Epigraphia Indica Vol 09

Author(s): E Hultzsch, Sten Konow
Publisher: Archaeological Survey of India
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/032563/1

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
Vol. IX (1907 - 1908)
200
LON
प्रत्नकीर्तिमपावण
PUBLISHED BY THE DIRECTOR GENERAL ARCHEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA JANPATH, NEW DELHI-110001
1981

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
Vol. IX.-1907-08.
LIW
PUBLISHED BY THE DIRECTOR GENERAL ARCHAEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA
JANPATH, NEW DELHI-110011

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Reprinted 1981
ARCHAEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA GOVERNMENT OF INDIA
1981
Price : Rs. 90
Printed at Pearl Offset Press, 5/33, Kirti Nagar Indl. Area New Delhi-15

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PUBLISHED UNDER THE AUTHORITY OF THE GOVERNMENT OF INDIA
AS A SUPPLEMENT TO THE "INDIAN ANTIQUARY."
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
AND
RECORD OF THE ARCHÆOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA.
VOL. IX.–1907-08.
EDITED BY
E. HULTZSCH, Ph.D., PROFESSOR IN THE UNIVERSITY OF HALLE
AND
(FROM PAGE 1.45)
BY STEN KONOW, Ph.D., GOVERNMENT APIGRAPHIST FOR INDIA.
CALCUTTA: OFFICE OF THE SUPERINTENDENT OF GOVERNMENT PRINTING, INDIA.
BOMBAY: BRITISH INDIA PRESS. LONDON: KEGAN PAUL, TRENCH,
LEIPZIG, OTTO HARRASSOWITZ. TROBNER & Co.
VIENNA: A. HOLDER & Co. NEW YORK: WESTERMANN & Co.
BERLIN: A. ASHER & Co. CHICAGO: 8. D. PEET.
PARIS : E. LEROUX,

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CALCUTTA OVERTENT OF TUDIA NTRAL PRINTING Ornice,
&, HASTTROS TRITT.

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CONTENTS.
The names of contributors are arranged alphabetically.
PAGs
. .
. .
285 889
.
.
B. D. BANERJI :
No. 40. PațihkellA grant of Maharaja Sivarkja : [Gapta-) Samvat 283 . .
41. Munddevarł inscription of Udayaaena; (Harsha) Year 80 . . . D. E. BHANDARKAB, M.A.:
No. 4. Two grants of Indrarája III; Sala-Sathvat 836
35. Vasantgadh inscription of Varmalsta 28. Daulatabad plates of Sankaragans . . . . . 37. Bachkala inscription of Nagabhatta
. . . 38. Ghațiyalá inscriptions of Kakkuks T. Blocs, Pr.D.:
No. 42. Sahet Mahot umbrella staff inscription . . . . . T. A. GOPINATHA RAO, M.A.:
No. 32. Mambolli plate of Srvallavangodai . . . . T. A. GOPINATHA RAO, M.A. AND T. RAGHAVIAI, B.A. -
No. 62. Krishnapuram plates of Sadasivargya . . . . . . HIBA LAL, B:A.
No. 6. Ragholi plates of Jayavardhana II. .
14. Kanker inscription of the time of Bhanuddva
19. Inscriptions from Bastar Btate ► 20. Kanker plates of Pamparkjaders . # 23. Rajapurs plates of Madhurintaksdeys
24. Sihåwå inscription of Karnaraja .
39. Sårangarh plates of Maha Saddrs . » 44. Spurious Laphâ plate of Prithvideva . . .
48. Burhanpur inscription of Adil Shah 49. Narayanpil inscription of Gunda Mahadet
63. Ärang oopper-plate of Bhimasena IL ; Gupta-San Vat 889 . . PROPESSOB E. HULTZSCH, PH.D.
No. 3. Âlupa inscriptions at Udiyvars . . . . . . » 6. Maliyapandi grant of Ammarája IL. . # 7. Plates of Vijaya-Dévavarman
. . . . . 12. Talamanchi plates of Vikramaditya I. 16. Vandram plates of Ammaraja II. . 81. Tirumalai inscription of Rajendra-Chola I.
50. Timmapunim plates of Vishnuvardhana I. Vishamsiddhi TEX LATE PROFE8802 T. KIELHORN, PH.D., D.Litt., LL.D., C.L.E. -
No. 1. Two copper-plate inscriptions of the time of Mahendrapala of Kananj
2. Vasantgadh inscription of Pärnapala . .
9. The ChahamAnas of Naddala . . . 19. Mandhata plates of Devapála and Jayavarman II. of MALATI
.. . 16. Note on two copper-plate inscriptions of the time of Mahồndrapals of Kan 18. Mount Abd Vimals temple inscription 29. Dates of Chola kings (continued)
. 80. Dates of Pandya kings (continued) . . . . . .
174 189
.........
298
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.....
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68
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10
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108
. . .
. . .
148 907 989

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CONTENTS.
PAGE
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267
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271
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170 291
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919
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No. 84. Pathart pillar inscription of Parabala . 86. Balaghat plates of Prithivishons II. . .
37. Orissa plates of Vidyadharabhafijadora . . STEN Kosow, PH.D. :
No. 11. Madras Museum plates of Vajrahasta III.
31. Khariar plates of MahA-Sudeva . . . .. 43. Two Buddhist inscriptions from Sarnath .
46. Arigom Bårade inscription of Ramadeva .
47. Chandravati plate of Chandraders . . .
, 61. Sarnath inscription of Kumaradért . . /H. KRISHNA SASTRI, B.A. -
No. 35. Anmakonda inscription of Prola . . . PROFESSOR H. LÖDERS, PH.D. :
No. 33. Three early Brahmi inscriptions . . . K. B. PATHAK, B.A. -
No. 28. Kendar plates of Kirtivarman II. . . .
45. Âbhôņs plates of Satkaragana . . . D. R. SAHNI :
No. 8. Benaros inscription of Pantha . . . R. SEWELL, I.C.S. (RETD.):
No. 22. Note on Bhujabala Maharaya . . . F. W. TROXAS, M.A.:
No. 17. Inscriptions on the Mathara Lion-Capital . V. VENKATTA, M.A., RAI BAHADUR :
No. 10. Ambasamudram inscription of Varaguna-Pandya
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. 135
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INDEX.--BY H. Kalexa BATRI, B.A.
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347

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LIST OF PLATES.
No.
1. Udiyåvara inscriptions-Plate
I.
Рдав to face page 17
>
III.
» ►
19 20
.
WONG
.
.
.
· between pages 30 & 31
→ 34 & 85 .
> 41 & 46
52 & 63
68 & 69 to face page 60
» » 90 between pages 96 & 97
100 & 101 •
110 & 111 180 & 191
134 & 185 . to face page 186
142 .
»
144
...............................
.
Bagumrå plates of Indraraja III.- First set . »
Second, 7. Plates of Jayavardhana II. 8. Maliyapundi grant of Ammarája IT. 9. Plates of Vijaya-Dévavarman . 10. Benares inscription of Pantha . 11. Ambasamudram inscription of Varaguņa-Padya 12. Madras Museum plates of Vajrahasta III. 19. Talamanchi plates of Vikramaditya I. . . 14. Mandhátà plates of Devapala 16. Ons plates of Avanivarman II. Yoga . . 16. Vandram plates of Ammarája II. 17. Inscriptions on the Mathura Lion-capital, Plato I. 18. 19. 20. 21. Mount Abd Vimala temple inscription 32. Map of Bastar State . . . 28. Kanker plates of Pamparijadev& . . 34. KhariAr plates of Maha-8adeva . . . 26. Rajapura plates of Madhurantakadeva 26. Sihawa inscription of Karnarkja . . . 27. Vasantgadh inscription of Varmalata . 28. Daulatabad plates of Sankaragana, Plate I. .
II. 30. Bachkala inscription of Nagabhatta 81. Kêndár plates of Kitivarman II., Plate I.
» » » » II. 88. Tirumalai inscription of Rajendra-Chola I. . 34. MAmballi plate of Srvallavahgodai . . 36. British Museum stone of Kanishka, Plate I.
.
.
.
» »
168 160
»
"
268
between pages 172 & 173 • » 178 & 179 to face page 186
190 between pages 196 & 197 to face page 198
200 between pages 202 & 203
204 & 206
29
84.
:
"to face pago 283
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.
.
.
...............
.
• » 286
289 >
240 >>
949 > > > 269 . between pages 262 & 268
270 & 871 .
276 & 877 to face page 289 between pages 286 & 887 to face page 289
291 292 298
37. Mathura inscription of Sathvat 74 . 38. Pathar inscription of Parabala 39. Anmakonda inscription of Prola . 40. Balaghat plates of Prithivishồna II. 41. Origas plates of Vidyadharabhañjadeva 42. Barangarh plates of Maha-Buddys . 48. Patiškella plate of Sivaraja . 14. Mundegvart inscription of Udayasens 46. Sabat-shet Baddhist inscription , 46. Sarnath stone umbrella inscription . 47. Sárnáth Buddhist image inscription
.
.
.

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viii
LIST OF PLATES.
PAGE
.
48. Lapha sparious plate of Prithviders 49. Abhoņa plates of Satkaragana . . . . 60. Arigom insoription of Ramsdevs . . 51. Chandravati plate of Chandraddvs . 52. Burhanpår inscription of Adil Shah 58. Narayanpål inscription of Ganda-Mahadevi 54. Timmaparam plates of Vishnuvardhana I. Vishamasiddhi 56. Sarnath inscription of Kumaradevi . . . 56. Krishp&puram plates of Sadasivardya, Plate I. . . 57. 68. Arang plate of Bhimasens II. . . .
to face page 295 . between pages 298 & 207
to face page 801 »
804 » » » 808 >
814 » » 818 . >>
824 . between pages: 389 & 888 .
386 & 387 to face page 844
. .
.
. .

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ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS.
Page 4, para. 1, line 7,- for Mahồndrapaladdva read Mahendrapladeva.
» » » 10,- for Haddala road Haddal. 7, footnote 17, line 1,-for nistrimsa road nistrimi 9, text-line 46,-for-bhởpalanke read - bhợpaların 16, line 8 from bottom, -for Santaras road Santares 17, 9,- for Aļuva read Aļuva 48, line 2 from bottom, -for Chậdi read Chedi. 56, line 1,- for Thursday read Friday, 58, para. 2, line 2,- for Godavari read Kistna. 60, line 13 from the top,- for Jhalråpatan read JhAlrapatan. 65, footnote 6, line 1,- for actus read actual. 71, line 4 from the 'top,- (I think the word tambaliya should mean "betel chewed
with aroca-nut and ohunam" which the women spat out of grief. This is red
and may be compared to rubies (padmardga).-H. K. 8.) 72, last line,--for Jávalipura road JávAlipora. 75, verse 12.-[There is no allusion to any legend here. The poot wants to say that
Brahman out of arrogance (dambhatah) weighed the king's prowess (ie, the Bun) on one side and his fame (i.e. the moon) on the other and found the two balanced so well on the scale of which the rod was the heavenly) Gang, that the pin (kanfaka) in the middle was dhruits (ie, stable). The other meaning intended is the Pole star (Dhruva) which occupies the middle of the heavenly
orbit and is almost fixed in space.-H. K. S.] 99, last bat one para., line 3,- for Polikegin road Polikesin.
100, text-line 2,- for read ... »
17,--for at read out 119, footnote 3, line 2,--for Sadra- read Sadra. 120, text-line 3,--for Mardôdarivashpa- read Mamdodariv&ghpo.. 125, line 10,- for Kandika-bandha read Kandila-bandha. 143, translation of B.,--for Radlja road Rajala. 156, footnote 5, last line, -for Kushmandini read Kashmåndini. 160, para. 3, line 5,--for Tirathgarh read Tirathgarh. 165, footnote, line 6,--for Dattakamim&ns read Dattakamimaths.
, , line 8,- for Radrámba read Rudramba. 166, para. 3, line 2,- for 1783 read 1779.
168, lino 9 from the top. --for Paời read PAļi. , 169, line 2,- for Lakshmidbara read Lakshmidhara.
170, text-line 6-for-prasata sama[sta®]- read -prashta-sama [sta®]170, text-line 8,- for ravidine read ravidind. 171, para. 5, last line,- for chohhreshta tead ochchhrështha. 172, line 8,-insert & hyphen at the end of the line.
footnote 7, line 2,- for Sambilaka read Sambilaka. . 175, line 4,-insert (Nagari) after Sanskrit ► 176, line 16,- for Medipô ta read Mêdipota.
footnote 2,- for Yajñaválkya read Yajñavalky. 178, line 13 from bottom, -for MAlavå read Malaya.

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ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS. Page 179, footnote 1, line 3,- for Sakkara-kottam read Sakkara-kðttam.
» 180, footnote 5,- for Siyadoni read Siyadoni. , 181, para. 5, line 4,-[Mudhaselt perhaps stands for the Telugu mudusali which means
"old, ancient;' 1.6. a headman respected on account of old age; compare naţfu
mudumai; above, p. 21, footnote 3.-H. K. S.] , 185, text-line 4,- for a: if road ufy.
, footnote 1, line 2,- for Devakūta reod Dévakůta. 205, para. 3, line 4, for Kartikeys read Kårttikêya.
» footnote 7,--for Conjeeverum read Conjoeveram.
223, No. 63, translation, line 2,--for Uttara-Phalgunî read Uttara-Phalgani. , 235, para, 3, line 2,--for Ayurur read Ayorar. 236, lines 15 and 17,- for Ayirür read Ayurur.
text-line 9,- for akkil- read kila 237, text-line 17 and translation, line 7,-for Ayarûr read Ayurur. , 238, lines 3 and 11 and footnote 10,- - Ditto. 257, footnote 4,-[From the Palnada inscriptions we learn that the Kakatiya king
Ganapati was ruling from his capital Oramgallu, already in Saka-Samvat 1173 and that his daughter and successor Radramahadevi was also ruling from the
same city in Saka 1191.-H. K. S.] 261, footnote 6, line 7 from bottom, --for Kulottunga-Chola I. read Kulottunga
Choda I. 266, line 4,--for Kakati read Kakati. ,,282, para. 5, line 4,---for Khariar read Kharir.
283, line 7,- for Tundrà read Tundra. , 284, translation, line 1,--for-Sarabhapura read Sarabhapura.
footnote 6, line 3,- for Jejabhukti read Jejabhukti. 300, line 9,-[Comparing the symbol for i in opilupati with the 4-symbol in oparihinam
(line 19) and in 'ndirgha (line 24) it appears as if the form Mahápilupati was also meant here as in the Sankheda plate of Santilla (Ep. Ind. Vol. II.
p. 23).-H. K. S.] . 307, table, 1st column,-for Gazni read Ghazni. » » 3rd for Adil Shah Aynâ read Adil Shah Ayna. ,,313, line 2,- for Halavur read Halavûr and for Banvåsi read Bana vasi. , 316, para. 3, line 3,- for bhandari read bhandari. , line 8 from bottom, --for Brahmáujhåka read Brahmaujháka. , 321, last para., line 6,--for 493 read 793. 330, footnote 8,--for Amuktamalyada read Âmuktamalyada and for Vishộuchittiyam
read Vishnuchittiyam. , 331, para. 4, line 7,- for Kuttukkal read Kuttakkal.
» » » 8,- for P&ţtaikulam read Pataikkulam.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
VOLUME IX.
No. 1.- TWO COPPER-PLATE INSCRIPTIONS OF THE TIME OF MAHENDRAPALA OF KANAUJ.
BY PROFESSOR F. KIELHOBN, C.I.E.; GÖTTINGEN. TN February 1904 Mr. Gaurishankar Hirachand Ojha of Udaipur in Rajputana most kindly 1 sent me photographs of two Sanskrit inscriptions on copper-plates, which had been found some years before at Ūna, a town in the southernmost part of the peninsula of Kathiâvad, in the Junagadh State. Both inscriptions are of the reign of the Maharajadhirija Mahendrapala or, as he is called in one of them, Mahendrayudha, of Kanauj, and record grants to a temple of the Sun by two feudatories of his, Balavarman and his son Avanivarman II. Yoga, who belonged to a Chalukya family. One is dated in the [Gupta-) Valabhî year 574, corresponding roughly to A.D. 893; the other in the [Vikrama] year 956, corresponding to about A.D. 899. In March 1904 I gave a short account of the contents of these inscriptions, in Nachrichten d. K. Ges. d. Wissenschaften i Göttingen, and I have since tried to secure impressions of the originals. Not having succeeded in doing so, I now venture to publish the texts from Mr. Ojha's photographs.
A.- Plates of Balavarman; Valabhi-samvat 674. These are two plates, each of which is inscribed on one side only. They contain 36 lines of on the whole well-preserved writing in Nagari characters. The language is Sanskrit; it is generally easy to understand, but line 17 contains a revenue term which I have not met with elsewhere and am unable to explain. Lines 7-9 give two verses on the vanity of fortune, etc., and the necessity of works of piety, and lines 22-29 six of the ordinary imprecatory verges; the rest is in prose.
The inscription records a grant of land by the Mahásdmanta Balavarman, the son of Avanivarman [1.], of the Chalukya lineage, a fendatory, who had obtained the five mahdfabdas, of the Paramabhaftáraka Maharajadhiraja Paramétvara Mahendrayudhadeva who meditated on the feet of the P.M.P. Bhôjadêva. From Nakshisapura, Balavarman informs the various officials and others that, after fasting on the sixth tithi of the bright half of Mågha, he gave the village of Jayapura, belonging to the Nakshisapura group of eighty-four which
See Indian Atlas, quarter sheet 13, 8. E., Long. 71° 5', Lat. 21° 40'.
• Since no facsimiles can be published, it would be useless to give full particulars regarding the forms of individual letters; but I may mentio. here that the conjuncts ry and rth are denoted by (well-known) special signs which contain no superscript r.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. IX.
ho had acquired by his own arm (svabhujøpárjita-Nakshisapura-chaturasitiká), to (a temple of) the Sun under the name TarunAdityadêva, which stood on the banks of the river Kanavirika. The boundaries of the village were on the east the village of Sihaváhalaka, on the south the village of Ba[iyasthalla, on the west the village of Pedhillaka, and on the north the village of Anvullaka (Ambullaka). After the usual admonition to preserve this gift, and six imprecatorý verses, lines 29-34 give the names of twelve witnesses-four Brahmaņs, four merchants, and four Mahattaras. They are followed by the name of the writer, which cannot be read with certainty, and this, again, is followed by the date fri-Valabhi-samvat 574 Mágha-fuddha 6, the numerals of which are ordinary decimal figures. The inscription, in line 36, ends with the signatures sva-hastô=[tra) Sri-Va(ba) lavarmmanah II sva-hastaḥ fri-Dhiika, where the second) fra-hastah is preceded by a mark which seems to represent the actual sign-manual of Dhiika. Who this Dhlika was, does not appear from the present inscription; but the grant B. makes it probable that he was a high official of the king Mahendrayudha (Mahendrapala), whose permission was necessary for the making of the grant.
B-Plates of Avanivarman II. Yoga; (Vikrama-]sam vat 956. These are three plates, the second of which is inscribed on both sides, while the first and third are inscribed on one side only. They contain 68 lines of well-preserved writing in Nagari characters. The engraving is done carelessly, so that the text contains numerous mistakes, the correction of some of which, especially in two passages where proper names are concerned, is very difficult. The language is Sanskrit. Lines 1-45 contain twenty-four verses which, after glorifying the Sun, treat of the genealogy of the donor and of his and his ancestors' exploits ; and two imprecatory verses are cited in lines 65-67; the rest of the text is in prose.
The inscription records a grant of land by the Mahasamanta Avanivarman (IT.), surnamed Yoga, of the Chalukys race (verse 2). In this race there were two 'great kings' (maha-muhipato, the brothers Kalla and Mahalla (v. 3), the former of whom is eulogized in conventional terms (vv. 5 and 6). Kalla had a son, whose name cannot be made out with confidence (v.7); and this chief had a son whose name ended with dhavala, and whose full name perhaps was Vahukadhavala (v. 9). This last named chief destroyed (or defeated) in battle a certain Dharma, conquered kings who were well-known rajadhiraja-param&svaras, and defeated a Karnața army (vv. 10 and 11). His son was Avanivarman [1.] (v. 12), and his son, again, was Balavarman (the donor of the grant A., above). Balavarman defeated a certain Vishadha (v. 16) from whom he took away a pair of big drums (uru-dhakká); and, by slaying Jajjapa and other kings, 'freed the earth from the Huna race' (v. 17). His son was Avanivarman (II.), also called Yoga (v. 18), who routed the armies of a certain Yakshadasal and other kings whose countries were invaded by him (vv. 19 and 20), and pat to flight Dharanivardha (v. 21).
In lines 45 ff. this Mahasamanta Yoga (i.6. Avanivarman II.), a feudatory of the Paramabhaffaraka Maharajadhirdja Paramédvara Mahendrapaladeva who meditated on the feet of the P.M.P. Bhojadeva, informs his officials and others, as well as future kings, that, with the approval of the illustrious Dhlika, he gave the village of Amvulaka (Ambulaka), which
* Verse 19 records that, after destroying the army of Yakshadisa, Avanivarman took away from him the musical instrument (tdrya) called edgarakaibha.--In my previous account of this inscription I suggested that Yakshadass may have ruled the Madra country, but this is wrong. As the engraver of the grant in several other places has engraved m instead of y, the actual reading muddha-bhdmine in line 86 must undoubtedly be altered to yuddha-bhdmith, not to Madra-
b mith. * The inscription, the text of which is not quite certain here, seems to indicate that Dhfika was in antapila or frontier-guard' of Mahendrapala's, and that Avapivarman IT. was a subordinate of his (18 ha father Balavarna had been before Liin). See the end of tne grant A.
* This village (Ambalaka or Ambullaks) is mentioned aloo in the grant A.

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No. 1.)
TWO GRANTS OF THE TIME OF MAHENDRAPALA.
3
belonged to the Nakshisapura eighty-four (Nakshisdpura-chaturusiti) in the Saurashtra mandala, to (a temple of) Tarunadityadeva, located near the river Kanavirika in the vicinity of the village of Jayapura. The boundaries of the village were on the east the village of Viyaraka, on the south the village of Jayapura, on the west the villages of sonduvaks and Kôrinthaka, and on the north the village of Vavulika. After the usual admonition to preserve this gift and two imprecatory verses, the inscription, in line 68, ends with the dato sanovat 956 Magha-Sudi 6, the numerals of which here also are ordinary decimal figures.
The Chalukya chiefs mentioned in the preceding are not known from other inscriptions. The large Bilhari inscription, in Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 266, mentions a Chaulukya Avanivarman whose daughter Nohalê was married by the Kalachuri Chedi king Yuvaraja I. Köyüravarsha. That Avanivarman may have been a contemporary of Avanivarman II. Yöga of our grant B.; but-even assuming that the terms Ohalukya and Chaulukya might be used synonymouslyshe cannot be identical with him, because his father and grandfather were Sadhanya and SimhaVarman (not Balavarman and Avanivarman).
For Balaverman, a feudatory of Mahendrayudha (Mahôndrapala), the grant A. furnishes a date in about A.D. 893. We therefore may assume that his grandfather Vahukadhavala (P) lived about the middle of the 9th century A.D., and was almost certainly a feudatory of Mahôndrapåla's predecessor Bhôjadêya (Mihira) of Kanauj, for whom we possess dates from A.D. 843 to A.D. 881. Now in the inscription No. 77 of my Southern List this Mihira (Bhojadêva) is stated to have been defeated by the Gujarat Rishtrakața Dhruvarija II. This at any rate would show that he was at war with the Rashtraktas; and I believe that such a war is actually referred to in the account of Våhukadhavala's (?) exploits related in the grant B. In my opinion, the Karnața army which is said to have been defeated by him can only have been an army of the Rashtrakůțas. As regards (the king) Dharma who is stated to have been destroyed (or defeated) by the same chief, I know of no king Dharma who could have been a contemporary of his, excepting the well-known Påla king Dharmapala, and I see no reason why Dharma should not be identified with that Påla king, who at one time or another undoubtedly was at war with the rulers of Kansuj.
Balavarman himself defeated a certain Vishadha, and by slaying Jajjapa and other kings freed the earth from the Huņa race.' Who Vishadha was, it is impossible to say. Wars with Hûna kings are frequently mentioned in Indian inscriptions of the Middle Ages, and we know of a Hûna princess, Åvalladevi, who was married by the Kalachuri Karna in the 11th centary; bat in recording the name of Jajjape our grant B. for the first time discloses the name of an individual Hûna king, who must be placed in about the last quarter of the 9th century.
The kings or chiefs mentioned as opponents of Avånivarman II, Yoga, for whom we have & date in about A.D. 899, are Yakshadása and Dharanivardha. The former is unknown to ns. The latter I do not hesitate to identify with the Chapa Mahasamantadhipati Dharanivarába, known to us from his Haddala plates which were issued from Vardhamana (or Wadhwan in
This village was granted to the same temple of the Sun by the grant A.
? A daughter of the Kalachuri Yuvarkja I., Kundakadávt, was married by the Rashtrakata Amoghavarsha III. Baddiga, for whom we now possess dates in A.D. 987 and 939
* In Nos. 354 and 856 of my Northern Liat certain chiefs are described as both Chalukyas and Charlnkyar.
. See my note on the grammarians' ajayaj-Jartó Hinds in Nachrichten d. K. Go. d. Winschaftes e Göttingen, 1903, p. 306 1. The Pila DevapAls humbled the pride of the Bapa (Ep. Ind. Vol. II. p. 163, . 13); according to the Khards plates of the Rashtrakata Kakkarija II. Amoghavarsha of A.D. 972 this king fought battles with the lord (or lorda) of the Ham (Ind. Ant. Vol. XII. p. 286, L 32), the Paramar Utpala (Mufjarkja) took away the life of the Hàņas (ibid. Vol. XVI. p. 28, 1. 41); his younger brother Sindhuraja conquered the king of the Hdpan (Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 285, v. 16), ato.
Boo my Northern List, No. 353.
B 2

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. IX.
KathilyAd) in A.D. 914, and in which he is represented as a feudatory of a Rajadhirdja Mahîp&ladeva whose proper identification, as will be seen below, can no longer offer any difficulty.
The place Nakshisapura, the nine villages mentioned in connection with the two grants, and the river Kanavirika I have not, I regret to say, been able to identify. The main point of general interest connected with these localities is, that the Nakshisapura group of eightyfour, which was held by the two donors, according to the inscription B. belonged to the Saurashtra mandala. The name Surashtra we know to denote the southern part of Kathiavad; and since the two chiefs Balavarman and Avanivarmao II. describe themselves as feudatories of the Maharajadhiraja Mahêndrayudhadeva or Mahendra påladeva (of Kananj), it follows from these inscriptions that towards the end of the 9th century A.D. the kingdom of Kanauj extended as far south as, and included, the province of KathiAvad. Moreover, it becomes quite certain now that the Rijadhiraja Mahipaladeva, who in the Haddala plates of A.D. 914 is mentioned as the overlord of the Chåpa Mahusamantadhipati Dharanivaráha, must be identi fied with the Maharajadhiraja Mahipaladeva of Kanauj (whose Asni inscription is dated in about A.D. 917), the successor of Mahendra påladeva, and cannot have been one of the Chudåsamas of Girnar-Junagadh.
In the grant A. the king, known to us from the grant B. and other inscriptions as Mahêndrapala, is called Mahendrayudha. This name of course at once recalls the names Indrayudha and Chakršyudha, the former denoting a king who according to the Harivansa-Purána was ruling the north in Saka-samvat 705=A.D. 783-84, and the latter another king, to whom the sovereignty of Mahodaya (Kananj) was given, after the defeat of Indraråja i.e., in my opinion, Indrayudha), by the Påla Dharmapala, and who was defeated by Nagabhata, the grandfather of Bhôjadêve of Kananj. It may also be mentioned that in Rajasekhara's Karpuramafijari a certain mercbant is represented as having gone to Kanauj, the capital of Vajra. yudha, the king of Panchala.' That story would seem to show that in the opinion of Rajasekhara, who was Mahendrapala's guru, a name with the somewhat anusual ending dyudha, such as Vajrayudba, was a suitable or characteristic name of a Kanauj king. Most probably Mahendrapala himself was known to Rajasekbara also by the name Mahendrayudha.
The date of the grant A., fri-Valabhi-samvat 574 Mâgha-fuddha 6, is by a long way the earliest date in which we find the technical expression Valabhi-samvat. In the inscriptions of the Valabhi kings themselves the year of a date is ordinarily preceded by only san, rarely by samvat; and hitherto the earliest inscription containing the term Valabhi-samvat was the Vérával inscription of the temple-priest Bbáva-Brihaspati of Valabhi-samvat 850 (No. 503 of my Northern List). In the Morbi plate of Jâinka (ibid. No. 502) of the year 585 of the same era the number 585 in line 19 is preceded by simply samvat, while in line 17 the year is described as a Gaupta (i.e. Gupta) year. It is curious that in Kathiavad we should find the GuptaValabhi, Vikrama and Saka eras employed in dates of the same period and in almost the same localities. A.-PLATES OF BALAVARMAN; VALABHI-SAMVAT 574.
TEXT,
First Plate. 1 Om [ll] Jayag=ch=&bhyudayas-cha || Svasti [ll] Nakshisapurát-parama
bhattaraka-mahåráj[6]dhi
Of Nagabhaça Mr. Gaurishankar Hirachand Ojha has discovered in the Jodhpur State a stone inscription dated in about A.D. 815 (nasi atsara-la[1873).
* See Dr. Sten Konow's edition, pp. 74 and 286. • From a photograph supplied by Mr. Gaurishankar Hirachand Ojha. • Denoted by a symbol.

Page #16

No. 1.)
TWO GRANTS OF THE TIME OF MAHENDRAPALA.
2 raja-paràmêsvara-bri-Bhôjadêva-påd[A® ]nudhyâta-paramabhattáraka-maharajadhiraja-para3 mêsvara-sri-Mahendråyudhadeva-påda-prasádákshata-samadhigata-pañchamah & bavda -
(bda)-mahâsâmantas-[Ch]- . 4 lukyanvaya-prasūta-sri-Avanivarmma-sata-sri-Va(ba)lavarmma sarvvån=ēva raja
rajanya-rajasthaniy-Ôparik-ema5 tya-[cha]tabhata-bhatta-[da]odava(på)sika-dapd[8]ddharapika-draugika-mahattara-châru--
chåra-bhata-hastyasvåróbha(ha)ka-prabhșitih 16 6 yuktaka-niyuktakam svânad(a)nyâm(6=cha y athâsamva(ba)dhyamánakan
samana vo(b)dhayaty-astu vaḥ sau viditam yath Padma-patteo 7 sthita-jala(va] tarala śrî dộishța-nashtañ=cha jivitamḥ? Padmapatra-jalavimdu
chamchalam jivitavyam-akhilas-cha sampadab 8 ity=avētya jagataḥ sthiti[mo] nfipâh kim dhanaih kuruta dharmmam-animdyah'
11 Pallavagra-jalavindu-chamohald klesa. 9 jála-parivêshtitë bhavê yê na chimtayati karmma-satpatham tasya janma
bhavat iha nihphalam 10 11 êvar sarvvam-adhruva10 m=ål8[kya] dharmmê matih sthapyatan || Tan-maya llevabhajopârjita
Nakshisapurachaturasitika-prativa(ba)ddho Jayapur-&11 bhidhânô grâmah Magha-suklapaksha-Bhashthyâm'3 upöpya (shya) gandha-dh dpa
pushya(shpa)-dipa-snâna-vilépan-Opalēpana-(sanmå P]-14 12 rjana-khandasphuţita-sudha-kûrcbchak-adi-suśru(srû)shâ-krité Sva-mâtâpitrôr=âtmanag=
chals aihik-åmushm[io]ka-pupya-yaśd13 bhivriddhayê bhagavatah sarit-Kanavirika-tat-vasthita-Sahasradidhitêh srimatas
Taru[n]dityadêvîyal bhakti-bhl14 vita-manasa ? udak[&*]tisarggêņa dharmmadayo nispishtaḥ pratipaditas-cha || Yasya
půrvvataḥ Sihaváhalaka-grâma15 simâ maryåd[&•] [l] dakshiņataḥ Ba[jyastha ]la-grâma-simå maryada
aparatab Pedhillaka-gråma-simå [ma*]ryada atta16 rataḥ Anvullaka-18 grâma-sîma maryâdâl évam chaturåghatta(a)n-Ôpalakshitaḥ
sa-bhogabbâga sa-hiraṇy[]danaḥ 17 sa-dapdadasAparadhah SA-simåparyantaḥ s-ôdra[*]gaḥ sa-vriksbamálakulah
88-parikaraḥ chóllakavaiņivai18 gikakoshyadi-sahitabo &cbațabhatapravesa-varjjitozo bhômichchhidra-nyâyana
dharmmaday nigri(spi)shtah || 19 Asya bhumjatð bhojâpayataḥ krishatab karshapayato va asmad-vamsajair-anyair
yvå bhôktsibhiḥ
Read, probably, .prasddikrita-.
Read fry. Instead of this word which I do not remember to have met with elsewhere, I should have expected here, next to dandapafika, as in other grants, -chanr6ddharanika..
• It is just possible that the two aksharas chars were struck out in the original, and that the intended reading therefore is.chára-bhata..
Read-prabaritinedyuktaka-niyuktakan• Read -pattra-sthita jalavatetarald frirs.
7 Read jivitam. • Metre of this verse and of the next : Rathoddhati.- Read Padmapattra..
This of course cannot be right, but the actual reading does not suggest to me suitable conjecture. 10 Read nishphalam.
11 Originally rodblso was engraved, but the sign for d has been struck out. 11 Read gramó. 13 Read-shashikyam.
" Read-samdrjana. 15 Read ach,
16 Read, in accordance with the preceding, °dérasya. 11 Here and in other places below the rules of sad i have not been observed.
Hond Ambullaka- ; in line 54 of the grant B. the name is spelt Amoulaka...
1 Thin term, the reading of which is quite clear in the photograph, I am unable to explain. The word olollikd occurs above, Vol. III. p. 267, 1. 28; and Prof. Hultzsch draws my attention to Vol. VI. p. 88, note 9.
. Ono would have expected here aoldfadhaçaprardian, and some other term ending with varjita(like .9.. púrpudatta-dérabral maddya-rarjitah).

Page #17

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. IX.
20 pratishd[dhô] Da karaņiyaḥ pålayitavyas-cha || yatab sâm[&]nyam bhúmidánaphalam-avety-ayam-asmad-da
Second Plate. 21 yd-numantavyo semat-prlty-Abbyarthanaya cha pålaniya iti 11 Tatha ch-Oktarh
[bhagava22 tá vyAdd(ne)nal Vyåsena ll 'Y&n=lha dattani pard narendraiḥ dânâni dharmm
artha-yaga23 s-karåņi | nirmmålye-vânta-pratimâni tâni ko nama sådhuḥ punar=&dadita | 24 3Shashtirəvvarsba-sa basrapi svarggé tishthati bhumidaḥ []chchb[@]ttä сh=
anumantå cha (tiny=&)va narakê vasêt || Va(ba)habbir-vvasudha bhukta râjanaiḥ Sågar-&dibhiḥ 1
yasya yasya yada [bh]26 mis-tasya tasya tada phalan | Shashţir=vvarsha-sahasråņi shashtir=vvarsha
satâni (cha] | [gavån koti-pradáng)27 na bhůmi-harttà na sudhyati || Vindhy-&țavishv-atøyåsa (su) sushka-kotara
vâsinaḥ 1 [kfishộihayo hi ja]28 yanté bhumi-dâyam haratti(nti) y8 | Sva-dattam para-datt[am] vå .ya[tnjad=
raksha naradhipa mahim mahibh(ritâ in freshtha] 29 dânâch-chhryð-nupålanam II 1) Ava (tra) sâkshi vra(brahmana-Dehada-suta
Bhavaḥ tatha vråbrå)hmana-[Kau .P]30 nara-suta-Någelvarah | tatha vra(bra)hmana-Jajjaka-suta-Hariḥ 11 tatha
vri(bra)hmana-Bhå[skara)-buta31 Vasudevah | tatha vapik Nôgha-suta-Isuvab' | tatha vaņiko Någa-suta
Pa[ba]llah || ta32 thả Tvani-Jèulla-sata-Nannakah tatha vanaks Sargama-suta-Deuthah | tatha
sa(ma)hattara-Dram [g]iya 33 sata-Sihab | tathå må(ma)hattara-Govåsa-suta-Ajainab | tatha mahattara-Govåsa
suta-Méha[ri]pa[ka]34 b 1 tath mahattara-Dhara-suta-Kaņhakaḥ 11 Likhitam ch-aitan-mi(ma)ya kula
putraka-Datta-suta-[Dhá ?]35 [r]ádistyö]n-êti Il 1 Sri-Valabhi-samvat 574 Magha-guddha ell © 36 Sva-hasto-(tra] srl-Va(ba)lavarmmanaḥ | T 10 sva-hastaḥ Sri-Dhiikal lll B.-PLATES OF AVANIVABMAN II. YOGA; (VIKRAMA-SAMVAT 856.
TEXT.12
First Plate. 1 0 13 [] Jayag=ch=Abhy[uo]dayas-cha || Jayati' jagatâm prasûtir-visv-åtmå
Bahaja-bhushanam nabhasab drutaka 2 nakasadrisa-daśasatamayakha-mål-Archatablo Savita || [1*) Ast-fla sårð va(ba)hir
amtars cha chchhidraiḥ pari
Bond, probably, oddany daina. 1 Metre: Indravajra. Metre of this verse and the rest : sloks (Anashtubb).- Read alashfish warsha.. • Read rajadhit Sagar.
Read alashtin sarska.
Read canig-N. * Read easig-Jr.
Read apik-Sai • The same word course.g. in Ind. Ant. Vol. XII. p. 161, line 69.
This mark, which does not look like a letter, apparently represents the signatare of Dutika. 11 One would have expacted - Da likasya. See line 68 of the grant B. 13 Prom a photograph sapplied by Mr. Gaurishankar Hirachand Ojha. Denoted by a symbol.
Metre : Arya. 15 Road - dl-dehital
* Metro: Indravajra.

Page #18

No. 1.]
TWO
TWO GRANTS OF THE TIME OF MAHENDRAPALA.
3 to na vipatrasatah' bhedyaḥ parair=n=riva mahipatin& VA(oha)lukya
nâm=¶-tunga-[vam]laḥ I(II) [2] "Va(ba)bhůva4 tuti(seta) (tra] maha-mahipati mah[&]-mati Kalla-Ma[ha]lla-samjñitau yayoḥ
sita kirttireupAgamad-ga5 naiḥ para prasiddhiḥ(m) satata[m*) sunirmalaiḥ || [3*] Saubhrátrañ-cha
yayor-Alli(el)d-anyonyam=avibhita(nna)6 yo[b] 1) kalavappapamâmy&tam* Râma-Lakshmanay[0]r-iva || [4] Madhyes
npipánům suvibhayi(shi)tênår 7 raraja Kallah kula-ki[r*]tti-ya[kta]} 1 ka[]tya mahatya sthiraya sriya
va(cha) kalpadrumaņām=i. 8 va pärijata[b] l1 [5] Rajya[m] machra ?]'mahipatau gunagan-alamkarabh atë
Bati kehiņå[ra]ti-pa9 råkram-&n[v]ita-tanau nirbhàtika sasati lokánam-abhavan mand rati-yuta [*]
dharmma-pra30 [ah låna[] sada tushţir=[vva(bbs)ndhu)janasya gatinya-janità dânañ-cha
satysttisha(?)' 0 [6] 10Tasman-mahiế[a ]davi11 tatökavirttiḥ" lakshmi-nidhanam Saranam guņânam ||(1) Sauryasya bhûmir
vvasatir-mmatinária 12 rájairyabhama(?)18 tanay&(78) va(ba)bhůva || [7] Valgattyaraggamåtuga
mattamâtanga-duggaman yach-cha13 ndadandatasrastaḥ satratô=sibriyan-vana || [6] Ajani tatð=pi srimâm[ngå P]
hukadhavald 14 mahavu(nu)bhávô yaḥ| dha[r*]mmam=avann- api nityam raņôtyamo(P) I
ninasadraman 18 (II) [98] Rajadhird15 ja-paramdsvara-bhumina[th]An-yas-tan-api
svabhuja-virya-vasád=vijig[y]8 16 nistramsanibhrayavila[ji]ripittimáguir=&vjair=ivê
ksbiti-talama
Second Plate; First Side.
18Kunta[tha ?]&&si[hs]si-pra[ch]ura-nara-kari-pråja (iya).
17 samaré puvinya || [10"]
valgat-taragam
Read ripattraidkhah, i.e. both vi-pattra-fdkha,' without leaves and branches and vipattra-fdkhal, whose branches protect from misfortune.' A bamboo (Dama) has leaves and branches. But the Chalukys race teamfa) is a different kind (apara) of varia, one that has no lesves and branches, 1.e., in the other sense of the adjective, it is a race the branches of which protect from misfortune. Similarly the other epithets in the verse taggest other differences between the two kinds of data. The word apara of the last Pids is practically equivalent to apirea, which is employed in a similar verse above, Vol. III. p. 208, line 6 of the text. 4para is used in the same way (not in the sense before which no other excela") in the verse in Ind. Ant. Vol. XII. p. 198, line 10. : Metre : Vamasths.
• Metre: sloks (Anushtubb). • Read kuladharmma-samdytas.
• Metre : Upajati. • Metre : Ś&rdülavikridita.
+ Read yatra. Read, probably, wirbaltikan.
Read, perhaps, sampattijan. 10 Metre: Indravajra.
11 Read citat-drukirttir, 11 I am unable to give the name of the chief, concealed in this corrupt passage. The verse would be right it we were to read Rajandra-ndmd, but I am not sure about this conjecture.
1 Metre: sloka (Anushțubh).- Read the verso: Valgat-turangamáttunga-matta-mdtanga-durgjandt yach. shandadandatar-tractan Satrandafifriyaswana For ohandadanda se above, Vol. VI. p. 10, v. .
14 Metre : Arya.
15 Here again I cannot give confidently the name intended in the original. The right reading may posibly be frimas Vahukadhavalo.
16 Read ran-6dyatdannatad-Dharma. The namest the end of the verse indoubtedly is Dharmant.
11 Metre: Vrantatilaki.-Bead the second half of the verso: wiatrisha-Nirdayarilena.riplttamdit gairabjair-it kahiti-talash samaré pranidhya!
11 Metre : Sragdhark - Read Kuntaprdednihasta..

Page #19

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. IX.
18 Karnnatam ai(sai)pyam=&jó(jaa) bhayarahita-mana bhärisô=bhu(nu)pravilya
ekkki khadgar 19 yashty drutam=atisitayal ydərimddhi-praváha[min] vâh-Aradhd-vagadhath kamala20 yanam-iva srattya-kbêda lulava || [11°) 3Tasmad-amjâyata suto svanivarmma
nâmà saurya-prata21 pa-vinay-di-gunautapétah sannahavad-bh[ri® ]sam=imamavata dharitrima
anyarthatân=nijam=&22 niyata yênanama (II) [12] Avaniva[ro]mmani ya[tra] Bukarmmani
vyathita-sâtravamarmmaņi varmmani() [1] 23 yuvati-nirmita-narmmaņi bh àpato(tau) na janatAbhir-aga[ro]mmaņi sa[m]kitar 11
[13] Tasya sûnur=ajan=jha 24 gukarma mitra-va(ba)ndh[u]janar tabira-76a[r]mma 1 kirttito vidita-sâtravamarmå
y8 janair-abhi25 dhaya Vasba)lavarmma || [14] Satatam-avitath-oktih nâna-japy-adi-s&(61)lah
pranayi atasahasra26 dhina-vistirnnasampat bbrijasuru-vihit-As8 yaḥ sad=&rabhya vå(bà)lyåtvi(t-Tri)
nayana-charan
27 rchchasilavân=samprajatam(h) I(II) [15] Prathita-karituramgam satanistrimga-påņiho
Vishadham-avaba28 m=isaḥ sådhu jitvå samike [] sthirstaram=urudhakka-yugmam=&su dradhiyan'ı
sruti-sukha29 dam-akhinnô ô=grahin=ma[m]dra-nadam || [16] Chatara-turaga-durggån-samyati
dhvasta-satru[h*) sphuţa 30 m=iha jagatisan Jajjap-ádin-nihatya prasabham-abhimanaskó ô vyadhatta
[ksh]itis 31 bhuvanam-idam-ahing Hûna-vaṁsốna hinam || [17*] Kuvalayadala-nêtraḥ
sannat-êmšasthald.12 32 kah prakatam-Ava[n]lvarmma [n]åms tasy-[8]tmaj[6]=bhût Prithula
kațir=ud&raḥ kshma-ma33 dhyas-tatha yo vidita iha jagatyam Yôga-nâmn=&parêņa || (18"). Sathgråme
Yakshadesa[mo) va(ba)la
Second Plate ; Second Side. 34 m-a[kh]ilam-apil5 dhvarsayitva praviró yaḥ samjagraha türya patutara
Dinadan Sagara kab8bha35 nama yasy-alam kåra-bhatam 16 jita-ripa jagrihuḥ pattayo=pi pratitah
sankba-[chchha]tra-dhvajad1-17 36 n-ahamahamikaya mu(yu)ddha-bhimin pravisya || [190] Kôdanda-dhvasta-dhara
sara-kara-nakharê viskra]m-&ya(ba)ddha- - 37 chitte lilabhim(nn)-&nyal6(36)na-samadagajaghat&-tumbhatamgasthalikais yasmin
&[kra]mya bhîmim
Read ratifitaya ybarimirddha-.
* Read srasta-khddan. Metre: Vasantatilaka.- Read Taomadeajayata.
• Read -gunairaupiah. • Metre: Drutavilambita.
• Metre : Evågata.
1 Read -bandhupanal-dhita.. • Metre of verses 15-18: Malini. . Read dvija-guru.
10 Read -pdmir11 Read dradhlydia.
13 Read jagatud. ** Read sannat-dmsasthalikah pra'. Metre of versen 19 and 20: Sragdhari. 15 The syllable pi was originally omitted and is engraved in the margin. 16 Read -5 dtdi.
" Read -chchhattra-dhraj.ddl. 15 Read tunga-kuabhasthalli & yasmins

Page #20

No. 1.)
TWO GRANTS OF THE TIME OF MAHENDRAPALA.
38 [sthi]tavati hi nija' sighavad=Yakshad&sa-[kshð ]nip-adyaiskumragair=ival ripu
nivahaiḥ duratab sam 39 pranese || [20] Vyomni y&mtam=adhikam mpigay[á® ]-priyo yaḥ satvat na
muñchati sa kim Dharanivaráhah [*] matya40 ti [v]mpuruhaya sahas(8)=aiva yasya dûrân=nanamka matimam Dharaṇivarábaḥ
[21] Khadga-khardita-dhapdaras in 18 41 runda-mandaigha-manditam yatr=&jibh [&*]ji jatisti] sasapåņail raņâmganar 11
[228] Narapatim-amun muktvå 42 kala kalau sati [m ]prati trijagati paritratum sakto na kaśchid=ap-fha
| mâm | su[ja na-niva[hô] ma43 tv-êtiva natikamavi kralmal sarana-manasam Srimantan yan samasrayad
[chchhr]ita[m] l1 [23*] Tôna prava(cha)ndamaruda[bhra]. 44 chala[m] vi[bhậtim ?] (padmasth P]itamvu( bu)kaņika-ta[ra]låtan=&sů [n]** |
vidy[uo]dvilasa-va(cha)paláñ=cha vichi[m*]tya la45 kshmim pravartyata spbuļam-ayam kehitidâna-dba[r]mmaḥ || [24] Sa cha
mahâsâmanta-sri-Yoga êvam-u[kta P]vån patbals 46 16gapramn-êv=ábbisam vadhyakam s vån=anyåms=[cha] gåmibhavi-bhûpâlams=cha
samanuvô(68)dhayaty-astu 47 vaḥ sarviditam yath=&småbhiḥ pratâpapranata-samastas&manta-80(mau)limál-Archita
charanayu48 galasya
sasadharakaranikar-amalayasa [b]pravaha-dhavalita-dharåvalayasya samthitabhya49 dhikapradan-&nandita-vamdivrind-Ôpagiyamåna-samastagunaganasya paramabhattara50 ka-mah[&]rajadhiraja-parami(me)Svara-sri-Bhôjadi(dê)v&-pådanud hy at a-para ma51 bhattáraka-mahar[4*]jadhiraja-paramêsvala-bri-Mah e mi drapala de va-pras 4-17
Third Plate. tanti(nni)yukta-tam tram dra?]påla!-gri-Dhlika-prativa(ba)ddhais
52 påda-prasad-&våpta
ta53 d-anumaty& cha
ta
Sau(sau)rashtramandal-intahpåti-Nakshieapurachatura(ra)siti
prati
1 Read miján sin harada.
? Read -ddyain kurangairaita ripu-sivahair. • Metre: Vasantatilaka. The general meaning of the verse clearly is that a certain Dharanivardha, for whose identication see above, p. 3 f., was put to flight by, or fled before, Avanivarman. But I am not sure about every detail of the verse. The first words of the verse perhaps are either by Omnedpi ydmtamor vyomua prayántams. • Read sattua in.
$ I cannot correct this. • Read ananála matimdns.
* Metre : 16ks (Anushțubh). . Read, probably, -dandárast in the sense of elephant'). . Read-mond-augha..
10 Read fastra-panau. 11 Metre: Harin.
19 Read Trivikrama-vikraman. 1 Metre : Vasantatilaka.
Read -taraláns=tath=dsdn. Read yatha (P), but the words évamuktaran yatha would be quite out of place here. # Read sarerán=évedbhinanibadhyamánakan-stanaany d uch-dg amibhavin.
11 These two akshara. (the first two syllables of the word prasada) are quite out of place here. In agreement with the preceding adjectives one would have expected. Mah&mdrapdladdvasya, but the writer proceeds as if the whole preceding passage, commencing with pratápapranata, were a single compound, qualifying Mahdhdrapala. ddra.
10 Here, in my opinion, some words have been omitted. As the text stands, we do not learn from it what the chief Yoga had received from Mahendrapala.
1. The two akshara, in brackets are quito doubtful. I can only suggest that the intended reading may possibly be-tadantapála-,

Page #21

10
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
54 va(ba)ddha'-Amvulak-Abhidhana-gråmaḥ sa-vrikshamâlâkulaḥ sa-simaparyan[t]ab 55 sa-bhôgabhagaḥ sa-hiranyâdânab sa-danḍadasaparådhab sibhajamisavlehtikab 56 aakala-jakiyinkm-ahasteprakahipaulma(ya) &-chamdr-arksh (rkk)-ârnṇava-kahiti
sarit-par[vv]ata-sama
57 kâlinab ih-aiva Jayapura-grâm-âbhyâsê Kanavirika-sarid-upakantha nivish[*]aTa[ru]på
58
dityadevaya khandasphutita-suka (dha)-dugdha-ka[r]chchaka-snapana-vilêpana-pushpadhupa-dipa-t[ai]la-nê(nai) vê
59 dya-dirik-ly-pakritay m[A]pire-maand-ch-{ai]hik-Amushmika-panya-yad[6]bhivriddhayê bh@michchhidra
60 nyây[ê*]na pravi(ti) pâditas-tad-ayam svadhammadiya-nirthi(rvvi)68pes(sh) palaya (yi) tavyo snuna (ma)ntavyas-cha II yasya(sya) ch=â
61 ghâțanâni pir[vvat Viyaraka-grama-sima dakshinato Jayapura-grama
sinâ (må) aparataḥ 88
62 pduvaka-Korinthaka-grama-simê
uttarataḥ Vavulika-grama-simâ | tad-4[nn]h
chaturightand(a)-pari
63 kshipta-gråmam bhujat bbbjayatab kaha(kri)shatab karshalya]tab pratidiatê(tô) rå (va) na kaiścha [n=a]lp=âpi paripam
64 thanå vyasê và karyah yataḥ samanyasanapalam-avity="demat-prityå pålaniya ita (ti) | Tathâ d(ch)=ô
65 ktam Vyâsê(se)na | "Va(ba)hubhir-vvasudha bhukta
rajani(bhi)b (1)
âdibhib [1] yasra? yanya yada bhumisusa tasya ta 66 rå [Y]ân=fha dah[na]
purâ
palam || mmårsragrasaskarâni nirmmalyavâna-prati67 mani tani ko nama sa (sa)dhub panar-Adadita
68
Samvat 956 Magha-sudi 6 [*]
[VOL. IX.
No. 2.- VASANTGADH INSCRIPTION OF PURNAPALA;
THE VIKRAMA YEAR 1099.
1 Read 'ddh-Ambulak-. In line 16 of the grant A. the name is spelt Amoullaka. Read otpadyamánavishṭikah (or "edaktikah, which occurs often elsewhere). Read kalna.
Read vydaédho.
Metre: Sloka (Anushtubh).
BY PROFESSOR F. KIELHORN, C.I.E.; GÖTTINGEN.
About the year 1840 the stone, which bears this inscription, was taken by Captain T. S. Burt from a tank at Vasantgaḍhl in the Sirohi State of Rajputâna, and the inscription was published in Journ. As. Soc. Beng. Vol. X. p. 664 ff., from a very unsatisfactory transcript prepared by Pandit Kamalakanta. For a long time the stone seems to have been lost sight of; but it has lately been rediscovered by my indefatigable friend, Mr. Gaurishankar Hirachand Ojha of Udaipar, and is now deposited at the town of Sirohi. I re-edit the text from impressions which have been kindly sent to me by Mr. Ojha.
Read sámányam dana-phalam-avity-.
Read yasya yasya yadd bhumis-tasya tasya tadd phalam. Metre: Indravajra.
narêndrair-ddânâni10 |
Read dattáni.
10 Read ni dharmm-Artha-yasas-kardni | nirmmálya-vanta-.
11 Vasantgadh (Basantgadh) apparently is situated to the east of Mount Abd, but I do not find it on the map of the Eajputana Agency. At or near the same place an important inscription of the time of king Varmalata, of the [Vikrama] year 682, has lately been discovered.

Page #22

No. 2.)
VASANTGADH INSCRIPTION OF PURNAPALA.
11
The inscription contains 23 lines of writing which covers a space of about 2' broad by 1'44" high. At the upper proper right corner part of the stone is broken away, so that between about 15 and 2 aksharas are missing at the commencement of lines 1-9. Otherwise the writing is well preserved and may be read with certainty nearly throughout. The size of the letters_ between and f". The characters generally differ little from the ordinary Nagari, but they include a few signs which are peculiar to the earlier Dorthern inscriptions. The letter b every where is denoted by a sign of its own, and the secondary & is often written by a superscript line; once in Tuashfuh-prasádat, I. 13) we have the sign of the upadhmániya; and once (in bharyan, 1. 12) the conjunct ry is made up of the full sign for r and the secondary form of y. Between verses 32 and 33 and at the end of the text a conch-shell has been engraved, and between verses 33 and 34 a circular ornament. The language of the inscription is Sanskrit, and, excepting the words asy-Anvaydapi and nagar-Anvayôæpi in lines 8 and 13, the whole is in verse. Both the language and the verses often are incorrect, and as a piece of literary composition the inscription is worthless. Here, to show how very limited was the author's knowledge of grammar, I need only point out forms such as namam, 1. 5, vismam, 1. 9, védmaih, l. 14, and vyôme, 1. 21 (for nama, véíma, vismabhih, and vyômni), from passages regarding the reading of which there cannot be any doubt. And what liberties were taken by him, simply for the sake of the metre, in the spelling of words, may be seen from instances like Parnnápála-, l. 7, samdhi-, 1. 19, svapana-, 1. 15 (for Pärnnapála-, sandhi-, sopana-), eto.
The object of the inscription is, to record that a queen named Labiņi, a younger sister of the Paramara Pärnapala and widow of a king Vigrahardja, at Vaţa (Vaţa-nagara, Vatapura) restored an ancient temple of the Sun, and restored or founded a tank (vápí), apparently the very tank where this record has been found. And the inscription is divided into three parts, the first and second of which give the genealogies of Lähipi and Vigrahardja, while the third glorifies the town Vata and the pious work executed there by the widowed queen. The whole is introduced by two verses, in one of which (so far as it is preserved) the author pays homage to Mahesvara (Śiva), Prach@tasa (the poet Valmiki), and Våņi (the goddess of eloquence), while in the other he invokes the protection of the god Hari (Vishnu).
Verse 3 relates that through the anger of the sage) Vasishtha there was produced a youth or prince (kumara) from whom the Pramêra (or Paramara) family took its origin. In his lineage there was Utpalaraja; from him sprang Aranyardja, and from him Adbhutakfishnaraja. His son (or, if a name should have been lost at the commencement of line 4, his son's son) Was Mahipals, and from bim sprang Dhandhuka. To Dhandhuks there was born from his wife Amțitadhvi Purnapala, who ruled the Arbuda territory (bha-mandalam-Arbbudasya). In his reign, his younger sister Lahipi was married by king Vigraha (Vigraharaja).
Vigraharaja's genealogy, in verse 12, commences with a twice-born named Yota, who by his bravery aoquired the title of king (bhúpa). In his lineage there was the king (nripa) Bhavagupta, who, after restoring the temple of the Sun dwelling at Vata' (Vafa-vási-bhanu), reigned at Vata. In his lineage, again, there was Samgamaraja, who ruled Badari in Vamsaratha. From him sprang Durlabharaja; from him, Chacha; and from him, Vigrahardja, who, as stated
1 The author's mistakes have been more fully pointed out in the notes on the text. The inscription emphatically teaches us that the mistakes which may be found in an inscription need not necessarily be ascribed to the writer or engraver.
In line 9, verse 13, the word is used in the plural (Vatiahn), and in the inscription of Varmalata, mentionod above, the place appears to be called Vakarasthana.
• See o.g. Bp. Ind. Vol. II. p. 190, verse 13. In the present inscription we have the name Pramdra in verse 8, and Paramdra in verse 10. The name is written Prandra also in the unpublished Bhirupda insoription of Parnapals of the [Vikrama) year 1102, of which I possess impressions.
• In the Bharunda inscription mentioned in the preceding noto Parpapila i mid to rule the Arbuda-mandala. The inscription actually has frimaroudamandalas praideato).

Page #23

FOL. IX.
already, married Lâhiņi. After his death, his widow went to her brother's home, and was settled at the town of Vata which in the course of time had fallen into decay.
12
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
The town of Vata (Vața-nagara, Vata-pura) is glorified in verses 20-25. Here it will be sufficient to say that it is stated to have been founded by the sage Vasishṭha, that it was situated on a river named Sarasvati, and that its inhabitants are described as devoted to the worship of the Sun. That the queen Lâhiņi restored there an ancient temple of the Sun and restored or founded a tank, has been already mentioned.
The inscription (according to verses 33 and 34) was composed by the Brahman Mâtrisarman, the son of Hari, and engraved by Sivapâla, the son of the sûtradhara Dêaka, who was the son of Durga (Durgårka, i.e. Durgâditya), the son of the sthapati ('architect, carpenter,' etc.) Någa. It ends (v. 35) with the date: the ninth tithi of the dark half of the month Nabha, i.e. Śrâvana, the moon being in (the nakshatra) Mrigasiras, of the year (given in words) 1099 in the time of Vikramaditya, 'in the place' (sthanake) of Chitrabhânu. By this last expression I understand the author to say that the date fell in the Jovian year Chitrabhánu. This year can be combined with the Vikrama year 1099 only, when the latter is taken to be the expired Chaitrádi Vikrama year 1099, and Chitrabhânu to be the Jovian year so named according to the southern system. For that year the date would correspond to the 12th August A.D. 1042, when the 9th tithi of the dark half of the amânta Śrâvana ended 10 h. 46 m., while the nakshatra was Mrigasîrsha by the equal space system and according to Garga for 15 h. 46 m., and by the Brahma-siddhânta for 14 h. 27 m., after mean sunrise. The date is the earliest date of the Vikrama era that quotes a Jovian year, and, with the exception of quite modern dates, the only Vikrama date in which a Jovian year is quoted according to the southern system. It also is the earliest known date in which we find the expression Vikramaditya-kálé.
The Pramâra or Paramâra chiefs mentioned in this inscription ruled the Arbuda-mandala, i.e. a tract of country called after Arbuda, the modern Mount Abû. They are probably closely connected with the Paramâras of Chandrâvati, mentioned, e.g., above, Vol. VIII. p. 201. Regarding Vigraharaja and his ancestors I cannot offer any remark.
The places Vata and Badari in Vamsaratha (v. 14) I am unable to identify. Vața must be an old place, being mentioned already in the Vasantgadh inscription of Varmalata of the [Vikrama] year 682, and in a somewhat earlier inscription which was found at the village of Sâmoli in the Bhômata district of Mêvâd, and of which Mr. Ojha has sent me impressions. If not identical with Vasantgaḍh itself, it must be looked for close to it.
1
TEXT.3
•* [Ma]hêśvara[m] || [P]rê chêtasam tathân Vânia= prasastis-sukritâ mayà || [1] Jyotir-jyôtividâm savaḥ sava-dhiyâm dhishnyam param varchchasâm || bhaktânâm dhanadaḥ smritaḥ kalusbaha sa[m=a]samvṛitam matimatâm dâtâ cha
sat
karmmanâm || pây&d=vô Vasu-Siddha-Kinnara-nutas trailôkya-dipo Harih || [2*] "Vasishtha-kôpâj-janitaḥ kumaraḥ Pramarat-âvâpa ya.7
----^--
1 The exact meaning of verse 20 is not clear to me, and there is a doubtful passage in verse 23.
2 By the northern system Chitrabhânu lasted from the 11th September A.D. 1039 to the 6th September A.D. 1040. From impressions supplied by Mr. Gaurishankar Hirachand Ojha. Below "Ed." denotes the text in Journ. As. Soc. Beng. Vol. X. p. 671; I quote from it only a few passages, to show what that text is like.
About 15 or 16 aksharas are broken away at the commencemeat of the line. Ed. has Pranamya Hariputr[4]na kaviná Mátṛisarmmand I suh[ri]ddhitatarám Vántin; but this, with the exception of the word Vant, is a pure invention, suggested by verse 33 of the text.- M
shiubh).
Metre: Sardalavikridita.- Jy6tividAm for the sake of the tre forvidam. 6 Metre of verses 3-8: Upêndravajra, Indravajra anda
I.., apparently, from whom the Praiåra family tek is in formed on the analogy of bandhutá, janaté, etc.
wad Pramáratá seems to have been

Page #24

No. 2.)
VASANTGADH INSCRIPTION OF PURNAPALA.
13
3
4
6
- - - ll -u -vu tô=sya bhůmy&m mahâball yattra nripa babhůvab || [3] Asy=ån vayê hy=Utpalaraja-nåmål Aranyarajo-pitato
babhûya 11 tasmåd-babhův=Adbhutaksishņgrajo vikhyâta-kîrttiḥ kila vâsu- - [14] -- - -v u -u--h srimån-yath=ôrvvi[m] dhřitavån=
vara[ha]b II pattroæpi tasman-Mahipala-nâmå tasmad-abhud-Dhandhuka @ya bhûpah || [5] Asy=&pi kirttiḥ guraråja-loke pragiyatê vai sura-kimnaribhiḥ ||
viņânivishta-karajärnguli- - - - - [r=alam]kritâbhiḥ || [6] Yên=&hřità San (sau)rya-balêna lakshmifre 1 vikhyâpya naman parasainya-madhye II asy=&pi bhâry-Âmțitadévi-ttä(na)mni? rûpêņa si(si)lêna kulena yuktå || [7"] Utparnamasyâsu vis Purņģapalaḥ pûrạnâm=imam pålaya-u- - - - - [ro=p]i vijitya Sattrum safåsa bhu-mandalamArbbudasya || [8] 10 Kanakakarņņika-bhúshitagamdaya ikakuchadêsa-nivesitaVinaya || vibudha-råjakulê=mara-kanyaya sadasi yasya yasaḥ parigiyatê || [9*]
Hatval® yêna raņel3 ripůn=subahaśaḥ -- --v [kl] 11 vikramt& mada-så(s)linð vara-gaja naddhaḥ svake marndire || Purnna pala-kulapradipa-npipatau sau (Gau)rya-vratê dhármmikáls | attra Sri-Paramaravansa-tilaké rajyam sthiram gåsati || [10] 16Asy-Anaja
Lahiņi-nåma--- - Cya]thả tâmarasair=vvibina || adh=&pi ya Vigraha-bhubhujênal?
Satya yatha pûrvvam=Adhokshajêna || [11*] Asy=&nvayo=pi || || Asicd="] dvijâtir-vviditô dharaṇyam khyåta-pratêpô ripuchakra-marddi || Yotaḥ18 BV&
sau(sau)ryárjjita-bhupaśabdah kshönisvarah - u nri]pa-pradhânaḥ || [12*] Tad-anvayê khyâta-matir-nfipô=bhůt-kula-pradipo
Bhavagupta-nama 1 udhritya19 vêśmam Vata-vasi-bhänôr-Vvațéshu rajyam kritavån=sa viraḥ || [13*] Asyrånvayê Samgamaraja-nåmå Vamsarathô20 yo
Badarim sasága 11 tasmad-abhůd-Durllabharaja-bhūpas-Chacho-pil tasma[d=vara-rajaputraḥ 11 (14*] Babhůva tasmad=guninám pradhano nfip-óttamo
Vigraharaja-nama || pradanasan (sau)r yadi-guņair=udarair-yasd(66) yayau yasya
7
8
9
10
i Observe the hiatus. * Ed. has Vasudevah; but I suspect that the original had odsudhayam (wrongly for vasudhdydm). * Ed. has Tasyadimajo ondualaya-pratishthah frf-Nathaghoshi dritavdn vardnya).
• Here this name might be read Vandhuka; but in the Bharunda inscription of Parmapala the name is quite clearly Dhandhuka. The same name occurs in Nos. 210 and 689 of my Northern List. In a paper on the Chahaminns of Naddals I shall show that Dhandhu also occurs, as another form of the name.
The reading is clear, but offends against the metre. Perhaps we should read vfpdnivishtd., where (ns in the case of the first d of Parnná pála- in 1. 7) the final a would have been wrongly lengthened.
* This wrong form (for ndma) is clear in the original, and required by the metre. Ed. has bhdran. 1 Ed. has bharyya Ghritad&vi-ndmnt.
# This is quite clear in the original, Ed., instead of it, has tasmdd-amwahydrh bhwei. I consider it quite possible that the author really wrote utpannam-asy-down in the sense of 'as his son there was born,' incredible as this may seem to be.
. Read tattrdir. Ed. has vijitya ráshtran namd 'pi bhdtan valadarpadati. 10 Metre: Drutavilambita. 11 Read, perhaps, svakucha or sukuchao. Ed. has karapada manibhishitavinaya. 12 Metre: Sirdúlavikridita. w The aksharas na rand are engraved below the line. # For the sake of the metre for Pdrmpapala.. Ed. has purnah Palakula-pradipa ivayd. 15 Observe the hiatus, 19 Metre of verses 11-15: Indravajra, Upendravajrk and Upajati. 17 For the sake of the metre for -bhdbhuja. 18 Ed. has yo dunsvasauryyárjjitabadyafasyon Kastfarah. 1 Read uddhritya. The following udiman (for våfma) is clear in the original, and required by the metre. 20 Ed. has sandyo norair-yo.
11 Ed. has Vallabhardja-bhepat-Chardapi.

Page #25

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. IX.
vijitya 10kan || [15*) Dvijihvaripuváhano lalanakántaramánvitaḥ || kulochchaya
kritonnatir-yvidbritachårulakshmi11 vapuh || gvapaurashadhritávanir-balanivishtachakro mahan || babhava nrivarðttamaḥ
sa nararûpadhsinMadhavaḥ || [16] Prôtphullasitakamala-mukhår karatala
sukumarapankaja-nibháng]im || Sriyam-iva külajam råjāi-Lâhiņim-adha12 vám saḥ 11 (17) Bhåry&m* sa ch=sv&pya ganaiḥ samêtam chitt-Speitam-vai
bubhujo cha bhóga | s-épí priyan prápya patin-tu rêmê yadvach=Chhach= Indrêņa samat varêmês 11 [18] Agmin-mpito bharttari daiva-yogad-bhràtur
griham s=&pi gata viyakta ||åvåsità vai nagare Vatê=smin-daiv&t=pra13 hiņê bahugah kramêna || [19] II Nagar-&nvayô=pi7 || || Taptam tapam
Våruņin-api yattra nyagro[dha-sakt-8]Árama-måpavasya II sthand-rkka Bharggau svanatólo Vasishth6 mukti-pradau sthậpitavån=varishthaḥ 11 [20] Tadvad=Vat.
Akhyam nagaram vanê=smin1 Tvashtab=prasad&t-ksitavam 18 14 n=Vasishthaḥ | pråkåra-vapr-Opavanais-tadá [g]aiḥ prasada-vêśmaiḥ13 sughanam
Butumgaib || [21] 4Śrutimantr-odamrakshobhyam shadangåvartta-lamkulam || véd-dranavam dvijad samyag=yattra tfrty=&pyaagarvvita[b] Il (22") Lokair
ddharmma paraih svakarmma-nirataiḥ sadbhib sad-&v&sitamil 15 yrityartham 6 [cha sa P]magataih pratidisam nityarh vanigbhir=vritam || [pan)
rålaih? paņikájanair=vvyasanikaiḥ sû(sû)rair=jjanaih samkulam || Indra-sthånamiv=¶m Vaţa-puram kehoni-talê samsthitam || [238] 18Svar-udgata yattra
sarit=Sarasvati svapana-pankt-ivel nriņam 16 nimajjatâm || supunyapushpôdakaphêna-vähini dvij-Asramâņam jananevadhishthit£20 11
[24] Yê21. sarvvam-pålayatto nagarahita-rataḥ2 nitimamtaḥ prasámtáħ || dôván-viprân-yajamtê kanakadhanamahivastraratnádi-dánaiḥ Il khyatirayesham cha
nityam tri(tri) bhuvana17 valaya sad-guņair=éra nità | tê=smin=pauraḥ samastaḥ sakalajana-hita Bhânavê
bhaktimamtah || [25] 28-Attr=&gata Labiņi-nama-rajoi bharttur=vviyôgâdhinipiditargi || asmin-pure vipra-jansiḥ samêtya tripta [tu] tésh&m (va]chanåt
prabaddha 11 [26] B& 18 nôr=gribam d aiva-vasád=vibhagnar Våsishtha-pauraih suksitar yad-asit !!
vainasi sarvvam saba jiviténa jñátvå gribam karitam-asu Bhanbh || [27]
1 Metre: Prithvi.
This apparently is intended for an Aryk verse, but it is quite incorrect. Ed. omits the whole of it. * Read vas-sah.
• Metre of verses 18-21 : Indravajri. . Read Spritari cai, or, perhaps, dpritan cai.
Read earna. * Instead of these words and of the first half of the following verse Ed. has Vasialfhardjapi afr-doldaat yar Vasishthardjdneayo'pi (játamatrapd V drupindpi) atra nyagródhasydframah.
• Wrong for tapd.
• The intended reading may be - Madhavasya, but I am not sure about the meaning of the verse. Some legend, which is unknown to me, seems to be referred to.
10 Rond sa-natau, or, perhaps, sva-matau. 11 Read esmithsToa
12 Read ksitaván=Vao. 1 Wrong for domabhim, which would not have suited the metre. 14 Metre: śloks (Anushtabh).
15 Metre: Sardalavikridita. 1. Rend erittyarthat. The ia in the following brackets seems to be engraved below the line.
17 There is hardly any doubt here about the actual reading, but the text must be incorrect. I cannot suggest satisfactory emendation; Ed. has paurdair gapikdjanair
18 Metre: Vambastha. 1 Wrong for apdna parkirwina, which would not have suited the metre. 30 Read jananaloa wishchitd.
11 Metre: Snugdhari. » Head -ratd.
* Metre of verses 26-80: Indravajra. 14 Wrong for vindai (or aindaikan), which would not suit the metro.

Page #26

No. 3.]
ALUPA INSCRIPTIONS AT UDIYAVARA.
Suslishta-samdhim ruchira[th] supadam sail-êshṭakam cha sthira-simghakarppam || yadvad-Dhimâdris-sikharais-cha tadvat-kritvå 19 nikêtam Vata-vasi-bhânôḥ || [28*] suslishtasamdhi-ghatitôtpala3 cha ||
vâpî
Loka-prap-há sukritâ cha sôpana-pamktya susubhê(bhâ) subaddha nisrê (érê)ņi-bhât-êva divaukasasya || [29] Dêvaiḥ samastair ri(ri)shibhis-cha jushta pâpåpaha vyâpya jagat-sthita ya jirnuô
20 dhrita Lahini-punyahêtôḥ Sarasvati sêsha-janasya vâpt | [30] Nishpadya sakritau kritvaartham datva? punah-punah | vainasikam=idam ch=ânya[j*=] jõâtvá lokasya charppitaus || [31*] "Yavad-gaur-llok-dh[*]tri pravahati [pa P]rutô10 yavad-arko-ntarikshê || yâvad-vichyas-sa
21 mudrê pavana-vidhunitâḥ samtatáḥ prochchhalanti | yâvad-vyomêls susighram pracha [la ?]ti mihira-syamda (da)nasy-aika-chakram II vâpy-ôkau tâvad=âstâm=13 uḍukara-sadrisau śrêyasê karakasya [32] || 14 Krit-êyam Hari-puttrêņa Matrisarmma-dvijanmanâ || sastir-llôka-hita
22 rthâya Lâhinyâs-chal hit-aishina [33*] 16 Asich-cha Night-sthapatis-tu Durggah || Durggårkkatô Dêuka-suttradharaḥ || asy-âpi sûnuḥ Sivapâla-nâmâ || yên-ôtkrit-êyam17 susubhâ praksti || [34] 18 Navanavatir-ih-âsidVikramaditya-kâlė || jagati
23 dasasatânâm-agratô yattra pûrnna [1] prabhavati Nabha-mâsê sthânake Chittrabhânôḥ || Mrigasirasi sasaṁkė krishna-pakshe navamyam || [35 ||*]
No. 3.-ALUPA INSCRIPTIONS AT UDIYAVARA.
BY PROFESSOR E. HULTZSCH, PH.D.; HALLE (SAALE).
The ancient royal family of the Alupas is one of those whose early history is wrapped in obscurity-carent quia vate sacro' as Horace (Carm. IV. 9) expresses it. All that was until recently known regarding them will be found on page 309 of Dr. Fleet's Dynasties of the Kanarese Districts. A few additional records of them were published by Mr. Rice in his Epigraphia Carnatica. The Alupas or Aluvas are referred to in inscriptions of the two Western Chalukya kings Pulakêéin II.19 and Vinayâditya, of the Rashtrakuta king Govinda III.,90 and of the Kadamba Jayakêsin I., and the poet Bilhana mentions them in connection with his patron Vikramaditya VI. They are thus proved to have existed as a ruling family in the period from the seventh to the eleventh centuries of the Christian era.
As regards the name Alupa, Dr. Bhandarkar suggested that it seems to be preserved in the name of the modern town of Alupai on the Malabar coast.'1 This is very improbable, because Âluvây (Alwye) is situated in Travancore, while the inscriptions of the Âlupas are
1 Ed. omits this verse. Read -simhakarnṇam.
This word simhakarns apparently is a technical term, relating to architecture. Read -ghatitópald; the preceding samdht for the sake of the metre stands for samdhi, Read ddhritd. Metre: Sloka (Anushṭubh).
Observe the hiatus. Metre: Sragdhara.
Read dattvá.
Bead chudrppitau.
11 For the sake of the metre for vidhanitdh.
15
10 Read purató (?).
12 Wrong for by6mni, which would not have suited the metre..
This datam is wrongly used here for dadtám (from ds) or syátám (from as).
14 Metre: Sloka (Anushṭubh).
15 The name of the queen is written here with (the dental) s.
17 Utkrita wrong for utkired..
last Påda of the verse and has instead of it sa 1699. 20 See below, p. 16 and note 7.
1 Metre: Indravajra.
18 Metre: Malini.- Ed. omits the Bee now above, Vol. VI. p. 10. History of the Dekkan, p. 51, note 3.

Page #27

16
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. IX.
found in South Canara, Kadûr and Shimoga. The original meaning of the word Alupa or Aluva is probably a ruler,' from the Dravidian root dl, to rule.'
A few individual names of kings are preserved to us. The Sorab plates of Vinayaditya were issued at the request of Gunasagar-Âļupendra's son Chitravaha-Maharaja, who was in possession of the district (vishaya) of Eḍevolal in the N.E. of Banavasi in North Canara. According to the Harihar plates of Vinayâditya, which are dated two years after the Sorab plates, another village in the district (bhoga) of Eḍevolal, forming part of the Vanavasi-mandala, was granted at the request of Aluvaraja, i.e. perhaps Chitravâha-Maharaja. The same two princes (Gunasigara and Chitravåha) may be meant in an inscription at Kigga in the Koppa tâluka of the Kadûr district, which states that, when Aluarasa, whose second name was Gunasagara, was ruling the Kadamba-mandala, Aluarasa, (his) great queen and (his son) Chitravahana made a grant to a local temple. Another inscription (Kp. 37), which is on the other face of the same stone, is dated while some Chitravahana was ruling Ponbuchchu," the modern Humcha. Finally, an inscription at Mâvali in the Sorab talaka of the Shimoga district states that in the time of Prabhutavarsha Gôindarasa, i.e. the Rashtrakuta king Govinda III., a certain Chitravâbana ruled the Aluvakhêḍa six-thousand, while Rajâdityarasa ruled the Banavâsi-mandala.?
If the Chitravahana of the first Kigga inscription was really the same person as the Chitraváha of the Sorab plates, it would follow that the Alupa or Alua prince Gunasagara was governor of the Kadamba-mandala, i.e. the Banavâsi province, in or immediately before the time of the Western Chalukya king Vinayâditya, and that Gunasagara's son Aluvaraja Chitraváha or Chitravahana (I). granted two villages in the district of Eḍevolal, which formed part of the Banavasi province, during Vinayâditya's reign. Consequently Chitravahana I. seems to have succeeded his father Gupasagara in the government of Banavâsi. In the time of Govinda III., however, the Banavâsi-maṇḍala had been taken from the Alupas and was entrusted to Rajaditya, while the Aluvakheḍa six-thousand was administered by a second Chitravâhana, who on the strength of his name may be assumed to have belonged to the Âlupa family. To judge from the Mâvali inscription, he proved troublesome and had to be coerced by the force of arms. That Chitravahana, whom the second Kigga inscription mentions as residing at Humcha, may or not be identical with this Chitravahana II., but must be distinct from Chitravahana I., whose capital was most probably Banavâsi. If this identification is correct, Ponbuchchu, the modern Humcha, would have been the head-quarters of the Aluvakheḍa six-thousand, which in a later record is mentioned as Ålvakheḍa among the boundaries of the Poysala kingdom."
Mr. Rice's volumes contain many records of certain later families which seem to be connected with the ancient Âlupas. These are the Changálvas, Kongalvas,10 Naḍāļuvas, 11 Sântaras,19 and the rulers of Kalasa and Karkala.13
In the course of a tour in 1901, Mr. H. Krishna Sastri, B.A., discovered a number of archaic Kanarese pillar inscriptions of the Âlupas at Udiyâvara near Uḍipi in the South Canara
1 Ind. Ant. Vol. XIX. p. 147. A facsimile of the Sorab plates has since appeared in Ep. Carn. Vol. VIII. p. 92 of the Translations.
2 Ind. Ant. Vol. VII. p. 302, and Ep. Carn. Vol. XI. Dg. 66.
A further remark on the same inscription will be found below, p. 21, note 3. The Kanarese text has pindweedle for Ponbuchchadle in the Roman text. See p. 17 below.
1 Ep. Carn. Vol. VIII. Sb. 10, with Plate facing p. 3 of the Roman texts. Ep. Carn. Vol. VI. Cm. 160, line 5.
Id. Vol. IV. Introduction, p. 16; Vol. V. p. viii; Vol. IX. p. 19.
11 Id. Vol. V. p. vii.
Ep. Cars. Vol. VI. Kp. 38.
10 Id. Vol. V. p. vii; Vol. IX. p. 18.
12 Id. Vol. VI. p. 10; Vol. VII. p. 17; Vol. VIII. p. 6. Compare Dyn. Kan. Distr. p. 458 and note 2.
1 Ep. Carn. Vol. VI. p. 19. Compare above, Vol. VII. p. 109 ff. and Vol. VIII. p. 124 ff.

Page #28

Udiyavara inscriptions.
Plate I.
I. - Scale one-sixth,
II. - Scale one-fifth.
Keri
. bringt
SPAT TE di tanah
oriendo a
14
Jadej Teens
epide
18 syges
E. Hultzsch.
Collotype by Gebr. Piettner, Halle,

Page #29


Page #30

No. 3.)
ALUPA INSCRIPTIONS AT UDIYAVARA.
17
distriot. Of these records I now edit the eight most complete and important ones. Regarding some difficult points in them I bave consulted my old friends Venkayya and Krishna Sastri, whose remarks proved of much assistance in anravelling the meaning of these enigmatical ancient doouments.
The brst five Udiyåvara inscriptions are on Virakals, ie, stonos set up as memorials of deceased heroes; the remaining three refer to grants of tolls. The three first inscriptions must all belong to the same period; for Nos. I. and II. mention a certain Raņas&gara, and Nos. II. and III. one Svētavahana. These two names and, in addition to them, Chitravahana in No. I. look like those of Aļuva princes, among whom we have already found a Gunasagara and two Chitraváhanas. As the alphabet regembles that of the Mávali inscription, we may identify the Chitraváhana of No. I. with Chitraváhana II., who ruled the Aluvakhoda six-thousand in the time of Govinda III. Consequently Nos. I.-III, must be assigned to about A.D. 800. From the first few lines of No. I. we learn that Chitravá hana II. seized Udiyavara in the course of a war with Ranasigara, who seems to have been a rival claimant to the throne. Nos. II. and III. refer to the storming of Udiyåvara by Svetaváhana, and No. II. records the death, on this occasion, of a follower of Raņas gars, From this it may perhaps be concluded that, after the time of the inscription No. I., Ragas&gara succeeded in ousting Chitraváhana II., but that, later on, he was in his turn defeated by Svetaváhana, who may have been a near relative of Ohitravahana II.
The remaining Udiyavara inscriptions date from the reigns of the two &ļupa, Åļuva or Ålva kings Prithivisigara (Nos. IV. VI.) and Vijayaditya (Nos. VII. and VIII.) alias Máramma (No. VII.). It is impossible to say at present how these two princes were oonnected with Chitravahana II., Raņaságara and Svêtavahana. But, as the alphabet of their inscriptions agrees with that of Nos. I.-III., they must be assigned to about the same period.
In each of the eight subjoined inscriptions Udiyåvara is referred to by one of its older names Udayapura (Noe. V. and VIII ), Udayapura (Nos. II., III., VI., VII.) or Udeyapura (Nos. I. and IV.). In the three last it is mentioned together with Pati (No. VI.), Pombulcha (No. VII.) or Ponvuloha (No. VIII.). Patti and Pombuchcha are known to have been ancient names of the modern Humcha in the Nagar tåluka of the Shimoga district. This Humcha seems to have been the capital of the Aļupa kings. For an inscription at Kigga is dated while Chitraváhana (II.) Was ruling Ponbuchchu.
1.—Inscription of Chitravahana (II.) and Ranasagara. This inscription (No. 94 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1901) is engraved on an octagonal pillar in front of the Sambhukallu temple at Udiyåvara. It records that a follower of Chitraváhana (II.) met with his death when the lord of the earth ' (vis. Chitra. våbana) occupied and entered Udeyapura (Udiyåvara) during the trouble of Ranasigara, s.e. in the course of a war with the latter.
TEXT. 1 Svasti eri [*] Rana2 sågaraná lam(sa)ka3 adul-Udeyapuram 4 dhareg[1]šan=pade-po5 gavalli Vijana6 naygará magan-KI
See above, p. 16 and note 7.
* See above, Vol. VIIl. p. 126,
• See p. 16 above.

Page #31

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. IX.
7 Itide kadan-aggha8 li k&lega-k@ga9 ri kariripa-vikraman 10 aniyu[lo] dåva11 nameodanvon=Ba12 basad-ari-chakra13 [vyll®]haman-odedon 14 [á]havad-ode[da]n=pa15 ra-[ba]lad=aņi Chi16 travahanarggâgi ks17 li-kånti eri18 da svårggâlayakk=e19 pidon [ll]
TRANSLATION. Hail! Prosperity! When during the tronble of Raņasågaral the lord of the earth occupied and entered Udeyapura,- Vijananayga's3 son Kaltide, (who was) eminent in war, a lion in battle, brave as a lion, applying a cattle-rope to the array (of his enemies), breaking the body of bold hostile armies, breaking in battle the array of the enemy's forces, ascended to the abode of heaven, having fought (with) the splendour of a hero on account of Chitraváhana.
11.-Inscription of Ranasigara and Svētava bana. This inscription (No. 108 of 1901) is engraved on an octagonal pillar lying near a well in the back-yard of Raghavendrabhatta's house at Udiyåvara and commemorates the death in battle of a follower of Raņasågara. Fe fell while Udayapur (Udiyåvara) was entered by Svētavahans, whom I take to have been the victorious opponent of Ramadgara. The dead Warrior is described as a zealous devotee of the lord of Patti,' and he and his two immediate ancestors as adherents of the 'Pasupata lord.' Patti (or Pombuchcha) is the modern Humcba. It may be concluded from the present inscription that this town was the seat of the head of a Saiva matha.
TEXT. 1 Svasti ert [ll] Raņa[sk]2 garana &ļu Visjan 3 Pra[h&]rabhúsha4 nang magan K&5 makodan tammutta6 mûvard Påsup&(pa)tan 7 namyrån g=?va[do]rå
* I.e. the trouble caused by Ranua gara.' · Vis probably the Chitravábans mentioned in l. 15 f.
Ndyga is a tadbhars of nayaka.
• With ddtanamaoddu compare davani kattu, 'to tie cattle in a row to a long rope fastened by two pega," in Kittel's Kannada Dictionary. Compare above, Vol. VIII. p. 184, and Ep. Carn. Vol. VI. Introduction, P. 19, note 1. Dávani is a tadbhana of dámant, 'a long rope to which calves are tied by means of shortor ropea (Monier-Williams).
. Here and in the four next inscriptions ari is the same as iri, to strike, to stab.' . See p. 17 above.
As suggested to me by Rai Bahadur Venkayyn, namurda in meant for the Tamil namlırdo.lord (literally: our lord '); road rambirdagu,

Page #32


Page #33

Udiyavara inscriptions.
Plate II.
IV. - Scale one-fourth.
III. - Scale one-third.
تله بله
:
(
(
و
@ ولد
هم نمی
3 قلو 48
ه
س
کا نے عمرے
"
لهم
E. Hultzsch.
Collotype by Gebr. Plettaer, Halle.

Page #34

No. 3.]
ALUPA INSCRIPTIONS AT UDIYAVARA.
8 nålageyan ki(ki).
9 Ipon Patti10 oḍeyong-16&(va)11 doran-paṭṭ-ali-på12 yvon Svêtavaha13 nan Udayapu
14 ramân poguva
15 lli eridu éva(sva)
16 rgga (rgga) layakk=êri17 [don] [*]
TRANSLATION.
Hail! Prosperity! When Svêtavahana was entering Udayapura, Ranasagara's servant, Viñja Praharabhushana's son Kâmakôda, who pulled out the tongue of those who were not attached to the Pasupata lord of those three persons themselves, (and) who seized, destroyed and assaulted those who were not attached to the lord of Patti, ascended to the abode of heaven, having struck down (his enemies).
III-Inscription of Svetavahana.
This inscription (No. 105 of 1901) is engraved on an octagonal pillar in front of the same house as the preceding inscription and commemorates the death of another hero on the same occasion.
TEXT.
1 Svasti éri [*] Pandyavi 2 llarasará maga
3 n=Dêvu sâdu (dhu)-priyan-a
4 sådu(dha) jana-varjitan-Svê
5 tavahanar-Udaya
19
6 puramân-poguvalli
7 exidu svarggâlaya
8 kk-êridon [*]
TRANSLATION.
Hail! Prosperity! When Svêtavahana was entering Udayapura,- Pandyavillarasa's son Dêva, (who was) beloved by the good (and) shunned by wicked people, ascended to the abode of heaven, having struck down (his enemies).
IV. Inscription of Prithivisågara.
This inscription (No. 103 of 1901) is engraved on an octagonal pillar in the south-west corner of the court-yard of the Sambhukallu temple at Udiyâvara. It forms the memorial of a warrior who was killed when Prithivisâgara stormed Udeyapura (Udiyâvara) after his coronation.
TEXT.
1 Svasti éri [*] Pri2 thivisâgara
1 Read oḍeyong.
I.e. the Pasupata priest whose adherents Kamakôda, his father Praharabhushana (and his grandfather) Viñja were. I owe this explanation to Dr. Fleet. With fammattu-mdvar compare tammut-ayear and tammut-aruvar in Kittel's Kannada Grammar, p. 241. Dr. Fleet has noted the similar expression tammutt-irbbar or tammutt-irbbor, above, Vol. VI. p. 161, note 7.
D 2

Page #35

20
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
3 n-pattam gaṭṭi
4 si Ud[e]ya
5 puramân-po
6 gutappalli Na
7 ndavilmuḍiya
8 rå magan-Pali
9 pare eridu
10 svarggalaya11 kk-êgidon [*]
TRANSLATION.
Hail! Prosperity! When Prithivisagara, having had (himself) crowned, was entering Udeyapura, Nandavilmuḍi's son Palipare, having struck down (his enemies), ascended to the abode of heaven.
V.-Inscription of Prithivisagara.
This inscription (No. 101 of 1901) is engraved on an octagonal pillar in the court-yard of the same temple and records that another follower of the Alupa king Prithivisågara fell at the storming of Udayapura (Udiyâvara).
TEXT.
1 Svasti si [1] Prithu(thi) visagara 2 śrimad-Alupêndra dushța-bhayakarargge ishta-bhritysnappa Po
3
4 lokku Priyachelva [U]da[ya]
5 puraman pugutappa
6 lli Aha[pa] (va)-ra[nga]dul-uru
7 bhatara [e]ridu Priyache
8 lva chelva-sanpanna ka (kha)la
[VOL. IX.
9 [ja]na-varjjitan dharegi(gf)
10 [sa Jige ovadora pata
11 [t]iya alidu suralô
12 kakke eridan [1] Keleys
13 Vareyan nigelda [*]
TRANSLATION.
Hail! Prosperity! When Polokku Priyachelva, who was the beloved servant of Prithivisagara, the glorious Alupêndra, the terror of the wicked, was entering Udayapura,(this) Priyachelva, (who was) endowed with beauty (and) shunned by wicked people, ascended to the world of the gods, having struck down great warriors on the stage of battle (and) having destroyed the foot-soldiers of those who were not attached to the lord of the earth. (His) friend Valereya set up (this memorial stone).*
VI.- Inscription of Prithivisagara.
This inscription (No. 102 of 1901) is engraved on another octagonal pillar in the courtyard of the same temple. It opens with the name and birudas of the Alupa or Aļuva king
1 Read-sampanna.
As Mr. Krishna Sastri suggests, patati is perhaps a tadbhava, used collectively, of, padati.
Fiz. the Alupa king Prithivisagara.
Rai Bahadur Venkayya would prefer to take are as synonymous with the Tamil irai and to translate: "Keleya set up (this stone representing) a chief (with) a sword (in his hand)."

Page #36

Udiyavara inscriptions.
Plate III.
da62.
SAY
ឧ27 28 យក៏ 18
. lonel]
4 33 10=Dកខានឡំ
U230 2 0 . Is 314
24&g210', បត់បង 01
g 27 .idad} ឱ133 211 LGA 14 ឬ 1
០
4
Scale one-fourth.
E. Hultzsch.
Collotype by Gebr. Plettner, Halle.

Page #37


Page #38

No. 3.)
ALUPA INSCRIPTIONS AT UDIYAVARA.
Prithivisågara, who claimed descent from the lunar race and bore the surnames Udayaditya and Uttama-Pâpdya, and records that he confirmed a previous grant of tolls to the two cities (nagara) of Udayapura (Udiyåvara) and Pati. The last is evidently the same as Patti, the modern Humoha. The imprecatory passage at the end of this inscription and of the two next Ones (VII. and VIII.) mentions two sacred places : Varanasi and Sivavalli. The former is of course the modern Benares. Regarding the second, Mr. Krishna Sastri contributes the following information :
u The Shivalli (Šivalli) sect of Brahmanas in South Canara take their name from this place. In the Madras Manual of Administration, Vol. III. p. 610, we are told that the town Oodipy (Udipi), considered the most sacred spot in the Canarese country,' is formed of parts of Badagabett, Moodanidambore, Poollore and Shivally villages. In the Madras Postal Directory Shivalli figures as a village served by the Udipi post office."
TEXT. 1 Svasti eri [ilo] Přidhu(thi)visagara 2 érimad-Åļupendra Somavasó. 3 dbhava kulatilakan Udayaditya 4 Uttama-Pandya Srimad- Åļuvara(na)5 r-B[@]ygavarmara nåțu-mudimeya [] 6 Udayapurada nå(na)gara-sahitam Pa7 tiya nagarakke jaladalam sthala[du]. 8 lam sumokam-ardha-dana kadar [lo] Udaya(pu]. 9 randygars magan=[S]imgadattanu[m] Kuma). 10 ra Ereganun Ranavikrama[natha) 11 na Sandavaradara Kaņpachiyu[m] [1] (I). 12 du a(a)chandratha(ta)rakam nilpa[d=8] ke(kke) [1] 13 Idan-vakram-illåde kada sali(po)14 n='abvamëdhada pa(pha)la-prapti aku(kkun) [1] 15 Idan-alivon=Vårana(pa)siyum Si()V&16 valliyuman-alida patchs[ma]17 ha (ha)pataka-sam(sar)yaktar=appar [ll]
TRANSLATION. Hail! Prosperity ! During Bøygavarma's headmanship of the district, Prithivisagara, the glorious Åļupêndra, who sprang from the race of the Moon, the ornament of (his) family, Udayaditya Uttama-Pandya, the glorious Åluvarasa, oonfirmed the gift of one balf (of) the tolls both on water and on land to the city of Pați, together with the city of Udayapura. (The recipients of this gift were) Udayaparandyga's son Singadatta, Kumara Erega Raqavikrama[nåtha], and Sandavarada's (son) Kappacbi. Let this stand as long as the moon and the stars! (To) him who without fraud confirms and grants this, sball be the acquisition of the fruit of a horse-sacrifice. He who destroys this, shall be covered with the five great sins of one) who destroye Varanasi and Sivavalli.
1 See p. 17 above.
Soe Kittel's Kannada Grammar, $ 188, 8. * As raggested to me by Rai Bahadur Venkayys, ndf-nudime is the equivalent of the Tamil nattu mudumai, the hendmanship of a district. Compare Ep. Carn. Vol. VI. Kp. 38, where Kundararmarajan mudime gege (this is the reading of the Text in Kannada characters, p. 323) has to be translated by "while Kundavarmarasa wa headman.
• The words idd padedor may be supplied from VII. 1. 10, and VIII.1 101. See above, p. 18, note 3.

Page #39

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. IX.
VII.-Inscription of Vijayaditya Maramma, This inscription (No. 98 of 1901) is engraved on two contiguous faces of another ootagonal pillar in the court-yard of the same temple. Like the preceding inscription, it confirms a previous grant of tolls to the two cities of Udayapura (Udiyavara) and Pombuloha (Humcha). The Alupa or Ålva king who confirmed this grant was called Vijayaditya Måramma. Like the Prithivisagara of the preceding inscription, he bore the surname Uttama-Pandya and traced his descent from the lunar race. Besides, he claimed the sovereign titles Param&fvara and Adhirajaraja.
TEXT, 1 Om svasti eri [ll"] Vijayjaditya Åļu2 pendra paramèsva (sva)ra Adhir[4]. 8 jardjan Uttama-Pandyan-S0(88) mavath 604 dbhava Sri-Mâramm-Avarasar [U]' 5 Udayapurada naka(gara-sahitam Pombu. 6 Johada naka(ga)rakke sunka. kadudu anku. 7 rakke [pu]ttige ondare malavege par 8 Iti padinara palam adakeya pê9 ringa(oge) mun[4]ru veļasina pôridge 10 padina (na)ru pala[] [l*) Idå paqedor Su11 gênavadiyara Svarộnagðsasi Mutta12 varara Adiyapasettiyu Mandukara 18 Parasêbyan Senavadiyara Nagakumaran [1] 14 Idu a(a)chandratáraka[m] nilpad-akke [lo] Ida kädo 15 attaguna asva(sva)méda(dha)da pa(pha)lam=akke [] 16 Idan=alido B[&]ranåsiyu Sivavalliyu17 maalida panchamaha(ha)påta kan-ak[u](kkum) [*] 18 Raņadhari-likhita 11"
TRANSLATION. Om. Hail! Prosperity! Vijayaditya Aļupendra Paramétvara Adhirajaraja UttamaPandya, who sprang from the race of the Moon, the glorious Máramm-Alvarasa, confirmed the tolls (due) to the city of Pombuloha together with the city of Udayapura, (viz.) per double bag (of grain), one and a half basket (of grain); per malavel (of cotton), sixteen pala (of) cotton; per load of areca-nuts, three hundred (nuts); (and) per load of pepper, sixteen pala (of pepper). They who obtained this were) Sasnavadi's (son) Svarnagosasi, Muttavara's (son) Aạiyapasetti, Manduka's (son) Parasêbya, (and) Sénavadi's (son) Nagakamára. Let this stand as long as the moon and the stars! (To) him who confirms this, let there be the eightfold fruit of a horse-sacrifice! (To) him who destroys this, shall be the five great sing (of one) who destroys Bâransi and Sivavalli. Written by Rapadhari.
Expressed by a symbol.
1 Read adhird*Corrected from a. The engraver has for the sake of clearness repeated the at the beginning of toe next ine.
• In the original the final stop is represented by a four-petalled flower.
• Sankuma is perhaps the same as sankara No. 4 in Kittel's Kannada Dictionary: 'double sack for manare and grain to be carried on the back of a bullock.'

Page #40

No. 3.]
ALUPA INSCRIPTIONS AT UDIYAVARA.
VIII.-Inscription of Vijayaditya. This inscription (No. 97 of 1901) is found on the same pillar as the preceding one (VII.). It is engraved on the same two contiguous faces as VII., but begins at the opposite end of the pillar, which must have been placed upside down when the new inscription (VIII.) was incised on it. A third face of the pillar bears six lines of writing (15-20) which appear to be connected with VIII. This circumstance enables us to conclude that VIII. was engraved at a later date than VII. When the writer of VIII. had reached line 14, he was confronted with the end of the inscription VII., and was therefore obliged to finish his copy on another face of the pillar.
The contents of VIII. resemble those of VII. The king is the same; only one of his names, Máramma, is omitted here. He is stated to have confirmed the same grant of tolls to the two cities of Udayapura (Udiyâyara) and Ponyolcha (Hamcha). But the names of the local representatives receiving the grant differ from those in VII. This shows that some time must have elapsed between the incision of both records, although both belong to the same reign.
TEXT.
First and Second Faces. 1 Svasti sri [II] Vijayadhi(di)tyan 2 Ålupendra paramêsva(sva)ra a(a)3 dhidhirajarajan Uttama4 Påndyan-Somavansôbhavan 5 Åļuvarasar Arakellara 6 nâțu-mudi(di)meyu! Udaya7 purada naka(ga)ra-sahitan Ponvulobe8 da naka(ga)rakke funkada ardda (rddha)-[dajna 9 ka[daha] avargge attaguna 10 asva(sva)mêda(dha) pa(pha)lam-akkum [lo] Ida 11 [pa]dedor Muttavurera Saruvigôsåsiga 12 Kodalsettiyara Madám man Vija[s]e13 ttigará Dharmmankygan-Manugasa14 ttavar Sarvvayandu Paleyarmman [1]
Third Face. 15 I okkal-paded[]16 va [lo] Id& alivo 17 Sivavalliyu: V&18 rånksiyuman 19 alida pañchama20 håpåtakan-akkum* [ll]
TRANSLATION. Hail! Prosperity! The eightfold fruit of a horse-sacrifice shall be to him-Vijayaditya Alupendra Paramásvara Adhirajaraja Uttama-Pandya, who aprang from the race of the Moon, Aluvarase-who, during Arakella's headmanship of the district, confirmed the gift of
Bend -Sémapadodbhatar. * Read Muttararara, as in VII. 1. 11 .
Read sinnalliyuth. • The of kkwo is exprooved by two different symbols behind and blow the kk.
Sve above, p. 21, note 8.

Page #41

24
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(Vol. IX.
one half of the tolls to the city of Ponvulcha together with the city of Udayapura. They who obtained this were) Mattavara's (son) Saruvigðsåsiga, Kodalsetti's (son) Madêmma, Vijasetti's (son) Dharmandyga, Managasättava, Sarvavando (and) Puleyarms. These ryota obtained (it). (To) him who destroys this, shall be the five great sins (of one) who destroys Sivevalli and Vårânâsi.
No. 4.-TWO GRANTS OF INDRARAJA III. :
SAKA-SAMVAT 836.
BY D. R. BHANDARKAR, M.A. These two epigraphic documents were first brought to the notice of the students of Indian antiquities by the late H. H. Dhruva, who pablished a transcript of them with his remarks in the Zeitschr. D. Morg. Ges. Vol. XL. P. 322 ff. They were afterwards edited with lithographs by Dr. R. G. Bhandarkar, with a translation by Mr. (now Prof.) S. R. Bhandarkar, in the Journ. Bo. Br. R. As. Soo. Vol. XVIII. p. 253 ff. About three years ago, when Prof. Hultzsch first thought of having the inscriptions re-edited in this Journal, no trace whatever of them could be found, and it was on a chance visit to the State Museum at Baroda in 1903 that I saw the plates exhibited there. On my informing Prof. Hultzsch of their whereabouts, he asked Rai Bahadur Venkayys to obtain them on loan through the Resident at Baroda from the Curator of the Baroda State Museum, and I re-edit the inscriptions at the suggestion of Prof. Hultzsch, and from the excellent ink-impressions supplied by Rai Bahadur Venkayya.
[Along with the two sets of plates, two seals were received from the Resident at Baroda in December 1903. As the seals had been detached from the plates, it was not possible to ascertain which seal belonged to which set. But before returning the plates and seals on the 7th December 1904, I put down some notes about them, of which the following is a copy.
[The plates measure on an average 13" by 98". The rings bearing both the seals had been cut before they were received in my office. The larger of the two seals measures about 3' by 27". The ring whose ends are secured at the bottom of the seal is 31' in diameter and 1" thick. The seal bears, in relief on a countersunk surface, as the principal figure, an image of Garuda-whose wings are distinctly seen-squatting on a seat which is probably meant to consist of two serpents. These appear to entwine his waist and to terminate in his hande, each of which is holding a hood. What looks like his sacred thread is perhaps a third serpent. The Garuda faces to the full front and has on his proper right a representation of Ganapati in the upper corner, lower down a chauri, and below it a lamp. On the proper left in the upper corner is a goddess riding on a lion, and below the lion a stastika surmounted by a chauri. On each side of the head of Garuda is a circle which may be meant for the sun and moon. Below the squatting Garuda is an inscription which is not quite distinct, but which seems to be marieel. Along the margin of the seal is a border of various indistinct emblems, among which a linga and an elephant-goad are recognisable. The emblems on the smaller seal, which measures about if" by 1}', are also cut in relief on a countersunk surface, but are not quite distinct. The central figure is Garuda, squatting, as in the bigger seal, apparently on a couch consisting of two serpents, which seem to entwine his waist and to terminate in his hands. Each of the hands of Garuda appears to hold a hood. What looks like his sacred thread may be a third serpent. To his proper right at the upper corner is a projection which may stand for Ganapati, and below it is a lamp stand. To the proper left at the upper corner is another
1 Scc above, p. 18, note 3.
11... Sarvabandhu.

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No. 4.]
projection, which is perhaps intended to represent a goddess. Below the goddess is a lamp stand above a svastika. The ring whose ends are secured at the bottom of the smaller seal measures 3" in diameter and " in thickness. Two sets of impressions of each of the two inscriptions were sent to Mr. D. R. Bhandarkar in August 1903.-V.V.]
TWO GRANTS OF INDRARAJA III.
25
As regards the find-spot of the plates, H. H. Dhruva, who first edited them, says :-" On the 6th of July 1881, as a Dubla servant of Mulji Khushal, Patel of Bagumrå, was furrowing the earth with the plough in his field, the ploughshare drew out of it these plates." This clearly shows that the plates were found at Bagumra, and consequently we must, as was first pointed out by Prof. Kielhorn, speak of them as Bagumrâ, and not as Nausârî, charters of A.D. 915.
Each of the two sets consists of three copper-plates, which are, to judge from the impressions, about 13" long and 9" broad. The inscription is engraved on the inner sides of the first and third plates, and on both sides of the second plate. The engraving is clear and well executed. The characters belong to the northern class of alphabets. For some of the forms of individual letters attention may be drawn to g in gatasya and svarggam, 1. 13; to ñ in lâñchhana, 1. 8, and rájñaḥ, 1. 13; to m in "m-anyat-pu°, 1. 17, °m-ánandi, 1. 37, and grámakúţa, 1. 46; to bh in bhupaḥ, 1. 28; and to s in samtarppand, 1. 57, so far as the first record is concerned; and to k in kant-endu-, 1. 1; to kh in famkha, 1. 29; to j in saras-ambhôja, l. 5, and jagati, 1. 7; and to bh in kaustubha, 1. 2, so far as the second record is concerned. The language is Sanskrit throughout. In respect of orthography, the following points may be noticed. The letter b is throughout denoted by the sign for v; consonants are doubled after r; visarga has been (permissibly) omitted once before the following sth in vaksha-sthala, 1. 2 of both grants; n has been substituted for i in kanchi, 1. 11 of No. II. ; visarga followed by s has been at least thrice changed to that letter in Ranavigrahas-samabhava, 1. 33, palakshitas-sôdramgaḥ, 1. 51, and lakshais-sårddhaiḥ, 1. 55 of the second record; anusvára followed by a nasal has been twice changed to that letter in sammánita, 1. 18 of No. I. and 1. 20 of No. II., and in gopanganánán nayana-, 1. 6 of No. I.; the dental nasal has been used instead of an anusvára before s in fansats, 1. 25 of No. I. and 1. 27 of No. II. Lastly, the same word is spelt láñchhana in No. I. 1. 8, but lámchhana in No. II. 1. 9.
the
Each of these two records registers the grant of a village to a Brahmana, made by the Rashtrakuta king Indra III. or, as he is described in lines 43-45 of No. II., ' the P.M.P., prosperous Nityavarshanarendradeva, who meditated on the feet of the P.M.P., the prosperous Akalavarshadeva,' i.e. his grandfather Krishna II. Indra III. had, when the grants were made, gone to Kurundaka from his capital Manyakheta for the patṭabandha festival. On that occasion he had himself weighed against gold, and, without coming out from the pan, gave away, together with twenty lakhs and a half of drammas, Kurundaka and other villages, granted afresh four hundred villages resumed by previous rulers, and finally bestowed the village of Tenna, according to No. II., on a Brahmana of the Lakshmana gôtra, a student of the Vâji-Madhyandina sákhá, and named Siddhapabhatta, the son of Sri-Vennapabhatta, originally of Pataliputra; and the village of Umvara (or Umbara), according to No. I., on a Brahmana of the same gotra and student of the same sákhá as the above grantee, but named Prabhâkarabhaṭṭa, the son of Ranapabhatta. The charters are dated, in words, on the 7th tithi of the bright fortnight of Phalguna of the Yuva-samvatsara, the Saka year 838 (expired), which corresponds to the 24th February A.D. 915.
After the introductory om svasti and the opening verse invoking the protection of Vishnu and Siva with which almost all the Rashtrakuta grants begin, we have verse 2 in praise of
1 See above, Appendix to Vol. VII. p. 15, note 5. For the meaning of this word see above, Vol. VII. p. 27, note 2.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. IX.
the god Krishna. In the verse following we find Indrarajadêva (III.), the royal grantor of the charters, compared to the god Upêndra (Vishnu). In verse 4 we are informed that the god Brahman sprang from the water-lily in the navel of Vishnu, from Brahman his son Atri, from Atri the Moon, and from the Moon the dynasty of the Yadus, where Krishna was born. In the next verse we are told that there arose king Dantidurga in the Satyaki branch of the Yadu dynasty, to whom of herself repaired the goddess of sovereignty of the Chalukye family. This means that Dantidurga was the first Rashtrakata king who defeated the Chalukyas and made himself master of their dominions. From verse 6, if we notice the double entendre clearly intended, we learn that Dantidurga first reduced the lowermost, s.o. southern, country, then turned his arms against the Madhyadéka, and finally conquered the city of Kafichi. According to an inscription in the Dasavatâra cave at Elura, Dantidurga subdued the rulers of Kanchi, Kalinga, Kosala, Srisaila, Málava, Lata, Țahka, and so forth. If we are right in understanding verse 6 as we have done, Dantidurga first gained victories in the South and conquered the kings of Srisaila, Kalinga, and so forth, then turned to the central part of India and subjugated the princes of Kosala, Málava, Láța, and so forth, and finally came back again to the South and vanquished the lord of Kancbi.
Verse 8 tells us that after Dantidurga his paternal uncle Krishnaraja (I.) came to the throne. The next verse makes mention of his son Nirupama(-Dhruva), but omits the name of his elder brother Govinda II., probably because the author of the inscription wanted to give a direct genealogy of the royal grantor, with reference to whom Govinda II. was a collateral prince, while he mentioned the name of Dantidurga as the latter was the founder of the dynasty. But by no means can this omission be taken as favouring the view that Govinda II. did not reign. I have elsewhere adduced reasons for dissenting from this view ;' and in support of my position may now be stated the incontrovertible fact that the Dhulig copper-plate grants of Govinda II.'s nephew and feudatory Suvarnavarsha-Karka distinctly refers itself to his reign, and gives the date Saka 701, when we must consequently suppose Govinda II, to have been alive and wielding supremacy. Verse 10 informs us that Nirupama(-Dhruva) won two white parasols in battle, one from the lord of Kosala and the other from the king of the North, Who these princes were we have no means to determine. But it looks tempting to identify the king of the North either with the Indrayudha mentioned in the Jaina Harivania, or with Chakrayudha, the ruler of Kanauj and contemporary of Dharmapala of the Pala, and of Govinda III. of the Rashtraküta, dynasty
Verse 11 says that from Nirupama(-Dhruva) sprang Jagattunga(-Govinda III.), who, in his turn, begat Srivallabha(-Amoghavarsha I.). The next verse tells us that Amoghavarsha
1 Arch. Sure. West. Ind. Vol. V. p. 88. 2 Journ. Bo. Br. R. 4. 8. Vol. XX. p. 133 f. Above, Vol. VIII. p. 183.
• In an unpublished grant of Amoghavarsha I. in the possession of my brother Prof. S. R. Bhandarkar, two princes of the names of Chakrayudha and Dharma are mentioned as having gone to the Himalayas to do homage to Govinda III. who had gone thither on an expedition of conquest. It can hardly be seriously doubted that Dhar is Dharmapala, the second prince of the Pila dynasty, and that Chakrayudha is the same as the Chakrdyadha of the Bhagalpur grant, whom Dlarınapala restored to his lost throne. Prof. Kielhorn (Nachrichten von der K. Gor. d. Wiss, 24 Göttingen, 1905, p. 303) has already identified this Chakrayudha with the Chakrayudha of the Gwalior inscription, who was conquered by Nagabhata. Nagabhaga again was a contemporary of Govinda III. (Jours. Bo. Br. R. 4. 8. Vol. XXI. p. 422, note 2). We have thus four princes, vis. Govinda III., Nagabhata, Chakr yudha and Dharmapala, who were contemporaries. We know from Rashtrakata records that Govinda IIl. reigned from A.D. 794 to 813. We must, therefore, suppose Dharmapala to have flourished about this time. As this synchronism was not known before, it was but right to assiga Dharmapala to A.D. 801, the date of the Pathari inscription referring itself to the reigu of the Rashtrakata prince Parabala (Nachrichten von der K. Ges. d. Wiss. # Göttingen, 1901, n. 525 f.). But now we see that this date would be rather too late for how that this Parabala is, as a matter of fact, identical with Parabala, the father-in-law of Dharmapala.

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No. 4]
TWO GRANTS OF INDRARAJA III.
I. raised the glory of the Ratta sovereignty immersed in the ocean of the Chaluk yas and thereafter assumed the epithet Viranarayana. If we read between the lines, we cannot fail to notice that the Rashtrakūta sovereignty had been shaken by the Chalukyas of Veigi to its very foundations in the early part of Amoghavarsha's reign. The Chalukya contemporary of Amoghavarsha I. was Narendramrigarâja-Vijayaditya II., who, in an Eastern Chalukya record, is represented to have fought, during twelve years, by day and night, a hundred and eight battles with the armies of the Gangas and the Rattas. The latter can be no other than the Rashtrakūtas of Malkhed, and it thus appears that NarendramrigarajaVijayâditya II. was a powerful king. We can, therefore, very well understand that he might have for a time eclipsed the glory of the Rashtrakûtas. Amoghavarsha I., however, was by no means slow to retrieve his lost reputation, and seems to have wreaked a terrible vengeance upon the Chalukyas, whom, as verse 13 informs us, he destroyed, just as a man burns chick-pea plants, the stalks of which have been pulled out by the root. That he inflicted a severe defeat on the Eastern Chalukyas can also be seen from the Cambay and Sångli charters, in which he is said to have gratified the god Yama with unprecedented morsels of cakes which were the Chalukyas. Verse 13 incidentally gives us the information, if my interpretation is correct, that the Chalukyas whom Amoghavarsha I. vanquished had devastated Stambapura, which is the same as Tamralipta, identified with the modern Tamlûk, the head-quarters of the subdivision of the same name of the Midnapur district, Bengal.
From Srivallabha(-Amoghavarsha I.), who was a comet of destruction to the Chalukya family (v. 14), sprang Krishnaraja (II.), whose fights with the Gurjaras used to be still remembered by old mon, as we are informed in verse 15. I have elsewhere pointed out that the Gürjaras, with whom the Rashtrakațas were often at war, ruled over Northern India and had their capital at Mahôdaya or Kanauj, and consequently the Gurjara prince defeated by Krishparaja II. (A.D. 888-911) must have been Mahendrapala (A.D. 899-907), the patron of the poet Rajasekhara.
Krishparaja II. had a son of the name of Jagattunga (v. 16), who married Lakshmi, the daughter of Raņavigraha, the son of Kokkalla of the Haihaya, i.e. Kalachuri, dynasty (vv. 17-19). It is worthy of note that Ranavigraha is here called Ched-isvara, i.e. lord of Chédi. The same fact is hinted by a verse in Jahlaộa's Saktimuktavali, quoted by Dr. Bhandarkar in his paper on the Karhad plates of Krishọa III., which purports to say that of rivers the Narmadá, of kings Ranavigraha, and of poets Surânanda were the ornaments of Chedi. The name Ranavigraha does not occur in the list of the names of the Kalachuris of Chêdi. From a Ratanpur inscription, however, we learn that Kokkalla had eighteen sons, of whom the first-born was a ruler of Tripuri, and the others lords of mandalas, i.e. minor chiefs. If this statement deserves any credence, Ranavigraha, being a ruler of Tripuri, i.e. of Chedi, and not of a mandala, was the eldest son, and the successor of Kokkalla. But from the Benares copper-plate inscription it appears that Kokkalla was followed by his son Mugdha. tunga-Prasiddhadhavala. We may, therefore, suppose that Raņavigraha and MugdhatuógaPrasiddhadhavala were one and the same prince.
The issue of the marriage of Jagattunga with Lakshmi was Indraraja (III.), whose epithets Ratta-Kandarpadeva and fri-Kirti-Narayana are mentioned in verses 20 and 21. The next verse contains & double entendre, and so far as its mythological sense goes, it does not present any difficulty. But the historical sense of this verse is by no means clear. This much is certain that it records the defeat of king of the name of Upendra by the Rashtrakūta prince Indraraja III. But who this Upendra was, and how the epithets krita
1 Ind. Ant. Vol. XX. p. 100. . Above, Vol. IV. p. 280.
? Abore, Vol. VII. p. 43 ; Ind. Ant. Vol. XII. p. 252 f. • Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 33.
Id. Vol. II. p. 301.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. IX.
Govardhan-8ddhdra and hél-onmalita-Mêru, used in connection with the kings Upendra and Indrarája respectively, are to be interpreted, is far from clear. At one time I thought that Upendra referred to Mahipala of the Pratihåra dynasty of Mahodaya, for whom I then contended that the Bhagalpur grant of the Pala dynasty gave the other name Chakrayudha. But I have stated above that, beyond all doubt, Dharmapala and Chakrayudha, whom he re-instated on the throne, were contemporaries of the Rashtrakața prince Govinda III. Chakrayudha cannot, therefore, be identified with Mahipala, who was & contemporary of Indra III., the great-greatgrandson of Govinda III. According to Pandit Bhagwanlal Indraji,8 the word Móru in the expression hål-8nmalita-Meru signifies Mèra or Mehra, and the whole expression speaks of the defeat of some contemporary Mebra king of North Kathiwad by Indraraja III. Prof. Kielhorn, on the other hand, holds that Mèru probably is Mahodaya, i.e. Kananj, implying thereby that it records the capture of Kanauj by Indraraja III. specified in the Sabglt charter. With regard to the other expression, vis, krita-Govardhan-oddhára, no interpretation has been proposed, and we must wait for the publication of other inscriptions to enable us to understand perfectly the historical sense of this verse.
In the preamble of the prose passage preceding the formal part of the inscription, the P. M. P. Sriman-Nityavarshanarendradêve, i.e. Indrarija III., is spoken of as “meditating on the feet of the P. M. P. Srimad-Akalavarsbadeva, s.e. his grandfather Krishna II. This indicates that Jagattunga, the father of Indraraja III., did not come to the throne. The same may be concluded from the statement of our inscriptions that the battles of Krishnarija II. were remembered and described by old men in Indra III.'s time. This shows that hardly & generation had passed since the courrence of that event, and that consequently there was no Rashtrakata sovereign intervening between Krishna II, and Indra III. The same conclusion is pointed to by the fact that the Khårópåtan grant of Rattarája, in setting forth the Rashtrakata genealogy, takes the succession direct from Krishna II. to Indra III, and refers to Jagattunga only further on as the father of Amoghavarsha-Vaddiga. But our conclusion is placed beyond all doubt by the Delf and Karhed plates of Krishna III., which distinctly speak of Jagattunga as having died without obtaining the sovereignty.
The composer of our inscriptions was Trivikramabhatta, the son of Nêmiditya. There can hardly be a doubt that he is identical with Trivikramabhatta, the author of the Nalachampa. of the Bandilya gôtra, and the son of Nêmaditya (var. leot. Dévaditya). Another Sandilyakavi-chakravartin Trivikrama was the sixth ancestor of the astronomer Bhaskarabhatta. A contemporary of king Bhoja of Dhårk. The oldest mention of Trivikrama is in Bhdia's Sarasvatikanthabharana, while he himself quotes Baņa. The authorship of a Maddlasd-champs is also attributed to this Trivikrama.
As regards the localities mentioned in the grants, Pataliputra from where the grantee of No. II. emigrated is obviously Patna, the principal town of the district of the same name in Bengal, and Manyakheta, the capital of the royal grantor, is Malkhed in the Nizam's Domin. iods. Kurundaks, where Indraråja III. had repaired for his paffabandha, was first identified by Mr. A. M. T. Jackson with Kurundwad at the junction of the Krishna and Pañchaganga in the Southern Maratha country. In No. 1. the village granted is Umvara (or Umbará) near Kammaņijja in the country of Lata, and the boundaries specified are Tôlêjaka to E., Môgalika to S., Samkl to W., and Javalakapaka to N. Umvará as was first pointed
-1 Above, Vol. VII. p. 82.
• See above, p. 26, note 4. • History of Gujardt, in the Gazetteer of the Bombay Presidenoy. Vol. I. Part I. p. 180. • See above, Appendix to Vol. VIII. p. 16, note 2. Above, Vol. III. p. 288.
Above, Vol. IV. p. 283; Vol. V. p. 198. Weber, Berlin Catalogue, Vol. II. p. 1205. History of Gujarat, p. 130, noto 8.

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No. 4.]
TWO GRANTS OF INDRARAJA III.
ont by Dr. Bhandarkar, is the modern Bagumra, with the prefix bag. Tôlėjaka and Mogaliki cannot be identified, but Sainki and Javalakupaka are Banki, one miles. W. of Bagumra, and Jolwa, one and a half mile N. of Bagumra. In No. II. the village granted is Tenna near Kammanijja, and the boundaries specifiod are Varadapallika (or Baradad) to E., Nambhltataka tos., Valise (or Balisa) to W., and Valviyana (or Babbiyana) to N. They have been identified with Ten, Bardoll, Nadida, Wanesa and Baben respectively. Kammanijja, in the vicinity of which lay both the villages granted, is Kamrêj. All these villages are to be found in the Naugari division of the Baroda State. The Bagumrå grant of the Gujarat Rashtrakata Dhruva II. mentions Trenna, both as a village and a territorial division, and speaks of the village of Trennå as having been bestowed upon & certain Brahmaņa by his grandfather Dhrava I. (A.D. 834-35). “The explanation of its being given away again by the present record," as Dr. Fleet has rightly said, "is, no doubt, to be found in the statement, made in the present record, that Indra III. gave away four hundred villages which had been confiscated by previous kings; this was evidently one of them."
TEXT OF No. 1.
__First Plate. 1 स्वस्ति' [1] स वोव्याद्देधसा धाम यवाभिकमलं कृतं । हरच यस्त्र
कान्तेन्दुकलया कमलंकृतम् ॥ [१*] जयति' 2 "विवुधवन्धुर्विध्यविस्तारिवक्षस्थलविमलविलोलकौस्तुभः कंसकेतुः । मुखसरसिज
रङ्गे यस्य तृ3 त्यन्ति लक्ष्म्याः स्मरभरपरिताम्यत्तारकास्ते कटाक्षाः ॥ [२] स जयति
भुजदण्डसंश्चयत्री: समर4 समुद्धृतदुईरारिचक्रः । अपहृतवलिमण्डलो' नृसिंहः सततमुपेन्द्र विन्द्रराज
देवः ॥ [३] 5 अस्ति श्रीनाथनाभिस्फुरदु[क]सरसाम्भोजजमा स्वयंभू(।)स्तस्मादपिः सु.
तोभुदमृतकरपरिस्प6 द" इन्दुस्ततोपि । तस्माइं[शो] यदूनां जगति स वधे यस्य तैस्तैर्बि
लासैः सानो गोपाङ्गनानाब. 7 यनकुवलयैरर्यमानश्चचार ॥ [*] [तवान्वये विततसात्यकिवंशजन्मा श्रीद
तिदुर्गप8 तिः पुरुषोत्तमीभूत् । चालुक्यवशजलधः खयमेव समीर्य शंखचक्राकर
लान्छन
1Journ. Bo. Br.R.4.8. Vol. XVIII. p. 266.
Ind.ant. Vol.'XXXI. p. 396. . From inked estampages supplied to me by Rai Bahadur Venkayye. The i is not well-formed.
Metre: sloka (Anashțubh). Read विबुधवन्धु
* Metre: Pushpitigra. 10 Metre : Sragdhara.
1 Read °परिष्यन्द. 11 Metre: Vasantatilaka; and of the next verne.
6 Metre: Mulini. • Read 'बरि.
WRand tr.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. Ix.
9 माजगाम ॥ [] [त्वा]स्पदं दृदयहारिजघन्यभागे खैरं पुनर्मदु विमर्च
च मध्यदे10 शं [*] यस्यासमस्य [समरे वसुधाङ्गनाया: कांचीपदे प[दामकारि करण
भूयः । [*] पा सेतो: सानुव11 प्रप्रवलकपि[कुलो]जूनफुल्ल[लव]ङ्गादा [कैला]सागवानीचलच[र]णरणबूपुरो
वादितान्तात् । 12 यस्याज्ञां भूमिपाला: करमुकुलमिल[मौ]लिमालायमानामानमैरुत्तमाङ्गरवनि
तललुठज्जा18 नवो मानयन्ति ॥ [*] जित्वा' जगनिजभुजेनि पु]नजिगीषोः स्वर्ग विजेतु
मिव तस्य गतस्य राज्ञः । तत्रा. 14 भवत्परमधानि पदे पितृव्यः श्रीकृष्णराजनृपतिः प्रथितप्रताप: ॥ [*] दि
सुन्दरीवदनचान्दनपत्र15 भंगलीलाय[म]निघनविस्तुतकान्तकीर्तेः । श्रीराष्ट्रकूटकुलभेलमलंकरिष्णोस्तस्मा.
16 निरुपमो निरवद्यशौर्यः ॥ [*] कीर्तेः कुन्दरुच: समस्तभुवनप्रस्थानकुंभ: सितो लक्ष्म्या:
Second Plate ; First Side. 17 लक्ष्म्याः पाणितले विलासकमलं पूर्णेन्दविम्वद्युति' । एक कंपितकोसले
वरकरादाच्छिब्रमन्यत्यु. 18 नर्येनोदीच्यनराधिपाद्यश व श्वेतातपत्र रणे ॥ [१०] तस्मालेभे जग
__ तुंगो जन्म सम्मानि19 त[हिज]: । सोपि श्रीवल्लभं सून राजराजमजीजनत् ॥ [११] निमग्ना
[य]ञ्चलुक्याधौ रहराज्यधि20 यं पुन: [*] पृथ्वीमिवोचरन्धीरो" धीरनारायणोभवत् ॥ [१२] समूलोन्मूलित
स्तम्वान्दण्डनानी21 तकण्टक: । "योदहहेषिणचण्डचलुक्यांश्चणकानिव ॥ [१३*] "[उच्चैश्चलु]क्यकुल
कन्दलकालक
• Metre : Sardolarikridite.
7 Resd बिम्ब
IMetre : Sragdhars.
Read प्रवख. & Metre: Vasantatilaka; and of the next verse. * One of the two circles of the oisarga has been omitted. 6 The repetition of this word is superfluous. • Corrected by the engraver from वेतातापचं.
Metre: $10ka (Anushtubh); and of the next two verses. 11°वीरी is also possible.. ___ Read तम्बा 14 Metro: Vasantatilaka.
WRead 'क्याची. U Read दादोषि

Page #48

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स्वर व वादरतावा मान्नाकिन लं कता घटता का क्या क मल माटा वववन्धु (धन विस्तारित कसल लिगल (दलाल का सुरुः क य क उ मुराधिकर एकल समर पर नामक कामातयति ब्रदर संधयश्री ने र मुदन युद्ध लिया अपटू नवलमल्ल लोक संगः सवत मुल्य व देव ।। अखियाँ नाम जो कियार के इस रसाया कह कर स्वयं । सस्मादवियना
कर परिय
ॐ नायिका सुरात नागनिदान चालिसा मध्याङ्गराकान टानक दल (राजाय दिन नामात्य कि न त नाजीर किट बैंक प तिक खाद (गाया व मुलतः स्वया कायल मिलाभक गागामालक दयानन्ददावाद जयरातमा बसु नाथाः काची याद य जन का विकल लामा जस्त नासा मुद पंप नहर का पुल व दात राहयानी यल दर पुरावादिनाका तर या समिपालाः करं मुकुल मिल हालिमालीया मानविक नमी मिलत (तामानयत्रि हिना रानी उमिवत होत सारा अवार मनानि पये पिली मायं नः प्रतियतामा मया न प रु गलीलाय नानयान विकृतनाथ की शाम वाष्कुल सल्लम हरि मात्र मादरू नियामा निरवटा धायाशा की लक्ष्यन्यसमा डुवन प्रसाना के मनोलया
22 12
Bagumra plates of Indraraja III. First set.
लक पारितले दुलारा कमल कुर्दिश्रा (ताप्‌न कपिन्वासिले तुला दाहिमच्य यूनाया नयानि पुरातन धारा 18
सापि श्री संतुरा राजम की कमान मगाराम ষাखি युकमया दूर श्रीसानी नाना कसं मला काल तुम्हा थर नान 20 तक टका यादह वैषिलইलुक व गुलाल काल के भारत क्या दरवारविनापिकी पुल की मनियसाममा जाता काही पति पत्र नवनाट लगाकर गीर मेनुकाइ नाच र (वेवी नाम सा नदि मुला मुरादारासाला के या मुझे यमला कादारा मंगल की नजरूनि रुि रहेको लिखित परेमा देते मदनम श्री इगड गलत इस "जय जाला । अयाल ने न वह लिसाना का । दि यान्त यह वाताव दरनिय वश्वव पुना काय सांय की लागत सिद्धः साकु सुनार (नेवले सिवान या प्रा· न कुछ नयज्ञानात लहका कलाका
तरति । सालाप
28
छाछल नह
इति शुद्धः समरुप च दीनः कीर्तिमान परिवलन मध्य लागिपर लक्ष्य निवडयात विकलव्य के कामले गा सकलगु लगला विद्य करने के मूल्य प्रामिसाल-गार युवाहनाय कुल कुमुर कुः शुक श
E. HULTZSCH.
SCALE 45.
6
W. GRIGGS, PHOTO-LITH.
8
10
12
14
16
22
24
26
28
30
32

Page #49

द(परित परिदलाना गरे काठशार बिरालो माया दमान सारा 34 पाटाकोर परत मानसीम नवादा मालवान कमानासकवरून सरपुर (Ma(मका मयनमा नतिकुमार निवासी म भवन त्यसलातरने वाली 36 याअपरमपियरी यह काम मागास रिक्तियतापसात्याला लावावास यसरममावरमा चलि परिजममा मानादविरतिकार गामदूतबीतहिनामा या बाकावरीबाबा सान्या दरमा सना नदिमाटावा कादमिनालतरा सातारत जावयाला ईवा यार तिही काल महाकालाऊ पेन गराउन बाटान नबिसिरानमारोतल नवमलोद सादर यान म सगा।
वन पनि मनका र राहताय कामानाउयायामर का तमाम दान ।
सरितालगानिमा त पानी हो। यसका दायरनमारकामदानालातिरावरमल 44 मार माला र पारागाह परमद दायतमासादविशात्परममा
नादानावरमा कामदिरादनहर तरकालीदादी नव्यबसिधा 46माना सतविस्य पनि गायनयुक्त जयंतकाल का रिकम र नगदीश
बारित तिदिन यानी मामात व्यायामानात जगातीचा राम हमारा नाम या ना तोडियो रानलका गुप्ता
मदिरदयारा नाटकात मावादिननद सकिएपाल पर सताटा। 5० सवार घायला पटना मालसमालमा रानाम्याम टासापा
बत तालको लामागे सामाज में से सजाया मलमविर लवलकपन 52माप्पारा मवायललित्याएंगत पेड वर सुदरदाय याददातारामान 52
नपत्यकासालाना दिसलाद या मसिनाटी हित यायावरहितमा कम पदाला । 54ती. तसं पासपय तसा वामसुनार, कुसुमरीया जब नानु सपूछा पन्ना
घवाला सबल लामाकाली माय उरलान कुकर कायोनामान अगापिस पाहायला पानियदाविमा मनमामिति मानि मालकिया
सहयोगमा यामान बरामात्य सूत्रवासिदा दानदिदी तपादमा भारता या सूर कासावितया यत्नयाय या नादातटात का कुर्सय तिदिम लयालादान तनयिरत्यापिचार गचनाकानिवजानिमिरमा
मारताना साना लीसान पलमाला यायनिहराव यमगरवादालालमत्रा सध्या तानाजयपति अपयात यालिस्युनायुक्ररहताय कामासनाव। प्रिय दरात यामिन बालसाह काया कमकाय नागमन पनवरोतसा 162 SR मीरा 3 या कामारपालनीत्यारबाट मतदान नीका (नवनावित्वयन कनारमा वाइन शमसभालायातका जनावमा तामात जात नापानमा यही

Page #50

No. 4. J
22 तोस्तस्मादक्कष्णचरितोजनि
कृष्णराजः । पीतापि कर्ण्य पुटकैर [ स ] जन्मने [म]
कीर्त्तिः परिभ्र
23 मति यस्य शशाङ्कान्ति: ॥ [ १४* ] 'उद्यहीधितिरत्नजालजटिलं व्याक्कष्टमीकुठेनोप
दुग्धनु: (1)
24 रि वैरिवीरशिरसामेवं विमुक्ताः शराः । धारासारिणि से [न्द्र]चापवलये यस्ये25 व्य[म]ब्दागमे' ग[]हू [र] सङ्गरव्यतिकरं जीर्णो जनः [स]ति' ॥ [१५*] अजनि जनि
TWO GRANTS OF INDRARAJA III.
26 तभङ्गो वैरिट[द]स्य तस्मादधरितमदनश्रीः श्रीजगत्तुंग [दे]व[: । ध्व] जसरसि - 27 जशंखप्रोशसञ्चक्रपाणिर्व्विभव विजितविष्णुर्व्वज्ञभो वीर [ल] म्या: ॥ [ १३*] [[ष]
सीत्कोप्य 28 हयान्वयभवो भू[प]: [स]हस्रार्जुनो गहु [] यरावयोर्व्वितलस होईड
कण्ह
29 हरः । विश्रान्तैः श्रवणेषु नाकसदसां यत्कीर्त्तिनामाचरैः सिद्धेः सान्द्र सुधारसेन लि
30 खितैर्व्याप्ताः ककुभित्तयः ॥ [ १७*] वंशे तस्य सपत्नवंशपरथी: कोक्कलभूपामनो राजा श्रीर
31 णविग्रहः समभवश्चेदीश्वरः कीर्त्तिमान् । यस्यारातिपुरंधिमण्डनमुषः सर्व्वेपि पृथ्वीप
32 तिः सूर्यस्येन्दुरिव प्रयाति विकलः पचचये मण्डलम् ॥ [ १८ * ] 'सकलगुणगणाधेर्व्विष्फुरचा -
33 मधान: कलितकमलपाणिस्तस्य
लक्ष्मीः सुताभूत् । यदुकुलकुमुदेन्दुः
31
सुन्दरीचित्तहारी
Second Plate; Second Side.
34 हरिरिव परिणिन्द्ये तां जगत्तुंगदेवः ॥ [ १९*] चतुरुदधितटा [न्त]ख्यातशौयय ताभ्यामभवदरि
35 घरो रहकन्ददेवः । मनसि कृतनिवासः कान्तसीमन्तिनीनां सकल
जनशरण्यः पु
36 स्लावस्यराशिः ॥ [२०*] "मदनमसृतविन्दुस्यन्दमिन्दोब विन्व" नवनलिनमुपाल चन्दनं चन्द्रिकां
1 Metre: Sardalavikridita.
• Bond शंसति.
Metre: gardalavikridita; and of the next verse. •The first sa is not well-formed and looks almost like ta. The letter tma is not well-formed.
10 Bead गया
स्फुर
Road मन्दागमे.
• Motre: Malint.
1 Bond ककुमित्तय:. Metre: Malint; and of the next two verses. Boad बिन्दु 13 Bead ft.

Page #51

VOL. IX.
37 च । चपरमपि यदीयैमनिर्माणशेषैरणुभिरिव चकार स्पष्ट[म][नन्दि वेधाः ॥ [२१] देवो'
38 'चतुरम्बुराशिरमनारोचिष्णुविश्वम्भरामाक्रामनिजविक्रमेण समभूत्' श्रीकीर्त्ति
मारा
39 यथः [it] श्रुत्वा जन्म यदीयमाकुलधियां जग्मुः स[मं] विद्दिषां देन्य यज्ञदची मनसि च भ
40 यं सेवांजलिं मौलयः ॥ [२२* ] 'जतगोवर्धनोपारं [हे] लोन्मूलितमेरुणा ।
32
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
उपेन्द्र
41 मिन्द्रराजेन जित्वा येन न विस्मितम् ॥ [२३] 'सकलजननमस्यः सोथ [व] नमस्या
42 भुवनपतिरनेकान्देवभोगाग्रहारान्
| उपरि पर[श] रामस्यैककुग्रामदान43 स्फुरितगुणगरिम्बस्त्यागकीर्त्त्या वभूव ॥ [२४* ] स च परमभट्टारकमहाराजाधिराजपरमेश्व
44 रश्रीमदकालवर्षदेवपादानुध्यातपरमभट्टारकमहाराजाधिराजपरमेश्वर
45 श्रीपृथ्वीवज्ञभश्रीवल्लभश्रीमनित्यवर्धनरेन्द्रदेवः कुशली सर्व्वानेिव यथासंवध्य-' 46 'मानाचाष्ट्रपतिविषयपतिग्रामकूटयुक्तकनियुक्तकाधिकारिकमहत्तरादी
47 न्समादिशत्यस्तु वः संविदितं यथा श्रीमान्यखेटराजधानीनिवेशिना श्रीप48 हवन्धाय कुरुन्दकमागतेन मया मातापित्रोरात्मनचेहिकामुष्मिकपुष्य
Third Plate.
49 यशोभिहये (1) लक्ष्मणगोत्राय वानिमाध्यन्दिनसब्रह्मचारिणे" राणपभट्टसुताय 50 प्रभाकरभट्टाय लाटदेशान्तर्गत कम्प्रविनसमीपे उम्बरागामग्रामः यस्य पू51 र्व्वतः तोलेजकं दक्षिणतो मोगलिका पश्चिमतः संकीग्राम उत्तर [ती] जवलकूपकमे
1 Metre: Sardalavikridita.
• Metre Sloka (Anushtubb).
7 Rend संबध्य
52 वमाघाटचतुष्टयोपलचितः सोद्रंगः सपरिकरः सदण्डदशा [प] राधः सोत्पद्यमान53 षिष्टिक : " सधान्यहिरस्यादेयोभ्यन्तर सि[हा] पूर्व्वदेवब्रह्मदायरहित: " शकनृप
काळा
54 तीत [सं.]वत्सरशतेष्वष्टासु" षट्त्रिंशदुत्तरेषु [ यु]वसंवत्सरफाल्गुन शुद्ध सप्तम्यां संपने
• Read
• Metre : Malini.
• Bend समभूद्रौ
● Read बभूव.
This md appears to have been first inadvertently omitted and then engraved quite close to the rim.
• Bond बन्धाय.
11 Rend विटिकः.
13 Read.
10 [Read सम
18 The inner stroke of sh in shva is wanting.

Page #52

No. 4.]
TWO GRANTS OF INDRARAJA III.
नुमन्त
56 श्रीपटवन्धोत्सव' तुलापुरुषमागध तस्मादनुत्तरता च कुरुन्दकादीन्यामान 56 पन्यान्यपि पूर्वपृथ्वीपाखविलुप्तानि चत्वारि पामयतानि विंशतिद्रम
लक्षेमा67. है: सह विप्रेभ्यो विमुच 'वधिचक्वैश्वदेवाग्निहोचातिथि[स]तपणार्थम()58 चोदकातिसर्गेण दत्तोस्थोचितया 'वनदायस्थित्या भुंजतो [भो]जयत: अषतः 59 कर्षयत: प्रतिदिशतो वान्यस्मै न केनचिदस्यापि परिपंधना कार्या [v] तथा.
गामिभिरस्म60 "इंश्यैरन्यैर्वा सामान्यं भूमिदानफलमस्य खदायनिर्विशेषोयमस्मभदायो61 व्यः [*] यश्चाज्ञानानोपयति स पंचभिर्महापातक: संयुक्तः स्यादुर च
भगवता व्यासन ॥ ष. 62ष्टि वर्षसहस्राणि खम् तिष्ठति भूमिदः । पाच्छेत्ता चानुमन्ता च
तान्येव नरके वसेत् ॥ [२५] सा63 मान्योयं धर्मसतर्नृपाणां काले काले पालनीयो भवनिः । सर्वानेताभा
विनः पार्थिवेन्द्रान् 64 भूयो भूयो [य]चिते रामभद्रः ॥ [२५] 'श्रीत्रिविक्रमभटेन नेमादित्यस्य सूनुना कृता प्रशस्तेयं श्री [*]
TEXT OF No. II.
First Plate. 1 भी स्वस्ति । स वोव्याधसा धाम यबाभिकमलं कृतं । हरब यस
[कान्तेन्दुकलया कम2 लंकृतम् ॥ [१] जयति "विवुधवधुर्विष्यविस्तारिवक्षस्थलविमलविलोलवी
स्तुभः कंस3 तुः" । सुखसरसिजरङ्गे यस्य नृत्यंति लक्ष्म्याः स्मार]भरपरिताम्यत्तारकास्ते
___ कटा.
4. क्षाः ॥ . [२] स जयति भुजदण्डसंवयत्रीः समरसमुदत[दुरारिचक्रः ।
अपहतवलिम
• Rand 'बन्धीमवे. I Rend 'मानन्यान्यपि.
- Rend बलि. • Rand ब्रह्म
• Corrected by the engraver trom . • Read 'अनन
7 Metre : sloka (Anushtabh). Metro: balin. Metro: śloku (Anushtubh)this verse was left incomplete for want of space 10 Rend विबुधबन्धु I Read सर्वतः
u Rand °वलि.
-

Page #53

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. IX. Bण्डलो वृसिंहः सततमुपेन्द्र दवेन्द्रराजदेवः ॥ [३] अस्ति श्रीनाथनाभि
स्फुरदुरुसरसांभीज(7)6 जन्मा [ख]यंभूस्तस्मादधिः सुतोभूदमृतकरपरिस्पन्द' इन्दुस्ततोपि । तस्मा]
इंगो यदूनां 7 जगति स वधे यत्र तैस्तै बिलासैः शाी गोपाङ्ग नानां] नयनकु
वलय8 रचमानश्चचार ॥ [४*] तत्रान्वये विततसात्यकिवंशजन्मा श्रीदन्तिदुर्ग
नृपतिः 9 पुरुषोत्तमीभूत् । चालुक्यवंशजसः स्वयमेव लक्ष्मीर्य शं[ख] चक्रकरलांछ. 10 न[म]जगाम । [५] कृत्वास्पदं दृदयहारिजघन्यदेशे स्वैरं पुनर्मदु विमर्च
च मध्यदेशं । 11 यस्यासम[स्य] समरे वसुधाङ्गनाया: 'कागचीपदे पदमकारि करण भूयः
॥ [*] पा सेतोः सा12 'नुवप्रप्रवलकपिकु[लो]जूनफुझमवङ्गादा कैलासाह[वा]नीचलचरणरणत्रपुरो13 बादितान्तात् । यस्यानां भूमिपालाः करमुकुलमिलमौलि]मालायमा
नामाननैर14 त्तमा गैरवनितललुठज्जानवो मानयन्ति ॥ [*] जित्वा जगविजभुजेन पुनर्जि
गीषोः स्वर्ग 15 विजेतुमिव तस्य गतस्य रातः 10तत्राभवत्परमधानि पदे पितृव्य:
श्रीकृष्णराजनृप16 ति: प्रथितप्रतापः ॥ [] दिक्सुन्दरीवदनचान्दनपत्रभंगलीलायमानघनविस्तत. [कान्तकी
Second Plate ; First Side. 17 तें: [*] श्रीराष्ट्रकूटकुलशैलमलंकरिणोस्तस्मादभूविरुपमो निरवद्यशौर्यः
... ॥ [e"] कीतः कु18 न्दरुचः समस्तभुवनप्रस्थानकुम्भः सितो लक्ष्म्याः पाणितले विलासकमलं पूणे19 न्दुविम्वद्युतिः । एक कंपितकोसलेश्वरकरादाच्छिब्रमन्यत्पुनियेनोदीच्यनरा
धिपाद्य20 श व श्वेतातपर्व रणे । [१०] तस्मालेभे जगत्तुङ्गो जन्म सम्मानि
तदिनः । सीपि श्रीवन
• Read 'प्रबल
I Read °परिष्यन्द. • Bend वानी.
- Read काची. Read बिब

Page #54

Bagumra plates of Indraraja III.--Second set.
मत्सबागहवर वामय का हकमलनादरस्टा गायक कातिनः । लालमायायानिति तु वदतियारियकाबलविमानला को सुरहितमा
मुं शद मरासिड र मशकयतलला साप पारितामा गाल को नका - कावासयनिक सरस प्रयन रामपा वरना ना बन कायम तलबग
लोकायालरातमुपर ऊतकांडार का पालनी बोवनीतिसरयु फरारयति । कायदा बार असुनाइय मतकार परिसरात या राना मायूसना Pालतवन रावतलाल लागी या नामनियन दत्तायो । । रामनगर गान यादित नमारक सजावटी पर । गुमान मास्तरावगतमरू व स्वयात्मवलकालान कर लॉक
यादमल्ल र युमावतमा हावाशाद जा10 बासमतामर दशुदा गाय कादीपदपद मावि कारला सातारा 1211 उपपल रूप
कानपुर बस्याविलासादयानीदलते नजाराम पुरा 12 जायला मला यह तर म त मरकामा बसमानामा मेला जमा करवलेला बखामालयाला तया वरनपुजा साहामा विठल व त्याराना शानदार वरिपरमवामियरमानी पार
पनि तयातायात मनी नयन योरून पटातला बामगाववादिया बाकी
10
82a.
स्तरमा
। यदहेस मा वन प मानकर निमार चालत तृदिलातकमला 18
पुस्तक यिनकासव परकायाहि नमुना गायनाम्यान रानिया 20 तानस पूरे मनमाडकर मौकमराठानिनवरुवामा गमावर २०
सासरारूतरनेवा निगमायालमा हारमा दयपुनःपथा दायर 22 | मी नवीनारायाणादालतमा मुलाकात नेमकामनाबी तक कालायका
হে ২ প্রকাকোব র প্রত নন-নেত্রকােণ এ দিদাবলি বার ( দলের সুরে বললোঃ
मलि सस5 का किराउमादीला तिनवतावर या भाग २० रा र मयूरतापदीय लय सामुद मुना मगरलारस लिनस्यापा २०
लत्यय शाह नहीं माने या रसगर याचिका सायातमा | ময়মকা নেকেই নাহে এদিন একে (सहाय पालरा कम विततिलि नतिमा हात लावीएलकाका अलावापा
मायतकात पर महिलगा ये गावात सयो र क र १० 21 लामा तामा र पल मालाला सातवी 32
ताम्सा
रानात।
E. HULTZSCH.
W. GRIGGS, PHOTO-LITH.
SCALE 45

Page #55

तयामक्षवायाभून कालमा समातियुगलमन माझा विचा तिसूर्यराविपयाति विकलव्य समलिम(सवाल नागपात सधायाम 34
बावलिन मलयालम मालकी सुवासराय युदलकुमुरमुरतस्विहाली । ७० सवयति (नागेनुसार यंटम यक्तिटकाशातलायाम कामतव। 36
रपिगमरमट वाट यारदामन सिट तनिवास कानीमकिनी तीसवालिदिनमा रापु लावाय उगन पा(जननामावविशाभूगोमादानविद विकामगा।
मस्तशीकालिनागायला जावा असायी धना सामावाला 40 द नावाचामनसिप योजनामा लाया मुत्सम दूधमा
काबनम लाउ(यनिशानिनिता युवानविनतमसकले नगनमा 42 सायकवानप्रसार वन गरि नया व्यवहाराणसानाठ यदि परमानसा की
कुणामयान सतगुगलमूसागवी तोवरुवामान्यपमहालक महापाको बनाती यसलामी मरकालवये दो पासलवातपा मारकमकापाकालगडेपारात्मक
शामलीला वनइपलासरीनवयधासवतामालकाला पतित पनि गामा +6 यवनिका विका निकामदलगादीशमासिहान सविस्तरमामाला
तटमार दानीलवसना पबचा सवाय कुरूकागतनमयामातापितापाय नहारिकानुचिकरण्याकि इत्यालका यसपा वायवाहि मानिसहरमा ।
लिव लायुक्त वन वापसमयमा चहारेर जालौन कालिक ७० जमीय जन नामनामाथसांग नावाल र यही कारकिरानानामत काय ममतावली
यता बधिय गाम विभागाध्यम पाया कि नरेगा सयति कराया 52 यशापमावास्मात्यसभा बवि पिक सेवामारिबागायोतिक सिया मतदायकालाहीनसवाल 52
SM3युक्स क्रमप्लवमुख नारायजयवशात्या वापुरवा कहाँन मायउत्सना चामलका योदयामावमा नपसुवपछीयालवि, 54
अविवानिमा मजनावित रतिमेलले यासंदविमुटवलय मावि सत्यवाशा 50 तिनियन कार्यमा सरका निसर्गवार नामा(वन यावदायान 56
मामाकरता मत कविता पनि हसलावामागाव (कन विरल्यायि यसला 5 | यह नाकार्यान(भिलियनपनि तिमन्ना भागलात सामानहानियानयला
मवेताम्बरा यनिर्वियायमस्वासहा सायाकुमारी यजाम्याशयात सयजनियता 6०१६ यानकै राय क्यानायलगताना संवाघाघवघेरा याजिनीतिमतिलनियां
बादामबाद तालावन नकवास तानवरयायधम मुवसईतवीसय गतानमा 62 का खाक वा तनावरियलयका यनगावमलयाटमा नामालाल
कालकालयात नी त्यार वारिस बोलताशाविन पादरवठानद्वयात्माया स्तनामदार 64विविक्तनलमादामादकता कलासरनाम सयमिहयातापित्मविनानी 64

Page #56

No. 4.]
TWO GRANTS OF INDRARAJA III.
35
21 में सूनुं राजराजमजीजनत् ॥ [११] निमग्नां यश्चलुक्याधी' रहराज्य
श्रियं पुनः [*] पृथ्वी[मि]वोचर22 धीरो वीरनारायणोभवत् ॥ [१२*] 'समूलोन्मूलितस्तम्वान्दण्डेनानीतकण्टकः ।
योदहहे23 षिणवण्डचलुक्यांश्चणकानिव ॥ [१३] उच्चैश्चलुक्यकुलकन्दलकालतोस्तस्मादक24 षणचरितोजनि कृष्णराजः । पीतापि कर्णपुटकैरसक्वज्जनन कीतिः परि25 भ्रमति यस्य शशाङ्ककान्तिः ॥ [१४] उद्यहीधितिरत्नजालजटि[लं]
व्याकष्टमी28 दृग्धनुः क्रुडे[नो]परि वैरिवीरशिरसामेवं विमुक्ताः शराः । धारासारिणि
सेन्द्रचापव27 लये यस्येत्थमव्दागमे गजर्जरसंगरव्यतिकार] जीर्णो जनः शन्मति'
28 जनि जनितभंगो वैरि[]न्दस्य तस्मादधरितमदनधी: श्रीजगत्तुंगदेवः ।
___ध्वजसर29 सिजशंखप्रोल्लसच्चक्र[पाणि] विभवविजितविष्णुर्व्वलभी वीरलक्ष्म्याः ॥ [१६]
पासीकोप्यथ 80 हैहयान्वयभवो भूपः सहस्रार्जुनो गजदुर्जयरावणोजितलसहोईण्डकणह81 र: [*] विश्वान्तः श्रवणेषु ना[क]सदसा यत्कीर्तिनामाक्षरेः सिद्धेः
सान्द्रसुधारसेन लिखि32 तैाप्ताः ककुभित्तयः ॥ [१७*] वंशे तस्य सपत्नवंशपरथोः कोकलभूपा
मजी राजा [बी]
Second Plate ; 'Second Side. 38 रणविग्रहस्समभवञ्चेदी[व]रः कीर्तिमान् । यस्यारातिपुरन्धिमण्डनमुषः रार्बीपि
पृथ्वीप34 तिः सूर्यस्येन्दुरिव प्रयाति विकल: पक्षचये मण्डलम् ॥ [१८] सकलगुण
गणाधेविष्फुरधाम85 धानः कलितकमलपाणिस्तस्य समीः मुताभूत् । यदुकुलकुसुदेन्दुः सुन्द
रीचित्तहारी
1 Rend क्याबी. • Bend मन्दागमे. PRnd बकुभित्तय:
Read °सम्बा'. Read xafa. • Read सबोंपि.
• Rend दाढ़े. . Read fe:. • Read गाविस्कुर.
12

Page #57

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. IX.
86 हरिरिव परिणिन्धे तां जगत्तुदेवः ॥ [१८] चतुरुदधितटान्तख्यातमौर्योथ
ताभ्याम[भ]व37 दरिधरहो सकन्ददेवः । मनसि लतनिवास: कान्तसीमन्तिनीनां 'सवाल
जनधरण्यः पु. 38 यशावण्यराशिः । [२०] देवो 'यश्चतुरम्वुराशिरगनारोचिष्णुविश्वम्भरामाक्रा
मविजविक्रमेण स. 89 मभूत् श्रीकीर्तिनारायणः । श्रुत्वा बम यदीयमाकुलधियां जग्मुः समं
विहिषां 40 दैन्यं परचो मनांसि च भयं सेवांजलिं मौलयः ॥ [२१] कृतगो.
वईनोहारं हेलो41 भूशितमेरुणा [*] उपेन्द्रमिन्द्रराजेन जित्वा येन न विस्मितम् ॥ [२२]
. सकलजनममस्या 42 सोथ छत्वा ममस्यान्भुवनपतिरनेकान्देवभोगाग्रहाराना' उपरि परशरामस्यैक43 कुमामदानस्फुरितगुणगरिम्णस्वागकीर्त्या वभूव ॥ [२३] स च परमभट्टारक.
महाराजाधिराज44 परमेश्वरश्रीमदकासवर्षदेवपादानुध्यातपरमभहारकमहाराजाधिराजपरमेश्वर45 श्रीमनित्यवर्षनरेन्द्रदेवः कुगली सर्वानेव 'यथासंवध्यमानकाबाष्ट्रपतिविषयपति
ग्राम48 कूटयुक्षकनियुक्तकाधिकारिकमहत्तरादीन्समादियत्यस्तु वः संविदितं यथा
श्रीमान्ध47 खेटराजधानीनिवेगिना श्रीपावन्धोत्सवाय कुरुन्दकमागतेन मया माता
पिचोराम48 नवेशिकामुभिकपुण्ययशोभिहाय (0) समवसगोचाय वाजिमाध्यन्दिनसव्रह्मचा-'
Third Plates 49 रिणे पाटलिपुत्रविनिर्मात[श्रीवे]पभासताय सिक्षपभाय लाटदेशान्तात
कम्पणिज50 समीपे तेवनामग्रामः [*] यस्य पूर्वतो पारडपलिका [1] दक्षिणतो
नाभीतटकं [1] पचिमतो वली.
send सकसी. • Rand ममममस्य: Rand संप .
Rad प्रभु • Read हारान्। • Rad'वन्धी
• Rond समसूत्री. • Rend बभूव. • Read सनम

Page #58

No. 4.]
TWO GRANTS OF INDRABAJA IJI.
51 था [*] उत्तरतो ववियणपामः [*] एवमा[घा]टचतुष्टयोपलचितमोद्गः
सपरिकर[:] सदण्ड52 दयापराधः सोत्पद्यमानविष्टिक: सधान्यहिरवा हे योभ्यन्तरसिया शकप
कालातीतसंवत्सर53 एतेष्वष्टासु षट्त्रिंशदुत्तरेषु युवसंवत्सरफाल्गुनएचसप्तम्यां संपचे श्रीपषधोम54 वे तुलापुरुषमारच तस्मादनुत्तरता च कुरुन्दकादीन् प्रामानन्यान्यपि पूर्व
पृथ्वीपालवि55 लुप्तानि चत्वारि ग्रामशतानि विंशतिद्रम्मलस्माई: सह विमुच 'वस्ति
. चस्वैश्वदेवाग्नि56 होनातिथिसंतपणार्थम(7)द्योदकातिसर्गेण दत्तोस्योचितया 'वनदायस्थित्या 67 मुंजती भोजयतः कषतः कर्षयतः प्रतिदिशतो वान्यी न केनचिदल्यापि
परि58 पन्यना कार्या [*] तथागामिभिर्भद्रनृपतिभिरस्माइंश्यरन्थैर्वा सामान्य
भूमिदानफल59 मवेत्य स्वदायनिर्विशेषोयम[महाप्रदायोनुमन्तव्यः' [i] यथाज्ञानामोपयति
स पंचभिर्महा80 पातकः संयुक्ताः स्यादव] च भगवता व्यासन । षष्टिं वर्षसहस्राणि खर्गे
तिष्ठति भूमिदः [1] पा[च्छे]61 ता चानुमन्ता च तान्येव नरके वसेत् ॥ [२४] [ग्ने]रपत्यं पथम
सुवर्ण भूइँणवी सूर्यसुताच [गा]62 वः [1] लोकत्रयं तेन भवधि दत्तं यः कांचन गां च महीं च दद्यात्॥
[२५] सामान्यो[य] धर्मसतपाणां 63 काले काले पालनीयो भवधिः । सनितान्भाविनः पार्थिवेन्द्रान् भूयो भूयो
याचते रामभद्रः ॥ [२१] 64 श्रीषिविक्रमभहन []मादित्यस्य सूनुना । कता असा प्रसस्तेयमिन्द्रराजाप्रिसविना । [२७] श्रीः []
TRANSLATION OF No. II.
Om. Hail! (Verse 1.) May he (Vishnu), the water-lily (opringing from) whore Ravel was made (his) abode by Vadhas (Brahman), protect you, and Hara (Biva) whose head is adorned by the beautiful crescent of the moon !
Rand बदि. • Read प्रथम
! Read
IBand 'पन्धी •Band'बदनाम
.

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(V. 2.) Victorious is (Krishna), (who is) the comet (of destruction) to Kamsa (and is) the friend of the gods, on whose chest, extensive as the Vindhya (mountain), dangles the pure Kaustubha, (and) on the stage of whose lotus-like face dance the side-glances of Lakshmi, with the pupils (of her eyes) languid through excess of love!
(V. 3.) Ever victorious is the king Indraraja (III.), whoso long arms were made her) refuge by the goddess of Wealth, who has rooted out in battles the circle of (his) enemies difficult to withstand, who has seized the territories of the mighty, (and who is the lion (i.c. the best) among men, just as Upêndra (Vishņu) is ever victorious, whose long arms were made her) support by the goddess) Lakshmi, who held up in battles (his) discus bearing spokes and difficult to resist, who carried off Bali and (huis) legions (to Pátala), (and who was) a man-lion (in his fourth incarnation).
(V. 4.) The self-existent (Brahman) was born of the wide and blooming water-lily springing from the navel of (Vishņu) the lord of Sri; of him was born (his) son Atri; (and) of him again (i.e. of Atri) the Moon that overflows with rays of nectar. From him there grew on earth the lineage of the Yadus, amongst whom (at one time) flourished (Vishņu) the wielder of the Súrriga (bow) (in his eighth incarnation as Krishna), who was worshipped by the lotus-eyes of cow herdesses with every kind of flirtation.
(V. 5.) In that family there arose the illastrious king Dentidurga, born in the great Sâtyaki branch, the best of men, whose hand (bore) the (auspicious) marks of the conch and discus, (and) to whom of herself came the goddess of wealth of the Chalukya family, just as (in that family) there arose Parushottama (Xrishna), who prolonged the line of Satyaki, who (held) the conch and discus in (his hands as (his peouliar) characteristics, (and) to whom of herself came (the goddess) Lakshmi from the ocean.
(V. 6.) The hand (.e. the prowess) of this (prince), matchless in battle, having (first) established itself on the beautiful lowermost region of the earth, and having again overcome in a gentle manner at its own will the central region (Madhyadéta), again established itself in the province of Kåñchi, just as the hand (of a lover), after (first) establishing itself on the bips of a woman, attractive to the heart, and pressing again gently at its will (her) waist, again establishes itself on the region (below the waist) where the girdle (is worn).
(V. 7.) His orders, forming a wreath on (their) crests with which came in contact (their) hands (joined) like bads, (all) kings respect with (their) heads slightly bent (and) with (their) knees rolling about on the surface of the earth, from Satu (Råmêsvaram), where the blossoming lavaniga (trees) are destroyed on the declivities of mountain-tops by hosts of powerful monkeys, as far as the Kailasa (mountain), the outskirts of which resound with the jingling anklets on the moving feet of Bhavani.
(V. 8.) When that king, after conquering the world by his own arm, had gone to heaven as if to conquer (it), being desirous of a fresh victory,- (his) paternal uncle, the illustrious king Kfishnaraja (I.), of well-known prowess, occupied his position of supreme majesty,
(V. 9.) Nirupama, of spotless valour, sprang from that (king), whose fame, solid, extensive and bright, diverted itself in the form of the lines of sandal-painting on the faces of the beauties, (viz.) the quarters, (and) who adorned the mountain (consisting of) the family of the glorious Rashtrakūtas,
(V. 10.) From the hand of the trembling lord of the Kosalas was snatched away by him in battle one white (regal) parasol, which was the white (auspicious) Water-pitcher for the setting out of (his) fame, bright as the kunda (flower), on a journey over the whole world, (and) which
1. Patr. of Yuyadhana (a warrior in the Pandu army who acted as the charioteer of Krishna and belonged to the Vrishội family)."--Monier-Williams' Diclivnary.

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No. 4.]
TWO GRANTS OF IN DRARAJA III.
39
was the toy-lotus, resplendent as the disc of the fall moon, on the palm of the hand of Lakshmi ; another again (was snatched away by him) from the king of the northern (country) as if it were (his) glory.
(V. 11.) From him obtained birth Jagattunga, who honoured the twice-born; he in his turn begat as son the king of kings Srivallabha.
(V. 12.) This (prince), possessed of fortitude, on raising again the glory of the Ratta king. dom, drowned in the ocean of the Chalukyas, became i.e. assumed the epithet of) Viranarayana, just as (Vishọa), again uplifting the earth, drowned in the ocean, became Viran rayana (1.e. the heroic Narayaņa).
(V. 13.) Having, by means of punishment, pat down obnoxious persons, he destroyed the fiery Chalukyas, (his) enemies, who had completely devastated (the city of) Stamba, just as (a gardener), after removing the thorns by means of a stick, barns chick-peas, the stalks of which have been plucked out with the roots.
(V. 14.) From him, who was the comet of destruction to the plantain tree, (vis.) the high family of the Chalukyas, was born Kộishnaraja (II.), of spotless life, whose fame, bright as the moon, wanders about, though constantly drunk by the people by means of the cavities of (their) ears.
(V. 15.) On the advent of clouds, when there is a heavy downpour of rain (and) when the circular rainbow (appears in the sky), the old men thus describe the event of his fight with the roaring Gûrjara :-"Thus did (he) in anger draw (his) bow, studded with a series of gems darting forth rays; thus did (he) discharge arrows at the heads of the warriors of (his) enemy."
(V. 16.) From him was born the illustrious Jagattungadêva, who caused the destruction of the multitude of his enemies, who surpassed the beauty of Madana, who was the beloved of the goddess of Heroism, (the palm of each of) whose bands (bore the auspicious sign of) a discus shining by means of the marks of) a banner, a lotus and a conch, (and) who (thus) by (his) greatness excelled Vishnu.
(V. 17.) There was a king (named) Sahasrarjuna, sprung from the Haihaya lineage, who relieved the itching sensation of the powerful and shining long arms of the roaring and invincible Rêvana, (and) the letters (setting forth) whose fame and name, finding & resting place in the ears of the gods, (and) written by the Siddhas with the dense fluid of nectar, covered the walls of the quarters.
(V. 18.) In the dynasty of him who was an axe to the families of (his) enemies, there arose the renowned illustrious king Ranavigraha, the son of king Kokkalla (and) the lord of Chêdi, into whose circle of feudatory princes), pilferer as he was of the ornaments of the wives of (his) enemies, entered every enfeebled lord of the earth on the destruction of (his) partisans, just as the moon, destitute of (all) the digits, enters the disc of the sun at the end of the (dark) fortnight.
(V. 19.) From him who was the receptacle of a collection of all virtues (and) the abode of resplendent majesty, there was born a daughter (named) Lakshmi, possessed of lotas-like hands, [just as from the ocean, which is the abode of the sun) of intensely gleaming rays, there sprang Lakhsmi, possessed of a lotus in (her) hand); Jagattungadeva, the moon to the nightlotus of the Yadu race (and) the ravisher of the hearts of beautiful women, married her (vie. Lakshmi, the daughter of Ranavigraha), just as Hari, the moon to the night-lotus of the Yadu race (and) the ravisher of the hearts of beautiful women, married her (vis. the goddess Lakshmi).
The same as Tamralipta, i.e. Tamlak; see p. 27 above. [Compare sibupalavadha, I. 48.]

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(V. 20.) From these two sprang Bafta-Kandar padova, whose bravery was known as far as the shores of the four oceans, who was a grinding-stone to (his) enemies, who dwelt in the hearts of beautiful women, who was a refuge to all men, (and) who was a store of merit and beauty, (just as from (Hari and Lakshmi) sprang the god Kandarpa (i.6. Oupid), whose prowess is known as far as the shores of the four oceans, who is a grinding-stone to (his) enemies, who abides in the minds of beautiful women, who is a refuge to all persons, (and) who is a store of heavenly beauty).
(V. 21.) This king, overranning, by means of his own valour, the earth shining with the girdle of the four oceans, became (.e. was known as) Sri-Kirti-Narayana, just as the god (Vishnu), covering, with his stride, the earth shining with the girdle of the four oceans, was known as SH-Kirti-Narayana; on hearing of whose birth, the lustre of the faces, the minds, and the heads of (his) enemies, whose understanding was bewildered, simultaneously experienced dejection, fear, and the cavity of the hands folded (as a mark of) servitude.
(V. 22.) This Indraraja (III.), having uprooted Meru (Mahodaya P) with ease, was not puffed up with pride at (his) defeating (king) Upendra who had saved Govardhana, just as the god Indra, who uprooted (Mount) Môru with ease, was not paffed up with pride at (his) vanquishing (the god) Upêndra (Krishna) who had uplifted the Govardhana (mountain).
(V. 23.) This lord of the earth, entitled to obeisance from all mon, on founding many endowments to temples and agraháras (to Brahmanas), to be respected (by all), became, in point of fame for charity, superior to Parasurama, the greatness of whose merits shone by the gift of a single insignificant village.
(LL. 43-56.) And he, the Paramabhaftáraka Maharajddhiraja Paramédvara, the prosperous Nityavarshanarendradêve, who meditates on the feet of the Paramabhaffaraka Maharajadhirdja Paramétvara, the prosperous Akalavarshadêve, being well, commands all the lords of provinces (rdshfra), lords of districts (vishaya), chiefs of villages, leading persons, officials, employés, functionaries, eto., according as they are concerned -
“Be it known to you that by Me, who resides at the capital of Manyakheta (and) who has come to Kurundaka for the glorious festival of the binding of the fillet,- for the enhancement of the religious merit and fame, in this world and the next, of (My) parents and Myself-with heartfelt devotion-eight centuries of years increased by thirty-six having elapsed since the time of the Baka king, on the seventh (tithi) of the bright (fortnight) of Phalguns in the Yuva-samvatsara-having, on the completion of the glorious festival of the binding of the fillet, ascended the Tuldpurusha, and having, without coming down from the pan, given away, together with twenty lakhs and a half of drammas, Kurundaka and other villages, and four hundred villages besides, that had been confiscated by previous kings, was bestowed to-day, by pouring water from the hand, for the sake of the Bali, Oharu, Vaišvaddva, Agnihotra and Atithisantarpana, -apon Siddhapabhatta, of the Lakshmana gôtra, a student of the VajiMadhyandins (fákhd), (and) the son of Sri-Vennapabhatta who had come from Påtaliputra,the village of the name of Tenna in the vicinity of Kammanijja situated in the country of Leţa, defined by the four boundaries, vis to the east Våradapallika, to the south Nambhitataka, to the west Vallsa, (and) to the north the village of Vavviyana, together with the royal share,
1 There can hardly be a doubt that this verse is intended to yield two meaningu, one mythological and the other historical. The first is clear, but the historical sense is by no means evident ; see above, p. 27 t.
* Thero is here play on the word kw, which means both the earth' and insignificant. 1. Gift of gold, eto., equal to a man's weight."-Monier-Williams' Dictionary.
According to No. I. 1. 49 ft.-"upon Prabhakarabhafta of the Lakshmana gátra, a student of the Vaji. Madhyandina (odkend), and the son of Rapapabhatta,- the village of the name of Umvark in the vicinity of Kammanij situated in the country of Lata, defined by the four boundaries, vie, to the out Toldjaka, to the south Mogalika, to the west the village of Bakt, (and) to the north Javalakapaka."

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No. 5.)
RAGHOLI PLATES OF JAYAVARDHANA II.
41
with the appartenances, with the proceeds of the punishments for) faults and the ten offences, with (the right to) forced labour as it arises, with the assessment in grain and gold.
(LI. 56-59.) "No hindrance should in the slightest degree be caused by any one to him while enjoying (this village), allowing (others) to enjoy (it), cultivating (it), causing (it) to be cultivated, or assigning (it) to another, in accordance with the manner of a gift to a Brahmana. Likewise, this My gift to a Brahmana should be assented to, just as if it were their own gift, by the good kings of the future, whether My descendants or others, bearing in mind that the fruit of a gift of land is common (both to the grantor and to the preserver)."
[L. 59 f. and vv. 24-26 contain the usual admonitions to future ralers.]
(V. 27.) This praiseworthy panegyricl was composed by the illustrious Trivikramabhatta, the son of Nômaditya (and) serving the feet of Indraraja.
No. 5. - RAGHOLI PLATES OF JAYAVARDHANA II.
BY HIRA LAL, B.A., M.R.A.S.; Nagpor. These plates were kindly sent to me by Mr. C. E. Low, I.C.S., Deputy Commissioner of the Balaghat district, Central Provinces. They were found in the village Ragholi belonging to the Saletekri Zamindari, now under the Court of Wards and included in the Baihar tahsil of that district, by a cultivator while ploughing the field. There are three copper-plates, of which the second and third bear writing on both sides; the third plate has only two lines on the reverse side. The plates are broader in the middle than at the top or at the bottom. At the broadest part they measure nearly 6 inches, and the average height is 5)". They are held together by a ciroular ring, 2/" in diameter, which is somewhat thicker and rugged at the place where the two ends are soldered together. A circular seal with tasselled borders is attached to the ring and was put on it before the ends of the ring were soldered together. The seal has in two lines the legend Sri-Jayavardhanadévasya, which is enclosed by ornamental circles running round the bottom of the tassels. The ring was cut and resoldered by Rai Bahadur V. Venkayya, who kindly took for me the impressions which are reproduced on the accompanying Plate. The copper-plates were found when Mr. Low was writing the Gazetteer of the Balaghat District, in which an extract from my translation has already appeared. .
The language of the inscription is Sanskrit, written in characters belonging to the northern class of alphabets. The average size of the letters is about ". They are badly formed and somewhat difficult to read. The first 20 lines of the inscription (excepting the opening words Or wasti Srivardhanapurdt) and again lines 35 to 45 are in verse. The rest is Sanskrit prose. Final forms of t occur in lines 1 and 38, and one of m in line 45. The letter b is not distinguished from v. A notable orthographical peculiarity occurs in lines 32 f. and 40 £.where we find my written for m in tamura and kamvala. On the other hand b is omitted in Kufumina (1. 24) for loufumbínal, but regularly expressed by v in dalamon (1. 41). The letters with a répha at the top sometimes assume & very peculiar shape such as in sarua (1. 25) and varsha (1. 37). At other places they have the usual form, as in survva (1. 29). There is also a tendenoy to change the final forms of nasals into anusvdra in contravention of the accepted grammatical rules, as in pramukhdin (1. 24) and purusharh (1.25). The ka of kampala in line 40 f. has a peculiar form and differs from other kas ocourring in the inscription.
The word prafautd is here evidently used in the mme sense m prabanti.

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The object of the inscription is to record the grant of the village Khaddike in the Katêraka district (1. 23) to a temple of the Sun.god at Chatfulliha (1. 29 f.) by king Jayavardhana II. It was issned from Srivardhanapura (1.1) and is dated in the srd year of his reign on the 30th day of the month Karttika (11. 46 and 31). Judging from the writing it may be assigned to the eighth century A.D.; the characters very much resemble those of the Paithan plates of Govinda III. dated in the year 794 A.D. Jayavardhana II. is described in lines 20-22 as a devotee of Mahêśvara, the lord of the whole Vindhya, and Mahardjádhiraja Paramésvara. He belonged to the Sailavamsa (verse 1). His grandfather, who bore the same name as himself, killed the former king of the Vindhya and made the Vindhya his residence (v. 3). The son of Jayavardhana I. and father of the donor was Srivardhana II., who styled himself Vindhyêśvara (v.4), and who may have founded Srivardhanapura from which the present charter was issued. Five more ancestors of this line are mentioned, the first of whom was Srivardhana I. His son was Pfithuvardhana, who is stated to have attacked Gujarat (v. 1). In his family was born Sauvardhana (v. 2), one of whose three sons killed the king of Paundra (Bengal and Bihar), while another conquered the king of Kasi (Benares). Of this latter, whose name is not mentioned, Jayavardhana I. was the son (v. 3).
The first verse of this charter opens with an obscure epithet to Srivardhana I. who is called Kailas-dchala-tunga-pinga-vipula-drônija-varasa-prabhúsh, which apparently means the lord of the family of her who was born in the great valley of the lofty peaks of the Kailasa mountain. It is very difficult to hit at the true import of this expression, and the only conjecture I can hazard is that it may mean the Gangavamsa, of which the Sailsvamba was probably a branch or a more well known name at that time. Otherwise it is difficult to see why in the same verse the same person should be called the lord or ornament of two familieg. If my conjecture is correct, the force of prakhyátó bhuvi (famous or known on the earth) preceding Sailavamsa-tilakali would be apparent. The Sailavat sa is very probably identical with the Sailodbhavas or silodbhavas of Orissa, to which Prof. Hultzsch has kindly drawn my attention. In the plates of the time of Sasankaraja, a fendatory chief Madhavaraja II., who issued the charter, is spoken of as belonging to the Silodbhava family, which is identical with the Sailodbhava of the Buguda plates of Madhavavarman as pointed out there. The former is dated in the year 619-20 A.D. and is the older of the two. Both were found in the Ganjam district, and both the charters were issued from Kôngeda or Kaingoda, which is identified by Prof. Kielhorn with the Kong-u-to of the Chinese traveller Hinen Tsiang, who visited the place in the year 639 A.D. This principality was included in the Kalinga country or, roughly speaking, Orissa. In fact the village granted by Madhavaraja II. was situated in the district of Krishnagiri, a synonym of Nilagiri which is a name of Jagannatha (Part) in Orissa.? And it is well known that Orissa is the country where the Gångavamsa originated. King Indravarman of Kalinganagara is spoken of as the establisher of the spotless family of the Gangas,'8 an epithet which does not occur in other grants of the Gangas' of Kalinga. So he was a perpetuator of a dynasty with a new name, which probably he introduced in preference to an old one which was not very complimentary. The new name is a metronymio; 50 we may suppose that the one suppressed was a patronymic. The Buguda inscription tells us how one Palindasêna worshipped Brahmâ in order to create a fit ruler for the land, and how the god granted his wish by creating out of a rock the lord Bailodbhava, who became the founder of the family of that name. However complimentary the story may have been in the beginning, it could not have failed later on to appear somewhat analogous to the alleged origin of low
Above, Vol. III. p. 103 #. Above, Vol. VI. p. 144.
Above, Vol. VI. p. 136. 7 Above, Vol. VI. p. 144
1 Wilson's Vishnu-Purdina, Vol. II. p. 170, note 6. • Above, Vol. III. p. 42. • Cunningham's Ancient Geography, p. 515. . Above, Vol. III. p. 127.

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No. 5.)
RAGHOLI PLATES OF JAYAVARDHANA IT.
castes, which trace their origin to some such inanimate objects as scarecrowe, dirt from Mabad@ya's body, or the sweat of his brow. In fact the aboriginal Gonds aver that their leader Lingo liberated the first men of the tribe from a cave in the Iron valley in the Red hill by removing a stone 16 oubits high with which Mahadeva had closed the mouth of the cave, and ont came 16 scores of Gonds at once. The Sailodbhava origin would thus appear something like an improvement on this story. Recognising the tendenoy, which has always existed and still exists, to adopt oponymous names under the influence of what Sir Alfred Lyall calls the gradual Brahmaņising of castes, it would not be surprising to find a family with a dubious patronymic insinuating a non-Brahmaņical origin, preferring a metronymic connected with BO holy a deity as the Ganges, in spite of the Kshatriya mode of calling themselves after the male parent. It will then be asked why in the present grant the Sailavamsa was at all mentioned, to which an answer may be found in the fact that there are always three classes of people : the conservatives or those who would stick to the old things only, the moderates who would tolerate both the new and the old, and the extremists who would wholly discard the old, and probably the donor of the present grant belonged to the second class. All this is, however, extremely hypothetical, and I only hazard it in the hope that a better explanation may be forthcoming. By the way I may mention that it was the Gangavansa kings of Orissa who revived Sun-worship and built many temples dedicated to that deity ;' and again most of the officials, such as samdhartri and sannidhatri (1. 24), are those chiefly found in the grants of Orissa kings. These are other items in support of the donor's family connection with Orissa.
With regard to the places mentioned in the grant, I identify Khaddika with Khadi, a village three miles north-east of Ragholi where the plates were found. It is only a Sanskritised name like Lañjika' for Lanji, which is also not very far away from this place. Kateraka is probably the present Katera near Katangi, 60 miles west of Ragholi. I cannot identify Chattulliha, unless it is a mistake for Raghulliha or Ragholi, where the plates have been found. With the elision of a little stroke in the first letter, and giving a slightly alanting position to the second, the word would read as Raghalliha. This may find support from the fact that the engraving of the grant is very defective, and that several other mistakes have been committed in lines 33, 40, 44, etc. I cannot find in the Central Provinces a place answering to Srivardhangpura. It could not be Srivardhana in the Bombay Presidency, the famous seaport referred to by European travellers as Ziffardań and celebrated as the birth-place of the first Peshwa. From what has been stated above, the family would seem to have come from a seaport in the east rather than from the west. But the place must be searched for nearer home, and it may be that it is now non-existent. The probability is that it was situated somewhere near Ramtek in the Nagpur district. Five miles from this place there is a village called Nagardhan which was known as Nandivardhana) in olden times, and local traditions assert that the surrounding country was ruled from that place by Kshatriya Rajas. The village contains ancient remains and is mentioned as the name of a district together with Nagpur in the Debli plates of the RAshtrakața king Krishna III. dated in the year 940 A.D. It is plain therefore that
1 Canningham's Reports, Vol. IX. p. 168.
1 Bee Hunter'. Orissa, Vol. I. p. 279 f. Dr. Hunter says :-"At remote period, San-worship, driven out of VMio India by materializing superstitions, found shelter on the recluded Eastern coast. Ita existence in Oriss in Ancient time is proved not only by the fact of a specific division of the country being devoted to it, but also by the rock writings .. . . The most exquisite memorial of Sun-worship in India, or I believe in any country, is the temple of Konirak upon the Orissa shore."
In the Batanpur inscription of Jajalladers, Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 33. • Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. XI. p. 487. • Mr. Craddock's Settlement Report, 1895, p. 15.
• It may be borne in mind that this part of the country was for long time under Gonds and afterwards the Marathas, and Ms rule the memory of these only survives.
Above, Vol. V. p. 196 f.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
. [VOL. Ix.
Nandivardhaa must have been a place of great importance before it gave its name to the district. I hold that this was founded by a successor of Jayavardhana II, who removed the capital from Srivardhanapura, also named after a king of the same line, to the place to which he gave bis own name. The Rashtraktas rose in power on this side in the eighth century, and it is probably they who displaced the Sailavamsa dynasty of the Vindhya mountains. Nandivardhana or Nagardhana is about 100 miles from Ragholi, and both were included in the same district about a century ago. It may also be stated that, so far as I have been able to find, there are no other villages ending in vardhana in Balaghat or any of the surrounding districts, and the name is so peculiarly different from those of other villages in the locality that it may almost be called unique; for these reasons the location of Srivardhanapara round about Nandivardhana or Ramtek carries at least a certain probability with it.
TEXT.
Seal. 1 श्रीजयव2 ईनदेवस्य [*]
First Plate. 1 'पों स्वस्ति श्रोवईनपुरात् [*] 'कैलासाचलतुङ्गशृङ्ग2 विपुलद्रोणोजयेशप्रभुः प्रख्यातो भुवि शैलवं3 पतिलक: श्री - -वईनो यो नृपः । तत्पुत्रः पृथव4 ईनो निजभुजव्याकष्टखगाः] मुया देशं गौरमास5 साद सहसा विक्रान्तिभियंस्ततः ॥ [१] तथप्रभवो 6 व्यनीजनदलं सौवईनो भूपतिर्भूचक्रक्र7 मलब्धविक्रमयशः' पुत्रत्रयं त्वौरसं । ते. 8 °षामुजितवैरिदारणपटं पौण्डाधिपं झाप9 तिं हत्वैको विषयं तमेव सकलं जग्राह शौ10 र्यान्वित: ॥ [२] ताभ्यामन्यतमो विहत्य सहसा द. 11 पोडतं दारुणं काशिं काशिनराधिपं सित
Second Plate; First Side. 12 गुणो जग्राह जेता हिषां । तत्पुत्रो जयवईने18 ति वचसा ख्यातो वरो भूभृतां विन्ध्ये विन्ध्यनरेशमेव
It io noticeable that all names of this line end in vardhana. ? From the original plates. I am indebted to Prof. Hultzsch for a few corrections in my reading
Metre: Sardalavikridita; also of the two next verses. • Read नवंश.
There are two letters here which appear to have been struck off by the engraver. The metre also shows that they were redundant. Read पुरा. - Read 'ल .
• Read "मूबित.

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Plates of Jayavardhana II.
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ACTOR
ila.
ARA र तान्ति कहाधारा २ (l-aTTA
पार शालिक र सानिया का एलान पन: "लियम - माता या जर साराभाया दागी 5
. सालको वर। अनार अपने हा काका
ही पहावीर रूमी 21 27 ला सा छ । मावि में काम पनि बालमिलि व किमान कि म य र र
जामीनार का
22
E. HULTZSCH
SCALE.6.
W. GRIGGS, PHOTO-LITH,

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11b.
पार वाचन
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मर, रामलाल महाशा MEANI TIMNE (सरस्सा 361
रन र माछा मनात व सामदास
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पर यातायात राक मि
KI या महिना
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विसावतर के विरल ZAR रिल
FROM INK-IMPRESSIONS SUPPLIED BY RAI BAHADUR V VENKAYYA.

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No. 5.1
RAGHOLI PLATES OF JAYAVARDHANA II.
14 सुचिरं वा चकार स्थितिं । [३] 'मातादानचतदीनचे16 : 'सवस्तिानकविशालवंशः । विन्ध्येबरी विध्य 18 इवाचलश्रीः श्रीवईनस्तस्य सुतो वभूव' । [४] 'तस्वा17 बजः सकलवैरिविनाशदचो जाती महा18 गुणनिधिजयवईनाख्यः । लक्ष्मीप्रगाढ19 परिरंभणपीडिताऊं दृष्ट्वा दिवं यमगमबर20 षेष कीर्तिः ॥ [५] परममाहेबरो मातापिवपादा21 नुध्यातः, सकलविंध्याधिपतिः महाराजाधिरा22 जपरमेश्वरबीजयवईनदेवः कुमली
Second Plate; Second Sido. 23 कटेरकविषयीयखहिकायां वाचणा[*] संपूज्य प्रति24 वासिनोन्याव कुटुमिन' () समाशसविधानप्रसा' 25 यथाकालाध्यासिनः सर्वराजपुरुषां' विषयपती26 च समाज्ञापयति [*] विदितमस्तु भवता' यथास्माभिर27 यं प्रामः सनिधिः सोपनिधिः सबंकरादान28 समतः प्रतिषिवचाटभटप्रवियः सदशा29 पराधः सर्वपीडाविवर्जितः चड्ढलिहप्रतिष्ठि30 तश्रीमदादित्यभधारकाय अधिष्ठानविज्ञप्तिकया 31 "कात्तिक्यासुदकपूर्वमाचन्द्राग्रहसमकालोप32 भीगार्थ मातापिचोरामनश्च पुण्याभिवृहये ता33 "नयासनेन प्रतिपादित इत्यवगत" समुचितभो.
Third Plate ; First Side. 34 गभागादिकं भक्ता" सुखं वस्तव्यं ॥ तथा चीन धर्म86 याने ॥ "वहुभिर्वसुधा दत्ता राजभिः सगरादि36 भिः । यत्र यस्य यदा भूमिस्तस्य तस्य तदा फलं ॥ [] 37 षष्टिं वर्वसहमाथि स्वर्गे मोदति भूमिदः । पा1 Metre : Indravajra. + Rend संवर्धिता
• Read अभूब •Metres Vasantatilaks. Thoulmile here in विचमतिकारिका compare बौनियीगाइदितुमिव गतत्यबुधि यस्य कौतिः in the Sahityaprakda, 7th wlldoa, 116ka 841. For this parallel quotation I Am indebted to Pandit Hirananda Sastri, M.A. .Read वाचा. • Read कुटुम्बिन..
I Rend प्रमुखान • Rend 'पुरुषान् • Read भवता.
MRnd कार्तिक्या URend ताब. Read इबवाव्य
w Boud TUT. MBend of..

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48
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vot. Ix.
38 छेता चानुतन्ता च तान्येव नरके वसेत् । [0.] खद39 तां परदता' वा यो हरत वसुन्धरा । स विष्ठा40 या कर्मिभूता' पितभिः सह पचते । [4] इति क. 41 'वलदताम्वुविन्दुलोला नियमनुचिस्य मनुष्य42 जीवितं च क.कलमिदमुदाहत' च बुध्वा न हि पुरु43 पैः परकीयो विलोप्याः । श्रीश्रीवनिदेव44 स्य पाद[पनोप]जीविना' । श्रीमहारापालेन लि.
Third Plate ; Second Side. 45 खितं शासनं शुभम् । [१..] प्रवर्षमानविज46 यराज्ये सब ३ कात्तिक १] दिन ३. [1]
TRANSLATION. (Line 1.) Om. Hail! From Srivardhanapura.
(Verse 1.) (There was) king Srivardhana (I.), the lord of the family of her who was born in the great valley of the lofty peaks of the Kailasa mountain, (and) famous on (this) earth (as) the ornament of the Sailavamia. His son Pfithuvardhana, formerly having drawn the sword with his own arm, at once overcame the Gaurjars country by (his various) attacks.
(V. 2.) King Sauvardhana, who was born in his family, begat three sons of his own, who in due course aoquired the glory of heroism on the circle of the earth. One of them, possessing valour, having killed the Paundra king who was skilled in rending up his powerful enemies, took the whole of that country.
(V. 3.) The third of them, 10 of white (s.e. pare) character, the vanquisher of foes, having forcibly killed the self-conceited (and) cruel king of the Kadis, took Kadi (from him). His son, known by the name of Jayavardhana (I.), the best of kings, having killed the lord of the Vindhya, took up his residence in the Vindhya for a long time.
(V. 4.) His son was Srivardhana (II.), the lord of the Vindhya, who possessed immovable (permanent) wealth like the immovable Vindhya mountain itself, who banished poverty by gifta of elephants, (and) who augmented the prosperity of various (other) big families.
(V. 6.) His son, skilled in destroying all (his) enemies (and) a treasury of great virtues, was called Jayavardhana (II.). The goddess of Wealth so closely embraced him that the goddess of Fame, as if (jealous of her cowife), out of anger ascended to the heavens. 11
. Read चानुमन्ना
- Read परदा .
- Read अमिभूखा. • Read कमखदखानुबिन्दु
• Rand सदात.
• Read गुहा The words in brackets are very common in inscriptions; 4 og Ind. Ant. Vol. IV. p. 210, note 8. • Read संवत्
. I take drona.cathso to stand for dronljd-vana in accordance with Pap. VI. 8. 88. and to mean the Gadgd-vashta.
1. Literally, another than the two.' 11 The idon is that he was very wealthy, and that his fame reached up to the heavens.

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No. 6.]
MALIYAPUNDI GRANT OF AMMARAJA II.
(L. 20.) The devout worshipper of Mahêśvara (Siva), who meditated on the feet of his parents, the lord of the whole Vindhya, the Maharajadhiraja Paramésvara, the illustrious Jayavardhenadeva, being in good health, having worshipped the Brahmanas in the village) Khaddika in the district (vishaya) of Kaţêraka, issues & command to the inhabitants and other householders (as well as) revenue collectors, receivers of public property and so forth, as they are appointed from time to time, (and) to all state officers and provincial governors.
(L. 26.) " Let it be known to you that this village is given by Us, with hidden treasures (and) deposits, together with the right of) taking all the dues, with the prohibition for the regular or irregular forces to enter the village), with the fines leviable on the ten offences, free from all troubles, to the temple of the holy Aditya-bhattâraka (i.e. the Sun-god) set up at Chattulliha, at the request of the residence (viz. Srivardhanapura, 1. 1), on the Karttiki (tithi), with libations of water, to be enjoyed as long as the moon, the sun and . the planets endure, for the purpose of increasing the religious merit of (Our) parents and of Ourself, by (this) copper-plate charter. Knowing this, let (all) live happily, enjoying (their) due portion of rights, etc. And it is thus enjoined in the Dharmafdstra: "
Here follow four of the customary imprecatory verses.]
(V. 10.) (This) auspicious charter was written by the illustrious Mahachandapala, who subsisted on the lotus-feet of the illustrious Srivardhanadeva.
(L. 45.) The year 3 of the augmenting and victorious reign, the 30th day of Karttika.
No. 6.-MALIYAPUNDI GRANT OF AMMARAJA II.
BY PROFESSOR E. HOLTZSCH, P .D.; HALLE (SAALE). This interesting record of the Eastern Chålukya dynasty was first published in 1905 by Messrs. A. Batterworth and V. Venugopal Chetti in their Nellore District Inscriptions, p. 164 ff., with seven photograpbio Plates. The original copper-plates had been " discovered by Mr. Venugopal Chetti in the Råmalingesvarasvåmi temple at Madanar, a village about 10 miles from Ongole, Nellore district." I re-edit the inscription from ink-impressions supplied by Rai Bahadur V. Venkayya, to whom the original plates were kindly forwarded at my request by Mr. Butterworth, and who contributes the following remarks on them :
" These are five copper-plates, measuring 9X by about 470". The first and last plates bear writing only on their inner side and have raised rims about to high only on their engraved side. The three remaining plates, which bear writing on both sides, have rims of the same height projecting on both sides. Through boles (l' in diameter), bored on the left margin of each plate, is passed a circular ring, which appears to have been cut and re-soldered before the plates came into my hands. The ring measures 5}" in diameter and is a little more than " thick. Its ends, which are slightly thinner, are secured in the upper part of an expanded lotus flower of eight petals. To the lower part of the same lotus, which is fashioned into a rim-like projeotion, is soldered a circular seal, which measures 21" in diameter and is nearly $" thick. It bears, in relief on a countersunk surface, the legend Sri-Tribhuvandiku[ba] in the centre, in characters similar to those of the inscription. Below
These were probably killing (murder), theft, wrong action (adultery), slander, harsh language, untruthfulness, incoherent conversation, uncivility, atheism and perverse behaviour, enumerated as daiadhd pdpakarma in the Sukraniti, adhyaya 3, fl6ka 6.
The high rims are responsible for the fact that some symbols at the beginning and the end of lines have not come out well in the ink-impressions.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. IX.
the legend is an expanded lotus flower, and above it a running (?) boar facing the proper loft. In front of the boar is an elephant goad, and behind its tail a crescent."
The alphabet is of the same Telaga type as in other grants of the same dynasty and period. No distinotion is made between secondary ô and aut, and secondary i and 4 is often written as i and. Final k occurs in line 32, t in 11. 8, 30 and 51, n in II, 10, 18, 24, 37, 39, 52, and min 11, 5, 7, 9, 11, 12, 51, 54, 55 and 60. The jihudmaliya is used in 11. 42, 51, and the upadhmaniya in 11. 10, 41, 43, 46 and 51.
The following orthographical irregularities deserve to be noted. Against one of Pånini's rules (VIII. 4, 49) the sh of varsha is doubled in 11. 8 and 11, but not in 11. 13, 18, 25 and 40. Some spellings are due to the Telugu pronunciation. Thus we find yetad (1. 57) for etad, yuttara (ul. 54 f. and 57, but not in 1.59) for uttara, rakshanayayiva (1. 47 f.) for Takshanay=aiva, aruha (1. 50) for arha, krishta (1. 39) for krishna. Dental n is employed instead of lingual in Kiranapuram and krishna (1. 43), punya (II. 49, 50), dbharana (11. 49, 53), ganésa (1. 50), yuttarayana (1. 54 f.). The vowel ri is replaced by ri in krishna (1. 43), sadrifo (1. 52) and kritud (1. 56). The palatal sibilant is improperly used in sanha (1. 50) for sangha and fadri$8 (1.52) for sadrifo.
The language is Sanskrit prose, interspersed with 20 Sanskřit verses. In 11. 56-60 some names of villages, tanks and fields appear in their Telugu forms. At the end of the record the usual imprecatory verses and the names of the Ajñapti, composer and writer are missing.
As the inscription records a grant to a Jaina temple, it opens with an invocation of the Jaina religion (v. 1). LI. 3-41 contain the genealogy of the Eastern Chalukya dynasty down to Samastabhuvandsraya Vijayaditya (VI.) or Ammaraja (II.), the date of whose coronation is given in the same two versos (13 f.) as in his Padankalûru grant. The genealogical portion contains two passages of historical importance, the first (11. 13-16) describing the reign of Vijayaditya III., and the second (11. 22-32) the accession of Chalukya-Bhima II.
The Pithapuram inscription of Mallapadêya reports that Vijayaditya III. slew Mangiraja, burnt Chakrakūta, terrified Sankila, residing in Kinanapura and joined by Krishna, restored his dignity to Vallabhêndra, and received elephants as tribute from the king of Kalinga.' The slaying of Mangi is referred to also in three other inscriptions. The second of them adds the burning of Kiranapura, and the third states that the king, having terrified Krishna and Sankila, completely burnt their city. Hitherto we did not know who Mangi and Sankila were. Verse 3 of the Maliyapûndi grant calls the former the king of the great Nodamba-råshtra' and the second the lord of the excellent Da[hajla.' Thus Mangi seems to have been one of the Pallavas of Nolambavadit and Sankila an early chief of Dåhala (or Chêdi). While two of the abovementioned inscriptions couple the name of Sarkila with that of Krishņa, the Maliyapůndi grant (v. 3) states that Sankila was joined by the fierce Vallabha.' The Nellore District Inscriptions (p. 169, note 5) correctly conclude from this that Sankila's ally Krishna was a Vallabba, i.e. a Rstrakūta. Hence my former identification of this Krishna with the Paramara king Krishộaraju must be wrong, and he may be identified, as was done by Dr. Fleet, with the Rashtrakata king Krishna II. The latter is known to have been connected with the Chêdi family, being the son-in-law of Kokkalla (I.) and the brother-in-law of Sankuka. I feel no hesitation in ideutifying Sankila of Dåhala with Sankuks (or Sankaragana) of Chôdi, the son of Kokkalla I, but am unable to identify Kiranapura, where Sankila resided according to the
Ind. Ant. Vol. VII. p. 16. LI. 23-34 of this grant are identical with 11. 82-41 of the Maliyapandi grant. * Above, Vol. IV. p. 239 .
Above, Vol. V. p. 126, verso 6, Ind. Ant. Vol. XIII. p. 213, text line 18 f.: South-Ind. Insor. Vol. I. p. 42, verne 10 (compare above, Vol. IV. p. 226 and notes 7 and 8). • Dyn. Kan. Distr. p. 832 4.
Above, Vol. IV. p. 227. • Ind. Ant. Vol. XX. p. 102.
Ind. Ant. Vol. XII. p. 268.

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No. 6.]
MALIY APUNDI GRANT OF AMMARAJA II.
49
Pithapuram inscription and Krishparaja acoording to the Maliyapandi grant (v. 15). In two grants the burning of this Kiranapura, the residence of Krishna and Sankila," is attribated to VijayAditya III. himself. Verse 15 of the Maliyapandi grant informs us that this feat was in reality performed by a military officer named Påndaranga. It is perhaps worth noting that another Råshtrakůta prince named Kfishṇardja is mentioned in a grant of A.D. 888. Between the slaying of Mangi and the victory over Sankila the Maliyapandi grant mentions that Vijayaditya III. defeated the Ganges who took refuge on the peak of Gangakūta. As suggested in the Nellore District Inscriptions (p. 169, note 3), this statement may or may not be a mere variant of one in the Pithapuram inscription, according to which the king burnt Chakrakûţa. He is elsewhere said to have' defeated the unequalled Gangas.'5 Finally the new grant reporta that Vijayaditya III. bore the surname Parachakraráma (1. 14).
The Maliyepûndi grant gives a vivid description of the struggles that took place after the death of Vikramaditya II. Five years passed in continual wars between the rival claimants, among whom Yuddhamalla, Rajamartanda and Karthika-Vijayaditya are mentioned by name. Then Rajabhima (or Chalukya-Bhima II.) succeeded in restoring order by slaying Rajamârtanda, defeating and banishing Kanthika-Vijayaditya and Yuddhamalls, and killing many other rebels. Yuddhamalla (II.) is the son of Tala, to whom one grant of ChålukyaBhima II. attributes & reign of seven years, while two other grants, like the Maliyapandi grant, take no official notice of his reign. Rajamartanda is perhaps the same as R&jamayya in the Kaluchumbarru grant, and he is mentioned also in the Kolavennu plates. In editing these plates I committed a mistake, which has been endorsed by Dr. Fleet10 and Prof. Kielhorn,!! in taking Rajamartanda as a surname of Chålukya-Bhima II. As stated in the Nellore District Inscriptions (p. 170, note 4), the Maliyspundi grant now shows that Rajamartanda was a distinct person. Dr. Floet has already noticed that 11. 17-19 of the Kolavennu plates cuntain & verse, 19 the first half of which I would now, with the help of his remarks, correct as follows:
यस्तातबिक्यनाख्यं धादिं मुधिविराजमार्तण्डी [1] Thus the verse mentions four enemies of Châlnkya-Bhima II. :-Tatabikyana, Dhaladi (or Dhalaga), Munniriva and Rajamartanda. Kanthikd-Vijayaditya, whom the king banished along with Yuddhamalla II., is undoubtedly the same as Kanthik-Beta or VijayAditya V., the son of Amma I. and the ancestor of the Eastern Chalukyas of Pithapuram.18
The subjoined grant was made at a winter solstice (uttarayana, 1: 54 f.). The donee was temple of Jina (Jindlaya) in the south of Dharmapurt (v. 17), which was in charge of a priest of the Yåpaniya-samghalt (v. 18). It had been founded by the Kafakarája (1. 54) Durgarija (v.16) and was named Katakábharana-Jinalaya (v. 17 and 1. 53), ovidently after a surname of the founder. At his request (1. 54) the grant was made, and the grant portion opens with a pedigree of his family. His ancestor Påndaranga is stated to have burnt Kiranapura, the residence of Krishnarija (v. 15), and accordingly must have been a military officer of Vijayaditya III.16 His son Niravadyadhavala was appointed Katakardja (1. 44 f.). His son was the Katakddhipati Vijayaditya (1. 45 f.), and his son was Dargarfja (v. 16).
1 LEJ
1 Ind. Ant. VoL XIII. p. 218, text line 17. · South-Ind. Inger. Vol. I. p. 42, verse 10 (compare above, Vol. IV. p. 226 and note 7). + Ind. Ant. VOL. XIII. p. 66.
Compare above, Vol. IV. p. 227. South-Ind. Ingor. Vol. I. p. 42, verse 10.
Ind. Ant. Vol. XIII, p. 214, text line 81. 1 South-Ind. Inscr. Vol. I. p. 44; above, Vol. V. p. 188, note 8. • Above, Vol. VII. p. 181.
• South-Ind. Inser. Vol. I. p. 48 and nota 1. 1. Ind. Ast. Vol. XX. p. 369, and above, Vol. VII. p. 182. 11 Liste of Southern Incor. No. 562.
13 Above, Vol. VII. p. 181 t. 1 Above, Vol. IV. p. 227.
* Compare bid. p. 383 # See notes 1 and 2 above.

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50
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. IX.
Paņdaranga (the Pândaranga of v. 15) is mentioned as Ajfapti in a grant of Vijayaditya III. The title Katakaraja or Katakadhipati, i.e. 'superintendent of the royal camp,' which was borne by his three lineal descendants, seems to be peculiar to the court of the Eastern Chalukya kinge. Dr. Fleet remarked that the grants of Amma I. and Amma II. mention Kafakardja, Katakdía and Katakadhia as Ajiapti, and came to the conclusion that these two words were not proper names, but more titles. The Maliyapandi grant now shows that in each case they refer to one of the three direct descendants of Påndaranga, who bore that title, vis. Niravadyadhavala, Vijayaditya and Durgaraja. It seems preferable to take also Kadeyaraja in the grant of Chalukya-Bhima I. &s & vulgar form of Katakarája, the title of Vijayaditya, and not as a proper name.
The object of the grant was the small village (gramatika) of Maliyapandi (1.55) in the district (vishaya) of Kamma-nandu (1. 42). Its boundaries are given in 1. 56 f. The northern boundary, Dharmavuramu, is the Telugu form of Dharmapuri, to the south of which the Jinalaya was situated (v. 17). According to the Nellore District Inscriptions (p. 174, note) both Dharmapuram and the western boundary, Kalvakuru, are now in the Addanki division of the Ongole taluka. Of two inscriptions at Dharmavaram (p. 966 ff. of the same work) the first mentions Gunakenalla (Vijayaditya III.), Påndaranga, the burning of Kiraņapura, and Dharmavuram. An inscription at Addanki (p. 896 f. of the same work) also refers to Pândaranga and Dharmayuram. Maliyapûndi itself, the village granted; does not exist any more at present (ibid. p. 167), but its former position is fixed by the identification of two of its boundaries. The district of Kamma-nându, to which it belonged, is identical with the Kamma-rashtra or Kammaka-rashtra of other inscriptions. To my former remarks on this geographical name may be added that it occurs as Karmaka-ratha in the Jaggayyapêta inscriptions of Parisadata. This Prakrit form renders my suggestion that Kammeka may be meant for Kammdrika untenablo; for the latter would have become in Pråkpit Kammanka, and not Kammdka.
TEXT.7
First Plate. 1 भद्रं स्याचिजगबुताय सततं थीमजिनेन्द्रप्रभोरदामाततशासन[1]2 य विलसदविलंबाय च । सामर्थ्यात्खलु यस्य दुष्कलिक्वता दोषाथ
A27134[1]® (1) - 3 hafa quae a fanat mfare face fwa[:*] [**] of af
at ayaq4 स्तूयमानमानव्यसगोत्राणां हारितिपुत्राणां कौशिकिवरप्रसादलब्धरा5 ज्यानाम्मातुग[ण*]परिपालितानां स्वामिमहासेनपादानुध्यायिनाम् भगव6 ANITTHHICHATHIfenaariai a u fwearifa [ET]-20
1 Above, Vol. V. p. 125, verse 9.
* Above, Vol. VII. p. 184 f. . Above, Vol. V. p. 130.
+ Above, Vol. VIII. p. 238. • See Bhagwanlal Indraji's transcript in Notes on the Amaravati Stupa, p. 56, and Bühler's transcripts in the Ind. Ant. Vol. XI. p. 258 f. and in Amararati and Jaggayyapeta, p. 110 (compare Plate Ixii. f.).
• Above, Vol. VIII. p. 234. 1 From two sets of ink-impressions.
Read Hai T. The anusvara stands at the beginning of the next line. W Read 90°.

Page #74

No. 6.]
MALIYAPUNDI GRANT OF AMMARAJA II.
51
7 नामश्वमेधावभृथसानपवित्रीकतवपुषाम् चालुक्यानां कुलमलकरिष्णोस्मत्या[व]8 यवतमेन्द्रस्य भ्राता कुमविष्णुवईनोष्ट[*]दश वर्षाणि वेंगिमण्डलमपालयत् ।
तदाम
Second Plate; First Side. 9 जो 'जयसिहस्त्रयस्त्रिंशतम् । तदनुजेन्द्रराजनन्दनो विष्णुवईनो नव । तत्म
नुनगियुवराज10 Mपंचविंशतिन्तत्पुत्रो जयसिंहस्त्रयोदश । तदवरज[:] कोक्किलिष्षण्मासान् ।
तस्य ज्येष्ठो धाता 11 विष्णुवईन[स्त] मुच्चाव्य [स]प्तत्रिंशतम् (0) वर्षाणि [i] तत्पुत्रो विजया
दित्यभ[r"]रकोष्टादश । तत्सुतो 12 विष्णुवईनष्षट्विंशतम् । नरेन्द्रमृगराजाख्यो मृगराजपराक्रमः [1] विजयादित्य18 भूपाल:: चत्वारिंशत्ममाष्टभिः [॥ २"] तपुत्रः कलिविष्णुवर्धनोध्यईवर्ष । त14 पुत्रः परचक्ररामापरनामधेयः [*] हवा भूरिनोदंबराष्ट्रनृपतिं मंगिम्महा
संग15 र' गंगानाश्रीवगंगकुटशिखराबिर्जित्य सड[]लाधीशं संकिलमुअवलमयुतं
यो भ[7]16 ययित्वा चतुश्चत्वारिंशतमब्दकांच विजयादित्यो रक्ष क्षितिं । [३] तदनुजस्य लब
Second Plate; Second Side. 17 यौवराज्य स्थ विक्रमादित्यस्य सुतचालुक्य भिमस्त्रिंशत [*] तस्याग्रजो
विजयादित्यः 18 षण्मासान् [*] तदनसूनुरम्परानस्यप्त वर्षाणि । तत्सूनुमाक्रम्य बालं
चालुक्यभिमपि19 तव्ययुधमनस्य नन्दनस्तालनृपी मासमेकं । नानासामन्तवग्गैरधिकबल
युतम्म-10 20 तमातंगसैनो" हावा तं तालराजं विषमरणमुखे 21 जाः [*] एकादं सम्य गंभोनिधिवलयतामन्बरबहरिधि श्रीमावालुक्य
IRead वपुषां. I Rend वर्षाणि.
• Read जयसिंह •Read शितं वर्षाषि. • Read °पालमत्वा.
• Read मोडं. + Resd संगर गंगानाश्रितगंगकूट'.
• Read सडाडला; in contravention of the rules, the first halt of the verse ends in the middle ot. compound word. • Rend'मीम.
___- Bend वर्ग" and "युतै. Read °सेमेईत्वा, Read "चरित्रौं श्रीमांचालुक्यभीम'.
12

Page #75

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VoL. Ix.
22 मिमचितिपतितनयो विक्रमादित्यभूपः । [४] पश्चादहमहमिकया विक्र
मादित्यास्त23 म[य]ने राक्षसा इव प्रजाबाधनपरा दायादराजपुत्रा राज्याभिलाषियो
युद्धमहरा24. 'जमार्तण्डलकण्डिकाविजयादित्यप्रभृतयो विग्रहिभूता' भासन् [*] विग्र
Third Plate; First Side. 25 हेणैव पंच वर्षाणि गतानि [*] तत: [1] योवधिद्र[]जमार्तण्डन्तेष[1]
येन रणे कृती [*] क. 28 ठिकाविजयादित्ययुद्दमझो विदेशगौ । [५] भन्ये मान्यमहिभृतोपि
बहवो दु. 27 टप्रवृत्ताहता(:)' देशोपद्रवकारिणः प्रकटिताः कालालय प्रापिता: []
"दोर्टेण्डेरि28 तमण्डलाालतया यस्योगसंग्रामकावाना तत्परमतृपेच 29 शिरसो मालेव सन्धार्यते । [4"] नादग्वा" विनिवर्तते रिपुकुलं कोपानिरा
30 तः शनं य[स्य] यशो न लोकमखिलं सन्तिष्ठते न भ्रमत् [*] द्रव्या
. भोधरराशिरप्यनुदिनं 31 सन्तप्यमाने भृशं दारिद्योगतरातपेन जनसंसस्ये न नो वर्षति । [*] स
चालुक्यभिमनप्ता वि32 जयादित्यनन्दनः ।"] हादशाव्यात्समारसम्यक् राजभिमो धरातलं । [१] तस्य महेश्वरमू
Third Plate ; Second Side. 35 "रुमासमानाकत: कुमाराम: [*] लोकमाहादेव्याः खलु यस्ममभवदम्म[रा34 जाख्यः । [8] जलजातपत्रचामरकलशांकुशलक्षणांक*]करचरणतलः . [*]
लसदाजा
1 As remarked in the Nellore District Inscriptions, p. 178, note 1, the after H e is superfluous; it ww perhaps engraved because the writer had in his mind the frequent word # 4. Read वियहीभूता. • Read योवधीद्रा.
• Read "मौ . .. Read °महीम..
The aksharas and are engraved on an erasure. Read चीडवा.. • Read 'वयं.
• Read दीहले. - Read perhapa °सायामिवस्वाचा. 12 Read our proponed in the Nellore Distriot Inscriptions, p. 178, note 6; Vis engraved on an ormaro. " Read नादग्धा.
1 The amumodra stands at the beginning of the next lino. " Read जनवाससे.
HReid भीमा. " Eend हादशावममासम्बयानमीमी. Read भूते.
WRand "महा.

Page #76

Maliyapundi grant of Ammaraja II.
జగంబునంతరం 2. అనంతం బాబులు నా తలని వారంతా కోరాంతాలం తం క
నుమలు 4జుత్తు
మరింత ఆంటర్లు అత్త పగ త
లని 6 తరాలుగంత రకం పంతము Fమదా వన్నాలంత లోతుల తరల బ్రుత కలతలు లక్షల
W. GRIGGS, PHOTO-LITH,
APRIL
సానుకలు రాలడం తమకు సదుగుండు కలు అరుదుల వరకు ముప మ
Fa
అక్షరపోవడము అ
ని ఇంతది మరంగు పాండవంగ
t led to 16 లు పంపతుల
SCALE .45 FROM INK IMPRESSIONS SUPPLIED BY RAL BAHADUR Y. VENKAYYA.
T
ఆముదపు
రసం 18 Taap వ సాయపు పరుగులు కాగా TRT-SGTANTRA 20 అంజలి
సైతం తలలోendanna
elugu కంకం అంట Home బంటు రకరకenension disease
a
Heard పోగలం ముందర
ముందు -జూలంగా తన తలను తన చెలు పూటలా తక్కువ. నా తలబు
గల అనుబు ను పంచాంగం -మహత్య అతన్ని అంతరంగం Patanian
జర్మధార గా తన సాల తంతు గత పరచవలపుడు సన్యాసం 32 - ప్రసాదంగా
E. HULTZSCH.

Page #77

34
36
38
40
42
44
46
48
50
52
54
56
58
తరుల విధులు, ప్రత్య, అంటె అస్ జల భద్రతా ధారలతోన
సంస్థ: పరీక్ష కంచి పీ
iva
రాముడి Jaatrala
శ్రీ కె. అర బకం జలం పో బండి ఆకు టెన్సె అ పిస్టల్లరజహింట్ ఫ్రలంటే ఉపాసన తప్పక బ్రతిక చివరిప్రా ప్రదప్రయోగ శాల క మైన నితనానికి అన రాంబల అత బూతేజ బూడిత ర - అతల్లి శ్రీ శృగరాజు ఆదరవున్ని కైవ సీ ప్రజాభితాంగం జుడా అవి పక్షి మునగలపై బాల బాలలు ర చితంగా తోటు. ఒక ఎండీ అకరు అశు బిలాలో టబు స్వాతే దేవుడు శివలు కార్యారు.
రాజక
బ
V.
Ja
చి శారదా 60 నా ప్రోకోవడ
ధరజల్ని
కింద
బకొలువు (మం
దేవత
వీరంపాలు
ప్రావిత్రిల బతు917 సరోజ జనిత సంబరివార దారం 6 నీతాలు 20॥లు
అదంతా ఉత్తర అన్నారు. మన ప్రశ్న అనంతరం ప్రకరణలలు ఒక సక్ష ప్రపంచ ఆ శిల్ వీరి బుష్ బాబు: సిని అక్షపాదలు త ర క్రిష్ణ పెరిగి ప్రయ
మ
"తంత్ర ప్రతి స్టేజర్ లతో సత్యంబుల
కలిసి శ్రద

Page #78

No. 6.]
MALIYAPUNDI GRANT OF AMMARAJA II.
35 ववलंबितभुजयुगपरिधो गिरिन्द्रसानुरस्कः ॥ [१०] विदितधराधिपविधी
विविधायु86 धकोविदो "विलिनारिकुल: [*] करितुरगागमकुशलो हरचरणांभोजयुग37 लमधुपश्श्रीमान् ॥ [११] कविगायककल्पतरुद्दिजमुनिदिनान्धबन्धुजन-' 38 सुरभिः [1] याचकगणचिन्तामणिरवनीशमणिमहोग्रमहसा घुमणिः ॥
[१२] गिरिरसवसु39 संख्याब्दे शकसमये मार्गशीर्षमासेस्मिन् [*] 'लष्टत्रयोदशदिने भृगुवार
मैत्रनक्षत्रे [॥ १३*] 40 धनुषि रवी घटलग्ने हादशवर्षे तु जन्मनः पहुं [1] योधादुदयगिरीन्द्रो रविमिव लोका
Fourth Plate ; First Side. 11 नुरागाय ॥ [१४] स 'समस्तभुवनाश्रयश्रीविजायदित्यमहाराजाधिराजपरमे
वर परम[धा]42 "म्मिकोम्मराजसम्मनाण्डुविषयनिवासिनो 'राष्ट्रकुटप्रमुखान्कुटुंबिनस्मव[*] निस्थमाता
पयति [*] 48 पाया[:] । किरनपुरमधाक्षीत्क्रिपूराजस्थितं यस्त्रिपुरमिव महेश पाण- रंग[:] प्रतापि" [1] तदिह [मु]44 "खसहायोरन्वितस्याप्यशक्य" गणनममलकीत्तेस्तस्य सत्साहसानाम ॥ [१५]
तस्य[*]त्म45 जो निरवद्यधवल[:] कटकराजपशोभितललाट:" [*] तत्तनयो विजया
दित्यकट46 काधिपति[:] । वृत्त" । तत्पुत्री "दुग्गराज प्रवरगुणनिधिार्मिकस्म
त्यवादि" त्यागि भी[गी] 47 महात्मा समितिषु विजयि विरलमिनिवास: [1] चालुक्यानां च लषम्या
यदसिरपि सदा रक्षणा[य]--
I Read गिरौन्दसानूरस्क:- Read विलौना.
- Rend "मुनिदौनाब.. • Bend कृष. • Read 'विजयादित्य
• Read चाािंकी. PRnd "क्ट.
B Beed किरण. •Rend चाचीस्वाराजास्थित , uruggested in the Nellore District Indoriptions, P.178, note a... » Corrected from महाम. IRead प्रतापी.
1 Bead ye. URead 'क्वं. M Read 'की .
WRead "सानाम 1. The visarga was added rabrequently.
17 Read . W Read दुर्ग.
Rend °वादी त्यागी.
30 Bead roret t ett. 11 Tho visargs was added rubrequently.
M Rad चायक

Page #79

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vor. Ix.
48 यिव वंश[:] ख्यातो यस्यापि वेंगीगदितवरमहामण्डलालंबनाय ।
[१] तेन कती धर्मपुरीद]49 क्षिणदिशि सज्जिनालयचारतरः [1] कटकाभरनशुभांकितनाम च 'पुन्यालयो ___ वसति [॥ १७*]
Fourth Plate ; Second Side. 50 [बी]यापुनियशंहप्रपुज्यकोटिमडुवगनेशमुख्यो' यः [*] 'पुन्याकहनन्दिगच्छो
जिननन्दिमुनिश्वरी[] ग51 [ण]धरसदशः । [१८] तस्याप्रशिष्य प्रथितो ध()रायाम्' (0 दिव[*].
कर[*]ख्यो सुनिपुंगवोभुत् [1] यवेवलन[*]ननिधि52 महात्मा खयं जिनानां शद्रियो गुणोधे । [१८] श्रीमान्दिरदेवमुनिस्म
तपोनिधिरभवदस्य शिष्य धीम[]न् [1] य53 प्रातिहार्य्यमहिमा" संप्यवमिवाभिमन्यते लेकः" [॥ २०१] "तदधिष्टितकटक[r"].
भरनजिमालय[7]-14 54 य कटकराज विज्ञप्त खण्डस्फुटनववत्योपिलिप्रपुजादिसत्रसिद्ध्यर्थम् (0) यु. 55 तरायननिमित्ते मलियपूण्डिनामग्रामटिका सव्वंकरपरिहार(म)मुदक56 पुर्व क्रित्वा दत्ता । अस्य ग्राम[स्य *]विधयः पूर्वत: मुंजुन्यरु ॥ दक्षिणतः
यिनिमिलि । पश्चिम]57 सः कल्बकुरु । युत्तरत[:]" धर्मवुरम् ॥ "वेतमामस्य क्षेत्रावधयः पूर्वत:
गोलनि58 गुण्ठ ॥ आग्नेयतः] रावियपेरियचेवु । दक्षिणतः स्थापितशिला ॥ नैरित्या स्थ[*]पितशिलैव [*]
Fifth Plate. 59 पश्चिमतः मरकप कीबोयुतट[]कश्च ॥ वायव्यत: स्थापितशिलेव । .
उत्तरतः दुब(चे]eoवु 1] 60 शान्याम (0) कल्बकुरि एवोकचेनि सिमैव सीमा ।
I Rend भरप. The whole compound seems to be meant for कटकाभरणभनामारित:, which would have offended against the metre. * Read gero.
IRead श्रीयापनौयसंघप्रपूज्य! • Rend गणेश or perhaps, for the sake of the metre, गणेपर". • Rend पुण्याई and compare below, P.56, notes.
• Rend "मनी 7 Rend परायां. __Read भूत.
• Read सदृशो गोधः. Bend शिष्धी.
1 Read यम्प्रतिहार्यमहिमा. - Read लीक.. " Rend पिष्ठित. WRead भरण.
. " Read "विनो. " Bond °भवकण्यावलिप्रपूनादिसपसिद्धार्यमुत्तरायची.
T Read पूर्व छत्वा. Wor possibly मंजुन्युरु.
" Read उत्तरत:
* Read एत. 11 Read agat 22 Read ऐशान्यां.
" Rend सोमव.

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No. 6.]
MALIYAPUNDI GRANT OF AMMARAJA II.
55
ABRIDGED TRANSLATION. Verse 1 invokes the religion (faisana) of the lord Jinêndra.
(Line 7.) Kubja-Vishnuvardhana (I.), the brother of Satyasraya-Vallabhendra who adorned the family of the Chalukyas, ruled the Vêngi country mandala) for eighteen years; his son Jayasinha (I.) for thirty-three; Vishņuvardhana (II.), the son of his younger brother Indraraja, for nine ; his son Mangi-yuvarája for twenty-five; his son Jayasimha (II.) for thirteen ; his younger brother Kokkili for six months ; his eldest brother Vishnuvardhana (IL.), having expelled him, for thirty-seven years ; his son Vijayaditya (I.)-bhattaraka for eighteen ; his son Vishņuvardhana (IV.) for thirty-six.
(V. 2.) King Vijayaditya (II.), surnamed Narendramrigaraja, who had the courage of a lion, for forty years with eight.
(L. 13.) His son Kali-Vishņuvardhana (V.) for one year and a half. His son, whose other name was Parachakraráma,
(V. 3.) (was) Vijayaditya (III.), who, having slain in a great battle Mangi, the king of the great Nodamba-rashtra, having defeated the Gangas who took refuge on the peak of Gangakata, and having terrified Sankila, the lord of the excellent Dashalla, who was joined by the fierce Vallabha, ruled the earth for forty-four years.
(L. 16.) Chalukya-Bhima (I.), the son of his younger brother Vikramaditya (I.) who had received the dignity of Yuvardja, for thirty. His eldest son' Vijayaditya (IV.) for six months. His eldest son Ammaraja (I.) for seven years. Having overcome his infant son, Tala-nfipa, the son of Yuddhamalla (I.), the paternal uncle of Chalukya-Bhima (I.), for one month.
(V. 4.) Having slain at the head of a rough battle this Tala-raja together with crowds of different vassals, who were joined by a superior army (and) had troops of furious elephants, the glorious king Vikramaditya (II.), the son of king Chalukya-Bhima (I.), of very fierce power, righteously ruled for one year the earth surrounded by the girdle of the oceans.
(L. 22.) Afterwards at the setting (i.e. the death) of Vikramaditya (II.), the kinsmenprinces who were desirous of the kingdom, (viz.) Yuddhamalla, Rajamartanda, KanthikeVijayaditya, etc., were fighting for supremacy, oppressing the subjects like Rakshasas (at the setting of the sun). In mere war five years passed away. Then succeeded)
(V.5 f.) The fierce warrior who slew among those Rajamärtanda ; who in a battle made Kanthik-Vijayaditya and Yuddhamalla go to a foreign country; the curved sword wielded by whose strong arm dispatched to the abode of Death many others who, though respectable kings, had shown themselves puffed up by evil conduct (and) causing distress to the country ; (and whose) command is carried on the head like a garland by the eager kings of the earth.
(V. 8.) This Rajabhims (II.), the son of Vijayaditya (IV.) (and) grandson of ChalukyaBhima (I.), righteously ruled the surface of the earth for twelve years.
(V. 9.) Ammaraja (II.), who was born to him by Lôkamahadevi, as Kumara to Mahbávara by Ums;
(V. 13 f.) Who-- as the eastern lord of mountains, to redden the world, (puts on himself) the sun-put on, to please the world, the fillet in the twelfth year of his birth, in the year reckoned by the mountains (7), the flavours (6) and the Vasus (8)-(i.e. 887)- of the Saka era,
The reading of the text sems to be meant for furgat vefa, which would however be against the metre.
The other Eastern CbAlukya inscriptions show that agraja has to be taken here to mean the first-born son,' hd not, as usually, the elder brother. A similar use of the word agrajanman is noted by Dr. Yleet, above, Vol. VII. p. 181.

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56
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. IX.
in this month of Märgasirsha, on the thirteenth day of the dark (fortnight), on Thursday, in the Maitra (Anuradha) nakshatra, while the sun was) in Dhanus, in the Ghata lagna ;
(L. 41.) This Samastabhuvandsraya, the glorious Vijayaditya (VI.), the Mahdrajadhiraja Paramédvara, the very pious Ammardja (II.) thus commands all the ryots, headed by the Rashtrakatas, inhabiting the distriot (vishaya) of Kamma-nându-Lords!
(V. 15.) Even one possessed of thousands of mouths (would be unable to count the great achievements of that valiant Pandaranga, of spotless fame, who burnt Kiranapura, the residence of Krishṇaraja, as Mahesa (Siva) (burnt) Tripura.
(L. 44.) His son (was) Niravadyadhavala, whose forehead was decorated with the fillet of Kafakarája. His son (was) the Kafakadhipati Vijayaditya.
Verse (16.) His son (was) Durgaraja, whose sword always (served) only for the protection of the fortune of the Chalukyas, and whose renowned family? (served) for the support of the excellent great country (mandala) called Vengl.
(V. 17.) There is on the southern side of Dharmapuri a very charming excellent temple of Jina (Jinalaya) founded by him, an abode of merit, and marked with the anspicious name of Katakabharaṇa.
(V. 18.) (There was) the lord of ascetics Jinanandin, who resembled the Ganadharse, belonged to the pure and worthy Nandi-gachchha (and) was the chief lord of the Kotimaduva(P)-gans, which is to be worshipped (as belonging to the holy Y&paniya-samgha.
(V. 19.) His first disciple was a chief of ascetics called Div[6]kara, renowned on earth, a store of highest knowledge (and) high-souled, who resembled the Jinas themselves by great virtues.
(V. 20.) His disciple was the wise ascetic Srimandiradeva, & store of great austerities, whom people desire as if he were possessed of the power of pratiharya.
(L. 53.) To the Katakabharana-Jinalaya superintended by him there was given, at the request of the Katakarája, for the cost of repairs of breaks and cracks, offerings, worship, etc., and of an alms-house (sattra), on the occasion of the winter solstice (uttarayana), the small village named Maliyapandi, with exemption from all taxes, with libations of water.
(L. 56.) The boundaries of this village (are): in the east Mufjuny[u]ru; in the south Yinimili; in the west Kalvakuru ; in the north Dharmavuramu.
(L. 57.) The boundaries of the fields of this village Care): in the east the Gollani-guntha (pond); in the south-east the Raviya-periya-cheruvu (tank); in the south a demarcation stone ; in the south-west also a demarcation stone; in the west Malkaparru and the Korabəya-tataka (tank); in the north-west also a demarcation stone; in the north the Duba-cheruvu (tank); in the north-east the boundary ) also the boundary of the Ev voka-chøna (field) in Kalvakuru.
No. 7.--PLATES OF VIJAYA-DEVAVARMAN.
BY PROFESSOR E. HULTZSCH, PH.D.; HALLE (SAALE). Two sets of excellent ink-impressions of this grant were sent to me by Rai Bahadur V. Venksyys, who had received the original plates from the Collector of the Kistna district.
The word cashfa means also cane;' see Nellore District Inscriptions, p. 173, note 6.
• It is not quite impossible that punydruha is a mistake for Pusadga-; compare the Pannigavrikabamálagapa of the Nandisamghs, above, Vol. IV. p. 838.
According to Buddhist works, prdtidrya or pratihdrys means jugglery, working minelow;' see the St. Petersburg Dictionary.

Page #82

No. 7.]
PLATES OF VIJAYA-DEVAVARMAN.
"The plates belong to the Head Assistant Collector of Narsapur, in whose office they have been lying for a long time. The person from whom they were origivally obtained is not known."
"The copper-plates are four in number. Their length is 54 inches, and their height 24 inches at the ends and 24 inches in the middle. Their margins are not raised into rims. The ring was cut by me (viz. Mr. Venkayya) for the first time. Its diameter is 2 inches, and its thickness slightly over inch. The ends of the ring are secured at the base of an oval seal, measuring 2) by 14 inches. The seal is all but obliterated; but a faint trace of some quadruped-perbaps a tiger can be seen."
The inscription on the plates is carefally engraved and on the whole in a state of very good preservation. The alphabet resembles that of the three grants of Simhavarman and of the plates of Vijaya-Nandivarman. But neither t nor n bave a loop at the left. As in the Hirabadagalli plates, the former is distinguished by a slight ourve at the right; compare e.g. the ta of etassa (1. 8) with the na of vayanena (1. 7). As first members of a consonant group both look the game; see the ttå of achchhétta and the ntá of ch=anumanta (1.17). Final forms of t and m, followed by a mark of ponctuation which looks like & right angle, occur at the end of lines 17 and 19. The numerical symbol 20 occurs in line 11, the symbols 3 and 10 are used in the date (1. 15), and the plates iia, ii.b, iii.a, iii.b and iv. are numbered consecutively, like the pages of a modern book," with the symbols 2, 3, 4, 5 and 6 on the left margin; on the first plate the sacred syllable on occupies the place of the figure 1.
The language is Prakrit prose, with the exception of the last plate which bears two of the customary Sanskrit verses. While in the cave inscriptions every double consonant is expressed by a single letter, the orthography of the proge part of the subjoined plates agrees in this respect with that of the literary Prakrit and of the British Musenm plates of Chârudêvi. In samuvachchhara (1. 14) v is donbled after anusvära. The language of the new plates is more archaic than that of the literary Praksit in one important point : single consonants between vowels generally remain unchanged. Thus k is preserved in bhattdraka (1.3); kh in pamukha (1.7); g in bhagavato (1.1); ; in vijaya (11. 1, 6, 14), yajin (1. 5) and mahárája (1. 6); t in bhagavato (1.1), anujjhata (1. 2 f.), bhanitavva and eta (1.8), pariharitavua (1.13 f.); th in ratha (1.2); d in pâda (11.2 and 3) and padesa (1. 10); dh in medha (1. 5). But elision and ya-sruti have taken place in addhiya (1. 11) for ardhika, miyattana (1. 10) for nivartana, vayana (1. 7) for vachana, and at the beginning of the enclitic cha in duvaggana ya (1. 12) and pariharitavvo ya (1. 13 f.).7 The word Pausha (1. 15) appears in its Sanskrit form.8 Dental + occurs in anujjhdta (1. 2 f.), Sálaskdyana (1.4), yajino (1. 5), gharatthana (11. 11 and 12) = Sansksit grihasthana, and lingual n in bhånitavua (1. 8), Ganasamma (1. 9), duvaggana and rakkhana (1.12), samanatta (1. 13) = Sanskpit samdjñapta, and samvuachchharani (1. 14). Both , and n appear in vayanena (1.7), niyattanán[0] (1. 10) and manussä nam (1. 11).10 Among the remaining Präksit words may be noted the two numerals terasa (1. 15) and visan (1. 11)," and of other inflected words the ablative Vergipura (1.1), the genitives Devavammassa (1. 6) and Ganasammassa (1. 9), the two differently formed locatives Eldre (1. 7) and padesamhi (1. 10), and the instrumental pariharehi (1. 13).
The inscription is dated on the tenth tithi of the dark fortnight of Pausha in the thirteenth year (in words and figures, 1. 14 f.) of the Maharaja Vijaya-Dévavarman (1. 6), who issued
See above, Vol. VIII. p. 160.
Ind. Ant. Vol. V. p. 176 ft. Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 2 f. Another instance, in which the single pages of a grant are numbered, are the British Museum plates of Charuddvi; see above, Vol. VIII. p. 144.
Above, Vol. VIII. p. 144 and note 5. Compare Prof. Pinchel's Prakrit grammar, $189. Compare ibid. 184.
Compare ibid. & 614.
. Compare ibid. & 88. Compare ibid. 224 1 Ibid. $$ 443 and 445.
13 Compare ibid. 402.

Page #83

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. IX.
this grant from Vangipura (1.1) and addressed it to the villagers of Êlûra (1. 7). The donee was named Ganabarman (1. 9) and received twenty (in words and figures, 1. 11) nivartands of land, evidently near Eldra, together with a site for his house and a site for the houses of his servants.
The king is described as the performer of horse-sacrifices, the Salankåyana, the fervent Mahobvara, who is devoted to the feet of the lord (his) father, (and) who meditates at the feet of the holy Chitrarathasvamin.' Nearly the same epithets are applied in another set of plates to the Maharaja Vijaya-Nandivarman, who was the son of the Maharaja Chandavarman, issued his grant likewise from Vengipura, and addressed it to the inhabitants of a village in the district of Kudråhära. This family may be designated the salankayana Maharajas of Vêngipura. As Dévavarman's grant is in Prakrit, he was presumably an ancestor of Chandavarman's son Nandivarman, whose grant is in Sanskrit.
Vêngfpura, the capital of the Salankâyanas, has been identified with Pedda-Vêgi, a village near Ellore in the Godavari district. The correctness of this identification is confirmed by the existence of a small mound which, on a visit to Pedda-Végi in 1902, was shown to me by the villagers as the site of the ancient temple of Chitrarathasvamin, the family deity of the Salatkayana Maharajas. Other indications point to the same part of the country. The plates of Vijaya-Nandivarman were found in the neighbouring Kolleru lake, and Eldra, to whose inhabitants the subjoined edict was addressed, is no doubt the modern town of Eluru (Ellore), 7 miles from Pedda-Vêgi,
TEXT.
First Plate.
Om [1] 1 Siri-vijaya-Vengipura [1] Bhagavato 2 Chittarathasåmi-padang. 3 jjhâtassa bappabhattáraka-padabhattassa
Second Plate; First Side. 4 paramamahesgarassa salakayanaga 5 assamedhayajino 6 mahårája-siri-Vijaya-Devavammassa
Second Plate; Second Side. 7 vayaņena Elûre muļuda-pamukho 8 gâmo bhåpitavvo [] Etassa 9 Ba[bhura)-sagottassa Ganasammassa
Third Plate ; First Side. 10 sundara-padesamhi bhumi-niyattaņ&n[i] 11 visat 20 gharatthanam addhiya-manussâņam 12 duvaggåpa ya gharathanat parihara-rakkhanam
1 Ind. Ant. Vol. V. p. 175 ff.
This is the actual reading of the plates ; see above, Vol. VI. p. 816 and note 4.
South-Ind. Pal. p. 16, note 1; Ind. Ant. Vol. XX. p. 43.
• Compare the quotation from the Madras Journal, Vol. XIX. (which is at prosent inacoessible to me), above, VOL. IV. p. 148, note 7. South-Ind. Pal. p. 135, note 1.
. From two sets of ink-impressione. Expressed by a symbol, which stands on the left margin of line 2.

Page #84

Plates of Vijaya-Devavarman.
- ป4
- 40,2
U-232, JJ ) In (อาร อายุ 180 บาท 84
16.
-
1 1 3 37 (424) 1 ปี มหา ม เตม 8
E. HULTZSCH.
FULL-SIZE
W GRIGGS, PHOTO-LITH.
FROM INK IMPRESSIONS SUPPLIED BY RAL BAHADUR V. VENKAYYA

Page #85

202 203 2 , 6 วันแรงงาน
ม37 43 144 145 19
230 22 ม3 - 2 ส. - 2 ม3 2
- 3 มกรา 38 คน
.วัส 3 314 315 มม 1. ยาว 2 E A57 5 2
ปรมยุ3) 17 258: 3 ม. 3 - 2

Page #86

No. 8.)
BENARES INSCRIPTION OF PANTHA.
Third Plate ; Second Side. 13 samaņattar [1] Evam savva-parihårehi parihari14 tavvoys [1] Vijaya-samvyachchharani 15 terass 10 8 Pansha-kalapakkha-dasami (10?][\"]
Fourth Plate. 16 Shashțin varsha-sahasrâpi svarggê kriđati bhůmi-daḥ [1] 17 Achchh@tti ch-Anumantå cha tâny=dys narakel vasốt 11 18 Bahubhir-vasudha datta bahubhig-ch=Anapalita [1] 19 yasya yasya yada bhůmiḥ, tasys tasya tada phala[m] ||
TRANSLATION. Om. (Line 1.) From the prosperous and victorious Véngipura. The villagers of Êlûra, headed by the Muluda, must be addressed as follows) by the word of the glorious Maharaja Vijaya-Dévavarman, the performer of horse-Bacrifices, the Salankayana, the fervent Maheśvara, who is devoted to the feet of the lord (his father, (and) who meditates at the feet of the holy Chitrarathasvimin :
(L. 8.) “ It has been ordered that to this, Ganabarman of the Ba[bhura]? gôtra (thero have to be made over) twenty-20- nivartanas of land in a handsome locality, a house-site (for himself, and) a house-site for the men who receive half the crops and for (his) door-keepers, (and) that the immunities (granted to him) have to be protected. And thus he must be exempted with all immunities. In the victorious year thirteen-13- of the reign), (on) the tenth-[10]- tithi of the dark fortnight of Pausha."
[LI. 16-19 contain two of the usual verses.]
No. 8.-BENARES INSCRIPTION OF PANTHA.
By P. DATA RAM SAHNI. I edit this inscription from two rubbings kindly supplied to me, one by Dr. J. Ph. Vogel, Superintendent, Archeological Survey, Northern Circle, and the other by Mr. G. D. Gangali, Curator, Provincial Museum, Lucknow. A transcript of it has been published before in 1886 by Prof. Hultzsch in the Zeitschrift der Deutscher Morgenländischen Gesellschaft, Vol. XL. p. 55.
The slab on which the inscription is engraved is said to have been discovered in the vicinity of the modern city of Benares, and is one of the twenty-four objects which were presented. at the instance of Mr. J. H. Marshall, to the Lucknow Museum by the Principal of Queen's
This word looks almost like narak8. ? Read bhdmir,
* Literally, the village.' • This looks like a Dravidian word, which however cannot be traced in the dictionaries. The plates of Vijaya-Nandivarman (1. 4) seem to read, instead of it, unuda; but the apparent s in the middle of this word may be in reality an obliterated fu.
The genitive bhagavato refers to Chittarathasami, the first member of the following compound. This is of courte grammatical blunder of the officer who drafted the inscription.
• The pronoun this' evidently had been uttered by the king in the presence of the donee, just as ditaham in the plates of Vijaya-Nandivarman, 1. 6.
1 Prof. Kielhorn suggests to me that this doubtful word may be meant for Babhru.
On ardhika or ardhastrin see the Mitakshard on Y&jfsvalkya, I. 166. The Prákpit form addhika occurs in Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 6, text line 89. • The Sanskrit original of dwagga neema to be dedrga, whioh may be taken in the sense of dedhatha.
12

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60
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. IX.
College, Benares, in December 1903. In discussing these sculptures, Dr. Vogel also noticed this stone, but failed to ascertain its precise find-spot."
Judging from the rubbings, the slab which bears the extant portion of the inscription measures 26" by 15" (66 cm. by 38 cm.). The stone-mason has done his work with great care and neatness, and the letters are deeply cut.
The inscription consists of eight lines, but it is far from complete. About one-fifth of the entire slab is broken away along the proper left edge, and consequently lines 1-7 have each lost a number of syllables, which varies from nine to fourteen. The first three syllables of the first line and the first akshara of the second line have also disappeared owing to a small piece of stone having chipped off from the upper right corner. The record is further damaged by the surface having more or less peeled off in the marginal portions.
The characters of the inscription very closely resemble those of an inscription from Jhalrapatan and are of the ornamental type current in Northern India about the beginning of the eighth century A.D. Attention must, however, be drawn to the letters bh and y. The former of these always, and the latter in several cases, exhibit forms which come very close to those of the Maukhari alphabet of the sixth century A.D. The language is correct Sanskrit and metrical throughout. As regards orthography, there are three different points which deserve notice: (1) the doubling of the letters m, t, p and v in conjunction with a preceding or following r, in maranayor-mmoksha-, 1. 1; yattra, 1. 2; attra and -mûrttiḥ, 1. 4; sarppatsarppa- and -ruchir-vvilôla-, 1. 6; (2) the substitution of a single consonant for a double one in tatva-, 1. 3; -vritya, 1. 4; ujvalam, 1. 7; and (3) the use of e for b in vrahmaha, 1. 2, and sandhivandha-, 1. 7.
The inscription is not dated, and its object is to record the erection of a shrine of Bhavani at Benares. There are altogether five verses, the first three in the Sragdhard and the last two in the Sârdúlavikridita metre. The first stanza is devoted to the praise of the city of Varanasi. The purport of the second verse is not quite certain; it seems to speak of a particular quarter of the holy city, which was often visited even by the moon when practising her penance. The third verse contains an eulogy of the builder of the shrine, named Pantha, and the last two speak of the consecration of the Bhavânî image (?) and the construction of the shrine, respectively.
TEXT.
1 [Om svasti *] [Khyâ]tâ Vârânas-iyam tribhuvana-bhavan-âbhoga-chaur-îti dârât= sêvante yâm virakta janana-maranayor-mmôksha-sakt-aika-[chi]ttah [1] sô
2 [ta] sagano yattra dêvô vimuktaḥ yâm drishtvå vra(bra)hmah-api chyuta-kalikalushô jayatê suddha-bhavaḥ || [1] Asylmuttungs-ipiaga-aphuṭa-éa[bi]kirana-[évêta-bhâsâ sanatham ramy-âyâma"]
vidya-vêdartha-tatva(ttva)-vrata-japa
3 pratôli-vividha-ja tapada-stri-vilâs-Abhiramam |
niyama-vyagra-chandr-abhijushtam érimat-sthanam [pri]thivy
kritajñaḥ fuchi-tt*]
11 [2*]
4 Attr-ábhût-Pantha-nama sisur-api vinaya-vyapato. bhadra-marttiḥ tyagi dhirah parilaghe-vibhard-py-dima-Frity (ty)-&bhitu[shtab | Ganga-srotas
1 Annual Report of the Lucknow Provincial Museum for 1903-4, p. 2. Archeological Survey Report for 1908-4, p. 212.
Ind. Ant. Vol. V. p. 180 and Plate.
Eg. in yattra, jayaté, 1. 2; vinaya, 1. 4; and yéna, 1. 5.
[In my own transcript this word was misread as drya-.-E. H.]
This restoration is based on the preceding abhits and dima-vritty&.

Page #88

বললাম নারে | t(
বৰুৱাৰণবেরঃ
মধsydxof ;: দিন সব বুকে নেবাহন: ফখs/ধ যে অংবেন নববর্ষণ দেশব্যাংখ্রিযেcia'
বয4াববেনধুম হন। જાણો રાજાની રક્ષા ત ટ ળ વિનું છે કે દરેક જિલ્લા
Benares inscription of Pantha.
Scale one-third.
E. Hultzsch.
Collotype by Gebr. Plettner, Halle.
From a rubbing supplied by Dr. J. Ph. Vogel.

Page #89


Page #90

No. 8.]
5 Himagiri-dikhar-Artha-khôdid-rité-mbhab bhaktô bhakty Sive me parishad-api gunais-tôshita yêna nityam II [3] Tên-ânêka-vidhâna-dikshana-[sataiḥ samsthäpit-1artha-vyayaiḥ"]
6 chandi chanda-narottamånga-rachita-vyâlambi-mâl-ôtkata | sarppat-sarppa-vivêshtit
BENARES INSCRIPTION OF PANTHA.
61
Anga-parasu-vyâviddha-sushk-âmishâ
11-ritta-ruchir villa-ayank
mûrtir=3
Bhavânyah subha || 4*]
sualisht
7 [Samstha]py-âpi na tasya [tashtra[bha]vad-yávad-Bhavani-grihah âmala-sandhiva (ba)ndha-ghatitam ghanta-ninâd-ôjva(jjva)lam ramyam drishțiharam silâ
8 [prârâḍha]-dhvaja-châmaram sa[kri]tina érêyê-rthinâ kâritam || [5]
TRANSLATION.
[Om. Hail!] (Verse 1.) Famous is this Varanasi which, having usurped the extent of the abode of the three worlds, is worshipped from afar by passionless people, with their mind solely fixed on liberation from birth and death; at which place was emancipated the gods .. with his attendants; and at the sight of which even the murderer of
a Brahmana, freed of the stain of sin, becomes pure of heart.
(V. 2.) In this (city there was) a place, renowned on earth; [bathed in the white light] of the bright rays of the moon (as they fell on its) lofty turrets; charming with the gracefulness of the wives of the various inhabitants of the [beautiful and extensive] streets; a favourite resort of the moon? engaged in study, interpretation of the Vêdas, (search after) truth, (observance of) vows, muttering of prayers and austerities
(V. 3.) Here lived (a man) named Pantha, who even as a child was well-behaved, handsome, generous, wise, grateful, (and) contented with his earnings in spite of his limited means; (who used to think thus to himself): The god (ambhaḥ) Siva is worshipped by my devotion without the toil of ascending the peaks of the Himalaya, [purified by the waves of the Ganges];' and who constantly gladdened the assembly (of the wise) by (his) virtues.
(V. 4.) By him [was erected at a considerable cost (and) [with hundreds of] different consecrations [a beautiful image of Bhavani], fierce-looking, awe-inspiring owing to a garland formed of gruesome human heads hanging (from her neck); with limbs encircled by crawling snakes, and with dry flesh pierced on an axe; delighting in a sportive dance, (and) with rolling [eyes].
1 Compare the expression samsthapya in 1.7.
2 This syllable is required to complete the word villa.
The restoration of martira, etc., is purely conjectural; but that it is probably correct, may be concluded fron the fact that the epithets chandt, etc., clearly refer to an image of Bhavani. Moreover, since the very next verse records the foundation of a Bhavani shrine, it seems almost necessary to assume that an image of the same goddess should have been placed in this shrine.
Literally, the thief of the extent,' eto.
This passage presumably alludes to Siva's residence at Benares in the Trét.iyuga. See Rajendralal Mitra's Antiquities of Orissa, Vol. II. p. 63.
Literally, whose extent was charming." 7-bhakt-dbhijushtam would be a better reading.-[Or chandra may be meant for mara-chandra, 'au excellent man.'-E. H.]
I do not find the word vydpata in any Sanskrit Dictionary. Vydpritó would be a more appropriate reading. [But ambhah does not mean 'a god.' I would rather conjecture at the end of lisangayd gahamané and translate: devoutly (bhaktah) [entering] the water (ambhah) [of the Ganga].' the following I prefer to join Sivóme and to translate: who daily pleased Siva and Uma by (his) devotion (and their) attendants by (his) virtues.-E. H.]

Page #91

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. IX.
(V. 5.) Not satisfied with the erection (of this image only), the pious man, desirous of bliss, caused to be built a shrine of Bhavani, which was joined with a very adhesive and bright cement, resplendent with the sound of bells, lovely, attractive, . . . . . . . . (and decorated) with lofty flags and yak-tails.
No. 9.- THE CHAHAMANAS OF NADDULA.
BY PROFESSOR F. KIELHORN, C.I.E.; GÖTTINGEN. Of the Chahamånas of sakambhari we possess two long inscriptions. One of them is the Harsha inscription of Vigraharaja, edited by me in Ep. Ind. Vol. II. p. 116 ff. It is dated in the (Vikrama) year 1030, corresponding to about A.D. 973, and gives the genealogy of the Chahaminas from Gůvaka I., 'who attained to pre-eminence as a hero in the assembly of the glorious Nágávalóka, the foremost of kinga,' to Vigraharaja. The other is the difficult Bijoli (Bijaoli, Bijolia, Bijholi) rock inscription of the reign of Somèsvara, which has been uncritically edited in Journ. As. Soc. Beng. Vol. LV. Part I. p. 40 #. This inscription is dated in the Vikrama year 1226, corresponding to A.D. 1170, and gives a long genealogy, commencing with Samanta, the reputed founder of the family, and ending with Sômêsvara. Between these two longer records, and subsequently to the second, we have a few shorter inscriptions of the same family, notably the Delhi Siwalik pillar inscriptions of Visaladeva-Vigraharaja of A.D. 1164, and two short inscriptions on the defeat of the Chandella Paramardidêva by the Chåhamana Prithvirája II., of the (Vikrama) year 1239=A.D. 1182. The latest available date for this family is the (Vikrama) year 1244=A.D. 1187.3
From this Sakambhari family there branched off, some time in the first half of the 10th century A.D., another line of Chahamânas (or Chåhumanas), which was founded by the Śåkambhari prince Lakshmana, and which for a long time had its seat of government at Naddula, the modern Nadol in the Jodhpur State of Rajputâna. To this branch of the family there is assigned in my Northern List only a single inscription, No. 141, the Nadol copper-plate inscription of the Maharaja Âlhanadôva of A.D. 1161. But there belong to it also other inscriptions of the List, inscriptions of chiefs whose connection with the family was not known
1 I have already stated elsewhere that the true reading in verse 13 of the Harsha inscription is irfmanNdg anal6ka-pravaranripa-sabhd-laodha(odha)-ofrapratishthah. In my Synchronistic Tablo for Northern India I have suggested that Nagávalóka may be identical with the Pratihara Nagabhata; but this appears to be mistake. A definite date for a king Nagávalóks- apparently the Vikrams year 813 - A.D. 756 - will, so far as I can see now, be furnished by a copper plate inscription which has been quite recently discovered, and of which I have received a photograph from my friend Mr. Ojha. * See above, Vol. VIII. Appendix I. p. 13 f.
See my Northern List, Nos. 144, 176 and 183. So this name is spelt below, in the inscriptions A., B. and C., and in the inscription of Lantigaddva, treated of under D. We find the name spelt in the same way (with dd) in verse 21 of the Bijoli rock inscription, which is quito wrongly given in Journ. As. Soo, Bong. Vol. LV. Part I. p. 42, the actual reading on the stone being Jandlipuran juald-puran kritd Pallikadpi pallapa nadvala-tulyan roshdn-Naddilan yang sawsaw)ryena l. In the inscription at Vimala's temple on Mount Abd, which will be mentioned below, P. 81, the name is Naddla. In verse 42 of the Mount Aba inscription of Samarasimha (Ind. Ant. Vol. XVI. p. 849) it is either Nadddla or Naddala (not Naddla); and in Prof. Weber's Catalogue of the MSS. of the Berlin Library, Vol. II. pp. 1003 and 1004, we find Naddila, Naddvalapura and Naddlapura. In Mr. Kathavate's edition of the Kirtikawwudt, II. 69, and, copied from it, in Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 26, verse 14, we also have Nadula, but this almost certainly is a mistake.
Towards the end of the 19th century A.D. the seat of government was transferred to Javilipur (Alor); and at the commencement of the 14th century a branch of the family took Chandrivati with Mount Abd from the Param&ras.

Page #92

No. 9.]
THE CHAHAMANAS OF NADDULA.
when I compiled the List. My object in writing this paper is, to give the genealogy of these ChAham&nas of Naddula, so far as the documents which lately have come to my knowledge enable me to do so. For this purpose I shall give the texts of three inscriptions which the kindness of Dr. Fleet and Mr. Gaurishankar Hirachand Ojha allows me to edit, and an account of the contents of some Mount Abû inscriptions, based on excellent impressions for which we have to thank Mr. Cousens.
A.-NADOL PLATES OF ÅLHANADÊVA; [VIKRAMA-SAMVAT 1218.
These plates were obtained by Colonel Tod, in October 1819, at Nadol, a town in the Jodhpar State of Rajputana, and presented to the Royal Asiatic Society. An account of their contents was given by him in his Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthan, Vol. I. p. 804; and the inscription which they contain was edited, in a rather slovenly manner, by Rao Bahadur H. H. Dhruva, in Journ. Bombay As. Soc. Vol. XIX. p. 26 ff. I re-edit it from an excellent photolithograph, prepared under the superintendence of, and kindly placed at my disposal by, Dr. Fleet.
These are two plates, each of which measures abont 8}" broad by 6" high. The first plate is inscribed on one side only, and the second on both sides. The edges of the inner sides of them are fashioned slightly thicker, so as to protect the writing, and the inscription is in a state of perfect preservation. Both plates contain a hole for a ring, but the ring and any seal that may have been attached to it have not been preserved. The characters are Nagari. The language is Sanskrit, and the greater part of the text is in verse. In respect of orthography it will suffice to state that the letters b and v are both denoted by the sign for e, and that the dental sibilant is often used for the palatal. The text contains a considerable number of clorical mistakes, most of which can be easily corrected. Other mistakes are shown by the metre to be due to the author himself, who POBBessed no accurate knowledge of Sanskrit. Of these I would point out here merely the wrong sandhi in sprihayan=amaratán (for sprihayann=amaratán) in line 17, the meaningless -pragunibhátápasavyakah panih (for-pragunibhấtápasavyapánih) in line 21, and the omission of some word like viditan before the words vô=stu in line 18. In lines 13, 14 and 16 the potential sydt is need for asti or bhavati.
The inscription records a donation by the Mahardja Ålbanadáva of Naddala. Acoording to lines 18-23, this chief, on Sunday, the 14th tithi (described as mahdchaturdasi-parvan) of the bright half of Bråvaņa in the year 1218, after worshipping the Sun and Isana (Siva) and making gifts to Brahmans and gurus, granted to the Jaina temple of) Mahåviradêve in the Banderaka gachchha, at the holy place? (mahästhana) of Naddala, a monthly sum of five drammas, (to be paid) from the custom-honse (bulka-manda pikál) in the grounds of Naddůla.
See his Annals and Antiquition of Rajasthan, Vol. I. p. 698; my Northern List, No. 141. · Indian Inscriptions, No. 10, not yet published. • For instances where the potential is used for the imperfect see e.g. Ind. Ant. Vol. XVII. p. 185.
• So the name is spelt twice in line 22, and the same spelling is required by the metre in line 3. See above, p. 82, note 4
For the similar use of parean in other dates see Ind. Ant. Vol. X X. p. 418, and Vol. XXV. p. 289 f.
• In Mount Abd inscriptions this gachokha is also called Sandra-gachella and Shandraka-gachella. The town of Sanddra (the Sanderso of the map of the Rajputana Agency) is mentioned below in C., line 16.
1 According to Colonel Tod Nadduls was one of the ancient roata of the Jains.
• For passages in which the term mandapikd occurs, compare eg. Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 114, 1. 27; p. 173, 1.0 (Blyaddniatka-mhandapika); p. 176, 1. 19; p. 177, l. 29 and 1. 80; p. 179, 1. 45; p. 262, 1. 3 (pattand. mandapikd); Ind. Ant. Vol. XIV. p. 10, col. 2 (Sripathd-stha-manda pild); Journ. 43. 800. Bong. Vol. LV. Part I. p. 47, iv., and p. 48, V.; Bldonagar Inser. p. 205, 1. 7. Sulka-mandapild occurs e.g. in Badonagar Ingor. p. 168 f., 11. 10, 15 and 18.- The meaning of mandapikd is muggested by the Marktht mdrhdant, 'custom-house.'
The word talapada (in frf-Nadd dla-talapada-bulkamandapikdydol) is not found in the dictionaries. I take it to be synonymous with, or similar in meaning to soatala, which couro in some of the Valabhi inscriptions, And for which see Dr. Fleet's note above, Vol. VI. p. 166. Compare also Ind. Ant. Vol. XI. p. 889, note 80.

Page #93

64
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. IX.
The inscription, after the words 'óm, adoration to the Omniscient,' opens with a verse in which the holy Mahaviradêva, 'the youngest of the Jinas,' is desired to bestow welfare. It then (in verses 2-7) gives the following genealogy of the grantor :---
In the Châhumâna race there was first at Naddûla the king Lakshmana. His son was Sôhiya, and his son Baliraja. After him came his paternal uncle Vigrahapala. His son was Mahendra, his son Anahilla, and his son Bâlaprasada. His brother was Jendrarâja, and his son Prithivipâla. His brother was Jójalla, and his younger brother Asârâja, whose son was Alhaṇadeva. Nothing of historical importance is said about any of these chiefs.
According to lines 33-38, the dûta of this grant was the minister, appointed to the secretaryship (érikarana), Lakshmidhara, the son of Dharanigga, of the Prâgvâța race; and the grant was composed and written by Sridhara, the son of Vasala (Visala ?), who was the son of Manôratha, of the family of the Naigamas. The inscription ends with the words this is the own hand (i.e. sign-manual) of the Mahárája, the illustrious Âlhaṇadeva.'
Naddûls of course is the modern Nadol where the plates were obtained, and where the temple of Mahavira to which the grant was made apparently still exists. The date of the grant, for the expired Chaitrádi Vikrama year 1218, regularly corresponds to Sunday, the 6th August A.D. 1161, when the 14th tithi of the bright half of Sravana ended 15 h. 35 m. after mean sunrise.3
TEXT.4
First Plate.
1 Om Om namah Sarvvajñâyah Disatu? Jina-kanishthaḥ karmmavam (bat) dhakshayishthaḥ parihrita-madamârakrôdha
2 lôbhadivarah | duritasikhari-samvaḥ8 STO(TO)vyach
tribhuvanakrita-sêvaḥ śri-Mahavi
cha
sam
hi |
3 radêvaḥ || [1] Astilo parama -jalanidhi jagati-tall Châhumana-vamśô tav(tr)-âsin-Nadû(ddû)lê bhûpaḥ
4 śri-Lakshmana Adauls || [2] Tasmâd-va (ba) bhuva putrô råjå śrî
Sôhiyas tad-anu sûnuḥ śri-Va(ba)lirajô rå5 ja Vigrahapalô-nu cha pitṛivya(vyaḥ) || [3*] éri-Mahendradev-akhyab taj-jaḥ śri-16
Tasy-at-anjo bhápalab
18 Read fauryavrittisobh-ddhyab.
[4] Tat-sânuḥ śrî
6 Anahilô (116)17 aripati-vard-bhût-prithula-têjab II Va(ba) laprasada ity-ajani pârthiva
7 śrêshthaḥ
tad-bhrât-Abhâ[t]=kshitipaḥ subhaṭaḥ śri-Jendraraj-akhyaḥ || [5] Sri-Prithivipáló-bh[t]-tat-patrabil
1 Compare above, Vol. VIII. p. 209, line 8 of the text. Above, Vol. III. p. 317, 1. 45, érikarana by itself is used to denote the official ('a secretary').
2 See the Imperial Gazetteer of India, Vol. X. p. 142.
Compare Ind. Ant. Vol. XIX. p. 30, No. 35.
From a photo-lithograph prepared under the superintendence of, and supplied to me by, Dr. Fleet. 5 Denoted by a symbol.
vas=
Read jidya.
Read -famvah, a thunderbolt.'
10 Metre of verses 2-9: Âry.
7 Metre: Mâlini.
This sign of punctuation is superfluous.
11 For the sake of the metre for jagatt-tals.
13 Read pas-ch-ádav.
18 Mr. Dhruva's text has Lohiyas; but Sóhiyas is quite clear in the original. The same name, Sohiya, I
find above, Vol. VIII. p. 221, 1. 19, and in another Mount Abû inscription, No. 1699 of Mr. Cousens' List.
14 Read dbhavat.
15 This sign of punctuation is superfluous.
16 Here and elsewhere the f of frf has purposely not been changed to y before a vowel, compare below, lines 9 and 88, frt-Alhana, and other passages in B. and C. and elsewhere.
17 The name is written Anahilla in B., line 7, and C., line 11, and the same spelling is required here by
the metre.

Page #94

No. 9.)
THE CHAHAMANAS OF NADDULA.
8 ryavritisôbh-dhyah tasmad-abhavad-bhrátå fri-Jôjalló raņaras-åtmå [Il 6]
Tad-avarajó=bh ûch=chhrîma9 n=&så(sk)rájaḥ pratâpavara-nilayah | tat-putraḥ kshônipaḥ éri-Alhaņadêva
năm=abhat || [7] 10 Yasya pratapa-psd(?)lam samkuladikchakra-prithulavistaram simchanti
sva(sû)ditahitagaņa-laland il nayanasalil-aughaiħ || [8*] Sô=yan maha-kshitilaḥ sâram=ida va(bu)ddhimân
achim tayata [*] iha san12 såra asaram 18 sarvvam janm-adi jantunam (II) [9] Yataḥ [1] Garbhaḥ
strikukshi-madhye pala-rudhira-vas&13 mêdass vaba)ddha-piodo matuḥ praņântakâri prasavana-samayè pråņinâm
syån=nu janma dharmm-f- . 14 dinâm=avêtta bhavati hi niyata vå(b&)la-bhavas-tataḥ svå (sya)t=tárunyam
svalpamåtram svajana-pari15 bhavasth&(?)nata vșiddha-bhavaḥ 1(II) [10*] Khadyotôdyo(ddyo) ta-talyaḥ 17 kshanam=iha sukhadaḥ sampa
Second Plate; First Side. 16 dô dộishta-nashtaḥ prâņitvaron chamchalar sydddalam-upariyathê tôya
vindur=nnalinyâh ! jõ&ty=aivam sv&-pi17 trô sprihayan='amaratâm ch-aihikán 10 dharmma-kirtti désåntäll râjaputrân 12
janapada-gapan vô(b) dhayaty-ova 18 võtala 11 Sam 1218 varshe | Sravans-sudi 14 Ravau lasminn-éva
mahachaturddasi-parvvaņi | Snâtvå14 dhauta19 patê nivèsya (sya)15 dahanê daty=&hutin 6 punya (nya)ksin-Mâmrtvadasyal 7
tamabprapatana-patoh sampúrya ch-aghamjilir 18 [] 20 trailoka(kya)sya prabhur charachara-gurum samanapya pamch-amritair-Isânam
kanak-anna-vastra-dadanaih sampůjya vipra21 n gurûn || [12] Ann20 tilakukshâtôdaka-l praguņibhůtåpasavyakaḥ pāṇiḥ ||(1)
sasanam=enam-23g yachchhata ya
Read jalan.
Observe the wrong sandhi (for sansard-sdran).. . This sign of punctuation is superfluous. • Metre of vernes 10 and 11: Sragdharå.
Read "kari and janma I.
• The th of the akshara athd is not quite clear, but there seems to be no doubt that the above is the actus and intended reading. One would have expected -paribhavasthanan, but this would not have suited the metre.
This sign of punctuation is superfluous. Hore a syllable, perhaps vai, has been omitted.
Here, again, observe the wrong samdhi for which the metre shows the author to be responsible ; sprihayanna would have offended against the metre.
10 Bend -aihikinn dharmma-kerttin; one misses s second cha. 11 I can only suggest that desanto may stand for desanta, i.e. desdntah, disantar, 'in (this) country.' 13 After this words short syllable is missing ; perhaps the reading should be trdn-qa-janapada..
1 The worda võ=stu cannot be construed with the preceding. The author had in his mind the phrase viditan arts.
14 Metre : Śårddiavikridita.
1 Mr. Dhruvs read this Maitapati niodiya, which he translated by while encamped at Maitapata.'Compare dhauta-odeagl paridhdya in line 19 of B., and, e.g., in Ind. Ant. Vol. XVIII. p. 847, L 7 of the text. 10 Read dattudhatth. 17 Read Marttauhdasya.
8 Read drghanjali. Dadana in the sense of dang. 20 Metre: Aryk.
11 Kend tila kusátshatódaka-. The ka of data is treated a short syllable before pr; see Ind. Studien, Vol. VIII. p. 224.
** The metre, in my opinion, shows that the author undoubtedly wrote this; what he intended was pasadya. pasih (dakshina-pdmih).
# Wrong for Gnads, or, better, Atada.

Page #95

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(Vol. IX.
22 vach-chamdrárkkapûpalam (II) [13] Sri-Naddula-ma hästhånd fri
Sandera ka-gachchhê śr-Mahaviradevaya fri-Nadala23 talapada-sulkamandapikåyår malnumasam dhupavélartham 1 sdsanena dra 5
pamcha prádát [1] Asya 24 dêvarasyanam bhumjánasya asmadvanádjair="bhåvi-bhôktfibhir=¶is-cha
pariparthana na kärya 1 yatah [°] 25 Sâmânyd-yam dharma-setar-nfipâņam kald kald pålaniyo bhavadbhiḥ
saryvån=êvam bhåvinaḥ på. 26 rthivêridrån bhyo bhůyo yachat Ramachandraḥ 11 [14] Tasmati
Asmadanva ya]ja bhûpå bhåvi-bhüpatayas-cha ye [1] 27 teshim ahamikaro lagnah pålaniyam-idam BadA I(I) [15] Asmad vam se
parikshiņê yaḥ kaschim nfipatir-bhavêt [*] 28 tasy=&ham karð lagnô=gmi s&(64) sanam n&(na) vyatikramêt I(II) [16]
Vaba)hubhir=vasudha bhakta rajanyaiḥ Sagar-429 dibhiḥ [1] yasya yasya yad& bhômi(mi)s=tasya tasya tada phala [ll 17*]
V vashțhi.varsha-Bahasråņi svarggå tishthati dana 30 daḥ [1] Achchhôt&(tta) ch=Anumanta cha tény=lva narakar10 vase[t] [ll 18"]
Sva-dattam para-dattam và déva-dayam hardta yah [1] sa 31 vishthâyâm krimir=bh åtva pitri(tri)bhiḥ saha majjati 11 [198] SA(sa)nyatavivy(shv)-atöyasu Sushkaköțara-vasi
Second Plate; Second Side. 32 naþ| kfishņáhayo=bhijáyante dava-dayath haraṁti ye || [20] Mangalam
mahk-brih 11 33 11 Prágvåta-vamad Dharapigga-namna gato mah&mátya-varab 80-karmma 1
va(ba) bhůva da34 taḥ prâ(pra)tibha-nivåsố Lakshmidharaḥ Srikarand niyogi #I [210]
18 Âsit=sv&. 35 chchha-mall(na) Manôratha iti prak! Naigamanath kuld så (44)etra.
jñanasudhårasa36 plavita-16dhis-taj-j8=bhavati Vasala! I putras-tasya va (ba)bhiva 10ka
Vasani(ti)ḥ sri37 Sridharah Sridharė spasti rachayámchakdra lilikha ch=edan mahA-6838 [sa]nam 11 [22] Sva-hasto=yan maharaja-bri-Ålhanad@vasya I
B.-NADOL PLATES OF THE RAJAPUTRA KIRTIPALA;
[VIKRAMA-]SAMVAT 1218. Mr. Gaurishankar Hirachand Ojha of Udaipur in Bajputana has informed me that these plates also were obtained, in the course of last year, at Nadol. My account of them is mainly based on two good rubbings, kindly supplied to me by Mr. Ojhs.
I Read hdkdlan; compare kolitikdlas in line 36 of B.
Read dhépa-tail-drthan, without the sign of panctuation. * 1.e. drammds.
+ Read dinary aimகள் (for nainada, eilads). - Read ory-domadoadtajair.
• Metre: Salint. Metre of verses 16-20 : sloks (Anushtabb). • Read karolin.. Read shashti- or shackfish.
10 Bend waraki. 11 Metre : Upajali. 13 The name Dharapiga ocour above, Vol. VIII. p. 220, lide 8 of the text here the letter g sems to have been doubled simply for the sake of the metre. 11 Metre : Sárdulavikridita
1 Bead prdge. * Plavita wrong for pldpita, which would not have rited the metro. * Read bhavad., and, perhape, Vlaalas.

Page #96

No. 9.]
THE CHAHAMANAS OF NADDULA.
These also are two plates, each of which measures about 91" broad by 6%" high. The first plate is inscribed on one side only, and the second on both sides. The writing on them is in a state of perfect preservation. Each plate contains a hole for a ring; I do not know whether the ring and any seal that may have been attached to it have been preserved. The characters are Någari, and the language is Sanskpit. The text contains eight verses of chiefly genealogical matter, three of the ordinary imprecatory verses, and one verso giving the writer's name; the rest is in prose, which in one or two places is grammatically incorrect. As regards orthography, the letter v is used for both b and v, except in -labdhajanma, 1. 3; the dental sibilant is used for the palatal in Mahéraran, 1.22 ; and the sign of avagraha is once employed, in shgajah, l. 16. In line 29 tho gerund lagitod is used in the sense of commencing from, beginning with.'
The inscription records a grant by the Rajaputra (or king's son) Kirtipala, a son of Alhapadeva of Naddala. After the words on svasti, it invokes the blessing of the gods Brahman, Sridhara (Vishņu), and Sankara (Biva), who, always free from passion, are famous in the world as Jinne' (or Jaina Arhata). It then (in verses 2-8) gives the following genealogy
In the town of Sakambbart there was formerly, in the Chahamâna' lineage, the king Vakpatirája. His son was Lakshmana, who was king at Naddula; and his son was 88bhita. From him sprang Baliraja, and after him there ruled his paternal unclo Vigrahapala. Vigrahapala's son was Mahendra, his son Apahilla, and his son Jendraraja, from whom sprang Agaraja. His son was Ålhana, the lord of Naddala, who defeated the Saurashtrikas. This king married Annalladevi, a danghter of Anahula of the Rashtrauda race, who bore to him three sons -Kolhana, Gajasimba, and Kirtip&la. Of these, Kolhapa, the eldest son, was made kumdra (or heir-apparent) and given a share in the government.
According to 1. 17 ff. the Rajakula? Ålhaņadeva and the Kumara Kelhaņadeva were pleased to give to the Rajaputra KirtipAls twelve villages appertaining to Naddui&. And then, on Monday, the 6th of the dark half of Srg vans of the year 1918, the Rajaputra Kirtipala, after bathing etc. at Naddals and worshipping the Sun and Mabesvara (Śiva), granted a yearly sum of two drammas from each of the twelve villages of Naddu&t to the temple of the Jina Mahavira at the village of Naddu1A1, and ordered this money to be paid in the month of Bhadrapads of every year, commencing with the year then current. The twelve villages to which this order referred were Naddulligrama, sjera, Dariji, Kavilada, Sónåņam, Môrakara, Haravandam, MAJAda, Kanasuvam, Devastri, Nadada, and Matvaļi.
So for me I can judge, the village of Naddalgt mentioned in the above is different from (the mahasthana) Naddle, and the words Naddaldi-pratibaddha in line 18 appear clearly to show that NaddalAi not merely was the name of a village, but also denoted the district to which the twelve villages given to Kirtipala belonged.- On the map of the Rajputana Agency I find,
1 The second side of the second plate contains three lines of writing. Of these no rubbing, but only Mr. Ojha's transoript has been went to me.
· The motre of verse 6 is a mixture of Upendra ajri and Yantatilaka. • So the name is spelt here and below in C.
. In C. the name is Andrdja, while in A. the actual spelling is dadraja. Here we have lbardja, and in D. the actual spelling in Loardja.
The occurrence of this nam. bere induon me to state that the name in the Delhi Biwillk pillar Inscription of Vildbra-Vigrabaraj, A., line 2 (Ind. Ant. Vol. XIX. p. 218) Annalladina, not doilladépa, and that therefore Annalladina should be substituted for Aollladdva slao in my Northern List, No. 144, and above, Vol. VIII. App. I. p. 14, col. 1 (after Arporije).
• For Rashtróda sadala see my Northors List, No. 278.
On this and similar title see my remarks sbove, Vol. IV. p. 813, note 7. Mahdndjabula occurs below in D., and in other Mount Abg Inscriptions
12

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. IX.
south-east of Nadol, Desuri, which most probably is the Devasari of this inscription of the other villages I can find no traces on the map.
After the imprecatory verses the inscription in lines 33 and 34) has the words this is the own hand (i.6. sign-manual) of the Maharajaputra (or Maharaja's son), the illustrious Kirtipala,' and the statement that this grant was written by Subbamkara, the son of Damodara and grandson of the Kayastha Sodha of the Naigama lineage.
The possible equivalents of the date, for the purnimanta and amanta month Sravana, would be --
for the Chaitrádi Vikrama year 1218 current: Saturday, the 25th June A.D. 1160, and Monday, the 25th July A.D. 1160 (when the 5th tithi of the dark half ended 9 h. 8 m. after mean suprise);
for the Chaitrádi Vikrama year 1218 expired: Friday, the 14th July A.D. 1161, and Sunday, the 13th August A.D. 1161 (when the 5th tithi of the dark balf ended 3 h. 16 m, after mean sunrise);
for the Karttikadi Vikrama year 1218 expired: Tuesday, the 3rd Jaly A.D. 1162 (when the 5th tithi of the dark half ended 11 h. 58 m. after mean sunrise), and Thursday, the 2nd August A.D. 1162.
From this it will be seen that the given date is correct only for the amanta month śråvada of the current Chaitrádi Vikrama year 1218, and therefore apparently corresponds to Monday, the 25th July AD. 1160. As current Vikrama years are quoted very rarely, this result is not perhaps quite free from suspicion ; but I can see no valid reason to question the authenticity of the wording of the original date.
TEXT.
First Plate. 1 03 || Svasti || Sriyai bhavattu vô dêvå 15 Vra(bra)hma-Sridhara-Samkaraḥ
sadå virkgavam2 tổ ya 16 Jina jagati viếrutaḥ || 1 osakambhari-náma-puro pur-âsî i'ch-chhri
Chåha3 mån-invaya-labdhajanmål raja maharajanat-&nbriyugmaḥ khyâtô=vanau VAkpa4 tiraja-påmå || 2 Naddule? samabhût-tadiya-tanayah sri-Lakshmaņô bhupatih 8 ta5 småt-sarv vagun-anvito npipa-varaḥ śrî-Sobhit-akhyabo sutah 1 tasmach-chh[r]i
Va(ba)liraja-na6 ma-ntipatiḥ paschat-tadiyo mahi-khyâtô Vigrabapala ity-abhidhaya rajyê
pitsivyô=bhavat || 3 7 Tasmåt=tîvramahåpratâpa-tarapih patró Mahêmdrô-bhavat-taj-jâch=bri-Anahilladeva
npipatêḥ śr-Jem8 drarajaḥ sutah tasmåd=durddharsvairikumjaravadha-próttalasimh-ôpamaḥ sat
kirttya dhaval[i]kfit-&
1 With reference to the above I may state that Mr. Ojha has sent me a rabbing of a grant (engraved on one side of ono plate oply) of tbe Mahardjddhirdja Kelbanadera, which is dated in line 1: samoat 1228 varah Jy[]shtha vadi 12 86 md. This date also works out satisfactorily only for the andata J yaishtbs of the current Chaitrádi Vikrams year 1223, for which it corresponds to Monday, the 7th June A.D. 1166.
• From two rubbingo supplied to me by Mr. Gaurishankar Hirachand Ojha. Denoted by a symbol.
• Metre: sloks (Anushțubh). These signs of punctuation are superfluous. Metre : Indravajra. Metre of verses 8-6: Sard dlavikridita.
8 Road bhdpatis. • The inscription Chan Sobhita; but as A. has sbhiya, I do not alter the Sobhita of the present inscription to sabhita.

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9 khilajagach-chri-Asarajo
nripaḥ || 4
maharajyapratapôdayo
10 yô jagraha jaya-sriyam rapa-bharê vyapadya Saurashtrikan | Bauchâchâravichara-dâna-vasatir-Naddû
11 la-nâthô
mahân-akhyöpädita-viravittir-amalaḥ
éri-Alhano3 bhüpatibl 5
THE CHAHAMANAS OF NADDULA.
Anêna rajña jana-viśrutê
Tat-putro
nijavikramarjit
69
12 na Râshtrauḍa-vamsaja var-Anahulasya putri | Annalladevir-iti sila-vivėka
yukta Râmêņa vai Janakaj-êva vi
13 vâhit=âsau || 6 Abhyâm játâḥ su-putra jagati vara-dhiyo rupa-saumdaryayuktaḥ sastraiḥ sastraiḥ praga
14 lbhâh pravara-gunagapas-tyagavantah su-silah jyêshthaḥ śri-Kelhan-Akhyas-tad= anu cha Gajasimhas tatha Ki
15 rttipald 14 yadvan=nêtrâni Sambhôs-tripurushavad-ath=âmi jane vamdaniyah | (1) 7 Madhyâd-amisham pari
Second Plate; First Side.
16 vara-náthô shṭhê (jyê)shthô singajaḥ kshôpi-tale prasiddhah | krita[b] kumarô nijarajya-dhârî
17 śri-Kêlhana[ḥ*]
sarvva-gunair-upêtaḥ | (11) [8*] Abhyam rkjakula-fiAlhaṇadêva-17 kumara-sri-Kêlha
18 padêvâbhyam râjaputra-sri-Kirttipalasya prasadê datta-Naddûlal-prativa (ba)ddhadvâdasa-grâmâni !|
19 Tatô rajaputra-sri-Kirttipalaḥ 19 sam 1218 Sravana-vadi 5 Sôme || ady= [ha] śrî-Naddûlê snâtvå dhô (dhau)
20 ta-vâsasi paridhâya tilâkshatakusa-pranayinaṁ dakshina-karam kritvå dêvân= udakena samtarpya | va(ba)
21 halatamatimirapajalapájana-patiyaab nibééshapétakapaka-prakahálannaya divákaraya 22 půjâm vidhâya charachara-gurum Mahêsva(éva)ram namaskritya | hutabhuji hômadravy-âhutir-ddatvalo nalini
23 dalagatajalalava-taralam jivitavyam=åkalayya | aihikam parachi (tri) kam tha (cha) phalam-amgikritya svapunya
2 Read-Alhanó.
24 yasô-bhivriddhaye sasanam prayachchhati yatha || Śri-Naddâlâigramê | śrîMahavira-jinaya Naddûlai-11
25 dvâdasa-gråmêshu gråmam prati dra 2 dvau drammau anapana-vilêpana-dipadhup-opabhogartham | dâsanê
26 varsham prati Bhadrapada-måsê chamdrårkkakshiti-kala[m] yavat pradattar Naddûlâigrama Sûjera | Dariji [/*]
27 Kavilaḍa Sônanam Môrakara Haravamdam [1] Madada Kanasuvam Devasûri Naḍaḍa [1] Mauvaḍi |
28 vam grål 12 êtêshu dvâdasa-grâmêshu sarvvad-Api asmâbhiḥ śâsanê êbhir-gråmair-adhuna samvatsa
dattan I
1 Bead marjita-.
Metre: a mixture of Upendravajra and Vasantatilaka.
These signs of punctuation are superfluous.
Metre: Sragdhara. The last Pâda does not contain the proper caesuras.
Metre: Urajati. 7 This sign of punctuation is superfluous. Wrong for grámáḥ. The whole sentence which ends here is ungrammatical.
All the signs of punctuation in lines 19-23 are superfinous. In some places below the rules of samdhi have not been observed.
Read ddatted.
11 Read *idt.
13 L. e. gramih.

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29 râlagitvål sarvvad=&pi varsham prati Bhadrapadé dátavyan ataḥ Arddh[v]an
kên=&pi paripatthana na karttavy 80 Asmad-vari vyatikramte yo=nyaḥ k8 pi bhavishyati [1] tasy=&harh kare
lagnod na lôpya[m] mama sasana || [99] Shashțhi[mn]" va31 rsha-sahasrápi svarggêtishthati dậyakaḥ Achohhêtt& ch=anuma[m]ta cha tiny=éva narakam vaset 11 [10] Vaba)hubhir vasudha
Second Plate; Second Side. 32 bhukta rajabhiḥ Sagar-Adibhiḥ | yasya yasya yada bhumis-tasya tasya tada
phalam || [11] 33 Sva-hastô=yan maharaja putra-bri-Kirttipalasya Naigamânyaya-kayastha-Sôdha
naptâ Subhan karaḥ 1 34 Damodara-sutb=lêkhi? sasanam dharmma-sasanath || [12] Mangala mahdfrih 11 0.-SUNDHA HILL INSCRIPTION OF CHÅCHIGADEVA;
(VIKRAMA-SAMVAT 1819. This inscription is on two stones which were found on the Sundha Ful, about 10 miles north of Jagwantapura in the Jaswantapara district of the Jodhpur State of Rajputana. I edit it from rubbings, kindly placed at my disposal by Mr. Gaurishankar Hirachand Ojhe.
The first stone contains 26 lines of writing which covers a space of 3' 3" broad by 1'71" high, the second 24 lines which cover & space of 2' 10" broad by 1' 5" high. The size of the letters is about " on the first stone, and between and it on the second. The inscription was carefully written by Námvasimha, a son of the physician Vijayapåla, and well engraved by Jigaravi, a son of the sutradhára Jisapåla, and is in a state of perfect preservation. The characters are Nagari, and the language is Sanskrit. Excepting two prose passages at the bottom of either stone which record the names of the author, the writer and the engraver, the date sarvat 1819 in lino 48, and another prose passage, numbered as a verse, in lines 35 and 36, the text is in verse, the total number of verses (including the prose passage counted as a verse) being 59. As regards orthography, the sign for u denotes both u and b; the palatal sibilant is used for the dental in basya-, 1. 16, Sravanti, 1. 19, sahasrambu- (for sahasrdmur), 1. 82, salila., 1. 23, fita), l. 25, and fitámfu- (for sitárníu-), 1. 37; kh and sh are confounded in mayasha- (for mayakha-), 1. 10, and piydkha- (for piyusha-), 1. 41; the i of Sri is left unchanged before the initial vowel of a proper name in fri-Asdraja-, 1. 21, Sri-Udayasinha., 1. 35, and fri-Apardjitofa-, 1. 43; chohh is written for chh in chohhaléna, 1. 7, and chchhấyayd, 1. 8; and the sign of avagraha is employed in Sandåré srka, 1. 16, and in four other places. The language is generally correct and plain, but there are one or two passages about the exact meaning of which I am still doubtful. I especially do not understand verse 12, which seems to allude to some legend unknown to me, in which the creator weighs the sun and the moon, apparently using the Ganges as a balance. Moreover, I am not sure about the meanings of the word frikari, which occurs in verses 19 and 59, and gupyadguru in verses 15, 26, and 27. To judge from the context in verse 59 (Grikari-saptakavádi-), the former may denote some kind of musical instrument; and as a gupyadguru must be
1 Rand Oral-lagitod, commencing from the current year.' 1 Metre of this verse and the rest : slots (Anushtabh). * Read lagnóesmi. • Rend slaskich.
• Boad saroht. o Of the three lines on this side only a transcript has been sent to me by Mr. Ojhe 7 The passive Aorist is und wrongly here for the native alla & I owe this information to Mr. Ojhs.
• From the St. Petersborg Diotiopary I see thas frikarl occurs in the Uttamacharitrabat nekem, L 184 (Sitzungsberichte der K. Prowes. Akademie, 1884, Part I. p. 282), where Prof. Wober has suggested for it the meaning 's female ringer.'

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THE CHAHAMANAS OF NADDULA.
something on which a golden kumbha and a golden kalata can be placed, the word perhaps denotes a temple generally or a particular temple. Of rare words or words employed in an unusual way we may note kali, the earth,' in verse 6, bhúsphota, 'a mushroom,' in verse 16, the feminine yugali, a pair,' in verse 18, and tambuliya, 'an areca-nut,' in verse 21; bandhu and bándhava denote'a brother in verses 24, 26, and 20; and a cousin is described as pitsivyajataya bandhava, i.e. a brother in consequence of being born from a paternal uncle,' in verse 9.
The inscription in the prose passage at the bottom of the first stone and in verse 59 is styled & prasasti. It was composed by the (Jaina) sdri Jayamangala (JayamangalachArya), who belonged to the Brihad-gachchha and was a disciple of Ramachandra, himself a disciple of Dávacharya. And its primary object is to glorify the Chahamåna obief Chaohigadēva, during whose reign it was composed, and for whom it furnishes a dates in the month of Vaisakha of the [Vikrama] year 1919, falling in about A.D. 1262. Fortunately, the author has used the occasion to give a enlogistic account of the Ch&hamânas of Naddala generally, which is of considerable interest.
Verses 1-3 pray the moon on Sambhu's (i.e. Śiva's) forehead and (Biva's consort) Pârvati or Chandikå to grant continuous good fortune and happiness. Verse 4 then records that formerly there was the hero Ch&hamana, a source of joy to the great Rishi Vataa. In his lineage there Yere :
(1.) The lord of Naddale, king Lakshmana, who was a Sakambhari princes (vv. 5 and 6).
(2.) His son 88bhita (v. 7; the Sohiya and Sobhita of A. and B.). He took away the glory of the lord (or lords) of the mountain Arbuda.
(3.) His son Baliraja (vv. 7 and 8). He defeated an army of Maßjarája, ... the Paramara VAkpatirkja JI. Amoghavarsha of MAlava, for whom we possess datos from A.D. 974 to 993.
(4.) lis paternal uncle's son Mahindu (v. 9). He is the Mahồndra of A. and B., the son of Vigrahapals whose name is here omitted. He most probably is identical with the Mahendra or Mahindra (?) mentioned under No. 53 of my Northern List as a contemporary of the Rashtrakata Dhavala of Hastikandi, whose inscription is dated in A.D. 997.
(5.) His son Asvapála (vv. 10 and 11; omitted in A. and B.).
(6.) His son Ahila (vv. 12 and 13; likewise omitted in A. and B.). He defeated an army of the Gurjara king Bhima, i.e. the Chaalukya Bhimadeva I. of Anahilapätaks.
(7) His paternal uncle Anahilla (vv. 14-17; in A. and B. described as the son of Mahendra). He also defeated the king Bhima (Bhimadêva I.); took s&kambhari; and slew
1 See verses 26 and 27.
1 He is described as frikart-raptaka-rádia which, w intimated above, appen to mean playing the seven frikarle.
"The exact date (in verso 57) is the akshaya-titlyd or third tithi of the bright half of the month Madhara (Vaibakha) of the (Vikramı) year 1819, given both in words and in figures. The date does not admit of verification, it possible equivalents would be the 4th April A.D. 1261, the 23rd April A.D. 1962, and the 12th April A.D. 1263.
According to the inscription of Lantigaders treated of ander D. the holy Vachobha (Vate) brought about the creation of the CbAhumana family. And according to verse 19 of the Bijoli rock inscription of
dans (No. 164 of my Northern Lial) Samputa, the first Chabumana chlel, was born in the Yatua gótra at Ahlehchhatrapart
The original ha Bakambharindra. It will be seen below under D. that Lakshmana most probably had the oplibet Sahamilarl-mdpikya, the jowel of Bakambhart!' Mr, Ojha tells me that . ChAhamans even now will be drored Barbkarlndja, skambhart prince..
Le Mount Aba. With the expression Hinddri-bhava of the original name of the mountain Arboda compere Hinapata w in the unpublished Vasantgadh inscription of Varmalats; Hinagiri-tansyal ip Ry. Ind. Vol. L p. 234, v. 5) and Gaurioara foafura-baddhara-sa bhaca above, Vol. VIII. p. 210, 1. 17. The lord (or lorde) of Arbuds spoken of above probably belonged to the Paramars family treated of in the Vasantgadh insription of Parpapála, above, p. 10,

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. IX.
(or defeated) Sadha, a general of the Malava king Bhoja (i.e. the Paramira Bhôjadêva), and the Turushka.
(8.) His son Balaprasada (vv. 18 and 19; omitted in B.). He forced the king Bhima (Bhimadeva I.) to release from prison a king named Krishnadeva.- This Krishnadeva most probably is the Paramára Krishộaraja (the son of Dhandhukal and grandson of (P) Dovaraja), of whom we have two inscriptions at Bhinmal (Srimala), dated in A.D. 1060 and 1067 (Nos. 689 and 690 of my Northern List).
(9.) His brother Jinduraja (vv. 20 and 21; the Jendraraja of A. and B.). He fought victoriously at Bandera (the modern Sanderao in the Jodhpur State, south-west of Nadol).
(10.) His son Prithvipala (vv. 22 and 23 ; omitted in B.). He defeated an army of the Gürjara king Karņa, i.e. Bhimadêva's son and successor Karna Trailokyamalla.
(11.) His brother Yojaka (vv. 24 and 25; the Jojalla of A., omitted in B.). He by force occupied Anahillapura (Apahilapataka).
(12.) His brother Åsärája (vv. 26-30; in B. described as the son of Jendraraja). He pleased Siddhadhiraja, 1.6. Karna's son and successor Jayasimha Siddharaja, by the assistance which he rendered to him in the country of Målava, but afterwards apparently was on hostile terms with him.
With the account of Afårája ends that part of the inscription which is on the first stone. The part on the second stone (after & symbol for ôn) begins, as if it were an independent inscription, with a verse (v. 31) praying for the blessing of Sambhu (Śiva), the crest of the Sugandhådri," 1.e. the mountain Sugandha, which clearly is the Sundhå Hill where the inscription was found. The author then continues the genealogy by stating that A fårája's son WAS -
(13.) Åhl&dana (vv. 32 and 33; the Alhaņadêva of A. and B.). His assistance was sought by the Gurjara king, and his army put down disturbances in the mountainous part of Suråshtra (qirau Saurdshfré). He built a Siva temple at Naddula.- We have seen above that the two inscriptions A. and B., which are of this chief's reign, are dated in A.D. 1161 and 1160. Before that time, he is mentioned (together with his son Kelhaņa), apparently as a feudatory of the Chaulukya Kumarapala, in the Kerada fragmentary inscription of Kumarapala's reign which is dated in A.D. 1153 (No. 133 of my Northern List).
(14) His son Kelbana (v. 34). He defeated the southern king Bhilima, and after destroying the Turushka erected & golden törana, like a diadem for the abode of the holy Someba.'- For the Mahardjadhiraja Kelhaņa I have given above, p. 68, note 1, a date in A.D. 1165. The southern king Bbilima, whom he is said to have defeated, must have been the Devagiri-Y &dava Bhillama, whose Gadag inscription is dated in A.D. 1191 (No. 334 of my Southern List).
(15.) His brother Kirtipala (vv. 35 and 36). He defeated a Kirátakota chief named Åsala, and at Kåsa hrada routed an army of the Turushka. As ruler of the kingdom of Naddala he took up his residence at Jâvâlipura.- Of the places here mentioned Kirktakata is Kerådn, according to Bhavnagar Inscr. p. 172,8 small village near Hathamo under Badamers! (Bårmer) in the Jodhpur State. Jávalipura, to which Kirtipäla transferred his residence, is the
He apparently in the Paraméra Dhandha, who according to an inscription at Vimala's temple on Mount Abd which will be mentioned below, p. 81, transferred bis allegiance from Bhimadeva I to king Bhoja, the lord of Dhard (i.. Bhojaddys of Malava).
! I understand this epithet to mean that there was a temple of sive on the mountain Sugandha.
In line 5 of the inscription given there the name appears as Kirdtakupa. According to the Rdjputdua: Gazetteer, Vol. II. p. 265, Kherdru' is about 20 miles west of Barmer.

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THE CHAHAMANAS OF NADDULA.
town of Jalor in the same State. A place named Kåsahrada has been identified by the late Prof. Bühler with Kasandra or Kåsandhra, & village with about 400 inhabitants on the road from Dholka to Palitâna, in Long. 72° 11', Lat. 22° 19'; but the Kåsahrada of this inscription may be a different place nearer Nadol.- According to verse 41 Kirtipâla's daughter Rûdaladevi built two temples of Siva at Jávalipura.
(16.) His son Samarasimha (vv. 37-40). He built extensive ramparts on the Kanakachals (or gold hill ') and founded the town of Samarapura.- This town I am unable to identify. Kanakúchala according to Mr. Ojha is the name of the fort of J&lor which, he informs me, is locally known as 'Sonalgarh,' and the Sauvarna-giri of Javalipars I find actually mentioned in an inscription on Mount AbQ. In an inscription of the Vikrams] year 1221, from which Mr. Ojha has sent me a quotation, it is called Kanchana-gadha.- Samarasimha clearly is the Chahu[mána")-rána[ka]: Samarasiha, whose daughter Liladevi was the (or a) queen of the Chaulukya Bhimadeva II.
(17.) His son Udayasimha (vv. 42-46). According to the proge passage in lines 35 and 36 he ruled 'the glorious Naddule, the glorious Jåvälipura, Måndavyapura, Vågbbatamēru, Sûrâchanda, Râțahrada, Khêda, Ramasainya, Srimâla, Ratnapura, Satyapura, and other places. With the exception of Måndavyapura and Råtahrads the places here enumerated are easily found on the map of the Rajputâna Agency in Marwar) under the names Nádol, Jálor, Barmer, Suráchand, Kher (between Tilwára and Balotra), Rámgen, Bhínmál, Ratanpura and Sánchor. Måndavyapura is Mandor, according to the Rajputana Gazetteer three miles from Jodhpur; Râtahrada I cannot identify.- Udayasimha's queen was Prahladangdôvi, who bore to him two sons, Cháchigadêva and Chåmundarêja. Regarding his exploits, the inscription states in a general way that he curbed the pride of the Turushka, was not to be conquered by the Gurjars kings, and put an end to the Sindhu king. He was a scholar conversant with the great works of Bharata and others, and built two Siva temples at Jåvälipura.- Udayasimha clearly is identical with the Maharajudhiraja Udayasiṁhadeva of whose reign we have three inscriptions at Bhinmal (Nos. 697-699 of my Northern List) dated in the (Vikrama) years 1262, 1274 and 1305, corresponding to about A.D. 1205, A.D. 1218, and about A.D. 1248 ; and also with the Maharajakula Udayasim hadeva, for whom I have given a date, falling in A.D. 1249, in Ind. Ant. Vol. XIX. p. 175, No. 115. He was succeeded by
(18.) his sons Chichigadêvs (vv. 47-57). He in verse 50 is described as "destroying the roaring Gørjara lord Virama, hating the enemy Salya, taking exquisite delight in felling the shaking (or leaping) Patuka, depriving of his colour Sange, and a thunderbolt to the mountainthe furious Nahara.' As will be seen from this translation, the words falya, patuka and sanga of the original must in my opinion, like virama and nahara, be taken as proper names; but of the five persons enumerated I can identify only the first. Being described as Gurjara lord, Virama appears clearly to be the Vaghela Viramadeva, the son of Vfradhavala and elder brother of Visaladdva, who is reported to have been the son-in-law of Udayasimha of J&valipura,' and
1 See his paper on the Sukritasankirtana of Arisimba, p. 26. For another identifortion of Kasuhrada see above, Vol. VIII. p. 206, note 2.
For a description of this fort which is about 800 yards in length by 400 in width, and crowns rocky bill of so altitude of 1,200 feet above the surrounding plain, see the Bdjputna Gasatteor, Vol. IL p. 260.
+ Line 98 of No. 1722 of Mr. Consens' List. . See the plates of Bhimadera IL. (of A.D. 1206) in Ind. Ant. Vol. VI. p. 195, Plate ii. lioel.
I.e. apparently the Bharatlya-udtyasdetra.
Udayasimha's other son Chamondarijs is not further mentioned in the inscription. He may be the Chamondarijs whose name ocuri under No. 708 of my Northors List
1 Salys probably is a proper Dame, denoting an enemy of Lavan prakda slao in Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 37, versa 19.-In our inscription the name may be Satrufalys; compare Prof. Eggeling's Catalogue, p. 1510.
* See Ind. Ant. Vol. VI. p. 190. Compare also the Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. I. Part I. p. 203, where Jabalipura bas been taken to be Jabalpur.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. IX.
would therefore have been the own brother-in-law of Chichigadêva. - The following verses treat of the same chief's works of piety. At Srimala he remitted certain taxes, and at Ramasainya he granted funds for the worship of the god) Vigrahaditya, and placed a golden capola (kumbha) and a flag-staff (dhvaja) on the temple of the god) Aparajitesa to whom at the same time he gave & silver girdle (mékhald). For the same temple he provided a hall (fald) with a car (ratha) richly decked with precious stones. Châchigadêva visited the Sugandhadri, worshipped there the goddess Ch&munda, known by the name Agbatêsvari, and at her temple established & mandapa which was consecrated by the Brahmaps on the akshaya-tritiya of the month Vaisakhs of the (Vikrama) year 1319.
I have already stated that the inscription thus for the reign of Chachigadêva yields a date in about A.D. 1262. Two other dates, of the [Vikrama] years 1333 and 1334, falling in about A.D. 1276 and 1277, are furnished for him by the two Bhinmal inscriptions Nos. 702 and 703 of my Northern List, where he is described as the Maharajakula Cháchiga or Chachigadêva.
I may add that Châchigadeva is mentioned, under the name Chacha, in line 8 of the Jodhpur inscription of Rûpådévi, published by me above, Vol. IV. p. 312 ff. In my text of that inscription I have given the name as Cháva, and a renewed examination of the impressions enables me to affirm that either this is the actual reading, or that at any rate the name would be so read in the impressions by any one not acquainted with what we have learnt now from the Sundhs Hill inscription. Knowing what I do now, I have no doubt that the intended reading is Chacha. This Chacha is called a Chåhumana in Rûpådêvi's inscription and described as the son of Udayasimhal and grandson of Samarasimha, which exactly fits our Chichigadêva. The inscription supplies the additional information that Chácha's wife was Lakshmidevi, and that this lady bore to him Rapadevi, who became the wife of a king Tējasimha (to whom she bore a son named Kshetrasimha) and founded a well or tank in A.D. 1284, in the reign of the Mahardjakula Samyantasim hadeva.
TEXT.
First Stone. 1 ll Om || svētâmbhoj-atapatram kim=u Giri-duhituh Svastatinya gavakshaḥ kim
Vå sankhy-âsanam va mahimamukhamshåsidd hidevi-ganasya trailokyanandahêtoh kim=uditam=anaghar slå ghya-nakshatram=uchchaih Sambhor=bhálasthal
@mduḥ sukritikfita2 nutih påtu v rájya-lakshmim || 1 Teasy-&nk-&vanir-&nupamanamdasamdôha-mula
chamchadvasorchaladalamayi bhUshaņa-praudhapushy&(shpå) sallåvanyôdayasuphalini Parvvatîprêma-vallt lakshmim pushpâty= ana-dinam-ativyakta-bhaktys
Datânam || 2 Vikstamukuta-madyattêja3 sa vyomni daity&n=iva bhuvi maņimayya mêkhalayaḥ kvaņēna | Ananurayita
Bildhamsakaisatrásayanti p hanipatibhuvan-Am tag=Chamika vah kriyê-stu || 3 8śrimad-Vatsamaharshi-harshanayanddbh atât vu(ba)paraprabha-purvvorvvid hars.
maulimukh yasikharalamkara-tigmadyutih prithvim trátu. 4 muspasta daityatimirah ert-Chhamânaḥ pura virah k shirasamudrasődara
yasorasiprak&f=bhayat || 4 10 Ratn-êvalyám-iva npipa-tatan tat-kramo visrutâyán
1 The proper relation to Udayasinha of the Manavasimhs who is mentioned in my account of Rapadert's inscription, above, Vol. IV. p. 818, will be given below, under D.
• So the name is spelt in the inscription. The published texts of the inscriptions Nos. 704, 706 and 707 (of A.D. 1282, 1286 and 1289) of my Northern List have 8d meatasindaddva.
From rubbing applied to me by Mr. Gaurishankar Hirachand Ojha. • Denated by a symbol
Metro: Sragdhari.
Metre: MandAkrinta 1 Metre : MAlint.
Metre : Sardilavikridits. • Originally prabhd ww engraved, but the sign for d has been struck out. 10 Metre of rerie 5 and 6: MandAkrinta

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THE CHAHAMANAS OF NADDULA.
75
dharmmasthânaprakarakarana-pråptapunyotsavâyám Sri-Naddul-Adhipatir-abhaval
Lakshmano nama 5 raja Lakshmililásadanasadpisåkára- Śåkambhar-Imdraḥ 15 À pâtálåt-samars
jaladhim Mandarê yasya khadgð mushti-vyájád=bhujagapatiná śşimkhalên= âvava(ba)adhah | nirmmathy=ôchchaiḥ sapadi Kamalåm lilay=8ddhřittya(tya)
mattag-chakre nrittam ranita-katakaḥ kólikan6 pa-chchhalêna || 6 Tasmad-Dhimadribhavanatha-yagopahåri Sri-Sobhitô-jani
nripô=sya tanûdbhavõetha gân bhîryadhairya-sadanam Va(ba)lirajadêvo yo Mumjaraja-va(ba)la-bhamgam-achikaratutam || 7
Samrajy-&sakarêpum ripunpipatigaja-stômam=akramya jahre yat-khadg8 gar7 dhahasti samararasa-bhare Vindhyaśailâyamane muktakaktimdukámt
öjjvalaruchishu lasatkirtti-Rêvâtaţêshu praadhanandopachår-olvanapulakatatiḥ pushkaråpåm chchhalêna: 11 8 "Tatpitfivyajatay=&tha vam(bâṁ)dhavaḥ
sri-Mahimdur-ajanishta bhûpatiḥ yat-krip&pa8 latikâm-upêyushậm chchh&yayê virshitam mukhaṁ dvisham | 9 Jajñas
kamtas-tad=anu cha bhuvas-tat-tantijo-gvapalah kalah krûrê dvishi sucharitê púrộnachamdriyamåņaḥ yah samlagno na khalu tamasa n=aiva
dôshâkar-&tma tôjd-muktah kvachid-api na yaḥ kimcha mitr-o 9 dayéshu || 10 7 KeyGrágranivishtaratnanikara-prodyatprabhádamva(ba)ra-vyaktam
sagararamga-matdapatalAyam vairi-lakshmih brita viroshu prasriteshu têshu rajas& nítéshu d urllakshyatâm lavdh8(bdhá)pâyaya(ba)l=&pi
nirmmala-guņair=vasyå praçasy-Akritiḥ || 11 Pu10 tras-tasy=Âhil& iti nfipag-tanmayâsha (kha)-chchhalens srashta yasya vyadhita
yasasam tējasam tolanamh nu Gamgåtöle sasi-tapanayôr-dambhatag= charachêlé madhyasthåyidhruvamisha-lasatkamtaka kautukona 11 12 "Gürjaradhipatt
Bhima-bhübhujaḥ sainya-param=&11 jayad-ranêshu yaḥ [1] Sarbhuvat-Tripura-sambhavam va(ba)lar vậdavos
pala iv-Arhyu(bu) dhêrjalan || 13 10Sainyákramt-Akhilsvasumatimandalas-tatpitsivyaḥ srimån råj=&bhavad-atha jit-ârâtimallo=nahillah | Bhima-kshônipati
gajaghata yona bhagna ran-&grð hșidyarth-amh bhoni12 dhi-Raghu-krité ch=éha pamktiḥ khalanan || 14 Ambhojánil mukhány-aho
mrigadpisar chandr-Odayanath mudo Lakshmir-yatra naróttamanusarapavy¶pårangama | yânâni prasabham śubhâni sikhari-śrên=iva gapyadguru-stôm 19
yasya nardivarasys tulanåt sôn=am. 13 vu(bu)råser=dadhau || 15 Urvviruţ13 vitapävalamva(ba)-sugrihiharmyêshu datvals
dřiśam dhyat-atyamtamandharåkpitinijapråsådavåtâyana) | bhûsphôtâni vanámtarëshu
vitatâny-klokya hêhêti-vak sasmar=&tapavårankni satako yad-vairirajavraja14 \ || 16 Drishtah kair-na Chaturbhajaḥ sa samaré Sakambharim 78
va(ba)láj-jagråh=&nu jaghAna Malave-patêr-Bhôjaays Badh-ahvayam damd-adhisam spåra-sainyavibhavam tivram Turushkam che yah sakshad Vishộur=aså[dha]niya-yasaså épingåritê yêna bhūh || 17 Jajñals bhabhfit-tad-a
odbara.
1 Metre : Vasantatilaka.
2 Metre : Sragdhard.
* Read chhaldna. • Metre: Rathôddhata.
Read chhdyayd.
• Metre: MandAkranta. 1 Metre : Sardalavikridita. • Metre : MandAkranth.-I am unable to explain this verse. See above, p. 70. • Metre : Rsthôddhata.
10 Metre: MandAkrinta 11 Metre of verses 15-17: Sárdalsvikridita. 13 The exact meaning of the word gupyadguru is unknown to me; it occun again in verses 26 and 27. See
above, p. 71.
# Read urtofruddi
Read dattoa.
15 Metre: Mandákranta.
L 2

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(VOL. IX.
15 na tanayas-tasya (bk)laprasad Bhima-kshmåbhrich-charaṇayngalimarddana
vydjatổ yaḥ kurvan pidam-ativa(ba)lataya mochayamasa kårågåråde bhůmipatim=api tatha Krishnadev-abhidhanam 11 18 Srikaryol jalada-bhramam
dadhur-aho sainy@=sya sê16 vårasåyåtarta-pratimo samujvala-pata: våså maråla-sriyam kampam våyu
Vasena keta-nivaha 6a(sa)sy-&nukaram cha tas samgit&picha kôkildravatulan chitte tu tâpam dvishah || 19 Srimâms=tasy=&jani narapatira
våm (båm)dhavo Jimdurajô yab Samqêre 17 srka iva timiram vairi-vrimdam vi(bi)bhêda yasya iyotih-prakaram-abhito
vidvishah kausik-abhå drashtu faktá na higiriguhâ-madhyam-adhyåsrit&s= tat 11 20 Gachchhamtinam ripa-mrigadřisam bhushaņånam prapåte åshp
Agårair-ghanatati-tulan vi(bi) bhratinám=aranye | darvvå18 bhramtim marakatamapi- Srênayo yat-prayând tâmva(b)liya-bhramam-iva chiram
chakriré padmaragah || 21 Prithvim pålayitum pavitramatiman yah karshukånám? karam manchan pr&pa yagâmsi kumda-dhavalany=&nam dahřidy.
Ananaḥ | Prithvipala iti dhruvam kshiti19 patis=tasy=&mgajanm=&bhavat=pratyakshôrunidhiḥ sa Gurjara-patêḥ Karņņasya
sainy-apahaḥ || 22 Yat-sênå kila kåmadhônu-sadçisi kirttim sra(sra) vamti payaḥ, svachchhamdam sacharachare=pi bhuvane Satrans-triņikarvati
dharmam vatsam=iva svakiyam-anaghat vriddhi nayanti 20 muda kasy-Anarda-kari ya(ba) bhůva na bhuvõ=bhishtam samåtanvati || 23 Sri
Yôjako bhüpatir=88ya vam(bam) dhur-vivēkasaudha-prava(ba) lapratápah | svetatapatråņa virájamânaḥ sakty-Anahillákhyapure-pi rême ! 24 Tyaktv&10
saudham-udara-kelivipinan krid-&21 chald dirghikåm palyamk-asrayapan karêņushu mudam sthanam samamtid-api
yasy=&rikshitipala-va(ba)lalalanah dailė vand nirjhare sthalagráva-firassu samsmritim=
agaḥ purvopabhukta-briyan || 25 n1$ri-Asiraja-nâmå samajani vasudha-nøyakasta22 sya vam(bandhuh såhâyyam Mâlav&nám bhuvi yadasi-kritarvikshya
Siddhadhirajah tashto dhatte sma kumbham kanakamayam-ahỏ yasya gupyadguru-sthań tan hartu n=aiva saktaḥ kalushita-hridayaḥ séshabh ûpåla
vâgbhi !| 26 18 Udayagirigirah-stham kim sahasråmsu-viņvan 18 23 vitata-visadakirttêr-mürddhni kimnu pratapah u pari subhagatåyå udgata
mamjari kim kanaka-kalala abhad=yagya gupyadgara-sthaḥ || 27 KanakaruchiSarirah failasår-Abhirâmaḥ phanipati-mahaniyasy=&vatárab 68 Vishņôh !
ka (sa)lilanidhi-sa24 tåyå mandiré skamdha-décè dadhad-avanim=udåråm-agrimaḥ punya-mûrttiḥ || 28
14 Sattrågåra-tadaga-kanana-Harapråsåda-vápi-prapå-kûp-&dini vinirmmame dvijajanAnandi kshami-mamdald dharmmasthậna-satáni yah kila vu(bu)dha-srênishu
Metre: śårddlavikriạita. - Originally frikiryo w engraved, but this has clearly been altered to frkaryo. The word oocun again in verne 59. See above, p.70.
Read samujjoala. • Here a sign of punctuation was engraved, but has been struck out. • Metre of verses 20 and 21: Mandekranta. • The sign of avagraha is engraved at the end of the preceding line. • Metre of verses 22 and 23: Serdülavikrlạita. 7 Read karshnkanam (for the ordinary karshakdnán).
• This word is quite clour in the rubbing, but I am not sure that it is correct. Perhaps the intended reading may be pratyakshdambuwidhin. • Metre : Upajati.
20 Metre : Sardalsvikridita. 11 Metre: Sragdhara. 11 Metre of vernes 27 and 28: MAlint.
* Read sahasrambu-bimban. Metre of versea 29 and 30: Sardalavikridita.

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THE CHAHAMANAS OF NADDULA.
25 kalpadrumaḥ kas-tasy=erindutashậrasaila-dhavalam stôtum yalab kòvida) || 29
Švêtány-êva yagasi tamgaturaga-stôma) si(si)taḥ subhruvam chamchanmauktika. bhushanani dhavalâny=uchohaiḥsamagrány=api prêmalapa-bhavam smitar
cha visadam fubhra26 pi vastrankasåm vrimdân=îti nsipasya yasya pritang Kailasa-lakshmin frità 11 30
Prasastir-iyad Vri(bri)hadgachchhiya-sri-Jayamangal&charya-kritiḥ | BhishagVijayapâla-putra-Nậmvasimhêna likhitê Sûtra-Jisapála-putra-Jisara viņå utkir på 11
Second Stone. 27 ! Om | Jata-måle Gamgåprava(ba)lalaharipurakuhang-samunmilachchhatraprakara
iva namrêshu mripatåm pradátum fri-Sambhuḥ sakalabhuvan-Adhisvarataya taya vê déyadevaḥ śubham-iha Sugamdhädri-mukutaḥ 11 31 ÅsAr&ja-kshitipa
tanayah sri 28 mad-Âbládan-ahvô jajñê bhabhsid=bhavana-viditas-Chåhamanasya varselsri.
Naddûlê Sivabhavana-ksid-dharmmasarvasva-vêtta yat-såhåyyaṁ pratipadam-ahô Gürjjarêśag-chakanksha || 32 Chamchatketakachampaka-pravilasattalitamálåguru
sphärjjachchamda29 nanálikêrakadalidråkshamra-kamrê giran 1 Saurashtrê k ațilograkamtakabhid
atyaddâmakirttêsetada yasy-Abhad-abhimana-bhâsurataya sênichardnim ravaḥ ll 33
Srimâms-tasy-Angaja ihanripaḥ Kêlhano dakshinasidhis-damchad-Bhili30 ma-nçipatêr=mânahfit-sainyasimdhuḥ | nirbhidy=8chchaiḥ prava(ba)la-kalitań yas=
Turushka vyadhatta sri Somê aspadamukutavat-tôrapan kamchanasya || 34 "Bhrát=&sya prava(ba)lapratapa-nilayaḥ śrf-Kirttipalo-bhavad-bhi-nathah
pratipakshaparthivachamûdáv-årvu bu) våh-831 pamaḥ yat-khadgamyu(bu)nidhau hat-arikariņam kumbhasthalibhyah ksharan
muktånám nikarð mardla-lalitam dhatte sms dhår-Abrayah || 35 YO durddanta-Kirktakața-nfipatim bhittva sarair-Åsalam tasmin-Kásahradelo
Turushka-nikaramjitvå rapa-prångaņ8 1 bri-JÄváli32 pure sthiti vyarachayan-Naddûlaråjy-egyarag-chirtâratna-nibhab samagra
vidushåm nihsimasainy-adhipa) 36 Sri-Samarasimhadêvas-tat-tanayaḥ kshoạimamdal-Adhipatiḥ | Indra iva viva (bu) dhahřiday-ånamdi purushottam
Harivat || 37 Prákårah Kanak33 chalê virachito yên=éha puny-ktmana nangyamtramandjña-koshta(shtha)katatir
vidyadharibirshavân [1] kim Seshaḥ phaņavsim damêdura-tanur-vakshausthalê và khuyô hình kim bhramage-Samodeuận-galah kim voBisha bhaj6
sthitim || 38 13Kamala-vanam-iv-edam vaprasirshali-dam34 bhån=pik hilavipuladosasri-samAkarshanaya I likhitavigadavimdusrõnivan=mattavairi.
kshitipativiphalajistoma-Bank hyánimittam || 39 Tolay&måsal yaḥ svar pair=&tmånam
Bôma-parvapi Arama-ramyam Samarapuram yaḥ kritavån-atha || 40 35 Śr-Kirttipalabhupati-putri J&valipuravarê chakre 1 Sri-Radaladevi Bivamardira.
yugala pavitra-matih || 41 Sri-Samarasimhadovasya namdanaḥ prava(ba)
11.c. odtradhdra-; compare the same abbreviation eg. in Ind. Ant. Vol. XI. p. 243, I. 27, and above, Vol. III. p. 804, 1. 5. - Read 6° * Denoted by a symbol.
* Metre: śikhariņt. Road chchhattraprakara. Metre : MandAkránt.
* Metre : Sardalsvikrạita. • Metre: Mandákrant.
Metre of verses 86 and 86: Gardalavikridita. 10 Here the a of the second syllable is (before hr) treated a short vowel; see Ind. Studies, Vol. VIII. P. 226. u Vetre: Aryl.
12 Metre : Sardalsvikridita. u Metre: Malint.
Metro : $16ks (Anushtabh). w Metre of versen 41 and 42: Arya (pathyd and ddi-cipuld).

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. IX. lasaurya-ramaniyah Sri-Udayasimha-bha patir-abhût-prabha-bhâsvad-upamânaḥ! || 42 ŚriNaddû
36 la-sriJ&vâlipura-Mâmdavyapura-Vâgbhataméru-8ürichamda-Bâţa h ra da-Khô da. Ramasainya-Srimala-Ratnapura-Satya pura-prabhriti-dêéânâm-ayam-adhipatiḥ || 43 Sêshaḥ stôtam-iva prarûḍha-rasanabharaḥ samamtâd-abhat kshiravdhi(bdhi)ḥ pariravdhu (bdhu)m-uddhura-bhu
37 jaḥ kallôlamâlâ-mishât drashtam ch-ânimish-âkshipaṁkajavano Vâstôḥpatir=" yasya tâm visvasri-hridayasya hâralatikâm kirttim sitâmś-ûjvalâm || 44 75riPralhâ(hla)danadevi râjni yasy-âmgajam prasûtô ama | śrî-Châchigadev. ahvam tath-aiva Châmumḍarâj-âkhyam || 458
38 Dhirôdâttas-Turushkadhipa-madadalanô Gurjaremdrair-ajêyaḥ sêvâyâtakshitis
ôchitakarana-patuḥ Simdhuraj-âmtako yaḥ prôddâmanyaya-hêtur-Bharatamukhamahagramtha-tatvarthavêttalo srimaj-Jâvâli-samjñêll puri Sivasadanadvaṁdvakartta kritajñaḥ || 46
39 Taipaṭṭdayaisila-bhinnr-anaghspröddāmadharmakriyi-niahoiab kamanlyardpa-nilayd dân-êsvaraḥ suprabhuḥ saumyaḥ sûra-siromanis-cha sadayaḥ sâkshâd=iv= Emdraḥ svayam śrîmân13 Chachigadeva va jayati pratyaksha-kalpadrumah || 47 Bhrabhaṁgêna
40 bhayamkarena vijita-pratyarthibhumipatiḥ śrîmân13 Chachigadeva êva tanutê nirvighna-vrittim bhuvam dvaijihvyam vidadhâtu pannaga-patir-vakram kurmo nakra-tatim karimdra-nivahaḥ samghâta-sausthyam param || 48 Mêrôḥ sthairyam vachana-rachanam Vâ
varåhò mukham
41 kpatêr-yasya tulyaml5 prithvibhar-ôddharanam-asamaṁ pannagemdr-Anushamgi |
sakshad-Ramaḥ kim-ayam-athava purppa-piyakha(sha)rasmis-chimtâratnam pranayini janê dêva êv-aisha tasmåt 1 49 16Sphârjad-Virama-Gurjaresa-dalano yaḥ satru-Salyam dvishams-chamchat-Pâtu
42 ka-pâtanaikarasikaḥ Samgasya ramg-âpahab | 17anmådyan-Nahar-Achalasya kulisAkaras-trilokitala-bhrámyatkirttir-aśêshavairidahanôdagrapratap-ôlvanah | 50 Srimâle dvijajânuvâțikakara-tyagi tatha Vigrahadityasy-a
43 pi cha Ramasainya-nagarê nityârchchan-Arthapradaḥ próttumge-py-Aparajitabhavane sauvarṇanakumbhadhvaj-âropi rûpyajamêkhala-vitarapas-tasy-aiva devasya yah || 51 Chakrê sri-Aparajitêsa-bhavanê sâlâ tath-asyâm rathaḥ Kaila44 sa-pratimas-trilôkakamalalamkara-ratnôchchayah yêna kshôpi-puramdarêpa kritinâm= Anamda-samvittayê bhagyam và nijam-êva parvata-tulâm nîtam samamtâd-api || 52 Karppo dâna-ruchir-Va(ba)lis-cha sukriti slaghyd Dadhichis-tatha hṛidyaḥ ka45 lpataruḥ prakamamadhur-åkåras-cha chintamaniḥ śrimach-Chachigadeva-danamuditas-tan-nama grihna (hpa)mti yat-tat-kirttêr-api nâtanatvam=abhavad=
1 The meaning intended apparently is by his splendour like the sun' (prabhayd bhdevad-upamah). The prose passage which here begins is counted as a verse in the original. Metre: Ardülavikriḍita. Read Vástósh patira. Here a sign of punctuation was engraved, but has been struck out again. Read sitdms-djjvaldm. 1 Metre: Arya.
The numeral 5 is engraved at the commencement of the next line.
Metre: Sragdhara.
11 Originally-samjić or -samjnd was engraved.
13 Read frimams-Chd.
10 Bead-tattvartha".
13 Metre of verses 47 and 48: Sárdülavikridita.
14 Metre: Mandåkranta.
Here a sign of punctuation was engraved, but has been struck out again.
18 Metre of verses 50-54: Sardalavikridita.
17 Here originally a full stop was engraved.
18 The letter i of vatika has perhaps been struck out; the exact sense of dvijajdsuvdțika is not clear to me.

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No. 9.]
THE CHAHAMANAS OF NADDULA.
79
bhūmibhujam Radmasu || 53 Sphärjjannirjhara-jhamkritênal subhagat tat
këtakinam vanan misribh tam=aneka46 kamrakadall-vrimdëna dhatto stra yah | Amråņam vipina cha devalalan vaksh.
raha-sparddhay=&v=ôdyatpraudhaphalåvali-kavachitam jamva(ba) vanên-Amchitam ||
54 Marau? Mêrôs tulyas=tridasalalana-kêlisadanam Sugamdhidrir-nânåtaruni47 karagannahs-subhagah I nripên=Endrên=éva praarimaraturamgôchchayakhura
prakam prorvvipitha 'ratirasa-vasât=têns dadrid || 55 Tan-murddhni tridasêrdrapujita-padâmbhôjadvay&m dôvatâm Châmumdám=Aghatkevareiti viditâm=
abhyarchchitâm půrvvajaiņi 48 natv-Abhyarchchya narêsvarð=tha vidadhê=syå mandird mandapam kridatkim
narakinnarikalarav-Onmådyanmayûrikulam || 56 Samvat 1919 [") Trayodasasataikonavimsatau masi Madhavê chakre skshaya tritiyay&m pratishthå
mamdapê dvijaiḥ || 57 49 Sampal-lábhar ghatayatu fubham kumbhi-vaktra Ganbesh middhin deyada
abhimatatamam Chamạiká châru-mürttiḥ | kalyanâys prabhavata satâm dhënu. Varggah prithivyån râjâ rajyam bhajata vipalam svasti dêva-dvijêbhya) || 58
Ss6 srikarisaptakavådi-De50 vacharyasya sishyô sjani Ramachandraḥ 1 shrir-vineyo Jayamangalo Says
prajastim=ôtám sukriti vyadhatta 11 59 Bhishagvara-Vijayapåla-putrêņa Námvasihêna? likhita 11 Satradhára-Jisapala-putrèņa Jibaraviņ=ôtkirppå Il D.-MOUNT ÅBÛ INSCRIPTION OF LUNTIGADEVA;
[VIKRAMA-SAMVAT 1877. This inscription is on a stone which is built into the wall outside the porch of the Achalegvara temple on Mount Åbů. A translation of it was given, about eighty years ago, by H. H. Wilson in Asiatic Researches, Vol. XVI. p. 285 ff. My account of its contents is based on impressions kindly sent to me by Prof. Hultzsch, who had received them from Mr. Consens. I mainly treat of the inscription here in order to give the true names of the chiefs who are mentioned in it, and to show the connection of these chiefs with those of the preceding inscriptions. The published translation long ago led me to suspect that this record also belonged to the Chhamåna family of Naddula ; I am able to prove now that such is really the case.
The stone contains 32 lines of writing which covers & space of about 1' 11" broad by 1' 4" high. Portions of the first ten, and the last three lines and some of the final letters of nearly all lines are entirely gone or defaced. The characters are Någari, and the language is somewhat incorrect Sanskrit. Up to nearly the end of line 29 there are 36 verses, forming a prasasti which was composed by a certain Mahid hara ;10 the rest seems to be all in prose.
After three verses, for the greater part illegible, in which the blessing of certain divine beings is invoked, the author proposes to celebrate repairs made at the Achaldsvara temple, and to give the lineage of the person who made them. He then (in verses 6-10) records that, when the solar and lunar races had come to an end, the holy Vachohha (i.e. Vatsa) brought about the creation of a new race of warriors, the OhAhumanall race, and that in it there was a personage named Sindhurája, who conquered all other families.
Pobo.
1 Originally jhamkritena was engraved.
Metre : Sikhariņi. • Metre : Sard dlavikridita. Metre: śloka (Anushtubb). Metre : MandAkrata. • Metre : Upajati.-Here, as in verse 19, frikirt was originally engraved. * Read sinhdna, as in line 26.
8 See my Northern List, No. 256. • In Mr. Counens Lint the inscription is No. 1944. 10 The original has Mahddharya. 11 lbe name is not preserved here, but the family is called Chahumdndnvaya in verse 17.
13 The original has Sidhundjal in the Translation the name is Sindhu putra. The name Sindharijs does not occur elsewhere in the Chahamans family. I suspect it to have been wrongly given here by the author instea 1 of Simbarêja.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. IX.
Then there came Lakshmana, who by his irresistible valour acquired part of the earth. In the mutilated verse 12, which together with verse 11 treats of this chief, the word Naddela is distinctly legible, as well as Sakambhari; and it is certain that Lakshmana is described in the verge as king of Naddala, and highly probable that he is spoken of as såkambharimanikya, the jewel of SAkambhari." After him, verse 13 mentions his son' Baliraja,' and Baliraja's 'son,' whose name I read as Sohi, regarding this to be another form of the name Sôhiya (Sobhita, Sobhita) of the preceding inscriptions. According to the latter, Sohiya was Lakshmana's son, and his son again was Baliraja; the author of the present inscription has erroneously transposed the two names. Verses 14-18 then enumerate Mahindu, Jinduraja, Asaraja, Ålhaņa, Kirtipala and Samarasimha. From what we know already from the other inscriptions, this is the line, from father to son, of the Chåhaminas of Naddala from Mahindu to Samarasimha, exoept that, between Mahindu and Jindurkja, Anahilla, the son of the former and father of the latter, has been omitted. So far our inscription tells us nothing of importance that is new.
Samarasimhs, according to verse 19, had two sons, of whom the one called Udayasimha, who also is already known to us from the inscription C., succeeded him in the government. Udayasinhha's elder brother was Manavasimha (v. 20); his son was Pratápa (v. 21), and his son Vijada, also named Dabbeyandana? (v. 22).. This chief married Nimalladevi (v. 23), who bore to him four sons-Lavanyakarna, Lundha Lakshmana, and Lüņavarman (v. 24), of whom the eldest became the ruling chief. When Lavanyakarna died, he was succeeded by the next brother, whose name in verse 26 is clearly Lunţigadêve, in verse 28 Lunţiga, in verse 30 Lundhagara, and in the prose passage in line 29 Lûntågara. Luntiga conquered and ruled all countries,' particularly Chandravati and the divine territory of Arbuda (Arbuda-divyadéban, v. 27). On the mountain Arbuda he set up images of himself and his queen, and carried out repairs at the temple of Achalgvara. As a grant to the temple, he moreover gave the village of Hethufiji! (v. 38) for the perpetual worship of the god.
From the prose passage whith follows, and which is more or less illegible, we learn that in the year 1977, on Monday, the 8th of the bright half of Vaisakha, in the Kshaya-samvatsara, Lantiga, described as the Maharajakula, the glorious Lüntågara, resided at [Vû P]hundha which belonged to Chandravati, 10 This date regularly corresponds, for the expired Karttikadi
1 The Translation, after Lakshmana, mentions the bero, named Manikys, whose distinguished capital was śAkarbhart," but this is erroneone.
· The Translation has Adhiraja instead.
• The second half of the verse, part of which is very indistinct, in my opinion is: Solf-sanjia[reta]16 varhad f6but bhanaw hi tat-suta[]. The name 86hi occurs above, Vol. VIII. p. 220, 1. 13.
The original actually bae Mahidu. ' The Translation bai Sindhuriji, Kulaviverddhapa, Prabhurias Baja (derived from the actual reading prabhur Asaraja), Dandana (for Albana), Kirtipals and Samarinha.
According to the Translation Minavusimha was Udayasimha's son; but this is mistake. The original text, after mentioning Udayasimhs, clearly has : yo vai paro dána-gunairagarishtasatasyadgrajó Ménavasindaadmd.
1Le. Dasaratha. The original text of verso 22 is: Tasyadtmajd Spe[r]oagun-ddhindea [4]A(of)d-Dafasyadang-ndma[dhd (dnd) Plya) [1] (ba).d(id)ra oljdni tu lado yyai-chatedri rdjydya Harbh prasddde
(1). I shall show below that the cbie here spoken of undoubtedly was named Pljada. The name Dabasyandans (Dasaratha) may have been given to him because, like Bama'. father Dabaratha, he, according to the account here given, had four sons. - Compare above, Vol. VIII. p. 215, v. 18.
• The reading of the first syllable of this name is not absolutely certain bere.
. Above, Vol. VIII. p. 222, lice 28, and in an unpublished Mount Ab inscription (No. 1794 of Yr. Consens' Liet) the name is spalt #haigh
The text bas samoat 1877 varald Vail]dkha-fudi 8 8md Kahaya-samvaleurd Sdyodha Chaindrdoalfpratica(ba)ddha-[V4?]wudha-saudedrita-wahardjakula-fr-Lodgard Chandravatt-prabhriti-
dish tatad . . . . .
t
iedea (4]A(old-Dasaryan
vabad(bhd)ra dljdnit Vlads
(1). I shall show belovu

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No. 9.]
THE CHAHAMANAS OF NADDULA.
81
Vikrama year 1877, to Monday, the 6th April A.D. 1821, when the 8th tithi of the bright half of Vaisakha ended 17 h. 18 m. after mean sunrise; the day did fall in the Jovian year Kshaya, which according to the northern mean-sign system lasted from the 30th May A.D. 1320 to the 26th May A.D. 1321.
Of the localities mentioned, in addition to the well-known Arbuda or Mount Åbû, Chandrivati according to the Rajputana Gazetteer, Vol. III. p. 126, is a large place (now in ruins) on the Bands river near the south-east border of the Sirohi State. There can be no doubt that it was taken by Lantiga from the Paramaras. Héthufijt is the small village of Hetamji' on Mount Abů. Vahundha- if this is really the name I am unable to identify.
On Mount Åbû there are at least two other inscriptions, 8 of no great extent and partly illegible, of the reign of Lantigadeva, described as the Mahardjakula, the glorious Landhaka or Landha(P). One is dated on Wednesday, the 8th of the dark half of Chaitra in the [Vikramal year 1372, corresponding, so far as I can see, to Wednesday, the 17th March A.D. 1816; the other on some specified day, which I cannot make oat with oertainty, in the (Vikrama] year 1373. And there is a third, partly effaced inscription, which also mentions the MahardjaJoula, the glorious Landbaka or Lapthaka, and speaks of the glorious Nimaladevi, who clearly is the N&malladevi of the present inscription, the mother of Lantigadeva. I am not at present prepared to give a fuller account of these three inscriptions.
But I may add here that another account of some of the later ChahamAnas is found in an inscription which is on & stone at a temple, the Vimala-basahikd, ordinarily but wrongly called Vimala Sah's or Shah's temple-- which was founded on Mount Aba, acoording to the inscription itself in the Vikrama year 1088,7 by & certain Vimala, 'an ornament of the Prigvåta race,' after he had been appointed dandapati at Arbuda by the (Chaulakys) king Bhimadeva (I.). This inscription in lines 9-15 (verses 14-22) gives the following rájdall':
There was a hero, Åsardja by name, a moon to the lotus-flower--the Ohahuvima family, who was king of the town of Nadolalo (v. 14). Then there came samarasimha; and his son was Mahanasimhabhata (v. 15). Then came Pratapamalla ; and of him was born Vliede, who ruled the Marusthall-mandals (v. 16). He had three sons, the first of whom was the king Luniga (v. 17). After him the text mentions Lundha (v. 18) and Lumbha (v. 19), without distinctly saying that they were his younger brothers. It then records the conquest of Arbuda (v. 20); says further that Laniga's son was Tejasinha (v. 21); and after him onlogizes Thupaka, to whom it wishes long life (v. 22).
The mutilated verse 23 appears to say that the glorious Lumbhaka, together with Tejasimha and Tihana, in right manner carried on the government of the mountain Arbuda ;
See my Northern List, Nos. 198, 209 and 210 (now above, Vol. VIIL p. 301). 1.See sboro, Vol. VIII. p. 207, and the Rajguidna Gaster, Vol. III. Pp. 187 and 146. • Nos. 1907 and 1909 of Mr. Cousons' List.
No. 1908 of Mr. Consens' List.
No. 1790 of Mr. Consens' List. I hope Hon' to give this text of this inscription, which is ready for padrontion.
Vimala sdhe seems to cooar frst in As. Rasi Vol. XVI. p. 811, note. It owe ita origin tomlander. standing of the term Vimala-pasalikd, Vimala's temple, which we find ag. in line 8 of No. 1774 of Mr. Consens' Li-I may add that in line 10 of the mme inscription we have the similar term Tijapdia-tarakid, Tijapala's templo.
*The date lo given in verse 11: Srl Vikramdditya-upipdd-oyatlu Salantiydt larades naabrlord) 1 fr Idindihan fikhard-rbudarya wiodai(Atas fr-imallna pasdi L.
• I givo all name bere exactly as they are written in the original
This may be swi-take for Chdhundna or Oudhwodpa
This is the actual spelling of the name, and is required by the metre. The wme may be sold of the name : faride, which occurs below.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. IX
and the rest of the inscription trents of a private family, two members of which made repairs of the temple. The date given in verse 41 is Monday, the 9th of the dark half of Jyoshtha of the [Vikrama) year 1878. It corresponds to Monday, the 10th May A.D. 1822.
As regards the genealogy given in this inscription, it is curious, but of no historical importanoe, that it commences with Asarajal (Åsarija, Å gårája), who was neither the founder of the family nor the father of Samarasimha who is here mentioned immediately after him. Instead of the name Manayasinha of Lantigadêya's inscription this account has Mahanasimhs which must be regarded as another name of the same person; and while according to the former Vijada had four sons, acoording to this genealogy he had only three--Laņigo, Lundhs and Lumbha. Of those, Lapiga undoubtedly is identical with the Lavanyakarna of the other inscription, and Landha with Lantiga (Landha), while Lumbha (Lambhaka) most probably is another name of Lanavarman. What is new to us and of some importance, is, that by the account here given Tejasimha, who is known to us from other inscriptions, was a son of Läpiga. According to No. 261 of my Northern List Tējasimhad was ruling in the (Vikrama) year 1987, corresponding to A.D. 1331; and there is an unpublished Mount Abû inscription of his of the (Vikrama) year 1393, corresponding to A.D. 1336. What was the exact relation of Tibunaka Thuns) to Tejasimha, does not appear from the Vimala temple inscription, but the matter very probably is cleared up by a statement in an inscription (No. 265 of my Northern List) of Tejasimha's son Kanbadadeva, who was reigning at Chandråvati in the Vikrama year 1394, corresponding to A.D. 1338. That inscription in lines 11-14 records four separate grants of villages by the Chahumánajfidtiya-raja-fri-Tējasitha, the dévadd-frf-Tihuņaka, the rája-sri
Anhadadeya, and the Chahumánajá(I)tiya-raja-fri-Samatasimba. Here Tihunáka is placed between Tējasimha and his son Kanhadadêva, who both are distinguished from him by their title of rajan. This and the order in which Tihuņáka is mentioned in the Vimala temple inscription render it probable that he was rejasimha's younger brother. And this may possibly be the meaning of the word ddvadd prefixed to his name, a word which seems to be etymologically connected with the Sanskrit deuri, deoara, used in the specific sense of a husband's younger brother."
In the Table on page 83 I have placed all the chiefs mentioned in the above in their genealogical order, and have given the dates known from inscriptions either for themselves or for the kings and chiefs with whom they are said to have come in contact. The Table will show that Lakshmana, the founder of the family, must be placed in about A.D. 925-950, and that there. foré ho very probably was a son of that VAkpatiršja of Bakambhari, who was the grandfather of the Vigraharajal of the Harsha inscription who lived in A.D. 973. My genealogical Table of the family is not quite complete. I do not know yet how to place exactly the Mahardjakula BAmvatasimha or 8&myantasidha, who is mentioned in Nos. 704-707 of my Northern List with dates from about A.D. 1282 to A.D. 1289, and if this should be a different chief - the Bdja 84matasimha, mentioned in Kanhada deva's inscription of A.D. 1338.
1. Te it wore not for the other insoriptions, this name might of course be taken to stand for Lioardja. • Compare Lanigadors for LaVanspraakda in No. 219 of my Northern List • In tbe original of No. 261 (N. 1940 of Mr. Coups' Liat) the name is spelt Tijaisha,
No. 1947 of Mr. Coupons' Liat.
No. 1919 of Mr. Cousens' Lint. The inscription has been roogbly edited in Ind. Ant. Vol. IL p. 250,
• In No. 1958 of Mr. Courens' List Doadd-oathifa is mentioned. According to Ind. Ant. Vol. IV. p. 140, the Sirohi obiettains,. . .though Chohans, are universally known by the name of their rabtribe, the Dovrh,
The foundation of the separate kingdom of Nadala wu perhap. Que Debod with the disturbance wbich preceded Vigrabarja's reiga.

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No. 9.]
THE CHAHAMANAS OF NADDULA.
83
Lakshmana of Naddula (son of VAkpatirsja of Bakambhari).
Edhiya (Sobhita, Vigrahapala. Sobhita, Söhi).
Baliraja.
Mahendra (Mahindu).
Asvapala
A pabilla.
Ahila.
BAlaprasada.
Jendraraja (Jindurája).
Prithivipala. Jojalla (Yojaka). Åsardja (Abartja).
Alhapa (Åbládana) ;8 m. Annalladevi.
A.D. 1168-1161. -
Keihana. A.D. 1165.
Gajaaimha.
Kirtipàla.lo
Samarasimha.
Radaladevi.11
Månavasimha (Mahapasimha).
Udayasimha; m. Prahladanadevi. Ellade vi ;11 m. A.D. 1906-1249. by Bhimadêya II.
(A.D. 1104-1288).
Pratapa.
Cháchiga (Chacha); m. Lakshmidevt. Chamundarája.
A.D. 1262-1277.
Vijada-Dalasyandana; m. Nåmalladevi. Rapadevi; m. by Tejasitha.19
A.D. 1284.
Lavanyakarpa (Lapiga). Luptiga" (Lundha). Lakahmapa. Lapavarman (Lumbha).
A.D. 1816-1891.
Tejasimha. TihanAka. A.D. 1881-1886.
At war with the Paraman Mafijardja (A.D. 974-98).
• Probably * contemporary of Dharala of Hatikundi (A.D. 907). Kanhadadêva.
At war with the Chaulukya Bhimadera I. (A.D. 16-29) and the Paramara A.D. 1888.
Bhojadera (A.D. 1021).
• At war with Bufmadera I. Probably & contemporary of the Paramara Krishnadevs (A.D. 1060-87). • At war with the Caulukya Karna (A.D. 1091). 7 Contemporary of the Chaolukya Siddbarijs (A.D. 1188, 1989). • Contemporary of the Chauluky. Kumarapala (A.D. 1146-69),
At war with the Devagiri-Yadav Bhillams (A.D. 1191). 19 Transferred the seat of government to Jaralipare u It is impossible to say whether these were younger daughters. 1 This Tejasimhs had a son Bained Kshetrasimbs.
Took Chapdravati with Mount Abd from the Paramar.
2

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA,
(VOL. IX
No. 10.-AMBASAMUDRAM INSCRIPTION
OF VARAGUNA-PANDYA.
BY V. VENKATYA, M.A., RAT BAHADUR. Ambasamudram is situated on the northern bank of the Tamraparni river and is the headquarters of the talaka of the same name in the Tinnevelly district. The town has a local reputation for the manufacture of cloths largely in demand on the western coast. On the southern bank of the river is the big and flourishing village of Kallidaikkurichchi, which gives its name to the cloths manufactured at the sister town on the other bank, because the trade in them is carried on mostly by the Brahmanas of the former place, who temporarily reside in Malabar and are frequently met with on the west coast.
The site of Ambasamudram seems to have been altered in comparatively recent times. The greater portion of the town is now situated at some distance from the river, while the most important temple, now called Erichoba-Udaiyar, is quite close to it, and is separated from the town by a pretty large extent of rice fields. The heavy floods in the Tamraparņi at certain Beasons of the year might be one of the causes which led to the removal of the town to & more distant locality. Besides, in ancient times, Ambasamudram seems to have been a big place, including some of the adjacent villages such as Tiruvalløvaram! and Mappárköyil. In an inscription of (Jatavarman Sundara-]Chô!a-Pandya: the temple of Erichcha-Udaiyar is said to be situated in the sonthern hamlet of Rajaraja-chaturvedimangalam. During the period of Pandya supremacy the town was called Ilangókkuļi or Ilangöykkudi, which was altered into Rajaraja-chaturvedimangalam after the Chola conquest. The latter name has probably to be traced to the Chola king Rajaraja I., after whom the Pandya country was itself called Rajarajamandalam.
During the field season of 1904-05 I copied eight inscriptions in the temple of ErichchaUdaiyår, of which two belong to the early Påndyas, two to the Chôļas, one to the CholaPåndyas and two to the later Papdyas,lo while the eighth does not mention any king. 11 One of the early Pandya records seems to belong to the reign of Vira-Pandya, 'who took the head of the Chola.' The Chola king with whom he fought must be Aditya (II.) Karikala, who, according to the large Leiden plates, fought in his youth against Vira- Pandya." The newly discovered Tiravalangada plates of Rajendra-Chôļa I. do not mention the name of the Pandya king against whom Aditya II. fought, but report that the latter " killed the Pandya king in battle and set up his lofty head as a pillar of victory in his city."16 Accordingly, Vira-Pandya reigned in the
The temple at Tiruvallivaram is mid to have been situated in Rajaraja-chaturvedimangalam, which was the name of Ambasamudram in Chola times Annual Report on Epigraphy for 1904-6, p. 48, Nos. 116 and 119 of 1906
The Viabņu temple at this village, called Rajendra-Chola-viņpagar in ancient times, was also situated in Bajarkja-chaturvedimangalam; No. 112 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1905.
No. 102 of the same collection. • No. 104 of the same, and line 2, 61. and 10 f. of the rabjoined in cription.
The name occurs already in an inscription of the 11th year of Rajaraja I: No. 119 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1906.
• South-Ind. Inuor. VOL. II. p. 149.
Non. 101 and 106 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1906. • Nos. 98 and 99 of the mme collection. No. 10% of the same.
10 Nou. 100 and 108 of the mmc. 11 No. 104 of the same.
1 No. 101 of the same. » He was the elder brother of Rajarkja I. (A.D. 985 to at least 1018). * South-Ind. Insor. Vol. I. p. 112. W Annual Roport on Epigraphy for 1905-6, Part I. paragraph 8. * Ibid. Part II. paragraph 16.

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No. 10.) AMBASAMUDRAM INSCRIPTION OF VARAGUNA-PANDYA.
85
period prior to the conquest and occupation of the Pandya country by the Cholas at the end of the 10th century A.D.
The subjoined inscription is engraved on a slab built into the floor of the first circuit in the Erichcha-Udaiyar temple, which is comparatively dark. The record was found and copied with the help of a lamp. At my request the Collector of Tinnevelly has removed the slab to the Government Central Museum at Madras. The plate issued with this paper is based on fresh impressions prepared by my Assistant Mr. K. V. Subrahmanya Aiyar, B.A., after the removal of the stone to Madras. The alphatet of the document is Vatteluttu and the language Tamil prose intermixed with a few Sanskrit words in the Grantha alphabet. The preservation is good, though a few syllables are mutilated at the end of lines 3 to 13 and 81. The slab was ruled before the writing, which is crowded into three sides of it, was engraved. The number of Sanskrit words written in Grantha is comparatively few, vis. svasti (1. 1), fri (ul. 1 and 3), anugraha (1.1), bhafára (11. 1, 3 and 10), maharaja (1. 5), mahardja (11. 12 and 81) and rajyavasha (1. 12).
The following peculiarities of the alphabet deserve to be noted. The horizontal stroke of ka is very often small and indistinct. But the letter has not yet assumed the slanting form found in the Tirunelli' and Cochin plates of Bhaskara-Ravivarman. The variant of the letter ya noticed by Prof. Haltzsch in the Kottayam plates of Sthåņu-Ravi and in certain Ohola inscriptions does not occur here. Two slightly different forms of t are used, of which one (the first t of feluttu in 11. 5 and 14) resembles, to a certain extent, the form in an ancient Vatteluttu record from Tirunidarkupru in the South Arcot district. The vowel ai occurs thrice in the inscription (1. 9. 22 and 75). As in other Tamil inscriptions, hardly any distinction is made between the short i and the long i when they occur in combination with consonants. Double kk is occasion. ally written as a group, e.g. in maharajarkku and ndngávadukku in line 12; poludaikku in line 15; kummdyattuklou in line 16; Jakku and okkaruvalai in line 18. The s-symbol is added in some cases over the top of the consonant to which it belongs, instead of by the side as in later Vatteluttu epigraphs ; see e.g. vi of verrirundu (1. 6), li of poli (1. 9), di of kudi (1. 11), ms of vamidu (1. 14), and ļi of ná náļi (1. 16). The syllable pô is written as in the Madras Museum plates of Jaţilavarman without the addition of the d-symbol (on the right) found in the Chola Vattelatta inscriptions published by Prof. Hultzsch. The Tiranelli plates distinguish by a similar addition the long pô from the short po, and only a single instance of the former occurs in the Cochin Jews' grant. Thus the distinction between po and på appears to be a later innovation, and evidently belongs to a period subsequent to the Jaţilavarman plates and to the subjoined inscription. If this conclusion be correct, the Cochin and the Tirunelli plates of Bhaskara-Ravivarman must be later than Varagupa-Pandya. And as Prof. Hultzsch has remarked that the alphabet employed in both of them agrees with that of the Chola inscriptions from South Travancore published by him, 10 Bhaskara-Ravivarman may have to be assigned to the 10th or 11th century A.D.
The language of the subjoined record calls for a few remarks. The vulgar form maharaja occurs twice instead of the Sansksit maharaja (ll. 12 and 81), while maharaja in line 5 is
1 The stone has evidently been slightly damaged in transit. Accordingls, portions of the lant letters in II. 4 to , which are missing on the Plate, are found on my original impression prepared at Ambasamudram la 1908 before the stone was removed to Madras.
• Ind. Ant. Vol. XX. Plate facing p. 290. . Above, Vol. III. Plate facing p. 72.
• Above, Vol. V. p. 43. No. 289 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1904 and Annual Report for 1908-4 paragraph 30. • Ind. Ant. Vol. XXII. Plates facing p. 70, 11. 82 and 48. "Above, Vol. V. Plate facing p. 46, E., line 1; and H., 11. 5, 8 and 9. . Ind. Ant. Vol. XX. Plate facing p. 290 ; compare poy in 11. 18, 19 and 84 with pom in 1. 91.
Above, Vol. IIT. Plate facing p. 73; compare play in line 27 with pom of the preceding note. Above, Vol. V. p. 42.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. IX.
evidently a mistake. Amidu (1. 14) and amirdul (1. 19 f.), both of which correspond to the modern Tamil amudu, are tadbhavas of the Sanskrit ampita. The word poli (1.9) is used both bere and in the Trichinopoly cave inscription of Varagupa-Pandya' instead of the more common polibas, which occurs in the Tanjore inscriptions and survives in the Malay&ļam palita. The word wu (11. 27 and 69) is still current in Malayalam, while its modern Tamil equivalent is niru. The root from which they are both derived is naru, which has acquired a figurative sense in Tamil, while the original meaning seems to be preserved in Teluga. The measure known as sevidu occurs four times in the form feritfu (11. 25, 27, 54 and 70). The word nigadi is used in line 27 as well as in line 13 apparently in the same sense as nisadi, of which niyadi (1.77) is a variant. Vena in line 75 is a vulgar form of the word vendiya. The form kuni, which occurs twice (1l. 58 and 78), is perhaps a simple mistake for kuruni.
The subjoined inscription belongs to the time of Varaguna-Maharaja, whose name occurs thrice (11, 5, 11 f. and 81), and is dated in the 12th opposite to the fourth year of his reign. From his camp at Araisar on the bank of the Pennai river in Toņdai-nadu, the king granted 290 káfu to the temple of Tiruppôttudaiyår? (the ancient name of Erichcha-Udaiyår) at Ilangôkkudi in Mulli-nadu. The assembly of the village received the money. The committee of the assembly and the temple servants had jointly to provide for offerings to the god, according to a fixed scale, out of the interest from those 290 k&fu.
The inscription of Varaguņa-Pardya in the Upper Cave at Trichinopoly is dated on the 2501st day (and) in the 4th year or the 11th year of his reign.10 No reasonable doubt can at present be entertained as regards the identity of this king with the donor of the subjoined record. On the occasion of making the former donation Varaguna was at Niyamam in the Tanjore district, after having destroyed the fortifications of a town named Vêmbil. At Ramanathapuram near Dindigul in the Madura district is a Tamil inscription which refers to the expedition (yáttirai) of M&rafijadaiyan against Idavai in the Chola country. The Trichinopoly epigraph implies that Marañjadaiyan" was a surname of Varagupa," and this inference is borne out by a
1 Amirds occurs also in the Tanjore inscriptions ; see eg. South-Ind. Iseer. Vol. II. P. 69, text line 3. Agurds is another form of the same word; see above, Vol. VII. p. 194, text line 3.
. See the Director-General's Annual for 1908-4. p. 276, text line 16.
* See e.g. South-Ind. Inser. Vol. II. p. 69, text line 3. The form palisai also occurs in epigraphical records; see ibid. p. 122, text line 27.
• According to Dr. Gundert palila menns interest on money.'
According to Winslow du means to destroy, to kill.' • According to Brown's Telugu Dictionary, miniţa means to grind or sharpen' and to reduce to powder.' + This name means "the blessed lord of the bull,' 1... Siva
• According to an inscription of the Chøjs king Rajendra-Cháļa L. (above, Vol. V. p. 47) Shermadevi in the Tinnevelly district was included in Mulli-n da. Mulli-nåļa belonged to the Tirvați-njy, i.e. Travancore, in the 17th century A.D. (ibid. Vol. III. p. 240).
The expression facai-váriyar seems to imply that the system of village administration prevalent in the Chols country in the 10th century A.D. was also in operation in the Pandya kingdom in the 9th century A.D.. see the Annual Report on Epigraphy for 1898-99, paragraphe 58 to 78.
10 See the Director-General's Annual for 1909-4, p. 276.
11 Annual Report on Epigraphy for 1906-6, Part II. paragraph 26. This is the inscription mentioned by Mr. Sewell (List of Antiquities, Vol. I. p. 289) as being engraved on the "Pandiyay Rock” in very old Tamil characters.
Marañjadaiyap seems to have been a formal name of Varaguna, just as Bajakesarivarman and Parakesarivarman were of Cháļa kings. Konêrigmaikond was a similar name assumed originally by Chola kings and subsequently by the Pandyas too. Among the later Pandya, Miravarman and Jatilavarman were similar formal names derived, evidently, from the Tamil words Marap and Sadaiyan. The former denotes in Sanskrit 'Capid,' bat has been so often applied to the Pandya king that it has become one of the synonyms of "the Pandys king.'
1 No. 277 of 1895 in the Trevandrum Museum belongs to the 27th year of Mirafijadaiyap. It may be . record of Varaguņa-Pandya, though this is not absolutely certain. It mentions a hero named Ranahtrti, the army of the Chers king, and Visufiam.

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No. 10.]
AMBASAMUDRAM INSCRIPTION OF VARAGUNA-PANDYA.
record at Tillasthanam in the Tanjore district, which is dated during the reign of Marañjaḍaiyan and records a gift for the merit of Varaguna-Mahârâja. Accordingly, it may be concluded that Varagana alias Marañjaḍaiyan led the expedition against Iḍavai in the Chôla country. Iḍavai is evidently identical with the village of the same name in Manni-nadu, a subdivision of Rajendrasimha-valanâḍu situated on the northern bank of the river Kaveri. The village of Vêmbarrûr situated in the same subdivision might be identical with Vêmbil, whose fortifications Varaguna destroyed. The destruction of Vêmbil probably followed soon after the expedition against Iḍavai. In the same locality is Tiruppirambiyam," where a battle was fought between the Pandya king Varagana and the Western Ganga Prithivipati I. The expedition against Idavai in the Chôla country and the attack of Vêmbil were apparently acts of aggression? on the part of the Pandya king, which eventually led to the battle of Sripurambiya (in Tamil Tiruppirambiyam). The part which Prithivipati I. played in this battle was hitherto inexplic. able. In editing the Trichinopoly cave inscription of Varaguna-Pandya, I remarked :-"How it was that the Gangas of Gangavaḍi in the Mysore State managed to get so far south as Kumbhakôpam in the Tanjore district, and why the Pandya king Varaguna had to fight against them, are points on which no information is at present forthcoming." The verse in the Udayêndiram plates which describes the battle runs as follows, with Prof. Hultzsch's corrections:
यः श्री५०० बियमहाहवमूर्ध्नि धीर पायेवरं वरगुणं सहसा विजित्य [1] कत्वा युक्तमपराजितशब्दमामप्राचव्ययेन सुहृदस्त्रिदिवचगाम [1]
With the approval of Prof. Hultzsch, whose translation of the verse is slightly different, I render it as follows:-" Having defeated by force the Pândya king Varaguna at the head of the great battle of Sripurambiya, and having made (his) friend's title Aparajita (ie. the unconquered) significant, this hero entered heaven by sacrificing his own life." Thus we get a king whose name or surname was Aparajita, and who with his ally Prithivipati I. fought against the Pandya king Varaguna. The existence of a king named Aparajita might be concluded already from one of the Ukkal inscriptions, where the other name of that village is Aparajitachaturvedimangalam.10 From the Ambûr inscriptions of the Ganga-Pallava king Nripatunga it may be supposed that Prithivîpati I. was his feudatory." Accordingly, Aparajita, the friend of the latter, was probably also a Ganga-Pallava. Indisputable evidence of the existence of a Ganga-Pallava king of that name is furnished by an inscription of VijayaAparajitavikramavarman, discovered by my Assistant Mr. K. V. Subrahmanya Aiyar at Tiruttani in the North Arcot district.18 Aparajitavikramavarman was apparently the successor of Nripatunga, and we may at present suppose that during the reign of the latter (or after his
87
1 No. 51 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1895.
2 South-Ind. Inser. Vol. II. pp. 325 and 336.
Ibid. p. 53.
⚫ Ibid, p. 325, paragraph 88, and p. 336, paragraph 77.
Tiruppirambiyam near Kumbhakônam is the modern Tamil name of Śripurambiya mentioned in the Udayêndiram plates of Prithivipati II.; see also the following note.
Ibid. p. 387. Vaimbalguli, where another battle was fought by Prithivipati I. according to the Udayêndiram plates, may have to be looked for in the same locality. It is not impossible that the place is identical with Vêmbil, whose fortifications Varaguna destroyed. But the name of Prithivipati's enemy in the battle of Vaimbalguli is not mentioned. Consequently this identification remains doubtful.
That the Pandyas were strong and powerful about this time, is proved by their invasion of Ceylon recorded in Chapter L. of the Singhalese Chronicle Mahdvamsa; see Mr. L. C. Wijesinha's Translation. The inva sion seems to have been unprovoked and falls into the period A.D. 846-866.
Director-General's Annual for 1903-04, p. 273.
South-Ind. Inser. Vol. II. p. 384, verse 18.
11 Above, Vol. IV. p. 182.
10 Ibid. Vol. III. p. 2.
19 Annual Report on Epigraphy for 1905-06, Part II. paragraph 8.

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(VOL. IX.
death) there was a Påndya invasion headed by Varagana. The invader probably did not meet with any effective resistance at first, and therefore advanced as far north as Araibur on the Southern Pennar river, where he was encamped at the time of making the grant registered in the subjoined Ambasamudram inscription. Subsequently, Aparajita, who was perhaps the heirapparent at the time,' appears to have been sent with the Western Ganga Prithivipati I. to repel the invasion. The decisive battle was fought at Sripurambiya, and the invader was driven back. But the Ganga king lost his life in it.
The Tiruvalabgadu plates of the Chola king Rajendra-Chola I. help us to trace the fortunes of the Ganga-Pallavas to the very end. Verse 49 of the Sanskrit portion of this grant, which describes the achievements of the Chôļa king Aditya I., runs as follows :
पपराजितमप्यसौ रणे जितवान् पनवमुखसत्वलम् []
दयितामपि तस्य मेदिनी खवशीलत्य [स']थाप्यभूत् कृती ॥ "Having conquered in battle the Pallava who bad brilliant troops, though (he was) Aparajita (i.e. the unconquered), he (vis, the Chola king Aditya) also took possession of his queen, (riz.) the earth, (and) thus accomplished his object." In other words, the Chola king Aditya I. conquered the Pallava Aparajits and annexed his dominions. The Pallava Aparajitao may now be identified with the Ganga-Pallava king Aparajitavikramavarman of the Tiruttani inscription, and with that Aparajita who defeated Varaguna-Påndya. And, evidently, Ukkal in the North Arcot district was called Aparajita chaturvedimangalam after this Ganga-Pallava king. He was apparently the last member of his family. Though successful against the Pandyas, he could not offer any effective resistance to the rising Chôļas, who, under Aditya I., not only conquered him in battle, but also annexed his dominions.
In a Vattelutta inscription at Aivarmalai in the Madura district,' copied during the last Geld season by my assistant Mr. G. Venkoba Rao, I found a Saka date for Varaguna. His 8th year is coupled with Saka-samvat 792. Thus bis accession took place in A.D. 862-63. If the facts and inferences set forth in the preceding paragraphs be confirmed by future researches, and if there was only one Papdys king named Varagapa, the invasion of Idavai in the Chola country and the destruction of the fortifications of Vêmbil must have taken place in or before A.D. 872-73. Varagupa was at Araisir on the southern Pennar in A.D. 877-8. The battle of Sripurambiya might have taken place towards the close of the same year or in the next year. If the surmise made by me, that Aparajita was probably heir-apparent when that battle took place, be true, his accession may be placed about A.D. 880. His defeat by the Chola king Aditya evidently occurred after the Tiruttaņi inscription of the 18th year of his reign.
1 Aparajita is called the friend (ouhrid) of Prithivipati I., who was a Ganga-Pallava feudatory. If the former had been the reigning king, it is perhaps not likely that he would be referred to the friend of Prithivipati I.
• Soon after the conquest and occupation of the Pallava dominions by the Chose, the Gangas, who had been feudatories of the Ganga-Pallavu, roem to have acknowledged the Choles as their overlords. In an inscription of Rajakbearivarman which has to be attributed to Aditys I., Piridipati, son of Manmaniyar (.6. perhaps Prithivipati II., son of Marssimba), is mentioned, apparently, Ma Chola feudatory i Annual Report on Epigraphy for 1896-97, paragraph 7.
- Read "मुझसरसम. • Annual Roport on Epigraphy for 1905-06, Part II. paragraph 10.
The place at which this battle was fought is not mentioned here. According to tradition the battle which crushed the Pallavs power was fought noar Sholinghur in the North Arcot district see the Manual of the North Arcot District, Vol. I. p. 89.
• That Aparajita is called Pallava, is no bar to the proposed identifcation. In the Bahar plates (above, Vol. IV. p. 181), the Ganga-Pallava Nripatungavikramavarman and his ancestors are called Pallaves, and their legendary ancestors are the same as those of the Pallaves of Conjeeveram.
Annual Report on Epigraphy for 1906-6, Part II. paragraph 85. • The latter event is mentioned in the Trichinopoly inscription, dated in the 11th year of the king's reign.

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No. 10.] AMBASAMUDRAM INSCRIPTION OF VARAGUNA-PANDYA.
89
Accordingly, the event may be supposed to have taken place at the end of the 9th century A.D.
The great Saiva saint Manikkavasagar mentions the Pandya king Varaguņa twice in his Tiruchchirrambalakkovaiyar. The time of Sundaram ürti-Nayaņår, who probably flourished in the 8th century A.D., is the upper limit of the date of Måộik kavasagar, who is conspicuous by his omission from the Tiruttondattogai, i.e. the list of Saiva saints composed by the former. The lower limit may be taken as the reign of the Chola king Parakesarivarman Rajendradêva (A.D. 1052 to 1063), because in an inscription of the 5th year of his reign (=A.D. 1056-57) reference is made to the poem [Tiru]vembávai composed by Måņikkavasagar. It may, therefore, be concluded that this Saiva saint was a contemporary of the Pandya king Varaguņa. And if there was only one king of that name, the Saiva saint must bave flourished in the second half of the 9th century A.D.
It is worthy of note that the calculation of the annual requirements of the temple provided for in the subjoined inscription implies that the measure of paddy known as kalam consisted of 90 nali, instead of 12 kuruni or 96 nali, which we find, for instance, in the Tanjore inscriptions, and which is the prevailing equivalent in the Tamil country. A kalam was equal to 15 kuruni, and a lcuruni equal to 6 nali. The rate of interest, according to the subjoined inscription, is 2 kalam of paddy for each kasu, while in the Tanjore inscriptions it is 3 kuruni for one kašu. Thus the rate in the Pandya country at the time of Varaguņs would be nearly eight times higher than that prevailing in Tanjore during the reign of the Chola king Rajaraja I. (A.D. 985 to at least 1013), in case there was no difference in the value of the káfu. The variations at the same two places and periods in the price of some of the important articles of daily consumption are recorded in the foot-notes. It is interesting to note that common salt and firewood, which are included among the daily requirements in the Tanjore inscriptions, are conspicuous by their omission in the subjoined document. This is a significant fact, though we may not be warranted in concluding from it that these two articles had not to be paid for in the Påndya country daring the reign of Varaguņa.
TEXT
First Side of the Stone. 1 Svasti [ll*] Sri-Bhatárar=anugra[ha]tti[g)2 Mulli-nått-Ilangôykkudi T[i]
1 The conquest of the Pallavas is attributed by tradition to Adoņdai, an illegitimate son of Kulôttunga of Tanjore. The first battle, said to have been fought at Puralar, ended in favour of the Pallaves. Adoņdai was then forced to retreat to Sholinghur. "Encouraged there by a dream, he renewed the contest and defeated the enemy with great slaughter. The Pallava king was taken prisoner, and the brazen gates of the Puralur fort were carried to the temple (1) of Tanjore;" see the Manual of the North Arcot District, Vol. I. p. 89. If there be any truth in this tradition, Kulottunga must have been & surname of Vijayalaya, and Adondai of his son Aditya I. But there is not even the slightest hint in epigraphical records that Aditya was the illegitimate son of Vijayalaya. Another tradition has it that the mythical Chôļa king Kökkiļļi had an illegitimate son named Adoņdai by a Naga woman, and that the province conferred on the latter by his father was called Toņdai-nada or Toņdai-mandalam. It looks mit this Adondai is mixed up with the conqueror of the Pallaves in the former story.
Verse 806 in illustration of Maruvudaluraittal, and verse 327 in illustration of Vipaimutrininaittal. . Above, Vol. VII. p. 7.
* No. 12 of the Government Epigrapbist's collection for 1905 from the Virattåndsvara temple at Kisar near Tirukoilur.
In ancient times the rate of interest seems to have been more or less arbitrary. It looks as if the ordinary laws of Political Economy were not allowed fall play, and it is therefore unsafe to draw any conclusions from the rate of interest. At Conjoeveram the rate of interest during the reign of & Chôļa king named Parakesarivarman was 16 per cent. About a century earlier the rate was 5 per cent. in the same place. Again the interest on 250 kalanju of gold was 500 kadi of paddy, and 150 kádi on 50 kalanju; G. O. No. 452, Public, dated 10th June 1831, p. 5.
Read ®ndl; the ha of anugraha is slightly different from ha in 11. 5, 12 and 81.

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(Vol. IX.
3 ruppôttudaiyar briköyil-Bhatara[r*]kka mudalo] 4 [ko]dámai poli kondul nå[9]gu kalamun-di[ruv-amu®]5 du selu(t)tuvada [ga] Varaguņa-Maharajar Tondai-naţ($u-P]6 pennai-kkarai Araisar virrirandu l?an[gökku®]7 di-chchavaiyar kaiyyir-kndutta kagu iru-nur[ru-to®]8 mndra [lo] ivarxar-kårigvåy-iru-galamaga án[du). 9 varai savaiyar-alakkum poli-nelai-nnurr-e[nbs] [di]10 kalam (1") ivai kondu Bhatárar paņi-makka!um I!A[*]11 gökkudi-chchavai-våriyarum uda-pipra Varaga[ņa®). 12 Mahar Al jarkku rajya-va[r]sham n&pgåvadukku ed[iro] 13 panniranda[m*) yandu Tula-Bâyiru mudalaga niga[di*]14 yåga nångu kålam[n]n=diruv-amida seluttam (pa)15 di [lo] oru-poladaikka vânduvaga arisi senn[e]r16 kittal nå=gali kummayattukku pa[y]ix= 17 pparuppuuri nivêdikka pasuvin-Daru-ney[y]=u18 lakku=ppaguvin-rôy-tayir=uri-kkaravalai19 ppala=nângu sarkkarai orn-palam kaji-am[i]20 rda kâyk [ka]Ei ogru palingari irandu pulu: 21 [k]kukkapi ogru porikkagi ogru erri-kkagi 22 aiñjinukkunegari padiş-pala[m] 23 [ka]ri tumikkavum porikkavum pasuvi-para-ne24 y Alakka=k[kat]tukku pešavin [t][y]-tayi25 r-uri-kkayam iru-sevittu ilai-smirda 26 velļilai ir-adakka adaikkay pattu 27 nûru oru-gevitta [1*] Aga nigadi, nagu 28 poludaikku vênduvaņa arisi se 29 nner-rittal padin-ara-nfli
Second Side of the Stone. 30 åga or=&ttai[k]ku arisi sen(ne)31 [x]=rittal azuba[t]tu-når32 [ka]lam [lo] ivai [ka]lav-arisikku mus[kkala)33 nellaga narru-tton[ng]rr-ira-gala34 m [19] payarru-pparupp=iru35 nali ivai neli-pparuppa36 kku muunnali nellâga or=[A]t37 taikku nel irubatta-någ-kalam [lo] 38 pašu vin-naru-ney niliy-uri i39 vai nal[i] ne[*]kku muppadi-nali ne40 llåga Or=&[t*]taikka nel nûxr-eņba41 din kalam [lo] pasuvip-toy-[tayi)42 r n=pali ivai nåļi=t[ta]yirkku 43 muunnali nell[@]ga ör=aţtaikku ne441 nâ[x]patt-en-galam (1) karuvalaippa45 lam padiş-egu ivai iraqdu[kku] 46 nali nellâga Ör-attaikka ne[1]
The phrase mudal kedamai poli kondu corresponds to muda-pirka poli kondu of the Trichinopoly inscription; Director General's Annual for 1908-04, p. 276, text line 15 f.
At the beginning of this line is a symbol which looks like ra, but which is probably a mere crack on the stone.

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47 muppatt-ira-galam [1] sarkkarai narra[p]F 48 [la]m i[da] oru-palattukku nâli
49 y-uri nellaga ôr-âṭṭaikku nel
50 irubattu-nâr-kkalam [1] kari nârpa
AMBASAMUDRAM INSCRIPTION OF VARAGUNA-PANDYA.
51 din palam ivai pan-pa[la]
52 ttukku nåli nellaga ôr-â[t]
53 taikku nel pa[di]n-aru-kalam [1] kayam
54 alakkê mu-chcheviṭṭu idu
55 ulakku kayattukk-aru-na
56 [li] nell[]ga ôr-ât[tai]
57 kku nel patt[0][ba]-"
58 [dig kalag mu-kka[raJoi [*]
59 ilai-amirdu vel
60 [li]lai irandu parru
61 vai or-parruk[k-i
62 [ru]-nâli nellåga ôr=[a]
63 ṭṭaikku nel pa[di]
64 [pre-galam adikka]
65 y nkpada ival [i]
66 rubad-aḍaikkây [kku] mu-n
67 [n]liy-uri nellâga
68 ôr-âṭṭaikku nell-[i]
69 [][t]-ep-galam [1] nûr[]
70 n[]=cheviṭṭu idu
likk-in-maliy[g]
Third Side of the Stone.
71
72 ôr-âṭṭaikku nel
73 pann-iru-ku[ru]pi [1] el74 1]
-[]75 taikku vêņa nel [ai-n]
76 ar-badig kala[m] [1]
77 i-pparisu niyadi
78 [p]padi mutt[a]mai
79 [o]dun-glamuñ-je
80 lufttav[adá]gs vai[][]
81 r śri-Varaguna-Maharaja[r] [*]
91
TRANSLATION.
(Lines 1 to 8.) Hail! By the grace of the blessed lord (bhatárar)! Varaguṇa-Mahārāja, being encamped at Araisar on the bank of the (river) Pennai in Tonḍai-nadu, gave into the hands of the members of the assembly of Ilangokkuḍi two hundred and ninety káśu, from the interest of which- the capital remaining unspent-offerings had to be provided for four times
1 Read nár-palam.
2 Virrirundu means literally being seated majestically.'
This is the literal translation. The money must have been sent by a messenger to be made over to the village assembly.
Literally taking interest (in such a way) that the capital is not destroyed;' see note 1 on page 90 above.
N 2

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. IX.
(a day) to the lord of the glorious temple of Tiruppôttudaiyar at Iļangôkkuļi in Multinâqu.
(LI. 8 to 10.) For this (amount) the members of the assembly have to measure out five hundred and eighty kalam of paddy per year (as) interest, at the rate of two kalam for each kafu.
(Ll. 10 to 14.) Out of this income) the servants of the lord (thatárar) and the committee of the assembly of Langôkkudi shall jointly pay for offerings four times a day," commencing from the month of Tuls in the twelfth year opposite to the fourth year of the reign of Varaguņa-Maharaje, (according to the following) scale :
(LI. 15 to 27.) (The following) are the requirements for a single offering ::- four ndli of clean superior rice ;* (one) uri of split green gram for the kummayam ;6 (one) wlakku of cows' ghee of the best quality to be offered (by itself); (one) uri of cows' curds ; four black plantain fruits ; one palam of sugar; ten palam of vegetables (for) the vegetable offering (kari-amirdu), (viz.) one kdykkari,7 two pulingari, one pulukkukkari' (and) one porikkari- in all, five (kinds of) curry; (one) alakku of cows' ghee of the best quality for seasoning and frying vegetables ; (one) uri of cows' curds for the compound curry (kúffu); 11 two sevitfu of asafoetida; two bundles of betel-leaves, ten areca-nuts (and) one seviffu of lime (nuru) for the leaves offering.
(Ll. 27 to 73.) The aggregate requirements for (the offerings) four times a day13 (are) :At the rate of sixteen näļi of clean superior rice (a day), sixty-four kalam of clean superior rice
1 The word frikóvil means the sanctuary of temple' according to Dr. Gundert. It is used here in the same sense as the Tamil tirukk&yil, a temple, a place of worship, a sacred shrine. In the Tanjore inscriptions friköyil is used to designate the orthodox Hindå temple as opposed to the temples of the Dravidian village deities and to the Jaina temples (South-Ind. Insor. Vol. II. p. 48, note 8, and p. 59).
1 The word wigadi occurs again in line 27. "Literally (the offering) at one time.'
. With fennel compare tiruchchennadai-nel in a Chôļa inscription from Conjeeveram; South-Ind. Inscr. Vol. I. p. 117.
This word occurs in a similar context in an inscription of Rajakesarivarman found at Tiruvellarai near Trichinopoly (No. 518 of 1905). In an unpublished record of the Chola king Rajakesarivarman from Gudimallam in the North Arcot district, split green gram (firu-payarru-paruppu) is provided for kummaya-amudu (No. 222 of 1903). The modern meaning of the word kummdyam, viz. mortar,' will not do here. In Malayalam and in Kanarese the root kumm means 'to beat with a pestle,' and kummdyam might therefore denote something pounded, if the word is derived from that root.
The verb nivédikka in line 17 may also have to be taken with the words tayir (1 18), kar odlaippalam (1. 18 f.) and farkkarai (1. 19), if not with all the items mentioned in 11. 19 to 27.
1 According to one of the Tanjore inscriptions of Rajaraja I. (South-Ind. Inscr. Vol. II, No. 26) pepper, mustard, and perhaps also salt were required for this preparation. Some vegetable must also have been added, though the fact is not specifically mentioned. Old rice, pulse, pepper, mustard, cumin, sugar and ghee were required for a similar preparation called appakkdykkari.
Pepper, mustard, camin, sugar, tamarind, curds, horse-gram and plantain fruits were required for it according to the inscription quoted in the preceding note. Puliyittadungari (consisting of pepper, cumin, tamarind, and perhaps some vegetable) was a similar preparation.
Pulukkukkari, boiled curry,' is perhaps so called in order to distinguish it from porikkari, fried curry.' The former is not mentioned (at any rate under this name) in the Tanjore inscription quoted above, while ghee is provided for the latter. Evidently porik kari consisted of & vegetable fried in ghee.
10 The verb tumi means to sprinkle.' Condiment powder is even now sprinkled over boiled curry and the whole Beasoned with boiling ghee, in which a small quantity of mustard is frying. The preparation is called poditival,
powder sprinkling,' and the same is apparently indicated by the use of the verb tumi here. A story is told in connaction with the Tamil poet Kamban, which shows that the noun tumi was not in common use during his time.
11 Kd is a liquid preparation still in use and consists of (1) a vegetable cooked either with Bengal gram or beans, (2) two or more vegetables boiled together, or (8) specially made powder dissolved in curds. (1) and (2) do not, generally, require any curde.
19 The word for botel-leaves both here as well as in the Tanjore inscriptions is tellilai, white leaf,' while the modern Tamil form is verrilai, empty leaf.
w Worship at six periods of the day is the rule at present in big temples. In the case of a minor shrine in the Tanjore temple, provision was made for offerings only three times (morning, midday and night, South-Ind. Inger. Vol. II. p. 148) and twice in the case of two other shrines (ibid. pp. 70 and 71).

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No. 10.]
for a year. At three kalam of paddy for one kalam of rice, this (comes to) one hundred and ninety-two kalam (of paddy). The split green gram (required for a day) is two nali. At the rate of three nali of paddy for (one) nali of split (green gram), twenty-four kalam of paddy per year (have to be allotted) for this (item). Cows' ghee of the best quality (required for a day) is (one) nali and (one) uri. At the rate of thirty nali of paddy for (one) nali of ghee,3 this (comes to) one hundred and eighty kalam of paddy for a year. (The quantity of) cows' curds (required for a day) is four nali. At the rate of three nali of paddy for (one) nali of curds,* this (amounts to) forty-eight kalam of paddy annually. (The number of) black plantain fruits (required for a day) is sixteen. At the rate of (one) nali of paddy for two (fruits), these (cost) thirty-two kalam of paddy annually. The sugar (required for a day is) four palam. At the rate of (one) náli and (one) uri of paddy for every palam, this (item costs) twenty-four kalam of paddy per year. (The daily consumption of) vegetables being forty palam, sixteen kalam of paddy (have to be allotted) for this (item) every year-at the rate of (one) nali of paddy for ten palam. (One) álakku and three seviṭṭu of asafoetida (being required daily), nineteen kalam and three kurunis of paddy (have to be allotted) for this (item) annually- at the rate of six nali of paddy for (one) ulakku of asafoetida. (For) the leaves offering (are required) two bundles10 of betel-leaves (daily), which, at the rate of two nali of paddy for one bundle, (come to) sixteen kalam of paddy for a year; forty areca-nuts (daily), which, at the rate of three nali and (one) uri of paddy for 20 areca-nuts, (cost) twenty-eight kalam of paddy annually ;11 (and) four seviṭṭu of lime (daily), which, at the rate of two nali (of paddy) for (one) nali (of lime), (cost) twelve kurunis of paddy per year.
AMBASAMUDRAM INSCRIPTION OF VARAGUNA-PANDYA.
93
(Ll. 73 to 81.) Altogether, the (quantity of) paddy required annually is five hundred and eighty kalam.13 The glorious Varaguna-Maharaja thus deposited (this money), in order that
1 In Tanjore 5 kalam of paddy were required for 2 kalam of rice during the time of Rajaraja I.
* Pulse was exchanged at this rate during the time of Rajaraja I. at Tanjore.
In Tanjore ghee and paddy were exchanged in the proportion of 1 to 32 at the time of Rajaraja I. The same rate obtained in Tanjore during the reign of Rajaraja I.
5 There seem to have been three varieties of plantain fruits available in Tanjore and its vicinity about the beginning of the 11th century A.D. Two fruits of the first kind could be had for one nali of paddy (South-Ind. Inser. Vol. 11. pp. 75 and 77); five nali of paddy had to be given in exchange for 18 fruits of the second variety (ibid. p. 127); the third was sold at the rate of 1200 for each káfu (ibid. p. 151).
Two kinds of sugar were apparently available about the beginning of the 11th century A.D. in the Chola capital and the country surrounding it. Of the cheaper kind 3 palam could be purchased for 2 ndli, 1 uri, 1 álákku and 4 sevidu of paddy (South-Ind. Inser. Vol. II. p. 127), while the more costly variety exchanged at the rate of 1 máli and 1 uri of paddy for i palam (ibid. pp. 70 and 71).
In one of the Tanjore inscriptions quoted in the preceding foot-notes, the daily allotment for purchasing vegetables is 6 ndli of paddy. The quantity of vegetables is not mentioned.
• If this calculation is correct, a kalam must be equal to 15 instead of 12 kuruni, and a kuruni equal to 6
náli.
• Asafoetida and lime are not mentioned in any of the Tanjore inscriptions, where common salt and firewood are specially provided for (South-Ind. Inser. Vol. II. pp. 75, 77 and 180). The two latter are conspicuous by their omission in the Ambasamudram record. Perhaps they had no exchange value in the Pandya country during the time of Varaguna. It may also be that temples could obtain both common salt and firewood without any payment.
10 From lines 26 and 60 of the text it may be concluded that one bundle (parrs) was equal to 4 adukku of betel-leaves.
11 Provision is made for the supply of areca-nuts and botel-leaves in three of the Tanjore inscriptions, where only the aggregate cost of both is given (Nos. 6, 26 and 35 of South-Ind. Inser. Vol. II.): 1 ndli of paddy for 8 arecanuts and 32 betel-leaves (No. 6); 4 ndli and 1 uri of paddy for 30 areca-nuts and 60 betel-leaves (No. 26); and 1 ndli and 1 uri of paddy for 12 areca-nuts and 24 betel-leaves (No. 35).
12 The actual calculation yields 36 ndli of lime annually, costing 72 ndli of paddy, i.e. 18 nali less than a kalam (=90 náļi according to this inscription) or 12 kuruni. But it has been pointed out that a kalam was made up of 15 kuruni (note 8 above). Thus the kuruni was equal to 6 ndli instead of the more common 8 náli. With this equivalent of the kuruni the calculation in the text would be correct.
This calculation would be correct only on the assumption that a kalam was equal to 15 kuruşi and a kurupi equal to 6 ndli; see the preceding note.

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94
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. IX.
(the members of the village assembly) might provide the requirements) day by day for a long time without any) obstruction.
No. 11.-MADRAS MUSEUM PLATES OF VAJRAHASTA III. ;
SAKA-SAMVAT 984.
BY STEN Konow, Pg.D.; CHRISTIANIA. This inscription is found on a set of copper-plates which have been deposited in the Madras Museum. I do not know where they have been originally found. I pablish the insuription from excellent ink-impressions supplied by Rai Bahadur V. Venkayya, M.A., who describes the plates as follows:
"The plates are five in number. The first bears writing on the inner side only. The last is completely blank; it was evidently put in to protect the single line of writing on the second side of the fourth plate. The plates have slightly raised rims (though in certain places these are either beaten down or worn away) and are strong on a ring, the ends of which are soldered into the lower part of a round seal. About the middle of the seal is a seated Nandin, whose tail extends to the bottom of the seal. From either side of the hind part of the Nandin proceed what may be taken for lotus buds. On the proper left of the Nandin are two flag-staffs placed one by the side of the other, with a bowl above them; and on the proper right of it are a conch, a lampstand and a dagger. The ring was cat by me. It is not quite circular. The diameter varies between 5 and 41. The thickness of tho ring is g". The seal is roughly 2}" in diameter. The following measuromonts of the plates show that, as regards breadth, they are slightly bigger in the middle than at the ends, while, as regards height, the reverse is the case :
Average breadth of plates . . . . . . . 91" 91" Average height of plates
91" . . . . . . 41"
. The foarth plate is comparatively small in height, measuring 44" at the ends and almost 4" in the middle."
The inscription consists of 54 lines. The greater part is in a good state of preservation. The fourth plate, however, is rather corroded, and some passages of it can only be read with difficulty.
The alphabet is Nägare of the same kind as in the Nadagâm plates of Vajrahasta of Śaka-Samvat 979. The class nasal, and not the Anusvara, is used before class mutes. Exceptions from this rulo are vid in 1.9, and do in 1. 48. Consonants are doubled after 1, except in "faforar, 1. 26. 9 is written for 4 throughout. Thas been substituted for in hele, 1. 25, and orao, 1. 49. On the other hand, we find for p in stan, 1.21, vita, 1. 39, and Caru, 1. 54. A nasal with a following guttural or palatal is written in the same way as in the Nadagam plates. Note further such writings 88 , ll. 7 and 24, Haufen instead of warf, 1.3, and water instead of quan, 1. 19.
3
41"
The word wiyadi is apparently synonymous with nifadam which occurs frequently in the Tanjore inscriptions, and with miladi in the Trichinopoly cave epigraph of Varaguna (Director-General's Annual fur 1908:4, p. 275, text line 19).
* In later inscriptions the phrase nedua-galamum is replaced by the Sanskrit chandradityavat, as long as the moon and the sun (endure).'
* Since the above was written, I have had an opportunity of inspecting the original plates together with Mr. Venkayya.
. Above, Vol. IV. p. 1839.

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2
नमः प्रवेडा मपधमपति वर्तताह में: तास काय तिगदाऊंग दाज्ञादं मदिशा निर्दे दो मंगलानिनीमाता रामोस हल: कम राणा दातेः सेवा के विम में बीमत में मीतितत जैन मंदोदरी माता नितिःसमिती घोपायरोवियोगाद्यः स रामः शद्धा से सुतः तीन सद्युतिधियः गाईन निर्मित २ मा कलोते. सः कं सहि नदिमा म शोतो त ਨੀਵਾਈਨੀਰਰਰਰ ਘਨਵਾ ਸਰੀ ਵੀਰਵਸੰਗਰਰੰਗ बारा: पुंड एंड लेनिमोलित हात तीन • डरा दियो नि सादिल को तुम उतारावर परी नदिने विनं महाकलतकलांतन सोहा महिय सु नितिन भूलित गतः कलापक्षात सामिन रवमन रात्रिः मेयो मन नही • मदन इंगाप्रति पैतान दाँत गमप: सउने कपटती निनो मोनिक2019 निमश
4
Mandhata plates of Devapala. [Vikrama-] Samvat 1282.
दामिव तत्राटक त माँ तुम शक्ति सूची मनोधनो तति काम गर्ड हट 10 निघाद्यिकम मदान र इ तथा सार्बेट धातिनिधारतो संगीनीय सासिया ने लोक उदीमिर
14
माअष्टापदम वा शिततितिष्ठादीत 1४17 लटिन: प्रतनाना 12 : दावा महान परार्तन दिन सँग ते दोन नातिना वन धनीका टॉवल में बा एका वाल लीलाद कुममा अमिनेपलामित विद्यालदा मचानेन मत्रो टिकू दिईति गात बेस होस दिन संपतीतपावत द्वारा के पुत्र की दिन विति पाटितमशः वल दो पिड तिसम्भवा वांनिमणेन प्रणेता साइत भागशीलयरी मालदिवसात न 16 तःप्रमादादरिने माल होली देताना शनिवारा दयादिक तितिक्षतही देवाला देवपाल सानीत 211112 नामकः सहाट. मी मोड़पति एक संत 18 छपमा मेसमा तरति निशाह किलड़ने दादशादि महा रामदिघतो तित हरीवित द्वादशतसं.. 202 मातीसा
ita.
20 मिलिमती गटन सेना
मसिनास पतंड घातिवादिता
22
ततति न मम देवशधामण तमाम विरागमा (एयूडल विदुसमनव सखाप मो० २ लोक याने तिस द्वैतिम्रा कलमंग का अराम विनिद्येताय नम इंटिज स्वाद्यादि पर रोगी खराशनि. मी दारी..गंगा 24 समीरी व नालंवेदकमेवं विनिशेती जागा नाग रतिविपत गर लाभनसारवावा सदा गंगाराम जाट आवशत्रिकम दादिपुत्र मत सर सभी वा डॉ पी टी वेंट कमे 26 की मदावतखानवद्यतदविवाद गरी नितिन राट डॉयलॉन शाखा चासिते. शिa कंठनादायमधुकं चंडकंठ सभी पटेट कमे में | मन्दावनविनिता अटला गोमा 28 दिन शारत डाटिने 2.00 1320 39 टाटी. नागमो वडा सचिव कम
दावनसान विनिहो तो दाशी भवन हा मिनेटमै खपीनंदात सरपंच रंगमा टेट कमे 30 विनिता तावागोबा तर हा डांगर संवादमा तिखरामा माराम अलापनादान- आशा है सिखातें मेकटेरीयानिकता तथा 32 गीता दढ़ ग्विदेति वयं मोघट बसता तिने ती कनाडा मधुपार मण्डनमटक में सनतति न रहा घोडी महाहड anaesga तिम्
34 नदी घाट
काश ०म नाम कथा तर तिला मनसा वामनेत प्रवरोपी नादान सर 36 ठानि रामपाटी के कोलान नि मतदाता शेपित गटात तालमी नाम डालना सोशल रामा झापाव टकमले महराद 38 विनिता यायलायन शासन शिवहर शितितमान
E. HULTZSCH.
SCALE ONE-THIRD
FROM INK-IMPRESSIONS SUPPLIED BY MR. H. COUSENS
W. GRIGGS, PHOTO-LITH,

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mentaries
यादवसायहायक रामासशमबाडमा मरहनावानजामालाड
शालारामाला वाटिनेताहीतता बाटातात्विातन डावधान दामटवाति चातगाया विमाडागाटाटसमत मावतानानामहातामा कुशिलानगीरमानिलामगिोवा "कागतसपने ततिानप्रवासात समुपाया टेaनामत हाहास्वागनाहावटमकामा वहिनिहोरा जलायनया टिमनेतावना वादाता मतदितत्वज्ञामानवसमाजवतानाddauENT सटटाटशहोगांनाडापामटकामवमानहानहाताटाडालनाल्याचाटिर नेतागासी मारिन गावाटमा गनिनिनिसिपलंगाटाहाही वापपुवामा लानरमाटीमा Hazकमपटिनिनवानटिनिहीतासाठी घाटनासायाटिगता नामानायलानातलमतकतिहास दाता शाही नातवा बाटात पुनीतामातामोगी वाहवामानने सुतारवयामानिनितानाही नशारीनिशा मोलाटांना या मानवलपरगटाचाणिजाटाहसायलट पywगटातटकामतावमालिनिौतीला मावादिनामावादागिन कानाdarमाजालमानधर 50नपतगठन मी गोदामाटारमाण वाढाटानमामिलामावार
मालगीतमती सामानौतातिमानपतगामी ताटकाsgनाटकुलासमोर 52 टाढाटाटकमहगामामालिसीमारिका बनियानामिनिवसतानातानातानमा तामा
लपवामनाना नशिबाट सामा विमानाला टाहटमाशाम होता 54 मीनिधारमा गोटिसनेमानती वाटाडीनिअस्थमुहलाहपत्याराकान्डीनामा Inा
EिREDM नवाजको साडापासमेतरा-दिशाविनिता सामाटिनशीरमा साहुलानामा महिला जाता 56बालतिलपाटाडिनातामा टाटटेडि पुमटासवानवशाखापटनमराजुवाखानासाना
होताटाडाला लजावादासिनताटालागावाबाहानामा असताना वाटारमलगातार 58 Toमोटाहणाटातत्सम
वनिताटागाणादिना सहवाटिनलाण्टबता पाटलाहर रसता सातबाAlaadanaarilal लायकको नामबालायामापावाझERRORIA
117.
60 मनालोतानाटिनोबा मामिलापता लगानासानानालालतियांटा (Inden
तनावट Eura सीतारमतासाननहीवार काठमावलायतमा 62 तार वयोवजानाaanाट अछातुणोतललामोपाताळाटा कमतर
महतहोताटामा दिनजारतासिन कायटो बाटाकायामानवनितिशकानागंटाला 64उसेटमाटर लाडरामोपला गणमटकरी गमवादशहानतारमा हातनवा मावामिनमाडला हमारा मान
रस्टलसाडमाता (NEETपसीनमधुबालाहमा नातागोता रकम 66टशतताँदनदिनजामाबाटिनमा डेमोस्वातनाशवानanamalमाधानाधान Karismaमोटामतकाली मारहाणातटरकम बानता महानशाराकासबाराडा
बाररावाद हातारनिनिलिमाMEL माहातात सानुत्सहागवाडादरमा damagelalala तास ठारनामनगरमितिसतानामावाली मातीसागतपदेपासवान 701 मानव जाटनी शीशम सतएकमनादासमा पुरानी तादासानुमजावायलारामबा M
alaaeein कागडाहाटी उमापुचाटात कुमुमलिनोगघोडागारमा 72 समागमतदEमाला ऊलसद्रिापालासाहातासाशिवाटायसनतासनाटा
तरकसमानतो मातापिहानपणाड मोतिवडतातहासमहानिदातरारदात का समानता र पाटन 74 daaseeीटभाजनामा ताररदितिमा हागन का तिहातितावनीवाडाला दाहाल
समलितांगकलेवा यति शिक्षा विनाधितोकातिराना नोट ततोला टासतमालनीटाचा उतारा 78 date गरितिभाटामा दादारावामिनहातला चोराटनापरवाताटीदरखामतिवाटोमा
नदि सही नटतातिनाननाला मोतामेदारनगमलसामानाविधताण कालकालमा सिला दिarels हमलटलोविलोलीविदमनजितनुपालाततनामकलाटमटादतलवहानता
IPL कोलटोटल तितवत RER तिदमागमानामावतितमजमनासा 80
तादिमाइत शावनासमतेनीगलवामपनटनासन्नी ममदाराडाल्टनमालालमहाशाख
78

Page #126

No. 11.)
MADRAS MUSEUM PLATES OF VAJRAHASTA III.
95
The language of the inscription is Sanskrit. It contains the same twelve verses as the Nadagám plates of Saks-Samvat 979. The remainder of the inscription is in prose. The first 41 lines are almost identical with the corresponding portion of the Nadagâm plates. They are, bowever, more carefully engraved and give several passages in a more correct form.
The inscription is one of king Vajrahasta (III.), the son of Kámárņavs (II.) of the Ganga lineage, and of Vinayamahadevt of the Vaidumba family. His genealogy is given in the same words as in the Nadagâm plates, from Gunamahårņavs downwards, including the date of Vajrahasta's coronation. The insoription then goes on to state (1. 40 ff.) that the devont worshipper of Mahesvara (Śiva), the Paramabhaffaraka Maharajadhiraja, the lord of the three Kalingas, the glorious Anantavarman Vajrahastadeva, being in good health, issues the following order from Kalinganagara, having called together all the subjects, headed by the ministers :'-"Be it known to you (that), for the increase of the religions merit and fame of (Our) mother, father, and Ourself, the village named Tamaracheru in Varahavartant, combined with the Chikhali hamlet (vdfaka), circumscribed by the four boundaries, including water and land, free from all molestation, to last as long as the moon, the sun, and the earta, has been granted by Us, with libations of water, as an Agrahara, to five hundred learned Bråbmaņas who delight in the six acts of sacrificing, conducting sacrifices, studying, teaching, (giving) and accepting, (and) who are well versed in sacred lore, in the Saka year of the dice (4), the Vasus (8) and the treasures (9), on the occasion of an eclipse of the sun. Therefore (Our gift) should be preserved by future kings in compliance with the law proclaimed by Manu. Moreover, land with the produce of two hundred Murakas of grain has been given, to last as long as the moon and the sun, free from hindrances, to the god Kotisvara for (the maintenance of the rites of) Bali, Oharu, Naivedya, Dipapůjd, and so on. And the repairs of what is broken and torn in this temple) should without fail be effected by the Brahmapas living there."
The inscription does not add anything to our knowledge of the history of king Vajrahasta III. We only learn that he also had the name Anantavarman, like his grandson Chôdagangadeva.
Of the localities mentioned in the inscription, Kalinganagara has been identified by Mr. Ramamurtis with the villages Mukhalingam and Nagara katakam in the Ganjam district. Varêbavartani occurs in several Gånga grants. The village of Tâmaracheru is also known from Ganga inscriptions. Its boundaries are given in the Chicacole plstes of the Maharaja Dévêndravarman, in which the village Tâmarachhera is granted to three hundred Brahmaņas on the occasion of an eclipse of the sun. The Chicacole plates of the Ganga Maharaja Indravarman, issued from Kalinganagara in Gåogêya-Samvat 128,9 further state that the village of Tâmaracherova was granted to certain Brahmaņas on the occasion of an eclipse of the moon on the full-moon day of Margasira. The latter inscription mentions Tamarachoruva-gramar b&(vd)takd(ka)-sahita[m](1. 8 f.). This vátaka is perhaps identical with the Chikhali-vátaka of our inscription. The village of Tâmaragheru has not as yet been identified. It should be looked for in the neighbourhood of Chicacole.
The date of the grant is found in a part of the inscription which has not been so well preserved as the rest. The first word is scarcely legible in the ink-impression. After a careful exemination of the original, however, Mr. Venkayya and myself find that the reading krita is certain. The date of the inscription is accordingly the saka year 984. If we take this to be
1 Above, Vol. IV. p. 185 ; VOL. V. Appendix, p. 50, No. 855 * This was evidently the name of the temple of Siva at Tamaracheru.
Above, Vol. IV. p. 187 1. . Above, Vol. III. p. 127, note 8 ; Vol. V. p. 185, note 5, etc. . Ind. Ast. Vol. XIII. p. 278 t.
. Ibid. p. 119 1.

Page #127

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. IX.
the current Saka year, the date would correspond to A.D. 1061-62. Professor Kielhorn has been good enough to inform Professor Hultzsch that the only eclipse of the sun which was (slightly) visible in Ganjam between the Saka years 980-989 took place on the 20th June A.D. 1081. This would therefore be the date of our inscription.
96
TEXT.1 First Plate.
1 औ स्वस्त' श्रीमतामखिलभुवनविनुतनय[विनयद]यादान[दा ]क्षिण्य सत्य [शो]
2 चशौर्यधैर्य्यादिगुणरत्नपवित्रकाणामात्रेयगोत्राणां विमलविचारा
3 चारपुण्यसलिलप्रच्यालितकलिकालिकल्मषमषीणां' [महाम] हेन्द्राचल
4 शिखरप्रतिष्ठितस्य सचराचरगुरोः सकलभुवननि
5 सूत्रधारस्य 'मशाङ[च] डामणेर्भगवती गो
6
कर्णस्वामिनः प्रसादात्समासादितैकशङ्खमे रोप
7 माहाशब्दधवलच्छत्रहेमच[T* ]मरवरवृषभला व्छन समुज्वल
8 'समस्तसामान्यमाहिनामनेकसमरस समुपलब्धविजयमो
9 समालिङ्गितो [त्तुं ] ग [भु] जदण्डम[हि]तानां त्रिकलिङ्गम [हो] भुजां [गा
Second Plate; First Side.
10 [ङ्गा]नामन्वयम लङ्घरि [ष्णोर्व्विष्णोरि] व विक्र (1) माक्रान्तधरामण्डल11 स्थ गुणमहार्णवमहाराजस्य पुत्रः 101 पूर्व भूपतिभर्बिभळ्य 12 वसुधा या पश्चभि[:"] "पचधा भुता भूरिपराक्रमो "भुजवलास [1*]18 क एवं स्वयं [i] एकीकृत" विजित्य मत्तनियचान्" श्रीय14 "वहस्तचतुचात्वारिंशतमत्युदार (1) [स्म ] रित्व[: *] सर्व्वा -
15 मरचीक्षमा: ॥ [१] तस्य तनयो गुण्डमराज" [व] षत्रयं16 मप[1]लयद्महीं ॥ तदनुजः कामार्णवदे [व] : पञ्चत्रिं[ श]तम17 [ब्द ] कान " ॥ तस्यानुजो विनयादित्य [ : ] समास्रस: " ॥ तत: कामावा[*] योराजद्राजित" भयो
18 जातो जगतीक [व्यभू]वचः
(1)
• Expressed by a symbol.
• Read ' प्रचालित कलिकाल -
1 From the original plates. • Road खति.
• Read 'चूडामणे'. The 4-stroke is not visible in the ink-impression.
• Read 'महाशब्द', 'ऋतु', 'समुळवल
● This looks like 'ठानोष्ठीवि.
10 Before
the engraver began to write, but subsequently cancelled it. 11 Read "बला".
13 Read कृत्य.
14 Read "हस्तचतुषत्वा', 'रचिरत:o Read समालिसः
14 Read राजी वर्षचय-.
10 Motre: Śloka ; read 'बाबाती.
Rend समस्त', 'महिमा', 'समुपलब्ध', 'ली.
• Metre : Sarddlavikridita read भूपतिभि .
Donald त्रुनियां",
18 Read °मब्दकान्.
21 Read द्राजितच्छायी.

Page #128

Madras Museum plates of Vajrahasta III. - Saka - Samvat 984.
सीमामलहरा गरि कामयविक गाटामा अत्य गर्वगुटिकल कंपविलीलामाया मामलावशा। मनु मलिलयमालित कालिका नकलविलबालासह पागल (
सपनिमास रामारा सालि हुतुगल लेक समापनामाइरा रामसरू बताशा
खामगा मॉडासमा नदिहकतारमा रामराव व स रा ट में रमन छ र सागरी मजला साराला मी माह सा में कम मध्याहस में पता यानी से जानती या
काल दो मार
iia.
माय मतलकवा माझा ग नाममा IPH वामदा यायाय शामिल हवा 12 याय १७ 5 24.1 का नजादासाहुखवतात
दय की विािमाकमिनहायात्रा नवरातुमा हामि झाला नातिका मया स.
मागासमभान वनराई 16 यल यहाहीतं गुजा कानावर पड६० सालमा
कादशी गाय डाव से या दिनमायाकलकामालवा 11नजामीक से सुनाया जानाति यावत
iib.
या वापराबणारा अवमट धमालाहाना 20- मानहानरमायबाला गयाखानामा
काम माग सामना ग्राम 22 रम
जान ईशान कमाणका साल माघलिका मानव हमारकर 24 राम
हमा गाई मान्य से सभाद.ग दमनमानी माल
महिमहामविलादमागणारी ४सालका जानकाताईच्या जवानाधा
पाल वंगकला मानवत मनाला
Scale -6
E. Hultzsch.
Collotype by Gebr. Pletiner, Halle-Saale.

Page #129

iii a.
30
शवहन गुप गरि दशलगतजमानाकामाला कमुशायमा माता की जयसवत दुवाव्यया पायोनिसमुदवाया नया समाजाला गयघटना यावा
लियतया सिताशयानानासूचाड मका
वचनाबालादिलील सुला व्युव मशिनयीय राय काया: युशनकलनतीन यापिका मायालयमा सममा रा०६ वलस मामीला तसत महामना त्याला त्याग मि उत्यो मापद/7/ राजारादरुवालविरलिया । राया तो माया मासिका नासाडी ही नाकलनी हत्या
iii b.
महादेवाजतगत लयायचा मुलाम Vाराममहामावालागारमा जामा
AAP यामामाकाशननगमुकुल निकल गशवालाममाहायरथम
जारमाजाव कलिलावगतमाम भावभाव
काली समस्या मानाय सुरज गये हालमा यस मा नयायनिवदमासु रेन व माह के गाना
मामा या आगराली वाडाजा मसमास की कला सका। विजय राज ल यस यात या रात वाजल सौर गाई चोट
iva.
मला व याच जिला शाजाप विहार
(दवा ये सारा कष्टी मा पर पुलवहादायक दाहामक कामहरी
PRS
लामा
From ink- impressions supplied by Rai Bahadur V. Venkayya.

Page #130

No. 11.]
MADRAS MUSEUM PLATES OF VAJRAHASTA III.
97
Second Plate ; Second Side. 19 स्तोवनीपतिः ॥ [२] 'प्रचोदमदगन्धलुब्धमधुपव्यासीढगडान्ग]जाबार्सि' 20 भ्यामदामहसमतुलो य[स्त्यागिनामग्रणी[: "] स() [श्रीमनिनिय21 भीमवृपातिगानान्वयोतंशकः () पञ्चविंशतमब्दकामम23 भुनक्पिथीं [स्तुतः पार्थिवैः ॥ [३] तदप्रसूनुः सुरराजसूनुना 23 समसमस्तां [श*]मितारिमण्डल: [1] स्म पाति कामावभूपतिम्भव' 24 समृधिमानसमा समुज्वलः ॥ [*] तदनु तदनुजन्मो' चित्तजन्मो(प)25 पमानो गुणनिधिरनवद्यों गुण्डमाख्यो महीस:" [*] [स*] कलमिदमरक्षत्रीणि 26 वर्षाणि धात्रीवलयमलघुतेजोनिर्जितारातिचक्रः ॥ [५] ततो" हेमातुरस्तस्य म. 27 धुकामार्णवो नृपः । भवति स्मावनीमताम[ब्द]मिकर्णविंशति" ॥ [*] .॥
Third Plate; First Side 28 अथः ववहस्तनृपतेरग्रसुतादखिलगुणिजनाग्रण्यः [*] कामा[गणवा]29 कवन्द्रप्रगीयमानावदातशभकीर्तेः । [७] श्रीय" इव "वैटुम्बान्वय[प]30 यःपयोनिधिसमुद्भवायाश्च [*] य(): समजनि "विनयम[हा*]देव्याः श्रीवजह 31 स्त इति त[न*]य: ॥ [८] वियदतनिधिसंख्या याति "भाकाव्दसङ्घ दिन क]32 [ति] वृषभस्ते रोहिणीम सुलग्ने [*] धनुषि च सितपये" सूर्य [वारे] तु. 38 तीयांयुजि सकलवरित्री रक्षितुं यो भिषिक्त: ॥ [*] न्याय्येन यत्र 84 सममाचरितुं त्रिवर्गे मार्गेण रक्षति महीम महितप्रताप [*] नि
[ा]धय35 च निरसा निरापदश्च शश्चत्पजा भुवि भवन्ति विभूतिमत्यः ॥ [१०] व्या-॥ 36 से "गाकुलोत्तमस्य स्यशसा दि[] वाले शशिप्रद्योतामलिनेन य
Third Plate ; Second Side. 37 स्य भुवन(:)प्र[]दिसम्पादिना [*] सिन्दूरैरतिसान्द्रपङ्क[प*]टलै[*] [कुम्भस्थली. 38 पड़के[व]ालिम्पन्ति पुन: पुनश्च हरितामाधोरणा वारणान' ॥ [११] अनुराग
- 1 Metre : Sardalavikridita ; read प्रश्यीस, लुब्ध.
J Read गजानwि-. • Read नृपतिङ्गान्वयीत्सक:- • Read मब्दकान्सम-.
SRead भुनक् पृथ्वौं. .Metre: Varnsnatha. T Read 'भुवं.
• Bead °समां समुज्वल:.Metre : Malini. 1" Read °जन्मा.
॥ Read महौशः. I Read रचचौथि.
u Metre: Sioka ; read हैमा'. " Read °मन्दानेकानविंशतिं. u Metre: Giti. - Read tकवीन्द्र
17 Metre: Giti; read ftu. WRead वैदुम्बा. " Read विनयमहा.
30 Metre: Malini. " Read संख्या .
WRead शाकाब्द. * Read THU. The second poems to have boen cancelled by the engraver. Read सितपचे.
WRead यायुजि सकलधरिची. "Metre: Vasantatilaks. 1 Read चित्रगं. B Read महीम.
" Read निरघाच. - Read अश्प ना .
Metre : Sardalavikridita. " Read गा. WRead यशसा. - Read °पान
" Mecre: Sioka

Page #131

98
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
39 च गुथीनी' यत्र वचोमुच्चावयो:' [1] भाथीने' श्रीसरस्वत्यायनुकूले [१२] • 'कलिङ्गनगरातारममा डेम्बरपरमभट्टा
40
विराजतः
रक [म *]हाराजाधिराजचिकलिङ्गाधिपतिश्रीमदनन्तवर्मा व
41
42 चहस्तदेव [: *] कुशली 'समस्तामात्यप्रमुखजनपदान्समा [x]य [स]43 मात्रापयति विदितमस्तु भवतां ॥ वराहव[]]न्यां तामरचे44 रुघामो नाम (1) चिखलीवाटकेन सममेकीकृत्य ॥ चतुखीमा45 'वच्छिना जलस्थल सर्व्वपीडा विद्यतिमाचन्द्रार्कचितिस
Fourth Plate; First Bide.
46 मकालं यावच्चातापिचोरात्मनः पुच्ायशोभि[दृषये कृत] व
47 सुनिधिशाकाब्दे । सूर्यग्रहोपरागे । विद्दय[ज] नया [ज]ना [ध्यय]। 48 नाध्यापन [ दान * ] प्रतिग्रहषट्कर्मनिरतेभ्यो 'बाव [र्षो] मयः ॥ पंचसत[वापेभ्य उदकपूर्णकं जत्याग्रहारोसाभिः
49
50 प्रदत्तस्तस्माद्भाविभि[]मि[पा] लेमुनुनोधर्मांगी
61 रवात्परिपालनीयमिति ॥ अपरं च । कोटीवरचन्द्रापयन्तं निर्बिरोधा । "वचिदनेवेद्यदीपपू धान्यसुरकमतश्वोत्पत्वा" भूमिईता । तच च । चच
52 देवाय
53 जाय
Faurth Plate; Second Sids. 54 टितमम्नघटनं "तस्यवायचेरवस्वं कर्त्तव्यमिति ॥
No, 12.- TALAMANCHI PLATES OF VIKRAMADITYA I.; A.D. 660. BY PROFESSOR E. HULTZAOH, PH.D.; HALLE (SAALE).
This inscription was first published by Messrs. A. Butterworth and V. Venugopal Chetti in their Nellore District Inscriptions, p. 189 ff. According to p. 192 of the same work, the plates were "discovered about 12 years ago by a servant of Adapalli Venkata Redḍi of Párlapalli
• Read चासो.
[VOL. IX.
Road बाबी
1 Read गुथिनी.
• Bend 'नगराम्परम'.
• The engraver had originally written 'वाटावेन.
7 The engraver originally wrote 'नवलस्यच", but ementled the first स्व. Bond 'बिवति' ; after the स an T has been cancelled.
10 Road जलब्राह्म.
12 Bond पालनीय हर्ति.
• Ronit 'भाग्य',
• Read शकाब्द.
• The reading of this word is very uncertainy rend perhaps ब्रह्मक्यों.
1 Bend 'भूमिपाले नुनोक्तधगौ"Bead f
14 Bead
बा
15 The engraver seems to have begun to write , but the d-stroke has been left unfinished; road 'ब्राह्मयेरव

Page #132

No. 12.]
while ploughing some land known as Talamanchipádu in Talamanchi of Nellore taluk1 where a flourishing village is said to have once stood." They "have been sent to the Madras Museum at the request of the owner." I re-edit the inscription from three sets of ink-impressions, kindly prepared at my request by Rai Bahadur V. Venkayya, M.A., who describes the original as follows:
TALAMANCHI PLATES OF VIKRAMADITYA I.
"Three copper-plates, of which the first and last are engraved on their inner side only. They measure 71" in breadth. The height of the plates is not uniform. Generally they are higher in the margins than in the middle.
1st plate: 2nd plate: 3rd plate:
Height in the margins.
31"
31"
31" & 31"
Height in the middle.
31"
31"
31
99
Through circular holes bored on the left margin of each plate passes an oval ring measuring 24" by 3". It is nearly" thick. The ends of the ring are secured in the base of a seal, which is also oval and measures 1" by ". The emblems on the seal, which appear to have been engraved on a countersunk surface, are much worn, but show a lump in the middle-perhaps meant to represent a boar. The total weight of the plates with ring and seal is 80 tolas."
The writing on the plates is well preserved, excepting a few letters near the margins of plate i. and plate ii. a. The alphabet resembles that of two other grants of Vikramaditya I.3 The upadhmaniya is used once (1. 24), a final form of m twice (11. 24, 27), and one of n once (1. 17). The three Dravidian letters, and r, the second of which has the same shape as the upadhmaniya, occur in the two village names Elasatti (1. 23) and Kolchumko[nra] (1. 22). The language is Sanskrit. There are four well-known Anushṭubh verses: one at the beginning and three near the end; the remainder of the inscription is in prose.
The document was issued in the sixth year of the reign (1. 20) of the (Western) Chalikya (1.5) Vikramaditya (I.), the son of Satyasraya (i.e. Pulakêsin II.), grandson of Kirtivarman (I.) and great-grandson of Polikesin (I.). Each of these four kings receives the same laudatory epithets as in other published grants of the same period. The new inscription records the grant of the village of Elasatti, north of Kolchumko[nra], to Srimêghacharya (11. 22 and 31 f.), the preceptor (guru) of Vikramaditya I., and was written by Vajravarman of the Vaidya family.
The historical importance of the plates lies chiefly in the date of the grant (1. 20 f.), regarding which Prof. Kielhorn kindly contributes the Postscript on p. 102 below. On the strength of the latter I have added the date "A.D. 680" to the title of this article and to the heading of the accompanying Plate.
TEXT.4 First Plate.
1 जयत्या [विष्कृतं विवी] वराहं चोमिता[वं] [1] दधि [ची] तदंद्रा
व्रतदंष्ट्राग्र
formany.
1 On the map prefixed to the Nellore District Inscriptions, Talamanchi is marked by the figure' 32' on the north of Nellore town.
Jours. Bombay Br. R. 4. S. Vol. XVI. pp. 235 and 288.
Mesars Butterworth and Venugopal Chetti are unable to identify this village; see Nellore District Inscriptions, Preface, p. vi.
• From three sets of ink-impressions.
0 2

Page #133

100
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. Ix.
2 वन वपुः [11] श्रीमतां सकलभुवनसंतूयमानमानब्धसमोना हारितिपुषा3 सप्तलोकमावमिसप्तमातभिरभिववितानां कार्तिकेयपरिरचनप्राप्तक4 याचपरंपरा भगवबारायचप्रसादसमासादितवराहसाच्छनेच. 6 बक्षणवशीलतापषमहीभृतां चलिक्यानां कुलमलंकरिष्णोरश्वम8 धावस्थसानपविधीलतगात्रस्य श्रीपोलिथिवमममहाराज 7 स्व प्रपौष: 'पराक्रमाक्रान्तवनवास्थादिपरनृपतिमालाविवाहविक्ष8 [वि] शहकीतेस्त्रीकोत्तरत्रीकीर्तिवम्मपृथिवीवज्ञभमहाराजस्व पौषः समर9 [सं]सलासकोत्तराप[थे]श्वरत्री हर्षवईनपरा] ज[योपलबि]परमेश्वरा
Second Plate ; First Side. 10 [परनामधेयस्य सत्याचयत्रीपथिवीवाभमहाराजाधिराजपरमेश्चर]11 [व] प्रियतनयः' चित्रकण्ठाख्यप्रवरतुरंगमेकेनेव प्रतीतानेकस12 मरमुखेषु रिपुनृपतिरधिरजलावादनरनायब्बलदमलनिथितनिस्त्रिंश13 धारया च धृतधरणीभरभुजगमोगसदृशनिवभुषविजितविजिगीषु:: 14 भात्मकवचावमग्नानकमहारस्वगुरोिश्चियमवनिपतिषितया15 "न्तरितामात्मसात्य 'क्यतैकाधिष्ठितागे[षराज्यभरस्तमिवान्य16 बये विनष्टानि देवखब्रादेयानि धर्मयशोभिवृक्षये खमुखेन खा17 पितवान रणशिरसि रिपुनरेन्द्रादिशि दिथि जिला खवंशजां लची
प्राप्य च 18 परमेश्वरतामनिवारितविक्रमादित्य विक्रमादित्वसत्यायत्रीपू19 [थिवीवलभमहाराजाधिराजपरमेश्वरावा] ना[जाप[यति] [1] विधित
Second Plate; Second Side. 20 [मस्तु "भीमाभिः प्रवईमानविजयराज्यषवत्सरतमे" बाव21 णमाससूर्यग्रहणे" उदकपूर्व साङ्गोपाङ्गवेदविदुषे वासिष्ठ22 सगोचाय श्रीमघाचार्याय खकीयगुरवे कोचुंकोनि०० ग्राम23 स्योत्तरपार्के' एकसत्तिर्बाम ग्राम: मातापित्रीरात्मन24xपुस्खयशोवाप्तये सर्ववोधापरिहारं" दत्तम् [1"] पाचन्द्रार्क
I Read 'कान. • Read 'तमयवि. • Read धुराम - Read कृतवाधिष्ठिताशेष. * Read . M Read 'पार्ष.
Cancel the second farve and the second tonno; read affame. • Instead of 'रनाय read °रसमायमान • Cancel the ansurāra of at and road सास्वत्वा .. • Read °दित्यो.
• Rend विदिव. " Read °षष्ठसंवमरे.
" Read "या. * Read art
" Rad मुसवाधापरिहारी बस:

Page #134

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Page #135

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Page #136

No. 12.]
TALAMANCHI PLATES OF VIKRAMADITYA I.
101
25 धरासवखितिसमकावं याचिचीषुभिसदत्तिनिर्विशेषं परि26 erit [n] at AYY Fig Treat [1] ETA 27 Tute for
Eurowy [HR]
Third Plate 28 san hutan darêa ea [n*) aproveigar yar 29 ferruffa: ['] Je veut Here Te 30 TT The Cop'] ant great at ringar[ {*] afe a31 af fagrut atua fafafifa 1 [8] AUTET32 me Thai aarritarar fufen [.] 33 4T
: [18] qte le
TRANSLATION [Verse 1 contains an invocation of the boar-incarnation of Vishnu.]
(Line 2.) The great-grandson of the glorious Polikasi-Vallabha-Maharajs, whose body was purified by bathing at the end of a horse-sacrifice, (and) who adorned the family of the glorious Chalikyas;
(L. 7) The grandson of the glorious Kirtivarma-Prithivivallabha-Maharaja, whose pare fame was established in the territories of hostile kings, such as Vanavesi, which had been subdued by (his) valour;
(L. 8.) The dear son of Satyasraya-Sriprithivivallabha-Maharajadhiraja-Param&svara. who acquired the surname of supreme lord' (paramétvara) by defeating the glorious Harshavardhgna, the lord of the whole northern country, who had encountered (him) in battle ;
(L. 11.) Ke who, at the head of many famous battles, assisted) by none but (his) noble steed named Chitrakantha and by the edge of his glittering, spotless and sharp sword which bebaved like a tongue in licking the blood of hostile kings, conquered would-be conquerors by his own arms which resembled the coils of the serpent who carries the burden of the earth; into whose own armour many blows had plunged; who, having gained for himself the royalty of his father, which had been concealed by the triad of kings, caused the burden of the whole kingdom to be governed by himself) alone; who, for the increase of (his) merit and fame, by bis own mouth confirmed the property of temples and the grants to Brahmapas which had lapsed in that triad of kingdoms; the sun of whose valour (became) irresistible after he had recovered at the head of battles the royalty belonging to his family from the hostile kings of overy qarter, and after he had acquired the title of supreme lord' (paramdivara); Vikramsditya-Satyastaya-Sriprithivivallabha-Mahåråjådhiraja-Paramê vars commands all people (as follows:
(L. 19.) “Be it known to you (that), in the sixth year of (Our) reign of growing victory, at an eclipse of the sun in the month of frávana, the village named Elasatti on
Read Ofafar.
* The d of 1 is expressed twice. Bxpressed by symbol.
The usual epithets of this family (11. 2-6) are omitted in the translation. .L.. Palsteéin II.
• Vis. the Chos, Pkydya and Kerala. Compare one of the epitheta applied to Vikramadity, I. in the granta his son Visayadity, abore, Vol. V. p. 202, note 16.

Page #137

102
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. IX.
the northern side of the village of Kolchunko[nra) has been given by Us, with libations of water, with exemption from all molestation, to Our own preceptor (uuru) Srimêghacharya of the Vâsishtha gôtra, who knows the Vēdas with (their) Angas and Upårigas, in order that (Our) mother and father and Ourself might obtain merit and fame. As long as the moon, the sun, the earth and the oceans shall exist, (this grant) should be protected without distinction from their own gifts by those who desire to accumulate fame."
[Verses 2-4 contain the usual admonitions to future rulers.]
(L. 31.) (This odiot in favour of the family of Sriméghacharya was written by the illustrions Vajravarman of the Vaidya family. Let there be welfare to cows and Brahmaņas! Oin.
POSTSCRIPT. BY PROFESSOR F. KIELHOEN, C.I.E.; GÖTTINGEN. The inscription edited above by Prof. Haltzsch is dated in the 6th year of the reign of the W. Chalukya Vikramaditya I., at the time of a solar eclipse in the month Sråvaņa. From page 2 of Appendix II. to Vol. VIII. of this Journal it will be seen that this date must necessarily fall between A.D. 635 and 685; and from what we know to be the general rule regarding eclipses that are quoted in dates, we may conclude that the eclipse here referred to most probably was one that was visible at Bådêmi, the capital of the W. Chalukyas, situated in about Long. 76o and Lat. 16o.
Now it so happens that during the fifty years from A.D. 635 to 685 there was, in both the půrnimanta and the aminta month Sravaṇa, only a single solar eclipse that could have been at all visible at Bådåmi, vis, the eclipse whicb took place 3 h. 5 m. after mean sunrise of Monday, the 13th July A.D. 160. That eclipse, an annular one, was fully visible at Badami, and the 13th July A.D. 660 was the 15th of the dark half of the pirnimánta Srávaņa. We may compare expecially the solar eclipse in the date of the Pattadakal duplicate pillar inscription of the reign of the W. Chalukya Kirtivarman IL. (No. 48 of my Southern List), of the 25th June A.D. 758, which likewise took place in the půrninánta Srávaņa ; and to show that in early times the purnimanta scheme of the months was prevalent in Southern India, we may also cite the solar eclipse in the date of No. 9 of the List, which took place in the purnimanta Bhadrapada, and the solar eclipse in the date of No. 551 of the List, which took place in the půrnimanta Phålguna.
Monday, the 13th July A.D. 660 (in Saka-sachvat 582) would thus be in every way & suitable equivalent of our date; that it is its true equivalent is rendered more than probable by the date of the Nerûr plates of the queen Vijayabhattårikå (No. 23 of my Southern List). That date corresponds to the 23rd September A.D. 659, and is of the 5th year of a reigo of which hitherto it appeared doubtful whether it was the reign of Vikramaditya's eldest brother Chandråditya or of Vikramaditya himself. Since we now have a date in A.D. 660 which would be a most proper equivalent for a date of the 6th year of the reign of Vikram Aditya I., the date in A.D. 659 must surely be definitely assigned to the 5th year of the same reign, and the two dates in my opinion must be taken to prove that Vikramaditya I. commenced to reign between some time in September A.D. 654 and July A.D. 666.1
1 Dr. Fleet, in his Dynasties, p. 883, arrived at the conclusion that "we shall probably be rery close to the mark, if we place the formal commencement of his reiga somewhere in the autumn of.... A.D. 666."

Page #138

No. 13.] MANDHATA PLATES OF DEVAPALA AND JAYAVARMAN II.
No. 13.-MANDHATA PLATES OF DEVAPALA AND JAYAVARMAN II. OF MALAVA.
+103
BY PROFESSOR F. KIELHORN, C.I.E.; GÖTTINGEN.
Of the Paramara kings, who ruled over Målava for more than three hundred years, there have been published hitherto the texts of twelve copper-plate and three stone inscriptions. We have besides short notices of about half a dozen other stone inscriptions, generally of small extent or importance. Of the copper-plate inscriptions, three were first edited by Colebrooke in 1824, two by L. Wilkinson in 1836 and 1838, one by Rajendralal Mitra in 1850, and three by FitzEdward Hall in 1860 and 1861. Of the stone inscriptions, the largest was first edited by Bal Gangadhar Shastri in 1843, and another by FitzEdward Hall in 1859. And from these editiones principes the genealogy of the Paramâras of Malava, with most of their dates, might have been drawn up, about fifty years ago, very nearly as I have given it above, Vol. VIII. App. I. pp. 14 and 15. Moreover, of so important a king as Udayaditya we even to-day hardly possess more than that 'wretched scrawl,' made known in 1840, of a person who knew nothing of Udayaditya's family. I mention this to show how little that is really new we have learnt about Malava, from its own records, for half a century, and to indicate what chances are open to the officials of the Archeological Survey of India to enrich our knowledge of the histhry of that country. For, in my opinion, a systematic search for inscriptions in the ancient Målava country will be sure to bring to light numerous documents of importance. Even now such a search has been well inaugurated.
In 1903 there were discovered at Dhår the inscriptions published above, Vol. VIII. p. 96 ff. and p. 241 ff., highly interesting from a literary point of view. And in 1904 and 1905 were found, at or near Mandhâtâ, the two copper-plate inscriptions now here edited. These plates are of some value inasmuch as they show how Dêvapala, one of the later kings of Malava who was already known to us, was related to preceding rulers, and as they give us the names of two sons of his, Jaitugideva and Jayavarman [II], who, one after the other, succeeded him.
A-MANDHATA PLATES OF DEVAPALA; [VIKRAMA-]SAṀVAT 1282.
These plates were found, in May 1905, near the temple of Siddhêévara at Mandhâtâ, an island in the Narmada (Narbada, Nerbudda) river attached to the Nimar district of the Central Provinces. They were discovered enclosed in a chest made of two stones, 1' 8" long by 1'5" broad. They are now in the Provincial Museum at Nagpur, to which they have been presented by Rao Jaswant Singh of Mandhâtâ. The first account of them was given by an old pupil of mine, Mr. Lele, Director of Education in the Dhar State; and a transcript of the inscription engraved on them, with a translation and notes, was afterwards furnished to the authorities by Mr. Pyari Lal Ganguli, pleader of Nimar. The text and a translation, with an introduction, have also been sent to the Government Epigraphist by Pandit Hiranand Shastri, Curator of the Nagpur Museum. At Prof. Hultzsch's request, I edit the inscription which is on these plates from impressions kindly supplied by Mr. Cousens.
The inscription is on three plates, which are stated to measure about 1'5" broad by 1' high, and of which the second is inscribed on both sides, while the first and third plates are
1 See Gazetteer of the Central Provinces, p. 257 ff.; Constable's Hand Atlas of India, Plate 27, C'd; and above, Vol. III. p. 46. On the temple of Siddhéévara see also Archeol. Barosy of India, Annual Report, 1908-04, D. 57.
Mr. Lele at the time most kindly offered to send me impressions of the plates, but was somehow or other prevented from doing so.. I take the opportunity of thanking him here also publicly for the generosity with which he has made over to me his valuable impressions of the Dhar inscriptions published in Vol VIEL of this Journal

Page #139

104
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(Vor. IX.
inscribed on one side only. The writing on the several sides covers a space between 1' 4" and 1' 49" broad by between 10 and 11t' high. In the lower proper right corner of the first side of the third plate a space about 2" broad by 3" high is marked off by double lines, which enclose an engraving of the mythical bird Garuda, the exact shape of which may be seen from the accompanying photo-lithograph. The plates are held together by two rings for which there are two holes in each plate; these rings, I am informed, are open and were apparently never soldered together.
The three plates contain 80 lines of well-engraved writing, which is in so perfect a state of preservation that, with the exception of not more than three aksharas, every letter may be read with absolate certainty. In line 40 a vacant space is left for four aksharas which may have been illegible in the original from which the inscription was copied ; and there is a similar vacant space for two aksharas in line 54. The size of the letters is between 1 and ". The characters are Nagari of the period to which the inscription belonge, and the language is Sanskrit. The forms of individual letters hardly call for any remarks. Attention may be drawn to the initial i and i (e.g. in iva, 1. 4, and Udai', 1. 50), and to the initial é (in ésha, 1. 17) and au (e.g. in Audalya., 1. 27, and Auruva-, I. 40); perhaps also to the forms of th (e.g. in purushirtha-, 1. 1,) and ksh (e.g. in súkshát5, 1. 1). It may also be stated that the signs for t and bh, and those for ddh and do, often are so much alike that it is very difficult to distinguish between them. As the 22 verses in lines 1-17 are all numbered, the inscription offers specimens of all numeral figures, and in lines 28, 34, 49 and 50, it gives the fraction , denoted by two vertical lines, placed, as the case may be, after a numeral or the sign for nought. In line 79, before tho worl rachitams, the text contains a peculiar symbol (perhaps a monogram), the meaning of which I am unable to explain.- As regards orthography, the sign for v denotes both b and v; the dental sibilant is used instead of the palatal about 30 times, and the palatal instead of the dental about 25 times (even in such ordinary words as futah for sutah, 1. 9, Sumavéda- for Sámavéda-, 1. 29, etc.); ri is used for fi in Rishi-, 1. 60, and ri for ri in tri for trio (i.e. trivdda-), 1. 29 and elsewhere, and in Saktsi- for Saktri-, 11. 23 and 71 ; j is employed instead of y in jasó- for yaso-, l. 73, and in the names Jasôdhara-, l. 29, and Jasadeva- (for Yaśôdéva-), l. 64; and ksh for khy in Sinkshayang., . 46. The occasional employment of dy, dv and dhu for ddy, ddv and ddhu need perhaps hardly be mentioned; but I may add that the word (imratám is written támorati in line 2, and that the sign of avagraha is employed three times, in sosdbhuta", 1 15, odáydsyams, 1. 75, and uudhvassmado, 1. 75. There are a few clerical errors not referred to in the above, that can all be easily corrected. The inscription, in lines 1-17, has 22 verscs which chiefly contain genealogical matter, and of which verses 1-19 were already known to us from the three grants of king Arjunavarman. In addition to them, we have in lines 20-22 tbe well-known verse commencing with Vitabhra-vibhramam-idan vasudh-adhipatyam which, with a single exception, occurs in all Paramâra plates, and in lines 75-79 four benedictive and imprecatory verses, the last of which, commencing with Iti kamaladalamburindu-lélém, is common to all Paramára plates. The rest of the text is in prose. In the poetical portion wo find in line 6 the as far as I can see, perfectly correct) adjective addå man, instead of wdima which alone is given by the dictionaries. And in the prose part there occurs, in lines 72 and
Similar reprebrntations of Garuda are found on all complete plates of the Parameras of MAlava, of which facsimiles have been published ; compare e. g. above, Vol. III. Plate opposite p. 50.
Compare above, Vol. VII. p. 86. • Nos. 195, 197 and 198 of my Northern Lint. • Viz. th. Ujjain plates of VAk patirkja, published in Ind. Ant. Vol. XIV. p. 160.
. I know of no grammatical rule by which a compound formed of wd and ddman in the sense of damna udgala) would become udddma, and most of the passages, which in the dictionaries are quoted under udd&ma, might just as well be p'aced under udddmas. In his commeutary on Raghunahia I. 78, Malliuâtha actually explains wdddma-diggajd by uddamdná dámns wdg atd diggajd yaumin.

Page #140

No. 13.1 MANDHATA PLATES OF DEVAPALA AND JAYAVARMAN II.
105
73, the strange rovenue term shumhalatama [ka]-samanvita, which I have not met with olsewhere and am uuable to explain.
The inscription records a grant of land by the Para måra (or Pramára) king - Maharaja, as he is styled in line 80-Dévapåla of Mâlava. A full translation of the introductory verses will be givon below. As has beon already stated, up to the end of verse 19 (in line 15) the text is identical with the introductory part of the three published grants of the Paramara Arjunavarman, und so far contains little more than a list of kings who were ruling over Målava : Bhojadeva, Udayaditya, his son Naravarman, his son Yasovarman, his son Ajayavarman, his sou Vindhyavarman, his son Subhatavarman, and his son Arjuna (Arjunavarman). Vindhyavarman and Subhatavarman were at war with the Gurjaras, and the first of them recovered Dbárå, which must have been taken possession of by the enemy. Arjuna in his youth put to flight Jayasinha, of whom it is elsewhere said that he was a king of Görjara and belonged to the Chaulukya family of Anahilapataka). To the nineteen verses of Arjunavarman's grants only three new versos (vv. 20-22) are added here, which tell us that on Arjuna's death he was succeeded in the government of Malava by Dêvapála and record the name of this king's father. When I published the Harsaudá inscription of Dévapala, I had to point out that by certain epithets in that inscription Dévapala was clearly connected with the Mahakumaras Lakshmivarmadêva, his son Harischandradêra, and his son Udayavarmadáva of Dhårå. Verse 21 of our inscription now informs as that Dévapála actually was a son of Harischandra (and therefore a brother of the Jah ikunara Udayavarman, whose plates are dated in A.D. 1200). In the larsandå inscription, which is dated in A.D. 1218, only three years after the date of the latest known grant of Arjunavarman, Dévapala, unlike his brother and his father and grandfather, is styled Vahirijidhirija. This, together with the fact that be succeeded Arjunavarman, would indicate that in him the two branches of the Paramira family which till then had separately held sway over Mâlava became reunited, or that one of them ceased to exist. Besides the Harsauda stone and the present plates, the date of which will be considered below, we know of two inscriptions of Dévapala's reign, dated in about A.D. 1229 and probably 1232.5
In lines 17 ff. Dévapåla informs all king's officers, Brahmans and others, and the Paffakila and other people dwelling at the village of Satâjund in the Mahuada pratijagaranaka, that, while staying at Mahishmati, on the occasion of an eclipse of the moon on the full-moon tithi in the month Bhådrapada in the year 1282 (given in worde), after bathing in the Réva (i.e. Narmada) and worshipping Siva (at the temple) in the neighbourhood of the temple of Vishộa) Daityasüdana, he granted the village of Satajuna, (as stated in lines 72 and 73) well defined as to its four boundaries (kaskața), etc., to certain Brahmaps enumerated in lines 22-71; and (in lino 74) he orders the resident Paftakila and others to give to these Brahmans the customary share of the produce and money-rent, etc., excepting what was already enjoyed
1 The context would indicate that Dhårå had been taken by the Gurjaras.
Ser bow above, Vol. VIII. p. 99; compare also below, p. 118, note 2.-In Mèratunga's Prabandhachintamani, p. 249 f., we are told that the Malava king Sóhada (1... Subhatavarman), when about to invade the Garjan country, turned back from its frontier on hearing the verse : Praldpd rdjamdrtando pervasydmuda rajata i Na toa silayan yati pafchimdidpalambinah; but that afterwards the Garjans country was broken' by his son Arjunadeva. + See Ind. Ant. Vol. XX. p. 311.
• See ibid. Vol. XIX. p. 848. Nos. 207 and 214 of my Northern List.
• The text has soma-parodani instead of the fuller and ordinary sd magrahara-parani; similarly adryaparvani is used instead of dryagrahana-parvani, e.g. in the dates of No. 356 of my Northern List and of Nou. 889 and 880 of my Southern List.- I may add that, excepting the Mandhata plates of Jayasimba, published above, Vol. III. p. 48, the word parvani occurs in the dntes of all fully preserved Param&ra plates that have been hitherto published. We have pavitraka-parovani in No. 46 of my Northern List, ad magrahana parapari in Nos 49 and 121, udagayana-parovani in No. 67, samodta-oirya parvani in No. 172, Mahd-Vaildk hyds parovani in No. 189 abhisheka-parvani in No. 195, tryagrahana-parvani in No. 197, and chandréparagu-parvogi in No. 198.

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by gods (i.e. temples) and Brahmans. After the usual appeal to future kings to preserve this grant and the imprecatory verses, the date (in line 79) is repeated in figures, with the additional remark that the day was a Thursday.
I may state here at once that, so far as the week-day is concerned, the date is incorrect. The full-moon tithi of Bhadrapada ended
in the current Chaitrádi Vikrama year 1282: 10 h. 50 m. after mean sunrise of Friday, the 30th August A.D. 1224;
in the expired Chaitrádi Vikrama year 1282: on Tuesday, the 19th August A.D. 1225; and
in the expired Karttikádi Vikrama year 1282: on Monday, the 7th September A.D.
1226.
None of the possible equivalents of the date therefore was a Thursday. On the other hand, there was an eclipse of the moon- a partial one- from 17 h. 45 m. to 20 h. 13 m. after mean sunrise, and therefore visible in India, on the second of the three possible days, and I have no doubt that that day, Tuesday, the 19th August A.D. 1225, is really the day on which the grant was made, and that in line 79 Thursday' has been erroneously put down instead of 'Tuesday.'
Of the localities mentioned above, Mahishmati, from where the grant was made, is Maheswar, a town in the Indore State, Central India Agency, situated in Long. 75° 37' and Lat. 22° 11', on the northern bank of the Narmada (Constable's Hand Atlas of India, Plate 27, B d). The village of Satajuna exists still under the same name- the Indian Atlas has 'Satajana-about 13 miles south-west of Mandhâta in Long. 76° 3' and Lat. 22° 8' (Indian Atlas, sheet 54). Mahuada, after which the pratijagaranaka or district was called, probably is the village of Mohod,' about 25 miles south of 'Satajana,' in Long. 76° and Lat. 21° 48'. Below, in line 23 of the inscription B., we have Mahuada-pathaké, clearly equivalent to Mahuada-pratijagaranaké. Among other Paramâra grants, the word for 'district' is pathaka also in No. 57 of my Northern List, and pratijagaranaka in Nos. 172, 189, 195 and 198. The latter term long ago has been identified with the modern pargana, 'a district or tract of country including a number of villages.'
An abstract list of the donees will be given below, p. 115 f. From that list it will be seen that their number was 32, and that the proceeds of the village granted to them were divided into 32 shares (vantaka), in such a manner that 26 donees received one share each, 3 half a share each, 2 one share and a half each, and 1 (the mahdrája-pandita or king's Pandit' Gos3) two shares. The original in each case gives the gôtra and pravaras of the donee, the names of his father and grandfather, and his place (or country) of origin; also, with two exceptions, the Védio idkhá or Véda studied by him. The gôtras, sákhás and localities so mentioned may be Been from the list; the names of the donees' fathers and grandfathers are given in a separate, alphabetical list, below, p. 116 f. The two lists will show that, with a single exception, the people referred to in the preceding are distinguished by certain epithets which are prefixed to their names, and which generally refer to their religious occupation and are mostly given in abbreviated forms. In alphabetical order, these epithets are: agni, i.e. agnihotrin; dva or dvasathika; updo, i.e. upadhyaya; cha or chaturveda; tha, i.e. thakkura; tre (for tre), i.e. triveda; di, ie. dikshita; dvi, i.e. dviveda; pam or pamdi, ie. pandita; patha, ie. pathaka; yajni, i.e. yájñika; su° or sukla; śrôtri, i.e. brôtriya. In addition to these, we have pascha in line 71, rájan in line 37, and mahardjapandita in line 39. About the meaning of pancha I am somewhat doubtful. The meaning that first suggested itself to me was pañchakula; but as most of the other epithets refer to religious occupations, I would rather
1 The inscription B. (in lines 32, 34, 36 and 87) shows that the word vantaka is synonymous with pada, *a share.'
He probably is the Goeêks, mentioned in line 51 of the inscription B.

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take pañchao to be equivalent to panchakalpin (pañcholi) which ooours as an epithet of two persons (father and son) in Prof. Weber's Catalogue of the Berlin MSS., Vol. II. p. 96. In the Gode of 20 donees the same epithet is borne by grandfather, father and son ; in 7 cases the grandfather and father have the same epithet, and the son has a different one; and in one case the epithet of father and son is the same, while that of the grandfather differs. In the four remaining cases we have the sequences : dikshita, dvasathika, sukla; upadhyaya, agnihotrin, dľkshita ; agnihotrin, dikshita, dvasathika ; and agnihotrin, upadhyâya, dvasathska. Speaking from personal experience, I remember that many of my Indian pupils had one or the other of the above mentioned terms as surnames - Dikshit, Padhye, Pathak, Pandit, Shukle, eto.- which they probably have handed down anchanged to their children and children's children.
Of the places with which the donees are connected, I take Mah&vana-sthåns to be Mahaban, a town in the Muttra district of the United Provinces (Constable's Hand Atlas. Plate 27, b); Tripuri-sthina is Tewar, a village in the Jabalpur district of the Central Prov. inces, about six miles west of Jabalpar; Akôlå-sthåns probably is Akola in Berar (ibid. Plate 31, D a), and Mathuri-sthana is Muttra in the United Provinces (ibid. Plate 27, Cb). Dindvånaka-sthåna apparently is the Dåndvânaka, mentioned above, Vol. V. p. 210, now the town of Didwânal in Jodhpur, Rajputâna (ibid. Plate 27, B b). Regarding the remaining places I cannot offer any definite suggestions. Mutávathu-sthana is the same place which is mentioned as Muktavastha-sthâna in the three grants of Arjunavarman and Hastinapura may be the village of Hathiņåvara (on the northern bank of the Narmade in the Pagára pratijagaranaka), which was granted by Arjanavarman's grant published in Journ. Am. Or. Soc. Vol. VII. p. 27. With Takári-sthana compare . Takári,' above, Vol. III. p. 350, and note 13. The names Aśrama-sthåna and Sarasvati-sthåna I have not found elsewhere. On the other hand, Madhyadesa is too well known to call for any remark here.
After the date in line 79, the text of our inscription has the three aksharas ddo bri mw, followed by the numeral 3 and a peculiar mark the exact shape of which may be seen from the photolithograph. The first akshara of course stands for dútakaḥ or data), and should be followed by a name to which the word sri would have been prefixed; but I do not know whether any or what name may be intended to be denoted by mu 3 and the following symbol. We find the same m 3 (probably followed by the same mark which we have here) also in the two grants of Arjunavarman in Journ. Am. Or. Soc. Vol. VII. pp. 29 and 33.
The inscription then has the statement that this was composed by the king's preceptor (rdja.guru) Madana, with the approbation of the mahásándhivigrahika (or great minister of peace and war), the learned Bilhana '- a statement which occurs also in Arjanavarman's grant in Journ. Am. Or. Soc. Vol. VII. p. 33, and (with mahapandita instead of mahásándhivigrahikapandita) in the same king's grant in Journ. As. Soc. Beng. Vol. V. p. 379. On Madana, who may reasonably be taken to have composed merely the introductory verses of the inscription, see now above, Vol. VIII. p. 99. As regards Bilhana, in verse 7 of the pratasti at the end of Åsadhara's Dharmamrita: 'the learned Bilhana, the lord of poets,' is described as the mahasándhivigrahika of the glorious king Vindhya (Vindhya-bhúpati).' Since this king Vindhys can be no other than Arjunavarman's grandfather Vindhyavarman, it might seem as if his mahdsåndhivigrahika Bilhapa could not be the Bilhans of Arjunavarman's grant and of the present inscription. But in my opinion there are not for the present any valid reasons why the
In Prof. Peterson's Third Roport, App. I. p. 385, the town is called Dindardpanagara.
* See Journ. Am. Or. Soo. Vol. VII. pp. 27 and 82, and Journ. 4. Soo. Bong. Vol. V. p. 879 (where the published text has Muktavass-athena).
See Dr. Bhandarkar's Report on the search for Sanskrit M88. during 1888-84, p. 891.
• Vindhya-bl pati has been taken to mean king of the Vindhyas or Malays', but u Arjuna-bmpati ia the smo prarasti denotes Arjunavarman, the former can only decote Vindhyavarman.

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(Vol. IX.
two should not be considered to be identical. Of the length of the reign of Arjunavarman's father we know nothing; and all we know in this respect nbont Arjunnvarman is, that he reigned during the five years from A.D. 1211 to A.D. 1215. Besides, it should be borne in mind that A sadhara himself, from whole work the above statement is taken, was a contemporary of no less than five successive kings of Malava, fron. Vindhyavarman to Devapala's son Jaitugidêva.
The inscription ends with the words: this is the own hand (i.. thu sign-manual) of the Maharaja, the glorious Devapaladēva,' followed by the usual manyalun mahi-xrih.
TEXT,
First Plale. 1 Om Om namaḥ purusharthn-chůdamanaye dharmmaya || Prativiinva-nibhade
bhůméh kritvå sakshit pratigraham jagad=ahládayan-disya[d]-dvije2 drô mari: galani vah (11) 1 (1) Jiyat - Parasuramỏ=sau kshatraiḥ kshuqya
ray-bataiḥ samdhyarkka-vimvam=Cóv-orvvi-datur-yasy=(ai)ti tâm vratar? (II) 2 || 3 Yêna Mandôdarivashpa-vâribhiḥ sa (sa)mito mridhe i prinêsva(sva)ri-visógignih
88 Råmah srêyasê=stu vaḥ (II) 3 (IP) Bhîmên=&pi dhřitâ mů[r*]ddhni
yat-pâdaļ 4 sa Yudhishthirah vame(s)-&dyên=émduna jiyat-su-tulya iva nirmitaḥ )
4 II Paramarakul-ottansah Kamsajin-mahimi připaḥ gri-Bhôjadêva ity=5 sin=nâsîrakráinta-bh û tala) (1) 5 (ID) Yad-yasaschamdrik-dyoto digutsainga
taramgito dvishannripa-yasabpumjonmarikai[r*]=nimilitari (11) 6 (II) Tato
bhu6 d-Udayadityð nityðtsôh-aikakautuki | askdharapa-virasrir-ngri-hotar-virðihinin (11)
7 (11) Mahakalaha-kalpårto yasy-oddámabhir-asu(4u)7 gaib kati n=ônmûlitâs=tunga bhûbhřitah katak-olvaņâh (11) 9 (1)
Tasmach-chhinna-dvishanmarma Naravarma naradhipaḥ 1 dharmo(rm-a)
bhyuddharapê dhîmânabh Qt-sima 8 mahibhujam (II) 9 (II) Prati-prabhatam viprebhyo dattai[r]=grama-padnih svayam
anêkapadatám ningê dharmmo yên-aika-påd=api I(II) 10 CID Taty(by)-ajani
Yaśôvarmma 9 pntrah kshatriya-sêkharah | tasma d= Ajayavarm-ábhûj-jayasrî-visrutaḥ su(su)tah
1(11) 11 (11) Tat-sunur=vvira-mûrddhanyo dhany-otpati(tti)r=ajáyata Gurjaro
chchhêda10 nirvvamdhilo Vimdhyavarmå maha-bhujah (11) 12 (II) Dhåray-oddhritayê
Bârddha dadhâti sma tridharatâm sâmyuginasya yasy-asis-tråtum loka
trayim-iva (11) 13 (1) 11 Tasy-imushyâyanaḥ patraḥ Sutrama-śrir-ath=asishati bhüpah Subhatavarmmaêti
dharmmé tishthan=mahi-talam (11) 14 () Yasya jvalati dig-jétuh pratapas
tapana-dyu12 téh dåvågni-chchhadman Ady-pillgarijad-Glürjjara-pattanê ICID 15 (ID) Déva
bhiyan gatê tasmin=namdano=rjjuna-bhupatti(ti) dôshņ dlatte-dland dh&tri-valayaṁ valayam
See the inscription B., below.
From an impressiou supplied by Mr. Couseus. • Denoted by a symbol.
* Mctre of verses 1-22: $18ks (Anushțubh). Read pratibimba.
* Rend -bimbam-. Read tamratan.
Read sea-tuya. Bead-oddyote.
10 Read -nabb indhi. 11 The editions of the plates of Arjunavarman have garjan-; but garijad. is the reading also of R., below, p. 121, line 14.

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No. 13.) MANDHATA PLATES OF DEVAPALA AND JAYAVARMAN II.
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13 yatha I(I) 16 ICID V&(ba)lalll-&havê yagya Jayasithe palayitd dikpalaher
vykjêna yasd dikshu vijrimbhitam (II) 17 (11) Kávyagaradharyva-sarvasva
nidhing 14 yênal sampratam bhâr-Avatarapan devyås=chakré pustaka-vipayoh (1) 18
(II) Yöna trividha-virēna tridhå pallavitam yasab dhavalatvar dadhus
triņi ja15 gauti katham-amya(nya)th8 (11) 19 (ID Ath=arthinam-apunyena papyens
svargga-subhruvám sô Sdbhutaty@gasilas-cha bringári cha divam gatab (II)
20 I(II) Ta. 16 tah Pramâra-chandrasya Harischandrasya nardanab raraksha Malava
kshoạir Dévapalaḥ prat&pavan (1) 21 (11) Pavitra-karapadmalya(nya)
danaväri-vijfim12 bhitaib Davidmô Dévapalasya dêvapalasya ch-imtaram CID 22 ICID SA
esba nara-nåyakaḥ sarvv-abhyudayi 113 Mahuada-prstija garapake Sata18 juna-gråmê samasta-rajapurushån=vrå (brå)hman-Ottarân-pratinivåsi(si)-pattakilerjans
pad-adimg=cha vô(b)dhayaty=&stu vaḥ samvidi19 tam yatha | Sri-Mâhishmati-sthitair=asmábhihr "dvyasityadhika-dvadasasata
samvatsarê Bhadrapadê måsé paurņņamdeydt 88
Second Plate; First Side. 20 ma-parvvaņi Révâyâmsnåtva Sri-Daityashdana-sannidhau b hagavantam
Bhavani-patim samabhyarchchya samsårasy=&såratâm dfishtvål tatha hi 11
V8- 21 tábhra-vibhramam-idat valu (su)dh-adhipatyam-6påtamâtra-madhurð vishay.
Opabhogaḥ pråņas-triņågrajalavimdu-sama nur&ņam dha22 mma sakh param=ahô paraloka-yâne || iti sarvvam vimrisy=Adrishta
phalam=&mgiksitya 17 Aśramasthana-vinirggataya Vajimadhyamdinaś&23 kh-adhyayinê Parasa[ra]-gotrảya Parâša-Saktri-Vasishth-êtie tri-pravaraya srôtrio
Damodara-pautraya śrôtrio Vra(bra)hma-patråya srðtrio Gamgadha24 rasa (sa)rmmand vra(brahmanaya vamtakam-ökar i Mahavanasthang
vinirggataya Pavitra-gotrầya Gârggya-Gaurivit-Âmgiras-êti tri-pravariya Åsva25 layanasakh-Adhyâyinê dielo Gamgadhara-pautráya vasa(sa)thika-Mahaditya-putraya
fukla-Bhadrâsva(sva)rasa (sa)rmmanê yrå (bra)hmaplya vamtakam=e. 26 kam 1 Mahåvanasthana-vinirggatâys Pavitra-gôtrêya Gárggya-Gaurivit-Amgiras-êti
tri-pravaraya Agvaldyanasakh-adhyâyinê dio Sim(sin)ha27 kartha-pautrảya fou Madhukartha-putrảya uoChandrakanthasa (ta)rmmand
Vrå (brå)hmanaya vamtakam-kam 1 Mahavanasthå[na*)-vinirggataya Audalya
gôtrgyala Mg28 dhyamdinasakh-Adhyâyind di Padmasyâmi-pautraya 21° Trilochana-patraya d1o
Narayanasa(sarmmañê vrå (bra)hmaoàys Bårdham vamtakam=ēkam 1 Ma
Originally y&ma was engraved. • The edition of the grant of Arjunnvarman in Journ. Am. Or. 800. Vol. VII. p. 26, has bhardvaldrana. • These signs of punctuation are superfluous. • Bead ademábhira,
5 Metre: Vasantstilska • Instead of the akshara dhd originally dhas seems to have been engraved.
This sign of punctuation is superfluous. Here and in other places below the rules of sandhi bave not been observed.
* Originally Pardid-Sao was engraved. Read Pardiara-Saktri-Vasista-di, where the name Saktri, - elsewhere, would stand for the more correct Sakti. See below, line 71. I.e., bere and below, fr&triya
10 I..., here and below, alkohita.. 11 I..., bere end below, tuklas
1 Here the pravar as are omitted.

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[VOL. IX.
29 hàvanasthån8-vinirggatâya Katyayans-gotraya! SA (84)mavéd-Adhyâyind trio
Rámêsva(Avara-pautrảya tfi Jasõdhara-putrảya tfio S arafarmmande
vra(bra)hmaniya vantakam-d80 kam 1 Takarlsthana-vinirggatâys Bharadvaja-gôtråya Bharadvaj-Augirasa
VA(b)rhaspaty-êti tri-pravaraya Kanthomasákh-Adhyâyi31 no trio Dålana-pautráya trio  sâdhara-putrảya trio Visvēsvaragarmmands
vra (brá)hmapiya vamtakam-kam 1 Takaristhåna-vinirggataya Bharadvá32 ja-gotraya Bharadváj-Angirasa-VA(bå)rhasya(spa)ty-ti tri-pravaraya Madhyamdina
sakh-adhyâyind die Kelhana-pantraya dio Madhu-putraya di RA83 masa(barmmanê yrå (bra)hmaņå[y]a vamtakam=ēkam 1 Tripuristhåns
vinirggataya Bharadvaja-gôtrâya Bharadvaj-Âmgirasa-Va(bk)rhaspaty-êti tri
prava34 rêya pam 17 Haridhara-pautr&ya pam! Mabidhara-putråya pamo Bhrigu
Barmmaņee vrâ(bra)hmapiya sárddhar vamtakam=&kam 1 Mutavathusthåns.
vinirggataya 35 Kafyapa-gðtraya Kafyapa(p-A)vatsara-Naidhruv-êti tri-pravardya Åsvalayanasakh
Adhyâyinê chaol0 Prithvidhara-paatråya cha Åså(sk)dhara-pu36 trays agnior1 Nåråyanaśarmmane vr&(bra)hmaniya vamtakam=éka 1:
Akblåsthåna-vinirggataya Paráva u(su)-gôtrêya Parivagu(su)-Kankays37 Da-Kaikasêya! tri-pravarêya tha 118 Bharatap&la-pautråya tha ' Dallaqa-patraya
råja-Gośa (sa)laśarmmanele vrå (bra)hmanâya vamtakam=ekam 1 Mathurasthana-vinirggatâys Asvaldyanasakh-Adhyâyinê Vasi(si)shtha-gotraya Kaśyap-Âvatsêra
Vasi(si)shțh-êti tri-pravaráya chaturvvêda-Janarddana-pautra
Second Plate; Second Side. 39 ya chaturvvêda-Dharapidhara-putrậya mahârájapamţita-sri-GOsdéarmmaņ8
vra(bra)hmanaya vamtaka-dvayam 2 Mathurasthåna-vinirggataya A40 Svalayanasakh-Adh&ying Bhárggava-gotrays Bharggava-Chyavana-Åpnuvân16
Aurvva-Jâmadagny-eti pamcha-pravarîya cha . . . 10-pautraya chao 41 Vishņu-putraya cha Råmêsva(sva)rasa (ta)rmmaņê vrå (bra)hmaņaya vamtakam
ekar 1 Mathurasthana-vinirggatâya Afvala[ya®]nasakh-adhyâying Kasyapa
gôtre.
42 ya Kalyap-Åvatskra-Naidhruv-êti tri-pravaráya chao Samuddhara-pautrảya cha
Dåvadhara-putrâya chao Gadádbarasa(sa)rmmand vrâ(bra)hmapåya vamtakem=
ēkam 1 Ma43 thurasthana-vinirggatâya Åsvaldyanasakh-Adhyayinê Bhârggava-gotrays BA I
Vaitahayya-Såvētas-éti tri-pravardya chao Pavitra-pautra44 ya cha Dharapidhara-patriya chao Garbhêsva (kva)raśarmmand vrå (bra)hnaya
vathtakam=èkam 1 Mathuraathane-vinirggathya Åsvaldyanasakh-Adhyâyi
1 Katydyana-gótráya was originally omitted, and is engraved above the line. Here, again, the prasaras are omitted. ? Here and below for tri, i.e. tripdda.
For Yarddhara.
• For śdrafarmmand. In the place of the akshara na originally dea was engraved.
* Read Vildstara * This, or path, bere and below, - pasdita. The idknd of this man is omitted. • Below, in lines 47 and 49, the name is Muldvatie. » I..., here and below, chatureldas
11 I..., here and below, agnihotri. 13 Rend Kaikar-dli.
1..., here and below, thakkura-. * The idkhd of this mau is omitted.
15 Read - Apravdna-; see below, lines 53 and 66. » Here an open space is left for name of four syllables which has been omitted.

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Mandhata plates of Devapala.-[Vikrama-]Samvat 1282.
ना जावडामागतो मी टीवतिहाजिता साहात्यतिमाताई पाटाबाद विशाल 2टोमतीलानितडीमाता र रामोसा हादसणा दातासचाहता मनात दाट मोतितास्तानात
स्टोन होटलमाननितिममितीमापारीलिटो नाहिसराम शटास सुतलातामनावतामन्यताटा 4साहितिमातिना को गोरा निर्मितरता रखलात साळसाडि वाहिमामागीताasa
सोती जारकीदतमाहारा टिकी होतिदिवासंतात तितावादारापुंडलिनमीलिताहाततीत 6डयाटिलोनिमात्मादिनाकोनुतीरासातवीरशोरगीदततिरोलिनामदाकलदकलादिदा मोबामनियम नातिनी बालिता गाजवतामाकोसमात माहितिमा नरखमनारायवी मानवता मानपतातहिनातिवामपटिसनकाटतानबमोटानकाoयवतमाहनिमामी GERaहातमडिटीतमौजटाशीविजनताशात सूतवासहीनातिरडाटातालाई राहत 10नि बोबिंवमोमदातsanaieमोहतासावधातिमा वसापतीपदाठीनटाटासासपातलोकउटीdिavari
तमामघाटमा नामस्वामिताप्रमतरतामोतिटकातिवादीतलहटाइलमानपतमाना। 12 Beaलहानाहानाजोगततपदिततताततामनरलहनतानाजावानातानीकाटीललो
CAREEलनीलादम माहटामिनालादित विशारदासगारन्टाटिकुविनिताaadicसमान 14 संमतीतारावतमगारापतकतीपटटनवतिततरपतिवादिस्टाराष्ट्रातलमाणिक
काममाज बना मनपोनसही सक्तानास्वानाशीलरागठारितात 16मरदनविशमानमराहमालतकोप देतमालपतातानातावागाटाना
तितनिहोटेलसालमानौतासनस्तादाकासवाटटशाम उडानडानासत 18 ठाणमीमममसराङपालादारानाविनिताहाकलऊनावाटीत वाचावतलावा
विमानाशीमादिधातामातमातिप्रशोहित दादशशत मतमतारामा मात्रा में मातमा ।
S
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201मपिरहिटीजीदासटन सतावतगततानलमाससमामापताशात
तविमिटतानातामाटातीतारमहलाटुसमानी 22'सरकारमालकान तिसतिम गाजलमगीकाराममानवालही ताटामा हिमाहालिन
दिमागरमा नयागासशकविलगशानिन्टामोटगी नोटाबालवद्वारा नाममा माहात 24 सीटिवेटा मेलमिलातावनिहीताटातवी उदाताहाताराहाता रसातवपतमा परी
लामनभारतादिनिटी हानाहानाबकमदाटलांनीटाशकत्सयसमी वाणीटाटाने। Soni का सतावतयानविनिधी ताटाविमाताटालोतिरितीतारसतिपतगटाडासलीलगायाामितता शिक्षा
houEAठysडकंठसमीपमा हामीटकममतातनावलौता बदलामा 28छोटिनशाना साटिनेटाsailand Faagalटीना शासकवाडागाटासातवटलताम:
नातनदानतिनिहीताताशा मानवाटिनेतनामसपोटात मोहरबान साराकोगटाडागाटावेटकम । 30 पर कारोवानतिनिता सनावदानाबादांताराहांडीनिवसतासाताराटाकावमारता
a call आशावाष नमामि शोसावट मेटलारी यानविन ताटालाना 325मीजासत्ताकाटORLमहाHिELaपटीगावटिजाहानिदेतीपातामाटोमवपुताटकर
RUSLटक मतलमाननादाला जहाजमोलाटाहाबबाडावपसमgai 34 रनबमोटरबाटोमारवटामुतवमानवता
मीनातायातसारनितितिविपतटावासिला माननासावाटरनेतनारायण नाटातवासातव 36ठरटिना रामगशीयानाहाटक की डाक्षरेनाखासमानताटावरागवायतकाकार
मातsualठात गलागी नानाजापाडताकालयमानितटकरूपामखुप 38 नवनीताटाडायलायनशामा सिनेतशिघतो बाटामाहाराजजातहपतराशनादER
E. HULTZSCH
W. GRIGGS, PHOTO-LITH,
SCALE ONE-THIRD FROM INK-IMPRESSIONS SUPPLIED BY MR. H. COUSENS

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No. 13.] MANDHATA PLATES OF DEVAPALA AND JAYAVARMAN II.
111
45 ne Kasyapa-gôtrêya Kasyap-Avatsara-Naidhruv-ti tri-pravaraya chao Samuddhara
pautrảya chao Dévadhara-putråya chao Lohataśarmmano vrå (bra)hmang46 ya varhtakam-êkam
Dim vånakasthana-vinirggatâys SamikshayanasakhAdhyayind Gautama-gôtraya Gautam-Âmgirasa-Autatthy-ti tri-prava47 råya chao Dharaṇidhara-pantråya chao Vra(bra)hma-patrầya chao Purushottama
sarmmanê vra(bra)hmaņåya vamtakam=ôkam 1 Mutâvathûsthana-vinirggataya
Madhyan18 dinasákh-adhyayiné Kasyapa-gôtråya Kaśyap-Avatsåra-Naidhruv-êti tri-pravaraya
dvio Govinda-pantriya dvio Vasadhara-putraya dvi" Gada49 dharaśarm maņê vra(bra)hmaņaya vamtakak-a)rddham Mutâvathusthåna
vinirggatâya Madhyamdinasakh-adhyâyinê Kaśyapa-gôtrays Kasyap-Å vatsara
Naidhru50 y-êti tri-pravaraya dio "Gamgadhara-pautraya dio Kesava-puträys Udaisarmmand vra(brahmanaya vamtaka(k-a) ddbar
MahAvanasthA[na®]vinirggataya Kau51 thumaśåkh-adhyâyinð Gautama-gôtråga Gautam-Âmgirasa-Antatthy-êti tri
pravaraya pamo M adana-pautrảya pamo Kâhna(nha)da-putrậya par
Kuladharasa(sa)rmmand 52 vrå (brahmaniya vamtakam=@kam 1 Takaristhåns-vinirggatâya Kauthumasakh
adhyayind Vatsa-gôtrêya Bhârggava-Chyavana-Apnuvân Auryna-Jámadagny-ê. 3 tipamcha-pravaraya tộio Janárddana-pautrầya tộio Narasim(siin ha-putraya ävs
Abhiramdaśarmmaņē vrå (brâ)hmayâya vamtakam-êkam Madhyadêsa
vinirggata54 ya Madhyamdi na*]såkh-adhyâying Mudgala-gôtråya Âmgirasa(sa)-Bhara .. 84-8
Mudgal-êti tri-pravaraya agnio Chchhitd-pautráya agni Dharanidhara-putri55 ya agnio Anantaśarmmaņê vrå (brå)hmanâya vamtakam=ôkam 1 Madhyadeśa
vinirggatâya Madhyamdinaśâkh-adhyâyinê Samạilya-gôtráya Sâmdilya-Asi(si)ta56 Déval-ti tri-pravaraya yajñio Nagadêva-pautraya yajñi' Krishna-putraya agnio
Sthânêsva (sva)ragarmmaņd vrå(bra)hmanâya vamtakam-okam 1 Mathurasthana
vini
57 rggataya Åsvalâyanasakh-adhyâying Dhaumya-gộtråya Kaśyap-Âvatsara-[Nai®]dhray
etilo tri-pravarâya chao Vishņu-pautrậya chao Sâdhârana-putra58 ya cha Udha[ra] sarmmaņê vra(bra)hmaşaya vartakam=8kam 1 Mathurasthena..
vinirggatâya 12 Râpâyinisákh-adhyâying Bháradvája-gðtraya Angi59 rasa-VA(bi)rhaspatya-Bharadvaj-êti tri-pravaraya tộio Madhava-pautrayal3 tfio
Sômêsva(Ava)ra-putriya trio Kuladharaśarmmanê vra (bra)hmapâya vamtakamēkam 1
Third Plate. 60 Mathurasthana-vinirggatậya Ranâyinisákh-adhyayinê Bharadvája-gôtraya Arngirasa
VA(b)rhaspatya-Bharadwaj-êti tri-pravaraya trio Ri(ri)shi-pautrầya třio
1 Read śdink hydyana or, more correctly, śdikhdyana'.
Autatthy. - Auchatthy; see below, B., line 33. 1.o., here and below, dvivlda.. • Originally Gdigao was engraved, but the first d has been struck out. . Originally sthanan vi was engraved.
. Read - Apnardna. I I..., bere and below, dvasathika.
. In this name an open space is left for two syllables. The name which one would have expected is Bldrmgasta. • Lo., here and below, yájnika.
10 The akshara od is engraved above the line. 11 Originally Odhapa was engraved.
13 Read, bere und below. Randyansyaidkh-. 11 The akshara dha is engraved above the line.

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[VOL. IX
61 MÅrkanda-putriya trio Madhusudanaśarmmaņê vrå (brå)hmaņaya vamtakam=&kam 1
Sarasvatisth&na-vinirggatâys Katha & kh-ådhyayinê [Har]ita-Kutsa62 gôtrâya Angirasa(sa)-1 Anva(ba)risha-Yanvankev(sv)-&ti tri-pravarâya chao Vijayl
pautrậya cha Ajayi-putraya cbao Alligarmmaņê vrå (bra)hmaņaya vamtakam
ökar 1 63 Madhyadésa-vinirggatâya MadhyandinasAkb-Adhyâyiné Káśyapa-gộtrâya Kábyap
Avatskra-Naidhruv-êti tri-pravariya upå°2 Nåråyapa-pauträys agnio 64 Jasadêva-putriyadi Lahadasarmmanê6 vr(brahmanaya vamtakam=ékam 1
Madhyadsa-vinirggatâya MadhyamdinasAkh-Adhyâyiné Samạilya-gôtråya A65 ti(si)ta-Devala-Sâm (sâm)ạily-êti tri-pravaraya agnio Katuka-pautrậya di Paru
shottama-putraya avao Narasim baśarmmaņê vrå (brå)hmaņaya vamtakam=&kam 1
Ma66 dhyadesa-vinirggatya Madhyamdinngåkh-adhyayind Markandeya-gôträys
Bharggava-Chyavana-Apnavan Aurvva-Jámadagny-êti pamcha-pravaraya agnio
Chchhitů-pau67 trậya apko - Damodara-patriya avao Markandeyasarmmane vrå (brahmanåya
vamtakam-êkam 1 Madhyedeśa-vinirggatâya Madhyamdinaśâkh-adhyâyind
Bharadvaja-go68 trậya Ângirasa(sa)-7VA(bk)rhaspatya-Bharadváj-êti tri-pravarâya dvio Narayana
pauträys dvi Padmanabha-patrầya pâthao8 Vayudévasarmmaņa vra(bra)hmanaya
vamtaka69 m=ékam 1 Mathurasthåna-vinirggatâya Âśvalâyanaśåkb-adhyâyiné Kautsa-gôtraya
Âmgirasa(ba)-Amva(barisha-Yauvanåsv(sv)-êti tri-pravaráya cha Hari-paa70 tråya cha Janarddana-patråya chao Rajébarmmaņê vrå (bra)hmapåya vamtakam
Arddham Hastinapura.vinirggatâya Kantbumasakh-Adhyâyiné Påråsa (sa)ra-gôtre71 ya Påråsa(SA)ra-Saktri- Vasi(si)shth-êtitri-pravarêya pamohao10 Kahna(nhada
pautrảya pamcha Kumara-putráya pamdioll. Kusumapalasarmmand
vrå (bra)hmanaya vartakam-ekam 1 72 samasto-pi gråmas-chatuḥkamkata-1% visu(so)ddhaḥ sa-vșikshamålåkulaḥ sa
hiranyabhågabhôgah s-parikaraḥ sarvvådåya-samêtaḥ sa-nidhinikshepah sha73 mhalåtama[ka]-13gamanvitô mátâpitrôr=&tmanaś=chs punyajasô-14bhivsiddhaye
chandrårkarnnavakshiti-samakklan yavat=paraya(y) bhaktyå sånå(sa)nên=ôdaka
púrvvam pradattaḥ (1") tan=ma74 två tannivâsi(si)-pastta]kilajanapadair-yathadiyamåna-bhagabhôgakarahiraṇyådikam
devavrå (bra)hmanabhukti-varjjam=åjñs-vidhêyair-bhitvå sarvvam=ebhyo vrå (bra)
hmaņēbhyð dåtavyam [1] 75 Amânya ch-aitat-punya-phalar vadhv 16 samadvam kajair=anyair-api bhavi
bhəktribhir-asmatpradatta-dharmmaday16 syam=anumantavyaḥ pålaniyas-cha17 11 Uktam cba || 18Va(ba)hubhir-vaśn(en)dhi
1 Originally Angirifa- was engraved.
I.e., here and below, wpddhydya.. • This sign of wbbreviation is engraved at the commencement of the next line. • For Yaidddoa-.
. Originally Lohadao was engraved. . Read Apnaodna-.
* Originally Angirita- was engraved. • I.e. pdfhaka..
. Read Saktri-, and see above, p. 109, note 8. 10 I..., here and below, paiichakalpi-(P).
11 I.e. pandita...
13 Read chatushkamkata-. # The akahara in brackets might possibly be read chha. As will be seen from the facsimile, the space between 14 and ta at the commencement of line 73 is larger than it generally is between two akaharas. * Read punyayaló-.
15 Bead buddhed. "One would have expected dharmmaddy6; but dharmmddáy is the reading of most of the Paramira copper-plates. 17 Originally 'what was engraved.
10 Metre of this verse and the next: śloka (Anushtubb).

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No. 13.] MANDHATA PLATES OF DEVAPALA AND JAYAVARMAN II.
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76 bhukta rajabhiḥ Sagar-Adibhiḥ yagya yasya yad& bhūmis-tasya tabya tada
phalam 11 Sva-dattâm para-dattam và yê harêta vasundharan | 88
vishthayam ksimir-bhůtvå pitsibhiḥ saha 77 majjati || Sarvvån=bvam bhâvind bhumip&lan=bhuyo bhuyo yâchate
Ramabbadrab [lo] sâmânyô=yam dharmma-setur-nfipânâın kald kald pålani78 yo bhavadbhib || Iti kamaladalâinvu(bu)vindu-101Arh Sriyam=anuchintya
manushya-jivitat chal sakalam-idam=ud&hfitam cha vudhvál na hi pu79 rushaih para-kirttayo vilôpya iti || Samvat 1282 varshê Bhadra-sudi 15 Gurau ||
Do brimu 3116 Rachitam=ida[m] mahasândhi80 vigrahika-pandita-sri-Vi(bi)lhana-sarmatêna 6 raja-guruņa Madan na! Sva-hasto
ya mahârâja-bri-Dévapaladêvasya | Mangalar mahậ-brih (1)
TRANSLATION OF VERSES 1-22. Om! Om! Obeisance to dharma,7 the crest-jewel of the aims of man!
(Verse 1.) May (the Moon), the Lord of the twice-born, gladdener of the world, after having openly socepted the earth in the guise of its reflection, bestow blessings on you !
(V. 2.) May that Parasurama be victoriong, for whom, when he granted the earth to the Brahmans, the very orb of the twilight-sun, pierced by the Kshatriyas slain (by him) in fight, became the copper-plate !
(V. 3.) May Ráma minister to your welfare, he who in battle quenched the fire of separation from his life's mistress by the water of Mandôdari'g10 tears!
(V. 4.) May Yudhishthira be victorious, whose feet even Bhima placed on his head, (an:) whom the Moon, the progenitor of his 'ace, framed as it were equal unto himself!
(V.5.) There was a king, great like Kamsa's conqueror," an ornament of the Paramara family, the glorious Bhôjadova, who occupied the surface of the earth by the van of his army, 12
Metre : éalini. 1 Metre: Pushpitágra.
* Read buddhod. • Le ddtakaḥ or ddtah (as in the inscription B.). . For the exact shape of this mark, which is not a sign of punctuation, see the accompanying photo-lithograp... • This sign of punctuation is superfluous.
1 I find no English word by which I could fully express all the meanings of the Sanskrit dharma; in the present case religious merit' would perhaps best convey some idea of what is intended. The four aims of man'are dharma, artha, kama and móksha.
The spot (kalanka) in the moon is by poets taken to be the reflected image of the earth. Prof. Jacobi, who first drew my attention to this notion, quotes Raghuva nfa XIV. 40, and especially Haravijaya XLI. 64; and I find that the idea is clearly expressed in verse 1982 of the Subhdshitápali, according to which others have said' that the spot in the moon is the reflected image of the earth' (bhd mdfacha bimba pard); compare also ibid. v. 2684, fafalakshmanaḥ parinata prithvi kalankdyatd. With pratibimba-nibldt compare pratibimba-mishdt in the Parijdtamaajari, above, Vol. VIIL. p. 110, line 50 ; and with jagad-dhlddayan, as applied to the moon, ahlddayanapifoam in Ind. Ant. Vol. XVI. p. 208, line 1.- The Moon being dvija (or Brahman), one of his privi. leges is to receive gifts (pratigrala), just as it is his duty to make them (ddna).
The verse has been called awkward, because it has not been understood. Since warriors slain in battle enter heaven through the sun, this luminary, covered with their blood, assumes the reddish hue of copper. In this state it appears in the twilight sky, and is thus represented to be the very copper-plate charter (td mra) by which Parasurama granted the earth to the Brahmaqs. For the idea of warriors who are slain in battle splitting the sun compare, e.g., Ep. Ind. Vol. II. p. 192, v. 83; Subhdahitávali, v. 2274; and the pretty verse, given to illustrate the Acare of otkama, in Ekdoall, Bombay ed., p. 325: Nardshu kantdahu kritábhilashd) svargdaganda prokahva marlehimalt Nrisimha budpala taondhardahu kampákulan darfayati valimbam l; afraid of being split, the sun trembles. 10 Mandadari was Ravana's favourite wife.
" I.e. the god Krishga 19 The word dslra (ie. s&nd-makha) occurs in the Parijatamañjart, above, Yol. VIII. p. 116, 1. 78; also, e.g, in the Naithadhiyacharita, XII. 73 and XIII. 23.

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(V. 6.) When the lustre of the moonlight of his glory overflowed the lap of the regions, there closed the day-lotuses of the glory accumulated by hostile kings.
(V. 7.) Then came Udayaditya, whose one desire was constant enterprise ; who, of unequalled glory as a hero, made inglorious his adversaries.
(V. 8.) As lofty mountains, abounding in ridges, at the end of a mundane period are aprooted by impetuous winds, so in fierce contest how many rulers of the earth, abounding in amics, were not uprooted by his irresistible arrows !
(V. 9.) From him sprang king Naravarman, who cleft the vital parts of adversaries; the acme of kings, wise in upholding religion.
(V. 10.) At overy dawn froely granting shares of villages to Brahmane, he made religion, one-footed though it is in this Kali age), possessed of several feet.
(V. 11.) His son was Yasovarman, the chaplet of Kshatriyas; (and) from him sprang his son Ajayavarman, renowned for the glory of victory.
(V. 12.) His son, of auspicious birth, the foremost of heroes, was Vindhyavarman, long of arın, eager to extirpate the Gurjaras,
(V. 13.) The sword of this (king) skilled in war, with Dhard rescued by it, assumed three edges, to protect as it were the three worlds.
(V. 14.) Then the son of that illustrious one, king Subhatavarman, abiding by religion, ruled the surface of the earth, glorious like Iudra.
(V. 15.) The fire of prowess of that conqueror of the quarters, whose splendour was like the sun's, in the guise of a forest-fire even to-day blazes in the town of the blustering Gurjara.
(V. 16.) Now that he has attained unto godhead, his son king Arjuna supports with his arm the circle of the earth like a bracelet.
(V. 17.) When in the battle which was his childhood's frolic Jayasimha took to flight, his iame spread in the quarters in the guise of the laughter of the quarters' guardians.
(V. 18.) A treasure-house of the stores of poetry and song, he now has relieved the goddess (Sarasvati) of the burden of her books and lyre.
(V. 19.) This triple hero made his fame triply sprout. How otherwise did the three worlds acquire their whiteness?
la the galilen age dharma had four feet, of which it lost one in each subsequent age (Paráfarasmriti, ed. by V an Sustri Islâmpurkar, Vol. I. P. I. p. 82). The word for share in the original being pada, i.e. foot, the king by crauting shares of villages increase the number of dharma's feet and so brought back as it were the kolde oge. Compare Ind. Ant. Vol. XVIII. p. 218, 1. 19: mahdddnddy-aftnyasi kuronaspareranyaandkaiah 1 dharmony=arfrridhad-younris; see also ibid. Vol. XII. p. 159, 1. 7.
By itielf the sword hal two eilges (andra); the town of Dhara, retaken by it, became its third edge (hard). The autlior suggests that the sword became like the tridhárd, i.e. the three-streamed 'Gang, which flows through, and purifies, heaven, earth, and the lower regions.
The wonl pattana may also be taken a proper name of the well-known Fattans (see ag. above, Vol. VIIL p. 224, No. XII., and p. 220, No. XXXII.).
Garijad-Gdrijara- oceurs also above, p. 85. 1. 27; compare also Ind. Ant. Vol. XVIII. p. 217, 1. 11: ta aivan G[1]rijara garija.
This now is really inappropriate in inscriptions of Arjunavarman's successors, but the verses 16-19 have been taken over unchanged from that king's own grants.
o le a hero in fight, in compassion (like Jimataváhana), and in bounty (like Bali)- yuddha-vira, daydfra, and dana-efra; compare Vámanacharya in his elition of the Karyaprakdia, p. 113; Sringdratilaka, III. 14 (trividh nayakah); and similar works. In the Parijata maijarl, above, Vol. VIII. p. 102, 1. 7, and p. 103, 1. 18, Arjuna varman is styled trividharira oddamani. The same epithet I find applied to a person named Udaya, in three Mount Abà inscriptions of the Vikrama year. 1245 and 1291 (Mr. Cousens' List, Nos. 1725, 1726 and 1840). With the whole verse one may compare Bldvall, p. 258: Narasimha mahlpdla kirtinaripathagd tara wa kasya bhavitd fldghya pundnd bhuvanatrayam 1.

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No. 13.] MANDHATA PLATES OF DEVAPALA AND JAYAVARMAN II.
(V. 20.) Then, through the want of merit of suppliants and through the merit of the lovely-browed damsels of paradise, he who was both marvellously bountiful and amorous went to heaven.
(V. 21.) Then Dévapâla, full of prowess- the son of Harischandra, the moon of the Pramaras came to rule the Malava country.
(V. 22.) Because of the pouring out of the water of donations by him who holds kusa grass in his lotus-hand, we know no difference between Dévapâla and the guardian of the gods [whom the exploits of the enemy of the Dânavas caused to take the argha in his lotus-hand (to make a respectful offering)].1
Number.
Name of donee.
1 Gangadhara
2 Bhadresvara
3 Chandrakantha
4 Narayana
5 Sura
6 Visvesvara
7 Rama
8 Bhrigu
9 Narayana
LIST OF THE DONEES IN LINES 22-71.
Description.
Wel
śrôtriya
Sukla
dikshita
trivêda
dikshita
pandita
agnihotrin
Gotra.
Parasa [ra] Pavitra
33
Audalya Katyayana
| Bharadvaja
Kasyapa
Såkha or Vêda. Place of origin. Shares.
Vajimadhyamdina Asrama
Âśvalâyana Mahavana
Madhyamdina
Samaveda
Kauthuma
Madhyamdina
omitted. Âśvalayana
115
33
Takari
"3
Tripurt
Mutavathu
Carried over
1
1
1
1+
1
1
1
11
1
10
1 The king Dévapåla and the guardian of the gods (dévapála, i.e. the god Indra) are alike because either of them is dánavári-vijrimbhitaiḥ pavitrakarapadmaḥ. About the exact meanings of the first of these two words there can be no doubt; it means both 'the pouring forth of the water of donations' (dána-vári), and the exploits of the enemy of the Dinavas' (Dánava-ari, i.e. the god Vishnu-Krishna). I am not so sure about the two meanings of the second word. Referred to the king, it means 'holding pavitra (i.e. kuia or darbha grass, which is taken up by the person who is about to make a donation) in his lotus-hand. Applied to Indra, I take it to mean that Indra, pleased with the exploits of the conqueror of the Danavas, took up the pavitra (i.e. the argha vessel) to make a respectful offering to Vishnu. In support of this explanation I would quote Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 124, v. 2, where Brahman offers to Vishnu the argha-salila, when he sees how the latter has cheated Bali. But I am myself not quite satisfied with this explanation, because I suspect the word padma to have been used in two different senses in the compound. From inscriptions we may compare with our verse especially the verse in Ind. Ant. Vol. XVIII. p. 218, 11. 19 and 20: Śriyam babhdra vidhivad-dánavárátitoshitaḥ| Mahendravad-dvijaéréshthavarggas tat-samgam-dgataḥ, where dánavárátit óshitaḥ means both 'excessively pleased by the water of donations' and 'pleased by the enemy of the Dânavas.' Dánavári also has a third meaning, the rutting-juice of elephants (mada-jala), and in that sense as well as in the sense of the enemy of the Danavas' the word is used in the Naishadhiyacharita, XIII. vv. 3 and 23, the first of which, in so far as it is applicable to Indra, seems to have suggested the friyam babhdra...dánavárátitóshitaḥ Mahendra[4] of the verse quoted above from an inscription. (Incidentally I may mention that Panchanaliya is not the title of a work,' but a name of the 18th sarga of the Naishadhiyacharita). In Akávali, p. 200, the hand of a king is compared with the ocean, because both hold the dánardri.
"
s All these names have the word farman attached to them.
With the exception of Madhyadéia and Rastindpura, these names have the word athana attached to them.
02

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116
Number.
Name of donec.
10 Gosala
11 Gôsê
12 Râmêsvara
13 Gadadhara
14 Garbhêsvara
15 Lohata
16 Purushottama
17 Gadadhars
18 Udai (Uday!)
19 Kuladhara
20 Abhinanda
21
Ananta
22 Sthânêsvars
23 Udha[ra]
24 Kuladhara
25 Madhusudans
26 Alli
27 Lalada
29 Narasimha
29 Markandeya
30 | Viyudeva
31 Raje
32 Kusumapala
LIST OF THE DONEES IN LINES 22-71-contd.
Description.
rajau
Paravasu
maharajapandita Vasishtha
chaturveda
Bhargava
Kasyapa
Bhargava
KASyapa
Gautama
Kasyapa
33
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
33
33
39
dvivêda
omitted.
pagdita
Avasathika
agnihotrin
chaturveda
trivêda
chaturveda
dikshita
Avasathika
Gotra.
pathaka
chaturveda
pandita
Gautama
Vatsa
Mudgala
Sandilya
Dhaumya
Bharadvlja
21
Harita-Kutsa
KAбyapa
Sandilya
Markandeya
Bharadvajn
Kautsa
Parasara
Sakha or Vêda.
Brahman, árôtriya, 1. 23; chaturveda, 1. 47. Chhitů, agnihotrin, 11. 54, 66. Dalapa, trivêda, 1. 31.
omitted. Asvalâyana
"
33
33
Kauthuma
Madhyardina
31
Asvalayana
Ranayini
Katha
Madhyamdina
Sankhayana
Dindvânaka
Madhyaṁdina Mutavathu
A
Asvalayana Kauthuma
Place or origin. Shares.
Brought forward
Akola
Mathura
33
33
33
[VOL. IX.
99
Mahavana
Takari
Madhyndesa
Mathura
2:
Sarasvati
Madhyadesa
"
Mathura
Hastinapura
TOTAL
NAMES OF THE FATHERS AND GRANDFATHERS OF THE DONEES.
Ajayi, chaturveda, 1. 62. Asadhara, trivêda, 1. 31; chaturveda, 1. 35.
Bharatapâla, thakkura, 1. 37.
10.
1
2
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
12
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
821
Dallapa, thakkura, 1. 37.
Damodara, śròtriya, 1. 23; upâdhyaya,
1. 67.
Dêvadhara, chaturveda, 11. 42, 45. Dharanidhara, chaturveda, 11. 39, 44, 47; agnihotrin, 1. 54.

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No. 13.) MANDHATA PLATES OF DEVAPALA AND JAYAVARMAN II.
117
Gangadhara, dikshita, 11. 25, 50. Govinda, dvivêda, l. 48. Hari, chaturveda, 1. 69. Haridhara, pandita, 1. 34. Janardana, chaturveda, 11. 38, 70; trivôda,
1. 53. Jasaddva, agnihotrin, 1. 64. Jasodhara, triveda, 1. 29. Kanhada, paņdita, 1. 51; panchakalpin(?),
1. 71. Katuka, agnihotrin, 1. 65. Kálhaņa, dikshita, 1. 32. Kesava, dikshita, 1. 50. Krishna, yajnika, 1. 56. Kumars, panchakalpin(?), l. 71. Madana, paņdita, 1. 51. Madhava, triveda, 1. 59. Madhu, dikshita, 1. 32. Madhukantha, sukla, 1. 27. Mabaditya, kvasathika, 1. 25.
Mabidhara, papdita, 1, 34 Márkanda, triveda, 1. 61. Någadêva, yâjūika, 1. 56. Narasimha, triveda, 1. 53. Narayana, upadhyâya, 1. 63; dvivêda, 1. 68. Padmanabha, dvivêda, 1. 68. Padmas våmin, dikshita, 1. 28. Pavitra, chaturveda, 1. 43. Prithvidhara, chaturveda, 1. 35. Purushottama, dikshita, 1. 65. Råmēsvara, triveda, 1. 29. Rishi, trivôda, 1. 60. Sådhårana, chaturveda, 1. 57, Samuddhara, chaturveda, 11. 42, 45. Simhakantha, dikshita, 1. 26. Sômêsvara, triveda, 1. 59. Trilôchana, dikshita, 1. 28. Våsadhara, dvivêda, 1. 48. Vijayi, chaturveda, 1. 62. Vishnu, chaturveda, 11. 41, 57.
B-MÅNDHÅTÅ PLATES OF JAYAVARMAN II. ; [VIKRAMA-SAMVAT 1817.
These are two plates which were found by Mr. Lele, some time in 1904, at the village of Godarpura opposite the island of Mândhâta, on the southern bank of the NarmadA in the Nimar district of the Central Provinces. They were sent by the Deputy Commissioner of Nimêr to the Provincial Museum at Nagpur, where they are now deposited. They measure about 1' 51" broad by 10% high, and are held together by two rings, now out, for which there are two holes in either plate. I edit the inscription which they contain from impressions sent to me by the Government Epigrapbist.
The first plate is inscribed on one side, and the second on both sides. The writing both on the first plate and on the first side of the second plate covers a space about 1'4' broad by between 91" and 10' high, that on the second side of the second plate 1' 4" broad by 8" high. The three sides together contin 53 lines of well-engraved writing which throughout is in a perfect state of preservation. On the proper right of the second side of the second plate, between lines 42 and 50, a vertical line marks off a space 3" broad by 4' high, which contains an engraving of Garuda, with, below it, the words sva-hasto-ya maharajasya II, in smaller characters than thoso in the body of the inscription. The bird is represented in human form, kneeling towards the left, but with the head turned towards the right, and with four hands, the two inner ones of which are joined over the breast, while the two others are lifted up on either side, the one on the left holding a snake, the head of which looks like a bird's head. The size of the letters is about g". The characters are Nagari, closely resembling those of the inscription A., and the language is Sanskrit. The inscription is so carefully written that in respect of orthography only few remarks are necessary. The sign for v denotes both b and v; the dental sibilant is used for the palatal only in sata., 1.25 ; as is often the case elsewhere, dy, dv and dhu are employed instead of ddy, ddv and 'ddhu ; Janárddanais written Janárjjana- in line 34, and shadbkir= 85 shabhir= in line 37. The sign of avagraha is employed seven times ; and, excepting in sampratan, 1. 16, m at the end of a verse or half-verse
1 The plates were first mentioned by Mr. Lele in Dhar State, dated the 24th August 1904.
Report of his on the progresa of Archeological work in the

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. IX.
is denoted by the sign for m, not by that of anusvdra.- In lines 1-23 the inscription has 23 verses, chiefly containing genealogical matter, 21 of which are already known to us from the inscription A.; and in lines 25-27 we again find the verse commencing with Vatabhravibhramam=ida vasudh-adhipatyam, and in lines 42-48 five benedictive and imprecatory verses, the last of which here too is the verse commencing with Iti kamaladalambuvindu-lålam. There are besides two verses in lines 50-52, which record the names of persons who had to do with the writing of the grant. In the prose part of the text, attention may be drawn to the peculiar construction in lines 25-28, asmábhiḥ ... Gárgadeva-pársvát ... gramô=yan tribhyo brahmanabhyo dapitah, we have caused Gangadêva to give this village to three Brâhmans.'
The inscription records an order by the Paramara Maharajadhiraja Jayavarman (II.) of Mâlava, dated, as will be shown below, in A.D. 1260 and 1261. Of the 23 verses with which it opens, verses 1.21 are identical (except for two various readings) with the same verses of the inscription A., and contain therefore the same list of kings from Bhojadeva to Dêvapala. The two new verses, 22 and 23, may be rendered thus :
“When that king, the glorious Dêvapala, had joyfully resorted to Indra's abode, his son, & death-dealing god to enemies (while) ever pleasing the people by his good qualities, the wise king Jaitugidêva, the glorious Malava chief, ruled this land, by his noble exploits & young Nåråyaņa."
"Now that he, after enjoying the delights of royalty, has gone to the habitation of the gods, his younger brother, king Jayavarman, rules the land."
Dévapala, therefore, was succeeded by his son Jaitugidêve, and he by his younger brother Jayavarman (II).-Jaitugidêve was known already from the prasasti in Åsadhara's Dharmůmrita, referred to above, according to which the commentary on that work was completed during the reign of the Pramára Dêvapala's son Jaitugidēva, on date which corresponds to Monday, the 19th October A.D. 1243. In my Northern List, No. 223, I have assumed that Jaitugidova is identical with a king who is mentioned in * Rabatgadh inscription of the 28th August A.D. 1256, noticed by me in Ind. Ant. Vol. XX. p. 84, where I have given the king's name as Jaya[simha]dêva. But with what we now know from the present inscription, I am not sure whether Sir A. Cunningham was not right in reading the same name as Jaya[varmma]déva, and would therefore suspend my judgment on the matter till we possess proper impressions of an inscription at Udaypur in Gwalior, which seems to be of the reign of a king Jayasinghadêva and to be dated in the [Vikrama) year 1311 (in Jan.
1 Exactly the same construction occurs in my Report on the search for Sanskrit M88., Bombay, 1881, p. 11: tena ... Idkhaka-86hada-parfodleliklápita, he caused the writer Sohada to write a certain MS.).' With the use of parivát we may compare that of hastát in Prof. Peterson's Fifth Report, p. 29: Udayachandraganina Jinabhadrallkhaka-Maadd-Vimalachandragani-hastachacha Oghanirywktisdirah Ikhitam.
In verse 17 this inscription has Jaitrasithé instead of Jayasinhd, and in verse 21 prufásli instead of rarak ha. For the reading Jaitrasith Md see above, Vol. VIII. p. 203, where a certain person is called both Jayantasitha and Jaitrasimha. If any importance could be attached to the new reading, it would in my opinion show that the Jayasimba, who was defeated by Arjunavarman, undoubtedly was the Chaulukys Jayantasimha (Jayasinha) Abbinavasiddhardja.
The text actually has: "Now that Devapala has resorted to Indra's abode, his son Jaitugidêva rules this land." The verse undoubtedly was taken over unchanged from an inscription of Jaitugidova bimself.
Bala-Narayana most probably was an epithet of the king. Compare Kumdra-Nardyana, as an epithet of the Paramara Sindburája, in the Navasahasdakacharita, 1. 69.
. See above, p. 107.
• See Archæol. Survey of India, Vol. X. p. 31. Judging from Sir A. Cunningham's rabbing of the inscription which I have gain examined, the two aksharas between Jaya and deva are almost completely broken away.
I am writing this with Sir A. Cunningham's rubbing of the inscription before me.

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No. 13.) MANDHATA PLATES OF DEVAPALA AND JAYAVARMAN II.
119
nary 1255). For the present, what is certain is, that Jaitagideval was reigning in A.D. 1243 and his younger brother Jayavarman in A.D. 1260-61.
In lines 23 ff. of our inscription Jayavarman informs all king's officers, Brabmans and others, and the Patfakila and other people dwelling at the village of Vadaüda in the Mabuada pathaka, that, while staying at Mandapadurg, in the year 1317 (given in words), he caused the Pratihira Gangadêve to give the village of Vadaüda to three Brahmans.
And, according to lines 28 ff., the Pratihára Gangadêva, on Sunday, the third tithi of the bright half of Agrahayaņa (Margasirsha) of the year 1917, while the wikshatra was Pârvishadha and the yoga Sala, at Amarêsvara-kshetra on the southern bank of the Rêvå (Narmadá), after bathing at the confluence of the Rêvà and Kapila and wo shipping the holy Amaresvaraddva (Siva) with the five offerings, gave the village of Vaqaüda, divided into six shares (vantaka) so that
four shares (pada) were assigned to the agnihotrint Madhav:sarman- & son of the pathaka Harisarman and grandson of the driveda Veda- & Brahmap of the Bhargava gôtra and student of the Madhyamdina sukha, who had come from Navagâ mva ;6
one share (pada) to the chaturveda Janårdana- & son of the driveda Limadeva and grandson of the dvirada Låsha- a Brahman of the Gautama gôtra and student of the Asvalâyana důkhd, who had come from Takam; and
ope share (pada) to the dviveda Dhamad&valarman- a son of the dikshita Divakara and grandson of the dikshita Keku- & Brahman of the Bharadvaja gôtra and student of the Madhyamdina sakha, who had come from Ghata ushari.
From line 37 to line 48 the text contains so well-known phrases that it may be passed over here. The remaining part of the inscription yields the following information :
On Thursday, the Lith of the bright half of Jyêshtha of the year 1317, this king's order (rija sileana) was written 'here, at Mandapadurga,' by Harshadêva, a son of the learned Gavisa, with the approbation of the sindhivigrahika (or minister of peace and war), the pandita Maládbarn, an official of the Maharajadhiruja, the glorious Jayavarmadeve; and the king's document was corrected by the grammarian (sabdika) Amadeva, a disciple of the learned Goseka (GOKU) who know the boundless essence of legal scienoe.' The grant was engraved by the rúpakara Kanhada. The dúta was the great minister (mahápradhana), Rújd Ajayadêva.
The words this is the own hand (i.e. the sign-manual) of the Maharija' are engraved, as has been already stated, under the engraving of Garuda on the second side of the second plate.
The dates contained in this inscription are both correct. The first date, in lines 28 and 29, for the expired (Chaitrádi or Karttikadi) Vikrama year 1317 corresponds to Sunday, the 7th November A.D. 1260. On this day the third tithi of the bright half ended 16 h. 18 m.; the nakshatra was Purvashadha, by the Brahma-biddhanta for 17 h. 4 m., acoording
1 In the first half of the 19th century A.D. we find the name Jaitugi twice in the family of the full of Davegirl, and there was a céllara ] Koskanachakravartin Jaitugiddoa, an unpablished inartin (belo o the Bombay As. Soc.) of whom apparently is dated in A.D. 1207.
Given in the abbreviated form prate'. The word prazdna means 's door-keeper', but denotes i official.
Comparo parch&pachdra-puja, e.g. in Ind. Ant. Vol. XVIII. p. 347, 1. 10, and above, Vol. III. p. 916, 1. 6, and p. 300, L. 42. The five articles presented are gandha, pushpa, di dpa, dlpa and naiuddya compare Sudra. kamaldkara, p. 140 1., where pancadpachdra, daspachdra and similar terms are explained.
• Theme epitheta bere too are given in the abbreviated forms agnio, pd, doi, cha', and dr. . In the original the pracarar also are given. • The name of the places of origin bere also have the word etdna attached to them. 1 See above, p. 106.

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120
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. IX.
to Garga for 22 h. 20 m., and by the equal space system from 10 h. 30 m.; and the yoga was Sûla for 20 h. 46 m., after mean sunrise. And the second date, in lines 48 and 49, for the expired Karttikadi Vikrama year 1317 corresponds to Thursday, the 12th May A.D. 1281, when the 11th tithi of the bright half ended 10 h. 46 m. after mean sunrise. The dates show that the year 1317 of the inscription was a Kúrttikadi year.
Of the localities mentioned in the inscription, Mandapadurga, from where the king's order was issued, is Mandogarh (Mândů), a deserted town in the Dhâr State, in Long. 75° 26' and Lat. 22° 21' (Constable's Hand Atlas, Plate 27, B d). From the same place was issued the order in the Pipliânagar plates of king Arjunavarman.' On Mahuada, see above, p. 106. Vadaüda perhaps is the village of 'Burud' which according to the Indian Atlas is about three miles north-east of Satajana,' the village granted by the inscription A. I have already pointed out that Mahuada-pathaké of this inscription is equivalent to Mahuada-pratijagaranaké of the inscription A.; and I may state that a (or the ?) village of Vaḍaüda is mentioned also in the plate of the Paramâras Yasôvarman and Lakshmivarman, in Ind. Ant. Vol. XIX. p. 352, 11. 5 and 13. Amarêsvara-kshetra is the Amarêśvara-tirtha from which the grant of Arjunavarman in Journ. Am. Or. Soc. Vol. VII. p. 27 was issued, and the Amarêévara mentioned in the plates of Jayasimha, above, Vol. III. p. 47; it is near the island of Mândhâtâ, on the southern bank of the river Narmada. The grant in Journ. Am. Or. Soc. quoted just now also mentions the confluence of the Rêva and Kapila, which is now called 'Kapila Sangam, where a small stream joins the Narbada." Of the places of origin of the donees, Takari-sthâna is one of the places mentioned in A.; Navagâmva-sthâna may be the town of Nawegaon in the Chânda district, mentioned in the Gazetteer of the Central Provinces, p. 370, but there is at least one other place of the same name in the Central Provinces; Ghațâushari-sthâna I am unable to identify. -
TEXT.3
First Plate.
1 O namaḥ purushârtha-châdâmanayê dharmmâya | Prativimva- nibhâd-bhûmêḥ kritvå såkshât-pratigraham | jagad-â
2 hladayan disya[*]-dvijèdr maigalâni vaḥ | 1 [*] Jiyât-Parasurâmô-sau kshatraiḥ kshunnam ran-âhataiḥ 17 sandhyârkka-vimvam-88tâmratâm || 2 [*] samitô mridhê [1] prânêsvari-viyôgagniḥ sa
3 v-ôrvvi-dâtur-yasy-aiti
Yêna
Mamdodarivashpa-vâribhiḥ
4 Ramaḥ érêyasê Satu vaḥ || 3 [11] Bhîmên=âpi
dhritâ
yat-pâdâḥ sa Yudhishthirah vams-âdyên-êmdunâ jiyât-sva-tulya i5 va nirmmitaḥ | 4 [*] Paramarakul-ôttamsaḥ Kamsajin-mahima sri-Bhôjadeva ity-Asin-nasirakrânta-bhûtalaḥ Yad-yasaschaṁdrik-ôdyôtô10 6 || 5 [1]
digutsamga-taramgits | yasaḥpumjapumḍarikair-nnimilitam 1 6 [1] Tatô sbhâd-U7 dayâdityô nityôtsåh-aikakautuki |
7 [1] Mahakalaha-kalpå
mûrddhni
nripaḥ |
dvishanngipa
asadhârapa-viraárir-adri-hêtur-vvirôdhinam ||
See Gazetteer of the Central Provinces, p. 258.
Metre of verses 1-21: Sloka (Anushṭubh).
After dró another vertical stroke was engraved, but has been struck cut.
8 Read -bimbam.
1 See Journ. As. Soc. Beng. Vol. V. p. 379.-The town is called Mandapapura in line 16 of the Deôgadh inscription published ibid. Vol. LII. P. I. p. 70.
From an impression supplied by Dr. Sten Konow, Read pratitimba..
This sign of punctuation was originally omitted.
In the place of ta originally la was engraved.
10 Read-Oddyôté.- Between the aksharas fa and icham a vertical stroke was originally engraved, but has been struck out.

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No. 18.] MANDHATA PLATES OF DEVAPALA AND JAYAVARMAN II.
121
,
8 nte yasy=oddámabbir=&sugaiḥ 1 kati naonmalitås=tamgå bhabhritah katak-olvapih
(11) 8 (11) Tasmach=chhinna-dvishanmarmmå Narava9 rmma naradhipab | dharmm-abhyuddbaranê dbimån=abhat=sîma mahibhajam ||
9 [IT] Prati-prabhátam viprêbbyð dattair-gråma-padaiḥ svaya10 ml anekapadatár ninyo dharmmo yên=aika-p&d=api || 10 [ll*] Tasy=&jani
Yasovarmma patraḥ kshatriya-søk haraḥ tasmad=Ajayava11 mmm-Abhûj=jayasri-vibratah s utaḥ 11 11 [ilo] Tat-bûnar=vvira-mårddhanyo
dhany-otpattir=ajáyata Gurjjarôchohheda-nirvvandbil Vindhyavarmma
mah[@]12 bhajah | 12 [II] Dhiray-oddhřitaya gårdhan dadhati sma tridhAratam
samyaginasya yasy=&pis=trátum loka-trayim=iva || 13 [II] Tasy-A18 mushyâyapahputrah Sutrama-brir-ath=&fishati bhpab Subhatavarmm-êti
dharmmå tishthan=mahi-talam || 14 [ll] Yasya jvalati da(di)g-je14 tuḥ pratậpas-tapana-dyutêh då vågni-chchhadma(dma)n=Ady=&pi i garjjad
Gürjjara-pattanê !! 15 [ll*] Déva-bbûyam gat& tasmin=nardanô=rjuna
bhupati[ho] 18 daha dhatto sdhana dhatri-'valayarh valayam yath 11 16 [II]
VA(ba)lalil-&have yasya Jaitrasimhe paláyitê dikpålab16 sa-vykjếna yaso diksbu vijrimbbitam || 17 [11] Kavyagårdharvva-Barvvasva
nidhin yêna såmpratam bhår-avataranan devyag=chakre 17 pustakn-viņayoh || 18 [11] Yêna trividha-virêņa tridha pallavitar yasaḥ
dhavalatvan dadhag=triņi jaganti kathamuanyatha || 18 19 [1] Ath=&rthinamapungêna pungêna avargga-subhravim 80 sdbhuta
tyágasilad=cha bringári cha divar gatah 19 | 20 (11) Tataḥ Pramkra-chandrasya Hariáchandrasya namdanaḥ 11()
prasasti Malaya-kahôpion Dévapalah pratåpava
Second Plate; First Side. 20 | 21 [ll] Tasminn-Aindra-padam mud-afritavati Sri-Dévap&187 pripe
tat-sanur=dvishad-amtako nija-gupair=lok21 n-sada rańjayan dhimån(n)-Jaitugideva esha mripatiḥ Sri MAlav-Akhardalah
fleti kshôạimsimam=udára-cha22 ritaiḥ svair=Vva(bbd)landrayaṇaḥ || 22 [11"] Bhaktva rajya-ankham tasmin=
prapto tridasa-mandiram | Såsti tasy=&najah kebopin Jaya88 varmma janadhipah II 23 [ll"] Se esba nara-nayakaḥ sarvv-Abhyudayi 11°
Mahuada-pathake Vadaüda-gráme samasta-rajapurushan-vrá(br)84 hman-Ottaran-pratinivåsi-pattakila-janapad-Adimg=cha vo(bo)dbayaty-astu vaḥ
man viditam yatha || Sriman-Mand apadurgga-sthitaire25 mAbbih saptadasadhika-trayodasasa(a)ta-samvatsare Ho ararasy=&skratám
drishtva Il tath& hi il 10Våt&bbra-vibhramam-idam vagu26 dh-Adhipatyam-Apåtamátra-madhurð vishay-pabhôgab | pr&ņas trinkgrajalavimda-bam
naránar dharmmaḥ sakh param=ahð
Bend -wirbba indM.
Originally dhatri- ww engraved . In A. and in the three grants of Arjunavarman the name is Jayasidhd. • In the place of of originally a was engraved.
Instead of this word A. hu raraksha. • Metre: Sardalavikridita. * The akahara pd of this word seems to be corrected out of 14 which was originally engraved. Metre : sløka (Anushtabh).
. These signs of punctuation are superfluous. Notre: Vaatatilske

Page #159

122
27 paraloka-yanê [11] iti sarvvam vimrisya prati
éri-Gamgadêva-pårsvåta Vaḍaüda-grâmô-yam
28 tribhyo vrå (bra)hmanêbhyô dâpitaḥ | Têna cha prati ári-Gamgadevena
sammat 1317 Agrahaṇa-sukla-tritiyâyâm tithau
29 Ravi-våsarê Purvvâshâḍhâ-nakshatrê Sûla-namni yôgê frimad-Amaréévara
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
kshêtre Révaya dakshinê kûlê Rêvá-Kapila
30 samgame
småtvå bhagavamtam charichara-gurum érimad-Amarêsvaradêvam panch-opacharaiḥ samabhyarchya ||1 jivitam vidyuch-chamchalam jñâtvå 31 Navagamvasthana-vinirgataya Bhargava-sagôtraya Bhargava-Chylvana-Åpnavāna
Aurva-Jamadagny-êti pamcha-pravaraya Madhyam
32 dinasakh-Adhyâyinê dvis Veda-pantriya påo10 Harisarmma-putraya Madhavasarmmanê vrå (brå)hmanaya padâni chatvâri 33 4 Takâristhâna-vinirgataya Gautama-sagotraya Gautam-Agira-Anchattby-ti tri-parky Advaliyanadakh-dhy
34 yinê dvi Lasha-pautraya dvi Limadêva-putraya cha Janârjjanaśarmmaņė13
36 d°14 Kêkû-pautiâya
37 vrâ(bra)hmaṇabhyaḥ
vrå (brå)hmaṇaya padam-êkam 1 Ghațâusharistha
35 na-vinirgataya Bharadvaja-sagôtraya Angiran VI(1)rharpatya-Phân dyj-Mi tri-pravaraya Madhyamdinasâkh-adhyayinê
di° Divakara-putraya dvi° Dhamadêvasarmmapê vr(b)hmanya padam-lkam 1 rambhyass="tribhyð shatbhir-16vvamtakair-Vvadaüda-grâmô-yam samasto-pi chatabkamkata-7viśuddhaḥ sa-vrikshamâlâkulaḥ sa-hiraṇyabha
38 gebhogab s-ôparikaraḥ sarvvâdâya-samêtaḥ -nidb(dhi)nikshēpš mâtâpitror=
[VOL. IX.
dapan-Adrishṭaphalam-amgikritya |1
âtmanas-cha punyayasosbhivriddhayê
39 chamdrårkkårppava [ksh ]iti-samakâlam yavat-paraya bhakty dêvavrå (brå)hmanabhukti-varjjam såsanên-ôdaka-pû
Second Plate; Second Side.
40 rvva[m] pradattaḥ || tan-matva
tannivisi-patakilajanapadair-yathiyamana
bhagabbögakarahiragyádikam-&jää-vidhë
41 yair-bhûtva sarvvam-êtêbhyaḥ samupanêtavyam18 | såmånyam ch-aitad-dharmaphalam vu(ba)ddhv-Asmadvamsajair-anyair-api bhavi-bhibhi smatpradâpita-dharmmâdâyo19 syam-anumantavyaḥ pâlaniya-cha || Uktam 20Va(ba)hubhir-vvasudha bhukta rajabhiḥ Sugar-f
42
43 bhib yasin yasya yada bhumis-tasya tasya tadâ phalam [1] Sva-dattâm para-dattam va yo harêta vasundharâm
1 These signs of punctuation are superfluous.
Read -pársvád-.
11.e. pathaka..
12 Ie. chaturveda-.
Ie, here and below, dikshita-.
10 Read shadbhir,
3 I..., here and below, pratthdra-.
Originally sammaté seems to have been engraved. Read samvat. Read Agrahdyana..
The akshara re of this word in the engraving is really rara.
Read Chyavana-; this correction may have been made already in the original. Here and in some places below the rules of samdhi have not been observed.
A I.e., here and below, dvivida..
1 Originally nétavyam was engraved.
20 Metre of this and the next two verses: glôka (Anushtubh).
Originally shastrdya was engraved.
11 Le. agnihotri-.
1
agni 11
Read Jandrddana".
Read -bhyas.
Read chatushkaskata..
Compare above, p. 112, note 16.

Page #160

No. 14.]
KANKER INSORIPTION OF BHANU DEVA.
123
44 | vishthayach sa krimir-bh utvå pitfibhiḥ saha majjati (11) Shashtich varsha
sahasrani svargé tishțhati bh imidah 45 Achchhotta ch=Anumatta (nta) cha tany=&va narake vaadt (ID) Sarvvån-êva
bhậvind bh Amipálån=bh Qyo bhd46 y yachats Ramabhadraḥ såmânyo sya dharmma-sbtar=nrip&pam kala kale
PÅlanfyd 47 bhavadbhih || Iti kamaladalamva(bu)vindu-lolan Sriyam=anuchintya manushya
jivita cha saka48 lam-idam adauritath cha vudhyana hi parashaih para-kirttayo vilopya iti
116 Samvat 49 1817 Jyeshtha-sudi 11 Gurav-ady=ha &ri-Mamapadurgê maharajadhiraja
Srimaj-Jayavarmme50 devo-niruk sånadhivirga(gra)hika-paco Sri-Maladhara-sammatena 15
Pan ditendra-Gavišasya sûDuna vidush spu(phn)tam 51 Harshadôv-abhidhen-edam lekhitam rája-sanam (II) YOO vêtty=ap&ram
smristisketra-gårat Goseka-namnb vaba)dha-pamgava52 syal bisbyaḥ sudhiḥ såvdi(bdi)ka Amad&vo bhapasya lekhyarh samasddhi
tena (II) Utkirņpam-idam ra(ra)pakara-Kinhadena 53 Dato mah&pradhâna-raja-ért-Ajayadôvab (11)
108va-hasto=yam maharajasya ||
No. 14.-KANKER INSCRIPTION OF THE TIME OF BHANUDEVA;
THE [SAKA) YEAR 1242.
BY HIBA LAL, B.A.; NAGPUR. This insoription or prasasti, as it is called in line 19, is lying in the veranda of the school house at Kanker, the capital of the Feudatory State of that name in the Central Provinces, and was brought away from the ruins between the Diwan and Sitali tanks in that town. It was first brought to my notice by Mr. Baijnath, B.A., Superintendent of the Bastar State, who kindly furnished me with an inked estampage, and further estampages were supplied to me by the Diwan of the Kanker State and the Agency Inspector of Schools, Chhattisgarh Fendatories.
The stone is a cubit square and half a oubit thick, and the writing covers a space of 18" by 17" in 19 lines. The letters are bold and well formed, the average size being *". The characters are Devanagari, and the language is Sanskrit. The whole of the inscription is written in verge, except the commencement (or siddhil) in line 1, and the concluding portion (11. 18 and 19) containing the date and the names of the ereotor and the writer of the inscription. There are altogether eight verges, of which six are in the Sardûlavikridita metre, and the first and the last in Sragdhard and Anushtubh respectively. The principal orthographical peculiarities are the indifferent use of 6 for 8 and vice versd (L. 1, 2, 3, 7, 8, 9, 15, 17, 19) and the ne of b for • (11. 2, 12, 14). Some of the letters with a superscribed rêpha have been doubled (especially m and t), others not. The sign of avagraha has not been used at all. Final forms of + occur in 11. 12 and 18.
1 Metre: salint. · Metre : Pushpitágri.
* Read buddhod. ...pandita.
This sign of punctuation is superfluous. Metre: sloks (Anushțubh). 7 Bend likehitau. * Originally - daanan was engraved.
Metre: Indravajri. 10 These words are engraved in small letters under the Agare of Garuda which is on the proper right of the plate between lines 42 and 50.

Page #161

124
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. IX.
The inscription is an eulogy of the Nayaka Vasudeva, the minister of king Bhanudêva of Kakaira. It states that he constructed two temples of Mahadeva, and another in honour of the local deity of the fields, besides a building with a gateway, and excavated two tanks. It is dated in the [Saka] year 1249 bearing the name Raudra, on the 5th tithi of the dark fortnight of Jyaishtha, corresponding to (Tuesday), the 27th May A.D. 1320. Unfortunately the week-day is not mentioned, and hence the date does not admit of verification. It is also possible that it may have been Wednesday, the 28th May, as there was a repetition of the Hinda date pañchami in that fortnight and month. The record gives the genealogy of the minister for four generations, and that of his sovereign for seven generations. It is stated that Vasudeva's ancestors were elephant-catchers (P). Though in the Kanker State wild elephants are not now found, they are still to be met with in the division in which it is included. The most important part of the inscription is that which gives the genealogy of the Kakaira chiefs, mentioning in order the following:-Simharaj, Vyaghra, Vôpadeva, Krishna, Jaitaraja, Somachandra and Bhanudeva. The dynasty is stated to be lunar, and the want of any epithet indicating paramount sovereignty postulates a subordination to another power. The epithets applied to them :-avanisa (1. 1), nripa (11. 2 and 5), dharanidhara (1. 6), bhopala (1.7) and nripati (11. 10 and 13), are all synonyms of the word 'king.' In two copper-plate grants of Pamparajadêva found in the Kanker State the king is styled Sômavamé&nvayaprasûta-mahamandalika (fendatory chief of the lunar race), which supports the above statement. The present Raj family of Kanker is doubtless connected with these kings. It belongs to the lunar race and has always claimed to be a very ancient family. According to its own traditions it claims to have come from Orissa. Its original ancestor was ruling at Jagannathapuri, but, on suddenly becoming a leper, in which state he could no longer occupy the throne, left the place and went out in search of a cure. At Sihawa, close to Kanker and now in the Dhamtari tahsil of the Raipur district, a spring was found, by bathing in which he got rid of the loathsome disease. The local peoples persuaded him to stay on at Sihawa and installed him king, and he and his descendants continued to rule there. There can be little doubt that Sihawa was once the capital of this dynasty, as its ruins and temples testify. There is still an inscription there, which is dated in the Saka year 1114. The capital was finally removed to Kanker. This must have been done prior to Bhanudêva's times. For in line 12 we read: Kákairé nripa-Bhanudéva-nagaré (in Kakaira, the town or capital of king Bhânudêva), and in lines 3 to 5: Kákaire.....bri-Jaitarajô-bhavat (there was the illustrious Jaitaraja in Kakaira). This Jaitaraja was the grandfather of Bhânudêva. Thus Kakaira has been the capital of the State for over 600 years. Kanker once included the rich Dhamtari tahsil of the Raipur
This is really the correct name of the town and State, but it is now officially written as Kanker. In General Cunningham's Report for 1878-74 it is spelt as Kaker, showing that the nasal had not been till then inserted. The local people at present still call it Kaikar.
The Central Provinces, called Gondwânâ by the Musalmans, were so infested by these animals that even revenue was levied in elephants. Even places like Jabalpur, which were and are far less jungly than Kanker, had their quota of wild elephants. See Jarrett's Ain-i-Akbari, Vol. II. p. 196, where the following occurs:"Garha (2 miles from Jabalpur) is a separate State abounding with forests in which are numerous wild elephants. The cultivators pay the revenue in mohurs and elephants." About a dozen years ago 40 elephants were captured in Rairakhol, a State now transferred to Bengal, and I had once an occasion of riding one of them.
These have not yet been published and are at present in my possession.
• Central Provinces Gazetteer, 1870, p. 236.
It is said that the installation of the Kanker chief is up to this day confirmed by the Halbas by anointing the Raja before the shrine of Maulidêvi. The Halbâs are an aboriginal tribe mostly living in that State and the adjoining tracts. These Halbâs claim to have come from Orissa along with the leper king and are still the chief domestics of the Kanker chief. They speak a dialect which is a curious mixture of Oriya, Chhattisgarhi (a form of Eastern Hindi) and Marathi; see Dr. Grierson's Linguistic Survey of India, Vol. VII. p. 331.

Page #162

No. 14.]
KANKER INSCRIPTION OF BHANUDEVA.
125
district, but is now limited to an area of 1,429 square miles lying between 20° 6' and 20° 34' N. and 80° 41' and 81° 40' E.
As regards the buildings and tanks mentioned in the inscription, there can be no doubt that the two tanks are identical with the present Diwan and sitala taldos, between which the ruins of the temples may still be seen. It is very probable that the Sitala talko- & name which gained currenoy since a hut dedicated to the goddess Sitala was constructed on its bank-is the Kaudika-bandha of the inscription, the unnamed tank being called Diwan talo or
minister's tank, thus keeping up the memory of its original constructor, who by calling it a tadaga apparently distinguished it from the bandha, i.e. the tank formed by merely damming ap & stream. The very name Kandika-bandha indicates its secondary importance. In the first place it was merely a bandha (dam), and secondly it was probably constructed by the payment of kaudikas, & Sanskritised form of kaudis (cowries) or shells, & currency of the lowest value.
The temples and buildings have all fallen or been pulled down, and from the materials a fresh temple was constructed by the predecessor of the present chief. The old temples were seen by Mr. Fisher, who was Deputy Commissioner of the Raipur district (to wbich Kanker was formerly attached) about 1873 A.D., and he alludes to them in his private Journal' thus : “Saw some very curious old temples to the west of the village; one has a bijak giving, as I was told, some particulars of its history. They are very old and utterly neglected now." This bijak was seen on the gate of the Mahadeva temple about the year 1825 es recorded in the Asiatic Researches, Vol. XV. p. 505, where its date is also stated, which is the same as that of our inscription in all details. A noteworthy point in our inscription is the mention of the construction of a puratóbhadra with a pratóli, about which latter Dr. Vogel has written an article in the Royal Asiatic Society's Journal, July 1906, p. 539. He has proved that pratóli really meant a gate-way, evidently strongly built and of considerable height. It was sometimes provided with a flight of steps. I have not been able to find puratóbhadra in the Kôšas to which I have aCOo8g, but sarvatóbhadra is described as a kind of house with 4 doors facing the 4 quarters. From this I infer that a puratóbhadra was a building with only one door in front. And the Kiksira puratóbhadra was actually furnished with a gate-way (pratili).
1 In this part of the country & good deal of transactions were done in cowries (shells, Sanskrit kapar. dikd), which are still used as currency by the poor people. It must not however be supposed that there were no coins bere. In the copper-plates of Pamparajadêvs alluded to before, the coin tanka of local mint finds # mention. It is still & practice in some places to get work done, chiefly digging and throwing of earth, by what is called kaud thai, & mode of piecework payment, 2 or 4 cowries or more according to the labour involved being paid for each basket of earth thrown out. A man with cowries stands at a place where the earth is to be thrown, and as each labourer torns up and throws down the earth, he receive immediately the fixed number of cowries each time. This mode of labour automatically punishes the idlers and have a good deal of supervision and account-keeping where a large number of labourers are engaged simultaneously on such & work.
· Quoted in Cunningham's Archeological Reports, Vol. VII. p. 147. . Dr. Fleet'. Gupta Inscriptions, p. 43. . The idea seems to bave been taken from a sarvatóbhadra village, which is described in the Manasdra, book of the highest authority on Hindd architecture, as "& town or village of quadrangular form, containing in the middle temple dedicated to one of the triad, Brahma, Vishņu or Mabevara. It has 4 streets of equal length on the 4 sides at right angles, and more crossing each other in the middle. Between these may be formed 3, 4, 5, or as many more streets as the extent of the village will admit, on each side, parallel to the middlemost street. Without the walls should be placed the shrines of the deities who preside over and defend the several quarters of the village ; at the angular points should be erected balle, porticoes, colleges and other pablio edifices, and towards the quarter of Agni (south-east) . watershed for the accommodation of travellers and passengers. The whole village shonld be secured by « quadrangular wall and a ditch around it, with 4 lnrge and as many small gates in the middle of the sides and at the angular points Without the northern rate sbould be erected a temple for the worship of Mabikalt, and the bats of Chandklas or outcastes should be . krofa distant from the village. A tank or reservoir should be constructed either on the south or north side or near either of these 2 points for ablutionary and culinary purposes."-See Bam Baz's Architecture of the Hindua, 1884, p. 43.

Page #163

126
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
- [Vot. Ix.
TEXT. 1 श्री सिधिः । पाशीय हिमांसोर्महितगुणगणसिंहराडेरिसिंतबाबाव
नोथीभव2 दतुलयशा तेजसापाससूर्यः' । पजे सोपि खवीर्योचितपतिलक 'बोपदेवं
स चैवं अश्या3 ख्यं वैरिराजव्रजदसनपरं विक्रमाक्रांतविलं ॥१॥ कारेवनिपालमौलिमुकुट
प्रोद्धा4 "सिहोराकुरज्योतियोतितपादपंकजनवज्योतिबकाया' भुवि । संग्रामांगणवीर
विक्र5 मगुण: श्रीजैतराणीभवत्तमाद तसबतापमहसः श्रीसोमचन्द्री रूपः ॥२॥
तस्मात्वी6 गुणसागरादभिनवस्मर्वांगवेषोज्वसः' श्रीभानु रवीधरः चितितले "सबपतिहो. 7 जागेति" प्रतिपक्षपञ्चदखनो भूपाचचूडामपियस्मिन्मापति शोक एष सुलती
जागर्ति - 8 हासन: ॥१॥ देशः "पुस्यनिरीतिशास्वतधनसवानिहा रिजाः खेष्टापूर्त
पराः प्रजाष्कि9 मपरं पौराः परं धार्मिका: [*] सन्याः "शास्त्रविचारधीतमनसो धर्माव
तारे कलौ राज्यं मास10 ति भानुदेववृपती किं किं न सोकोत्तरं ॥४॥ 40 नागदसोपणीवन
जनस्फीतेभववा11 यकः श्रीदामोदरसूनुसज्वलयश" पो[]प्रमानायकः । ख्यातस्तत्तमयः
खभावसर 12 सो भीमाभिधस्ततो बाबी सूपभासुदेवनगर श्रीवासदेवोभवत् ॥॥
संभोयं [न]13 गरख जातिजमतानमनभानायको' विख्यातष्कि भानुदेवकृपतेः "पादविणा
राधकः [*] Rend settist fruta Bead out.
• Rnd बीप Read चाय. • Read 'बालविश्व
•Rand 'बीवियोंतित • Read यीतिःप्रकाशी. 'Rend तचा
• Rad पीचर: • Road सच. "Rand जागति
" End चिम्बासनि. "Besd सहासन:" Rand 'भापती
WRead प्रचा: बि. # The original has lastrao. " Rand 'व्य .
Rad बीमार " Road मध
WRad दिखानः विष भादव. "Rand पादांबुवा

Page #164

KANKER INSCRIPTION OF BHANU DEVA.
14 संग्रामांगरसादिवर्गपुरतः ख्यातमभावो 'महाग्जागर्त्यनुनविकमी "इतिधरः
श्रीवा16 सुदैवो भुवि ॥६॥ देवधीशसिभूषण जतिना देवालयं कारितं शुम्म
मंडपशोभितं च 18 पुरतोभद्रं प्रतोखा सह । क्षेत्रंशस्य तथा पुरालपपरं स्थीतं [*].
डागं तथा बंधं कौडिकसंजकं 17 बहुजलं दीर्घ तथा खानितं ॥७॥ 'इष्टापूर्तपरस्याशीत्मत्वीत्तिशसि
चंद्रिका [*] वासुदे18 वस्य विस्फारा खिताचन्द्रार्कतारकं ॥८॥ संवत् १२४२ रौद्रसंवत्सर ।
ज्येष्ट' वदि । 19 पंचम्यां । "प्रसस्तिस्ममारोपिता नायकवासुदेवेन ॥ लिखिता सक्तिकुमा
रेण ॥ शिवं [*]
TRANSLATION. Ot. Success! (Verse 1.) In the race of the Moon there was (born) Simbaraj, a (very) lion to enemies, (and) praised as possessing numerous virtues. From him was born king Vydghra, of unequalled fame, who ontshone the sun by his splendour. He also begot an ornament of kings befitting his own manliness: Vôpadeva; and the latter, likewise, (had a son) named Kri[shņa), who was given to destroying crowds of hostile kings, (and) who dominated the universe by (his) valour.
(V.2.) (Then) there was in Kakaira the illustrious Jaitars.ja, the lustre of the nails of whose lotus-feet was rendered (still more) brilliant by the light emanating from the shining diamonds in the diadems on the heads of kings (prostrating themselves before him) to the ground, (and) who had the merit of conquering heroes on the battle-field. From him who owned the glory of wonderful great valour (was born) the illustrious king 88machandra.
(V. 3.) From him, the glorious ocean of virtues, (was born) a young king : the illustrious Bhann, who was brilliant by (his) whole body and apparel, who acquired honour and prosperity, the destroyer of the party of opponents, a crest-jewel of kings. (He) is (now) protecting the earth. While he is ruling, the people are (all) virtuous (and) well-intentioned.
(V.4.) The country is replete with permanent wealth and virtue and is devoid of (all) calamities; the twice-born are devoted to good actions; the subjects are intent on performing sacrifices and doing charitable acts. What more? The citizens are very virtuous (and) refined, (and) their minds are purified by the study of the Sastras. What wonder does not (happen) in (this) iron age, while king Bhanudeva, the incarnation of virtue, is ruling the kingdom?
(V.5.) In a family which abounded in men subsisting on catching P) groups of elephants there was the Nayaka Pa[lû), of brilliant fame, & leader of men, the son of the illustrious Dimðdars. His famous, straightforward son was called Bhima. His son was the illustrious Vaandeva, (who resided) in Kakaira, the town of king Bhanudeva.
Read अधि.
I Read महाचाग. • Read ter. • Read ज्येष्ठ
- Read श्रीवा. स्थासौम' and 'शशि Read प्रशस्ति.
• Read शशि

Page #165

128
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. IX.
(V. 6.) This illustrious Vasudeva, the pillar of the city, the chief gem (shining) with priceless splendour amongst (his) caste fellows, famous, devoted to the lotus-feet of king Bhanudêva, known to be very valorous before the array of knights on the battle-field, great, of wonderful power (and) patience, is (nou) administering the country.
(V. 7.) (This) clever (minister) caused to be built two temples of the god whose ornament is tho moon (viz. Mahadeva), together with halls, a puratóbhadra with a gate-way, and an excellent temple (dedicated) to the guardian deity of the fields. Moreover (he) caused to be dug a large pond (tadága) and a long tank (bandha) called Kauņika, which contained a great quantity of water.
(V. 8.) The moon-light of the true fame of Vasudeva, devoted to sacrifices and charitable works, has expanded (and) become established so long as the moon, the sun and the stars endure.
(Line 18.) Samvat 1242, in the Raudra year, on the 5th (tithi) of the dark (fortnight) of Jyaishtha, (this) prasasti was erected by the Ndyaka Vasudeva. Written by Saktikumara. Hail !
POSTSCRIPT.
BY PROFESSOR F. KIELHORN, C.I.E.; GÖTTINGEN. Prof. Hultzsch has asked me to express an opinion on the date of the stone inscription published above, of which he has sent me an impression. He also, at the instance of Mr. Hira Lal, has requested me to give my readings of, and, if possible, to verify, the dates of two copper-plate inscriptions of the Kakaira (Kanker) chief Pamparajadêva, which are about to be published by Mr. Hira Lal, and of which impressions have been forwarded by him.
The date of the stone inscription clearly is, as givon by Mr. Hira Lal: Sanoat 1242 Raudracanvatsaré | Jyohta-vadi panchamyan l. It does not admit of exact verification, and the only question concerning it is, to which era the year 1242 should be referred so that the date may fall in a Raudra-samvatsara. A priori the expression samvat 1242 would be taken here to denote the Vikrama year 1242; but there is no Vikrama year 1242 that could be called a Raudra year. Nearest to V. 1242, Raudra, by the southern system, would be the expired Chaitradi Vikrama year 1257; and by the northern mean-sign system it would indicate the time from the 13th November A.D. 1195 to the 8th November A.D. 1196, in the expired Chaitrádi or Karttikadi Vikrama years 1252 and 1253. If the year of the date were 1252 instead of 1242, it might be taken to be the expired Kärtlikádi Vikrama year 1252, in which case the 5th of the dark half of Jyaishtha would undoubtedly fall in a Raudra year; but there is nothing to prove that the writer erroneously put 1242 instead of 1252.
Assuming, then, the figures for the year and the Jupiter's year to have been correctly given, it would only remain to take the expression sanvat 1242, as bas been done by Mr. Hira Lal, to denote the expired Saka year 1242, which by the southern system was a Raudra year. But here we are at once met by a difficulty. In my paper on the dates of the Saks era in inscriptions I have shown that among 400 Śaka dates of inscriptions only five do not contain the word Saka or Sáka, and that of even these five dates three are spurious or suspicious, while the two others are in verse. There is therefore every reason to assume that the writer of the inscription would have denoted the Saka year 1242 by some such expression as Saká 1242, not by samvat 1242. And there might be the further objection that in the Central Provinces, where the date comes from, the system of Jupiter's years ordinarily followed seems to have been the northern system, not the soutbern system by which alone the Sakn year 1242 can be described as a Randra year.
i Sew Ind. Ant. Vol. XXVI. p. 149.

Page #166

No. 14.]
KANKER INSCRIPTION OF BHANU DEVA.
129
As the date cannot be verified, it would be useless to indulge in further speculations. To me the wording of it seems certainly to be suspicious. And I can only say that, assuming the figures for the year to be correct and the date to be really a Saka date, it would correspond the purnim dnta Jyaishtha, to Monday, the 28th April A.D. 1320, and for the amanta Jyaishe. AB stated by Mr. Hira Lal, to Tuesday, the 27th, or Wednesday, the 28th May, A.D. 1320.
Of the two copper-plate inscriptions of Pamparaja, one is clearly dated as follows:[L. 7] . . . . . . . . . . . . . Isyara(L. 8] samvatsarê Kârtika-misê Chitra-rikshê Ravi-dinê suryOparêgê [L. 10] . . . . . sarvat 966 . .
i.e." in the Isvara year, at an eclipse of the sun on a Sunday, in the nakshatra Chitra in the month Karttika, . . . . in the yeur 966."
I have no doubt that the year 966 of this date must be referred to the Kalachuri era.
In Festgruss an Roth, p. 53 ff., I have tried to prove from the 12 dates between the years 793 and 958, which hitherto have been available, that the Kalachuri (Chedi) era commenced on the 5th September A.D. 248, that the years were Asvinadi years and the months půrnimánta months, and that therefore, to convert an expired Kalachuri year into an expired year of the Kaliyuga, we must add 3349 when the date falls in the bright half of Åsvina or in any month from Karttika to Phâlguna, and 3350 in all other cases. Applying this here, we find that our date, for the půrnimunta Karttika of the expired Kalachuri year 966 = Kaliyuga expired 966 +3349=1315, regularly corresponds to Sunday, the 6th October A.D. 1214, when the 15th tithi of the dark half ended 3 h. 33 m., and when the nakshatra was Chitra, by the equal space system and according to Garga for 2 h. 38 m., after mean suprise. On the same day there was a total eclipse of the sun, the greatest phase of wbich at Kanker (in about Long. 82o and Lat. 20%) was four digits.
It will, I think, be generally admitted that Sunday, the 6th October A.D. 1214, undoubtedly is the proper equivalent of our date; but, in connection with this date, the writer apparently has wrongly quoted the year fśvara instead of the immediately following year Bahudhânya. By the northern mean-siga system Isvara lasted from the 2nd September A.D. 1212 to the 29th August A.D. 1213. By the northern luni-solar system therefore Isvara was the proper name of Kaliyuga 4314 expired, and not of the year of our date, vis. Kaliyuga 4315 expired, which according to the northern luni-solar system, as already intimated, would have received the name Bahudhanya. For the present, I can ascribe the error only to the writer's carelessness, but the error is of such a nature that it confirms rather than invalidates our general result.
The date of the other copper-plate of Pamparaja I read thus :[L. 9]. . . . samvata | 965 Bhadrapadé vadi 1[O] (L. 10] Mriga-rikshê Soma)-dinê
Here everything is perfectly clear and certain in the impression excepting the number of the tilhi and the second akshara of the name of the weekday. As regards the latter, it appears to
1 If the ysar were 1244 (instead of 1242), it might be taken to be a Kalachuri year, in wbich case the date would have fallen in R Raudra year. I do not mean to suggest hereby that the inscription could be assigned to 50 late a period (A.D. 1492-93).
The 5th tithi commenced 1 h. 4 m. before mean sunrise of the Tuesday and ended 0 h. 30 m. after mesa sun. rise of the Wedneslay.
Between A.D. 1201 and 1250 this is the only solar eclipse in the month Kárttiks that could bave been visible at kanker.
Mr. Hira Lal quite lately has sent me for calculation a date from the Central Provinces, which c ould corresponds to Weduesday, the 5th October A.D. 1065. According to the original date, this day should fall in the year Parabhava': but by the northerri luni-solar system it would fall in the year Plavanga which follows imme dintely upon Parabhava, and by the southern system in the year Visvavasu which immediately precedes Parabhava

Page #167

130
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. IX.
me evident that the engraver after the akshara 88 in the first instance by mistake engraved the letter d (of dine), and that be then altered this d to ma. Under any circumstances there could be no doubt that the intended weekday is Soma-dina or Monday.' Nor can there be any real doubt about the number of the tithi. The date clearly gives us the dark half of the month Bhadrapada and during it the nakshatra Mpiga (Mrigasirsha). Now in the dark half the nakshatra will ordinarily be Mriga about the 8th tithi of the amanta and the 10th tithi of the pårnimanta Bhadrapada; and a careful examination of the impression shows that the word vadi is actually followed by 10, the 0 of which is engraved quite on the margin of the plate. I therefore take it that the date gives us for calculation "the year 965, the 10th tithi of the dark half of the purnimanta) Bhadrapada, with the nakshatra Mriga and a Monday." And treating the year again as a Kalaohuri year, I find the following equivalents:
For the expired Kalachuri year 965 = Kaliyuga expired 965 +3350=4315: Saturday, the 2nd August A.D. 1214, when the 10th tithi of the dark half of the purnimanta Bhadrapada ended 18 h. 25 m., and the nakshatra was Mfiga, by the equal space system and according to Garga for 21 h. 40 m., and by the Brahma-biddhanta for 20 h, 21 m., after mean suprise.
For the current Kalachuri year 965=Kaliyuga 4315 current : Monday, the 12th August A.D. 1213, when the 10th tithi of the dark half of the purnimanta Bhadrapada commenced 7 h., and when the nakshatra was Mriga, by the equal space system and according to Garga for 15 h. 46 m., and by the Brahma-siddhanta for 14 h. 27 m., after mean sunrise.
Of the two, I do not hesitate to accept Monday, the 12th August A.D. 1213, as the true equivalent of our date. That the tithi of the date was a current tithi can cause no difficulty. And the fact that Kalachuri years, occasionally and exceptionally, are quoted as current years is proved by another date, in an inscription of which Mr. D. R. Bhandarkar some time ago has been good enough to send me a photograph. The inscription referred to is one at Seorinårågan which the late Sir A. Cunningham had stated to be dated
Kalachuri-samvatsarê 11 898 || Asvina-sudi 2 Soma-dine. According to the photograph the date really is
Kalachuri-samvatsaré || 898 || Asvina-sudi 71 Sôma-dind, and with this reading the date regularly corresponds, for the current Kalachuri year 898, to Monday, the 24th September A.D. 1145, when the 7th tithi of the bright half of Åsvina ended 20 h, 57 m, after mean sunrise.
No. 15.-NOTE ON THE TWO COPPER-PLATE INSCRIPTIONS OF THE TIME OF
MAHENDRAPALA OF KANAUJ.
BY PROFESSOR F. KIELHORN, C.I.E.; GÖTTINGEN. While I was reading the final proof of my paper on the two copper-plate inscriptions of the time of Mahendrapala of Kanauj, published above, p. 1 ff., I received from Prof. Hultzsch excellent ink-impressions of the two inscriptions which had been supplied to him by Rai Bahadur V. Venkayya. The impressions enabled me to make one or two slight corrections in my texts, but it was impossible to insert in my article Mr. Venkayya's description of the original plates, and to get ready in time the collotype facsimile of the second of the two inscriptions, the plates of Avanivarman II. Yoga, which Prof. Hultzsch had at once ordered to be prepared and which is now published herewith.
On the plates A., those of Balavarman, Mr. Venkayya writes as follows :
"The two plates are about 13" broad and about 91" high, somewhat less in the middle. They are strung on an almost circular ring, 21" in diameter. The ends of the ring are secured below
So the tithi was already given, correctly, in As. Res. Vol. XV. p. 605.

Page #168

Una plates of Avanivarman II. Yoga. – [Vikrama-Samvat 956.
বলে জানালেন আর রিপন (বিকেলte(নত্রকােস্টেল তবে নেওয়া হলো । না মেলে তিনি অতিরি
ই-২ (উইশ হয়ে নয় জঙ্গি হort লিড (ন। লি
ভাজি
,
, জিতে নেওয়ার
বন্ত হয়ে
খিকাজ
কি?
SIGT
- পেন
= {( ই
(টোমোয় ২.
মুনীরুল *** (= ল (
দ নিঠ কাপ তে ভেনি
বড় আয় লে গেল
১ মিলিয়ে
মন তুমি কি করে বললেন, ললিক কলে দেখি
ব-
দলীল নদ গৰি এ সম হন ক্রেজী পুলি হল নিরব হননি।
( লজ রেলষ্টে জনিত @'s = atta
ও বুঝলে
কত লোভ
২
.
২৯.
Scale -45
E. Hultzsch.
Collotype by Gebr. Plettner, Halle-Saale.

Page #169

মে ২;
s
হলো:
2
c
ডিফানেজ কাগজ দিয়ে
কাজ করে দোকান কাবেলা করতে দ্বিধা জেলা T $5.কালুerb afলাঞ্জনবল তৈরি
কে হতে হয় তবে জেনে ভাবতই তার জ
ঞ্জলি দিয়ে নাক দিয়ে হেটে ঢাতি।
হগ্রাম তোর
১। প্রচুগঞেSও আসলে তা নয়নয়ে ।
/ এয়ার32@S০ ।
কারিনজাতি কাজেই আসলে
আট spখ আজ রহিব নিজেদের ৪।উনারা যে বেষ্টনীই
উL/04/ লিঙ্গেীতেলে ভাজাল জেলের

Page #170

No. 16.]
VANDRAM PLATES OF AMMARAJA II.
131
& circular seal, which is slightly damaged and measures nearly 14" in diameter. It is about
thiok, and bears in relief a squatting figure, perhaps representing a god, the right hand of which seems to be raised, as if to indicate the abhayahasta. . .
Either plate Dear the top has a ring-hole which is about 3" in diameter."
On the plates B., those of Avanivarman II. Yoga, Mr. Venkayya writes :
“The three plates are between 12," and 121" broad and between 81" and 9" high. They are strong on an oval ring which measures 21 by 24" The ends of the ring are secured below a circular seal, which is slightly mutilated and measures nearly 2" in diameter. The seal bears in relief a squatting figure, similar to the one on the seal of the other plates..... Each plate contains a ring-hole which is about $" in diameter."
On the excellent facsimile published herewith I have to say only a few words. It will show that the inscription in some places is not very easy to read. As regards individual signs, I would merely draw attention to the forms of the initial i and , e.g. in iha, 1. 33, and evams, 1. 45; to the sign for ry, e. g. in lauryasya, 1. 11 ; to the final t, e.g. in abhật, 1. 32; and to the numeral figures, especially that for '9', in line 68.
In my text of the inscription the word sri- has by an oversight been omitted before Ta[rs]pd-, above, p. 10, 1. 57.
No. 16.-VANDRAM PLATES OF AMMARAJA II.
BY PROFESSOR E. HULTZSCE, PH.D.; HALLE (SAALE). These plates were found in the backyard of Buddharaju Venkataraja of Vandram, a village in the Bhimavaram täluka of the Kistna district, and were forwarded by the Head Assistant Collector of Narsapur through the Collector of Kistna to Rai Bahadur Venkayya, who sent me two sets of ink-impressions of them, with the following remarks :
These are five copper-platos, measuring 74" in length and 38" in height. They have high rims more than thick. The ring on which the plates are strung was cut by me for the first time and soldered subsequently. It is oval, measures 37" by 33", and is nearly " thick. The ends of the ring are secured in an expanded eight-petalled lotus at the bottom of a circular seal, which measures 23' in diameter. The seal is much damaged, but bears, in relief on a countersunk surface, the legend Sri-Tribhuvanam kusa], with a boar facing the proper left over it and a floral device below. The other symbols cut in the seal are not quite distinct. Traces of the sun over the boar, of the crescent of the moon behind his tail, and of an elephant goad in front of him are visible."
The first and last plates bear writing only on one side, and the three remaining plates on both sides. The plates are in a bad state of preservation. Of plate i. a small portion is missing. Plate ii.b is a palimpsest, and part of its writing is effaced. The two first lines of plate iii.b and some letters of the two last lines of plate iv.a are damaged by corrosion. Of plate iv.b the two first lines and part of the third are in a still worse condition. On the last plate (v.) some letters are more or less doubtful.
After the MS. of this article had gone to the press, I received from Mr. Venkayya the original copper-plates, with the help of which I was able to improve my readings of several indistinct words.
The alphabet is ancient Telugu of the nsual type. I would only draw attention to the peculiar form of the secondary 4 in -múrtters, 1. 18, and samdhaya, 1. 36 f. The language is Sanskrit ; but tho four first lines of the last plate contain some Telugu words. The Sanskrit portion consists of both prose and verses.

Page #171

132
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. IX.
The inscription opens with the genealogy of Ammaraja (II.) of the (Eastern) Obalukya (1.5) dynasty. LI. 1-17 aro practically identical with 11. 1-23 of the Elavarru grant of the same king. But Vikramaditya (I.) receives the title Yuvardja (1. 13), and the name Kollabiganda is twice (11. 14 and 17) spelt with b, not with bh.
Ammaraja II. is then praised in seven verses, all of which occur in his Padankalûru grant, where they are however differently arranged. The two verses (5 and 6) recording the date of his coronation are also found in the Maliyapu di grant. It is a curious fact that the major portion of plate ii.b (consisting of verses 3-5 and nearly the whole of verse 6) of the Vandram plates is engraved over another grant of Ammardja II., which seems to have been partially effaced by the writer, but of which distinct traces are still visible. I subjoin a transcript of those lines of the original inscription on plate ii.b which can still be made out.
20 . . . . . . . . . # TATTufaruf T - 21 हाराजाधिराजपरमेश्वरः परमभट्टारक: परमब्रह्मण्यो मातापितुपादानुध्या22 यी वेंगीसहस्रराष्ट्रकूटप्रमुखान् कुटुंबिनस्समाइयेथमाना23 uufa [1"] fafecta . . . . . #sh afuerit faer T
The poetical description of Amma's reign is followed by a prose passage (11. 30-37) which is worded in nearly the same manner as 11. 30-36 of the Elavatru grant Ammarája II., who is here styled Samastabhuvaniéraya, the glorious Vijayaditya (VI.) Maharajadhirija-Paramésvara Paramabhaffäraka, the very pious one, who meditates at the feet of (his) mother and father, thus commands, having called (them) together, the ryots, headed by the Rashtrakafas, inhabiting the twelve villages (the chief one of which is) Prándoru in the Pavunavåra district (rishaya).'
So far the text can be easily transcribed and understood. But the remainder of the inscription cannot be deciphered in full, as a number of words in the damaged portions are doubtful or quite illegible. Besides, the author of the long metrical passage describing the donee (1l. 37-61) knew so little Sanskfit, or got his draft copied in such an imperfect way, that I am unable to propose satisfactory corrections even of some of the well-preserved portions of it. The whole of this passage seems to be in verse. Making allowance for the damaged and lost lines I number the verses as 8-23. Verse 8 praises the family (gôtra) named Mitrayu. A descendant of it was Tarkkaya-Peddiya? (v. 9), who lived in the large village Reviparru (v. 10), his son Vijayaditya (v. 11) and his grandson Tärkkiya.Yajvan (v. 12). The last had by Kandamámbá a son named Kuppanayys (v. 14), who seems to have enjoyed the titles of minister (amátya, v. 15) and Vassal (sumanta, v. 16). He had the surname Vipranårå (yapa] (v. 21) and founded a shrine of Siva at Drakshårima.
"To this Kuppan[a]mátya, who is devoted to Me, the village named Tanderu has been given by Us, having made (it) an Agrahara; to whom (the village) named (Beti]pundi (in the neighbourhood) of Prøndoru" in your districtlo (vishaya), together with the share of gold,
* Ind. Ant. Vol. XII. p. 91 ft.
Ibid. Vol. VII. p. 15 ff. * The verses of the Padankalûru grant (11. 23-37) correspond to the following verses of the Vandram plates : 1, 4, 3, 5, 6, 7,2 ; and an additional verse is inserted between 1 and 4.
Above, p. 47 .
. Both sides of plate v. also exhibit traces of obliterated writing. A grant of Bhus I. is a similar palimpsest; see Prof. Kielhorn's remarks, above, Vol. V. p. 127.
. In the latter the epithet matapitripadd nudhyata) (. 85) is however missing.
1 With Tarkkaya compare the names Tarkasarman (above, Vol. V. p. 120, note 14) and Tarkkama (Ind. Ant. Vol. XIII. p. 214, text 1. 49).
# Draksharamé krita-Siva-nilayo; v. 22 (1. 68).
Pra ti is the Telugu genitive of Prándoru (1. 35). I.. in the Pavunavara-vishaya of 1. 85.

Page #172

No. 16.]
VANDRAM PLATES OF AMMARAJA II.
133
13
was given with exemption from all taxes, having made (it) an Agrahara." I subjoin my reading of this passage, which is so peculiarly worded, that it remains doubtful whether the present grant refers to Taņderu or to Betipundi or to both, and whether only the second or both of them belonged to the Pavanavara-vishaya.
61 . . . . . . . . . . तस्मै कुप्पन[*]म[T]त्या[य] 62 महताय' ताण्डेनामग्राममग्रहारिकत्योस्माभिदत्त । य[स्य भव] हि63 षये प्रान्दोति [बटि] पूण्डिनाम सह[*]टकभागमग्रहा[री कृत्य सर्व कर]64 पर दत्त इति विदितमस्तु व[:] ॥ अस्य (स) ग्रामस्थावधय[:*] ॥ . . . .
Of the subsequent description of the boundaries of the village granted (11. 64-67) I am unable to furnish a satisfactory transcript. The remainder of the inscription (11. 67.72) is nearly identical with 11. 57-60 of the Elavarru grant. The last line (72) seems to read :य() ते कमिः ॥ [२५*] आज्ञप्तिः 'कट्टकराजः [*] महा[का भट्टका*] व्यं [*]
__जोन्ताचार्येण लिखितं ॥ Accordingly the Ajvapti was the Katakarája, the poet? Maháská?]bhatta, and the writer Jontacharya.8
of the localities mentioned in this inscription, Drakshåråma is well-known, and the Påvunavåra-vishaya is probably the same as Pâgunavara-vishaya in a grant of Bhima II.10 The villages Prândoru, Betipůndi, Tanderu and Raviparru I am unable to identify.
FIRST HALF OF THE TEXT.II
First Plate. 1 + स्वस्ति श्रीमतां सकलभुवनसंस्तूयमानमानव्यसगोत्राणां हा2 रीतिपुत्राणां कौशिकीवरप्रसादलब्धराज्यानां मातृगणपरिपालीतानां स्वा3 मिमहासेनपादानुध्यायीनां भगवन्नारायणप्रसादसमासादित. 4 वरवराहलाञ्छनेक्षणक्षणवशीकतारातिमण्डलानाम5 "श्रुमेधावभुतमानपविचीकृतवपुषां चालुक्यानां कुलम6 लंकरिष्णोः सत्य [*] ययवल्लभेन्द्र[स्य ] भ्राता कुनविष्णुषईनोष्टाद7 श वर्ष[v]णि वेंगिदेशमपालयत् ॥ तत्पुत्री जयसिंहस्त्रयस्त्रिंशतं । त8 दनुजेन्द्ररा[जनन्दनो] विष्णुवईनो नव । तत्मनुर्मगियुवराज: पंचवि-16 9 शतिं । त[त्युत्री जय सिंहस्त्रयोदश । तदवरजः कोकिलिः षण्मासान् ॥
1 Read मनाय. Read °हारौकत्यास्माभिर्दत्त:.
Read परिहारण. • Instead of tath-oktar Vyasena, 1. 69 reads tatha ch-oktan Vyasa-bha!![4]rakéna(na). - Read कटक.
See above, p. 49 f. Le the author of the verses describing the doneo. In other grants of Ammaraja II. Påtanabhatta and Madhavabhattaare mentioned as poets.'
# The same person was the writer of the Elavarru and Pada kaldru grants . See e.g. above, Vol. IV. p. 37, note 3. 10 Ind. Ant. Vol. XIII. p. 213. 11 From two sets of ink-impressions and the original copper-plates. " Read "पालितानां. ध्यायिनां.
. Read °मथ'. # The anusndra stands at the beginning of the next line.

Page #173

134
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
Second Plate; First Side.
10 तस्य ज्येष्ठो भ्राता विष्णुवर्धनस्तमुत्राव्य सप्तचिंशतं
। तत्पुत्रो विजया
दिव्यभहार
11 कोष्टादश । तत्सुतो विष्णुवर्धनः षट्चिंशतं 1 तत्सुतो विजयादित्यनरेन्द्र
मृगराज
12 बाष्टाचत्वारिंशतं । तत्सुतः कलिविष्णुवर्धनोपार्थवर्ष । तत्सुतो गुणगांकविजया
18 दिव्यचचत्वारिंशतं । तदनुजयुवराजविक्रमादित्यभूपतेः सूनुचालु
14 'काभिमपालस्त्रिंशतं । तत्पुत्रः को बिगण्ड विजयादित्यः षण्मासान् ।
भवदम्मराजा
तत्सूनुर
15
म्मराजः सप्त वषाणि । तत्सुतविजयादित्यं बालमुच्चाव्य तालपो मासमेकं [ 1"] 16 तं जित्वा चालुक्यभीमतनयो विक्रमादित्य एकादश मासान् । ततस्तासुतो युद्ध
लपराजस्य
17- मज्ञः सप्त
वर्षाणि । तं जित्वा कोल्लविगण्डविजयादित्यसुतो भीमराजी दादश वर्षाणि । तस्य म
18 [व] रमूर्त्तेरुमासमानाकृतेः कुमाराभः [*] लोकमहादेव्याः खलु यस्तम
[VOL. IX.
Second Plate; Second Side.
रूपेण मनोजं विभवेन महेन्द्रमहिमकरमुरुमहसा
19: ॥ [ १* ] यो [*] हरमरिपुरद -
20 हनेन यकु (1) भाति विदितदिगवनिकिर्त्तिः ॥ [२* ] कविगायककल्पतर
हिजमुनि - *
21 दीनान्धवन्धुजनसु (न) रभिः । याचकजनचिन्तामणिरवनिशम- '
22 निहोग्रम हसा घुमणि [ : * ] ॥ [ १*] विदितधराधिपविधो वि23 विधायुधकोविदी [ विलीनारिकुल ]: । करितुरगागमकुश
24 लो हरचर
25 सवसुसंख्याब्बे' सक[स]
यो
26 दशदिने भृगुवारे मेजनच [] ॥ 27 [भ] वर्षे तु [जन्मनः ] पहं ।
• Read 'तबनि
Bead ख्यान् शकसमये मार्गशीर्ष
मधुप: " श्रीमान् ॥ [४*] गिरिर
[भी] मासेस्मिन् [1"] कृष्ण
Read भीम'.
• Read वर्षाणि
• Read कोर्त्ति From here to the end (1. 27) this side of the plate iss palimpsest.
Road रवनीशमणि'.
[५] धनुषि रखौ घटलग्ने हादयोधादुदयगिरिन्द्रो' रवि[रि]व लोका
● Bend हरचरनमपः.
• Read

Page #174

I •
០៤
1 1 ឆ្នាំ ទី ៩ (
dog x nរងារ ឈ្មោះ ក្នុង $3:២៧ ថារី ឬ S7 26 95 ទី 34 ២ ៗ ។ ថៃ ជាង ៦ ។ } 72
ជាង ! -
-
១
.
gr
Vandram plates of Ammaraja II.
ii a.
•
hed
២២ៅមុខសមិ៦៥loy=90JE9}e * ៤/
១៩៩៤ និង U18 / 5G ] ស្នាម"bjJ6]៩៩៩៥6g|Jគ្នា គឺ S9/S9I
8[ប់មីទីវទ្រន១៦៦៥នា។
6"; hng27@300ឲ្យយយា* សារៈស់ 68] និង9JDj2Zdaygoogue ១១៦) SO៩គ្រួ៨១ដី) ១.១៩៦៩-
៦ ៥១j ២ មង ៨ ខាgle.cogyថានឹរ ១២១g៩៨៩ So សងវាញ = = 3g9JgJJao
!
*OAD
15
E. Hultzsch.
Scale • 8
Collotype by Gebr. Plettner, Halle-Saale.

Page #175

20
22
24
26
28
30
32
34
36
iib.
तेव
రంజీ విత్తన ఆ ప్రకృక్ష న్స్ వే2త 2 గది గారి కంగన రాణి బాతరను గోబిత రారి బాత్రల
ప్రభు శ్రీనివా విభాష సమాలు ఇ
ದಾಲ್
ರವರ ಬರ అర్చిం
చేత ఇన్నా
టి
జీతం రాష్ట్ర నవధర సద్దటా క్రమం ముండ జీవానికలు
శివ
ధర్నాలుంటు నావ బట్టాలి:: సరించి కూడో 128117 శ్రీ సమరశం ဟက် DAD S
తం బర్క్లీర్ తీరు బండి ముక శిరంబ రెడ్డి టింట ర ఖి అయిన దశది లవిల గుజ్జిర్ బాహు 6. సదా శ్రిలా + సదాష్ఠ సదరు ప్రబు రావి జ శ్రీప్రదురాజది రాజ బమతం బర్మ అక్షరం బశ పోలి అపోయిం దిట్టతొ దేశవ్యత: పాత శ రా గనిది మాట్రావతి, ఉపవాసం 20 పలి
D

Page #176

No. 17.]
INSCRIPTIONS ON THE MATHURA LION-CAPITAL.
135
Third Plate; First Side. 28 नुरागाय ॥ [*] यस्मिन् सासति नृपती परिपक्वानकसस्यसं29 पच्छालिः । सततपयोधेनुरभिगिणरीतिरपग्निरस्तचोरी 30 देशः ॥ [*] स सकलरिपुनृपतिमकुटतटघटितमणिगण81 मधुकरनिकरपरिचुंबितचरणसरसिरुहयुग82 लोयुग ] लोचनपदकमलविलसरिफायमानी मा. 33 नोवतोहतः समस्तलोक: समस्तभुवनाश्रयश्रीविज84 यादित्यमहाराजाधिराजप[र*]मेश्वरः परमभट्टारकः परमब्र35 मण्यः मातापिटपादानुध्यात: पावुनवारविषये प्रान्दो36 [हादशग्रामनिवासिनो राष्ट्रकूटप्रमुखान्कटंबिनस्समाइ
Third Plate; Second Side. . . . .
37 येथमाज्ञापयति ॥
.
.
.
.
.
No. 17.-THE INSCRIPTIONS ON THE MATHURA LION-CAPITAL.
BY F. W. THOMAS, M.A. ; LONDON. The Mathuri lion-capital was discovered by the late Dr. Bhagvanlal Indraji under circumstances detailed in his article on The Northern Kshatrapas edited and published by Professor E. J. Rapson in the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, N. S., Vol. XXVI. 1894, pp. 541-554 ; see in particular pp. 542-4. It was found embedded in the steps of an altar devoted to Sitalà on & site belonging to some low-caste Hindus at Mathura, but not more definitely located. Having been with difficulty secured by Dr. Bhagvanlal, the capital was conveyed to Bombay ; subsequently, on his death, it was despatched to England, and it can now be seen in the Buddhist Room at the British Museum.
The ingoriptions incised on the capital were transcribed and translated by the discoverer himself; but owing to his death the task of publishing the MS. was entrusted by the Council of the Royal Asiatic Society to the late Professor Bühler, who was able to compare the read. ings with the stone itself and with paper impressions presented to him in 1889 by Dr. James Burgess. At the commencement of the published account, which appeared in the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, N. S., Vol. XXVI. 1894, pp. 525-540, Prof. Bühler observes that " the collation has made necessary some alterations in the transcript and in the translation, among which the more important ones have been pointed out in the notes. But I may confidently assert that all really essential points have been fully settled and explained by Dr. Bhagvanlal, whose great acumen and scholarship are as conspicuous in his interpretation of these inscriptions as in his other epigraphio publications. For convenience's sake I have prefixed an introduction, summarising the chief results deducible from the inscriptions."
1 Radचिन्तामति
The amusvara stands at the beginning of the next lino. • Rond 'बारीदि.
• Read °माणी. The la grant (1.29 f.) applies the correct reading mat turenet.

Page #177

186
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. IX.
While endorsing in the main these statements of so great an authority, from all points of view, as the lato Prof. Bühler, I have endeavoured, in re-editing the inscriptions with Plates, which before were wanting, to give an unbiased reading based upon new impressions supplied by the kindness of the Department in the Museum (at the instance of Dr. J. F. Fleet, who originated the suggestion of this article), and upon frequent inspections of the stone itself. The present versions will therefore be found to differ in some particulars from those of Dr. Bhagvanlal and Prof. Bühler.
The shape and dimensions of the capital will be best realized from the accompanying Plates; but some particulars demand a verbal description. In the first place, the circular hole in the upper square surface, corresponding to a similar hole in the under surface, proves that the capital was surmounted by a shaft or some other continuation. Prof. Bühler remarks that various representations on slabs from the Amaravati Stûpa prove this shaft to have supported a Dharmachakra, referring to the Archæological Survey Plates published by Dr. Burgess (Plate xxxviii. figs. I and 6, and Plate xl. figs. 3 and 4). But it has already been pointed out by me in the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society for 1906, pp. 216 and 464, that the use of lion-capitals of actual pillars was a common feature in Indian architecture, derived from Persian models. Examples may be seen in the Archaeological Survey publications relating to Bharhut (Cunningham, Plates vi., viii., .), Sanchi (Maisey, Plates xix., xxxii.), Mathura (V. A. Smith, Plates xliii. xlvi. and xlix.-l.), Amaravati (Burgess, p. 93, Plates xlix., liii., liv., lv., and Burgess, 1882, Plate xiv.), and elsewhere. The presumption, therefore, is that the lion-capital formed the crown of a real pillar.
Secondly, the state of the stone has been somewhat impaired by time and accident. In some cases, e.g. in the loss of the horn-like projections of the two heads, this has involved no curtailment of the text. The chippings at the two bottom corners have been, no doubt, equally harmless. But the front, which would be the most exposed portion of the stone, has in part so peeled away as to render some characters illegible. In the second line of the large inscription carved on the body of the lion to the spectator's left (J. 1. 1) the large rua is followed by traces of two or three aksharas of equal size leading to a partly visible sa (?), after which intervene three doubtful characters before we come to firm ground again ia puli.!
In size the aksharas vary considerably. We may distinguish five groups: (1) the inscriptions B. E. F. I. J. M. on the front and back of the stone (among which I. perhaps oxceeds the others slightly in size), having characters about 2-2 in. in height; (2) G. N. P. E", on the back and under surface of the stone, circa 2-1} in. ; (3) A. (on the unpolished top and back of the stone), K. L. (on the breast of the left lion), 0. Q. R. (underneath), J'. (front, on the leg of the left lion), circa 14 in. ; (4) C. D. E'. (which may be estimated from E., slightly the largest, visible among the characters of E.), circa 1 in. ; (5) H. H'., slightly incised in small characters, of about 4 in., at the places indicated on the front. In the same inscription the aksharas generally maintain a fair average size, but sometimes they become a little cramped by limitations of space. It is clear that the inscriptions in the larger characters (1), (2) and (3) were carved first, and those of a smaller size were afterwards crammed in wherever space offered.
In type, on the other hand, the characters present an uniformity which, like the subjectmatter of the records, forbids any supposition of additions during the subsequent history of the stone. They have been compared by Prof. Bühler to those of the Shahbâzgarhi and Mansehra versions of tho Edicts of Asoka. But the degree of similarity and dissimilarity may now be more exactly estimated from Bühler's Indian Palcography, where the columns viii. and ix.
1 In quoting Kharðshthi records, length of vowels is noted except where the intention is to ipsist upon the exact reading supplied by the original in question.

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PA
Inscriptions on the Mathura lion-capital
in the British Museum.
Front of the capital.
SCALE ABOUT .25
A-TO
ㄅㄨˋˊˋ
J. F. FLEET.
W. GRIGGS, COLLOTYPE.
FROM GENERAL SIR ALEXANDER CUNNINGHAM'S PHOTOGRAPHS.

Page #179


Page #180

No. 17.)
INSCRIPTIONS ON THE MATHURA LION-CAPITAL.
137
of Plate No. 1 are based chiefly upon these inscriptions. The type may be described as intermediate between the Asoka forms and the cursive derivatives of the Dhammapada MS. and those discovered by Dr. Stein, to which approximate the vase scratchings from Manikišla and other places and the inscription of Sue-Vihar (see the Plate given by Dr. Hoernle in the Indian Antiquary, Vol. X. facing p. 325). It does not, however, appear to be quite identical with that exhibited in any of these or in the Taxila plate (see the facsimile above, Vol. IV. facing p. 56), where on account of the historical contiguity we should expect to find, and do find, a near congener. The inscriptions edited by M. Senart in the Journal Asiatique, Sér. IX. Vol. XIII. (1899), p. 526 ff. and Vol. IV. (1894), p. 504 ff. (No. 35), are also in similar characters (see the Plates).
The forms of the individual letters may be seen from Plate IV. Those of tha, sa, mu, spa, the position of medial e and the looped form of u have been described by Bühler. Attention may be called to the rda in Q. 1, the spa in A. 7, the rna (?) in I. 1, the curious form in J. 1 interpreted by Bühler as shte, the archaic ma with the original angle beneath in A. 2. A few points call for further consideration. The form of ta, which occurs many times, has in other records the value of tra (see the Plate). Although we have certainly one case (J. 2, in kürita), and perhaps two others (E". in krakdrita ?, and R. 1 in Tachhilasa or Rachhila sa ?), where the bottom curve is wanting, the character occurs so often that there can be no doubt as to what it denotes. In supposing it to be a da Bühler, who in his articles in the 2. D. M. G. Vol. XLIII. pp. 133 and 294-6 bas read a similar character as tt (60 also Johansson, Der Dialekt der ShahbasgarhiRedaktion, I. p. 126), was influenced by finding it in pratesó (M.2) and similar cases. But the regular form of da is several times instanced, and the t for d in prates and elsewhere is a dialectical, not an orthographical, feature, found in other Kharðshthi records.
The only question remaining, as concerns ta, is part of a larger matter. How do we find represented the conjunct? In a number of cases the addition is made by a stroke inclined to the left attached to the lower curve. This occurs in A. 1 (chhattrao), A. 6 (matra), A. 7 (pitrá). In these examples there was some slight danger of confusion with tô, which shows (see the Plate) a similar stroke attached to the upper curve. Perhaps for this reason another device is more frequently adopted, namely a dot in place of the stroke ; see B. 1 and 3 (chhatra), B. 2 (putra), M. 1 (chhatrao), Q. 2 (chhatrao). There remain A. 3 (where te is written), A. 5 (where I can detect no clear indication of the r-stroke or dot), G. 1 (where there is nothing attached to the ta, though the reading may be chhratava, if not chchhatava), G. 2 (chhatava), A. 9 (where we seem to have atraürêna for até). In A. 1 we have two strokes, both of which seem to be intentional; one of them, which resembles the downward stroke of the Aramaic and Pahlavi t, I have conjectured to denote a doubled t before the r. Of a cerebral (ta) I can find no trace, unless indeed it is contained in the mysterious third sign of A. 13.
With other consonants than t the, is regularly inserted where required. We may quote bhra in A, 7 (where it takes the form of a detached stroke), gra in A. 2 and N. 2, pra in A. 10 (pradhravipra'), A. 11 (prali'), M. 3 (pratesó), N. 3, dhra in A. 10 and M. 2, chhra (chchha ?) in G. 2 and I. 1 (chhratavao and chhratrava). In the last example, as also in pradhravi (A. 10, padhruvf in I. 2), it would seem to be even repeated; but this may be a feature of pronunciation rather than of writing. A really otiose r-stroke is found in maheshri, A. 2, and probably in Pispasri, A. 7.
The case of kra is peculiar. If we disregard the doubtful inscription E"., it is found four times, in bhakravató (A. 12), nákraruasa (F. 1 and N. 1), and sakrastánasa (P. 1), i.e. in places where we expect a simple ga. This can hardly be accidental; it would seem probable that in these cases the combination kra represents a spirantic pronunciation of ga, analogous to the Persian ; more especially as in the name of Seistán (Pahlavi Sayhastán) this sound no doubt prevailed at the time.

Page #181

138
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. IX.
A few further points remain to be noticed. (1) In ateürena and hórakáparivárena (A. 9 and 10) we find a perhaps iutentional stroke diverging from the tail of the na, though not in both cases on the same side. Have we here na ? The rather noticeable variations in the form of the nasal may be observed in Plate iv.
(2) Sa varies between the forms with and without vne small adjunct near the centre (see Plate iv). In N. 3 the addition of the T-stroke makes sum. In E. 4 a slight curve at the foot may also indicate sam, anticipating. as in the Stein documents, the following nasal. A writing sya is certainly to be seen in G. 1 and probably also in B. 2.
(3) The two occurrences of kharaðsta (A. 4 and E. 1) seem both to show a small diverging mark in the place where h is usually appended, & circumstance which, together with the probable derivation of the word, suggests & reading Tha=hra.
(4) In A. 2 a has a small stroke added as a sort of head.
(5) In A. 13 we have the distinguishing mark of é vertical and at the top; elsewhere it is horizontal and at the centre.
(6) The sê of A. 11 has two small (head and foot) strokes differentiating it from the cd of the previous line, apparently without reason.
(17) The complicated jo of C: 2 recalls the varieties on the coins (see Gardner, The Coins of Bactria, pp. 55, 83).
(8) Lastly we may mention that the stone presents a number of dots and other small marks which must apparently be ascribed to accident or wear. In some cases we might be tempted to trace the anusvára, e.g. in J., where we should thus arrive at & reading Sarvástivátainan.
The Prakrit in which the inscriptions are composed has been described by Bühler and perhaps need not be discussed at length. It is distinguished by closeness to Sanskrit. Elision of medial consonants occurs, if we neglect the suffixal k (nagaraa, kusülaa, máhásárghia), only in ateürena (for puréna ?), sašpa[t]. In ayaria and puya (=úcharya and púja) we have a weakening of ch to y. I have suggested (Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1906, p. 205) that the sound denoted by this y was that of the French j, and the matter will arise again in connection with the proper names. The changes apparent in the word chhatrava are not necessarily Indian. The hardening of g and d to kr and t has been already dealt with ; on the other hand p appears in thúva and pratithavitó as v, never b as p. Conjunct & is, except in foreiga and technical names (kharaðsta, sakastana, sarvástivada), assimilated ([t]thava, kadhavára, prati[i] thárita, bhi[k]khu); T, on the other hand, remains both as prior (sarva, khardaa), and as posterior, member of a conjunction. The forms of the a and a declensions are very well preserved. The nominative sing. masc. appears both as a (in thúva, etc.) and aso (kharaðstó, etc.); the neuter is in a[m] (barira[mm]), the genitive singular in [8]sa, twice written sya. In-munisa the i declension shows the Prakpit form; of the i inflexion we have several forms (instrumental-id, etc.). Ther-stems seem to be regular (dhite in A 3 being a miswriting for dhitrá), while in yuvaraña[1] in A. 4 we have an ultra-Sanskrit use of the consonant paradigm. We may note the employment of sarudstivada in place of ovddin. The only pronouns occurring are imó, nominative masculine, and it, a locative, and the only finite verb bhusavi (oertainly not bhasati, as Bühler read) presents a problem ; see the note to A. 13. The false concord farira pratifhävitó is found else where (see the note ad loc.).
We now come to the historical matter, which has been discussed both by Bühler, pp. 529-33, and by Professor Rapson (p. 541 ff. of the same volume). The object of the chief inscription (A.) is to record a religious donation on the part of the Chief Queen of the Satrap Hájúla, with whom are associated various members of her family and her whole court. In the other inscriptions we find honourable mention of (1) certain other members of the Satrap family at Mathura, (2) other Satraps, and (3) a Buddhist teacher, or two Buddhist teachers, bearing the

Page #182

No. 17.]
INSCRIPTIONS ON THE MATHURA MON-CAPITAL.
139
names Buddhila (or Budhila) and Bu[d]dhadêva. The last named, who is termed an áchárya and represented as a champion of the Sarvâstivâdin school against the rival Mahasanghikas, bears a name which cannot have been rare; one teacher of this name is mentioned by Taranatha as a leader of the Vaibhâshikas (see Schiefner's translation, pp. 4 and 67, and the references in the St. Petersburg Dictionary), and we have therefore no sufficient means of identification. It is different with some of the other names.
In the first place, the Great Satrap Rajûla himself and his son, the Satrap Suḍasa, have both been identified with rulers named on coins and in other inscriptions from Mathurâ (see Bühler, pp. 531-2, Ep. Ind. Vol. I. pp. 195-6, 199; Cunningham, Archaeological Survey Reports, Vol. III. p. 30, and Vol. XX. pp. 48-9; V. A. Smith, Mathura, p. 21; Rapson, Indian Coins, p. 9, § 33). These identifications were made by Cunningham, who also proposed to identify the Yuvaraja Kharaôsta with the Kharamosta, son of Artas, known from coins, a suggestion which is scarcely tenable (Bühler, op. cit. p. 532). The further identification of the Great Satrap Kusûlaa Pädika with Pâtika, son of the Satrap Liaka Kusûlaka, named in the Taxila plate, is important not only as supplying a date, though in an unknown era,- for the Taxila Plate is dated in the year 78, (in the time) of the Great King Môga,- but also as implying that the other Satraps mentioned may also have ruled in distant places. It appears therefore that the inscriptions make a point of naming with respect the chief representatives of the Kshatrapa dominion in Northern India; and this is a strong argument for retaining the evident interpretation of inscription P. as 'in honour of the whole Saka realm' (Sakastana). It is therefore important to ascertain what other indications of nationality the inscriptions supply.
In an article published in the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society for 1906 (pp. 181-216; see also pp. 460-4) I have endeavoured to prove (1) that Sakas inhabited the region now known as Seistan as early as the time of Darius the Great and Alexander; (2) that the inscriptions of the lion-capital exhibit a mixture of Persian and Saka nomenclature; and I have inferred that the Kshatrapas of Northern India were the representatives of a mixed Parthian and Saka domination. I think that all these propositions must be adhered to. Upon the first of them we need not dwell here. The second is strongly supported a priori by the fact that Pâtika of Taxila, who bears himself a distinctively Persian name, mentions as his overlord the Great King Môga, whose name is with equal distinctiveness Saka.
I may here refer to a small point in the Taxila inscription which is not without interest. The form of the phrase chhatrapasa Liako Kusûlakó náma tasa (for chhatrapasa Ligkasa Kusûlakasa), which recurs in a second phrase, has been by Bühler compared with passages in two of the Jaina inscriptions from Mathura. We may perhaps find something of the kind in later Sanskrit inscriptions and in the style of the Panchatantra and Hitopadesa. But the turn of the phrase is so conspicuous a feature of the edicts of the Achaemenids that we are strongly tempted to regard it as, like the earliest Indian architecture, derived through the Satraps from a Persian model.
This is not the place for resuming at length the discussion of the etymology of all the names occurring in the inscriptions. A few points may be mentioned :
1. The name Kharaôsta or Kharha (hra)ôsta, as =khshathra, sovereignty,' + ôsta, 'blessing,' is practically certain. The initial kha, which reappears in khaharâta with variant kshaharáta, presents no difficulty; it recurs in the kharapallána (no doubt khshathrapihlána, defence of sovereignty,') of the new Sârnâth inscription (above, Vol. VIII. p. 173 ff.). The variation, in the initial consonant group, of which we find a third form in chhatrapa, is of the same nature as that in cavalier and chivalry, that is to say, it is due to historical and dialectical differences.1
1 On a coin given by Prof. Rapson, Indian Coins, Pl. iii. No. 1, we have Kshahardta in Brahmi together with Chhaharáta in Kharoshthi; some of the Nasik inscriptions have Khakhardta, etc.
T2

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. IX.
The hra, from thra, arose (with other forms) on Iranian soil, Mihra (Skt. Mihira) being a variant of Mithra, of which a still more simplified form is found in Miraboyana of the Takht-i-Bahi inscription (see M. Boyer's article in the Journal Asiatique, Sér. X. Vol. IIL (1904) pp. 463-4): the old Persian dialect had also e, concerning which it may be sufficient to refer to the grammars.
2. Mevaki is no doubt a variant of the Scythian name Mauakes Mevanns, which we find attached to the king Maues and Möga (=Mauaka).
3. The two names Kalúi, Kámúió show a Pahlavi suffix úi, in the second case with addition of an Indian termination.
4. Naüludo is no doubt for Naürúdó, New Growth,' with a Pahlavi or Afghan 1 for r. 5. The element Khala- appears in Khalama and Khalasamuso. 6. The termination -as in Komisi and samaso seems to be Scythic.
7. The element -si in Ayasi Kômúsi, Nandasikasa, Pispasi is certainly not the Sanskrit fri, which would have been so written in these inscriptions. It is a derivative element, perhaps identical with the -oi, -si (Pahlavi -cik) which appears in many Iranian names.
8. The y in Ayasi, Hayuarana, Ayimisa, found also on the coins as an alternative for in Ayitisa, etc. (seo Gardner, op. cit. pp. 93, 173), most probably represents a sound resembling the French j, for which reasons it must also remain undetermined whether the ayaria (=dchárya) and puya (=půjá) of our inscriptions were intended or not to represent a pronunciation with a y.
9. The name Abahola doubtless consists of two members, Abú (of uncertain meaning) to be traced in A Bovdirns (see Jasti's Iranisches Namenbuch, 8. v.) + hóla, a variant of the hora in Spålahôra and the hôrakâ of our inscriptions. That spala is a Pahlavi form of 0. Pers. spada = Zend spåda = Neo-Pers. sipah is plain from its occurrence in Spalapati, which corresponds to the Persian Ispahbad, Pahlavi Spáhpat (see Justi, op. cit. and Horn, Neupersische Etymologie, No. 699). As the Zend-Persian ahura is used in the sense of prince' and as the form hóra is to be traced in the common (Sassanian) name Hormisdas, there can be no reason to doubt that this is the meaning of the second part of the name of Abühóla and that her hôrakáparivára was a 'retinue of princesses (or ladies).'
10. As regards the term Kusulaa (=Kusúlaka of the Taxila Plato), it seems to me extremely unlikely that the word is unrelated to the Kuyula, Kujala, Kocovia applied to Kadphises and Kanishka, more especially now that the Sårnáth inscriptions have bronght Kanishka into relation with the northern Satraps. The word seems to me to have been probably a title of the order of Şahib, Bahadur, and the like.
It will now be sufficient to enumerate the persons occurring in the inscriptions. These are :
(1) The family of Râjâla :
(a) Rájúla himself with his sons Kharaðsta (Yuvardja, son of the Chief Queen Abůhôle), Sudása (entitled Satrap), Khalama (entitled Kumara'), and Maja (entitled Kanishtha).- the two last also being possibly children of the Chief Queen Abühóla- and his daughter Hana.
(2) Five other, probably princely, persons : Kalui, Naülûdo, Kamûio, Âyimisa Khalasamušo. These were perhaps relatives of Rajula.
(3) Friendly satraps, namely Kusulaa Padika, Mevaki Miyika, K(r)ônina, Kherdaa. Tachhila (Rachhila).
(4) A Buddhist ácharya, named Buddhila (Budhila), and a second (perhaps identiel with the former), named Buddhadeva.
*Cf. Hüsingin Kuhne Zeitschrift, Vol. XXXI. 14 . uroy, Vol. XXXVI. p. 483 ff.
On this and other similar titles ser M. !. 'surticle in the Journalistique, Ser. IX. Vol. XIX. p. 95 T. . The name of a satrap Merals ia t c Prof.
2 on 1 cir . 2.4. S. 1894, p 638).

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INSCRIPTIONS ON THE MATHURA LION-CAPITAL.
141
The inscriptions supply in themselves no means of dating. But the style of the monument of which they celebrate the foundation seems to have been strongly Persian. This is in favour of an early date; but for a definite determination of it we must continue to rely upon the more or less contemporary Taxila plate belonging to the year 78 (in the reign) of the Great King Môga, who is usually placed (see Rapson, Indian Coins, $ 29) as early as 120 B. C.
TEXTS, TRANSLATIONS AND NOTES.
A. I. 1 Mahachhatra(ttra)vasa rajulasa Mahâchhatravassa Rajúlassa) 2 agra(ggra maheshriayasia(o) [agramah&shi-Ayasia] 3 komusaa dhite [Kömüsad dhite] 4 khara(rha P)ostasa yuvaraña (Kharaðstassa yuvarañab] 5 mata nadadi(si ?)akasa .. [måtà Namdadi(si ?)akasa ..]
A. II. 6 sadha mata(tra) abuholaa (e ?) [sadba mâtra Abaholaa] 7 pitramahi pispasria bhra [pitämabi-Pispasid bhra-] 8 tra hayuarana sadha hanadhitra(?) [-trå Hayuarana sadha Hana-dhitra] 9 atra(te)ürena horakapa (am têûrêņa hora kapa-] 10 rivarena ise pradhraviprate [-rivârêņa ise pradhraviprats-] 11 ge(sre) nisime sarira pratithavito [-sê nissime sarira[m] pratitthåvit8] 12 bhakravato Sakamunisa budhasa [bhakravato Sakamunissa Buddhassa] 13 mamra ?)kite(hi ?)ra(?)ya sa pae bhusaveti(?) [...riya sa paê bh0sd-v-iti] 14 thuva cha sagbarama cha chatu [thůva cha samghåráma cha chatu-] 15 digesa saghasa sarva [-ddisassa samghagga Sarvd-] 16 stivatana parigrahe [-stivâtánam parigrahê].
TRANSLATION. By the Chief Queen of the Great Satrap Rajúla, daughter of Åyasi Komsa, mother of the Heir Apparent Kharaôsta, Nandasi-Akasa (by name), together with her mother Abahola, her paternal grandmother Pispasi, her brother Hayuard (?), her daughter Hana, her household and court of hörakás (ladies), a relic was deposited in this piece of land in a stúpa with the thought :
May it be for the eternal . . . . . . . of the Holy Sakya sage Buddha.' And the stúpa and the monastery are for the acceptance of the universal Sangha of the Sarvastiveding.
NOTES. Genealogy.-The scheme appears to be as follows:
Pispasi.
Ayasi Kômûså=Abthólå.
Rajala=Nandasi-Akaså.
Hayvará.
Kharadista.
Jl
.

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For. #X.
Readings.-L. 1. The additional stroke in the tra, if not accidental, may denote a doubling. At least I learn from Prof. Rapson that a (cross) stroke is used in the Stein documents for that purpose.
142
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
L. 2, aggra with a cross stroke; ma in maheshi has the original form with a subscribed angle; shri has the otiose r-stroke found elsewhere.
L. 3, te in dhite is quite clear; it must be due to an error, as the regular form of tra occurs several times in the inscription.
L. 4. Is the side stroke in the r of kharaôstasa accidental, or does it possibly represent h? See p. 138 above. It occurs in the place, though not with the shape, of aspiration in other
consonants.
L. 5. No doubt namdasi should be read, on the analogy of the other names. But the lower stroke of the akshara is curtailed (being at the edge of the stone) in such a way as to produce the appearance of the cursive da in Bühler's Table, col. viii. After sa nothing can be clearly seen on the stone. The analogy of the other names would lead us to expect -sad. On the to in mátá see p. 137 above.
L. 8. From what nominative form the instrumental Hayuarând is to be derived is not
obvious.
L. 9, a[m]teüréna presents a case, rare in these inscriptions, of disappearance of a medial consonant. The only other cases are: (1) saspaé for sasvaté, 1. 13 (if that is the correct reading); (2) k in nakraraassa and mâhásamghiana; and (3) khardaassa. As in general the medial consonants are sharpened rather than weakened, this seems to show a mixture of dialects. On the word horakd see p. 140 above.
L. 11, nisime. Bühler takes this as denoting a stúpa, and he quotes Professor Pischel's view that it is a Prakrit form of niḥsama, used in the sense of high', hence stúpa. The word is certainly a substantive and the name of a manufactured object, as appears from the phrase nisimô karita niyatitô in inscription J.; but in point of etymology it may perhaps be related to the nissimamalaka of the Mahavamsa, o. xxxii: ranno sariram jhâpésum yasmin nissimamálake.
L. 13. The last akshara is doubtful, and it is indeed possible to question whether any sign is intended after vi. Bühler's reading bhúsati is out of the question. We must apparently take bhúsa as a strange optative form.
L. 12. The sign for tô is, owing to misplacement of the vowel stroke, that usually in these inscriptions denoting tra. I do not detect a sign for r.
L. 6. Whether mata or mátrá is inscribed I cannot determine.
L. 7, tra is clear in pitra, and sri in Pispasri.
L. 9. The second akshara resembles tra more than anything else; if it is really té (which in any case must be meant), the sign for é is added to the earlier form of ta.
L. 13. Bühler's reading mukihitaya. The first akshara is certainly not mu, but might be mra, unless it is simply ma, and the third is far from being an ordinary hi; the expression Buddhasya muktihitaya does not present an orthodox appearance.
L. 15, sé seems clear; compare isé in 1. 10.
Grammar and interpretation.-L. 1, ú in Rajula is supported by the Ranjubala, etc., of the coins.
L. 2. It is doubtful whether maheshi Ayasi- or maheshiá: Yasi is to be read. In the former case we have an omission (or postponement) of the sign of declension, as in pitamahi, 1. 7. It would however not be entirely out of the question to take pratiṭhávitô as an active participle with the subject mátá in the nominative and a false concord: Bühler observes (p. 535) that 'pratichavitô is the neuter, as frequently in the Shahbazgarhi version of the Rock-Edicts.' We may q te imam katavo in Edict XI. Generally however in cases parallel to the present (e.g. in

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A, lines 6 to 16.
.
S
SCALE ABOUT .22
Back of the capital.
in the British Museum Inscriptions on the Mathura lion-capital
J. F. FLEET.
W. GRIGGS, COLLOTYPE. FROM GENERAL SIR ALEXANDER CUNNINGHAM'S PHOTOGRAPHS.
Plate II

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No. 17.)
INSCRIPTIONS ON THE MATHURA LION-CAPITAL.
143
the Mäpikille, Tazils, and Wardak inscriptions) the active construction (pratifháréti) is preferred.
B. 1 Mabachha(chohha?)travasa [msh&chhatravassa) 2 vajalasya putra (Rajalasya putra] 3 fadase chatrave (Gaddad chhatravo].
TRANSLATION Budas, son of the Great Satrap Radlje, being Satrap.
NOTES. L. 1. A cross stroke, apparently intentional, on the chha may indicate duplication, as in the Cabes already solel.
L. 2, oa (sre). · L. 3. As these inscriptions seem to present no other nominatives in -e, Sudúet may best be royarded as a locative; in M. it is plainly so.
1 Kalui & [Kaldi A-] 2 varajojho ?) [-varajo).
TRANSLATION.
KAIGI, younger brother.
D.
Naulado [Naülado).
1 Khara(rha Posto yuvaraya [Kharadst8 yavardyk] 9 khalamasa kumara [Khalamasa kumera) 8 maja kanitka [Maja kaniţtha] 4 As(sar ?) manamota.
TRANSLATION. Kharadata, Heir Apparent; Khalamasa, kumara; Maja; youngest ; . . . . .
NOTES. Bühler read Jolama" in 1. 2, but the akshara seems to be a kha. He also regarded kumdrá(t)maja as a single word. The last line is uncertain; but I may perhaps suggest that the cross stroke in mo is accidental, in which case we may understand the words samand miti
indicating that the three mons named were uterine brothers. Bühler's reading chha is by no means borne out by inspection. Kamnio [Kam018 P].
NOTR. Apparently s proper name, like KA101.
kra karya Prita (yu P) (-km
kårita P].
1 Bee Plate II. • In small letters at the place indicated in Plate III. • In smalle letters within E. Bee Plate II. . On the right cheok of the right lion; not shown in the photographe.
• See Plate IIL. • Bee Plate II.

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144
EPIGRAPALA INDICA.
(VOL. IX.
NOTE. The ta, if it is so to be read, has the earlier form.
F. 1 Budhilasa nakraraaga [Buddhilassa Näkraraasse] 2 bhikhusa sarvastivatasa [bhikkhussa Sarvâstivatassa).
G. 1 Mahachhatavasya kusalaasa padikasa meva(na)kiss [mahachhatravasya Kusûlaassa
Padikassa Mevakissa) 2 miyikasa chhatarasa puyao [Miyikassa chhatavassa puyab].
J. (). Sarvastivatana padi (ri P]grahe (Sarvåstivátåna padi(ri ?)grah8].
TRANSLATION, 7.-Of the Nagara bhikkhu Buddhila, a Sarvastivadin.
G.–For the honour of the Great Setrap, the Kustlaka Padika, and the Satrap Movaki Miyika.
J.- For the acceptance of the Sarvastivadins.
NOTES. These three inscriptions, written in aksharas of about the same size, adjoin each other, and may form a single whole.
Readings.-G.1.-The va or na of mdoa(na) kisa is a single straight stroke. Movaki is however more probable than ménaki (maindki); see above.
J. (3).-The di in padigraht (=pratigrahd) is identical with that in Padika ; nevertheless parigraha is on the whole more probable in view of A. 1. 16. The bhikkhu Buddhila may be, but need not be, identical with the Buddhaddve of the inscription K. He belongs to Nagara, no doubt the famous city of Nagarahára (but see Watter's Yuan Ohwany, Vol. I. p. 184 ff., 201 and reff.). Concerning the remaining persons see the introductory remarks. There seems to be no ground for joining the inscription J. (3), as Bibler does, to the lines J. (1 and 2), on the opposite face (the front) of the stone.
M. 1 Chba(chohhatrave sadise (chhatrave Sudisl] 2 imo padhravi [imô padhravi] 3 pratego (pratégo]
1 veya ath (u P) dirna (dinam P) kadhavaro busapa 2 ro kadha 8 varo 4 riya
Bee Plate IL • See Plate I.
· Iud. . Ibid.
• Toid.

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Top
A, lines 1 to 5.
B.
SCALE ABOUT 27
Top and bottom of the capital.
in the British Museum. Inscriptions on the Mathura lion-capital
Bottom
N.
J. F. FLEET.
W. GRIGGS, COLLOTYPE
FROM GENERAL SIR ALEXANDER CUNNINGHAM'S PHOTOGRAPHS.

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INSCRIPTIONS ON THE MATHURA LION-CAPITAL.
145
J. (1 and 2.) 1 viya rva . . . . . . . .Palishte (PP) na 2 nisimo karita niyatito (nissimo karita niyyatitd].
These three inscriptions present the most difficult problems of all those insoribed on the capital. They are written in aksharas of approximately the same size. As M. has no verb (unless we here make use of the - Krakárita (P) of E".), we should naturally expect it to be in connection with one of the others. It certainly seems to join the vdya of I. 1. But here we enter upon a very obscure passage. Bühler with great ingenuity has elicited the reading vaya. wdino kadhavaro busaparo kadhavaro=vdgôdirnd skandhdoard busaparo skandhdvård, which he renders the army has started in haste, the army is intent on wealth.' But to this there are, spart from the inappropriateness of the sense, the following objections :-(1) skandhavara does not mean an army,' but an encampment;' (2) the meaning 'riches' attached to busa is attested only by Wilson's Diotionary; (3) it is doubtful whether the third akshara is really w; it is onlike the other w's of these inscriptions and rather resembles an, while the bottom curve may even be a part of the accidental indentation in the stone (see the Plate); (4) a weakening of g to y in veya is contrary to the tendencies of the languages employed in these inscriptions. On the other hand, the ro of 1. 2 plainly follows the pa of 1. 1, and a reading veyaan dinau kadhavaros vaijayantind min skandhdvård appears but little promising. The viya which precedes the large rua in J. 1 is in small characters and no doubt an independent addition. Can it possibly be an insertion to show that the large rua, which apparently joins on to nothing, is an error for vya= viya? The sign which Bühler renders by shté (reproduced in his Indian Palmography, Plate I. ool. xiii.), is quite clearly inscribed; but its meaning is anything but olear. It is more like rdi, which seems very unlikely. With the preceding pali (Bübler pult) it composes no doubt a proper name. What came before pali, occupying & space sufficient for 7 or 8 aksharas, is quite obsonre owing to the stone having peeled sway. We seem to have the remains of a sa; bat what is to be done with the large rua commencing the line P Even adopting the suggestion that it is an error for vya we have no ground for proceeding further. The words missimd karita niyyatito, 'a stapa was caused to be made and presented,' are quite satisfactory. We have already noted the older form of ta in karita. With these remarks I must be content so far as these inscriptions are concerned.
1 Khalagamu2 so.
The aksharas are perfectly clear, though Bühler read khalafdna bo. Wo seem to have here a proper name.
K. & L. 1 Ayariasa [&yáriassa] 2 badhatevasa (Buddhatėvassa) 8 utaona ayimisa (ataồna Ågimisa].
TRANSLATION. Through the elevation of the acharya Buddhadêva, Âyimisa.
The exact meaning is not clear. We might take Ayimisa as a genitive with dinara understood. But what then was the dána i The last akshara of Ayimisa, which lacks the tail of the sa, was read by Bähler as ta.
1 See Plate L.
> On the leg of the left lion, under his tail. * Not shown in the Plates : incised in very clear characters on the breast of the left linn between J. and .-. (noe Plate II): plainly a single independent record.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. IX.
Gubavihare [Guhávihåre).
TRANSLATION. In the cave-vshara.
Bühler would translate: In the Guha-monastery,' and the matter cannot be considered certain, as we have a Hamsasanghåráma near Gaya (Archeological Surrey Reports, Vol. I. p. 18) and a (Jaina) Mihiravihdra mentioned in an inscription pablished by him in Ep. Ind. Vol. II. p. 212.
H'. Dhamada(?)na(P) (dhammad&nam).
TRANSLATION Religious donation.
N. 1 Ayariasa budhilasa nakrarasa bhikhn (Syáriassa Buddhilassa Nakraraassa bhikkhu-] 2 sa sarvastivatasa pagra [-ssa Sarvåstivatasse pågrå-] 3 na mahasaghiana pra [-Dam Mahasåtaghiánam prd-] 4 ma(P)ñavitave khalulasa (-mábavittavê khaldlaga).
TRANSLATION. To the Sarvastivedin dohárya Buddhila, a bhikkhu of Nagars, an exercise-ground in the knowledge of the nature of proof to the vanguard of the Mahasanghikas.
L. 1. Buddhila is, of course, the bhikkhu already mentioned in the inscription F. The rendering of Nagara' (Bühler) seems to be the most satisfactory among the meanings of Nagaraka, for which see the St. Petersburg Dictionary. Concerning the place probably denoted see Watter's Yuan Ohwang, Vol. I. pp. 184 ff., 201 and reff.
Ll. 2-3. Of the sa which Bühler inserts after gra, in order to get the word prakásamá I can see no trace.
L. 4. The reading seems certain; the only difficulty is the word khalula. Halayudha gives khadúríká in the sense of 'a military exercise-ground,' and the Atharva-Veda has khadura with indeterminate sense. If the rendering given above does not seem quite acceptable, we may at least find in khalula some form from the root khand, so common still in titles of controversial works. That the Mahaeanghikas were opposed to the Sarvâstivadins Bühler has already observed. I conjecture that pramunavitave-pramanyavittve.
0.8
1 Sarvabudhana puya dhamasa (sarvabaddhanam půya dhammassa) 2 puya saghasa puya (půyå samghassa půya).
TRANSLATION. Honour to all the Buddhas, Honour to the Dharma, Honour to the Sangka.
P.
1 Sarvasa sakrasta (sarvassa Sakrasta.) 2 nasa puyae [-nassa půyde).
In small characters below the letter H. in Plate I. • In small characters, as H., below the letter I'. in Plate I.
See Plate III.

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No. 17.)
INSCRIPTIONS ON THE MATHURA LION-CAPITAL.
147
TRANSLATION For the honour of all Sakastang.
The objections raised by Dr. Fleet (Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1904, pp. 703-9; 1905, pp. 154-6) to this rendering of Bühler seem to me ineffective. As regards the presence of Sakas at Mathurd, see the introductory remarks, where it is also shown that the form of the word exactly represents the name of Sakast&na. Nor is there any difficulty in the expression of honour to the whole realm of the Sakas,' since we find in the Wardak inscription (and elsewhere, e.g. in the inscriptions of Sae Vihar, Anyor, and various Mathura inscriptions, which have regard to the 'good and happiness of all living creatures,' sarvasattvånam) even more comprehensive expressions ; Dor again is there any difficulty in the use of sarua (uncompounded) with the meaning 'whole' (see the St. Petersburg Dictionary). As regards svaka, one's own,' (a common word), and the Pali sakaffhana, 'one's own place (homo, eto.),' it may be remarked that, while it is natural to say, as in the passages oited by Dr. Fleet, he went to his own home,' etc., it seems less natural to inscribe on the stone 'honour to (somebody's) own home,' etc. [This inscription has been recently discussed by M. Barth, Comptes Rendues de l'Académie, 1907, pp. 384 ff., with his accustomed perspicacity. I am, however, unable to admit that the name of a donor is required here any more than in the insoriptions G. and O. A pūjā addressed to a country is certainly unusual, but inscription G. contains & similar paja addressed to the chief representatives of the Saka dominion.)
21 1 Khardaasa [Khardaagsa] 2 chhatravasa (chhatavassa).
TRANSLATION.
Of the Satrap Khardas.
R.
1 Rata ?)chhilasa (R. Ta ?chaj 2 kronila F aj
TRANSLATION. Of Rachii. (
T hila ?) Kauņdinya (?). Kuundinya is a suggestion of Bühler, who also regards Tachhilasa as = Takshatilasa,
Additional Notes. 1. A number of questions relating to, or connected with, the inscriptions on the Lion Capital for instance the forms of the names Moga, Rajala, and Kharaosta, and the date of Moga-have been discussed by Dr. J. F. Fleet in an article entitled Moga, Maues, and Vonones, published in the J. R. A. S. for October 1907, pp. 1013-40.
2. P. 137, 1.9: Insert after' pp. 526 ff.' the words ' (where sapana is perhaps=sappana =sattvanām, see Pischel's Grammatik der Prakrt-sprachen $300).'
3. P. 137, 1. 38: Insert after detached stroke the words to the left together with the same curve to the right that in fe denotes e, ses below.'
4. P. 139, 1. 44: Insert after the words defenoe of sovereignty' the words see the Iranian Grundriss II. p. 97.'
See Plate III. and Plate I. where R. has been printed in error. The word chhatanasa is inverted on the stone.
* See Plate III.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. IX.
No. 18.-MOUNT ABU VIMALA TEMPLE INSCRIPTION
OF (VIKRAMA-] SAMVAT 1378.
BY PROFESBOR F. KIELHORN, C.I.E.; GÖTTINGEN. In 1828 H. H. Wilson, in As. Res. Vol. XVI. p. 284 ff., published an account of the insoriptions on the mountain Arbuda, the modern Mount Åbûn in the Sirohi State of Rajputana, from copies presented to the Asiatic Society of Bengal by Captain Speirs, Political Agent at Sirohi. In that account Prof. Wilson gave full translations of one of the two large inscriptions at the temple of Nåminátha, the texts of which were first published in 1883 by Mr. A. V. KAthavate, and which have now been edited, with facsimiles, by Prof. Lüders, above, Vol. VIII. p. 200 ff.; of the Gohila inscription in the neighbourhood of the temple of Achalddvara, edited by myself in Ind. Ant. Vol. XVI. p. 347 ff. ;t and of the Achalékvara temple inscrip tion of which I have treated above, p. 79 f. Of other inscriptions only short abstracta of the contents were given, apparently based on an account in Hindi that had been drawn up by a native scholar.
For many years afterwards little was done for the study of the Mount Âba inscriptions. Bæt in the cold season of 1900-01 Mr. Consens, Superintendent of the Archeological Survey of India, Western Circle, while staying at Âba, had impressions (or, in a few cases, eyecopios) prepared of all inscriptions which are now found on the mountain ; and by sending them to the Government Epigraphist he for the first time has placed at our disposal trustworthy materials for a critical examination of these records. Most of these inscriptions are very short; none of them go baok beyond the middle of the 11th century A.D.; and considering their great number, the data furnished by them for the political history of the country are disappointingly few. In other respecte, some are of considerable interest and well deserve to be made more generally accessible, while a good many contain some name, or expression, or date, or perhaps only some mark or letter, which, animportant as it may seem at first sight, may prove of use on a future occasion.
The number of the inscriptions in Mr. Consens' collection, which has been sent to me by Prof. Hultzsch, is 298, of which 270 are ink-impressions and 28 eye-copies only. Of the total number, 148 are from the temple of Rishabha (Adinatha) which was founded by Vimala ; 97 from the temple of Néminátha, founded by Têjahpala ;' 30 from the temple of Achaleśvara, and 13 from other localities. Of the Vimala temple inscriptions 126 are dated, the earliest date being of the Vikrama) year 1119 (about A.D. 1062), in a short inscription (No. 1780 of Mr. Cousens' List of a minister of the Chaulukya Bhimad va I., and the latest in No. 1874) of the Vikrama) year 1785 (about A.D. 1728); between the two, the years which most
1 A kind of facsimile of the inscription may be seen in Bhdunagar Indor. Plate rxvi.
• Prof. Wilson sloo gave a translation of the inscription of the Vikrama year 1266, published by Dr. Cartellieri in Ind. Ant. Vol. XI. p. 221 1., the original of which is now at the town of Sirohi; 1 Program Report of the Archeol. Survey of India, W. Circle, for 1905-1906, p. 47.
For inscriptions that have been edited (in addition to those translated by Prof. Wilson) see my Northers Lint, Nou. 261 and 266.
In inscriptions the temple is called Vimala-casabika, Vimala ya uasalikd, Vimala rarak, und Vimalasealikd-Artha, in literary works aloo Vimala-asati. Above, p. 81, I have already stated that the name 'Vimala Sah'or. Vimala Shab,' recently written Vimala st' in my opinion owe their origin to s miranderstanding of the term Vimala-basahikd, Vimala's temple. Similarly, Laniga-osakkd has given rise to the name (for Tojab pala's brother) Laniga Sabikl, in As. Res. Vol. XVI. p. 809.
Above, Vol. VIII. p. 200, Prof. Lüders has shown that the ordinary name of the temple is Laravidla (or Lanaatha)-pasakikd or Land-parahild. In inscriptions I also find L4miga-pasahibd, Tejapdla-avalikd and Tejala-panam, and in literary worlos Laniga-panati.

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MOUNT ABU VIMALA TEMPLE INSCRIPTION.
frequently occur are the Vikrama years 1245 (22 times) and 1378 (25 times). Of the inscriptions at Tejaḥpâla's temple 77 are dated, and here the earliest dates are of the Vikrama year 1267 (about A.D. 1230), the very year in which the temple was founded, while the latest date (in No. 1748) is one of the [Vikrama] year 1911 (about A.D. 1854); no less than 47 inscriptions are dated between the Vikrama years 1287 and 1297, and 9 between 1346 and 1389. Of the 30 inscriptions at the temple of Achalêsvara 22 are dated. Here the earliest inscription appears to be one (No. 1950), unfortunately almost entirely effaced, of the [Vikrama] year 1186 (about A.D. 1129), and another (No. 1941) seems to contain a date in the [Vikrama] year 1191. What I consider to be certain is, that No. 1951 of Mr. Cousens' List is dated in the [Vikrama] year 1207 (about A.D. 1150), in the reign of the [Paramara] Mahamandaléśvara Yasodhavaladeva (a fendatory of the Chaulakya Kumarapala, an inscription of whom is dated in the same year). Two other inscriptions (Nos. 1945 and 1946) are dated in the [Vikrama] years 122[5] and 122[8], the rest in 1377 and later years. Regarding the 13 remaining inscriptions, it will suffice to say that the Guhila inscription mentioned above (No. 1953 of the List) is dated in the [Vikrama] year 1342, and that the dates which occur in others are of later years.
149
Of the inscriptions at the temple of Nêminâtha, the two largest and most important, together with 30 shorter ones, have been edited from Mr. Cousens' materials by Prof. Lüders, above, Vol. VIII. p. 200 ff. I now give the text of an inscription of the [Vikrama] year 1378, which is at the temple of Rishabha, and the chief point of interest in which is the statement that that temple was founded in the Vikrama year 1088 (about A.D. 1031) by a certain Vimala, who had been appointed dandapati at Arbuda by [the Chaulukya] Bhimadeva [I].
Before I proceed to describe the inscription, I may state that the date here given for the foundation of the temple is known to us also from other sources. In Ind. Ant. Vol. XI. p. 243, the late Dr. Klatt gave an extract from a Pattávali of the Kharatara-gachchha, according to which the minister Vimala, who belonged to the Pôravada (Prågvâța) family, and who broke the parasols of thirteen Sultans and established the town of Chandravati, caused a temple of Rishabhadêva to be built on the mountain Arbuda - a temple which even now is known by the name Vimala-vasahi,' and which, it is added, was consecrated by Vardhamânasûri in the year 1088. The same story, with the same date, is more fully given in the extracts in Prof. Weber's Catalogue of the Berlin MSS., Vol. II. pp. 1036 and 1037, where. we are moreover told that, to obtain from the Brahmans the ground on which he intended to build the temple, Vimala had to cover it with gold coins, and that he expended 18 crores and 53 lacs (185,300,000) in the building of the temple. And the date also occurs in an interesting extract from Jinaprabhasûri's Tirthakalpa, in Prof. Peterson's Fourth Report, p. 92 f. There, again, the Vikrama year 1088 is given for the foundation of the Vimala-vasati, and 1288 for that of the Luniga-vasati,3 and it is also stated that, when the two temples had been demolished or damaged (bhagna) by the Mlêchchhas, they were repaired in the Saka year 1243 (ie. the Vikrama year 1378), the first by Lalla, the son of Mahanasimha, and the other by Pithaḍa, the son of the merchant Chanḍasimha. We shall see below that our inscription actually records the restoration, in 1378, of Vimala's temple by Lalla (Laliga), the son of Mahanasimha, and
1 No. 129 of my Northern List.
3 So far as I can see, there is something wrong in the verses 39 and 40, as given by Prof. Peterson, but regarding the date of the construction of the Vimala-vasati there can be no doubt.
* According to the extracts, the stradhara, who built the Ldniga-vasati, was Sobhanadeva, who is mentioned in the same way (as prásádakdraka-sútradhara) in Mêrutunga's Prabandhachintamani, p. 259. This builder's name actually occurs in No. 1674 of Mr. Cousens' List, an inscription of the Vikrama year 1288.- Jinaprabhasûri's account of the mountain Arbuda, from which the extracts are taken, seems to be based on inscriptions and to be quite trustworthy.

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[VOL IX.
Vijada, the son of Dhanasimha; and the name of the person who repaired the temple of Téjabpala (the Luniya-vasati) is given as Pêthada in an inscription at that temple, the full text of which is:
L. 1 Om
2 n 3 sys
150
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
A-chamdrårkkam namdatâd-êsla samgha-'dhisaḥ śrimasangha-yuktab | jîrnnôddharam tênê yên-êhâsrbudâdrau
Vastupâlasva-sâraiḥ ||
Pethadah chaityê
The inscription with which we are more immediately concerned here is on a black slab, built into the side wall of a shrine in the corridor of Vimala's temple. It contains 30 lines of writing which cover a space between 1' 7" and 1' 8" broad by 1' 1' high, but of which only the first 22 lines extend over the full breadth of this space; lines 23-29 are only 1' 5" long and line 30 (which contains merely a date) only 33". The greater part of the writing is well preserved; but in line 16 about 10 aksharas and in line 17 about 4 aksharas are effaced, and in some places the writing is difficult to read, mainly, as it seems to me, because the letters have been formed carelessly and are so close to one another that they have not come out clearly in the ink-impression at my disposal. The size of the letters is between and ". The characters are Nagari. The language is Sanskrit, and, with the exception of the words on || fri-Arbudatirtha-prasastir-likhyate || at the commencement, the words atha rájávali || in line 9, and the date in line 30, the text is in verse, the number of verses being 42. In respect of orthography only few remarks are necessary. There are separate signs for the letters b and v, and the sign for the former has been wrongly employed also for v in sarbagña, 1. 16, and sa hbhabaḥ, 1. 21. The palatal sibilant is used instead of the dental in manasvi, 1. 4, sámha- (for simha-), 1. 6, and sahaéré, 1. 8, and the dental instead of the palatal in nivéeitam. 1. 8, pesala-, 1. 18, and fasi-, 1. 29. Instead of the vowel ri we have the syllable ri in Rishabha, 11. 26 and 29, and in line 24 the author himself has written shad-arttavaḥ instead of shad-ritavah, which would not have suited the metre. What is more interesting is, that in line 4 we find nṛipasa for ripasya, and in line 21 vadája instead of vadánya. The latter reminds us of the name Nydnatakti (instead of Janafakts) in Ind. Ant. Vol. XIII. p. 93, 1. 26, and shows that in Rajputana as well as in the Kanarese country there could have been hardly any differe ace in pronunciation between jña and nya; and nṛipata recalls tasa and similar genitive cases of far more ancient inscriptions, without, of course, proving more than that the pronunciation of must have been similar to that of the conjunct sy. In respect of grammar I need draw attention only to the word vidadhana, in line 3, the reading of which is certain, and which the author undoubtedly has used as a 3rd person singular of the Perfect of vi-dhá (instead of vidadhe), probably misled by the participle vidadhana which was more familiar to him than the proper verbal form. 10 Though the writer or engraver in some places has done his work carelessly, I believe that, with the exception of what has been entirely effaced
1 No. 1743 of Mr. Cousens' List, "on pilaster near shrine doorway of the principal temple in Vastupala's temple."
2 Denoted by a symbol.
* Metre: Śalini.
These signs of punctuation are superfluous.
No. 1790 of Mr. Cousens' List.
When my text was finished, I was able to compare impressions kindly sent to me by Mr. Gaurishankar Hirachand Ojha and by the Government Epigraphist, which in one or two places where there had been some doubt confirmed the correctness of my readings.
7 For curiosity's sake it may be stated that the Sanskrit sasa, German 'hase,' English 'hare,' seems to go back
to an original sasa; compare Prof. Wackernagel's Altind. Gramm. Vol. I. p. 225.
Compare shadricha and shadarcha in the St. Petersburg Dictionary.
See Prof. Rapson in Journ. Roy. As. Soc. 1900, p. 104 f., and Prof. Franke's Páli and Sanskrit, p. 97 f., and compare the genitive cases terasa, sagaia, etc., in Ep. Zeylanica, Vol. I. p. 18 f.
10 Proper Perfect forms which occur in the text are babidea, babhdeuh, chakdra, didéia, pra-pide and kdraydm-dratu.

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and of perhaps the last words of verse 21, the original text may everywhere be restored with confidence.
The object of the inscription is, to record that in the Vikrama) year 1378 two persons, Lalla (Laliga) and Vijada, for the spiritual welfare of their parents repaired the temple of Rishabha (Adinatha) on the mountain Arbuda. And the inscription is divided into three parts. The first part (verses 1-13) is a prasasti or eulogy of the sacred Arbuda; bat besides glorifying that locality and some mythical or divine beings (Ambika and Srimata) residing there, it also gives a few historical details connected with it, and especially records the foundation, in the Vikrama year 1088, of the temple of Adinatha by Vimala. The second part (vv. 14-23) contains a rijavali of the chiefs who at the time of the restoration of the temple were in possession of the mountain. And the third part (vv. 24-38) gives an account of the family of the men by whom the temple was repaired. The concluding verses (39-42) record the name and spiritual lineage of the priest or teacher who consecrated the restored building, and the exact date when he did so.
To omit what is of no historical interest, the first part begins with the well-known story how on the mountain Arbuda there sprang from the fire-pit (anala-kunda, agni-kunda) of the sage Vasishtha the hero Paramára. In his lineage appeared the horo Kanhadadêva ; and in his family there was a chief named Dhandhu (Dhandhuraja), who was lord of the town of Chandrivati and who, averse from rendering homage to the [Chaalukya] king Bhimadêva [I.] and to escape that king's anger, took refuge with king Bhôja, the lord of Dhara. The author then, rather abruptly, tells us that in the Pragvåta family there was a distingaished personage named Vimals in whom religion, immerged in darkness through the wickedness of the times, suddenly shone forth again in its splendour. He was appointed by king Bhima dandapati (commander of the forces or governor) at Arbuda, and there one night was enjoined by the divine Ambika to build on the mountain a beautiful dwelling for the Yug&dibhartsi (Yagadijina, Adinatha). That Vimala obeyed the request the author intimates in the verse : "I adore the holy Adinatha who was placed on the top of Arbuda by the glorions Vimala, when one thousand and eighty-eight years had passed since the time of the glorious king Vikra miditya."
The chief Dhandhu or Dhandhurája, spoken of in the preceding paragraph, apparently is the Pram&ra (or Paramára) Dhandbuka mentioned above, p. 11, whose son Pärnapala ruled the Arbada territory in the Vikrama years 1099 and 1102. He would of course have been & contemporary of both the Chaulakya Bhimadeva I. and the Paramira Bhojadêva of Malave.Vimala's name occurs in another inscription at his own temple, dated in the Vikrama year 1201. That inscription, No. 1767 of Mr. Coubens' List, contains 10 lines of writing which covers & space abont 2' 6" long by 5" high, and contains 17 verses. In the ink-impression the first two lines of it cannot be read with any confidence, but so far as I can see, & man is spoken of in them who belonged to the Srimala kula and was an ornament of the Pragvåța vamsa. His son was Lahadha, who was somehow connected with the king Mula (i.e. the Chaulukya Malaraja I.) and was also known by the name Vira-mabattama. Lahadha had two sons. The first of them was the minister Néąha, and the second Vimala, who in verse 7 is described thus :
Dvitiyak8-dvaitamatávalamvi(bi) dard Ad hipah Sri-Vimalo va(ba)bhava yêpe&dam-achchair-bhavasimdhugê tukalpat vinirmmåpitam-atra vêgma 11
1 The name Dhandhuks also occurs in the genealogy of the Parameras of Chandravatt, above, Vol. VIII.
p. 201.
* According to Mr. Consens the inscription is over the doorway of cell No. 10 in the corridor of Vimala's temple. It is referred to in 4e. Res. Vol. XVI. p. 811, in the words: “One inscription bears date S. 1201, but w nothing else is decipherable, it is of no further value."

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. IX.
Nadha's son was Laliga ; his son was the minister Mahiduka ;' and he again had two sons, Hêma and Dasaratha. And the object of the inscription is, to record that Dasaratha at the temple of Rishabha set up an image of Némijinêsa (Némitirthakara, i.e. Néminatha), which was installed on Friday, the first tithi of Jyêshtha of the Vikrama year 1201, corresponding to Friday, the 5th May A.D. 1144. I may add that the genealogy here given is for the greater part corroborated by another inscription at Vimala's temple, No. 1768 of Mr. Cousons' List, the full text of which is :
L. 1 'Sri-Srimalakalodbhava / Viramabamaihtri putra-[sa]nmantri-sri
2 Nedha-putra-Laliga-tatsuta-Mabimduka--sutên-êdar | Nijapu3 trakalatra-samanviténa * sanmantri-Dasarathon-edar eri-Nêmi
4 natha-[b]im vam | mokshårtham kåritam ramyam || For us the main point of interest is the date which the first of the two inscriptions furnishes for Dagaratha ; for that date, being of the Vikrama year 1201, shows that Vimala, the younger brother of Dasaratha's great-grandfather Nêdha, may well have lived in the Vikrama year 1088, the traditional date for the foundation of his temple.
The contents of the second part of our insoription (verses 14-23) I have already given above, p. 81 f. This rájávali in verse 14 commences with Åsardja, who belonged to the Chahuvima (Châhuváọa, Chhamâna) family and was king of the town of Nadúla (Naddûla). After him came Samarasimha; and his son was Mahanasimhabhata (v. 15). Then came Pratápamalla ; and to him was born Vijada, the lord of the Marusthall mandala (v. 16). He had three sons, the first of whom was the king Luniga (v. 17). Verse 18 then eulogizes Lundha 'who like a god of death devoured the host of adversaries ;' and verse 19 Lumbha, of whom verse 20 records that he conquered the mountain Arbuda, and that, after having ruled the earth, he became the lord of heaven (i.e. died). Verse 21 then eulogizes Têjasimha, the son of Lūņiga ; verse 22 wishes long life to Tihuņåka ; and the mutilated verse 23 appears to say that Lumbhaka together with Têjasimha and Tihuņa (órimal-Irambhaka-ndmå samanvitas Tejasin ha-Tihundbhyam) in right manner carried on the government of the mountain Arbuda.
Regarding the first part of this rájávali, as far as Vijada, there can be no doubt, and I have nothing to add to what I have previously said about it. A difficulty arises concerning the sons of Vijada. According to the inscription of Lantigadêve, above, p. 80, Vijada, who is also called Daśasyandana (Dasaratha), had four sons -Lavaạyakarņa, Landha (Lantiga), Lakshmaņa, and Lûnavarman, of whom Lávaạyakarna is distinctly called the eldest (jyêshtha). According to the present inscription Vijada had three sons the first (adya) of whom was Luniga. After Lüộiga the inscription mentions Lundha and Lumbha, without saying that they were his younger brothers or in any way specifying their relationship. In my account of Lantigadêva's inscription I have identified Luniga with Lávanyakarga, and have taken Laņdha and Lambha to be the names of his brothers, identifying Landha with Landha (Lantiga) and Lambha with Lügavarman. Other inscriptions are sure to be discovered which will show whether I am right or wrong. In the meantime I feel bound to state that my friend Mr. Ojha, than whom nobody is better acquainted with the history of his country, takes the three names Lüniga, Lundha and Lumbha (Lumbhaka) to denote one and the same person, and to be all Sanskritized forms of Lumbha, denoting a chief'commonly called Tra QHT,
1 The metre shows that the name is correct here. 7 The inscription is on the seat of an image in cell No. 10 in the corridor. • Metre of the two verses : Arya. • These signs of punctuation are superfluous.
The metre requires us to read Mahiduka.. . Read Dindaro.

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the famous conqueror of Aba. If my learned friend should be right, the last lines of the genealogical Table published above, p. 83, would of course have to be slightly altered. Mr. Ojha agrees with me in considering Tihunáka (Tihuņa) to be a younger brother of Tējasimha, but from his point of view places both, together with Tôjasimha's son Kanhadadêva, under Lantiga (Landha, Lûqiga, Lumbha). At the time when our inscription was composed, in the Vikrama year 1378, Lambha was dead, and the government of Abd must have been actually carried on by Tējasimha.
The account, which forms the third part of our inscription (verses 24-38), of the family of the two men (Lalls and Vijada) who restored the temple, contains little more than a list of names which may be seen from the following Table :
Genealogical Tabte.
Jelha.
Velhåka.
Pårass.
Sohi
Dég&.
Désala;
Kuladhara.
from Démati :
from Mai:
Gayapila.
Mohapa.
Mohs.
Gösala ; m. Gunad&vi.
Bhima ; m. Hamsalade.
Dhanasimha; m. Dhandhaladevi.
Maharasimha ; m. Mayanalladevi
Vijada. Shimadhara. Samarasimha. Vijapåla. Narapála. Viradhavala. Laliga Siha (P). Lopa (?).
(Lalla). The individuals mentioned in this Table were devotedly attached to the Jains faith. 'Jelha, the founder of the family, was a merchant, and his gurt was Dharmasäri. His place of rosidence was given in the inscription, but the name has been effaoed. Of Desals it is said that he made fourteen processions to the seven sacred places, Satranjaya and the rest. The other members of the family are eulogized in general terms.
See below, p. 164.
The seven tirtha or kaldtrae are frequently mentioned, but I have not yet found the names of the seven places

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There are at Vimala's temple several short inscriptions of members of this family, likewise dated in the (Vikrama) year 1378. And there is a longer inscription of the same family, No. 1791 of Mr. Cousens' List, which is dated, in words and figures, in the Vikrama year 1309. This inscription contains 25 lines of writing with 15 verses, and records the installation, by Anandasari, of an image of Nēmijina (Nêminatha) at Vimala's vasahika. We learn from it that the family belonged to the Uka[68] vania, and that its founder, Jelháka, as he is there called, was an inhabitant of Måndavyapura (Mandor). After Kuladhara it mentions five sons of his, but as the text is partly effaced, I am not at present prepared to give their names from the ink-impression at my disposal.
The remaining verses (39-42) of our inscription record that Rishabha was installed (or rather re-installed) on the mountain Arbuda by the guru or súri Jhanachandra, on a date in the (Vikrama] year 1378. Regarding the spiritual lineage of Jñanachandra, we learn that he was preceded by Amaraprabhasuri, and that the founder of the lineage was Dharmastri, also called Dharmaghôsha-gapäryaman, i.e. Dharmaghosha, the sun of the gana," who defeated Vadichandra and Guņachandra, and caused the awakening of three kings. Other inscriptions of the (Vikrama) year 1378 speak of Jñanachandra either as being in the paffa of Dharmasari' or as being in the paffa of Dharmaghoshasari ;" and an undated inscription, No. 1796 of Mr. Couseds' List, commences with the words : SrimadDharmaghoshasuri-paffd bri-Ana(na) idasuri-fri-Amaraprabhasúri-paff& fri-Jadnachandrasûri-. The Ânandasari of the last must be the Anandasûri mentioned above with a dato in the Vikrama year 1309; and the Anandasúri and Amaraprabhasari of the inscription apparently are the Anandasûri and his disciple Amaraprabhashri who, according to Prof. Peterson's Fifth Report, p. 110, 1. 1, are mentioned in & manuscript written by Amaraprabhasûri's advice in tho Vikrama) year 1344. Before Anandasuri there is mentioned, ibid. p. 109, Dharmastri (a disciple of Silabhadrasuri of the Råja-gachchha), who to the pride of conceited disputants was what the lion's roar is to an elephant, and who put an end to the intoxication of the king Vigraha. And the same person is mentioned, ander the name Dharmaghôshasari, in Prof. Peterson's Third Report, App. pp. 15 and 307, where he is represented as enlightening the king of Sakambhari; and ibid. p. 262, where he is said to have defeated disputants in the presence of the king of the Sapadalakshe country. From all this there can be no doubt that, of the three kings who in our inscriptiou are spoken of as having been awakened by Dharmasuri, one was a king Vigrahardja of Sakambhari (the capital of the SapAdalaksha country). In fact, I believe that that king is identical with Visaladêva-Vigrahardja, whose Delhi Siwalik pillar inscriptions (No. 144 of my Northern List) are dated in the Vikrama year 1220 (in A.D. 1164), and that Dharmaghoshasuri himself is a person of that name who in a short Vimala temple inscription (No. 1906 of Mr. Cousens' List) is mentioned with a date in the [Vikrama) year 1226 (in A.D. 1170). Who the two other kings were I do not know ; nor have I identified yet Vadiohandra and Gunachandrs who were defeated by Dharmasdri.
The date given in verse 42 is Monday, the ninth tithi of the dark half (sili) of Jyêshtha in the year made up of the vasus (8), the munis (7), the gunas (3) and the moon (1), i.e. the (Vikrama) year 1378. Here there is the difficulty that the word siti, which I have translated by the dark half,' might equally well denote the bright half'; and at first sight the latter interpretation might really seem to be preferable, because in line 30 of our text the date is repeated
1 This is the inscription referred to in 4. Res. Vol. XVI. p. 311, in the words: "Another (vis. inscription), in like manner, shows a date 8. 1809, but nothing else."
· I.e. the Oravila tribe ; compare Ep. Ind. Vol. II. p. 40.
Nos. 1769, 1822 and 1868 of Mr. Cousens' List. • Nos. 1756, 1758A, 1764 and 1793 of Mr. Cousens List.
. There is a Vadiobaodra who composed the Judnardryodaya ; I do not know whother he is the man mentioned in our inscription.

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in the words 1379 Jyéshtha-sudi 9 Sôme. But against this it has to be said that in four independent inscriptions (Nos. 1771, 1821, 1829 and 1904 of Mr. Cousens' List) we have saivat (or sam) 1878 varshé Jyéshtha-vadi 9 Soma-dine (or Somd), which evidently is the same date as the one given in our inscription. And besides, for the bright half of Jyaishtha the date would be quite incorrect for 1378 (as a Chaitrådi current or expired, or Kárttikadi expired year), whereas for the dark half of the purnimanta Jyaishţha of the expired Karttikadi Vikrams year 1378 it regularly corresponds to Monday, the 10th May A.D. 1322. For these reasons I regard my translation of the date to be correct and take Monday, the 10th May A.D. 1922 to be ita proper equivalent; and I consider the way in which the date has been repeated in line 30 (where 1379' under any circumstances would be suspicious) to be due to a mistake.
TEXT. 1 Om 11 3Śri-Arbudatirtha-prasastir-likhyatd 11 Augikfit-&chalapado vpishabh åsito -
si bhatir-gapadhipatiaðvita-padapadmaḥ sambhur-yugAdipurush jagad
ekanáthaḥ papyâya pallavayatu prati-vasaram sa[b]? || 1 2 Nibaddha-mulaiḥ phalibhiḥ sapatrai d rumair=narêmdrair=iva sêvyamanah
padagrajâgrad-bahuvshinikah Sri-Arbudô nandatu Saila-rajah 112 Yasmin
10 Visightânalskunda-janma kshatikshati-tråpaparaḥ pur=Asit pratyashi-11 3 thisarthonmathana-kritathi 119 kshit&v=iha Sri-Paramara-námå || 3 Tad-anvayê
Kanhadadêva-virah pur-svir-asival prabala-pratapab chirah nivasan
vidadhanal6 yasya karambuje sarvajagaj-jayasrih || 4 Tatkulakamala4 marilah kila[bo] pratyarthi-mandalikânâ[m] | Chandravatipur-iśaḥ samajani
vir-&grapi[ro]-Dha[m]dhuh I 5 17Ári-Bhimadovasya nipasa(nya) BvAmamanya[m]&naḥ kila Dhandhurajaḥ nardia-rðsh&ch=cha tato managvi(svi) Dharadhipam
1 From an impression supplied by Mr. Cousens, No. 1790 of his List. - Denoted by a symbol. • Here, w often elsewhere, the vowel of frt is left unchangad before the initial vowel of a proper name. • Metre: Vsaantatilaka. . This sign of punctuation, which is superfigous, may have been struck out in the original. • Originally yamtu was engraved.
* Originally ad was engraved, but it seems to have been changed to sah. So far as I can see the verse does not admit of a proper construction. In the three first Pades the author addresses the Jains Tirthamkara Rishabha, in terms which would be equally applicable to the god Sivs ; and, as the text stands, he then in the fourth Pada speaks of him in the third person, in words which would literally mean may he day by day put forth sprouts for (our) religious merit. Instead of pallapayatu I should have expected pallavaya, followed by an accusative case and generally words to some such effect a cate our devotion to thee to sprout for our religious merit! (Compare Satrwajaya-mahatmya XIV. 33: tddrisandria hi sadbhakti-rally-daan pallavaty api). In the first Pada I take erishabhnite si to be equivalent to both Vrishabha, dritori and orishabldritari, so that the Pada would mean both Vrishabha (Rishabhs)! having chosen this mountain for your residence, you are seated (here),' and you (o siva !), who have taken the name Achals, sro sested on s ball. I am aware that Rishabhs has bull for his cognisance, and that in representations of him this animal is figured beneath him; but I am not sure that he could be described as seated on a bull.'- In the second pada ganddhipati denotes both Papdariks, the leader of Rishabha's gana, and Gagés.
• Metre of verses 2 and 3: Upajati.
• Read sapattraire. The word phala means both 'fruit' and 'the blade (of a sword),' etc.; pattra leaves and vehicles, etc., and odhint rivers' and 'armies'. 1. Rond Varishtado; the same wrong reading we have below, in line 9.-- With anala-lunda compare agw-kunda in Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 234, v. 6.
1. The akılara shi is mistake for rthi, and should be struck out because thi has been repeated at the commencement of line 8. Bead -kritárthaḥ. u Metre : Upêndrs vajri.
# Read-dofte. » Wrong for vidadad, which would not have suited the metre. » Metre : Aryl 11 Metre : Upajiti.
X2

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. IX.
5 Bhojanripam prapods 11 6 Pragvatavamg-Abharanath babbava ratnar
predhønarh Thi(vi)mal-Abhidhanah yasetējas dusamay-Adhakra-magnbepi dharmmah Bahas-dvir-Asita11 7 "Tava(ta)&=che Bhimens naradhipêns sa
pratapa-bh armi(mi)r-Vima. 6 18 mahimatiḥ kva(kri)td-[r"]bude daṁdapatiḥ satam priyah priyamvadd
nardatu Jaina-6dsand II 8 A.8ô kapat[t']råruņa-påņipallava Aamullasatkbeart
8&(sim)ha-váhana [lo] bigadvayalamkrita-vigrah sati satan kri7 yad-vighna-vinasam-Ambika 11 9 Ath=&nyada tam nisi damdandyska samadidega
prayatı kil-Ambika (1) ih-achi(cha)le tvam karu eadma Bundaran
YugAdibharttur-nirapaya-samgraya|| 10 8r1-Vikramadityanripad-vga8 tité sshtasiti-y&té saradåm Bahasre(sre) kri-Adi[na]tha[mi]? Sikhard-rbudasya
nivesi(fi)tan Sri-[V]imalens vamdê |11 8Vighnadhivyadhi-hantri ya m&t=8va
pranat-Amgishu | Sripumjardja-tanaya Srimata bhavata tho sri9 yê || 12 10 Achalésa "Višishţânalatatin-Mandékinivimalasalila- papyeni yasya
gri[m]na18 jayanvi(ti) vividhani tirthäni || 13 Atha rájávalt || 13Vairivargga
dalanë gata-tandras-Chahuvamakulaksiraya-chandraḥ | y8 Nadala-Da10 garagya narêza Åsardja iti virsvarð sbhät || 14 16 Prabalava iridavenala
våridah Samarasi[th]ha iti prathitas-tataḥ | Mahanasimhabhataḥ subhat
Agranih pritha-yadd ajanishta tad-angajah || 15 10Prat&pamallas-tad-anu prata11 pi babhava bhậpala-sadassa mångab [1] vir-Avatarsd=jani"? Vijad8-sya
Marusthallmandala-bh Amibhartta || 16 Åsan18 trayas-tat-tanay nay-adhya mürttáḥ pum-arth& iva bhagabho(bhA)ja) | Adyo dharitripati-rakshapalah
khyataḥ kshit) (tau) Laniga 12 Amadh@yah || 17 19Nyayamargga-sikhart madham Asah* kalavaksha(t-ka)valayann
ari-vrajath mandalika-paha(da) vim=&pålahl(ya)l-Lundhs i ty-abhidhaya dhiyam nidhiḥ || 18 SiVipakshanári-nayanambupůraischakara yah kirtti
1 Metre : Indravajri.
Read dussamay(or dukshamay)-dadhakdra-. . Read -dott.
• Metre of verses 8-10: Vamasthe. 5 Heres sign of punctuation was originally engraved.- Ambika is similarly described in the inscription of the Vikrama year 1201, mentioned above, p. 151 f., in a verse the correct reading of which I take to be: Vikata. kutiladamahird-oMohandayan tathd cha dhutafabalanstalt-bdourar tungamwuchchail I calati ritam-uddrade vedika-sanathan sadegina mpigapalimwadhirildid - Ambikd bastu tualtyai l. Compare the representation of Kushmaydint in Ind. Ant. Vol. XXXII. p. 463, Plate iv.
• Metre: Upajati.
7 It is difficult to my whether we slould read Adindthas or Adiddant. The akalars which follows upon ddi originally was dd, but seems to have been altered ; and the next akahara looks more like tha than us, but it might be said that th has been wrongly engraved instead of u also in Thimala for Vimala, in line 5. On the whole I think that the reading Adindthat is preferable.
8 Metre: śloks (Anushubh).
• The sign for d in this word is clearly struck out in the original, and it seems probable that the engraver intended to alter bharatan to bhanatu.- In the above I have purposely given Srimdtd, not frf-Maid, because in other inscriptions fri appears clearly to be part of the name, not an honorific prefix. I may mention that in No. 1774 of Mr. Consens' Liat we have Srimdiad of us one word, not Srimdtriddl, and that in the account given of this mythical being and her father in Merutanga's Prabandhachintamani, p. 382 ft., the buse of the word is both śremdtd and Srimdtri. In the same account the father's name is Sriwija. * Metre: Arya.
11 Read Varishhd, compare above, line 3. 11 Read fringe. Since at the commencement of the verse the mountain is addressed in the vocative case, one would have expected tava Iringd, but this would not have suited the metre.
u Metre : Svågata. 1 Cháhundma- probably is a mistake for either Chdhundna-or Chhwedya. 15 Metre : Drutavilambita.
1 Metre: Upajati. 24 After the 8 of tans6 another vertical stroke was originally engraved, but has been track ont. 13 Metre: Indravajrd. - Read Asan-trayass Metre: Rathoddhate 20 Read, probably, madhuararan.
1 Metre : Upajati.

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No. 18.]
MOUNT ABU VIMALA TEMPLE INSCRIPTION.
157
13 latå sapat[t]rån babhava bha mipati-labdhamånd Lumbh-abhidhånd jagad.
ékavirab || 19 Samhsitys satrún prabalang balêna Sri-A[r]budam prapya
nagadhiraja '[bh Jaktvå sa [bh]ûma[mo]dana-rå [jyam-uchchaih] svarl814 ka-18kadhipatir-babhûva || 20 Lunigasya tanojo jagasi-ja]yi Tējasinha iti
tājas nidhiḥ 1 yat-pratåpadavapävakas-chira vairivargga-vipadam
Tahatisma || 21 Karágra[ja]gra[t-"]karava15 ladanda-khandikțit-aseshavirodhivarggah | Prithyam8 prasiddhas-Tihuņåka-nama
vir-Avatambah BA chirayur=astu || 21 (22) 'Srimal-Lumbhaka-nama sama[ny]itas
Têjasimha-Tigu(hu)ṇabhyam | A[r*]buda[g]irisa16 rajyam nyayani(ahi P]"
. [Il 23] .. . urapura-vasi sagara-śrî-Dharmmasûri-padabhaktab [l*) Sarbajñanåsena-rataḥ19 8 8 jayati
Jélh-Abhidhah Srêshti(shthi) || 24 Tat-tanayah 89-nay-bhat18 V17 [lhajkaḥ sakula-bhůta 14 . . [1] tat-putraḥ su-charitra[b] puộya-nidhiḥ
Pärasah sâdhuh || 25 Səhi-Dêga-Desala-Kuladhara-námna tad-amgaja jätaḥ
chatvaraḥ kulamamdira-sudridhastam bh-Abhirami (y II) 18 26 156ri-Dêsalaḥ sukristapésa]la-vittako[tig=16che chalchchaturdaśajagaj-janitá
vad(Atah? | Satramjayapramukha-vißrutasaptati[rtha)-18y&tráf=chatu]rdasa chakára
mahåmahồna || 27 19Dé[ma]ti-Mai19 nâmni sådhu-gel-Désalasya bharyé dve / nirmalasilagun-a[aby]8 daya-ksha[ml]
Jaina-dharmaaya || 28 Dématikukshi-prabhava Gosa[la)-Gayapala-Bhi[ma].
nåmanah | Mai-kukshêr=j&tau Môha 20 ņa-Môh-Abhidhaa putran || 29 Jinasasanakamala-raviḥ sådhuḥ śr-Gôgalo
vis dat780 kirttim ganaratnarðhapadhara 1 Gunadevi priyatama tasya || 30
22 Saddharmmakarmm-aikaniba21 ddhabuddhiga tad-angajah Sri-Dhanasimha-sådhu) | bharya tadiya sadaya
vadájña (nya) mångå satâm Dhandhaladhvi-samjña | 31 24Sådhå[r]-Bhimasya
sutê Hâmsaladékukshi-sambhaba(va) Sriman ma-%6 22 hima-nidhir=mabanje mahamatir Mahanasim h-akhya[b] | 32 Mayanalladevi.
varakukshiếukti-mukt&s=trayas-tat-tanaya jayamti jeshta87 jagadvy&piyasahprakaśaḥ sadhv-agrari[r*] -Laliga
1 Metre: Indravajra.
? Read prabalán. • Up to the end of the line the aksharas in brackets are more or less conjectural; they are carelessly written in the original. For bhimandana- rem bldmandala.. + This sign of punctuation is superfluous.
Metre : Rathôddhati. • The four akaharas nahatisma are quite clear in the original, but offend against the metre and yield no proper menning. The only alteration which I could suggest would be dahatuajha. Metre: Upajati.
& Bead prithoyani. Metre of verses 23-26: Åry
10 Here about 10 akshara. are effaced. 11 In No. 1791 of Mr. Cousons' List (100 above, p. 154) Jélbaka is described as an inhabitant of Miodavyapura. 11 Read Sarvajñalasana-rata). Read -bdda.
* Here about 4 aksharas are effaced. * Metre: Vasantatilaka.
16 Read pdfala-vittakotita. "Road, perhaps, danas. 18 Originally tirth, with a sign of punctuation after it, was engraved. 19 Metre of verses 28-30: Arya. 30 The reading is conjectural. The original has vist1] at kérttim. n Compare gunaratnaróhapagiri in my Report on the search for Sanskrit M88., Bombay, 1881, p. 43, line 1. +1 Metre : Upajati. 11 After the akahara ddhi a sign of panctuation was originally engraved, but has been struck out. 24 Metre: Arya.
1 Here originally md was engraved, but the sign for & seems to have been struck out; the two aksharas hima at the commencement of the next line are quite clear. The author has used the feminine mahimd insteal of the masculine mahiman. . • Metre : Indravajrh. The two akahara, maya at the commencement of the verse were apparently rend an one syllable (mai).
17 Read jydahtho.

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23 sidharajah || 33 Åsvindya[v]-iva breath[an] kanishthau guna-Alinan [1]
She-Löp-Abhidhad dharmmadhyAna-pravanam pasad || 34 Shat guts
Dhanasimhasya martta 24 iva shad-arttavah visvavisv-opakaray=&vatirona[] Pritha(thi) vi-tald || 35
"T&sh&m-Adyab sadha[ro]=Vijada iti vimalama(ta)ra-yasaḥprasarab gapa
sågarah Bhimadharaḥ sajña (jja)na25 mânyah Samarasi[min]haḥ 11 36 R&jasamaja-freshth vikhyat/(tab) sådhn
Vijapalaḥ [1] nipapa-matir-Narapalah sukrita-rats Viradhaval-Akhyah (II)
37 Svapitsi-srêyase 26 jiranoddharam? Rishabha-mamdir karayam-deatur-Llalla-Vijadau sådhu
Battam(man) (II) 88 8V Adiohandra-Gunachandra-vijeta bhpatitrays-vibodha
vidhâta | Dharmmasri27 reiti nima parassita visvavisva-viditó muni-råja[bo] I (11) 3910MQlapatta
krame tasya Dharmaghosha-gaşaryam 1 [lo] babhavaḥ sama-sampúrppAhl
Amaraprabhasürayah || 40 28 13Tatpatta-bh Ashanam-ad Ushapadharmasila-14gidya(ddham) tasirndhuparisilana-Vishnultlab
I sri-Jõânachandra iti namdata sûri-rajaḥ padyopadeśavidbi-bôdhitasa29 tosmajab (11) 41 15Vasu-muni-tu(gu)98-śasi(si)-Varsha Jeshta16 sitinara(va)mi
Sôma-yuta-divasê eri-Jõânachandra-garaná pra[ti]shti(shthi)tô=[rbu]da-gi[rau
Ri]sha[bhah]? 11 42 30 1879 Jêsta-sudil8 9 8ôme !
POSTSCRIPT.
On the Chahamânas of Naddula. As I have referred in the preceding to the Genealogical Table of the Chahamanas of Nadduls published above, p. 83, I take the opportunity to state that Mr. Gaurishankar Hirachand Ojha has recently sent me rubbings of four inscriptions, two of which farnish a date in the Vikrama) year 1147 for the chief Jôjalla (Yojaka), here called Jõjals, while the two others are of the reign of Rayapala of Naddala, whose name does not cour in the Table, and for whom they furnish dates in the [Vikrama) years 1198 and 1200. The rabbings do not enable me to edit the full texts of these inscriptions, but the initial lines, which contain the dates and the names of the chiefs, may be given with confidence.
1.- This inscription is at Sadri (about 13 miles south of Nadol) in the Godwar district of the Jodhpur State. It contains 11 lines of writing and commences :
L. 1 On 19 saavat 1147 Vaisakha-eudi 8 Budha-vasarê maba
2 rja-141-Jôjaladêvêns sri-Lakshmaṇasvámi-prabhfiti3 samastaddvanam yatråkala-vyavaharð lákhitab II
1 Metre of vernes 84 and 86: 10ks (Anushţubh).
I am doubtful about the correctness of the two names, the four akakaras at the beginning of the Pads might be read also ofhdldpd.
1 Wrong for shadsritara), which would not have suited the metre. • Metre: Arya. Metre: Upagiti.
• Metre : śloka (Anushțubh). 1 Read oram-Rishabha.. Metre : Svigata.
. Read dold. 10 Metre : Sidks (Anushtubb). Bend gapdryamnan.
13 Bead apdrond. u Metre : Vistatilaki. With the commencement of the verse compare eg. Prof. Peterson's / Report, p. 207, v. 5: tatpatta-blishana mapiragata-ddshand-badt. * Probably the intended reading was fllad.
1 Metre : Arya. 16 Read varsha Jydshthe (or Jyaishtad).
Bead -girdu-Rishabhah.
Rond Jydentha (or Jyaiantha)- nudi, and see above, p. 166. * Denoted by a symbol.

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S
From an inked estampage supplied by Mr. H. Cousens.
सामानासMANAलशाक्यवारोदयापखातातसतायो
यानमारमा रामाशा
(एन्जाधीपूर्वरतीपटालिगनामिनीकलालपदिाप्तारिने सानुनिमा पनि विजयादपदाबाचुयुगादिपपघाडगफना पुरणयपनयासाला निबहमनकनिसिपाहतारिदामनामान: पादामनायाहवाहिनाकामीपदानेदवादालराततारयशिानाज्ञशनलऊंडऊ-मादतिलिवाड पुरासानावताका
विहीयामारनामाजिरवायकानडादववीरपुरादिरामीवप्रबलतापाचरान्दामादधानामस्कराबाइसर्व गावराटतालकमल सामान्मधुना मराल.कालपपसिनाकानाडामतापुरासमतनिवाराणगांधारणालीमादवमानपशामवाममनामाना कलधुरातानारज्ञारापाजतानामनामाराधका तात्पमपदाधानाटकासगवरवरपशनधिमलासिमनायासाऽसमयाभकारमानाचिदमनःसरसविरासीत तवजामिननराधाचनमानामिविम लारामनिकितावाददडपतिःस्ता प्रापियवानंदवानासानाशाला तुपात ससुरा कसरशरवाटना शहवालस्ताक्यदासतासताका रावितिनारामतिमा प्रधानादातमिशिदरम्यासमा दिदापयतावाला निकाइदाचीनलेऊस्सदासदरागादिनानरपायसंयुयशक्षिकमादित्यपाता। तानाज्ञानयातकारसंहावापाखारबंदमानवसतियारधामनोदशावयाचदपथासातनपलाता गणपतराजतनयापमातालवताना ध्यारस्वातशालटन क्लाविमनसाहजसायम पायानजयाहवतापरवाकर बदलनेगल वामपनकिरवलयानालग। गरम्मनासाप्राप्तान रिवारानालापरिदवानलवारदासगरमर चितामामला सदस्टमुजटायणास्थ्य-श, पदमिनगर । एतापनारमुक्ता पाबमूलपानसदस्यराना-वारावतामा नबोडेमामालामंडलमनदीपासनवयनमा पाहामला मोठवनागालाल सादापरिचायतिरकपात्यातक्षमा मामा समाध्यानायमायाशरमिछमारावालवरुवलय खतामडलीकएहवीमपालहाबुदयालपाधियानाधादिपनारायनाकारसकारयःकार नतासयमा वनवमीपतिलवमानातानमनाउगदकनारामंडनाशनपुबलनुवाननग्रादप्रामानगाधिरानबासमतरायटाचाना। कालकाध्यतिरीन वाणगगमातउताजगनदानतसितानमानियमावदवपादकानविरिवर्गविपदनदरियावकरायवागतम्या नदंडवडी नामोतियारसोपामहनिहरणाकनामादासवते में सचिरायुराराधामनकनामासमानता तसिंहतिगुणानयाँ अनुदामराव
रसरतामामुयायाधीस्तारपटमासबानासनरसयतबल्यातलायनवनवस्तुनाया जाता -पक सकलनीपंचवारसा सापासादे गादेस कलवरनामालगानिबार उन्नादरकारामात्र
दिनविनकारी पाउदैवानमानिलीवाना जियपमुवनिमतसम्तायो याममाऽर्दशरकारमा मादनादतगाहा लामोसा शादिसनम्यता सुनिमिलशावतारादया पनधर्ममाटेमानिक कानयागयपालनामनामानामा महिला संभार 1.माहातापामा तिन वासनिकमलराति सामागासानाविवादकारागारबाट मनपादावर तपासासह गावनिबा अतिम साधनसिंह.
सालायातदीयासक्ष्यावदाशमानासालदेशिलापान मस्यमुतादास कुक्षिसका ही माना। रिमानिदिमीरात महामनिर्भसलसिंदा उमगलेदेवावरउदि मुकिमाइट नावाबाबासमानियाज्ञवकास समिनिटाला 22 & साइराजाराधिनयालिवानाष्टाकानिमालिनालगानिमारमधानपणगान्तरणसमनसिद
साडसर विधतिम्याकमायानगोरीबाल्पामाद: सीडतिविमलमस्या पुरस्सरमिसहान माना समयमः ३६ तमा:प्रासविस्यसि हादतियान निलमनिनरपान सुहासो वीरधवनारासपिहाभारत
सारं रिपतमंदिराकारयामा मऊलवा तामासिवमा प्रस्तादिचंदगुणतशबाजपतिश्यविबोदविक्षतामा रितिनमा रासातविविविधितामानराजा राजपरकामतमपटमाशोषणयमानन्द जनसंपली अमरपनहर नाहतूपयाणमलाममिलनावरलीला प्राधानवजनउताररार पुण्यापटेनाल समाधवमानमतलाशानन मिसामयुतावासानज्ञातवरसकपमतात
SEE AVAN सतटिपस.मे
Mount Abu inscription of [Vikrama-]Samvat 1378.
Ep. Ind. IX. 158.
E. Hultzsch.
Scale -422
Collotype by Gebr. Plettner, Halle-Saale.

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No. 18.]
MOUNT ABU VIMALA TEMPLE INSCRIPTION.
2. This inscription is at Nadol. It contains 13 lines of writing and commences :
L. 1 Om samvat 1147 Vaisakha-šudi 2 Vu(bu)dha-vâsa
rê maharêjadhiraja-fri-Jôjaladevah sams
2
3
sta-dêvânâm śri-Lakshmanasvåmi-prabhṛitînâm yåtrå-vya
4 vaharam lêkhayati yatha II.
The date of these two inscriptions regularly corresponds, for the expired Kárttikádi Vikrama year 1147, to Wednesday, the 23rd April A.D. 1091, when the 2nd tithi of the bright half ended 16 h. 26 m. after mean sunrise.
3.- This also is at Nadol. It contains 39 lines of writing and commences:
L. 1 Om samvat 1198 Sravana-vadi 8 Ravav-ady-bha [ma]
2 hârâjâ[dhiraja]-érî-Rayapaladevaḥ kalyana-vija [ya]
3 rajyê êvaṁ kâlê pravarttamâne
159
The date corresponds either, for the purnimanta Śrâvana of the expired Chaitrádi Vikrama year 1198, to Sunday, the 29th June A.D. 1141, when the 8th tithi of the dark half ended 3 h. 11 m. after mean sunrise; or, for the amânta Śrâvapa of the expired Kárttikádi Vikrama year 1198, to Sunday, the 16th August A.D. 1142, when the 8th tithi of the dark half ended 11 h. 20 m. after mean sunrise. As the date of the following inscription is correct only for the amânta month, I here, too, take Sunday, the 16th August A.D. 1142, to be the true equivalent of the date.
4.-This also is at Nadol. It contains 8 lines of writing and commences:
L. 1 Om1 || Samvat 1200 Bhadrapada-vadi 8 Budha-varê ady-êha śrî
2 Na[ḍû ?]lé samastaraja valisa malamkrita-pajya-maharajâdhi
3 raja-paramêévara-sri-Rayapaladêva-vijayarajyê 8
4 vam kalê pravarttamâne.
The date, for the amânta Bhadrapada of the expired Kárttikádi Vikrama year 1200, corresponds to Wednesday, the 23rd August A.D. 1144, when the 8th tithi of the dark half ended 16 h. 52 m. after mean sunrise.
In the Table Rayapala (A.D. 1142 and 1144) would have to be placed between Jôjalla (A.D. 1091) and Alhaṇa (A.D. 1153-1161), and it is probable that he was the immediate predecessor of the latter; but how he was related to either of them it is impossible to say at present.
I may add that Mr. Ojha has also been good enough to send me some notes on the identification of Kasabrada and Naddûlâi, spoken of by me above, pp. 73 and 67. On the former, which I suspected to be somewhere near Nadol, he writes :
"I would identify Kasahrada with Kayadram (also called Kâsadrâm) at the foot of Mount Abû, about 3 miles from the Bhimânâ station of the R. M. Railway. It is a place of considerable antiquity with several old temples. An inscription of the time of the Paramâra prince Dharâvarsha was discovered there by me some years ago."
And respecting Naddulai, which I had taken to be a different place from Naddila, he Bays:
"As you think, it is quite different from Naddûla. It is now called Naralal, and is situated in the Godwâr district of the Jodhpur State. An inscription from the place is published in Bhavnagar Inser. p. 140 (where the date given is incorrect3). "
1 Denoted by a symbol.
Read déva-kalydna..
See my Northern List, No. 306.- On the map of the Rajputána Agency Narlai' is seven miles south-eath of 'Nádol.'

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160
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. IX.
No. 19.-INSCRIPTIONS FROM THE BASTAR STATE.
BY HIRA LAL, B.A., M.R.A.S., NAGPUR.
Mr. Consens in the Annual Report of the Archaeological Survey of India, 1903-04 (p. 54) opens his report on the conservation of antiquarian remains in the Central Provinces with the remarks that the Central Provinces and Berår cannot be said to be rich in antiquarian remains,' but possibly there exists many an old relic of considerable interest lying hidden away in some of the extensive jungles and little known tracts in the province, that has not come under the notice of any one capable of estimating its value.' Exactly from such a place do I draw the materials for the subject I propose to notice on.
Bastar is a feudatory state in the extreme south of the province situated between 17° 46' and 20° 14' north latitude and 80° 15' and 82° 15' east longitude, touching the Gôdâvarî and compris ing an area of 13,000 square miles, all covered with dense forests and populated by the wildest tribes, some of whom did not till very recently know the use of clothes. This extensive jungle has been made to yield no less than 22 inscriptions through the strenuous efforts of my friend Mr. Baijnath, B.A., Superintendent of the Bastar State. Three of these inscriptions were noticed by Colonel Glasfurd, Deputy Commissioner of the then Upper Godavari District, about the year 1862 A.D. So far as is known, only one of them has been published, vis., the so-called Nagpur Museum inscription of Sômêsvara. On the authority of the information supplied by the Curator of the Nagpur Museum it is there stated that the stone was brought from a village, Kowtah, near Sironcha, which is incorretas will presently be shown. It belonged to Bârsûr, of the Bastar State, and is an important record of the predecessors of the present line of Rajas.
In order that the references to places in the Bastar inscriptions may be easily understood, I append a map of the State showing their positions as also some other places possessing archeological remains. As most of the latter have never been noticed before, a brief mention of st least some of the important ones may not be out of place here. These places are Bârsûr, Danteward, Gaḍia, Bhairamgarh, Narayanpål, Sunârpâl, Kuruspâl, Tirathgarh, Potinår, Chapka and Dongar.
Bârsûr is a place of very great interest. It is 55 miles west of Jagdalpur, the present capital of Bastar. It contains ruins of many temples, the most important of which is a Siva temple with two sanctuaries having a common mandapa supported on 32 pillars in four rows. In each of the sanctuaries there is a lisiga and a Nandi, and old people remember that an inscription was removed from this place about half a century ago. Another Siva temple has a mandapa with 12 pillars in three rows, and the third is called Mámá bháñjd-kd mandir and is distinguished by carvings on the inside walls in the shape of bells suspended from chains. Outside the Gapêéa temple there is a huge figure of Ganesa, 17' in circumference and about 7 or 8' high. Numerous images are lying about or collected together under huts, of which the most noticeable is one of Vishnu, 4' high, and showing good workmanship. There are also some images of Mahishasuramardini, one of which is inscribed. All the temples are of medieval Brahmapic style, most of them built of stone without lime.-Danteward is about 20 miles south of Bårsûr, and in the intervening villages there are sculptured stones lying about, some of them being five-hooded cobras or intercoiled snakes. Dantewârâ contains the shrine of Dantêévari, the tutelary goddess of the present ruling family. The temple is built at the junction of two rivers
1 Since I wrote this Mr. Baijnath has made further discoveries which will be described in another paper.
3 See Selections from the Records of the Government of India in the Foreign Department, No. XXXIX. p. 62 et syg.
Above, Vol. III. p. 814.

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20
from Chanda
19
18
Partabpuro
Indravati R.
Kakler
Godavari R.
Bhopalpatnam
Kutrud
Thoinado
Parlakot
Madder
REFERENCES.
Kothapili
Garda
State Boundary.
Places of archaeological interest)
are underlined, thus...
Note.
Area in Square Miles.. 13,062. Population in 1901...306,501.
81°
Dudmarka
Vijapu
Chief Town..... JAGDALPUR
Town or Village O.
Main Road...!
Barsur
Mardpaka
Antagarh Amabera
O
Semaldodi Lingagiri
Gadia
Prepared specially for the Govt. Epigraphist for India. from an original supplied by him.
o Kolur
Sonpur
81
Bhairamgar Potimar
Chota Dongar
Barsur
Bantloro Bani gaon
Ermamadi
Dantewarad
Beji
O Golapili
Silyargarh Dhanora o
Chintulnar
ODonger
Narainpur Lanjora
Karli
Karikot
O Nilawai
Korgaon Singanpur Banskot
01
O Nangarh
Baminio
Godelgudiam
Keskal
Bayalpur
Kuruspal
Katakalian
O Kuakonda
Badranga Chitrakut
NarayanGadia
Irrakoto Parakot ZODilmili
Sunkom
Makri
Shampur
Amratio Kondagaon
Theathgar Darba
Kokanar
Raipur Old Fort Sunarpal
Bodra Fort
Jaitgir Chapka
Bastar
JAGDALPUR
Kotumsor Bamnaras
BASTAR
FEUDATORY STATE.
Scale 1 Inch 24 Miles dood
20
19
18

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No. 19.)
INSCRIPTIONS FROM BASTAR STATE.
161
called Sankhini and Dankini, and is notorious as a place where human sacrifices were formerly annually offered. At least a place was pointed out to me in the innermost sanctum, close to the goddess, where they said the victims used to be decapitated. The goddess has eight arms and is represented in the act of killing the buffalo demon. She is in reality Mahishasuramardini, locally known as Dantésvart. There are various other images such as those of Vishna, Karttikeys, Gapeáa, eto., some of which were brought away from the ruins of Barsûr. There are five inscriptions here, three inside the Dantèsvari temple, one just outside it, and another near a mud hut called Bhairamgadi. There are remains of several other temples buried in rains. For the support of the Dantégvari temple, an estate consisting of several villages is attached.-Bhairamgarh is about 70 miles west of Jagdalpar and has three or four temples, together with remains of a fort and a ditch and several tanks. There is an inscription on a pillar, and at Potinár, & village near Bhairamgarh, there is a slab inscribed on four sides. Gadia is 20 miles west of Jagdalpar and has a stone temple with no idol, bat built in the same style as those of Barsar. Aboat 400 yards away there is a big inscription, and a linga was found buried in a brick mound.- Narayanpal and Kuruspal are quite close to each other, the former being situated on the river Indravati. Near these villages are the forts of Rajapar and Bodra, and not far away the beautiful falls of the Indravati at Chitrakat present a magnificent appearance. Narayanpal is only 6 miles from Gradia and has an old temple, an image of Vishnu, and an inscription.-SunArpal and Ohapka are within 12 miles from Narayanpål. Chapká has a number of sati pillars, several of which are inscribed.- Tirathgarh also contains some temples and relics.- Dongar is a place where according to custom the present Rajag go to be crowned. Here one of the queens, whose finger was chopped off by royal order and who ventured to inform her father, writing the letter with the blood so wantonly spilt, was buried alive. The pit, which is still pointed out, was once distarbed by a greedy Raja of the same family, who also brought down the temple of Narayanpal and some others in search of supposed buried treasure.
I now proceed to give a short notice of each insoription of which I possess impressions, with very brief remarks where necessary, reserving a fuller account for other papers. The Bastar insoriptions may be roughly divided into three classes, vis., those of the (1) Någavami kings, (2) the Kakatiyas, and (3) miscellaneous. Of 22 yet discovered, ten belong to the 1st clams, five to the 2nd, and the rest to the 3rd.
THE NÅGAVAKS INSCRIPTIONS. 1.-Narayanpal Stone Inscription of Queen Gunda-mahadevi, the mother of
Somesvaradeva. Narayanpål is a village 23 miles west of Jagdalpur. The inscription is on a stone slab and is in Nagari characters, and the language is Sanskrit. It records the grant of the village Narayanapura to the god Narayana and some land near the Khajjuri tank to the god Lokovara, and it is dated in the Bake year 1083 on Wednesday, the full moon-day of the Karttika month in the Khara samvatsara (Saka-npipa-kalatità data-data-traya[s® ]-trim-adhiks Kharasamvatsard Kartika-paurnimdeydi Budhaodré) corresponding to 18th October 1111 A.D., and issued by Ganda-mahadevi, the chief queen of Maharaja Dhardvarsha, the mother of Somet Yaraddva and the grandmother of Kanharadêva, who was then ruling on the death of his father (Mahardja-Som&vara-devasya foar (svar)gat& tdshan putrasya dsdm naptub... Srimad-viraKanharadduasya kalyana-vijaya-rdjyd). The dynasty claims to belong to the Någavamia and the Kayapa gôtra, to have a tiger with a calf as their crest and to be the lords of Bhogavati theo best of the oities (Nagatar lodbhava Bh8gavati-pura-var-éduara savatsa-vydghralduchhane Kayapa-gôtra). At the end of the inscription the sun and moon, OOW and calf, and .
This has now bova romoved to
roadside place called JAngl, six mile north of Potinar, for my accons.

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162
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(Vol. IX.
dagger and shield with a linga in its socket, exactly of the shape in which the Lingayats wear them, are engraved. There is a postscript to this inscription in which it is stated that the land was given by Dharana-mahadevi, who was probably the widow of Sômêsvara, as will appear further on. There can be no doubt that Narayanpål is the Narayanapura of the inscription. A temple of Narayana is still standing there. The image of Vishņa, about 2' high, canopied by a hooded snake, is exquisitely executed.
II.-Bårsûr inscription of Ganga-mahadevi, wife of 8ômesvaradeva. This inscription is now in the Nagpur Museum, and, as stated above, it has already been published. It is a slab 9'2' long, 14' broad and 3" thick, broken into two pieces, the bigger one measuring 67' and the smaller one 2' 11". It is inscribed on three sides. The inscribed portion of each flat side is about 4}', thos leaving half of the pillar buried underground. As the whole of the inscription could not be completed within the allotted space, the remaining portion has been inscribed on the third side, on which the writing runs to the length of 31". The stone is stated to have been brought from Kowtah near Sironcha, but the Tahsildar of Sironcha informs me that it was never seat from that place.
The stone is indisputably from Bargur. Happily Col. Glasfurd bas given a facsimile in his report on the Dependency of Bastar. Speaking of the Bârsor temples he says::-"In front of this temple I found & slab with an ancient Sanskrit and Telugu inscription on both sides; part of it had been broken off and was nowhere to be found. After offering & reward and causing search to be made I had the satisfaction of obtaining it. As the Telugu is of an antiquated character, I regret to say I have not succeeded in obtaining an accurate translation of the inscription. A facsimile is appended. From what I can ascertain it would appear that the temple of Mahadeva where the slab was found was built by a Raja Somêsvaradêve, & Nágayumsi Kshatriya, in the year 1130."
The inscription is in the Telaga character, and the language is also Telugu prose, the birudávali or titles of the king being in Sanskrit and corresponding with those in the Narayanpål Sanskrit inscription. It records that Ganga-mahadevi, the chief queen of Somèsvaradeva gave a village named Keramapuka or Keramarks to two temples of Siva (both of which she had built) on Sunday, the 12th tithi of the bright fortnight of Phâlguna in the Saka year 1130. The two temples referred to here still exist, having one common mandapa, and from local enquiry it appears that it was from this place that Col. Glasfurd removed the slab. Although the names of the temples Virasômesvars and Gangadhardsvars given after the royal couple as recorded in the grant, are forgotten, a tank still remains which is called Gangåsågar and retains the memory of the charitable queen Ganga-mabadêvi. If the Sômēsvara of this inscription is identical with that of Narayanpål, there has apparently been a mistake in engraving the date which should be 1030 and not 1130, and that is perhaps the reason why the week day does not correspond with the tithi given there, vis., the 12th of the bright fortnight of Phålguna, on a Sunday. According to Mr. Dikshit's calculations, Phálguns Sukla 12 of Saka-Samvat 1130 ended on Wednesday. So it was concluded that the year meant was Saka 1131 expired, in which year the tithi given in the inscription fell on a Sanday. But on calculating the week day for the same tithi in Saka 1030 expired I find that
Above, Vol. III. p. 314.
A similar error seems to have boon committed in relegating the Buddhist stone inscription of Bhavadeva (republished in J. R. A. S. 1905, p. 617, by Dr. Kielhorn) to Ratanpur, whereas from my enquiry in situ I found that the inscription was really brought from Bhandaka, and this is conOrmed by General Cunningham, Reporte, Vol. IX, p. 127.
* Report on the Dependency of Bastar, 1862, p. 62.

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No. 19.)
INSCRIPTIONS FROM BASTAR STATE.
163
it also fell on Sunday. In the Narayanpål inscription it is stated that the grant of Narayanapura Was made in Saks 1033, in the reign of Kanharadeva, who had succeeded his father Sömbbvaradevs on his death. And as there is nothing to show at present that there were two Samgevarna,' the date 1030 fits in very well. It, however, seems somewhat extraordinary that such a palpable mistake should have been allowed to remain when it could be corrected by joining together with a curved line the two ends of the Telugu l which is like an egg half-cut (at least it is so in the inscription) thus transforming easily the second 1 of 1130 into & zero. I am very reluctant to suppose that the engraver committed a mistake, but that he did is patent enough in this case whether we read 1030 or 1130. The village Kéramaruka may be identified with Ködmalnar, which is situated quite close to Barstir and is said to have been mu'aft or exempt from the paynent of taxes for a long time.
m.-Kuruspál inscription of Dharana-mahadevi, second queen() of somešvara.
Karuspal is a village about a mile off from Narayanpål. The inscription was found built ppide down into the steps of a small tank, which shows that it did not belong to the tank itself, but was brought away from some ruina, possibly the temple built in the centre of the tank, and was atilised without regard to what was engraved on it. It is in the Nagari character, the language being Sanskrit with very bad spellings. The object of the inscription is to record a grant of land situated near Kalamba by Dharana-mahadevi, who seems to have been the Abcond queen of 8ômesvaradêve. The inscription belongs to the victorious reign of Maharajadhirija Som svaradeva (Mahardjádhiraja-8rf-8ômdfodraddva-pádánu kalyána-vijaya-rajya ... frimat-sd (mach-chhá)sana-mahadevi doitiya Dharana-mahddåvi tayedchamya Kalanmuasamipastha bhúmi dattan(a)). The same long birudas as in the Narayanpal and Barsør insoriptions are attached to Somálvaradáva's name. The inscription also mentions the name of Narayanapura. It is dated in the Baumya samvatsara.
IV.- Sunárpal stone inscription of Mahadevi, queen of Jayasimhadeva. Sunárpal is about 10 miles from Nariyanpil. The stone is partially broken, and a part of the inscription is gone. It is undated. It records the grant of land, or, more properly, an improcation against the resumption of granted land, and gives the names of witnesses before whom the gift was made, but it is not stated where. The gift was apparently made by. Mahadevi, the chief queen of Jayasimhadeva of the Naga race, the supreme lord of Bhögkvati, having the tiger with a calf as his crest. He is called Rajadhiraja Maharaja Sri Jayasinhadøya.
V.-The Dantesvari gadi inscription of Narasimhaddva. This is another stone inscription in Telaga character found in the temple of the goddess Dante vari at Dantdward. It is dated in the dark fortnight of the month Jyoshtha in the Baka year 1140 (expired). In this year there was an eclipse of the sun, and the month of Jyeshtha was intercalary. At that time Maharaja Narasimhadeva, the ornament of the race of the best of serpents, was taling (Sri-bhujaga-edra-bhashana-Mahdrajulaging Sriman-Naraminhaddoa-Maharajula rajyams). The inscription is only a fragment.
Since I wrote the above, Prof. Kielhorn has kindly calculated the date for me and Anda that fata 1080 PhAlguna Sadi 19 Sunday regularly corresponds to Sunday, 14th Feb. A.D. 1109.
11 do not think that much importance can be attached to the diferent Birudos used in the Barsdrand Nariyanpil inscriptions. The Somêsvar of the former has the title jagad kab -malardy, which doo not occur in the latter. But then the dirudas arod in the Bastar inscriptlons are not always the same.
Por reading this I am indebted to Mr. Sitaramayys, one of the Superintendente in the Comptroller's office, Central Provinces
12

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. IX.
Of the remaining five Nagayangi inscriptions it has not yet been possible to obtain good impressions. They are all in Telugu, The Potinár slab seems to refer to Narasimhaders and the Dantewart stone lying outside the Dante varf temple to Jayasimhadeva. The Bhairam garb inscription contains birudas similar to those found in the Bårsar one, and the king is stated in both to be the worshipper of Måņikyadevi (Sri-Manikyadévi-divya-fripada-padm-dradhaka), which is an older name of Dantayari, 80 named by the modessors of the Nagavamsis, the Kakatiyas, although the latter claim that Dante vari came with them from Warangal, where she was called Manikydsvari. This inscription is incomplete and it appears that it was never completed. The Bhairamgudi inscription at Dantêward appears to be the oldest of all, as its date appears to be Saks 984. The Gadis inscription, apparently of Somèsvaradeva's time, contains the usual figures of the cow and calf, Sun and Moon, Siva, eto, the peculiar signs of the Nagavamsi kings, although they do not seem to refer to their family crests. They are all picture imprecations. The sun and moon represent that the grant is to laat as long as these Inminaries endure. Siva is the protector against violation of the grant on the spiritual side, and the dagger and shield of the king on the temporal. The cow and calf depict the grave sin which the transgressor would commit, exactly equal to taking away the cow from the calf. This interpretation is supported by the fact that the Kuruspål inscription has a representation of an A88 associating with a pig, the imprecation being explained in the text thus, J8 (yo) anyatha karoti tasya pita gardabhaḥ sakari mdtd (he who acts otherwise has for his father an ass and for his mother a pig.)
From these inscriptions it would appear that Bastar, which has been held to have always been the home of wild animals, with almost wilder tribes, was once ruled by a people whose civilization is sufficiently evidenced by the remains of temples, some of which are of great architeotaral beauty. These inscriptions carry the history of Bastar back to the eleventh century A.D., when at least the central portion of the State was ruled by the Någavamsi kings. They apparently belonged to the Sinda family of Yolbarga, whose titles are strikingly identical with those of the Bastar Någavamli kings. Dr. Fleet states that there appear to have been more branches than one of this family. One of these was that of Bastar, which has been hitherto unknown. These inscriptions disclose the names of five or six different kings, vis., Dhårdvarsha, his son 8ômesvaradeva, and his grandson Kanharadeva, Jayasimhadeve, Narasimhadeve, and a possible Sômesvara II. In view of the fact that half the insoriptions relating to these kings have not yet been dooiphered owing to their incompleteness or want of proper impressions, I reserve a fuller discussion of the history of these kings for another occasion.
11.-THE KÅKATIYA INSCRIPTIONS. All these are modern ones, the oldest being those of the Dantdivari temple at Danteward written by the rdjaguru of the present family, who was a Maithila Pandit. One of those is in Sanskrit and the other is a Maithili rendering of the same with some additions. Col. Glasfurd has given a very defective transoript of both in his report. They are dated in the Vikrama Samvat 1760, or 1708 A.D. on the 3rd day of Baisakh, dark fortnight. They record the pilgrimage of Raja Dikpaladeva to the Danteśvari shrine when so many thousands of buffaloes und goats were sacrificed that the waters of the Sankhini river became red like kusuma flowers and remained so for five days.' The Kakatiyas are stated to be Somavamsis, born of the
Elliot'. Report on the Bastar and Kharonde Dependencies, 1861, p. 18. As read by Rai Babadur V. Venkayya.
Gasetteer of the Bombay Proridenoy, Vol. I, Part II, p. 672.
• In the Ekamrapatha inscription of Gapapati (Ind. Ant. Vol. XXI, p. 200) they are stated to belong to the solar race to which Bagar, Bhagiratha, Raghu and Bama' belonged. This apparent contradiction is, however, capable of being explained. The Kikatiya king Gapapati had no male isege. He had a daughter named Budrimbi, who recobeded him on the throne. Apparently she also had no male love and had therefore to adopt her daughter's

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No. 19.)
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Påndava Arjuna. The genealogy begins with Kakati Pratáparudra, who was king of Warangal. His brother Annamrája was the first to come to Bastar, and the genealogy is continued to Dikpåladeva, nine successors being mentioned. The present Bastar family is the representative of the old Warangal family, who, having been defeated by Muselmans, fled to Bastar. Combining the information hitherto available, the following list of Kakatiya kinge may be made up. 1-Predecessors of Annamdéva, from Professor Kielhorn's Southern List, above,
Vol. VIII, Appendix, p. 18. 1 Durjaya. 2 Beta (Betmaraja) Tribhuvanamalla, son of 1. 3 Prola (Próldraja, Prodarája) Jagatikësarin, son of 2; made the Western Chalukya Tailapa
dova prisoner ; defeated Govindaraja and Ganda of Mantrakata; conquered but
reinstated Chôdodaya; pat to flight Jagaddova. 4 The Mahamandalesvara Rodraddva, son of 3; subdued Domma; oonquered Mailigidêve ;
burnt the city of Chodôdaya. A.D. 1163-(and 1186). 5 Mahådôva (Madhava), brother of 4. 6 Ganapati (Ganapa) Chhalamattiganda, son of 5; defeated the Devagiri Yadava Singhaņa,
the kings of Chôla, eto. A. D. [1199-1200 to 1260-61). 7 the Mahúmandalachakravartin Prat¶dra of Ekasilânagari, i.e. Warangal. His general
Muppidi entered Kanohi and installed Månavîra as governor. A.D. 1316.
8.-Suocessors of Annamdôva down to Dikpåladeva according to the Danteward
inscriptions. 1 Annamråja, brother of Pratáparadra. 2 Håmiradêva. 3 Bhairava (Bhai Raj) dåva. + Parushottamadêva. 5 Jayasimhadêve. 6 Narasimhadáva; his queen Lachhami-dei dag many tanks and planted gardens. 7 Jagadilaráyadêve. 8 Viranarayanadêva. 9 Virasimhadeva, married Vadanakumari, a Chandella princess. 10 Dikpåladava, married Ajabakumari, of the Chandellas, visited the Dantdavari temple in
Samvat 1760, A.D. 1703.
son Prataparudrs. It is possible that Prataparadra's father may have belonged to the lunar race, and, while Pratáparudra became by adoption a Kakatiys of the solar race, his brother Annamdēva, the founder of the Bastar family, must have remained what his father ww, that is, of the lanar race. Strictly speaking Pratá paradrs himself does not seem to have a very strug claim to be solar Kakatiye. He was adopted by his grandmother, whereby be became a member of her her husband's) race, but it can be urged in his favour that be succeeded to the Kakatiya throne, and that adoption of females was valid in ancient times (see Dattakamimdnud VII $ 80-88 s. quoted by Mayne, Hindu Law and Urage, sixth edition, p. 180), whereby Ganapati's daughter, whom her father had called his 'son' and had given a male name of 'Rudra' (on which account she was called Rudrambe; e Ind. Ant. XXI. p. 199) became incorporated with her parental race of solar Kakatiya. The commentator of the Pratápar driya, who was no lom a personage than the great MallinAtha's son, explains the word thas :-Kakatir odma Durga Saktir Blafildnagar-divardydr kuladioatd od Saktir bhajanly-day-dli Kdkatlyel. It is in this Med slone that the Bastar family could be classed a Kikatiys. This would not affect their true lineage, pis, the lunar moe. All this however would apply if Anosmdēvs was, brother of the Pratáparudrs of our list L. But list II with 10 kings for a period of about 400 years postulates the existence of another Pratáparudra, who probably ruled
bundred years later and lost his kingdom and his life in the battle with Ahmad Shah Bahmani' in 1484 A.D. This Pratáparadn wu sloo probably ongrafted from another family like his predecessor, in all likelihood from the Junarmee to which his brother Aunamders as matter of natural counseuntiuual to belong.

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3.-Successors of Dikpaladdva down to the present ruling chief, according to records
kept in the R&ja's family. 1 Rajpaldêva. 2 Dalpatdeva. 3 Darykodova; his brother Ajmer Singh rebelled against him in Samvat 1836, A.D. 1779. 4 Mahipaladeva. 5 Bhûpåladeva. C Bhairamadêva. 7 Rudrapratâpadêva, the present chinf.
The family records place another Prataparijad va between Narasida haddva and Jagadîsarayadeva, Nos. 6 and 7 of List 2. Pratâparudradova, the brother of Annamrája, is stated to have had three eyes; his army was composed of nine lao archers, and during his time golden rain fell. Pratáparudra I, was a great patron of learning, and Vidyanatha wrote a work on Alankára, which he called after him Pratúparudrayakábhúshana or Pratáparudriya."
The other three inscriptions are at Dongar; they are written in Hindi. Two of them are dated in Samyat 1836, or A.D. 1783, and refer to a visit of Raja Darylodēva in order to quell a local rebellion. The third is dated in Samvat 1928, or A.D. 1871, and records the pattabhishika ceremony of Bhairamadeva, the father of the present ruler.
III.-MISCELLANEOUS INSCRIPTIONS. All these are unimportant and give no historical data. Six belong to Chapka and are engraved on sati memorial stones and, with one exception, in Någari characters. Most of these have the usual marks of the sun, the moon and the outstretched hand with figures of husband and wife. Some have got temples engraved, with the couple in the act of worshipping the lunya represented there. One is found at Bårstr on the pedestal of a goddess and is fragmentary.
No. 20.-- KANKER COPPER PLATES OF PAMPARAJADEVA
[KALACHURI] SAMVAT 965 AND 966.
BY HIRA LAL, B.A., NAGPUR. These are two copper plates which were found in an old well in the Village Tahankåpår, 18 miles from Kanker, the capital of the state of the same name in the Chhattisgarh Division of the Central Provinces. They are now in the possession of the chief of that state and were sent to me by his Divan Pardit Durg&prasid. Ink impressions were kindly taken for me at Nagpur by Mr. T. G. Green, Superintendent of the Government Press, and they are reproduced in the accompanying plate.
There are two different records issued at an interval of a year. Both the plates are 73" long, but they differ in height and weight, one measuring 3t" and the other 83', the bigger one
This may be true in the sense that he ruled over to big a population, who, a subjects, could at any time be called out for military service. In Bastar and adjoining tracts almost every man knows the use of the bow and arrow, with which they even kill tigers. The probability, however, is that nine lac' was conventional term for the highest number. In the Hottur inscription (Gasottoor of the Bombay Presidency, Vol. I, Part II, p. 489) the Chalukya king Satyasrays is stated to have put to flight a Châļa king who had collected a force numbering nine lacs, indirectly insinuating that he defeated the biggest army that could be brought in the field. Similarly it has become idiomatic to speak of Bdwangari (62 forta), 700 chllar (disciples), 108 árle, etc.
* Ind. Aut si p. 198, and Daft. Chronology of India, p. 218.

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KANKER COPPER PLATES OF PAMPARAJADEVA.
167
weighing 6 oz. and the smaller 6 oz. 10 drs. The former has an oblong hole at the top. measuring \'xt", apparently for stringing it with other plates. It is uniformly and sufficiently thick, and is in a good state of preservation. The smaller one is thick in the middle but very thin at the ends, so thin indeed that the commencement om svasti has cut throngh the plate leaving holes in the engraved portion, and, similarly, at the diagonally opposite end, a portion is exceedingly worn-out leaving irregular holes there. The corners of this plate were rounded off. It has at the end an ornamental figure representing the moon. This was probably the family crest.
The average size of the letters in the bigger plate is 7" and in the smaller '. The former appears to be a palimpsest. Both the sides contain minute scratches of letters of almost double the size, which are altogether illegible.
The characters in both the plates, which were written at an interval of a year only, are Nagari, and the language in both is corrupt Sanskrit prose. Both the plates were engraved by Sethi or Sào Kesave, who apparently lived at Paại (town).
There is very little to note about orthographical peculiarities. The letters dha, ra, na, ksha, bha, jfia, and the figures 9 and 5 appear in a somowhat antiquated form, and the usual indifference to the use of s for 6 is conspicuous. Spelling mistakes there are many; they have been noticed in the footnotes under the text.
The bigger plate, which is the older of the two and was issued from the Kakaira residence, is a state document conferring a village with a fixed revenge on the village priest Lakshmidharafarman. This refers to Jaipara village, but Chikball is also incidentally mentioned. The smaller plate records the gift of two villages, Kôgara and Åndall, to the same person on the occasion of an eclipse of the sun. These transactions were made by the Mahamandalika Pampardjadêve of the Sômavamsa (lunar race) in the presence of his queen Lakshmidevi, prince Vôpadeve and sight Government officials including the minister. In the village document these officials appear as witnesses. The recipient of the villages was himself one of them.
The village document is business-like and contains abbreviations which were no doubt very well understood at that time, but are now difficult to make out. It does not indulge in genealogies. In the gift, however, we are told that Pamparajadeva meditated on the feet of Somarajadêva, who meditated on the feet of Vôpadêva. I take this Vopadêva to be identical with that of the Kanker stone inscription of the Saka year 1242 (see above, page 124). I shall discuss this question in another paper on the Sihåwå inscription, which also gives a genealogy of this family.
The bigger plate is dated in Samvat 965, in the Bhadrapada month, in the Mriga lunar mansion, on Monday, the 10th of the dark fortnight, and the smaller one in the fávarasath vatsara, in the month of Kärttika, in the Chitri lunar mansion, on Sunday, at the solar eclipse, the year being given in figures at the end as 966. It is not atated to what era these dates belong, but Professor Kielhorn, who has kindly calculated them for me, has conclusively proved that they refer to the Kalachuri era. The reader is referred to the postscript added by him at the end of my article on the Kanker stone inscription (see above, pp. 128 and ff.), where he has fully discussed the question. The English equivalents of these dates, as calculated by him, are Monday, the 18th August A.D. 1213, and Sunday, the 5th Ootober A.D. 1214, respectively.
The towns and villages mentioned in the plates are Kakaira, Padi, Kogari, Andali, Jaipara, Chikhall and Vaņikotta. Käkaira is the modern Kanker, where the present chief of the state resides. It is 88 miles from Raipur, the headquarters of the Chhattisgarh Division, in which the Kanker state is included. Kogard has now been corrupted into Kongöra. There are two villages of this name in the state, and for distinction one is called Deo Kôngêra (8 miles

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south-east of Kanker), and the other HA Köngörd (6 miles north of Kankor). The former is associated with gods, and the latter with market, which is held there. In the inscription Kogara is said to be close to the shrine of Prinkovara, which has now disappeared, but has apparently left its reminiscence in the suggestive adjunct Deo which Kongora now bears. I therefore identify our Kögard with Deo Kongers, Jaiperd is the modern J&pre (Indian Atlas, quarter sheet 92, N. W., Long. 81° 31', Lat. 20° 28'), a village 15 miles north of Kankor, and Ohikball is about 21 miles in the same direotion just on the borders of the state. It is Dow inoluded in the Dhamtari tahsil, which formerly formed part of the Kanker stato. Andall is probably represented by the present Andni (Ånjni), 10 miles east of Kanker. Padi cannot be identified. The same is the case with Vapikotta about which it is doubtful whether it is the name of a village at all.
Plate I.
TEXT. 1 Svasti Kakatra-samdvåge rajadhirajar-paramsvarar paramamdhesva(Ava)ra-88? ma-vata(6)-Anvaya-prasta-Katyasya]nf-vara-lavdha-padha-Bavd-Abhinandita-nija-bhnj.
oparjita3 mahåmap(djalikereimat-Papardjadève-vijaya-rajy tat-sathnihita-rajñi Lakshmi4 devi kumara: Vopadeva pradhana Bhoga rara vaipathal nija
vyAparam korvvatti5 shtha(s) hti Jalpard Vapikotta maryadi-kritys gråma-patrd-yam gaitd
Lakshmidharayam(y) pradattam 6 pratbams saraha gaja bhama Sobha 130 vijaya-raja tatlo 140 halay.
Arddha-pattan7 tard tatha Chikhall-gråma-patre vijaya-raj[y]a-ttak 150 pralaya-pau8 DA-patta tard! Asmim arthê såkshiņa bhattara paka] (1) Govinda gai(n)ta
Lakshmidhan gai[ta) Ma 9 houvara na[yaka"] | Chhanţa I nd(yaka] 1 Damodara 88[0] | Palatai
sayat (1) 965 Bhadrapada vadi 1[0] 10 mriga-riksha 7 sôdma-dinê 1 pach Vishņusarm mana likhitah sethi Kadavena
utkirppan Padi11 pattand [ll") subhambhavata |
TRANSLATION.. Hail! At the Kakaira residence, in the victorious reign of the illustrious Mahdmandalika Pamparijaders, the king of kings, the supreme lord, the great worshipper of Siva, (who is) born in the lineage of the family of the Moon, who is bailed as having obtained the 5 sounds as a boon from Katyayanl, who has acquired (his country) by (the force of) his own arms, with him the queen Lakshmidevi and Prince Vopadeva (sitting) by his side, and while the eightio officials
•
1 Read abdha-pañola-tabd.. Read Armat..
• Bead kuudra. • Probably site.
Read rdjys.
• Road Maldeare. Rend wrigarkale. Read admadind.
Read fublar. * Thoue eight officials seem to have incladed the minister, the village priest, who in the present care is party to the tranmetion, the Raj Pandit, who wrote out this document, sod five other, whome office is probably exproused by five letters Rd, R4, Vai, Pd and Tha, which perhaps stand for Rdyaks (eble counsellor), Rdjanallabha (court tiroarito), Hriba (chamberlain), Partika (nido-de-camp), and Thabkura (lord-in-waiting). Bo Jour. 41. Boo. Bengal, 1906, Vol. I. p. 10; Vol. XVII, 1878, pp. 406 and 408 Ind. Ant. Vol. XI, pp. 844 and 887. In the Inst, which is . Chaaluky grant of A.D. 1207, the following Coun: Hair Godblir gothikain ... adrd karaplyd, this place of worship bus to be taken care of by the following eight trusteel, Our inscription wus written only six years after the one referred to above, and it would sem that at that time eight we considered so adequate number of person with or trusteel, etc., in connection with transactions of st lonat landed property.

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Kanker plates of Pamparajadêva
[Kalachuri] Samvat 965.
ARRANTARRIORREATRE
सिक प समानारामा काजास्तव व रचना मजालना मत.यादा पसलकाता मला पवादानितान्तानाना पाकर मामललीक समाचपतनियता कानयनातनमान रचमानवाजान
रोपासतानाम्पालाकात हात पना नालामा टीक पयामपालगनालन्दा नाय परत प्रामसनाUTSमनाकात मजाकहकराए मतदाता
जगात चला पने - जाफरका पुल नापास परत नाम जयरातमागोवर्ग बालब्धा व वाजता
स्वच दा के 2/ना दामाद मला पाला शक्तावाद पटे वाटा 107 (1.9 साचादान पाव] लालस्वासकेलावन की पा-10 बयान लेनत बन्।
II. [Kalachuri] Samvat 966.
पा(समा वासेमिनाप वल्लामतलाकत्सोमवार 2मलतीक्शानवापदेव पादानबालपनमहाकम मल्लीका मानना
जदेवपादानशासमनारकमलारिला कशामवसाद व मादी व दीमान का +लालको तलतिरतातीलमा रवि कुमपवापरत नसतानाहाकावना शर्मा नापाजलातहमालगोविट जनताकाहानाहाना राशा कलाकातरवास कुवतिजारतकातगोनीतरालमाधवच्या घोतका वनजम्मच
नालागायक मसलाले कामालावरचम्मका 8 का
तटिनोजवानजात स्तिकवानपातकाजामाला 10सालारपदालतंकवानपदात काल मावि तमन्ना
BHदालने कता बालनपानाचघरमतवटवात केली
Naता
STEN KONOW
SCALE 80
W. GRIGGS, PHOTO-LITH.
FROM TMPRESSIONS BY T. G. GREEN

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No. 20.)
KANKER COPPER PLATES OF PAMPARAJADEVA.
169
(headed by the minister Bhoga (?) are present on duty, this document of the village, making Jaipard Vanikotta the limit, is given to Gaita: Lakshmidhara. First' (the revenue was payable) at 130 (in former coins, now) 140 coins of (our) victorious reign (mint) for half the Halba patti (share). Similarly in the document of Chikhall village, 150 coins of (our) victorious reign (mint) for the Pralavi (Halba) patti (share). The witnesses for this purpose (are) Bhaffarúnaka Govinda, Gaita Lakshmidhara, Gaitut Maheśvara, Niyakıt Chbantu, Ndyala Damodara, Súo Pålata. Samvat 935, Bhadrapada (month), in the Mriga lunar mansion (riksha), on Monday, the 1[0]th of the dark fortnight. Written by Pandit Vishnusarman and engraved by Sethi Keśava in the Padi town. Let good fortune attend.
Plate II.
TEXT. 1 Om Svasti Padi-samåvåse samasta-raj-avali-maņalam krita-sômavam (sânvaya.7
prasa]ta-maba2 maņ[4* Jalika-frimad-Vôpadeva-påd-anudhyâta-parama-bhattåraka-mahama []alik a 8.
[Gri]mat-8ômart
This is another ambiguous phrase capable of various interpretations. It is possible that the execators meant to convey that the boundaries of Jaipura Vapikotta were duly marked out on the spot before the document was kiven to Laksbmidbars. Vapikotta is another troublesome word. It may have been the name of a village in the vicinity of Jaipard and may have been used as an adjuoct to distinguish it from other villages of the same name. Similarly people talk of Déori NAharmaa, meaning that D&ori which is near the village Nahrrmaa, to distinguish it from another Déori. There is a village in Keuker called Pharaskot, which is probably a corruption of Parafukota, and on this analogy, it may fairly be asserted that there is nothing extraordinary in the name Vanilotta M denoting & village. It is, however, equally probable that it was no village, and that Jaipar had this adjunct because there existed in that village a panik-kota, or "tra ters' fortress," that is, a fortified place probably made by Banjarss for storing grain purchased for transport. In olden times the Banjaràs are known to have carried even gans for protecting themselves froin plonder. Jaipari may have been one of their central depôts, which they fortified, and the village therefore came to be called Jaipars Vaqi[ko]-kotta. It is not necessary that the Banjarku slone should have done this. There may have been other traders who might have built a fortified place, but as this part of the country has been and is a favourite resort of these wandering traders, it is more likely that they should have built mch a depot. Numerous examples of such adjancts may be eited. Thus, there is a village Bard in the Bangor district. It has got Hindů tombe called Surai and hence people call it Bars Surigaon. In fact the adjunct has gained such prominence that the real name Bard is almost elbowed out, and only Suraigaon is regularly ured. Similarly, Hirdenagar-Garhákata, well known w Garhakota, derives its name from the construction of a fort and rarupart, the original principal village being Hirdenagar, which a Bundela chief Hirds-Shah founded in his own name.
The village priest is still called Gaitd in Kanker and Bastar Statou.
+ Lines 4 and 5 are so obecure as to make their translation extremely doubtful. There can be little doubt, however, that they relate to the fixation of revenge of the villages mentioned, in the coins of the reigning prince. Whether the old revenue in respect to the village to which the transaction refers, was 180 fantas, and on revision on the prevent occasion, we enhanced to 140 tankas, or the old 180 taikas were equal to 140 new coins is not clear. While executing the present document opportunity was taken to revise the revenne of another village, Chikball, for which another grdmapatra or document existed, and the revenue was fixed at 150 new taskas. It appears that the Chikball document was not near at hand, and that seems to be the reason why blank space enough to fill up 8 Agures ww left ont between the words Chikhall-grdma patri and Vijaya-rajyaranka to be filled up afterwards. Bnt once omitted nobody cartd to 611 it in, the matter not being of great importance, the old rental WW perseded by the revised amount which was thenceforth payable to the state. The fact that this records paliinpoest seems to show that the fresh tranmotion was a matter on revision under the new régime of Paraparijaders, and apparently the old record, which had become anless, we beaten out and the new one was inscribed instead. The words sardha goja bháma dohas appear to be some local technical term, which was used in fiecal matters and we well understood at the time, but so far u my enquiry from local sources goes, it has not survived and it is not now used in State transactions. The matter, however, is not of great importance and does not affect the historical information Interable from the rooord.
• Paffle are plots of land in a village and the Halvor Balbl patti ww apparently one caltivated by the Halbis, an Aboriginal tribe chiefly found in Kanker (see above poto , page 124).
Expressed by a symbol. Rond mawy-alamkrita Bend -camsdnvaya.. . Read-mahdmandalika.

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3 jadeva-påd-andhyötal-paramabhattaraka-mahimaņdalika-srimat-Pampardjadêva-madi -
pravaddhimana-ka4 lydqa-vi(vi)jaya-rajyê tat-samnihita råjñi Lashmadêvit kumara Vôpadeva
pradhana Vaghu thâktris asta Vi[shņu). 5 sarmma? Narayana bhattarâņa[ka] Govinda goi Mahesra : nå
Chbátů na Dâmôdra så | Paltûsi10 ott nija-vyà pe(på)6 ran kurvar tishthaíti Ghritakansika-gôtr-anvaya-prasta sama[sta].dvija-vargy
o[do]dyôta-karaka-gaitta(&)-Madhavasarmmah! 7 pautrâ(ya) gaitta-Gadadhara-putraya
sakala-gun-alamkrista®]-gaitaLakshmadharasarmmaņele yajurved-Adhyâyinê Isvara-13 8 samvatsarê kâr[t']tika-masê · chitra-rikshels ravidinê boryaparágêl sri
Prárkösvara 16-samn(sam)nidhåns-Kôgard-gråmd= 9 yam chatu-sima-payartam? påda-prakshålanan kritvå asmábhi[bo] pradattam18
Tat-kala-sainsyê visaya19-madhyê [sri]-kumara 10 Vôpadēvēna pâda-prakshålanam kļitvå Åndaligrimô-ya[] pradattami
samvat 966 savu Kégavêu na utkinnam[11] subham bhavata |
TRANSLATION. Hail! At the Padi residence, in the augmenting, prosperous and victorious reigu on this earth of the illustrious Paramabhatfaraka Mahimandalika Pamparå jadeva, who meditated on the feet of the illustrious Paramabhattáraka Mahimandalika Sômarajadeva, who meditated on the feot of the illustrious Mahúmandalika Vôpadova, who was born of the family of the moon and whc was adorned by the gems of the row of all the kings. In the Isvarasamvatsara, in the month of Kärttika, in the Chitra lunar mansion (riksha), on Sunday, at the solar eclipse, with the queen Lakshmidevi and Prince Vôpadova (sitting by us, and while the eight officers Vishnusarman, Nåråyana, Bhattarkņa(ka) Govinda, Gai(ta) Mah&svara, Nayaka) Chhåţů, Na(yaka) Dámôdars, S&(o) Palta, (headed by) the minister Våghu are present on duty, the village Kôgars near Sri Pramkégvara, to the extent of its four boundaries, has been given by us, after having washed our feet (ceremoniously), to Gaita Lakshmidharaśarman, a student of the Yajurveda, adorned with all virtues, the son of Gaita Gadadhara and the grandson of Gaita Madhavašarman, who was born in a family (belonging to the Ghritakausika gôtra, the best of all twiceborn, and the anthor of the Uddyota. At the same time and in the same country, the Åndali village was given by the illustrions prince Vôpadêva, after having washed his feet. Samvat 966. Engraved by Sko Keśava. Let good fortune attend.
21.-KHARIAR COPPER PLATES OF MAHA-SUDEVA.
By STEN Konow. These plates were sent to me in March 1907 by the Commissioner of Raipur, who stated that they had been dug up at Khariâr in the Raipur District, Central Provinces. The name of the
Read dhyata
? Read mahl. • Read Lakshwideol.
Bead kumára. * Read Vishnuiarmmd.
. Read Mahdieara. 19 Read Palta.
11 Read Madhana iarmmanah. 11 Read finara..
* Read chitrarkshd. 1. Perhaps a corruption of Práşdsvara or Pranakarésvara. 18 Read pradattah.
1 Read vishaya.. 21 Bead pradatlah
* Read Késadena utkiranan.
• Read -praparddhamana..
Perhaps thakkura ashfa. . Read Damodara. 12 Read Lakshmidharafarmane. 1* Read saryo paráge. 11 Read chatun-sims-peryasidan 20 Read Sri-kumara.. 2: Read tubhash.

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No. 21.)
KHARIAR COPPER PLATES OF MAHA-SUDEVA.
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place occurs as Karial on the Indian Atlas sheet 92 N. E., Lat 82° 50' and 20° 17'. The plates have now been deposited in the Nagpur Museum.
There are three copper plates, ench measuring 59" x 31'. The first is inscribed on one side only. Traces on the other side show that the plate has formerly been used for another inscription. The plates are quite smooth, and their edges have neither been fashioned thicker, nor raised into rims. They are in an excellent state of preservation. Abont l' from the middle of the proper right margin, each plate has a hole, about in diameter, for the ring on which the plates are strong. This ring is oval, 37long and 248" broad. It had not been cut when the plates were sent to me.
The ends of the ring are secured in a circular seal, about 38" in diameter. It is identical with that described by Dr. Fleet, Gupta Inscriptions, p. 196. Ite upper part shows a representation of a standing Lakshmi facing full front; on each side of her an elephant is standing on a waterlily, with its trunk raised above her head. In the proper right corner there is an expanded waterlily, in the proper left corner a Sarikha.
The seal has been subjected to fire, and the legend could not be made out when I received the plates. It has, however, proved possible to clean it, so that it can now be read with certainty. It therefore also makes it possible to decide what the legend must have been on the corresponding seal published by Dr. Fleet, which is quite illegible.
The weight of the three plates is 1 lb. 24 oz.; and of the ring and seal 1 lb. 2 oz., total 2 lb. 44 oz.
The size of the letters is about 1'. The character is the same box-headed variety of the Central Indian alphabet as in the copper plates of the same king published by Dr. Fleet, Gupta Inscriptions, pp. 196 and f. The long variety of i is denoted by a dot in the middle of the base of the circle denoting, and usually not in the centre of it as in the Arang plates of MahdJayaraja, por in the right side of it as in the Raipur plates of Mah-Sudēva. The separate sign of the cerebral d occurs in chudamani, 1. 1, and the final form of t in dadyat, 1. 18, and vaset, 1. 19. Note also the use of one and the same sign to denote a stop in 1. 5 and the visarga in l. 4, eto. The compound nigh occurs in Drônasinghêna, 1. 23, and fich in káfichanan, 1. 17; mahimatanchchhreshta, 1. 21, and, falsely, in dánáñch=chhréyo, 1. 22.
The numerical symbols for 2, 20, and 9 occur in l. 22.
The language is Sanskrit. The legend on the seal and the usual imprecatory stanzas, here attributed to Vyåsa, are in verse, the remainder of the inscription is in prose.
As regards orthography we have to note the doubling of k before r in vikkrama, 1. 1; the similar doubling of dh before y in anuddhyatad, 1. 3; the doubling of a consonant after in svargg8, 1. 18; visarjjit8, 1. 8; suvarnnan, 1. 16; dharmméshu and dharmma, 1. 13; súruva 1. 16; saruva, 1. 8; hêtur=vvasu, 1. 3; bhûr-vaishnavi, 1. 16; bahubhir-uvasudha, I. 19; the form savvatsara, i.e. saõvatsara, 1. 22; the use of the jihvámoliya in yak=kdñichanan, 1. 17 (but -rajah kahiti-, 1.4); of the upadhmaniya in .pradah parama., 1. 3; Sambilakayoh prativasi-, 1. 5, etc. The visarga is usually replaced by s before hard dentals. Before the stop, however, we find bhúmih tasya, 1. 20; -spishtah té, 1. 10. A superfluous anusvåra has been added in bhamipánn, 1. 12. Tri and tri have been interchanged in pitri-, 1.3, and tridata., 1. 6. Note finally the forms tâmbra-, 11. 10 and 28; Drônasirighéna, 1. 23, and the use of the genitive in Vishnusváminas, 1. 10.
The inscription is one of the R&ja Maha-Sudêva, and it is dated in the second year of his reign on the 29th day of Srávaņa. The engraver was Drônasingha, who also occurs in Gupta Inscriptions, pp. 191 and it
Gupta Inscriptions, pp. 186 and ff.
22

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. IX.
Mahi-Sadeva's Raipur plates. Like this latter inscription and the Arang copper plates of Maha-Jayaraja, our inscription was issued from Sarabhapura, and it states that the illustrious Mahd-Sudevaraja, whose two feet are washed by the water which is the flowing forth of the lustre of the crest jewele in the tiaras of the simantas who have been subjugated by his prowess; who is the cause for the removal of the parting of the hair of the women of his enemies; who is the giver of riches, of land, and of cows; who is a devout worshipper of Bhagavat; who meditates on the feet of his mother and father, issues the following order to the householders living in Navannaks and the neighbouring Sambilaka, in the Kshitimanda Ahara: Be it known to you that these two villages, which assure the happiness of the abode of the king of gods, have been bestowed by a copper charter on the Vajisanêyin Vishņusvamin, of the Kausiks gôtra, for as long a time as the world endares, having the terrible darkness dispelled by the rays of sun, moon, and the stars; together with their treasures and deposits, not to be entered by district officers and soldiers, free from all taxes; for the purpose of increas. ing the spiritual merit of our parents and ourselves.
The date of our inscription cannot as yet be settled. Maha-Sudēva is the same who has isened the grant pablished by Rajendralála Mitrat and Dr. Fleet. According to the legend of the seal he was the son of a certain Månamátra, who in his turn had risen from the Prasann-drpara, i. e, who was descended from Prasanna, probably his son.
Neither MAnamatra nor Prasanna are elsewhere known. Manamgtra can perhaps he identified with Menanka, "the ornament of the Rashtrakūtas," who is mentioned in the copper plates of Abhimanyu of Manapura edited by Professor Hultzsch. This Mananka had a son, Devaraja, who might be identical with Sudovaraja. In support of this hypothesis it may bo mentioned that matra and arka are both stated by lexicographers to mean omamont. On the other hand, the alphabets of the two inscriptions differ, and this, in addition to the difference in the names, makes the identification very doubtfal.
of the geographical names oocurring in the inscription Sarabhapura also recurs in the two other grants by Maha-Suddva and in the Arang plates of Mahá-Jayaraja. Navannaks may be the present Nahna, the Naind of the maps, three miles south of Khariär. We do not know anything about the location of the remaining geographical names of our inscription, Kshitimanda and Sambilaks. They should be looked for in the neighbourhood of Khariar.
TEXT.
First Plate. 1 Svasti [1] Sarabhapurad-vikkram-panata-såmanta-makata-chudimaņi. 2 prabhâ-prasêk-Amba-dhðtal-pada-yagald ripa-vilásinf-simant-addharana3 hétur-vasu-vasadhd-gd-pradab-paranabhagavató mátd-pitrio-påd-Snuddhys4 tas-sri-Mahl-Sudeva-rajah Kshitimand-thariya-Navannaka-êtat-právesya5 Sambilakayôh-prativasi-kuțumbinas-samajñkpayati || Viditame astu
Gupta Inscriptions, pp. 196 and 1.
Ibid. pp. 191 and ft. For the meaning of cháța compare Dr. Vogel in Archological Survey of India, Annual Report, 190303, p. 247.
J. Bong. 4. 8., Vol. xxxv, Parti, 1867, pp. 196 and A. Gupta Inscriptions, pp. 196 and 1. Above, Vol. vii, p. 168; Compare Fleet, Ind. Ant., Vol. II, p. 309.
The Commissioner of Ralpur now informe me that the plates were actually found in Nabol, and that the Incal authorities are inclined to identify Sambilaka with the premut San Doil or Sandobal, village adjoining Nahdl. Prom the original plato.
• Bend -dlanta.
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Page #226

Khariar plates of Mahasudeva.
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Page #228

No. 21.]
U TO
yava
yath-asmabhir-êtad'-grâma-dvayam
tridasa-pati-sadana-sukha-pratishthâkaro
7 d-ravi-sasi-târâ-kirana-pratihata-ghôr-ândhakâram jagad-avatishtha te tavad-upa8 bhogyas-sanidhis-sopanidhir-achata-bhata-pravêsya-sarvva-kara-visarjji
KHARIAR COPPER PLATES OF MAHA-SUDEVA.
Second Plate; First Side.
9 to måtâpitror-âtmanas-cha puny-abhivriddhaye Vajisaneya-Kôšika3-sagôtra10 Vishnusvaminas -tâmbrasasanên-âtisrishtah [1] Tê yûyam-evam-upalably=asy=â
Second Plate; Second Side.
11 jñâ-śravana-vidhêya bhûtva yathôchitam bhôga-bhagam=upanayantas-sukham prati 12 vatayacha [1] Bhavishyatas-cha bhû mipaman*-anudarsayati [*] danád
nischita-dhiyah-pravadanti
dharmma[1]
bhuvain bhavatu Tô matir=¿va
visishtam anupa
13 lana-jamo purânâ dharmmêsha
Il (1) tasma[d] dvija
14 Ja
suvisuddha-kula-srutâya dattâm goptu[m] II. 15 Tad-bhavadbhir-apy=êsha
slökân-u
dattir auupâlayitavya [1]
Third Plate; First Side.
16 dâharanti || Agner1=apatya[m*]
sûryya
17 sutâs-cha gåvaḥ [1] dattás-trayas-têna
cha mahimh cha da
bhavanti
18 dyat [1] Shashti-varsha-sahasrani svarggê môdati 19 ch-anumanta cha tiny-va narakê vasêt [11]
jagati [śâsanam].
prathamain suvarṇpaṁ blur=vvaishnavi
loka yah-kanchanam gim
bhûmidah [1] achchhettá Babubhiravvasudha dattá
rajabhi
20 s-Sagar-âdibhiḥ [1] yasya yasya yada bhûmiḥ tasya tasya tadà phalaṁ ||
178
Third Plate; Second Side.
Vya-gitáchátra
21 Svadattam paradatthi và yatnad=raksha
Yudhishthira [1] mahim-mahimatan=
chchhreshtha
22 dânâ(n)ch-chhrêyô-nupâlanam-iti [*] svamukhajaya savvatsara 2 Śravana di 20 9
23 atkirppam tâmbrasasanam Drônasinghena.
Seal.
Prasann-årṇṇava-sambhûta-Mânamâtr-êndu-janmana [b] Śrima[t-Sudė]varajasya sthiram
* Read -kausika-.
Bead bhdmipda.
The ma in anupdlana- has been added below the line. Metre: Sloka. • Metre: Sloks.
The engraver originally wrote demdbhiraya-, but corrected it to ademábhirasta. The gender in the following is wr.ng.
3 Read tri-.
Metre: Vasantatilaka.
7 Metre: Indravajra.
10 Read savvatsara.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(Vol. IX.
No. 22.-NOTE ON BHUJABALA MAHARAYA.
BY R. Sewell, I.C.S. (Retired). In Vol. VIII. 122 ff. Mr. H. Krishpa Sastri, B.A., publishes an inscription of the Kalasa chief Bhairava II. at Karkala in the South Canara district of the Madras Presidency, and in the course of his discussion on the history of the family quotes Mr. Rice's Mūdgere Talaq inscription of A.D. 1516 (Mg. 41). His comment on this is as follows—"This inscription supplies the interesting information that, during the reiga of the great Krishnaraya of Vijayanagara, Bhujabala-Maharaya led a campaign against the Tulu-rajya, and was encamped at the bluvana-sale in Mangaluru .. .. Bhujabala-Maharaya, who led the campaign, must be identical with Krishnaraya's elder brother Basbalrao' mentioned on p. 110 of Mr. Sewell's Forgotten Empire, etc. . . .
There seems to be a mistake here. Firstly, I note that Mr. Rice does not consider the word Bhujabala in the passage in question to be a proper name. The passage runs-Vijayanagarada bhujabala maharayaru Tuļu rajyada méle dandu bandu, and is translated by Mr. Rice-"The mighty (bhujabala) Mahârâya of Vijayanagara having come against the Tulu kingdom with an army." Here there is no ruler or leader named "Bhujabala Mahariya." Secondly, the leader of the army could only have been Nuniz's “Busbalrao," elder brother of Krishnadēva Raya, if the date of this expedition to the Tuļu country were referred to a period at least seven years earlier than the date of the inscription, because "Busbalrao" had died when Krishnadôvs was placed on the throne in A.D. 1509. It is possible that the expedition did take place before Krishnadeva's accession, and it is equally possible that it may allude to Krishnadova Raya's own exploit shortly after he came to the throne, when he, or his generals, reduced the Ganga Raja of Ummatúr in Mysore. The mention in "Mg. 41" of Krishpadêya Raya's supreme sovereignty over the Kalasa country during the chieftainship of Immadi-Bhairaren-Odeyar gives us no clue to the date of the Vijayanagara army's march to Mangalore, for this may have taken place at any period before the date of that chief's grant, vis., Sunday, July 13, A.D. 1516. Bat what is quite certain is that the leader of the army referred to could not have been Kộish adeva Raya's elder brother, whom Naniz called “Basbalrao," during, as stated by Mr. Krishọa Sastri, the reign of Kệishnaraya; for it was “Busbalrao's" death, according to Nuniz, that placed Krishnadeva on the throne.
At the date of the grant Krishnadeva was conducting his decisive campaign in the east, and had captured Kondavidu three weeks earlier, vis., on June 23rd, A.D. 1516.
No. 23.-RAJAPURA COPPER PLATES OF MADHURANTAKADEVA.
[SAKA] SAMVAT 987.
BY HIRA LAL, B.A., NAGPUR. The discovery of this first copper plate inscription in the wild Bastar State of the Central Provinces is the result of the zeal with which Rai Bahadur Baijnath, B.A., the Superintendent
1 Page 127, note 2. Will some one tell us whether the name should be spelt Kalafa or Kalasa. It appears to be spelt either way in the original inscriptions. Thus in Mg. 40 (the inscription preceding the one in question). the Kanarese text has Kalasa in line 11, and Kalafa in line 12. On p. 68 of his translation Mr. Rice gives us three times Kafala and Ove times Kalasa; on p. 69 we have four times Kalara (not Kalafa) and three times Kalasa. This last form is certainly wrong, for the second akshara is always fa in the original. The variation is only in the third syllable. Mr. Krishna Sastri, in the Epigraphia spells the word consisteatly Kalasa.
· See Ep. Carn. VI. 155-262, lines 1-2.

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No. 23.) RAJAPURA COPPER PLATES OF MADHURANTAKADEVA.
175
of the State, set himself to make a searoh for the antiquarian remains in that little known and remote quarter, at my request. Mr. Baijnath has been richly rewarded for his efforts, for, in addition to the present copper plates, he has discovered more than twenty new inscriptions in Sanskrit and Teluga characters, of most of which he has sent me ink estampages and tracings. I have deciphered several of them and they will in due course appear in this Journal. I begin with the copper plates, as this is perhaps the most ancient Sanskrit inscription yet found in Bastar. Mr. Baijnath found the plates in the possession of a Brahman named Gangadhar PÅrhi of Kåwadgaon close to Rajapura. Gangadhar received them from his sister-in-law, who found them buried in a field at Náharni, sixteen miles from Rajapura.
There are three copper plates, held together by a ring, soldered into what was apparently the lower portion of a seal, which had been broken off. Each plate is about 10" x 5" and they weigh 29, 30 and 35 tolas, respectively, the weight of the ring being 26 tolas. The plates are smooth, sufficiently thick, and in an excellent state of preservation. They are inscribed on both sides, except the first one, which is inscribed on one side only. Mr. T. G. Green, Superintendent of the Secretariat Press, Nagpur, kindly took for me impressions, which are reproduced in the accompanying plate. The plates are numbered 1, 2, 3, on the margin, which was apparently left to prevent the ring holes from coming in between the written lines. The word ért has been engraved in the upper margin of the first plate, over the figure 1.
The second side of the third plate is inscribed with benedictive and imprecatory figures. ris., 12 hands in a row at the top, beneath which there is to the proper left a cow with a boll attached to her neck, and a dagger and a shield beside her feet, a florated linga in the form of arastika in the middle, and a woman parsued by a donkey to the proper right, with the figure of the sun and the moon over it. My interpretation of these figures is as follows:-The hands are uplifted, apparently as an expression of benediction on the donor, and they are twelve, probably because there were 12 pátras or donees referred to in the inscription. The cow is apparently drawn to remind us that whosoever appropriates the gifted land, will have to reap the same consequences which a cow's curse can produce, or will fall Lato the same calamity as cow is in when deprived of her calf. Siva is shown as the protector against aggression on the spiritual side, and the ruling king's dagger and shield on the temporal. The san and the moon indicate that the grant is to last as long as these luminaries endure. Lastly the obscene figure of an ass associating with a woman is a vulgar imprecation implying that the transgressor of & gift should be so low-born.
The inscription is in the Någari character. The average size of the letters is 11". They are well formed and clearly written,
The language is corrupt Sanskrit, and except the benedictive and imprecatory verses, which are inserted in a somewhat disconnected manner, the remainder of the inscription is probe. In fact, the whole composition is disjointed, and there are several grammatical slips and spelling mistakes.
The most noteworthy orthographical peculiarities are the representation of the initial i with two dots and a stroke underneath, resembling the Nagari figure 2 (11. 13, 16, 23 and 330). The anusvåra is put at the side of the letter and is represented by a dot with a hala underneath (11. 2, 3, 5, 6, 8, 10, 12, 13, 15, 16, 17, 18, 20, 21, 22, 25, 26 and 27), but in several instances it is also represented in the ordinary way by a dot on the top of the letter (11. 1, 3, 4, 7, 10, 12, 14, 16, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 26, 28, 30, 31 and 32). One top stroke representative of the matris
Compare my remarks, alove, p. 164.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. IX.
of e, ai, 8 and au is exhibited by a vertical stroke placed before the letter to which it is attached -a practice which is still followed in the Bengali and Oriya writing, but exceptions may be found side by side, where it is placed on the top of the letter according to the practice now followed in writing. Thus, in line 12, the dê of Madhurántakadēva has a top, while the very next de of Kanharadeva has a vertical stroke proceding the letter da. The latter form, however, predominates, the exceptions being found as regards & in 11. 2, 4, 10, 11, 12, 21, 26, 29 and 31 and of 6 in 11. 1, 19, 31, and 32. Ai has been used only once, in line 8, and au twice, in lines 11 and 26, and in each case one of the top indtrås has been represented by a vertical stroke preceding the letter to which it is attached. The letters bha, dha, ra and ksha, invariably appear in their antiquated forms. The letter v is used throughout for b, and s for ś, except in the solitary instances of daśa in 1. 3 and of śri in 11. 12 and 29. Ja is ased for ya (11. 20, 24, and 27), Ti is used for the vowel ri in l. 8, and na for na in l. 6. In line 8 kanalal for kamala is a spelling which occurs in other inscriptions. It represents the actual pronunciation of the vernacular word pronunciation still kept up in the Chhattisgarh division, of which Bastar forms part.
The object of the inscription is to record the grant of Rajapura village, situated in the Bhramarakótya mandala, to one Medipôta or a Chhurikâra Médipôta and his descendants, together with 70 gadyanaka gold. The grant was made by the king Madhurantakadēva, who belonged to the Chhindaka family of the Någa (Cobra) race. The inscription is dated in the [Saka] year 987, in the Parâbhava samvatsara, on Wednesday of the bright fortnight of Karttika month. Although the tithi has not been given, there is a most minute description of the moment of the grant, the nakshatra being stated to be Anuradha, the yôga to be Saubhagya and the karana to be Gara. From these data the exact date Las been kindly calculated for me by Professor Kielhorn who says :
"The date for Saka 987 expired corresponds to Wednesday, the 5th October A.D. 1065. On this day the third tithi of the bright half of Kärttika ended 9 hours 17 minutes after mean sunrise, and the nakshatra was Anuradhi and the yoga Saubhagya. The second half of the tithi was the karana Gara. But the Jupiter's year is not quite correct. By the southern system it should have been Visvavası and by the northern luni-solar system Plavanga and by the northern mean sign system Kilaka. The mistake is the same as in the first Kanker plates."
The purpose for which the grant was made is somewhat obscure. I take it to be a compensation for supplying a victim for human sacrifice. Before proceeding to show how I arrive at this conclusion, it may be stated that in Bastar and the adjoining tracts human sacrifices were rampant about seventy years ago. It is notorious that human victims were offered to the goddess Dantêśvari, enshrined at Dantêwårå in the Bastar State. Colonel Macpherson of the Madras Army, who was appointed agent for the suppression of Meriah sacrifices and female infanticide in the hill tracts of Orissa, which Bastar adjoins, says* :-"In the worship of Tari Pennu or Earth Goddess the chief rite is homan sacrtfice. It is celebrated as a public oblation by tribes both at social festivals held periodically and when occasions demand extraordinary propitiation, sach as the occurrence of an extraordinary number of deaths by disease or by tigers, or should very many die in child-birth, or should the flocks or herds suffer largely from disease or from wild beasts, or should the greater crops threaten to fail, or the occurrence of any marked calamity to the families of the tribal chiefs. Victims are called Meriah and are acceptable only when they have been acquired by purchase or were born as such, that is, of a victim father. Victims are generally supplied to the Khonds by men of the two races called Panwå and Gahinga, who are attached in small numbers to almost every Khond village for the discharge of this and other peculiar offices. The Panwas purchase the victims without difficulty or kidnap
Compare Dr Grierson in J. R. A. 8. 1907, p. 1057. ? Gadyanaka is a weight -32 guíja. See YAjásválkys iii. 258. Above p. 129.
• J. E. 4. 8. Yol. XIII. (1852), p. 243 et reg.

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No. 23.] RAJAPURA COPPER PLATES OF MADHURANTAKADEVA.
them from the poorer classes of Hindus, procuring them either to the order of the Khonds or on speculation, and they moreover constantly sell as victims their own children and children of whom as relatives they are the guardians. Khonds when in distress, as in times of famine, also frequently sell their children for victims, considering the beatification of their souls certain and their death for the benefit of mankind, the most honourable possible. The Meriah grove, a clump of deep and shadowy forest trees, usually stands at a short distance from the village by a rivalet which is called the Meriah stream. It is kept sacred from the axe and is avoided by the Khonds as haunted ground." Bearing these remarks in mind, I now proceed to examine in how far they can throw light on our inscription. The italics in the above extract are mine, and they should be borne especially in mind, while considering what follows. In 11. 26 to 28 it is stated that "no body enters the chhuriprabandha. There is no place for the preceptor of yoginis. For this purpose this village is taken with a view to do good to all living beings." From this it is plain that the grant was not made for any spiritual purpose such as the increasing of the religious. merit of the king and his ancestors, but with a practical earthly aim, vis., in order to secure the welfare of the general public including cattle and other animals. The grant was not made to a Brahmana but to a Mêḍipôta (11. 12 to 14) who is styled "Pâtra 12," and to whom 70 gadyanaka gold were given in addition to the village, with the mu ual consent of the king, the queen, the prince and officers of State as stated in the grant, evidently in order to make the transaction an out-and-out purchase. Had the donee been a Brahmana, we should have expected a mention of his parentage, gôtra and caste, but no such information is forthcoming in this grant. In 1. 25 Mêdipôta is called chhurikára, which is probably used in a technical sense having reference to the chhuriprabandha referred to above, and not in the ordinary sense of a knife-maker (blacksmith). I am unable to say what chhuriprabandha really means, but from the context it appears to stand for something like narabaliprabandha, apparently on account of the great importance of the chhuri or knife in the sacrifice.
With regard to the epithet "12 pâtra " I am inclined to believe that Mêḍipôta, whether this word is a proper name or the name of an office, was the head of the 12 persons employed in the work of procuring victims. So late as 1884 A.D., when an investigation was made in Bastar in connection with kidnapping persons for sacrifice, it was believed that there were 12 villages given rent-free to kidnappers of 12 families, with whom the stipulation was that in case they could not procure victims from elsewhere, they must supply them from their own family in consideration of the free grant they enjoyed. Of course the existence of a grant for such a purpose could not be proved, as the sacrifices had been stopped long before the institution of the investigation. But the tradition of 12 families of melliahs or kidnappers of victims is significant and points to a practice which evidently existed in the days of these sacrifices. I am further inclined to think that Mêḍipôta was an office, Médi being the same as Méli or Melli vulgo Melliah or Malia, the word pota, which in Telugu means a sacrificial victim, being dropped for
1 The Kalika Purana says:
If a human sacrifice is performed without the consent of the prince, the performer incurs sin (see Budhirádhydya in the Asiatic Researches, Vol: V. p. 383).
[The text has chhurtpravadham, which might perhaps be translated "killing with a chhuri."-S. K.] [The passage in question (1. 14) can also be translated," Receivers 12 Médipótas, in their hand property was received." The Chhurikára of 1. 25 would then be a special Mêḍipôts.-S. K.]
Capt. MacVicar says:
The Meriah offering, whether so called Toki Poojah or Noroboli (Narabali), is essentially the same in object as the boli (bali) of the Doorga Poojah, and to this day the ritual of the Khond is annually celebrated by the Borisoloo or Maliah Pater (Pâtra) at Pooramari, the capital of Chinna Kimedi, on the conclusion of the Dasserah festival-a goat now being substituted for the more precious victim." Mark the italics, which are mine. (See Report by Capt. MacVicar, 1851, in the History of operations for the suppression of human sacrifice in the hill tracts of Orissa, 1854). It would appear that Melliah (the procurer) and Meriah (the victim) were identical terms, the procurers being regarded in 2 A

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. IX
the sake of brevity. It will now appear that the grant gives sufficient indications pointing to the procuring of a human victim. The village is secured as the residence of the preceptor of the jôginis, who of course dwell in a hannted place, which is naturally avoided by others. The victim is obtained by parchase, with the mutual consent of the king and his subjects, the grant is made to non-Bråhmaņas, the likely persons to take part in such a ceremony, and all this is done for the purpose of day and dharma to all living creatures. Having referred to these main points, I pass over the minor ones which lead to the same conclusion, that this grant was made in favour of procurers of victims for human sacrifices. If therefore the purpose of the grant is really what it appears to be, then I fancy this is a unique record and no similar inscription has hitherto been discovered.
Some remarks about the dynasty of the king mentioned in this grant will be found above on pp. 161 and ff., where I have dealt with the inscriptions of the Någavarsi kings found in Bastar, most of which are not yet published and which I propose to edit in due course as intimated before. The dynasty is clearly related to the Sinda family of Yelburga. Thongh styled "Lord of Bhögkvati, the best of cities," Madhurânta kadêva appears to have been a Mandalka (feudatory chief), as the verse in 11. 24-25 shows that his ráj was limited to Bhramarakótya, which is described as a mandala in l. 15. He belonged to the Chhindaka family, one of the 36 Agnikulasi mentioned by Chand Bardai, the court poet of Prithviraja.
With regard to the localities mentioned in the record, Rajapura is identical with the present village of the same name, 22 miles north-west of Jagdalpur (the capital of Bastar), on the bank of the Indråvatî river. There are ruins of a fort there, and it is believed that it was once a royal capital. The present Raja family also dwelt there for some time. Chakrakótya is, I feel little doubt, the town mentioned by the Kashmirian poet Bilhana in his Vikramasikadêvacharita, in which he records that Vikrama as yuvaraja set out on a series of warlike expeditions, with the permission of his father. He repeatedly defeated the Cholas and plundered Káñchî. He assisted the king of Malavà in regaining his kingdom and carried his arms as far north as Gauda and Kamarupa. He attacked also the king of Simhala or Ceylon, destroyed the sandal wood forests of Malaya Hills and slow the lord of Kerala. He finally conquered Gångakunda (IV. 21) Vângi (IV. 29) and Chakrakóta (IV. 30). After having accomplished these brilliant exploits Vikrama turned homewards, and, on coming as far as the Krishụå, he was suddenly disquieted by the news of his father's death. Dr. Bühler remarks that “Bilhapa's rhapsodic treatment of this portion of Vikrama's career makes it impossible to determine the chronological order of these wars. Only so much may be considered certain that his last exploits were performed in the south as he came on his homeward march to the Kộishņa." There can be no doubt about these exploits of Vikrama. They were, as related above, the conquest of Gångakanda, Vengi and Chakrakota, and at least these seem to have been conquered in the order in which they have been mentioned. Gengakunda was the Chola capital, situated in the north-east corner of the Trichinopoly district, whence Vikrama proceeded north to Vêng, the country between the Krishna
the same light as the victims, as they had themselves to become victims in the absence of a procured one. The sacrificers paid the Mellishs, who thus became purchased victims, and they did not care whence the victim was procured so long as one was supplied to them when wanted. Thus to the sacrificers, the procurer and the victim would mean the same thing, but the terms came to be differentisted when & class of procurers grew up and the real victim happened to be a substitute for themselves. A parallel instance of such differentiation in the same word may be found in Kotwal and Kôtwar in the Saugor district, where in spite of the officials regarding them as identical, social distinction is made out. The Kotwal is generally of a higher caste than the Kotwar and considers himself the
proper village watchman, other menial duties being taken as the proper function of the Kộtwar. #Prithirdja Rds6, Canto 1, page 54 (Nagari Pracharini Granthamála series).
Ind. Ant. Vol. V. p. 319 footnote. Ind. 4.6. Vol. XIX. p. 339.

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Rajapura plates of Madhurantakadeva.-Saka 987.
निसकोणाम (ल के नननिकतावास मातियों वाटाणावान वामावतारमयपपटना
तिल मानिताद नादियानमालवता वाचला कमतिदकक लतिलक कमलनायनाम हा मरे रायमरी कमलासावकारजना पुरावल वित भगाय भानसमा पनि विनि तितृश्शार तयनावमा सितानि कति सलवाझावलापनातानाजान लवत कवलकरला बऊराशते कराधास्ताडताना
लावीत यासह राकानी व प्र.
10
वर्षपभार वराव उगानमा कार्तिक मार सकता। नयात समाविसालानाशाकमगाजासर्विमा
मसार कदवा जमलकसादनवाडा नागला दावा कुमाता का नायक राजबालमानतु गमा
लिममा कामबाउचापाखानामारापामहाराज जिटील व कशासकउमस का मजलमारी" जोपरगामिपा पशाल वातानसभाषदमा मातरम
क पर सिवान लालावादकालकालावालसनता रविवाणानसा सस्था सानासह या लाला राजा
सरसधा हालामा सहयवानं कृवान रागावलवाना तपन देवस्या का हापदराचावासातवदहयात 20 विला या मायल कमिासा मानायतनामाउँनकालाका लायमाननीय रवीनाकितान महादाला 22 प्रयायालय का (यां तय तानाबानो
गाखानाबत सईजान छानदिन 14 रमाका साज व लाज का कारनामा अगर सायन पालना या जमानाकुपववशता विनय यदिशकुलायनी का धन हातावशाल जातिमा।
STEN KONOW
SCALE 5
W. GRIGGS, PHOTO-LITH.
FROM IMPRESSIONS BY T. G. GREEN.

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28
30
32
iii a.
iitb.
ग्राम
पावस उप का ना घात है। का हाम उल मधे सा भिन्नायक असून वास लीना ग केनिक नादानियाल चिन काय सुतकिनः ९ ति नव वर्ष के मन उनका दরबात ते नः दना दनः पान रंग गिना सप्रसादानमा मागनी वी सदसीयमतम नोटरी के
28
30
32

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No. 23.] RAJAPURA COPPER PLATES OF MADHURANTAKADEVA.
179
and the Godavari. He apparently crossed the latter and raided the country of Chakrakota and then wended his way homewards. This occurred just a few years after the present grant was made (1065 A.D.), in as much as Vikrama became king in 1076 A.D. Many a southern king likewise raided this somewhat weak power, which must accordingly have been situated near to their kingdoms. Therefore Chakrakota was not near Dhârâ, as some scholars bave supposed, but was contiguous to Voogi, being situated in the present Bastar state. I think the confusion with Dhård is due to the fact that Chakrakótya had a king named Dhårdvarsha (which has been apparently wrongly interpreted to mean 'king of Dhård '). In an unpublished inscription found at Kuruspal, a place close to Rajapura, there occurs Chakrakúpadh isvaranan kulam-alan karishnuh....samabhavad Dharávarshanámô narésvarah. The Narayanpåla inscription also mentiong Dháråvarsha, whose widow Gunda-mahadevi gave away the Narayanapura village in her grandson's reign in the year 1111 A.D.3 The name Chakrakótya probably survives in the present Chitrakata or Chitrakota, 8 miles from Rajapura. Bhramarakóțya was possibly an alternative Lame of Chakrakótya, which seems to survive in Ghumara, a name given to the fall of the Indråvati at Chitrakota.
TEXT.
First Plate. 1 Om svasti (1) Sahasra-phapamaņi-kiraņa-nikar-avabh&aura-Nagavams-82 dbhava-Bhôgåvati-pura-var-êsvara 6 visada-jaya-patu-pataha-gan3 bhabhi)rya-dhvani-lamkårita?-(II) daśa-dis-ar tarklardhanu-(II) vyaghra-lan4 chhana-(1) Chhimdaka-kula-tilaka-kamala-bhåskara (11) maha-maho5 gvara(svara)-charaņa-kamala-sêvi-kimjalka-pamja-pi[m]jarita-bhra6 mariyamana(na) (II) surapati-vinirjita-dumdubhi-tarya-rav-0[t]tra7 sit-ari-chakra chira-lavdha-joyêta (1) @råvat-ôpari-lavdha-lamvalo. 8 kam vala-kadali(li)-dhvajalgamkh-aika-savd-Abhinandita | svasti nri.19 9 pa-kal-atita-sa[]vat 987 nava-sata-satási-sapta-13
Second Plate ; First Side. 10 varshasa4 paribhava-samvatum-abhyatarah-kårtika-masa-sukla-pakshels vudha11 dine nakvatra anurável6 saubhagya-jóg817 karana-gajel8 | sarvê19 mahû
The first raid so far as is known appears to have been made by Vijayaditya III. of the Eastern Chalukya line, who ruled between 844 and 888 A.D. He burnt Chakrakóța (above, Vol. IV. p. 226). Then the Chola Rajendra-Chola I. (A.D. 1011-33) took Sakkara-kottam (South. Ind. Insor. Vol. II. p. 108), while one of his SOCCEBBors, king Viraråjendra I., claims to have crossed the Godavari, passed through Kalinga, and advanced against Chakrakota (ibid. Vol. III. p. 70). Next the Chô! Ling Kulttunga, while yet youth, won his first laurels in battle by storming Chakrakota. This happened prior to 1070 A.D. and is mentioned in the Tamil poem Kalingattu Parani (X 24), and also in inscriptions (see e.g. Ind. Ant. Vol. XXI. p. 286). Vikrama was probably the fifth raider, the sixth being Vishộuvardhana Hoysala in the 19th century (Kielborn's Southern List, No. 396).
I would therefore, instead of Rajak@sarivarman (i.e. Kulttunga Chola I.) conquered the king of Dhárå at Chakrakota' read Rajakesarivarman conquered king Dhârâ(varsha) at Chakrakóța' (see Kielhorn's Southern Liet, No. 756). * See above, page 161. Expressed by a symbol.
* Read -tans-6dbhara. • Read -êsvara visada-. * Read -fankarita.
Read -dis-datarálo dhanur.. . Read -labdha-jay-6péta. 10 Read airaval-pari-labdha-lamba-kamala-. 11 Read karikh-aika-babd., 1 Bead saka-uri..
** Read -fata-sapt-asiti. Rend barshasva. * Read samvatsar-dbhyantara-kárttika-mdsa-fulla-pakaid budha.. 16 Read anuradha-nakshatré.
11 Bead-yogé. 1 Read gara-karand. 10 Read sarda-mudritshu.
2.2

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180
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
12 tram śri-Madhuramtakadeva || kumara Kanharadevaḥ rajñi Nagala-maha13 đểvi | kumara Naikah nâyaka Sudrakah3 kumara Tumgardjah trê
1 shthi Puliama II êkânmatis -bhûtvå påtra 12 mêḍipôta haste dravyam 15 grihitam suvarppa-gadyâpaka 70 Bhramarakôtya-mandala-madhyê
16 Rajapura-grâmam pâda prakahala[y]itvå hasta dhârâm pradatâ (ttam) || â-chandra
17 târaka-prabhriti siva-nirmalyam vaditam kala-kâl-ântare grihnâ-7
18 mam vadati | Vânârasyâm sahasra-linga bhagnê sahasra-tațâgas bhagnê
Second Plate; Second Side.
19 sahasra vrâhmana gô-sahasra-ghâtam kritva
Sva
20 da[t]t[â*] m paradat [tâm và jô(yo)
harêd (rêta)
varishaha-sahasrâņi
jâyatê krimi[b] || manyoya
bhavadbhiḥ [1]
21 vishthấy m
kâlê kâ
tasyasyopilo phalam bhavati ||
vasumdharam [1] shashṭirll.
dharma-sêtum (tur)=nripânâm sarvin-yopath
22 lê (yo) pâlaniyam (-yo)
bhaginaḥ
pårthavêmdró bhû
23 yo yâchatê Ramachandraḥ [11] Akås-ôtpati1s nidhi gaja da[t]tam
[VOL. IX
iti
grâmya
24 vâhyam raja-dravyam | java chadras-cha sûrjas-cha java tishthati mêdinî ||
(1) jâva
25 tu Bhramakôtya rajavamsa tavatu | chhuri-kåra mêḍipôtasya putrapålaniyam grâma-mêdhyêle chhuri-pravadham17 kô=pi 26 pantrê Bằsanam16
pravi
27 sati18 || kulâyani19-joginf-Acharyasya (b) sthalam n=âsti || Stad-arthê
Third Plate; First Side.
Chakrakô.
28 gramam grihitam daya-dharma-sarva-jamtu-(1)upakar-Artha-hêtum || 29 tya-mandala-madhyê sâkshi nayaka śri-Dharêsvaraḥ (évaraḥ) Mudhasel! Nagakayastha-Dhânûkêna (h) iti Tumgaraja Dhamadeva Govardhanaḥ
30 hasti karana Daria Likhitam dhritam kumara 30 31 lekha[pi] Danardanaḥ pâtra
32 Gagira sâdhu Saharanga(-su ?) | Manavridhi-22 svahasto-yam matam- Aròpaya33 ti I
A Read -tadaga.
11 Read shashtim varsha-sahasrani.
na
1 Read kumára.
2 Bead kuara Nayakaḥ.
⚫ Read Sádrakaḥ.
• Bead freshthi.
Read ékánumatt-; cf. ékamattbhated in 11. 29, 30, and 38 of the Siyadoni inscription (above, Vol. I. p. 177). Read siva-nirmalyam-uditam.
• Read brahmana.
12 Read sarcán-évam bhdvinaḥ parthivendrán bhayo bhd.
13 Read dkd-6tpatti.
14 Read ydrach-chandras-cha suryas-cha ydoat-tishthati médint ydvat-tu Bhramarákótyó raja-vahed -pi
távatd.
7 Read grihnám=imaṁ.
10 Bead tasy-day-dpi.
15 Read ideanam.
16 Read -médhé.
17 Read -prabandham. 20 Read kumdra.
19 Read sati.
1 Read kuldyint-yogint.
21 Read Jandrdana. In Bastar and the adjoining Oriyà country this name is commonly pronounced Dandrdana, and I have found a Tahsildar of Kâlâhandi who actually writes his name so. All these names should properly be in the instrumental.
11 Read Manivriddhi.

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No. 23.] RAJAPURA COPPER PLATES OF MADHURANTAKADEVA.
181
TRANSLATION Om ! Hail! (In the reign of the king) born of the race of the Naga (Cobra), which is resplendent with the mass of rays (proceeding from the jewels in (its) thousand hoods; who is lord of Bhögâvati, the best of cities; while the space between the ten quarters is resounding with the deep sound from the shrill drums (proclaiming his) brilliant victories; whose crest is a bow and a tiger; who is as it were the sun to the lotus (-like) crest jewel of the Chhindaka family; who resembles a bee which is rendered yellow by the mass of the pollen served to the lotus feet of the great Mahébvara; whose circle of enemies is terrified by the sound of the dundubhi (drum) and tarya (musical horn) won from Indra ; who is endued with victories gained since a long time; whose banner is the lotus and plantain (leaf) supported on (the back) of Airavata (white elephant); and who is hailed by the sound of conches only; in the year of the (Saka) king 887 expired, in the month of Karttika, during the onrrency of the Paràbhava-samvatsara, in the bright fortnight, on Wednesday, in the Anuradha lunar mangion, in the Saubhagya yoga and Gara karana, in all these auspicious moments, the illustrious Madhurântakadeva, Prince Kanharadeva, Queen Nagala Mahadevi, Prince Nayaka, Nayaka Sadraka, Prince Tungaraja and Srêshthin Pulisma, having unanimously agreed, the village Rajapura (situated) in the Bhramarskôțya mandala is granted, after washing the feet and accompanied) with pouring streams (of water), (and) 70 gadyánaka gold are received in the hand of (by) Medipôta, (who is the head) of the twelve påtras (persons worthy of receiving gifts). The gift is declared as Sivanirmalya (as sacred as a gift offered to Siva and therefore inviolable), as long as the moon, the stars, etc., endure. If any one from time to time says: "I take it," the result for him also will be the same as in the case of) breaking a thousand lingas in Banaras, breaking a thousand tanks, and killing a thousand Brahmans and a thousand cows.
"He who resumes land given by himself or given by another becomes & worm in ordure for sixty thousand years."
" Common is this religious bridge to princes, and it should be guarded by you from age to age. Thus does Ramachandra again and again conjure all future lords of the earth."
The produce from the heavens, deposits in the earth) and (wild) elephants are given, but other things outside the village are the State property. So long as the sun and the moon and the earth and the royal race of Bhramarakótya endure, so long (must this charter be observed). This cbarter is to be respected in the case of Chhurikára Medipôta's sons and grandsons.
Nobody enters the chhuriprabandha at the village sacrifice. There is no place for the preceptor of the resident (local) joginis. For this purpose this village is taken, for the benefit of all creatures, for the purpose of (showing) kindness and performing) virtue. In the Chakrakôtya mandala the witnesses are :-Nayaka Sri Dhårdsvara, Mudhashli, Nagahasti, (and) Karana Daria. Written by Dhånúka Kayastha.
The pen (engraving stylus) (was) touched by Kumara Tungaraja, Dh&madêve, Govardhana, Danardana, Pátra Gagira (and) Sadhu Sah ranga (SAhåragu P). This is in Maņevsi. dhi's hand(writing) (which) sets up (expresses) the (general) opinion.
1 In Blochman's Ain-i-Akbari, Vol. I. page 122, the following occurs -
" Elephants are chiefly found in the Sùbah of Agra, in the forests of Bayiwla and Narwar as far as Berar, in the Sabah of Allahabad, in the confines of Pattah and Ghoraghat and Rataspur, Nandanpar, Sargachh and Bautar."

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182
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. IX.
No. 24.-SIHAWA STONE INSCRIPTION OF KARNARAJA.
THE SAKA YEAR 1114.
BY HIBA LAL, B.A., NAGPUR. This inscription is on a slab built into the wall of the Karnêsvar, vulgo Kandsar, temple at Sihawa, the principal village of the tract of that name in the Dhamtari tahşil of the Raipur District in the Central Provinces. It was first noticed in the Asiatic Researches, Vol. XV. p. 505, and it is referred to by General Cunningham in his Reports, Vol. VII. p. 145. The place does not seem to have been visited by any archæologist. The inscription was brought to notice by the District officials, who thought it sufficient to ascertain the date, and the full contents of the record have hitherto remained unknown. I therefore edit it from an ink impression supplied by Mr. Gokul Prasad Isvardas, Tahsildar of Dhamtari, from which a reduced facsimile is reproduced in the accompanying plate.
The inscription contains 16 lines covering a space 22" x 13)". The letters are bold and well formed. They are all intact excepting one which is broken off in line 2. Their average size is about 4". The script is Nagari, and the language is Sanskrit. The whole of the inscription is written in verge, except the invocation in the beginning, Om namah Sivaya, and the name of the sútradhåra at the end. There are altogether 13 verses, 4 in the Vasantatilaka metre, 8 Anushtubhs and one Upajati.
The following are the principal orthographical peculiarities :-s is almost invariably used for 8. The sign of the avagraha is not used at all (see lines 3, 4 and 15). Letters following an anusvára changed from a nasal are doubled (lines 2, 10, and 13). Letters with a répha are sometimes doubled and sometimes not. Instances of doubling may be seen in lines 1 and 15, and of non-doubling in lines 2, 3, 4, 5 and 11, while lines 8, 9, 10 and 14 afford instances of both. In conjunct letters n has been used instead of the proper nasal as in panchakaṁ and punyatah in lines 12 and 15. Simha is spelt throughout as singha, following the usual valgar pronanciation, and, finally, in line 1 the vowel si is used instead of the ri, tritaya being written as tritaya.
The object of the inscription is to record the construction of five temples, two in his parents' name, two in his own, and one in his inspeless brother's, by king Karnarkja of Kakaira, and of one by his wife, queen Bhopalla-devi. These were all built at the sacred place Dévahrada. The date of the inscription is given in the last verse as Saka 1114, without any other details as to the day or month, etc. The inscription was accordingly written in the year A.D. 1101-92, apparently after the completion of the whole group of temples, and it was put up in one of the king's own temples, in which Siva was enshrined. The other one of those which he had built for himself was dedicated to Kebaya, who apparently occupied a secondary place in his estimation. The temple in which the slab is found, is still called Kanesar or Karnešvara, after the king's own name. The writer was the sutradhára supe, and the composer of the prasasti Nrisimha.
The inscription opens with an invocation of the three-eyed Siva, and in the second verse the moon, as the progenitor of the dynasty, is praised. Then begins the genealogy of the king, commencing with Simharaja, whose son was Vågharåja, from whom was born Vopadeva, the father of Karparkja, who married Bhopalla-devi, and who, having conquered all the neighbouring

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No. 24.]
SIHAWA STONE INSCRIPTION OF KARNARAJA.
183
princes, assumed the title of a paramount sovereign. Combining the information from the other two Kakaira inscriptions of these Sômavamsi kings we get the following genealogical tree :
Simharaja.
Vyåghrarâja or Vågbaraja.
Vôpadova.
Krishọa !
Somaraja-deva.
Ranakêsarin
Karparaja
-Bhopalla-devi, 1192 A.D.
Jaitaraja.
Pamparaja-deva -Lakshmi-dévi, 1216 A.D.
Somachandra
Vôpadeva (Prince).
Bhånadeva,
1320 A.D. It would appear that Vopadeva had four sons, but the probability is that he had only three, the doubtfal Krishna of the Kanker prasasti being probably identical with Karpa of our inscription. Evidently the three brothers were all ruling chiefs, who appear to have divided the state between them and selected their residences in different places, though always keeping in touch with the ancestral capital at KAkaira and recognising one amongst themselves as over-lord. Karna seems to have had a predilection for a site near the older capital, viz., Sih&wd, and was probably living in Dhanorå, now in the Bastar State, at a distance of about 28 miles from Sihawa. In this village my friend Rai Bahadur Panda Baijnath, B.A., Administrator of the Bastar State, has recently discovered ancient remains, there being about 20 tanks and 25 mounds, one of which be excavated and found in it a huge siva linga with beautifal carvinge. Dhanorâ is enclosed by hills on three sides, and is a likely place selected by Raja for his residence. There is a local tradition that a Raja Karna ruled there, although the people of that place do not even now know of the existence of any inscription mentioning his name. Sómaršja and his son Pamparâja favoured Padi-pattana, which I cannot identify. It was possibly somewhere towards Dhamtari side. Raņakesarid was issueless, as our inscription informs us, and he was probably wholly dependent on his brother Karparâja, as we find the latter building a temple in his name to perpetuate his memory- a thing which he would perhaps have done himself had he been his uwn master. If he was ruling as a chief subordinate to his brother, we have no information as to
Above, pp. 123 and 11., and 166 and L.

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184
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. IX.
where he had selected his residence. There can be little doubt that all these branches of the Kakaira family owed allegiance to some other power, which was very probably represented by the Haihaya kings of South Kôšala, as the use of the Kalachuri era by Pamparajadêva would indicate. Karparâja was apparently more ambitious than the rest. He sabdued the neighbouring princes, as our inscription relates, and probably set himself up as an independent ruler in the out-of-the-way jungles; that is perhaps the reason why he used the Saka era in his inscription instead of the Kalachuri era, thus intimating that he did not acknowledge the Haihaya domination, unless it was customary to use the Kalachuri reckoning in official documents involving disposal of property, etc., while the older Saka era was used for other religious and general purposes.
The earliest date of this line of kings is that which we get from the present inscription, tis., 1192 A.D., and the latest is that of Bhanudêva, 1320 A.D., there being thus a difference of 128 years between Karnaråja and Bhanudēva. Karyaraja stood in the same relationship to Bhanudêva as did the first ancestor Simharaja to Karnarája. Simha was great-grandfather of Karparaja, the latter being great-grandfather (or great-granduncle) of Bhånudeva, and if a similar interval is allowed between Simba and Karnaråja, Simba's time would be about 1064 A.D. According to this calculation the generations would be very long-lived, about 42 years each on an average, which is hardly probable, though in sporadic cases there would be nothing extraordinary about it. The present Raja family, according to its traditions, believes its first ancestor to have come from Orissa about Vikrama Samvat 1150 or 1093 A.D., and this curiously fits in well with the evidence afforded by the inscriptions under consideration. Apparently, then, Simharaja was the first emigrant, and he came about the end of the eleventh century or the beginning of the twelfth. The Râja family story as related before (above, page 124) is to the effect that a Puri king, having become a leper, quitted that place and came to Sihâwâ, which was merely a dense jungle, where he found a spring of water in which he took a bath which removed bis leprosy. He was then installed king of that place, and it is possible that the locality was named after him, being called Sinha + avah = Simluiwah (the comfort of Simha) which finally was corrupted into Sihåwå. From our inscription it appears that it was also known as Dévabrada tirtha or the holy lake of the gods, and there was certainly ample reason for calling it so. In fact a large portion of the Sihâwâ tract seems to have been regarded as a piece of holy land. Local tradition avers that it was the hermitage of the rishi Spingia, who is still worshipped there. Five miles from this place is the village Ratâwâ where Angâra (Angiras) rishi used to live, and Muchukunda had his ásrama in the village Mechakâ 22 miles from Sihåwå. About 10 miles west of Sihåwå there is Dévakața (the hillock of the gods), which also
1 It is perhaps more than a coincidence that a king Vyaghraraja of Mahakántara, who must have held sway in the same neighbourhood, is mentioned as early as the fourth century in the Alls bâbâd pillar inscription of Samudragupta, see Gupta Inscriptions, p. 6 ff.
* A variant of the same story is that a Puri king baving appointed an illegitimate son of his as his successor, the others took offence and quitted the place. They came over to the wilds of Chhatisgarh and became the leaders of the local tribes, who installed them as their kings. That there is some truth in this story is evident from the fact that the installation of most of thes, chiefs is considered complete when it is confirmed by a particular tribe, by way of expression of gratitude on the part of the Raja family. Thus the Kanker family seems indebted to the Halbås, the Kalahandi family to the Kandhs, the Rairakhol to the Butki Sudhs, the Bâmrå to the Bhuiyas, and so on.
• Besides the healing power of the spring, which in itself is sufficient to cause the place to become a tirtha, Sibi is the source of the Mahanadi or Chitrátpala, of which it is said :
Suvarnabhyd puri punya punyó Márjárakésarl, Kósaláyd mi trayaḥ punyah punyd Chitrôtpald nade. Suvarnapuri is the present Soapur, capital of the state of the same name, and Marjarakësari is another name of Narasimhanath in Boråsambhar Zamindari of the Sambalpur District. A visit to that place is held to wipe out all sins. En passant it may be noted that the apparent mistake of a sculptor in carving out a cat-lion instead of a man-lion has metamorpliosed the statue of the latter kept in the Narasimhanath cave, into a new incarnation of the God, to account for which there has been no lack of imagination on the part of the local Brahmans.

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No. 24.]
SIHAWA STONE INSCRIPTION OF KARNARAJA.
185
contains ruins of old temples. At Sihåwå there are two old temples close together in a pretty fair state of preservation. One of them, in which our insoription was found, is dedicated to Mahadeva, and it is certainly identical with one of the two mentioned in line 12. The other is dedicated to Ramachandra, but the people say that it was also formerly a Siva temple and that the present statues of Râma and others in it were brought from the ruined temple (about 300 yards away) near the Amrita Kund, a bath in which is reputed to have cured the leprosy of the first Kanker king. One of these must be the temple dedicated to Kesava. There are three other temples close by, which may possibly be those constructed by Karnarkja in his parents' and brother's name. In the village Bhitarrås, which means the interior' and which probably formed the interior of the Sihåwå town in its days of glory, there is another old temple contain. ing idols not easily distinguishable but stated by the people to represent Ramachandra, etc., and this may possibly be the temple which Bhopalla-devi built. It cannot, however, be confidently identified, the probability for such & conjecture being based on another supposition, vis., that Bhopalla-devi was a Vaishnavi, while ber lord was a Saiva. It appears that it was in deference to her that Karparaja dedicated one of his temples to Kesava. And as one temple erected in her name was thus built on the holy spring, it seems reasonable to suppose that she should have selected a site for another which she built independently, in the interior of the town.
__TEXT. 1 ओं नमः शिवाय ॥ 'तत्यातु 'वस्तृतयमीखरलोचनानामग्न्यसोममयमूर्ति
धरं स2 मन्तात् । 'यंशोकदुःखदहनप्रतिभासनादि[खा]प्यायनानि कृपयानुदिनं करोति ॥१॥
'कन्दर्पवा3 एगणसाणसिलामनोनदिक्कामिनीवदनदर्पणमण्डससीः । देव: ससी' विजय
तेत्रि4 तपः पयोधिमुलाफलं] हरसिरोमुकुटैकरवं ॥२॥ "पुरुरवःप्रभृतिभिः सूर्यो
__ ववृधन्वयः । त5 स्व तस्मिनभूप: "[सिं]घराजो वृपापीः ॥३॥ तस्मादजायत महीपतिमी.
लिसंघरर्षघृष्ट-12 6 चरणः किल वाघराजः । राजन्यती समभवगती समन्ताधेन प्रजासपि
बतां भजता नृपेस । 7 ॥४॥ "वोपदेवोभवत्तस्मात्सिंघ: सिंघादिवापरः । येन विलासिता जग्मु
हिस:18 सत्रुनृपहिपाः ॥५॥
1 Mr. Gokal Prasdd visited these temples lately (November 1907) and has sent me a copy of a small .macription found in one of them, in which I read the name of Sri Vágharkju. Thus the Devakuţa temples appear to be older than those of Sihawa, having been built in the times of Karmaraja's grandfather. Metre : Vsaantatilaka. Read वस्ति तयमौवर'.
• Read auta • Metre: Vamantatilaks. Read कन्दर्पबाचगणशासशिलामनी.
• Read श्री. - Read शशी. Iam indebted to Pandit Hirananda Sastri, M.A., tor pointing out that the moon is Atri's son who comes out of the Ocean in the form of his penance.
• Read घिरी. • Metre: Anushtubh. Read °भिर्न पयों ववधै न्वयः.
10 Read for " Metre: Vasantatilaka. - Read संघसंघर्ष.
- Read राजन्वतो. Metre : Anuuhtabb. W Bend सिंह: सिंहा.
" Read :

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·
[VoL. IX.
8 तयाहभूपतिमण्डलमण्डनसी: श्रीकर्थराजनृपतिर्विदितप्रतापः । यन्यायव
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
न पाणभ
9 यामवेष्टं 'काकेरदेसममलं न कलिः समर्थः ॥६॥ 'तस्य भोपनदेवीति महिषी वरवर्णिनी । 'वभूषः
10 मेने यांत्रोको सतीं चितिगतामिव ॥७॥ 'सवावीर्येण विजित्य सर्वातुपान्तदेशाधिपतीन्सम
सुरालयं 14 तां वा ज्ञात्वा
11 न्तात् । सेवाकरोपायनदानसी सांयकार' सामान्यपद साम्राज्यपदं दधानः ॥८॥
देवऋदे तेन कृतं प्रासा
12 दपदकं । स्वीयं तत्र इयं जातं यत्र शंकरकेसवी" ॥८॥ "पितृभ्यां प्रददौ चान्यत्कारयित्वा" इयं नृपः ।
13 सदनं देवदेवस्य मनोहारि दिन: ( मूलिनः ॥१०॥ चवेसरिये प्रादांनृपायेक । " तहंसचीण
"
वादन करा ॥११॥ श्रीपशदेव्या तत्रेय प्रासादः कारितः शुभः" भर्तुः संघ."
.17
सेयमेकाद से सते
15 मिकन्या देवतः "पुन्धतस्तया
॥१२॥ तु
सके । वईतां सर्व्वतो नित्यं
16 नृसिंघे" कृतिना कृता ॥१३॥ सूत्रधा[र: *] सूपा
Ora ! Salutation to Siva.
(Verse 1.) Let that triad of eyes of Siva, consisting of fire, sun and moon, protect you on all sides (that triad) which out of kindness burns the miseries of this world (and) illuminates and pleases it daily.
TRANSLATION.
(V. 2.) May the god moon be victorious-(the moon) who is a good whetstone for sharpening the arrows of Cupid, who is (the embodiment of) the splendour on the orb of the mirror (-like) faces of the maidens of the (varions) quarters of the sky, who is a pearl from the ocean (emanating in the form of) Atri's penance, and (who is) the only jewel on the orest of Siva's head.
(V. 3.) In that (moon's) family which prospered through Parûravas and other kings there was a king Simharaja who was the leader of (other) kings.
1 Metre : Vasantatilaks. Rend तमाद' • Read देश
• Metre : Upajati Boad खबाड.
* Metre : Anushtubh.
'श्री श्री
• Metre: Anushtubh.
• Read पञ्चकं.
12 Bend 'स्कारमित्वा.
11 Metre: Anushṭubh.
10 Bead तरंग..
14 Bend प्रादान".
14 Bend संशेष
11 Bend शुभ:
39 Metres Annsbtubh. Rond चतुईशीतर सेयमेकादशे शते शर्क.
a Roadया.
● Rond बभूव.
Read शोला.
10 Read केशवो.
13 Metre : Anushtubb.
16 Metre: Anushtubh.
19 Read पुण्यात
21 Road नृसिंह

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No. 25.]
VASANTGADH INSCRIPTION OF VARMALATA.
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(V. 4.) From him was born Vågharaja, whose feet were indeed scratched by the friction of diadema (adorning the heads) of (other) kings (prostrating themselves before him). By (this) king, who was devoted to his subjects like a father, the world came to be well-ruled on all sides.
(V.5.) From this lion as it were was born Vôpadêve, another lion, frightened by whom the elephant like hostile kings went (i.e. retired) to the (various) cardinal points of the compass).
(V. 6.) From him was born the illustrious Karnadeva (who was) the splendour (adorning) the assembly of kings, whose glory was (well) known, and through fear of whose sword in the form of dispensation of justice the Kali (age) was unable to enter the spotless KAkaira country.
(V. 7.) His queen was the beautiful Bhopalladhvi, whom the people considered as if she were Lakshmi (goddess of wealth) come to this earth.
(V. 8.) Having completely conquered the lords of all the neighbouring countries by the force of his arm and having secured paramount sovereignty (over them), (he) caused them to become devoted to his service, to pay tribute and presents and to become charitable.
(V. 9.) In the holy place Devahrada five edifices were built by him. Two of them were his own, where Sankara and Keśava (are enshrined).
(V. 10.) The king, having caused two other temples of the god of gods, the holder of the trident, to be built bestowed them on (i.e. dedicated them in the name of) his parents.
(V. 11.) One temple Karnarája gave to (i.e. dedicated in the name of) king Banakesarin, through fraternal affection, knowing that his lineage was to become extinct.
(V. 12.) There, an auspicious temple was also caused to be built by Bhopalla-devi, who wished for the anion with her husband (both) in body as well as in meritorious acts.
(V. 13.) This (was done) in the Saka year eleven hundred increased by fourteen. Let prosperity daily attend. Composed by the clever Nrisimha.
The Satradhåra (architeot) was Süpå (R).
No. 25.-VASANTGADH INSCRIPTION OF VARMALATA;
[VIKRAMA] SAMVAT 682.
BY D. R. BHANDARKAR, M.A.; Poona. Last year a summary of this inscription was published by Prof. Kielhorn, with a promise to publish the full text on some future occasion. The impressions sent by Pandit Gaurishankar Hirachand Ojha of Udaipur were not sufficiently clear for that purpose. During the touring season ending March 1906, my work chiefly lay in the Sirohi State. I was thus able to inspect the original stone in person and take the best possible impressions. When the summary was afterwards published on my return to head-quarters, I sent my impressions to Prof. Kielhorn. But, as circumstances arose which prevented him from publishing them, the impressions were
In the original tho word is trisdras which I originally read as trieddanan. Dr. Konow bus suggested the correction adopted in the text.
* Göttinger Nachrichten, 1906, H. 2.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. IX.
returned to me. This is, indeed, to be regretted, as no other scholar could have done better justice to this important inscription.
The inscription was originally discovered at Vasantgadh, about five miles to the south of Pind wårå, which is the principal town of the district of the same name, Sirobi State, and which is also a station on the Rajputând-Malwa Railway running from Ahmedabad to Ajmer. The stone was lying utterly neglected outside the shrine of Khimel måtd recently repaired, of which, I was told, it originally formed part. Vasantgadh itself is now desolated, but many people of the Sirohi State come there to pay their homage to the goddess. The shrine is looked after by the Bhils of the adjoining hamlets, and they had for a long time atilised the stone for sharpening their implements. As soon as the news of the find of this ancient inscription stone reached the ears of Pandit Sukhånandji, an antiquary of Sirohi, he hastened to the spot, took it into his possession, and brought it to Sirohi. It is now lying in safo custody in his house.
The inscription contains 17 lines of writing, which covers a space about 1' 11" broad by l' high. The writing is, on the whole, well-preserved, but the proper right portion of it is a little worn, which is doubtless due to its having been used for whetting weapons. Again, there are two or three cracks running horizontally across the inscription and injuring a few of the letters in lines 1, 2, 10 and 11, but, with care, nearly the whole of the inscription can be made out with certainty on the original stone.
The size of the letters varies from " to " The characters belong to the northern class of alphabets, which was prevalent during the 7th and 8th centuries. The chief peculiarity of this type is the representation of the medial vowels a, i, i and the four diphthongs far more frequently by superscript signs placed above the letters than by vertical strokes attached to the sides of the letters to which they belong. This is clearly noticeable e.g. in the Udaipur inscription of the Guhile prince Aparåjita, the Jhålrapatan inscription of Durgagana, and the Kaņsuvam inscription of Dhavala; and this characteristic is exhibited by our inscription also. The characters of our record are, a8 pointed out by Professor Kielhorn, almost identical with those of the Udaipur inscription. As in the latter, we have the tridented form of the letter y and a distinct separate sign for b. The letter y occurs in the present record no less than thirty times, and, in all these cases except one, the tridented form alone is employed. In this exceptional case (in yôyanidri, 1. 1) like that in the Udaipur inscription, the letter is indicated by the old sign occurring, e.g. in the Maukhari inscriptions. We also have special forms for final k, t, and 1. In the Udaipur epigraph, final t and m are represented by ordinary signs for those letters with a small horizontal stroke placed above each. Here, on the other hand, final k, t, and n are denoted by their usual signs, but with the tops a little curved towards their proper right (e.g. in vanik, 1. 10, Osakrit, 1.3, and gunun, 1. 6). The sign for the upadhmaniya occurs three times in 'nripatihpati, 1. 4, and priyah-priyaih=prasray-adio, 1. 7. The jihrámúliya occars only once, in vachanayutaik=kú[ryya]°, 1. 4. Again, our inscription shows a tendency to nse some signs with a little ornamentation. Thus, the anusvára is often represented, not by a simple dot but by something like an asterisk (e.g. in satatan, 1. 3). The superscript signs of medial vowels are also sometimes ornamentally engraved (e.g. au in orasy-ajau, 1. 3.) We further find the somewhat rare signs for si, dh, th and ph. With regard to th, it deserves to be noted that it is exactly like dh (e.g. in brahman-átithi', 1. 8), and can only be distinguished by having regard to the sense of the word wherein it occurs.
The language of the inscription is Sanskrit, and, exceptiug the words on namah at the commencement and the list of the names of the goshthikas contained in lines 13-17, the text is in verse. Solecisms are not infrequent. I need only point out the verse (11) which specifies the date, the language of which is anything but grammatical. In respect of orthography, the following points may be notioed. Consonants are, as a rule, doubled after r ;'visarga followed by s is changed to that letter; ri has once been substituted for ri, in sringa°, 1.1; on the other hand,

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No. 25.]
VASANTGADH INSCRIPTION OF VARMALATA.
189
ri stands for ri in kriya°, 1. 3; lastly, t has at least twice been doubled in conjunction with a following , in orätt , 1.2, and Omáttrai', 1. 4.
The inscription opens with two verses, the first invoking the blessings of Durgå and the second of Kshēmáry, who is ordinarily supposed to be a form of Durga, and who here, in particular, is to be identified with Khimel mítá, outside whose temple the inscription stone was lying before it was removed to Sirohi, and of which it originally formed part. Verse 3 speaks of a king named Varmal&ta, on whom the next verse bestows nothing but conventional praise, comparing him to a sorcerer, as pointed out by Prof. Kielhorn. Verse 5 informs us that Varmaláta had a feudatory of the name of Vajrabhata-Satyasraya, who was devoted to the worship of meta, i.e. doubtless Kohēmarya, and able to guard the son of Himavat,'' i.e. Mount Abů. His son was Rajjila (v. 6), who behaved like Vaiśravaņa, i.e. Kubêra, the god of riches, in Vata, by lavishing wealth on Brâhmaņas, personages deserving hospitality, subordinates, and men skilled in arts (v. 7). While this chief (rijan) was governing, the temple of the goddess (Kshêmårya) was caused to be made by the goshthi: at Vatakarasthåna (v. 8). The kárúpuka* selected by the gøshthi to see this work through was Satyadêva, the son of Pitamaha, who was & merchant by birth (v. 9). Then follows & verse expressing a wish for the endurance of the temple as long as the mountain Meru, the rivers, the sun and the moon last. Tben follows the verse which contains the date. The language of it, however, to quote Prof. Kielhorn, is curiously ungrammatical.' Making allowance for the solecisms, the year intended appears to be 682. As almost all the dates of the inscriptions found in Málwå and Rajputânâ, the era of which is not specified and which are capable of being verified, have been shown to belong to the Vikrama ers, our date may be taken to be a Vikrama year, and may, therefore, be supposed to be equivalent to A.D. 625. It was in this year, as verse 11 informs us, that the temple of máte was erected. The prasasti was composed by the Brahmana Dhurtarási, the son of Divákara, and incised by Nagamundin (v. 12). Then follows a list of the individual members of the gôshthi who bailt the temple, their names occupying lines 13-17. Of these, three deserve some notice. The first is that of the only woman who was a member of the goshthi. Her name is Baţå, and she is spoken of as a courtezan (attached to the temple) of Sri-mátú, i.e. undoubtedly the
In the verse the words Kshêmáryya Kshếmakart occur, of which the latter is taken by Prof. Kielhorn to be the name of the goddess. And this appears no doubt to be supported by the fact that Kshēmakari or Kshēmarkari is actually the name of a goddess. But then the reinsining word Kahemaryyd, which cannot be an adjective, remains unexplained. The final aryya, which is the Sanskrit equivalent of ai, mother, frequently applied to goddesses, shows that Kshēmaryya is the name intended. Moreover, Kshema is as much a name for Durgk as Kahēmakari.
In addition to the verse referred to (vir., above Vol. I. p. 234, verse 5) by Prof. Kielhorn in support of Mount Aba (Arbuda) being called "son of Himayat," it may be mentioned that, in the Arbuda-mahatmya also, a copy of which exists in the Pustaka prakásá at Jodhpur, Arbuda has been spoken of as a son of Himalaya and as being put by the latter at the service of the sage Vasishtha to fill up a deep wide chasm, into which his cow had fallen.
The word goshthi no doubt signifies, by itself, a panel or committee entrusted with the management of the religious endowments, as was first pointed out by Prof. Bühler (above, Vol. I. p. 190, n. 50), though in compound words, such as pandita-góshtht, pana-gbokthi, and so forth, it has the general sense of "sn assembly."
The proper sense of this word was first shown by Prof. Kielhorn (Ind. Ant. Vol. XIX. p. 62, n. 53). This meaning was not known to me when I edited the Eklingji inscription, where I have wrongly trauslated the word by " those who caused the temple to be constructed” (Jour. Bo. As. Soc. Vol. XXII. Pp. 152-3) instead of " persons appointed to look after the construction of the temple."
The inscription says that the temple of Kshêmåryd was built by the goshthi of Vata or Vatakara, i.e. Vantgadh, and that Båtd was one of the members of this goshtit. But, as we have seen, was a courtezan of the temple of Kshemarys, and she could only acquire this position after, and not before, the erection of the temple. Nobody would appoint s courtezan to a temple to do the duties of dancing and singing before the deity, before it was constructed, and much less would she be raised to such a dignified position as the membership of the goshhe prior to the actual building of the temple itself. I am, therefore, somewhat inclined to think that the temple was not built, but rebuilt, by the goshin, and that the word kdrita in verse 8 bas to be taken in the latter souse, Instances of a similar use are not wanting.

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Freiti to whom the temple was dedicated. The second name is Pratihâra Botaka, the first of which words I think signifies the race. Bôtaka was thus a Pratihara, i.e. Padiar, and this is the earliest instance of the denomination Pratihara occurring in an inscription. The third name is rijasthiniya Adityabhata, the first part of which is unquestionably an official designation, meaning the foreign secretary.
Prof. Kielhorn thinks that the name of Varmalata spoken of in our inscription as paramount sovereign settles the date of the poet Magha. It would be impossible not to agree with him when he says, that, out of the numerous forms found in the manuscripts of the Sisupalavadha, of the name of the king at whose court Magba's grandfather Saprabhadeva is stated to have held the office of prime minister, the variant Varmalâta is to be selected as the most likely one. But to the identification of this prince with the Varmalâta of our inscription, supposing the date V.E. 682 to be correct, it is possible to raise an objection. As every student who has read the Sisupilavadha knows, Magha in his work distinctly alludes to the two grammatical treatises, the Kiisikiivritti and its commentary called Nyasa. The former is the joint production of Jayaditya and Våmana, and, with regard to the former author, the Chinese traveller I-tsing informs us in unmistakeable terms that he died about A.D. 661-662. It should, moreover, be borne in mind that the author of the Nyasa was Jinêndrabuddhi, who like JayAditya was a follower of the Buddha. And it is inconceivable that I-tsing, one of whose principal objects in coming to India was to collect information about Buddhist authors, could have passed him over in silence, if the latter had fourished before A.D. 695 when the Chinese traveller's departure from India took place. The conclusion is, therefore, irresistible that the author of the Nyasa could not have lived before the first half of the 8th century. Mågha, therefore, has to be assigned to the latter part of the 8th century. This line of argument adduced by Prof. Pathak appears to me to be worth considering. Dr. Konow, however, informs me that he does not think it convincing. He says, "the argumentum ex silentio is always unsafe, and, even if we admit that Jinêndrabuddhi cannot have written before A.D. 695, that does not disprove Professor Kielhora's identification of our Varmalâta with the king whose minister Magha's grandíather was. Our inscription may very well date from a time previous to his appointment as minister, and it does not, at any rate, make it impossible to bring Magha down to the first twenty years of the 8th century. There is nothing to hinder us from supposing that Jinêndrabuddhi Hourished about A.D. 700. The alleged reference to his work in the Sisupalatadha would, I think, be more intelligible if we suppose it to have been a new work at the time when Magha wrote his poem."
I quite accept Dr. Konow's main conclusions. But I agree with Professor Pathak that the argumentum ex silentio carries some weight in this particular instance. One of the chief objects I-tsing had in view was to gather all available information about Buddhist authors in India. And, when we consider that he has even mentioned his own contemporaries, it is very unlikely that he should have failed to notice Jinêndrabuddhi, if the latter had actually achieved fame in his time. As pointed oat by Dr. Konow, there is, however, nothing to prevent us from considering Magha and Jinêndrabuddhi as contemporaries. The mere fact that one author quotes another one, only shows that he knows him, and not necessarily that he belongs to a later time. Mågba and Jinêndrabuddhi can, therefore, very well both have lived at the beginning of the eighth century, and Professor Kielhorn's identification of the two Varmal&tas remains unaffected by Professor Pathak's argument.
1 History of Gujarat in the Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. I. Pt. I. p. 82.
? It might perhaps be doubted whether Jinêndrabuddhi was a Buddhist. But there are no reasonable grounds for this doubt. A Deccan Collego manuscript (No. 33 of 1881-82, lest 90b) has the following · Iti bodhisattadástya acharya-Dvijd(Jind)ndrabutdi(ddmi)-virachitaydıKafikd-vivarana-panchikdyáth doitly.ddhydyasya chatur. than pddah. I am indebted to Prof. Pathak for this reference. See also Ind. Ant. Vol. VII. p. 57.
Jour. Bo. As. Soc. Vol. XX, PP. 805-6.

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No. 25.7
VASANTGADE INSCRIPTION OF VARMALATA.
191
The place Vata, where the feudatory prince Rajjila was reigning, is doubtless Vasantgadh itself. This will be seen from the fact that the temple to Kshêmâryâ, said in the inscription to have been built by the gôshthi of Vata, is no other than the temple of Khimel måtà in Vasantgadh of which the inscription stone originally formed part. This conclusion is confirmed by the fact that the temples dedicated to the Sun and Brahmå mentioned as existing in Vatapura in the inscription of Pärnapala dated V.E. 1099, are still existing at Vasantgadh. A slightly different name for the place, ris. Vatakara, occurs in 1.9. We have a similar instance of a certain old place called both Åråsana and Arâsanakara. The remains at Vasantgadh have been fully described and the question regarding the name Vata and Vatakara is fully discussed in the Progress Report of the Archaeological Survey of India, Western Circle, for the months July 1900 to March 1906, inclusive, pp. 49 ff.
TEXT. 1ों · नमः ॥ धातु- योगनिद्रा [जलन] - 1. [नस्या कतिविश्व
योने: 'कैलासोचांकथिङ्गप्रतिनियतमदावासिनो सता [*] या 2 राचिस्मर्वलोके स्मृतिरपि च सतां या श्रुतिब्रह्मगीता सा देवी दुर्गमेषु
प्रदिशतु जगते मङ्गलानीह दुर्गाः ॥ [१*] नियतमतिप्रणतिप3 रस्याजी यागे क्याफलेष्वसवत् [1"] क्षेमा- क्षेमकरी विदधातु शिवानि
नसततं ॥ [२] जयति जयलक्ष्मलक्षितवक्षस्थलसंश्रितथियाधारः [*] श्री4 वर्मलातनृपति पतिरवनेरधिकबलवीर्यः । [३१] केचित्सन्देशमाचैरतिविशदपद'
मुद्रया पारगं• केचिच्चान्ये प्रकामं प्रतिवचनयुतक[] 5 [यं]जापैरजमं [*] पन्ये वै मण्डलान्ते क्वतबलिकुहकै तिदानेन चान्ये
तेनेत्यं सबरेन्द्रव्रतमनुचरता शासिता भूमिपाला: ॥ [४*] तस्याशेषविशे6 [ष]दोषरहितान्पुष्णाति भक्त्या गुणान (1) नाना ववभटेति भृत्यपदवी
माश्रित्य सत्याश्रयः [*] ख्यातः कीर्तिमतामलघ्यचरित:" "श्रीमातु
रप्यजने* किन 7 [जा]तगुणः प्रभुहिमवतस्मूनोच संरक्षणे" (1) [*] तस्य सूनुरधिकं प्रियx
प्रिय प्रथयादिसकलैर्महागुणे० [1] राजिलीभवदशेषराजकव्याप्तकी
1 In L 9 of the Vasantgadh inscription of Parnapála, Vata is also spoken of as the name of a country. In verse 17 of the mata-kt-sdl inscription found at Ghatiyálå (Jour. R. 43. 800. 1895, p. 518), the expression Vada. ndaava-mandala occurs. This is doubtless identical with Vata-Nayaka-mandala. Here the country or district is not called simply after Vata (Vasantgadh) but also after Nanaka which evidently is the present Nini, about thirteen miles north-east of it. ? From the original stone.
* Expressed by a symbol. • Read कैखासीचाशन.
Read grat; metre: Sragdhara. Read क्रिया
IMetre : Aryal; and also of the verse following. . Wrong tor नयाधार' which would not have suited the metre.. • Read °पदांद्रया.
10 Read गया. 11 Metre : Sragdhara.
1 Read 'मलङध्य. 1. The letter is not in the same line with and w, but is engraved exactly below betwen these two letters, and two vertical strokes are added one above and one below between them to draw attentiou to the omission 14 Read, probably instead of .
15 Metre : Sardúlavikridita. 10 Read 'गुष..

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[VoL.Ix.
10 सालमा यो शिव को अपग स्वावलोपटानि भारशिमकशोधौलाविष्ट
.8 तिरमले कुरी नृपः [1] [] ब्राधणातिथिभृत्यादिकलावत्सु विशेषत' []
सोधिकं 'द्रविणे 'पखवटे वैश्रवणायते ॥ [..] तमिबाजनि
देव्याशासति राज्य 9 वटाकरस्थान[] गोष्ठया कारितमेतद्भवनं भुवनस्य चिमिव । [१]
कारापकस्तु सूनुः पितामहाख्यख सत्यदेवाख्यः [1] गोष्ठ्या प्रसादपरया
निरूपितो ज. 10 [भ]ना स वणिक (1) [*] यावन्मेरोस्तटानि प्रचुरहिमकणोत्तथैलाधिपश्च
स्थन्दि[न्यो] यावचा ] अपगतक[लु]षा - - - - - []
यावञ्चन्द्राभास11 [स] तरलजलधे काममयो यावदुच्चैस्ताव[हेवालयं [निस्थितमिह भवतु 'श्रेयस
पौरजानां ॥ [१०] हिरशीत्यधिके काले षण्णां वर्षशतोत्तरे [1]
जगमातु12 [रिदं] [य]ानं स्थापितं [गोष्ठिपुङ्गवैः॥ ॥ [११] दिवाकरसुतस्येयं
धूर्तरादिजमनः" [1] पूर्वातिमृदुभिर्खपणे: प्रोबीपर्णा नागमुण्डिना
[] [१२] ॥.. 18 [गोष्ठिकाच" [0] राजिल । बकट । चन्द्रक । प्रतीहारबोटक ।
राजस्थानीयादित्यभट । जा(?)ब(१)णं । मावदासबङ्गदेव । कुलवईन ।
धनदत्त[व]सु [] 14 घुघक । धोधकपुषसत्यदेव । ककिलक । धनदत्त । गोमिक । परि
गुप्त । [बपक । पपोह । सत्यदेव । रेभिलाक । रतिदास ।
तरण ।----दत्त 15 ढगुर । धनगर । बपाणन्दि । ---। राजक । भद्रदेव ।
रुद्रक । दबभिखमालकुय । खिलकु । पार्यदिण्ड । गणु ।
गवरटनाग-- 16 सता । भिलमालकु । सत्तमदेव । बादास --। श्रीमातागणिका
बूटानानो ॥॥ एवमेषां गोष्ठिकाराणां "ना.
17
.
.
.
1Metre: Rathoddhata.
J Read विशेषतः.
- Read इविणे: • Read शहट.
Metro: śloka (Anushtubh). • Metre: Årgå; and also of the verse following. The letter is engraved below the line. . The word pouraja is curious, but it probably means "descendants of tbe citizens (of Vata)." •Metre: Sagdhara
The aksharas ofre are very indistinct 11 Metre : śloks (Anushtabh).
12 Read of M Read गीष्ठिका पत्र.
Read नामानि. # About five letters have been incisd in cursive form, but I am unable to read them.

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No. 26.] DAULATABAD PLATES OF THE RASHTRAKUTA SANKARAGANA.
198
No. 26. DAULATABAD PLATES OF THE RASHTRAKUTA SANKARAGANA; SAKA-SAMVAT 715.
BY D. R. BHANDARKAR, M.A., POONA.
These plates were in the possession of a Tongawalla, named Bhau Devram Bhat, a Brahmakshatri by caste, and residing at Daulatâbâd, in the Nizam's territory. They seem to have been preserved as heirloom in his family, and, according to the account given by him, it appears that they were given to his great-grandfather as a sanad. The plates were obtained on loan by me from the owner through Maulvi Syed Mohammad Bilgrami, First Talukdar, Aurangabad district, who was kind enough to accede to my request promptly.
-
There are three plates, each of which measures about 73" long by about 5" broad. The first plate is inscribed on one side only, and the remaining ones on both sides. The edges of the inner sides of them are fashioned slightly thicker so as to protect the writing, and the inscription is, on the whole, in a state of almost perfect preservation. The plates are strung on a circular ring, the ends of which are joined together by means of a knob bearing a roughly round seal, containing, in relief on a countersunk surface, a representation of Garuda, squatting and facing full-front; his hands are joined, palm to palm, on the chest, and are turned upwards; his legs rest one upon the other, and two projections at the sides denote his wings.
The characters of the original inscription belong to the northern class of alphabets prevail. ing in the 8th century. With regard to the forms of individual letters, attention may be drawn to d, e.g. in Ast, 1. 2; to n, which looks almost exactly like m, e.g. in °pulina, 1. 12; to nga in bhanga, 1. 14; to nka in Sri-Sankaraganarája, 1. 27; to rya in viryo, 1. 20; and to ficha in panchabhi, 1. 35. The alphabet also includes signs for the numerals 7, 1, and 5 in line 41. The last sign is almost exactly like that for 5 given in the Sâmångaḍh grant of Dantidurga, where the date is also expressed in words. No reasonable doubt can, therefore, be entertained as to the correct reading of the date of our inscription. The language is Sanskrit. Up to almost the close of line 24 the insoription is in verse, and two benedictive and imprecatory verses occur in lines 38-40; the rest is in prose. The number of verses at the beginning is 12. Of these, verses 1-9 also occur in other early Rashtrakuta records. The remaining three verses are peculiar to this inscription, and are historically important. The whole of line 31 after the word vra(bra)hmachari and a part of the line following have unquestionably been tampered with. They contained names of the donee and the village granted, which have been cancelled. and replaced by new ones by heating the plates and beating in the letters originally engraved. The boundaries of this new village are specified after about the middle of line 42, where the original inscription really ends, down to line 55. The letters of these lines are as carelessly written and are of exactly the same type as those incised in lines 31-32 jast referred to. Lines 42-55 are thus a continuation of the forgery commenced in lines 31-32. In respect of orthography, the letter b is throughout denoted by the sign for v; there is an indifference about the doubling of consonants after r; the visarga is often wrongly omitted; the vowel ri is employed instead of ri in bhupas trivishtapa, 1. 5, Kanakádrir-iv-Endrardjaḥ, 1. 8, and priy-d[tma*]jaḥ, 1. 24; the letter gh is employed instead of honoe in raja-simghah, 1. 4; and an anu svåra in conjunction with a following n is changed to that letter once in dhvastin=naya, 1. 2.
The inscription records a grant by Samarávalôka-sri-Sankaragana-raja of the Rashtrakuta family. In the introductory metrical portion, his genealogy is given, beginning with Govindaraja I. The genealogy set forth as far as Krishnaraja I. is in verses 1-9 which, as already said, are to be met with in many other grants of this dynasty, and which consequently teach us nothing new. It then describes Govinda II. in the following words in verse 10, occupying 11. 19-21 and bearing a double entendre: "His son was king Govindaraja who was like Hari (Krishna) inasmuch as both were fond of battles, inasmuch as the former was celebrated for
20

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. IX.
having snatched away the glory of gri-Parijata just as the latter was for having carried off the greatness of the auspicious púrijdta (tree), and inasmuch as the prowess of his arms was shown by the former by supporting Govardhana just as it was shown by the latter by uplifting the Govardhana (mountain)." The mythological sense is clear enough, and, besides, the verse seems to show that Govinda II. defeated a king of the name of Parijata, and made alliance with, and espoused the cause of, another prince called Govardhana. The names Parijata and Govardhana are new, and have not so far been met with in epigraphic records. Then follows a verse (11) which is as important as it is unfortunately corrupt. But if the emendations proposed by me are accepted, the following appears to be its sense : "His younger brother was Nirupama, who, on perceiving him self-conceited, abandoned by (feudatory) princes, and even deprived of policy, Assumed the royal authority placed in the bands of a person) other than one possessed of devotion for the elders, in order that the sovereignty might not deviate from the family." What the verse means is that Govinda II. was a self-conceited raler and resorted to bad policy, which resulted in the regal authority being held by a person who had no respect for the Rashtrakața sovereigns that preceded him, and consequently created disaffuction amongst his feudatory chieftains, who deserted him, and that Dhruva-Nirapama fearing that the sovereignty would pass away to another dynasty, was compelled to take the reins of the government into his hands and thus rule over his brother's dominions. The Debli and Karhad grants of Krishņa III., however, give a slightly different account. They record that "sensual pleasures made Govindaraja careless of the kingdom, and that, entrusting fully the aniversal sovereignty to his younger brother, Nirupama, he allowed his position as sovereign to become loose." The discrepancy in the two accounts is with regard to whether Dhrava-Nirupama was actually entrusted by Govinda II. with the management of the kingdom, the Deôli and Karhad grants saying that it was so, but our inscription implying that it was not so, as it was left to the care of one who was anything but attached to the Rashtrakūta family. Bat the facts, the actual occurrences, mentioned in our charter, which is the earlier of the two and consequently more reliable, could not have been distorted, though the motives might have been coloured and differently expressed ; and hence what most probably happened was that Govinda II. gave himself up to sensual pleasures and allowed the government of his kingdom to slip into the hands of a person other than Dhruva, and not of Dhruva himself, as the Deôli and Karhad grants claim, and whether it was to remove the danger thereby caused to the stability of the Rashtrakūta supremacy, as the motive is stated in our inscription, or, what is more likely, his mind lusted after sovereignty, for securing which a splendid opportunity had presented itself when Govinda II. gave himself up to vicious courses, Dhruva-Nirapama was successful in making himself ruler of his brother's dominions.
Verse 12 informs as that the paternal uncle of (Dhrava- Nirapama was Sri-Nanna, brother of Sri-Kfishnaraja and son of Sri-Kakkarája. Then follows the preamble of the prose passage which usually precedes the formal part of a copper-plate inscription, and therein the
1 I have taken the word wddharana in the sense of "uplifting, upholding," but it also signifies "eradication, extermination." In that case it would mean that Govinda II. slew & prince of the name of Govardhana. Or if Gôvardhana is here supposed to denote a province, it would mean that he devastated the province of Govardhana. A province and a place of that name have been mentioned in the Nasik cave inscriptions, and have also been spoken of in the Puraņas. But whether the name was extant so late as the 8th century is doubtful. A similar play upon the word Govardhana occurs in the Bagumrå grants of Indraraja III. (above, Vol. IX. Pp. 32 and 38).
? This discrepancy may perhaps be removed by putting a different interpretation on the words : guru-bhakti. matonyasanathan. It might be said that the person who had no respect for the elders, i.e. the Bashtrakata #voreigns who were dead, and in whose hands the sovereignty lay, was no other than Govinda II. himself. It might be argued that the management of the kingdom had actually been entrusted to Dhruva by him on account of 1114 sensual courses, as the Debli and Karhad plates claim, and that the motive put forth by Dhruva and his party Prousting Côvinda II. and completely severing his connection with the Rishtakuta kingdom was that he had bloon limoelf voworthy of his elders, i.e. the sovereigns who preceded him, by abandoning himself to sensual plasmad not himself carrying ou the administration of his kingdom. In my opinion, this interpretation would le fier-fetched and fantastic.

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No. 26.1 DAULATABAD PLATES OF THE RASHTRAKUTA SANKARAGANA. 195
name of the grantor Samarávalóka-Śri-Sankaragaņa-raja is specified, and he is mentioned as son of Sri-Nanna just refurred to. It is worthy of note that no titles have been coupled with his name. He was thus not even a feudatory chieftain. It is, therefore, no wonder that he is spoken of as issuing the charter with the express consent of Sri-Kalivallabha Narendradeva. The latter was doubtless an epithet of (Dhruva-)Nirupama, who was then the paramount sovereigu and whose cousin Sankaragana was. The proper object of the inscription is stated in 11. 28-33, but, as said above, the names of the original donee and the village granted to him which were engraved in II. 31-32, have been erased, and new ones incised in characters which, though old, are not quite legible. The only particular which has survived of the original grantee is that he had emigrated from Tênvi, and the expression tat-paida-pujúrthai gurudakshind, which occurs in l. 33, shows that he was the preceptor of Sankaragana. Lines 34-36 contain a request to future rulers to respect the donation, and threaten with spiritual panishment those who might rescind it. Lines 37-40 quote two of the customary benedictive and imprecatory verses. And the original inscription then concludes thus : " And this charter was written by Chandayika by order of the supreme ruler, when 715 years had elapsed in accordance with the era of the Saka Kings.” The supreme ruler here alluded to is (Druva-) Nirupama, and the Saka year 715 must consequently refer to his reign. The earliest record the Paithan grant- of his son and successor Govinda III, is dated in Saka 716. It is thus plain that (Dhruva-) Nirupama could not have lived long after Saka 715 when our grant was made.
After this commences the second part of the forged record. It has been mentioned above that the names of the grantee and the village granted engraved in the original inscription in lines 31-32 have been craged, and new ones substituted for them by beating in the previous letters. The name of the new grantee cannot be made out, but his gôtra specified is Bharadvaja. Secondly, the name of the new village incised appears to be something like Samira. And it is the boundaries of this village that are now specified in lines 42-53 after the completion of the old gengine inscription. The names are written so carelessly and the composition is so fall of grammatical inaccuracies that it is not possible to be here definite about anything. In line 52 is given the expression valu(lla) bha-narendra which is an epithet generally borne by the Rashtrakůţa rulers. The connection of this expression, however, with what precedes and follows is not clear. The forged document ends with Sri-Bhatah(t)rka-matah || 800. The name Bhaterka reminds one of the inscriptions of the Valabhi princes, and if the numerals taken for 800 are correctly read and represent a date, as is highly probable, it must be referred to the Valabhi era, and it thus becomes equivalent to A.D. 1119 which may be taken to be the date of the fabrication of the forged record. Our copper-plate charter, as has been said at the outset, was in the possession of a person from Daulatåbåd, a Brahmakshatri by caste, and has been preserved in his family as heirloom. As Brahmakshatris in the Dekkan are known originally to have come from Kathiawår, it is not unlikely that somebody in his family, after securing these plates, tampered with them in order to use them as documentary evidence to strengthen his otherwise disputable claim to the village therein mentioned, and it is but natural that he should engrave the name Bhatarka after the manner of the Valabhi plates which he must have either seen himself in Kathiâwâr or known about from his forefathers.
TEXT.
First Plate. Tangu TH TaHRACIE 11*]
1 at afer [**] #
Jei atas
From the original plates.
* Expressed by a symbol.
Road 29.
2 c 2

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. IX.
2 कलया कमलंकृतं ॥ [१] 'मासोद्दषत्तिमिर सुद्यतमण्डलाग्रो ध्वस्तिवयं-" 3 ब्रभिमुखो रणशब्बरीषु [*] भूपः शुचिः पृथुरिवाप्तदिगन्तकीर्त्ति 'गोबिन्द4 राज इति राजसु राजसिंघ: । ( ) [२] तस्यात्मजो जगति विश्रुतदीर्घ कीर्त्ति5 रार्त्तार्त्तिहारिहरिविक्रमधामधारी । 'भूपस्तृविष्टपन्नृपानुक्ततिः
6 कतन: श्रीकक्कराज इति गोत्रमणिर्व्वभूव । (i) [ ३* ] तस्य प्रभिव
7 करटच्युतदानदन्तिदंतिप्रहारविषमोलिखितांसुपीठः” ।
8 आप: चितौ चपितशत्रुरभूत्तनूज: सद्राष्ट्रकूटकन का रिवेन्द्र- "
9 राज: । ( ) [४* ] तस्योपार्जिततपसस्तनयचतुरुदधिवलयमालिन्या ।
10 भोक्ता भुवि शतक्रतुसदृशः श्रीदन्तिदुर्गराजोभूत् । (i) [५* ] आसेतोब्बिपुलो-"
11 पलावलिललल्लोलोमिवेलाजलादाप्रालेयकलांकितोमल - *
12 शिलाजालात्तुषाराचलात् । श्रापूर्व्वापरवारिराशिपुलिनप्रान्त
Second Plate; First Side.
13 "प्रसिचावधिर्येनेयं जगती "स्वविक्रमवलेनैकातपचीकृता । ( ) [4] अभ्भ्रूवि14 भङ्गमग्टहीतनिशातशस्त्रमज्ञातमप्रतिहताज्ञमपेतयनं [*] यो व
15 लभं सपदि दण्डवलेन जित्वा राजाधिराजपरमेश्वरतामवाप | ( ) [ ७*] काञ्ची
16 "सकेरलनराधिपचोल पायश्री हर्षवव्वट विभेदविधानदचं [1] कर्णाटकं
17 "वलमचिन्त्यमजोयमन्यैः भृत्यै" कियद्भिरपि यः सहसा विजिग्ये | ( ) [ ८* ] तस्मिं" दि
18 वं प्रयाते वज्ञभराजे कृतप्रजापालः [["] श्रीकक्कराजसूनुर्महो
19 पति कृष्णराज [7]भूत् ॥ [2* ] त[ब्यू]नुराहवरुचिः प्रथितो वभूव" श्रीपा20 रिजातविभवाहर [य] प्रतीत” [1*] गोवर्धनो वरणलचितवाहुवीर्यो"
21 गोविन्दराजनृपति हरिणा समान: । ( ) [१०] तस्यानुजो निरुपमस्त
सुदीर्णमी
Rend सोहि पति
• Read सिंह:.
Read दन्तिदन्त' and 'शिखितांस
10 Read भुवः.
1 Bond प्रसिद्धावचे.
18 Read ৺कालॉग ; the latter ल in 'केरलनराधिप was first inadvertently omitted, but was afterwards engraved
* Read.
• Rend 'भूपरिचविष्टप'.
# Read कनकाद्रि'.
11 Read 'सेतो'.
14 Read बले
below between and 7, and the omission indicated by a horizontal stroke above.
34 Read मन्ये भव्ये:.
31 Read बल' and 'भजेय' 30 Rend पति:. 20 Read बाई.
21 Rend बभूव
24 Road नृपतिईरिया.
• Read कोसिंग
• Read भूव
• Read मालिन्या..
12 Bend कलंकितामल.
10. Bend बलेन.
10 Bead तस्मिन्.
21 Read 'प्रतीत:.

Page #254

Daulatabad plates of Sankaragana --Saka-Samvat 715.
(২/৩); 45#। নর্মোপনী বই, নয়ামিন যেমন ২৫নীয:46বাধাস্বকীনে* বাহীর ই( ম।এথেলহোক! | বনীন মণবীসুমি ,
6ীয়া কৰা =(/(প্র স্র(দথ fuহ (৪৮এলএম (এক সুত্রঃ
-(এমণ ৫ৎসক করে । 7:- ( লবণ।(
বযs/ এর ধারাবা(।। (ala - 10 সহমরমী স্মাৰখ:(
কমct. - নাহ এদের একটি ত্রা ( ২৫ এনী ( মৈথন এরশাই **{{Lনী গো (মৈনকেম/এনএ 14
এহযেন বারবার মাত্র। • বন(/থধেTCথীয়েজী (
ব লল (((
৫ৈম এম তারিখ(সমকা(ফ(2 ৪ (৫qনয়ে মেমী বা স্ত্রী । ০ritagীগ,ts (a2 |
এস aj (ন:সরণ এমন 22 । I ar&Cমঃ। (২. হাবিবার২৫ ম ted(sjএম. ডি. এIেS70[ীন আলি গ/ [৬৫ ও ১% এ কাত :: :: 24
STEN KOYOW
W. GRIGGS, PHOTO-LITH.
SCALE OB
FROM IMPRESSIONS SUPPLIED BY DR. BHANDARKAR

Page #255

शुक्राমা*
याগঃयाद
26
28
20 मुकराविधि गलाय मतिल भलामा उदय क श्री के लिय हारुन या मुठा सद्य नेयाज शुरु की समय तय‍ मार माता की जानकारीहरुको - য, रेत मिस्ति
दी
चालমীद्या MLA : गुरु य (तुला) अ सात के एययान के संयम दिशस्तीत वेदगु
127
28
30
32
34
36
38
40
42
44
46
48
ii b.
50
ua.
प्रष्टिय
पिता सिया
रसवख ततः संघ अन्य शिक्षालये वरुद्ध कालातील प्रवसाद अजुटा राह, सिलना वि बालिकম। ংध,
200
साथ 129 वंशले सेमरिक टर्षि 2নश्रीभू रतनग
समानार
1727
21.X5
RE
RXI
26
30
32
34
36
38
54
46
48
50

Page #256

No. 26.] DAULATABAD PLATES OF THE RASHTRAKUTA SANKARAGANA. 197
..
22 ' त्यतां नृपैरपि नयेन विलुप्यमानं । [*]ज्यं चमार' गुरुभलिव
तोन्यसंस्थं 28 मा भूकिलान्वयपरियुतिरत्र लक्षा:- [*] [११] पितृव्यस्तस्य 'गुणवां
श्रीनव इति 24 विश्रुत: [1"] श्रीकृष्णराजमाता हि श्रीककराजपयाज: [*] [१२] तत्पुत्रः
Second Plate ; Second Side. 25 प्रकटपराक्रमाक्रान्तदिक्चक्रो 'पात्तानुरागः परच्छिद्रापवादरह28 स्येष्वन्धमूकवधिरों' विरुद्धकामसेवी विमलागाधसलिल' कान्तारभू27 मौ जलाशय व प्रणयिनां "तृदछोता समरावलोकश्रीशारगणराजः 28 श्रीकलिवल्लभनरेन्द्रदेवानुमंत्या सर्वानेवागामिनृपतिग्रामकूट29 "महत्तराधिकारिदीन्समनुवोधयत्यस्त वः संविदितं यथास्माभि30 र्मातापित्रीरात्मनश्चानल्यपुन्ययशोभिये () तेन्बीविनि31 सवधाचारी भारद्वाजगोत्राय वासुदे - - - नेयप32 हि---भुक्त्या सामिराभिधानग्रामः साभ्यन्तरसिधिसर्व33 देयमहीणचतुराघाटविशहस्तत्पादपूवार्थ गुरुदक्षिणा दत्ता । 34 यतोमइंश्यैरन्यै| पालनीयो रक्षणीयच । यो वाज्ञानतिमि35 राहतमति:" माच्छिद्यादाच्छिद्यमानं चानुमोदेतः स पञ्चभिर्महा36 *पातकै चोपपातकैः संयुक्त स्थादित्युक्तं च भगवता वेदव्यासेन व्या37 सैन ।
Third Plate ; First Side.. . 38 षष्टि वर्षसहस्राणि स्वर्गे मोदति भूमिदः [1] पाच्छेत्ता चानुमन्ता च 39 तान्येव नरके वसेत् ॥ [१३] विष्याटवीष्वतीयांश शुष्ककोटरवासिन: - [1]
I to seems to have deca intended, dat is, of cours, an angrammation form.
Read Thr; and not must have been in the original draft, and, being similar information, was engraved instead of a. • Read भक्तिमती.
Read लक्ष्म्या .
• Rend गुणवान्छी • Read forwar; is omitted in the text. The o of tartoor, what is more probable, the fe preceding it, is superfluous.
- Read दिक्चक्रः and पात्रानुराग:• ft was first incised, and then it was corrected into by erauro • Read °वधिरी. 10 Read °सलिल:
Read तृदयावा. 19 Bend देवानुमत्या.
- Read कार्यादीन्समनुबोध'. "Read पुष 15 Resd fo; all letter of 1, 81 after and the first eight letters of the line following are forged onen, put in after effacing the original letters of the charter, which must have contained the name of the grantee and of the village granted.
Read पूजा
Here and in the following the rules of ramdas have not been followed. MBend चाहिन्या. • Rend °मीदत. Rend पातकबीप.
1 Read संयुल:» This ought to be enocording to the rules of grammar, but this will not suit the metre. 4 Read 'दीयास

Page #257

199
40 कृष्णाहयो हि जायन्ते भूमिदायं हरन्ति ये । ( ) [१४] लिखितं
चैतत्सासनं '
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
41
कनृपकालातीतसंवत्सरशतेषु ७१५ परमेश्वरात्रया पर
42
मैश्वराज्ञया चन्दयिकेन ॥ "पुनरपि
43 ग्राम: [द]क्षिणतः निवग्राम: पश्चिमतः 44 ल ॥ उतरतः "
— पडलादपटन एवं 45 सिम पुर्वत टंकं । खेत सिमा
46 टोणस्य टोपस्य मस्तके मिलत । तोयनरज । नि
47 बुताके [1] दक्षिणतः जंबुध (१) चरकः [] दक्षिणतः नीवचा म 48 सती (१) ताविहरलादिसंयक हस्तिनिकगोदरीद
51 यु [न] म (१)णि
52 ली - (निय]
49 fवाइलता [क] सिलाइयं सिवकपलासचिचाब
50 दरितटाकं ॥ उतरत: 2 खाटीक
• Read सौमाः.
सिम [1] पुर्वत [:] चिच दधि [वाह ] -
चतु[र] ' पुर्वदरिदरिगो (?) [पुन: ]
Third Plate; Second Side.
पुर्वदरीर ( १ ) [ ] - यस सिमापर्यंत "व
वलभनद्रेण रिमाल - गांड
53 क उतरत: 04 चरमधिकाचरं वा सबै प्रमाणमिति -
55 "श्रीभटःकमतः ॥ ८००
Probably चतुराघाट.
It Read सीमा.
12 Read उत्तरत:
14 Read उत्तरतः.
।
देसिलस्यद्र ॥ ग्रामे भूमी । इयञ्चोना
No. 27. - BUCHKALA INSCRIPTION OF NAGABHATTA;
SAMVAT 872.
BY D. R. BHANDARKAR, M.A.; POONA.
This inscription was first discovered by a Brahmabhatta of Jodhpur named Nannurâma whose zeal for antiquarian matters is as unflagging as it is disinterested. It was found at Buchkala in the Bilâdâ district, Jodhpur State. It is incised on a pilaster on the proper right forming part of the shrine wall jutting out into the sabhamandapa of what is popularly known there as the temple of Pârvati. The inscription contains twenty lines of, on the whole, well
[Vou, IX.
1 Read चैतच्छासनं.
1 This word is repeated unnecessarily.
The original inscription ends at
fa; and after that begins again the forged part which goes on till 1. 55 at the close. It is engraved so carelessly that I am by no means certain of my reading of it. It is, moreover, so full of grammatical inaccuracies, which, in many cases, are due to local pronunciation, that it is not desirable to
correct them all.
11
• Read पूर्वस Read सौमा.
• Read उत्तरत:.
• Read पूर्वस:.
11 This दचिणतः is probably a mistake for पश्चिमत:.
The reading get is also possible.
25 Rand] श्रीभटार्क

Page #258

52
iiib.
STEN KONOW
Daulatabad plates of Sankaragana. -Saka Samvat 715.
का होगा या रहे है मालिक
कच
SCALE 0.8
375र
Kospit
AT
52
W. GRIGGS, PHOTO-LITH.
54

Page #259


Page #260

No. 27.]
BUCHKALA INSCRIPTION OF NAGABHATTA.
199
preserved writing which covers a space of about 2' 44" high by 111" broad. The characters belong to the northern class of alphabets. They include the somewhat rare forms of gh and and the numeral figures 8, 7, and 2. Attention may also be drawn to the way in which the letters and n are engraved. With regard to the latter there is no difference between it and, except that the upper vertical strokes in the case of the former are much nearer to each other than in the case of the latter. The language is Sanskrit, bat is anything but grammatical, and the whole is in prose. In respect of orthography, is doubled in conjunction with a following r; dhi is written ddhi twice in the word maharájáddhiraja, and there is a tendency to use the dental sibilant instead of the palatal, though in one case the latter is substituted for the former vis. in suttradharaḥ, 1. 20.
The inscription is dated Samvat 8731 the fifth of the bright fortnight of Chaitra, and refers itself to the reign of the P. M. P. Nagabhaṭṭa-dêva meditating on the feet of the M. P. Vatsaraja-deva. It is thus clear that Nagabhaṭṭa is no other person than Nagabhata, son of Vatsaraja, of the imperial Pratihara dynasty wielding sway over the larger portion of North India. Of the princes of this royal family we have had but few dates earlier than the time of Bhôjadeva I. In fact, we had only one date, viz. Saka 705 A.D. 783-84, for Vatsarâja furbished by the Jaina work Harivamsa-Purana. And our inscription now supplies the second date, V. S. 872 A.D. 815 for his son Nagabhața.
The purport of the inscription, however, is not quite clear. Something is said therein to have been set up (nivésita), but what that 'something' was is far from evident. This something, we are told, was set up, after building the temple (divagriha) and worshipping the feet of Paramésvara, in the village of Rajyaghangakam, by the queen Jayavali, the daughter of Jajjaka, who himself was a son of the Pratihâra Bapuka, and wife of Bhumbhuvaka, the son of Haragupta of the family called Avanganaka. As Jâyâvali has been spoken of as queen (rajñí), her husband must have been some kind of ruler, most probably a chieftain, feudatory to Nagabhaṭṭa, and reigning at, or, at any rate, holding, Rajyaghangakam, which must be supposed to be the old name of Buchkala. The name of the sûtradhara or mason is Pañchahari, the son of Dêia.
The temple is, as we have seen, said to have been dedicated to Paramésvara, which is usually taken to be a name of Śiva. This, however, does not agree with the sculptural details of the temple. Although it is now-a-days called a temple of Parvati, there is, truly speaking, no image in the sanctum. But on the dedicatory block on the shrine door and in the principal niche at the back, the images in which enable one to determine to what god the temple is dedicated, is a figure with four hands, doubtlessly representing some form of Vishna, as the mace, discus, and conch-shell can be distinctly seen in its hands. Other images, also carved on the inner and outer walls of the temple, show that it was a Vaishnava structure. The word paramésvara must, therefore, be taken in its ordinary sense and as referring to Vishnu.
TEXT.3
1
[i] संवत्सरशते ८७२
2 चैवं सितपचस्य पंचम्यां 3 निषेविता
महाराजा हिराज-"
1 It is worthy of note that, in the copper-plate charters issued by Bhojadeva I., Mahendrapala and Mahipala alias Vinayakapala, letter-numerals are used to express figures, whereas, in the present as well as other stoneinscriptions belonging to the time of these princes, decimal notation is employed. It will thus be seen that both systems were current in North India about this time. [In the facsimile 892 is a misprint for 872.-S. K.]
The date has already been given by Prof. Kielhorn in his Synchronistia Table for Northern India, col. 9, from information furnished by Mr. Ojha. From the original stone. • Read 'राजाधिराज".
• Bond निवेशिता.

Page #261

200
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. Ix.
4 परमेश्वरश्रीवत्सराजदेवपा5 दानुध्यातपरमभट्टारकमहारा6 'जाहिराजपरमेश्वरश्रीनाग7 भदेवखविषये प्रवईमान8 राज्ये राज्यघङ्गकङ्गाम 9 राजी जायावली प्रतीहार10 'खगोचत्रीबपुकपुचीज11 नकदुहिता ताकुडवोत्यनावा-' 12 जानकखगोचथीहरगुप्त-' 13 पुच भुवकपनी 'मन च पर14 मेस्वरो निहीं कृत्वा अनेकजन्मा13 'सरस्वसिवर्तसंसारदुखाव16 हरस्य परमेखरस्य पादा 17 पुजयित्वा" देवरह करा18 प्य" [*] पुन "तस्य उपलपन" 19 देवासुतप[१] हरि 20 शुत्रधार: ॥
No. 28.-KENDU!. PLATES OF KIRTIVARMAN II.
SAKA SAMVAT 672. By K. B. PATHAK, PROFESSOR OF SANSKRIT, DEOGAN COLLEGE, POONA. This inscription was first brought to my notice in May 1902 by Bhringarkar bava, a wellknown reciter of kirtans at Poona. He was then engaged in a literary controversy about the identity of Jiiandsvara, the well-known saint of Alandi, with Jiianesvara, the author of the Jūå nesvari, a famous Marathi commentary on the Bhagavadgita, and asked me whether the inscription threw any light on the point he was discussing. When I told him that the grant was. issued in Saka62, and had nothing to do with the author of the Jiianesvari, who was contem.. porary with Ramdeva, the last of the Yadava kings of Devagiri, Bbpingårkar bAva was kind onough to lend mo the plates for the purpose of editing the inscription.
I Rend राजाधिरज. Read 'सगीष • Read 'वोत्पन्ना. • Read °सगीच. . Here ayd in the following the rules of sand i have not been observed. • The words परमेपरी and निडाँuthey stand, make nosense, and I can suggest no correction.
Some such reading as afrafalo might be expected. • Read दुःखा. • Read परमेश्वरस्थ. Read पादी.
Read पूजयित्वा. 1 Bend कारयित्वा. "Read पुनस्तस्य. " Rend उपसपने. Thia word seems to have been here used in the sense of "engraving." - Read हरित.
" Resd सूचधार:

Page #262

Buchkala inscription of Nagabhatta.-Vikrama Samvat 892.
+NTARअरजप
शाकानीमन
ने की । एक ए गोद ठरकियोमा "कम्पोजीशन-क. 35
.
समाराम समाचार नामा
सकस ANTERLABउपव18
पापा
STEN KONOW
SCALE 0:30
W. GRIGGS, PHOTO-LITH.
FROM AN ESTAMPAGE PREPARED BY D. R. BHANDARKAR.

Page #263


Page #264

No. 28.]
KENDUR PLATES OF KIRTIVARMAN II.
201
The plates were found at Kêndûr, a village in the Khôą taluka of the Poona district. They belong to Mr. Purushottama Rajapathak, now residing at Kendûr. There are Ave plates, the first and the last of which are inscribed on one side only. The plates are equal in size. measuring 91" long by 41" broad. Their edges are raised into rims to protect the writing. The ring on which the plates are strong is about half an inch thick and 51' in diameter. The seal on the ring is oval, measuring 2' by 1". It has, in relief, on a countersunk surface, & standing boar facing to the proper left. The weight of the plates, together with the ring and seal, is 225 tolay. The inscription is in a state of excellent preservation. The characters belong to the southern class of alphabets. The language is Sanskrit throughout, and with the oz oeption of the invocatory verse at the beginning and the benediotive and imprecatory verses at the ond, the whole is in prose.
The grant is one of the Western Chalukya king Kirtivarman II., and is issued from the city of Raktapura, which is probably to be identified with Lakshmêsvara, in the Dharwar district. It records that on the full moon day of the month Vaisakha, during & lunar calipse, in Saka 872 expired, in the sixth year of his reign, when his victorions camp was at Raktapura, Kirlivarman II., at the request of his great queen, granted to a Brahmans named Bamašarman, the village of Beppațţi in the centre of the villages of Penbaru, Kisumanpalam, Nullam and Perbballi, in the district of Veļvole. The five villages can be easily identified with Bebati, Hebeur, Kusugalla, Sulla and Hebballi, in the Dharwar district. Vel. vola is s Sanskritized form of Belvols or Beļvals, a name which is applied even at the present day to a portion of the southern Maráthe country.
Before the discovery of the present grant, only three records of Kirtivarman II.'s time were known to scholars. Of these the most important is the Vakkaleri grant, which has been published by Mr. Rice and re-edited by Dr. Kielhorn. As interpreted by these scholars, the date of that grant is Saka 679 expired, which is spoken of as the eleventh year of Kirtivarman's reign, while, according to the present grant, Saka 672 expired was the sixth your of his reign. These two statements cannot be reconciled. It is, however, important to note that the present grant was issued five years earlier, and is perfectly legible throughout. It also mentions the occurrence of a lunar eclipse. Therefore the date in this grant, which admits of verification, is correct. But in the Vakkalëri grant, the first word describing the Saka year is not legible. Both Mr. Rice and Dr. Kielhorn have proposed to read it as nava, nine, and this view has been endorsed by Dr. Fleet. But the proposed emendation does not agree with the present inscription, according to which Saka 677 expired was really the eleventh year of the king's reign.
The historical information in the present grant may be briefly summarised thus. The first king of the Chalukya line was Polekesin who performed horse sacrifices. Then came his son Kirtivarman I., who defeated the kings of Vanavâsi and other countries. His brother Manga
is being passed over, we are next introduced to Satyasraya, better known as Polekesin II., who defeated the famous Boddhist king Harshavardhana, the patron of the illustrious Chinese traveller Hiuen Tsiang and the hero of Båpa's immortal work, the Harshacharita. Polekesin II.'s son, Vikramaditya I., was the next king, who recovered, by means of his horse Chitrakantha, part of the Chalukya dominions, which had been overrun by the Pallavag, and had obeisance done to him by the lord of Kanchi, who had bowed down to none other. Vikramaditya I.'s son and successor was Vinayaditya, who broke the confederacy of the Cholas, Kraļas, Pandyas and Pallavas, and defeated the paramount sovereign of Northern India. Vinayaditya's son Vijayaditya, the next king, had greatly assisted his father and grandfather in their war's. Though suddenly taken prisoner by the enemy, whom he had put
'Ind. Ant. Vol. VIII. p. 23 ..
Above, Vol. V. p. 200 und tr.
2D

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202
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. IX.
to flight, he skilfully effected his escape and restored the splendour of the Chalukya empire. He was succeeded by his son Vikramaditya II., who led an excursion into the Tundaka country, defeated his natural foe the Pallava king Nandipôtavarman, and entered the Pallava capital Kanchi, but did not destroy it. He restored to the Rajasim hêśvara and other temples, which had been caused to be built there by Narasimhapôtavarman, heaps of gold and rubies, which had been taken away from them. Vikramaditya II. was succeeded by his son Kirtivarman II., who issued the present grant.
TEXT.
First Plate. 1 Svasti [1] Jayaty=&vishkpita[rn] Vishņôrvvåråham kshobhit-årnava [1]
dakshin-onnata-damshtr-&gra-vibranta-bhuvanam 2 vapuḥ [] Srimatâm sakala-bhuvana-samstûyamána-Mânavya-sagôtråņâm Hâr[i]ti
putrânam sa3 pta-lôkamâtsibhis-saptamâtsibhir-abhivardhitânâm Karttikêya-parirakshana-prasta (pta)
kalyapa4 paramparanam
bhagavan-Narayaņa-prasada-samâsâdita-varáha-lâfichhan-êkshaņakehaņa5 yali-krit-Asbeha-mahibhritán-Chalukyânâm kulam-alamkarish or afvamêdh-ava6 bhsithasnana-pavitri-krita-gåtrasya sri-Polekêśi-vallabha-mahârâjasya sû. 7 nuh paråkram-Akrânta-Vanavåsy-di-paranfipati-maħdala-praņibaddha-visuddha-kirtti.
Sri8 Kirttivarmma-prithu(thi)vivallabha-mahârâjas-tasy=&tmajas=samara-samsakta-sakalottara9 pathêsvara-bri-Harshavardhana-parajay-ôpåtta-paramégvara-sabdas-tasya sa
Second Plate; First Side. 10 tyásraya-sri-prithu(thi)vivallabha-maharajadhiraja-paramé varasya priyatanayasya Il prajāâta-nayasya khatga (dga)-mâtra-sahấyasya Chitrakanthåkhya-pravara-turamgamén
aike12 n-aiv=8tsådit-Agdsha-vijigishor=avanipati-tritay-&ntaritâm Svagurð Sriyam=
&tmas13 t-kritya Prabhåva-kulisa-dalita-Påmdya-Chôļa-Kerala-Kalabhra-prabhsiti-bh übhrid-- 14 dabhra-vibhramaby-Ananyåvanata-Kamchipati-makuța-chumbita-pådám bujasya 15 Vikramaditya-Satyasraya-sri-pfithu(thi)vivallabha-mahârâjâdhiraja-paramêśva16 ra-bhattara kasya priyasûnôh pitur=âjsayà Bâlênduge(se) kharasya Tárakâráti17 ruiva daityabalam-atisamuddhatam trairajya-Kamchipati-balam avashtabhya kara
Second Plate; Second Side. 18 dikrita-Kavera-Pärasika-Simhal-Adi-dvip-adhipasya sakal-Óttarapatha -natha-mathan
Opârjit-819 rjita-påļidhvaj-adi-samasta-pâramaišvaryya-chinha(hna)sya Vinayaditya-Satyasraya
Gripsithu(thi)vivalla20 bha-maharajadhiraja-paramégvara-bhattarakasya priy-atmajad=fai[fa]va @v=adhigat
Agêsh-Åstra21 Astrô dakshiņâsâ-vijayini pitâmahế samunmülita-nikhila-kantaka-samhatir
uttar&patha22 vijigishôr-gurðr=agrata @v=ahava-vyâpâram=&charann-arâti-gaja-ghatá-pâta
1 From the original plates • The engraver has originally written path, but corrected it.

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Kēndūr Plates of Kirtivarman II.—Saka Samvat 672.
426 19
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No. 28.]
KENDUR PLATES OF KIRTIVARMAN II.
203
23 na-visiryyamâņa-ksipâņa-dhâras-samagra-vigrah-agresara [bo] san=s&hasa-rasika) 24 parâm(a)makhikrita-satrumaņdalo Ganga-Yamuna-påļidhyaja-padadhakka-mahasabda
mg25 pikya-matamgaj-adîn=pitfisât=kurvvan=parai) palayamanair=&sadya katham-api
vidhivas26 d=apanitô=pi pratâpâd-êva vishaya-prakôpam=ardjakam=utsårayan-Vatsarâja i
Third Plate; First Side. 27 v=ânapêkshit-para-s&håyakas-tad-avagrahån=nirggatya svabhuj-Avashtambha-prasadbit
Agêsha-visva28 mbharah
prabhur-akhandita-saktitrayatvat(ch)-chhatru-mada-bhamjanatvada udaratván=niravadyatvád=yas=8A29 masta-bhuvan-asrayas-sakala-paramaišvaryya-vyakti-hêtu-pâļidhvaj-&dy-a[jo]jvala-pråjya30 rajyo Vijayaditya-Satyasraya-sripritha(thi)rivallabha-mahørdjadhiraja-paramebya31 ra-bhattarakasys priyapatras-sakala-bhuvana-Bâmrajya-lakshmi-svayamvar-e82 bhisheka-samay-Anantara-samupajâta-mahôtskhah Atmavam saja-pu33 rvva-nfipati-chchhåy-åpahâriņaḥ praksity-amitrasya Pallavasya samal
Onmûlanaya 34 krita-matir=atitvaraya
Tumdåka-vishayam
pråpy-Abhimukh-&gatanNandipôtavarmm-a35 bhidhanam Pallavan raņa-mukhe samprahsitya prapalayya
katamukha-våditra-sa
Third Plate; Second Side. 36 mudraghosh-abhidhâna-vådya-viseshån(shan)-khatvanga-dhvaja-pramuavia-prabhàta
prakhyâta-hasti-vard37 D-va-kirana-nikara-vikâsa-niråkrita-timiram-måņikya-rasiñ-cha
hastêkfitya Kalasabhava-nila38 ya-harid-angan-&mchita-kamchiyamânam Kamchim-avinâbya pravilya satata
pravsitta-da39 n-ana(na)ndita-dvija-din-anatha-janab Narasimhapôtavarmma-nirmmApita-silámaya40 Rajasimhisvar-Adi-dêvakula-suvarnarási-pratyarppap-Ôpårjit-Orjita-pu41 nyah anivärita-pratapa-prasara-pratâpita-Panya-Cho-Kerala-Kalabhra42 prabhfiti-rajanyakaḥ kshubhita-kari-makara-kara-bata-dalita-bukti-mukta-muktậphala43 prakara-marichi-jala-vilasita-vêl-akuló ghûrņamân-årpô-nidhânê dakshiņa14 rņavê sarad-amala-sagadhara-visada yaśô-rasi-mayam jayastambham-atishţ[ho]ipat
Fourth Plate; First Side. 45 Vikramaditya-Satyasraya-sriprithn(thi)vivallabhs-maharajadhiraja-paramsvara-bha 46 ttårskasya sûnub(r) bâlyê subikshita-sâstra-lastra[bo] BV&-guna-kalâp-anandita
hri47 dayêna pitra samârôpita-yanvardjya[bo] svakula-vairipaḥ Kamchipatêr
nigrah48 ya mam préshaya ity=&desam prarthya labdhva tad-anantaram-dva krita
prayaņas=s&n=&49 bhimukham-agatys prakåsa-yuddham kartameasamartthar pravishta-darggam
Palla50 vam samantatoabhibhūya bhagnabaktim kritvå prabhůta-matta-matangaja-su51 varna-måņikya-koțir=&dâya pitre samarppitavân=évam kramêņa pr&pta-så
2D

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204
52 rvvabhauma-padaḥ pratap-ânurag-âvanata-samasta-samanta-makuta-mâ53 la-rajab-puja-pimjarita-charana-sarasirhaḥ(ruhab) Kirtivarn..na-Satya
adhivasa
Fourth Plate; Second Side.
54 sraya-sriprithivivallabha-mahârâjadhiraja-paramêsvara-bhaṭṭarakas-sarvân-eva55 m-Ajñâpayati [1]
Sakavarsheshv-atiteshu
56 pravardhamâna-vijaya-rajya-samvatsare shashṭhe
57 ti vijaya-skandhâvârê Vaisakha-paurṇamasyam sômagrahanê Kasyapa-go58 trâya Vajappasarmmanah1-pautraya Makaya-Vajapê[ya"]-yajinaḥ
achi
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
59 putraya vêda-vêdamga-pâragâya Ramasarmmanê Velvola-visha
60 yê Penbasaaru-Kisumamgalam-Sullam-Perballi-nama-grâmânâm-ma61 dhyê Beppaṭṭi-nama-grâmô śri-mahâdévi-vijñâpanaya dattaḥ
Fifth Plate.
chiki
vyâsêna
65 Vyâsêna [1]
yasya
66 yada bhumis-tasya
Viditam-astu vo-smâbhir-dvisaptaty-uttara-shaṭchhatêshu
62 Tad-âgâmibhir-asmad-vamsyair-anyais-cha râjabhir-âyur-aiévaryy-Adinâm
vilasitam=
63 r-âmsu-chanchalam-avagachchhadbhir=âchandr-årka-dhar-ârpava-sthiti-samakâlam yasaś=
64 rshubhis-sva-datti-nirvvisêaham
paripâlaniyam Uktañ-cha bhagavata vêda
bhuktâ
69 sràpi vishthayôm jäynt
likhita
70 m=idam.
varttamâne
[VOL. IX.
tada
Bahubhir-vvasudha
rajabhis-Sagar-âdibhiḥ [1]
tasya
phalam [11] Svan-dâtum sumahach
chhakyam
67 duḥkham-anyasya pâlanam [1] dânain vâ pâlanam v-êtti(v-êti) dânâch-chhrêyônupâlanam [1]
68 Svadattim paradattâm vâ varsha-saha
yo harêta vasundharam [1]
ahnahth()im
kri(kri)mir=iti [1] Dhanamjaya-Punyavallabhêna
Raktapuram
yasya
TRANSLATION.
(Verse 1) Hail! victorious is the body of Vishnu, manifested in the form of a boar on whose uplifted right tusk rests the world, and who has agitated the ocean.
(Lines 2 to 6.) The great king, the prosperous Polekési-vallabha, whose body was purified by the arabhritha bath terminating a horse-sacrifice, and who adorned the family of the prosperous Chalukyas, who belonged to the family of Manavya praised by the whole world, who were the sons of Hariti, who were reared by seven mothers, the mothers of the seven worlds, who had acquired a series of benefits through the protection of Kârttikêya, and who had subdued in an instant all kings at the sight of the sign of the boar acquired through the favour of the revered Narayana.
2 Also called Banavasi or Banarase.
(Ll. 6 to 8.) His son was the prosperous Kirtivarman, the great king, and the lord of the earth, who had achieved spotless fame by the conquest of Vanavasi and other countries of hostile kings.
[Looks like Vajarefarmmanah.8. K.]

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Kêndúr Plates of Kîrtivarman II.-Saka Samvat 672.
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Page #271

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Page #272

No. 28.)
KENDUR PLATES OF KIRTIVARMAN II.
205
(Ll. 8 to 9.) His son was be who had acquired the title of Paramésvara by defeating the prosperous Harshavardhana, the lord of all the north, and addicted to war.
(Ll. 10 to 16.) The dear son of that asylum of truth, the prosperous lord of the earth, the great king of kings, the great lord, was Vikramaditya, well versed in politics, whose companion was his sword alone, who had destroyed all rivals only with his excellent horse called Chitrakaptha, who retrieving the fortane of his father, which had been interrupted by the confederacy of the three kings, had destroyed the great splendour of the mountain-like kings of the Pandyas, Chôļas, Keralas, Kalabhras and others with his prowess resembling a thunderbolt, 3 whose lotus-like feet were kissed by the crest of the lord of Kanchi who had not bowed down to others, and who was the asylum of truth, the prosperous lord of the earth, the great king of kings, the venerable emperor.
(LI. 16 to 20.) His dear son, who reduced to the condition of tributaries the kings of Kavêra, Parasika, Sinhala and other countries after vanquishing the proud army of the confederacy of the three kings and the lord of Kanchi at the command of his father, just as Kartikeya, at the command of Siva defeated the very insolent host of demons, who had acquired all the symbols of sovereignty such as a lofty pálidl vajab and others by subjugating the king of all the north, was Vidayaditya, the asylum of truth, the prosperous lord of the earth, the great king of kings, and the venerable lord.
(Ll. 20 to 30.) His dear son, who while still a child, bad mastered all the sciences and the rise of arms, who when his grandfather conquered the southern region had aprooted the multitude of all his foes resembling thorns, conducting warlike operations in the very presence of his father who was desirous of conquering the north, who had the edge of his sword blunted by destroying the group of hostile elephants, who took the lead in all fighting, fond of meeting danger, who caused the multitude of his enemies to turn their backs, delivering to his father the variegated påli-banner, the dhakka, the great musical instruments, rubies and intoxicated elephants, who, though taken captive through the force of circumstances by the flying foe approaching with some difficulty, put an end to anarchy and popular commotion by his prowess alone, and like Vatsaraja, expecting no help from others, escaped from the peril and conquered the whole earth by dint of his arm, who was an emperor, the asylum of truth, through his three powers being uninterrupted, through his breaking the pride of his enemies, through his liberality and blamelessness, whose vast empire was resplendent with a palidhvaja which was & symbol of universal sovereignty, was Vijayaditya, the asylum of truth, the prosperous lord of the earth, the great king of kings and the venerable lord.
(Ll. 31 to 45.) His dear son, who had enjoyed great pleasure immediately after the time of his anointment at the self-choice by the goddess of universal sovereignty, who résolved to uproot the Pallava king, his natural foe, who had robbed of splendour the former kings of his line, who on coming to the Tundákal district in great baste, beat and pat to flight, at the opening of the campaign, the opposing Pallava king named Nandipôtavarman,
1 Tasya means of one who is well-known or referred to above." . Compare the expression avanipatitritaya with trairdjya in line 17. Átmarát-kritya should be krited. • Vikramaditya is compared to Indrs.
• Trairajya is used by Jinasena in the following verse (Adipurdna, XXX. 85), and is explained by the commentator to mean Chola, Kérals and Pandya :
prasddhya dakshindm-didih vibhus trairdjyapdlakdn1
saman pranamaydmsdsa vijitys jayasddhanaia For the explanation of palidhvaja, see my paper in the Ind. Ant., Vol. XIV. p. 104.
The expression mahd sabda is frequently used in this sense in Pampa Bhdrata, p. 211.
"Tapdákavishays or Toņdai is a name of the Dravida country. Kišobt or Conjeeverum the capital of it.

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206
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. IX.
tookl possession of particular musical instruments, called katumukhavaditra and samadraghôsha, the khatvárga-dhvaja, many excellent and well-known intoxicated elephants and a heap of rabies, which dispelled darkness by the brilliancy of the multitude of their rays, who entered, without destroying it, the city of Kanchi, which was, as it were, a girdle adorning yonder lady, the region of the south, who had rejoiced Brahmapas, and poor and helpless people by his uninterrupted liberality, who acquired high merit by restoring heaps of gold to the stone temples of Rajasirhesvara and other gods, which had been caused to be built by Narasimha, 'tavarman, who distressed Pandya, Chola, Kerala, Kalabhra and other kings by the extent of his valour which could not be withstood, and who erected & pillar of victory in the form of his great fame, as bright as the cloudless autumnal moon in the southern ocean, full of rolling waves, the shores of which were shining with the multitude of rays of numerous pearls dropped from she. S struck and broken by tbe trunks of excited elephants resembling whales, was Vikramaditya, the asylum of trath, the prosperons lord of the earth, the great king of kinge, and the venerable lord.
(LI. 46 to 54.) His dear son, who was trained in science and the use of arms in his childhood, was appointed heir-apparent by his father whose heart was delighted with a multitude of his virtues ; who having asked for and obtained an order to put down the lord of Kanchi, the enemy of his family, led an expedition, defeated the Pallava king in every quarter, who, unable to meet him in an open field had taken refuge in a fort, made him powerless, took possession of many ruttish elephants, gold and crores of rabies, and delivered them to his father; who thus gradaally attained to the position of an emperor, and whose lotus-like feet were rendered yellowish by the mass of pollen on the numerous crests of all feudatory kings, who bowed to him through love of his heroism, Kirtivarman, the asylum of truth, the prosperous lord of the earth, the great king of kings, and the venerable lord, thus commands all;
(Ll. 55 to 61.) Be it known to you, when six hundred and seventy-two years of the Saka era had passed away, and the sixth year of [our] increasing prosperous reign was current, when our victorious camp was located at Raktapura, on the full moon of Vaisakhe during & lunar eclipse, the village named Beppatti surrounded by the villages named Peņbasearu, Kisumangalam, Sullam and Perbballi, in the district of Vevola, was granted by us at the request of the prosperous great queen to Ramasarman, well versed in the Vodas and Védângas, who was the son of Makaya, a performer of the Vajapéya sacrifice, and the grandson of Vajappa barman of the Kafyapa gôtra.
(Ll. 62 to 64.) This should be preserved, as though it were their own gift, by future kings of our own family or others, knowing the flash of life and other things to be as changeful as lightning, and desirous of achieving a fame lasting as long as the moon, the sun, earth, and ocean will endure.
(LI. 65 to 70.) And it is waid by the venerable Vyåsa, the arranger of the Vedas. The earth has been enjoyed by many kings, including Sagara. Whoever is the owner of the earth, reaps its fruit. It is very easy to give what is one's own; it is difficult to preserve what is given by others. Of the two things a gift and preservation-preservation is the better. He who takes away land, whether given by himself or others, is born as a worm in ordure for sixty thousand years. This is written by Dhananjaya Punyavallabha.
1 The expression haste-kritya is not wrong: compare Dhansijaya, Dinandhanakavya XIII. 36, and Bhattoji Dikshita's remark on Påşini I. 4, 771 elkaramdtram=ity=anyd; hastd-kritya maldstraniti. See Padamañjart, p. 294 (Benares edition).
Vikramaditya II. did not set up a pillar of victory; only his fame, which spread to the shores of the southern Ocean, is compared to such a pillar.
• This must be the same person who composed the Vakkalêri grant five years later. A relative of his, perhaps his father, was Anivåritapunyavaliabha, who wrote the Kanchi inscription of Vikramaditya II. (above, Vol. III. p. 359 L.).

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No. 29.)
DATES OF CHOLA KINGS.
207
No. 29.-DATES OF CHOLA KINGS. BY THE LATE PROFESSOR F. KIELBORN, O.I.E.; GÖTTINGEN.
(Continued from Vol. VIII. page 274.) From the materials supplied to me by Rai Bahadur V. Venkayya I publish here, with the results of my calculations, twenty-two more dates of Chola kings (Nos. 137-158), and two dates (Nos. 159 and 160) of the king Peruõjingadêva, "who claims to be a Pallava and who subverted the Chola sovereignty about A.D. 1231-32." Five of these dates (Nos. 145-149) belong to the king Rajadhiraja (II.) Rajakesarivarman, of whom no dates have yet been published, and whose reign these dates with great probability show to have commenced between (approximately) the 28th February and the 30th March A.D. 1183. The other dates in general merely confirm the correctness of the resalts previously found for the commencement of the reigns of the kings to whom they belong ; but No. 142 reduces the period, during which Rajaraja II. must have commenced to reign, to the time from (approximately) the eth April to the 11th July A.D. 1146.
I am still keeping back & number of dates of Kaldttunga-Chola II. Rajak@sarivarman in the hope that more dates of this king may be discovered before long.
At the end of this article I give a list of all published dates of Chðla kings that have been examined by me, with approximate statements of the time when each king commenced to reign.
A.-RAJARAJA I. 137,- In the Sivayoganathasvamin temple at Tiruvisalur." i Svasti sri [ll ] Kô-Rajarajakesarivarmmakkı yându 5 Avadu ivv-attsai]
[Dhanu-[n]åyarru Nayarru- kk[i]lamaiyum Malamum pakka2 m prathipadamum kūdiga vara-yogatt[i]o pôda.
"In the 6th year of the reign) of king Rajarajakosarivarman,- on the day of the auspicions yoga which was combined with the first tithi of a fortnight, (the nakshatra) Mala and & Sunday in the month of Dhanus of this year."
I have previously found that Rajaraja I. commenced to reiga between (approximately) the 25th June and the 25th July A.D. 985. This date of the 5th year of his reign corresponds to Sunday, the 1st December A.D. 989, which was the 8th day of the month of Dhanus, and on which the first tithi (of the bright half of Pausha) commenced 5 h. 6 m., while the nakshatra was Müla, by the equal space system for 16 h. 25 m., and according to Garga for 3 h. 56 m., after mean sunrise.
For dates with the auspicious yoga-- also called amrita-yoga 7- of a Sunday with the nakshatra Mala, see above, Vol. VI. p. 21, No. 33, and note. Compare also Hémachandra's Sabdénué deana-vritti, end of Adhyâya II. Påda 2: Malarkal & früyata taatri sarvakalyangkaranam adhuna Malarajasatu chitrari lókéshu giyaté ll.
1 See Mr. Venkayys's Annual Report for 1908-07, p. 89. • Compare above, Vol. VIII. p. 264. • No. 19 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1907. • Read pratipada . It is not stated whether it was the bright or the dark fortnight. • Bee above, Vol. VII. p. 6. + See Ep. Carn. Vol. IV. p. 114, No. 10. #Le. Milla-nakshatrina yuktb'rka) drya.

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208
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. IX.
138 and 139.- In the Amritaghatesvara temple at Tirukkadaigür. i Svasti eri [ll] [Tiru-ma)gal.. ....... ... .. . éri-kv-Irajarajakesaripanmarku
yâpd[1] 16 vadu Agum gându Pi3 [ra]ttádi-tti[nga]! pir-pakkattu=[p]pakkam [8 ettu] =kki[la] maio Tinga! nå!
Pa[na]rpusam . . . . . . . . . . 9 ......... i[]v-[andey] Tula-nayagu pů[rvva-bha]kshat[ta]
dvå[da]fiyam Naya[x]u-kila[m]ai yum] porra Iráivadi . ..
« In the year which was the 18th year of the reign) of the glorious king Rajarajakesarivarman,- on the day of Punarvasu, the week-day (being) Monday, (and) the day of the fortnight being (8-eight--] of the second half of the month Puraţtadi .. . . . . . . . . on the day of] Bêvati which corresponded to a Sunday and to the twelfth tithi of the first fortnight of the month of Tula in this year.".
The first of these two dates regularly corresponds to Monday, the 23rd September A.D. 1000, which was the 29th day of the month Puraţtadi (.e. the month of Kanya), and on which the 8th tithi of the dark half (of Åsvina) commenced Oh. 55 m., while the nakshatra was Punarvasu, by the equal space system and according to Garga for 22 h. 20 m., and by the Brahma. siddhanta for 21 h. 40 m., after mean sunrise.
The second date apparently corresponds to Sunday, the 13th October A.D. 1000. This was the 18th day of the month of Tula, and on it the 12th tithi of the bright half of Karttika) ended 1 h. 17 m. after mean suprise ; but as the nakshatra was Revati only from 11 h. 10 m. after mean suprise, I should have expected the day to be described as the day of the preceding nakshatra) Uttara-Bhadrapada.
140.-- In the Siva temple at Perangiyor. 1 Svasti eri [II] . . . . . . . . . fri-Raja-Rajarajadevarka y&pdu
2[4]ávadu . . . . . . . . . . i-y&ndu 6 Mpiñchika-någarrupa[r]vva
pakshattu=P(puday]-kilamaiyum pañjamiyum perra Ti[ru]vo[na]ttip nâ[1].
“In the 2[4]th year (of the reign) of the glorious Raja-R&jarajadêva, on the day of Sravans, which corresponded to the fifth tithi and to & [Wednesday) of the first fortnight of the month of Vfischiks in this year."
For the given week-day (Wednesday) and the nakshatra Sravana the date would be wrong for all the ten years from the 20th to the 29th year of Rajaraja's reign. Irrespectively of the week-day, the date for the 24th year would correspond to Saturday, the 6th November A.D. 1008, which was the 12th day of the month of Vțischika, and on which the 5th tithi of the bright half of Margasirsha) ended 3 h. 33 m. after mean sunrise, while the nakshatra by all systems was Sravana the whole day. I have little doubt that this Saturday is the proper equivalent of the date and that the week-day, if not misread, has been wrongly given in the original.
1 No. 27 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1906. * The letter !a is engraved below the line. * Read Rrati-nat. . 1.e. the utthdna-duddahl-tithi (the tithi of the awakening of Vishnu).
No. 208 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1906. • Read Vriolika

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No. 29.)
DATES OF CHOLA KINGS.
209
B.-VIKRAMA-CHOLA. 141.-In the Amritaghateśvara temple at Tirukkadaiy@r. 1 Svasti sri [ll"] Pa-målai m[i]daindu ... 16 . . . . . . . . ko-Pparabobripatmarna) Pribhuvana.
chchakravatti17 ga! śr-Vikrama-Soladêvapku yandu 6 4x[á]vade V[ri]schi . . . . . .
. ..'[y]aiyum [Ba]dag-kilamaiyum perra Mrigasirshatti-na!.
"In the 8th-sixth-year of the reign of king Parakesarivaran alias the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Vikrama-Chõladeva, on the day of Mpigaslesha, which corresponded to a Wednesday and to the second P] tithi of the
to the [second ?] tithi of the .
.
. .
. .
. . . . . . [of the month of] Vfischi[ka]."
The reign of Vikrama-Chola has been found to commence on the 29th June A.D. 1118, and this date of the 6th year of his reign undoubtedly corresponds to Wednesday, the 7th November A.D. 1123. This was the 11th day of the month of Vfischika, and on it the second tithi (of the dark half of Kärttika) ended 4 h. 45 m., while the nakshatra was Mrigasirsha, by the equal space system and according to Garga for 7 h. 13 m., and by the Brahma-siddhanta for 5 h. 55 m., after mean sunrise.
0.-RAJARAJA II. 148.-In the Gramárdhanathêsvara temple at ElvAnAsar. 1 Svasti eri fuo Pa maru viya Tiru-mådum . . . . . . . 13 . : kô=Pparakesari(pa]tmar=ana
Tribhuvanachohakravar14 tiga! fri-Rajarajadávarku yandu [1]5(vadu) M815 sha-nayarru p ärvva-pakshatta ashtamisya]
m
B adan-ki16 lamaiyum perra Pusatti-nál.
“In the [1]5th year of the reign) of king Parakesarivarman alias the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious R&jar&jadêva, - on the day of Pushya, which corresponded to & Wednesday and to the eighth tithi of the first fortnight of the month of Mesha."
With the result previously obtained for the commencoment of the reign of Rajaraja (IL.) Parakesarivarman, this dato regularly corresponds to Wednesday, the 5th April A.D. 1181, which was the 13th day of the month of Mêsha and on which the 8th tithi of the bright half (of Vaibhkha) ended 12 h. 54 m., while the nakshatra was Pushya, by the equal space system and according to Garga for 11 h. 10 m., and by the Brahma-siddhanta for 9h. 12 m. after mean sunrise.
148.-In the Gramárdhanåtheśvara temple at Elvanastr. 8
. . . . . . ko-Pparakesaripanmar-&na [Tri]ba5 vanachchakravattiga! Sri-Rajarajadêvarka påņdu 1[7]vadu Dha[nu-naya]ru
[s]para-pa6 kshe[t®]ta navamiyum Nayarru-ki[la]maiyum perra A . . ..
1 No. 80 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1906. 1 Perhaps doitlyaiyum is meant.
" See above, Vol. VII. p. 8. • No. 140 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1906. . The letter is engraved below the line. • The letters tads are written in group. 1 See above, Vol. VIII. Pp. 2 and 264. * No. 129 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1908.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(Vol. IX.
"In the 1[7]th year of the reign) of king Parakesarivarman alias the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Rajarajadêva,- on the day of A .
which corresponded to a Sunday and to the ninth tithi of the second fortnight of the month of Dhanus."
The date corresponds to Sunday, the 2nd December A.D. 1162, which was the 7th day of the month of Dhanus, and on which the 9th tithi of the dark half (of Mârgasirsha ended 16 h. 56 m., while the nakshatra was Hasta, by the equal space system and according to Garga for 13 b. 47 m., and by the Brahma-siddhanta for 10 h. 30 m., after mean sunrise.
The result shows that the nakshatra, of the name of which only the initial vowel a remains in lide 6 of the original, was Attam (Hasta).-The date is the latest one hitherto examined of the reign of Rajaraja II.
144.-In the Gramárdhanathêsvara temple at Elvanasûr. 1 Svasti eri [ll] Pa maraviya Tiru-mådum . . . . . . . . .
8 P[para[k]êsaripatmar=ana Tribhuvana [ch]chakrava[r]tiga! śri-Rajarajadêvazku
yâodu 15(vadu] M[G]ne9 niya p[ll]rvva-pakshattu paū[ jami]y[u]m Tingal-kilamaiyum perra
M[ri]gasi[r]shatti-nal. "In the 15th year of the reign) of king Parakesarivarman alias the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Rajarajadêva,- on the day of Mrigasirsha, which corresponded to & Monday and to the fifth tithi of the first fortnight of the month of Mina."
In accordance with the previously obtained results, this date should fall in A.D. 1161, some time before the 24th March (the first day of the month of Mesha); but with the actual reading of the original it would be incorrect. In my opinion, the fifth tithi (pafi[ jami]yum) has here been quoted erroneously instead of the seventh (saptamiyum), and the date corresponds to Monday, the 6th March A.D. 1161, which was the 12th day of the month of Mina, and on which the 7th tithi of the bright half of Chaitra) ended 3h. 41 m., while the nakshatra was Mrigasirsha, by the equal space system and according to Garga for 4 h. 36 m., and by the Brahma-siddhanta for 3 h. 17 m., after mean sunrise.
Of the three dates, the date No. 142 would show that the reign of Rajaraja II. could not have commenced before (approximately) the 6th April A.D. 1140.6
D.-RAJADHIRAJA II, 145.- In the Tyagarajasvåmin temple at TiruvArur. 1 Svasti ér[1] Kadal Sůlnda pår-mag [a]]u[m] . . . . 2 ... . k8 Rajak saripa[nmalr=&pa Tribhuvanachcha[ko]karavattiga! śri
RAAdba(dhi)rAjadávazku yandu 2[åvadu] Mosha-niyarru purv va-pakshattu sbashțhiyun-Dingat-kilamaiyum perra Paņarpfatti-na!.
"In the 2nd year of the reign) of king Rajakesarivarman alias the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Rajadhir&jadeva,- on the day of Punarvasu, which corresponded to a Monday and to the sixth tithi of the first fortnight of the month of Mêsha."
The name of the nakshatra, which is lost in the original, may be Afvati (Asvint), Attam (Hasta), Avittam (Dhanishthà) or Anulam (Anuradha).
: No. 137 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1906. The letters vadu are written in group.
Compare the date No. 106, above, Vol. VIII. p. 264. No. 688 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1904. . The word dvadu seems to be denoted by flourish added to the figure 2.

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No. 29.]
DATES OF CHOLA KINGS.
211
The five dates Nos. 145-149 are of the reign of a king Rajadhiraja Rajakesarivarman, and are taken from inscriptions every one of which begins with the words kadal saluda. The first four dates work out regalarly on the assumption that this king commenced to reign between (approximately) the 28th February and the 30th March A.D. 1183. With such a commencement of his reiga :
This date, No. 145, corresponds to Monday, the 30th March A.D. 1164, which was the 7th day of the month of Mesha, and on which the 6th tithi of the bright half of the first Vaisakha) ended 19 h. 3 m., while the nakshatra was Punarvasu, by the Brahma-siddhanta from 7 h. 13 m., according to Garga from 9 h. 51 m., and by the equal space system from 21 h. 40 m., after mean sunrise. This equivalent of the original date night perhaps be objected to on the ground that the nakshatra was Punary&Bu only from 7 h. 13 m. (or later) after mean sunrise; and in the case of the date No. 106, above Vol. VIII. p. 263, where also the nakshatra was found to be Punarvasu from 8 h. 32 m. (or later) after mean sunrise, I have myself stated that that nakshatra in the original date might have been quoted erroneously instead of the immediately preceding nakshatra Ardra. But the two dates together now seem to me to show that in either case there was some special reason for quoting the nakshatra Punarvasu, instead of the nakshatra Ardrâ in which the moon was at the commencement of the day.
148.- In the Kapardiśvara temple at Tiruvalasjuli. 1 Svasti [éri] [11] Kadal sålda pår-mâdarum .
. 5 . .. .. . [ko] Rajakesari vanms]r. A[p] Tribhuvnnachchakravasttil. 6 ga! Sri-R[a]jadhirajadêvarku [y]ånda [84]vadu Sim(ha)-n[@]yar[ru] [a]para
pakshattu [dv] Ada[siyu]m [Ti]7 (nga]t-kilamai ya]m perra [Puņa]r[pa]sat[tu) na[1].
“In the [8]th year of the reign) of king Rajakesarivarinan alias the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Rajadhirajadêva,- on the day of Punarvasu, which corresponded to a Monday and to the twelfth tithi of the second fortnight of the month of Simha."
The date corresponds to Monday, the 10th August A.D. 1170, which was the 14th day of the month of Simha, and on which the 12th tithi of the dark half (of Sråvapa) commenced 2 h. 3 m., while the nakshatra was Punarvasu, 3 by the equal space system and according to Garga for 17 h. 44 m., and by the Brahma-siddhanta for 17 h. 4 m., after mean sunrise.
147.-In the Tyagarajasvamin temple at Tiruvarur. 1 [Svao] (sti] Sriḥ 11l-- Kadal sůlnda pâr=8[lo]n-disni . . . . . 7 . kov-Irájakénariparmar-&ga Tribhuvanachchakravattiga! fri-Rajadhirajadóvarku
yÅndu 10[&vadu) Mina-na (yarrju pûrvva-pakshattu trayodasiyun-Jevvåy-kkilamai
yam perra Magattu n.
“In the 10th year of the reign) of king Rajakesarivarman alias the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Rajadhirajadêva,- on the day of Magh, which corresponded to & Tuesday and to the thirteenth tithi of the first fortnight of the month of Mina."
1 Por other dates with nakshatra, which also, if I may say so, commenced some time after sunrise, compare ..g. Nos. 33, 47, 86, 105, and 121 of this series.
· No. 627 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1902.
* A 12th tithi joined with the nakshatra Punarvasu is called jayanti; it is a mand-doddaft. This may be the reason why the 12th tithi has been quoted in the original date ( a current lith).
• No. 540 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1904. The word áoads seems to be denoted by a flourish added to the symbol for ten.
2 E 9

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. IX.
The date corresponds to Tuesday, the 27th February A.D. 1173, which was the 5th day of the month of Mina, and on which the 13th tithi of the bright half (of Phalguna) ended 10 h. 50 m., while the nakshatra was Maghâ, by the equal space system for 14h. 27 m., and according to Garga for 2 h. 38 m., after mean sunrise.
148.- In the Darbharaṇyêsvara temple at Tirunallar.1
1 Svasti śri[b] [*] Kaḍal sûlin]da [pâ]r-mâdarum. [kov-Ira sa késar[i] parmar-â [na
j[ad[i]ra [ja]dêvarku ya[u]
Tiribaragachchakkarava[t]tigl
parva-pala(ke)ttu
2 du padin-opvadu Sinna-nâ[ya]rru
Badan-kilamai[y]um p[e]ns Bod[i]-nål.
"In the eleventh year (of the reign) of king Rajakesarivarman alias the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Rajadhirâjadeva,—on the day of Svâti, which corresponded to a Wednesday and to the fifth tithi of the first fortnight of the month of Simha,"
The date corresponds to Wednesday, the 15th August A.D. 1173, which was the 19th day of the month of Simha, and on which the 5th tithi of the bright half (of Bhadrapada) ended 13 h. 53 m., while the nakshatra was Svâti, by the equal space system for 17 h. 44 m., according to Garga for 5 h. 16 m., and by the Brahma-siddhânta for 1 h. 19 m., after mean sunrise.
140. 1 Svasti éri [*] Kaḍal sûlnda pâr-m[4]darum
2.
In the Vrishabhapurisvara temple at Mêl-Sevûr.3
śri-Ir[a]paūjamiju[m]
kô -Rajdhirjadevaka Karkadaga-nayarra-ppadinmu(mu) grân-di(di)yadiy=[a]
Tribhuvanachchakkaravattiga!
Budan-kilumaiyum-apara pakshattu
Iriak[aripatmar-Aga yanḍu 13âvadu
daiyum perra R[ô]sani-nål.
S na
"In the 13th year (of the reign) of king Rajakêsarivarman alias the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Raja[dhirajjadeva,- on the day of Rohini, which corresponded to the eleventh tithi of the second fortnight and to a Wednesday, the thirteenth solar day of the month of Karkaṭaka."
In the three hundred years from A.D. 1000 to A.D. 1300 there are only two days which would satisfy the requirements of this date, viz. Wednesday, the 8th July A.D. 1097, and Wednesday, the 8th July A.D. 1181.
In A.D. 1097 the Karkataka-samkrânti took place 17 h. 26 m. after mean sunrise of Thursday, the 25th June; the first day of the month of Karkataka therefore was Friday, the 26th June, and the 13th day of the same month was Wednesday, the 8th July. On this day the 11th tithi of the dark half (of Ashâdha) ended 5 h. 36 m., and the nakshatra was Rohini, by the equal space system and according to Garga for 4 h. 36 m., and by the Brahma-siddhânta for 3 h. 56 m. after mean sunrise.
In A.D. 1181 the Karkataka-samkrânti took place 10 h. 56 m. after mean sunrise of Friday, the 26th June which was the first day of the month of Karkaṭaka; and the 13th day of the same month therefore was Wednesday, the 8th July. On this day the 11th tithi of the dark half (of Ashidha) commenced 4 h. 24 m. after mean sunrise, and the nakshatra was Rohini, by the Brahma-siddhânta and according to Garga the whole day, and by the equal space system from 1 h. 58 m. after mean sunrise.
1 No. 394 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1902. * No. 222 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1904.

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No. 29.)
DATES OF CHOLA KINGS.
213
FREEL
It is clear that if, as was assumed above, the reign of Rajadhiraja Rajakeenrivarman commenced between the 28th Febrnary and the 30th March A.D. 1163, neither of the two Wednesdays given above could have fallen in the 13th year of his reign. On the other hand, I may state that if either of the two days really fell in luis 13th year, the other dates would be incorrect. In these circumstances, and assuming thınt, with the exception of the regnal year, the details of the original dato have been given correctly, I can only suggest that the year 13 (which is given in figures only) has been quoted erroneously instead of the 19th year, and that the proper equivalent of the date therefore is really Wednesday, the 8th July A.D. 1181. It might of couryo be chjected that this day would fall in the reign of Kulettanga III. Parak@sarivarman, which commenced between the oth and the Sth July A.D. 1178. But I have already shown that we have a similar overlapping of two reigng also in other cases. A date (No. 94) of the 39th year of Kulottunga Ill. corresponds to the 25th January A.D. 1217, while the reign of his successor Rajaraja III. coramenced in June-July A.D. 1216; and of this king again we have two dates (Nos. 96 and 97) of the 7th Febrnary and the 22nd April A.D. 1248, whereas the reign of his Bccessor Rajendra-Chola III. commenced in March-April A.D. 1246.
From the materials availablo I therefore infer that Rajadhiraja Rajakesaritarman, i.e. Rajadhiraja II., commenced to reign between (approximately) the 28th February and the 30th March A.D. 1163.
E.-KULOTTUNGA-CHOLA III.
150.-In the Gråmårdhanåthêsvara temple at Elvanasûr. 1 Tiribuvanachchakkaravattiga! śni-Virar[A]jêndira-Soladevark[ku] yandu vadu
Magara niyarru purvva-pakku[li]ttu dvitsilyaiyum Tingat-kilamai(ylum pera
A]viţtatti-na!. “In the 6th year of the reign) of the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Virarajendra-Choladeva,-on the day of Sravishtha, which corresponded to a Monday and to the second title of the first fortnight of the month of Makara."
The date corresponds to Monday, the 16th January A.D. 1184, which was the 22nd day of the month of Makara, and on which the 2nd tithi of the bright half (of Magha) commenced 5 h. 36 m., while the nakshatra was Sravishtha, by the equal space system and according to Garga for 10 h. 30 m., and by the Brahma-siddhanta for 11 h. 10 m., after mean sunrise.
151.-In the Amritaghatêsvara temple at Tirukkadaiyûr. 1 Svasti eri [1l*] Puyal vâyppa . . . . . . . . 5 . . . . . . . . . . . kô=[Ppa]rakêśariparmar=&pa
Tibuvanachchakkaravattiga! Madu[r]aiyum Påņdi ya]naiyum mudittalaikopd-aruliya sri-Kulôttunga-bôľadêvazku yaņdu 16 vadu Mêsha-nåyazıu půrva
pakshattı [a]ttamiyu[m] 6 Viyala-kkilamaiyum perra Pusatti-nál.
"In the 10th year of the reign) of king Parakesarivarman alias the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Kulôttunga-Chôļadēva, who was pleased to take Madurai and the
1 Mr. Venkayya has informed me, about three years ago, that the figures undoubtedly are '18. I would suggest that the thirteenth solar day, which is mentioned closely to the regnal year, may have misled the writer to put down '13' also for the latter.
* No. 158 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1906. Read -pakshattu. No. 48 of the Goetament Epigraphist's collection for 1906. 5 Read Tribhu.

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crowned head of the Pandya, on the day of Pushya which corresponded to a Thursday and to the eighth tithi of the first fortnight of the month of Mésha."
The date corresponds to Thursday, the 31st March A.D. 1194, which was the 7th day of the month of Mesha, and on which the 8th tithi of the bright half of the second Chaitra) ended 10 h. 50 m., while the nakshatra was Pushye, by the equal space system and according to Garga for 18 h. 24 m., and by the Brahma-siddhanta for 16 h. 25 m., after mean sunrise.
152.-In the Sivayôganathasvâmin temple at Tiruvisalûr. i Svasti śrill- [Pu]yal våppa . . . . . :. 16 .
. k8=P[p]ra17 k[sa]ri[pa]rmar-[@]ga T[i]ribuva[na]chcha[kka ravattiga! Ma[du]rai[yu]m [Panrai - 18 yan muļi-ttalaiyun-good-aruļi[na
sri-Kald]ttunga-So[)19 dôvarkku yodu padine[t]ţáva[du] Kum[bha)-ndya[x]ra pûr(va)-pakshatta) 20 tri(tri)tiyaiyum Sani-kkilamaiyum P[C]rra (Pa]rattu nâ[1].
“In the eighteenth year (of the reign) of king Parakesarivarman alias the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Kulôttunga-Chôļadēva, who was pleased to take Madurai and the crowned head of the Pandya, - on the day of Purva-Phalguni, which corresponded to a Saturday and to the third tithi of the first fortnight of the month of Kumbha."
The wording of this date is intrinsically wrong because on the third tithi of the bright half in the month of Kumbha the nakshatra could not possibly be Purva-Phalguni; and the probability would seem to be that either has the first fortnight been erroneously quoted instead of the second, or Purva-Phulgani (Púrattu) instead of Pärva-Bhadrapada (Púraţtádi). In my opinion, the date corresponds to Saturday, the 3rd February A.D. 1196, which was the 10th day of the month of Kumbha, and on which the 3rd tithi of the bright half (of Phålguna) commenced 5 h. 40 m., while the nakshatra was Purva-Bhadrapada, by the equal space system for 4 h. 36 m., after mean sunrise.
153.- In the Vațåraṇyêśvara temple at Tiruvalangadu. 1 [Sva]sti (sri] [ll] Tribhavanachchakkaravattiga! Maduraiya[m Ijlamum
P[&n]di[y]n muļittalai(yali-go2 [o]d-ara[li]na (sri]-Kulottunga-60[la]a[8]va[r]kku pap(da 2]3 vadu . ..
• Kanni-nayar[ru]-ppadina[råg=di]yadi[y]-A[na] Sevvy-kka (kki)[la]mailya(yu)]m pů[ra]va-(pa]ksha(t)5 tu (tri]tîyaiyum per[ra] Sittirai-na(1).
“In the (973rd year of the reign) of the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Kulottunga-Chladêva, who was pleased to take Madurai, flam and the crowned hend of the Pandya.-on the day of Chitra, which corresponded to the third tithi of the first fortnight and to a Tuesday which was the sixteenth solar day of the month of Kanya."
The date corresponds to Tuesday, the 12th September A.D. 1200. The preceding Kanya-samkranti took place 20 h. 58 m. after mean sunrise of Sanday, the 27th August ; the first day of the month of Kanye therefore was Monday, the 28th August, and the 16th day of
1 Another inscription of the [1]8th year of the same king with apparently the same astronomical details in found in the same temple (No. 42 of 1906). But the portion, wbere the fortnight, the nakshatra and the tithi may be expected, is damaged. What is actunlly found is (pd) . . . Viydla-kkalamaiyun perra P[attu) 11.
? No. 14 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1907. • Compare the date No. 60, above, Vol. VI. p. 288. • No. 456 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1906.

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the same month was Tuesday, the 12th September A.D. 1200. On this day the 3rd tithi of the bright half of Åsvina) commerced 7 h. 12 m., and the nakshatra wus Chitra, by the equal space system and according to Garga for 2 h. 38 m., after mean sunrise.-There seems no reason why the second tithi (dvitiyaiyum) should not have been quoted in the original date instead of the third (tritiyaiyum).
F.-RAJARAJA III. 154.-In the Jambukêśvara temple near Trichinopoly, 1 Svas[ti) r[1] [11] [Tri]bhavanachchakravattiga! fri-Rajarajaddvarkku pandu 24[avada) Mid(a)ga-nayarru purvva-pakshattu
L ékádasiyam Sani-kkilamaiy[u]m perra [$]ódi-nå!. “In the 24th year of the reign) of the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Rajarajadeva,-on the day of Svậti, which corresponded to a Saturday and to the eleventh tithi of the first fortnight of the month of Mithuna."
The reign of Rajaraja III. has been found to commence between (approximately) the 27th June and the 10th July A.D. 1216. This date of the 24th year corresponds to Saturday, the and June A.D. 1240, which was the 9th day of the month of Mithuna, and on which the 11th tithi of the bright half (of Jyaishtha) ended 3 h. 37 m., while the nakshatra was Sváti, by the equal space system for 5 b. 55 m., after mean sunrise.
165.-In the Jambukosvara temple near Triobinopolý. 1 Svas[ti) Suih [1] Tribhu[va]gachchakravarttiga! Sri-Rajarajadávazku yanda
2[97 ávadu] Tula-nâyangu=ppûrvva-[pa]kshattu prathamaiyum [$]evvây
kilamaiyum per- . 2 ra Sodi-nál....
"In the 2[0]th7 year of the reign) of the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious BAjard jadeva, on the day of Svati, which corresponded to & Tuesday and to the first tithi of the first fortnight of the month of Tula."
The dato, for the 20th year, regularly corresponds to Tuesday, the 4th October A.D. 1944, which was the 7th day of the month of Tula, and on wbich the first tithi of the bright half (of Karttika) ended 12 h. 58 m., while the nakshatra was Svati, by the equal space system for 15 h. 46 m., and according to Garga for 3 h. 17 n., after mean sunrise.-For the 26th year of the reign of Rajaraja III. the date would be incorrect.
156.- In the Jambukesvara temple near Trichinopoly. 1 Svast[i] Sri [ll] Tribhu[va)nachcha [kra)vattiga! sri-10 Rajarajadêvarku yandı
29104vadu207 Tulâ-nayarru pürrya-pakshattu prathamaiyum Sevvây
kkakki)[la]maiyum perra Ś[od]i-nåļ. “In the 2[0]th10 year of the reign of the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious BAjarfjadeva, on the day of Svati, which corresponded to a Tuesday and to the first tithi of the first fortnight of the month of Tula.”
No. 508 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1905. 1 This name consists of two abbreviations for the word rdja placed side by side. • This word seems to be donoted by flourish added to the second figure of the regual year. • See above, Vol. VIII. p. 260. .No. 601 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1906.
This name consists of two abbreviations for the word nd ja placed side by side. * The second figure of the date might also be 6. . This word seems to be denoted by flourish added to the second figure of the regnal year. • No. 60of the Governmeut Epigraphistio collection for 1905. 20 See the notes on the preceding date.

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The date is identical with the preceding date, and corresponds therefore to Tuesday, the 4th October A.D. 1244.
167.-In the Jambukêśvara temple near Trichinopoly, 1 Svast[i] Se[t] [ll] Tr[i]bhuvanachchakravatti]ga! Sr[i]-Rajarajadêvapku
(y)ându 2[9 kvadu] Kumbha-nayarra-ppû[r]vva-pakshattu navamiyam
Tiógat-kils[m]aiyum porra Uroša [i]-nâļ. " In the 2[9Jth year (of the reign) of the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Rajarajadēva, - on the day of Rôhini, which corresponded to a Monday and to the ninth tithi of the first fortnight of the month of Kumbha."
The date corresponds to Monday, the 6th February A.D. 1945, which was the 14th day of the month of Kumbha, and on which the 9th tithi of the bright half (of Phâlguna) commenced 1 h. 12 m., while the nakshalra was Rôhiņi, by the equal space system and according to Garga for 7 h. 53 m., and by the Brahma-siddhanta for 7 h. 13 mi, after mean sunrise.
158.-In the Jambukêsvara temple near Trichinopoly 1 Svast[i] sr[i] [ll] Tr[i]bhavanachchakravatt[i]ga! śr(i)-Rajarajadê[va)rka
[y]ándu 2[9&vadu] Kumbha-Dâyatru=ppûrvva-pakshatta navam[i]yum Tingat
k[i]le[m]siyam perra Urosaņ[i]-na!. "In the 2[0]th year of the reign) of the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Rajarajadêve,-on the day of Rohiņi, which corresponded to a Monday and to the ninth tithi of the first fortnight of the month of Kumbha."
The date is identical with the preceding date, and corresponds therefore to Monday, the 6th February A.D. 1245.
G. - PERUNJINGADEVA.
160.-In the Jambunatha temple at Jambai. 1 Svasti śr[1] [ilo] sa[galaba]vagachchakkaravattiga! sri-ko-Ppera[ñ]jiagadêva[]ku
yându 16vadu Dagu-nâyarra pů[rvva-pakshattu] trayôdas[i]yum Tingat
k[i]lamaiya[m] perra Urošay[i]-®nå!. "In the 16th year (of the reign) of the emperor of all worlds, the glorious king Perusjingadeva, on the day of Rohiņi, which corresponded to a Monday and to the thirteenth tithi of the first (fortnight) of the month of Dhanus."
Above, Vol. VII. p. 165, I have found that the reign of Peruñjingadêva commenced between (approximately) the 11th February and the 30th July A.D. 1243. This date, of his 16th year, corresponds to Monday, the 9th December A.D. 1258, which was the 14th day of the month of Dhanus, and on which the 13th tithi of the bright half (of Pausha) commenced 7 h. 48 m., while the nakshatra was Böhiņi, by the Brahma-siddhanta the whole day, according to Garga from 1 h. 19 m., and by the equal space system from 13 h. 8 m., after mean sunrise.-Instead of the 13th, I should have expected the 12th tithi to have been quoted, especially as, joined with Rohini, this tithi is & mahá-dvadasi (papa-ndfiní).
1 No. 500 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1906. * This name consists of two abbreviations for the word roja placed side by side. * This word seems to be denoted by a flourish added to the second figure of the regnal year, • No. 62 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1908.
No. 96 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1906. • The syllables fan[] are repeated by mistake in the original.

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160.- In the Gråmårdhanathesvara temple at Elvanagur. 1 Svasti Sri [II] . . . . . . . . . Sagalabuvanachchakkaravattiga!
Sri-ko-Pparañ2 jingadêvarkku yandu mappadavada Tuld-nậyarru apara-pakshattu 3 tri(tri)tiyaiyum Tinga[!]-kilamaiyum porta Kättigai-nål.
“In the thirtieth year of the reign of the emperor of all worlds, the glorious king Perusjingadêve,- on the day of Ksittika, which corresponded to a Monday and to the third tithi of the second fortnight of the month of Tula."
The date corresponds to Monday, the 10th October A.D. 1272, which was the 13th day of the month of Tula, and on which the 3rd tithi of the dark half (of Âgvina) commenced 6 h. 40 m., while the nakshatra was Kpittikå, by the equal space system for 13 h. 47 m., by the Brahma-siddhanta for 0 h. 39 m., and according to Garga for 1 h. 58 m., after mean sunrise.
A LIST OF THE DATES OF CHOLA KINGS HITHERTO EXAMINED.
A.-Parantaka I. Parak@sarivarman.
(Between the 15th January and the 25th July A.D. 907.) No. 101 (Vol. VIII. p. 261).-Year 36, Kaliyuga 4044 (current) : Saturday, the 14th
January A.D. 943. No. 55 (Vol. VII. p. 1).--Year 40: Saturday, the 25th July A.D. 946.
B.-Rajaraja I. Rajakosarivarman.
(Between the 25th June and the 25th July A.D. 985.) No. 137 (Vol. IX. p. 207).-Year 5: Sunday, the 1st December A.D. 989. No. 1 (Vol. IV. p. 66).-Year 7: the 26th September A.D. 991. No. 61 (Vol. VII. p. 169).-Year 11: Sunday, the 14th June A.D. 996. No. 25 (Vol. V. p. 48). -Year 15: Tuesday, the 29th August A.D. 999. No. 27 (Vol. V. p. 197).-Year 15: Wednesday, the 15th May A.D. 1000.8 No. 138 (Vol. IX. p. 208).-Year 16 : Monday, the 23rd September A.D. 1000. No. 139 (Vol. IX. p. 208).-Year 16: Sunday, the 13th October A.D. 1000. No. 2 (Vol. IV. p. 67).-Saka 929 (current). The date is incorrect. No. 140 (Vol. IX. p. 208).-Year 24; Saturday, the 6th November A.D. 1008. No. 3 (Vol. IV. p. 68).-Year 28, Saka 934. The date would correspond to the 23rd
December A.D. 1012, but contains no details for exact verification.
0.-Rajendra-Chola I. Parakesarivarman.
(Between the 27th March and the 7th July A.D. 1012.) No. 102 (Vol. VIII. p. 261).-Year 5 : Tuesday, the 26th March A.D. 1017. No. 32 (Vol. VI. p. 20).-Year 9, Saka 943 (current) : Thursday, the 7th July A.D. 1020. No. (Vol. IV. p. 68). -Saka 943 (current) : Wednesday, the 1st March A.D. 1021. No. 5 (Vol. IV. p. 69).-Year 31 (for 21), Saka 954: Monday, the 23rd October A.D.
1032.
No. 169 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1906. ? Read - Pporuñjinga. * In the original the week-day is wrongly given as Thursday, • The week-day is wrougiy given a Wednesday,

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No. 33 (Vol. VI. p. 21).-Year 22, saka 955 : Sanday, the 25th November A.D. 1033. No. 34 (Vol. VI. p. 22).-Year 26, Saka 959. The date is incorrect. No. 62 (Vol. VII. p. 169).-Year 31: Friday, the 23rd July A.D. 10421
D.-Rajadhiraja I. Rajakesarivarman. (Between the 15th March and the 3rd December A.D. 1018.) No. 15 (Vol. IV. p. 218).-Year [3]2 (for 22): Thursday, the 22nd November A.D. 1039. No. 12 (Vol. IV. p. 216).-Year 26: Wednesday, the 14th March A.D. 1044. No. 13 (Vol. IV. p. 217).-Year 27 : Wednesday, the 13th February A.D. 1045. No. 14 (Vol. IV. p 217).--Year 29: Wednesday, the 3rd December A.D. 1046. No. 11 (Vol. IV. p. 216).-Year 80: Saka 970 (current). The date does not admit of exact
verification No. 35 (Vol. VI. p. 22).--Year 35: Sala 975 :-probably Sanday, the 23rd May A.D. 1053.3
E.-Rajendradeva Parakesarivarman.
(The 28th May A.D. 1062.) No. 38 (Vol. VI. p. 24).-The 82nd day of year 4 : Thursday, the 17th August A.D. 1055. No. 36 (Vol. VI. p. 23).-Year 6, Saka 979: Monday, the 27th October A.D. 1057. No. 37 (Vol. VI. p. 23).-Year 12 (for 11 P), Saka 984. The date does not admit of exact verification.
F.-Virarajendra Rajakesarivarman. . (Between the 11th September A.D. 1062 and the 10th September A.D. 1063.) Vol. VII. p. 9. -Year 5 : Monday, the 10th September A.D. 1067.
G.-Kulottunga-Chola I. Rajakesarivarman (Rajendra-Choļa II.)
(Between the 14th March and the 8th October A.D. 1070.) No. 56 (Vol. VII. p. 1).-Year 4: Thursday, the 7th November A.D. 1073. No. 39 (Vol. VI. p. 278).--Year 7, Saka 998 : Friday, the 10th February A.D. 1077.6 No. 63 (Vol. VII. p. 170).--Year 16: Thursday, the 12th March A.D. 1086. No. 6 (Vol. IV. p. 70).-Year 37, Saka 1030 (for 1028 P). The date does not admit
of exact verification. No. 9 (Vol. IV. p. 72).-Saka 1035 : Sunday, the 22nd February A.D. 1114. No. 7 (Vol. IV. p. 70). Year 44: Friday, the 13th March A.D. 1114. No. 8 (Vol. IV. p. 71).-Year 45: Thursday, the 8th Octobor A.D. 1114. No. 40 (Vol. VI. p. 279).-Year 45, Saka 1036 : Wednesday, the 9th December A.D. 1114. No. 26 (Vol. V. p. 48).--Year 48: Monday, the 7th January A.D. 1118. Nos. 20 and 28 (Vol. IV. p. 262, and Vol. V. p. 198).-Year 48: Friday, the 25th January
A.D. 1118.7
1 The nakshatra quoted is intrinsically wrong. 1 The 2nd tits! wrongly quoted instead of the 3rd.
The 13th tithi he probably been wrongly quoted instead of the 3rd. • In No. 87 surnamed Rajakesarivarman.
* No. 378 of the Government Epigraphint's collection for 1904 contains a date of the 7th year of this king and of Saks 991 expired (-A.D. 1069-70).
• The month Maghs is wrongly quoted instead of Phalguna. 1 In No. 28 the 19th tithi is wrongly quoted instead of the 2nd which is correctly giveu in No. 20.

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H.-Vikrama-Chôļa Parakesarivarman.
(The 29th June A.D. 1118.) No. 21 (Vol. IV. p. 263, and Vol. VII. p. 3)-Year 4 : Monday, the 1st May A.D. 1122. Nos. 103 and 104 (Vol. VIII. p. 262).-Year 4 : Wednesday, the 10th May A.D. 1122. No. 22 (Vol. IV. p. 264, and Vol. VII. p. 3).-Year 5 : Monday, the 31st July A.D. 1122. No. 57 (Vol. VII. p. 3).-Year 5: Thursday, the 31st May A.D. 1123. No. 10 (Vol. IV. p. 73, and Vol. VII. p. 4). --The 340th day of year 5: Sanday, the 3rd
June A.D. 1123.1 No. 141 (Vol. IX. p. 209).-Year 6: Wednesday, the 7th November A.D. 1123. No. 84 (Vol. VIII. p. 1).-Year 7: Thursday, the 7th August A.D. 1124, No. 105 (Vol. VIII. p. 263).--Year 8: Tuesday, the 18th August A.D. 1125. No. 42 (Vol. VI. p. 280).-Year 9, Saka 1049 : the 27th May A.D. 1127.9 No. 59 (Vol. VII. p. 5).-Year 10 : Sunday, the 15th April, or Saturday, the 14th April
A.D. 1128.8 No. 64 (Vol. VII. p. 170).-Year 11 : Wednesday, the 19th December A.D. 1128. No. 58 (Vol. VII. p. 4).-Year 11 : Saturday, the 5th January A.D. 1129. No. 65 (Vol. VII. p. 171).-Year 15. The date does not admit of verification. No. 41 (Vol. VI. p. 279, and Vol. VII. p. 3).-Year 16: Monday, the 16th April A.D. 1134. No. 43 (Vol. VI. p. 281, and Vol. VII. p. 5).-Year 17, Saka 1054 (for 1057): Thursday, the 18th April A.D. 1135.
I.-Kulôttungs-Chods II. Vol. VII. p. 9.–Šaka 1056 (for 1065): the 24th March A.D. 1143.
J.-RAjardja II. Parakesarivarman.
(Between the 8th April and the Uth July A.D. 1146.) No. 85 (Vol. VIII. p. 2).-Year 4 : Wednesday, the 23rd November A.D. 1149. No. 86 (Vol. VIII. p. 2).-Year 6: Thursday, the 24th January A.D. 1152. No. 89 (Vol. VIII. p. 8).-Year 6: Thursday, the 14th February A.D. 1152.6 No. 87 (Vol. VIII. p. ).-Year 12 : Wednesday, the 26th March A.D. 1158. No. 88 (Vol. VIII. p. 3).-Year 15 : Thursday, the 12th January A.D. 1161. No. 144 (Vol. IX. p. 210).-Year 15: Monday, the 6th March A.D. 1161,6 No. 142 (Vol. 1X. p. 209).-Year 15 : Wednesday, the 5th April A.D. 1161. No. 106 (Vol. VIII. p. 263).-Year opposite to 16: Wednosday, the 11th July A.D. 1162. No. 143 (Vol. IX. p. 209).-Year 17: Sunday, the 2nd December A.D. 1162.
K-Rajadhiraja II. Rajakoharivarman. (Between the 28th February and the 30th March A.D. 1188.) No. 145 (Vol. IX. p. 210).-Year 2: Monday, the 30th March A.D. 1164. No. 146 (Vol. IX. p. 211).-Year 8: Monday, the 10th August A.D. 1170. No. 147 (Vol. IX. p. 211).-Year 10 : Tuesday, the 27th February A.D. 1178. No. 148 (Vol. IX. p. 212).-Year 11 : Wednesday, the 15th August A.D. 1173. No. 149 (Vol. IX. p. 212).-Year 13 (for 19 P): Wednesday, the 8th July A.D. 1181 (?).
1 The 7th tita is wrongly quoted instead of the 8th. • The year Plava is wrongly quoted instead of Plavanga. • In the original data either the makohatra or the week-day is quoted incorrectly.
• Perhaps identical with Kulottunga-Chola II. Bajakemarivarman, of whom I por the regoal sean 4, 10, 14 and 15.
Tbe month of Mina is wrongly quoted instead of Kambha. • The 5th tita is wrongly quoted instead of the 7th.
unpubliebed dates of
22

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L. -Kulôttunga-Chola II. Parak@sarivarman (Virarajendra-Chola, Tribhuvanavira').
(Between the 8th and the 8th July A.D. 1178.) No. 66 (Vol. VII. p. 171).-Year 3 : Monday, the 11th Augast A.D. 1180.3 No. 67 (Vol. VII. p. 171).-Year 3 : the date is incorrect. No. 107 (Vol. VIII. p. 264).-Year 4 : Thursday, the 11th March A.D. 1182. No. 150 (Vol. IX. p. 213).-Year 6: Monday, the 16th January A.D. 1184. Nos. 108 and 109 (Vol. VIII. p. 261).-Year 6: Tharsday, the 5th July A.D. 1184. No. 68 (Vol. VII. p. 172).-Year 7 : Wednesday, the 22nd August A.D. 1184. No. 23 (Vol. IV. p. 264).-Year 8: Monday, the 8th July A.D. 1185. No. 90 (Vol. VIII. p. 4).-Year 10 : Taesday, the 5th January A.D. 1188.5 No. 19 (Vol. IV. p. 220).-Year 12 : Monday, the 4th December A.D. 1189. No. 60 (Vol. VII. p. 6).-Year 14: Thursday, the 2nd January A.D. 1192. No. 110 (Vol. VIII. p. 265).--Year 16: Monday, the 17th January A.D. 1194. No. 151 (Vol. IX. p. 213).-Year 16: Thursday, the 31st March A.D. 1194. No. 24 (Vol. IV. p. 265).-Year 16: Saturday, the 4th June A.D. 1194.7 No. 69 (Vol. VII. p. 172).-Year 17: Monday, the 13th February A.D. 1195. No. 70 (Vol. VII. p. 172).-Year 17: Thursday, the 8th June A.D. 1195. No. 152 (Vol. IX. p. 214).-Year 18: Saturday, the 3rd February A.D. 1196.8 No. 71 (Vol. VII. p. 173).-Year 19: Monday, the 2nd September A.D. 1196. No. 17 (Vol. IV. p. 219).--Year 19: Tuesday, the 12th November A.D. 1196. No. 72 (Vol. VII. p. 173).-Year 19: Wednesday, the 30th April A.D. 1197. No. 16 (Vol IV. p. 219).-Year 19 (for 20), Saka 1119: Friday, the 21st November A.D.
1197.10 No. 111 (Vol. VIII. p. 265).-Year 20: Sunday, the 3rd May A.D. 1198.11 No. 31 (Vol. V. p. 199).-Year 20. The date is quite incorrect. No. 73 (Vol. VII. p. 174).-Year 21: Wednesday, the 7th April A.D. 1199. No. 74 (Vol. VII. p. 174).-Year 21: Saturday, the 10th April 1199.19 No. 153 (Vol. IX. p. 214).-Year 23 : Tuesday, the 12th September A.D. 1200. No. 112 (Vol. VIII. p. 265).-Year 23 : Monday, the 6th November A.D. 1200. No. 113 (Vol. VIII. p. 266).-Year 25: Wednesday, the 24th July A.D. 1202.18 No. 44 (Vol. VI. p. 281).--Year 27 : Thursday, the 5th May A.D. 1205. No. 29 (Vol. V. p. 198).-Year 29: Wednesday, the 7th March A.D. 1207. No. 114 (Vol. VIII. p. 266).-Year 32 : Monday, the 21st December A.D. 1209.14 No. 18 (Vol. IV. p. 220).-Year 34: Monday, the 19th September A.D. 1211. No. 91 (Vol. VIII. p. 4).-Year 35: Sanday, the 2nd June A.D. 1213. No. 92 (Vol. VIII. p. 4).--Year 36 : Monday, the 14th April A.D. 1214.
* This name neurs in the dates of the 6th and 7th years. • This name occars in the dates from the 32nd to the 39th year. " I bow take this to be the proper equivalent of the date. • The 12th tithi is wrongly quoted instead of the 11th. . The second fortnight is wrongly quoted instead of the firet. • The first fortnight is wrongly quoted instead of the second. * The 4th tithi is wrongly quoted instead of the 14th.
The Nakshatra Parva-Phalgant is wrongly quoted instead of Parva-Bhadrapada. • The nakshatra quoted is intrinsically wrong. 10 The 15th rolar day is wrongly quoted instead of the 25th. 11 The nakshatra Uttarishadba is wrongly quoted instead of Uttara-Bhadrapada. 19 The noonth of Rishabhs is wrongly quoted instead of Mesha.
The 6th tithi is wrongly quoted instead of the 4th. # The 9th tithi is wrongly quoted instead of the 8th.

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No. 29.)
DATES OF CHOLA KINGS.
221
No. 93 (Vol. VIII. p. 5).-Year 37: Monday, the 17th November A.D. 1214. No. 30 (Vol. V. p. 199).-Year 37: Sunday, the 7th June A.D. 1215. No. 94 (Vol. VIII. p. 5).-Year 39: Wednesday, the 25th January A.D. 1217.
M.-R&jaraja III. Rajakesarivarman.
(Between the 27th June and the 10th July A.D. 1216.) No. 115 (Vol. VIII. p. 267).-Year 2: Monday, the 29th January A.D. 1218. No. 75 (Vol. VII. p. 174).-Year 4: Monday, the 22nd June A.D. 1220. No. 76 (Vol. VII. p. 175).-Year 5 : Wednesday, the 19th August A.D. 1220. No: 77 (Vol. VII. p. 175).--Year opposite to 6: Thursday, the 13th October A.D. 1222. No. 95 (Vol. VIII. p. 6).-Year opposite to 8: Monday, the 7th October A.D. 1224.8 No. 116 (Vol. VIII. p. 267).-Year opposite to 8: Sanday, the 23rd February A.D. 1225.4 No. 117 (Vol. VIII. p. 267).-Year 10 : Friday, the 17th April A.D. 1226. No. 78 (Vol. VII. p. 175).-Year 10 : Tuesday, the 21st April A.D. 1226. No. 118 (Vol. VIII. p. 268).-Year 12: Monday, the 2nd Augast A.D. 1227. No. 119 (Vol. VIII. p. 268).-Year 16: Thursday, the 10th July Art. 1231. No. 120 (Vol. VIII. p. 268).-Year 16 : Saturday, the 22nd May A.D. 1232. No. 45. (Vol. VI. p. 281).-Year opposite to 16 : Saturday, the 25th September A.D. 1232. No. 46 (Vol. VI. p. 282).-Year 17: Taesday, the 18th January A.D. 1233. No. 47 (Vol. VI. p. 282).-Year 18: Tuesday, the 23rd August A.D. 1233. No. 121 (Vol. VIII. p. 269).-Year 18: Sunday, the 13th November A.D. 1233. No. 48 (Vol. VI. p. 282).--Year 18: Wednesday, the 7th December A.D. 1233. No. 122 (Vol. VIII. p. 269).-Year 18: Sunday, the 25th December A.D. 1233. No. 49 (Vol. VI. p. 283).-Year 18: Monday, the 2nd January A.D. 1234. No. 123 (Vol. VIII. p. 269).-Year 19 (for 18): Sunday, the Ith June A.D. 1234. No. 50 (Vol. VI. p. 283).--Year 19: probably Sunday, the 13th August A.D. 1234.5 No. 124 (Vol. VIII. p. 270).-Year 19: Sunday, the 5th November A.D. 1234. No. 125 (Vol. VIII. p. 270).-Year 19: Thursday, the 25th January A.D. 1235. No. 128 (Vol. VIII. p. 271).-Year 27 (?, for 21) : Monday, the 12th January A.D. 1237.8 No. 51 (Vol. VI. p. 284).-Year 22 : Tuesday, the 16th March A.D. 1238.7 No. 52 (Vol. VI. p. 284).-Year opposite to 22 : Monday, the 28th February A.D. 1239. No. 53 (Vol. VI. p. 284).-Year opposite to 22 : Wednesday, the 2nd Maroh A.D. 1239. No. 54 (Vol. VI. p. 285).-Year opposite to 22 : Friday, the 4th March A.D. 1239. No. 154 (Vol. IX. p. 215).-Year 24 : Satarday, the 2nd June A.D. 1240. No. 126 (Vol. VIII. p. 270).-Year opposite to 24 : Saturday, the 12th January A.D. 1241. No. 127 (Vol. VIII. p. 271).-Year 27 : Wednesday, the 30th July A.D. 1242. Nos. 155 and 156 (Vol. IX. p. 215).-Year 29 : Tuesday, the 4th October A.D. 1244. Nos. 157 and 158 (Vol. IX. p. 216).-Year 29 : Monday, the 6th February A.D. 1245. No. 129 (Vol. VIII. p. 271).-Year 29 : Monday, the 26th June A.D. 1245. No. 130 (Vol. VIII. p. 272).-Year 30 : Sunday, the 17th December A.D. 1245.8
1 This sorname occurs only in the date No. 45. • The 5th tithi may have been quoted erroneously instead of the 4th. * The 9th tithi is wrongly quoted instead of the 8th.
[The last day of] the month of Kumbha bas been quoted erroneously instead of [the first day of the immediately following month of Mina.
In the original date either the nakshatra Uttirattadi (Uttara-Bhadrapada) has been wrongly quoted instead of Uttiram Uttara-Phalguni), or the frat fortnight instead of the second.
• If the published reading of the original date is correct, the second fortnight has been wrongly quoted instead of the first.
1 The 4th titk is wrongly quoted instead of the 14tb. # The 13th Kim is wrongly quoted instead of the 19th.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. IX.
No. 96 (Vol. VIII. p. 6).-Year 32: Friday, the 7th February A.D. 1248. No. 97 (Vol. VIII. p. 6).-Year 32 : Wednesday, the 22nd April A.D. 1248.
N.-Rajendra-Chola III. (Between the 21st March and the 20th April A.D. 1246.) No. 79 (Vol. VII. p. 175).-Year 3: Saturday, the 20th March A.D. 1249. No. 98 (Vol. VIII. p. 6).-Year 4: Sanday, the 12th September A.D. 1249. No. 131 (Vol. VIII. p. 272).-Year 4: Wednesday, the 5th January A.D. 1250. No. 80 (Vol. VII. p. 176).-Year 7: Wednesday, the 25th December A.D. 1252. No. 83 (Vol. VII. p. 177).-Year opposite to 7. The date is intrinsically wrong. No. 132 (Vol. VIII. p. 272).-Year 9: Tuesday, the 12th January A.D. 1255. No. 133 (Vol. VIII. p. 278).-Year opposite to 11: Monday, the 9th July A.D. 1257. No. 134 (Vol. VIII. p. 278).-Year 16 (for 17): Monday, the 1st May A.D. 1262. No. 135 (Vol. VIII. p. 273).-Year 18: Wednesday, the 2nd January A.D. 1264.1 No. 136 (Vol. VIII. p. 274).-Year 20: Wednesday, the 20th January A.D. 1266. No. 81 (Vol. VII. p. 176).-Year 21: Wednesday, the 30th June A.D. 1266. No. 99 (Vol. VIII. p. 7).-Year 22 : Wednesday, the 20th April A.D. 1267. No. 82 (Vol. VII. p. 177).-Year 22 : Sunday, the 8th May A.D. 1267.
0.- Perufjingadôve. (Between the 11th February and the 30th July A.D. 1243.) Vol. VII. p. 164, B.-Year 7: Friday, the 30th July A.D. 1249. No. 159 (Vol. IX. p. 216).-Year 16: Monday, the 9th December A.D. 1258. Vol. VII. p. 164, A.-Year 18, Saka 1182: Sanday, the 31st October A.D. 1260. No. 160 (Vol. IX. p. 217).-Year 30 : Monday, the 10th October A.D. 1272. Vol. VII. p. 165, D.-Year 31 : Saturday, the 10th February A.D. 1274.
P.-Tribhuvanavira-Chladeva. (Between the 34th August A.D. 1991 and the 33rd August A.D. 1932.) No. 100 (Vol. VIII. p. 7).-Year 11: Friday, the 23rd August A.D. 1342.
No. 30.-DATES OF PANDYA KINGS. BY THE LATE PROFESSOR F. KIELHORN, C.I.E.; GÖTTINGEN.
(Continued from Vol. VIII. page 283.) From the numerous dates of Pandya kings sent to me by Rai Bahadur V. Venkayya, I here give five (Nos. 63-67), the European equivalents of which may be given with certainty. The remaining dates must wait till more dates of the kings to whom they belong have been discovered. Of those here published, Nos. 64 and 66 sre valuable inasmuch as, taken together with previously published dates, they show that M&ravarman Kulasekhara I. commenced to retgn between (approximately) the 2nd and the th June A.D. 1968, and Maravarman Kalasekhara II. between (approximately) the eth and the 29th March A.D. 1914,
The second fortnight is wrongly quoted instead of the Best

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No. 30.)
DATES OF PANDYA KINGS.
223
In a postscript I give a date of a king Rajakesarivarman Vira-Pandya, according to Mr. Venkayya a ruler of Kongu, which quotes both the Saka year 1202 and the regnal year 15, both given in words. This date is of considerable interest, becange my calculations prore its meaning to be this, that the day of the date fell in the 15th year of the king's reign which (reign) commenced in the Saka year 1302 (and not, that the day of the date itself fell in the Saka year 1202). The date thus suggests another point of doubt and uncertainty regarding the interpretation of dates that do not contain sufficient data for exact verification, even where at first sight such doubt seems to be out of the question,
At the end of this article algo I give a list of all pablished dates of Påndya kings that have been examined by me, with approximate statements of the time when each king commenced to reign.
A.-MARAVARMAN SUNDARA-PANDYA II.
63.-In the rock-cut Siva temple at Tirumaiyam. 1 Svarti Sri [ll] Kô Mârapaạmar=âņa Tribhuvagachchakravattiga! sri-Sundara-Pandiya
dêvarku yåņdu 7vada [Risha]bha-[nagi]rru-ppadiņm[a]grân-diyadiyum pîrvva
2 mikehatta daśamiyum Nâyirru-kkila-3 2 mai[yu]m per[ra*] U[tti]rattu nál.
“In the 7th year (of the reign of king Mâravarman alias the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Sundara-Pandyadêva, - on the day of Uttara-Phalguni, which corresponded to a Sunday, to the tenth tithi of the first fortnight and to the thirteenth solar day of the month of Rishabha."
I have previously found that the reign of Maravarman Sundara-Påądya II, commenced between (approximately) the 15th June A.D. 1239 and the 18th January A.D. 1239. This date of his 7th year regularly corresponds to Sunday, the 7th May A.D. 1245. The preceding Vrishabhasankranti took place 0 h. 4 m. after mean sunrise of Tuesday, the 25th April A.D. 12-13, which was the first day of the month of Vsishabha; and the 13th day of the same month therefore was Sunday, the 7th May A.D. 1245. On this day the 10th tithi of the bright half (of Jyaishtha) commenced 0 h. 43 m., and the nakshatra was Uttara-Phalguni, by the equal space system and according to Garga for 19 h. 42 m., and by the Brahma-siddhanta for 16 h. 25 m., after mean sunrise.
For the reign of Mayavarman Sundara-Pandya I. the date would be quite incorrect.
B.-MARAVARMAN KULASEKHARA I.
84.-In the Arjunėśvara temple at Kiladi. 1 Svasti sri [11*] Kô Mârava[rmmar-aņa Tr[i]bhavaṇachcha[ka]vattigal?
[em]mapdalamun-good-araliya sr[i]-Kulasekharadovnrkku (yaludu 23vadu Mith[o]na-payatru 6 ti purv va-pakshattu (tři]t[i]yai[yam] Ve!![i]-kk[illamaiyum
porta Pasattu nå!. “In the 23rd year of the reign) of king Måravarman alias the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Kulasekharadeva, who was pleased to take every country on the day of Pushya, which corresponded to a Friday and to the third tithi of the first fortnight (and) to the 6th solar day of the month of Mithuna."
No. 887 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1906. Read .pakshattu. + The whole of this line is engraved over an erasure. See above. Vol. VI. p. 305. . 1.e. the tithi of the Dalahard. • No. 447 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1906. Read chakra.
The syllable fi here stand for livadi.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
I have previously found that the reign of Mâravarman Kulasekhara I. commenced between (approximately) the 19th March and the 27th June A.D. 1268. This date of his 23rd year regularly corresponds to Friday, the 1st June A.D. 1291. The preceding Mithuna-sam krânti took place 7 h. 16 m. after mean sunrise of Sunday, the 27th May A.D. 1291, which was the first day of the month of Mithuna; and the 6th day of the same month therefore was Friday, the 1st June A.D. 1291. On this day the 3rd tithi of the bright half (of the first Ashadha) ended 3 h. 3 m., and the nakshatra was Pushya, by the equal space system and according to Garga for 14 h. 27 m., and by the Brahma-siddhânta for 12 h. 29 m., after mean sunrise.
The date reduces the period, during which Mâravarman Kulasekhara I, must have commenced to reign, to the time from (approximately) the 2nd to the 27th June A.D. 1268.
65. In the Arjunéévara temple at Kiladi.2
[VOL. IX.
1 Svasti sri [*]
Sri-kô Marapanmar-åga Tribhuvanachchakavattiga[13 e]mmanḍalamun-gon[d-a]ruliya éri-Kalasagaradêvarku yanḍu 30vadin edirâm-ându Ka[r]kkataka-nayarru 8 ti'm apara-pakshattu &[k]åda [si]yum perra Rôhip[i]-nål.
"In the year opposite the 30th year (of the reign) of the glorious king Maravarman alias the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Kulasekharadeva, who was pleased to take every country, on the day of Rohini, which corresponded to the eleventh tithi of the second fortnight and to the 8th solar day of the month of Karkataka."
For the year opposite the 30th, i.e. for the 31st year, of Maravarman Kulasekhara I. this date regularly corresponds to [Saturday], the 5th July A.D. 1288. The preceding Karkatakasamkranti took place 17 h. 19 m. after mean sunrise of Friday, the 27th June A.D. 1298. The first day of the month of Karkaṭaka therefore was Saturday, the 28th June, and the 8th day of the same month was Saturday, the 5th July A.D. 1298. On this day the 11th tithi of the dark half (of Ashaḍha) ended 18 h. 55 m., and the nakshatra was Rôhiņi, by the equal space system and according to Garga for 23 h. 38 m., and by the Brahma-siddhânta for 22 h. 59 m., after mean sunrise.
C.-MARAVARMAN KULASEKHARA II.
66. In the Bhûmisvara temple at Gudimallûr."
1 Suvasi [fr] [*] Kô Marapagmar Tira]bavagachchakkarava[t]ti śrî-Kula[4]Agaradék yaṇḍu 12[Avada] page[i]ran[dava]da [M]êsha-nayarru pupu[ru]va-pakshattu chatuttesiyum Velli-kkilamaiyum perra Aviṭṭat[tu n]ål.
"In the 12th-twelfth-year (of the reign) of king Maravarman (alias) the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Kulasekharadeva,-on the day of Dhanishtha, which corresponded to a Friday and to the fourteenth tithi of the first fortnight of the month of Mêsha."
This date is intrinsically wrong because the nakshatra cannot possibly be Dhanishtha on the 14th tithi of a first fortnight in the month of Mêsha. Irrespectively of the nakshatra
1 See above, Vol. VIII. p. 278.
No. 449 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1906. Read chakra.
The syllable ti here stands for tiyadiys.
No. 419 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1905.
• Read svasti.
The word dvadu seems to be deuuted by a flourish added to 2. Read parva-.

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No. 30.]
the date would be wrong for the 12th year of the reign of Maravarman Kulasekhara I. But for the 12th year of the reign of Mâravarman Kulasekhara II. (which has been found 1 to commence between approximately the 6th March and the 23rd July A.D. 1314) the date would regularly correspond to Friday, the 29th March A.D. 1325, which was the 4th day of the month of Mêsha, and on which the 14th tithi of the bright half (of Chaitra) ended 7 h. 9 m., while the nakshatra was Hasta, by the equal space system and according to Garga for 10 h. 30 m., and by the Brahma-siddhanta for 7 h. 13 m., after mean sunrise.-I have no doubt that this is the true equivalent of the date, and that the concluding words of the original date ought to be Attattu nil, the day of Hasta," instead of Ariṭṭattu nāļ.
DATES OF PANDYA KINGS.
The date would prove that Maravarman Kulasekhara II. could not have commenced to reign later than (approximately) the 29th March A.D. 1314.
D.-JATAVARMAN PARAKRAMA-PANDYA.
67. In the Satyagirinatha-Perumal temple at Tirumaiyam.2
1 Sat [] Sri-k-[Chehadai]pagmarina Tr[i]buvagain(kin)vatal - Parakk[i]rama-Pâ[ndiyadê]varkku [a]udu 5vad[in]
2 edir 7vadu
apara-pakahattu dvalisiyam Nayarru-kk[5]
lamaiyum perra Uttarâḍattu nå!.
225
"In the 7th (year) opposite the 5th year (of the reign) of the glorious king [Jațâ]varman alias the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Parakrama-Pandyadeva,on the day of Uttarashaḍna, which corresponded to a Sunday and to the twelfth tithi of the second fortnight of the month of.
I have previously found that Jațâvarman Parakrama-Pandya commenced to reign between (approximately) the 10th January A.D. 1357 and the 9th January A.D. 1358. This date of the 7th opposite the 5th year, i.e. of the 12th year of his reign, undoubtedly corresponds to Sunday, the 4th February A.D. 1383, which was the 11th day of the month of [Kumbha], and on which the 12th tithi of the dark half (of Mágha) ended 21 h. 7 m. after mean sunrise, while the nakshatra was Uttarashaḍhâ, by the Brahma-siddhanta and according to Garga the whole day, and by the equal space system from 6 h. 34 m. after mean sunrise.
The date shows that Jatavarman Parakrama-Pandya could not have commenced to reign before (approximately) the 5th February A.D. 1357.
POSTSCRIPT.
RAJAKESARIVARMAN VIRA-PANDYA.+
In the Kariyamanikka-Perumal temple at Vijayamangalam.5
1 Svasti śrî [||*] Nanmangalan-jirakka [*] [Śaga]r-yându ayiratt-iru-nurr-iraṇḍil [ko]v-[Irá]sa[k]saripa n]mar=âna [Tribhuvanachcha[kravat]
2 tigal śri-Vira-Pandiyadêvarku yându pa[di]naiñjâvadu *Tu[1]4-yarra pakshattu=7Ttingat-kilamaiy[u]m dasamiyum pe[rra] Ut[t]irattu n[â].
1 See above, Vol. VI. p. 315.
2 No. 395 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1906.
See above, Vol. VII. p. 17.
apara
This king is neither a Pandya nor a Chola, but a ruler of Kongn; see Rai Bahadur V. Venkayya's Annual Report for 1905-06, page 79.
No. 544 of the Government Epigraphist's collection for 1905.
The akshara tu is engraved above the line.
The guttural is engraved above the line.
2 G

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. XI.
" In the sake yoar one thousand two hundred and two, the fifteenth year of the reign) of king [Ra]jakesari varman alias the emperor of the three worlds, the glorious Vira-Pandyadeva,-on the day of Uttara-Phalguni, which corresponded to the tenth tithi and to a Monday of the second fortnight of the month of Tula."
The meaning of this date would naturally be taken to be that the day of the date fell both in the 15th year of the king's reign and in the Saka year 1202, either current or expired; but for either of these Sake years the date would be incorrect.
For the current Saka year 1202 the date might be taken to correspond to Monday, the 2nd October A.D. 1279, which was the 4th day of the month of Talk, and on which the 10th tithi of the dark half (of Âbvina) ended 2 h. 37 m. after mean sonrise. But the nakshatras on this day were Magha and Pûrva-Phalguni.
For the expired Saka year 1202 it would correspond to Saturday, the 19th October A.D. 1280, which was the 22nd day of the month of Tulâ, and on which the 10th tithi of the dark half of Âśvina) ended 18 h. 25 m., while the nakshatra was Pûrva-Phalguni, by the Brahmasiddhånta for 11 h. 10 m., according to Garga for 15 h. 46 m., and by the equal space system from 3 h. 17 m., aftur' mean sunrise.
The date would be incorrect also for the Saka year 1200 (current or expired) and for all years down to Saka 1214 expired. It would be correct for Saka 1215 expired (= 1218 current). For this yoar it would correspond to Monday, the 26th October A.D. 1293, which was the 29th day of tho month of Tula, and on which the 10th tithi of the dark half (of Karttika) ended 6 h. 52 m. after mean sunrise, while the nakshatra by all systems was Uttara-Phalguni during the whole of the day.
I have no doubt that Monday, the 26th October A.D. 1293, is the proper equivalent of the date; and, in accordance with this result, I take the true meaning of the original date to be this, that the day of the date fell in the 15th year of the king's reign which commenced some time during the (current) Saka year 1202 (= A.D. 1279-80) that is quoted at the beginning of the date. For dates that have to be similarly interpreted, I may refer to Nos. 261, 262 and 269 of my Southern List.
A LIST OF THE DATES OF PANDYA KINGS HITHERTO EXAMINED.
A.--Jațåvarman Kulasekhara. (Between the 30th March and the 29th November A.D. 1190.)? No. 2 (Vol. VI. p. 302).--Year opp. to 13: Thursday, the 26th February A.D. 1204. No. 1 (Vol. VI. p. 301).-Year 12 opp. to 13: Saturday, the 29th November A.D. 1214. No. 45 (Vol. VIII, p. 275).-Year 13 (for 13 opp. to 13 P): Thursday, the 6th October
A.D. 1216(?). No. 44 (Vol. VIII. p. 275).-Year 14 opp. to 13: Wednesday, the 29th March A.D. 1217.
B.-Maravarman Sundara-Pandya I. (Between the 20th March and the 4th Septembor A.D. 1216.) No. 6 (Vol. VI. p. 304).-Year 7: Monday, the 13th March A.D. 1223, No. 5 (Vol. VI. p. 803).-Year 9: Friday, the 28th March A.D. 1225. No. 46 (VS). VIIL. p. 276).-Year 15: Tuesday, the 3rd December A.D. 1230.
Or perlinps : Between the 7th October and the 29th November A.D. 1190.

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No. 3 (Vol. VI. p. 302).-Year opp. to year opp. to 17: Monday, the 4th September A.D. 1234.
No. 4 (Vol. VI. p. 303).-Year opp. to year opp. to 17: Monday, the 19th February A.D. 1235.
DATES OF PANDYA KINGS.
C.-Maravarman Sundara-Pandya II.
(Between the 15th June A.D. 1238 and the 18th January A.D. 1239.)
No. 63 (Vol. IX. p. 223).-Year 7: Sunday, the 7th May A.D. 1245. No. 10 (Vol. VI. p. 305).-Year 11: Sunday, the 25th April A.D. 1249.
Nos.
and 8 (Vol. VI. p. 304).-Year opp. to year opp. to 11: Wednesday, the 18th January A.D. 1251.
No.9 (Vol. VI. p. 305).-Year opp. to year opp. to 11; Wednesday, the 14th June A.D. 1251.1
D.-Jatavarman Sundara-Pandya I.
(Between the 20th and the 28th April A.D. 1251.)
No. 11 (Vol. VI. p. 306).-Year 2: Thursday, the 27th March A.D. 1253. No. 12 (Vol. VI. p. 306).-Year 2: Saturday, the 19th April A.D. 1253. No. 13 (Vol. VI. p. 306).-Year 3: Wednesday, the 29th October A.D. 1253. No. 17 (Vol. VI. p. 307).-Year 7: Sunday, the 7th October A.D. 1257.2 No. 14 (Vol. VI. p. 307).-Year 9: Tuesday, the 29th April A.D. 1259. No. 15 (Vol. VI. p. 307).-Year 9: Sunday, the 15th June A.D. 1259. No. 16 (Vol. VI. p. 307).-Year 10: Wednesday, the 28th April A.D. 1260. No. 18 (Vol. VI. p. 308).-Year 11: Tuesday, the 19th July A.D. 1261.8
E.-Vira-Pandya.
(Between the 11th November A.D. 1252 and the 13th July A.D. 1253.) No. 32 (Vol. VII. p. 11).-Year 7: Sunday, the 13th July A.D. 1259. No. 31 (Vol. VII. p. 10).-Year 15: Thursday, the 10th November A.D. 1267.
227
F.-Maravarman Kulasekhara I.
(Between the 2nd and the 27th June A.D. 1288.)
p. 277).-Year 22: p. 223).-Year 23:
p. 309).-Year 10: Wednesday, the 5th January A.D. 1278. Monday, the 27th June A.D. 1289. Friday, the 1st June A.D. 1291.
p. 309).-Year 26: Wednesday, the 18th November A.D. 1293.*
No. 20 (Vol. VI. No. 48 (Vol. VIII. No. 64 (Vol. IX. No. 21 (Vol. VI. No. 19 (Vol. VI. No. 49 (Vol. VIII. No. 65 (Vol. IX. p. 224).-Year opp. to 30: Saturday, the 5th July A.D. 1298. No. 50 (Vol. VIII. p. 277).-Year 34: Saturday, the 8th July A.D. 1301.5
p. 308).-Year 27: Friday, the 10th December A.D. 1294.
p. 277).-Year 30: Wednesday, the 31st July A.D. 1297.
No. 51 (Vol. VIII. p. 278).-Year 29 (for 39): Saturday, the 9th July A.D. 1306. No. 22 (Vol. VI. p. 810).-Year 40: Saturday, the 24th February A.D. 1308.
No. 47 (Vol. VIII. p. 276).-Year 40, Saka 1229: Monday, the 18th March A.D. 1308.
1 The month of Mina is wrongly quoted instead of Mithuna.
In the date, which is intrinsically wrong, the month of Kanya is quoted instead of Tula.
Thursday appears to have been wrongly quoted instead of Tuesday. The 2nd tithi is wrongly quoted, or misread, instead of the 3rd. The 3rd tithi is wrongly quoted instead of the 2nd.
242

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228
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. IX.
G.-Jatavarman Sundara-Pandya II. (Between the 13th September A.D. 1275 and the 15th May A.D. 1978.) No. 25 (Vol. VI. p. 311).-Year 6: Monday, the 21st July A.D. 1281. No. 52 (Vol. VIII. p. 278).-Year 10: Monday, the 23rd July A.D. 1285. No. 54 (Vol. VIII. p. 279).-Year 12: Wednesday, the 27th August A.D. 1287.1 No. 26 (Vol. VI. p. 311).-Year 12: Friday, the 12th September A.D. 1287. No. 53 (Vol. VIII. p. 279).-Year 11 (for 12): Wednesday, the 29th October 4, 2. 1287. No. 23 (Vol. VI. p. 310).-Year 13 (for 14): Monday, the 1st August A.D. 09. No. 24 (Vol. VI. p. 310).-Year 13 (for 14): Friday, the 5th August A.D. i: . No. 27 (Vol. VI. p. 312).-Year opp. to 14: Monday, the 15th May A.D. 1240. No. 55 (Vol. VIII. p. 280).-Year 2 opp. to 13: Monday, the 28th August A.D No. 56 (Vol. VIII. p. 280).-Year 9 for 10(?): Friday, the 29th March A.D. 12 .
H.-Maravarman Kulasekhara IL.
(Between the 6th and the 29th March A.D. 1314.) No. 29 (Vol. VI. p. 313).-Year 4: Saturday, the 23rd July A.D. 1317. No. 30 (Vol. VI. p. 313).-Year 5: Monday, the 5th March A.D. 1319,5 No. 28 (Vol. VI. p. 312).Year 8: Saturday, the 14th November A.D. 1321. No. 66 (Vol. IX. p. 224).--Year 12: Friday, the 29th March A.D. 1325.
I.-Maravarman Parikrama-Pandya. (Between the 1st December A.D. 1334 and the 1st November A.D. 1935.) No. 33 (Vol. VII. p. 11).-Year 6, Saka 1262: Wednesday, the 1st November A.D. 1340. No. 34 (Vol. VII. p. 11).-Year 8 (for 18): Friday, the 30th November A.D. 1352,
J.-Jatavarman Parakrame-Pandya. (Between the 6th February A.D. 1357 and the 9th January A.D. 1358.) No. 67 (Vol. IX. p. 225).-Year 7 opp. to 5: Sanday, the 4th February A.D. 1369. No. 35 (Vol. VII. p. 12).-Year 10 opp. to 5, Saks 1293 : Friday, the 9th January A.D. 1372.
K.-Kopera maikondan Vikrama-Pandya.
(Between the 13th January and the 27th July A.D. 1401.) No. 59 (Vol. VIII. p. 2).-Year 4: Sanday, the 15th February A.D. 1405 (?).7 No. 58 (Vol. VIII. p. 281).-Year 8: Friday, the 27th July A.D. 1408. No. 57 (Vol. VIII. p. 281).-Year 15, opp. to 2, Saks 1339: Wednesday, the 12th January
A.D. 1418.
1 The 31st solar day is wrongly quoted instead of the 30th. · The 13th tithi is wrongly quoted instead of the 3rd. • The (first day of the month of Kunyi is wrongly quoted instead of [the last day of] Sinha.
• This date may possibly be one of the 8th year of J. Sundara Pandya 1., corresponding to Friday, the 28th March A.D. 1259.
The date is intrinsically wrong. The month of Simba is wrongly quoted instead of Mtos, and the nakshatra Pushya (Pasar" ndi) instead of Parva-Phalgunt (Pdratts wat).
The nakshatra Dhanishtha (Adittattu nd!) is wrongly quoted instead of Hasta (Attattu nd!).
1 In the original date, which is iutrinsically wrong, the first fortnight is wrongly quoted instead of the second, and the 3rd tithi instead of the 2nd.

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No. 31.)
TIRUMALAI ROCK INSCRIPTION OF RAJENDRA-CHOLA I.
229
L.-Jaţilavarman Paråkrama-Pandya Arikësaridêva.
(Between the 18th June and the leth July A.D. 1422.) No. 37 (Vol. VII. p. 13).-Year opp. to 31: Thursday, the 19th July A.D. 1453. No. 36 (Vol. VII. p. 12).-Year 2 opp. to 31, Saka 1377: Monday, the 24th March A.D.
1455. No. 38 (Vol. VII. p. 13).-Year 4 opp. to 31 : Wednesday, the 160) March A.D. 1457. No. 39 (Vol. VII. p. 13).-Year 8 opp. to 31, Saka 1381: Wednesday, the 17th June A.D. 1461.
M.-Maravarman Vira-Pandya. (Between the 13th March and the 88th July A.D. 1443). No. 60 (Vol. VIII. p. 282).-Year 11 opp. to 2: Monday, the 28th July A.D. 1455. No. 61 (Vol. VIII. p. 283).-Year 14: Sunday, the 16th January A.D. 1457. No. 62 (Vol. VIII. p. 283).-Year 14: Saturday, the 12th March A.D. 1457.
N.-Jatilavarman Parikrama-Pandya Kulagêkhara. (Between the 15th November A.D. 1479 and the 14th November A.D. 1480.) No. 40 (Vol. VII. p. 14).-Year 20, Saka 1421 : Thursday, the 14th November A.D. 1499.
0.-Mâravarman Sundara-Pandya m. (Between the 2nd June A.D. 1531 and the 1st June A.D. 1582.) No. 42 (Vol. VII. p. 15).-Year 22 opp. to 2, Saka 1477: Saturday, the let Jane A.D. 1555.
P.-Jațilavarman Srivallabha. (Between the 29th Novembor A.D. 1534 and the 38th November A.D. 1535.) No. 41 (Vol. VII. p. 15).-Year 3, Saka 1459: Wednesday, the 28th November A.D. 1537.
Q.-Jatilavarman Srivallabha Ativirarama. (Between the 23rd August A.D. 1582 and the 22nd August A.D. 1689.) No. 43 (Vol. VII. p. 16).-Year 5, Saka 1489: Friday, the 22nd August 1567.
No. 31.- TIRUMALAI ROCK INSCRIPTION OF RAJENDRA-CHOLA I.
BY PROFESSOR E. HULTZSCH, PH.D.; HALLE (SAALE). When, more than twenty years ago, I started epigraphical work in the Madras Presidency, I prepared with my own hands an inked, estampage of the inscription which is here re-edited. After Mr. Venkayya had joined my office in Bangalore, we spent a considerable time in reading and translating this record - one of the first early Chola documents we tried to make out in a reliable manner. The Tamil text of it as printed in South Indian Inscriptions, Vol. I. p. 98, does not contain any misreadings. But the translation on p. 99 needs revision in the light of the other Chôļa inscriptions which were published later on, and a facsimile of this beautifully
1 Monday is wrongly quoted instead of Thursday.
Saka 1881 is wrongly quoted instead of 1883, and the 23rd solar day wrongly instead of the 21st.
* Only the date in line 12 should be '13' (instead of '12'); the same correction has to be made in the beading of the Plate facing p. 232 below.

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230
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. IX.
engraved and well preserved rock inscription was hitherto missing. I therefore republish it now in Roman characters with a fresh translation, and with a collotype of a careful inked estampage which was prepared recently under Rai Bahadur Venkayya's personal supervision.
The inscription is engraved on a smooth piece of rock near & rock-cut Jaina figure on the top of the hill of Tirumalai near Poļür in the North Arcot district. The language is Tamil and the alphabet is likewise Tamil, interspersed with a few Grantha words and letters (svasti sri, 1. 1; shai of vishaiya, 1.9; Mahi°, 1. 10 ; Sri-Rajendra-Choladeva and ja of Jayangonda, 1. 12; sri, Jina and dêva, 1. 13; vyápári, 1. 13 f.).
The inscription is dated in the 13th year of the reign of the Chola king Parakesarivarman alias Rajendra-Choladêva I. (1. 12), who ascended the throne in A.D. 1012. Ito first eleven lines consist of a passage in Tamil verse which describes the conquests of the king, and the first words of which (Tiru manni, etc.) are quoted -as pointed out by Mr. Venkayya - in Perundevagår's commentary on the Virašoliyam.
The list of conquesta opens with Idaidurai-nadu (1. 1 f.), i.e. the country of Yedatore in the Mysore district, and Vanavasi, i.e. Banavasi in the North Canara district. The next item, the city of Kollippåkkri, must have been included in the Western Chalukya kingdom. For it was set on fire by Rajadhiraja I. in the course of a war against Somèsvara I. and Vikramaditya VI., and it is mentioned as Kollipake in an inscription of Jayasimha II. Manpai-kataka is identified by Mr. Rice with the city of Manne in the Nelamangala taluka of the Bangalore district.6
Ilam (1.2) or fla-mandala (1. 3) is the Tamil designation of the island of Ceylon. Rajendra-Chola I. bonets of having deprived its king of his own crown, the crowds of his queens, and two other trinkets which the Pandya king had previously deposited with the king of Ceylon : a crown and the necklace of Indra.' Mr. Venkayya has pointed out that the Mahavarasa (chapter LIII.) also refers to the crown of the Pâədya, which had been left with the king of Ceylon and was taken from him by the Chôļas, and that the necklace of Indra' is alluded to in several Pandya inscriptions.7
The Kerala (1.3) is the king of Malabar. Śândimattivu (1.5), i.e. the island of Santimat (?), is unknown. Musangi is perhaps identical with the fort of Uchchangi in the Bellary district.8 Jayasinha of Ratta-padi (1. 6), who was put to flight at Musangi, is the Western Chalukya king Jayasimha II.
Sakkaragottam, i.e. Chakrakotta, is shown by the inscriptions of Kulottunga I. to have belonged to the dominions of the king of Dhårå.20 Madura-mandala (1.7) need not be connected with Madhura, the capital of the Påndya king, who has been already accounted for (1. 3), but may be meant for the district of the northern Mathurd on the Yamana. The three next geographical names cannot be identified.
At Âdinagar (?) Rajendra-Chola I. captured Indraratha of the race of the Moon (1. 8). As suggested by Prof. Kielhorn, 11 this prince may be identical with that Indraratha who is mentioned in the Udaypur inscription as an enemy of Bhojadeva of Dhara.
1 South-Ind. Inser. Vol. III. p. 198 ; above, Vol. VIII. p. 262. . Compare South-Ind. Inger. Vol. III. p. 197. * Ibid. p. 52. • Above, Vol. III. p. 231. Compare also Vol. VI. PP 224, 225 and 227 (Kollipdkd). • Ep. Cars. Vol. III. p. 10 of the Introduction. • Annual Report on Epigraphy for 1906-1907, p. 73. * Ibid. p. 63 f.; Ind. Ant. Vol. XXII. p. 72 and note 78.
South-Ind. Inser. Vol. II. p. 94, note 4. Ibid. Vol. I. p. 96.
10 Ibid. Vol. III. p. 132. 11 List of Southern Incor. p. 120, note 8.

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No. 31.]
TIRUMALAI ROCK INSCRIPTION OF RAJENDRA-CHOLA I. 231
Oḍḍa-vishaya (1. 9) is the province of Orissa, and Kôsalai-naḍu is probably Southern Kôsala. Tapḍabutti, i.e. Dauḍabhukti, and its ruler Dharmapála are unknown from other sources. The same is the case with Rapasûra, who ruled over Takkapalaḍam (1. 10), i.e. Dakshina-Virața or Southern Berar, and with Govindachaudra, the ruler of Vangala-desa, i.e. the Bengal country. Mahipala, whom the Chòla king deprived of his elephants and women, is identified by Prof. Kielhorn with the Pâla king Mahipala I.+
The list of conquests closes with Uttiralâḍam (1. 11), i.e. Uttara- Virâţa or Northern Berar, and the Ganga, i.e. the river Gunges.
The short passage in Tamil prose with which the inscription ends (11. 12-14) records its actual purpose a gift of money for a lamp and for offerings to the Jaina temple on the hill by the wife of a merchant of Malliyûr in Karaivali, a subdivision of Perumbaṇappâḍi. The temple was called Śri-Kundavai-Jiuâlaya (1. 13), i.e. the Jina temple of Kundavai. This name suggests that the shrine owed its foundation to Kundavai, the daughter of Parântaka II., elder sister of Rajaraja I. (and consequently the paternal aunt of Rajendra-Chola I.) and wife of Vallavaraiyar Vandyadevar.5 The sacred hill (Tirumalai) is stated to have formed part of Vaigavûr, a pallichchandam, i.e. a village belonging to a Jaina temple,' in Mugai-nâḍu, a subdivision of Pangala-nâḍu, a district of Jayangonda-Chôla-mandala. Malliyâr is the modern Guḍimallûr near Arcot. The remaining geographical names mentioned in this paragraph have been discussed in South-Ind. Inser. Vol. III. p. 89, and above, Vol. VII. p. 192.
In conclusion I would like to add a few words on the later conquests of Râjêndra-Chola I. which are registered in the Tanjore inscription No. 20. Mr. Venkayya has shown that my former identification of Kaḍâram with a place in the Madura districts must be wrong, because the Chola king despatched an expedition to it on ships by sea, and because two of the localities mentioned in connection with this expedition, Nakkavaram and Pappâļam, are, respectively, the Nicobar Islands and a port in Burma. Among the remaining items we read in line 9 of the Tanjore inscription niraisir-visaiyamum, and in line 11 kalai-ttakkór pugal talai-ttakkilamum. The second of them, Takkôlam, may be identical with Ptolemy's Tákwλa Európy, which Colonel Gerini places at Takôpa on the western coast of the Malay Peninsula. Instead of the first, which I had translated by Vijayam of great fame,' an inscription at Kandiyûr near Tanjore reads nirai-śrivishaiyamum, 'the prosperous Śrivishaya.' This may be the correct reading; for according to the larger Leiden grant (1. 80) Srivishaya was the name of the country ruled over by the king of Kataha or Kadaram.
1 South-Ind. Inser. Vol. I. p. 97.
In bis Annual Report on Epigraphy for 1906-1907, p. 87 f., Mr. Venkayya has shown that the Tamil term Пldda does not correspond to the Sanskrit Láta (Gujarat), but to Virafa (Berar).
Page 34 of Dr. Burnell's South-Indian Palæography (2nd ed.) contains the following note:-"The great inscription at Tanjore (11th century) mentions a Sêraman, but also a king of Karuvai (or Karûr) and a Govinda. chandra (king of Kannada)."-Kannada (- Kannada or Karpâta ?) is nothing but a misreading of the word Takkanalddam, which happens to precede the name Govindasandan (1. 10), and Karuvai, here represented as referring to Karuvar, is probably derived from Adinagar-avai (1. 8). I am not drawing attention to these mis. takes in order to gloat over them, but to prevent their being quoted as reliable facts.
List of Southern Inscr. p. 120, note 4.
South-Ind. Inscr. Vol. II. p. 68. For three (ther princesses named Kundavai see Ind. Ant. Vol. XXIII. p. 298, note 13, and South-Ind. Inser. Vol. III. p. 100.
Above, Vol. VII. p. 116, note 1.
1 See Mr. Venkayya's Annual Report on Epigraphy for 1905-1906, p. 36 f., Nos. 418, 416 and 419.
South-Ind. Inser. Vol. II. p. 106.
Annual Report on Epigraphy for 1898-99, p. 17. Compare South-Ind. Insor. Vol. III. p. 194 f.
10 Journ. R. As. Soc. 1904, p. 247.
11 See my Annual Report on Epigraphy for 1894-95, p. 4.

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232
Iḍaidu
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
TEXT.
1 Svasti śri [1] Tiru manni valarav-ira-nila-maḍandaiyum pôr-chchaya-ppâvaiyuñ= jir-ttani-chchelviyu.-dan perun-dêviyar-âgi inburn ned-udiyal Aliyal
2 rai-naḍun-dudar-vana-veli-ppadar Vanavâsiyuñ-julli-chchûl-madit-Kollippâkkaiyunappark-aru-muran Mannaikkaḍakkamum poru-gaḍal Îlatt-arasarda-mudiyum 3 var dêviyar-ông-elin-mudiyu-munn-avar pakkal=Ttennavar vaitta sundaramudiyum Indiran-âramun-dep-dirai fla-manḍala-muluvadum eri-baḍai=
âógn
Kkeralar
+muraimaiyir-chuḍun-gala-danam-âgiya
palar pugal muḍiyun-Jengadir-mâlaiyuñjang-alir-volai-ttol-brun-givar-pal-balan-di(di) vuñ-jeravir-chena
5 vil irubatt-orn-gal-araisugalai kaṭṭa Parasuraman mêv-arun-Jândimattivv-aran3 karndi iruttiya sem-box-Ṛiru-ttagu-mudiyum bayan-goậu pali miga Musangiyil mu
dug itt-olitta Sayasi(si)ngan ala-pperum-bugaloḍum pid-iyal Iraṭṭabâḍi êl-arai ilakkamu-nava-pedi-kkula-pperu-malaigalum vikkirama-virar Sakkaragôṭṭamu7 mudira-bada-vallai Madura-manḍalamum ka-miḍai-valaiya-Namanaikkônamum ven-jilai-virar Pañjappalliyum pâś-uḍai-ppala-nan-Masuņi-desamum ayarviSI-van-gi(girttiy-Adinagar-avaiyir-Chandiran-pol-gulatt-Iradaranai1 vilaiy
[VOL. IX.
amarkkalattu-kkilaiyoḍum pid[it]tu-ppala-danattoḍu nirai kula-daṇa-kkuvaibûsurar sêr nal-Kkôśalai-nâḍun
vand-urai-sôlai-Ttanḍayu(bu)ttiyum=
yun-jitt-arun-jeri-milaiy-Otta-vishaiyamum
Mahibalanai
Danmabalanai
Irana
: sûragai muran-ura-ttakki-ttikk-anai-gi(gî)rtti-Ttakkanalaḍamun-Govindasandan
vem-munaiy-alittu
mav-ilind-oda-ttangada-sâral
11 veñ-jama[r-valâgatt-añjuvitt=aruli
nittila-nedun-gaḍal-Utti[ra]lâḍamum
Vangala-dêsamun-dôdu-gadar-changugoṭṭan
on-diral yênaiyum pendir-bandaramu=
veri-manar-rîrtta-tteri-bunar-Kangaiyu=
mâ-p
12 poru-dandar-konda ko-Pparagesaribanmar-âna uḍaiyâr
Sri-Rajendra
Chôļadėvarku yaṇḍu 13âvadu [Ja]yangonḍa-Sola-maṇḍalattu Pangalanâṭṭu naduvil
13 va[g]ai Mugai-naṭṭu-ppallichchandam Vaigavûr-Ttirumalai Śri-KundavaiJinâlayattu dêvarku-Pperumbânappâḍi-Kkaraivali Malliyûr irukkum vya14 pâri Nannappayan manavâṭṭi Samuṇḍappai vaitta tirunandavilakku onţinukku=
kkâsu irubadum [tira] vamudukku vaitta kâsu pattum [*]
TRANSLATION.
(Line 1.) Hail! Prosperity!
(L. 12.) In the 13th year (of the reign) of king Parakêsarivarman alias the lord Sri-Rajendra-Chôladéva, who,
Read schiavi.
2 Read ttiv-aran.
Other inscriptions read alapp-arum; see South-Ind. Inser. Vol. II. p. 93, note 5.
Read Inairaradanai. That this is the original reading, becomes more than probable in the following mauner: (1) The doubtful word may be expectel to rhyme ou Chandira, the third word before it. (2) The Tanjore inscription No. 20 reads Indiradanai. (3) Indraratha is the only correct Sanskrit name I can think of, which would account for both corrupt readings.
The Tanjore inscriution No. 20 reads kitt-arun-jeri-minai.
Read, as in the Tanjore inscription No. 20, tódu-galar-changuv-ottal.

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No. 31.)
TIRUMALAI ROCK INSCRIPTION OF RAJENDRA-CHOLA 1.
233
(L. 1.) in (his) life of high prosperity, while Tirn (Lakshmî), having become constant, was increasing, (and) while the goddess of the great earth, the goddess of victory in battle, and the matchless goddess of fame rejoiced to have become bis great queens,
(L. 11.) seized by (his) great, warlike army (the following)!
(L. 1.) Idaidurai-nadu; Vanavasi, (round which) a fence of continuous forests was spreading;1 Kollippåkkai, whose walls were surrounded with brushwood; Mannaikkadakkam, whose strength was unapproachable ;3 the crown of the king of flam (on) the tempestuous ocean; the exceedingly fine crowns of the queens of that (king); the beautiful crown and the necklace of Indra, which the king of the South (i.e. the Pandya) had previouslya deposited with that king of flam); the whole fla-mandala (on) the transparent sea; the crown praised by many and the garland of the Sun, family-treasure, which the arrow-shooting (king of) Kéras rigatfully wore; many ancient islands, whose old, great guard was the ocean wbich makes the conches resound; the crown of pure gold, worthy of Tiru (Lakshmi), which Parasuråma, having considered the fortifications of Sandimattivu impregnable, kad deposited (there), when, in anger, (he) bound the kings twenty-one times in battle; the seven and a half lakshas of Irattabadi, (which was strong by nature, (and which he took), together with immeasurable fame, (from) Jayasimha, who, out of fear and full of vengeance, turned his back at Musangi and hid himself; the principal great mountains (which contained) the nine treasures of Kuvera) ;5 Sakkaragottam, whose warriors were brave; Madura-mandala, whose forts (bore) banners (which touched) the clouds; Namaņaikkôņam, which was sur. rounded by dense groves; Pañchappalli, whose warriors (bore) cruel bows; the good Masuņideśa, whose fruits were fresh; a large heap of family-treasures, together with many (other) treasures, (which he carried away) after having captured Indraratha of the old race of the Moon, together with his family, in a fight which took place in the hall (at) Ådinagar, (a city) which was famous for unceasing abundance; Odda-vishaya, which was difficult to approach, (and which he subdued in close fights; the good Kosalai-nádu, where Brahmaņas assembled ; Tandabutti, in whose gardens bees abounded, (and which he acquired) after having destroyed Dharmapala (in) a hot battle; Takkaņaladam, whose fame reached (all) directions, and which he occupied) after having forcibly attacked Ranaśûra; Vangla-dosa, where the rain-wind never stopped, and from which) Govindachandra fled, having descended (from his) male elephant ;6 elephants of rare strength and treasures of women, (which he seized) after having been pleased to pat to flight on a hot battle-field Mahipala, decked (as he was) with ear-ringe, slippers and bracelets; Uttiraladam, as rich in pearls as the ocean; and the Gange, whose waters dashed against bathing-places tirtha) covered with sand, -
(L. 12.) Chamundappai, the wife of the merchant Nannappaya, who resided (at) Malliyur (in) Karaivali, (a subdivision of Perumbånappadi, deposited twenty kasus for one perpetual lamp and ten kdsus for offerings to the god of the Sri-Kundavai Jinalaya (on) the holy mountain (Tirumalai) of Vaigavûr, a pallichchandam in Mugai-nadu, a subdivision (vagai) in the middle of Pangala-nadu, (a district) of Jayangonda-Cha-mandala.
It seems most nutaral to take padar is a verb. It may also mean road' or may be the nom. plur. of the Sanskrit dhata,' warrior.'
This was perhape done by the besieging Chola army when setting fire to the city. Among the meanings of fallitbe Dictionnaire Tamowl-Français notes the following: - broutilles, mena bois sec pour brûler.'
Other inscriptions réad nannark-arum-aray, 'whose fortifications were unapproachable.'
• It snem: more simple to take the first member of fundara-mudi man mljective, than to translate the compound by the crown of Sundara.
See South-Ind. Inser. Vol. II. p. 95, notu 1. • Compare pagadeilid=6da, ibid. Vol. II. p. 94, text üne 7 f.

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234
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. IX.
No. 32.-MAMBALLI PLATE OF SRIVALLAVANGODAI; KOLLAM 149.
BY T. A. GOPINATHA RAO, M.A., MADRAS. The copper plate on which the subjoined inscription is engraved, belongs to the Mâmballi bhandarattil of the Mamballi matha and was secured for me for publication by Mr. S. Govinda Pillai, High Court Vakil, Trevandrum. Besides this plate, there are five other odd plates belonging to the same matha, which bear fragments of inscriptions of the Kilappêrûr ! dynasty of the Vêņadu kings. In one of them occurs the name Sri-Vira-Devadaran-Koraļavarman of Kilappêrûr.
The plate measures 103" x 3" and has a hole on the left margin. It does not appear to have possessed a ring or seal. At the left end of the plate, the owner has engraved, in modern Malayalam characters, the word Mamba!!i. Excepting this single word and a few Grantha letters interspersed in the document, the inscription is written in the Vatteluttu alphabet. The words svasti and Sri in line 1; the letter fri occurring in the name Srivallavaögôdai in lines 7, 18 and 19 ; rakshio and rakshdo occurring in the words rakshichchu and rakshibhôgam in 1. 12 are in Grantha characters. The consonant k retains the earlier form, without a loop at the bottom; this form differs from the later ones which are scarcely distinguishable from the symbol for ch. The letter pů (of pungá in l. 3), whilst it has the common form in all other instances, looks like the Grantha letter hra. The language of the inscription is Tamil, tinged here and there with the colloquialisms of the Malabar Coast : e.g. irundaruliyaidattu vaichchu, (=at the place where they were pleased to be seated), in l. 5; paffára-gakkolla for pattiragarkk-uļļa (= belonging to the bhaffůraka) in lines 6 and 12; ari for arisi (= rice) in 1. 9; Murursaiyar for Murungaiyûr in l. 21 ; Sarinaran for Sangaran in l. 22 ; rakshichchu for rakshittu in l. 12. The phrase nanálichcheydu is contracted in the modern Malayalam language into nanalichche.
This is the earliest known record dated in the Kollam era, and belongs to the reign of the Vêņadu king srivallavangôdai. It is dated in the 149th year of the Kollam era,
[Kiluppêrûr is annexed as the house-name of the Vêņad (Travancore) princes in later inscriptions (Ind. Ant. Vol. XXV. p. 190). It is a village abont 8 files to the north-east of Arringal, wbich is the hereditary domain of H. H. the Senior Rani of Travancore (Mr. Nagamriya's Travancore Manual, Vol. III. p. 579). The country round Artingal seems to have been known as Kåpadeśa in ancient times. The late Mr. Sundaram Pillai was of opinion that Vên du and Kúpadeśa were two distinct principalities and that the latter was at some stage of its history annexed by the rulers of the former. The Vêpådu kings are said to have assumed the family name Kilapperør after this annexation.-V. Venkayya.]
? [This name occurs without the title pira in a Vatteluttu inscription from Viranam in the Travancore State. The late Professor Sundaram Pillai bas called the king Keralavarman II. and assigned A.D. 1193 for his date (Ind. Ant. Vol. XXIV. p. 283).-V. V.).
[In the name Srivallavangô lai kódai was perhaps an epithet of the ralers of Vēņadu. The first part of the name, ie. Srivallavan (Brivallabha) may be that of the king to whom Venadu was fendatory, Such a coinbination of names is frequently met with in Tamil inscriptions. If the name Srivallavangô lai be a similar compound, Šrivallavan or Srivallabha might be the name of Pandya king. The Paodya king, who probably reigned about this time, was Vira-Pâodya, with whom the Choļs Aditya II. is said to have fought in his youth. Vira-Pandya himself claims to have taken "the head of the Chôļa (king)", and a number of his inscriptions have been found at Suchindram in South Travancore. But we have at present no reason to suppone that he bore the name Srivalabba, although the designation was common enough sinong the Pandys. On the other hand, tho Singhales: chronicle Mahawana refers to an invasion of Ceylon in the period A.D. 975-991 by Vallabha, the Cl4s king (Mr. Wijesimha's Translation, Chapter LIV, p. 85). It is, however, doubtful if the Chãļas were powerful enough to undertake an expedition against Ceylon at the time of which we are now speaking. And as the chronology of the Singhalese chronicle is not beyond question, we cannot suppose that the ruler of Travancore mentioned in the Màuba!! plate was a Chola feudatory. The history of the Cheras is very little known. Con sejuently it is uncertain to which dynasty the Srivallabha, whose feudatory the Voņada ruler might have been in A.D), 973, belonged.-V. V.)

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No. 32.] MAMBALLI PLATE OF SRIVALLAVANGO DAI; KOLLAM 149.
on a Sunday corresponding to the Asvati-nakshatra in the month Vrischika when the planet Jupiter stood in the constellation Tula. Professor Kielhorn kindly contributes the following remarks on the date:-"If the date were correctly recorded, it would correspond, for the year 149 of the Kollam era, to Sunday, the 9th November A.D. 973, which was the 15th day of the month of Vrischika, and on which [the 11th tithi of the bright half of Margasira ended 11 h. 12 m., while] the nakshatra was Rêvati for 16 h. 25 m., after mean sunrise, and Asvini (Asvati) for the rest of the day. On the same day Jupiter's mean longitude was 191' 44', and his true longitude 195° 27', i.e. in either case Jupiter was in the sign Tula."
235
"The difficulty here is, that the day should have been described as the day of the nakshatra Asvini, when this nakshatra only commenced 16 h. 25 m. after mean sunrise; and I have no doubt whatever that either Asvinî (Asvati) has been quoted erroneously instead of Rêvati, or Sunday instead of Monday. If the week-day were Monday, the date would regularly correspond to Monday, the 10th November A.D. 973, the 16th day of Vrischika, when the nakshatra was Asvini (Asvati) for 16 h, 25 m. after mean sunrise, and when Jupiter of course still was in the sign Tula."
The inscription informs us that Umaiyammai of Tirukkalayapuram, daughter of Adichchan, set up a bhaṭṭuraka (image) in the temple at Ayurûr. The king Śrivallavangôdai made a gift of land to Umaiyammai for the purpose of keeping up the services of the bhaṭṭuraka set up in the Ayurûr temple; and she, in her turn, made over the subject matter of the gift to the Tiruchchenguprûr temple, in order that it might be placed under the management of the Poduvals of that temple. From the produce of the land so given, the Poduvals of the temple of Tiruchchengunrûr had to supply to the temple daily 4 nális of rice for daily offerings and annually 200 parais (of 9 nalis each) of paddy. If the word uḍai used in 1. 18 was really meant to be used in the sense of of or belonging to,' the inscription would warrant us to draw the conclusion that Umaiyammai was a near relation of Brivallavangodai - either mother or wife. It would then be more probable to consider her as his wife than as his mother, as the passage Srivallavangódaiy-udai Adichchan-Umaiyammai means Âdichchan Umaiyammai belonging to Srivallavangodai. She might perhaps be the daughter of the Chôja king Aditya II., to whose time this record belongs. If, on the other hand, udai be a mistake for iḍai then no sort of relationship need exist between the two.
The inscription employs several peculiar terms which require some explanation each. The word attippêru (11. 8 and 19) implies acquisition by the pouring of water.' This mode of acquisition differs from others, such as purchase, etc. The meaning of the expressions kiliḍu and idaiy-idu is not definitely known. Kil-idu literally means that which is placed under,' and idaiy-idu, that which is placed in the middle.' A piece of land placed under the management of a person was perhaps called a kilidu with reference to that person. If this person sublet to a third party, the person subletting seems to be the iḍaiy-idan, i.e. he is the middle man between the owner of the property and the sub-tenant. It is in this sense that the passages of the inscription, in which these terms occur have been translated. The name poduval was given to a class of people who were eligible for service in temples. It has now
1 [According to the Editor's footnote 4 on p. 236, the name of the week-day is engraved over an erasure.-P. K.] 2 [See below, p. 238, note 3.-V. V.]
[The record may belong either to the reign of Aditya II. or of his successor Madhurantaka. If Umaiyammai was the daughter of the Chola king Aditya II., it is difficult to understand why he is described as a native of Tirukkalayapuram. In all probability she was a private individual.-V. V.]
[See below, p. 238, note 10.-V. V.]
[See below, p. 237, note 12.-V. V.] [Compare Hultasch, Ind. Ant. Vol. XX. p. 292.-V. V.]
2 H 2

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(VOL. IX
become the name of a sub-caste among the Ambalavesi section of the Malaya!is. Then again, the word úrelan is explained variously as a trustee of an endowed temple, magistrat de la rille, or a patron or founder of a temple. I believe it is used here in the drst two meanings. The term adhikari occurs in the inscriptions of the Tamil and Malayalam countries, and is used in the sense of an officer in charge of a division, and it is in this sense the term is used in line 23 of the present record. The phrase mukkúlvattam implies, according to Dr. Gundert, & Bhagavati temple. If this be the sense in which it is employed in our inscription, then the bhattáraka set up by Umaiyammai might be taken to be Bhagavati. Bat its literal meaning,
the three-fourths of a vattam (circuit or group of villages),' and the use of the bhattáraka instead of bhattaraki preclude the possibility of its being a Bhagavati temple in the present instance. How mukkúlvaffam came to mean a Bhagavati temple is not known. The meaning of the expressions Sirrurnadai and Sirrúrnadai-ttandam is not clear. Hence they have been tentatively translated as "the custom obtaining in small towns" and "the fine levied in accordance with the custom obtaining in small towns."
The places mentioned in this inscription are :--Kollam, Tirukkalayapuram, Ayirur, Tiruchchengunrur, Idaiyamaņam, Murunnaiyûr, Manalmukku, Pupalar and Kudagôțţûr. Of these Kollam, Ayirûr and Tiruchchengugrur are the modern Quilon, Ayirûr and Chengupgûr (the head-quarters of the talaka of the same name) in North Travancore. Idaiyamanam might be identified with Edaman, a station on the Maniyachi-Quilon branch of the South Indian Railway; and Panalûr is another station on the same line. I am not able to identify the rest.
TEXT.
First Side. 1 Svasti eri [ll] Kollan=doori nůrra-nårpatto bad&m=&ndı Tulu2 ttu! Viyala-nigra Mirichchiga ayirra (Nayir=ånda] 3 Achchuvadi inna[:]Al Kollattu=P[p]ógåvin köyilu!=aya4 riya koţtilu! Tiruchchengonfür=pparudai=ppera-makkal katta5 n=guļi irundaruliy=edatta vaichcha Tirukkalaiyapuratt-Adichchan=
Umaiyammai 6 Ayarorir=piradițțai-Seyda Pattaragaraiyum pattåragarkkolla pûmiyum
Adi7 chchag-Umaiyammaikku (ni]rod-atti-kkoduttan Vép&d=udaiya Śrívallavangodai
[II") Âdich8chan Umaiyammai tâp-attirperu kondada Tiruchchengugrurappattåraga9 rkkurkkil-iday-chchirrur nadaiy=ody küda napáli=chchey[da]ri tiruva
mudi10 pakkum [o]badipáli-pparaigal irunura parai-chche[y]dn nel andu11 varai k uduppidäga=ppoluval kaiyyil nirod-atti-kkudatta! [II] Ayurar
mu12 kkal-vattamum pattárakkolla7 idaiy-idum rakshichchu koduttu raksha
pôgan=
1 [The word adhikarin is also used in the sense of 'minister;' South Ind. Intors. Vol. II. p. 92, and above Vol. VII. p. 196.-V. V.]
• According to Mr. Nagamaiys the village is called -Chengannur (Travancore Manual, Vol. III. p. 581) and there is a large and famous pagoda dedicated to the goddess Bhagavatt, in which there is celebrated annually festival lasting for 28 days.-V. V.) • From the original copper place.
• This portion is engraved uver an erasure. . Read irundaruliyay-idattu.
. Read pattdragarkkulla. 1 Read paffdragarkkulla.

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No. 32.7 MAMBALLI PLATE OF SRIVALLAVANGODAI; KOLLAM 149.
37
.
13 gollakkadaviyar poduvalmár [l*] i-pparisu seyda kil-ittil Uralarkga i14 daiy-idarâga pakka vilakkavum poruļ kavaravum perår [11] 1 idA[ogali]l-ogru
Second Side. 15 seyyumavan "yepperru-vagai chchirrur-nadai-ttandam irunurru-kkalañju 16 pog tanda-ppada-kkada viyan [ll*] avaṇkus påợu tângumayagum ippari17 sê tandappaduvidu [ll") i-ppariśn mêr=chollappatta Ayurur makka18 l-vattamum pattêragarkk-olla: idaiy-idun-Srivallavangodaiy=udai. 19 Âdichchaņ=Umaiyammai atti-ppêşu kondadu [ll*) Śrivallavangôdaiy=t20 day-irukka-Ttiruchchenguprůrappattâragarkku kil-idaga attiy-6-6 21 datt-ariyañ=jádukka! Marunnaiyur-Ttêvam=Bavittiran någum=ari22 van [11] Idaiyâmaņattu Sannarań=Gandan någum=apivan [11] Manalmukki[9] 23 Kandan=Damodaran nânum=arivap [] Vêņattirku adigårañ=jeygi24 gra Pagalûr(i) Iravi Parandavan nånum=agivan [ll] Kadagőttür=
Рparan25 davan=Gandaş nânum=azivan [ll*) ivai Tiruchchengunrur=ppodava26 ! śát[ta]ň-Jadaiyag-eluttu [ll"]
TRANSLATION. (Lines 1 to 7). Hail! Prosperity! In the year one hundred and forty-nine after Kollam appeared, on a Sunday corresponding to the Achahuvadi (asvati-nakshatra) in the month of Mirichchigam (Vfischika), when Jupiter stood in Tuls-while the great mon of the parudais (assembly) of Tiruchchenguprür were pleased to be assembled on this day in the high hall of the palace (situated in the flower garden of Kollam, Srivallavangodai, (the king) of Vêņaļu gave, by the pouring of water, to Ådichohap-Umaiyammai of Tirukkalayapuram, the battárakarlo set up by Adichchag-Umaiyammai at Ayurûr, and the lands belonging to the battárakar.
(Ll. 8 to 11). Âdichchan Umaiyammai gave, as kil-idu to the battárakar of Tiruchchenguprar, by pouring water in the hands of the poduval," what she acquired by gift, so that (he)
· [The reading seems to be id[ai] naiyil-orru. If nai has to be taken as nid it would be quite different from the other nds which occur in the inscription and resemble the modern Tamil .-V. V.]
· [The reading seems to be vevérru.-V. V.) + Read avanukku. • Read pattaragarkkulla. • Read attiyay-idattu.
[The original hos Náyiranda Achehuvadi, which would mean in Tamil the (nakshatra) Asvati (Abvini) which was governed by Nayiru (the Sun).' If then the week-day be Sunday, Nayiradada would correspond to the modern Nayird!cha and the word dlcha which Dr. Gundert derives from the root dļu 'to sink may, in that case, be derived from the root dp to rule.'-V.V.]
[The expression idatts raichchu of the original seems to be used in the sense of the modern MalayAlam idattil vechchu which appears to be almost synonymous with the Tamil idattil.-V. V.]
The word parudai occurs also in the form paradai and is a tadbhava of the Sanskrit parishat-V. V.] . The original has" were assembled and were pleased to be seated."-V.V.]
10 [It was evidently the image of the god that was made over to Adichchan Umaiyammai; see below, p. 339, pote 10.-- V. V.]
[According to Dr. Gundert, podundt means "a class of half-Brahmans, temple servanta" and agappodwod! with pinunde officiate as priests and administrators of temple property.- V. V.]
11 (4tfirpdrw is evidently the same as aflippers which, according to Dr. Gundert, means " complete purchase of free h !." Mr. Nagamsiys defines the term as the out and out surrender of the jenmi's rights by sale (Trarancore Manual, Vol. III, p. vill.)- V. V.]

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[VOL. IX.
might supply, nocording to the rate current in small towns, four milli of rice for (daily) offerings, and two hundred parai of paddy at nine nali per parai, annually.
l. 11 to 13). The podrvils shall protect the mukkal-vattam of Ayurar and the idan idu of the bhaftáraka, and take a fraction of the produce) as remuneration for the protection (afforded).
(LI. 13 to 14). The grilars shall not enter as idaiyidars in the kilidu (which is the subject of this transaction, and shall neither dismiss (the kilidars) nor collect the rant.
1 14 to 16). He that reduces this to a fourth shall, consistently with the custom obtaining in small towns, be subject to the general fine of two hundred kalanju of gold.
(LI. 16 to 17). He that abets the former shall also be subject to a fine in the same way.
(Ll. 17 to 19). Both the mukkilvattam of Ayurúr and the idaiyidu belonging to the bhattárakar, mentioned above, are thus the acquisitions in gift of Âdichchan-Umaiyammai (of, or) related to Srivallavangôdai.10
(L1. 19 to 22). The following are the signatures of) the sidhus who were present at the time when Âdichchan Umaiyammai, while she was with Srivallavangodai, made this gift of
1 [I take chirrdr-nadaiyodu kada u meaning "together with the shrine at Sirrur.” Nadai (nada) is used for temple in South Malabar according to Dr. Gundert, and there is a temple at Quilon called Gagapatinadai meaningsbrine or temple of Ganapati. V. V.]
? [1 would read in the original chéoad-ari (1.9) and chévadu nel (1. 10) and take chévad nel as equivalent to fennel which occurs in the Ambasainudean inscription of Varaguna-Maharaja (above, p. 90) and which according to Winslow menos superior kind of rice, of a yellowish hue-as feijdli."- V. V.)
[As the dative tiruvamudinukkum is used and as the purpose for which the 200 parai of paddy had to be supplied is not stated, it looks as if the puddy was to be converted into rice and used for offerings. In this case, there is something wrong in the calculation here made. At the rate of four nali of rice per day the quantity required for « year or 360 days comes to 1,440 ndli of rice or 160 para according to the equivalent of the para given in line 10. How 160 para of rice can be obtained from 200 para of paddy it is difficult to understand. According to the Tanjore inscriptions of Rajaraja I., 2 times the quantity of paddy was required to obtain a given
tity according to the Ambasamudram inscription of Varaguņa-Maharaja. - V. V.
• The word mukkdlvattam occurs in the Tirunelli plates of Bhaskara Ravivarman, where Professor Hultzach has translated it by tempio' (Ind. Ant. Vol. XX. p. 292). According to Dr. Gandert the term denotes in Travancore & temple of Konganimár.' An inscription at Tiruvaliśvaram near Ambasamudram in the Tinnevelly district mentions Tiripuradana (dahanam) pannina févaganár tirumukkalvadtam, where dirumukkaleatļam appears to mean the holy shrine of the god Siva (No. 120 of the A. A. Superintendent's collection for 1905).-V. V.]
[According to Dr. Gundert rakshd-516gam is synonymous with rája-bhogam, which denotes the ruler's share. From certain Tollicherry records (1798-1799) it appears that this share amounted to one-fifth of the reve. nue).-Y. V.)
[The word aga here translated as occurs in a similar context in the Tirunelli plates of Bhaskara Ravivarman (Ind. Ant. Vol. XX. p. 290, text line 17). It is apparently synonymous with the Tamil dvadu or dgilum and the Malayalam dgaffe.- V. V.]
TI-pparilu means in this manner, thus. I would translate the passage thus: "Neither the tráfar por the idaiyidar shall be entitled to interfere and disturb the klidu thus settled or to seize (any) property."- V. v.]
I.e. he who contributes to the dwindling of this charity. . [I would translate the passage as follows: "He who does any injury to this contract) shall individually pay fine of two hundred kalaju (to) the shrine at Sirrur." See notes 1 and 2 on p. 237 and note 1 above.-V. V.]
0 [Instead of Ayuririr-piradiţtai teyda pattaragar of line 6, we have here Ayurir mukkal-vattam which to a certain extent confirms the meaning shrine' of mukkalrattam. Instead of pattáragarkk-olla primi in line 6, we bave here paffaragarkk-olla idaiyidd, which denotes the interest which the Ayurur shrine possessed in the land acquired by Adichchan-Umaiyammai from Srivallavangồdai. Consequently, the sentence repents the statem-nt mado in lines 5 to 7 that Adichchan-Umaiyammai bad obtained the concession from Srivallavangodni. Accordingly, it seems to me that Srlvallavangódaiyundai at the end of 1. 18 is a simple clerical mistake for Srlvallavangédaiya idai. If any such relationship as would be implied by the use of the word udai were intended, it would be more natural to expect it noted when Ådichchan Umaiyammai is ineutioned for the first time. Besides, it would be unusual for the mother or wife of Srivallavangulai to enter into a transaction of this nature with him.- V. V.)

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British Museum inscription of Kanishka,
Scale. 9
E. Hultzsch
From an inked estampage.
Collotype by Gebr. Plettner, Halle-Saale.

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No. 33.]
THREE EARLY BRAHMI INSCRIPTIONS.
239
land as idaiyidu to the bhattarakar of Tiruchchenguprur:--I I, Devam-Pavittirap of Murunnaiyûr, also know;8
(L. 22). I, Sannaran Kandan of Idaiyámaņam, also know; (Ll. 22 to 23). I, Kandan Damodaran of Manalmúkku, also know; (Ll. 23 to 24). I, Iravi-Parandavap of Pupalúr, the adhikarin of Venadu, also know; (Ll. 24 to 25). 1, Parandavan-Kandap of Kudagôţtur, also know. (Ll. 25 to 26). This is the writing of Battap-Sadaiyan, the poduvaļ of Tiruchchenguprur.
No. 33.-THREE EARLY BRAHMI INSCRIPTIONS.
BY PROFESSOR H. LÜDERS, Ph.D., ROSTOCK. 1.-BRITISH MUSEUM STONE INSCRIPTION OF THE TIME OF KANISHKA. ... On the occasion of a visit to the British Museum in the autamn of 1906, I discovered in
one of the cases of the Northern Gallery the stone bearing the subjoined inscription, which, as far as I know, has never been published before. At my request impressions were taken, from which I have prepared the transcript. Subsequently Dr. Fleet kindly sent me the photograph of the stone reproduced in the accompanying plate.
Nothing seems to be known about the origin of the stone, but the characters, the language and the date of the inscription prove that it comes from Northern India.
The sculpture at the top of the stone represents a man and a woman sitting on a bench. The woman to the left, wearing a loin-cloth and a girdle and the usual ornaments round the neck, the wrists, the ankles and in the lobes of the ear, reste her left elbow on the knee of her left leg which she has placed on the top of the bench, and turns her laughing face to the spectator. The male person also is wearing a necklace, bracelets, ear-drops, and a dhoti covering the knees. He is sitting astride, and with the right hand he touches, or points to, & sort of stand placed between the two persons on the bench and bearing what would seem to be & cushion adorned by three small square marks and supporting some bell-shaped object. Right over the head of the man there appears something which at first sight looks almost like a club, but which in my opinion probably is the mutilated head of a cobra. As the stone is broken off immediately above the head of the female person, it is quite possible that her head also was overshadowed by a similar representation of a serpent's head, and it seems to me very probable therefore that the sculpture represents a Naga and his wife.
The writing is Brahmi of the earlier Kughana type. The subscript ya is expressed by the fall sign, and the sha shows the old form with the small cross-bar. The language is the usual mixed dialect. The inscription, which is dated in the tenth year of maharaja dévaputro Kanishka, records the gift of a temple. Details will be discussed below.
1 [In the original the name Adichchan-Umaiyammai is not repeated M it is represented in the translation. It looks m if Srlvallavaögðdai www seated with the members of the assembly of Tiruchchengupror in the palace at Kollam (11. 4-5) while making the gift to Adiobohan Umaiyammai. Accordingly I Avould translate this sentencem follow (The following aro) the addhua who know the transaction entered into) at the place at which (Adichohan Umaiyammai)-while Srivallavaögðdai ww sitting with the sembly P) - granted the bald (of the land P) to the lord (bhattaraka) of Tiruchchenguprar." The same fact lo referred to in lines 8 and 9. V.V.!
• The name of the man was apparently Dāvan Pavittiran.- V. V.] • I... the terms of this transaction and bear witness to the wine. • [Parandayag is apparently a tadbhava of the Sanskrit Parantapa.-V. V.)

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[ VOL. IX
TEXT. 1 Siddha[m] maharajasya deva(pntrasya]" 2 Kåņishkasya savatsaré [1073 3 gri 2 di 9 êtayê purvay[8] 4 [u]tardyam na[va]:kayam' [h]85 [rmya]n-[d]ata[ru]? priyatâm dôvi 8 grå [masya].”
REMARKS. 1 The anusvára is indistinct because it is crossed by the line forming the base of the sculpture. — 2 The reading of the bracketed characters is certain, though the surface of the stone has peeled off at the corner.-3 This figure also has suffered from the peeling off of the surface, but the reading is beyond doubt-4 The é is very indistinct, and the correct reading may possibly be purvaya or purvayan.-5 At first sight one might feel inclined to read natarayan, but the base-line of the first letter is quite straight, whereas na has a distinctly curved base. I feel therefore sure that what appears to be the continuation of the base-line to the left, is merely due to a flaw in the stone.-6 The two convergent side-lines of the va are not very distinct, just as in the same letter in line 3, and there appears a vertical in the middle which makes the letter look almost like na. But this line is far too thin to really form part of the letter and must be accidental.-7 The bracketed letters of these two words are more or less damaged, but the reading seems to be sure.--8 The ê-stroke is added to the top of the letter, whereas in de in the first line it is added in the middle.-9 The last two letters are da naged, but only the ya can be said to be conjectural
TRANSLATION. Success! In the year 10 of the maharaja dévaputra Kanishka, in the second month of) sommer, on the ninth day-on that date specified as) above a temple was given in the northern navamiki (?). May the goddess of the village be pleased!
NOTES. The orthography of the inscription is very irregular, double consonants, long vowels and the anusvára being frequently not expressed in writing. A long å appears in the word hármya. According to the St. Petersburg Dictionary the same form is found also in the Taitt. År. VI, 6, 2 instead of the ordinary harmya occurring in the corresponding verse in Atharvav. XVIII, 4, 55. In hårmyan=datain the final m is converted into the nasal before the following mate, which is rare in inscriptions in this dialect. Another instance is found in the concluding words of the Mathurâ inscription, above Vol. I. p. 386, No. 8: priyatâm-bhagavan-Rishabhasrih, which at the same time help us to understand the phrase found at the end of the present record : priyatan davi gramasya.
Of greater interest is the spelling of the king's name, Kanishka, with a long vowel in the first syllable and a lingual. With regard to the latter point, the seven Bråhmi inscriptions that have preserved the name are in perfect agreement. In the Kharoshthi inscriptions of Suê Vihar and Zedas the name is read as Kanishka, in that of Manikyala as Kaneshka, but I am by no means sure whether in the two last mentioned inscriptions the readings Kanishka and
1 Mathuri inscr. of S. 5, Vnd. Ant. Vol. XXXIII. p. 84 ff., No. 4; Mathura inser. of s. 7, above Vol. I. p. 391, No 19; Mathura inscr. of S. 9, Vienna Or. Journ. Vol. I. p. 173, No. 2, and Ind. Ant. Vol. XXXIII. p. 37, No. 6; Mathura inuer., Ind. Ant. Vol. XXXIII. p 149, No. 25; Sarnath inscr. of S. 8, abovu Vol. VIII. p. 176. No. 3o; Sárnáth inscr. of S. 3, above Vol. III. 179, No. 34. • Ind. Ant. Vol. X. p. 326.
3 Journ. 18. Ser. VIII. Vol. XV. r. 137. • Jout. 4.. Ser. IX. Vol. VII. p. 8.

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British Museum stone of Kanishka.
E. Hultzsch.
Collotype by Gebr. pléttner.
From a photograph supplied by Dr. Fleet.

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Kaneshka would not be preferable. On the whole, contemporary records certainly are in favour of the spelling with the lingual, and I would therefore propose to use Kanishka as the common form of the name. The spelling with the long vowel in the first syllable as in the present inscription is unusual, but it does not stand quite alone. In the Sârnâth inscription, No. 3a, the editor, it is true, reads Kanishkasya, but the photo-lithograph' distinctly shows Kanishkasya.
THREE EARLY BRAHMI INSCRIPTIONS.
241
Turning to the special object of the inscription, we may infer from the concluding words that the temple was dedicated to a goddess, and the representation of the two Nâgas above the inscription makes it not unlikely, I think, that the goddess intended was a Nâgi. That during the Kushana period there existed temples for the worship of serpents in Northern India, is well attested by the two Mathurâ inscriptions which mention the temple (st [h]ina) of the nigéndra Dadhikarna and a servant at the temple of the same Dadhikarpa (Dadhikarnṇadevikulika).
The most difficult words of the inscription are utarayam navamikayam. I have thought for some time that they might be part of the date and mean 'on the following (i.e. intercalated) ninth (lunar day)', but for two reasons this idea must be given up. Firstly, such a statement would be in the wrong place after étayé purvayé, and secondly, as Professor Kielhorn informs me, uttara is never used in the sense of adhika or dvitiya. The words must therefore be connected with harmyan-datam, and as a form ending in -ayam can hardly be anything else but the locative singular of a stem in ; utara navamika would seem to denote either the locality where the temple was erected or, possibly, the goddess to whom it was dedicated. However, these explanations are far from satisfactory. Neither has navamika the appearance of being the name of a locality, nor does utara navamika in the least sound like the name of a goddess or a Nagi. I am at present unable to solve this difficulty.
II.-MATHURA STONE INSCRIPTION, DATED SAMVAT 74.
This inscription is engraved on a stone-slab discovered by Sir Alexander Cunningham in the Jail Mound at Mathura. It was first edited in 1870, together with facsimiles, by Rajendralala Mitra in the Journ. Beng. As. Soc. Vol. XXXIX. Part I. p. 129, No. 15, and by Dowson in the Journ. Roy. As. Soc. New Ser. Vol, V. p. 183, No. 4. In 1873 Cunningham published it again with a facsimile in the Arch. Surv. Rep. Vol. III. p. 32, No. 8, and in 1904 I. have treated it myself in the Ind. Ant. Vol. XXXIII. p. 106, No. 20. I edit it here again for a special reason. When I was in Oxford in 1905, Professor Hoerale kindly made over to me the collection of impressions, rubbings and drawings of inscriptions formed by him when preparing the second volume of the Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum, which was to contain the 'Indo-Scythic' inscriptions. In this collection there is also the impression which I have used for the present edition. It cannot be said to be first-rate and, as unfortunately most of the impressions of this collection, it has been tampered with in some places by pencilling out parts of letters that in the impression itself are more or less effaced. Nevertheless the impression is of the greatest value as shown by the following note written on the margin, probably by General Cunningham himself: The only impression now available.-The stone has been lost at Agra.' Under these circumstances it seemed to me desirable to publish the accompanying reproduction of the impression, which in spite of its shortcomings naturally is far superior to the drawings published hitherto. Professor Hoernle's collection contains besides two facsimiles. The one is an eye-copy in red and blue pencil on a slightly reduced scale, made according to a marginal note by Captain Watis, Royal Engineers, the other is a pencil-tracing on transparent paper, perhaps made from the stone itself, but afterwards gone over with China-ink, blue and red pencil, and practically of no value.
1 [I have some weeks ago examined the original and the á is quite certain.-S. K.]
2 Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 390, No. 18; Ind. Ant. Vol. XXXIII. p. 102, No. 13.
Professor Hultzsch writes to me that he is never beless inclined to connect utarayan naramikdyam with the date, but he would take uttara in the sense of uchyamána, upar-likhila, 'above-mentioned."
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The inscription is divided by a blank space into two parts. The upper portion, containing eight lines, is complete with the exception of some letters at the end of the first two lines, which have disappeared by the breaking off of the right corner of the stone. Of the lower portion which in Dowson's and Cunningham's facsimiles has been omitted altogether, nothing is left but faint traces of some characters in the first line. The characters are Brahmi of the Kushana type. The sha appears in the older form with the small cross-bar, but the subscript ya shows the cursive form. The language is the mixed dialect. The inscription is dated in the year 74 of a mahårája rå[jâtirêja] dévaputra whose name began with Vásu, but owing to its fragmentary state its real parport cannot be made out.
TEXT. 1 Maharajasyal r[a].......... 2 sya dvaputrasya Vásu.....! 3 savatsaro4 705 4 varsliam [A]-6 4 sê prathamé divasů 5 tris[6]? 30 asyam parvvayamo 6 Talakis[]mahadåņda7 niya kasyalı VA8 linns[y]al? 'k[shé]t[râ]13 Mihi9 .......... (mahâdayda].
REMARKS. 1 The 1-stroke is distinctly visible in the impression, although it does not appear in Capt. Watts' eye-copy-2 Tho dl-stroke is uncertain. Restore rijdtiraja--3 The a-stroke is quite distinct, thongh here again it is omitted in Capt. Watts' eye-copy. As regards the restoring of the line, I refer to the remarks below.-4 The 6-stroke, omitted in Capt. Watts' eye-copy, is quite distinct. -5 Owing to a flaw in the stone, a small portion of the lower left cross-bar of the symbol has disappeared. In the impression somebody has tried to restore the missing portion by adding in pencil a hook turning upwards, but there is nothing to warrant this restoration. There can be no doubt that the symbol had the shape of a plain St. Andrew's cross, just as in other inscriptions. The lower right cross-bar also has been pencilled over in the impression, but this is of no consequence as it is perfectly distinct. The meaning of the symbol will be discussed below.
- The upper portion of the m and the à are not quite distinct.-7 The ê-stroke is indistinct, and the sa has suffered from a hole in the paper. -8 The apparent curving of the tail of the a has been cansed by pencilling. In Capt. Watts' eye-copy the tail is quite straight.-9 Above the pu there is a distinct stroke which must be accidental.-10 There are some strokes behind and below the ta, but they are not noticed in Capt. Watts' eye-copy and may be accidental. The 6-stroke is not very distinct, and the reading Talukiyan would be possible.-11 Capt. Watts expressly states that there are no traces of letters before the ni of line 7 and the li of line 8. The ni has been pencillod over so as to look almost like sı, but there can be no doubt that it is nul, and as such it appears also in Capt. Watts' eye-copy.-12. The ya is damaged, but certain 13 The ksle of the first and the r of the second syllable are damaged, but certain. The é of ksha is very faint and not given in Capt. Watts' eye-copy. The last syllable may also be tro as in Capt Watts' eye-copy-14 Of this word only faint traces are visible in the impression, and the reading rests almost entirely on Capt. Watts' eye-copy. Instead of da Capt. Watts gives då.
TRANSLATION. In the year 74 of the mahardja rijatirija déraputra Vásu......., in the first month of the rainy season, on the thirtieth day, 30,-on that (date specified as) above, in the field (P) of the great general Valina at Talakiya (or Talaki?) Mihi......

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2
E. Hultzsch.
Mathura inscription of Samvat 74.
ر
du,
X
From a damaged rubbing.
Collotype by Gebr. Plettner.

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NOTES. The orthography shows the usual featares. The lengthening of the vowel in danda appears again in the same word in the Set-Mahet inscription, above Vol. VIII, p. 181, and we may farther compare such forms as ditevasisa and antêvásiniyd in the Mathura inscriptions, Ep. Ind. Vol. II. p. 198 f., Nos. 1 and 4.
As regards the date, the first symbol of the date of the year requires a fuller consideration. as it has been differently interpreted. As already stated above, it has the shape of a St. Andrew's cross. Cunningham originally read it as 40, and he was followed by Dowson, who in editing the Mathura inscriptions everywhere adopted Canningham's readings of the dates. In 1891 Bühler expressed his belief that the sign really represented 70,8 and this opinion was endorsed in the following year by Cunningham in his paper on the coins of the Kushapas in the Numismatic Chronicle, Ser. III. Vol. XII. p. 50, note 6.
I accordingly read the symbol as 70 when I published the inscription in the Indian Antiquary, and I am still convinced that Bühler was right, but in order to settle this question definitely, it will be necessary to examine the other Northern Brahmi inscriptions where the same sign occurs. They are the following seven, all of which come from Mathurd or its neighbourhood :
(1) Mathará inscription of the time of svamin mahakshatrapa Sodása, Ep. Ind. Vol. II. p. 199, No. 2, and Plate. In the Vienna Or. Journ. Vol. V. p. 177, Bühler read the symbol as 40, adding 70 in brackets. In the Ep. Ind., loc. cit., Bühler again gave 40 in the text, but added in a note that the symbol might possibly be 70. And lastly in Ep. Ind. Vol. IV. p. 55, note 2, he stated that he would now remove the alternative reading 42, which he had thought admissible at first.
(2) Kaman inscription, Ep. Ind. Vol. II. p. 212, No. 42, and Plate. Here Bühler rendered the sign by 70 in the text, but added in a footnote that it might also be read as 40.
(3) Mathurà inscription, Journ. Beng. As. Soc. Vol. XXXIX. Part I. p. 130, No. 17, and Plate; Journ. Roy. As. Soc. New Ser. Vol. V. p. 183, No. 5, and Plate ; Arch. Suru. Rep. Vol. III. p. 33, No. 11, and Plate. Cunningham and Dowson read the sign as 40, and I have followed them in Ind. Ant. Vol. XXXIII. p. 102.
(4) Mathurà inscription, Journ. Beng. As. Soc. Vol. XXXIX. Part I. p. 127, No. 1, and Plate; Journ. Roy. As. Soc. New Ser. Vol. V. p. 182, No. 1, and Plate; Arch. Suru. Rep. Vol. III. p. 33, No. 12, and Plate. Canninghan and Dowson read the sign as 40, and I have adopted this reading in Ind. Ant. Vol. XXXIII. p. 101, No. 11.
(5) Mathura inscription, Journ. Beng. As. Soc. Vol. XXXIX. Part I. p. 127, No. 2, and Plate : Journ. Roy. As. Soc. New Ser. Vol. V. p. 183, No. 2, and Plate ; Arch. Suru. Rep. Vol. III. p. 34, No. 13, and Plate. Cunningham and Dowson read the sign as 40, and I have followed them in Ind. Ant. Vol. XXXIII, p. 102, No. 13.
(6) Mathara inscription, Journ. Beng. As. Soc. Vol. XXXIX. Part I. p. 130, No. 18, and Plate. The facsimile is very poor. In the Ind. Ant. Vol. XXXIII. p. 101, No. 12, I have read the sign as 40, but I have pointed out also that the inscription is possibly identical with that referred to under No. 3.
(7) Mathuri inscription, Journ. Roy. As. Soc. New Ser. Vol. V. p. 184, No. 7, and Plato : Arch. Suru. Rep. Vol. IIL. p. 34, No. 14, and Plate. Canningham and Dowson read the sign as 40.
1 The absurd opinions of Rajendralala Mitrs may be pused over in silence. • Compare Cunningham's remarks, Journ. Roy. 41. Soc. New Sor. Yol. V. p. 196. * Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 373, note 7.
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It thus appears that the symbol has hitherto been treated sometimes as 40 and sometimes as 70, but it will be readily conceded, I think, that it is impossible to assign two different values to the same sign in inscriptions of the same locality and the same period. But before we can decide which of the two interpretations is the correct one, we shall have to examine also the other symbols supposed to represent either 40 or 70 in the early Brahmi inscriptions of Northern India. The following inscriptions, which for convenience sake I number in continuation of the list given above, must be taken into consideration:
(8) Mathura inscription of the time of maharaja Huviksha, Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 387, No. 9, and Plate. The symbol resembles the ligature pta and was read by Bühler as 40.
(9) Mathura inscription, Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 387, No. 10, and Plate. The general appearance of the symbol is the same as in No. 8, but its lower part is not quite distinct in the photo-lithograph. Bühler read the sign as 40.
(10) Mathurâ inscription, Arch. Surv. Rep. Vol. III. p. 33, No. 10, and Plate; Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 396, No. 30, and Plate. The symbol generally has the same form as that in No. 8, but its lower part is a little more cursive. Canningham and Bühler read it as 40.
(11) Mathurâ inscription of the time of maharaja Huvishka, Arch. Surv. Rep. Vol. III. p. 34, No. 15, and Plate. The symbol is the same as in No. 8. Cunningham read it as 40, and I have followed him in my treatment of the record in the Ind. Ant. Vol. XXXIII. p. 103,
No. 14.
(12) Mathurâ inscription, Ep. Ind. Vol. II. p. 204, No. 20, and Plate; p. 321, and Plate. The upper part of the symbol is the same as in Nos. 8-11, but its lower part is a distinct loop. Bühler read the sign as 70.
(13) Mathura inscription, Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 387, No. 11, and Plate. As Bühler expressly states in a footnote that the symbol is a plain pta, it may have been so in the impression before him. In the photo-lithograph, however, it does not bear the slightest resemblance to that sign, but looks exactly like the letter bra. Bühler read the symbol as 40.
(14) Saachi inscription of the time of maharaja rájátirája devaputra Shâhi Vâsashka, Ep. Ind. Vol. II. p. 369 f., and Plate. The symbol found here has quite a peculiar shape. Provided that the vertical standing behind it does not belong to it, but is part of the following sign for 8, it resembles the usual sign for 20. As such it was read also at first by Bühler, but at Cunningham's suggestion he afterwards took it to be 70. The reading of the sign was then discussed at length by Dr. Fleet in a paper in the Journ. Roy. As. Soc. 1903, p. 326 ff., and he came to the conclusion that it was 20. But later on, when Mr. Vincent Smith in his Early History of India, p. 238, had suggested that the symbol might be read as 60, Dr. Fleet admitted the possibility of this interpretation; see Journ. Roy. As. Soc. 1905, p. 357.1
Leaving aside for the present the symbols found in the last three inscriptions, it appears that there are two symbols, the St. Andrew's cross and the pta, one of which must represent 70 and the other 40. Now in the inscription which forms the subject of this paper the St. Andrew's cross cannot represent 40, as in that case the inscription would be dated in the year 44 in the reign of a king whose name begins with Vasu, whereas we know that from 33-60 Huvishka was the reigning monarch in this part of the country. Here, therefore, the St. Andrew's cross must represent 70, and we must accordingly assign the same value to the symbol also in the inscriptions enumerated above under Nos, 1-7. We thus get the dates S. 72 for No. 1, S. 74 for
1 Another sign that originally was read 40 by Bühler, is found in the Mathura inscription of the time of mahdrája rájátirája dévaputra Huvashka, Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 386, No. 8, and Plate. Later on Bühler declared that on further consideration he read the symbol as 60, and as such it has been treated since then everywhere; see Ep. Ind. Vol. II. p. 204, note 61.

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THREE EARLY BRAHMI INSCRIPTIONS.
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No. 2, and S. 77 for Nos. 3-7. The inscriptions themselves contain nothing to contradict this result. No. 4, it is true, mentions the mahiraja rajaliraja décaputra Hûvish ka, but not in connection with the date, the inscription simply recording a gift to the riluira of that king. As to the date S. 72 for the mahikshatrapa Solåsa, I refer to the remarks of Dr. Fleet in the Journ. Roy. As. Soc. 1907, p. 1024 ff.
If the St. Andrew's cross represents 70, the sign resembling pta must be 40. The inscription No. 8, therefore, would be dated in S. 44, No. 9 in S. 45, No. 10 in S. 47, and No. 11 in S. 48, which is in accordance with the statements of Nos. 8 and 11 that their dates fall into the reign of Haviksha or Huvishka.
The symbol occurring in No. 12 undoubtedly differs from cither of the two symbols found in Nos. 1-11, but whereas it bears no resemblance whatever to the cross-shaped sign, it is easily intelligible as a cursive development of the pta sign. In my opinion therefore this sign also must be taken as 40, and the inscription as baing dated in S. 49, not $. 73. There is another point in favour of this intepretation. The inscription records a gift made at the request of the venerable Vșidhahasti (Vrid lhahustin), & preacher in the Kottiya(Kottilayana, the Vaira (Vajri) sikh. There is another Matburi inscription dated in S. 60, recording a gift made at the request of the yanin, the venerable Kharuna, a papil of this same Vriddhahastin. If Vriddhahastin in S. 60 had a pupil who had acquired the dignity of ganin, he must have been a man advanced in years at that time, and although, of course, it is not impossible that he was still alive in S. 79, it would certainly seem more natural to find him as a spiritual adviser in S. 49 and his pupil in the same capacity eleven years later on, in S. 60.
Little can be said about the symbol occurring in No. 13. The form appearing in the photolithograph is quite pevaliar and unlike any other symbol in the inscriptions from Mathurå or elsewhere, but in accordance with Bühler's statement, it may be provisionally taken as 40.
As regards the symbol in No. 14, I agree with Dr. Fleet that there is no reason whatever why it should be 70, as even the sign in No. 12, which Bühler cited in support of this interpretation, is to be read not 70, but 40. On the other hand, I feel sure that it is not 20. I have lately received through Dr. Konow impressions of an inscription ranning round the base of a pillar preserved in the Mathura Museum. The inscription, which is in Brâhmi characters of the Kushapa type, is partly worn, but the date is quite distinct. Now the sign for the tens in the date of the year is the same as that in the Sanchi inscription, showing again the vertical, which is thus proved to be an integrant part of it and not to belong to the following sign. And although unfortunately the text of the inscription contains nothing that would enable us to form & positive opinion on the value of the symbol, we may safely assert that it cannot be 20, as we find this number expressed by the usual sign in the date of the day. Lastly also the proposal to treat the symbol as 60 cannot be said to be convincing, the sign that has hitherto been read as 60 in the inscriptions of the Kashana periods certainly being entirely different. I do not want to offer & new hypothesis. In my opinion we shall have to wait for fresh materials before we can hope to arrive at a satisfactory result in this question. In how far the restoring of the king's name in our inscription of S. 74 is influenced by this uncertainty, will be shown below.
I know that the results arrived at above are partly not in harmony with those deduced from the coins of the Western Kshatrapas. The nameral signs occurring in the legends of those coins are given in table IX, col. V, of Bühler's Indische Paläographie from Professor Rapson's table in
1 Perhaps the symbol found in No. 9 forms the intermediate stage between the pta and the looped sign. As I have stated above, its lower part is not quite distinct in the photo-lithograph, but it does not seem to me imporsible that here alvo it consists not of the usual fork, but of a loop, though a much smaller one than in No. 12.
? Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 386, No. 8, and Plate.
Bp. Ind. Vol. I. P. 886, No. 8, and Plato; Vol. II. p. 204, No. 19, And Plate; Arch. Suro. Rep. Vol. XX. p. 37, and Plate y, fig. 6.

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the Journ. Roy. s. Soc. 1890, Plate to p. 6:9. Here the St. Andrew's cross has been entered as 40, and a sign much resembling the pta and another looped sign almost exactly like that of No. 12 as 70. I do not wish to throw any doubts on the correctness of these readings, but I contend that for such questions inscriptions must be treated separately according to time and locality.
Rajendralala Mitra, Dowson and Cunningham agreed in restoring the name of the king as Tarasya]. When I edited the inscription from the facsimiles published by my predecessors, I drew attention to the circumstance that the available space is hardly sufficient for the three aksharas dévasya, and I proposed to restore the name as Visushkasya, as this name of the king seemed to be attested by two other inscriptions of S. 76 and S. 78,1 whereas the first undoubted record of Vasudeva's reign was dated in S. 80. What I said about the difficulty of supplying three syllables is confirmed by the impression now before me, although owing to the frequent irregularity of the writing in these inscriptions it is impossible to speak on this point with absolute certainty. But the evidence for the existence of a king Vâsushka in S. 76 and S. 78 is not so strong as it seemed to be formerly. As I have tried to show above, the date of the Sanchi inscription mentioning a king Vasashka is quite uncertain, and the Mathurâ inscription mentioned by Führer as being dated in S. 76 and recording repairs in the reign of Vasushka has not yet been published. As Dr. Konow informs me, it cannot even be found now, Führer's trenches having been filled up again a long time ago and the exact spot where the inscription was found being no more known. Under these circumstances a decision is of course, impossible for the present. If Führer's statement after all should prove correct, I should unhesitatingly restore Visu to Vásushkasya, otherwise the reading Vasudevasya will have to be accepted.
The rest of the inscription calls for few remarks. Talakiya or Talaki seems to be the name of a locality, but I am unable to identify it. The title mahddandanayaka is frequent in the inscriptions of the Gupta period and later times. In the Kushana inscriptions it has not yet been found before, but the subordinate title of dandanayaka occurs in the Manikyâla inscription,3 where the correct reading in 1. 2 is, not Laladoḍa-nayago, but Lala-dadanayago.
III-MATHURA STONE INSCRIPTION OF THE TIME OF SONDASA.
This inscription was first published, together with a facsimile, in 1870 by Professor Dowson in the Journ. Roy. As. Soc. New Sor. Vol. V. p. 188, No. 29. In 1873 it was published again with a facsimile by Cunningham in the Arch. Surv. Rep. Vol. III. p. 30, No. 1. And in 1904 I have tried to edit the text from those two facsimiles in the Ind. Ant. Vol. XXXIII. p. 149, No. 24. For the present edition of the record I have made use of an impression found in Professor Hoernle's collection described above.
Cunningham states that the stone bearing the inscription was found in the Jail Mound at Mathura. According to Dowson, it has been cut through and the first part of it has been carried off. On the other hand, the facsimiles distinctly showed that something was missing at the right end, and thus I was led to suppose that the stone was damaged on both sides. This, however, is not the case. Nothing is missing at the beginning of the writing on the left, and on the right also only one letter has been cut off at the end of the first two lines. With this exception the inscription is in an excellent state of preservation.
1 Mathura inscription of 8. 76, mentioned by Führer, Progress Report for 1895-96; Sâñchi inscription of S. 78, edited by Bühler, Ep. Ind. Vol. II. p. 369 f.
2 This is the reading suggested by Dr. Fleet, Journ. Roy. As. Soc. 1903, p. 326, but he is himself inclined to look upon this form as a mere variant of Vâsushka, if the existence of such a name should be proved; see Journ. Roy. As. Soc. 1905, p. 357 f.
Journ. As. Ser. IX. Vel. VII. p. 8 f.

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The characters are of the so-called archaic type of the Mathura insoriptions; see especially the letters da, ba and sha, and the subsoript ya. The language is the mixed dialect. The inscription is not dated. It records various gifts of a Brahman of the Sagrava (Saigrava) gôtra, the treasurer of svimin mahikshatrapa Sond Ass. For details I refer to the remarks below.
TEXT. 1 Svamisya mahakshatrapasya Somdásasyal gaminjavarðņa brahmapons Sagravasagðtrêņa (p)....
2 rapi imasham yamada-pushkarapinana pasobima pushkarapi adapano Aramo s stambhô i... 3 [6ila patto cha-.
. REMARKS. 1 As to tho reading of this name see the remarks below.-2 Little is left of the pa, but the reading is certain. Restore pushka-. -3 The outlines of the letters mi uda pand drámô are more or less touched up with pencil, but the reading is perfectly certain. The reading file is certain, although the letters are entirely spoiled by being gone over with pencil.
TRANSLATION. By the treasurer of the lord, the mahikshatrapa Sondása, a Bråbman of the Sagrava (Saigratu) gótra, a tank, the western tank of these twin tanks, a reservoir, a grove, a pillar and this stono-lab (was caused to be made).
NOTES. As regards the language, the most interesting form is imdshdih. Apparently in the dialect of Mathuri the genitive plur. of the pronoun were, as in Påli, imesan and imisan, and the author of the inscription translated the latter form into iniishdi as he was wont to render imirain by im Ishdi. The nominative sing. masc. of the same pronona is found at the end of line 2, but unfortunately nothing is left of it but the initial _. The word pushkarani shows in the third syllable the vocalisation of the Pali pokkharani. Yamada corresponds to Skt. yamala or yamala, as the word would be written in Southera manuscripts. The construction of the inscription is rather peculiar, the verb or participle on which the instrumentals brdhmandna, eto, depend, being omitted.
The first point to command attention is the name of the mahAkshatrapa, which is generally supposed to be Sodasa. In the present inscription there is a distinot sign above the fo. It must have been found also in the impressions used by Dowson and Canningham, as the former roads Rinddsasya (for Sund dasya) and the latter Saudkisasya (for Sauddsasya), although the faosimiles show no trace whatever of an usvara or au. The siga cannot be the stroke denoting au, as it does not touch the upper line of the so, but is separated from it by a distinct blank space. It can only be an anusddra of the sa ne bulky shape as that in gamjavaréna and in pushkaraninan.
The form Somdása has not yet been recognised anywhere else. In the second Brahmi inscription at Mathura mentioning this mahakshatrapal Buhler read Soddsasa, but the photolithograph by no means exoludes the reading Sonddsasa. Right above the so there is a white spot scarcely less distinct than that above the ma of hámahtamded which Buhler read as anusvara. In the Mathará lion-capital inscription Mr. Thomas reads the name as Sudasa and Sudisa, and with regard to coins, Professor Rapson has atated in the Journ. Roy. As. 800. 1903, p. 289, note 3, that whenever the name is legible, the first akshara seems to be do, and that the alternative forms Suo and Sau, given by Bhagvanlal and Cunningham respectively, cannot be
Ep. Ind. Vol. II. p. 199, No. 2.
.
Above, Vol. IX. Pp. 148, 144.

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certainly read on any of the specimens of the British Museum. Bat even if & re-examination shonld prove the readings Soduisa and Suddsa to be correct, this would not invalidate the reading of the present inscription. Everybody familiar with the records of this period knows how often an anusvára is omitted in writing, and that on that account the reading Somdess, even if found once only, carries more weight than the reading Sodisa occarring ten times. In my opinion therefore Sonduisa must be accepted as the general form of the name.
Scarcely less interesting is the designation of the donor. Dowson and Canningham reau gajavaréna, and Bühler, Vienna Or. Journ. Vol. V. p. 177, proposed to alter the unintelligible syllables gaja into raja, daring the reiga.' The new reading gamjavarina shows that ganjarara,
treasurer,' which hitherto Was known only from the Ritjatarasini V, 177 and Kshêmêndra's Ló'caprakcija, was an official title in India already in mach earlier times. As recognised by Benfey, ganjarara is the Persian ganjwar, and the use of this title is a new proof of the strong Parthian influence that made itself felt in Northern India from the time of Asoka to the beginning of the Gupta empiro.
The donor calls himself by his gótra name Sêgrava, which in correct Sanskrit woald be Śaigrava. According to the Gamepitha the Saigrava gótra is referred to by Påşini in II, 4, 67 and IV, 1, 104. I have also no doubt that Professor Kern is right in identifying Saigrara with Pali Siggava, the name of the patriarcha who conferred the upasa padel ordination on the great Tissa Moggaliputta.
No. 34.-PATHARI PILLAR INSCRIPTION OF PARABALA;
[VIKRAMA-) SAMVAT 917. BY THE LATE PROFESSOR F. KIELHORN, C.I.E.; GÖTTINGEN. Pathart in Long, 78° 15' and Lat. 23' 56', is the chief town of the Native State of the same name in the Bhopal Agency of Central India. Its antiquities were first described, in 1818, by Captain J. D. Cunningham, in the Journal As. Soc. Besgal, Vol. XVII, Part I, p. 305 ff. After stating that the locality of which he is treating includes two good-sized reservoirs or lakes, and that the present town of Pathârî and the smaller lake are distinguished by a single pillar and & solitary temple, Captain Cunningham on page 310 proceeds thus:- Near to the western edge of the smaller lake stands the wand or pillar, now called of Bheem Sen. It is composed of a single block abont 36 feet in height and thick. The shaft is equare in section for a height of 8 feet, and it then becomos circular .. .On one side of the square portion of the shaft there is a long inscription, much obliterated, and of which I failed to make even a tolerable impression.'
The pillar and its inscription were again noticed in 1880, by General Sir A. Cunningham, in his Archæol. Survey of India, Vol. X, p. 70, thus:-'Inside the town, on the top of the slope, there is a tall monolith with a bell-shapod capital. The shaft is circular, rising from a base 8 feet
See the St. Petersburg Dictionary a..
? In the Journ. Roy.As. 800. 1903, p. 289 1., Professor Rapson has described a coin that shows a general similarity to those of Sondiss. With the exception of the first three akalaras the inscription is not quite certain. Professor Rapeon reads: brahmana[na go(?)da ra(?)-tha(?). wa). Would it be too bold to conjecture that the brahmana mentioned here may have some connection with the brahmana Saigrava, the gangavara of Sondå 18, and that the reading must be altered accordingly?
• Geschiedenis van het Buddhisme in Indië, Vol. II. p. 366. • See Dipau. V, 57, 69, etc. • [The proofs of this and all subsequent papers by the late Professor Kielborn have been read by me.-S. K.] • Constablo's and Atlas of India Plate 27 Du.

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3 inches high and 2 feet 9 inches square. On the northern face there is a long inscription of 38 lines of small letters. It opens with an invocation to Lakshmi-Narayana, but the greater part of the record is so much worn as to be quite illegible. Many of the letters here and there are in good order, and from their shapes I would assign the monument to somewhere about A.D. 600. Close by this pillar there is a small temple, with Vishpu sitting on Garad over the door-way.'
In October 1894 I received from Professor Haltzsch two impressions of the inscription, prepared by Mr. H. Consens, Saperintendent of the Archeological Survey of India, Western Circle ; and an excellent photograph of it, taken by the same gentleman, was given to me two or three years afterwards by Dr. Fleet. From these materials I have already published a short account of the contents of the inscription and the tentative text of nine verses of it, in the Nachrichten der K. Ges. der Wissenschaften su Göttingen for 1901, Part I, p. 519 ff. A repeated examination of the same materials now enables me to place before the reader, with some confidence, by far the greater part of this record, which, though troublesome to read, is not so illegible as it may have seemed to be on the original stone.
The inscription contains 38 lines of writing which covers a space of about 2 feet broad by 2 feet 7 inches high. It has certainly suffered greatly from exposure to the weather, especially in the middle and at the end of the lines all the way down, and for nearly the whole length of the last seven lines. But fortanately all proper names of importance may be read with absolute certainty, at any rate all those that occur in lines 1-31; and the same remark applies to the date of the inscription at the end of line 31. The size of the letters is about 4 inch in the topmost lines, but less in the lower part down to line 31, while it is somewhat larger again in linos 32–38. The inscription was written and engraved with great care and skill. The characters belong to the northern alphabet such as, speaking generally, we find it e.g, in the Gwalior inscription of the reign of Bhô adeva of the (Vikrama) year 933, published with a facsimile in Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 159 f. With our present knowledge of Indian epigraphy, we should assign them at once to about the 9th centary A.D. They include the rare sign for jh, which has not come out well either in the impressions or in the photograph, in the word jhatiti towards the end of line 15. The language of the inscription is Sanskrit. The text is remarkably correct, and in respect of orthography the only points worth noticing here are that the sign for u is need for both v and b, and that the words ainsa and dhvamsa are written ansi and dhansa, in lines 2 and 8.
The inscription consists of two parts. The first (and chief) part comprises lines 1-31, the second lines 32–38. This second part appears to be really a separate inscription, added by way of a post script, which may record the installation of an image of Vishņa, but the exact purpose of which, owing to the damaged condition of lines 32–38, I have not been able to ascertain. What I may state with confidence is that, after the words rin namah at the commencement of line 32. there are five verses, two in the Sragdharâ metre, one in the Vasantatilaká metre, one in the Upajati metre, and the fifth perhaps in the same metre. So far as I can judge, the first and probably the second of these five verses contain some historical information, and it would therefore seem desirable to have a cast taken of this part of the inscription, which would enable one to decipher more of the text than I have succeeded in making out from the impressions and the photograph.
The first verse of the inscription commencos with the words Lakshmi-nIrandhrapina, which were apparently misread u Lakshmi Narayana.
1 The nocomposing facsimile has been prepared un ler the saperintendence of Prof. Hultzsch from Mr. Cousens photograph. A facai mile of the impressions would have been quite useless.
Erposed as the pillar has been to all the effects of the Indian climate for more than thousand years it oms wonderful that of these small letters, which were not deeply engraved, many should have been proerved so well as we find them to be.
I am sanguine enough to hope that it will indeel some day he possible to make out the names which are hidden now in the second part of our insoription. It will then perhaps also be found that this part likewise ends with a date in the 9th century of the Vikrans era, of which in my opinion there are traces in the second half of line 38.
2 x

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The first part (lines 1–31) also commences with or namaḥ and ends with a date which will be given below. Between the two there are 32 verses, the text of more than two-thirds of which may be given with perfect certainty, while there is no doubt about the general meaning of any of the rest. The verses form a prasasti, the main object of which is to record in verses 25 and 26) that the king Parabals of some Båshtrakûţa family founded a temple of Sauri (Hari, Vishņu), before which he erected the Garuda-crested pillar on which the inscription is engraved. The prasasti opens with four verses which invoke the protection of, and glorify, the god Vishņu, under the names of Marâri, Krishịa and Hari. It then (in verses 5-7) relates that formerly there was a king Jêjja, under whom this Rashtrakūta varsa' was flourishing, and whose (unnamed) elder brother, after defeating thousands of Karnața soldiers with their arrays of elephants, obtained the Lata kingdom. Jéjja's son was Karkardja (v. 11), who put to flight the king Nagávalóka and in vaded his home (vv. 14 and 15). And Karkaraja's son was Parabala, represented as ruling the land when the inscription was composed (V. 18). The rest records that the pillar was actually set up by the king's chief minister, whose name is not clear in the impressions, and that the prasasti was composed by Harsha (v. 29) and engraved by the sutradhára Såhila (v. 31), while the last verse 32 contains the usual prayer that the king's pious work and his fame may endure for ever.- The date at the end of line 31 is samvat 917 Chaittra-fudi 6 Sukra, i.e." Friday, the 6th of the bright half of Chaitra of the year 917." In this date the numeral figures for the year are particularly clear, and cannot be read in any other way. The figure for 9 is the same as e.g. in line 6 of the Deðgadh pillar inscription of the time of Bbôjadêva of the (Vikrama] year 919 (Archæol. Surv. of India, Vol. X, Plate xxxii. 2), and in line 22 of the Garmha plate of Jayadityadêya II, of the Vikrama) year 927 (Journ. As. Soc. Beng. Vol. LXX. Part I. Plate i). The date must of course be referred to the Vikrama era. It is one of the earliest dates of that era which admit of exact verification and corresponds regularly, for the expired Karttikadi Vikrama year 917, to Friday, the 21st March A.D. 861, when the 6th tithi of the bright half of Chaitra ended 16 h. 44 m. after mean sunrise.
The prasasti will, I think, be admitted to contain some rather pretty verses. Its author, so far as I can judge, was well acquainted, amongst other poetical works, with Magha's Sisurdlavadha, and in the composition of at least one verse he undoubtedly drew his inspiration from that poem. I refer to verse 16, which may be compared with Sis. XIX. 52. The former is :
Sakaliksita-sarvárgá nánábharanabhúshitáli
drisyante ripavo yasya nândbharanabhúshitah II “With their limbs all cut to pieces (and thus)* decorated with manifold ornaments (abharana), bis enemies are seen to abide on various battle-fields (rara-bha)." And Mågha's verse is :
Sastravranamaya-frimad-alankaranabhashitah
dadrite snyó Ravanavad-alankarañabhúshitaḥ 11 "Decorated with glorious ornaments (alankarana) which consisted in the wounds inflicted by weapons, another looked like Råvana, though abiding on a battle-field (rana-bhi) that was not connected with Lanka."
1 The original apparently mentions the place where Nagávalóka was put to flight, but the name of it cannot be read with confidence. See verse 14 and the translation of it below.
Compare e.g. verses 13, 15, 20 and 30.
The praiasti somewhat pointedly ends with the word fremall, which, in the case of an author who had studied the fryanka maldkávya does not seem to me to be without significance.
• Compare the following note.
Mallinktha explains: sarengnarranabdehanaténa Rdvara bodyan Lankdaashbandha-viraldtoto oyalirika ity-artha) i wpamd-rya/irka-yamakdndu sarkarah

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Here we not merely have, at the end of each half verse, the synonymous words abharanabhashita and alamkaranabhúsvita, either of them similarly used in a double meaning, but we also find a form of the same verb (drisyanté and dadrite) in exactly the same position in both verses. At the same time the manner in which the verse of the Sifupalavadha com mences, clearly shows how we ought to interpret the first half of Harsha's verse: the ornaments with which the enemies were decorated consisted in the wounds inflicted on them when their limbs were cat to pieces. I am aware that what I have pointed out here is not of any great value now, because we have lately learnt from another inscription that Magha lived long before the middle of the 9th century A.D.
Among the contents of the prajasti there are three points of partioular interest. The first obviously is, that the inscription is one the only one hitherto discovered- of a Rashtrakata king Parabala, for whom it furnishes a date in A.D. 861. The second point is, that Parabala's father Karkaraja defeated, and invaded the territory of, a king Nagávalóka. And to these may be added the statement that an unnamed elder brother of Karkardja's father Jâjja, after defeating certain Karnatas, took possession of the Lata kingdom.
As regards the first point, we knew indeed from the very earliest Sanskrit inscription brought to the notice of European scholar3 - the Mangir plate of Då vapålal translated by Sir Charles Wilkins in 1781 - that the Påla king Dharmapala married Rappadevi, a daughter of the glorious Parabala, the ornament of the Båshtrakûţa family;' but as the name Parabala could not be traced in any subsequent inscription, scholars conjectured that it was a biruda of one of the Rashtrakūtas of Malkhôd, perhaps of Govindaraja III. or Amoghavarsha I., according to the notions which they had formed regarding the time of Dharmapala. Now there can not remain any reasonable doubt that the Rashtrakūta Parabala of our Pathari inscription is identical with the Parabala of the Mungir plate, a daughter of whom was married by Dharmapala. But it does not follow that Dharmapala's reiga must therefore be taken to have commenced so late as the middle of the 9th century. Many Indian kinga have had unusually long reigns, and at present we know nothing about the length of Parabala's reiga, while all that we know for certain in this respect regarding Dharmapala is that he reigned for at least 32 years. The zeal and activity displayed by the officials of the Archwological Survey in the search for epigraphical documents encourage us to hope that before long we shall be in possession of materials that will definitely fix both the exact time of Dharmapala's reiga and the chronology of events generally which took place in Northern India during the 8th and 9th centuries.
The king Någåvaldka who was defeated by Parabala's father Karkarija seems to have been a ruler of some importance. I have no doubt that he is identical with that Någåvalóks who is mentioned in verse 13 of the Harsha inscription of Vigrabaraja, in terms which would imply that he was the overlord, and who certainly was contemporary, of the Chåhamåna Gävaka I. of SAkambhari, whom in my Synchronistic Table for Northern India I have roughly placed at the commencement of the 9th century. There has lately been discovered a copper-plate inscription of a Chåhamana Mahdedmantadhipati, which records grant that was made at Bhrigakachchha in the increasing reign of victory of the glorious Negåvalóks, and which apparently is dated in the Vikrama) year 813 (corresponding to about A.D. 756)* I owe a photograph of it to the kindness of Mr. Gaurishankar Hirachand Ojhs, but would wait for impressions before expressing an opinion regarding ita genuineness and value.
See As. Res. VoL L p. 128, and Ind. Ant. Vol. XXI. p. 253.
I need hardly point out that this name looks like the well-known birudas ending in avaldka of certain Rashtrukāta kings (Khadgdvalóka, Vikramdvalóka, oto.).
See above Vol. II. p. 131, line 13 of the text, where the actual reading of the original is froman-Nagd. salbka-pranaransipao .
• It the grant is genuine, the donation recorded in it was probably ma le on the 28th October A.D. 756.

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Nor can I say anything definite at present regarding the conquest of the Late kingdom by the elder brother of Parabala's grandfather Jéjja. The known names of chiefs connected with Lata from about the middle of the 8th century and the available dates will be found above, Vol. VIII. App. II. p. 4. It will be seen there that we have no date, and know little about L&ta, between A.D. 757 and A.D. 812, which is just the period in which, judging from the date of the present inscription, we should have to place Jâjja and his elder brother.
In the text which follows I have indicated by marks of interrogation all passages about which I am myself doubtful, and have left blanks where I could have put in only a purely conjectural reading. Others may be able to supply what is wanting or to find the correct rendings where I have failed to do so. I know that I have shunned no trouble and may perhaps be permitted to say
Harshồna ninam rachite prasastir
vidhér-vasád=aś ma-tald vilînê prakásit-êyam pramadach-chhramês
satám madam samtatam-stanôtu 11
TEXT.1 1 Om namah | Laksbmî-nirandhrapina[sta ]nakalaba-la[sa]t-pallava Vpitra-satrôs=
ttrailokyasvâmya-dikshå vidhi-varagaravô=[]i2 shtanka-prachandah dôrddaodah Kasikosagraba-ruchirara[t-a]ghushta
h[i]maränsaddedDaityebha-sthalakumbha[stha)3 ladalana-d[ri]dhaḥ pânta vas-te Murárëḥ 11[1] Vâ(bà)1Arkka(chchhavjichakrav[åka]vimala-vyal[8]hat-dvështitaḥ
karno[a]lamvi(mbi)ta kundald jaladbara4 chchhêdavadAta-chohhaviḥ atkarttasvarskůta-nirggata iva enigdhendranilôpala
stambhab skandbaga-padmarågayagalaḥ Krishņô=sta 5 vaḥ śrêyaad [2] Tribhuvanabhavana-stambhồ nabhastalåmbhôdhi-star-agha
dahanaḥ | vra(brs)hmêmdamarda (da)Anva(ba)jadapda-rachir- ijayati10 Ha6 ri-charanah 11[3] 11 Ahimakarachakra-kavalayavilasatkamal-alayaḥ sa-dáns[vaka]yah
jalanidhirsiva Harir-avatât=paråņa-parashố=pi yaḥ sadá nava-k&7 yah [4] 18R&j=&aid=varaohak kralaschbita-kard lakshmi-sanatha) para driptári
prava(ba)ladvishat-pramathanas-ch-[dha]ra-bható bhuvaḥ vậ(ba)hädasta
mahid harð [nara)8 ka-há targadvipadhvansaksit Kamsáráti-samd=py-akrishpatan abhsichachhri-Jéjja äryyaiḥ stata]b
[5] [Ra]mya-prasūtir-achchhidrastamgab prithur-akathtakaḥ 611-Rashtra[ka]9 ta-vamso-ya samriddho yattra bhůbhfiti 11[6] 16 Jitva [vikata] karighati
pra[bhuta]ra-Kar påtabhaasahasrå[oi] | [prithu P] L[4]t-Akhya rashtrat lavdham(bdhara) yasy=&grajên=&ja. [7] 17[Vana]
1 From impresions and photograph supplied by Mr. Cousens.
• Denoted by a symbol. Metre: Sragdhari. Read ardisaddla.
• Metre: Såndlavikridita. • Compare sarigindsha-planikaichukar, sbore Vol. II. p. 4, v. 32. 1 Originally -kundal6 seems to have been engraved. . Compare Situpalavadha IIL. 11.
• Metre: Arya. 10 Originally puchers was engraved. - Compare sbore Vol. I. p. 40, verse 8: vra(bra)AmandamandaLamahotpalandla-Iudh vi(61)bhrat.
11 Metre: Åryigiti. 11 Compare binpdlaradha xiv. 70: mabasi bud hd yant purdna-puruskas prachakshats. 1 Metre : Sard Olavikrlạita. * Bead Shoaisakrits,
15 Metre: śloks (Aumhțabh). 1 Metre: Åryl.
1 Metre: Malint.

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10 mahisham-asahyam vajind lola-nêttrå madagalita-kapôla dantinah simham=
ugraó [jvalitapavana ?]-kirņņa vairi-virá) Kritantam rapa-sirasi yam-êkan
mênire naika [rupam ll] [8] 11 Eko-p-itasutatah kurvvann-ar&ti-[ku]lam=&kulam | chåruch Amikar-Ôpe [to n]ila
rûpar vi(bi)bha[itti] yah 11[9] [Pript-chchhraya ?] vuv-uv
prakaṁpå [n] -makt-ali[bh]ih svamahima-pratipAdandys [dest P]nta[råny-u]12 pagata vikald disasu yasya dhvaji iva edA ripa[v] bhramanti 11[10] Tasy=&tmajo ripava(ba)1-[]nta - - - $
3 r -Karkkarája iti samyati lavdha(bdha)-kfettiḥ | P[arth-&gran P]l13 r-iva vaba)bhůva niranta-salyo dahisandriva(a)la-bienna-bhimano[na]h 11
[119] "Vi[kshipta ?]-[vai ?]ri- . . . . . . . - u ya[t-kajrêna
raṇabhodhi-mathango Mandarayitam 11[12] Vidhvasta [vai]14 riva[nita]-nayanapraņåli-samsakta-kajjalayatásrajala-pra våhai]h | sbshichyamánam-api
chandramarichi-[håri sphitam) va(ba)bhůva (nan) yasya yadd-tichittran 11[13]
Darvvårârâti-mattadvi[rada) - 15 ghanaghatárpasanghatta-chande sangråmê [hfishta-y8]dh8 [tara]gakhurarajas
chhanna-dikchakkrav[ald i] [valga P]t-pålidhvaj[Alan] kshatarudhi[rasa) ritprajya
såmantachakra chakró Nagávalókam [jha]țiti u 16 lava)nel yab paravritta-marttim 1[14] Darvvåravairivaravárana
kumbha[mukta]-maktaphalapra[kara)-nirmmaladantamála . Nagávalókansipa
[vésma]ni viprakiroņê yasy=8ddhatan prabasat-iva kripåņa-p[ali] [15] 17 18Śakalikrita-sarv vingå nånabharaṇabh Ashitaḥ d pisyante ripavo yasya
nånabharaṇabh Ashitaḥ [16] 13 Yasy=ôtpalachchhavi[ma]sh [v]ajal-Ônnatênal
khadgêna tumgatara-bhä[mibbri]18 [tari
firassu d hirånipâta-janitair -aspije 15 praváhair-yaddh8 mabâpralaya[kala P]ghana-(pratitih ?16) 11[17] 17Ahimakars iv-edya tyakta
dôshậnushamgô himakara iva ja[ta]h 19 fuddha-mûrttiḥ kalâvân parava(ba)ladalan-ogro-nagra-chakshaḥ pratapi
Parava(bala iti puttras-tasya [s&st] =iha bhd[min] 11[18] 18[Tysktva P]máy&m=adarbhañ=cha sakta-karttasvaraḥ sad bhum Cjatd] $r1-19
1 Metre: śloks (Anushtabh). * Metre of verses 10 and 11: Vasantatilski.
The original possibly has lantaka dos mdrttas. • Originally ofbhdea or odbrdoa was engraved.
Metre: Slók (Anushtabb).-I am cable to restore the first half of this verse with any confidence, but the mening probably is that the king's hand in battle took away fortano from his adversary. Compare Gupta Ispor. p. 203, 1. 7.
Originally randbedki- was engraved.
Metre: Vantatilaki.- Compare sirupdlavadha XV. 90. • Metre : Sragdhart. • The akakara which is missing here I am unable to restore with confidence. 10 OE these three akakaras the first and the last seen to be certain, and the second is either oa orok 11 Metre: Vantatilaki.
13 Metre: sloks (Anushtabh). Soo sboro, p. 250. 1 Metre: Vasantatilaka.
14 The water of the sword-blade (asidhdrd-jala, khadgad kdrd-payas, khadgadidndmöhan) is often spoken of by poeta; compare ag. Radvall, pp. 64 and 168, and above Vol. IL p. 307, v. 31.
15 The plarul of asrü is similarly used in Sifupdlapadha xvii, 66 (aristo.
1 I have little doubt that this is the correct reading; in the original modial i was originally engraved. before the akahara which I read as pra, but it has clearly been strook out. 11 Metre: Malint.
19 Metre: bloka (Anushtabh). 1This word, being repeated at the commencement of the next line, is superfluogs here. Srphsla is used in the double sense of the fruit of his prosperity and . Bilva fruit.'

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[Vol. IX.
20 triphalany-asyssuhridd vidvishd=py-alam 11[19°) MakarskötntulA[hrita)surdarijana-vils[lita]lochana-ma[la]y&
(sva]-Suchibh([shaņa)-va[rahmani] linay-s[ms]rapurendra-lamo bhavi yo-bha[vat Il] [20] 21 Prabharhjand vairi-mahiruhápar samaki(tri) tanah dhanado (jana)nata
[a]in-A(ta)rapa [-]krip npip&p[m-k8]epi yo bhuch-charitair-anókab Il
[21°] Vishayebhyab paritykjya [vi]graha[dapda)-1122 Layal indriyap-iva [y]n-Aujitány-ari-va(ba)lany-api [22] "Sura-gurura
ivs samya(g-mantrim [kt-P]vadhe[na]b sura-patiroiva beladirit-Arátigðtrab!
Bar-g4js in nitroh] 4[d-de]23 n[8] pravrittab sura-girir-ira b hábhfinmandal-otkrishtabhataḥ [23]
"Jyárávakrishfadridhakarmaks-mandalagra-bhinnabhakumbhabhava-lohita
kiropahård pålidh vajkn-bhajalatsite-[vápamAlA [ya). 24 sy-ajigaya napa-mordd bani raja-lakshmih [24] Achikarad=ddvakula sa
Saarir-idara Hi[m]rovidharadri[iga)-t[alyan 1] [subhra ?]gra vinyasta ?]mita[dhvajál]t vi(bi) bharttiyasy-amarasindha-sõbham 19 [25] Starbh[as-ta
ya P]25 [drig P] -Garudadhyajd (draa P] P[urd] vidald Garudadhvajo-yarh Hardb
puras tadri[6] [va] tena stambhah semattambhita dohardjoA 11[26] 8Vishpoh kin chars AS-trivikrama-kritéḥ stambh-&kriter=vvå vapuh
Sthåpôr-bha-viva [ra] 26 t-phapindra-ripups Baahd-thava pròddhritaþ| ittha bhari vi[chkra]yadbhiramarair-álokys
nichi]yats
star bhab Suddhasilámayaḥ Parava(ba)la[kshma]påla-kirttipradah |[27] Tasy=&tâty va(ba)bhava
[Ksh P]i vu 27 iti yabarvvadharmm-Adhikarihêmsbhah satyavadi Parava(ba)le-nfipaters
mm [rddha)- vandyaḥ pra[dhana ?]b (tên=]ttang-A[imava(ba)h Parlo, Mmadhamathana-pard Vainatéy-Ôpalakshyaḥ stambhaḥ samstambhit-arêr
[upaha ?]28 [aita ?]-yugah stambha uttambhitdayam [28] 11 Prakrishta-varanah u - u
[vam ?]se svabhava(samp]adita-(sambhramô] yaḥ Ha[rsh]êņa (padyai]
rachita prasastir-mmuktaphalA14-briyam=&tanti 11[29] 19 Pravi[p] 29 gathbhrà vividhapadavinylsa-chatur dridhôdara-granth=[&vira(ba)dhajalnadarjūána hriday&] |
[prasastir-mmédhurya ]prabhfitigu pagam[48]ha-ruchira surastr-iv-ábháti sphatikavimalastambhs-[likhita] [30] 30 13Utkirona sutradhårdps Sahilens sphat-Akshara | chittrånga vagvya P]gra-varpp
[Sarasvat PJ-Iva [bhAantd [31] [YAvat]--uv-u v ujito Lakshmih sthitaðrasthalê dəhårddhe Giri( tasya]
1 Metre : Drutavilaınbita.
* Metro: Upajati. • Metro: Gloks (Anushtubb).-Instead of vishaydblyas I should have expected the accusative vibaydı, but this would not bave rited the metre.
• Metre: Malin-I am somewhat doubtful about the correctness of the first Pade, and I mini relativo pronoun in the verse. Metre : Ventstilska.
Metre of vernes 25 and 28: Upajati. 1 Originally odhuajddri ww mgn ved, but the sign for i has been struck out or altered to as. I am not rure about the exact meaning of the first half of the verse. Metro: sardalsvikridita.
• Metro: Sragdhari. ** Compare bisupalavadha III. 78, #waga-larangabdhu. 1 Metre: pajiti.
1 Metre : sitharini. » Metro: bloka (Anushtabh). I am doubtful about the second half of this verse. w Xatre sardelarikridita

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No. 34.]
PATHARI PILLAR INSCRIPTION OF PARABALA.
31 H[aima]girija Sêsh-3ttamâmga kahitiḥ chamchachchandramarichi-[bhâsurajalâ ?] yavad-di[vi] svarddhuni [tâvat-kirttir aua]éva[r-âstu] [nripatêr= bhůmyâs-ta ?]lê śrimati [32] Samvat1 917 Chaittra-sudi e Su[kr] [] 32 Om2 namaḥ ||3
ABRIDGED TRANSLATION.4
(Verse 5.) There was formerly a king whose hands were marked with auspicions discs, who was endowed with fortune, and who, harassing haughty foes and powerful adversaries, was the support of the earth; who with his arm overthrew princes, who warded off hell and destroyed huge elephants,5 and who, although thus like Kamsa's enemy (Krishna) [whose hand bears a choice disc, who is united with Lakshmi, who harassed haughty foes and powerful adversaries, and supported the earth; who lifted up with his arms the mountain (Govardhana), slew (the demon) Naraka, and destroyed (Kamsa's) huge elephant], did not bear Krishna's body, the glorious Jêjja, praised by the noble.
(V. 6.) While he was king this glorious Rashtrakuta family was prosperous, a family in which there is pleasing progeny, which is without blemish, noble, large, and free from trouble being like the bamboo, which has pleasing shoots, is free from flaws, high, broad, and without thorns].
(V. 7.) His elder brother, having defeated in battle thousands of Karnâța soldiers whose might was increased by arrays of enormous elephants, obtained the broad Lâța kingdom.
(V. 11.) Jajja's son was the glorious Karkaraja, who, . . . . (causing) the destruction of the forces of adversaries, acquired fame in battle; who removed trouble [and was therefore] like (Yudhishṭhira) the foremost of Pritha's sons [who annihilated Salya]; and whose armies were terrible in chastising the forces of enemies difficult to be chastised [so that he was like Bhimasena subduing the strength of his enemy Dubsâsana].
(V. 14.) In a battle which was terrific by the collision with the multitude of the close arrays of the furious elephants of the irresistible enemy, where warriors rejoiced and the circuit of the regions was hidden by the dust from the hoofs of horses, where rows of pálidhvaja' banners were fluttering and the crowd of feudatories was inundated with streams of blood issuing from wounds, he at... 10 caused Nagavalôka quickly to turn back.
(V. 15.) The blade of his sword, with rows of spotless teeth formed on it by the mass of pearls that were shed by the frontal globes of the choice elephants11 of the irresistible adversary, exultingly laughs as it were in the devastated home of king Nagavalôka.
1 Read samvat.
2 Denoted by a symbol. On the second part of the inscription, lines 32-38, see above, p. 249.
I consider it sufficient to translate here those verses of the original text only which refer to historical events. The other verses will interest Sanskrit scholars only, to whom they will present no more difficulties than any ordinary classical text. A brief summary of the contents of the inscription has been given above.
In the case of the king the words tunga-dvipa might possibly have to be translated by "the elephants of (king) Tunga," where the name Tunga would perhaps have reference to one of the Rashtrakutas of Malkhod who had birudas ending in tunga (Sahasatunga, Subhatunga, Jagattunga, etc.).
For the figure virodha or viródhábhása, seeming contradiction,' used here by the poet, see above Vol. VI. p. 246, note 13.
The original has his (s.e. Jejja's) son.'
The word bhimasena is similarly used in a double sense, e.g. in the Vasavadattá, p. 122, 1. 5. For this word which occurs also in verse 24, see e.g. above, Vol. VI. p. 170 and Vol. VII. p. 227.
10 Here the original probably has the name of a place containing four syllables and ending with lavana
or lavana.
Compare in Journ. Bo. A. Soc. Vol. XVI. p. 107, 1. 5: nistrimsaghatavidalat-karikumbha-muktamukidphalaprakara-; also e.g. Situpdlavadha V. 12.

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(V. 18.) Now his son Parabala rules bere the land, he who has discarded addiction to sin and is therefore like the sun which has severed its connection with the night; who is born of pure body and is versed in all arts, and is therefore like the moon when she has risen with a bright form and with all her digits; who, terrible in cutting up the forces of adversaries, is gentle-looking, and full of prowess.
(V. 24.) At the head of batilo the fortune of royalty-her garland of pearls covered with the blood streaming from the temples of elephauts that were split by the round-pointed shafts of her strong bow drawn with a twang of the string, and with rows of arrows resting on her creeper-like arms-conquered for him palidhvaju banners.
(V. 25.) He caused to be built this temple of Sauri, resembling the peak of the mountain of snow, the white flag on the bright top of which bears the lustre of the river of the gods.
(V. 26.) And like the pillar which was formerly erected?) on the mountain of Garudadhvaja(?), exactly so was this large Garuda-bannered pillar caused to be erected by that king before the temple of) Hari.!
(V. 27.) Repeatedly deliberating whether this is Vishnu's foot making three strides, or the body of Sthâņu shaped like a post, or (the serpent) Śésha pulled out of a hole in the ground by the enemy of the serpent-king, the gods on viewing it find out that it is a pillar of pure stone proclaiming the fame of king Parabala.
(V. 28.) His prime minister was (Ksh?]i..., administrator of all laws, bright like gold and true of speech, to be saluted with (bowing of) the head by king Parabala. He set up before the temple of the destroyeri of Madhu this Garuda-marked pillar, which with its stone arm raised aloft defies all ages-a pillar of him who has paralyzed his foes.
(Line 31.) The year 917, Friday, the 6th of the bright half of Chaitra.
No. 35.- ANMAKONDA INSCRIPTION OF PROLA;
The Chalakya-Vikrama year Forty-Two.
BY H. KRISHNA SASTRI, B.A. On a hillock to the south of Hanumkonda? (Anmakonda) near Warangal in the Nizam's State, stands the small temple of Padmakshi which, unlike other buildings attributable to the Kakatiya period, is devoid of any architectural pretensions. The rock close to which the temple stands, bears on a portion of its dressed surface, sculptures of
I I.e. Visbņu.
? I win not sure about the meaning of these words, the text of which is doubtful in the original. Garudadhvajadri might be equivalent to Krishnagiri.
* I.e. Siva. • These words clearly indicate that there was a figure of Garuda on the top of the pillar.
I.e. Vishņu. • In my opinion, this might refer either to the king or to the god Vishņu. T This is the form given in Mr. Cousons' Lists of Antiquarian Remains in H. H. the Nizam's Territories,
p. 46.
The thousand-pillared temple in the middle of the village of Anmakonda was built by Prðla's son Rudra in or about A.D. 1162-63 (Ind. Ant. Vol. XI. p. 9 f.) and contains some excellently sculptured door posts. The four gateways which now stand in the open air at Warangal might have belonged to the palace of the Kakatiya kings at that place (Annual Report on Epigraphy for 1901-2, p. 4). Mr. Cousens, however, thinks that the gateways must have belonged to great temple in the centre of Warangal (Lists of Antiquarian Remains in H. . the

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ANMAKONDA INSCRIPTION OF PROLA.
257
some Jaina images seated in a row. In front of the temple is an inscribed quadrangular pillar of black granite bearing in relief within a countersunk square, at the top of each of its four faces, the figure of a squatting Jaina ascetic with his arms folded over his lap crosswise. On the east face of the pillar this figure is flanked by a cow and calf on one side and a dagger and shield (?) on the other. The north face of the pillar bears representations of the sun and moon on the right and left sides, respectively, of the squatting Jaina figare. From these sculptures and from the inscription on the pillar, which is published below, it appears that the Padmakshi temple was originally dedicated to the Jainal goddess Kadalalâya and that the pillar was set up there by the lady who built the basadi (Jaina temple). At present the Brahmaņas of Anmakonda, who have somehow got possession of the temple, worship the goddess in it under the name Padmâkshi, which they belicve to be synonymous with Durga. It is not clear how or when'the ownership of the temple passed from the Jainas to the Brahmanas,
Anmakonda, or, as it is called in the subjoined inscription, Anmakundá (1. 16) or Ammakunde (1.75), was originally the capital of the Kakatiya kings and was situated in the Andhra country. The neighbouring town of Warangal (Orum gallu in Telugu or Êkasilânagara in Sanskrit) became the seat of government about the end of Ganapati's reign and continued as such until the collapse of the Kakatiya family. Anmakonda and Warangal are now stations
Nisam'. Territories, p. 47). The temples near the Rawappå Lake in the Warangal district are (ibid. p. 49) of the same type as the great temple at Hanumkondå, but more profusely sculptured. The principal temple of this group appears to have been built in A.D. 1213-14 by Rudra of Recharla, who was a dependant of the Kakatiya king Ganapati. The village Uparpalle in the Yelgandal district, is also reported to contain some ruined temples attributable to the Kakatiya period (ibid. p. 74). The vimana of the Tripurântakesvara temple at Tripurântakam in the Kurnool district was constructed in A.D. 1254-55 under the orders of the Kakatiya king Ganapati (Epigraphical collection for 1905, No. 169.) The Padmaksht temple at Anmakonda is the earliest known struc. tural monument of the Kakatiys period and this may account for its being plain sud devoid of the display of art which is quite characteristic of the later structures of the dynasty.
1 Jaina remains are mostly to be seen in the western portion of the Nizam's Dominions, which borders on the Bombay Presidency. Anmakonda is almost on the eastern border; see the map accompanying Mr. Cousens' Lists of Antiquarian Remains in H. H. the Nizam's Territories.
2 Annual Report on Epigraphy for 1901-2, paragraph 7. The goddess Padmâksht to whom the temple is dedicated must be one of the twenty-four Sásanadects of the Jaina mythology. Ambs or Ambika, the Sasanadivl of the 22nd Tirthankara Neminátha, is supposed to be a form of Durga. Padmavati was the Sesanadpf of Parsyanitha (Dr. Burgess Archeol. Surv. of Western India, Vol. V. p. 45 f. and p. 46, note 2). It might. therefore, be supposed that the goddess consecrated by Mailama in the basadi at Anmakond was either Ambika or Padmâvati--called, in Kanarese, Kadalalaya, the meaning of which I have not been able to trace.
Above, Vol. III., p. 82, and footnote 4.
• The Gagapéśvaram inscription of the time of Ganapati states (v.9) that Rudra, son of Prðla, destroyed many towns and founded quarters named after these towns in the city of Orumgalla and peopled them with their respective iuhabitants; while in the devastated towns he built celebrated temples of Rudreśvars and settled fresh inhabitants. If there be any truth in this statement, it may be inferred that Waran gal, which was already in existence as an important city (see 1. 93 of the subjoinel inscription also), mas gieatly improved by Rudra. Récharla Radra, a general of Ganpati (see above, p. 256, note 8) is said to have put to flight king Nagati and founded the temple of Rudrésvara at the city of Orugallu (Warangal)-perhaps after his own name. Orumgallu or Orugallu, which wus thus improved by the Kakatiya king Rudrs, appears to have occupied only a subordinate positio. in the tiine of Prola, Radra and Ganpati, while Anmakooda was the capital. No. 273 of the Epigraphical collection for 1903-08 which beloage to the time of Rudra and is dated in Saka-Sarvat 1107, Visvavasu (= A.D. 1185-86) states that the mahamandalesvara Kakatiya Rudradêva-Mahåråja was "the lord of Anumakonda, the best of towns." Nos. 193 and 223 of the same collection belong to Ganapati and are both dated in Saka-Samvat 1174, Paridhkvin (-A.D. 1252-53). The former refers to Gapapati 4 "the lord of Angin ko da, the best of towns." In Saka-Samvat 1175 Ganapati still called himself the load of Auumakonda (Mr. Butterworth's Nellore Inscriptions, O. 28). Bat No. 231 of the Epigraphical collection for 1905, dated in Saka-Samvat 1176, Ananda, distinctly sate that Ganpati was ruling with Orugallu as his capital. Whether his successor Rudrainadevi (or, as she is called in inscriptions, Rudrade va-Mshår&ja) reigned from the newly established capital Warangal or not, it is dificult to say. Her sice 1880r Pratáparudra ralel over almost the whole of the Telu zu country and portions eveu of the Ta nil country from h's throne at Orumgallu. He is generally known 4Ôrunguti Prata paru Ira leva, i.e. Pratå parudradeva of Orumgallu.

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on the Hyderabad-Bezvada section of the Nizam's State Railway and seem to have been included about the beginning of the twelfth century A.D. in the district of Sabbi-sâyira 'the Sabbi one thousand,' which formed part of the Western Châlukya empire, and to have been conferred by Tribhuvanamalla-Vikramaditya VI. on his fendatory the Kakatiya chief TribhuvanamallaBêta. Sabbi-sâyira is not mentioned in other published records and, consequently, its extent cannot be defined until more lithic records from that part of the Nizam's Dominions are published."
The subjoined inscriptions engraved on the four faces of the pillar above referred to, is written in bold and clear Kanarese characters of the twelfth century A.D. The written surface measures roughly in breadth 1' 31" on the east and west faces and 1' 2" on the north and south faces, while in height it is 3' 6", 3' 5", 3' 7", and 3' 31" respectively, on the east, north, west and south faces. The sculptures which the four faces of the pillar bear have been noted already. Verse 1, which contains the invocation, and the imprecatory verses (11 and 12) are in the Sanskrit language. Lines 89 to 91 contain an incomplete Sanskrit verse which is evidently meant to be a quotation. The rest of the inscription is in Kanarese prose (11. 6 to 24, 70 to 88, 91 to 93, and 111 and 112) and poetry (verses 2 to 10). The writing calls for very few remarks. The anusvára is sometimes, as in ancient records, written at the top of the right side of the letter (11. 1, 3, and 4), and sometimes, as at present, written on the right side of the letter (11. 86, 98, 100 and 102). The virama occurs once in 1. 62 where it is marked by a wavy vertical line added to the top of the letter. The e-sign, which is almost similar in form to the virama, is also attached to the top of the letter, but is horizontal. In 11. 40 and 55, however, the e of de in the word perggade and é of yé in the word hridayésvari, are marked differently by a curved line attached to the left bottom corner of the letter and drawn horizontally to its right. In other cases this sign along with the e-sign first described, marks the ai-sign. An attempt is made to distinguish the long from the short but it is not throughout kept up. Among consonants it may be noted, that the length of the horizontal stroke in the middle, which in the case of pa ought to be shorter than in that of sha, is in some instances lengthened so far as to make pa look almost like sha. The forms krima for kramd in 1. 20 and yejña for yajña in 1. 103 are due to the peculiarities of Kanarese pronunciation.
The record begins with an invocation addressed to the feet of Jinendra (v. 1) and refers in 11. 6 to 4 to the reign of the maharajadhiraja, paramésvara and paramabhaṭṭaraka, the [Western] Chalukya king Tribhuvanamalladê va [Vikramaditya VI.] and his feudatory the mahamandalêsvara Kakati Bêta (1. 19), who had acquired the five great sounds (pañchamahafabda) and who was the lord of Anmakunda (1. 16), the best of towns.' The hereditary minister of Kâkatî Bêtarasa (1. 30) was the dandádhinatha Vaija (v. 2). Verse 3 states that Vaija brought his master the mandalika Kakati Bêta (11. 32 and 37) to the feet of the Chalukya (1. 33) emperor (chakrin) (viz. Vikramaditya VI.) and made him rule the district of
1 See verse 3 below.
2 Sebbi or Chlebbi thirty, a small district over which the Western Ganga king Pañchaladeva was ruling in A.D. 971, and which took its name from the village of Chaboi or Chhabbi in the Hubli tâluka of the Dharwar district (Dr. Fleet's Kanarese Dynasties, p. 307) seems to be different from the Sabbi-såyira district which was ruled by the Kakatiya chief Beta.
No. 106 of the Epigraphical collection for 1902. Mr. Cousens refers to this as No. 4 of the inscriptions at Hanumkonda and Warangal (Lists of Antiquarian Remains in H. H. the Nizam's Territories, p. 48).
In footnote 7 on p. 91 of Vol. VI. above, Professor Lüders questions the propriety of the title chakrin (chakravartin) as applied to Vikramaditya VI, in an inscription at Sravana-Belgola, dated in Saka-Samvat 1081. He presumes that the title chakrin is based on the analogy of the epithets sarvajiachakravartin, pratápachakravartin and Chalukyachakravartin assumed respectively by three of Vikramaditya's successors, vis. Sômêsvara III., Jagadékamalla II. and Taila III. The title Chalukya-chakrin applied to Vikramaditya VI. in the subjoined inscription leaves no doubt that this imperial biruda originated with him;

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No. 35.]
ANMAKONDA INSCRIPTION OF PROLA.
Sabbi-sâyira (1. 34 f.) as a feudatory of that monarch. According to verses and 5 Vaija's son by Yakamabbe (1. 38 f.) was the pergade Bêta, who became the minister of Kakati Prôla (1.43). The only act of this Bêta which the inscription records, is that he constructed ten houses for gods (i.e. temples) in his native village (v. 5). The wife of this minister Bêtathe son of Yakamâmbika (1. 53 f.)-was Mailama (vv. 6, 7 and 8). Lines 70 to 87 state that she built the Kadalalaya-basadi on the top of the hill (v. 9) and that-in the ChalukyaVikrama (1. 76) year forty-two, which corresponded to the cyclic year Hêmaļambi, on the occasion of the Uttarayana-samkranti, which fell on Monday, the 15th day of the dark half of Paushya, while the king Kakatiya Polalarasa. (1. 73), son of the mandalika Tribhuvanamalla (1. 72) was ruling at Ammakunde (1. 75), she gave for the benefit of that temple six mattar (1. 86) of land below the tank built and named after herself, by her husband Bêtana-pergade (1. 81).1 The pillar that bears the inscription was also set up by Mailama on the same occasion (1. 87). Lines 88 to 99 register a gift of ten mattar (1. 98 f.) of land to the same temple by the mahamandalêsvara Mêlarasa of Ugravaḍi (11. 92 to 94), a member of the family of Madha[va]varman (1. 91) (who possessed a fabulous army) of eight thousand elephants, ten crores of horses and numberless foot-soldiers.' The land which Mêlarasa granted was situated below the Kûchikere tank, which belonged to Orumgallu (1. 95). This town was under the control of Mêlarasa at the time of the grant. Lines 111 to 112 record the assignment of a paga (haga) coin to the temple sweeper Boya-Padda, to be paid, apparently from the proceeds of either of the two grants mentioned above.
259
The late Professor Kielhorn kindly contributed the following remarks on the date of the inscription:"Ch. V. 42 S. 1039 exp. Hêmalamba. The date regularly corresponds to Monday, the 24th December A.D. 1117. On this day the Uttarayana-samkranti took place 14 h. 55 m. after mean sunrise, during the 15th tithi of the dark half of Pausha, which commenced 0 h. 38 m. after mean sunrise, and ended 0 h. 13 m. before mean sunrise of the following day."
Seven inscriptions of the Kakatiya dynasty have been published so far. The earliest of these belongs to the time of Rudra, five to that of Gapapati, and one to that of Prataparudra. The first of these and the Kâñchi inscription of Ganapatis supplement one another in supplying the full name of the first historical person of the Kakatiya dynasty, viz. Tribhuvanamalla Betma. The Chêbrôlu record of Ganapati and the subjoined inscription give, instead of Betma, the form Bêta. The former of these two records and the unpublished Pakhal inscription of about the time of Ganapati mention a certain Durjaya in the Kakatiya ancestry-the one, as the father of Bêta and the other as the father of Prôla. The Påkhâl inscription further states that chakrin is also used in the sense of 'provincial chief;' above, Vol. IV., p. 96.
This tank is, perhaps, to be identified with the one at the foot of the hillook on which the Padmakshi temple is situated.
2 Nos. 584 to 589 and No. 1066 of Appendix to Vol. VII. above.
This is his Aumakonda inscription of Saka-Samvat 1084, published in Indian Antiquary, Vol. XI. pp. 9 ff. An unpublished record at Tripurântakam in the Kurnool district (No. 273 of the Epigraphical collection for 1905) gives for him the date Saka-Samvat 1107. The initial date of the next king Ganapati being now fixed at Saka-Samvat 1121 (Annual Report on Epigraphy for 1905-06, Part II., paragraph 43) it follows that Rudra must have ruled from at least Saks 1084 to 1121. However, the events recorded in the Anmakonda inscription of Rudra presume a much earlier date for his accession than Saka 1084.
These range in date between Saka 1135 and Saka 1172. The earliest inscription of Ganapati found at Tripurantakam is dated in Saka-Samvat 1131 which was probably his 10th year. He must have been ruling the country round Bezvada already in Saka 1123; see below, p. 262, note 2.
5 Ind. Ant. Vol. XXI. p. 197 ff.
Above, Vol. V. p. 142 ff.
No. 82 of the Epigraphical collection for 1902-03. This is not dated, but records the construction of the (Pakhal) tank by Jagadala-Mummadi, son of Bayyana-Nayaka, a minister of the Kakatiya king Ganapati. One is tempted to connect Jagdalpur, the capital of the Bastar State in the Central Provinces, with the chief JagadaļaMuminadi. The tradition that the kings of Bastar trace their descent from the Kakatiya king Prataparudra (above, p. 164 f.) lends further support to the chief's connection with Jagdalpur.
2 L2

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(Vol. IX.
Karikala-Chola of the solar race was one of the predecessors of Durjaya. The Kanchi epigraph quoted above, which also traces the Kakatiyas, as the Chabróla and the Mkhal inscriptions do, to the Sun, Manu, Ikshvaku, and other mythical kings of the Raghu family, does not give the names of either Karikâla-Chôļa or of Durjaya. The appearance of these two names in the Kakatiya genealogy is at present difficult to explain satisfactorily. But two facts which may be of some use in this connection have to be registered before passing on to the historical portion of the genealogy. As regards the mention of the mythical king Karikála-Chola as an ancestor of the Kakatiyas, attention may be drawn to the fact that the Telugu-Chodas who invariably claim connection with this mythical Chôļa king, became feudatories of the Kakatiyas in the time of Ganapati. With regard to Durjaya, the name occars among the ancestors of two of the contemporary local families of the Teluga country. The first historical ar.cestor of the Kakatiya family was Tribhuvanamalla-Beta. He appears to have been a powerful chief who held sway over some portions of the Andhra country before he became a feudatory of the Western Chalukyas and the governor of the Sabbi one thousand district. The surname Tribhuvanamalla which occurs here as well as in the Kanchi and Anmakonda inscriptions, was probably borrowed from his overlord Tribhuvanamalla Vikramaditya VI.
Beta's son and successor was Prôla, Prôlerâja, Prodaraja or Polalarasa, whose surname Jagatik esarin is known to us from the Kanchi inscription of his grandson Ganapati. The importance of the subjoined epigraph consists in its being the earliest Kakatiya record and the only one of Prôla found so far. Like his father Bêta, Próla appears to have continued as a fendatory of Vikramaditya VI.3 The Anmakonda inscription of his sont Radra and the Ganapêśvaram record of his grandson Gapapati, mention in detail the military exploits of Prôla. These have been fully discussed by Dr. Fleet and Professor Haltzsch. One of the opponents of Prola was Tailapadêva called "the crest-jewel of the Chalukyas" in the Anmakondn inscription. Dr. Fleet has identified him with the Western Chålukya king Taila III. (A.D. 1150-51 to 1162-63). This implies a pretty long reign for Prôla from at least the Chalukya-Vikrama year 42 (= A.D. 1117), the date of the present record, to at least A.D. 1150-51, the first year of Taila III., unless we suppose that Prola fought with Taila while the latter was yet a prince. That Rudra, son of Próla, successfully averted a usurpation of the Châļukya throne after the death of Taila III., by a certain Bhima
1 See Annual Report on Epigraphy for 1899-1900, p. 18, Genealogical Table of the Chodas of the Telugu country, retarke under Opilisiddhi II and paragraph 53.
The Koodapadmati chief Buddharkja and the mahamandal /vara Nambaya-two petty chieftains of the Telugu country on the southern side of the Krishna river - bore the surname the lion of the mountain-the Darjaya family' (above, Vol. VI. p. 268 and footnote 6, ani p. 269). We know from Telugu records that a family of chiefs known by the name Chági was contemporaneous with the Kondapadinatis. Nos. 253 and 271 of the Epigraphical collection for 1897 give two or three nsines in the ancestry of this family and call it the Durjaya-kula born from the feet of Vishnu. No. 255 of the same collection, which is dated in Suka-Sarnvat 1148 and which belongs to the time of Chagi Ganapaya- Maharaja who was probably a member of this Chagi Durjaya-kula, quotes A verse at the beginning in praise of the king which is almost identical with verso 7 of the Yenamadala inscription describing the Kakatiya king Ganapati (above, Vol. IIL p. 97 f., text II. 31 to 3). Unfortunately the inscription is seriously damaged; otherwise, it might, perhaps, have been possible to prove that the local chiefs of the Chági Durjay-kili werber wing from the royal Kakatiya family of Warangal not only names, but sutetimes even the description of the members of its family.
This may be inferred from the use of the Chalukya-'ikrama era in the date portion of the subjoined record.
The Pakhal inscription referred to above, states that Rudra was born in the family of Prole, which is quite against the testimony of other Kakatiya inscriptions.
5 Ind. Ant. Vol. XI. p. 10 and above, Vol. III. p. 83.
# The second alternative seems to be the more probable one, for Prola is actually stated to have captured Tail in battle and to have T-la-ed him out of loyalty and love' (haktyd wurdigit). This may imply the existence of a sovereign on the Chalukya throne different from Taila. Chalukya.childinai semns to bave been a title of Western Chaluky prinees who, before succeeding to the throne, generally served as governors of provitices.

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ANMAKONDA INSCRIPTION OF PROLA.
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whose capital was at Vardhamânanagari, shows the extent of the power wielded by this feuda. tory family in the last days of the Chåļukyas. Prola's other enemies referred to in the Anme. konda inscription were Jagaddeva, Gôvinda (or Govindadaņdesa, as he is called in the Ganape varam inscription), Gunds and Udaya or Choạodaya. Jagaddeva has been identified vith Tribhuvanamalla Jagaddêva, the Santara chief of Pațţi-Pombuchchapura, who was a feudatory, first of Tribhuvanamalla Vikramaditya VI. and then of his grandson Jagadēkamalla II. He must have stood encompassing the city of Anumakonda " on behalf of the Chalukya emperor in order to avenge himself apop Prôla, who, it may be supposed, was trying to throw off his allegiance to the Châlukyas. It was, probably, as the first step in this direction, that Próla inflicted the defeat on prince Taila III. as stated above. Indeed, Prola appears to have extended his military operations into the modern Kistoa district as well. For, the next opponent of his was Gunda, the lord of the city of Mantbena or Mantrakūta which is probably identical with the village of Mantena in the Nazvid Zamindarî of the Godavari district. Govinda or Govindadandésa, I would identify with the Govindaraja of the Ablûr inscriptions, who was the nephew of Anantapala, the general of Vikramaditya VI.--and with the dandandyaka Govindarasa, who in the Chalukya-Vikrama year 51, corresponding to A.D. 1126-27 was ruling the Kondapalli three hundred district according to an unpublished inscription at Tripurantakam. Here we are told that this dandandyaka Govindarasa "barnt Bengipura (Vengi?)" and conquered Gonka. This Gonka is apparently identical with the Velanandu chief Gronka II., father of RajendraChôds. Udaya or Chôdôdaya, whom Prôla first defeated and then reinstated in his dominions, is according to Professor Hultzsch perhaps " to be connected with Kulottunga-Choda-Gonka
Vir Nolamba Pallava Permanndi Jayaságbadeva, younger brother of Tribhuvanamalla-VikramAditya VI, had suchbirnda. Perhaps Teila's defest by Prola touk place while the former was yet a prince, somewhere in the latter part of the reign of Jagadôkamalla II.
Ind. Ant. Vol. XI. p. 11. Vardhamanan gari is said to have been burnt by Rudra after marebing' few atepe' from his capital Ammakonda. Dr. Fleet suggests, accordingly, that it should be looked for somewhere in the Nizam's dominions not far from Anmakond. There are two places with either of which Vardhamananagari may be identified. One is Vardhanepet, about 20 miles south-west of Annande and the other is Waddsmarri, about 50 miles suth-west of Anakonda in the direction of Kalyana. A lator chief of Vardha inanagart is mentioned in an inscription engraved o tie fort wall nt Raichur, As a feudatory of Prataparudrs. The record is dated in A.D. 1994 which is the earliest date for Pridporu.Ir derived from inscriptions Annual Report on Epigraphy for 1905-06, Part II, paragraph 14). I quote this from a brief note on the inscription made by the Officer in charge of Archeological Researches in Mysore in his Annual Report for the year ending 80th June 1907, paragraph 56.
1 There is a place called Manteni in the Yelgandal district of the Nizam's State which is about 60 miles north of Anmakonds.
: Above, Fol. V. p. 213 ff. • No. 258 of the Epigraphical collection for 1903.
Annual Report on Epigraphy for 1905-06, paragraph 40.
. Above, Vol. IV. p. 35. On p. 38 of the same volume, Professor Hultzsch refers to the biruda Chalukya. rajya-bhavana-mdlaslam'ha of Gook. II, and states that he was n tributary to one of the two branches of the Chalukys dynasty. I think that, in spite of the fact that the Velanandu chiefs became the fendatories of the Western Chalukyas subsequent to the death of Kuláttadga-Chôda I. (ibid. p. 37), the title borne by. Gonka II. was a formal bereditary title and il refer only to the Eastern Chalukya dynasty. No. 237 of the Epigraphical collection for 1905 at Tripurantaksin in the Kurnool district records a gift by Vrlandoti-Gonka in Sakı-Sumvat 1028 (-A.. 1106-07). This Goaks is identical with Goaks I. in the Genealogical Table of tho Velankpdu chiefs. The inscription states that he bore the title Chalukya-rajya-bharana-mdastambha, but does not mention the overlord to whon he was subordinate No. 161 of 1897, however, which is dated in Saka-Samvat 998, the cyclio year Nala, corresponding to the [7]th year of Vishnuvardhana-Mubaraja (Kulottunya-Cola I.] registers grant by Velan antiokaya (ie. Genka I.), the commander of all forces (samasta-sdnddhipati) of the king. This shwe that the title Chalukya-rajya-bharana-mdlastambha assumed by Gonks I when he had become more or less independent in the Telugu country, meant that be WM A Supporter of the Eastern CbAlukys kingdom. We also learn from No. 161 of 1897 that Gonka I was the son of Gundambika. He was a trifatottara sahasrdrant. adtha the lord of the one tbund and three hundred country' (No. 277 of 1905), while his grandson Gooks II. wa. A trital 6/lara-shatrahaaravanf-ndaha.. be lord of the six thousand and three hundred country' (No. 274 of 1898).

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. IX.
of Velananda."I Thus Prola who, in his early career, was a Chalukya feudatory, appears to have gradually grown powerful and to have thrown off the imperial yoke in the latter part of the reign of the Wostern Chålukys king Jagadêkamalla II., preparing, thereby, the way for Rudra's extensive conquests, which according to the Anmakonda inscription, reached in the east to the shore of the salt sea and in the south as far as Srisaila.
The other facts mentioned in the sabjoined inscription do not call for any remarks. Melarasa of Ugravadi who belonged to the family of Madhavavarman, is not known from other inscriptions. A feudatory family of the time of the Vijayanagara king Kộishṇaraya, whose members claim to have been lords of Bezvada and were ruling a portion of the Udayagiri-rajya, traces its origin to a certain Malhavavarman of the Solar race and the Vasishthagotra. It is doubtful if this Madhavavarman could be connected with the mythical Madhavavarman referred to in the subjoined inscription as an ancestor of M arasa of Ugravadi.
TEXT.
East Face. 1 Srimaj Jinêmdra-pada-padmam-a2 ssha-bhavyån=avyât-triloka-nți3 patimdra-munindra-vardyat nib. 4 88sha-dosha-parik hamdans chatda-ka5 pdam ratna-traya-prabhavam-udgha
1 Above, Vol. III. p. 83. If this surmise of Professor Hultzsch is granted, Chododays may be identified with the Velanandu chief Kulottunga-Chods-Gonka III (No. 17 of the Genealogical Table of the Velanándu chiefs on P. 35 of above, Vol. IV.) whose inscriptions range between A.D. 1138 and A.D. 1157. And the word C16d6daya, which literally means (one who is) born of Choda' may very aptly be applied to Kulottungs-Cboda-Gonka III., whose father Velankşti-Rajendra-Choda is called Chôda of Velana du in one of his inscriptions at PAlakol, dated in A.D. 1136 (No. 524 of the Epigraphical collection for 1893) and is referred to as king Chôdi in an inscription at Nidubrðlu, dated in A.D. 1132 (No. 183 of the Epigraphical collection for 1897, text line 27 f.), and probably also in the Ganapevaram inscription as king Chôdi, the overlord of the Ayys chief Narayana I. who was the grandfather of Jayana, the general of Ganspati. This identification of Chôdodays with Gonka III. whose latest date as stated above, is A.D. 1157, if correct, would render probable the statement made in the Aumakonda inscription that Chododays died out of fear of Prola's successor Rudra, who burnt his city
This is no boast so far as the southern boundary of Rudra's dominions is concerned. The existence of an inscription of his time at Tripurantakam in the Kurnool district (No. 273 of the Epigraphical collection for 1905) clearly shows that the actual southern boundary of his kingdom extended even beyond Srisails. Rudra appears to have strengthened his position in the Telugu country by a political intermarringe in the race of Kandûrôdays. Chôda (above, Vol. III. p. 83). Ganapati did likewise by taking to wives Naramba and Permbå, the two sisters of his general Jayana (ibid. p. 84). A Tripurantakam inscription (No. 204 of the Epigraphical collection for 1905) states that Ganapati's sister Melâmbikâ married Vakkadimalli Rudra, the second son of Buddha lord of Nåtayâți-vishaya. The same relationship is establisbed by an inscription at Bezvada which is dated in Saks Samvat 1123 (above, Vol. VI. p. 169, text line 8) where Natavađi Budrs (not bis father Buddha as Professor Hultzsch takes it) is called the marandi brother-in-law' of Ganapati. Ganapati's daughter Ganapamba was given in marriage to the Kota chief Bêta of Amaravati (above, Vol. III. p. 94). The Kōta chief Keta II., whose mother Sabbama was the sister of the Vélana du chief Gonka III. (above, Vol. VI. p. 148), had five queens who were selected from the several petty families which at that time appear to bave divided among themselves the country south of the Krishna river. Two unpublished inscriptions from Amaravati in the Guntur district (Nos. 261 and 262 of the Epigraphical collection for 1897) give the names of these five queens as Visijama of the family of the chiefs of Obginimärga (perhaps identical with Ongeramarga over which Nambays of the Darjaya family was ruling; see above, Vol. VI. p. 224); Sabbams of the family ruling the country to the west of the hill," i.e. the Kondapad. matis; Parvati of the family of the chiefs of Kona-Kandravådi; Nagama of the family of the chiefs of Kaksta and Komarama, another princess of the Kondapaduati family. It is doubtful it the Kakati family here mentioned has to be connected with the Kakatiyas of Warangal or if it has to be distinguished as a purely local family which adopted the name Kakati in consequence of its relationship with the Kåkntlyas either directly or indirectly.
Annual Report on Epigraphy for 1906-07, Part II., paragraph 78. From two ink-impressions prepared by me in 1902.

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Anmakonda inscription of Prola. - Chalukya Vikrama 42.
East face.
North face.
ఆద్యం
శవ నామం
also
పడడం భీరమ్మ తరంగం
జర దండుజలము
SA
మంగోతం మన మత్స
నేను మంచడం తమ గతజన వత్స
Sarada
అecca ఆ జలము నందనవలలు నంది నందును ఉన్నాను,
C
అదనంతరం
తడుము
SRCP
అరుగు
Sten Konow.
Collotype by Gehr. Plettner.
Scale -15

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West face.
South face.
Sren
-
తెలుగు
FOR
PAUL
MEELO
90
SP
year
194
Base a Area ఉషశయడం
19
DIO
మా ఉయా మనందుడు
1:9
Telgu
శుధతుమత్త రుత్ప 100 - వడదంగ నగరం
ACC
cancer
కందుకూరి అలుగ వర్ణములు కలవులు వస్తున్న గమయ్య రుపుకొందునని సందడి
102
104
10
వందలండగా
War, దాని నవరామవంలో గుండం కోమయం
మగలుగడనేడు ఎనోదయం అతడు ముత్తమురాలు అంతరాయ
108
R
112

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No. 35.]
ANMAKONDA INSCRIPTION OF PROLA.
263
6 gap-sikatänań 11 [1*] Svasti samasta7 bhuvanágra ya sri-pri(pri)thvivallabha 8 maharajadhiraja paramāśvara 9 paramabhattåraka Satyasraya-ku10 la-tilakah Châļuky-ábharanań śrima11 t-[T]ribhuvanamalladêvara vijaya-rd12 jyam-uttar-ôttar-abhivriddhi-pravarddha13 mânam=-chandr-arkka-târam salutta14 m-ire [ilo] Tat-pâdapadm-ôpajivi samadhi15 gatapanchamahâsabda mabûmam(da). 16 lēgvaran-Anmakunda-puravar-ê varan 17 parama-Mâhèśvarar pati-hita-cha18 ritam vina[ya]-vibhushanam srima19 n-mahamandalesvara[m] Kikati-Bêta-[bh]20 påla-kula-kri(kra)mågatam tadiya-ra21 jya-bhara-nirûpita-mahamâtya-pa22 davi-virajamâna mân-Ônnats pra23 bhu-mantr-o[t]saha-sakti-traya-sam24 panan-A [gi] 11 Ghana-sauryy-ațôpa [di] 25 mántanada mahimeyim châru.chari26 tradim[d-o]lpina telpim sat-kala-kausa27 ladi[n-o]david=&fcharyya-(sau]m
North Face. 28 daryyadind-a[ritthi]nikâya-prårtthit-&rttha29 [prajda-vitarana-(vi]khyatan-Adam dharitri30 [vi]nutam sri-Kakati-Bêtaragana sachi31 vat Vaija-damdádbinåtha || [2"] Agapita-sauryya32 dith negadda (da) Kakati-Béta-narêmdranat jagam 33 pongalo! Chalukya-chakri-charaṇa sale kl. 34 pisi tat-prasadadim bagegole Sabbi-sd85 yiraman-ațisi[d=n]dgha-yaso36 dhinAthanam pogaļadar=aro manda[li]37 ka-Kakati-Betana matri Vaijana || [3] A38 tamga vikasita-kamját-ênane YA39 kamabbegam janiyisidam khyåtam 40 dhareyolu perggade Bêtam mam41 tri-jana-makuţa-chûdåratna || [48] 42 Åtam Mám[dh]âta-Ram-pams43 n=enisida sri-Kakati-Prôla-bhû44 pa-khyat-Amatya vivêk-ågraņi 45 sakala-ka!A-kövidam sach-charitra. 46 pritar såhitya-vidya-ni[dhil bu47 da(dha)-vibudh-ôryviruham satya-dharmm-/48 pétam &va-gråmadôlemådidan-ati-ma49 dadim hattu dêvalayamgalus ll [5] 50 Atibaya-Jaina-dharmma-samay-8chita
51 SAsanadovi Bharati-sati sasi(fi)-bimba-vasktra) . Read pogale. 1 lo the translation I have taken this word to be synonymous with viedky-agrari.
About the whore and II. 66, 68, and 69, which Dr. Fleet thinks to be form of the virdma, 90 above, Vol. V. p. 237

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52 daśana.chchhade Suddha-savanna(îna)-kum bhi-sanuita-t... 53 nuvarana(rona)-pivara-[payodham Maila[ma YA] 54 [ka]mau bikå-su(ta)-tad-amatya-[Bejta-[hri) 55 day-tsvari nischa!a-Lakshmi bhivisalu (113[***]
West Face. 56 Padadimd-4-lulit-Alakar barega[m-amhg-057 påmgamam pruncha-ratnadin-ang-ochitam age 53 nirmmisi sura-stri-bh[A]gya-soubhagya59 samma[da]-suur[da]ryyaman aydu tivi 60 padeda. Kamjáta-samjatan=i su[dati)61 latnamanwenda Mailamanan=år=&r=bba[nni](vi)su62 r-lôkado! 11 (7*] Nuta-rúpavati kaláva?ti3 tirati-Rati Sri-Bati Ghatantaki-sati Vå. 64 ņi-satiy=emd=amatya-Betana satiya 65 kshitiy-ellam=eyde natiyisat-irkku (i II) (8"] 66 Judadimd=ene negalds [Ra]m-Aspade Nai. 67 lama bhaktiyimde mâdisi tanag-abhyuda68 yakaram=&giralu betada [me]gara 69 Kadalaldya-basadiyan-eseyalu[!!][9] 70 Adarkke nitya-půjega dhupa-dipa-[ni]vêdya71 kkam pajarig-ab&[ra].-vastradigalgan 72 grimat-[T]ribhuvanamalla-matdaļika-bh [på ]73 8-patran-appa Kakatiya-Polalarasana ra74 jyam-utta[r]-Ottar-&[bhi]vri(vři)ddhi-pruvarddhamanam-i. 75 g-Ammakumdeyal-a-chamdr-ark[ka]-tiram 8a76 luttum=ire grimach- Chalukya-Vikrama-va[r]sha77 da nalvatt-erade(da)neya Hemalambi-[sam)78 vatsara Paushya-bahuļa 15 Somava79 rad-amdin-Uttarayaņa-samkranti-nimi80 ttar dhára-purvvakam-agi tan na] Vallabhan-appe $1 Betana-perggade tanna pesarim dat madi82 sida kerey-êriya keagan-eradum 83 hås-are-ga[1]lagala nadu(du)vana gardhde(rdde) ya] 84 mnttar-eradum mattam-a-kereya pa85 du(du) vana nela doñeca terkal-ereya 86 mattarannilukum karambam mastta]r-alu(ru). 87 maru kottu nirisidal-í-sâ (80) na-gambha ||
South Face. 88 Mattami dharmmakke tellaţiy-hge[ll] 89 A[shtan) danti-sahasråņi daśa-ko90 ti cha vâjinâm-[lo] anantam pada-earn91 ghatam=ity-êté Madha va*]varmma92 vamé-odbhavar-appa sriman-maha93 mandalesvaran-Ugravå[di]. 94 ya Melarasam tann-a [li]ke.
In the origual the sylla les gákara look like gokanta

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No. 35.]
ANMAKONDA INSCRIPTION OF PROLA.
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263
95 y Orumgalla Kûchikere96 y-êriya kelag[e] kaluveya 97 modals garddeya mattar-ond-g 8498 mipadale karathbar matta99 ra hattuman-itta || Nirutam=i100 dan-aļidavam sâsira-kavi[le]101 yan-ali[da] påpaman [po]rdda102 gam-adaradim rakshi si ]dar så103 sira-ye(ya)jcada palaman-eydi 104 subha[ma) padega[m] l1 [10"] Sva-da. 105 ttår para-dattâm và yê harêts 106 vasundhara th (l') shashtir=vvarsha-sahasr[A]107 pi vishthayam jayatê kệimih II [11] 108 Bahubhir-yvasudha dattå râjabhis-S&109 gar-adibhib [] yasya yasya ye110 di bhQmis-tasya tasya tada phalar || [12] 111 Alli basadiya kasam ge(ga)leva Bồ112 ya-[Pa]ddamge påga vondu Il
TRANSLATION. (Verse 1) May the lotus-foot of the blessed Jinêndra, which (like the lotus) is worthy of being raised by the lords of kings and the lords of ascetics (residing) in the three worlds, whose powerful doctrine completely destroys (all) sins (just as the powerful stom of the lotus completely cures the patient of his dôsh), which is the origin of the ratna-traya' (as the lotus is the birthplace of pemg) (ani) which has its a teation fixed on excellent virtues (gwa) only (as the stock of the lotus is made up entirely of delicate fibre), protect all Bhavyas !"
(Lipe 6 f.) Hail! While the victorious reign of the glorious Tribhuvanamalladeva,the asylum of the whole world, the glorious Prithvivallabha, Maharajadhiraja, Paramesvara, Puramabhaftarala, the front ornament of the Satyasraya family, the jewel of the Chalukyanwas flourishing with perpetual increase (to last) as long as the moon, sun, and stars.
(L. 14 f.) A dependent ou his lotas-feet (was) the prosperous mahamandalesvara, the chief Kaksti Bêtarass who had acquired the five great sounds, (who was) a mahamandalesvara, the lord of Anmakundi- the best of towns, & great devotee of Mahêsvara (Śiva), (one) whose actions were directed) for the good of (his) master (and) whose ornament was modesty.5
(L. 20 f.) Resplendent in (his) position as the hereditary prime minister (mahâmátya) entrusted with the administration of the kingdom of that king (i.e. Bêta), great of self-respect (and) possessing the triple qualifications of pre-eminence, counsel and energy,
(V. 2.) the dandadhinatha Vaija, minister of the glorious king Kakati Beta, worshipped by (all the people of the world for (his) liberality which bestowed desired objects on crowds
1 Désha is a medical term and means, according to Dr. Kittel, black or red spots on the tongue foreboding death. It may be that acoording to Indian medical science, the lotus-stem is a powerful agent in removing this dosha.
? See above, Vol. VIII. p. 134, note 3.
# Those are the lotus seeds which as sacrel beads are worn round the neck and are called tavaro-mani (lotus-geme) in Kanaresc.
• I.e. the Jain community: see Mr. Rico's Epigraphia Carnatica, Vol. II, p. 59, paragraph 6.
> The original appears to have rinayi- in which case the phrase may be translated "the jewel among the wellbehaved," but as vintya-viblishana is the form which generally occurs iu iowcriptions, I prefer to read ya instead of yi.
2x

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of supplicants, for (his) surpassing beauty which amazed (those who saw him), for his high proficiency in the sciences, for (his) refined goodness, for (his charming behaviour, for the greatness of (his) pridel (and) for the display of (his) dauntless heroism, ---became famous.
(V. 3.) Who does not extol the minister of the mandalika Kákatî Bêta, Vaija, that master of prodigious fame, who by (his) immeasurable prowess made, amidst the applauses of the world, the renowned king Kakati Bêta to successfully visit the feet of the Chalukya emperor (chakrin), (and) to rule by the favour of that emperor) the Sabbi (one) thousand (district) (in such a way) as to attract the attention (of the world).
(V. 4.) To him and to his wife) the blooming lotus-faced Yakamabbe was born pergade Bêts who, famous as he was) in the world, was a head-jewel in the diadems of the ministerclass.
(V. 5.) He (Beta), the exalted minister of the prosperous king Kåkatî-Próla, who was counted as equal to Mandhata and Råma, the foremost among the wise, proficient in all sciences, an admirer of good behaviour, a mine of literary lore, a celestial tree to learned men possessing truth and virtue, built, with great delight, ten houses for gods (i.e. temples) in his own village.
(V..6.) The wife of the minister Bêta, the son of (Ya] kamâmbika, (was) Mailama, whose face was as pleasant as) the moon (and) whose lips were (red like) the bimba (fruit), the colour of whose body was praised as being fair and her) full breasts as being golden pots, (who was) the (veritable) lady Bhârati, & Såsanadêvî (par excellence) acceptable to the doctrines of the Jaina religion (and) decidedly, (the goddess) Lakshmi (but) without the latter's) fickleness.
(V. 7.) Who, who in this world does not extol Mailama saying: "The lotus-born (Brahman) having produced, out of the five gems (such as best suited the portion of the body (under creation), the several) limbs with (their) adjuncts from the feet right up to those tremulous curls, (and) having filled (them) with happiness, grace, joy (and) beauty (which he) culled from among the celestial nymphs, -(he) loved (to see this gem of womankind his own creation)."
(V. 8.) The whole world would praise deservedly the wife of the minister Bêta saying: “She possesses praiseworthy beauty; she is full of lustre ; (she) is a Rati in dalliance; (she) is the lady Sri (i.e. Lakshmi), (she) is the lady Ghatântaki;" (she) is the lady Vani (e. Sarasvati)."
(V. 9.) The thus-praised abode of Rama (ie. Lakshm!)- Mailame- having caused to be built with delight and devotion the resplendent Kadalal@ya-basadi (temple) on the top of the hill in order that it may bring prosperity to her
(L. 70.) for the daily worship, incense, lights (and) oblations in the temple) (and) for food, clothing, etc., of the temple priest,
(L. 72.) while the reign of Kakatiya Polalarasa, son of the glorious king, the Mandalika Tribhuvanamalla, was continuously prosperous and successful, at Ammakunde, (to last) as long as the moon, sun and stars in the forty-second year of the prosperous Chalukya-Vikrama years, corresponding to the Hémalambi-samvatsara ; on account of the Uttarayana-samkranti
1 The word endntana is not found in Dr. Kittel's Kannada-English Dictionary. Perhaps it is a poetical form for manalana.
The Jains saint Akalanka is said in the Mallishēņa epitaph (above, Vol. III. P. 200) to have overcome. along with the Bauddhas, the Buddhist goddess Tara who had secretly descended into a pot as dwelling place. According to the Rdjdvall kath. (Mr. Rice's Epigraphia Carnatica, Vol. II. p. 46) Akalahka was helped in his disputation against the Buddhas by the Jains goddess Kushmkodint and eventually kicked over the pot with his left foot and smashed it. In the present inscription Mailsma is apparently compared to the goddess Kashmåndini who helped Akalahka to smash the pot in which the goddess Tari had taken her abode.

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No. 36.)
BALAGHAT PLATES OF PRITHIVISHENA II.
267
(which happened) on Monday, the 16th day of the dark fortnight of Paushya (of that year) -
(L. 80.) gave to that (temple), with libations of water, two mattar of wet land (lying) between two flat slaba below the band of the tank built in her name by her husband Bêtanapergade, and four mattar of black-soil land (lying) south of the pond (done) on the west side of the same tank and six mattar of uncultivated land, (and) set up this inscribed pillar.
(L. 88 f.) And as a subsidiary) gift to this charity the prosperous mahamandalesvara Melarasa of Ugravaçi, who was born in the family of Madha[vav]arma, (whose army consisted of "eight thousand elephants, eight crores of horses and endless crowds of foot (soldiers) eto.," gave ono mattar of wet-land at the head of the canal below the band of Kuchikere (tank) which belonged to Orungallu (included) within his rule, (and) ten mattar of miscellaneous land close to the same (land).
(V. 10.) He that destroys this (charity) shall always incar the sin of having killed thousand tawny cows; (and) he that carefully protects it, shall ever enjoy (that) happiness (which is) acquired as the fruit of a thousand sacrifices (yajfia).
[L1, 104 to 110 contain two of the usual imprecatory verses.]
(L. 111 f.) One paga' (is assigned) to Boya-Padda who removes the sweepings in that temple.
No. 36.- BALAGHAT PLATES OF PRITHIVISHENA II.
BY TIE LATE PROFESSOR F. KIELHORN, C.I.E.; GÖTTINGEN. These plates were sent in May 1893 by the Deputy Com nissioner of Balaghat, a district in the Nagpur Division of the Central Provinces, to the Asiatic Society of Bengal, to which they now belong. In the letter which accompanied them, it was stated that they had been found in the district, 'some time ago, hanging to a tree in the jungle. They were entrusted to me by Dr. Hoernle in 1905, with the request that I should edit the inscription which is engraved on them. Other work has prevented my doing so before now.
The plates are five in number, each between 6$' and 6" long by between 3 and 4' high ;/ two of them contain no writing whatever, while of the three others (here described as plates i, ii and ii) the second is engraved on both sides and the first and the third on one side only. Though the plates have no raised rims and are not fashioned thicker near the edges, the engraving on them is throughout in a perfect state of preservation. The five plates are strung on a ring, which passes through a hole about distant from the middle of the proper right margin of each plate. This ring is circular, about 1" thick and between 3' and 31" in diameter. The ends of it are flattened off and joined by a bolt, which had not been cat when the plates came into my hands. On the ring described there slides a smaller ring, made of a band of copper, the ends of which are fastened by a rivet which also passes through, and firmly holds, a flat disc of copper about 29" in diameter. Undoubtedly this diso was meant to serve as a seal and to bear some writing, but nothing has been engraved on it.
The plates clearly were intended to record a grant of the Våkåtaka king Pfithivishêņa II., but they actually give only the genealogy of the king and break off at the point where his order
1 I have taken karambam to be synonymous with Tamil karambu, which, according to Dr. Winslow, means hard and sterile ground.'
* This small coin, more popularly pronounced adga, is equal to one-fourth of a hapa.'
Compare the descriptions of the three sets of plates of Prevarasbus II. in Gupta Incor. PP. 285 and 243 and above, Vol. III., P. 258.
2 x 2

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268
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. IX.
commences. The four inscribed sides contain 35 lines of well-engraved writing. The size of the letters is between 1 and 3". The characters belong to the box-headed' variety of the southern class of alphabets and are similar to, but less angular than, those of the Dudia plates of the Vákataka Pravaragûna II., published with a facsimile above, Vol. III. p. 260. They include the subscript sign of the rare jh, in Ajihita, 1. 31, the sign of the jiliimúliya, in súnôhKuntala”, 1. 30, and forms of the final f, in samrit, 1. 4, and of the final + (which does not show in the facsimile), in rachanit, 1. 35. The conjunct nn is everywhere written by a sign which is really the sign for nn (in sannivesita, 1. 6, utpannasya, 1. 23, and elsewhere); visarga is denoted by two hook-shaped lines (e. g. in súnók, 11. 11 and 20); the signs for d and dare well distinguished. e.g. in -viisakuls, 1. 1, and shodarys, 1. 2; and there are two forms of the letter v, e.g. in -viisukid-, 1. 1, and vachan it, 1. 33. -The language is somewhat ungrammatical Sanskrit, and the text is all in prose. In line 10 a passage of no less than 27 aksharas has through care. lessness been omitted by the writer. As regards orthography, the rules of saindhi are constantly neglected (as in the three cognate grants); the (long) i is several times written where the vowel should be short, and (the short) i is throughout employed for both i and i ; the vowel ri is used instead of ri in pautrinah, l. 16, and -sriyah, 1. 27, and instead of ri in fri-, 11. 17 and 25. Besides, the dental and lingual nasals are confounded in kúrunya-, l. 12, mano, l. 13, and -unus.irinah, 1. 20; the word ansa is written as ansa in line 6, and vamsa as vansa in lines 8, 24, 27 and 33: sh is doubled after r in varshsha., 1. 14, and dh before y in -addhyaksha, 1. 35. With
patir-abhyao for paty-abhyao in line 28, where the r of patir looks like a sandhi-consonant, we may compare-bbalam-aišvaryya-for-bbalaiśvaryya, in line 15 of the Dudia plates, abore, Vol. III. p. 261, where m is used in a similar way.
With two exceptions, the text down to the word Prararasenasya in line 26 is practically identical with that of the three published grants of the Vakataka king Pravarasena II. ; like those grants, it gives the genealogy of this king, commencing with Pravarasena I., and enamerating after him his son's son Rudraseng I., his son Pșithivishêna I., his son Rudrasena II., and his son (from Prabhavatigapti, the daughter of the Malurájáidhirija Dêvagupta) Pravarasêna II. Of the exceptions referred to, one is that our inscription commences with Vimbára. vdsak id-, from (his) residence Veinbåra,' in the place of which the Chammak and Dudia plates of Pravarasena II. have Pravarapurit, from Pravarapura.' Our grant therefore was to have been issued from Vombara, a place which I have not been able to identify. The other point of difference is that, whila the grants of Pravarasena II. commence with dsishtam, or drishtam svasti, or drishtam siddham, this inscription contains no such expression, but at the beginning of line 1, before the word Vimbáras, leaves an empty space just where one would have expected something like drishtam. The omission and the vacant space, in my opinion, are rather significant. Contrary to what I have said in my remarks on the Dudia plates, above, Vol. III. p. 259, I am convinced now that drishtam (and the Pråkpit dithan of the Mayidavolu and Hirahadagalli plates') must really be taken in its ordinary sense of seen,' and that it is similar to the modern true copy' or examined' of official letters or Government orders. Such a remark
1 In preparing the accompanying facsimile, the last line on the first side of the second plate unfortunately was at first overlooked, it is really line 18, and the lines marked in the facsimile is lines 18-34 are really lines 19-35.
There is a final min line 27 (line 26 of the facsimile), but it seems to be out of place where it stands.
Other passages where loks distinctly like Anandhi-consonaut are tena manika. Por tanindka. in Ind. Ant. Vol. XIX, p. 309, line 10, and prardiayitaryd manyathd for prardiayitaryd anaythd in Gupta Intor. p. 267, lino 18. • See above, p. 267, note 2.
Nos. 617 and 618 of my Southern List. • Compare the remarks of the late Prof. Böbler, abore Vol. I, pp. 9 and 10, and of Prof. Hultzsch above, Vol. VI. p. 88. Sir W. H. Sleman, Speaking of certain kings of Oude, in his Journey through the Kingdom of Oude, Vol. I, p. 179, says that to their orders a seal was affixed in their presence bearing the inscription mohaliza shud, it has been seen. Like drishtam, jiltam is used in the body of an inscription in Jours. As. Soo. Bengal, Vol. LXIX, Part I, p. 92, 1.21 (jdtammaldantri-frf-Mahakéna).

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No. 36.)
BALAGHAT PLATES OF PRITHI VISHENA II
269
could of course have been affixed or prefixed to a document only when it was finished, and it is missing here because our grant was not completed. The engraver apparently acted just as a writer or copyist of the grant would have done.
After Pravarasina II. our inscription in lines 26-35 mentions his son, the Mahinija Narendrasena, and after him his son - born from the queen (mahil 'di) Ajjhita-bhattârika, a daughter of the lord of Kuntala - the Jahirija Prithivishēņa (II.), devout worshipper of Bhagavat (Vishnu).' Narendrasena, 'from confidence in the excellent qualities previously acquired by him, took away (or appropriated) the family's fortune; his commands were honoured by the lords of Kosala, Mékala and Malava, and he held in check enemies bowed down by his prowess. Prithivishêna II. is described as being a receptacle of splendour anl forbearance, who raised (his) sunken family. The name Prithivish insya, in line 35. is followed by cuchanit,
at his command '; but of the king's order only the words 'all superiutondents' are given ly these plates.
In the Vakitaka stone inscription published in Arriol. Surrey of India, Vol. IV. p. 124 ff., the verses 10 and 11, which would hare given the names of the successors of Pravarasena II., are unfortunately mach mutilated. The name of Pravarasena's son and saccessor, 'who, having obtained the kingdom when eight years of age, ruled well," has anite disappeared, and the son of that unknown king according to the published text wa, Dévasena. As has been stated above, according to our grant Pravarasena's son Narendrasena took aw:y the kingdom (probably from an elder brother), married a daughter of the king of Kuntala, and was succeeded by his son Prithivishêņa II. The stone in cription in verse 8 records the defeat of a lord of Kuntala by aparently Prithivishtna I., and in verse 18 speaks of Kuntala, Avanti, Kalinga, Kósale, Trikūta, Laţa, Andhra . . . (as having been subjected by one of the later Vákata ka). According to the present inscription Narendrasena had his command honoured (or obeyed) by the lords of Kosala, Mekala and Málava. The first and last of these three countries are well known. The situation of Mékala (according to the Topographical List of the Bribatsatılità in Inl. Ant. Vol. XXII. p. 185, a mountain or a people) is indicated by the fact that the river Narmadà is called Mikala-kanyi, the daughter of Mekala, and that that river springs from the hill Amara kaptak (in Long. 81° 48' and Lat. 22° 40') in the ancient Chódi country.3
Here and in the cognate plates the Våkåtaka kings have the title mahárája followed by the word fri prefixed to their names, and before the title there stands in each case the genitive Vakatakúncim ; e.g. Våketakuinam mahiiraja=sri-Pravarasenasya. Such passages have been hitherto translated as if the genitive Viikitakúnim were governed by the title mahurija : the illustrious Pravarasena, the great king of the Vâkâtakas,' or 'the Maharaja of the Vakatakas, the illustrious Pravarasốna.' The matter is not of great importance, but it may be as well to state that from the grammarion's point of view such a construction would be objectionable. In my opinion, the genitive must be taken to qualify, not the title mahirija, but the whole phrase maharaja-sri-Pravarasena, and more especially the word Pracarusina, the chief component of the pbrase, so that the meaning would be the Mahiruja, the illustrious Pravarasens of the V&katakas,' i.e.of the family of the V&katakas." I have already had occasion to point out that we similarly have the genitive Maitrakánum in the Valabhî plates, where there is no title by which this genitive could be governed; Vishnukundinám above, Vol. IV. p. 193, 1. 2; and
1 The name Ajjhitad&of we also find in the Kâritalai plates of the Maharaja Jayantha; Gupta Insor. p. 118.
The reading of the original text is not absolutely certain here.
• Compare Archaol. Survey of India, Vol. XVII., Plate L, and the verso cited by Dr. Bhandarkar above, Vol. IV. p. 280.
The same rena k applies to th genitive Bhdrafindndm in line 10 of the inscription.

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270
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. IX.
Kadambanam in Ind. Ant. Vol. VI. p. 26, 1. 5 and Vol. VII. p. 35, 1. 4, and above, Vol. VI. p. 14, 1. 4, and p. 18, 1. 5.
The inscription, not having been finished, contains no date of any kind, but it may be assigned with probability to about the second half of the 8th century A.D.
TEXT.
First Plate. I... 'Vėmbara-våsakâd=agnishtôm-&ptöryy&m-okthya2 shodaby-atiratra-vâjapê ya-brihaspatisava-s&dys3 skra-chaturagvamódba-yajinah Vishnuvfiddha-sagotra4 sya samrat Våkåtåkanam-mahårája-sri-Pravarase5 nasya ûnôs-sûnôb atyanta-Svámi-Mahd6 bhairava-bhaktasya anga-bhâra-sannivèsita-Siva7 ling-odvahana-Siva-suparitushţa-samatpådita8 rájavansanam 10-parikram-Adhigata-Bhagiratthy-Amala-11 9 jala-19mürddhnabhishiktan an-daśasvamêdh-va
Second Plate; First Side. 10 bhritha-snâtânâm-Bharasivånam-18mahârâja-bri-14Rudrash11 nasya sûnôh atyanta-mihêśvarasya saty-Arjjava12 karunya(nya)-sauryya-vikrama-naya-vinaya-mah13 tmya-dhimatva.patragatabhaktitva-dharmmavijayitva-16 man[8] 26 14 dairmmály-Adir-1"gama-samuditasya varshsha-fata15 m-abhivarddhamana-kosa-dada-sadhana-santana-putra16 paatri(tri)pab Yudhishthira-vrittêr-18Vvakatakanam-maha17 raja-bri(eri)-Prithivishenasya sûnô[bo] bhagavata18 S=Chakrapaņe[bo] prasad-opârjjita-sri-19
Second Plate ; Second Side, 19 samadagasys V&katakanäm-mabårája-bri-90 Rudra20 senasya sdnôh spürvvaraj-&nuvfitta-må[r*]gg-Anu(nu)sd
From the original plates
At the commencement of this line there is an empty space sufficient for about three akaharas. One would have expected here the word drishfam, with which the three grants of Pravarasêna II. begin.
* This sign of visarga is clearly visible in the original. Here and in other places below the rules of sandhi have not been observed.
• The plates of Pravarnadns II. have nomndd (), tashrap, and ramrdtah. Read zamrdjah (or samrdid). Read -fr.
The akshara nl is clear in the original. Here is a mark in the original which looks like the apper half of a visarga. * Read ansa
In this word and everywbere below the conjunct *is denoted by a sign which is really the sign for s. 10 Read asfanams,
11 Read Bhagfrathy-amala.. 13 Read-wrddiablo, compare Gupta Imer. p. 237, 1. 6.
1 Here the words mabardja-frt-Bhavanaga-daukitrasya Gautamiputranya putrasya Pakatakdrdm of the cognate plates bave erroneously been omitted.
14 Read-frl.
Bend -d mattpa-pátrdgatabhaktatua-dharmmavijayitva. 1 Road -mand. 11 Read nairmmaly-ddi-.
19 Originally uso was engravad. * One would have expected praedddd upd-Bond Srl
30 Read frk. 11 of the three grants of Pravarana II., only the siwani grant has the passage from here to doisha300 Gupta Inscr., p. 246, linea 14 and 16

Page #348

Balaghat plates of Prithivishena IL
ALL
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ii a.
"T73 தHPES IEEEU
ஆக 13 துரUN 5 அ.சி 9 வ
த பர் 2 ETTEgEnge AEE522 FEAR
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O A.
Aa. AMETERG
|
|
DUO
-
E. Hultzsch.
Collotype by Gebr. Plettner, Halle- Saale.
Scale 95|

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15
20
22
26
28
30
32
31
ii b.
바겐
말
TETS 은
133 132 131
댄요원
고
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리
iii a.
1314 열림 1일
비밀과 보리
2ᄏᄏ 자지의 힘 20달 है।
Tenne교과 16-BAT 3 Turn
BEAT
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PC
제: L당 딩해 aagu
(유화당 25만913년 9908원리
대만팀 잘만 나랑 ᄏᄏᄏᄏ TEPS 바꿍19262
퀸
네 달리
밀당의 지원 뒤 밀리TE
릴
내정치 리

Page #350

No. 36.]
ORISSA PLATES OF VIDYADHARABHANJADEVA.
871
21 ripah sunaya-bala-parAkram-Omob hinna arvvadi22 shah maharajadhiraja-fri-Daragupta-suthyd23 m-Prabhavatiguptâyêu-atpandaya Vakata24 avans-Alai karabhatasya Sambhôh prasadad-dhra(dhri)25 a-kårtta yogasys Vakatakand[m]-mahårájja (a)-tri(Ert). 26 Pravarasónasya sûnôh purvvadhigata-guna27 Ovidáva[s&P]d-apahfite-vansadriyah? KONTA
Third Plate. 28 MekaA®-MAlav-Adhipatir-abhyarohchata 106AAOasya pra29 Apa-pralatárisanasyal VikatakanAm-mah30 raja-fri-19 Narendrasenasys 800K=Kuntaladhipati. 31 saty[m]=mahadevym-Ajjhita-bhattarikayam-t32 tpannasya tôjah-kaham-sannidhanabhuta-18 83 Bys dyimagna-vansasy15a0ddharttuḥ Vikatakang34 m-paramabhagavata-maharaja-eri16.Prithivishd35 pasya Vachanåt17 asmatsantak18 sarvv-8ddhyaksha
No. 37.-ORISSA PLATES OF VIDYADHARABHANJADEVA
BY TAX LATE PROFESSOR F. KIELHORN, O.I.E.; GÖTTINGEN. There is no information as to where or when the plates were first obtained. In 1887 they belonged to Mr. 0. T. Metcalfe, Commissioner of the Orissa Division, and the inscription which is engraved on them was published in that year, with a facsimile, by the late Dr. Rajendralal Mitra, in the Journ. As. Soc. Beng., Vol. LVI. Part I. p. 154 ff. In November 1895 the plates were presented by the Commissioner of Orissa, through Mr. C. L. Griesbach, to the Asiatic Society of Bengal, and they have now been entrusted to me by Dr. Hoernle, with the request to re-edit the inscription.
There are thrbe substantial copper-plates, the edges of which are slightly rained, and of which each measures between 618" and 61' long by between 31 and 31 high. They slide op a copper ring, which passes through a hole, which is about f' distant from the middle of
1 Read dohokhinde. * Read' -frf-.
. Read -lagad Instead of this to the Chammak and Siwan grants of Pravarans II. hare tis whloh some home preferable
Here some abalans (perhaps the initial ) ww engraved, but has been resed. ... The reading is doubtful. The first abshara of the line is vi, the vaparicript i of which, thoughi fint, is distinctly visible in the original and the second appears to be fod. The third otshara look more l'boyd thaa.
d, and is followed by a sign which looks like a form of final , and has probably been struck out. The da and what follows is clear. Band-athafriya).
& Bend KoalaPerhaps Maibald-how actually been engraved; read Mabala. 2 Band paty-abhyarokchila-.
Bond prajatéritssandiya ) 1 Bond-fr
Benido Here again there is a mark which looks like part of the visarga. * Land wil)wagind-tadory
W.Read free Tbilo tek 1, the night for which is very small, to roully viešblb in the original plate b ejida Immon L'17, the heat oiland [.
ir Band santaldo, and cumpare above, Vol. IIL p. 301, L'18'.

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272
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
VOL. IX.
the proper right margin of each plate. The ring, which had already been cut when the plates came into my hands, is between " and " thick and about 3' in diameter, and on to it is soldered a roughly circular metal seal, between 14" and 11" in diameter. The seal contains in relief on a countersunk surface, in the upper half, a couching lion facing to the proper right, and in the lower half the legend
fri-Vidyadharabhaftjadevasya
in northern characters which are between" and "high.
Before the plates were used for the grant now engraved on them, they had already served for another grant, the four last lines of which, though faint, are almost completely legible on the first si le of the first plate, and of the writing of which more or less distinct traces remain also on the other sides of the plates. The characters of this earlier grant belong to what I have elsewhere! called the Ganjam variety of the northern alphabet; and the lines with which it ended, compared with the end of the Gumsûr grant of Nêtribbañja, published in Journ. As. Soc. Beng. Vol. VI. p. 669 f. and Plate xxxiii., would seem to show that the grant was issued by a chief of the same family. The four lines (on the first side of the first plate), so far as I am able to read them, are:
L. 1. Svayam-Adishto
rajna
ditakô=tra
[Mâr]tamḍaḥ ||
Likhitam-cha3
Båndhivi
2. grabika-Arkka[dêvêna] || Lâñchhitam [râ]jñî-śrî-Manikya-mahîdê3. vya || Utkirppam ch-Aksha[4]li-Kumara[dattêna] || 5samvat 4. die... ||
The grant now recorded on these plates is engraved on the second side of the first plate and on both sides of the two others. The engraving is deep and well done, and in a perfect state of preservation. In three places (in lines 10, 22 and 35) there is some doubt about the actual wording of the text, either because the engraver altered what he had originally engraved, or because portions of the letters of the earlier grant spoken of above are mixed up with the new writing; the rest may be read without any difficulty. The size of the letters is about". The characters belong to that variety of the northern alphabet which we find, e.g. on the Baguḍa plates of Madhavavarman, treated of above, Vol. VII. p. 101 f. Of the consonant signs the most characteristic are those for h7 (e.g. in Harasya Sésháhér-, 1. 4), t and tt (e.g. in prakata-, 1. 9, and -vighaffitá, 1. 6), and n (e.g. in -vana-prána, 1. 1), of which the last, in combination with palatals, also serves for the palatal nasal (e.g. in Bhañjamala°, 1. 14, -uktañ-cha, 1. 27, and lanchhitam, 1. 35). Among other conjuncts attention may be drawn to the signs for ksh, gg, gbh,
samoat (?) Magha-tudi Bead likhitan-cha.
1 See above. Vol. VII, p. 101.
The published text, which was furnished to Mr. Prinsep by Kamalakanta Vidyalamkara, is quite untrustworthy. According to Mr. Prinsep's lithograph of Lieutenant Kittoe's copy, the passage with which we are concerned here, so far as I can make it out, would be vayam-ddishtó rájnd datakó-tra bhatta-sri-Stambhadtvaḥ Likhitan-cha adadhivigrahind Kd[kka]kina atkirana[] ch-dkshasdli-Durggadéréna lañohitam
Bead grabik-Arkka".
Bead sanoat; the three aksharas by which this word is followed are illegible.
This di is followed by a sign which possibly is a letter-numeral for 10; and before the sign of punctuation there is another sign which looks like the symbol for 6. The two signs show fairly well in the accompanying facsimile. I may add that there are letter-numerals also in the last line of the Bamanghatt grant of Ranabhanja, published with a facsimile in Jours. As. 8oo. Beng. Vol. XL. Part I. p. 165 f., and in lines 35 and 36 of one of the Gafijam grants of Dandimahadevi, above, Vol. VI. p. 139 and Plate.
1 The same sign for A (which is not given by our paleographic Tables) we find in the Buguda plates of Madhavavarman, in the Gumsår plates of Netribhanja, and on the second side of the plate of Dandlabadevi, above, Vol. VI. p. 188. It was also used in the grant originally engraved on these plates. A similar form of Awe and in several varieties of the southern alphabet.

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dbh and mbh (o.g. in -vikshobha-dakshan, 1.1, pargga, 1. 10,-Digbhasjadêvasya, l. 12, -udbhaat the end of line 4, and -Stambhadeva-, 1. 36). There is a special sign for final t, in dnyat, 1. 18, nyat, at the commencement of line 19, yavat, L 21, and rådhdt for Orodhdt, 1. 22. Of initial vowels the text oontains orly a (for d), and , in achandrá°, 1. 21, iva, 11. 5 and 6, iti, I. 33, Upamany[s], 1. 23, urtkirnna, 1. 38, and étad', 1. 19. As regards medial vowels, & is sometimes denoted by a short sa persoript stroke or by a small hook on the right of the consonantrigo, as in labhafijao at the commencement of line 13, and in Bhanjámala°, 1. 14; and there are two signal of the subscript , one of which may be seen e.g. in jayatu, l. 1, and bhuvana', 1. 2. and the other in-sura', 1.7, tipu, 1. 10, Vakjuluakd-, 1. 8, and avvahubhiru, 1. 37, etc.; the formar of the two signs is used also to denote medial 4, for which there is no separato sign in these plates. Two forms of medial & may be seen e.g. in Sésháhér-
a vayê, . 4. and pra(prá)ldydchalas, 1. 5; and similarly two forms of medial 6, e.g. in kirttayo vilbo, 1. 35. The sign of an undra is sometimes placed after the consonant-sign, as in opadani yathdrhan, 1. 17. The signs of virama and avagraha do not ocour, and a sign of panctuation is found only in lines 20 and 25 (where in either case it is out of place) and at the end of the grant. The language of the inscription is Sanskrit. There are two verses in lines 1-8, and four imprecatory Terses in lines 27-85; the rest of the text is in prose. As regards orthography, the sign for
denotes both and b; visarga at the end of a word is ten times omitted ; and single consonants are used instead of doable ones in chatusima- for chatussimd-, l. 19, -anurodha cha for
anurodhach-cha, 1. 26, and five or six times in the words data and dati for datta and datti. (lines 25, 28, 29, 31, 32 and perhaps 23). There is besides some confusion of the short and long vowels, especially in the case of i and, where i is used instead of i no less than nine times (e.g. in nikasha, 1.3, ripu, 1. 10, salila, 1.21, etc.); and 4, as has been already stated, is everywhere written by the sign for #. A few times the writer or engraver has omitted an akshara, ws in Vidyadhabhañjao for Vidyadharabhanja', 1. 15, the chief name of the inscription which is correctly given on the seal; and altogether the grant has been written rather carelessly.
The inscription is one of the devout worshipper of Mahsvara(Siva), the ornament of the spotless family of the Bhanjas,' the Maharaja Vidyadharabhsñjadêva, also called king Dharmattalasa(P), who was a son of Sil&bhañjadêva, grandson of Digbhasjadêvs, and great-grandson of Ranabhasjadeva; and its object is to record & grant which was issued by the king from Vañjulvaka. Like the Gamsör grant of Natribhsõjadáva Kalyapakalala, it opens with two verses which glorify the (third) eye of Hara (Giva) and invoke the protection of the waves of the divine Ganga. In lines 15-27 the king informs the Samantas, Bhàgings and others, tho [lords of ] vishayas, and the people generally who dwell in the Ramalavva, vishaya, that with pouring out of water he gave the village of Tupdurava in that district,
1 Which of the two signs is ased, depends on the consonant to which the sign is attached; thus, k and Juw take the carve-shaped sign and p and always the straight or book-shaped sign. In line 17, where the curve-shaped is attached to p, the akshara intended to be denoted is pd (of pijayatt), not pw; the same romark
polic to the of wirddhita (for wirdd dtao) in line 11. Bat in the case of bu and M, and are both denoted by the same (curve-shaped) sign.
Compare a. Gangdmalakulatilaka, above, Vol. III. p. 18, L 12, and Kadawod(mod) walakulatilaka, ibid.
p. 228, 1. 22.
In line 6 of the Gaijâm plates mentioned in Mr. Newell's Liste of Antiquities, Vol. II. p. 88, No. 218 (and of which Dr. Fleet has given me an impression), the name is spelt Bildbhajadboa. Above, Vol. III. p. 868. 1. 83, . place sudbhaijapatt, which was in Odradlia (Orisus), is mentioned.
The name Digbhanja slao occurs in the Bimangbått plates of Ragabhafijs, where there can be no doubt about the reading of it.
The original has ojaye-Vakijeloakde.
Compare ag. abovo, Vol. VI. p. 208, 1. 18: -dmanta-blogika-vishayapati-; ibid. p. 142, 1. 25 (in one of Dnodimehhdorfo grunta) we have the term bribadblogin.

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rent-free, to the bhaffa Darakhandi- son of Saridėva(P) and grandson of Gaurichandra of the Upamanya gåtra and Bahvricha sdkha (of the Rigvôda); and he enjoins futare kings (rdjaka) to protect this gift, and (in lines 27-35) quotes four imprecatory verses from the dharmasastras.
The inscription in lines 35-38) ends with four statements, introduced severally by the participles láfichhitam, pravésitam, likhitam, and utkirnam. Abont the meaning of the two last there can be no doubt : the grant was written by the sandhivigrahika (or minister of pence and war) Khambha, and engraved by the akshasdlin (or goldsmith) KumArachandra. The term pravésitam I have not found in similar surroundings in any other grant; but since this word takes the place here of the phrase svayam-ddishtô rdjid datakó-tra of the Gumsor grant of Natribhañja and of the earlier grant on these very plates (where that phrase in both Cases appears in company with láfichhitam, likhitam and utkirņam), I think that it must likewise be taken to refer to the business of the dataka and that the words pravésitants Késavena must be translated brought (to the donee's) home by (the messenger) Kesava.' The passage commencing with lánchhitam I am unable to explain properly. According to Dr. Fleet, above, Vol. VII. p. 227, lafichhana denotes the device used on the seals of copper-plate charters, etc., and anchhita thorofore probably means 'furnished with puch a device or marked with & seal' (mudrayd mudritam). We find the word in the Buguda plates of Madhavavarman above, Vol. III. p. 46, 1. 50, lafchhitan Jayasisighêna; in the Gañjâm plates of Prithivivar madeva, abovo, Vol. IV. p. 201, 1. 35, láthíchhitam-cha fri-md(ma) hadtvyd; in the grant which was originally engraved on these plates, above, p. 272, láfichhitan [ra]jfi-fri-Manikyamahadevyd, 'marked with & seal by the queen, the glorious MÅpikya-mah&devi;' and it occurs also in the Gumsur grant of Nêtribhanja, where the words by which it is followed cannot be made out with confidence. In the present case our text appears to give us láfichhitan fri
Trikalinga-mahadevyd, marked with a seal by the glorious Trikalinga-mahadevi,' which would be similar to what we find in the earlier grant on these plates; but these words are followed by tējadikóna, which may be corrupt and the meaning of which is quite obscure, and after that again we have the instrumental fribhatfa-Stambhadeva-mantrind, by the minister, the bhafta Stambhadeva, which, for want of the meaning of the obscure word, I see no way of connecting with what prooedes. It is ourious that in at least two of the passages where the word lánchhitat occurs the marking with the seal is stated to have been performed by a queen.
Our inscription contains no date of any kind, and for the present it seems impossible to fix its age even approximately, because we know nothing that is certain about the chiefs of the Bhañja family during the Middle Ages, and possess no dated inscriptions with the same alphabet. With all due reserve I would say that the inscription may perhaps be assigned to the 12th or 13th centary A.D.
In the prording of the grant the expressions which are charaoteristic of the locality to which the grant belongs are sambandha (In line 19, used in the sense of sombaddha), saliladhdrd-puranaariya vid kind, and akaratodus (for which by mistake baratoina has been engraved). Compare eg. above, Vol. III. p. 45, 1. 86, and Vol. VII. p. 101. .
On this word, which in Sanskrit is generally spelt akshardlin (0.g. in Ind. Ant. VoL XIIL p. 276, L. 24, and Yol XVIIL. p. 145, L 26), we now Prat, Iultusch, above, Vol. VII. p. 107, note 4
See above, p. 972 and note 2. • According to Yajfinvalkys I. 819, the deans of a king should be ramudrapariginitam (.e: 90-mudrayd Garuda ardhddi-ndpay-Spari dati ekidnitewaskitam). And above, Vol. III. p. 302, 1. 74, there is a verse according to which a charter becomes faultless when it is wdrd-fuddha, faultlen as regards the seal,' ato.
See above, p. 372, note 2 Similar name are CM610maldddol and Ganga-malddbol. In the Gamedr graat of Netfibhafija tho blatta, the illustrious Stambhaden, i mentioned dataka.
traditional data in the sales your 754 (A.D. 832) is given for one of the Bhaija (Bhunx) chick in Mr. Bowell's List of Antiquities, Vol. I, p. 8.

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No. 37.)
ORISSA PLATES OF VIDYADHARABHANJADEVA.
275
As regards the localities, the inscription mentions Vaijulvaka, from where both this grant and the Gumsar grant of Netfibhañja were issued, the Ramalavva vishaya and in it the village of Tundurkva. I have not found the names of these places on the sheets of the Indian Atlas where I have looked for them.
TEXT.1
First Plate ; Second Side. 1 Om [11] SJayata Kusumavå(ba)ņa-pråpa-vikshô bha-dakahati svaki2 rapapariveshorjjityA-jirņpêndulekhan [1] tribhuvanabhavan- - . 3 ntar-dydtabhasvat-pradipam kanakani(ni)kasha-gaura vibhru? netra 4. Harasya (ll"] sŚêshaher-avao yê phank[bo] pravilasanty-udbha5 svarèndu-tvisha[b] pra(pra)l@yachala-épingakotta(ta)ya iva tva6 ganti ya(yd)-tyunnata [h] [18] nfittatopa-vighattita iva bhuj& rd7 janti yê BA[]bhavås-te sarvv&gha-vighatina[bo] surása 8 rit[t*]ôg-ormmayab pånt[a] vaḥ [ll] Svasti [lo] Vijaya-Vaijulvaka-10
Second Plate ; First Side. 9 d-astill fri-vijaya-nilayaḥ prakațaganagana-gra10 sta-samastari(ri)pavargga[b]" 18[Sri-Dharmma P] kalasa-nama rd11 ja nirddhutall- kalikalashakalmasha[bo] fri-Ranabhažjadêve.15 12 sya prapaatra[bo] dri-Digbhasjadevasyal napta sri-si13 läbhañjadêvasya sataḥ paramamahégvarð matapi14 tri-padanudhyati Bhaijamalakula17-tilakd mahård15 ja-srl-Vidyadha[ra']bhajadêvasya18 kugali Ramalavva 19
1 From the original plates. Denoted by a symbol.
Metro: Malint. • Originally ranapiri was engraved, but the i of pi has been struck out.
Read shaurjjitya. - Compare Raghupaáfa v. 74: wwabiraraparishodb Adda-fnyd pradipd. • Resd -pradtpah.
Bend babhrw, this word is synonymous with pingala, and Sivs is pingaldksha. Compare also above, Vol. VI. p. 200, 1.1 of the text.-The Gumsur grant has chdruh [In letter which nere reached the sath or I soggeted that oibhrw is correet and should be translated "brow.less.-8. K.) Metre : śårddlavikrlạita.
.. Reading 10 These four akaharariro quito clear in the nriginal. Dr. Rajendralal's text hos Valjaloakd. The Gamer grant appears to have Vdnjuloakdt, which by Kamalakinta wa misread Vdiohalikdatu.
11 Read tl Anti frf-. 11 The visarga which I have added here and below before frl is not absolutely necessary.
1 The words in these brackets are conjectural. As will be seen from the facsimile, four atalarar were originally engraved here, but they were partly struck oat or altered and the difficulty is enhanced by the fact that remnants of letters whlob were originally engraved on these plates are mixed up with the new letters. I consider it certain that the first akshara is intended to be fri (for fry), and that the last contained the conjunct' wm.The corresponding pasage of the Gumsûr grant is : Loti jagafrt-wilayah peskefaguna-grasta-farveripugarpa frf-Kalydpakalaka-ndmd ndja.
1 Rend wirddadta.
10 In the frosimile the frit akshara (ra) of this name might be read ora (and was read so by Dr. RAJendrall), bat in the original it is distinctly ra, and what looks liko ois remnant of what was originally engraved on the plate.
10 This name is clear in the original and so is the next. Dr. Rajendrall read the two namo Divabhaifa and Sizeihanja. 11 Dr. Rajendrall read Bhajanala-kula..
. Read Gears w The first three akshanas of this namo are clear in the original, the last might be road dha. Dr. Babadrull rond Vanaladhatja, but regarded the letters m doubtful

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Second Plate ; Second Side. 16 vishay-8 yatbånivasi-s& manta-bhogi-bhogyadil-vi17 shaya-janapadat yatharham månayati pa(pa)jayati vo(68)18 dhayaty-adibati Xch-anyat sarvvataḥ śivam-asmákam-819 nyatt etad[v]ishaya-samvandha-Tund[ujravagrama chatusima20 paryantaḥ? grâmô=yam || måtâpitror-&tmanas-cbs puny-a21 bhivriddhaya Bachandrårkka-sama kalam yavat sali(li)ladb&. 22 rå-porabsardya vidhind gap-&nuradhato karatvona [bhogya P] 23 Upamanya ugotrêya date-pravarêya 1 Ba(ba)hvricha-syakha-13
Third Plate ; First Side. 24 ya Gorichandrab naptá śuridávasya suta bhatta-Daru25 khandi | namn pratipaditô=småbhis-tad-Anha dati-ddha 15 26 Emma-gauravad-asmikam anurodha 16 cha bhavishyad-rajakai[b] 27 pratipalaniy-êty-"aktañ=cha dharmma-sastrair.vvahubbir-yva28 sadha datále rájabhi[bo] Sagar-adibhir-yasya yasya yada 29 bhu(bh û mis-tasya tasya tada phala [ll] Sva-dattam para-data19 vå 80 y8 harta vasundbaram [lo] sa vishthaya[m] krimiko bhutvå pi
Third Plate; Second Side 31 tribhi[bo] saha pachyatd [!!] MA bha bhd)d=aphala-latka vaḥ para-dat-4.41 32 ti párthivah [lo] sva-dân&t=phalam-antyath paradat-Anupala
1 The akshara 8 of Magyddi has not come out well in the facsimile, but is quite clear in the original, In my opinion, the word blogi before Bhogyddi is superfluous and has been engraved by mistake, and for the following vishaya janapadan I should have expected something like vishaya patladnapaddifecha.
Read chal Anyat.-The Gamedr grant apparently has :-ddifati cha sarvata fiam-demdkam-anyat ciditam-astu bharatdm-dlad vishaya.
* Originally fieims was engraved, but the i of ei has been struck out. . This second sangat is superfluous. Read -sambandha- (for-sambaddha-).
Rendgrdmat-chatu sind.. Rend paryanto. The following gramó-yas and the sign of punctuation are superfluous. • Rendadhaya d-chandrdrkka-sama-kalan; the following ydvat is superfluous. . Read orodhat.
10 Instead of karatodna, we require akaratodna, which (like akar kritya) occurs often in other inscriptions and is quite distinct in the lithograph of the Gumsûr grant (though Kamalakanta's text gives dkararatndna). The following two akakaras are conjectural. In the Gumsur grant akarafudna is possibly followed by Chwijay'nin (for which the text ha bhanddri). 11 Read Upamanya,
A the word datta below is several times written data, this might stand for datte- or perhaps datta-) pravardya; but I am unable to explain the expression. In Ind. Ant., Vol. XXI. p. 268, 1. 43. We have Aupamanya nd-sagótrdya | An dyana- dorahmacharini bhaftapravara-Vindkardtamisrdya, where bhafta pratara in equally obscure. The Upamanyavas had three prasaras - Vásishtha, Abharadvasu and Indrapramada compare . Muller, History of Ancient Sanskrit Lit., p. 385. . 1 Read -sákhd
Gawrichandrasya naptri Sri P)daraaya ruidya bhaffa-Ddrukhandl-ndmnd. 15 Read dattireddha-.
16 Read didele, 17 Read dti | Uktai-oha dharmma-detrain | Bahubhir. -Metre of the verses up to the commencement of line 88: Sroka (Anushtabh). 16 Read dattd.
10 Read -dattan'. 10 Read krimit-o dtod.
11 Read -dattet. 11 Band -dnaniyad paradatt, mag. above, Vol. III., p. 46, 1. 48 : p. 843, 1.28; or. Instead of dnandyante other granta have dnandyar (above, Vol. III, p. 848, 1. 19, p. 863, 1. 46), or ananta (Vol. III., p. 857, 1. 50), or atyasta (Vol. VIII., p. 149, 1. 26).

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2
10
12
14
ia.
Orissa plates of Vidyadharabhanjadeva.
ib.
5 महल र क सायात खुव तूर (न.रुकटी (कवी क 21/4/17 M विर पडलेला काव 90व
डर
रविवार
हटकर वारे (व यो मायेचा वः डटे (वेल का
Collotype by Gebr. Plettner, Halle-Saale.
ii a.
दर्द काय क्लिटला वेलका कला
कटिक कलाकद व साधु बरवर व বা কে हरु िदवसनः वाम
ম
उपाय (रुकुलतिलकड ब्रम्प विसरारुलटे वरम् (कुल (ल) বলম।
Scale 83
E. Hultzsch.

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iib.
বইতে((লেখ( নিকোলম(বনে কেনইবানম্ন স্তরের জার্মানীতে এক নবীcg
নিয়ে উভযeীবহেeীৰে। ( রেগেনবন([[((বংৈকগুণ ) উলা বাত্রী(বলবনয়ে বলেন * মিত্রেয়াকে কেন্যাণকাজনক।
Kধৎ\(((((( ((( ((হয়। ৩. (খাসেন(২য়কেরােনিয়া
A =(নেহায়ে(ড্রেয়ে| * দিবদৈ((এবেছে (((( হজ(য়্যেদজহৎ - বনে
iita
.
| iii b.
-(মহলেরমেইন উভয়হেহেবে(মেয়ে। বাবুল
নিহতJলাটিবল একাদদেশকেবল বলতে কাননে (বসবেন (জুন বছেa

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No. 37.]
33 na(n) [1] Itil kamaladalamva (mbu) vindu-lôla[m] 6riyam-anuchi34 ntya man[a]shya-jivitamp-cha3 [1] sakalam-f(i) dam-udahritan-cha vadhyas 35 na hi [pu]rushaiḥ para-kirttayo vilo [pyaḥll]LAñohhitam fri-Tri[ka ?]-4 36 iga-må(ma) hâdêvy[4] têjadikéna éri-bhatta-Stambhadêva-mant[r]i(tri) på 37 pravêsita[m] Késavêna? likhitam sånddhivigrihi-éri-Khambhê38 na urtkirppa ch-âkshasali (li)-Kumaracharndêna thall [II]
GHATIYALA INSCRIPTIONS OF KAKKUKA.
277
No. 38.-GHATIYALA INSCRIPTIONS OF KAKKUKA; SAMVAT 918.
BY D. R. BHANDARKAB, M.A.; POONA.
The subjoined inscriptions are all engraved on a column standing in situ in Ghatiyala, twenty-two miles west-north-west of Jodhpur. The column is not far distant from an old ruined Jaina structure, now called Mátá-ki-sal, which contains an inscription edited by Prof. Kielhorn in the Journ. R. As. Soc. 1895, p. 516. Further particulars in connection with these rains will be found in the Progress Report of the Archaeological Survey of India, Western Circle, for the year ending 31st March 1907. Inscription No. I is engraved on the eastern, and the remaining ones on the western, face of the pillar. The inscriptions are so weather-worn that it is not possible to take good impressions. With patience and perseverance, however, almost the whole of the inscriptions can be deciphered with certainty on the original stone itself.
Inscription No. I contains 20 lines of writing, which covers a space of 2' 3" high by 1' 6" broad. The characters agree with those of the inscription found in the Mátd-ki-sdl. The language is Sanskrit. The first seven lines are in prose. Lines 8-16 contain five verses. Then the date is given in prose in 1. 17. Then a verse occurs which is followed by a line in prose. As regards orthography, the letter b is only once denoted by the sign for v, in kutumvakam, 1. 8; consonants are doubled after r; visarga followed by s has been once changed to that letter in devyds-sutó, 1. 7; the dental nasal has been used instead of an anusvára before sin vansa, 1. 1; t is doubled in conjunction with a following r; and visarga has been omitted once before the following sta in ayam-ustambhita stambhô, 1. 16.
The inscription opens with obeisance to Vinayaka (Ganapati). Then is set forth in prose a genealogical list of the feudatory Pratihara family which is brought down to Kakkuka, to whose reign the inscription belongs. It agrees with the lists furnished by the inscription in the Mata-ki-sal and the epigraph of Bauka found in the Jodhpur city wall. It is followed up by five verses, the first two of which merely contain conventional praise of Kakkuka without giving any historical information. The third verse says that Kakkuka obtained great renown in the countries of Travani, Valla and Maḍa, amongst (the people known as) Arya, in Gurjjarattra, and in Parvata in the Lata country. Most of these names are repeated in verse 16 in the other
1 Metre: Pushpitâgrå.
* Read buddha.
2 Read -jlvitam cha. Read fri-Trikali. A sign of the medial i, which was prefixed to the akshara tri, has been struck out. In the place of ka (?) another letter was originally engraved.
With the exception of the d in brackets, the nine aksharas at the beginning of the line are clear in the original.
The vd at the end of the line and the ved at the commencement of the next line, which show in the fac simile, seem to me to be remnants of the inscription which was previously engraved on these plates.
The aksharas said of this word contain certain marks which were not engraved by the engraver of the present inscription and which were struck out by him
Bead sandhivigrahi-frt- or sandhivigrahika-sri-. Read utkinnam.
10 Read chandrina:
11 For this mark, which is distinctly tha, compare e.g. Ind. Ant. Vol. XVII., p. 140, note 4b.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(Vol. IX.
in cription of Kakkuka in the Matd-ki-tal. Thus, Travant is the same as Tamani there, and also ooours in this unaltered form in verse 18 of the Jodhpur insoription of Bauka. Similarly, Valla is mentioned in both those inscriptions. Mada is given in the Math-ki-adi inscription in conjunction with Maru (Maru-Mada). Jésalmêr is still called Mads, and Mara proper can only be the Sheo. Mallant and Picbpadra districts of the Jodhpur State. Årys and Gurjaratrs are doubtless the Ajja and Gojjaratta of the Mata-ki-sál inscription. Årys is unidentifiable, but is perhaps the same as that mentioned in Varahamihira's Brihat-sanhitd, Cap. V, v. 42. Gurjaratra, as has been shown by me elsewhere, comprised the distriots of Did wind and Par. batear of the Jedhpur Stato. Lata, as was also pointed out by me, embraced about this time the larger portion of the present Gujarat of the Bombay Presidency.' Parvata, which is apparently said to be in Lâta, is unknown to me. Does Parvata, however, here simply mean a mountain and refer to some such inroad of Kakkuka as that mentioned in the expression gahiúna gôhandir girimms in verge 17 of the Mátá-ki-sál record ? Or perhaps Parvata may be taken to be a distinct country, and connected with the Parvatiyas of the Brihat-san hita, Cap. XVII. v. 16.
Verse 4 of our inscription tells us that Kakkuks erected two columns, one at Robimsaka and the other at Maddodara. Exaotly the same information is conveyed by verse 21 of the Mats-ki-sdl record, excepting that for Rohimsaks we have there Rohimsakllpa. Rəhimsaka is andoubtedly the same as this Rəhimsakûpa or the Rəhimaakapaka of our inscription No. 2, God is to be identified with Ghatiyal. Maddodara, it can scarcely be seriously doubted, is Mapdôr, five miles north of Jodhpur, which is locally believed to have been a seat of Pratîhåra power and is full of very ancient ruins, and where a fragment of a Pratihåra inscription was discovered by me last season. The next verne informs us that the column on wbich the inscription has been incised was erected by Kakkuka. Precisely the same information is given by verse 21 of the Mata-ki-sál inscription. Then follows the date Samvat 918 Chaitra-fudi budhe Hasta-nakshatre, the same as that mentioned in the latter inscription. And further we are told that hero a market was established, and the village peopled with mahájana, i.e. big folk. The very same thing is allnded to in verse 20 of the Mátá-ki-odl record. The inscription really ends here so far as the parport of it is concerned, but a verse follows which has something of the character of subhashita. Its chief interest, however, lies in the fact that it was composed by Brt-Kakkuks himself, as the line in prose at the end informs us.
Insoription No. II contains 11 lines of writing covering a space of 1' 5" high by 1' 23" broad. Excepting the opening words or siddhih, it is in verse up to 1. 9, and the rest in prose. The palmography and orthography do not call for any remarks other than those made in connection with inscription No. I. The first verse invokes the blessings of Vinayaka (Gapapati) who, we are told, was placed on the column to ensure prosperity, and, as & matter of fact, the
1 Journ. Bo. 4o. Soc. Vol. XXI., pp. 414-416.
Ibid., pp. 418-414. Another ancient name of Mandor is Mindavyapun mentioned in verse 10 of the Jodhpur inscription of the Pratthara Banks. In the Progress Report of the Archeological Survey of India, Western Circle, for the your ending 81st March 1907, p. 80, I have mld that though this inscription stone was found in the city wall of Jodhpur, it must originally have been at Mandor, M all stones for the fortification of the fort had been brought from the latter place. This conclusion is confirmed by the first pdda of the vere just referred to, which is Mdodavyapura durgformis. The word armis shown that the stone originally ww at Mandavyapurs, la Mapdor. Mapdavyapars, Agnio, in spoken of both as a city and fort, and Mapdor remained so till the prince Jodhi removed his capital from there to Jodhpur. Even to this day some of the portions of the ramparts of Mapdor have been preserved. As the verte in question states that certain Pratthans brother princes erected ramparts round Mindavyapura fort, It la plain that it was in the possosion of the feudatory Prathan princes. This is also cortoborated by the fact mentioned in the text that last season I found a part of a stone inscription belonging to the Prattham. In it the name of Kakks could be distinctly read, and some reference to his son made therein could also be traced. Bat who that non was whether Kakkuka or Baubs- is not certain. The name Mandaryapura 000nns even to late
V. E. 1819 in the Bandhe bill inscription of Chichigadêra (above, Vol. IX., p. 78, 1. 86).

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No. 38.]
GHATIYALA INSCRIPTIONS OF KAKKUKA.
279
pillar is surmounted at the top by a quadruple image of Gapapati, facing the cardinal direotions. The next vorso informs us that the village of Rohinsakupaka (Ghatiya!A) had formerly become unsafe on account of the Abhiras (Ahirs), and had consequently not been a place of residence for good people. Verses 3 and 4 tell us that Kakkuka, the favourite son of Kakka, of the Pratihára race, constructed a market place decorated with variegated streeta, went to the houses of Brahmanas, Kshatriyas (praksita) and Vaibyas, and, promising them means of livelihood, established the mahájana, the big folk there. We thus fully understand what the Máta-ki-sdl epigraph and our inscription No. I mean by saying that Kakkuks established a haffa and mahájana at Rohimsaka or Rohimsak apa. Owing to its being infested by the Abhiras, whose predatory instincts even to the present day are not quito extinct, the place must have becomo desérted, but it was re-peopled by Kakkuka by induoing, men of the three principal castes to come and reside there, after he had defeated and ousted the Ahirs. The verse following expresses & wish for the permanence of the prosperity of the mahajana, and of the fame of Kakkuka. Then follows the date Samvat 818 Chaitra Sudi 2 which, though the farther details of it are not given, is, it will be seen, identical with that specified in our inscription No. I and the Mata-ki-sål epigraph. Next, we are informed that the inscription was written by a Maga, called Mátriravi, and was engraved by the goldsmith Krishnesvara, doubtless the same who incised the Jodhpur insoription of the Pratíhåra Bâuka. It is followed up by the name of the sutradhára or mason who probably dressed the stone and erected the column, but the name is lost.
The fact that Matsiravi is called a Maga is very interesting. On the original stone the letters ma and gå are quite distinct, and, though na is not so distinct, it is clear enough. No reasonable doubt nood, therefore, be entertained as to Matriravi being spoken of as a Maga. Maga is another name for the Sakadvipiya Brahmaņas, about whom the late Professor Weber wrote a very learned and exhaustive paper. Round about Jodhpur there is a class of Brahmaņas known as Sêvaks, most of whom are religious dependants of the Osval Sravaks. They call themselves såkadvipa BrAhmaņas, and know that their story is told in the Namagrantha of the Sürya-purana and also in the Bhavishya-purana. That the SAkadvipiyas were originally foreigners has been clearly shown by Professor Weber. But it is only our inscription that furnishes a specific date, vis. V. E. 918, when we can positively assert that Magas lived and were known by this very name in Rajputånå at least.
Inscription No. III is of two lines containing nothing but verse 5 of Inscription No. I. Inscription No. IV consists of four lines containing two verses. They possess the flavour of subhashitas, and have each one and the same last pada, saying that six things are dear to Kakkuka. What those six things are has been specified in the verses themselves.
No. I. .
TEXT: 1 at fatuat A: Il retenticaruta 2 afso nefty: [1*] vaa afunga OTT
: Thrga: creeret[*]; verTATHT: [*]
For some remarks on Ahirs, noe Journ. Bo. 4. Soc. Vol. XXI. pp. 480-433; for faller information still, soo my monograph contributed to the Bthnographical Survey of Bombay.
Prakriti, which is the meas payal in verse 20 of the Maid-bt-wl inscription, here doubtless signifies the Kshatriy clam, as it is distinguishod both from the dipra (Brahmia) and agib (Valbye) class. This is rather An unusual sons of the word, and so far I have not seen it used in this sense anywhere else. From the original stone. • Read *°
Bond fro:
3

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LVOL. IX.
4 त: श्रीनागभटः [1] पत: श्रीतातः [1] पतोपि श्रीयशोवान: [1] । भस्माच्छीचन्दुकः [*] पता श्रीगोलुक: [*] भस्माच्छी[झो]ट: [1] प्रतः 6 श्रीभिलादित्यः [*] पतः श्रीगुणान्वितः श्रीकाः [*] पनेन 7 रात्रीत्रीदुर्भभदेव्यासुतो जातः श्रीकाकः ॥ 8 सन्तः कुटुम्बक' यस्य स्थिरः काम: सितं यमः । 9 विपुला चपलं' बुद्धिराग्रही गुणसंग्रहे । [१] 10 वायभंगे भवेत्खीपो रागोपि जनपाल ने] । 11 गुरुभ्यश्च भयं यस्य भूषणं दीनरक्षणं । [२] रीन 12 प्राप्ता महाख्यातिनवस्यां वक्षमाडयोः । पार्य13 षु गुजरचाया लाटदेशे च पर्वते ॥ [३] तेन मड्डोदरे स्त14 अस्तथा रोहिन्मके कृतः । उभावप्युवतिं नीतौ स्वपक्षा15 विव जन्भदौ । [8] बीमककुकवोरेण कुलदीपेन 16 धीमता । अयमुस्तभित' स्तम्भो यशास्तम्भ इवोवतः ।[५] संव17 त् ८१८ चैत्रशुदि २ बुधे हस्तनक्षचे । पच हट्टो महाजनय 18 स्थापित: ॥ ओं [*] यौवनं विविधर्भोगमध्यमं च वयः 19 श्रिया । भावश्च धर्मेण यस्य याति स पुण्यवान् ॥ [*] 20 अयं श्लोकः श्रीककुकेन स्वयकंत: ॥
No. II.
TEXT. 1 श्री सिद्धिः [*] दिवा रात्रौ च संध्यायां ----
- संकुल । मिडिं करोत सर्वच स्तम्भधामा वि[ना]3 यकः ॥ [१०] रोहिन्मकूपकग्राम: पृर्वमासीदना4 श्रयः । असव्यः साधुलोकानां आभोरजनदारुणः ॥ [२] 5 विचिचवीथिसंपूर्ण हह कृत्वा गृहाणि च । विप्रवG णिप्रकृतीनां गृहं गत्वा प्रियेग च ॥ [२१] श्रीमत्ककस्य पुचेण 7 सबतीहारजातिना । ककुकेन स्थितिं दत्वा स्थापितोच महा8 जनः । [४*] महाजनस्य सहिः लाभः' पूजा सुखं भूति: । श्रो. 9 कनुकस्य कुन्दामा कीतिर्भवतु शाश्वती ॥ [५] संवत शते ८१८ चै.
? I do not widerstand the position of we her: •riend सय कन:the unmendra of 'yam must have been inadvertently
1 Read कुटुम्बक
I Band मुत्तम्भित. placed over kry
• Frou the origiual stone.
• Read बोकानामाभीर
- Read सहनिर्वाभ:

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No. 39.]
10 असुदि २ [] लिखितं मर्गे[न] मातृरविया [1] उत्कीर्णं हे कारण
[क]ष्ण
11 सूधारो वरेण ॥
विष्णु ॥
SARANGARH COPPER PLATES OF MAHA-SUDEVA.
नि..........
No. III.
TEXT.
1
श्री [ मत्क] कवीरेण कुलदीपे[न] धीमता । अ3 यमुत्तस्थित स्तश्री यश [:"]स्त [भ]
वोचतः ॥
No. IV.
TEXT.1
मरचन्द्रच मालती ॥
ककस्य कक्कुकस्य प्रयाणि षट् [ ॥ १*] पुणे : कृतज्ञता ॥ स्नेहः प्रिया वास्नागरो वेषः ककुकस्य पृयाचि षट् ॥ [२]
1 [] की काकलीगीतं वज्ञकी 2 विनीता थी सतां गोष्ठी 3 [: न्यायमार्गी 'गुरो[ि*]
1
No. 39.-SARANGARH COPPER PLATES OF MAHA-SUDEVA.
BY HIRA LAL, B.A., NAGPUR.
Sarangarh is the capital of a feudatory State of the same name in the Chhattisgarh division of the Central Provinces. 32 miles south of Raigarh, the capital of another State and a station on the Bengal-Nagpur Railway. The chiefs of these two States are Raj-Gônds. The plates in question are in the possession of the Raj family and first came to my notice in the beginning of the year 1903 at my last visit to Sarangarh. As they were locked up and the keys were not available at the time, the then Superintendent of the State, Rai Sahib Alam Chand, promised to s nd them to me when I asked for them; but my reversion to the executive duties before I could return to head-quarters, followed by Pandit Alam Chand's retirement from service, left them where they were, until the present Superintendent. Munshi Akbar Khân, took active steps in the matter at the instance of Rai Bahadur Panda Baijnath, B.A., Diwân of the Bastar State, and sent them on to me on the 7th January 1908. Thus the recovery of the plates first discovered over forty years ago is as much due to the interest of the above gentlemen as to the readiness of Raja Jawahar Singh to lend them for examination.
281
The exact date and the details of the first discovery are not now forthcoming, but the plates are said to have reached the Bengal Asiatic Society on the 7th December 1864.5 Dr. Rajendra Lal Mitra published them in that Society's Journal in 1866, where he stated that they were presented to the Society by Lieutenant G. Bowie of the Sambalpur Police Corps, but when Dr. Fleet wrote his Gupta inscriptions about 1888, and searched for the plates, he could not
Read प्रियाणि
7 Beni गुरीक्तिः.
1 From the origin 1 stone.
• Ba
see Jurn. Benj. AS Xx
20

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. IX.
find them. He then recorded that as the published version was not sufficiently reliable to be reproduced he was unable to include this inscription in his volume.l
The fact appears to be that the plates were never presented to the Society. They were simply lent by and finally returned to the owner, the Sárangarh family, whose State was in those days included in the Sambalpur district, now transferred to Bengal.
These facts combined with the absence of a facsimile copy of the record in Dr. Rajendra Lal's notice, together with certain misreadings of the text, afford, I venture to think, sufficient reasons for re-editing this inscription.
There are two copper plates, each measuring 61' 31', and the weight of the two together is 12 oze. 5 drs. About l' from the proper right margin each plate has a hole, roundish on one side and squarish on the other, the diameter being about it. These were intended for stringing the plates on the ring, the loss of which has deprived our inscription of its last portion, which must have been engraved on a third plate. The lost plate must have contained about 5 or 6 lines which can almost be restored from other inscriptions of the same king, and of Maha-Jayaraja, all of which are composed in exactly the same wordings, the names of villages granted and the donees being of course different. In our inscription only, some of the imprecatory verses are lost as also the date at the end, which of course cannot be restored. Jadging from other inscriptions of this king the date must have been in regnal years, so that it could not have been of much help beyond fixing the priority or otherwise of our inscription as compared with others.
The plates recovered are in an excellent state of preservation. One is inscribed on one side and the other on both in characters of the box-beaded variety of the Central Indian alphabet. The letters are very neatly and well formed, their average size being about #". The accompanying plato gives a facsimile copy, from impressions kindly taken for me by Mr. T. G. Green, Saperintendent of the Government Press, Nagpur.
The language is Sanskrit prose except the usual imprecatory verses, here attributed to Vyása. As regards orthography, there is very little to be noticed beyond what has been already done by Dr. Konow with regard to another inscription of the same king recently found at Khariar. As the composition is almost identical, the peonliarities are common to both. The upadhmdniya ooours in line 3 in -pradas-parama-. The same sign, vis. 2 dots, has been used for visarga and a pause. Ordinarily mátrás for w, ri and li alone are attached at the foot of lettert, but in this inscription there is a curious example in line 12 where the sign for 8 in anumodita) is partly exhibited by a top and partly by a foot stroke, all other 8's being represented by the top strokes for d and d; compare vikkramöpanata. of line 1.
The inscription was issued from the town of Sarabhapura and records the grant of a village named Chullaņdaraka situated in the bhukti or subdivision of Tuņdaraka by the Queen and the royal family of Raja Mah-Sudeva and assented to by him, to a number of learned priests, vie. Bhaskaras vámi, PrabhA karasvami, Barbbarisvämi, Botasvåmi, Dattasvimi, Vishusvåmi, Phalgusvåmi, Svåmikirttisyâmi and Sankarasvámi, all of the Kausika gôtra. One of these, Vishnasvâmi, is apparently identical with the donee of the Khariar plates. He also belonged to the Kausika gôtra and received a village in the Khariar zamindari from this king. Neither these two nor the third charter of this king, which was obtained from Raipur, throw any light on the dynasty to which he belonged or on
Gupta Inscriptions, p. 198, footnote 2.
* Eighteen lines of our inscription remains the Khariar plates have 23 lines, the Arang plates of Jayarkja 24, and the Raipur plates of Buddva 28, but these last ones are much smaller in size than the others. Our plates are slightly bigger than all the three sets.
* See above, pp. 170 and tt.

Page #364


Page #365

Sarangarh plates of Maha-Sudeva.
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STEN KONOW.
W. GRIGGS, PHOTO-LITH.
SCALE 80

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No. 39.]
SARANGARH COPPER PLATES OF MAHA-SUDEVA.
283
his date. Dr. Konow has conjectured that the Sarabhapura kings might have been Rashtraktas. They were ascendant in the Central Provinces about the 8th century to which period the charaoters of our inscription belong. But Dr. Konow, for reasons pointed out by him, regards the identification as yet very doubtful.
of the geographical names occurring in the inscription Sarabhapura, which recurs in the other two grants of Mahd-Sudéva, and in the Arang plates of Maha-Jayaraja, has not yet been identified. I identify Tuņdaraks with the present Tandra, about 6 miles south of Seori Nåreyan on the Mahånadi and about 35 miles west of Sarangarh. It is now included in the Baloda Bazar tahşil of the Raipur district. The village Chullandaraka must have been somewhere close to Tanara, but I am at present unable to trace it. If it exists we would now find the name in a form like Chulândur, #characteristic Chattisgashi name, some similar ones which I remember being Machåndur, Palândur, Kachåndur, etc. It appears to me that another village granted by Maha-Sudêva in bis Raipur charter was not very far away from Tandrå. It is called Srisâhika, which I take to be the present Sirsahi, also included in the Baloda Bazar tabpil, and situated about 25 miles south-west of Tandra. Mah-Jayaraja of the Arang plates, who belonged to the same dynasty, also seems to have granted a village in the same part of his kingdom, vis. Parve, which I identify with Påmgarh, about 21 miles north of Tandra and included in the Janjgir tahsil of the Bilaspur district. Paṁvå and Srigåhika are stated to be included in the Pärvarashtra or Eastern country, and we know from the Khariar plates that to the south the kingdom extended at least up to, Khariar. This leads to the inference that the territories of Mahd-Sudeva included a large portion of Mahå-Kobala, or roughly speaking Chattisgarh division.
TEXT.
First Plate. 1 Om svasti [1] Sarabhapurad-vikkram-panata-samanta-makuța-chudamani
prabhå-pra2 sekāmbu-dhôta-pådayugalo ripu-vilasini-sîmant-8ddbarapa-betur=vvast3 vasudha-go-pradah-paramabhagavató máta-pitri-pad-&naddhyâtas-sri-Mahd-Sudê4 va-rijah Tundaraka-bhuktiya-Chullaņdaraké prativasi-kutumbinas-- 5 májõ&payati [ll*] Viditam=asta VÔ yath=syam gråmaḥ tridagapati-sadana
sukha6 pratishthákarð yâvad=ravi-basi-tåra-kirana-pratihata-ghörandhakarar ja
Second Plate ; First Side. 7 gad=syatishtható távad=upabhôgyas=sanidhis=spanidhir=sch&tab hataprévébya8 Barvva-kara-visarjjitaḥ rajya-mahadewi-Srôjakulaiḥ matapitrôr=&tmanargo-cha pu'9 py-abhivriddhayd udakapūrvvam 10 Koliks-sagðtra-trisahasravidya-Bhaskarasvåmi10 Prabhákarasvåmi-Barbbarisvåmi-Bôțasvami-Dattasvami-Vishnusvåmi11 Phalgusvâmi-Svåmikirttisvšmi-Sankarasvåmina[mo] tâmbragdsanên=&tissi. 12 shto bhůty=AsmAbhir=anamõditabi [ll] TO yam=evam=apalabhy-sish&m=&jñaśrava
1 Gupta Inscriptions, p. 197..
Ibid, p. 192. * The adjunct garl sems to have been added when a mud fort, which still existe, was built there. • From the original plates.
- Expressed by a symbol. • Band -dhauta-. (It is possible that the sign read as 8 here and in kolika, 1. 9, should be read as dw. The two mdirds are separated by an interval, which is not the case where & is intended. This remark also applies to the other plates of this king.-8. K.] Read -pitri.
Read djakulais. Read -demanar
10 Bead Kasfiks
202

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. IX.
Second Plate; Second Side. 13 ņe-vidhêyê bhQtvå yathochitam bhôga-bhagam=apenayantas=sukha[m]
prativatsyatha [ll*] 14 Bhavishyatas-cha bhämipå n=anadaríayati || 1 Dånad=vifishtam=anup&lanaja[mo] pa15 rå par dharmmêshu nigohitadhiyah-pravadanti dharmmam 11 (1) tasma[do]
dvijaya suvi16 baddha-kala-srutaya dattam bhuvam bhavatu v matir=ēva gøptum 11
Tad=bhavadbhi17 r-apy-eshả dattireannpålayitavya [1] Vysa-gitams=ch=&tra slökån=udahara18 nti || Agnèr=apatyan prathamam buvarnpan (II) bhůr=vvaishộavi sûryyasuta*
TRANSLATION, Om! Hail! From Sarabhapura. The illustrious Mahl-Sudhva Raja, whose two feet are washed by the water which is the flowing forth of the lustre from the crest jewels in the tiaras of the chiefs who have been subjugated by (his) prowess; who is the cause for the doing anay with the parting of the hair of the women of his enemies; who is the giver of riches, of land and of cows; who is a devout worshipper of the Bhagavat; who meditates on the feet of his mother and father-issues & command to the householders living in Chullandaraka in the territorial sub-division (bhukte) of Tundaraka :
Be it known to you that this village, the source (by this grant of it) of (our) ensuring the happiness of the abode of (Indra), the lord of the gods-which has been conveyed by & copper charter accompanied with (pouring) of water, by the Royal Consort7 and the Royal Family to Bhaskarasvaini, who knows the three thousands (verses ?) Prabhakarasvåmi, Barbbarisvâmi, Botasvimi, Dattasvâmi, Vishpusvåmi, Phalgusyäni, Svamikarttisyâmi, (and) Sankarasvami (all) of the Kansika gôtra, to be enjoyed as long as the world endures, having the terrible darkness dispelled by the rays of the Sun, the Moon and the Stars, together with its treasures and deposits, not to be entered by the district officerlo and soldiers; (and), free
1 Metre Vasantatilaka.
Bead purana.
1 Metre Indravajra. • The remaining portion of the verse is : f=cha gavan dattás-trayas-tena bhavanti 16ká yaḥ kdùchanath afin cha mahini cha dadyat Il.
. I have freely adopted the language of other translators of similar inscriptions, especially of Dra. Konow and Fleet.
6 Bhukti was an old territorial division, the exact meaning of which has not yet been ascertained. It occurs in otber inscriptions (see Gupta Inscriptions, p. 218, note 5) and sometimes becomes permanently attacbed to names such as Jėjabhukti, the ancient name of Bundelkhand, which was corrupted into Jajhautt in Al Beruni's time: (see above Vol. I., p. 218, And Sachaa's Al Beruni's India, Vol. I, p. 202).
1 Mr. Venkayya suggests to take Rajyamahadevi as the name of the queens.
The original ia trisahasra-vidya, which Dr. Rajendralál has taken to be a part of the proper name Bhaskarasvami, but I think it is an adjectival phra e eulogising his learning which extended to the knowledge of three thousand of-wbat is not stated. Probably he knew three thousand flókas of some very important and difficult work, considered as a great achievement in those times.
[The proper form of the name is certainly Kirllistamin, but the second part of the preceding name has been repeated by mistake.-S. K.)
10 The word is chata, usually translated "irregular troops,' which translation I adopted in my Betul and Ragholi plates. Dr. Vogel, some time ago, kindly drew my attention to this point giving more plausible explana. tion of the word. He wrote to me:
"On my first visit to the ancient Hill State of Chamba (Panjab) I learnt that the head of a pargana there hits the title of char, which is evfilently derived from Sanskrit chata. The chár collects the villagers who have to do work (forced labour) on behalf of the State; he arranges for load carriers and supplies in case the Rain or some traveller visits his district. I have little doubt that the chata of the copper plates is the same as tbe char of the Chamba State. In the Chamba copper plates published in the Annual Report of the Archwological Survey (1902-03) I have therefore reudered the word by district officer. It was clearly a

Page #368

No. 40.)
PATIARELLA GRANT OF MAHARAJA SIVARAJA.
285
from all taxes,-has been sanctioned by us, for the increase of the religious merit of (our) parents and of ourself. Being aware of this you should be obedient to their commands, and should dwell in happiness rendering in proper manner (their) share of the enjoyment.
And he enjoins upon futare Xing:.-The ancients whose minds are fixed upon religion gay that the virtue that arises from the preservation (of a grant) is greater than that which arises from making a grant); therefore your mind should verily incline to preserve land that has been given to a Brahman of very pure family and holy learning. Therefore this gift should be preserved by you also.
And they cite on this point the verses that were sung by Vyasa :-Gold is the first offspring of fire; the earth belongs to the God Vishọn and (cows are) the daughters of the 800: (therefore the three worlds are given by him who gives gold, and a cow and land).
No. 40.- PATIAKELLA GRANT OF MAHARAJA SIVARAJA
[GUPTAJ SAMVAT 283.
By R. D. BANERJI, This inscription, which is edited here for the first time, was discovered several years ago by a possant in a cornfield in the zamîndâri of Patiåkellà in the district of Cuttack in Orissa. It is the property of an Oriya Bråhman, who, I hear, regularly worships it. The Raja of Pațiškella made it over to Babu Nagendra Nåtha Vasa, the Honorary Archeological Surveyor to the Mayürbhaõja Estate. Nagendra Babu made it over to me some six or seven months ago for decipherment.
The inscription is engraved on a single plate of copper, measuring 7" by 21". To the left there is an oval projection, 11" long, to which a lump of brass or bell metal is attached. On the top of this lump there is an oval cavity, showing traces of the seal. Bat no letters or symbols are discernible at present. Both sides of the plate are inscribed. Altogether there are eighteen lines of writing in this grant. The writing was fairly well-executed, but its preservation is not very good. One corner of the plate is missing and has carried away portions of the dates with it. Fortunately the date can be made out correctly from the portions still remaining. In this grant the date was given twice. First of all we read in the second line tryadhikäsittyuttara .. . and secondly at the end of the eighteenth line Samvat 200 . . Thus tens and hundreds are all fairly certain. I am indebted to Dr. Koaow for the reading of the symbol for two hundred.
The characters belong to the northern class of alphabets and are in every respect similar to those of the Muqdéóvart inscription of Udayasena, from the Shahabad district. The Mundesvari inscription is dated in the (Harsha) year 30 (635 A.D.). The peculiarities of the characters of our grant are as follows:(a) Among the ligatures the only noticeable feature is to be found in the d mark, which
is expressed in two different ways while attached to the same letter na. Cf.
privilege of importance that the head of the district was not allowed to interfere with the granted land ; in othor words, he was not allowed to collect labourers or to demand supplies, etc., on behalf of the State."
1 These words which must have been engraved in the third plate bave been applied to make sense
* The Mandêsvart inscription has been found in two pieces. The second portion was presented to the Indian Museum so far back as 1801. The first portion containing the date was found among the debris around the temple and sent to the Indian Museum in 1904. For the Maodeśvari teinple, see List of Ancient Monumente in Bengal (1895), p. 370. Dr. Bloch has referred to this inscription twice. See Annual Report of the Archaological Survey, Bengal Circle, 1902-03, p. 20, and Annual Report of the Archeological Survey of India, 190.3-03, Pp. 42-43. The inscription will be published below, pp. 289 and f1.

Page #369

286
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. IX.
punyabhivriddhaye in 1. 8 with vrihadbhogikádhikaranány-éva, 1. 7. The é mark is unusual in -parvvakén-d- in 1. 9.
(b) It is interesting to note that this Cuttack grant shows a greater affinity to the Mandéévari inscription than does the Gañjâm grant of Sasanka, while the latter shows a marked affinity to the Bodh Gaya inscription of Mahânâman of the Gupta year 269. Thus the ya in the Bodh Gaya inscription and the Gañjâm plate is bipartite, while in the Mundêsvari inscription and the present grant it is of the usual early.Gupta type, i.e. tripartite. Similarly the lingual sha in our grant and the Mupdêévari inscription shows a cursive base line unlike the acute angle. type of the Bodh Gaya and Gañjâm inscriptions. This form of sha is also to be found in the Nepal inscription of the year 316.3
(c) The presence of the acute angle is noticeable only in the dental sa and ma, as is also the case in the Mundêévari inscription. But some letters show a well-defined acute angle at their lower extremities in alternative cases; cf. the dha in -harddhigama- (1. 5) with that in -didhiti- in 1. 3, and urihadbhôgikádhikaranány= in 1.7.
(d) The characters of our grant differ from those of the Mundêsvari inscription in so far as the lingual na in the latter is exactly similar to the na of the early Gupta type, while the na in our grant has larger space between the right and left curves. (e) The characters of this grant show a greater affinity to the Gôlmâḍhitôl inscription of the Gupta year 316 than to the contemporary Nepal inscriptions. The paleography of the epoch beginning with the last half of the 6th and ending with the first half of the 7th century A.D. can nowhere be studied with greater advantage than in Nepal. The inscriptions of the Harsha year 34, the Gupta year 316, the Harsha years 39 and 45 show very clearly the change which came over later Gupta characters in the last half of the 6th century and the 50 years following that. Thus the Golmaḍhitôl inscription of the year 316 shows in its characters very little departure from those of the Mandasôr inscription of Yasodharman. The Patan inscription of the year 345 exhibits a further step onwards, as it is more allied to the Ganjam grant of Sasanka than our grant or the Gôlmâḍhitôl inscription. The next inscription, that of the Harsha year 396 and the short record of the year 45 of the same era, are inscribed in characters which are very much akin to the Bodh Gaya inscription of Mahânâman and the Madhuban and Banskhêra grants of Harshavardhana.
(f) The letters da and fa resemble each other very closely. Thus, vrihadbhógikádhikaranány, 1. 7, looks like vrihatbhôgikádhikaranány=.
(9) There is little difference between va and cha. Thus, -chala-taranga-, 1. 1, looks like -vala-taranga-, while Sivarajah, 1. 5, looks like Sichardjah.
As regards orthography two or three departures are noticeable, such as maṁgura-, 1. 1, -vansa- and -déitty-, 1. 2, géhattô, 1. 8.
The object of the inscription is to record a grant made by a fendatory chief named Sivaraja to a number of Brahmans during the reign of his suzerain Sagguyayyana of southern Tosall. Saggayayyana is styled Paramamahéévara-Paramabhattáraka-Paramadevatádhidaivata, which clearly shows his imperial position. The title of the suzerain and the name of the
2 Fleet's Gupta Inscriptions, p. 274, pl. XLIA.
1 Above, Vol. VI., p. 149.
Bendall's Journey to Nepal, p. 72, pl. VIII.
Fleet's Gupta Inscriptions, p. 150, pl. XXII.
Ind. Ant. Vol. IX., p. 169, and Bendall's Journey to Nepal, p. 74.
Ind. Ant. Vol. IX., p. 170, and Bendall's Journey to Nepal, p. 77, pl. X.

Page #370

10
12
14
16
18
Patiakella Plate of Sivaraja-[Gupta] Samvat [283]
19
காலகze
HELPING NAUNAN are
SecuruganSSTAND
STEN KONOW
625
OTC
23
COLBOY DOETwar hed:
an-ras
SCALE 0.57
FROM A PHOTOGRAPH.
23
20130393
W. GRIGGS. COLLOTYPE.
8
10
12
14
16
18

Page #371

First Side.
STEN KONOW
Patiakella Plate of Sivaraja.-[Gupta] Samvat [283].
SYSE:
Back
Youis-brea
froufrout us
Second Side.
FULL SIZE.
ΟΙ
0
112
77431=0
12
Ga
16
W. GRIGGS, PHOTO-LITH.

Page #372

No. 40.]
PATIAKELLA GRANT OF MAHARAJA SIVARAJA.
287
dopor points to Saivism, but the names of several doneos such as Vishnusvami. Révatisvami. Gôpålasvâmi, etc., show a Vaishnava taint. The document was issued from Vôrttanoka, which was the Imperial capital (1. 4) as well as the residence of the fendatory chief (1.8). The grant consisted in the village Tandralvalu. It was given to several Brahmaps belonging to separate gôtras and charañas. The date has already been discussed. There can be little donbt about the foot that it is a Gapta year. Thas our grant was incised after the Bodh Gays insuription and before the Gañjâm grant, the Nepal inscription of the yoar 316, and the Mande vari inscription. The second line mentions the kings of the Maņa race, Manavaniardjyakáld. This dynasty has been mentioned in two 12th century insoriptions only, vis. the Nawada inscription of the Saka year 1059,1 which has been recently purchased by the Aroheological Survey and brought to the Indian Museum, and in the Dudhpani rock inscription.
I am afraid it is beyond my power to identify the geographical position of the village mentioned in the PatiAkella grant. Neither the vishaya nor the bhukti or the mandala has been mentioned in the grant, but in lines 5-6, we find aeminna@va vishayd, which probably indicates that the name of the vishaya was also Vorttanka. I now edit the inscription from the original plate :
TEXT.
First Side 1 Om svasti [18] salila-nidhi-vêla-vals[yita-cha]la-tarang-abharaṇa-ruchira-mangura 2 pattanavatya [m] vasumaty&[rn] pravarttamána-Mapa-vausa-rajya-kald tryadhik-asitty.
utta[ra] . . . 3 Maudgal-amala-kuld gagana-tala-sitadidhiti-nivåte site-charitê Paramamahêsvara
éri-Sagguyayyando 4 såsati dakshiņa-TÔ8alya[m] Vorttandkåt-paramadêvat-adhidaivata-bri-paramabhatta
raka-sharapa-kamal-amala-khau5 ņir-hår-adhigama-pratihata(h)-kaliyag-agata-darita-niohayah(y)
mahârâjaSivarajah kusalt agminn-eva 6 vishayd samupagat-Abhavishyat-såmanta-raja-rajasthaniy-oparika-kumârâmâtya
tadáyuktaka-mahåmahattara7 vpihadbhôgikadhikaranány=êvá r&japadopajivi yatharha[m] śrávayati månayati cha
viditam-a[etu] bhavatam yasth=k)8 ttra vishaye sambaddha-Tandralvalue-gråma (mo) Vôrttanôk-[&vavâss
gê(P)]hattô=smabhiḥ måtâpittrôr-áticanagcha puny-- 9 bhivriddhaya salila-dhårá-pûrvyakdņ=&chandr-Arka-sama-kaliy. Akshayanivi(nivi)
dharmmênalo nånå-gôttra
1 Above, Vol. II, p. 933.
Above, Vol. II., p. 346. [The locality cannot be far from Tosall, which we know from Afka's Dhauli edicts, and which must be located in the neighbourhood of Dhauli. It seems more likely to explain arminsta vishayd as Tosalt-vishayd than as Vérttan kapishayd.-8. K.)
. [It has proved impossible to get good impressions of the plate. The subjoined reproductions are the best that could be obtained.-S. K.]
* Expressed by a symbol.
[I am unable to see Sagguyayyand, but I cannot suggest a satisfactory reading, I think I see sambhdya y&>»*-.-8. K.) (I read .dmala-frani..-8. K.)
[I see Tundilualuja-gráma.-8. K.] [I read Vorttandké chsdtása .. . but cannot make out the rest.-9. K.) 10 Read -kalan-akakaya.. Compare above, Vol. VI., p. 139; Vol. VII., p. 101, note 1.

Page #373

288
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. IX.
Second Side. 10 charapbhyt Anuraddha Ami-Gamide varimi-San- mi-Voppaymi-Piteria Ami11 Harangasv&mi-Ohandrusvami-Bhadrasvimi.Chhedisyami-Pushyavami-, .karuvámi-Rhiņi
bvami12 Vu(Bu)ddhasvami-Mahladnasvimi-Vishnusvåmi-Yadasvami-Matradasvami-Nagasvami
Bhogasvami13 Ana[nta ]svami.Prabhakarasvami-Nava ..rasvåmi-Dipisv&mi-Jam(vu]avami-Gomisvami
Valasy&mi14 Jy@sbthasvåmi-Adarfanadáva-Dhanadeva-Kumárasvåmi-Jyênhthasvami-Révatis vámi.
Praya(P)svAmi15 Pashyagvåmi-Chhadisvami-Vappasv&mi-Sravaspåmi-Gópálasvâmi-G#misvámi - bh yas
támra16 -patti-kritya mampradattab [1] Parvvar&jakrito . dharmm[8] =nupalaniyaiti(ya iti)
matvá bhavadbhiḥ[lo] Dharmmasastrêahvaspisruyatd [1] 17 Va(ba)hubhir-vvasudha datta rajabhiḥ Sagarádibhiḥ [1] yasya yasya yada
bhůmis-tasya tasya (tada phalam] [ll] [Shashtim] varsha18 sahasrani svargge tishthati bhômidaḥ [1] Akshêpta ch-anumanta aha tanya
• Ora Darake vaadt [] Samvat 200 . . . .
TRANSLATION In the two handrod) and eighty-third year of the rule of the Mana family on the earth, full of cities, which has the shores of the ocean as its bracelet, the moving waves as its trinkets and the radiant manigura fishes as its ... In the spotless family of Mudgala, when the great worshipper of Mabelvara (Siva), the illastrious Bagguyayyana, whose character was white and who was undisturbed like the moon in the sky, was ruling in southern Tosell, Mahardja Sivaraja, whom the noormulation of sins could not approach on sooount of his obtaining from the lotus-like feet of the Paramabhattårska, the God of Gods, the spotless position of a ruler of the earth, being in good health, from Vôrttanôka honors all present and future feudatory chiefs, Rajasthaniyas, Uparikas, officers of the heir-apparent, Taddyuktakas, grest nobles, tax-collectors and other dependants of the king in this vishaya in due form and proclaims :-"Be it known to you that the village Tandfalvalu, belonging to this vishaya, from the residentis] house at P) Vòrttanka, for the increase of the merit of my father and mother and myself, after having poured out water, to last as long as the Sun and the Moon subsista, everlastingly, as & permanent endowment, is given by writing on copper plates to Anuruddhasvâmi, Gemiddyasyimi, Arasvami, v Oppasy&mi, Pitfisvámi, Haruogasvami, Chandrasvami, Bhadrasvåmi, Chhadisy&mi, Pushyasvami,..karasvåmi, Rohipisvámi, Va(Bu)ddhasvámi, Mahasåpasvâmi, Vishnusvámi, Yadusvami, Mátradasvåmi, Nagasvámi, Bhogasy&mi, Ana (nta)svåmi, Prabhakarasvami, Navarasv&mi, Dipisyâmi, Jam(vu)svåmi, Gomisvámi, Valasvámi, Jyêshthaavami, Adarsanadēva, Dhanadeva, Kam frasvåmi, Jyêshthasvami, Revatisvámi, Prayasvami, Pashyaev Ami, Chhadisv&mi, Vappasvåmi, Sravasvámi, GopAlasvami, Gomisvámi, belonging to various gotras and chararas. A law laid down by former kings should be observed, thinking so you should observe my gift). It is heard in the laws (two of the ordinary benedictory vernes follow). Samvat 200.
Bead Samoat.

Page #374


Page #375

Mundesvari inscription of the time of Udayasena.
2
8
མརཔའི་ལ ཡོསྶསམཱདྷརཱམ ཡཱ ཡ ཡཎམནཱ Dgཔནཱིཏྭཱམa7 ཀན ནུའྲŪཀེནཱz w@i$Fe¥ #AcནEdན ཀnAEHe, ( Rནཏྟ%གེnt£cསམ ཉིན། ནམ་ནན་པUxtuozni*[༼ 2u rཡིད་པསྦྱིན ཅབྷ¥ བྷསྶ མཱམརཱཎཾ ཏཱཎིརིཀེ ནེནçཝ པཱཧྨབྷཱཡ ནuaསྒྲ|ཅིའནཿ:F7:jnཆེཐཱ phumvwndahཁicuགྷནཾ rápu ཚནམྨཱམཕརIn ནྟི ཀཱ རིrརྒྱང་།། ཚིའཱུaiབཀླཐཱ ཚེཇ་ྙནིར༞ཀེནཊྚ་ 5 མརད་རེས་
है
14 nEr ཨརིསྶ ནྟི ཀི ཏི དེམས
4
6
10
12
16
Scale ·3
Sten Konow.
[Harsha] Samvat 30.
18
uminni•ry!S};
༢༣ཏེ ༡+ ཌྷརཱ
བཱནྟརཱཡོཁི གམནཱཕ་ླ
Collotype by Gebr. Plettner,

Page #376

No. 41.]
MUNDESVARI INSCRIPTION OP UDAYASENA.
989
No. 41.- MUNDESVABI INSCRIPTION OF UDAYASENA.
THE (HABSHA] YEAR 30.
Br R. D. BAHWI.. This inscription was discovered among the debris which had. socumulated argand the temple of Mandadvart in the Bhabns subdivision of the Shahabad district. It seems that sometime after the incision of the inscription some ignorant person sawod it lengthwise in halves, The two halves of the inscription were discovered and brought to the Indian Museum at different dates. The second half seems to have been discovered by the late Babu Purna Chandra Mukharji so far back as 1891-92. The first half, which is the more important part of the inscription, as it contains the date, was discovered in 1902. Impressions on tin foils' were then sent to Dr. Bloch. The inscription was finally bronght to the Indian Museum in the beginning of 1904. The two halves have now been joined together and placed on a Masonry pedestal in the Inscription gallery of the Museum.
The stone measures 2' 8" by 1' 1' and contains eighteen lines of well-executed writing. In the first half of the inscription the first fifteer' lines are clear, but the sixteenth line has been much damaged and the seventeenth and eighteenth lines have been lost altogether. With the exception of the last two lines, .which contain one of the anal imprecatory verses, the whole of the inscription is in prose.
In a previous paper I have fully discassed the palæography of this inscription. The only orthographical pecnliarities are the substitution of ba for va in sambatsara, and the tige of # instead of in before f. Letters with a supersoribed rô pha have been doubled. Final forms of m are to be found in 11. 2, 4 and 18, and of t in 1. 15. The nga of avagraha has not been used at all, though it would have been in its place in II. 14 and 18. Note also the form kdritakan in l. 6.
The inscription records a grant of two prasthas of rice and a pala of oil to the god Mandaldivara by a kulapati na ned Bhagudalana. It is dated in the year 80 in the reign of the Mahasamanta, Mahápratihára, Maharaja Udayasdan, who is not known from other sources. Judging from the affinity of the characters of this insoription with those of the years 34 and 39 from Nepal, the era is most probably that established by Harshavordhana. The mutilation of the central portion of the inscription by sawing the stode into two halves has caused & series of gaps. Some of these can be filled-up, bat lines 11 and 15 are quite unintelligible. I now odit the inscription from the original stone.
TEXT. 1 Om Samba tava)taare trinsatistame] Karttika-divas dvivihlatime
asmin-samba (mva)tsará-masa-[diva]sa-púryvky&m fri-Mahamante3 Mahápratihara Maharaj-[Oda]yasena-rajyê kulapati-Bhagudalana-7 4 888 ddvanikAyam danda[n]yaka-G3mibhstens prartthayitva 5 matapittzor-&tmanag-cha pasqysJbhivsiddhaya Vinitavara-mathagatns6 dan matham tat-kåritakath [8rt-]Nárkyapa-dávakulasya
List of Ancient Monuments in Bengal (published by the Pablic Works Department, 1896) pp. 870—371 Annual Report of the Arokæologioal Survey of India (1902-08), pp. 49-48.
Annual Report of the Archeological Survey, Bongal Oirole, 1909, p. 80. See above, p. 286 t.
A bencher who maintain ten thousad pupils at his own cost is termed kulapati. See dekaapalyd. bidhdnam. Bendall. Journey to Nopal, pp. 72-78.
Expreod by symbol The final ns of this word has been added above the line.

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290
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. IX
7 sri-Mandaldsvara-svâmi-[pAda]ya koshthikata) A-chandr-arkka-sama8 kaliyam-akshaya prati dinam) naivedyarttham tapdula-prastha-dvayan 9 dipa-taila-palagys ch=8[pani]bandhaḥ karitaḥ sri-Mandalesvara10 svámi-padanam vichchhiltti-vijfrånta-tantra-sadharapan pañchâsatâm 11 dingråpåm gôbe . .. ja-bhaktady-apakaranani 12 dəyanikayasya datta[mo-êtad-ê]vam viditvå yathakal-adhya [sibhi)13 r-spôvanikair=vvå yasthåni]baddhasya vigható na ka[rya] 14 évam=abhiếrávito yo[=nyatha]kury&t=s& mahậpåtakais=sa (ha) 15 [nara]ke vasót évam ... vadháraņaya madhya .. . 16 . . . . . bhåka . . . tam=iti || Ukta[n- cha] 17 . .. .. . yatnád-raksha Yudhishthira 18 . .. ... danach-chhreyô=nup&lanam.
TRANSLATION. Hail. In the year 80, on the twenty-second day of Karttika, on the above-mentioned year, month and day, in the reign of the great feudatory, the Mahápratihara, the Maharaja (Uda]yasona, the kulapati Bhagudalana, having applied to the Council of gods (PBrahmanas) through the dandandyaka Gômibhata bailt this matha of the dévakula of Narayana, to increase the morit of his father and mother and of his own self, near the temple of Vinitêsvara. For the lord Mandalêsvara provision has been made every day, as long as the Sun and the Moon last, everlastingly, to provide two prasthas of rice for the votive offering and a pala of oil for the lamp from the treasury. Fifty dinâras current up to the frontiers . . . . . . of the Lord Mandaldevara- . . . . . with rice and other ingredients. Knowing it to be a gift of the Council of gods, the merchants who trade on the waters(?) and who arrive at the proper time should not hinder this arrangement. Having heard this, whoever acts to the contrary shall live in hell with great sins. . . .0! Yudhishthira, preserve with care . . . . . . . preservation is preferable to gifts.
No. 42.-INSCRIPTION ON THE UMBRELLA STAFF OF THE BUDDHIST
IMAGE FROM SAHET MAHET.
BY T. BLOCH, Pr.D. The stone bearing this inscription was discovered by Rakhal Das Banerji in April, 1908, in the Lucknow Museum. As Dr. Vogel tells me, it is a red sandstone slab, 3' l' high, 11" wide, and 47" thick. "It is broken off at the top, just where the octagonal portion begins. Here the four corners are provided with an ornament in the Mathurå style. The lower portion of the slab is carved with a seated female figure, apparently unfinished. The back of the column is out off straight." The photograph of the stone, supplied to me by Dr. Vogel, shows that this carving has been done at a later time, perhaps when the stone was intended to be used for some building. It has destroyed a good many letters in the second half of the inscription, while the first half has become almost entirely obliterated by sharpening knives on it.
However, enough remains to make it absolately clear that the inscription was identical with the dedicatory epigraph on the pedestal of the large standing Bodhisattva from Sahet
1 The sign at the end of this line has been added in order to fill up the vacant space. + [I would read dattanyedad.-S. K.) + [I read id pávanikairs-8. K.)
[I would translate : those who come and worship from time to time or the ascetics of the tapósana.-S. K.]

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Buddhist inscription from Set Mahet.
Scale 35
From a photograph.
From an impression supplied by Dr. J. P. Vogel
Collotype by Gebr. Plettner.

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TWO BUDDHIST INSCRIPTIONS FROM SARNATH.
291
Mahết, which has been edited by me, above, Vol. VIII. pp. 180-181. This fact is of considerable interest. First it shows that I was right in explaining the word dindas-cha in line 2 of the Sahết Mahêt image inscription as "a staff for supporting the umbrella over the head of the Bôdhisattva" (1. c. p. 180). Secondly, and this is by far the most important point connected with this inscription, we now know for certain that the Sahêt Mahết statue was found by Cunningham in situ, or, in other words, that no possible doubt can be raised against the correctness of Cunningham's identification of Sahêt Mahêt with śråvasti. For although the records of the Lucknow Museum are not as clear as one would have expected them to be in regard to the provenance of the stone, Dr. Vogel has pointed out to me some very conclusive evidence, which in my opinion makes it certain that the stone was found by Dr. Hoey during his excavations at Sahət Mahêt in 1885. The only possible doubt that could be, and has been, raised against the bearing of the Sahệt Mahết, now Calcutta Museum, statue upon the question of the identity of Sahet Mahêt with Srâvastî, turned around this point: did Cunningham find the Bodhisattva image at Sahêt Mahệt in its original position, or had it been shifted to this place from somewhere else ? Strange though such a transportation would appear to us primit facie, it still has been, as far as I know, an assumption that seemed to recommend itself to certain scholars. I am afraid their position has now become definitely weakened by the discoveries above referred to.
Unfortunately no further help is given to us by the new inscription for restoring the missing words in the beginning of the inscription on the pedestal of the Bodhisattva statue in the Calcutta Museum. Only the two letters vapu in the beginning of line 2 show that I was right in restoring the second word in the Calcutta inscription as dévaputrasya, and further in ascribing the Calcutta statue to the time of either Kaņishka or Huvishka. However, this is a very small matter, for which hardly any additional proof was required owing to the occurrence of the name of the Trépitaka Bala, the donor of the Calcutta image, in a Mathura inscription of the year 33 of Huvishka.
I now edit the inscription from impressions and a photograph, kindly supplied to me by Dr. Vogel.
TEXT. 1. ........
..........[de] 2. vapa(trasya] ..........
..................................... [v]ihår[i]4. (sya] ..... ............................ (bhiksha]5. sya [Balasya trêpita]kasya . 6. dånam Bodhi[sa]tvô chh[a]trams daņdag=cha 7. Savastiyê (Bhagavató chamka[m]& Kôsamba8. [kuţiyê ach&]r[yy]a[nań Sarvva]s[t}ivadina[mi] 9. [pa]r[i]gra[he].
cios
.No. 43.-TWO BUDDHIST INSCRIPTIONS FROM SARNATH.
BY STEN Konow. During the excavations in Sârnâth in February 1907, I found a fragment of a stone umbrella lying between the bases of two small brick stúpas to the west of the main shrine exca
Dr. Vogel informs me that Pandit Daya Ram Sabni has discovered additional proof, that even in the days of Govindachandra of Kananj, the traditional identity of the two places was still alive. Seo Jours. R. As. Soc. 1908, Pp. 971 and ft.
* See above, Vol. VIII., p. 182.
. It is doubtful, if the word was written chhatrath, as in the inscription on the pedestal. However, the next word clearly is dandafscha, and not dandafscha, as it is spelt on the pedestal of the statue.
2P2

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292
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. IX
vated by Mr. Oertel in 1905. On the inner cavity of the fragment Brahmi inscription was engraved in four lines, the fourth running along the rim. The inscription, which is complete, covers the whole inner surface of the fragment, and the umbrella had therefore probably been broken when it was engraved.
The fragment is 174" long and 54 broad, and the umbrella to which it belongs must have had a diameter of nearly six feat. The letters are deeply cut, and their height varies from to 4 inches.
The characters are Brahmi of the second or third century A.D. The forms of ma ånd sa are ancient, and the same is the case with ya. The shape of individual letters is not, however, constunt. Thus the na of imani, 1.1, differs from the na in gamini, 1. 4; the du in dukkha in lines 2, 3 and 4 has different shapes; the dha of nirodho, 1.3, is angular, while it has been rounded in 1.4. eto. The form of the compound kkcha is of some interest, the kha being open at the bottom. In bhikkhave, 1.1, however, the bottom line has apparently been added by mistake under the following v8. The two kkhas in 1. 2 differ from each other, and, on the whole, the form of this ligatare is not the same in any two places.
The language is the PAli of Buddhist literature, but with several misspellings, and other mistakes. Thus in 1. 2, we find dikkhand instead of bhikkhave, and ardy asachchan, 1. 3 ariyayachchan, and in 1. 4 arisachohan, all instead of ariyasachchan. These slips, taken together with the uncertainty in the formation of the individual letters, can only be accounted for by the supposition that the inscription was cut by an engraver who did not understand the orginal. The occasional introduction of the Sanskrit saudhi in -samudaya ariyaya(a)chchan, 1. 3, points in the same direction.
The inscription contains a short enameration of the four ariyasachchas, the fundamental doctrines of the Buddhas. These four truths form the essence of the famons Benares germon, and our inscription is accordingly very appropriate in the spot where the Buddha first "turned the wheel of the law." In this connection it is of interest to note that the great majority of the statues unearthed in Sarnath represent the Buddhs in the Dharmachakramudra, delivering his first sermon. The enumeration of the four noble truths or axioms is of the same conventional kind which is so common in Pali literature, and though I have not found the exact quotation, I do not doubt that the passage out on the stone is meant as a quotation from the Canon. Our inscription, therefore, farnishes a valuable epigraphical proof for the existence of a PAli Canon in the second or third century A.D. It is also of interest as the first old Pali inscription found in North Indis. I here take the word PAli to mean the language of the Southern Canon, the only use of the word which I consider as justified.
TEXT. 1 Chatt[&]r-imani bhikkhave ar[io]yasachchani 2 katamani chhatteri dukkha[] di(bhi)kkhave ara(ri)yasachcha[min] 3. dakthasamudayal, ariyaya (sa)ohobar dakkbanirodh88 ariyasachoham 4 dukkhanirddha-gåmini chat patipada ari ya]sachchaí
TRANSLATION. Four, ye monks, are the noble axioms. And which are these four? The axiom (about) Buffering, ye monks; the axiom (about) the cause of suffering; the axiom (about) the sappreesion of suffering; and the aziom (about) the path leading to suppression of suffering.
1 From the original stone, . The stone perhaps has -irodha.
Read agudayé. The actual reading seems to be chole.

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Sten Konow.
Sarnath stone umbrella inscription.
23年付
ミスアニマー
12
P
Scale ⚫5
Collotype by Gebr. Plettner.

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Sarnath Buddhist inscription.
Sten Konow.
Collotype by Gebr. Plettner.
Scale 6

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No. 44.) SPURIOUS LAPHA PLATE OF HAIHAYA KING PRITAVIDEVA. 293
Another inscription written in PAli was discovered during the excavations carried on by Mr. Marshall and myself in the winter of 1908, on the back of a slab containing conventional represeptations of scenes of the Baddha's life. I publish it hare from impressions prepared in my office. The writing covers a space of 12' 9", and the height of the individual letters is 1"-1".
The characters belong to the 4th, or, perhaps, the 3rd oentury A.D. The tripartito va is almost identical with the ya of the Allahabad prasasti, while the sa has the older form with a hook, and not with a loop. The date of the inscription is of interest for the history of Baddhist iconography.
The language is mixed Pali, the forms -prabhava in line 1, and -framano, 1. 6, not belonging to the dialect. The inscription contains the common formula yo dhamma, eto.
TEXT. 1 ye dhamma hêtu-prabhava 2 tosin hêtum tathaya3 to avocha tesař cha 4 yð niðdhd e. 5 var vadi maha6 śramapô.
No. 44.-SPURIOUS LAPHA PLATE OF THE BAIHAYA KING PRITHVIDEVA.
SAMVAT 806.
BY HIBA LAL, B.A., NAGPUR. At the request of Mr. O. U. Wills, I.C.S., Zamiodari Settlement Officer, Bilaspur District, I have examined a copper plate in the possession of a ZamindAr at Låphê, named Dahiraj Singh, who is over sixty years of age and whom I had the pleasure to meet. He was good enough to lend it to me for taking an impression to accompany this note. He informed me that the plate was given to one of his ancestora, who first came from Delhi and took service at Ratanpor as one of the gate-keepers of the Ratanpur Fort and also as a guard of the Râni's palace. He used to live in the Bhedim adâpara, one of the quarters of Ratanpur town. This portion of the town was eventually given to him as a mú'afi, and afterwards the present copper plate grant is said to have been given bestowing on him 120 villages belonging to the Låpha Fort. The present Zamindari contains only 75 villages and the Zamîndar informed me that before Mr. Chisholm's settlement in the year 1868, there were only 60 villages in it.
The plate is rectangular, measuring 97"x 46", having a smooth surface, inscribed on one side only. There are two small holes on the top. The writing covers 7' x 3}", leaving out the Sri at the top.
The record consists of 8 lines surmounted by a prefatory one, the middle portion of which is spaced down, apparently for ornamental parposes. This line and the word fri at the top together with sri 5 at the commoncement and fubham-aftu and the date in figures at tho end are in prose. The rest is in verse, consisting of 5 anushfubh flákas which are ngmbered, except the ast. There are altogether 206 letters including 9 figures.
The style of writing is Opiya, and there are not less than 25 letters which are distinctly borrowed from the alphabet of that language. All the metrás or vowel signs have been marked according to what is in vogue in the present Opiyê writing. The letters ja, da and va ha 7e been invariably written in the Oriyê form. The language is Sanskrit with spelling mistakes. Thas in verse 2 we find súrašámanta- instead of fdrasamanta..

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294
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(Vol. IX.
The inscription purports to reoord the gift of 120 villages appertaining to the Lamphi (LApha) fort to a noble named Lunga, who had come from Dolhi, by the Haihaya king Prithvl. dova, on the 1st day of the dark fortnight of Mågha in Samvat 806. For what services the gift was made and on what conditions, is not stated, but it was to be hereditary and it was given because the king's "mind was pleased with the Kauraviya" I which apparently means that he was pleased with the Kawar tribe, to which the donee belonged, presumably for their military services. What strikes one most at the first glance is the freshness of the metal, the clean cat and the modern characters, and this rouses suspicion. The intermixtare of Oriya letters is in itself suspicious. They might, however, be old and indicace that the plate is an old one. On looking for the date such an idea gets partially confirmed, but the suspicion again revives as soon as we learn from the Zamîndâr that, since the grant was made, only 27 generations have supervened. The Zamindar thinks the date to be of the Vikrama era, so that the plato would be about 1,159 years old. This would give, on the average, 43 years to a generation, which is absurd. A critical examination of the record affords as easy an evidence of its being spurious. The characters are in reality all modern, having been taken from the Hindi and Oriya alphabets. The inscriptional alphabet of the Chhattisgarh Haihayas has a peculiarity of its own, not easily describable, but which distinguishes it from the modern alphabet. The most distinctive letters are cha, ja, dha, bha and sa, but in all instances where these letters occur in the present plate, they have no such distinctive features. The style of the record is also modern. I have not come across any Haihaya inscription with a frí at the top, which modern writers usually put in. Again the word fri Krishnachandra, which is apparently meant as an invocation, is a modernism, similar phrases being fri-Ráma, fri-Gandía, etc. In all Haihaya inscriptions, the invocation is om namah Sivaya, i.e. I bow down to Siva. The forger, who, I believe, had seen many of the Haihaya inscriptions, forgot the distinctive Haihaya invocation owing to the story of Sri-Krishna being uppermost in his mind, and he thought that as Krishna was so well pleased with Mayůradh vaja, the supposed ancestor of the Haihayas, an invocation to that deity would be most appropriate. The next phrase, calling the record vijaya-lékha or the victorious writ, meaning royal record, is another novelty of the Oriya type, in which, as in Dravidian languages, the addition of vijaya or victory to every act done by a high personage is a matter of etiquette. A Rája does not go, he conquers vijaya karuchhants, he does not eat, he conquers the kitchen, he does not answer the call of nature, he conquers the latrine, and so on. I bave not come across any other grant being distinguished as vijaya-lékha. The next phrase refers to a seal, which is nowhere to be found. The prefatory phrases done, the record proper again begins with a modernism, viz. fri 5. This reminds one of a Hindi letter-writer which was used in schools, some years ago, in which there was a couplet to the effect that 6 śris should be recorded for a preceptor, 5 for a master, 4 for an enemy, 3 for a friend, 2 for a servant, and l for a wife or son. This must have occurred to the writer's mind, more particularly because he was, as I sappose, a school-master himself and was probably teaching the Pattrahitaishini to his pupils.
Now with regard to the date, the Vikrama year 806 or 749 A.D. is impossible. It goes back to a period when probably the Haihayas had not at all come to Chhattisgarh. From inscriptions we have a date 1114 of Jâjalladêva I., who was fifth in descent from Kalingaraja, the first Haihaya, who is said to have conquered Dakshinakosala. Taking then the date of Kalingaraja to be 1000 A.D., the present grant would have been made by the Haihayas 250 years before they began to rule in Chhattisgarh. Even if we suppose that it refers to the Kalachuri ora, it would be equivalent to 1054 A.D., i.e. almost contemporaneous with the commencement of Haihaya rule. Prithviraja was fourth in descent from Kalingaraja and was the father of Jajalladeva I. The date of this plate would place a difference of 60 years between
[Perhaps Kanrariya is intended.-S. K.)
Ep. Ind. Vol. I, p. 84

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Page #387

10
श्रीकृष्णचन्द्र
श्री मुद्राचतुन स्रा
विजय लखी श्रोण विनिश्रीमन्महाकालीविनीजः क्षितिबेदनाद्वा एचवन्धीम हाथी सिपदाम्बुजायाजसविता नशीमन्ता सेवितः मन्हारी से न्यान्घ निगाह ॥ सादित्यागत महात्मन्वादिष्ट तिटीको नीधन घशालादमविश्रामाशोतनशन्तान्भितानू" सः वसन्न साम्राट तीनमा धासिता दिन्क || ४|न्टीभविष्यतिभूपालाःया लेना या सत्यर्तितः ॥ मत्ता लिखितताम्रपत्रमा घघसूनि शुभालु मार्चपद ॥ शामन्झन्य २०६।।
STEN KONOW.
SCALE 9
W. GRIGGS, PHOTO-LITH.
Lapha spurious plate of Prithvideva. - Samvat 806.

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No. 44.] SPURIOUS LAPHA PLATE OF HAIHAYA KING PRITHVIDEVA. 295
father and son, if we suppose that both records were written in the first year of their reigns. This is again improbable. These kings moreover had not then gone to Ratanpur.
On the whole, I come to the conclusion for reasons stated above that this grant to Lungå is a lungul affair and was perpetrated somewhere between 1860 and 1870 by a Sanskritist of Ratanpur, whom I do not desire to name out of respect for his Sanskrit learning. I suppose chill penury' induced him to undertake a work which he would not have otherwise done. The record does not show any adequate cause for the grant being made, and it is noteworthy that exactly double the number of villages of those which the Zamindari contained before Mr. Chisholm's settlement were recorded as granted by the Haihaya Raja. It may be noted that when this record was written the change of the tribal name of the donee or his descendants from Kawar to Tawar had not been mooted or at least had not been seriously taken up, otherwise we should not have had the phrase Kauraviya-prasannadhiḥ in verse 3. There is a family genealogy of the Lâphâ Zamindar, written in the year 1927 or 1870 A.D., which shows that the tribal name had then been changed to Tawar.
Sri Krishnachandra
vijayalikha
éri-lêkhaka-madrâ chaturasrå.
1 Śri 5 || Svasti riman-mahåråjådhirajaḥ kahiti-nvôkarat || (1) Prithvidêvô
2 hôddarsi-maulyudbhâsi-padâmva(bu)jaḥ || 1 || Haihayâmnaraja-savita sûra-samanta.
3 sêvitab (1) mahôdbhata-bhațâkirna-sainyo vairiganapraha || 2 || Dily-âgata4 susûrâya Lung-Akhyaya mahatmanê (1) dadê vritim vamsaparâm
Kauraviya-prasanna
5 dhib || 3 | Lampha-durgam-ayi(pi) grâma-vimsóttarasatônmitâm (1) samvatsarė 6 ras-abhr-asht-atite Mâgh-asit-adike 4 yê bhavishyamti bhûpâlâḥ på
7 laniya sad-êti taib (1) maddatta likhita tâmra-patrê MadhavasûriSubham-astus || Maghe vadi || 1 || Sammansaré 806.
8 på
The illustrious Krishnachandra.
TEXT.:
Sri.
TRANSLATION. Sri.
1 The word in Hindt means "mischievous."
Read kehity-andkardt.
Read fúra-samanta-.
1 Bead vrittim.
The illustrious writer's regular seal. Sri 5. Hail.
(Verse 1) The illustrious Mahárájádhirája Prithvidéva, the king of many countries (is) very intelligent. (His) lotus feet are shining with the diadems (of kings prostrating before him).
The Victorious writ.
(V. 2.) (He is as it were) the sun amongst the descendants of the Haihayas and is served by his brave feudatories. His army is full of very extraordinary soldiers. He is the destroyer of his enemies.
• Bead -astu.
nia
From the original plate. Bead Haibayambhója. Bead sufardya.
• Bead Samvatsari.

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296
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. IX.
(V. 3-4.) His mind being pleased with the Kauraviyas1 (Kawars) he gave to the very brave noble named Lungs, who had come from Delhi, 120 villages with the Lamphå fort, for maintenance from generation to generation, on the first day of the dark fortnight of the Magha month in the expired year (symbolically expressed by) flavour (6) sky (0) and eight (8).
Future kings should always respect my gift written on the copper plate by Madhava Sûr i. Let good fortune attend. The first day of the dark fortnight of Magha in the year 806.
No. 45.- ABHONA PLATES OF SANKARAGANA. KALACHURI SAMVAT 347. Br K. B. PATHAK, PROFESSOR OF SANSKRIT, DECCAN COLLEGE, POONA.
These two plates belong to a Rajput family residing at Abhôna, a village in the Kalavana talaka of the Nasik district. I obtained them on loan through my friend Mr. N. C. Kelkar They are inscribed on one side only, and measure 9"x7". The writing is carefully engraved and is in a good state of preservation.
The characters belong to a variety of the southern alphabet which is well-known from the Sarsavņi plates of Buddharaja edited by Dr. Kielhorn in this Journal, Vol. VI, pp. 294 and ff. They include numerical symbols for 300, 40, 7, 10 and 5 in line 34. The language of the inscription is Sanskrit, and with the exception of five imprecatory and benedictive verses in lines 28-33, the text is in prose.
The inscription is one of Sankaragana, the son of Krishnaraja, of the family of the Kaṭachchûris. It records an order of Sankaragana, issued from his camp at Ujjayini, to the effect that he granted a hundred nivarttanas of land in the village of Vallisiks situated in the district of Bhogavarddhana to a Brahmana named Ahmanasvåmin, of the Gautams gôtra, belonging to the Taittiriya sakha, who was a resident of Kallavana, at the request of Gôgga. The inscription is dated, in words and numerical symbols, on the 15th day of the bright half of Sravana of the year 347,3 which must be referred to the Kalachuri era, so that the date corresponds to the 27th July A.D. 595.
The Kaṭachchari Sankaragapa is identical with the father of Buddharâja, who issued the Sarsavņi grant. The wording of the two inscriptions is practically identical, with the exception of the portion referring to the grants themselves. There is, of course, nothing in our inscription to correspond to lines 14-17 of the Sarsavni plates, which refer to Buddharâja.
Of the localities oocarring in our inscription, Kallavana is the modern Kalavana in the Nasik district. Vallisika and Bhôgavardhana I cannot identify.
In line 20 of the present inscription we find the technical expression a-châța-bhataprávdiyam, which so frequently occurs in other inscriptions, and which has usually been rendered "not to be entered by irregular and regalar soldiers." I invite the attention of Sanskrit scholars to the following passage, in which Sankaracharya uses it,3
tasmát tárkika-chata-bhata-raj-ápravésyam abhayam durgam idam alpabuddhy-agamyam sastra-guru-prasáda-rahitais cha. Anandajñâna gives the following explanation,
advaité virôdh-antar-ábhávé-pi tárkika-samaya-virodhô-st-ity-asanky-dha tasmád iti pramána-virôdh-dbhavas tach-chhabd-árthaḥ aryamaryádám bhindú
1 Or, if we read Kauravdya, "he gave to the very brave and noble Kaurava (Kawar) named Lungå." [In the photo-lithograph 247 has been wrongly printed instead of 847-8. K.]
3 Brihadaranyakópanishadbhdshyaftkd, Auandaarama edition, pp. 311 and ft.

Page #390

FROM IMPRESSIONS SUPPLIED BY D. R. BHANDARKAR.
W. GRIGGS, PHOTO-LITH.
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Page #392

No.45.]
ABHONA PLATES OF SANKARAGANA.
297
nál chafa vivakshyanté | bhatás tu seraka mithya-bhdahinas tésháin sarvéshár rájának tárkikás tair apravésyam anákramaniyam dan brahmaikatvam iti ydrat.
TEXT.
First Plate; Second side. 1 पो' स्वस्ति[."] विजयस्वाधावारादुबयनीवासकाचरदुपगमप्रसनगगनतसविमल
विपुले १ विविधपुरुषरबगुवकिरगिवरावभासिते महासत्वापारयदुखी गाधीय॑वति
3 नुपासनपरे महोदधाविव कटरीनामन्वये सकसजनमनोहरया चन्द्रि
क्येव कीर्खा 4 भुवनमवमासयबाजमन एव पशपतिसमावयपरसदोषरहितासकुमुद 5 वनसशीविवोधनचन्द्रमा व बीवचराको यसंचयविशेषलोभादिव सकले.
राभिगामिर्क6 रितरेच गुरपेतमम्पबप्रतिमासो यथावदामवाहितमलिसिरिन च
चिरवं. 7 गोभिना नियतमखसितदानप्रसव प्रवितवतरिम्बा वनवारणयूधपेनेवावि8 मई विचरता वनराजय खावनमिता दियो यस च समापबचा
चाय विग्रह परा9 भिमानभाय मिचितं विनयाय विभवार्जनं प्रदानाय प्रदान धर्माय
धर्म: योवा10 तये तस पुषः प्रथिव्यामप्रतिरवस्तुबदषिसशिवालादितयमा धनदवायेन्द्रा
11 समप्रतापः सबाहुबलोपात्तोनितराजची प्रतावा(पा)तिश्योपगतसमप्रसामन्त18 महसः परस्परापीडितधर्मात्यकामनिषेवी प्रतिमाचसुपरितोषगधीरोखत18 पदयसम्बकानापासनाधिमतभूरिद्रविरविवारनावाप्तधर्मणियविरोत्सबा14 ना नृपतिवंशाना प्रतिहापयिताबुनितानामुम्मूचयिता दीनान्ध
पषसमभिस15 वितमनोरवाधिकनिवामपचपदः पूर्वापरणसुद्रान्तादिदेशनामी मातापित16 पादानुपातः परममावारः बीमारगरः सनिव राजसामन्तमोगियाविषय11 पतिराइमाममात्तराधिकारिवाहीमात्रापयत्वसु वो विदितममामिः
Reprooved by symbol.

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Second Plate; First Side. 16 भोगवईनविषयान्तमगंतवसिसिकाग्राम उभयचत्वारिंशकनिवर्त्तनिना(नेन) 19 भूमेर्बिवर्तनशतम् सर्वादानसंग्राह्यं सर्वदित्यविष्टिप्रातिभेदिकापरिहीणं भूमि20 च्छिद्रन्यायनाचाटभटप्रावश्यमाचन्द्रार्कापर्णवक्षितिस्थितिसमकालीनं पुत्रपौत्रान्वय
भोग्यं 21 कलावनवास्तव्यगौतमसगोत्रतैत्तिरीयसब्रह्मचारी प्राह्मणस्वामिने बलिचस्वैश्व
देवा22 ग्निहोत्रादिक्रियोत्सर्पणाय मातापित्रोरात्मनश्च पुण्ययशोभिवडये गोग्गा
विज्ञापनया 23 उदकातिसम् णातिसष्टं यतोमइंश्यैरन्यै गामिनृपतिभोगपतिभिः प्रबलपवन24 प्रेरितोदधिजलतरणचञ्चलं जीवलोकमभावानुगतानसारान्विभवान्दीग्र्घकालस्थेयस2 . च गुणानाकलय्य 'भोगसामान्यभूप्रदानफलेप्सुभिः शशिकररुचिरं चिराय
यश्चिचीर्षभि26 रयममहायोनुमन्तव्य पालयितव्यच [*] यो वाज्ञानतिमिरपटलावृतमति
राच्छिन्द्यादाच्छिद्य27 मानं वानुमोदेत स पञ्चभिर्महापातकैस्मंयुक्तस्यादित्युक्तञ्च भगवता
वेदव्यासेन व्यासेन [*] 28 षष्टिं वर्षसहस्राणि खग्र्गे मोदति भूमिद[ः ।*] आच्छेत्ता चानुमन्ता च
तान्येव नरके वसेत् ॥ विस्याट29 वीण्वतीयासु शुष्ककोटरवासिनः [1] कृष्णाहयो हि जायन्ते भूमिदायं
हरन्ति ये ॥ बहुभिव30 सुधा भुत्ता राजभिमगरादिभिः [*] यस्य यस्य यदा भूमिस्तस्य तस्य तदा
फलम् ॥ पूर्वदत्तां 31 द्विजातिभ्यो यवादक्ष युधिष्ठिर [*] महीं महीमतां श्रेष्ठ दानाच्छ्रेयोनुपालन
मपिच ॥ यानीह 32 दत्तानि पुरा नरेन्द्रीनानि धार्थियशस्कराणि [1] निर्भुक्तमाल्यप्रति
मानि तानि को नाम साधुः 33 पुनराददीत ॥ संवत्सरशतत्रये सप्तचत्वारिंशदुत्तरके श्रावणशुद्धपञ्चदश्यां
महापिलु34 पतिपाशपततकं लिखितमिदं महासन्धिविग्रहाधिकरणाधिकृतवाटचलि
नेति । सं ३०० ४. ७ श्रावण शु १०५
1 Tho Barnsrpt plates read aamanya-babga-bhar.

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No. 45.)
ABHONA PLATES OF SANKARAGANA.
299
TRANSLATION. Line 1. Om! Hail! From the victorious camp pitched at Újjayini. In the lineage of the Katachchūris, which, like the great Ocean, is extensive and spotless as the firmament, clear on the approach of autumn, illumined by the mass of the rays of the excellences of many jewels of men (18 the ocean is adorned by the rays of its geme); which is difficult to be crossed, because it is the home of men of great vigour (as the ocean is of large animals), fall of gravity and desirous of keeping within the bounds of what is proper (just as the ocean is fall of depth and desirous of keeping within its shores), there was the glorious Krishnaraja, who illumined the world with his fame, as the moon with light, agreeable to all men ; who was from his birth soleiy devoted to Pasupati (Siva), just as the moon solely rosts on Siva; who (though) free from defects, yet like the moon (who has a spot) revives the beauty (prosperity) of his family resembling a forest of night lotases; who was resorted to by all virtues which attract* men to a king and by other qualities, as if through a desire to obtain a very suitable abode; who was endowed with all the constituent parts of royalty; who had properly enjoyed the fruits of his regal powers; who resplendent with his illustrious family, the flow of his liberality being ceaseless and the majesty of his power well-known, roaming fearlessly, subdued the regions, as the chief in a herd of wild elephants, with the ceaseless flow of its rutting juice, displaying the greatness of its strength, roaming about fearlessly breaks down rows of forests; whose sword was used to protect the helpless; whose wars were made to humble the pride of his enemies; whose learning aimed at modesty; who acquired wealth to make gifts; who made gifts in order to acquire religious merit, and acquired religious merit in order to obtain final bliss.
(L. 10.) His son, the glorious Sankaragana, a great devotoo of Siva, the lord of countries bounded by the enstorn and western Ocean, and other lands, who moditatod on the feet of bis parents; who had no rival in the world; whose fame was tasted by the waters of the four Oceans; whose might was equal to that of Kabêra, Varuna, Indra and Yama; who acquired the fortune of great kings by the strength of his arm; to whom, by reason of the excess of his prowess, the circle of all fendatory kings bowed; who enjoyed religions merit, wealth and pleasure without allowing them to encroach upon one another; whose profound and lofty mind was satisfied with mere submission; who performed religious acts by giving away, in charity, the immense wealth aoquired by properly protecting his subjects; who re-instated families of kings who had long been dethroned; who aprooted those that were too prond; who granted to the afflicted, the blind and the poor, the object of their desires which exceeded their sanguine expectations, issues this order to all kings, feudatories, bhôgikas, heads of provinces, districts, and villages, officers and others :
Be it known to you. For the increase of the religious merit and fame of our parents and ourselves we have granted, at the request of Gôgga, with pouring out of water, a hundred nivarttanas of land, --by a nivarttana measuring forty on both sides, in the village of Vallisika situated in the province of Bhôgavarddhana, together with all receipts, free from all ditya, forced labour, and prátibhédiki, according to the maxim of bhámichhidra, not to be encroached apon by rogues and servants who tell lies, to be enjoyed by a succession of sons and sons' sons for as long as the moon, the sun, the ocean and the earth endure,-to Ahmaṇasvåmin, a resident of KallAvana belonging to the Gantama gôtra, and a student of the Taittiriya sakha, for the maintenance of bali, charu, vaišvadeva, agnihotra and other rites--wherefore future kings and governors, whether of our own family or others, reflecting that this world of living beings is as unstable as a wave of the waters of the ocean, moved by a strong gale, that
(Compare the translation of the Sarsavşl plates and the notes accompanying it, above, Vol. VI. Pp. 299 and ff.-8. K.]
Kamandakiya nitisdra, chap. IV. verses 6-8. . Gogga was probably the name of the queen of Sankaragaņa. See the introductory remarks.
292

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riches are perishable and unsubstantial, and that virtues endure for a long time,- wishing to participate in the fruit of a gift of land, which is an object of enjoyment by all, and desiring to accumulate fame as bright as the rays of the moon for a long time, should consent to this our gift of land and preserve it. Whoever, with his mind covered by the veil of the darkness of ignorance should take it away, or allow it to be taken away, shall be guilty of the five great ains. And it is and by the venerable Vysa, the arranger of the Vedas :-(Here follow five well-known imprecatory verses.]
(L. 33) In three hundred years increased by forty-seven, on the afteenth day of the bright ball of Srivaņa, this edict, the dataka of which is the Mahápilupati Pasupata, Was written by the Mahdsandhivigrahddhikaranádhikrita Vatohalin. Sam 300 40 7 Sravans su 10 6.
No. 46.-ARIGOM SARADA INSCRIPTION
LAUKIKA SAMVAT 73.
BY STEN KONow. Årigom is a village in the Nagam pargana, 74° 45' long., 39° 56' lat., about 15 miles south. west of Srinagar, as the crow flies. Dr. Stein, in his note on the Rajatarangini I. 340, identifies Årigồm with Hådigråma, where Gop&ditya is said to have established an agrahara, and states that some remains of temples were traced there by Pandit KART R&m in 1891. HAdigráma is further mentioned by Kalhaņa (VIII, 672) as one of the strongholds of the Dâmara Prithvihara. In the troubled times following on the accession of Jayasimha in A.D. 1128, "Hadigrama, where King Sussals and those of his side had lost their renown, was burned by Sajji, whose valour was mighty" (VIII, 1586), and the place is further mentioned in connexion with the inoursion of king Lothana during the same period (VIII, 2195).
In June 1908, Pandit Makond Ram, who had with great courtesy been placed at my disposal by the Kashmir Darbar, was informed by a friend of the existence of an inscribed stone in the house of a Brahmap in Argom, and at my reqaest he went up to inspect it. According to information gathered by him on the spot, the stone in question was found about twelve years ago in a piece of uncultivated land near the Masjid Malik Sahib by a cultivator, who was digging there, and sold to a Brahman for some corn. The Brahmap kept the stone for some time and did pajá to it. Bat people who saw it, told him that the writing probably contained information about hidden treasure, and that the stone therefore properly belonged to the Maharaja. He got frightened, and first hid the stone under the wall of his house, but later on he threw it into a pit at the entrance of his gôtáld and covered it up with cow-dong. Papdit Mukand Ram farther informs me that images, pedestals, stones and bricks are found all over the place, and it is probable that excavations would yield interesting results.
The stone mentioned above is square, measuring 200 each way, and being 44" high. On the top is a raised circle, apparently the base of an image. One of the four faces of the stone is inscribed with five lines in Sarade letters.
The writing covers a space of 17" X 34, and the height of the letters averages *". They are distributed over five lines, the fifth of which contains the date. The beginning of the first two lines and the last letter in lines 1-3 and the three last letters in line 4 have disappeared.
The characters are Sarada, and they are very well cut. Ja has the older form as in the Baijnath prasasti. The final form of m oocars in line 3. The diphthong & has been marked in two different ways, by means of a horizontal line above, as in bhagavate, l. 1, or by a vertical before the consonant as in té, 1. 2. Similarly ő is sometimes marked by adding a horizontal above, sometimes by prefixing vertical to the consonant accompanied by the sign for d. Compare

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Page #397

STEN KONOW.
SCALE •5
रासमा गयअलायन्न दिमाइला कर अयलकाः र सामागसममा यम्सकन मयाउनमा मनपसरमा
छलए मिशन निरन्मने मी रम जाम +5 एरन्न मन पराइच मरउरसरमस्टि
१जमाए..
Arigom Sarada inscription of Ramadeva.-Laukika Samyat 73.
W. GRIGGS, PHOTO-LITH.

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ABIGOM SARADA INSCRIPTION.
Áryávalokitesvaraya, 1. 1, and lokanátháya, 1. 2. A third method occurs in lóká ...... at the end of line 1, where a wavy line has been added above the sign for la. Of initial vowels only & occurs in árya-, 1. 1. Among ligatures I may note kya, 1. 1, kkra, 1. 3, kva, 1.4; ga, 1. 2; dya, 1. 3; rya, 1. 1; and perhaps lhna, 1. 3. The numeral symbols for 7, 3 and 5 occur in line 5.
No. 46.]
The language of this inscription is Sanskrit, and, with the exception of the invocation of Avalokitesvara in 1. 1, and the date in 1. 5, the whole is in verse. There are altogether two verses. The first is apparently a slôka. The second påda, however, contains three syllables too much, but these aksharas are probably simply a repetition of part of páda 1. The second verse is a súrdúlavikriḍita. The object of the inscription is to record the construction of a vihara built of pakka bricks, by Ramadeva, the son of Kulladeva, in order to replace a wooden structure which had been built by a vaidya, whose name I read Ulhna, and which had been burnt down by king Simha. This Simha must be identical with Jayasimha (from A.D. 1128), in whose reign Hâḍigrama was burnt down by Sajji. It then becomes highly probable that the vaidya Ulhna is identical with Ulhana, the son of Sahadeva, who was a supporter of Sujji. Sahadeva is described as a Râjaputra,3 which fact can of course be well reconciled with his son Ulhana's being a vaidya. The constructor of the brick vihara was Râmadêva, whom I cannot identify. His father Kulladêva was perhaps in charge of the old wooden vihara, if I am right in interpreting tad-rata (1. 4) as "devoted to, attached to him, vis., Avalokitesvara."
The word vihara is used with more than one meaning. In our inscription, however, there cannot be much doubt that it signifies a shrine, as it has been characterized as "the abode of Lokanatha." The stone upon which this epigraph has been incised is most probably the actual base of the statue of Lokanatha here alluded to. Lokanatha is, of course, identical with Avalokitesvara, who is invoked in lines 1-2. Our inscription thus furnishes valuable proof of the fact that Buddhism was still lingering in Kashmir in the 12th and 13th centuries.
301
The mention of the materials used in building the old and the new shrines, is also of interest. We learn that the former was constructed from wood, while the latter was built from pakka bricks.
The old vihara is stated to have been built in the vicinity of Gangêévara. This is now called Ganêsvara, and is the place where the present inscription was dug out. The modern corraption of the name is not of very old date. The old name was at least remembered about 40 years ago. This is proved by a janmapattra, which Pandit Mukund Râm found in Arigom, and which was written by Pandit Ganêsa Khusrao in Laukika Samvat 4939, i.e. A.D. 186263. It speaks of a person as Gangésvara-padamûlé Arigrámé vástavya residing in Ârigôm at the feet of Gangesvara. Gangêévara was originally probably a Śiva temple, and it is not unlikely that it could be identified by means of excavations.
The inscription is dated Samvat 73, Marga suti 5. This date must be subsequent to the burning of Arigom during the reign of Jayasimha. Now Jayasimha's father was murdered in the Laukika year 4203, and the burning of Arigôm took place in the first part of his reign. It is therefore as good as certain that we have to understand the date of our inscription as 4273 on the fifth tithi of the bright fortnight of Margasirsha, corresponding to Sunday, the 18th November 1197.
TEXT.
1 Bdjatarangint, VIII. 1586.
I cannot restore the beginning. suggests to read it.
नमो भगवते भार्यावलोकितेश्वराय । [ते] लोकयालोकभूताय लोका [लो]
Ibidem. vv. 2066, 2002, 2097.
Ibidem. v. 198.
The akshara preceding it looks like . Pandit Mukund Bam
Metre: Sloka. There is something wrong in the second pada.

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2 [a]..[u]hf? [l*) Gaetare TEN rury À TA []
afecaf (a)3 धौ [सुम]तिमाग्वैद्योरहदेवाभिधश्चक्रे दारुमयं विहारममलं श्रीलोकनाथास्य
FH [1] af f[x]4 हनृपण कालवशतो दवेष पवेष्टिकाश्रेष्ठं तद्रतकुलदेवतनयोमुं रामदेवो
[arura u] (R] । सं ७३ मार्ग शति ५
TRANSLATION. Line 1. Salutation to the exalted noble Avalokitdsvars.
(Verse 1). Salutation to thee, the Lord of the World, who hast become a light to the three worlds, ...... who destroys transmigration, the moon of delight to the world.
(V. 2). Formerly the vaidya Ulhộadêval by name made a spotless vihara of wood, an abode for the Lord of the World, in the vicinity of the Gangêsvars (temple). After this, by the will of fate, bad been barned by king Simba, Ramadeva, the son of Kulladévs, who was devoted to him (Avalokitosvara), made yonder (vihdra) excellent with burnt bricks.
Line 5. Samvat 73, the 5th day of the bright (half) of Margadirsha).
No. 47.- CHANDRAVATI PLATE OF CHANDRADEVA.
SAMVAT 1148.
BY STEN KONOW. The plato containing this inscription was found on the inner slope of the left bank of tha Ganges, near the water's edge, under the fort at Chandravati, in the Benares District. Mr. Chbote Lal, the District Engineer of Banares, informs me that, owing to the erosive action of the river, portions of the fort were undermined and fell down from time to time. The plate fell into the river along with the walls of the fort, and was seen and picked up by the Pablic Works Department's boatman, who deposited it in the District Engineer's office at Benares. In March 1908 it was then finally handed over to the Director General of Archeology in India.
The plate, which is inscribed on one side only, measures 153" x 114". The edges are fasbioned thicker and raised into rims. In the apper part of the plate is a hole, through which passes & ring, about " thick and 3 in diameter. On the ring slides a bell-shaped seal, 23" from top to bottom. The surface of the seal is circular and 21" in diameter. It represents in relief, on & slightly countersunk surface, a Garuda, with the body of a man and the head of a bird, kneeling and facing the proper right. Across the centre is the legend frivadach-(brinach)Chandradfah, and at the bottom a conoh shell.
The plate contains 23 lines of writing. Parts of it are much worn, and the portion containing the date cannot be made out with certainty. The characters are Någari, and the language is Sanskrit. With regard to orthography I shall only note that va is used both for na and for ba, and that the dental sibilant is often used instead of the palatal one; thus, -asita
Metre : Sarlólavikuidita.
? It is possible that the name should be remt Alligaleva.

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No. 47.]
CHANDRAVATI PLATE OF CHANDRADEVA.
303
for abita-, 1. 1, -vamsa-for-vamsa-, 1. 2. There are several other misspellings and slips, especially towards the end.
After the invocation to Sri common in other plates of the same family, our inscription proceeds to give the genealogy of the donor in four verses, which are well known from other inscriptions. We are told that Yasovigraha had the son Mahichandra, whose son again was Chandradêva, the issuer of the present grant. The inscription then goes on in prose, stating that the victorious king Chandradeva issues the following order to all the people assembled, residing in the Vadagavd-village in the Våvana-pattala, and also to the Rajas, Rdjais, Yuvarájas, councillors, chaplains, warders of the gate, generals, treasurera, keepers of records, physicians, astrologers, superintendents of gynæceums, messengers, the officera in charge of elephants, horses, towns, mines, sthånas and gôkulas:
"Be it known to you that the aforesaid village, with its water and dry land, with its mines of iron and salt, with its fishing places, with its ravines and saline soil, with and including its groves of madhúka and mango, grass and pastare land, with what is above and below, defined as to its foar abattals, up to its proper boundaries, has today, on the
day of the bright fortnight of Karttika, Samvat 1148, been given by us for as long a time as moon and sun endure, with the pouring out of water from the palm of our hand, parified with gôkarnal and kusa-grass, to the Brahman Varanêsvayasarman (-svaraśarman), the son of Varahasvimi, the grandson of Anarudhs, of the Vasishtha gôtra, and whose only pravara is Vasishtha, for the increase of the merit and fame of our parents and ourselves, after having today batbed here in the neighbourhood of Sauri (sauri)-Ndri yaņa, after having duly satisfied the sacred texts, divinities, saints, men, beings, and groups of ancestors, after having worshipped the sun whose splendour is skilled in rending the veil of darkness, after having worshipped Vasudeva, the saviour of the three worlds, and after having sacrificed to the Fire an oblation with abundant milk, rice and sugar.'
The frst point here that is worthy of notice is the date, which is the earliest known for Chandraddva, the other copper plate of his time being dated in Sarhvat 1154.8 It will be seen that the portion of it containing the tithi and the week day is illegible. Mr. Chhote Lal, who has examined the original, writes about this point,
"Ordinarily, it might be thought that the excessive corrosion and incrustation of rust at this particular part of the plate was purely accidental, but from a minute examination of the imperfect and damaged letters which are still discernible, I am led to conclude that the excessive incrustation at this point was due to the fact that the surface of the plate was already damaged by somebody in his endeavour to make a correction in the date. It is remarkable that the name of the place or that of the stream in which the donor took his bath, is not mentioned in the inscription: Nor is there any mention of the occasion (oclipso, sariloranti, etc.) at which the gift was made. It would appear that Sauri-Narayana was in those days a very well-known place of pilgrimage requiring no further details to localise it, that the occasion presumably was the ordinary Karttika-onana, and that the date originally entered on the plate was panchadasyam gurau, but was afterwards attempted to be corrected into ekádaly&ih ravau. The 8 of the latter just overlaps the pan of the former; the ka of the latter being rather large has been so formed 88 to include the cha and to cover the space oocupied by da of the former; while the space occupied by byán of the former has been utilised for the rather olumsily large da of the latter. It will thus be seen that the space originally occupied by the word panchadafydth, which was of normal size, was subsequently ooonpied by the much larger letters, 2, kd and da, and there being no more space ayailable for the final syllable bydre, it was omitted. Similarly, the ra of
1 Compare Kielhorn, Ind. Ant. XV. p. 10, Note 57.
See ibidem, note 56.
• Ind. Ant. XVIII. pp. 9 and 1.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(Vol. IX.
ratau overlaps the gut of gurat and rau of the latter has been deformed into something like ran of the former. Now the question arises, "Why was the date corrected ?" The reason may be that the grant was originally intended to be made on the panchadasi, on the occasion of a limar eclipse which was expected to take place on that date. A little calculation will show that the eclipse did actually occur on the specified dato (corresponding to Thursday, the 7th of November, 1000 A.D.), but as the time of its occurrence was early in the following morning (according to caloulation), it must have been very doubtful whether it would be visible at the place visited by Chandraddra. This circumstance may have been anticipated, and it may have been decided to make the donation on the preceding Prabodhini Ekadasi (Sunday, the 3rd of November, 1090 A.D.) which was a most suitable day for the purpose, being the day on which Vishọa-the deity worshipped by Chandradêva - rises from his four months' sleep. I say all this may have been the cause of the alteration in the date, for there is no a priori reason against this supposition. But I consider it very unlikely that & Maharaja, who changed his mind about the actual day of performing & religious ceremony, could have allowed a correctionand a clumsy correction at the best-to be made in the copper plate inscription recording the gift of a whole village, when the entire inscription could have been cat on a new plate in a day's time. The fact seems to be that it is no honour to a Brahmap to receive a gift on the occasion of an eclipse, and there are certain sects of Brahmaps, e.g. Sarjuparis and Kananjiyas, who would promptly excommunicate any member of their community who was known to have received a gift on account of an eclipse. The Brahman who received the manificent gift from Chandradeva probably belonged to one of these sects, and, after the king had made the gift and departed, he seems to have thought of concealing his disgraceful conduct and to have caused the original and genuine date to be altered as explained above."
Mr. Chhote Lal further identibes Vadagave with the present Baragaon, a village 14 miles north-west of Bonares. He thinks it, however, also possible that it was the old name of Chandravati, which was afterwards changed in honour of king Chandradova.
After the mention of the grant, we find some of the usual imprecatory verses, and, at the end, the name of the writer, the fhakkura Mahapanda.
TEXT.1 1 Om svasti || Sakarth-8tkantha-Vaikuntha-kantha-pitha-lathat- karab I samrambhaḥ
surat&rambhê sa Sriyaḥ śrêyasê=sta vah II &sid=asi(si) tadya2 ti-vatnsa (sa)-játa-[kshmA]påla-málåsu divam gatågu sâkshad-Vivanvån=iva
bh Gridhâmná nämna Yasovigraba ity-adåraḥ || tat-sutô-bh ût(n)= Mahichandra3 sa cha[n]dradhâma-nibham nijam yên=¶m=aküpåra-pårê vyåpåritam yaśaḥ ||
Stasy= abhät-tanayo nay-aikarasikab kramta-dvishan-mam dâld(mamdalo)
Tyiddhast-oddhatadhîra-yodha-timirah Sri-Chandradevo nfipah yên- od&ratara-pratapa-sa(sa)mit
Asboha-prajópadravath srimad-Gadhipur-Adhirajgam-agamam dôrvikra5 mên-Arjitam 11 tirthâni Kasi-Kusik(-sik)-Ottarakošal(sal)-Endra(b)sthåniyakani
paripálsyat-abhigamyah(ya) I hôm=åtmatulyam=anisam (san) dadata dvijêbbyô 6 yên-Am kita vasumati batasa (fa)e-tulábbih 11 cha paramabhattâraka-maharaja
dhiraja-paramèsva (sva)ra-paramamahêsva(sva)ra-nijabhajópå[ro]jita-sri-K&7 nyskuvj(bj)-Adhipatya-fri-Chandradevo vijayi ilovávana-pattalåyå Vadagava
gramê nivå[sing nikhila)-jana-padån=upagatâ n-api cha rja-rajñi-yavara
• Metre: Anushtabb. Metre : stridlavikridita.
From the original plate.
· Expressed by a symbol. • Metro: Indra vajri.
Metre: Anushtabb. Bead vidheast.
Metro: Vantatilaka. This sign of interpanction is superfluou.

Page #402

10
12
14
16
18
20
22
ठाठ पहल
प्रमुवती बालशियः ययम
परमात तिमालमा लामादितवानितिम्रा नानाखादितात बंद श्रद्धाननाम कृपास्न नया नाचेक मिति मजला विद्यासाद्दन ती राया तमः श्री चंद्रावन समिती मावि विना कम रामादादिक मेर्जितानिकाश कुमार दानीय काप पालय तालिममाः मान्म तुला म निसररता (दाऊ येनातिसुमन सममावातिथीक पापीयाना ॥ वा पाय या मेनिन्दानुपितानाही युवरा तपती हासन का परति कितावा कविता नग नाविकारि पुरानो दिज्ञाविति मासफलः लोह व कुछ मल धामनः प्रातः षबमनजामत की नियोजन (४८ का (त्र मुखनिद्रा मानानाममरावतातिभिरिव पुनि भति निरापद्धतिमासन पुन्नाधायाश्र्ववचाया तामा
विद्यालाता.
माना
सन्मानापोटमा कसका शुभाय तुला देने वाखातिमा दो केयान द्यास कृत्य परतुः। वायवादी सो हा कपात कब लुक व महादिप्रतिममा नियंता नियता दाया जा होतित सदा ॥ वनिता जाति का भी कमियः प्रतिगृह्णाति स निप्रयतनित
भी गान
वामनं क ज व यावा व नवा पावनं निदानपति बंद
विजिरा नाता मन्ना उखाने तब को सतावदेवाय देवा बाया लेनमविषायादीत ला पितृतिस्तानि शुद्ध कर वासिनायविवािनविष दाखविषम वा विष में कातिल ही
सपुत योजना । मनिता सानिया को ि
निक्षु तदाक लातीतानि राजनिति ॥ ८ ॥ लिखीत सोम प
गरिमा विनानिकान मातुः
STEN KONOW.
SCALE 55
गुमोनिया व प्रजात
राति बिन
W. GRIGGS, PHOTO-LITH.
Chandravati plate of Chandradeva. -- Samvat 1148.

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Page #404

No. 47.)
8 ja-mamtri-purohita-pratîhâra-sênâ pati-bhâmḍagarik-åkahapaṭalika-bhishaka (shag)-naimi[ttik-kitabpurika-düta-karituragapattani karaathanagö[kn]
10 [t]ey-Akaraḥ
9 lâdhikaripurushan-ajñâpaya (ya)ty-Adisati cha yatha viditam=astu bhavatâm yathopa[rilikhita-gråma[b] sa-jala-sthalaḥ sa-lôha-lavap-åkarab sa-ma-gartt-baharab sa-madhûk-âmra-vana-vâțika-triņa-yûti-gôcharapayahtab 8-ôrddh[v]-âdhas-chatur-âghâta-visu (su)ddhab
sva-elmi-paryantab
[samvat]
11 1148 Karttika su di.
CHANDRAVATI PLATE OF CHANDRADEV A.
ady-êha Sau(Sau)ri-nârāyaṇa- samîpê vidhivan-machtra-dēva-pa(ma)ni-mannja-bhëta-pitziganda-tarppayitvå 12 mira-patala- pâtana-pa[tu-ma]hasams (sam) [ushpa-rochi]sham samabhyarchya tribhupůjâm vidhaya prachura-påyasena havishå
vana-trâtur-Vasudevasya havirbhujam [hu]två
13 mátâpitrôr-Atmana [s-cha] punya-pra (ya) [so-bhivriddhayê] Vasishth-aika-pravariya Aparudha-paairlys
Varuplevaya(vara).
14(a)mma vr(br)hmaçya
gokarsa(rņa)-kusalatâ-pûta-karatal-ôdakên=âsmâbhiḥ achamdrârkkam yavavv(ch-chh)âsanikritya pradattaḥ | matva yathadiyamânabhágabbb
ka(ko)ti-pradanana(nêna) bhumi-hartta na
vasudha bhukta rajabhiḥ Cha(Sa)ga
15
gakara-pravapikara-turushkadamḍa-kumaragadia paka-prabhriti-samast & [n]=niyatas niyat-âdâyân- Ajñâ (m)-vid hêyî-bhaya dasyatha
16 iti || bhavamti châtra paurapika[b] slökaḥ | | bhûmim yaḥ pratigrihpâti yas-cha bhûmim prayachchhati | abhau tau punyakarmmåpau ni
17 yatau svargna(rgga)- gaminau Isa (sa)mkham bhadrasanam chchhatram varásvá (évá) varavaraṇaḥ | bhûmi-dânasya chihn&ni phalam- a(8)tat-Purandara || shasht(h)im varsha-sahasra
18 pi svarggê vasati bhumidaḥ [1] Achchhêttâ ch=ânumantâ
cha
tân[y= ]ôva narakari(kê) vasét || Byadattara paradattara và yô harêd(ta)nvasundharâm | sa vishthayam krimir-bhûtvå
19 pitribhiḥ saha majjati || varihînêshv-aranyêshu
sushka-kotara-vásinaḥ
sarppas-ra(cha) jayamtê dêva-vra(bra)hma-sva-hâripah || na visham ity=â
20 ha[r] vra(bra)hma-svam visham-nchyata(te) | visham=êkAkinam
hachti(r)
vra(bra)hmasvam puvrapautriakam(putrapautrikam) || "rgåm=akâm svarsom= êkam bhûmêr-apy-êkam-amgalam haram (haran) narakam-âpnoti yavad-A21 bhûta-sa[m]plavam || taḍagânâm sahasrapi 7asvam[8]dhasatâni cha gavam sayati(udhyati) vaba)habhir
Vasishthagôtraya |2 Var[Ahasvimi-patrkys
305
1 The engraver originally wrote tribhuvama-, but corrected it.
These signs of interpunctuation are superfluous.
Metre of this and the following verses: Anushṭubh.
22 râdibhi[b] (1) yasya yasya yada bhumis-tasya tasya tada phalam || yân= iha dattâni purå na[n]drai[r] dânâni rarmmåpiyasaskarâpi [1] ni[rmAlyavia-prati)
The 4-stroke has been put over the pu of Purandara.
Read gam-dkám svarnam-skam cha.
1 Bead afvamédhasatáni.
• Read dharmarthay afas-.
23 mâni tâni
ko nåma sådhuḥ punar-âdadhita || || 10 Likhitamm=idam tammrapaṭaka[m] thakkura-sri- Mahapanda ||
Read chhattram.
krishnavisham
• Metre: Indravajra. 10 Head likhitam-.
2 B

Page #405

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. IX
:
Waac
Pobe.
No. 48.-BURHANPUR SANSKRIT INSCRIPTION OF ADIL SHAH.
SAMVAT 1646.
BY HIBA LAL, B.A., M.R.A.S., NAGPUR. Barhappår in the Nimär district of the Central Provinces is an ancient historical site. It was the chief seat of the Firaqt kings. They ruled over Khåndosh, which name the Muhammadans derived from their title of Khân. Their rule lasted from 1370 to 1600 A.D., when it was displaced by the Mughals. One of these Fårûqi kings built the Jam'a Masjid, in which besides Arabic inscriptions he had one carved in Sanskrit, which gives his genealogy and the date of the construction of the mosque. This inscription is in the northern corner and is written within an arch, so that the linea, which are 6 in number, are of unequal length. They contain five verses, besides the invocation Sri srishtikartré namah in the commencement and the date in the end, both of which are in prose.
The letters are Nagari and are raised, not incised, in the same fashion as Persian letters are usually found carved. Orthography hardly calls for any remarks. The sign of avagraha has been omitted throughout. Over the na of -khuna- (1. 3) we find the Arabic sign of tashdid or double consonant.
The date is recorded in great detail, giving both the Vikrama and Saka years, which are stated to be 1846 and 1511 respectively, the eyelic year being Virodhi. The mosque is stated to have been completed on Monday, the 11th of the bright fortnight of the month Pausha, the exact moment in ghafis and the nakshatra, lagna, yôga, karana, eto, being added most precisely. The date in the Hijra era is given as 997 in Arabic above the inscription. Its English equivalent was kindly caloulated for me by the late Professor Kielhorn, C.I.E., who found it to be Monday, the 5th January 1590. The astrological details are unique in a Muhammadan mosque and show the religious tendency of the later Fårûqi kinge. In Burhåppûr much of the beliefs of the two religions (Hinduism and Islam) got mixed up, traces of which are still conspicuously present there. As an instance may be cited the preachings of the Piraídas, who are Musalmans and who say that God will now become incarnate as Nishkalarki. The F'Argis undoubtedly believed in astrology, as this inscription shows, and although the builder of the mosque took every care to erect it in the most auspicious moment completing it exactly in one year (as an Arabic inscription carved in the middle of the Masjid discloses) and wished by his pious act to ensure the long continuance of his dynasty, yet uncompromising destiny snatched away the crown from them, only ten years after the construction of the edifice. In fact Bahadur Khân, the builder's son, was so much infataated with saperstition, that, in spite of his possessing the impregnable Asirgah fort with ten years' provisions, enormous treasures and numerous horses and cattle, he felt convinced that he could not hold his own against Akbar, of whom he believed that he was a necromancer and that magicians accompanied him to reduce the fort. A pestilence which broke out among the animals, was attributed to the black art, and he 88W no way bat to surrender to the mighty wizard. This mosque was thus destined to receive another inscription, which Akbar triumphantly caused to be carved recording his victory of Khåndësh in A.H. 1009 (A.D. 1600), annihilating the glory of the mosque builder's dynasty for ever. This inscription is in Persian and is conspicuously inscribed on the outside wall of the left hand minar.
It was here that the famous Mumtaz Mahall (Arjunand Bånd Begam) breathed her last. ? For details see trauslation at the end.
! I have seen some Sanskrit manuscripts in Persian character in the possession of some Maulvis of Burhanpur, preserved as heirlooms from their ancestors, who apparently studied them under state encouragement. Unfortunately most of these valuable records have been destroyed by the fires of 1807 and 1906 which caused damage to the extent of about 57 lakhs besides loss of life.

Page #406

No. 48.)
BURHANPUR SANSKRIT INSCRIPTION OF ADIL SHAH..
307
The chief interest of our inscription lies in the genealogy of the Fårûqis given in it. According to it the first king was Raja Malik, whose son was Gbagni (Khân). His son was Kaisar Khan, whose son was Hasan, from whom was born Ådil Shah, whose son was Mubarakh. Ådil Shah, the constructor of the mosque, was the son of this Mubarakh. This genealogy differs from those given by Firishta and Abul Fazl. According to the former Adil Shih was the 6th descendant from Malik Raja, and according to the latter the 8th, while according to our inscription he was the 7th. The tables given below will show at a glance how matters stand :
Sanskrit inscription.
Briggs' Firishta, Vol. IV.,
P. 280.
Jarrett's Lin-i-Akbart, Vol. II.,
p. 226.
Malik Raja.
Raja Malik. Gazni (Khân).
Nasir Khân.
Kaiser khân.
Hasan (Khân).
Hasan Khân.
Malik Raji. Ghizni Khân, title Nasir Khân. Miran Shah alias Adil Shah. Mubarik Shah Chaukhandi. Âdil Shah Aynâ alias Ahsan Khân. Adil Shah. Mubârik Shah. Raja Ali Khân, title Adil Shab.
Adil Khân.
Âdil Shah. Mubarakh. Âdil Shah.
Mubarik.
R&ja Ali Khân.
The Ain-s-Akbare states that “Bahadur Khân (who was the son of Raja Ali Khan) was 9th in descent from Malik Raji." This has led Colonel Jarrett, as it would indood lead others, to suppose that the list given there is gonealogical and that Ahsan Khân, the fifth king, was identical with Hasan Khan, who, as a matter of fact, was never a king. Hasan Khan belonged to & collateral branch of the family, whose son became king on the failure of male issue in the main line..
The Ain-i-Akbart has mixed up the succession list with the genealogical table. Miran Shah, the third descendant, was really a grandson of Malik Raja, but the point missed is that he was not the direct ascendant of the last Adil Shah or Raja Ali Khân. The crown first went in Miran Shah's line up to Adil Shah Ayna, who was succeeded by his brother D&wad Khan, and the latter by his son Ghazni Khån, who was poisoned two days after Ascending the throne. Abul Fazl does not mention Ghaznî Khân at all, probably because his succession to the throne was only nominal. Ghazni Khân left no son, and hence the crown went to Raja Ali Khan's grandfather Adil ShAhor Adil Khân. The three kings Miran Shah, Mubarak Shah and Adil Shah Ayni were not thas direct accendants of Raja Ali Khân. The Ain-i-Akbart list should therefore be left out of consideration, and the question must be decided between our inscription and Firishta's list. Briggs' takes Hasan to be the son of Nasir Khân, relying on Firishta's assertion that Adil was the son of Hasan and grandson of Nasir Khân." If Hasan were the son of Nasir Khan, he would be the brother of Miran Shah, who was crowned king after his father's death. Wo would, therefore, have to suppose that Miran's nephew came to the throne after the expiry of three
See his Ain-i-Akbarl, Vol. II, p. 226, footnote. * Briggs' Firishta, Vol. IV., p. 303.
Loc. cit.
2 x 2

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308
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
VOL. IX.
generations, which is an unlikely supposition. There is nothing to show that Adil Khan (Hasan's son) was extraordinarily long-lived. It, therefore, seems very probable that there was an intervening generation between Nasir Khan and Hasan Khån, and the missing link is supplied by the Sanskrit inscription in the person of Kaisar Khan, son of Nasîr and father of Hasan Khân. In the inscription Kaisar Khan is merely called a vira or hero and not a king, and although Hasan was also never & king, the epithet of kshitisa was apparently added to his name by way of courtesy, to tickle the ruling prince. Regarding the sources of his information Firishta records that when he visited Burhanpur in A.H. 1013 (A.D. 1604), he asked Mirza Ali Isfahani if any history existed of the Fariqi family. The Mirza replied that he knew of none, but said that he once saw a genealogy of the family down to Malik Raja, which he copied and took along with him. It would thus appear that no history of the kings later than Malik Rája existed at all. So the information he collected was apparently from traditions or other casual records, while the writer of the Sanskrit inscription must certainly have been supplied with information from the royal family, as it was intended to be a permanent record. in one of the greatest works the king built. It is, therefore, more reliable than Firishta and leaves no room for doubt as to its authenticity. A revised genealogy of the Fårâqi kings will be found below on p. 310.
TEXT. 1 * area : I calca(H) * fari Tuata factan
[1") gener (water) PTCU sê waren naar en otagi
atti2 दि चितिः स्यादंबरांगणे(णे) [*] तावत्कारुकिवंशोसौ चिरं नंदतु
भूतले ॥२॥ वंशेष तस्मिन्किल फारुकींद्रो वभूव राजा मलिकाभि
ura: [*] terhach3 TERTAT: garantat Moritatea: Bu q ua curaatt: gr
स्तदीयो इसनवितीयः [] तस्मादभूदेदलशाहभूपः पुत्रीभवत्तस्य Hros: 188
The average for a generation in the line of which Ghazn Khan was the last, is 23 years, while in the line of Raja Alt Kbån it is 29 years. According to the Sanskrit inscription the average for the latter is reduced to less than 26, taking the reckoning up to the death of Miran Muhammad in 1576, but for the minority of whose son Husain Khan, Raja Ali Khan would have had no opportunity to sit on his bruther's throne.
• It may be noted that the visit was paid 14 years after our inscription was carved.
Firishta gives this as follows:
Malik Raja, tbe son of Khan Jahan, the son of All Khan, the son of Uthman Khan, the son of Simion Shah, the son of Ashab Shah, the son of Armian Shah, the son of Ibrabtro Shah of Balkb, the son of Adam Shah, tbe son of Ahmad Shah, the son of Mahmud sah, the son of Mubsmmad Shah, the son of Azim Shab, the son of Ashghar; the son of Muhammad Ahmad, the son of the Imam Nasir Abdulla, the son of Omar-ul-Faruq entitlel Khalifá or representative of the last of the propheta.
If anybody would wert that the Sanskrit composer might have made mistake in understanding the genealogy, all doubts would vanish by reading the Arabic inscription ou the top of the Bauskrit one reproduced in the accompanying plate. Line 8 m deciphered by Mansht InAmullah Khan, Manager of the Mosque, ronde as followst-Adil Sáb bin Mubarak Shah bin Adil Shd bin Hana Kdi bin Qaisar Kids bin Ghaent And» bin Malik Kids al-Idrilgi al dll.
From my personal transcript from the original and two subsequent Ons kindly supplied by Mr. B. Bal. krisbna Bhate, Headmaster, Middle School, Burbanpur, and a photograph. • Rend " TA:
This and the next verse are in the Anushtubb metre. Tbs and the next are in the pajati metre.

Page #408

Burhanpur inscription of Adil Shah.-Samvat 1646.
FRALDSRESOR
MATERIAL
STEN KONOW
FROM A PHOTOGRAPH SUPPLIED BY DR. TH, BLOCH,
W. GRIGGS, COLLOTYPE.

Page #409


Page #410

No. 48.)
BURHANPUR SANSKRIT INSCRIPTION OF ADIL SHAH.
309
4 तमनुः चितिपालमौलिमुकुटव्यावृष्टपादांबुजः सत्वीतिर्विलसबतापवयगा
मित्रः चितीश्वरः ]"] यस्वाइनिंशमानतिगुंणगणातीते परे ब्रमणि
श्रीमानेदलभूपति5 विजयते' भूपालचूड़ामणि' ॥५॥ स्वस्ति श्री संवत् १६४६ वर्षे शाके
१५११ विरोधिसंवत्सरे पौषमासे राकपचे १० घटी २३ सहका
दश्यां तिथी सोमे [क]त्तिकाघटी २५ रा रोहित 6 स्यां शुभ घटी ४२ योगे पणिजकरणेस्मिन् दिने राषिगतघटी
१५ समये कन्यालग्न बीमुबारखशाहसतबी' एदलयाराजी मसीतिरियं निर्मिता स्वधर्मपालनार्थ ।
TRANSLATION. (Line 1). Salutation to the glorious Creator of the world.
(Verse 1). I bow down to the Imperceptible, the (All-)pervading, eternal (one who is) past (all) qualities, whose essence is mind, who is the cause of what is manifest-to that God who is both manifest and non-manifest.
(V.2). As long as the moon, the sun and the stars, etc., exist in the firmament, so long may this Fåruki family live happily on the face of the earth.
(V. 3). In that family there was first the lord of Fårukis by name Raja Malik, whose son was king Ghazni (Khan) who was of an exalted mind, the diadem of the family.
(V. 4). From him was (born) the hero Kaisar Khan whose son was Hasan (Khan), the lord of the earth. From him was bornking Adil shah, whose non was lord Mubarakh.
(V. 5). Victorious is his son, the illustrious king Adil, the crost jewel of (other) kings, whose lotus feet are rubbed by the diadems in the crowns of kings (prostrating themselves before him), (who is) of good reputation, and whose enemies have submitted to his prowess, (who is) the lord of kings (and) who bows day and night to the Supreme Being who is past all qualities.
(LI. 5-6). Hail! Prosperity! This mosque was built by the king Sri70 Adil Shah, Bon of the illustrious Mubarakh Shah, for fostering his own religion, in the samvat year 1848, Saka 1511, in the Virôdhi samvatsara, in the month of Pausha, in the bright fortnight, on the 10th tithi (lasting for) 23 ghafis, followed by the eleventh tiths, on Monday, in the Krittika (nakshatra lasting for) 38ghatis with (i.e. followed by) Rohipt in the Subha yöja lasting up to ghafi 42, in the Vanija karana, at the time when 11 ghatis of the night on this day had passed and in the Kanya lagna.
I Read विजयत. ? Metre : Sárdulavikridita. - Read के
• Read This king is well-known by the name of Waalr Khan, the title which he adopted on ascending the throne. Geucal, Cunningham erroneously took Ghaint narilan to mean King of Ghazut (100 his Reports, Vol. IX, p. 117), not being aware that Gbazn wm a personal name. Piriabta omitted this name, but Abal Paal hoe mentioned it (see Jarrett's Lin-s-Akbart, Vol. II, p. 226).
• The number of fria written for Bja. is usually 108, but bero a single Agare stands for the bigboot number, as 6 are written for a preceptor, 5 for a master, 4 for an enemy, 3 for friend, 3 for servant, and 1 for wile ora 30m.

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Genealogy of the Faruqi Kings of Khandesh.
310
Malik Raja (1370--1890).
Ghazni Khan alias Nasir Khan
(1999--1437)
Iftikhar.
61
Miran Adil Khån alias Miran Shah
Kaisar Khan. (1437-1441) Miran Mabárik Khân alias
Hasan Khân. Mubarik Shah Chaukhandi (1441-1457)
Adil Khân or Miran Ghani alias Adil Khan, Dåwad Khån
Âdil Shah Azimi--Humayun Adil Shah Aynd or Ahsan Khân (1508-1510)
(1510-1520) (1457-1603)
Ghazni Khin (1610 for 2 days).
10 Miran Muhammad Khân
Miran Mubarak Shah or Miran Muhammad Shah
(*1535-1566) (1520-1535).
12T Miran Muhammad Khan
Raja Ali Khan alias Adil Shih (1566-1576)
(1576–1696)
13 Miran Husaid Khân.
Khizr Khan alias Bahadur Khân
(1596-1600).
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
N.B.-Figures on the top of names indioate the order of succession, and those within brackets the periods of their rule.
• This date is doubtfal, Firishta being inconsistent. See Briggs' translation Vol. IV., p. 142, which gives the date of his death As A.H. 949, whereas on p. 312 A.H. 942 is given. As Bahadur Shah of Gujarat died on 14th Feb. 1537 (ibid p. 141) Miran Muhammad Shah, who succeeded him also in Gujarat, was evidently living in 1687, and Mubarak could not have become king before that date.
[Vol. IX

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No. 49.] NARAYANPAL STONE INSCRIPTION OF GUNDA MAHADEVI.
No. 49.-NARAYANPAL STONE INSCRIPTION OF GUNDA MAHADEVI. THE SAKA YEAR 1033.
311
BY HIRA LAL, B.A., M.R.A.S., NAGPUR.
Narayanpal is a village 23 miles north-west of Jagdalpur, the capital of the Bastar fendatory state attached to the Chhattisgarh Division of the Central Provinces. It is situated on the right bank of the " splendidly picturesque " Indravati, one of those minor rivers of India than which none is more interesting. It traverses the most untrodden regions of the peninsula. Here in the deepest recesses of the wild forests which cover the Mardian hills, is the home of the Gônd races-one of the aboriginal Dravidian peoples, whose origin is indistinct; a people who still erect rudé stone monuments and use stone implements, unwitting of the procession of the centuries and the advance of civilization to their borders." And yet the very place which has today all the signs of a primeval forest, may a thousand years back have compared favourably with any of the civilized provinces of those times. At least such seems to be the irresistible conclusion from the discovery of the antiquarian remains left by the forgotten Nagavamál kings of that little known state. Narayanpâl is one of those places which enjoyed celebrity in their times, a place to which "people of various countries resorted," and which instead of having a long row of wooden peg gods, which now adorn the village turf, possessed the temple of Narayana, "the basket of the gems of knowledge" which no doubt the residents duly picked up. The Indravati was to Bastar what the Narmada has been to India, the separating boundary between the Aryan and the Dravidian peoples. It is therefore no surprise to find all the inscriptions to the north of the Indråvati written in Nâgarî characters, while all to the south are written in Telugu. It appears that the Nâgavamsi kings, though ruling on both sides of the Indravati, had fixed that river as the ethnic or at least the linguistic boundary for the convenience of the Aryan and the Dravidian peoples under their sway. Our inscription being found in Narayanpâl on the north bank of the river is therefore in Sanskrit characters. Its discovery is due to the efforts of Rai Bahadur Panda Baijnath, B.A., who kindly sent me five impressions. Another impression has since been prepared by Mr. Venkoba Rao of the Madras Archæological Survey. I have made use of all these materials for my edition. The inscription is engraved on a stone slab, standing near the temple of Nârâyapa, to which it belongs. In this temple there is still an exquisite image of Narayana, 2' high. Above the ground the slab measures 7' 4" x 2' 3", and the writing covers a space 5' 9" x 2' 2", including the imprecatory figures and the additions to be referred to presently, but leaving out the top Sri maha. The original inscription apparently contained only 35 lines, beginning with Svasti sahasra-phanamani and ending with mamgala maha-éri, underneath which the usual imprecatory figures of a cow and a calf, the dagger and shield, the sun and moon and the Siva linga, the meanings of which I have elsewhere explained, were carved. The additional 11 lines, marked (a), (b), (c) and (d) by me, appear to be later additions, and are either interpolations or were inserted when the ownership of the land changed hands either by succession or otherwise. They generally give the names of persons to whom the land was apparently transferred. The lines marked (a), (b), (c) have been inserted in the blank spaces between or on the sides of the imprecatory figures. Under all these a straight line has been drawn, and the four lines marked (d) have been inserted. These give the name of a queen different from the donor of the inscription proper. This may have been done when the land changed hands after the death of the original donor, when, in the ordinary course, the successor of the donor would be shown as the transferor or grantor.
9
1 Imperial Gazetteer of India, Vol. I. (New Edition, 1907), page 44. 2 Above, pp. 164 and 175.

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312
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. IX.
The language of the inscription is Sanskrit prose, exoept the two imprecatory verses in lines 33 to 35, and the characters as stated before are Nagari. They are boldly written but the size is not uniform throughout. While in the top line Sri-maha, they are as big as 21", the average size in the first four lines is 14" The engraver apparently finding them too big reduced them to l' in line 5, bat'in subsequent lines he again began to increase the size maintaining an average of 11" throughout the rest, which forms the major portion of the inscription. In the later additions also, marked (a), (b), (c) and (d), the size varies. In (a) it is less than an inch and in (a) it is l' and in (b) and (c) midway between these two
As regards orthography, 6 is not distinguished from v and there is a confusion in the use of sand $; for instance, we have on the one hand Kasyapa (11.3, 13), saranágata (1l. 6, 10, 16), sásana (11: 7, 37 (b) and 46 (a), Saka- (1. 19), -satana (1. 84), asvamédha-(1. 34), sudhyati (1.35); on the other hand we have svarggate (1.17) and sahabra (11.1 and 34). The anusvára is usually preferred to the class nasals, though the latter are sufficiently represented throughout. Letters with & superscribed répha have been invariably doubled. The letters ksha, dha, ra, and, in most places, bha appear in their antiquated form, and the top mátra for é, i and au is sometimes placed vertically before the letter to which it is attached, as in-dhauta- (1.8), pavitrakritôttamíngi . . párthivêndra- (11. 8-9), -saujanya- (1. 10), -sauvinty-- (1. 11), etc. In Sômésvaradêva (1. 17) me has the top stroke, wbile de has the vertical stroke preceding da. In line 23 in -sthityudadhi- the måtrå of wis peculiarly attached in the middle of the letter as we at present attach it to the letter ra alone.
The insoription records the grant of the village Narayanapura to the god Narayana and some land near the Kharjuri tank to the god Lokêsvara, and it is dated in the Saks year 1093 on Wednesday, the full moon day of the Kärttika month in the Khara samvatsara, corresponding to the 18th Ootober 1111 A.D. The donor was Gunda Mahadevi, the chief queen of the Mahår&ja Dhardvarsha, the mother of 8ômesvaradeva and the grandmother of Kanharadêve, who was then ruling after the death of his father, as stated in line 17. The dynasty claims to be Nagavamsi of the Kasyapa gôtra and to have a tiger with a call as their crest and to be the lords of Bhôgêvati, the best of cities. There can be little doubt that it was connected with the Sinda family of Yolburga. The býrudas of the two are strikingly similar. The Sindas also claim to be Nagavamsódbhava, born of the race of the Någa (cobra), and the lords of Bhögkvatî, which city is a mythical place in the nether world. The discoveries hitherto made show the existence of the rule of the family at the diagonally, opposite corners of this state, viz. south-west and northeast. I feel confident that if we could " explore the serpent city well," we should find at least * replica of it somewhere in the Nizâm's dominions in a position intermediate between these two points. The Ramayana seems to confirm this, for Råma's route to Lanká lay between the two and passed through Bhỏgåvati..
As Dr. Fleet' says, there appear to have been more branches than one of the Sinda family, and it appears to me that they were distinguished from each other by some variations in their crests (lažchhanas) and banners (dh vajas, patakas or kétanas). The vyaghra-láfichha. na (tiger-crest) seems to have been common to all, probably because the original ancestor of the dynasty which received its name after him, was believed to have been brought up by the king of serpents on tiger's milk. The Bagalkot branch had simply the tiger crest and the phanikétana, or bánner of hooded serpents. The Bastar branch, or more properly the branch represented by our inscription, had a savatsa-vyághra-lápichhana, or a tiger with a calf or child, thus depicting probably the story of their origin in a clearer way. The banner is not mentioned. In Bastar there were apparently two branches, the other one being that of Bhramarakótya-man
Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. I., Part II., p. 572. · Mysore Inscriptions, p. 60, and above, Vol. III, p. 231.

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No. 49.) NARAYANPAL STONE INSCRIPTION OF GUNDA MAHADEVI.
313
dalal whose lanchhana was dhanur-vyághra (bow and tiger) and whose dhuaja was kamalakadali, or lotus flower and plantain leaf. The Halavara branch of the Banvâsi tract had the vydghra-mriga-lánchhana, or crest of a tiger and a deer, and the niladhuaja, or blue banner, To judge from their titles Parametvara Paramabhattáraka Maharaja, the Bastar branch appears to have been more independent than the other branches of this dynasty. But more light is likely to be thrown on the history of the family when all the inscriptions found in Bastar have been deciphered. It would therefore be premature to disowas the subjeot here.
There is one phrase in this inscription, which to my mind appears so interesting that it should not be allowed to pass unnoticed. It is incidentally mentioned in line 32 where the land is said to be given gråma-nilaya-nada-sarva-oddhd-pariharê na, which apparently means " free from the interference of the dwelling-group and territorial Assemblies, and all other molestations." This throws a sidelight on the village communities of those days. With regard to nada, Mr. Baden-Powell says, “ All over the south of India we have traces of the nádu, which was often & sort of county, and in some places there is a clearly surviving tradition of the parpose of this division. Thus in part of Madras known anciently as the Tondaima dalam, we find first a number of kuttam-the name probably indicating the fort which was the seat of the territorial chief; each of these primitive territories was afterwards reorganised into nádu and each nadu contained a number of villages (called nattam, i.e. the village site). The chief of the nadu was called ndthan. In Malabar we have evidence of how these nddu divisions were governed by the ndda-kuffam or assembly of representative elders out of the family groups of tara, of the ruling class, in each nadu." It appears from our inscription that this nada system was prevalent in Bastar and the word nilaya apparently stands for tara, the original local term for the family aggregate of dwellings, consisting of the houses oooupied by the members with a few hambler abodes for servants and artizans." Tara is said to mean street or bamlet. The gráma or village was also recognised, but apparently had no fiscal significance, beyond being a physical aggregate of clan areas with an exotic popalation. It will be noticed that Narayanapura is desoribed as fall of outsiders, who had come from different countries. These apparently contributed nothing to the income of the village, and in the business portion of the charter (11. 25 to 33) we therefore find no mention of the village, but only of the land given. The names of the owners of plots occapied by the family groups have been duly enumerated, and it is they who have been enjoined to pay the rents to the temple. The transaction has been ratified by eight persons, which was probably considered a requisite number for such basiness. These probably formed the executive committee of the nada-kuttam or territorial assembly. As would appear from the inscription, it consisted of the pregadd or minister, the karana-kutfiam or Secretary of the assembly, the bhandari or treagarer, the sidhu or priest, and four ndyakas, who, as has been already showa, ware chiefs of nadas. One of those ndyakas is styled bhatfandyaka, perhaps a superior title to that of ordinary ndyakas. The mention of his name immediately after that of the minister indicates his superior position.
Our inscription mentions only one territorial name, vis, the Narayanapura village, which is certainly the present Narayanpål, where the inscription has been found, and where the temple of Narayana, to which the village was dedicated, still exists. The tank Kharjuribandha, which was apparently named after the kharjári or wild date trees on its banks, is difficult to locate at this distance of time, as these trees live for about fifty yeary7 only.
1 Soe above, pp. 174 and if.
• Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. I., Part II., p. 577. • The Indian Village Community, p. 281.
• Also máyaka; see ibid., p. 167. Baden-Powell, Land Systems of British India, Vol. III., p. 148. • See above, p. 168 10.
1 Dr. Watt in his Economic Dictionary, Vol. VI., Part I., p. 911, way." The age of a tree (wild date) can of course be at once counted by enumerating the notches and adding six or soven, the number of years paused before the Arst year's notch. I have counted more than 40 notches on a tree, but one rarely sees them so old as that."
28

Page #415

314
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. IX.
TEXT.
Śrî maha. 1 Oml Svasti sahafra(sra)-phaņšmaņi-kira a-nikar-avabh&[su)2 ra-Nagavams-odbhava Bhôgåvati-puravar-êsvara-883 vatsa-vyåghra-lamchhana-Kasya(sya)pa-gôtra-prakați-krita4 vijaya-ghoshana-lavdhabdha)-visva-viśvam bhara-paramèsyara-para5 mabhattaraka-Mahêśvara-charapa-kamja-kimjalka-pamja-pim jarita-bhramaráyamaņa
satya-Harischam6 dra-8&($a)rap-agata-vajra-pamjara-brîmad-râjabhûshaņa-mahârâja-Dhåråvarshadēva
påd[&]7 nam pattamahådêvî jagad-êka-matâ så(sk) sana-patta-dårå nâma namat&(tó)
Gaம். | 8 gå-jala-[dban]ta-parama-pavitra-krit-óttamamgi-Dhårdvarsha-maheśvar-Arddhangi-på9 [rthi]verdra-kul-amgana Pârv vatî-bhâsura châru-Bha[gira)thi parama-pativrata 10 châra(ra)-Aramdhuti(Arundhati) sanjanya-Sarasva(sva)ti-sa(sa)ranågata-raksha
mani va(ba) ndhu-chintamaņi 11 sauvinêy-abhina[v]a-Såvitri ksha m-8dâra-dbaritri Srimad-G[u] da-mahadevi &12 sårh putra-nämna sahasra-phan &)-ma di-kirapa-nikar-ava[bh]sura-Nagavams-62. 13 dbhava-Bhôgåvati-pura(var-êsva]ra-sa vatsa-vyâghra-lán[chha)na-Ka[sya] (sya)pa
gôtra-praka14 ţi-krita-(vija]ya-ghoshana-[lavdha](bdha)-viśva-v[i]svatbhara-paramèsvara parama
bhatta15 raka-Maheśvara-charana-kamja-kimjalka-punja-pitjarita-bhramarayama na-sa16 tya-Harischandra-sa(sa)ran-agata-vajra-pa[m]jara-prati[ganda)-'bhairava-frimad-raya17 bhushana-mahârâja-Sômêsvaradeva(vê) śva(sva)r-ggatê têkhâm patrasya
Asam nap(tuh) 18 samasta-rájávali-vi[rajyama]qa-($r]imad-vira-Kanharadévasya kalyana-vijaya-ra19 jy Saka-npipa-kal-&titê dasa-sata-trayat[ri]mg-adhik63 Khara-samvatsare
Kârtti20 ka-paurnnamasy&m vuddhc(budha)-v&[rė] samsara-samudr.0[t*]tarana-taramdaya
jñ[4° ]na-ratna-karanda21 ya svargg-arggal-odghatana-karaya srima[n-N]áráyaņa-dêvaya Srimad-Gunda
mahad[@]vy& 22 sakalam-a( n Jityam-adhravam-aså ()śvataṁ drishțvå svargg-arggal-ôdghatan
&rth Narayanapuro 23 nama grâmô nâng-desiya-jan-[&]kiroņas-chamdr-arkka-sthity-adadhi-kalam yâvat 24 pradattah | tathi śri-Lökêśvaradêvåya Kharjuriva(ba)mdha-samipastha bhumih
pradatta 25 Srimat-pregada Adityamapenna bhattanâyaka Proņtiyo karana
[Ku]driyamg26 Virama nayaka Sómana nayaka Râmanâkâsana nayaka M[&]rya bhandari 27 Aitana sadhu Vakomaraya || Etoshan bhở [miḥ] akaréna pradatta 11 [Sa).
Inara-brêshthi?
• Expressed by a symbol. ? Perhaps -danda.. * Read Saka-aripa.kal du dasa-fati trayastrio. • Perhaps Adityama yenna.
• Perhaps I'raniyo. . Perhaps Kudiyamavirama.
Perhaps Edgaramelfi..

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No. 49.] NARAYANPAL STONE INSCRIPTION OF GUNDA MAHADEVI. 315
28 Chhâ[dra] vâmapa śrêshthi Ghughi Śridhara sâdhu Nânû kôsa[ja] Pâlâ [su]
Pådmasi
29 nivira mali Goi[m]dapratra tail [i]ka [Ja]sadhavala vâvû(bâbû) Milâpi nāvējam[da]
30 pâlâ[ghi]kâ sa[mri]dârana Dhavala m[a]piyâ[sthi] śri-V[â]sadêva êtair-[griha-ve]31 taka-r[a]pêna śriman-Narayana-dêva-pâdêshu sada sth [â]tavyam karam cha
ditavyah
32 śri(1)mat-pamḍita-Purushottamaya grâma-nilaya-nâḍa-sarv va-vâ (bâ)dhâ-parihârêpa
chomdr-å
33 rka-kålam pradatta | Svadattâm paradattâm vâ yô hared (rêta)-vasumdharâ[m] [1] sa vishthâyam kri
34 mi(mir) [bhû]två kalajai[b] saha sidati | Taḍâgânâm sahasrê (srê)ņa as(as)vamêdha-sata (satê)
35 na cha [*] gê(ga) vâm kôti-pradânêna bhûmi-harttâ na su (sa)dhyati II Mangala maha śri
36 (a) Sutradhara Ranavîrâya bhûmi pradattâ
37 (a) akarêņa.
36 (6) Adhikâri Chhâdrûkasya bhumi akarêņa
37 (6) dattâ | Brahmau[jhâ] kasya bhûmi datta såsa (sâsa)
38 (b) nam akarêņa Ma[ha]pḍaka
39 (b) sya tathâ [Kanharasâi]
40 (6) Nagak[u]la [mdhva]ra ê
41 (b) têshâm bhumi aka42 (b)
rêpa dattâ pri(pri)thunâ
39 (c) Bhattara
40 (c) ka Bhava.
41 (c) [de]vâya
42 (c) bhûmi akarena datâ
43 (d) Svasti sri-Dharana-mahâdêvi-[varyyâ] sarvva vâ(bâ) [dhâ]-parihârêņa aka[rê]44 (d) pa bhumi dattâ dêva-sri-Narayanasy-âr the Mahanaka Devadasa
45 (d) [Jaggati] | Sadhu Himasutta dê[dananita ?] Lakhmaṇa Chaudharî
46 (d) [sri]- Dharana-mahåde bhumi [dataru ara arî dê sâsana dattâ3] bhûmi dattâ akarêņa
TRANSLATION.
(Lines 1-6). Hail. The patta-mahidevi of the Maharaja Dhârâvarshadeva, who was born of the Nâgavamsa, resplendent with the mass of rays of thousand hood-jewels; who was the lord of Bhôgavati, the best of towns; whose crest was a tiger with a calf; who was of the Kasyapa gôtra; who had made his shout of victory (universally) known; who had acquired the whole earth; the Paramésvara, Paramabhaṭṭaraka; who was like a bee rendered yellow by the collection of pollen of the lotus feet of Mahêśvara; who was a Harischandra in truthfulness; who was an adamantine cage (of safe refuge) to those who sought his protection, a glorious ornament among kings;
(Ll. 7-11) (she who was) the only mother of the world, called the turbaned queen consort (chief consort); whose head was wholly sanctified by being washed in the water of the Ganges; who was (as it were) half the body of Dhârâvarsha (just as Pârvati is half the body
1 Perhaps Chhadd brahmana.
Probably Govindapatra [or Govindaputra.-8. K.]
This perhaps stands for dattá akaréna ért-ideana-dévyd dattá.
252

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316
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. IX
of) Mahêśvara; a noble lady of royal birth; resplendent (like) Pârvati; beautiful (like) the Ganges; who was exceedingly devoted to her husband; a lovely Arundhati, a Sarasvati of goodness; an amulet for those who sought her protection; a magical gem to her relatives; a new Savitri of good breeding; capable of liberal support like the earth (was) Gunda-mahadevi.
(Ll. 12-17). After the Mahúrája Sômésvaradeva, who was known as her son; who was born of the Nagavarsa, resplendent with the mass of rays of thousand hood jewels; who was the lord of Bhogåvati, the best of towns; whose crest was a tiger with a calf; who was of the Kasyapa gótra; who had made his shout of victory universally known; who had acquired the whole earth; the Paramésvara, Paramabhattáraka; who was like a bee rendered yellow by the collection of pollen of the lotus feet of Mahêśvara; who was a Harischandra in truthfulness; who was an adamantine cage (of safe refuge) to those who sought his protection; who was terrible to the refractory (or, rivals), a glorious ornament amongst kings,
(Ll. 17-24) had gone to heaven; in the auspicious and victorious reign of his son, and her grandson, the illustrious hero Kanharadeva, resplendent in the row of all kings, when (the year) ten hundred increased by thirty-three of the era of the Saka king had expired, in the Khara samvatsara, on the day of full moon of Karttika, on a Wednesday, the village of Narayanapura, full of people come from various countries, was given by the illustrious Gunda-mahadevi for so long as the moon, the sun, the earth, and the ocean endure, to the glorious god Nârâyana, who is a ferry for crossing the ocean of transmigration, who is a basket (full) of the gems of knowledge, who opens the bolt of heaven's (door), seeing that everything is transient, unsteady and inconstant, in order to open the bolt of heaven's (door). Likewise the land near the Kharjuribandha-tank was given to the glorious god Lôkêsvara.
(Ll. 25-33). The illustrious minister Adityama Penna, the bhattanayaka Prônțiyo, the karana Kudriyama Viramal, the nayaka Somana, the naya ka Râmanâkâsana, the nayaka Maraya, the bhandari Aitana, the sádhu Vakômarya. The land of these was given revenue free. The freshthin Samara, the brahmana Chhâdrů, the śrêshthin Ghughi, the sadhu Sridhara, the kôsajá (cocoon producer) Nânt, the máli Pâlâsu Padmâsinivira, the oilman Govindapâtra, the bábú Jasadhavala, Milâpi . . .. the glorious Vasudêva: these ehould always remain at the feet of the glorious Narayana as grihavetakas, and the tribute should be paid to the illustrious pandit Purushottama. The land has been given free from all obstructions incumbent on the village, the nilaya, and the náda, for so long a time as moon and sun endure. (Here follow two imprecatory verses.)
(L. 35). (Let) great happiness (attend). Hail.
(Ll. 36-37). Land is given to the sûtradhara Ranavira, free from taxes.
(Ll. 36-42). The land of the adhikarin Chhâdrûka is given, free from taxes. (Also) that of Brahmâujhaka as a grant, free from taxes. The land of Mahapḍaka, Kanharasai, and Nagakulamdhvara is given, free from taxes.
(Ll. 39-42). To bhattáraka Bhâvadêva land is given free from taxes.
(Ll. 434-46). Hail. The illustrious Dharana-Mahadevi gave land for the sake of the god, the illustrious Narayana free from all obstructions, and free from taxes. (Witnesses are) Mahanaka, Devadasa. Jaggati, the sadhu Himasutta..., Lakhmaṇa, Chaudhari. The land was given by the illustrious Dharana-Mahadevi free from taxes. The land was given by the queen consort free from taxes.
1 We should perhaps read karana-kuṭṭiyama Virama, Virama, the writer of the kutfam. Compare BadenPowell, Indian Village Community, p. 167.

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No. 50.)
TIMMAPURAM PLATES OF VISHNUVARDHANA I.
317
No. 50.-TIMMAPURAM PLATES OF VISHNUVARDHANA I. VISHAMASIDDHI.
BY PROFESOR E. HULTZSCH, PA.D.; HALLE (SAALE). This short inscription is on three oopper-plates which were discovered in the ground in October 1907 by one Sukara Ramasvami while digging a hole in his vacant house site in the village of Timmapuram in the Sarvasiddhi tâluka" and were sent by the Collector of the Vizagapatam district to Rai Bahadar Venkayya, who describes them as follows:
"The plates measure 2 by 74 inches and are strong on an oval ring, the diameters of which are 27 and 3 inches. The ends of the ring are seeured in the base of nearly circular seal which measures between 1 and 1 inches in diameter. In the centre of this seal is the legend [favjafefe in the same alphabet in which the plates themselves are engraved. The third plate of the inscription is blank, and the grant itself ends in line 2 of the second side of the second plate."
The alphabet and orthography do not call for any special remarks. The final t occurs in line 1, the upadhmaniya in 1, 5, and the Dravidian letter la in l. 11. The language is Sanskrit prose. The panegyrical portion (11. 1-11) is comparatively correct-probably because it was copied from a form preserved at the royal secretariat. The grant portion, however, must have been drafted by a person who knew very little Sanskrit. It contains a Pråkfit word : chattálisa (1. 12) = Sanskrit chatvarimsat, and several grave grammatical blanders which I have corrected in the footnotes.
The inscription records a grant by Vishņuvardhana-Maharaja surnamed Vishamasiddhi, who was the younger brother of Satyasraya-Vallabha-Mahirkja, the son of Kirtivarman, the grandson of Ranavikrama, and the great-grandson of Banaråga of the Challulkya family. This short pedigree establishes the identity of the donor of this grant with Vishnuvardhana I. Vishamasiddhi, the founder of the eastern branch of the Chalakya dynasty. That he was the younger brother of Satyagraya, i.e. the Western Chalukya king Pulakeáin II., and the son of Kirtivarman (I.), is stated in many Eastern Chalukya inscriptions; and his grandfather Ranayikrama, i.e. Pulakasin I., is mentioned also in his Satara plates. The reference to his great-grandfather Ranariga is of some interest, because this name is known only from a few records of the Western Chalakyas.
Both Vishộuvardhana I. and his elder brother receive the title Mahárdja; but the second is stated to have subdued the circle of the whole earth (1.5 f.), while the former claims only to have humbled the circle of all the vassals' (1. 6.). This distinction implies that, at the time of this grant, Vishộuvardhana I. was still a dependant of his elder brother, the Western Chalukya king Palakësin II. He professed to be a worshipper of Bhagavat (1.. 10), s.e. Vishnu, and resided at Pishţapura (1. 1.), the modern Pithapuram in the Godåvari district. In the Aiholo inscription the capture of this fortress is ascribed to his elder brother and sovereign Palakêgin II.
The grant portion differs from that of other records in two respects. It lacks at the end the usual imprecations and other particulars, and the donees are not mentioned by name, but simply stated to have been forty Brahmaņas of the Chhandoga school. The object of the grant was some land at Kumulúra-a village wbich I am unable to identify-in the Palaki-vishaya.
See note 6 on p. 318.
* This surname occurs both in line 8 and on the seal of the present grant. It forms also the legend of certain copper coins discovered in the Vizagapatam district; see Ind. Ant. Vol. XXV. p. 322 f.
Ind. Ant. Vol. XIX. p. 309. • Above, Vol. VI. p. 11, verse 27.

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[Vot. Ix.
The same district seems to be referred to in the Chipurupalle plates of Vishnuvardhana I., where the name has been read doubtfully as Paki-vishaya ;' but, if the facsimile can be trusted, the engraver has written in reality Plaki-vishayé, which may be meant for Palaki-vishaye.
TEXT.8
First Plate.
स्वस्ति। 1 श्रीमत्पिष्टपुरवासका स्वभुजविजितदनुतनयम() हासेनेन महा . 2 सेनेनाभिवहितानान्तिभुवनमातृभिर्मातृभिरभिरक्षितानां मानव्यस[गो]3 बाणां [हा]रितिपुत्राणां 'चक्यानामन्वयमुबमयितुमसकदनुभू]. , 'तरणरागस्य रणरागस्य नप्तासधविक्रमस्य रणविक्रमस्य पौत्रो] 5 विपुलकीर्तेः कीर्तिवर्मणप्रियसुतः शक्तित्रयवशिक्कतसकलमहीम-1 6 गडलस्य सत्य[*] यवनभमहाराजस्य प्रियानुजः स्वासिधार[1] नामित[स]
Second Plate ; First Side. 7 मस्तसामन्तमण्डल: स्वरूपगुणयौवनश्रीया" दूरमतिम[यित]8 मकरध्वजः स्थलजलादिदुर्गविषमेष्वपि लब्धसिद्धित्वाहिषमसिडिर[थिं]9 जन:नित्यप्रसुतकामधेनुः लोकातिशयविक्रमतया नरलोक[वि]10 [क]म[:]" परमभागवत: परमब्रह्मण्यो मातापितृपादानुद्य[*]त: श्रीविष्णु
वईन]11 महाराजः (a) पकिविषये (1) कुमूलूरनामग्रामे पूर्वदिशे" क्षेत्रे च. 12 [वा]रि सहसनिव[तं] नानि छेदं कृत्वा () [पोटुनूक]व[*]स्तव्याय()"
चत्त[]लीस
JInd. ant. Vol. xx. p. 18, text line 13. 1 Dr. Barnell's South-Ind. Pal., 2nd ed., Plate xxvii. . From two sets of ink-impressions received from Rai Bahadur Venkayya.
• This word is entered on the left margin of plate i. opposite the beginning of line 4 The sign of punctuation after it runs into the following akahara 2; it resembles in shape the symbol called in Tamil Piffaiydr-fuļi. ___ The tok श्री is obliterated.
• The final # of GET is entered at the top of the next akahara . Another final t is entered at the top of the of the preceding word ogro; perhaps the writer wanted us to read Ogi.
1 The three aksharas ruiaf are engraved over furt, which was evidently done because they had been originally omitted through an oversight of the engraver. * Read T.
See note 4 above. 10 The न is engraved over Hाcompare note Tabove. Read वी. Rend श्रिया.
1 The Hi seems to be engraved over ; compare notes 7 and 10 above. Instead of fama: I suspect 'विविक्रम: to be intended by the scribe.
1. This mark of punctuation runs into the next akshara . Read Ofefe. Read furetimevefu.
- Read वास्तव्येभ्यश्चत्वारिंशत बामणेभ्यो नामागीचेभ्यस्छन्दीगसब्रमचारिभ्यी यमनियमपरभ्यः षटकर्मनिरतेभ्यी बेदपारमेभ्यी दत्तवान् ॥

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Timmapuram plates of Vishnuvardhana I. Vishamasiddhi.
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Full-Size.
Collotype by Gebr. Plettner.
From ink - impressions supplied by Rai Bahadur V. Venkayya.

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No. 51.)
SARNATH INSCRIPTION OF KUMARADEVI.
319
Second Plate ; Second Side. 13 ब्रामण: नानागत्र छन्दोगसब्रह्मचारिणे यमनियमपारगाय षट[i]14 farcare(1) @CUCIRE : [**]
TRANSLATION. Hail! (Line 1.) From (his) residence in the prosperous Pishțapura, -the great-grandson of Ranaråga, who repeatedly indulged in the passion of fighting in order to elevate the family of the Cha[lu]kyas, who were Hâritipatras, who belonged to the gótra of the Manavyas, who were protected by the Matris, the mothers of the three worlds, (and) who were rendered prosperons by Mahåbêna, who by his own arm had defeated the great army of the sons of Danu ;
(L. 4.)-the grandson of Ranavikrama, whose valour was insuperable; the dear son of Kirtivarman, whose renown was extensive ; (and) the dear younger brother of Saty[@]grayaVallabha-Maharaja, who had subdued the circle of the whole earth by the triad of (regal) powers;
(L. 6.)-the devout worshipper of Bhagavat, the very pious one, who meditated at the feet of his mother and father,- Sri Vishnuvardhana-Maharaja, who by the edge of his own sword humbled the circle of all the vassals, who by the splendour of his own beauty, virtues and youthfulness far surpassed Cupid," who (was surnamed) Vishamasiddhi because he had obtained BUCCOBS (siddhi) in impassable straits (vishama) on land, on see, etc., who was a cow of plenty (kámadhênu) constantly yielding milk to suppliants, (and) who was the [Tri]vikrama (Vishnu) of the world of men because his valoar surpassed (that of all) mankind;
(L. 11.)-has granted four thousand nivartanasin the fields on the eastern side of the village named Kumûlûrs in the Palaki district (vishaya), having portioned (them) off, to forty Bråbmaņas of various gôtras, residing in [Pofunûika), belonging to the school of the Chhandôgas observing the greater and smaller rules, engaged in the six duties, (and) familiar with the Veda.
No. 51.- SARNATH INSCRIPTION OF KUMARADEVI.
By Sten Konow. The slab on which the inscription published below is incised was found during the excavations carried on by Mr. Marshall and myself in Sârnâth, in March 1908. It was dug out to the north of the Dhamêkh stúpa, to the south of the raised mound running east and west over the remnants of the old monasteries of the Gupta period. The writing covers almost the whole of the surface of the stone, via. 21' 153', and it is in a perfect state of preservation. The average size of the letters is ".
The characters are Nagari, of a very ornamental type, and the engraving has been done with considerable skill. Of individual letters, the form of the cerebral fa in -bhataḥ and kándapatikah in line 8 is worthy of notice. There are comparatively few orthographical peculiarities. V is used for 6 throughout, and sia is used instead of the anusvára in sudhanisôb-, line 11. There are some few miswritings such as harmmá- for dharmma., 1. 6; praksható for prakhyátó, 1. 8; vishmayakarô for vismaya- and rashmadrisaih for Easmadrisai), 1.13; -nênrdbhirama- for nêtr., 1.15; nrin for tri-, 1. 22; mahibhája) for mahibhujah, 1. 19, etc. The forma Kumaradevi,
1 For other instances in which naptri has this meaning, see above, Vol. IV. p. 329 and note 2. · I.e. the god of war.
I.e. the Dinavas or demons • Literally, the bearer of the makara-banner.' . This would give 100 wioartanas for each of the 40 donees.

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. IX.
11. 11 and 22, and viharo in 11, 23 and 26, on the other hand, are vouched for by the metre Kumara instead of kumára is common in Maharashtri Prakrit, and a form Kumaravala for the usual Kumarapala occurs in H&machandra's Désinamamala, I. 104, 88. And vihara instead of vihdra is justified by Papini VI, 3. 122.
The language is Sanskrit, and, with the exception of the invocation to Vasudhára in l. 1, the whole of the inscription is in verse. There are altogether twenty-six verses. Of these thirteen (Nos. 3, 5, 6, 7, 11, 12, 13, 17, 18, 19, 21, 23 and 24) are in the Sárd ûlavikridita, five (Nos. 1, 10, 14, 15 and 20) in the Malini, foar (Nos. 4, 16, 22 and 25) in the Vasantatilaka; three (Nos. 8, 9 and 26) in the Anushțubh, and one (No. 2) in the Sragdhará metre.
The object of the inscription is to record the construction of a vihdra by Kumaradevi, one of the queens of Govindachandra of Kanauj. The wording of verses 21-23, in which her gift is mentioned, is not quite clear. We are first told, in verse 21, that a vihara was constructed, which apparently contained an image of the goddess Vasudhara. The following verses are not quite clear. Rai Bahadur V. Venkayya has suggested the following explanation, which I think is a very plausible one. Jambaki drew up a copper-plate, in which she represented to Kumaradêvî that the Dharmachakra-Jina originally set up by Dharmásoka required to be repaired or set up again. This copper-plate must have contained information about the original setting up of the Dharmachakra-Jina and further details about its maintenance and repairs. Kumaradêvî, who was apparently a stranger to the country round Benares, accepted her representation and raised her to the rank of the foremost of pattalikäs. Moreover, she restored the Jina or set up a new one and placed it in the vihára built for Vasudhårå, or in another one constructed for the purpose, and the wish is expressed that, after having been placed there, he may remain there for ever. It seems necessary to infer that the SridharmachakraJina, which is said to have existed in Dharmaśoka's time, was an image of the Buddha, and that the vihara built by the orders of Queen Kumaradevi for him, was a shrine, a gandhakuti. It is difficult to explain the wish that he, i.e. the image, may reside there for ever, under any other supposition.
The inscription can be divided into four parts. After an invocation of Vasudhårå (v. 1) and the moon (v. 2) vv. 3-6 give some information about some rulers or generals of Pithi or Pithikâ. We learn that, in the lunar race, there arose a chief called Vallabharaja, the lord of broad Pithika (v. 3). The following verse introduces the lord of Pithi Devarakshita, without xaying anything about his relationship to Vallabharaja. He is described as the full moon of the lotus of the Chhikkora-wara, and we are told that he even surpassed Gajapati in splendour, Devarakshita is again referred to as the lord of Pithi in the second part of the inscription, and it therefore svoms neceBeary to interpret ve. 5-6, which apparently refer to a son of his (tasmad-usa, etc.) as an explanation of his relationship to Vallabharaja, who would then be his father.
The second part of the inscription, vv. 7-13, contains the information that Devarakshita was defeated by Mahaņa, the maternel uncle of the Gauda king, who thus firmly established the throne of R&mapala, and subsequently bestowed bis daughter Sankaradêvi on the Pithi lord. Their daughter was Kumaradêvi, in whose praise the present inscription was written.
The third part, vv. 14-20, then contains the genealogy of the Gahadavåla family, to which Kumaradevi's husband Govindachandra belonged. It agrees with the list given in most ioscriptions of this latter king, but does not carry us farther back than to his grandfather. We are first introduced to Chandra, the Chandradeva of Govindachandra's inscriptions. His son
See Pischel, Grammatik der Prakrit-Sprachen $ 81.
1 Pattalikd is the feminine form of pattalaka, which occurs in the Buguda plates of Madhavavarman, above, Vol. III, p. 46, 1, 83, in connexion with paildsika.

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SARNATH INSCRIPTION OF KUMARADEVI.
No. 51.]
was Madanachandra, elsewhere known as Madanapâla, who again was the father of Govindachandra. He is said to have saved Benares from the wicked Turushka-soldier.
The fourth part of the inscription (verses 21-23) specifies the gifts of Kumaradevi, and her praise is sung in verse 24. Verses 25-26 then inform us that the inscription, which is here called a prasasti, was composed by the poet śri-Kunda, and engraved by Vâmans.
321
2
Govindachandra is the well-known king of Kanauj, whose inscriptions are dated between A.D. 1114 and 1154. Our inscription teaches us that he guarded Benares against the Turushkas, i.e. the Muhammadans. We do not know of any Muhammadan expedition against Benares in Govindachaudra's time. In A.D. 1033 a Muhammadan army under Ahmad Niáltigîn arrived at the town, but only stayed there for a day, and there is no indication of a permanent settlement. We know, on the other hand, that Mussalman settlers remained in the country about the Jamna from the days of Mahmud and down to the end of the 12th century. It seems probable that Govindachandra took some action against such settlers, and the term turushkadanda, which occurs in many of his and his predecessors' inscriptions, gives us a hint as to the nature of this action. The word turushkadanda has been variously translated as "tax on aromatic reeds" and "Muhammadan amercements." The information furnished by our inscription seems to show that it was in reality a tax on Muhammadans, the exact nature of which cannot, however, be determined.
Oar inscription introduces us to a new queen of Govindachandra, Kumaradêvî, the granddaughter of Mahapa. Three other queens are already known from inscriptions, vis. Nayanakêlidevi, Gôsaladevi and Dâlhanadevi. While Govindachandra was himself an orthodox Hindû, his fourth wife Kumaradêvî was a Buddhist. According to information kindly supplied by Mahamahopadhyaya Hara Prasad Śâstri, the king had still another Buddhist wife Vasantadevi, who is mentioned in the colophon of a manuscript of the Ashṭasáhasriká in the Nepal Darbar Library (No. 381 of the third collection). The colophon runs--sri-sri-Kanyakubj-adhipaty-asvapati gajapati-narapati-rdjya-trayadhipati-irimad-Govindachandradivarya pratúpavalata niji-irpravara-Mahayana-yayinyaḥ paramôpásiká-rájni-Vasanta dêvyá déyadharmmo-yam.. It is possible that Vasantadêvi and Kumaradevi are one and the same person, one of the meanings of vasanta being "youth "kumára. It is, however, more probable that they are two different persons.
Some information about Mahana, the father of Kumaradevi's mother, and about the lord of Pithi, her father, can be gleaned from Sandhyåkara Nandi's Ramacharita, which work has been brought to light by Mahâmahôpâdhyâya Hara Prasad Sâstri.7 We are there told that Mahapa was the maternal uncle of the Gauda king Râmapala. Vigrahapâla, the father of Råmapâla, made a successful war against the Chêdi king Karna of Dâhåla, of whom we possess an inscription dated Kalachuri Samvat 493-A.D. 1042.8 Karpa's reign probably extended over a long period. We cannot, therefore, determine when the war against Vigrahapâla took place. We have an inscription of the time of Vigrahapâla's grandfather Mahipala, dated A.D. 1026,10 and Mahipâla's son Nayapala reigned at least 15 years.11 Vigrahapâla's accession cannot, therefore, be placed earlier than A.D. 1041. His son Râmapâla, who was preceded on the throne by two brothers Mahipala II. and Sûrapâla, was a contemporary of
1 See H. M. Elliot, The History of India as told by its own Historians, Vol. II. 1869, pp. 112 and ff. 2 Ibid., pp. 250 and ff.
See Führer, Journal Bengal Society, Vol. LVI. Pt. I. p. 113.
Above, Vol. IV. p. 108.
See Führer, loc. cit. p. 115, 1. 19.
1 Proceedings of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, 1900, pp. 70 and ff.
Kielhorn, Northern List, No. 407.
10 Kielhorn, Northern List, No. 59.
Kielhorn, Northern List, Nos. 127 and 131.
Se: Kielhorn, above, Vol. 11. pp. 302 and ff. 11 Ibid, No. 642.
2 r

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[VOL. IX
Sankaradêvî, the mother of Govindachandra's queen Kumaradêvi. It therefore seems probable that Vigrahapala's accession should be placed about A.D. 1050, and Râmapâla's reign in the last part of the eleventh century. Mabana, Sankaradêvî's father, would then be a contemporary of both of them. The Ramacharita, which calls him Mathana or Mahana, states that he was a Rashtrakuta, and the maternal uncle of Râmapâla. It therefore becomes probable that Vigrahapala married a Rashtrakâța princess in addition to the daughter of the Chêdi king Karpa who was, according to the Ramacharita, given to him after the war alluded to above. Mahana was Ramapala's right hand, and was of great assistance in the war against Bhima. Among the feudatories of the Påla king in that war, the Rámacharita mentions Viraguna, the raja of Pithi who is described as the lord of the south. Dêvarakshita of Pithi is also mentioned, but not as a feudatory. He must be identical with the Dêvarakshita of our inscription, and it becomes probable that the Pithi ruler Viraguna had originally stood on Râmapâla's side, while Dêvarakshita later on rose against him. He hailed from Pithi or Pithikâ, which according to the Ramacharita was situated in the south. Now pithi or pithika is synonymous with pitha, and it is therefore possible that Pithi is identical with Pithapuram. We know that a branch of the Eastern Chalukyas reigned in Pithapuram in the second half of the twelfth century, and that the town had already been conquered by Pulikêsin II. No historical information is forthcoming about the earlier Chalukys princes of the Pithapuram branch. The real history of the family only seems to begin with Vijayâditya III., whose coronation took place A.D. 1158. It should also be noted that the genealogy given in the Pithapuram inscriptions hardly can be correct. Mr. Sewell bas drawn my attention to the fact that only four generations are enumerated between Bêta, who reigned in A.D. 925, and Vijayâditya III., who was crowned in A.D. 1158.
Before this branch became established in Pithapuram, the place was one of the strongholds of the Vêngi province of the Eastern Chalukyas. In the last part of the 11th century, the reigning king was Kulôttunga Chôḍadêva, who first was ruler in Vêngi but who in A.D. 1070 was anointed to the Chôda kingdom. Vêngi was then ruled by viceroys, first by his uncle Vijayaditya VII. then by his sons Rajaraja (1077-78) and Vira Choda (from 1078). Mr. Venkayya suggests that this latter viceroy may be identical with the Viraguna of the Ramapalacharita. Dêvarakshita was then probably a general under the viceroy of Vêngî. He is said to have surpassed even the glory of Gajapati. As this epithet is used by some of the Eastern Gangas, it is possible that it here refers to Anantavarman Chôḍaganga. The Kalingattu Paran describes an expedition undertaken by Kulôttunga I. against this king, and Davarakshita may have played a role in it. We do not know anything about the Chhikkora family, to which Dêvarakshita belonged.
The marriage of Dêvarakshita's daughter to king Govindachandra 'perhaps accounts for the relationship between the Chôlas and the Gâhaḍavâlas commented on by Mr. Venkayya in his Annual Report for 1907-08, para. 58 and ff. An incomplete Gâhaḍavâla inscription has recently been found immediately after a record of Kulôttangadôva of A.D. 1110-11, in Gangaikondacholapuram, which it is tempting to bring into connexion with Govindachandra's marriage. Mr. Venkayya carries the acquaintance of the Gâhadavalas with the Chola kings farther back to the expedition of Rajendra Chola towards the kings on the banks of the Ganges, mentioned in the Tiruvâlangâḍu plates, and it seems very probable that this expedition led to the establishment of friendly relations with the north. Among the princes conquered by Râjêndra Chola was Dharmapala of Daṇḍabhukti, and the lord of Dandabhukti figures amongst the feudatory kings who, according to the Ramapalacharita, assisted Ramapâla in his war against Bhima.
1 Compare the forms Pithapura and Pithapurt, above, Vol. IV. p. 37, 357. Note 4. See Hultzsch, above, Vol. IV. p. 223.
Ind. Ant. Vol. XIX. p. 329 ff,

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No. 51.]
SARNATH INSCRIPTION OF KUMARADEVI.
The relationship between the various persons mentioned in our inscription will be seen from the table which follows:
Vallabharaja of Pithi
Dêvarakshita, married
Mahana, of the Rashtrakuta family.
1 Sankaradevi.
तद
2
Kumaradevi, married
According to verse 25, the inscription was composed by Kunda, who describes himself as a lion to the tirthika elephants, a Rohana mountain, full of the splendid gems of poetical composition, a poet in eight bhashas, and an intimate friend of the king of Vanga. He is not elsewhere known. His name does not occur in the Saduktikarnámrita, nor, so far as I know, in any other anthology. The engraver was the silpin Vamana.
Chandra, of the Gahaḍavala family.
1
Madanachandra.
I
TEXT.
1 ओं नमो भगवत्यै श्रयंवसुधारायें ॥ 'समवतु वसुधारा धर्मपीयूषधाराप्रशमितवहुविश्वोहामदुः खोरुधारा । धनकनकसमृद्धिं भूर्भुवः श्वः' किरन्ती
323
Govindachandra.
खिलजनदैन्यान्याजयन्ती जगन्ति ॥ [१] 'नेवैरुत्कण्ठितानां चरणमुपनयंखारुचन्द्रोपलानामानग्रन्यिमिभिन्दन् सह कुमुदवनीमुद्रया मानिनीनाम् । दग्धन्दग्धेश्वरेणा[मृ]
3 तनिकरकरैर्जीवयन् कामदेवं कान्तीयं कौमुदीनां स जयति जगदालोकदीप्रप्रदीपः । [२] बंगे तस्य नमस्वपोषषि प्रस्फारकीर्त्तितृषि द्राक् शौचेन सु[राप]
'
7 Metre: Vasantatilaka.
10 Metre: Sardalavikriḍita.
4 गामदमुषि प्रत्यर्थिलक्ष्मीरुषि 1 वीरो वशभराजनामविदितो मान्य: स भूमीभुजां जेतासीत्पृथुपीठिकापतिरतिप्रौढप्रतापोदयः ॥ [३] 'छिक्कोरवंशकुसुदोदय पूर्ण
5 चन्द्र: श्रीदेवरचित इति प्रथितः पृथिव्याम् । पीठीपतिर्गजपतेरपि राज्यलक्ष्मी लक्ष्म्या जिगाय जगदेकमनोहरवी । [8] तस्मादास पयोनिधेरिव विधु
6 वलीविधुनैवानन्द समुद्रवर्धनविधः कीर्त्तियुतियषिः । सौजन्येकनिधिः स्फुरहुणनिधिगभीय्यवारा विधिप्रतिनिधिः स च[हि]म
9
प्रत्यक्ष
7 निधिः शस्त्रैकविद्यानिधिः ॥ [५*] "दीनानामभिवान्कितैकफलदः कल्पदुमो दृष्यदेरिगिरीन्द्रमेदनविधौ दुर्वारवणच यः दुर्वाच यः । कान्तान [1*]म्मद
1 Rajendra Lala Mitra's Notices of Sanskrit Manuscripts, Vol. III. pp. 134 and ff. Expressed by a symbol
• Metre: Malini.
• Read स्व:.
• Metre : Sragdhara.
• Metre : Sarddlavikridita.
• Metre : Sardalavikridita.
• Bend ति
2T2

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[VoL. IX. 8 नव्वरोपशमने सिहौषधीपशवो वाइर्यस्य वभूव भूतलभुजामन्तश्चमत्कारिणः
[8] गौडेहतभटः सकाण्डपटिकः क्षत्रैकचूडामणि: 'प्रक्षातो 9 महणाजपः चितिभुजाम्पान्योभवातुलः । त(तं) जित्वा युधि देवरक्षि
तमधात् श्रीरामपालस्य यो लक्ष्मी निर्जितवैरिरोधनतया देदीप्यमानी
दयाम् ॥ [0"] 'कन्या महण10 देवस्य तस्य कन्येव भूभृतः । सा पीठीपतिना तेन तेनेवोढा स्वयम्भू(भोवा
॥ [.] 'ख्याता पहरदेवीति तारेव करणाशया । व्यजेष्ट कल्पवृक्षाण
लता दानीद्यमेन या ॥ [*] 'च11 जनि कुमरदेवो हन्त देवोव ताभ्यां शरदमलसुधाङ्गोवारलेखेव रम्या ।
दुरितजलधिमध्याझोकसुबर्तुकामा खयमिह करुणार्ता तारिणौवावतीर्या ॥
12 "यामेधाः प्रविधाय शिल्परचनाचातुर्यदप व्याधाद्यहोण जितस्तुषारकिरणो
हीण: स खस्थोभवत् । रावावुगममातनीति मलिनो जातः कलको ततस्त 13 स्याः सुद(सुन्द)रिमा स "विभयकरो वाच: "किममादृशैः ॥ [११] "चित्र
अञ्चलदृकुरङ्गमवधूवन्धस्फुरदागुराम विधाणा तनुसम्पदम्पविलसत्कान्त्याभिकान्त
थिया । 14 खेलक्षीरसमुद्रसान्द्रलहरीलावण्यलक्ष्मीसुषं मोषं शैलसुतामदस्य दधती सौभाग्य
गर्वेण सा ॥ [१२"] "धर्माद्वैतमतिर्गुणाहितरति: प्रारब्धपुण्याचिति15 नोदारतिर्मतङ्गजगतिर्नेबा(वा)भिरामावतिः । शास्तृन्यस्त नतिजनोदितनुतिः
"कारण्यकेलिस्थितिनित्यश्रीवसतिः कृताधविहतिः स्फायणाक16 तिः ॥ [१३] "जगति गहडवाले पत्रव(व)थे प्रसिजनि नरपतिचन्द्रश्चन्द्र(मा)
नामा नरेन्द्रः । यदसहननुपाणाडामिनीवाष्यवाहे:(है:) शितितरमिदमासीद्या
मुन(न) तू(नोनमः ॥ [१४] "नृ17 पतिमदनचन्द्रचण्डभूपालचूडामणिरजनि स तस्मादिभ्वदेकातपत्रम*] । धरणि
तलमनल्पप्रौढतेडो(जो)नलबीः श्रियमपि च मघोनः स्वबियाधो दधानः
॥ [१५] "वाराण18 सों भुवनरक्षणदक्ष एको "दुष्टान्तुरुष्कसुभटादवितुं हरेण । उत्तो हरिस्म
पुनरत्र बभूव तस्माहोविन्दचन्द्र इति प्रथिताभिधान: ॥ [१६] "वत्याः कामदुहां कणा- .
IMetre: Sardalarikrtdita. . Read प्रख्याती.
Metre: Adoshta bh. •Metre: Annsbrubh.
Metre: Malint.
• Metre: Bardilavikridita 1 Bad विलय. • Read "ममादृशैः
Metre : Sardilavikridita. # The sign of interpunctuation has been engraved in the beginning of next line. 11 Metre: śårdúlavikridita. - Read नतिर्ज. स्थितिनि. 1 Metre: Malint. * Metre: Malint: " Metre : Vaasntatilake
" Read दुष्टातु M Metre: Sardalavikrtdita.

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19 नपि पयःपूरस्य 'पातु न ते चिवं प्रागलभन्त याचकमन:सन्तोषनित्य व्ययात् ।
त्यागैर्यस्य *महीभूज: प्रमुदिते तद्याचकानाञ्चये स्वच्छन्दाहितनित्य निर्भरपय:20 पानीत्मवैरासते ॥ [१७] 'यद्दिद्देषिमहीभुजां पुरवर प्रभ्रष्टहारावलीाधास्तन्मृग
पाशवन्धमनसा गवन्ति नैव भ्रमात् । व्याधाः सस्तसुवर्मकुण्डलमहि
चान्त्या 21 तदत्यायतेदण्डैर्दागपसारयन्ति च भयप्रोत्कम्पिहस्तमजः ॥ [१८*] 'यस्योत्सबवि.
रोधिभूपतिपुरप्रासादपृष्ठोपरि प्रत्यग्रस्फुरदुग्रशष्यकवलव्यालोलवाजि22 व्रजः । श्रादित्यस्त्वभवत्म मन्थररथश्चन्द्रोपि मन्दोभवत् घासपासविरुदलोभहरिण,
रक्षन् पतन्तन्ततः ॥ [१८] अहह कुमरदेवी तेन र[*]ना प्रसिद्धा नि
(वि)जगति 23 परिगीता बोरिवेहाच्यतेन । प्रविलसदवरोधे तस्य राज्ञोजनानां नियतममत
रश्मलेखिका तारकास ॥ [२०]' वीहारी नवखण्डमण्डलमहीहारः वतीय
न्तया 24 तारिण्या वसुधारया ननु वपुर्विधाणयालंकृतः । यं दृष्ट्वा प्रविचित्रशिल्परच
नाचातुर्यसीमाश्रयं गीर्वाणैः सदृश[ञ्च] विस्मयमगाह्रागिश्वकर्मापि सः (1)
[२१] श्रीधर्मचक्रजि25 नशासनसबिवई सा जम्बुकी सकलपत्तलिवाग्रभूता । सत्तामभासनवर(रं)
प्रविधाय तस्ये दत्वा तया शशिरवी भुवि यावदास्ताम् ॥ [२२] ___ 10 धर्माशोकनराधिपस्य समये श्रीध28 म(म)चक्रो जिनो यादृक् तबयरक्षित: पुनरयञ्चके ततोप्यनुतम् । वीहारः
स्थविरस्य तस्य च तया यवादयङ्कारितस्तस्मिवेव समर्पितच वसतादा
चन्द्रचण्डद्युति ॥ [२३] "तत्कीर्त्तिव्य27 रिपालयिष्यति जनो यः कश्चिदुर्वीतले सा तस्याहियुगप्रणामपरमा यूयं जिनाः
साक्षिण: । तस्याः कश्चिदनिश्चितो यदि यशोव्यालोपकारी खलः तं
पापीयसमा28 श शासति पुनस्ते लोकपालाः कृधा । [२४] "एकस्तीर्थक्कवादिवारणघटा
साहकण्ठीरवः साहित्यो ज*]ज्वलरबरोहणगिरियो अष्टभाषाकविः । ख्याती वामहीभज: 1
Rend पातुं.
Ready.
• Metro: serddlavikridita. •Metre: Sardalavikridita. • Read भवाास.ढलोमहरिवं. • Metre: Malint. IMetres Bardalavikrtaita. .Metre: Vasantatilaka.
• Rend पत्तधिका. . 20 Metre : Śard dlavikridita. 1 Metre: Sardalavikridits. "Metre: Berdalavikrtditn. # Bend Oy the final visarga has been engraved in the beginning of line 29.

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29 प्रणयभूः श्रीकुन्दनामा कती तस्याः सुन्दरवर्म गुम्फरचनारम्यां प्रशस्तिं व्यधात्
ll (R4] UTaf f atata a fafe | Toate HIGCREUTA JETTA I (R4*]
TRANSLATION.
Hail. Obeisance to the exalted poble Vasudhara. (V. 1.) May Vasudharà protect the worlds, who abates the broad stream of unlimited misery in the manifold universe by the nectar stream of Idharma; who pours out riches of wealth and gold over earth, skies and heaven, and who conquers all the misery of an in them."
(V. 2.) Victorious be that lover of the lotoses, the flashing torch for the illumination of the world, who causes oozing of the lovely moon-gems and (brings tears into the eyes of longing people; who opens the knot of pride in haughty damsels and also the closed lotuses; who with his nectar-filled beams revives the god of love, who was burnt to ashes by Isvara, (who had been) smitten (by him).
(V. 3.) In his (the moon's) lineage, which enjoys a valour worthy of homage; which is resplendent with shining fame; which speedily annihilates the pride of the river of the gods by its purity, which destroys the splendour of its adversaries, was a hero, known by the name of Vallabharaja, honoured among princes, the victorious lord of broad Pithika, of increasing mighty prowess.
(Vv. 4-5.) The full moon expanding the lotuses of the Chhikkôra family, known on earth 28 fri-Dôvarakshita, the lord of Pithi (who) surpassed even the splendour of Gajapati by his splendour; whose glory alone ravished the hearts of the world, was descended from him (Vallabharaja), as the moon from the ocean, a (veritable) Vishnu (Vidhu), to the Lakshmi of beauty; & (veritable) moon in causing the rise of the ocean, viz. ocular pleasure (as the moon raises the ocean); a second moon, the lustre of whose light was his fame (or, a second Vishnu with Sri in the shape of the lustre of his fame); an incomparable treasure of goodness; a treasure of resplendent virtues; an ocean of profundity; a peerless store of religion ; a store of energy, the only depository of the lore of arms ;
(V. 6.) Who was the veritable celestial tree in bestowing desired objects on supplicants ; who was an irresistible thunderbolt in accomplishing the splitting of the mighty mountains, viz. his haughty foes; & marvellous man, whose arm was like a sprout of a marvellous herb in healing the fever of Capid in enamoured women, and death to kings.
(V. 7) In the Gauda country there was a peerless warrior, with his quiver, this incomparable diadem of kshatriyas, the Anga king Mahaņa, the venerable maternal uncle of kings. He conquered Devarakshita in war and maintained the glory of Råmapala, which rose in splendour because the obstruction caused by his foes was removed.
(V. 8.) The daughter of this Mahapadeva was like the daughter of the mountain (i.e. Pårvati) ; she was married to the lord of Pithi as (Pârvati) to Svayambhu ;
(V.9.) She was known as Sankaradêvi, full of meroy like Tara, and she excelled the creepers of the wishing tree in her efforts to make gifts.
(V. 10.) To them, forsooth, was born Kumaradêvi, like a dôví, lovely like the charming streak of the spotless autumnal moon, as if Târipi herself, prompted by compassion, had descended to earth with a wish to free the world from the ocean of misery.
1 Metre : Anushțubh.
Mr. Venkay ya suggests to read dainyal-tydjayanti. Tbe meaning of kanda patika is uncertain. The word is usually translated screen.' But this meaning does not suit the context.

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(V. 11.) After having created her, Brahmå was filled with pride at his own cleverness in applying his art; excelled by her face the moon, being ashamed, remains in the air, rises at night, becomes impure and subsequently full of spots ; how can this her marvellous beauty be described by people like us ?
(V.12.) She, who in a wonderful way possesses a beautiful body, which is a glittering net for entrapping female antelopes, vis, the moving eyes, and which robs the wealth of beauty of the dense waves of the playful milky ocean by her brilliant charm of lovely splendour ; who does away with the infatuation of the daughter of the mountain (i.e. Parvati) by her proud grace.
(V. 13.) Her mind was set on religion alone ; her desire was bent on virtues; she had undertaken to lay in a store of merit; she found a noble satisfaction in bestowing gifts; her gait was like that of an elephant ; her appearance charming to the eye; she bowed down to the Buddha, an. the people sang her praise ; she took her stand in the play of commiseration, was the permanent abode of luck, annihilated sin, and took her pride in abundant virtae.
(V. 14.) In the royal GabadavAla lineage, famous in the world, was born a king. Chandra by name, a moon (chandra) among rulers. By the streams of tears of the wives of the kings who could not resist him, the water of the Yamuna forsooth became darker.
(V. 15.) The king Madanachandra, a crest jewel amongst impetuous kings, was born from him, the lord who brought the circle of the earth under one sceptre, the splendour of the fire of his valor being great and mighty, and who even lowered the glory of Maghavan by his glory.
(V. 16.) Hari, who had been commissioned by Hara in order to protect Váråņasi from the wicked Tarushka warrior, as the only one who was able to protect the earth, Was again born from him, his name being renowned as Govindachandra,
(V, 17.) Wonderful, the calfs of the celestial cows could not formerly get even drops of the milk stream to drink, on account of its continuous use for satisfying the hearts of supplicants ; but after the multitude of these supplicants had been gladdened through the liberality of that king, they sat down to the feast of drinking the milk which is always plentiful and applied according to their wishes.
(V. 18.) In the excellent cities of his adversaries, hunters by mistake do not pick up fallen necklaces, thinking them to be nooses for the deer in it, and hunters quickly remove the fallen gold ear-ring with sticks, the garlands in their hands shaking with fear, mistaking it for a Amake on account of its large size.
(V. 19.) The chariot of the sun was delayed because its span of horses were greedy after the mouthful of fresh, shining, thick grasa on the roofs of the palaces in the towns of his uprooted foes ; and also the moon became slow, because he had to protect the gazelle ( in his orb), which was falling down, having become covetous after the grass.
(V. 20.) Kumaradêvi, forsooth, was famous with that king, like Śrî with Vishnu, and her praises were sung in the three worlds, and in the splendid harem of that king, she was indeed like the streak of the moon amongst the stars.
(V. 21.) This vihara, an ornament to the earth, the round of which consists of nine segments, was made by her, and decorated as it were by Vasudhårå herself in the shape of Tariņi, and even the Creator himself was taken with wonder when he saw it accomplished with the highest skill in the applying of wonderful arts and looking handsome with the images of) gods.
(V. 22.) Having prepared that copper-plate grant, which recorded the gift to Sri-Dharmachakra Jina, for so long a time as moon and sun endure on earth, and having given it to her, that Jambuki was made (?) the foremost of all pattalikds by her (Kumaradêvi).

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(V. 23.) This Lord of the Turning of the Wheel was restored by her in accordance with the way in which he existed in the days of Dharmásoka, the ruler of men, and even more wonderfully, and this vihira for that sthavira was elaborately erected by her, and might he, placed there, stay there as long as moon and sun (endure).
(V. 24.) If anyone on the surface of the world preserves her fame, she will be intent on bowing down at his pair of feet. You Jinas shall be witnesses. But if any fool robe her fame. then those lókapálas will quickly punish that wicked man in their wrath.
(V. 25.) The poet in eight bluishas known as the trusted friend of the Banga-king. Śrl-Kunda by name, the learned, who was the only lion to attack the crowds of the elephantlike heretics, who was a Rohana mountain of the flashing jewels of poetical composition, he made this eulogy of her, charming with strings of letters beautifully arranged.
(V. 26.) This prasasti has been engraved by the filpin Vamana on this excellent stone which rivals the rájávarta (i.e. Lapis Lazuli).
No. 52.- KRISHNAPURAM PLATES OF SADASIVARAYA.
SAKA SAMVAT 1489. BY T. A. GOPINATHA RAO, M.A., MADRAS, AND RAO SAHIB T. RAGHAVIAH, B.A., REVENUE
OFFICER, MADRAS CORPORATION. The temple of Sri Venkatachalapati to which this set of copper-plates belongs, is sitaated in the middle of Krishnapuram, a village six miles south-east of Tinnevelly. The temple has some fine sculptures and a few inscriptions of later times. The copper-plates were kindly secared for us by Mr. N. Gôpâlasvâmi Ayyangår, B.A., B.L., Deputy Collector, Kollégal, and we now edit them from impressions prepared under our sa pervision.
The plates are five in number, bound together by & ring, which has also & seal loosely strung to it. The upper half of the surface of the seal bears the figure of a standing boar facing the proper right; near its face is a dagger placed with its point downwards, and over it are cut out the figures of sun and moon. The lower half has a design not uncommon to the Vijayanagara seals. On the top of the first plate and immediately above the inscription is engraved the Srivaishnava nåmam (of the Tengalai seot) flanked on either side with the conch and the discus (of Vishou). The plates (except the first) are numbered in KannadaTelagu numerals engraved on the right-hand corner of the first side of each plate. The rims of the plates are raised; and the first and last plates are engraved on one side only.
The characters are Nandinagari, and the language, excepting the obeisance to Ganapati at the beginning, is Sanskrit verse. The signature at the end is, as usual, the name of the tatelary deity of the Vijayanagara kings, Sri Virúpáksha, and is written in the Kannada alphabet. There are a few orthographical peculiarities worth noticing. The long vowel é is represented by the usual sign for é with a secondary é-stroke on the top. This new long 6, as employed in our record, is the same as the vowel ai as written at the present day; but in the present inscription, this latter sound is represented by an ordinary short e with two secondary e symbols on it: e.g. Ailávalipura- occurring in line 114, Ainakula- in line 145, Ebirudaráyara, in line 191, and Ekaiva in line 210. The Dravidian rough ris represented, as in other Vijayanagara plates written in the Nandinigari alphabet, with a secondary r on the top of a common r; e.g. Múru- occurring in line 94, -Savalakkáran- in line 141, -pára- in line 146, Siriya in line 150, and - Aravifi- in line 159. There are several minor errors in the inscription

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such as omissions of letters, and of the anusvára and the visarga, wrong repetitions of the same words and phrases, etc.; these are noticed in footnotes under the text. The birudas of the king and of the chiefs are known from other sources.
The inscription belongs to the reign of Sadasivaraya of Vidyanagari. It records that at the request of Tirumala, who was in his turn requested by Krishnappa Nayaka or Krishṇabhûpati as he is called in the inscription, Sadasivaraya granted a number of villages to the god Tiruvenkatanatha set up at Křishgapuram by Krishpappa Nayaka. The first part of the inscription gives in detail the genealogy of king Sadasiva which is identical with that given in the British Museum plates of the same king published by Prof. Kielhorn and No. 58 of the Nagamangala tâluk of the Mysore District, published by Mr. Rice. Herein also Sadasivaraya is described as being installed on th3 throne by the chief ministers at the instance of Râmaraja, who is here, as in the other plates, called his sister's husband. Later on (vv. 81-95) the inscriptioa details the pedigree of the family to which Tirumala belonged.
The genealogy begins with Nanda, who is said to hare been born in the race of the moon. In his raca was born Chalikka and in the latter's Bijjalêndra. Sômidêva, who captured seven forts, was born in his line. His grandson was Pinnama " lord of Aravitipura." His 80n was Araviti-Bukka, whose wife was Ballâmbika. Their son was Ramaraja who married Lakkambika. To them was born Srirangarája (I.) and his wife was Tirumala mbikê. Their sons were Ramaraja (II.), Tirumala (I.) and Venkata dri, Tirumala is styled in the plates a Bhoja in poetry. Appended below is a genealogical tree of Tirumala's family :
Sômidêva
Pinnama (II.) Â gavîțipura-pati.
Áraviti Bukka, married Ballámbika.
Râmaraja (I.) married Lakkambika.
Srirangarâja (I.) married Tirumalâmbiká.
Ramaraja (II.)
Tirumala
Venkatádri. We learn from the British Museum plates that Ramaraja II., Tirumala and Venkatádri belonged to the same family, from which Ko daraja of that grant was descended (see table above, Vol. IV., p. 4). Tirumala bears (vv. 98-101) the family birudas of amtembararaganda,
Above, Vol. IV., p. 1. 1 Ep. Carn., Vol. IV., p. 219 of the Romanised text portion.
* Compare the British Museum Plate Inscription, above, Vol. IV., p. 3f., No. 7 of the Hassan taluk, Ep. Carn., VOL V., Part I; and No. 186 of Chepnapatns, Ep. Carn., Vol. IX. Compare Prof. Kielhora's remarks on the meaning of "sister" in this connection.
2

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330
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. IX.
srimandalikaganda, birudamainiyavibháļa, dharanivardha, Kalyanapuranatha and Véngatribhuvanimalla. At the time at which the present grant was made, Ramaraja, the powerful general and minister of Sadasiva, and his brother Venkatádri had both been dead two years, they having fallen in the famous battle of Tålikota on the 23rd January A.D. 1565. Tirumala, the second brother of Râmaraja, now became the minister and commander and was the de facto king. In the course of the seme or the beginning of the next year he was to become eventually the de jure king and founded the third dynasty of Vijayanagara.
Krishnappa Nayaka, at whose request the present grant was made, is described as the grandson of Nagama Nayaka and the son by Nagamå of Visvanatha Nayaka. He has the birudas, Kanchipuravarádhisvara, Môkdlipattavardhana, Samayadroharaganda, Samayakólahala, Aildvalipuravarádhisvara, Pandyakulasthúpanácharya and Dakshinasamudradhipati (vv. 49-52).
In connection with the conquest of the Pandya country by the kings of Vijayanagara, we might notice that Narasa or Narasi Nayaka, as he is more commonly called, is said to have subjugated Månabhusha, the king of Madura. We know that Narasa Nayaka lived about the last quarter of the 15th century and that Månabhusha or Arikesari Parikrama Pandya began his reigri in 1422 A.D. and ruled for at least 42 years, i.e. till about 1466 A.D. It is quite likely that this Påndya king was the one referred to as defeated by Narasa Nayaka.
Our inscription is dated (vv. 44-45) in the Saka year 1480, computed by the nidhis (9), váranas (8), vēdas (4), and indu (1), in the year Prabhava, on the Makara samkranti corresponding to the new moon tithi of the month Pushya, on a Monday. Sadasivaraya was then encamped on the island of Srirangam and made the grant in the presence of the god Ranganatha. The last known date for Sadasivarâya is 1567 A.D.,? some ten months earlier than that of our record, and hence it is likely that the king, after the disaster that befell him at Talikota two years previously, was spending his last years, Srivaishnava as he was, at the sacred shrine of Srirangam. Of all Srivaishọava places of pilgrimage, Srirangam is the most sacred, and the Tuļuva kings of Vijayanagara, at least those beginning with Krishṇadevaraya, were very staunch Srivaisho avas. Achyutadêvarîya, during his expedition against the Tiruvadi kingdom, is described, in the Achyutaráy ábhyudayam of Rajapathakavi, as having halted at Srirangam and sent the son of one Sagalarajato conquer the Tiruvadi rajya. Hence it might not be wrong to suppose that Sadasivara ya ended his days in Srirangam, but we have not any positive proofs to sapport our surmise.
Compare verses 144-146 of the British Museum plates, where Kondarkja of this family wears similar birudas; above, Vol. IV., p. 21.
2 Verses 53-54.
Verse 11. The word has been treated as an ordinary noun by Profs. Hultzsch and Kielborn.
• The Devulapalli plates give S. 1427 as a date falling in the reign of Immadi-Nrisimha; hence Narasa must have lived prior to this. See also footnote 7, above, Vol. VII, p. 79. [It should be noted that Immadi Nyisirinho was a Flava, and not a Tuļuva like Narasa. - S. K.)
• Sendamil, Vol. IV., p. 117, and above, p. 229. • Sendamil, Vol. IV., p. 117. * South Indian Inscriptions, Vol, I., No8. 43-46, p. 70.
• The Slava kings were the disciples of Tatacharya, See Prapanndmritam. Krishnadeva wrote mukta. mályada, Vishnuchittiyam, works relating to the life incidents of the Srivaishnavs saint Periyâl vår and his daughter Anda!
This Sagalaraja was the father-in-law of Achyutadeva and father of his wife Varadámba. See Achyutardyabhyudayam. Canto III, verse 48. The printed copy of this work reads the name as Salagardja; see p. 77; but Mr. T. 8. Kuppusami Sastri reads it as Sagalardjs, and we follow him in calling the father-in-law of Achyuta, Bagalardja. .
10 See Achyutarayabhyudayam, Canto V., verse 64.

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No. 52.]
KRISHNAPURAM PLATES OF SADASIVARAYA.
331
Krishnappa Nayaka constructed a temple in the village of Krishņåparam and built a prakara round it and a tower as high as the Mandara mountain over its entrance. In front of the shrine he erected a rangamandapa, standing on pillars containing exquisite sculptures and decorated with rows of beautiful creepers. In this newly constructed temple he set ap the image of the god Tiruvenkatanatha. He built a big car for the deity and surrounded the temple with broad streets with a view to provide an easy circuit for the car. It was for the conduct of the daily půjus, for offerings, lighting, for incease, flower-garlands, etc., and for the annual celebration of the car and the losting festivals, that he requested and got from Sadasivaraya the villages mentioned in the grapt.
Thongh the Naya kas are believed to have usurped the throne of the Pandyag, they still cull themselves the establishers of the Påndya dynasty.' In corroboration of the claim of the Nayakas of Malura to the title of Pandyalulasthápanácharyas, we see several hundreds of inscriptions belonging to the later Påudyas, scattered over the country believed to have been ruled over by the Nayakas, showing that they were also raling simultaneously with the Nayakas. One of the later Pandyas, named Srivallabha, is described, in the Pudukkottai plates of Ativirarama Påndya,' as having established the Påndya kingdom. This Srivallabha must have been a contemporary of Naraså Nayaka, for he is the brother of Månabhusha defeated by Narasa.? How he established the Påņdya kingdom and under what circumstances, is not apparent. But we see as a matter of fact the Pandyas ruling in & semi-independent condition over their ancestral kingdom till at least 1585 A.D.; what political relationship existed between them and the Nayakas, we do not know.
At the end of the inscription, it is mentioned that Sabhapati Svayambhû was the composer of the sdsana, and Viranâcharya, son of Virang, was the engraver.
The places mentioned in the record are :
Kilavêmbu nadu in the Pandye mandalam; śrivallamangalachavadi in the above nadu; Ardhatintriņi (Arappuļi P), Villamarayan Nedunguļam, Savalakkaran kulam, Puļiyanguļa-odai, Pirâyankuļam, Bhusuratataka (Parpagaļam, & corruption perhaps of Pappankulam), Kallikuļam, Vélarkuļam Sundarapandyan pudukkai, Ai[yanakulam, Śrlkuļam, Êryāru Pery&languļam, Kokkantâmparai (modern Kongandâmparai), Panayangulam, Muttûr hill; Puttanêri, Ariyakulam, Kodikulam, Kuttukkal, Muttar, Råmangulam, Ittampattu, širiy&languļam, Pattaikulam, Murappunadu, Aļikuļi and Sri-Krishnapuram.
Of these Vemba-nada comprises the northern portions of the Native State of Travancore and of the District of Tinnevelly, and in the former state there is a large backwater lake known by the name of Vomba-nadu- kåyal indicating the ancient name of the country where it is situated. We find the following names in the list of villages belonging to the Tinnevelly talaka of the same district and situated near Kșishņâparam :-Pirayankulam, Pappåşkulam, Vêlankulam, Sundarapandiyan kal, Kongandâmpårai, Pagayankulam, Muttür, Ariyakulam, Murappanada, and Krishņâpuram. The other places we are unable to identify.
TEXT.
First Plate. i forfaune AA: 1 Theoftraig TAT2 r 1 TTCHEARTATU H () [8*] pihtara.
1 Annual Report on Epigraphy for the year 1906, p. 72.
[The Pudukkottai grant mentiona Mapibharana as the brother of Srivallabha, and, besides, Maskavacha, wbom Mr. Venkayya identifies with Arikësarin Paråkrama Paudya. The identification of Manabhabs with any of these two is far from being certain.-S. K.]
* It now goes popularly by the name Pappánkuļam. This name means "the Brahman' tank," and it has been translated into Sanskrit in the record. From inked impressions prepared by Mr. T. A. Gopinatha Rao.
202

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332
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vot. Ix.
3 गहस्य दंष्ट्रादंडम पातु वः । हेमाद्रिकलशा यत्र धात्री छत्र(च)वि____4 यं दधौ । [२*] कल्याणायास्तु तहाम प्रत्यूहतिमिरापहं । यहजोप्य
5 गजोतं हरिणापि च पूज्यते ।()[३] अस्ति क्षीरमयाहेवैर्मथ्यमाना. 6 महांबुधेः । नवनीतमिवोडूतमपनीततमो महः ।()[४] तस्यासीत्त7 'नुयस्तपोभिरतुलैरन्वर्थनामा बुध: पुण्यैरस्य पुरूरवा भुजब
यहिषां 'निघ्नतः । तस्यायुर्नहुषोस्य तस्य परुषो युद्धे यया9 ति[:"] क्षितौ । ख्यातस्तस्य तु तुर्वसुर्वसुनिभ: श्रीदेवयानीपतेः ()[५] तइंशे 10 देवकोजानिर्दिदीपे तिमभूपतिः । यशस्वी तुळवेंद्रेषु यदीः कृष्ण 11 इवान्वये (1)[६"] ततोभूडुक्कमाजानिरीखरक्षितिपालकः । अत्रासमगु12 णशं मौकिरवं महीभुजां [७] सरसादुदभूत्तम्मावरसावनिपा13 लकः । देवकीनंदनात्कामो देवकीनंदनादिव (1)[८] विविधसुकृ. 14 तोहामे रामेखरप्रमुखे 'मुहुर्मुदितहृदय स्थाने स्थाने व्यधत्त य15 थाविधि [*] बुधपरिवृती नानादानानि यो भुवि षोडश त्रिभुवनज16 नोहीतं स्फीतं यशः पुनरुतय [ne*] कावेरीमाशु बध्वा(डा) बहळजल17 रयां तां विलंध्यैव शत्रं जीवग्राहं गृहीत्वा समिति भुजबला18 त्तंचराज्यं तदीयं [*] क्वत्वा श्रीरंगपूर्व तदपि निजवशे पट्टणं 19 यो बभासे (1) कोर्तिस्तंभं निखाय त्रिभुवनभवनस्तूयमानापदा20 नः ()[१०] चेरं चोळं च पांचं तमपि च मधुरावल्लभं मानभूषं वीर्यो21 दग्रं तुरुष्कं गजपतिनपतिं चापि नित्वा तदान्यान् । आगं22 गातीरलंकाप्रथमचरमभूभृत्तटांतं नितांतं ख्यातः क्षोणी23 पतीनां सजमिव शिरसां शासनं यो व्यतानीत् ।() [११] तिप्पाजीना24 गलादेव्योः कौसल्याचीसुमित्रयोः । देव्योरिव नसिंहेंद्रात्तस्मा25 त्यङ्गिरथादिव (1) [१२] वीरौ विनयौ' नाम[म] लक्ष्मणाविव नादनौ। 26 जातौ वीरनुसिंहेंद्रक्ष्णरायमहीपती (1) [१३*] रंगक्षितींद्राच्युतदे27 वरायौ रक्षाधुरीणाविव नंदसौ । पोवांबिकायां नरसक्षि
Second Plate ; First Side. 28 तींद्रादुभावभूतापुरगेंद्रसारौ० ()[१४] वीरथीनारसिंहस्स 29 विजयनगर रबसिंहासनस्थः की| नीत्या निरस्यग
JBend 'नय..
- Read रायुर्दिषां.
' looks like J. .fo is corrected from fa.
• Read e in the conjunct consonant का, with the previous य. • Rend पति
1 Rend विनयिनी रामलकाणाविव • Rond नंदनी. • Read with the British Museum plates रामकची .
10 The British Museum plates read भूताग्म रगेंद्र, which Prof. Kielhorn proposes to correct into भूतां नरकेंद्र. [I would suggest °वामुरगेन्द-S.K.]

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Krishnapuram Plates of Sadasivaraya.—Saka Samvat 1489.
STEN KONOW.
HALF SIZE.
W. GRIGGS, PHOTO-LITH.
FROM IMPRESSIONS BY T. A. GOPINATHA RAO, MA.

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No. 52.]
KRISHNAPURAM PLATES OF SADASIVARAY A.
333
30 नळनहुषानप्यवन्यामथान्यान् । आ सेतीरा सुमेरीरवनि. 31 मुरनुत: स्वैरमा चोदयाद्रे (1) रा [पाश्चात्याचलांतादखिलहद32 यमावर्त्य राज्यं शशास ()[१५*] नानादानान्धकार्षीकनकसदसि 33 यः श्रीविरूपाक्षदेवस्थाने श्रीकालहस्तीशितुरपि नगरे वें. 34 कटाद्रौ च कांच्यां । श्रीशैले शोण शैले महति हरिहरेहोबळे मं35 गमे च (0) श्रीरंगे कुंभकोणे हततमसि महानंदितीर्थे निवृत्ती [॥१६*] 36 गोकर्णे रामसेतो जगति तदितरेष्वप्यशेषेषु पुण्यस्थानेष्वा37 रब्धनानाविधबहळमहादानवारिप्रवाहैः । यस्योदंचत्तुरंग38 प्रकरखुररजःशुथदंभोधिमग्नमाभृत्यक्षच्छिदोद्यत्तर(कर)कु39 लिशधरोत्कंठिता कंठिताभूत ()[१७*] ब्रह्मांडं विश्खचक्र घटमु. 40 दितमहाभूतकं रत्नधेनं (1) सप्तांबोधीथ कल्पचितिरुहल41 तिके कांचनों कामधेनुं । स्वर्णमा यो हिरण्यावरथमपि 42 तुलापूरुषं गोसहसं (1) हमाखं हेमगर्भ कनककरिरथं पं. 43 चलांगल्यतानीत् (1) [१८*] प्राज्यं प्रशास्य निर्विघ्नं राज्यं द्यामिव शा44 सितं [*] तस्मिन्गुणेन विख्याते क्षितेरिने दिवं गते ।( [१८] ततोप्य45 वार्यवीर्य:*] श्रीकृष्णरायमहीपतिः । बिभर्ति मणिकेयरनि46 विशेष महीं भुजे ()[२०] की. यस्य समंतत: प्रगतया' विखं रुचै47 क्यं व्रजे()दित्याशंक्य पुरा पुरारिरभवद्वाळेक्षण*]: प्रायशः [*] पद्मा48 क्षोपि चतुर्भजोजनि चतुर्वक्त्रोद्भवत्पद्मभूः (1) काळी खड्गम49 "थाद्रमा च कमलं वीणां च वाणी करे ।(1)[२१*] शत्रूणां वासमेते दद60 त इति रुषा किं न सप्तांबुरासीवानासेनात्तरंगतटित-10 51 वसुमतीधुझिकापालिकाभिः । संशोस्य खैरमतत्पतिनिधि-" 52 जलधिश्रेणिका यो विधत्ते (1) ब्रह्मांडस्वर्णमेरुप्रमुखनिज53 महादानतोयैरमेयः" (1)[२२*] स्तुत्यौदार्यस्मुधीभिस्स विजयन
Second Plate; Second Side. 54 गरे रत्नसिंहासनस्थः मापालाकृष्णरायक्षितिपतिरध55 रीतत्य नीत्या नगादोन । मा पूर्वाद्ररथास्तक्षितिधरकटकादा 56 च हेमाचलांतादा सेतोरथिसार्थवियमिह बहळोवत्य को.
at looks like HT,
Read प्रसत. - Read चादमा. Read तुरंगवुटित. 'दा looks like°च.
' is corrected from ल. • The cof श्व looks like च.
Read instead of 7 ॥ Read संभोष्य.
- Read भौधों. • Read भ instead otr. • Read शौ° instead of सौ. - Read 'त्पति

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334
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. IX.
57 बभासे 10[२३] कृतवति सुरलोकं कृष्णराये निजांशं तदनु तदनुज5s मा पुण्यकर्माच्युतेंद्रः । अखिलमवनिलोकं स्वांसमेत्यारिजेता 59 विलसति हरिचेता विहदिष्टप्रदाता (4)[२४*] अंभोदेन निपीयमान80 सलिलोगस्त्येन पीतोझितस्तप्तो' राघवसायकाग्निशिखया सं61 तप्यमानः सदा । अंतस्थैर्वडबा(वा)मुखानलशिखाजालैविशुष्को 62 ट्र] (1) यदानांबुधनांबरंबुधिरयं पूर्णः समुद्योतते ()[२५] समज63 नि नरपालस्सत्यधर्मप्रतिष्ठो विजयनगरराजद्रत्नसिंहा61 सनस्थः [*] नृगनझनहुषादीबीचयब्राजनीत्या' निरुपमभुज65 वीर्योदार्यभूरच्युतेंद्र: ()[२६] क्षितिप्रतिष्ठापितकीर्त्तिदेहे प्राप्ते पद 66 वैष्णवमच्युतेंद्रे । अध्यास्य भद्रासनमस्य सूनुर्वीरो बभौ वेंकट67 देवरायः )[२७] प्रशास्य राज्यं प्रशवास्वरूपे विविधौ वेंकटरा63. यभूपे [*] अभागधयादचिराग्रजानामाखंडलावासमथाधिरू69 ढे ।(1)[२८] तिमांबावरगर्भमौक्तिकमणी रंगक्षितींद्रात्मजः क्षत्रालं70 करणेन पालितमहाकर्णाटराज्यश्रिया । शौर्यौदार्यदयावता 71 स्वभगिनोभा जग[चा यिना (1) रामक्ष्मापतिनाप्यमात्यतिलकैः 72 कप्ताभिषेकक्रमः ।()[२८*] श्रीविद्यानगरोललामनि महासाम्राज्यसिं73 हासने () संतानद्रु[रिव स्फुरन्सुरगिरी संहृत्य [वि*]वेषिणः । प्रा से74 तोरपि चाहिमाद्रि रचयनानो निजाज्ञाकरान्सर्वा पालय75 ते सदाशिवमहारायश्चिराय क्षमा ([३०] विख्यातविक्रांतिन76 यस्य यस्य पहाभिषेके नियतं प्रजानां । पानंदबाष्पैरभिशि-' 77 च्यमाना देवीपदं दर्शयते धरित्री (0)[३१*] गोचीडारविशारदं कुव. 78 लयापीडापहारोडुरं सत्यायत्तमतिं समस्तसुम न*]स्तोमावन79 कायनं । संजातस्मतिभूरुचिं सविजयं संनंदकथीभर (1) यं 80 शंसंति यशोदयांचितगुणं कृष्णावतारं बुधाः )[३२] विख्यातं बहु.
Third Plate ; First Side. 81 भोगशृंगविभवरुद्दामदानोडुरं धर्मण स्मृतिमात्रतो82 पि भुवने दक्ष प्रजारक्षणे । प्राप्तां यस्य भुजं भुजंगमहिभू83 हिन्दंतिकर्मोपमं (0 पातिव्रत्यपताकिति धरणी जानंत स84 वें जनाः ।([३३] यत्सेनाधूकिपाळी शकमशकसमुच्चाटने धूमरेखा 1 Read of instead of file. 3 Read समुदयी.
'नौ is corrected from व्य. • Read प्रस'.
Read तायिचा.
• Read विडेषिय:- Read भिषिय.
• Rend सब
. Bead yet.

Page #440

No. 52.]
KRISHNAPURAM PLATES OF SADASIVARAYA.
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85 रोमाको कोतिवध्वा इव भुवनमिदं सर्वमंतवत्याः । []86 णी नाणीयसीव प्रकटितविहीरलक्ष्या रणाग्रे (1) शां. 87 त्ये जीमतपडिः किल 'शकलखलस्तोमदावानलानां [॥३४*] तुंगा88 मेव दया पदांबजयुगं शोणं च कृष्णां तनं रक्ता(क्तां) नीलशितां' 89 त्रिवेणिमनवां वोक्षां गिरं नर्मदा [1] तीस्थानीति [स]मावहत्य90 वयवैः शेषादिवासी विभुः प्रायो यस्य विशेषभक्तिमुदित: 91 पट्टाभिषेकश्रिये ()[३५*] वोषधिपत्युपमायितगंडस्तोषणरूप92 जितासमकांडः [*] "भाषगेतप्युवरायरगंडपोषणनिर्भरभू93 नवखंडः ()[३६] राजाधिराजबिरुदो राजराजसमांहतिः । खा. 94 राजराजमानश्री[:*] श्रीराजपरमेश्वरः ()[३७*] मूरुरायरगंडांको 95 मेरुलंघियशोभरः । शरणागतमंदारः पर[रा]जभयंकरः ।()[३८] 96 करदाखिलभूपाल: परदारसहोदरः । हिंदुरायसुरवाणप्रिं97 धुराजगभीरधिः' ()[३८] विष्टपत्रयविख्यातो दुष्टशार्दूलमर्दनः । 98 अरीभगंडभेरुंडो हरिभक्तिसुधानिधि: ()[४. *] वर्धमानापदानश्ची-. 99 रईनारीनटेश्वरः । इत्यादिवरुदैवदितत्या" नित्यमभिष्टतः ।()[४१] 100 "कांभोजभोजकाळिंगकरहाटादिपार्थिवे: । सौविदलपदं प्रा101 संदर्शितनृपोपदः ()[४२*] सोयं नोतिविशारदः सुरतरुस्फाल-13 . 102 विधाणनस्सर्वोर्वीशनतस्सदाशिवमहारायक्षमानायकः । 103 बाहावंगदनिविशेषमखिन्तां सर्वसहामुद्दहन्विदचाणप104 रायणो विजयते वीरप्रतापोवतः ॥ [४३ निधिवारणवेदेंदग105 णिते शकवत्सर । प्रभवे वत्स[रे"] मासि पौषे मकरसंक्रमे 1()[४४]
कृष्णपचे च पु106 ण्यायाममायां सोमवासरे । कार्याः पावने" तीरे रंगनाथस्य 107 संनिधौ ।()[४५*] काश्यपान्वयरत्नेन शाश्वतातलकीर्त्तिना । शवदाराध108 नाइष्टविखनाथापितथिया ।()[४६*] धर्ममर्मविदा चाणकर्मठेन मनीषि109 णा । दुर्मदारिमहा(ही)पालशर्मदारिभुजोजसा ।()[४७*] सत्यादतांतरं
Third Plate ; Second Side. 110 गेण सखात्याश्रयशोभिना । सहितेनाधिकं भूत्या सर्व111 अग(गु)णथालिना (0[४८*] श्रीमत्कांचीपुरवराधीखराकोपयो
- Read सिता. • Read भीषधि
I Read °पंक्रि:
. Read सकल. • Read तीर्था'.
His corrected from perhaps म. IRend भाषेगे.
sy is corrected from another letter. .रंदवंशशिखामणि in the British Museum plates. ॥ Read काबीज
1 Read पार्थि Originally grant was written.
• Read °विरदे.
Read 'A.

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.336
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VoL. Ix.
112 भिना । मोकालिपधईनविख्यातबिरुदश्रिता ()[४८*] समयद्रोह113 रगंडख्यातिना मनुनीतिना । प्रख्यातसमयकोलाहलचिड़ेन 114 भास्वता (0)[५. *] ऐलावळीपुरवराधीखराकेन धीमता । माद्याति116 रुवटिमापसप्तांगहरणौजसा ()[५१*] यशखिना' पाद्यकुलस्था-' 116 पनाचार्यकोतिना । मानोन (न्येन) दक्षिणमहासमुद्राधीक्षरेण च (0)[५२*] 117 नागममापपौत्रेण नळनाभागकीर्त्तिना । श्रीविश्वनाथभूपा118 लसिंधुशीतळभानुना (1)[५३*] सुशीलनागमागर्भशुक्तिमुक्ताफलात्म119 ना । कणभूपतिना पुस्थवीतिना कर[णा*] बिना ।(1)[५४*] परित: प्रण
वाकारप्र. 120 कारवलयांचितं । कमनीयशिलास्तंभकदंभोत्तंबितांवर )[५५*] विशं121 कटविटंकाळीविराजदंगमंटपं । विधाय विपुलोत्तुंगगोपु122 रं देवमंदिरं )[५६*] विशालां रथवीतीं च स्पंदनं मंदरोपमं । तत्र प्रति123 सातार्यश्रीतारकब्रह्मरूपिणे (1) [५७*] करुणारसकल्लोलवरुणालयचक्षु124 से(षे) । शरणागतगीर्वाणभरणाधीनचेतसे (1) [५८"] कालचक्रघटीयंत्रक125 ल्पनाशिल्पकारिणे । कैवल्यकल्प लतिकाकंदकोपन्न कीर्तये (1) [५८*] कौस्तुभा126 रुणपाथोजपा[खें] लीनाकिमोलया । वनमालिकया चारुवक्षसे इतर. 127 बसे ()[E.] इंदिराया 'जगन्मातुर्मदिरावितवक्षसे । 'छंदसामादिकंदाय 128 चंपकद्युतिवासरे(स) ()[६१*] शरण्याय वतामिंदुतरण्याकरचक्षुसे । हिरण्या129 सुरसंहवेधरण्या गहमेधिने ([६२*] "कंशादिविबुधारातिहिंसाविधपटी130 यसे । संसारसागरौर्वाय पुंसामानमतां सतां (1)[३३] नवनीतमुशे' नंदर. 131 मणीशिक्षणीयतां । अभिनीतवते शखदपनीतनतातये ()[*] निरलो.
कवचो. 132 मूलमुरळीमधुरारवैः । तरळीकुर्वते गोपीस्मरलीलापरामुखी: (0)[६५*] अ. 133 "श्मिन्कृष्णापुरे पूर्णसा(सा)निछा समुपेयुषे । तिरुवेंकटनाथाय विणवे प्रभ134 विष्णवे ()[३६] धूपदीपसुधाहारनानापूपनिवेदनैः । नानापुष्पोपहारच नै135 कदीपप्रदीपनैः 10[६७*] वृत्तगीतमहावाद्यच्छत्र(च)चामरवैभवः । नित्यनैमि.
त्तिका
+ Read यशखि.
. Bend पां .
- Read °कदंवी. • Read 'वौथी.
• Rend ठित° and 'ब्रह्म • Read 'मालया. | Read °मंदिरा.
... Read & • Read चष. Could it be that the passage should be read शरण्याय सतामिंदुतरण्याकारचष? • Read .
1 Read कंसादि.
13 Read . ॥ Rai गोपौस्सार.
- Read अखि
1. The second मा looks like a .

Page #442

नयनादतननाalam Eah REनामानासवमहाना।
जामातामतायता सानासानाधारको 200ठार।
tubमौतम(TAM ममतासातमताज का
केबीनमा31994जमानावनाaan Jalalaतानपुनावाविमा वनका जातात जितनावमशनमसाततलवलीको 175 सानामताजासतसवतापपरशक्तमनावत्रता
नवमतमालपतवाजतासातनतनवतात नयाममाIRATमहिमालाननस्यात जमा Alaमनना जहिताताजाजी
Ravयातनकराजमाधान 180रसमाShaliजानवमामासस्नal VEDAEHaमपाकाजकाममाजमा तयलेजसा। सातजाविजयकनमानामा जतलामावादमताकवाकया साजाला
inlalfजनता नाममा मवमनस्कन 185वासोमवmaगतस्तसामानवसाला
वदनानपानावना मना मनवाजनाता Jaमसाकमानसमाविमानस्तावना मनात तास्वताकासास्तवतावादीटनामा साम्रो सामाचा सामनावतास
। 190 तासालति(Enzalmवतिाना वयामाया ताजा उसावर नानाढतवसकतमरता जसविनातलमानपावतातानसावा
सावखत नानास टावरातVEmmaमाता रसायननायसराततानसमससावजी 195वतमा यातायामा जमलमावत HEART वतापाताकानमन कान
लनारावाजमनिस्कासन तास तामसनम तमामानरमात्रा मामताप्रम निमाबिमारासतनामतरता PMITI मामासनसARमानवचलायतरावमा 205 मायाव
तमासानामावाधावान्तरसता LATinarianातायातमालताराताला सवालमानता- 793 नामाननत्रातमा सतनापETER निस्तानवतावरताना
वालाnaaनामामवमसहावामा हानिका 210 (AINIनागतीया के समानेमन गवती तकनगा।
हमार.वरत्रावसानोसक्तमायातमान निताainalkiसी वानवडामागाटावा नामबारमा...

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iiib.
va.
110 NAसन यातितासहित ताजिक तलास
KHULITICTI(लनात्माम काजमार नामा
मानाकासितावत्प्रातानासनासमपरा है नजाउतमा ततामIतापातसमकातालात CLEAVतावना नवनावमाकनामनामात्रामा Ea सतना तसा लावता पानी ताना बताया जातामा तातर जागना समाद
माना१ततता तागका नासा व वातानु सतनतानता। उसनतागमागतककामनाम
लाक्त तामा नामनालsamaकाम 120जानवतावनकननीयतनाम करना चालतावना
कानावनालापानटपविविधता वमानावताना नवीन वस्त' नाम रन मातवमान मातापसाता-
Hamsसप्तवानवालयका KHIHITIJI नगाबाDRHIT Maaसाकानवादका
तालिवकावतानातमाकरला नाकामाला IBITIपायाजानावनातलमानपावतमा लकामाया उ11
सा मायाजा मामला बतातासामा उM सकरातवासना नातायता मितमामाकन
नसतानामतमसिनाकारता(चलाना ताद ताव 130सातासानसागमावा सामानमतासतानवतातमरानना HAITIतसाता मतितानवतावर मनानातियातनतापाया,
मला नयनानबाजनताकतणावाचनलानामाETHI REFHIS Bातिनाम मानवमतात्रा प्रावत
PARICHAनतातापानधरातानाबानताना 139RONGENGताननगमतावासवान नक्तवातितुनाया नय AASTIकवितातावमवमाननातवसम्रपानामा नवाबापामनसता या सवायवालाकानवतावना तामा
सम'उतनाममाarlaपावलेवा समाज
मानरमा तय वटावाविनापन मानववा 140 मागतातायतामात्रमा जतारमा तारा
तानाशाबानारावाजलतामा वनारसवात पतानातानबालनागसामान नातायता (साझामनमानसामा तार(AHIT)
सावन नफलमा यातनामावतार नामा 145 सामानहाय माता नामावीमा युवा
साकलापमानकुत्तमामा यता नाकालापानवतान नातानमनममता तर तानाना1ि9 जतानयामक मानापमुतनवाका तयामा
नामका वाम गामका(नसामान नवापा गम (यान तवा एका भात पित्यसंसर मानता डानिक पारासस नानात बागमनमासुमाता व रितामान बार मास बसमानानपामim a सातजातात जासालापागा मिस करतात नवा पाटा कामानवसनातनवट राजमाता
रातामना वकानागावनमाया (ताना । ARTमवतन दता दाज मानना बना (TETमतवानजजनरामा मिरवातन
बनतासत्रण (TITानी व समान वान 160
नमसालानामmalaनवाटताना बरसा मनवा विकासानन वन-
चार सावतामा वासमाररामनवतावनवानजातामामाजवाब जामा जानाला समातवाजातलतामनतातावका सवातस्मरवातसा (समालवनतमनमातरात गना 165 वातराबारामाला सातजामसपस्तावातावागाव,
सरसावानजाताताजा जनमनावकाबानतानमा Kघामानaaicामनावताजातादमाखानब नी(
हातापामीनमारतसयामा मम्मकामना विनाम: GUE लावावजवाहानामा OMICATIOनवाDMOनाबाधाममा
Krishnapuram Plates of Sadasivaraya.-Saka Samvat I489.
125
155
STEN KONOW.
HALF SIZE.
W. GRIGGS, PHOTO-LITH,
FROM IMPRESSIONS BY T.A.GOPINATHA RAO, M.A.

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No. 52.)
KRISHNAPURAM PLATES OF SADASIVARAYA.
337
136 नंतपूजां कर्तुं विशेषतः ()[*] प्रतिवर्षसमारबरथोत्सवसमृदये । ग्रीम. 137 प्रवोत्सवायापि रम्ययात्रोत्सवाय च (0) [६८*] श्रीकीळवेंप्र(पु)नाडौ च प्रख्यातं प[i]
Fourth Plate ; First Side. 138 घमंडले । ता(ता)मपर्णीनदीतीरे पावने वासमाश्रितं (1)[७०*] श्रीव139 मंगलख्यातचावटावपि विश्रुतं । ख्याताईतित्रिणीवृक्षा140 दिमार्गेशान्यतां वितं (1)[११] धर्माहिन्नमरायस्य ख्यातादपि नेई. 141 कुलात् । प्राथं श्रीशवककार्रकुळसीमांचलादपि (1) [७२*] पुलि142 यंकु छोडेकुलप्पिरायकुलतोपि च । भूसुरतटागसीमांच143 लानाम्नेयता' चितं ([७३.] श्रीमत्कळिकाळग्रामसीमांतादपि दक्षिणं] [1] 144 श्रीलंकुळकुख्याया नैरती दिशमाश्रितं ()[७४*] सुंदरत्रीपांध[पूतु]145 कुख्यायाश्चापि पश्चिमं । 'ऐनाकुळसीमांताहायवीमाश्रितं दिशं (1) [७५*] 146 श्रीकुर्या रुपेर्यालंकुळसीमांचलोत्तरं । कोवंतांपारंपनयंकु147 ब्योरुभयोरपि (0)[७६*] अपि 'मुत्तुर्मलाभिख्यागिरेरीशान्यतां वितं । पु148 सनेरिग्रामकेण ख्यातारियकुळेन च (1)[७७*] कोटिकुळग्रामकेण कुत्तु149 कल्पामकेण च । मुत्तूरुग्रामकोपि' श्रीमद्रामकुळेन च (1)[७८] ईत्तंपाह150 पामकेण सिरियासंकुळेन च । युक्त पार्टीलेनापि संयुतं सस्य161 शोभितं (1)[७८] सुरप्पुनाडाकिकुटिभूचयोदशमान्वितं । श्रीकृष्णापुर152 नामानं प्रख्यातं प्राममुत्तमं (1)[८०*] सर्वमा(नांचतुःसीमा)न्यं चतुःसो(सी). 153 मासंयुतं च समंततः । निधिनिक्षेपपाषाणसिहसाबाजलान्वि. 154 तं ।[८१*] अक्षिखागामिमयुक्त देवभोग्यं सभूमहं । वापीकूपतटा155 कैच करच्छारामैच सयुतं ।()[८२*] पनेन वेंकटेशेन भोग्यमाचंद्रता. 156 रकं । दानाधमनविक्रीतियोग्यं विनिमयोचितं (1)[८३] थोतांशो157 वैशरत्नं समजनि नृपतिनंदनासाथ जन्ने तत्संतत्यां चलिक158 क्षितिपतिरभवतत्कुले बिज्जलेंद्रः । तदंयं सोमिदेवोलम159 कृत विमतासप्तदुर्गाणि हत्वा पौत्रस्तस्यार्रवीटीपुरपतिरुदभू160 पिनमक्षोक्षिपालः(1) [८४*] भूकल्पशाखी प्रति(थि) तारवीटिबुकक्षमापो161 भवदस्य सूनुः । बझांबिका तस्य बभूव पनी पुरंदरस्येव पुलोमकं.॥
-
1 Read समाये
Read दागे. • The metre demands one more letter in this foot and hence w. pro ose to read the name of this village as ए[व.]नाकुळ. [I would prefer to acnayind.-...] Rend भिस्य. . • Read यामवैवापि!
• Read °संयुन. - Read कच्छारामैश्च संयुतं. • Read "भवतस्कुल.
• Read त . • Raat चीपि. Rond 'कन्या .
21

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338
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VoL. Ix.
162 न्या (1) [८५*] अस्मादशेषभुवनावनवारिजाक्षाच्छु (च्छं)गारराजवदजाय163 त रामराजः । लक्ष्मीसमानचरिता ललनामतली लक्कांबिका रति164 रिवाजनि तस्य देवी (1)[८e] 'तस्याधिकैसमभवत्तनयस्तपोभि[:*] श्रीरंगराज165 'नृपतिशशिवंशदीपः । आसंज्वलत्सु भुजधामसु यस्य चित्रं नेत्राणि वै. 166 रिसट्रस च निरंजनानि ।[८७*] सती तिरुमलांबिका(कां) चरितलीलयाई167 धतीप्रथामपि तितिक्षया वसुमतीयशो रंधतीं । हिमांशरिव 168 रोहिणीं हदयहारिणी सगुणैरमोदत सधर्मिणीमयमवाप्य 169 वीराग्रणीः ()[८८"] स्वैरं सुदृग्भरणजातरुचिसवृत्त' खालोकदूरिततमा170 स्तनयस्तदीयः । अत्रासवृत्तिरवदातगुणानुवर्ती श्रा(श्री)रामराज
Fourth Plate; Second Side. 171 नरपालमणिविरजे [८] यस्मिन्- प्रशासति महीं जदे [वै].. 172 कवीरे भंगो नदीषु पतगेषु च पक्षपात: । वझीषु पनव173 रुचिर्वनितारतेषु नीवीविमोचनमभूबियतं प्रजाना ()[e. *] स174 त्यानुरक्तेरिदरावहस्मिन् संबके' संभृतसर्वलोके । (श्रीरा) 176 श्रीरामराजे श्रितसत्वसौर्ये शौरेः पदं शाश्वतमभ्युपेते (1)[८१*] त176 दनु भुवमशेषां पालयनवाजनीत्या तपनतनयजेता दा177 नरीत्या महत्या । भरतमहितभूमा भाति तस्यानुजन्या व. 178 रतिकमलराजसाहितीभोजराजः ([८२*] स्वैरं "संहत्तकंटको179 य सुक्कतोरकष्टं विधायाखिलं भूकेदारसुदारदानसलिलो-॥ 180 सारैस्समापूर्य च । संवद्यानघ(कीति)कीर्तिसस्यनिवई 181 तत्यालिकां विक्रमश्रीकांता भुजकायमानसिखरे" धत्ते 182 हि यस्तेजसा ()[८३] यस्यानुजन्मा विजयैकनर्मा' रामाभिराम[11 183 तुलबाहुधामा । वीरो विरजे' भुवि वेंकठाद्रिराजः थि184 या निजितराजराजः ()[ex*] धर्ममर्मविधस्तस्य" धरणीक185 स्पशाखिनः । सोमवंशावतंसस्य वाधीननयसंपदः (0[८५)*] श्री. 186 विश्वनाथभूपालचिरपुण्यफलात्मना । कृष्णभूपतिनाने187 न क पा कूपारचक्षुषा । ([२६] विज्ञापितस्य विनयादिमतात
1 Read °समभव. • Read °खुवत्त:• Read अगर्दक • Read माहिती " Red शिखर 197 is corrected from 11.
- Read नृपतिम्श1ि Read "मुदा .
The letters fit are engraved over an erasure. TAmistake for संपन्न कै.
• Read 'सत्व शौर्य. 10 Read संवत
Read afeur M Read विरजे.
" Read 'विदस्तस्य. " Read 'पांव

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188 भाखतः । प्राज्यकर्णाठराज्यश्रोस्थापनाचार्यविश्रुतेः ()[e७*] पा189 चेयगोत्रपाथोजमा डस्य मनस्विनः । तेबवरगंड190 स्य 'सिध्वंतक्षितिरक्षिण: (1)[er*] 'वणितेयशेसो नानावर्णश्चीमंड191 लीकगंडस्य । ऐ(ए)बिरुदरायराहुतवेस्यै कभुजंगबिरुदभ192 रितस्य ()[ee"] 'विख्या[त] बिरुदमंनियविभाळलीलस्य विजय193 शीलस्य । विखंभराभृतिस्फुटवितधरणीवराहबि194 रुदस्य ()[१..*] कल्याणपुरनाथस्य शल्यारिसमतेजसः । वेंगत्रि195 भुवनीमजलिंगस्थिरयशोनिधेः (0) १०१*] श्रीमत्तिरुमलमापशे196 खरस्य दयांबुधः । विनायौ ]दार्यशीलस्य विज्ञमिमनुपालयन् ।।)[१०२*]
Fifth Plate. 197 परीत: प्रयतै[*] खिग्डैः पुरोहितपुरोगमैः । विविधै198 विबुधैः श्नो(नौ)तपथिकैरथि(धि)कैगिरा ()[१०३*] सदाशिवमहारा199 यो माननीयो मनस्विनां । सहिरण्यपयोधारापूर्वकं दत्तवा. 200 न्मुदा ([१०४*] 201 सरससदाशिवरायक्षितिपतिवर्यस्य कीर्तिर्यस्य [*] शास202 नमिदं सरासनदासरथेरमितहेमदानरते.' [१०५*] मदुपदमिति 208 तांम(ताम)शासनार्थ महितसदाशिवरायशासनेन । अभणदनु204 गुणं वचोमहिना सरसतरेण - सभापतिस्वयंभूः [१०६१] सदाशिवमहा205 रायशासनाहीरणात्मजः । त्वष्टा श्रीवीरणाचार्यो व्यलिखता-' 206 घशासनं ()[१०७*] दानपालनयोर्मध्ये दाना[२]योनुपालनं । दानास्वर्ग207 मवाप्नोति पालनादच्युतं पदं ([१०] स्वदत्ताद्विगुणं पुण्यं परदत्तानुपा208 लनं। परदत्तापहारेण वदत्तं "निस्कलं भवेत् ।[१०८*] स्वदत्ता परदत्तां 209 वा यो हरेति वसंधरा । षष्टिवर्षसहस्राणि विष्टायां जायते क्रि(क)210 मिः।(1) [११.] ऐ(ए)केव भगिनी लोके सर्वेषामेव भूभुजां । न भोज्या न करणा211 या देवदत्ता वसुंधरा (0)[१११*] सामान्यो[य] धर्मसेतुन्नृपाणां काले काले 212 पालनीयो भवद्धिः । सनितान्भाविन: पार्थिवेंद्रान्भूयो भूयो याच213 ते रामचंद्रः॥ [१२] 214 श्रीविरूपाक्ष"
1 Read सिन्ध्वं. - Read वर्णितयशसी.
- Read वश्यक . is corrected from the secondary i of the letter that follows, which was began wrongly in the place of 2. • Read °विस्त. • Read शरासन.
- Read दाशरथे:• Read लिखताब • Read °दानात्स्वर्ग.
w Read दत्ता Rend निपलं. " Read रत.
M Rond पEि . - Read 'सेतनपाचा 15 In Kannada characters.
2."

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340
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
ABRIDGED TRANSLATION.
Verse 1 invokes Sambhu, v. 2 the boar incarnation of Vishnu, and v. 3 Ganesa.
[VOL. IX.
Vv. 4-5 trace the genealogy of the family from the Moon.
(Vv. 6-7.) In his (i.e. Turvasu's) line was born the husband of Dêvaki, king Timma, as famous among the Tuluvas as Krishna was among the Yadus. To him was born king Îsvara, a jewelled crown of virtues to kings, (and) the husband of Bukkama.
(V. 8.) To him, the son of Dêvaki, was born king Narasa, as Kâma (was born) from the son of Devaki (Krishna).
Vv. 9-10 describe his generosity and his conquest of the kingdom of Tamcha (ie, the Chôla country) and Srirangapaṭṭana.
(V. 11.) Conquering the Chêra and the Chôla, Manabhûsha, the Pandya king of Madura, also the fierce Turushka, king Gajapati and others from the Ganges to Lanka, and from the Eastern to the Western mountains, he made all kings bear his commands on their heads as flowers on their crowns.
(Vv. 12-14.) Of Tippâji and Nagaladevi, like Rama and Lakshmans of Kausalya and Sumitra to Dasaratha, were born to him two sons Vira-Nrisimha and Krishnaraya who were brave and modest. To him were also born of Obâmbikâ two (more) sons able in protecting (the subjects), Rangakshitindra and Achyutadêvarâya.
(V. 15.) Vira-Narasimha, seated on the jewelled throne at Vijayanagara, eclipsing by fame and policy Nriga, Nala, Nahusha and others of the world, praised by the Brahmapas from Sêtu to Mêra, from the Eastern to the Western mountains, ruled the kingdom pleasing the hearts of all people.
(Vv. 16-18.) His praises.
(V. 19.) Having ruled his large kingdom without obstacles, the king of the earth, famous for his virtues, went to heaven as if to rule the kingdom of heaven.
(V. 20.) After him, king Krishnaraya, of unabated valour, bore the whole of the earth on his shoulders with as much ease as a jewelled bracelet.
(Vv. 21-23.) Praises of Krishnaraya.
(V. 24.) When Krishnaraya had taken for his part the world of the devas (i.e. had died) his younger brother Achyutêndra, doer of good deeds, conqueror of foes, worshipper of Vishnu, who made gifts satisfying the desires of the learned, got for his share the whole of this earth. (Vv. 25-26.) Praises of Achyutêndra.
(V. 27.) When, having set up on earth a body in the form of his fame, Achyutêndra reached Vishnu's abode, his brave son Venkataraya ascended the throne.
(Vv. 23-30.) He who was like the flower-arrowed Kâma, and was ruling his kingdom (well), owing to the bad luck of his subjects, soon went to the city of Indra. The son of Rangakshitindra and the precious pearl of the sacred womb of Timmâmbâ, king Sadasivaraya, who was like the santana tree on the hill of devas, was duly installed on the throne that was the jewel of the prosperous town, Sri-Vidyanagari, by king Rama, his sister's husband, the protector of the goddess Śri of the great kingdom of Karnâța, who was an ornament to all Kshatriyas, who was endowed with valour, nobility and kindness, and by the chief ministers.
(Vv. 31-43.) Praises of Sadasivaraya.
(Vv. 44-45.) On Monday, the new moon tithi of the dark half of the month Pausha, during the Makara-samkramana, in the year Prabhava, (corresponding to) the Saka year counted by the nidhis (9), the varanas (8), the vedas (4), and indu (1) (i.e. Saka 1489) on the banks of the sacred river Kâvêrî, in the presence of (the god) Ranganatha, (this grant is made).

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Nó. 52.]
KRISHNAPURAM PLATES OF SADASIVARAYA.
(Vv. 46-57.) By Krishnabhapati, of sacred fame, the ocean of mercy; who was the jewel of the family of Kasyapa; on whom much wealth was conferred by (the god) Viśvanatha, who was pleased with his devotion; who knew the truth about duty; who was always studying the art of protecting others; who was a wise man; whose mind was purified by truthfulness; who shone by his desire to do good actions; who possessed great wealth; who was endowed with the virtues of a wise man; who bore the title the lord of Kanchipura;' who was also the recipient of the famous title 'Môkâlipaṭṭavardhana;' who was also known as the 'Samayadrôbara-ganda;' whose policy was like that of Manu; who also shone by the celebrated distinction 'Samayakôlâhala;' who was also entitled 'the lord of Ailâvalipura' who by his valour deprived the insolent king of the Tiruvaḍi-rajya of the seven (component) parts (of his kingdom); who was famous as the 'Pandyakulasthapanâchârya;' who was the revered lord of the great Southern ocean; who was the grandson of king Nagama; who was equal to Nala and Nabhaga in fame; who was the cool moon of the ocean named king Visvanatha; who was the pearl of the oyster, vis. the womb of the virtuous Nagama,-was built a temple at Krishnapura, which was encircled by a wall of the shape of the pranava and a broad and lofty tower. It has a large ranya-mandapa raised on a collection of beautiful stone pillars and adorned with rows of spouts (?). He built a car like the Mandara mountain and also broad roads round the temple, for the propitiation of the god Vishnu set up there (i.e. in the temple),
[(Vv. 58-66.) Praises of the god set up in the temple of Krishnapuram.]
(Vv. 67-69.) (For the worship of the god Vishnu) who shone in this place under the name of Tiruvenkatanátha, by means of burning incense, by lights, and by the offering of good food, cakes, etc., by means of offerings of several kinds of flowers, by illumination with many lights, by means of dancing, singing and music, with umbrellas, chauris, on days both ordinary and special, for the car festival at the beginning of each year, for the floating festival during the hot season, and for the yátrôtsata,
341
(Vv. 70-82.) The excellent village known by the name of Sri Krishnapura, resplendent with cereals,-including the villages known as Pattanêri, Ariyakalam, Kôtikkalam, Kattukkal, Mattûr Ramangalam, Ittampaṭṭu, Siriyalangalam, Pataikkulam together with thirteen bhd in Mugappunada (and) Alikuḍi, which is situated in the Kilavêmba-naḍu belonging to the Pandya-mandala, on the banks of the pure river Tamraparpi, in the chavadi known as Śrivallamangalam, and which is situated to the north-east of the road commencing with the Arddhatintripi tree, etc.; east of Villamaraya's charity and the famous Neḍungulam and of the extreme limits of Sri-Savalakkarankulam; south-east of Puliyanguja-ôdai, Kulappirâyankalam and of the extreme limits of Bhasura-tataka; south of the extreme limits of Kallikkalam; south-west of the Vêlangula channel; west of Sri-Sundara-Pandya's new channel; north-west of the extreme limits of Ainakulam; north of the extreme limits of Srikulam, Eryåra-Peryålangulam and of Kokkantâmpâra and Panayankulam; and north-east of the hill known as Mutturmala-is to be enjoyed by (this god) Venkatesa as a sarvamánya
(Vv. 96 and 102 to 104.) Having been requested by Krishnabhapati, the fruit of the long penance of Viśvanatha, whose eyes are the ocean of mercy, Tirumala Raja respectfully requested Sadasivaraya, the respected of the learned men, who, surrounded by his staunch friends, priests, followers, all kinds of learned men, and ambassadors and by their advice, made this gift joyously with gold and pouring of water.
Vv. 105-106 mention that Sabhapati Svayambhu wrote the sdsana.
V. 107 mentions that Virapacharya, son of Virana, engraved the document.
Vv. 108-112: the usual imprecatory verses.
"
Line 214. The signature Sri Virupaksha' in the Kannada alphabet

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342
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. IX
No. 53.–ARANG COPPER-PLATE OF BHIMASENA II.
GUPTA-SAMVAT 282.
BY HIBA Lal, B.A.; NAGPUR. This copper-plate was found by me with Sri Krishṇa Målguzâr of Ârang on my visit to that place on the 31st May 1908. Árang is 22 miles east of Raipur, the headquarters of the Chhattisgarh Division in the Central Provinces. It contains several ancient remains and it was there that another plate in box-headed characters belonging to Maha-Jayadeva was found. There is also another mutilated inscription at the place on a stone in characters like those in which the inscriptions of Sirpur, which is 15 miles from Arang, are engraved. The details as to the exact find-spot of our inscription are not available, as Sri Krish pa told me that it was found long ago by one of his ancestors, and as no Pandits could read it, it was stowed away, so that being ont of sight, it got out of mind. He, however, assured me he had heard from his ancestors that it was dug up in Arang itself and that it was not brought from any other place. There is only one plate with an uncat ring passing through a round hole, its ends being soldered to a round soal. The plate measures 10 "x4" and has irregular edges and an uneven surface, partly corroded. In spite of this, the letters are all visible except two or three (11. 6 and 11) which have been much worry out and arb difficult to decipher. The seal is a little brittlish and has in basrelievo a lion in a sitting posture as the family crest, beneath wbich are inscribed in raised letters Sri-mahárája-Bhimasénasya.
The inscription contains 13 lines, 9 on the obverse and 4 on the reverse side. The average size of letters is ". The characters belong to the Northern class of alphabets of the type, which, according to Dr. Fleet, "may be called the standard alphabet, with northern characteristics, of Central India from towards the end of the 5th to the middle of the 6th century A. D."4 There are also numerical symbols for 200, 80, 2, 10 and 8, the last being doubtful. The language of the record is Sanskrit prose except the imprecatory verse in 11. 11 and 12. In respect of orthography, we have to notice the use of the dental nasal instead of the anusvára before s in vansyaih (1. 10) and instead of the class nasal before a gattural in pidán-kuryát (in the same line). Letters with a répha have been mostly doubled. The vowel sign for i occurs in sri (1.2) and á is sometimes denoted by a short vertical stroke after the consonant to which it is joined, at other times by & top curve, especially when combined with sa or pa (11, 2, 3, 5, 10 and 12). Final forms of m occur in II. 6, 7 and ll.
The object of the inscription is to record the grant of a village named Vaţapallik& in the district of Donde by the Maharaja Bhimasena II. to two Brahmans Harisvâmin and Bappasvamin, both of the Bharadvâja-gôtra and students of the Rigveda. The charter was issued from the Suvarnnanadi (river), where apparently the donor had gone to bathe on some festival. The genealogy of Bhimasena is given for six generations, thus:-Bhimasena (II.), son of Dayitavarmman (II.), son of Bhimasena (I.), son of Vibhishana, son of Dayita (I.), son of Sura; but it is not clear to which particular dynasty they belonged. They are stated to have been born of a family celebrated for its dignity like that of royal ascetics (rajarshitulyakula). From this it
Cunningham's Reporta, Vol. XVII. p. 20 et seq.
Gupta Inscriptions, p. 191. * Cunningham'. Reporta, Vol. XVII. p. 23 et seq. • Gupta Imeriptions, p. 117.
* This probably refers to the Gupta fainily. In the Udayagiri cave inscription (vide Gupta Inscriptions, p. 85) Chandragupta II. is called "rajadhirdjarski," which implies that he combined in him both regal and religious qualifications, an ideal to which the feudatory chiefs would be prone to liken their own families. In reference to his sovereign lord, Bhimasena could not arrogate the title of rajarshi to his family and that seenis to be the reason why he inserts the word tulya (like). For similar resus it appears their northern feudatories called themselves Pariordjaka, which means 'a religious wetlicaut.'

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No. 53.]
ARANG COPPER-PLATE OF BANASINA II.
343
may be inforzod what they were something like the Parivrájaka Maharajas of Dabhala (Jubbalpore country) and were like them vassals of the Early (or Imperial) Guptas in whose ers our inscription is dated. The Parivrajaka inscriptions range from 475 to 528 A.D., and ours belongs to the Gupta year 282 or A.D: 601. - Dar inscription introduces us to another similar family under the overlordship of the Gaples, which apparently continued to be acknowledged, at Toast ir Chhattisgarh, up to so lato dato as the commencement of the 7th century AD. It was in the middle of the 4th century that Samadro-Grepta-conquered the Mahdidla (Chhattisgarte) contes by defeating the then ruling king Mahindra, of whom we know nothing beyond hio mame od so have no materials to establish any connection between him and the dynasty of our inscription. Wo know that Mahendra was not onated. He was liberated, and his dynasty must have contimued to rule for about 100 yoars, if Bhimasena's family was a different one. The first king Band of the latter line must have flourished in the middle of the 5th century, to judge trom the number of generations which intervened between the two. In Chhattisgarh several dynasties have ruled and many inscriptions have been found, but ours is the only one among them which is dated in the Gapta ers. In other parts of India, too, inscriptions referring to the Guptas have been discovered, and their era remained in use even after their imperial power had come to an end. That is, in the words of Dr. Fleet, though the direct line of the Early Gupta dynasty itself may have become extinct, Gupta dominion still continued, and the name of the Gapta kings was still recognised as a power down to A.D. 601. Prior to the discovery of our inscription, the latest date expressly given in the Gapta era was only 528 A.D. It is true that the inscriptions of the Valabhi kings show that the Gapta era continued in nee in Kathiawad and some neighbouring parts of Gujarat, at least as late as A.D. 766,but the era has not been specifically named after the Gaptas in them.
The exact date of our inscription appears to be the 18th of the Bhadra month of the Gupta year 882. It does not admit of verification, as the week day is not mentioned. Its English equivalent, as calonlated by Mr. Gokul Prasad, Tahaldar of Dhamtari, is Tuesday, the 88nd August 601, on the assumption that the Gupta era began on 26th February 320 A.D. which is taken as the coronation day of Chandra Gapta 1. The accuracy of the above calculation cannot, however, be relied on, owing to the uncertainty as to whether the date is really the 18th, the figare for 8 being doubtful. Again, there is the question of intercalation and the alteration of the commencement of the year by the Valabht kings who put it back 7 months, which may also interfere with the rockoning. So much, however, is certain that our inscription was recorded in the year 601 A.D. With regard to geographical names, Suvarnnanadi is apparently the Son, which rises from the Amarkantak hills and after a course of about 40 miles in Chhattisgaph finally joins the Ganges. It has been identified with the Sonos of Arrian as also with his Erannoboas, the other Sanskrit name of the Sôn being Hiranyaváha or Hiranyavahin. The Bon is frequently mentioned in Hindi literature, in the Ramayanas of Valmiki and Tulsidas.
[Cunningham described (Reports, Vol. IX. p. 26) two silver coins of a certain Bhfmans, who must have belonged to a dynasty which succeeded the Graptas. The peacock device of the Guptas is continued on these coins, but the face of the obverse are turned to the left us if to denote a change of dynasty-Bd.]
Gupta Inscriptions, p. 12.
Ibid. Introduction, p. 8. [The Tezpur inscription dated Gupta 510 is of different kind. See Kielhorn, Gottinger Nachrichten, 1905, pp. 466 and ft.-8. K.) [The Ganjam District plates of Subankarája are dated in the Gaupta year 300 corresponding to A.D. 619-20 (above, Vol. VI. p. 143)-V. Venkayye.]
Ibid. p. 18. The Verwal inscription is dated in Valabht-Sauvat 945 or 1264 A.D. the extending its use to period 500 years still later (see Indian Antiquary, 1891, p. 885).
Smith's Early History of India, Ind Edition, p. 266.
For discussion on this subject, we Dr. Kiebora's poetacript to my article on the Bedar pind (AB86, 'Vol. VIII. p. 288).
1 See Indian Antiquary, 1902, p. 267

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344
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. IX.
the Bhagavata and other works. There are numerous legends abont it, one of the most picturesque assigning the origin of the Son and Narmada to two tears dropped by Brahmâ, one on either side of the Amarkantak range. Its waters possess great sanctity, the performance of sandhya on its banks ensuring absolution and the attainment of heaven even to the slayer of a Brahman. This must therefore be the river, the third in India, as recorded by Arrian, whence Bhimasena issued his charter, and not another Son flowing in the south of the Bilaspur district, falling into the Borai which joins the Mahanadi. As for Dôndâ and Vaṭapallika, the latter of which must be looked for in a form such as Baḍapali or Barapali, there are so many places in Chhattisgarh bearing these names that it is difficult to say which particular ones were meant. The nearest Donda or Dupda, as we now find it, is one situated 25 miles west of Arang, where the plate was found, and the nearest Barapâlî is 30 miles east of Arang and about 50 miles east of Dunda. It is included in the present Kauḍiâ Zamindârî on the other side of the Mahanadi. It would then appear that Årang also was in those days included in the Dôndâ district, and the donees, if they were residents of Arang, lived half-way between the headquarters of the district and the village granted to them.
TEXT.'
Seal.
Śri-mahârâja-Bhimasênasya. First Side.
1 Oms svasti [*] Suvarppanadyaḥ [sa]rvvat-sadrajarshi-tulya-kula-prabhava-kirttaḥ éri-maharaja-Sürasya prapeuteab praji
2 dayitasya sri-[ma]hârâja-Dayitasya pautraḥ prapata-sâmantasy-ârâti-vibhishapasya
6-maharja-Vibhisha
3 pasya putraḥ sakti-siddhi-sampannô
dharmma-vijayf
nyây-ôpârjjit-ânêka-ratna
gb-bh-suvara-hirngy-ádi-pendab ri
4 maharaja-Bhimasenaḥ tasya putraḥ ta[ch-chari] t-ânukâri sadbhir-mmahadbhis=ch= Addhyushitaadab l-maharija-Dayitavamma
5 tasya pu[tra]h tat-påd-ânuddhyâtô-tya [nta]-dêva-guru-brâhmana-bhaktaḥ śri-mahârâjaBhimasenaḥ kusali Dônḍa
6 vaishayika-Vajapallikäysm (bekhmaydin-pes]tiviainab [kufalam-uktvå samájïápayaty-êsha gråmô mayâ
7 bhadra-bhôgên-aiva
pasya-bhivriddhayd Dhara và
mâtâpitror-âtmanas-cha sagtrabbyk Bahvricha-Harisrâmi-Bappasrimibbym
8 pratyayavin-mah&pralaya-k&[1-4]vastha[py-8]graháró
dattas-tad-bhavadbhir=
anayor-ajña-sravana-vidhêyair-bhûtvå samuchita
9 m-dys savarppa-hirapy-bdi-pratyly-bpanayab karttaryab [11] Ja-ch- [ks]schid abbaya loka-nirapêkshaḥ san-dasa
1 See article on Son in the new Imperial Gazetteer.
2 From the original plate.
[I read parvea-.-S. K.]
Read -méva [or -méya- as in 1. 15 of the Broach copper-plate of Sachgamasimha (J. Bo. B. R. A. S. Vol. XX. p. 214, text-line 3.)-S. K.]
Expressed by a symbol.
Read #ch-ádhyushita".

Page #452

སླའི # ནg#1 ཚེས 1:= ཏུ་
རྨི ་ ད ར ། [9 1: དགE༽ཙ211|27 ཀ ༢རྣ7/8/0 81 00 སྤྱི མི ཚ ཛ 37 ༧༡hརྟེRམ| ༢ Rs a རྒྱཀྱི 18:ཀཱ ཀ /n 3,112@g 171 ༧གོPazམན་ན་ཙ2:1:ནི་ཀནm72 %s ༧.དམth:/orངལྡནg༧ས མ
141::ན°གན. ། ཀའི ཀར ད གྲྭ.h= ཉིu༢/ན: tg65XT: CURmp ཏུ ནmཉརྣ|na:_RའShug 9]h༩n ན ༣༽ ཀཞེས ༢༩ ཀ ༩༽s/54gi ja&mpagr༡ ༩1: མི་2823
ལ ། 296 > རྒྱུ ན་གོTRan 2nzu@3སམཉིཀ ལས་ ཀྱི2ལོ ནས་ 2/pནནg ། ན་ནི 1:ཡི་ལན།
&2gARན
Arang plate of Bhimasena II.---Gupta Samvat 282.
༠
1༠ ནི:mn/ནིn xi (ཀ7 མn UA75. མducx༧༧ ན 1& ༧ 1, ག ༥༽ 1:#| ན ཏེ ཀླུ ༧aX་ རྒྱུ ནqན ༩ f80%AN BE & u
ས37gQ ནུiz་རྟ27ན312ཀཉྩཀནFREསtu@ཀུར མིg *#7, 3q40ན་༧༨༢ན༽9 7=H3༤/3:5611ན ༧༽ཉི |
12
STEN KONOW.
SCALE 75
W. GRIGGS, PHOTO-LITH.

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Page #454

No. 53.).
ARANG COPPER-PLATE OF BHIMASENA II.
345
Second Side. 10 bhir-atîtair=Agåmibhis-ch-aitavadbhiḥ svavansy [ai]$2 sah=&dhỏ [y]iyâsaḥ svalpåm-api
pidan-kuryya]ta-kårayed-anu manyets Vå 88 pancha11 bhir=mmahậpåtakair=upapatakais-cha s&[m]yuktah [syat panas-ch=8]gminn-arth
bhagavata Vyåsên=&bhihitam shashtim varsha-sahasrani 12 svarggê módati bhúmidah [lo] achchhêttà ch=anumanta cha tâny-êva narake
vasêd=ity-êvamadi-slikâh Guptåna samvvatsa13 ra-saté 200 80 Bhadra di 10 83 dûtakas-cha råjaputra-Subhadraḥ
utkirņpam cha Lakshmanên-êti llll
TRANSLATION. (LI. 1 to 4.) Om! Hail! From Suvarņqanadi; the illustrious Maharaja Bhimasena, possessed of power and gacoess, triumphant with virtue (and) giver of many lawfully acquired jewels, cows, land, gold, precious metals, etc. (was) the great grandson of the illustrious Maharaja Sûra, who was equal to all virtuous royal sages in lineage, power and fame, the grandson of the illustrious Maharaja Dayita, beloved of his subjects, the son of the illustrious Maharaja Vibhishana to whom fendatory kings bowed (and who was) terrific to his enemies.
(Ll. 4 to 6.) His son (was) the illustrious Maharaja Dayitavarman, the follower of his (father's) conduct, whose court was attended by great and good personages). His son (is) the illustrious Maharaja Bhimasena, who meditates on his father's) feet and is extremely devoted to the gods, preceptors and Bråhmans. (He) being in good health (and) wishing good luck to Brâhmans and other inhabitants) of Vatapallikâ in the district of Dónda, orders (as follows):
(LI. 6 to 8.) This village is given by me, while ruling prosperously, for the purpose of increasing the religious merit of (my) mother, father and myself, to Harisvâmin and Bappasvåmin (both of the Bharadvája gôtra, (students of the Rigveda, as an agrahara,+ with all taxes, and lasting up to the time of the great dissolution of the universe.
(LI. 8 to 13.) Therefore, being obedient to their commands, you should render (to them) in proper manner the taxes such as gold and bullion, etc. If anybody, being regardless of the two worlds and wishing to go to hell with ten past and (a similar number of) future (generations) of his family, does, causes to be done, or assents to even a small harm to this (charity), he would become joined with five great sins and also minor sins. Moreover, in this matter it has been said by the venerable Vyåsa : "the giver of land enjoys in heaven for sixty thousand years, (but) the confiscator (of a grant) and he who assents (to an act of confiscation) shall dwell for the same number of years in hell," and so forth (in other) verses. In the year of the Guptas in hundreds 200, 80 2 in the month of) Bhadra on the day 10 8(P). Prince Subhadra was the dataka (officer carrying the king's orders). Engraved by Lakshmana.
Read ta niyaih.
Read pidath kuryydl. I am indebted to Dr. Konow in helping me to elucidate these somewhat curiously formed figures. A grant made in favour of god or Brahmana.
I.e. regardless of the consequences which may follow in this and the next world.
• For these see Ydjapalkya-smriti, verse 227 of the PrayaschittadhyAye. They are : killing & Brahman drinking, theft, visiting & preceptor's wife, and association with any of these offences. The minor offences are enumerated further on from verses 234 to 242.
2 Y

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Page #456

INDEX." Br H. KRISHNA SASTRI, B.A.
PAGE Abhimanya, Rashfrakılta k..
172 Abhinanda, 7., . .
116 Abhinavasiddharája, sur. of Jayantasitaba, .118n Abbir, . a. Ahír, . . . . . 279 Abboga, oi. . . . . . 138 Ablar, vi, . . . . . . 101 Aba, mo., 10n, 12, eån, 63, 640, 670, 710,
72n, 78, 79, 800, 81, 82, 88n,
114n, 148, 163, 169, 189 Abahola, queen, . . . . 140, 141 Abul Fazl,
. 307, 809n Aobala (Sthaan), . a. Siva, . . 156 Aobalesvara, te., . . . 79, 80, 149, 149 Achæmenids, . . . . . 189 Aobarys, . . . . 189, 140, 145, 146 a-cb8fa-bhata-pravéya,
296 Ashohuvadi, &. a. Aívati,
. 937 Achyataddrataya, Achyutaraya or Ashya
têndra, Vijayanagara k., . 330, 340 Achyutarayabhyadayam, poon,
830 Adam Bhåb, ch., . . . . .308n Adarsanadēva, ., . . . . .288 Adbhutakrishnaraja, Paramdra k., . . .11 Addańki, vi. . .
. 50 addbjks, s. a. Ardhika, . . . 59a adbikári, . . . . . 296, 299, 316 adhirajaraja, . .
32, 23 adhishthana (residence P), . Adichchan, m., . . 235, 237, 238, 239 Adil Khân, Faruqi k. . . 307, 308, 310 Adil Khân, sur. of Miran Ghant, . . . 910 Adil Sikh, sur. of Miran Adil Khan 30 Adil Shah, sur. of Raja Ali Khân, 306, 307,
808n, 800, 810 Adil Shah Ayna, sur. of Miran Ghant,. 807, 810 Adil Shah Azim-4-Humáson, ..a. Adil Khâa,
807, 308n, 809, 810
ΡΔΟΣ Adinagir, vin . . . .280, 3310, 233 Adinatha, Jaina saint, . . 81n, 148, 161 Adipar&pa, quoted, .
. . . . 2060 Aditya I., Chila kig .
. . 88, 89n dity II., do.
. 84, 9340, 886 Adityabhat ., .
• 190 Aditya-bhattak, ton Adityama Penn, .., Adiyapasetti, m., . Adondai, mythical Chola prince, adukku, . . . . . . . 93n Aghapdevart, to. . Agnihotra, . .
40, 299 agnihotrin, . . 106, 107, 115, 116, 117, 119 Agoitola, the thirty-six, . . . 178 agnikunda, . . . . . 151, 1560 Agra, ni.. . . . . . 181n, 241 agrahara, . 40, 96, 133, 133, 300, 345 Agrahayana, . . Märgasirsba,. . .119 agraja or agrajanman, the first-born son, Bon Ahiobchhattrapora, vi.. . . . . 710 Ahila, Chdhamana k. of Naddela, 71, 83 Abir, tribo, . . . . . 279n Ahládana, a. Alhapa, , . . 72, 83 Ahmad NIA'tigla, ch., . Ahmad Shah, ch., . . . . .308n Ahmad Shah Bahmani, Bahmani b... 06 AhmadAstinin, ..,
. , 200 Ahwan Ikan, sur. of Mitran Ghani, 301, 310 A1 (Argy),
- 1000 Aibele, vi.. . . . . . 317 Whatguravarderurs, birudia,
341 la-i-bel, quoted, . . . 1860, 6, Airavata, elephant, . . Wana, w.. . . . . . . 316 Airarmalai, vi.. . . . . . 88
ipapakulam or Ainakulam, vi... 331, 341 Ajabakamkrt, queen of Dikpåladora, . 165
321
The figures refer to pages; 'n' after a figaro, to footnotes; and 'add.' to the Additions and Corrections on pp. vil and viii.. The following other abbreviations are used :-ch, - chiaf; co. - country; di district or division; do. - ditto; dy, dynasty ; E. - Kastern ; f. -female; . - king; m, malo; mo.. mountain; ni.. river; *4.-sams a: tur, - nrneme; to.- fonplo; vi,- village or town; W. W erne
27 2

Page #457

348
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. IX
PAGE Ajaina, *. . . . . 6 Ajayadeva, ch., . . . . . . . 119 Ajayavarman, Paramdra k., 105, 114, 121 Ajoyi, m., . . . . . . 116 Ajja, 8. a. Arya, . . . . . 278 Ajjhita-bhattarika, queen of Narendrasena, . 269 Ajjbitadêvi, queen of the Uchchakalpa ch. Vy&gbre .
. . . 369n Ajmer Singh, ch., . . . . 166 ajñapti, . . . , 48, 50, 133 Akalatka, Jaina teacher, . . . 266n Akalavarsha, sur. of Krishna II., 25, 28, 40 Akbar, Mughal emperor, . . . . 806 Akola, vs., . .
. . .
.
. . .
. . . 107 Akola or AkolA-sth&na, 8. a. Akola, 107, 116 akshasalin, . .
272, 874 akshaya-tpitiya. . . . . 71n, 74 flakku (Alákka), measure,. . . 92, 93 slankdra, . .
.
168 Alandi, vi.. . .
. 200 Al Beruni, .
. . .284n Alexander,
. 139 Albana or Alhapadeva, Chahamana k. of
Naddula, 62, 63, 64, 67, 72, 80, 83, 159 Ali Khan, ch., . .
.3081 Âlikuļi, vi, . . . 331, 841 Allahabad, vi.. .
181n, 1840, 293 Alli, m., . . . . . . . 116 alphabets :
box-beaded, . 171, 268, 282, 342 Brahmi, 1397, 239, 240, 242, 243, 244,
245, 247, 202 Détanggart, . .
. . . 123 Grantha, . . . . . 85, 284 Hindi, . . . . . . Kadarese or Kappada,. 258, 328, 389n, 341 Kharoshthi, ... 136n, 137, 139n, 240 MalayAlam, . . . . 234 Nagari,. 1, 2, 11, 63, 67, 70, 79, 94,
104, 117, 160, 161, 163, 168, 167, 176, 182, 302,
306, 311, 312, 319 Nandingarf, . . . . .
. . . . . 293, 294 Persian, . . . . . 137, 306 Sarada,
. . .800 Telugu, 48, 181, 162, 163, 164, 176, 811
Vatteluttu, . . . , 86, 88, 284 Alaa, . a. Alupe, . . . . 16 Aluaraan, sur, Gapa . . . . 18
PAGE Alapa, family, . . . 15, 16, 17, 20, 22 Alupai, 8. a. Alavky, .
16 Alapêndra, biruda, . . . . 16, 20, 21, 82, 23 Aluva, 8. a. Alapa, .
15, 16, 17, 30 Alurakhoda, six thousand, di. . . 16, 17 Aluvaraja, biruda, . . Aluvarasa, do. . . . . 21, 23 Alavky (Alwye), vi., . Alva, s. a. Âlapa, . . . 17, 32 Alvakh@da, s. a. Alavakhoda, Alvaraks, s. a. Aluvarasa, . . Âmadêva, m., . . . . . 119 Amarakantak, hill, . . . . 269, 343 Amaraprabhastri, Jaina teacher, i 154 Amaråvati, vi.. . . . . 136, 262n Amarèsvara or Amarêkvara-tirtha, vi.. . 120 Amardávaradáva, te., . . . . 119 Amardávara-kshetra, s. a. A mardóvara, 119, 120 amatys. . . . . . 132 Amba or Ambika, goddess, . . . . 257n Ambalavisi, baste, . . . . .236 Ambasamudram, vi.. . 84, 85, 88, 93n, 2380 Ambika, Jaina goddess, . , 161, 1560 Âmbar, vi.. . . . . . . 87 Amma or Ammarája I., E. Chalukya k.,
49, 50, 51, 134 Amma or Ammarája II., do., 47, 48, 60,
55, 56, 131, 132, 133n Ammakande, s. a. Anmakonda, 257, 269, 266 Amoghavarsha I., Rashtrakufa k., 26, 27, 251 Amágbavarsha III., do., . . . 3n, 28 Amoghavarsha, sur. of Kakkarája II., . . 3n Amoghavarsba, sur. of Våkpatiråja II., . 71 Amritadevi, queen of Perpapáls,. . 11 Ampitaghathivara, te., : : 208, 209, 213 Amritakund, tank, . . . . 185 amritayoga, . . . . . 207 aminterbavaraganda, i . . , 329 Åmuktamalyada, Telugu poem, 880n and add. Amvulaka (Ambulaka), 8. a. Amvallaka, 2 Arhvallaks (Ambullaks), vi., .
, Anahilapataka, vi.. .
71, 72, 106 Apahilla, Chdhamana k. of Nadadla, 64, 67,
71, 80, 88 Anabillapara, 8. a. Apabilapätaks . . . 78 Apabula, Rashtrauda ch., . . . . 87 Anandajñana, Advaita teacher, , . 396 Ânandasůri, Jaina teacher, . . . . 164 Ananta, in . . . . . 116 Anantapala, che . . . . 261
Oriya
.
.
.
.

Page #458

INDEX.
349
.
.
.
.234n
258.
PAGE
PAGE Anantasvâmi, m., .
ariyasachchas, the four, . . . . 292 Anantavarman, sur. of E. Ganga kinge, 95, 322 Arjumand Bånu Bêgam, queen of Shah Jehån, 306n Anarudha, m., . . . . . . 303 Arjuna, mythical k., . . . ..165 Åndal, Srivaishnava saint, . .
330n Arjana, Arjupadeva or Arjunavarman, Åndali, 8. a. Andni,. . . 167, 168, 170 Paramára k., 104, 105, 107, 108, 109n, Andhra, co., . . . 257, 260, 269
114, 118n, 120, 121n Åndni (Añjni), vi.. . . . .
Arjonèsvara, te., . . . . 223, 224 anga, . .
Arkkadeva, ch., . . . . Aiga, co., . .
. 326 Armian Shâh, ch., ..
. . 308n Angåra (Angiras), rishi,
18+
Arņorája, Chahamdna k. of sakambhari, .67n Anivârita-Punyavallabha, m., . . . 206n Arrian, . . .
. . . 348, 344 Anmakonda, vi., 256, 257, 259n, 260, 261, 262 Årringal, oi., . Anmakanda, 8. a. Anmakonda, , 257, 265 Artas, ch., . .
. . . . 139 Ânnalladeva, Chahandna k. of sakambhari, 67n artha, . .
. 113n Anpalladéri, queen of Âlhapadeva, . 67, 83 Arundhati, f. . .
• 316 Annamdevs or Annamrája, Bastar ch., . 165, 166 Arya, tribe, . .
277, 278 antapåla, a frontier-guard, . . . . 2n Aryadiņda, m., . . . . . . . 192 Anulam, 8. a. Anuradha, . . . . 210n Aryan, . . . . . . • 811 Angmakonda, 8. a. Anmakonda,. 257n, 261 Afadhara, Jaina author, . . 107, 108, 118 Anuruddhasvâmi, m., . . . 288 Asadbara, m., . . . . . . 116 anusvåra, 25, 41, 57, 175, 182, 188, 247, 258, Âsala, Kéradu ch., . . . . 72
873, 277, 312 Afaraja or Åsaraja, s. a. A sârâja, 67, 80, Anyor, vi.. . . . . . . 147
81, 82, 83, 162 Aparajita, Gwhila k., . . . . 188 Abaraja, Chdhamana k. of Nadddla, 64, 67n, Aparajita or Aparajitavikramavarman, 8. a.
72, 82, 83 Vijaya-Aparajitavikramavarman, 87, 88 Asbab Shah, ch., . . . . 3080 Aparajita-chaturvedimangalam, 8. a. Ukkal, Ashghar, ch., . . . . . .308n
87, 88 Ashtasahasrika, work, . . . . 321 Aparajit&sa, te., . . . . . 74 Asirgarb, vi.. . . . . . . 306 appakkâyk kari, . . . . . . 93n Agni, vi., . . . . . Araigür, di. .
. 86, 88, 91 Asoka, Maurya emperor, 136, 137, 248, 287n Arakella, m., .
. . 23 Asrama-stbâda, vi.. . . . . 107, 115 Arang, di., 171, 172, 282n, 283, 842, 344 afvamêdha, sacrifice, .
. 133 Araṇyaraja, Paramára k., . . . ; 11 Afvapåla, Chahamana k. of Naddila, 71, 83 Årágapa or Åråsaņakara, oi, . . .
Svapati, . . . . .
. 321
. Araviti-Bukka, Karnata ch. . 329 Aévati, 8. a. Asvini,. . . 210n, 285, 237 Aravitipura, vi.. . . . . . 329 Atharva-Veda,
. . . . 146, 240 Arbada, 4. a. Abd. 12, 71, 80, 81, 148, 149, atitbisantarpana, . . . . . 40 151, 152, 154, 189n Ativirarâma-Pândya, Pandya k.
331 Arbuda-måbåtmya, . .
189n Atri, rishi,
26, 38, 186, 186 Arbuda-mandala, co., . . . . 11, 12, 151 Attam, 8. a. Hasta, . . . . . . 310 Arcot, vi., . . . . . . 231 attippêru, . . . . . . 236, 2370 Ardhatintriņi (Arappuļi P), ..... 831, 341 avabhritha, .. . . . . . 204 Ardhika or ardhastrin, . . . 59navagraba, . . . . . 67, 70, 104, 117 Arbat, . . . . . 67 Avalladéri, Húna princess, . . . S Årigom, 8. a. Hkļigrama, i . 300, 301 Aval8kitaśvara, Buddhist god, . . 801, 802 Arikesari Parkkrama-Pandya, Pandya k., 380, 3310 Avlógånaka, family, . . . . . 199 Arisimha, author, . .-
730 Aradivarman, Chaulukya ch., . . . 9 Ariyakulam, vi.. . . . . 391, 341 Avaniyarman I., Chalukya ch., .. 1, 2, 3
191

Page #459

350
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(Vor. IX.
PAGE Avanivarman II., Chalukya ch., 1, 2, 3, 4, 9n,
. 130, 131 Avanti, co., . .
. . 369 avasathika, . . . 106, 107, 116, 117 Avelladēvs, mistake for Annallad@ya, 670 Avittam, &. a. Dbanishtha,.
2100, 225 syaria, s. a. Acharya, . . . . . 140 Ayasi Komisa, m. . . . . . 141 Äyimisa, ., . . . 140, 145 Ayirûr, vi.,
. . . 236 Ayurur, 8. a. Ayirur, . . 235 and add.
236 and add., 237 and add., 288 and add. Ayya, family,. . . . . . 262n Azim Shah, ch., . . . . . 308n
в Baben, vi.. . baba, . . . . . . . Badagabett, vi.,
. . . . Bådamera, 8. a. Barmer, . . . . 72 Badêmi, vi.. . . . . . . 102 Badapáli, vi.. . . . . . 344 Badari, vi. .
. . 11, 12 Baddiga, sur. of Amðghavarsha III.,
3n Bagalkot, vi, . . . . . . 312 Bagamra, vi.. . . . . 96, 29, 1940 Bahadur Khán, sur. of Khizr Khan, 306,
307, 310 Bahadur Shah, Gujarat k., . . . .310n Bahûr, vi.. . . . . . . 88n Baijnath, te.. . . . . . 800 Bakata, ., . .
192 Bala, Buddhist friar, .
• 291 Balåghit, di., . .
267 Bala-Narayana, sur. of Jaitngidora, . 1180 Balapasida, Oldhamana k. of Naddala,
64, 72, 88 Balavarmaa, Chahobye ek.,
2, 3, 4, 130 belly . . . . . . 40, 95, 99 Bali, demon, . . . . 38, 114, 115n Baliraja, Chdhamana . of Madadla,
PAGE Bâpâras (Benares), vi., .
. 181 Banks, ri., . . . . . . 81 Banavasi, vi., . .
• 16 Banarasi or Banavas, . a. Vanarasi, 16, 204n,
230, 813 and add. bandba,'. .
. . 126, 128 bandhu or bandhava, a brother, . . . 71 Bangad sa, m., . . . . . . 192 Bangadēva, ., i
192 Banjaras, tribe, . . . . . . 1690 Banskhera, ti... .
. 286 Bapaks, Th., . . . . . 192 Bapåņandi, ., . Bappasvamin, . . Bapaka, ch., . . Baragaon, viis . Baranasi, s. a. Varapási, Barapkli, vii, . . . . . . 344 Bara Surigaon, vi. .
. 169n Barbbaristêmi, m., . . . . 282, 284 Bardoli, ni. . . . . . 29 Bårmer, oi., . . . . . 720, 73 Baroda Museum, . . . . . 24 Bårsdr, vi.. . : 160, 161, 162, 163, 164, 166 basadi, a Jaina temple, . . . 287 Bastar, State, 160, 161, 162, 163, 164, 166, 169n, 174, 175, 176, 178, 179, 1800, 181n,
859n, 312, 313 Bauddha,. . . . . . 268n Bauka, Pratihara ch., . . 277, 278, 279 Bayawan, vi.. . . . . .
181n Bayyana-Nayaka, ch., . . . . . 369n Behatti, vi.. . . .
. 201 Belvala or Belvola, co.
. 201 Benares, vi., 21, 27, 42, 59, 60, 611, 292, 802,
804, 320, 321 Bengal, co. . . . . . 42 Bengipun, 1. a. (®) Véngt. . . . . Beppati, &. a. Bohatti, . . 201, 206 Denie, din i .
. 1810, 231n Behn, Amaravati ch., . . . . . 268 Beta, E. Chalukya ch.. i . : 322 Bêts or Bebana, ch., . . . 359, 268, 287 Beta or Batarasa, Kálatiya k., 165, 268, 260,
265, 266 Betipapdi, vi.
. 182, 183 Betma or Betmarija, 8. a. Beta,. 166, 359 Betul, vii,. . . . . .284n, 3430 Bezvada vir, . . . 258n, 262 Bhadra, wife of Harichandra, .
279
Balkh, vi Ballâmbik , queen of Âravipi-Buleka, Baloda, vi.. . . . . Balotra, vi.. . . . . Shenanghati, vi.,
. Band, w. . . . . Blepa, po . . . .
. 308n . 329 . . 288 . . 73
Wh, 2730 . . 184d . 28, 201

Page #460

INDEX.
SU
351
• 280
PAGE
PAGE Bhadradeva, ., . . .
.193 Bhoom Sen pillar, Bhadras våmi, m., . . . . . 288 bhikkha,. . . . . . 144, Bhadrâsvar, m., . . . . . . 115 bhiksha,. . . . bhagabhogakars, tax,. .
. . 306
Bhil, tribe. . . . Bhagalpur, vi., . .
26n, 28 Bbilamalaku, m., . . . . 192 Bhagavadgita, , .
200
Bhilims, s. a. Bbillema, . . Bhagavat, . . . 172, 269, 284, 317, 319 BhillAditya, Pratikdra ch., Bhagavata, purdna, . . . . . 343Bhillama, Yadana k., . . 72, 83n Bhagavati, goddess, . . . . . 286 Bhima, ch., . . . . . 260 Bhagfraths, mythical k., . . . . 164n Bhima, k., . . . . . 322 Bhagirathi, &. a. Ganges, . . . . 270 Bhima, m., . . . . . 127, 163 Bhagudalana, 17. . . . .. 389, 290 Bhima I., s. a. Chalukya-Bhima I., . .132n Bhai Raj, s. a. Bhairavadêra, . 165 Bhima or Bhimadeva I., Chaulukya k., 71, 72, Bhairamadera, Bastar ch., . 4800va, bastar Ch., . . . . 166
81, 83n, 148, 149, 161 Bhairamgarh, vi.. . . . 160, 161, 164 Bhima or Bhimaraja II., 8. a. Chalukya-Bhima Bhairamgudi, shrine,. . . 161, 164 II., . . . . . . 133, 134 Bhairava II., Kalasa-Kdrkala ch., . 174 Bhima or Bhimasena, mythical k., . 113, 256 Bhairavadeva, Bastar ch., . . . . 165 Bhimadeva II., Chaulukya k.. . . 73, 83 Bhâudaka, vi., . . . . . . 1620
Bhimana, vi., .
. . 159 bhandArt, . . , 313, 316 and add. Bhimasena I., k., . . . . 342, 345 Bbañja, family, . . . . . 273, 274 Bhimaséna II., k., . 348, 343, 844, 345 Bhanu or Bhanudêva, Kakaira ch., 139, 124, Bbinmal (Bhinmál), vi., . . . 72, 73, 74
127, 128, 183, 184 Bhitarrás, vi... i • . , 185 Bharadiva, tribe. . . . . 269n, 270 bhoga, a district, .
. . . . 16 Bharata-(author of the natyasastra).
73 Bhoga, m. . .
. . . 189 Bbaratapela, m., . . . . . . 116 BhOyasami, .,
. . . . . 388 Bharati, s. a. Sarasvati,
Bhögavardbane, di.,
296, 299 Bbarhat, vi, . .
186 Khôgirati, vi., , 161, 169, 178, 181, 812, 316, 316 Bhårunda, vi, . . . , 11n, 18n bhôgika or bhogin, . . . . 273, 299 Bhaskara, m., . .
Bhoja, le.. . . . . . 38, 829 Bhaskarabhatta, astronomer,
Bhojn or Bhojadeva, Paramdra k., 72, 881, Bb&skara-Ravivarman, k., . 85, 288n
108, 113, 118, 151, 230 Bhaskarasvámi, m., . . . . 288, 284 Bhojadeva L, Kananj k., 1, 2, 3, 4, 190, 248, 860 Bhatarks, Valabhi k., . . . . 195 Bhopallarlovi, queen of Karparajd, 182, 183, bbatta, . . . . 873n
186, 187 bbatangyaka, . . . . 818, 816 Bhramarakótya-mandala, di., 176, 178, 179, bhattáraka (battårakar), 235, 236, 237, 238, 289, 816 Bhattáraka, biruda of Vijayaditya I., 65, 184 Bhriga, w., . . . . . . 115 bbattaršņaka, . .
169, 170 Bhrigukachchha, vi... . . . . 251 Bhattoji-dikshita, grammarian,. . . 206n bha, land measure ), . . . . 841 Bhârs, m., . . . . . . 6 Bhuiya, tribe, . . .
. . . 1840 Bhava-Brihaspati, temple priest,. .
Bhujabala-Maharya, Vijayanagara k., 174 Bhavadeva, ch., .
bhukti, . ... .
282, 284 Bb&vadova, m., . . . . . .316 Bhushbhuvaka, ch., . . . . . 199 Bhavagapta, ch. . .
. 11 bbůmichohhidra-nyåya, . . . 6, 10, 299 Bhavanaga, Bharafida ch., . . . 270n Bhimlávara, te., . .
. . . 224 Bhavant, . a. Parvati, . . 88, 60, 61 Bhudza, 6. a. Bhaja. . . . . 2740 Bhavani, te., . . . . . 60, 61, 62 Bh Apåladeva, Bastar ch., . . . . 166 Bhavishya-purina, . . . . . 279bbüsphôța, a mushroom, . . . 71 Bhavya, the Jaina community, . .. i 265 Bhúsuratutaka, s. a. Pappâtkulam, 831, 3:41
266
181, 312
•
162n

Page #461

352
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA,
[VOL. IX
829
PAGE
PAGE bhavana-cale, . . . .
• 174 Burhanpur, ti. . . . . . 306, 308 Bihar, co., . .
Barma, co., . . . . . . 231 bijak. .
• 125 Burad, vi. . . . . . . 120 Bijaoli, Bijolia or Bijholi, .. a. Bijoli, 62 Bosbalrao, Vijayanagara prince, . 174 Bijjaldndra, k.,
Bata, f. . .
189 Bijoli, vi. . . . 62, 71n
tka Sadh, triba, . . . . . 184n Bilhapa, ch., . . . . . 107 Bilhana, poet, . . . . . 16, 178 Bilbari, di.. .
Calcutta Masam, .
. 291 biradamatniyavibbala,
. . 380 calf, crest, . . . 161, 163, 312, 316, 316 boer, orest, 48, 99, 131, 193, 201, 274, 328 Cambay, vi.. . . . . . Bodh Gaya, vi., . . . . 286, 287 Ceylon, island, . . . 87o, 178, 230, 234n Bodbisnttva, . . . . 190n, 290, 291 Chabbi, Chhabbi or Chbebbi, s. a. Sebbi, .2580 Bodra, fort, . . . . . 161 Chacha, ch., . . . . . . 11 Borai, ri, . .
. . 344
Chacha, 8. a. Chachiga, . . . 74, 88 borisaloo, the Maliah Pdtra, . .177a Chechikt or Chchigadera, Chahamdna l. of Botaka, m., . , . . . . . 190 Nadddla, , 70, 71, 73, 74, 83, 278n Botasv&mi, ., . . . . . 282, 284 Chagi, family, . . . . . . 360n bow, crest, . . . . . 181, 313 Chabamåne, do., 180, 62, 63, 67, 71, 79, Boya-Padda, m., . . . . . 259, 267
80, 81, 162, 168, 251 Boygavarma, m., . . . . . 21 ChAhamáns, k., . . . . . . 71 Brabmskshatri, caste, . . . . . 195 Chahumans, s. a. Chahamâna, 62, 64, 711, 78, Brahman, god, 26, 37, 38, 42, 87, 75 add.,
74, 79, 82 116n, 1260, 191, 266, 327, 343 Chahuvama, Chihuvâna or Chabu viņu, do., 81, 168 Brabman, m... . . . . . . 116 chait, . . . . . 160 Brahma-siddbånta, 12, 119, 130, 208, 209, 210, Chakrakota or Chakrakott, s. a. Chakrakótya, 211, 212, 213, 214, 216, 217, 223, 224, 225, 226
178, 179, 230 Brahmaujháka, 7. . . 816 and add. Chakrakotya, vi. . . . . 178, 179 Brihad Aranyakopanishadbhashyatika, quoted, . 296n Chakrakota-mandala, di.,. . . . 181 brihadbhôgin, . . . . . . 273n Chakrakata, vi. . . . . 48, 49 Bribad-gachchha, school of Jaina teachers, 71 Chakrap&pi, s. a. Visbạo, . . . 370 Brihatsam hita, quoted, .
269, 278 Chakrayudha, k., . . . . 4, 26, 28 British Museum, 67, 136, 239, 248, 329, 330n, chakrin (chakravartin), . . 258, 266
332n, 386n chakrin, a provincial chief, . . . 2590 Broach, vi.. . . . . . . 344n Cbalikka, k., . . . . . . 929 Bachkala, vi. . . . 198, 199 Chalikya, 8. a. Chalukya (Western), 99, 101 Buddha, god, 141, 146, 190, 292, 298, 820, 327 Chalakys, family, . . . 1, 2, 3, 7a Buddha, Natavadi ch., . . . 282n Chalukya or Chalaky, Eastern, dy., 27, 39, 47, Buddhadova, Buddhist teacher, 139, 140, 144, 145 48, 49, 50, 55, 56, 132, 138, 179n, 261n, Buddharája, Kalachuri k., . . . 296
817, 392 Eaddharija, Kondapadmați ch., . . . 260n Chalukya, Chalukya, Chalukya or Chalukya, Buddhila (Budbila), Buddhist teacher, 199,
Western, dy, 16, 18, 26, 38, 162, 165,
140, 144, 146 166n, 201, 202, 204, 280, 268, 260, 261, Buddhism, . . . . . . 801
282, 265, 266, 317, 819 Buddhist, 58n, 136, 138, 140, 182n, 190, 201, Chalukya-Bhima I., E. Chalukya k., 60, 66, 184
266n, 290, 291, 292, 293, 921 Chalukyu-Bhlia II., do. . . 48, 49 Bukkama, queen of 1&vara,. .
340 Chalukyachakravartin, sur. of Taila III., .2580 Bugada, vi.. . . . 42, 272, 274, 320nChalukyachtdâmaņi, title, . . . . 260n Bundela, di., . .
. . . 189n Chamba, State,. .
. . 9811 Bundelkhand, di., . . .284 Chammak, ving. . . . . 268,271n

Page #462

INDEX
353
PAGE 1
PAGE ChamundA, god dors, . . . . . 74 Chhikkor, family. . . . 820, 822, 826 Chamandappal, f. .
233
Chhindak, . . Sinda, . 178, 178, 181 Obamandardja, Oldhandna k. of Nadddla, 73, 88 Ohhita, ...,
.
. 116 chandals, an outcaste, . . . 1250 Chhurikdra Madipota, . a. Madipsta, 176, 177, 181 Chandasitha, . .
. . . 149
chbariprabandbs, . . . . 177, 181 Chanduvarman, śdlanikdyana k., . 68 Oh loncolo, oi., .
. . 95 Chandayika, s., . . . . 196
Chikhalt, i., . . . . 167, 168, 169 Chand Bardai, port, . .
Chikhalirataks, si.. . . . . . 95 Chandella, family, . . . 62, 165 Chipurapalle, vi. . . . . 818 Chapdika, . a. Parvati,
71
Chitralantha, horse, . . 100, 201, 205 Chandra or Chandraden, Kanawi k., 302, 303, Chitrakat, vi., . . .
. 161 904, 820, 823, 827 Chitrakata or Chitrakoša, vi. . , 179 Chandraditya, W. Chalukya prince, . 102 Chitrarathasvimin, to. . . . 58, 69 Chandragupta L., Gupta k., .
. . 843 Chitravaba or Chitrardhana I., Alupa k.. . 16 Chandragupta II., do. . . . . 343n Chitrardhana, Alupa (P) k., . . . 16 Chandraka, .. . . . .
Chitrakhana II., Alupa k... . 16, 17, 18 Chandrakantha, th., . .
116 Obitrötpal, .. a. Mabanadi, . . . . 184a Chandravimi, . .
.888 Chode, . a. Chola,
6. 4. Obola. . . . . . . . 889 Chandrirati, vi, 12, 820, 80, 81, 82, 88n, 149, Choda or Cbodi, .. a. Rajendra-Chode, 2880
161, 802, 304 Chodaga gaddys, E. Ganga k. . . 95, 893 Chanduks, Pratihdra ch., . . .
280
Chohan, . a. Chåhamans, . . . 82n Changálva, family. . . . . . 16 Chola, co., 84, 85, 86, 87, 88, 89, 92, 990, Chapa, do. . . . . . 8,6 101n, 166, 166n, 178, 1790, 201, 205, 206, Chapka, oi., . . , 160, 161, 168 207, 217, 228, 229, 280, 281, 288n, 3340, chap, . . . . . . 984n
286, 360, 822, 840 charu, .
. 40, 96, 999 Chola-Pandy, family, Charadevi, queen of Vijaya-Buddbavarman, 67
chollins, . . . . . chata, s. . chap, . . . 172n, 884n Chaqasam, family, . chagubhata, .
Chullandaraka (Chuldadar), vi... 282, 283, 284 Chattalliha, oi., . . . . 42, 43, 47 Cochin, vi, . .
. . . . 85 chaturveda, . . 106, 116, 117, 119 Conjesveram, ni.. . 88n, 92n, 305n and add. Chaädbart, ..., . .
Cuttack, di.
. . 386 Obaulukyu, family, 3, 71, 72, 73, 81, 88n, 206, .
118n, 148, 149, 161, 168n obaurt, . . chávadi, . . . . . . 881, 841
Dabhals, co., .
. 843 Obábróla, vin . , 259, 260 Dadhikarna, Naga te.,
. . .241 Obadi, co.,. . . 3, 87, 89, 48, 269, 821, 822
Dabala or Dahala, s. 4. Chedi, 48, 56, 891 Chengappar (Chebgaandr), vi. . . 236
Daityasddana, to. . Chêne, co., . . . .
Dakabinskdeals, co., 88n, 984n, 840
. . . . . 204 Chhadrd, ., .
.816 dakshinamudrådhipsti, biruda, . . . Chhadrake, m.,
.816
Dakshiņa-Virata (Southern Berár), co., 881 Chbahardta, . a. Khabarita, . . . 1890 Dalapa, #. . . . . . Chhalamattigando, sur. of Ganapati, . 186 Dalhamadevi, queen of Govindachandra, Chhaptd, ., . . .
Dallapa, .. . . Chhatrapa, ... Kshatrapa,.
139
Dalpatdeva, Bastar ch . . . 186 Chhattisgarh, di.. . . 1840, 894, 349, 844 Damara Prithvihan, ch., . . . . 800 Chhata, . a. Cbbanto, . .
170
Damodars, w., . . .68, 116, 127, 169, 170 Obhodiskmi, ., .
. . 288 Danardana (Janardana), ., . . 1800, 181 Chhadisimi, -, .
. . 388 danavira,. . . . . . . 114n
.
Sa
.
.
106
.
.
169

Page #463

354
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. IX.
223n
PAGE Dandabhakti, di,
. . 231, 382 danđadbinatba,
. . 268, 265 dandan yaka, . . . . 246, 961, 290 dapdapàfika, . . . dapdapati, . . . , 81, 149, 151 Dandimabadevi, queen,
. 372n, 2730 dandoddharaniks, . Dankini, ri. . . . . . 161 Dantéévari, te.. . 169, 161, 163, 164, 165, 176 Dantewårå, vi., . . 160, 163, 164, 165, 176 Dantidorga, Rashfrakdfa k., 26, 38, 193, 196 Danu, demon, . . . . . . Darbharanyé vara, te. . . . Dària, m.,
. Darijf, vi., Darius, k., . . Darakhandi, . . . . . Darydodeva, Bastar ch., . . . 166 dacabarà, tithi, Dakaratha, mythical k., . . Bon, 340 Dasaratha, Prágváța ch., . . . 152 Dasmayandana (Dakaratha), sur. of Vijada, 80,
.:
83, 152 Dasavatara cave, . . . . . 26 dasterah, festival, . . . . . 177n dates :recorded in numerical symbols, 57, 59, 171,
240, 242, 243, 244, 245, 246,
288, 296, 300, 312, 345 recorded in numerical words, 65, 95, 134,
164, 296, 330, 310 Datrabhilvamalakuya, ., . .
192 Datta, m.. . . . . . . 6 Dattakamimårsa, quoted,. . 105n and add. Dattasvami, m., .
282, 284 Daulatåbåd, vi.. . . . . 193, 195 dávani (dåmani), . . . . 18n Dawad Khan, Faruqi k.,. . 307, 810 dayavira,
. . . 114n Dayita I, k., . .
342, 345 Dayitavarman II., k., , . . 342, 345 days, lopar :bright fortnight :
first, . . . . 152, 207, 215 second,
158, 159, 218, 216, 278, 299 tbird, 71n, 119, 176, 214, 216, 223, 224 fifth,
199, 208, 210, 212, 801, 302 sixth, . . 1, 2, 3, 4, 210, 211, 250, 256 seventh. . . . . 25, 40, 180, 210
Pagy eigbth, . . . . 80, 81, 209, 214 pintb, .
. . . 166, 216 tenth, .
. . 233, 809 eleventh, 119, 190, 316, 304, 306, 309 twelfth, . . . 162, 163, 209, 216 thirteenth,. . • . 211, 212, 216 foorteenth,. . . . 68, 64, 224, 225 fifteenth (pañchadari) . . 296, 300, 304
full-moon, 95, 105, 106, 161, 301, 306, 312, 818 dark fortnight :
first, . . . . . . 291, 296 second, . . . . . 209 third,
. 164, 217, 349, 845 fifth, . . 67, 68, 124, 128, 129 seventh, . . .
. . 390 eighth, . . . . 81, 159, 208
. 19, 82, 154, 155, 210 tenth... 57, 59, 129, 180, 167, 169, 226 eleventh, . .
. . . 212, 294 twelfth, . . . , 680, 211, 225 thirteenth, . . . . 58, 134 fourteenth,
. . . . . 171 Gifteenth, . . 42, 47, 102, 359, 367
new-moon, . . . . . 330, 340 days, solar sixth,
. . . . . .223 eighth, .
. . . . 224 thirteenth,
. . 212, 213, 823 fifteenth,
. . .220n sixteenth, , ,
. . 214 twenty-first,
. . 829n twenty-third, .
. . . . 220n twenty-fifth, .
. . . . 220D thirtieth, . .
. . . . 228 thirty-first, . . . . . 2280 days of the week :Sunday, 63, 64, 119, 129, 159, 162, 163,
167, 170, 174, 207, 208, 210, 217, 218, 219, 220, 221, 222, 223, 224, 225, 237,
228, 229, 235, 237, 801, 804 Monday, 67, 68, 80, 81, 82, 102, 118,
126, 130, 154, 155, 167, 169, 208, 210, 211, 213, 214, 216, 217, 218, 219, 220, 221, 222, 226, 227, 228, 229, 235, 259,
267, 306, 309, 330, 840 Tuesday, 106, 124, 129, 211, 212, 214, 216, 216, 217, 219, 220, 221, 222, 223,
226, 227, 343

Page #464

INDEX
355
•
192
.
.288
• 199
PAGE
PAGE Wednesday, 81, 124, 129, 158, 159, 161, Dévèndravarman, E. Ganga ky . .
163, 176, 181, 208, 209, 212, 213, 217, Deyri, sub-tribe of Chohdns, . . • 820 218, 219, 220, 221, 222, 226, 227, 228, Dêra, ... . . .
19 229, 278, 312, 316 Devulapalli, vi, . .
330n Thursday, 66 and add., 106, 119, 120, 212, dhakka. . . . .
203 214, 217, 218, 219, 220, 221, 226, 227, Dhaladi, .. . Dhalaga,
229, 304 Dhalaga, ch., . . Friday, 56 add., 134, 158, 219, 218, 220, Dhåmadera, n., . . 291, 222, 223, 224, 225, 226, 227, 228, 229, Dhamaddalarman, ..,
250, 256 Dhamėkh ståp, Saturday, 208, 214, 215, 217, 219, 220, Dhammapada, . .
221, 222, 224, 226, 227, 228, 229 Dhantart, di.,. . deer, crest, .
. . .
. . 313 Dhanadatta, ., . Degt, .,. . .
. . . 163
Dhanadattabasa, #... Dehada, ., .
Dhanadera, ..., . Deià, ..,. .
Dhanagara, ,. . . . . . 192 Delhi, vi.. . . 62, 67a, 154, 293, 294, 296 Dhanañjaya, poet,
. . . 2069 Démati. f. .
. . . . 153 Dhananjara-Panyavallabha, m.,. . 206 Dånd åpaka, 8. a. Didwins, . . . 107 Dhananimha, ., . . . . 150, 153 Deagadh, vi, . . • 120n, 250 Dhandhaladért, f. . . . . . 153 Déo Kongêra, vi.,
. 167, 168 Dhandha, Dhandhuks or Dhandhura ja, Debli, vi.. . . . . . 28, 43, 194 Paramdra k. . . 21, 131, 72, 151 Deori, vi., . . . . 169n Dhanorá, vi. . . . . . . 183 Demla, ., .
. . . 153
Dhanks, ., . . . . . Destadtnamáls, quoted, . . 320 Dhar, oi..
. . . 103 Derari, vi.. . . . . . .
Dharh, s. a. Dhår, 28, 720, 105, 114, 131, 161, Deoka, ., . . . 12
179, 230 Deatha, ., .
Dbara litys, w., . . . . . . 6 Dévacharya, Jaina teacher,. .
Dharana-Mabadent, queen of some varadeva ddrada (ddvara, devri), a younger brother,
(L.), . . . . 162, 163, 316 Déradáva, ., . . . . . . 316
Dharanidhara, .. . . . . . 116 Dévad-vamia, family, . . . 83n Dharapigg, ch., . . . . . 64 Dévad hars, 7., . . . . . . 116 dharapivarâha, biruda, . . . 330 Dovaditya, s. a. Nômaditya. . . . 23 Dharapivarába, Chapa ch., . . 2. 3, 4, 9n Cavagiri, di., . . 72, 83, 119n, 265, 200 Dharmarsha or Dbarkvarahadeva, Nága. Dévagupta. £., . . . . 268 barfi k., . , 161, 164, 179, 312, 315 Devahrada or Devahradatirtha, s.a. Bibawa, Dhårdvarsha, Paramdra prince, . . . 169
182, 184, 187 Dhárdávars, ., . . . . 181 Dárak!, queen of Timma,. . . .340 dharma, . . . , 113, 114n, 146, 526 dévakala,. . .
. . 290 Dharma, s. a. Dharmapala, . . . 2, 3,260 Dåvaktm, kill, . . . 184, 186n and add. Dharmacbakra, . . . . . . 136 Devam-Pavittiran, ., . . . . 239
Dharinachakra Jins, s. a. Baddha, 820 927 Dérapala, Pala k., . . . . Sn, 251 Diarmachakra-mudra, . . . . 292 Depapåln, Paramára k. 103, 105, 108, 116, 118 | Dharmaghosba or Dharmagbdaba ûri, .. a. dévaputra, . . 239, 240, 212, 244, 2-15 Dharmasûri, . . . . . . Devaraja, Paramara L., . . . 72 Dharmakalasa, rur. of Vidyadharabbañijadevi. 28 Devarojs Rashtrakața k..
172 Dharmåmpita, Jaina sork, . . 107. 1 Devarak-hita ch., . .
Dharmandyga, ., . ... Déva-êna, Valdtaka k. .
Dharmapala, ch., . . . 2:1 ...22 Dôvas li, a. Desari, . . . 67, 68 Dharmapala, Pála k., . . 8.4 26 8 51

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356
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(Vol. IX.
Paes Dudin, win . . . . . . 268 Dubflans, Epic warrior, . . . . 356 Dapda, di .
.844 Durgh, goddess, . . . . 1861, 189, 257 Durga, . a. Durgårka, . . . 12 Durgagapa, ., . . . .
188 Dargurkje, ch., . . . . . 49, 50, 56 Durgarla (Dargaditya), ..., .
12 Darjaya, Kakatiya k., . . 165, 359, 360 Durjaya-kuls, s, a Chagi, . . .280n, 262n Durlabhadevi, quoen of Kakka,
980 Darlabharija, oh-, . . . . 11 data or dataka, 64, 107, 118, 119, 973, 274,
800, 845 duvagga (drarga), . . . . . 59 Dvirandhanakarya, quoted, . . . . 2063 dvivode,.
106, 116, 117, 119
.
.
.
.
. 109
Pags Dharmapuram or Dharmavaram, oi.. . Dharmaparl, .. a. Dharmapuram, 49, 50, 56 dharmakastra, . . . . . 47, 974 Dharmabóka, kt... . . . . 820, 828 Dharmastri, Jaina toucher, Dharmavuram, or varamu, .. a. Dharmapa
ram, . . . . . . 60,86 Dhsuli, in . . . . . . 287 Dhavala, Maurya k...
188 Dhavala, Rashtrabufa ck. of Hastikundi, 71, 830 Dhlike, ch., . . . . .3. On Dholki, si.. . . . . . . 73 Dhondbaks, m., Dhruva, Rashfrakda k. . . 28, 194, 195 Dhruv, the Pole star, . . . 75 add. Dhruva I., Gujardt Rasktraddfa ch., . 29 Dhruva or Dhrayarkja IL, do... . 3, 29 Dhu]IA, oi., .
. . . 36 Dhdra, .. . . . . Dhartarifi, .., . . . .
• 189 Didwans, in . .
.
.
. . . . 107 Digbhañjadora, Bhaijach., .
873 Dik påladeva, Bastar ch... . 164, 166, 168 diksbita (dikshit) . 106, 107, 116, 116, 117, 119 Dindarapanagara, 1. a. Did wán, . . 107 dinars, coin, . . . . . . 290 Dindigul, vin . . . . . . 88 Dindvanaka-sthana, t. 4. Dopdrånaks, . 107, 116 dipapuja. . . .
. . . 96 Dipavaman, quotod,. .
248n Dipisvami, ..,.. dithath (drishtan), . .
368, 2700 ditya . Divákara, Jaina teacher, Divákan, ., .
. 119, 189 Diwan tank, . , . . 128, 125 Domma, eh. . . . . . 165 DåndA, .. a Dunda,
842, 844, 845 Dongar, vi..
160, 161, 166 Dourge Poojah, .
. . .177n
266n Draksharima, vi.. . . . • 182, 183 drungiks, Dramgiya, a.,. . . . . . dramma, coin,. . . 26, 40, 68, 67 Dravida, co. . . . . . 2050 Dridhagurt, wh. . . . 199 Dronasinghs, . . . . 171 Dubn-chepura, tank,, . . . . 68 Dudhpani, oi.,
. . . 287
399
eclipao, lanar,. 98, 105, 106, 201, 206, 304 eollpae, solar, 95, 96, 101, 102, 189, 163, 167, 170 Edamaq, oi., . .
336 Edevolall-vishaya), di.
. . 16 Ekamrandthe, to
1640 Ekadilanagara or Ekabilanagari, .. a. Waran
. . 186, 257 Ekávall, quoted, i 113n, 114n, 1150, 358n Eklingji, ni.. . ..
. 1806 Elutti, oi., . . . .
. . .
99, 101 Elavarra, vi., . . . 189, 198, 135n Ellore, ti., . . . . . 58 Eluri, vi.. . Eldru or Elan, 1. a. Elloro, . . 68. 69 Elvanagar, oi.,
209, 210, 313, 317 Ennnobom, . a. Hirngyariha,. . 343 eras
Chiļakyn-Vikrama, 256, 250, 260, 261, 368 Gang@y- umhvat, . . . . . 95 Gupta (or Geapta), . 4, 286, 286, 887, 288,
84, 349, 845 Gapta-Valabht, . . . . 1, 2, 4 Harshe, . . 286, 286, 289, 290 Hijr. . . . . . . 306, 308 Kalachari (Chsdi), 199, 180, 166, 167, 169,
170, 184, 294, 296, 200, 221 Kaliyagan, . . . . 129, 130, 917 Kollam, . . . 284, 936, 287 Laukika-rahvat, . . 300, 301, 302
domba,

Page #466

PAGE
Saka or Saka, 4, 24, 25, 26, 40, 55, 88, 94, 95, 96, 102, 123, 124, 128, 129, 134, 149, 161, 162, 163, 164, 167, 174, 176, 181, 182, 184, 187, 193, 195, 199, 200, 201, 206, 217, 218, 219, 220, 222, 223, 226, 227, 228, 229, 257n and add., 258n, 259n, 260n, 261n, 262n, 274n, 287, 306, 309, 311, 312, 316, 328, 330, 340
. 195, 3430 1, 2, 3, 4, 10,
Valabbi,
Vikrama or Vikramaditya, 11n, 12, 62, 63, 64, 66, 68, 70, 71, 73, 74, 79, 81, 82, 103, 106, 114n, 117, 118, 119, 120, 128, 148, 149, 151, 152, 153, 154, 155, 156n, 158, 159, 164, 165, 166, 184, 187, 189, 190, 191, 198, 199, 248, 249, 250, 251, 277, 278, 279, 293, 294, 802,
Erichcha-Udaiyar, te., Bryaru PeryAlangulam, vi., Evvóka-chêau, field, .
.
gadyanaka, weight,
Gagirà, m.,
F
Gadadhara, M.,. Gadag, vi.,
Gadhipura, s. a. Kanauj,
Gaḍia, vi.,
Fårdqt or Faraki, dy.. 306, 307, 308, 309, 310 figures, numeral, 57, 104, 107, 131, 167, 193,
199, 250, 301 . 307, 308, 309, 310n
Firishta, author,
G
303, 306, 309
84, 85, 86 331, 341
56
•
INDEX.
116, 170 72 304
160, 161, 164 176, 177, 181 181
•
Gahadavala or Gahadavala, family, 320, 822,
gana, gapadhara,
Ganapa or Gapapati, Kakatiya k., 164, 165, 257 and add., 259, 260, 262n Gapapamba, Kakatiya princess,.. gapapatha,
262n . 248
.
Ganapati, god, Gapapatinadai, te.,
Ganapaya-Maharaja, Chagi ch., Ganapéévaram, vi. Ganafarman, M., gandhakati,
Gandia, s. a. Ganapati, Gapéévara, te,
Ganga, the Ganges,
•
PAGE
24, 238n, 279, 328
238n .260m
257, 260, 261, 262n
58,59 ⚫ 320
155n, 160, 161, 340 301
43, 46n, 61, 70, 75 add., 114n, 231, 233, 273, 302, 315, 316, 322, 340, 343
Ganga or Ganga, Eastern, dy., 27, 42, 43, 49,
Garba, di., Garuda, crest,
55, 95, 273n, 322 87, 88, 258m 118, 119 115, 117 162 . 322 178 49, 55
Ganga-Mahadevi, queen of Somesvaradeva II., 162 Ganga-Pallava, dy.,
87,88
Ganga, Western, dy., Gangadeva, M.,. Gangadhara, m., Gangadharéévara, te., Gangaikondaobolapuram, vi.,
Gangakunda, s. a. Gangaikooḍacholapuram, Gangakita, mo...
•
857
. 174
Gangaraja, Ummatúr ch. Gangåsågar, tank, Gangavaḍi, co.,
Gangéévara, s. a. Gapéévara, gapin,
. 162 87 301, 302 245
Gañjam, di., 272, 273n, 274, 286, 287, 843n gañjavara (ganjwar), a treasurer, Garbhesvara, m.,
. 248 116
Garga, astronomer, 18, 120, 129, 180, 207, 208, 209, 210, 211, 213, 213, 214,
Garuda, god,
Gahinga, tribe,.
Garudadhvajadri (Krishnagirl), mo., Garuda pillar, Gauda, co.,. Gaurichandra, m., Gaurjars, a. a. Gurjara, Gajapati, dy.,. 820, 322, 326, 340 Gautamiputra, Vakataka prince, Gajasimba, Chakamana k. of Naddúla, 67, 88 +. 154, 155n 56
828, 827 176 169, 170 321
gaith, a village priest, gajapati,.
•
215, 216, 217, 223, 224, 225, 226 . 124n 24, 104, 117, 119, 123n, 193, 2740, 302 • 256n
. 249, 256a 250, 256 178, 320, 321, 326
. 274 46 .270n . 119
. 146 . 153 -266 119, 120
191n, 277, 278, 279
.309n
Gaviés, m., Gaya, vi., Gayapala, m.,
Ghatantaki, s. a. (P) Kashmaṇḍirt. Ghataushari or Ghat&ushari-sthana, vi., Ghatiyala, vi.,.
Ghazni, vi.,

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358
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. IX.
95, 40
.
16
• 303
43, 811
Paes Ghatns or Ghisdt-Khan I. Frugi k., 901,
80811, 809, 810 Ghazni-Khan II., do., . . . . 801, 810 Ghonghat, wi... . . . . 181n Ghaghaka, ., :
• 192 Ghughi, .... .
. .816 Ghamara, the falls of Indrdvall, . . Girgår, mo., . Godarpark, vi..
1. 117 Godkrarl, r, .
160, 179 Goggl. J. .
298, 299 Goindarasa, 6. d. Govinda III. gồkarna, . . . . gókula, . . . . Gollani-gantha, pond, Golmidhipal, oi . Gomibhaga, 16., Gorid rasvimi, -.., . Gomike, m., .
192 Gômisvâmi, ..., . .
· 288 Gond, tribe, . . Gondwana (Central Provinces), co. . 124n Gorka or Gonkaya L., Volanándu ch., . . 261n Gorka II., do... . . . . . 261 Gonks op Kulottunga-Choda * III., do. . . .
261, 262n Gopaditya, ch., . . . . . . 300 Gopalovami, w., . . . . 287, 288 Gosala, m., .
. 116, 168 Gomaladevt, queen of Govindachandra, . . 321 gösmi (gösåsiga), . . . : Gud, m., . . . . . 106, 116, 119 Gonika, ., .
. . 108n, 119 goahtht, . . . . . . 189, 191 gushthiks, .
. . . 188 gitra, a family, . . . . 192 zůtras:
Audalya, . . . . . 115 Babhura (Babhru), . . . . 69 Bharadvaja or Bbåndvajs, 115, 116, 119,
195, 342, 346 Bhagrave,. .
116, 119 Dhaumya,. . . . . 116 Cautama,. . . 116, 119, 296, 209 Ghrita-Kaufika,. . . . . 170 Harita-Kuts .
. . . . 116 Käsyapı, 115, 116, 161, 206, 312, 318, 316, 431 Katyayans,
. . 115 Kuale, . . .
· .
172, 282, 284 Kata. . . . . . . 116
Paes Lalbabiendo Manavy, i . . 188, 904, 319 Markandeya . . . . 116 Mudgald, . . . . . Patlilari or Philar,. . 116, 116 Parris, . . . . . 116 Pavitra . . . . . 115 Bandilyi, . . . . . 28, 116 Vmishtha or Vanishthe, 108, 116, 132, 262, 303 Vates . .
.
71. 116 Vishnuppiddbe, i . . . . 870 Upathanga, Upamangan, op Aupata
nh, • • • • • 874,276 Govardhana, k. (P), . . . . 40, 194 Govardhans, , . . . . 181 Gérardhane, mo. . i 40, 194, 255 Bovka, . . . . . . Govinda, why . .
117, 169, 170 Govinda or Govindadandan, .. a. Govindaram, 281 Govinda or Govindaraja I., Rashfrakúfa k... 198 Govinda or Govindaraja II., do. 28, 193, 194 Govinda or Govindarija III., do., 16, 16, 17,
26, 28, 13, 196, 251 Govindacbandrs, Kanawj k., 2910, 320, 821,
322, 323, 327 Govindachandra (Govindafanday), k., 231, 233 Gorindapitre,
. . . . .816 Govindarkja, ck, . . . . 185 Govindara or Govindarkja, ch., .
261 gramapatra, . . . . . . 1690 Gramárdhandthebrani, te... 209, 210, 213, 217 gramatika, a small village, . . . . 30
Tibavetaka, . . . . 316 Gadimallam, in . . . . 0% Gadimallar, si.. . . . . . 224, 231 Gubavibars, . . . . . 146 Guhil, family, . . . 148, 149, 188 Gujarat, co., . . 42, 231n, 278, 310, 343 Gajarkt-Rashtrakáta, family, . . 3,29 Gujjaratta, co., . .
. . . 278 Gumaðr, vi., . , 272, 273, 274, 275, 276n Gunachandre, ... . . . . 164 Gunadhvi, J., . . . . . . 163 Gunaga, sur. of Vijayaditya III. . 184 Guņakonalla, do.. . . . . . 60 Gupamahårpars, E. Ganga k.,. . 95 Gunaskyars, Áfupa k. . . . 16, 17 Gunde, ch., . .
. 165, 261 Gunda-Mahadêri, queen of Dhârâsaraha, 161,
170, 311, 313, 816

Page #468

INDEX,
359
ORE
. .
. .
207, 320
. 162
Раст 1
PAGS Gundambika, Velandndo queen, . . . 261n
Farshadbra, m, ..
. .
. 119 guja, weight, . . . . . 176 Hanshavardhane, Kananj b.. 101, 204, 205, 286, 289 Gupte, dy., .' 946, 248, 286, 319, 842n, 343 Harango rami, h. . . . . . 289 gopyadguru, . . . 70 Hasan Khan, Farugi prince, 307, 308, 309, 310 Görjara, ro. 37, 39, 71, 72, 73, 106, 114, 121 Hastikandt, vin . . . . 71. 83n G.rjjarattri (Garjaratri), .. a. Gajjaratta, 877, 278 Rastinapura, .. a. Hathiparar, 107, 115, 116 Garmba, Di., . . . . . . 250 Hathamo, mi.,. . gura, . .
63, 99, 102, 163, 164 Hathiyavara, vi, . Gavaka I., Chakamdna k. of sakambhari, 62, 251 HA-Köngeri, oi, Gwalior, vi.. . . . . . 269, 249 latte .
Hayward, ... . . . . . . 141 Hebballi, di. . . Hebeur, ni. . . . .
Hemachandra,. . Haddala, vi.. . . . . 3, 4 and di. Hems, P-dgrátis, . Hadigrams, vi., . . . : 300, 301 Hetamji, oi .
. . 81 Haihaya, family, . . 184, 293, 294 295
Hofheutji or Háhuijt, &. a. Hetamji, . 80, 81 Haibasa, s. a. Kalachari, . . 37, 89
Himalaya, moy . . . . Cn, 61, 189n . . 175
Himasutta. ... . . . . . 316 Halafûr, vi. .
• 313 and add. Histsal, ... Himalays. . . . 71n, N9 Halayadi, lexicographer, . . . 146 Hinhadagalli, vi.,'.
. 67, 268 Halbe (Halva), tribe,. . .124n, 169, 1840
Hiranyaváha or Hiranyavahin, s. a. 8on, 345 HAmiradára. Bu tar ch., . . . . 165 Hindi nagar-Garhakot, vi.. . . . . 169n Hamsalade, S.,. .
. . . 153
Hirds-Shah, Bundeld el.,. . . . 1690 Hansa-sangharama, . . . . . 116 Hitopadel, . . baza, cut, . . . . . . 267n
syn Higen Tag, . . . . . 3. 201 Hana, princu,
140. 141
hôrs or horaka, d'1 , . . 140, 141 Hanamkonila, 8. a. Anmakonda, 256, 257n, 258n
in Hostůr, oi.. . . . . . larm, *. a. Siva, . . 37, 273, 327 Huysa la family. .
. .179 Haragupta, ch., . • • • 1:49 | Homchat, . . . 16, 17, 18, 21, 22, 23 Hasaran ni. .
67 Hùns family, . .
. 9,3 Haravijaya, quoted, . .
Huvashla, 8. a. Huviable, . . . . 2440 Hari, ... . . .
6, 12, 117
Huvishka or Húvishka, Kushana k., SM, 245, 991 Hari, a Visho, , 39, 40, 193, 250, 256, 397 Harienandia, founder of the Pratikára
family. . . . . . . 379 Haridhara. .. . .
Ibrahim Shah, ch. . . . . .,3480 Harigopta, m,. . . . 19% Idaidural, .. a. Yodatore, . . . .290,233 Haribar, vi. . 16 Idaiyamanam, .. a. Edamad,
236, 239 Harikarman, ...,
. . . . 119 idaiyida,. . . . . 286, 238 239 Harichandra, mythical k., . . 315, 316 Idavai, vi. . . . . . 86, 87 88 Harichandra or Hariścbandradêvs, Para- Iftikhår, Frúgi prince, . . . 310
wira k., . . . . 105, 115. 121 Ikshrákn, mythical k.. . . . . 280 Harisvamin, on
. . 342, 345 Ilåda, & a Viráta, . . . 231a Hiltiputra, Haritipatra ar Haritipatra, 183, 204, 819 | ilam or Ila m-ndala... a. Ceylon 314 380 283 Harivamsa-parane, . . .+ 36 1 9 Ilang kkud' o 'g'y kui, a Amba Hanseada et .
105 mudram, . . . . 84. 86, 93 93 Harsbak
.
. . 62. 8. 2 1 Imum Nur Ab ola . . . 30% Harsham
•
26.261
Immadi Bhairarap-Odegar, Kalasan Anshade Hanshacharita, . . . . . 201 ch. . . . . . . . 174

Page #469

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. IX,
•
804
899
PAGB
Pags Immadi-Nțiaithha, Sájuos hoy . . . 880a Jaitugidáva, Paramdra k, 109, 108, 118, 119 Indian Museum, . . . 885, 287, 289 Jaitagidéra, Suldra k. . . . . 1190 Indra, god, 40, 114, 116, 118, 181, 206n, 930, Jajalladora, Ratnapura el ... 431, 204
298, 884, 390, 840 Jajhautt, .. a. JejAbhakti, . . . .284n Indra II., Rashfrakifa k., . 198 Jajjaka, oh, . . .
. . 6, 199 Indra or Indraraja III, do., 84, 85, 26, 87, Jajjapa, Húna k.. . . . . . 3, 8
28, 29, 38, 40, 41, 194n Jalor, ni.. . . . . . 68n, 78 Indrarkja, E. Chalukya k, . . . 66, 189 Jambai, Di., . .
. 216 Indrarja, . a. Indrayudha, . . 4 Jambukadrara, to. .
. 315, 316 Indranatha, ok . . . . 230, 238 Jambukt, f., .
• 820, 837 Jadraathans, .. a. Delhi, . .
Jambunátha, te. .
. . 816 Indravarman, E. Ganga k.
42, 96 Jamna, ri.. . .
• . 821 Indrratt, ri. . 161, 178, 179, 811 Jamvusvami, thing .
· 288 Indrayadhe, L.,. .
. .4 28 Janardane, *. . .
117, 119 Invi-Parandavad, then
Janglé, vi.. . .
. 161a Iron ralley, . .
Jaunders, .,
• 117 ins, s. a Sira .
Jasadhavala, , .
. . .816 Isun, #.. . .
Jasddhars, m., . . . . . 117 itvars, .. a. Sira .
Jaswantapan, oi., . . . . . 70 førara, Tuluda chy. .
Jatavarman Kulasekhara, Pandya ke. . . I-tsing. . .
Jatavarman Parikrama-Pandys, do.. . 925, 928 . . . Ittampatto, vig. .
. 891, 841 Jatavarman Bundara-Chola-Pandya, Chola
Pandya k., . . . . . 84 Jatararman 8andard-Påndys I., Pandya k.,
$27, 238
Jafararman Sundara-Pandya II., do., 228 Jabalipurs, ... Javalipara,
Jatilavarman, do. . . . . . 85 Jabalpur, oi, . .
780, 107, 1940 Jatilavarman (Sadaiyag), sar. of Pandya Jabarnps, ., . .
. . 199
kingi, . . . . . . 86n JagadAlu-Kummadi, ch, . . . . 269n Jatilavarman Pardkrama-Padya Arikesarides. Jagaddova, santara ch., .
166, 261 Pandya k., . . . . . Jagadekabh Bahapa-Maharaja, nar. of somer- Jatilavarman Parákrama-Pandya Kulasbkhara,
varaders II. . . . . . . 188n Jagadekamalla II., W. Chalukya k., 258n, 261, 262 Jatilavarman Brivallabha, do., . . Jagadtferkyaddy, Bastar chy . 166, 168 Jatilavarman Srivallabha Ativirarama, do.. . Jagannatha or Jagannathapuri, . a. Part, 48,184 Javalakapaka, .. a. Jolw . 28, 99, 40m Jagatikbmarin, sur. Prola, . . 165, 260 Javalipura, . a. Jaloe
680, 72, Jaguttungn, Raskrabufa prinos, 87, 28, 89 Jayadity, grammarian, . Jagattung, sur of Govinda III., 86, 89, 256 Jayadityadda II., k. . . . . 250 Jagdalpur, bi.
160, 161, 178, 259n, 311 Jayakofin I. Kadamba k., . . . . 15 Jaggatt, ..., . . . . .816 Jayamangala, Jaina teacher, . . . 71 Jaggayyapeta, Di., . . . . . 60 Jayana, Ayya ch.. . . .862 Jahlapa, author,' .
. . . 87 Jayanatha, Uchchakalpa ok. . . 269 Jain, %6, 48, 68, 69, 71, 99, 139, 146, 163,
Jayangonda-Chola-mandala, co. 831, 299 156, 190, 230, 231, 267, 266n, 266, 877 Jayantasinha, Claulukya k. . . 118n Jual, ., .
Jayantaaithe, . a. Jaitruithh,. . .118n Jaipurl, ... Jéprie . . . 167, 168, 169 jayanti, . . . . . . 9111 Jaitartis, Kabaina oli 194, 127, 188 Jayapars, vi.. . . . .
. 1,3 Jaitruaithhe, ..., . . . . . 118n Jayarithha, k... . . . . 800, 801 Jaitraithe, ... Jayantanitha, 118n, 121Jaywaithha I., E. Chalukya l. . . 66, 188

Page #470

INDEX.
361
P10.
PAGE Jayaginha II., E. Chalukya k., . . 56, 188 Junagadh, i, . . Jayasitbe, ... Jayantanitha, 106, 114, 118, 120 Jupiter cyale, . . . . 128 Jayasitahe, pur. of Siddhards
Jupiter, planet, . . . . . 286, 287 Jayasimha IL, W. Chalukya k.. . 280, 933 Jydahthaarini, Mhe . . . . 288 Jagwaith badby, Bastar ch... . . Jayasimhaddva, N&gavashfi k. . . 163, 164 Jayasinghe, ... . . . . . . 874 Jaymityhadds, I., . . . . . 118 Jaydvalt, 8. .
• 199
Kachandur, i.. . . . . 283 Jayarardhana I., Sailaparhia k., . . 42, 48 Kadalalaya, Jaina goddess,
· 267 Jayarardhana II., do.. . 41, 42, 44, 46, 47 Kadalaldya-basedi, te., . . . 259, 266 Jayawarman IL or Jayavarmadera, Para Kadambe, family, .
.8730 mdra k., . . . 103, 117, 118, 119 Kadamba, do.. .
. 15 JjAbhukti, 1. a. Bandelkhand, . 284n and add. Kadamba-mandala, .. a. Vanavdai
18 Jöjje, Rdskfrakufa k., 250, 251, 252, 256 Kadaram, oi., . . . . . 231 Jalba or Jelhaks, ., . , 163, 164, 167nkadeyardja, 4. a. katakarkja, . . 60 Jendraraja, Chdhandna k. of Nadalla, 64, kadi, medouro, . . . .
89n 67, 79, 83
Kadphis, t. . . . . . 140 Jepri, oi. . . . . . . 168
Kaikar, 1. a. Kanker, . . . . . 1240 Jeuglmer, Stato, . . . . . 878
Kailhas, mo.. . . . . . 88, 42, 46 Jaulle, ., . . . . . . . 6
Kaingoda, oing . . Jow, . . . . . . . 85 Kaiser (Qaisar) Khin, Färdzi prince, . 807, Jhalrapatan, Di., . . 60 and add., 188
308, 309, 310 Jhota, Pratidra ch.. . . . . . 280
Kakaira, . a. Kanker, 124, 126, 127, 128, 167, jihrkmally. . . . . 48, 171, 188
188, 182, 183, 184, 187 Jimatardana, -ythical k. . . . 114n Kikati, family, . . . . . . 3820 Jins, god, 49, 50, 56, 64, 67, 231, 320, 888 Kikati, goddess, .
. . 1650 Jinabhadr, ., . . . . . 1180
KAkati or Kakatt, .. a. Kakatiya,. 186, 868, Jinanandin, Jaina teacher, . . . . 68
259, 266, 268 Jinaprabbasdri, Jaina author,
149 Kakatiya or Kakatiya, family, 161, 164, Jinasena d o,
. . 206 166, 256, 257 and add., 258, 259, 260, 262, 268 Jindarkja, . a. Jendrankja, . . . 72, 80, 83 Kikor, .. a. Kanker, . . . . . 124n Jinêndro, 1. . Jins,. . . 55, 258, 866 Kakilals, ... . . . . . . 192 Jinendrabuddhi, author, . . . . 190
Kakka, Pratikdra ch., . . . 8781, 879 Jinapala, t . . . . . .
Kakkarája I, Raahfralda k.. . . 194 Jisaravi, ., . .
Kakkarája II., do.. Jfinachandra, Jaina teacher, . . . 164 Kakkuks, Pratihara ch,. , 277, 278, 279 Jblanlakti, Saida teacher, . • 160 Kalabbm, co.. .
• 206, 208 Jfnasaryoday, Jaina work. . . . 164 Kalachuri, dy, . . . . . . 9, 27 Jhandvara, why . .
• 200 KAJA handt, vi, . . . . 180n, 181n JBhadvart, commentary on Bhaganadgitd. . 200 balam, measure, .
. 89, 92, 93 Jodba, k., . . . . . . . 3780 Kalambe, di, . . . . . 163 Jodhpur, State, . . . . . 40 kalafija, . . . . . . 89n, 38 Jodhpur, wi.. . 78, 74, 18on, 198, 277, 278, 279 Kalasa or Kalala, in . . . 16, jogint, . . . . . . 178, 181 Kslavine, in . . . . . 298 Jdulla or Jojaln, Chlhamdna l. of Naddila, Kalhapa, author, . . . . . 800
64, 72, 88, 158, 159 Kaliage,. . . Jolwa, sin . . . . . . 29
Kali, sur. of Vishnuvardhana V.,
65, 184 Jontikohdery, . . 188 Kiliki-porine. .
. 177 Jabbulporo, vi., . . . . 848 Kalinga, co. . . . 36, 42, 48, 179, 160
3 A
TO
.
.
114, 187

Page #471

362
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(VOL. IX.
ΡΔΟΣ 1
PAGE Kalinganagan, s. a. Makhalingam, . 4%, 95 Kaņeshka, 8. a. Kapishka,. .
241 Kalingarája, Kalachuri ch.,
• 394 Kanbada, .. . . . . . 117, 119 Kalinga, the three, ..
• 95 Kdohadadova, Chahandna t. of Naddala, Kalingattu-Parapi, Tamil poem, . . 1790, 822
82, 83, 163 Kaliyallabha-Narðndraddv, sur. of Dbrara,. 185 Kanhadaddys, Paramdra l.,
161 Kalla, Chalukya ch... . . . . 2 Kanhaka, m., . . . . . 6 Kelavada... a. Kalarana,. . . 295, 209 Kanharadeva, Nagavani k., 161, 163, 164, Kalidaikkurichchi, vi.. . . . . 84
312, 316 Kallikulam, oi., . . . . . 331, 311 Kanharaski, ... . . . . . . 316 KAltido, ...,
. . . . . . 18 Kaņishka or Kaņishka, Kushana k, 140, 239, Kslachumbarro, di.,. .
240, 241, 291 Kalai, m.. . . . . . . 140, 143 kanishtha (kaniţtha), . . . . 140, 143 Kalvakuro, di, . . • . 50, 56 baokata, a boundary, . . . . 106, 129 Kalyana, ci., .
. . 2610 Kanker, bi, 123, 124, 128, 129, 166, 167, Kalvánakaingi, xur. of Xètribhañja, 373, 37on
168, 169, 176, 183, 184, 185 Kaly.iga paranatha, biruda,. .
380 Kannachi, 1.,.
. . kim:, . . .
. . 113n, 340 Kansuvat, ci, . . . Kamakode, m., . . . . . . 19 Kanthiki-Beta, s. a. Vijayaditya V., . Kamalakadali, banner, . . . 181, 313 Kanthika-Vijayaditya, du. . . 49. 56 Kaman, ri. . . . . . . 213
Kaprakubja, 8. a. Kansuj,. . . 804, 321 Kamandakiyanitisára, quoted, . . 290n kapardika, a cobory. . . . 1250 Kamarpava II., E. Ganga k., . .
Kapardisvara, te. . .
. . 211 Kamarupa, co. . . . . . . 178 Kapila, ri. . . . . . 119, 120 Kambag, Tumil poet, . .
Kapila Sangam,
. 120 Kammaka-rashtra or Kamma-rashtra, .. a. Karivali, ding . . . . . 231, 233 Kamma-nandu, .
. 60 karambam (karambu), nerile ground,. .267n Kammaka-ratha, t. a. Kammaka-rahtra, 50 karana, .
. . 181, 316 Kamma-nanda, di. . . . . 50, 56 karana-kattiyam, . . . . .313 Kammapijjs, s. a. Kamrój, . . . 28, 29, 40 karanas :Kamraj, ni. . . . . . 29 Gera. . . . . 176, 181 Kamm, demon, . . . . 88, 113, 256 Yanija, . . . . . . 809 Kam üld, ..., . .
. 140, 143 karapak, . . . . . . 189 Kanak&chals, fort, . . . . Kerhld, in . . . . .27, 28, 194 Kinastrim, v. . . . . . 67 Karial, . a. Kharif, . . . . 171 Kananj, vi., .1, 3, 4, 26, 27, 28, 180, 2010, Karibala, mr. of Aditya II., . . 84 820, 821 Karibal-Chola, mythical Chofak.,
260 Kapanjiy, sect of Brahmanas,. . 804 Káritalai, n., . . . . 2690 Kapasirika, ri, . . . . 2, 3, 4 Kariyamanikbs-Perumal, te, . . 995 Káñichana-gadh, 8. a. Kanaklobala, . . 73 Karks, Rashfraktfa ch., . . . . 96 KAfichi or Katchipun, s. a. Con jeeveram, 26, K&rkala, oi., . . . . . 16, 174
38, 166, 178, 201, 202, 205, 206, 209, 260, 341 Karkarája. Rasktrakufa t., 850, 251, 255 KAfohipurivardhivara, biruda, . , 380 Karpa, Chaulukya k.. . . . 72.83 Kandanumba, . . . . . 132 Karpa, Karņadeva or Karparkja, Klaira ch., Kapdan-Daunddaraq, ., .
182. 183, 184, 186, 187 kandapatika .
. . $36n Karpa, Kalachuri k., . . .3, 321, 322 Xandary, Cupid,
. 40 Karņšta, Co. . . 250, 251, 255 340 Kandh, tribe . . . . . 184n Karp . s. a. Rashtrakata, . . . 2, 3 Kapd yar, u, . .
• 231 Karnevar or Karn ivan, to.. . . . 182 Kand Orodara-Choda, ch., . . . . 2820 Karparamafijari, quoted, . . . 4 Kaduar, . a. Karnevar, . . . 189 | Karttikêys, god,. 161, 204, 205 and add.
73

Page #472

INDEX.
363
. 231a
PAGE Karttiki, titki,. . Karar or Karuvar, ai.
. 231n Karavai, .. a. Karür, Kasadrám, s. a. Kayadrám, .
. 169 Kåsahrada, do,
73, 169 Kasahrada, &. a. Kasandos, . . . . 73 Kasandra or Kasandhrs, oi.,
, 01., A
. . . 73 Kashmir, Co. . . . .
301 Kafi, co., . . Kafi, s. a. Benares, . . . . 42, 46, 304 Kafikávfitti, .
190 kaga, . . . . 88, 89, 91, 92, 937, 238 Katachchūri, s.ta. Kalachuri, ... 296, 299 Katába, 8. a. Kadaram, . . . . 231 Katakabharaṇa-Jinalaya, to... . . 49, 56 katakadhipati, katakádbjáa or katakoka, . a.
katakaraja, . . . . . 49, 50, 56 katakarkja, a superintendent of the royal
camp, . . . . 49, 50, 56, 133 Katangi, ni.. . . . . . 43 Katera, vi. . . . . . Katêrak, 8. a. Katera, . . . 42, 43, 47 Kathiawad or Kathiâwâr, co., . 4, 28, 195, 843 Kataka, mn., . . . . . . 117 katumukhavaditra, musical instrument, 206 Katyayani, s. a. Parvati, . . . 168 kaudi or kauļika, s. a. apardika,. . 125 kandihai,. . . .
. . . 125 Kandika-bandha, tank,
135 and add., 128 Kaundiaya, sur. of (P) Rachhila,. . 147 Kaurava, 8. a. Kawar, . . . . 296n Kausalya, queen of Dakaraths, . . .340 Kaufikt, . . . . . . 133 Kaustubha, gem, . . . . . .38 Kavera, co. . .
205 Kaveri (Cauvery), rii, Kavilåda, vi., . . . . . 67 Karyapraksta, quoted, Kawadgaon, vi., .
• 175 Kawar, tribe, . . . . 294, 296, 296 Kayadrám, vi., .
. . . 159 Kayastha, .
68, 181 kâykkagi, . . Kera, , , Keleya, m., . Kelbapa, m. . KAlhapa or Kolhapaudva, Chdhandna k. of
Nadddla,. . . . 67, 68, 79, 83 kali, the earth,. . . . . . 71 Kendûr, vi.. . . . . . 200, 201
PAGE Korada, oi. .
. . . 72 Kerala, co., .101n, 178, 201, 205, 206, 230, 833 Keralavarman II., Venddu k., . . .234n Kdramatuks or Keramarka, 5. a. Kadmalnar,
162, 163 Kedats, . . . , 117, 167, 169, 170, 374 Klara, &. a. Vishņu, . . . 182, 186, 187 Kata II., Amardvati ch., . . . . 262n Køytravarsha, sur. of Yuvaraja I., . : 3 Kubadika, s. a. Khadi, . . . 42, 43, 47 Khadgavalóka, Sur. of Datidarga,
2510 Khadi, ti.. . . . . . . khadra,
. . . 146 khadarika, . . . . . . 146 Khabarata (Kshaharata), dy. . . . 139 Khajjari-bandha, tank, .
. 161 Khak harita, s. 4. Khabarata, . . 139n Khalama or Khalamama, prince,. . 140, 143 Khalabamoso, th. .
140, 146 khalula, . .
. . 146 Khumbn, ., .
274 Khan, title, . .
. . . . . .
. 306 Khậndosh, di. . . . . . 306, 310 Khan Jahan, ch.. . . . . . 808n Kharamāsta, ch. . . . . 139 Kbaraðsta, Sutrap, . 139, 140, 141, 143, 147 Kharapallána, Kshatrapa ch., .
189 Kitaratara gabchha, school of Jaina teachers, 149 Kharda, vi.. . . . . . . 3n Khardas, Satrap, . . . . 140, 147 Khårepatan, vi.
. . 28 Khariär, vi., 170, 172, 282 and add., 289 and add. Khyrjuri-bandha, tank, . . 312, 313, 316 Khanna, Buddhist preacher, . . 245 khatranga-dhvaja, . . . . . 206 Khoda, . a. Kher, . . . . . 73 Kher, vi., . .
. 73 Kherárn, di.
. 72n Khilaka, . . .
193 Khimel Mata, to.. . • 188, 189, 191 Khizr Kbán, Faruqfk.. . . . .310 Khond, tribo, . . . . 176, 177 Kigga, vi.
. 16, 17 Kiladi, Di., . . . . . 223, 224 Kilapperür, Di., . . . . . 284 Kilavêmbu-nâda, di.,. . . . 391, 341 kflida, . . . . 286, 287, 288, 289 Kilûr, vi.. . . . . . 890 Kiranapun, di... . . . 48, 49, 50, 56 Kirktakdpa, a. Keradu,. . . 720
87, 340
............
8 A2

Page #473

364
Kiratakuta, s. a. Keraḍu, Kirtikaumudi, quoted, Kirti-Narayana, sur. of Indra III., Kirtipala, Chdhamana k. of Naddila,
Kirtivarman II., do., Kisumangalam, s. a. Kusugalla,
Kôdai, title,
Koḍalsetti, m.,
Kodikulam, vi.,
Kirtivarman I., W. Chalukya k., 99, 101, 201, 204, 817, 319 200, 201, 202, 206
.102,
201, 206 234n 24 .831 163 167, 168, 170
27, 39, 48 331, 341 55, 133
Kokkili, E. Chalukya k.,
Kökkilli, mythical Chola k.,
Koiavenna, vi.,
Kolohumkonga, vi.,
Kollabiganda, sur. of Vijayaditya IV.,
Kollam, s. a. Quilon,
Kollera, lake,
Kollipake, s. a. Kollippåkkai,
Kollippakkai, vi.,
Komarama, queen of Keta II.,
Kona-Kandravadi, di.,
Konáruk, te.,
Ködmalnar, vi.,.
Kogara, s. a. Deo Kongêrà..
Kokkalla I., Kalachuri k.,.
Kokkantâmpârai, s. a. Kongandampârai,.
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
Kotikkulam, s. a. Kodikulam, Kotimaduva (P-)gana, Kotiévars, te., 66, 67, Kottayam, vi, 68, 72, 73, 80, 83 Kottiya(Kottika)-gana,
k.,
Konériqmaikondan, biruda,. Kongálva, family, Kongandamparai, vi,
Komgapimar, seet, Köbgéda, s. a. Kaingoda,
Kongu, co.,
Kong-u-to, co.,
•
kosaja,
Koala, co.,
Kodala or Kosala (South), co., Kōdalai-niḍu, s. a. Kosala (South), Kosambakat,
Eba, sur. of Amaravati chieft,
•
•
PAGE
72
62n
27, 40
•
•
Kondapaḍmati, family, Kondapalli, three hundred, di.,
Kopdaraja, ch...
Kondavidu, vi.,.
Kopéranmaikondan Vikrama-Pandya, Pandya
Konkanachakravartin, sur. of Jaitugideva,
Koraboya-tataka, tank,
Korinthaka, vi.,.
99, 102
132
236, 237, 239
58
230
•
230, 283 2620 .2620
43n
260n, 282n 261 829, 380
174
89n
49
•
. 86
.
228
•
16
831
238n
43
223, 225n
42
119
56
3
. 316
.26, 38, 269
181, 231 231, 233
291 262n
kötwal, kotwår,
•
Kowtah, vi.,
Krishna, god,
Krishna or Krishnaraja II., do.,
Krishna, Kakaira ch., Krishna, m.,
160, 162 26, 38, 119, 115n, 193, 250, 255, 294, 295, 340 124, 127, 188 . 117 28, 178, 260n, 263n Krishna or Krishnaraja I., Rashtrakuta k., 26,
Krishna, ri.,
38, 193, 194
[VOL. IX.
•
Kshitimanda-ahara, di., Kubera or Kuvera, god,
PAGE
. 341 50 95
. 85
. 245
. 178m
. 178n
Kachikere, tank,
Kadagottur, vi.,. Kudráhara, di.,
Krishna III., do.,
Krishnabhüpati, s. a. Krishnappa-Nayaka,
Kudriyama Virama, m.,
Kuladhara, m.,
25, 27, 28,
39, 48, 49, 56
27, 28, 43, 194
Krishnadeva, s. a. Krishnaraja, Krishnagiri, di, Krishnappa-Nayaka, Madura Nayaka, 329, 830, 831 328, 329, 381, 341 296, 299 48, 72 49
Krishnapuram, vi.,
Krishnaraja, Kalachuri k., . Krishnaraja, Paramára k., .
Krishnaraja, Rashtrakuta prince, Krishparaya or Krishnadevaraya, Vijayanagara k.. 174, 262, 330, 340 Krishnavara, m., K(r)onina, Satrap, krosa,
279 140, 147 125n 135, 139 245
Kshatrapa, dy.,.
Kshatrapa, Western, dy., Kshatriya, caste, 43, 113, 114, 162, 279, 826, 340 Kshêmâ, Kshêmakart or Kshêmamkari, s. a. Durga, . 189n 189, 191 248 74, 88m 172 189, 233, 299
Kshêmaryya, s. a. Khimel Mâtà,
Kehêmêndra, author, Kshetrasimha, k.,
Kubja-Vishnuvardhana I., E. Chalukya k.,
329, 941 72, 83n 42
•
55, 133
259,267 336, 339
⚫ 58
. 316 116, 159, 154

Page #474

INDEX.
.
.
801, 802
lagnas:
372
Paes
PAGI kolapati, . . . . . . 289, 290 Kulappirayankulam, . a. Piragankalam, 341 Itulaputraka, . Kalavardhana, . . . . . . 192
Laobhamt-dat, quoon of Narasimhadden.. . 166 Kalladam, , . .
lagit, . . . . . . 87 Kulottunga, sur. of Vijayalaya,. . . 890 Kalottabga-Chods or Chola I., Chalukya. . Ghata. . . . . 66, 184
Chola k., . , 179, 218, 280, 281n, 822 Kangl. Kulottanga-Choda II., do. . . . . 219 LAhada, ... . . . . . . 116 Rulottunga-Chola II., Chbļa k., 207, 219n Lahadha, Pragodfa ch., . . . . 161 Kulottunga-Chola III., do. 213, 214, 290 Lahipt, queen of Vigrabarája, . . 11, 19 kamera, . . . . . 140, 143, 181 Lakhimaņa, ., . . . . . . $16 kumans, an heir-apparent, . . . . 67 Liatkambika, queen of Ramaraja I., . . 929 Kumara (Skanda), god, .
66
Lakshmana, w., . . . . . . Kumars, ., . . . . . 117 | Lakshmapa, mythical Moro, . . .840 Kumârachandra, th,. .
Lakshma I., Chakamana l. of Naddala, Kumaradatta, m., .
62, 64, 67, 71, 80, 82, 88 Kumaradori, queen of Govindachandr, . 319, Lakshmana (II.), don, . . . , 80, 83, 169
820, 321, 323, 328, 826, 327 Lakshmanasvimi, to.) . . . . 158, 159 Kumara Eroga, ., . . . . . 21 Lakshmbirara, ci., . . . , 201 kumaragadianaka, tar, . . . . 305 Lakshmi, goddess, , 88, 39, 40, 171, 187, Kumara-N Arayana, sur. of Sindhuraja, 118n
233, 249n, 266, 266, 326 Kamarapala, Claulukya k., . 72, 83n, 149 Lakshmi, queen of Jagattunga, . . 27, 89 Kumarasvami, ., . . . . 288 Lakshmid&vt, quocs of Chaohigadén, 74, 88 Kumbhakoņam, oi., . . . . . 87
Lakshmidevi, queon « Pamparijadérs, 187, kummaya-amada, . . . . . 93n
168, 170, 188 kammayam, . . . . . .
Lakshmidbarn, oh.. . . . . . 64 Kamálars, di.,. . . . 317, 319 Lakshmidbara or Lakshmidharafarman, ., Kunda, mth., . . . . 821, 829, 828
167, 169, 170 Kundakadevi, queen of Amoghavarsha III., . 8n Lakihmivarmadora or Labahmirarman, ParaKandaval, Chola princess, . . 231 mdra k., . . . . 106, 190 Kundararmarasa, ..., . . . . . 210 Lala-dadanayaga, oh., .
. . 246 Kuntala, co. . . . . . . 369
LAliga, Prdgudfa ok. . . . . . 169 Kdpadesa, co., . . . . . . 234n
Lalig, 6. a. Lalla,. . 149, 161, 162, 168 Kuppan maya, 4. a. Kuppaoayy . . 182 Lalla, ., . . . 140, 161, 168 Kuppanayya, m.,. . . . . 182
Latphd, .. a. Laph, . .' .' 294, 298 Kurandaka, .. a. Kurundwad, Fond , 6. d. Karundwhd . . 25, 28, 40
lAñichhane, . .
. . . 874
. Kurundwad, vi., . .
.
languages :kufani, moasuro, . . . 89, 93 Arabic, .' ' . . . . 806 Kuruspål, vi., . . 160, 161, 168, 164, 179 Hindi, . . . 1240, 148, 166 Kushana, dy., . 239, 241, 242, 243,
Kanareno, . . . 16, 21, 150, 258
245, 246 MAbarashtr-Prakrit, . . . . 820 Ktahmaņķini, Jaina goddess, 166n and
Maithilt, . . . . . . 164
add., 266n Malayalam, . .. . 86,934 Kufika, 6. a. Kanauj, .
. . 804
Marathi, . . .080, 1940, 200 Kasagalla, si... . . . . . 201 Oriya, . . . . . . 1840 Kasulas (Kasálaka) Padika, Satrap, 189, 140, 144 Pahlavi (Afghan)
. . 140 Karmapala, my. . . . 116 PAli, . . . 297, 292, 293 kuffam, . . . . . . 318, 316a Persian, . . . . . 140, 48 Kuttakkal, i., . . 331 and add., 841 Prakrit, 50, 67, 68, 60m, 188, 208, 817
82

Page #475

866
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
(Vou. IX.
PAGE
Paes Sanskrit, . 1, 2, 11, 85, 41, 48, Lđņa-rubiki, .. a. Läpige-rubika, 1480
57, 58, 60, 63, 67, 70, 79, 86, 88, 96, Landhe, 1. a. Laptiga . 80, 81, 82, 83, 168 99, 104, 117, 128, 131, 188, 189, Landhs or Låņdlaks, do. . . . . 82 160, 161, 162, 163, 164, 167, 171, Lapdhagars or Latigan, do. . . . 80 175, 182, 188, 198, 199, 201, 240, Latgl, ., . . . 994, 295, 296 351, 358, 268, 273, 277, 282, 293, Lägiga, &. a. LAranyskarna, 81, 82, 89, 158
296, 301, 302, 306, 818, 317, 320, 398, 343 Läpigndova, .. a. Lavapaprasdda, . .8 Tamil, . 18n, 2n, 310, 86, 86 Laniga-tahika, s. a. Lapiga-Vasahik,. . 148n
280, 281, 934 Läpiga-pasahika, Laniga's temple, . . 148n Telaga,. .18, 131, 162, 181 add.
Lapiga-Vasati, .. a. Lapiga-vasahika, 1481, Zend, . . . . 140
149, 160 Lanji, oi.,. . .
Lapthaka, •. a. Laptiga, . . . 81 Labjik, .. a. Lanji, . . . . .
Luptiga or Lantigadova, Chdhamana k. of La kA, . a. Ceylon, , 250, 813, 340
Nadddla, . 68, 710, 79, 80, 81, 82, 83, 162, 168 Lapha, in . .
293, 294, 295 Lesht,
. 119 Late 00.,. . 26, 28, 40, 281n, 250, 251,
M 262, 265, 269, 277, 278 Lavapaprasáda, Vaghaza k., . . . 780, 820
Machândar, ving. . Lavanyakarpa, Chakamána k. Of Naddila, Mada, 8. a. Jûsalmêr, . . . . 277, 278
80, 82, 83, 162 Midada, ving . . Leiden plates, . . . . . 84, 281 Madalasa-champi, name of a sork, . Latter numerals, . . . . 190n, 272
Madamms, m., . . . . . . 24 Linka Kusilaka, Satrap, . . .
Madana, Cupid, . . . . . . Lilad&vt, queen of Bhimadora II.,
73, 88
Madans, . . . . . . . 117 Idmaders, .
. . 119
Madana, poet, linga, . . . 24, 162, 166, 175, 181 Madanachandra, 8. a. Madanapala, 321, 323, Lingayat, casto, . . . . . . 182 Madanapala, Kanawj k., . . Lingo, Gond loader, .
. 43 Madandr, vi.. . . . . . ion, crest, . . . . . 972, 342 Maddodars, .. a. Mandor, . . . 278 jon-capital, of Mathuri,
. 136, 147 Madhara, m., . . . . . . 117 Lohata, ..., . . . . 116 Madhavs, 8. a. Vrisakha, . . . 710 Lokamshaderi, quoes of Chalaky-Bhima II.,
Madhavabhatta, 9., .
. 1330 55, 134 Madhavaraja II., Bailodblata ch., .. 43 Lakanatha, 4. a. Avaldkitdivan,.
801 Madhavalarman, ...,
. . 119, 170 Okapelas, . . . . . . . 328 Madhavasuri, m., . . . . 296 Lokaprak Ma, work, . . . . 248 Madhavavarman, ch., . . . . 263 Lokdevara, te., . . . 161, 312, 316 | Madhavavarman, mythical ch., 259, 262, 267 Lopa, the . . . . . 153 Madhavayaman, Sailodbhava ch... 42, 972, Lotbana, k., . . . . . 800
274, 820n Luoknow Museum, . . . 69, 290, 291 Madhu, demon,
. . . . 256 Lambhs or Lambhaka, .. a. Lanavarman, 81, Madhu, ., . .
. . . 117 82, 83, 152, 153
Madhuban, Di., . . . . . . 286 Lambha or Råvalambba, Ckdhamana k. madhüks, tree, . . . . . .303 Naddala, .
. . 152 Madbukantha, m., . . . . 117 Lambhaka, do. . . . . . 152 Madhuri, 2. a. Madara, . .
. 830 Lapasithha(Lúnastha)-vasahika, .. 4. Lapiga- Madharàntaka, Chola k., . . . .835n
vasabika. . . . . . 148n Madhurintakadva, Nügavansi k., 174 Lånavarman, Chakamdna k. of Naddúla, 80,
176, 178, 181 82, 83,162 Madhusudana, 7. . . . 116

Page #476

INDEX.
367
PAGE
PAG Madhyadden, CO. . 26, 38, 107, 116, 116 mabárája, 16, 57, 58, 60, 62, 63, 64, 95, 101, Madra, co.
105, 108, 119, 158, 161, 163, 239, 240, Madras Museum, . . . . .
242, 244, 245, 267, 269, 273, 285, 288, Madons, os., . . . 380, 331, 840 289, 290, 312, 313, 315, 316, 317, 319, Madarai, s. a. Madars, . . . . 213, 214
842,848, 346 Madara-mandals, di, . . . . . 230, 239 mabárajadhiraja, 1, 2, 4, 25, 28, 40, 42, 47, maga, a saladvipiya Brdhmana,
279
56, 680, 72, 73, 95, 101, 105, Maghe, poet, . . . . 190, 250, 251
118, 119, 132, 159, 163, Magbavan, . a. Indr, . . . 827
199, 258, 285, 268, 295, 304 Mahaban, oi., . . . . . . 107
mabardjakula,
670, 73, 74, 80, 81, 82 Mahabhairava, god, . .
. maharaja-pandita, . . . . 106, 116 Mahachandapála, M., .
mabarajapatra,. . . . . . mahachaturdasi-parvan, the fourteenth day of mabAsmanta, .
1, 3, 289 the bright half. . . . . . 63 mahásåmantAdhipati, . . . 3, 4, 261 mahadaņdanayaka, . . . . 246 mahasandbirigrahadhikarapAdhikrita, 800 Mahadeva (Madhava), Kakatiya prince, 165 mabøsandhivigrahika, . . . 107 Mabadeve, . a. Siva, . 43, 124, 126, 128, 162, 186 Mahasanghika, school of Buddhist teachers, 189, 146 Mahadevi, queen of Jayasinhadêra, . . 163 Mahasena, 8. a. Skanda, . . . 133, 319 Mahadity, m., . . . . . . 117
Mahalpastimi, ... . . . . . 288 mahadvadasi (papanagini), tithi, . . 211n, 216 Maba-Suddra or -Sudêvarája, ch., 170, 171, mahajana, . . . . . . 278, 279
172, 281, 282, 283, 284 Mahi-Jayaddva, Mah-Jayardja or Jayaraja, ch., mahattan, • • • • • • 2,8 171, 172, 282, 283, 842 Mahe-Vaisakha
. . . . 105n MAhaks, 1.. . . . .
. . 268n Mshavarna, quoted, . . 87n, 142, 230, 234n Mabakabhatta, ., . .
. . . 183
Mabávana-ethana, 8. a. Mababan, 107, 115, 116 Mahakali, goddes,
. . 125n Mabarira or MabAviradêva, te., . . 63, 64, 67 MahAkantára, co. . . . 184n Mahayâns, sect of Buddhists,
321 Maha-Kosala, co., . . . 283, 343 Mahendra, Chdhamana k. of Naddila,. 84, mahakshatrapa, . . . . 243, 246, 247
69, 71, 83 mahakamara, . . . . . . 106
Mahendra, Mahakala k., . . . . 348 Mahalla, Chalukya ch, . . . . 3 Mahendrapala, Kanauj k., . 1, 2, 3, 4, maha mapdalachakravartio, . . . 165
9., 27, 130, 199n mahåmandaldivara, 149, 165, 2570, . Mabồndrayudha, s. a. Mahendrapala, . 1, 2, 3, 4
258, 259, 260n, 265, 967 Mabeda, 1. a. Sir, . . . . . 56 mahamandalika, . 124, 167, 168, 170 mahesvara, . . . . 68, 69 mabAmatys . . . . 286
Mahévara, m., . . . . . 169, 170 Mahaņa, Rashtrakufa ch., . . 380, 391, Mahekvars, &. a. Siva, 11, 42, 47, 65, 67, 95,
822, 829, 326
1250, 181, 265, 273, 288, 316, 316 Mahanadi, ri., . .
1840, 283, 344 Maheswar, wi., . . . . . 106 Mahaņaka, wi..
. . . 316 Mahobandra, k. . . . 803 Mahanman, Buddhist teacher, . . . 286 Mahidbara, m., . . . . 79, 117 Mahananda, m, . .
. . 304
Mahiduka or Mabinduka, Prágráta ch., 162 Mabapasinha, m., . 149, 153 Mahindra, 8. a. Mahendra, .
71 Mahananitha or Mahapuiñ babhata, 8. a.
Mahindu, do. . . . . 71, 80, 83 Mänavasinha, 81, 82, 83, 152 Mahipals or Mahipaladeva, Kananj k., 4, 28, 199n Mahandaka, m., . . . . .816 Mahipala I., Pala k.,. . 281, 283, 321 mahapandita, . . . . 107 | Mahipala II., do. . . . . . 821 mahkpilupati, . . . . 300 and add. Mahipals, Paramdra k., . . . . 11 mabapradhans. . . . . 119 Malifpåladeva, Bastar ch., . . . . 166 mahapratihara, . . . . 289, 290 Mabishasuramardini, goddess, . . 160, 161

Page #477

368
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. IX.
PAGE
PAGE) Mahishmatt, . a. Mabeswar, . 105, 106 mapdala,. . . . . . 27,56 Mahmud, of Ghazni,. . . . .821 Mandalobvara, te., . . . 289, 290 Mahmad Shah, ch., . . . . .308n mandalken or mandalika,.. .178, 258, 259, 266 Mahodaya, s.a. Kapanj, . .. 4, 27, 28, 40 Mandapadurga, 8. a. Mandbgarh, 119, 120 Mahuada, s. a. Mohod, 105, 106, 119, 120
Mapdapapura, s. a. Mandapadarga, . . 120n MÁi,. . :
. . . 153 mandapika,. . . . . . . 630 Mailams, f., .
2570, 259, 268 Mandars, mo., . . . . . 381, 341 Mailigideva, ch..
. . . 165 Mandaðr, vi., . . . . . 286 Maitapata, vin .
. . . 669
Måndavyapura, .. a. Mandor, 73, 154, 157n, 278n Maithila, . .
. . . . . . 164
Måndhati, island, 103, 1061, 106, 117, 120 Maitrs, 6. a. Anarådba,
• 56, 134
Mandhata, mythical k., . . . : 266 Msitraka, family, . . : 289 Mandodari, wife of Rapana, . . .113 Maja, prince,. . . 140, 143
Mandbgarh (Mânļa), di.,. . makara, banner. . . . . .319n Mandor, loi.. . . . . 73, 164, 278 Måkaya, ., . . . . . . 206 Manduka, m., . . . . . . 22 Malabar, co., . . . . 230, 234, 313 Mangalia, W. Chalukya k.. . .. . 201 MAlAdhara, ...
• 119 Mangalûru (Mangalore), i., .
174 Málava, co., 26, 71, 72, 103, 104n, 106, 107, Mangi or Mangirâja, Nolamba k., 48, 49, 56
108, 115, 118, 151, 178 and add., 269 Mangiyavarâja, E. Chalukya k., 65, 133 ma!ave, . . . . ... 32 mangura, fish,. . . . . . 288 Malaya, hill,. ... .
178 Mâņikiâla, . a. Manikyåla, . : 137, 143 Malsy, peninsula, . . . . . 281
Manikkavhengar, saiva saint, : : 89 Malayalam (Malabar), co.. . . 238 Måņikyadevi, s. a. Dantelvart, . 164 mall, . . . . . . .816 Manikykla, vi.,. . . . 240, 246 Malik Khan,.. a. Raja Malik, . . 808n | Mapikya-mahadevi, queen .
872, 274 Maliyaptipdi, vi., 47, 48, 49, 50, 56, 132 Mâņikyébvari, s. a. Dantovari,
. 164 Malkaparra, oi., . .
. 56 Mappai-kkadakkam or-kataks, a a. Mappe, 230, 293 Málkbed, vi., . . . . 27, 28, 251, 2550 Maggárköyil, vi., . . Mallapi, di., . . . 378
Mapņe, vi.. . . Mallapadova, E. Chalukya ch., . ... 48 Manni-nada, di, . Mallinátha, commentator,. . 1040, 166, 2600 Manoratha, m., . . . . . 64 Mallisbêna, Jaina teacher, . . . . 2680 Mansehra, vi., .
• 136 Malliyûr, .. a. Gudimallar,. . . 231, 233 Mantani, vi. . .
. 2610 MAWA (MÁlava), co., . . . 189 Mantena, vi,
. . . . 261 MAMA bhafija-kA mandir, te., . . 160
Manthena, s. a. Mantena, . . . 261 Mamballi, vi.. . . . .
334
Maptrakata, do., . . . 165, 261 mandavi, a customs house, . . . . 630 Manu, sage, . . . . 95, 260, 341 Mana, family,. . . . . 987, 388 Mapugasattava, n., . . Manabharata or Mánaksvasha, wur. of
Manyakbéta, .. a. Malkhod,.
26, 28, 40 Arikesari Parkkrama-Paņdya, . . .831n Máramaralyar, . a. Marasimha,. . 88 Månabhtisha, Pandya k., , . 830, 331, 840 Máramma, sur. of Vijayaditys, 17, 82, 83 Mapalmukka, vi, . . . , 236, 239 Mårag, the Pandya king, . .'.88n Månamstra, 8. a. Månábka, . . 172 Marañjadaiyag, sur. of Varaguna,
86, 87 Månánks, Rashtrakúga k., . . . 172 M&rasimba, W. Ganga k., . , , . 88n Månapura, vi... . . . . 172
MarktbA, Co., . . . . . 431, 201 Mánasera, work,
. . 1361 Mâpatarman, sur. of Pandya kings, . . 86n Manatuitaba, Chdhamana l. of Nadddla, 740, Maravarman Kulaté kbara I., Pandya k., 222, 80, 82, 83
323, 224, 225, 227 Manavira, ch., . . . . . . . 165
Máravarman Kulaskbara II., do., 222, 224, Mapavridhi, t., . . . . . 181
235, 328
• 280
87

Page #478

PAGE
Maravarman Parakrama-Pandya, Pandya k., 228 Maravarman Sundara-Pandya I., do, Maravarman Sundara-Pandya II., do., Maravarman Sundara-Pandya III., do., Maravarman Vira-Pandya, do.,
Maraya, m.,
Mardian hills,
Márjárakédari, s. a. Narasimhanath,
MArkanḍa, m.,
Markandeya, m., Mártamda, m.,
Maru or Maru-mada (Marwad), co., Marusthall-mandala, co.,
•
Mâéupidêéa, di.,
Mata-ki-sal, Jaina temple, matha,.
matris, the seven,
Matrisarman, M.,
mattar, measure of land, Maues Mauakes, ki,
Maukhari, family,
Maulidevi, te., Maüvadi, vi., Mávali, vi, Mayapalladevi, f.
Mayidavola, vi.,.
Mayuradhvaja, mythical k...
Mechaka, vi..
Meḍipota,.
Meharipaka, m.,
.
•
Mehra (Méhara), family,
Mekala, mo.,
.
·
Matbaa or Mahana, s. a. Mabana, Mathura or Mathura-sthâna, s. a. Muttra, 107, 116, 135, 186, 138, 139, 147, 230, 240, 241, 243, 244, 245, 246, 247, 290, 291 Matradasvami, m., 288 Matriravi, m.,
279 319 12 259,267 140, 147
60, 188 124n 67
16, 17
. 158
268 294
Méléêvár, vi.,.
meriah, a victim to human sacrifice,
Mera, mo,
Meru, s. a. Mahodaya,
Mera or Méra, s. a. Mehra,. Mêratunga, Jaina author, Mevaki Miyika, Satrap,
223, 226
223, 227
229
⚫ 229 816
311
191n, 277, 278, 279 18, 290 322
INDEX.
.184m
117
116
272
•
79, 278 81, 152
233
.
•
•
6
28
Mokala-kanya, s. a. Narmada,
Mêlambika, Kakatiya princess,
Mėlarasa, ch., .
269 . 269 262n 259,262,267 melliah, malla or môli (médi), a kidnapper of 177, 178n 212 176, 177 40, 189, 340
victims for sacrifice, .
28, 40 28
105n, 149n, 156n
140, 144
.
184
176, 177, 181
Mevaku, Satrap,
Mibira, sur. of Bhojadeva, Mihira-vihara,
Miraboyana, ch.,.
Miran Adil Khan, Fariqi k.,
Moga (Mauaka), k., Mogaliki, vi, Moha, m.,.
.
mohaliza-shud, it has been seen,
Miran Ghani, do.,
Miran Husain Khan, Faruqi prince,
Miran Mubarak Sbab, Faruqi k., Miran Mubarik Khân, do., Miran Muhammad Khân or Miran Muhammad Shah I., do.,
Miran Muhammad Khan II., do.,
Miran Shah, sur. of Miran Adil Khân,. Mirichchigam, s. a. Vrischika, Mirza Alf Isfahânî, m., Mitakshara, commentary, Mithra (Mihra), Mitrayu, family, Mlêchobhas,
Mohapa, m.,
Mohod, vi.,
mokalipattavardhana, biruda, moksha, .
Chaitra, Jyeshths or
·
·
•
369
PAGE
140m
•
3
. 146
. 140 5 310 . 310 308, 310
. 310 . 310
months, lunar:Âévina,.
. 129, 130 Bhadra or Bhadrapada, 67, 102, 105, 106, 129, 130, 159, 167, 169, 848, 345 . 81, 199, 250, 256, 278, 279 Jyaishtha, 680, 82, 119, 124,
128, 129, 152, 154, 155, 163 Karttiká, 42, 47, 129, 161, 167, 170, 176,
.
181, 290, 303, 312, 316 1, 2, 3, 4, 218n, 294, 296 Magha,. Margadira or Margadirsha, 56, 95, 119, 134, 301, 302 Pausha, Paushya, or Pushys, 57, 59, 259, 267, 306, 309, 330, 340 Phalguna, 25, 40, 102, 129, 162, 163, 218n Sravana, 12, 63, 64, 67, 68, 101, 102, 159, 171, 296, 300 Vaisakha (Baisakh), 71, 74, 80, 81, 158, 159, 164, 201, 206 month, solar:Parattâdi,. Moodanidambore, vi.,
310 3080, 310 807, 310
•
. 237 808 ⚫ 59n
. 140
. 132 149
139, 140, 141, 147 28, 29, 40n 153 268n . 153 106
330, 341 .118n
•
208 21 3 B

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370
Moon, race of the (Sómavamta or Sómavamsi), 21, 22, 23, 26, 38, 113, 124, 127, 164, 167, 168, 170, 182, 183, 186, 230, 233, 320, 326, 329, 340 67
Morakara, vi., Morbi, vi...
Mubaraki or Mubarik Shah, s. a. Miran
Mubarak Shah, Mubarik Shah Chaukhandi, sur.
Mubarik Khân, Muchukunda, rishi, Mudgala, family, Mudhasėli, m.,
Mudusali, .
Mugai-nadu, di...
Mugdhatanga, Kalachuri k.,
Mughal, dy.,
Muhammad Ahmad, eh.,
Muhammadan,
Muhammad Shah, oh.,
Makhalingam, vi., mukkâlvaṭṭam,
Muktavasthu-sthana, vi.,
Mala or Malaraja I., Chaulukya k.,
Malaraja, k.,
Mulli-nada, di.,
•
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
Mundéévari, te.,
Mangir, vi.,
Muñjaraja, s. a. Utpala,
Muñjaraja, s. a. VakpatirAja II.,
Muñjanyara, vi.,
Manniriva, eh.,
munuda, s. a. muluḍa, Muppidi, ch.,
muraka, measure,
Muttavara, M.,
Muttra, vi.,
Muttar, vi., Mutturmala, hill, Mysore, State,
.
307, 308, 309
of Miran
307,310 184
288
181 and add.
181 add.
231, 233
27
306
3080
321 308n 95 236, 238
107
151
207 86, 92 59
•
•
maluja,
Mumtaz Mahall, sur. of Arjumand Bånd
•
•
PAGE
Bėgam, 306n
285, 286, 287, 289
•
251 3n
71, 83n
56
49
.
.
Murappunâda, vi., Murári, s. a. Vishnu, Murunhaiyar, vi.,
95 331, 341 250 236, 239 Musalman or Mussalman, 124n, 165, 306, 321 Musangi, s. 8. a. Uchchangi,
230, 233
Mutavathu-sthana, 8. a. Muktavastha-sthâna,
590
. 165
107, 115, 116 22.34
107
331, 341
341 87
•
·
Nabha, s. a.
Śrávapa,.
Nabhaga, mythical k., Dåda (nada), Nadada, vi., Naḍagam, vi.,
N
.
[VOL. IX.
nadai (nada), a temple,
nada-kuttam, a territorial assembly, Nadaluva, family,
Naddála, Nadḍula or Nadila, s. a. Nadol, 13n, 62, 63, 64, 67, 71, 78, 73, 79,
Nega, m.,. Nagabhata, Kanauj k., Nagabhata, Pratihara ch., Nagabhatta, s. a. Nagabhata, Någadeva, m., Nagahasti, m., Nagakulaṁdhvara, m., Nagakumara, m.,
Nagaladevi, queen of Narasa, Nagalamahadevi, queen,
Nagama, queen of Kêta II.,
Nagama, queen of Visvanatha-Nayaka, Nagama-Nayaka, Madura Nayaka, Nagamundin, m., Nagara (Nagara), s. a. Nagarahara, garahāra Nagarahara, vi., Nagarakatakam, vi., Nagardhan or "dhana, vi., Någssvåmi, m., Nagati, k., Någåvaloka, k.,
Nagêévara, m., Nagi, goddess,
Nagpur, vi.,
Nagpur Museum,
Nahara, k., Naharman, vi.,
80, 81, 82, 83, 152, 158, 159
Naddalai or Naddaligrama, s. a. Naralai, 67, 159 Naddvalapura or Nadulapura, s. a. Naddala, 62n Nadida, vi.,
29
Nadol (Nadol), vi., 62, 63, 64, 66, 68, 72, 73,
.
12 941
813, 316 67
94, 95 . 238 . 313 16
.
Nadila, s. a. Nadol,
Naga, god,.
Naga, family,
Någa, Nagavarea or Nagavaṁét, do., 161, 162, 163, 164, 176, 178,
PAGE
·
158, 159 159 239, 241 ⚫ 89n
181, 311, 312, 315, 316
6, 12 4,26n. 620, 199, 280
198, 199
117 . 181
. 816
22 340 181 2620 330, 341 330, 341
.
" 189
144, 146
. 144 95 43, 44 288
•
. 257n
62, 250, 251, 255 6 241 43
.108, 117, 160, 162, 171
78 .169

Page #480

INDEX.
371
RECHERCHERCEPCE
.
.
*
.
17%
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
159
Paes Nabarni, vi.. . . .. 176 Nabni, vi.,
. . . 172 Nahusha, mythical l., . . . . 840 Naigama, family, . . . . 64, 68 Naind, .. a. Nakna,
. . . 172 Naishadhiyacharita, quoted, . . 113n, 11ón Nakkaviram, . a. Nicobar islands, . .231 nakshatra :
Anuradha,. . . . 88, 176, 181 Årdra,. . . Chitra, . . 129, 167, 170, 214, 215 DhanishthA, .
. . 224, 2280 Hasta, . . . 210, 225, 228n, 278 Krittika, . . . . . 217, 309 Maghà
, 211, 212, 226 Mriga, Mrigasira, Mrigasiras or Mriga.
siraha, 12, 129, 130, 167, 169, 209, 210 Máls, . . . .
. . 207 Punarvan, . . . . 208, 210, 211 Parva-Bhadrapada, . . 214, 220n Parva-Phalganf, 214, 920., 226, 2280 Pärv&shadhi, . .
119 Pushya, . 209, 214, 223, 224, 228n Revati,
. . . 208, 235 Rohini . . , 212, 216, 294, 309 Sravana, . . . . . . 208
. . 212, 215 Uttara-Bhadrapada, . . . 208, 220n Uttara-Phalguni, . .
228, 296 Uttarfsliadhili, ..
• 320n, 225 Nakshimapara, vi.. . . . . 1,4 Nakshisapura, eighty-four, di. . . 1, 3, 4 Nala, mythical k.,. . . . . 840, 341 Nalachampą, kdoya,. . . . DAli, measure,
89, 92, 93, 236, 238 Nimagrantha, soork,. . . . .279 NAmaladevi, &. a. Namalladdi, . . 81 Namalladori, queen of Vijada, , . 80, 81, 83 Nåmaņaikkopam, di., . Nambaya, ch., . .
.880n, 262n Mambhitataka, s. a. Nadida, . . . Namrashaha, .
. .
70
70 NA , oi., . . . . . . . 1911 Nanaka, 8. a. Napa, . . . .
191n Nanda, k. . .
• 329 Nandanpur, oi., . .
. 1810 Nandasi-Akaså, queen of Rajala,. . 141 Nandavilmudi, m., . . . . . 20 Nandi, bull, . . . . . . 94 Nuadi-gacbohbą, school of Jaina teachers, 56
PAGE Nandipotavarman, Pallava k., . . 202, 205 Nandi-sadghs, . . .
.66n Naudivarlhans, 1. a. Nagardhan, . . 43, 44 Nanna, Rashtrabufa ch.,
194, 195 Napnaka, .. . . . . Nannappaya, m., . . . . Napparatanaga, mm . Naņu, m., . . . . . . Nånd, m.,
816 naptri, a great-grandson
319n Narabhata, Pratihara ch., . .
279 Nsraks, demon, . .
• 255 Náraldi (Narlái), vi... . N&r&mba, queen of Ganapati, .
262n Narapala, n., . . . . . . 168 narapati, . . . . . . .821 Narasa or Narasi-Nayaka, Tuluva ch., 330,
831, 340 Narasimha, m., . . . . . 116, 117 Narasitobadeva, Bastar ch. . . 165, 166 Narasith badova, Nagaransi k., . 163, 164 NarasimhanAtb, te.,
. . . 1840 Narasimhapotavarman, Pallapa k., 202, 208 Naravarman, Paramdra k., . . 105, 114, 121 Narayana, ., . . . . 116, 117, 170 Narayana, &. a. Vishnu, 118, 133, 204, 311,
312, 316 Narayana, te. . 161, 162, 290, 311, 313 Nárayana I., 4yya ch.. . . . . 962n Narayanapura, 6. a. Narayanpål, 161, 162, 163,
179, 312, 313, 816 Narayanpål or Narayanpåla, vi., 160, 161, 162,
169, 170, 311, Su Narðndramrigarája, sur. of Vijayaditya II., 27,
56, 134 Narendraadna, Valedfaka k. . . 269 Narmada (Narbuda), ri., 27, 108, 106, 108,
107, 117, 119, 120, 269, 311, 343 Narsapar, oi.. . . . . . 57 Narwar, oi.,
. . . . 1812 Nasik, D., . . .
. .
. . 139, 194n Nasir Khan, sur. of Gham Khan I., 307, 308,
309, 310 Natavați or Natavadi, di. . . . . 282n nathan, . . . . . . . 313 nattam, a village site, . . . . 918 nafta-mudumai, . . . . 21n, 181 add. Naalado, m.. . . . . . 140, 149 Naukri, vi.. . . . . . . 35
SB 2
Svati,
30, 40

Page #481

872
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. IX.
O
80an
Pags :
PAGE Navngimys or Navagamra-sthậna, 6. c. Nawe Nrisimba or Narasimha k, .113n, 114n ghon,. . . *
.. 119, 120
Nuniz . . . . . . . 174 navamika, . . . . . . . 240 nära (ofra), lime, .
. 86,99 Navannaka, .. a. Nabna, . . 172 Nyása, commentary on Kasikdoritti, . . 190 Navarasvami, ..., .
288 Navalhaald kacharita, quoted, . . .1180 Nawads, in . .
287 Nawegaon, di.,
. . 120 niyaka, 124, 137, 128, 169, 170, 181, 313, 816 Obambika, queen of Narsa, . . .340 Nayaks, family, .
381 Odda-vishaya, . a. Orissa,. . 231, 238 Nayaka, Nagapathsf ch., . 181 Odra-defa, do..
. 2780 Nayapaklidovt, queen of Govindachandra, 821 Oghaniryaktisätra, Jaina worl, . . 118n Nayapala, Pala k., .
. 321 Omar-ul-Faroq Khalifa, . . . nàyga (nayaka), . . . . . . 18 Orgêrawarga, di, . . . . . 262n Hayiru, the sun, . . . . . . 237n Onginimärga, t. a. Oigēramárga, . . .282n Nedha, Prágodfa ch., . . . . 161, 162 Nellore, oi., . .
99nOpilisiddhi II., Telugu-Chapa ch.. . 2600 Nem Aditya, ... . . . . 38, 41 Orissa, co.. . 42, 43, 124, 176, 184, Némijina, Nomijin in or Némitirthakara, .. a.
231, 271, 273, 286 Nêminátha, . . . . 162, 164 Oriya, .. a. Orisas, . . • 1800, 894 Neminátha, Jaina saint, 148, 149, 162, 164,
Oromgalla, Orungalla or Oragalla, s. 4.
2570 Warangal,. . .267 and add., 259, 267 Nepal, co., . . . . 286, 287, 289, 821 Osavala, tribe, . . . . 1640 Nerdr, vi, . . . 102 Osval Sravak, sect, .
. . 279 Netpibhafija or Netribhafijaddva, Bhanja Oade, co., . . . . . . . 268n
ca, • • • . 272, 878, 274 275 Nicobar Islands, . . . . . . 231 Niềubróla, vi. .
262n nigadi, &. a. niladi, . .
. 86, 92n Paohpadra, di. . . . . . . 878 nlladhvaja, banner, . . . . .813 pada, a share. . . . . 108n, 114n, 119 Nllagiri, .. a. Jagannatha,. . . . Padamsiljart, quoted, . . . . . 200n nilaya, 6. a. tars, . . . . 313, 316 Padatkaltro, vi.,
48, 132, 1330 Niravadyadhavala, ch., . 49, 50, 56 padiar, 6. a. prattbar,
190 Nirupama, aut. of Dhruva, 26, 38, 194, 195 Padi, si.. 167, 168 and add., 169, 170, 183 nisadi (niyadi), . . . . . 86, 94n
Padmákshi, to., .
256, 357, 3590 Nishkalankd, incarnation,
. 806
Padmanabha, ... . . . . . 117 nisime, a stúpa, . . . . . .
Padmaavamio, ., . . . . . . 117 nissimamálaka,. .
. . 142 Padmavati, goddess, . . . . . 267n Nityavarshanarendradova, sur. of Indra III., påga (haga), coin, . . . . 259, 267
25, 38, 40 Pagård-pratijagaranaka, di., . . .107 nivartana, land measure, 58, 54, 298, 299, 319 Pågupayara-visbaya, di., . .
188 Niyamam, ving . . .
. 88
PAhalla, . . . . . Nodamba-rashtra, .. a. Nolambavadi, 48, 56 Paithap. vi.. . . . . 42, 196 Nogha, ., . . . . 6 PAkhal, lako, . .
859, 260 NohalĄ, Chaulukya princess, . . 3 Pala, dy,. . 3, 4, 88, 28, 231, 261, 829 Nolambavidi, di, . . . . . 49 pala or palam, weight,.. . 22, 92, 93, 289, 290 Nriga, mythical k., .
840 Palaki-vishsya, di., .
. . 317, 319 Nyiputanga or Niipatangavikramararman, Pllakol, ui, . . . . . . 263n
Ganga-Pallava k., . . . 87, 880 Palandur, ni.. . . . . . . 283 Npisimba, ..
. . . 182, 187 | PALAU Padmainiviri, ..., . . . $16

Page #482

INDEX.
373
PAGE 1
PAGE Palat, .,
. 169 papai, measure,. . . . . 235, 238 pálidhraje, banner, . . . 205, 255, 256 Parak@sarivarman, Olbļa k. . . 89 palimpsest noords, 131, 132n, 167, 169n, 279 Parak@sari tarinan, sur. of Chóla kings, 88n, Palipare, m., . . . . . . 20
89, 209, 210, 213, 214, Palitáns, vi., . . . . . . 73
217, 218, 219, 220, 230, 232 Pallava, dy., 48, 88, 89n, 201, 202, 205, paramabhattaraka, 1, 2, 26, 38, 40, 96, 132,
208,207
170, 199, 258, 265, 286, Pallava, .. a. Gauga-Pallava,
288, 304, 313, 315, 316 pallichchandam, . . . . . 231, 233 paramadávatAdhidaivata. . . . 286 Pallika, oi., . . . 620 paramam Ahokvars, . .
. 286, 804 Palnadu, di.,
.
. . . . . 257 add.
Paramars, dy, 3n, 11, 12, 49, 620, 71, 72, 81, Paltà, s. a. Pålata, . . . . 170 830, 103, 104, 105, 106, 112, 113, 118, Påmgarh, oi., . . . . . . 283
120, 149, 151, 159 Pampa-Bharata, quoted, .
. . . 2060
Paramára, k., . . . . . 151 Pampardja or Pamparajadéra, Kakaira ch. Paramardidáva, Chandella k., . . 62 124, 125, 128, 129, 166, 167, 168, 169n, paraméévara, 1, 2, 22, 23, 25, 28, 40, 42, 47,
170, 183, 184 56, 101, 132, 169, 199, 205, 268, 265, 304, Pamva, .. a. Pamgarh, . . . .
313, 316, 316 Papayangalam, si. . . . . 331, 341 Paramekvarn, .. a. Vishnu, . . 199 Pañchaganga, rii, . . . . 28 Parandavaş Kandag, n., . . . . 239 Pañchabari, m., . .
199 Parantaka I., Chola k., . . . . 917 pañobakalpin (pañcholt), . . 107, 117 Parantaka JI., do. . . . Pañchala, co., . . . . . . 4
Parasa, m., . . Pañcbalad@va, W. Ganga k., . . 2580 Paradarasmriti, quoted, . . . . 114n pañchamabasabda, . . . 1, 258 Paramébya, *., Pañicbanaliya, the 13th sarga of the Naisha. Parasika, co. . . . dhiyacharita,
Parafarma, saint, . . . 40, 113, 233 Pañchappalli, di. .
. .233 pargani, a district, . Panchatantra, . . . . 139 Parijata, k., . . Påndaratga or Pandarânga, ch., . . 49, 50, 56 pårijata, tree, . .
. . . 194 paodita, 106, 107, 116, 116, 117, 119, 164, Parijatamafjart, napill, . . .113n, 114
168, 169, 316 Parivråjaka, family, . . . . 342., 343 Pandiyan rook,. . . . . . 88n Parlapalli, si., • .
. 98 Påņda, mythical le., . . . . . . 88n Parpagalam, s. a. Påppánkulam,.. . 381 Påndys, co., 84, 85, 86, 87, 88, 89, 930, 1010, papra, a bundle, . . . . 201, 205, 206, 214, 222, 223, 225, 228, Pårsvanaths, Jaina saint,. .
. 257n 280, 283, 284, 880, 381, 340 pårévika, . . . . . . 168n På dyakulasthapanacharyu, biruda, 880, 831, 841 Parthian,
139, 248 Påndya-mandala, co.,. . . 831, 841 Parvata, di., .
277, 278 Påndyavillarasa, ., .
. . 19 Parvati, goddess, .71, 316, 316, 326, 327 Pangala-Dâulu, di. . .
. . 281, 883 Parvatt, queen of Keta II. . . . . 262n Påņini, quoted,. . in, 48, 206n, 248, 830 Parvati, to.. . . . 198, 199 Pantba, m., . . . . 59, 60, 61 Parvatiya, tribe, .
. . . . 278 Panwa, tribe, . . .
. . 176 Palapata, . . . . . . 18, 19 Papotta, m. . . . . . . 192 Pakapata, ., . . . . . 300 Pappalam, vi.. . . . . . . 291 Pasupati, .. a. Siva, . . . . 299 Pappå kulam, vi.. . . . . 891 Påtalipatra, .. a. Patpa, . . . 25, 28, 40 Parabala, Rashtrakufa k., 26n, 248, 350, 261, Patan, vi. . . .
. . 988 352, 356 patati (padati). . . . . . 20m Parachakrarâma, sut. of Vijayaditya III, 49,66 påthaka (pathak), . 106, 107, 116, 119
.
.

Page #483

374
EPIGRAPHTA INDIOA.
[Veu. IX.
230
PAGE
ΡΑΟΣ pathals, a district, . . . 106, 119, 120 piraade . . . . . . . 306 Pathad, wi.. . . . . 38n, 148, 161 Pishgapur, ... Pithapuram, . . 317, 319 Pati or Patti, eur. of Numcha, 17, 18, 19, Piepori, f. . . . . . . 141
21, Pitamahe, .. . . . . . 189 PatiAkella, i., . . . . 286, 287 Pithata, n., . . . . . 149 Patika, Satrap, . . . . . 189 Pithapur or Pithapuri, .. a. Pithapuram, 822n Pappa, vi., .
28 Pithaporum, oi., . , 48, 49, 317, 822 påtrs, . .
176, 171, 181 Pillor Pithika, s. a. Pithapuram, 320, 821, patta, • . . . . . 154
322, 323, 326 pattabandha,
, 25, 28 Pitrisvami, ... . . . . 288 Pattadakal, si., . . . . 102 pndaval, . . . 236, 237, 238, 239 Pattah, vi. .
. . 1810 Polalarasa, 6. a. Prola,
259, 260, 266 Pátaikkulam, di,
331 and add., 841 poli, .. a. polisai, . . . . . 86 pattakila, . .
. 106, 119 Polikóin or Polekólin I., W. Chalukya pattalaka, . . . . . 320n k., . . . . 99 and add., 201 pattalika,. . . . . 320, 327 Polikődi-Vallabba or Poleksi-Vallabba, 8. a. patta-mahadevi, .
. . . . 316 Polikenin I., . . . . 101, 204 Pattana, vi.,
polissi (palibai) or palida, ...
88 pattávali,. . . • 149 Polokku, m., . .
. 20 patti, a plot of land, . .
Pold, m., . . . . . . . 127 Påtuks, k., . . . . . . 73 Polür, vi., . Paandra, co., .
. . 49, 46
Pombuohoha or Pombuchchapura, s. 4. Hum. Pavitra, m.
. .117 cba, . . . . . 17, 18, 261 pavitra, the argha vessel, . 1160 Pombuloba, do., .
. . 17, 32 Paranavara- vishaya, 1. a. Pagunavara-virhaya, Ponbuchchu, do. . . . . 18. 17
132, 133 Pouvalohn, do., . . . . 17, 28, 24 Pedda-Vêgi, vi.. . . .
68 Poollore, vi, . . . . . . 21 Padhilaka, vi., . . . 2 Poona, vi, . . . . . 200 Peņbasaaru, 8. a. Hebsur, . . 201, 208 Pooramari, vi, . . . . . . 177n Peņņai, 8. a. Pendar, . . . 86, 91 Poravad, 8. a. Prågvata, .
. 149 Pennar (Southern), rin . 88 porikkari. . . . .
92 Pârâmbâ, queen of Gapapati, . . . 262n pota, a sacrificial victim, . . . 177 Perangigår, vi. . . 208 | Potanabhatte, w., .
1831 Perbballi, &. a. Hebballi, .
Potinêr, vi., . . . . 160, 161, 184 pergade, . . . . . 259, 266, 267 Potanůnka, vi.. . . . . . 819 PoriyAlvar, śrivaishnava saint,. 330n Poysala, . a. Hoysala, .
. 10 Persian,. . . . 138, 139, 141 Prabandhachintamani, quoted, .105n, 149, 156n Perun bânappadi, di, . . . 231, 233 Prabhakarabhatta, ., . 25, 40n Perundêvapar, commentator,
Prabhakarasvati, 1.,
282, 284, 288 Peruñjingadeva, Pallava k., 207, 216, 217, 222 Prabhávatigupta, queen of Radrasena Peshwa,. .
II., . . . . . . . . 268 Pathada, &. a. Pithada, .
150 Prabhatavarsha, sur. of Govinda III., . . 16 Phalgusvåmi, m., . . . . 282, 284 prabodhini-kadasi, tithi, . . 804 Pharaskot (Paralakota), ti., ,
1680 Prachdtasa, &. a. Valmiki, . . . . 11 pillaiyêr-buli, . . . .8180 Pragvata, family, . .64, 81, 149, 151 Piodward, vi... . . . . 188 Prahârabh Ushapa, ., Pinnama II., Karndfa ch., . . 329 Prahladanudøvi, queen of Udayasitah, 73, 88 Piplinagar, oi... . . . . . 120 prakara, . . . . . . 881 Piraya kalam, Di., .
.
. 331 prakriti, the Kshatriya caste, . : 279 Piridipati, 8. a. Prithivipati II., . . 880 Pralavá, &. a. Halb,. . . . 169
230

Page #484

INDEX.
375
PAGE
Vaitahavy,
.
PAGE Pramára, 8. a. Paraman, 11, 12, 105, 116,
118, 121, 151 pranava, . . . . . . 341 Prándoru, vi.,
. 132, 133 Prankāśvara, te., , . . . 168, 170 Prapannå mrita, poem, . . . . 380n Prasanna, ch... .
. 172 prasasti, 4ln, 71, 79, 107, 118, 128, 128, 151, 182, 183, 189, 250, 251, 293,
300, 321, 328 Prasiddhadhavala, sur. of Mugdbatunga, 27 prastha, measure, . . . . 289, 290 Pratậpa, Chahamana k. of Naddila, 80, 83 Pratâpachakravartin, sur. of Jagadekamulla
II., . . . . . . 258n Pratápamalla, 8. a. Pratápa, . 81, 152 Pratáparajadēra, Bastar ch., . . 166 Pratâparudra, ki . . . . . 160 Pratáparudra or Pratáparudraddva, Kakatiya
k., . , 166, 168, 257n, 259, 261n Pratâparudrayab8bbūshana, s. d. Pratapart
driya, . . . . . . 186. Pratâparudriya, .. . . 165, 166 pratibhêdike, . . . . . 299 pratihara,
.. 119, 190, 199 Pratibâra or Pratibâra, dy., 28, 62n, 199, 277,
278, 279 pratiharya or prâtiharya, .. pratijagaranaka, 8. a. pargana, 105, 106, 120 pratöli, . . . . . . 126 pravanikara, tax, . . . . . 306 Pravarapura, vi, . . . . 268 Pravaras :
Âbbaradvanu, . . . . . 9766 Ambarisha, . . . . . . 112 Ângirasa,, 109, 110, 111, 112, 132 Apnavåna, . . 110, 111, 112, 122 Asita,
111, 112 Aurva, .
. 110, 111, 112, 122 Autatthya (Aucbatthya), . 111, 122 Avatsara,. .. . . 110, 111, 119 Barbaspatya,
110, 111, 112, 122 Bharadvája, . 110, 111, 112, 129 Bhargava, . . 110, 111, 112, 129 Bhårmyalva,
. . . 111n Chyavana, . . 110, 111, 112, 128 Devala, . . .
111, 112 Gárgya, . . . . 109 Gaurivita, . . . . 109 Gautams,. . . . 111, 122
Indrapramada,
278n Jåmadagnya . 110, 111, 112, 122 Kuikasa, .
. . . 110 Kankhyana, . . . . . 110 Kályap,. . 110, 111, 112 Mudgala, i .
111 Naidhrava,
• : 110, 111, 112 Parakan or Párásara, . i 109, 113 Parkvasn, . . . . . 110 Saktri (Sakti), . . . . 109, 112 såmdilya,. .
111, 112 SÅretags, .
. . . 110
. i 110 Vasishtha or Vasishthu, 109, 110, 112,
376m, 808 Yanvankkva, . . . . 112 Pravarasốna I., Vakdfaka k., . . . 268 Prsyarashna II., do. 267, 268, 269,
270n, 2710 Průyasvami, m., . . . . .288 pregada, a minister, . . . . 313 Prithe, mythical qucen,
. 266 Prithivipals or Prithripala, chdhamana .
of Naddala, . . . 84, 73, 88 Prithivipati I., W. Ganga k.. . . 87. 88 Prithivipati II. do.. . i 87, 88n Prithivisagara, Alupa k, 17, 19, 20, 21, 22 Prithivishồna I., Vakataka k. . . 268, 269 Prithivishdņa II., do.. . 267, 269 prithivivallabbe. . . . . 101 Prithivivarmadera, E. Ganga k.. .. 274 Prithuvardhana, śailavamsa k., . . 12. 46 Prithvideva, Ratnapura ch., 293, 294, 295 Prithvid bara, m., . . . . 117 Prithviraja, Chauhan k., . . . 178 Prithviraja, 8. a. Prithvideva, .
294 Prithviraja II., Chdhamana k. of satambhart, 68 Prithvir&ja-Rås, quoted, . . . : 178n prithvivallabha, . . . . 266 Priyachelva, m., . , . i : 20 Prodaraja, 8. a. Prola, . . . 186, 260 Prola or Prðlarasa, Kakatiya k., 165; 266,
2570, 250, 260, 261, 283, 268 Prðlerája, 8. a. Prola, . . . 165, 260 Proptiyo, mb.. . . . . . 316 Ptolemy,. . .
331 Pudukkottai, vi.. . . . . . 331 Poki-vishaya, di.. . . . . . 818 Pulakedin, . u. Polikesin I., . . 317

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. IX.
•
24
PAGE Palakefin, Poliklin or Polekláin II. W.
Chalukya k.. . 16, 99, 1010, 201, 317, 822 Puleyarma, ., . . . Palisms, m., . . Palindaadna, Sailodbhava ch., . . . 42 pulingari, . . . . . Polisangula-odai, . . . . 931, 341 poliyittadungari. . pulukkukkari. . . . . . . Panalar, vi. .
. . 236, 289 Pundarika, Jaina teacher, . . . 166n Pannågavrikshamala-gaps, school of Jaina
teachers, . . . . . .680 Paralar, oi., .
. . . 89n Param, .. a. Pärva-Phalgunl, . . 914 Pariņas,. . . . . 1940 puratobbadrs, .
. . 125, 128 Parattad(Parva-BhadrapadA), . . .214 Puri, vi.. . . . . . 42, 184 Purisadata, Andhra k, Párnapala, ch., . . Párnapåla, Paramára k., 10, 11, 13n, 71n, 161 Par Gravas, mythical k., Purusbottama, m., . . . 116, 117, 816 Purushottamadáva, Bastar ch.,. .105 Pärvarashtra, co. . . . . . 283 Pashyasvâmi, meg . . . . 288 pustakl prakada, . . . . . 1890 Pattaperi, vi.. . . . . . 391, 341 paffige (puffa), a basket, . . . . 220
PAGE rajadhiraja or rájátirêja, 2, 4, 163, 242, 244,
245, 845 Rajadhiraja I., Chola k., . . 218, 230 Rajadhiraja (II.), do. 207. 210, 211, 212,
213, 219 rajadhirajarshi, . . . . . . 342n Rajaditya or Rajadityarasa, ke. . . 16 Raja-gachcha, school of Jaina teachers, 154 raja-guru, . . . . . . . 107 Rajaka, m., . . . . . 192 Rajakdarivarman, Chļa k., . . 920 Rajakesarivarman, sur. of Chóļa kings, 86n, 88n, 1700, 207, 210, 211, 212, 213, 217,
218, 219, 221 Rajakouarivarman Vira-Pandya, Kongu k.,
223, 225, 226 rájakula,. . Raja Malik or Malik Raja, Faruqi k., 807,
308, 309, 810 Bajamártands, E. Chalukya k.,. . 49, 55 Rajamayya, 8. a. Rajamartanda,. . . 49
. . . . . 82, 106, 116 Rajanathakavi, poet,. . . . . 380 Rajapur, fort,. . . . . 161 Rajapura, vi, . 174, 175, 176, 178, 179, 181 rájaputra, . .. 66, 67, 301 Rajaraja, E. Chalukya ch., . . .322 Rajaraja I., Chola k., 84, 89, 92n, 93n, 207,
217, 231, 238n Rajaraja II., do... : 207, 209, 210, 219 Ræjarkja III., Chola k., 218, 215, 216, 221 Rajaraju-cbaturvedimangalam, sur. of Ain bå
samudram, . . . . . . 84 Rajarajakesarivarman, 6. a. Rajaraja I., 207, 308 RAjaraja-mandalam, the Pandya country, 84 Raja-Rajarajadôvs, . a. Râjarija I.,
208 Rajabékbara, poet, . . . . . 4, 27 Rajasimheevara, te., .
. . 202, 206 rajasthaniya, . . .
· .
190, 288 Rajatarangint, quoted,
249, 300, 301n r&jávali .' .
. 81, 151, 152 RAjávalf-kathe,..
. . .26€n råjavallabba, . . . . . . 168n Rajê, m., . . . .
. . 116 Rajendra-Choda, Velanandu ch., . . 261, 262n Rajendra-Chola I., Chola k., 84, 86, 88,
179n, 217, 229, 230, 231, 232, 322 Rajendra-Chola II., sur. of Kulottunga L., . 318 Rajendra-Chola III., Chola le., . . 213, 292 Rajendra-Cola-Vippagar, te.,. . . . 84
O
Quilon, vi.
.
.
.
.
. 238, 2380
Rachbila, 8. a. Tachbila, . . . 140, 147 Regboli, vi., . . .41, 43, 44, 284n Raghu, mythical k., . . 1640, 360 Raghuvamia, quoted, . , 1049, 113n, 275n Rahatgadh, ni.. . . . . . . 118 Raichar, oi. . . . . . 2610 Raigarh, oi . . . . . 281 rainy season,
.242 Baipor, vi, 167, 171, 172, 288, 289, 342 Rajrákhol, di, . . . . . 124n, 184n rája or' raja. . . . . . 119, 303 Raja Ali Khan, F&rdqf k., 307, 308n, 310 BAjabbima, sur. of Clalakya-Bhima II. 49, 65

Page #486

INDEX
377
PAGB
PAGE Bajendradeva, Chhļa k., . 89, 218 Rapasigara, Aļupa k.. . . . 17, 18, 19 Rajendrasimha-valapádo, di, . . 87 Rapadura, k., . . : 281, 233 Raj-Good, tribe. . . . . . 281 Ranavigraha, s. a. Mugdbatunga,
27, 39 Rajila, 7. . . . . . . 192 Ranavikrata, sur. of Poliklin I., 817,319 Rajjila, ch., . . . . 189, 191
Ranavikramanaths, m., . . . . 21 Rajjila, Pratihdra oh., . . 279 Ranavira, A., , .
. 316 rájái, . . . . . .303 Råņâyint, fákhá, . . . . 116 Rajpaldēva, Bastar ch., . . . . 166 Rangakshitindra, brother of Achyataraya, 840 Rajputina, co., . . 160, 189, 279 ranga-mandapa, .
. . 331, 341 Rajúla, Satrap, 138, 139, 140, 141, 142, Ranganatha, to... . . . . 330, 340
143 and add., 147 Ranjubala, s. . Rajúla, . . Rajyaghangakam, di, Saakam, Dk . . . . 199 Ranpádovi. queen of Dharmapala,
251 Rajyamahadevi, queen, , . .284n rashtra, a province, . . . . . 40 Rajyasthala, vi., .
. 3 Rashtrakūta, dy., , .3, 15, 16, 25, 26, rakshâbhogam (raja-bbðgan), . . .238n 27, 28, 38, 43, 44, 48, 49, 71, 172, 193, råkshasa,. . . . . . 55
194, 195, 250, 251, 255, 283, 322, 323 Raktapara, 8. a. Lakshmeávura,
201, 206 | râshtrakata, the head nan of a village, . 56, 132 RâmA, , , , , , , , , 115 Rashtrauda, family, . .
. . . 67 Ráma or Ramaraja II., Karnata
Rashịroda, don . . ch., . . . . . 329, 330, 340 Ratahrada, oi., . . Roma, saint, 800, 113, 1840, 185,268, 812, 340 Ratanpar, vi... 87, 43n, 162n, 181n, 293, 295 Ramâ, 8. a. Lakshmi,. . . . . 368
Ratanpars, di...
01. . . . . . . Ramachandra, Jaina teacher, .
71 Ratâwa, vi., . . Ramachandra, &. a. Råma,
66, 181, 185 Rati, goddess, . . . . . Ramacharita, poem,
. 321, 322 Ratidása, ., . . . . . . 192 Råmadēva, m., . . . . . 301, 302Ratnapura, 8. a. Ratanpurs, . 73 Råmaddva, Dévagiri Yadava k., . 200 ratna-traya, . . .
. 265 Ramalavra-vishays, di.. . . . 273, 275 Ratta, 8. a. Rashtrakůta, . . . 27, 39 Ramalinge varasvami, te., . . . 47 Ratta-Kandarpa, sur. of Indra III., 27, 40 RAmanâ kâsana, n., . . 316 Rattapaļi (Irattab&di), co., .
230, 233 Ramanathapuram, vi, . . . 86 Rattaraja, Sildra ch., . . . . 28 Råmangulam, vi. . . . . 991, 341 Råvanh, demon, .
.. 39, 113n, 260 Ramapala, Pala k.,
220, 221, 822, 326 Raviparru, ui, . . . . .132, 133 Råmapálacharita, 8. a. Ramacharita.
322 Rêviya-periga-chefuvu, tank, . . 56 Råmappa lake. . . . . . 257n Rayapala, Chahamana k. Of Nadddla, 158, 159 Râmaraja Ii, Karnata ch., . i . 329 Rabhildka, m., .
. . 192 Råmasinya, 8. a. Råmsen, . . . 73,74 Recharla, family (),.
. . 2570 Rgmafarman, 7., . . , 201, 206 Red hill,
. . . . 43 Ramayana, . . . . . 312, 343 Råva, &. a. Narmadh, .
105, 119, 120 Råmékvara, m.,
. 116, 117 Revatisvami, w., . . . . 287, 288 Råmsen, vi.. . . . . 73 Rishable, . a. Âdinátha, 148, 149, 151, Râmtek, vi., . . : 43,44
162, 154, 1560 Ranabhanja or Rapabhañjadeva, Bhanja Rishi, m., ; . . . . . 117 ch., . . . . 3720, 373 Rohani, mo, .
. 323, 328 Rapalhari, m.,
Rohimsaka, 8. a. Ghatiyala, . . 278, 279 råpaka, . . . . . . 78, 168n Rohińsa kúpa or "kúpaka, do. . . 278, 279 Rapakësarin, Kákaira ch., . , 188, 187 Rohinisvami; , . i . Ranakirti, ch., . . . . . 86n Rûdaladevi, Chdhamana princess, . 79, 83 Rânapnbhatta, 7., . . . . 25, 40n
Rudhiradhyâya, quoted, . . . Rapariga, W. Chalukya k., .. . 317, 319 Rudra, ch., . . : : i .. 257a
30

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. IX.
PAGE Rudra, Radraddva or Rudraddva-Mabaraja, Kakatiya k., 165, 256, 257n, 259,
260, 2610, 262 Rudra, Natavddi ch., . . . . . 262n Rudra, Rudramadevi or Rodraddva-Mshårája,
8. a. Rudråmba, . 1650, 257n and add. Rudraka, m. . . . . . 192 Rudramahadevt, 8. a. Rudramba,, 287 add. Rudramba, Kakatiya queen, 164, 1650 and add. Rudrapratâpadēva, Bastar ch.. . . 166 Radrasena I., Vakataka k. . . 268 Radrasena II., do. . . . · 268 Rudréévara, te., . .
. 2570 Râpâdevi, queen of Tējasitha, . . 74, 83 rûpakâra,. . . . . . 119
PAGE Saka, tribe,
. . . 139, 147 BAkadvipa- or Sakadvipiga-Bråbmans,. 279 Sakambhari, vi., . . 62, 67, 71, 80,
82, 83, 154, 251 Sakambhari-manikya, sur. of Lakshmana, 71n, 80 Sakustáns, the Saka country, . . 139, 147 Sak karagottam or Sakkarakottam, &. a.
Chakrakotya, 179n and add., 280, 233 Saktikamara, 1.. . . . . . 128 Sakyamuni, 8. a. Buddha,
. . . . 141 Balankåyana, family, . . . . 58, 59 Saluvado.,
. 380n Salya, mythical k., . . . . . 255 Salya or Satru alya, k., . . . . 73 samhartri, . . . . . . 43 Såmärgadb, vi, . . . . . . 193 samanta, . . . . 71n, 132, 172, 273 Sämants, Chdhamana k. of sakambhari, . 62 Samara, m., . . . . . . 316 Samarapura, vi.. . . . . . 73 Sumarasiba, 8. a. Samarasimha,. . 73 Samarasimba, Chdhamana k. of Nadadla,
62n, 73, 74, 80, 81, 82, 83, 152 Samarasimha, m., . . . . 153 Samarávalóka, sur. of Sankaragana, 193, 195 Samastabhuvanásraya, sur. of E. Chaluleya
kings, . . . . 48, 56, 132 Sâmatasimba, Chahumana ch., . . . 82 samayadrðharaganda, biruda, . . 330, 341 samayakblåbala, do., . . 330, 341 Sambharirája, a Chahamana chief . . 710 Sambhu, s. a. Siva, . . 71, 72, 271, 340 sambha kallo, te. . . . . 17, 19 sambilaka, vi., . . . . 172 Samgama, m., . . . . . . 6 Samgamarája, ch.. . . . . 11 Sathgamasimha, k., . . . . 3440 Samira, vi.. . .
. . . 195 Šamkara, s. a. siva,
. . 67, 187 Sankarasvâmi, m., . .
282, 284 Satki, s. a. Sanki, . . . .28, 29, 40n. samkrantis :
Makara-sat krånti, . . 330, 340 Uttarayana-sankranti (Wintersolstice),
49, 56, 259, 268 Samoll, vi, . . . . . . 13 Samuddhara, m., . . . . 117 samudraghosha, musical instrument, . 206 Samudragupta, Gupta k., . . .1840, 343 Samvatasimha, .. a. Sâmyantasińba, . 74n, 82
.
Sabbama, Kondapadmati princess, . . 262n Sabbama, Velandndu princess, . . .2621 Babbi-sayira (Sabbi, one thousand), di.,
258, 259, 260, 266 Sabdána fisadavritti, quoted,
. 207 Gåbdika, a grammarian, .
. . 119 Sabhapati Svayambhů, m... · 931, 311 Sadasiva or Sadasivaraya, Vijayanagara k.,
328, 329, 330, 331, 340, 341 Sadha, ch.,
72 Sadhanva, Chaulukya ch., .
. 8 Sadharana, m., . . . . sådhu, . . . 181, 238, 239n, 313, 316 Sadri, vi., . . . . . . Saduktikarnâmpita, poem, . . . . 323 Sagalaraja or Balagarája, ch., . . . 330 Sagara, mythical k.,. . . 1640, 206 sågaraksböbha, musical instrument,
2n Sagguyayyana, k., . . . . 286, 288 Saghastan, 8. a. Seistân, . . . . 137 Sahadeva, ch., . . . . . . 301 Sàharanga (8&bårasa), m., . . . . 181 Sábasatunga, sur. of Dantidurga, . . 265n Sabasrårjuns, mythical k., . . . . 89 Sabet Mahết, vi. . . .
290, 291 Sahila, m. .
. . . . 250 Sahityaprakaáa, quoted, . . . sailavamia, family, , . . 42, 43, 44, 48 Sailodbhava, do. . . . . 42, 43 Sailsdbhava, ch., . . . . 42 Saiva, . .
. . 18, 89 saivism, . . . . . .287
108

Page #488

INDEX.
379
PAGE
.
73
..
21
PAGE Sâmyantasimba, Chahumâna k.,
74,82 Barva mansa, . . . . . 341 Sáñchi, di.,
136, 244, 245, 246 Sarvistivadin, school of Buddhist teachers, Sânchor, oi., .
139, 141, 144, 146, 291 Sandavarada, m.,
sarvatóbbadra, . . . . . 125 Sandêra or Sanderaka-gaobchha, school of Sarvavanda (Sarvabandhu), n., . . 34 Jaina teachers,
sâsuda, religion, . . . . . 65 Sandéra, .. a. Sanderao, . . . 63n, 72 Saranadevi, goddess, . . . . 267n, 266 Sanderao, vi. . . .
63n, 72 Sagan: kardja, k., . . . 42, 286, 843n sând bivigrabika, . . 119, 272, 274 | Satajana, vi, . . . . 106, 120 Sandbyákaranandi, author,. .
321 Satâjunâ, &. a. Satajana, . 106, 106 Śåņdilyskavichakravartin, biruda of Trivikrama, 28 Såtêrê, vi., .
. . . .317 Bândimattiva, the island of śántimat, 230, 233 satî pillars, . . . . 161, 166 Sandohal, 8. a. San Doil, . . . . 1720 Satrap, s. a. Kshatrapa,
138, 139, San Doil, vi., . . .
. . .172n
140, 141, 143, 144, 147 Sanga, k., . . . . 73 Satrunjaya, hill, . . . . 163 sangha, . . . . . . 141, 146 Satrunjaya-mahatmya, quoted, . . .165n Sångli, vi., .
.. . 27,28 Sattamaddva, . . . . 192 Bankaracharya, Advaita teacher, .
296 Śåttan Sudaiyag, 11., . . . .239 Sat karadevi, Rashtrakúta princess, 320, Satgadeva, n., . . . . . 169, 192
322, 323, 328 Satyagirinatha-Perawal, te., . .225 Sankaragana, Kalachuri k., . 48, 296, 299 Satyaki, branch of the Yadu dynasty, 36, 38 Sankaragana or Satkaraganaråja, Rashfrakúga Satyapura, 8. a. Sanobor, . . . . 73
ch., . . . . . . 193, 195 Satyasraya, sur. of W. Chalukya kings, 55, Såókhôda, vi...
. 800 add.
99, 101, 193, 201, 265, 317, 319 Saokhini, ri. . . . . 161, 161 Satyadrnya(Trivabedanga), W. Chalukya k., . 166n Sanki, vi.. . . . . . . . 29 Saurashtra-mandala, co. . . . . 9,4 Sankila, 8. a. Sankaragana,. . 48, 49, 65
48, 49, DD Saarashfrika, Saarashtrika,
. . . . .
. . . . 67 Sankuka, do. .
• 48
Sauri, 8. a. Vishnu, . . . . 250, 256 sahkura (athkara), a doubln sack, . . : 82n Sauri-Narayapa, to.,. . . . Bandaran Kandan, m., . . . 239 Sauvardhana, Sailavara k., . 42, 48 sannidhatri, . .
Sauvarnagiri, .. a. Sonalgarh, . . 73 santâna, tree, . .
340 Lavai-váriyar, . . . . . . 88n Bântare, family, .
16 and add., 281 Savalakkârankulam,. . . . 331, 341 Śântilla, general,
. 300 add. Såvitri, f., . . . . . 316 Sapadalaksha, co., . . 154 Bâyu(sao), 8, 8. Bethi,
167, 169, 170 gård, supervision (R), . . . . . 168n Scythian,. .
• 140 Barabhapurs, vi... 172, 282, 283, 284 and add. Sebbi, thirty, di.. . . . . . 258n Sarangarh, oi., . . . 281, 282, 283 segrava (Saigrava), gótra, . . 247, 248 Sarasvati, goddess, . . . 114, 266, 316 Seistån, din, . .
. 137, 139 Sarasvati, ri, . . 12 Sdnavadi, m., . .
. . 22 Sarasvati or Sarasvati-sthana, vi., . . 107, 116 Sendamil, quoted, . . . . 330n Sarasvatikanthabharana, sork, .
28 Senduvka, vi... Bargacbh, vi.. . . . . . . 1810 Seorinarayan, vi., . . . 130, 283 Sarjupari, sect of Brahmaņas, . . . 304 Śdramân, the Chéra king,
. .281n Sarnath, vi., . , 139, 140, 340n, serpent, lamer, . .
• 312 241, 291, 292, 319 śésha, serpent, • .
258 Sdruga, bow, . . . . . . 38 sethi, . . . . . 167, 169 Sarsavni, ti.. . . . . 296, 298, 299n
996, 298, 299n Set-Mahet, di., . . . . 213 Saravigoaksiga, m.. . . . . 84 setu, .. a. Rame varam, . 88, 840 Sarvajrachakravartin, sur. of some van III., 258D Sevak, .. a. Sakadvipa-Brahmana, .
279
43
802

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[VOL. IX.
. 2610
PAGE bevittn(fevidu), measure, . . . 86, 92, 93 Shahbazgarhi, vi. . .
• 186, 142 Shabi Vasashka, 8. a. Vastishka, . shambalatamaks, . .
. 105 Bhanderala-gachobha, .. a. Sandéra-gachelha, 63n Shatsahasra, di.. . . Sheo, di. . .
. . 278 Shermadori, oi.,
. . . 86n Shimadhara, .. . . . . . 153 Shivally, .. a. Sivalli. . . . . 21 Bholinghur, vi.,
E89, 89 Siddhadhiraja, 8. a. Siddharàja, . . Siddhapabhatta, m., . .
25, 40 Siddharija, Charlukya k.. . 72, 83n Siddbdevara, te., . . .
. 103 Siggava, 8. a. Begrava,
.248 Siha, m., . . .
6, 168 Sibaváhalaka, vi, . . Sibawa, vi.
124, 167, 182, 183, 184, 185 Silabhadrasari, Jaina teacher, . Silabbañjadēra, Bhanja ch., Silabhafijapáti, vi.. . . . . . 873n silara, family,. .
. 1199 Silddbhava, a. a. Suilodbhava, . 42 kilpio, . . silaka, Pratihara ch.. . . . 280 Sitoba, s. a. Jayasimha . . . 301, 302 Simha or Simharaja, Kakaira ch., 182, 183, 184, 186 Simhakantha, 171.,
. . . . ginahakarpa,' . . Simhala, s. a. Ceylon,. .
178, 205 Simharaj, Kakaira ch. .
124, 127 Siṁhavarman, Chauluk ya ch., Simba varman, Pallava k. . . . . Simion Shah, ch., . . . Sinda, family, . . . , 164, 178, 312 Sind he, 80., . . . . . . 73 Sindhupurra, . a. Sindhuraja, .
799 Sindhuraja (Simharaja), Chałumana k., 79 Sindhuraja, Paramára k., . . 30, 118n Siógadatta, m.,. . . . . 21 Singhana, Devagiri Yadava k... . . 166 Biriyalaogulam, vi. . . . . 991, 341 Sirobi, State, . . .10, 82n, 148n, 188, 189 Sironcha, vi, . . . . . 160, 162 Sirpur, vi.. .
. . . 342 Birror, vi, .
. . 338n Sirsahi, vi.. . Sikupalavadba, poom, 390, 190, 250, 251,
2620, 253, 254, 2651
•
323, 338
PAGE sitala, goddess, ... . . . 125, 136 sitala, tank, . . . . . 123, 125 siva, god, 25, 61, 72, 73, 86n, 96, 105, 119,
132, 166, 160, 163, 164, 168, 175, 181, 182, 183, 185, 186, 199, 205, 208, 223,
288n, 270, 2760, 291, 299, 301 Sivalinga, . . . . . . 270 Sivalli (Bbivalli), v.g. . . . 21 Sivapala, m.,
. . . 12 Sivaraja, ch, .
. 285, 286, 288 Bivavalli, 8. a. Sivalli, . . . . 21, 22, 24 Sivayoganathasvåmin, te., . . . 207,212 SiwAlik, mo. . . . . 62, 67o, 154 Siwani, ni. . . . .270, 2710 Siyadoni, vi. . . . 63n, 180n and add Sobhanadêva, M.,
. . 149n Sobhita or Sobhita, 8. a. Sohiya, . 67, 68, 71,
80, 88 Sodasa, .. a. Sondass, . 343, 245, 247, 248 Sodba, n., . . . . . . . 88 Sohads, m., .
. . 1181 Sohada, 8. a. Subhatavarman, . .1050 Ebb, m., . . . . . . 153 Sohi, . a. Sohiya. . . . . 80, 83 Bohiya, Chdhamdna k. of Naddlla, 64, 68n,
71, 80, 83 Solar race, , . . . . 164n, 260, 262 Samachandra, Kakaira ch.,
134, 127, 183 Somana, m., . . . . . . 316 Somarajadēra, Kakaira ch. . 167, 170, 189 Somoda, te. . . . . 72 Som dávura, Chdhamana k. of sakambhari, 62, 71n Somdávara, ., . . . . . . 117 Som@dvaru I., W. Chalukya k., .
230 Sombávara III., do.. . . .258n Somdávars or Somlévaradeva (I.), Nagavarsi
k., . . . 161, 162, 163, 164, 312, 318 Soindkvars or Somesvaradeva (II.), do., 160,
162, 164 Somideva, Karnata ch.. . . . 329 Son, ri. . . . . . . 343, 344 Sonalgarh, fort, . . . . . . 73 Sonapam, oi., . Bondása, Kshatrapa k., . . 246, 247, 248 Sonos, s. a. Sôn, . . Sonpor, si.. .
184n Sorab, vi.. . . . . . . . 16 Sravana-Belgola, oi., . . . . . 258n Sravasti, s. a. Sabet Mabet, . . . . 291 Bravasråmi, m., ... . . . . 288
.
117
15n
343

Page #490

INDEX.
881
.
.
19 328
PAGE
PAGE Sravishthå, 6. a. Dhanishtha, .
213 Sri-Vira-Dôvadaran-Kernļavarman, Venadu k., 234 Sreshtbin, . . . . . . 181, 318 Art-Virupaksha, rignature,
. . 328, 341 Sri, s. a. Lakshmi, . . 38, 266, 326, 327, 340 Srt-vishays, co. . . . . . 231 Bridbars, m., . . ...... 64, 316 śrotriya,. .
. 106, 115, 116 Sridhara, 8. a. Vishnu, . . . . 66, 67 Starba or 8tam bapurs, . a. Tamralipta, 27, 39 brf-Jayavardhanadê vasya, legend on seal, 41 Stanbhadeva, m.,
. . . . 274 Erikarana, . . . . . . . 64 sthân, , • •
.. 303 Srikari, musical instrument, . . . 70, 71n 8thân@rara, mh.
. . . 116 erikdyil, an orthodox Hindu temple,
93n Sthanu, 8. a. Šiva . Srikulam, vi., . .
. 331, 841 Stbanu-Ravi, k., . . . . 85 Bri-Kundavai-Jipalaya, te., . . 231, 233 sthapati, a carpenter, brf-Maharaja-Bhimasê nasya, legend on seal, . 842
spasye, legend on seal, 842sthavira, . . . Brimkin, . a. Bbininal, . . 72, 73, 74 ståpa, . . . . 186, 141, 142, 146, 291 Grimala-kula, . . . . . 161, 152 Subhadra, prince, . . . . 346 Grimandalikaganda, biruda, . . . . 380
Subhamkan, m., . . . . . 68 Srimandiradêva, Jaina teacher, , .
Subhashitâvali, quoted, . . . . 113n ériman-Nityavarshad vasya, legend on seal, 24 8nbhatavarman, Paramára k.. . 105, 114, 121 Śrimatâ or Srimâtâdêmi, Jaina goddess, 151, Subhatunga, sut. of Rashtrakúta kings, 2660
158n, 189 sachindram, vi.. . . . . . 234n Srimêghacharya, preceptor, . . . 99, 102 Budisa or Sudio, . a. so dan, 139, 140, Srinagar, vi., . . . . 300
143, 144, 247, 248 Śpingâratilaka, quoted,
. 114n sadraka, m., . . i . 181 Spiogin, rishi, . . . . . • 184 Badra-Kamalakar, quoted,. 119n and add. Sripatha, oi., .
• 63n Sue-Vihår, vi.. . . . 187, 147, 240 Griphala, the bilva fruit,
. 258n SagandhAdri, 4. a. Sandba, . . 73, 74 Sriprithvivallabha, .
• 101 Stjórs, oi., .
. 67 Gripanje, god, . .
. 156n Sajji, ch., . . . . . . 300, 301 Bripurambiya, 8. a. Tirappirambiyam, 87,88 Bukla (shukle),
106, 107, 116, 117 Srirangam, island, . . . . • 330 śukraniti, quoted, . . . . 47n Brirangapattana (Seringa patam), i., , 340 Sukritasankirtana, poem,. .
73a Srirangaraja I., Karnája ch., . . 329 stikama, alandra,
. . 118 Grishika, 8. a. Sirsabi, . . . . .383
Stktimuktavall, pooni, . .
. 27 Srisails, mo., . , . . 26, 202 dalka mandapika, ... . . . 68 brf-Tribhuvanamkusa, legend on seal,, 47,181 8olla, oi., . . Srivadach(frimach)-Chandradêran, do., . 802 Sullam, . a. Sull, . . . 201, 206 Srivaishnava, . . . . . . 330 Sultan, . .. . . . . 149 Brivallabba, Pandya k., , . . . 331 Sumitra, queen of Dabaratha, .
340 Brivallabha, sur. of Amoghavarsha I., 26, 27, 89 summer, . . . . . .340 Brivallamangala, oi., . . . . 331, 341 Sun, god . 1.
1, 12, 42, 43, 47, 63 Brivallavan. (Śrivallabha), sur. of Pandya
67, 191, 260 kings, . . . . . . . 234n Bunarpal, vi, .
160, 161, 163 Brivallavangodai, Venadu k, 234, 235, 287, Sandara, k., . . . . . . 233n
233, 239
Sundaramarti-Náyaşar, Saiva saint, . . 89 Srivardhana I., Sailapanha k., . . 42, 46 Sandarapaodiyan-kal, . . . . 331 Srivardhana II., do. . . . . 42, 46, 47 Sundara pândyag-pudukkal, ... Sandarar Árvardhana, di., . i . 43 pândiyan-kal,: . . . . 831, 341 Srirardhanapura, oi., . -42, 43, 44, 46, 47 Sandhå or Sundba, hill, . 70, 72, 74, 2780 Brl-Vendapabhatta, m., . . . 25, 40 Sapa,' m., . . . . . . 182, 187 Art-Vidyadharabhañjadovassa, legend on seal, 272 Suprabhadeva, ok. . .
190 61-Visbamasiddhi, do., . . . 817 Bdra, 'k., : : : : : 342, 848, 845

Page #491

382
Sara, Surachand, vi.,
Sûrácbanda, s. a. Surichand,
Sarananda, poet,. Sarapala, Pála k.,
Sarashtra, South Kathiawdd,
Sarasvami, m.,
suri,
Sârideva, m.,
Suvarnapuri, s. a. Sonpur,
Suvarnavarsha, sur. of Karka,
Svayambhu, s. a. Siva, Svêtavahana, Alupa k.,
Suvarppanadi, s. a. Son,
svabasta, the sign manual,
Svâwikirttisvami (Kirttisvamin), m.,
Svarpagosasi, m.,
svastika,
svatala,
Tachhila, Satrap,
tadaga,
T
Surya-purana,
Susênavadi, m.,
Sussala, k.,
sutradhara, 12, 70, 149, 182, 187, 199, 250,
•
Talttiriya-Arayaks, quoted, Takari or Takari-stbâna, vi.,
•
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
Takunguva, m.,.
Tala or Talapa, E. Chalukya k.,
Talakiya (Talaki ?), vi.,
Talamanchi, vi.,. Talamanchipâdu, field, talapada,
Talikota, battle of,
Tamani, co., Tamaracheru, vi.,
Takht-i-Bahi, vi.,
Takkapalaḍam, s. a. Dakshina-Virâţa,
Takkolam, s. a. Takopa,
Takopa, vi.,
•
•
PAGE
115
73
73
27
321
4, 72
288
•
.
•
•
•
•
71, 154
274
279
279, 316 184n 26
342, 343, 845
•
•
•
tadâyuktaka,
Tabankåpår, vi.,.
Taila or Tailapadeva III., W. Chalukya k.,
165, 258n, 260, 261 240
22
300
tara,
2
282, 284 22
Tara, Buddhist goddess, Tarapa, m., Târânâtha, m.,
24, 25, 175 Târipi, Buddhist goddess, Tari Pennu, Earth-goddess, Tarunadityadêva, te., tashdid,
63n . 326
. 17, 18, 19
Tata, Pratihara ch., Tâtabikyana, ch.,
Tatacharya, Srivaishnava preceptor, tâvaremani,
140, 147 125, 128 288 166
107, 115, 116, 119, 120 140 231, 233
231
.49, 55, 134
242, 246
98, 99
99
•
Tamaracheruva, s. a. Tamarachera, Tamarachheru, do.,
•
tâmbuliya,
Tamoha-rajya, the Chola country, Tamluk, vi.,
tâmra, a copper-plate charter, Tamralipta, s. a. Tamluk,
Tâmraparpi, ri.,
tâmra-paṭṭaka, a copper-plate, Tandabutti, s. a. Dandabhukti, Tanderu, vi., Tandralvalu, vi., Tanjore, vi.,
Tanks, co., tanka, coin,
Tejasimha, k., Tellicherry, vi.,
Telagu-Choda, family,
Ten, vi.,.
•
. 231 Tengalai, a sect of Śrivaishnavas,
200
Tenna, s. a. Ten,
Tênvi, vi.,
Tewar, vi.,
Tezpur, vi.,
thakkura, . tiger, crest,
.
[VOL. IX.
86, 89, 92, 93, 94n, 231,
63n
330
278 Tihuna or Tihupáka, Naddúla,
95
.71 and add.
340 27, 39n
. 113n
PAGE
95
95
26 125n, 169n 313 . 266n, 326
• 192 1139
326, 327
176
2,3
• 306
. 280
• 49
. 330n
. 265n 295
.137, 139, 140, 141, 148 148, 149, 150 .146n
·
•
27, 39n
84, 341
282n, 238n
Tawar, s. a. Kawar, Taxila, vi., Tejabpala, m., Tejala-vasahi, s. a. Tejapalavasabika, Tejapals, m., Téjapala-vasahika, te., Téjasimha, Chahamâna k. of Naddúla, 81, 82, 83, 152, 153
81n
81n, 148n
74, 83
305 231, 233 132, 133 287,288
.
·
•
•
.
. 2380
. 260
. 57, 161, 163, 181, 312, 313,
• 29 328 25, 29, 40 195 107 .3430
106, 116, 1680, 304
315, 316 Châhamana k. of
81, 82, 83, 152, 158

Page #492

INDEX.
383
.
29
340
.
.
85
PAGE
PAGE Tillasthanam, vi, . . . . .
Travani, .. a. Tamani, . . . . 277, 278 Tilwåra, vi., .
. 73
Trenda, s. a. Ten, . . . Timma, Tuluva ch., .
340 trepitaka, . . . . . 291 Timmâmbâ, queen of Rangakshitindra, . .340 Trêtêyuga, . . . . . . 61n Timmapuram, vi.,
. . . 317 Trevandrum Museum,
860 Tinnevelly, vi., .
328 Tribhuvanamalla, sur. of Beta, 165, 268, 269, Tippaji, queen of Narasa, ... .
260, 266 Tirathgarh, vi.,
160 and add., 161 Tribhuvanamalla, sur. of Jagaddera, . 261 Tirtbakalpa, Jaina work, Karpa, vaid work,
. . . . . 149 Tribhuvanamalla or Tribhuvanamalladova, sur. tirthamkara, . . . . 165n, 2670 • of Vikramaditya VI., . 258, 260, 261, 265 tirtbika, . .
Tribhuvanavirs, sur. of Kulottunga-Chola III., 220 Tiruchchengangur, 8. a. Chengungur, 235, 286, Tribhuvanavira-Chladeva, Chola k., . 222
237, 389 Trichinopoly, vi., 86, 87, 88n, 90n, 92n, 94n, tiruchchennadai-nel,, . . . . 92n
215, 216 Tiruchchirrambalakkovaiyar, Tamil poem, 89 Trikalinga-mahadevi, queen, . . . 274 Tirukkadaiyur, vi., . . . 208, 209, 213 Trikata, co., .
. . . . 269 Tirukkalayapuram, vii, . . 235, 236, 237
Trildchana, m., . . . . 117 Tirukoilûr, vi, . . . . . 89n
Tripura, demon, . . .
56 Tirumaiyam, vi.. . . . . 223, 225 Tripurantakam, vi. . 257n, 259n, 261, 262n Tirumala or Tirumalaraja I., Karnața ch., Tripuråntakébvara, te. . . . . 2670
329, 330, 341 Tripuri, Tripuri-sthậta, 8. a. Tewar, 37, 107, 115 Tirumalai, vi. . 229, 230, 231, 293 trivéds, . . . . 106, 115, 116, 117 Tirumalimbika, queon of Srirangaraja I, 929 Trividbavfrachudamaņi, sur. of Arjunavarman, 114n Tirupadarkupra, hill,. .
Trivikrams, poet, . . . 28 Tirunallar, vi., . . . . . . 213 Trivikrama, 8. a. Visbạn, . . .
. 319 Tiranelli, vi.. . . . . . 86, 238n Trivikramabhatta, poet,
28, 41 Tiruppirambiyam, vi., . .
. . 87 tolậpurusha, . .
. 40 Tiruppóttadaiyår, 8. a. Ericbeha-udaiyar, 86, 99 Tulsidas, poet, . . . . . Tiruttani, vs., . . . 87, 88 Toļu-rajya, co., . .
. .
174 Tiruttopattogai, Tamil work,. . . 89 Tuluva, dy.. . . . . 330, 340 Tiruvadi-rajya, the Travancore country, 330, 341 Tupdáka or Tandåka-vishaya, &. a. Topdai, Tiravalangada, vi. . . . 84, 88, 214, 322
202, 205 Tiruvalañjuli, vi. . . . . . 211 Tapdaraks, 4. a. Tapdra, . 282, 283, 284 Tiruváltóvarain, vi., .. . . . 84, 338n Tapdra, vi., . . . . 283 and add. Tiruvarur, ni. . . . . . 210, 211
Tundurâva, vi., .
. . 273, 275 Tiruvellarai, vi.. .
255 . . . . 92n Tunga, Rashtrakúga k., Tiruvembâvai, Tamil poem,
Tangarája, ch., . .
. . 181 Tiruvbákatan átha, 8. a. Venkatáchalapati, 329, Tûrkasarmad, m., .
. . 132n 331, 941 Türkkama, m., . .
. . . . 132 Tiravifalar, vi., . . . . . 207, 214
Tûrkkaya-Peddiyu, Mh., . . . 132 Tirradi-rajya, 8. a. Travancore,. . .860 Tärkkiya-Yajvan, ., . .
. . 132 . . Tissa Moggaliputta, .
. . 248 Tarushka, . . . . 72, 73, 321, 327, 340 toki poojab (noroboli), . . . . 177 tarashkadanda, tat, . . . . 305, 821 Tolėjaka, vi.. . . . . . 28, 29, 40nTurvasu, mythical k., . . . .340 Topdai, Tondai-mandalam, or Tondai-nada, the Tyagarajasvamin, te., . . . . 210, 211
Dravida country, 86, 891, 91, 205n, 313 törana, . . . . . . Tonali, co., . . . . 286, 287n, 288 Trailokyamalla, sur. of Karpa, . . . 79Uchchangi, vi, . . . . . 230 Travancore, co., . , . 85, 860, 284n, 381 Udal (Udayt), tthg
116
.
89

Page #493

384
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. IX.
.
.
87
PAGE
PAGE Udaipur, vi., . . . 188
Utpala, Panamára k., .. . . 9n Udays, ch., . . . . . . 114n Utpalaraja, do. . . . . 11 Udaya or Chodadaya, . a. Kulottanga-Choda. Uttamacharitrakathånskam, quoted,
70n Gonka III., . . . . 165, 261, 262n Uttama-Pâpdya, sur. of Prithivisågara, 21 Udayachandragapia, Jaina author, . . 118n Uttama Pandya, sur. of Vijayaditya, 22, 23 Udayaditya, Paramara k., . 103, 105, 114, 120 Uttarak Osall, .. a. Ayodbyly . . 304 Uday Aditys, sur. of Pţithivisagara, . , 21 Uttara-Viráta (northern Berar), co., . 281 Udayagiri, hill,. . . . . 342n
atthåns-dvadasi, tithi, . . . . 2080 Udayagiri-rajys, di.,. . . 262 Uttirabaddam, 8. a. Uttara-Viråta, . . 231, 233 Udayapura of Udayapura, 8. a. Udiyårara, 17, Uttiram, &. a. Uttara-Phalguns, . . .2210
18, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24 Uttirattadi, s. a. Uttara-Bhadrapad, . . 2210 Udayapuranyga, ., . . . . . 21 Udayanêna, k.,. . . . 285, 289, 290 Udayasimha or Udayasinhadova, Chakamana
k. of Naddila, ... 73, 74, 80, 83 Váchaspatyábbidhana, lexicon, . . 289n Udayavarman or Udayavarmadova, Para- Vachobha, s. a. Vatas, .
. 71n, 79 mara k., . . . 105 Vadagava, vi.. . .. ..
303, 304 Udayêndiram, vi.. .
Vadanakumari, queen of Virasimhaldra, 165 Udaypur, vi.. . . . . . 118, 280 Vadapanaya-mandala (Vata-Napaka-mandala), addáman (udd&ma),
. . . 104 co., . . . . . . 191n Uddy ota, soork, . .
.
170 Vadauda, 8. a. Burad, . . . . 119, 120 Udoyapara, . a. Udiyâvara, 17, 18, 19, 20 Valdiga, . a. Baddiga, . . . . 28 Odhara, m., . . . . . 116 Vâdichandra, Jaina anthor, . . .154n Udipi, vi., . . . . . . 16,21
16,21 VAdichandra, m., . . . . 164 Udiyâvars, vi.,, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23 Vågbhata nêru, 8. a. Barmer, udranga, . . . . . . 5 Vagharaja, Kakaira ch., 182, 183, 186, 187 Ugravådi, vi.. . . . . 259, 282, 267 Våghell, dy., . .
. . 78 Ujjayini or Ujjain, vi..
104n, 296, 299 Vaghu, m.. . Okden-vamis, &. a. Osavala,
. 154 Vahukadhavale, Chalukya ch., . , 2, 3 Ukkal, vi.. . . . . . 87, 88 Vaibhabika, school of Buddhist teachers, 139 alakku, measure, . . . . 92, 93! Vaidumba, family, . . . . 95 Ulhapa, ch., .
. . 801 vaidya, . . . . . . 301, 303 Ulhpa or Ulhnadeva(Alhnadeva), a. Vaidya, family, . . . . . Ulhana, . . . 301, 302 Vaigavúr, vi. . . ..
231, 298 Umb, s.a. Parvati,
65, 61n
• 258, 259, 265, 266 Umaiyammai, f. . 235, 236, 237, 238, 239n | Vaimbalguli, vi..
. . . . 87n Ummatûr, vi... . . . , 174 Vaira (Vajri).Såk hê, . . . . 245 Umvara (Umbark), 8. a. Bagumra, 25, 28, 40n Vaishnava .
. . . 199, 287 Ona, vi, . . . . . . . 1 Vairavana, 8. a. Kubera,. . . 189 apadbmâniya, 11, 48, 99, 171, 188, 289, 317 vai vadova, . . .
. 40, 299 apadhyâya (padhye), 106, 107, 116, 117
. . . . . .820n upanga, . . . . . . 102 Vai@ya, caste, . .
. . . 379 uparika, . . . . . 6, 288 vajapêya, sacrifice, ..
. 206 Uparpalle, di, . . . . . . 257n Vajappafarman (Vájarebarman), mn., 204n, 206 apasam pada. . . . . .248 Vajrabhata Satyafraya, ch., .
. . . 189 Upendra, k., .
. . 87, 38, 40Vajrahasta III, E. Ganga k., . , 94, 95 Upêndrs, s. a. Vishnu,
. . 36, 38, 40 Vajravarman, m., . . . . 99, 102 Aralan, . . . 236, 288 Vajrayadha, k.,..
. . . 4 uri, measure . . .. . 92, 98 Vakataks, family, , . 267, 268, 269 Uthman Khân, ch., . . . . 808n | Vakkadimalla, ser. of Radra, . . .282n
73
.
.
170

Page #494

INDEX.
385
.
.
Sue
PAGE Vakkaldri, vi, . . . . 201, 206n VakOmarys, m., ... Vákpatirkja, Chdhamana k. of sakambhari, 67,
82, 83 Våkpatitája II., Paramára k.,
71, 104n Valabhi, ti. . . . 4, 68n, 196, 269, 843 Valasvami, .,. . . . . 288 Valereya, 11., . . . . . . 20 Valins, 1., .
.242 Valità or Balle, .. a. Wsnes, . 29, 49 Valls, co., . . .
. 277, 278 Vallabha, sur. of W. Chalukya kings, . 196 Vallabha, Chola k., . . . . .234n Vallabba or Vallabendra, sur. of Pulskálin II.
317, 319 Vallabhs or Vallabhêndra, skr. of Rashtra
kúta kings, . . . . 48,55 Vallabhanarând, do., . . . 195 Vallabharaja, ch., . . . 320, 323, 826 Vallabharkja, sur. of Dantidurgs . 196 Vallavaraiyar Vand yadêvar, ch., . . 331 Vallisika, vi.. . . . .
296, 299 Valmiki, sage,. . . . . 11, 848 Vamana, grammarian,.. Vamana, m., . . . : :21, 333, 828 V&mankohårys, 17., . . . . . 114n Vsmaratha, di. . . . . 11, 12 Vanavasi, Vanavisi or Vanavåsi-man
dale, di., . , 16, 101, 201, 204, 230, 238 Vandram, vi, . .
. 131, 132 Vaiga (Banga), co., . . . 323, 328 Vsugála-dada (Bengal), co., . . . 231, 238 Våpi, 8. a. Sarasvati, . .
11, 266 Vaņikotta, vi. (P) . . 167, 168, 169 • Vanjulvaka, vi,
. . . . 279, 275 vaptaka, a share, . . . . 106, 119 Vappasvâmi, 1., . . . . . 288 Varadâmbâ, queen of Achyutadevaraya, . . 380n Varadapallike or Bårada, 8. a. Bardolt, 29, 40 Varagana or Varagapa-Pandye, Pandya k.,
84, 85, 86, 87, 88, 89, 98n, 94n Varaguņa-Maharaja, 6. . Varaguna, 86, 87,
91, 92, 93, 288n Varahamihin, astronomer, . . . . 878 Varáhastami, m., . . . 808 Varihavartant, di. . . . . 95 Varapagi, Varanasi or Vårdpaal, s. 4. Benares,
21, 24, 60, 61, 327 Vardhamana, .. a. Wadhwân, .
3 Vardhamananagart, ei. . . . 261
PAGE Vardhamanasûri, Jaina teacher,. . .149 Vardhanapet, vi.. . . . . . 261n Varmalata, k., . 10n, 11n, 12, 71n, 187, 189, 190 Varana, god, . . . . . 299 Varanéfvaralarman, th,
303 Vasadhars, m., . . . . . . 117 Vaals (Visala P), m., . Vâsantadàvi, queen of Govindachandra, 321 Vasantgadh (Basantgadh), vi.. . 10, 12,
710, 187, 188, 189n, 191 Vasavadatta, quoted, . . . . . 255n Vasishtha, sage, . .11, 12, 151, 189n Vastupala, m., . . . . 150 Vasuddva, Kushana k., . . . . 246 Visudova, ., . . . 6, 124, 127, 128, 316 Våsndêv., .. a. Vishnu, . . . 303 Vasudhari, Buddhist goddess, 320, 326, 327 Våsushka or Vinashka, Kushana k.
246 Vata, Vatanagara or Vatapura, 8. a. Vasant
gadh, . . . . 11, 12, 189, 191, 192n Vatakara or Vatakarasthana, do. . lln, 189, 191 Vatapallika, vi, . . . 342, 844, 345 Vataranyékvara, te., . . . . 214 Váchalin, m., . . . . . Vatsa, sishi, . . . . .
71,79 Vataaråja, mythical k., . . . 205 Vatsaraja, Pratíhára ch., , , . 199 Vávana-pattal, di. . . . . . 303 Vavulika, vi., . . . . . . 3 Vayviyana (Babbiyana), 8. a. Baben, , 29, 40 Vayudēva, ml., .
.
116 Veda, 71.
. . . 119 Védângas, . . .
. . . 206 Vedas and Akhas - . . 61, 102, 206, 300, 319 Rich,. . . .
. . 342, 345 Âbvaldyana, 115, 116, 119, 276n Buhvricha, . . .
274 Sankhayans,
• . • 116 Saman or Såmaveda,
115 Chhandoga,
. . 317, 319 Yajus, . .
. . 170 Katha, . . . . . 116 Kauthums, . . . . 116, 116 Madhyamdina . . 115, 116, 119 Taittiriya, . . . . 296, 299 Vaji-Madhyandina
25, 40, 116 Vajisaneyin, . . . . 172 Vélarhkulam, vi.. . . . . 381, 341 Velankoda, co., . . . . 261, 262 veļawa, .
3D

Page #495

386
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. IX
PAGE Velhåka, m., . . . . . . 163 vellilai (vergilai), betel-leaves, . . 92n Veļvola, 8. a. Belvola, .
201, 206 Vèmba-nadu, din, . . . . . 331 Vembara, vi.. . . . . .
. 268
. 268 Vembarrůr, vi., . . . . . . 87 Vômbil, s. a. Vembarrur, . . . 86, 87, 88 vēņa (vēņdiya), . . . . . 86 V&ņavdu or Vdņa, . a. Travancore, 234, 237, 239 vôngatribhuvanimalla, biruda, . . 330 Vângi, one thousand, di.,.
132 Vengi, vi., .
. . 261 Vengi or Vági, co.,. . 27, 65, 66, 133,
178, 179, 822 Vengipara, s. a. Pedda-Vêgi, . . 58,69 Venkatáchalapati, te., . . . . . 328 Venkatádri, Karndfa ch., . . . 329, 330 Venkatariya, Vijayanagarn prince,
340 Venkataba, s. a. Venkatachalapati,
341 Véråval (Veriwal), vi., . . . 4, 3430 vêtrika, . . . . . .
. 168n Vibhîshaņa, k., .
Bhaga, R . . . . . . . 342, 345 Vidhu, 8. a. Vishnu, . . . , Vidyadharabhañjadêra, Bhanja ch., 271, 273 Vidy&pagari, 8. a. Vijayanagara, . . 329, 340 Vidyânâtba, author, . . . . . 166 Vigraha or Vigraharaja, ch., . . 11, 12 Vicraba or Vigrabaraja, &. a. Visaladera-
Vigraharaja, . . . . . . 154 Vigrahaditya, te., . . . . . 74 Vigrahapala, Chdhamana k. of Nadddla, 64,
67, 71, 83 Vigrabapåla III., Pala k., . . . 321, 322 Vigrabaraja, Chdhamana k. of sakambhari,
6 2, 83, 251 vihåra or vihara, 345, 301, 302, 320,
327, 328 Vihókaratamira, m., . . . . 276n Vijuda, 'Cháhamana k. of Naddúla, 80, 81,
82, 83, 152 Vijada, m., . . . . 150, 151, 153 Vijupandyga, .
. . 18 Vijapila, m., . . . . . 153 Vijagetti, m., . . . . . 24 Vijaya-Aparajitavikramavarman, Ganga. Pallava k. . .
. 87 Vijayabhattarikh, queen of Chandraditya, 102 Vijaya-Dévavarman or Dévavarman, salari.
. . 56, 57, 58, 59 Vijayaditya, Alupa k., . . 17, 22, 23
PAGE Vijayaditya, ch., . . . 49, 50, 56 Vijayaditya, m. . . . . 132 Vijayaditya, W. Chalukya k., . 201, 205 Vijaraditya III., E. Chalukya ch., . 322 Vijayaditya I., E. Chalukya k., . . 55, 134 Vijayaditya II., do. . 27, 55, 134 Vijayad tya III., do., 48, 49, 50, 55, 134, 179n Vijayaditya IV. do...
55, 134 Vijayaditya V., do., . . 49, 134 Vijayaditya VI., sur. of Ammaraja II., 48, 56, 132 Vijayaditya VII., E. Chalukya k., . 322 Vijayalaya, Chôļa k., . . . .890 vijayalekha, . . . . . 294 Vijayamangalam, vi., .
.225 Vijayanagara, vi.. . 174, 262, 328, 330, 340 Vijaya-Nandivarman, Salankayana k., . 57, 58, 59n Vijayapala, m., . . . . . . 70 Vijayi, m., . . . . . . 117 Vikrama, a. a. Vikramaditya VI., 178, 179 Vikrama-Chola, Chola k., . . . 209, 219 Vikramaditya I., E. Chalukya k., . 55, 132 Vikraniaditya II., do., . . 49, 55, 134 Vikramaditya 1., W. Chalukya k., 98, 99, 101,
102, 201, 205 Vikramaditya II., do.,. . . 202, 206 Vikramaditya VI., W. Chalukya k., 16, 230,
358, 260, 261 Vikramaditya-kála, 8. a. Vikrama-samvat, 12 Vikramåökadêvacharita, . . . . 178 Vikramávalóka, sur. of Govinda II., .2510 Villajnarayan Nedungu!am, vi., . 331, 341 Vilañam, vi.. . . . . . 86n Vimala, Prágvága ch., 622, 72n, 81, 82, 148,
149, 150, 151, 152, 164 Vimalachandragani, Jaina teacher, . . 118n Vimala-Såh, Vimala-Såha or Vinal-Shåb, s.a.
Vimala-pasahi, . . . . 81, 148n Vimala-vasahi or Vimala-Vasahika, Vimald's
temple, . . 81, 148n, 149, 154 Vimala-Vasati or Vimala-vasatika-tirtla, 8. a.
Vimala-Vasahi, . . . 148n, 149 Vinayaditya, W. Chalukya k., 15, 16, 1010, 201, 205 Vinayaka, 8. a. Ganapati, . . . 277, 278 Vinayakapåla, 8. a. Mahipala, .. . 199n Vinayamabadevi, queen of Kämärņava II., . '95 Vindhya, mo.,. . 38, 43, 44, 46, 47 Vindhya or Vindhyavarman, Paramára k.,
106, 107, 108, 114, 121 Vindhyas, 8. a. Málava, . . . . 107n Vindhye vara, sur. of Srivardhana II., 42, 46

Page #496

INDEX.
387
227
PAGE
PAGE Vinittivara, te., . .
. • 290
Vishņu-porâma, . . . . . 42n Viñja, m., . . .
. 19 Visbņudarman, m., . . . . 109, 170 Viñjama, queen of Kěta II., . . . 262n Vishņusvâmi, m.,
172, 282, 284, 237, 288 Vipranarayana, sur. of Kuppanayya,
132 Vishộuvardhana, Hoysala k., . . .179n Vira-Choda, E. Chalukya ch., . .
• 322
Vishņuvardhana I., E. Chalukya k., 317, 318, 39 Viradhavala, 71.. . . .
Vishnuvardhana II., do.; . 55, 188 Viradbavala, Vagheld k., . . . . 73 Vishnuvardhana III., do.. . 55, 134 Viraguņa, . a. Vira-Cboda, . . 322 Vishņuvardhsna IV. do.. . 55, 134 virakal, . . . . . . . 17 Vishnuvardhana V. do.,
65, 184 viråma, .
. 258, 263a Vishnuvardhana-Maharaja, sur. of KulottungaVirama or Viramadova, Vaghela k., . 73 Choda I. . . . . . . . 261n Vira-Mahattama or Vira-Mahamantri, sur. of Visvanatha, god, . . . . 341 Lahadha,
... 151, 152
Visvanatha-Nayaka, Madura Naya ka,. 330, 341 Virana, m., . . . 331, 341 Vi vasvara, ., . .
. 115 Viranacharya, m.. . . . . 331, 341 Viyaraka, vi.. . . . . . . Viraṇam, vi., . . . . 234n Vizagapatam, di, , , Viranarayana, sur. of Amôghavarsha I.,. 27, 39
Vonones, k., . . . . . . 147 Viranarayanadêva, Bastar ch., . . 185 Vopadova, Kakaira ch., 124, 127, 167, 170, Vira.Nolumba-Pallava-Permånadi-Jayasinghe
182, 183, 187 deva, W. Chalukya prince,. . . 2610
Vôpadova, Kakaira prince, 167, 168, 170, 183 Vira-Nrisimha or Vira-Narasimha, Vijaya.
Voppaspåmi, m.,
. . . . . 288 nagara k, . . . . . 340
Värttanóka, vi.. . . . . . 287, 288 Vira-Paņdya, Pandya k., . .
Vpidhahasti(Vriddhahastin), Buddhist Vira-Pandya, who took the head of the
preucher, . . . . . . 245 Clôla, do., , , , , 84, 234n.
Vrishabha, 8. a. Rishabha,. Virarajêndra I., Chola k.,.
. , .155n . .179n, 218 Vpishabhaparisvara, te., .
. 212 Virarajendra-Chôľadáva, sur. of Kulottungs
Vrishni, family, Chola III., .
. . . . . 213, 220
. . 38n Virasim badêva, Bastar ch., .
Vu(Buddhasvami, ., . . . . 165
. . 388 Virabbliyam, Tamil grammar,
Vâhundha, vi., . . .
80, 81 . . . 23 Virasômèśvara, te.,
Vyágbra or Vyâghratája, 8. a. Våglaraja, 124, . . . . . 162
127, 183 Viráta, s. a. Berar, . . . .
. 231n Virattåndsvara, te.,
Vy&ghraråja, k., . . . . .
. . : 89n
. virodhâbhâsa, alankára,
. 610 .
vy&pata (vykprita),
. . . 2550 Visaladêva, Vágháld k.,
6, 10, 133n, 171, 206,
Vyass, riski, .
282, 285, 300, 345 Visaladdva-Vigraharaja, Chdhamana k. of
Vgåsa-bhattaraka, 6. a. Vyåsa, sakambhari,
. . 133n .
62,67n, 154
. visarga, . . . . 25, 171, 188, 268, 282 Visbadha, ch., . . . .
W Vishamasiddhi, sur. of Vishnuvarddhana I.
317, 319 Waddamarri, di. . . . . . 261n vishaya, a district, . 40, 47, 132, 287, 288 Wadhwan, vi... . vishayapati, . . . . . . 273 Wanesa, vi.. . .
. . 29 Vishnu, god, 25, 26, 37, 38, 39, 40, 810, 101, Warangal, vii, 164, 165, 256, 257, 258n, 280n, 262n
115, 1250, 160, 161, 162, 199, 204, 208n, Wardak, vi.. . . . . . 143, 147 249, 250, 256n, 2600, 269, 285, 304, 817,
- 326, 327, 328, 340, 341 Vishnu, ..., .
. . 117 Vishnushittiyam, Telugu poem,. 330n and add. Yadava, family,. , 72, 83n, 119, 165, 200 Vishnulipdin, family, . .
269 | Yadu, dy. . . . . 26, 38, 39, 340

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388
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA.
[Vol. IX.
Bubba,
PAGE Yadusvåmi, m., . .
288 Yajñavalkya-smriti, 69n, 176n and add., 274n, 345n yajõiks, . . . . . . 106, 117 YAkamabbe or Y&ksmåmbika, f... 269, 268 Yakshadása, k., . . . . 2, 3 Yama, god. . .
• 27, 299 Yamunâ, . a. Jamna,
230, 327 Yapaniya-sarhgha, school of Jaina teachers, 49, 56 Yabodharman, k.. . . . . . 286 Yabodhavaladeva, Paramára k., .
149 Yalovarddhana, Pratihara ch., . .
280
280 Yalvarman, Paramára k., 105, 114, 120, 121 Yacovigraha, k., . .
. 303 . . . . . 341 years of the cyole :Ananda,
. .
. .
. . . 257 Bahadhânya. . . . . 129 Chitrabhånd, .
. . . . . 12 Hêmalimbi (Hemalamba),
259, 266 Isvara, . .
129, 167, 170 Kbara,
161, 312, 316 Kilaka,
. . . . . 176 Kshaya, . .
. 80, 81 Nala,
. . . 261n Parabhava, .
120n, 176, 181 Paridhåving . . . .
. .
.257n
. 257n Plava,
. , 219 Plavanga,
129n, 176, 2190 Prabhava,
. : 330, 340 Raudra,
:. 124, 128, 129n Saumya, .
.
. . 163 Virodhi, . . . . . 306, 809 Visrivas, . .
.:
129n, 176, 267n Yuva,
. 25, 40 years of the reign, 42, 47, 57, 59, 84n, 86, 88,
89, 92, 99, 101, 102, 171, 201, 206, 207, 208, 209, 210, 211, 212, 213, 214, 215, 216, 217, 218, 219, 220, 221, 222, 223, 224, 225, 226, 227, 228, 229, 230, 232, 239, 240, 359n, 261n, 291
PAGE Yedatore, vi., . . .
. . . 230 Yelburga, vi.. . . . . 164, 178, 313 Yepamadala, vi.. . . . . . 2600 Yinimili, vi., . . . . . 56 Yoga, sur. of Avanivarman II., 1, 2, 3, 9n, 130, 131 yogas :Saubhagya, . . . . . 176, 181
. . . . . 309 Sala, . .
. 119, 120 yogini, 8. a. jógini, . . 177, 178, 181 Yojaka, 8. a. Jojalla,. . . . 72, 83, 158 Yoța, ch., . .,. . . . 11 Yuddhamalla I., E. Chalukya k.. . 65, 134 Yuddhamalla II., do..
. 49, 55 yaddhavira, . . . . . . 111n Yodhishthira, mythical k., . 113, 255, 270, 290 Yugâdipbartri or Yugadijina, s. a. Adinatha, 151 yuvarâja, . . 55, 132, 139, 140, 178, 303 Yuvaraja I., Kalachuri k., . . . . 3 Yuyudbâna, . a. Satyaki, .
. 38n
yâtrôtsava,
Zeds, vi., . . . . . 340 Ziffardan, s. a. Srivardhana, . . . 43 Zodiac, signs of the: -
Dhanus, . . . 66, 134, 207, 210, 216 Kanyà, .
208, 214, 237, 228 Karkatak. . . . . . 212, 224 Kumbha, .. . 214, 216, 219n, 231n, 226 Makara, . .
. . . 213 Méshe, 209, 210, 211, 214, 2200, 224, 225 Mina, 210, 211, 212, 219n, 221n, 227n, 228n Mithuna, . , 215, 223, 224, 227n Rishabba or Vpishabba, . 220n, 223 Sinha,
. . . . 211, 212, 228n Tula, 92, 208, 215, 217, 226, 227, 235, 837 Vriáchika,, . . 208, 209, 236, 237

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