till the end (of the rite), till the end (of the rite).
KÂNDIKÂ 7. 1. Let him select the site for building his house
2. On even ground, which is covered with grass, which cannot be destroyed (by inundations, &c.),
3. On which the waters flow off to the east or to the north,
4. On which plants grow which have no milky juice or thorns, and which are not acrid.
5. The earth should be white, if he is a Brâhmana,
6. Red, if he is a Kshatriya, 7. Black, if he is a Vaisya.
8. (The soil should be) compact, one-coloured, not dry, not salinous, not surrounded by sandy desert, not swampy.
9. (Soil) on which Darbha grass grows, (should be chosen) by one who is desirous of holy lustre,
10. (Soil covered) with big sorts of grass, by one who is desirous of strength,
11. (Soil covered) with tender grass, by one who is desirous of cattle.
7, 1 seq. Comp. Khâdira-Grihya IV, 2, 6 seq.
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UNI:
IV PRAPATHAKA, 7 KÂNDIKA 21.
si
12. (The site of the house) should have the form of a brick,
13. Or it should have the form of a round island.
14. Or there should be natural holes in the ground) in all directions.
15. On such (ground) one who is desirous of fame or strength, should build his house with its door to the east;
16. One who is desirous of children or of cattle, (should build it) with its door to the north ;
17. One who is desirous of all (those things), (should build it) with its door to the south.
18. Let him not build it with its door to the west.
19. And a back-door. 20. The house-door. 21. So that (he ?) may not be exposed to looks (?).
19-21. I have translated the words of these Sätras without trying to express any meaning. According to the commentary the meaning is the following: 19. He should not build a house which has its door on the back-side, or which has one front-door and one back-door. 20. The house-door should not face the door of another house. 21. The house-door should be so constructed that the householder cannot be seen by Kândâlas, &c., when he is performing religious acts or when dining in his house. Or, if instead of samlok i the reading samloki is accepted, the Sätra means: the house-door should be so constructed, that valuable objects, &c., which are in the house, cannot be seen by passers-byThe commentary on Khâdira-Grihya IV, 2, 15 contains the remark: dvaradvayam (var. lectio, dvâram dvaram) parasparam rigu na syâd iti kekit. This seems to me to lead to the right understanding of these Sätras. I think we ought to read and to divide in this way: (19) anudvaram ka. (20. 21) grihadvâram yathå na samloki syât. 'And let him construct) a back-door, so that it does not face the chief) house-door.' The Khảdira MSS. have the readings, asalloki, asandraloke, samloka.
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22. “Let him avoid an Asvattha tree on the eastside (of his house), and a Plaksha on the south-side, a Nyagrodha on the west-side, and on the north-side an Udumbara.
23. One should say that an Asvattha brings (to the house) danger from fire; one should say that a Plaksha tree brings early death (to the inhabitants of the house), that a Nyagrodha brings oppression through (hostile) arms, that an Udumbara brings diseases of the eye.
24. 'The Asvattha is sacred to the sun, the Plaksha to Yama, the Nyagrodha is the tree that belongs to Varuna, the Udumbara, to Pragâpati.
25. He should place those (trees) in another place than their proper one,
26. And should sacrifice to those same deities.
27. Let him put wood on the fire in the middle of the house, and sacrifice a black cow,
28. Or a white goat,
22-24. These are Slokas to which the commentary very appropriately, though not exactly in the sense in which it was originally set down, applies the dictum so frequently found in the Brâhmana texts : na hy ekasmad aksharad viradhayanti. Dr. Knauer's attempts to restore correct Slokas are perhaps a little hazardous ; he inserts in the third verse ka after plakshas, and in the second he changes the first brûyât into ka, whereby the second foot of the hemistich loses its regular shape ---, and receives instead of it the form vucu.
25. He should remove an Asvattha tree from the east-side, &c.
26. He should sacrifice to the deities to whom the transplanted trees are sacred.
27 seq. Here begins the description of the vâstu samana, which extends to Satra 43. As to the animal sacrifice prescribed in this Satra, comp. Dr. Winternitz's essay, Einige Bemerkungen Über das Bauopfer bei den Indern (Sitzungsbericht der Anthrop. Gesellschaft in Wien, 19 April, 1887), p. 8.
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29. (The one or the other) together with milkrice.
30. Or (only) milk-rice.
31. Having mingled together the fat (of the animal), Agya, its flesh, and the milk-rice,
32. He should take eight portions (of that mixture) and should sacrifice (the following eight oblations):
33. The first (verse, accompanying the first oblation), is, ' Vâstoshpati !' (MB. II, 6, 1).
34. (Then follow) the (three) verses of the Vâmadevya,
35. (And the three) Mahâvyâhritis.
36. The last (oblation is offered with the formula), To Pragâpati (svâhâ).'
37. After he has sacrificed, he should offer ten Balis,
38. In the different directions (of the horizon), from left to right,
39. And in the intermediate points,
40. In due order, without a transposition.
"
41. (He should offer a Bali) in the east with (the formula), (Adoration) to Indra!' in the intermediate direction-'To Vâyu!' in the south-'To Yama!' in the intermediate direction (Svadhâ) to the Fathers!' in the west- -'(Adoration) to Varuna!' in the intermediate direction -'To Mahåråga!' in the north-To Soma!' in the intermediate direction - To Mahendra!' down
·
34. Comp. above, chap. 6, 7 note.
36. The commentary says: The last oblation should be offered with the formula, "To Pragâpati svâhâ!"' Probably we ought to correct the text, Pragâpata ity uttamâ, 'the last (verse) is, "Pragâpati !" (MB. II, 5, 8);' see above, IV, 6, 9; KhâdiraGrihya IV, 2, 20.
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GRIHYA-SOTRA OF GOBHILA.
wards— To Vasuki !' upwards, in the sky (i.e. throwing the Bali into the air), with (the formula), *Adoration to Brahman !
42. To the east, upwards, and downwards this should be done constantly, day by day.
43. (The whole ceremony is repeated) every year or at the two sacrifices of the first fruits.
KÂNDIKÂ 8. 1. At the Sravana and Agrahầyani sacrifices he should leave a remainder of fried grains.
2. Having gone out of the village in an easterly or in a northerly direction, and having put wood on the fire at a place where four roads meet, he should sacrifice (those fried grains) with his joined hands, with the single (verses of the text), 'Hearken, Râkâ !' (MB. II, 6, 2–5).
3. Walking eastward (he should), looking upwards, (offer a Bali) to the hosts of divine beings, with (the formula), ‘ Be a giver of wealth' (ibid. 6);
4. (Walking ?) towards the side, (he should offer a Bali) to the hosts of other beings, looking downwards.
5. Returning (to the fire) without looking back, he should, together with the persons belonging to his
43. See above, III, 8, 9 seq. 8, 1. See above, III, 7; 9. Comp. Khâdira-Grihya III, 2,
8 seq.
4. The commentary says : Tiryan tiraskinam yatha bhavati tatha, iti kriyâviseshanam etat. athavâ . . . tiryan tiraskînah san. Arvân ought to be corrected to avân (comp. Khâdira-Grihya III, 2, 13).
5. The commentary explains upetaih simply by samipam âgataih.
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family, as far as they have been initiated (by the Upanayana), eat the fried grains.
6. (This ceremony) procures happiness.
7. (With the two formulas), 'Obeying the will' and Sankha' (MB. II, 6, 7. 8), he should sacrifice two oblations of rice and of barley separately,
8. With reference to a person whose favour he wishes to gain.
9. This is done daily.
10. With the Ekâksharya verse (MB. II, 6, 9) two rites (are performed) which are connected with the observance (of fasting) for a fortnight.
11. One who is desirous of long life, should sacrifice (with that verse), in the night of the full moon, one hundred pegs of Khadira wood;
12. Of iron, if he desires that (his enemies) may be killed.
13. Now another ceremony (performed with the same verse).
14. Having gone out of the village in an easterly or in a northerly direction, he should at a place where four roads meet, or on a mountain, set an elevated surface, consisting of the dung of beasts of the forest, on fire, should sweep the coals away, and should make an oblation of butter (on that surface) with his mouth, repeating that Mantra in his mind.
7 seq. Khâdira-Gribya IV, 2, 34 seq.
7. I. e. he should sacrifice one oblation of rice, and one of barley.
8. Literally, to a person, &c. The meaning is, he should pronounce the name of that person. The Sätra is repeated from IV, 5, 20; thus its expressions do not exactly fit the connection in which it stands here.
10 seq. Khâdira-Grihya IV, 3, 1 seq.
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GRIHYA-SUTRA OF GOBHILA.
15. If (that oblation of butter) catches fire, twelve villages (will be his).
16. If smoke rises, at least three.
17. They call this ceremony one which is not in vain.
126
18. One who desires that his means of livelihood may not be exhausted, should sacrifice green cowdung in the evening and in the morning.
19. Of articles which he has bought, he should, after having fasted three (days and) nights, make an oblation with the formula, 'Here this Visvakarman' (MB. II, 6, 10).
20. Of a garment he should offer some threads (with that formula),
21. Of a cow some hairs (of its tail);
22. In the same way (he should offer some part) of other articles which he has bought.
23. The sacrifice of a full oblation (with the verse, 'A full oblation I sacrifice,' MB. II, 6, 11) should be performed on the sacrificial day (i.e. on the first day of the fortnight),
24. And (on such a day let him sacrifice) with (the formula), ' Indrâmavadât (?)' (MB. II, 6, 12).
25. One who is desirous of glory, (should offer) the first (oblation); one who is desirous of companions, the second.
•
18. Khâdira-Grzhya IV, 3, 18. On haritagomayân the commentary has the following note: yaih khalu gomayaih samkule pradese haritâni trinâni prasastâny utpadyante tân kila gomayân haritagomayân âkakshate. te khalv ârdrâ ihâbhipreyante. katham giâyate. teshv eva tatprasiddheh.
19. Khâdira-Grihya IV, 3, 7.
23 seq. Khâdira-Grihya IV, 3, 8 seq. The Pratîka quoted in Sutra 24 is corrupt.
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IV PRAPÂTHAKA, 9 KÂNDIKÂ, 9.
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KÂNDIKÂ 9.
1. One who desires to become a ruler among men should fast through a period of eight nights.
2. Then he should provide a Sruva spoon, a cup (for water), and fuel, of Udumbara wood,
3. Should go out of the village in an easterly or in a northerly direction, should put wood on the fire at a place where four roads meet,
4. And should sacrifice Agya, turning his face towards the sun, with the formulas), 'Food indeed is the only thing that is pervaded by the metres,' and, Bliss indeed' (MB. II, 6, 13. 14);
5. A third (oblation) in the village with (the formula), • The food's essence is ghee' (ibid. 15).
6. One who is desirous of cattle, (should offer this oblation) in a cow-stable.
7. If (the cow-stable) is damaged by fire (?), (he should offer) a monk's robe.
8. On a dangerous road let him make knots in the skirts of the garments (of himself and of his companions),
9. Approaching those of the travellers) who wear garments (with skirts).
9, i seq. Khâdira-Grihya IV, 3, 10 seq.
7. Perhaps we ought to follow the commentary and to translate, • When (the cow-stable) becomes heated (by the fire on which he is going to sacrifice),' &c. (goshthe-gnim upasamadhâyaiva homo na kartavyah, kin tv agnim upasamadhâyâpi tâvat pratikshaniyam yâvad goshtham upatapyamânam bhavati'). I have translated kivaram according to the ordinary meaning of the word; in the commentary it is taken as equivalent to lauh akarnam (copper filings).
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GRIHYA-SOTRA OF GOBHILA,
10. (Let him do so with the three formulas, MB. II, 6, 13–15) with the word Svâhâ at the end of each.
11. This will bring a prosperous journey (to himself) and to his companions. [Or: (He should do the same with the garments) of his companions. This will bring a prosperous journey.]
12. One who desires to gain a thousand cart-loads (of gold), should sacrifice one thousand oblations of flour of fried grains.
13. One who is desirous of cattle, should sacrifice one thousand oblations of the excrements of a male and a female calf ;
14. Of a male and a female sheep, if he is desirous of flocks.
15. One who desires that his means of livelihood may not be exhausted, should sacrifice in the evening and in the morning the fallings-off of rice-grains, with (the formulas), .To Hunger Svâhâ !''To Hunger and Thirst Svâhâ !' (MB. II, 6, 16. 17).
16. If somebody has been bitten by a venomous animal, he should murmur (the verse), 'Do not fear, thou wilt not die' (MB. II, 6, 18), and should besprinkle him with water.
17. With (the formula), 'Strong one! Protect' (MB. II, 6, 19), a Snâtaka, when lying down (to sleep), should lay down his bamboo staff near (his bed).
18. This will bring him luck.
19. (The verses), “Thy worm is killed by Atri' (MB. II, 7, 1-4), he should murmur, besprinkling a place where he has a worm with water.
15. Khâdira-Grihya IV, 3, 6. 16 seq. Khâdira-Grihya IV, 4, 1 seq.
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4 PRAPATHAKA, IO KÂNDIKÂ, 5.
20. If he intends to do this for cattle, he should fetch in the afternoon an earth-clod taken out of a furrow, and should put it down in the open air.
21. In the morning he should strew the dust of it round (the place attacked by worms), and should murmur (the same texts).
KANDIKA 10.
1. To the north of the place (in which the Arghya reception will be offered to a guest), they should bind a cow (to a post or the like), and should (reverentially) approach it with (the verse), ' Arhanâ putra vâsa' (MB. II, 8, 1).
2. (The guest to whom the Arghya reception is going to be offered) should come forward murmuring, 'Here I tread on this Padyâ Virâg for the sake of the enjoyment of food' (ibid. 2).
3. (He should do so) where they are going to perform the Arghya ceremony for him,
4. Or when they perform it.
129
5. Let them announce three times (to the guest) separately (each of the following things which are
10, I seq. The Arghya reception; Khâdira-Grihya IV, 4, 5 seq.; Grihya-samgraha II, 62-65. The first words of the Mantra quoted in Sûtra 1 are corrupt. The Mantra is evidently an adaptation of the well-known verse addressed to the Âgrahâyanî (Gobhila III, 9, 9; Mantra-Brahmana II, 2, 1), or to the Ashtakâ (Pâraskara III, 3, 5, 8): prathamâ ha vyuvâsa, &c. The first word arhanâ ('duly'), containing an allusion to the occasion of the Arghya ceremony, to which this Mantra is adapted, seems to be quite right; the third word may be, as Dr. Knauer conjectures, uvâsa (she has dwelt,' or perhaps rather 'she has shone'). For the second word I am not able to suggest a correction.
2. Regarding Padyâ Virâg, comp. Sânkhâyana III, 7, 5 note; Pâraskara I, 3, 12.
[30]
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brought to him): a bed (of grass to sit down on), water for washing the feet, the Argha water, water for sipping, and the Madhuparka (i.e. a mixture of ghee, curds, and honey).
6. Let him spread out the bed (of grass, so that the points of the grass are) turned to the north, with (the verse), 'The herbs which' (MB. II, 8, 3), and let him sit down thereon ;
7. If there are two (beds of grass), with the two (verses) separately (MB. II, 8, 3. 4);
8. On the second (he treads) with the feet.
9. Let him look at the water (with which he is to wash his feet), with (the formula), 'From which side I see the goddesses.' (ibid. 5).
10. Let him wash his left foot with (the formula), The left foot I wash;' let him wash his right foot with (the formula), •The right foot I wash' (MB. II, 8, 6. 7);
11. Both with the rest (of the Mantra, i.e. with the formula), ' First the one, then the other'(I1, 8, 8).
12. Let him accept the Arghya water with (the formula), 'Thou art the queen of food' (ibid. 9).
13. The water (offered to him) for sipping he should sip with (the formula), 'Glory art thou' (ibid. 10).
14. The Madhuparka he should accept with (the formula), “The glory's glory art thou' (ibid. 11).
15. Let him drink (of it) three times with (the
8. See Paraskara I, 3, 9.
11. The commentary says, seshenavasishtenodakena. Comp., however, Khâdira-Gríhya IV, 4, 11.
15. I have adopted the reading sribhaksho, which is given in the Mantra-Brahmana, and have followed the opinion of the com
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formula which he repeats thrice), “The glory's food art thou ; the might's food art thou; the bliss's food art thou ; bestow bliss on me' (MB. II, 8, 12);
16. Silently a fourth time.
17. Having drunk more of it, he should give the remainder to a Brahmana.
18. After he has sipped water, the barber should thrice say to him, 'A cow!'
19. He should reply, 'Let loose the cow from the fetter of Varuna ; bind (with it) him who hates me. Kill him and (the enemy) of N. N., (the enemies) of both (myself and N. N.). Deliver the cow; let it eat grass, let it drink water' (MB. II, 8, 13).
20. (And after the cow has been set at liberty), let him address it with (the verse), The mother of the Rudras' (MB. II, 8, 14).
21. Thus if it is no sacrifice (at which the Arghya reception is offered).
22. (He should say), “Make it (ready),' if it is a sacrifice.
23. There are six persons to whom the Arghya reception is due, (namely),
mentator that the whole Mantra, and not its single parts, should be repeated each time that he drinks of the Madhuparka. In the Khâdira-Grihya the text of the Mantra differs, and the rite is described differently (IV, 4, 15).
16, 17. Perhaps these two Sätras should be rather understood as forming one Sätra, and should be translated as I have done in Khâdira-Grıhya IV, 4, 16.
19. Iti after a bhidhehi ought to be omitted. Comp. the lengthy discussions on this word, pp. 766 seq. of the edition of Gobhila in the Bibliotheca Indica. N. N.' is the host who offers the Arghya; comp. Khâdira-Grıhya IV, 4, 18.
21, 22. In the case of a sacrifice the cow is killed ; comp. Sankhâyana II, 15, 2. 3 note; Pâraskara I, 3, 30.
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24. A teacher, an officiating priest, a Snâtaka, a king, the father-in-law, a friend coming as a guest.
25. They should offer the Arghya reception (to such persons not more than) once a year.
26. But repeatedly in the case of a sacrifice and of a wedding. But repeatedly in the case of a sacrifice and of a wedding.
End of the Fourth Prapâthaka.
End of the Gobhila-Grihya-sûtra.
24. Vivâhya is explained in the commentary by vivâhayitavyo gâmâtâ. Comp., however, Sankhâyana II, 15, I note. 25, 26. Comp. Sankhâyana II, 15, 10 and the note.
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GRIHYA-SÛTRA OF
HIRANYAKESIN.
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INTRODUCTORY NOTE
TO THE
GRIH YA-SÚTRA OF
HIRANYAKESIN.
AFTER the excellent remarks of Professor Bühler on the position of Hiranyakesin among the Satra authors of the Black Yagur-veda (Sacred Books, vol. ii, p. xxiii seq.), I can here content myself with shortly indicating the materials on which my translation of this Grihya-sQtra, which was unpublished when I began to translate it, is based. For the first half of the work I could avail myself, in the first place, of the text, together with the commentary of Mâtridatta, which the late Dr. Schoenberg of Vienna had prepared for publication, and which was based on a number of MSS. collated by him. It is my melancholy duty gratefully to acknowledge here the kindness with which that prematurely deceased young scholar has placed at my disposal the materials he had collected, and the results of his labour which he continued till the last days of his life. For the second half of the Sætra his death deprived me of this important assistance; here then Professors Kielhorn of Göttingen and Bühler of Vienna have been kind enough to enable me to finish the task of this translation, by lending me two MSS. of the text and two MSS. of Matridatta's commentary which they possess.
Finally, Dr. J. Kirste of Vienna very kindly sent me the proof-sheets of his valuable edition before it was published. With the aid of these my translation has been revised.
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GRIHYA-SÚTRA OF
HIRANYAKESIN.
PRASNA I, PATALA 1, SECTION 1. 1. We shall explain the Upanayana (i.e. the initiation of the student).
2. Let him initiate a Brahmana at the age of seven years,
3. A Râganya, of eleven, a Vaisya, of twelve.
4. A Brahmana in the spring, a Râganya in the summer, a Vaisya in the autumn.
5. In the time of the increasing moon, under an auspicious constellation, preferably (under a constellation) the name of which is masculine,
6. He should serve food to an even number of Brâhmanas and should cause them to say, 'An auspicious day! Hail ! Good luck!'
7. (Then he) should have the boy satiated, should
1, 3. The statement commonly given in the Grihya-stras and Dharma-stras is, that the initiation of a Brahmana shall take place in his eighth year, though there are differences of opinion whether in the eighth year after conception, or after birth (ÂsvalâyanaGrihya I, 19, 1. 2). Måtridatta states that the rule given here in the Grihya-sūtra refers to the seventh year after birth. In the Dharma-sätra (comp pastamba I, 1, 18) it is stated that the initiation of a Brahmana shall take place in the eighth year after his conception. Comp. the remarks of Professor Buhler, S. B. E., vol. ii, p. xxii.
4. Âpastamba I, 1, 18. 6. Comp. Apastamba I, 13, 8 with Bühler's note.
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GRIHYA-SUTRA OF HIRANYAKESIN.
have his hair shaven, and after (the boy) has bathed and has been decked with ornaments
8. He should dress him in a (new) garment which has not yet been washed.
9. In a place inclined towards the east, (or) inclined towards the north, (or) inclined towards northeast, or in an even (place), he raises (the surface on which he intends to sacrifice), sprinkles it with water,
10. Kindles fire by attrition, or fetches common (worldly) fire, puts the fire down, and puts wood on the fire.
11. He strews eastward-pointed Darbha grass round the fire;
12. Or (the grass which is strewn) to the west and to the east (of the fire), may be northward-pointed.
13. He (arranges the Darbha blades so as to) lay the southern (blades) uppermost, the northern ones below, if their points are turned (partly) towards the east and (partly) towards the north.
14. Having strewn Darbha grass, to the south of the fire, in the place destined for the Brahman,
15. Having with the two (verses), 'I take (the fire) to myself,' and, 'The fire which (has entered)'— taken possession of the fire,
16. And having, to the north of the fire, spread out Darbha grass, he prepares the (following) objects,
9. Paraskara I, 1, 2; 4, 3; Âsvalâyana I, 3, 1, &c. 11. Âsvalâyana 1. 1.; Sânkhâyana I, 8, 1, &c. 13. Gobhila I, 7, 14. 14. Gobhila I, 6, 13; Paraskara I, 1, 2, &c.
15. Taittiriya Samhita V, 9, 1.- Comp. also the parallel passages, Satapatha Brâhmana VII, 3, 2, 17; Katyâyana-Sraut. XVII, 3, 27.
16. Gobhila I, 7, 1.
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according as they are required (for the ceremony which he is going to perform) :
17. A stone, a (new) garment which has not yet been washed, a skin (of an antelope, or a spotted deer, &c.), a threefold-twisted girdle of Muñga grass if he is a Brâhmana (who shall be initiated), a bowstring for a Râganya, a woollen thread for a Vaisya, a staff of Bilva or of Palâsa wood for a Brâhmana, of Nyagrodha wood for a Râganya, of Udumbara wood for a Vaisya.
18. He binds together the fuel, twenty-one pieces of wood, or as many as there are oblations to be made.
19. Together with that fuel he ties up the (three) branches of wood which are to be laid round the fire, (which should have the shape of) pegs.
20. (He gets ready, besides, the spoon called) Darvi, a bunch of grass, the Ågya pot, the pot for the Pranita water, and whatever (else) is required;
21. All (those objects) together, or (one after the other) as it happens.
22. At that time the Brahman suspends the sacrificial cord over his left shoulder, sips water, passes by the fire, on its west side, to the south side, throws away a grass blade from the Brahman's seat, touches water, and sits down with his face turned towards the fire.
17. Sänkhâyana II, 1, 15 seqq., &c. As to the stone, comp. below, I, 1, 4, 13.
18. Comp. Asvalâyana I, 10, 3, and the passages quoted in the note (vol. xxix, p. 173).
20. Regarding the bunch of grass, see below, I, 2, 6, 9. 22. Gobhila I, 6, 14 seq. Comp. the passages quoted in the
note.
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GRIHYA-SOTRA OF HIRANYAKESIN.
23. He takes as 'purifiers' two straight Darbha blades with unbroken points of one span's length, cuts them off with something else than his nail, wipes them with water, pours water into a vessel over which he has laid the purifiers, fills (that vessel) up to near the brim, purifies (the water) three times with the two Darbha strainers, holding their points to the north, places (the water) on Darbha grass on the north side of the fire, and covers it with Darbha grass.
24. Having consecrated the Prokshani water by means of the purifiers as before, having placed the vessels upright, and having untied the fuel, he sprinkles (the sacrificial vessels) three times with the whole (Prokshant water).
25. Having warmed the Darvf spoon (over the fire), having wiped it, and warmed it again, he puts it down.
26. Having besprinkled (with water) the Darbha grass with which the fuel was tied together, he throws it into the fire.
27. He melts the Ågya, pours the Ågya into the Agya pot over which he has laid the purifiers, takes some coals (from the fire) towards the north, puts (the Agya) on these (coals), throws light (on the
23. Gobhila I, 7, 21 seq.; Sânkhâyana I, 8, 14 seq. The water mentioned in this Satra is the Pranîta water.
24. Regarding the Prokshani water, see Såókhayana I, 8, 25 note. The word which I have translated by vessels' is bilavanti, . which literally means the things which have brims. Probably this expression here has some technical connotation unknown to me. Mâtridatta simply says, bilavanti pátrani.-'As before' means, as stated with regard to the Pranîta water.'
25. Paraskara I, 1, 3. 27. Sânkhâyana I, 8, 18 seq.
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Ågya by means of burning Darbha blades), throws two young Darbha shoots into it, moves a fire-brand round it three times, takes it (from the coals) towards the north, pushes the coals back into the fire), purifies the Ágya three times with the two purifiers, holding their points towards the north, (drawing them through the Agya from west to east and) taking them back (to the west each time), throws the two purifiers into the fire,
Patala 1, SECTION 2. 1. And lays the (three) pegs round (the fire).
2. On the west side of the fire) he places the middle (peg), with its broad end to the north,
3. On the south side (of the fire the second peg), so that it touches the middle one, with its broad end to the east,
4. On the north side of the fire the third peg), so that it touches the middle one, with its broad end to the east.
5. To the west of the fire (the teacher who is going to initiate the student), sits down with his face turned towards the east.
6. To the south (of the teacher) the boy, wearing the sacrificial cord over his left shoulder, having sipped water, sits down and touches (the teacher).
7. Then (the teacher) sprinkles water round the fire (in the following way) :
8. On the south side (of the fire he sprinkles
2, 1. The' pegs' are the pieces of wood mentioned above, 1, 19.
7-10. Gobhila I, 3, I seq. The vocative Sarasvate instead of Sarasvati is given by the MSS. also in the Khâdira-Grihya I,2, 19.
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water) from west to east with (the words), 'Aditi ! Give thy consent!'—
9. On the west side, from south to north, with (the words), Anumati ! Give thy consent!' On the north side, from west to east, with the words), 'Sarasvati! Give thy consent !'
10. On all sides, so as to keep his right side turned towards (the fire), with (the Mantra), God Savitri! Give thy impulse !' (Taitt. Samh. I, 7, 7, 1).
11. Having (thus) sprinkled (water) round (the fire), and having anointed the fuel (with Ågya), he puts it on (the fire) with (the Mantra), • This fuel is thy self, Gatavedas! Thereby thou shalt be inflamed and shalt grow. Inflame us and make us grow; through offspring, cattle, holy lustre, and through the enjoyment of food make us increase. Svâhâ !'
12. He then sacrifices with the (spoon called) Darvi (the following oblations):
13. Approaching the Darvi (to the fire) by the northerly junction of the pegs (laid round the fire), and fixing his mind on (the formula), ‘To Pragâpati, to Manu svâhâ !' (without pronouncing that Mantra), he sacrifices a straight, long, uninterrupted (stream of Agya), directed towards the south-east.
14. Approaching the Darvi (to the fire) by the southern junction of the pegs (laid round the fire),
11. As to the Mantra, compare Sânkhâyana II, 10, 4, &c.
13, 14. The two oblations described in these Sätras are the so-called Aghâras; see Sūtra 15, and Paraskara I, 5, 3; Âsvalâyana 1, 10, 13. Regarding the northern and the southern junction of the Paridhi woods, see above, Satras 3 and 4. According to Matridatta, the words 'long, uninterrupted' (Sätra 13) are to be supplied also in Sätra 14.
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I PRASNA, I PATALA, 2 SECTION, 18.
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(he sacrifices) a straight (stream of Agya), directed towards the north-east, with the Mantra which he pronounces), To Indra svâhâ !!
15. Having (thus) poured out the two Åghara oblations, he sacrifices the two Âgyabhagas,
16. With (the words), 'To Agni svâhâ !' over the easterly part of the northerly part (of the fire); with (the words), To Soma svâhâ !' over the easterly part of the southerly part (of the fire).
17. Between them he sacrifices the other (oblations).
18. (He makes four oblations with the following Mantras): "Thou whom we have set to work, Gåtavedas! carry forward (our offerings)Agni! Perceive this work (i. e. the sacrifice), as it is performed (by us). Thou art a healer, a creator of medicine. Through thee may we obtain cows, horses, and men. Svâhå!
Thou who liest down athwart, thinking, “ It is I who keep (all things) asunder :" to thee who art propitious (to me), I sacrifice this stream of ghee in the fire. Svâhâ ! "To the propitious goddess syâhâ !
To the accomplishing goddess svâhâ !'
16. Âsvalâyana I, 10, 13; Sânkhâyana I, 9, 7, &c. As to the expressions uttarardha pûrvard he and dakshinardhaparvârdhe, comp. Gobhila I, 8, 14 and the note.
17. I.e. between the places at which the two 'Âgya portions' are offered. Comp. Sånkhayana I, 9, 8.
18. Satapatha Brâhmana XIV, 9, 3, 3 (=Brihad Âranyaka VI, 3, 1 ; S. B. E., vol. xv, p. 210); Mantra-Brâhmana I, 5, 6.
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Patala 1, Section 3. 1. This is the rite for all Darvi-sacrifices.
2. At the end of the Mantras constantly the word Svâhâ (is pronounced).
3. (Oblations) for which no Mantras are prescribed (are made merely with the words), · To such and such (a deity) svâhâ !'-according to the deity (to whom the oblation is made).
4. He sacrifices with the Vyâhritis, ‘Bhuh! Bhuvah! Suvah!'-with the single (three Vyâhritis) and with (the three) together.
5. (The Mantras for the two chief oblations are), the (verse), 'Life-giving, Agni !' (Taitt. Brahmana I, 2, 1, 11), (and),
* Life-giving, O god, choosing long life, thou whose face is full of ghee, whose back is full of ghee, Agni, drinking ghee, the noble ambrosia that comes from the cow, lead this (boy) to old age, as a father (leads) his son. Svâhâ !'
6. (Then follow oblations with the verses), *This, O Varuna' (Taitt. Samh. II, 1, 11, 6), . For this I entreat thee' (Taitt. Samh., loc. cit.),
3, 2. Gobhila I, 9, 25. 3. Sânkhâyana I, 9, 18.
4. Sânkhayana I, 12, 12. 13; Gobhila I, 9, 27. As to suvah, the spelling of the Taittirîyas for svah, see Indische Studien, XIII, 105.
5, 6. In the second Mantra we should read vrinâno instead of grinâno; comp. Atharva-veda II, 13, 1. As to the Mantras that follow, comp. Pâraskara I, 2, 8; Taittirîya Aranyaka IV, 20, 3.Regarding the Mantra tvam Agne ayâsi (sic), comp. Taitt. Brâh. II, 4, 1, 9; Asvala yana-Srauta-sûtra I, 11, 13; Kâtyâyana-Srautasūtra XXV, 1,11; Indische Studien, XV, 125.
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Thou, Agni' (Taitt. Samh. II, 5, 12, 3),
Thus thou, Agni' (Taitt. Samh., loc. cit.), • Thou, Agni, art quick. Being quick, appointed (by us in our mind (as our messenger), thou who art quick, carriest the offering (to the gods). O quick one, bestow medicine on us ! Svâhâ !'—and finally) the (verse),
Pragàpati !' (Taitt. Samh. I, 8, 14, 2). 7. (With the verse), 'What I have done too much in this sacrifice, or what I have done here deficiently, all that may Agni Svishtakrit, he who knows it, make well sacrificed and well offered for me. To Agni Svishtakrit, the offerer of well-offered (sacrifices), the offerer of everything, to him who makes us succeed in our offerings and in our wishes, svâhâ !' --he offers (the Svishtakrit oblation) over the easterly part of the northerly part (of the fire), separated from the other oblations.
8. Here some add as subordinate oblations, before the Svishtakrit, the Gaya, Abhyâtâna, and Rashtrabhrit (oblations).
9. The Gaya (oblations) he sacrifices with (the thirteen Mantras), “Thought, svåhå! Thinking, svâhâ !'- or, To thought svâhâ ! To thinking svâhâ !' (&c.);
10. The Abhyâtâna (oblations) with (the eighteen Mantras), · Agni is the lord of beings; may he protect me'(&c.).
11. (The words), 'In this power of holiness, in
7. Âsvalâyana-Grihya1,10,23; Satapatha Brahmana XIV,9,4,24. 8. Comp. the next Satras and Paraskara I, 5, 7-10. 9. Taittirîya Samhitâ III, 4, 4. 10. Taittirîya Samhita III, 4, 5. 11. See the end of the section quoted in the last note.
[30]
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this worldly power (&c.)' are added to (each section of) the Abhyâtâna formulas.
12. With the last of the Abhyâtâna formulas), 'Fathers ! Grandfathers !' he sacrifices or performs worship, wearing the sacrificial cord over his right shoulder.
13. The Rashtrabhrit (oblations he sacrifices) with (the twelve Mantras), 'The champion of truth, he whose law is truth. After having quickly repeated (each) section, he sacrifices the first oblation with (the words),‘To him svâhâ !' the second (oblation) with (the words), To them svâhâ !'
14. Having placed a stone near the northerly junction of the pegs (which are laid round the fire), (the teacher) —
Patala 1, SECTION 4. 1. Makes the boy tread on (that stone) with his right foot, with (the verse), · Tread on this stone ; like a stone be firm. Destroy those who seek to do thee harm; overcome thy enemies.'
12. He performs worship with that Mantra, wearing the sacrificial cord over his right shoulder, to the Manes. According to others, he worships Agni. But this would stand in contradiction to the words of the Mantra). Matridatta.
13. Taittirîya Samhitâ III, 4, 7. "To him ' (tasmai) is masculine, 'to them' (tâbhyah) feminine. The purport of these words will be explained best by a translation of the first section of the Râshtrabhrit formulas: The champion of truth, he whose law is truth, Agni is the Gandharva. His Apsaras are the herbs; "sap" is their name. May he protect this power of holiness and this worldly power. May they protect this power of holiness and this worldly power. To him svâhâ ! To them svâhâ !!
14. See above, section 2, § 13. 4,1. Comp. Sankhayana I, 13, 12; Paraskara I, 7, I.
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2. After (the boy) has taken off his old (garment), (the teacher) makes him put on a (new) garment that has not yet been washed, with (the verses),
'The goddesses who spun, who wove, who spread out, and who drew out the skirts on both sides, may those goddesses clothe thee with long life. Blessed with life put on this garment.
'Dress him; through (this) garment make him reach a hundred (years) of age; extend his life. Brihaspati has given this garment to king Soma that he may put it on.
'Mayst thou live to old age; put on the garment! Be a protector of the human tribes against imprecation. Live a hundred years, full of vigour; clothe thyself in the increase of wealth.'
3. Having (thus) made (the boy) put on (the new garment, the teacher) recites over him (the verse),
'Thou hast put on this garment for the sake of welfare; thou hast become a protector of thy friends against imprecation. Live a hundred long years; a noble man, blessed with life, mayst thou distribute wealth.'
4. He then winds the girdle three times from left to right round (the boy, so that it covers) his navel. (He does so only) twice, according to some (teachers). (It is done) with (the verse),
2. Pâraskara I, 4, 13. 12; Atharva-veda II, 13, 2. 3 (XIX, 24). Instead of paridâtavâ u, we ought to read, as the Atharva-veda has, paridhâtavâ u.
3. Atharva-veda II, 13, 3; XIX, 24, 6.
4. Sankhâyana II, 2, 1; Pâraskara II, 2, 8. The text of the Mantra as given by Hiranyakesin is very corrupt, but the corruptions may be as old as the Hiranyakesi-sûtra itself, or even older.
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Here she has come to us who drives away sin, purifying our guard and our protection, bringing us strength by (the power of) inhalation and exhalation, the sister of the gods, this blessed girdle.'
5. On the north side of the navel he makes a threefold knot (in the girdle) and draws that to the south side of the navel.
6. He then arranges for him the skin (of an antelope, &c., see Satra 7) as an outer garment, with (the Mantras),
The firm, strong eye of Mitra, glorious splendour, powerful and flaming, a chaste, mobile vesture, this skin put on, a valiant (man), N. N.!
"May Aditi tuck up thy garment, that thou mayst study the Veda, for the sake of insight and belief and of not forgetting what thou hast learnt, for the sake of holiness and of holy lustre !!
7. The skin of a black antelope (is worn) by a Brahmana, the skin of a spotted deer by a Râganya, the skin of a he-goat by a Vaisya.
8. He then gives him in charge (to the gods), a Brâhmana with (the verse), We give this (boy) in charge, O Indra, to Brahman, for the sake of great learning. May he (Brahman ?) lead him to old age, and may he (the boy) long watch over learning.'
6. I propose to correct garishnu into karishnu. See Sânkhayana II, 1, 30.
7. Sånkhâyana II, 1, 2. 4. 5, &c,
8. In the first hemistich I propose to correct pari dadhmasi into pari dadmasi. The verse seems to be an adaptation of a Mantra which contained a form of the verb pari-dhâ (comp. Atharva-veda XIX, 24, 2); thus the reading pari... dadhmasi found in the MSS. may be easily accounted for. The second hemistich is very corrupt, but the Atharva-veda (loc. cit. : yathainam garase nayât) shows at least the general sense.
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A Râganya (he gives in charge to the gods) with (the verse), We give this boy in charge, O Indra, to Brahman, for the sake of great royalty. May he lead him to old age, and may he long watch over
royalty.'
A Vaisya (he gives in charge) with (the verse), We give this boy in charge, O Indra, to Brahman, for the sake of great wealth. May he lead him to old age, and may he long watch over wealth.'
9. (The teacher) makes him sit down to the west of the fire, facing the north, and makes him eat the remnants of the sacrificial food, with these (Mantras),
On thee may wisdom, on thee may offspring' (Taitt. Aranyaka, Andhra redaction, X, 44),—altering (the text of the Mantras).
10. Some make (the student) eat sprinkled butter.'
11. (The teacher) looks at (the student) while he is eating, with the two verses, At every pursuit we invoke strong (Indra)' (Taitt. Samh. IV, 1, 2, 1), (and), · Him, Agni, lead to long life and splendour' (Taitt. Samh. II, 3, 10, 3).
12. Some make (the boy) eat (that food with these two verses).
13. After (the boy) has sipped water, (the teacher) causes him to touch (water) and recites over him (the verse), “A hundred autumns are before us, O gods, before ye have made our bodies decay, before (our)
9. The text of those Mantras runs thus, 'On me may wisdom, &c.'; he alters them so as to say, 'On thee,' &c.
10. Regarding the term 'sprinkled butter,' comp. ÂsvalâyanaGrihya IV, 1, 18. 19.
13. Rig-veda I, 89. 9.
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sons have become fathers; do not destroy us before we have reached (our due) age.'
End of the First Patala.
PraSNA I, PATALA 2, SECTION 5. 1. "To him who comes (to us), we have come. Drive ye away death! May we walk with him safely; may he walk here in bliss ; (may he) walk in bliss until (he returns) to his house '—this (verse the teacher repeats) while (the boy) walks round the fire so as to keep his right side turned towards it.
2. (The teacher) then causes him to say, 'I have come hither to be a student. Initiate me! I will be a student, impelled by the god Savitri.'
3. (The teacher then) asks hiin : 4. What is thy name?' 5. He says, 'N. N!'—what his name is.
6. (The teacher says), ' Happily, god Savitri, may I attain the goal with this N. N.-here he pronounces (the student's) two names.
7. With (the verse), 'For bliss may the goddesses afford us their protection ; may the waters afford drink to us. With bliss and happiness may they overflow us'- both wipe themselves off.
5, 1. I read, pra su mrityum yuyotana; comp. Mantra-Brâhmana 1, 6, 14 (Rig-veda I, 136, 1, &c.). As to the last Pada, comp. Rigveda III, 53, 20.
2 seq. Comp. Gobhila II, 10, 21 seq.; Pâraskara II, 2, 6; Sânkhâyana II, 2, 4, &c.
5. Mâtridatta, As it is said below, "he pronounces his two names" (Satra 6), the student should here also pronounce his two names, for instance, “I am Devadatta, Kârttika."
6. His common (vyavahârika) name and his Nakshatra name.' Matridatta.
7. Rig-veda X, 9, 4.
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8. Then (the teacher) touches with his right hand (the boy's) right shoulder, and with his left (hand) his left (shoulder), and draws (the boy's) right arm towards himself with the Vyâhritis, the Savitri verse, and with (the formula), · By the impulse of the god Savitri, with the arms of the two Asvins, with Pashan's hands I initiate thee, N. N.!
9. He then seizes with his right hand (the boy's) right hand together with the thumb, with (the words), • Agni has seized thy hand ; Soma has seized thy hand ; Savitri has seized thy hand; Sarasvati has seized thy hand; Pashan has seized thy hand; Brihaspati has seized thy hand; Mitra has seized thy hand; Varuna has seized thy hand; Tvashtri has seized thy hand; Dhâtri has seized thy hand; Vishnu has seized thy hand; Pragâpati has seized thy hand.'
10. May Savitri protect thee. Mitra art thou by rights; Agni is thy teacher.
• By the impulse of the god Savitri become Brihaspati's pupil. Eat water. Put on fuel. Do the service. Do not sleep in the day-time'-thus (the teacher) instructs him.
11. Then the teacher) gradually moves his right
8. The word which I have translated draws ... towards himself'
the same which is also used in the sense of 'he initiates him' (upanayate). Possibly we should correct the text : dakshinam bâhum any abhyâtmam upanayate, he turns him towards himself from left to right (literally, following his right arm).' Comp. Sânkhâyana II, 3, 2.-Regarding the Mantra, comp. Sânkhâyana II, 2, 12, &c.
9. Sânkhayana II, 2, 11; 3, 1, &c.
10. Sânkhâyana II, 3, 1; 4, 5. We ought to read a possana, instead of apo sânah as the MSS. have.
II. Sânkhayana II, 4, 1, &c.
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hand down over (the boy's) right shoulder and touches the place of his heart with the formulas), * Thy heart shall dwell in my heart; my mind thou shalt follow with thy mind; in my word thou shalt rejoice with all thy heart; may Brihaspati join thee to me!
To me alone thou shalt adhere. In me thy thoughts shall dwell. Upon me thy veneration shall be bent. When I speak, thou shalt be silent.'
12. With the words), “Thou art the knot of all breath; do not loosen thyself'-(he touches) the place of his navel.
13. After (the teacher) has recited over him (the formula)
• Bhah! Bhuvah! Suvah! By offspring may I become rich in offspring! By valiant sons, rich in valiant sons ! By splendour, rich in splendour! By wealth, rich in wealth! By wisdom, rich in wisdom! By pupils, rich in holy lustre!'
And (again the formulas),
• Bhoh! I place thee in the Rikas, in Agni, on the earth, in voice, in the Brahman, N. N.!
Bhuvah! I place thee in the Yagus, in Vâyu, in the air, in breath, in the Brahman, N. N.!
Suvah! I place thee in the Sâmans, in Surya, in heaven, in the eye, in the Brahman, N. N. !
May I be beloved (?) and dear to thee, N. N.!
13. The reading of the last Mantra is doubtful. Ish/atas should possibly be ishtas, but the genitive analasya, or, as some of the MSS. have, analasya (read, analasa sya ?), points rather to a genitive like ikkhatas. If we write ikkhatas and analasasya, the translation would be: May I be dear to thee, who loves me, N. N.! May I be dear to thee, who art zealous, N. N.!' Comp. Sânkhayana II, 3, 3.
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May I be dear to thee, the fire (?), N. N.! Let us dwell here! Let us dwell in breath and life! Dwell in breath and life, N. N.!'
14. He then seizes with his right hand (the boy's) right hand together with the thumb, with the five sections, 'Agni is long-lived.'
15. May (Agni) bestow on thee long life everywhere' (Taitt. Samh. I, 3, 14, 4)—
Patala 2, SECTION 6.
1. (This verse the teacher) murmurs in (the boy's) right ear;
2. (The verse), 'Life-giving, Agni' (Taitt. Samh. I, 3, 14, 4) in his left ear.
3. Both times he adds (to the verses quoted in the last Satras the formula), Stand fast in Agni and on the earth, in Vayu and in the air, in Sarya and in heaven. The bliss in which Agni, Vayu, the sun, the moon, and the waters go their way, in that bliss go thy way, N. N.! Thou hast become the pupil of breath, N. N.!'
4. Approaching his mouth to (the boy's) mouth he murmurs, 'Intelligence may Indra give thee, intelligence the goddess Sarasvati. Intelligence may the two Asvins, wreathed with lotus, bestow on thee.'
5. He then gives (the boy) in charge (to the gods and demons, with the formulas), 'To Kashaka (3) I
14. Comp. above, Sätra 9. 6, 3. Asvalâyana I, 20, 8. 4. Asvalâyana I, 15, 2; 22, 26; Pâraskara II, 4, 8. 5. Comp. Sânkhâyana II, 3, 1 ; Pâraskara II, 2, 21. The name
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give thee in charge. To Antaka I give thee in charge. To Aghora (" the not frightful one") I give thee in charge. To Disease ... to Yama ... to Makha ... to Vasint (“the ruling goddess ")... to the earth together with Vaisvânara ... to the waters ... to the herbs ... to the trees ... to Heaven and Earth ... to welfare ... to holy lustre ... to the Visve devâs ... to all beings... to all deities I give thee in charge.'
6. He now teaches him the Sâvitri, if he has (already) been initiated before.
7. If he has not been initiated (before, he teaches him the Savitri) after three days have elapsed.
8. (He does so) immediately, says Pushkarasâdi.
9. Having placed to the west of the fire a bunch of grass with its poi ts directed towards the north, (the teacher) sits down thereon, facing the east, with (the formula), A giver of royal power art thou, a teacher's seat. May I not withdraw from thee.'
10. The boy raises his joined hands towards the sun, embraces (the feet of) his teacher, sits down to the south of the teacher), addresses (him), 'Recite, sir !' and then says, 'Recite the Savitri, sir!'
11. Having recited over (the boy the verse), “We call thee, the lord of the hosts' (Taitt. Samh. II, 3, 14, 3), he then recites (the Såvitri) to him, firstly Pâda by Pâda, then hemistich by hemistich, and then the whole verse in the following way),
in the first section of the Mantra is spelt Kasha kaya and Kasađây a. Comp. Mantra-Brahmana I, 6, 22: Krisana, idam te paridadâmy amum; Atharva-veda IV, 10, 7: Karsanas tvâbhirakshatu.
6. 'A repetition of the initiation takes place as a penance.' Mátridatta.
9-11. Comp. Sänkhâyana II, 5. &c.
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• Bhůs! Tat Savitur varexyam (That adorable
splendour)• Bhuvo! Bhargo devasya dhimahi (of the divine
Savitri may we obtain)Suvar! Dhiyo yo nah prakodayât (who should
rouse our prayers). • Bhar bhuvas! Tat Savitur varenyam bhargo
devasya dhimahi"Suvar! Dhiyo yo nah prakodayât.Bhûr bhuvah suvas! Tat Savitur . . . prakoda
yât.'
Patala 2, SECTION 7.
1. He then causes (the student) to put on the fire seven pieces of fresh Paläsa wood, with unbroken tops, of one span's length, which have been anointed with ghee.
2. One (of these pieces of wood he puts on the fire) with (the Mantra), ·To Agni I have brought a piece of wood, to the great Gâtavedas. As thou art inflamed, Agni, through that piece of wood, thus inflame me through wisdom, insight, offspring, cattle, holy lustre, and through the enjoyment of food. Svâhâ !'
3. (Then he puts on the fire) two (pieces of wood with the same Mantra, using the dual instead of the
7, 1 seq. Comp. Âsvalâyana I, 21, 1; Sânkhayana II, 10, &c. "The putting of fuel on the fire, and what follows after it, form a part of the chief ceremony, not of the recitation of the Savitri. Therefore in the case of one who has not yet been initiated (see I, 2, 6, 7), it ought to be performed immediately after the student) has been given in charge to the gods and demons; I, 2, 6, 5).' Mátridatta.
2. Paraskara II, 4, 3.
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singular), ‘To Agni (I have brought) two pieces of wood ;'
4. (Then) four (pieces of wood, using the plural), "To Agni (I have brought) pieces of wood.'
5. He then sprinkles (water) round (the fire) as above.
6. “Thou hast given thy consent;' Thou hast given thy impulse '—thus he changes the end of each Mantra.
7. He then worships the (following) deities (with the following Mantras),
8. Agni with (the words), · Agni, lord of the vow, I shall keep the vow;'
9. Vâyu with (the words), Vâyu, lord of the vow, (&c.);'
10. Aditya (the sun) with (the words), · Åditya, lord of the vow, (&c.);'
11. The lord of the vows with (the words), 'Lord of the vows, ruling over the vows (&c.).'
12. He then gives an optional gift to his Guru (i. e. to the teacher).
13. (The teacher) makes him rise with (the verse which the student recites), Up! with life' (Taitt. Samh. I, 2, 8, 1); he gives him in charge (to the sun) with (the words), Sun! This is thy son; I give him in charge to thee;' and he worships the sun with (the Mantra), “That bright eye created by the gods which rises in the east : may we see it a hundred autumns; may we live a hundred autumns; may we
5. Comp. above, I, 1, 2, 7 seq. 6. He says, 'Anumati! Thou hast given thy consent l' &c. 8 seq. Comp. Gobhila II, 10, 16. 12. Comp. Sankhayana I, 14, 13 seq. 13. Paraskara I, 8, 7; I, 6, 3.
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I PRASNA, 2 PATALA, 7 SECTION, 21. 157 rejoice a hundred autumns; may we be glad a hundred autumns; may we prosper a hundred autumns; may we hear a hundred autumns; may we speak a hundred autumns; may we live undecaying a hundred autumns; and may we long see the sun.
•
14. May Agni further give thee life. May Agni further grant thee bliss. May Indra with the Maruts here give (that) to thee; may the sun with the Vasus give (it) to thee—with (this verse the teacher) gives him a staff, and then hands over to him a bowl (for collecting alms).
15. Then he says to him, 'Go out for alms.'
16. Let him beg of his mother first;
17. Then (let him beg) in other houses where they are kindly disposed towards him.
18. He brings (the food which he has received) to his Guru (i. e. to the teacher), and announces it to him by saying, '(These are) the alms.'
19. (The teacher accepts it) with the words, 'Good alms they are.'
20. May all gods bless thee whose first garment we accept. May after thee, the prosperous one, the well-born, many brothers and friends be born '--with (this verse the teacher) takes (for himself) the former garment (of the student).
21. When the food (with which the Brahmanas shall be entertained) is ready, (the student) takes some portion of boiled rice, cakes, and flour, mixes
14. Sânkhâyana II, 6, 2, &c.
16 seq. Sankhâyana II, 6, 4 seq.; Âpastamba I, 3, 28 seq. 17. The commentary explains râtikuleshu by gñâtiprabhritishu;-comp. yo sya râtir bhavati, I, 3, 9, 18.
20. See above, I, 1, 4, 2, and comp. Atharva-veda II, 13, 5.
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(these substances) with clarified butter, and sacrifices with (the formulas), 'To Agni svâhâ! To Soma svâhâ! To Agni, the eater of food, svâhâ! To Agni, the lord of food, svâhâ! To Pragâpati svâhâ! To the Visve devâs svâhâ! To all deities svâhâ! To Agni Svishtakrit svâhâ!'
22. Thus (let him sacrifice) wherever (oblations of food are prescribed) for which the deities (to whom they shall be offered) are not indicated.
23. If the deity is indicated, (let him sacrifice) with (the words), 'To such and such (a deity) svâhâ!'— according to which deity it is.
24. Taking (again) some portion of the same kinds of food, he offers it as a Bali on eastwardpointed Darbha grass, with (the words), 'To Vâstupati (i. e. Vâstoshpati) svâhâ!'
25. After he has served those three kinds of food to the Brahmanas, and has caused them to say, 'An auspicious day! Hail! Good luck!'
PATALA 2, SECTION 8.
1. He keeps through three days the (following)
VOW:
2. He eats no pungent or saline food and no vegetables; he sleeps on the ground; he does not drink out of an earthen vessel; he does not give the remnants of his food to a Sûdra; he does not eat honey or meat; he does not sleep in the day
23. Comp. above, I, 1, 3, 3.
24. The same,' of course, refers to Sutra 21.
25. See above, I, 1, 1, 6.
8, 1. This is the Sâvitra-vrata. Comp. I, 2, 6, 7; Sânkhâyana, Introduction, p. 8.
2. Regarding the term 'pungent food,' comp. Professor Bühler's notes on Âpastamba I, 1, 2, 23; II, 6, 15, 15.
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time; in the morning and in the evening he brings (to his teacher) the food which he has received as alms and a pot of water; every day (he fetches) a bundle of firewood; in the morning and in the evening, or daily in the evening he puts fuel on (the fire, in the following way):
3. Before sprinkling (water) round (the fire), he wipes (with his wet hand) from left to right round (the fire) with the verse, 'As you have loosed, O Vasus, the buffalo-cow' (Taitt. Samh. IV, 7, 15, 7), and sprinkles (water) round (the fire) as above.
4. (Then) he puts (four) pieces of wood (on the fire) with the single (Vyâhritis) and with (the three Vyâhritis) together, and (four other pieces) with (the following four verses),
'This fuel is thine, Agni ; thereby thou shalt grow and gain vigour. And may we grow and gain vigour. Svâhâ!
'May Indra give me insight; may Sarasvatt, the goddess, (give) insight; may both Asvins, wreathed with lotus, bestow insight on me. Svâhâ!
'The insight that dwells with the Apsaras, the mind that dwells with the Gandharvas, the divine insight and that which is born from men may that insight, the fragrant one, rejoice in me! Svâhâ!
'May insight, the fragrant one, that assumes all shapes, the gold-coloured, mobile one, come to me. Rich in sap, swelling with milk, may she, insight, the lovely-faced one, rejoice in me! Svâhâ!'
5. Having wiped round (the fire) in the same way, he sprinkles (water) round (the fire) as above.
3. See I, 1, 2, 7 seq.; Âpastamba Dharma-sûtra I, 1, 4, 18. 4. Âpastamba I, 1, 4, 16; Sânkhâyana II, 10, 4, &c. 5. See Sûtra 3 and the note.
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6. He worships the fire with the Mantras, What thy splendour is, Agni, may I thereby'(Taitt. Samh. III, 5, 3, 2), and 'On me may insight, on me offspring' (Taitt. Aranyaka X, 44).
7. After the lapse of those three days (Satra I) he serves in the same way the three kinds of food (stated above) to the Brâhmanas, causes them to say, 'An auspicious day! Hail! Good luck!' and discharges himself of his vow by (repeating) these (Mantras) with (the necessary) alterations, 'Agni, lord of the vow, I have kept the vow' (see above, 1, 2, 7, 8).
8. He keeps the same observances afterwards (also),
9. Dwelling in his teacher's house. He may eat, (however,) pungent and saline food and vegetables.
10. He wears a staff, has his hair tied in one knot, and wears a girdle,
11. Or he may tie the lock on the crown of the head in a knot.
12. He wears (an upper garment) dyed with red Loth, or the skin (of an antelope, &c.).
13. He does not have intercourse with women. 14. (The studentship lasts) forty-eight years, or 6. Âsvalâyana-Gribya I, 21, 4. 7. See I, 2, 7, 21. 25. 8. He keeps the observances stated in Sätra 2.
9. See above, Sätra 2. Comp. Âpastamba Dharma-sútra I, 1, 2, 11, and Sätra 23 of the same section, which stands in contradiction to this Sätra of Hiranyakesin.
10, 11. Comp. Âpastamba I, 1, 2, 31. 32. Mâtridatta has received into his explanation of the eleventh Satra the words. She should shave the rest of the hair,' which in the Apastambîya-sútra are found in the text.
14. Asvalâyana-Grihya I, 2 Âpastamba Dharma-sûtra I, 1, 2, I2 seq.
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twenty-four (years), or twelve (years), or until he has learnt (the Veda).
15. He should not, however, omit keeping the observances.
16. At the beginning and on the completion of the study of a Kanda (of the Black Yagur-veda he sacrifices) with (the verse), “The lord of the seat, the wonderful one, the friend of Indra, the dear one, I have entreated for the gift of insight. Svâhâ !'
In the second place the Rishi of the Kanda (receives an oblation).
(Then follow oblations with the verses), 'This, O Varuna ;''For this I entreat thee;' 'Thou, Agni ;' *Thus thou, Agni;' Thou, Agni, art quick;' • Pragâpati !' and, 'What I have done too much in this sacrifice.' Here some add as subordinate oblations the Gaya, Abhyâtâna, and Rashtrabhrit (oblations) as above.
End of the Second Patala.
Prasna I, PATALA 3, SECTION 9. 1. After he has studied the Veda, the bath (which signifies the end of his studentship, is taken by him).
2. We shall explain that (bath).
3. During the northern course of the sun, in the time of the increasing moon, under (the Nakshatra) Rohini, (or) Mrigasiras, (or) Tishya, (or) Uttarà
16. Rig-veda I, 18, 6. As the Rishis of the single Kandas are considered, Pragâpati, Soma, Agni, the Visve devâs, Svayambhů. Regarding the Mantras quoted in the last section of this Satra, see above, I, 1, 3, 5-7.
[30]
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Phalguni, (or) Hasta, (or) Kitrâ, or the two Visakhâs: under these (Nakshatras) he may take the bath.
4. He goes to a place near which water is, puts wood on the fire, performs the rites down to the oblations made with the Vyâhritis, and puts a piece of Palasa wood on the fire) with (the verse), 'Let us prepare this song like a chariot, for Gâtavedas who deserves it, with our prayer. For his foresight in this assembly is a bliss to us. Agni! Dwelling in thy friendship may we not suffer harm. Svâhâ !'
5. Then he sacrifices with the Vyâhritis as above,
6. (And another oblation with the verse), “The threefold age of Gamadagni, Kasyapa's threefold age, the threefold age that belongs to the gods : may that threefold age be mine. Svâhâ !'
7. (Then follow oblations with the verses), 'This, O Varuna,' &c. (see above, I, 2, 8, 16, down to the end of the Satra).
8. After he has served food to the Brâhmanas, and has caused them to say, 'An auspicious day! Hail! Good luck!'he discharges himself of his vow by (repeating) these (Mantras), 'Agni, lord of the vow, I have kept the vow.'
9. Having (thus) discharged himself of his vow, he worships the sun with the two (verses), ‘Upwards
9, 4. Comp. I, 1, 3, 4 ; Rig-veda I, 94, 1. Where the words are used, “He puts wood on the fire" (agnim upasamadhâya), he should prepare the ground by raising it, &c., should carry the fire to that place, should put wood on it, and then he should sacrifice in the fire. Where those words are not used, he should (only) strew grass round the fire which is (already) established in its proper place, and should thus perform the sacrifice. Mâtridatta.
6. Sânkhâyana I, 28, 9. 8. Comp. 1, 2, 7, 25; 8, 7.
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that (Gâtavedas)' (Taitt. Samh. I, 4, 43, 1), and, . The bright' (ibid.).
10. With (the words), '(Loosen) from us thy highest band, Varuna,' he takes off the upper garment which he has worn during his studentship, and puts on another (garment). With (the words), ' (Loosen) the lowest (fetter),' (he takes off) the under garment; with (the words), '(Take) away the middle (fetter),' the girdle. With (the words), 'And may we, O Aditya, under thy law (&c.);' (he deposes) his staff. The girdle, the staff, and the black antelope's skin he throws into water, sits down to the west of the fire, facing the east, and touches the razor (with which he is going to be shaven), with (the formula),
Razor is thy name; the axe is thy father. Adoration to thee! Do no harm to me!'
11. Having handed over (that razor) to the barber, he touches the water with which his hair is to be moistened, with the formula), 'Be blissful, (O waters), when we touch you.' [(The barber) then pours together warm and cold water. Having poured warm (water) into cold (water)-]
12. (The barber) moistens the hair near the right ear with the words), “May the waters moisten thee for life, for old age and splendour' (Taitt. Samhita I, 2, 1, 1).
10. The words quoted in this Satra are the parts of a Rik which is found in Taittirîya Samhita I, 5, 11, 3.
11. The words which I have included in brackets are wanting in some of the MSS., and are not explained in the commentaries. They are doubtless a spurious addition. Comp. Asvalâyana I, 17, 6, &c.
12. Paraskara II, 1. 9. The same expression dakshinam godanam, of which I have treated there in the note, is used in this Satra. Comp., besides, Sânkhâyana-Grihya I, 28, 9; Âpa
M 2
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GRIHYA-SUTRA OF HIRANYAKESIN.
13. With (the words), 'Herb! protect him' (Taitt. Samh., loc. cit.), he puts an herb with the point upwards into (the hair).
14. With (the words), 'Axe! do no harm to him!' (Taitt. Samh., loc. cit.), he touches (that herb) with the razor.
15. With (the words), 'Heard by the gods, I shave that (hair)' (Taitt. Samh., loc. cit.), he shaves him.
16. With (the formula), 'If thou shavest, O shaver, my hair and my beard with the razor, the wounding, the well-shaped, make our face resplendent, but do not take away our life'-(the student who is going to take the bath), looks at the barber.
17. He has the beard shaven first, then the hair in his arm-pits, then the hair (on his head), then the hair of his body, then (he has) his nails (cut).
18. A person who is kindly disposed (towards the student), gathers the hair, the beard, the hair of the body, and the nails (that have been cut off), in a lump of bull's dung, and buries (that lump of dung) in a cow-stable, or near an Udumbara tree, or in a clump of Darbha grass, with (the words), 'Thus I
stamba-Srauta-sûtra X, 5, 8; Satapatha-Br. III, 1, 2, 6. According to Matridatta, there is some difference of opinion between the different teachers as to whether the Mantras for the moistening of the hair and the following rites are to be repeated by the teacher or by the barber.
13. Asvalâyana I, 17, 8; Pâraskara II, 1, 10; Âpastamba-Sraut., loc. cit.; Kâtyâyana-Sraut. VII, 2, 10. The parallel texts prescribe that one Kusa blade, or three Kusa blades, should be put into the hair.
14. Yagnikadeva in his commentary on Kâtyâyana (loc. cit.) says, kshurenâbhinidhâya kshuradhârâm antarhitatrinasyopari nidhâya.
16. Asvalâyana I, 17, 16. Comp. also Rig-veda I, 24, 11.
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I PRASNA, 3 PATALA, IO SECTION, 4.
165 hide the sin of N. N., who belongs to the Gotra N. N.'
19. Having rubbed himself with powder such as is used in bathing, he cleanses his teeth with a stick of Udumbara wood
PATALA 3, SECTION 10.
1. With (the formula), 'Stand in your places for the sake of the enjoyment of food. Stand in your places for the sake of long life. Stand in your places for the sake of holy lustre. May I be blessed with long life, an enjoyer of food, adorned with holy lustre.'
2. Then (the teacher) makes him wash himself with lukewarm water, with the three verses, 'O waters, ye are wholesome' (Taitt. Samh. IV, 1, 5, 1), with the four verses, 'The gold-coloured, clean, purifying (waters)' (Taitt. Samh. V, 6, 1), and with the Anuvâka, The purifier, the heavenly one' (Taitt. Brahmana I, 4, 8).
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3. Or (instead of performing these rites in the neighbourhood of water) they make an enclosure in a cow-stable and cover it (from all sides); that (the student) enters before sunrise, and in that (enclosure) the whole (ceremony) is performed. On that day the sun does not shine upon him,' some say. For he who shines (i. e. the sun), shines by the splendour of those who have taken the bath. Therefore the face of a Snâtaka is, as it were, resplendent (?).'
4. (His friends or relations) bring him all sorts of
10, 3. Rephâyatîva dipyativa. Matridatta. Comp. Âpastamba Dharma-sûtra II, 6, 14, 13, and Bühler's note, S. B. E., vol. ii, p. 135. 4. Comp. above, I, 2, 8, 4.
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perfumes, or ground sandal wood; he besprinkles that (with water), and worships the gods by raising his joined hands towards the east, with (the formulas), Adoration to Graha (the taker) and to Abhigraha (the seizer)! Adoration to Sâka and Gañgabha! Adoration to those deities who are seizers !' (Then he anoints himself with (that salve of sandal wood) with (the verse), · The scent that dwells with the Apsaras, and the splendour that dwells with the Gandharvas, divine and human scent : may that here enter upon me!'
5. They bring him a pair of (new) garments that have not yet been washed. He besprinkles them (with water) and puts on the under garment with (the formula), • Thou art Soma's body; protect my body! Thou who art my own body, enter upon me; thou who art a blissful body, enter upon me.' Then he touches water, (puts on) the upper garment with the same (Mantra), and sits down to the west of the fire, facing the east.
6. They bring him two ear-rings and a perforated pellet of sandal wood or of Badarf wood, overlaid with gold (at its aperture); these two things he ties to a Darbha blade, holds them over the fire, and pours over them (into the fire) oblations (of ghee) with (the Mantras),
"May this gold which brings long life and splendour and increase of wealth, and which gets through (all adversities), enter upon me for the sake of long life, of splendour, and of victory. Svâhâ !
6. Regarding the first Mantra, comp. Vâgas. Samhita XXXIV, 50. In the fifth Mantra we ought to read oshadhis trâya mânâ. Comp. below, I, 3, 11, 3; Paraskara I, 13; Atharva-veda VIII, 2, 6.
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(This gold) brings high gain, superiority in battles, superiority in assemblies; it conquers treasures. All perfections unitedly dwell together in this gold. Svâhâ !
I have obtained an auspicious name like (the name) of a father of gold. Thus may (the gold) make me shine with golden lustre; (may it make me) beloved among many people; may it make me full of holy lustre. Svâhâ !
'Make me beloved among the gods; make me beloved with Brahman (i. e. among the Brâhmanas), beloved among Vaisyas and Sadras; make me beloved among the kings (i. e. among the Kshatriyas). Svåhå!
*This herb is protecting, overcoming, and powerful. May it make me shine with golden lustre; (may it make me) beloved among many people ; may it make me full of holy lustre. Svâhâ l'
7. Having thrice washed (the two ear-rings) in a vessel of water with the same five (Mantras), without the word Svâhâ, (moving them round in the water) from left to right
Patala 3, SECTION 11. 1. He puts on the two ear-rings, the right one to his right ear, the left one to his left ear, with (the verse which he repeats for each of the two earrings), Virág and Svarág, and the aiding powers that dwell in our house, the prosperity that dwells in the face of royalty: therewith unite me.'
2. With (the Mantra), 'With the seasons and the combinations of seasons, for the sake of long life, of
11, 2. The end of the Mantra is corrupt. We ought to read, as
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splendour, with the sap that dwells in the year: therewith we make them touch the jaws'-he clasps the two ear-rings.
3. With (the Mantra), “This herb is protecting, overcoming, and powerful. May it make me shine with golden lustre; (may it make me) beloved among many people ; may it make me full of holy lustre. Thou art not a bond'—he ties the pellet (of wood, mentioned above, Section 10, Satra 6) to his neck. 4. He puts on a wreath with the two (verses),
Beautiful one, elevate thyself to beauty, beautifying my face. Beautify my face and make my fortune increase'-(and),
(The wreath) which Gamadagni has brought to Sraddha to please her, that I put on (my head) together with fortune and splendour.'
5. “The salve coming from the Trikakud (mountain), born on the Himavat, therewith I anoint you (i. e. the eyes), and with fortune and splendour. (I put ?) into myself the demon of the mountain (?)'
—with (this verse) he anoints himself with Traikakuda salve, (or) if he cannot get that, with some other (salve).
6. With (the verse), My mind that has fled away' (Taitt. Samhità VI, 6, 7, 2) he looks into a mirror.
Dr. Kirste has shown, tena samhanu krinmasi (Av. V, 28, 13). Mâtridatta says, samgrihnîtes pidhänenápidadhâti pratigrahasamgrahanayoh samyukta vad ekâpavargatvat.
3. The Mantra, with the exception of the last words, is identical with the last verse of Section 10, Sætra 6. Here the MSS. again have oshadhe for oshadhis.
4. Comp. Atharva-veda VI, 137: yâm Gamadagnir akhanad duhitre, &c.; Paraskara II, 6, 23.
5. Regarding the Traikakuda salve, comp. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, p. 69, and see Atharva-veda IV, 9, 9.
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7. With the formula), “On the impulse of the god,' &c., he takes a staff of reed (which somebody hands him), and with the formula), 'Thou art the thunderbolt of Indra. O Asvins, protect me!'he thrice wipes it off, upwards from below.
8. With the formula), 'Speed! Make speed away from us those who hate us, robbers, creeping things, beasts of prey, Rakshas, Pisakas. Protect us, O staff, from danger that comes from men; protect us from every danger; from all sides destroy the robbers' (and with the verse), ‘Not naked (i. e. covered with bark) thou art born on all trees, a destroyer of foes. Destroy all hosts of enemies from every side like Maghavan (Indra)'—he swings (the staff) three times from left to right over his head.
9. With the formula), “The divine standingplaces are you. Do not pinch me'-he steps into the shoes.
10. With the formula), Pragâ pati's shelter art thou, the Brahman's covering '-he takes the parasol.
11. With the verse, ‘My staff which fell down in the open air to the ground, that I take up again for the sake of long life, of holiness, of holy lustre'he takes up his staff, if it has fallen from his hand.
End of the Third Patala.
7. He takes the staff with the well-known Savitra formula, On the impulse of the god Savitri ... I take thee.'
9. Asvaldyana III, 8, 19; Paraskara II, 6, 30. 10. Asvalâyana III, 8, 19; Pâraskara II, 6, 29.
II. Instead of yamayushe I propose to read â yushe. Comp. Paraskara II, 2, 12.
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PRASNA I, PATALA 4, SECTION 12. 1. They bring him a chariot, (or) a horse, or an elephant.
2. “Thou art the (Saman called) Rathantara; thou art the Vamadevya; thou art the Brihat;' the (verse), 'The two Ankas, the two Nyankas' (Taitt. Samhità I, 7, 7, 2); (the verse), ‘May this your chariot, O Asvins, not suffer damage, neither in pain nor in joy. May it make its way without damage, dispersing those who infest us ;' (and the formula),
Here is holding, here is keeping asunder; here is enjoyment, here may it enjoy itself:' with (these texts) he ascends the chariot, if he enters (the village) on a chariot.
3. 'A horse art thou, a steed art thou '—with these eleven 'horses' names' (Taitt. Samh. VII, 1, 12) (he mounts) the horse, if (he intends to enter the village) on horseback.
4. With the formula), With Indra's thunderbolt I bestride thee; carry (me); carry the time; carry me forward to bliss. An elephant art thou. The elephant's glory art thou. The elephant's splendour art thou. May I become endowed with the elephant's glory, with the elephant's splendour'
(he mounts) the elephant, if (he intends to proceed to the village) on it.
12, 2. Comp. Pâraskara III, 14, 3-6.
3. In this Satra three horses' names' are given as the Pratîka of the Yagus quoted, Thou art asva, thou art haya, thou art maya. Mâtridatta observes that the third of them is not found in the Taittiriya Samhita, which gives only ten, and not eleven, horses' names.
4. Pâraskara III, 15, 1 seq.
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5. He goes to a place where they will do honour to him.
6. With (the verse), "May the quarters (of the horizon) stream together with me; may all delight assemble (here). May all wishes that are dear to us, come near unto us; may (our) dear (wishes) stream towards us '—he worships the quarters of the horizon.
7. While approaching the person who is going to do honour to him, he looks at him with (the words), Glory art thou; may I become glory with thee.'
8. Then (the host who is going to offer the Argha reception to the Snataka), having prepared the dwelling-place (for his reception), says to him, 'The Argha (will be offered)!'
9. (The guest) replies, 'Do so!'
10. They prepare for him (the Madhuparka or 'honey mixture') consisting of three or of five substances.
11. The three substances are, curds, honey, and ghee.
12. The five substances are, curds, honey, ghee, water, and ground grains.
13. Having poured curds into a brass vessel, he pours honey into it, (and then the other substances stated above).
14. Having poured (those substances) into a smaller vessel, and having covered it with a larger (cover than the vessel is), (the host) makes (the guest) accept (the following things) separately, one after the other, viz. a bunch of grass (to sit down on),
5. Âsvalâyana III, 9, 3; Sânkhâyana III, 1, 14. 10 seq. Påraskara I, 3, 5; Âsvalâyana I 24, 5 seq. 14. Paraskara, loc. cit.; Asvalâ yana, loc. cit., $ 7.
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water for washing the feet, the Argha water, water for sipping, and the honey-mixture (Madhuparka).
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15. Going after (the single objects which are brought to the guest, the host) in a faultless, not faltering (?) voice, announces (each of those objects to the guest).
16. The bunch of grass (he announces by three times saying), The bunch of grass!'
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17. (The guest) sits down thereon facing the east, with (the formula), 'A giver of royal power art thou, a teacher's seat; may I not withdraw from thee.'
18. (The host) then utters to him the announcement, The water for washing the feet!'
19. With that (water) a Sûdra or a Sûdra woman washes his feet; the left foot first for a Brahmana, the right for a person of the two other castes.
PATALA 4, SECTION 13.
1. With (the formula), 'The milk of Virag art thou. May the milk of Padyâ Virâg (dwell) in me' -(the guest) touches the hands of the person that
15. The text is corrupt and the translation very doubtful. The MSS. have, anusamvriginâ so-nupakiйkayâ vâkâ. Mâtridatta's note, which is also very corrupt, runs thus: anusamvraginâ saha kûrkâdinâ dravyeza tad agratah kritvânugantâ. anusamvrigineti (sic; anugakhamnnusamv°, Dr. Kielhorn's MS.) pramâdapâ/hah. sampradâtânupakiйkayâ na vidyata upaghâtikâ vâg yasya [yasyâ, Dr. K.'s MS.] seyam anupakinkâ vâk kekid anusamvrigineti (anusamvragineti, Dr. Kirste) pâthântaram kritvâ vâgviseshanam ikkhanti yatha mrishtâ vâk samskritâ vâk tathâ keti. apare yathâpâtham evârtham ikkhanti.-Perhaps we may correct, anusamvriginayânupakiйkayâ vâkâ. Comp. below, I, 4, 13, 16.
17. See above, I, 2, 6, 9.
19. Pâraskara I, 3, 10. 11; Âsvalâyana I, 24, 11.
13, 1. Comp. Sankhâyana III, 7, 5, &c.
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washes his feet, and then he touches himself with (the formula), .May in me dwell brilliancy, energy, strength, life, renown, splendour, glory, power!'
2. (The host) then makes to him the announcement, 'The Argha water!'
3. (The guest) accepts it with (the formula), “Thou camest to me with glory. Unite me with brilliancy, splendour, and milk. Make me beloved by all creatures, the lord of cattle.'
4. "To the ocean I send you, the imperishable (waters); go back to your source. May I not suffer loss in my offspring. May my sap not be shed'this (verse the guest) recites over the remainder (of the Argha water), when it is poured out (by the person who had offered it to him).
5. Then he utters to him the announcement, 'The water for sipping!'
6. With the formula), 'Thou art the first layer for Ambrosia,' he sips water.
7. Then he utters to him the announcement, •The honey-mixture!'
8. He accepts that with both hands with the Såvitra (formula), and places it on the ground with (the formula), 'I place thee on the navel of the earth in the abode of Ida.' He mixes (the different substances) three times from left to right with his thumb and his fourth finger, with the formula), What is the honied, highest form of honey which consists in the enjoyment of food, by that honied,
3. Paraskara I, 3, 15. 4. Päraskara I, 3, 14. 6. Asvalâyana I, 21, 13.
8. Pâraskara I, 3, 18 seq.; Âsvalâyana I, 21, 15 seq.--The Savitra formula is, 'On the impulse of the god Savitri ... I take thee.' Comp. above, I, 3, 11, 7.
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highest form of honey may I become highest, honied, and an enjoyer of food.' He partakes of it three times with (the formula), 'I eat thee for the sake of brilliancy, of luck, of glory, of power, and of the enjoyment of food,' and gives the remainder to a person who is kindly disposed towards him.
9. Or he may eat the whole (Madhuparka). Then he sips water with (the formula), 'Thou art the covering of Ambrosia.'
10. Then he utters to him the announcement, "The cow!'
11. That (cow) is either killed or let loose.
12. If he chooses to let it loose, (he murmurs), *This cow will become a milch cow.
*The mother of the Rudras, the daughter of the Vasus, the sister of the Adityas, the navel of immortality. To the people who understand me, I say, “Do not kill the guiltless cow, which is Aditi.”
Let it drink water! Let it eat grass '
(And) gives order (to the people), Om! Let it loose.'
13. If it shall be killed, (he says), 'A cow art thou; sin is driven away from thee. Drive away my sin and the sin of N. N.! Kill ye him whoever hates me. He is killed whosoever hates me. Make (the cow) ready!'
14. If (the cow) is let loose, a meal is prepared with other meat, and he announces it (to the guest) in the words, . It is ready!'
9. Asvalâyana I, 21, 27. 28. .
10 seq. Âsvalâyana I, 21, 30 seq.; Paraskara I, 3, 26 seq. ; Sankhâyana II, 15, 2. 3 note; Gobhila IV, 10, 18 seq.
13. N. N., of course, means the host's name. 14 seq. Comp. Gobhila I, 3, 16 seq.; Âpastamba II, 2, 3, II.
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15. He replies, 'It is well prepared; it is the Virag; it is food. May it not fail! May I obtain it! May it give me strength! It is well prepared!' -and adds, 'Give food to the Brahmanas!'
I PRASNA, 4 PATALA, 14 SECTION, 2.
16. After those (Brahmanas) have eaten, (the host) orders blameless (?) food to be brought to him (i. e. to the guest).
17. He accepts that with (the formula), May the heaven give it to thee; may the earth accept it. May the earth give it to thee; may breath accept it. May breath eat thee; may breath drink thee.'
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18. With (the verse), May Indra and Agni bestow vigour on me' (Taitt. Samh. III, 3, 3, 3) he eats as much as he likes, and gives the remainder to a person who is kindly disposed towards him.
19. If he desires that somebody may not be estranged from him, he should sip water with (the Mantra), 'Whereon the past and the future and all worlds rest, therewith I take hold of thee; I (take hold) of thee; through the Brahman I take hold of thee for myself, N. N. !'—
PATALA 4, SECTION 14.
1. And should, after that person has eaten, seize his right hand.
2. If he wishes that one of his companions, or a pupil, or a servant should faithfully remain with him and not go away, he should bathe in the morning, should put on clean garments, should show
16. The meaning of anusamvriginam (comp. above, I, 4, 12, 15) is uncertain. See the commentary, p. 120 of Dr. Kirste's edition.
14, 2. Mâtridatta: 'The description of the Samâvartana is finished.
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patience (with that servant, &c.) during the day, should speak (only) with Brâhmanas, and by night he should go to the dwelling-place of that person, should make water into a horn of a living animal, and should three times walk round his dwellingplace, sprinkling (his urine) round it, with (the Mantra), ‘From the mountain (I sever ?) thee, from thy brother, from thy sister, from all thy relations. parishidah kleshyati (i. e. kvaishyasi ?) sasvat parikupilena samkrâmenâvikkhidâ, dlena parimidho - si parimidho sy alena.
3. He puts down the horn of the living animal in a place which is generally accessible.
4. One whose companions, pupils, or servants use to run away, should rebuke them with (the Mantra),
May he who calls hither (?), call you hither! He who brings back, has brought you back (?). May the rebuke of Indra always rebuke you. If you, who worship your own deceit, despise me (?), .... may Indra bind you with his bond, and may he drive you back again to me.'
Now some ceremonies connected with special wishes of the person who has performed the Samâvartana and has settled in a house, will be described.' In my opinion, it would be more correct to consider Sätra 18 of the preceding section as the last of the aphorisms that regard the Samâvartana. With Satra 2 compare Paraskara III, 7; Âpastamba VIII, 23, 6. It seems impossible to attempt to translate the hopelessly corrupt last lines of the Mantra.
4. A part of this Mantra also is most corrupt. In the first line I propose to write, nivarto vo nyavivritat. With the last line comp. Paraskara III, 7, 3. I think that the text of Paraskara should be corrected in the following way: pari två hvalano hvalan nivartas två nyavîvritat, indrah påsena sitvå två mahyam ...(three syllables) ânayet. The Âpastambiya Mantrapâtha, according to Dr. Winternitz's copy, gives the following text: anupohvad anuhvayo vivartto
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5. Then he enters his house, puts a piece of Sidhraka wood on (the fire), and sacrifices with the
on-drawing verse,'' Back-bringer, bring them back' (Taitt. Samh. III, 3, 10, 1).
6. Now (we shall explain) how one should guard his wife.
7. One whose wife has a paramour, should grind big centipedes (?) to powder, and should insert (that powder), while his wife is sleeping, into her secret parts, with the Mantra, 'Indra .... from other men than me.'
8. Now (follows the sacrifice for procuring) prosperity in trade.
9. He cuts off (some portion) from (every) article of trade and sacrifices it
PATALA 4, SECTION 15. 1. With (the verse), If we trade, O gods, trying by our wealth to acquire (new) wealth, O gods, may
vo nyavîvridhat. aindrah parikroso tu vah parikrosatu sarvatah. yadi mâm atimanyâdva à deva devavattara indrah pasena sitkva vo mahyam id vasam anayât svâhâ. Comp. Prof. Pischel's remarks, Philologische Abhandlungen, Martin Hertz zum siebzigsten Geburtstage von ehemaligen Schülern dargebracht (Berlin, 1888), p. 69 seq.
7. On sthûrå dridha [h] Mátridatta says, sthara dridhåh sthrâh sata padyah. A part of the Mantra is untranslatable on account of the very corrupt condition of the text. The reading given by most of the MSS. is, Indraya yâsya sepham alikam anyebhyah purushebhyos nyatra mat. The Âpastambîya Mantrapatha reads, indrâyâsya phaligam anyebhyah purushebhyonyatra mat. The meaning very probably is that Indra is invoked to keep away from the woman the sepha of all other men except her husband's. 15, 1. Comp. Atharva-veda III, 15, 5; Gobhila IV, 8, 19.
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Soma thereon bestow splendour, Agni, Indra, Brihaspati, and Îsâna. Svâhâ!'
2. Now (follows) the way for appeasing anger. 3. He addresses the angry person with (the verses), 'The power of wrath that dwells here on thy forehead, destroying thy enemy (?), may the chaste, wise gods take that away.
'If thou shootest, as it were, the thought dwelling in thy face, upwards to thy forehead, I loosen the anger of thy heart like the bow-string of an archer.
'Day, heaven, and earth: we appease thy anger, as the womb of a she-mule (cannot conceive).'
4. Now (follows) the way for obtaining the victory in disputes.
5. He puts wood on the fire at night-time in an inner apartment, performs the rites down to the Vyâhriti oblations, and sacrifices small grains mixed with Agya, with (the verse), Tongueless one, thou who art without a tongue! I drive thee away through my sacrifice, so that I may gain the victory in the dispute, and that N. N. may be defeated by me. Svâhâ!'
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6. Then in the presence (of his adversary), turned towards him, he murmurs (the verses), 'I take away the speech from thy mouth, (the speech) that dwells in thy mind, (the speech) from thy heart. Out of every limb I take thy speech. Wheresoever thy speech dwells, thence I take it
away.
3. Pâraskara III, 13, 5. Possibly we ought to correct mriddhasya into mridhrasya. Avadyâm ought to be ava gyâm; see Atharva-veda VI, 42, I.
5. The commentary explains kanâs (small grains) as oleander (karavîra) seeds.
6. Comp. Pâraskara III, 13, 6. The text of the Mantras is corrupt.
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Rudra with the dark hair-lock! Hero! At every contest strike down this my adversary, as a tree (is struck down) by a thunderbolt.
• Be defeated, be conquered, when thou speakest. Sink down under the earth, when thou speakest, struck down by me irresistibly (?) with the hammer of ... (?). That is true what I speak. Fall down, inferior to me, N. N.!'
7. He touches the assembly-hall (in which the contest is going on), and murmurs, 'The goldenarmed, blessed (goddess), whose eyes are not faint, who is decked with ornaments, seated in the midst of the gods, has spoken for my good. Svâhâ !'
8. For me have the high ones and the low ones, for me has this wide earth, for me have Agni and Indra accomplished my divine aim'— with (this verse) he looks at the assembly, and murmurs (it) turned towards (the assembly).
End of the Fourth Patala.
PRASNA I, Patala 5, SECTION 16. 1. When he has first seen the new moon, he sips water, and holding (a pot of) water (in his hands) he worships (the moon) with the four (verses), 'Increase' (Taitt. Samh. I, 4, 32), “May thy milk' (ibid. IV, 2, 7, 4), New and new again (the moon) becomes, being born' (ibid. II, 4, 14, 1), “That Soma which the Adityas make swell' (ibid. II, 4, 14, 1).
7. Probably we should write agîtákshi. 8. Mâtridatta says, prativa dinam abhigapaty eva. 16. This chapter contains different Prayaskittas.
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2. When he has yawned, he murmurs, '(May) will and insight (dwell) in me.'
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3. If the skirt (of his garment) is blown upon him (by the wind), he murmurs, 'A skirt art thou. Thou art not a thunderbolt. Adoration be to thee. Do
no harm to me.'
4. He should tear off a thread (from that skirt) and should blow it away with his mouth.
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5. If a bird has befouled him with its excrements, he murmurs, The birds that timidly fly together with the destroyers, shall pour out on me happy, blissful splendour and vigour.'
Then let him wipe off that (dirt) with something else than his hand, and let him wash himself with water.
6. From the sky, from the wide air a drop of water has fallen down on me, bringing luck. With my senses, with my mind I have united myself, protected by the prayer that is brought forth by the righteous ones'-this (verse) he should murmur, if a drop of water unexpectedly falls down on him.
7. If a fruit has fallen down from the top of a tree, or from the air, it is Vâyu (who has made it fall). Where it has touched our bodies or the garment, (there) may the waters drive away destruction' -this (verse) he should murmur, if a fruit unexpectedly falls down on him.
8. 'Adoration to him who dwells at the cross-roads,
2. Asvalâyana-Grihya III, 6, 7.
5. I propose to read, nirrithaih saha.
6. Atharva-veda VI, 124, 1. Read sukritâm kritena. The Atharva-veda shows the way
3. Pâraskara III, 15, 17.
7. Atharva-veda VI, 124, 2. to correct the corrupt third Pâda.
8 seq. Comp. Pâraskara III, 15, 7 seq.
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whose arrow is the wind, to Rudra! Adoration to Rudra who dwells at the cross-roads!'—this (formula) he murmurs when he comes to a cross-road;
9. Adoration to him who dwells among cattle, whose arrow is the wind, to Rudra! Adoration to Rudra who dwells among cattle!'-thus at a dungheap;
10. Adoration to him who dwells among the serpents, whose arrow is the wind, to Rudra ! Adoration to Rudra who dwells among the serpents l'—thus at a place that is frequented by serpents.
11. Adoration to him who dwells in the air, whose arrow is the wind, to Rudra! Adoration to Rudra who dwells in the air 1'—this (formula) let him murmur, if overtaken by a tornado.
12. Adoration to him who dwells in the waters, whose arrow is the wind, to Rudra! Adoration to Rudra who dwells in the waters!'-this (formula) he murmurs when plunging into a river which is full of water.
13. ‘Adoration to him who dwells there, whose arrow is the wind, to Rudra! Adoration to Rudra who dwells there !'—this (formula) he murmurs when approaching a beautiful place, a sacrificial site, or a big tree.
14. If the sun rises whilst he is sleeping, he shall fast that day and shall stand silent during that day;
15. The same during the night, if the sun sets whilst he sleeps.
16. Let him not touch a sacrificial post. By
14, 15. Âpastamba II, 5, 12, 13. 14; Gobhila III, 3, 34, &c. 16. Gobhila III, 3, 34. Should it be esha te vâyur iti?
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touching it, he would bring upon himself (the guilt of) whatever faults have been committed at that sacrifice. If he touches one (sacrificial post), he should say, 'This is thy wind;' if two (posts), These are thy two winds;' if many (posts), These are thy winds.'
(
182
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17. The voices that are heard after us (?) and around us, the praise that is heard, and the voices of the birds, the deer's running (?) athwart that we fear (?) from our enemies'-this (verse) he murmurs when setting out on a road.
18. Like an Udgâtri, O bird, thou singest the Sâman; like a Brahman's son thou recitest thy hymn, when the Soma is pressed.
'A blessing on us, O bird; bring us luck and be kind towards us!'-(This Mantra) he murmurs against an inauspicious bird;
"
19. If thou raisest thy divine voice, entering upon living beings, drive away our enemies by thy voice. O death, lead them to death!'-(thus) against a solitary jackal.
·
20. Then he throws before the (jackal, as it were), a fire-brand that burns at both ends, towards that region (in which the jackal's voice is heard), with (the words), 'Fire! Speak to the fire! Death! Speak to the death!' Then he touches water,
17. The Mantra is very corrupt. Perhaps anihutam should be corrected into anuhutam, which is the reading of the Âpastambîya Mantrapâtha. In the last Pâda bhayâmasi is corrupt; the meaning seems to be, 'that we (avert from ourselves and) turn it to our enemies.' Probably Dr. Kirste is right in reading bhagâmasi.
18. Comp. Rig-veda II, 43, 2.
19. As to ekasrika, 'solitary jackal,' Âpastamba I, 3, 10, 17 (S. B. E., II, 38). mrigasabdam kurvâna ekasrika ity ukyate.
comp. Bühler's note on Mâtridatta says, srigâlo
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I PRASNA, 5 PATALA, 17 SECTION, 4.
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21. And worships (the jackal) with the Anuvâka, 'Thou art mighty, thou nrriest away' (Taitt. Samhità I, 3, 3).
Patala 5, SECTION 17. 1. A she-wolf (he addresses) with (the verse), Whether incited by others or whether on its own accord the Bhayedaka (? Bhayodaka, var. lect.) utters this cry, may Indra and Agni, united with Brahman, render it blissful to us in our house.'
2. A bird (he addresses) with (the verse), 'Thou fliest, stretching out thy legs; the left eye ...; may nothing here suffer harm (through thee);'
3. An owl (pingala) with (the verse), “The bird with the golden wings flies to the abode of the gods. Flying round the village from left to right portend us luck by thy cry, O owl!'
4. 'May my faculties return into me; may life return, prosperity return; may the divine power return into me; may my goods return to me.
‘And may these fires that are stationed on the (altars called) Dhishnyâs, be in good order here, each in its right place. Svâhâ !
'My self has returned, life has returned to me; breath has returned, design has returned to me. (Agni) Vaisvânara, grown strong with his rays, may he dwell in my mind, the standard of immortality. Svâhâ !
*The food which is eaten in the evening, that does
17, 2. The commentary explains sakuni (bird) by dhvânksha (crow). In the translation of the Mantra (Taitt. Âr. IV, 35) I have left out the unintelligible words nipepi ka. The way to correct the last Påda is shown by Atharva-veda VI, 57, 3; X, 5, 23.
4. Comp. Asvalâyana-Gríhya III, 6, 8.
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not satiate in the morning him whom hunger assails. May all that (which we have seen in our dreams), do no harm to us, for it has not been seen by day. To Day svâhâ !'-with these (verses) he sacrifices sesamum seeds mixed with Ågya, if he has seen a bad dream.
5. Now the following expiations for portents are prescribed. A dove sits down on the hearth, or the bees make honey in his house, or a cow (that is not a calf) sucks another cow, or a post puts forth shoots, or an anthill has arisen (in his house): cases like these (require the following expiation) :
6. He should bathe in the morning, should put on clean garments, should show patience (with everybody) during the day, and should speak (only) with Brâhmanas. Having put wood on the fire in an inner apartment, and having performed the rites down to the Vyâhriti oblations, he sacrifices with (the verses), “This, O Varuna,' &c. (see above 1, 2, 8, 16, down to the end of the Satra). Then he serves food to the Brâhmanas and causes them to say, ' An auspicious day! Hail! Good luck!'
Patala 5, SECTION 18. 1. “May Indra and Agni make you go. May the two Asvins protect you. Brihaspati is your herdsman. May Pashan drive you back again'
5. Sânkhâyana V, 5. 8.11; Âsvalâyana III, 7, &c. Kuptvå is corrupt; we should expect a locative. We ought to correct kuptvam, as Dr. Kirste has observed, comp. Âpastamba-Grihya VIII, 23, 9.
6. Comp. above, I, 4, 14, 2; 15, 5; 1, 2, 8, 16; I, 3, 9, 7. 8.
18, I seq. Comp. Sankhayana III, 9; Gobhila III, 6; Asvalâyana II, 10.
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I PRASNA, 5 PATALA, 18 SECTION, 5.
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this (verse) he recites over the cows when they go away (to their pasture-grounds), and (the verse), May Pashan go after our cows' (Taitt. Samh. IV, 1, II, 2).
2. With (the verse), · These cows that have come hither, free from disease and prolific, may they swim (full of wealth) like rivers; may they pour out (wealth), as (rivers discharge their foods) into the ocean'-he looks at the cows, when they are coming back.
3. With (the formula), · You are a stand at rest; may I (?) become your stand at rest. You are immovable. Do not move from me. May I not move from you, the blessed ones'-(he looks at them) when they are standing still.
4. With the formula), 'I see you full of sap. Full of sap you shall see me'-(he looks at them) when they are gone into the stable, and with (the formula), “May I be prosperous through your thousandfold prospering.'
5. Then having put wood on the fire amid the cows, and having performed the rites down to the Vyâhriti (oblations), he makes oblations of milk with (the verses),
· Blaze brightly, O Gâtavedas, driving destruction away from me. Bring me cattle and maintenance from all quarters of the heaven. Svâhâ !
May Gâtavedas do no harm to us, to cows and horses, to men and to all that moves. Come hither,
3. The Mantra is very corrupt. I think it ought to be corrected somehow in the following way: samstha stha samstha vo bhayâsam akyutâ stha mâ mak kyodhvam mâham bhavatîbhyas kyoshi. Comp. also Dr. Kirste's note.
5. In the second verse I propose to change abibhrad into
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GRIHYA-SOTRA OF HIRANYAKESIN.
Agni, fearlessly; make me attain to welfare ! Svâha !'
And with (the two verses), This is the influx of the waters,' and 'Adoration to thee, the rapid one, the shining one'(Taitt. Samh. IV, 6, 1, 3).
6. (Then follow oblations with the verses), This, O Varuna' (&c. ; see 1, 2, 8, 16, down to the end of the Satra).
End of the Fifth Patala.
PRASNA I, PATALA 6, SECTION 19. 1. After he has returned from the teacher's house, he should support his father and mother.
2. With their permission he should take a wife belonging to the same caste and country, a 'naked' girl, a virgin who should belong to a different Gotra (from her husband's).
3. Whatever he intends to do (for instance, taking a wife), he should do on an auspicious day only, during one of the following five spaces of time, viz. in the morning, the forenoon, at midday, in the afternoon, or in the evening.
abibhyad; comp. Atharva-veda XIX, 65, 1: ava tâm gahi harasa Gâtavedo s bibhyad ugto s skisha divam å roha sûrya. The last words of this verse should be sriyam mâ pratipâdaya, or something similar.
19, 2. sagâtâm savarnâm samânâbhiganam ka. Mâtridatta. As to the meaning of a naked girl,' i. e. a girl who has not yet the monthly illness), comp. Gobhila III, 4, 6 and note.
3. According to Matridatta, 'morning' means one Nâdikâ before and one Nâdikâ after sunrise ; forenoon' means one Nâdika before and one Nâdika after the moment at which the first quarter of the day has elapsed; and thus each of the other three day-times
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I PRASNA, 6 PATALA, 19 SECTION, 7.
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4. Having put wood on the fire, and having performed (the preparatory rites) down to the laying of (three) branches round (the fire, the bridegroom) looks at the bride who is led to him, with (the verse),
Auspicious ornaments does this woman wear. Come up to her and behold her. Having brought luck to her, go away back to your houses.'
5. To the south of the bridegroom the bride sits down.
6. After she has sipped water, she touches him, and he sprinkles (water) round (the fire) as above.
7. After he has performed the rites down to the oblations made with the Vyâhritis, he sacrifices with (the following Mantras),
May Agni come hither, the first of gods. May he release the offspring of this wife from the fetter of death. That may this king Varuna grant, that this wife may not weep over distress (falling to her lot) through her sons. Svâhâ !
. May Agni Gârhapatya protect this woman. May he lead her offspring to old age. With fertile womb may she be the mother of living children. May she experience delight in her sons. Svâhâ !
May no noise that comes from thee, arise in the house by night. May the (she-goblins called) the weeping ones take their abode in another (woman)
is understood to comprise two Nädikas. As the whole day consists of sixty Nadikâs, it is the sixth part of the day (= 10 Nâdikas) which is considered as auspicious for such purposes as taking a wife.
4. See I, 1, 2, 1 seq. Rig-veda X, 85, 33; Paraskara I, 8, 9, &c. 6. See I, 1, 2, 7 seq.
7. Paraskara I, 6, 11. With the third verse comp. Atharva-veda XI, 9, 14.
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than thee. Mayst thou not be beaten at thy breast by (the she-goblin) Vikesi (“the rough-haired one"). May thy husband live, and mayst thou shine in thy husband's world, beholding thy genial offspring! Svâhâ !
May Heaven protect thy back, Vayu thy thighs, and the two Asvins thy breast. May Savitri protect thy suckling sons. Until the garment is put on (thy sons ?), may Brihaspati guard (them ?), and the Visve devâs afterwards. Svâhâ !
Childlessness, the death of sons, evil, and distress, I take (from thee), as a wreath (is taken) from the head, and like a wreath) I put all evil on (the head of) our foes. Svâhâ !
With this well-disposed prayer which the gods have created, I kill the Pisâkas that dwell in thy womb. The flesh-devouring death-bringers I cast down. May thy sons live to old age. Svâhâ !'
8. After he has sacrificed with (the verses), *This, O Varuna,'. For this I entreat thee,' Thou Agni,' • Thus thou, Agni,'Thou, Agni, art quick;' • Pragapati'-he makes her tread on a stone, with (the verse), · Tread on this stone ; like a stone be firm. Destroy those who seek to do thee harm; overcome thy enemies.'
9. To the west of the fire he strews two layers of northward-pointed Darbha grass, the one more to the west, the other more to the east. On these both (the bridegroom and the bride) station themselves, the one more to the west, the other more to the east.
8. See above, I, 1, 3, 5; I, 1, 4, 1.
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Prasna I, Patala 6, Section 20. 1. Facing the east, while she faces the west, or facing the west, while she faces the east, he should seize her hand. If he desires to generate male children, let him seize her thumb; if he desires (to generate) female children, her other fingers; if he desires (to generate) both (male and female children), let him seize the thumb together with the other fingers, (so as to seize the hand) up to the hairs (on the hair-side of the hand). (He should do so with the two Mantras),
Sarasvati! Promote this (our undertaking), O gracious one, rich in studs, thou whom we sing first of all that is.
'I seize thy hand that we may be blessed with offspring, that thou mayst live to old age with me, thy husband. Bhaga, Aryaman, Savitri, Purandhi, the gods have given thee to me that we may rule our house.'
2. He makes her turn round, from left to right, so that she faces the west, and recites over her (the following texts),
With no evil eye, not bringing death to thy husband, bring luck to the cattle, be full of joy and
20, 1. Sânkhayana I, 13, 2; Âsvalâyana 1, 7, 3 seq., &c. The text of the first Mantra ought to be corrected according to Pâraskara I, 7, 2; in the second Mantra we ought to read yathâsah instead of yathâsat; comp. Rig-veda X, 85, 36; Paraskara 1, 6, 3. The bridegroom and the bride, of course, are to face each other; thus, if the bridegroom stands on the eastern layer of grass (Sätra 9 of the preceding section), he is to face the west; if on the western, he is to face the east.
2. The words, agrena dakshinam amsam ... abhyavartya, evidently have the same meaning which is expressed elsewhere (Sânkhayana
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vigour. Give birth to living children, give birth to heroes, be friendly. Bring us luck, to men and animals.
Thus, Pashan, lead her to us, the highly blessed one, into whom men pour forth their sperm, yâ na úra usati visrayâtai (read, visrayâtai), yasyâm usantah praharema sepam.
Soma has acquired thee first (as his wife); after him the Gandharva has acquired thee. Thy third husband is Agni; the fourth am I, thy human husband.
Soma has given her to the Gandharva ; the Gandharva has given her to Agni. Agni gives me cattle and children, and thee besides.
• This am I, that art thou; the heaven I, the earth thou; the Sâman I, the Rik thou. Come! Let us join together. Let us unite our sperm that we may generate a male child, a son, for the sake of the increase of wealth, of blessed offspring, of strength.
· Bountiful Indra, bless this woman with sons and with a happy lot. Give her ten sons; let her husband be the eleventh.
3. After he has made her sit down in her proper place (see Satra 5 of the preceding section), and has sprinkled Agya into her joined hands, he twice pours fried grain into them, with (the verse), • This grain I pour into thy hands): may it bring prosperity to me, and may it unite thee (with me). May this Agni grant us that.'
II, 3, 2), dakshinam bâhum anvâvritya. With the first Mantra comp. Rig-veda X, 85, 44; Pâraskara I, 4, 16; with the second, Rig-veda, loc. cit., 37; Paraskara, loc. cit.; with the following ones, Rig-veda X, 85, 40. 41. 45; Paraskara I, 4, 16; 6, 3, &c.
3 seq. Comp. Sânkhâyana I, 13, 15 seq.
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I PRASNA, 6 PATALA, 20 SECTION, 10.
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4. After he has sprinkled (Agya) over (the grain in her hands), he sacrifices (the grain) with her joined hands (which he seizes), with (the verse), • This woman, strewing grain into the fire, prays thus, “May my husband live long; may my relations be prosperous. Svâhâ !”
5. Having made her rise with (the verse which she recites), 'Up! with life' (Taitt. Samh. 1, 2, 8, 1), and having circumambulated the fire (with her) so that their right sides are turned towards it, with (the verse), · May we find our way with thee through all hostile powers, as through streams of water '—he pours fried grain into her hands, and sacrifices them), as before.
6. Having circumambulated (the fire) a second time, he pours fried grain (into her hands, and sacrifices them), as before.
7. Having circumambulated the fire) a third time, he sacrifices to (Agni) Svishtakrit.
8. Here some add as subordinate oblations the Gaya, Abhyâtâna, and Rashtrabhrit (oblations) as above.
9. To the west of the fire he makes her step forward in an easterly or a northerly direction the (seven) 'steps of Vishnu.
10. He says to her, Step forward with the right (foot) and follow with the left. Do not put the left (foot) before the right.'
5. Comp. above, I, 2, 7, 13; Rig-veda II, 7, 3. 8. Comp. I, 2, 8, 16. 9 seq. Comp. Gobhila II, 2, 11 seq.; Sáňkhâyana I, 14, 5 seq.
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GRIHYA-SÚTRA OF HIRANYAKESIN.
Patala 6, Section 21. 1. (He makes her step forward, and goes with her himself), with (the Mantras), 'One (step) for sap, may Vishnu go after thee; two (steps) for juice, may Vishnu go after thee; three (steps) for vows, may Vishnu go after thee; four (steps) for comfort, may Vishnu go after thee; five (steps) for cattle, may Vishnu go after thee; six (steps) for the prospering of wealth, may Vishnu go after thee; seven (steps) for the sevenfold Hotriship, may Vishnu go after thee.'
2. After the seventh step he makes her abide (in that position) and murmurs, 'With seven steps we have become friends. May I attain to friendship with thee. May I not be separated from thy friendship. Mayst thou not be separated from my friendship.'
3. He then puts his right foot on her right foot, moves his right hand down gradually over her right shoulder, and touches the place of her heart as above,
4. And the place of her navel with (the formula), Thou art the knot of all breath; do not loosen thyself.'
5. After he has made her sit down to the west of the fire, so that she faces the east, he stands to the east (of his bride), facing the west, and besprinkles her with water, with the three verses, 'O waters, ye are wholesome' (Taitt. Samh. IV, 1, 5, 1), with the four verses, “The gold-coloured, clean, purifying waters’ (V, 6, 1), and with the Anuvâka, 'The purifier, the heavenly one' (Taitt. Brâhmana I, 4, 8).
21, 3. See above, I, 2, 5, 11. 4. See above, I, 2, 5, 12. 5. Comp. 1, 3, 10, 2.
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6. Now they pour seeds (of rice, &c.) on (the heads of the bridegroom and bride).
End of the Sixth Patala.
Prasna I, PATALA 7, Section 22. 1. Then they let her depart (in a vehicle from her father's house), or they let her be taken away.
2. Having put (the fire into a vessel) they carry that (nuptial) fire behind (the newly-married couple).
3. It should be kept constantly.
4. If it goes out, (a new fire) should be kindled by attrition, or it should be fetched from the house of a Srotriya.
5. Besides, if (the fire) goes out, the wife or the husband should fast.
6. When (the bridegroom with his bride) has come to his house, he says to her, Cross (the threshold) with thy right foot first; do not stand on the threshold
7. In the hall, in its easterly part, he puts down the fire and puts wood on it.
8. To the west of the fire he spreads out a red bull's skin with the neck to the east, with the hair outside.
6. Mâtridatta explains adhisrayanti by vapanti gâyâpatyoh sirasi kshipanti.
22, 4. If the fire on which they had put wood, was a fire produced by attrition, (the new fire) should (also) be kindled by attrition. If it was a common (laukika) fire that they had fetched, (the new fire) should be fetched from a Srotriya's house. Thereby it is shown that the common fire at the Upanayana ceremony, &c., should be fetched only from a Srotriya's house.' Mátridatta.
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GRIHYA-SÚTRA OF HIRANYAKESIN.
9. On that (skin) they both sit down facing the east or the north, so that the wife sits behind her husband, with (the verse), 'Here may the cows sit down, here the horses, here the men. Here may also Pashan with a thousand (sacrificial) gifts sit down.'
10. They sit silently until the stars appear.
11. When the stars have appeared, he goes forth from the house (with his wife) in an easterly or northerly direction, and worships the quarters (of the horizon) with the hemistich), Ye goddesses, ye six wide ones' (Taitt. Samh. IV, 7, 14, 2).
12. (He worships) the stars with (the Pâda), May we not be deprived of our offspring ;'
13. The moon with (the Pâda), May we not get into the power of him who hates us, O king Soma!'
14. He worships the seven Rishis (ursa major) with (the verse), · The seven Rishis who have led to firmness she, Arundhati, who stands first among the six Krittikâs (pleiads) :-may she, the eighth one, who leads the conjunction of the moon with the) six Krittikâs, the first (among conjunctions) shine upon us!' Then he worships the polar star with (the formula), 'Firm dwelling, firm origin. The firm one art thou, standing on the side of firmness. Thou art the pillar of the stars; thus protect me against my adversary.
Adoration be to the Brahman, to the firm, immovable one! Adoration be to the Brahman's son, Pragâpati! Adoration to the Brahman's children,
9. Comp. Påraskara I, 8, 10, and the readings quoted there from the Atharva-veda.
12, 13. These are the two last Padas of the verse of which the first hemistich is quoted in Satra II.
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195
to the thirty-three gods! Adoration to the Brahman's children and grandchildren, to the Angiras !
"He who knows thee (the polar star) as the firm, immovable Brahman with its children and with its grandchildren, with such a man children and grandchildren will firmly dwell, servants and pupils, garments and woollen blankets, bronze and gold, wives and kings, food, safety, long life, glory, renown, splendour, strength, holy lustre, and the enjoyment of food. May all these things firmly and immovably dwell with me!'
PATALA 7, SECTION 23, 1. (Then follow the Mantras), 'I know thee as the firm Brahman. May I become firm in this world and in this country.
I know thee as the immovable Brahman. May I not be moved away from this world and from this country. May he who hates me, my rival, be moved away from this world and from this country.
I know thee as the unshaken Brahman. May I not be shaken off from this world and from this country. May he who hates me, my rival, be shạken off from this world and from this country.
'I know thee as the unfalling Brahman. May I not fall from this world and from this country. May he who hates me, my rival, fall from this world and from this country.
I know thee as the nave of the universe. May I become the nave of this country. I know thee as the centre of the universe. May I become the centre of this country. I know thee as the string that holds the universe. May I become the string that holds this country. I know thee as the pillar
O
2
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of the universe. May I become the pillar of this country. I know thee as the navel of the universe. May I become the navel of this country.
As the navel is the centre of the Prânas, thus I am the navel. May hundred-and-onefold evil befall him who hates us and whom we hate; may more than hundred-and-onefold merit fall to my lot!'
2. Having spoken there with a person that he likes, and having returned to the house, he causes her to sacrifice a mess of cooked food.
3. The wife husks (the rice grains of which that Sthâlipáka is prepared).
4. She cooks (that Sthålfpåka), sprinkles (Ågya) on it, takes it from the fire, sacrifices to Agni, and then sacrifices to Agni Svishtakrit.
5. With (the remains of) that (Sthâlipäka) he entertains a learned Brâhmana whom he reveres.
6. To that (Brâhmana) he makes a present of a bull.
7. From that time he constantly sacrifices (yagate) on the days of the full and of the new moon a mess of cooked food sacred to Agni.
8. In the evening and in the morning he constantly sacrifices (suhoti) with his hand (and not with the Darvt) the two following oblations of rice or of barley: "To Agni Svâhâ! To Pragâpati Svâhâ !'
9. Some (teachers) state that in the morning the
5, 6. In the commentary these Sätras are divided thus: 5. tena brahmanam vidyâvantam parivevesh; 6. yo s syâpakito bhavati tasma rishabham dadati. (5. Therewith he entertains a learned Brahmana. 6. To one whom he reveres, he presents a bull.) The commentator observes that some authorities make one Sätra of the two, so that the Brahmana who receives the food and the one to whom the bull is given, would be the same person.
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197 former (of these oblations) should be directed to Surya.
10. Through a period of three nights they should eat no saline food, should sleep on the ground, wear ornaments, and should be chaste.
II. In the fourth night, towards morning, he puts wood on the fire, performs the (regular) ceremonies down to the (regular) expiatory oblations, and sacrifices nine expiatory oblations (with the following Mantras):
PATALA 7, SECTION 24.
1. Agni! Expiation! Thou art expiation. I, the Brahmana, entreat thee, desirous of protection. What is terrible in her, drive that away from here. Svâhâ! 'Vâyu! Expiation! Thou art expiation. I, the Brahmana, entreat thee, desirous of protection. What is blameful in her, drive that away from here. Svâhâ!
'Sun! Expiation! Thou art expiation. I, the Brahmana, entreat thee, desirous of protection. What dwells in her that is death-bringing to her husband, drive that away from here. Svâhâ! 'Sun! Expiation! &c. 'Vâyu! Expiation! &c. 'Agni! Expiation! &c. 'Agni! Expiation! &c. 'Vâyu! Expiation! &c. 'Sun! Expiation! &c.'
11. According to the commentary he performs the regular ceremonies down to the oblation offered with the Mantra, 'Thus thou, Agni' (see above, I, 3, 5, and compare Pâraskara I, 2, 8). Mâtridatta says, prâyaskittiparyantam kritvâ sa tvam no Agna ity etadantam kritvå nava prâyaskittîr guhoti. . . vyâhritiparyantam kritvå imam me Varuneti katasro (1, 3, 5) hutvaitâ guhoti.
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2. Having sacrificed (these oblations), he then pours the remainder as an oblation on her head, with (the formulas), 'Bhah! I sacrifice fortune over thee. Svâhål Bhuvah! I sacrifice glory over thee. Svâhà ! Suvah! I sacrifice beauty over thee. Svaha ! Bhûr bhuvah suvah! I sacrifice brightness over thee. Svâhà l'
3. There (near the sacrificial fire) he places a water-pot, walks round the fire (and that water-pot) keeping his right side turned towards it, makes (the wife) lie down to the west of the fire, facing east or north, and touches her secret parts, with (the formula), 'We touch thee with the five-forked, auspicious, unhostile (?), thousandfoldly blessed, glorious hand that thou mayst be rich in offspring !'
4. He then cohabits with her with the formula), • United is our soul, united our hearts, united our navel, united our skin. I will bind thee with the bond of love; that shall be insoluble.'
5. He then embraces her with (the formula), · Be devoted to me; be my companion. What dwells in thee that is death-bringing to thy husband, that I make death-bringing to thy paramours. Bring luck to me; be a sharp-cutting (destroyer) to thy paramours.'
6. He then seeks her mouth with his mouth, with (the two verses), 'Honey! Lo! Honey! This is honey! my tongue's speech is honey; in my mouth dwells the honey of the bee; on my teeth dwells concord.
The (magic charm of) concord that belongs to the kakravâka birds, that is brought out of the
6. With the first verse comp. Taitt. Samh. VII, 5, 10, 1; Kâtyayana XIII, 3, 21; Lâtyâyana IV, 3, 18.
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rivers, of which the divine Gandharva is possessed, thereby we are concordant.'
7. A woman that has her monthly courses, keeps through a period of three nights the observances prescribed in the Brahmana.
8. In the fourth night (the husband) having sipped water, calls (the wife) who has taken a bath, who wears a clean dress and ornaments, and has spoken with a Brahmana, to himself (with the following verses):
199
PATALA 7, SECTION 25.
1. (a) 'May Vishnu make thy womb ready; may Tvashtri frame the shape (of the child); may Pragapati pour forth (the sperm); may Dhâtri give thee conception!
(b) 'Give conception, Sintvâlt; give conception, Sarasvati! May the two Asvins, wreathed with lotus, give conception to thee!
6
(c) The embryo which the two Asvins produce with their golden kindling-sticks: that embryo we call into thy womb, that thou mayst give birth to it after ten months.
(
(d) As the earth is pregnant with Agni, as the heaven is with Indra pregnant, as Vâyu dwells in the womb of the regions (of the earth), thus I place an embryo into thy womb.
7. Taitt. Samhitâ II, 5, 1, 5. 6: Therefore one should not speak with a woman that has her monthly courses, nor sit together with her, nor eat food that she has given him, &c.
25, 1 (a-c). Rig-veda X, 184, 1-3; comp. S. B. E., vol. xv, p. 221. (d-f). Sânkhâyana-Grihya I, 19. It should be observed that the text of Hiranyakesin has in the beginning of (e) quite the same blunder which is found also in the Sânkhâyana MSS., yasya instead of vyasya.
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(e) 'Open thy womb; take in the sperm; may a male child, an embryo be begotten in the womb. The mother bears him ten months; may he be born, the most valiant of his kin.
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(f) May a male embryo enter thy womb, as an arrow the quiver; may a man be born here, thy son, after ten months.
(g) 'I do with thee (the work) that is sacred to Pragâpati; may an embryo enter thy womb. May a child be born without deficiency, with all its limbs, not blind, not lame, not sucked out by Pisakas.
(h) 'By the superior powers which the bulls shall produce for us, thereby become thou pregnant; may he be born, the most valiant of his kin.
(i) Indra has laid down in the tree the embryo of the sterile cow and of the cow that prematurely produces; thereby become thou pregnant; be a wellbreeding cow'
And (besides with the two Mantras), 'United are our names' (above, 24, 4), and, 'The concord of the kakravâka birds' (24, 6).
2. (He should cohabit with her with the formulas), 'Bhuh! Through Pragâpati, the highest bull, I pour forth (the sperm); conceive a valiant son, N. N. !— Bhuvah! Through Pragâpati, &c.—Suvah! Through Pragâpati, &c.' Thus he will gain a valiant son.
3. The Mantras ought to be repeated whenever they cohabit, according to Atreya,
4. Only the first time and after her monthly courses, according to Bâdarâyana.
(g) Comp. Atharva-veda III, 23, 5. The Âpastambîya Mantrapâtha reads (a) pisâkadhîtah.
(h) Sankhâyana-Grihya I, 19, 6; Atharva-veda III, 23, 4. (i) Comp. Atharva-veda III, 23, 1.
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PATALA 7, SECTION 261. 1. The fire which (the sacrificer keeps) from the time of his marriage, is called the Aupâsana (or sacred domestic fire).
2. With this fire the sacred domestic ceremonies are performed.
3. On account of his worship devoted to this (fire the sacrificer) is considered as an Åhitågni (i. e. as one who has set up the Srauta fires), and on account of his fortnightly Karu sacrifices on the days of the new and full moon) as one who offers the sacrifices of the new and full moon (as prescribed in the Srauta ritual); so (is it taught).
4. If (the service at the domestic fire) has been interrupted for twelve days, the sacrificer ought to set the fire up again.
5. Or he should count all the sacrifices (that have been left out), and should offer them.
6. (The punarådhâna or repeated setting up of the fire is performed in the following way) : in an enclosed space, having raised (the surface), sprinkled it (with water), strewn it with sand, and covered it with Udumbara or Plaksha branches, he silently brings together the things belonging to (the sacrifice) according as he is able to get them, produces fire by attrition out of a sacrificially pure piece of wood, or gets a common fire, places it in a big vessel, sets it in a blaze, and puts (fuel) on it with the words, Bhuh! Bhuvah! Suvah! Om! Fixity!'
1 This chapter is left out in Mátridatta's commentary; it seems to be a later addition. The division of the Satras is my own.
26, 3. For tasyaupasa nena I think we should read tasyopa. sanena.
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7. He then puts wood on the fire, performs (the rites) down to the Vyahriti oblations, and offers two 'mindá oblations' (i.e. oblations for making up for defects) with (the two Mantras), 'If a defect (minda) has arisen in me,' (and), 'Agni has given me back my eye' (Taitt. Samh. III, 2, 5, 4).
8. He offers three 'tantu oblations' with (the Mantras), Stretching the west (tantu)'(Taitt. Samh. III, 4, 2, 2), “Awake, Agni!' (IV, 7, 13, 5), “The thirty-three threads of the weft' (1, 5, 10, 4).
9. He offers four abhyavartin oblations' with (the Mantras), 'Agni who turns to us (abhyâvartin)!'
Agni Angiras !' 'Again with sap,' With wealth' (Taitt. Samh. IV. 2, 1, 2. 3).
10. Having made oblations with the single Vyâhritis and with (the three Vyâhritis together), and having made an oblation with the verse,
Thou art quick, Agni, and free from imprecation. Verily (satyam) thou art quick. Held by us in our quick mind (manas), with thy quick (mind) thou carriest the offering (to the gods). Being quick bestow medicine on us! Svâhâ !'--this (last) oblation contains an allusion to the mind (manas), it refers to Pragâpati, and alludes to the number seven (?),—he quickly repeats in his mind the dasahotri formula (Taitt. Arany. III, 1, 1). Then he makes the sagraha oblation (?); (then follow the
10. As to the Mantra, 'Thou art quick, &c.,'comp. above, I, 1, 3, 5, and the note on Sânkhayana I, 9, 12. I cannot see why the oblation made with this Mantra is called saptavati (alluding to the number seven); possibly we ought to read satyavatî (containing the word satyam, verily'). Can the words sagraham hutva mean, 'having performed the worship of the planets (graha) at his sacrifice '?
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203
oblations), 'This, O Varuna' (&c. ; see I, 2, 8, 16, down to the end of the Satra). Then he serves food to the Brâhmanas and causes them to say, 'An auspicious day! Hail ! Good luck!' he then performs in the known way the sacrifice of a mess of cooked food to Agni.
11. Here he gives an optional gift to his Guru: a pair of clothes, a milch cow, or a bull.
12. If he sets out on a journey, he makes the fire enter himself or the two kindling-sticks in the way that has been described in the Srauta-sūtra).
13. Or let him make it enter a piece of wood, in the same way as into the kindling-sticks.
14. A piece of Khadira wood, or of Palåsa, or of Udumbara, or of Asvattha wood
15. With one of these kinds of wood he fetches, where he turns in (on his journey), fire from the house of a Srotriya, and puts the (piece of wood) into which his fire has entered, on (that fire), with the two verses, 'He who has received the oblations' (Taitt. Samh. IV, 6, 5, 3), and 'Awake!' (IV, 7, 13, 5).
16. The way in which he sacrifices has been explained (in the Srauta-sutra).
17. If one half-monthly sacrifice has been omitted, he should have a sacrifice to (Agni) Pathikrit performed over this (fire). If two (half-monthly sacrifices), to (Agni) Vaisvânara and Pathikrit. If more than two, (the fire) has to be set up again.
18. If the fire is destroyed or lost, or if it is mixed with other fires, it has to be set up again.
12. Comp. Sânkhayana V, 1, 1.
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Prasna I, PATALA 8, SECTION 27. 1. If he will have a house built, he should during the northerly course of the sun, in the time of the increasing moon, under the constellation Rohint and under the three constellations designated as Uttara (Uttara-Phalguni, Uttara-Ashâdhà, Uttara-Proshthapadâh) put wood on the fire, perform the rites down to the Vyâhriti oblations, and should sacrifice with (the verses), · This, O Varuna' (&c. ; see 1, 2, 8, 16, down to the end of the Satra). Then he serves food to the Brâhmanas and causes them to say, 'An auspicious day! Hail! Good luck !' he puts on a garment that has not yet been washed, touches water, takes a shovel with (the formula), 'On the impulse of the god Savitri' (Taitt. Samh. I, 3, 1, 1), draws lines thrice from the left to the right round (the places where the pits for the posts shall be dug) with (the formula), ' A line has been drawn' (Taitt. Samh. I, 3, 1, 1), digs the pits (in which the posts shall be erected) as it is fit, and casts the earth (dug out of those pits) towards the inside (of the buildingground).
2. He erects the southern door-post with the verse), 'Here I erect a firm house ; it stands in peace, streaming ghee. Thus may we walk in thee, O house, blessed with heroes, with all heroes, with unharmed heroes ;'
3. The northern (door-post) with (the verse), 'Stand here firmly, O house, rich in horses and cows, rich in delight; rich in sap, overflowing with milk be set up, for the sake of great happiness.'
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4. With (the verse), 'To thee (may) the young child (go), to thee the calf with its companion, to thee the golden cup; to thee may they go with pots of curds'-he touches the two posts, after they have been erected.
5. In the same way (Sutras 2. 3) he erects the two chief posts,
6. And touches them as above (Sutra 4).
6
7. He fixes the beam of the roof on the posts with (the formula), Rightly ascend the post, O beam, erect, shining, drive off the enemies. Give us treasures and valiant sons.'
8. When the house has got its roof, he touches it with (the verse),
'The consort of honour, a blissful refuge, a goddess, thou hast been erected by the gods in the beginning; clothed in grass, cheerful thou art; bring us bliss, to men and animals.'
9. Then, under the constellation Anurâdhâ, the ground (on which the house stands) is expiated (in the following way).
10. By night he puts wood on the fire in an inner room (of the house), performs the rites down to the Vyâhriti oblations, and sacrifices (with the following Mantras):
PATALA 8, SECTION 28.
1. The two verses commencing 'Vâstoshpati!' (Taitt. Samh. III, 4, 10, 1).
27, 4. The text has the reading gagatâ saha; comp. the note on Sankhâyana III, 2, 9.
8. Comp. Atharva-veda III, 11, 5; this text shows the way to correct the blunders of the Hiranyakesin MSS.
28, 1. Comp. Rig-veda VII, 54, 2; Taitt. Brâhm. III, 7, 14, 4; Rig-veda X, 18, 1; Taitt. Brâhm. III, 7, 14, 5.
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Vastoshpati ! Be our furtherer; make our wealth increase in cows and horses, O Indu (i.e. Soma). Free from decay may we dwell in thy friendship; give us thy favour, as a father to his sons. Svâhâ !
May death go away; may immortality come to us. May Vivasvat's son (Yama) protect us from danger. May wealth, like a leaf (that falls) from a tree, fall down over us. May Sakipati (i.e. Indra) be with us. Svâhâ !
Go another way, O death, that belongs to thee, separated from the way of the gods. Vâstoshpati ! To thee who hears us, I speak : do no harm to our offspring nor to our heroes. Svâhâ !
"To this most excellent place of rest we have gone, by which we shall victoriously gain cows, treasures, and horses. May wealth, like a leaf (that falls) from a tree, fall down over us. May Sakipati be with us. Svâhâ !
• This, O Varuna' (&c.; see chap. 27, Satra I, down to): Hail! Good luck!'
2. In this way the ground (on which the house stands) should be expiated every year;
3. Every season, according to some (teachers).
PATALA 8, SECTION 29. 1. House, do not fear, do not tremble; bringing strength we come back. Bringing strength, gaining wealth, wise I come back to the house, rejoicing in my mind.
Of which the traveller thinks, in which much joy
29, 1. Sânkhayana-Grihya III, 7, 2; Atharva-veda VII, 60,
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dwells, the house I call. May it know us as we know it.
'Hither are called the cows; hither are called goats and sheep; and the sweet essence of food is called hither to our house.
many friends, the sweet comMay our dwellings always be men.
'Hither are called panionship of friends. unharmed with all our
'Rich in sap, rich in milk, refreshing, full of joy and mirth, free from hunger (?) and thirst, O house, do not fear us'-with (these verses) he approaches his house (when returning from a journey).
(
2. To thee I turn for the sake of safety, of peace. The blissful one! The helpful one! Welfare! Welfare!'-with (this formula) he enters.
3. On that day, on which he has arrived, he should avoid all quarrelling.
4. The joyful house I enter which does not bring death to men; most manly (I enter) the auspicious one. Bringing refreshment, with genial minds (we enter the house); joyfully I lie down in it'-with (this verse) he lies down.
5. May we find our way with thee through all hostile powers, as through streams of water '-with (this verse) he looks at his wife; he looks at his wife.
End of the First Prasna.
5. Comp. above, chap. 20, Sûtra 5; Rig-veda II, 7, 3.
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GRIHYA-SÛTRA OF HIRANYAKESIN.
Prasna II, PATALA 1, Section 1.
1. Now (follows) the Simantonnayana (or parting of the pregnant wise's hair).
2. In the fourth month of her first pregnancy, in the fortnight of the increasing moon, under an auspicious constellation he puts wood on the fire, performs the rites down to the Vyâhriti oblations, and makes four oblations to Dhâtri with (the verse), * May Dhâtri give us wealth' (and the following three verses, Taitt. Samh. III, 3, 11, 2. 3).
3. This, O Varuna'(&c. ; see I, chap. 27, Satra 2, down to): ‘Hail! Good luck!'
He then makes the wife who has taken a bath, who wears a clean dress and ornaments, and has spoken with a Brahmana, sit down to the west of the fire, facing the east, in a round apartment. Standing to the east (of the wife), facing the west he parts her hair upwards (i. e. beginning from the front) with a porcupine's quill that has three white spots, holding (also) a bunch of unripe fruits, with the Vyâhritis (and) with the two (verses), 'I invoke Râkâ,' (and), 'Thy graces, O Râkâ' (Taitt. Samh. III, 3, 11, 5). Then he recites over (his wife the formulas), 'Soma alone is our king, thus say the Brahmana tribes, sitting near thy banks, O Ganga,
1, 3. The corrupt word vivrittakakrâ(h) seems to contain a vocative fem. referring to Gange-avivritta kakra? The stambiya Mantrapàtha reads, vivrittakakra âsînás tîrena yamune tava. Comp. Âsvalâyana I, 14, 7; Pâraskara I, 15, 8.
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whose wheel does not roll back (?)!' (and), 'May we find our way with thee through all hostile powers, as through streams of water' (above I, 20, 5).
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PATALA 1, SECTION 2.
1. Now (follows) the Pumsavana (i. e. the ceremony for securing the birth of a male child).
2. In the third month, in the fortnight of the increasing moon, under an auspicious constellation (&c.; see the preceding section, Sûtras 2 and 3, down to :) in a round apartment. He gives her a barley-grain in her right hand with (the formula), 'A man art thou;'
3. With (the formula), 'The two testicles are ye,' two mustard seeds or two beans, on both sides of that barley-grain.
4. With (the formula), 'Svâvritat' (? svâvrittat?) (he pours) a drop of curds (on those grains). That he gives her to eat.
5. After she has sipped water, he touches her belly with (the formula), 'With my ten (fingers) I touch thee that thou mayst give birth to a child after ten months.'
6. (He pounds) the last shoot of a Nyagrodha trunk (and mixes the powder) with ghee, or a silkworm (and mixes the powder) with a pap prepared of panick seeds, or a splinter of a sacrificial post taken from the north-easterly part (of that post) exposed to the fire, or (he takes ashes or soot [?] of)
2, 2. Comp. the note on Âsvalâyana I, 13, 2.
6. The translation of this Sutra should be considered merely as tentative. Some words of the text are uncertain, and the remarks of Mâtridatta are very incorrectly given in the MSS.
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a fire that has been kindled by attrition, and inserts that into the right nostril of the wife) whose head rests on the widely spread root (of an Udumbara tree ?).
7. If she miscarries, he should three times stroke (her body), from the navel upwards, with her wet hand, with the formula), 'Thitherwards, not hitherwards, may Tvashtri bind thee in his bonds. Making (the mother) enter upon the seasons, live ten months (in thy mother's womb); do not bring death to men.'
8. When her confinement has come, he performs the kshipraprasavana (i. e. the ceremony for accelerating the confinement). Having placed a waterpot near her head and a Türyantf plant near her feet, he touches her belly.
Patala 1, SECTION 3. 1. “As the wind blows, as the ocean waves, thus may the embryo move ; may it come forth together with the after-birth'--with (this verse) he strokes (her body) from above downwards.
2. When the child is born, he lays an axe on a stone, and a piece of gold on that axe; after he has turned these things upside down (so that the stone lies uppermost), he holds the boy over them with (the two verses),
Be a stone, be an axe, be insuperable gold. Thou indeed art the Veda called son ; so live a hundred autumns.
8. Comp. Apastamba-Gríhya VI, 14, 14; Âsvalâyana II, 8, 14; IV, 4, 8.
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From limb by limb thou art produced; out of the heart thou art born. Thou indeed art the self (âtman) called son ; so live a hundred autumns.'
3. (The contents of this Satra are similar to those of Paraskara I, 16, 2.)
4. They take the Aupasana (or regular Grihya) fire away, and they bring the Satikâgni (or the fire of the confinement).
5. That (fire) is only used for warming (dishes, etc.).
6. No ceremonies are performed with it except the fumigation (see the next Satra).
7. He fumigates (the child) with small grains mixed with mustard seeds. These he throws into the coals (of the Satikâgni) (eleven times, each time with one of the following Mantras):
(a) May Sanda and Marka, Upavira, Sandikera, Ulakhala, Kyavana vanish from here. Svâhâ !
(b) ·Ålikhat, Vilikhat, Animisha, Kimvadanta, Upasruti. Svâhâ !
(c) 'Aryamna, Kumbhin, Satru, Pâtrapâni, Nipuni. Svâhâ !
(d) May Ântrimukha, Sarshapâruna vanish from here. Svâhâ !
(e) Kesini, Svalomini, Bagabogâ, U pakasini-go away, vanish from here. Svâhâ !
(1) The servants of Kuvera, Visvavâsa (?), sent by the king of demons, all of one common origin,
3, 7. According to Pâraskara (I, 16, 23) this is done daily in the morning and in the evening, until the mother gets up from childbed. - Comp. the names of the demons, Pâraskara I, 16, 23. — For vikburam (Mantra i) the Âpastambiya Mantrapatha has vidhuram (distress' or 'a distressed one').
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walk through the villages, visiting those who wake (?). Svâhâ!
6.66
(g) Kill them! Bind them!" thus (says) this messenger of Brahman. Agni has encompassed them. Indra knows them; Brihaspati knows them; I the Brahmana know them who seize (men), who have prominent teeth, rugged hair, hanging breasts. Svâhâ!
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"
(h) The night-walkers, wearing ornaments on their breasts, with lances in their hands, drinking out of skulls! Svâhâ!
"
(i) Their father Ukkaihsrâvyakarnaka walks (?) at their head, their mother walks in the rear, seeking a vikhura (?) in the village. Svâhâ!
(k) 'The sister, the night-walker, looks at the family through the rift (?)-she who wakes while people sleep, whose mind is turned on the wife that has become mother. Svâhâ!
(1) 'O god with the black path, Agni, burn the lungs, the hearts, the livers of those (female demons); burn their eyes. Svâhâ!'
8. Then he washes his hands and touches the ground with (the verses), 'O thou whose hair is well parted! Thy heart that dwells in heaven, in the moon of that immortality impart to us. May I not weep over distress (falling to my lot) through
my sons.
'I know thy heart, O earth, that dwells in heaven, in the moon: thus may I, the lord of immortality, not weep over distress (falling to my lot) through my sons.'
9. Now (follows) the medhaganana (or production
8. Pâraskara I, 6, 17.
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of intelligence). With (an instrument of) gold over which he has laid a Darbha shoot tied (to that piece of gold) he gives to the child, which is held so that it faces the east, ghee to eat, with the formulas,
Bhah! I sacrifice the Rikas over thee! Bhuvah! I sacrifice the Yagus over thee! Suvah! I sacrifice the Samans over thee! Bhůr bhuvah suvah ! I sacrifice the Atharvan and Angiras hymns over thee!'
10. He then bathes the child with lukewarm water with (the following Mantras):
From chronic disease, from destruction, from wile, from Varuna's fetter I release thee. I make thee guiltless before the Brahman; may both Heaven and Earth be kind towards thee.
May Agni together with the waters bring thee bliss, Heaven and Earth together with the herbs; may the air together with the wind bring thee bliss; may the four quarters of the heaven bring thee
bliss.
Rightly have the gods released the sun from darkness and from the seizing demon; they have dismissed him from guilt; thus I deliver this boy from chronic disease, from curse that comes from his kin, from wile, from Varuna's fetter.'
11. He then places the child in his mother's lap with (the verse):
Patala 1, SECTION 4.
1. “The four divine quarters of the heaven, the consorts of Wind, whom the sun surveys: to their
10. Comp. Atharva-veda II, 10; Taitt. Brahm. II, 5, 6.
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long life I turn thee; may consumption go away to destruction!'
2. Having placed (him there) he addresses (his wife with the Mantra), “May no demon do harm to thy son, no cow that rushes upon him (?). Mayst thou become the friend of treasures; mayst thou live in prosperity in thy own way.'
3. He washes her right breast and makes her give it to the child with (the formula), ‘May this boy suckle long life; may he reach old age. Let thy breast be exuberant for him, and life, glory, renown, splendour, strength.
4. In the same way the left breast.
5. With (the words), 'He does not suffer, he does not cry, when we speak to him and when we touch him'-he touches both breasts. Then he places a covered water-pot near her head, with (the formula),
O waters, watch in the house. As you watch with the gods, thus watch over this wife, the mother of a good son.
6. On the twelfth day the mother and the son take a bath.
7. They make the house clean.
8. They take the Satikågni away, and they bring the Aupâsana fire.
9. Having put wood on that fire, and having performed the rites down to the Vyahriti oblations, they sacrifice twelve oblations with the verses, ‘May Dhâtri give us wealth' (III, 3, 11, 2-5); according to some (teachers they make) thirteen (oblations).
4, 2. I am not certain about the translation of dhenur atisarini. The Âpastambîya Mantrapâtha has atyâkârini. Atisarin means, suffering from diarrhoea; perhaps we should read abhisarini.
8. Comp. chap. 3, Sætra 4.
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10. “This, O Varuna' (&c.; see I, chap. 27, Sätra 2, down to): "Hail ! Good luck!' Then let him give a name to the child, of two syllables or of four syllables, beginning with a sonant, with a semi-vowel in it, with a long vowel (or) the Visarga at its end, or a name that contains the particle su, for such a name has a firm foundation ; thus it is understood.
11. Let the father and the mother pronounce (that name) first. For it is understood, 'My name first, O Gâtavedas.'
12. He should give him two names. For it is understood (Taitt. Samh. VI, 3, 1, 3), “Therefore a Brâhmana who has two names, will have success.'
13. The second name should be a Nakshatra name.
14. The one name should be secret; by the other they should call him.
15. He should give him the name Somayagin (i.e. performer of Soma sacrifices) as his third name; thus it is understood.
16. When he returns from a journey, or when his son returns, he touches him with (the formula), With Soma's lustre I touch thee, with Agni's splendour, with the glory of the sun.'
17. With (the formula), · With the humkâra (the mystical syllable hum) of the cattle I kiss thee, N. N.! For the sake of long life and of glory! Hum!' he
11. The verse beginning with 'My name,' &c., contains the words, which my father and my mother have given me in the beginning' (pitâ mâtå ka dadhatur yad agre).
13. Comp. Professor Weber's second article, Die vedischen Nachrichten von den Naxatra' (Abh. der Berliner Akademie), Pp. 316 seq.
17. Comp. above, I, 2, 5, 14.
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kisses his head. Then he seizes with his right hand (his son's) right hand together with the thumb, with the five sections, Agni is long-lived.'
18. 'May Agni bestow on thee long life everywhere' (Taitt. Samh. I, 3, 14, 4)—this (verse) he murmurs in (his son's) right ear as above.
PATALA 1, SECTION 5. 1. Then (follows) in the sixth month the Annaprâsana (i. e. the first feeding with solid food).
2. In the fortnight of the increasing moon, under an auspicious constellation, he puts wood on the fire, performs the rites down to the Vyâhriti oblations, and sacrifices (with the Mantras), 'This, O Varuna' (&c.; see I, chap. 27, Satra 2, down to): "Hail ! Good luck!' Then he gives (to the child) threefold food to eat, curds, honey, and ghee, with (the formula), 'Bhuh I lay into thee! Bhuvah I lay into thee! Suvah I lay into thee!'
3. Then he gives him (other) food to eat with (the formula), 'I give thee to eat the essence of water and of the plants. May water and plants be kind towards thee. May water and plants do no harm to thee.
Patala 1, SECTION 6. 1. In the third year (he performs) the Kadakarman (i. e. the tonsure of the child's head).
2. In the fortnight (&c., as in the preceding section, Satra 2, down to): Hail! Good luck!' The boy sits down to the west of the fire, facing the east;
18. I, 2, 5, 15; 2, 6, 1.
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3. To the north (of the fire) his mother or a student (brahmakârin) holds a lump of bull's dung;
4. Therewith he (or she) receives the (cut-off)
hair.
5. He then pours cold and warm water together.
6. Having poured warm water into cold water he moistens the hair near the right ear with the formula), ‘May the waters moisten thee for life' (Taitt. Samh. I, 2, 1, 1).
7. With the formula), Herb, protect him!' (Taitt. Samh., loc. cit.) he puts an herb, with its point upwards, into (the hair).
8. With (the formula), Axe, do no harm to him!' (Taitt. Samh., loc. cit.) he touches (that herb) with the razor.
9. With (the words), *Heard by the gods, I shave that (hair)'(Taitt. Samh., loc. cit.) he shaves him.
10. In the same way (he moistens, &c.) the other (sides of his head) from left to right.
11. Behind with the Mantra), 'The razor with which Savitri, the knowing one, has shaven (the beard) of king Soma and Varuna, with that, ye Brâhmanas, shave his (head); make that he be united with vigour, with wealth, with glory.
On the left side with (the Mantra), '(The razor) with which Pashan has shaven (the beard) of Brihaspati, of Agni, of Indra, for the sake of long life, with that I shave thy (head), N. N.!'
6, 3, 4. Some consider, according to Matridatta, these two Satras as one. He says (p. 149 of Dr. Kirste's edition), uttarata ity etadâdi pratigrihnâtîty etadantam vâ satram, dhârayams tenâsya kesan pratipathitavyam (read, pratigrihnâtîti pathita vyam).
6. As to dakshinam godâ nam unatti, comp. the note on Paraskara II, 1, 9. Comp. also above, I, 3, 9, 12.
7 seq. See above, I, 3, 9, 13 seq.
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Before with the Mantra), “That he may long live in joy, and may long see the sun.'
12. After the hair has been shaven, they arrange the locks (which are left over), according to custom or according to what family he belongs.
13. A person who is kindly disposed towards him, gathers the (cut-off) hair and buries it in a cowstable, or near an Udumbara tree, or in a clump of Darbha grass, with the Mantra), 'Where Půshan, Brihaspati, Savitri, Soma, Agni (dwell), they have in many ways searched where they should depose it, between heaven and earth, the waters and heaven.'
14. He makes a gift to a Brâhmana according to his liberality.
15. To the barber (he gives) boiled rice with butter.
16. In the same way the Godânakarman (or the ceremony of shaving the beard) is performed in the sixteenth year.
17. He has him shaven including the top-lock.
18. Some declare that he leaves there the toplock.
19. Or he performs the Godana sacred to Agni. 20. He gives a cow to his Guru.
End of the First Patala.
13. Comp. I, 3, 9, 18. 14. Literally, according to his faith (yatha sraddham).
19. Agnigodano va kumaro bhavati upasamadhânâdi punyâhavâkanântam agnikâryam iva vâ bhavatîty arthah. Mâtridatta. Comp., however, the note on Apastamba-Grihya VI, 16, 13.
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PRASNA II, PATALA 2, SECTION 7.
1. Now (follows) the expiation for attacks of the dog-demon (epilepsy) (on the boy).
2. When the attack assails (the boy, the performer of the ceremony) arranges his sacrificial cord over his left shoulder, sips water, and fetches water with a cup that has not yet been used (in order to pour it upon the boy). In the middle of the hall he elevates (the earth at) that place in which they use to gamble; he besprinkles it with water, casts the dice, scatters them (on all sides), makes a heap of them, spreads them out, makes an opening in the thatched roof of the hall, takes the boy in through that (opening), lays him on his back on the dice, and pours a mixture of curds and salt-water upon him, while they beat a gong towards the south. (The curds and water are poured on the sick boy with the following Mantras), 'Kurkura, Sukurkura, the Kurkura with the dark fetter..
'Sârameya runs about, looking, as it were, upon the sea. He, the Suvirina (?), wears golden ornaments on his neck and on his breast, the most excellent (ornaments) of dogs (?).
'Suvtrina, let him loose! Let him loose, Ekavrâtya! Let him loose, doggy! Let him loose, Khat!
'Teka and Sasaramatamka and Tula and Vitula and the white one and the red one. Let him loose! the brown and red one.
'On those two single ones the sarasyakâs (?) run
7, 1. svagraho pasmâra unmattah Sârameya ity eke. Mâtridatta. Comp. Pâraskara I, 16, 24; Âpastamba VII, 18, 1.
2. The Mantras are partly unintelligible. As to kurkura comp. the note on Pâraskara I, 16, 24.
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down in the third heaven from here. Khat! Go away. Sisarama! Sârameya! Adoration to thee, Sisara !
Your mother is called the messenger; your father is the mandâkaka (manddkaka, the frog ?). Khat! Go away, &c.
Your mother is called dulâ (the staggering one ?); your father is the mandâkaka. Khat! Go away, &c.
*The stallions (stamp with) their feet. Do not gnash (?) thy teeth. Khat! Go away, &c.
The carpenter hammers at (the chariots) that have wheels (?). Do not gnash (?) thy teeth. Khat! Go away,' &c.
3. Then (the performer of the ceremony) says, * Choose a boon.'
4. (The father or brother of the boy replies), 'I choose the boy.'
5. They should do so, when the attack assails him, three times in the day, in the morning, at noon, and in the afternoon, and when he has recovered.
End of the Second Patala.
Prasna II, PATALA 3, SECTION 8. 1. Now (follows) the sacrifice of the sulagava (or spit-ox, for propitiating Rudra and averting plague in cattle).
2. In the fortnight of the increasing moon, under an auspicious constellation, he puts wood on the fire, strews (Darbha grass) on the entire surface around the fire, cooks a mess of sacrificial food with milk,
5. There can be little doubt as to the correctness of the reading agadah instead of âgatah.
8, 1. Comp. Âsvalấyana IV, 8; Pâraskara III, 8; Âpastamba VII, 20.
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sprinkles it (with Agya), takes it from the fire, builds two huts to the west of the fire, and has the spit-ox led to the southerly (hut) with (the verse), 'May the fallow steeds, the harmonious ones, bring thee hither, together with the white horses, the bright, wind-swift, strong ones, that are as quick as thought. Come quickly to my offering, Sarva! Om!'
3. To the northerly (hut he has) the bountiful one' (led);-(i. e, the consort of the spit-ox);
4. To the middle (between the two huts) the 'conqueror' (i. e. a calf of those two parents).
5. He gives them water to drink in the same order in which they have been led (to their places), prepares three messes of boiled rice, spreading under' and sprinkling (Ågya) on them, and touches (the three beasts with those portions of rice) in the order in which they have been led (to their places), with (the Mantras), “May he, the bountiful one, touch it. To the bountiful one svâhâ ! May she, the bountiful one, touch it. To the bountiful one svâhâ ! May the conqueror touch it. To the conqueror svâhâ !
6. After he has performed (the rites) down to the Vyâhriti oblations, he takes the messes of boiled rice (to the fire) and sacrifices them (the first with the Mantra),
To the god Bhava svåhå! To the god Rudra svâhâ ! To the god Sarva svâhà! To the god Îsâna ... Pasupati ... Ugra ... Bhima svâhâ ! To the great god svâhâ !'
7. Then he sacrifices the consort's rice to the consort (of Rudra, with the Mantra), "To the consort
3, 4. The text has mîdhushim, gayantam.
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of the god Bhava svâhâ! To the consort of the god Rudra... .... Sarva... Îsâna... Pasupati. Ugra... Bhima... of the great god svâhâ!'
8. Then he sacrifices of the middle portion of rice with (the Mantra), 'To the conqueror svâhâ! To the conqueror svâhâ!'
9. Then he cuts off from all the three portions of rice and sacrifices the Svishtakrit oblation with (the Mantra), To Agni Svishtakrit svâhâ!'
C
10. Around that fire they place their cows so that they can smell the smell of that sacrifice.
11. With luck may they walk round our full face' with (these words) he walks round all (the objects mentioned, viz. the fire, the three beasts, and the other cows), so as to turn his right side towards them, and worships (the sûlagava) with the (eleven) Anuvâkas, 'Adoration to thee, Rudra, to the wrath' (Taitt. Samh. IV, 5), or with the first and last of them.
PATALA 3, SECTION 9.
1. Now follows the distribution of Palâsa leaves (at different places).
"
2. Protector of the house, touch them! To the protector of the house svâhâ! Protectress of the
9, 1. The text has baudhyavihâra, on which the commentary observes, baudhyâni palâsaparnâni, teshâm vihâro viharanam nânâdeseshu sthâpanam baudhyavihârah, karmanâma vâ. The baudhyavihâra is, as its description clearly shows, a ceremony for propitiating Rudra and his hosts and for averting evil from the cattle and the fields. The commentary understands it as forming part of the sûlagava described in chap. 8, and with this opinion it would agree very well that no indication of the time at which the baudhyavihâra ought to be performed (such as âpûryamânapakshe punye nakshatre) is given, Comp. also Âpastamba VII, 20, 5 seq.
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house, touch them! To the protectress of the house svâhâ ! Protector of the door, touch them! To the protector of the door svâhâ ! Protectress of the door, touch them! To the protectress of the door svåhå!'with (these formulas) he puts down four leaves; (then other leaves) with (the formulas), · Noisy ones, touch them! To the noisy ones svâhâ ! Quivered ones ... ye that run in the rear ... Minglers (?)... Choosers ... Eaters, touch them! To the eaters svâhâ !'
3. Then again ten (leaves) with (the formula), • Divine hosts, touch them! To the divine hosts svâhâ !'
4. Then other ten (leaves) with (the formula), · Divine hosts that are named and that are not named, touch them! To them svâhâ !'
5. Then he makes a basket of leaves, puts into it a lump of boiled rice with an under-spreading' (of Ågya) and sprinkling (Ågya) on it, goes outside his pasture-grounds, and hangs (the basket) up at a tree with (the formula), Quivered ones, touch it! To the quivered ones svâhâ !'
6. He then performs worship (before that basket) with (the formula), ‘Adoration to the quivered one, to him who wears the quiver ! To the lord of the thieves adoration !
7. With sandal salve, surâ and water, unground, fried grains, cow-dung, with a bunch of dûrvâ grass, with Udumbara, Palâsa, Samt, Vikankata, and
5. I have translated avadhâya (instead of avadâya), as Âpastamba VII, 20, 7 reads.
6. Taittirîya Samhita IV, 5, 3, 1. Of course the god to whom these designations refer is Rudra.
7. The commentary explains surodaka as rain-water, or as rainwater which has fallen while the sun was shining.
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Asvattha (branches), and with a cow-tail he besprinkles his cows, the bull first, with (the words), 'Bring luck! Bring luck!' Then (the bull) will bring him luck.
224
8. He then cooks that mess of sacrificial food, sacred to Kshetrapati (the lord of the field), with milk, sprinkles it (with Âgya), takes it from the fire, and performs a sacrifice to Kshetrapati on the path where his cows use to go, without a fire, on four or on seven leaves.
9. He has him (i. e. the Kshetrapati ? an ox representing Kshetrapati ?) led (to his place) in the same way as the sûlagava (chap. 8, § 2).
10. He sacrifices quickly, (for) the god has a strong digestion (?).
11. He then performs worship with (the two verses), 'With the lord of the field,' 'Lord of the field' (Taitt. Samh. I, 1, 14, 2. 3).
12. Of (the remains of that sacrificial food) sacred to Kshetrapati his uterine relations should partake, according as the custom of their family is.
End of the Third Patala.
8. Mâtridatta says, kshaitrapatyam kshetrapatidevatâkam payasi sthâlîpâkam, &c. The meaning of the expression 'that (enam) mess of sacrificial food' is doubtful; the commentary says, enam iti pûrvâpeksham pûrvavad aupâsana evâsyâpi srapanârtham.-The last words (on four or on seven leaves) the commentator transfers to the next Sutra, but he mentions the different opinion of other authorities.
10. nûrtte sîghram yagate. kutah. yatah sa devah pâkah pakanasîlas tîkshmas (read, tîkshnas) tasmât. Mâtridatta.-Possibly Dr. Kirste is right in reading tûrtam; the corresponding Sutra of Âpastamba has kshipram (VII, 20, 15), and, as the Satapatha Brahmana (VI, 3, 2, 2) observes, 'yad vai kshipram tat tûrtam.'
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Prasna II, PATALA 4, Section 10. 1. On the new-moon day, in the afternoon, or on days with an odd number in the dark fortnight the monthly (Sraddha is performed).
2. Having prepared food for the Fathers and having arranged southward-pointed Darbha grass as seats (for the Brâhmanas whom he is going to invite), he invites an odd number of pure Brahmanas who are versed in the Mantras, with no deficient limbs, who are not connected with himself by consanguinity or by their Gotra or by the Mantras, (such as his teacher or his pupils).
3. In feeding them he should not look at any (worldly) purposes. · 4. Having put wood on the fire and strewn southward pointed and eastward-pointed Darbha grass around it, having prepared the Ågya in an Agya pot over which he has laid one purifier, having sprinkled water round (the fire) from right to left, and put a piece of Udumbara wood on (the fire), he sacrifices with the (spoon called) Darvi which is made of Udumbara wood.
5. Having performed the rites down to the Ågyabhaga offerings, he suspends his sacrificial cord over his right shoulder and calls the Fathers (to his sacrifice) with (the verse), “Come hither, O Fathers, friends of Soma, on your hidden, ancient paths, bestowing on us offspring and wealth and long life, a life of a hundred autumns.'
10, 1. Comp. Sänkhayana IV, 1; Asvalâyana II, 5, 10 seq. ; IV, 7; Paraskara III, 10; Gobhila IV, 3. 4. Comp. above, I, I, I, II seq. 27; 2, 7 seq.
[30]
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GRIHYA-SUTRA OF HIRANYAKESIN.
6. He sprinkles water in the same direction (i.e. towards the south) with (the verse), 'Divine waters, send us Agni. May our Fathers enjoy this sacrifice. May they who receive their nourishment every month bestow on us wealth with valiant heroes.'
7. Having performed the rites down to the Vyâhriti oblations with his sacrificial cord over his left shoulder, he suspends it over his right shoulder and sacrifices with the following Mantras):
'To Soma with the Fathers, svadha ! Adoration !
*To Yama with the Angiras and with the Fathers, svadha! Adoration!
With the waters that spring in the east and those that come from the north : with the waters, the supporters of the whole world, I interpose another one between (myself and) my father. Svadha ! Adoration!
'I interpose (another one) through the mountains; I interpose through the wide earth; through the sky and the points of the horizon, through infinite bliss I interpose another one between (myself and) my grandfather. Svadha! Adoration !
'I interpose (another one) through the seasons, through days and nights with the beautiful twilight. Through half-months and months I interpose another one between (myself and) my great-grandfather. Svadha! Adoration !'
Then he sacrifices with their names : 'To N. N. svadhâ! Adoration ! To N.N. svadhâ! Adoration !
6. Comp. Atharva-veda XVIII, 4, 40.
7. Comp. Sânkhâyana III, 13, 5. The translation there given of the words anyam antah pitur dadhe ought to be changed accordingly.-For åbhur anyopapadyatâm read matur anyo svapadyatâm as Sankhâyana has.
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Wherein my mother has done amiss, abandoning her duty (towards her husband), may my father takė that sperm as his own; may another one fall off from the mother. Svadha! Adoration !'
In the same way a second and a third verse with the alteration of the Mantra, 'Wherein my grandmother,'' Wherein my great-grandmother.'
PATALA 4, SECTION 11. 1. 'The Fathers who are here and who are not here, and whom we know and whom we do not know: Agni, to thee they are known, how many they are, Gatavedas. May they enjoy what thou givest them in our oblation. Svadha ! Adoration !
Your limb that this flesh-devouring (Agni) has burnt, leading you to the worlds (of the Fathers), Gâtavedas, that I restore to you again. Unviolated with all your limbs arise, O Fathers! Svadha! Adoration !
Carry the Agya, Gatavedas, to the Fathers, where thou knowest them resting afar. May streams of Agya flow to them; may their wishes with all their desires be fulfilled! Svadhå ! Adoration !'
In the same way a second and a third verse with the alteration of the Mantra, 'to the grandfathers,' to the great-grandfathers.'
2. In the same way he sacrifices of the food, altering the Mantra, 'Carry the food, &c.'
3. Then he sacrifices the Svishtakrit oblation
11, 1. Rig-veda X, 15, 13; Atharva-veda XVIII, 4, 64; Ãsvalayana-Grihya II, 4, 13, &c. Before the verse, ' Carry the Agya,' the Udikyas, as Mátridatta states, insert the words. He then makes oblations of Âgya (with the Mantra, &c.). According to this reading the words of the second Sätra, 'In the same way, &c.,' would refer only to these last oblations.
Q2
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with (the formula), ‘To Agni Kavyavahana Svishtakrit syadha! Adoration !'
4. He then touches the food with (the formulas), "The earth is thy vessel, the heaven is the lid. I sacrifice thee into the Brahman's mouth. I sacrifice thee into the up-breathing and down-breathing of the Brâhmanas. Thou art imperishable ; do not perish for the Fathers yonder, in yon world! The earth is steady; Agni is its surveyor in order that what has been given may not be lost.
• The earth is thy vessel, the heaven is the lid, &c. Do not perish for the grandfathers yonder, in yon world. The air is steady ; Vậyu is its surveyor, in order that what has been given may not be lost.
"The earth is thy vessel, the heaven is the lid, &c. Do not perish for the great-grandfathers yonder, in yon world. The heaven is steady; Åditya is its surveyor, in order that what has been given may not be lost.'
5. With (the words), 'I establish myself in the breath and sacrifice ambrosia,' he causes the Brâhmanas to touch (the food).
PATALA 4, SECTION 12. 1. While they are eating, he looks at them with (the words), ‘My soul (atman) dwells in the Brahman that it may be immortal.'
2. When they have eaten (and go away), he goes after them and asks for their permission to take the remains of their meal (for the rites which he is going
5. Comp. Taittirîya Aranyaka X, 34.
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to perform). Then he takes a water-pot and a handful of Darbha grass, goes forth to a place that lies in a south-easterly intermediate direction, spreads the Darbha grass out with its points towards the south, and pours out on that (grass) with downward-turned hands, ending in the south, three handfuls of water, with (the formulas), · May the fathers, the friends of Soma, wipe themselves! May the grandfathers ... the great-grandfathers, the friends of Soma, wipe themselves!' or, ‘N. N.! Wash thyself! N. N.! Wash thyself!'
3. On that (grass) he puts down, with downwardturned hands, ending in the south, the lumps (of food for the Fathers). To his father he gives his lump with (the words), “This to thee, father, N. N.!' to the grandfather with the words), 'This to thee, grandfather, N. N.!' to the great-grandfather with (the words), 'This to thee, great-grandfather, N. N.!' silently a fourth (lump). This (fourth lump) is optional.
4. Should he not know the names (of the ancestors), he gives the lump to the father with the words), "Svadha to the Fathers who dwell on the earth,' to the grandfather with the words), 'Svadhâ to the Fathers who dwell in the air,' to the great-grandfather with (the words), Svadha to the Fathers who dwell in heaven.'
5. Then he gives, corresponding to each lump, collyrium and (other) salve and (something that represents) a garment.
3. According to the commentary alter each formula the words are added, and to those who follow thee;' comp. Taitt. Samh. I, 8, 5, ! ; III, 2, 5, 5; Katy-Sraut. IV, 1, 12.
W.chee;' comp. Taite.se words
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6. The collyrium (he gives), saying three times, 'Anoint thy eyes, N. N.! Anoint thy eyes, N. N.!'
7. The salve, saying three times, 'Anoint thyself, N. N.! Anoint thyself, N. N.!'
8. With (the formula), “These garments are for you, O Fathers. Do not seize upon anything else that is ours,' he tears off a skirt (of his garment) or a flake of wool and puts that down (for the Fathers), if he is in the first half of his life.
9. He tears out some hairs of his body, if in the second half.
10. Then he washes the vessel (in which the food was of which he had offered the lumps), and sprinkles (the water with which he has washed it), from right to left round (the lumps) with (the Mantra), *These honey-sweet waters, bringing refreshment to children and grandchildren, giving sweet drink and ambrosia to the Fathers, the divine waters refresh both (the living and the dead), these rivers, abounding in water, covered with reeds, with beautiful bathing-places; may they flow up to you in yon world I' Then he turns the vessel over, crosses his hands so that the left hand becomes right and the right hand becomes left, and worships (the Fathers) with the formulas of adoration, 'Adoration to you, O Fathers, for the sake of sap' (Taitt. Samh. III, 2, 5, 5).
11. Then he goes to the brink of some water and pours down three handfuls of water (with the following Mantras):
6 seq. A fourth time he gives the same thing silently; comp. Sätra 3.
8, 9. If his age is under fisty years or over fifty years (Mátridatta; comp. the commentary on Katyayana-Sraut. IV, 1, 17. 18).
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PATALA 4, SECTION 13. 1. “This is for thee, father, this honey-sweet wave, rich in water. As great as Agni and the earth are, so great is its measure, so great is its might. As such a great one I give it. As Agni is imperishable and inexhaustible, thus may it be imperishable and inexhaustible, sweet drink to my father. By that imperishable (wave), that sweet drink, live thou together with those, N. N.! The Rikas are thy might.
This is for thee, grandfather, &c. ... As great as Väyu and the air are ... As Väyu is imperishable ... to my grandfather. ... The Yagus are thy might.
This is for thee, great-grandfather, &c. . . . As great as Aditya and the heaven are ... The Såmans are thy might.'
2. Returning (from the place where he has performed the Pinda offerings) he puts the substance cleaving (to the Sthalt) into the water-pot and pours it out, with the verse), 'Go away, O Fathers, friends of Soma, on your hidden, ancient paths. After a month return again to our house and eat our offerings, rich in offspring, in valiant sons.'
3. Thereby the (Sraddha) celebrated in the middle of the rainy season has been declared.
4. There (oblations of) flesh are prescribed ; 5. Of vegetables, if there is no flesh.
End of the Fourth Patala.
3. Madhyâvarsham. Comp. the note on Sankhayana III, 13, 1.
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PRASNA II, PATALA 5, SECTION 14.
1. We shall explain (the festival of) the Ashtakâ. 2. The eighth day of the dark fortnight that follows after the full moon of Mâgha, is called Ekâshtakâ.
3. On the day before that Ashtakâ, under (the Nakshatra) Anûrâdhâs, in the afternoon he puts wood on the fire, strews southward-pointed and eastward-pointed Darbha grass around it, and turns rice out of four shallow cups over which he has laid one purifier, with (the Mantra), 'I turn out, impelled by the god Savitri, this cake prepared from four cups (of rice), which may drive away all suffering from the Fathers in the other world. On the impulse of the god Savitri, with the arms of the two Asvins, with Pushan's hands I turn thee out, agreeable to the fathers, the grandfathers, the great-grandfathers.'
4. With the same purifier he silently strains the Prokshant water; he silently sprinkles (with that water the rice and the vessels), silently husks (the rice), silently bakes it in four dishes like a Purodâsa, sprinkles (Âgya) on it, takes it from the fire, sprinkles (water) round (the fire) from right to left, and puts a piece of Udumbara wood on (the fire). With the (spoon called) Darvi which is made of Udumbara wood, he cuts off in one continual line which is directed towards south-east, (the Avadâna portions)
14, 1. Hiranyakesin describes only one Ashtakâ, the Ekâshtakâ, while the other texts speak of three or four Ashtakâs; comp. the quotations in the note on Sankhâyana III, 12, 1.
4. The rules of the Srauta ritual regarding the baking of the Purodâsa are given by Hillebrandt, Neu- und Vollmondsopfer, p. 43.
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one after the other, spreading under and sprinkling over them (Âgya), and sacrifices them, one after the other, in one continual line which is directed towards south-east, with the Mantras), “The mortars, the pressing-stones have made their noise, preparing the annual offering. Ekâshtaka ! May we be rich in offspring, in valiant sons, the lords of wealth. Svadha ! Adoration !
'God Agni! The cake which is prepared with ghee and accompanied by the word) svadhâ, that the Fathers may satiate themselves — (this our) offering carry duly, Agni. I, the son, sacrifice an oblation to my fathers. Svadha ! Adoration !
Here is a cake, Agni, prepared from four cups (of rice), with ghee, rich in milk, in wealth, in prosperity. May the Fathers gladly accept it all together; may it be well sacrificed and well offered by me. Svadhâ! Adoration !
5. Then he makes oblations of (other) food with (the verses), “The one who shone forth as the first,'
The Ekâshtaka, devoting herself to austerities,' "She who shone forth as the first' (Taitt. Samhita IV, 3, 11, 1. 3. 5).
6. Cutting off (the Avadanas destined for the Svishtakrit oblation) together from the cake and from the other) food and mixing them with clarified butter, he makes an oblation thereof with (the for. mula), 'To Agni Kavyavåhana Svishtakrit svadhâ ! Adoration !'
7. That (cake) with ghee and honey and with the food (mentioned in Satras 5. 6) he touches in the way prescribed for the Sraddha ceremony and puts
7. Comp. above, chap. 11, 4; 12, a seq.
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down lumps (of it) according to the ritual of the Pinda offerings.
8. (The remains of) that (cake, &c.) he serves to learned Brahmanas.
9. He gives them food and presents as at the Sraddha ceremony.
10. The known (rites) down to the pouring out of the handfuls of water (are performed here) as at the monthly (Sraddha).
Patala 5, SECTION 15. 1. On the following day he sacrifices a cow to the Fathers.
2. Having put wood on the fire and strewn southward-pointed and eastward-pointed Darbha grass around it, he sacrifices the oblation for the touching of the animal (see below), with (the verse), “This cow I touch for the Fathers; may my assembled fathers gladly accept it (which is offered) with fat and ghee, with the word svadhâ; may it satiate my fathers in the other world. Svadha ! Adoration !' Then he touches (the cow) with one (blade of) sacrificial grass and with an unforked Vapásrapant of Udumbara wood, with (the formula), 'I touch thee agreeable to the Fathers.
3. He sprinkles (the cow with water) with (the words), 'I sprinkle thee agreeable to the Fathers.'
4. When it has been sprinkled and fire has been
10. See above, chap. 12, 13.
15, 2. On the Vapásrapani, comp. Katyâyana VI, 5, 7; Asval.Gribya I, 11, 8. Comp. besides, Taitt. Samh. VI, 3, 6; Āpastamba-Srauta-sätra VII, 8, 3; 12, 5 seq.
4. The Udikyas read, as Mátridatta states, to the south of the fire.'
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carried round it, they kill it to the west of the fire, its head being turned to the west, its feet to the south.
5. After it has been killed, he silently strengthens' its sense-organs (by touching them) with water, and silently takes out the omentum, the heart, and the kidneys.
6. With the Vapásrapant of Udumbara wood he roasts the omentum; with spits of Udumbara wood the other (parts mentioned in Satra 5) separately.
7. After he has roasted them, and has sprinkled Agya over them, and has taken them from the fire, he sprinkles water round (the fire) from right to left, puts a piece of Udumbara wood on (the fire), and sacrifices with a Darvi spoon of Udumbara wood the omentum, spreading under and sprinkling over it (Âgya), with (the verse), 'Carry the omentum, Gâtavedas, to the Fathers, where thou knowest them resting afar. May streams of fat flow to them; may their wishes with all their desires be fulfilled. Svadhâ ! Adoration !
8. He sacrifices the omentum entirely. The other parts (Satra 5) he should offer to the Brâhmanas and should feed them (with those parts of the cow).
9. When the food (for the Brâhmanas) is ready, he cuts off (the Avadanas) together from the mess of boiled rice, and from the pieces of meat, and mixing them with clarified butter he makes oblations
5. On the strengthening' of the sense-organs of an immolated victim, comp. A pastamba-Srauta-sätra VII, 18, 6 seq. Schwab, Thieropfer, 110.-On matasne, see Indische Studien, IX, 248; Schwab 127
8. Possibly the reading of the Udikyas indicated by Matridatta, vyå kritya instead of upåkritya, is correct. The translation would be. With the rest, distributing it, &c.'
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thereof with the verses, Behold the Ekâshtaka, the giver of food with meat and ghee, (which is offered) with (the word) svadhâ. By the Brahmanas that food is purified. May it be an imperishable (blessing) to me! Svadha! Adoration !'
The Ekâshtaka, devoting herself to austerities, the consort of the year, exuberant (with milk), has poured forth milk. May you live on that milk, O Fathers, all together. May this (food) be well offered and well sacrificed by me! Svadhâ ! Adoration!
*The image of the year' (Taitt. Samh. V, 7, 2, 1).
10. After he has sacrificed, he cuts off (the Avadanas) from the food and from the pieces of meat, and mixing them with clarified butter he makes an oblation with (the formula), 'To Agni Kavyavahana Svishtakrit svadha! Adoration !
11. The known (rites) down to the pouring out of the handfuls of water (are performed here) as at the monthly (Sraddha).
12. The gifts of food and presents, however, are not necessary here.
13. On the following day, he prepares food for the Fathers with the rest of the meat, and sacrifices with (the two verses), ‘Thou, Agni, art quick,' (and), Pragậpati !' (see above, I, 1, 3, 5). 14. (= Sutra I).
End of the Fifth Patala.
11. See above, chap. 14, 10. 12. See chap. 14, 9. 13. This is the so-called Anvashtakya ceremony,
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II PRASNA, 6 PATALA, 16 SECTION, 5. 237
PRASNA II, PATALA 6, SECTION 16. 1. Now (follows) the Sravanâ ceremony.
2. On the day of that full moon which falls under (the Nakshatra) Sravana, after the evening Agnihotra he puts wood on the (third of the three Srauta fires, called the) Dakshinâgni. One who has not set up the (Srauta) fires, (does the same with) the sacred domestic fire.
3. Then he procures unbroken grains, unbroken fried grains, coarsely ground grains, (leaves and blossoms) of the Kimsuka tree, collyrium and (other) salve, and Âgya.
4. Having 'spread under' (Âgya) in the (spoon called) Darvi, he cuts off (the Avadânas) of those kinds of food (mentioned in Sûtra 3), mixes them with clarified butter, and sacrifices (with the formulas), 'Adoration to Agni the terrestrial, the lord of terrestrial beings! Svâhâ! Adoration to Vâyu the all-pervading, the lord of aerial beings! Svâhâ! Adoration to Surya, the red one, the lord of celestial beings! Svåhâ! Adoration to Vishnu, the whitish one, the lord of the beings that dwell in the quarters (of the world). Svâhâ!'
5. He anoints the Kimsuka (flowers and leaves) with Agya, and sacrifices with (the Mantras), 'Devoured is the gadfly; devoured is thirst (?); devoured is the stinging worm.' 'Devoured is the stinging worm; devoured is thirst; devoured is the gadfly,'
5. I am not sure about the translation of vikashi. Perhaps it is only a blunder for vitrishti, which is the reading of the Âpastambîya Mantrapâtha. Comp. Winternitz, Der Sarpabali, ein altindischer Schlangencult (Wien, 1888), p. 28.
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Devoured is thirst; devoured is the gadfly; devoured is the stinging worm.'
6. He takes a water-pot and a handful of Darbha grass, goes forth, his face turned towards the east, spreads the Darbha grass out with its points towards the east, and makes four Bali-offerings on that (grass) with (the formulas), “To the terrestrial Serpents I offer this Bali,' To the aerial, &c.; to the celestial, &c.; to the Serpents dwelling in the quarters (of the world),' &c.
7. Having given there collyrium and (other) salve (to the Serpents), he worships them with the Mantras, ' Adoration be to the Serpents' (Taitt. Samhita IV, 2, 8, 3).
8. He should take a water-pot and should at that distance in which he wishes the serpents not to approach, three times walk round his house, turning his right side towards it, and should sprinkle water round it with the formulas), 'Beat away, O white one, with thy foot, with the fore-foot and with the hind-foot, these seven human females and the three (daughters) of the king's tribe.
Within the dominion of the white one the Serpent has killed nobody. To the white one, the son of Vidarva, adoration !
'Adoration to the white one, the son of Vidarva!'
9. Then he worships the Serpents towards the different regions, one by one with (the corresponding section of) these Mantras, 'The convergent one thou art called, the eastern region' (Taitt. Samh. V, 5, 10, I seq.).
8. Comp. Påraskara II, 14, 19. In the first Mantra I read râgabåndhavíh; comp. the note on Pår. II, 14, 4.
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10. From that time he daily makes the Baliofferings till the full-moon day of Mârgastrsha.
11. Here the Kimsuka offerings (see § 5) are not repeated.
12. The sprinkling (of water) round (the house) does not take place (see § 8).
13. The last Bali he offers with (the words), 'Going to acquit myself, going to acquit myself.' End of the Sixth Patala.
PRASNA II, PATALA 7, SECTION 17.
1. We shall explain the Âgrahâyant ceremony. 2. On the full-moon day of Mârgastrsha he puts wood on the fire, strews (Darbha grass) on the entire surface round the fire, cooks a mess of sacrificial food with milk, sprinkles it (with Âgya), takes it from the fire, performs the rites down to the Vyâhriti oblations, and sacrifices (four oblations) with (the following Mantras):
'This offering, the creeping of Idâ, rich in ghee, moving and not moving, accept gladly, O Gâtavedas.
13. Some authorities understand, as Mâtridatta states, that he should offer the Bali only with the words as they stand in the Sûtra, others prescribe the formula (comp. § 6): To the terrestrial (aerial, &c.) Serpents I offer this Bali going to acquit myself, going to acquit myself.'
17, 1. Comp. on the Âgrahâyanî ceremony Sânkhâyana IV, 17 ; Pâraskara III, 2, &c.; Winternitz, Sarpabali, 32 seq.
2. The first Mantra is very corrupt; comp. Atharva-veda III, 10, 6. Regarding the legend of Idâ, who was procreated out of Manu's Pâka-sacrifice, and 'came forth as if dripping, and clarified butter gathered on her step,' comp. Satapatha Brahmana I, 8, 1, 7 (M. M., India, what can it teach us? p. 136).
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What domestic animals there are, of all shapes, all seven kinds of them : may they gladly dwell here and may they prosper. Svâhà !
The night which men welcome like a cow that comes to them, (the night) which is the consort of the year, may that (night) be auspicious to us. Svâhâ !
Bringing bliss to the cattle, to the wife, bringing bliss by night and by day, may this (night) which is the consort of the year, be auspicious to us. Svâhâ !
"The full-moon night, bringing abundance, visiting one after another, dividing the months and fortnights : may this (night), the full one, protect us. Svâhâ !'
3. He sacrifices the oblation to Agni Svishtakrit with (the yerse), 'Agni, make this (sacrifice) full that it may be well offered. Be victorious, O god, in all battles. Shine far and wide, showing us a wide path. Bestow on us long life, full of splendour and free from decay. Svâha !'
4. Then he washes his hands and touches the earth with (the formulas), 'In power I establish my, self, in royalty. Among the horses I establish myself, among the cows. In the limbs I establish myself, in the self. In the Pranas I establish myself, in prosperity. In Heaven and Earth I establish myself, in sacrifice.
May the three times eleven gods, the thirty-three, the gracious ones, whose Purohita is Brihaspati, on the impulse of the god Savitri-may the gods with (all) the gods give me bliss!'
5. The master of the house sits down at their southerly end,
3. Comp. Taitt. Br. II, 4, 1, 4; Pâraskara III, 1, 3.
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6. The other persons to the north, 7. According to their seniority.
8. They who know the Mantras among them, murmur the Mantras (which will be stated).
9. With (the verse), 'Be soft to us, O earth, free from thorns; grant us rest; afford us wide shelter' (Taitt. År. X, 1, 10), and with the two (verses), 'Verily of the mountains' (Taitt. Samh. II, 2, 12, 2. 3) they lie down on their right sides.
10. With (the verse), Up! with life' (Taitt. Samh. I, 2, 8, 1) they arise.
11. When they have arisen, they murmur, .We have arisen; we have become immortal.'
12. In that way they (lie down and) arise that night three times.
13. Having served food to the Brâhmanas and having caused them to say, 'An auspicious day! Hail! Good luck!' they rest that night.
End of the Seventh Patala.
PRASNA II, PATALA 8, SECTION 18. 1. Now we shall explain the opening and the conclusion (of the annual course of study).
2. During the fortnight that precedes the Sravanâ
13. Here end the Grihya ceremonies,' says Mâtridatta. Dr. Kirste (Preface, p. viii), accordingly, believes that the three last chapters may be later additions. It may be observed in connection with this, that in the Apastambîya-Grihya, which throughout is so closely related to our text, the ceremonies of the Upakarana and Utsargana, of which these three chapters treat, are not described. 18, 2. Sra vanâ paksha means, according to Matridatta, sråva
[30]
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full moon, when the herbs have appeared, under (the Nakshatra) Hasta or on the full-moon day (itself), the opening ceremony of the annual course of) study is performed).
3. Having put wood on the fire and performed the rites down to the Vyâhriti oblations, he sacrifices (with his pupils) to the Rishis of the Kandas: 'To Pragàpati, the Rishi of a Kanda, svåhå! To Soma, the Rishi of a Kanda, svåhå! To Agni, the Rishi of a Kanda, svåhå! To the Visve devâs, the Rishis of a Kânda, svâhâ ! To Svayambha, the Rishi of a Kânda, svâhà !'--these are the Rishis of the Kandas. Or (he sacrifices) to the names of the Kandas, to the Sâvitri, to the Rig-veda, the Yagur-veda, the Sâmaveda, the Atharva-veda, and to Sadasaspati.
4. Having (thus) sacrificed, they repeat the first three Anuvâkas,
5. Or the beginnings of all Kandas.
6. He enters upon (sacrificing) the Gaya, &c. (oblations; see above, I, 1, 3, 8).
7. After all rites down to the Svishtakrit oblation have been performed, they stop studying three days or one day; then they should go on studying so as to commence where they have broken off: so say the teachers.
8. During the fortnight that precedes the Taishi full moon, under (the Nakshatra) Rohini or on the full-moon day (itself), the Utsarga (or conclusion of the term of study) is celebrated.
napurvapaksha, and indeed the moon stands in conjunction with the Nakshatra Hasta only on one day of the first, not of the second, fortnight of the month Sravana (comp. the note on AsvalåyanaGrihya III, 5, 2. 3). Comp. taishîpakshasya rohinyâm, below, $ 8.
8. As to taishîpaksha, comp. the note on Sätra 2.
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9. (The teacher) with his pupils goes in an easterly or northerly direction, and where they find a pleasant water with a pleasant bathing-place, they dive into it and perform three suppressions of the breath with the Agharmarshana hymn (Rig-veda X, 190= Taitt. År. X, 1, 13. 14). Holding purifiers (i. e. Darbha blades) in their hands they bathe with the three (verses), 'Ye waters, ye are wholesome' (Taitt. Samh. IV, 1, 5, 1), with the four (verses),
The gold-coloured, pure, purifying waters'(T. S. V, 6, I, I seq.), and with the Anuváka, ‘(Soma) which clears itself, the heavenly being' (Taitt. Br. I, 4, 8): giving the Darbha blades to each other and feigning to try to seize (??) each other.
10. Then they arrange on a pure spot that is inclined towards the east, seats of eastward-pointed Darbha grass, so that they end in the north
Parala 8, SECTION 19. 1. For Brahman, Pragåpati, Brihaspati, Agni, Vậyu, the Sun, the Moon, the Stars, king Indra, king Yama, king Varuna, king Soma, king Vaisravana, for the Vasus, the Rudras, the Adityas, the Visve devâs, the Sådhyas, the Ribhus, the Bhrigus, the Marats, the Atharvans, the Angiras: for these divine beings.
9. On the last words of this Satra, Matridatta says, ditsanta iveti datum ikkhanta ivânyonyan prati. athava aditsanta iveti pathah. âditsanto mushnanta ivânyonyam ---Professor Kielhom's text MS. has, atsamta ivânyonyam; Professor Bühler's text MS., ditsamta ivânyonyam.
19, 1. According to Matridatta, they prepare a seat for Brahman with the words, For Brahman I prepare (a seat),' and so on. Comp. chap. 20, 3.
R2
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2. Visvamitra, Gamadagni, Bharadvàga and Gautama, Atri, Vasishtha, Kasyapa : these are the seven Rishis.
3. Wearing their sacrificial cords below (round their body) they arrange towards the north, at a place that is inclined towards the north, seats of northward-pointed Darbha grass, so that they end in the east, for Visvâmitra, Gamadagni, Bharadvaga, Gautama, Atri, Vasishtha, Kasyapa.
4. Between Vasishtha and Kasyapa they arrange (a seat) for Arundhati, (the wife of Vasishtha);
5. Towards the south, in a place inclined towards the east, for Agastya.
6. Then for the (following) teachers, ending with those who teach (only) one Veda (?), viz. for Krishna Dvaipayana, Gâtäkarnya, Taruksha, Trinabindu, Varmin, Varůthin, Vagin, Vâgasravas, Satyasravas, Susravas, Sutasravas, Somasushmâyana, Satvavat, Brihaduktha Vâmadev(y)a, Vagiratna, Haryagvåyana, Udamaya, Gautama, Rinañgaya, Ritañgaya, Kritañgaya, Dhanañgaya, Babhru, Tryaruna, Trivarsha, Tridhâtu, Sibinta, Parâsara, Vishnu, Rudra, Skanda, Käsisvara, Gvara, Dharma, Artha, Kâma, Krodha, Vasishtha, Indra, Tvashtri, Kartri, Dhartri, Dhatri, Mrityu, Savitri, Savitri, and for each Veda, for the Rig-veda, the Yagur-veda, the Sama-veda, the Atharva-veda, the Itihasa and Purana.
7. Towards the south, with their sacrificial cords suspended over their right shoulders, in a place inclined towards the south, they arrange seats of southward-pointed Darbha grass, so that they end in the west
2. This is a frequently quoted versus memorialis.
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PATALA 8, SECTION 20. 1. For Vaisampayana, Palingu, Tittira [sic], Ukha, Âtreya, the author of the Pada-text, Kaundinya the author of the commentary, for the authors of the Satras, for Satyâshâdha (Hiranyakesin), for the handers-down of the text, for the teachers, the Rishis, the hermits dwelling in the woods, the chaste ones, for those who have only one wife.
2. They prepare (seats) each for his own fathers and maternal ancestors.
3. With the words), 'For N. N. I prepare (a seat); for N. N. I prepare (a seat)' (he prepares) a seat.
4. With (the words), 'I satiate N. N.; I satiate N. N.' (he makes offerings of) water.
5. With (the words), 'Adoration to N.N.! Adoration to N. N.!' (he offers) perfumes, flowers, incense, and lamps.
6. With (the words), ‘To N. N. svâhâ ! To N. N. svâhâ !' (he offers) food.
7. With (the words), 'I satiate N. N.; I satiate N. N.' (he offers) water with fruits in it.
8. Having worshipped them with (the words), Adoration to N. N.! Adoration to N. N.!'
9. Having put wood on the fire to the west of the surface (on which he had performed the Tarpana),
20, 1. The Kandânukrama of the Atreyî-sâkhâ, which has been printed by Professor Weber in his edition of the Taittirîya Samhita, vol. ii, p. 356, shows that the dative Palingave ought to be corrected to Paingaye. The 'vrittikâra' is there called not Kaundinya, but Kundina.
9. There is only one difference between the text of this Satra
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and having performed the rites down to the Vyâhriti oblations (&c., as above, chap. 18, 3–7).
10. With the two (verses), 'From joint to joint,' •Thou who with a hundred' (Taitt. Samh. IV, 2, 9, 2) they plant Dårvå grass at the shore of the water.
II. They stir up waves in the water and run a race in an easterly or northerly direction until they lose their breath.
12. When they have returned (from that race? or when they have returned from the whole ceremony to the village ?) they offer cakes, coarsely ground grain, and boiled rice to the Brâhmanas.
13. The same (rites are repeated) when they have finished the study of the whole Veda, with the exception of the planting of Darvâ grass, of (stirring up) the water, and of the race.
14. Thus they satiate daily (after the Brahmayagña) the gods, the Rishis, and the Fathers with water; they satiate them with water.
End of the Hiranyakesi-sætra.
and that of chap. 18, 3-7 : instead of hutvà trîn adito s nuvâkân adhiyate (18, 4) we read here, hutvå prathamenânuvâkenâdhîyate, which I believe must be translated, Having sacrificed with the first Anuvâka, they recite (that Anuvâka)' Måtridatta says, hutva prathamottamânuvâkam adhîyate.
13. See Sätras 10 and 11.
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INTRODUCTORY NOTE
TO THE
GR/HYA-SUTRA OF ÂPASTAMBA.
THE short treatise of Apastamba on the Grihya ritual forms one Prasna of the great corpus of the ApastambiyaKalpa-sutra (see Sacred Books, vol. ii, p. xii) and stands, among the Grihya texts, in closest connection with the Hiranyakesi-Grihya-sútra. The chief difference between these two Sutras, both belonging to the Taittirîya School of the Black Yagur-veda, consists herein, that Apastamba, just as has been stated above1 with regard to Gobhila, gives only the rules for the performance of the Grihya rites without the Mantras, which are contained in a special collection, the Mantrapâtha, standing by the side of the Sutras Hiranyakesin, on the other hand, follows the more usual practice, as adopted by Sânkhâyana, Âsvalâyana, Pâraskara, of interweaving the description of the ceremonies with the text of the corresponding Mantras. As to the relation in which the Apastambiya-sûtras stand to the Mantrapâtha, there is, so far as I can see, no reason why we should not extend the theory which we have tried to establish with regard to Gobhila, to the evidently parallel case of Apastamba: the Sutras presuppose the existence of the Mantrapatha, just as the latter text seems to presuppose the Sutras.-The questions regarding the historical relation of Åpastamba to Hiranyakesin have been treated of by Professor Bühler in his Introduction to Apastamba's Dharma-sutra, S. B. E., vol. ii, pp. xxiii seq.
I have here to thank Dr. Winternitz, to whom we are indebted for an excellent edition of the ÂpastambîyaGrihya-sutra, for having placed at my disposal, before publi
1 See above, pp. 3 seq.
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cation, the proof-sheets of his edition, and for lending me his copy of the Mantrapatha as well as of the commentary of Haradatta. The kindness of the same scholar has enabled me to make use of Professor Eggeling's copy of the first part of Sudarsanarya's commentary and of his own copy of the second part of the same work.
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GR/HYA-SÛTRA OF ÂPASTAMBA,
Patala 1, SECTION 1. 1. Now (follow) the ceremonies (the knowledge of) which is derived from practice (and not from the Sruti).
2. They should be performed during the northern course of the sun, on days of the first fortnight (of the month), on auspicious days,
3. With the sacrificial cord suspended over (the sacrificer's) left shoulder.
4. (The rites should be performed) from left to right.
5. The beginning should be made on the east side or on the north side,
6. And also the end.
7. Ceremonies belonging to the Fathers (are performed) in the second fortnight (of the month),
8. With the sacrificial cord suspended over the right shoulder,
9. From right to left, 10. Ending in the south.
11. Ceremonies occasioned by special occurrences (are performed) according as their occasions demand.
1, 1-11. The Paribhåshås for the Påkayañas. 7-10. Comp. 7 with 2, 8 with 3, 9 with 4, 10 with 6.
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GRIHYA-SUTRA OF APASTAMBA.
12. Having set the fire in a blaze, he strews eastward-pointed Darbha grass around it,
13. Or eastward-pointed and northward-pointed (grass);
14. Southward-pointed at sacrifices to the Fathers, 15. Or southward-pointed and eastward-pointed. 16. To the north of the fire he strews Darbha grass and (on that) he places the vessels (required for sacrifice) upside-down, two by two, if referring to ceremonies directed to the gods,
17. All at once, if to men,
18. One by one, if to the Fathers.
19. The preparation of the (blades used as) 'purifiers,' the measure of their length, the preparation of the Prokshant water, and the sprinkling of the vessels are the same here as at the sacrifices of the new and full moon, (but are performed) in silence.
20. To the west of the fire he pours water into a vessel over which he has laid (two grass blades called) purifiers, purifies (the water) three times with two northward-pointed purifiers, holds it on a level with his nose and mouth, places it to the north of the fire on Darbha grass, and covers it with Darbha grass.
21. On the south side he causes a Brahmana to sit down on Darbha grass.
22. He melts the Agya, pours it, to the west of the fire, into the Agya-pot, over which he has laid two purifiers, draws coals (out of the sacrificial fire) towards the north, puts (the Agya) on them, throws
252
12 seq. Description of the regular form of a Pâkayagña. 19. Comp. Srauta-sûtra I, 11, 6 seqq.
20. This is the Pranîtâ water. 21. The Brahman.
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light on it by means of a burning (grass-blade), throws two Darbha points into it, moves a firebrand round it three times, takes it from the fire towards the north, sweeps the coals back (into the fire), purifies (the Âgya) three times with two northward-pointed purifiers, moving them backward and forward, and throws the purifiers into the fire.
Patala 1, SECTION 2. 1. He warms at the fire the implement with which he sacrifices, wipes it off with Darbha blades, warms it again, sprinkles it (with water), puts it down, touches the Darbha blades with water, and throws them into the fire.
2. As paridhis (or pieces of wood laid round the fire) yoke-pins are used at the marriage, the Upanayana, the Samâvartana, the parting of the (wife's) hair, the tonsure of the child's hair, the cutting of the beard, and at expiatory ceremonies.
3. He sprinkles water round the fire, on the south side from west to east with (the words), Aditi, give thy consent !' on the west side from south to north with 'Anumati, give thy consent !' on the north side from west to east with 'Sarasvati (sic), give thy consent l' all around with 'God Savitri, give thy impulse !'
4. At ceremonies belonging to the Fathers (water is sprinkled) only all round (the fire), silently.
5. Having put a piece of wood on the fire, he
2, 2. On the paridhi woods, comp. chiefly Hillebrandt, Neuund Vollmondsopfer, 66 seq.
5. The Srauta rules on the two Âghåras are given Srauta-stra II, 12, 7; 14, I.
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offers the two Âghâra oblations as at the sacrifices of the new and full moon, silently.
6. Then he offers the two Ågyabhaga oblations, over the easterly part of the northerly part (of the fire) with (the words), “To Agni Svâhâ !' over the easterly part of the southerly part (another oblation) exactly like the preceding one, with the words), "To Soma Svâhâ !'
7. Having offered the chief oblations (belonging to each sacrifice) according to prescription, he adds the following oblations, viz. the Gaya, Abhyâtâna, Rashtrabhrit oblations, the oblation to Pragâ pati, the Vyâhritis one by one, the oblation to (Agni) Svishtakrit with the following formula), What I have done too much in this ceremony, or what I have done here too little, all that may Agni Svishtakrit, he who knows, make well sacrificed and well offered. Svâhâ !'
8. The sprinkling (of water) round (the fire is repeated) as above ; the Mantras are altered so as to say, 'Thou hast given thy consent,'Thou hast given thy impulse.'
9. The designation Pâkayagña' is used of ceremonies connected with worldly life.
10. There the ritual based on the Brahmana (holds good),
6. Comp. Srauta-sätra II, 18, 5; Hillebrandt, loc. cit., p. 106, note 3.
7. On the Gaya, Abhyâtâna, Rashtrabhrit formulas, comp. Paraskara I, 5, 7 seg.; Hiranyakesin I, 1, 3, 7 seq. ; Taitt. Samhità III, 4, 4-7.-The last formula occurs also in Asvalâ yana I, 10, 23; Hiranyakesin I, 1, 3, 6, &c.
8. Comp. above, Satra 3.
10. According to Haradatta, this Satra would imply that wheresoever the ritual described in the preceding Satras holds good,
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11. (To which the words allude), 'He sacrifices twice; he wipes off (his hand) twice; he partakes twice (of the sacrificial food); having gone away he sips (out of the Sruk) and licks off (the Sruk).'
12. All seasons are fit for marriage with the exception of the two months of the sisira season, and of the last summer month.
13. All Nakshatras which are stated to be pure, (are fit for marriage);
14. And all auspicious performances.
15. And one should learn from women what ceremonies (are required by custom).
16. Under the Invakâs (Nakshatra), (the wooers who go to the girl's father) are sent out: such wooers are welcome.
Patala 1, SECTION 3. 1. Under the Maghas (Nakshatra) cows are provided ;
another ritual based on the Brahmana, and more especially on the treatment of the Agnihotra in the Brahmana, may be used in its stead.
11. Comp. Taitt. Brahmana II, 1, 4, 5; Satapatha Brahmana II, 3, 1, 18. 21.-At the Agnihotra the sacrificer, having wiped off the Sruk with his hand, wipes off the hand on the Barhis or on the earth (Åpast.-Sraut. VI, 10, 11; 11, 4; Kâtyâyana IV, 14, 20). As to the following acts alluded to in this Satra, comp. Åpastamba VI, 11, 4. 5; 12, 2.
16. On the Nakshatra Invakás, comp. Section 3, Sätra 4. This Sotra forms a Sloka-hemistich, on which Haradatta observes, 'This verse has not been made by the Satrakâra.'
3, 1, 2. Comp. Rig-veda X, 85, 13; Atharva-veda XIV, 1, 13; Kausika-sūtra 75; Ramayana I, 71, 24; 72, 13; Weber, Die vedischen Nachrichten von den Naxatra, II, 364 seq. These parallel passages most decidedly show that in Sätra a we ought to read vyuhyate, not vyûhyate.
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2. Under the Phalguni (Nakshatra) marriage is celebrated.
3. A daughter whom he wishes to be dear (to her husband), a father should give in marriage under the Nishtyâ (Nakshatra); thus she becomes dear (to her husband); she does not return (to her father's) house: this is an observance based on a Brâhmana.
4. The word Invakâs means Mrigasiras; the word Nishtyâ means Svâti.
5. At the wedding one cow;
6. In the house one cow:
7. With the (first cow) he should prepare an Argha reception for the bridegroom as for a guest,
8. With the other (the bridegroom [?] should do so) for a person whom he reveres.
9. These are the occasions for killing a cow: (the arrival of) a guest, (the Ashtakâ sacrifice offered to) the Fathers, and marriage.
10. Let (the wooer) avoid in his wooing a girl that sleeps, or cries, or has left home.
II. And let him avoid one who has been given (to another), and who is guarded (by her relations), and one who looks wicked (?), or who is a most
3. Comp. Taittirîya Brahmana I, 5, 2, 3.
4. Comp. Sûtra 3, and above, Section 2, Sûtra 16.
5-8. Comp. Sankhâyana-Grihya I, 12, 10. It is clear that with the first cow the bride's father has to receive the bridegroom. The 'house' mentioned in Sûtra 6 seems to be the house of the newlymarried couple. In the expression 'whom he reveres,' 'he,' according to the commentaries, is the bridegroom.
10. This Sutra forms a half-sloka.
11. Most expressions in this Sûtra are quite doubtful, and their translation rests on the explanations of the commentators (see pp. 44, 45 of Dr. Winternitz's edition), which are evidently for the most part only guesses.
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excellent one (?), or (who is like the fabulous deer) sarabha (?), a hunch-back, a girl of monstrous appearance, a bald-headed girl, a girl whose skin is like a frog's (?), a girl who has gone over to another family (?), a girl given to sensual pleasures (?), or a herdess, or one who has too many friends, or who has a fine younger sister, or one whose age is too near to that of the bridegroom (?).
12. Girls who have the name of a Nakshatra, or of a river, or of a tree, are objectionable.
13. And all girls in whose names the last letter but one is r or 1, one should avoid in wooing.
14. If possible, he should place (the following) objects hidden before the girl, and should say to her, Touch (one of these things).'
15. (The objects are), different kinds of seeds mixed together, loose earth from (the kind of sacrificial altar called) vedi, an earth-clod from a field, cow-dung, and an earth-clod from a cemetery.
16. If she touches one of the former (objects, this portends) prosperity as characterized (by the nature of what she has touched).
17. The last is regarded as objectionable.
18. Let him marry a girl of good family and character, with auspicious characteristics, and of good health.
19. Good family, a good character, auspicious characteristics, learning, and good health : these are the accomplishments of a bridegroom.
20. A wife who is pleasing to his mind and his
12, 13. These Sætras would require only slight alterations to make a sloka. 16. The seeds mean offspring, and so on.
[30]
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eyes, will bring happiness to him ; let him pay no attention to the other things: such is the opinion of
some.
Patala 2, SECTION 4. 1. Let him send out as his wooers friends who have assembled, who are versed in the Mantras.
2. He should recite over them the first two verses (Mantrap. I, 1, 1. 2).
3. When he himself has seen (the bride), let him murmur the third (verse ; M. I, 1, 3).
4. With the fourth (M. I, 1, 4) let him behold her.
5. Let him seize with his thumb and fourth finger a Darbha blade, and let him wipe (therewith) the interstice between her eye-brows with the next Yagus (M. I, 1, 5), and let him throw it away towards the west.
6. If an omen occurs (such as the bride's or her relations' weeping), let him murmur the next (verse ; M. I, 1, 6).
7. With the next (verse; M. I, 1, 7) let him send an even number of persons who have assembled there, and who are versed in the Mantras, to fetch water.
8. With the next Yagus (M. I, 1, 8) he places a round piece of Darbha net-work on her head; on that, with the next (verse; M. I, 1, 9) he places a right yoke-hole; on this hole he lays with the next (verse ; M. I, 1, 10), a piece of gold, and washes her with the next five verses (M. I, 2, 1-5), (so that the
4,8. As to the last sentence of this Satra, comp. the statements collected by Hillebrandt, Neu- und Vollmondsopfer, p. 59.
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water runs over that gold and through the yokehole); with the next (verse; M. I, 2, 6) he causes her to dress in a fresh garment, and with the next (M. I, 2, 7) he girds her with a rope.
9. Then he takes hold of her with the next (verse; M. I, 2, 8) by her right hand, leads her to the fire, spreads a mat, west of the fire, so that the points of the blades in it are directed towards the north, and on this mat they both sit down, the bridegroom to the north.
10. After the ceremonies have been performed from the putting of wood on the fire down to the Ágyabhaga oblations, he recites over her the first two (verses of the third Anuvâka).
11. Then he should take with his right hand, palm down, her right hand which she holds palm up.
12. If he wishes that only daughters may be born to him, he should seize only the fingers (without the thumb);
13. If he wishes that only sons may be born to him, the thumb.
14. He takes (her hand) so as just to touch her thumb and the little hairs (on her hand)
15. With the four verses, ‘I take thy hand' (Mantrap. I, 3, 3-6).
16. He then makes her step forward with her right foot, to the north of the fire, in an easterly or northerly direction, with (the formula), 'One step for sap' (M. I, 3, 7).
17. At her seventh step he murmurs, 'Be a friend' (M. I, 3, 14).
S 2
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GRIHYA-SOTRA OF ÅPASTAMBA.
Patala 2, SECTION 5. 1. Having before the sacrifice gone round the fire, so that their right sides are turned towards it,
2. They sit down in their former position, and while she takes hold of him, he offers the oblations (indicated by the) next (Mantras), with (the Mantras), 'To Soma, the acquirer of a wife, Svâhâ !' (M. I, 4, 1-16), one oblation with each Mantra.
3. He then causes her, to the north of the fire, to tread with her right foot on a stone, with (the verse), "Tread' (M. 1, 5, 1).
4. Having 'spread under 'Ågya into her joined hands, he pours roasted grain twice into them), and sprinkles Âgya over it.
5. Some say that an uterine relation of hers pours the grain (into her hands).
6. He (?) sacrifices (that grain) with (the verse), • This wife' (M. I, 5, 2).
7. Having gone round the fire, with the right side turned towards it, with the next three (verses ; M. I, 5, 3-5) he makes her tread on the stone as above (M. I, 5, 6).
8. And the oblation (is performed) with the next (verse ; M. I, 5, 7).
9. (Then follow) again the circumambulation (M. I, 5, 8-10), the injunction to tread on the stone
5, 2. See 4, 9.
3. See below, IV, 10, 9. 6. The action of sacrificing belongs to the bridegroom; the hands of the wife represent the sacrificial vessel.' Haradatta.-It is the bridegroom who sacrifices the grain with the verse, " This wife." Sudarsanarya.
7. See above, Sätra 3.
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(I, 5, 11), and the oblation with the next (verse; 1, 5, 12);
10. (Then) the circumambulation again (1, 5, 13-15).
11. He enters upon the performance of the Gaya and following oblations.
12. Having performed (the rites) down to the sprinkling (of water) round (the fire), and having untied the rope with the next two verses (1, 5, 16. 17), he should then make her depart (from her father's house in a vehicle), or should have her taken away.
13. Having put that fire (with which the marriage rites have been performed, into a vessel), they carry it behind (the newly-married couple).
14. It should be kept constantly.
15. If it goes out, (a new fire) should be kindled by attrition,
16. Or it should be fetched from the house of a Srotriya.
17. Besides, if (the fire) goes out, one of them, either the wife or the husband, should fast.
18. Or he may sacrifice with the next (verse ; M. I, 5, 18), and not fast.
19. The next (verse ; M. I, 6, 1) is for putting the chariot (on which the young couple is to depart), in position;
20. With the next two (verses; M. I, 6, 2. 3), he puts the two animals to the chariot ;
21. First the right one.
22. When she mounts (the chariot), he recites over her the next (verses ; M. I, 6, 4-7).
11, 12. See Section 2, Satras 7. 8; Section 4, Satra 8. 12 seq. Comp. Hiranyakesin I, 7, 22, I seq.
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23. With the next (verse ; M. I, 6, 8), he spreads out two threads in the wheel-tracks (in which the chariot is to go), a dark-blue one in the right (track), a red one in the left.
24. With the next (verses; M. I, 6, 9-11), he walks on these (threads).
25. And when they pass by bathing-places, posts, or cross-roads, let him murmur the next (verse ; M. I, 6, 12).
Patala 2, SECTION 6. 1. The next (verse ; M. I, 6, 13), he recites over a boat (with which they are going to cross a river).
2. And let the wife, when she is crossing, not see the crew.
3. When they have crossed, let him murmur the next (verse; M. I, 6, 14).
4. If they have to pass over a cemetery, or if any article (which they carry with them), or their chariot is damaged, the ceremonies from the putting of wood on the fire down to the Agyabhaga oblations are performed, and while she takes hold of him, he offers the oblations (indicated by the) next (Mantras; M. I, 7, 1-7), then he enters upon the performance of the Gaya and following oblations, and performs (the rites) down to the sprinkling (of water) round (the fire).
5. If they pass by trees with milky sap or by. other trees that serve as marks, by rivers or by deserts, he should murmur the next two (verses ; M. I, 7, 8. 9), according to the characteristics in them (which refer to these different cases).
6. With the next (verse) he shows her the house (M. I, 7, 10).
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7. With the next two (verses ; M. I, 7, 11, 12) he unyokes the two animals; the right one first.
8. Having, with the next (verse; M. I, 8, 1), spread out, in the centre of the house, a red bull's skin with the neck to the east, with the hair up, he causes her to recite the next (verse ; M. I, 8, 2), while he makes her enter the house, (which she does) with her right foot.
9. And she does not stand on the threshold.
10. In the north-east part of the house the cere. monies from the putting of wood on the fire down to the Agyabhåga oblations are performed, and while she takes hold of him, he offers the oblations (indicated by the) next (Mantras; M. I, 8, 3-15); then he enters upon the performance of the Gaya and following oblations, and performs (the rites) down to the sprinkling (of water) round (the fire). Then they sit down with the next (verse; M. I, 9, 1) on the skin, the bridegroom to the north.
11. He then places with the next (verse ; M. I, 9, 2), the son of a wife who has only sons and whose children are alive, in her lap, gives fruits to the (child) with the next Yagus (M. I, 9, 3), and murmurs the next two (verses; M. I, 9, 4-5). Then he (and his wife) observe silence until the stars appear.
12. When the stars have appeared, he goes out (of the house with her) in an easterly or northerly direction, and shows her the polar star and (the star) Arundhatt with the next two verses (M. I, 9, 6–7), according to the characteristics (contained in those verses).
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PATALA 3, SECTION 7.
1. He then makes her offer the sacrifice of a Sthâltpâka sacred to Agni.
2. The wife husks (the rice grains out of which this Sthâlipâka is prepared).
3. After he has cooked (the Sthâlîpâka), and has sprinkled (Agya) over it, and has taken it from the fire towards the east or the north, and has sprinkled (Âgya) over it while it stands (there near the fire), (the ceremonies) from the putting of wood on the fire down to the Agyabhaga oblations (are performed), and while she takes hold of him, he sacrifices of that Sthâlipâka.
"
4. The spreading under' and the sprinkling over (of Agya are done) once; two Avadânas (or cut-off portions are taken).
5. Agni is the deity (of the first oblation); the offering is made with the word Svâhâ.
6. Or he may sacrifice after having picked out, once, a portion (of the sacrificial food with the Darvi spoon).
7. Agni Svishtakrit is the second (deity).
8. (At the Svishtakrit oblation) the 'spreading under' and taking an Avadâna are done once, the sprinkling over (of Ågya) twice.
9. The Avadâna for the first deity (is taken) out of the middle (of the Sthâlipâka);
10. It is offered over the centre (of the fire).
7, 1 seq. Hiranyakesin I, 7, 23, 2 seq.
6. As to the technical meaning of upahatya or upaghâtam, comp. the note on Gobhila I, 8, 2; Grihya-samgraha I, 111.
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11. (The Avadana) for the second (deity is taken) from the northern part (of the Sthâlipäka);
12. It is offered over the easterly part of the northerly part (of the fire).
13. Having silently anointed (a part of) the Barhis (by dipping it) into the remains both (of the Sthâlipaka and the Ågya) in the way prescribed
in the Srauta ritual) for the (part of the Barhis called) Prastara, he throws (that part of the Barhis) into the fire.
14. (The rule regarding) the second sprinkling (of water round the fire) is valid (here).
15. He gives (the remains of) that (sacrificial food) with butter to a Brahmana to eat
16. Whom he reveres. To that (Brâhmana) he makes the present of a bull.
17. In the same way, with the exception of the sacrificial gift, they should sacrifice a Sthalipaka from then onwards, on the days of the new and full moon, after having fasted.
18. Some say that a vessel full (of grain) is the sacrificial gift.
19. From then onwards he should offer morning and evening with his hand these two oblations (to Agni and to Agni Svishtakri.) of (rice) grains or of barley.
13. Comp. Srauta-sätra III, 5, 9 seqq.--On the prastara, see Hillebrandt, Neu- und Vollmondsopfer, 64. 142. 146.
14. See above, I, 2, 8. The upahomas prescribed above, I, 2, 7, are not performed here, but the second parishekana is.
16. I have altered in my translation the division of the two sentences. Comp. Hiranyakesin I, 7, 23, 5-6, and the note there.
19. The two regular daily oblations corresponding to the Agnihotra of the Srauta ritual.
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20. The deities are the same as at the Sthålspåka (just described).
21. Some say that the first oblation in the morning is sacred to Surya.
22. Before and after (those oblations) the sprinkling (of water) round (the fire is performed) as stated above.
23. By the sacrifice of the new and full moon the other ceremonies have been explained (the knowledge of) which is derived from practice.
24. The deities (of those rites) are as stated (with regard to each particular case), having their place between Agni (Satra 5) and Svishtakrit (Sätra 7).
25. The sacrifice (of a cow) on the arrival of a guest (should be performed as stated below) without alterations.
26. (The deities) of the Vaisvadeva ceremony are the Visve devås,
27. Of ceremonies performed on full-moon days, the full-moon day on which they are performed.
Patala 3, Section 8. 1. At the opening and concluding ceremonies of the Vedic study, the Rishi who is indicated (as the
22. See I, 2, 3. 8.
23. See I, 1, 1. 25. See below, V, 13, 16.
26. See Âpastamba Dharma-sâtra II, 2, 3, 1 (S. B. E., vol. ii, p. 103).
27. For instance, the Sravani paurnamâsî is the deity of the ceremonv described below, VII, 18, 5 seq.
8, 1. Haradatta observes that at the kândopakarana and kândasamapana the Rishi of that kânda, at the general adhyâyopâkarana and samâ pana all kandarshis, should be worshipped.
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Rishi of the Kanda which they study, is the deity to whom the ceremony belongs),
2. And in the second place Sadasaspati (cf. Mantrap. I, 9, 8).
3. They reject a sacrifice performed by a wife or by one who has not received the Upanayana initiation, and a sacrifice of salt or pungent food, or of such food as has an admixture of a despised sort of food.
4. Sacrifices connected with special wishes and Bali sacrifices (should be performed) as stated (even against the clauses of the last Satra).
5. Whenever the fire flames up of itself, he should put two pieces of wood on it with the next two (verses; M. I, 9, 9-10),
6. Or with (the two formulas), May fortune reach me! May fortune come to me!'
7. Let him notice the day on which he brings his wife home.
8. (From that day) through three nights they should both sleep on the ground, they should be chaste, and should avoid salt and pungent food.
9. Between their sleeping-places a staff is interposed, which is anointed with perfumes and wrapped round with a garment or a thread.
10. In the last part of the fourth night he takes up the (staff) with the next two (verses; M. I, 10, 1-2), washes it and put; it away; then (the ceremonies) from the putting of wood on the fire down to the Agyabhaga oblations (are performed), and while she takes hold of him, he sacrifices the oblations (indicated by the) next (Mantras ; M. I, 10, 3-9); then he enters upon the performance of the Gaya and following oblations, and performs (the
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rites) down to the sprinkling (of water) round (the fire). Then he makes her sit down to the west of the fire, facing the east, and pours some Âgya of the remains (of those oblations) on her head with the (three) Vyâhritis and the word Om as the fourth (M. I, 10, 10-13). Then they look at each other with the next two verses (M. I, 11, 1-2), according to the characteristics (contained in those verses); with the next verse (M. I, 11, 3) he besmears the region of their hearts with remains of Agya; then he should murmur the next three verses (1, 11,4-6), and should murmur the rest (of the Anuvāka; I, 11, 7-11) when cohabiting with her.
11. Or another person should recite (the rest of the Anuvaka) over her, (before they cohabit).
12. During her (first) monthly illness he instructs her about the things forbidden (to menstruous women), contained in the Brâhmana, in the section, A menstruous woman with whom,' &c.
13. After the appearance of her monthly illness, he should, when going to cohabit with her after her illness, recite over her, after she has bathed, the next verses (M. I, 12, 1-13, 4).
PAPALA 3, SECTION 9. 1. Each following night with an even number, from the fourth (after the beginning of her monthly illness) till the sixteenth, brings more excellent offspring to them, if chosen for the (first) cohabiting after her illness; thus it is said.
2. If he sneezes or coughs while going about on
12. Taittirîya Samhità II, 5, 1, 6 seq.
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business, he should touch water and should murmur the two following (verses; M. I, 13, 5. 6) according to the characteristics (which they contain).
3. In the same way with the next (Mantras–M. I, 13, 7-10—he should address the following objects), according to the characteristics (which those Mantras contain) : a conspicuous tree, a heap of excrements, the skirt (of his garment) which is blown against him by the wind, and a shrieking bird.
4. One (for instance, the wife's father) who wishes that the hearts of both (husband and wife) may be in accord should observe chastity through at least three nights and should prepare a Sthâlipâka. Then (the ceremonies) from the putting (of wood) on (the fire) down to the Ågyabhâga oblations (are performed), and while the wife takes hold of him, he sacrifices of the Sthâlipâka the oblations (indicated by the next (Mantras; M. I, 14, 1-7); then he enters upon the performance of the Gaya and following oblations, and performs (the rites) down to the sprinkling (of water) round (the fire). (The remains of) the (sacrificial food) with butter, he should give to eat to an even number of Brâhmanas, at least to two, and should cause them to pronounce wishes for his success.
5. When the moon, on the following day, will be in conjunction with Tishya, she strews three times seven barley-grains around the plant) Clypea Hernandifolia with (the formula), 'If thou belongest to Varuna, I redeem thee from Varuna. If thou belongest to Soma, I redeem thee from Soma.'
9, 5. Comp. Gobhila II, 6, 6 seq.
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6. On the following day she should set upright (the plant) with the next (verse ; M. I, 15, 1), should recite the next three (verses; M. I, 15, 2-4) over it, should tie (its root) with the next (verse; M. I, 15, 5) to her hands so that (her husband) does not see it, and should, when they have gone to bed, embrace her husband with her arms, with the verse alluding to the word upadhâna (putting on;' M. I, 15, 6).
7. Thus he will be subject to her.
8. By this (rite) also (a wife) overcomes her cowives.
9. For this same purpose she worships the sun daily with the next Anuvâka (M. I, 16).
10. If a wife is affected with consumption or is otherwise sick, one who has to observe chastity, should rub her limbs with young lotus leaves which are still rolled up, and with lotus roots, with the next (formulas, limb by limb) according to the characteristics (contained in those formulas; M. I, 17, 1-6), and should throw away(the leaves and roots) towards the west.
11. With the next (verses; M. I, 17, 7-10) he should give the wife's garment (which she has worn at the wedding [?]) to (a Brâhmana) who knows this (ceremony).
Patala 4, Section 10. 1. We shall explain the Upanayana (or initiation of the student).
2. Let him initiate a Brâhmana in the eighth year after the conception,
3. A Râganya in the eleventh, a Vaisya in the twelfth year after the conception.
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4. Spring, summer, autumn: these are the (fit) seasons (for the Upanayana), corresponding to the order of the castes.
5. (The boy's father) serves food to Brâhmanas and causes them to pronounce auspicious wishes, and serves food to the boy. (The teacher ?) pours together, with the first Yagus (of the next Anuvâka, warm and cold) water, pouring the warm water into the cold, and moistens (the boy's) head with the next (verse; M. II, 1, 2).
6. Having put three Darbha blades into his hair (towards each of the four directions) (the teacher [?]) shaves his hair with the next four (verses; M. II, 1, 3-6) with the different Mantras, towards the different (four) directions.
7. With the following (verse, M.II, 1, 7, somebody) addresses him while he is shaving.
8. Towards the south, his mother or a Brahmakärin strews barley-grains on a lump of bull's dung ; with this (dung) she catches up the hair (that is cut off), and puts it down with the next (verse; M. II, 1, 8) at the root of an Udumbara tree or in a tuft of Darbha grass.
9. After the boy) has bathed, and (the ceremonies) from the putting (of wood) on (the fire) down to the Ågyabhaga oblations (have been performed), he causes him to put a piece of Palasa wood on the
10, 6, 7. The difference which Haradatta makes between the teacher who begins to shave him (pravapati) and the barber who goes on with shaving (vapantam) seems too artificial.
7. Haradatta : The teacher addresses the barber, &c.-Sudarsanarya: The mother of the boy or a Brahmakârin (comp. Sätra 8] ... addresses the teacher who shaves him,
9. Comp. above, II, 4, 3.
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fire with the next (verse ; M. II, 2, 1), and makes him tread with his right foot on a stone to the north of the fire, with (the verse), 'Tread' (M. II, 2, 2).
10. Having recited the next two (verses; M. II, 2, 3. 4) over a garment that has been spun and woven on one day, and has caused him, with the next three (verses; M. II, 2, 5-7), to put it on, he recites over him, after he has put it on, the next (verse; M.II, 2, 8).
11. He ties thrice around him, from left to right, a threefold-twisted girdle of Muñga grass with the next two (verses; M. II, 2, 9. 10), and (gives him) a skin as his outer garment with the next (verse; II, 2, 11).
12. To the north of the fire (the teacher) spreads out Darbha grass ; on that he causes (the boy) to station himself with the next (verse ; M. II, 3, 1), pours his joined hands full of water into (the boy's) joined hands, makes him sprinkle himself three times with the next (verse; M. II, 3, 2), takes hold of his right hand with the next (formulas; M. II, 3, 3-12), gives him with the next (formulas; M. II, 3, 13-23) in charge to the deities (mentioned in those Mantras), initiates him with the next Yagus (M. II, 3, 24), and murmurs into his right ear the (Mantra), "Blessed with offspring' (II, 3, 25).
PATALA 4, SECTION 11. 1. The boy says, “I am come to be a student' (II, 3, 26).
11. Comp. Âpast. Dharma-sætra I, 1, 2, 33; 1, 3, 3 seq.
12. As to the words, he initiates him' (upanayati), comp. Sänkhayana II, 2, 11, 12; Âsvalâyana I, 20, 4 &c.
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2. The other (i.e. the teacher) has to ask; the boy has to answer (II, 3, 27-30).
3. The other murmurs the rest (of the Anuvâka),
4. And causes the boy to repeat the Mantra) which contains wishes for himself (I1, 3, 32).
5. (The rites) down to the Âgyabhagas have been prescribed.
6. Having then caused him to sacrifice the oblations (indicated in the) next (Mantras; M. II, 4,1-11), he enters upon (the performance) of the Gaya and following oblations.
7. Having performed (the rites) down to the sprinkling (of water) round (the fire), he puts down, to the west of the fire, a bunch of northward-pointed grass; on that the teacher) who performs the initiation, sits down with the next Yagus (M. II, 4, 12).
8. The boy, sitting to the east (of him), facing the west, seizes with his right hand (the teacher's right foot and says, 'Recite the Savitri, Sir!'
9. He recites (the Sâvitri) to him, That (glorious splendour) of Savitri' (Taitt. Samh. I, 5, 6, 4; M. II, 4, 13);
10. Pada by Påda, hemistich by hemistich, and the whole (verse).
11. (When repeating the Savitri Pâda by Påda, he pronounces) the Vyâhritis singly at the beginning or at the end of the Pâdas;
12. In the same way (the first and the second Vyâhriti at the beginning or at the end) of the hemistichs ; the last (Vyâhriti, when he repeats) the whole verse.
13. With the next Mantra (M. II, 4, 14) the boy touches his upper lip;
11, 5. See above, Section 10, Søtra 9. [30]
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14. With the next (II, 4, 15) both his ears; 15. With the next (II, 5, 1) he takes up the staff.
16. The staff of a Brâhmana is made of Palasa wood, that of a Råganya of a branch of the Nyagrodha tree, so that the downward-turned end (of the branch) forms the tip (of the staff), that of a Vaisya of Bâdara or Udumbara wood.
17. Some state (only), without any reference to caste, that the staff should be made of the wood of a tree.
18. After (the teacher) has made him repeat (the formula), ‘My memory' (M. II, 5, 2), and he has bestowed an optional gift on his teacher, and (the teacher) has made him arise with the formula, M. II, 5, 3), 'Up, with life !' (the student) worships the sun with the next (Mantras; II, 5, 4).
19. If (the teacher) wishes, ‘May this (student) not be estranged from me,' let him take (the student) by the right hand with the next (verse; II, 5, 6).
20. They keep that fire (used at the Upanayana) three days,
21. And (during that time) salted and pungent food should be avoided.
22. Having wiped (with his hand wet) around (the fire) with (the formula), * Around thee' (M. II, 6, 1), he should put (twelve) pieces of wood on that (fire) with the next Mantras (II, 6, 2-13).
23. In the same way also on another (fire, when the Upanayana fire is kept no longer),
24. Fetching fuel regularly from the forest.
25. With the next (formula–M. II, 6, 14—the teacher) instructs (the student in his duties).
16,17. These Satras are identical with Dharma-sůtra I, 1, 2, 38 (S. B. E., vol. ii, p. 9).
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26. On the fourth day (after the Upanayana the teacher) takes the garment (of the student) for himself with the next (verse ; M. II, 6, 15), having made him put on another (garment).
Patala 5, SECTION 12. 1. Having studied the Veda, when going to take the bath (which signifies the end of his studentship), he enters a cow-shed before sunrise, hangs over its door a skin with the hair inside, and sits there.
2. On that day the sun should not shine upon him.
3. At noon, after the ceremonies) from the putting (of wood) on the fire down to the Agyabhäga oblations (have been performed), he puts a piece of Palasa wood on (the fire) with the next (verse; M. II, 7, 1), sits down to the west of the fire on a mat or on erakâ grass, recites the next (verse, II, 7, 2) over a razor, and hands it over to the barber with the next Yagus (II, 7, 3). (The rites) beginning with the pouring together of (warm and cold) water down to the burying of the hair are the same as above (comp. M. II, 7, 4).
4. He sits down behind the cow-shed, takes the girdle off, and hands it over to a Brahmakârin.
5. The (Brahmakârin) hides it with the next Yagus (II, 7, 5) at the root of an Udumbara tree or in a tuft of Darbha grass.
6. With water of the description stated above he
26. The garment which the teacher takes for himself is that mentioned above, IV, 10, 10.
12, 3. See above, IV, 10, 5-8. 6. See IV, 10, 5.
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bathes with the six next (verses; II, 7, 6-11), and with the next (II, 7, 12) he cleanses his teeth with a stick of Udumbara wood.
7. Having bathed and shampooed his body with such ingredients as are used in bathing, (aromatic powder, &c.),
8. He puts on with the next Yagus (M. II, 7, 13) a fresh under garment, and anoints himself, after having given the salve in charge of the deities with the next (Mantras, II, 7, 14), with the next (verse, II, 7, 15) with sandal salve which is scented with all kinds of perfumes. With the next (verse, II, 7, 16) he moves about a gold pellet with its setting, which is strung on a string, three times from left to right in a water-pot; with the next (verse, II, 7, 17) he ties the (pellet) to his neck; in the same way, without Mantras, he ties a pellet of Bâdara wood to his left hand, and repeats the rites stated above with a fresh upper garment, with the (verses), 'May the rich' (comp. above, IV, 10, 10; M. II, 7, 18).
9. To the skirt (of that garment) he ties two earrings, puts them into the (sacrificial spoon called) Darvi, offers the oblations (indicated by the) next (Mantras; M. II, 8, 1-8), pouring the Agya over (the ear-rings), and enters upon (the performance of) the Gaya and following oblations.
10. Having performed (the ceremonies) down to the sprinkling (of water) round (the fire), he should tie (one of the ear-rings) with the same (verses) to his right ear, and with the same (verses one) to his left ear.
•
11. In the same way he should with the following (formulas, M. II, 8, 9-9, 5), according to the characteristics (contained in them), (put) a wreath on his
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head, anoint (his eyes), look into a mirror, (put on) shoes, (and should take) a parasol and a staff.
12. He keeps silence until the stars appear.
13. When the stars have appeared, he goes away towards the east or north, worships the quarters (of the horizon) with the next hemistich, and the stars and the moon with the next (M. II, 9, 6).
14. Having spoken with a friend he may go where he likes.
Patala 5, SECTION 13. 1. Now this (is) another (way for performing the Samâvartana). He bathes silently at a bathingplace and puts silently a piece of wood on (the fire).
2. He sits down on a bunch of grass, as stated above (comp. M. II, 9, 7), at a place where they are going to honour him (with the Argha reception).
3. A king and a chieftain (sit down) in the same way (as a Brâhmana), with the next two (formulas, M. II, 9, 8. 9), according to the characteristics (contained in them).
4. (The host) announces (to the guest), 'The water for washing the feet!'
5. (The guest) should recite the next (verse, II, 9, 10) over (that water) and should stretch out the right foot first to a Brâhmana, the left to a Sadra.
6. Having touched the person who washes him, he should touch himself (i.e. his own heart) with the next (formula, M. II, 9, 11).
7. (The host, taking the Argha water) in an
13, 2. See above, IV, 11, 7. 5. Comp. Asvalayana-Grihya I, 24, 11. 12.
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earthen vessel which he holds with two bunches of grass, announces (to the guest), 'The Argha water!'
8. (The guest) should recite the next (formula, II, 9, 12) over (that water) and should murmur the next Yagus (II, 9, 13), while a part (of the water) is poured over his joined hands.
9. Over the rest of the water) which is poured out towards the east, he recites the next (verse, M. II, 9, 14).
10. (The host) pours together curds and honey in a brass vessel, covers it with a larger (brass cover), takes hold of it with two bunches of grass, and announces (to the guest), “The honey-mixture!'
11. Some take three substances, (those stated before) and ghee.
12. Some take five, (the three stated before), and grains, and flour.
13. The guest recites the next two (formulas, M. II, 10, 1. 2) over (the honey-mixture) and sips water with the two Yagus (II, 10, 3. 4) before (eating) and afterwards; with the next (verse, II, 10, 5) he should partake three times (of the food) and should give the remainder to a person towards whom he is kindly disposed.
14. A king or a chieftain should only accept it and (give it) to his Purohita.
15. (The host) announces the cow with (the word), •The cow!'
16. After the guest has recited the next (formula, M. II, 10, 6) over (the cow, the host) cooks its omentum, and having performed the 'spreading under' and the sprinkling over (of Agya), he sacrifices it with the next (verse, M. II, 10, 7) with a Palasa leaf from the middle or the end (of the stalk).
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17. If the guest chooses to let (the cow) loose, he murmurs the next (formulas, II, 10, 8-11) in a low voice (and says) loudly, 'Om! Let it loose!' (II, 10, 12).
18. (In this case) he recites the next (formulas, M. II, 10, 13-17) in a low voice over the food which is announced to him (instead of the cow), (and says) loudly, 'Om! Make it ready!' (II, 10, 18).
19. For his teacher, for a Ritvig, for his fatherin-law, for a king he ought to perform this (Arghya ceremony) as often as they visit his house, if at least one year has elapsed (since they came last).
20. For a renowned teacher (of the Veda the ceremony should be performed) once.
PATALA 6, SECTION 14.
1. The Simantonnayana (or parting of the pregnant wife's hair, is performed) in her first pregnancy, in the fourth month.
2. (The husband) serves food to Brâhmanas and causes them to pronounce auspicious wishes; then, after (the ceremonies) from the putting (of wood) on the fire down to the Agyabhâga oblations (have been performed), he offers the oblations (indicated in the) next (Mantras, M.II, 11, 1-8), while (the wife) takes hold of him, and enters upon the (performance) of the Gaya and following oblations.
3. Having performed (the rites) down to the sprinkling (of water) round (the fire), he makes her sit down to the west of the fire, facing the east, and parts her hair upwards (i. e. beginning from the front) with a porcupine's quill that has three white spots,
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with three Darbha blades, and with a bunch of unripe Udumbara fruits, with the Vyâhritis or with the two next (verses, II, 11, 9. 10).
4. He says to two lute-players, Sing!'
5. Of the next two (verses, II, II, II. 12) the first (is to be sung on this occasion) among the (people of the) Sâlvas.
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6. The second (is to be used) for Brâhmanas; and the river near which they dwell is to be named.
7. He ties barley-grains with young shoots (to the head of the wife); then she keeps silence until the stars appear.
8. When the stars have appeared, he goes (with his wife) towards the east or north, touches a calf, and murmurs the Vyâhritis; then she breaks her silence.
9. The Pumsavana (i.e. the ceremony to secure the birth of a male child) is performed when the pregnancy has become visible, under the constellation Tishya.
10. From a branch of a Nyagrodha tree, which points eastward or northward, he takes a shoot with two (fruits that look like) testicles. The putting (of wood) on the fire, &c., is performed as at the Simantonnayana (Sutra 2).
11. He causes a girl who has not yet attained maturity to pound (the Nyagrodha shoot) on an upper mill-stone with another upper mill-stone, and to pour water on it; then he makes his wife lie
6. Âsvalâyana I, 14, 7; Pâraskara I, 15, 8. Comp. Zeitschrift der D. M. Gesellschaft, XXXIX, 88.
7, 8. Sudarsanârya mentions that instead of the singular, 'She keeps silence, she breaks her silence,' some read the dual, so that the husband and his wife are referred to.
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down on her back to the west of the fire, facing the east, and inserts (the pounded substance) with his thumb into her right nostril, with the next Yagus (II, 11, 13).
12. Then she will give birth to a son.
13. Here follows the ceremony to secure a quick deliverance.
14. With a shallow cup that has not been used before, he draws water in the direction of the river's current; at his wife's feet he lays down a Tàryanti plant; he should then touch his wife, who is soon to be delivered, on the head, with the next Yagus (II, 11, 14), and should sprinkle her with the water, with the next (three) verses (II, 11, 15-17).
15. Yadi garâyu na pated evamvihitâbhir evâdbhir uttarâbhyâm (II, 11, 18. 19) avokshet.
Patala 6, SECTION 15. 1. After he has touched the new-born child with the Vâtsapra hymn (Taitt. Samh. IV, 2, 2; M. II, 11, 20), and has taken him on his lap with the next Yagus (M. II, 11, 21), with the next (three) (versesII, 11, 22; 12, 1. 2-one by one) he addresses the child, kisses him on his head, and murmurs (the third verse) into his right ear.
2. And he gives him a Nakshatra name. 3. That is secret.
4. He pours together honey and ghee; into this (mixture) he dips a piece of gold which he has tied with a noose to a Darbha blade. With the next (three) formulas (II, 12, 3-5) he gives the boy (by
15, 1. We ought to read uttarâbhir, not uttarâbhyâm. Comp. below, Satra 12.
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means of the piece of gold, some of the mixture) to eat. With the next five (verses, II, 12, 6-10) he bathes him. Then he pours curds and ghee together and gives him this (mixture which is called) 'sprinkled butter' (prishadâgya) to eat out of a brass vessel, with the Vyâhritis to which the syllable 'Om' is added as the fourth (11, 12, 11-14). The remainder he should mix with water and pour out in a cow-stable.
5. With the next (verse, M. II, 13, 1) he places (the child) in the mother's lap; with the next (II, 13, 2) he causes her to give him her right breast; with the next two (verses, II, 13, 3. 4) he touches the earth, and after (the child) has been laid down, (he touches him) with the next (formula, II, 13, 5).
6. With the next Yagus (II, 13, 6) he places a water-pot at (the child's) head, sacrifices mustard seeds and rice-chaff with his joined hands three times with each of the next (formulas, II, 13, 7-14, 2), repeating each time the word Svähâ, and says (to the people who are accustomed to enter the room in which his wife lies), 'Whenever you enter, strew silently (mustard seeds with rice-chaff) on the fire.'
7. This is to be done until the ten days (after the child's birth) have elapsed.
8. On the tenth day, after the mother) has risen and taken a bath, he gives a name to the son. The father and the mother (should pronounce that name first).
9. (It should be a name) of two syllables or of four syllables; the first part should be a noun; the second a verb; it should have a long vowel (or) the Visarga at the end, should begin with a sonant, and contain a semi-vowel.
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10. Or it should contain the particle su, for such a name has a firm foundation ; thus it is said in a Brâhmana.
11. A girl's name should have an odd number of syllables.
12. When the father) returns from a journey, he should address the child and kiss him on his head with the next two (verses, M. II, 14, 3. 4), and should murmur the next Mantras (II, 14, 5) into his right ear.
13. With the next Yagus (II, 14, 6) he addresses a daughter (when returning from a journey).
Patala 6, SECTION 16. 1. In the sixth month after the child's birth he serves food to Brâhmanas and causes them to pronounce auspicious wishes; then he should pour together curds, honey, ghee, and boiled rice, and should give (the mixture) to the boy to eat, with the next (four) Mantras (II, 14, 7-10);
2. (He should feed him) with partridge, according to some (teachers).
3. In the third year after his birth the Kaula (or tonsure is performed) under (the Nakshatra of) the two Punarvasus.
4. Brahmanas are entertained with food as at the initiation (Upanayana).
5. The putting (of wood) on the fire, &c. (is performed) as at the Simantonnayana.
6. He makes (the boy) sit down to the west of
12. Comp. above, Sätra 1. 16, 4. See above, IV, 10, 5. 6. Comp. VI, 14, 3.
5. See above, VI, 14, 2.
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GRIHYA-SOTRA OF ÅPASTAMBA.
the fire, facing the east, combs his hair silently with a porcupine's quill that has three white spots, with three Darbha blades, and with a bunch of unripe Udumbara fruits; and he arranges the locks in the fashion of his ancestral Rishis,
7. Or according to their family custom.
8. The ceremonies beginning with the pouring together of (warm and cold water and ending with the putting down of the hair are the same (as above; comp. M. II, 14, 11).
9. He puts down the razor after having washed it off.
10. The ceremony is (repeated) three days with the (same razor). (Then) the rite is finished.
11. (The father) gives an optional gift (to the Brâhmana who has assisted).
12. The Godâna (or the ceremony of shaving the beard, is performed) in the sixteenth year, in exactly the same way or optionally under another constellation.
13. Or he may perform the Godâna sacred to Agni.
14. Some prescribe the keeping of a vow through one year in connection with the Godâna.
.
8. See IV, 10, 5-8.
10. I translate as if the words tena tryaham and karmanivrittih formed two Satras.
13. Having performed the same rites as at the opening of the study of the Âgneya-kânda, he performs an Upasthâna to the deities as taught with regard to the Sukriyavrata.' Haradatta.—'After the ceremonies down to the Âgyabhagas have been performed, one chief oblation of is offered with the formula, “To Agni, the Rishi of the Kânda, svâhâ !". Sudarsanarya.
14. Comp. the statements given in the note on Gobhila III, I, I.
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15. The difference (between the Kaula and the Godâna) is that at the Godâna) the whole hair is shaven (without leaving the locks).
16. According to the followers of the Sama-veda he should 'touch water.'
PATALA 7, SECTION 17. 1. The ground for building a house should be inclined towards the south-west. He elevates the surface and sweeps (the earth) with a broom of Paläsa wood or of Samt wood, with the next (verse, M. II, 15, 1), in the same (south-west) direction ;
2. In the same way three times.
3. He touches the ground, which has thus been prepared, with the next (verse, II, 15, 2). Then he has the pits for the posts dug from left to right, throws the earth (from the pits) towards the inside (of the building-ground), and erects the right doorpost with the next two (verses, M. II, 15, 3. 4);
4. In the same way the other (door-post).
5. Having erected after (the door-posts) the other (posts) in the same order in which (the pits) have been dug, he recites the next Yagus (II, 15, 5) over the ridge-pole when it is placed (on the posts),
6. The next (six) (Yagus formulas, II, 15, 6–11) over the (house when it is) finished, according to the characteristics contained in the single formulas.
7. He sets a piece of Paläsa wood or of Sami wood on fire, takes the fire up in a dish) with the next verse (II, 15, 12), carries it to the house with
16. The udakopasparsana according to the rite of the Sâmavedins is described by Gobhila, 1, 2, 5 seqq. .
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GRIHYA-SOTRA OF ÅPASTAMBA.
the next Yagus (II, 15, 13), and places the fire in the north-eastern part of the house with the next (II, 15, 14).
8. The place for the water-barrel is to the south of that spot.
9. He strews there Darbha grass, so that its points are turned in every direction, pours rice and barley-grains over the (grass) with the next (verse, II, 15, 15), and thereon he places the water-barrel.
10. With the next (Yagus, II, 15, 16) he pours four potfuls of water into it.
11. If (the barrel) breaks, he recites the next (verse, II, 15, 17) over it.
12. After the ceremonies from the putting of wood on the fire down to the Ågyabhaga oblations have been performed, he offers the (four) oblations (indicated by the next (Mantras; II, 15, 18–21); then he enters upon the performance of the Gaya and following oblations.
13. Having performed (the rites) down to the sprinkling (of water) round (the fire), he should sprinkle (water) with a water-pot around the house or the resting-place on the inside, with the next Yagus (II, 15, 22) three times from left to right; then he should serve cakes, flour, and boiled rice to the Brahmanas.
PATALA 7, SECTION 18.
1. When a boy is attacked by the dog-demon (i.e. epilepsy), (the father or another performer of the ceremony), having devoted himself to austerities
18, 1. Comp. Pâraskara I, 16, 24; Hiranyakesin II, 2, 7.
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- 287
(such as fasting), covers him with a net. Then he causes a gong to be beaten or a bell to be rung, takes (the boy) by another way than the door into the gambling-hall, raises (the earth in the middle of the hall) at the place in which they gamble, sprinkles it (with water), casts the dice, lays (the boy) on his back on the dice, and besprinkles him with his joined hands with curds and salt, with the next (eleven) (formulas, II, 16, 1-11), in the morning, at noon, and at night.
2. Then he will get well.
3. Over a boy who suffers from the Sankha' disease, (the father, &c.) having devoted himself to austerities, should recite the next two (verses, II, 16, 12. 13), and should pour (water) on his head with a water-pot with the next (verse, II, 16, 14), in the morning, at noon, and at night.
4. Then he will get well.
5. On the day of the full moon of (the month) Sravana after sunset a Sthalfpaka (is offered).
6. After the ceremonies down to the Agyabhaga oblations have been performed in the same way as at the fortnightly sacrifices, he sacrifices of the Sthâlipáka, and with each of the next (formulas, II, 16, 15-17) he offers with his joined hands Kimsuka flowers.
7. With the next (three) verses (II, 17, 1-3) (he offers) pieces of Aragvadha wood (Cathartocarpus fistula);
3. Sankhin is a person attacked by such a disease that he utters cries like the sound of a conch trumpet (sankha).' Haradatta.
5. Here follows a description of the Sarpabali. 6. Comp. above, III, 7, 2-3.
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GRIHYA-SUTRA OF APASTAMBA.
8. Then the Ågya oblations (indicated by the) next (Mantras, II, 17, 4–7).
9. Then he enters upon the performance of the Gaya and following oblations.
10. Having performed (the rites) down to the sprinkling (of water) round (the fire), he silently takes the objects required (for the rites which he is going to perform), goes out in an easterly or northerly direction, prepares a raised surface, draws on it three lines directed towards the east and three towards the north, pours water on the (lines), and lays (an offering of) flour (for the serpents) on them, with the next (formula, II, 17, 8).
11. Silently (he lays down) unground (?) grain, roasted grain, collyrium, ointment, (the fragrant substance called) Sthagara, and Usira root.
12. With the next (formulas, II, 17, 9-26) he should worship (the serpents), should sprinkle water round (the oblations), should return (to his house) silently without looking back, should sprinkle (water) with a water-pot from left to right, thrice around the house or the resting-place on the inside, with the two verses, 'Beat away, O white one, with thy foot' (II, 17, 27. 28), and should offer food to the Brahmanas.
PATALA 7, SECTION 19.
1. The unground grain (which is left over, see above, VII, 18, 11) they give to the boys to eat.
2. Let him repeat in the same way this Balioffering of whatever food he has got or of flour, from that day to full moon of (the month) Mârgasirsha.
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3. On the day of the full moon of Mârgasirsha after sunset a Sthâlipâka (is offered as above, VII, 18, 5).. 4. In the Mantra for the Bali-offering he changes (the word 'I shall offer' into) 'I have offered.'
5. Then he does not offer (the Bali) any longer. 6. (Now follows) the Âgrayana sacrifice (or partaking of the first-fruits) of one who has not set up the (Srauta) fires.
7. He prepares a Sthâlipâka of the fresh fruits, sacrifices to the deities of the (Srauta) Âgrayana sacrifice with (Agni) Svishtakrit as the fourth, fills his mouth with grains, swallows them, sips water, forms a lump of the boiled (sacrificial) food, and throws it up with the next Yagus (II, 18, 1) to the summit of the house.
8. (Now follows) the 'redescent' in the winter.
9. With the next Yagus (II, 18, 2) they 'redescend' (or take as their sleeping-place a layer of straw instead of the high bedsteads which they have used before). With the next Yagus formulas (II, 18, 3-7) they lie down on a new layer (of straw) on their right sides,
10. The father to the south, the mother to the north (of him), and so the others, one after the other from the eldest to the youngest.
II. After he has arisen, he touches the earth with the next two (verses, II, 18, 8. 9).
12. In the same way the lying down, &c., is repeated thrice.
13. Having prepared a Sthâlîpâka for Îsâna and
8. Comp. the note on Sânkhâyana IV, 17, 1.
13. The description of the sûlagava sacrifice, which here follows, agrees in most points with the statements of Hiranyakesin II, 3, 8.
[30]
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GRIHYA-SUTRA OF ÂPASTAMBA.
one for Kshetrapati, he goes out in an easterly or northerly direction, prepares a raised surface, (and then follow the ceremonies) beginning with the putting of wood on the fire.
14. To the west of the fire he builds two huts.
Patala 7, SECTION 20. 1. With the next (verse, II, 18, 10) he has the Îsâna led to the southern (hut),
2. With worldly words the 'bountiful goddess' to the northern (hut),
3. To the middle (between the two huts) the 'conqueror.'
4. He gives them water to drink in the same order in which they have been led (to their places), takes three portions of boiled rice (from the Sthalipâka prepared for Îsâna), takes (these portions of rice) to the fire, makes (the three gods) touch them with the next (formulas, II, 18, 11-13), sacrifices of these portions, to each god of the portion which belongs to him, with the next (formulas, II, 18, 14-30), cuts off (Avadanas) from all (portions), and sacrifices with the next Yagus (II, 18, 31) to Agni Svishtakrit.
5. Having worshipped (the god Isâna) with the next Yagus (II, 18, 32), he distributes with the next (formulas, II, 18, 33–39) leaves together with portions of boiled rice, two (leaves) with each (Yagus), then ten to the divine hosts (II, 18, 40), and ten to the (divine hosts) that follow (and are referred to in the next Yagus, II, 18, 41).
20, 1-3. Comp. Hiranyak. II, 3, 8, 2-4. Haradatta explains the Isâna, the midhushî, and the gayanta as images of the three gods.
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6. With the next (formulas, II, 18, 42-45) he does the same as before (i.e. he distributes two leaves with each Mantra).
291
7. Having formed a lump of boiled rice, he puts it into a basket of leaves, and with the next Yagus (II, 18, 46) hangs it up on a tree.
8. Here he should murmur the Rudra texts (Taitt. Samh. IV, 5),
9. Or the first and last (Anuvâka).
10. He places his cows around the fire so that the smoke (of the sacrifice) may reach them.
11. With his firmly shut fist full of Darbha grass he besprinkles (them) with scents; the bull first.
12. He should perform a sacrifice to Kshetrapati, without a fire, in the path used by his cows.
13. He has (the Kshetrapati) led to his place in the same way as the Isâna (see above, Sutra 1).
14. He puts (portions of boiled rice) into four or seven leaves, naming (the god).
15. Let him sacrifice quickly; the god has a strong digestion (?).
16. With the next two (verses, II, 18, 47. 48) he does worship (to Kshetrapati).
17. The Sthâlipâka (belonging to Îsâna) he gives to the Brahmanas to eat;
18. That belonging to Kshetrapati his uterine relations eat,
19. Or as is the custom in their family.
11. On grumush/i, see the notes of the commentators, p. 93 of Dr. Winternitz's edition, and the commentary on Taitt. Samhitâ V, 4, 5, 3 (Indische Studien, XII, 60).
15. I have translated here as in Hiranyak. II, 3, 9, 11. Haradatta and Sudarsanârya give another explanation of the words ' 'pâko devah;' see p. 93 of the edition.
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GRHYA-SOTRA OF ÂPASTAMBA.
Patala 8, Section 21. 1. The times for the monthly Sraddha are in the second fortnight (of the month), as they are stated.
2. Let him feed, without regard of (worldly) purposes, pure Brâhmanas, versed in the Mantras, who are not connected with himself by consanguinity or by their Gotra or by the Mantras (such as his teacher or his pupils), an odd number, at least three.
3. He makes oblations of the food (prepared for the Brâhmanas) with the next (verses, II, 19, 1-7);
4. Then the Agya oblations (indicated by the) next (Mantras, II, 19, 8-13).
5. Or invertedly (i.e. he offers Ågya with the verses referred to in Sätra 3, and food with those referred to in Satra 4).
6. Let him touch the whole (food) with the next (formulas, II, 19, 14-16).
7. Or the (single) prepared (portions of food destined) for the single Brâhmanas.
8. Having caused them with the next (formula, II, 20, 1) to touch (the food, he gives it to them to eat).
9. When they have eaten (and gone away), he goes after them, circumambulates them, turning his right side towards them, spreads out southwardpointed Darbha grass in two different layers, pours water on it with the next (formulas, II, 20, 2–7), distributes the Pindas, ending in the south, with the next (formulas, II, 20, 8–13), pours out water as before with the next (formulas, 14-19), worships (the
21, 1. Comp. Dharmasastra II, 7, 16, 8 seq.; Sacred Books, vol. ii, p. 139. Comp. Professor Bühler's remarks, vol. ii, p. xiv.
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8 PATALA, 22 SECTION, 2.
ancestors) with the next (formulas, II, 20, 20-23), sprinkles with the next (verse, 24) water three times from right to left round (the Pindas) with a water-pot, besprinkles the vessels, which are turned upside down, repeating the next Yagus (25) at least three times without taking breath, sets up the vessels two by two, cuts off (Avadânas) from all (portions of food), and eats of the remains at least one morsel with the next Yagus (26).
10. Of the dark fortnight that follows after the full moon of Mâgha, the eighth day falls under (the constellation of) Gyeshthâ: this day is called Ekâshtakâ.
293
II. In the evening before that day (he performs) the preparatory ceremony.
12. He bakes a cake of four cups (of rice).
13. (The cake is prepared) in eight dishes (like a Purodâsa), according to some (teachers).
PATALA 8, SECTION 22.
1. After the ceremonies down to the Âgyabhaga oblations have been performed in the same way as at the fortnightly sacrifices, he makes with his joined hands oblations of the cake with the next (verse, II, 20, 27).
2. The rest (of the cake) he makes ready, divides (it) into eight parts and offers it to the Brahmanas.
12, 13. Comp. Hiranyak. II, 5, 14, 3 seq.
22, 1. Comp. above, VII, 18, 6.
2. I believe that seshah means the rest of the cake. The word 'siddhah' possibly refers to such preparations of the food as are indicated in Hiranyak. II, 5, 14, 7. Haradatta understands seshah as the rest of the rites (tantrasya seshah): 'The rest of the rites is
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GRIHYA-SUTRA OP ÂPASTAMBA.
3. On the following day he touches a cow with a Darbha blade, with the words, 'I touch thee agreeable to the Fathers.'
4. Having silently offered five Âgya oblations, and having cooked the omentum of the (cow), and performed the 'spreading under and the sprinkling over (of Agya), he sacrifices (the omentum) with the next (verse, II, 20, 28) with a Palasa leaf from the middle or the end (of the stalk).
5. (He sacrifices) boiled rice together with the meat (of the cow) with the next (verses, II, 20, 29-35),
6. Food prepared of meal with the next (verse, II, 21, 1),
7. Then the Agya oblations (indicated by the) next (Mantras, II, 21, 2-9).
8. (The rites) from the Svishtakrit down to the offering of the Pindas are the same (as at the Sraddha).
9. Some (teachers) prescribe the Pinda offering for the day after the Ashtaka.
10. Here (follows) another (way for celebrating the Ashtakâ sacrifice). He sacrifices curds with his joined hands in the same way as the cake.
11. Having left over from the meat of the (cow, see above, 3. 4) as much as is required, on the day after (the Ashtaka) (he performs) the rite of the Anvashtaka.
12. This rite has been explained in the description of the monthly Srâddha.
13. If he goes out in order to beg for something,
the regular one, without alterations :' it must be admitted that the expressions used by Hiranyak. II, 5, 14, 10 would agree well with this explanation.
4. See above, V, 13, 16.
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let him murmur the next (Mantras, II, 21, 10–16) and then state his desire.
14. If he has obtained a chariot, he has the horses put to it, lets it face the east, and touches with the next (verse, II, 21, 17) the two wheels of the chariot or the two side-pieces.
15. With the next Yagus (II, 21, 18) he should mount, and drive with the next (verse, II, 21, 19) towards the east or north, and should then drive off on his business.
16. Let him mount a horse with the next (formulas, II, 21, 20–30),
17. An elephant with the next (formula, II, 21, 31).
18. If any harm is done him by these two (beasts), let him touch the earth as indicated above.
19. If he is going to a dispute, he takes the parasol and the staff in his left hand.
Patala 8, SECTION 23. 1. Having sacrificed, with his right hand, a fist full of chaff with the next (verse, II, 21, 32), he should go away and murmur the next (verse, 33).
2. Over an angry person let him recite the two next (formulas, II, 22, 1. 2); then his anger will be appeased.
3. One who wishes that his wife should not be touched by other men, should have big living centipedes ground to powder, and should insert (that powder) with the next (formula, II, 22, 3), while she is sleeping, into her secret parts.
4. For success in the generation of children)
18. See VII, 19, 11. On reshane, comp. below, 23, 9. 23, 3. Comp. Hiranyak. I, 4, 14, 7.
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GRIHYA-SOTRA OF ÂPASTAMBA.
let him wash (his wife) with the urine of a redbrown cow.
5. For success (in trade) let him sacrifice with the next (verse-II, 22, 4-some portion) from the articles of trade which he has in his house.
6. If he wishes that somebody be not estranged from him, let him pour his own urine into the horn of a living animal, and sprinkle (it) with the next two (verses, II, 22, 5. 6) three times from right to left around (the person) while he is sleeping.
7. In a path which servants or labourers use to run away, he should put plates (used for protecting the hands when holding a hot sacrificial pan) on (a fire), and should offer the oblations (indicated by the) next (Mantras, II, 22, 7-10).
8. If a fruit falls on him from a tree, or a bird befouls him, or a drop of water falls on him when no rain is expected, he should wipe that off with the next (Mantras, II, 22, 11-13), according to the characteristics (contained in these Mantras).
9. If a post of his house puts forth shoots, or if honey is made in his house (by bees), or if the footprint of a dove is seen on the hearth, or if diseases arise in his household, or in the case of other miracles or prodigies, let him perform in the new-moon night, at dead of night, at a place where he does not hear the noise of water, the rites from the putting (of wood) on the fire down to the Agyabhåga oblations, and let him offer the oblations (indicated in the) next (Mantras, II, 22, 14-23), and enter upon the performance of the Gaya and following oblations.
6,7. Comp. Pâraskara III, 7; Hiranyak. I, 4, 13, 19 seqq.
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10. Having performed (the ceremonies) down to the sprinkling (of water) round (the fire), he puts up towards the south with the next (verse, II, 22, 24) a stone as a barrier for those among whom a death has occurred.
End of the Åpastambiya-Grihya-sætra.
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SYNOPTICAL SURVEY
OF THE
CONTENTS OF THE GRIHYA-SOTRAS.
1. The sacred Grihya fire. S. 1, 1; Â. 1, 9; P. I, 2; G. I, 1;
Kh. I, 5, I seq.; H. I, 22, 2 seq.; 26; Ap. 5, 13 seg. 2. General division of Grihya sacrifices. S. I, 5; 10; A. I, 1,
2 seq. (comp. III, 1); P. I, 4, 1. 3. Regular morning and evening oblations. S. I, 3, 8 seq.
(comp. V, 4); Â. I, 2, 1 seq.; 9; P. I, 9; G. I, 1, 32 seq.; 3; 9, 13 seq.; Kh. I, 5, 6 seq.; H. I, 23, 8 seq.; Âp. 7,
19 seq. 4. The Bali oblations. S. II, 14; Â. 1, 2, 3 seq.; P. II, 9 (comp.
I, 12); G. I, 4; Kh. I, 5, 20 seq.; Ap. 8, 4. 5. Sacrifices on the days of the new and full moon. S. 1, 3 (comp.
V, 4); A. I, 10; P. I, 12; G. I, 5 seq.; Kh. II, 1; 2, I seq.; H. I, 23, 7, tp. 7, 17:
6. General outline of Grihya sacrifices. S. I, 7 seq.; Â. I, 3;
P. I, 1; G. I, 3 seq.; Kh. I, 1 seq.; H. I, 1, 9 seq.; Ap. 1, I seq. a. The yagħopavita, the pråkinävita, the touching of
water. G. I, 2; Kh. I, 1, 4 seq.; Âp. 1, 3. 8. b. Besmearing of the surface with cow-dung, drawing of
the lines. S. 1, 7, 2 seq.; Â. I, 3, 1; P. I, 1, 2; G. I,
1,9; 5, 13; Kh. I, 2, 1 seq. c. The fire is carried forward. S. 1,7,9; Â. 1, 3, 1; P. I,
I, 3; G. I, I, II; Kh. 1, 2, 5; H. I, I, IO. d. The samQhana. S. I, 7, 11; A. I, 3, 1; G. IV, 5, 5;
Kh. I, 2, 6. e. The strewing of grass around the sacred fire. S. I, 8,
I seq.; Â. 1, 3,1; P. I, 1, 2; G. I, 5, 16 seq.; 7, 9 seq.;
Kh. I, 2, 9 seq.; H. I, 1, 11 seq.; Ap. 1, 12 seq. f. The purifiers. S. I, 8, 14 seq.; A. I, 3, 2 seq.; P. I,
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SYNOPTICAL SURVEY OF THE
1, 2; G. I, 7, 21 seq.; Kh. I, 2, 12 seq.; H. I, 1, | 23; Ấp. I, I9. g. Preparation of the Âgya for sacrifice. S. 1, 8, 18 seq.;
A. I, 3, 3; P. I, 1, 2 seq.; G. I, 7, 19 seq.; Kh. I,
2, 14 seq.; H. I, I, 27, Ấp 1, 23. h. The Âgya oblations. S. 1,9; Â. I, 3, 4 seq.; P. I,
1, 4; 5, 3 seq.; G. I, 8; 9, 26 seq.; Kh. I, 3,
12 seq.; H. I, 2, 12 seq. ; 3; Ap. 2, 5 seq. 7. Sacrifices of cooked food. S. I, 3; A. I, 10; G. I, 6,
| I3 seq.; 7 seq.; Kh. II, I; Ấp. 7. 8. Animal sacrifice (comp. Ashtaka, Anvashtakya, Salagava).
Â. I, 11; P. III, 11 ; G. III, 10, 18-IV, 1; Kh. III, 4; H. II, 15. a. The omentum. Â. I, 11, 10 (comp. II, 4, 13); IV, 8,
18; P. III, II, 4. 6; G. III, 1o, 30 seq. ; IV, 4, 22 seq.; Kh. III, 4, 9 seq. 25 seq.; H. II, 15,
6 seg. b. The Avadanas. Â. I, 11, 12 (comp. II, 4, 14); P.
III, II, 6 seq.; G. IV, I, 3. 9 &c.; Kh. III, 4, 14 seq.; H. II, 15, 9 seq.
9. Marriage. S. I, 5 seq.; Â. 1, 5 seq.; P. I, 4 seq.; G. II, 1
seq.; Kh. I, 3 seq.; H. I, 19 seq.; Ap. 2, 12 seq. a. Different kinds of marriage (brâhma, daiva, &c.). Ā.
1, 6. b. Election of the bride. S. I, 5, 5 seq.; Â. I, 5; G. II,
1, 1 seq.; III, 4, 4 seq.; H. I, 19, 2; Ap. 3,
10 seq. c. The wooers go to the girl's house. S. I, 6; Âp. 2,
16; 4, I seq. d. Sacrifice when the bride's father has declared his
assent. S. I, 7 seq. e. The bride is washed. S. I, 11; G. II, 1, 10. 17;
Kh. I, 3, 6. f. Dance of four or eight women. S. I, 11, 5. g. The bridegroom goes to the girl's house. S. I, 12. h. He gives her a garment, anoints her, gives her a
mirror, &c. S. I, 12, 3 seq.; P. I, 4, 12 seq.; G.
II, 1, 18; Kh. I, 3, 6; Ap. 4, 8. i. Argha at the wedding. S. I, 12, 10; G. II, 3, 16
seq.; Kh. I, 4, 7 seq.; Ap. 3, 5 seq. k. Sacrifice with the Mahavyâhritis and other formulas
(Gaya, Abhyâtâna, &c., formulas). S. I, 12, 11;
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Â. I, 7, 3; P. I, 5, 3 seq.; G. II, 1, 24; Kh. I, 3, 8. 11; H. I, 19, 7 (comp. 3, 8 seq.; 20, 8); Ap. 5, 2. 11 (comp. 2, 7).
1. Seizing of the bride's hand. S. I, 13, 2; Â. I, 7, 3 seq.; P. I, 7, 3; G. II, 2, 16; Kh. I, 3, 17. 31; H. I, zo, I; Ấp. 4, In seq.
m. The formula, 'This am I, that art thou.' S. I, 13, 4; Â. I, 7, 6; H. I, 20, 2. Â. I,
n. The treading on the stone.
S. I, 13, 10 seq.;
7, 7; P. I, 7, 1; G. II, 2, 3; Kh. I, 3, 19; H. I, 19, 8; Ap. 5, 3.
o. Circumambulation of the fire. S. I, 13, 13; Â. I, 7, 6; P. I, 5, 1; 7, 3; G. II, 2, 8; Kh. I, 3, 24; H. I, 20, 5; Ap. 5, 1. 7.
p. Sacrifice of fried grain. S. I, 13, 15 seq.; Â. I, 7,8; P. I, 6, I seq.; G. II, 2, 5 seq.; Kh. I, 3, 20 seq.; H. I, 20, 3 seq.; Ap. 5, 4 seq.
q. The seven steps. S. I, 14, 5 seq.; A. I, 7, 19; P. I, 8, 1; G. II, 2, 11; Kh. I, 3, 26; H. I, 20, 9 seq.; 21, I seq.; Ap. 4, 16.
r. The bride is carried away to her new home. S. I, 15; A. I, 7, 21; 8; P. I, 8, 10; 10; G. II, 2, 17 seq.; 4; Kh. I, 4, I seq.; H. I, 22, I; Ấp. 5,
12 seq.
s. Ceremonies on entering the new home; looking at the polar star. S. I, 16, 17, comp. Â. I, 7, 22; comp. P. I, 8, 19; comp. G. II, 3, 5 seq.; 4, 6 seq.; comp. Kh. I, 4, 3; H. I, 22, 6 seq.; Âp. 6, 8 seq.
t. The rites of the fourth day; the cohabitation. S. I, 18. 19; P. I, 11, 13; G. II, 5; Kh. I, 4, 12; H. I, 23, 11; 24, 25; Ap. 8, 8 seq.
10. The Pumsavana (i. e. the ceremony to secure the birth of a male child). S. I, 20; A. I, 13; P. I, 14; G. II, 6; Kh. II, 2, 17 seq.; H. II, 2; Âp. 14, 9 seq.
11. A ceremony for the protection of the embryo. S. I, 21 (comp. Â. I, 13, 1).
12. The Simantonnayana (or parting of the pregnant wife's hair). S. I, 22 (comp. V, 4); A. I, 14; P. I, 15; G. II, 7, 1 seq.; Kh. II, 2, 24 seq.; H. II, 1; Ap. 14, 1 seq.
Song of lute-players. S. I, 22, 11 seq.; A. I, 14, 6 seq.; P. I, 15, 7 seq. (comp. H. II, 1, 3); Ap. 14, 4 seq.
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13. Ceremony before the confinement. S. I, 23 ; P.I, 16, 1 seg.;
G. II, 7, 13 seq.; Kh. II, 2, 28 seq.; H. II, 2, 8 seq.; Âp.
14, 13 seq. 14. The Gâtakarman (or ceremony for the new-born child) and
similar rites. S. I, 24 (comp. V, 4); Â. I, 15; P. I, 16, 3 seq.; G. II, 7, 17 seq. ; 8, I seq.; Kh. II, 2, 32 ; 3, 1 seq.; H. II, 3, 2 seq.; Âp. 15. a. Name given to the child. S. 1, 34, 4 seq.; Â. I, 15,
4 seq.; P. I, 17; G. II, 7, 15; 8, 8 seq.; Kh. II, 2, 30 seq. 3, 6 seq.; H. II, 4, 10 seq.; Āp. 15,
2 seq. 8 seq. b. The 'production of intelligence.' S. I, 24, 9; Â. I,
15, 2; P. I, 16, 3; G. II, 7, 20; Kh. II, 2, 34; H.
II, 3, 9. c. Driving away demons and gobling from the child.
P. I, 16, 23; H. II, 3, 7. 15. The getting up of the mother from childbed. S. I, 25 (with
enumeration of the Nakshatras and their presiding deities,
chap. 26); P. I, 17, 1; comp. H. LI, 4, 6; Ap. 15, 8. 16. How the father should greet his children when returning
from a journey. Â. I, 15, 9; P. I, 18; G. II, 8, 21; Kh.
II, 3, 13; H. II, 4, 16; Ap. 15, 12. 17. The feeding of the child with solid food (Annaprâsana). S. | I, 2; A. I, I6; P. 5, 19; H. II, 5; Ấp. 16, I seq. 18. The tonsure of the child's head (Kadâkarman). S. I, 28;
Â. I, 17; P. II, 1; G. II, 9; Kb. II, 3, 16 seq.; H. II, 6;
Ap. 16, 3 seq. 19. The ceremony of shaving the beard (Godana-Karman, Ke
sânta). S. I, 28, 18 seq.; Â. I, 18; P. II, 1, 3 seq.; G. III,
I; Kh. II, 5, I seq.; H. II, 6, 16 seq.; Ap. 16, 12 seq. 20. The initiation of the student. Studentship. The Samâvar
tana. S. II, í seq.; III, 1; IV, 5 seq.; VI; A. I, 19 seq.; III, 5; 8-10; P. II, 3-6; 8; 10-12; G. II, 10-III, 4; Kh. II, 4-III, 1, 32; III, 2, 16-33; H. I, 1 seq.; II, 18– 20; Ap. ro seq. a. Time of the initiation. The patitasâvitrîka. S. II, 1,
I seq.; A. I, 19, 1 seq.; P. II, 2, 1 seq.; 5, 36 seq.; G. II, 10, 1 seq.; Kh. II, 4, I seq.; H. I, 1, 2 seq. ;
Ap. 10, 1 seq. b. The skin, the girdle, and the staff belonging to the
different castes. S. II, 1, I seq. 15 seq.; II, 13; Â. I, 19, 10 seq.; P. II, 5, 16 seq.; G. II, 10, 8 seq.; H. I, 1, 17; 4, 7; Ap. II, 16 seq.
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c. Rite of the initiation. S. II, 1, 26 seq.; Â. I, 20, a seq.; P. II, 2, 5 seq.; G. II, 10, 15 seq.; Kh. II, 4, 7 seq.; H. I, 1, 5 seq.; 3, 14 seq.; Âp. 10,
5 seq.
d. The standing duties of the student (begging, putting fuel on the fire, &c.). S. II, 4, 5; 6; 9; 10; A. I, 20, 11 seq.; 22, 1 seq.; P. II, 2, 2; 4; 5; G. II, 10, 34. 42 seq.; Kh. II, 4, 19. 25 seq.; H. I, 5, 10; 7, I seq. 15 seq.; 8, 2. 8 seq.; Ap. 11,
22 seq.
e. The Sâvitri. S. II, 5 seq.; Â. I, 21, 5 seq.; 22, 29; P. II, 3, 3 seq.; G. II, 10, 38 seq.; Kh. II, 4, 20 seq.; H. I, 6, 6 seq.; Ap. 11, 8 seq.
f. The study of the Veda. S. II, 7 seq.; IV, 8; Â. I, 22, 12 seq.; III, 5, 10 seq.; P. III, 16; Kh. III, 2, 22 seq.; H. I, 8, 16.
g. Daily recitation of Vedic texts (svâdhyâya). S. I, 4; Â. III, 2-4.
h. Secret doctrines and special observances connected with them. S. II, 11-12; VI, 1-6; G. III, 1-2; Kh. II, 5.
i. The opening of the annual course of study (Upâkarana). S. IV, 5; Â. III, 5; P. II, 10; G. III, 3; Kh. III, 2, 16 seq.; H. II, 18, 1 seq.; Ap. 8, 1.
k. The end of the term (Utsarga). The Tarpana ceremony. S. IV, 6. 9-10 (comp. VI, 5. 6); Â. III, 5, 13. 19 seq. (comp. III, 4); P. II, 11, 10 seq.; 12; G. III, 3, 14 seq.; Kh. III, 2, 26 seq.; H. II, 18, 8 seq.; Ap. 8, 1.
1. Interruptions of study. S. IV, 7; Â. IV, 4, 17 seq.; P. II, 11; G. III, 3, 9 seq. 16 seq.; Kh. III, 2, 27 seq.
m. The student's setting out on a journey. S. II, 8; Â.
III, 10.
n. The bath taken at the end of studentship (Samâvartana). S. III, 1; Â. III, 8; 9; P. II, 6; 8; G. III, 4, 7 seq.; Kh. III, 1; H. I, 9 seq.; Ap. 12-13, 2.
21. Rules of conduct for a Snâtaka. S. IV, 11-12; Â. III, 9, 6; P. II, 7; G. III, 5; Kh. III, 1, 33 seq.
22. House-building. S. III, 2 seq.; A. II, 7 seq.; P. III, 4 seq.; G. IV, 7; Kh. IV, 2, 6 seq.; H. I, 27-28; Ap. 17.
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a. Election of the ground. Â. II, 7 seq.; G. IV, 7, 1 seq.;
Kh. IV, 2, 6 seq. b. Entering the new house. S. III, 4; Â. II, 9, 9; P.
III, 4, 5 seq., 18. c. The putting up of the water-barrel. P. III, 5; Âp.
17, 8 seq. d. Leaving the house when travelling and returning to it.
S. III, 5–7; A. II, 10, 1 seq. ; H. I, 29.
23. Ploughing. S. IV, 13; Â. II, 10, 3. 4 ; P. II, 13; G. IV,
4, 27 seq. 24. Partaking of the first-fruits (Âgrayana). S. III, 8; Â. II, 2,
4 seq.; P. III, 1; G. III, 8, 9 seq.; Kh. III, 3, 16 seq.;
Ap. 19, 6 seq. 25. Sacrifice to Sitâ. P. II, 17; comp. G. IV, 4, 29.
26. Ceremonies referring to cattle (comp. also the Asvayuga sacri
fice, below, No. 30). a. The driving out of the cows, and other rites referring
to the cows. S. III, 9; A. II, 10, 5 seq.; G. III,
6; Kh. III, 1, 45 seq. ; H. I, 18. b. Making marks on the cattle. S. III, ro. c. The Vrishotsarga. S. III, 11; P. III, 9. d. The Salagava (spit-ox' offered to Rudra). Â. IV, | 8; P. III, 8; H. II, 8-9; Âp. 19, I3-20, I9. a. Distribution of Paläsa leaves. P. III, 8, 11;
H. II, 9, 1 seq.; Âp. 20, 5 seq. B. Sacrifice to Kshetrapati. H. II, 9, 8 seq. ;
Ap. 20, 12 seq.
27. The Kaitra offerings. S. IV, 19. 28. The Srâvana sacrifice to the Serpents. S. IV, 15; Â. II, 1; P.
II, 14; G. III, 7 (comp. IV, 8, 1); Kh. III, 2, 1 seq. ; H.
II, 16; Ap. 18, 5-19, 2. 29. The Praushthapada sacrifice. P. II, 15. 30. The Âsvayuga sacrifice. S. IV, 16; A. II, 2, 1-3; P. II,
16; G. III, 8, i seq.; Kh. III, 3, I seq. 31. The rites of the Âgrahấyanî (concluding ceremonies of the
rites devoted to the Serpents). S. IV, 17. 18; Â. II, 3; P. III, 2; G. III, 9 (comp. IV, 8, 1); Kh. III, 3, 6 seq.;
H. II, 17; Âp. 19, 3 seq. 8 seq. 32. The Ashtakâs. S. III, 12-14; A. II, 4, 5; P. III, 3; G.
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III, ro seq.; Kh. III, 3, 28 seq.; H. II, 14 seq.; Âp. 21,
10 seq.
a. The first Ashtakâ. S. III, 12, 2 seq.; P. III, 3, 4; G. III, 10, 9 seq.; Kh. III, 3, 30 seq. b. The second Ash/akâ (animal sacrifice). I seq.; P. III, 3, 8; G. III, 10, 18-IV,
4, I seq.
c. The third Ash/akâ. S. III, 14; G. IV, 4, 17 seq.;
S. III, 13, 1; Kh. III,
Kh. III, 3, 32 seq.
d. The Anvashtakya ceremony. S. III, 13, 7;
Â. II, 5;
P. III, 3, 10; G. IV, 2. 3; Kh. III, 5; H. II, 15; Âp. 22, 3 seq. II.
33. Disease and death of a person who has set up the Srauta fires. Â. IV, 1.
Burning the dead body. A. IV, 2-4.
The gathering of the bones. A. IV, 5.
Expiatory ceremonies after the death of a Guru or other misfortune. Â. IV, 6.
Death. Burning dead bodies. P. III, 10.
34. Sraddha offerings to the Fathers.
S. IV, 1-4; Â. II, 5, 10 seq.; IV, 7; G. IV, 4 (comp. chap. 2. 3); Kh. III, 5, 35; H. II, 10-13; Ap. 21, 1-9.
a. The invited Brahmanas. S. IV, 1, 2 seq.; Â. II, 5, 10 seq.; IV, 7, 2 seq.; G. IV, 2, 33 seq.; H. II, 10, 2 seq.; Ap. 21, 2 seq.
b. Offering of the Pindas. S. IV, 1, 9 seq.; Â. II, 5,
4 seq.; IV, 7, 28; P. III, 10, 50 seq.; G. IV, 3, 8 seq.; Kh. III, 5, 18 &c.; H. II, 12, 3 seq.; Ap.
21, 9.
c. The Ekoddisha Srâddha. S. IV, 2 (comp. Â. IV, 7, 1); P. III, 10, 50 seq.
d. The Sapindîkarana. S. IV, 3; V, 9 (comp. P. III, 10, 51).
e. The Abhyudayika Srâddha. S. IV, 4, comp. Â. II, 5, 13; IV, 7, 1; G. IV, 3, 35.
35. The Arghya reception (comp. Argha at the wedding, above, 9, i). S. II, 15-17; A. I, 24; P. I, 3; G. IV, 10; Kh. IV, 4, 5 seq.; H. I, 12, 7 seq.; 13; Âp. 13, 3 seq.
a. The persons to whom an Arghya reception is due.
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S. II, 15, 4 seq.; 16, 3; Â. I, 24, 1 seq.; P. I, 3, I; G. IV, 10, 23 seq.; Kh. IV, 4, 21 seq.; Ap. 13,
2 seq.; 14. 19. 20. b. The cow offered to the guest. S. II, 15, I seq.; 16,
I; A. I, 24, 30 seq.; P. I, 3, 26 seq.; G. IV, 10, 18 seq.; Kh. IV, 17 seq.; H. I, 13, 10 seq.; Âp.
13, 15 seq. c. Miscellaneous rules about the reception of guests. S.
II, 17.
RITES FOR THE OBTAINMENT OF SPECIAL WISHES, FOR AVERTING
MISFORTUNE; DIFFERENT EXPIATIONS.
36. Longer sections are devoted to the description of ceremonies
for the obtainment of special wishes by G. IV, 5-6; 8-9; Kh. IV, I-4, 4. Comp. A. III, 6, I seq.; Âp. 8, 4. a. Rites for procuring success and averting evil in dis
putes and on different other occasions. H. I, 14, 7-15, 8; Âp. 22, 19 seq.; 23, 2 seq. Entering a
court of justice. P. III, 13. b. Mounting a chariot and similar acts. Â. II, 6; P.
III, 14-15, 6; Ấp. 22, I4. c. Rites when going out on business or on dangerous
ways. A. III, 7, 8–10. d. Sacrifice of a person menaced by unknown danger.
À. III, 11. e. Going out and begging. Âp. 32, 13 seq. f. Formulas to be pronounced on receiving gifts. P. III,
15, 22 seq. g. Crossing a river. S. IV, 14. h. Formulas to be pronounced at cross-roads and other
different places. P. III, 15, 7 seq.; H. I, 16,
8 seq. i. Rites referring to battles. Â. III, 12. k. Rites in order that friends may not be estranged and
servants may not run away. P. III, 7; H. I, 13,
19–14, 5; Ap. 23, 6. 7. 1. Rite when first seeing the new moon. H. I, 16, 1. m. Rite for establishing concord between husband and
wife. Âp. 9, 4 seq. n. Rite if one cannot pay a debt. G. IV, 4, 26. o. Oblations for sick persons. A. III, 6, 3 seq.; for a
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sick child. P. I, 16, 24 seq.; for a boy suffering from epilepsy. H. II, 7; Âp. 18, i seq. Cure for
headache. P. III, 6. p. Penance of a student who has broken his vow of
chastity. P. III, 12. q. Different expiations. S. V, 1, 8. 9; 5-6; 8; 10;
11; A. III, 6, 5-7, 2; 7, 7; 10, 9 seq.; G. III, 3, 30 seq.; Kh. II, 5, 35 seq.; H. I, 16, 2 seq. 14 seq.-chap. 17, 6; Ap. 8, 5 seq. ; 9, 2 seq. ; 23, 9 seq.
MISCELLANEOUS MATTER.
37. Qualities of a Brâhmana on whom gifts should be bestowed.
S. I, 2. 38. The choosing of priests for officiating at a sacrifice. Â. I, 23. 39. The Raitya sacrifice. Â. I, 12, 1 seq. (comp. Pår. III, II,
10 seq.). 40. The Dhanvantari sacrifice. A. I, 12, 7. 41. Consecration of ponds. S. V, 2. 42. Consecration of gardens. S. V, 3. 43. Sandhyâ or twilight devotion. S. II, 9; Â. III, 7, 3 seq. 44. The sacrificer setting out on a journey makes the sacred fire
enter him. S. V, 1, I seq.; H. I, 26, 12 seq.
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ÂPASTAMBA'S YAGÑA-PARIBHÂSHÂ-SÛTRAS.
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INTRODUCTION.
As Professor Oldenberg was unable to find any other texts connected with the Grihya-sûtras, I have tried to bring this volume to its proper size by adding a translation of Åpastamba's Yagña-Paribhâshâ-sûtras. These Sûtras give some general information about the performance of sacrifices, and may prove useful to the students both of the Srauta and the Grihya sacrifices. Paribhashâ is defined as a general rule or definition applicable throughout a whole system, and more binding than any particular rule. How well this sense of paribhâshâ was understood in India, we may see from a passage in the Sisupâlavadha XVI, 80: Paritah pramitâksharâpi sarvam vishayam prâptavatî gatâ pratishtham na khalu pratihanyate kutaskit paribhâsheva garîyasî yadâgñâ.
'Whose (the king's) command, though brief, having reached the whole kingdom round about and obtained authority, is never defeated, being of the highest weight, like a Paribhâsha.'
These Paribhashâs are a very characteristic invention of ancient Indian authors, particularly during the Sûtra period. We find them as early as the Anukramanis, and even at that early time they had been elaborated with many purely technical contrivances. Thus we are told in the Index to the Rig-veda that, as a general rule, if no deity is mentioned in the index of the hymns, Indra must be supposed to be the deity addressed; when no metre is mentioned, the metre must be understood to be the Trishtubh; at the beginning of each Mandala the hymns must be taken to be addressed to Agni, till we come to hymns distinctly addressed to Indra. Now it is clear that in this case these Paribhâshâs or general instructions must have been laid down
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before the whole work was carried out. The same applies to other Paribhashâs, such as those of the metrical Sutras, but I feel more doubtful as to the Paribhâshâs in the grammatical Sutras of Pânini. To judge from the Paribhâshendusekhara, it would seem that the Paribhâshâ-sûtras to Pânini's grammar also had been settled before a single Sutra of Pânini was composed, and yet it seems almost incredible that this gigantic web of Sûtras should have been woven on so complicated a warp. This question ought to be settled once for all, as it would throw considerable light on the workmanship of Panini's Sûtras, and there is no one better qualified to settle it for us than the learned editor of the Paribhâshendusekhara. It is different with our Paribhâshâs. There is no necessity to suppose that they were worked out first, before the Sûtras were composed. They look more like useful generalisations than like indispensable preliminary instructions. They give us a general idea of the sacrifice, and inculcate rules that ought to be observed throughout. But I doubt whether they are as essential for enabling the priest to carry out the instructions of the Sûtras in performing a sacrifice as the grammatical paribhâshâs are in carrying out the grammatical rules of Pânini.
The Apastamba-sûtras for which our Paribhâshâs are intended are said to have comprised thirty Prasnas (see Burnell, Catalogue, p. 19, and p. xxix in Professor Oldenberg's Introduction). Burnell mentions that sometimes two Prasnas, treating of the Paitrimedhika rites, were counted as the thirty-first and thirty-second of the whole work. Of these thirty Prasnas fifteen have been edited with Rudradatta's commentary by Professor Garbe in the Bibliotheca Indica, 1882-1885. Rudradatta's commentary does not seem to have extended beyond the fifteenth Prasna; some authorities, however, suppose that Haradatta, to whom commentaries on the later Prasnas are ascribed, was only another name for Rudradatta. According to Kaundappa's Prayogaratnamâlâ (see Burnell, Classified Index, I, p. 17a), the Paribhâshâ-sûtras formed part of the twenty-fourth Prasna (katurvimse tatah prasne nyâyaprâ
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varahautrakam). Here Nyâya in the sense of method, way, plan, seems to stand for Paribhasha. Another name is Samânya-sutra (see Burnell, Classified Index, p. 15 b, where it is mentioned as $ 4 of Prasna XXIV). Kaundappakarya himself, who is said to have been minister of Vîrabhûpati, the son of the famous king Bukka of Vigayanagara, begins his work with a paribhåshå-parikkheda.
I published a German translation of these Satras with notes many years ago, in the Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft, 1855. I here give the same translation, but I have shortened the notes and compared the translation once more with the MSS.
The principal MSS. used are MS. I. O. L. 1676 b, 259, and 1127. MS. 1676 b, now 308, is described in Professor Eggeling's Catalogue of the Sanskrit MSS. in the Library of the India Office, vol. I, p. 58 b. It is written in Devanagari, contains thirty leaves, and is called at the end iti Srikapardina bhâshye uddhritasaram paribhashapatalam. MS. 259, now 309, contains twenty-seven leaves in Devanagarî, and is called at the end iti Kapardisvâmi-bhåshye paribhâshâpatalam. MS. 1127, now 307, in Devanagari, is dated Samvat 1691, Sâka 1556, and contains on 220 leaves portions of Talavrindanivåsin's manual, the Apastambasůtra-prayoga-vritti, and on pp. 75 a-116 a Kapardisvâmin's commentary on Åpastamba's Paribhashapatalam. Burnell mentions another copy of this work in his Classified Index, I, p. 17 b, and he states (Catalogue, p. 24) that, according to tradition, the author was a native of Southern India, called Andappillai, and that tàlavrinda or tålavrinta is a translation of the Tamil panai-kkatu, a very common name for villages among palmyra trees (panai = palmyra, katu = forest).
While preparing my new translation for the Press, I received a printed edition of the text and commentary published by Sri Satyavratasâmasramibhattâ kârya in his valuable Journal, the Usha, beginning in the eighth fasciculus. He gives also a Bengáli translation, and some commentaries in the same language, which have proved useful in certain difficult passages.
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ÂPASTAMBA'S YAGNA-PARIBHASHA-SUTRAS.
GENERAL RULES OF THE SACRIFICE.
SUTRA I.
We shall explain the sacrifice.
Commentary.
Yagña, sacrifice, is an act by which we surrender something for the sake of the gods. Such an act must rest on a sacred authority (âgama), and serve for man's salvation (sreyo-rtha). The nature of the gift is of less importance. It may be purodâsa, cake; karu, pulse; sâmnâyya, mixed milk; pa su, an animal; soma, the juice of the Soma-plant, &c.; nay, the smallest offerings of butter, flour, and milk may serve for the purpose of a sacrifice.
Yagña, yâga, yagana, and ishti are considered as synonymes.
SUTRA II.
The sacrifice is for the three colours or castes (varna), for Brahmanas and Râganyas, also for the Vaisya.
Commentary.
Though the sacrifice is meant for the three castes, here called varna, i. e. colour, the third caste, that of the Vaisya or citizen, is mentioned by itself, while the two castes, the Brahmanas and Râganyas (the Kshatriyas or nobles), are mentioned together. This is done because there are certain sacrifices (bahuyagamâna), performed by Brahmanas and Râganyas together, in which Vaisyas take no part. In the Sânkaây ana-sûtras, I, 1, 3, also
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ÂPASTAMBA'S YAGÑA-PARIBHÂSHA-SOTRAS.
the Vaisya is mentioned by himself. In Kâtyâyana's Sûtras, however, no such distinction is made, and we read, I, 6, Brahmana-râganya-vaisyânâ m sruteh. Women, if properly married, are allowed to participate in sacrifices, but no one is allowed to be accompanied by a Sudra woman, even though she be his wife. Properly a Brâhmana should marry a wife of his own caste only. A Kshatriya may marry a woman of his own or of the Brâh mana caste. A Vaisya's proper wife should be taken from his own caste. See, however, Manu III, 12 seq.
The four castes, with the Sadra as the fourth, are mentioned once in the Rig-veda, X, 90, 12. The opposition between Aryas and Sadras occurs in the Atharva-veda, XIX, 62, &c., and in most of the Bråhmanas. In the Satapatha Brahmana we read of the four castes, Brahmana, Råganya, Vaisya, and Sûdra, and we are told that none of them vomits the Soma. Katyayana excludes from the sacrifice the angahîna, cripple, shanda, eunuch, and all a srotriyas, persons ignorant of the Veda, which would bar, of course, the whole class of the Sadras, but they are also specially excluded. Concessions, however, had to be made at an early time, for instance, in the case of the Rathakara, who is admitted to the Agnyâdhana, &c. This name means chariot-maker, but Åpadeva, in his Mîmâmsa-nyâya-prakåsa, remarks that, though rathakâra means a chariot-maker etymologically, it should be taken here as the name of a clan, namely that of the Saudhanvanas (MS. Mill 46, p. 136). Deva, in his commentary on the Katyayana-sútras, makes the same remark. See also Weber, Ind. Stud. X, 12 seq. These Saudhanvanas, often identified with the Ribhus, are evidently the followers of Bribu, mentioned RV. VI, 45, 31; 33, and wrongly called Bridhu in Manu X, 107; see M. M., Hist. of A. S. L., p. 494. In the SankhåyanaSrauta-sůtras, XVI, 11, 11 (ed. Hillebrandt), he is rightly called Bribu. In later times Rathakåra is the name of a caste, and its members are supposed to be the offspring of a marriage between a Mâhishya and a Karani. A Mahishya is the son of a Kshatriya and a Vaisyå,
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SOTRAS III, IV.
317
a Karanî the daughter of a Vaisya and a Sudra. Sudhanvan also is used in Manu, X, 23, as the name of a caste, namely the offspring of fallen (vrâtya) Vaisyas.
Another exception is made in favour of a Nishadasthapati, a Nishada chieftain. If it meant a chieftain of Nishadas, it might be meant for a Kshatriya who happens to be a chieftain of Nishadas. Here it is meant for a chieftain who is himself a Nishada, a native settler. He is admitted to the Gavedhuka sacrifice.
Again, although, as a rule, the sacrificer must have finished his study of the Veda and be married, a sacrifice is mentioned which a Brahmakarin, a student, may perform. The case thus provided for is, yo brahmakarî striyam upeyåt, sa gardabham pasum alabheta. As these sacrificers are not upanita, and therefore without the sacred fires, their sacrifices have to be performed with ordinary fires, and the sacrificial offerings, the puroda sas, are not cooked in kapalas, jars, but on the earth, while the avadanas (cuttings), heart, tongue, &c., are sacrificed in water, and not in fire. The Nishada chieftain has to learn the necessary Vedic verses by heart, without having passed through a regular course of Vedic study. The same applies to women, who have to recite certain verses during the sacrifice.
That certain women are admitted to the sacrifice, is distinctly stated by Kâtyâyana, I, 1, 7, stri kåviseshåt.
Sotra III. The sacrifice is prescribed by the three Vedas.
Commentary. In order to know the whole of the sacrifice, one Veda is not sufficient, still less one såkha (recension) only. The sacrifice is conceived as a whole, and its members (angas) are described in different parts of the three Vedas.
SOTRA IV. By the Rig-veda, the Yagur-veda, the Samaveda (is the sacrifice prescribed).
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318
ÂPASTAMBA'S YAGÑA-PARIBHÂSHÂ-SÛTRAS.
SOTRA V. The Darsa-purna mâsau, the new and fullmoon sacrifices, are prescribed by the Rig-veda and the Yagur-veda.
SOTRA VI. The Agnihotra is prescribed by the Yagur-veda.
SOTRA VII. The Agnishtoma is prescribed by all.
Commentary. By saying all, the Atharva-veda is supposed to be included, at least according to one commentator.
The Agnish toma requires sixteen priests, the Pasu sacrifices six, the Katurmåsyas five, the Darsa-parnamasas four.
SOTRA VIII. With the Rig-veda and Sama-veda the performance takes place with a loud voice (ukkaih).
Commentary. Even lines of the Yagur-veda, if they are contained in the Rig-veda and Sama-veda, would have to be pronounced with a loud voice. Certain mantras, however, are excepted, viz. the gapa, abhimantrana, and anumantranamantras.
SOTRA IX. With the Yagur-veda the performance takes place by murmuring (upâmsu).
Commentary. This murmuring, upåmsu, is described as a mere opus operatum, the words being repeated without voice and without thought. One may see the movements of the vocal organs in murmuring, but one should not hear them at a distance. If verses from the Rig-veda or Såma-veda
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SOTRAS V-XII.
319
occur in the Yagur-veda, they also have to be murmured. See Katy. I, 3, 10.
SOTRA X. With the exception of addresses, replies, choosing of priests (pravara), dialogues, and commands.
Commentary. As all these are meant to be understood by others, they have therefore to be pronounced in a loud voice. The address (àsruta) is om sråvaya; the reply (pratyasruta) is astu sraushatl; the choosing of priests (pravara) is agnir devo hotà; a dialogue (samvåda) is brahman prokshishya mi, om proksha; a command (sampresha) is prokshanir à sadaya.
SOTRA XI. In the Samidheni hymns the recitation is to be between (the high and the low tone).
Commentary. The Samidhenis are the hymns used for lighting the fire. One commentator explains antara, between, as between high tone (krushta) and the murmuring (upamsu). Another distinguishes three high tones, the krushta (also called tåra or krauñka), the madhyama, and the mandra, and assigns the madhyama to the Samidheni hymns. The mandra notes come from the chest, the madhyama notes from the throat, the uttama notes from the head.
SOTRA XII. Before the Ágyabhagas (such as the Agya-portions at the Darsa-půrnamâsa), and at the morning Savana (oblation of Soma), the recitation is to be with the soft (mandra) voice.
See Hillebrandt, Das Altind. Neu- und Vollmondsopfer, p. 94.
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320
APASTAMBA'S YAGNA-PARIBHASHA-SÛTRAS.
Commentary.
The pronunciation is loud, ukkaih, but soft, mandra. Satyavrata restricts this rule to the passages mentioned in Sûtra X. He also treats the second part of Sûtras XII, XIII, and XIV as separate Sûtras.
SUTRA XIII.
Before the Svishtakrit (at the Darsa-pûrnamâsa) sacrifice, and at the midday Savana, the recitation is to be with the middle voice.
SUTRA XIV.
In the remainder and at the third Savana with the sharp (krushta) voice'.
Commentary.
The remainder refers to the Darsa-purnamasa sacrifice, the three Savanas to the Soma sacrifice. Satyavrata takes all these rules as referring to the cases mentioned in Sutra X.
SUTRA XV.
The movement of the voice is the same.
Commentary.
In the three cases mentioned before, the voice moves quickly, when the words are to be pronounced high; slowly, when low; and measuredly, when neither loud nor low.
SUTRA XVI.
The Hotri-priest performs with the Rig-veda.
SUTRA XVII.
The Udgâtri-priest with the Sâma-veda.
1 See on this, Rig-veda Prâtisâkhya 13, 17; Âsval. I, 5, 27; Sankh. I, 14; Hillebrandt, 1. c. p. 103.
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SUTRAS XIII-XXII.
SOTRA XVIII.
The Adhvaryu-priest with the Yagur-veda.
SUTRA XIX.
The Brahma-priest with all.
Commentary.
'With all' means with the three Vedas, because the Brahma-priest, or superintendent of the whole sacrifice, must be acquainted with the three Vedas. Others would include the Atharva-veda.
SUTRA XX.
When it is expressly said, or when it is rendered impossible, another priest also may act.
asakti.
321
Commentary.
Vipratishedha is explained by asambhava and
SUTRA XXI.
The priestly office (ârtvigya) belongs to the Brahmanas.
Commentary.
Sacrifices may be performed for Kshatriyas, Vaisyas, and, in certain cases, even for others, but never by any but Brahmanas. The reason given for this is curious,because Brahmanas only are able to eat the remains of a sacrifice. See Satap. Br. II, 3, 1, 39; Kâtyâyana IV, 14, II; also I, 2, 8, com.
SUTRA XXII.
For all sacrifices the fires are laid once.
Commentary.
The sacrificial fires have to be arranged for the first time
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322
ÅPASTAMBA's YAGÑA-PARIBHASHA-SOTRAS.
by a peculiar ceremony, called the Agnyâdhana. They are generally three (Treta), the Garhapatya, the father ; the Dakshina, the son; and the Åhavaniya, the grandson. The first laying of the Gârhapatya fire-altar takes place in spring for a Brahmana, in summer for a Râganya, in winter for a Vaisya.
SOTRA XXIII. If it is said, guhoti, 'he sacrifices,' it should be known that sarpir âgya, melted butter, is meant.
Commentary. Sarpis is here taken as an adjective, running; yad asarpat tat sarpir abhavat. Agya is explained as navanîtavikáradravyagâtîyavakanah sabdah, i.e. a word signifying any kind of substance made of fresh butter.
In the Aitareya-Brâhmana I, 3, we read agyam vai devânam surabhi, ghritam manushyanam, ayutam pitrinâm, navanitam garbhânâm, 'Agya is sweet or fragrant to the gods, ghrita to men, ayuta to the manes, navanîta to children. Here the commentator explains that âgya is butter, when melted (vilînam sarpis), ghrita, when hardened. Ayuta, sometimes called astu, is butter, when slightly melted, nishpakva, when thoroughly melted. According to Katyayana I, 8, 37, agya is of different kinds. It may be simple ghrita, which, as a rule, should be made of the milk of cows. But in the absence of agya, the milk of buffaloes (må hisha), or oil (taila), or sesam-oil (gârtila), or linseed oil (atasîsneha), &c., may be taken.
SOTRA XXIV. If it is said, guhoti, it should be known that the Adhvaryu is meant as performer.
Commentary. Though there is a man who offers the sacrifice, yet the actual homa, the throwing of butter &c. into the fire, has to be performed by the Adhvaryu priest.
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SOTRAS XXIII-XXXI.
323
SOTRA XXV. Likewise, the spoon (guha) as the vessel.
Commentary. Guha, the spoon, is so called because it is used for pouring out (guhoti, homa).
SOTRA XXVI. If the guhd has been elsewhere employed, let it be done with a ladle (sruva).
Commentary. The guhd is a sruk, a spoon, the sruva, a ladle.
SOTRA XXVII. The offering is made in the Åhavaniya fire.
SOTRA XXVIII. The sacrificial vessels are kept from the first laying of the fires (adhâna) for the whole life.
Commentary. All sacrificial vessels and instruments are to be kept, and most of them are burnt with the sacrificer at his death.
SOTRA XXIX. At every sacrifice these vessels are to be purified.
SOTRA XXX The rule for the sacrifice are the Mantras and Brâhmanas.
Sotra XXXI. The name Veda belongs both to the Mantras and Brahmanas.
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324
ÂPASTAMBA'S YAGÑA-PARIBHÂSHÂ-SÚTRAS.
SOTRA XXXII. The Brahmanas are the precepts for the sacrifice.
SOTRA XXXIII. The rest of the Brâhmana, that which does not contain precepts, consists of explanations, i.e. reproof, praise, stories, and traditions.
Commentary. It is difficult to find words corresponding to technical terms in Sanskrit. Arthavada, which I have translated by explanation, means not only the telling of the meaning, but likewise the telling of the object; parakriti, story, means literally the action of another; purakalpa, traditions, means the former state. The difference between the two is stated to be that parakriti refers to the act of one person, purakalpa to that of several. This subject is fully treated in the Parva-mimamsa. Satyavrata begins a new Satra with reproof' (ninda).
SOTRA XXXIV. All the rest are Mantras.
SOTRA XXXV. But passages which are not handed down, are not to be classed as Mantras, as, for instance, the pravara, the words used in choosing priests, divine or human; Qha, substitution of one word for another; and nâmadheya-grahana, the mentioning of the names of particular sacrificers.
Commentary. The reason why such passages are not to be treated as Mantras is that they should not be subject to some of the preceding rules, as, for instance, the murmuring, enjoined in Sûtra IX. Those passages naturally vary in each sacrifice. With regard to the names a distinction is made
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SOTRAS XXXII–XXXIX.
325
between the gårhyam nama, the domestic name of a person, such as Yagñasarman, and the astrological name, such as Rauhina, derived from the star Rohini.
SOTRA XXXVI. Likewise the sound of a carriage and the sound of a drum.
Commentary. These sounds, though serving for the sacrifice, are not to be considered as liable to the rules given for the recitation of Mantras.
SÚTRA XXXVII. The prohibition of reciting Mantras in the Svadhyâya does not apply to the sacrifice, because there is then a different object.
Commentary. Svadhyâya, i.e. self-reading, is the name given to the study of the Veda, both in first learning and in afterwards repeating it. This study is under several restrictions, but these restrictions cease when the Veda is used for sacrificial purposes.
SOTRA XXXVIII. Sacrificial acts are accompanied by one Mantra.
Commentary. If it is said that the priest cuts the plants with fourteen verses, that means that there are fourteen plants to be cut and that one verse is used for each plant.
SOTRA XXXIX. This applies also to sacrificial acts which have a number and are to be carried out by separate (repeated) acts.
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326
ÂrastaMBA'S YAGÑA-PARIBHÂSHA-SOTRAS.
Commentary. If a rule is given, such as trih prokshati, he sprinkles thrice, the mantra which accompanies the act, is recited once only. Again in the case of acts that require repetitions, such as rubbing, pounding, &c., the hymns are recited once only.
SOTRA XL The same applies to rubbing, sleeping, crossing a river, down-pours of rain, the conjuring of unlucky omens, unless they happened some time ago.
Commentary. If several members of the body are to be rubbed, the verses required for the purpose are recited once only. A prayer is enjoined if one wakes during the night. If one wakes more than once that prayer is not to be repeated. In crossing a river the necessary verse is not to be repeated at every wave, nor during a down-pour, at every drop of rain. If some unlucky sight has to be conjured, the conjuring verse is spoken once and not repeated, unless some time has elapsed and a new unlucky sight presents itself.
SOTRA XLI. In case of a journey, however, one hymn is used till the object (of the journey) has been accomplished.
Commentary. I read prayane tu-a-arthanirvritteh. Another reading is arthanivrittih.
SOTRA XLII. It is the same also with regard to acts which do not produce an immediate effect.
Commentary. The commentators distinguish between acts which
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SOTRAS XL-XlV.
327
produce a visible effect, such as pounding or sprinkling, and acts which do not, such as addressing, approaching, looking. The latter are called asamnipâtin. Thus when the stones used for the preparation of Soma are addressed, the hymn which is used for addressing them, is not repeated for each single stone, the same as in Sätra XL. Sätras XLI and XLII are sometimes joined.
Sotra XLIII. Repetition takes place in the case of the Havishkrit, Adhrigu, Puronuvâkyâ, and Manotâ hymns, (because they have to be used) at different times.
Commentary. Havishkrit-adhrigu-puronuvákyâ-manotam is to be taken as a Dvandva compound.
The Havishkrit hymn is an invocation when the havis is made. The Adhrigu hymn is 'Daivyah samitårah,' &c. The Puronuvákyà hymn is that which precedes the Yagya, immediately after the Sampraisha. The Manotå hymn is 'Tvam hy agne prathamo manotâ,' &c. These hymns are to be repeated, if the act which they accompany has to be repeated after a certain interval.
SÚTRA XLIV. When it is expressly stated, one sacrificial act may be accompanied by many hymns.
Commentary. Thus we read, 'He takes the Abhri, the hoe, with four Mantras.'
SOTRA XLV. One ought to let the beginnings of a sacrificial act coincide with the end of the Mantras.
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328 APASTAMBA'S YAGNA-PARIBHASHÂ-SÛTRAS.
Commentary.
The mantra which indicates the nature and purpose of a sacrificial act should come first, and as soon as it has been finished the act should follow. See Kâty. I, 3, 5.
SUTRA XLVI.
In the case of the âghâra, sprinkling of clarified butter, and of dhârâ, pouring out of Soma, the beginning of the mantra and the act takes place at the same time.
SUTRA XLVII.
Mantras are indicated by their first words.
Commentary.
These first words are often called Pratîkas, and rules are given in Asvalâyana's Srauta-sûtras I, 1, 17-19, as to the number of words that should form such a pratika, if it is meant for one verse, for three verses, or for a whole hymn. According to Asvalâyana, if one foot is quoted, it is meant for a verse; if an imperfect foot of an initial verse is quoted, it is meant for a whole hymn; if more than a foot is quoted, it is meant for three verses.
SUTRA XLVIII.
One should know that with the beginning of a following mantra, the former mantra is finished.
SUTRA XLIX.
In the case of Hotrâ and Yagamâna-mantras, an aggregation takes place.
Commentary.
Hotras are mantras recited by the Hotri-priest, Yagamânâs are mantras recited by the sacrificer himself. They are hymns which accompany, but do not enjoin any sacrificial act.
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SOTRAS XLVI-LII.
329
SOTRA L. In the case of the Yagyâs and Anuvâk yâs this (the aggregation) is optional.
Commentary. The Yagya is explained by prayakkhati yagyaya, the Anuvakya by ahvayaty anuvákyaya. Sometimes more than one are mentioned, but in that case the priest is free to do as he likes. According to the same principle, when we read that one should sacrifice with rice or with barley, that means that rice should be used after the rice-harvest, barley after the barley-harvest, and not that rice and barley should be used at the same time.
SÚTRA LI. It is the same with numbers.
Commentary If we read that, as in the case of fees to be given to priests, two, seven, eleven, twelve, twenty-one, sixty, or a hundred, this means that either one or the other, not that all should be given at the same time.
SOTRA LII. But accumulation is meant in the buying (of Soma), in the redemption, and in initiation.
Commentary. When it is said that Soma is bought for a goat, gold, &c., that it is re-bought from the priests by means of a fee, or that at the time of the Dikshå, the purification and initiation of a sacrificer, clothes, gold, grain, &c., should be given, these are cases not of aut-aut but of et-et.
The Soma-plant, which is supposed to be bought from northern barbarians, is botanically described in an Ayurvedic extract, quoted in the Dhûrtasvâmi-bhashyatika (MS. E. I. H. 531, p. 3"), as
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330
ÂPASTAMBA's YAGÑA-PARIBHASHA-SOTRAS.
syâmâlâmla ka nishpatra kshîrini tvaki mâmsala, sleshmala vamani vallî somåkhyå khágabhoganam. “The creeper called Soma is dark, sour, without leaves, milky, fleshy on the surface, producing phlegm and vomiting, food for goats.'
This passage, quoted from some Ayur-vedic text, is still the only one which gives an approximative description of the Soma-plant. Dr. Hooker says that the predicates' sour and milky' point to Sarcostemma, but the question is not decided yet. For further information see George Watt, The Soma Plant, an extract from the third volume of the Dictionary of Economic Products of India, and Hillebrandt, Vedische Mythologie, pp. 14 seq.
Sotra LIII. If one has performed an offering to Rudra, to the Râkshasas, to Nirriti, or to the Pitris, if one has cut or broken or thrown away anything, or rubbed oneself, &c., one should touch water.
Commentary. The touching of water is for the sake of purification. Nirasana is left out in some MSS. The ka, inserted after abhimarsanâni, is explained, as usual, as including other acts also, corresponding to our etc.
Sotra LIV. All priestly performances take place on the northern side of the Vihara.
Commentary. Uttarata-upakarah has to be taken as a compound. Vihara is explained as vihriyantesgnayah påtrani ka yasmin dese, i.e. the sacrificial ground. Upakara is explained as adhvaryvadinam samnkarah, and this samkara, according to Katyayana I, 3, 42, is the path between the Katvala and Utkara, the Utkara being on the west, the pranítás on the east of the Vihara. Katyayana I, 8, 26, expresses the same rule by uttarata-upakaro yagñah, the vihara being the place where the yagña takes place.
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SÚTRAS LIII-LX.
331
SOTRA LV. The priest should never turn away from the fire, i. e. should never turn his back on the altar.
SOTRA LVI. Nor from the Vihara.
SOTRA LVII. Sacrificial utensils should be turned inside, the performers being outside.
Commentary. The meaning is that the priest should carry such things as spoons, vessels, &c., holding them towards the altar. The sacrificer and his wife should likewise be on the inside of the priest, and the priests should take precedence sideways according to their rank.
Sotra LVIII. After a sacrificial object has been hallowed by a Mantra, the priest should not toss it about.
SOTRA LIX. . Sacrificial acts intended for the gods, should be performed by the priest towards the east or towards the north, after he has placed the Brahmanic cord over the left and under the right arm (yagñopavitin), and turning towards the right.
SOTRA LX. Sacrificial acts intended for the Fathers should be performed by the priest towards the south, after he has placed the Brahmanic cord over the right and
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332 ÂPASTAMBA'S YAGÑA-PARIBHÂSHÂ-SOTRAS.
under the left arm (pråkinâvitin), and turning towards the left.
SOTRA LXI. Ropes which have to be joined, should be joined by the priest from left to right, after having tied them from right to left.
SOTRA LXII. Ropes which are not joined (single ropes), should be tied by the priest from left to right.
Commentary. The exact process here intended is not quite clear. The ropes seem to have been made of vegetable fibres. See Katy. I, 3, 15–17.
SOTRA LXIII. Let a man sacrifice with the Amâvâsya sacrifice at the time of the Amâvâsya, new moon.
Commentary. Ama-vasya is the dwelling together, i.e. the conjunction, of sun and moon, an astronomical expression which was adopted in the common language of the people at a very early time. It does not occur, however, in the Rig-veda. In our Satra amâvâsyà is used in the sense both of new moon and new-moon sacrifice.
SOTRA LXIV. And let a man sacrifice with the Paurnamåsyà sacrifice at the time of the Paurnamâsi, full moon, thus it is said.
Commentary. Here the full moon is called paurnamâsî, the sacrifice paurnama sya. Satyavrata joins the two Satras in one, and leaves out yageteti, which may have belonged to the commentary.
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SOTRAS LXI-LXV.
333
SOTRA LXV. Let a man observe that full-moon day as a day of abstinence on which the moon comes out full before.
Commentary.
The full moon (paurnamasi) is really the very moment on which the moon is full and therefore begins to decrease. That moment on which sun and moon are, as the Hindus said, at the greatest distance from each other, is called the parva-sandhi, the juncture of the two phases of the moon. Thus the name of paurnamasi belongs to the last day of the one and to the first day (pratipad) of the other phase, and both days might be called paurna måst. If therefore the moon is full on the afternoon, the evening, or the twilight of one day, that day should be observed as a fastday, and the next day should be the day of sacrifice.
The meaning of puraståd, which I have translated by before, is doubtful. One commentator says it has no object, and should be dropped, purastad ity etat pa. dam asmin sutra idanimanvayam na labhate prayoganâbhâvât. Purastad, before, may, however, mean before the second day, on which the real sacrifice takes place, and the commentator mentions puraståt-pa urna måsî as a name of the katurdasi-yukta, i.e. the full moon beginning on the fourteenth day. The same kind of full moon is also called Anumati, Parva-paurnamasi, and Sandhya-paurnamàsî, while that which takes place on the pratipad, the first day of the lunar phase, is called Raka, Uttara-paurnamàsî, Astamitodita, and Syahparita.
Corresponding to these two kinds of Paurnamasî there are also two kinds of Amavasya. That which falls on the fourteenth day is called Parvå-a må väsya, or Sinivali, the &vn kal véa; that which falls on the pratipad, the first day of the new phase, is called Kuha, Uttard-amâväsyä, Svoyukta. See also Ait.-Brâhm. II, 4; Nir. XI, 31-32.
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334
ÅPASTAMBA'S YAGÑA-PARIBHÂSHA-SOTRAS.
SOTRA LXVI. Or the day when one says, To-morrow it will be full.
Commentary. In that case the day before should be observed as a day of abstinence. The real full moon would then take place in the fore-noon, parvâ hne, of the next day. Abstinence, upavåsa, consists in abstaining from meat and from maithuna, in shaving beard and head, cutting the nails, and, what seems a curious provision, in speaking the truth. See Katy.-Srauta-sâtras II, 1, 8–12.
SOTRA LXVII. The Vagasaneyins mention a third, the Kharvika full moon.
Commentary. Kharva means small. If one divides the night into twelve parts, and if in a portion of the twelfth part the greatest distance of sun and moon takes place, then the full moon is called kharvika, also kshîna. Or, if on the sixteenth day, the full moon takes place before noon, that also is called kharvikå paurnamasi. In that case abstinence or fasting takes place on the sixteenth day (tasyâm shodaseshany upavasah). Both paurnamâsîs are also called sadyaskålå.
Sotra LXVIII. Let a man observe that new-moon day (amâ. vâsya) as a day of abstinence, on which the moon is not seen.
Commentary. This Satra has to be connected with Satra LXV. The abstinence takes place on the day, if the actual new moon, the nearest approach of sun and moon, falls on the afternoon, at night, or at twilight. And this new moon, the junction of the fifteenth day and the pratipad, is called Kuha. We should read a mâvâsyam.
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SOTRA LXIX. Or the day when one says, To-morrow they will not see it.
Commentary. In that case, when the real new moon takes place in the fore-noon, abstinence is observed on the day before, and the new moon is called Sinivali. Satyavrata reads svo yukta iti va instead of svo na drash tara iti va. Drashtarah should be explained as ikshitârah, they will not see it. There is much difference of opinion on this subject among different Sakhâs, Satrakaras, and their commentators ; see Taitt. Samh. III, 4, 9; Weber, Ind. Stud., V, p. 228.
SOTRA LXX. The principal acts (pradhâna), prescribed in one (typical) performance, follow the same special rules (vidhana).
Commentary. This Satra is variously explained : Satyávrata's com'mentary, which I have followed in the translation, explains pradhânâni as âgneyâdîni, i.e. the chief parts of such a sacrifice as the Darsa-půrna masa; vidhånâni as angani. Kapardisvâmin's commentary also explains vidhånâni as the angani of a pradhanam; pradhanam as parna måsa, &c. It would therefore mean that such ceremonies as the agneya (ashta-kapala), agni. shomîya (ekådasa-kapala), and upâmsu, which form the pradhanas of the Darsapůrnamâsa, retain throughout the same vidhanas or angas as prescribed in one Prakarana, viz. the Darsaparnamasa. The Angas or members are all the things used for sacrificial purposes, milk, butter, grains, animals, &c.
SOTRA LXXI. The special rules are limited by (the purpose of) the (typical) performance (prakarana).
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Commentary. Here the rules (vidhis) are again the Angas, which belong to a sacrifice, as the members belong to the body.
SOTRA LXXII. If no special instruction is given (in the Sruti), the acts are general.
SOTRA LXXIII. If a special instruction is given, they are restricted.
Commentary. Nirdesa is explained as visesha-sruti, and the meaning is supposed to be that unless such a special rule is given, the Angas of all the Pradhana acts remain the same, as, for instance, the Paryagnikarana, the Prayagas, &c. Special instructions are when it is said : payaså maitravarunam srînati, sruvena puroda sam anakti, he cooks the Maitravaruna with milk, he anoints the Purodâ sa with the spoon, &c.
SOTRA LXXIV. The Ashta-ka påla for Agni, the Ekadasakapala for Agni-Shomau, and the Upamsuyaga (the muttered offering of butter), form the principal acts at the Paurnamå si, the full moon.
Commentary. The Ashta-kapala is the cake baked in eight cups, the Ekadasa-kapala that baked in eleven cups, and respectively destined for Agni and Soma. What is meant are the sacrificial acts for which these cakes are used.
SOTRA LXXV. The other Homas are Anga.
Commentary. The other acts, such as the prayâgas and anuyagas, are auxiliary, and have no promise of reward by themselves.
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SOTRAS LXXII–LXXIX.
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SOTRA LXXVI. The Ashta-kapala for Agni, the Ekadasakapala or Dvâ dasa-kapala for Indra-Agni, form the principal acts at the Amavasyâ, the new moon, in the case of one who does not sacrifice with Soma.
SOTRA LXXVII. In the case of one who sacrifices with Soma, the second principal act is the Samnàyya (both at the full-moon and new-moon sacrifices).
Commentary. The Samnayya is a mixture of dadhi and payas, sour and sweet milk, and is intended for Indra or Mahendral. It takes the place of the second Purodása at the new-moon sacrifice.
Sotra LXXVIII. In the case of a Brahmana, who does not sacrifice with Soma, the Agnishomiya cake is omitted.
Commentary. This rule does not seem to be accepted by all schools. It is not found in Katyâyana, and Hiranyakesin observes : Nasomayagino brâhmanasyâgnishomiyah purodåso vidyata ity ekeshâm. See Hillebrandt, 1. c. p. iii.
SOTRA LXXIX Without distinction of caste, the Aindragna offering is omitted for one who offers the Sâmnayya.
Commentary. Even though he be not a Somayagin, says the commentary.
· Vaidya in his Dictionary explains it, however, as any substance mixed with clarified butter and offered as a burnt offering, which can hardly be right.
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338 APASTAMBA'S YAGNA-PARIBHASHA-SUTRAS.
This whole matter is summed up in Kapardin's commentary: Amâvâsyâyâm asomayagina aindrâgna-sâmnayyayor vikalpah. Paurnamâsyâm tv asomayâgino brâhmanasyâgnîshomîyayâgâbhâvah. Tadrahitâpi paurnamâsî purushårtham sådhayati. Tatra dvayor eva hi yagayoh paurnamâsîsabdavâkyatvam asti, pratyekam nâmayogât. Tasmâd agnishomîyayâgarahitâv evetarau purushârtham sâdhayatah.
SUTRA LXXX.
The Pitri-yagña, the sacrifice to the fathers, is not Anga (auxiliary) because its own time is prescribed.
Commentary.
The text should be pitriyagñah svakâlavidhânâd anangak syât. This sacrifice for the Manes, called also the Pindapitriyagña, falls under the new-moon sacrifice, but is to be considered as a pradhâna, a primary sacrifice, not as an anga, a member of the Darsa.
SUTRA LXXXI.
Also, because it is enumerated like the Darsapurnamasa sacrifice.
Commentary.
This refers to such passages from the Brahmanas as: There are four great sacrifices, the Agnihotram, the Darsapurnamâsau, the Kâturmâsyâni, and the Pindapitriyagñah.
SUTRA LXXXII.
Also, because, when the Amâvâsyâ sacrifice is barred, the Pitriyagña seen to take place.
SUTRA LXXXIII.
A principal act (pradhâna) is accompanied by auxiliary acts (anga).
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Commentary. This Satra forms sometimes part of the preceding Satra, and would then refer to the Pitriyagña only.
SOTRA LXXXIV. A principal act is what has its own name, and is prescribed with special reference to place, time, and
performer.
Commentary.
This Satra is sometimes divided into two; the first, dese kâle kartariti nirdisyate, the second, a sva sabdam yat. The following are given as illustrations. If it is said that 'he should sacrifice with the Vaisvadeva on a slope inclined to the East,' we have the locality. If it is said that he should sacrifice with the Våga peya in autumn,' we have the time. If it is said that the sacrificer himself should offer the Agnihotra on a parvan (change of the moon),' we have the performer. In each of these cases, therefore, the prescribed sacrificial act is a pradhana sångam, a principal act with auxiliary members.
Sotra LXXXV. The Darvi-homa (libation from a ladle) stands by itself.
Commentary. Apūrva is explained by the commentator, not in its usual sense of miraculous, but as not being subject to the former regulations.
Sotra LXXXVI. They are ordered by the word g uhoti, he pours out.
SOTRA LXXXVII. They are offered with the word Svå hå.
Commentary. According to Katyayana 1, 2, 6–7, the guhotis are
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ÂPASTAMBA'S YAGÑA-PARIBHÂSHA-SOTRAS.
offered sitting, the yagatis standing. See Satra XCII. The guhoti acts consist in pouring melted butter into the fire of the Ahavanîya altar, which is so called because 'å hayante-sminn â hutayah kshipyanta iti.'
SOTRA LXXXVIII. Taking (the butter) once.
SOTRA LXXXIX. Or, if there are several Åhutis, taking (the butter) for each Åhuti.
SOTRA XC. Or, doing as he likes in dividing (the butter).
Commentary. These three Satras belong together. They teach that one slice (avada na) of butter should be taken, melted, and poured on the Åhavaniya fire; or, if there are more than one â huti, then one slice should be taken for each. This, however, is made optional again by the last Satra.
SOTRA XCI. There is no fuel (in the Darvi-homa), except at the Agnihotra.
Commentary. In the case of the Agnihotra it is distinctly stated, dve samidhav adadhyât, let him lay down two sticks.
SOTRA XCII. One pours out (guhoti) the Darvi-homas, sitting west of the Åhavaniya fire, and bending the right knee, or not bending it.
Sotra XCIII. If it is distinctly stated, it is done in a different way.
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Commentary. The vidhi, contained in Satra XCII, is therefore called autsargika, general, and liable to exceptions, as when it is said, that he turns to the east.
SOTRA XCIV. One pours out (guhoti) all â hutis, west of the Åhavaniya fire, passing (the altar) southward, and then turning to the north. ·
Sotra XCV. The Å sruta and Pratyâsruta, the Yagya and Anuvâkyâ, the Upastarana and Abhighârana, with the slicings, the Katurgrihita also, and the Vashatkâra constitute the Darvi-homas.
Commentary. The Asruta is a sråvaya; the Pratyåsruta, astu sraushat; Anuvâkyà and Yagyà are verses, the first inviting the deity, the second accompanying the sacrifice. Whenever vegetable, animal, or sâm nàyya offerings have to be sliced, upastarana, spreading, and abhigharana, sprinkling with fat, take place. With agya offerings there is Katurgrihita (taking four times), and the Vashatkâra.
SOTRA XCVI. With a hutis one should let the act (the pouring out) take place after the Vashatkâra has been made, or while it is being made.
Commentary. The Vash atkára consists in the word Vashat, to be uttered by the Hotri-priest. The five sacrificial interjections are, svå hå, sraushat, va ushat, vashat, and svadha.
Sotra XCVII. With the Grahas the act should be made to coincide with the Upayama.
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342
APASTAMBA'S YAGNA-PARIBHASHÂ-SÛTRAS.
Commentary.
Grahas are offerings of Soma, and likewise the vessels (kamasa) in which the Soma is offered. The Soma is offered with the words upayâma-grihîto-si, and while these words are being uttered, the fluid should be poured out (dhârâm srâvayet).
SUTRA XCVIII.
With the Ishtakâs, the act should be made to coincide with the words tayâ deva tena.
Commentary.
When the different ish takâs or bricks are placed together for building an altar, &c., the act itself begins with the first and ends with the last words of the accompanying
verse.
SUTRA XCIX.
When there is a number of Purodâsas, one should slice off one after another, saying for each portion vyâvartadhvam (separate)!
Commentary.
Purodása is a cake made of meal (pakvah pishtapindah), different from karu, which is more of a pulse consisting of grains of rice or barley, and clarified butter (ghritatandulobhayâtmakam). This purodâsa cake has to be divided for presentation to different deities. If there are more than two deities, the plural vyâvartadhvam, separate, has to be used.
SUTRA C.
When the two last are sliced off, he should say for each portion, vyâvartethâm, separate ye two!
Commentary.
Each slice, avadâna, is said to be about a thumb's breadth. In the case of såmnâyya, the mixture of sour and sweet milk, a kind of coagulated sour milk, each portion is to be of the same breadth, but, as it is fluid, it is
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SOTRAS XCVIII-civ.
343
taken out with a ladle (sruva) of a corresponding size; see Kåtyâyana I, 9, 7.
SOTRA CI. For these two last portions he makes the indication of the deity.
Commentary. With the earlier portions, there is a rule which of two gods should have the first or the second portion. With the last couple, however, the priest may himself assign whichever portion he likes to one or the other god. The commentary says, svayam eva idam asyå iti sankalpayet.
SÚTRA CII. When there is a number of Karus and Purodâ sas, one separates what belongs to the Karus and what belongs to the Puro da sas, before the strewing.
Commentary. Prâg adhiva panåt, before the strewing, is explained by präg adhivapanârthakrishnaginâdânât, before one takes the black skin which is used for the strewing.
SOTRA CIII. One then marks the two (the materials for the Karus and the Purodàsas) according to the deities (for whom they are intended).
SOTRA CIV. Let the word idam be the rule.
Commentary. This means that the offering (havis) intended for each deity should be pointed out by the words idam, this, Agneh, is for Agni, &c. Thus we read with regard to the offerings intended for certain gods and goddesses : idam Dhâtur, idam Anumatya, Rakayah Sinivalyah, Kuhvah.
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344
ÅPASTAMBA'S YAGNA-PARIBHÂSHA-SOTRAS.
SOTRA CV. All this applies also to Karus and Purodasas which are separated.
Commentary. The commentary explains vyatishikta by anyonyam vyavahita, though it is difficult to see how it can have that meaning. It is said that in the Vaisvadeva the Karus and Purodåsas are vyatishikta, but that they also have to be divided before the adhivapana, and to be marked for each deity. Thus we read : Idam Agneh, Savituh, Pashno, Marutam, Dyâvâprithivyoh, &c.
SOTRA CVI. At the time when the Kapalas are put on the fire, one puts on the karu with the first kapala verse.
Commentary. Karu is here used for the vessel for boiling the karu, the karusthåll. The first of these verses is dhrishtir asi. Kapalas are the jars in which the rice is cooked.
SÚTRA CVII. The verse is adapted and changed to dhruvo:si.
Commentary. Samnama means the same as û ha, i.e. the modification of a verse so as to adapt it to the object for which it is used. In our case, karu, being a masculine, dhrishti, a feminine, is replaced by dhruva, a masculine.
SOTRA CVIII. At the time when the meal is to be cleansed, one cleanses the grains.
Commentary. This takes place after the karu-pot has been put on. The tandulas are the unhusked grains, pishta is the
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345
ground flour. In Sanskrit a distinction is made between sasya, the corn in the field, dhanya, corn with the husk, tandula, grains without husks, anna, roasted grains.
SOTRA CIX. At the time of cooking (adhisrapana) one throws the grains in with the cooking verse.
Commentary. This verse is gharmossi.
SOTRA CX. Without taking the karu (out of the sthåll) one puts it down.
Sorra CXI. At the Darsa-parnamâsa sacrifices there are fifteen Sâmidhenis.
Commentary. Så midhenis are particular verses recited while the fire is being kindled. The first and last verses are repeated thrice, so as to make fifteen in all.
SOTRA CXII. At the Ishti and Pasubandha sacrifices there are seventeen Samidhenis, when they are so handed down.
SOTRA CXIII. When it is said that wishful ishtis are performed in a murmur, this means that the names of the chief deities are pronounced in a murmur (likewise the yâgyâ and anuvâkyâ).
SOTRA CXIV. The Darsa-parnamå sa sacrifice is the Prakriti or norm for all ishtis.
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346
ÂPASTAMBA'S YAGÑA-PARIBHÂSHA-SOTRAS.
Commentary. The Satras, in describing the performance of certain sacrifices, treat some of them in full detail. These are called prakriti. Prakriyante-smin dharma iti prakaranam prakritih. They form the type of other sacrifices, which are therefore looked upon as mere modifications, vikriti, and in describing them those points only are fully described in which they differ from their prakriti. A sacrifice which is a vikriti, may again become the prakriti of another sacrifice. This system is no doubt compendious, but it is not free from difficulty, and, in some cases, from uncertainty. It shows how much system there is in the Indian sacrifices, and how fully and minutely that system must have been elaborated, before it assumed that form in which we find it in the Brahmanas and Satras. It must not be supposed that the sacrifices which serve as prakriti, are therefore historically the most ancient.
SOTRA CXV. It is also the norm for the Agnishomiya Pasu, the animal sacrifice for Agni-Shomau.
SOTRA CXVI. And this is the norm for the Savaniya.
SOTRA CXVII. And the Savaniya is the norm for the Aikadasinas.
SOTRA CXVIII. And the Aikâda sinas are the norm for the Pasuganas.
Commentary. The rules for the Pasuganas are therefore to be taken over from the Aikâdasinas, the Savaniya, the Agnishomîya-pasu, and the Darsa-parna masa, so far as they have been modified in each particular case, and are
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SOTRAS CXV-cxxII.
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347
finally determined by the rules of each Pasugana, as, for instance, the Aditya-pasu.
SOTRA CXIX. The Vaisvadeva is the norm for the Varunapraghasa, Sakamedha, and Sira.
Commentary. The Vaisvadeva, beginning, like the Darsa -půrnamasa, with an Ågneya ashtaka påla, takes certain rules from the Darsa-parnamasa, and transfers these, together with its own, as, for instance, the nine prayagas, to the Varuna-prag hàsa, &c.
Sotra cxx. The Vaisvadevika Ekaka pâla is the norm for all Ekakapalas.
Commentary. The Ekakapala is a purodâ sa cake, baked in one kapala. It is fully described in the Vaisvadeva, and then becomes the norm of all Ekaka palas. An ekakapåla cake is not divided.
Sotra CXXI. The Vaisvadevi Âmiksha is the norm for the Åmikshâs (a preparation of milk).
Sotra CXXII. Here the Vikära, the modification, is perceived from similarity.
Commentary. If it has once been laid down that the Darsa-půrna. måsa is the prakriti or norm for all ishtis, then similarity determines the modification in all details, such as the offerings and the gods to whom offerings are made. Thus Karu, being a vegetable offering, would rank as a vikara of puroda sa, which occurs in the Darsa-purna masa sacrifice, and is likewise vegetable. Honey and water
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348
APASTAMBA'S YAGNA-PARIBHASHA-SUTRAS.
would be looked upon as most like the Agya in the Darsa-purnamasa. Âmikshâ, a preparation of milk, would come nearest to the Sâmnâyya, which is a mixture of sour and sweet milk.
Offerings Ågneya.
SUTRA CXXIII.
for one deity are vikâras of the
Commentary.
In the Darsa-pûrnamâsa, which is the prakriti of the ishtis, the purodâsa for Agni is meant for one deity. Hence all offerings to one deity in the vikritis follow the general rules of the Agneya puro dâsa, as described in the Darsa-purnamasa, for instance, the karu for Surya, the Dvâdasa-kapala for Savitri.
SUTRA CXXIV.
Offerings for two deities are vikâras of the Agnishomiya.
Commentary.
They must, however, be vegetable offerings, because the purodâsa for Agni-Shomau is a vegetable offering. As an instance, the Âgnâvaishnava Ekâdasakapâla is quoted. Agnishomiya has a short a, but the first a in âgnavaishnava is long.
SUTRA CXXV.
Offerings for many deities are vikâras also of the Aindrâgna.
Commentary.
The ka in bahudevatâs ka is explained by the commentary as intended to include the Âgnâvaishnava also. Any offering intended for more than one deity may be considered as intended for many deities.
SUTRA CXXVI.
They are optionally vikåras of the Aindrâgna.
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Commentary Sometimes these two Sätras are combined into one. The commentator, however, sees in the va of aindragnavikara va a deeper meaning. Agni-Shomau, he says, consists of four, Indragni of three syllables. Therefore if the name of more than one deity consists of four syllables, it should be treated as a vikåra of the Agnishomiya, if of less than four syllables, as a vikara of the Aindragna.
SOTRA CXXVII. An exception must be made in the case of the gods of the prakriti, as, for instance, the Aindra purodâ sa, the Saumya karu.
Commentary. The exception applies to cases where the offering in a vikriti sacrifice is meant for the same principal deities as those of the prakriti offering. For instance, in the Darsa-purnamå sa Agni and Soma are the deities of the Agnîshomiya, Indra and Agni of the Aindragna. If then in one of the secondary or vikriti sacrifices there occurs an Aindra purodása, or a Saumya karu, then the Aindra puroda sa is treated as a vikára of the Aindrågna, the Saumya karu as a vikara of the Agni. shomiya. The Somendra karu also, as its principal deity is Soma, would follow the Agnishomiya, the Indrasomîya purodása, as its principal deity is Indra, would follow the Aindragna.
SOTRA CXXVIII. If there is sameness both in the offering and in the deity, then the offering prevails.
Commentary. If a karu for Pragàpati occurs in a vikriti sacrifice, it would follow that, being offered to Praga pati, it should be offered with murmuring, but, as it is a vegetable offering, it follows the norm of the purodása, though the puroda sa is intended for Agni.
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ÂPASTAMBA'S YAGÑA-PARIBHÂSHÂ-SŪTRAS.
SOTRA CXXIX. If there is contradiction with regard to the substance and the preparation of an offering, the substance prevails.
Commentary. A puroda sa may be made of vrihi, rice, or of nîvåra, wild growing rice. The wild rice has to be pounded, but not the good rice. The preparation, however, has to yield in a vikriti, the important point being the substance.
SOTRA CXXX. If there is contradiction with regard to the substance, the object prevails.
Commentary. An example makes the meaning of this Satra quite clear. Generally the yûpa or sacrificial post for fastening sacrificial animals is made of Khadira wood. But if a post made of wood is not strong enough to hold the animal, then an iron post is to be used, the object being the fastening of the animal, while the material is of less consequence.
SOTRA CXXXI. In a Prakriti sacrifice there is no Uha, modification of the mantras.
Commentary. Certain mantras of the Veda have to be slightly altered, when their application varies. In the normal sacrifices, however, no such alteration takes place.
SOTRA CXXXII. In a Vikriti sacrifice modification takes place, according to the sense, but not in an arthavada.
Commentary. Some mantras remain the same in the Vikriti as in the Prakriti. Others have to be modified so as to be
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SOTRAS cxxix-cxxxiv.
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adapted to anything new that has to be. If, for instance, there is a Puroda sa for Agni in the Prakriti, and in its place a Purodà sa for Surya in the Vikriti, then we must place Sarya instead of Agni in the dedicatory mantra.
SOTRA CXXXIII. When we hear words referring to something else, that is arthayâda.
Commentary. Arthavada is generally explained as anything occurring in the Brahmanas which is not vidhi or command. Here, however, it refers to Mantras or passages recited at the sacrifice. We saw how such passages, if they referred to some part of the sacrifice, had to be modified under certain circumstances according to the sense. Here we are told that passages which do not refer to anything special in the sacrifice, are arthavada and remain unmodified. All this is expressed by the words paravákyasravanåt. Vakya stands for padâni, words, such as are used in the nivåpamantra, &c. Some of these words are called samavetarthâni, because they tell of something connected with the performance of the sacrifice, as, for instance, Agnaye gushtam nirvapami, I offer what is acceptable to Agni; others are asamavetarthani, as, for instance, Devasya två Savituh prasave. When such passages which are not connected with some sacrificial act occur (sravanat), they naturally remain unaltered
SOTRA CXXXIV. If what is prescribed is absent, a substitute is to be taken according to similarity.
Commentary. Here we have no longer modification, but substitution (pratinidhi). In cases where anything special that has been prescribed is wanting, a substitute must be chosen, as similar as possible, and producing a similar effect.
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ÂPASTAMBA'S YAGÑA-PARIBHÂSHÂ-SOTRAS.
According to Mandana's Trikânda, the degrees of similarity are to be determined in the following order: Karyai rapais tatha parnaih kshiraih pushpaih phalair
арі, Gandhai rasaih sadrig gråhyam purvalabhe param param.
What is similar by effect, by shape, by leaves, by milk, by flowers, and by fruit, By smell, or by taste is to be taken one after the other, if the former cannot be found.'
SOTRA CXXXV. If there is nothing very like, something a little like may be substituted, only it must not be prohibited.
Commentary. If in a karu of mudgas, kidney-beans, phaseolus mungo, these kidney-beans should fail, a substitute may be taken, but that substitute must not be måshas, phaseolus radiatus, because these mashas are expressly forbidden; for it is said, Ayagñiya vai mashah, Mashas are not fit for sacrifice.'
SOTRA CXXXVI. The substitute should take the nature of that for which it is substituted.
Commentary. Taddharma, having the same qualities. If, for instance, nivåra has been substituted for vrihi, it should be treated as if it were vrihi. The name vrihi should remain, and should not be replaced by nîvâra, just as Soma, if replaced by patika, is still called Soma. Thus, when in the course of a sacrifice vrihi has once been replaced by nivara, and vrîhi can be procured afterwards, yet nivåra is then to be retained to the end. If, however, the substituted nîvåra also come to an end, and afterwards both nivåra and vrihi are forthcoming, then vrîhi has the preference. If neither be forthcoming, then some substitute is to be taken that approaches nearest to the substitute, the nivåra, not to the
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SUTRAS CXXXV-CXXXIX.
353
original vrîhi. Further, if a choice has been allowed between vrîhi, rice, and yava, barley, and vrîhi has been chosen, and afterwards, as substitute for vrîhi, nîvåra, then, if nîvåra come to an end, and in the absence of vrîhi, when a new supply of both nîvâra and yava has been obtained, the yava is to be avoided, and the original substitute for vrihi, the nîvåra, must be retained. In most of these cases, however, a certain penance also (prâyaskitta) is required.
SUTRA CXXXVII.
If something is wanting in the measure, let him finish with the rest.
Commentary.
If it is said that a purodâsa should be as large as a horse's hoof, and there is not quite so much left, yet whatever is left should be used to finish the offering,
SUTRA CXXXVIII.
Substitution does not apply to the master, the altar-fire, the deity, the word, the act, and a prohibition.
Commentary.
The master is meant for the sacrificer himself and his wife. Their place cannot, of course, be taken by anybody else. The altar-fire is supposed to have a supernatural power, and cannot be replaced by any other fire. Nothing can take the place of the invoked deities, nor of the words used in the mantras addressed to them, nor can the sacrifice itself be replaced by any other act. Lastly, when it is said that måshas, varakas, kodravas are not fit for sacrifice, or that a man ought not to sacrifice with what should not be eaten by Aryas, nothing else can be substituted for what is thus prohibited.
SUTRA CXXXIX.
The Prakriti stops from three causes, from a corollary, from a prohibition, and from loss of purpose.
[30]
A a
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ÅPASTAMBA'S YAGÑA-PARIBHÂSHÂ-SOTRAS.
Commentary. A corollary (pratyâmnana) occurs, when it is said, instead of Kusa grass, let him make a barhis of reeds.' A prohibition (pratishedha) occurs, when it is said, 'he does not choose an Årsheya.' Loss of purpose (arthalopa) occurs, when peshana, pounding, would refer to karu, a pulse, that cannot be pounded, while grains can be.
SOTRA CXL. The Agnishtoma is the Prakriti of the Ekâha sacrifices.
Commentary. The Ekaha are sacrifices accomplished in one day.
SOTRA CXLI. The Dvåda så ha is the Prakriti of the Aharganas,
Commentary. The Dvåda så ha lasts twelve days and is a Soma sacrifice. It is either an Ahîna or a Sattra. An Ahargana is a series of daily and nightly sacrifices. Those which last from two nights to eleven nights are called A hina. Those which last from thirteen to one hundred nights or more are called Sattras.
SOTRA CXLII. The Gayama yana is the Prakriti of the Samvatsarikas.
Commentary. The Gavà maya na lasts three years, and it is the type of all Samvatsarika sacrifices, whether they last one, two, three or more years. They all belong to the class of Sattras.
SOTRA CXLIII. Of the Nikâyi sacrifices the first serves as Prakriti.
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SÛTRAS CXL-CXLVI.
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Commentary. Among the Nikâyi sacrifices, lit. those which consist of a number, all having the same name, but different rewards, the first is the prakriti of the subsequent ones. The commentator calls them så dyaskra &c., and mentions as the first the Agnish toma. See Sätra CXLVI, and Weber, Ind. Stud. XIII, p. 218.
SOTRA CXLIV. At the Agnish toma there is the Uttara-vedi.
Commentary. The commentator explains this by saying that at the Soma sacrifices, i.e. at the Agnishtoma, Ukthya, Shodasin, and Atirâtra, the fire is carried from the Åhavaniya to the Uttara-vedi, which is also called the Soma altar.
SOTRA CXLV. The fire is valid for the successive sacrifices.
Commentary. This fire refers to the fire on the Uttara-vedi, mentioned in the preceding Sútra, and the object of the Satra seems to be to include the act of lighting the fire on the Uttara-vedi in the Prakriti, though properly speaking it does not form part of the Agnishtoma. But I cannot quite understand the argument of the commentator.
SOTRA CXLVI. This does not apply to the Sadyaskras, the Vagapeya, the Shodasin, and the Sarasvata Sattra.
Commentary. With regard to the Shodasin and its vikâra, the Vågapeya, the laying of the fire is not mentioned. In the case of the Sadya skras, it becomes impossible, because they have to be quickly finished. In the case of the Sarasvata Sattra, there is the same difficulty on account of not remaining in the same place (anavasthåpån någnis kiyate).
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ÂPASTAMBA'S YAGÑA-PARIBHÂSHA-SOTRAS.
SOTRA CXLVII. A sacrificer wishes the object of his sacrifice at the beginning of the sacrifice.
Commentary. Some MSS. read kama yeta, he should wish,' but the commentator explains that such a command (vidhi) is unnecessary, because it is natural to form a wish (svatah siddhatvat).
SOTRA CXLVIII. At the beginning of a special part of the sacrifice, one should wish the object of that part of the sacrifice,
Commentary. The commentary, though objecting, and objecting rightly, to kamayeta, 'he should wish,' in the preceding Satra, accepts kama yeta as determining the present Sûtra, saying kamayetety anuvartate. One should read yag ñângakamam, not yag ñakamam, for the commentary explains it by yagña ngaphalasankalpah. Whether it was really intended that there should be a special wish for each part or subsidiary act of a sacrifice (yągñanga), is another question, but the commentator evidently thought so.
Katyayana, who treats the same subject (1, 2, 10 seq.), states that there should be this desire for a reward for certain sacrifices which are offered for a certain purpose, as, for instance, the Dvåda så ha, but that there are no such motives for other sacrifices, and parts of sacrifices. He mentions, first of all, a niya ma, a precept for the sacrifice, such as 'Speak the truth.' Then a nimitta, a special cause, as when some accident has taken place that must be remedied, for instance, when the house has been burnt down, &c. Thirdly, the Agnihotra, the morning and evening Homa; fourthly, the Darsa-půrnamâsau; fifthly, the Dakshầyana, a vikriti of the Darsa-půrnamâsau, the Ågrayana; sixthly, the Nirudha-pasu, the animal sacrifice. All these have to be performed as a sacred
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SÚTRAS CXLVII, CXLVIII.
357
duty, and without any view to special rewards. Thus we read in Vasishtha :
Avasyam brâhmanosgnîn adadhîta, darsapůrnamâsågrayaneshtikâturmasyapasusomais ka yageta, ‘A Brahmana should without fail place his fires, and offer the Darsa. půrnamåsa, the Ågrayaneshti, the Katurmâsyas, the Pasu, and the Soma sacrifices.'
Hârîta says: Pakayagñan yagen nityam haviryagñams ka nityasah, Somams ka vidhiparvena ya ikkhed dharmam avyayam, 'Let a man offer the Pakayagñas always, always also the Haviryagñas, and the Soma sacrifices, according to rule, if he wishes for eternal merit.' The object of these sacrifices is aparimitanihsreyasarapamoksha, eternal happiness, and hence they have to be performed during life at certain seasons, without any special occasion (nimitta), and without any special object (kama). According to most authorities, however, they have to be performed during thirty years only. After that the Agnihotra only has to be kept up. The proper seasons for these sacrifices are given by Manu, IV, 25-27:
A Brahmana shall always offer the Agnihotra at the beginning or at the end of the day and of the night, and the Darsa and Paurnamâsa ishtis) at the end of each halfmonth;
When the old grain has been consumed the (Ågrayana) Ishti with new grain ; at the end of the (three) seasons the (Katurmåsya) sacrifices; at the solstices an animal (sacrifice); at the end of the year Soma offerings;
A Brahmana, who keeps sacred fires, shall, if he desires to live long, not eat new grain or meat, without having offered the (Agrayana) Ishti with new grain and an animal (sacrifice)?!
These Påkayagñas, Haviryagñas or ishtis, and Soma sacrifices are enumerated by Gautama”, as follows:
See Manu, transl. by Bühler, S. B. E., XXV, who quotes to the same purpose Gaut. VIII, 19-20; Vâs. XI, 46; Vi. LIX, 2-9; Baudh. II, 4, 23; Yagn. I, 97, 124-125.
2 Kâtyâyana, p. 34.
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358
ÂPASTAMBA'S YAGÑA-PARIBHÂSHÂ-SOTRAS.
Seven Seven
Seven Pakasamsthâs : Havirya għasamsthâs : Somasamsthås : (1) Ashtaka, (1) Agnyâdheyam, (1) Agnishtomah, (3) Parvanam, (3) Agnihotram, (2) Atyagnishtomah, (3) Sraddham, (3) Darsapurnamâsau, (3) Ukthyah, (4) Srávani, (4) Kâturmâsyâni', (4) Shodasi”, (5) Âgrahầyant, (5) Âgrayaneshfih, (5) Vågapeyah, (6) Kaitri, (6) Nirûdhapasubandhah, (6) Atirâtrah, (7) Âsvayugt. (7) Sautrâmanî. (7) Aptoryâmah.
In a commentary on Dhurtasvåmin's Åpastambasútrabhashya (MS. E. I. H. 137) another list is given :
Påkayagñas: Haviryagñas : Somayagñas : (1) Aupasanahomah, Agnihotram, Agnishtomah, (3) Vaisvadevam, Darsapürnamâsau, Atyagnishtomah, (3) Pârvanam, Âgrayanam, Ukthyah, (4) Ashtaka,
Kâturmâsyâni, Shodasi, (5) Mâsiståddham, Nirudhapasubandhah, Vågapeyah, (6) Sarpabalih, Sautrâmani, Atirâtrah, (7) Isânabalih. Pindapitriyagñah. Aptoryâmah.
This list is nearly the same as one given by Satyavrata Samasrami in the Usha. He gives, however, another list, which is : Seven Seven
Seven Pakasamsthås : Havihsamsthâs : Somasamsthâs : (1) Sâyamhomah, Agnyâdheyam, Agnishtomah, (2) Prâtarhomah, Agnihotram, Atyagnishtomah, (3) Schâlîpâka, Darsa-,
Ukthyah, (4) Navayagña, Paurnamåsau, Shodasi, (5) Vaisvadevam, Agrayana,
Vågapeyah, (6) Pitriyagñah, Kâturmâsyâni, Atirâtrah, (7) Ashtaka.
Pasubandhah. Aptoryâmah.
ds:
According to the substances offered, sacrifices are some
1 Vaisvadevam parva, Varunapraghâsâh, sâkamedhåh.
* Agnishtoma, Ukthya, Atirâtra, sometimes Shodasin, are the original Soma sacrifices; Atyagnishłoma, Vagapeya, and Aptoryâma are later. See Weber, Ind. Stud. X, pp. 352, 391.
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SUTRAS CXLIX, CL.
359
times divided into vegetable and animal sacrifices. The vegetable substances are, tandulah, pishtani, phalîkaranah, purodåsah, odanah, yavågah, prithukah, lagåh, dhânâh, and aktavah. The animal substances are, payah, dadhi, ágyam, amikshâ, vaginam, vapa, tvakah, mâmsam, lohitam, and pasurasah.
SOTRA CXLIX. If there are fewer Mantras and more (sacrificial) acts, then after dividing them into equal parts, let him perform the former with the former, the latter with the latter.
Commentary. It happens, for instance, in certain ishtis that a pair of Yagya and Anuvákyà mantras is given, but six acts. In that case one half of the mantras is used for one half of the acts, and the other half of the mantras for the other half of the acts.
SOTRA CL. If there are fewer acts and more Mantras, let him perform and act with one mantra, those which remain are optional, as the materials for the sacrificial post.
Commentary. Kapardisvåmin seems to have divided this Satra into three, the second being avasishtà vikalparthah, the third yatha yQpadravyânîti. But it is better to take it as one, as it is in MS. 1676.
If there are, for instance, fourteen vapanas, while there are many more mantras, let him select fourteen mantras and use them for each vapana, while the rest will be useful for another performance. A similar case occurs when different kinds of wood are recommended for making the sacrificial post, or when rice or barley are recommended for an offering. Here a choice has to be made. The iti at the end is explained as showing that there are other instances of the game kind.
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ÂPASTAMBA'S VAGÑA-PARIBHÂSHÂ-SÛTRAS.
SOTRA CLI. From the end there takes place omission or addition.
Commentary. This refers again to the same subject, namely what has to be done if there are either more or less mantras than there are acts which they are to accompany. In that case it is here allowed to use as many mantras as there are acts, and to drop the rest of the mantras. Or, if there are less mantras than there are acts, then, after the mantras have been equally divided, the last verse is to be multiplied. For instance, in the Dvikapala sacrifice for the two Asvins, the placing of the two kapålas is accompanied by two mantras. The rest of the mantras enjoined in the prakriti is left out. But if there are, for instance, twelve or more ish takås, bricks, to be placed, while there are only ten mantras, then the mantras are equally divided, and the fifth and tenth to be repeated, as many times as is necessary to equal the number of the ishtakas.
SOTRA CLII. As the Prakriti has been told before, anything that has not been told before, should be at the end.
Commentary. This seems to mean that anything new, peculiar to a Vikriti, and not mentioned in the Prakriti, should come in at the end, that is, after those portions of the sacrifice which are enjoined in the Prakriti.
SOTRA CLIII. The rule should stand on account of the fitness of the Kumbhi, a large pot, the Sala, the spit for boiling the heart, and the two Vapásrapanis, the spits for roasting the vapa.
Commentary. Kumbhi is explained by sronyadipa kasamartha
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SÚTRAS CLI-CLV.
361
brihatî sthali; Sala by hridayapa kártha yashtih, and Vapásrapani by vapásrapanårthe yashti dve. The exact object of the Satra is not quite clear. Prabhutva is explained by samarthatva, that is, fitness.
This would mean, that on account of their fitness, or because they can be used for the object for which they are intended, or, so long as they can be used, the rule applying to them should remain. The commentary explains tantram by tantratà or ekata. It may mean that the same pots and spits should be used, so long as they fulfil their purpose. The next Satra would then form a natural limitation.
SOTRA CLIV. But if there is a different kind of animal, there is difference (in pots and spits), owing to the diversity of cooking.
Commentary. If different animals are to be cooked, then there must be different pots for each (pratipasum), because each requires a different kind of cooking. The commentary adds that, as the reason for using different pots is given, that reason applies also to young and old animals of the same kind (gåti), i. e. the young and small animal would require a different pot and a different kind of cooking.
SOTRA CLV. At the Vanaspati sacrifice, which is a modification (vikâra) of the Svishtakrit, the addresses (nigama) of the deities should take place in the Yagya, because they are included in the Prakriti.
Commentary. These nigamas of the deities are not mentioned in the rules of the Vanaspati sacrifice, but they are mentioned in the rules for the Svish takrit sacrifice of the Darsa. purna måsa, which is the Prakriti, and should therefore be taken over. Here again, because a reason is given, it is
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ÅPASTAMBA'S YAGNA-PARIBHÂSHÂ-SÛTRAS.
understood that the same reason would apply to other portions of Svish ta krit also, such as the Dvir a bhi. gharana, which is to be retained in the Vanaspati sacrifice
SÔTRA CLVI. The Anvârambhaniyå or initiatory ceremony does not take place in a Vikriti, because the Vikritis would fall within the time of the Prakriti, and the Anvârambhaniya has but one object, namely (the initiation of) the Darsa-parnamasa sacrifice.
Commentary. The Anvârambhaniya ceremony has to be performed by those who begin the Darsa-purnamasa sacrifice. It has thus one object only, and is never enjoined for any other cause. It is not therefore transferred to any Vikriti, such as the Saurya ceremony, &c. The Darsa-purnamås a sacrifice having to be performed during the whole of life, or during thirty years, the Vikritis would necessarily fall within the same space of time. The initiatory ceremony has reference to the Darsa-purna masa sacrifice only, and thus serves as an introduction to all the Vikritis, without having to be repeated for each.
SOTRA CLVII. Or (according to others) the Anvârambhaniya should take place in the Vikritis also), because the time (of the Darsa-parnamâsa) does not form an essential part.
Commentary. This Satra is not quite clear. It shows clearly enough that, according to some authorities, the Anvârambhaniya or initiatory ceremony of the Darsa-purna masa sacrifice should take place in the Vikritis also; but why? Because the time has not the character of a sesha, which is said to be a synonym of anga, an essential part of a sacrifice.
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SOTRAS CLVI-CLIX.
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When it is said that the Darsa-parnamasa should be performed during life, this is not meant as determining the time of the sacrifice. It only means that so long as there is life a man should perform these sacrifices, and that their non-performance would constitute a sin. The former argument, therefore, that the time of the Vikriti sacrifices would fall within the time of the Prakriti sacrifice is not tenable.
SOTRA CLVIII. And again, because there is difference in the undertaking.
Commentary. Arambha, the beginning, is explained as the determination to perform a certain sacrifice (darsapůrnamasabhyam yakshya iti niskayapurahsarah sankalpah). The object of the undertaking in the case of the Darsa-purnamasa sacrifice, as the Prakriti, is simply svarga, in the Vikritis it may be any kind of desire. Therefore the Anvårambhaniya ceremony of the Darsa-parnamasas should be transferred to its Vikritis. This seems to have been the opinion of the same authorities who are referred to in Sätra CLVII. The final outcome of the whole controversy, however, is clearly that our Åkarya is in favour of omitting the Anvårambhaniya in the Vikritis. Anayoh pakshayor anvårambhaniyabhavapakshas yaiva balavattvam akaryabhilashitam iti manyámahe. The Anvårambhaniya is not to be considered as an ordinary Anga, but as a special act to fit the sacrificer to perform the Darsa-purnamasa and to perform it through the whole of his life.
SOTRA CLIX. For every object (new sacrifice) let him bring forward the fire (let him perform the Agnipranayana, the fetching of the Åhavaniya from the Garhapatya fire). When the sacrifice is finished
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ÂPASTAMBA'S YAGÑA-PARIBHÂSHÂ-SOTRAS.
the fire becomes again ordinary fire, as when the (divine) fire has returned (to the firesticks).
Commentary. The fire for a sacrifice is supposed to be set apart or consecrated (sastriya), but it is so for a special sacrifice only, and when that sacrifice is ended, it is supposed to become like ordinary fire again. Artha is prayogana, the sacrifice for which the fire is intended (agnisadhyavihitakarmânushthanam; tasya tasya vihitasya karmanos nushthânârtham gårhapatyadibhya dhavaniyadyagnim pranayet). The commentator remarks that there are two Agnis, the one who is visible, the other who is the god. Now while the divine Agni leaves the coals and ascends or is absorbed again in the two firesticks (aranî), the other remains like ordinary kitchen fire. See on Samarohana, Weber, Ind. Stud. IX, P. 311; Åsvalayana-Srauta-sátra III, 10, 4-5.
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INDEX
agni, the (sacrificial) fire, Satra 55,92
(Ahavanîya fire), 138, 145, 159;
the (three) fires, 22. agnipranayana, the fetching of the
Åhavaniya from the Gârbapatya
fire, 159 agnishtoma, the Agnishtoma, a Soma
sacrifice, 7, 140, 143°, 144; P.
344. agnihotra, the Agnihotra, the morn.
ing and evening Homa, 6, 91,
148°; P. 344. agnishomîya, intended for Agni and
Soma, 74, 78, 115, 124, 1260,
1270 agnyâdhana, the (first) laying of the
fires, 22° agnyâdheya, p. 344. anga, member (of the sacrifice),
auxiliary act. 20 700 710 730 75, 80 (ananga), 83 (sânga), 157°,
1589 angahîna, cripple, 29. atikram, to pass (the altar), 94. atirâtra, a Soma sacrifice, 144o; p.
344: atyagnishtoma, p. 344. atharvaveda, the Atharva-veda, 7
19. adhivapana, the strewing, 103, 105. adhisrapana, cooking, 109. adhisrapanamantra, the cooking verse
(gharmossi), 109. adhrigu, the Adhrigu hymn (daivyab
samitârab, &c.), 43. adhvaryu, the Adhvaryu priest, 18,
anuyaga,a certain auxiliary Homa, 75°. anuvâkyâ, Mantra used for invoca
tion, 50, 95, (113), 149o. antarâ, turned inside, 57. antara, between the high and the
low tone), 11. anna, roasted grains, 1089. anvârambhanîyâ,initiatory ceremony, anv
156, 157°, 1589. apakkbid, to slice off (the cake), 99. apaparyâvrit, to turn away from, 55. aparena, west, 92, 94. apûrva, standing by itself, 85; what
has not been told before, 152. aptoryâma, p. 344. apratishiddha, not prohibited, 135. abhighàrana, sprinkling with fat, 95. abbimantrana, the Abhimantrana
mantras, 8C. amantra, not to be classed as Mantras,
35. amâvâsyâ, new moon, new-moon
day, 63, 65°, 68; new-moon
sacrifice, 63, 76. amedhyapratimantrana, conjuring of
unlucky omens, 40. ayagfiya, not fit for sacrifice, 1359 ayuta, butter when slightly melted,
230 artha, object, 130, 159. arthanirvritti, accomplishment of the
object, 41. arthalopa, loss of purpose, 139. arthavâda, explanation, 33; that part
of the Mantra which does not refer to anything special in the
sacrifice, 132, 133. avadâna, the slice or slicing of butter,
90°, 95, 100 avavarshana, down-pour of rain, 40. asrotriya, person ignorant of the
Veda, 2o. ashtaka, p. 344. ashrakapala, the cake baked in eight
cups (at the full-moon and newmoon sacrifices), 74, 76.
é, 63anerar morifice, meited.
24.
ananga, not an Anga, 8o. anadhyâya, prohibition of reciting,
37.
anâmnâta, not handed down, 35. anirdesa, without special instruction,
72. anumati, a kind of full moon, 65o. anumantrana, tbe Anumantrana
mantras, 8C.
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APASTAMBA'S YAGNA-PARIBHASHA-SÛTRAS.
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asannipâtin, not producing an immediate effect, 42.
asamavetârtha, words (of a Mantra) not connected with the sacrifice, 1330.
asomayâgin, one who does not sacrifice with Soma, 76, 78. astamitoditârâkâ, 65°. astu ayuta, 23°. ahargana, a series of daily and nightly sacrifices, 141.
ahîna, a series of sacrifices lasting from two nights to eleven nights (opp. sattra), 141o.
âgnâvaishnava, for Agni and Vishnu, 124°, 125°.
âgneya, intended for Agni, 74, 76,
123.
âgrayana, the Agrayaneshti, sacrifice with the new grain, 1480; p. 344. âgrahayani, p. 344. âghâra, sprinkling of clarified butter,
46.
âk, to bend (one's knee), 92. âgya, melted butter, 23, 1220. âgyabhagau, the Agya-portions, 12. âtmâbhimarsana, rubbing oneself,
ishti yaga, sacrifice, 10, 112, 113 (kâmyâ ishrayab), 114, 122, 1230.
idamsabda, the word idam (to be used for assigning the havis to each deity), 104. indrâsomîya, intended for Indra and Soma, 127°. ishtakâ, brick (for building the altar, &c.), 98, 1510.
fsânabali, p. 344. ishatsadrisa, a little like, 135.
ukthya, a Soma sacrifice, 144°; p.
344.
ukkaib, with a loud voice, 8, 12o. utkara, heap of rubbish, 54°. uttama, highest tone, 110. uttara, successive, 145. uttarata-upakara, on the northern side of which the performances take place, 54.
uttaravedi, the Soma altar, 144, 145°. Uttarâ-amâvâsyâ- Kuhû, 65°. Uttarâ-paurnamâsî= Râkâ, 65°. utpavana, cleansing, 108. utpu, to cleanse (the grains), 108. udagapavarga, performed towards the north, 59.
udagâvritta, turning to the north
94.
udgâtri, the Udgâtri priest, 17. upakâra, priestly performance, 54. upadhâ, to put on the fire, 106. upadhâna, putting on the fire, 106. upabandha, belonging to, 155. upayâma, the Upayâma, the words upayâmagrihito si, 97. upavas, to abstain, 65. upavâsa, abstaining from meat, &c., 66o.
53.
âdipradishta, indicated by the first words (Mantras), 47. âdhâna, the laying of the fires, 28. âmikshâ, a preparation of milk, 121, 1220.
ârambha, the undertaking (of a sacrifice), 158.
artvigya, the priestly office, 21. âvap, to throw (the grains) in, 109. âvritti, repetition, 43. âvesht, to tie (ropes), 61. âsruta, address, 10, 95. asvayugi, p. 344. âsîna, sitting, 92. åhavaniya, the Ahavanîya fire (the grandson), 22, 27, 94, 144°.
âhuti, the offering at a Darvihoma, rigveda, the Rig-veda, 4, 5, 8, 9o, 94, 96, 89.
16.
upastarana, spreading of fat, 95. upaspris (apab), to touch water, 53. upâmsu, by murmuring, 9, 110, 113. upâmsuyâga, the muttered offering
of butter (at the full-moon sacrifice), 74.
ûha, substitution of one word for another in a Mantra, 35, 107°, 131, 132.
ekakapâla, a purodâsa cake baked in one cup, 120. ekadevatâ, offering for one deity, 123. ekaprakarana, one (typical) perform
ance, 70.
ekamantra, accompanied by one Mantra, 38.
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ekâdasakapâla, cake baked in eleven cups (at the full-moon and newmoon sacrifices), 74, 76, 124°. ekâha, sacrifice accomplished in one day, 140.
INDEX.
aikâdasina, the Aikâdasinas, 117, 118. aindra, intended for Indra, 127. aindrâgna, intended for Indra and Agni, 76, 79, 125, 126, 1270.
autsargika (vidhi), general (rule), 93°. aupasanahoma, p. 344.
kandayana, rubbing, 40. kapâla, jar in which the rice is cooked, 106.
kapâlamantra, verse used for the Kapâla, 106.
kartri, the performer, 24, 57, 84. karmakodanâ, precept for the sacrifice, 32.
karman, sacrifice, sacrificial act, 37, 38, 44, 45 (karmâdi), 59 (daivani karmâni), 138, 149, 150, 159. kâma, object, 147, 148. kamay, to wish, 147. kâmya, wishful, 113 (kâmyâ ishtayab).
kâla, time, 80, 84, 157. kumbhi, a large pot, 153. Kuhů, the new moon on the first day of the lunar phase, 65°, 68°. krishnagina, black skin used for the strewing (adhivapana), 102°. kratu, sacrifice, 22, 145, 147 (kratvâ
dau).
kratukâma, object of the sacrifice,
147.
kraya, buying (of Soma), 52. krushra, sharp voice, high tone, 110,
14.
krauska, high tone, 11°. kshinâ=kharvikâ, 67°.
kharvikâ, the Kharvikâ full moon, 67.
367
ghrita, butter when hardened, 23°. katurgrihîta, the taking four times, 95.
katurdasîyuktâ, the full moon beginning on the fourteenth day, 65°.
kandramas, moon, 65. karu, a pulse consisting of grains of rice or barley, and clarified butter, 990, 102, (103, 105), 110, 122, 123, 127, 1280. karu karusthâlî, 106, 1080. karupurodasiya, belonging to the Karus and Purodasas, 102. karusthåli, vessel for boiling the karu, 1060, (110).
kâturmasya, one of the seven Haviryagñas, 70, 148°; p. 344. kâtvâla, a hole in the ground for the sacrifices, 54°. keshtâprithaktvanirvartin, to be carseparate (repeated)
gavamayana, 142. gârhapatya, the Gârhapatya fire (the father), 220.
gârhya (nâman), the domestic name, 35°.
grah, to take (the butter), 88, 89. graha, offering of Soma, also Soma
vessel, 97.
ried out acts, 39. kaitri, p. 344. kodanâ, precept, 32, 86.
kbedana, cutting, 53.
gapa, the Gapa-mantras, 8°. gâtibheda, difference of the kind (of animal), 154. gânu, knee, 92. guhů, spoon, 25, 260. guhoti, see hu. guhotikodana, ordered by the word. guhoti, he pours out, 86.
tandula, grain, 108, 109. taddharma, having the same qualities, 136.
tantra, rule, 104, 153. See pratitantram.
tayâ-deva-tena, the words for placing the bricks together, 98.
târa, high tone, 11o. tulyavat, like, 81. tritîyasavana, the third oblation of Soma, 14.
dakshina, the Dakshina fire (the son),
220.
dakshina, right, 9a (gânu). dakshinâ, southward, 94. dakshinâpavarga, towards the south,
60.
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368
ÂPASTAMBA's YAGÑA-PARIBHÂSHA-SÚTRAS.
darvihoma, libation from a ladle, 85,
(86 to 91), 92, 95. darsapürnamasau, the new and full-
moon sacrifices, 5, 7o, 149, 111, 114, 122, 123, 127, 148, 155°
to 1580; p. 344. dâkshayana, 1480 dundubhisabda, the sound of a drum,
36.
devata, deity, 128, 138. devatânigama, address of the deity,
155. devatopadesana, indication of the
deity, 101. desa, place, 84. daiva, intended for the gods (kar
man), 59. dravya, substance (of an offering),
129, 130. dravyasamukkaya, accumulation, 52. dvadasakapāla, the cake baked in
twelve cups (at the new-moon
sacrifice), 76, 123€. dvadasâha, a Soma sacrifice lasting
twelve days, 141. dvikapala, a cake baked in two cups,
sacrifice for the two Asvins,
151. dvidevata, offering for two deities,
134. dhânya, corn with the husk, 1080. dhârâ, pouring out of Soma, 46.
nitri-ya. p. 348 for
Nishadasthapati, a Nishâda chief
tain, 26 nîvâra, wild growing rice, 129, 1360. nairrita, offering to Nirriti, 53. pakti, cooking, 154. parakriti, story, 33. paravákya, words referring to some
thing else, 133. parikraya, redemption, 52. parva-sandhi, the juncture of the
two phases of the moon, 65°. pasu, animal sacrifice, 7°, 115. pasugana, 118. pasubandha, Pasubandha sacrifice,
112; P. 344. pâkayagña, domestic sacrifices, 148°;
p. 344. påtra, sacrificial vessel, 25, 28. pârvana, p. 344. pindapitriyagila, the sacrifice to the
Fathers, 80o; p. 344. pitri-yagta, sacrifice to the Fathers,
80; P. 344. pitrya, intended for the Fathers, 6o. pishta, pl., meal, 108. purastât, before, 65. purastâtpaurnamâsî, the full moon
beginning on the fourteenth
day, 65° purakalpa, tradition, 33. purodása, cake made of meal, 78, 99,
102, (103, 105), 122, 123, 124,
127, 128, 129, 1370 puronuvákyâ, the Puronuvâkyâ hymn
(preceding the Yâgyâ, following
after the Sampraisha), 43. pürita, full (the moon), 66. porna, full (the moon), 65. purva-amâvâsyâ, the new moon on
the fourteenth day, 65o. pärva-paurnamâsî=purastâtpaurna
masi, 65o. paitrika, offering to the Pitris, 53. paurnamâsî, full moon, full-moon
day, 64, 65, 74. paurnamasya, full-moon sacrifice, 64. prakarana, typical performance, 700,
71. prakriti, norm (for a sacrifice), 114,
112C, 123, 127°, 131, 132, 139,
140, 152, 155, 156, 157, 1580. prakritidevatâ, the deity of the
prakriti, 127. praní, to bring forward (the fire),
159.
nadîtarana, crossing a river, 40. navanita, fresh butter, 23. navayagia, p. 344. nâmadheyagrahana, the mentioning
of the name (of particular sacri.
ficers), 35. nikâyin, a series of sacrifices, all
having the same name, but dif
ferent rewards, 143. nigama, address, 155. nindâ, reproof, 33. nimitta, special cause, 1489 niyama, precept, 1480. nirasana, throwing away, 53. niradbapasu, the animal sacrifice,
148°; P. 344. nirdis, to prescribe with special
reference to, 84. nirdesa, special instruction, 73. See
anirdesa. nivrit, to stop, to cease to apply, 138,
139.
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pratitantram, at every sacrifice, 29. pratinidhâ, to substitute, 135. pratinidhi, substitute, 134, 138. pratipad, the first day of the lunar phase, 65°.
pratimantrana, conjuring, 40. pratimantram, each (act) with one Mantra, 150. pratishidh, to bar, 82. pratishedha, prohibition, 138, 139. pratika, first words of a verse, 47°. pratyâmnâna, corollary, 139. pratyâsruta, reply, 10, 95. pratyâhuti, for each Ahuti, 89. pradakshinam, turning towards the right, from left to right, 59, 61,
62.
pradána, offering, 87. pradhâna, principal act, 70, 74, 800, 83, 113 (the name of the chief deities).
prabhutva, fitness, 153. pramâna, rule, 30.
prayaga, a certain auxiliary Homa,75°. prayâna, journey, 41. pravara, the words used in choosing priests, 10, 35.
INDEX.
prasamsâ, praise, 33. prasamkhyâna, the being enumerated, 81.
prasavyam, turning towards the left, from right to left, 60, 61. prâgapavarga, performed towards the
east, 59.
prâkînâvitin, with the Brahmanic cord over the right and under the left arm, 60.
prâtabsavana, the morning-oblation
of Soma, 12.
prâtarhoma, p. 344.
prâyaskitta, penance, 1360.
bahudevatâ, offering for many deities,
125.
bahumantra, accompanied by many
hymns, 44. Bridhu-Bribu, 2o. Bribu, 2o.
brahman, the Brahma-priest, 19. brâhmana, m., the Brahmana (caste), 2, 21, 78.
brâhmaza, n., the Brahmanas (sacred books), 30, 31, 32, 33.
bhid, bhidyate, there is difference,
154.
[30]
bhedana, breaking, 53.
madhyama, middle tone, 110, 13. manotâ, the Manotâ hymn (tvam hy agne prathamo manotâ, &c.),
43.
369
mantra, verse, 30, 31, 34, 37, 44°, 45 (mantrânta), (46), 47, 107 (mantram samnamati), 133°, 149, 150, 151°. See ekamantra, bahumantra.
mantravat, hallowed by a Mantra, 58.
mandra, soft tone, 110, 12. mâtrâpakâra, wanting of the measure, 137.
mâdhyandina, the midday-oblation of Soma, 13.
yag, to sacrifice, 63, 64, 87°. yagana yaga, 1°.
mâsha, phaseolus radiatus, 135°. mâsisrâddha, p. 344. mudga, kidney bean, phaseolus mungo, 135°.
moksha, eternal happiness, 148°.
B b
yagurveda, the Yagur-veda, 4, 5, 6, 80, 9, 18.
yaga, sacrifice, 1, 30, 54°. yag anga, sacrificial utensil, 57, 58. yagnânga, special part of a sacrifice,
148.
yagЯângakâma, object of part of a
sacrifice, 148.
yagopavîtin, with the Brahmanic cord over the left and under the right arm, 59.. yathâdevatam, according to the deities, 103.
yathâbhagam, for each portion, 99,
100.
yathârtham, according to the sense,
132.
yava, barley, 136o.
yâga-yagña, 1°.
yagamână, Mantra recited by the sacrificer himself, 49.
yâgya, Mantra used with the oblation, 43°, 50, 95, (113), 149, 155. yupa, the sacrificial post for fastening the animal, 130°. yûpadravya, material for the sacrificial post, 150.
rathakâra, chariot-maker, or name of a clan, 2o.
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370
ÂPASTAMBA'S YAGÑA-PARIBHÂSHA-SÓTRAS.
ratbasabda, the sound of a carriage,
36. Raka, the full moon on the first day
of the lunar phase, 65o. rakshasa, offering to the Rakshasas,
vaisvadevika, belonging to the Vaisva
deva, 120. vaishamya, diversity, 154. vaushat, sacrificial interjection, 96o. vyatishikta, separated, 105. vyavasthå, to be restricted, 73. vyåprita, employed elsewhere, 26. vyâvrit, to separate, 99, 100. vrihi, rice, 129, 136o.
53.
râganya, the Råganya (caste), 3. raudra, offering to Rudra, 53.
lopa, omission, 151. laukika (agni), ordinary (fire), 159.
93.
sabda, word, 138, sasya, the corn of the field, 108c. sakha, recension, 3o. sastriya, consecrated (fire), 159o. sishta, what is prescribed, 134. sulba, rope, 61. sidra, the Sadra (caste), 2o. süla, spit for boiling the heart (of the
sacrificial animal), 153. sesha, essential part, 157. sraddha, p. 344. srâvani, p. 344. sraushat, sacrificial interjection, 96o. svabpürita Raka, 65o. svoyukta=Kuba, 65, 69
96.
vatana, the saying expressly, 30, 44, vanaspati, the Vanaspati sacrifice,
155. vapåsrapani, the two spits for roast-
ing the omentum (vapa), 153. varunapraghåsa, a certain sacrifice,
119. varna, colour or caste, 3. varnâviseshena, without distinction
of caste, 79. vashatkâra, the word Vashat (to be
uttered by the Hotri-priest), 95, vasharkri, to utter the sacrificial in
terjection vashat, 96. vâkya, words, 133. våksandrava, the movement of the
voice, 15. vâgapeya, a certain Soma sacrifice,
146; P. 344. vågasaneyin, pl., the Vågasaneyins,
67. vahya, turned outside, 57. vikalpa, optional, 50, 150. vikara, modification, 122, 123, 124,
(125), 126, 137, 1469, 155. vikriti, modification (of the prakriti),
1149, 123, 127, 128, 129, 132,
1530, 156, 157°, 1580 vidhana, rule, prescription, 70 (sa-
mânavidhana), 80 (svakalavi
dhâna). vidhi, rule, 71, 93°, 133, 147o. vipratishedha, impossibility, 20. virodha, contradiction, 129, 130. vivriddhi, addition, 151. vihara, the sacrificial ground, 54,
56. veda, the (three) Vedas, 3 ; Veda =
Mantras and Brâhmanas, 31. vaisya, the Vaisya (caste), 2. vaisvadeva, sacrifice for the Visve
Devâs, 119, 120, 121; P. 344.
shanda, eunuch, 2o. shodasin, a certain Soma sacrifice,
144, 146; p. 344. samvada, dialogue, 10. samskâra, purification, 29; prepara
tion (of an offering), 139. samskâra, initiation, 52. sankhyâ, number, 31. sankhyayukta, having a number, 39. samkara, path between the Katvala
and Utkara, 54o. sattra, a series of sacrifices lasting
from thirteen to one hundred nights or more opp. ahina),
141, 141, 146. sadyaskala, name of the Kharvika
full moon and the corresponding
day of abstinence, 67o. sandhya-paurnamâsî = puraståtpaur
namasi, 63°. samnam, to adapt and change (a
verse), 107. Samnama = aha, modification of a
verse, 1070 samnipat, Caus., to let coincide, 45,
96. samni, to offer the Samnàyya, 79. samavadyo, to divide (the butter),
go.
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INDEX.
371
samavetartha, words (of a Mantra) somasamstha, Soma sacrifices, 1486;
connected with the sacrifice, P. 344. 133
somendrakaru, the karu intended for samas, to join (ropes), 61, 62.
Soma and Indra, 127. samânavidhana, having the same rule, sautramani, p. 344. 70.
Saudhanvanas, 2o. samâruh, to return to the firesticks, saumya, intended for Soma, 127o. the divine fire), 159.
strî, woman (admitted to sacrifice), samâsa, joining, 61 ('am gakkbanti, 30.
they have to be joined). stháli, see karusthåli. samidh, fuel, 91.
stbâlîpêka, p. 344. samukkaya, aggregation, 49, 52. sruk, spoon, 269. sampraisha, command, 10, 43o. sruva, ladle, 26. sarpabali, p. 344.
svadhâ, sacrificial interjection, 96o. sarpis, Adj., running, in sarpir âgya, svapna, sleeping, 40, melted butter, 23.
svasabda, having its own name, 84. savaniya, the Soma sacrifice, 116, 117. svådhyâya, self-reading (of the Veda), samvatsarika, a sacrifice lasting one,
37 two, or more years, 142. svâmin, master, i.e. sacrificer, 138. såkamedha, a certain sacrifice, 119. eváha, sacrificial interjection, 960. sånga, accompanied by auxiliary acts, svâhâ karapradana, (a sacrifice) which 83.
is offered with the word Svâhâ, sadyaskra, 1439, 146.
87. sadbarana, general, 72.
svishsakrit, the sacrifice for Agni sâmnâyya, the mixture (of sour and Svishtakrit, 13, 155.
sweet milk, intended for Indra and Mahendra, at the new-moon baviryaghia, a class of sacrifices, sacrifice), 77, 799, 100, 123o.
1480; p. 344. sâmaveda, the Sâma-veda, 4, 8,99, 17. havishkrit, the Havishkrit hymn, sâmânya, similarity, 122, 128, 134. used when the havis is made, sâmidheni, the hymns or verses used
for lighting the fire, 11, 111. havis, offering, 104, 128. så yamhoma, p. 344.
hu, to pour out, to sacrifice, 23, 25, sarasvata (sattra), 146.
86, 87°, 92, 94. Sinivali = purva-amavasya, 65, 69 hotri, the Hotri-priest, 16, 49o. sîra, a certain sacrifice, 119.
hotra, Mantra recited by the Hotrisusadrisa, very like, 135.
priest, 49. somayagin, one who sacrifices with homa, the Homa, burnt-oblation, Soma, 77, 79
FROSTY
15
43.
25°, 75.
UNTY
B b 2
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TRANSLITERATION OF ORIENTAL ALPHABETS ADOPTED FOR THE TRANSLATIONS
OF THE SACRED BOOKS OF THE EAST.
U
MISSIONARY ALPHABET.
1
CONSONANTS
Sanskrit.
Zend.
Pehlerl
Persian
Arabic
Hebrew. Chinese
I Class.
II Class.
III Class.
Gutturales. 1 Tenuis ......... 2 aspirata .. 3 Media ........ 4 , aspirata ...... 6 Gutturo-labialis ...
20
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TRANSLITERATION OF ORIENTAL ALPHABETS.
6 Nasalis ..........
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7 Spiritus asper.... „ lenis ......
asper faucalis .... lenis faucalis ....
asper fricatus .... , lenis fricatus .... Gutturales modificatae
(palatales, &o.) 13 Tenuis ............ 14 „ aspirata ....... 15 Media ............ 16 » aspirata........ 17 # Nasalis .....
2
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373

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MISSIONARY ALPHABET.
CONSONANTS
continued)
Pehlevi. Persian
Arabic. Hebrew. Chinese
374
I Class.
II Class
III Class.
18 Semivocalis...
5
y
19 Spiritus asper.... 20 , lenis ......
asper assibilatus ..
lenis assibilatus ..
Dentales. 23 Tenuis ........ 24 aspirata .... 25 , assibilata ... 26 Media ........ 27 , aspirata..... 28 , assibilata .. 29 Nasalis ... 30 Semivocalis ....
mollis 1.. 32 ,
mollis 2.. 33 Spiritus asper 1 ...
asper 2 ... » lenis .....
asperrimus 1. asperrimus 2.
12:28 Borger
ceuiuere "ço:
TH
::3 9:0 :n 19:13:03: :: :: Agirrinn: Hanan:
TRANSLITERATION OF ORIENTAL ALPHABETS
DH
31
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»
6.8 : è
ZS

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Dentales modificatas
(linguales, &c.)
enuis.......... 39 , aspirata .......1 40 Media .......... 41 , aspirata ....... 42 Nasalis .......... 43 Semivocalis ....... 44
fricata ...... 45 , diacritica .... 46 Spiritus asper ........ 47 , lenis .......
: : : :-:M44 a : : :
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::-: :: 0 wwoo :::::::::6
FOR THE SACRED BOOKS OF THE EAST.
**8 a &::L: A 4. - : : : *
0:::-::..:: 3:1::.: :24: : :::::.::~::
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. .

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MISSIONARY ALPHABET.
VOWELS.
Sanskrit.
Zend.
Pehlevu
Persian.
Arabic
Hebrew. Chinese.
I Class.
II Class
111 Class.
376
A 4 wel al mom 9 4: ::
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OF THE
1 Neutralis ......... 2 Laryngo-palatalis .... 3 „ labialis .... 4 Gutturalis brevis .... 5
longa ..... 6 Palatalis brevis ......
„ longa ...... 8 Dentalis brevis . ..... 9 , longa ..... 10 Lingualis brevis .... 11 , longa ..... 12 Labialis brevis ...... 13 » longa ...... 14 Gutturo-palatalis brevis .. 15 » longa ... e (ai) 16 Diphthongus gutturo-palatalis di 17 »
ei (și)
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eu (eu) . 23 »
ou(du) .. 24 Gutturalis fracta ... 25 Palatalis fracta ...... 26 Labialis fracta ...... 27 Gutturo-labialis fracta ..
::::8:=::::2:08: : :21: : : : : :
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TRANSLITERATION OF ORIENTAL ALPHABETS.
»
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22
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:
:
:
o:

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SACRED BOOKS OF THE EAST
TRANSLATED BY VARIOUS ORIENTAL SCHOLARS
AND EDITED BY
THE RIGHT HON. F. MAX MÜLLER.
This Series is published with the sanction and co-operation of the Secretary of State for India in Council.
EXPORT presented to the ACADÉMIE DES INSCRIPTIONS, May 11, 1883, by M. 1271ST REXAX.
'M. Renan présente trois nouveaux volumes de la grande collection des "Livres sacrés de l'Orient' (Sacred Books of the East), que dirige à Oxford, avec une si vaste érudition et une critique si sûre, le savant associé de l'Académie des Inscriptions, M. Max Müller.... La première série de ce beau recueil, composée de 24 volumes, est presque achevée. M. Max Müller se propose d'en publier EXTRACT from the
une seconde, dont l'intérêt historique et religieux ne sera pas moindre. M. Max Müller a su se procurer la collaboration des savans les plus éminens d'Europe et d'Asie. L'Université d'Oxford, que cette grande publication honore au plus haut degré, doit tenir à continuer dans les plus larges proportions une œuvre aussi philosophiquement conçue que savamment exécutée.'
QUARTERLY REVIEW.
great edition of the Rig-Veda, can compare in importance or in usefulness with this English translation of the Sacred Books of the East, which has been devised by his foresight, successfully brought so far by his persuasive and organising power, and will, we trust, by the assistance of the distinguished scholars he has gathered round him, be carried in due time to a happy completion.'
'We rejoice to notice that a second series of these translations has been announced and has actually begun to appear. The stones, at least, out of which a stately edifice may hereafter arise, are here being brought together. Prof. Max Müller has deserved well of scientific history. Not a few minds owe to his enticing words their first attraction to this branch of study. But no work of his, not even the Professor 1. HARDY, Inaugural Lecture
'Die allgemeine vergleichende Religionswissenschaft datirt von jenem grossartigen, in seiner Art einzig dastehenden Unternehmen, zu welchem auf Anregung Max Müllers im Jahre 1874 auf dem
in the University of Freiburg, 1887. internationalen Orientalistencongress in London der Grundstein gelegt worden war, die Übersetzung der heiligen Bücher des Ostens' (the Sacred Books of the East).
The Hon. ALEERT S. G. CANNING, 'Words on Existing Religions.'
'The recent publication of the "Sacred Books of the East" in English is surely
a great event in the annals of theological literature.'
Oxford
AT THE CLARENDON PRESS
LONDON: HENRY FROWDE
OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS WAREHOUSE, AMEN CORNER, E.C.
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2
SACRED BOOKS OF THE EAST:
FIRST SERIES.
VOL. I. The Upanishads.
Translated by F. MAX MÜLLER. Part I. The Khandogyaupanishad, The Talavakâra-upanishad, The Aitareya-âranyaka, The Kaushitaki-brâhmana-upanishad, and The Vagasaneyisamhita-upanishad. Second Edition. 8vo, cloth, 10s. 6d.
The Upanishads contain the philosophy of the Veda. They have become the foundation of the later Vedánta doctrines, and indirectly of Buddhism. Schopenhauer, speaking of the Upanishads, says: 'In the whole world there is no study so beneficial and so elevating as that of the Upanishads. It has been the solace of my life, it will be the solace of my death.
[See also Vol. XV.]
VOL. II. The Sacred Laws of the Aryas,
As taught in the Schools of Âpastamba, Gautama, Vâsishtha, and Baudhâyana. Translated by GEORG BUHLER. Part I. Âpastamba and Gautama. Second Edition. 8vo, cloth, 10s. 6d. The Sacred Laws of the Aryas contain the original treatises on which the Laws of Manu and other lawgivers were founded. [See also Vol. XIV.]
VOL. III. The Sacred Books of China.
The Texts of Confucianism. Translated by JAMES LEGGE. Part I. The Shû King, The Religious Portions of the Shih King, and The Hsiao King. Second Edition. 8vo, cloth, 12s. 6d. Confucius was a collector of ancient traditions, not the founder of a new religion. As he lived in the sixth and fifth centuries B. C. his works are of unique interest for the study of Ethology.
[See also Vols. XVI, XXVII, XXVIII, XXXIX, and XL.]
VOL. IV. The Zend-Avesta.
Translated by JAMES DARMESTETER. Part I. The Vendîdâd. Second Edition. 8vo, cloth, 145.
The Zend-Avesta contains the relics of what was the religion of Cyrus, Darius, and Xerxes, and, but for the battle of Marathon,
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EDITED BY F. MAX MÜLLER.
might have become the religion of Europe. It forms to the present day the sacred book of the Parsis, the so-called fire-worshippers.
[See also Vols. XXIII and XXXI.) VOL. V. Pahlavi Texts.
Translated by E. W. West. Part I. The Bundahis, Bahman
Yast, and Shayast lå-shayast. 8vo, cloth, 125. 6d. The Pahlavi Texts comprise the theological literature of the revival of Zoroaster's religion, beginning with the Sassanian dynasty. They are important for a study of Gnosticism.
(Sec also Vols. XVIII, XXIV, XXXVII, and XLVII.)
VOLB. VI AND IX. The Qur'ân.
Parts I and II. Translated by E. H. PALMER. Second Edition.
8vo, cloth, 215. This translation, carried oul according to his own peculiar vicios of the origin of the Qur'an, was the last greal work of E. H. Falmer, before he was murdered in Egypt.
VOL. VII. The Institutes of Vishnu.
Translated by JULIUS JOLLY. 8vo, cloth, 1os. 6d. A collection of legal aphorisms, closely connected with one of the oldest Vedic schools, the Kathas, but considerably added to in later lime. Of importance for a critical study of the Laws of Manu.
VOL. VIII. The Bhagavadgitâ, with The Sanatsugâtiya, and The Anugitâ.
Translated by Kashinath TRIMBAK TELANG. Second Edition.
8vo, cloth, ros. 6d. The earliest philosophical and religious poem of India. It has been
paraphrased in Arnold's Song Celestial! VOL. X. The Dhammapada,
Translated from Páli by F. Max Müller; and
The Sutta-Nipata, Translated from Páli by V. FAUSBÖLL; being Canonical Books of the Buddhists. Second Edition. 8vo, cloth, ros. 6d. The Dhammapada contains the quintessence of Buddhist morality. The Sulta-Nipata gives the authentic teaching of Buddha on some of the fundamental principles of religion.
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SACRED BOOKS OF THE EAST:
VOL. XI. Buddhist Suttas.
Translated from Pali by T. W. Rhys Davids. 1. The Mahaparinibbâna Suttanta; 2. The Dhamma-kakka-ppavattana Sutta. 3. The Tevigga Sultanta; 4. The Akankheyya Sutta; 5. The Ketokhila Sutta; 6. The Maha-sudassana Suttanta;
7. The Sabbâsava Sutta. 8vo, cloth, 1os. 6d. A collection of the most imporland religious, moral, and philosophical
discourses taken from the sacred canon of the Buddhists. VOL. XII. The Satapatha-Brâhmana, according to the Text of the Madhyandina School.
Translated by Julius EGGELING. Part I. Books I and II.
8vo, cloth, 125. 60. A minute account of the sacrificial ceremonies of the Vedic age. Il contains the earliest account of the Deluge in India.
[See also Vols. XXVI, XLI, XLIII, and XLIV.] VOL. XIII. Vinaya Texts.
Translated from the Pali by T. W. Rhys DAVIDS and HERMANN OLDENBERG. Part I. The Pâtimokkha. The Mahavagga, I-IV.
8vo, cloth, ios, 6d. The Vinaya Texts give for the first time a translation of the moral code of the Buddhist religion as sellled in the third century B.C.
(See also Vols. XVII and XX.] VOL. XIV. The Sacred Laws of the Åryas,
As taught in the Schools of Âpastamba, Gautama, Vâsishtha, and Baudhayana. Translated by GEORG BÜHLER. Part II.
Våsishtha and Baudhayana, 8vo, cloth, ros. 6d. VOL. XV. The Upanishads.
Translated by F. Max MULLER. Part II. The Katha-upanishad, The Mundaka-upanishad, The Taittirîyaka-upanishad, The Brihadåranyaka-upanishad, The Svetâsvatara-upanishad, The Prasña-upanishad, and The Maitra yana-brahmana-upanishad.
Second Edition. 8vo, cloth, 1os. 6d. VOL. XVI. The Sacred Books of China.
The Texts of Confucianism. Translated by JAMES LEGGE. Part II. The Yi King. 8vo, cloth, ros. 6d.
[See also Vols. XXVII, XXVIII.) VOL. XVII. Vinaya Texts.
Translated from the Pâli by T. W. Rhys DAVIDS and HERMANN OLDENBERG. Part II. The Mahavagga, V-X. The Kullavagga, I-III. 8vo, cloth, 1os. 6d.
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EDITED BY F. MAX MÜLLER.
VOL. XVIII. Pahlavi Texts.
Translated by E. W. West. Part II. The Dâdistân-î Dînîk and The Epistles of Månûskîhar. 8vo, cloth, 125. 6d.
VOL. XIX. The Fo-sho-hing-tsan-king.
A Life of Buddha by Asvaghosha Bodhisattva, translated from Sanskrit into Chinese by Dharmaraksha, A.D. 420, and from Chinese into English by SAMUEL BEAL. 8vo, cloth, ros. 6d. This life of Buddha was translaled from Sanskrit into Chinese, A.D. 420. It conlains many legends, some of which show a cerlain similarity to the Evangelium infantiae, gc.
VOL. XX. Vinaya Texts.
Translated from the Pali by T. W. Rhys DAVIDS and HERMANN OLDENBERG. Part III. The Kullavagga, IV-XII. 8vo, cloth, Ios. 6.
VOL. XXI. The Saddharma-pundarlka ; or, The Lotus of the True Law.
Translated by H. Kern. 8vo, cloth, 12s. 6d. The Lolus of the True Law,' a canonical book of the Northern Buddhists, translated from Sanskrit. There is a Chinese Translation of this book which was finished as early as the year 286 A.D.
VOL. XXII. Gaina-Satras.
Translated from Prakrit by HERMANN JACOBI. Part I. The
 kârânga-Satra and The Kalpa-Satra. 8vo, cloth, 1os. 6d. The religion of the Gainas was founded by a contemporary of Buddha. It still counts numerous adherents in India, while there are no Buddhists left in India proper.
[See Vol. XLV.)
VOL. XXIIIThe Zend-Avesta.
Translated by JAMES DARMESTETER. Part II. Yasts, and Nyáyis. 8vo, cloth, ros. 6d.
The Sîrôzahs,
VOL. XXIV. Pahlavi Texts.
Translated by E. W. West. Part III. Dina-1 MaînôgKhirad, Sikand-gumanik Vigâr, and Sad Dar. 8vo, cloth, Ios. 60.
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SACRED BOOKS OF THE EAST :
SECOND SERIES. VOL. XXV. Manu.
Translated by Georg Bühler. 8vo, cloth, a1s. This translation is founded on that of Sir William Jones, which has been carefully revised and corrected with the help of seven natire Commentaries. An Appendix contains all the quotations from Manu which are found in the Hindu Law-books, translated for the use of the Law Courts in India. Another Appendix gives a synopsis of parallel passages from the six Dharma-sdlras, the other Smritis,
the Upanishads, the Mahabharata, dc. VOL. XXVI. The Satapatha-Brahmana.
Translated by Julius EGGELING. Part II. Books III and IV:
8vo, cloth, 12s. 6d. VOLS. XXVII AND XXVIII. 'The Sacred Books of China.
The Texts of Confucianism. Translated by JAMES LEGGE. Parts III and IV. The Lî Ki, or Collection of Treatises on the Rules
of Propriety, or Ceremonial Usages. 8vo, cloth, 255. VOL. XXIX. The Grihya-Satras, Rules of Vedic Domestic Ceremonies.
Part I. Sånkhâyana, Asvalayana, Paraskara, Khâdira. Trans
lated by HERMANN OLDENBERG. 8vo, cloth, 125. 6d. VOL. XXX. The Grihya-Sûtras, Rules of Vedic Domestic Ceremonies.
Part II. Gobhila, Hiranyakesin, Âpastamba. Translated by HERMANN OLDENBERG. Åpastamba, Yaghia-paribhâsha-sâtras.
Translated by F. MAX MÜLLER. 8vo, cloth, 125. 60. These rules of Domestic Ceremonies describe the home life of the ancient Aryas with a completeness and accuracy unmatched in any other literature. Some of these rules have been incorporaled in the
ancient Law-books. VOL. XXXI. The Zend-Avesta.
Part III. The Yasna, Visparad, Âfrînagân, Gâhs, and Miscellaneous Fragments. Translated by L. H. MILLS. 8vo,
cloth, 125. 6d. VOL. XXXII. Vedic Hymns. Translated by F. MAX MÜLLER. Part I. 8vo, cloth, 18s. 6d.
(See also Vol. XLVI.] VOL. XXXIII. The Minor Law-books.
Translated by JULIUS Jolly. Part I. Narada, Briliaspati. 8vo, cloth, 1os. 60.
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EDITED BY F. MAX MULLER.
VOL. XXXIV. The Vedanta-Satras, with the Commentary by Sankaråkarya. Part I. Translated by G. THIBAUT. 8vo, cloth, 125. 6d..
(See also Vol. XXXVIII.] VOLS. XXXV AND XXXVI. The Questions of King | Milinda.
Translated from the Páli by T. W. RHYS DAVIDS.
Part I. 8vo, cloth, ros. 6d. Part II. 8vo, cloth, 125. 6d. VOL. XXXVII. Pahlavi Texts.
Translated by E. W. WEST. Part IV. The Contents of the Nasks, as stated in the Eighth and Ninth Books of the
Dinkard. 155. VOL. XXXVIII. The Vedanta-Sûtras. Part II. 8vo,
cloth, with full Index to both Parts, 12s. 6d. VOLS. XXXIX AND XL. The Sacred Books of China.
The Texts of Taoism. Translated by JAMES LEGGE. 8vo, cloth, 215. XLI. The Satapatha - Brahmana. Part III.
Translated by JULIUS EGGELING. 8vo, cloth, 125. 6d. VOL. XLII. Hymns of the Atharva-veda.
Translated by M. BLOOMFIELD. 8vo, cloth, a1s. VOL. XLIII. The Satapatha-Brâhmana.
Translated by JULIUS EGGELING. Part IV. Books VIII,
IX, and X. 125. 6d. VOL. XLIV. The Satapatha-Brâhmana.
Translated by Julius Éggeling. Part V. Books XI, XII,
XIII, and XIV. 185. 6d. VOL. XLV. The Gaina-Satras.
Translated from Prakrit, by HERMANN JACOBI. Part II. The Uttarådhyayana Satra, The Sûtrakritânga Satra. 8vo, cloth,
125. 60. VOL. XLVI. Vedic Hymns. Part II. 8vo, cloth, 14.5. VOL. XLVII. Pahlavi Texts.
Translated by E. W. West. Part V. Marvels of Zoroas
trianism. 8s. 6d. VOL. XLVIII. The Vedanta-Sätras, with Râmânuga's Sribhåshya. Translated by G. THIBAUT.
[In the Press.] VOL. XLIX. Buddhist Mahayana Texts. Buddha
karita, translated by E. B. COWELL. Sukhavati-vyûha, Vagrakkhedika, &c., translated by F. MAX MÜLLER. Amitâyur-DhyanaSätra, translated by J. TAKAKUSU. 8vo, cloth, 125. 60.
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RECENT ORIENTAL WORKS.
Anecdota Oxoniensia.
ARYAN SERIES. Buddhist Texts from Japan. I. Vagrakkhedika ; The Diamond-Cutter.
Edited by F. Max Müller, M.A. Small 4to, 35. 6d.
One of the most famous metaphysical treatises of the Mahâyána Buddhists. Buddhist Texts from Yapan. II. Sukhâvati-Vyaha : Description of Sukhấvati, the Land of Bliss.
Edited by F. MAX MÜLLER, M.A., and BUNYIU NANJIO. With two Appendices: (1) Text and Translation of Sanghavarman's Chinese Version of the Poetical Portions of the SukhavatfVydha; (2) Sanskrit Text of the Smaller Sukhavati-VyQha. Small 4to, 75. 6d. The editio princeps of the Sacred Book of one of the largest and most influential sects of Buddhism, numbering more than ten millions of followers
in Japan alone. Buddhist Texts from Japan. III. The Ancient Palm
Leaves containing the Pragña-Päramitá-HridayaSûtra and the Ushnisha-Vigaya-Dharani.
Edited by F. MAX MÜLLER, M.A., and BUNYIU NANJIO, M.A. With an Appendix by G. BÜHLER, C.I.E. With many Plates. Small 4to, IOS.
Contains facsimiles of the oldest Sanskrit MS. at present known. Dharma-Samgraha, an Ancient Collection of Buddhist Technical Terms.
Prepared for publication by KENJIU KASAWARA, a Buddhist Priest from Japan, and, after his death, edited by F. MAX
MÜLLER and H. WENZEL. Small 4to, 73. 6d. Kâtyâyana's Sarvânukramant of the Rigveda.
With Extracts from Shadgurusishya's Commentary entitled
Vedârthadspika. Edited by A. A. MacDONELL, M.A., Ph.D. 16s. The Buddha-Karita of Asvaghosha.
Edited, from three MSS., by E. B. Cowell, M.A. 125. 6d. The Mantrapāțha, or the Prayer Book of the Apastambins.
Edited, together with the Commentary of Haradatta, and translated by M, WINTERNITZ, Ph.D. First Part. Introduction, Sanskrit Text, Varietas Lectionis, and Appendices. Small quarto, ios, 6d.
Oxford AT THE CLARENDON PRESS
LONDON: HENRY FROWDE OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS WAREHOUSE, AMEN CORNER, E.C.
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