Sambodhi 1976 Vol 05

Author(s): Dalsukh Malvania, H C Bhayani
Publisher: L D Indology Ahmedabad
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/520755/1

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SAMBODHI (QUARTERLY) 3/5176 VOL. 5 APRIL 1976 NO, 1 EDITORS DALSUKH MALVANIA DR. H. C. BHAYANI WE LD. INSTITUTE OF INDOLOGY, AHMEDABAD 9

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CONTENTS Historical Data in the Tilakamanjari of Dhanapala Sudarshan Kumar Sharma Madhava's Rgvedavyakhya and the System of Galitas K. P. Jog Subtle Bodies Postulated in the Classical Sarikhya System Y. K. Wadhwani svAdhyAya D. D. Malvania, J. C. Sikdar saMskRtanI prastutatA harivallabha bhAyANI sakhitta-taraMgavaI-kahA (taraMgalolA) saMpA. anu. harivallabha bhAyANI

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HISTORICAL DATA IN THE TILAKAMANJARI OP DHANAPALA Sudarshan Kumar Sharma a descents. the Portwined Tilakamanjari of Dhanapala 18 a prose romance dealing with the love episode of Harivahana and Tilakamanjari, the prioce of Ayodhya and a princess of Vidyadhara descent on the one hand, and on the other hand of Samaraketu and Malayasundari, the prince of Simhala and a princess of Kanci Both these episodes stand intertwined and interfused within the frame-work of one another. Dhanapala belonged to the second half of tho tenth and first half of the eleventh cent. A. D. In the introductory verses [38-43j1 the poet has referred to the mythical origin of the Paramaras' through the Agnikanda, having Paramara' for their Progenitor whose namo was awe-inspiring to the Gorjaras on the Mount Arbuda, even to the days of the poet's age 2 The Geneology of the Paramaras as given by Dhanapala 18 as under : Paramara, born of Agoikunda and startjog the lineage, had Vairisimha for one of his scions; Vairisimha had Sri Siyaka alias Harse for his anccessor, who was blessed with a son named Sindhuraja having an elder brother in Sri mad Vakpatiraja and a son in Bhoja, Dhanapala has also described Sri Bhoja, the son of Sindhuraja having been consecrated to his own throne (yah sve Vakpatiraja bhumipating rajye' bhisiktah svayam] by the king Vakpatiraja also known as Munja, personally [verse 43, P. 35] Dhanapala bag-categorically expressed the view that Sri Bhoja" was conversant with the entire stock of literature and had a special pencbant to listen to the narratives told according to the scriptures of the Jinas (Buddhas as well as the Jainas). For the sake of regalement of that king of apotless character, the present katha [Tilakamanjari] bad been composed by him, a fact corroborated by Merutungacarya in his Praband baciotamani . Being a son of Sarvadoya, a resident of Samkasya 10 Madhyadesa, he can be presumed to have depicted the details about the politcal bistory of the times of the Paramara Bhoja and some of his illustrious pedecessors The Agoikola legend describing the mythical origin of Paramaras has posed a problem Dbanapala seems to have emulated Padmagupta alias Parimalas, the court poot of Sindhuraja who had perhaps framed this story to explain the clan name 'Paramara'.' Several Paramara inscriptions, the documents of the Cahamanas, the Pfthvirajaraso of Canda Bardai and innumerable bardic chronicles have repeated this atory as held by Dr Pathakalo. The earliest referrence to it is found in the Vasantagarh insc of Parnapala dated A. D 1049. Earlier Paramara Sambodhi 5.1 by Merutung Samkasya 10 history of t he Agoikola

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Sudarshan Kumar Sharma Inscriptions do not mention this storyti, DrPathaka hag identified the Paramaras with Agnivesa Brahmanas bearing the gotra Vasistha 12 Hence "Vasisthaih sma krtagmayo varagataih astyagoikundodbhavo, bhupalah Paramara ityabhidhaya khyato mabmandale''18 1 0 On the orb of the Earth there is well-known a king named Paramara' who was born from the sacrificial altar given to assume pride through hundreds of boons, by the Vasisthas- has been construed quite rationally by Dr. Pathaka According to Dr Pratipala Bhatia also Paramaras were originally Vasistha Brabmanas who came to be regarded as Ksatriyas either on account of adopting Ksatra dharma or because their progenitor married a Ksatriya woman and so their descendants adopted their mothers' caste for all practical purposesiGautama N. Dwlved to takes Paramaras to be of northern origin and at first feudatories of the Gurjara Pratharas with whom they abared a common origin but their peculiar geographical position in Malwa led them to play a cautious opportunistic role, and to ally for some time with the stronger Rastrakutas The first important Paramara bing of Malwa was Krsnaraja-Vakpati, possibly also known as Upendra who was a contemporary and later vaasal of Indra 11116The ruling familios of Mount Abu and Vagada were collateral branches of the Paramuras, while Vakpati II possibly established a new branch at Jalor According to Dr. R, S, Tripathi-The Paramaras were members of the Rastrakata race and they originally belonged to the Deccan, which once formed a home domipion of the Imperial Rastrakutas'17 He also considers Upendra or Krsnaraja as the founder of the Paramara dynasty and feels that his immediate successors must have been vassals of the Pratiharas or of the Rastrakutas as they alternately gained ascendency in Malwa (Ancient Avanti] 8. The Banswar 125C of Paramara Bhojadeva [Vikram Samvat 1076=AD. 10191, Udaipar Prasasti of Jayasimha [V, S 1112=1055 A. D.) and the Udaipur Prasasti of the kings of Malwa (V S 1202=1145 A. D.) slightly differ in establishing the geneology of the Parmara kings as compared with the one given in the Tulakamanjaro, Prabandbacintamani20 and Navagabasanka caritam. 21 The Banswar inscription collecta Sri Siyaka, Sri Vakptirajadeva, Sri Sindhursiadeva, and Sri Bhojadeva as the four kings out of the whole lot, while Udaipur Prasasti of Jay asimha picks op Srl-Vakpatirajadeva, Sri Sindhudeva. gry Bhoja deva and Sri Jayasimhadeva without referring to Sindhudova or Sindhuraja beeing the younger or elder brother of Vakpatirajadeva. 22 The Udalpur Prasasti of the kings of Malwa, however, is more elaborate and details the geneology of the Paramaras as starting from Paramara who was brought into

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Historical data in the Tilakamahjart of Dhanapula being by Vasstha from the sacrificial altar28 (1 e. the Agnikunda), in whose lineage was born Upendraraja, a gem of the group of dvija924 (Brahmanas or Ksatriyas) who had a son named Sri Vairisimba having his panegyric inscribed on the victory columns of the earth eagirt by the four oceans 25 From him came about the king named Sriyaka who was succeeded by Sri Vakpati, the sun to the lotuses in the form of the eyes of the youthful maidens of Avanti26 Through him was born Vair18imba who was called by a variant Dame Vajratasvamin, by the people. From bim came about Sri Harsadeva who wrested the sovereignty from Khottigadeva in battle,27 He had a son in Srimad Vakpatirajadeva who was called so by the suave and who had his lotus feet enamoured of the crest-Jewels of the rulers of ] Karnata, Lata, Kerala and Cola, who the ambitious couqueror raised aloft his sword in Tripuri having vanquished yuvaraja in the battle and killed his ar mychiefs 23 He had a younger brother Sri Sindhuraja who had earned glory through victories and had vanquished the king of the Hunas, by whom was brought into being sri Bhojaraja, a veritable gem-created by the grace of the best of men20 [1 e Visnu-Purusottama being a synonym of Visnu] He partook of the earth from Mount Malaya to Kallasa and up to the Astadri and Udayadri, being a peer to Pfthu, the primeval king He was a Kaviraja [the king among the poets). He had brought to subservience the Lord of the Cedis, the rulers of Karnata, Lata, Gurjaras headed by Bhima, and the Turuskas, and had rendered the earth worth her name by making her renowned with tempies, such as Kedaranatha, Ramesvaradatba, Soma. natha, Sundirakala, Analarudra etc But when the Sun-Valoured one, the devotee of splendour or fortunes, reached the abode of the heavenly ones [i e. the dead], the earth in the form of Dhara got circumambiated by the beapa of darkness in the form of the enemies, the principai men became slothful and Udayaditya rose like sun having thwarted the opponents,80 A perusal of the facts enumerated in this inscription brings out certain enlightening factors First of all it narrates that Paramara was the progenitor of the race wherein was born Upendraraja, a gem among the dvijas; his son Vairisimba had a son sriyaka who had Sr Vakpati for his successor, He was followed by Sri Vairisimba alias Vajrata Svamin who had a son named Sri Harsadeva who was succeeded by Srimad Vakapatiraja, having a younger brother Sindhuraja having his son Sri Bhojadeva subsequenty followed by Udayaditya who perhaps was a scion of the race and most probably a younger brother of Bhoja as postulated by Dr Pratipala Bhatia.81 According to her Bhoja did not probably leave bebind any son, at least none worthy to succeed bim in those days of trouble when the very existence of the Paramara state of Malaya was threatened. It was enough to have external trouble, to this were now added the tribulations consequent on conflicts incidental to the unsettled succession Jayasimba I [Mandhata Plates-Dbara

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Sudarshan Kumar Sharma 1055 A. D. and the Panhera Inscription 1059 A. D.] probably was the immediate auccessor of Bhoja and perhaps one of those clalments who fought for the throne of Malwa, after the demise of Bhoja. The great82 Udayaditya, the father of Jagaddeva [having Bhoja for his Pitsvya] gucceeded Jayasimha I in the seventees of the 11th century A, D (1 e, 1070-86).83 Navasbasankacarita agrees more favourably with the Udepor Prasasti, of the kings of Malwa than the Tilakamanjari in point of historicity of the geneological table Padmagupta's account has Paramara followd by Upendra as one of the sctons of the lineage started by the former, Vakpati, Vairisimba, Sri Siyaka, Sri Sindhuraja baving an elder brother in Vakpatiraja, alias Navasghasanka or Navina Sabasanka,34 Sindhuraja has also been called the younger brother of Vakpatiraja in an earlier reference,86 He has been called the king of Ujjayinqas which was his hereditary capital [Kularajadhanij He has been variously given the titles of "Malavaraja parnacan drah'87, "Maelavakurangalanchanah"88 and 'Paramara Vamsasarasisarorubah"801 e. --A Full moon 10 the form of the king of Malava,' the Deer-stained one or the Moon of Malava' and 'A lotus in the lake 10 the form of Paramura lineage' respectively Dhanapala has not referred to Upendera. He has plunged straight over to Vairisimha who had Snt Styaka alias Harsa for his son and successor Udepur Prasasti calls Sri Siyaka as Sriyaka who had a son Sri Vakpati followed by another Valrisimha alias Vajrata Svaemia baving his son as Sri Hargadeva who was followed by Sri Vakpatirajs, the elder brother of Sindhuraja. The Prasasti does not state Sri Harsa alias Harsa Hence a comparative table of geneology as available in the Tilakamanijari, Navasubasankacarita and Udepur Prasasti 18 being given here to make the polnt quite calar Tilakamanjari Navashasanka carita Udepur Prasasti Paramara linege Paramara lineage Paramara lineage Upendra Upendraraja Vairisimba Sri Sryaka alias Sri Harga Vakpati Vairisimba Sri Vairisimba Sryaka Sri Vakpati Sri Siyaka Sri Sindhuraja having his elder brother Sr Vakpati -raja alias Sri Sindhu. -raja having an Vairiaimha alias

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Sudarshan Kumar Sharma his patron We can easily presume that he has left out this Vakpatiraja from the geneology proper by making the readers understand his place bet. ween Paramara and Varsimba, sire of Siyaka-Harsa and grandaire of Vakpati-Munja and Sindhuraja, Padmagupta's tribute to Vakpatirajadeva7 refers to Vakpatirjadeva, the poet who has been belauded after Bhartf mentha (Kalidasa) 8 Pundingly, however, he may be construed as the present king Vakpatiraja-Muoja who was also a friend of poeta (Kavibaddhava) and had left bis impresa on the mind of Padmagupta, as and when he was about to die.' He was, however, being inspired by Sindhuraja, his younger brother. The period of composition of Navasabasanka carita 18 also reckoned to be V, S. 1061-62 1,1005 A D 50 Padmagupta has not mentioned Bhoja in bis work He and Dhanapala might have been elder and younger contemporaries under the suzerainty of Vakpati Munja and Sindhuraja, the latter having flourished in the reign period of Bhoja for wbose sake he bad written bis Tilakamanjari Note no 49 proves that Muaja Vakpatiraja had died before Sindhuraja took over from bim and before Padmagupta wrote his work in the life time of Sindhuraja Dhanapala has also referred to Sindhuraja baving his elder brother in Srimad Vakpatiraja and a son 10 Bhoja who was personally anointed to his own throne by the kiog Vakpatiraja also known as Munja having thought that he was competent and an abode of Valour 01 This contradicts the atatement made by Padmagupta that Vakpatirajadeva had died before his younger brother Sundburaja inspired him We can understand from 'divam yiyasuh' as 'one who was about to reach the heavena' 1 o. was ripe old in age sufficient to come to an end of life, and had inspired Padmagupta to write on Sindhuraja who 10 due course of time had 108 pired with greater zeat to character180 bis own biography. The account of Dhanapala tallies more precisely with the one given by Merutungacarya while that of Padmagupta agrees with that of the eplgraphic recorda. It very difficult to say as to which of the two is correct. Dr Pratipala Bhatia 52 seems to be correct in Dostulating that after Vakpati II the succession to the Paramara throne fell to his yonger brother Sindhuraja. The stories which the Jaine Praban. dhas relate that he was exiled on account of disobedience and blinded and Imprisoned by Vakpati-II's orders are a late fabrications without any foundation in facts. Actually the relations between tbe two brothers were the most cordial ones Vakpati Il was so fond of Sindhuraja's son Bhois that he had him anointed as the Yavaraja, 60 From the Navaaabasankacarita we kaow that before starting on his fatal expedition in the Godavari valley Vakpati II put the relds of administration in the hands of Sindhura ia but as Vakpati II never returned and Bboja was perhaps yet a minor Sindhuraja succeeded to the throne. '54 Hence Yah sve Vakpatirajabhumipatina rajye' bhisiktah avayam' of Dhana. pala can be construed in this light that Bhoja was anointed as Yuvaraja

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Historical data in the Tilakamanjari of Dhanapala Munja elder brother Vak pati, also called Nava Or N.vinaSahasanka, Vajratasvamia Sri Harsadeva Sni Bhoja srimad Vakpati rajadeva His younger brother Sri Sindhuraja Sr Bhoja Sri Udayaditya The comparative table of gencology makes it manifest that Dhanapala close only those figures that were eminent enough to have come to his koowidge, for the purpose of his poetic requirements and hc omitted those that were ncver the paramount sovereigns of the calibre of those such as Vairisimha, Sry Siyaka-Harya, Sri Sindhurija and his elder brother Srmadvakpatirtja Munja and son Sri Bhoja And since he flourished in the reign periods of the last three 1 e. Vakpatiraja, Sindhuraja and Bhoja 40 he simply ignored the earlier ones in order to devote more of his poetic wealth meant to bclaud and cluvate their personalities. He has given srr Harsa as a variant name for Sri Siyaka while Padmagupta is silcnt about this variant name Uderur Prasasti also omits and gives sriyaka for Siyaka, This is possible that in the inscription it may have been a depleted text i c. Sriyaka as a wrong version of Sri Siyaka, the letter si' missing by chance as such, But the existence of Sri Vakpati, another Vairisimba alias Vajralasvumin followed by Srimad Vakpati, the older brother of Sri sindhuraja is prone to disprove the historicity of the geneology of Dhanapala's text in so for us, we find an carlier Vakpati, the author of Gaudavadha or Gauclavaho, known from Rajasekharal, Dhanapala-2 and Kalhana.43 Rajasekhara las quoted Vakpaliraja wbile illustrating the point of plagiarism in senses of various sounds). Dhanapala has mentioned Vak patiraja after Bhavabhuti and before Yayavarakavi (1. e. Rajasekhara and has eulogised the soaring poctic imagination of the poet imbedded in his talent reminiscent of the composition of Gaudavadha.. Kallana has reckoned Vakpatiraja as a contemporary of Bhavabhuti under the suzerainty of klog Yasovarman of Kanauj who had a clash with king Lalitaditya of Kasmira [in 740 A, D.) and died in A D. 753 46 In the Udayasundarikathi of Sodelhala Vakpatiraja has been called a Samanta janma' i, e, the son of a vassal. This make it amply manlfest that Dhanapala places Vakpatiraja of Gaulavadba before Rajasekhara YEYKyarakayi 880-920 A. D.] and, therofore, before Vakpatirajadeva (Munja)

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Historical data in the Tilakamanjart of Dhanapala 7 while he was yet a minor and Sindhuraja became the king Dr. Bhatia has accepted the geneology as under Paramara Upendraraja-791-818 A. D. Vairisimha I 818-843 A. D. Siyaka I 843-868 A D The unnamed ruler-868-893 A. D. Krsnaraja alias Vakpati I 893-918 A D. Vairisimha II 919-945 A. D. I Harga alias Siyakadeva II 945-974 A D. I Vakpati II 974-994 A. D Sindhuraja-997-1010 A. D. Bhoja the Great, 1011-1055 A D Hence Kranaraja Vakpati I 893-918-A. D. might have been Vakpatiraja mentioned by Padmagupta (XI 80, p. 173) and not the Vakpaturaja, author of Gaudavadha mentioned by Rajasekhara, Dhanapala, Soddhala, Kalbana and others, because, he flourished in the reign period of Yasovarman of Kanauj (733-753 A.D.) as a great poet of renown. Hence, the historicity of the account given by Dhanapala stands amply established. Apart from the Paramara lineage, Dhanapala has depicted the history of the race of Iksvaku descended down from Dilipa, Raghu and Dasaratha and reigning supreme over Ayodhya, their hereditary capital.55 Meghavahana,56 the Lord of the Earth (medinipati) endowed with the acquisition of the huge circle of the Earth through enormous power of might (Prabhogakti)", enormous army personnel, enormous dignity, enormous affluence, by virtue of regard on account of being the king of the present age or by virtue of regard he owed so or owed from the present generation of kings, 58 being an erjoyer of some part of this region of Bharata, sprung from the Iksvaku race has been described by him as the main hero of his romance. His queen Madiravati was a scion of the Ksatriya race, 59-(Upajatajanmana mahati murdhabbisikta-ksatriyasamamnaye mananiya) For long they had no son but got one after propitrating Sri at the instance of a Vidyadhara sage, whom they baptised Harivahana. There is allusion to and description of Samaraketu, son of Candrketu, the king of the Simhalas, 60 Kusumasekhara the Lord of the Kancy having Gandharvadatta for his spouse and Malayasundari for his daughter. Vajrayudha has been described as the Commander-in-chief and administrator of Daksinapatha under the errands

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Sudarshan Kumar Sharma of Meghavabana 62 Harivahana as Yuvaraja was made the Governor of the whole of the Uttarapatha 1 e the Northern India, while Samaraketu in his association was givan the administration of the Angas. Kamalaguptas was the son of the king of the Kalingas, being an army-in-chief of Meghavahana. Mitradhara was the younger brother of the king of Kamarupa " Cakrasena, the king of the Vidyadharaa having Patralekha for spouse and Tilakamanjari for his daughter, was the king of Rathanupura Cakravala, the Capital town of the Vidyadharas,67 Vicitravirya, the sire of Gandharvadatta, was originally the master of Vaijayanti but had settled on Suvela on account of a royal cataclysm 8 There is also an allusion to the reign of Vikramabahu over the northern range of Vijayardha mountain having Gaganavallabha for his Capital Pratapasila, the Lord of Kusasthala (Modan Kanaujj70 having a daughter Kusumavali, Suraketu, the Lord of Magadha having a daughter Sakuntala, and Mababala the over Lord of Saurastra (Raivataka-Junagadha-Girinagara-Girnar) having a daughter Bandhumati and the Lords of Kalinga, Vanga, Anga, Kojala (Daksina Kosala or Mabakogala) and Kulata (Modern Kullu) having Indulekha, Lilavati, Malatika and Maoanalekha etc as daughters have been mentioned by Dhanapala as historical figures in line with Kusumasekhara, the forehead made of the race of the kings of Yadu lineage, the Lord. of Kanct, the Vanquisher of the overlords of Mahendra and Malaya mountains, having his daughter Malayasundary "I 8 Regarding the historicity of these figurea we shall have to examine certain facts available from other sources Historicity of Meghavahana poses a problem. History of Kosala upto the rise of the Mauryaa72 shows that after Rama's death Kusa and Lava started two different lines at Ayodhya and Sravasti. This state of affairs seems to have continued for a little after the Bharata war when Divakara, a king of the Sravasti line, ended the division and brought back both the portions of the kingdom of Kosala under his unified powerful authority He is apecifically described as the possessor of Ayodhya, a city of Madhy adesa 73 According to Dr Pathaka Prasenajita was the last great monarch of the solar dynasty of Kosala 74 Vidudabha was perhaps the only son and so the successor to Prasenajita.75 He was the son of Vasabbakhottiya, the slave daughter of Mahanamasakya. She was given the position of a queen and Vidudabha that of the CrownPrince 76 He is noted for only one act and that was the cruel massacre of the Sakyas of Kapilavastu " Sumitra, fourth from Vidudabha (Sadraka or Ksudraka of the Puranas) was the last independent sovereign of Kosala and with him the inevitable extinction of the dynasty came. It was, the nightfall of the solar line which never saw its morning again. The Kosalan territories thence forward formed part of Magadha and are expressly

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Historical data in the Tilakanahjart of Dhanapala mentionod to have been under Mabapadmananda's authority and direct sway * After that the Kosalan Kingdom under Mahapadmananda established sway having distinguished itself into a number of Ganas or Samghas such as Sakyas of Kapilavastu, the Kolyas of Ramagrama, the Moriyas of Pippalivana, and the Mallas of Kuspara and Pava-all these held by the des. cendants of Rama, Laksmana, Bharata and Saturghna, the Aiksvakus 79 In the Sunga period (B. C 185-85) we find Ayodhya under Dhapadeva, the Lord of Kosala (Kosaludipena), son of Kausiki and Sixth in descent from Posyamitra, the army-in-chief (senapati) the performer of the two Horse-sacrifices (dvirasv&medhayajinah senapateb Pusyamitrasya sasthena 180 The geneology of the Iksvakus given in the Ramayana (Balakanda)81, Visnu82 and the Bhagavataa8 Poranaa, Raghuvamsast of Kalidasa-does not refer to any king bearing the name Meghavahana Regarding the tradition about the king Drdbavarma of Ayodhya and Kanalja under the Ayudhas Dr, Buddha Prakasha says "After Yagovarman bis son Avantivarman ruled both at Kanauj and Gwalior Subsequently Kanauj was wrested by the Ayudhas and he or his sucessor had to rule from Ayodhya" 86 This establishes the rule of Varmans guccessors of Avantivarman, over Ayodhya after the 8th century A D. Sinco Rajasekhara in bis Bala-Bharata (Pracapda Pandava) refers to sry Mahipaladeva, the Pratibara king as the gem of pearla in the lloeage of Raghu, the Supreme Sovereign of Aryavartta, the son of Nirbhayanarendra as algo known as Mahendrapala,87 who had vanquished the Mekala, Kalingas, Keralas, Kulutas, Kuntalas etc. and Ramathas88 And the Harsa stone insc. of the Cahamana Vigraharaja II (Dated v.s 1030=973 A.D.) refers to him as the Paramount Sovereign of the Earth in the race of Raghoe we can presume the account of Dhanapala as apparently fictitious but cloarly perceptible, A review of the History of Ceylon (Simhala) pertaining to the contomporary period reveals that the Cola klng Parantaka I (907-953 A.D.) calls himself 'conqueror of Ceylon' in bis records. It is claimed in the Ceylonogo chronicles that the Ceylonese king's general how laid waste the border land of the Cola monarch and compelled him to restore all the valuables carried away from the island as booty. But the lovading Cola army appears to have actually left Ceylon owning to the Rastrakula Invasion of the Cola Country under Krona III about A.D 949 the year of the great battle of Takkolam 80 Udaya IV (or Ill) Sena IV (A.D. 950-953), Mahendra IV Sri Samghabodhi (A.D. 953-969) were the rulera of Ceylon in that period. Tho last named was probably Sena IV'a predecessor's brother (1.0. Udaya'a brother). He had married a princeas of the royal house of Kalinga in India,91 There are epigrapha and literary recorda foferring to the aubjugation of Sambodhi 5.1

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10 Sudarshan Kumar Sharma v u years old son Sena 1077) followed in successor brother (Seda v Geylon by Krina ll (the Raptrakuta monarch, 939-967 A.D.) before 959 A.D. although the Rastrakuta expediton appears to have been merely a rald. Mahendra IV is also said to have ropulsed a Cola Invasion under Parantaka II who led an attack against the Island as its ruler had helped the Pandya king in his revolt against the Colas. His 12 years old son Sena V (969-979 A.D.), his younger brother (Seda V's) Mahendra V (A. D. 9791027) followed in succession 2 Those two rulers, therefore ruled contem. poraneously with Munja Vakpatiraja, Sundhuraja and Bhoja of the Para-, mura lacage, Rajaraja I (Cola 985-1014 A.D) great grandson of Parantaka I (A.D. 907-953) of the Imperial Colas, Krona III (A D. 940-968) of the Raptrakutas-the last named belog said to have curbed the ambitions of the Pandyas and the Keralas, and even the king of Simhala (Ceylon) 18 aald to have paid homage to him 5 Kasyapa, the young son of Mahendra I of Ceylon became king under the name Vikramababu (A.D. 1027-1039), bat ho declined to undergo formal consecration 80 long as Rajarastra (North Ceylon) was in the occupation of the foreigners. He contiuned to rulo at Rohana till 1039 A.D. After him Mahalnna Kurti (A.D. 1034-1042) became the king His son Vikramapandya ruled in South-western Ceylon for about one year (A.D. 1042) according to the Pali Chronicles. He was alain in battle by Jagatipala said to have been a Surya Vamsi prince *coming from Ayodhya. But Jagatipala was himself killed by the Colas probably after a rule of four years. His queen and daughter together with all valuables were sent to the Cola Country.96 The Cola king Rajadhiraja 80n of Rajendra claims in a record of 1046 A, D. that he had deprived four Ceylonese kings of their crowns namely Vikramabahu, Vikrama Pandya, Virabllamegha (the same as Jagatipala) and Sri Vallabhamadanaraja (probably another name of Parukramapandya) or (of some other Coylonese Chief who is said to have lived for some time at the court of Kannara (1. e, the Rastrakata king Krsna III. Henco Jagatipala (A D 1042-46) a. Saryavamosi (Lksvako) prince of Ayodhya, killed by the Colas was a contemporary of Vikramabahu of Ceylon. The history of Ceylon does not refer to any Candraketu sire of Samaraketu ruling ovor Simhala in the 10th, Ilth centuries A.D. The records of Rajendra, younger brother and succe188or of Rajadhiraja say that sometime before A. D 1057 the Cola king killed Virafilamegha "King of the Kalingas" (probably a Ceylonese prince connected with Kalinga on his mother's side) and captured the two BODS of Mangbharana 'King of the peoplo of Lanka',! Towards the middle of the 11th centary A.D when the whole island was under Cola occupation, the Ceylonese chronicles placed the role of the two chelfs named Lokesvara '(A.D. 1048-54) and Kosadbatu Kasyapa (alx months, A.D. 1054-55) who had their head-quarters at Kajaragrama (modern Kgleragrama on the Monikaganga not far from Magama, the chief City of Rohana or Southern Ceylon, nder Cola occupation, '(A.D. 1048-54) and is placed the role of the tu

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Historical data in the Tllakamanjant of Dhanapala Dhanapala has referred to Candraketu sovereign of Sinhala haring Rangasala for its Capital where be bad a son Samaraketu who was bado: the chief commander of the forces and sent on an expedition to Help the king of Kanci, Kusumasekhara by name, who was on the perils of his wits ia so far as Vajrayudha, the army to chief and the administrator of Dakpinapatha appointed by Meghavahana, supreme sovereign of Bbgtatava varsa and Uttarapatha, bad avowed to chaatise bim in case be did not hand over his daughter Malayasundari to him in marriage. The ultimate auccess of Samaraketu in winning the hand of Malayasundari after under going the ordeal of a chivalrous feat in war against Vajrayudha who defeated bim and captured him alive only to present him to the court of Meghavahana who took him as the foster brother to his aon Harivahana and as a foster son to blmself, Harivahana likewise, succeeded in winding the band of Tilakamanjari, the Vidyadhara princess, daughter of Cakrasena, the overlord of the Vidyadharas, having his capital at Rathanaputa. cakravala and grand-daughter of Vicitravirya king of Valjayanti, settled in the region of Suvela mountain near the Ceylonese island etc.-are tie' main historical facts described by the poot in his romance. Ho has also referred to the ravage of Vaijayanti, the capital of Vicitravirya by an enemy-vassal named Jitadatru (P 342 Sm.ed.) According to Dr. D C. Sircar' [ksvakus of the Andhradega having Vasisthiputrasantamula (or chantamala) I for the earliest kings after the rule of the Satavahanas, represented a branch of the celebrated Ikavaku dynasty of Ayodhya which migrated to the Deccan and settled thote. The Ik vaekus of the far south had had their capital at Vijayapurl situated 10 the valley of the Nagarjuna Konda bills. This dynasty came to an end after having Mathariputra Virapurugadatta and Ebuvula Santamala II (1.o. by the close of the 3rd Cent, A.D.) Nothing tangible ia known regarding! the history of Ayodhya after the period upto the reign of the Pratdhxrast who bad this part of the country under their sway. Sravasti Visaya and Sravastibhukti are mentioned as adininistrativo unita of that ompire under Mahendrapala (A.D. 870-910).100 The region of Ayodhys seems to have gono under the control of the early rulers of tho Gahadvala dynasty which later on established its authority over Kagauj and Varanasi, 101 3 Yagovigraha, according to Dr. Buddba Prakash, the first known meln. ber of the Gahadwala family, is described as a noble porsoriage who lived after the demise of the kings of the Solar race. The Candravati gripa tions (V. S. 1150 and 1156) add the following details. "The Keatre dynasty in which Yalovigraha was born, forcibly occupied Kanyakudid after the destruction of the descendants of king Devapala." This ruler has been identified with the Pratibara king Devapala. 102 Yagovigraha's son

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Sudarshan Kumar Sharma Mabicandra was perhaps a feudatory under Kalachuri Laksmikarna (10421070 A.D.) whose empire included Prayaga and Varanasi regions. We have 1089 A,D, the first known date of Candradeva, the third king of the dynasty, who was certainly in possession of Ayodhya Assigning 25 years to each generation we may place the beginning of the reign of Yasovigraha over the Ayody region about 1035-1037 A.D. which saw the end of the Pratihara dynasty.108 12' 1 Regarding the third ruler of this dynasty the Basahi inscription of 1140 A.D. states "When after the death ef Bhoja and Karna the earth was troubled, she took with confidence Candradeva as her husband."104 This statement shows that Bhoja (evidently Bhoja Paramara) and Karpa (Kalachuri Laksmi-Karna) for sometime exercised political sway over Kanauj. It further says that Candradeva was the protector of the sacred places of Kasi, Kausika, Uttara Kosala and Indraathaniya, 10s It shows that Ayodhya was included in the kingdom of the early Gahadavala rulers Yasovigraha, the Gahadavala monarch has been termed "astadyutivamsajataksmapalamalasu divam gatasu saksat vivasvaniva bharidhamna Yasovigrahah Ityudarah."los agitadyuti' is Sun or Surya. The Vamsa or lineage-connected with Surya is that of the Ikavaku. Gahadavala's were, therefore, descendants of the Iksvakus Dilipa, Raghu, Aja and Dasaratha who had Rama, Kusa and Lava to follow them, the last named (i. Kusa and Lava) founding the different branches of their race. Yasovigraha has likewise been called a Sun-incarnate because of his name that was ampy illustrious Yasovigraha appears to have been a contemporary of Bhojaraja as is evident from the dates [1035-37 A.D] available in his case. Prince Jagatipala referred to above while referring to the history of Ceylon may have been a descendant of the Pratiharas such as Devapala, Rajyapala, Trilocanapala and Yasahpala (947-1037 A.D.). As he was killed by the Colas who had their sway over Ceylon the descendants of Jagatipala, the early Gahadavalas become the mastera of Ayodhya, being the feudatories of Kalacuri monarch Laksmikarna who in association with Paramara Bhoja had hls sway over Kanauj. Meghavahana may, therefore, be taken to refer to Yasovigraha and Harivahana may be his son Mahicandra while Candraketu and Samaraketu, the king and prince of Simhalas may be identified with Rajaraja Cola (985-1014 A. D.) and Rajendra I Cola (A. D 1014-1044). We may even conjecture the identification of Meghavahana with Siyaka alias Harga who had adopted Vakpatiraja Munjalo and got his own son Sindhuraja at a later atage He may even be construed as Vakpati Munja who being fond of his brother's son Bhoja,

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Historical data in the Tilakamanjan of Dhana pala 13 consecrated him to his own throne wbile yet holding the sceptre, Sindhu. raja's succession to bim, however, being necessitated by his son's lack of majority at the time of the accidental demise of Munja Bilbana, the Kasmiri poet who wrote his Vikramankadevacarita in 1088 A. D, 108 10 the roign of Caulukya Vikramaditya VI after enjoying the patronge of many kings, has described in bus Kavya (I. 63) that Caulakyas of Kalyan had had their sway over Ayodhya just as Rama had had his sway over this horeditary capital of his lineage, after having decapitated Ravana 200 Tailapa, the king of that lineage was skilled in annihilating the Rastrakatas.110 The Caulakyas under their sway had every region but not the kingdom of Vibhisana (1 e. Lanka). Ini Talapa was followed by his son Satyasraya112 (997-1008 A, D). Paramara king Vakpatiraja Munja had suffered extinction at the hands of Tailapa in 997 A, D.118 The Cola king Rajaraja I had morcilessly carried death and devastation in the Caulakya kingdom, Satyasraya, however, 800n recovered. After bim bis nephew Vikramaditya I ruled for a short time. The latter was defeated by Paramaca Bhoja who attacked the Caulukyas to avenge the humiliation and assassination of Vakpati Munja. He came to term with Bhima I of Anabilavada and the Kalacuri king. But an Iscription informs us that the ambitions of Bhoja were frustrated abortly before Saka samvat 941=1014 A. D. when Vikramaditya V's successor Jayagimba II Jagadekamalla (1016-1042 A, D.) routed him and broke the confederacy of Malaya, The Caulukya monarch 18 also represented to have gained an advantage over Rajendra Cola I although Cola epigraphs testify to the contrary. 114 Bilhana, however places Jalsimba after Satyasraya,116 who was followd by Abavamalladevaus, who has been called a second Rgma, as it wero, the ajo of Dasaratha 117 He 18 said to have demolished the glory of the Paramacas 118 He even vanquished the Colaraja. 120 Ahavamalla did not have a son for long and having one after a long time was named Vikramaditya 120 Abavamalla has been called Kuntalendra.131 Vikramaditya subdued the king of Kamarupa 122 and Kancs, the capital of the Dravidas.123 He even subdued the king of the Simhala dvipa. All these facts display a complete reflection of Dhanapala's talented deg. criptions in the versea of Bilbana How far the bistoricity of the data availa. ble in the two texts la genuine, it is very difficult to be definite about, Ono thing is certain and it is that since Dhanapala has described Ayodhya128 exactly on tho same line as Dhara described by Bhoja, in his Samaranganasatradhara126, we can casily presume Meghavahana to be Vakpati Munja and Yuvaruja Hacivahana to be Bhoja himself The king of Kafci may have been the Caulakya of Kalyani, the vanquisher of Kance and her ruler or he may have boen Gadgeyadeva Kalacuri or even Rajendra Cola who had succeeded to the throne of Rajaraja who

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14 Sudarshan Kumar Sharma was also a sovereign of the Malaya Peninsula,187 Kusumasekhara, there fore, may be construed as a fictitious name of Rajendra Cola who was subdued by Bhoja, 128 A matrimonial alliance between the king of Ceylon Vijayababu alias Sri Simghabodhi and Princess Tilakasundari or Traitokyasundari 18 revealed from a history of Ceylon (1054-1114 A.D.)180 A critical examination of the history 180 of the three Cola monarchs Rajaraja I (A. D. 985-1014), Rajendra I Gangaikanda (A. D. 1014-1044) and Rajadhiraja I (A. D. 1044-52) reveals that Rajendra I Cola annexed the whole of Ceylon (Simhala) about 1017 A. D. while its Northern part had already been conquered by his father Rajaraja sia and Rajadhitaja I subdued the Pandya and Kerala kings who were in league with the rulers of Lanka (Ceylon) named Vikkamababu, Vikkamapatidu, Vira Salamegha and Sri Vallabhamada daraja, 192 Hence, Vikramabahulas, the Supreme sovereign reigning in Gaganavallabha on the northorn fange of the mootitain Vijayardba baving Sakya Buddha for his Pradhana Buddhisaciva recognising Harivahana son of Meghavabana (i Bhoja, son of Sindhuraja and Yavar ja designate to Vakpati Munja as his supureme sovereign having Kusumasekhara king of Kano for his subsidiary-Vassal (1. o. Rajendra Cola and Rajadhiraja Cola for his subsidiary Vassals) may be the Ceylonese king van qutshed by Rajendra and Rajadhiraja Cola. The identification of the unnamed king of Kamarapa18. (Pragjyotiga) whose younger brother Mitradhara escorted Samaraketu moving in search for Harivabana, 18 not very difficult of assumption. Kamarapa in Pragjyotiga has been describod by Dhanapala as situated on the shores of Lauhityatas (Lobit or Brahmaputra in modern Assam) which had a now dynasty started by Brahmapala (985 A.D.) after the death of Tyagasimha who left no heir to the throne, who had rotransferred the capital from Haruppeswata to Pragjyotisapura (Gauhati) or its neighbourhood. Brahmapala was succeeded by his son Ratnapala who had a long reign for about thirty years. He had his son Purandarapala who died in the lifetime of Ratnapala who was, thorofore, succeeded by Indrapala (both grand father and grand son ruling from 1000 A.D.-1030 A.D, and 1030-1055 A D. respectively),186 proving thereby their contemparanoity with Sindhuraja and Bhoja-the Paramara rulors. Mitradhara is not known to the historians of Assam (Kamartpa). Perhaps Dhanapala knew him, Regarding the Vidyadhara king Cakrasena it 18 proper to seek the help of Dr. V. V. Mirashi and Dr. R. S. Tripathi. According to Dr. Mirashit87 the identification of the Vidyadhara prince sikhandaketu who sent his son asikbanda with largo drmy to help Slodhutaja in bis tampaign, may be made with Atikesaria who owed his crown to the active help of Sitidhuraja. Feelings of gratitude may have induced him to send his sofi

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Instorical data ish the Tilakamaljan of Dhanapala 15 with milltary assistance. The name sikhandaketu is evidently suggested by the other name of Arikeaarin viz. Kesideva, which occurs in the Bhandup plates of his nephew Chittacajadeva. Slidhuraja seems to have died soon after this expedition. He was succeeded by his son Bhoja. According to Merutunga Bhoja roigned for a long period of fifty five years. He must, therefore, have come to the throne when quite young. It seoms that Arikesarin also died about the period and was succeeded not by his son (that he had one is clear from the Navasabasankacarita), but by bis nephew Chittarajadeva who must have usurped the throne kaowing full well that the young Prince Bhoja of Dhars would not undertake a compaigo in such a distant country as Konkan to help the son of his father's friend, Arikesarin, for Bbcja invaded Koakan in A. D. 1019 and won a decisive victory which he commemmorated by issuing the two copper plates, It appears, therefore, piausible that Vidyadhara Cakragena mentioned by Dhanapala was the Vidyadhara Chittarajadeva (the Silahara nepbow of Arikesarin) whose daughter Tilakamanjari became the object of attachmont for Bhoja (Harlvahana). According to Dr. R. S Trpath1188 "the silabara Ksatriyas who trace their origin from Vidyadhara Jimatavabada, had three branches koown in history. The third of these established its authority about the commencement of the eleventh cent. A, D, in Kolhapura and the districts of Satara and Belgaum. For a time it was also a master of Southern Konkan. Tho family enjoyed more independance and one of its kings Vijayarka or Vijayaditya, 18 said to have helpod Vijjala or Bijjala in bringing about the down fall of the last Calukya sovereign." Dr. Mirashi's point is more suited to the context of Dhanapala who has also alluded to the upsurge of Vaijayant, the capital of the Kuntala-country which included Southern Maharastra and Northern Kanarose districts of Mysore state, modern Banavasi In the North Kanara district,18whero reigned supremo Vicitra. virya, the sire of Gandharvadatta, wife of the king of Kanci, and Patralekba, the spouse of Cakrasena, The march of Samaraketu away from the Simbalas outskirts of Lanka) entalling a sudden attack on the capital of Kiratara ja Parvataka by namo, who was proud of his impregnable fort and army and took to the tactics of guerillas (lit. thieves) in the west of the bridge over the ocean)140 posal tho problem of identification of Parvataka, the Lord of the Kiratas. According to Dr. B.C. Law the Kiratas inhabited the castern extremity of the Kumarik dvipa Identified with India proper 141 Ceylon was a part and parcel of India in the Hindu period -(. , the period before the Arab inroada) and even after that and as already proved it was under the sceptre of the Cola king Rajondra I, we can casily prosungo

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Historical data in the Tilakamanjar of Dhanapala 13 TM Introductory verse 39 p. 33 Vol 1 14 Paramaras p. 19 15 Indian Historical Quarterly March and June 1963, p. 146 cp. Dr. Bhatia, pp 26-27. 16 Rastrakuta monarch 17 History of Ancient India p 378 18 Ibid-p 379 cp. The Age of the Imperial Kannauja p 94 19 See 3 above, 20 Merutungacarya pp 21-25. 21 Sargas (Cantos) XI, I, II, X. 22 A Study of Ancient Indian Inscriptions B Upadhyaya pp. 179, 181 23 Jane viro'gnikundadrlpubalanidhanath yaicakaraika eva. Historical and literary Inscriptions by Dr Raj Bali Pandeya p 228, verse. 5 24 Upendraraja dvijavarggaratnam ibid verse 7. p 223 25 Sri varisthascaturarnavantadhatryam jayastambhakrtaprasastih. Ibid verac 8, p 223. 26 Tasmadavantitaruninayanaravindabliasvan Sri Vakpatih satamakhanukrtih, Ibld verso 17 10 p 223. 27 Jatastamadvairisimho' nyanamna loko brute (vajrata)svaminam yam tasmadabhut.. Sri Haradeva iti khottigadeva laksmim jagraha yo yudhi. etc ibid p. 223. verses, 11, 12 28 Putrastasya Srimadvakpatirajadevali iti yali sadhbhih sada kirtyate, Karnaja Lata Kerala Cola Siroratna ragi padakamalali... Yuvarajam nihatajau halva tadvalinipatin khadgamurdhnikrtarh yena tripuryam vijigisuna Ibid pp 223-224 verses 13-14. 29 Tasyanujo nijitahunarajah Sri Sindhurajavijayarjitasrili Sri Bhojarajo' jani yena ratnam narottamakampakrtarvitiyan. lbid. verse 16. p. 224. 30 A Kailasanmalaya girito 'stocluyadri dvayada bhukta prthvi Pithunarapaloratulya. rupena yena. Kimanyat kavirajasya Bhojasya prasacedlivarendra ratha(togga)ia (Bhimamu)-kliyan Karnata Latapati Gurjararat Turuskan. Kedara Rameivara Samantha (sun)diraklinala ruddha satkah, *** Surtirn(yai) rvyipya ca yah samantadyathurthasamjnkin jagatim cakara, tatradityapratape gatavati sadanan svarginan Bhargga bhakte, vyapta dhareva dhatri ri putimirabharairmauia lokasindabhiit nisrastango nihatyodblata riputi(mirabla)ram khadgo dandumilajhlaih any muditajana(modayadityadeval Ibid verses 17-20 p. 224 blasvanvocyandyutl 31 Paramaras-p 108 32 Ibid pp. 97-98, 33 Ibid pp 105-108. 34 Navasahasankacarltam XI verses 71, 76, 80, 83, 85, 91, 92, 101, 102; I. 7, 8, 10-etc. pp. 172-177, 35 Ibid I. 8. p. 2 36 Ibid I. 58, 90, pp 37 Ibid II. 19. p. 38 38 Ibid X. 45. p. 153, 39 Ibid X. 11. p. 146 11, 17 40 Tilakamanjarisara of Pallipala Dhannpala, Literary Review by Prof Jagannatha Agrawal, Published in VIJ. VISIS, Hoshiarpur, Vol. VIII pts. 1, II March and Sept, 1970 41 Kavyamimansa-XII p. 154 ed Kedaranatha Sharma, 42 TM. Intr verse 31 p. 29. Vol. I 43 Rajatarang ins IV verse 144 p. 85. ed. by Ramateja Pandeya. 44 Driva vakratirajasya faktuh Gaudavadlioddhuram buddhih sadhvasaruddheva vac. am na pratipadyate. TM. Verse 31. Introductory. Vol. I. p. 29, Sambodhi 5.1

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16 Sudarshan Kumar Sharma the fact that Kirataraja Parvataka ruled in some hilly area situato to Ceylon but in the eastern extremity of the country (i. e. India). Sabaras and Kiratas have been treated synonymously by Dhadapala.143 Sabaraa were bblllas inhabiting the hilly regions round about Assam (Kamarupa) as described by Dhanapala while deproting and characteriaing the "atavibba" in contiguity of that area. Harivahana, on sojourn for his 'digvijaya' relates certain historical facts such as construction of a religious sanctuary (Dharmarnya) by the mantri Surananda, 14 who was most probably the grand father of Rajasekhara, the poct-critic, the author of Viddhasala. bhanjika whose greatgrand-father Akalajalada was a crest-jewel of Maharastra. Surgnanda was a man of letters. Rajasekhara's father Durduka or Dubika took to Government service and rose to be the Chief-minlater. Rajasekhara was a court poet of the Gurjara Pratibaras,148 (Mahendra- pala and Mahipala) from whom Paramaras ultimately wrested the sover eignty where by Harivahana (i e. Bhoja) ia reminded of Surananda whose memoir stood to his own days. There 18 reference to Nitivarma tho army19-chief holding charge of the Northern region, who killed the Huna Lord on the extremitics of the region having bills on its outskirts,146 According to Dr. Buddha Prakash147 Siyaka-Harsa, Muaja and Sindhuraja all had subjugated the Hunas and Nitivarma might have been the army-in-Chief of Sindhuaja after whom Bhoja had no difficulties in keeplog them under control Harivahana's satisfaction over their peaceful co-existence testifies this point. References : 1 Tilak amafjart-Publshed in three volumos by Sri Vijayalavanya Surikvara Jflanaman dira, Botad, Saurabra. Vol I pp. 32-35 Vol 1V not yet published for the last part Nirnaya Sagara Press ed. 18 consulted hero, Dr. N M Kantara's Text is still unpublished 2 Rock-Island of Abu In the Strahl state of Rajaputana, Historical Geography of Ancient India by Dr B. C Law, p 22 Introductory verss 39, 49. pp 33-35 TM Vol T 4 Nihbegavanmaya vido'pi Jindgamoktah, drotum kathah samupajatakutahalanya 1 tayl vadatacaritasya vinodahetoh. rajdab sphutadbhutarasa racita katheyam, TM Introductory verso 50, p 40 5 But Jainaa in the persent Text. 6 Kadacidrajia Seva lathatam prstah sva Tilakamafijari Vaiyagryam Jagau. p 41 7 Samki-the village in the Farrukhabad diett of UP HGAI, p. 142. 8 Navasabasankacaritam XI 64-71 pp. 170-172 Chaukhamba Series editon 9 Ancient Historians of India by V, S. Pathak. p 160 10. Ibid pp. 157-158 11 Ibid p. 160 12 Ibid p. 169

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Sudarshan Kumar Sharma 45 Kavyamunansa Notes. p 288 ed, Kedaranatha Sharma. 79 fmantajandipi kavibyaranam mabattamo Vakpatirajasurih-Notas on Kavyamema #ul p. 218. ed. by Dalal and R. A. Sastry, 1934 47 Sarasvatikalpalatazkakanda vandamahe Vakpatir jadevarh. Ymaya graafdad vayamapyanany akavindracirao pathi saficaramah, Navasahasanka contrah L 7 p 2 48 See my Paper 'Bhartrmentha-Kalidasah' published in 'Vulva Sarakstam' VIII 1-2. Nov. 1970. Fab 1971 pp. 82-84. VISIS Hoshiarpur. 49 Divan yiyamur mama vaci mudran adatta yo v kpatiriajadovah, tasysnujaama kavibandhavasya bhinatti ta samprati Sindhurajah. Ibid I 8 P. 2 50 Introduction p. 10 Jitendra Candra Bharatiya adition of Navasahasankacaritam. 31 Aklrninghritalah sarojakalaacchattradibbih lachanaih ' tasyajiyata m salayatabhuja'h bri Bhoja ityAtmajah, prity& yogyi iti pratapavasatih khyatena Munjakhyaya yah sve Vakpatirajabhumipatina rajyo 'bhiqiktah svayam, TM vorte 43 p 35 Vol. I 52. Paramaras pp. 58-59. 53 of 2. p. 59. and TM, VOL. 'I verte 43. 54 Paramaras. p. 39. Puram kalakramattena prasthin mbikapatah, maurvi kinakabandhaaya prthvi doni !! nivebuta. Navasahasankacarita. XI. 98 p 176 TM p. 94 Vol I. +56 Ibid. 27 KAS VI 2-39 p. 166 Part I p. 390 Part II R. P. Kangle 88 Thu text interpretation is given by the commentator which seems erroneous 59. TM. p. 94 Vol. I 180 Ibid., pp 250-251 Vol. II 61 Ibid, pp 176, 177, 179 Vol III. at 82 Swamaryadativartinh dupas mantindih damanaya daksinapathadhisthito VajrAyudh WYA. Ibid. p. 158, Vol. I 03 Ibid. p 232 Vol. II 64 Ibid. 65 Ibid. p 243 Vol II 66 Ibid p 66. Vol III 67 Ibid pp. 10-11 Vol III. 68 Ibid pp. 15-16 VOL. III p 342. Smed 64 Ibid. p 401, Sm.ed 70 GAI B C.law, p 109 71 TM. pp. 185-186. Vol III 72-73 Vishuddhananda Pathaka-p. 197 74 Ibid p. 216 75 Tbid p. 231, 76 Ibid. 77 Ibid p 234 78 'Ibid. p 235 79 Ibid. pp. 278-279 80 Historical and Literary Inscriptions by Dr. Raj Bali Pandeya pp. 44-45 B1 Sarg* (Canto) 70 verses 15-45 Gita Propadli 82 IV, 50-112 pp. 306-807 Gita Prou, ed, 83 IX, 12, pp. 455-456 Gita Press,ade'

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Historical data in the Tilakamahjart of Dhanapala 19 84 Cantog I-XIX 85 Aspects of Indian History and Civilization p 116 86-88 Bala Bharata Act I with Prose passage-te ca raghuvamsamuktamapina aryavartta maharajadhirajena kri nirbhayanarendranandanena-p 2 and verse 11 devo yasya mahendrapalanrpatih p. 3 89 "raghukula bhucakravartti" verse 19 p 218 Historical and Literary Inscriptions by Dr Ray Bal Pandoya 90 The Age of Imperial Kanau/ 91 Ibid 92 Ibid p 102 93 History of Ancient India by Dr RS Tripathu pp 460-461. 94 Ibid pp 413-414 95 Ibid p. 414 86 lbid p 173 97 Ibid p. 174, 98 Ibid 99 Gupta-Vakataka-Age pp. 59-62 100 Dr Buddha Prakasli I am really thankful to Latc Dr, Buddha Prakash who was kind nougli tu write a few words for me and send the same aftor collecting the relevant data. 101 Ibid. 102 Romo Niyog, History of the Gahadavala dynasty quoted lay Dr, Buddha Prakash and sent to me 103 Dr Buddha Prakash 104-105 Ibid cp Kamauli insc of Gahndavala Govindacandra (V S 1182 1125 A.D.). A Study of Ancient Indian Inscriptions by Dr Vasudava Upadhyaya. 106 Kamauli ingr of Galiadavnla king Govindacandru 1.L 1-2 verne 2 A study of Ancient Indian inscriptions lsy v. Upadhyaya p. 174 107 Prnbandhacintamani-p 21 108 Samskrta Sahitya ka nnyina itihasa by Krona Castanya p 301, HSI.. Koith p. 153. 109 Prasadhyu tam ravinumadhyuvana yuri maithiliah kularajadhaniin. te kpatriylista mavadutakirtim purimayodliysin vida dhurnivasan, Vikramankacava Curltam. Part I p. 79 cd by Panditu Visvanatha Sastri Bharadvajn 110 Thld I 68-69 pp. 52-53 111 Ibid. I. 66 p. 51. 112 History of Ancient India by Dr R. S lepathu. p. 419, 113 Ibid. 114 Ibid. 115 VDC. I 79-86. pp. 60-65 116 Ibld, I. 87. p. 65. 117 Ibid I. 88. P 66. 118 Ibid I 91 p. 68,1 92 p. 69 I, 93-94 pp. 70-71. 119 lbid 1 46. P 86. 120 Ibid III 1 p. 151 121 Ibid. III 41 p 178 122 Ibid. III 74 1201 123 Ibid III 76. p. 203 124 Ibid IV. 20-45 pp 218-233 125 TM pp 43-45. Vol I.

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Sudarshan Kumar Sharma 126 SSS, Text by T. Ganapati Sastrl and edited by Dr. V S. Agrawal, I. 18 versei 1-58 p 88-93 127 HAI p 463, R S Tripathi 128 Paramaras p 77 129 Journal of Indian History Vol 46 Part I, April 1968 p 10 130 HAI p. 464 Dr RS Tripathi, 191 Ibid. p. 462 192 Ibid p. 466 133 Ibid TM pp 401-402 Sm ed 134 Margavarttina pragjyotisesvaranujena mitradharanimna samadsayata TM P 66, Vol III and Pragjyotisesvarabhratri mitradharena drugo niruddhabca, Ibid p 388 Sm ed. 135 Ibid pp 34-35 Vol III 136 Early History of Kamarupa by Rao K C Barua, pp 87--95 137 Studies in Indology Vol II Historical Data in the Padmagupta's Navashasankacarita, pp 70-71 138 HAI pp 431-32 199 Studies in Indology Vol 1 The Kuntalesvaradautya of Kalidasa p 7 140 TM P 291 Vol. II 141 Historical Geography of Ancient India p. 12 142 Kridakiratavambyani Sabaravrndani TM p. 138 Vol III 143 Sabarapallibhiradhyastavisaya parva'oddekaya gantumatavibhuva pravartata, Ibid. pp 65-66. Vol III 144 mantrina Suranandena pirmapitam dharmaranyam Ibid, p 33 Vol III 145 Rajasek bara and his Viddhafalabhanjiki-Aspects of Indian History and Civil zation'-Dr Buddha Prakash pp 136-137 146 TM p 33 Vol III. 147 'The Hunas and the Paramaras in Aspects of Indian Hutory and Civilization.' Dr Buddha Prakash do 176-177

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*MADHAVA'S RGVEDAV YAKHYA AND THE SYSTEM OF GALIT AS K. P. Jog 1 In my paper 'On the Galita pradipa of Laksmidharasuri', I referred to Madhava's Rgvedavyakhya and observed "It is noticed that Madhaya has taken his cue from the presence and absence of a galila while interpreting many a Rgvedic passage but it is a matter of regret that later commentators have not taken cognisance of these important observations of Madhava." I was indeed aware that c. K. RAJA, who edited and published Madhava's Rgvedavyakhya2 had noted the importance of his observations and had an intention to discuss this point after the entire available commentary was published: It appears that his controversy with KASHIKAR regarding the problem of galitas4 was perhaps the begining of his discussion on this point This his discussion attracted my attention to Madhava's treatment of the galitas in his commentary on Rgveda, Also I noticed that RAJA could not realise his intention in bis life-time. As such, I decided to take up the unfinished task. However, when I began my work, I found it necessary hrst to ascertain if there is any system of galitas and came to notice that Sakalya's use of the galita appears to be regulated by certain principley, While I was doing that work, I had to defer the dlacussion on Madhava's use of the galitas in his interpretation of Rgvedic passages, for some time. Now I propose to take up the game in the light of a few examples from the first Adhyaya of the first Astaka of the Rgveda Samhita 2. Flest, I may note two important remarks of Madhava wbich would considerably facilitate the discussion on his procedure, () On 1.25.1, he says: tha vakyatmakesu yesu padavelayan hano padanam sakalyah karott tatkuranam samayanukramanyam uktam / duck ekartho vidyate /? 'The reason why Sakalya omits or includes (certain) padas 'words of the nature of a pbraso while (writing) the padapatha (Pp) is stated (by me) In the Samayanukramani, Both the res bavo (only) one meaning.' (11) On 1.31.8, he says : nal patikah padah pavamane dasame ca visrstah / tvam no agne bahvatra. vrtetkan hanopad anayukiah | tutra karanam samayanukramangarh uktam/ tathanvesam trikanarh catushanam ca vakyatmakanam itu jo anam in hankith whatra

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K. P Jog "(This) foot, adverbial in nature, is dropped (in the Pp of the passages) in the Pavamana (1.e 9th Mandala which is addressed to Soma Pavamana) and in the 10th (Mandala). (The foot) tvam no agne which occura in many places is connected with omission and inclusion (by Sakalya in his Pp). The reason for it is stated (by me) in the Samayanukramant. Likewise is noticed (omission or inclusion) of padas 'words' (forming group of) three and four (and so on), in case they form a 'phrase". 22 2.1 There is a Samayanukramant which RAJA claims to be the one mentioned above 10 It reads punah padani nadhite tesam arthah sa eva cet | vibhaktisvarasamye ca tasmunn eva krame sati || pado padanahanabhyam bahvascaryam adidasat | krtavyakhyaiva teneyam rsina dasatayy abhut ||11 (Sakalya) does not read (ie drops) the padas "words' for a second time, if their meaning is the same (as that in the earlier passage), if there is similarity of case and accent and also if there is the same order (of them, 1, e of the padas 'words' in the later passage(s) ). (Thus) by omission and inclusion of pad as 'words' he has shown much novel (way of explaining the Rgvedic passages) As such, the sage has, indeed, commented upon the (Samhita of) 10 Mandalas 3. It cannot be ignored, however, that one could doubt if Madhava, the commentator of the Rgvedavyakhya, was the author also of this Samayanukramant (mentioned just now) and it would be more appropriate, therefore, to consider as Madhava's only those views which are noticed in the two passages from the Rgvedavyakhya Thus, Madhava thinks that (a) Such a unit of sense must consist of at least three padas 'words' (trika, catuska). (b) It is necessary that such a group of words, when repeated, must convey the same meaning. And (c) Only under these conditions would Sakalya decide the omission of the padas 'words' in the Pp of later passage(s), 3.1 If, however, one did not doubt that the Samayanukramant also is the work of Madhava, one could add to the above that The padas 'words' to be omitted in the Pp of later passage(s) must retain the same case-form, accent and order of occurrence in the verse as in the earlier/earliest verse

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Madhava's Rgvedavyakhya and the system of galitas 23 3.2 This procedure of Sakalya, Madhava thinks, reveals how he (1 e. Sakalya) would understand /translate the Rgvedic passages involving repet1tion of Identical padas "words' Now, when I proceed to discuss a few examples from Madhava's Rgvedavyakhya regarding this procedure, I must hasten to add that these pertain to the repetition only of padas 'feet' and not of padas "words' which form less than a pada 'foot', or even more. 4. Madhava's remarks on Sakalya's system of the galitas (even with doubt entertained about some), together with examples from his Rgvedavyakhya, would show if and how Sakalya gives a lead in Rgvedic interpretation and to what extent ore could accept his procedure with proper results-I would discuss here only a few examples from Madhava, (as stated earller) 41 On 1,136,12 he says pavakasah purusprho dvaro devir asascatah its padam na visrjati tatrasascatah stutyartho 'nuvadah | atra tu vidheyam iti 18 In (the Pp of the rc) Pavakasah (1.142.6), 14 (Sakalya) does not omit the foot dvaro devir asascatah, for there (the word) asascatuh, 18 (used as) an expression (in continuation) of praise. Here (le in 1.13.6), however, it 18 (used) as a modifier of the verb.' Thus, according to Madhava, Sakalya Includes (ie, does not drop) the pada 'foot' dvaro devir asascatah in the Pp of the re 1.142 6 and thereby shows that the (same) foot has different meanings at the two places Translation of the two relevant verses, in agreement with Sakalya's position, would clarify this. Thus he would translate : 1 13.6 (May) the divine doors, (who are) furtherers of rta open out in such a way that they are not clinging together (i.e are wide ajar). Today and tomorrow, for worshipping (the gods). And 1.142.6 (May) the divine doors, (who are) great, furtherers of rta, purifiers, wished for by many (and) not clinging together, open out for going to the gods. 42 On 1.13.8,18 he says: tau daivyau hotarau iti prathamantah parasesah mandrajihva jugurvani ity atra visrjatt tau yafnam no yaksatam imam [18 In the foot tau the words end in the Nominative (affixes) and have (the) following (foot as their) remainder (for completing their sense). Therefore,

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24 K. P. Jog (In the Pp of the rc) mandrajihoa (1 142 8),17 (Sakalya) omits it. (Thus the means) May the two foot tau.. together with the following foot yajham (divine Hotrs, the wise ones) perform this our sacrifice.' Thus in Madhava's opinion, Sakalya would translate 1 13.8 I call unto myself the two (fires) having good tongue. May the two divine Hotrs, the wise ones, (perform this our sacrifice). And I 142.8 (May) the two divine Hotrs, the wise ones, having delightful tongue (and who are) praisers, perform this our sacrifice (which will be) today successful and touching the heaven.' 4.3 On 1.14.3.18 he says ta rajana sucivrata ily atra adityan marutam ganam iti yaksikriyayuktah pado visrstahi / 'In (the Pp of the rc) ta rajana. (6.16.24),20 (the foot) adityan. that is connected with the action (conveyed by the verb) yaksi, 18 cmitted (by Sakalya). Here Sakalya would translate 1.14.3 43 (Do you offer worship)21 unto Indra-Vayu, Brhaspati, two Mitras (1 e. Mitra and Varuna), Pusan, Bhaga, Adityas and the group of Maruts. And 6.16,24 Unto those two kings of pure vows (1. e. to Mitra and Varuna), Adityas and the group of Maruts, do you offer worship, O shining gods, (and these) Dyaus and Prthivi here. 4.4 On 1.14.11,22 he says. toam hota manurhito vahnir asa ity atra prathamah padah prthag vakyam ato na sretah /28 "(In the Pp of the rc) tvam hota...(6.16.9),24 the first foot forms a separate sentence Therefore, it is not omitted (by Sakalya).' Thus Sakalya would translate; 1 14.11 You, (as) the Hotr appointed by Manus, take your seat in the sacrifice, O Agni. Such as you are, do you perform this our sacrifice, And 6.16.9

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Madhava's Rgvedavyakhya and the system of galitas You (are) the Hotr appointed by Manus, the bearer of offerings through your mouth, the better knower (of Hotp's office), O Agni do you perform sacrifice to the divine clans 25 4,5 On 1.16.3,25 he says (1) indram id devatataye ity atrad hvarasabdak sarvasvamin yajne vartate tasmat sa (pado na) visrstah | (11) Indram somasya pitaye stamaik ity asyam prathamah pado na vistilah | sa hy aparyavasanarthah | kuvid a gamat iti sravanad api cendram ity apurnom | (i) prdakusanur yajatah ity atra indram somasya pitaye iti na srjyate | sapekso hi sa padah | yadi va indra(m) ity asvavisesanam | (IV) tam v abhi prarcata ity atra indram somasya pitaye iti na srstah | tam evety atra tatparyad aparyavasitarthatvac ca /20 (i) In (the rc) indram id (835),27 the word adhuara 19 used in (the sense of) the whole of a sacrifice. Therefore, that (foot is not) omitted (in the Pp). (i) In (the Pp of the rc) indram somasya (3.42.4), the first foot is not omitted. For, indeed, that (foot) has not conveyed a complete sense. Also on account of the hearing (1. e mention) of kuvid agamat-an added sentence-(the word) indram is not complete (by itself). (ii) In (the Pp of the r) prdakusanur. (8.17.15),29 (the foot) indram somasya...is not omitted. For that foot is expectant (of some additional matter to complete its sense). Or perhaps indram (could be) an adjective of alvam (in the rc). (iv) In (the Pp of the re) tam v abhi...(8,92.5), not omitted on account of its bearing upon tam eva plete sense.' (the foot) indram...is and also its incom This comment is interesting in ways more than one. Thus, the remark (1) pertains to the 2nd foot of 1.16 3, while the remarks (i), (ii) and (iv) pertain to the 3rd foot of the same verse. Again, neither of the passages under (ii) and (iv) can be considered as a repetition of the passage under (li), nor can the passage under (iv) be taken as a repetition of that under (iii). All this recomes clear in the light of the translation of all the relevant passages, of course, under the lead of Sakalya-as Madhava would have it thus: 1.16.5 We invite Indra in the morning (1.e. at the morning libation), (we invite) Indra in the sacrifice that is going on (i. e. at the mid-day and evening libations), We invite Indra for the drink of Soma, Sambodhi 5.1

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K. P. Jog 8.3.5 Wo Invite Indra alone for a sacrifice. (We invite) Indra whon the sacrlfice is going on, (we) who possess winsome gifts (for him, invite) Indra in battle, (we invite) Indra alone in battle, (we invite) Indra alone for acquisition of wealth, 3.42.4 Indra for the drink of Soma do we invite here, with our songs of praise. Indeed he would come, on account of (our) songs. 8.17 15 Prdakusanu, the worship-deserving, the driver of the cows, he (who) alone (18) superior to (i.e the overpowerer of) many - may he lead the quick horse aboad by means of forceful grip, (such) Indra (do we invite) for the drink of Soma, 8.92 5 Do sing unto that (Indra, for the drink of Soma), that is indeed his strengthening (. e. glorification). 5. This notice of a few examples from Madhava's commontary on the Rgvoda reveals that he has followed Sakalya very faithfully. There is only one caso of apparent repetition-one discussed under 4.3 whore Sakalya accepts identity of meaning of one pada in two different verses. And this he (Madhava following him) bas done quite rightly Similarly, in the cage of apparent repetitions discussed under 4.4 and 4.5 also, Sakalya has correctly led Madhave to trace different syntactical meanings. However, one cannot but entertain doubts regarding other cases. 5.1 In the case of 113 6 under 4.1, 1t 18 possible to take asalcatah in 1.13.6 also as an objective of dyarah exactly in the same way as in 1 142,6 In fact, sakalya's not treating vibrayantam stavedhah in the first foot of 1.142 6 as a repetition of an identically worded foot in 1.136 and thug accepting rravrdhah as an adjective of dourah in the 4th foot could justify treating asascatah as an adjective and not as a modifier of ut frayantum in the way Madhava has done 5.2 Similar doubt can be entertained regarning the interpretation of hotarau daivya kayt in 1.13.8 discussed onder 4.2 One cannot over-rule the stronger possibility of treating these words as those which end in the Accusative suffixes, 31 Indeed, the word sujthod well compares with mandrajihoa in 1.142,8 and therefore, it should go with hotarau. This should lead one to treat the first hemistitch as one unit of meaning, there 18 00 difficulty in treating the third foot as a complete sentence. "

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Madhava's Rgvedavyakliyu and the system of galitas 5.3 One may question the meaning of adhvara 10 1 16,5 under 4.5, viz, that it refers to the mid-day and evening offerings (perbaps on the ground that the first foot of the verse uses the word pratar and indicates pratah. savana) It 19 possible to hold that the threc feet of the verse refer to threo different ideas 6 Finally, I may state tliat the few cases discussed above reveal that Sakalya bad (aniong many others) syntactical consideration in mind while he developed the system of galita. It becomes clear that his system is certainly not mechanical, although one could doubt the correctness of the results from its acceptance. Midhava is, however, unflinchingly consistent while following lum. Perhaps this has led Venkata Madhava (who was later) to observe tllanatre bhid yamane punas radhiyate padam / sa suksniah Sakyute natun naprajnair lui niscayah 18. '(In the Pp) a pada 'word' is recited again, if it differs even only little in its meaning at later place(s). And also that 'subtle differences 10 Sakalya's system could be understood only by intelligent persons is the decision.' References : Panor submitted to the A OC XXVII. Kurukshetra, December 1974. 1 Journal of the Gangunuth Thu Krudriya Sanskrit Vidyapith, XXVII 3-4, Allahabad, 1971, p 276 2 Kgvedavyakhyat (Madhuvakrra), Adyar Library, Madras, Parts I and II, 1939 and 1947 3 Ibid, Part 1, p. xiv and Part II, p. vli. 4 Cr Adyar Librury Bulletin XI, pt 2, May 1947, pp. 79 Alno Summary of Papers AIO,0 XIV. pp 3-4 5 "Reappraisal of the problem ol gulltun in the Rigvedapudapafha", CASS studies, No. 1. Pronu, 1972 p 54 6 Throughout this pupur, reference is made only to Uje verics of the Rgveda Samhita, therefore, the verse ur mit ruferred to as Rv. 1.25.1 etc. 7 Reveiluvyakhya, l'urt I, p. 168 While Liting this and other such passages, only cor rected reading the accepted. Also accepts ATC not shown, as in Madhava's comment. 8 Properly one slould read bahutruvrit lah....yuktuh/ 9 laveduvyakhya, Part I, P 112 10 Ibid (Prelatory Noto) PX1, also of. JORM v.4, 1931, p. 323, 11 Tho Ngvedanukramadi u Mudhuvabhalla, cd. C.A. RAJA, Mauras, 1932, Appendix IV. P Cix, 12 vi srayantum rlam dho dviru devir usascatun / adya nanam cu yagluve II 13 Rgvedavyakhya, Part 1, P 80. 14 w sruyantam puvrdhuh prayal devebhyo mahih / pavakusal purusprho lvaro dever usascaiah 11

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28 K. Th. Jog 15 ta sufihya upa kvaye hotara darya kavi / yalaam na yak satam imam II 16 Rgvedavyakhya. Part I, P, 81 mandrafthya jugurvaut horara dalvya kavi / yolaam no yak satam imam sldhram adya divisprsam 11 18 Indrayayu byhaspatim mitragnim pusanam bhagam adityan marutan ganam // 19 Rovedavyakhya, Part I, p. 84 la rajana suciviraradityan marutan ganam vaso yaksha rodasi Il The verb rakst is taken over from 1.14-1 tvam hota manurhito 'gne yaj Aesu sidasi semath no adhvaram yata 11 Rgvedavyakhya, Part I, p. 89. 24 tvan hota manurhito vahntr asa vidu sarak agne yakst divo visas / Indram pratar havamana indrami prayaty adhvare / indram somasya pataye // 26 Revedavyakhya Part I, 98-99 27 Indrarh id devatataya Indram prayaty adhyare / Indram samike vanino kavamaha xndrash dhanasya sataye // 28 indram somasya pitaye stomalr iha havamale / ukthabhik kuvid agamat Il 29 pydak usanur yajata gaya sana ekah sann abhi bhiyasah/ bhurnim abvam nayar tula puro srbhendrai samasya pataye / 30 tarh abhl prareatendram samas ya pitaye / tad Idd hy asya vardhanam II 31 One may remember here HD VELANKAR's principle of word-economy and oxplala that daiva .which is expected to be in the Accusative, is purposely suppressed by the poet and instead read as Nominative-this would justify Sakalya, For VELANKAR's article, cf ABORI, XLV, 1964, pp. 1-18 32 Cf Rgveda with conimentaries, V V.RL. Hosiziarpur, 1965-66, part IV, p. 2177, 33 pada here stands for (pada-) trika/catuska Readers are requested to note that the quotations from the Rgveda aro givon here without accent marks,

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Adhis GP GPBh LinS SK SUBTLE BODIES POSTULATED IN THE CLASSICAL SANKHYA SYSTEM Y. K. Wadhwani Adhisthana Sarira Gauda Pada Gauda Pada's Bhasya on SK Linga Sarira Sankhya Karika SPBh SPS STK VB VacM Sankhya Pravacana Bhasya Sankhya Pravacana Sutra Sankhya Tattva Kaumudi Vina Bhiksu Vacaspati Misra According to Satkhya Philosophy, there are two ultimate principles in the universe: Purusa 1e the soul, and Prakrt the non-sentient entity or primeval Matter. Of these, the soul is an immutable (Lafastha) and impertshable (nitya) entity which is free from all attributes (=rguna, buddha). This being so, the death of an individual merely amounts to the fall of the visible gross body, Where, then does the unperishable soul go when a par ticular gross body falls down dead Any real movement, which is an action and hence a mutation (vikara or parinama), is precluded in the soul on account of its immutable and all-pervading nature, as postulated by the Sankhiya. It is, therefore, propounded that in cases of death and rebirth, the movement of the soul from one visible body to another is only apparent and 19 dependent on movements of a subtle body called the Sikama Sarira or Liga Sarira (It may be noted here that the term 'Lans' was not popular with carlier writers on Sankhiya, Isvara Krsna, the author of the SK, always used lungam with reference to the subtle body, VacM, GP, Muthara and the author of Yukti-Dipika always called it Suksma Sarira. It was VB who VB who introduced and used extensively the terms Ls or Lingadeha; from him, these terms were occasionally taken over by later commentaries on STK like Sarabudhing and Vidvat-tosint. For reasons which will be clear later, the present author has adopted the term Lans for the most part]. It is not merely to account for transmigration that the Lins has been postulated. Even the experience of pleasure, pain and the like is believed. to accrue, in reality, to this subtle body Reasons for attributing such experience to the subtle body are: (a) The incidence of such experience independently in the soul is not possible; for, if the soul were to possess attributes like pleasure and pain, desire and aversion etc-which are all transitory-, then it would be subject. to change or mutation1; and being so, it would become perishable also.

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Subtle Bodies Postulated in the Classical Sankhya System 31 Magnitude of Ling Sarira SPS 3 14 lays down that Lins is atomic in magnitude since there is a scripture about its possessing activity (tat-kl11-ruteh) Tho reference is, according to VB, to Taittiriya Upanisad 2 5 which says "vijnana directs the sacrifice and also the deedy' VB understands vijnana as buddhi which, he adds, represents the Lins, accordingly he concludes that action is attributed to the Lins in that scripture. And, since action implies motion, the Lins as a substratum of motion-cannot be all-pervading It cannot have a medlum dimension elther, being comparatively eternal, unlike medium-sized entities The only alternative, then, is to accept the Lins as being atomic in size [After explaining tat-kyti-sruteh in the above manner, VB annotates that the reason should rather have been tad-gati-sruteh . 'because there is a scripture about its moving', viz., Brhad Aranyaka Upanisad 4 4.2 savijnano bhavati savijnanam eva anu-ayahramari VB explains this passage as implying that. Hc (-the soul-) 18 born in conjuction with the buddhl and ho also migrates along with the buddhi (which represents the Lin$13,1 SPS 3.15 presents a further reason for postulating the atomic dimulision of the Lins tad-annamayatva-sruteh VB explains A constituent of the Lins, the mind, is said to be composed of 'food' in Chandogy& Upanisad 6,5.4 ( annamayam hisomya manah. ). This indicates that the Lins 18 not cternal. It cannot, therefore, be all-pervading in dimensions; it must be atomic. Constituents of the Linga Sarira : It has been mentioned carlier that buddhi (also called mahai-fornis the main constitucnt of the Lins Its other constituents, according to Sankhya doctrine, are ahankara (=self-awareness, the mind, the ten external organs and the five tanmatra-s in all, eighteen entities, la On this point, however, VB dilters from inost other exponents of Sankhya Connenting on SPS 39 (: saptadalaikam lingam), he says . "Here the seventeen jointly forin the Lins; and this, at the beginning of creation, is but one in the form of an aggregate (Just as the forost 19 one aggregate of many trees]; such 18 the meaning."!(Among these seventeen, VB enumerates the same entities as thoso given by VxCM, with the exception of ahankara it being regarded that this 19 included under the term buddhi.) VB insists that saptadalaikam should not be understood as linply. ing 'scyentran and one (: totalling eighteen). His argument is that ekam 1s here meant to convey the unitary nature, at the beginning of creation of the Lins which then serves as an adjunct of Hiranyagarbha-as against the divisions of that unitary Lms into adjuncts of individual souls, since a variety of experience is required for these different individuals ga account of the variety of their dosorts,10

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30 Y. K. Wadhwani This is a contingency which violates the basic Sankhya assumption of two eteraal entities in the universe (b) Experience cannot be attributed to the visible gross body either. For, such attribution would imply that when a fresb gross body is produced at the time of a new birth, that body experiences such pleasure and pain as are fruits of deeds not committed by itself, whereas, the previous body that was the actual doer of those deeds escaped - on account of death - from suffering the consequences of its own deedg2.. Moreover if the gross body were the real experiencer of pleasure and pain, these should have been felt even at the time of death when that body lay down dead (-not yet destroyed through cremation or the like), but everyone agrees that there 18 total absence of pleasure, pain, etc in a dead body. (c) The subtle Ling, as postulated by Sankhya, has buddhi,-the Intollect-as its main constituents, and this buddhi, the chief among the inner organs, is primarily the kaower, doer and experiencer in this doctrine. Not only that, the buddhi bas cight forms or dispositions (bhavah) : virtuo and sia, kaowledge and ignorance, dispassion and pags10n, power and weakness (. vide SK 23). With these dispositions, therefore, the Lins also becomes mediately connected just as a plece of cloth also gets perfamed on coming into contact with fragrant campaka flowers. This connection of its with, especially, virtue and sin (-dharma and adharma-) among the formg of buddbi, determines the migration of the Llas in accordance with the deeds committed ? Comparison of gross and subtle bodies Leaving aside exceptional cases rocorded in the Smrti literature (which includes Purana-8), the gross body is usually known to be inherited from the parents, as such, it is newly produced at each new birth' and 18, conscquently, subject to destruction at every death This 18 not 80 with the gubtle body We are told in SK 40 that it is produced earliest among the evolutes of Praksti (-parvot pannam) Evidently, this implies that the subtle dody does not suffer death and rebirth along with the gross ones, it endures death and migratos through successive gross bodies 10 accordance with exigencies of the law or Karman This is comparable with the shifting of costumes or disguises by an actor in order to represent various charactors. Neverthless, this does not mean that the Lins is eternal; it is said to exist only upto the attainment of Liberation, for the while that it has yet to serve some purpose, which it has not boon able to accomplish so far. When that purpose has been served, or when final dissolution of the world approaches, 10 this subtle body merges into its material cause-the Prakti; that is one of the explanations of its appellation lingam in the SK.11

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r. K. Wadhwant Here It 19 necessary to note that SPS 3.9 and 10 have been explained In a better manner in the Sankhya-sutra-vptti by Aniruddha He bas prefaced 3 10 with a question as to how the aubtlo body gives rise to difforent gross bodies of the size of an ant or an elephant etc., 188pito of it (=the subtle body) being the same everywhere (so far as its constituents are concerned].16 The reply to this query Is sought by him in the said aphorism which, in that context, means. "The distinction of individual gross bodies is due to the diversity of deserts or deeds." This explanation of SPS 3.10 is much more satisfactory than that given by VB (vide the preceeding paragraph). Moreover, the idea of one Lins-that of Hiranyagarbha-at the beginn10g of creation as also that of including ahankara under the term buddhi is clearly a borrowing from later Vedantic thought on the part of VB.17 The Mahabharata passage which he quotes in support (santi. 357. 15 16), might also have been under similar Vedantic influence. For, no earlier exponents of Sankhya hold such views, lastead, some hayo even romarked very clearly that when the emanations from Prakrti began, the first entity to evolve from it was the Lins, one for each individual soul.18 It is, however, interesting to note that inspite of accepting certain Vedantic ideas concerning the LIAS, VB criticizes the same in 80 far as they substitute five vital breaths (prana, a pona, vyana, udana and samana) 10 place of five tanmatra-s enumereted by Saakhya expounders among components of the Lins 10 Another subtle body apart from the Linga Sarira more correct and " we scrutinize a asts Let us be While most exponents of Sankhya speak of only one subtle body, VB postulates two, but this is not due to Vedantic influence again. Instead, ho seems to be quite justified in this respect, because his exposition (10 SPBh) of relevant portions of the SK 20 appeals to us as being more correct and Jogical. This will best be boarne out if wo scrutinize first the explanations given by other scholiasts Let us begin with VacM, the most celebrated commentator of the SK. As noted in the pracoding section, VacM, holds that tho Lins comprises eighteen principles from mahat to tinmatra-9 These components do not include the five specific cloments (visesah) viz Either, Wind, Fire, Water and Earth Still, when SK 39 enumerates suksmah as one of tho three subtypes of visesa-9, VacM explaing it thus : "suksmah means tho subtle bodies which are postulated through inferonce (since they cannot be congaized through direct porception) The subtle body is, indood, ono among the three typos of 'specific objezte' 1011m1;h ai It is accompanied by organs that are characterized by calmness, restlessness or dolinoas."25

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Subtle Bodies Postulated in the Classical SarkAya System 33 The same subtle body is understood by him as a denotation of lingam in SK 42. In its immediately preceding SK 41, however, the lingam is distinguished from 'specific objects (orsesah)' If this linga of SK 41) were equated with the subtle body as in STK 42, then it would turn out to be one of the visesa-8 (following SK 39) aod its discrimination from visesa- (In SK 41) would not be justified. This baffles VacM and forces him to interpret linga in SK 41 as buddht and the like' and difesa as 'subtle body' 122 Even moro surprising is the fact that the same term linga occu rring in SK 40 - immediately preceding 41 - has been Interpreted by VacM nelther as the subtle body' (vide STK 42) nor as buddhi etc.' (vide STK 41), but as an adjective meaniog that which merges (Into Prakti in due course)' I It may be conceded that all the above renderings of lingam given by VacM, are invulnerable from the point of view of grammar or convention. Still, one feels that the author of the SK could not have intended the same word in sequential verses to convey different meanings each time, especially when the main topic under discussion was consistently the same, viz., the subtle body. A point to be noted forthor is that Vaom faces other difficulties also in explaining these Karikas ( 39 to 42) Thus, e.g, SK 41 says, accordIng to him, that the buddhi etc do not subsist supportless without the subtle bodies. This creates a difficulty because buddht, being the very first evolute of Prakrti, should definitely have existed without any support at the beginning of creation To avoid this difficulty, Vacm and his commentators have had to modify the argument underlying this verge and interpret it as referring merely to the state of affairs subsequent to the creation of the five tanmatra-8.28 This, however, is an unnecessary complication, for, as shall be shown later, the verse in question can certainly be explained In a much simpler and clearer manner. Bot before going to that, let us judge some more commentaries on the relevant Karika-s. The GPBh 1s not very clear either in the explanation of SK 39-42 : lingam is equated with trayodabavidhan karanam in 41, but the same is paraphragod as saksmam io 40 and as suksmalh paramanubhis tanmatrair upacitar fariram la 42 Wolden and Larson 4 conclude that GP (as also Mathara) understands lingam as the thirteenfold instrument' and linga fariram as the subtlo body which comprises the five tanmalru-in addition to the thirteen-fold inatrument'. As noted at the outset of this papor, however, neither the SK nor the GPBh (nor even the Mathara Vrtti) uses the torm lingatartra, Nor is any justification found in the SK Itself for equat. ing lingam with karanam . the Karika-5 31,32,33 which speak of karanam do Sambodhi 5.1

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34 r. K. Wadhwani not mention lingam and SK 40-42 which expressly speak of the lingam provide no allusion to what was earlier called karanam Secondly, in GPBh 40, .. lingam iti pralayakale mahadadisuksma paryantam karano petam pradhana Tyats, it is not clear why 'karano petam 18 added in spite of the fact that the thirtconfold instrument' is already included in what is called mahadadi. The same is the case in GPBh 42 lingam, suksmalh paramanubhis tanmatrair upacitam sarirath trayodafayidhakaranopelam. In SK 41, GPBb as also Mathare Vstti and Jayamangala commentarics read avisesoih in place of bilesarh. The kanka 18 then explained as implying that the lingam which according to them,) sigaifies the cognitive apparatus' (or the instrument' karanam) comprising thirteen organs, doos not subsist sopportless, without the unapecific elements (aolbosa), viz. a subtle body composed of five olements which are the same as tanmatra-s.26 It may be noted that this explanation is virtually the same as that given by VacM, despite the difference in Its wording and in accepting the reading "avi besaihWitb reforonce to the latter it may be pointed out that In the Sankhya System, tanmatra-s represent, not the five elements themseIves in subtlo form, but rather the causal substance of these elements, viz, the five abstract objects of perception (.sound, odour, eto ) in their subtle Don-differentiated forms,26 Evidently, therefore, tanmutra-s do not have properties that are corporeal/physical (bhautika) in the strict sense of the term. Henco, one fails to understand how, in these commentaries, tanmatra-s have been taken as representing elements that form a supportive basis for the 'cognitive apparatos' comprising thirteen organs. The reading "visasarh', also, scoms to have been explained in GPB), but that explanation, as it has come down, is not very clear 27 Commenting on SK 39, GP remarks . "Subtle i, e the subtle elementa (tanmatra-s), composed of which and characterized by Mahat and the rest, the subtle bodies always exist and migrate ...The subtle ones called the tanmatra-s are permaneat, constant among them [For,] the body commenced by them and impelled by actions of the previous birth, migrates into the conditions of animals, deer, birus, reptiles and immobile objecta ... till discriminative knowledge is attained."28 with regard to this explanation in GPBh 39, it must be pointed out that SK 39 mentions suksmah as a type of besa-8, and the designation olsaja stands for the five 'specific' elements, Earth and the rest. 29 The elements are called 'specific' because thoy are specifically (the producers of experiences or mental statos which may bo) tranqil, restloss or dall, as against the tanmatra-s which are noutral and henco called 'unspoolfic'

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Subtle Bodies Postulated in the Classical Sankhya System 35 (avitesa) in the previous Karika, 1 e SK 38. Moreover, in no other earlier Karika has the author employed the word suksma to convey the principles known as tanmalra-s (It is the commentators who have mistakenly identified tanmatra-s with suksina-bhutani) In connection with this unsuitability of the word suksmah being expla. ined as tanmatrini, one inay like to go back to see how VacM has explalned it, and will recall that he has taken it to imply 'subtle bodies'. This explanation, however, shall have to be cast aside in the very next Karika (40) which says mahadadi suksma paryantar .. lingam, indicating very clearly that suksma is not quite the same as the subtle body (called linga). This sort of shifting in the meaning of a vocable is certainly less preferable if a consistent interpretation (of both suksmah and lingam) is alternatively possible. Such, indeed, 18 the case here if we follow VB who conceivos of a supportive [subtle] body Adhisthana (Suksma sarira] apart from the Linga Sarira, also subtle. He thus conceives of three bodies in all for each soul. He is not unaware of the fact that only two bodies one gross and one subtle are usually recognized by exponents of Sankhya as also by other thinkers; but this concept, he believes, results froin treating the Lins as identical with the Adhistirana Sargra since both are subtle and are closely connected with each other 80 VB bases his above doctrine on SPS 5.103 which says. "There is no rule that the body is necessarily a gross one, for, there oxists the ativahika body also." According to VB, ativahika moans vehicular' . that which conveys the Lins from ono world to another, since the Lins cannot have any movement without a tabernacle of subtle elements 1 As it is meant to provide support, this body 19 corporal (bhautika) 1 e., it is made up of the five specific elements, and yet it is subtlo aad imperceptible (apraty. aksa) Following this doctrine, then, suksmah di fosah of SK 39 would refer to the five specific elements in their subtlest form as against prabharak desIgnating the gross type of specific elements Themselves the product of tanmairas, these suksmah constitute the Adhisthana Sartra that serves as the tabernacle of the Lins in its mlgrations as also in its subsistence in different bodies, as such, it 18 as lasting (niyatu) as the Lins, which means that it porsists until Liberation is attained through true kaowledge, 12 Such an explanation of SK 39, claims VB, has the support of SK 41 also which says: "As a painting stands not without a background nor does a shadow without a stake or the like, so is the Lins unable to subsist supportless, (1 e.) without the visesa-s. Visesa, which means "gross ()

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Y. K. Wadhwani specific element' stands here for the subclass of visesa-s called the suksma (in SK 39).88" 36 This explanation of SK 41 18 quite acceptable except for the unnecessary characterization of visesa as 'gross' elements, a term employed perhaps in contradistinction to tanmatras which are not so One feels, however, that since tanmatras have been accepted as having a non-physical/ non-corporeal nature, they cannot be qualified as 'subtle' in the same sense in which the others are 'gross'. On further judgement of VB's interpretation of SK 41, we find that lingam herein has been taken as singaifying the Lins. Since this body has clearly been mentioned here as being distinct from the visesa-s [of suksma type] which formulate its support, VB insists-and laudably so-that the same distinction (as substratum and superstrate atrayasrayin ) should be reckoned in the previous Karika (40) also, between the words 'lingam' and 'suksma' [which words evidently stand for Lins and suksmah visesah respectively on the basis of SK 39 and 41 as explained by VB above] Now, if that distinction and the mutual relationship are reckoned, then mahadadi-suksma paryantam samsarati lingam in SK 40 shall have to be understood as stating that "The Lins which comprises elements starting from Mahat [In the line of evolutes upto tanmatra-s], migrates; along with the subtle [specific elements suksmah visesah which serve as its base and form the Adhis]"," It will be noted that in giving this explanation, VB has split mahadadi. suksmaparyantam into two separate neuter adjectives qualifying lingam, while other exponents of Sankhya have regarded the whole as a single pada and explained it as '[ the Lins] which consists of elements starting from Mahat down to the suksma 5-a meaning which implies a part-and-whole non-divisibility between the linga and the suksma, and not the distinction of substratum-and-superstrate which VB insists on maintaining in consistency with SK 41. The splitting of the phrase into mahadadi and suksmaparyantam by VB cannot be rejected as being wrong, on grammatical grounds. (Moreover, even GP nas done the same, although his explantion is not acceptable because he paraphrases suksma-paryantam as tanmatra-paryantam; that sukama ia the SK cannot stand for tanmatra-s, has been shown earlier). The long drawn-out discussion above will have made it clear that SK 39-42 have been explained in the best possible manner, with satisfactory consistency in rendering lingam always as 'Lins' and suksma or (suksma) visesa always as the subtle specific elements comprising the Adhisthana Sarira', by VB alone. Accordingly one has to accept that the author of

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Subtle Bodies Postulated in the Classical Sankhya System 37 the SK postulated not one subtle body but two: the Lins and the Adhis: 7 . Resume . This paper claclfies the following points . Isvarakrsna, the propounder of the Classical Sankhya, postulated subtlo body (of atomic size) called the Lins, in order to account for tran. amigration and the experience of results of deeds committed in earlier lives. For the same reasons, the Lins 18 conceived of as being more eternal than the physical body For each soul, there is one Lins subsisting from the beglaning of creation upto final digsolution of the world or the attainment of liberating knowledge. This Lins has erguteen components: the intellect (buddhi/mah at), selfawareness (ahankara), mind, five organs of sense, five motor organs and five tanmatra-8. As none of these components are physical in the strict sense of the term, the Lins requires a supportive body (Adbis) which also serves as its conveyance/vehicle (arivahika) through its transmigrations. This Adhis 18 composed of the subtle particles of specific elements (visesah) It Is, threrefore, a subtle body also, and endures so long as the Lins does. yai 'va sarvar eva -blogak pexperience References and foot notes 1 Purusayye 'chadyas davan niya na purina nitvapatten SPBh 1.146 2 Suksmadehanabhyupagam: suksmadero yuktam evanumiyafe thi tattvam 'Sarabo dhinr' on STK 39 3 Ekasya lingadehasyal 'va sarva-sammatarvat SPBh 3.8 4 Tbld, 39 Atra ca tingadehe buddhir eva bhogah prag ukra) 5 It is hold that the two-fold purpose of the soul (experience of worldly life at first, and smancipation from it later on) impels the particular buddhi connected with it to perform the activities of knowing, throking, volition, doing, experiencing of pleasure and pain, etc through the mechanism of thirteen organs (including Itself) And, owing to the proximity of this buddhi, all its qualities, its experiences, bondago, etc appear to be taking place in the soul, just as the proximity of a red flower creates the impression that redness belongs to the pure crystal (which, in fact only reflects the rodnose of the flower) Vide SPS 6 28 6 STK 40 dharmadharma' bhavah, tad-anvita buddhis, tad anvitam ca suksmalar ram ini tad api bhavair adhivasitam, yarha surabhicampaka-samparkad vastram tad-amoda. vasitam bhayati 7 Dharma and adharma form that type of bhava-s which are called nimitra, they being instrumental in the production of a particular birth and experiences theroin Thoy thus becomo determiners of the inigrations of a Lins in accordance with deeds committed (For details on nimitta-3, vide SK 42, 44 and 45). najavad vyavati shate lingam .SK 42(d) 9 The purpose to be served by the Ling is the twofold purpose of the individual soul (vido fn. 5). When, after many worldly experiences, true knowledge is finally attained, Prakrti withdraws all its evolutes into itself and retires from activity, so that the soul can attain once more its natural 'alodnos (kaivalya)' which is the atate of Ilberation according to tho Sankhya doctrine Vido SK 67-8.

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K. Wadhwani a cizdisarzad a ca mahapralayad avatishate,.. maha-pralaya-paryantam sthay! ., there are paraphrases of the term niyatam (in SK 40) given in the STK and the Sarabodhini respectively The Candrika of Narayana, however, says , niyatam pratyatmabhimam layan gacchatzri tingam STK 40 Another possible meaning in . '(the body) characteristic of the individuality of) a soul' 12 For the actual meaning of the Upanigadic passago in question, cf. Wadhwani, 1972, pp 251-56. 13 "Mahadadi-suk smaparyantam' mahadahankarai'kadasendriyapancatanmatra-paryantam, esath samudaya) suksmalariram .STK 40 This is further expatiated in its subcommentary 'Vidyattosint suksmam pancatanmatram Tad aya paryanta sima yasya kadambas ya tat tathoktam. Vide also the Sankhyasutravetti of Aniruddha on SPS 3 9. 14 SPBh 390 .Tatra sapladasa millova iingasargram, tac ca sargadau samastirupam ekan ca bhavatity artha) 15 Ibid. na tu saptadasan ekan ce'tyastada ataya vyakhyayam.. Also ibid. 3 10 , yady api sargadau nanatvam api bhavat! 16 Sankhyasdtravrtti 3 10 suksmadehasya sarvatra Fulyatval sthulavalsadyayain kuta iry ata aha 17 Vide, for example, "Vedantasara' (of Sadapanda) 1911 59 suk samasarirani sapta da'sayayavani lingasarfrani, anayar [-buddhimanasok] eva citrahankarayor antarbha. yah Aiso P 62 (ibid) in the comm 'Balabodhin!', samasti lingasariropahita-hiranyagarbho'pi VB has also imbibed from Vadinta the doctrine of Non-dualism and chisolled it into 'Avibhagad, aita non-dualism consisting of Non-Hoparability' his special theory which aspiros to fuse together both the Sankhya and the Vedanta 18 CE STK +0 Pradhanenadisarge pratipurusam ekal'kam utpaditam saksmasariram 19 yat tu mayavadino ling asargrasya tanmatrasthane pranadi pancakan praksi panti..tad apramanakam SPBh 3 12 20 The relevant Karikas are SK 39-42 SPS and tho Tattvasamasastra are oven later than the fourteenth century (See Larson 1969 p 164), and, thorefore, they are not considered here as original basic texts 21 STK 39 giksmaityadl suksmadehal parikalpita). Vide algo STK 40 stksma. sargran santaghoramu dhair indriyair anvitatvad visepan. 22 il gaat inipinad butthya dayo "Tingam". Tad anasritam na tishati. "vina vise sala." iti, suk smai) Sarfraly ily artha) STK 41 This amounts to saying that subtlo bodies form tho inevitable support of the buddhi etc. Such a position appears awkward in viow of the fact that the buddhi itself is one of the constituents of the Lins 23 STK 41 Janmaprayanantarale buddhyadayak..driyamana-buddyadivat Commenting on this, tho Sirabodhint ezpatiates further. ut pannal'kal kabarsrabrita Ity arthah. Atra hatuh na vyabhicara iti bhava Welden 1910 445-59, Larion, 1969 206 25 Vide eg , Mathara Vrtti on SK 41 ... avisosa iti tanmatrani svabhavikak strajalavar Startuphoramidharvarahttaivat Tair arabdham suksmalargram Tena siksmalarzrena sargadiprarabdhena vina nirasrayan lrayodasakarapakhyan linga na tishati The Eaglish rendociaz of lingan as 'cogaitive apparatus' here us from Shastri 1948,73 (Transl of SK 41), 28 SK 38 tanmatrawy avi'sesal .. STK 38. Sa' daditanmatrant suksmani. na caisam Santarvadir asty upabhogayogyo vle sa iti matralabdarthak; Mathara Vrtti on SK 24

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Subtle Bodies Postuloted in the Classical Sankhya System 39 27 oped, at mult, arthan the nighati radeon 38 yani bhutadisamaak at lamsad ahaskarad utpannani pafca-tanmatrant sabdadeni GP is not clear on this point Vide GPBh 41 .atha visesabhutany ucyanta sariram pancabhutamayam val'sesina sartrena Vgna kva lingasthanamh ceti ka ekadeham wjjahati tadsvanyam abrayari lingam trayodasaviddhan karanam Ity arthah This may mean that if the reading wisesa 'specific' 18 accepted, it must stand here for the gross body composed of the five speciflc (gross) elements, For, the linga which comprises the thirteenfold cognitive apparatus (according to GP), cannot gubsist without a gross) specific body on leaving one such body, it rosorts to another The commentry Yukti Dipikk also has SK 41 with the reading wesath, but It explains the verses as propounding the dependence of the linga (Indriya-4) on a body in subtle form Thu u rogarded as an answer to those who, like the Patafjala-2, hold Indriya-s to be pervasive (vibhu) yat punar etod uktam vibhutvad indriyanam svatmany avasthanam vyttilabho Yrttintrodhas ca santara iti, ayuktam etat suk sma tac chargram iti visesttamiti 28 GPBh 39 suksmah tanmatrant yal-sangyhitam tanmatrikam suksmatartram mahada dilingan sada tishati samsarati ca suksmas tanmatrasanfaakas tesan niadhye nyara ntryos tair arabdham Sargram karmavasat pakumy gapak sisarisy pasthavarafatisu sam sarati The translation is from Mainkar 1964 p 107 29 The 'specific elements are categorized into throe types by SK 39 subtle ones (suk smass), hereditarily obtainod 1e organic (gros) ones (marapitrjan), (inorganlc] gross ones (prabhuray) It may he noted that Colebrooke and Wilson 1837 124-27 regard SK 39 as laying down three types of bodios subtile, generated and elemontary, but a close perusal reveals that the main concern of this Karika is 'specific objects as against 'unspecific ones of the preceding stanza 30 Vide SPBL 3 11 yat tu sargradvayam eva bruyate, tal lliga arsradhisthanasartrayar anyo'nya-niyatatvena suk smatvena cal'katabhiprayad its 31 Ibid, 5 103. sargram sthalam prafyak sam sve'ti na niyamah, lokal fokantaram lngadeham ativahayatity ativahlkam, bhutasrayath vina citradival lingadehasya gaman anu papattas 32 Ibid 312 * Atra tanmatrakaryamh marzpityjasararapek saya suk smam yad bhutapancakah yaval-lingasthayl proktan tad eva lingadhisthanath Sarfram. 33 Iuld visesal) sthalabhatalh suk smakhyath sthulavantarabhedair iti yavat, 34 Ibid. Mahadadirupam yallingah tat svadharasuksmaparyantah sahsarall, tena saha samsaratty arthak. 35 As shown earlier, they differ from each other on tho signification of the term saksma 36 Shastri 1948 p, 73 fn, 1 mentions another exponent alao, holding similar Views since he follows VB largely This is Mudumba Narasimha vimin, author of 'Sankhya taru vaganta' Adyar Me No VIII E 7 Select Bibliography : Colebrooke, H. T. and Wilson, HH 1837. The Sankhya Karika (and the Bhagya of Gaudapada). London. Larson, G. J. 1969. Classical Sankhya. Delhl etc. Malakar, T. G 1964. The Santhya Karika of Iboara Krena with the com agatary of Giuliprdi (Coxt tragslati31 94d.notes). Poona

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40 r. K. Wadhwant The Sankhya Karika with comm of Mathara Acarya,ed by P Visbou Prasad Sarma 1922 Benares 1964 [with Sankhya Tattua Kaumudi by Vacaspati Misra and Sara-bodhini by Pt Srvanarayana Sastra] 1940. Bombay [with Sankhya Tattoa Kaumudt . and Vidyattosinivyakhya by Sr 108 Balaramodasina] 1930. Gaya. Sankhya Sutram [Aniruddhavsttisabitam] ed. by Ramashankar Bhattacharya, 1964. Benares. - [With Sankhya Pravacana Bhasya etc ) 1966 Benares. Shastri, Suryanarayana S. S. 1948. The Sankhyakarlka of Itvara Krsna (3rd eda Revised Reprint). Madras Vedantasara of Sadananda (with Balabodhini of Apadeva etc) ed. by K Sundararama Aiyar. 1911 Srirangam, Wadhwani, Y. K. 1972. Eschatology in Indian Philosophical Systems : Upanisadic Sources University of Poona PhD. d18sertation Welden. E. A "The Samkhya Term. Linga" American Journal of Phi. losophy XXXI (1910) 445-459. Yukti Dipika cd by Ram Chandra Pandeya, 1967. Delhi etc.

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svAdhyAya Contribution of Jarmon to Indian Culture, Ed Dr R C, Dvivedi, Pub. Motilal Banarasidass, Della, 1975, pp 306 Rs 45 A Seminar on 'Contribution of Jainisin to Indian Culture with special reference to the Doctrine of NonViolence' was held at the University of Udaipur from 2nd to 6th Oct, 1973 In this book are includes me of the papers read at the Seminar, The Jauna Iconography, by B. C. Bhattacharya, Pub Motilal Banarasidass, Delhi Send Editio 1, 1974 Rs 70/- This is the revised edition with a Foreword by BN Stira of the National Museum, New Delhi. Angasutti Pat I. Ayad, Suyogada, That and Samavaya, Part II Bhagaval, part III Nay dum kaho Uzadasao, Antagadadasito, Anuttato vavaty uda, o, Paul vagaranum, Vivigasayam, Ed Muni Nathmali, Pub. Jaina Vishva Bharati, I adunn (Ray) V. S 2031, Rs. 55, 90 and 80 Critically edited texts of the Aumas are printed in those books. Speciality of these edition 1. that whereever the word iva occurs the full text is provided. It would have been better it the index of the important words had been given r 1. M On the life and Teachings of Mahavtra on the occasion of his 2500th Nirvan Celebrations the following book, are published. Shamana Bhogan in Aluhavira and Tamsin by Dr. Ramanlal C Shah Pub Shri Vallabhruit Sin raka Nidhi, Boubay, 1975 pp 28, Rupee one. jinendra zAjIra AnandAna, gamapura, 10.75, pu0 69, 34 ka ga mahAnArakA jIvanAne nAnaka sImeM liyA hai / . Bhagavan Mahamra Prophet of Folerance Dr K. R. Chandra, Jain Mission Society, Mudras-1 pp 1, for free distribution on the payment of postage, in short Dr. Chandra has described the life and teachings of Mahavira jaina dharma aura bhagavAna mahAvIra 0 venendra kumAra zAstrI, pra0 ghire cunnIlAla rAdhAbAI jaina TrasTa, indaura, 1975, 10, pa0 tIna isame jaina dharma, anekAnsa siddhAnta Adi tathA mahimA AdikA nirUpaNa karake bha0 mahAvIra kI maMkSipta jovanI dI gaI hai| vanoM ke mana aura mahAvIra ke viSaya meM abhimatA kA saMgraha aMta meM diyA gayA hai / nIrthaMkara vardhamAna mahAvIra pAcandra zAstrI, pra0 zrI vIranirvANa grantha prakAzana samiti, indaura, 1974 0 115, ATha rupye| Vira Jinindararia I'd and Tr Dr Hira Lal Jain, Pub. Bharatiya Jaanapitha, Delhi, 1974, pp. 85-1-113, Rs 10/- In this book Chs. 95-108 of the Mah.ipurana in Apabhrana of Puspandanta are given with their Hindi translation dealing with the life of Mahavira,

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AcArya pravara zrI Ananda RSi-abhinandana grantha : (jana vidyA evaM prAkRta bhASA kA jJAnakoSa) : saMpAdaka maMDala, zrI vijayamuni Adi, pra0 zrI mahArASTra sthAnakavAsI jaina saMgha, sAdhanAsadana, nAnApeTha, pUnA-2, 1975, mU0 cAlIsa rUpaye isameM AcArya zrI Ananda RSijI ke jIvana sabaMdhI lekhoM ke uparAMta unake upadezo kA bhI sagraha kiyA gayA hai tathA dharma aura darzana, prAkRta bhASA aura sAhitya, tathA itihAsa aura saMskRti-ina vibhAgoM meM vividha lekhakoM ke lekha mudrita haiN| aSTasahastrI : ( vidyAnanda kRta) kA zrI AryikA jJAnamatI kRta hindI anuvAda prathama bhAga, pra0 di0 jaina triloka zodha saMsthAna, hastinApura, pR0 447-120 mU0 ru 51. isameM samaMtabhadrakRta AtamImAsA kI prathama chaH kArikAoMkI TIkA aSTasahasrI hindI anuvAda ke sAtha mudrita hai| isa kaThina grantha kA hindI anuvAda upasthita karake AryA zrI jJAnamatIjI ne adhyetAoMkA upakAra kiyA hai| sAtha hI pariziSTa meM 'nyAyasAra' isa nAma ke grantha meM AryikAjI ne pUrvAcAryoM ke mantavyoM kA sakSepameM uddharaNa karake jaina nyAya ko spaSTa karane kA prayatna kiyA hai jo jainanyAyameM pravezArthI ke lie atyanta upayogI siddha hogA / Prasnavyakaranasutra : Translation and Commentary in Hindi by Pt. Shri Hemacandra]], Edited by Pt. Amaramunaji, Pub. Sanmatu Jianapitha, Agra. pp. 891, 1973, Rs. 25-. An exhaustive Commentary on Asrava and Samvara theory of the text is the main feature of this book. Vadasamgraha of Srimad Yasovijaya Upadhyaya, Pub. Bharatiya Pracya Tattvaprakabana Samiti, Pindwada, Vs. 2031, pp. 144, Rs 10/-. In this book following Sanskrit texts are included-Kupadsstantavisadikarana, Vadamala ( included in this are-Svatvavada and Sannikarsavada), Visayatayxda, Vayusmadeh pratyakazpratyaksatvavivaedarahasyam, and Vadamala ( Included in this are-Vastulaksana, Samanyavada, Visesavada, Vagadinamindriyatvanirakaranavada, Atiriktasaktivada and Adygtasiddhi, King Bimbisara and king Ajatasatru . Dr. Muni Nagaraj, Tr. from Hindi by Muni Mahendra Kumara, pub. Jaina Visva Bharati, Ladoun (Ran. 1974, pp. 90 Rs. 7/-. In this monograph Dr. Muni Nagarajajl has discussed the relation of these two kings with Mahavira and Buddha saMskRta kAvya pratibhA: Ed. by Dr. Narayan Kansara, Pub. Gujarat College, Ahmedabad 1975. pp. 56. This is a collection of the selected Kavyas written by the students of the College during the last sixty years in their college magazine -Dalsukh Malvania

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43 Some Problems of Indion History and Culture by Dr. D C. Sircar, Pub. BJ Institute of Learning and Research, Ahmedabad, 1974, p 63, Rs. 7-50 Dr D C Sircar, an erudite scholar in Ancient Indian History and Culture, has ably dealt with some problems of Indian History with his sufficient critical acumen in his three lectures on "Pressure on the Historical Approach", "The Dasa-Dasyu of the Rgveda" and "Pitfalls in the study of Early Indian Society", delivered at the BJ Institute of Learning and Research, Ahemedabad, ou the 9th, 10th and 11th December, 1972 In his first lecture on "Pressure on the Historical Approach" he has put an emphasis on the objective approach to history as defined by Kalhana, the author of Rajatarangini and explained by H S. Williams in the Historians' History of the world and pointed out that the desire to be free from prejudices in evaluting the evidence is the key note of one's approach to bistorical criticism and the desire to maintain human interest is "the key note of one's conception of historical composition" Next he has dwelt on (1) the pressure of lack of sufficient critical acumen in certain Indian writings which opine that everything Indian is good and original, etc (2) the pressure of regional patriotism of some Indian scholars, (3) the pressure of a kind of dogmatic and uncritical approach of some Indian historians under the influence of a new conception of history based on socio-economic approach to historiography with the growth of communism and (4) the political pressure from some quarters on the historical approach, He bas concluded his first lecture with the remark that truth, the basis of history, must be told without wounding the feelings of a group of people as far as practicable In his second lecture on "The Dasa-Dasyu of the Rgveda" Dr. Sircar has brilliantly treated the topic on the basis of their linguistic and cultural features. In his opinion the Dasa-Dasyu might have been the Austric speaking pre-Dravidian proto-Australoid tribes whom the Aryans met in the Punjab after their advent into India The Panis, the Dasa, the Dasyus, the Asuras, the Sudras and the Rakgaaas mentioned in the Vedic literature were the representatives of the Non-Aryans. It appears that there took place a racial and cultural synthesis between the Aryans and the culturally advanced tribes of the group leading to the development of the composite SOCIO-religious life of the Brahmanical Hindus in the later period, In his third lecture on "Pitfalls in the Study of Early Indian Society" the learned historian has pointed out the difficulties in writing a social history of India, in the light of his criticism of the work of the late Dr. N. C. Banerjee, "Mauryayuger Bharatiya Samaja", written on the basis of the evidences of the Arthabastra of Kautilya, such as, the determination of the date and place of composition of any particular work, location of

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44 the social customs and practices mentioned in it in definite periods and localities, finding out social customs mentioned 10 the book of known date and origin in vogue in different parts of the vast country and in earlier and later period, assigning the date of the composition of the Arthasastra and dealing with the state of society depicted in the Dharmasastra, the Arthasastra and the Kamasastra as theoretical considerably, early marriage of girls in the Dharmasastra, the privileges of the Brahmanas in ancient Indian society, the profession of the different varnas or castes-the Brahmanas, the Ksatriyas, the Varsyas and the Sudras, the naming of the child according to the prescription, seclusion of women, gotrantara (change of gotra) in the marriage of a girl, sanctity of marriage, the scope of marriage, the marriage of a sudra girl by a Brabpana in Bengal and his social position and that of Bhaiar meye" (girls of unknown origin in medieval Bengal and the taking of meat in the royal household of the Emperor Asoka. We endorse the view of the learned historian on the objective historical approach with a dispassionate, unbiased, unprejudiced and impartial judgement of the past events of history and congratulate him for his three important lectures In this connection it should be noted that "In any age of any society the study of history, like other social activites, 18 governed by the dominant tendencies of the time and the place." -J. C. Sikdar 1 A Study of History, A. J. Toynbee, p. 1.

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saMskRtanI prastutatA harivallabha cU. bhAyANI saMskRta bhASA ane sAhityanA zikSaNanA vartamAna svarUpanI punarvicAraNA karavA mATe ApaNe sau A pariSada rUpe ekaThA thayA chIe, e ghaNuM Ana danI vAta che. kadAca koI evo AkSepa kare kharA ke jyAre zatrunuM sainya rAjamahelanA daravAjA toDavAnI aNI para hoya tyAre rAjA bacAva ke pratikAranAM pagalAne vicAra karavA bese-kAIka tenA jevo A ghATa che. paraMtu, A pariSadamAM thanArI carcAvicAraNane pariNAme sa skRtanA zikSaNanA punarvidhAna paratve je thoDAka paNa nakkara pagalAM laI zakAze, to vikaTa paristhiti vacce paNa kazeka AgaLa prArabha ne jaza ane satoSa ApaNe avazya laI zakIzuM vicAra jeTale aMze vAstavika paristhitine sparzatA ane spaSTa hoya ane eTale aze tenI AcAramA pariNati thaI zake, teTale a ze ja te vicAranI sArthakatA lekhAya yunivarsiTI zikSaNanI ApaNe tyAM sthApanA thaI tyArathI mAnavavighAone lagatI tenI zAkhAmAM pAThathaviSayane lagatI je vibhAgavyavasthA karavAmAM AvelI (ane je vyavasthA aghAvadha mULavata cAlu che) tenI kacAze have ApaNane spaSTapaNe dekhAI rahI che eka te e ke yunivarsiTI zikSaNa mULabhUtapaNe dharmanirapekSa ane mAnavatAnika hovA chatA praziSTa bhASAsAhityanA zikSaNanI, jANe ke te sAMpradAyika heya te rIte kAIka vyavasthA karavAmAM AvI, ane sa kRta, pAli ane ardhamAgadhI (ke prAkRta) hakIkate to parasparApekSI ane parasparanI pUraka hovA chatA. sa skatane hindudharma sAthe. pAline bauddhadhama sAthe ane prAkatane jenadharma sAthe jAyeajAthe joDI devAmAM AvI, bhASA ane dharmonuM A joDANa sthULa kakSAnuM che. uparyukta pratyeka dharmanuM sAhitya ekathI vadhu bhASAmAM che, ane e bhAvAo ke temanA sAhitya vacce ghaNuM pramANamAM AdAnapradAna thayeluM che eTale temAnI koI eka bhASA ke sAhityanA svarUpa ane vikAsane barAbara samajavA mATe bAkInI be bhASAo ane temanA sAhityanuM jJAna atyaMta Avazyaka che paraMtu mAnavavidyAonI viSayavyavasthAnI vadhu gabhIra khAmI te e che ke temAM pAThaya viSayane prAdhAnya nakkI karavA mATe bevaDA dhoraNa rAkhyA che. keTalIka bAbatamAM vidyA ke zAstrane mukhya gaNyuM che, to keTalIka bAbatamAM bhASAne AthI banne pakSe ghaNI hAni thaI

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che je arthamAM tatvajJAna, bhASAvijJAna, mane vijJAna vagere eka eka svayaM paryApta viSaya che, te arthamAM saMskRta, pAli, gujarAtI, hindI vagere eka eka viSaya nathI te te pratyeka eka viSayajutha che, jemanI vacce kevaLa bhASAnA mAdhyama pUratI ja samAnatA che saskRta bhASA jANanArane saMskRta bhASAmAM rahelA badhA viSayanA niSNAta mAnIne nahI cAlI zakAya-jema ke saMskRta sAhityane (eTale ke lalita sAhityano) jANakAra teTalA ja kAraNe darzana, nyAya, alaMkAra ke vyAkaraNane jANakAra hevAnuM nahI gaNI zakAya AthI viSayonI navesarathI vadhu buddhisa gata ane upayogI vyavasthA ApaNe karavI paDaze bhASAnI bhinnatA karatA viSayanI samAnatAnuM ghaNuM vadhAre mahattava che sUcita vyavasthAmAM bhASA, sAhitya, dharma, tattvajJAna, tarkazAstra vagerene vibhAga tarIke rAkhIne, sa rakRta, prAkRta, gujarAtI, hindI, aMgrejI vagere bhASAo lekhe abhyAsa bhASAvibhAganI nIce, temanA sAhityano abhyAsa sarvasAmAnya sAhityavibhAga nIce, ane hindu, bauddha ke jaina dharma ke tatvajJAnane abhyAsa dharmanA ane tattvajJAnanA vibhAge nIce mukAze ane te te viSayanA abhyAsa mATe te viSayanuM sAhitya je je bhASAomA hoya te mULa bhASAonuM jJAna saheje anivArya raheze punarvicAraNA mATe bIjo eka muddo saMskRtanA zikSaNanA projana ane prastutatAne lagato che (saMskRtamAM huM pAli ane prAkRtine samAveza thayele gaNI lau chuM). saMskRta bhASAsAhityane abhyAsa eka te aitihAsika abhigamathI karI zakAya. ane inDolejI" e sattA AvA tAtparyathI ja hamezA vaparAtI rahI che. saMskRtinAM vividha kSetromAM prAcIna bhAratavAsIoe kevo ane keTale vikAsa sAdhelo te jANavAnuM eka pramukha sAdhana saMskRta, prAkRta vagere praziSTa bhASAo che. jijJAsu te dvArA prAcIna bhAratanAM sAhitya, tattvajJAna, arthavyavasthA, samAjavyavasthA vagere vize jANakArI meLavI zake. jema prAcIna ijipta, grIsa ke cInanI saMskRti vize jANuvA IcchanAra te te dezakALanA sAhityane sAdhana tarIke upayoga kare, tema bhAratanA atIta vize jANavA sa skata vageremAM rahelA sAhityane upaga kare paNa A rIte sAMskRtika, vaicArika ke bhASAkIya ItihAsanI daSTie saMskRtamAM rasa dharAvanAra atyata nA varga hevAne. A eka niSNAtakakSAnuM adhyayana thayuM, ane dareka viSayanA videnI sa khyA gaNatara ja heya ApaNuM praziSTa bhASAsAhityanuM kevaLa itihAsanI (ke dhArmika sa pradAyanI) daSTie ja mUlya hoya, te temanuM vyApaka dhoraNe zikSaNa ApavAnuM samarthana ke bacAva na thaI zake eTale AmAthI upasthita thato mahatvano muddo e che ke saMskRta sAhitya, saMskRta vADumaya, je kAMI saskRta dvArA upalabdha thAya che te, ApaNe mATe, ApaNA vartamAna jIvana mATe keTaluM prastuta che ? jhaDapathI ane dharamULathI parivartana pAmatA jatA vartamAna Arthika-sAmAjika parivezamAM ApaNI AjanI AcAravicAranI jarUriyAta, apekSAo ane samasyAo mATe sarakRta bhASAsAhityanI, sthULa ke sakama kakSAe, keTalI upayogitA che ? vyA hArika, vaicArika, bauddhika ke tAvika kakSAe tenuM kyAM anusaMdhAna sthApI zakAya che ?

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A praznanA uttara para saMskRtanA zikSaNa ane svarUpanA navavidhAnane AdhAra rahe che. A mATe mAtra dezAbhimAnanA, pUrvajabhaktinA ke bhavya bhUtakALanA gauravane nAme lAgaNIbharI apIla karavAthI kazuM nahI nIpaje sa rakRtamAM je che te je mRta jJAna ja haze te bhAvanAnA ijekazana tene caitanya nahIM ApI zake. hakIkatone AdhAre buddhisa gata pratipAdana vaDe ja prastutatAnI pratIti karAvI zakAya, anyathA nahI zikSaNa ane vidyAnI sa sthAonu eka pAyAnuM kArya e che ke temaNe bhUtakALanI nirupayogI mAhitInI sAphasUphI karatA rahevuM joIe ane temAthI hAma jeTaluM prastuta hoya tenI tAravaNI karIne tenI prastutatA batAvatA rahevuM joIe. ApaNA ghaNAkharA pAThavakamo sArA evA pramANamAM sAphasUphI mAMge che. ApaNuM praziSTa bhASAo ane prAcIna sa saMskRtinA adhyayanane jIva ta viSaya tarIke lupta thatA bacAvavA hoya to temanI sAMprata prastutatA pratIta thAya te rIte pAThayakramonI punaryojanA karIne nUtana abhigamathI zIkhavavA sivAya bIjo koI ja mArga nathI, eTale ApaNe sa kRtanuM adhyayana sAprata samaya mATe kaI rIte ane keTaluM prastuta che te jarA joIe. A pahelA me saMskRta sAhityanA adhyayananA aitihAsika abhigamanA nirdeza karyo hato. A prakAranA aitihAsika avyayana dvArA prApta thatI bhAratanA bhUtakALanI jANakArI kevaLa prAcIna ke tulanAtmaka itihAsanA abhyAsI mATe ja nahI , paNa vartamAna bhAratane samajavA ane AgaLa vaLAMka ApavA mATe paNa atyaMta Avazyaka che gaI kAlanuM bhArata kevuM hatuM te jANyA vinA AjanA bhAratane samajavuM zakya nathI itihAsa eka satata cAlatI prakriyA che tene pravAha avibhAjaya che. vartamAnane ghaNe aza eka tarapha bhUtakALa sAthe lehIne sa badha dharAve che, to bIjI tarapha temAM gati rUpe bhAvI racAtu jatu hoya che. aitihAsika adhyayanemA prAcIna, madhyakAlIna vagere je yugavibhAge (tathA pradeza vibhAge) pADavAmAM Ave che te moTe bhAge to daSTi kANunA vaividhyane ke ghaniSTha adhyayanane avakAza ApavA mATe ja hoya che AjanI ApaNI raheNIkaraNI, AcAravicAranA DhALA, prathAo, vidhio ne mAnyatAo, cittanA valaNa ane pratibhAvo-e saune barAbara samajavA mATe ane temAM pheraphAra karavA mATe ApaNu atItanuM jJAna taddana anivArya che, ane sa ta e mATenuM eka sarvottama sAdhana che saMskRtanI A daSTie upagitA svIkArIe te paNa te saMskRtanA vyApaka zikSaNanuM samarthana karavA mATe paryApta nathI ema kadAca kahI zakAze eTale ApaNe batAvavAnuM to e che ke saMskRta sAhityamAM evuM zuM che, je Ajane mATe paNa rasabharyu mUlyavAna ke vicArapreraka hoya, je ApaNuM upayukta jJAnamAM vRddhi kare ke ApaNI AcAravicAranI gUMco ukelavAmAM sahAyabhUta thAya. ane A praznane uttara sAskRtane jANukAra pUrA AtmavizvAsathI ApI zake tema che saskRta sAhityamAM keTaluMka kevaLa aitihAsika mUlya dharAvatuM, kALagrasta che, to keTaluMka te te viSayane lagatI adyatana vicAraNAnI ghaNu nikaTanuM ke tethI AgaLa gayeluM che udAharaNa tarIke, ApaNA bALakane ApaNe bhUgoLa, itihAsa,

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khagoLa, tabIbI vijJAna, kAyade, rAjyazAstra, arthazAstra ke prAkRtika vijJAne saMskRta sAhityane AdhAre nathI zIkhavatA, ne ja zIkhavIe te te viSayomAM thayelI pragatine lIdhe saMskRta sAhityamAM maLatI mAhitI atyAre nirupayogI banI gaI che. paraMtu bIjI bAju bhASA ane vyAkaraNa, nyAya ane darzana, sAhitya ane ala kAra vagere jevAM saMskRta sAhityanA aneka kSetranuM AjanI vicAraNA mATe paNa ghaNuM moTuM mUlya che. bhASAvijJAnanuM kSetra ja laIe. A viSayamAM je prabaLa ane krAtikArI vicAraNA chellA trIzacALIza varasathI thaI rahI che, tethI pANininu kevaLa saMskRta bhASAnA vyAkaraNa kAra tarIke nahIM, paNa eka bhASAvijJAnI tarIke-sAmAnyapaNe bhASAnI prakRti, be dhAraNa vyavahAra vagere bAbatamAM eka mULabhUta vicAraka tarIke-navesarathI mUlyAMkana thaI rahyuM che, ane eka pAtya vidvAna tAle to eTale sudhI kahyuM che ke pANini prAcIne tema ja arvAcInemA sarvazreSTha bhASAvijJAnI hevAnuM ApaNane pratIta thaI rahyuM che bhASAnuM eka svayaparyApta vyavasthA tarIke varNana, rUpanika (formal) vizleSaNa, vyAkaraNanI eka custapaNe sa ghaTita niyamata tra tarIke racanA, bhASAvileSaNa mATe viziSTa sAtika paribhASAnI ye janA, nirUpaNamAM gANitika kakasAI ane lAghava vagere arvAcIna bhASAvijJAnanA aghatana abhigama, paddhati ane pravidhio aDhI hajAra varasa pahelAM pANinivyAkaraNamA prayojAyelA joIne Ano bhASAvijJAnI atyata prabhAvita thaI rahyo che. vaLI Adhunika vAkyavicAranA saMdarbhamAM pANinimAM nirUpita vAka ane vAkSArtha vaccenA sa ba che, athavA to vibhaktiniSTha vyAkaraNane lagatA Adhunika UhApohanA saMdarbhamAM pANinine vibhaktivicAra vagere paNa ghaNuM upayogI jaNAya cheA viSayo mATe pANininA bhASAvaijJAnika mUlya ane mahattvano khyAla kAryonA, svAla, kipAska, rozara, ejihArA, hArvega, buIskUla, mistra, vAna tena, jozI vagerenA sa zodhanakAryathI maLI rahe che. te ja pramANe bhASAnika tattvajJAnanA viSayamA bhartuharinA mULabhUta vicAronuM Adhunika daSTie ghaniSTha adhyayana thaI rahyuM che. brAha, rUega, kujunI rAjA, biAduM, subrahmaNya Ayara, , esa DI jozI, Akalujakara vagerenA chellA 5 daravIza varSamAM prakAzita graMtho ane lekho jotA tene kaIka citAra maLI rahe che tattvajJAna ane tarkazAstranA viSayo laIe te arvAcIna pAzcAtya tatvajJAnamAM je vizleSaNAtmaka ane cikitsaka abhigama mATe bhAge pramANabhUta gaNavAmAM Ave che, te abhigamathI paNa bhAratIya taravajJAnamAM dhANu gabhara kAma thayu hevA tarapha vidvAnenuM dhyAna javA lAgyuM che zerabArakI, phAuvAlanara, mUrti, ingA, gekUpa, hAstorI, matilAla, mohantI vageree bauddha mAdhyamika vAda, navyanyAya ityAdi viSayamAM je kArya karyuM che te A vAtanI sAkSI pUre che. padArthanuM sattA varUpa ane dazyamAna svarUpa, ai driya anubhUti ane vikapana, sthApitA ane kSaNikatA, vyakti ane jAti, anubhUti ane bhASika abhivyakti, abhAva ane zUnyatA vagerenI prAcInanI vicAraNA AjanA pAzcAtya tatvavicAra ane tarkazAstra mATe paNa ghaNI ghAtaka hovAnuM pratIta thaI rahyuM che. te ja pramANe suratamAM thale kAvyavicAra, kAvyanI prakRti, kAvyanu bhAvana, kAvyanuM vizleSaNa, kAvyabhASAnuM svarU5 vagere bAbatomAM je sejha,

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UMDANa ane samatA vyakta thayA che tene kAraNe sAhityika sau daryazAstranA viSayamAM te ghaNu mArgadarzaka bane tema che, ane nelI, mesana, gero vageree karelA adhyayane A dizAmAM atyAre thaI rahelI vicAraNA mATe ghaNuM prastuta che. satanA vaicArika sAhitya uparAMta tenA sarjanAtmaka sAhityanuM paNa sAhitya lekhe ghaNuM moTuM mUlya che e phatanuM nATakasAhitya AgavI viziSTatA ane rasavattA dharAve che, saskRta UrmikAvyAnuM sAhitya pramANe tema ja guNavattAnI daSTie eTaluM samRddha che ke jagatanA uttama sAhityamAM tene saheje sthAna ApI zakAya temAM je saMvedanazIlatA bhAnI sukumAratA, bhASAsAmartha, lAdhava ane vya jatA pratIta thAya che tene kAraNe kAvyarasikone mATe te eka akSayanidhi banI rahe tema che sAta varSa pahelA, saMskRta kavitAno a grejI anuvAda dvArA paricaya karAvatu eka pustaka pe gvina grathamALAmAM prakAzita karavAmAM AvyuM te darzAve che ke AjanA suzikSita ane sarakArI vizvanAgarikane mATe jagatanA anya sAhityanI jema saskRta sAhityamAM paNa ghaNuM evuM che, je tene kI cI keTine kAvyAsvAda ApI zake A uparAMta e hakIkata paNa nedhapAtra che ke saMskRta nATake ane UrmikAbe arvAcIna pAzcAtya sAhityanA te be svarUponA navavidhAna para paNa thoDAka prabhAva pADavo che ejharA pAunDa vagerenA bi bavAdI kavitAne lagatA AMdolana pAchaLa ke jarmana nATakakAra bresTe prastuta karelA epika ra gabhUminA khyAla pAchaLa amuka aze saskRta muktaka kavitA ane nATakanI lAkSaNika svarUpane parokSa prabhAva rahelo che. chevaTe saskRtanA dhArmika sAhityanI vAta karIe to, temAMthI Adhunika jIvanane je mArgadarzana maLI zake tema che, bauddha, jaina, vedAnta, bhakti vagere mAgenAM mULabhUta to arvAcIna jIvanapraNAlIne je AdhyAtmika parimANa pUru pADI zake tema che, te ApaNane saune suvidita che ahi sA, yoga, sayama, aparigraha, satya, niSkAma karma vagerene lagatI prAcIna vicAraNA ane tenA para AdhArita AcaraNane vartamAna jIvana mATe iSTa ane upAdeya gAvAnuM vicAravalaNa have mukAbale vadhu prabaLa ane vyApaka banI rahayu che. A badhI daSTie saMskRta sAhityanI prastutatA ApaNe ni zakipaNe batAvI zakIe chIe, enI vadhu vistAra ane vigatathI A pariSadamAM te te viSayanA vaktAo vAta karaze A muddAo ane bAbatane dhyAnamAM rAkhIne sa kRtanA zikSaNanI punarvyavasthA thavI ghaTe, ane te te viSaye kaI dRSTi ane abhigamathI zIkhavavA tenI spaSTatA thavI ghaTe A aMge adhyApakaeN mATe paNa te te viSayanA adyAvadhi sazodhana ane vicAraNAthI paricita rahevu tathA potapotAnA viSayamAM pitAne phALo ApatA rahevuM anivArya che, pUme je vidvAnonA Adhunika kAryane sahejasAja nirdeza karyo temAnA ghaNAnA nAmathI paNa ApaNuM te te viSayanA saMskRtanA adhyApakono moTo bhAga ajANa che. AnA kAraNe suvidita che. paNa satane jIvatuM rAkhavuM hoya te saMskRtanA adhyApakane paNa jIvatA rahyA vinA kema cAle ? te jIva ta rahe, potAnA viSayanA adyatana zAnathI sajja rahe te mATe Avazyaka zaikSaNika ane Arthika paristhitinuM nirmANa paNa karavu

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ja joIe. saMskRtane lagatu ghaNuM mahattvanuM kAma agrejI uparAta jarmana, phreMca tathA anya yuropIya bhASAomAM cAlatu rahyuM che eTale aMgrejI uparAta ochAmAM ochuM je ca ane jarmananuM jJAna paNa saMskRtamAM rahelA che te viSayanA adhyApakane mATe have anivArya lekhAvu joIe. A tamAM mAre tAtkAlika vyavahAru amala karavA mATenuM eka sucana Apa saunI samakSa rajU karavAnuM che, ane te saMskRta bhASAne jANakAra varga maryAdita ja rahevAnuM hovA chatAM samagra AgAmI peDhIne saMskRtanA samRddha vArasAnI bhAgIdAra kaI rIte banAvavI tene lagatuM che saMskRtamAM je jJAnarAzi sacita che tene ApaNe gujarAtI vagere bhASAomAM laI AvavAno puruSArtha karavo joIe jema grIka ane leTina bhASAonA sAhityamAM je je mUlyavAna hatu te badhu pazcimanA adhyApaka ane vidvAne yuropanI mukhya bhASAomAM laI AvyA che tevuM ja kArya ApaNe karavAnuM rahe che A mATe pahelA tabakakAmAM agratAkrame sarakRtanI judI judI vidyAzAkhAonA eka hajAra mathenA gujarAtI anuvAdanI yojanA karavI joIe A anuvAde cokkasa, pramANabhUta, zAstrIya, cikitsaka daSTithI thayelA ane mULa tha jevA ane jeTalA vizvasanIya heya (e kahevAnI bhAgye ja jarUra hoya ke ahIM je prakAranA anuvAdanI vAta che, te pAThayapustakiyA reDhiyALa tarajUmAthI, lokabhogya sAMpradAyika bhASAtarathI ke hiMdImAM maLatA paMDitabhAI kAcApAkA anuvAdathI taddana judI cIja che.). temanI sAthe arthadhaTananI, anya graMthAdinA AdhAre vagerenI carcA karatuM vivaraNa, grathanI sAthe saMkaLAyelA badhA praznone UhApoha karatI vidvattApUrNa bhUmikA, tathA te te graMthanuM nirUpa, mahatva ane mUlya darzAvatAM viziSTa adhyayane paNa taiyAra karAvavA A mATe rAjya ane kendranI sarakAra pAsethI Arthika sahAya prApta karIne eka praziSTa prathAnA pramANabhUta anuvAda mATenI saMsthA sthApavI joIe, je dazavarSa janA taiyAra karIne te anusAra A kAryakrama pUro kare te mATe saMskRtanA te te viSayanA nAtA ane anuvAdanI tAlIma pAmelA anuvAdakenuM jUtha rokavuM joIe, ane navA umedavArone A kAma mATe taiyAra karavAne tAlImI pAThayakrama paNa te saMsthA dvArA calAva joIe AvA prakAranI yojanA dvArA, saMskRtanA jANakAro pAsethI kAma laIne ApaNe jJAnaprApti ADenI bhASAkIya ADazane vaTI jaI zakIzu upalabdha sAdhanasAmagrI ane saMskRta mATe aneka kakSAe pravatato Adara dhyAnamAM letAM A kArya gajAnI bahAranI nathI, ane je yogya rIte vyavahAru yojanA karIne amala karavAmAM Ave to jarUra pAra paDe hu AzA rAkhuM chuM ke A pariSadanI kAmagIrI dvArA AvI keIka janAne nakkara svarUpa ApavAnA prayAsone sUtrapAta thaze saskata hajAra bhASAomAMnI mAtra koI eka bhASA nathI saMrakate pAli ane prAtanI sAthe maLIne samagra eziyAkhaMDanI jJAna, sAhitya ane saMskAranI bhASAnuM atyaMta gauravabharyuM kAma karyuM che, ane saMskRta vA-mayanuM jagatanAM evA DAMka mahAna sAhityamAM sthAna che, je sAhitya temanI gahanatA, vyApakatA ane vizALatAne lIdhe mAnavajAtanI siddhi ane pragatinAM pratIka lekhe jagaddava gha banyA che AthI saMskRtamAM je kAI vibhUti

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matA, zrImattA ane UrjitatA sacita che, te bane teTalA vizALavargane hastagata karavI joIe, ane te mATenuM sauthI vadhu uttaradAyitva temanuM ja che, jeo pote saskRtaniSTha, saraphatabhakta ke saMskRtasevaka hevAnuM atarathI mAne che ApaNe sau maLIne zraddhA ane khatathI A kAryabhAra uThAvI laIzuM evA vizvAsa sAthe hu mAru vaktavya puru karu chu * + tA 26, 27, 28 okaTebaranA divasomAM amadAvAdamAM bharAyelI saMsakRta pariSadanA pramukha sthAnethI rakta karela vaktavya.

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taraMgalAlA ceDhInu padmadevane AvAse mana tenA gayA pachI mana A pramANe citA thavA lAgI (670) (671-676) (sArasikA khAlI) svAminI, tame mane vidAya karI eTale hu rAjamArga para paheAMcI. sudara dharA vaDe zobhatA te vatsadezanI A nagarInI se cIsamA virAjatA hatA. (677), aneka cAcara, cAka, zu gATaka pasAra karIne hu eka vaibhavathI dIpatA, kuberanu ghara hoya tevA ghara pAse paheAcI (678). hRdayamA DaratI hu bahAranA kASThakanA dvAra pAse jaI te beThI. (67). aneka dAsadAsIe bhAta bhAtanI pravRttiemA racyAMpacyA hatA. tee ema samajyAM ke huM ahI mUkelI krAIka navI, dAsI chu. eTale mane pUchyu, 'kayAMthI AvI '(680). sAcI vAtane chupAvavAnu strIone sadA saheje AvaDatu hAI ne mane je baLatu bahAnuM te veLA sUjhI AvyuM' te me kahyu (681): 'tu A putrane jANI Ava, evA Adeza sAthe Aya putranA dAse mane ahI mAkalI che huM navI ja huM te tame barAbara jANI gayA ' (682). eTale dvAra para niga`ma ane pravezanI dekhabhALa rAkhatA siddharakSa dvArapAle kahyuM, "se kaDe| mAsAmAMthI kAI paNa mArI jANa bahAra nathI hotuM ' (683), tenAM vakhANu karatA me kahyuM, 'sAvAhanuM dhara bhAgyazALI che ke tyA tamArA jevA dvArane sa bhALe che. (684), A, tame mArA para paNu eTalI teA kRpA karajo ke sAtha vAhanA je putra che te A putranA mane darzIna thAya ' (685). eTale teNe kahyu, ' hu A hrAranI saMbhALa rAkhavAnuM kAma ghaDIka jene soMpI zakuM tevA pratihAra mane maLI jAya, te huM pAte ja tane A putranAM dana karAvu .' (686). pachI teNe eka dAsIne kAma seApyuM, 'Ane uparanA mALa para A putranI pAse jaladI laI jA. ' (687). eTale te mane tarata ja ratnacana jaDelI bhayavALA uparanA mALe laI gaI, je rAjamArganA leAcana samA, dIsatA hatA, (688). tenI > " vaccenA ratnamaya gavAkSamAM sukhAsana para sAme beThelA sA vAputrane dekhADIne te dAsI tarata ja cAlI gaI. (689). huM paNu madarathI gabharAtI, paraMtu e cakravAka prakaraNanA AdhAra laI, vizvasta banIne tenI pAse paheAMcI gaI (690). .. 5 *

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taraMgaloya 8. mukkha-baDaeNa sahiyaM ucchaMga-gaeNa citt-phlenn| catta-dhaNuM piva kAmaM nikAma-suMdara lAvaNaM / / 691 nayaNodaeNa nivaDataeNa bibaM su-citta-phalyammi / dussikkhiu vva lihiuM lihilaM phusiyaM karemANaM // 692 acchai tujjha samAgama-maNorahApUrieNa hiyaeNa / appANaM soyaMto sarIra-sayaDaM(1) vigaya-hAso // 693 to viNaya-namiya-gattA matthaya-melAviehiM hatthehiM / bemi purao uvagayA ciraM jiyau ajjautto ti // 694 to tuvara-ratta-sADaya-niyaMsaNo kuDila daMDa kaTho meM / baMbhaNa-cammonaro kharavakharo tuccha-kucchIo // 695 ubbhaDa vayaNo thaddho ati-mukkho makkaDo viva aNADo / mukkha-vigAra-parajmo vigarahio go-karIso va // 696 so u samaticchiehiM ya doddhiya-mijovamehiM daMtehi / pAgaDa-kuMDiya-kaNNo Tappara-kaNNo xxx tahiM // 697 baDuo bhaNei kiNNo taM bhodI suMdara-baDuyassa majjha / abhivAdaM na karasi aha paDharma eyarasa suirasa // 698 taM ciya dakSiNa-hatthAvaNayaM dakSiNNa-vikaraNA ahiyaM / ahivAe te ajjo tti bemi niviTTha tayaM baDuyaM // 699 to sahasA umphiDio ahI kahiM ti baDuo karemANo / amhaM tucchaM laggAhI (?) abbabhaNNaM karemANo // 700 vesattaNeNa dadarcha ahiM ahiya kAraNaM na icchami / bhaNa bhodi ki ahI-maMti bhaNai so maM puNo baDuo // 701 to taM bemi puNo haM ahI ihaM natthi hohi vIsattho / to bhaNai ki khu ahiyaM ahivAte te ti ma bhaNasi // 702 ayaM kAsava-putto hAriya-gotto dujAi vr-vNso| gula-dahi-kUra-pasaMgo chaMdogo mAhaNo mi ahaM // 703 kiM te na suya-puvo to maM paribhUya bhodi tosesi / so eva kuNai bAlo halabolaM to mamaM tattha // 704 to satthavAha-putteNa tattha bhaNio aho si cavalo tti| mA aliyaM imaM tA cirassa iha AgataM yAha // 705 avasare akAla-bhAsaNaya babhabaMdhU aho si nillajjo / aviNIya babbaraya iyucchavoghayaM mahaM (1) // 706 to satthavAha-putteNa babhaNo bhaNio kaDuya-vayaNehiM / muha-bhakkaDiyA deto tosaMto maM gao tatto / / 707 tasi ya niggaya mette tuTThA paripuNNa-lobhirI(1) ahayaM / devA hu me pasaNNA jaM esa io gao baDuvo // 708

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taraMgalAlA pAdevanAM darzana eka mUrkha brAhmaNabaTuka tenI pAse ho sAtha vAhanA meLAmAM citraphalaka hatuM. te dhanuSya vinAnA kAmadeva jevo ne atya ta suMdara ane lAvaNyayukta dIsato hato. (691). AMkhamAthI jharatA AsuthI citraphalakanI AkRtine te kaI aNaghaDa citrakAranI jema dorI derIne bhUsI rahyo hato. (19) tArA samAgama pAmavAnA manorathathI bharelA haze, hasIkhuzI vinAne, te pitAnI dehadazAne zeka karato beTho hate. (693). te veLA vinayathI gAtro namAvIne, mastaka para hAtha joDIne, tenI pAse jaIne meM kahyuM, "Aryaputra ciraMjIvI che." (694). eTale tuvera jevA rAtA raMganA vastromAM sajaja, vAyu daDakAi dharAvato, karkaza vANI ane tuccha udaravALe, uddhata vadanavALo, garviSTha, atizaya mUkha, mAkaDA jevo anADI, mUkhanA jevA cALAyasakA karate, gevikA jevo ni gha, bahAra nIkaLatA dUdhInA niyA jevA dAMtavALo, uDI jevA phAphaDA kAnavALA, mAtra dehathI ja brAhmaNa (695-67) evA te Utarela baTuke kahyuM, "Apa pahelA A su dara baTukane vadana kema nathI karatA, ane A zakane vadana karo cho ?' (198). eTale jamaNe hAtha namAvIne dAkSiNya darzAvanA, tyAM beThelA te baTuka pratye hu belI, " Arya, "ahiMya ahivAe te huM tane adhika vadana karu chu." atha tare, "tArA paga pAse sApa che sApa ) (699). eTale ekAeka deDakA je kUdake mArIne "sApa kyA che? sApa kyAM che ? amane + + abrahmaNya' ema te bolavA lAgyA (700). mane sApanI sUga hAIne te amaMgaLakArIne jevA icchatA nathI kahe. tame zu gAruDI che?' e pramANe te baTuke mane kahyuM. (001) eTale me tene uttara Ape, "ahIM kayAya ahi nathI. tuM nizcita thA" eTale te be, "te pachI tu mane "ahiya ahiyAe" e pramANe kema kahe che ? (702) hu uttama brAhmaNa vaMzane hArita gAtrane kAzyapane putra chuM, chaga brAhmaNa chu, goLa, dahIM, bhAtano rasiyo chu (703). te zuM mAruM nAma nathI sAMbhaLyuM, jethI tame pahelAM mAruM apamAna karIne pachI mane prasanna karI rahyA cho ?' A pramANe te mUrkha mane uddezI tyAM kalabalATa karI mUko (704) eTale sArthavAhaputre tene kahyuM, "are, tu keTalI cAMpatAza karI rahyo che ! ahI AvelI A mahilAne nirarthaka bahu bAdhA na kara (705) samaya joyA vinA belabala karato tuM nIkaLa ahIMthI, keTale nirlajaja, avinIta, asabhya brAhmaNUba dhu!' (706) e pramANe sArthavAhaputra te brAhmaNane kaTuvacana kahyA, eTale mAkaDAnI jema menA cALA karato, ane mane saMtuSTa karato te tyAthI cAlyo gayo. (707). te game teTalAthI mane atyaMta satiSa tha? mArA para devoe kRpA karI jethI karIne e baTuka ahIMthI game. (700).

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taraMgalAla to so maM paha bhaNaI bhadde katto si kiM ca AgamaNaM / bhaNa kiM ca kIrau lahuM to evaM jaMpiatthe (!) tuha // 709 vammaha-kajjaM bharai(1) akAme kAyavvaeNa haM vi(ba)ddhA / bemi ya to Ne sAmiNi imANi vayaNANi jaMpai ya // 710 kula-caMda viNaya-bhUsaNa ayasa-daridiya guNa-gavviya jasaMsi / savya-jaNa-maNa-pavesaya suNa viNNappaM imaM appaM // 711 sehissa usabhaseNassa bAliyA nAmao taraMgavatI / diyaloya-vAsiNINaM aNusarisI acchara-vahUNaM // 712 citijjamANa-kAmo tIse hiyae maNorahArAmo / hoi saphalo kira jahA tIe pasIyaMtu joyayA(? vo pAyA) // 713 jaha cakkavAya-jAtI-gao tao dharati pema-saMbaMdho / to tIe jIviyattho hattho kira dhIra dhArehi // 714 tuha vAyA-saMdeso useNa kahio mae tIse / / viNNatti-piDiyatthaM ca pattagaM giNhaha imaM ti // 715 eva bhaNio mae so bAha-parkapijjamANa-savvaMgo / uttammiya-muha-nayaNo sogummIsehiM aMsUhi // 716 maNamaNassarAiya (?) aNurAgo(gaM) pIvaraM payAseto / paDivayaNamademANo bAheNa sabhoggahiya-dhAo // 717 dukkha-viNoyaNa-helaM dakhaNasA(?)dukkheNa citiyaM saMtaM / taM teNa citta-phalyaM aMsUhiM puNo samuddhoyaM // 718 orunnaya-taMbaccho ya (1) pattaM pariggaheUNa / bhubhayA taMDava-karaNaM aNuvAesIya saNiyaM tu // 719 to pattayA gahiyattho pasanna gaMbhIra dhIra-ghoso maM / bhaNai ya mahuramacavalaM phuDa visaya-miyakkharaM iNamo // 720 ki jaMpieNa bahuNA saMkhebeNaM pi suNasu bhUyatthaM / pattiya neya jiyaMto jai si na iMtI iha ajja // 721 tuha AgamaNeNa iha vilasiNI desa-kAla-paDieNa / tIe saha jIviya jIvaloya sAraM imaM hi NaM(1) // 722 kAmeNa caMDa-kaMDa-pahAra-pAsalliyassa saMtassa / tujjhAgamaNa-mamo me iNamo laddho paDikkhaMbho // 723 jAtI-saraNaM ca tuhaM citta-paDa-nirikkhaNA samuppaNaM / sAhIya majjha savvaM jaha taha tubbhehi me siDheM // 724 ujjANa-paumasara-cakkavAya-saMdarisaNeNa saMbhariyaM / tujjha vi jAI-saraNaM tassa mae mUlao kahiyaM // 725

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taraMgalAlA saMdezasamarpaNa e pachI sArthavAhaputre mane A pramANe kahyuM, "bhadra, tu kyAMthI AvI ? " tArA AvavAnuM zuM prayojana che? kahe, tAre mATe zuM karavAnuM che ? e pramANe teNe kahyuM, eTale tAruM premakArya mane aNagamatu chatA pAra pADavAnA (2) kartavyathI baMdhAyelI hu belI, amArI svAminIe A pramANe vacana kahevaDAvyAM che (709-710) "he kulaca , vinayabhUSaNa, apayaza-daridra, guNagarvita, yazasvI, sarva lekenA cittamAM praveza karanAra, tuM A nAnI zI vina tI sAMbhaLa (711) divyalekavAsI apsarAsudarIonA samI, zreSThI SabhasenanI kuMvarI nAme tara gavatInA hRdayanA manorathanI vizrAMti same mane gata kAmamAva je rIte saphaLa thAya te rIte karavAnI Apa kRpA kara (712-713) jo cakravAkabhavamAM je tAre premasa ba dha hato te hajI paNa te hoya, to te dhIra puruSa, tene jIvitane tArA hAthane AdhAra Apa." (714). tenA kahevA pramANe me tane tene A maukhika sa deza ko. tenI vina tInA piMDitArtha rUpa A patra paNa te svIkAra." (715). pAdevane virahavRtAMta me e pramANe kahyuM eTale je rudanane lIdhe sarvAge kApato, uddhavigna vadana ane nayanavALA, zokamizrita AMsu sAthe kaNasata, ane ema gADha anurAga pragaTa karato, AMsuthI vANI rUdhAyelI hovAthI pratyuttara ApavAne azakta hatA evA teNe, duHkhamAMthI AzvAsana meLavavA mATe kheLAmAM rAkhelA citrapaTTane pitAnA AMsuothI dhe. (716-718). nathI lAla AMkhevALA teNe te patra lIdhe, ane bhamara nacAvatA dhIme dhIme teNe te vA. (719). patrane artha grahaNa karIne prasanna, dhIra, ga bhIra svare teNe mane madhura, svastha, spArtha, ane mitAkSarI vacane A pramANe kazA (20) * hu adhika zuM karyuM ? te paNa TUMkamAM eka kharI vAta kahuM chuM te tuM sAbhaLa , je tu atyAre na AvI hota te khAtarIthI kahu chu ke huM jIvate rahyo na heta. (721). suMdarI, tuM ahI ThIka veLAsara ane yathAsthAna AvI pahoMcI. tethI have tenA saMgAthamAM mAruM jIvana jIvalekane samagra sAra banyu che. (722) uma zaraprahAra karavAvALA kAmadeve jyAre mane DhALI dIdhA hatA, tyAre tArA A Agamana rUpI sta bhano AdhAra mane maLyo che." (23). ane te pachI tAru citrapaTa jovAthI thayeluM pUrvabhavanuM smaraNa, je rIte te mane kahyuM hatuM, te badhuM teNe mane kahyuM (724). udyAnamAMnI kamaLataLAvaDImAM cAvAkAne joIne tane thaI AvelA pUrvabhavanA smaraNanI vAta meM paNa tene mULathI kahI. (25).

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90 sogo // 726 bhANIya cita-paTTe daTThUNa mahaM samuTThio sahasA / puvvANurAga-ruMdo hiyayammi samuTThio to savva-rati- cArAhi bhAgao piya-vayaMsaga-sahAo / sayaNammi sannivaDio ussavo iMda-keu vva // 727 uhANi nissasaMto sayaNa-vare asaraNo nisaNNa-maNo / mayaNa maMthamANo jalammi maccho vva acchAmi / / 728 pAse avayakkhaMto bhamuddeokkheva - karaNehiM hasiUNa gAiUNa ya puNeA vi tattheva kAma - paripIDiyaMgaM kilammamANe mae othaMbhiUNa lajjaM ammaM kira jai gaddavaissa dhUyaM taraMgavaiyaM na jAyaha kahaM ci / to paumadevao tA havejja para loga pAhuNao // 731 to kira evaM atthaM tAo ammAe gAhio saMto / siTTi vA (?) gao mUlaM tattha kira necchio teNaM // 732 jaMpato / royAmi / / 729 ammAe tAeNa ya aNuNIo haM alabmANIe / mottUNa tahaM puttaya icchasi taM abhiSAyaNa-kaya-pUo mae vi viNayaM avaNi-tala nihiya- neDAlieNa jaM ANave tubhe kAhaM kiM tI vissAsio guru-jaNeo avagaya-soo piya-vayaMsA / viSNavesIya / / 730 * varemA ti // 733 kathaMjali-puDeNa / lajjoNaya muddeNa // 734 taM vasime saMpattA hi yassa ussavaM jIviyassa na caemI vAeuM tIse tAI bAhupphuNNo eyaM seoUNa ahaM suMdari maraNa-kaya- nicchao acchaM / rati paDikkhamANA tIe saha cimi hojja vigdho maraNassa mahaM rati kAhAmi khamaM savvammi evaM kayabhippAo AgAraM jI evva - nippavAseo piu risAva mANuhierNa guru- santi bhanti-vAiya-viNNANe ettiyaM vatuM tao jAo / / 735 samAgama - nirAseA // 736 divA bahu-jaNAo / jaNe pattammi || 737 saMvaremi eNa (?) / mariyavya-baddha sannAho || 738 mANa vIra-sAreNa / dhammaho (2) majjha / / 739 piya-vaNa-paNayaM gaddeUNaM / amayaM bahu- mayassa || 740 kaluNa-vayaNANi seoUNaM / sogApuSNo visaNa-maNA // 741 taraMgalAla

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taraMgalelA teNe kahyuM, 'citrapadane joIne mArA hRdayamA, pUrva janmanA UDA anurAgane lIdhe ekAeka zoka uddabha. (726). eTale AkhI rAtanA bhramaNa pachI priya mitro sAthe pAchA pharelA me utsava pUro thatA Idradhvaja tUTI paDe tema, pathArImAM paDatuM mUkyuM. (727). UnA ni:zvAsa nAkhato, asahAya, zanyamanaska banIne hu madanathI levA jaLamAne mADyAnI jema, pathArImAM paDohane (728) A joI raheto, bramara ulALIne bakavAsa karate, ghaDIkamAM hato te vaDIkamAM gAto huM pharI pharIne rudana karate hate. (729). mane kAmathI atizaya pIDita aMgovALe, nakhAI gayela joIne mArA vahAlA mitroe lajajA tajI daIne mArI mAtAne vinatI karI (30) "jo zreSThInI putrI taraMgavatInuM game tema karIne tame mAgu nahIM kare te pAdeva paralokane parANe banaze" (741). eTale, pachI meM jANyuM ke A vAta mArI ammA pAsethI jAne bApujI zreSThInI pAse gayA, paNa teNe mAgu amAnya karyuM (772) ammAe ane bApujIe mane samajAvyo, beTA, e kanyA aprApya heIne tenA sivAyanI koI paNa kanyA tane gamatI hoya tenuM mAthuM ame nAkhIe. (733). praNamapUrvaka temane Adara karI, bhUmi para lalATa TekavI, aMjalipuTa racIne, lajajAthI namelA mukhe meM vinaya karyo (734) : "tame jema AjJA karaze te pramANe huM karIza. enA vinA zuM aTakayuM che?" e pramANe kahIne me vaDIlene nizcita karyA, ane pariNAme teo zokamukta thayA. (735). emanA e vacane sAMbhaLyA pachI, he suMdarI, maravAno nizcaya karIne huM rAtrI thavAnI pratIkSA karI rahyo. tene samAgamanI AzA na rahI heIne meM vicAryuM, "ghaNA loko upasthita hevAthI divase mRtyu bheTavA ADa mane vina Avaze, mATe rAtre sau lokenA saI gayA pachI huM je karI zakIza te karIza.(776-737). e pramANe manathI pAkuM karIne huM AkAranuM saMvaraNa karIne rahyo. jIvavA bAbata huM niHspRha banyo hato, maravA mATe sanaddha thayuM hatuM (738). pitAjInA paribhAva ane apamAnathI mAru viracita abhimAna ghavAyuM hatuM, ane vaDIla pratyenA Adara ane bhaktine kAraNe have mAro dharma zuM che te hu sama hato (2) (739) tevAmAM tu A AvAsamAM priyatamAnA vacanane--hadayane utsava samA ane mArA jIvatara mATe mahAmUlA amRta samA vacanane-upahAra laIne AvI pahoMcI. (740) tenAM karaNa vacane sAMbhaLIne, mAruM citta zoka ane viSAdathI bharAI AvyuM che ane AMkhe AsathI kSakAI gaI che, jethI karIne huM tene patra barAbara vAMcI paNa zakate nathI (741).

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92 tuha behi tumaM maha vayaNA so te aNumaraNa-molla-kIo tti / pAyANaM vAsaM kAhi tti saccaM (?) tuha dAso // 742 citta paTTa - daMsaNa sabhAriya puvva jamma sammANo / so kira apuNNa-puNNo tujjha a-laMbhe maNa-vivaNNo // 743 so tujha kahA-vayaNaMtaresu niraMtara sa AsI pII- pulaiya-kaMTaio nava-puSpaM va // 744 to bhiUNa suiraM suraya-maNoradda - kahAhiM maM tujjha / vIsajje ti a-kAmA kAma sara visUriya- sarIre // 745 vIsajjiyAya te mhi niggayA bhabaNa - puMDarIyAo / saggA viva panbhaTThA gaya-maggeNAgayA iyaM / / 746 bhava-vilAsa pavittharo ya ( 1 ) soya aha tassa / mottUNa seTThi-bhavaNaM aNNassa na tArisA honjA // 747 ajja vihaM uppekkhaM bhavaNiDhi - vilAsa - pariyaNa-visese / tassa ya aNaNNa- sarisaM appADarUvaM kaya rUvaM // 748 Namo ya teNa sAmiNi pema-guNa [pa]vattayaM guNa-samagaM / paDileha - pattayaM te hAsarasa ya pattayaM diNaM / / 749 * aha ghariNi pattayaM taM piyassa mama daMsaNaM gaUNaM / muddAe kayamaMka gUDhaM nIsasaMtI || 750 ayayA seUNa ya Na (?) taM ca puNeo ceDi eNa (?) soUNa / hAseNa pulaiyA haM uppupphaya-caMpaya-laya vva // 751 bhekSaNa muddiyaM taM attha -gaNa- turiyayAe saMtIe / uvvelliyaM mae taM piya-vayaNa-nihANayaM sahasA / / 752 tattha taM caiva pagaraNaM (?) / maraNeNa viNA maha lihiyaM // 753 akkhara - ruviya-rUvaM ca savdhaM jahAnubhU jaM te (? me) samaNubbhUyaM jamaNeNa kayaM tahiM niravasesaM jujjati puvva - [ma] to so mAM maraNaM na nAhIya // 754 to piyayama- pAsAo ya AgayaM tattha tuTTha-hiyayA vAeuM mi payattA bhujjaga- patte tayaM lehaM // 755 jA jattha avasthA mo sA tatthASaNNiyA jahAbattA / akkhara - ruva-nirUviya - sAbhiNNANA piyayameNa // 756 akkhara - rUviya rUpaM ca vammahaM mayaraddhaya-kaya-badha-vAeNa tattha Aya (?) imeNa semi / atthe // 757 taraMgalAlA

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taraMgalA paNa tu mArA A vacane tene kaheje H tene te tArA anumaraNathI kharIdI lIdhele heIne te sAce ja tArA caraNe pAse dAsa banIne vAsa karaze (742), tAre citrapaTTa joIne tene pUrvajanmanA samAnanuM maraNa thayuM che, tenA puNya ochI paDavAM, jethI karIne tene tArI prApti nathI thaI AthI tenuM citta vivaraNa banyuM che (743). tArI vAta sAMbhaLatA sAMbhaLatAM, niraMtara snehavRttivALe te prItinA romAe kadaMbapuSpanI jema kaMTakita thaI UTho." (744) roTInuM pratyAgamana e pramANe tArI sAthenA suratanA mane rathanI vAtathI mane kayAMya sudhI rekI rAkhIne, kAmabANathI jarjarita zarIravALA teNe anicchAe mane vidAya karI (745) vidAya laIne hu te anupama prAsAdamAMthI nIsarIne, svargamAthI ja za pAmI heluM tema, je mAge gaI hatI te mArge thaIne ahIM pAchI AvI. (746) tenA bhavananI jevA samRddhi, vilAsa ane vizALatA, zreSThInA bhavanane bAda karatA, bIjA koIne paNa nahI heya. (747). atyAre paNa huM tenA bhavananI samRddhi, vilAsa ne parijanenI vizeSatA tema ja tenuM ananya, apratima rUpa jANe ke pratyakSa nihALI rahI chu, (78). ane svAminI, teNe samarata guNayukta, premaguNano pravartaka, hasIkhuzInuM pAtra evo A pratyuttarapatra tAre mATe Apyo che. (749). eTale, he gRhasvAminI, mudrAthI A kita karelA, mArA priyatamanA darzana samA, te patrane me lIdho ane nizvAsa sAthe huM tene bheTI. (750). tene bheTIne, ceTInI pAsethI sAMbhaLelA vacanathI phula capakalatAnI jema hAsyapulakita banIne me patragata ane pAmavAnI AturatAthI tenI mudrA toDIne, satvara, priyatamanAM vacananA nidhAna same te ukheLyo. (751-752). temAM tenuM te ja Akhu prakaraNa, eka mAtra mArA maraNane bAda karatAM, jevuM meM anubhavyuM hatuM tevuM ja lakhANamAM akSarabaddha karelu hatu (753) je kAMI me anubhavyuM hatuM, ane je kAMI teNe karyuM hatuM te badhuM ja temAM vyakta kareluM hatuM. tenuM mRtyu pahelA thayuM heIne mAruM anusaraNa teNe na jAvu e paNa barAbara hatuM. (754). bhUpatramAM lakhele, priyatama pAsethI Avela te lekha bhamahadaye huM vAcavA lAgI. (755). jyAre jyAre amArI je je avasthA hatI te te barAbara banyA pramANe, e dhANIo sAthe priyatame zabdomAM varNavI hatI (756). zabdarUpe rahelA te manmathane, kAmadevanA baMdhane baddha vacanevALA A artha dvArA huM nihALI rahI (757)

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taraMgolA 94 maha hiyaya-vAsiNIe taraMgavati-nAmayAe subhagAe / iNamo upaNeyako mayavya(?)mayaNuSpAyAyANaM (?) // 758. AroggaM kosalaM vottattha(?)sakala-kamala-nibha cayaNA / bahu-soga(?)-sarIrA sA a-sarIra-sarAra(sa)NI baalaa|| 759 mayaraddhaya-ppasAeNa mA tujjha ya siNeha-maieNa / aNujhANeNaM pie(?) na kiMci asuhaM ihaM asthi // 760 navaraM aNaMga-sara-pahara-damio siDhila-pelavANiahaM / / aMgANi taragavatI na dhArami tuhaM a-laMbheNa // 761 savvaM ca jahA-nAyaM kusala-pavitti niveyaittANaM / paMkaya-visAla-dala-suMdaracchi iya viNNavemi puNa // 762 tuha puvva-suraya-vaiyara pIvara-paNayANurAga jaNieNa / mayaNa phulla-sukumAla-kamala-vayaNe ahaM DajhaM // 763 aNNANa-timira-paDipUrie jage viviha-joNi ghnnmmi| paraloya-vippaNaTTho xx iha ekamekeNa // 764 jA tAva mikta-baMdhava-baleNa vipuleNa puNaravi ya setttthii| tujjha karaNa cittAsiNi savvatthAmeNa raMjemi // 765 tA tApa taruNi pasayacchi accha kAlaMtaraM imaM kiMci / saMpIi-suhANugayaM guru-ppasAyaM paDicchaMtI // 766 iya pariNi leha-paramattha-vitthara tattha haMgaheUNa / majhattho ci visaNNA nissaNaM ceva acchAmi // 767 aru-niraMtara-koppara-karayala-palhattha-nimiya-muhayaMdA / nipphaMdacchI acchAmi kiMci jhANe viva niviTThA // 768 to bhaNai SiNaya viraiya-karayala-kamala kaya matthayAmelA / viNayovayAra-suMdara-visArayA ceDiyA sA maM // 769 naNu te cira-pariciMtiya-maNorahApUrao imo teNa / jIviya-saMcakkAro suMdari paritosa-sakkAro // 770 lehA pIi-samAgama-suraya-pasara-sAroya nicchao dinnnno| piya-vayaNAmaya-mallo paDimallo soiyavvassa // 771 taM mA hoha pisaNNA AsaNNo te piyaMgu-sari-vaNNe / surayAgamoThe(?)vao idu-jaNa samAgamo mIrU // 772 aha puNa eva bhaNaMti bhaNAmi taM ceDiyaM ahaM ghariNi / suNa jeNa kAraNeNaM jAyA mi sahI visaNNa-maNA // 773 cittaNa imaM maNNe so siDhila-siNeha[o] va(ja)No jaao| jaM me samAgama-paoyaNammi kAleha (?) // 774

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taraMgalAlA 95 5 padmadevane premapatra A patra mArI hRdayavAsinI tara gavatI nAmanI suMdarIne ApavAne che : madananA zikArano bhoga banelI, ana ganA dhanuSyarU5 (1), atyata zocanIya zarIra dharatI, suvikasita kamaLa samA vadanavALI te bALAnuM Arogya ane kuzaLatA hejo. (758 -759). he priye, kAmadevanI kRpAthI mArA ane tArA vaccenA premanuM citana thatuM rahetu hevAthI ahI saheja paNa asukha nathI, (60) chatAM paNa, taragavatI, ana gazaraprahAre pIDita banele huM tArI aprAptine kAraNe mArAM zithila banelAM komaLa ane kemeya dhAraNa karI zakane nathI (761) tu je jANe che te badhA kuzaLasamAcAranuM nivedana karIne, he kamaLadaLa samAM vizALa ane suMdara netravALI, vadhumAM A pramANe mArI vina nI che (762). he praphulla, kamaLa kamaLasamA vadanavALI, pUrvanA premaprasaMgomAM vyakta thayelA tAre gADha prayAnurAgathI janmelI kAmanAthI hu jaLI rahyo chuM (763) ajJAnarUpI aMdhakAre paripUrNa ane vividha venithI bharapUra evA A jagatamAM pakathI bhraSTa. ekabIjA sAthe (764). he cittavAsinI, mitro ane bAdhanA vizALa baLa vaDe, bharasaka prayAsa karIne, hu tArI prApti mATe zeThane pharIthI prasanna karuM, tyAM sudhI, he vizAlAkSI taraNI, A thaDeka samaya tuM vaDIlanI prItinA sukhavALI kRpAnI AzA dharatI pratIkSA karaje. (765-766). tara gavatIne viSAda e pramANe, he gRhasvAminI, tenA patranA vistRta arthanuM tAtparya grahaNa karIne, tene madhyasthabhAva hovAnuM jANIne khinna banelI hu sUnamUna thaI gaI. (767), sAthaLa para keNuM TekavI cattI rAkhelI hatheLIthI nira tara mukha kane DhAkI, nizcaLa netra, kazAkanA dhyAnamAM beThI tevI sthiti huM dharI rahI. (768) eTale su dara vinayaviveka karavAmA vizArada ceTI vinayapUrvaka karakamaLa vaDe mastaka para A jali racIne mane kahevA lAgI (69), "sudarI, cirakALa sevele bharatha pUranAra, jIvitane avakAza ApanAra, satoSane sakAranAra, premasamAgama ane surata pravRttinA sArarUpa A patra teNe tane mokalyo che e to nakkI che priyavacananA amRtapAtra samo te patra tArA zokane pratimA che. (770-771). mATe tu viSAda na dhara, he priyaMguvaNa, bhIra, surata sukhadAyaka priyajanane samAgama tane taratamAM thaze." (772). ceTInuM AzvAsana paNa e pramANe kahetI ceTIne, he gRhasvAminI, meM kahyuM, "he sakhI, sAbhaLa, zA kAraNe mane manamAM viSAda thayo che te (773). mane lAge che ke tenA cittamA mArA pratyene nehabhAva kAIka maMda paDayo che, kAraNa, te mArA samAgama karavAnI bAbatamAM kALapratIkSA karavAnuM kahe che. (774). eTale, he gRhasvAminI, ceTIe vinayapUrvaka hAtha

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taraMgalAlA to bhaNati ceDiyA meM puNo vi viNaya-raiyaMjali ghariNi / suNa sAmiNi viNNatti uttama-purisesu je hoi // 775 kula-vavadesA nANaDDhayA ya puNa je Na saNNikarosA(1)ya / aNae Na vArayaMtA purisA loe hasijjati // 776 aNuvAraNa duIto gheNuM khIraM naro na sAhei / jaha taha aNNaM pi jae aNuvAeNa na sAheti // 777 asamikkhiya-turiya-kaya-kajjA aNuvAyato ya AraddhA / to Ayai-parihINA bhavaMti sidvA jai vi hoti // 778 jai vi uvAyAraddhA kajjAraMbhA na ceva sijhati / to vi jaNassa maNusso na ceva vayaNijjayamuvei / / 779 kAma-sara-tikkha-paharaNa]-nivAya-saMtAvio vi kicch-go| kula-vaMsAyasa mIrU na muyai so sappahaM dhIrI / / 780 evaM ceDIe sarma tassa kahAhiM paDiratta-hiyayA hai| samaicchiyaM na yANAmi pauma-jaggAvayaM sUraM // 781 to jaha taha va NhAyA jimiyA ceDIe sa(?) ghrinnii| / dhAtI-pariyaNa-sahiyA hammiya-talayaM samArUDhA // 782 pavara-sayaNAsaNa-gayA tahiyaM piyayama-kahA-pasageNaM / acchAmi abhiramaMtI paDhama-paosaM paDikkhaMtI // 783 sasi maMthANaM ghariNI saraya-sirI-vallabhe tahoyariyaM / naha-gaggarammi chUTa joNhA-mahiyaM tahA mahati // 785 daLUNa me viyaMbhati gADhayaraM dUsaho maNa-visAo / majjhabbhi(?) tibbo kAmo viyarai karavatta-sAriccho // 785 kAmavasA dukkhattA teNAI gADhamAkula sarIrA / icche jIviya-bhikkhaM vayaMsi viNNattie jaNiyaM // 786 vissasa mAe akAmo vAmo kAmo ya meM abhidavei / caMdeNa kumuya-vaNa-vaMdhaveNa dhaNiyaM abhivbUDho // 787 tassa ya vAma-ggahaNeNa dUdha tujhaM pi mahura-vayaNehiM / vAyAhaya-jalaNihi pANiyaM va hiyayaM na saMThAi // 788 nehi marma sArasie daMsaNa-taNhAiyaM lahu~ tassa / asaI piyassa basahi kAmeNa viNAsiya caritaM // 789 to bhaNai ceDiyA meM rakkhasu kula-pacayaM jasa-visAlaM / mA kuNasu sAhasamiNaM mA hohisi hAsiyA tassa // 790

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taralAlA joDIne mane pharIthI kahyuM, "he svAminI, mArI vina tI tuM sAMbhaLa ke uttama puruSa kema varte che (775) kulIna ane jJAnasa panna hovA chatA jeo anucita vartanane vAratA nathI temane lakomAM upahAsa thAya che (776). jema yogya upAya vinA gAya dehanArane dUdha maLatuM nathI, tema jagatamAM anya kAMI paNa yogya upAya vinA prApta thatu nathI (777). je kAmo pUrA vicAra karyA vinA, utAvaLe, yogya upAya vinA zarU karAya che te pUrA thAya te paNa kazuM pariNAma lAvatAM nathI (778) jyAre cogya upAya anusAra zarU karelAM kAma pAra na paDe te paNa leke te karanAranI TIkA karatA nathI. (778) tIkSNa kAmabANune prahAra thavAthI pIDita bane te dhIra puruSa sa kaTamAM hovA chatA, pitAnA kuLa ane vaMzane apayaza thavAnA Dare sanmAga nathI choDavA mAgato (780). tara vatInI kAmAtA e pramANe ceTInI sAthe tenI vAta karavAmAM racyApacyA ciro mane khabara na paDI ke kamaLAne jagADanArA sUryane kayAre asta thayo (781). eTale pachI, he gRhasvAminI, huM jematema nahAI laI jamIne ceTI tathA dhAtrI ane parijane sAthe agAsI para caDI gaI (782) tyA uttama zayana ne Asana para ArAma karatI, priyatamanI vAtethI manane bahelAvatI hu rAtrone pahelA paheranI pratIkSA karI rahI (783) tyAM to cadrarUpI ravaiye zaradaRtunA sI daryo ma Dita gaganarUpI gAgaramAM utarIne temAM rAkhelA jyonArUpI mahInuM maMthana karavA lAgyo. (784) te joIne mArA cittamAM vadhu gADha ane du saha viSAda chavAI gayo ane karavata samo tIvra kAma mane pIDavA lAge (785). padyadevane maLavA javAne niya kAmavivaza ane dukhAte avasthAne lIdhe huM zarIre bhAre vyAkuLatA anubhavI rahI ane me mArI sakhIne kahyuM, "sakhI, A vinatI vaDe hu tArI pAse prANubhikSA yAcu chuM (786). huM kharuM kahuM chuM, bahena, kumudabaMdhu cakra vaDe atyata prabaLa banelo verI kAmadeva niSkAraNe mane pIDI rahyo che. (787). tenI zatrutAne kAraNe, he dUtI, tArA mIThAM vacanathI paNa mAruM hRdaya, pavanathI jhapaTAtA samudrajaLanI jema, svastha nathI thatu. (788) ta, sArasikA, kAme jenuM cAritrya naSTa karyuM che tevI mane asatIne, tenA darzananI yAsIne tu jaladI priyatamane AvAse laI jA" (789). eTale ceTIe mane kahyuM, tArI yazavI kulapara parAnuM tAre jatana karavuM ghaTe che, tuM AvuM duHsAhasa na kara, ne tenI upahAsapAtra na bane. (700). te tAre svAdhIna che, teNe tane jIvatadAna dIdhuM ja che.

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taraMgolA so tujhaM sAhINo diNaM se jIviyaM tume ceva / parihara ayasuppatti labhihisi taM guru-pasAeNaM / 791 mahilANa citta-sAhasa-viveya rahiyattaNeNa ahayaM pi / kAmeNaM toviyA puNo vi taM ceDiyaM bemi // 792 ucchAha-nicchiya-matI agnniy-pddiyaay-dos-nissNko| sAhasio kira pAvati sirimaulamakAliyaM loe // 793 savvassa ya Niya-gahiya-davva-paDisiddha-ceTThassa / kaja suTTha vi garuyaM lahuyaM paNamai pAraddhaM // 794 jai piyayamassa pAsaM na nesi maM daMsaNussuI tassa / to kAma-sarAbhihayA ajja vivajjAmi te purao // 795 mA kAsi kAla-haraNaM niyAhi maM piyayamassa pAmUlaM / kuNasu akaja pi imaM jai necchasi vivati // 796 eva kahie tie majha pANa-parirakkhaNaThAe / piya bhavaNa-gamaNamabbhuvagaya(1)accha kicchAhiM sA ceddii(?)|| 797 toha pamuiya-maNasA pasAhaNaM sAhaNaM rui-guNANaM / giNhAmi vammaha-dhaNuM suMdara-pasAhaNaM turiyaM // 798 acchINi ya mettAhe tadeti(?)ciramappaNo sira drch| ramaNasamArA me(?) kAraNa gmnnaa-smuchhiyyaae(?)|| 799 to haM piyassa vasahiM sahasA dUIe kahiya-pAyaDiyaM / hiyaeNaM puvva-gayA pacchA ya pAehiM gacchIya // 800 saMgahiya-rayaNa-mehala-jaMgha-samAruhiya-neura-dharIo / sada-raNakkiya-calaNA purima (1)kkaMpiyaMgIo // 801 hattha-gahiekkamekkA pakkha-dAreNa niggayA do vi / mANa-guNa(?) saMvAhaM oiNNA mo nariMda-pahaM // 802 bahu-vivaNi-niNa(', pecchaNaya-naTTasAlAulaM privyaamo| kosaMbi-rAyamagarga saggassa siri aNuharataM // 803 nijaNesu suMdaresu ya na me maNo tattha pecchiyagvesu / piya-purisa-dasaNa-samussuIe turiya payarTsa to|| 804 anja pio duTThanvo cirassa hohI mae tti kAUNaM / na gaNemi parissamaM tA ceDIe sama tahiM ghariNi // 805 saturiya-pahAvirAo jaNa-nibahe bhajjamANa-vegAo / kicchAhiM aNupattA piyassa vasahiM sasaMtIo // 806

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taraMgalolA 99 te pachI tu apayaza thAya tevuM karavAnuM mAMDI vALa vaDIlane prasanna karIne tuM tene meLavI zakIza ? (791). paraMtu strIsahaja avicAritA ane avivekane lIdhe tathA kAmavemathI prerAIne huM pharIthI ceTI pratye belI (792), "jagatamAM je sAhasika utsAhathI cokkasa saMkalpa karIne, nidAnA doSane avagaNIne ni za ka bane che te ja amApa lakSmI takALa prApta karate heya che (793) jenI kaThinatAne kAraNe pravRtti rUMdhAI jAya tevuM bhagIratha kAma paNa zarU karI daIe eTale haLavu banI jatuM hoya che (794). priyatamanA darzana mATe Atura banelI mane jo tu tenI pAse nahI laI jAya, te kAmabANathI haNAyelI huM hamaNuM ja tArI samakSa mRtyu pAmIza. (75) mATe tu vila ba na kara, mane priyatamanI samIpa laI jA jo tuM mane marelI jovA icchatI na ha te A na karavAnuM kAma paNa kara." (796) A pramANe me kahyuM, eTale te ceTIe ghaNuM AnAkAnIthI, mArA prANurakSaNane khAtara priyatamanA AvAse javAnuM svIkAryuM (797). priyamilana mATe prayANa eTale Ana dita mane e kAmadevanA dhanuSya samA, ArkaSaNanA sAdhanarU5, sau daryanAM sAdhaka zaNagAra jaladI jaladI sajyA (798) mArA netro kayAranAye pitAnI zrInuM darzana karavAne talasI rahyAM hatAM. priyatamane jovA javAne mAruM hRdaya atyaMta utsukatA anubhavI rahyuM ratuM () (789) eTale huM dUtIe vigate varNavelA priyatamanA AvAse pahelAM hadayathI te te ja kSaNe pahecI gaI ane pachI pagathI javA UpaDI (80) ratnamekhalA tathA dhaMdhA para napura dhAraNa karIne, rUmajhUmatA caraNe , jatAM gAtre, ekabIjAne hAtha pakaDIne ame bane bAjunA daravAjethI bahAra nIkaLI, ane vAhane ane lokonI bhIDavALA rAjamArga para UtarI. (801-02) aneka bajAze, prekSAgRhe ne nATayazALAothI bharacaka, svarganA vaibhavanuM anukaraNa karatA, kauzabInA rAjamArga para ame AgaLa vadhI rahyA. (803). aneka uttama ane suMdara vastuo darzanIya hevA chatAM huM priyatamanA darzana mATe atyaMta Atura hovAthI mAru citta temA ceTavu nahI. (804). Aje dIrdha kALe priyatamane darzana thaze enA uma gamA he gRhasvAminI, ceTI sAthe jaI rahelI me thAkane na gaye (805). jhaDapathI doDAdoDa jatI, bhIDane kAraNe vega dhIme karatI, ame mahAmuzkelIe, bharAyelA zvAse priyatamanA AvAse pahocI (806)

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100 bhavaNavara - paDidAre pAsa gaya vayaMsayaM suha- nisaNaM / taM kaMtaM ekkaMte thiyAe dAei se dAsI // savva-TThA (?) Na-maNohAri kanna parivAhiNI (?) pavAheM to / uio vva savvarIe sAraya-sasi dISa mAlANaM // taM pecchiuM aNimisA kajjala-mala - sAmalA mahaM / bAha bhariyacchi - majjhA acchI icchaM na pUraMti // 809 jaM so cirassa diTTho iTTho cakkAya- jAi - pabbhaTTho / tassa paDipUraNatthaM ciraM pi icchAmi NaM dadatuM // 810 acchI vicayAhi (?) tAhe niyaehiM bAha- puNe hi / 812 jaM so cirassa diTTho ciramavi na niraMtaraM diTTho // / 811 diTThotti pahaTThAo acchAmo tattha ega-pAsamma | tatthAula-viliyAo aigamaNa - sasaMkiyA amhe // ahaM pi bhAgaghejjehiM teNa vIsajjimA piya vayaMsA 1 pecchaha komui cAraM ahamavi etthaM nivajjAmi // 813 tesuM gae to bhaNai ceDiyA ehi vacimo tAba / cakkavAya pahuM daTuM ghara mI // tattha bhavaNegadesaM samAsiya [thaga]thagaMta hiyayA hUM / acchAmi [ a ] gaNore se dAsI - saMgayA AbharaNa-vasaNa-saMthagaNa - vAvaDA to samAgamukkaMThA / kAmamiva deha-baddhaM piyaM pakAmaM paloemi // 816 viNaya - raiyaMjaliuDa cAvaDiya pecchiUNa aha ceDiM / taM * tassa / / 815 818 bahu- bhANa-sasaMto aha kaMto uTTao sahasA // 817 jatto ba ya acchaM lajjAe (?) viliyA [ya] pacchaNNA / tatto caiva ya hutto ceDIe samaM samavasario / / to harisa-pUriyaccho dUiM aMguli puDe gaddeUNaM / bhaNai paritosa - pAyaDa pahaTTa - vayaNo imaM vayaNaM / / 819 jIviya-talAya pAlI majjhaM sokkhaNI (? sokkhANa khANi) sahayarI sA / hiyaya - ghara - vAsiNI me avi haTThA sAmiNI tujhaM // / 820 ayaM khu mayaNa-sara-pasara - vahiya-hiyao suhaM na viMdemi / samAgama-kAraNa-maNorahehi (?) hIto // / 821 kAUNaM vavadesaM niraMtarA dUi piya-vayaMsA me / vIsajjiyayA pecchaha komui-cAra ti savve vi // paTTaviUNa ya mitte ahaM piukkaMThiyaM viNeu je / tubbhaM caiva ya bhavaNaM gaMtumaNo paTTaya daTuM // taM vasime iha diTThA tuTThie naTTho ya me hiyaya-soo / bhaNa dvai jaM si bhagiyA piyAe taM icchmio sou~ // tAe 823 824 807 808 894 822 taraMgale

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taraMgalAlA 101 priyatamanuM darzana bhavananA mukhya dvAra para AsapAsa mitrothI vi TaLAIne nirAte beThelA priyatamane, ekAta sthAne rahelI mane dAsIe batAvyo (07) - sarvamanahara, snApravAha vahevarAvatA (2), dIpamAlAnI vacce rAtrIe udaya pAmelA zaraccadra je (808) tene jetA, kAjaLathI zAmaLa ane AyuthI karAI AvelI mArI nAkhonI tRSNa zanavI ja na hatI (809). cirakALe je hoIne cakravAkayonithI bhraSTa thayelA tene, jANe ke e beTa pUravA mATe, huM kyAya sudhI joyA karavA IcchatI hatI. (810). me tene ghaNe lAMbe gALe jAya tethI, atyAre ghaNA samaya sudhI jaI rahevA chatA, ane Asu bharelI hAIne huM tene nira tara jaI na zakI. (811). priyatamane joyo tethI harSita thatI huM tyAM eka bAju UbhI rahI, gabharAyelI ane lajijata evI ame A dara praveza karatA DaratI hatI (812) tyAM to amArA sadabhAgye teNe potAnA priya mitrone, "tame kaumudIvihAra juo, hu te have zayana karIza" ema kahIne vidAya karyA (813) teo gayA eTale ceTIe kahyuM, "Ava, have ApaNe e cakravAkane maLavAne zreSThInA ghara pAse jaIe.' (81). huM jaIne bhavananA AgaNAnA eka bhAgamAM dhaDakatA hRdaye UbhI rahI. dAsI jaIne tene maLI (815). vastrAbharaNane ThIkaThAka karatI, milanAtura evI hu dehadhArI kAmadeva jevA priyatamane mana bharIne jotI rahI (816). vinayapUrvaka hAtha joDIne tyAM AvI UbhelI ceTIne joIne atizaya AdarabhAve hAMphaLAphAMphaLe priyatama ekadama Ubho thayo. (817). je jagyAe lajajAthI saMkecAtI, guptapaNe hu chobhI hatI te tarapha ja teNe ceTInI sAthe pagalA bhayAM. (818) harSAzruthI sajaLanetre, dUtInI AMgaLI pakaDIne satiSanI spaSTa jhalaka vALA vadane te A vacane belo (819): "mArA jIvataranI pALa samI, sukhanI khANa samI, mArA hRdayagRhamA vasanArI, te mArI sahacarI ane tArI svAminI kuzaLa che ne ? (20). madanane bANaprahAra ghAyala hadayavALA mane to tene samAgama karavAnA aneranA kheMcANane lIdhe saheja paNa sukha nathI. (821). dUtI, bahAnuM kADhIne mArA priya mitrone ema kahIne me vidAya karyo ke tame sau kaumudIvihAra jovA jAo (822) mitrone vaLAvI daIne huM priyAvirahanI utkaMThAne haLavI karavA, tamArA AvAsa pAse jaIne citrapaTTa jevA vicArato hato tyAM to me mArA AvAsamAM tane AvelI joI ane tenA saMtoSathI mAre haiyazeka dUra thaI gayA. kahe, dUtI, priyatamAe je tene kahyuM te huM sAbhaLavA iccha

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1.2 taraMgalAlA aha bhaNai ceDiyA taM na kiMci appAhiyA ahaM tAe / sayameva viNNavehI sA iha [bhe] AgayA pAsaM / / 825 aha bhaNati puNo ceDI tuhA(1) sAhejja ettiyaM velaM / / kAmAurA ya sAmiya vaha(?) se hatthaM dharejjAhi // 826 kaNNA nadI uvagayA sA te puvvANurAga-jala-bhariyA / purisa samuha samuI gagA va imA taraMgavatI / / 827 ahamavi to saMbhaMtA ya parissama jaay-sey-vilinnNgii| ANaMda-bAha-niggaya-airAgaya-vevira-sarIrA // 828 pAesu nivayamANI viNaeNaM hatthi-hattha-bhUyAhiM / bAhAhiM suhAhiM ahaM ukkhittA piyayameNaM ca // 829 bhaNiyA ya gADhamavahiUNa bAhaM ciraM pamottUNaM / / majjhaM soga-paNAsaNi sAmiNi sussAgayaM te tti / / 830 pecchai ya aNimisaccho haas-visttuNt-srs-muh-kmlo| viyasiya-kamalAgara-niggaya va lacchi pauma-hINaM // 831 lajjoNayaddha-pariyatta-sasitiya(?) hAsa-pulaiyaMgI haM / / pAeNa kamala-dala- komaleNa bhUmI vilihamANI // 832 ahamavi taM pecchAmI addhacchi-kaDakkhaehi vakkhittA / viTThA ya teNa dihi heTAhuti karemANI // 833 savvAvatyaMtara-suMdareNa kaMtarasa timva(?) kaMteNa / suThutara me kAmo rUveNaM pUrio tassa // 834 to tassa parisaNa-samuhieNa taM pIti sAsa-jaNaeNa / pUraha himaya cchettaM majhaM paritosa vAseNa // 835 aha bhaNai piyayamo meM ki sAhasamerisa vavasiyaM te|| te ca bhaNiyA kisoyari guru-ppasAyaM paDiccha tti / / 836 rAyakula-vallaho aDhao ya nigamammi gahiya vakko ya / baha-mitto ya piyA te sAmiNi nagarassa ya pahANo // 837 nAUNa aviNayamiNaM kareja guNa-viNaya bAdhaNaM tujhN| maljha ya karejja raho so savya-kulassa ugghAyaM // 838 taM jAvatA na najasi tAva niyattAhi niya-gharameva / ahayaM kAhAmi tahA jaha labbhaM taM uvAeNaM // 839 gUDhaM pi aJcamANAI so nAhI amha natyi saMdeho / sunirUvieNa suMdari suNiyaMsaM(?) cAra-cAreNaM // 840

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taraMgalolA 103 chu. (823-924) eTale ceTIe tene kahyuM, "teNe mArI sAthe kazo sa deza nathI meka; e svaya ahI tamArI pAse AvI che, tethI te ja tamane vina tI karaze" (825). vaLI ceTI belI, "he svAmI, ATalI veLA teNe kemeya karIne dhIraja dharI (2). e kAmAturane have tame hAtha jhAlajo. (826) tarage UchaLatI gagA jema samudra pAse jAya, tema he puruSasamudra, pUrvajanmanA anurAgajaLa bharelI A tara gavatI kanyAnadI tArI pAse AvI che." (27) premIonuM milana te veLA huM paNa atya ta gabharATa dharatI, parizramane kAraNe paraseve rebajheba a ge vALI. ekAeka Ana dAzra UbharAI AvavAthI ka patA zarIravALI tenA caraNamAM paDavA gaI, tyAM te priyatame vinayathI mane hAthInI saDha samI tenI sukhada bhujAo vaDe UMcakI lIdhI (828-829), ane gADha AliMgana daIne tathA kyAya sudhI AMsu sArIne teNe mane kahyuM, "mArA zakane naSTa karanArI che svAminI, tAru susvAgata che." (830). ane te, vikasita kamaLasarovaramAMthI bahAra AvelI paNa kamaLarahita karavALI lakSmI sanI mane animiSa netre, tenA hAsyathI vikasatA sarasa mukhakamaLa sAthe joI ja rahyo (801), lajajAthI namelA, aradhA tIrachI vaLelA, hAsyathI pulakita ago sAthe huM paNa tene kSemapUrvaka tIrachI AMkhe kaTAkSathI jotI hatI, ane tenI dRSTi paDatAM mArI daSTi nIcI DhALI detI hatI (32-33) priyatamanA badhA avasthAtaramAM su dara ne atizaya kAMta evA rUpathI mArI kAmanA sArI rIte pUrNa thaI (834). tenA darzanathI uddabhavelI, prItirUpI dhAnyanI utpAdaka, pariteSarUpI vRSTi vaDe mAru hRdayakSetra tarabaLa banI gayuM. (835). taraMgatInA sAhasathI padyadevanI ciMtA pachI priyatame mane kahyuM, "te AvuM sAhasa kema AdaryuM kAdarI, me tene kahyuM to hatuM ke vaDIlanI saMmati maLe tyAM sudhI pratIkSA karaje. (836). tAre pitA rAjavIne mAnIto che, zrImaMta che, vepArIonA maMDaLamAM tenuM vacana mAnya hoya che, tenuM mitramaMDaLa ghaNuM moTuM che ane te nagarazeTha paNa che. (837) A avinayanI jANuM thatAM te tArA guNa ane vinayane bAdhA pahacADaze ane mArA para rUThatAM te mArA AkhA kuLane ucacheda karaze. (838) mATe tene tArA ahI AvyAnI jANa thAya te pahelAM ja tuM tArA ghera pAchI phara. huM kaIka yogya upAya vaDe tArI prApti thAya tevuM kAMIka karIza. (839) he suMdarI, ApaNe guptapaNe nAsI jaIe to paNa te takedArI rAkhanArA jAsusenI kAmagIrI dvArA jANI leze temAM kaze saMdeha nathI. (840).

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eyammi desa-kAle keNai puriseNa rAya maggammi / gIyaM aicchamANeNa tassa attho imo ghariNi // 841 sayamAgayA piyA jovvaNaM ca attho ya rAya-lacchI ya / vAsa-samae ya joNhA paMca vi turamANa-bhojjAI // 842 icchati jaM taM ladhdUNa piyayamaM jo naro puNo muyai / so appaNA ubagayaM necchai lalia-lacchI u (?) // 843 laghRNa cirassa piyaM sudullabhaM jIviyavva-savvasmaM / jo muyai na so kAmI bahu-viNagghayaM va raktammi(?) // 844 eya soUNa pio ghariNI giiytth-coiy-mtiio| bhANIya saraya-nimmala-samatta-caMdANaNo suhala(?o) / / 845 jaha nara(?) aNNaM desaM ajja pie io pavajjAmo / to navari nirAbAI suiraM pi tahiM ramegjAmo // 846 to hai bemi ruyaMtI namhi samatthA niyattisaM nAha / aNugAmiNI ahaM te jattha bhaNahi tattha vaccAmo // 847 dAveUNa uvAe bahue nAUNaM maM vavasiyaM ti / vabcAmo ti bhaNai meM jA tA geNhAmi pAiyaM // 848 paMtha-parivvaya-he jAva ya so bhavaNamaigao niyayaM / tAva ya ceDhIya mae bhUsaNamANehi paTTaviyA / / 849 so ya turiyaM payaTTA amha bhabaNa-maMdiraM duii| rayaNa-karaMDaya-hattho paDiggao me piyayamo vi / / 850 so bhaNai ehi kamala-dala loyaNe na ThAiuM iha kAlo / jAva na jANai seTThI tAva khamaM te avakkamaNaM // 851 tA hai vemi saviliyA ceDI meM bhUsaNANa paTTaviyA / sA jAvatA Niyattai tAva muhu paDicchAmo // 852 to bhaNati atthasatthammi vaNiyaM suyaNu satthayArehiM / dUtI paribhava-dUtI na hoi kajassa siddhikarI // 853 etto hu maMtabheo dUtIo hojja kIsa te mukkA / / mahilA muva(1)rahassI rahassa-kAle na saMThAi // 854 AbharaNamavelAyAMnINaMtI avi ya gheppati kahiMci / tA hojja maMta-bheo gamaNa-vidhAo ya nivvANaM // 855 jA imA tattha na gheppar3a kAyavvaM to vi gamaNameNDiM pi / hohI appaccUha akAla-hIrNa karettANaM / / 856 maNi-mutta-caira-juttaM savvAbharaNaM mae vi ta gahiyaM / / saMbhArA jAiyA moyagA ca tA ehi vaccAmo // 857 to teNa eva bhaNiyA tassa ya chaMdamaNuyattamANIya / / apaDicchiya-sArasiyA ghariNI saMpatthiyA turiyaM // 858

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taragalAlA nAkSI javAnA nirNaya e ja vakhate tyAM kAIka puruSa gIta gAtA gAtA rAjamArga uparathI pasAra thayeA. he gRhasvAminI, tenA gItaneA a` AveA hateA (841). sAme pagale cAlIne AvelI priyatamA, yauvana, sa patti, rAjavaibhava ane varSARtunI cAdanI e pAca vastune tarata ja upabheAga karI leve! (842) pe|te jene icchatA hoya te priyatamA prApra thayA pachI je mANasa tene jatI kare che, te jAte cAlIne AvelI lalita lakSmIne ja jatI kare che. (843). jIvataranA sarvasva samI, atyaMta durlabha evI priyatamAne dIrgha kALe prApta karyAM pachI je tene jatI kare che te sAcA premI nathI, paraM tu (844) A sAbhaLIne, he gRhasvAminI, gItanA mA~thI vicArane dhakko vAgatA, sa pUNa ane niLaccadra samA mukhavALA mArA priyatama ekSA (845), 'priye, bIjo vicAra mevA paNa che ke jo ApaNe atyAre ja kayAMka paradeza cAlyA jaIe, tA tyA rahIne lAkhe| samaya nivi ne ramaNa karI zakIe ' (846). eTale raDatA raDatA hu melI, 'nAtha, have pAchA javAnI mArI zakti nathI hu te| tane ja anusarIza tame kaho tyA ApaNe jatA rahIe.' (847) mane vividha anya upAye| batAvyA chatA huM kRtanizcaya hovAnuM jANIne teNe hyu, 'tA ApaNe jaIe ja paratu hu mArgomAM vAparavA mATe bhAthu vagere laI lau,' ema kahIne te tenA dharanA adaranA bhAgamA gayeA eTale me paNa ceTIne mArA AbhUSaNA laI AvavA medakalI. (848-849) 105 tIne lIdhA vinA prayANu dUtI amArA AvAsa tarapha javA jhaDapathI upaDI. teTalAmAM te mArA priyatama hAthamAM ratnakara Daka laI te pAche AvyA (850) teNe kahayu, malapatra samA leAcanavALI, cAla, zakAvAne have samaya nathI, zreSThIne jANa thAya tyAM sudhImA ja tu nAsI jaI zakIza ' (851). eTale hu lajjita thatI kheAlI, me ceTIne mArA AbhUSaNu lAvavA mAkalI che, e pAchI Ave tyAM sudhI ApaNe ghaDIka theAbhIe ' (852). eTale teNe kahayu, 'su darI, zAstrakAroe azAstramAM kahayu ke che dUtI parAbhavanI dUtI ja hAya che, e kArya siddha karanArI nathI hAtI (857) e dUtI dvArA ja ApaNI gupta sa'talasa phUTI jaze. te ene zu kAma mekalI ? strInu peTa chIcharu hAya che (), temA lAkhe| samaya rahagya Tatu nathI. (854) kasamaye AbhUSaNu laIne AvanI te kadAcane jo pakaDAI jaze. te ApaNA bheda phUTI jaze ane nAsI javAnu U~ vaLaze e nakkI. (855) eTale te pakaDAI jAya te pahelAM A ghaDIe ja bhAgavu paDaze. samayanA vyaya karyA vinA pagalAM bharanAranuM kAma nivighne pAra paDe che. (856) vaLI me maNi, muktA ane ratnathI jaDelAM AbhUSaNa laI lIdhA che. mUlyavAna anya sAmagrI, meAda vagere paNa lIdhA che te| cAla, ApaNe bhAgIe.' (857). teNe A pramANe kahayu eTale tenI icchAne vaza vatIne, he gRhasvAminI, huM sArasikAnI vATa joyA vinA, satvara ravAnA thaI. (858)

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106 avaMguya-hAraM / samuttiSNA / / 859 taM savva-ranti - [ jaNa ] - pasareNaM nayariM daTThUNa niggayA mo tatto jauNaM aha tattha niyacchAmo nAvaM khIlammi rajju-paDibaddhaM / lahuIM maNa-samatthaM vitthayamacchiDU kucchIyaM // 860 taM muka-baMdhaNaM to do-vi jaNA sattaraM samArUDhA / AvalayaM ca giNhai nikkhitta karaMDao ramaNo // / 861 nAgANaM ca paNAmaM tattha ya kAUNa tIe ya nadIe / tA taM samudda vahiyaM jauNA-sotaM pajjAmA || 862 to Ne dAhiNa pAse tattha siyAlA biyAla - hiMDaNayA / savva - cauppaya-maMkhA puNNA sakhA iva nadati // 863 soUNa piyayameNa ya nAvA ThaviyA ahaM ca AbhaTThA / mANAmo tA mANiNi eyaM sauNaM muhuttAgaM // / 864 vAmA khemA ghAyaMti dAhiNA maggao niyanttati / vaha baghaNaM ca purao diti siyAlA aNusaraMtA // / 865 navarettha guNo ekkA jaM me jIvIya viNAsaNaM natthi / appo hohI dAso disA pasatteNa guNeNa // 866 to eva jaMpamANo ramaNo AvAya saMkio tapto / so aNusottotto nAvaM vegeNa dA ( ? bA ) hI || 867 * cavaLAvallayavAhiya- duya vega - pavAiya (2) vva vacAmo / salila taraMga - pavaggiya gamaNa turaMgIe nAvAe || 868 AvattatA va jahA purao rukkhA taDesu dIsaMti / vivalaMtA va jaNAvaNa (?) maggao tuvyamANeNa (1) // 869 thimiya- tthimiya-bahatI nivAya nikkaMpa viviha tIraruhA / saNa-gaNa-bola-rahiyA jaDaNA moNaM piva paTThA || 870 aha tAvavava bhao vIsattho puvva pariciya-guNeNaM / aha dei piyayamo me hiyaulhavaM samullAvaM // / 871 bhai ya ka tAva bi pie kaha puNNehi cira-cira-biuttANaM / jAo samAgamo Ne icchiya- suha-Agamo mIrU || 872 suNu samAgama he jai na kao citta paTTao huto / na hu pariyattiya ruvA jANaMtA ekkamekkaM to // / 873 tuha cittapaTTaka samoNeNa puNa - jIbiyabSa - paramattho / pema-pariggaha- saMgo aNuggaho me kao kaMte // 874 yANi ya aNNANi ya mahura (2) kaNNa-maNa-nivvui-karAI / taM kaMte jaMpate (?) kiMci vi Sottu na cAmi // / 875 cira-pariciya - vaiyara - nijjiyaM pi tamahaM cirassa lajjaMtI / Ayantiya-muha-paumA Aicchi kaDakkhiyaM pecchraM // 876 taragalAla

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tara galAlA 107 AkhI rAta lAkonI avarajavarane kAraNe nagarInA dvAra khullA joI te ame bahAra nIsarI gayAM, ane tyAthI yamunAne kAThe pahAcyA (859). tyA ame dAraDAthI khIle bAMdhI rAkhelI nAva ame joI, te haLavI, sarasa gati karI zake tevI, paheALA chidra vagaranA taLiyAvALI hatI. (860) tene baMdhanamAthI choDIne ame bane jaNu satvare temA caDhI eThAM mArA priyatame ratnakara Dakane A dara mUkayo ane halesA hAthamAM lIdhA ( 861 ). nAgAne ane yamunA nadIne praNAma karIne ame samudra tarapha vahI jatA yamunApravAhamAM javA UpaDamAM (862). aparphyumna te ja veLAe amArI jamaNI bAju badhA cApagA prANIonA khadijana samAM, nizAcara ziyALA zaMkhanAda jevA nAda karavA lAgyA. (863). te sAMbhaLIne priyatame nAvane ceAbhAvIne mane kahyu, 'sudharI, ghaDIka ApaNe A zukananu mAna rAkhavu paDaze ( 864), DAkhI khAju doDI jatA ziyALa kuzaLa kare, jamaNI bAju jatA dhAta kare, pAchaLa jatAM pravAsathI pAchA vALe, AgaLa jatAM vadhu ke ba dhana karAve. (865) paNa AmA eka lAbha e che ke mArI prANahAni nahI thAya. A guNune lIdhe apazukananA deASanI mAtrA ochI thAya che' (866). e pramANe kahetAM priyatame ApattithI sAzaka banIne pachI nAvane vege pravAhamA vahetI karI. (867). naukApravAsa jaLatara`gA para nAcatIkUdatI vakherInI jema jatI nAvamA, jhaDapathI cAlatA halesAthI druta vege me mAgaLa jaI rahyA hatA (868) kAMThenAM vRkSA, AgaLa joI e tA kudaratI krUratAM lAgatAM hatAM; tA pAchaLa jotA te nAsI jatAM hAya tevA AbhAsa thatA hateA (?) (869). vAna atizaya mada hAvAthI, kAThenA vRkSo vAyune abhAve niSkapa heAvAthI, pakSIonA khela pazu na sa bhaLAtA hovAthI yamunAe jANe ke maunavrata lIdhu hoya ema lAgatuM hatuM. (870) e veLA, have bhItimukta thatA, pUnA paricayathI vizvasta banele priyatama mArI sAthe hradayane ThAre tevA vArtAlApa karavA lAgyA (871) teNe kahyu, * priye, bhIru, cirakALathI vikhUTA paDelAM ApaNe iSTa sukha mApanArA samAgama kemeya karIne puNyaprabhAve thayA che. (872) suMdarI, teM jo samAgama sAdhavA mATe citrapaTTa na karyAM DrAya tA AApaNe ApaNAM badlAyelA rUpane kAraNe ekamekane kadI eALakhI na zakayA heta. (873). he kAntA, te... citrapaTTa pradarzita karIne mArA para je anugraha karyAM, tethI A punarjIvana samA premasamAgama prApta thayeA ' (874) A prakAranAM, kAna ane manane zAtA ApatAM aneka madhura vacanA priyatame mane kahyA, pazu huM pratyuttaramAM kazuM ja khAlI na zakI (875), cirakALanA paricita prasagAne kAraNe tene me jItI lIdhA hovA chatAM, huM atizaya lA dharatI, mAruM mukhakamaLa ADu rAkhIne, DhALelI najare kaTAkSapUrvaka tene jotI hatI.(876),

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108 saraMgalAlA kaMThe gholira-vAyA rai-usuyA thagathagaMta hiyayA hai| mayaNeNaM toraviyA saMpuNNa-maNorahAraMbhA // 877 AgArehi ya ahayaM tahA pasaNehiM pulakiyaMgIya / nAvA-talaM kameNa ullihamANI piyaM bemi // 878 naM nA devayaM piva niveio me sayaM tuha ajja / sama-suha-dukkha sahAI ANobhojjA(?) ahaM tujhaM // 879 na ya ha parihariyavvA tujjha kae kulaharaM parihatI / bhattA ya baMdhava tti ya mAvaharejjAhI sa-hatthA // 880 aha ciya hu aha sarIraM dharejja tuha ramaNa raag-pddirtaa| suciraM pi nirAhArA tujjha vAhAra metteNa // 881 na ya ha tume virahiyA muhutta mettaM pi dhIra dhaarejjaa| vAhAra-vaigaraM te hiyaya-suhakara alabhamANI // 882 evaM bhaNio maNasA pariNAma-suhAvahaM mayA ghariNi / / hiyayAiM mANusANaM cala cittAI gaNatIe // 883 to bhaNai mA ja(1)mAhI mA ukaMThI piue kulaharassa / na vi te visAla nayaNe kiMci vi viuNaM karejjA // 884 sAraiya-tikkha-nahasotta-cavala-saMpatthiyA aparitaMtA / aNukUla vAya-nolliya pasattha-dhAvaMta-nAvA ya // 885 acireNa amhe suMdara paMDura-bhavaNehi sohiyamudAraM / gacchAmo pasayacchI kAryadimaNidiyaM nayari // 886 tattha ya piucchiyA me tIse vara-bhavaNa-puMDarIyammi / kIlihisi niruvviggA saggammI acchara bahu vva / / 887 sokkhassa khaNI dukkhassa nAsaNI jIviyavya-savvassaM / kula-vaggayassa majjha ya ghariNI si piu ttimaM bhaNai / / 888 to cakkavAya vAsiya-saMbhAriya-paNaya-turieNa raiyaM / jaramaiNIyamiditeNa (?) bhuya-paMjaraM niyayaM / / 889 piyayama-pharisaNa-pANeNa teNa ya(?) nivvuyA mi kayA / gimhumhA-saMtatta vya vAsa-nivvAviyA vasuhA / / 890 gADhamavagRhiyAe ya taha vi na niraMtaraM samallINo / tassa ure majna uro pINattaNeNa thaNayANaM / / 891 bhANussaya sokkha-suhAbaheNa rahaseNa kaya-vivAheNa / AvAheNa sahANa gaMdhavva-vivAha-dhammeNaM // 892 namiUNa niyaya-deve pieNa kAmaMbha(?)jAya hAseNaM / suraya-missiya-icchiya-rai-mahiyaM nayaNa-ruiya mo // 893

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taraMgalA 109 vANu mArA kaThamAM ja aTavAtI hatI, ratinI utsuktAne lIdhe mAru hRdaya dhaDakadhaDaka thatu hatu, mArA manoratha pUrA thavAnI ma DAthe thatA hoIne kAmadeve mane uttejita karI mUkI hatI (877). tara gavatInI Aza kA dehAkRtie prasanna ane aMge pulakita banelI hu nAvanA taLiyAne pagathI khetaratI priyatamane kahevA lAgI (878), "he nAtha, huM pote atyAre tane kaI devatAne karatI heu tema nivedana karI rahI chu hu have tArA sukhaduHkhanI bhAgIdAra bhAya chu. (879). tAre khAtara mArA piyarane me tanyuM che te mAre tu tyAga na karaje. tu ja mAre bhartA ane bAdhava Ine tArA hAthethI mAro tyAga na karIza. (880). he priya. hu tArAmAM premarata haiIne mane mAtra tArA veNa sAbhaLavA maLaze te nirAhAra rahIne paNa dIrdhakALa sudhI mAre deha TakAvI rAkhI zakItha (881). paraMtu tArA vinA, hRdayane sukhakara evAM tArA veNathI vaMcita banatAM eka ghaDI paNa hu dhIraja nahI dharI zaku ' (882). he gRhasvAminI, e pramANe bhAvI sukhano manathI vicAra karIne, ane manuSyanAM citta cagaLa hevAnuM mAnIne me tene kahyuM. (883). AzakAnuM nivAraNa eTale te be, priye, tu tArA piyara mATe citita ane utkaMThita thaIza nahI. he vizALanetre, huM tArU saheja paNa ahita nahI karu. (884) nAva zaradaRtunA vegIlA nadIpravAhane lIdhe capaLa gatie, dhImI paDayA vinA cAle che ane anukULa pavanathI dhakelAtAM te jhaDapathI dhasI rahI che. (885). he suMdarI, he vizALanetre, thoDI vAramAM ja ApaNe zrata prAsAdo vaDe zobhatI, samRddha ane prazasya kAmaMdInagarI pahoMcIzuM ( 886). tyAM mArI phaI rahe che. tenA zreSTha mahAlayamAM tu nizcitapaNe, svargamAM apsarAnI jema, ramaNa karaje. (88). tuM mArI sukhanI khANa che, dukhanAzinI che, mArA ghara parivAranI gRhiNuM che." e pramANe priyatame mane kahyuM (888). gAMdharva vivAha e pachI teNe cakravAkanA bhavane praNaya sAbharI AvatA tethI uttejita banIne mane tenA bhuja5 jaramAM bhIDI dIdhI (889). priyatamanA pazunA e rasapAnathI mane evI vAtA vaLI, jevI grISmanA tApe satata dharatIne varSothI TADhaka vaLe. (890). teNe mane gADha Ali gana dIdhu ane chatAM paNa mArA stane puSTa hovAthI tenA uramAM bhAre ura niraMtara ane pUrepUruM lIna na thaI zakyu. (891) ame gAdharva vivAhavidhithI gupta vivAha karyo, je mAnavIya sukhonA sudhApravAha sama hato (892). potapotAnA dene

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110 x X X jovvaNa samma ggaNaM aviyahummAhiya vva cirassa pattA raha-kallA ghariNI bhAgIrahI majjhe kameNa cakkAyaya bya ramimo to caMda- raiya-tilakA tArovayAraddArA nAvAe tIe vubbhatA / mANusa - cakkAyakA amhe // 896 jonhA - parisaha paMDura- dukUlA / raktI - juvatI aikkaMtA // 897 caujAma- taraMga - nolliya- sarIro / gayaNa- sarassa miyaMko (?) puvvosario avaraM taraNaM kAuM va sasi haMso // 898 X X x / pANiggahaNa kathaM teNa // 894 paDivuddha-haMsa-sArasa kAraMDava cakavAya raiehi xx gAyajaMpiyA (?) viva punna maNeraha-tuTThA amhe vi gayA to bhai piyayamo maM na hu kira jutto diTThekkamakka parituTThA / mANusa - suhANaM / / 895 to divasa kamma-sakkhI sUro uTThei timira paDisUro / gaNagaNagga-jAlo jIvalogassa // 900 ologo jamiNaM dakkhiNa- kUle vaccAmo tattha saharaM to so tatohuto nAvaM nIviimANaM ( 2 ) 1 pahAya muharehiM kurarehiM // / 899 rahaMga-nomaya - vihaMga - saNa | dUraM bhAgIrahi- pANiya-raeNa // 901 velA muha-dhoyaNammi pihu-soNi / udae raviNo kAuM rai-pasaMgo // 902 puliNaM saMkha-dala-nimmalaM bAle / coe (?) ramAmo suhaM suyaNu // 903 * avaloyaNa - jaMta-joiya-guNeNaM / gamaNa-sudakkhaM pio nei // 904 i-vAyAma-kilaMtAI uttiSNAI duve viNAvAya / gagAe dhavala-vAlaya aparikkhiya-sIyale sahasA tatthekkameka- daMsiya-ramaNijja- desa-pecchaNa-pasatthA amuNiya-bhaya-vI satthA gaMgA gahaNa taDubAie hiM jama- purisa-rosa - pharusiya-sA me hiM avayAseUNa piyaM iya jAe dujjAe puliNe // 905 corehi u diTThA // 906 Aviddha- vidha-paTTe / parivAriyA amhe // 907 bhaNAmi bhaya- virasa - vissara- paruNNA / bhaNa kaMta kahUM nu kAyavyaM // 908 883 taraMgalAlA

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taragalAlA praNAma karIte... yauvananI svargaprApti samu teNe mAru pAmihaNu kayu`.(893-894). vihIonI jema atRpta pyAsavALA, karyAMya sudhI paraparane nihALIne ame paritASa pAmyAM ane ke gRhasvAminI, mAnavIya ratisukhAnu kalyANa pAmyA, (895) bhAgIrathImAM krame krame te nAvamAM vahana karatA, cakravAka samA ame mAnavacakravAko ramI rahyA. (896) prabhAtakALa re teTalAmAM caMdrarUpI tilake zAbhatI, jyenArUpI atyata jhINu, veta kula dharatI, tArAonA hAravALI rAtrIyuvato vidAya thaI (897) cAra prahararUpI taragA jevA zarIrane dhakelatA hatA, te cadrarUpI hu sagaganarUpI sareAvaramA taratA taratA pUrva kAThethI pazcima kADhe pahAcyA. (89.) jAgI jaIne prabhAtakALe mukha banelA huM sa, sArasa, kAra Dava, cakravAka ane TIToDA jANe kema gaLapATha karI rahyA hatA (?) (8). eTalAmAM tA zma 'dhakArane zatru,dinacaryAMnA sAkSI, gaganAMgaNunI aganajyAta ane jIvalAkanA AlAka evA sUrya UgyA. (900), cakravAka pakSInA zabda pUrNa ane tRpta maneAtha vALA ame pazu bhAgIrathInA pravAhanA vege ghaNuM dUra gayA. (901) eTale priyatame mane kahyu, huM pRthuthroNi, have meDhu dhAvAnA samaya thaI gayA che, sUryanA ulkya thatA ratiprasa ga karavA yeAgya nathI gaNAtA (902). huM bAlA, jamA kAMThe je za'khanA TukaDA jevA zveta ratALa pradeza che tyA ApaNe jaI e, ane su darI, tyA a page sukhe ramaNu karIe' (903). utarANu : le tArAnI ToLInA sakaMjAmAM e pachI priyatame avalAkanaya tranA upayeAga karIne, kuzaLatAthI gatinu niyaM traNa karIne, nAvane te taraph dArI (94) rativyAyAmathI thAkelA ame kazI bhASA vinAga gAtA dheALI retIvALA pulina upara ni zaMkapaNuM UtaryAM. (905) tyAMnAM ramaNIya ane prazasta sthaLA ekbIjAne dekhADatA, zA bhayanu bhAna na heAvAthI vizvasta evAM amane ekAeka ceArAe joyAM (906) ga gAThinI jhADImAMthI dhasI AvelA, mAthe kuTakA khAMdhelA, jamapuruSa jevA krodhI, kaThora te kALA ceArAe amane gherI lIdhAM.(907). priyatamane bheTI paDIne Darane lIdhe mATethI te phrATele sAde raDatA me kahyuM, 'priyatama, AvI paDelI A ApattimAM, kahe have zuM karIzuM ?' (908) eTale priyatame kahyuM, 'sudarI,,

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112 taraMgalA to maM bhaNai piyayamo suMdari mA bhAhi pecchasu muhutta / ete dAruNa-core jAva ya paharehiM vAremi // 909 tuha laMbha-tuTThi-mohiya-maNa satthaM na me re (2) gahiyaM / ramiyanvayaM ti gahiyA maNi-rayaNA bhUsaNA ya tuha // 910 vammaha-sara saMtatto na gaNei bhayaM va AvaMte(?) vAvi / puriso sAhasa-buddhI suMdari mariyavva-buddhIe // 911 jai vi samatthA ete vIsatthA hohi tattha vi / karAla riu-vijjhatthaM (?) samare sulabhaM samatthassa // 912 tAva ya ime vilAsiNi alliti mamaM anAya-paramatthA / khaggukkhaya-pajjaliyaM jAva bhurya me na pecchati // 913 haMtUNa ekataragaM esi satthaM ca se gaheUNa / pAtosAriya-mehe vva esa nAsemi haM savve // 914 jai bi hu hojja vivattI sA vi varaM me kaya purisayAre / na ya me varaM kisoyari iha tujha viluMpaNaM dadarcha // 915 na hu mi samattho suMdari darcha niThura-parihattha-cora primuttuN| avi chiNNa-vasaNa-bhUsaNa-visaNNa-vimaNaM tuma bhaggaM // 916 majha kaeNa mayAe para-loe to puNo ihaM loe / ... ..kulaharayaM ca dhaNa-sAmiddhiM // 917 majjha ca kae hIraMti purao payayaNU (2) corehi| kiha nAma dharisaNamiNaM tuha jIvaMto Na vAremi // 918 gacchaMtu ya meM bAle mA me corehiM paribhaMDa (1) / corehiM samaM suMdari pecchahu taraNaM va maraNaM vA // 919 eyaM nisamma ayaNa piyassa pAesu nivaDiyA ahayaM / mA nAha aNAhaM meM pariccaejjA ti jaMpaMtI // 920 jai eva vavasiyaM te paDiccha jA tA vahemi appANaM / na vi hai puNo samatthA takarahiM nihayaM tuma daTTuM // 921 avi haM deha-vivattI-juttA hohaM guNehi bahuhi / takkhara-niyammi tume na ya jIvaMtI guNaM labbhaM // 922 muddhaya cirassaladdhaya bhAgIrahi-pahiya majjha khaNaM(1) pavissa / sumiNe vva diTTha-naho hA hAhisi dullahI nAha // 923 hoja ba na va hojja puNo samAgamo Ne parammi leAgammi / jAva ya jIvAmi ahaM tAva ya aNupAlayAhi tumaM // 924 jaM hohI ta hohI aNNoNNaM Ne amucamANANaM / na vi nAsaMto mubai kamma-viSAga-ppahArANaM / / 925

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taraMgalAlA 113 DarIza nahIM, ghaDIka dhIraja rAkha, A gharuNa cera para prahAra karIne huM temane aTakAvuM chuM. (09) tuM mane prApta thaI tenA sa teSathI mAru mana mohita thaI gayuM ane me hathiyAra sAthe na lIdhA, mAtra ApaNe ramaNabhramaNa karavAnuM che ema mAnIne me tArA mATe maNi, rane ane AbhUSaNo ja lIdhA (910) sudara, kAmadevanA zarathI satata, sAhasabuddhi vALe puruSa, mRtyune bheTavAnA nizcayathI, AvI paDatA sa kaTane gaNakArato nathI (11) bhale A cere samartha hoya, paNa tu vizvAsa rAkhaje ke zaktizALI puruSa mATe bhayaMkara zatrune paNa yuddhamAM parAsta karavo e saheluM che. (912) he vilAsinI, sAcI paristhitithI ajA; A coro tyAM sudhI ja mArI sAme khaDA che, jyAM sudhI temaNe, ugAmelA khaggathI prajavalita mArI bhujAnuM darzana nathI karyuM. (913). AmAnA ekAdane mArI nAkhIne tenuM hathiyAra laI laIne hu jema pavana mene vikherI nAkhe, tema A badhAne nasADI mUkIza (914). pauruSa darzAvatA mArA para vipata Ave te paNa bhale, paNa he kRzodarI, tane raDatIne teo uThAvI jAya te kemeya huM nahI joI zake. (915). he suMdarI, nipura ane baLiyA corathI luMTAIne tane, chinavAyelA vastrAbhUSaNane lIdhe viSANu, zokagrasta ne bhAMgI paDelI hu kemeya nahI joI zaku. (916) te AgalA bhavamAM mAre khAtara mRtyu vahevuM ane A bhavamAM piyara ane sukha samRddhi tajyAM-tenA para cAre taraphathI thatA A baLAtkAra hu jIvato chatAM na vAru te kema bane ? (91-918) to he bAlA, hu carano. sAmane karuM chuM. tuM je, A cAra sAthe kA to ApaNuM taraNu ke kAM to maraNa." (919). sAmane na karavAnI taraMgavatInI prArthanA priyatamanA A vacana sAMbhaLIne huM, "he nAtha, tuM mane anAtha nahI choDI jato ema bolatI tenA pagamAM paDI. (920) je te Ama ja karavAne nizcaya karyo hoya te huM AtmahatyA karuM tyAM sudhI tuM bhI ja. corene hAthe tAre vadha thatA hu kemeya joI nahIM zaku. (921). mAre deha paDaze te tethI mane ghaNo lAbha thaze, paNa corA tAro ghAta kare te jIvatI rahIne paNa mane kazo ja lAbha nathI. (22). arere mugdha, dIrdhakALe labdha, bhAgIrathInA pathika, ghaDIka mAtranA milanane aMte, he nAtha, svapnamAM je ane adazya thaye heya tema tu have alabhya banI jaIza. (923). paralokamAM ApaNe pharI samAgama thAya ke na thAya, paNa jyAM sudhI huM jIvuM chuM, tyAM sudhI to tuM mAruM rakSaNu karaje ja. (924). ekabIjAne na choDatAM ApaNuM je thavAnuM haro te thaze, nAsI janAre paNa kamavipAkanA prahArothI bacI nathI ja zakate." (25)

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114 bhaMDaNa - gamaNaM piyansa vAraMtI / evaM bahu vilavaMtI core bemi ruyaMtI matthaya natthaggaddatthA chaMdeNa savva sAraM giose savvaM pi me sarIrAo / mA narvAra mukha puri[saM] vaha evaM mae bhaNiyA ||927 * to chiNNa-gayaNa-gamaNA vimaNA sauNa trva chiNNa- pakkha-puDA / vipalAiumacayaMtA ghariNI corehiM mo aNNehiM puvvatarayaM nAvA gahiyA karaMDao ya ayaM pi ArasaMtI ucchUDhI tattha ahiM me piyayamo gahio majjha vayaNaM maMta valamalaMto savisa evamha tattha core hi ghariNi gahiyAI do vi hario ya tehi hatthA bharaNa-vihUNaM vIrataNaM vahiM thoraMsuyaM piyayamo [ me] rAyai maNamaNassa nissa / daTThUNociya- kusumaM layamiva maM maMda sohaM ya // 933 AlutaM va sirigharaM daTThUNa tattha ramaNaM saNa vimANI mA dAsi AsIvaso ceva // 930 bhAgIrahIe puliNammi / rayaNANa karaDA ||931 mahaM hiyaM hi / savvAbharaNaM ghariNi na viNuggayA (?) do vi // 932 paNaTTa - kamalaM ahamavi saraM va gaya-sohaM / royAmi dukkheNa // 934 nisiehiM cAhi / tajjiya kAsi bolaM mA taruNamimaM vahAmA // 935 eva bhaNiyA nilukkA piyassa pANa-parirakkhaNa- nimittA / bAha pakaMpiya-hiyA nissa tattha aMsu-vilivvilaDaM (?) aharodaThaM haM karemi nayana -dharihiM NdavaMtI dhare viva paohare daTThUNa rayaNa- puNNaM tuTTho tahiyaM karaMDayaM aha bhaNai coravaMdassa nAyago ghariNi suhaDe ekke dhavalaghare vittammi haM // 926 iNamo jaha bahu-divase hiyaya- ghara - vAsiNINaM kAuM evaM maMtaUNa uttiSNA viU (?) nijjhAyatA gahiyA // 928 tao / ahaM // 929 alaMghaMto / puNa ha 1 na vi hojjA ettiyaM molaM // 939 jUyammI kIliyavvaya-pasaMgo / * yAmi // 936 rAyaMtI / niyae // 937 mukkaM / tahiM // 938 ca pirya mahiliyANaM // 940 nai - yaDAu dakkhiNa- huttA te corA / payati // 941 taraMgalAlA

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taraMgalAlA e pramANe atyaMta vilApa karatI ane priyatamane laDAImAM UtaravAthI vAratI huM mAthA para hAtha joDIne raDatI raDatI corane kahevA lAgI (926), "tamArI icchA mujaba mArA zarIra parathI badhI ja mUlyavAna cIjo tame laI lo paNa huM vinavu chuM ke A gabharune tame haNazo nahI ' (927). laTArAnAM adI banyAM tyAM to pAkho kApI nAkhIne jemanA AkAzagamanane ane A che tevA 5khI samAM duHkhIdu,khI ane nAsI chUTavAne arAkta evA amane coree pakaDathA. (928). bIjA keTalIka cerAe A pahelA nAvane ane temAnA ghareNuMnA dAbaDAne kabajo lIdhe; te cIsa pADIne raDatI mane bIjA keTalAke dhakelIne pADI dIdhI. (929) bIjA keTalAke mArA kahevA pramANe karatA mArA priyatamane pakaDo.-jANe ke ma jhabaLane pratikAra na karI zakato viSabha nAga. (930) e pramANe, he gRhasvAminI, amane baMnene bhAgIrathInA pulina para geree pakaDavAM ane amAre ratnano ghabaDe paNa laI lIdhe. (931). he gRharavAminI, hAthanAM ka kaNa sivAyanAM mArA badhA ghareNuM teoe laI lIdhA. . (932). mAre priyatama mane phUla cUMTI lIdhelI latAnA jevI zobhAhIna thayelI joIne DabakaDabaka AMsu sArato mUgu rudana karavA lAgyo (973). lUMTAyelA bhaDAra samA ane kamaLa vinAnA kamaLasarovara samA zrIhIna mArA priyatamane joIne huM paNa dukhe raDI rahI (934). moTe avAje raDatI mane niSphara coroe dhamakAvI, "dAsI, gokIre kara mA, nahitara A chokarAne ame mArI nAkhazu." (935) evuM kahyuM eTale hu priyatamanuM prANarakSaNa karavA tene bheTIne rahI ane DUsakAM bharatI, dhrujatA hRdaye magu rUdana karavA lAgI (936) AMsuthI bhAre adhareSTha cIkaTa banI gaye, nayanarUpI megho vaDe hu mArA payodharUpI DuMgarane navaDAvI rahI (977) he gRhasvAminI, carAnI ToLakIne saradAra tyA lAvI mukelo dAbaDe joIne rAjI rAjI thaI gayA ane pitAnA subhaTone kahevA lAgyA (938), "eka Akho mahela luTa hata te paNa ATale mAla na maLata ghaNA divase nirati jugAra khelIzuM ane ApaNI manamAnItIonA kADa pUrIzuM ()' (978-940). e pramANe masalata karIne e core nadIkAthI UtarIne, amArA banne upara cakI rAkhatA, dakSiNa tarapha cAlatA thayA 941).

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taraMpalelA to phulla-sUravallIe tehiM saMdANiyA duyaggA vi / visama-visa-mahalliM cora-suilli niyA palliM / / 942 giri-kolaMba-nividha laTTha pANiya-darida-peraMtaM / / aMto-bahu pANIyaM visamaM agamaM para balANaM // 943 asi-satti-kaMDa-phala-kaNaka-kAMta vivihAuhehiM corehiM / viviSha-jaNa-nicca-nigama-pavesa-saMravi khaya-dAraM // 944 mallahaDi-paDaha-DaMDukimauMdA saMkha pirili-rava-muhala / uggIya-hasiya chaliya (?) vigghuTTokahi-sadAle // 945 pecchAmo ya paviTThA ThANaM sajja pasAya pajjAe / pANi-nisuMbhaNa-tuhAe bahu dhaya ciMdhAra ajAe // 946 kaccAiNoe ThANaM namiUNa pAhiNaM ca kAUNaM / / dacchimha tattha corA aNNe paccAgate core // 947 to tahiM paccAbhaTThA diTThA kaya-kammayA niyattatA / savve aNaha sarIrA lAbha samaggA iya sahu~ti (?) // 948 palli ca alliyate layANa saMdANie duyagge vi / dacchIya Ne aNimisA vimhiya-hiyapahiM te corA // 949 bhANiyaha tahiM kei arahaha nara nAri rUva-sAreNa / apparirtateNa maNe kaya kayateNimaM mihuNaM // 950 sohaMti ekameko eso [taruNo] imA ya taruNIya / caMdeNa jahA rattI rattIe jahA saraya-caMdo // 951 palli muviya-jaNa-maNaM kathai saMruddha-baddha kaluNa-jaNaM / taM devaloga-jamaloga-ubhaya sarisovamamatIgaM // 952 akhya (?) khya lAyaNNa-jovvaNaM deva-mihuNaga saricche / taruNa mihuNaM kira bhaDehiM gahiyamANijjai ihaM ti // 953 soUNa palli raccha sabAla buTTa-mahilA-samaggeNa / ApUri payattA jaNeNa koUhala-maNeNa // 954 evaM aiNijjate amhe kaluNe tahiM mahiliyAo / sAyaMtIo putte ca kAuM rAyati baMdIo // 955 egattha bhaNai corI taruNI taruNa-jaNa-nayaNa maNa corI / / daThUNa piyayamaM me hAsa-rasa-pasAhiya-sarIrA // 956 iNamA juvANa-vaMdi caMdamivoyAriyaM nahayalAo / vilayA-rohiNi-sahiyaM Thaveha tAgaM (?) // 957

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taraMgalAlA , zAraparalI vikaselI sUryavallIthI amane baMnene bAdhIne teo jalada viSa karatAM paNa caDI jAya tevI, corAne sukhadAyaka evI pallImAM laI gayA. (942) te pahADanA tiramAM AvelI hatI, ramaNIya ane durgama hatI, tenI AsapAsane pradeza nija La hato, paNa Adara jaLabhaDA ho ane zatrusenA mATe te agamya hatI (943). tenA dvArA pradezamAMthI satata aneka loke AvajA karatA hatA ane tyAM talavAra, zakti, DhAla, bANa, kanaka, bhAlA vagere vividha AyudhadhArI coranI ekI hatI (944). tyAM mahaladhaTI, paTala, 33%, muku da, zaMkha ane pirilInA nAda gUjatA hatA meTathI thatAM gAnatAna, hasAhasa, bUmabarADA tarapha kolAhala hato. (945). temAM praveza karatA ane prANIone balidAnathI tuSTa thatI devInuM sthAnaka joyu devaLa sudhI javA mATe pagathiyA banAvelAM hatA, ane tenA para aneka dhajApatAkA pharatI hatI (946). - kAtyAyanI devInA sthAnakane namaskAra karI tenI pradakSiNA karIne eme tyAM rahelA tathA bahArathI pAchA pharelA corane joyA (847) saune pitAnuM kAma patAvIne akSata zarIre lAbha meLavIne pAchA pharelA joIne tyAM rahelA ceree temanI sAthe vAta karI ane palImAM lavAyelAM ane latAnA be dhane bAdhatA evA amane baMnene te cerA vismita hRdaya ane animiSa ne joI rahyA (948-949) te keTalAka kahevA lAgyA, "naranArInA rU5 mAM uttama sAra vaDe A jeDu zobhe che lAge che ke vidhAtAe saheja paNa mAnasika thAka anubhavyA vinA Amane ghaDatha che. (50) cadrathI jema rAtrI zobhe ane rAtrIthI zaradacadra zebe tema A taruNa ane taNuM ekabIjAthI zobhe che' (51). te pahelImAM eka tarapha leke AnaMdapramoda karatA hatA, to bIjI tarapha bAMdhIne baMdI karelA lokone karaNa svara UThato hate e rIte tyAM devaleka ane jamaleka ubhayanA darzana thatA hatA. (952). pahalIvAsIonA vividha pratibhAva ananya rU5, lAvaNya ane yauvanavALu, devatAyugala jevuM taraNutaruNInuM yugala subhA pakaDI lAvyA che evuM sAMbhaLIne kaututhI bALa, buddAo ne strIo sahita lokasamudAyathI palsane mArga bharAvA lAgyA (95-954). e pramANe amane karuNa dazAmAM laI javAta joIne e zoka karavA lAgI ane badinAo amane potAnAM saMtAna jevA gaNIne raDavA lAgI. (955). eka sthaLe, taruNanAM mana ane nayana coranArI ceratarUNI mAraka priyatamane joIne hAsyathI pulakita thatA zarIre kahevA lAgI (956) : "AkAzamAMthI nIce UtarelA cadra jevA A yuvAna baMdIne rohiNI samI tenI patnI sAthe rAkho" (957)

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118 jAyA cora-bahUo visAla - dhavalehiM acchIhi eka-pANaM caccaMtu (?) imassa vAsurayasaTTivAle (?) kAma vigAre vikkheva - vilAsa-mayaM bahU samaicchaMta tAo sahAsAo tAhe taha pecchiUNa sogIsA - sammIso rosaggI me acchIhi / rUmammi // 958 karatIoo / kaDambati // 959 sa-viyArA / samujjalai ||960 * taM taha pavesiya-mAM samaM mae pAsiuNa saMjamiyaM / royaMtIo putaM va kAi soyaMti baMdIo // 961 amhaM taM maNa coro devo va aNetasANa (?) suMdeze / nayaNAmayamiva muccasu baiti piyaM me karamarIo // 962 kAo vidhAha- missaM ruyamANIo bhaNati baMdIo | sa- kalattao vi puttaya eto muMcaMtao hohi // 963 rUpa-guNa- vimya-samuTThieNa kAmeNa kAi AuliyA / AgAres va ramaNaM saMghaTTiya-kaMci saheNa // 964 tattha ya daTThUNa mamaM ukkuTTIo karati naGauttA / hA rUva sarasa lAvaNNa- juttA mahiliya ti // 965 keI ya ekamekassa tattha dAveMti maM pasaMsaMtA / vacchA sohI pecchaha mahilaccharamiNaM ti // 966 juyala-kusuma-gocchaM piya mahuyara- turiya- cUya (?) - paribhuktaM / mahilAsoga-layamaNaM kara- pallaviyaM poi // 967 thaNa-juyala - cakkaSAyaM mehala - haMsAvali nayaNa-saphariM / vitthiSNa kaDI puliNaM juvai-nadimiNaM loha // 968 ava-ruNNAyaM sohai se payai-suMdaraM vayaNaM / saMjhA-raMjiya- taMbo vJa mudI - puNimA- do // 969 savvAvatthaMtara-suMdareNa rUveNa sassieNa / sayavanta - ritta-itthaM siriM bhagavaI vilaMti // 970 [siNA '] kasaNA vimalA vaTTA pINA samAhiyA ya rase / kesA nayaNA dasaNA thaNA ya urU ya pAyA ya // 971 keI bhaNati corA hojja kayatthA hu mo amara-nArI / maMDaNa - gahiyAraMbhA puNa erisI hojA // 972 khaMbhassa dejja pharisaM (1) khAlejja maNaM imA risINaM pi / iMdo achi-sahAseNa pecchamANo na tippebjA ||973 taraMgalA

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che. taragAlA 119 mArA priyatamanA rUpane kAraNe, vizALa ane bhaveta AkhevALI cAra strIonA prANa mAtra temanI AMkhamAM AvIne vasyA () 958). taruNI (2) vilAsayukta a vikSepa rUpI. aneka kAmavikAra darzAvatI, pasAra thaI rahelA mArA priyatama pratye kATAkSapAta karatI hatI. (59). temane kAmavikArathI tyAM hasI rahelI joIne te veLA mArA cittamA zeka ane ISyAMyukta rASAgni saLagI UThatho (60). be dI banAvelA mArA te priyatamane mArI sAthe tyAM praveza karate jotA veta keTalIka badinIe tene putra sama gaNune zoka karatI ravA lAgI (961) deva samo sudara ane nayanane amRta same tu amAro hRdayara che. te mukta thaje', e pramANe keTalIka baMdinIo mArA priyatamane uddezIne kahevA lAgI (962) te bIjI keTalIka be dinIe raDatI, dhA nAkhatI kahevA lAgI, he putra, tArI patnI sahita tu mukta thaje (963). tene vismayakAraka rUpa ane guNathI pragaTelI kAmavRttithI vyAkuLa banelI kaIka strI pitAnI kaTimekhalAnA raNakArathI jANe ke mArA priyatamane nimaMtraNa ApI rahI. (964) vaLa mane tyAM jaIne keTalAka chelabaTAu juvAniyAo AnadanI kilakArIe karatA kahevA lAgyA, "A bAIna zo rUparaMga ne rasabharyuM lAvaNya che' (965). te. keTalAka mane vakhANatA ekabIjAne batAvatA hatA, "baccAo A apsarAsamI bAIne te juo! (966) stanayugala rUpI puSpaguccha ane hAtha rUpI pallavavALA ane priyarUpI madhukara vaDe bhagavAyelI A strI rUpI azokalatAne juo (97). stanayugala rUpI cakravAkakaTimekhalArUpI haMsaNI. nayanarUpI matsya ane vistIrNa kaTirUpI pulina vALI A yuvatI, rUpI nadIne jue. (968). atyaMta rUdana karavAthI lAlacoLa thayeluM tenu sahajasuMdara vadana, sa dhyAnI lAla jhAMyathI 2 gita zaradapUrNimAnA caMdra samuM zobhI rahyuM che. (969). badhA avasthatAmAM suMdara ane sazrI, dIsatA tenA rUpane lIdhe te kamaLarahita hAthavALI bhagavatI. lakSmI samI zame che. (970) tenA keza masuNa che, netra kALA che, dAMta nirmaLa che, stana gaLAkAra che, sAthaLa puSTa che ane caraNe sapramANa che." (71) keTalAka coro kahetA hatA, ApaNe Ane joIne dhanya thaI gayA : zaNagAra sajavAnI taiyArI karatI devaganA ra bhat AvI ja haze (72. A staMbhane sparza kare te tene paNa calita karI de, RSionA cittane paNa ca caLa banAvI de, indra tenI eka hajAra akhethI paNa Ane jenAM na dharAya'.(73)

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13. taraMgAlA kei para-dAra-bhIrU vaccaMti viNIya-saMkuciya-gattA / dINa tti sa-purisa ti ya daLUNa mamaM avasarati // 95 , haMtUNa taruNamiNamo dhuvamaNuvama-rUva-jovvaNa-samaggaM / eyaM kAhI mahilaM mahilaM seNAvaI amhaM // 975 evANIya-aNANiya-purisA mahilA tattha jaMpiti / piya-maraNamatidisaMtA bhayamatulataraM jaNaMtA me // 976 salahaMti mama taruNA visesao piyayamaM ca trunniio| sesottha jaNo dosu vi aNurattavira(?) majjhattho // 977 ari-mittodAsINeNa teNa pallIjaNeNa dIsaMtA / tuMgaM kaMTaya-trAhiM seNAvaiNo gharaM NIyA // 978 tattha ya diNNa-pavesA aiNIyA sAha-maMDavaM tuMgaM / taM cora-vasahi-goTuM seNAvaiNo uvaTThANaM // 979 diTTho ya Ne niviTTho kisalaya-nicayAsaNe tahiM ghariNi / cora-gaNa-gAmaNI so vara-bhara-cUDAmaNI sUro / / 980 khippa-tavaNijja-kaMtI-dharAe phullAe asaNa-sAhAe / saNiyaM vIjijjato mahukara-kolAhala karIe // 981 vIra-bhaDa-laMchaNehiM ya ahimuha-bahu(1) laddha-sagghehi / paharehi cittaMgo saMgAma-samAlabhaNaehiM // 982 bahu-samara-pugga(?)-vihaDiya-niyattaNa-ghaDiya-suhaDa-saTTehiM / corehiM parikhitto jamo vva jaha kAla purisehiM // 983 kosiya-nisarisakkho umbaddha-mahaMta piMDiyA-jaMgho / kaDhiNoru pINa-kaDI saNNaya-passoha rodhI?) // 984 maraNa-bhaya samuttatyehiM tattha amhehi veSamANehiM / so paMjali-kara-puDa-pAhuDehiM saMpUio coro // 985 so Ne bhaya-parivaTTaNa-karIe AkuNiyAe diTThIe / / 'nijjhAiyanimisaccho hariNa-mihuNayaM va sadUlo // 986 te viya Ne corabhANA sahAva-rohAhiM tAhiM diTThIhiM / daLUNa ruva-lAyaNNa-jovvaNaM vimihayA jAyA // 987 go-mahilA baMbhaNa-ghAyaNAhiM bahuyAhiM pAva buddhIhi / nikiva nirighaNa-hiyao aha so seNAvaI tattha // 988 amhe ya nirikkheto mImo kaMpa-rahiyaM tahiM ekkaM / ' . saMdisai ghora cora AsaNaM kiMpi kaNNammi // 989

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tara galAlA 11 tAvaLA parAI strI pratye pApabhIrU evA keTalAka, vinayapUrvaka zarIra sAcIne jatA hatA .te 'A bicArI dIna haiM ane tenA dhaNInI sAthe ' evA bhAvathI mArA pratye joI te dUra sarI jatA hatA. (974). 'A taruNane mArI nAkhIne ApaNA se ||pati A asAdhAraNa rUpALI yuvatIne peAtAnI dharavALI banAvaze.' (975)--e pramANe tyA pakaDIne lAvavAmAM AvelA tema ja khIjA puruSa| ane e khelatA hatA, ane mArA priyatamane mArI nAkhaze evA temanA saMketathI huM atyaMta bhayabhIta banI jatI hatI. (976) tasNA mArI prazaMsA karatA hatA ane vadhu tA taruNIe mArA priyatamanI prazaMsA karI rahI hatI, jyAre bAkInA leAkA ba ne pratye anurAgavALA (?) ke taTastha hatA (97) cArasenApati e pramANe zatru, mitra ane taTastha evA pakSIjane varDa jovAtA jovAtA amane UMcI kADhAnI vADavALA ceArasenApatinA dharamA laI javAmA AvyA (978) tyA amane praveza karAvIne, te ceArAnI vasAhatanA senApatinA maThThA sabhA, ati U cA beThakakha DamAM amane laI javAmA AvyAM (979) he gRhasvAminI, tyAM ame ceArasamUhanA netA ne subhaTAnA cUDAmaNi e zUravIrane krU paLeAnA DhaganA anelA mAsana para beThelA joyeA. (980). tapAvelA suvarNanI krAMti dharatI ane tenA puSpA AsapAsa gUjatA zramarAvALI asanavRkSanI DALIthI tene dhIme dhIme pavana nAkhavAmAM AvatA hatA (981). vIra sainikanA eLakhacihna samA ane sagrAmanA a galepa 'samA chAtIe jhIlelA aneka prazasta dhA vaDe tenuM Akhu aga cItarAyelu hatu (982) aneka yuddhomAM bhAga laIne rIDhA thayelA (?) ceAra subheTAnA samUhathI, kALapuruSA vaDe yamarAjanI jema, te vITALAyelA hateA. (983). dhruvaDa jevI AkhA vALA, pATAthI vI TelI meATI pI DIvALA, kAra sAthaLa ane puSTa kamara vALA .. (984) maraNanA bhayathI trasta, jatAM ame te veLA tene karasapuTanI A jalirUpI bheTa dharIne tenuM abhivAdana karyu (985) te dRSTine saMkrAcIne amArAmA bhaya preratA, animiSa netre, vAdha hariyugalane jue tema arte nihALI rahyo (986 tyA rahelA cerasamUho paNa amArAM rUpa, lAraNya ane yauvanane temanI svabhAvata. raudra daSTithI jotAM vismita thayA. (987). aneka gAya, strI te brAhmaNonA vadha karIne pApamaya banelI zuddhithI jenu hradaya niSkupa ane niNuM thaI gayuM che tevA te bhISaNu senApatie amAru nirIkSaNa karatAM karatAM pAse rahelA eka cAranA kAnamAMM niSkaRpa svare (?) kazoka saMdezA kavo (988-989) : ' cAturmAMsa samApta thatA senApatie strIpuruSanI joDI vaDe

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122 eso kira devIe jAo seNAvaIhiM kAyavvo / cAmmAsa-samatte mahilA-sAhieNa puriseNa / 990 tattha kira mihuNakamiNaM jAge iMtavvayaM tu jaha kira na palAyate taha rakkhasu NaM eyaM soUNa mahaM hiyayaM ApUriyaM sogeNa maraNa-bhaya- missieNa navamIe / payaceNaM / 991 sayarAhaM / vitthAramANeNa // 992 * aha so sAmiya-vayaNaM kathaMjali-puDo pariggaheUNa / neIya cora taruNo niyayAvAsaM tao amhe // 993 gADhayaraM bAhi moDiu sro taha tassa aMgamaMgAI / baMdhIya piyayamaM me avirAhiya-verio coro // 994 to garuDa-gaya- nAga - purisa vva nAga yuvatI vilayamANI / piya- purisa - vasaNa-saMdhukkieNa dukkheNa hUM paDiyA // 995 vikiNa ke sahatthA ya tattha bAhoha - rugbhamANacchI / ase ma piyayamaM vAraMtI baMghaNa tassa // 996 baMdha marma aNana (1) jIe kaeNaM ayaM purisa hatthI / gaNiyAri hatthiNIe itthI vIro Nu ubbaddho // 997 uvagUhaNa pattaTThA lajha avi jANumANa-laMbAo / piTThIe gADha-miliyA taha baddhAo bhuyA tassa / / 998 mottuM va vavasamANI teNa ya coreNa jAya-roseNa / pahayA talehiM nibbhacchiyA ya chUDhA ya egate // 999 bajjhato vi visAyaM jo na gao (?) dhIra-saMjutto / so mA dharisaNa- pahAreNaM jAo pio vimaNo || 1000 bhaya maiM roto hA majjha karaNa dharisaNamiNaM taM / maraNAo kaTutaraM apatta- putraSaM pie pattA // 1001 piu-mAi- mitta-vaggaM appANaM ceva na vi tahA soyaM / jaha tujjha soyae (?) hUM nava- bahu-bhAva- vahUM va imaM // 1002 so eMva jaMpamANo nihao khIlammi teNa coreNa / baddho itthI-mattallao pacchA baMdhAM ceva // 1003 883 baMdhana - guNa-sAhINaM so taM kAUNa nikkivo coro / piyai paDAlimaigao sollAmisa-ballahaM hAlaM // 1004 maraNa-bhaya- samuttaTThA upicchA tattha haM pigaM bemi / dA hohI mariyavvaM kaMta akaMtAe pallIe ||1005 taraMgalAlA

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taraMgAlA 12: devIne jAga kare evI prathA che. (990) te temane divase jAmamAM A yugalane vadha karavAne che. eTale teo palAyana na thaI jAya te rIte te temanI sa bhALathI cakI rAkhaje' (991). A sAMbhaLIne tarata ja mAru hRdaya maraNanA bhayathI mizrita ne uttarottara vistaratA evA zAthI bharAI gayu (992). pAdava baMdhanamAM pachI potAnA svAmInuM vacana hAtha joDIne svIkArIne te cerayuvAna amane tenA raheThANe laI gaye (93). te pachI vagaravAMke zatru banelA te care hAthane baLapUra pAchaLa maraDIne mArA priyatamanA ageaga bAMdhyA (994) eTale priyajananI ApattithI bhabhUkI UThelA dukhe , jema nAgayuvAna garUDa vaDe prasAtA nAgayuvatI vilApa kare tema vilApa karatI beya para paDI (995) vikharAyelA kezakalApa sAthe, AsanA pUre rU dhAyelI Akhe priyatamanuM baMdhana vAravAnuM karatI tene bheTI paDI (996) 'anArya, tu ene badale mane bAMdha, jenA kAraNe A purUSahastI, jemAM mukhya hastinane khAtara vAra karatI adhana pAme tema, be dhana pAmyo che' (97). AliMgana ApavAmAM samartha, suMdara, jAnu sudhI lakhAtI evI priyatamanI bhujAone pITha pAchaLa ekabIjI sAthe lagolaga rAkhIne teNe bAMdhI dIdhI. (998) tenA baMdhana choDavAnI mathAmaNa karatI mane, roSe bharAyelA te core lAta mArI, dhamakAvIne eka kera pheMkI dIdhI. (999). be dhananI veLAe je mAro priyatama auya dhAraNa karIne viSAda na pAmyo, te mane karAyelA prahAra ane apamAnathI ghaNe dukhI za. (1000). raDato raDato te mane kahevA lAge, "arere priyA, mAre kAraNe, pahelAM te kadI na sahelu evu maraNathI paNa adhika kaSTadAyaka A apamAna tAre veThavuM paDyuM. (1001). huM mArA pitA, mAtA, badhuvargane athavA te mArA pitAne paNa eTalo zAka nathI karate, jeTalo A tArA navavadhUpaNAnI avadazAne zeka karu chu " (1002) e pramANe belatA tene te care, kAI gajarAjane bAMdhe tema khIlA sAthe pAchaLathI bAMdhI dIdho (1003) ema be dhana vaDe tene pitA vaza banAvIne te nirdaya cAra paDALI( ijA)nA aMdara gayo ane zekelA mAsa sAthe teNe dArU pIdhe. (10). maraNanA bhaye trasta, atyaMta bhayabhIta evI hu priyatamane kahevA lAgI, are kAta, A bhayaMkara palImAM ApaNe bharavuM paDaze. (1005).

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124 / taraMgale bhaNio ya takaro me kosaMbI nayari-satyavAhassa / eso eko putto seTThissa ya bAliyA ahayaM : / 1006 jettiyamettaM icchaha maNi-mutta-suvaNNayaM pavAlaM vA / tettiya-mettaM amhe dAhAmo te ihaM saMtA // 1007 tubhaM koI vacau amhaM lehehiM kulahare do bi / lakhammi tao atthe amhe iha muMcaha duve vi / / 1008 to bhaNai takaro so tubbhe kaccAiNIe jAgammi / amhaM seNAvaiNA mahA-pasU do vi udiTTA // 1009 deyaM ca adijjate ruThThA taha hoi bhagavatI amhaM / jIe pasAeNamhe savve kAmA aNubhavAmo / / 1010 kamme siddhI vijao raNammi attho ya savva-sokkhaM ca / kaccAiNi-ppasAyA amhaM hohi tti na muyAmo // 1011 evaM soUNa ahaM tAhe baliyayaraM paruNNAmi / dachuNa piyassa taM me(?) avaoDaya-moDiya-sarIraM // 1012 piya-guNamaiehi ahaM baddhA kAmANurAga-niyalehiM / acchaM kaluNa-paruNNA vivaNNa-buNNA tarhi ghariNi / / 1013 to hamaNa-dummaNayaM(1) jaNassa maNa-kaDhaNayaM sa-mammaNayaM / x x x x royAvaNayaM karamarINaM // 1014 asUhiM dhoSamANI niyaya kavolAharoha-thaNabaDhe / royAmi aNoramayaM (2) ramaNummoyaNamaNumaNNaMtI // 1015 kuTTemi ya piTemi ya appANaM muddhae ya luMcAmi / sama-visame mahiyale vi loTiyA tattha haM ghariNi // 1016 sumiNatara-saNeNa va laddho si mae pahANa-guNo / je tattha Asi ya (?) ruNNamiNaM teNa me jAyaM // 1017 eyANi ya aNNANi ya tattha ahaM kaluNagANi vilavAmi / piya-vippaoga-dussaha-sogeNa uvagahiyA ghariNi // 1018 AvANayammi kehi pi bhaDehi eyammi desa-kAlammi / kaNNa-suhayaM su-mahuraM iya taha gIyaM sa-tUraravaM / / 1019 agaNiya paDiyAvAyassa sAhasaM kammamArabhaMtassa / purisarasa egatariyA hoi vivatti bva siddhi vva // 1020 AraMbhamANassa phuDaM lacchI maraNaM va hoi purisassa / tamaNAraMbhe maraNaM pi hoi niyayaM na uNa lacchI // 1021 /

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pe Journal is primarily intended to 1ote researches in Medieval Indian ure. Hence emphasis will naturally n the languages, literature and 1ral sources of that period. But it also give sufficient space to other les which throw light on Ancient an Culture. ms of Contributions tributions embodying original arches, abstracts of theses accepted he University; critical editions of the 1blished Sanskrit, Prakrit, bhramsa, Old Hindi, Old Gujarati s; appreciations and summaries of ent and medieval important original ks; notices of manuscripts and textual cisms will be published in the rnal dium of Articles y should be written in any one of following four languages: Sanskrit, 11, Gujarati and English. cles written in language other than lish should be accompanied by a imary in English nual Subscription End ope SA 25/ 45/ Dollar 6 50 Rs Sh. Other Rules (1) Contributions intended for publication in the Journal should be type-written (with double spacing) or legibly written on one side only of the paper Copies should be retained by the authors. (2) It is presumed that contributions forwarded for publication in the Journal are not submitted elsewhere. (3) The copyright of all the contributions published in the Journal will vest jointly in the L. D. Institute of Indology and the authors. (4) Ten offprints will be given to the contributors free of charge (5) Titles of books and Journals should be indicated by single underline. Sanskrit, Prakrit, Hindi, Gujarati terms occurring in the articles written in English should be underlined. The standard system of transliteration should be followed (6) Those who want their works to be reviewed in the Journal should send two copies of the same. All contributions and correspondence may please be addressed to Director, L. D. Institute of Indology Ahmedabad-9

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OUR LATEST PUBLICATIONS Rs. RS Rs, Rs, RS 36. New Catalogue of Sanskrit and Prakrit Mss. JESALMER COLLECTION -Compiled by Muniraja Punyavijayaji Rs. 37 Prakrit Proper Names Pt. II Compiled by Mohanlal Mehta and Rishabh Chandra 38. Karma and Rebirth by Dr. T. G. Kalghatgi Rs. 39. Jinabhadrasiri's Madanarekha Akhyayika. Edited, by Pt. Bcchardasji Doshi 40. Pracina Gurjara Kavya Sancaya, Edited by Dr. H. C. Bhayani and Agarchand Nahata, pp. 16+ 155. 41. Collection of Jaina Philosophical Tracts Ed. Nagin J. Shah 42. Sanatukumaracariya Editors : Dr. H. C. Bhayani and Prof. M. C. Mody Rs, 43. The Jaina Concept of Omniscience by Dr. Ram Jee Singh 44. Pt. Sukhlalji's Commentary on Tattvartha Sutra of Vacaka Umasvati, Eng. trans. by Dr K. K Dixit 45. Isibhasiyaim Ed by W. Schubring 46. Haimanamamalasiloncha of Jinadevasuri with Srivallabha's Com.; Ed. by Mahopadhyaya Vinayasagara 47. A Modern understanding of Advaita Vedanta by Dr Kalidas Bhattacharya pp. 4 +68. (1975 48. Nyayamnjari (Ahnika I) with Gujarati translation, Edited and translated by Dr. Nagin J. Shah, pp. 4 + 144. 49. Atonements in the Ancient Ritual of the Jaina monks by Dr. Colette Caillat, pp. 8+ 219 (1975) 50. The Upabrmhana and the Rgveda Interpretation by Prof. T. G, Mainkar, pp. 4 + 60. (1975) 52. Jinesvarasuri's Gaharayanakosa, Edited by Pt. A M Bhojak and Dr. Nagin J. Shah. 53. Jayavantsuri's Risidattarasa (Old Gujarati Kavya) Edited by Dr. Nipuna Dalal. Rs, Rs. Rs. RS, Ri

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24.1.17 SAMBODHI (QUARTERLY) VOL. 5 JULY-OCTOBER 1976 NOS. 2-3 Dr A. N. Upadhye 1906-1975 JL. D. INSTITUTE OF INDOLOGY AHMEDABAD 9 VENTE 28

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CONTENTS A Note on the Jaina Concept of Substance Bimal Krishna Matilal A New Contribution to the Discussion of a Problem of Jaina Monastic Discipline K. K. Dixit Tattvarthasutra : Verification of Prasasti Suzuko Ohira On the Date of Harsakirti's Kalyanamandira-stotralihi Claus Vogel Iconographic Features of the Sixtcen Jaina Mahavidy.is et Enunciated in the Iconographic Texts Maruti Nandan Prasad Tiwari The Evolution of Plant Reproduction according to Jaina Literature J. C. Sikdar On the Sanskrit Suktiratnahara, as Subhasita-Sangraha ost" Prakrit Subhasita-s Ludwik Sternbach Sahitya-Mimamsa : Prakrit Text Restored V. M. Kulkarni Ergative Constructions in Indo-Aryan Vladimir Miltner Cont. 1ork

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SAMDUDA 24 177 Special issue in memory of Dr. A. N Upadhye EDITORS DALSUKH MALVANIA Dr HC BHAYANI VOL 5 JULY-OCTOBER 1976 Nos. 2-3 2 L. D. INSTITUTE OF INDOLOGY AHMEDABAD-9 STORE CH GIG

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A NOTE ON THE JAINA CONCEPTION OF SUBSTANCE Bimal Krishna Maulal The Late Professor A N. Upadhye was an excellent scholar of Jainism and Prakrit studies. His contribution in this feld was as varled as it was remarkable One of his major works was the erudito edition of Kundakunda's Prayacanasara (in 1935) which contained an elaborate Introduction in English, and the Prakrit verses of Kundakunda followed by the Sanskrit chaya as well as the Sanskrit commentary of Amrtacandra Sari, Ita second edition was published in 1964 in the Rajacandra Jajna sasatramala. In the Introduction, Dr Upadhye discussed several important philosophic lagues of Janism, such as the Jaina conception of Substance and Attribute, distinction between guna and prayaya In order to pay my personal tribute to the memory of Prof Upadhye (whom I knew personally, and who offered to teachine Prakrit, a generous offer which, alas, I was unable to accept because of my other preoccupations), I wish to select my material from bis Kundakunda studies, the notion of substance, a topic to which he himself gave some thought In the history of Jaina philosophical literature, two teachers (acaryas) were pioneers in composing short treatiscs in the sutra fashion. Thoy were Kundakunda and Umasvati (or Umasvamin). The former composed for the first time several authoritative (philosophical) works in Prakrit while the latter wrote the first authoritative Sanskrit treatise in Jalda philosophy. It is not known to as whether Kundakunda composed any work in Sadskrit, nor 18 it known whether Umasvati ever worte 10 Prakrit. But both authors depended heavily on the Jaina scriptures and supported the scriptural tradition with philosophic argumenta These two authors belonged to a period that covers the firat two or three conturies of the Christian era. About 200 to 400 years later, there appeared two other important Jaina teachers, Siddhasena Divakara and Samantabhadra, who closely followed Kundakunda and Umasvati, and who were rosponsible for the development and expansion of the Jaina philosophical method In this paper I shall concentrate on the substance-attribute controversy found in the writings of these four philosophers. The Jaina conception of existence (sat) 19 Intimately related to the Jaina conception of substance. In fact, the concepts of substance and attribute 1 I shall by-pass here the controversy over the authorship of the Tattyarthasitra as well as the sectarian dispute over the names "Umkisyat," and "Umilgymin." Sambodhi 5.2-3

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Bimal Krishna Matulal are at the focal point of a number of phtosophical problems that have their origia in the carly philosophical tradition of India It is significant to note that the paradox of permanence and change, of being and becoming, was as much alive issue for the early Indian philosophers as it was for the Greeks, 1. e, the pre-Socratics The doctrine of substance found favoor with those who were inclined toward permanence in the midst of fleeting states or moments However, those who gave primacy to change and flux were always suspicious of the notion of being' or substance. In the Indian context, the Buddhist belonged to the second group, and their 'non-soul' doctrine was in fact explalned as a variety of the 'non-substance' doctrine The Vaissikas believed in the reality of substance and attribute Broadly speaking, the Jaina position was a compromise between these two extremes. The Tattvarthasutra 5 29 asserts 2 "What there 19, has the nature of substance." And the next stitca (5 30 in the Digambara tradition) adds "What there 18 (the existent), is cadowed with the triple character, origin, decay and stability (persistence) " The Tattvarthabhasya explains that whatover origaates, perishes and continues to be 13 called the existent; anything different is called non-existent. The next sutra asserts that the existent 1s constant for it never gives up its being (essence ?). In sutra 5.37, the substance 18 again characterized as follows: "The substance is possessed of qualities (guna) and modes (paryaya) " Here, the broad category 'attribute' is apparently broken into two subcategories, qualities and modes But the sutras do not give the definition of modes (paryaya); satra 5,40 defines quality (guna) as "What reside in a subst. anco, and are themselves devoid of any quality, are called qualities." The Tattvartha-bhasya adds: "Though modes too reside in a substance are themselves devoid of any quality, they are subject to origin and destruction. Thus, they do not always reside in a substance. The qualities, on the other hand, are permanent, and hence they always reside in a substance. This is how qualitios aro to be distinguished from modes" Pajyapada, in his commentary Sarvarthasiddhi, is more specific about the distinction of qualities and modes 7 2 Sat dravya-lak sanam, Tattvarthastitra 5, 29 3 "Utpadavyayadhrauvyayuktam sal," ibid. 5 30 4 Sou Umasvati, under satra 5 29 5 "Tadbhavayyayan nityam" Tattvarthasutra 5 31 6 See Umasvati, under sutra 5.40. 7 See Pajyapada under sutra 5.38, P 199,

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A note on the Jaina Conception of Substance A quality is actually) the distinguishing character of one substance from another For example, the person (300l) is different from matter (non-soul) through its possession of) cognition etc; the matter is distinguished from soul through qualities like cclour The generic attributes common to souls are cognition etc; and that of non-soul are colour etc The modifications of these qualities, viewed in their partcular nature, are called modes (paryaya), such as cognition of a pot, anger, pride (in a soul), and intense or mild odour, deep or light colour in the case of the non-soul" In the above analysis of the Tattvarthasutra, we have at least two compatible notions of substance (1) substance as the core of change or flux, and (2) substance as the substratum of attuibutes Kundakunda combines these two notions as he defines substance in his Pravacanasara "They call it a substancc, which is characterized by origin, persistence decay, without changing its own-nature', and which is endowed with qualites and accompanied by modifications "For the 'owo-nature of the substance is its existence (sad-bhava), which is always accompanied by qualities and variegated modes, and at the same time, by origin, decay and continuity,"8 Thc Vaisesika school emphasized rather the second aspect of the substance, substance as the substratum of qualites and action Thus, Vais:sika-sutra 1.1.14 defined substance as follows: "The definition of a substance is that it possesses qualities (guna) and action/inotion (kriya), and it is the substratum-cause" The notion of "substratum-cause" (samavayi-karana) is explained in this context as that which as substratum gives 'causal support to the changing attributes, qualities and action Aristotle, in the Western tradition, was emphatic about both these notions of substance. 1 as a core of change and 2 as a substratum of attributes In Categories, he wrote 10 "The most distinctive mark of substance appears to be that, while remaining numerically one and the same, it is capable of admitting contrary qualities From among things other than substance, we should find ourselves unable to bring forward any wbich possessed this mark" This comment underlines both notions of substance mentioned above, Aristotle, bowever, suggested also three other notions of substance, all of wbich became very influential in later Western philosophy: 3 substance 8 See Kundakunda, Pravacanasara, Chap II, verses 3 & 4 9 Kriyavad gunuval samavaylkaranam iti dravyalak sayan," Vaibusikasutia 1.1.14 10 Aristotle, Categories, (4a 10-14), p. 13

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Bimal Krishna Matilal as the concrete individual thing, 4. substance as essence, as one baving independent existence, and 5 substance as the logical subject. From his remark that examples of substance can be "the individual man or horse", 11 one can infer the third notion of substance, substance as the concrete individual But admittedly, Aristotle's remark was too vague to give us any definite conclusion. The Vaisesika theory of substance included the concept of the 'concrete individual, but it was extended to include such 1100-concrete things as the bodiless soul, the sky, time and space Thus, the notion of substance as a concrete individual thing is too narrow to accomodate the Vaisesika view Besides, one may reasonably ask what constitutes the concreteness ? The criteria of identification and individuation are clear enough with regard to the standard things like man, table and horse but very unclear and problematic with regard to such non-standard things as cloud, water and iron, The idea of substance as the essence or the imputable core seems to bave been suggested by Aristotle in his Metaphysics A natural corrolary to this notion is that a substance is independently existent Thus, existence, according to Aristotle can be applied, in the proper sense of the term, to substances only, and qualitles and relation have only a secondary existence, a parasitic mode of being "Therefore, that which is primarily, i e, not in a qualified sense but without qualification, must be substance."12 The Jalpas too, identify the notion of "t is" (existence) with that of substance, but they add also that "it is" or "t exists" means only that it is endowed with the triple character of origin, decay and stability The idea of 'own-nature' (svabhava) in the early Indian philosophy was perhaps, the nearest analogue of the notion of 'essence' found in Western tradition Nagarjuna and his followers, the Madhyamika Buddhists, were the champion critics of the owul-nature,' the immutable core, as well as of the notion of existence which is necessarily dependent. "It 18," as the Madhyamikas will argue, should mean that 't always is,' and 't is not" should mean that it always is not The Madhyamikas, in fact, argued : all things (beings) are empty of their own-nature (own-being) because they are dependently originating (pratilya-samut panna) 18 It is thus clear that the 'emptiness' doctrine has been propounded by Nagarjuna in order to avoid the paradoxical situation under which existence or own-nature would have to be admitted as dependent and conditioned It is probably because of 11 lhl, Categories (2a 19), P 9 12 Ibid, Metaphysics (1028a 29-30), p. 783 13 CF "prattya-samutpanoatvan nihavabhavam, nisva bhavatvat sunyam it upapa anam " Nagarjuna, Vigrahavyavartant, under verse 22

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A note on the Jaina Conception of Substance Nagarjuna's trenchant criticism that the Vaisesikas never explicitly stated the notion of the 'own-nature' theory of substance, although such a theory might very well have been implicit in their doctrine of substance The Vaisesikas held in fact a modified position There are, according to the Vaisesikas, two types of substance permanent and impermanent The atomic constituents of the material substance, and the non-corporeal substances such as the sky, time and space, are regarded as permanent substances and indepently existing, but the things like the clay-pot and the wooden chair are impermanent and existent only being causally dependent The idea of substance as the logical subject was another important notion which became the concern of Aristotle and his followers in Western philosophy But this notion is uo longer appealed to by the logicians today although some modern philosophers (notably P F Strawson) have revived the issue in a different way. Strawson does not mention the word "ubstance" but shows that material bodies and persons are central notions to our coaceptual scheme, and he calls them the basic or fundamental particulars. He also shows the connection of the nolion of a 'particular with that of an object of reference or logical subject 16 This can be seen as the explication of the old problem of substance as the logical subject In the Indian context, the Vaisesikas never explicitly considered the connection between the logical subject and the notion of substance, although it was probably implied in their early doctrine of substance. She later Indian logicians (including the Buddbists and the Nalyayikas) cuined a new term, dharmin ("property-possessor"), which was their nearest analogue for "the logical gubject." But the Indian logicians developed the notion of dharmin independently of that of substance, and, thus, some of the problems connected with the notion of substance as the logical subject were somehow not raised in their discussion, The Jaidas explicated the notion of substance in such a way as to avoid falling between the two stools of being and becoming It was a grand compromise of flux and permanence. The substance is being, It is also becoming Kundakunda observes the substance has both natures from the standpoint of one 'own-nature' it is being (sat, unchanging), and from the standpoint of another 'owo-nature', it has triple character, origin, decay and continuity, 1. e fluctuations 16 Siddhagena Divakara repeated the point more forcefully "There is no substance that is devoid of modifications, nor is there any modification without an abiding something, a substance, For origin, decay and continuance are the three constituents of a substance "16 14 Strawson, Individuals, p 136A 15 Kundakunda, Pravacanasara, Ch II, verge 7 16 Siddhasena, Sanmatt, Ch. I, verse 12,

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Bimal Krishna Manlal It may be noted that the notion of continuity in the socalled triple character of a substance is not identical with the notion of permanence of the substance The former tiotion means persistence or continuance (pravaha. nityata) The latter notion means immutability It is the notion in the background of wbich the triple character of origination, destruction and continuity becomes nieaningful Continuity', on the other hand, is a notion essentially dependent upon origin and decay Thus, Kundakunda observes : "There is no origin without destruction, nor is there any destruction without origin, and neitber destruction nor origination are possible without what continues to be,"17 Amrtacandra Suri, commentator of Kundakunda, explains that when a pot is produced from a lump of clay, both the origin of the pot and the destruction of the lump amounts to maintaining the persistence of the claysubstance In order to prove his contention, Amftacandra uses the following reductio (prasanga). "If we do not accept it as true, origio, decay and continuity_all three, will then be really different from one another In that case, when the mere origin of the pot is sought after, then either it will not originate for there will not be any (real) cause for its origin, or there will be origination of the non-existent (an untenable paradox) If the pot does not originate, no bhuvas (things) will originate. If there is origination of the non-existent (asar), then sky-flower etc will come into being. Similarly, if mere destruction of the lump of clay is attempted to the exclusion of the production of the pot), then either there will not be any destructwn of the lump for want of any (real) cause for such destruction, or there will be destruction of the existent or being an untenable position),"18 The Jainas were well aware of the Madhyamika critique of the ownnature' concept as well as of the problem involved in the doctrine of permanent substance. It is true that the immutability of own-nature invites a host of problems But the notion of tllix, the Jainas point out, is no sacrosant Thus, just as the Buddhist argues that there is only fluctuation from one state to another there being no permanent being, the Jaina takes the bull by the horn and counterargues that if there is no permanence there cannot be any change, any fluctuation, for it is only the persisting soul that can transmigrate The triple character of origin, decay and continuity was predicated, even by the Buddha, of the conditioned (samskyta) entities. Thus, in Anguttara I, the Buddha said. 17 Kundakunda, Oh. II, verse 8 18 Amrtacandra Sari, in Kundakunda, Ch. II, v 8, p. 125.

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A note on the Jaina Conception of Substance "Of the conditioned entities, monks, the origin is conceived, even so their decay and their stability (persistence)."'10 Nagarjuna, however, directed his dialectical attack against the notion of the conditioned (samskfla) and concluded "Since the notion of origin, persistence and decay cannot be established. the conditioned does not exist And if the conditioned 18 not established, how will the unconditioned be established ?"20 But why then did the Buddha speak about the triple character of the conditioned entities ? Nagarjuna replied : "Just as the magic, the dream cloud-castle are unreal (but nevertheless, are spoken about) 40 also the origin, stability and decay have been described."21 In fact, the triple character that describes the Jaina conception of substance has been dwelt upon by many later authors. Samantabhadra points out that origin and decay relate to the specific nature of the substanco and stability to the generic nature 22 Thus, if a golden pot is destroyed and a golden crown 19 made out of it, destruction, origination and continuity happen simultaneously and give rise to sorrow, joy and indifferent attitude respectively in the minds of three different kinds of people, those in favour of the pot, those in favour of the crown, and those in favour of the gold stuff Kumarila stated the point more elaborately : If the (gold) plate is destroyed and (instead) a (gold) necklace 19 made, then the person who wanted the plate will grieve, and he who wlahca the latter will be happy, but he who wishes for the gold stuff (only) will neither grieve nor be happy. Thus, the triple nature of an entity is proved "99 Turning to the second conception of substance in the Tattvarthasutras ( according to which substance is the substratum of qualities and modes ), we can say that it was probably derived from the Vaisesika school. In fact Tativurthasutra 541 defines quality "Qualities are located in substances, and are themselves devoid of qualities,"24 This seems to be an echo of the Vai esika definition of guna or quality. It is also significant that one of the most important Jaina concepts, mode 19 Quoted by Candrakirti, see Nagurjuna, Madhyamika-sastra, p 73. 20 Nagarjuna, Madliyamaka-istra, Ch. VIT, 33 21 Ibid., verso 34 22 Samantabhadra, Aptamimumsu, Ch III, serge 57. 23 Kumanla, Mimunsaslokavartika, p. 613 24 "Dravya raya nirguna gunah " Tattvarthasutra 5 41 Sambodh! 5.2-3

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Bimal Krishna Matilal or modification, is not even defined in the Tattvarthasutras The Jaina ontological principle of anekantata 'non-onesidedness', however, 18 not compatible with the rigid Vaisesika notions of substance and quality Thus, Siddhasena has added that it would be as good as a heresy in Jainism, if one intends to make the notion of substance absolutely different from that of quality 25 Moreover, Siddhasena has argued, the supposed distinction between qualities and modea (tacltly accepted by b-th Umasvati and Kundakunda) should also be discarded altogether in order to remain true to the Jaina spirit.20 10 Siddhasena's philosophic insight in this regard was commendable. According to him, reality should be viewed from the two important atand points, being and becoming, permanence and change. That is why Lord Mahavira acknowledged only two nayas or standpoints "substance exists" and "modification exists".27 If x is an element of reality, then, according to Siddhasena, x can be viewed as a SUBSTANCE from the standpoind of being, and aa a PROPERTY from the standpoint of becoming. The standpoint of 'becoming' (modification) reveals that everything originates, stays and perishes; the standpoint of 'being' ("it 18") reveals everything exists eternally without birth or decay 28 And, Siddhasena asserts, there cannot be being without becoming. or becoming without being, therefore, a subatance (reality) is defined as the combination of being with becoming, 1.e., origin, decay and stability 20 Siddhasena connects the 'being' aspect with generalization and the 'becoming aspect with particularization It is pointed out that in our ordinary description of things, we necessarily combine the general with the particular. From the point of view of the highest generalization, a thing ia described as "it is" which reveals the parmanent being, the substance. But when, in ordinary descriptions, a thing is called a piece of wood, or a chair, or a red chair, we have an intermixture of being' and 'becoming' aspects In so far as the thing 18 identified as a non-fluctuating substance, it is the 'being' standpoint And in so far as the attributes of the thing, such as being a piece of wood, being a chair, or redness, are revealed by the description, it is the 'becoming' standpoint Qualities are nothing but modes or states of the substance In any characterization or description of the thing there is thus an overlap of being' and 'becoming standpoints, ontil we reach the ultimate particularity, pure becoming', i,e., the pointinstants (ksanas) of the Buddhists.30 25 Siddhasena, Sanmart, Ch III, verses 8-9. 26 Ibid, verse 9-15 27 Ibid., Ch III, verse 10 28 Ibid, Ch I, verse 7 29 Ibid, Ch I, verses 11 & 12, 30 bid, Ch I. verse 9. I

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A note on the Jaina Conception of Substance Thus the Jaina conception of substance comes very close to that of Whitehead, according to whom, the chief aim of philosophy is the elucida tion of our integral experience' of both the flux and permanence of things. Whitehead has said that philosophers who have started with 'being' have given us the metaphysics of 'substance' and those who have started with "becoming' have developed the metaphysics of 'flux 81 But Whitehead points out the inseparability of the two 11 But, in truth, the two lines cannot be torn apart in this way, and we find that a wavering balance between the two is a characteristic of the greater number of philosophers. Plato found his permanence in a static, spiritual heaven, and his flux in the entanglement of his forms amid the fluent imperfections of the physical world Aristotle corrected his Platonism into a somewhat different balance. He was the apostle of 'substance and attribute,' and of the classificatory logic which this notion suggests "82 In the Indian context, one may observe that the Buddha's search for nirvana, the unconditioned state, freedom from suffering or duhkha, spelled out a philosophy for the later Buddhists, according to which the flux of things, impermanences, the fluent imperfections of the physical world', are identical with suffering (duhkha; cf whatever 18 impermanent, 18 suffering). And nirvana, the unconditioned state, is actualized with the cessation of this duhkha The Vai esikas, on the other hand, were, much like Aristotle, the apostles of substance and attribute duality Bibliography Aristotle The Basic Works of Aristotle (ed. R McKenon), Random house, New York, 1941 Kumarila. Mimamsaslohavarttika. Ed R S. Sastri Tailanga Manavalli, Chowkhamba Sanskrit Series 11, 1898. Kundakunda. Pravacanastra. Edited with Amrtacandra Suri's comm. by A. N. Upadhye, Rajacandra Jaina Sastramala, Agas, 1964. Nagarjuna, (1) Madhyamakasastra. Ed P. L Vaidya, Buddhist Sanskrit Texts no. 10, Mithila Institute, Darbhanga, 1960 (2) Vigrahavyavartani. printed as the fifth Appendix of the above. Pujyapada, Sarvarthasiddhi (comm on Tattvarthasutras) Ed Jinadasa Sastri, Sakharama granthamala, Sodasapura, 1939. 31 A. N Whitehead, Process and Reality, p 240-1 32 Ibid., p 241-2.

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12 Bimal Krishna Matilal Samantabhadra. Aptamimamsa. Ed. Gajadbaralal Jain, Sapatana Jalna Grantbamala, Benares (Kosi), 1914 Siddhasena Divakara. San mat or Sanmar-tarka-prakarana, 5 pts Eda. Sukhlal Sangbavl and Bechardas Dosbi, Gujarat Puratattva Mandira Granthavali, Ahmedabad, 1924-31. Strawson, P F. Individuals an essay 10 Descriptive metaphysics. First published in 1959 by Methuen & Co. Doubleday Anchor p.b 1963 Tattvarthasutra or Sri-Tattvartbadhigamasutra by Umasvamio Ed. J L. Jalo, Bibliotheca Jaioica, Arab (India), 1920. Reprint AMS Press, New York, 1974 Umasvati Tattvarthasutra-bhas ya Ed, K. Siddhantasastri, Jaina Mandala, Bombay, 1932 Varsesikasttras of Kanada. Ed Muni Shri Jambuvijayaji, Gaekwad Oriental Serles 136, Oriental Iostitute, Baroda, 1961. Whitehead, A. N. Process and Reality-an essay in cosmology. The Free Press, New York, 1969 (first published by The Macmillan Co., 1929).

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A NEW CONTRIBUTION TO THE DISCUSSION OF A PROBLEM OF JAINA MONASTIC DISCIPLINE K. K. Dixit Dr. Colette Caillat's degree thesis dealing with the problem of expiation as understood by the Jaina religious authorities and originally appearing in 1965) in her mother-tongue French is now available to an English translation competently made ? Based on a painstaking study of the first three chapters of the monastic-disciplinary text Vyavabarasutra (along with its standard Prakrit and Sanskrit commentarses) as also on that of a vast mass of contemporary writings on Iadology the work provides much food for thought for the students of Jainism in particular and Indian culture in general It is divided into three parts of uneven length but each having a distinct significance of its own. Thus the first part (pp. 3-22) takes up two relatively independent questions ---Viz (1) In what relationship does Jainism stand to the other religious sects of India-particularly Buddhism and Brahmanism ? and (2) "Which and of what sort are the Jaina texts devoted to the problems of monastic discipline ?', on the other hand, the second part (pp. 23-65) brings to light the characteristic features of the Jaina monastic life while the third (pp. 66-187) investigates into the way the Jainas look at the problem of expiation. An outstanding merit of Dr. Caillat's performance is that hardly any of the 1980 es raised by her 10 the whole course of her present study 18 of a secondary importance, this becomes evident from a close study of the bare titles of her different chapters (as also from that of the six brief paragraphs of her Foreword). Besides, the issues thus raised have been arranged 13 an order that much facilitates a comprehension of the total picture ander study. The only pity is that Dr Caillat does not consider it possible that a historical study be made of her subject-matter, But significantly enough in connection with the expiation technically called paribara' she herself bestows enough consideration on matters pertaining to history, and in view of the crucial position occupied by the concept of 'parlbara' in the Jaina's thought-world that virtually amounts to seeking to trace the historical evo. lution of the Jaina concept of expiation as such. In any case, in the following part by part examination of Dr. Caillat's total thesis an attempt is being made to view in a historical perspective the issues raised there; she who has already quoted with approval (pp 77) R. Williams' observation The changelessness of Jainism is no more than a myth, should, we hope wolcome such a supplimentation made to her own so valuable research work, 1 Atonements in Ancient Ritual of The Jarna Mooks, Pub. L. D. Instituto of Indology, Ahmedabad-9, 1975

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K. K. Dixit As was just noted, the first sub-section of the first part of Dr Caillat's thesis answers the question 'In what relationship does Jainism stand to the other religious sects of India-particularly Buddhism and Brahmanism ?'. More strictly, speaking, her question is 'What similarities-pertaining to the fields of ethics, religion, philosophy, jurisprudence, art etc.-the modern scholars have found to obtain between Jainism, Buddhism and Brahmanism?". And she answers it by way of presenting an impressive array of formulations suitably arranged. These formulations are more or less tenable-some more so, some less so-but it 18 no use examining them individually and in details because they have no particularly direct bearing on Dr. Caillat's subject-matter proper. Nay, so far as this subject-matter is concerned she herself insists that the relevant Jaina positions must be first studied in and for themselves, for otherwise the danger is that a comparison drawn between them and the corresponding Buddhist and Brahmanical positions might get bogged down in superficialities. This important point is made towards the close of the present section and in view of what has gone earlier might appear to be some sort of anti-climex. But In essence it is valid Certainly, all fruitfull comparison between x and y must refer to features that are characteristic of x and y, and such a comparison 18 possible only after a specialized study has been made of x as well as y. Be that as it may, being thus cautious Dr Caillat ends by declaring that the few Non-Jaina positions she has taken into consideration for the sake of drawing comparison are from the Buddhist Vinaya-texts, Manusmrti and Arthasastra. The cholce is well made inasmuch as the Vinaya-texts are a true representative of the ethico-religious speculations of the Buddhists who (like Jainas themselves) are a monastic religious sect, Manusmrti that of the Brahmins who are a non-monastic religious sect while Arthasastra is a true representative of the ethical speculations of the secular statesmen. Logic therefore suggests that a fruitful comparison must be most easily drawn between the Jaina disciplinary texts and the Buddhist Vinaya texts, less easily between the former and Manusmrti, much less easily between the former and Arthasastra-provided, of coure, one drawing comparison has mastered both the parties to comparison, How Dr Caillat follows in practice the precept here laid down by herself remains to be seen. [The sections opens with a summary narrative of the economic, political, social and religious conditions of India contemporary to Buddha and Mahavira, But in a study like the present one which deals with a religious subjectmatter a narrative of the economic, political and social conditions makes sense only if it is argued that these conditions must find some specifific sort of reflection in the contemporary religious speculation. The argument 18 not untenable but it 18 not advanced by Dr. Caillat either here or elsewhere.] 14

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A New Contribution-Problem of Jaing Monastic Discipline 15 Then we come to the second sub-part of the first part of Dr Calllat's thesis Let us recall that the question considered here is "Which and of what sort are the Jaina texts devoted to the problems of monastic discipline ?" By way of answering this question Dr. Caillat first offers a cbaracterization of the four disciplinary texts Kalpasutra, Vyavabarasutra, Nist. thasutra and Jitakalpasutra, then that of the Prakrit and Sanskrit commentarles that came to be written on them subsequently, (Jitakalpasatra, in fact, is a late text by the seventh century author Jinabhadra who has himseif written on it an el iborate Prakrit verse-commentary of the form of bhasya) In connection with both issues have been raised that deserve a deeper probe than might appear natural and legitimate. Thus we are told that the three texts, Kalpa, Vyavahara and Nisitha are based on the priociple technically called sruta, Jitakalpa on that technically called jita, Here is had in mind the position laid down in Vyavahara 10 2 according to which the five decreusingly authentic principles acting as basis for the proceeding related to monastic punishment are agama, sruta, ajna, dharana and jita The position 18 extensively elaborated in the relevant part of Vyavabarabbasya and still more so in the openining section of Jitakalpabhasya. Therefrom we can form a clear idea of how is was understood by the later Jaina authors but it is doubtful whether this is how it was anderstood originally. Particulariy open to suspician is the interpretation put by these authors on the two terms agama and sruta, terms which are of a relatively frequent occurance in Vyavabara itself. Thus an experienced monk is often called bahvagama and babusruta where the former term should naturally mean 'one versed in Jaina scriptural texts' and the latter 'one versed in secular texts'. But the later Jaina authors would have us beleve that in Vyavahara 10 2 agama stands for the three supernatural types of cognition ---Viz. avadhi, mapahparyaya and kevala--on the one hand and the 14 long lost Purva-texts on the other, sruta for the three texts Kalpa, Vyavahara and Nisitba wbich Bhadrababu wrote on the basis of his first hand acquaintance with the 14 Purva-texts It 18 difficult to see how an aphorism occuring in Vyavabara could refer to Vyavabara itself, Not that there do not occur in Vyavahara aphorisms which explicitly refer to Vyavahera itself, but they obviously are a later interpolation in an old text On other grounds it can of course be argued that Vyavabara 10.2 is also relatively late, but it seems to have been composed at a time when the words agama and fruta had not lost their original meaning, in any case, the meaning attributed to these words by the later authors moves in a circle of ideas that is foreign to the old toxts like Kalpa, Vyavahara and Nistha etc.- foreign because it is so much permeated with all sorts of mythological notions which are distinctively a later growth. However, since Dr. Caillat simply says that the three texts Kalpa, Vyavabara and Nikitha

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K. K. Dixit are based on the principle called sruta or tradition and Jitakalpa on that called ita or custom it should be possible to understand her statement in a rather liberal fashion Thus she might be taken to mean that Kalpa, Vyavahara and Nisitha lay down positions that had a long standing tradition, Jitakalpa positions that had the sanction of a mere later established custom, a meaning not out of tune even with the later Jaina authors' way of looking at things. But now the difficulty is about deciding as to what in the history of Jaina monasticism constitutes an original tradition and what a later custom. Dr Caillat feels that barring exceptions all that is said in Kalpa, Vyavabara and Nisitha or in a latter-day Prakrit or Sanskrit commentary thereon constitutes an original tradition (this 18 what she would mean while arguing that Kalpa, Vyavahara and Nikitha represent an original tradition while the later-day Prakrit and Sanskrit commentaries thereon are on the whole authentic) and that all that is said in Jitakalpa constitutes a later established custom This 18 essentially how the problem was viewed by the later Jaina authors who would of course naturally hesitate to admit that there are exceptional cases where a latterday Prakrit or Sanskrit commentary is not faithful to the wording of the old texts Kalpa, Vyavahara and Nikitha. For a modern student of Jain monasticism, however, the very crux of the problem lies in distinguising the positions originally laid down in the old texts Kalpa, Vyavahara and Nistha and those maintained by the later authors-including not only an author like Jinabhadra who wrote Jitakalpa but also those authors who wrote Sanskrit and Prakrit commetaries on those old texts themselves. Really, the problem is not peculiar to the students of Jaina monasticism but has to be faced in an essentially same manner by one studying any branch of learning patronized by the ancient Jainas, for almost always a crucial distinction will have to be made between the positions maintained by an 'early' author and those maintained by a 'later' author, And in view of the all-out importance of this distinction it would perhaps be advisable in this connection to replace the word later' by 'classical'. That Dr. Caillat herself is not oblivious of the need to draw some such distinction 18 evident from a formulation she has earlier made. Thus while making a comparative study of the Jaina, Buddhist and Brahmanical notions she observes (p 9) that old ideas have often changed shape under the impact of changing historical conditions What is more worthy of attention, she here quotes in her support a passage from Poussin where the great scholar argues how the 'early' Canonical Buddhist philosophy developed into the 'scholastic' Buddhist philosophy of Abhidharmakosa, Vishuddhimarga and the like-her point being that some such development is a universal rule. What Poussin means by scolastic' is what we mean by 'classical' and the former term would be avoided by as because of its 16

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A New Contribution - Problem of Jaina Monastic Discipline 17 unhappy associations. But then Poussin also speaks of the similarity obtaining between the early (eCanonical)' and the scholastic', thus tending to blur the distinction that equally obtaing between the two. To take his own example, the Canonical Buddhist pbilosophy cannot be just similar to the philosophy of Abhidharmakosa and the philosophy of Visuddblmarga when the latter two in spite of all their mutual similarity exbibit so much mutal difference; what has to be done is to show how the Canonical Buddhist philosophy developed into the philosophy of Abhidharmakosa on the one hand and the philosophy of Visuddbimarga on the other. In a like manner, what has to be shown is not how on questions like monastic discipline etc the early Jaina positions are like the classical ones but how the former have developed into the latter Hence it is that the proper ques. tion is not as to whether the latter Prakrit and Sanskrit commentaries are faithful to the wording of the old texts on which they commented but just as to what meaning these commentators think fit to attribute to this wording. Really, the cases of distorting the meaning of an old word ara not very many; what has so frequently happened is that the commentators have ignored questions that were uppermost in the mind of the old authors and have introduced such ones as were absent there. To tako two examples from the opening part of Kalpasutra The first set of five aphorisms lays down probibitions against receiving in alma a raw palm fruit, the second set of six aphorisms lays down rules about maximum atay in a walled town. Obviously, the old authors bad some scruples about receiving in alms a raw palm fruit, but the commentators lost trace of that and so they talked as if the prohibitions in question are directed against picking up from ground a palm fruit that is lying there (Kalpabhagya vv, 863 ff )--thus viewing them as understandable prohibitiong Against a case of theft. This was a case of distorting the meaning of an old word--that 18, of not attributing to the word 'pratigrahana' the natural meaning 'receiving in alms' but an artificial meaning 'picking up from ground' A differnt sort of treatment was accorded to the other set of aphor18ms. Thus the old authors wanted to emphasize that the duration of a monk's stay at one particular place-paritculary & walled town-must have a maxlmum limit, a question which did not very much bother the later commen, tators who however noticed that the old texts were silent about 30 many pregging problems that the monks were now facing in the course of their routino wandering; hence it was that the set of aphorisms in question was commented upon by way of discussing io great details these very problems, a discussion that is of utmost value in comparing the early mode of Jaina monastic life with its 'classical' mode The matter will be farther consid. ered as our examination of Dr Caillat's thesis proceeds, For the present. Sambodhi 5, 2-3

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18 X. X. Dixit let us only further note that she also considers the question as to what is the relative utility of Kalpa and Vyavabara The classical Jaloa authors' answer to the question as reported by her is unnecssarily prolix and is aot exactly to the point, for the simple truth is that Vyavahara takes up the problems of a monk's inner-church conduct, Kalpa those of his public conduct there being also cases of mutual misplacement. This way is also to bo approciated Schubriog's discovery-here reported by Dr Caillat-that characteristic to Kalpa are the aphorisms whore the monk is referred to as airgrantha, characteristio to Vyavahara those where he 18 referred to as 'bhiksu'. For In aphorisms dealing with a monk's public conduct the honorofic title 'pirgrantha' seems proper, but in those dealing with his inner-church conduct-wbere ho often appears as an offonder liable to be punishablethe rather neutral title 'bhiksa' scoms proper, Lastly, Dr Caillat informs us that Nikitha arranges offences in terms of the punishments they cavite- just as does the Buddhist Vinaya-text Pratimoksa and Jinabhadra's Jitakalpa. This is a valuable piece of information in as much as we thus learn how our religious authorities attached a special value to the texts where offences are arrnanged in terms of the punishment they invite Certainly, the Buddhists talk of Pratimoksadhara and the Jaina of Adarakalpadbara (=Nisithadhara) as one possessing the minimum educational qualification necessary for church-leaders, even # Pratimoksa is the earliest of the Buddhist monastic-disciplinary texts while Nistha is the latest of the Jaida ones Dc Caillat also reports about the classical Jalna authors' characterization of Nisitba, a characterization which again 18 unnecessarily prolix and not to the point. After having raised and disposed of these so many issues pertaining to the content of the Jaina monasticdisciplinary texts Dr. Caillat conveys information about certain formal features of these texts, an information which is bound to rouse the reader's ouriosity about this interesting but neglected corner of India's cultural treasure-house. In the second part of her thesis --which is in fact preliminary to the third part dealing with the problem of expiation as such-Dr. Caillat brings to light the characteristic features of the Jalna monastic organization. The whole discussion raises a host of issues that are of a crucial significance in their own right, and it is as such that they are being considered below. The issuos are arranged to five chapters as follows 1 (1) The chapter entitled 'The Subdivisions of the Community' discusses as to what are the fuactioning units of the Jaina church, (2) The chapter entitled The Jaina Religious Their Titles' discusses the problem of isolated wandering versus group wandering as also the problem of loose church-conduct versus disolplined church-conduct,

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A New Contribution--Problem of Jaina Monastic Discipline 19 (3) The chapter entitled "The Hierarchy' discusses as to what officebearers run a Jaios church-unit and how. (4) The chapter entitled 'The Masters' discusses as to what is expected of the supreme leader of a Jaina church-unit (5) The chapter entitled 'Changes of Gana' discusses as to what problems arige in case one seeks to transfer oneself from one Jaina churchunit to another. In the case of each question Dr. Caillat intelligently inform us about the way it was tackled by the classical Jaida authors, but in the case of each one might legitimately ask as to whether the approach adopted by this authors had not a bistory behind it In this connection prime importance attaches to the classical Jaina authors' concept of the basic functioning cburcb-unt Ag envisaged by these authors this unit was called gaccha and consisted of some number of experienced senior monks and some number of juolor monks living and wandering together onder the supereme leadership of an acarya assisted by an upadhyaya, and then It was supposed that severch gacobas constitute a kula, several kulas a gana, several ganas & sanghe, The classical Jaina authors naturally read all this into the wording of the old disciplinary texts Kalpa, Vyavabara and Nigtha, but a close and independent study of this wording reveals a considerably different story For one thing, these old texts give the name "gana' to the basic functioniog church--unit while they posit no unit higher than a gana, more. over, the two chief church-officebearers spoken of there are acaryopadhyaya and ganavacchedaka and both are rather strange names. However, these are relatively minor matters and would be conceded without much dispute, What is likely to rouso dissent is the vital proposition that the members of a gana as conceived by these old texts did not live and wander about all together, So it is this propositon that needs the aubstantiation that follows. Certainly, these texts lay dowo that an acaryopadhyaya or a gana. vacchedaka (the two chilef church-officebearers) should not wander about all alone (Vyavabara 41-7; cf' 51-7), that in a big town not even an exporienced monk should stay alone while in a small town only an experienced monk might stay alone (Vyavahara 6 6-7), that if soveral monks want to wander about all togsther thy should seek prior permission of the churchelders (Vyavabara, 4 19): rules like these should make no sense if it was already a usual custom for the members of a gana to live and wander about all together. Even more revealing is the standard list of a momber's gradual progress within the life of a church-unit; they are pravrajya (-leaving homo), mundana (-head-shaving), Siks ana (-training), sambhoga (-eating together), samvxsa (-living together) (c. 8. Kalpa 4.4). Hero note worthy ace the words sambhoga and sam Vasa which stand for several gana-members forming a voluntary group with a view to having meals

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A New Contribution - Problem of Jaina Monastic Discipline 21 latter's education would have remained impossible, what would normally happen was that at the end of his education the new monk took to the life of lonely wandering which continued till he himself was experienced enough to attract new monks as students At this stage the relation between a teacher and his former students was more of a spiritual than a physical Dature, and it is this stage which we find reflected in those old texts which extol the life of lonely wandering-at the most the life of wandering along-a-companion But as conditions became mature it became possible and useful on the one hand for a teacher to somehow guide the day-today activity of his former students and on the other hand for the latter to form voluntary groups of the type sambhoga, samvasa etc, and in the exercise of his guiding function the teacher was now assisted by a suitable staff of office-bearers of the type described in Kalpa, Vyavahara and Nisitha which are the texts appropriate to this new stage attained by the Jaida monastic institution 10 the course of its further growth As bas already been hinted, the church-unit formed by the teacher, bis staff of office-bearers and his former students and called gana was no 'residential unit in the manner of the latter-day gaccha (in this respect it was rather the sambhoga that was tending to behave in the manner of the latter-day gaccha), on the other hand, there were yet no higber affiliating units standing over and above gana as kula, gana and sangha (hierarchically arranged) were in relation to the latter-day gaccha In addition was the circumstance that the latter-day gaccha know of no office-bearers besides acarya and upadhyaya who of course must bave been assisted by a few experienced senior monks selected by them for the purpose. This overall difference obtajo1ng between the conditions prevailiog between the conditions prevalent in the days of the old disciplinary texts Kalpa, Vyvabara and Nistha and those prevalent in the days of the latter-day Prakrit and Sanskrit commentaries has to be kept in miod while appreciating Dr Caillat's chapters under consideration which we proceed to take up one by one As has been noted, in her present first chapter entitled 'The Subdivisions of the Community' Dr. Caillat discusses the question as to what are the functioning units of the Jaina church In this connection certain basic facts have to be kept in mind Thus the classical commentators of the old disciplinary texts speak of the monastic community divided into the hierarchically arranged units called gaccha, kula, gana and gangba, and there are occasions--though'not many-when this division is found to be of practical value For example, Kalpabbasya vv. 1998-2001 lay down that a sick monk should be tended first by the acaraya (1. e, by the gaccha) for six months, than by the kula for three years, then by the gana for one year, lastly by the Sangha for rest of life, (the lajunction applied to a special case also occurs in Vyavaharabbasya IV, 295). Even more noteworthy is the

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k. K, Dixit together and living together respectively. And references to sambhoga ate so numerous that one has a feeling that each gana-mcember inevitably belonged to some sambhoga or other, a feeling confirmed by the discovery that In the Mathura Jaina incription of pre-Kusana and Kusana times samb. hoga is actually referred to as a distinct church-unt However, certain other considerations would tead to suggest that even sambhoga-formation was a relatively late practice and must have gained currency only in gradual course. Thus Uttaradhyayana 32.4 recommends that an ideal monk should look for a worthy companion and the next verse that failing to find one he should wander about all alone, similarly, Uttaradhyayana 29.39 coumerates the advantages of dispensing with a companion (just as the next verse enumeratos the advantages of an occasional dispensing with food) On the other hand, while speaking of the monk who wanders about all alone Vyavahara 1 25 employs the same language as Vyavabara 1.28-32 employ about several types of loosely behaving monks, both are to be re-admitted in a gana only after confessing their guilt and repenting itthis 10 contrast to the monk (spoken of in Vyavabara 1 33) who bad simply gone back to the life of a householder and whose readmission in the gana requires no confession of guilt and no repenting [As for the possibility of monks wandering about in twos it is here distinctly envisaged--for examle, 1o Vyavahara 2.1-2, but nowhere is much made of it. 1 Thue a gradual evolution is distinctly observeble in the Jajpa authors' attitude towards the practice of lonely wandering on the part of a monk, in the first stage it was considered to be something usual, in the second stage something ideal but hard to follow, 10 the third stage something worth condemning, (the first stage has to be thus posited because in the oldest texts like Acaranga I grutaskandha and Sutrakrtanga I srutaskandha the concept of companion' is altogather asbsent). While traciag the historical evolution of the concept of 'paribara' Dr. Caillat bas contended that the later Jaina authors dreaded lonely wandering even if In antiquity many monks Ilved in solitude' (p95) And in the concluding chapter of her thesis (p 185) she almost concedes that with the early Jaloas lonely wandering was a usual practice (she thero speaks of solitary life as one of the most common practices ordinary enough at the time of Mabavira')--her actual point belog that it is out of this that tho later practice of collective wandering grew up. We are only emphasizing that a relatively early stage of this growth is represented by the old disciplinary texts Kalpa, Vyavabaca and Nisitha, a relatively late stage of it by the lattor-day Prakrit and Sanskrit commentaries on these texts. Of course. even at tho very outset the elderly and experienced monks would wonder about in the company of the newly recruited ones who would receive at the former's feet instruction in principles of monasticism, for othewise the

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22 KK Dixit circumstance that the list of ten vaiyavstyas which occurs not only in Vyavabara 10,35 but also jo Tattvartha 9.24 presusupposes this fourfold division of monastic community Then the miscellaneous text-collection now called Laghu Kalpasutra (10 contrast Biat-Kalpasutra which is the name now given to that old disciplinary text Kalpasatra) there is tocluded a chronologically arranged list of church-fachers beginoing from Mahavira and coming down to Devarabi-ksamascamana (of the 6th century AD.). Here there are mentioned by name a large number of ganas as they arose in the course of history as also a large number of kulas and sakbas as they branched forth from this or that gana-1t being left unclear as to how a kula and sakha stood related to each other. however, 10 certaio Mathura inscriptions of pre-Kusana and Kusana times persons are mentioned not only as belonging to a gana, kula or sakba but aiso to sambhoga uoderstood as the lowest churcb-unit. On the other hand, the disciplinary texts Kalpa, Vyavahara and Nisitha give the impression that the basic church-unit was gana somehow subdivided into sambhogas. The conclusion seems to be that in the time of these texts the division of a gana joto sambhogas bad just begun, that later on the gang was somehow got divided into kulas aod sakhas and the latter into sambhogas, that later still sakba ceased to be reckoned as a church-unit and sangha posited as a church-unit higher above gapa while the lowest church-unit was called not sambboga but gaccha In this back ground it should be easy to follow Dr Caillat's present chapter which might be divided into a brief early section and a long later one, the former telling how the classical Jaina authors extol the virtues of one belonging to a church-unit the latter seeking to surmise what sambhoga understood as a church-unit could mean-this under the complaint that the classical commentators of the old disciplinary texts are not very much helpful in this connection The simple fact is that with these classical commentators the idea of monks living a totally collective life within a gaccha was plain commonsense and so there remained for them only to praise sky-high such a collective living On the other hand, the old disciplinary texts were written at a time when the Jaina church was making first experiments in the direction of collective living-with eating together' acting as a most convenient nucleus '(other sorts of joint activities, though mooted, would yield either too loose or too strict a mutual bond), and sloce sambhoga stood for just this sort of elementary collective liv og the classical commentators would avoid speakiag of it cxcept when forced to explain an old text which itself speaks of it. Their explanation was essentially correct 1048much as they took care to emplasize that the members of a sambhuga jointly uadertook got only cating but also certain other worthwhile activites, but to grasp the concept of sambhoga 10 all its historical significance was beyound the power of these commentetors almost totally devoid of a sense of history.

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A New Contribution-Problem of Jaina Monastic Discipline port of three sets of in the classical Jaipa en cscribing a monk In her present second chapter entitled The Jaina Religious Their titles' Dr Caillat discusses the problem of isolated wandering Versus group wandering as also the problem of loose church-conduct versus disciplined church-conduct Really, she here seeks to define the import of three sets of Prakrit words employed by the classical Jaina authors while designating or describing a monk Of these, the first set includes words which are of a rather neutral import, the second those which lavolve reference to the problem of lonely wandering versus group wandering, the third thoge which involve reference to the problem of loose church conduct versus disciplined church conduct Since the first set raises no issues of principle we take leave of it simply after notiog that Dr Caillat in this connection tells us as to how the classical Jaiga authors understood the words Dirgrantha,' bhiksu, 'sadhu', 'sadharmika' etc As for the second set it in fact involves reference not only to the problem of lonely wandering versus group wandering but also to the problem of being experienced versus being inexperienced, as a matter of fact the two problems have got cartously Interrelated in the mind of the classical Jaina authors Thus they have come out with the view that those monks who take to collective wandering might be either inexpeienced ones or experienced ones but that those who take to lonely wandering must be experienced ones; to this was added that the practice of lonely wanderlag came to an end with Jambe supposed to be the third patriarch of the Jaiga church after Mahavira (for the latter formulation see Vyavaharabhasya 10 699) This does not mean that these authors are just silent about the code of conduct to be followed by one taking to lonely wandering-on the rather understandable plea that this practice 18 an obsolete practice. For they claim to be 10 full posseasion of this code of conduct Thus Kalpabhagya v. 1131 promises to offer an account of the life-routine followed by a lonely wandering monk, of that followed by a collectively wandering nun, and immediately we have the first account covering vv 1132-1945 (1.6 514 verses in all), the second covering v 1446-2046 (I. e 601 verses in all), the third coveriag vv, 2047-2124 (1 e, 78 verses ja all), (the third accouat 10 fact takes up only sugh rules as are obligatory on a nuo 10 addition to those already taken up in the second account) A close study of this whole section of Kalpabhasya should convince one as to how realistic is the author's account of the collectively wandering monk, how mytbical tbat of the lonely wandering one Thus according to the author, 19 those olden days the life of lonely wandering used to be voluntarily (but not necessarily) chosen by such an acarya 83 had already reared up his gaccha whose charge could now be banded over to a worthy successor Really, reading old texts the author realized that lonely wandering on a monk's part was once a current practice--even if not the caly current practice, and then he tried to imagine for himself the picture where that would fit, a picture which must allow that collective wandering of the type current in his owa time w48 the

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24 K. K Dixit usual monastic practice. The result was the type of cogitation that is now present before us in the Kalpabbasya section under consideration Thus according to our author, the collective wandering of the type current in his owntime and here described by him was current since ever, the lonely wandring of the type here described by him was current till the time of Jambu In view of what we have already said on the question the whole attitude 13 thoroughly unhistorical However, it is in the light of this attitude that we are enabled to understand the classical Jarna, view according to which a collectively wandering monk might be either inexperienced one or experienced one but a lonely wandering, monk must be experienced one Then let us note that the classical Jaina authors have coined several concept-couples closely resembling the concept-couple experienced-inexperienced, Dr Calllat meticulously reports about them all Similarly, these authors speak of three types of lonely wandering monks, and all these types too have been separately described by Dr. Caillat, Only we have to remember that the type mostly talked about in this connection is the type called jinakalpika-to be pointedly contrasted with athavirakalpika or collectively wandering monk of the type current in our times. And what is still more necessary to remember is that the whole concept of jinakalpika is an essentially mythical concept-this in spite of the classical Jaina authors' inveterate habit of mentioning him as a flesh-and-blood historical character, a habit that has Imperceptibly cast its shadow on Dr. Caillat's own treatment of the problem, Really, the question is not as to to whether the jinkalpika as conceived by the classical Jaina authors ever lived on earth but as to what was the psychological motivation behind their positing a concept like that, and of this psychological motivation we bave already provided a hint Then a word about Dr Caillat's presentation of the problem of loose church-conduct versus disciplined church-conduct Her procedure is simple and intelligible, for she has tried to tell us as to how the classical Jaina authors understood the six words employed by the old disciplinary texts by way of enumerating the types of loosesly behaving monks; these words are parivastha, yathachanda, kusila, avasanna, nitya, samsakta As is usually the case with words that turned obsolete in classical times these words too were sought to be interpreted by the latter-day commentators when that became necessary but otherwise they were avoided to the utmost extent; within these limitations the information conveyed by Dr Caillat is useful. For as a matter of fact, the classical Jaina authors had their own list of the five types of monks, viz, pulaka, bakusa, kusila, pirgrantha, snataka; of these, the first three represented more or less loosely behaving monks the last two disciplined ones, and all the five are found to have been des cribed by these authors in great and precise details.

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A New Contribution-Problem of Jaina Monastic Discipline 25 In her present fourth chapter entitled The Hierarchy' Dr, Caillat d18cusses as to what office-bearers run a Jaina church-unit and how. In this connection the most noteworthy thing is that the standardized list of church-dignitaries occurring in the old disciplinary texta mentions acarya, apadhyaya, pravartio, sthavira, ganun, ganadhara, ganavacchedaka, and yet when concrete cases are considered we hear only of acaryopadhyaya and, gan vacchedaka. Thus from Vyavahara 1 34 we learn that confession of guilt has to be mado before the acaryopadhyaya, from Vyavabara 4 15-17 that acaryopadhyaya has to proside over the initiation-ceremony, similarly, from Vyavabara 26-23 we learn that the ganavacchedaka has to take practical decisions about those undergoing monastic punishment. Again, from Vyavahara 6. 2-3 we learn that in day-to-day monastic life the caryopadhyaya was allowed five specified privileges, the ganavacchedaka two of them, Lastly, from Vyavahara 4. 1-8 we learn that the acaryopadhyaya is not to move about except in the company of at least one monk during the eight aon-rainy months, of at least two during the four rainy months, that in the case of ganavacchedaka the minimum number of companion monks ia to be one greater, Generally too, whenever a rule is laid down separately for an ordinary monk and a church-dignitary it 18 only the acaryopadhyaya and qanavacchedaka that are taken into consideration (e. g. in Kalpa 4. 15-23, Vyavahara 1. 25-27, 3. 13-29). From all this we can unmistakably conolude that in those olden days acaryopadhyaya used to be the supreme leader of the basic church-unit called gana while the details of certain important practical-administrative tasks were looked after by his chief agalatant ganavacchedaka. [The only anomaly 18 that according to Vyava. hara 3 5-8 the minimum church-career and educational qualification are to be higher for a ganavacchedaka than for an acaryopadhyaya. These aphorismg since they refer to Vyavabara itself most of course be a somewhat later interpolation, but may be the anomaly has some other explanation-a copyist's error, for example ] True, there are also aphorismg which apeak of upadhyaya taken singly. For example, Vyavahara 3, 3-4 lay down minimum church-career and educational qualification for an apadhyaya, Similarly, Vyavabara 3 11 en join that in case a monk is deprived of his caryopadhyaya he should see to it that he soon gets an acarya and an upadbaya, it being inevitable that a monk should live under the supervision of two persons in the form of an acacya and an upadhyaya. Lastly. Vyavabara 7 15-16 lay down that a monk with 3 years' church-career can act as upadhyaya for a nun with 30 years' church-career while a monk with 5 years' church-career can act as acaryopadhyaya for a nun with 60 years' church-career. And then of course is the fact that that standard liat of church-dignitaries mentions acarya as well as upadhyaya but not Sambodhi 5.2-3 Vabara 7 15-10 tea for a nun can act as acary

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K. K. Dixit acaryopadhyaya. The classical commentators always understand-explicitly or otherwise that the word 'acaryopadhyaya' is a complex-compound denotating two persons in the form of an acarya and an upadhyaya, but in all probability in the times of the old disciplinary texts it was freshly coined with a view to denotating the person who would act as a gana chief in relation to his former students; (this might also suggest why his chief assistant was called gangvacchedaka). On the other hand, by the time of the classical Jaina authors asarya became the title of the person acting as a gaccha-chief and upadhyaya that of his chief assistant while nothing was heard of ganavacchedaka who used to be the gana-chief's chief assistant in those bygone days In the meanwhile those stray references to an upadhyaya taken singly as also that standard list mentloning acarya and upadhyaya but not acaryopadhyaya somehow got interpolated in the old disciplinary texts-as did passages referring to these texta themselves. Certainly, this standard list of office-bearers mentions so many names which though not apparently fictitious have not found even an incidental reference in these texts and hence are explained by the classical commentators with the help of more or less plausible guesses, explanations which the modern students find not much helpful and often positively misleading. This should become evident from Dr. Caillat's critical and independent endeavour to get at the signification of these names, an endeavour as much facilitated as frustrated by what the classical Jaina authors have said in this connection. 26 In her chapter entitled 'The Masters' Dr. Caillat discusses the question as to what is expected of the supreme leader of a Jaina church-unit. The importance attached to the subject by the Jaina authors of all timesand particularly the classical Jaina authors-is self-explanatory Even so, it is delightful that Dr. Caillat has culled forth from original texts passages which in a popular fashion bring to light the considerations that were had in mind in this connection. Of theoretical importance are two observationa she makes in passing. Thus she refera to the Dasasrutaskandha chapter four which la specially devoted to enumerating the meritorious qualifications of a church-unit leader; in view of the highly technical character of this text in general and its present chapter in particular the material here incorporated deserves a close study-more so because it stands brilliantly elucidated in Vyavaharabhasya 10 248-334 (virtually repeated in Jitakalpabhagya vv, 150-241). Then Dr Caillat closes her chapter with a brief reference to the contrasted sthavirakalpika ideal and jinakalpika ideal-vaguely feeling that in the writings of the classical Jaina authors the latter is being criticized by implication; that is actually so and the criticism ia only sugarcoated through maintaining that this latter ideal was practicable all right though only till the time of Jambu And the reference in question 18 in place because the athavirakalpika Ideal standa eminently embodied in the day-to

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A New Contribution-Problem of Jaina Monastic Discipline day conduct of a successful gaccha-leader. Here Dr. Caillat also suggests that progress from the jinakal pika ideal towards the sthavirakalpika ideal was progress from a rather self-seeking monastic ideal towards an altruistic monastic ideal, a suggestion somewhat elaborated by her in the concluding chapter of her thesis. 27 In her fifth chapter entitled "Changes of Gana', Dr. Caillat discusses as to what problems arise in case one seeks to transfer oneself from one church-unit to another. In principle the problem of changing one's churchunit is not different from the problem of seeking fresh admission in a church-unit, and it is interesting to note that the same word upasampad which the Jainas employ to express the idea of changing one's churchunit the Buddhists employ to express the idea of seeking fresh admission in a church-unit. In both cases the candidate's fitness for the job sought has to be examined in the light of certain well formulated principles. However, it is in the very nature of things impossible for the church-leaders to conduct a very deep probe in the case of one seeking fresh admission In a church-unit, for that will mean undue involvement in worldly affairs; hence it is that the monastic theoreticians do not much dilate upon a case like that. Things are different with the case of one changing one's churchunit, for in this connection It is both possibie and necessary to lay down principles relevent for carrying through the probe that is due. Dr. Caillat reports about several such principles formulated by the Jaina authors and they deserve close study for one reason. Immediately afterwards Dr. Caillat 18 going to take up her subject-matter proper-viz. the problem of expiation as understood by the Jalnas Viewed from one angle the problem of expiation is the problem of punishment inflicted on one violating a religious regulation (in our case a Jaina monastic regulation); and so the discipline atudying this problem might in some sense be called religious jurisprudence' (in our case Jaina monastic jurisprudence'). In a parallel manner, the discipline studying the problem considered by Dr. Caillat in her present chapter might in some sense be called religious 'diplomacy' (in our case Jaina monastic 'diplomacy'). 18 "t X X X X Lastly we come to the third part of Dr. Caillat's thesis which is its chief part inasmuch as it is here that consideration is given to the problem of expiation as understood by the Jaina religious authorities. Broadly speaking it is divided into three sections as follows. (1) Section one containing chapter I (pp. 69-78) and evaluating the general principles followed by the ancient Indlan authorities-religious as well as secular-while dealing with penal problems.

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K. K. Dixit (2) Section two containing chapters II-III (pp. 79-115) and disposing of certain general issues raised by the classical Jaina authors while dealing with the problems of expiation . (3) Section three containing chapters IV-IX (pp. 116-185) and discussing one by ono the ten types of expiation posited by the classical Jaina authors, Lastly comes a brief chaptor (pp 185-187) which concludes the whole thesis). In order to do justice to this part of Dr Caillat's thesis certain basic things will have to be kept in mind and as follows Expiation means accepting punishment for the violation of a religious regulation, a punishment awarded by some properly constituted authority. As thus underatood explation 18 peculiar not to the Jainas nor even to the adherents of ancient Indian religions but to the adherents of all religions whatsoever. Again, expiation understood as religious punishment can be easily distinguished-10 India as elsewhere--from sccular punishment awarded by the state-authorities to one violating a state-regulation What differs from religion to religion is the set of regulations deemed to be obligatory as also the metaphysical explanation provided for the phenomenon of religious punishment. Thus convinced of the validity of such a metaphysical explanation peculiar to hls religion a pious man would himself be eager to receive punishment for all violation of a regulation deemed obligatory by this religion--this in contrast to the attitude of a criminal who would do his level best to avoid punishment for the violation of a state-regulation, hence the so striking a difference between a pious man's and a criminal's confession-of-gailt. And the reason why the religious authorities have to exort themselves with a view to eliciting 'confession' from their flock is that a pious man often has extrareligious motives for concealing his religious lapses. All this easily axplains almost every important stand adopted by the Jaina authors on the question of monastic penal procedure. Thus in their disciplinary texts thoy have formulated a distinct monastic code of conduct whose violation is deemed sinful while in their philosophical texts they have propounded a metaphysical theory which explalos bow a sinful act brings about disaster, how confeasion of a sin followed by punishment in caso due avoids disaster. What remains to be studied 18 how their notion of monastic penal procedure underwent ovolution in the course of history. The old disciplinary texts Kalpa, Vyayahara and Nisitha lay down regulations to be observed by the monks belonging to a basio church-unlt called gana. It 18 understood that the violation of cach regulation Invites some punishment, but in the case of several ones we aro expressly told that the punishment concerned is "elther cheda or parihara.' One usage is some. what revealing. Thus Vyavahara 1.25-32 legislate that one violating th

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A New Contribution--Problem of Jaina Monastic Discipline 29 prohibition concerned must undertake locana and pratikramana and undergo the punishment cheda or pacibara, but the parallel 1 33 offers the re-assurance that one violating the prohibition concerned need undergo no cheda oc paribara but should only get oneself initiated afresh (the need for fresh initiation arises from the specific nature of the offence concerned). This suggets that in the days of the old disciplinary texts the phrase 'to undergo either cheda or paribara' was virtually equivalent to the phrase 'to receive punishment at the hands of church-authorities' Then there 18 a standard string of words describing the ideal conduct on the part of one who has violated a monastic regulution, these are alocana, pratikramana, garhana, vyavartana, visodbi, akaranath-abhyuttban, prayascitta-pratipatti (e. g. Kalpa 4 25, Vyavahara 34) It is legitimate to surmise that these words except the last one (wbich on its part means treceiving church punishment) are virtually synonymous and stand for the coinpicte mental process made up of confession, repentence and resolve-to-refrain which the offender was supposed to undergo before he sought due punishment at the hands of church-authorities. The Phrase 'to undertake alocada and pratikramana' occuring in the just quoted Vyavahara 125-32 stands for this completo mental process and is to be supplied whenover an aphorism explicitly speaks only of either cheda or parihara' just as the phrase 'either cheda or parihara' 18 to be supplied whenever an aphorism simply lays down a church-regulation Lastly, there are several aphorisms where the punishment spoken of is not 'exther cheda or parihara' but one of the followiag four udghatima one-month parihara, apudghatima one-month paribara (e g. Vyavahara 6.8), udghatima four-month paribara (e g Kalpa 4 1112), apudghatima four-month parihara (e g. Kalfa 4, 9-10) Nisttha, in fact, catalogues a huge mass of church-offences while arranging them in terms of the punishment they invite, and the four punishments it takes into consideration are the four just mentioned; thus the offences catalogued in chapter I invite anudghatima one-month paribara, those catalogged in chapters 2-5 udghatima one-month paribara, those catalogued in chapters 6-11 anudghatima four-month paribara, those catalogued in chapters 12-19 udghatima four-month pacibara From the fact that Nisitha is silent about cheda coupled with the fact that Kalpa and Vyavabara invariably speak of 'either cheda or paribara' it might be coatended that the conversion of a mass of paribara-punishment into an equivalent mass of cheda-punishment was an anderstood and usual practice then it is casily revealed from a close study that an udghatima type of parihara is milder than the corresponding anudghatima type, and the two are respectively called lagbu (=light) aad guru (=heavy) by the classical authors who however also speak of two more paribara types=viz udghatima (laghu) six-month paribara and anudg hatima (guru) six-month paribara. This means that the Vyavahara

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K K. Dixit aphorisms 1.1-20 which also appear as Nisitha 201 20 and which alone speak of a six-month parihara are a later interpolation in these old disciplinary texts Certainly, if Nisitha really envisaged the possibility of a Six-month parihara some of its chapters would have been devoted to it just as nineteen of its chapters are devoted to one-month paribara and four-month parihara The remaining 33 aphorisms of Nisitha chapter 20 seem to be still later interpolation, for since they continue the subjectmatter of the early 20 aphorisms themselves there is no reason why they should not be present in Vyavahara along with those twenty, but that is not a major point and all sorts of obscure considerations might have been responsible for the absence of these 33 aphorisms in Vyavahara The noteworthy point is that the classical authors' definition of Vyavahara and Nisitha has something vital to do with these interpolated 50 or 53 aphorisms, definitions quoted by Dr. Caillat on p. 14 and 15 and earlier criticized by us as "not exactly to the point'. The point of that criticism can be explained now. The question considered in these aphorisms 18 as to how the offender is to be treated in case he violates several church-regulations, in case he commits a violation while yet undergoing punishment for an earlier one, in case he is not straightforward in his confession-ofguilt, and the classical authors tell us that the specific subject-matter of Vyavaharasutra are violation, multiple-violation, repeated violation, not-straightforward confession-10 this connection using technical terms that occur only in the 20 aphorisms in question and nowhere else. The classical authors would have been nearer the truth if they simpy said that Vyavaharasutra discusses as to how to punish one who has violated a church-regulation. As a matter of fact, however, the specific subject matter of Vyavaharasutra are the total mass of Inner-church affairs-including the penal proceedings. Similarly, the classical authors tell us that the specific subject-matter of Nikitha are udghata, anudghata and aropana, we have aiready just learnt how the concepts of udghata and anadghata have a role to play within the body of Nisrthasutra while aropana is the technical term meaning 'repeated violation' and used in the 53 aphorisms in question and nowhere else. Here too the correct thing to say would have been that Nisithasutra arranges church-offences in terms of the four types of pariharapunishments they invite, Be that as it may, by now we have before us a considerable number of formulations related to the question of churchpunishment which the old disciplinary texts uphold either explicitly or implicitly. Before we proceed to examine how these formulations were handled by the classical Jaina authors one additional point might also be noted. Thus the Vyavahara aphorisms 2.18-23 (also 7-8) say things about two church-punishments called anavasthapya and parancika about which we hear nothing more except that Kalpa 4.3 enumerates three cases of th 30

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A New Contribution-Problem of Jaina Monastic Discipline former while Kalpa 4 2 three cases of the latter They seem to be the most severe types of church-punishments inasmuch as the ruling 18 that one committing them must-unless spacially exempted-be first forced back to lead the life of a householder and only then re-admitted to the monastic fold, As for the three cases of each type enumerated lo Kalpa 4 3 and 4,2 they can only be illustrative pot exhaustive, for in a parallel fashion Kalpa 41 enuruerates three, cases of the anudghatima type of church-offences and in view of several additional church offences of this type having been menti. oned in Kalpa itself-to say nothing of Vyavahara and Nisitha--the present triplet can only be illustrative not exhaustive. This entire treatment of the prolem of church-punishment undertaken in the old disciplinary texts the classical Jaina authors had before them. They of course elucidated these texts in the light of their own practical requirements many of which were brand new, but that is not the point just now What is noteworthy is that in the case of almost each church-regulation they had to say that in one case its violaton will be rather mild, in another case more severe, in a third case still more severe, and so on and so forth. And since they would also prescribe punishment for each caac of violating a church-regulation they wanted to have at their disposal a ready-made list of punishments graduated in terms of their mildness or severity; thus it was that they invariably used the following list with ten items 1. Light one-month paribara 2 Heavy one-month parihara 3. Light four-month parihara 4. Heavy four-month parihara 5 Light six-month parihara 6. Heavy six-month parihara 7. Cheda 8. Mula 9. Abavasthapya 10 Parancika But another 118t of 10 church-punishments had also gained currency in the meanwhile. As a matter of fact, the hall-mark of the classical Jaina theoretical thinking was the formulation of a large number of technical concepts conveniently arranged in the form of standard 118ts of all types, most famous of these lists are those included by Umsvati in his Tattvarthasutra, but there were many more and some arc alao available in versions different from Umasvati's We have already had the occasion to mention the list of ten vaiyavstyas occurring in Vyavbara as well as Tattvarthasutra (the two versions are slightly different) Similarly, the list of ton churchpunishments we are now referring to is available also in a Tattvarthasutra. yersion and a Molacara-yeraion (Dr, Caillat has the occasion to quote all

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32 K. K. Dixit the three on p 93 while on p 183 she refers to a foarth). And our present point is that the classical commentators of the old disciplinary texts made use of tliis list too - just as they made use of so many other lists of technical concepts current in their midst and which often contained items that were unknown and foreign to those texts Thus the Vyavaharabhagya proper is preceded by a pithika (=Introduction) of 184 verges and here v 53-151 seek to arrange church-offences in terms of this new list of ten punishments, a performance repeated on a much larger scale in JitakaIpabhasya v 702-2587, (the early 701 verses of Jitakalpabhagya discuss that altogether different and also relatively late problem of the five principles of penal proceeding agama, sruta, ajna, dharana, jita, a discussion to which reference has already been made and for which too the basis is Vyavahara. bbasya 10.200-724). The question is how to evaluate the circumstance that the game group of classical Jaina authors-i e the clasgical Jaina authors speclalizing in the problems of monastic discipline-employ one list of 10 church-offences in one context, another la another context Before anawe. ring it let us note that second list has got following items: 1. Alocana 2. Pratikramana 3, Ubhaya 4. Viveka 5. Vyutsarga 6. Tapas 7. Cheda 8. Mala 9. Anavasthapya 10. Parancika As can be seen, the last four items are common to both lists And since parihara of the old authors was esscatially a process of self-mortification as was the classical authors' tapas the first six items of the first list can be treated as six sub-types of the sixth item of the second, so the question Dow is as to why the first list is silent about the first five items of the second list, Really, these five items are in a way out of tune with tho Jaina tradition of discussing the problem of monastic discipline. Thus since beginning were the Jalna authors insisting that all seeking of churchpunishment must be preceded by confession, repentence and resolve-to-refrain on the part of the offender, but the idea would never occur to them that there might be cases of church-offences where these contesston etc. constitute adequate punishment This stand was retained by the classical Jaina authors when offering the first list of ten church-punishment, a stand according to which all receiviag of church-punishment 18 geceasarily

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A New Contribution-Problem of Jaina Monastic Discipline 33 preceded by confession, repentence and resolve-to-refiain on the part of the offender. On the other hand, those who formulated the second 11st of ton church-punishments were of the view that there might be cases of church-offence where confession alone constitutes adequate punishment, cases where repentence alone does so, cases where confession and repentence together do so-thus getting the first three items of this list. What was particularly disturbing, this view implied that the other types of churchpunishment did not necessarily require confession, repentence and resolveto-refrain. The classical authors tacitly repudiated this implication but at the same time they looked for relatively mild church-offences for which adequate punishment was either confesssion or repentence or both. Then those who formulated the second list held some other rather odd views. Thus they thought that if a monk received in alms things proper intermixed with things improper then if he succeeded in picking off the latter and consuming the former it was a case of church-punishment constituting the fourth item of this list; similarly, they thought that assuming a steady bodily posture for a fixed period of time was another case of churchpunishment covering the fifth item of this list Since temporarily assuming a steady bodily posture was a type of self-mortification as was tapas-the sixth item of the second list-the classical authors could find out cases that would be covered by the fifth item of this list, but its fourth item they simply described in all nakedness. Thus in defending and elaborating the first five items of the second list the classical authors were being engaged in an endeavour for which there was no old tradition. However, this is not to say that while defending and elaborating the last five items of which are virtually common to the two lists these authors were simply and faithfully carrying forward an old tradition. For their defence and elaboration of the first five items found in the second list and their defence and elaboration of the last five items found in both the lists are equally thoroughly suited to the contemporary conditions, (that is why it will be wrong to think that in their main body the commentaries on Kalpa, Vyavahara and Nikitha are following an original tradition and Jitakalpabh. anya a later established custom-this on the ground that the former make a basic use of the first list and the latter that of the second). The point only 18 that in connection with the last five items found in both the lists it is relatively easy to compare the conditions envisaged in the old disciplinary texts and those envisaged in the classical texts-commentatorial or otherwise, Most revealing in this connection is the sixth item. As has been noted, the first six itema of the first list can be treated as six sub-types of the sixth item of the second. But the first six items of the first list are six types of parihara while the sixth item of the second list 1s tapas, and Sambodhi 5,2-3 1

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K. K. Dixit the question is as to how the classical authors could talk as if the six typea of parihara were six types of tapas. The answer to this question requires a historical Investigatton into the concept of paribara. Thus even a cursory study of the old disciplinary texts leaves one in no doubt that in thom parihara is treated as virtually the only type of church-punishment; this is particularly ovident from Nigyths where the entire mass of church-offences 18 arranged in terms of the four parihara types which constitute a proper corresponding punishment, & procedure which also suggests that the church punishment called cheda which is so often mentioned as an altornative to patihara and consists in a reduction in church-seniority could be understood without much ado wbile there was no difficulty in calculating as to how a particular amount of parihara is to be correlated with an equivalent amount of cheda Naturally therefore there are here numerous detalled references to paribara -one in Kalpa (426) and several in Vyavahara (1 21-24, 2.5-6. 2.27-30). A careful study of these references makes it clear that one andergoing parthara-panishment was excluded from the company of his fellow-monks and was subjected to certain specially harsh injunctions (e. g. not being pork mitted to beg for alms from more than one house). However, stipulations ate made that in case of emergency the paribara-offender is to be allowed the company of his fellow-monka while the harshness of the injunctions in queation is to be mitigated-In caso of growlog alck he even being proyd ided with a constant service-companion. Now the classical commentators found all this impracticable for two chlef reasons. Thus for them the exclusion of a paribara-offender from the company of his fellow-monks would require the gaccha-leadership making a special staying-arrangement for him.-gomething apparently absurd. The alternative was to let the part bara-offender stay in the company of his fellow-monks and then exclude him from all collective monastic activity, but in the conditions prevalling this policy of making pariah of a church-offender sounded imprudent So the classical commontators came out with the view that paribyra-punishmont was to be awarded to monks equipped with certain such high physica) and Intellectual qualifications as ceased to be available long, long ago; to this was added that the same church-offence which would invito paribarapunishment in the case of these monks would invite a corresponding amount of usual self-mortification in the case of an ordinary monk. A view like this gave rise to two developments. Thus the classical commentators could utilizee all those old passages where a parihara-punishment or a parihara-offender was mentioned; nay, they themselves talked of parihara (moreover, six types of it instead of the old four) in the case of cach and overy church-offence they would consider--that is, in the case of oven those where the old texts are silent as regards the punishment due, For they now only required a list of church-punishment graduated in terms

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A New Contribution-Problem of Jaina Monastic Discipline of thelr mildness or severity and their list of 10 tiens was certainly such a list even if its first six items were the aux types of church-punishmentVIZ paribara--which in their own eyes was no more pacticable. The other development was even more revealing. Thus these classical commontators tried to envisage the conditions when parihara-punishment was a practical proposition, and a considerably detailed picture emerged as a rogult..just as it emerged in the case of that lonely wandering ex-gacca-leader of thelr imagination noticed by us earlier. To be precise, jinakalpika was their name for such an ex-gaccha-leader while pacbariks was the old name of a parihara-offonder and our commentators mentioned both not only in the same breath but also with almost equal reverence. They wero montioned in the same breath because they were supposed to conatitute two types of monts staying out of gaccha (the third type--called yathalandika-is conceived very obscurely inasmuch as, unlike these two, he apparently acrves not even any methodological purpose), they are mentioned with almost equal reverence because if the jinakalpika is an ex-gaccha-leader the pariharika too is supposedly equipped with certain high physical and intellectual qualifications. For the rest, however, the pariharika posse8808 features which clearly distinguish him from the jipakalplka, Thus the former stays out of gaccha for but a limited period--that is, only so long as his punishment lasts; morcover, evon during this period be always has at his disposal a service-companion while in case he commits a fresh church-offence bo Immediately reports the mattar to his gaccha-leader. All this information about a paribara-offender as conceived by the classical authors wo get from Vyavaharabhagya 1. 350-83 wbich desorve clogo study If we are to have a clear idea of what the classical authors have in mind when they speak of a parihara-offonder. This is particularly necessary because as a matter of historical fact paribara used to be an ordinary and most wido. spread-In a way the solo-church-punishment during the days of the old disciplinary texts. Certainly, during those olden days to undergo parlharapunjabment was nolther too difficult & performance nor too easy a performance; it was not too difficult because to some extent or other tho monks yet lived isolated from one another, it was not too easy because the tendency clearly was for the monks to form voluntary associations of different sorts-a tendency that oulminated in the gaccha typo of collective living wo meet with 10 classical times. Naturally, therefore, the old passagos spoaking of paribara-punishmont were glven a fantastic foterprotation by the classical authors who would have us believe that paribara-punishment here spoken of was a very special type of church-punishment onco current while the ordinary type of church-panishment always was what it' was in their own times, To complicate matters still further, the classical authors also posited a tapas-type also designated parihara and suppogod'

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K. R. Dixit to be so diflicult that only certain very highly competent monks living in the times of the first or the last tirthaukara can perform it. As a matter of fact, an average student of Jainism is more familiar with this concept of parihara because the capacity to perform it is the third item in hla familiar list of five cantras, a list occurring in Tattvartha sutra 9 18, (It Is however noteworthy that the Digambara students of Tattvarthagutra here glve to the word "paribara' some ordinery enough meaning.) Bo that as it may, when Vyavaharabhasya 1 29 spaeaks of two types of parihara the reference 18 to the paribara type of punishment on the one hand and the paribara type of tapas on the other, while it is the latter that we find doscribed in Kalpabhagya vv. 6447-80 and Jitakalpabhasya vy, 2110-55. It can casily be doen that despite certain obvious points of almilarity tho paribara type of tapas is sometbing very diffierent from the paribara type of church-punishment just as the concept of paribara-punishment as posted in the old diaciplinary texts 1a something very diffierent from its classical counterpart. Then thero remain the last four items commonly occurring in the two lists of 10 church-punishments current with the classical authors. they are cheda, mula, Anavastbapya, parancika. Since ever cheda was understood as a reduction in church-seniority and we have surmised that in olden daya It was a possible substitute for paribara; that in classical times it was obviously such a substitute we learn from Jitakalpabhagya vv, 2280-87 whore we are told that this type of punishment is to be awarded to one who is elthor too proud of his capacity to undertake self-mortification or too weak to undertake self-mortification. As for the eighth pupishmont-type mala it is an extreme case of cheda inasmuch ag ono to whom it is awraded loses one's church-senjority altogether and has to be initiated de povo; (only we have to note that this punishment-type 1& not oxplicitly montioned in the old disciplinary texts) There aro some complioations about the oloth punishment-type anavasthapya and the tenth panishment-type parancika. That they are both oven more severo than mula we can gather from Vyavabara 2,18-23 which tell 08 that one to whom thoy are awarded has to be initiated de novo and that too only after he has been first forced back to lead tho life of a householder. But in this connection too the classical authors have resorted to the same sort of cogitation with which we are familiar from their treatment of paribara, Thus on their showing those two types of church-punishment are to be awarded to the monka equipped with some such physical and intellectual qual!fication as ceased to be availablo long, long ago, (for all practical purposes the only difference between these two punishment-types on the one hand and parihara on the other is that one undergoing the former is not accompanied by & service-companion but 18 looked after by the gaccba-loader himself). All this information we gather from Kalpabhasya vv. 3029-57 and vv. 5129-37 (the former sat

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A New Contribution-Problem of Jaina Monastic Discipline dealing with the tenth type the latter with the ninth), the question is also taken up in Vyavaharabhasya II.232-52 and in Jitakalpabhasya vv. 2554-87-the latter categorically telling us that ever since the time of Bhadrabahu who was the last person to be acquainted with the 14 Parvatexts the two punishment-types are no more in vogue. The simple truth is that the punishment-types in question were so severe that even in olden days when they were certainly in vogue they were awarded rather sparingly (hence so few references to them), but the classical authors' understanding of them 18 revealing in its own manner Thus when in olden texts they came across a description of the punishment-types which to them appeared too severe to be practicable they would submit that these were meant to be awarded to a superman; and then onwards they would regularly talk about the offender concerned as if he was a superman! In this background it should be easy to appreciate the third part of Dr. Caillat's thesis, and for that purpose the three sections into which we divide it can be taken up one by one, 37 Thus the first section contains her chapter I entitled "General Principles' and in it are evaluted the general principles followed by the ancient Indian authorities-religious as well as secular-while dealing with penal problems. The non-Jaina writings here taken into consideration are the Brahmanical Smrti-texts, the Buddhist Vinaya texts and Kautilya's Arthrsastra Dr. Caillat begins by lending mild support to the complaint that in Indian treatment of penal problems things religious have got intermixed with things secular, a complaint highly exaggerated if not absolutely misplaced For as a matter of fact, in all religions-the Indian relgions being no exeption-it is possible to clearly distinguish the problems of church-conduct, church-constitution and church-penology, in a parallel fashion, in all states-India again being no exception-it 18 possible to clearly destinguish the problems of statepolicy, state-constitution and state-penology Some confusion might, of course, arise owing to two circumstances peculiar to India, Thus the Brahmanical Smrti-authors usually discuss not only the multifarious church problems proper but also the multifarious problems of statecraft-the latter under the plea that they cover the province of a ksatriyas church-duties. This is a source of confusion of the from of an act of commission; the other source of confusion is of the form of an act of omission. Thus in theory Brahmanism is not a religous sect to which membership 18 sought voluntarily but one into which one is just born; hence in the name of treating the problem of church-constitution what the Brahmanical Smrtiauthors in fact offer are their mythological lugubrations as to how the institution of 4 varnas and 4 asramas-allegedly established by God-is there since ever, But these are sources of confusion which should mislead an unwary reader not a cautious scholar. Dr. Caillat draws our attention

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38 K, K, Dixit to a number of ideas similarly expressed in the Jaina and Buddhist monastic disciplio ary texts, the Brahmanical Smrti-texts and Kautilya's Arthasastra, they are certainly notewortby but even more important 18 it to note as to how different roles they play in these different texts The secood and third parts of Dr. Caillat's own thesis might be said to be devoted to the problems of church-constitution and church-penology respectively and in both she has often drawn parallel between things Jaina and things Buddhist, but occasions for her doing 80 in the case of things Jaina and things Brahmnical are few and far between. This is not merely-perhaps pot at all due to her relative lack of acquaintance with things Brahmanical, the simple truth is that the Brahmanical Smsti-texts on the one hand and the Jajna-Buddhist monastic-disciplinary texts on the other breathe a different atmosphere altogether while in comparison to these three sets of religious texts Kautilya's thoroughly secular Arthsastra is verily a world apart Dr. Caillat tells us how these different texts look at the phenomenon of penal proceeding as such, a judge's competence, an offeader's act of confession, a judge taking into consideration the extenuating circumstances including the offender's intention; all that 19 interesting but crucially important are her observations pertaning to an offender's confession of guilt. On her own showlag a Kauulyito would tend to be skeptical and a religious leadership liberal when confronted with an offender's self-testimony as to the alleged guilt; that is understandable inagmuch as one is forced to submit to the authority of state while one voluntarily submits to the authorlty of one'a religious leadership. And when we are further told that at times the Jaida religious leadership too adopts to this connection what might be called Kautilyate strategems that too is understandable, for a religious man might bave extra-religious motivos in biding his church-offences. Towards the close of the chapter Dr Caillat emphasizes that the Brahmanica), Buddhist Awell as Jaina codes of conduct have undergone change in the course of history, quoting in her support the classical Jaina authors' own submission that their code of conduct was much more severe in former timos than at present; but as we have already argued in details, a submission hike this needs cautious handling if truth in its entirety is what one is aiming at. what we call the second section of the third part of Dr. Caillat's thesia contains her chapters II and III, the former entitled 'Dispensation' and the latter Atonements'. Both together dispose of certain general issues raised by the classical Jaina authors whlle dealing with the problem of expiation It was perhaps possible to lasect somewhore in the latter chapter the material contained in the former, but since this material is taken up separately and first of all it would be proper to consider it separately and first of all. The material is related to the question whether the Jaina-church authorities provided for the possibility that in case of

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A New Contribution- Problem of Jaina Monastic Discipline 39 emergency a monk might violate even the most cardinal tenets of Jaina faitheg the tenets that truth be spoken and that sexual intercourse be avoided, Dr Caillat answers the question in the affirmative and adds that identical was the attitude of the other Indian religous secls like Brahmanism and Buddhism What is more Instructive, she quotes several concrete instances where the Jaina church-authorties would permit lying and also reports about the motives they had in doing so. Lastly, she reproduces in all details a discussion where Is envisaged the contingoncy of a monk having sexual intercourse. The discussion is important perhaps less for its own sake than for the vivid light It throws on the way Jalna church-leadership would resort to trickerles and lies in case of emergency. For discussions such as this though only occasionally pertaidlag to sex matters-are surprisiagly numerous in the classical commentaries on the disciplinary texts-surprisingly because these texts themselves bardly ever betrary a tendency in that direction, To a Isrgo extent, the changed attitude was the result of changed historical circumstances. Thus in the old disciplinary texts battle for the country's religious leadership was yet in progress, by the time of the classical commentaries it was decided in favour of Brahmanism seconded by Buddhism with Jainism emerging as a much poorer third, (this at least was the sttuation in North where these commentarica were written) Thus hardly ever favoured by the ruliog princes, haviog scruples against the establisment of permanent monastries, vowed not to stay at one place for more than one month (in a big town for more than two), faced with a social surrounding which was largely suspicious of them and of which they were largely suspicious the Jaina monks organized into more or less small gacchas wandered about from village to village, from town to town And under conditions as trying as these the mutual bond of loyalty among these monks in general and those belongiog to the same gaccha in particular was much closer than we can now imagine. Certainly, here lies the root of that touching consideration which the Jaina church-leadership as described by the classical common. tators has exhibited for the weaknessos natural to a monk as to any man. Then we take up Dr Caillat's chapter 1Il entitled 'Atonements' in wbich she considers several miscellaneous questions related to the problem of expiation, this as follows . (1) First, our attention is drawn to the fact that lo the Jaina theoretician's mind the concepts of expiation( =prayascitta ) and mortification (tapas) are mutually related That is tellingly evident from the fact that la terms of the classical Jaloa authors' list of technical concepts prayscitta is one of the twelve types of tapas while tapas Is one of the ten types of prayascitta. Then arises the question whether prayaicitta and tapas are merely a bodily performance or also a meatal performance. The fact that prayascitta is 19cluded in thoso six types of tapas which are

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40 K. K, Dixit collectively characterized as internal (in contrast to the other slx which are collectively characterized as 'external') as also the fact that the prayscltta-types alocana and pratikramana are a mental performance would suggest that prayascitta definitely has a mental aspect in addition to the bodily one. True, the Jaina theoreticians are of the view that tapas in general and prayascitta in particular rid a soul of tho karmio particles supposed to be physical in nature, but that is a metaphysical hypothesis of theirs and has no bearing on the question whether according to them tapas in general and prayascitta in particular have got a mental aspect, (2) Secondly, brief information is conveyed about each of the ten types of prayascitta bat since in chapters IV-IX the matter is going to be taken up in details it can be skipped over here. But worthy of consideration are certain fruitful observations here made by Dr. Caillat as to the history of the punishment-type originally called paribara and substituted by tapas in the present standard list of ten prayascitta-types She rightly notes that in olden times paribara was Virtually the only punishment-type just as tapag was 10 later times; both equally and prominently involve elements of mortification but the later authors substituted tapas for paribaia because the latter did and the former did not require isolated living on the part of the offender--these authors having a true dread of 1solated living. In view of what we have ourselves gaid on the polat we have to endorse this readjag of hers in all its essentials oaly, one ought to be more critical than she 18 of the later Jaina authors' own reading of the history of their church. (A minor point On pp. 77-78 and p. 99 it is preguppogod -on the alleged authority of Jinabhadra-that the ninth and tenth praya. Scitta-typeg went out of use after Bhadrababu but wora revived later on. We have already taken note of the classical Jaina authors' mythological understanding pertajning to these prayascitta-types, and in terms of that understanding their subsequent revival must be inconceiveable.) (3) Thirdly, we are told how in Vyavabarapithika somewhat briefly and in Jitakalpabhaeya in great details church-offences are arranged in terms of the ten prayascitta-types, a point we have already noted. Then Dr. Caillat notes that even in Kalpa and Vyavahara there 18 ofton made explicit mention of the prayascittas to be awarded to ono violating the iegulation concerned while in Nisitha such an explicit mention 18 made regularly But at the close of her chapter she expresses misgiving that the positions majatained in Jitakalpabhasya might not have been valid in the days of the old d19ciplinary texts Kalpa, Vyevabasa and Nisitha The aimple truth is that the author of Jitakalpabhasya did for bus tinies what the author of Nisitha bad done for thoge olden times--namely to arrange church-offences in terms of a corrent list of prayascitta-types, on the other hand, Kalna aad Vyavabara represent the earliest stage in the history of Jaina church

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A New contribution-Problem of Jaina Monastic Discipline when the main task was to enumerate church-offences and not to assign punishment for each offence - though for certain offences such an assignment too was done. Dr Caillat significantly notes that what the later Jainas needed was a relative scale of piayascittas and that such a acale was provided by Jitakalpabhasya. The point to be added is that a similar relative scale was provided by Nikitha in its own times and that since this acale was after all relative it too could be fully used by the later Janas; (the only difficulty would have arisen from the rather archaic character of the church-offences enumerated in Nikitha, but that is a different point). 41 (4) Fourthly, we are informed about two technical concepts developed by the classical Jaina autho18-viz. the concept of 'malaguna and uttaraguna' and the concept of 'darpa and kalpa'. The former concept stands for certain chief and subsidiary duties which a monk is supposed to observe and whose non-observance invites prayascitta, the second concept stands for the idea that a church-offence might be committed either out of deliberate negligence or unknowingly. By mulagunas are to be understood the famous five vows of the Jaina-monk-viz, non-killing, truthfulness, non-theft, continence and non-acquisitiveness, but uttaragunas are a relatively obscure concept In fact, the latter are found enumerated in two ways-both mentioned in Vyavaharabhasyatika I. 38 and that alone which Dr. Caillat notices in Vyavaharabhasya I 289. As for the 10 types of darpa and 24 types of kalpa, they are mentioned summarily in Vyavaharabhasya X. 633-38 and somewhat at length in Jitakalpabhasya vv. 588-616, These and similar technical concepts employed by the classical Jaina authors deserve study inasmuch as they prove an extremely convenient means for correctly grasping the drift and details of their argumentation, but unless proved otherwise they should not be supposed to have been used by the old authors As a matter of fact, most of such concepts are a later product and their presence in an old text is a sure sign of their being interpolated there. But one should not be dogmatic about it and obscure exceptions are always possible For example, in the just noted Vyavaharabhagya 1.38 darpa and kalpa are spoken of in connection with the monk's duties described as 5 malagunas and 10 uttaragunas but in the just noted Vyavaharabhagya vv 633-38 (and Jitakalpabhasya v v 588-616) they are spoken of in connection with the monk's 18 duties earlier described in Vyavaharabhasya 1246 (and Jitakalpabhasya v. 154) Now this set of monk's 18 duties though apparently a technical concept is not a product of classical times but a direct borrowing from the archaic Dasavaikalika chapter VI, Be that as it may, the concept of uttaraguna in the version reported by Dr. Caillat is not only itself a classical technical concept but is made up of several other classical technical concepts. As for the concept of 'darpa and kalpa' Sambodhi 5,2-3

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K. K. Dixit Its employment introduces the important ethical question of determinism versus free will, and Dr. Caillat provides us a good clue to the classical Jaina authors' way of considering the question, (5) Lastly, we are informed about the technical concopt of vaiyavrtyaor service-osteosibly because vayavrtya is one of the 12 types of tapas while tapas 18 the chief of the 10 types of prayascitta. But the concept is of importance in its own right and in fact stands for a monk's voluntary duty towards bis fellow-monks. The classical authors speak of 10 types of vaiyavftya, but 8 items of this list simply describe the monastic status of the person to be offered vaiyavrtya, thus we are told that vaiyavrtya might be possibly offered to ono's acarya, ono's upadhyaya, an old monk, a young monk, & gaccha-colleague, a kula-colleague, a gana-colleague, a sangha-colleague. So the real nature of vaiyavstya 18 made clear by the remaining two items of the list; thus we are told that vaiyavrtya might possibly be offered to a monk who is sick or a monk who 18 performing tapas: Among the old disciplinary texts Vyavahara 1.22-24 speak of valyavrtya bolng offered to an old monk, Vyavabara 2 5-17 of it being offered to a sick monk-posalbly a mook grows sick while undergoing church-punishment. And the most moving cases of vaiyavrtya described in classcial commentarios are thogo of a mouk offering devoted service to a sick colleague; (Kalpabhasya vy 1900-2013 describe in details how a sick colleague has to be served but in this text itself that is not the only case where this problem 18 touched upon). If we keep in mind that social milieu in which the Jaina monks of the classical times were functioning the attitude is easily understandable; and with service rendered to a sick colleague' serving as an ideal standard It could casily be worked out as to what should be the form of other valyavrtyas spoken of by the classical Jaina theoreticians. For the rest, Dr. Caillat's treatmont of the problem makes the facts of the situation suficiently clear. Lastly, we como to what we call the third section of the third part of Dr. Caillat's thesis, a section which contains her chapters IV-IX and djecusscs one by one the ten types of expiation posited by the classical Jajna authors, In our examination of these chapters that follows the first three are taken up together inagmuch as they are three closely connected types of church-punishment, The first prayascitta-type enumerated in the classical list is alocana or confession, the second pratikramapa or repentence, the third ubhaya or confession-cum-repentence. But as 18 evident from certain observations made by Dr Caillat herself, confession and repentence will have to be conaidered together. Thus hor chapter on confession begins with the observation that tho practice of confession was introduced by Mahavira among tho adhefonts of Parsva (p.116). And her troatment of repentence ends with the

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A New Contribution-Problem of Jaina Monastic Discipline obseryation that the oldest Jajna texts speak of no independent "repentenco" even if they often speak of confession (p.139). In the latter caso a cross-reference 18 made to p. 138 (of the French edition) and there we are actually told that accroding to the Sanskrit commentator Malayagiri Vyayabasasutra 1.1--20 eal with confession (p 119) This statement there 18 precoded by a consileration of an Uttaradhyayana passage which speaks of alocana-followed-byralikramana to be performed twice a day, in this connection two points ire made...VIZ (1) that the step from confession to repentence is not very reat and (2) that the passage in question cannot be very old while neither Kalpa nor Vyavabara mentions the iwice-daily confession. All this raises ertain very important issues. Thus twice-daily repentenco (not twice daily onfession) was treated by the classical Jaina authors as one of the six daily recessary ceremonials (it there occupies the fourth place), and it has found 10 mention in the old diaciplinary texts simply because thoy do not at all ovlsage the necessity of a daily ceremonial The game is the case with the ther old texts like Acaranga I Srutaskandha and Sutckftanga I Srutaskanadha, etc. and that is why if an Uttaradhyayana chapter speaks of a daily necessary-ceremonials then the passage concerned if not the whole chaptor should be treated as a relatively late composition, incidentally, this is one reason why Uttaradhyayana chapter 29 which explicitly mentions all those Decogary-ceromonials and 18 quoted by Dr. Caillat--on p. 118-10 a rolatod context must be a relatively late composition). But then when the classical Jaina authors say that the followers of Mahavira do and those of Parava do not undertake repentence they only mean to refer to the practice of twice daily repentence - thelr Vory point being that the followers of Parava undertake repentence only when a church-offence has beon committed. Not that tric statement of classical authors 18 a true historical statement, but the point is that oven if it is that it lends no support to the surmiso that the practice of confession (or evon the practice of repentence) was introduced by Ma, havira among the followers of Parsva. As a matter of fact, the statement in question was a part and parcel of that woll-rounded mythology which the classical Jaina authors, impelled by various motives, brought into being-10 the present case the motive being to extol the practice of twico-daily repentence. Thus the full version of the statomcat in question is that the followors of the first and the twontyfourth tirthankara do and those of the intermediate twentytwo do not undertake twice dally ropontenco-It belng the case that Mahavira was the twentyfourth tirthankara and Parva the twentythird; (certainly, Dr. Caillat goticos this mythology-based on classical position (p.135) but not its deeper implication). And if Malayagiri says that Vyavabarasutra 1.1--20 aro alocanasutras that would not lend support to the gurmise that the old disciplinary texts were conversant with confossion though not with dependent repontence, for those old toxta are conversant with repentence is much as they are conversant with confession - their

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K. K. Dixit standard string of words mentioning both being fully translated by Dr. Calllat herself on P, 117. But may be De Caillat's reference was not to that statement of Malayagiri but to the three types of alocana spoken of by the classical commentators and introduced by Dr. Caillat on p. 138 (of the French edition), but this concept of threefold confession 18 a typical classical concept unknown to the old disciplinary texts Really, this threefold confession, so elaborately described by Dr. Caillat on pp. 124-32, is as much marked for its ceremonious character as the classical authors' 'repentence' always is-a specimen of the latter too being helpfully provided by Dr, Caillat on pp. 136-38 So the point is not that either confession or repentence was unknown to the early Jainds and became known to the later Jainas but that unlike the early Jainas the later Jainas turned both into so much of a ceremonious affair. From a broader point of view, however, that is a relatively minor matter. For the point that needs even greater emphasis is that with the Jaloas confession and repentence are not just two or three) types of church-punishment by the side of other types but a necossary preliminary to all church-punishment which usually has to be of the form of some physical torture or other; this point so evident in the case of the old disciplinary texts on account of ther relevant formula expressed through that standard string of words get somewhat blurred in the classical texts with their position that confession, repentence and confession-cum-repentence are three types of church-punishment by tho side of seven others. However, even the classical Jaina authors did not wilfully underestimated the significance of confession and repentence as we can easily learn from the so many of their charcteristio pronouncements on the subject quoted by Dr Caillat in her chapter under consideration. As a matter of fact, all religious authorities--the Jalnas being no exooption-award church-punishment primarily with a view to morally reforming the offender and secondarily with a view to deterring him (and others) from committing an offence-just opposite being the attitude of all state-authorities while awarding judicial punishment. This happens because one's membership of state is compulsory and based on no moral conviation whereas ono's membership of a religlous sect 18 voluntary and based on one's conviotion that the philosophy of life upheld by this scot is tonable and wholesome. This however is tho ideal while in real world religious authorities aro often faced with problems simllar to those faced by state-authorities. Thus for example ariges what might be called the problem of 'cunning confession', a problem taken note of by the Jainas in the way reported by Dr. Calllat on p. 122. The fourth prayascitta-type enumerated in the classical list is viveka or 'separating out the improper from the proper alms'. Nobody ever gave much about it and Dr. Caillat too simply doscribes it as we have done carlier,

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A New Contnbution-- Problem of Jaina Monastic Discipline The fifth prayascitta-type enumerated in the classical list 18 kayotsarga or steady bodily posture Even old disciplinary texts (e.g. Kalpa 1 19) incidentally mention kayotsarga but not as a type of church-punishment In classical times kayotsarga was treated as one of the six daily necessary ceremonials (it there occupying the fifth place), but what was said about it in that connection makes it clear that it was aot considered an end in itself but an aid to mental concentration-eg mental conceutration needed for recalling one's church-offences (1. e, for performing the fourth among the daily necessary-ceremonial) or that needed for worshipping the tirthankara (1.e. for performing the second among the daily necessary-ceremonials). Really, kayotsarga could be considered an end 10 itself only as an ald to body-building, a problem in which the Jaina church-leadership was not interested But when it was enumerated among the ten prayascitia types it was virtually treated as a mild type of bodily mortification and began to be awarded as a punishment for certain rather moderately grave church-offences. Dr. Caillat notices how kayotsarga has been conceived and been prescribed for certain ceremonious purposes, it remains to be added tbat it is also a punishment for certain small number of church-oftcnces. The sixth prayascitta-type enumerated in the classical Itst is tapas or mortification As we have already learnt, it is Dr Caillat's contention that tapas occurs in this list where parihara would have been in olden dave and that the substitution was made because the later authors were afraid of 1solated living which was a necessary element of parihara-punishment, Hence it 18 that in her present chapter supposed to convey information about the punlabment-type called tapas she gathers together considerable Information about the punishment-type called parihara. She begins by noticing that parihara-punishment would not be awarded to weaklings like women etc. (p. 150), towards the close of her account she refers to a case where parihara-punishment seems to have been awarded to a weakling but in whose comprehension the commentators do not help because <Page #144
46 K. K. Dixit a jinakalpika. In conncction with this reporting about paribara-punishment Dr. Caillat has also touched upon another somewhat important problem in which the classical commentators took immense interest. Really, it was their interest in this problem that led them to interpolate those first twenty apborisms in Vyavabara chapter I, aphorisms which together with 33 more were also interpolated in Nisitha lo constitute ata last and twentieth chapter, The problem was how to calculate the duration of punishment in case one commits a new offence while yet undergoing punishment the celebrated aropana problem Even whilo frankly expressing m 18giving about the utility of the calculations and speculations indulged in by the classical authors in the course of considering this problem (pp. 153-54, footnote) Dr. Caillat has done enough-perhaps more than enough-reporting on that count, a reporting that deserves due attention. As for the substution of parihara by tapas it was certainly always there in the mind of the classical authors, but they went on approvingly quoting old toxta where parihara-punishment was prescribed and even themselves prescribed the same because they were sure that the day-to-day churcb-leadership would convert an amount of parihara into an equivalent amount of tapas as would suit the case under con81deration, The seventh prayascitta-type enumerated in the classical list is cheda and the eighth mula, the former standing for a partial annuiment of past church-career, the latter for a total annulment of the same. The former was clearly envisaged in the old disciplinary texts, as a matter of fact, the usual phrase for church-punishment employod in these texts is either cheda or paribara' Wo have seen how crucial was the concept of paribara; the concept of cheda could have been equally crucial and the reason why we do not hear much about it could be that it was an easily comprehensiblo concept. Bo that as it may, even tho later authors do not discuss any problems that specially arise in connection with the award of either chedapunishment or mula-punishment, what they usually tell us is as to what church-offences invite these punishment-types, what punishment-types could be converted into those two punishment-types, what punishment types could these two punishment-types be converted into. However, even these latter sort of statements are not very many. Dr. Caillat too complaints about the paucity of material dealing with the punishmenttypes cheda and mula; yet she has collecetd some rare material of that sort. Even so, one should be cautious about handling a passage like Vyavahara. bhasya III, 277 (quoted on p. 175)where several increasingly grave cases of the offenco concerned and considered and the aux parihara-types, cheda, mula, apavasthapya, parancika respectively prescribed for them as punishment. This is the most usual way the classical commentators gradated the increasingly grave cases of an offence under consideration and no apecific information is thereby conveyed about cheda, mala, anayasthapya, paran

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A New Contribution-Problem of Jaina Monastic Discipline 47 cika etc, , as a matter of fact, it is a graded scale like this which we bavo earlier called the first' Het of ten prayascitta-types-contrasted to which the list presently under consideration is called the 'second' list. The ninth prayascltta-type enumerated in the classical list is an avasthapya and the tenth parancika and it is difficult to translate the words in. to English becanse we know so little about these prayascitta-types; (in the English version of Dr. Caillat's thesis the former is called 'demotion' the latter 'exclusion'). Thus Vyavahara 2.7-8 and 18-23 speak of those punishment-types but say identical things about the two; (on the other hand, Kalpa 43 enumerates one set of three church-offencea punishable by anavasthapya, Kalpa 4.2 another set of three punishable by parancika). However, they are certainly moat severe types of church-ponishment inasmuch as the offender concerned here bas to lead the life of a householder before being admitted back into the monastic life. In any case, the classical authors have treated these two punishment-types in the same manner as parihara, Thus Kalpabbasyatika v.5029 and v.5129 would demand from a parancikaoffender and anavasthapya offender respectively the same minimum educational qualifications as Vyavabarabbasya I. 354 would from & parihara-offen. der--this meaning that according to the classical authors all these punishment-types ceased to be current long, long ago. And the difficulty with Dr Caillat's treatment of the two punishment-types In question is the same as with her treatment of paribara; she speaks as if the classical authors are in this connection too discussing certain real monastic-penal problems of their days. Even then what she says on p 179 has to be corrected in the light of what she says on pp 177-78, thug on p. 179 she incorrectly says that the punishment-types in question are to be awarded only to a lonely wanderer but on pp. 177-78 she correctly says that among the gacchawanderers they are to be awarded only to an acarya For the rest, her present accont of an anayasthapya-offender and a parancika-offender gives us a vivid idea of how the clessical authors imagined for themselves persons liko these just as hor earlier account of a paribara-offender gave us a vivid idea of how they imagined for themselves a person like that-in both cases Imagination having little basis in reality. Here ends the third and the last part of Dr Caillat's thesis, and then follows a brief two-page chapter concluding the whole thesis. This chapter raises some important issues-methodological and otherwise- and deserves serious consideration. Dr. Caillat begins by paying compliments to what might be called the Jajna authors' love of system though she bastens to point out that the system often exhibits apparent cracks which to her mind are there due to those authors' endeavour to adapt this system to a reality that often provod intractable. The point is important but the opp

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K. K. Dixit osite polot needs not only emphasis but greater emphasis. For in the class. ical authors writings-80 voluminoos and devoted to so diverse branchea of learnog logical flaws are extremely few, and what they have written on monastic disciplinary problems constitutes no exception to this remarkable rule. As a matter of fact, compelled by the logic of their position these authors have often embraced conclusion that are truly bizarro, One exam. ple might suffice, an exampic which we have already noted in some detail and which will presently serve some other purpose as well It relates to the classical Jajna authors' concept of the church punishment types paribara, anavasthapya and parancika. Their logic required that one undergoing these types of punishment must be a first grade ascetic and so they described him in so glaring terms that one at times doubts whether the person described is a church-offender-lo the case of anavasthapya and pararcika one guilty of a grayest moral breach. The doubt is removed with relative ease In the case of one undergoing anavaathapya and parancika but the case of one undergoing parihara has misled even so diligent a researcher Dr, Cai. Ilgt. For her reading-recollected in the present chapter just after r018ing the point we are considering-19 that parihara was some sort of temporal pur. sual of an old monastic ideal on the part of the latter day Jainas whoae own monastic ideal was of an opposite sort. In any case, this reading becomes the starting point of her discussion of a very important question of her present chapter viz. as to how the monastic ideal pursued by the early Jalpas is to be distinguished from that pursued by the later Jalnas. This question too we have already considered in some details and in that connection have partially endorsed Dr Calllat's own central surmise. The point might be recapitulated and will be helpful in appreciating what she is presently driving at. For her contention is that the ideal of lonely living was the monastic ideal frequently enough pursued by the early Jainag but that in later times it was on the whole replaced by an opposite monastic idcal viz. the ideal of collective living. She emphaizes that the later Jaloas adopted the monastic ideal they did because they found it better conducive to their ultimate aim which was attainment of salvation, but she also notes that this ideal created some special difficulties in the way of attaining this very aim, difficulties which the latter-day church-leadership sought to obviate in various ways. The point is arguable though we have no idea of how Dr. Caillat would argue it in details but maybe there is some flaw lurking here For the truth seems to be that the early Jaidas and later Jajnaa had a contrasted way of looking at the whole problem of salvation-and-themonastic-career-snited-to-its-attainment--from which emerges the concluslon that the ideal of lonely living was the only monastic ideal pursued by the carly Jaj nag as the ideal of collective living was the only ideal pursued by the later Jainas If that be so it is doubtfal whether Dr, Caillat's point - at least in the form here prosented - 18 wholly tenable,

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TATTVARTHASUTRA VERIFICATION OF PRASASTI Sazoko Obira It has been a controversy whether the colophon attached to the Sabhasya T. S (Tattvarthasutra) is the authentic document or not, This issuc la somewhat odd in a way, because a mention that Umasveti or Umagvami 18 the author of the T.S. which is unanimously accepted by both aects ia found in the prasasti alone in the earlier literature of both traditions. However alace tho Digambarversion lacka the entire Bhasya portions and aince none of the recorded items in the colophon have yet been proved of their historicity, this problem remains to be investigated, which is attempted to be tackled in the following inquiry pralastfi recorda his biography as follows: 1. Preceptor for initation : Ghosanandaksamana (ekadasangavid) Grand-preceptor Sivasri (vacakamukhya) Precptor for education Mula (vacakacarya) Grand-preceptor Mundapadaksamana (mabavacaka) 2. Father. Svati of Kaubhisana gotra Mother Vatsi (Siddhasena comments that his mother's name was Uma and her gotra Vatsa) Place of birth Nyagrodbika 3, Author . Umasvati Position Uccairnagara Vacaka Title of the work : Tattvarthadhgamasastra place of its composition Kusamapura None of the other work ascribed to him even bearg bis name. Also the practice of attaching such a colophon with full information of the author to this extent, even though the date 19 excluded, was not conventionalized in the classical period His name sounds peculiar and the gotra name Kaubhiga na which finde do mention in the Gotrapravaramanjan appears equally strange. Thus there are enough reasona to suspect that this colophon might be a later interpolation Unfortunately much of what is told abont himself in the pralasti has ever beca sealed to us becauso its testifial sources, either literary or epigraphical, are inaccessible. Then we are not able to establish a full testimony of the said account What we can do utmost under the circumstances is to try to prove the historicity of any items mentioned above if possible, by which Sambodhi 52-3

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50 Suzuko Ohira the rest of the whole account could be induced to be authentic Umasvati refers to or distinguishes the Jaina concepts from non-Jaina concepts expressed in the Vaisesikasutra, Nyayasutra, Sankhyakarika, rogasutra and Abhi. dharmakosa. All the works up to Yogasutra are known to have been compoaed before the date of Vasubandhu Thus it is certain that Umasyati's date falls between Vasubandhu and Pajyapada, that is, approximately 5th6th century AD. Also from the scope of the source materials represented in the T s. there is no doubt that he belonged to the Agamic tradition in the North. If therefore there are any early resources around this period onwards in the Svetambara tradition which refer to Umtsvati and/or which bear witness to any prasast statement, eg, name of his teacher, parent, gotra, Jakha, work etc, they are valuable for us to solve the present problem Fortunately we are in possession of such materials, Kal pasutra thera. vals records Uccairnagara sakba which is according to the prafast: the legitimate sakba of our author, but it is silent about Umasvati as it lists gurus' lineage up to Skandila, president of the Second Canonical Convention. Nandisutra theravali speaks of Svati as the descendant of Harta gotra, which 19 however denied by his autobiography Thus the biographical record claimed by himself and the one offered by the Nandisutra showa a conflict. This Nandi pattavali is however the oldest extant source available to us in relation with our problem, of which important nature should not be overlooked We ought to therefore carefully examine the relevant contents expressed in this text and explain the nature of this conflict with a view to establish the historicity of prasasti document, which is the major point attempted in this Inquiry. Mathura inscriptions of Kushan dynasty have confirmed the general trust-worthineas of the athaviravals recorded in the Kalpasutra, for nearly 1/3 of ganas, kulas and sakhas mentioned in the latter aro identified by the former, by which some of the readings in the Kal pasitra were even improved and the actual relation of a particular sakbks with particular kula and gana which is not coordinated in the Kalpa theravali become patent? On behalf of this historical authonticity, we shall be allowed to use this Kalpasutra which was penned down as the final veralon at the Third Valabhi Council as a criterion to measure the reliability of the other pattavalis which are as a rule distorted in view of attaning the authority of a parti cular patriarchal order concerned Uccarnagari (variously spelled in the inscriptions of the mixed dialect of Prakrit and Sanket az Uccagagari, Uccenagari, Ucenagars, Uccepakar! etc), which is a sakba belonging to Brahmadasika kula of Kotika (Kottiya) gana as so endorsed by the Kalpasutra, enters at least ten times the stage

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Tattvarthasulya Verification of Prasasti 51 Mathura inscriptions during the reign of King Kanishka and Huvishka, e., 2nd century A. D.' It appears that Kolika gana was one of the ost influential parties in those days, of which pame is said by Bubler to yo survived in the 14th century A.D. A few other kulas and sakhas this gana are listed in the inscriptions, and its Vidyadhart sakha appe& again in the Mathura inscription of 432 A. D. Inscriptions were made the Jaina lay men mostly in the memory of the donation of images, whiI as a rule record the names of their preceptors in the above gana, kula id sakha in due order Once it happens, however, that Brabmadasika ula is mentioned together with Uccairnagari sakba, and twice Uccairagari sakha alone. All these belong to the period of King Huvishka. This lay auggest that the larger divisions of gana and kula were already on the ay to be expressed by the smaller division of sakha, which exactly 80 Dund in the case of Uccairnagari sak a recorded in our prasasti Uccairn gari is the name of the sakba, and Uccaroagara a member of the sakha, aug <Page #150
Suzuko Ohira ...8. 1 Mabagiri 1. Uttara Founder of Uttarabalissaha gana from which Candanagari sakha derived. 2 Balissaha il Suhasti Founder of Varana gana 5 Srigupta of Harita gotra from which Vajrapagari sakba derived 1. Susthita Founder of Kotika gana from which 8. Supratlbuddha Uccairnagari sakha derived. 10. Ladradatta 11. Datta 12. Santisenika 25. Kalaka 33. Sandilya... Founder of Uccairnagari sakbu The following pattavalis spoak of our author (unless the source 18 specified, those indicated with paging reser to the Paffavalt samuccaya, v.1, ed, by Darsanavljays): 1.1.1. Nandisulra pattavali, 980 V.N./453 A.D. p. 12 ...Mahaglri - Suhatthi Bahulassa sarivvaya (Balissaba: Kosia) Sai (Hariya) Samajja (Harlya) Samdilla... 11. Nandisutra curni. (Nandisutra curnt with Hanbhadra's vrtti. by Rsabbadevaji Kesarimalaji Svetambara Sanstha, 1928, pp. 6-7) ...Mabagiri - Suhatthi Sutghita-Suppadibaddha Mahagirl Balissaha (Kasava) Sal (Harlya) Samajja (Hariya) Samailla (Kosita)...

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Tattvarthasultra Verification of Pralasti til. Haribhadra's vrtti on Nandisutra (ibid. pp. 14-15) . Mahagiri Balissaba (Kausika) Svati (Harita) syamaca rya (Harita) Sandliya (Kausika)... 1. 1. iv. Malayagiri's tika on Nandisutra (Raya Dhanapati Simha Bahaduraka Agama sangraha, v. 45) ...Mahagiri Balissaha (Kausika) Svati (Harita) Syamacarya (Harita) Sandilya (Kausika).. 2. Dharmasagaragani : Tapagaccha pattavall. 1646 V. S./1589 A.D. p. 46 ...Mabagiri (his disciple) Ballssaha (his disciple) Svati, author of the texts such as Tattvartha (his' disciple) Sya macarya, author of Prajna pana (d 376 V.N) (his disciple) Sanqilya... 3, Sriguru Palfayah. author and date unknown, p. 165 ... Mabagiri - Subasti Susthita-Supratibuddha of Kotika gaccha (etad-varake) Balissaha (his disciple) Svati Vacaka of Tattvarthasangraha (his disciplo) Kalakacarya of Prajno pana (d. 376 V. N.) Indradinna... 11. 4. Dharmagho asuri Dulsamakala sramana sangha stava. 0. 1300 V. S. p. 23 Prathamodaya yugapradhanas

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Suzuko Ohira Mabagiri Subasti Ghanasundara syamacarya Skandila Revatimitra... p. 24 Dvitiyodaya gugapradkanas Revatimitra Simhasari II, 4. p. 24: Halila Jlnabhadra Umasvati Puspamitra... P. 24 also offers the account of Umasvati's life grhavasa 20 yoars, vrata paryaya 15 years, yugapradhana 75 years, total age 110 years, 2 months and 2 days. Ayacuri p. 17 ...Revatimitra Aryamungu Svami (Svati) Harina Syaemarya Sandilya... p. 18 ...Harula 54 (yugapradhana) (Here a verso 18 inserted, 'pamcaseo panaste vikkamakala udda(jha)tti atthamio/haribhaddasarl suro, bhavlanam disau kallanamp') Jibabhadra 60 Umasvati 75 Pugyatieya 60...

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Tattour thasutra : Verification of Prasasti 55 5. Vinayavijayagani Sriyugapradhana. 1651 A.D. p. 140 Lokaprakala sarga 34. These repeat the accounts of prathamodaya and dvitiyodaya yugapra dbanas above. III. 6. Ravivardhanaganl * pattavalisaroddhara. 1682 AD P. 152 ..Yakin sunu Haribhadrasuri Viraprabhastri Umyvati (Yogapradhana, 1190 V, N./663 A.D.) Jinabhadragani JII, 7 Jinavijaya : Kharataragaccha paffayali sangraha (Babu Puranacandra Nahar, Calcutta, 1931) p. 9 ...Devadahigani ksamadramana (900 V N./373 A.D.) Govinda Vacaka Umasvati vacaka, author of Pratamarati Devinda vacaka Jinabhadragani kaamasramana (980 V.N./453 A.D.)... p. 26 Govinda Sambhatidinna Laubityamuni Pausyamukhya Umasyati vacaka (bhayadyesu vidhayakam munivara) Jinabhadrasuri... Genealogical tables of these pattavalis pertaining to Umasvati disagree one another to a great extent, and we cannot rely upon any one of them immediately. These are classified into three groups above so that thelr Internal relationship can be easily traced, Pattavaly in the Group I unanimoasly place Svati before Syamacarya, those in the Group II after Jinabhadra, and those in the Group III beforo Jinabhadra Svati 18 thus spoken somewhat in close connection with Syamacarya and Jinabhadra. Group II offers genealogleg of prathamodaya and dviriyodaya yugapradhanas. Horein the lineage of prathamodaya follows the table of the Group I, which refers to syamacarya but drops a mention of Svati (Svami is mentioned in its avacuri p. 17), and the lineage of drittyodaya places Umasveti after Jlna

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56 Suzuko Ohira bhadra Group II is evidently attempting to shift Umasvati'a chronological position to later period. In III, 6, Umasvati comes much later than Harlbhadrasari of the 8th century A D, of which impossible occasion seems to have happened due to the effect of the verse inserted before the turn of Jinabhadra in II 4 avacuri p 18. It seems therefore that the last group was likely 100uenced by the table of the second group which was obviously derived from the first group. Then the materials in the first group alone deserve further investigat100, Pallavalis in the first group consists of (1) Nandi patlavalt and its commentaries and (2) two independent texts. A glance over these genealogies which are chronologically arranged makes it clear that the Nandisatra is the archetype of the rest of the works. Svati who has no place in the Kalpasutra finds a seat in the Nandisitra onwards bearing Harita gotra, Two characteristic features are noted in his entry in these archives, namely, as to his gotra and as to his relative position in the genealogy. We shall examine these points below against the record of the Kalpa theravalt (1) GOTRA 1 Nandisatra and its commentaries ascribe Harita gotra to Svati as well as to syamacarya, while the other two pattavalis do not refer to it. Umaavati speaks of bis gotra as Kaubhisana Syamacarya, if he 18 identified with Kalakacurya, is said in the Kal pasutra as of Gotama gotra. Kalpa thcravali assigns Harta gotra to Srigapta alone, who is the founder of the Varana gana (said as Carana in the Kalpasutra, which has been corrected into Varana by Buhler on the inscriptional evidence) (2) RELATIVE POSITION (a) Predecessors (1) Mahagir---Balissaba--[Svath] all except 1.3 Suhasti (2) Mabagiri--Balissaha---Svati I 3 (Sriguru pattayali) [etad varake] Suhasti--Susthita-Supratibuddha Svati 19 interpolated after Ballssaha to the list of the Kalpa genoalogy, The second table is essentially the same with the first one, excepting that it brings in Sustbita-Supratibuddha of Suhasti line against Ballssaba as the rivals. (b) Successors Nandisatra is obviously responsible for formulating the lineage of [Svati]-Syama--Sandilya, to which the rest of the texts take recourse.

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Tattvarthasutra : Verification of Prasasti Tradition ascribes Mahagirl and Suhasti as the contemporaries of SandOrati, which may be an open question, Even then, Svati's position assigned icroin as his grand-disciple is an improbable fact. Also his position as the redecessor of Syama, author of the Prajna pana 18 incredible, for the content of the TS. cannot be succeeded by that of the Prajnapana. Saendilya whom Jacobi identifica with Skandlla can neither be acceptable as the granddisok ple of Vacaka, for the content of the T.S standg later than the period of the Canonical Convention at Mathura, His relative chronological position in relation with his predecessors and successors cannot be therefore accepted as it is. Before we get into the inquiry why this could have happened so, we would like to examine the curious fact hero first why Svati's frst ontry In the archive was made in this particular place in relation with Bal189aha with the assigamont of a foreign gotra, because to be the disciple of Balis. saha 18 an obvious interpolation to the Kalpa genealogy, and to have Harita gotra is in conflict with the prasasti record. So we shall go back to the Kalbastra and review how the acaryas involved in this scene are informed of thomselves; (1) Baligsaha (his gotra not mentioned) founder of Uttaraballssaha gana, from which Candanagari bakha deriyod, (2) Susthita and Supratibuddha (of Vyaghrapatya gotra)--founder of Kos ulka gana, from which Uccairnagari Sakha derived. (3) Srigopta of Harita gotra- founder of Varana gana, from which Vajras nagari sakha derived. It strikes us to find that the acaryas coming in this scene are all related in someway or other to the sakha called Nagart 1.e, Candaoagari. Vajranagar and Uccairaagari, to the last of which our author claims to belong. It appears that his entry in the Nandisutra, after which the rest of the texts followed, was made in some connection with these threo Nagari sakhas which are the only dakhas bearing the name Nagari in the Kalpasitra. Then what is the probable reason that the Nandi allowod his entry to relation with Nagari sakha ? We shall speculate on this point with regard to his Gotra and to his relation with Balissaha. (1) GOTRA. Nandi curni and the other commentaries do not raise any doubt as to why the Nandisullra assigned Harita gotra to Svati We shall propose a proba. ble archival error occurred in the Nandisutra in the following way. Uccairnagara is, a8 already mentioned, known also ag Varana, an ancient kingdom which 18 counted as one of the twenty-five and a half Aryan countries for the Jalnas. Nandi author likely confused Uccairnagara with Sambodhi, 5.2-3

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58 Suzuko Ohira Its another name Varana as the place of sakha where Svati belonged. Svati was then assigned to belong to Varana gana which was founded by Srigupta of Harita gotra. Thus by the second confusion of place name and gana, Vacaka's gotra was fatally recorded as Harita which was likewise extended to Syamacarya. Confusion seems to have thus happened acold, entally. (2) RELATION WITH BALISSAHA Nandi verses 25-26 read, 'clavaccasa gottam vamdami mahagirim suhatthimp ca / tatto kosla-gottarp baholassa sariv vayam varde // bariya-gottam saim ca vandimo bariyam ca samajjam / vande kosiya-gottar samdillam aja-jiyadharam //` (Bahula's twin brother is Balissaha) It is evident from the Kalpa theravalt that Balissaha is the direct dis ciple of Mahagiri, from the line of which Suhasti's line differs. Nandi verses above do not clearly distinguish their relation, which however is elucidated by its Carni And in this Nandi curni, Svatt is plainly stated as the pupil of Ballssaha, balissahassa amtevasi sati harlyassagotte'. Curni does least bother about our problem why Svati's seat was all of a sudden allotted under Belissaha But why did Nandisutra reckon Svati after Balissaba ? In the previous genealogical table of the Kalpsutra it is noted that all the three Nagari sakhas are derived only from the ganas established by the disciples of Mahagiri and Suhasti. Also it has just been suggested that Umasvati's identity as Uccatrnggara was likely muddled with Vajranagara (whose sakha branched off from Varana gana) as to the assignment of his foreign gotra. This suggests that he was popularly identified with the Vacaka of Nagari sakha who might have been known to people as Nagara Vacaka," If his specific Nagari sakha were already confused with the other or forgotten but if he were popularly identified with Nagara Vacaka, it is most desirable for him to be placed in the spot where in some relation or other all these three Nagarl sakhas are conveniently found together in the estabiahed patriarchal lineage. And sure enough, such a spot is ready in the Kalpa theraval in the circle of Mahagiri-Sabasti whose disciples are responsible for branching off of all these Nagari sakhas. Then this is the exact place where Nagara Vacaka ought to be assigned-under one of the organizers of the three ganas who are each responsible for the origination of their own Nagari sakba. It appears that this is the picture how Svati came to be allotted under one of the disciples of Mahagiri-Suhaatl. It is not known why Nandi author proposed Balissaha as the predecessor of Svat! instead of

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t'attoarthasutra : Verification of Prasasti Sarguota or Susthita-Supratibuddha. It could have been that Nagars Sakha branched off from Ballsaaba's gana was more well known than the other two. It is neither known whether it was so done intentionally or accidentally. Srguru palfaval entera Balissaha and Susthita-Supratibuddha as the rivals (varaka; hostile, opposing). Addition of this abrupt information seems to have an attempt to assert that Svati does not belong to Susthita-Supratibuddha line, namely, Uccalrdagaci dakba, for this party is said to have stood hostile against Ballssaba party of whioh Svati 18 a member. It may alludes that there was aomo prestige struggle for the prerogative over our eminent Vacaka among the Nagari dakhas This pattayali 18 undated, but from the manner of its description it may stand close to the poriod of Tapagaccha pallavali of Dharmasagaragani, 1.e., 16th century A.D. This tradition could be an old one, but it cannot be that old, for it cssentially follows the interpretation of Nandi commentaries. It can certainly not be older than Curni which commonts upon the Nandisutra. Then the implication made by the Srguru pattayali should not be counted seriously for the consideration of our problem, It is apfficiently convincing that the Nandi author crostod a seat for Svati in the genealogy of Kalpasutra wherein all the Nagars dakhas branched off from the disciples of Mahagiri-Subasti Arya Santisenika, founder of Uccairnagari dukha, wag totally forgotten because he stood outside this Mabagiri-Suhasti circlo. A doubt may ariso as to how his gotra Harita could bavo escaped a criticism expected from Haribhadra and Malayagiri who are said to have commented upon the T.S. The author of the Nandtyrtti was most likely not the samo Haribhadra who wrote a commentary on the T.S. after the Bhagyanusarini. Malayagiri's commentary on the T.S, doos not exist, and we are not at all sure if be at all made it or not. Thus this doubt shall be dism188ed. Although much is still in darkness, yet the foregoing discussion sufil, clently well explains that Svati referred by the Nandzsutra is identical with UmX8*tl who belonged to one of the three Nagari sakhas recorded in the Kalpasutra, and that the Nandi record of his gotra was likely derived by the confusion of place names. Nandi author seems to have attempted to justify his interpolation of Svati after Ballssaha by bringing in the line of Svama -Sandilya who belonged to much carlier date than Umzsvati. The modes of such manipulation suggest that this interpolation was made in considerably later time when the authoritative position of the T.S. camo to be well recognized in the Jalna circle. Later authors of pattavals in the Groups II and III faced difficulty in accepting Umasvati's chronological position created by the Nandisutra and attempted to adjust it by pushing him further down. This is enough to ascertain that tho Nandisutra, although

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60 Suzuko Ohira It is accompanjed by archival errors, is the oldest valid source to verify the autoblographical account of Umasvati. Then it is enough to establish that the prasasti is the authentic document written by the author himself, Our task is not fully over yet. We have not yet raised a question--what is thig Nagari sakha ? Matburg 1nscriptions list all the three Nagar, sakhhas recorded in the Kal pasutra The seat of Uccarnagari sakba is Bulandashahar, U.P Vajrapagari (Pk Vajjanagari) should be, according to Buhler's proposal corrected into Vrijinagari which is derived from Vuji country of Bihar,10 Location of Candanagari sakba la not traceable. It is likely that a Nagari sakha means the sakba derived from a place name bearing the word 'nagara' 10 asmuch as that the later Nagara gaccha was derived from Vadanagara. Relation between the Nagara caste of Brahmanical system and Jalga Nagara sect 18 denied by the scholars,11 His gotra Kaubbisaqa' 18 not listed in the Gotraprayaramanjan. Its possible forms of corruption are also difficult to be found therein Bhisana meaning terrifying, frightening and horrible, is the name of Siva,12 to which the affix 'ku' is added In all probability, Vacaka Svati was a descendant of the Salva Brahmin.18 His proficiency in Sanskrit and hig interest in and knowledgo of non-Jaipa thoughts which are all unusual for the Jalnas in the classical period also suggest that he was likely a convert from Brahmin baokground, Naming a child by giving the names of his parents was a common practice in ancient India. Uma-Svaeti cortaloly sounds peculiar, and he seems to hayo been called by the name Svati after bis father in the olden days as the earlier pattavalis report. Nyagrodhika, the birth place of our author, 19 difficult to identify, which might have probably been 10 UP. not far away from Uccairnagara or Bulandashabar. Kusuma pura must be Identified with Pataliputra, the ancient capital of the Nandas through the Guptas, whore the First Jalna Canonical conference was held. Umasvati seems to have preferred the classical name 'Kusuma' to 'Palali', for the usage of the latter violatos the metrics of the poem which is compoaed 10 Arya metre. Purayara Kuauma expressed in the pragati, Gyen though it may be a atereotyped cpithet of Pataliputra, suggests that the T. S. was completed prior to the destruction of Pataliputra which occurred according to the archaeological evidences somowhere around 500 A,D,14 because the work as such is impogaible to have beon composed in the warring atmosphere of the city. It certainly could not have been written in the middle or after the destruction of the city Nandisutra which was penned down in the Third Valabhr Council in 453/466 A.D. (980/993 V.N.) refers to Umaavati, Nandi record of Umas,

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Tattoarthasutra Verification of Prasasti 61 svati is the interpolation made on the genealogy of the Kalpasutra which was also penned down in the Third Valabhi Council, It could be well probable that the sald Nandi interpolation was made after the Third Canonical Convention, because it is also pointed out that Nandi draws materials from the Avakyakaniryukti. Suppose it was interpolated prior to this last convention, here arises a difficulty involved with the dates of Jaina Canonical conventions which are calculated upon the basis of the date of Mahavira's nirvana. Mahavira's nirvana is agreed in both traditions to have occurred in 527 B.C., which however does not go with the established historical fact that Mahavira was a contemporary of Buddha whose date of nirvana is generally held between 487 and 477 B.C."4 According to the Buddhist record, Buddha 18 told to have survived Mahavira, and if the said date of Buddha's nirvana is taken as the basis of calculation, the Third Canonical Council took place at the end of the 5th century A.D. Bhadrabahu clearly refers to the issues raised by the T.S. in his niryuktis. Therefore the date of the T. S precedes the date of niryuktis which is accepted somewhere in the 5th-6th century A.D.17 Pujyapada's date is somewhat agreed upon among the scholars as the beginning of the 6th century A D., and from the conceptual development evinced in the Sarvarthasiddhi, it is suggested that at least half a century of temporal distance should be allotted between the T. S. and the Sarvarthasiddhi. These crucial factors suggest that the lower limit of the date of the T. S. should be placed somewhere before the end of the 5th Century A.D. Upper limit of the date of the T.S. is determined by the date of the Abhidharmakosa. Vasubandhu's date 18 not yet finally settled among the scholars, 18 but he seems to have flourished in the middle through the latter half of the 5th century A.D. Date of the composition of the Abhidharmakola is not known, but it must come before his conversion to Mahayanism, It is also known that the T.S. refers to Yogasutrabhasya Vyasa's dato is neither established yet, but it is suggested somewhere in the 5th century A.D. These factors offer the upper limit of the T.S. in the middle of the 5th century AD. It is very much doubtful that Umasvati drew materials from the canon in the present form which was codified at Valabhi, Scholars agree that the major attempt of this final councils was to reconcile the difference of the two redactions of the canon derived by the second Councils at Mathura (300/313A. D. or. 827/840 V.N.) and Valabhi (which is said to have occurred around the same time), and preference is said to have been given to Mathura redaction. We do not know what was the exact nature of these two redactions,

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62 Suzuko Ohira however it is pointed out that all the controversial questions existed in the previous redactions were set aside in the final version, 20 Umasvati brings in controversial issues of the days in the Bhasya, some of which are not traceable in the present canon Likewise certain citations made in the Bhasya are not locatable in the present canon, and it is true also as to certain concepts expressed in the T. S. T.S. I:20Bh, enumerates a list of angabahya, i.e., Samayika, Caturvimsatistava, Vandana, PratikramaNGa, Kayayyutsarga, Pratyakhyana, Dalavarkalika, Uttaradhyayana, Dala, Kalpavyavahara, Nistha, Rsibhasita and so on. Nandisutra 84 classifies angabahya into two, 1.e., Avasyaka and Avasyakavyatirikta, the latter of which is subdivided into Kalika and Utkalika types which reckon many texts that are not handed down to us. This Nandi classification of angabahya which evinces more advanced stage than the T S. treatment on it seems to have been prevalent in the later canonical stage as it is corroborated by the Anuyogad vara and Sthana,21 Umasvati must have therefore utilized the Mathura version of the canon. Considering all these external and internal relevant factors, we suggest the date of the T.S. somewhere in the latter haif of the 5th century A.D, Thus from the information of the established praiasti record, Umasvati was active as the Vacaka of Uccairnagari bakha in U.P. and composed the T.S, sometime in the latter half of the 5th century A.D. at Pataliputra. Footnotes 1. Prakasti reads as follows: vicaka-mukhyasya vakiyah prakala-yakasah prakisyena / Ayena ghosanandi-kamanasyaikadaingavidah //I vacanaya ca mahavacaka-ksamana-mundapada-iisyanya / iyena vacakacarya-mula-namnah prathita-kirteh //2 nyagrodhika-prasutena viharata pura-vare kusuma-namni / kaubhisanina svati-tanayena vatal-sutenarghyam //3 arbad-vacanam samyag-guru-kramen gatam samupadharya / duhkhartam ca duragama-vihita-matim lokam avalokya /14 idam uccairnagara-vicakena sattvanukampaya drbdham / tattvarthadhigamakhyam spartam umisvatina iastram //5 yas-tattvadhigamakhyam jayati ca karisyate ca tatroktam / so'vy bidha-sukhakhyam prapayaty acirena paramartham 1/6 2. Buhler's Introduction to E I., v 1, XLIII and v. 2, XIV. also his Indian Sect of Jainas, pp. 46-47 S.B. Deo History of Jaina Monachism from Inscriptions and Literature, p. 515 ff. 7 3. EI., v. 1, XLIII, nos 1, 4-5, 13-14, 16, v. 2, XIV, nos. 34, 37. I.A., XXXIII, nos. 5, 14. Babier notes that the name occurs four times in A, Cunningham's Collection and once perhaps twice in A, Fuhrer's Collection of 61a 1889. (E.I., v. 1, p 379) 4. E.L., v. 1, XLIII, Introduction, 'ft. 32 5.1.4., XXXIII, no. 14 E.I., v. 1, XLIII, no. 13; v. 2, XIV, no. 34

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Tattourthasutra Verification of Prabasti 63 7. JC. Jain Life in Ancient India, pp 345, 352. A. Cunningham : Archaeological Survey of India Report, v 14, p. 147 8. J.C. Jaia Life in Ancient India, "Geographical lexicon" 9 That Umaavati is known by the name Nagara Vaca ka ia mentioned by CJ abah in hu Jainism in North India, P 240 and by B C Law in his Some Jaina Canonical Sutros, p 157, ft. 1 Their sources for it are not mentioned, which must have been takon from the tradition. 10. EI, v, 1, p. 378. 11. This according to the opinions of R.N. Mohta and AN. Jani in Baroda. 12. Monior-Williams . Sanskrit-English Dictionary 13. Gunakarasun expressos the aame idea that Umisyti was a convert from Saiva Brahmin in his Bhaktamarastotravrtti composed in 1426 V.S., "ta to'nyatra sivadau virakto jina-dharma-darsandsakto'bhad-um svatir-dvija-sunur-Atta-vratah suri-padam apa, kramat-parvagata-votta vacako'bhayat' (Srl Jinadattasari Janabhandara, pp 11-12) 14. BP Sipha . Decline of the Kingdom of Magadha, p. 106 15 For the discussion on thus matter, se Nardisuttan and Anuogaddaralm, English Introduction, pp 39-46. Here two posobilities ase auggested in explaining this phenomenon (1) Bhadrabahu drew these gathas from the old versions of Diryukti. and (2) theo niryukti gathis composed by Bhadrababu were interpolated in the later time From the examination of UmEsvati's account under discussion, it noem that the Nandisutra in the present form was completod after the Third Valabhi Convention, 16. For various opinions as to the dates of nirvana of Buddha and Mahsytra. see Winternita : Hlatory of Indian Literature, v. 2, Appendices 1 and 6. Upadhyo : "Date of Mah vira-Airvana", in Goneral Editorial to Verafinindacariu of Mahakavi Puspadanta H. Nakamura assumes Buddha's dato as 443-383 B.C. in hla Ancient History of India, v 2, p. 429 ff. 17. Brhatkalpasutra (ed by Caturvijaya and Punyavijaya), Introduction. Namdisuttan and Anuogaddaraim, English Introduction, p. 31 18 For instanco. 280-360 AD, Is maintained by Smith, 320-400 AD by Ul. 400-480 AD by Higata, 420-500 A.D by Takakuru, 320-400 AD as of Mahayan ist Vas. ubandhu and 400-480 A,D as of the author of Abhidharmakosa by Fra uwallner. and 470-500 AD by Dasgupta (Information from Kanakura History of Indian Philosophy, p91, ft 2) Scholars in India generally accept hlm as flourished in the middle through the latter half of the 5th contury A.D. improving Takakusu theory of 420-500 AD, for instance, Majumdar (The History and Gulture of the Indian People. v. 3) and Sinha (The Decline of the Kingdom of Magadha) and so on. 19 4th century A.D, is held by Radhakrishnan, 400 A.D. by Dasgupta, c. 450 A.D by U. (History of Indian Philosophy), c. 500 AD. by Kanakura and Nakamura (History of Ancient India, v 2), 650-850 by Woods, and 7th century AD. by Strauss, (Information unless specified from Kanakura. History of Indian Philosophy, p. 124, ft ) 20 Kapadia A History of the Canonical Literature of the Jainas 21. For this discussion, ace Namdisuttam and Anuogaddaraim, Engl Introduction, p. 24 of 420-500 A Da Sinha (The Decline tofnan, 400 A.D. by Dasgupta famura (History

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ON THE DATE OF HARSAKIRTI'S KALYANAMANDIRASTOTRATIKA Claus Vogel Among the still unpublished works of Harsakirti Sarl, the famous Jain polymath who was pontiff of the Nagapuriya Tapigaccha in the late 16th and early 17th centuries of the Christian era, is found a commen. tary on Siddhasena Divakara's Kalyanamandirastotra styled Vyakhyalesa, This commentary is said in two relevant handbooks on what grounds we do not know-to have been written in samvat 1668 (1611/12 A. D.). Velankar was the first to point out that the date of composition given there is probably wrong and should be fixed about 35 years earlier on the strength of a manuscript kept in the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, Poona, which was copied in samvat 1635 (1578/79 A. D.) The apposite passage runs as under iti zrIkalyANamaMdirastotrasya TIkA saMpUrNAH // // saMvat 1635 varSe zrImaddevusUkapurapravare / devanAcAryavarya zrIdharmmasudaragaNInA ziSya zrIvA 0 dhammerugaNi / tasthiSyapa 0 badhiratnamuninAleSi / svavAcanAyaH // "Thus the uk on the Sri Kalyanamandirastotra (Is) complete, It was copied in the year samvat 1635 In the best (of towns) Srmad Dandusukapura by Pandita Labadharatna Muni, pupil of Sn Vacaka Dharma. meru Gand, the best of (all) illustrious acaryas, for his own reading"," Kapadia', when cataloguing this and other codices of the Kalyana. 1. Cf C Vogel in Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenlaendischen Gesellschaft, supplement, vol, 2, Wiesbaden, 1974, p 426 sq (An English rendering of the article in point will appear shortly in German Scholars on India, vol. 2, Varanasl.) 2. Jalna Granthaval, Bombay, 1909, p 275, M. D. Desal, Jatn Gurjar Karlo, vol 1, Bombay, 1929, p 470 3. Jinaratnakasa, vol 1, Poona, 1944, p 80. 4. Collection of 1891-95: No. 1252. See H R Kapadia, Descriptive Catalogue of the Government Collections of Manuscripts Deposited at the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, vol. 19, pt. 1, Poona, 1957, p. 129. 5. Raad saMpUrNA. 6 More properly Dandakakapura ("Serpent Town"), a synonym of Nagapura, this is modern Nagaur in Rajasthan. 7. Kapadia conjectures, rightly no doubt, Labdhiratna, but the scribe must have had some reason or other for apelling his own name as above. 8. Read svavAcanAya 9. Ibid, p 127. Sambodhi 5. 2-3

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66 Claus Vogel mandirastotra, expressed a similar opinion but was not onder the circum. stances entirely convinced of the correctness of the date. The present note la meant to certify the scribe's statement by some new pieces of evidence. In the final stanzas of his Vyakhyaleba, 10 Hargakurti offers the following information about himself and the origin of the work; AHRIMTA12976payp100tant: afisfiat: sUrizrIprabhucandrakIrtiguravasteSA vineyo varAm / vyAkhyA pAThakaharSakIrtirakarotkalyANasamastave medhAmandiradevasundaramahopAdhyAyarAjAmahAt // 1 // "The beneficiant ruler of the Tapagaccha named Sriman Nagapuriyaka, the venerable stiri Sri Prabhu Candrakirti-his disciple, the pathaka Harga kirti, made (this) exquisito commentary on the Kalyanasadmastava at the fastigation of the king of mahopadhyayas Devasundara, (who 19) a temple of wisdom (personified)." Chance would have it that a manuscript in the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, Poona, of Siddhasena Divakara's Nyayavatara, 11 mada at the instance of Buehler in samvat 1931 (1874 A, D.), embodies & dedi. cation by one of Harsakirtl's disciples which is virtually to the same effect as far as the personalia are concerned, and that this dedication is dated samvat 1635 (1578/79 A D): zrImannAgapurIyatapAgacche bha0 zrIcaMdrakIrtisUrIzvarANA ziSyazrIharSakIyupAdhyAyAnAmadhyayanAya pastakamadaH // shriinaagpure| paramapuNyapavitra zrIchajalANIgotra sA0sakatA tadAtmakha sA0kammA tatputreNa sA0zrIvIrapAlenAdAyi svagurubhyaH // saM01635 varSe / / "For the studies of the upadhyaya Srr Hacsakyrti, pupil of the lord of saris Bhattaraka Sry Candrakirti of ibe Srman Nagapursya Tapagaccha. this manuscript was given by Saba Sri Virapala, son of Saba Kamma, son of Saha Sakata of the Sri Cbajalani Gotra- a gotra) pure by reason of its excellent merits-of Sri Nagapura, to his teacher in the year samvat 1635." 10. Ibid, p 128 11. Collection of 1873-74. No 91. Seo H R, Kapadia, op. cit , vol 18, pt.1, Poone, 1952. p 41. The transcript was completed by one Gopikrona on Wednesday, Vaisakha vadi 6, samvat 1931 (8 April 1874 AD), and revised by ono Vya Radhakrena on Friday, Vakha purnimi, samvat 1991 (1 May 1874 A.D), and the following day at Bikaner Its exemplar, together with a goodly numbor of other manuscripts formerly in Hargakirtl's postossion, now bolongs to the Anup Sanskrlt Library, Bikaner, bearing the number 6051. See C, Kunhan RAJA and K. Madhava Krishna Sarma, Catalogue of the Anup Sanskrit Library, Bikaner 1944, p. 457.

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On the Date of Hargakirti's RMST Both pathaka and upadhyaya being nothing but synonymous exprog8100s for the "teacher", whose task within the order it is to transmit the sacred texts,12 it stands to reason that Harsakirti's commentary and Virapala's dedication are more or less contemporaneous. Wbile samvat 1635 (1578/79 A. D), on the one hand, Is thus approxlmately established as the time of composition of the Vyakhyalosa, samvat 1668 (1611/12 A. D), on the other, can be excluded as such with absolute certainty Wo have seen that on his own showing Harsakirti was still a pathaka under Candrakorti Sari when writing the Kalyanamandirastotratika. Now from a codex in the Sanskrit College, Calcutta, of Jinadatta's Vivekavilasa 18 it appears that as early as samvat 1649 (1592 A, D.) he had already succeeded his teacher in the rule of the Nagapuriya Tapagaccha: sambat 1649 varSe bhAdrapadamAse kRSNapakSe navamyA tithau somadine likhito'yaM granthaH / / / / zrI + + nAgapurIyatapAgacchAdirAgabha0 // zrIzrIharpakIrtisUrI AcAryaH zrIzrI3amarakIrtivijayarAjye / paMzrIzrI 3 rAjakIrtiH tatziSyalikhitaM munirAmakIrtiH zrIahipuramadhye // akabbaraTI "In the year gaqvat 1649, in the month of Bhadrapada, in the dark half, on the ninth lunar day, a Monday, this book (was ) copied. Under the triumphal relga of Bhattaraka Sn Sri Sri Harsakirti Surl, first fordi of the Sri(man) Nagapuriya Tapagaccha, aod Acarya Sn Srs Sri Amarakirti,18 (the manuscript16 was) written by a pupil of Pandita Sri Sri Sr Rajakirti Muni Ramakirti, at Sri Abipura 17 Under the relgn of Akabbarale." This accords with two other testimonies In the colophon to his Dhatutarangint, 19 which-We are told-was written in samvat 1663 (1606/07 12. Cf. H Jacobi in Archiv fuer Religionswissenschaft, vol. 18, Leipzig, 1915, p 270. 13. Soe Hrishikeka Sastri and Nilamani Cakravartti, 4 Descriptive Catalogue of Sanskrit Manuscripts in the Library of the Calcutta Sanskrit College, vol. 10, pt. 3, Calcutta, 1909, p 332 The date corresponds to 21 August 1592 A. D (not to 18 September 1592 AD as PK Gode has it in his Studios In Indian Literary History, vol 1, Bombay, 1953, p 73 sq) 14 Road TEST 15. The next pontiff of the Nagapurlya Tapkgaccha, who commented upon, inter alta, Kalidasa's Rtusamhara, Ratnabekhara's Chandakoga, and Ratnabekhara'. Samboharattarl. His Rtuyarpapavftti, styled Vyakhyaleka, is being critically editod by the present writer, 16. Scll. Teine 17. A synonym of Nagapura. 18. Akbar, Emperor of Delhi from 1556 to 1605 A D. 19. Soo R. G. Bhandarkar, Report on the Search for Sanskr! MSS in the Bombay Presidency during the Year 1882-83, Bombay, 1884, p 227; Pugyanjayall and A P. Shah, Catalogue of Sanskrit and Prakrit Manuscripts, pt. 2, Ahmedabad. 1965, Appendix, p. 387.

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68 Claus Vogel A, D.),20 Harsakirti say8 - tagacchAmalamaNDana suvihitazrIcandrakIrtiprabhoH ziSyaH sUrivaraH sphuradadyutimara. zrIharSakIrti. sudhIH / teneyaM racitAtmanirmitazubhazrIdhAtupAThasya sad vRttiH sphUrtimiyatu yAvaduditaH zrIpuSpadantAvimau // 5 // "A spotless ornament of this gaccha 21 (and pupil of the well-gifted Sri Candrakirti Prabhu (18) the best of suris (and) load of sparkling lustre -the erudite Sri Harsakirti. By him ( was ) composed this learned vrtti on his self-produced beautiful Sri Dhatupatha,22 May It come into brilliance as long as these two Sru Puspadantas28 rise!" And in the colophon to the third section of his Adekartha,24 which is dated samvat 1665 (1608/09 A, D, he atatea -- bANatarkarasagau tu varSe tapasi mAsi ca / / rAphAyA harSakIyA'hasUrizcakre satA mate // 34 // "In the year 1665, however, and in the month (of) Tapas, on full. moon day, the sari named Harsakirti made (it) on the advice of the learned." In the light of the foregoing remarka there can be no doubt whatsoever that the Vyakhyalesa manuscript in question was actually copied in savat 1635 (1578/79 A, D.), and that the Vyakhyalesa itself is not much older than this. 20. CF, H, D, Velankar, op cit, p. 197. The dato samvat 1717 (1660/61 A. D.) recorded by Yudhisthira Mimmsaka, Samskri vyakaras-Sastra ka Itihas, pt. 1, Amor, 1963, p. 677, u obviously a misprint for samyat 1617, 1560 A.D being the approximato dato assigned to Hargakirti by S K. Bolyelkar. An Account of the Different Existing Systems of Sanskrit Grammar, Poona, 1915, p 103, who probably based himself on the fact (mentioned in Dhatuterangint, colophon, y. 3) that Harpakirti's teacher Candrakirti was bonoured by Selim Shah alias Islam Shah, Emperor of Delhi from 1545 to 1553 A D. 21, Vit, the Nagapurnya Tapilgaccha, 22 Of the Sarasvatavyakarana. 23. I e, sun and moon. 24. Sen A B. Kolth, Catalogue of the Sanskrit and Prakrit Manuscripts in the Library of the Indla Office, vol. 2, pt. 1, Oxford, 1935, P 317. The date works out either at Thursday, 21 January 1808 AD, or at Wodoesday, 8 February 1609 A, D, depending on whether samvat 1665 is interpreted to denoto the current or tho expired year. The reckoning by current Vikrama years being rather unusual, the second date is probably meant by the author. 22 of the sun and eh, analogue of 1, Oxford, 11* Wednes o la probabiloning by current interpreted

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ICONOGRAPHIC FEATURES OF THE SIXTEEN JAINA MAHAVIDYAS AS ENUNCIATED IN THE ICONOGRAPHIC TEXTS Maruti Nandan Prasad Tiwari The Sixteen Jaina Mahavidyas forming a group of Tantric goddesses had enjoyed the most favoured position among both the Svetambara and Digambara Jaina sects. Almost all the iconographic texts from c. eighth century onwards deal with the individual iconogaphic features of the Sixteen Jalna Mahavidyas The foal lists of the Sixteen Mahavidyas among both the sects were prepared between the eighth and teath century. The final llat supplled by the later traditions of both the sects includes the following names (1) Rohint, (2) Prajnapti, (3) Vajraspak bala, (4) Vajrankusa, (5) Cakresvari or Apraticakra(svet.) and Jambunada, (Dig), (6) Naradatta or Purusadatta, (7) Kali or Kalika, (8) Mahakali, (9) Gauri, (10) Gandhari, (11) Sarvastra-mabajvala or Jvala (Svet.) and Jvalamalios (Dig), (12) Manavs (13) Valrotya (Svet) and Vairogi (Dig.), (14) Acchupta (Svet) and Acyuta (Dig.), (15) Manasi, (16) Mabamagasi. (The present list 18 prepared from the lists occurring in the different iconographic texts ranging in date bet. ween elgbth to the sixteenth centuries.) Unlike the archaeological remains of the Svetambara sect in Rajasthan and Gujarat, wherein the depiction of Mahavidyas invariably occurs, no sculpture or palating of the Digambara affiliation has so far been reported by scholars to depict them. However, at a Digambara Jaina site Khajuraho, the author has noticed a series of Sixteen Jaina goddesses on the exterior wall of the Adinatha Temple (eleventh century), which may be identified with a group of Sixteen Mabavidyas. The earliest known renderings of the svetambara Jaina Mahavidyas are found on the Mahavira Temple at Osla in Rajasthan, built towards the close of the eighth century. So far only four instances of the collectivo representations of the Sixteen Mahavidya are known to us, ranging in date between the eleventh and the first half of the thirteenth century. These instances come from the Svetambara sites at Kumbharia (Santinatha Temple-eleventh century) in Gujarata and Mt, Abu (Vimala Vasahi-2 sots-twelfth century and Luna Vasahs-1232) in Rajasthan, After the brief introduction, the author proposes to discuss the iconographic foatures of each of the Sixteen Mahavidyas as onunciated in the iconographic texts of both the Svetambara and Digambara Jaina sects It would not bo Irrolovant to note here that such a study would be of immenso help to the researchers working on the iconography of the Jaina Mahavidyag inasmuch

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Maruti Nandan Prasad Tiwari as the features to be diacussed in the paper would greatly facilitate them in identifying correctly the figures of the Mahavidyas at different sites, Before discussing the iconographic features of the Mahavidyas, I deem it necessary to write something about the concerned iconographic texts itself which would acquaint the readers with their affiliation, date and author's Dame, (A) SVETAMBARA TEXTS (1) Caturvitsatika of Bappabhatti Suri - c. 743-838 (abbreviated elsewhere as Caturyim) (2) Caluronsati Stotra of $obhana Muni-Latter half of tenth century (els ewhere as Stotra) (3) Nirvanakalika of Pad alipta Suri-c. late tenth or early eleventh century (clsewhero as Nirvana). (4) Mantradhli aj akal pa of Sagara Candra Suri-date controversial-probably twelfth century (elsewhere as Mantra). (5) Acaradinakara of Vardhamana Surl--1412 (elsewhere as Acara) (B) DIGAMBARA TEXTS : (1) Pratisthasarasangraha of Vasunandi-- twelfth century (elaewhore as Sangraha) (21 Pratisthasuroddhara of Asadbara-c, thirteenth century (elsewhere Sarod dhara) (3) Pratisthatilakam of Nemicandra--1543 (elsewhere as Tilakam). (4) Sarasvata-yantra-Puja of Subhacandra--date not known (elsewhere as Yantra-Puja). Now we shall look into the individual iconographic features of each of the Sixteen Mahavidyas separately We may note here that where the later works agree to the lajuaction of the earlier works, the prescriptions of the later works have not been referred to for avoiding duplications. The prescriptions of the later works, however, have been mentioned only in casos they supply us with some new informations as against the earlior ones. W ROHINT :-(A) Svetambara.-(1) Caturvirh and Nirvana . 4-armed, Mounta_Cow; Holds-Arrow, Rogary, Bow, Conch (B) Digambra: (i) Samgraha, Saroddhara & Tilakam -4-armed, Mt.Lotus, fruit (or Matulinga), (u) Yantra-puja,-Mt. Lotus; Bears-Spear, Lotus, Varada Fruit. (2) PRAJNAPTI . (4) Sdet.-(1) Caturvish;-Mt.-peacock; Holds-sakti, (il) Stotra, calls her as Saktikara, (ill) Nirouna : - 4-armed, Mt. Peacock,

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Iconographic features of the Sixteen Mahavidyas 71 water en vandang bakal shows-Varada, Sakti, Citron, Sakti, (iv) Acara Mt Peacock, Carrios-Sakti and Lotus. (V) Mantra * Holds--Trident, Staff, Abbaya, Citron. (B) Dig. : (1) Sarod dhara. Mt.-Horse, Bears --Khadga and Disc., (11) Tilakam. Disc, Sword, Conch, Varada, (lil) Sangraha . It merely refers to Khadga. (3) VAJRASRNKHALA 1 (A) Sdet. (1) Caturvah & Stotra . Mt.-Lotus, Chain 10 one or both hands; (ii) Nirvana & Mantra , Mt. Lotus; Carries--- Varada, Chain la two bands, Lotus, (1) Acara . Mt -Lotus; Bears-Chain and Club, (B) Dig. (1) Saroddhara Mt. Lotus, Bears Chain in one or both the hands (it) Tilakam * Hold-Chaia, Cooch, Lotos, Citron, (111) Yantra-paja Mt.--Elephant, Holds-Vajra, riv), Samgraha-It merely refers to chain, (4) VAIRANKUSA (A) Svet. () Caturylin & Stotra Mt.-Elophant, Boars-Thunderbolt and Goad, (11) Nirvana 4-armed; Mt.-Blephant; HoldsVarada, Vajra, Citron, Ankusa; (111) Acara : Mt.-Elephant; Carri08-Sword, Thunderbolt, Shield, Spear; (iv) Mantra. Mt.-Elephant; Holds-Furit, Rosary, Goad, Trident (B) Dig. (1) Sangraha It merely refers to Ankusa aymbol; (ii) Saroddhara Mt. Puspayana; Holds : Goad, (iil) Tilakam . Holds-Goad, Lotus, Citron, (iv) Tantra-puja. Mt Elephant; Holds-- Thunderbolt, Goad, (5) APRATICAKRA. (A) Svet, . (1) Catury, Stotra & Acara . Mt.Eagle, Holds--Discs in all her baada, (1) Nirvana. Wields --Discs in all her four hands, (111) Mantra : Mt -Man, Bears--Discs in hands. (B) Dig.--Appellation Jambunado (1) Sarodd hara & rantra-pija Mt Peacock; Carrie-Sword, Spear, (tl) Tilakam . Holds-Sword, Spear, Lotus, Citron; (111) Sangraha It merely refers to Sword. (6) NARADATTA or PURUSADATTA. (A) Svet. -- (1) Caturvizh MtBuffalo, Holds-Sword, (11) Stotra & Acara Mt. Buffalo, Bears --Sword, Shield, (ii) Nirdania 4-armed, Mt.-Buffalo, Carrieg-Verada, Sword, Shield, Citron, (10) Mantra, Mt. Lotus; Holds-Sword, Shield, Citron, Abhaya, (B) Dig..-(1) Saroddhara Mt -Cakravaka (ruddy goose); HoldsVajra, Lotus; (ll) Tllakam : Bears--Vajra, Lotus, Conoh, Fruit, (iii) Samgraha . It moreley menttons Vajra as ber symbol (7) KALI :-(A) Sdet --(1) Caturvith Mt --Lotus, Betrays-Club, Rosary, (ii) Nordana 4-armed, Rosary, Mace, Vajra, Abhaya, (111) Mantra. Mt --Lotus, Bears-Trident, Rosary, Varada, Club (B) Dig. (1) Suroddhara Mt.-Deer, Holds--Pestle, Sword (0) Tilakam Bears-Pestle, Sword, Lotus, Fruit. (111) Sarhgraha It merely procribes Musala for 4_armed Mahavidya.

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Maruti Nandan Prasad Tiwari (8) MAHAKALT (A) Svet. (1) Caturvin, Stotra & Acara 4-armed; Mt. -Man; Holds--Vajra, Fruit, Bell, Rosary, (ii) Nirvana Beard-Rosary, Vajra, Abbaya, Bell, (ul) Mantra Lotus, Rosary, Varada, Bell (B) Dig. - (1) Sarodd hara & Tilakam , Mt. Sarabha (fabulous animal): Holds-Bow, Sword, Frult, Arrow, (11) Yantra-puja, Mt --Astapadaanimal: Bears - Sword, Bow, (11) Sangraha. For 4-armed goddess it provides Vajra only. (9) GAURI * (A) Svet. . (1) Caturvit & Stotra These refer to mero Lotus Symbol; (ii) Nirvana & Acara Mt.--Godba (Alligator), HoldsVarada, Pestle, Rosary, Lotus; (In) Mantra Mt. Bull, Bears-Lotus, Rosary, Varada, Staff (B) Dig. All texts unanimously envisage Lotus symbol and Alligator vahana. (10) GANDHART (A) Syet. (U) Caturvith, Stotra & Acara Mt.-Lotus; Holds--Vajra, Pestie, (11) Nirvana Mt.-Lotus, Bears-Varada, Pestle, Abbaya, Varada, (111) Mantra: Mt Lotus, Betraya-Trident, Staff, Abhaya, Varada. (B) Dig. (1) Suroddhara, Tilakam & Yantra-puja Mt. Tortoise, HoldsDlac, Sword, (it) Samgraha : It envisages disc only for 4-armed goddess. (11) SARVASTRA-MARAJVALA or JVALAMALINI According to Hemacandra, she is so called because large flames of fire 18gue from all the weapona held by her, hence Jvala being her chief aymbol (A) Svet (1) Nirvana . Mt Boar; Holds--innumerable weapons; (ii) Acara * Mt. Cat, Wields--Fire-branded in both hands; (111) Mantra Mt. Gooso; Bears - Serpent in each of four hands. (B) Dig (1) Sangraha 8-armed, HoldgBow, Sword, Arrow, Shield; (1) Saroddhara & Tantra-puja Mt, Buffalo, Wleids---Bow, Sbield, Sword, Disc, (1) Talakam, 8-armed, Bow, Arrow and such other weapons and shines with flames. (12) MANAVI (A) Svet. (1) Caturyim & Stotra. Mt. Lotus, Holda... Fine Tree full of fruits and foliage; (11) Nirvana Mt Lotus, Wields-- Varada, Noose, Rosary, Tree; (111) Acura Mt.-Blue Lotus; Carrjes--Tree; (1v) Mantra . Bears-Trec, Rosary, Varada (B) Dig .0 Saroddhara Mt Hog; Holda-Fish, Trident, (11) Tilakam Wields--Fish, Sword, Trident; (iii) Samgraha . refers to Trident only. (13) VAIROT TA or VAIROTT (A) Svet (1) Caturvir Holds--spake, sword; (11) Stotra Mt.-Cobra; Bears--sword; (111) Nirvana & Mantra : Mt. Cobra (in former text) and Garuda (in later text); Holda-Snake, Shiold, Sword, Snake; (10) Acara , Mt. Lion; wields-Sword, Shield, Snake, Varada,

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Iconographic Features of the Sixteen Mahayid yas 78 (B) Dig (1) Sangraha. 4-armed; Holds-Soake; (11) Saroddhara, Tilakam & Yantra-pujai Mt Lion; Bears-Snake (Number of hands aro not montioned.) (14) ACCHUPTA or ACYUTA (A) Svet (1) Caturvith : Mt. Horse; Bears-Sword, Bow (1) Stotra & Acara Mt Horse; Holds- Bow, Shield, Sword, Arrow; (111) Nirvana Mt Horse; Wields-Sword, Arrow, Shield, Snake; (iv) Mantra Sword, Asipatra, Arrow, Shield (B) Dig. (1) samgraha 4-armed; It merely refers to Vajra symbol; (11) Saroddhara, Tilakam & Yantra-paja Mt. Horse; Holds--white sword. (15) MANAST (A) Svet 6) Caturvin Holds Burning Heti, (II) Stotra. Bears Vajra alone, (11) Nirvan : Mt Swan, Wields--Varada, Vajra, Rosary, Vajra, (iv) Acara Mtswan, Carries-- Vajra, Varada, (v) Mantra : Mt. Swan, Betrays-Trident, Rosary. (B) Dig. All the works visualize her as being represented with heads folded in Namaskara-mudra. (16) MAHAMANAST-(A) Svet (1) Caturvin Mt. Lion; Holds-Sword, Shield, Jewel, Kundika, (11) Stotra Mt Lion, Boars-Sword, (lii) Nirvana & Mantra Mt Lion, Wields--Varada Abhaya, Sword Pitcher, Shield; (lv) Acara, Mt. Crocodle, Carries--Sword, Shield, Jewel Varada (B) Dig. (1) Samgraha . Sho merely shows Prangmamudra, (l) Suroddhara & Tilakam Mt. Swan; Holds--Varada, Rosary Goad, Garlatid The Nirvanakalika envisages a special mudra for each of the sixteen Mahavidyas. These mudras suggest the chief identifying symbols of the 16 Mabavidyas The 16 mudras are as follows.-(1) Sankha (2) Sakti (3) Siakhala. (4) Vajra, (5) Cakra, (6) Padma, (7) Gada (8) Ghanta, (9) Kamandalu (10) Parasu, (11) Parasu (of another mode), (12) Vrksa, (13) Sarpa, (14) Khadga, (15) Jyalana, (16) Sr-Mani. Footnotes 1 Consult, Tiwari, Maruti Nandan Prasad, 'The Iconography of the Sixteen Jaina Mah&vidayas as Represented in the ceiling of the Santinatha Temple at Kumbhatia, North Gujarat', Sanibodhi, Vol. 2, No. 3, Oct 1973, P 15. 2. IIowever. U P. Shah in his paper on the Jalna Mahavidyas has not referred to this earliest known set It is to be noted that it is not only the soiltary instance of the collective representation of the Sixteen Mahavidyas at Kumbhaid but also perhaps In Gujarat 3 Elsewhere abbreviated as Svet. 4 Elsewhere abbreviated as Mt 5 Elsewhere abbreviated au Dig. 6 Conguit, Shah, U P. 'Iconography of the Sixteen Jaina Mahavidys', Jour Indian Society of Oriental Ari, Vol, XV, 1947, p. 168. Sambodhi 5.2-3

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THE EVOLUTION OF PLANT REPRODUCTION ACCORDING TO JAINA LITERATURE J C. Sikdar It appears from the study of the Jaina Agamas that in plants, much more clearly than in animals, an evolutionary sequence is evident caogiog from forms, such as, the blue greens (algae)1 and bacterial which repro. duce by asexual means, to ones with complicated life cycles and highly cvolved adaptations until it is capable of leading an independont life. Some of the lower forms, such as, fungi (panaga) which bag no reproductive specializations, produce billions of spores so that by chance a few will fall in an environment favourable for germination and survival. The higher plants may produce no more than a few score seeds 4 per plant but each seed has a fairly good chance of growing into a mature plant. Asexual Reproduction According to Jaloa Biology, asexual reproduction takes place in plant life. Asexual reproduction is characterized by the presence of a singlo parent, one that splits, buds, fragmeots or produces many spores 80 as to give rise to two or more offspringe, It 18 stated in the Satrakrianga that there are, all in all, in the world four kinds of seeds (for reproduction), viz. seeds generated at the top (of the plant), (2) at its root, (3) at its knots and (4) at its stem.? According to the sced and place (of growth) of these plants, some beings born in earth, originated in earth, and grown lo carth, having in it their birth, origin, and growth, being impelled by their Karman, and coming forth in it on account of their Karman, growing there 10 particles of earth, origin of various things-come forth as trees 8 For most bloe-green-algael nad plant bacteria asexual reproduction is the only means by which new individuals are produced Even in the higher plants reproduction may take place asexually 10 a variety of ways, as pointed out, e. g. plants from seeds generaed at the top of the plant), at its root, at its knots, and at it stem," Rice plants grow from seeds, gingers from roota, sugarcane from knots and plantains from stem, 1 : roge plant from shoot, onion from bulb(kanda), and grasses have spontaneous reproduction Sarhmurcchima),18 Most of the cultivated trees and shrubs are reproduced from the cutting of stems, which sprout roots at their tips when placed in moist ground, e. g. sugarcane. 14 A number of commercial plants--bananas (Kad alt),26 etc. have lost their ability to produce functional seeds and must be propagated entirely by asexual means from the stem.16 seeds and us (kadan on the stem

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The Evolution of Plant Reproduction Many plants, such as, gourd 17, etc dovelop long, horizontal stems called runners (Valllyt: They grow several feet along the ground in a single season, and may develop new erect plants at every other node Other plants spread by means of similar stems called rhizomes, which grow underground, e.g. Bhadramutthale, Sediya (a kind of grass), Bhattiya, Dabhharo (a kind of grass), etc, aro particularly difficult to control because they spread by means of runners or rhizomes. Swollen underground stems or tubers, such as, wbite potato, Suranakandaal (Amorphophallus Campanlatus), etc also serve as a means of reproduction, "in fact, some of the cultivated varieties of potato rarely, if ever, produce seed and must be propagated by planting a piece of a taber containing bud or eye"*. "Some beings born in trees originated by trees, sprung from trees', otc., springing from trees that originated 10 earth, come fortb as trees originated by trees "22 "Some beings born in trees....growing in trees, that are originated by trees, como forth as their bulb, stem, branches, twigs, leaves, flowers, fruits, and seeds."93 In the same way creepers, 24 grasses25, herbs 26 and small plant327 are to be known in regard to their reproduction "Some beings born in earth, growing there in particles of earth that are the origin of various things, come forth as Aya, Vaya, Kaya, Kuhana (Mushroom), Kanduka, Uvvehaliya (Upehaniya), Niuvehaliya (Nivvehaniya), Esana Sacha, Chattaga, Vasaniya 28 & Kura,"20 "Somo beings born in water originated in water, grown in water eto. como forth as trees, creepers, grass, herbs and plants, 30 in the above manner." "Some beings born in water, growing in particles of water that are the origin of various things, come forth as Udaga, Avaja 1, Panaga (fingus) Sevala82 (algac) Kalambuga's, Hada, Kaseruya3+ Kacchabhaniya, Uppala (Utpala), Pauma (Padma), Kumuya (Kumuda), Nalina:5, $ubhaga, Sogardhiya, Pondariya (Pundarika), Mahapondariya (Mahapundarlka), Sayavatta (Sata. patra), Sahassavatta (Sahasra patra), Kalhura, Kokanada, Aravinda and Tamarasas, as stalks and fibres of lotus, 88 Pukkhalas?, and Pukkhalatthi. bhaga''8g, This brief account of plant reproducation as given in the Jaina texts shows that there takes place oniy agexual reproduction in all types of plants according to Jain Biology, Ode soul pervades the whole tree, it is the soul of the tree. Separate Jiyas (beings or bacteria), however, reside in its root, bulbs, stem, bark, branches, twigs, leaves, flowers, fruits and seedge, The Bhagavani Sutrarefers to ten instincts including maithuna (sexual union) of all beings-one-senged to five-sensed beings. It 18 stated that Kura. vaka treo bear fruits after embracing a female part of it.

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76 J. G. Sikdar This may be interpreted as the sexual union of this treed. It is suggestive from this evidence that sexual reproduction also may take place in plant life. But according to Janna biology, there is no clear reference to sexual reproduction in plants, which involves the co-operation of two parents, each of which supplies one gamete and two gametes unite to form zygote. Very vague ideas are contained in other Indian works42 as to the soxual reproduction of plants The Life Cycle of Plant The life cycle of any species of plants or animals is the biologic process of development which takes place between any given point 10 any organism's life-span and the same point in the life-span of its offspring For bacteria (earth quadrates 4a and plant bacteria.), blue-greeas (alage=Saryala)45 which reproduce by splitting (a kind of asexual reporduction), the life cycle is extremely simple. According to modern Biology, "The filamentous green algae such as, Ulothrix, have a cycle during most of which, the colony consista of haploid cells which multiply asexually by mitosis"40, In the higher plants there are clearly found their life cycle-stages of infancy, youth and age17 like those of human body, etc. Parasitic plants have complex life cycles involving host organisms According to Jaina Biology, the plants show an act of generationgeneration wbich reproduces asexually by spores 60 It is known as the sporopbyte. Besides, they are reproduced from the root, the knot and the stem 61 The life cycle of such plants consists of the production of haploid spores by the sporopbyte The relative size and duration of the different sporophyte generations vary considerably. The aporophyte is the familiar Visible tree, shrub or herb Germination of the Seed and Embryonic Development. Jaida Biology throws some welcome light upon the germination of the seed and embryonic development. When the seeds are ripe, they are shed from the parent plant, but a few of them do germinate shortly after being shed, most of them remajn dormant during the cold or dry season and germinate only with the advent of the next favourable growing season 52 A prolonged period of dormancy usually occurs only 10 seeds with thick or waxy sed coats which ronder them impenetrable to water and oxygen. The life of some higher plants exists within the cover of seeds 10 state of dormancy to be awakened at proper timo and season under the favourable conditions The life persists within the protective seed coat for certain perioda, regiating against all the forces of the natural phenomena, In due time and season this dorment life spriags up, burating asunder the

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98 J. C. Stkdar thamapatras) digest, absorb and store food from the endosperm, while within the seed. The cotyledons of some plants shrivel and drop off after germipation, those of other plants become flat foliage leaves. The cotyledons contain reserves of food that supply the growing scodling until it develops enough chlorophyll to become independent. The stem (skandha) and leaves (patras) develop from the epicotyle64 Evolotionary Trends in the Plant Kingdom As we glance back over the many types of plant life cycles that are found from algac to angiosperms in the Jaina literature, a number of evolutionary trends appear to be evident. One of these 18 a change from a population that is mostly haploid jodividuals to one that is almost entirely diploid-40 exvolutionary trend toward a greater size and importance of the Sporophytes and a reduction in the size of the Gametophyto generation, Footnotes 1 Sevala, Satyakytanga II 9 65, Pannavana 1 51, p 2; Jevavicara 8 2 For plant bacteria, ace Bhagavatt Sutra, 7 3 276, 8 8 324, Uttaradhyayana Satra, 36 96., Pannapana Sutra, I. 40ff, Gommajasara (Jrvakanda), V 189, p. 117 For (Eartb quadratos), see Sutrahyanga, Book I., Bhagavatt, 33 1 814, Uttaradhyayani Sutra 36, 70, 84, 92, 108, 117, Pannavana Sutta, 1 19. 55, Ekendriyajivapannavana Gommajasara (Jivakanda), 89, p 68, Lokaprakasa, 4th Sarga, v 25, 5th Sarga, v Iff 3 Satrakrtanga II 3 55 (Panaga), Panyavana I 51, p. 21., Jayavicara 8 "Papaga Say Als-bhumiphoda ya" I 4 Sutrakylduga II. 3 43. (aggabija) "Logarsi cattari biyakaya eyamahijama tamjaha-aggabiya mulabiya porabiya kham dhablya", Satrakytanga II 343 The commentators give the reading of the Nagarj unlyas, "Nagerjaniyastu pathant-" Vanassakliyana parcayiha bljavakkamti evanchi ijar-tamah Aggam laporukkhandhabiyaruha chatthavi egetdiya sammucchimi blya jayamto", Sutrakytaniga (comm ), II 343, p. 94 "Mulagga porabija karda taha kbamdhabljabijaruha, Sammucchima ya bhaniya patteyanathtakaya ya' 1, Gom majasara (Jiva), 186 6 Sutrakytanga II, 3 43. 7 Ibid II 3 43 8 Ibid, II, 3 43. 9 Ibid II. 3 54 "Thegarla satia udagafonlya udagasambhava Sevalattas. viunfamti" 10 Bhagavart, 7. 3 276, 8 3 324., Uttaradhyayana Sura 36, 96., Pannavana Sutta 1 401, Gammajasara (Jiya), V 189, p. 117 11 Sufrakytanga II, 3. 43 12 Salyadayo V& to agrabljah, tatha mulablja ardrakadayah, parvabljastvikavadayah, skandbabljah sallakyAdayah", Ibid (Comm ), p 94 13 Gommajasara (Jrrakanda), V, 186 (Comm ), p 116 14 "Parvabilastuiksvadayan", Sutrakytanga II. 3, 43. (comm.) p 94 16 "Skandhabijah Sallakyudayak", Ibid. II, 3 43. (comm.), p. 94 16 Ibid 17 "Tumbi", Pannavana, I, 1 45, P 19. 18 Pannavana, I 1. 45, p. 19. 19 Bhaddamuttha (a species of cyperus), Bhagavatt Sutra, 7. 3 277,8. 3 324,

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The Evolution of Plant Reproduction 77 seed coat and begins to grow gradually into a full plant like all beings, though in its immobile state, due to the transformation within itself The length of time that a seed will remain viable and capable of germination varies greatly. The viability of the cereals, such as, Sali, Vrihi Godhuma (wheat), etc, if preserved in a well protected granary, lasts in the minimum for an antarmuhurta and in the maximum up to three years, that of pulses, such as, Kalaya (a kind of pulse), Masura (lentil), Munga (Phaseolas mungi), etc. an antarmuhurta in the minimum and five years in the maximum and that of Alasi (linseed), Kusumbhaka (Carthamus tinctorious), Kodrava (Paspalum scrobicutalum), Kangri (millet or a kind of parric seed), Sana (flax), Sarsapa (mustard seed), Malaga (radish seed), etc., for an antarmuhurta in the minimum and seven years in the maximum, provided they are stored up scientifically. After the specified periods their respective viability wither away and the seeds become unseeds without having germinating capacity,54 This evidence of Jaina Biology regarding viability of seeds finds support in modern Biology in this way. "Willow and Poplar seeds must germinate within a few days of being shed or they will not germinate at all,56 seeds of evening Primrose and of yellow dock were able to germinate after seventy years." "56 "There are authentic records of lotus seeds germinatingr 200 years after being shed." "The ability of a seed to retain its germinating power depends on the thickness of the seed coat, on a low water content and on the presence of starch rather than fats as stored food material, Dormant seeds are alive and do metabolize, though at a very low - 2 rate, "58 The reference to Jonibbhue ble (embryonic seed), hypocotyle (first radicle mula), cotyledons (prathamapatras), epicotyle (prathama kisalaya), and its development or growth (vivadd hamta), their simultaneous birth, fomation of plant body (samayam vakkamtanam samayam tesim sariranivvatti), receiving of matter (warmth and moisture, etc.) and respiration (samayam anuggahanath samayam usasa-nisase)" suggests that germination is initiated by warmth and moisture and requires oxygen. The embryo and endosperm absorb water, swell and rupture the seed coats (uggamamana). This frees the embryo and enables it to resume development (vivaddamta) After germination the hypocotyle (mala) elongates and emerges from the seed coat (vakkamai) "The primitive root or radicle grows out of the hypocotyle and since it is strongly and positively geotropic, it grows directly downward into the soil "2 "The arching of the hypocotyle in a seed such as the bean pulls the cotyledons (1.e. prathamapatras) and epicotyle (1 e. kisalaya or amkura) out of the seed coat and the epicotyle, responding negatively, to the pull of gravity grows upward." The cotyledons (pra t

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The Evolution of Plant Reproduction 20 Pannavana 1. 47, p 20, Bhagavatt Sutra, 21 6 691 21 Gommajasara (Jiva), V 186 (Comm ), BhS. 7. 3 277, 8 3. 324 Pannavana 1 54 53, P 22, Uttara 36 99 79 * Biology, p 174, CA Villee 22 Apparently trees sprung from shoots, sprouts aerial-roots, etc are meant They are considered as a class different from those whose offshoots they are, S.BE XLV, P 390 23 One soul (Jlva) pervades the whole tree, it is the soul of the tree Separate vas (beings), however, reside in the roots, etc, SBE XLV, p. 390, Satrakranga II,3 50 24 Ajjharuha adhyaroka, explained in the Depika. "Valleykja", [bad, Satrakytinga II 3 50 25 Trna, Ibid 26 Osahl oshadhi, Ibid, p 391, Satrakytanga II 3 50 27 Harlya harita, Ibid, Satrakylanga II 3 50 28 All the commentators aay about the words Aya, etc (which offer some various * readings in the MSS) is that they denote particular plants (Vanaspativiserah) which must be learned from people (who know them) Jacobi gives the words in their Prakrit form, and does not attempt to transpose them into Sanskrit. 29 Sutrakytanga, II 3 54, SBE. XLV, p 391. 30 Ihid, 31 Avaka, a grassy plant growing in marshy land, Blyxa octandra, Ibid. 32 Savala the aquatic plant Vallisneria (algae), Ibid, Sutrakitanga II. 3 54. 33 Kadamba, Nauclea Kadamba, SBE, XLV., p 391 34 Kaseru, Scirpus Kysoor, Ibid 35 The last four are well-known varities of lotus, called in Sanskrit Utpala, Padma, Kumuda, Nalina, Ibid p. 392. 36 The Sanskrit of the last seven items is Pundarska, Makapundartka, Satapatra, Sahasrapatra, Kahlara, Kokanada and Tamarasa, they are all varieties of jotus, Ihid, p 392 37 Puskara, Ibid. 38 Sutrakytanga II, 3 55, p. 93. 39 "Yo hi ekah vanaspatljivah sarvavrknavayavavyapi bhavati, tasya capare tadavayavesu mulakandaskandhatvakikh pravilapatrapuspaphalabijabhutesu dala su sthanesu jivah samutpadyante 1" Sutrakrtanga II, 3 55 (Comm), p 66 40 "Abarabhayapariggahamehuna taha koha mina maya ca I Lobho logo oho sanna dasa savvajivanamh", vide Lokaprakasa, 3 447, "aharasanna to ohasanna 1" Bhagavatz Sutra 7 8, 295. 41 "Ithiparirambhanena Kurubagataruno phalamti mohune 1", Lokaprakasa, 3. 449. There takes place sexual union in Akoka tree also. 42 "Stripam aumanasam puspam prasanam samam", Amarka sa, Vanausadhivarga. Brhatphala vetapuspaih, puman, Holarrhena antidyaenterica, Caraka (Dridhavaia v), (Syavarunanupuppi strl-asltakujaja, Wrightia tinctoria), Ibid V, "Anupadi prathamo vargah strl puthaapumsakatvena tramvidhyam sthavaregrap", Rajanighans, vide Positive Science of the Ancient Hindus, p 175, Dr BN Seai 43 Sutrakytanga, Book I, Lecture 7, V. I, SBE. XLV, "Pudhavi ya au agani ca vau" Gommajasira, 73 (Jerakinda) 44 Bhagvatt 7. 3 275-7, Gammajasara, V, 189. (Jivakanja), Pannavana 154, (Sadharasalartravanaspati kayikas) 45 Satrakrtanga II 3 54. (Sevalattae), Pannavana L 51. (Jalaruha Sevala). 46 Biology. p. 178

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80 I C Sikdar 48 51 +7 "Yathi purupakariram bulakumirayavayrddhat&parinkimaviheravat" tathedath Vanaspatisariram 1", Saddarsanasamucchaya", V 49, Tarkarahasyadapika, Gunaratna, P. 157 "Ihegatiya satta rukkhajoniya rukkbasambhavi rukkhavukkara. rukkhajonies a rukkbattae viutgamti, te jiva tesish rukkhajoniy nan rukkhanam sinehamahiretti 1" Sutraktanga, II 3 45, "Nanavihanam tasathavaranath poggalanarh garirosu V., sacittesu ya, aattesu va, aqusnyattae viutfa ti," Ib d, II 3 68 49 Ibid 50 Sutrakytanga II 3. 43 "Aggablya malabiya porabiya khamhdhabiya", Ibid, II 3 43 52 Bhagavatz 15 1 544, It throws light upon the germination of sesamum seeds with the advent of favourable growing season after the uprooting of the Sesamum plant by Gosala Mankhaliputta 59 Bhagavart Sitra, 15 1 544 , see Plant Autographs and their Revelations, Sur J C. Bose, 1927. 34 Bhagavatt Sutra 6 7 246 55 Blology, p 186, C A Villee. 56 Ibid 57 Ibid. 58 Ibid 59 "Jonibbhue ble jivo vakkamai so va anno va I Jo vi male jivo so viya patta padha matde" 97. savvo vi kisalayo khalu uggamamino aparatayo bhanjo I go ceva vive ddhamto hoi paritto anamto va" II 98 II, Pannavana. 1.54 9 97-98 otc 60 Ibid. 61 Blology, P, 187 62 Ibid 63 Blology, p 187 64 Ibid, See the embryonic development of plant as discussed above. 65 Sutrakylanga II 9, 43

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ON THE SANSKRIT SUKTIRATNAHARA, AS SUBHASITA-SAMGRAHA - OF PRAKRIT SUBHASIT A-S Ludwik Sternbach (1) The late lamented AN Upadhye complained always that there does not exist a complete subhasita-sangraha of Prakrit verses and that it is difficult, if not impossible, to identify Prakrit aphorisma. (2) There are about five hundred Sanskrit anthologies(subhasita-samgraha-s) and collections of stray didactic verses! and only a few Prakrit anthologies of which the most important are Hala's Sattasai, Jayavallabha's Vajjalaggam, Chappannaya Gabao, the Gathasahasri' and the lately published by the L.D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad, the Gabarayanakosa, the Subhasiyagabasamgaho and the Subhasiyapajjasamgahoo. In addition, there are a few other Prakrit subhasita-samgraha-8 which are, however, not yet publisheds, as, for instance, the Gathakosa of Municandra from the beginning of the twelfth century called also Rasaulsgatbakosa), or the Gatbaratoakosa of Vatrocana7. (3) In addition to these Prakrit subhasita-sangraha-s some typically Sanskrit anthologies contain a selection of Prakrit subhasita-s, as for instance, the Padyaracana of Laksmana Bhatta Ankolakaras, the Vidyakarasabasraka of Vidyakaramisra and, particularly, the Suktiratnabara of Suryakallngaraja (SRHt] from the first half of the fourteenth centurylo, as well as, to a lesser extent, its counterpart11, the Subbasita-sudhandhi (SSSN.] of Sayana 12 1 Cf, L Sternbach, Snbhasita, Gnomic and Dulactic Literature, in A History of Indian Literature, edited by J Gonda, Vol IV, Otto Hairassowitz, Wiesbaden, 1974 2 opclt (fn 1), pp 10-14 3 op clt (fa 1), P 59, footnote 4 L D. Sories No. 52 5 CF L Sternbach, Sayana's Subha sita-sudhanidhi and Suryapaudita's Suktirat nahara la Ganganatha Jha Kendriya Sanskrit Vidyapeetha, formerly JOJRI 27, pp 166-260. 6 Extracts (46 verses) were publushed by P Peterson in Three Reports on the Search for Sanskrit Manuscripts, Bombay, London 1887, pp 297-302 and by P-E Pavolini (20 verses) in Yenti Strofe del Gathakosa di Municandrosari (with translation into Italian), Firenze 1894 7 New Catalogus Catalogorum, University of Madras, vol 5, p 341. 8 op. cit (fn. 1), p. 27. 9 op cit (fn. 1), pp. 29-30 10 op. cit (fn. 1), P 19 11 op. cit (fn. 1), footnote 85 on p. 20 12 op. cit (fn 1); pp. 19-20 Sambodhi 5.2-3

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Ludwik Sternbach (4) The SRHt. contajas two sets of Prekrit subhasila-s one culled from Prekrit subhasita-sangraha-s, 1 Hala's Sattasas and the anonymous Gathakosa, and the other from Prakrit poems, as the Setubandhu. All these versos are usually included at the end of the paddhati-s and only oxceptionally in the middle of the paddhati-s. The SSSN. which is almost analogous with the SRHt, usually omits the Prakrit subhaslta-s,18 it is, therefore, possible that, originally, the SRHt did not contajn Prakrit subhasita-s, but that they were added later to the original text of the SRHt. by a scribe or compilor who knew the Prakrit subhasita-s by heart and wanted to add some currently quoted subhasita-, on the same theme with which the Sanskrit paddhati-s of the SRHt, dealt. (5) That seems to be likely, in view of the fact that the Prakrit subhasita-s included in the SRHt, are not written in such a good language as tho Sanskrit subhasita-s, they show that the editor/collator, or most probably, the scribe who included them in this anthology was not a acho. lar in literary Prakrit; the Prakrit subhanta-s included in the SRHt are generally, not construed in good Prakrit and are full of errors, the gatha-s are often published with mistakes and are metrically not correct, while on the contrary, the Sanskrit subhasita-s, included in the SRHt, atand often carer to the original Sanskrit text from which they were called than those which are found in other subhasita-sangraha-s. (6) The present study will deal only with the gatha-s culled from Hala's Sattagar and those culled from the Gathakosa, in so far as they could be traced in other Prakrit sobhasita-samgraha-s, (0) All the gatha-s (36 lo numberly) attributed in the SRHt, to the Sattasa (Saptajati) or to the Gathasaptazati, or to Satavahana, or to Sata. (ka) vabana were culled from Hala's Sattasan, with the exception of two gatha-s 1. overses Nos, 28 and 35 of the Annex18. As stated above17 they are full of mistakes (gramatically and metrically) and should be corrected (e. g. veraes 13 and 30 of the Annex), others contain printing errors (e. g. vorses 23 and 29 of the Annex) or Sanskritized forms (e. g. verse 9 of the Annex), almost all contain variant:18, somo of which are already 19 When the SSSN includes them, it puts them also at the end of the paddhati-s. 14 That 1, for instance, evident in the quotations of Kamandaki's Nitura, particu larly, if we compare the non-critical edition of this arthasastra, as published in the Bibliotheca Indica with the better editions published in TSS or in the Anss 15 In reality 32 verses, for verses 18 to 20 and 24 of the Annex were probably not attributed to the Sattasal : the attributions after 112 14 and after 243 78 referred only to those varses and not to the preceding ones, le to versos 112.11-13 and 242.67. 16 They were quoted in the Annex In extenso, as they appear in the SRHt, eyen if the Prakrit text 18 not correct (c.8 verse 35), 17 See para 5 above. 18 Without variants are vereca 15, 22 and 27.

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On the Sanskrit Suktiratnahara of Prakrit Subhasta-s 83 known' (e.g. verses 33, 36 and 39 of the Annex). (8) Many of the so-called Hala's Sattaga: verses whicb occur in the SRHt. were not culled from the classical text of the Sattasan, but from Hala's work which occurs in one or more texts only and do not belong to the core of the Sattasai, and 80 verses 3, 26, 31, 38 and 41 of the Annex appear only in the Telingala recension I and verses 25, 37 and 40 of the Annex occor only among the so-called verses which appear as quotations in the alankara literature. That seems to show that Hala's incerta were generally consi. dered as Hala's genuine verses either at the time when the SRHt. was composed (1 e, in the begioning of the fourteenth century, or at the time when scribe added them to the SRHttext) (9) Most of the Hala's verses of the SRHt were influenced by the Jaina recension from Western India. That can be seen from the fact that many varlants which occur in Hala's text, as reproduced in the SRHt, can only be traced in this recension; that is the case of verses Nos. 1, 5, 6, 8, 27, and 42 of the Annex (10) Generally, authors or compilors of Prakrit subhasita-sangraha-s, culled their verses from the Sattasal, Out of the forty-two verses from the Sattasal which were or were not specifically attribated in the SRHt to Hala's work, but which were Sattasai's versos, eleven verses appear also in Jayavallabha's Vajjalaggam (verses Nos. 3, 4, 9, 10, 11, 12, 17, 2020, 21, 22, and 39 of the Annex), three in the Ggharayanakosa (GRK) (verses Nos, 17, 30 and 33 of the Annex), one in the Subhasiyagabasamgabo (SGS) (verso No, 22 of the Annex) and one in the Subbasiyapajjasamgaho (SPS) (verse No, 27 of the Annex). The text of the subhasita-Sangraha-s does not follow always exactly the wording of Haela's verges21 (11) As noted above, the SSSN., which is either the same work as the SRHt, or another ver81on of the same text22, Omite almost all Prakrit verses included in the SRHt, it keeps, however, four Prakrit verses culled from Hala's Sattagar, these are verses 24, 25, 27 and 41 of the Annex, of which one 18, similarly as in the SRHt, specifically attributed to the Sattagal (verse No, 25 of the Annex) and one is, similarly as in the SRHt., speclfically attributed to the Gathakosa (verse, No. 41 of the Annex). The text of the SSSN. is identical with the text of the SRHt, and both texts contain even the same mistakes, this seems to be an additional proof that the SSSN and the SRHt are the same work or other versions of the samo 19 Noted by A Weber in bis Das Saptakam des Hala (see para 16.3 below). 20 This verse was probably not attributed to Hala See above para 6 and footnote 15. 21 E gvorse 12 of the Annex 22 op cit, (fn. 5).

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Ludwik Sternbach work 28 (12) In addition to the verses attributed in the SRHt. to the Sattasaj. we find in the SRH, as many as one-hundred-twenty-two Prakrit verses attributed to the Gathakosa, without any additional indication who the author of this Gathakosa was. We koow of the existence of a Gatbakosa by Mudicandra who died in AD 1120, but this Prakrit anthology of gathu, 18 most probably got identical with the Gathakosa of SRHt and SSSN. Upto now only 46 verses of the Gatbakosa of Mugicaudra were published by P Peterson in his Three Reports on the Search for Sanskrit Manuscripts and 20 Verses were published with a translation into Italian by P.-E. Pavolini', and none of the verses quoted there appears among the verses attributed to the Gatbakosa in the SRH, and the SSSN It seems, therefore, that the Gathgkosa quoted in the SRHt and SSSN must have been another, unknown yet, anthology. None of its MSs, 18 noted in Aufrecht's Catalu. gus Catalogorum or in the New Catalogus Catalogorum published by the university of Madrag26 (13) As all Prakrit anthologies, the Gathakosa of the SRHt and the SSSN. culled some of its verses from Hala's Sattasal. Six such verses attributed in the SRHt to the Gathakosa were borrowed from the Sattasar (1.e. verses 37 to 42 of the Annex), Most of these verses (four out of six) are found either in some texts of the Sattasal only (verses 38 and 41 of the Annex), or were known as Hala's verses from the alamkura literature only (verses 37, and 40 of the Annex) (14) A number of verses attributed in the SRHt, to the Gathakosa (23 verses) must have been well known Prakrit subhasita-s, for they appear also in the little known Prakrit subhasita-literature. They appear also in GRK2. (20 verses) in Jayavallabha's Vajjjalaggama? (4 veraes) and in the Subhasiyagabasamgabo 2 (one verse) or in more than one of these three subhastasathgraha-s. Usually they read better in these sources than in the SRHt, (c. g. verses 47, 53, 55, 57 and 61 of the Annex), for the authur/collator or scribe of the SRHt, did not know literary Prakrit well29 (15) Unfortunately, It was not possible to identify the Prakrit subhasitas of the Gathakosa, oven thon when it possible to trace them in other Prakrit subhasita-sangraha-s. 23 op cll. (fn. 5) 24 Bombay-London 1887, pp. 297-802 and Frenze Tipographia di L Franceschini e.C.L, 1894. 25 See New Catalogus Catalogorum, University of Madras, Volume 5; pp. 340-341. 26 Verses 43, 44, 45, 46, 47, 48, 49, 50, 51, 52, 53, 54 (also in Vajja ). 56, 57, 58, 59, 62, 63, 64 and 65 of the Annex. 27 Verses 54 (also in GRK ), 55 (also in SGS), 60 and 61 of the Annex. 28 Verse 55 of the Annex, at was probably taken from Vajja 29 See above para 5.

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On the Sanskrit Siktiratnahara of Prakrit Subhusita-s 85 (16.1) The detailed analysis of the Prakrit subliusita-s which appear in SRHt, as specifically attributed to the Sattasar and those which are attributed to th. Gathakosa, but could be traced in the Sattasai or in other Prakrit subliuisita-mgraha-s is given in the Annex in the order as they appear in the SR It (162) Thuis Annex is divided into three parts I Verses ascribed in the SRHt, to the Saptabati, II Verses ascribed in the SRHt to the Gathakosa but which are Snptacati's verses, and III Verges ascribed in the SRHt. to the Gathakosa wluch arc found in other Prakrit sublasila-samgraha-s, 1, e the Vajalaggam by Jayavallabhu (Prahrit Text Series 14 Prakrit Text Soclety, Ahmedabad-9, 1969 (Vajja ), the Gaharayanakoso of Jinesvarasuri, L.D. Series 52, Alinicdabad No. 9 (pp 1-66), the Subhasitagathasamgaho, idem (pp 67-75) and the Subhasiyapajjasamgalio, idem (pp 76-82). The Gathasahasri by Samayasundra composed in A.D. 1630 (Bombay, Vikrama 1996) was not taken into consideration, for it is posterior to the SRHt, and could not be the source of any of the verses included in tlie SRHt, or in the SSSN (163) As far as the Satta al is concerned, three editions of this work were consultcu, viz the Bibliotheca Indica edition with the English translation (Work Number 295, Asiatic Society, Calcutta 1971) (IIGS (BI) ), the Prasada Prakasand edition, Poona (HGS(pp)) and the old, but still the most complete edition by A Weber, Dus Saptabataham des Hala in Abhandlungen fuer die Kunde des Mongonlandes, 7 4, Leipzig 1881 (HGS(w)) Also his Ueber das Saptasatahan des IIala Ion Beitrag zur Kenntniss des Prakrit, idem 5,3 was taken into consideration. (17) Tho present study tries to show that the SRHt, can be considered not only as a Sanskrit subliusita-samgraha, but also as a short Prakrit Su. bhasta-sargiaha of 158 verscsao, not counting numerous Prakrit verses culled from the Setubandhu and other Prakrit Sources, 30 or ti Gathakoba only verses 25,16, 32 37, 92.40 to 42, 32,44, 99 59, 39 55, 45 66; 46 68; 46.72 to 71. 45 76, 63 42, 111 34, 123.34, 124,38 to 40, 125 15, 213 46, 214 52. 214.53, 231.15, 219 10, 250 10 255 13 and 259 24 were analyzed in the Annex l'he other veryosatinbuted us the Sit to the Gathakoka, which could not be traced to other pintary or secondary sources were not included in the study (l. e verses on pigu 2, 18, 25, 27, 32, 38, 45, 51, 64, 68, 72, 111, 123, 125, 128, 171, 202, 208, 213, 214, 216, 219, 222, 227, 231, 233, 213, 248, 249, 250, 251, 252, 255, 256, 259 and 270.

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ANNEX Verses ascribed in the SRHt to the Saplasati, the Gathasaplasali, Sataya hana or Sata(ka)oahana fe39 34 34 SRHt 25.12 (a Saptasali')=HGS(B1) 6. 25-HGS (pp) 525, HGS (W) 526 in the Jaina-Recension from Western India (MS R of HGS (W) 449) ab of this verse runs usually for a 246c / 240f297 NiktadehalIdesam 2. The strafzuiaht SRHt 25 13 (a. Saptasati")=HGS (BI) 3.93=HGS,pp) 293=HGS (W) 293. T Toge SRHt 25 14 (a. Saptasasti")=HGS (Bl)-=HGS (pp)86HGS (W) 871 in the Telingana Recension I only a 1a SRHt wrong (con tra mletruni); should read sqf STD 9098. 4 hafi afcuff SRHt 25.15 (a Satavahana'=HGS (BI) 5 72-HGS(pp) 472. HGS(W)472 Also the Vajjalaggam 47 where d reads 30 faer at TELE. 5. O JUE ETTE U SRH 32 36 (a. Saptasati) =HGS(B1)4 10, HGS(pp)310. HGS(W) 310 in the Jaina-Recension from Western India (MS R of HGS (W)253, where we also read in a gure instead of juu and in ceara los stead of HH The verse should read in bau (inatead of Sur) and 10 a yjaat (instead of yunyjaa)| 6, 2014 tu fificare SRH 37.34 (a Saptasati) =HGS (B1) 365, HGS (pp) 265, HGS(W) 265. The verse ahould read in a mat (instead of f at: 10 b a at (instead of acqoeetcontra metrum)and in d after fa add : 3 (z is missing also in the Jaina-Recension from Western India (MS R of HGS (W) 217). 7. FagurraTIUTAECO SRHt 37.40 (a. Saptasati)=HGS (B1) 3.67, HGS (pp) 267, HGS (W) 267 The verse should read in a one and in b fa (Instead of fa) 8. samnorat fat op ET SRHU 38 41 (2. Saptasati)=HGS (BI) 4.20, HGS(PP) 320 HGS(W) 320 Tho verse should read in b fare aglut (instead of farzaglut [variant known] and la doctor (instead of a ), here SRHt follows the Jaina-Recension from Western India (MS R of HGS(W) 263, which has PE). 1 or Satavahana or Sakasta)vahana, (V JOR (Madras) 13.297 ad p 25

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On the Sanskrit Suktiratnahara of Prukrit Subhasita-, 9. gaut of 98 Prazy SkHt 38.42 (a. Saptasati) - HGS (BI) 3.50, HGS(PP) 250, HGS(W) 250. The verse should read in a stunt (agut is Sanskritised) and fast instead of for37), in b fafaqay (108 tead of afq3i), in cand d&qe (lostead of goog) Also in the Vajjalaggam 34 which reada in ub gant 795598 ciya / aha kuppai maMgulaM na citei. 10. factanfaath @ SRHU 38 43 (a. Saptasati)=HGS (BI) 4 19 HGS (pp) 319, HGS (W) 319 The verse should read in a cotta (instead of Reco; some texts have ), in ba (instead of rat) and in datni (instead of ei). Also in the Vajjalaggam 35 where it reads as 10 HGS but has in b FETS (108tead of E ). 11. maig ATO-SRHT 38 44 (a Sapta sati)=HGS (B1) 3 82 HGS (pp) 282, HGS(W) 282. The verse should read in a h itet (instead of fly [contra metrum]) and in d festis (instead of ferits [contra metrum]). Also in the Vajjalaggam 114 where it reads in a work. 12. 1 9038 FFETI SRHU 46 78 (a. Saptajati)=HGS (B1) 7 86, HGS (pp) 686, HGS (W) 686 (v HGS(W)690). All variants are known. Also in the Vajjalaggam 61 where it reada in bag u fpi 13. 373m alacair SRHt 46 79 (a. Saptasat1)=HGS (B1) 3,53, HGS(pp)253, HGS (W) 253. SRHt is wrong in c, it has yet (instead of grait) (contra metrum) 14. 37T TAFT gaf SRHt 97.6 (a, Saptasati)=HGS (B1) 1.42, HGS (pp) 42. HGS (W) 42. No variants. 15. FE3737oft A3 SRHt 110 31 (a Gathasaptasati)=HGS (B1) 1.61, HGS (pp) 61, HGS (W) 61; All variants known, with the excoption of (d) where SRHt should read samANiAI (instead of samAiAI). 16 afagurgeoforest SRHT 110.32 (a. Gathraapta ati) = HGS (B1) 1 99, HGS (pp) 99, HGS (W) 99. The ver se should read in a w aogoafura 17. a forei Arloe SRHT 111.33 (A. Gathasaptasati)=HGS (B1) 3.17, HGS (pp) 217, HGS (W) 217. SRHt should read in a #7370 (instead of lee) and in d Orgen ca(Instead of gat ). Also in the Vajjalaggam 68 which reads Ind like SRHt (deglayaM ba) and has in b desakAlammi (instead of desAlammiA 80 algo HGS in the Jaina-Recension from Western India (MS R of HGS (W). 167). Also in GRK 783 which also reads in d like SRHt and the Vajjalaggam and has in b; & ATI 9801461fir.

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Ludwik Sternbach 18. IHMEU SRHU 112 11 (a Gathasaptasati, probably wrongly so marked since SRHU 112.11-13 does not appear in HGS) 19 ocaeu SRHU 112 12 (a, Gatbasaptasati, probably wrongy so ma. rked, since SRHU 112,11-13 does not appear in HGSI, contra metrum) 20. Ce fa alet To SRHU 112 13 (a Gathasaptasati, probably wrongly so marked since SRHU 112.11-13 does not appear in HGS") It should read in ab ... afore fa affat (astead of t. ffia(s). fafcenferet: in jIse (instead of jassi and ind mellanti (instead of muJcei. Also quoted in the Vajjalagga 731. 21. De argano SRHt 112.14 (a Gathasaptasati), HGS (B1) 1.53. HGS (pp) 53, HGS (W) 53. SRHt should read in ab f egagates (instead of faeferatafogare). Also in the Vajjalaggam 348 which reads as SRHt should read (see above). 22. sur feuit op falong SRHt 202,164 (a. Saptasati2)=HGS (B1) 2.63, HGS (pp) 163, HGS (W) 163. No variants. Also quoted in the Vallalagpam 557 which has in a valijjai (instead of jivijjai) and Inc patta for pate (contra metrum) and 10 Subhasiyagabasamgabo 96 which has areas (inat ead of fare ). 23. det fa forum faqat SRHt 219.24 (a. Saptasati)-HGS (B1) 2.36, HGS (pp) 136, HGS (W) 136. The SRHt text has two printing errors in a and e; it has Nippala (instead of Nipphala) and gihUmAadeg (instead of gimahAya). it should be also corrected In d, it should read to fupe (instead of fuqaroella contra metrum). 24. fostegunete FE SRHt 282,67 (a. Saptasatro), SSSN 202 53 (anonymously). SSSN reads in c UEH (instead of gets printing error) fx golfe (instead of it suff) and in df (for 857). Does not appear in HGS 25. 1 Parent count SRHT 242,68 (a Saptasati), SSSN 202 54 (a. Saptasatr) HGS(B1),HGS (PP) 969, HGS(W) 915 SRHt and SSSN bave in b mytom (instead of goi) and in de (Instead of g). 26. E TE FEU fasole SRHt 243 69 (a. Saptajati) HGS(B1), HGS (pp) 812, HGS(W) 818. SRHt has in a grey instead of Greut contra metrum) in b jIvaTahA para piyaM (instead of jaMpa jahA parappi, in c jahalaM hasijasa (instead 1 The agcription to "Gathisaptakati" refers, probably, to 112 14 only and not, as usual, to the group of four verses 112.11-14 2 This ascription does not refer to 202 163 3 The ascription to "Saptabatl" refors, probably, to 243. 69-70 only.

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On the Sanskrit Suktiratnahura of Prakrit Subhasita-s of the ele TT) and in d tugtuat ate (Instead of u gu grata) SRHt and HGS are metrically not correct in d 27. apet e BET SRHt 243.70(a. Saptasati), SSSN 202 55 (anonymously). HGS(B1)3,51, HGS(pp)251. HGS(W) 251, No variants. Also quoted in Subhaaiyapajjasamgaho 17 which has in c e instead of FBT (80 also HGS In the Jaina-Recension from Western India (MS R of HGS(W) 200). 28. ayylaag omfattant Alee UNa phianaaaao| dhArAmokkhaNiheNa va RETUT T BFFLE 11 SRHt 248.8 (a. Saptasatu). Does not occur in HGS. 29. HQ HESTO SRH 250.15 (a. Saptasati)=HGS (B1) 2.86, HGS(PP) 186, HGS(W) 186. SRHt has ina mahaddhadANaM (instead of mahahahANaM); in b ante si (instead of state and in d e (instead of a ). Io b there is a printing error vAhirulAI (instead of vAhiraNhAI). 30. THE TRETRO-SRHt 258 15 (a. Saptasati)=HGS(B1)2.42, HGS(PP)142, HGS(W) 142. SRHt has in a hat (instead of the TT) (contra melrum, to be corrected); In b HOTF (Instead of IRTOT) and in a Euro (Instead of FHEUNUT) (contra metrum). Also quoted in GRK where a reada : samasukhadukkhaM saMvai, b_as In SRHt, and c mihu ega Na (in. stead of FHEUTTO). 31. turgo forceTt SRHE 258,16 (a, Saptasati)=HGS(B1)-, HGS(pp)823, HGS(W) 829. SRHt has in a 553 firkant (instead of garrant) (contra metrum); in b for (instead of Art and in cd reada arest Guru tahiNNAtthi (instead of degcADalaM jattha Naritha ho tahiM Na ritha [contra metrum]). 32. te arotu SRHE 258.17 (a. Saptasati)=HGS(Bl) 1 81, HGS(pp) 81, HGS(W)81. SRHt has in b fed autu (10gtead of 376 UU) and 10 C ft (instead of fa) 33. EHEHU SRHt 258.18 (a. Saptasati)=HGS(B1)2.82, HGS(pp) 182. HGS(W) 182. No variants. Also qaoted in GRK 391 which has 10 c afget (instead of FEBTE). 34. 37975 ara Fungi SRHt 258 19 (. Saptagati)=HGS(B1) 2 68, HGS(PP) 168, HGS(W) 168 SRHt has in a 3758 ata (instead of 37038 ) and in b fativ (instead of fear) (contra metrum). Sambodhl 5.2-3

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90 Ludwik Sternbach 35. jIvaM acchasudhI pharIso aMge sujIvikaNTohi / hima hibhaeNa ThiaM samaM vimoanti kindhademveNa || SRHt 258.20 (a. Saptasatr). Does not occur in HGS. Hypermetric in b. 36. devvAattammi phale SRHt 258,21 (a. Ssptasati) = HGS(BI)3.79, HGS(pp) 279, HGS(W) 279. All variants known. II. Verses ascribed in the SRHt to the Gathakota which are Hald's Saptasari oorses 37. kivaNANa dhaNaM NAA-SRHt 25.16 (a. Gathakosa)= HGS (B1)-, HGS (pp) 970, HGS(W)976 SRHt has inc kulapAliANa vi. while HGS kulavAliANa a and ind kutto chippanti amuANa, while HGS katto ziyyaMti amuANa. 38. gAhANa a geANa a SRHt 32.37 (a. Gathakoba)=HGS(B1)-, HGS(pp) 809, HGS(W) 815. SRHt has in b voDhamahilANa, while HGS has poDhamahilANa and in c tANasaccibha....NDo, while HGS has tANaM so cija daNDo. (ill in the lacma with da (to read daNDo). 39. dhaNNA vahiraddhalaA SRHt 46 76 (a. Gathakoba)=HGS(BI)7.95 HGS(pp) 695, HGS(W) 704 SRHt has inavahirakhUlA , while HGS has vahiraMdhAraA (thia variant is known); inb docciajIyanti mANusA khoe, while HGS has te citra jIaMti mANuse loe : and reads in d khalissiTeM Na pecchanti (contra metrum), while HGS reads khalANa addhi Na pekkhaMti (metrically correct). Also occurs in the Vajjal aggam 643 which reads in alb afculeulat Read and in d balassa riddhI na pecchati 40. pa hATI-SRHt 213.46 (a Gathakosa)=HGS(BI)-, HGS(pp) 972. HGS(W) 978. SRHt has in a khalapavarAhA, while HGS has khalavavahArA and in b has a (Instead of vi: printing error) dhorANa, while HGS has vi dhIrANam 41. iMsA Na sarehi viNA SRHt 23115 (a Gathakosa), SSSN 117.15(a. Gatha kosa)-HGS(BI)-, HGS(pp)917, HGS(W) 691, SRHt and SSSN have 1na viNA while HGS has sirI: in b SRHt and SSSN have sarANa sohA viNA Na whilo HGS has sArijjaha aha sarANa; in c SRHt and SSSN have aNpoNNaci A while HGS has aNNoNaM ciyae: and in d SRHE and SSSN have appANaNNvara garUmanti (or degndi) (contra metrum), while HGS has appANaM Navara garaaMti.

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On the Sanskrit Saktiratnahara of Prakrit Subhasita-s 42. s ar fotafoj 5515 SR HC 259 24 (a Gatbakosa) = HGS(B1) 3.71, HGS (pp) 271, HGS(W) 271. SRHt has 10 a far fuzafoglals, while HGS hag e a furca fou/5373 (44 18 also in the Jaina-Recension from Western India (MS R of HGS(W) 224) ). III. Verses ascribed in the SRHt to the Gathakosa which are found in other Prakrt Subhaslta-Sangraha-s 43, ate a TRE SRHU 32 40 (a. Gatbakosa)=GRK 548. SRHt haa in a malaasahApaM. while GRK mauyasahAvaM, 10 b SRHt has mittasaGgatallaliama , while GRK has faringeafazi in d SRHt bas gufa and , while GRK has via and a 44 9 gem foae"-SRH 32.41 (a. Gathakosa)=GRK 549. SRHt has in c kinna baI, while GRK has taM bahuyaM, in d SRHt has "rINA, while GRK haa ,ENTE 45. FITEATRATIH SRHU 32.42 (a. Gatbxkosa)=GRK 550. SRHt has in a sArai kalAbhirAmaM, while GRK has sAraM kalAhirAmat; in b SRHt has ciramiakka, while GRK has ciya mayaMka: d in SRHt reads degNa sakkiaM kamaliNI #T34, while in GRK it reads. 7 1974 Hlasot 73. 46. UT EU aftsar SRHG 32.44 (a. Gathakosa)=GRK 737. SRHt has In b jamma indasma, while GRK has naM mayaMdassa. In cd SRHt has guhAsamu 56 57 Fast, while GRK bas yet THTHEHET. 47 faut f46T GAT SRH 39.53 (a. Gathakosa)=GRK 76, SRHt has in adegva umA, whilo GRK haa upamA in b SRHt has ekasarahassa. while GRK bag sarak (better; SRHt is contra metrum); in c SRHt bas UT while GRK has degvaleNa. 48. Buratu la MGK SRHt 39.55 (a. Gatbaekosa)=GRK 77, SRHt has in b parimANaM, while GRK has pariNAma and SRHt has cariehi while GRK has cariehi; in SRHt has jappanti while GRK has atiind SRHt has gappanti, while GRK has ghipaMti. 49 Haut get febris SRHU 45,66 (a. Gathakosa)=GRK 115. SRHt has in base 70 TALEP T371, while GRK has a we Far Elet: an e SRHt has 'palAlagalahi un, while GRK has phalAi gahiu~ (better); in d SRHt has taraikaraNNa, while GRK has taraha kaI na. 50. ESTUFTU mercur la SRHt 45.68 (a. Gathakosa)=GRK 97, SRHt bas in b A Mutfart, while GRK has vifionu ates; in d SRHt has the faratat while GRK has t feara F t.

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Ludwik Sternbach 51. yrat A qurigar SRHt 46.72 (a. Gathakosa)-GKK 98. SRHt bas is a. while GRK has je, in b SRHt has de mUDhA, while GRK has te mUDhAH in SRHtc reads, pasuppaNNaM vidhaNaM while in GRK It reads vasuppaNNaM pidhaNa. 52. getur setturmor Fa SRHt 46.73 (a. Gathakosa)=GRK 100. SRHt bas in a wrongly (contra metrum) gator instead of gator (as in GRK); in c SRHt has maharAmaa while GRK has cadAmayaH 53. faclatant quate SRH 46,74 (a. Gathakusa)=GRK 103 (SRHt 18 corrupt.) SRHt has in a vividha guNa,while GRK hasviddaviyaNI,banddin SRHt reads 54187 TO Tahit i front agosto 3TTENTE fogato F (contra metrum), while GRK reads : 717ET A quafgreat atat a Cat 34 /qaft & na mailei. 4. UT EHU SRH68.42 (a. Gathakosa)-Vajjalaggam 159=GRK 746. SRHt has in a murcar, while GRK #feur(Vajalaggam as SRH), in b SRHt has gaindANa, while the Vajalaggam has gaiMdassa (GRK has gayaMdANa). 55. 1977 Pretat ager SRHt 111.34 (2. Gathakosa) (corrupt, abd contra metrum) - Vajjalaggam 403, Subbasiyagabasamgaho 51 SRHt bas wrongly in a arte (instead of age, so also the Vijjalaggam, SGS has 468): In b SRHt has vallaho kimaNNena, while Vajjas and SGS have pio kimetya (or kimastha SGS) bhaNieNa, c reads in SRHt sAveha aMkaNo ccibhawhile in Vajjao creads sAheDa mANaM ciya (In SGS paMgaNaya ciya sAhA): and ind SRHt has abbhantaralacchI, while Vajjadeg and SGs have anmaMtare (or abhitaraM SGS) afies, 56. si se -SRHt 123.34 (a. Gathakoga)=GRK 735. SRHt has in hakarikavAlaladdhAi, while GRK has taha karikavAlakhaMDehiH in c SRHt has 9, wbue GRK has 33. 57. fafaragatuguEVUTO SRHt 123.38 (a. Gathakosa)-GRK 739. SRHt is wrong in a, it should read (as in GRK) MESUT (instead of gue ); in b SRHt has Fafaroere, while GRK has offero, lo d SRHt has #eit are anau, while GRK has fuel ang paaur. 58. gefe a feet au SRHE 124 39 (a. Gatbakosa)=GRK 736 SRH 18 wrong in a should read exfe Tree (as in GRK which has gayaMda). SRHt has in b karA uNahapaJjarehi, while GRK has karAla nahapaMjarehi; in d SRHE has uinda', while GRK has mayaMda. 59. plasur forsefeate SRH 124.40 (a. Gatbgkosa) = GRK 167. In a SRH has fussila, while GRK bas farometa"; in 6 SRHt has stogo and

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On the Sanskrit Suktiratnahara of Prakrit Subhasita-s govinto . while GRK has vIrapa and tiNikkhaMto; ind SRHt has degjalaccea. while GRK has "jalA cceya. 60. saalajaNapecchaNijjo SRHt 125 15 (a Gathakosa). Similar verse in the Vala laggam 199 3, which has in a "fqayo for og 20. SRHt reads in bod atoa agaruo gaDanda tuve (contra metrum) | appA kesaribhaeNa/jabhanta ajja laghuttaNa NIo, in Vajjad bed read . jo apA Asi so tae mUDha / kesaribhaeNa majja/ta ajja lahuyattaNaM patto 61. dhIrA maA vikajjo" SRIIC 21452 (4. Gathakosa)=Vajjalaggam 1192. SRHt Is corrupt in bc und should read like Vajja', in a SRHt has fail in stcud of vikajjaM (as in Vajjal). bc should read in SRHt niyayaM sAhanti pecchaha harassa / daDDheNa bi avaraddhaM (0 Vajja') Instead of "NiaaM sAinti pecchAha/hara sandagdheNa videhatthaM. 62. taNNandhijni NimajjaE SRIIt 21453 (a. Gathakosa)=GRK 172 in GRKa (quoted before) reads, tanatthina sijjhAi: Inb SRHt has "asamuttha; while GRK has "yasamujja"; in c SRHt hus jasi samettAseso (contra metrum), while GRK has jaM sosamettasesA, ind SRHt has rAha sasidiNaaro. while GRK has ' rAhU sasidiNayare. 63. aha maNaharacandamuhI SRHt 249.10 (a. Gathakosa)=GRK 658 v.l. in GRK cd read dillerently from SRHt; it reads there phuDakalasavANiyA taha/piya dhva pattA sa', while SRHt reads : viasiapalaahatyA/via pattA sadeg, otherwise no variants. 64. vimalamiadAharaNA SRHt 250.16 (a, Gathakosa) =GRK 659. SRHt has ta a vimalabhi', while GRK vimalaya', in b SRHt has degladhUsarasarIro, while GRK has "labhUisibhUyasarIro, is different in GRK, where it reads . gorIpaI vva vilasai, while in SRHt it reads : payahAhi vvanidisai, 65. srait far fra forsat SRHE 255.13 (a. Gathakosa)=GRK 546. SRHt has In a khaNDa; while GRK has vaMda, in b SRHt has jIsA, while GRK has ! jissa; in d SRHt has tujham , while GRK tujha.

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SAHITYA-MIMAMSA : PRAKRIT TEXT RESTORED V. M. Kulkarni "About six hundred verses are quoted from numerous sources in this work (Sahitya-MImamsa) out of which one hundred are Prakrit"l. Ina paper published in "The Bulletin of the Chunilal Gandhi Vidyabhavan"2 the text of fifty-eight Prakrit verses, which were not very corrupt, was restored by me. In this paper over forty Prakrit verses, out of wbich quite a few were highly corrupt, corrupt almost beyond recognition, are duly restored, The rest are simply indicated in the Index with the hope that eminent scholars of Sanskrit and Prakrit literature and Sanskrit poetics in the field would tackle them satisfactorily. (1) Nisedha-dvaram aisedba-Visayam yatha "adiam anaena gacchasi" etc (p 5) The printed text of this gatha is not ooly incomplete but also extremely corrupt. The text of this gatha is found in two different forms . AsAibhamaNNAeNa jetti tettima cia vihiNaM / oramasu vasaha ehi rakkhijjai gahavaicchet // -sk p. 549 The editors add the Sanskrit chaya [AsvAditamazAtena yAvattAvadeva zrIhINAm / uparama vRSamedAnI rakSyate gRhapatikSetram // ] The commentator Jagaddhara, however, gives a different translation in Sanskrit, mAsthAditamAtena yAvattAvavaiva bandhaya dhRtim / uparamasva vRSabhAtra racayitvA gRhapatikSetram // -Kas. p. 54 It is Hemacandra who quotes this gatha correctly, of course, making allowance for ya-sruti . bhAsAiyaM aNAeNa jettiya tettieNa vaMdha dihiM / oramasu vasaha iNhi rakkhijjai gahavaIcchita // [mAsAditamazAvena yAvat tAvatA badhAna dhatim / uparama vRSamedAnI rakyate gRhapatikSetram // ] 1 Dr. P.V Kane: The History of Sanskrit Poetics (p. 268). The total number of Prakrat passages and verses, however, exceeds the figure 2 August 1970, No. 15, "The Sahitya-Mimarsa: Prakrit Text Restored" (pp. 24-38)

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Sahitya-Mimamsta - Prakrit Text Restored 95 Whether we look at the verse from the point of view of poetry, aesthetics, robust logic all would agree that Hemacandra preserves the gathx in its correct form. (2) Anubbayadvaram nigedha-Visayam yatha"atta taba ramanljja" etc. (p. 6) This gatha does not present much difficulty It may, with alaght changes, be rewritten as follows, attA taha ramaNijja amhaM gAmassa maMDaNamabhUdaM / laatilavADisariccha sisireNa karma misiNikhaMDa ||-GS I 8 mAtaH (athavA zvazru) tathA ramaNIyamasmAka grAmasya maNDanabhUtam / khUnatilavATIsadRzaM zizireNa kRtaM bisinISaNDamam (3) Tatra vidhinisedha-dvarakam vidhivasayam yatha"pi adai damsana" eto (p.6) This gatbx, with slight changes, corrections, etc. is thus restored : NiadApadaMsaNukkhitta pahiya aNNeNa vacchasu paheNa / gahavaidhUA dullaMghavAurA iha haaggAme // [nijadayitAdarzanorikSapta pathikAnyena vana pathA / gRhapatiduhitA durladhyavAgurareha hataprAme // ] (4) Vidhi-nlsedha--dvaram Disedha-Visayam yathaMUccina supadia kusumam", etc. (p. 6) This gatha may be rewritten, with minor changes, thus : uricaNasu paDiakusumaM mA dhuNa sehAliA(?) halia-suNhe / aha de visamavirAvo sasureNa subho valaasaho // -DHV. p. 283 viccinuSya patitakusumaM mA dhunohi zephAlikA hAlikasnuSe / atha te viSamavirAvaH zvazureNa zruto valayazandaH // ] Thg quarter is differently read in Hemacandra's KAS (p.55), esa avasANaviraso (Sk * eSo'vasAnavirasa:) The present reading visamavirAvo does not agree, In sense, with valaasaho. The gloss in Locana (p. 284) preaumes the reading visamavivAbho (Sk viSamavipAka:) which perfectly agrees with valaasaho. (5) Kvacidasraya-saundaryad dhatte sobhamasadhvapi...yatha ____ "Malinavasananakaave" etc. (p. 55) This gatha may bo rewritten and corrected as followe :

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96 V. M. Kulkarni maNivasaNANa kaaveNiANa ApeDugaMDapAlINaM / yoharANa kAmo agesu kabhauho vasaha || SP p 489 [lima sanAnA kRtaveNikAnAmApANDugaNDapAlInAm / puSpavatInA kAmo'GgeSu kRtAyuSo vasati // ] (6) Bhavl-parijianar yatha "panamanahamanassahala", etc, This gatha is the same as GS (W) 893. paNamaha mANassa halA, calaNe kiM devaehi aNNehi / jassa pasAeNa pio gholaha pAtapAsesu || -GS (W) 893 [ praNamata mAnasya halA caraNau kiM devoranyaiH / yasya prasAdena priyo ghUrNati pAdAntapArzvayo || ] The printed text (SM) reads. koLaLavA attapArasu This reading is obviously corrupt. (7) Srngaramadhye raudro Malati - madhave yatha...kalakala ityarabhya duttha-saddalo kaanta1ilaidam karotti yavat. This prose passage occurs in Malan - Madhava- III 15-16 . (8) "Eso eso vajjaniddaruna.duttha-saddalo kaanta - Inlaidam karedi". (p. 91) This prose passage is drawn from Malan - Madhava (III. 15-16). The text as cited in Sahitya-Mimamsa is somewhat corrupt and needs to be corrected keeping in view the corresponding passage in Malati-Madhava. (p. 69) eso eso vajna - NigghAda - dAruNa-caveDhA - moDaNa - pADidANe - ra-turabha-jugaluggArabharibha-gala-guhA - gabhIra - ghaggharoralli - gallUraNa - sadda - saMdabha- parivAbho abhIsaNo viNaTThaNiTThAvidA (1 viddAvidA) sesa - jaNa - Nivaho duTThasaddUlA kaaMta - lIlAidaM karedi / (eSo eSo vajra - nirghAta - dAruNa- capeTA - moTana - pAtitAneka-nara- turaMga - jAGgalodvAra-bharitagala-guhA- gambhIra - ghargharoralli - galla - pUraNa-zabda- saMdarbha - pratiravAbhoga - bhISaNo (1 vidrAvitA) zeSa - jana-nivaho duSTa - zArdUlaH kRtAntalIlAyitaM karoti / ) vinaSTaniSThApitA (9) Madhyama- patra - prayojya maharastra-prakrit Jatib Suddha yatha : "Tujjha na ane hlaam" etc. tuj Na ANe himamaM / ( tava na jAne hRdayam / ) (p 92)

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Sahitya-Mimosa Prakrit Text Restored 97 Thug "Giti" is drawn from Sakuntalam (III 15) (10) Natimadhyamapatra-prayogya Saurasens suddha yatba: "Tum 8; mae cuankura" etc . (p. 92). o fa #8 72169 (The Hat Yales !) This gatha is drawn from Sakuntalam (VI 3) (11) Natyuttama-para--prayojya' Pasaci guddha yathat "Panamatha pana apakupita" etc. (p. 92) 4614497737-705f0a.... (quaa upe a ....ll) The whole verse is quoted in SK (p. 145) and in Siddha-homa (IV 326). This verse forms the opening mangala or benediction of Bphatkatha. (12) Hina-patra-prayojya Magadhika suddha yatha "Sada-manusa-mamsa bhaano" etc. TG-HTOT-HT-HT3TU I The reading in SK. (p. 144) 19 a little different (p. 927 -10T-HRT-17 The Editors' Sanskrit translation reads : zataM maanussmaasbhaarkaaH| The progont quarter forms a part of the stanza occurring in Venisamhara (III 1) In the printed edition (A B Gajendragadkar's, p. 54) we have quite a different reading : -HIVE-HET- TU (09-ATEG-718-HIER 1). (13) Sadharanyadaj ah puparanantah | Tasu madhyama-patra bhumi kasthottamapatra-prayojya Sanskut-Prakritayoh sadharani yatba : "Sarale sahasaragam" etc. (p 93) "ara gari" these are the opening words of the auya (gatha) occurring in Malati-Madhava (VI 10) (14) Durvidagdhadi-patra-prayojya gamkirna yatha "Akata-makuti candra-jyotsna" etc (p. 93) This stanza 18 also quoted in SP (P 371) and in SK (P147) The readings in SK differ from those found 10 SM. For the correct text and its exposition roadors are referred to the KM edition of Sarasvatikanth abharanan (pp. 147-148) Sambodhi 5.2-3

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V. M. Kulkarnt (15) Krda-gosthy-vinodarthananyagamlnyasadharany yatha: "Bhisma-proktani vakyanl" etc. (P 93) Thls verso is also cited by SK (P 148). SK reads the second half of this verse alightly differently : (bhISmaproktAni vAkyAni vidadvaktreSu zerate / ) gose tivichi richolI talkaM tUhe vivallidA / Ratnesvara explains the second half thus gose prabhAte, tipichiriMcholI kamalarajaH paGktiH / talamalpasaraH / tUhaM tIrtham / vivallidA prasAritA / It may be mentioned here tbat the entire topic of Jati, along with the illustrations (No. 10 to 15 both inclusive) is adopted by SM from SK, (16) Saccam bolatujana" etc. Thik Prakrit verse illustrating 'ghatitokti is rather obscure. Tentatively It may be corrected thus saca bollati jaNA moNa savvatthasAhaNaM ti| kallaM moNeNa ajba devattaNaM pacA // [satyaM kathayanti janA maunaM sarvArthasAdhanamiti / kalyaM maunena adya devatvaM prAptA // ] The second illustration, it is possible to correct with the corresponding passage in SK and Siddhahema. (17) "Bka Savana annahi naddapada", etc., (p. 105) ekkahiM akkhihiM sAvaNu annahiM bhaddavau mAiu mahialasatthari gaDatthale sarata / aMzihiM gimha suhacchI-tilavaNi maggasiru tahe muddhahe muha-paMkaha AvAsiTha sisiru / / The readings in SK are somewhat different . 1 ekkihiM acchihiM 2 aNNAhiM 3 gaDatthala sarau 4 aMgahiM 5 suhacchii tilavaNa 6 muddhihi muhapaMkamasari (SK mugdhAyA mukhapaGkajasarasi) The Sanskrit chayu as given by the editor of Siddhahema 1s & follows.

Page #197
Sahitya-Mimamsa Prakrit Text Restored [ekasmin aNi zrAvaNaH anyasmin bhAdrapadaH mAdhavaH (or mAgha ) mahItalasrastare gaNDasthale zarat / aGgeSu grISmaH sukhAsikAtilavane mArgazIrSaH tasyAH mugdhAyA mugvapaGkaje AvAsitaH ziziraH // ] -Siddhabema, p. 681. For further light on this Apabhramsa passage one may consult with profit SK (pp. 185-190) and Siddhahema (pp. 681-682). (18) "Vevasi animisanaano", ctc. (p. 111) This gatha, as it is printed here, is metrically defeative. It may be corrected as follows, pecchasi ANamisaNaaNo japasi viNaNa pasi piTTha / ko suhaa tuma doso mahima giTchara majjha // prakSase animiSanayano jalpasi vinayaM na jalyasi pRSTam / kaH subhaga tava doSo hatahRdayaM niSThura mama // ] The verb 'vevasi' does not agree in sense with aNimisaNaaNo. The verb expected here is 'pecchasi'. The two halves of this gatha, when interchanged, agree with GS (W) 943. (19) Sato'pi upeksa ..phalapuspe candanasya yatha.."Sevanti tiravaddhath" etc.,...(p. 121) This Prakrit verse 1s drawn from Setu (1.61) servati tIravADdi-Niyaa-bharovatta-caMdaNa-laAliddhe / rammattaNa-dippa-vahe vaNa-gama-dANa-kaDue giri-Nai-ppavahe / (sevante tIra-vardhita-nijaka-bharApavRtta-candana-latAlIDhAn / ramyatva (athavA, ramya-tRNa)-dIpa-pathAn dhana-gaja-dAna-kaTukAn giri-nadI-pravAhAna // ] (20) Yaso hasagatam sauklyam yatha : "Jassavilakkagam" etc. (p. 122) The correct form of this verse is as follows: massa vilaggati NahaM phuDa-paDisadadA disaa-ah-prikkhliaa| joNhA-kallolA via sasi-ghaalAsa rabhaNIsa hsiaccheaa|| Setu. I. 7 [yasya vilaganti nabhaH sphuTa-pratizabdAH dik-ttt-priskhlitaaH| jyotsnA-kallolAH iva zazi-dhavalASu rajanISu hasita-cchedAH // ] ..) Kridasvayukpaurnamasyam ratrau syat Kaumudrti ca/ ..yadva Anena piathanae, etc. (p. 147)

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100 V. M. kulkarni SP (p. 1194) cites three illustrations of the festival called Kaumudipracara. These three illustrations are reproduced here by the author of SM. The present verge may be restored with the help of SP diareNa piAyaNae komuivAseNa kadAmijjate / ohasai parisasuSNa (pA.me. hasai pariosasuSNa) unvaTamuho' haliautto // [devareNa priyAstane kaumudI-vAsena kardamIkRte / upahasati sparzazUnyaM (pA.me. hasati paritoSazUnyaM) uddhRttamukho hAlikaputraH // ] (22-23) Yaksaratri (the Dipali or Dipavali festival) is illustrated with the two gathas 'annevihi honts' etc. and 'sahlaagunyam' etc. The first verse is the same as SK V.v.315, (p 669) as pointed out in my earlier paper already referred to above The aecond verae is really puzzling. The full verse ag printed in SM 18 reproduced below for careful scrutiny: pahiaaguNioM harati veDALatthaNabhara LIo / maaAsavaM mi kosuMbhakacUAmabharaNamettao // That this Prakrit passage 18 a hatchpotcb/medley of two independent gatbas would be seen by a close look at the following gathas. (i) suhAe (1 suNhA a) hiaaguNiaM dAsai diarassa chaNapaIveNa / sajjhasapaapiatthaNaNIsAsa doLi(=li) asiheNa / / [snuSA ca hRdayaguNitaM darzayiSyati devarasya kSaNapradIpena / sAdhvasa-prakampita-stana-ni:zvAsAndolita-zikhena / ] gAmataruNIo hiaa harati poDhANa thaNaharillIo / maaNUsaa(1va)mmi kosuMbhakaMcuAharaNamettAo // [grAmataruNyo hRdayaM haranti praudAnAM stanabhAravatyaH / madanotsave kausumbhakaMcukAbharaNamAtrAH // ] 'pahiagaNirma' of SM is a corruption of 'suNDAa hiaagaNiin the first gatha and the rest of the passage 18 a corruption of the underlined portion in the second gatha. Now, how this medley could have occurred ? It is very probable that the author of SM had adopted the very Illustrationg 'annovl hu honti' etc. and 'sunhae (r sunha a) hiaa-gunlam' etc from SP (p. 1195) to illustrate Yaksa-ratri. He also adopted the Very Sanskrit illustrations form SP to Illustrate the next festival Kamadevapaja-mahotsaya and added one more Prakrit example directly from GS (VI.45) or from SK (p.665) where it occurs 1. SP reads umvaamuI SM reada ucisamuhI, unvaTTa is my emendation,

Page #199
Sahitya-Mimumsu Prakrit Text Restored 101 in identical context. Through scribal error the earlier Prakrit verse illustrating yaksaratri and this newly added Prakrit verse might have got mixed up. ( 24 ) The author of SM adopts the two Prakrit gathas, illustrating Suvasantaka festival, from SP The gatha 'pagguppacchananando' which is corrupt, is corrected with the help of SP (p. 1195 ). SP draws upon GS (25) phaggucchaNaNihosaM keNavi kadama sAhaNaM diNNaM / Na - alasa-muha palor3aMta sea-dhoaM kiNo dhuasi // - GS IV. 69 [ phalgu-kSaNa ( = phAlgunotsava ) nirdoSaM kenApi kardama-prasAdhana dattam / stana-kalaza-mukha praluTatsveda dhautaM kimiti dhAvayasi / / ] Sa cutabhanjka yatha Tum slmae cudaikura" etc (p 148) The first quarter is cited on p 92. The whole verse is correctly presented excepting the printing mistake juiva for juvai The Sanskrit chaya of this gatha (Sakuntala VI 3) is as follows svamasi mayA cRtAGkura datta kAmAya gRhItadhanuSe / pathikajanayuvatilakSyaH paMcAmyAdhika zaro bhava // (26-29 ) The four illustrations of pancalanuyanam festival are drawn from Rajasekhara's famous Sattaka called Karparamanjari, The corrected text and its Sanskrit chaya are given below. (i) hRdhye mahAmaMsabalIdharAo hukAraphekkArarakhA raudA / NisAmarINa paDisIsa ehi aNNA masANAhiNaaM kurNati / / karpUra 4.15 [haste mahAmAMsacalicAriNyo huMkAra - pherakAra rakhA raudrA: / nizAcarINAM pratizIrSakeranyAH zmazAnAbhinayaM kurvanti // ] (ii) imA masIkaca kAlakAA tikaDacAvAu vilAsiNio / puliMdarUveNa jaNassa hAsa samorapicchAharaNA kurNati // karpUra 414 [imA matrIkajala-kAla- kAyAstrikANDacApA jilA sinyaH / pulindarUpeNa janasya hAMsa, samayUrapicchAbharaNAH kurvanti // ] (iii) ko jaMgamasA (pA bhe. kouharu rujaNaNaMganivesA) veNuvAaNaparA avarAo / kAlave saba sahAsialoA osarati paNamaMti hati // karpUra 4.18 [kautUhalajanamapA (pA..kautUhalajananAGganivezA) veNuvAdanaparA aparAH / kAlavezahAtilokA apasaranti praNamanti hasanti ||]

Page #200
102 V. M. Kulkarni (iv) kA vi vAiakarAlahuDukkA (rammamaddalaraveNa maacchI / dollAhi parivADicalAhi callikammakaraNammi paaTTA // ) karpUra 416 [kA pi vAdita karAla-huDukkA (ramyamardalaraveNa mRgAkSI / dorlatAbhyA paripATIcalAbhyA callikarmakaraNe pravRttA // )] (30) "Puccharatassavikahere", etc. (p. 150) The author explains the festival called B kasalmali apd illustrates it with two Prakrit gathas 'Ko eso tti etc - this is corrected in my earlier paper already referred to above The second one "puccharatassa", etc. is corrapt almost beyond recognition. It is correced with the help of GS(V.38) and SP (p. 1191) jo vi Na pucchaha tassa vi kahecha bhaggAi~ teNa valaAI / aiujjuA varAI ahava pio se haAsAe // cf GS V. 38 [yo pi na pRcchati tasyApi kathayati bhagnAni tena valayAni / atitrajukA varAkI athavA priyastasyA hatAzAyAH // ] (31) "chammai piae daio", etc (p. 150) This is one of the verses illustrating 'Kadambayuddha'; hammai piAe daio kalaMbaguccheNa mucchae diaro / hammai daieNa pi pIr3A uNa se savattINa // hinyate priyayA dayitaH kadambagucchena mUrcchati devaraH / hanyate dayitena priyA pIDA punaH tasyAH sapatnInAm // ] Thla verse is cited first in Sp (p. 1193). (32) "Dhanno'si rehaliddahahall", etc. (p 150) This gatha 18 the game as found in SP (P. 1193) and It is included by Weber in his edition of Sapta-Sataka (No 863) dhaNNo si re halidA haliasuApINathaNaharu chage / pecchatassa vi pahaNo jaM tuha kusumAi Niyati // [panyo si re hAridra (=kadamba) hAlikasutApInastanabharotsaGga / prekSamANasyApi patyu: yad tava kusumAni nipatanti // ] (33 to 36) "Asannakudugga" etc (p 1500 This 'prose' passage 18 really not a prose passage. Through acribal error four independent gathas illustrating the festival of nava-patrika are presented as prose. The whole passage is adopled by the author of SM from SP (pp. 1192-93):

Page #201
Sahitya-Mimuns77 Prakrit Text Restored 103 (i) AsaNNakuDuMge juNNadeule bahu-juANa-saMkiNNe thero pai ti mA ruasu pusti diNNAsi suggAme || [AsannakuMje jIrNadevakule bahu-yuva-saMkIrNe / sthaviraH patiriti mA rodihi putri dattAsi sugrAme // ] tA kuNaha kAlaharaNa tuvaratammi vi vare vivAhassa / jA paMhuNahavaAi hoti kumArIe~ aMgAi // (cf. also Skp 668) [tAvat kuruta kAlaharaNa svaramANe pi vare vivAhasya / yAvat pANDunakhapadAni bhavanti kumAryA aGgAni / / ] kahaA jAA kaiA Ni sikkhiA mAuA haakumArI / te taM jANai sanvaM jaM jaM mahilAo jANaMti / / [kadA jAtA kadA nu zikSitA mAtaH hatakumArI / tattajjAnAti sarva yad yad mahilA jAnanti // ] (iv) tattha vi hoti sahIo puttiha (pA. me. puratali) mA zvasu jatya diNNAsi / tattha vi giuMjalIlA tattha vi girivAhiNI golA | [tatrApi bhavanti sakhyaH putri mA gedihi yatra dattAsi / tatrApi nikuMjalIlA tatrApi girivAhinI godA // ] (37&38) Jahi tumam sacca via", etc. (P. 151) This so-called prose passage is made up of the following two gathas: (i) jahi tuma saccavi viNiaMsaNalolirI juANehi / te tattha cciacchette, maaula-unmesaA jaaaa| yitra tvaM dRSTA vinivasamalolanazIlA yuvabhiH / te tatra eva kSetre mRgakulobheSakA jAtAH // ef. SP. P 1195 (ii) luliA gahavaidhUA diNaM va phalaM javehi savisesa / ehi aNivAriameva gohaNa caraTha chetrammi / [lalitA gRhapatiduhitA dattamiva phalaM yavaiH savizeSam / idAnImanivAritameva godhanaM caratu kSetre // ]-cf. SP P. 1195; SK P. 664 The author of SM has obviously adopted the whole passage about *Kunda-caturtht' with the two illustrations from SP (p. 1195), (39-40) "Cinatthanacsuke sadannam", etc (p 152) This passage is extremely corrupt It is printed as prose, A com. parative study of this passage and the pasages from SK in idenctical context helps us to restore the text which is made up of two independent gathas ;

Page #202
104 V, M Kulkarni (1) pINathaNaesu kesara dohaladANummuhIa NivaDato / tuMgasiharaggapaDaNassa jaM phalaM taM tue pattaM / / -cf sK p 666 [pIna staneSu (athavA stanayoH) kesara dohadadAnonmukhyA nipatan / tuGgazikharAma-patanasya yatphalaM tarakhayA prAptam / / ] (i) uttaMsiUNa dohalaviasiAsoamiMduvaaNAe / vihiNo Nipphala-kakellikaraNadoso samuppusio // [uttaMsayitvA dohadavikasitAzokaminduvadanayA / vidheniSphalAzokakaraNadoSaH samutproJchitaH / / ] (41) *Dohalaamappano" etc, These are probably the opening words of a gatha "dohalaamappaNo kiMNa magagase " ityAdi / (p 152) (42) "Ivanadalaapahaja" etc. (p. 152) This gatha is the same as SP(p 1192) or SK(p 623) or GS(W)No 862; NavalaapaharUtthAe ta kama kiMpi haliasuNDAe / je ajja vi juaijaNo ghare ghare sikkhiDa mahai // [navalatApahArotrastayA taskRtaM kimapi hAlika-snuSayA / yadadyApi yuvatijano gRhe gRhe zikSituM kAsati / / ] 1 pahAratuTUThAi, (SK prahAratuSTayA), SP paharuttaTUThAe 2 SK soNhAe, GS bahuAe 3 SK mamai (bhramati) (43) "Satugghayhanabalaa", etc. (p 157) This gathe is the same as GS. III, 62 sA tuha karaNa vAlabha aNisaM gharadAratoraNaNisaNNA / osasaha vadaNamAlibha vva diahaM citra varAI / / [sA tava kRte bAlaka, aniza gRhadvAratoraNaniSaNNA / avazuSyati vandanamAlikeva divasameva varAkI / ] 1 SM Nicca 2 SM osUsara(1 i) vaMdaNamAliNa(1 a) vva diahaM mivikalAhi cira avArAraM (? abikalA hi ciraM avAvAra)

Page #203
bu bu bu bi bi 147 bi ruyyakaviracitA sAhityamImAMsA prAkRtapadyAnAM mAtRkAvarNakrameNAnukramaNikA (yAvacchakyaM mUlasthAnanirdezasahitA) pranthasaGketavivaraNam:- 1 kapUra karpUramajarI. 2, gAthA : gAthAsaptazatI 3. gAthA(ve) : gAthA saptazatI vebara AvRtti 4 mAlatI : mAlatImAdhava 5 vakrokti : vakroktijIvitam 6 veNI: veNIsaMhAram 7. zAkuntala : abhijJAnazAkuntalam 8 zRM pra : zRGgAraprakAza 9. sarasvatI : sarasvatIkaNThAbharaNam 10 siddhahema * siddhahemazabdAnuzAsanam 11. setu : setubandha mahA-kAvyam 12. hemacandra . kAvyAnuzAsanam andoLanaLaMdhiavA (tulanA aMdolaNakkhaNodviAe) sarasvatI 664 pR. 147 akaTamakuTIcandrajyotsnA (tulanAH akaTagumaTI candrajyotsnAH sarasvatI pR 147 accA saNo makira 1 aNiadanue uNa pie ? pR 126 aNeNa piAsthaNae (tulanAH diareNa piAthaNae zu pra 1194) pR. 147 aNNevihi honticaNaNANa (tulanAH aNNe vi hu hoti chaNA : sarasvatI 669: __ zaM.pra 1195) attA taha ramaNijI (tulanA attA taha ramaNijjaH gAthA 1. 8) adasaNeNa pemmaM aveiH gAthA 181 pR. 155 addhakkharUsaNakkhaNa (tulanA atthakkarUsaNaM khaNaH gAthA 7.75) arare kaTAcalaharo? pR 93 aravindakaraNDAlaya ? pR 126 aviaNNapecaNijjeNa (tulanA aviaNhapekkhaNijjeNa: gAthA 193) pR. 61 ahamaruhukuDe 1 pR. 93 aha taha mahatyadiNNo (tulanAH aha tai sahatthadiNNoH sarasvatI 668 pR. 147 zupra 1194) aLaajaNaMti dakahaka A aMbale aNANa (tulanAH AaMbalomaNANa : gAthA 5 73) pR 144 AdiaM aNae gacchasi (tulanAH AsAi aNAeNa hemacandra 54 sarasvato 549) pR. 5 Ama bahaLA banALI (tulanAH Ama bahalA vaNAlI: gAthA 6.78) pR. 102 AvaNaI pariattida .. * * * ? ramaNi raNakkAra''" . ...... AsaNNakuDaNgajaNNa [tulanAH a) AsaNNakuTuMge juNNadeule: za pra. 6290, 1192 A) tA kuNaha kAlaharaNa: sarasvatI 668, zU pra 647, 1193, Sambodh15 2-3 61

Page #204
106 V M. Kulkarni 3. i) kaiA jAA kaiA Nu sikkhiAH gAthA (ve) 825, za pra. 640,1193 I) tatya vi hoti sahIoH gAthA (ve) 825,za'. pra. 1193] imA masIkajjalakAlakAA pR. 149 imiNA saraeNa sasI : lIlAvaI. 25 pR 105 ivaNadaLaapahana (tulanAH NavalaapahAratuTThAeH sarasvatI 623, zaM pra 1192) pR. 152 ucciNa supaDia kusuma (=ucciNasu paDiakusumaM) dhvanyAloka pR. 283 uva NiccaLaNiphaMdA (tulanAH gAthA 1. 4) eka sAvaNa aNNahi (tulanAH ekkahi aksihiM sAvaNuH siddhahema 4. 357) pR 105 ekkarato ruaI piA (tulanA' dhvanyAloka, pR. 383) pR. 96 etto vi Na saccavio (tulanA eMto vi Na saccavioH sarasvatI-372) pR 101 etya Nisajjai atthA (tulanAH etya Ni (Nu) majjai attA: gAthA 7-67) ehamestatvaNimA (tulanAH . pra. 245) elAlavaMgalavalI pR. 126 eso eso vajja......duTThasadULo / kaaMtalIlAidaM karedi (tulanAH mAlatI 3. 15-16) kadA kaTAkSa eNAkSyA kalakala...dusaLo kataLILAidaM karedi (tulanAH mAlatI 3. 15-16) kaLahoujjaLago / pR. 158 kassa va Na hoI roso (dhvanyAloka, pR. 76) pR 51 kApithAriTakarAladukke (tulanAH kAvi vAiakarAlahuDukkAH karpUra 4 15) pR 149 kiMca bahusallarImerI 1 126 ko eso ti paute . (tulanAH ko eso rita paloTu : sarasvatI 665) 149 kodukkaaSaNaggamavesA ? (tulanAH kouhallavasajaMgamavesA, pA. bheH pR. 149 ___ koThaharUlajaNaNaMganivesA : kapUra 4 18) gahaMti piaamApi a (tulanAH gehaMti piaamA piaH sarasvatI 668) gimhadavAggimasImai (tulanAH gimhe davaggimasimahaH gAthA 1. 70 sarasvatI, pR 450, 691) dharaNie mahANasakamma : gAthA 1. 13 pR. 96 dhariNighaNasthaNapeLLaNa : gAthA 3. 61 ghetUNa cuSNamuTThI (tulanAH gAthA 4-12) pR 147 candrito yena mAgniroM ? ciNatyaNAemuke (tulanA : a) pINayaNaesu kesaraH sarasvatI 666 pR. 152 A) uttasiUNa dohala : sarasvatI 666 cintA (ma :) NiadaimasamA : gAthA 1. 60 pR 78 chaNapiThThadhUsarasthaNi (tulanAH sarasvatI 314, 664, pR. 148 zaM. pra. 639, 805) vibo Bibibibi vibio

Page #205
107 Sahitya-Mimunsu Prakrit Text Restored chammai piAe daio 'tulanA: bhagmai (? hammai) piAe daio : zu. pra pR. 193 bi bo to su bi bi bi bio jaM vaha javIra aDDa jayati janatAmivAJchita 93 jassaviLakkagaM tiNaha (tulanA : jassa vilaggati Naha' : setu 1.7) pR. 122 bahitamaM sacca viA (tulanA / a) mAhiturma (? jahiM tumaM) saccaviA / za. pra. 1195) A) luliA gavaidhUA: za pra. 1195 sarasvatI 664) nijIpuupamidisapuraLali ? pR.104 jo jassa hiabhadaio (tulanA : sarasvatI 502, za. pra. 422) Na ko vAhavimokkho setu 11. 55 Naccihie NaDo peccihii (tulanA : Naccihiha NaDo pecchihiha: pR. 152 sarasvatI 670, gR. pra 805) . NavaLapabhara aMge. gAthA 1. 28, za, pra. pR 646,1192, sarasvatI pR.667, pR. 152 Ni adaI daMsaNakkhitta (tulnA : Nia-daia dasaNukkhitta : hemacandra 55, sarasvatI 683) pR. 6 Niae vi kuggaaMNe Nibhu khuNaM sasijairuvA 1 taha Nimia ccisa diTThI (setu 11. 64) tuma Na ANe hiabhaM : zAkuntala 3 17 tuM si mae cUa kura zAkuntala 6. 2 tuM si mae cuMda phura ) tuha karakamaLa kamaLa' (tulanA : zR. pra. pR. 227) pR. 115 te viralA sappurusA (tulanA : te viralA sappurisAH setu 3. 10, sarasvatI pR. 503,pR 104 V. pra. 422) yoArUDhamahumaA (tulanA : sarasvatI, pR. 670) pR. 153 diarassa saraamahura (tulanA : diarassa saramau sarasvatI 669), pR. 148 vividagga......paLaTiTahihaha ? __ pR. 92-93 dUrapaDibaddharAe (tulanA : sarasvatI, pR. 453) de A pahiaNi attasu (tulanA : de A pasia Nivattasu : dhvanyAloka, pR. 54) pR. 5 dohaLabhamappaNo kiNNa ? pR. 152 dhaNNosi re LiddahahaLi (tulanA : dhaNNo si re halidA : gAthA (ve) 861 . pra. 1993) dhIreNa sama jAmA : setu 5. 7 paraguppacchaNaNaMdo (tulanA phaggucchaNaNidosa: gAthA 4. 69) . pra 639, 1195 paNamatha paNaapakupite (tulanA : panamata panaapakuppitaH siddhahema pR. 594, pR. 92 za. pra 102, bRhatkathAyAmAdinamaskAro'yam / atra paidyAcI bhASA iti / ) bi to bi

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108 P. M. Kulkarni 193) bi bi paNamANahamANassahaLA (tulanA * paNamaha mANassa halA : gAthA (ve) 893 paripuccaA Na jappaDa (tulanA : paDiucchiA Na jaMpai, sarasvatI pR 624) pR. 61 paLamavANia ahna tAkarato (tulanA : vANiaa hasthida tA : dhvanyAloka, pR 299) pR. 117 4...sAga aNa ghasaratarA (tulanA : paccUsAgaa rajiadeha : gAthA 7 53) pR. 115 pAmakhimaNehasabbhAva gAthA 2. 99 pANauDIavijaLithaNa (tulanA : pANauDIa vi jaliUga : gAthA 3. 27, pR. 52 sarasvatI, pR. 352) pANasamo ti bhaNato piadasaNa suharasa (tulamA : piadasaNeNa suharasa : sarasvatI pR. 373, gAthA 4.23) pR. 6,101 pisuNatti kAmiNIga (tulanA : pisuNati kAmiNINaM : gAthA 6.58, sarasvato, pR 670) pR. 152 puccharatassavikahera (tulanA : jo vi Na ANai (deg pucchai) tassa vi kahei zRM. pra. 1191, gAthA 5.38 pR 150 pudama vAmaNavihiNA : gAthA 5.25 pR. 158 bahiAvihiasaksijjia (tulanA : sahiAhiM piavisajia : sarasvatI 667 zR.pra.1 pR. 150 *vIbAharitaNaraaNa maNa teNa iraNavastu (tulanA . teNa ira NavalaAe : sarasvatI, pR 636, zU pra. 1192) bhISmaproktAni vAkyAni (tulanA * sarasvatI 148) pR. 93 maliNavasaNANa kaave (tulanA : zRM. pra. 489) maha ehi kiMva panyA (tulanA mahuehi kiMva bAlaa (pA. me paMthima) gAthA (ve) 877 vajjAlaggaM 491 rakkhAmi suNaameNaM rasa jaNattimpaNDati (tulanA / Isa jaNeti dAveMti vammaha : gAthA 4.27) pR. 157 rUpAppitANNa sohae (tulanA : rahanaM pitA Na sohai sarasvatI 666, zR. pra 1196) pR. 148 LacchIe kuvaLaadula pR. 158 LILAe kavaLa (tulanA : lIlAi kuvalaaM kuvala : vakrokti 1.720) pahavivaraNiggapadaLo (tulanA : SavivaraNiggaadalo : gAthA 3.57) pR 117 vAaNaggiNA karo me daddho (tulanA : bAaggiNA karo me : ___ sarasvatI, pR. 669) pR 148 * ciMbAhari-taNu-radaNa-yaNu kaha ThiTha siri-ANaMda / aNuvama-rasu pieM piyavi jaNu sesaho diNNI mudda // siddhahema-8.4 Source given by Dr. Bhayani bo bi bo bi bo bi bu bi se

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109 Sahitya-Mimumsu Prakrit Text Restored pihalai se Nevacchanta (tulanA : vihalai se NeSacchaM : sarasvatI, pR 667) pR. 149 cevasi aNimisaNaaNo (tulanA ko suhaa tujjha doso...majjha / ___ pecchasi aNimisaNaaNo.. jaMpase piThaM / / gAthA(ve) 943 pR. 111 vevirasiNNakaraMguLi (0 karaMguli)-gAthA 3.44 pR 157 zadamANuzamaMzabhAmaNe (tulanA : hada (1 zada) mANuzamazabhoaNe veNI 3.1) pR 92 pahiaaguNima harati (tulanA : (1) suNhAe hiaaguNia : ga. pra. 1195 pR. 147 (2) gAmataruNIbhI hima harati : sarasvatI 665 gAthA 6.45 saMkhakuLammi pR. 121 saggaM apArijA: setu 4,20 pR. 155 saccaM cibha kamao (tulanA . saccaM cia kaTThamao * sarasvatI pR 668) pR. 152 saccaM voLatti jaNA (1 saccaM bollaMti naNA) pR 104 saNi vaJca kisoari (tulanA za.pra. 248) sadokSaeNaNehevahi ? 155 sadasadasaphaNakanaka saraLe (sarale) sAhasarAga parihara : mAlatI 6.10 sahadadhaNNaNo jataha 1 pR. 157 sA tugdhajmaNabALaa (tulanA : sA tuha kaeNa bAlama : gAthA 3-62) pR. 157 sALo cibha sUre (tulanA : sAloe via (? divaa) sUre * gAthA 2.30) pR. 101 sIkariamaNiamuhaveviAi (tulanA : sikkariamaNiamuhave : gAthA 4-92) sevaMti tIravaDDhe akusumabharo : setu 1.61 pR. 121 haMtakkho rAmAhaM tanvo (. hatanvo rAA haMtavyo) ? pR. 126 hasthi puheNa hi zuddha' ? pR. 101 hade himaM saMghamiUNa ! (tulanA hatthe mahAmaMsabalIgharAo : kapUra 4.15) pR 149 biu bibi

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ERGATIVE CONSTRUCTIONS IN INDO-ARYAN Vladimir Miltner So-called ergative constructions are one of the most interesting pheno. mena of the NIA syntex Origloally it 18 an OIA 'passive' turn with verb al adjectives in -ta, -na-, etc. Gonda affirms that "this category 19 not a young one. In original Indo-European it must bave been in frequent use as verbal and other (especially possessive, relational and characterizing) adjectives."1 Further he says that their direct relation to the verbal system developed only in the course of time (which has its importance for the NIA languages above all). As Burrow writes. "In the later bystory of lodo-Aryan, in the Prakrit period, all forms of active preterite were lost, and their place was taken by passive constructions with the participle In -ta This process is reflected in the latter Sanskrit literature; the usual construction becomes maya brahmano drstah 'the Brahman was seen by me' 10stead of aham brahmanam apasyam I saw the Brahman' 2 Such constructions appear more or less frequently not only in the late Sanskrit, as tvaya bhojanam krtam asti, but also in Pali, ag bhasilam petam maharaja bhagavata," in Prakrit, as tassa ca kalenam dhanad evassa vasudatrae donni putta jaya, In A pabhras as sauyehi uccariu sahu sahu,& in old Marathi, as fri gagaraje suttale karaviyale,7 in Gurjar, as rajakanyu mai dith, or in old Hindi, as are eli vara tal kaha kia faha (Damodar) However "the quality of thcae constructions 18 not always the same, it changes stage by stage, although their form romains the same, at least in the early NIA period." Some acholars loclude the NIA ergative constructions into the passive voice system 10 This opinion, however, seems to have arisen from a misunderstanding of the roal position of the orgative construction in the NIA verbal syatem, or from inaccurate formulations. Gonda gives eight reasons for the choice of a pasalve voico construction instead of an active one, but almost none of them can bo applicd to the ergative construction, moreover, Gonda correctly speaks of the aboice of the voice, while in the perfective tenses of the transitive verbs no choice is possibie, the ergative construction being strictly prescribed there as far as Hindi and some other NIA languagos aro concerned 12 Gonda says that "It is the general rule with the passive turn' in many languages that the agent 18 not mentioned. The complete construction.. ... 18, comparativ oly speaking, uncommon."18 In the NIA ergative constructions, on the

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112 Vladimir Miltner but, on the contrary, they represent its coherent part. There is no kard and fast line between the ergative coastructions and the non-ergrtive ones, All the theoretically possible constructions with the sentence part of predicate realized by a form of a transitive verb (without or with a copula or copulative) may be graphically presented as follows P 322.. Sferg YR01 | Sfdire 112 0 hp 322+22. >R 0.1 R 1.1 Olar Ofobl hp 22.., Due to some restrictions fo lowing from the grammatical structure of the NIA languages, 21 only these types of the Sf ("Pf): Of constructions are really possible in the NIA languages NOS Rbp R erg dir 0 1 erg obl 01 322 .. erg dir 01 322.. ob] 0 1 erg 322... 322. dir f f erg 1:1 11 obi org dir 1:1 obl 11 322. 322+22.. 322722.. 322+22 322+22.. dir 1.1 ob! 1:1 dir f 17 22 .. obl 1.1 alr 0:1 0:1 22... 0:1

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Ergative Constructions in Indo-Aryan contrary, it is the lack of the agent which is comparatively uncommon, although such cases may be found here and there.14 111 Leaving aside the reasonabllity of the opinion that any active construction may be converted into a passive one, 15 it follows from what has been just said that the ergative constructions cannot be held for passive ones simply because they normally cannot be substituted by active constructions without the change of the verbal tense or aspect, or both, and also because, con. trary to the passive voice, the agent 18 expressed in their absolute majority Moreover, we could call in question even the passivity of the Sanskrit constructions with the verbal adjectives, too their agent is put always in the forms of the instrumental case, while the agent in the passive proper 10 -ya-, if there is any at all, is usually in the form of the ablative case, 16 The real NIA passive voice is formed periphrastically by means of some auxiliary verbs17 and all the verbal forms which the active voice has Thus, if the verbal forms used in the ergative constructions were included into the passive voice system, then the perfective tenses of auch verbs would be doubled there, and, simultaneously, they would lack in the system of the active voice,18 While inquiring into the ergative constructions of Hindi, it proves very useful to take in the account also the ergative constructions common in other NIA languages-then the phenomenon becomes easier to be grasped in detail, and, at the same time, generally 10 In the NIA ergative constructions the sentence part function of prodicate is performed by the functor 322 (adjective participles of transitive verbs)20 or another functor accompanied with a copulative verb the functor which is 322. The sentence part of subject is realized by a functor in the ergative (or, sometimes, oblique or instrumental) case, and the sentence part of object, if there is any, is expressed by a functor in the direct (nominative) or oblique (dative) form of the accusative case. As to the formal syntactic relationships, the verb agrees with either the sentence part of object or the sentence part of subject, or it does not agree with any of them Sometimes, however, the personal suffixes of the finite verbal forms are joint with the 322's, so that the sentence part of predicate agrees with both the sentence parts of object and subject simultaneously. Then, consequently, the ergative case of the sentence part of subject loses its raison d'etre and can be replaced by the nominative case-- and really, such constructions are found in some NIA languages. The NIA ergative constructions are not an isolated segment in the whole system of the Sf. hpf. Of (subject-predicate-object) constructions,

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Ergative Constructions in Indo-Aryan 113 How the wonderful system of the NIA ergative constructions might come into existence, how did it develop ? Most probably, many elements and features of the constructions already existing exerted simultaneons influence upon the constructions just coming into use in the present time it 18 almost impossible to trace exactly the ways of development of the ergative constructions, their formal assimilation to the active proper in some NIA languages, and their mutual dissimilation in others. We are sure only of their OIA source (do we know all of it?) and of their comparatively recent diversity The strong tendency towards the active voice can be followed here without any difficulty. And the process of development must have proceeded step by step, most probabably by consecutive contaminations of the particular construction types under the unquestioned influence of Dot only the OIA and MIA passive turns with the verbal adjectives, but also the NIA active constructions, and under the mutual influence among themselves as well Before I put forward a presumable way of the evolution of the NIA ergative constructions, as it seems to be most likely, we should 11st the morphological and syntactical features which did not occur in the primary "passive' construction as we know it formally from OIA and MIA which however played a stimulating role in the rise of new constructions unknown till then. Let us assign the Roman figure I to the old (passive' turn as a whole; the other relevant features are II The fuactor performing the sentencepart function of object is put 10 the direct (nominative) form of the accusative case III The functor performing the sentence part function of object is put in the oblique (dative) form of the accusative case. IV The functor 322. (or the verbal adjective 10 OIA and MIA) performing the sentence part function of predicate does not agree with that of object because the sentence part function of object is either realized by a clause, or remaing unexpressed. V The functors performing the sentence part functions predicate and of subject agree in gender, irrespective of such categories as number, case and person. VI The functors performing the sentence part functions of predicato and of subject agree in person, irrespective of such categories as gender, number and case. VII The functor performing the sentence part fuaction of subject 18 put direct (nominative) case Sambodhi 5.2-3

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114 Vladimir Miliner Now, having denoted the probable stimulating elements with the figures from I to VII and the newly developed ergative and other active constru ctions with the so-called Arabic figures from 1 to 8 (all with a aod b). we can imagine the historical development, so to say, from the OIA passive' to the NIA active approximately in this way. 184 I+II Sa+ 4a+VII Ibt I-III 564 4b+VII 204 19 HIV 6a+ 3a + VII 254 16 HIV 6b4 3b+VII 384 2a+V 784 28+VII 34 26+V 7b4 2b+VII 404 30+VI and, for the sake of consistency, 454 3b+VI also 88% la+ VII and 864 16+ VII, although they are unlikely. EXAMPLES: (la) Hindi roda raula-vela vakhani (Roda), kini dekhyau kini kaht bata yaha (Sar), rekha tinha khact (Tulsi), 93 lakht ne muskrakar muh pher liga (Varme), dhautaye ba ne dekho to ghuriya na pat (Braj)," tab vahi ma se u rani ne javabu dao kt ham phalani ahinu auru apnu sab bitha taya se kahi dan (Kannauji), 85, Afghon tutakal-na mare kar-a Cati barayo,, Bengali rukhera tentuli kumbhire khai (Carya):27 Gujarati sardas patr lakhyo 28 Marathi tyung kay mhatle ahe, 29 Nepali tyas kisimko mrnay ta partile gareko thyo; 80 Panjabi khetivart de kamm vc unha ne hairan karanvan trakkt kitt hat;#1 Rajasthadi choral rogi khayi,32 Sindhi dah khat mu likhya hua88 etc (16) Gurjar sundant nat bharathai rakhi; 84 Gujarati nrsihlale chokrine pahel besadi,85 Rajasthani banya apki lugai nai jaga1,36 Marathi palmike satakofi grath kela.az (2a) Afghoa minja muallim-ta ek handi dineo 18 (26) Hlodi vdiappana prathiraja nai tha supanatara cinha (Cand), kyo re sudra tai ne ina brahmanana ko kyo maryo hai (Gokulnath) qur vidyarthiyo ne us pad ke liye sita ko niyukt kiya (Colloquial), raja ne rani ko buloao (Braj), 38 Gujarati rami janiu sila nai (Madhavanal); Marathi tyane aplya mulas salat pathvile; 40

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Ergative Constructions in Indo-Aryan 115 Nepali ye bhumt kan ravan adi le bhari banai diya: Panjabi mai teri bhain ni viah to pahula vekhin.2 (Ba) Hindi mo so gava ke logana ne yaha bata batde hai (Gokuloath), in chinal ne mera ghar ghali (Dakkhini), 48 Marathi tyane apla mulga falet pathvila, Nepali ay maile besri bhat khaeko chu. 46 (36) Hindi uno bhi bat ko khole hal (Dakkhini) < Marathi tyane aplya mulas falet pathvila; 47 Nepali ramle ravanlar mara, (4a) Marathi tva slfth dadlts 49 (46) No example found till DON (50) Marathi ta pustake vuclis. so (56) No example found till now (69) Hindi sakhint ofa salakhaha gharani dullaha duti driga dekat koti kama chavi pikhkha pitha janamu saphalu karilekh (Cand). yaha to tuma thika kahe (Gokujaath), bahu jale ul laufat tale tini gulgula nikari lihisi (Avadhi),62 Marathi mi tujh gost visarlo,53 Nopali cane ma ekio hu cahe buya gareko hu;5g Romani mam tu man dinal frima mas. (66) Hindi tumako srtacaryaji bulaye hai (Gokulnath), Romani ic me dithiom tire chaves foroste.56 (7a) Hindi bacci koi citthi nahi bhej diya (Bazaru). (75) Hindi lekin pulisvala log ham ko khub mar dlya (Bazare) Cernysev thinks that the gentence part function of subject most necessarily be expressed in any ergative construction 46 This opinion is not correct. Like in other active coustructions, the sentenco part function of aubiect need not be performed at all times here, as it is evident in many ergative constructions not only in Hindi and its dialects, but in other NIA languages as well: Hindi tohi magi magano na magano kahayo (Tulsi), taba friacaryaji ke darasana kiye (Gokulnatb), tarkas me se lohe ka ek tir nikalkar usko diya (Varma), Apabhras na nisuniu paca mahaya kabbu nal bharahu na lakkhanu chadu sabbu (Svayabhu),57 Bongali para zara na kiat atthi na dian dana (Sarab),69

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116 Vladimir Maliner Gurjar candanabala nu holha parahat kid hal,60 Marathi tava srimurtisi sarvagi calana volagavile phule volagavili co tabola thecauni srimukhi ghatale nava voli szula srimartiyari volagavilu paguravila maga kidadievari sayana kele, etc Sometimes, when the subject is not realized, the construction is better interpreted as a non-ergative one, i e, with the predicate functor 31. or 321..., as e. g. micu hati likhi (Jay81), so madira ki niva khod: (Gokuloath), kab se narsig hom khola hai (Prabhakar), 61 When describing the ergative constructions 10 Tulsi's works, Srivastav saya inter alis that the 1st person plural markers of the predicate functor are - and-, and the 2nd person plural markers are- and-e, as kaha in upana carta kaha mai gai, or bisari in svaratha rata prabhu bhagati bisuri, or dekhi in tumha dekhi sita mrganaini, or dhure in tumha priya pahune bana pagu dhare, 62 Thus, ho makes evident that he did not understand the real structure of the ergative construution and its position in the verbal system of the Hindi language, 68 In older stages of Hindi, the subject's functor is often put in the simple oblique case which is formally identical with the nominative, e, g. syama putand pachari (Sur), ye mero kahyo na manyo (Gokalnath), szilha jaga moi (Dhola-Maru). The actual use of the oblique, however, 18 proved, if the sootence part of snbject is expanded by a dependent sentence part expressed by a congruent functor, o. g. terat lala makhana khayau (Sar), thl murah kachu bhalau na kinau (Sur). The Occurrence of the syntactical constructions mentioned above is very different, as far as particular NIA languages are concerned [n mod. rn standard Hindi, only la and 2b are possible, while in Gujarati lb also appears, and 10 Marathi not only these, but 34, 36, 4a, 5a, and 69 occur as well. So ne of the constructions, although expected, have not been met with till now Theoretically, however, they are well possible and probable, and may be found in other texts or in other NIA languages or dialects which have not been coasidered here, or they may develop in times to come. The unity of content and form, ie, the unity of the 'passive structure and the active meaning, was developiag due to the conflict between them Finally, the process led to the change of quantity into quality - to the resulting constructions which, being already wholly active even regarding their gyntactical form, havo closed a turn of the dialectical development,

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Ergative Constructions in Indo-Aryan 119 NOTES 1 Gonda 1951, pp 7-8 2 Burrow 1959, p 354 3 Vale 1948, p 249 4 Elizarenkova-Toperov 1985, p 101 5 Chatterji-Sen 1960, p 55. 6 Sakrtyayan 1945, p 200 Comp kheddaya kayamamhehi nicchaya, Hemcandra 1960, p 91 7 Tulpule 1960, p 84 8 Tessitori 1914-1916, pp 166, 202. 9 Further on, however, the form of the primary ergative construction yields to changes as well 10 For instance, Chatterji 1960, p 128, Thumb 1958, pp. 125 ff, who has been criticized by Schmid 1959, p 295, Kellogg 1955, pp. 76, 238-239, Marouzeau 1951, p 347 A certain inclination to this may be seen even in Porizka 1963, pp 179-180. 11 Gonda 1951, pp 3-4 12 Here, I speak of the modern standard Hindi only, and not of its older stages or dialects, or of other NIA languages 18 Gonda 1951, p 4 14 In this connection, comp. Meillet 1921, pp. 195-196. 15 Comp. Gonda 1951, p 2, who rightly considers such an opinion "foolish, but almost ineradicable' 16 Witness almost all the examples quoted in Gonda 1951, passim. 17 Comp. og Tivari 2018 vi, p 483; Vajdeyi 2014 vi, pp. 408 ff., Vale 1948, passim, esp pp 230-231, but be cautious, please, as some instances are not fit there Some archaic remnants of the old synthetic passive need not be considered here 18 See a quite reasonable discussion of the problem in Cernybev 1965, pp. 50 ff. Some of his further statements, however, are incorrect, especially his notion of two aubjects in the ergative construction, Cernysev 1965, pp 52 ff, 19 Never I mot with such Hindi constructions as mentioned in Kellogg 1955, pp. 406407. hari avtar lekar bacana pran dast ka parmevar ne, kahna sukdevjt ne katha gajendr vo grah ki, and ja re us pac pandvo ne mera kya karne ka hal Comp., however, Panjabi mohan ne vidiartha banna st, and Je balvant sigh na marda ta us ne subedar yakin ban Jana st, Marathi tyane tethe jayce, and tyane he kam karnya-purvi ma tyala bhejen, or Nepali maile hijo gareko kam... and taparle dinubhaeko kitap malle hei eko chulna, Gill-Gleason 1963, p 246, Katenina 1963a, p. 90, Clark 1963, pp. 185, 195 20 For the symbols used readers should refer to Miltner 1970, and Miltner to be pubIlshed The three points after the figures mean "and the fanctors with the same distribution", ie, not only 322, but also 1 322, 322 21 etc The symbol 322+22 clenotes the perfective participle of a transitive verb with a personal suffix joint; such a functor does not exist in modern standard Hindi, but it is common a g. in Romani (Gypsy) 21 For instance, hp 22 .cannot agree simultaneously with both Sf and of, and similar limitations 22 The sign of-+ is used as the symbol of contamination and the arrow denotes the direction of the devolopment

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118 Vladimir Miltner 23 Saksena 1937, P 172 24 Varma 1956, p. 36 25 Varma 1956, p. 38 26 Crapskij 1960, p 7 27 Mukherji 1963, P 92 28 Vyds 1949, P 176. Comp, Sastri 1960, pp 190 FF 29 Katenina 1963b, p 226 30 Korolav 1965, p 133 31 Tolstaja 1960, p 50 S2 Svam sa, P 67. 33 Egorova 1966, p 93 34 Tosutori 1914-1916, p 167 35 Savel'eva 1965, p 63 36 Varmi 1956, p. 54 Such constructions appear here and there in Hindi, too, but are considered as incorrect, comp Varmma 2011 vi, pp 194, 263 97 Magrulkar-Arjunyadkar 1958, p. 133 38 Oransky 1960, p 7 Such cases as Gurjar sravakti deva pujidu are not convincing ; Bloch 1934, p. 272, however, interprets deva as devaya "et non deval". 39 Caturyedi 1961, p 64 40 Bloch 1919, p 296 41 Srivastava 1962, p. 94. 42 Tolstaja 1960, p 50. Comp also the constructions with 0 91 (and also with 0,4), og tau moherevva kaha mansava te ki jakl ka larhy ma baltha leu (Avadhi), Saksena 1937, p. 450 43 Saksena 1952, P 57, 44 Bloch 1919, p. 296, comp also Apta 1962, pp. 15 ff 45 Clark 1963, P 195 Comp also Nepali tintharule anand mane, and besyale bhas, Bloch 1934, pp. 275-276. In Sanskrit eg. prabhukta odanam devadottah, Jha 1958, p. 542, Bhattoji 1986 w, pp. 388, 411 Such cases as Braj tab kortya kt maitart ne kaht kl beja jab thakuru khust ho lab ayat ser ra mag liye are not identical with these constructions because of bat being elided, Varmi 1956, p. 36. This becomes clearer when seeing such sentences as Braj thakur ni kahy ki ka giri pars, or Bundeli upme se ek jane kaya ki suno bhalyya, Varma 1956, pp 36, 41 46 Salsen 1952, p 34 47 Bloch 1919, p 296 Other examples see in Navulkar 1925, pp. 248 fp 48 Miltner 1965, P 146 Comp Sanskrit ity ukto rajaputrena, quoted in Gonda 1951, p 72 Also Panjabi constructions as kurs ne mude ni mardy hat are quite interest ing, sigh 1961, p105 The tendency towards the active proper may be seen also in Niya kadamha, pasidomhl, prahldesl, Bloch 1934, p 276 49 Comp, Miltaer 1965, pp 145-146 50 Katonina 1963. p. 90. Comp also Bloch 1919, p 297, Magralkar -Arjunyadlar 1958, p. 132. 51 Saksena 1937, p. 432, In Hindi og. bharat ke any prant ann sacay kiya hal is con sidered to be incorrect; Varmma 2011 vi, p 262 Such cases, however have no thing in common with the ergative constructions, comp eg mai akhe band kiyo paya him, or bahut st lapklva prokaspalt ko ghere hue thi, Porizka 1963, pp 960,384 A quite different thing are eg is waste toom apna Terkeeko acha talem kyeho or kleaho, annab hamko tatjob kela saheb, and ham cable soona nay asa taomse, Lebedeff 1963, pp. 99, 105, 112. 44 Bloch 1919P: 195 Comp also Nepales, prabhukte apna terk PP. 99, 105, 119 Kela sakeb, and tom

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Ergatie Constructions in Indo-Aryan 119 52 Bloch 1919, p 297 53 Clark 1963, P 198 54 Lipa 1963, P 37 55 Multner 1958, p. 123 56 Cernyaev 1965, p 52, Strangely enough, moreover, Cernydev is of the opinion that there are two subjects and one predicate in the ergative constructions, further he gives more precision to this statement and labels the sentence part of object as "objective subject" or "con-subject", Cernyfev 1965, pp. 52 ff, 87 sakrtyoyan 1945, p 22 58 Sakrtykyan 1945, p 16, 59 Tessitori 1914-1916, P 96 60 Tulpule 1960, p 108. 61 Co np also Nepali sag nathaeko dheral din bhayo, Clark 1963, p. 180. Srlvastay 2014 vi, pp. 141 ff 63 Also in Tessitor 1914-1916, p 166, soma misunderstandings with regard to the ergative constructions may be found. BIBLOGRAPHY Apte, M, L., Linguistic acculturation and its relation to urbanization and socio-economic factors, Indian Linguistics 23.5-25 (1962). Bbatioji Diksit, Valyakaranasiddhantakaumudi, ed by G S. Nene (Kass, 1986 vi.). Bloch, J., La formation de la langue marathe (Paris, 1919), Marathi transla tion Marathi bhaseca vikas (Pune, 1941). Bloch, J, L'indo-aryen du veda aux temps modernes (Paris, 1934). Burrow, T, The Sanskrit Language (London, 1959). Caturvedi, R S., Agra zile ki bolt (liahabad, 1961) Chatterji, S. K., Indo-Aryan and Hindia (Calcutta, 1960). Chatterji, S K, and Sen, S A middle Indo-Aryan reader (Calcutta, 1960). Clark, TW, Introduction to Nepali (Cambridge, 1963). Cernysev, V A, Sintaksis prostogo predlozenija v Xindi (Moscow, 1965). Damodar, Ukti-vyaktl-prakaran, ed by Jina Vijaya Munj (Bombay, 1953). Egorova, R. P , Jazyk sindxi (Moscow, 1966), Elizarenkova, T. Ja., and Toporov, V N., Jazyk pali (Moscow, 1955), Gill, H S, and Gleason, H. A., A reference grammar of panjabl (Hartford, 1963). Gonda, J., Remarks on the Sanskrit passive (Lejdon, 1951). Hemacandra, Siddhahemagat apabhras vyukaran, ed by H. C Bhayani (Mubar, 1960) Jha, s, The formation of the Malthulu language (London, 1958). Katonina, Te, Jazyk maratxi (Moscow, 1963a). Katenina, T, B, Ocerk grammatiki jazyka maratxi (Moscow, 1963b). Kellogg, S, H., 4 grammar of the Hindi language (London, 1955).

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120 Vladimir Miltner Korolev, N I., Jazyk nepal: (Moscow, 1965). Lebedeff, H, A grammal of the pure and mixed East Indian dialects2 (Calcutta, 1963). Lipa, J, prirucka cikanstiny (Prague, 1963) Marouzeau, J, Lexique de la terminologie linguistiques (Paris, 1951). Magrulkar, A, and Arjunvadkar, K S, Maruthi ghatnai, racha, parampara (Pune, 1958). Mejllet, A, Linguistique historique et linguistique generale (Paria, 1921). Miltner, V, "From OIA passive to NIA active", Astan and African Studies 1.143-146(1965). Miltner, V., Theory of Hindi syntax descriptive, generative, transformational (The Hague-Paris, 1970) Miitner V., Hindi syntagmatics (in press at Munshiram Manoharlal Publi shing House, Deihi) Mukherji, T, The old Bengali language and text (Calcutta, 1963). Navalkar G R., The student's Marathi grammar (Poona, 1925). Oranskij I, M, Ob obnaruzennom v Srednej Azul indliskom dialekte (Moscow, 1960) Porizka V, Hindstina. Hindi language course, part 1 (Prague 1963). Saksena, B. R, Evolution of Awadhi (Allahabad, 1937). Saksena B. R, Dakkhini hindi (Ijahabad, 1952) Savel'eva L. V., Jazky gudzarati (Moscow, 1965). Sakrtyayan, R., Hindi kavya-dhura (Ilahabad, 1945). Schmid, W P., review of Thumb 1958, Indogermaniche Forschungen 64.287-298(1959). Sigh, G. L., Malfrik viakaran te Condo pajubi lekh(Jaladhar,1961). Srivastava, D, Nepali language, its history and development (Calcutta, 1962). Svam, N D., Saksipt rajasthani vyakaran (Bikaner, s.a). Sastri, KK, Gujrati bhasanu paraparlk vyakaran (Vadodra, 1960). Srivastav, D, N., Tulsidas ki bhasa (Lakhnau, 2014 vi,). Tessitori, L. P "Notes of the old westora Rajasthani with special reference to Apabhramsa and Gujarati and Marwarl", Indlan Antiquary 1914-1916, Hindi translation puruni tujasthani (KASI, 2012 vi,) Thumb, A, Handbuch des Sanskrit: Vol 1, part 1 (Heidelberg, 1958). Tivari, U, N, Hindi bhasa ku udgam aur vikas (Prayag, 2018 vi) Tolstaja, N I, Jazyk pandzabi (Moscow, 1960). Tulpule, s G, An old Maratlu reader (Poona, 1960). Vale, RN, Verbal Composition in Indo-Aryan (Poona, 1948). Varma, Dh., Gramin hidio (Ihalabad, 1956). Varmma, RC, Acchr hindie (Bantras, 2011 vi.). Vajpeyr, K D., Hindi sabdanusisan (Kasi, 2014, vi.). Vyas, K. B., Gujrati bhagani wakaran ane suddhlekhana (Mubai, 1949),

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THE JAINAS AND THE WESTERN SCHOLAR* Padmanabh S Jajai Anyone seeking to evaluate the Western contribution to 'Jaina studios cannot but be struck by the degree to which work on Jainism has lagged bebind that devoted to both Hinduism and Buddhism. The history of Westero scholarship in Buddhism in particular is a long and colourful ono, covering a period of more than one hundred fifty years and including such interesting personalities as Csoma de Koros, Sarat Chandra Das, Sir Aurel Stien, Datsetz Testaro Suzuki, and Gluseppe Tucci. In comparison tho history of Jaina studies is brief and uninspired the main portion of the Western scholarship in Jainism was completed during a period of about sixty years beginning toward the end of the last century; the scholars of Jainism during this period were interested lesg 10 the religion itself than in the linguistic peculiarities of the Prakrits and Apabhrapasa in which Jalpa works were written Beyond this linguistic interest their religion was approached primarily as a tool for the comparative study of Buddhjem. What little work has been done exclusively on Jainism would seemi to suffer from a lack of communication. The general impression that one receives when he looks into the relationship of Jainism and Western scholor! ship is that there is almost no interaction between the Western scho. lars and the object of their study with few notable exceptions, such as Jacobi and Stevenson, most Western scholars of Jaicism have had no contact with the Jajna community in India. As for their contact with the indi. genoug Jaina scholarship, it has been restricted to what was avajlable to them in the English writings of a few notable Jainologists like Jagmandorlal Jaini, Hiralal Jain and the late Professor A. N Upadhye. Few Wostern scholars show any acquaintance with the vast amount of work published in Hindi (and/or Gujarati) during the last fifty years by such eminent Pandits as Jogal Kishor Mukhtar, Nathuram Premi, Mahendra Kumar Nyayacarya, Kamta Prasad Jain, Muni Punyavijaya, Muni Jlnavijaya, Sukhalal Sanghavi, Bechardas Doshi, Kailash Chandra Shastri, Phoolchandra Siddhaatashastri and Dalsukh Malvadja 1 The writings of these Pandits, although occasionally tinged with sectarian spirit, have had a tremendous influenco on the Jaina community and continue to be a major factor do shaping its attitudes and ancient institutions 10 response to the needs of the presont time. Tbe majority of Western works about Jajonsm were originally written in German, a much smaller numbes 10 Eaglish. The history of Jalog Sambodhi 5,2-3

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122 Padmanabh S. Jaini studies may be said to begin with the edition and translation of Hemacandra's Yoagsastra by Windisch, publisched in Leipzig in 1874. This was followed by Weber's Uber die heiligen Schriften der Jaina In 1883, and the works of Hoerale (1885), and Schrader (1902) The notable succesaors of those pioneers wore Buhier, Jacobi, Glasenapp and Schubring. Bubler's brlof essay Ueber die Indische Secte der Jaina (1887)-translated into English by Burgess under the title on the Indian Sect of the Jainas (London 1903)-remains even to this day the best introduction to the Jaina religion, It established the independence of Jainism from Buddhism and gave frosh hopes for fading what Bubler calls the boundaries of originality between the different systems," Jacobi's major work, the Jaina sutras (SBE, 1882 and 1884), placed Jaina studies on a firm foundation, and established the antiquity of Jainism over Buddhism. His translation of the Tattoartha-sutra (1906) laid the basis for a systematic study of Jaina sastras and their vast non-canonical literature in Sanskrit. Glaseapp's Doctrine of Karman in Jaina Philosophy (Eng. tr. 1921) carried this study further, introduoing a now aet of technical literature known as the karma-grantha. Scbubring's learned work, Die Lehre der Jainas (1938)-recently translated into Boglish aa The Doctrins of the Jalnas (Delhi 1962)-may be considered the culmination of this line of resoarch; nothing more substantial has appeared subsequently on the Continent in the field of Jaina studies, Outside of Germany the frenchman Gueridot was the only major continental contributor to Jaina studies. His monumental Essai de Bibliographie Jaina (1906), is the only significant bibliographical work on Jainism, and served as a basis for Winteroitz's section on Jaina literature in his History of Indian Literature (1933), still the only comprehensive hiatoy of Jaina literature. In England the major emphasia in Indological studies was placed on the Vedas and Brahmanism on the one hand, and Pali and Buddhism on the other. The names of Max Muller, Arthur Macdonell and A. B. Keith are Associated with the former, those of Mr and Mrs. Rhys Davids and the Pall Text Society, with the latter. It is of some interest to note here that one of the earliest pablications of tho Pali Text Society was the first critical edition of the Ayaranga Sutta by Jacobi in 1882 2 One might have expected this to lead to the founding of a parallel Prakrit Text Socistv.d but the Ayaranga was destined to be the only Jaina text ever to be publlsbod in England. On the whole Jaina studies drew little attention, with several notable exceptions. Most early English references to Jalnism were mounts of travel in India during the period of the East India Company. those of Buchanan and Colonel Tod (Travels in Western India, 1839). The first British contribution to Jaina scholarship was probably Jam Ferguson's History of Indian and Eastern Architecture (1891 in which + author devoted two excellent chapters to the North and South Indian Jalna

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The Jainas and the Western Scholar 123 temples. J Burgess' article on Jalna iconography (IA 1903) provided further information in English about Jama mythology, particularly that of the Digambar sect L. D. Barnett, in 1907, was responsible for the translation of two Jaina canonical texts, the Antagadadasao and the Aquitarovavalyadasao. And credit for real scholarly work, including field work, must go to Mrs, Stevenson of the Irish Mission in Gujarat, whose Heart of Jainism (1915) was the first Western work popularly read in both East and West by sociologists and students of religion. In America there are only two names prominent In Jaina studles. Maurice Bloomfield published a translation of the Parsvanatha-carita in 1919. And the Late Professor W, Norman Brown published a translation of the Kalakaca: ya katha in 1933, as well as Miniature Paintings of the Jaina Kalpasutra (1934) and Manuscript Illustrations of the Uttaradhyayana Sutra (1941). It would be accurate to say that by the beginning of World War II Western Jaina studies were at a standstill On the Continent and in the English-speaking world, Jainism attracted little sustained study. Alsdorf, Frauwallner, and Renou all devoted sections of major works on Indian religions to Jainism, and some of their remarks are significant, but no independent works approaching Jainism from a religious point of view were forthcoming. Historians and sociologists, however, continued to devote some attention to Jainism, Max Weber (The Religion of India) touched upon Jaina society in order to compare it with that of Buddhism. The historian Vincent Smith in his Jaina Stupas and other Antiquities of Mathura (1901) ia to be credited with giving due attention to the ancientness of Jainism, and with placing the religion in its correct historical perspective, a perspective which is also apparent in his work on Akbar the Great Moghul. B. Lewis Rice, Director of Archaelogical Research in Mysore, in his voluminous publication of bundreds of Karnatic Jaina inscriptions (Epigraphica Carnatica, 1886-1904), helped to establish the value of Jaina sources for historical studies. Among the more recent and contemporary scholars, one must mention Heinrich Zimmer, the only religious historian to turn his attention to Jainsim. Zimmer devoted a hundred pages of his Philosophies of India (1951) to Jainism, drawing heavily upon Bloomfield's The Life and Stories of the Jaina Savior Parsvanatha (1919) and emphasizing the earher perlod of the religion, Basham's book, the History and Doctrine of the Aftvikas (1951), depends largely on Jaina sources for the life and career of Makkhall Gosala. Basham takes Jaina history back past the life of Mahavira, and emphasizes the influence of the Ajvikas on Jaina thought, Lastly R. Willi ams' Jaina Yoga A Survey of the Mediaeval Sravakacaras (1963) is the most systematic western work on Jainism, which brings together a large corpus of medieval literature on the lay discipline,

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Padmanabh S. Jaini Western scholars have been attracted to Jaina studies for various red sons, but almost none of them have been motivated by a passionate interest In Jainiam as a wholo and for its own sake Congequently there have been great gaps in Western knowledge of Jainsim, caused by the general super ficiality of Western study as well as by the failure of most Western scholars ovon to recognize certain crucial areas in Jaina studies For the remainder of this paper I shall criticize the lack of attention to three critical aspects of Jainism first, the sect of the Digambars, who have been neglected almost completely in favour of the Svetambaras, second, the question of determinism in Jainism and its relationship to the niyativada of the Ajivikas, and last, the soclololgy of Jainism, which, in comparison with even the most minor of the Indian religions and culta, has not been studied to any sufficient extent Ironically, it was Jacobi, one of the most dedicated Western scholars on Jainism, who was alao largely reaponsible for the Western acceptance of Svetambara claims to authenticity and for the conseqent neglect of the Digambaras. Jacobi was the first to discover the importance of Kesz-Gaya tama samvada' of the Uttaradhyayana sutraAs 13 well known, this Svetambara canonical text records the dfalogue between Kesi, a disciple in the mendicant tradition of Parsva, and Gautama, the chief disciple of Mahavira, It is alleged there that the mendicant disciples of Parsya followed the cauljama-dhamma, translated by Jacobi as the "Law of the four vows," as Opposed to the panca-mahavratas, the "Law of the five vows" laid down by Mabavira, The dialogue further claims that the mendicant disciples of Parkva wore clothes, as do the present-day Svetambara monks, whereas nudity was made obligatory by Mahavira for his ascetic disciples Jacobi correctly showed the identity of the Jaina cauzjuma-dhamma with the Pali catuyama -samvara attributed to Nigaatha Nataputta (1. c Mahavira) in the 'SamaMaphala sutta' of the Dighanikaya Although the Pali term 18 obscure Jacobi was able to demonstrato that the Buddhist references must be to the school of Parava, thereby establishing the posteriority of Buddbism to Jainism, Bat in dolng this he was guided by the Sveta mbaca meaning of the term caurlama, and appear to be lending his support to the Svetambara claims that the two Jinas abided by different sets of laws, and that, most impo. rtantly, the wearing of clothes 13 justified by a tradition going back to Pariya's time. Thus Jacobi appeared to have granted external support for the authonticity of the Svetambara canonical texts Since the Digambaras do not acoept the Svetambara canonical texts, and bave no canonical texts of their own, Jacobi's findings focused attention on the Svetambara tradition. and led to the almost complete neglect of the vast Digambara literature, The consequences of Jacobi's interpretation may be seen in works of Weber

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The Jainas and the Western Scholar 125 and Renou who follow his support of the Svciambra view of the begindings of ascetic nudity in the Jaina order This provoked the Digambaras, who in due course were obliged to respond to the results of Jacobi's work in order to defend their own tradition They discovered that, although caujama-dhamma was indeed a doctrine of Parsya, Jacobi, depending exclusively on the later (8th century) Svetambara commentaries, interpreted the doctrine 10correctly Professor Profulla Kumar Modi, for instance, bas pointed out (in his Hindi Introduction to the Pasanahacarlu, Prakrit Text Series, (1965) that the caujfama-samvara did not really consist of four vowa (vratas) as alleged by the Svelambara commentators and endorsed by Jacobi, but rather a single great restraint (samyama) called samagika In support of his contention Professor Modi quotes the Acuranga-sztra, where it is said that Mabayira himself accepeted this stamayika caritra" (conduct) with the words, "I shall not perform any eyil acts whatsoever " He further maintajos that the term "fourfold' must be seen in this context not as referring to four specific vows but rather as explained in the Sthananga-sutra, to the four modalities through wbich improper deeds may find expressions. Viz, mind, speech, body and the senses (or, permissible possessions of a monk ). On the basis of bis findings, Professor Modi has concluded that Mabavira simply elaborated the samayka restraint, which had been taught by Parava as well Whatever the merit of his fladi. nge, Professor Modi has succeeded 10 presentinga Digambra perspective on this controversial problom which remained untouched since the publication of Jacobi's thesis in 1884. Western Jaina scholarship, then, has been essentially Svetambara scholarship Western scholars have favoured this school not only by translating canonical texts, which are by definition Svetambara, but also by their translations of non-canonical works - eg Hemacandra's Trisasti-salaka-Purusacarita, translated by Johnson in the GO.S., Kumarapalapratibodha translated by Alsdorf; and Anyayoga-vyavacchedika (together with Mallisena's commentary Syadyadamanyart translated by F. W Thomas. In contrast, the Digambara authors like Kondakunda, Samantabbadra, Pujyapada, Jinasena, Akalanka. Vidyanandi, Somadeva, and Asadhara, to mention only the most eminent. have been totally ignored, Virtually none of the works of these merruar bave been translated in the West, and the few notices one gets of Kundakunda in the works of Frauwallner or Schubring, cannot be conidered adequate given the vast amount of commentarial material on his works. Renou wag correct when he remarked that "the austerity of their the Digamboras hablts matches their doctrine. In Europe (and in India too. I fear) little is known of the ancient Digambaras".10

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126 Padmanabh s. taini A great deal of original research has been devoted to the connections of Jainism with Makkabli Gosala and the Ajivikas, but here again the Digambara tradition has been largely ignored. Basham has collected almost everything available in the Svetambara canon and has given a creditable account of the sect and its connection with Mahavira Hoerne claims that the Digambaras are actually the ancient Ajvlkas 11 Basham rejects this view on the basis of the Digambara author Nemicandra's distinction between the Nirgranthas and the AJIyikas.12 He suggests rather that some of the southern Ajivikag may have been absorbed by the Digambaras, but this is the extent to which Basham considers the Digambaras at all No scholar bas searched through the Digambara texts for mention of Makkhali Gosala, assuming, no doubt, that since the Digambaras do not possess the canon, they have no recollection of Makkbali's encounter with Mahavira There are, however, two texts, 18 Bhavasangraha and Darsanasara, both by Devasena of the eleventh century, wbich seem to have been overlooked even by Basham, They preserve an ancient Digambara tradition that Makkhali (Gosala] was a follower of (the tradition of) Parava and hoped to be chosen the chief disciple (ganad hara) of Mabavira When he was not thus chosen, he walked out of Mabavira's assembly and established the creed of ajnanayada. The Digambara sonrcea seem to tako "ananavada" 1n this sense, "nowledge does not make any difference to the achievement of salvation," a belief which probably echoes the well-known AjIvika doctrine that both fools and wise (bale ca pandite ca) alike (wandering in transmigration exactly for the allotted time, ahall then, and only then,) make an end of suff. ering (dukkhassa'ntam karissantt)"(Digha Nikaya, 1, p 54). The Digambaras, it 18 true, make no reference to the contact between Makkhali and Mabavira prior to the latter's attaining Jinahood, nor to the subsequent episode of the violent confrontation which led to the death of Makkhali, as narrated in the Svetambara cagon Bat a close scrutiny of the works of Devagena shows traces of some memory of a past dispute. For, whereas the Svetambaras aubsequently allow Makkahli to attain salvation, the Digambaras say that as a result of harbouring the doctrine of afnunqvada he was born in the lowest existence possible, that of nitya-nigoda, a state from which there 18 no emergence into a higher birth, Why the Digambaras would want to take such extraordinary punitive action against Makkball must remain a mystory, Lo any case, the Digambara references to Makkhalt Gosala remain to bo stadiod properly and evaluated for the light they may throw on the deterministic elements in Jainism, Among auch elements there la, for example, their doctrine of bhavyatva and abhavyatva (a doctrine equally accepted by the Syotambaras) according to which only certain souls are capable of attaining galvation while others, lacking that capacity, are conde. mned forever to life in samsara.ls Reference may also be made in this

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The Jainas and the Western Scholar 127 connection to a doctrine found in the works of Kondakunda, most importantly in bis Samayasara. Although rejected by the Svetambaras as heretical work, smacking of skantavada, the Samayasara has greatly iufluenced Digambara thinking for centuries, and has been acclaimed by them as the most profound exposition of the Jaina doctrine. It expouses what is styled "Suddha-niscaya-aya," a doctrine of "pure non-conventional view," according to which the inflaite modifications (paryayas) of any given substance (drayya), quch as a soul, are fixed in a sequential order (krama-baddhaparyaya) which cannot be altered. In recent years this doctrine provoked a great deal of controversy within the community of the Digambaraa, 48 a result of which a 'debate' (tattva-carca) took place in Jaipur sponsored by prominent Digembara Jaina pandita The proceeding of this debate have been poblished in two bulky volumes (a total of 846 pages) entitled Jaipur Tattvacarcal. (Jalpur, 1967) Needless to say this book has never been reviewed in the West, a fate it shares with most other works on Jainism written in Hindi, The limitations of Western scholarship discussed above are evident as well in their work in the field of Jaina society. The research is superficial and an undue emphasis has been placed on the Svetambaris. In examining Jaina society, MAX Wober has commented upon the merchant ethics of the Jainas and upon similarities between the Jainas and the protestants and Jewg17 Drawing largely on Weber's work an Indian scholar, Nevaskar, bas also attempted to compare the Jainas with the Quakers,18 In Jalna rogal Williams goes beyond such facile observations to digouss the ritualistic and isolationistic nature of the traditional Jaina professions Williams appears to be the only Western scholar who has serlously compared the Svetambaras and the Digambaras His work confirmg the findings of previous studies of professional choices in Jain society and the resolution of the conflicting values of profit and aparigraha. Williams also confirms the theory of Hoernle, put forth in the 1880's, that Jainism aprvived where Buddhism did not because of the former's attention to the needs of the laity. The works of these scholars, howover, are textual studies, they are not based on field work. It is very peculiar that the extremely ancient tradition of Jainism has not aroused the interest of sociologiats and anthrsmologists to do such field work. Even the opportunity to visit and study the celebrations and rituals connected with the recent 2500th Anniversary of the nirvana of Mahavira scoms to have been neglected, Probably fow peon ple in the West are aware that during this Anniversary year for the first time in their long history the mendicants of the Svetambara Diamhar. and Sthanakavaal gects aggembled on the same platform, agreed upon a

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128 Padmanabh S. Jaini common flag (Jalpa dhyaja) and emblem (pratika), and resolved to bring about the unity of the community For the duration of the year four dharma cakras, a wheel mounted on a chariot as an ancient symbol of the samavasarana (Holy Assembly) of Tirthankara Mahavira, traversed to all the major cities of India, winning legal sanctions from various state governments against the slaughter of animals for sacrifice or other religious purposes, a campaign which has been a major preoccupation of the Jainas throughout their history One of the areas to which sociologists have not paid sufficient attention in the possibility of jofluence on Jainism by a Kisna cult. Renou has suggested such a possibility: "Klsnism seems to have left its mark on Jaina legend, a Krsnism which we must assume to be an earlier form than that described in the Brahmanical texts "30 There is no doubt that a large number of canonical stories (kahuo) are based on the legends of Krina and Naml (the 22nd Tirthankara). In the post-canonical period, many Jaina monks composed puranas on the members of the Vrsni clan, and several lay poets (notably Pampa, Ranna and Janna) wrote Kannada campu-kavyas with Krsna as the central figure of Jaina adaptations of the Hindu Mahabharata Modern research on the cult of Krena, including tho works by the Sanskritist Edgerton and the sociologist Milton Singer, bas shown little or no acquajptance with this material in Prakrit, Sanskrit and Kannada. No one has attempted to investigate the depth or the extent of the influence of the figure of Krona on Jaipa consciousness, few indeed are aware of the interesting fact that the Jajnas bave bad do hesitation 10 seding Kpna to hell for his deceitfulness and violence, a fate which, according to the Jaiba account, also overtook Laksmana for killing Ravana, Many facile remarks have been made about the caste system and Jaina "aelf-brahmanisation" but no translations or serious studies have been made of the Jaina "law book", the Mahupuruna of Jinasena (840 AD), which discusses the ongia of the caste syatem from the Jalna point of view. Here too, Western scholars have remaind content with the Svetambara accounts found in the comparatively late works of Hemacandra(such as the Trisasti-salaka-purusa-carita) In short, Jaina texts pertaining to the social order have not been fully investigated, Jaina--Hinda modern relations have gone unstudied, 21 and the Digambara society of Mysore, which shows a greater Brahmanisation than the Svetambara society of Gujarat, has never been studied by Western scholars. Only three or four scholars have over visited the Jainas, and these only the svetambaras Jacobi, through his search for Jajna manuscripts camo in close contacat with a few acaryas of the Svetambara community Ronou, who visited & Sthanakavasi community, admits that he knows nothing of the

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The Jainas and the Western Scholar Digambaras (Renou, p 123). As for Mrs. Stevenson, whose Heart of Jainism is written from a inissioary's point of view, her several years with a Svetambara community represents the most extensive field work in Jaina studies, but her description of the heart of Jainism as being "empty" of divine power betrays her missionary malice.22 Her last chapter is a plea to Jainas to accept Jesus, and she shows a total lack of understanding of Indian feelings, particularly Jaina feelings, regarding transmigration, vegetagianism, ahimsa and karma. Her book, probably the only of its kind to have come out of the Oxford University Press (1915) was never subjected to close scrutiny by Western scholars, and even Max Weber, turning a blind eye to her undisguised prejudices, found it possible to endorse and repeat that "the heart of Jainism 1s empty" (p 201). Mrs. Stevenson certainly provoked much opposition in India and J L. Jain! took her to task for her pretensions to preach to Jainas the value of love and brotherhood 2 It is rather extraordinary that even after half a centuary her book has been reprinted in India (New Delh! 1970), without any revision or review. Similar missionary sermonizing is evident in the Bombay Jesuit priest Zimmerman's preface to Glasenapp's Doctrine of Karman in Jaina Philosophy. The fact that the Jainas did not have their own "pagan" gods, yet still refused to accept Christianity, seems to have frustrated missionaries to the extreme Champat Rai Jain, a Jalna apologist and the founder of a small Jaina Mission in London, responded to Christian criticisms of the Jaina doctrines in his Jainism, Christianity and Science (Allahabad 1930), probably the only Jalna work that was specifically addressed to the Christlan world and read mainly by the educated Jainas in India. 129 The history of Western Jaina atudies reflects the influence of scholars who looked to Jainism for that which was other than Jainism itself--for Buddhism, Ajvikism, historical facts, art, lingutstics, etc. Pertinent questions essential to an understanding of Jainism have been ignored, questions such as the presence of fatalism and the absence of Mahayana, bhakti, yoga or Tantric movements in Jainism, Even the comparisons of Buddhism and Jainism have been limited mainly to their practices of austerities, Jainlam being described as "Buddhism's darker reflection " (Renou, p. 111). No attention has been paid to comparative sociology of Jainas and Hladus. The influence of Jainas on general Indian political history has been ignored, as has been the Jaina claim to a share in the philosophy of Gandhi, Renou maintained that there 18 no dearth of scholars Interested in Jaina studies, but that "the chief need of the Jainas 18 in fact for great spiritual leaders such as Hinduism has produced more than once." (Renon, p. 133). Yet the fact remains that no Western translation has appeared of the massive Gujarati writings of the Jaina saint Rajachandra (1863-1901),24 whom Sambodhi 5,2-3

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Padmanabh S. Jaini Mahatma Gandhi described as one of his "gurus" (together with Tolstoy and Ruskin), and whose influence on the young Gandhi is well known from the latter's autobiogrphy Thus, in conclusion, there would seem to be considerable justification for the Jaina contention that despite their antiquity, despite the richness of their religious literature, and despite the fact that they represent the sole surviving non-Vedic tradition in India, they have never received the serious attention of the Western scholar. 130 Notes. * This paper was read before the Annual Meeting of the American Academy of Religion, Chicago, 1975. 1 It is ironical that Schubring should say "For a long time research in Europe was known to the Jainas to but a certain degree, that 18 to say, as far as their knowledge of English allowed Books and articles in German and other Western languages frequently remained beyond their reach". The Doctrine of the Jainas, p. 13 (Delhi, 1962) 2 Jacob! found it necessary to apologize for the inclusion of this text in the P.T.S. series "The insertion of a Jaina text in the publication of the PTS will require no justification in the eyes of European scholars But it is possible that Buddhist subscribers..might take umbrage at the intrusion, as it were, of an heretical guest into the company of their sacred Suttas " p. vii. 3 In fact this Society came into existence in India in 1953 and has published several volumes in its Prakrit Text Serles 4 Jaina Sutras, part 2, pp 119-29 See also his earlier article, 'On Mahavira and his Predecessora, Indian Antiquary (IA) Vol IX, (June 1880) pp 158-163. 5 "Mahavira seems to have developed the ethical aspect of Jainism by introducing a fifth axiom which brought a modification in the import of the fourth Finally, it was he who required his monks to dispense with clothing, setting an example himself, whereas Pariva's monks were clothed" Renou. Religions of Ancient India, p 115 (London 1953) " 6 For the controversy generated by Jacobi's work among the Jainas, see articles by Paran Chand Nahar ('A note on the Svetambara and Digambara sects,' IA. Vol. 58, pp 167-8, 'Antiquity of the Jain sects,' IA Vol. 61, pp. 121-126) and Kamta Prasad Jain ('A further note on the Svetambara and Digambara sects,' IA Vol 59, Pp. 151-154), who respectively represent the Svetambara and Digambara traditions. ? 7 tao nam Mahavire. pamcamutthiyam loyam karetta savvam akaranlijam pavam it .' E kartu samaylyam cartitam padivajjal .II, 15, 23 Jacobi's translation of this significant passage reads as follows "After the Venerable Ascetic Mahavira had plucked ont his hair and vowing to do no sinful act, he adopted the holy conduct" (Jaina Satras, I, p. 198,) It is remarkable that no one (including Professor Modi) has noted 1 that Jacobi has here rendered "samayika" merely as "holy," instead of giving the true technical meaning of this crucial term 8, "cauvvihe samjame pannatte tam jaha manasamjame, vai samjame, kayasamjame, uvagaranasamjame | Sthananga 385. 41 9 Faddegon's translation of the Pravacanasara of Kundakunda (Jain Lit, Society Series, Cambridge 1935) would appear to be the sole exception.

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The Jainas and the Western Scholar 131 Doctrines of the meraka in Kamta, Praarganasara, sec N 10 Religions of Ancient India, P 119 This observation made in 1956 is still valld to day. A recent thirty minute video tape on Jainism by David Knipc (Department of South Asian Studies, University of Wisconsin, Madison) deyotes less than three minutes to the Digambaras, who constitute more than 40% of the total Jaina popula tion 11 "Arvikas' by A FR. Hoernle in Encyclopaedia of Religian and Ethics, Vol I (Now York 1913) pp. 259-268, History and Doctrines of the Arvikas (London 1951) pp 181 ff Portions quoted from Bhavasangraha in Kamta Prasad Jain's Bhagavan Mahaygra aur Mahatma Buddha (Surat 1929), p 20 For Darsanasara, see AN dhye's article 'Darkanasara of Devasena Critical Text,' in the Annals of B, O , Vol. XV, 3-4, pp 198-206 14 We quote below the relevant portions from the texts of Devasena (a) Masayarl-Parana-risimo uppanno Pasanaha-titthammi sirl-Vira-samarasarane agahyajhunina ulyattena 1 vahl-nig gahena uttam majjham eyarasanga-dharissa nlggal jhunt na aruho niggaya vissasa-sisassa // na munal jina-kahiya-suyam sampai dikkhaya gahiya Goyamaa vippo veyahbhasy famha mokk ham na nanao || Bhavasangraha, 76-8 (b) sirl-Varanaha-titthe bahussudo Pasasamgha-gant-s180/ Makkada-Parana-sahu annanam bhasae loe // annanado mokkho param natthi tri mutta-Jiyunam! punaragamanam bhamayam bhave bhave patthl fivassa lI.. fina-magsa-bahiram jam taccam samdaristana pava-mano/ ricca-nigoe patto satto mafjesu viviesu || Darsanasara, 20-3. Tha Digambara version of Makhbal's fall into the nitya-nigoda seems to reflect an ancient and well-known tradition attested in Buddhaghosa's commentary to the Puggala-paflaatit "sakim mimusgo nimnggo va hotel. etassa hi puna bhavato vurphanam Rama natthuri vadanl Makkhall-gosaladayo niya hertha herpha rarakaggham yeva ahara honti (71) Also see iny article 'On the Saulrantika theory of bitja, BSO AS, Vol XXII, Part 2 (London 1959) P 246, 1 2 15 See my article. "Predestination in Jainism & Buddhism the Doctrines of bhavyatra and abhavyatva,' awaiting publication in the Bhagawan Mahavira and his Teachings, Bombay 16 Edited by Pandit Phoolchandra Siddhantasliastri, Shri Todarmal Granthemala, Jaipur. 17 Max Weber The Religion of India (Tr and edited by Hans H Gerth and Don Martindale), The Free Press, New York 1958, pp 193-204 18 Nevaskar : Capitalists without Capitalism (The Jains of India & the Quakers of the West), Connecticut 1971 19 R. Williams Jalna Yoga, London 1963, Religion af Ancient India, P 114, 21 A particularly noteworthy instance of such relations may be found in the Punjab, where, at the begining of this century, the Jaina community was overwhelmed by the Arya-hamaj in their drive for integration of the Hindu Society. "The more one studios Jainism, the more one 19 struck with the pathos of its empty heart. The Jalnas believe strongly in the duty of forgiving others, and yet have no hope of forgiveness from a higier power for themselves" (p. 289). - 23 Jagmanderinl Jaini A Review of the Heart of Jainism, Ambala 1925, 24 Srimad Rajachandra, Agas 1951, pp 924 20

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ON A VERSE CITED BY AGASTYASIMHA Chandrabhal Tripathi Jinadasa kama unadby In the recently publishedi Agastyasimha's Prakrit commentary (called Carnia ) on the Dasakaliyasuttas, & "senjor"* text of the Jalna agama, we moet 'h many citations, some of them in Sanskrit Most of them havo been intified by Mani Shri Punyavijayai, the able editor of this important work. Amongst the few unidentified citations, there 18, on p. 41, the following Sanskrit verae. kama janami te rupam dampkalpat kila jayase Da te aamkalpayisyami tato me na bhavisyasi || While going through this paplication, I was fortunate in being able to tracc this verge in different sources, which diay be recorded below. Firstly, the pratika of this verse is cited by Jipadasa gani in his Nibthe-visesacorni of Nisithabhasya, vs. 547: bhaniyam ca "kama janami te malam" silogo. See the Nisithasutra with Bhasya and Carni, ed. UpadhyAya sri Amaracandraji and Muai sri Kanhaiyalalaji, (Agra, Sanmati Jnanapitba ), Vol. II, 1957, p. 22. As a Dote on this pratika, the editors say, "Mahabharate". The full verse appears indeed ja the Mahabbarata. In the oritical editlon published by the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, Poona, it is the 25th verae of the 171st Adhyaya of the santiparvan (p. 976) and reads: Kama janami to mulam samkalpat kila jayase] na tvam sapkalpayisyami sa-malol na bhavisyasi || However, the Mahabharata pasasge is not the only place where the verse recurs. The critical edition, loc cit., remarks, "Cf. Vrddhasatxta pasmrti, va. 64". As the edition of this Smrti, published in the Anandasrama Skt. Ser. 48 (Poona, 1905) "Smrtnam Samuccayah" is not at hand, I could not verify this remark. Our vorge recurs not only in these Jalna and Brahmanical sourcos but also in various Buddhist texts which may be equally recorded here. (1) The Pal Jataka No. 421 (named Gangamala-jataka), vs 4 reads; addasam kama te malam samkappa kama jayasi | na tam sampkappayiskami eva kama na behisia || 1 var, lec.: tato me 2 var, lec.. hohisi,

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On a Verse Cited by Agastyasimha 193 See Jataka-pali, ed Jagadisa] Kashyap (Nalanda Devanagari Pall Series, 1959. two volumes khud dakaplkaya, Vol Ilt), pt 1, P. 172, (2) The Mahavastu, a Vinaya text of the Mahajamghika-lokottaravadin, has, in a passage running parallel to the Jutaka, a Sanskrit version kama janami te mulam Samkalpat kama jayase 1 na kamam kalpayisyami tato me na bhavisyati || See Malavastu avadana, ed. Radhagovinda Basak (Calcutta Sanskrit College Research Ser Nos xx, xxx, lxiu 1963, 1965, 1968), Vol III, p. 258. (3) The Udapavarga?, a Sanskrit anthology of the Sarvastivadia (and Mulasarvastivadin) schools, records the Sanskrit version as v8. 1 of the Karavarga Kama janami te mulam sampkalpat kama jayase na tvam sapkalpayisyami tato me na bhavis yasi || See Udanavarga, ed Franz Bernhard (Gottingen, Abh. Akad. Wisa. Go ttingen, Philolog.-Hist Klasse, Dritte Folge, Nr. 54=Sanakrit=texte aus den Turfanfunden, 10 two volumes), vol. 1, p. 112. (4) In his commentary on Nagarjuna's Madhyamakskarikaso, Candrakyrti cites this verse twice: on MK 18. 5, and on MK 231 (sapkalpaprabhavo rago... ..): kama janami te mulam na tvam samkalpayisyami Samkalpat kila jayase | tato me na bhavisyasi il See Madhyamakasastra of Nagarjuna with the commentary Prasanna pada by Candrakirti, ed, P.L Vaidya (Darbhanga Mithila Institute, Buddhist Sanskrit Texts, No. 10 1960), p. 149 and p 197. As all these sources read mulam at the end of Pada a, we think that this should have been the original readlag of Agastyasipha's source also (which he quoted from memory) Moreover, the Mahabharata and the Bud. dhist satralo cited by Capdrkirtill read, like Agastyasipha, kila in Pada b, other Buddhist texts having kuma in its place. In Pada c, te of Agastyasimha corresponds to pau tam, the Mahabharata, Udanavarga and Candrakirti's satra record tvam samkao, in the Mahavastu only we find kamam kal pa. As far as Pada d 18 concerned, sa- mulo of the Mahabharata is surely gecondary, the critical edition in fact recorda a variant tato me which reco18 in all other Sanskrit sources (Pali having eyam kama) and thus deserves to be regarded as original The closing word of the verse, bhavisyasi (Pali hohist) has been changed to bhavisyati in the Mahnvasta, probably because of its variants in Pada c.

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134 Chandrabhal Tripathi These considerations may allow us to presume that the verse was recorded in the first instance by a Buddhist text and that it has later acquired the currency as a floating "Moral" verse, thus appearing in different texts. Fotenotes 1 Sayyam bhava's Dasakalyasuttam with Bhadrabahu's Niryukti and Agastyasimha's Carni, ed by Mun Shri PunyaVijayaji Varanas) and Ahmedabad Prakrit Text Society Series, No 17 1973 2 For the designation Curoi used for the early Jaina commentaries see Hiralal Ras kdag Kapadia, A History of the Canonical Literature of the Jainas (Surat 1941), Chapter VI, pp 190 ff - Compare also an explanation of the term cunna, a type of the granthita-nomatika-bhEvapada recorded in the Dalavaikalika-Niryuktu vu, 80 attha-bahulam mah'attham heu-niya vasagga-gambhiram bahu-payam avvocchinnam gama-Daya-suddham ca canna-padam thu payaman Dayaklakastra. Dasay 3 The Satra is also called Dasavaikalikasutra, Dasaveyaliyasutta, Dakakalikasdtra, Dang kaliyasutta, etc 4. For the appellation "genior" used by Schubring and Alsdorf see for 10stance Lud wig Alsdorf, lith parink in Indo-IlaDian Journal, Vol II, No 4 1958, p 249, 5 See Appendix III (tanyam parisittham) on pp. 281-2 6 Only the recently published editions of thcae Buddhist texts have been mentioned here as they are easily available Por earlier editions see the introduction or biblio graphy in the publications cited below 7 The Udinavarga was translated into Tibetan The Tibetan text has been edited by Hermann Beckh (Berlin 1911) and translated into English by W Woodville Rockhill (London, Truboer's Onental Ser, 1888, 1892) See F Bernhard, op cit, p 529 8 For the connection of these schools with the versions of the Udanavarga see Lam bert Schmithausen, Zu deo Rezensionen des Udapavargah (Wiener Zeitschrift fur die Kunde Sa lastens, Bd 14 1970. pp 47-124 [specially pp 113-4] ) 9 The work is also called Mulamadhyamakakarka or Madhyamakabastra, etc 10 On MK 185, Candrakirto introduces the veraa with the phrasa uktam ca sure It is unfortunate that Candrakirli does not record the name of the sutra, 11 See Moritz Wintornitz, Geschichte der Indischen Litteratur, Vol II, Part 1 (Leipzig 1913), p 251, specially fn 3 Candrakleti has generally been assigned to the first half of the 7th century A. D.

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KOLHAPUR AND ITS JAINA ASSOCIATIONS Jyoti Prasad Jaln Kolhapur, the headquarters of the district of the same name, lying in the south-eastern part of the State of Maharashtra, occupies an eminent place in the history of Jainism in south India. Even at the present day, the Kolhapur district possesses a population of about a lakh of Jalna souls, which constitutes about five per cent of the total population of that district, and is second only to that of the adjoining district of Belgaum of the State of Karnataka, among all the districts of the Indian Union. Numerous Jaina monuments, epigraphs and literary traditions speak eloquently of the glorious Jaina associations of Kolhapur and its neighbourhood. In our own times, Kolhapur has become celebrated on account of the late Dr. Adinatha Neminatha Upadhye (died October 8, 1975), one of the greatest Prakritists and Jainologists of the present century. This Jalna doyen of learning, a pastmaster in the art of critical editing of ancient texts, who, in the words of PV. Kane, combined in himself the best critical methods of the western scholars with deep Indigenous learning', won the admiration and esteem of eminent Indologists all over the world On the basis of a small Inscription discovered from an old mound in the neighbourhood, and ascribed to the 3rd century BC, the antiquity of Kolhapur is proved to be atleast as old. In the 2nd century A.D., the geographer Ptolemy mentioned Kolhapur and its association with the Satavahana ruler Vilaviyakura whose coins have also been discovered in this region. Then, the Kadambas of Vanavasi, the Chalukyas of Vatapi, the Rashtrakutas of Manyakheta and the Silabaras of Kolhapur itself, held sway, successively, over this area. About the middle of the 14th century, the Yadavas seized Kolhapur from the Silaharas, to lose it shortly after to the Muslims. In later mediaeval times, it formed part of the dominion of the Marathas and came to be the capital of the junior branch of Shivaji's descendents, the one founded by his younger son Rajaram, In literature and epigraphical records, Kolhapur finda mention variously as Karavira, Kuravira, Kollagiri, Kollapura and Kshullakapura, and its another name is said to have been Padmalaya. Some associated the place with Kollasura, a demon, others with Koliadevi, a goddess worshipped by the aboriginal Kols or Kolis. In later times, the same goddess came to be worshipped as Mahalakshmi. Here she is regarded to be the spouse, not of Vinu, but of Siva, and 18 also called Ambai (Mother), Padma or Padmavati. Now, Padma or Padmavati is a distinotly Jaina goddess who is

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136 Jyoti Prasad Jain also known as Laksmi or Mahalaksmi. She has been the presiding deity of Kolhapur and was the family deity of the Silahara kings of this place, A temple-complex, dedicated to this Mahalaksmi, stands at the centre of the town, and, although it does not now belong to the Jains, it bears visible traces of Jaina influence in its architecture and sculptures, and there is reason to believe that it must have originally been dedicated to the Jaina goddess Padmavati1 The fort of Panhala near by, built by the Silabara King Bhoja II (1175-1215 A.D.), also seems to have been origi. nally named Padmalaya and to have housed a shrine of Padmavati.2 There are several other old temples, dedicated to that goddess, in the district, including the big temple at village Badagaon in taluk Hathkangle and built In 1696 A.D. by Adapa Bhuga Shetha, a wealthy and plous Jaina layman,' Jatiga I was the founder of the Silahara dynasty of Kolhapur, who started his career, about 940 A D., as a petty tributary of the Rastrakuta monarchs of Manyakheta. The reigns of his son Nanivarman and grandson Candra witnessed the downfall of the Rastrakutas and the rise, in their place, of the later Calukyas of Kalyani, and the Silaharas, too, shifted their allegiance to the new masters of the land. Jatiga II (1000-1020 A.D.) son and auccessor of Candra, added considerably to the power and prestige of the dynasty. He was succeeded by his eldest son Gonka who was followed by another son, Guvala I, whose rule lasted till 1055 A. D. Then came Gonka's son, Marsiggha (1055-1075 A.D), who was succeeded, one after the other, by his four sons, Guvala II (1075-1086), Ballal (1086-1095), Bhoja I (1095-1110) and Candraditya alias Gandaraditya (1110-1140). There sister, Candral Devi, was married to the Calukya emperor Vikramaditya VI (1076-1126). This alliance raised the status and prestige of the Silaharas very much, Gandaraditya was succeeded by his son Vijayaditya (1140-1175) and the latter by his son Bhoja II (1175-1215), after whom the Silahara kingdom of Kolhapur was seized by the Yadavas of Devagiri, All these Silahara rulers of Kolhapur were great patrons of Jainism, They built Jaina temples, honoured Jaina gurus and gave them munificient gifts. Their family deity was the Jaina goddess Padmavati alias Mahalakasmi, In whose honour they built a fine temple in the heart of their capital. They also patronised many a learned Jalna scholar and several important works were written, one of which is the Sabdarnava-Candrika, a commentary on the celebrated Jainendara grammar, which was composed in 1205 A.D. by Somadeva in the reign of Bhoja II" The most celebrated Jaina saint, associated with Kolhapur and its Silahara rulers, was Maghanandia Siddhantadeva. He belonged to the Nandi Sangha - Deslyagana - Pustaka Gaccha - Ingulesvara Bali. The inscriptions of the age state that in the line of illustrious Jaina saints like Gautama the

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Kolhapur and its Jalna Associations 137 Ganadhara, Bhadrabahu the Srutakevalin, Candragupta (Maurya), Kun. dakunda, Umasvati, Samantabhadra, Pujyapada and Akalanka, was born Gollacarya, who was, before his renunciation, the ruler of Golladesa His disciple was Traikalya Yogi, and the latter's desciple was Padmanandi Saiddhaatika Kaumaradeva who was the preceptor of Prabhacandra, the famous author of logical works, and Kulabhusana The latter'a disciple was Kulacandra deva whose disciple and successor was this Mandalacarya Magbanand Siddhanta Cakravartin, the founder of the Jalna tirtha (religious centre) at Kolhapur, as also of the Rapanarajn Basati, also known as the Savanta-Basati, of that place. He himself was the head of thla establiahment which he succeeded in developing into a great centre of Jaina Icarding and culture, no doubt under the generous patronage of the Silahara kings. This centre imparted education in various branches of learning, not only to ascetics and novices, but also to the sons of lalty including nobility and royalty * Maghanandi's junior co-disciple, Srutakirti Traiyidya, was the auther of Raghava-Pandariya and is said to have defeated in a philosophical debate the great logician Devendra, probably the svetambara Scholar Devaaari, author of the Pramana-naya-tattvalokalamkara * The pontrfical 800cc ssor of Maghanandi was Gandavimukta Siddbantadeva and among his other disciples wore Kanakanandi, Candrakirt, Prabbacandra, Arhanandi and, Manikyanandi.? His royal disciples included, besides the Sllabara kings Bhoja I and Gandaraditya, the Ratta king Karttavirya of Sauadatti and his quoen Vachaladevi, princess Hariyabbarasl, daughter of Hoyasala Visnuvardhana, general Bharata and the feudal lords like Kedaranakarsa, Nimbadova, Vama, deva and Gangavalliya Dagagayunda. Contemporary oplgraphical records aro full of eulogies for him, which often deacribe him as the 'Kolhapuriya Maghanandi,' probably to distinguish him from his other namesakes, and because Kolhapur owed so much to this guru Kolbapur is also tho seat of a branch of the Sena Sangha, the generio title of the pontifs of which Is Laksmlaena Fotenotes. 1 Revised Gazetteer of the Kolhapur District (1960), pp 63, 868-870 2 Ibid, PP 894-895 3 Ibid Altekar, A, S, The Sllaharas o Western India, (1936), p. 419 ff., Kolhapur Gazetteer, op cit, p 60 5 Promi, N R., Jain Sahitya aur Ithasa, pp 112-113 6 Jain Sila-Lokha Sangraha, Pt I, No 40/64, Pt III, Nos 320, 334, 411 Devasuri u never mentioned as Devendra-Ed 7 Ibid, Pt I, No 40/64 8 Ibid, Pt. III, Nos, 308, 320, 334, 411, 524, Pt. II, No. 280, 293, 300 9 J. RS, (1901), P 537, Kolhapur Gazetteer, op. cit., p. 60, Jain silalekha Sangraha, op, clt, Pt I, No 40/64 Sambodhi 5.2-3

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JAINA STUDIES : JAPAN, EUROPE, INDIAI Kendall W. Folkert What follows is intended to be an Introduoction to the current status of Jaina studies in several countries outside of the North American continent Since none of the contributors could be present at the 1975 Meet. Ing of the American Academy of Religion, it has had to be pot together on the basis of communications through the mails, over a relatively brlof period of time. The isolation of the contributors from one another has meant that each has examined the problem from hia own viewpoint. Thereforo, this report does not have a completely uniform charactor; nor can it pretond to be exhaustive. It should be regarded as a prelude to a more complete account of the present atate of Jaina studies, the production of which must remain a desideratum. Yet the information that it does present may make it possible for scholara and students on this continent to seek advice and resources from specific scholars and institutions outside of North America. Given the conditions under which American students of the Jainas muat work, access to ald and Information-and, more important, koowledge of where auch ald and information might be obtained--can save many hours of frustrating work. Beyond this, it may lead to closer international cooperation in an arca of study whose academio population has always been amall, and where such cooperation perforce becomeg cagential to genuino progro88, I. Japan To begin with the Japanese is at once curious and appropriato. Thla Is so because, of all the information-gaps that exist in the various fields of the Study of Religion, perbape pone 18 80 wide as that betwoon European-American scholars and their Japanese counterparts. The efforts of the latter over the years have been immense, and yet they often remain unknown on this continent, This is no less the case in Jalna studio8. Individual Japanese, Indian and European-American scholars are often in communication with each other; but acholars outside Japan rarely see the overall pattern of Japanose work on the Jaina tradition. Profes&or Hajime Nakamura, who has him 1 Incorporating material and information furnished by : Hajimo Nakamura (Tho Eastorn Institute, Tokyo) Ludwig Alsdorf (Professor Emeritus, Universitat Hamburg) Nagin J. Shah (Director, L. D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad)

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Jaina Studies Japan, Europe, India 139 self produced a good deal of work on the Jainas, has recently written an Important bibliographic article on the Jainas ("Bibliographical Survey of Jainism," The Journal of Interculturul Studies [Intercultural Research Insti. tute, Tho Kansal University of Foreign Studies, Hirakata City, Osaka], Inaugural Number (1974] . 51-75), which should be perused with care by American scholars What follows is an account by topic of the Japanese work on soveral aspects of the Jaina tradition, presented in the hope that American scholars can thereby become more aware of the work of Japanese scholars. (A) Studies of Jalna-Buddhist relationshlps Japanese scholars of Buddhism are naturally often jnvolved with subject matter related to the Jainas, in some ways, then, a separate area of studies under this heading 19 difficult to isolate. Nonetheless, certain scbo. lars and works deserve special mention. Seiren Matsunami, in addition to his work on other aspects of Jainism, has often touched on JainaBuddhist relationships (see his Collected Essays, passim), and has traced similarities between the archaic Jaloa collection of sayings koown as the Isibhastyaim and early Buddhist texts in an article in Indogaku Bukkyogaku Kenkyu 9.2 (1961) : 16ff.8 Hajime Nakamura has also produced a number of contributions in this area. In addition to his better known works, American scholars should be aware of a series of articles published in The Voice of Ahimsa (Aliganj, U, P, India Jain World Misslon), vols 5-7 (1955-57) Also of interest is Shoko Watanabe's exploration of the parallels between the Jaina Uttarajhayasutta and Buddhist literaturo, in 4 Commemoratide Volume for Dr. [R.] Hikala (Tokyo, 1964). 81-95 (B) Jalpa scriptures and early Jainism There is some overlapping between this area and the first heading, particularly in the scholarly work of Matsanami and Nakamura Several Items by these two men should be noted separately, however First, in addition to his analysis of Jajna Buddhist parallels to the Isibhaslyaim, 2 Editor's noto In the following ducussion, there are some items where bibliogra phic information is not as full as it should be It was impossible to clarify each reference in time to have the report ready for the AAR Even so, the information should be valuable, as it is not duplicated in other bibliographic sources (0.g , Karl Potter's Bibliography of Indian Philosophies), 3 The name of this periodicaj is commonly given in English as The Journal of Indian and Buddhist Studios The standard abbreviation 1 JIBST, wluch is used hereafter in this report The journal is published by The Japanese Association for Indian and Buddhist Studies, Tokyo

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140 Kendall W. Folkert Matsunami bas produced a complete Japanese translation of the text, in Kyushu Daigaku Bungakubu 40 shunen Kinen Ronbonshu (Collected Essays in Commemoration of the 40th Anniversary of the Faculty of Letters, Kyushu University, (1966), and an article "Some Excelleut Thoughts of Saint Mahavira, " The Voice of Ahimsa 6 3-4 (1957). Second, Nakamura has translated two sections of the Isibhasiyam into Japanese, in JIBSt 14,1 (1966), and 15.1 (1966), and has discussed some aspects of the text in "Yajnavalkya and Other Upanisadic Thinkers in a Jain Tradition," Raghavan Folicitation Volume (Delhi Motilal Banarsidass, 1973) Of Japanese accounts of the place of the Jainas in the history ol Indian religion and philosophy, one should be aware in particular of the works of [Yengbo Kanakura, especially his analysis of the Jaina scriptares (in Japanese) in his Indo kodai selshin-shi (The History of Ancient Indian Thought, Tokyo Iwanami Shoten, 1939 Further work on eacly texts has been done by Kiyoaki Okuda (see Part II of this report), who has analyzed the class of canonical texts known as Cheyasutta-g, in JIBST 152 (1967) 193-97 The Islbhasiyam has also been explored by Shinko Sayeki, in JIBSt 61 (1958) : 170ff. Finally, the section of the Ayaradasao (a canonical Cheyasutta) that is known as the Kappasulta (widely known in the West because of Hermann Jacobl's early translation of it) has been translated into Japanese by Jushin Suzuki, in Sakal Seiten Zenshu (Tokyo . Kokumin Bupko Kankokal, a.d.). (C) Jalna monastic and lay communities The Jaina monastic tradition has been given special attention by Kenkyo Fuji, 10 JIBS 11.1 (1963), and Kjo Yamada, in the Hikata Commemoration Volume. Jaina lay-ethics have been discussed by Seiren Matsunami in an article in Nihon Bukkyo Gakai Nempo (Journal of the Nippon Buddhist Research Association) 27 (1962) The status of the Jaina community in present-day India has been analyzed by Atsushi Uno in an article (in Japanese) in Nicchiin Bunka, vol. 3, and by Hajime Nakamura in Shukyo to Shakal Ronri (=Religion and Social Ethics, Tokyo, 1959). (D) Jaina logic and metaphysics Several Japanese scholars have done significant work in this area, and others have contributed to the study of particular figures and works. In addition to matters covered in his collected Essays, Seiren Matsunami has discussed the Jaina notion of causality in a chapter of the R Yuki Commemoration Volume, and has produced a Japanese translation of Kundakunda's Mokkhapahuda, in the ransho Kanakura Commemorative Volume. He has also examined the Jalna notion of samudghata (one aspect of the body

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Jaina Studies : Japan, Europe, India 141 soul relatiouship as conceived by the Jainas) in an article in JIBSt 10,2 (1962). Hajime Nakamura has ordered and enumerated Jaipa works on logic, in S. Mlyamoto, ed., Bukkyo no Konpon Shunri (Tokyo, 1956), and has contributed to the identification of sources quoted by Sayana Madhava in the Sarvadarsanasangraha chapter on the Jainas, in Pratidunain Studies Presented to F B J Kuiper (The Hague Mouton, 1968). The relationship between Jaina theories of matter and other Indian atomic theories has been explored by Yuichi Kajiyama, "The Atomlo Theory of Vasubandhu, the Author of the Abhidharmakosa," "IBSt 192 (1971) The Jaina notion of karma as expressed in Kundakuoda's Padayanasara has been discussed by Atsushi Uno in an article in Nihon Bukkyo Gakat Nempo 25 (1960), this particular work of Kundakunda was also thoroughly covered by Yengho Kanakura in Indo Seishin Bunkano Kenkyu (1944). The particularly important Jaina logical tool known as the syadonda has received several treatments by Atsushi Uno, in articles (in English) in JIBSI 15.1 (1966), and in Tokaz Daigaku Kiyo Bongakubu 12 (1969); and in a detailed treatment ia the Ashikaga Zemba Commemoration Volume The latter discussion is particularly related to the development of the syadonda in Mallisena's Syadvadamanjart, which Uno translated into Japanese in Ikiot 6-7, and discussed in The Proceedings of the Okurayama Institute 1, Hemacandra, the author of the text on which Mallisena wrote the comm. entary that is the Syadvadamanjart, has been studied in two articles by Hojo Nagasaki, 10 JIBSt 14,2 (1966); and 16.2 (1968). In sum, then, there are at least twelye Japanese scholars who have worked on and published materials dealing with some aspect of the Jalna tradition, further, the bulk of this work has been done during the last twenty years Despite the formidable language-barrier that stands between Sapensese and European-American scholars, one of the goals for persons engaged in Jaina studies in the future must be to establish regular avenues of communication and exchange between scholars in these two parts of the world. II. Europe This section focuses primarily on scholars active at the present time, and it must begin with a disclaimer : it cannot clalm to be an account of work that may be currently underway in the United Kingdom; further, a genuinely comprehensive report on Jaina studies in Europe would have to take careful account of France, Italy and the Low Countries, areas from which it was not possible to collect information for this project. With

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Kendall W Folkert apologies to students and scholars in those regions whose efforts may be overlooked here, mention may still be made of authors and works whose existence should be made known to American scholars, In the United Kingdom, note must be taken of the work of Robert Hamilton Williams, particularly his Jaina Yoga, London Oriental Series 14 (London Oxford University Press, 1963), a masterfol source-book on the ethical prescriptions for the lay-Jaina The work covers the classical sour. ces for such prescriptions, and awareness of its contents is vital for any study that seeks to explore the relationship between the community of lay-Jainas and the larger Hindu tradition in medieval India. Despite the absence of current information on studies in Italy, It would not be fitting to present a report of this sort without stressing the immensely valuable work done on Jaina materials of all sorts by a gode. ration of Italian scholars in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centurles Many of the excelleat works of F. L Pulle, Luigi Suali, A Ballini, P. E Pavolini, F. Bellont-Filippi, and others as well, are available only In now-crumbling volumes of the Giornale della Societa Asiatica Italiana (Firenze), the collection and preservation of these joarnals should rank high on any list of tasks necessary for building a collection in Jalua studies, In the Low Countries, Jozef Deleu, of the Faculty of Letters and Philosophy at the University of Ghent, has produced a steady stream of works on the Jainas. His most recent contribution is a detailed analysis of the contents of the fifth anga of the Jaina canon Viyahapannatti (Bhagavat) Introduction, Critical Analysis, Commentary and Indexes, Publications of the Faculty of Letters & Philosophy, Rijksuniversiteit te Gent, 151 (Brugge, 1970). Prior to this exteremely valuable work, Deleu produced "Lexicographical Addenda from Rajasekhara's Prabandhakosa." Indian Linguistics, Turner Jubilee Volume II (Poona, 1959); and two other studies of canonical texts The first of these is an edition of the first three chapters of the Mahanistha (a canonical Cheyasutta), published along with Walther Schubring's edition of chapters four and five of the same text, in Alt-und Neu-Indische Studien 10 (Hamburg, 1963), the second is Nirayavaliyasuyakkhandha : Uvanga's 8-12 van de gaina Canon, Orientalia Gandonsia IV (Lelden, 1969). A series of important publications has been produced in France by Collette Caillat Les expiations dans le rituel ancien des religieux Jaina, Publications de l'Institut de Civilisation Indienne 25 (Paris, 1965), Canda avenhaya Introduction, edition critique, traduction, commentaire, Publications de l'Institut de Civilisation Indienne 34 (Paris, 1971), and "Notes de bibliographie Jaina et moyen-indienne," Journal Asiatique (1972). The first

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Jaina Studres : Japan, Europe, India 143 two are crucial studies for scholars interested in the Jaina monastic tradition; the latter is of particular value as an overview of recent study of the Jainas in Europe and India. The best information in this report on current scholarly activities in Europe has to do with ongoing work in Germany; this is fitting, If at the same time it runs the risk of being incomplete, for it was at gevoral centers in Geamany, notably Berlin and Hamburg, that normative studies of the Jalnas were produced It was at Hamburg that the late Walther Schubring produced his classic studies, and the Seminar fur Kultur und Goschichte Indiens at the Universitat Hamburg has published the monograph-series Alt-und Neu-Indische Studien, containing fifteen vitally important studies of classical Jaina texts and other materials Professior Ludwig Alsdorf has carried on the tradition of Jalna studies at Hamburg (where he is now Emeritus); and the scholarly work of persons trained under him at Hamburg now accounts for the bulk of the work on the Jainas being done in Germany. Much of Professor Alsdorf's own work has focused on early Jaloa scholasticism, particularly on the carly exegetical literature attached to the Jaina canon An important example of his work is the article "Niksepa a Jalpa contribution to Scholastic Me thodology," Journal of the Oriental Institute (Baroda) 22.4 (June, 1973). This article, along with many other contributions in this area, has been reprinted in his Kleine Schriften (Wiesbaden 1974), the publication of which is also an event of note. Also of great value to students of the Jaida capon is bis article (based on a paper read at the International Congress of Orientalists at Canberra), "Jajna Exegetical Literature and the History of the Jalna Canon," to be published shortly in 'Mahavira and his Teachings' (Bagawan Mahavir 2500th Nirvan Mahotsava Samiti, Bombay) American scholars should also acquaint themselves with his thorough and reflective assessment of Jalna studies ag of ten years ago Les etudes jaina Etat present of taches futures (Parls College de France, 1965). Several of Professor Alsdorf's former atudents are currently Ongaged in work that should be of interest to Americans At the Freo University of Berlin, Professor Klaus Brubn is overseeing the compilation of a comprehensive concordance of Jaina canonical and post-canonical metrical literature, when completed, this project will be of immense value for any study of early Jaina literature Currently at Munich is another former student, Privatdozentin Adelheid Mette, who has produced two valuable studies, One 18 an edition of a canonical text dealing with the begging practices of the Jaina monk. Pindesana Da Kapitel der Oha-najfuttt uber den Bettel gang

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144 Kendall W. Folkert (Mainz, Abhandlungen der Akademie zu Mainz, 1973), the other is a study based largely on newly examined Jaina materials, Indische Kulturstiftungsberichte und ihr Verhaltnis zur Zeitaltersage (Mainz Abhandlungen der Akadem mie zu Mainz, 1973). Three doctoral dissertations by studenta at Hamburg should also bo noted. The first of these has already been published 19 number 15 12 the sories Alt-und Neu-Indische Studien, and the other two are also to be pub. 11shed as later numbers of the series. They are. Kiyoaki Okuda, Eine Digambara Dogmatik: Das funfte Kapitel von Vattakeras Malacara, herausgegeben, abersetzt und kommentiert, Alt-und Neu-Indische Studien 15 (Wiesbaden, in Kommission bei Franz Steiner Verlag, 1975), K Oetjens, Swaryas Mulara. dhana ein Beitrag zur Kenntnis der Sterbefasten-Literature der Jainas; and, R. K. Jain, Pindasuddht das sechste Kapitel don Vaftakeras Malaeara und der ahakamma-Abschnitt der Pindanjjutti, herausgegeben, ubersetzt und kommentiert. Finally, there has just been published an excellent catalogue of the Jalna manuscripts collected at Strasbourg by Ernst Leumann, whose work earller in this century laid the foundation for much of today's scholarship. Tbia catalogue is the work of Chandrabbal Tripathi, and has been published aa Band 4 of Indologia Berolinensis (Leiden, Brill, 1975) European Jaina studies, though they range over a number of facets of the Jaina tradition, present some special features First, they continue tho European tradition of insisting on access to reliable versions of ancient primary sources as the sine qua non for proper study of the Jainas Second, the recent doctoral studies at Hamburg expand this tradition by opening up for critical scrutiny two of the most important ancient Digambara texts. This lattor point is especially important, for if there is any one significant weakness in Jajna studies, it lles in the fact that Western scholarship haa rarely paid serious attention to these older Digambare sources. This is an area in genuine need of scholarly attention, for until much more work has been done on the Digambara literature, virtually everything said about the early Digambara tradition will remain wbat it has beon up 'til now highly conjectural, II. India This roport, which up to this point has concentrated on specific work that is being done or has beon done by various scholars outside of India, concludes with a statement whose scope is quite different What is presented here is an overall statement of the areas in wbich concentrated work in Jalnology will be necessary if the Jaina taadition is to be fully explored. While the several goals stated may seem quite upreachable, given

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Jaina Studies Japan, Europe, India 145 the number of scholars who might be expected to bo engagod in the task in the near futuro, some such statement of goals is important. This la so because Jajna studies la the past have often been quite idiomatio, taking varlous directions because of the particular interests of various scholars. It is important that this session should see how the task is viewed by a scholar la India, at one of the major centers of Jaina studios there, the L. D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad. This statement of goals can well begin with the noteworthy words of Professor Erich Frauwallnor. He wrote, in the Foreword to his History of Indian Philosophy, "I would like to remark that accordtng to my view, thora 18 much scope for further research in the sphere of Jainism, ospo. clally concerning the philosophical contents" Frauwallaer also had this to say, la his Preface to Y. J. Padmarajiah's Jaina Theories of Reality and Knowledge : During the whole period of Indian philosophy. Jlnism has not been attended to very much by the othor systems...One is almost inclined to think of a continuation of this [in that] Jinism [18] likewise inade quately dealt with in modern descriptions of Indian philosophy. As an example I only refer to the extensive history of Indian phllosophy by S. Dasgupta ..Under these circumstances it is to be foared that Jlniam is not being adequately considered in the present-day endeavours of establishing a relationship between Indian and Western philosophy." Not only in philosophy, but also in varlous othor fields, Jalnas havo contributod Immonsoly to Indian culturo; but thor contribution 18 ofton not revealed to the world and hence is not properly 488088ed. Therefore, systematic and constant research by a band of scholars in the field of Jainology is badly needed. The lines on which the work should be carrlod out are broadly suggested in what follows. 1. Individual studies of the Anga-8 and Uvanga-s aro necessary. Those studies should be done with a viow to determining different chronological strata. In so doing, one should refer to the manner in which Jalna doctrines are formulated in Umagvati's Tattoarthadhigamasutra. In the light of this standardized doctrine we can relatively fix the chronolo, alcal order of the doctrines found in the Anga-8 and Uvanga-s. As tho language of the works hardly helps us to determine tho various strata, ono should resort to this device. 2. A thorongh stody of the Digambara safkhandagama should be conducted, and its chronological place dotormined with folalion to the Anga. and Uvanga-s. Sambodhl 5.2-3

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146 Kendall W. Folkert 3. Individual studies of the Nijjutti-s should be taken up noxt. Somo studies of this layer of commentary have already appeared, more are needed, 4. After this, the study of the Bhasa-s and Cunni-s should be takon up. Such scholarship should seek to establish as clearly as possible the chronological layers in these commentary-strata. 5. Once the relative chronology of these basic authoritative texts and their commentary-layers has been established, and the texts individually examined, a proper attempt could be made to survey the whole sphoro histoically, glving an account of religious and philosophical thought, cultaral development, various influences that are noticed in the texts, etc, 6, A concordance based on those Agamic works should be prepared. 7. A dictionary of Jaina technical terms, indicating the development of ideas, should also be propared. Preliminarily, such a dlotionary should restrict itself to the Agamle toohnloal vocabulary. ** 8. Umaavati's Tattoarthadhigamasutra has attracted the attention of prominent Jaina acarya-g from the date of its composition to the present, and has been the subject of a large series of comentaries written in differ. ent periods. Since these commentaries clearly reflect the development of faida phllosophy through all those periods, a full study of the history of Jalna thought should make use of (and have avaljable to it) reliabio odl tions of all these commentaries. 9. Special studies of Vidyananda's unusnal commentary on Umasvati, the Tattvarthaslokavarttika, and his Astasahasri, should be attempted. - 10. A comparative study of the Tattyarthabhagya (presumed to be Umaavati's own commonts on the text), the Abhidharmakosabhasya, and the Yogabhasya could shed some light on common features that would assist in interpreting early Jalna phllosophical thought. 11. Individual studies of singnificant Jaina authors, such as Jinabhadra. Haribhadra, Siddhasepa Divakara, Akalarka, and others are badly, needed. 12. The fact that the Jainas have produced literary works in Sanskrit. various Prakrits, and in the formative period of modern regional languages mcans that Jaing texts in theae languages should also receive considerable attention-for their linguistic value, their usefulness as sources of blstorical and cultural data, their lexicographic possibilitios, etc., to say nothing of appreciating them as pieces of literature, 13. Siace Jalna literature also encompasses areas like Medicine, Astrology, Astronomy, Mathematics, Prosody, Rhetorio, Musio, eto., those integy

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Jalna Studies 1 Japan, Europe, India 147 ested in any of those subjects in Indian cultural history should seek to evaluate the Jalna contributions in such areas. 4. The Jalna purana-s are interesting from various viewpoints. Study of these texts would yield Insights into the development of Jalna mythology; and comparison with Buddhist and Hindu materials could suggest many revealing avenues of interpretation. 15. Jaina librarles contain numerous old palm-leaf and paper manuscripts. Some of them are very rare, and contain fine miniature paintings, Some work in this field has been done. What in needed 18 a well-considered project in collaboration with institutions in India, 10 which manus. cripts would be properly photographed (and perhaps microfilmed), and transparencles made of illustrations. This would enable scholars to have access to these materials, and greatly improve scholarship in these areas, These fifteen suggested areas of study do not even begin to exhaust the possibilities for useful and creative work on the Jaina tradition. Howevor one might choose to evaluate them as goals for the immediate future, thoy (and the firat sections of this report) make one point unmistakably clear : the lack of work in North America on the Jainas docs not exist because of lack of materials or areas in need of work, What is needed now 18 a fresh commitment of scholarly energy, and a new awareness of the breadth and depth of the Jajna tradition,

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THE PRAKRITS OF THE DRAMA THEIR LITERARY FUNCTION AS ILLUSTRATED BY THE KARPURAMANJARI. G. H. Schokker 1 As is well-known, the Indian plays as a raje are written both in Sanskrit, viz. the standard language of the North-Indian civilization, and in Prakrit which represents the Middle Indo-Aryan vernacular. The Prakrit of the drama has two main varieties, viz, Maharastry and Saurasent1. Here' we may confine overselves to these two main kinds of Prakrit According to Indian tradition, the former is based on the vernacular of the Maratha country in the South-Western part of India,2 and the latter on the vernacular of Surasena, viz, the country about Mathura in the central part of North-India, However, it is questionable whether these two kinds of Prakrit of the drama and the vernaculars of the countries which gave their names to them may be brought into direct connection. From the way in which Maharastr and Saurasent are used in the drama such a connection does not appear, Their use in the drama rather relates to particular roles and literary styles which do not have any geographical implication, The use of Maharastri and Saurasens in the drama is in fact a literary convention marking the difference in status between those entitled to speak Sanskrit, viz, the sacred language which only the high-class male characters are allowed to speak, and those who are not entitled to do so, primarily the female characters. This difference has, of course, no relation whatsoever to geographical regions. As to the difference between Maharastr and Saurasons, I shall argue that it is a matter of literary style, the former serving the purpose of a lyric style, and the latter that of a prose style. The difference of style or genre between Maharastri and Saurasent has so far received scant attention. In the present article I intend to illustrate this by drawing attention to the preference given to the present participle or the absolutive in Maharastri and Saurasens respectively. 2 For the purpose of our study special use has been made of the Karpramanlart which is ascribed to Rajasekhara. According to the prologue of this play, Rajalekhara was the spiritual teacher of Mahendra or Nibbhara

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150 G, H. Schokker though they might be of a high class, women were not entitled to sponta Sanskrit, and, therefore, confined to speaking Prakrit, yiz the vernacular, Slace Sanskrit was especially used for intellectual purposes, it was considered less suited for the expression of sentincnts than Prakrit which, owing to the predominance of the "masculine" Sanskrit, was taken to represent the sphere of woman in which the sentiments play a prominent part. This notion underlies the usual dlvision of function between Sanskrit and Prakrit in the drama The participation of women in the drama was essential to the main purpose of the drama, viz that of conveying certain sentiments (rasa), in particular the sentiment of love (rngara-rasa), to the audience. This appears from the fact that Bharata developped his theory of sentiments (rasa-fasira) for the drama, and only at a much later date Rud. rata, oc Rudrabhalta (clcca 10th century A.D), in bis srngaratilaka applied it to the non-dramatic poetry (Kavya) 18 But the participation of women ja the drama implied that an important place had to be given to Prakcit in it Thus the convention of the drama with regard to the use of language by its main characters is that, in view of their atatus, high-class male cliaracters like the king, who usually is the hero (nayaka), learned Brahmios, mlaisters, generals, etc. speak Sanskrit But since they are not entitled to speak Sanskrit, high-class female characters like the queen and her friends (sakht), one of whom is the heroine (nayika), have to speak Prakrit. They use Sauraseni as their conversational language, while they sing their songs 10 Mabarastr1.14 But the predominance of Sanskrit implied that Prakrit, when used in the drama, could not be represented in its authentic form but had to be adju. sted to the standard language of North-Indian civilization Rajasekhara, when composing bis Karpurmanjari, seems to have been well aware of this requirement of the drama. For, when in his prologue he points out that Prakrit is sweeter than Sanskrit, at the same time he asgnres his audience of the fact that Prakrit practically is identical to Sanskrit: Karp. 1, 8 atthavisesa te cia sadda te cea parinamanta n uttiviseso kavva bhasa ja hoi sa hou "The different meanings remain the same, even though they undergo changes, the words remain the same; a poom is a particular expression, may the language be whichsoever it is" In this verse Rajasekhara interestingly points out that In Prakrit the worda, though uudergoing phonological changes, remain the same as in Sanskrit, while their different meanings also remain the same. On the strength of this close analogy of Prakrit to Sanskrit, Rajasekhara argues that a poem

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The Prakrits of the Karpuramahjart 149 who is supposed to have been a king of Mahodaya, 1. e. Kansuj, about 900 A.D. The Kapurmanjart is the earliest known specimen of a minor type of drama which is called Sattaka. As stated by Rajasekhara himself, the Sattaka closely resembles the Natika," which is intermediate between the Nataka and the Prakarana, viz. the two main types of the Sanskrit drama.s The Nutika is represented by another play ascribed to Rajasekhara, viz. the Viddhakalabhanjika. But the Natika is especially known from two plays which are ascribed to king Harga of Kanauj (606-647 A D.), viz. the Ratnaval and the Priyadarsiku. As regards their contents, the Sattaka and the Nattka are comedies of court-life which deal with the love of a king for a girl who has unexpectedly appeared at the court, the jealousy of the queen and her final acceptance of the girl as a co-wife, on the ground that see is her cousin. In addition to this, Rajasekhara's plays, Kapurmanjart and the Viddhasalabha njika, show an interesting feature which 18 unknown from Haisa's plays, viz. the fact that the marriage of the king with the girl with whom he falls in love serves the purpose of his becoming a cakravartin, 1 e. a universal monarch.10 In respect of its language the Kaparmanjary takes a unique position among the Indian plays which as a rule are written both in Sanskrit and in Prakrit. As seems to be charasteristic of the type of the Sattaka which It represents,11 the Kapurmanjart, on the contrary, is entirely written in Prakrit. As a result, throughout the Kapurmanjart Mabarastri 18 the lyric language, and Saurasent the prose language. On this account, the Karpurmanjari offers a good opportunity for comparing Maharastry with Saurasent from a stylistic point of view. In order to account for the fact that he wrote his Karpurmanjari ontirely in Prakrit, Rajasekhara in the prologue of this play states that Sanskrit poems are harsh but Prakrit poems very smooth. According to him, the difference which in this respect exists between the two is as great as that between man and woman, Karp. 1, 7 parusa sakkaabandha pauabandho vt hor suumaro purisamahilanam Jettiam shantaram tettiam imanam "Sanskrit poems are harsh, but a Prakrit poem is very smooth, the difference between them in this respect is as great as that between man and woman"12 In this respect it has to be taken into consideration that Sanskrit was a sacred language which only high-class men were allowed to speak. Even

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The Prakrits of the Kor puramanlari 15. (kavya) is so not much characterized by the asc of this or that language as by its particular way of expression (uh tisesu). Rajasekhara's statement shows that the adjustment of Prakrit to Sanskrit in the drama was achieved by taking Sanskrit as a model and pronoun. cing it in the manner of Prakrit Without noting Rajasekhara's particular statement in this respect, modern scholars have come to the same conclusi on. Thus in connection with the different kinds of Prakrit which are used in the drama, S, Levi states, that Sanskrit always underlies them and the different kinds of Prakrit are only special pronunciations of Sanskrit 15 L. Nitti-Dolci points to the striking fact that Bharata with regard to the recitation of Prakrit in the drama does not give any particulars about the morphology of Prakrit but merely lays down certain phonological rules for its pronunciation 16 According to ber, this is due to the fact that the Prakrit of the drama virtually is Sanskrit in disguise 17 This may account for the fact that Bharata could confine himself to`laying down phonological rules for the prounciation of Prakrit As Suggested by L. Nitti-Dolci, he may have intended these rules as advices to be given by the atagemanager (sutradhara) to the actors who know Sanskrit and only bad to learn its pronunciation in the manner of Prakrit. Eqnally the playwrights followed well-established rules which were laid down by the Indian grammarians of Prakrit. No doubt, the adaptation of Sanskrit for the phonological system which sorved to represent the vocaacular bronght about great changes. Nevertheless the Prakrit of the drama remained rather close to its model.18 Thla closo relation of the Prakrit of the drama to Sanskrit, viz the unlversal standard language, rules out the possibiliy that it was directly connected with any regional spoken form of language. As for the difference between Mabarastry and saurason, this is a matter of style, the former being used for the lyric style of the drama, and the latter for its progo style This question will be disou used in the next section, The Indian grammarians of Prakrit themselves seem to have been well aware of the fact that the use of the different kinds of Prakrit wag a matter of style. In this respect L. Nitti-Dulci points out that the main intention of theae grammarlans in agslyzing the differeat kinds of Prakelt seems to have been to lay down rules for the cultivation of different literary atylog,19 For this reason, they classify the different kinds of Prakrit not according to the nature of the language concerned but according to the style or genre for which it la utilized 20

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152 G. H. Schokker In order to account for the fact that Mabarastro wag uged for the lytid style of the drama, and Saurasen for its prose style, it is necossary to tako their historical backgrounds Into view. It then appears that the lyric use of Maharastry in the drama resulted from the fact that outside the drama it had been standardized as a lyrlo medium Sauraseni, on the other hand Is only known as a language of the theatre. This fact suggests that Sauragons may have been especially devised for the theatro. The literary cultivation of Maharastry started with the composition of 80-called muktaka-poetry, a muktaka being a detached vorse, the meaning of which 18 complete in itself. Tho Maharastri muktaka --Verses, aro called gathas "gongs" They mostly deal with love in its different aspects, while their scene is usually laid it the countrysid: Thay may have rocelved their inspiration from popular songs, but their refined form shows that they were composed by wall-educated posts according to well ostablished convontions. The Maharastri gathas have come dywa to as in the form of anthologlos. The earliest and most famous specimen of these anthologies in the saltasat "geven conturleges which is ascribed to Hyla21 The Indian tradition considers Hala as a Satavahana king of the Andhrabbrtya dynasty which ruled in the North-Western part of the Deccan, roughly during the first Ave centuries A.D., and had Pratisthana, altuated on the river Godavari In the Maratha country, as its capital. 18 It is unknown whether Haela himself was a Satavahana king or tho favourite poot of such a king. But the fact, that Indian tradition connects him with the Satavahana kings, suggasts that tho composition of Mahara. stri lyrics was favoured by them. This, however, only means that from this association with the Satavahana court Mabarastri dorived great prostige. It does not say anything about its connection with or derivation from the regional spokon language(8) of Maharastra, L. Nitti-Dolcl points out that the Sattasai formed the basis for tho standardization of Maharastri as a lyric language. This appears from the fact that Vararuci, the earliest grammarlan of Prakelt, in his Prakttaprakala to a considerable degree takes Hala's Sattasai as a model for his instruc tion of Maharastry. 22a Since Maharastri was the standard lyric language, the grammarians of Prakrit conaldor it the normal form of Prakrit, and mention it not by Its proper namo but by the general name of Prakrit,24 The standardization of Maharastri rosulted into Its uso for lyrio portions of the drama which wers mostly song by women,

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The Prakrits of the Karpuramahjari 159 Hence, it is interesting to note that Bbarata, in his discussion of the recitation of Prakrit in the drama, nowhere mentiong Mabaragiri by namo,26 According to L Nitti Dolci, Bharata's phonological rules for the pronunciation of Prakrit, however, come near to the kind of Prakrit which ia known as Maharastri 26 This especially scems to be the case of Bharata's rule that in Prakrit the intervocalic consonants k, s, t, d, y and u are dropped, while intervocalic kh, gh, th, dh, and hh change into h N$. XVII, 7 vaccanti kagaladayava lopam atthan se vahamti sara khaghathaulhabha una hattam uvemti attham amumcanta "ka, ga, ta, da, ya and va are dropped, the (remaining) Vowels carry their meaning, kha, gha, tha, dha and bha, however, become ha without giving up the meaning"27 As is well-known, the dropping of the Intervocalic consonants to a high degrco characterizes Miharastri 28 It presents one of the few instances which up to now have been attributed to the use of Maharastri for a lyric style, the dropping of the intervocalic consonants being considered to make the language sound more melodioualy,20 Hence, it cannot be regarded as a peculiarity of the regional spoken language, If - as suggested by L. Nitti-Dolci - Bharata, when, using the gen. eral term Prakrit, means in fact Mabarastri, this would be in keeping with the custom of the grammariana of Prakrit who, considering Maharastri the normal form of Prakrit, are in the habit of mentionlng it by the goneral name of Prakrit But for the moment it seems impossible to come to a definito conclusion on this point. In contrast to Maharastri, little or nothing 18 known about Sanraseni outside the drama Ilterature. Hence, Saurasent scems to have been especially davised for the drama This also appears from the fact that, as noted by L. Nitti-Dolci, the grammarians of Prakrit take all their instances of Saurasent from the drama.80 Hence, in their view Saurasen; is proper to the drama. Since these grammarians consider Maharastri the normal form of Prakrit, with regard to Sauragedi thoy confine themselves to mentioning its differences from Maharastri.82 Thus the question arises as to why Saurasen was used for the drama, In his discussion of the recitation of Prakrit in the drama, Bharata several times mentions Saurabeni by name. He reckons it among the seven major vernaculars (bhasa) which are used in the drama : Sambodhi 5.2-3

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154 G. H. Schokker NS XVII, 47 magadhy avantija pracya sauraseny ardhamugadh bahlika daksinatya ca sapta bhzsah prakirtitah "Magad br, Avants, Pracya, Sauraseni, Ardbamagadbi, Babjika and Daeksinatya are known as the seven major vernaculars" But among them Bharata seems to assign the first place to Sauraseat for he discusses it separately in a passage preceding the one quoted above. This also appears from the way in which Bharata in this passage deals with Saurason. After discussing the age of Sanskrit, and Prakrit in gene. ral in the drama, 12 Bhacata goes on88 to stato ; NB. XVII, 45-46 sarvasu eva hi suddhusu jatisu doljasattamah Saurasenim samasritya bhasan karyesu yojayet *athava chandatah karya desabhusa prayoktybhile nanadesasamuttham h kavyarks bhavati nafake "For among all the pare commodities there are the Brahmins, in tho poemg one should assiga a language based on Saurasons to them (1. e. the pure communities)" "Or, according to thelr wish, the actors may use a local language, because in the drama poetry springs from various countries" According to Bharata, the characters who belong to the pure communlties (suddhajatt) but - a8 18 implied by the context - do not speak Sanskrit may use either a language based on Sauraseny (saurasenith samuftitya bhasa) or, if they wish, & local language (debabhasa). L. Nitti-Dolol Interestingly points out that, by contrasting Sa drason with the local lan. guages, Bharata seems to underline the universal nature of Saurasons." In Bharata's view, indeed, Sauraseni 19 not so much as a local language. It only serves to substitute Sanskrit in the case of those charac ters who, though belonging to the pure communities, are not ontitled to speak the sacred language: When he deals with the use of the seven major yernaculars (bhasa) in the drama, Bharata 10 particular montiong the characters who speak Sauraseni, Thoy are fomale characters of high class liko the heroine (naylka) and her friends (sakhi). Ns. XXII, 50 b nayikanan sakhinam ca faraseny avirodhint "Sauraseny 18 saited to the heroines and her friends'' Thus Sauragcor represents the conversational language of the high class female characters who are not entitled to speak Sanskrit, vize, the

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The Prakrits of the Kar puramanjari 155 sacred language which 'only the high-olass.male characters are allowed to use But this special function of Sauraseny implied that in its form it had to be as close as possible to Sanskrit This, indeed, is the case It 18 gonerally belieyd that Saurasont lo its grammar and vocabulary is closer to Sanskrit than Maharastri. 86 As regards its phonological system, it is worth noting that in Saurasens the tendency to drop the Intervocalic consonants which to a high degree characterizes Maharastry is confiad to moderato limits. In this respect the moat salient point of difference between the two kinds of Prakrit seems to be the treatment of the intervocalic dental consonants Whereas in Maharstri Intervocalict and d are consistently dropped, and th and dh cha ngo into h, lo Snurasco intervocalic t as a rule is softened to d, and th to dh,07 For instance, hoi, Maharastri bhodi, Sauraseni, cf bhavati in Sanskrit. From a chronological point of view the form hot represents a later phase of development than bhodl, hoi boing normal in Apabhramsa and Early Hindi, However, it 18 unlikely that this difference in the treatment of the intervocalic dental consonants between Maharastri and Sauraseni ag used In the drama reflects one between the vernaculars of the countries from which they aro named. Since the Prakrit of the drama represents a literary convention, it would rather seem that the softonlng of i to d, and that of th to dh, in Sauraseni resulted from its special function of representing a form of Prakrit which should be as close as possible to Sanskrit, On the other band, it has already been pointed out that the high degree to which in Mabarastri the intervocallc consonants are dropped is generally attributed to its use for a lyric style, and not to a peculiarity of the regional spoken language. Thus the fact, that Maharastii and Sauraseni are used for respectively the lyric and prose styles of the drama, implies that they cannot be directly connected with the spoken languages of the countries from which they are named, Maharastri was a recognized lyric medium, and, therefore, was used for the lyric atyle of the drama On the other hand, Ilttie or nothing 19 known about a non-dramatio UBO of Sauraseni As stated, in Bharata's view Saurasen is not so much as a local language (desabhasa). The only thing known about it is that Saurasont represents a convention of the drama with regard to the conversational language of the bigh-class female characters who are not entitled to speak Sanskrit. For this purpose Sauraseni had to be as close as possible to Sanskrit, via, the language of the high-class male characters. L, Nitti-Dolci interestingly points out that, according to Bharata, Sauraseni also serves as the language of the dhruvas, viz the introductory

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956 G. H, Schokker Verges of songs to be sung by women in the course of the dramatic perfo, rmance. Since its model, viz. Sanskrit, as the universal standard language could be used for any style, at the margin of the drama Saurasen may also have been used for lyric purposes But its proper use was to represent the conversational language of the high-class female characters in the drama. This close connection between the use of a language and a particular style seems to be characteristic of Indian literature in general For instance it is well-know from New Indo-Aryan Braj and Avadhl, viz respectively the Western and Eastern Variants of Hindi, received their literary coltivation within the scope of two differont styles. Whereas Braj served a lyric atyle proper to the Krsna-cult for which it was used, Avadhl served a narra. tlve-didactic atyle which in its initial stage was cultivated by the Sufis in their romaacos (premakhyana) and at a later stage by the devotees of Rama lo theft Rama-epics. Proceeding on the assumption that Braj, like Saurasen, was the vernacular of the country of Mathura, it is generally taken for granted that Braj descended from Saurasoni. Bat if the use of a language 13 a matter of style, Braj no more than Sauraseul can be directly connected with the vernacular of the countary about Mathura. From a stylistic point of view it 18 also interesting to note that Braj just played the reverae part of that played by Sauraseni in the drama, Braj belag used for a lyric style, and Saurasons for & proso style.co ! The difference of atyle, between Maharasstri and Sauraseny manifests Itaelf in the fact that the former boars the distinguishiaz marks of its lyric stylo, and the latter thoso of its prose style. Io the study of Prakrit this important point up to now has hardly received any attention. Since in the drama as a rule the use of Maharastri and Sauraseny is confined to the high-class female characters, such a difference of style between these two kinds of Prakrit may generally manifest itself only on a small scale. But the karpuramanjari 18 entirely written in Prakrit, and therefore, offers a good opportunity for comparing Mabarstci with Saurasent from a atylistic polnt of view, Here I may call attention to a striking Polat la which Maharastri and Saurasen, as used in the Karpuramanjart differ from each other. This poiot relates to the fact that they make a different use of the present partigiple and the absolutive. In Maharastri tho use of the present participlo to a large extent predominates over that of the absolutivo, the ratio of tho present participles to the absolutives being 56.9.42 On the other hand, Sauragent in this respect just gives the reverse picture. Here the age of

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The Prakrits of the Kar puramahjant 159 the absolutive in great measure predominates over that of the present participle, the ratio of the absolutiyes to the present participles being 35.15.2 This preference which in Maharastri is given to the presont participle over the absolutive, and that which 10 Saurasep is given to the lattor over the former, seems to be due to the fact that Maharastri is used for a lyric style, and Saurabent for a proge style. In order to account for this, the distinctive features of the present participle and the absolutive have to be ascertained. The present participle and the absolutive have the featuro in common that they denote an action which accompanies that of the leading verb. But both in their from and in their meaning they differ from each other. The present participle is a verbal adjective which is declined according to the gonder, the number and the case of the noun to which it relates For this reason, it has a long ending In the Mabarastri of the KarpuramaAart the present participle even thrice occurs in an extended form, cf, dharantao and phuronlao, Karp III, 31b, mannantao Karp. II, 86. On the other hand, the absolutive is indeclinable. As regards its ending the absolutive in Mabarastri shows a distinct difference with that usod in Saurasent In Saurasen; the absolutive as a rule bas a short ending, viz.-ia cf., o. g., uftha, Karp II, 43, 5, hakharia Karp I, 4, 12. But in contrast to Sauraseni, the absolutive in Mahastri has a long ending, viz,-una. of_iuna, cf, 0.8, dafthuna Karp III, 6a; This ahows that the lyric style of Mabarastri favours the use of a form with a long ending, and the prose style of Sauraseni that of a form with a short ending Whereas in Mabarastri preference la given to the pregont participle which has a long ending, in Sauraseni preference is given to the absolutive which has a short ending (-a). On the other hand, when the absoluttive 18 used in Maharastri, it has a long ending (-una, -runa) To this another point may be added which relates to the difference of meaning existing between the present participle and the absolutivo. Whereas the present participle denotes an action wbich 18 simultaneous with that of the leading verb, the absolative in this respect la neutral, the action denoted by it either preceding that of the leading verb or being simnitaneous with it. For this reason, it is in tho nature of the present participle to depict a circumstance which accompanies an action. This nature of the present participle adopts it for the purpose of a lyric style which is mainly dogcHptive. Whereas the present participle opens up and extends the picture, the absolutive tersely circumscribes the way in which an action is performed.

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158 G, H. Schokker While the present participle broadens the statement, the absolutive restriots It. Honco, the absolutive la appropriate for a prose style which is mainly of a matter-of-fact nature, while the present participle has its natural place In lyrio description, A clear instance of a verse in which the present participle serves the purpose of a description is presented by Karp II, 31. In this vorge the king lyrically depicts the swioging of Karpuramadjari ucceh camarehim dhayaladhaavadadambarillayalihim ghantahim vindurillusurataruntvimannusaran lahani paararh langhaanti kunai raavasa unnamanti namanti enti janti a dola janamanaharanam budd anubbuddanehim <Page #257
The Prakrits of the Karpuramanjari 159 This argument also applies to Maharastri lyrics which, as stated, traditionally consist of muktaka poetry. A case in point is the verse of Karp. II, 31 which contains 6 present participles. To this it may be added that, except for a few cases, 45, all the present participles in Maharastri either are placed in the nominative or, to a lesser degree, form part of a bahuvrihi compound in the nominative. This means that the present participle in Maharastr as a rule serves to depict a situation of the subject of the main action, and so to extend the main action of the subject The present participle, though to a far lesser degree, also occurs in the prose style of Saurasent. But from what has been said it follows that the prose passage of Sauraseny, in which present participles occur are of a descriptive nature, and in this respect approach the lyric style of the verses. A striking Instance of a prose passage in which the pre sent participle serves to depict a situation is presented by Karp. III, 20, 3, ta kim ajja vi uvekkhiadi ghanaghammena kilammanti munalia gadhakkadhidadusahena salilena sincijjanti kelikunkuma puttalla chammasiamottlanam tadatti phudanti ekkavali ganthivannakearia luntijjanti gandhiharinehim "Will he then even today take no notice of his lotus root that is languishing by reason of the intense heat? of hia saffron dolly that he has to play with, that is being sprinkled with most intolerably scalding water? of his single string of monster pearls that (now) in a trice 18 parting ? of his meadow of rose-bay, that the musk-deer are plundering ?"47 In this passage tha vidusaka describes the languishing atate of Karpurmanjari by a series of comparisons which all contain present participles. It is significant that out of the 15 present participles which occur in the Sauraseni of the Karpurmanjart 4 belong to this single deseriptive prose passage. The extensive description of this passage is in sharp contrast with the terseness which usually characterizes the prose style of Saurasens. The difference between the two styles becomes still more pronounced by the fact that in the prose style of Sauraseny as a rule no more than one absolutive accompanies the leading verb, whereas the lyric style of Maharastri one and the same is inclined to use more than one present participle in verse (cf. Karp. II, 31) In Saurasens only once two absolutives accompany the leading verb, cf. Karp. II, 43, 2 ta maragadapunjado plavaassam ania tamalavidavantaridam thaola edam paccakkham karissam

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160 G. H. Schokker "Well then, l'll fetch the old man from the Emerald Seat, station him where he'll be hidden by the tamala shrub, and let him witness the affair with his own eyes 48 Another difference between the two styles lles in the fact that in the lyric style of Maharastri the subject of the action which is accompa. nied by the present participle 18 always third person, and never a first or second person. On the other hand, in the proge style of Saurasont the subject of the action which is accompanied by the absolutive may be any of the three persons In 12 cases the subject of the action which is accompanied by the absolutive in Saurasear is a first person. In 5 of these cases the first person is experessed by the pronoun ahan, and in 6 cases by the ending of the finito verb,50 while once the first person is denoted by the Instrumental mae in a passive construction In 7 cases the absolutive accompanies an imperative of the second person 62 To these cases may be added those in which either an active imperative of the third person once) 68 or a passive imperative of the third person (thrice)54 as a polite form is used for the person addressed in 4 cases the absolutive accompanies an action of the third person, 65 and in 8 cases it occurs in a passivo construction in which & noun as the logical subject is denoted by the instrumental. 66 The exclusive use of the third person as the subject of the action which is accompanled by the present participle in Maharastri seems to be in keeping with the tendency of lyric description towards abstraction. On the other band, the fact, that any of the three persons may serve as the subject of the action which is accompanled by the absoluttvo 10 Saurasens, results from the concrete nature of the prose style in this respect it is intresting to note that the first and second personal pronouns ahan and tuman in general are much more frequent in Saurasen; than in Maharastri. Whereas In Saurasear ahan occurs 63 times, and tuman 49 times, in Maharastri ahath occurs only 15 times, and tumam 16 times Abbreviations Indian texts Karp. Rayyad. . Rajasekhara, Karpuramanjari, ed. by S. Konow and transl. Into Bnglish by Ch, R. Lanman, 2nd issue (Delhi, 1963). . Dandin, Kavyadarsa, ed. O. Bohtlingk (Leipzig, 1890). Chapter XVII of Bharata's Natyasastra, ed. M. Ramakrishna Kayi (Baroda, 1934), roproduced by L. Nitti-Dolci, LGP, pp. 64-76. MS

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The Prakrits of the Kar puramahjari 161 NS., ed. Ghysh Bharata, Nat yasastra, vul. I (Chapter: I-XXVII), ed, and transl. into English by M Ghosh (Calcutta, 1967). Studies PS R. Pischel, Grammatik der Prakrit-Sprachen (Strassburg, 1900). LGP L. Nitti-Dolcl, Les grammairlens prakrits (Paris, 1938). Journals: tbh f. d. K d. Morgeni : Abhandlungen fur die Kunde des Morgenlandes (Leipzig). Ind. Ant : Indian Antiquary (Bombay). Journal Asiatique (Paris). ZDMG Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenlandischen Gesellschaft (Leipzig). JAS Notes Minor kinds of Prakrit in the drama are Pricy, the language of the vida saka and other comic figures, Avanti, the laoguage of police officers, officer and rogues (dhurta), and Magadhi, the language of lower characters. 2 Kavyad I, 34 maharasprasrayan bhasam prakrstam prakstan vidus sagaral suktiratnanash setubandhadi yanmayam Tho language which is connected with Maharetra is known as the superior Prakrit, it is an ocean of pearls of wise saying, and pooms like the Setubandha are composed in it". 3 For the edition which has been used sbe under the Abbreviations. 4 Karp. I, 5 bhava kahtljau san ko bhannal raapivallahasthando rahuulacudamanino mahindavalassa ko guru "Your worship, let this be answered, who is called Moon-crowned ? and who is the teacher of Mahendrapala, the crest-Jewel of the race of Raghu po and Karp. I, 9-10 balakar katrao utbbharardassa taha uvaljhao la Jassa pashim paramparai mahappam aradhan 80 assa kat siriraascharo tikuvanan pl dhavalenti harinankapadusiddhia nikkalanka guna fassa "He who has rison to lofty dignity by the succemivo steps of young poot, chief poot, and teacher of King Nibbhara, ti e Mahendrapala), He is the author of it, the famous Rajabokhara whose marits make resplendent the throe worlds oven, [and] are loft unblemuhod [even) by the rivalry of the moon" (translation of Ch R Lanman). 5 Cf Karp. p179. 6 For the Sapraka, see A N. Upadhye, 10 bis introduction to Rodraddaa's Candra. lekha (Bombay, 1945), pp 19-53. Sambodhi 5.2-3

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162 G. A Schokker 7 Karp I, 6 so safjag iti blamiai duram jo nadiaj analaral kisha una pavesavikkhambhankalm kevalan na disanti Sattaka is the name of a play which much resembles a Natika, excepting only that Pravesakas, Viekambhakas and Anka, do not occur" (Translation of Chi R, Lanman) 8 Cf NS ed Ghosh, XX, 59-63 9 Rajabokhara, Viddha'alabhanjika, in The Contribution of Wonien ta Sanskrit Litera ture, ed. J B Chaudhuri (Calcutta, 1943) 10 Karp I, 12 fanpavaladharangharinanko cakkavafipaalaharimittar ettha saffaavare rasas otte kuntalahtvasuar parlnel "In this excellent Sattaka, which is a river of poelic flavors, (Ring] Candapala, the moon of our earth, in order to achieve the rank of an Emperor, takes to wife the daughter of the Lord of Kuntala" (translation of Ch R. Lanman). See alao J, B. Chaudhuri, in bu introduction to the Viddhasalabhaajika, pp 5-9 11 CPA'N' Upadhye, in his introduction to Rudradasa's Candralekha, pp 31-32. 12 Translation of Ch. R Lanman 13 Rudrata, Srgaratilaka, ed. R Plachei (Kiel, 1886), 1, 5 prayo nayath prati prokta bharatadyai rasasthitin 1' yatkamati mayapy sa kavyam prati nigadyate .. 'Bharata and others generally taught the state of the rasas only with regard to the drama, but to the best of my knowledge I tell it with regard to poetry (kayya)" 14 According to L. Nitti-Dolci, LGP, P 118, men peak Saurasen only when it is intended to produco a comic effect Thus the comic figure of the vidu saka speaks Ralicy which is based on Sauraseni 15 Baldva, Le theatre indien (Paris, 1891), Appendix, p 23 "le uanscrit en est toujours la baso, et los pracrits ne sont guere que des prononc lations spccialos du fansorit" 16 CF L Nitti-Dalci, LGP, D 80, NS XVII, 6-25 (od Ghosh, XVII, 6-25). 17 LOP. p 80 "Lo prakrit des dramos est vraiment un travestissement du sanskrit". 18 L, Alsdorf, "Die Entstehung der neuindischen Sprachen", ZDMG, 91 (1937), pp. A28-432 19 LGP, P 127 20 LGP, p. 122 21 The muktaka is a gence In itself, but Dandin in Kayad I, 13 ocorporates it in tho sargabandha, 1e the great poeni (mahakavya) which is divided into sections. 22 Hala, Sat tasar, ed A Weber, Abh, f. dKd Morgeni V, (1876, VII, 4 (1881). 23 Cf. A Weber, in his introduction to Hila's Saltasar, Abh y.dk, d. Morgenl. VII. 4, pp X-XVI 23 1,, AGP PP. 42-50 , 24 LGP, P 17 25 C, NSXVII (XVII, od. Ghosh). 26 LGP, PP, 76-79, 88. Cf NS. od Ghosh, XVIII, 7 Cf, R Pischel, GPS, par 12 29 Cf. A. Weber, in his introduction to Hala's Sattasaf, Abh f d K, d. Morgenl. VII, 4, p. XX, R, Pischel, GPS, par 12, 30 LGP, p. 117.

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The Prakrits of the Karpuramanjari 31 LGP, p 5. 32 Cf. NS XVII, 31-43 (ed Ghosh, XVIII, 31-43) 33 In the intermediate verse of NS XVII, 44 (XVIII, 44, ed. Ghosh), Bharata forbids the use of the languages of the Barbaras, Kiratas, Andhras and Dravidas in the drama 34 LGP, p, 118 35 According to L Nitti-Dolci, LGP, p 117, Markandeya in hu Prakytasarvasva takes all his instances of Sauraseni from the speeches of women 36 Cf. S. Konow, Ind. Ant, XXXII (1903), pp. 181-182, L Nitti-Dolci, LGP, p 2. 37 Cf. R Pischel GPS, par. 22. 38 For hol, cf Karp 1, 7a, 8b, IV, 23a, and for bhodi, cf Karp 1, 20,43, 34,10; IV, 3, 1, 18, 21, 22 41 Cf. Appendix I 43 Translation of Ch R. Lanman. 39 LGP, pp. 84-88 40 The question of the literary functions of Braj and Avadhi will be discussed in a forthcoming publication } 163 44 L Renou, "Sur la structure du Kavya", JAs, 247 (1959), pp 7-8; 17-18. In this article he gives a detailed account of the features which characterize the two main styles of the Kiratarjuntya, viz a descriptive (-narrative) style and a style of the discourses which are mostly monologues, and only rarely dialogues Since the Kiratarjuntya is an epic poem, Renou's analysis is confined to poetry 45 Cf, kunantanam, Karp, II, 46b, palantta, II, ld, pecchantssam, II, 30c, samsamanam, I, 27b, suvvantam, II, 27d. 46 The verse of Karp III, 27 is built on a series of 7 bahuvrthi-compounds which all contain a present participle, cf also ranantamanineuram Jhanajjhanantaharachadam... hindolanam, Karp II, 32 47 Translation of Ch. R Lanman 54 Karp 1,20,40, 34,35, IV,9,18 55 Karp. 1.6,2; 12,3, III,5,2, 34,7 56 Karp II,9,1, 11,3, III,3,18, 4,5, 8, IV,9,7; 18,11; 23. 48 Translation of Ch R Lanman. 49 Karp II, 32,2, 43,2 (here two absolutives accompany the action), III,3,18, 34,9. 50 Karp 1,4,12, 20,31, 34, IV,18,4; 19,17, 18. 51 Karp. II,8,3. 52 Karp. 134,1, 3, II,43,5, III,34,5, IV,19,24, 39; 57. 53 Karp. 11,41,2 I, 4d dento APPENDIX I (1) Present participles in Maharastri classified according to the verse in which they occur : (I Karp. 8a parinamanta 15b dokhandaanta, c kunanta, d gumphanta 16d pijjantam 21a gaanta 27a nivesaanti, b samsamanam, c samjamant 30c dijjamana 33b pacchaanti 35d milanta

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164 G. H. Schokker II, id pulantia 2a dalantu, b denta, c sarcarenta 8b manqantao 24b Tsasantan 270 suddantan 30a ricchaanto, b vicchoianfo, c pecchantinat, niddalanto 31b lahanti, c langhaanti, unnamanti, namanti, d enn, Janti 32a ranantao, ghanajjhanantao 33b ranantao 35a Osaranta 39b cammatthiaanto 46b kunantanam 50a kunanto, b mufcanto 10, 10c pasaranta 11a pasaranta 25c mufcanto 27a dajjanta", dijjantao, b lambipjanta", muccantao, csajlijanta, Jampantal, d Ovalanta 28a denta, b kiranta, c kunanta 31b phurantao, dharantao IV, 11a paribbhamantlu 19b pianti 24a vzphuranto (2) Absolutives in Mabarastri. ut thiuna Karp III, 21a kandariuna III, 17d kadna 11, 8a dafthuna III, 6a motlana III, 3d, IV, 13a vinulia I, 13d souna J, 35c hakkariuna , 11, 360 APPENDIX II (1) Absolutives In Saurasens : avagamla Karp. III, 34, 5, 7 ania II, 43,2; 1,4,8 aruhla IV, 9,18 ufthia II, 43,5 uppadia I, 20,31 upayisia I, 34.3, II, 41,2 kadua II, 8,3; III, 5,2; IV, 9,7, 18,11, 19,17

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The Prakrits of the Korpuramanjari 165 gadua IV, 18,4; 19,24 genhia IV, 19,18, 39, 57 ghettuna I, 12,3 thavia IL 43,2 naia II, 11,3 dala 1, 20,40; III, 4,5 parlharia 1, 6,2 pavisia III, 34,9 pucchia I, 34,1 bhania T, 34,35 bhana I, 20,34; 11,9,132,2, III, 3,18 vihasia IV, 18,23 samuppadta, III, 3,18 hakkaria , I, 4,12 (2) Present participles ia Saurasenr . kilammanti ,Karp III, 20,3 kurukurdanti , I, 18,15 kurukuraanto, III, 2,1 jaradhamana, II, 1,5 dhavantassa, I, 18,13 parihiamana, III, 8,5 pianto III, 8,4 phudanti III, 20,3 bhanantassa , I, 20,30 mantaantassa, II, 6,15 luntijanti III, 20,3 vahanto I, 18,2 sinjiljanti III, 20,3 hasantis I, 20,15 hindolaanti II, 29,7

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DHAMMAPADA VERSES IN UTTARAJJHAYA 9 Gustav Roth 1. Svargiya Acarya-pravara Srt Atmaramji Maharaj of the Jaina Sthanak at Ludhiana produced the monumental edition of the Prakrit Uttarajjhayana-sutta (Utt.), Malagutta 1 of the Jaina Canon, accompaaled by a Sanskrit chaya, translation and commentary in Hindi. In the prastavana of Vol 1, pp. 22-25, a chapter called "Uttaradhyayana aur Dhammapada" is included in which Atmaram mentions nine Utt -verses along with their respective Pali Dhammapada (Dhp) parallels. In this paper 1 limit myself to the Utt.-Dhp stanzas which we find in the nineth chapter of Utt., the so-called Nami-pavajja-nam'-ajhayanam.2 Among them, Utt. 9.14 calls our attention first, not noted by Atmaramji, in connection with its Dhp parallel. It reads suham vasamo Jivamo Mihilne dayhamaniye Jacobi (p 37) translates. "Happy are we, happy live we who call nothing our own, when Mithila is on fire, nothing is burned that belongs Lo me." Jesim mo n'atthi kimcana | me dajjha kimcana na This is the answer of the royal Seer Nami which precisely meets with the admonishing question of Indra in Utt. 9.12 esa aggi ya vau ya eyam dajjhar mandiram | bhayayam anteuram tenam kisa nam navapekkhaha || "There is fire and storm, there your palace is on fire By this your gynaceum is in dangers, why don't you look after it " In Utt. 9 14 only pada a and b go with pada a and b of Pali Dap 15.4 (200). su-sukham vata jivama piti-bhakkha bhavissama yesam no (1) n'atthi kincanam | deva abbassara yatha || Nearer even to Utt. 9.14 a, b is G Dhp 11.7 (168) a, b. suha'l vada jivamu kijaneau manusesu yesa mu (nasti kajani | viharamu akijana. || In pada b mu draws near mo of Utt 9.14b. As a whole, the padas a-d of Utt. 9.14 have their counterpart in Udanavarga (-Uv) 30,44

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Dhammapada Verses in Uttaraljhaya 9 167 susukham bata Jivamo Mithilayam dabyamanayam yesam no nasti kincanam Da no dahyati kificanam || Comparing pada a of Utt. 9.14 with pada a of Pali Dhp 200 and Uv 30 44, the Utt. verston betrays a higher degree of antiquity through a dio tion of more archaic simplicity which can do without the interjection bata. It is the original answer to ladra's remarks taken by the poet from the common stock of contomporary goomic poetry which well suits the context. Therefore I do not follow Alsdorf's words about it ( oc, p. 14, 12-15): "Consldoring the old fame of this stanza, we shall hardly be wrong in assuming that 10 this case it is not the answer that fits ladra's words but that these words are composed so as to fit the famous stanza 10 order to include it into the samvada" It seems to me demonstrably evident that our stanza evolved from a context preserved by the stanzas 7, 9, 10, 12 and 14 of Utt 9, referring to events in Mithila in a figurative manner. The occurrence of Mithila in Uv, 30. 44c is based on the above quoted anolent Utt. verses and its context. Many of the Dhammpada verses will have originally been embedded in and evolved from a certala context which we do not have any more. In the Utt.-verses under discussion, leading to the climax of concluding verae 14, such a context is fortunately preserved It seems to me less likely that these verses were merely constr. ned for the purpose to have the famous stanza safely 1goluded, which had wide currency. Thus we also find the Mithila-verse in MBh XII (17.18; 171.56, 268.4) of the Poona Edition, referred to by Brough, P. 230, under 168. They all stem from a context reflected by Utt 9, 7--14. 2 Atmaramji, I, p. 364, 1 l, layltes to compare Pali Dhp 8, 4(103) with Utt, 9, 34 which reads, jo sabassam sahassupam egam jinoja appanam 88game dujjac pie esa ge paramo jao || "He may conquer thousands and thousands of (foes) 10 a battle where victory is difficult to be obtained; this is the highest victory, when he conquers one, himself This 18 the appropriate answer of the king to Indra's words la Utt. 9.32. I need not quote the Pali parailel which Atmaramji has quoted and which is easily accessible in editions of the Pali Dhp.8 Lot me only quote those parallels which are not saay at band, (1) Patna Prakrit Dharmmapada (Patna Pk. Dhp), XX, Sahasra-vargga, Verse 3; !

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168 Gustay Roth yo sahasram sahsranam saggrame manuso jine 1 ekam ca pacna-m-(l)attanam sa ve gamggrama-na-uttapao || This 18 close to Pali Dhp except Pamna in pada c : "he, who conquers one, himself, through insight, this one indeed 19 uppermost in the battle," (2) G Dhp 19. 1 (305)=Brough, p. 167, yo gahasa sahasani Bagami manusa jini | oka ji jini atyana 80 ho 88gamu utamu || (3) Mahavastu (=Mv) III 434, 17-18=Sahasravarga, verse 3 (Ed. Senart); yo Satani sabyaranam Sapgrame manuju jaye yo caikam jayo atmanam 8A vai samgram-jit varath || (4) Uy 23, 3-Bernhard, p, 291 yah sahasram sahasranam samgrame dvipatam jayot yas catmanam jayed ekam damgramo durjayah sa val || Pada d of this vorso goes with pada b of Utt 9.34 above in particular. A true Variant is only in Patas Pk Dhp 20.30 with its pappa. Both the Utt. and the Patna PK versions seem to represent the most ancient ones available so far 3. Atmaramit rightly connects Utt 9. 40 with the Sahasravarga too, the sterotype features of which point into this direction. Yet I am not able to quote parallels which meet with the particulars of this stanza. It reads. jo sahassam sahassanam tassavi Bajamo 8CO mase mude gavam dao || adintassa vi kimcana 11 Jacobi (p. 39) translates. "Though a man should give, every month, thousands and thousands of cows, better will be he who controlls himself, though he gives no alma." This verso may belong to a Sahasra-varga of a Dhammapada-collection of vorses we do not know, or it may have been composed by the poet himself in thla particular way on the lines of a stereotyped dlotion. At any rato, Nami's answer very well fits Indra's exhortation preceding it in Utt, 9. 38. 4. Utt. 9.44, tho Dhp-parallel of whioh has been quoted by Atmaramji (1, 0.1, pp. 372-373). runs as follows mE80 masc tu jo balo kas'aggenam tu bhumjao na so aukkhaye-dhammasga kalam Agghati solasim ||

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Dhammapada Verses in Uttarai haya 9 169 "Ao ignorant man may eat but a blade of Kusa-grags evry month (for the sake of his penance), he will not counter-balance the sixteenth part (of merits) of him who possesses the well-taught dharma" Pali Dbp 5 11 (70) of Bala-vaggo : mase mase kus'-aggena balo bhunjeyya bhojanam na so sank hata-dhammanam kalaq agghati solasim || Patna PK Dhp 20 14 of Sahasra --Varggab (fol. 2ub 1-2) mase mase kusaggrena balo bhufijeya bhojanam ! Da tam sakkbata-dbamminam kalum agghati podasim 11 Uv 24, 20E of P-yalayarga Berohard, p 305 mgse mase Kusagrena yo bi bhunjita bhojanam na tat svakhyata-dharmasya kaium arghati podasim 11 My III 435. 19-20 - Sahasra-varge verso 14 in Senart's edition. mase mase Kugagrena bglo bhumjoya bhojapap! Da so svakhyata-dharmanam kalam arghati odasim 11 A survey of these parallels shows that Utt 9 44c and Uv 24, 20Bc draw closer to each other with sukkhaya-dhammassa and syukhyata-dhar masya respectively, while the versions of Pall Dhp, Patna Pk. Dhp, and My go together in regard to-dharmanam in pada c Wo already noticed to $. 2 of this article that the versions of Utt. and Uv agree in a particlar wording of respective padas. The above study has shown that our Ult-chapter contains very ancle. pt material belonging to the common goomic tradition of Ancient India, crossing sectional boundaries 3 OF Notes 1 Uttaradhyayanasatram Samskrta-cchaya-padarthanvaya-molarthopotarp Atma-na prakakkl-Hindi-bhasa-ka-sabitam ca Anuvadaks. Sri Sri Sri 1008 upidhylyn Set Atmar ma ji maharaja Bhaga 1-3 Laha ur, 1939, 1941, 1942, The Uttaradhyayanasutra edited by J Charpentier, Upsala, 1922 2 L Alsdorf, Namipayvajja Contributions to the Study of a Jala Canonical Legend, in Indological Studies in Honor of W Norman Brown, American Oriental Society, 1962, New Haven, Conn.. pp 8-17, included in Ludwig Alsdorf, KLEINE SCHRIFTEN, herausgegeben von A, Wizler, Wiesbaden, 1974, pp. 215-224. of Suttagame Edition II, pp 988-989. 4 H. Jacobl, Gains Satras Translated from Praktat Part II The Uttaradhyayana Satra . The Satrakritenga Sutra, Oxford, 1895 5 About bhayavan, 100 Alsdorf, oc (ref 2) pp 10-11=pp. 217-218. 6 The Gand hart Dharmapada edited with an Introduction and Commentary by J. Brough London, 1962 (London Oriental Series Volume 7). 7 Udanavarga horausgegeben von F Bernhard, Band 1 Goettingen, 1965, Band 2, Indices Konkordanzen, Synoptische Tabellen Goettingen, 1968. 8 Take the Nalanda Devanagari Edition, pp 17-58 9 A photostat copy of the Pk Dharmmapada Ms, photographed by R Sinksty yana 1935 in Tibet, has boen made accessible to me through the kindness of Prof Dr. Sayed Hasan Askari, then Director of K P. Jayaswal Research Instituto, Museum Buildings, Patna-1. Sambodhl 5.2-3

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A NOTE ON THE GRAMMATICAL PARIBHASAS OF THE SIDDHAHEMA SYSTEM J. M. Shukla Each Sanskrit grammatical system regte on a number of basic works belonging to it They are a book of aphorisms (Satrapatha), a book of roots (Dutupatha), a book of word-groups (Ganapatba), a book of 108truction about rules of pronunciation Siksa or Varnasutra), a collection of the rules of interpretation (Paribbasa patba), a book of accent rules (Phitsatra. patba) and a book of Unadi suffixes (Unadisgtrapatha). In a majority of cases they are composed by one scholar after whom the system gets its name. For the Paninlan school the Ascadhyayi of Papio, is the basic Sutra work of aphorisms which develop and complete the grammatical system of Panini. The Dhatupatha, Ganapatha and the Siksa are fathered on Paniol, tho Paninlya Siksa benog naderstood as composed by a very late Paplnienthusiast who did not mind inaccuracies and misstatements in the faco of devotion for Paplal, Seriou& students of Panini explore the problom of the authorship of Dhatupatha and Ganapatha and even the Satrapatha.! Paribbasas or rules of interpretation concern themselves with tho relation between sutras and their applicability and with the enunciation of broad grammatical principles. Panini has included about forty eight parlbhard rules as aphorisms in the first Pada of the first Adhyaya of Agtadhyayi, without using the term Paribhoga in his work. While explaining and commenting on Panini's sutrus Katyayana has added a number of Vartikas which can be understood aa paribbasas helpful in the interpretation of the Panloian ruleg. The wording of these Paribhasa Vartikas is akin to Katyayana's other Vartikas. An early work called Paribhasascana, & liat of Parlbhass with a commentary, is fathered on Vyadi who was a contemporary of Panini and who certainly lived before Katyayana, Vyadla pivotal work laid under debt ali later Paribhasa works composed upto tho cighteenth century It is a perennial fountain from which all Panipian and non-Panjpian schoola derive their streams of inspiration, Paribhasa rules following the remarks of Katyayana and Patanjali went on swelliog so that we have now about five hundred and fifty Paribasas in the Paninian and non-Panidian system. A few of these have been added by non-Papinian schools. In the Siddha Hema system we have the Satra-work Siddha hemaSabdanusaaana 10 seven adhyayas, the eighth adhyaya giving rules for i Von Rober Birwe. Studien Zu Adhyaya IIf der Astadhy&yi Paninis, Wiesbaden 1966

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A Note on the Grammatical Paribhasas of the Siddhahema System 171 Prakrit languages. We have a Dbatupatha, a Ganapatha and & Lingangsasana. As for the Paribhaas Hemacapdracarya (H) at the end of bis Brhadvrtti on Samarthah Padavidhih (vit 4 122) has added a list of fifty scyon Parlbbasas. He calls them nyayah and states that he has selected them fropp thoso that are understood from scientific grammatical discussion (Sastre suci. rah ) and those that are well-known in goneral discussion (lokaprasiddhah) H. has used the word Nyaya 10 a broader sense and not in the sense of reasoning or argumentation (nyaya) or a maxim from ordinary irfe (lokanyaga) aa Nagesa has suggested in the beginging of bis Paribbasendasekhara H, bas omitted a number of unimportant Nyayas and a few of his Satras which in his Bfhadvytti he calis Paribhasas A of these fifty seven Paribbasas Syam rupath fabdasya_abdasamjha (1) fathasankhyamanudesah samanam (10) and adyanlavadekasmin (5) are Panini'a sutras 1 1 67, 1.2.51, and 11 21 reapy B The following nyayag are based on Vartikas of Katyayana. 7 ekadesavikstamapanyavat -Va 4 on si, Sa. 2 14 arthavadgrahane Danartbakagya 1-Va 11 on VI 4.11 15 laksanapratipadoktayoh pratipadoktasyaiva grahanam -Va 2 on VI.2.2 16 namagrabane llngavisistasyapi Va. 29 on IV.11 19 sannipatalaksano vidbiranimitiam tadvighatasya |--Va. 3 on 1, 1.39 20. asiddbam babirangamantarange |--Va. 7 on I 1 47 and many more. 23. Kftrimakstrimayoh krtrime -Va, 23. on I. 1 23 32 Diranubandhagrahane sanubandbakasya Va. 2 on Iy."1.15 42. antarangam bahirangat |--Va 3 on I 1 5, VX. 9 on VI. 1.108, -Va. 8 on I. 42; Va. 5 on VII, 1.6. C The followlog nyayas have been selected from ancieat llats of Parl. bhasks, Hike those of Vyadi, Sakatayana, Candre, Katantra, Jaipondra and Bboja and are also found in the wel-known lists of grammarjana later than Hemacandra.. 6 praktivadanukaranam 1 ekadegavikptamananyavat 13 arthavasadvibbaktiviparina mah | 17 prakrtigrahane yanlubantasyapi | 22 gaunamukhyayormukhye karyasampratyayab | 29 nimittebhave nalmittakaayapyabhavah sanniyogasistanamekupayenyatarasyapyapayah niranubandhagrahane na agnubandhakasya | 36 purvepayuda anantaran vidhin badhante nottaran 37 madhyopavada purvanyidhin badhante nottaran 30 SADA 32

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172 1. M Shukla 40 yena naprapte yo vidhirarabhyate sa tasyaiva badbakan Nagcha in hua Paribhasondusekhara does not includo no. 13. The following are found in lists earlier than that of H. but not lo later lists. 28 uktarthagamaprayogah | 38 yam vidhim pratyupadesonarthakah sa yldhirbadhyate 39 yasya tu vidhornimittamasti nasau vidhirbadhyate | B The following have been accepted from wel-known lists: 8 bhutapurvakastadvadupacarah | - found in Jaipendra (3) and Bhoja (39) 9 bhavin, bhutavadupacacah ! - found in katastra (14) and Candra (26) 11 ylyakpatah karakani | found lo Candra (68) and Bhoja (46) 21 na svartoantarye This is taken from the well-brown Paribhava oajanantarye bahistvaprakliptih 1 24. Kvacidabhayagatih | This is found in Sakatayana (36), Jaipendra (v) and Bhoja (76) 25 Siddhe satyarambho niyamartbah - found in Katantara (59), Jainendra (1) and Bhoja (74) 26 dbatoh svartpagrahano tatpratyaye karyavijnanam || - found in Jalpendra (31), Bboja (75) and Purusottamadova (55) 28 uktarthanamaprayogah --found 10 Vyadi (51), Sakatayana (53), Candra (28) and Kalapa (62). 33 ckanubandbagrahane na dvyanubandbakasya || -found in all lists except katantra, kulapa and Nagesa. 35 anityamugamasasanam 1-found in all except Bhoja and Nageda, 43 piravakasam savak sat found in Candra (50) and Bhoja (94). 44 varnatprakstam --found in katantra (81), Jainendra (72), and Bhoja (95). 46 upapadavibhaktoh karakayibhaktih ! -found in all except Vyadl and Sakatayana, si agamat sarvadedah -found in katantra (41), kalapa (46) and Bhoja (102). 52 paraonityam found in kalapa (51). 53 nityadantarangam found in Jaipondra (80) and katantra (93) 54 antarangaccunavakasam -found in katantra (79) aad kalapa (105). 55 utsargada pavadah found in Katantra (63), Kalapa (48), Jainendra (90), and Bhoja (85) 56 apavadatkyacidutsargopi found in all Darlior lists except Jajnendra, but not found 10 any later.

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A Note on the Grammatical Paribhasas of the Siddhahema System 173 F So far as indebtedness to a single paribhasa authority is concerned, Hemacandra can be understood to bave accepted eight nyayas verbatim from Bhoja's list : 3 rtoryrddhimadyidbavavayavebhyah This is Bhoja No. 107 11 vivakpatah karakani | This is Bhoja No. 46 12 apeksato dhikarah! This is Bhoja No. 48 31 Danvaciyamananivsttam pradbanasya | This 18 Bhoja 80 34 nanubandhakftoyasarupyanekasvaratvanekavargatvani | This is Bhoja no. 83, Both baye followed the wording of Vyadi (13) and Sakatayana (16) 35 samasantagamagamjiajnapakagananasnirdistani anityani | This is Bhoja no. 84 48 Sarvebhyo lopah | This 18 Bhoja no. 99 57 nostartha dastrapravftiih | This is Bhoja 107, Hemacandracarya 18 not much indebted to sakatayana (Jr) and Jalbendra lists of Paribhagas. He has made a judicious use of all the earlier Paribbasas and has accepted only those which are indiapensable to his system. The Acarya found the following self-coined nyayas necessary for the atady of bis system They are dos 4, 18, 45 and 49. They are almple general statements Hemahamsagani added sixty five nyayas to the list offered by H. They have been selected by him from a wide variety of Paribhaga lista wel-known in his time& He also added eighteen more making the total 88 one hundred and forty He added an auto-commentary to the list As Hemacapdracurya 18 very largely indebted to Panini for the plan and the stucture of his system and as he has accepted a great bulk of aatras oltbor verbatim or with minor changes from the Ascadhyayi, tho question of examining the validity, authorship and internal plan of his system as consistent with the ayayas given by him doos not arlse.

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THE OFFERING OF DISTICS (DOHAPAHUDA) Translated from Apabbrapsa with Critical Notes Colette Calllat Ap - Apabhramba Da Dolhi ms of Dp (cf Pd, Intr p. 9f ) d = doha a b c d denoting the four padas) DpDohapahuda (quoted mostly following Pd, infra) K=Kolhapur me of Dp (cf. Pd, Iatr P 10ff) NeNigari ed (the text as printed in Pd) Pd - Pahuda Doha of Ramasimba Muni An Apabhramba work on Jala mysticism Critically odited by Hiralal Jain, Karanja 1933 (Karanja Jana Series 8) Pkr. Prakrta PPT - Srt Yogindudova's Paramatmaprakada (Paramappapayisu) An Apabhrarhla Work On Jain Mysticum.. and also Yogaskra. edited by A N Upadhye, Agas 1973 (Srimad Rajachandra Jaina Saatramala 3) (a preliminary ed had bcon publl shed in 1934] Skr. = Sarpakrta Tagare G V Tagaro, Historical Grammar of Apabhramin, Poona 1948 (Deccan Collego Dlasertation Series 5) v.1.=varla lactlo In some cases, both variants are translated, (or two possible meanings given), and printed on two parallel lines =added for translation'a sako . (. ), ( - double entendre Several scholars have recently drawn attention to the mysticism with which the works of some great Jaina philosophers are imbued, they have even llated - to quote Dr V. Raghavan - "some gems of saylogs of Jain saints and myatics". The new edition of Yogiadu's Paramatmaprakasa (Paramappapayau) and Yogaagra will bo wolcomed by all those who are interested in this trend of thought. In fact, the carly and lastlog celebrity of both those treattiges 19 not to be denied the Dohapabuda, compiled by Ramasiha-muni borrows about one fifth of its dohas from these poems, as shown by Hiralal Jain, in the introduction to the edition of this work-by him entitled 1 y Raghayan, "Somo gems of sayings of Jain salnts and myatics", The Adyor Bull. 38 1974) Mahkvira Jayanti Vol, p. 225-228, also A N. Upadhye, Paramatmaprakke (cf n 2), p. 43ff, 28ff, Kamal Chand Soga nl, "Fundamentals of Jaina mysticism", VishVeshvaranand Indological Journal 3, 2 (1965), 255-272-V18hy Indol Papar Sorios 155 2 Sri Yogtadudeva's Paramatmaprakaba (Paramappapay au) An Apabhratha Work on Jain Myaticum and also Yogagara .. edited .. by A. N. Upadhye, Agaa 1979 (Srimad Rajachandra Jaina Sastsamala 3-a preliminary ed baying been published in 1934

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Colette Calllat Pahudadoha, according to one of the two available manuscripts 1 H, Jain's book is now, unfortunately, out of print But a translation into English of these Apabhramsa stanzas might be useful as a contribution to a wider diffusion of what has been termed "an Apabbramsa work on Jain mysticism". 176 In fact, Ramasimha's aim is much akin to that of Yogindu's he exhorts the trained Jaina religious, -the muni, or, as he often calls him, the yogin (Ap. Joya), to make a clear distinction between his soul, fiva, and all that is "other", different; moreover, to realize that only the jiva is the true Self (atman, Ap appa), "made of knowledge", "free from ageing and death", and that it 18 fundamentally identical with the Supreme Reality. Thus, the yogin should strive to transcend the empirical world, and should live contemplating the radiant Paramatman. It immediately appears that many of the dohas colned or assembled by Ramasimha bear similarities with developments which are often met with in other strata of Indian religious literature, in the Upanisads, Bhagavadgita.., or Buddhist teachings. But I shall not go into all these possible comparisons here 2 Ramasimha signs his anthology in doha 211, which, as a matter of fact, seems to be the last stanza of his work, the following eleven dohas being most probably spurious: they will not be translated here. 1 Only a few explanatory notes will be given after the translation. On the other hand, in some dohas, and in a few stanzas written in other metres, it seems that H Jain's text could be improved in various details (considering the metre, the other forms - doublets - or phrases which are elsewhere met with in the Dp) Therefore, a list of corrections will be added as an appendix The doba rythm has been discussed more than once; in most cases, the Dp conforms to the pattern described by AN Upadhye in the Introduction to his edition of Paramatmaprakasa. (14+12) x 2 moras, It will be remembered that, in Ap., a nazalized vowel can be short or 1. Pahuja Doha of Ramasimha Muni An Apabhramia work on Jaina mysticism. Critically edited... by Hiralal Jain, Karanja 1933 (Karanja Jaina Series 3) -On the title of the anthology, see Intr p 9, 11, 13, the second ms calls It Dohapahuda, which seems preferable cf A. N Upadhye, PPr, Intr, p, 68 2. For such comparisons, see H Jain, Pd, notes, passim; P K Gode, ABORI 20, 1940 p 188-194, reprinted in Studies in Indian Literary History, I pp. 14-21, quoted by V. Raghavan, "The Bhagavadgita and Jain Literature", Bharatiya Vidya, 10, 1949 (K. M Munshi Diamond Jubilee Vol, 2), p 80-87, A N Upadhye, PPr, Intr. p 37f; Kamal Chand Sogani, "Comparative study of the expressions of the ethical ideal according to the Upanisads, the Gita and Jainism", Visby Indol. Journal 2, 1 (1964) Vishv Indol papers 102, etc; C. Caillat, Second World Sanskrit Conference, Torino 1975 (Indologica Taurinensla 3, 197x) 3. Cf. A. N. Upedhye, PPr, Intr, p. 69-70 4. Cf. PPr, Intr., p. 27.

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The Offering of Distics (Dohapahuda) 177 long, and the syllabic quantity at the end of a pada is ambiguous (-/v). It would be useful to show the exact rythm of each stanza 10 case the booklet is reedited, but I decmed it undocessary, here, to go into all these details, as this sort of adjustment can easily be made by the interested reader This translation owes much to the late Prof. Dr. A N. Upadhye but for his kind help, I would not have had access to the Dohapahuda. Let me express my gratitude for the time he spared for my benefit, and spent in Illuminating explanations and discussions, during my visit to Mysore, in February 1974, I am thankful that he has been such a learned, generous and kind scholar I also wish to thank my friend Miss B M. Martin, who advised me when I was rendering the text into English, it was a delight that she took such keen interest in the work, though she, before, bad had no contact with Jainism. Finally, I express my heartiest thanks to the editors of Sambodhi who readily accepted this contribution to this special issue of thelr Journal. 1. The Guru is the (sun) which provides the day-light, the Guru is (also) the refreshing one (the moon), the Guru is light, tho Guru is the God, He who makes one see the difference between the (real) Self and the other, between the various others. 2. Be satisfied with that bliss which pertains to the self in the heart of those who think of bliss coming from other (tbings), poor man, (in their heart) the burning thirst docs not disappear. 3. The bliss which one gets) on having turned his face against the (pleasures of the senses, when reflect lag upon one's own Self, even Indra does not get that bliss, when sporting with devis by crores, 4. Those who, though enjoying the bliss of the senses, do not retain them in their heart, they will quickly/casily get the eternal blissthus say the great Jinas, 5. Those men who, though not enjoying the bliss of the seases, retaja their emotion in their heart, - just like the miserable salisiktha fish, they (will) fall into hell 6. In case of) difficulty, one babbles and prattles; but it only amuses the world, (whereas) when the mind 18 puse and standing unshaked, the bigher world will be attained, Bambodhi $ 23

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178 Colette Caillat 7. The whole universe has fallen into the disturbances of bulj0088 : It creates karmans, unconsclously; it does not even for one single moment think of Self,--the means of deliverance 8. The Self is wandering about lo lakhs of births, enduring misory, deluded by sons and wives, as long as it does not acquire right knowledge and faith, 9. Do not consider as belonging to the Self (what really ls) something also, -house, onvironment, body--all that you most value, (this 18) depending on the karmans, artificially created (=temporary), (as) has been taught in the Tradition by the yogis 10. Misery has been transformed into bliss, and bliss into misery [K,Nel by you, o soul, who have been sobmitted to edlusion (v. 1 D] because), o soul, you have been submitted to edlusion; therefore deliverance has not been reached, 11. You do not reach deliverance, o soul, if thinklog of wealth, environment... therefore think only about That (mokca) (through which) you will reach That, the supromo bligs. 12. Do not judgo, soul, that this an abode resulting of misdeed, is just ablding in your (real) homo : a not has been fashioned by death, difficult to be removed, no doubt. 13. Foollah man, absolutely all is artificial, do not pouad evidently empty huske; take pleasure in the immaculate blissful sojourn quickly leave your house and onvironment. 14. Dolusion dissolves, mind dies, (all distiaction between) inspiration and oxpiration splits, Omniscience develops for those whose dwelling will be at the top of the world. 15. The serpent abandong its sklo sheath, (but) his venom he does not abandon; (thus) he (who) does not put aside the emotion of onjoyments, (though) be takes the insignia (of a religious). 16. That muni who, having loft (the bliss of) the pleasures of the senses, Again has a desire for them, he bears the pulling out of his hair, exposing himself to the burning of the sun-but he wonders to samsara.

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The offering of Distics (Doha pahuda) 179 17. The bl188 of the senser lasts for (a) day (or) two, in return, there is a series of miseries being mistaken, o soul, do not bring an axe against your Self, your trunk, 18. Brush it with powder, anolgt it with oll, give it exercise and refined food all this (care) for the body is valo, like service done to villains. 19. With this body shaky, soiled, wortbless, why not take this course of) action which will become firm, atsiologs, worthy ? 20. Better (resort) to poison, better to polson jus gaake, better to fire, better resort to living in the forest, but not living with the heretic8,-which is against the Jiga'a Law. 21. These people have eradicated the radical virtues, and they cling to the additional virtues. just like monkeys having dropped from the branches, they have fallen down violently, and been broken! 22. If the Self has been understood to be eternal, to have omniscienco for its own nature, then, poor man, how can love still be bostowed on the body ? 23. There is no place on earth, among the eighty four hundrod thousands of rebirths where this soul bas not wandered if it does not come up against the Jina's word. 24 The muni in whose mind knowledge doca not flash-(while) creating the cause of karmans, he does not reach bliss, (even) if he has in mind all the treatises. 25 Deprived of the knowledge and faith, o soul, you considor as reality the reverse you call Self the phenomena built up by the karmans. 26. << am fair, I am dark, I am different in colour: I have a thin body, I am fat" : 0 sou), don't consider like this. 27. You are not a pundit, nor a fool, nor a Jord, nor Unsupported, Dor a guru, nor some student. all those are but a distinction (coming) from the karmaps. 28. You are nelther cause nor effect, nor a master nor a servent, (nor) a brave nor a coward, nor superlor nor humblo.

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180 Colette Caillat 29. You are neither merit nor sin por time either, nor the support of movement, the support of rest, nor a body (of matter) You are, o soul, not one of these principles), except that which is of the nature of consciousness. 30. You are not falr, nor dark, you are not one single colour, You are not bodily thio, nor fat 1 kaow this to be your owo characteristic 3). "I am (not) a great brahman nor & Vajsya, neither a ksatriya for the rest I am not male, acuter, female" koow this to be your characteristic. 32 "I am a youth, an old man, a child--a brave, a divine pundit a digambara, a buddhist, a svetambara" , don't imagine all this 33 Having seen aging and death of the body, have no fear, o soul. consider that the Self is the unaging and undying consider that the Self is unaging and undyingaupreme brahman, the brahman supemo 34. To the body belong both aging and death, to the body the various colours, know it is to the body that diseases belong, to the body tho sexcs, o friend, 35. There is neither agiog or death, nor diseases, sexes, colours. know the Self from the absoluto point of view: to the soul not a single one of the previous) designation(s) (will apply). 36. If you call Self the phenomenon relating to the karmans. then you (will not reach the supreme sojourn, again you will wander to the sapsara, 37. Excepting the Solf which is made of knowledge, any other phenomenon is external, leave that, o soul, and meditate upon your owo pure nature. 38. Devoid of colour, made of knowledge, he who roalises his own (excellont) nature, peaceful, immaculate, that man 18 the (Blissful) siva, towards this (the Self) attachment is to be directed, 39. In the three worlds is seen the god Jina, (and) in the great Jina this trlad of worlds, in the great Jina is seen the whole universe, no difference can be made.

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The Offering of Distics (Dohapahuda) "Understand, understand the Jina " 40 One says Whom else, friend, should one understand if the Self has been understood as distinct from the body, as made of knowledge? 181 41 One says: "Bow, bow to the Jina !" To whom (else) should one bow, frlend, on this earth, If the ultimate reality has been understood of the (Self) who'dwells in oue's own body? 42. O yogi, so that (your mind) your camel can graze in the lotus-bed, release the halter he whose mind had attained the imperishable (and) healthy (state), how could he- a wise man take delight in this world? 43 Don't slacken your hold restrain one, the tongue; woman. of the five senses! Restrain two and the second one, (contact with) anothor 44. The five bulls have not been guarded, you have not gone into the Nandanavana, 1 neither the Self has been known, nor the other, so you have gone into homelessness ! 45. The affection of your beloved, dear companion, has fixed outside on five rivals; his return is not seen-the miserable man who has joined with another 1 46. The mind knows the (real) teaching when he sleeps without preoccupation, he who joins his thoughts with the (Self) who has no thoughts, unthinkable (supreme Self), then achieves the unpreoccupied state 47. For those who stick to the (right) road, contemplating before (themselves), If a thorn pricks their foot,-let it prick ! tboy are not culpable, 48. Leave (him), leave (him), quite free; let him go where he thinks, let him advance towards the great city of Perfection don't feel joy or sadness. 49. The mind has joined the supreme Lord, and the supreme Lord the mind; both remain having become identical. to whom should I address my puja ?

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182 Coletle Caillat 50. [v. 1. D.] How is the god attained ? Where has the supreme Lord gode ? How can he be forgottea, who is the Blissful Siva ali permeating ? 51. O dear, whatever 18 other, that 19 another, another is not the Self I shall be cremated, but the Self) will remain : he will not turn back to contemplate 52. Foolish man, everything absolutely is a product of karmang, there is nothing which is not karman-produced, While the soul marches on, the hut has not gone : contemplate this allegory. 53. The god who dwells lu your body-his temple-, accompanied by his Sakti, u bo 19 be, jogi, there, this Siya with Sakti? quickly search for their difference. 54 He does not age, (or) die, nor is born, be, whoever he is, [v 1. DI who is supremo, without beginning, soverolgo of the three worlds, made of knowledge, he is the (Bilgsfull) god Siva- surely 55. Without Siva the Sakti does not function; on the other hand, Siva 18 (088entially) without Sakti, when both are known the whole universe is understood, delusion has disappeared. 56 Another thing as long as you have not noticod your nature as belog composed of knowledge, your thoughts, belog the prey of imaginations and to decisions-(though) composed of knowlodge-are consumed miserbly 57. He who has understood the Self to be eternai, hoalthy, made of koowledge, with ita own nature being of tho higher bliss - supreme-he bad no other thought 58. If we know one Jlna, we know the io foite god, on the contrary, ho who is deluded by delusion, ho stays wandering far, 59 He in whose heart dwells the Self mado of omniscience, ho remains free in the throe worlds sin does not stick to hlm. 60 He who, having understood this as the cause of bondage, does not thlok, talk, act, he 18 tho suprome Solf, whose being is shining with Omniscience,

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The Offering of Distics (Dohapahuda) 183 61. If, inside, the thoughts are soiled, what is the use of austerity, outside? whoevor you are, fix the Immaculate in your thoughts, so that you free yourself from dirt. 62 That which has fixed on the Immaculate the mind-marcblog towards the (pleasures of the gengos and passions, that only is the cause of freedom-not all the rest, fourmulas (and) versicles, 63 [f, eating and drinking, o soul, you reach the permanent freedom, why did the Lord Rsabha ronounce all the bliss of the senses ? 64 Your body, (as) a whore, congumos you continuously, poor man, while your thoughts have not become immaculate, Identical with the supreme (Self). 65 He whose mind is not irradlated by knowledge, destroying all Imagle Dations, how can he attain eternal bliss, (even) if he expounds all the (roliglous) Lawa? 66 He in whose mind dwells the supremo Self,-having ronounced all occupations, ho ultimately reaches the supreme course, having destroyed the eight karmans. 67. Excepting the Self, an abode of virtue, you are meditating another meditation ! (But.) poor man, to those whose composition includea no-science, how can Omniscience accrue ? 68. The Self is solely vision, Omnlaolence; all tho regt is profane. O yogl. only this is to be meditated on, which is the essence of the three worlds. 69. Tho Self ls made of violon and knowledge; all the rest is a trap. having known this, o yogi, leave the network of treachery 70. Excepting the Self-the jewel of the universe, if people delight in other thing(6) (they are borotics): What else can be sald)? Are there horns on the horetic's heads? 71. Excepting tho Self-the jewel of the univerec-poor fool, don't meditato upon something else for him who really knows the amerald, what is the value of glass ? 72 The Law is obtained by the good maturations, poor man--the Law less by the bad maturations: the soul who is removed from both thoso, is not reborn.

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184 Colette Caillat 73 Karmaps have joined spotancously and have been spontaneously parted, o yogi, no doubt What else (can be said)? Are villages inhabited by travellers, whose natural hablt is nomadic ? 74. Don't confuse the soul with what 18 different from it), if you fear the misery (of transmigration) A thorn, eyon the size of a gesamy husk causos suffering--aecessarily. 75. Sin ls destroyed instantly by reflection upon the self. alone, the sun destroys the density of darkness in the twinkling of an eyo. 76. Oyogi, be in whose heart dwells the one supremo god. removed from bloth and death, he attains the supreme world. 77. He who eliminates the karmang made in the past, (and) does not admit new ones, he who salutes the supereme Immaculate, he becomes the auprome Self, 78. As long as one has not become apotleas and does not have the Supromo Immaculate (One) in the mind, bo dovelops 210 in the Self, he creates karman, all the while 79. Moreovor the Self, which is all vision and knowledge, 18 the imamacolate god, supremo, The Solf is the true path to freedom know this, o fooliab man. 80. As long as they go wandering off to false sacred places, they commit treacherous misdeeds as long as, through the grace of the Guru, they do not have in mind the god within their body. 81. You are deluded by greed as long as you are mindful of the bliss of tho (pleasures of the) aenges As long as, through the grace of the Guru, you do not receive the (real) unabakable faith and knowledge 82. Ho knows only outward appearances, he in whom inclinations are wicked, although he is possessed of this knowledge which aheds light on the three worlds, (but) througb which the (speclal) koowledge of the Self) does not aurgo up (in bim).

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The Offering of Distics (Dohapahuda) 187 to such circumstances, poor man, very few remember the god (withia them.) 104. He whoso pleasant mind bas halted outside the mind, having broken with the (five) elements, lot him move about as he thinks there will be nelther danger nor transmigration, 105. By murdering the livlog soula, 000 goes to hell, by offering (them) protection, there is heaven. those) twin paths havo been shown to you): stick to that one whero one thinks (it is right). 106. The happiness of the sonsos) lasts for (a) day (or) two; in return, thore is a & series of miserios. My heart, I instruct you make an enclosure (of your thoughts. 107 O foolish man, one should not dolight 10 (one's) body, the body is not the Self, contemplate the Self as distinct from the body (and) made of knowledgo. 108. As a small cottage for the breaths, such is your body, my girl, (/Just as there are cottagos, for candalas, so there are crows, my glol). Concentrate your affection, o yogi, in that place where the Lord of breathing (creatures) dwell. 109 He who, having left the main trunk, climbs the branches, how could he practice yoga ? The garmont cannot go to the woaying / bo woven, poot man, without the cotton having beon carded. 110. When all the indecisions have been cut off, --for those who are abso. rbod in the natare of consiousness, who stay in the meditation of the Immaculato, the Solf plays with the Supreme. 111. Today you will quickly conquer the yonng camel, having sot-him (to yourself) as your target; having mounted [on] the camel all supreme muni bas froodom from coming and going in the samsara), 112. O camel, grazo, as you ploaso, the creeping horb of austorities to the plain of the Jina's virtuos, as long as you do not abolish your unovod / unequal and dangerous Course in the transmigration of birthg.

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88 Colette Caillat 113. The austerities are the halter, the observances are the harness, squanimity and self-taming are the saddle, brought up in his house of self-control, the camol has gone towards Thrvana. 114. First, you don't know the road, second, you don't ask anyone: contemplato pooplo striving through jungles and forests, up and down the bille ! 113. That Doblo treo which is far from the road, covored with flowers (though it is) has no purpose. the exhaustod travellor has not rested (thore), no hand has boon brou. ght back with frult, 116. They have fallen into the distrubances of the six darianas; the error of their mind has not disappeared; Tho ono god has boen split into six; so, thay don't go to freodom. 1. Bxcepting the Self-who 18 unique, supreme (from the absoluto point of ylow), (from the profane point of vlow), there is no other enemy: but) He who has fashioned the karmans, If anybody (can), Ho will make them disappear. 148. Though I try to retain him, still he fixes the mind on the other (object), not on the Solf, Because of the (pleasuros of the senses, the soul will boar tha magry of hell. 119. O soul, don't think: "I shall have plersures relating to the solf such as the fruit of kimpaka, such misery you will propare for yourself. 120. O soul, you court tho (pleasures of the) sonses, - for your misory, you have run straight to thom, 40 on to all in flame, just as the fire (lamos) with the ghoa, 121. Ho Indeed is an archar who has laid (his arrow on the string of the bow) alming at the Immatorial : ho to without preoccupation ho by whom (mind) has beon lald in Bocordance with the blissful Reality. 122. O doar, o friend, what is the use of this mirror in which the image of the Self is not soon ? The universe appears to me full of disturbances. though he is in the house, the Lord of the house is not seen! 123. Ho is known as freo he whogo mlad - while he is alive - is dead, as also bis five sc1808: ho has takon the path, the Dirvana.'

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185 The Offering of Distics (Dohapahuda) 83. As ta taught to him), so is carried out by him): ho 18 dofinitely glyca a (good) mark. Or again, ho does not noam: his karmans will break of thomicives. 84. The savant makes explanations; but 'ho has not given thought to his Self as straw bare of cars, but collectod in abundance ! 85. O pandit of the pundits among the pundits, you have loft the cara and pounded the chaff; you have been satiafied with (soperficial) meaning and text, you don't kwow the auprome Reality: you are a fooligh man 86. Boasting of their toxtual knowledge, they do not have the (roal), causo in mind : liko acrobatos, expert at balancing with) thelr bamboos, achlovo nothfog more that hardstakes. 87. Poor man, loarn the spark of kaowlodgowbat is the wig of a lot of Instruction - that, whon kindled, conflagrates morft and an immediately. 88. Absolutely everyono atruggles to achlovo Porfection: Perfection [DNo] In the supreme world/EK] . #prome, Is attained by purity of the thoughts 89. Tho wholo universo le encountored in the bodom of hlm, in whom ataya the Omniscient, pure (One), without beginning. no one can go further, 90. Whon the Self is established in him Soll, nowhero Impurity adheres: on the contrary, all grave yhce that ho had becomes exclaabfo 91. O yogi, If you practice yoga, if you do not fall lato the disturbancos of business, your body, thta hut, disintigrates; you romaln exactly as you are. 92. My d-ar, o mlod, o camel, don't delight in the happlause of the ploasures of the senses whloh do not givo uointerrupted bliss; froa yourself from them instantly. 93. Don't bo joyful, (or) wrathful, don't get angry: ergor destroys the Law: ! Sambodhi 5,2-3

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The Offering of Disties (Dohapahuda) 191 contemplate the Self as distinct from the body (and) made of knowledge 146. By learning the book(8), how can he attain froedom, he whose mind is impure? Ready to kill it, the hunter bowe, standing at the feet of the doar ! 147 Ho who has true knowledge nowhere contemplatos Law (which would be) devoid of compassion: by much churning of water, the hand doos not become buttored ! 148. The virtuos even of the good are destroyed when they are in conta. ct with evil people: fire, together with fron, is hammerod frequently. 149. It is not that the whitenoga of the conch has not been tested ja tha fire; (but) it will surely disappear if the conch is mixed with khadira wood. 150. The condition of the conch left by the ocean is that of the creatyro who has been kissed by the vile huntors after they have taken it by the neck in their hand. 151. when they have abandoned the ocean of qualities, the conchs) are gelzed on the heap of (various) valuables. What is their further destination? They are loflatod (with sounds), 152. O miserablo beel you have savopred the voluptuous fragrance of the blossome of the divine tree why did your heart not break - not dio -- now that it searches round the palasa. 153. Ho has his head shaven (to be) a ahavoling; he has retained the Ipatruction; bis desire for the Law has incrosod; noverthelons, he has had abandoned the bousehold (only) If desire for othor (than the Solf) has beon abandonod 154. O doar, those who boast of their nakedness, who have no estoom for those who aro shy of it, thoy do not roloase anyone of their bindings, external or Internal, 135. O doar, stop the mind-elephant-rashing towards the Vindhyra: ho will break the park of character, and will fall agala, in sapeura. 156. Those who are well read, the knowlodgeablo ones, those who have earned) respect and consideration, thoy, if thoy fall into the grip of womon, aro rotated like a grinding stone. it ,

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Colette Calllat 157. You have plerced the defence with your fist; you have carrosed, you will lick (%) until you are exhausted (?)- like the oyster with its many tonguos (attachad) to the shell. 158. You cut and crush leaves, like the camel that has enterod (the pastore): and ao you do not know, o deluded one, who cuts and who is out. 159. Leaves, water, darbha horb, segamy, know all these to bo of the same sort; but that which should be trodden (10 the path) to freedom, that--the roal cause-18 something different, 1 . Don't cut the leaves, o yogi; don't stretch the hand to (piok) the frakt: ho for whom you cut (thom), he is the (Blissful) Siva, thoro (In your beati) : worship (him). 161. In the tomple tho stono, in the sacred ford the water, in all the books the veraes.. objects which are seen to be blossoming, all this will bocome (transltory as) fuel, 162. For those who are wandering from gacred ford to sgcred ford, what frult has there boon? The exterior has been cleansed in water, (but) the interior, what has become ? 163. You wander from sacred ford to saorod ford, o foolisb man your od has beon washed with water, (but) how do you wash this your mind, which is soiled by the stain afen? 164. Oyog, ho la whose mind the uniquo god does not dwell, removed from birth and death-how doos ho attain the supreme worldt 163. Ho knows the unique ont, ko knows no other than this) : evoa tho gods do not endorstand this man's behaviour, he who has the experience he alone has knowledge of * to those who can supply a satisfactory answer()? 166. That which it to no way possible to write down (or) to ask, (1) fold, does not stay in anybody's thought. But It doos stay in the thoughts thanks to the Guru's Instruction; this stays anywhere when people retaia it thos. 167. The watop of the stream pulls, (but fs) pushed back by the ocean; the mighty ship 18 tossed about by the galo;

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The Offering of Distics (Dohapahuda) 189 124. What 18 the use of many Scriptures, which, with (the passage of time, go to destruction ? (That) in consequence of which you are (without scripture/but) imperishable, o moni, (this 18 what,) for you, poor man, they call freedom. 125. They roar flercely among themselves because of the text of the six darbanas. the cause is unique, 18 supremo, they believe the opposite, 126. Poor man, there should be no error on the part of those who underatand about the Siddhanta, Purana, Voda... It 18 only as long as one has started on the path) with (true) bliss that, o poor man, they call him Perfact. 127. Thoro is union of siva and Sakti on the earth in the animal sacrifos. Though distinct, the Sakti is associated with Siva : Very few are those who understand, 128. He by whom the supreme Reality has not been understood to be distinct from their own body,... he is a blind man: how can he show the path to other bliad mon? 129. O yogi, meditato your Self as distinct from the body. If you imagine the body to be the Self, you do not achiyo nirvana. 130. Though he possesses a regal parasol, ho is consumed by torments all the time; though (the Self, the god) dwells in his own body, he has stone brought to his enclosure/precincts 131. Don't harm large fat animals all the time! though the god dwolls in his own body, he rosorts to ompty colls 1 1.32. Make your friend, o yogi, of him whoso thoughts, on earth, have not boon coloured by the clamours of the (vcales of 19 passions, the six flavours, the five colours .. 133. Having cut off all tho indecisions, fix the mind on the Solf: then you will get the unintorrupted bliss, you will quickly bross the samsara. 134. O friend, o soul, fix the mind on the noble Jina, renounce (Pleasures of the) BOD8C8 and pa881008 you will proceed towards the great City of Perfection: gwe, water (and pert with) misery.. 135. O shaveling of the shavelings among the ahavolinge 1 Your head has boon sbaved, shaved your thaughts have not boon.,

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190 Colette Caillat Ho by whom there has been shaving of the thoughts, he has achloved the cutting of samsara. 136. How will the Self b3 accomplished of him who remains all-pormea. ted by the Peacefui Being ? How (is accomplished) the elimination of merlts (and demerits) of him, o friend, who wishes (thia) for (tho sako of) the supremo goal ? 137. Ho who is far removed from coming and going (in the samsara), Sovereign in tho throe worlds, He has been made a god in the Ganges supposedly) venerable, according to the point of view) ho is endowed with knowledge, devold of knowledge. 138. Through merlt, there accrues great power; through power, prido, through pride, delusion of understanding: and, through delusion of understanding, boil. let us not have merit ! 139. On whom shall I concentrate ? before whom shall I bend? Whom shall I deciaro touchable (or) untouchable and shall I (receive or) avoid ? O dear, o friend, with whom shall I engago a quarrel? Wherever I contemplale, there is (only) tho Self, 140. If one has aager in the mind and there 18 a quarrel, then, an immaculato ablution shall be made Wherever I contemplate, there, there is no one, I do not belong to any ono nor docs any one belong to me, 141. You have been bowed to, o noble Jlna, as long as you have not been recognized within one's body; If you have been recognized within the body, who bows to whom ? 142. Imaginations and indecisions (continue) -though one does not mako karmans which create happiness and unhappiness - as long as Perfaction whose very nature is the Soif does not radiato within the hoart. 143. "Ho es possessed", people say "he is possessed !" Possessed (though you are said to bo), don't be shaken, [V.1.X:) proceed to the great City of Perfection, having disrupted deiaslon, 144. If the Imperishablo (vow of) not killing is concelyed, not the smallest misconduct is done. Write these in your thoughts, fix your mind on thom, and aleop with. ont preoccupation, having stretchod your feet. 145. Why babble and prattie abundantly? the body is not the Self:

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The Offering of Distics (Doha pahuda) 193 the the ordinary knowledge collides likewise with the superior knowedge then begins the acxt episode, 163. To the various sounds that are bcard 12 the sky then no evil thought is said for a reply 10 echos, the mind, together with the fiv3 senses, decline (and set) O poor man, then the supreme Reality stands out clearly. 69 In the imperishable and healthy supreme course (of existence), they 1o not yet absorb themselves, the error of their mind has not been broken, (but) thus, the days are ounted. 170 O yugi, stop the camel going towards the lonate (common) condition: if sent forth towards the imperishable and healthy (goal), he will natur. ally keep himself in check. 171. In the imperishable and healthy course, throw the mind and let it (80) the creeping herb of coming and going (in the samsara) will be cut off, be sure about it. 172. So is the Self meditated, having fixed onc's thoughts immovably: . It is gone to the great City of Perfection, having destroyed the eight karmans, 173. Studying the character of the letters, inked they have become emaciated; (but) one point, the supreme point, they have not known, where the Self has arisen, where it 19 absorbed. 174. Having broken their duality, I have made them one, for the sako of the mind, I did not allow to graze the creeper herb. I am the disciple of this Guru: I have no desire for anythlog else. 175. In front, bebind, in the ten directions, where(ver) I contemplate, there He 13. So, my errors have disappeared, inevitably one asks nothing/nobody. 176. Just as salts dissolves in water, so (it 18) if the thoughts get dissolved. The soul has become identical (with the Self), how can it achieve concentration (with him)? 177. If you reach be it only one pada (foot/sojourn), I will make a remarkable ovation (for you) (it would be) just as, if a finger or a foot are visible, the whole body (and) the head also are seen). Sambodhi 5.2-3

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194 Colette Calllat 178. For those who wander from 88cred ford to sacred ford, the body is consumed by forments; (but) by self-meditation of the Self, allow (oneself) the aojoura, the Dirvana. 179 For him who wandors from 8acred ford to sacred ford to contemplato the Lord, o yogi, Siva-He who roved with you though)-has nevertheless remained inaccessible. 180. The foolish man contemplates the temples which have been made by the people: he doesn't look at his own body, wherein stand the Blissful Siva, the Peaceful Onet 181. One has bustled about to the left and to the right; 19, the middle remains the poid; here and there are villages, but the lord of the yoga makes another V!Lago his dwelling, 182. O god, you are my preoccupation. As midday passeg to its end, at twilight, you will remala having gone into the sleep (of meditation): the hamlet will fall into the void, 183. O Mastor, give me this instruction in which the intellect will be cat and crushed, (in which) the mind declines and sets): What is the use of others, the gods ? 184. One bas not been given the knowledge of the ritual, (nor) of the (symbollo) distinction(s), between water, leaves... There is no vajon of the Self and of the (Supreme) Other; tho miserable Ganges, la worshipped, as a god ! 185. There is no union of the Solf and of the Supreme) Other; the comlog and going (in the samsara) has not been broken, wbile pounding the husk, time has passed, the rice has not stuck to to the hand] 186. Siva dwells in (your) body, bls templo: (but) you are surveying temples (elsewere); there is laughter in my mind. you are making the perfect. (Being wander in search of, almal 187. You wander in junglo, temple, aacred, ford..., survexlng cyan, the vrase,

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The Offering of Distics (Dohapahuda) 195 O dear, the wolves have scattered, the flocks - the people are wandering! 188. Having left the two paths, he goes in Between, (without a goals) miserable. If be achieves a goal, he obtains the fruit of neither of these two (paths). 189. O yogi, uneven/unequal and dangerous is the course of activities; the mind docs not go to the restraint, to the bliss of the (pleasures of the senses - his sacred ford - He goes again and again. 190. (The mind,) as long as it is bound, wanders through/to the three worlds (and) does not make a step (to be) free. (but) sce, o yogi, (unbound) the camel door not take a false step. 191. Truth (or) reality is not seen-wandoring through the samsara, encircled by the battalions (of the senses), the soul wanders, banished in strange jungles. 192, To him who makes the unhabited places bis habitation, and in fadits the empty one, an offering is to be made, o yogi, to him who has neither slo por merit. 193. He who eliminates the karmans made in the past (and) dipes Hot admit new ones, who, day after day, meditates the god Jina, he becomes the supremo Self. 194. He who courts the (pleasures of the) 800&es, (and) moreover commita numerous sins, he goes as a host to hell-be takes his karmans as companlons, 195. (In hell,) poople are consumed by torments by means of holes filled with the nauseous amell of excrements and urine, like a dog through laceration of his sklo, 196. Even for the onlookers, o foolish man, o poor man, there w' bo bliss through love-maklog; o dear, it is only a small hole for urino, but no one will forgo It! 197. Meditate the noblo Jina, o soul, after you havo crushed the caldasures of the) senses and pa8810018 you will nowhere sce misery, o poor man, after you have become a sojourn/it is the sojourn -with no aglog, no death 198. Renounce the (pleasures of the) sensog and Passioni, o poor mati, and fix the mind on the Self,

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196 Colette Caillat after you have reduced to powder the four courses of destiny, you will reach the comparable supreme Self (/sojourn). 199. By having withheld the inflow of the senses, o mind, you will know the suprenie Reality Exceptg the Se}f, made of knowledge, all other treatises aro make -believe 200. Do not thigk of the (pleasures of the) seoses, o soul; the (pleasures of the) senses are uot bcneficial, when one courts them, sweet, afterwards they cause miseries, 201. Coloured by the (pleasures of the) senses and the passions, he does not dedicate his thoughts to the Sulf; hayhug bound the karmans of evil deeds, he wanders long to samsara, 202 Having renounced the (pleasures of the senses, o poor man, make total renunciation of delusion, day after day meditate the supreine sojourn, thus, let this be your exercise 203. He has overcome the breathing, his eyes do not blink, he is free from all activity, (11) he has reached this state...this is yoga, there is no doubt 204 When all activity of the mind has bcen cut off, when also the the presence of passion and wrath has beau bioken, when the Sejf is established in the Supreme Self, there 13 nirvana. 205 You court the (pleasures of the senses, o soul, having leit your own nature (which 13 that) of the Sclf; you will go to another course of bad destiny: thus, this is your cxercise! 206 (Nexther) formula or versicle, nor fixation non meditation, por is the control ot the breath practice practised. Thus, the muni sleeps (the sleep of) supreme bluss, this carthly bustlug is pleasant for no one! 207, After one has practised many sorts of fasts, this is the stopping (of the low of karmans), way ask many gostetions in detail? there is no question to be asked 208. After one has practised austerities, hus practised the fold law, preached by the Jina, well famous, this is the shedding of karmaas-o soul - It has been expounded clearly by me to you 209. Realize, o soul, with single anad,

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The Offering of Distics (Doha pahuda) 197 the tenfold Law preached by the noble Jina, the essence of wbich is love, --so that you cut off samsara 210 Existence after existence, I wish to practise the right faith, existence after existence (to practise) the pious death, existence after existence, I wish to have a guru who bang the diseases which surge up in the mind. 211 Having realized with single mindedness soul, the twelve relfexlons the muni Ramasigha says thus -80 tbat you will reach the Blissful City (of siva) NOTES [A] 2(c) cintantaham cintantaham (cf PPr 2,254) 5(a) visaya suha : pisayasula (cf. Dp 4) 18(d) dujjanauvayara dujjana uvayara 20(d) mitthatiya : mucchattiya 23(b) -majjham : -mayhamme 42(c) ahhaini rumaim : ah hai niramat (cf. Dp 169) 49(c) samarasi hur samarasi-hui 50(a) arahujjar deu aruhiljai kui deu (v.1.D) (d) sayramgau savvamgayau 55(d) mohavilinu moha uiinu 56(c) samkappa- sahappa58(c) nacarisu navani su (su, cf, 68 C, 165 a) 58(a) eku ekku 61(a) abbhintaracitti vi mailiyaim , abbhintara citti mailiyal 66(a) paramapau paramappau (?; cf. 193, 198) 76(b) cku si ekku ji 80(c) guruhum perhaps prefer (cf.v I. D). 80(C) -uham! 81(c) -uhum [cp. 184(c) appaparahul 185(a)-ahan] 83(b) padhiyai padhyjar of 6(d) pavijjar ..; or padhlyai (?, cf 140(a) kalahjal), or padhi yat? 83(c) gamnagammal garnmagammai (cf Tagare p. 313 6143) (d) bhajesahim appunu hammaim bhajesahim kammalm 85(b) chandiyi c hundevinu (of 37(c), 151(a), 188(a)) 86(d) parahatthada para hatthada 90(d) acheu accheu 105(c) jara la : Jaala (cf. PPr Intr. p. 57, corr, Tagare p. 321-2 si50)

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Colette Cattiat 198 parvi 119(c) him pakahi k impakahi 120(b) sahika ena sahi kaena 127(a) Sivasatuihim Siva Sattilim 130(a) pal 131(a) garuvada : sugarurada 133(a) todivi todepi 136(b) saddamgao saddamgu 141(b) dehamaijhammi , dehamajyhai (c) -maljhamnti -majhal 142 (k only, (b) cvidently corrupt) suhusuhajanayam suhajanay am (op. 136(c) punnavisijjanu) (c) appasaruyasiddhi . appasariva siddhi (d) pariphurai paripphural 150(a) samkhasamuddahim samkha samuddahin 155(a) ammiya ammie 158(c) eva na evam ni 160(a) pattiya : partiya 165(a) suveyal, veyat , su veya 1 , veya 1 168(d) mudha vadha 169(a) akhai . akkhai 173(a) akkharacadiya: akkhatavadlya 176(a) paniyaham panie (cf Hc 4,418) (c) samarasi samarasa 187(c) ammiya : ammie 197(b) visayakasayaham . visayakasayaim 199(a) indiyapasaru nivuriyalmindlya pasaranivuriyalm (v 1 D) 203(c) eraim * eyat 205(c) Jaisihi jaisi hi (7) Pkr, aryas : 19, 23, 82, 138, 195, 263, 204 [B] 1. "the various others, especially the empirical "other", and the Supremo Olher'. 5. Oa the faitsiktha worm, Pd, notes, p 1031, a tiny worm, wbiob, rogreta that he cannot swaHow the creatures which he sees in the mouth of a big fish though he has, in fact, caten nodo of them, he will, because of his criminal craving, be reborn in the sevedth bell 9. Joihim; Ap. joiya, Skr yogih : the connotatlon is wider than that of Jipa, (the title which could bave been expected). It will be noted that joiya and the verb joci (dyotayati) often appear it tho samo d. (as if to establish a sort of etymological or semantia connexion between the two, cf. 96.).

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The Offering of Distics (Dohapahuda) 199 21. mula-guna, uttara-g, etc. For all technical terms, of, Pd Notes ad locum, or, the cage being, Walther Schubring, Die Lehre der Jainas....... Berlin Leipzig 1935 (Grundriss der Indo-arischen Philologie und Altertumskunde 3,7), The Doctrine of the Jainas. Described after the old sources,.. translated by Wolfgang Beurlen. Delhi. [1962]. no 29. Enumeration of the tattvas recognized by the Jaina doctrine; hence, perhaps, H. Jain's translation nahu, "nabha". But the list is nelther exha ustive nor systematic. Of the first tattoa, the jiva, firat a negative, then the positive definition is given. 72. There are three parinamas, subha, asubha, suddha; the jiva should be "beyond punya and papa (compare Dhammapada 39, 267, 412, Kausitaki Upanisad 1, 4, etc; cf. Kamaleswar Bhattacharya, L'atman-brahman, dans le bouddhisme ancien, Paris 1973, App. 1 "Par dela le bien et le mal", p. 143 ff.). 86. vamsa-vihattha, H. Jain "vamsavihina"; but cf. Sheth, Pala-sadda-mahannavo, 8, v. vihattha 2: "kusala, daksa". 96. For the syntax, compare d. 203.-A partial definition of yogic experience is given here. 105 d, adapted from PPr 2,127, 4: jahim ruccai (v.1. bhavahi) tahi laggu. 168 Evocation of yogic experience, 177-d. Cf. the legends refered to by, Guatav Roth, JOI 24, 1974 (Special issue to calebrate 2500th year of Nirvana of Bhagavan Mahavira) p. 181 ff., ubi alia,

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Statement about ownership and other particulars about Sanibodht, the Quarterly Journal of L D Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad, to be published in the first issue every year after the last day of March Form IV (See Rule 8) 1. Place of publication, 2. Periodicity of its Publication 3 D Printer's Name Nationality Address Ahmedabad Quarterly. Swami Shri Tribhuvandasji Shastry. Indian Shri Ramanand printing press, Kankaria Road, Ahmedabad-22. Nagin J. Shab Indian Director, L. D. Iustitute of Indology, Ahmedabad-9. 4. Publisher Name Nationality Address 5. Edltors' Names Nationality Address (1) Dalsukh Maivania (2) Dr. H. C. Bhayani (3) Nagin J. Shah Indian L, D. Ingtitute of Indology, Ahmedabad-9. L. D. Costitute of Indology, Abmedabad-9. 6. Names and Addresses of Individuals who owo the Dewspaper and partners or shareholders holding more than one-percent of the total capltal. I, Nagla J. Shah, hereby declare that the parttculars given above are true to the best of my knowledge and belief Nagin J. Shah Signature of Publisher,

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ADINATHA NEMINATHA UPADHYB I Life Sketch Dr A. N. Upadhye was born (1906) in a village, Sadalga, District Belgaum, in a family of priests by tradition but agriculturists by profession. After finisbing his primary education in the villago, he wont to Belgaum for his high school education, Aftor passing the matriculation examination, he completed his college education in the Rajaram College, Kolhapur, and the Willington College, Sangli He pasaod his B A cxamination In Honours Division with Sanskrit as the special and Ardhamagadhi (Prakrit) the second subject, in the year 1928. Ho was appointed a Fellow in the willington College, Sangli For the second year of his M, A., ho studled in the Bhaadarkar Oriental Research Institute, Poona, where he attended the post-graduate lectures of Dr S. K. Bolvalkar, Dk. V S. Sokt. hankar and Dr, P. L Vaidya. His contacts with these profosors stood him in good stead in his academic career later on At his M. A., he had Prakrit 48 & principal and Sanskrit as & subsidiary qubjoct. Ho passed his M A. of the University of Bombay in the first class in 1930. He was Initiated in his Prakrit studies by Dr. P. L. Vaidya. He was appointed a Lecturer's post 10 Ardhamagadhi at Rajaram college, Kolhapur, and he served there for 32 years. He retired as Professor in 1962 Dr. A N Upadhye has, to his credit, more than 100 research papers dealing with Prakrit and Sanskrit studies, Jainism, Indian Culturo, oto, They are all published in different Oriental Journals (see hus "Books and Papers", Bombay, 1956) He has brought out authentic editions of nearly 30 Sanskrit, Prakrit and Apabbramsa works, many of which have been crltla cally edited and published by him for the first time, along with learned Introductions and thus saved from oblivion. In 1939, he got the D. Litt. Degree of the University of Bombay He was Springer Rosearch Scholar of the University of Bombay 1939-42, Ho was the President of the Prakrit, Jainism, Pall and Buddhism section at Hyderabad Sosslon of the All India Oriental Conforence, 1941. He was honoured with the title of Siddhagtacarya at the hands of his Excellency the Goyernor of Bihat on the occasion of the Diamond Jubilee of the Jaioa Siddbanta Bhavana, Arrah, in 1963. He was elected as the General President of the All India Orlantal Canference at Aligarh Session, 1966 He was the General Presidont of the Kannada Sahitya Sammelan, 46th Sesslon, Shravana Bolgola, 1967. Ho was the Emeritus Professor, 1962-1971, gotting U. G, C. Grant for retired teachors Ho was tho Doan, Faculty of Arts, Shivaji University, Kolbapur Sambodhl 3,2-3

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Adinatha Neminatha Upadhye (1962-72) As a delegate of the Government of the India, he attended the 28th International Congress of Orientalists at Canberra (Australia), 1971, and the 29th at Paris, 1973. He was invited to work as Professor and Head of the Post-graduate Department of Jainology and Prakrits, Unlvrsi. ty of Mysore, Mysore He worked in this capacity till 1975 He attended the Second World Conference of Religion and Peace at Louvein, Belgium 202 Along with Dr. Hiralal Jain he was associated with the edition of Dhavala in sixteen volumes, he was the General Editor of Martydevi Jain Granthamala and Manikchandra Granthamala published by the Bharatiya Jaanapatha, Delhi and Jivaraja Jain Granthamala, Sholapur. Member of the Editorial Board of the Kannada Nighantu, Bangalore, and of the Project Committee of the Sanskrit Dictionary, Deccan College, Poons, Dr. Upadhye's work 'Siddhasena's Nyauavatara and other works (with a bibliographic review) is published by the Jain Sahitya Vikasa Mandala, Bombay This book got the Golden Jubilee Award of the University of Mysore in 1975 He was given the Certificate of Honour (along with five other Sanskrit Scholars) by the President of India on the Independence Day, 1975. This great man of Learning passed away on 8th Oct. 1975, What a severe blow to Jainological research I And the Upadhyes lost an affectionate shelter He left behind him his wife (Mrs Sundarbai A. Upadhye) and four children (Mr Gopal, Mr Jaypal, Mr Neminath and Miss Kanchana) II Works I Books Jambidwa-pannst-sangaho of Paumanamdi, Authentically edited for the first time with various readings, appendices etc, by AN Upadhye and Hiralal Jain, with an introduction in Hindi on the mathematics of Tiloyapannatti by Laksmlchandra Jain, and with the Hindi paraph rase of Balchandra Shastri Double Crown, pp 16-152-254-52, Jaina Sanskrit Samrakshaka Sangha, Sholapur, 1958 (Jivaraja Jaina Granthamala, 7) Kartikeyanupreksa of Svami Kumara; Prakrit text critically edited, along with the Sanskrit commentary of Subhacandra, with various readings, introduction, appendices,etc Double Crown, pp. 18-99-479, Shrimad Rajachandra Ashram, Agas, 1960 Shrimad Rajacandra Jaina Seastra. mala)

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Adinatha Neminatha Upadhye 203 Kartikeyzinupreksa: Text, varlant readings and English introduction (repri nted from the above work) Double Crown, pp 2-88-52, Shrimad Ra jachandra Ashram, Agas, 1960. (Rajacandra Jaina Shastramala) Atmanufasana of Gunabhadra, with the commentary of Prabhacandra; Criti. cally edited with introduction, appendices etc, by A N. Upadhye, H. L Jain and Balchandra Shastri Demy, pp 6-112-260, Jaina Sanskriti Samrakshaka Sangha, Sholapur, 1961 (Jivaraja Jaina Granthamala, 11) Pancavimfati of Padmanandi: Critically edited with an anonymous Sanskrit commentary, by A. N Upadhye and H L. Jain, with Hindi translation of Balachandra Shastri Double Crown, pp 8-62-284, Jaioa Sanskriti Samrakshaka Sangha, Sholapur, 1962 (Jivaraja Jaina Granthamala, 10) Punyatrava-katha-kosa of Ramacandra Mumuksu: Critically edited with introduction, appendices etc, by A. N Upadhyo, H L Jain and Balchandra Shastri. Double Crown, pp 45-367, Jaina Sanskrit Samr aksaka Sangha, Sholaper, 1964 (Jivaraja Jaina Granthamala, 14) Sanmati-sutra and Siddhasena, by Jugal Kishor Mukhtar Renderd into English by A N Upadhye Crown 8yo, pp, 6-61, Virasewa Mandir Trust, Delhi, 1965 Lilavai of Kouhala, with the Sanskrit Vitti of a Jain Author : Critically edited for the first time with an introdoction, yariant readings, gloggary, notes, ctc 2nd ed, pp 20-80-392, Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan, Bombay, 1966 (Singb, Jain Serles, 31) Aradhana-samuccayam yogasara-sangrahasca, Crown, pp 9-58, Bharatiya Jnanapith, 1967. (Manikchandra Digambara Jajn Granthamala, 49) Jnanapiha-pujanjall, Ed by A N. Upadhye and Phoolchandra Shastri, 1st ed, Crown, pp 29-547, 1957, 2nd ed, Crown, pp 30-556, Bhara tiya Joanapith Prakashan, Banaras, 1969. Kuvalayanala of UddyotaDasari * Critically edited from rarc Mss, material for the first time with varlous readings eto.; (Kuvalayamgla Katha of Ratnaprabhasuri in Pt. II.) 2 vols,, Soper Royal, Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan, Bombay, 1959 and 1970 (Singbl Saln Series, 45-46) The Kuvalayamala * Introduction, notes etc along with a cultural noto on the Kuvalayamala of Uddyotana (reprinted from Kuvalayamala, Pt. II). Super Royal, pp. 166, 1969 (Issued separately, not for sale) Saplasatisara with Bhavadipika of Vema Bhupala, along with the Chappan naya-gahao : Royal 8vo, pp. 11-44, Shivaji University, Kolhapur, 1970. (Shivaji University Sanskrit & Prakrit Series, 3) Selections in Pali, Prose and Poetry. Edited with prefatory notes, Domy. pp. 69, University of Bombay, Bombay, 1970,

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204 Adinatha Neminatha Upadhye Siddhasena Divakara's Nyayavatara (cd by the late S C Vidyabbus&n with English translation, notes etc), and with the Virpti of Siddhari, as well as the text of 21 Dvatrimsikas and the Sammai-suttam, along with Vinayavijaya's Nayakarnika (ed. by the late M D Degal with English translation etc.) Demy, pp. 27-559, Jain Sahitya Vikaga Man. dal, Bombay, 1971, Gita-vitaraga-prabandhah of Panditacarya Crown, pp. 77, Bharatiya Jnana, pith, Banaraa, 1972. (Manikchandra Digambara Jaina Granthamala, 33). Paramatma-Prakasa of Yogindudeva, and his Yogasara, 3rd ed , Royal 8vo. pp. 29-396, Shrimad Rajachandra Ashram, Agas, 1973 (Shrimad Ra. jachandra Jaina Shastramala, 3) Dharma-Ratnakara of Jayagedacarya Critically edited with critical Introdu ction, appendices etc, by A. N, Upadhye, along with the Hindi trap. slation by Jlnadas Parshvanath Phadakule. Double Crown, pp. 7-54-464. Jaina Sanskrit Samrakshaka Sangha, Sholapur, 1974. (Jivar ja Jaina Granthamala, 24) Katha-kosa (Aradhana-Katha-Prabandham) of Prabbacandra: Edited from a rare Ms, along with a critical introduction etc. Crown, pp. 174. Bharatiya Jaanapith, 1974. (Manikchandra Digambara Jaina Grantha mala, 55) Mahavira : his Times, hus Philosophy of Life, by Hiralal Jain and A. N. Upadhye Demy, pp 60, Bharatiya Jaanapith Publication, 1974: (Jpanapltha Murtidevi Granthamala, Baglish Series, 2) Pancastikaya-sara Prakrit text, Sanskrit chaya, English commentary etc. along with Philosophical and Historical introductions, by A Chakra vartl; Prakrit text, Sanskrit chaya of the same along with the Sanskrit commentary of Amrtacandra and various reading, edited in the prea sent form, by A N. Upadhye Double Crown, pp 12-67-210, Bharatiya - Joanapith Publication, Banaras, 1975 (Joanapitha Murtidevl Grantha mala, English Series, 4) Prakrit Languages & Literature (Dr P D Gune Memorial Lectures). Domy pp-2-4-61, University of Poona, 1975 Caridralekha of Rudradasa : The Prakrit text and Sanskrit chaya, authentla cally edited with a critical introduction, notes, Bharatiya Vidya Bhas van, Bombay, 2nd edition, 1967 (Bharatiya Vidya Grantbavall; 6) Kuvalayamala-katha-sanksepa of Ratnaprabhasari Critically edited with various readings; separately 188ued from the edition of the Kuvalayamala, Pt. II Saper Royal, pp. 3-87, Bharatlya Vidya Bhavan, Bom bay, 1961 (Singhi Jajn Granthamala, 45-A.

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Adinatha Neminatha Upadhye 205 1 II Papers Mahavira and his Philosophy of Life (The Indian Institute of Culture, Tra Daaction No. 25, Bangalore, 1956; also Shree Vallabhaguri Jajna Literature Series no. 8, pp. 1-20, Bombay, 1961, in Hindi, Anekanta, XV, 3, pp 106-114, 1963, and Mahavira; his Times and his Phllosopby of Life, by H. L, Jain and A N. Upadhye, Bharatiya Jananapith, Delhi, 1974) Anuppeha in the Ardhamugadhi Canon (Proc. and Trans, of the A. I.O.C., XIX Delhi Session, also J.OT, VIII, 1, pp. 6-9, Baroda, 1958) The Gommatesvara Colossus of Sravan Belgol (The Indo-Asian Culture, VI, 3. Pp, 284-290, New Delhi, 1958) Vegetarianism According to Jainism (Souvenir of the XVth World Vegetarlan Congress, India, pp. 233-234, published by All India Reception Com mitteo, Bombay, 1957, also the Voice of Ahimsa, VIII, pp, 3-5, 1958) Camundaraya and his Literary Predecessors (Journal of the Karnatak Univer slty, IV, pp 125-136, Dharwar, 1960 also in Hindi, Jana Sandesa, XII, pp. 43-51, Mathura, 1961) Pt. Nathuram Premi (5.0.1, IX, 3, pp. 350-351, Baroda, 1960) Singaramamjari A Sattaka (Journal of the University of Poona, Humanities Section, XIII, pp 33-76, Poona, 1960) Some Parallel Thoughts of Jaina Anuprekcas (J.O.I, IX, 4, PP. 419-421, Baroda, 1960) Vankalacarya (Professor P. K. Godo Commemoration Volume, pp. 203-206 Poona, 1960) Jalna Philsophy and Ethics (Tagore Centenary Volume, pp. 195-204, Hog biarpur, 1961) Sanskrit Passages in the Kuvalayamala (Adyar Library Bulletio, Jubilee Volume, XXV, 1-4, pp. 35-339, Madras, 1961) Chappannaya-gahao or the Gatha kosa (J.O.I., XI, 4, pp. 385-402, Baroda. 1962) Kartikeyanuprekca ek adhyayan (In Hindi, Anekanta, XV, 6, pp. 244-252, 1963) Lohncarya's Aradhana : A Missing work (J. A., XXII, 1, pp. 1-4. Arrah. 1963, also Proc, and Trans, of tho A.-1.0 C, XXI Shrinagar Session 1961, 2-1, pp. 120-122, Poona, 1966) Vast-cardana-kappo (Munshi Indological Felicitation Volume, pp. 201-204 Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan, Bombay, 1963)

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206 Adhinatha Neminatha Upadhye On the Paleography of the Palm-leaf Manuscript of the Kuyalayamala (salabda-Kaumudi, Centenary Volume, pp 39-43, Central Museum, Nagpur, 1964) Amudanka-nadaa, of Bhasa; Reinterpreted (J. O 1, XV, 2, pp. 118-119, Baroda, 1965) Languages and Dialects Used in the Kuvalayamala (Proc, and Trans, of the A.-I O C., XXII Gauhati Session, 1965, pp 204 212, Gauhti, 1966 also J O I., XIV, 3-4, pp 317-325, Baroda, 1965) On the Two Recensions of the Kuvalayamalz (Dr Mirashi Falicitation Volume, pp 201-209, Vidarbha Samshodban Mandal, Nagpur, 1965) Works and Authors Referred to in the Kuvalayamala of Uddyotanastir (Submitted to the Prakrit and Jainism Section, AIO C, XXII Gau. hati Session, 1965: Vishveshvaranand Indological Journal, II, 1, pp. 117-119, Hoshiarpur, 1965) Geographical Background of the Kuvalayalamala (Professor Birinchi Kumar Barua Commemoration Volume, Pt II 1, pp. 1-4, Gauhati: 1966) Kalyana mtra (In Hindi, Anekanta. XIX, 1 2, pp. 8-10, Delhi, 1966) Jaina Studreg (Review of Indological Research in Last 75 Years M.M. Chitraoshastri Felicitation Volumo, pp. 673-688, Poona, 1967) Presidential Address (at Shri Jain Atmanand Sabha, Bhavnagar 1967pp. 1-10. Bhavnangar, 1967) Shrimad Raychandra (Srimad Rajacandra Janma Satabdi anka, pp. 55-56. Ahmedabad, 1967) Social and Cultural Glimpsex from the Kuyalayamala (Babu Chotelal Jain Smrti Grantha, pp. 135-157, Calcutta, 1967) The Gita-vitaraga of Panditacorya (Journal of Shivaji Univrsity, I, 1-2, pp. 10, Kolhapur, 1968) The Jaina Conception of Dinnty (Beitrage zur Geistesgoschichte Indiens Festschrift fur Erich Frauwallner, XII-XIII, pp. 389-393, 1968) Jinasena and his Works (Melenges D. Indiapisme a la Memoire do Loula Renou, pp. 727-732, Paris, 1968) The Kuvalayamala katha of Ratnaprabhasuri (Annals of B.O R. I, XLVIII XLIX, pp. 63-70, Poona, 1968) Muni Shri Punyavijayaji, An Institution (Abhivadan, pp. 11-12, Baroda, 1968) A Nore on Hemacandra and the Udattaraghava (Vishveshyaranand Indologl cal Journal, V, 2, 1967, pp 198-199, Hoshiarpur, 1968) References to Sindhu Durga and Vijaya Durga in Some Prakrit works (Stud. ios In Iadian History Dr. A. G. Pawar Felicitation Volume, pp. 377382, Kolhapur, 1968)

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Adhinatha Neminatha Upadhye 207 The Relation of Prukrit Studies to Other Subjects in Humanity and Social Sciences like Sanskrit, Pali, Indian Languages, History and Philosophy, etc (Paper read at Semioar on Prakrit Studies held by Shivaji Univ. ersity, Kolhapur, 1968; J, U. B., Arts & Scieace Number, XXXVII pp 78-85, Bombay, 1968) Address at the Annul General Meeting of the Bihar Research Society, 1968 (The Journal of the Bihar Research Society, LV, 1-4, pp 1-9, 1969) A Few Observations on the scope of Jalnological studies, Jnapitha Patrika, VIII, 3-4, pp 42-46, Delhi, 1969) Further Light on the Apabhramba verse Quoled in the Ayaloka on Dasartpaka, IV. 34 (Annals of B. ORI, L, 1-4, pp 91-94, Poona, 1969) The General President's Address for the XXIII All India Oriental Confe rence (Proc and Trans. of the A.-I. O C XXIII Aligarh Session, 1966, pp 1-39, Poona, 1969) The Late Professor Dr. W. Schubring (J O. 1., XVIII, 4, pp. 387-392, Baroda, 1969) On Some Under-currents of the Natha-sampradaya or the Carpala-bataka (J O. I, XVIII, 3, pp 198-206, Baroda, 1969. also Mahavira Jayanti, Smarika, Pt, IV, PP 1-8, Rajasthan Jala Sabba, Jaypur, 1969) Subhacandra ka Prakrta Vyakarana, Anekanta, XXII, 1, p 32, 1969) Svargtya Pt. Jugalkibor jt (Anckanta, XXI, 5-6, pp 258-262, 1969) Importat Desiderata of Prakrit Studies and Research (Inaural Address) (Proceedings of the Seminar in Prakrit Studies held at Univrssity of Poona, 1969, pp. xi-xvii, Poona, 1970) The Vilasayai of Sadharana (An Iotroductory Study) Journal of Shlyaji University II-III, 3-6, pp. 1-29, 1970) Cultaral Contribution of Prakrits and the Background of the Kuvalayamala (Proceeding of the Seminar of Scholars in Prakrit & Pali Studies held at Magadh University, 1971, pp 19-22, Gaya, 1971) Dhanamjaya and his Dolsamdhana (Vishveshvaranand Indological Journal, Vit, 1-2, pp. 125-134, Hoshiarpur, 1970, in Hindi, Agekanta, XXIII, 5-6, pp. 194-206, 1971; also Acarya Santisagaraji Janmasatabdi Smrtigrantha, Pp, 303-310, Phalatan, 1973) Indologist and his Role Today (Annals of B.O.R.I., LI, 1-4. 1970 pp, 1-9, Poona, 1971)

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208 Adhinatha Neminalha Upadhye Kirata and Kirata (Proceediags of the Seminar in Prakrit Studies held at University of Bombay, 1971 pp. 216-218, Bombay, 1971) A Noto on the Jain Concept of Purana (Proceedings of the Seminar la Prakrit Studies held at University of Bombay, 1971, pp. 219-221, Bombay, 1971) A Precious Memory (Principal Khardekar Commemoration Volume, pp 43-44, Kolbapur, 1972) Uddyotana and Vijayapur (Professor M. Hiriyappa Birth Centenary Com memoration Volume, pp 136-138, Mysore, 1972) Dr, Hiralal Jain (J.01, XXIII, 1-2, pp. 124-131, Baroda, 1973) On the Meaning of Yapaniya (Srikanthiku-Dr S Srikantha Sastri Fellolta tion Volumo, pp. 197-198, Mysore, 1973) Sravana Belgol and Gomma tesvara (J.S B. XXVI, 1, pp. 45-52, Arrah, 1973) The Turtle and the Yoke hole (J O.1, XXII, 3, pp. 323-326, Baroda, 1973) Bandika Harioarsa Adyar Library Bulletin, XXXVIII, pp. 60-63, Madras, 1974) The Ethical Background (Jaina Art and Architecture, Vol. I pp. 41-45, Bharatiya Joanapith, 1974) Jainas and Jainism (Jainism, pp 49-78, The Macmillan Company of India Ltd., Delhi, 1974) More Light on the rapaniya Sangha (Paper read at XXIX Inter-national Congrogs of Oriontalists, Paris, 1973. Annals of BOR I., LV, pp 9-22, Poona, 1974) On the Posta position Lagna in some Jaina Texts (J 0, 1, XXIV, 1-2, P. 148, Baroda, 1974) Bappa Bhatt and his Turagana (Paper read at A. I. OC, XXVI, Ujjain Session, 1971; Sambodhi, III, 4, pp. 67-73, Ahmedabad, 1975) Jainism (A Cultural History of ladia, Ch. IX, Clarendon pross, Oxford, 1975) Jains & the Cultural Heritage of the South, Especially Karnataka (Paper road at All India Seminar, Bodh-Gaya, 1975) The Kuvalayamala and Modern Scholarship (Golden Jubileo Volumo, Pt. I. pp. 170-174, Mahavira Jaina Vidyalaya, Bombay) Literary Material on Jainism (Indian Civilization: the First Phaso-Probl. em's of a Source-book, pp. 171-173, Indian Institute of Advanced Study, Simla, 1971)

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Adinatha Neminatha Upadhye 209 Articles per Mara Articles for Marathi Encyclopaedia of philosophy (Marathi Encyclopaedia of Philosophy, Poona III Reviews Acurya Sri-Vijayavallabhasuri smaraka grantha. Double Crown, pp 22 102-84-20-140-8-176, Pub by Mabayira Jaina Vidyalaya, Bombay, 1956 Annals of B ORI XXXVII, pp. 350-353, Poona, 1957. History of Jaina Monachism (From Inscriptions and Literature), by Shant aram Bhalchandra Deo Double Crown, pp. 16-656, Pub by Deccan College Postgraduate and Research Institute, Poona, 1956. Annala of B O R. I, XXXVIII, 3-4, pp 315-317, Poona, 1958 Jain Psychology (A Paychological Analysis of the Jalna Doctrine of Kar ma), by Mohan Lal Mehta, Domy 8vo, pp 16-220. Pub. by Sohanlal Jaina Dharma Pracharab Samiti, Amritsar, 1956. Annals of BO.R.I. XXXVIII, 3-4, pp. 314-315, Poona, 1958. Kharatara-Gaccha-brhad gurvavall, Comp. by Jinapala and others. Ed by Jina vijaya Muni. Double Demy, pp 8-12-120, Pub, by Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan, Bombay, 1956 Annals of B O R I., XXXVIII, 3-4, P 317, Poona, 1958. Sabda vlhara, by D L Narasimhachar. 7x4", pp. 8-90, Pub. by M. M. S. Narayan Rao, Mysore, 1956 Annals of BOR I, XXXVIII, 3-4, pp. 317-318, Poona, 1958. Sukumara-caritath of Santinatha Kavi, Ed. by T. S. Shamarao and D. L. Narasimhachar, Crown, pp.86-306, Pub, by Karnatska Sangha, Shimoga, 1956 Annals of B. O R J., XXXVIII, 3-4, P 319-320, Poona, 1958. Virasaida devaraya, by B V Shrinivas Rao. Demy 8vo, pp. 1-22, Pub, by K. V Gururaj Rao Tumkur, 1956. Mallikurjuna mattu Virupaksa by B.V Shrinivas Rao. Demy 8vo, pp. 10 8-20, Pub. by S M Hunshal, Raichur, 1956. Abdals of B O R. I. XXXVIII, 3-4, p. 314, Poona, 1958 A Middle Indo Aryan Reader, rev ed. by Suniti Kamar Chatterji and Sukumar Seo Demy 8vo, pp. 8-224, Pub. by Calcutta University, Calcutta, 1957 Aonals of B OR I, XXXVIII, 3-4, pp. 318,319, Poona, 1958, Reality, English Traslation of Sri Pojyapada': Sarvarthasiddhi, by S A. Jaib. Demy, pp. 8-300, Pub by Vira Shasana Sangha, Calcutta, 1960, J. O, 1, X, 4, pp. 452-453, Baroda, 1961. Sambodhi 5.2-3

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210 Adinatha Neminatha Upadhye A Descriptive Catalogue of Manuscripts in the Kannada Research Institute, Dharwar, Vol IV, Ed. by A. M. Annigerl and S. B. Purohit. Royal pp. 5-5-6-180, Kannada Research Institute, Dharwar, 196). I OI, XII, 2, p. 136, Baroda, 1962. Sutragame, Ed by Puppha Bhikku, 2 vols., pab, by Sutragama Prakashaka Samiti, Gurgaon, 1953-54 Annals of B. OR I., XLT, 1-4, pp 160--161, Poona, 1962. The Yogabindu of Acarya Haribhadrastrs, with an English translation, not es, introduction and index of verses, by K. K. Dixit. pp 8-8-146, Lalbhal Dalpathhi Bharatiya Sanskriti Vid yamandira, Ahmedabad, 1968. The Sastravartasamuccaya of Acaaya Haribdadrasari, with Hindi translat 100, notes, Introduction and Index of verses, by K K. Dixit. pp. 622-224, Pub, by Lalbht Dalpatbhu Bharatiya Sanskriu Vidyamandira, Ahmedabad, 1969 Vishveshyaranand Iadological Journal, VII, pp. 42-43, Hoshiarpur, 1969 The Yogasara-prabhrta of Amitagati (nhsanga yogiraja), with Hindi Intro duccion, bhagya, appendices etc., by Jugal Kishor Mukhtar, Super ROyal, pp.8-44-234, Bharatiya Joanapith Publication, Banaras, 1968, J. O. I., XVIII, 4, pp. 380-381, Baroda, 1969. Candavej]haya, crltically ed, with introduction, translation and comment ary by Colette Calllat, Royal 8yo, pp. 158, publication de l'Institut de Civilisation Indienne, Serie in-8deg, Pans, 1971, J. O. I., XXII, 1-2. pp. 232-233, Baroda, 1972. Jaine Ontology by K K, Dixit, Royal 8vo, pp 12-204, pub, by L, D, IN8 titute of Indology, Ahmedabad, 1971. J.O. I. XXI, 4, pp. 373-374, Baroda, 1972. Jalna Philosophy, by Mohan Lal Mehta, Demy 8vo, pp. 4-2-2-4-234, Pub. by P.V.Research Institute, Jainasbram, Hindu University, Banaras. 1971. Annals of B. O, R. I., LII, 1-4, p. 230, Poona, 1972. Sudamsana-canu of Muni Nayanandi, Ed with introduction, Hindi tranala. tion and Sanskrit gloss etc., by Hiralal Jain, Royal 8vo, pp. 48-322, Pub. by Research Institute of Prakrit, Jaipology and Ahimsa, Vaishall, 1970. J. 0. I, XXIII, 1-2, pp 118-119, Baroda, 1973. Ratnaprabhasuri's Ratnakaravatarika, Being a commentary on Vadi Devasuri's Pramana-Daya-tattvaloka, with a panjika by Rajasekharagari, tippana by Pt. Jnanacandra, and Gujarati translation by Mont Shri Malayavijayaji, ed. by Pt. Dalsukh Malyanla, 3 pts. L. D. Bharatiya Sanskriti Vidyamandira, Ahmedabad, 1965, 1968 and 1969. (L. D. Series, 6, 16 and 24) Vishveshvaranand Indological Journal, IX, 1, pp. 231-232, Hoshiarpur, 1971,

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Adinatha Neminatha Upadhye 211 Collection of Jamna Philosophical Tracts, Ed. by Nagin J Shah, Royal 8vo, pp 16-164, L, D Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad, 1973. Annals of B O R I., LIV, p. 315, Poona, 1974. IV Prefaces etc. Tativanufasuna, ed. by Jugalakishor Mukhtar, Delhi, 1963, pp. 9-16, in linglish. Agama aur Tripitaka ek unusilau, by Muni Shri Nagrajaji, Calcutta, 1969, pp. 1-2, in English, Light of Jain Tea hing, by D. S. Parmaj, Kolhapur, 1971, p. [[ ], In English. Bhagavan Mahavir qur unha tattva darsan, Pab, by Shri Jaja Sahitya Samith; Delhi, 1973; pp. 5-6, in English: Purusartha-suldhyu paya, Tr. by B D. Patil, Kolhapur, 1973, pp. 2-3, in Marathi, Fundamentals of Jainism, by Champat Rai Jam, Meerut, 1974. p. [I] la English, Vadiraja ja's Yasodharacarita, ed. by K. Krishnamoorthy, Dharwar, 1963, pp. 7-11, in English. V General Editorial (i) Jivarija Jalna Granthamala, Sholapur. Kunda-kundia prubhrta sangraha, ed, by Kajlash Chandra Jain, Demy, pp. 4-5, Sholapur, 1960. Loka-vib huga, ed. by Balachandra Shastri, Double Crowo, pp. 5-6, Sholapur, 1962. Ganita sara-sangraha, cd, by L. C Jajn, Double Crown, pp. 10-11, Sholapur, 1963. Jainisin in Rajasthan, by Kailash Chandra Jain, Double Crown, pp. 5-6, Sholapur, 1963. Ethical Doctrines in Jainisin, by Kamal Chand Sogant, Double Crown, pp. 7-10, Sholapur, 1967. Yadastilaka and Indian Culture, by Krishna Kanta Handiqui, Doublo Crown, 2nd ed., pp. 5-8, Sholapur, 1968, Jalna View of Life, by T. G. Kalgbatgl Demy, pp. 7-8, Sholapur, 1969. Candraprabha-canta, ed. by Amrital Shastri, Doublo Crown, pp. 1-3, Sholapur, 1971, Prakrta-Sabdanufasana, tr. by Keshav Vaman Apto, Demy, pp. 1-2, Shol apur, 1973

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212 Adinatha Neminatha Upadhye Siddhiunta sara-sangraha, ed by Jinadas Parshwanath Phadkule, Doublo Crown, p [1], Sholapur, 1957. Visvatattva-prakasa, ed by V P. Jobrapuckar, Demy, pp. 11-13, Sholapur 1964 Tirtha vandana sangraha, ed. by V. P. Johrapurkar, Demy, pp. 7-8, Shola. pur. 1965. Pramipranicya, ed, by V. P Johrapurkar, Demy, pp. 1-2, Sholapur, 1966. Bharatiya sanskrtila faina dharmaci denagt (Marathi translation of Bharatiya sanskrti mem jalna dharma ka yogadan) by Hiralal Jain, Demy, pp. 5-7, Sholapur, 1971. Vardhamana-Cantam, ed. by Pannalal Jain, Crown 8vo, pp. 1-12, Sholapur, 1974 The Law of Non-violence (Ahimsa) and its Relevance for all Times, by Valchand P. Kotharl, Demy, pp. 5 11, Sholapur, 1975. (il) Jnanpitha Publication, Banaras and Delhi General Editor (In collaboration with Dr. Hiralal Jain) Alahubandha, Vol. VI, ed. by Phool Chandra Shastri, Super Royal, p. 5, Banaras, 1956 Mahabadha, Vol. VI, ed. by Phool Chandra Shastri, Royal, p. 5, Banaras, 1957. Tattvarthavartiha, ed. by Mahendra Kumar Jain, Super Royal, pp. 3-4, Banaras, 1957. Jivandhara-campi, ed. by Pappalal Jain, Super Boyal, pp. 1-20, Banaras, 1958. Padma purana, Vol. I, ed by Pandalal Jain, Super Royal, pp. 5-8, Banaras; 1958. Bhadrabahu-samhita, ed. by Nemichandra Shastry, Super Royal, pp. 7-8, 1959. Siddhiviniscaya-fika ed by Mahendra Kumar Jain, Super Royal, pp. 11-12, Banaras, 1959. Mayana-parajaya-carlu ed. by Hiralal Jalo, Super Royal, pp. 1-2, Banaras, 1962 Bhojancaritra ed, by B. Ch. Chhabra and S. Sankaranarayanan, Super Royal, p. [1], Banaras, 1964. Karakanda-carlu ed. by Hiralal Jain, Super Royal, pp. 7-8, Banaras, 1964. Karmaprakli ed. by Hiralal Shastri, Super Royal, pp. 5-6, Banaras, 1964.

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Adinatha Neminatha Upadhye 213 Satyasusana panksa ed. by Gokul Chandra Jain, Super Royal, p. 7, Banaras, 1964, Sugandha-dalami-katha, ed. by Hiralal Jain, Super Royal, pp. 7-17, Banaras, 1966. Gadya cintamani ed, by Pannalal Jain Super Royal, pp. [1-2], Banaras, 1968 Jambusami-cartu, ed. by Vimal Prakash Jain, Super Royal, pp 5-18, Banaras, 1968 Yogasara-prabhrta, ed. by Jugal Kishor Mukhtar, Super Royal, pp. 5-15, Banaras, 1968. Saddarsana-samuccaya, ed. by Mahendra Komar Jain, Super Royal, pp. [1-4], Banaras, 1969. Sudarsana-caritam, ed. by Hiralal Jain, Crown, pp. 6-9, Delhi, 1970, Syngararnava-candrika ed. by Vaman Mahadev Kulkarni, Crown, pp. 7-10, Banaras, 1969. Dyrsandhana-mahakavya, od by Khushal Chandra Gorawala, Super Royal, pp 5-31, Banaras, 1970. Jainendra siddhanta kosa Pt I. ed. by Jinedra Varni, Super Royal, pp. [1-4] Banaras, 1970. Dharmabarnabhyudaya ed. by Pandalal Jain, Super Royal, pp. 5-7, Banaras, 1971. Jaino-silalekha-sangraha. Vol. V. ed. by Vidyadhar Joharapurkar, Crown, pp. 6-11, Delhi, 1971, Naya.cakra, ed. by Kailash Chandra Shastri, Super Royal, pp. 5-8, Banaras, 1971. Sukatayana-dyakaranam, ed. by Shambhunath Tripathi, Super Royal, pp. 7-14, Banaras, 1971. Samayasara, ed. by A. Chakravarti, Super Royal, pp. 3-7, Banaras, 1971. Sarvarthasiddhi ed, by Phool Chandra Shastri, 2nd ed., Super Royal, p. 5 Banaras, 1971. Jasahara cariu, rev. ed. by Hiralal Jalo, Super Royal, pp. 7-14, Banaras, 1972. Nayakumara-cariu, ed. by Hiralal Jain, Super Royal, pp. 7-9, Banaras, 1972. Purudeva-campu-prabandha, ed. by Pannalal Jain, Super Royal, pp. 5-6, Banaras, 1972. Dhyanastava, ed. by Suzuko Ohlra, Crown, pp. 3-6, Banaras, 1973.

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214 Adinatha Neminatha Upadhye Jaina Literature in Tamil, by A Chakravarti, rev. ed., Demy, pp. 3-4, New Delhi, 1974 Sirivala-cartu, ed. by Devendra Kumar Jain, Super Royal, pp 5-6, Bandras, 1974 Vira-Jinimda-cariu ed. by Hiralal Jain, Demy pp. 1-42, New Delhi, 1974. Vira-vardhamana-caritam ed, by Hiralal Jain, Super Royal, pp. 1-3, Banaras, 1974. Cosmology Old of New, by G. R. Jain, rev. ed Demy, pp. 5-7, New Delhi, 1975. Jina-vani, ed. by Hiralal Jain, Demy, pp. [3-4], Banaras, 1975. Religion and Culture of the Jains, by Jyotiprasad Jaln, Demy, pp. 3-5, New Delhi, 1975. (after 1974, in collaboration with Pt. Kailash Chandra Shastrl) (in) Editor-in-Cooperation: Prakrit Text Society Series. Prakrta-sarvasva ed, by Krishna Chandra Acharya, Demy, pp 3-4, Ahmedabad, 1968. Kaha-kosu of Muni Sricandra, ed. by Hiralal Jain, pp. 1-10, Ahmedabad, 1969. (iv) Editor-in-Cooperation: Shivaji University Sanskrit and Prakrit Series, Kolhapur : Sruti-siddhanta-dipika and Sruti Sruti-siddhant-prakasa, ed. by Balacharya Khuperkar and R. P. Nipanikar, Royal 8vo. pp. 9-10, Kolhapur, 1968, [The list of Dr. Upadhye's works 18 supplied by Dr. A. N. Upadhye Memorial Committee, Kolhapur. We are grateful to the Committee. -Editora ]

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REVIEW OF "JAINA SECTS AND SCHOOLS'I J. C. Sikdar Dr. Muni Uttam Kamal Jain has worked on Jalna sects and schools by giving an outline of the traditional Jaina bellef, the life of Parsvanatha, the religious, social and political conditions of India prevailing from the time of Parsvanatha to that of Mahavira, tho schisms la Jaina church, the account of ganadharas of Mahavira, the Svetambara-Digambara split, the divisions, sub-divi8jons, and modern schools of the Syetambaras and thoso of the Digambarag. The author has scrapped the traditional Jaina bellef in the historicity of the first twenty-two Tirthankaras as mythological legend shora of historical truth, although he has admitted the oxistence of Jaina-dharma an. terior to the time of Parsvanstha. There is reason to believe that the sramanio tradition has been in existence for several thousand years before Parsvanatha and primitive Nirgrantha-dharma and Nirgrantha-sect congist. ing of Vatarabans Munis2 were coeval with the early Vedic culture itself or rather they were anterior to it, since social life is a condition without which the ovolution of the sramanic culture could not concelvably hayo taken place. Dr. Jajn has not traced the origin of Jainadharma and Samgha--the two institutions under which the Jajna world in the ages past had been living in a nascent form. The study of the history of Jaina church in different ages of Indian society, like other social activities, is governed by the do. minant tondencies of the time and place. History of Jaina church requires to be comprised of sustained chronicle of its tradition, As regard the historicity of Parsvanatha and the account of ParavapatyTyag the author has thrown light In short in less methodical way. He has given the stereotyped account of the number of members of his Samgha on the basis of the record of the Kalpasutra without critical verification of it in the light of historical facts. It is to be noted in this connection that his reference to Puspacula as the leader of nonnery of Caturvidha Samgha of Paravanatha is subject to historical verification whether the ladies woro admitted to the Samgba or not prior to the time of Mahavira and the Buddha The author has treated the toplo The roligious, soclal and politi, 1 Jains Sects and Schools by Muni Uttam Kamal Jain, Published by Concept Publ. Co., Delhi, 1975 pp 5+162, Price Rs. 50/2 RV. 10, 136, 23, Bhigavatapariga 5.3.20. Nyayamafjarl Kashi odition, p. 247 Nyayamanjart Granthibhangah p. 115.

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216 J. C. Sikar cal conditions of India' as provalilng from the time of Pariyanatha to that of Mabavira with scanty historical acumen and touched upon the account of Mabavira and the stereotyped number of members of his Catoryidha Samgha on the basis of the record of the Kalpasatra without going deep into the historical facts as preserved in the Agamas to find out the total number of 1417 members, consisting of 1331 sramanas, 31 Sramanis, 26 Sramanopasakas, 13 sramanopasakas, 14 Sravakas aud 2 Sravikas. Dr. Jain has treated the "Schisms in Jaina Church with some historisal per sective and thrown a good deal of light upon the final cr 1818 in It, leading to the Svetambara-Digambara split, by tracing the historical development of this split on the basis of both Svetambara and Digambara traditions, In dealing with the divisions, sub-divisions and modern schools of the Svetambaras and those of the Digambaras the author has furnished somo valuable informations from literary and epigraphic records. He has not critically traced the origin and development of various Jaida sects and schools in proper chronological order, except in some cases, in the pro. cess of evolution of Jaioa Samgha from the post-Mabavira period upto the present day with the spatial- and time-extension sa exploring tho spa. tial extension of Jaina sects and schools which once included four quarters of India ono fods that they were the cyents in the life of Indian society of which they were only parts. When the extension of Jaina sccts and achools in time is explained in the process of traciog their history back wards towards their origin, onc strikes upon the last plane of another society of the same kind the origin of which evidently lies considerably further back to the past. Thus the conclusion regarding the age and origin of Jaloa Samgba cardes with it a corollary regarding the continuity of the history of Jaina Samgha with its sects and schools as the continuity of history is the most attractive of all the conceptions. Jajna church has undergone gradually orderly changes with the march of time since its begioning as a result of its evolution. The process of its evolution has not coased. In the last few hundred years many ganas, gaccbas etc. have become extinct and others have arisen. The characteristice of the present living Jajna sects and schools are such that they can be fitted into a hierachical scheine of well-defined categories. Jalna Samghas, ganas, gacchas, kulas, sakhas, etc, can best be interpreted as indicating evolutionary relationship. It is to be appreciated that the value of the work of Dr. Jain lies lo the fact of his first attempt to give historical outline of Jaina sects and schools,

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121 The Jainas and the Western Scholars Padmanabh S. Jaini 132 On . Verse Cited by Agastyasimha Chandrabhal 'I ripathi 135 Kolhapur and its Jaina Associations Jyoti Prasad Jain 138 Jaina Studies : Japan, Emope, India Kendall W. Folkert The Prakrits of the Drama : Their Literary Function as Illustrated by the Karpuramanjari G. H. Schokker 148 166 Dhammapada Veises in Uttarajjhaya 9 Gustav Roth 170 A Notc on the Grammatical Paribhasas of the Siddhahema System J M. Shukla 175 The Offermg of Distics (Dohripahuda ) Colette Caillat 201 Adinatli Neminatha Upadhye - Life and Works 215 Review of 'Jaia Sects and Schools' J. C. Sikdar

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OUR LATEST PUBLICATIONS 47. A Modern Understanding of Advaita Vedanta by Dr Kalidas Bhattacharya pp. 4 + 68 (1975) 48 Nyayamanjali (Ahnika I) with Gujarati translation, edited and translated by Dr. Nagin J Shah, pp 4+ 144. 49 Atonements in the Ancient Ritual of the Jaina Monks by Dr, Colette Caillat, pp 8 +210 (1975) 50. The Upabi mhana and the Rgveda Interpretation by Prof T. G. Mainkar, pp. 4 + 60 (1975) 51. More Documents of Jaina Paintings and Gujarati Paintings of sixteenth and later centuries, by Dr U P. Shah. (1976) 52 Jinesvarasuris Gaharayanakosa, Edited by Pt. A M. Bhojak and Dr. Nagin J Shah (1976) 53 Jayavantasure's Ridattarasa (old Gujarati Kavya) Edited by Dr Nipuna Dalal (1975) 54, Indrahamsa's Buvanabhanukevalicariya Edited by Mun Ramanikvijayaji 55. Sallekhana is not Suicide by Justice T. K. Tukol. 56 Sasadhara's Nyayasiddhantadipa edited by Dr B K Matilal 16/-- 16/ 151 25/ 57. Fundamentals of Ancient Indian Music and Dance by SC. Banerjee Aspects of Taina Art and Architecture : Editors Dr U.P Shah and Prof M A Dhaky (1976) [ Sole Distributor 1 Sambodhi Vol I-IV Rs 160/(Rs 40/- per volume) To be published soon 150/ 1 Amrtacandia's Laghutattvasphota (Sanskrit ) Jaina Philosophical Kavya, Edited by Dr. P. S. Jaini 2. Vasudevahindi-A study and English translation by Dr. J. C. Jain 3. Indian Philosophy by Dr Pt. Sukhlalji Sanghavi

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lh rw b mwhy T 31/5/77. gorivniia probravshiesia THE BHASA-LAKSANA CHAPTER OF GITALANKARA HC Bhayanl (Dedicated to the memory of Dr. A. N. Upadhye) 1. Introduction* The Gitalankara, traditionally ascribed to Bharata, is a work on music It has been edited by Danieou and Bhatt from a single manuscript 1 The date of the work is not known. The editors are of the opinion that the Gutalankara is an ancient work, much earlier than the Natyasastra of Bharata, but the view considering it as a very late work is well-founded. The last chapter of the Gitalankara numbered fifteenth and called Bhasalaksana, gives a long list of Prakrit dialects and devotes one Gatha to each of them to illustrate a few of their characteristic words. The dialect list is in Sanskrit (like all the earlier chapters), but the illustrative verses aro in Prakrit. It was S. M. Katre who first pointed out in 1939 the importance of this chapter of the Gitalahkara. He presented a list of the names of Prakrita given in the Gitalankara and published the text of the fifteenth chapter Now we have an edition of the whole work. The text of the fifteenth chapter of the GT., especially that of its Prakrit portion is very badly preserved in its only available manuscript It is highly corrupt and full of serious errors, so much so that neither Katre nor Danielou and Bhatt could attempt a translation or even a summary of the contents of the illustrative verses The text as it stands appears mostly chaotic On the face of it, it does not seem possible to make out any connected sense even from single lines or their portions. Under the Abbreviations used. ABH. Hemscandra's Abhidhanacintamani, edited and translated in Gujarati by Vijayakastura Suri, 1957 DB The text of the Prakrit portion of the Gitalankara as given by Danielou and Bhatt DN Hemacandra's Desrnamamala edited by R Pischel, second edition by P. V, Ramanujaswami, 1938 GT Gtalankara. Guj Gujarati. H. Hindi. IAL.. Turner's Comparative Dictionary of Indo-Aryan Languages MW: Monier Williams' Sanskrit Dictionary. PL.: Dhanapala's Palalacchinamamala edited by Buhler, translated in Hindi by Bechardas Doshi, 1960. PS. Prakyta-sarvasva of Markandeya, edited by K. C. Acharya, 1968 PSM H, Sheth's Palasaddamahangavo The reconstructed text of the Prakrit portion of the Gralankara SH: Hemacandra's Prakrit Grammar (the eighth chapter of the Sladkahemasabdanusasana) edited by P L. Valdya, 1958. SK. Sanskrit. SMP. A critical study of Mahapurana of Puspadanta by R. N. Shriyan, 1969. R. Sambodhi 5.4 55deg

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H C. Bhayani circumstances, any attempt to make word division is also in danger of bolog considered nothing but futile guess work. The present effort of conjecturally reconstructing the text:in so far as it could be done has a very limited aim of making out something from a nearly hopeless text Quite obviously such guesswork 19 always highly risky and subjective, and the results are patently disproportionate to the time and effort involved The first six verses of ch. XV of the GT. give the list of Prakrit dialects, said to have a total of fortytwo. Most of the first verso and a part of the second verse are missing. Danielou and Bhatt have tried to restore tentatively the missing portion on the basis of Indicatlong found in the spbsequent part of the chapter. The text of the first six verses along with that of the Seventh verse which introduces the subse. quent illustrative section 19 reproduced below after Danielou and Bhatt. (The obviously incorrect Ms readings are given in the footnotes). mahArASTrI kirAtI ca [saurASTrI mAgadhI tathA lATI goDI ca kAzmIrI paurastyA pazcimotkalA // 1 pAJcAlA cApi paisAcI] mlecchI caiva turA[ni]kA / somakI coLakI kAJcI mAlavI kAzisaMbhavA / / 2 vedikAca kuzAvartA tathAnyA zUrasenikA / bhojI' ca gUrjarI caiva romakI medasaMbhavA / / 3 mAravI kAnamUkhI ca devakI paJcapattanA / saindhavI kauzikA bhadrA tayAnyA bhadrabhojikA // 4 kuntalA kosalA pArA yAvanI kukurI tathA / madhyadezI ca kambojI [malayA cAntyamA smRtA / / 5 dvAcatvAriMzatiH proktA etA bhASAH prasaMkhyayA / etA vimRzya kartavyaM gItaM gItavicakSaNaiH // 6 lakSaNAni ca sarveSAM kathayiSye yathAkramam / sakSepeNa samastaM tu na zakya tridazairapi // 7 This is followed by the Prakit verses with the introductory remark aty ft. At the end of the chapter the title is given as OTTOTITE. In the course of our examination of the Illustrative section below we shall see that in those attempted restoration of tho, names of the dialects, Dapielou and Bhatt are on quite uncertain grounds.Tegarding the names lATI, gauDI, utkalA, paizAcI, turAnikA and malayA. ProbablyarJcAlI is ninth in the order and pAzcAtyA (or pazcimA) is eleventh, but Danielou and Bhatt have assumed the reverse of that order So the last Pada of the first verse has to be something lhne prAcyA (or pUrvA) pAJcAlikA. 1. devikA. 2. sUrasenikA. 3. baudhI. 4. modadeg. 5. mAlavI. 6. kozalA.

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The Bhusa-laksana Chapter of Gitulankura Furrher the fourteenth name is in all prolability catht, and not a frent; the M8 has actually axfish in v 2, and RETT (1. e. JFEIT) in v 21. The last name is most probably ditet (or zillat) and not Asu. TATHLETI 18 very much suspect and possibly it is a corruptson of $174 . The number of languages 18 given as fortytwo (v 6). The subsequent verses 8 to 48 present a few lexical characteristics of each of these Prakrits. As there are fortytwo languages, but fortyone characterising verses, we have to assume that either somewhere two languages are accomodated in one verse or alternatively, one verse is missing Daarelou and Bhatt think that v 40 illustrates in its two halves her and he respectively. Further tbey understand v. 47 also deals 10 similar fashion with two languages, namoy malet and T. They take the last verse, numbered fortyeight, as topically not forming a part of the HT T , but rather as a conclusion to the work as a whole, disregarding the patent fact that the language of the verse is Prakrit while the whole work excepting the verses illustrating the dialects 18 in Sanskrit In fact the whole of v.47 illustrates the strateft dialect and the last verse of ch, XV illustrates the ziet dialect We think that one Verse illustrating wife 18 missing after v, 40, cyen though the Ms, does not indicate any gap at that place. A crltical consideration of the text of the Prakrit verses of the GT, as presorvod in its single Ms, reveals the following facts about its corru. ptions and lapses There are numerous lacunae in vv 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 28, 36, 39, 40, 41, 44, 45, 46 and 47. The copyist of the Ms. (or of its prototype), besides omitting or adding letters, has mis. read or confused numerous letters for u, or y for a, for at, for ma. ma for ta, ha for Dha, kha for gga, so for o, ma for ra, stha for ccha, dha for r, q for , 7 for , for 2, a fora, q for a, for ea, q for 3, for a7, a fora, a fora, for #, & fort, F for, for , & for g. 9 for a,a for 2,7 for , a for, o forg, a for 3, 7 for 2, a for, for RT, 3 for a, # for at, a for , for a, eo forg, for an a for 21, for el, for #, 7 for 77, for a, 4 for at and so on endlessly. Omission of post-consonantal signs for and 3, addition or transposition of Anusvara, single letter for the double onog, etc, are other frogpont errors. In what follows the text of each verse and the observations on it are presented in the following order . name of the dialect, text according to Danielou and Bhatt, reconstructed text, notes, the Desya items identified We have checked the text of Danielou and Bhatt with the original manue

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H. C. Bhayani cript and the fow placce where we differ from them in the reproduced text are indicated by portions onclosed in parantheses The missing letters are Indicated in the original Ms. by the corresponding number of dashes, which are shown as so many crosges 10 the text reproduced here, 2. The Text and Notes [1. mahArASTrI BB. rallI bhalavo sIhoM kaiyA tiNatahiyaSiNe yathA(SA) / taha halioM(o) vidu(i) vagyo NAittho paDhamabhAsA(sa)eM 8 R. pullI' maNio sIho kaiyAtiNa taddiyakkhi(1) NAyavvA / taha ali alli hu vagdho NAyavyo paDhama-bhAsAe / Notes 1. DN. 6, 79 : vaggha-sIhayA pullI. 2. The latter portion of the first line except the last word obscure. 3 DN. 1,56 aliallI miamae a vagdhe a. Items identified 1 pullI-sIho lion' 3. aliallIbaggho tiger'. is [2. phirAI | kirAtI] DB. lijjAiya anne dvi(di)heM maMjiTThajjaMjuA mulAyastha / taha gutthi(gcha)o pahaThTho suhiyaM rINa kiraaii(i)e||9 R. NijjhAima diTTha maMjiThTha maMju'" tu NAyana / taha ganvio pahaTThoM sudiyaM rINa kirAIe / / Notes 1. SH. 8-4-6 has noted NijjhA- in the sense of darzana. According to PSM. NijjhAia-dRSTa2. The Kashmiri word for majISThA the Indian madder' is monzu, derived from Pk. maMjuA, Sk. maJjukA. Se6 IAL. 9717,9720. 3. DN. 6, 9 dariammi pahaTTho. Pk: daria-(= Sk. hupta-) = PK. ganvibha (Sk. garSita-) 4. DN. 8, 36 sudio saMte. Pk. sata (Sk. zrAnta-) = Pk. rINa-. rINa is frequent in Apabbramsa. Sce. SMP., item No. 1194. / Items identified 1. NijjhAiyadi *seen' 2. majuGamaliTTha 'bright red' 3. pahaTTho gamvio arrogant' 4. sudiya-rINaM 'exhausted'

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The Bhasa-laksana Chapter of Gitalankara [3. soraDiyA / saurASTrikA] DB. Dallakha ajala(ala)jutta gAhuhigAho taro maDo / soThiyAe bhaNio ta dohathIhamao NAso // 10 R. 'dullagga aNajutta 'gADi gAho [tahA] tarI beDo / soraThiyAe maNimao yaddho [ta]ha thINao nnaao|| Notes 1. DN. 5,43 dullagga aghaDamANammi aNajutta ayuktam For the negative prefix aNa- see SH. 8-2-192. 2. DN. 2, 89 . gAhammi gAhulI. gAhuddhi is either a corruption of gAhuli or 18 a derlyative based on an alternative diminutiva suffix ___ uDa- as in Ap. bappuDa- from bappa. 3. DN. 6,95 beho tarI Mod Guj beho 'boat'. 4. DN. 5,30.NiNNeha-daya-dariema thiNo, PSM. has noted thINa- as a varlant of thiNNa-It derives from Sk. styAna- and like thaddha-(Page #324
6 H C. Bhayani considerably late word, derived from SK rUpa- with Ap. suffix -a-. Item identified tAmara = ruvaDaa "beautiful'. # [4. gearr(?)] DB sutthA esA latthI viraha kusuMbhaja vatya (tha) / tuMgI rayaNI dhavo bhattA // 12 dullagha aNajutta R. sutthAe (1) sA' lacchI viraha ' [ bhaNNai ] kusu bhaja vattha / dullagga' aNata tugI' rayaNI ghavo bhattA // Notes: The first word gives the name of the dialect. It is in the locative singular. Possibly we have to read sumhAe sujha (Pk sumha - under SH 8-2-74) 18 wellknown as the name of a country in West Bengal. But the name of the dialect is definitely not Lati as assumed by Daniejou and Bhatt. 1 For sA lakSmI see SMP, item no. 1278. 2. DN. 7, 91 viraho raha- kosu mesu and 7, 68 kosura bhayamma virahAla. Hema. candra has paraphrased kosu bha with kusumbharakta vasram The latter part of the first line is short by four Matras. So bhaNNai 18 supplled conjecturally. 3 For geri see note no. 1 under verse 10 above. 4. DN. 5, 14 tugI rayaNI. 5. ghava- is quite an old Sanskrit word, current also in Prakrit. Items identified 1 sAlacchI 'wealth' 'Godess of wealth'. 2. viraha = kusubhibha vattha 'bright red cloth (dyed with the Indian madder)' 3. dullagaM = aNajuttaM improper'. 4. tuMgI - rayaNI 'night'. 5. dhavo = bhattA husband'. # [6. goLA ] DB. jAillo boiGavA pallI vaggho paraM suvo saddo / AlAso visakIDo tthA (cchA ) ro virivodha golAe ||13 R. chAillo' joikkho pullI' vaggho paDhasuvo' saho / mAlAso ' visakIDo thero' viriMco a gollAe //

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The Bhasu-laksana Chapter of Gitalankara Notes : 1. DN. 3, 35 : chAillo a paIve and 3, 49 : joikkho dIvammi. 2. DN. 6, 79 * vagghAsIhayA pullI.. 3 Cf SH. under 8-1-88, 26, 206 paDasuA pratizrut pratizabdA, pratidhvaniH 'echo' (PSM). 4. DN 1, 61 : viMcuammi AlAso. Pk visakIho is sk viSakITa: 'poisonous worm'. So scorpion' seems to be a speclalized sense. Ala- means 'animal poison' and abhidhanacintamans gives AlAsya-as a synonym of naka- 'crocodile'. 5. DN. 5, 29 : thero ke, com thero brahmA. The name of the dialect is gollA and not gauDI as surmised by Denielou and Bhatt. Golla country, as a part of Maharastra is well known in medieval literature For example MW notes the word from Hemacandra's Parisistaparvan, and PSM. from Malayagiri's Avasyaka commentary. Itemsidentified : 1. chAillo joikkho "lamp' 2. pullI-vagyo tiger' 3. paDasuvo saddo 'sound' (10. possibly 'echo'). 4. AlAso-visakIDo 'poisonous worm'. thero-viriMco .God Brahma' [7. kAsIrIna kAzmIrI] DB kAsIrI apayaTTo moro kelo narA hivo tuMgo / vicchee tu vilAso taha sUro pUraNo bhaNibho // 14 R. kAsIrIe paiTho moro kelo' narAhivo tuMgo / viccheo hu vilAso taha suppo pUraNo maNio // Notes : kAsIrIe pazTho kAzmIryA pradiSTaH (Indicated') or pradRSTaH ("scen'). 1 kelo moro 'peacock' is otherwise unknown is this possibly a corruption of coro theNo ? 2 taMgo meaning narAhiyo 'prince' is also otherwise unknown. Names of many Rastrakuta kings ended in -tuka. 3. DN 7, 90. vilAsa-jaSaNesu viccheo. 4. DN. 6, 56 pUraNa suppe According to PSM. suppa- is also mas. culine, Itoms identified: 3. viccheo-vilAso edalliance', 'amorous sport', 4. pUraNonmuppo "winnowing basket'.

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H. C. Bhayani [ 8. dhruvvA / prAcyA (1)] DB. pabbAe tAsu puriso didaTha bhaNia (ya) mahIsazA ( jhA ? ) / taha para hillaM khicca attAsA sUharo hIro // 15 R. puNSAe tAsu (1) puriso di 2 ( 2 ) bhaNiya mahI (1) sajkSA 3 (1) / taha uru' pulla khicca attA sAsU, haro hIro // Notes: paJjAe 18 probably a corruption of punvAe. 1. The first Deaya item cannot be made out. 2. sihaM (<Page #327
The Bhasa-laksama Chapter of Gutalankara [10. -] DB giriya liye vidhosaM tu x pIvaro tadA bhnnio| sAraMgo vaha bhasalo sAro saya ukavalA // 17 R. giripalliyA vi ghosa' tu... pIvaro tahA mnnio| sAraMgo taha masalo' sArosaya ukvlaa(1)|| Notes . 1. Cf Abhidhanacintamant, 1002 : ghoSasvAmIrapallikA. 2. The Desya item is lost. There is a gap of five Matras after .. 3 masala-(-Sk bhramara-) is quite common in Prakrit. PSM, has given bhramara- as one of the meanings of sAraMga. 4. This last portion is quite obscure and it 18 also metrically defective, Most likely it contained a Desya item with its gloss and also the name of the dialect, Danielou and Bhatt assume that the name of the dialect Is utkalA But It is uncertain. uskalAe, ukkalIe or ukkaliAe 1s metrically untenable in the final posttion. They violate the structure of the Gatha. Items identified: 1. ghosagiripalliyA 'mountaln-villago'. 3. bhasalosAra go 'bee' [11. pacchima-bhAsA | pAzcAtyA] DB. paMcamabhAso bhaNiyA mayaNa xxxxx ro tiir| gIya gudaThAbaxu bAjAla vattha v||18 R. pacchima-bhAsA-maNie mayaNa'. . ro tIra / gIya gudaThAbaddha (09. ujaMjAlaM(8) vattha(1) ca / / Notes The name of the dialect is unclear There is no support for tak ing it to be equivalent to 19 as 18 done by Danielou and Bhatt. paMcaya-mAsA 19 possibly a corruption of pacchima-bhAsA.' 1.2 There were possibly two Desya words with their glosses in the latter portion of the first line. The last word seems to be the gloss of the preceding Desya word which is lost. 3. gaThAvaddha 18 otherwise unknown in the sense of gIya 'song'. 4. The laat Desya item and its gloss are not clear. DN. 1,135 notea ujjaMgalaM haDhe dIhe 1.0 in the senses of balAtkAra--8d dII Sambodhi 5.4

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H C. Bhayant Notes [12. ---] DB. taha voliyA sahAro bhallara pisu x x x x sanveya / piMgala(ta) ta nArI kaTAra itteho / / 19 Nothing can be definitely made out of this passage except that og 18 a corruption of you, Danielou and Bbatt have suggested pisAimaneya as an emendation of pisu....samveyaM in the first line But there is nothing to support this guesa. It is more likely that pisa... stood for pisaNo or pisaNiya It can be also suggested that the second line began with savveyaM (or sanveya); the second line as it is, is short by five Matras There is also nothing to support the word division given by Danielou and Bhatt with the exception of the word mallaha (1.c. bhaNNai). The name of the dialect alao cannot be made out, It is likely to have been in the lost portion, Or is it given In the beginning? [13. mecchI / mlecchI] DB. mle(me)cchIe pula bhaNiyo tappili cahArI xxxx gujjItela AdaThI jahA pulla // 20 Notes : The name of the dialect 18 tot 10. ooft. Tho first portion la to be read mecchIe puNa bhaNio No Desya item or its gloss can be identified from the rest The second line also is metrically defec. tive and it is short by some eight Matras. [14. tukkhArI | tuSArI] DB turaMvArAe sa saMgho satyAro bhahio tahA kalho / xxxx itta puSkakAkoo AbhaNiyA // 21 R, tukkhArIe ya sejA 'satyAro bhadio tahA kaNho / i......itta' (1) puSkakA(?) kouA' bhaNiA // Notes turaMvAra 1s a corruption of tukkhArI (1e. the dialect of the tuSAra country or Tokharistan), Tho anusvara signifies gemination of the following consonant, and at stands for a. In verse 2 also the Ms. reads ExrikA which is to be taken as tuSArikA (or tukhArikA) and not as turAnikA as wrongly guessed by Danielou and Bhatt. 1. saMthAra- (Sk. saMstAra-) and satthara- (Sk. sastara-) are commonly used to Prakrit in the sense of bed,

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The Bhara-laksana Chapter of Gutalankara 11 2. DN 6, 100 bhaTTio kaNhe. There bhaddio is noted as a variant read. it, and that is the correct form of the word, because we find feet and not get used to signify Krishna in the Apabbramsa epics of Svayambhu and Puspadanta, ing for 3. and 4. Nothing can be definitely made out from the second line. If the fourth item is it 18 recorded at DN. 2, 48 in the sense of karISAgni, and phuMphuA (if it is corrupted as puSkakA in the text) is also noted with the same sense at DN. 6, 84. Items identified 1. bed'. 2. bhadio = kaNho ' Krishna'. * [15. somakI] DB. iMdavaDU Ido odAsA loharilo x x | [so] mayA hi o bha xxx // 22 R. davaDU' idoo dAsA lo ( ? ) hariNo / .... mayAhio bha...... 11 Notes 1. In very late Sanskrit is known in the sense of it. See for example the Hindi-Sabda-Sagar. We have in Prakrit gara (DN. 1, 81) and a (Samdesarasaka). 2. The second item is obscure The gloss is possibly fun. Metri. cally the latter part 18 defective and short by several Matras, Item identified. In the second line one lacuna is at the beginning and another at the end. Danielou and Bhatt assume that the name of the dialect was glyen in the beginning of the second line and hence they supply the letter so before mayAhio. But mayAhiA is Sk. : and as such it seems to be the gloss for the Desya item that possibly followed it in the last portion suggests or If, as in the Mahara 200g after which appeared the Desya item stri, the Delya word for lion was here also get, then the latter part of the second line can be reconstructed as mayAhio bhaNNae pullI. The name of the dialect was contained in the lost portion either at the end of the first line or at the beginning of the second. a kind of rainy insect'.

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H C. Bhayani [16. colI / colako DB. e NaraNaNAho bhallai vahalo surAhio masalo / vasuA vadi husukka saI puNa purI iyattha // 23 R. [colI]e NaraNAho bhaNNai 'vahalo(1) surAhio masalo(1) / vasuAidaM hu sukkaM "saI (2) puNa purI iyattha // Notes: The first line is short by four Matras and the name of the dialect is also missing. The name alet is to be supplied in the beginnlog bofore the one of the locative. 1. vahala-1s otherwise unknown in the sense of NaraNAha2. masala is otherwise unknown in the sense of sarAhia-. 3. SH. 8-4-11 udAterorummA vasubhA: vasuAiya-zuSka-(PSM.). 4. saha-is otherwise unknown in the sense of parI. DN. 6,1gives gAmaDANe padaM. Item identified : vasuAidaM-sukka dried up'. [17. paMcI | kAJcI] DB. rali chAmo asamatyo kaMvIe paTTanvamaNI tuDe / sUvakhayaNa aripallI bhaNae bagdho // 28 R. NityAmo' asamatyo kacIe paTTavva bhaNo ?) / ra sUbara-SayaNa ariyallI bhaNNae vagyo / Noter : 1. PL. 470 oluggo nitthAmo and DN 1, 164 com. ollumgo sevako nizchAyo niHsthAmA ceti bhyarthaH, nitthAmo obviously derives from Sk. niHsthAman-. 2. padavyamaNo is obcure and the text here is also metrically defective, 3. er-1s quite familiar in Sanskrit (and Prakrit) with the meanings a book, snout (of a hog etc.), trunk (of an elephant), the mouth.' 4 DN. 1,24: ariallI saddale, Items identified : 1. NityAmo-asamattho 'week', lacking strength'. 2. tuMDa-sUvara-vayaNa 'snout of a hog'. 3. ariyallIvagyo 'tiger'.

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The Bhasa-laksana Chapter of Gitalankara [18. mAlavi / mAlavI] DB rasthA(cchA)xx asulaho kUlagghoNoa xx bhaNio / uDa taNava kurIra mAlabie meyalo viMgo // 25 R racchA [mao] asuNaho kula seNA a bhaNio / uDa taNaya-kuDIra mAlabie meyalo- viksso|| Notes * 1. DN. 1.4 * racchAmao-sANo. 2. For kala seNA see note no I on verse 30 below. 3. uddhaa-18a regular tadbhava from Sk. uTaja-. taNayaDIra-tRNakuTIra-. ba yala-, SR. mekala- in the name of a mountaln in the Vindhya range. Sanskrit lexicons give mekalakanyakA and mekalAdrinAas synon. yms of the river Narmada Items identified : 1. racchAmao=suNaho 'dog' 2. kla-seNA *army' 3. uDa-taNayakuhIra 'grass hut'. 4. meyalo vijho 'the Vindhya mountain'. vAlA [19. kAsI / kAzIsaMbhavA] DB. laMpi uccA taha vorI kAsIe piMDarI corI ve(ce)lu paTa vA(vo)ra nAhaNI xxxx xxxxxx ||26 R. laMpikkho' taha cAro [maNNai] kAsIe piMDarI corI / cela paTTa uporaM (1) nAhaNI... ... ... . // ' Notes: 1. DN 7, 19 lapikkho taha core. The first line is short by four Matras So yourse is supplied add jecturally. 2. fu is otherwise unknown in the sense att. But Sk, forum Pk. piMDAra- (DAra- according to DN 6, 58) 'buffalo-herd' has acquired the meaning of 'free-booter', 'maragder' 10 many NIA. languages, eg.H. piDArA,G. pIMDAro, pIMdAro, P piMDArA. SC IAL 8172. 3.peTha- and paTTa- are commonly used in Sanskrit and Prakrit in the sense of garment. The rest of the vergo is obscuro and defective. Items identified .lapikkho -coro thlef' 2. piMDarI-corI theft'. 3. cela-paTTa 'garment'.

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14 H. C. Bhayani [20 vedi / vedikA ] + DB. luTTa (ddha) moso bhaNiyaM vedIe kuramarI tahA vaMdI | vo taha paDahI yeNo coro cala pIla ||27 R. ' bhaNiya moso vedIe kara marI tahA badI / heraMbo taha paDo yeNo' coro 'bala pINa | Notes : 1. Sk. luNT, luNTha, Pk luMTU, khudda 'to plunder', 'to rob, Ph. 'robbed'; Guj. Hindi lUTa 'booty'. See IAL 11078. 2. DN 2, 15. karamarI baMdI (= haThahRtA strI). 3. DN, 8, 76 hera bo. DiMDime yetha. 4. peNa - is a regular tadbhava from Sk stema.. 5. cf DN. 6, 88 balio = pINo. Items Identified 1 luha = moso 'booty' 2. karamarI baMdI 'woman imprlsoned in war'. 3. hera bo = paraho ' drum'. 4. yeNI = coro 'thief' 5. bala= pINaM 'fat' [21. 1. kusavattaya bhAsA / kuzAvartA] DB. kusumauttaya bhAsA taha cchurIcchurIyA muNeyatthA / piMDavaloxx davaggo kUhavAhApi aMbAlA // 28 R. kusavattaya bhAsie taha .... 'churI (1) churiyA muNeyavvA / piMDavo taha khamgo kUvaM bAhAvia jANa // - Notes : The text of this verse is marginally added in the Ms 1. kuzAvartA (verse 3) suggests kusavattaya as the proper Prakrit form here, which also preserves the metre. It seems that after there is a lacuna of four Matras, otherwise the structure of Gatha is violated Possibly the Desya word corresponding to churI or buriyA filled that place. 2. DN 6, 59 gives peMDadhavo khaggo We assume that the text here is a corruption of peMDaghavo taha khaggo The Mss often confuse with a, and vaggo can well be a corruption of khaggo. 3 kUvAra - in the sense of ghAhA 'ory for help when in distress' is frequently used in Apabhramsa See SMP. no. 882 (for STT see SMP no. 128. For ghAhAviya see PSM.

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The Bhuja-lakcana Chapter of Gitalankara 15 Items identified : 2. piMDaghavo khaggo 'sword'. 3. kUrva-dhAhAviraM 'cry for help in distress'. [22. saraseNI / zUrasenikA] DB. saMgA bhallai ghaggA sA paMtikkaM ca sUraseNAe / __bhAila au(o) vara ura oM(o) ariyA asaI muNe attha // 29 R, sagA' maNNai vaggA sArya tikkhaM ca sUraseNoe / mAilao vara turao aDayA asaI muNeanvA // Notes : 1. DN. 8, 2 . saMgA sahI ghaggA, 2. sAyaM-Sk. zAtam-tIkSNam, 3. DN. 6, 104 bhAyalo jaccaturaMgo. 4. DN. 1,18 akhyA asatI. Items identified : 1. sagAvaggA 'relas'. 2. sAyaM-tikkha 'sharpened'. 3. bhAilaovara-turamo 'a horse of good breed'. 4. ahayA asaI 'unchaste woman'. [23. bhojI] DB. kulaM seNA vaccha puMDIe aMviyaM ca vivarIraM / bhojIkA irapuriso bhaDile asaI karInAjI('rI) // 30 R. kUlaM seNA vara muMDI paviya(1) va vivarIraM / ___ bhojie kAira-puriso bhaDilo asaI karInArI' (1) // Notes * I. DN. 2, 43 kUlaM balapacchA sainyasya pazcAbhAgaH 2. DN 6, 133 muDI gira gI, (cf. DN. 4, 31 com giraMgI kyA jIraMgI zirAvaguNThanam ). Here muMDI is given in the general sense of garment. 3. paaviya is likely to be a corruption of palhasthiya (or pallahivaM, pallaTTiya)-Sk. paryastam of SH. 8-4-200 paryasa: paloTa-pallaSTa-pavhatyA.. For vivarIra- see the illustration under SH. 8-4-424. 4. of Sk. bhaDila- 'a servant'; bhaDila-is coupled with bhaMDa-apimp' at 5-96-11 in the list of Dest words given in the Prakrit chapter of Kramadravara's Sahksiptasara. 5. The Desya itom given hore with the meaning of aquat romains unidentified. PL. 91 gives ahisAriA (sk. abhisArikA)-duzIlA 1.0. masatI.

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16 Items identified : 1. kUla = seNA 'army'. 2. muMDI - vastha garment', 3. maDilo kAhara puriso 'coward'. H. C. Bhayant [24. gujjara-bhAsA / gUrjarI ] DB. chiMbhu (ccha) vimalaha gubbarabhAsAe mAharaM saMga / vA kiM ha (bha) DiyAjata saM ghAsa khala jussaM (saM) ||31 R. chiMha bhaNNava asaI gujara bhAsAe " nAhara siMvaM / ghAluM kI cimaDiyA javasaM ghAsaM khalaM juse (1) // Notes 11. DN. 3, 16 chichao deha-jAresu, SH. 8-2-174 chiMchaI pubalI: PSM. chichaI asatI 2. cf. Hindi, Rajasthani nAhara ' lion', tiger'; Gujaratl nAra 'wolf', 'a wolf-like animal'. Not attested in Prakrit or Apabhramsa. It seems to be a very late word. In the text the accusative ia irregularly used for the nominative, 3, According to ABH cirmiTI (or cirmaTI) and vAluGDI are synon nymous. vAluGa- is used in Hemacandra's Parlbista-parvan (MW). In Prakrit vAluMkI is attested from Hala's Saptatataka (PSM ). For NIA, derivatives of cirbhaTa- etc. (in Lahanda, Panjabi, Sindhi, Konkni and Marathi) see IAL. 4826. There Guj cIbhaDa, cImaDI also should be included IAL has not noted any derivatives from bAlakI. 4. javasa - derives from Sk yavasa- (ma) and is a commonly used Prakrit word. 5. This item and its gloss are doubtful 1 Items identified 1. chichai = asaI 'an unchaste woman'. 16 2. nAhara siMgha lion' 3. vAlakI = cinbhaDiyA ' cucumber' 4 javasa ghAsa ' grass', 'fodder' * [25. romaya-bhAsA / romakI] DB. romayabhAsA bhaNio pAvI sagho sahAravo vaDavo / ai taha akalaMka visalaM sajjaM viyANehi ||32 R. romaya - bhAsA - bhaNie pAvo' sappo sahAravo' (2) vaDavo (?) / caMga taha akalakaM visalaM (2) sajja viyAhi /

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The Bhasa-laksana Chapter of Gutalankara Notes 1. DN. 6, 38 pAvo sappe. 2. sahAravo vaDavo 18 unclear. The last word should be rather baDavA (unless vaDavo stands for vaDavAgni). Even if we take sahAravo as a corruption of mahAravo (or mahAravA) it is no help, because neither mahAravo is known in the sense of vaDavAgni, nor mahAravA In the sense of vaDavA. 3. DN. 3, 1: caga cA. 4.visala Is otherwise unknown in the sense of sajja quickly', or "ready. Can It be basaNa maja (0.0 vyasana- madya-). Items identified 1. pAvo-sappo 'snake'. 3. caMga akalaka 'spotless', [26. meya-bhAsA | meda-saMbhavA] DB. gadI maMgala jagara kavaca muNeyatya / parigho parivAro kaliva kaMTha ca meyamAsAe // 33 R. gaMDI' magalatUra 'jagara' [taha kavaca muNeyamva / parigho parivAro kiliva pahuM' meya-bhAsAe / Notes : 1. In Pall and Buddhist Hybrid Sanskrit gaDI means gong'. 2. jagara-kavaca-is common to Sanskrit and Prakrit. Sce Hemacan dra's remarks under DN 3, 41, Hence ho has included jagaraIn his ABH. 3. Pk. parigaho = parivAro king's retinue'. Pk. pariggaho, Ap. pariggaha has developed in Old Gujarati as afe and later it appears as TET. Occurrence of such a late word among tho Desya words of the Gitalamkarals quite significant. 4. In Prakrit and late Sanskrit q-and 48-are kaown in the senso of unuch. See IAL. 9124 and 7717. Items identified * 1. gaMDI maMgalatara' trumpet etc. played on auspicious occa slons'. 2. jagara-kavaca 'armour' 3. parigho-parivoro 'king's retinue'. 4 paMDa (or vaMTha, baDa) kiliya 'ounuch'. Sambodhi 5.4

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H. C. Bhayani [27. mArava-bhAsA / mAravI DB mAravabhAsA bhaNio dhavalo sUro amaMgalo aggii| caMpa taha viThTha puttha(cchaM) puriso kalo malI dhusiu (o) // 34 R mArava-bhAsA-bhaNie dhavalo' sUro a magalA aggI / chippaM taha vi hu pucchaM puriso kalomalI dhusiuM(?) // Notes . I. dhavala 18 otherwise not known In the sense of sUra-('sun' or braven. DN. 5,57 gives dhavala-= yo yasyA jAtAyuttamaH. So with some strota ching dhavala- can mean zUra2. PSM, has given 37 fat as one of the mcanings of fre- (.). According to the Grhyasutras - (m.) is a name of Agni (MW.). The Rajasthani Sabad Kos of Sitaram Lalas has noted maMgaLa, magaLA, magaLi 'fire' from Old Rajasthani literature. 3. DN. 3, 36 . chippa bhikkhA-pucchesu. 4. The last part of the second line is obscure. Possibly we should reconstruct as puriso taha tolaNo bhaNio. cf. DN. 5, 17 : purisammi tahaNo tolaNo a. Actually the DN, form atent is based on a questionablo MS. tradition It should be atomultcf. clent in Apabhramba, Rajasthani, Panjabi etc, and cut in Panjabi in the sonso of nAyaka 'hero', 'lover' or lator bridegroom'. Items identifled . 1. dhavalo-saro 'brave'. 2. maMgalo aggI fire'. 3. chippa-puccha tail'. [28. kAnamukhI(1)] DB. inho taha yaSalado hariso cado akaacpo| sAhIla supautta maka disa(ya)haM tu lAvaMdI // 35 R. 'ibbho taha ya dhaNaDDho hariso(1) caMdo a kaacpo(1)| ___ sAhINa hu "pautta(1) maka(1) diyaha (1) tu laavdii(1)|| Notes : 1. PL. 194. aDDhA inbhA ghaNiNo; ABH. 357 : ibhya Anyo dhanIzvaraH, In the specialized sense of for only, Hemacandra has treated imbha-asa Desya word (DN. 1,79). 2. hariso 1s otherwise unknown in the sense of cado 'moon'.

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The Bhasa-lakcana Chapter of Gutalankara kAcapao 1s perhaps a corruption of kANamUhIe (or kaNNaubbIe). Metrically the end portion of the first line is short by three Matras. 3. pautta-1s otherwise unknown in the sense of sAhINa-(1.8. svAdhIna-). DN. 6, 66 gives pauttha- with the meanings ghara-and pavasia-. 4. bhaMka diyaha is obscure. maka- Is otherwise not known in the sense of diyaha- 'day'. DN. 8, 2 gives saMkho with the meaning mAgadha-(Pk. mAgaha-). tulAvadI Is perhaps a corruption of tu NAyati. identified. I. pault=auga 'rich' Item [29. devakI] DB. hayamIe. xxx bhA(tA) lacchI phalI (phAro) kUo suhAsibha sela / udAso setAo caleNa lajjiyaM bhaNiya // 36 R. devaie(1) sA' lacchI phAro(1) kUbho suhAsiau sel(1)| uDDAso satAo velaNa labjiya bhaNiya / / Notes: On the basis of verse 4 hayamIe is to be taken as a corruption of taxt, but the difference between the letters is guch as does not Inspire any confidence. If some letters are missing, the verseas it stands would have goveral Matras in excess. 1. For sAlacchI see note 1 on verse no. 12. PSM. has noted an also iu the same sense. 2. 3. phAro ko and suhAsi sela are obscure. Neither the Dedya items nor thelr glosses oan be definitely made out. 4. DN. 1, 99 . uDDAso tAve and in the commentary uDAso saMlApaH 5. DN. 7, 65 . lajAi vilia-vidUNA vedUNA tahebha velUNA and in the commi ontary kecita velaNaya lajjetyAha: Items identified : 1. sAlacchI 'Goddess of wealth'. 4. uDAso-saMtAbho 'heat'. 5. velaNa lajjiyaM "shame', 'being ashamed'. '

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20 H. C. Bhayant [ 30. paMcapaTTaNI / paJcapattanA ] DB. Ainca asa x x x sIlaM hasasia ca pacapaDalI bhaNie / malao taha suNao tAhI litthaNi sAliddA // 37 R. 'Ahacca accaratha (1) 2 sIla ( 2 ) hasia (1) paMcapaTTaNI - bhaNie / maMDalao taha suho 'tAhI litthaNisAliDUDhA (1) // Notes ; 1. DN. 1, 62 Ahacca accatye But what follows AhaccaM In the text seems to be considerably different from accattha. 2. The second Desya item cannot be made out. 3. DN. 6, 114 : maMDalo sANe. 4 This part of the second line is completely obscure. Item identified * 3. mahalao = suNaho 'dog' [31. siMdhu-bhAsA / saiMdhabI ] DB. siMha (Da)yabhASA bhaNie tahApavalo bhUpiyAsio herI / dola va o maho sahau (o) gavala avasehisa bhaliya || 38 R siMdhuya mAsA - bhaNie taha pavaNo 'lU (1) piyAsio (1) hero' / dovao (1) mahosahao (1) gavala aha sehira 4 bhaNiya // Notes . 1. cf. DN. 7, 24: lubhA mayataNhAe; Hindi. Guj.lU 'hot wind'. 2. piyAsi is obscure For hero, cf. Sk. heraka, dairika- 'spy' and IAL. 14165. 3. Nothing can be made out of the first portion of the second 1lne. Metrically too it is defective. Can it be rolabao bhamarama 1 cf. DN, 7, 2: bhamare rasAu rolabA 4. DN. 8, 44 com.: seribho "wild buffalow'. See SMP metathesis Item identified : 4 sehiraM (seriha' 1 ) = gavala 'wild buffalow '. mahiSe'pItyanye Sk. sairibha, AP. serihaitem no. 256 257 sehira- Is due to [32. kosiyA / kauzikA ] DB. tahA kAsiyA bhallai duhiyA xxxx sso / [so] hi vo piMDAro maulI thUNI pathamadhAre (omajhe ) // 39 R taha kosiyA [ e ] bhaNNai duhiyA'.. ... sso / [H] hikhIvo piMDA DialI 4 thUNA paAma (1) //

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The Bhusa-laksana Chapter of Gualankura 21 Notes: 1. The Desya item corresponding to the gloss alear and possibly another Desya item and its gloss are lost. 3. cf. DN. 6, 58 com. peMDAro mahiSIpAla iti devarAja: and DN. 7,41 com.: vacchIvo goSaH. DN. 6,130 mAhilo mahisivAlammi also is worth considering 4. DN. 4, 9 DialI yUNA and PL. 360 thUNA dialI. Items identified * 3. piMDAronmahisIvo (or mAhilao) *bufialo-herd'. 4. DialI-thUNA "post. [33. mahA/bhadrA] DB. bha(sa)da bhaNAe taha(ha)....vi(ci) yago rogI xx siis| ___jalaNaM bhallai dIrNaM hatyo sAhApaSo IvA // 40 R. bhaddA bhaNie taha...viyago(1) rogI(1)xxsIsI / ayaNa bhaNNai jINaM hattho sAhA ya NAyavvA // Notes, Denlelou and Bhatt suppose that the first line of verse 40illust rates the Bhadra dialect and the second Ilne illustratos Bhadrabhoitka in accordance with verse 4. But there is no mention of Bhadrabhojika or any other name in the second line of verse 40. So It seems that the whole of the verge 40 Mustrates only Bhadra and the verso for Bhadrabhojika is missing. 1-2 As the text has gaps here, no Desya Items can be mado out, Possibly the last two letters suggest that the second Dekya itom was samasIsa which according to the DN. means sadRza- and nirbhara and according to the PL. samasIsI means sAdRzya3. DN. 3, 40 jayaNaM haya-kavacammi; PSM. jINa- 'saddle'; Sk. jayana 'armour for cavalry'(MW.), sita-leather bag, woolen cover' (MW.). Hindi jIna, Guj. jIna (from Persian zin) 'saddle'. 4. One of the meanings of Sk. Trear is 'arm'. Items identified : 3. jINamjayaNaM 'horse's armour'. . 4. sAhAmhattho 'arm'. [34. bhadramojikA [The verse is possibly mlesing]

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22 H. C. Bhayani [35. kuMtalA/kuntalA] DB kuxxxxxva iSahIrA lajjA khalo koNo / __ pAsa ni(mi)tuvedavvaM ghIo paharo sa i sannI // 41 R. kuMtala]...'vaikha(1) hIrA lajjA [tahA] khalo(1) koNo / "pAsaMDaM mituveda(1) baMdhIA(1) paharo(1) mai sannA // Notos . 1. The beginning portion of the first line is defective, so the Desya item and its meaning cannot be recovered 2. cf. DN 8,67 hitya-hIraNA lajjA and hirI (Sk. hI 3 khala- is otherwise unknown in the sense of koNa- 'corner'; or koNa-is also not known in the sense of 'rogue', 4 The text is quite obscure. Possibly we should read pAsaMha micchara le. pASaNDa-mithyAtva5. vapIo paharo is metrically defective. Whether we have here baMTI praharI or vappIo (DN 7, 33)cAtaka- nobody can say. 6 Pk. saNNA (Sk. saMzA) has mati- 8s one of its meanings. Items identified : 2 hIrAlAjA 'bashfulness'. 6. sannA-maha 'intelligence'. [36. kosalA/kozalA] DB. taha kosa(ma)laya bhaNio mukho Thero asIvio sAhI / ___ golA bhaNaI nAI yero kasaro mao na haro // 42 B. saha kosalAe bhaNio buDDho(1) Thero' asIviA suuii(1)| golA bhaNNA gAI thorI(?) "kasaro mao(1)naharo(?) // Notes: 1. Thero (Page #341
The Bhusu-laksana Chapter of Girlankara 4. According to DN. 2,4 kasaro alama-baDallo It is not known in the sense of thero 1.. vRddhaH or brajhA But Sk sthorina (ABH. 1263) or fakat (MW.) means an ox. So ezt may bo a corruption of yorI. 5. mao naharo is obscure. naharo means inall and mao means "deer', 'beast'. So it seems the text here is cotrapt. tems identified 1. d=gget old man'. 2. sIviA sUI "needle'. 3. golA=gAI cow'. 4. kasaro-thorI 'ox', 'an ox of low breed'. [37. pArA] DB TighI bhaNai vilao pUsokIlo palevirbha saria / mallANiyAya jaNaNI pArAe akiyA bahiNA // 43 R. TippI bhaNNai tilao pUso kIlo palevisaM sari / mallANiyA ya jaNaNI pArAe akiyA bahiNI // Notes : 1. DN. 4, 3 TippI Tika tilae. cf Guja TIpakI in the same sense. 2. DN. 6, 80 * pUso hAla-sugesu. kIlo kIroM (Sk. kIraH). 3. DN. 6, 18 gives parevayaMpAdapatanam. And as kIro became kIlo 80 parevaya might have become palevaya. But tho gloss sarisRtam 'passed', "gone Alternatively Ph. palIvipadIsama, jvalitam . Thus neither quite fits here. of. DN, 6, 112: mammI mallANI mAmA ya mAmIe. As the words mAha,mAuA 'mother', and mAmI 'maternal uncle's wite were secondarily used to mean friend (seo DN 6,147 and SH. 8-2-195), 80 mAmI and its synonyms acquired the secondary sense of "mother' 5. DN. 1,6: akkA bahiNI Ilems identified 1. feflofa 'ornamental forehead mark'. 2. pUso kIlo 'patrot' 4 mallANiyA jaNaNI 'mother'. 5. akiyA bahiNI 'sistet'.

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24 H C. Bhayani [ 38. jAvaNa - bhAsA / yAvanI] DB. cAraNamA sAxxxo goDukhilI tahA vezA / Xllira bhallaI sa savo kuhuNI ratthA [cchA ] maho jattA // 44 R. AvaNa bhAsA [ bhaNie pA] o goDo' kelI tahA vesA / [[ ] liri bhaNNai masao kuhiNI' racchA maho" jattA // Notes : 1 goDa, goDu = pAda - ( PSM.) See also IAL. 4272. kelI asaI. 2. cf. DN 2, 44 3. DN. 3, 62 : cIhi masaesu jhilliriA. 4. DN. 2, 62 kuhiNI kuppara-racchAsu. 5. maha - meaning festival' (religious or secular) is quite common 1 Prakrit. It can weli signify a 'religious festival or procession' Items identified : 1. goDDo = pAo 'foot' 2. kelI = vesA 'prostitute'. 3. ziri = masao 'mosquito'. 4. kuhiNI - racchA 'street 5. maho= jattA 'religious festival" [39. kukkurI / kurkurI] DB. xxxxxx suNaha vAkurI eseTThI... hotaSo / ag aMgo kalapano savalo Nacalo phrok...||45 Notes . The manuscript reads haliza (1) pu (1)raM (or re) after seTThI. kukkurIe and NAyanvo are obvious emendations. But nothing can be made out of the Desya items or their glosses. * [ 40. majjhima - mAsA / madhyadezI] DB. xxbhaNaiMda virarA (sA) maMjhimabhAsAe vAriaM pIa / vosA xx Tha Tha Tha Tha (00 0 0) kuTThilido lAsaraxxx||46 bhaNNai vIsaM (?) majjhima-bhAsAe vAriaM piccaM / R laMbo sAlavava xx kuThiliholAsara ( 1 ) xxx || 1 Notes: After laMbo In the second line the MS. reads sAlavava. What is read by Danielou and Bhatt as are only small circles,

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The Bhasa-laksana Chapter of Gitalankara 25 Only the item at the end of the first lige can be made out. DN 6, 46 gives to 1961. For fa Pischel has noted for and foon as variant readings That the correct form is f9=' and not forer or f06a is established by the occurrence of that form in Pus. padanta's Nayakumaracariya (3-10-21). Seo SMP item no. 1352. For als we may suggest that perhaps it is a corruption of El dia. In Bhoja's Srngaramanjarikatha Dhondla occurs as ths name of a bawd. (Index of proper names, p. 92). identified; fo r 'water'. Item [88. $y$/27737eft] DB. ....... g&[T] + 375ta TC 1 saMkho vadIha jIho gAvokasalo mloyiile(lo)||47 R. ---Hours Craft wet? a TFITI saMkho ya dIhajIho gAvo kasalo' balA pINo(1) // Notes : The first line is short by six Matras in the beginning Ono Dekya Item and its gloss were possibly contained in that portion. Dani. elou and Bhatt have wrongly assumed that the first line of this verse illustrates the Kambojt dialect and the second line illustrates the Malaya dialect. Thoy interpret the following verso as the concluding statement or summing up of the whole chapter. But the whole of the verse under discussion illastrates only one dialect, viz., Kamboji, and the last verso illustrates the Audri dialect. The derivation of the form mit is unclear. It alpears to stand for free or P CT. 1 The first. item and its gloss are missing. 2. DN. 2, 51 gives 'weak, 'afflicted' and 'foam' as the meanings of pel. The meaning 'disease' given here differs from thom. 3. DN. 5, 41 : DIE SIET. 4. For the meaning fox' for $. 1.e. 585- see noto no. 4 under Verse 42 above. 3. For at gut see note no. 5 under verse no, 27 abovo. Items identified : 2 F eat disease'. 3. SEPET=aet 'conchshell. 4. tema ox'. 5. genuit 'fat. Sambodhi 5-4.

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H. G. Bhayanti [42. uDDA auDI] DB. xxxxuhAye geyaM bhalla(la) sukla nulI vINA / tolo taha yapasAro sutthANayalo bhaNia(o) // 48 R xxxx uDDAe geyaM bhaNNai suphalaM tuNo vINA / tAlo(2) taha ya pasAro(?) suttyA(1) Nayalo(?) bhaNio / / Notes : The first line is short by six Matras In the beginning sukalaM meaning geya 'song', pasAro meaning tolo (10 togo 'quiver') and the last item (represented by either per ora ) arc either obscure or otherwise unknown For tuNI-vINA cf DN 5,16 com, tuNao mukhAkhyatUryavizeSaH. Itam identified 3. tuNI-vINA. 3. Conclnding Remarks At the end of this article we have given an alphabetical index of all those Bhase words from the Prakrit portion of the GT. which we could isolate and identify with reasonable certainty. Their number is about ninctysix. About three fourths of these are recorded as Desl words, with the same form and meaning in Hemacandra's Definamamala. A few words are such as have made thelr earliest appearance in late Apabhram'i or in the carly stage of New Indo-Aryan, and a few othera are not Dsr words at all, but quite regular Tadbhavas, deriving from Sanskrit. Many of these words are famillar to us from Prakrit and Apabhransa literatures, They form a part of the common stock of the literary vocabulary and there is nothing regional or dialectal about them. adhyA , attA. ariyallI, inbho, uDaaM, karamarI, kasaro, kuhiNI, gaDI, ghosa, caMga, cala, chi, jabasa, Thero, NijjhAi, tuMgI, theNo, yero, dhavo, picca, pullI, pUmo, bhadio, bhAgalage, maho, gekalo, meDaNiA. laMpikkho, yAlakI, satyAro, sA, mUrtiyaM. sehira are found in the Prakrit and Apabhramsa works Irrespective of the regions of their anchors More. over, in a few cases the same word is said to be characteristic of more than one dialects (eg. ariyAlI or aliyalI. kalaM.dAlaga ala). Ith trile that in a few cases the regional affliation of the word can be cirly stlpported. beDo (saurASTrI), maMgalo and perhapa Dholago (mAravI), paridho (medI if we take it to be connected with medapATa or Mewar), nAhara (gUjarI), maMgumI (pAmAliyA) are a few exemples, as shown by us by drawing attention to the courts ondences from the NIA languages. But against this we have several cases in which a word known to be peculiar to a particular NIA language is bore

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The Bhasa-laksana Chapter of Gitalankara said to be peculiar to some altogether different dialect. For examplo, darivarcives corresponding to Agai (facrat), Peet (rar), Agar (arat ) are found characteristically in Kashmiri, Gujarati and Marathi respectively. Besides, quite-ugurl Prakrit words are sad lo be characteristic of Dravidian dialects like feel and left or foreign dialects like agri, Plast and great. On the whole we are left with the strange impression that somebody arbitrarily selected two hundred and odd traditional Desya Prakrit words and arbitrarily distributed them among the dialect names based on an exhaustively compiled regional list. For there seems to be very slight connection between the particular dialects and the Bba a-words given under them, though it should be conceded that the text being considerably defective, we have before us only a mutilated picture, and hence It would be hazardous to draw any definite conclusion in this matter. Moreover wo know that there was a tradi. tion of long standing to define colloquial regional speech forms on the basis of very few (about two, three or so) phonological or lexical features popularly felt to be differential Bharata's Natyalasira tells as about the characteristic frequency of certain sounds in accordance with the particular regions, Ud. dyotana's Kuvalayamala (779 A D.) enumerates and illustrates eighteen reglo. nal dialects Bhoja's Srngaraprakala (11th cent. AD.) illustrates several regional varleties of "Apabbramsa'. The Raulavela, composed probably a century or so later, gives a glimpse of eight different forms of contemporary dialects and Markandeya enumerates after an earlier authority* twenty one varieties of "Apabhrama' besides the three main types defined by bim and others Eastern grammarians also mention them. Lastly, It is not onrewarding to make some speculation about the Bource utilized by the author of the Giralankara for his Bhasalahsana chapter. From our identifications It is quite clear that numerous Desya words were known to Hemacandra and the author of the OT. In the same form and in the same meaning. However, in several cases the actual expressions used to gloss the Desya items, though synonymous, are different in the two works The difference is much more than what we can account for by assuming adjustments enforced by metrical necessity. Hence we have to rule out Hemacandra's Debinamamala as a direct source for the Bhasalaksanas of the GT. This leaves us with the alternative that both the DN. and the GT, have used the same Desya lexicon as one of their sources, Tocidentally this provides a fresh and strong authentication also for the Destnamamala.

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H.C. Bhayani 4 Index of the identified Bhasa words akiyA 43 bahiNI sister aDayA 29 asaI unchaste woman. attA 15 sAsU mother-in-law. ariyallI 24 vagyo tiger. aliyallI 8 vagdho tiger AlAso 13 visakIDo poisonous worm. iMdabahU 22 iMdoo a rainy insect. ibbho 35 ghaNaDDho rich. uDaa 25 grass-hut. uDDAso 36 saMtAo heat, urupulaM 15 khicca dish of rice and pulse, khichri. kaDo 47 roo disease. karamarI 27 baMdI woman inprisoned in __war. kasaro 42 thorI ox. kasalo 47 gAvo ox kuhiNI 44 racchA street kUlaM 25, 30 army. kRvaM 28 dhAhAvi cry for help in disa tress. kelle 44 vesA prostitute. gaDI 33 maMgalataraM trumpet played on ___auspicious occasions. gAhuDi 10 gAho crocodile. goDo 44 pAo foot. golA 42 gAI cow. ghosa 17 giripalliyA mountaln village caMga 32 akalaMka spotless. cela 26 paTTa garment chAilo 13 joiklo lamp chichaha 31 asaI unchaste woman. chippaM 34 puccha tail jagara 33 kavaca armour. jAyasa 31 ghAsaM grass, fodder. jINaM 40 jayanaM horse's armour. zilliri 44 masao mosquito. TippI 43 tilao ornamental or aus. picious forehead mark. Thero 42 buDDho old man. DialI 39 thUNA post. NijjhAiaM 9 diThaM seen. NisthAmo 24 asamattho weak, lacking _strength. tAmaraM 11 rUvaDa beautiful. tugI 12 rayaNI night. tu I 24 suvara-vayaNa hog's snout. tuNI 48 vINA lute. thINA 10 thaddho puffed up. yeNo 27 coro thief. yero 13 vicio God Brahma. dIhabIho 47 saMkho conch-shell. dullagga 10, 12 aNajutta improper. dhavo 12 bhattA husband. nAharaM 31 siMgha lion. paMDa 33 kilivaM eunuch paDasuvo 13 saddo sound. parigho 33 parivAro king's retinue. pahaTho 9 gamvio arrogant pAvA 32 sappo snake. piMDarI 26 corI theft. piMDAro 39 mahisIvo buffalo-herd. picca 46 vAri# water. pullI 8 sIho lion. pullI 13 vagdho tiger. pUraNo 14 sugpo winnowing basket. pUsI 43 kIlo parrot. bala 27 pINaM fat. balo 47 pINo fat. beTo 10 tarI boat. 14.

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The Bhasa-laksana Chapter of Gialankara bhaDilo 30 kAira puresA a coward. mahio 21 Krishna masalo 17 sAraMgo bee bhAilao 29 vara-turao a horse of good breed maMgalo 34 aggI fire. maguso 16 naulo mongoose. maMjuaM 9 maMjila bright red maDalao 37 suNaho dog. mallANiyA 43 jaNaNI mother. maho 44 jattA religious festival. meyalo 25 viMjho the Vindhya moun tain. mehuNiA 16 vaha-bhaiNI wife's sister. racchAmao 25 suNaho dog. upikkho 26 coro thlef luTa 27 moso booty. vasuAida 23 suka dried up. vAluMkI 31 cimbhaDiyA cucumber. viccheo 14 vilAso dalliance, amo rous sport viraha 12 kumubhi vatya bright red cloth (dyed with the Indian madder). velaNa 36 lajjiya shame, being ash ased saMgA 29 valagA reins satthAro 21 sejjA bed. sannA 41 mai intelligence. sA 12, 36 lacchI wealth, Goddess of weslth. sAyaM 29 tikkha sharpened. sAhA 40 hattho arm sIviA 42 suI needle sudiya 9 rINaM exchausted. sehira 38 gavala wild baffalo hIrA 41 lajjA bashfulness. hIro 15 haro God Siva. heraMbo 27 paDaho drum. Notes 1 Le Gutalankara, par Alaia Dinclou and N. R. Bhatt, Pondichery 1959 2 S M Katre, 'Names of Prakrit dialects', A volume of Indian and Iranian studies presented to E Dentson Ross, edited lay S. M. Katre and P. K. Gode, 1939, pp. 192-197. 3 In the Inquiries into the spoken longuages of India (-Census of Indla 1961, Vol I, Part XI-C(1) ), R A Singh, while attempting a critical survey of Middle IndoAryan languages and dialects, has also made use of the fifteenth chapter of the Grrilankara, Ile has tried to locate the various Prakrit dialcots listed there on the basis of their namos and has reproduced the text after Daaielou and Bhatt. Bu he too has not attempted its Interpretation, 4 See P3, Introduction, p 104-105

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A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF DHVANI-KAVYA AND VARIOUS RAGAS IN MUSIC, IN THE PRODUCTION OF THE SENTIMENTS (RASA-NISPATTI) Miss Roopa Kulkarni * The word 'Dhvani has been used by Grammarians Rhetoricians, and Musicians in three different contexts Sanskrit Grammarians hold that every word has got two forms the outer non-eternal physical sound, formed by perishable syllables that we hear, and the permanent eternal form which flashes on our mind, ie Sphota Grammarians call the 'Srayamapa" letters as Dhvani, which suggest the sense in the form of Sphota In this theory of Grammarians, Anandavardhana, the founder of the Dhvant school found a clue of the suggestive potentiality of language and declared that the conception of Dhyani in Poetics is based on the views of Grammarians Thus, he stated in the Dheanyalokaa "Grammar being the source of all branches of learning, Grammarians are the foremost among the learned They use the term 'Dhyani' for the letters that are (spoken and ) being hoard. In the same way, the critics (via. the Dhyani-theorists), too, have formulated their theory of Dhyani on the analogy of the Sphota, theory of Grammarians, They apply the self-same term Dhyani to the words and the expressed sense that severally and jointly suggest the implied sense, (prattyamanartha), and they used the term 'Dhvani' in a technical sense, vIz, as Particular type of Poetry", perh aps for the first time. Musicians also use the term 'Dhvani' to express the meaning 'sound' which has got three characteristics, namely Timber, Pitch and intensity. Such musical sound (Samgita-dhram or Nada) can Induce certain feelings 1 pratIta svArthako loke dhvaniH zabda ucpate / tathA zabda kuru mA zabdaM kArSIH zabdakArya mAnavaH iti dhvani kurvannevamucyate / tasmAd dhvaniH zabdaH / - Vyakarana Mahabhasya, 1.1.1. 2 prathame hi vidvAso bhaiyAkaraNAH vyAkaraNamUlatvAt sarvavidyAnAm se bhUyamANeSu varNeSu dhvaniriti vyavaharanti / tathaivAnyaistanmatAnusAribhiH sUribhi. kAvyatattvArthadarzibhi. vAcya vAcakasammizraH zabdAtmA kAvyamiti vyapadezyo vyaJjakatvasAmyAd dhvanirityuktaH 1 - Dhvanyaloka, Uddyota I also. budhai. vaiyAkarane pradhAnabhUtasphoTakanyAyavyavakasya zabdasya dhvaniriti vyavahAra kRtaH / atastammAnusAribhiH anyairapi nyagmAvitavAbhyabhyaJjanakSamasya zabdArthayugakhasya | -- Kavyaprakala, Ullian I 3 gIta nAdAtmakaM yAye nAdamyattathA prazasyate / tadvayAnugataM nAdAdhInamatasyayam || Sangita Ratulkars 1.2.1

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Dhvani-kavya and Ragas in Music 31 In the minds of the hearers A combination of certain musical sounds has the power to create a certain atmosphere around a listener or a group of listeners. In short, the principle of Vyanjanx, which was already there in Sanskrit Grammar and which was introduced for the first time in Sanskrit Poetics by Anandavardhana, works also in music 4 In fact Vyanjana 18 revelation - an effective way of revelation, and that is the base of the best type of poetry, ie dhvam-kavya. It can be said to obtain in all other arts including musle, sculpture, painting, dancing etc. Only the means of suggestion would differ In poetry, it is words which have the power to suggest, in Sculpture, It is the contours of a figure-line, in painting, the colours and in music, the melodious notes Music, more than any other art, is nearer to Poetry in many ways. This essay tries to compare these two, viz. kavya and Music, from only one point of view, VIZ. rase-spatti". We all know that, of all the varieties of Dhvanikavya, 'Rasadhvani' 15 regarded to be the best That 18 to say "That meaning (the meaning in the form of Rasa) is the soul of poetry It was the feeling of sorrow, exprienced by Adikavi Valmiki on seeing the cruel separation of the kraunca-couple and gushed forth in a Sloka-form" "No meaning can prevail without Rasa" The word "Rasa' is formed from the verb 'rasana" to enjoy or to find pleasure in' and the process of realisation 19 described as carvana 'relishing'. This principle of carvana' is common to all the nine sentiments in poetry. Mammata has, therefore, called the poetic creation as charming on account of sentiments According to Bharatacarya, the basic sentiments are only four, namely,. Sragara, Raudra, Vira and Bibbatsa, all these having Hasya, Karuna, Anandavardhana and Music atha ca yAcyA kSaNamAtrakRtazramANA kAnyavattvArtha bhAvanAvimukhAnA svarabhutyAdicamAgatAnAM gandharvalakSaNavidAmodara evAsAvartha 11-Dhvaryaloka-Uddyota L 5 kAvyasyAtmA sa evArthastathA cAdikayeH puraa| mohandra viyogotthaH zokaH lokatvamAgataH || Divanyaloka, Uddyota 15 6 na hi ramAte kadamyarthaM prasate - Naryaatre-VI. 7 rasa iti kaH padArtha upayaThe AsvAdyatvAt | Naypaastra V1 dhAtupAThe dhAtu - 1932 rasa AsvAdanasnehanayoH / 8 niyatikRtaniyamarahitA chaadekmpiimnnyprtntraam| nagarataracirA nirmitImAdadhatI bhAratI kavefa Kavyaprakasa, 11.

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32 Roopa Kulkarni Adbhuta and Bhayanaka as their respective subsi Juary sentiments. Among the four main sentiments, Singara and Vira form one group, while Raudra and Bibhatsa form the other They are described in the Natyasastra as having their peculiar colours and figures sigara is descrihed as "having very bright attire '10 ___ Its colour 19 blursh and its dety, Visnu'. Vira is a companion of Srngara with yellowish white colour The rival group is of exactly adverse nature Bibhatsa and Raudra respectively dark blue and red with Kaladeya and Yama as their deities The subsidiaries of all the four principal sentiments are also mentioned with their specific colours, 1e. Hasya is white, Adbhuta is yellow, Bhayanaka 18 black and Karuna 18 grey.11 These various sentiments create specific mental states 12 Rasa-raja Srngara 19 described as sweet on account of being highly delightful. 15 This delight is characterised by the melting of the spectator's heart. This melting of the mind is named as druti' It is, no doubt, created by the quality of pleasantness which is always present in Srngaralk A connoisseur can feel the impact of this emotion as soon as he reads or sees some particular depiction of the Sragara sentiment It is, mainly the description of Vibhava, Anubhava and Vyabhicaribhava, 1e. the primary meaning which suggests a particular sentiments In addition to this primary meaning, 9 taveSAM rasAnAmutpattivarNadevatanidarzanAnyabhivyAkhyAsyAmaH / teSAmutpattihetavazcatvAro rasAH / tadyathA-zRGgAro raudro voro bImatsa iti / atra zRGgArAddhi bhaveddhAso raudrAcca karuNo rasaH / vIrAccavAdbhutotpattirbIbhatsAcca bhayAnakaH / / -Narsasastra,-VI 39. 10 tatra zRGgAro nAma ratisthAyibhAvaprabhavaH / ujjavalaveSAtmakaH / - Natyasastra, VII 6 11 zyAmo bhavati zAraH sito hAsyaH prakIrtitaH / kapotaH karuNazcaiva rakko raudraH prakIrtitaH // 42 goro vIrastu vizeya kRSNazcaiva bhayAnakaH / nIlavarNastu bIbhatsaH pItazcaivAdbhutaH smRtaH / / 43 zanAro viSNudaivatyo hAsyaH prathamadevataH / raudro dAdhidevatyaH karuNo yamadaivataH ||44 bIbhatsasya mahAkAlaH kAladevo bhayAnakaH / vIro mahendradevaH syAdadbhuto brahmAdevataH // 45 -Natyasastra, VI. 12 mAdhuryamArdratA yAti yatastatrAdhikaM manaH ||-Dhvagyaloka IL. 8 13 zRGgAra eka madhuraH paraH prahalAdano rasaH || Ibrd-II 7. 14 AhlAdakatva mAdhurya zRGgAre drutikAraNam I-Kavyaprakasa, VIII 68 15 tatra aSTau bhAvAH sthAyinaH / trayastriM zavyabhicAriNaH / aSTau sAtvikA iti medAH / eva. mete kAgyarasAbhivyaktihetavaH ekonapaJcAzadbhAvAH pratyavagantavyAH / ebhyazca sAmAnyaguNayogena rasA niSpadyante / -Natyasastra, VII vibhAvA anubhAvAstat kayyante vybhicaarinnH| vyaktaH sa tairvibhAvAdyaiH sthAyI bhAvo rasaH smRtH| -Kavyaprakasa, Ullass IV.28,

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Dhvant kavya and Ragas in Music 33 specifio letters help in bringing out this intended result. E.g Mammala statcs in Kavyaprakasa. "The characteristics of various sentiments like sweetness, vigour and clearness are suggested by appropriate letters but of course they are not solely dependant upon the letters.10" Not only the letters but the compounds and the poetical style also aro important factors for the production of sentiments in tho dhyan - kavya17 For example, the group of Smgara, Karuna, Vipralambha and Santa is suggested by following certain constructionis of letters, compounds otc. This power of words in the suggestion of Rasa can be seen in the works of great authors like Kalidasa, Bhavabhati, Bhattanarayana and others. In the followiug verse, the effect of Vipralambha Sprigara is heightened by the repetation of the letter 4 apasAraya dhanasAraM kuru hAra dUra eva kiM kamalaiH / alamalamAli mRNAleriti vadati divAniza bAlA // " or, the sentimont of Karuna is highly effective due to the words and short sontences used here in Bhavabhati's verge : svaM jIvitaM svamasi me hRdaya dvitIya sva kaumudI nayanayoramRtaM tvamajhe / ityAdibhiH priyazatairanurudhya mugdhA tAmeva zAntamathavA kimihottareNa ||20 In the same manner, the realisation of Randra, Vira and Adbhuta senti. ments cause blooming and burning 1.e. dipti'. Such sentiments have the quality of Ojas and it is suggested by following a certain arrangement of lettergal. The following yerse from the Venisamhara is a fine example of Raudra rasa-22 16 mAdhuryAdayo rasadharmAH samucitaiH varNaiH vyajyante na tu varNamAtrAzrayAH / -Kavyaprakaka, UiAsa VIII, vRtti on the 66th verse. 17 varNAH samAso racanA teSAM vyaJjakatAmitAH || -Kavyaprakata, Uilara VIII. 73. Also see 18 mUbhi vargAnyagAH sparzA aravargA raNau laghuH anuttirmadhyavRttirvA mAdhurye ghaTanA tathA // -Kavayaprakala, Ullasa VIII 74. 19 Ruffanimatam of Damodaragupta, 103, 20 Urtararamacaritam, III. 26. 21 yoga mAdyatRtIyAbhyAmantyayo reNa tulyayoH / TAdiH zaSau vRttidairdhya gumpha uddhRta bhojasi / -Kavyaprakaba, Ulin VIII, 75, 22 Vengeanhara, Act I, See Dhyanyaloka Uddyota Il. 9 and Kavpaprakasa Ullasa VIII. for illustration of Raudra R984 and Dipti, / TAdiH zAyau indeizya prApta karato

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Roopa Kulkarni caccadbhunabhramitacaNDagadAbhighAtasacUrNitovyugalasya suyodhanasya / styanAvanaapanazoNitazoNapANiH uttayiSyati kacAstava devi bhImaH // All these verses are given as examples of best type of poetry-ovon best among Dhvant-kavya varieties. Here, the means of suggestion were mainly words and their primary meanings The words did not convey only the logical meaning, but, by their associations and aounds, evoked in the reader a certain state of mind. The samo function of suggestion or Vyanjana works also in Music, Only tho meana are different A musiclan uses notes i... 'Svaras',2s instead of words. There are seven guddha notes and five viksta notes in Indian Music24 but, by varlons combinations, bundreds of Ragas are created, Music has somewbat peculiar a place among all other fine arts, because it is solely Srananago. cara tandible'. A great Marathi critic and poet, Late B.S. Mardhekar bas given the foremost position to music among all fine arts (as Visuddha kala) because of its quality or power by virtue of which & gense-Impression attracts a person independently of any meaning " 25 Samgadeva, the author of Samgita-Ratnakara which is a well-known treatise on Musio, bas classified Music in two types namely Gandharva and Gana 6 Gandharva Sangita was the music of Gandharvas and bad an age-old tradition while Gang is the music of the people on this earth and is sung in the Des-i Ragas. To-day, music is classified in three classes. viz. classical, light classical and light Again it is divided into vocal and instrumental types. Bharatamuni has mentioned these two varletios 10 bis Natyafastra 17 Both these varieties can be used in pare as also in applied form. Instruments are fourtold as stated by Bharata, namely 23 zrutyanantarabhAvI yaH snigdho'nuraNanAtmakaH / smato raJjayati zrotRcitta sasvara ucyate // -Samgeta Ratnakara, 1-1-24. 24 tataH zuddhAH svarAH sapta yikRtA dvAdazApyamI | Sahgrta Ratnakara 3-3-24. zrutibhyaH syuH SaDjarSabhagAMdhAramadhyamAH / paJcamo dhaivata cAya niSAda iti sapta te / teSAM saMjJA sarigamapadhanItyaparo matAH / Ibtd- 1-3-23 25Arts and Man, by Dr. B.S. Mar dhekar (Popular Prakasan, Bombay) p.67-On mediums! Also see hu article on "Poetry and Aesthetic Theory" p 90 in Arts and Man where he has compared value of sound in Poetry and music 26 raNakasvarasandarbho gItamityamidhIyate / gAndharva gAmamityasya bhedadvayamudIritam // 1 anAdisampradAya yadgandharvai samprayujyate / niyataM zreyaso hetustadvAndharva jagurbudhAH // 2 yattu vAggeyakAreNa racitaM lakSaNAnvitam / dezIrAgAdiSu prokta tadgAnaM janaraJjanam // -Sangita Ratnakara Iy, 27 dUyadhiSThAnAH svarAH vaiNAH zArIrAzca prakIrtitAH / -Natyatastrq,-XXVIII 2,

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Dhvani kavya and Ragas in Music (1) stringed instruments (2) drum (3) bell or gong (4) wind-Instruments."28 All these instruments can be played la solo performances. But many a time they are used as accompaniments in yocal performances, dramas, operas and they add to the effect of the main song, act or scene, 19 Hero, we have to take into consideration music in its pure classical form and the effect of various musical notes in the context of a particular Raga. It is now agreed by all that musical notos can induce certain feel. Ings, as given in the Samgita Ratnakarado "Tho notes Sa and Re evoke Vira and Adbhuta Rasag, Dha invokes Bibhatsa and Bhayangka, Ga and Ni are to be found in Karuna Rasa while Ma and Pa are for Hasya and Srugara Rasas." The Srutis are also named according to their effects like Dipta, Ayata, Madhyaa, Mrdu and Karuna.si Samgitacarya Pt. Bhatkhanden says that all Ragas can be divided into three groups or pairs (1) Thoso takingthe komala Re and Dha-invoke karuna and Santa Raaas. (2) Those taking the Suddha Re and Dha-Invoke Srngara Rasa, (3) Those taking the komala Ga and Ne-Invoke vira and other Rasas. For example, komala Re and Dha are found in almost all Sandhipra. kasa Ragas "Ragas which are sung at twilight'. It can be expertenced by everyone that these Ragas, namely Bhairava, Jogiya, Todi, Purvt, Marava 28 tata caivAghavAnaddhaM ca dhanaM suSirameva ca / caturviSaM tu vijJeyamAtocaM lakSaNAnvitam ||-Natyasastra, xxVIII I. 29 vAdyaM gAna sanepathyametajjJeyaM prayatnataH / gItavAditratAlena kalAntarakalAsu ca // -Nafylastra, XXVII, 81, 30 sarI vIre'dbhute rone dho vIbhatse bhayAnake / kAyau~ ganI tu karaNe hAsyazRGgArayoH mapau / Saingtta Ratnakaya,-29-1-3. 31 dIkSA''yatA ca karuNA mUdurmadhyeti jAtayaH / zrutInAM paJca tAsA ca svareSveva vyvsthitiH|| -SangstaRatnakara 31-3-27 32 hiMdusthAnI saGgIta paddhati meM rAgoM ke tIna mukhya varga athavA samudAya sthUla rUpase mAne jAte haiM, ve isa prakAra haiM:(1) komala re, dha svara lagane vAle rAga / (2) tIna re, dha svara lagane vAle rAga / (3) komala ga, ni svara lagane vAle rAga / -hiMdustAnI saGgIta paddhati-kramika pustaka mAlikA bhAga 3, pR 16

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36 Roopa Kulkarni Purly, Dhanasrl, Sri, create an atmosphere of some mayatlc longing. They mako one feel anxious and uncasy, as if one is miasing something. Generally, these Ragas auggest pathos, devotion and sometimes Vipralambha Sfagara, Catura Damodara, in his "Sargita Dar pana descrlbes somo Ragas and Raglnis in Sanskrit. Raga Bhairava is described thus 38 : "Victorlous 18 the Raga Bhairava who holds the river Ganges and the new moon as an auspicious mark on his forhead, who is having three eyes and who is clad in clephant-skio, with gnakes as ornaments, who is luminous with Trisula in hand, who wears garland of human skulls round his neck and who is clad in whlte garments". Thla description shows the devotional aspect of this Raga. Feeling of devotion towards the Almighty is generally suggested from the combination of avaraa In this Raga. Raga Todi 1a described as "The Todiku who holds Vina in her hands looks very charming whilo cotertaining the God Hart in the woods She has a figure and lustre like dew drops and Kunda flowers, bogmeared with safron camphor.'84 Besides Bhakti and Karunya, Todi suggests Vipralambha Smgara which is absent in Bhairaya. On the contrary, the Ragas, taking Suddha Re and Dha arc invariably suggestive of Srngara rasa For examplo, Hindola, Hamra, Kodara, Kamoda, Chayagata, Gaudasaranga, Kaphi, Bhimapalasa, Hansakinkini, Bagesri, Khamaja, Talanga, Jayajayavanti, Pabadi, Desa etc, Damodara describes Raga Pahadi which is sung in the ThumartTappa atyle, as follows. Pabadt, who 18 clad in red garments 18 soated under a beautiful Kadamba tree on a Sricaodana mountain is singing on Vina, Sho is the beloved of the Raga Srt."88 The third group of Ragas is of those which suggest Vira rasa. Proml. nent among them are Raga Malkaumga, Marawa, Adana etc. The descri. ption of Raga Malkaumga is as foliows. "Raga Malavakaushika, who has red complexion, who has whito stick in hands, who is surrounded by 93 pept: fera faspraaa aifelagg: 79feraret: bhAsvaH trizUlakara eSa nRmuDadhArI zubhrAmbaro jayati bhairava aadiraagH|| -Samgita Darpana, Verce 197, 34 MS07ETE: #77fafaadu faatgement groot aand hurt trefa Elf 7 || Ibid.-Verse 212. 35 vINopagAyatyatisundarAGgI raktAmbarA majukadambamUle / zrIcandanAdrau sthitikAriNI sA zrIrAgakAntA kathitA pahADI // .-Sangita Ratnakara, Verso 281.

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Dhavani kavya and Raga in Music 37 warrlors and wears a garland of skulls of his enemies 18 the best hero among all.36 This description is quite sufficient to show its power of suggesting Vira Rasa. Those Ragas which take Komala Ga, Dha, Ni are generally suggestive of Vira Rasa. Being aggressive by nature, they are forceful, mighty and create an atmosphere of the heroic. In this manner, svaras have this independant capacity of suggesting a rich variety of Rasas. There are some additional factors which determine the relation bet ween Raga and Rasa : (1) Even if particular Ragas have the same combination of svaras, their effect 18 not the same. Because of rhythm (laya), the main note (Vadi Svara), the subsidiary note (Samvadi svara), because of the importa. nce given to former half (Purvanga) or latter half (Uttaranga) and because of the ascending (Arohi) and the descending (Avaroht) scale of notes (calana) of the Raga, the sentiment in it is changed e.g Raga Darabari Kanada and Adana, Raga Bhupal and Desakara, Raga Puriya and Marava-These paira have the same combinations, but in every pair the former creates serious and sublime atmosphere and the latter, brisk and exhilirating one. (2) In the same way, the Uttaranga pradhana Ragas are of dominating and aggressive nature. They have a flow towards Tara - Sadja, e.g. Vasanta, Sohanl, Desakara, Paraja etc. On the contrary, those who have 'avarohi calana' are of emotional type, eg Puriya, Mulatani, Bihaga, Ya. mana, Puriya Dhanair etc. In the west also, poems are classified into two groups (1) Tender-minded poems. (2) Aggressive-toned poems. (3) The principle of transposition changes the main sentiment for a while, as the singer takes you away from the leading note (Net-svara). This is noticed in Thumsri-style. In this way, a musical sound is highly suggestive of various emotions. Of course it is an art which has got direct results. Its impact can be reallsed only when it is belag heard. But the quality of suggestion is the same both in music and poetry. Just as the threads reveal the texture of a cloth words and notes reveal the texture of poetry and Raga respectively. 36 AraktavarNo 'dhRtagaurayaSTirvIraH suvIreSu kRtapravIraH / vIre to vairikapolamAlAmAlI mato mAlavakauziko'yam // Ibid. Verse 210.

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Roopa Kulkarni This Rasa-Raga relation should be established with a more firm and sclentific basls. The old text books on Music like Saingita-Ratnakara and Sarngita-Dar pana give descriptions of various Ragas, but they do not bring forth all the charactetistics of them, Many times, they are rather poetic than scientific and that is why they do not offer sufficient criteria determining the exact feelings in a particular Raga, Prof Ganesha Harl Ranade 87 has done a commendable work by giving a list of some Ragas along with their sentiments. But that is to be proved more scienifically. Music has got practical alde, If we succeed in reaching some definite conclusions in this sphero, it will cortalnly help to solve a very important problem in Sanskrit Poetics, I. e, the role of a poet or a dramatist in the aesthetic experlenco caused by various sentimonts in his own works. 37 "saMgItAce Atmacaritra athavA suzikSitAMce saMgIta", gaNeza harI rAnaDe sAMgalI 1933, pRSThe 78-97

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A REVIEW OF PINDESANA JC Skdar Dr. Adelheid Metto has brilliantly edited Pind'esand (the chapter of Oha-ninjutti on the begging custom of the Jaipa monks) by making a critical study of the position of Oha-nlpjuth in the Jaina canons, tho relation between Oha-nijjutti and Ogha-niryukti-Brhadbhasya, the difforent courses of tho original toxt and dealing with the contents of Oha nilfutti, the construction of Pinda-niljutti, Pinda-niksepa, gavesana, grahana and ghaisa and presenting a synopsis of Prakrit Pond'sana rules corresponding to their sequence in Oha-nijjutti and the text of Pind'esana, placing rechprocally some important specimens of the texts of the Nifrutti (Mala) Bhaca and Ogha-niryukti-Brhadbhasya for easy comprehension with a comparative look into them and last of all the index of Pind'esand under the sequence of atrophes corresponding to the traditional distribution on Nisjuttis and (Mala) Bhasa. She has thrown light on the position of Oha-nijfutti in tho Jaina Canong by tracing the chronology of the ten classical nijjuttis appertalning to one canonical text, Avassaya.nljuttu, Acuranga nljjuttl, Dasaveyaliya. nijjuttl, Pinda-nijjutti, etc, in the introduction, with her literary and hlatorical acumen. In her view the comparable Oha-niljufti and Pindanisjutti are considered to bo Indopendent works and traditionally classified in the group of Malasutras, but each of thom has, howovor, also a firm place within ono of the ten classical nisjuttis. Besides, Oha-nisjutti as the constituent part of Avassaya-ntjjutti stands in internal coborence with Avassaya and its environs Dr. Mette has critically dealt with the relation between Oha-njutti and Ogha-niryukil-Brhadbhasya, a recently discovered anonymous Bhasya of it, besides the Votti of Dronacarya in Its fatorpretation by traoing the different courses of the original text of Oha-nijjutll as corrected, harmo nized, changed and inserted by the author of Ogha niryukti-Brhad bhusya in this commentary She has methodically treated her theme - Pind'esana by making a survey on the contents of Oha-nijsulti with an analysis of the throo large chapters of it on padllehana (inspection) pinda (alms) and uyahi (outfit) 1. Pindesana - edited by Dr. Adelheid Mette, Akademi der Wissen Schaften und der Literatur, Mainz, West Germany, 1974,

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40 J. C Sikdar on the background of the old canonical commented sutras of Dasa-Vaya. Iya V.1 and 2 and Zyaranga II. I. in clear coherence and on the basis of the comparative study of the formative and significant agreements offered by Pinda-nijutti with a flying survey of its superstructura and contents prescriptions on (1) gavesana uggama, uppayana, (2) gahanaesanu and (3) paribhoga-ghasa . samyama, pamana, Imgala, dhuma and karana, She has discussed Oha-niljuttt in relation to Pinda-nisjutti by showing the distinct representation of both the works with a critical analysls in the course of their mode of development in a systematic way. Besides, sho has touched upon the synopsis of a practical Pind'esanti prescriptions answering their sequence in the Oha-nijjutil. Dr. Mette has utilized all the available editions and manuscripts of Oha-nijjuttl, etc. for the restoration of the text of her theme Pind'esana with great interest and critically dealt with its orthography, speciality, text variants and the survey over the succession of its strophes corresponding to the traditional distribution on the Nijlutti and (Mala) Bhaga at great leo gtb. Thus she has successfully torn open tho stiff dock of the Jalna dogmas la rogard to Pind'esana as far as possible to obtain a relative chro. nology of the text of Oha-nijjutti by peeling what is historically true from a mass of confused tradition.

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zunyavAda dalasukha mAlavaNiyA bhagavAna buddha ja bhAratamAM evA dhamapravartaka thayA che jemaNe zraddhA nahI, paraMtu buddhi upara bhAra Apyo che temaNe guru aneka karyA paNa eka pachI eka ema e badhAne cheDIne chevaTe nivaNamAganI zedha temaNe jAte ja karI ane prathama te emane ema lAgyuM ke A mArI zodha loko jaladI svIkArI zakaze nahIM. eTale upadezaka banavA karatA mauna rahevAnuM temaNe nakkI karyuM paraMtu pachI Agraha thatAM temanuM dharmacakranuM pravartana karyuM. te ja bauddhadharma e dharmanA pAyAnA cAra to evAM che jemAM zarIrane nahIM, paNa AdhyAtmika rogonA cikitsaka tarIke buddha ApaNI samakSa upasthita thAya che -sa sAramAM duHkha che dukhanuM kAraNa che, dukhanuM nivAraNa e mokSa-nirvANa che ane nirvANanuM kAraNa eTale bhAga che. saune samajavAmAM Ave eTalu ja nahIM paNa e dharmanuM phaLa A lekamAM ahIne ahI meLavI zakAya che evI A sIdhI sAdI vAta muhanI hatI. ane te temaNe pitAnA upadezane traNa pAyA upara racI hatI-badhu ja kSaNika che, du kha che ane anAtma che. upaniSadoe zAzvata evA AtmA brahmanI zodha karI hatI ane e tatva Anadamaya che ema bhArapUrvaka kahyuM hatuM AnuM anusaraNa te kALanA lagabhaga badhA ja vicAro karyuM hatuM ane Atma tatvano svIkAra karyo hato, je saune mate avinazvara hatuM. AthI viruddha abhiprAya ho ke AtmA jevuM tatva che to kharuM paNa te avinazvara nahI paNa vinazvara che pAca bhUtemAMthI e utpanna thAya che ane mRtyu samaye tene uzkeda thAya che tethI vinazvara che, zAzvata nathI. buddha pitAne vibhajyavAdI (pazvimanizAca tumakura 99, 5 197) kahyA che eTale ke koI paNa bAbatamAM ekAMta athavA ekAzane Azraya nahI paNa vizleSaNa karIne nirUpaNa karavAno vibhajyavAdamAga temane hato. AthI teo potAne adhyamamArganA payika jaNAve che eTale temaNe paNa kahyuM ke AtmA jo zAzvata-nityapUTastha hoya te brahmacarya nirarthaka kare ane tene mRtyu pachI sarvathA ucacheda thavAne hoya te paNa brahmacarya nirarthaka Thare. mATe saMsAramAM badhu ja pratItyasamutpanna che, tethI vastune sarvathA uccheda thatA nathI ke sarvayA te zAzvata nathI A mAre madhyamamArga che, ema buddhe vAra vAra kahyuM che. buddhanI A takasa gata vAtano svIkAra sau koI zraddhAthI nahi paNa tenI pUrI cakAsaNI karyA pachI ja kare e Agraha buddha rAkhyo hato ane pariNAme AvI sIdhI sAdI jaNAtI vAta chatAM paNa jyAre te takane sarANe caDI tyAre tenI vyAkhyAo aneka prakAre thavA lAgI nirarthaka kare ane tene ja che. tethI vastune sArI che. budanI A

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ane bauddhadharmamAM aneka sa pradAe UbhA thayA. temane eka saMpradAya te zanyavAdane nAme oLakhAya che. A zunyavAda zabda e zrAmaka che ke te zabda ja e saMpradAya viSe virAdhIne tenA viSe bhrama phelAvavAnI pUrI taka ApI che. Ama te svaya buddhe paNa zUnya zabda prayoga karIne pitAnA matavyane rajU karyuM hatu- je kurA sAtamANitA jIrA gAmanA chokarA sutariyuttA "ityAdi. arthAta tathAgatane upadeza gabhIra che, lekettara che ane anyatAthI yukta che ityAdi. (saMyuttanikAya-bhAga 4 mahAvacca, sapA , pa3, 5 348) eTale zUnyanI carcA navI nathI paraMtu nAgAjIne tene darzananuM rUpa ApyuM tyAre te zabdanA arthano ghaNe vikAsa thayo. ane dArzanika kSetre teNe moTo bhrama e Ubho karyo ke zunyavAdI e kazAmAM mAnatA nathI. paraMtu vAstavikatA evI nathI. badhA ja bauddha saMpradAyamAM bIjA game te matabheda heya paNa pratItyasamupAda vAdane siddhAMta sarvasvIkRta che ane nAgAjune te pratItyasamutpAda ane zUnyatA ekArthaka che ema spaSTa kahyuM che eTale sarvazanyane artha e te nathI ja ke nAgArjunane mate jagatamAM kazuM ja tatva nathI paraMtu e che ke je kAI che te pratItyasamutpanna che bauddha saMpradAyane vikAsakrama jAIe te te A pramANe che-bhagavAna buddhe badhI ja vastuo kSaNika che ema kahyuM tyAre temanI dalIla e hatI ke badhI ja vastuo tenA AtmAthI zUnya che ahI AtmAthI zUnyanuM tAtparya e hatuM ke koI paNa vastumAM kazuM ja sthAyI kahI zakAya evu ta nathI, eTale ke dravya ke dhamI nathI paNa tenA pariNAme ke dharmo che. Ama dhamadhamAMthI dhamane vicacheda buddhe karyo ane mAtra dharmonuM astitva svIkAryuM. A arthamAM buddha anAtmavAdI che. bauddhone hInayAna e dharmavAda che. ane dhamIne niSedha kare che. abhidhamapiTakamAM A dharmo kayA che tenuM vistArathI nirUpaNa thayuM che ApaNe pravAha joI tene nadI evuM nAma ApIe chIe vastutaH e binduone pravAha che. AthI bindu asti che paNa nadI asti nathI nadI e to mAtra ApaNI kalpanA che te ja pramANe pratikSaNa utpanna thatA navAnavA citto e ja AtmapravAha che ke cittasaMtati che AmAM citto e arita che paNa AtmA jevuM kazuM nathI Ama prathama tabakkAmAM dhamIMnyatAno siddhAnta sthira thaye. dharmomAM nAma ane rU5 evA be mukhya bheda padmA jene ApaNe cetana-jaDa evuM nAma ApI zakIe Ama atara ane bAhya dharmonuM astitva prathama tabakkAmAM svIkArAyu. Anu bIju nAma che pudagalarAmya athavA dharmirAmya abhidharmapiTakamAM A dhamene ghaNuM badhuM vistAra karavAmAM AvyA ane temane paNa kAMIka svabhAva che evuM nirUpaNa karavAmAM AvyuM ane te te dharmanA te te svabhAva bhedane kAraNe te te dharma judA judha manAyA Ama sarvAritavALe nAme eka prakAre svabhAvavAda Ubhe thayo paraMtu te kALe bhAratIya darzanamAM svabhAvanA svarUpa viSe je carcA thaI temAthI e phalita thayu ke vastune svabhAva e kaMI paNa kAraNe utpanna thatuM nathI e te sava vidyamAna hoya che je kAI kAraNathI utpanna thAya te svAbhAvika kahevAya nahi tethI svabhAva eTale nitya evuM samIkaraNa thayu AthI nAgArjune badhA dharmone paNa niHsvabhAva

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mAnyA eTale ke svabhAvazanya mAnyA eTale ke pratItyasamutpanna mAnyA yaH pratItyasamutpAdaH zUnyatA tA pracakSmahe / sI lAvAthI sidaiva madhyamAM | ma. 24-18 Ama zunyavAdane puraskartA nAgArjuna manAyo nAgArjunanA A nirUpaNa karanAra be pustaka che-vigrahavyAvatanI ane madhyamakazAstra Ama pulanarAmyamAMthI dhama-rAmya sudhI nAgAjane bauhadarzananI pragati karavI eTale AbhAsa e Ubhe thaze ke nAgAjuna to dharma paNa mAnatA nathI ane e ja mAnyatAne AdhAre tenuM nirAkaraNa karavAmAM AvyuM. eTale bauddhadharmamAM vijJAnavAde zanyavAdamAthI Aga 7 prasthAna karyuM. tenuM matama evuM hatuM ke bAghadharmanuM astitva ke tene svabhAva bhale na hoya kAraNa tene astitvane AdhAra ApaNuM potAnuM jJAna che ane jJAna te svAnubhavasiddha che mATe bAthadharmo bhale na manAya paNa Ataradhama-vijJAna-citta ene te inkAra thaI zake tema nathI. mATe vijJAna sata che, bIja miyA che evI mAnyatAne pracAra vijJAnavAde karyo zUnyatAvAdanI jema vijJAnavAdanA mULa paNa la kAvatAramAM maLI Ave che paNa te te vAdanA nirUpaNanA svataMtra graMtho pachIthI lakhAyA temAM zunyavAda ane pachI vijJAnavAda e krama che Ama bauddhadharmanI anekavidha je dArzanika pragati thaI tenAM AsapAne che. have ApaNe nAgArjunanA zunyavAda viSe thoDI vadhu carcA karIe. anya dArzanikonA vividha tarkonuM nirAkaraNa karavAmAM nAgArjune spaSTa karyuM che ke mArI kaI pratimA nathI jene siddha karavAnI mArI javAbadArI heya. mAru kAya te anya dArzanike je tarkane AdhAre pramANa ane prameyanI carcA kare che te keTalo bhUlo che te darzAvavAnuM che- yadi kAcana mama pratijJA syAnme tata eva bhaved doSa. / / nAsti mana nizA tamAmaivAti ne dhovA // vigraha. ra9. paNa Ano artha e paNa nathI ke tene dArzanika rIte kazuM ja mAnya nathI. AnuM spaSTIkaraNa karavA nAgArjune be prakAranA satyanI vAta karI che eka savRti satya ane bIja pAramArthika satya-- dve satye samupAzritya buddhAnAM dharmadezanA / / srAsaMti sabhya 2 - paramArthatA ma. 24,8 sa vRttisatya eTale jene vedAtio vyavahAranuM satya kahe che te che ane pAramayika eTale vastunI zayatA, svabhAva nyatA, pratItyasamutpannatA. candrakIrtie sa vRtisatyanI vyAkhyA karI che ke- 24.8 (1) ramatAt varakha latirA ajJAna di mantAtu paryatAvAyanA patine ajJAna e samagra padArthanA tAtvikavarUpanu sarva prakAre AvaraNa kare che tethI te sati che. (2) parasparasabhavanaM vA savRti. anyobhyasamAzrayaNetyarthaH / ekabIjAne ekabIjAthI sabhava=uitpati=astitva e saMskRti che.

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(3) savRti. saketo lokvyvhaarH| sa ca abhidhAnAbhidheyajJAnajJeyAdilakSaNaH // sa H vaDe cAlate lekavyavahAra e saMskRti che. eTale ke A zabdane A artha, A jJAna ane ene A viSaya e prakArane je kAI lekamAM zAbdika vyavahAra che te savRti che A traNe prakArane lokamAM vyavahAra che te lokasa vRti kahevAya che. A lokavyavahAra pAramArthisatya nathI. ane vacanavyavahArathI je para che ane sAmAnya rIte jJAna-yane je bheda karIne vyavahAra cAle che tethI paNa para pAramArthika satya che -"ta* tatra gharamA vAvAM prasi. kuto vA jJAnasya ? sa hi paramArtho aparapratyaya zAnta. pratyAtmavedyaH bhAryANA sarvaprapazcAtIta / sa nopadizyate na cApi jJAyate"-ma TI. 24.8 je ApaNI najare caDe che te pAramArthika satya nathI paNa vyavahAranuM satya che. pAramArthika satya to zunya - sarva ca yujyate tasya zUnyatA yasya yujyate / sarva na puSya tara zunya ca yukyate | ma0 2414 zanyatAne siddha karavA nAgArjune vigrahavyAvatinI pra tha lakhI pramANanA lakSaNenuM parIkSaNa karyuM dArzanika jagatamAM prameyanI siddhi pramANane AdhAre thatI hAI nAgArjune prathama to e siddha karavA prayatna karyo ke dArzanike jene pratyakSAdi pramANa mAne che te kharekhara pramANa nathI kAraNuM pramANa pote ja siddha nathI ane evA asiddha pramANuthI prameyanI siddhi kevI rIte thaI zake-vimavyAvartinI 31-1ra nAgArjunanI A bAbatanuM anusaraNa ta paplavanA kartA bhaTTa jayarAzie karyuM che. A pramANe nAgArjune tarka ke nyAyanI praNAlI upara ja sarvaprathama prahAra karI te kevI pAgaLI che te batAvI ApyuM ane dArzanikone sAvadhAna karI dIdhA. ane ApaNuM vyavahAranA je jJAne che te tatvagrahaNamAM kAragara nathI. paNuM te sauthI para evI prajJA ja paramArthanuM grahaNa karavA samartha che ema batAvI ApyuM. ApaNane zabdathI thatuM ane indriya tathA manathI thatu jJAna vastunA marmane pahoMcI zakatuM nathI paNa avA evA tatvane ApaNI nirmaLa prajJA ja pAmI zake che. A bAbata nAgArjune vAre vAre kahI che. nAgArjuna pUrve tArkika rIte ApaNuM mati ane indriyazakti tathA zabdazakti vastutavanuM jJAna karAvavAmAM kevI pAgaLI che, tenuM tarkapura:sara nirUpaNa thayuM na hatuM eTale nAgajune te karIne eka na mAge dArzanikane dorI javA prayatna karyo. kAI ja jANI nathI zakAtuM ema paNa nahi ane badhuM ja ApaNe sAmAnya jJAna vaDe yathArtha jANuM zakIe chIe ema paNa nahi, paraMtu nirmaLa prajJA heya te tattvanA svarUpa sudhI pahoMcI zakAya che evo madhyama mArga nAgArjune batAvyo. AvuM kasvA jatA nAgArjuna viSe tenA virodhIomA eka zramajALa UbhI e thaI ke nAgArjuna te sarvazanyavAdI che ane bIjI tarapha enA anuyAyIo ema mAnatA thaI gayA ke nAgArjune badhAM ja dazananuM khaDana karI nAkhyuM che badhA ja tattvajJAnane vilepa karI nAkhyo che. paNa kharI vAta ema na hatI. eno te eTale ja prayatna hato ke je tane aMtima mAnIne ApaNe

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cAlIe chIe te tarka kevo nabaLe che ane tenI nabaLAI tarka dvArA ja teNe batAvI che mATe ja e kahe che sarvadRSTiprahANAya yaH sadharmamavezayat / manuSpAmupAvAya ta namAmi tamama . bha0 2770, ane teNe sthApela zunyavAda vize paNa cetavaNI ApavAmAM AvI che ke vinAzayati durdaSTA zUnyatA mandamedhasam / so yathA durguhIto vidyA vA dussprsaadhitaa| ma0 24-11 e te sarpa jevo che je tene ThIka rIte pakaDavAmAM na Ave te pakaDanArano nAza kare che. vaLI badhA matavAdanuM nirAkaraNa zanyavAdathI thAya che e sAcu paNa je zanyavAdane pakaDIne besI rahevAmAM Avaze te tene saMsAramAthI vistAra che ja nahi. zUnyatA sarvadRSTinA proktA niHsaraNa jineH / yeSA tu zunyatAdRSTi tAn asAdhyAn babhASire / / ma. 13.8 mATe prajJA pAmavA mATe prayatnazIla thavuM e ja jarUrI che ane eTalA mATe ja zUnyavAdanuM nirUpaNa karavAmAM AvyuM che vaLI juo ma. 22.11, 12. sarvamAnya prameyanuM nirAkaraNa karavA mATe nAgArjune mAdhyamikakArikA lakhI ane tava te catuSkoTI mukta che tema nirUpyuM. nAgArjuna sarvazanyavAdI eTale sarvathA abhAvavAdI nathI e to teNe karelA tattvanA lakSaNathI siddha thAya che bhaparapatyaya zAnta prapaJcarapazcita / nirvikalpamanAnArthametat tattvasya lakSaNam // 188 tattva e parapratyeya nathI eTale ke bIjo ApaNane tenuM bhAna karAvI zake e zakaya nathI. enuM jJAna te jAte ja karavuM rahyuM. prapa ca-eTale ke vANI-zabda vyavahArathI tenuM varNana thaI zakatu nathI, nirvikalpa che, tenA nAnA artha che nahi ane te zAMta che. e bhAva, abhAva, bhAvAbhAva ane na-bhAvana-abhAva-ema cAra keTIthI para che, mAtra prArUpa che ane buddhi tenuM varNana kaI rIte karI zake tema che nahi. je potAnA astitva mATe anya upara AdhAra rAkhe che te kharI rIte asti kahevAya ja nahi. tethI tra che, ane paramArtha dRSTie anutpanna paNa che. je sat che te sadaiva upalabdha thAya che, ane tethI upalabdha thatA hovAthI sApekSa padArtha koIne koI rIte sata che ja. Ama tyatA e sarvazanyatAnA arthanI bedhaka nathI ja eTalu ja kahI zakAya ke te pAramArthika sata nathI ane prapa ca paNa nathI ma. 15.6, 7, 10; catu.zataka 8.20. paNa A zUnyatAnI samaja ApavI hoya to vyavahAro Azraya le anivArya chekAraNa paramArtha avAo chatA tenI samaja to zabdonA Azraya vinA ApI zakAtI nathI, ane zabdavyavahAra e pAramArthika nathI paNa vyAvahArika che. vyavahAramanAzritya paramArtho na deshyte| paramArthamanAgamya nirvANa nAdhigamyate / ma0 24.10

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jagatamAM kazuM ja vAstavika nathI e siddha karavAmAM anya dAnikAnAM bha tanme jevA ke kAla, AkAza, gati, hetupratyaya, AtmA ityAdinI jema svaya bauddhonI sthira mAnyatAo jevI ke cAra A satya, sasAra, nirvANu ane yuddha pazu-- vanti ce yudhdha pazvAtItamayam / te pramaddatA sarve na vayanti tathAgatam // 22015 tathA to nimALe ni svamAvamima gAt || ma 2216 Avu badhu ja pAramArthika satya nathI, paNa vyAvahArika satya che ema batAvI Apyu che. saMsAramAM kazuM ja parabhAtattva nathI. A jagatane kevala vyAvahArika sattA che, vastuo kSaNika paNa nathI, nitya paNa nathI, te utpanna thatI nathI, naSTa thatI nathI, te te badhI bhinna che ema paNa nahi, bhinna che ema paNa nahi, mAtra ApaNane te utpanna ane naSTa thatI dekhAya che. ApaNA manathI tenA guNadhamAM ane sa ma / pIne eka kAlpanika jagata ApaNI samakSa ApaNe khaDu karIe chIe sa sAranA padArthoM sApekSa che, ekkhIjAne AdhAre rahelA che ane tethI ja te pratItyasamrutpanna che, pAramArthika nathI ni.svabhAva che, zUnya che. - svabhAvazUnya ke niHsvabhAvanu spaSTIkaraNa candrakItie karyu che. temAM spaSTapaNe teNe samIkaraNu karyu che ke pratItyasamuttpanna = zUnya = sApekSavyavahAra madhyamA pratItya samutkhananI spaSTatA e che ke vastunI utpatti svAbhAvika nathI athavA svabhAvathI vastunA utpAda nathI ane je svabhAvasiddha nathI tenI sattA paNa nathI, tenu astitva pazu nathI, tene! utpA4 pazu nathI ane jene utpAda nathI tene nAzna krama hoya ? tenuM nAstitva paNa krama hoya mATe tene zUnya kahevuM ke sApekSa kahevu e ja ucita gaNuAya. Ama vastunA e Ata utpatti ane vinAza e nahi paNa vastu madhyamamAgI che. te nathI utpanna kaiM nathI vinaSTa paNa zUnya che, pratItyasamutpanna che, madhyamamAgI che A rIte zUnyavAdIoe vastuvicAranA be cheDAmA je virAdha che tenu ja spaSTIkaraNu karyuM che--e be cheDA A che--eka evuM vidhAna che ke je kAMI sat che tene svabhAva hAvA joIe ane bIju vidhAna che ke badhI ja vastuonI utpatti anyathI cAya che. A khane vidhAnAmAnA prathamathI e phalita thAya che ke je kAI sat che te svAbhAvika hAi tenI utpatti sA~bhave ja nahi, kAraNa svabhAvanuM nirmANa thaI zaktuM nathI mATe te utpanna thatA nathI ane naSTa paNa thatAM nathI mATe kahevuM joIe ke svabhAva e nirapekSa che ane pariNAma ke parivartanathI zUnya che. bIjA vidhAnanA phalitA e che ke jagatanI badhI ja vastue anyathI utpanna thAya che ane naSTa thAya che. arthAt badhI ja vastue sApekSa che, parivartanazIla che. Ama baMne parasparavidhI vidhAnAnA vacalA mA` mAdhyamikA svIkAre che ke badhu ja zunya che, kzAmAM kAI svabhAva nathI. vigrahavyAvati nImA nAgArjuna peAtAnA bha tavyanA sAra ApI de che ke-- yazva pratItya bhAvo bhASAnA zUnyateti sAdhutA / yazca pratItya bhAvo bhavati hi tasyAsvabhAvatvam // 22 // A zUnyatAnu prayojana zuM ? tenu spaSTIkaraNa nAgArjune karyu che ke-- karma zakSayAnmokSa karmaklezA vikalpataH / te prapazcAt prapaJcastu zUnyatAyAM nirudhyate // ma018.5

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prapaMcanI vyAkhyAmAM cakItie laukika prapaMca kevo che te batAvyuM che te 2 vija: anAmitrasaTRAnyatAt jJAna------- ghara-ghara-kuTa--pa-vevanA-strI-puruSa--Ama-suNa-du:-coDa zonivA-jhASAviSTa NAdvicitrAtprapancAt upajAyante / / ma0TI018.5 saMsAra e vyAvahArika ke sAtika satya che. ene artha evo to nathI ja ke te vadhyAputra jema sarvathA avAstavika che e saMsAramAM rahIne ja mekSane prApta karavAne che te saMsAranI vyAkhyA ke vicAraNA tarkathI thaI zakatI nathI. tenA svarUpane nirNaya ke te sata che ke asata thaI zakato nathI mATe te takocara che. e ja rIte nirvANa paNa je pAramArthika che te paNa takagAcara to che ja Ama e baMnenA svarUpamAM kAI khAsa bheda nathI bane avAya che, jJAnanA agAcara che AthI nAgArjune kahyuM ke- na masArasya nirvANAt kizcidasti vizeSaNam / meM nirvANAsya sasArAta kicidasti vizeSaNam / / nirvANasya ca yA koTi koTi sasaraNasya ca / na tayorantara kiMcit susUkSmamapi vidyate // ma0 25 : 18-20 saMsAra ane nirvANamA kazA ja bheda nathI kAraNa ke sarva tathya na vA tattha tathya cAtathyameva ca / nevAtathya naiva tathyametad bukhAnuzAsanam / / ma0 18.8 bhagavAna buddha lekenuM anukaraNa karIne temane sanmArge lAvavA mATe kadIka A badhu tathya che ema kahe che kAraNa ke buddhanuM vacana che ke loko mayA sArdha vivadati, nAha lokena sArdha vivadAmi / yaloke samata tanmamApi asti samata, yalleke nAsti samataM, mamApi tannAsti samatam / / ma0TI018.8 A rIte lekenI bhASAmAM ja temanI ja samaja AdhAra laIne temaNe upadeza Apa zarU karyo eTale temaNe kahyuM ke hA, tame jene tathya kahe che te tatha che ja paNa jue ene anyathAbhAva paNa thAya che te to tame joyuM ne mATe tene atathya paNa jANavu. AthI AgaLa jaIne temaNe samajAvyuM ke juo bAlajana jene tathya samaje che tene Aryajana abdha samaje che Ama taya e atae paNa che--tadhyAta che ane ethI AgaLa vadhIne jenI buddhimA mAtra jarAka AvaraNa rahI gayuM che tene ema upadeza che ke bhAI A tathya paNa nathI ane atatha paNa nathI. jema vadhyAsutane zyAma paNa na kahI zakAya ane avadAta paNa na kahI zakAya tema A badhI ja vastune taya ke atadhya paNa na kahI zakAya. Ama krame karI buddha ziSyane tattvaspazI mArge lAve che. ma. 18.0 pratItyasamupAda viSe thoDI vadhAre carcA karavI jarUrI che nAgArjune pratIyasatpAda mATe prAraMbhamAM ja niSedhaparaka ATha vizeSaNe ApyA che-- bhanirodhamanutpAdamanucchedamazAzvatam / anekArthamanAnArthamanAgamamanirgamam // caH pratIcakupA . .. .. | F0 1.1,2,

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A ATheya niSedhaparaka vizeSaNo evA che jemAM dArzanika maulika vividha mAnyatAo ane kalpanAone saMgraha thaI jAya che. te kahe che- vastu utpana nathI, vinaSTa nathI; ja na ucacheda nathI, te zAzvata nathI, te abhinna nathI bhinna nathI, tene Agama nathI ane nirgama paNa nathI. candrakIrtie spaSTIkaraNa karyuM che ke prathama je utpatti ja nathI--e je nizcita thAya te bAkInA je pratiSedha che tene samajavAmAM saraLatA paDaze eTale ja nAgArjuna sauprathama utpattinI kalpanAnuM nirAkarazu kare che- na svato nApi parato na dvAbhyA nApyahetuta / karavA gAtu vizajo mAyA: jaya vana che ma0 1 3 svataH utpatti nirarthaka ja Thare tethI lAbha paNa zuM ? te pote vidyamAna che ja, pachI utpanna thavAno zuM artha mATe svataH utpatti ghaTe nahi vaLo tema mAnavA jatAM anavasthA paNa thAya. parathI paNa utpatti thatI nathI kAraNa "para" e siddha ja nathI ane siddha hoya te paNa apekSita eka sivAyanA badhA ja para che, te tethI jo utpatti thatI hoya te sa sAranA samagra para" janaka mAnavA paDaze. badhu ja badhA padArthothI utpanna thAya che ema mAnavuM paDe, kAraNu-- " tulya varasamaNi jJasfpa catmAt ! " madhyamakAvatAra 6 14. ajanaka manAtA evA badhA ja "para" rUpe samAna che. te badhA ja ajanake "para" 'hovAne kAraNe janaka banI jaze ane sva ane para e banethI paNa kAMI utpanna thaI zake nahi, kAraNa e banemAM doSonuM darzana karAvyu ja che. ahetuthI paNa kAMI utpanna thAya nahi. hetu na hoya te kArya kAraNa e vibhAga ja na bane. vaLI je hetu vinA kazuka utpanna thaI zakatuM hoya te vadhyAputra, gaganamusuma e badhu paNa utpanna thaI jAya. Ama vastune utpAda ghaTato nathI. (ma0 21 12) ane jene utpAdaja nathI tenA nirodhanI carcA ja vyartha che. (ma0 1 11, 7.28) _ATalI utpAdanI carcAthI nAgArjunanI dalIlo kevI che te viSe ApaNe jANI zakIe chIe A zunyavAda viSe dArzanikane ghaNu kahevAnuM che paNa te viSe pharI koI vAra saMdarbhagraMtho nAgAjuna-madhyamakadAca, cadrakIrtita TIkA sAthe-vigrahavyAvatinI, pra. bauddha saMskRta gra thAvalI-10 Ayadeva-catuzataka, Aloka prakAzana, nAgapura zAMtideva_bodhicacavatAra ane zikSA samuccaya, 0 bauddha saMskRta graMthAvalI-11-12 T, R. V Murti-The Central Philosophy of Buddhism, George Allen and Unwin, 1960 B. K. Matilal-Epistemology, Logic and Grammar in Indian Philosophical Analysis-Mouton, 1971,

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talAlA 125 dravyanA badalAmAM choDavAne niphaLa prastAva tara gavatIne vilApa meM pelA cArane kahyuM, "kIzAbInagarInA sArthavAhane A ekane eka putra che, ane huM tyAMnA zreSThInI putrI chuM (1006). tAre jeTalAM maNi, muktA, suvarNa ke pravAlanI IcchA hoya teTalA ame tane ahI rahyAM chatAM apAvIzuM (1007). tamAre koI mANasa amAra, lakhelA patra laIne baMnene ghare jAya ane tamane dravya maLe te pachI tame amane baMnene choDa. (108) eTale te care kahyuM, "amArA senApatie tamane baMnene kAtyAyanInA jAga mATenA mahApazu karAvyA che. (109) tene ApavAnuM ame na ApIe te te bhagavatI amArA para che, enI kupAe te amArI badhI kAmanA pUrI thAya che (110) kAtyAyanInI kRpAthI amArA kAmamAM siddhi, yuddhamAM vijaya ane badhI vAtanuM sukha thaze, eTale ame tamane choDavAnA nathI" (1011). "e sAMbhaLIne tathA garadana ane hAthana pITha tarapha vALIne bAdhavAne kAraNe priyatamanA zarIrane maraDala joIne hu vadhu jorathI rudana karavA lAgI. (1012) he gRhasvAminI, priyatamanA guNa ane premAnurAgarUpI beDIthI baMdhAyelI hu tyA ati kI rUdana karatI, vivarNa ane vivaraNa banI rahI (1013) huM lokone citAne uttapta karIne vyathita karatu (), badinIone paNa Asu Ave tevuM kaNasatu rUdana karavA lAgI (11) AMsuthI gAla, adhareSTha ane stanapRSThane bhI javatI hu priyatamane choDAvavA mATe () lagAtAra raDI rahI. (1015). he gRhasvAminI, kUTatI pITatI, vALa khecatI, huM tyAM khADATekarAvALI meMya para ALoTavA lAgI. (1016) " jANe ke svapnamAM joyo hoya tema tuM guNavato mane prApta thaze. tethI karIne(2) mane A rUdana AvI paDayuM (1017): he gRhiNI, priyanA AvI paDanArA du saha viralanA zoke gherAyelI hu evA evA karuNa vacane vilApa karavA lAgI. (1018) akasmAta protsAhaka gItanuM zravaNa te veLAe tyAM pIThAmAM beThelA keTalAka subhaTae zravaNane sukhada sumadhura gItavAditra sAthe A pramANe gAyuM (1919) : AvI paDelI ApattinI avagaNanA karIne sAhasakarma AdaranAra puruSane kAM to vipatti maLe, kA to siddhi maLe. (1020). pravRtti AdaranAra puruSane kA te lakSmI prApta thAya athavA te maraNa, para tu pravRtti zarU na karanArane maraNa to avazya AvavAnuM ane lakSmI paNa nahI maLavAnI. (1021). mRtyu saukAIne Avatu hoya che, mATe potAnuM priya tarata

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126 taraMgalelA savyassa ei maccU tUraha piyamappaNo lahuM kaauN| puNNa-maNoraha-tuTThassa hoi maraNaM pi kira sahalaM // 1022 na visAo kAyavvo suThu vi vasaNa-vimuheNa puriseNa / haMdi caiNa puNo khaNeNa paJcAmalai(?) lacchI // 1023 visama-dasamassieNa vi puriseNa viSaNNa-purisakAreNa / dukkhaM pi ya visaheDaM piyAe samayaM suhaM hoi // 1024 evaM soUNa pio ghariNI gIyattha-coio iNamo / bhANai(?) ya pINasoNI suNa tAva vi pie imaM vayaNaM / / 1025 puSya-kaya-kamma-nibyattiyasma kate nigUDha maMtassa / kasaNa-miu-dIha-kosa(?) na palAiuM sakA / / 1026 kiM vajje to(?) vi pie avaso pAvai vasaM kayaMtassa / nahu ujjayaM nivArei koi paharesu lhikkato / / 1027 nakkhatta-caMda gaha-nAyagassa jai tAva amayagambhassa / caMdassa ei vasaNaM na(?) sogo pAyaya-jaNammi // 1028 appa-kaya-kamma-vivAga(?) khetta-davva gunn-kaal-sjutto|| suha-dukkhassa bivAgo navari nimitta paro hoi // 1029 taM mA hohi visaNNA suMdara savveNa jIva-loyammi / suha-dukkha-visesa-karaM na vihANaM laMghiuM sakkA // 1030 to tattha ahaM ghariNI piyassa saNNavaNa-vayaNa-gahiyatthA / piya-vayaNa-samAsAiya-mauiya-soyA puNo jAyA // 1031 acchAmi ruNNa-piDiya-baMdI-jaNa(1)-vimaNa-maNa-viruddhA / baddhA payayA muddhA paiNA samaya migI ceva // 1032 kAuM ya tattha majjhaM klunn-vilaavaanniyNsuvegaao| saMbhariya-niyaya pakkhA ciraM pi royaMti baMdoo // 1033 kAo sabhAva-vacchala mauiya-hiyayA vasaNa samudayaM amha / daThUNa paruNNAo aNukaMpA-kaMpiyaMgIo // 1034 oraNa-loyaNAo baMdIu bhaNati pacchiyaM(?) katto / kiha vettha aNattha-ghara takkara-hatthaM imaM mattA // 1035

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taraMgalelA thAya tema karavAnI utAvaLa rAkhe, pitAnA manoratha pUrA thayAthI saMtuSTa banelA mANasanuM maraNa saphaLa kahe Aya che (1922) atyata sa kaTagrasta purUSe paNa viSAda pAmavo nahI. le ! choDIne cAlI gayelI lakSmI ghaDIkamAM ja pAchI AvI maLe che (1923) je viSama dazA bhogavata che ane jene purapAtha naSTa thayA hoya tevA puruSane sahevuM paDatuM duHkha paNa tenI priyatamAnA sagamAM sukha ba [ jAya che. (1924) kamaphaLanI anivAryatA he gRhasvAminI. A pramANe sAbhaLIne mArA priyatama e gItanA bhAvArthathI prerAIne mane kahevA lAgyA (105) "huM vizALa nitabavALI priyA, tuM mArA A vacano pratye dhyAna A5 : he kALA, suvALA, lAmA kezakalApavALI priyA, jenuM rahasya nigUDha che tevAM pUrve karelAM karmonA pariNAmathI nAsI chUTavuM kaI rIte zakya nathI.(1026) game tyAM nAsI janAra paNa, he priyA, tAtane vaza avazya thAya che, prahArothI saMtAvAnu karanAra koI paNa mANasa prArabdha karmaLane aTakAvI zakato nathI. (1027) je kahe ane nakSatravaMdanA vAmI amRtagarla cadrane paNa Apatti AvI paDatI hoya che, te pachI sAmAnya mANasane te kyA zoka karavo ? (12). pote ja karelA karmanu pariNAma kSetra, dravya, guNa ane kALa pramANe, sukhadu ane phaLa rUpe prApta thAya che, temAM bIje kAI te mAtra nimitta bane che (1929) nA he sudarI, tu vipAda na dhara, A jIvalekamA koI karatAM keIthI paNa sukhaduba pApti rAmanA vidhinuM vidhAna eLa gI zakAtuM nathI." (130). Ama, he gRhabhyAminI, e dizAmAM priyatamanA samajAvaTanAM vacanano marma pAmIne, e priya vacanethI prApta thayelA AzvAsa karIne bhAre zoka haLavo thayo. (1031) samabhAvI banIo AgaLa vataka kathAnuM varNana mArA rudanathI tyAM ekaThI thayelI ba dinIe atyata uga pAmI. pitAnA patinI sAthe baMdhana pAmelI vibhAvathI bheLI() mRgalI jevI mArI dazA hatI () (1032). mAre karuNa vilApa sAMbhaLIne jemanA Asu ubharAI AvyAM che tevI te ba dinIo potapotAnA svajanone sAMbhaLIne kayAMya sudhI Tuna karatI rahI. (1033) temAnI je kaTalIka temanA svabhAvagata vAtsalyane lIdhe sukumAra hadayavALI hatI te amArA para AvI paDeluM saMkaTa joIne anukaMpAthI aMga kapina thatI sake dhrusake raDavA lAgI. (1034) raDelAM netre te baMdinIe pUSpA lAgI, tame kayAthI, kaI rIte A anarthanA dhara samA coranA hAthamAM AvI paDayA che (1935) eTale he gRhavAminI, te cakravAka tarIkenA bhavane supaga,

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128 taraMgalolA taM cakkabAya-jAiM suhodayaM majjaNaM ca hathissa / vAheNa cakavAo vahio jaha ha aNumayA ya // 1036 jaha ya puNo AyAyA mANusa-bhAvammi vaccha nayarIe / jaha tattha ekameko nAo cittovadeseNaM // 1037 jaha jAiyA na diNNA aya jaha pesiyA ya piya-vasahi / ceDI sArasiyA me jaha ya palAyANi nAvAe // 1038 bhAgIrahIe puliNe jahA ya gahiyAi tehiM corehiM / taM savyaM royatI ghariNI sAhemi baMdINaM // 1039 eyaM soUNa mahaM so coro niggao pddaaliio| kuNai aNukaMpamANo UsAsiya-baMdhaNaM ramaNaM // 1040 aha tAo karamarIo nivbhacchiya-tajjiyA tahiM teNa / meghAlaMjiya-bhIya vva maya-cahUo palANAo // 1041 tAsu ya gayAsu to bhaNai piyayamaM takaro saNIyAya (?) / mA mAhIya ahaM te maraNAo aha vimoissaM // 1042 savva-tthAmeNa savvahA vi pANe ya paricaittANaM / pANa-parirakkhaNaM me kAhaM pANe ya dAUNaM // 1043 eyaM nisamma vayaNaM tassa muddA niggayaM tahiM amha / maraNuttAsa-viNAso parioso uttamo jAo // 1044 acchahu amhANa jIviyaM ti to jiNavare paNamiUNaM / pacakkhANA kIrassa(1) pAraNA tassa kAsIya // 1045 vo patta-pattalIe maMsaM kAUNa tk| amhe / jemaNamiNaM ti muMjaha bhaNaMto dUraM khu gatavvaM // 1046 amhehiM necchiyaM ta amhANa aNuiyaM ti bhaNiUNa / uttANaya- karayala-saMpuDehiM udayaM tahiM pIya // 1047 saMpai naTTha-payAvo rajja-paribhaTTha-pasthivo cevaM / sUro laMghiya-gayaNo valeja puNNo muilu(2) // 1048 saMkuiya-pannago bya pacchA sUryati divasa-nippheDA / vAsaMta-Nega-sauNayA niya-nilaulattaya(?)-bahulyA // 1049 aha evaM amhANaM diyaho ai dIhaMto ruyaMtANaM / maraNa-bhaya-vevirANaM ghariNi tahA so aikkato // 1050

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! tara galAlA solhagweon hAthInuM na, vyAdha vaDe thayelA cakravAka varSa kaI rIte anumaNa karyuM, kaI rIte hu manu yabhAva pAmIne vatsanagaromAM janmI, kaI rIte citra dvArA ame ekamekanI oLakha meLavI, kaI rIta na u mAgu nAkhyA chatA nane na dIdhI, kaI rate me mArI ceTI sAmikAne mArA priyatamane ghare mekalI, kaI rIte ame tAvamA nAsI gayA ane kaI rAte bhAgIrathInA pulina para e rAe amane pakaDavA--e badhu ja me raDatA raDatAM te dminIeAne kahI sa bhaLAvyu' (1 03 6 -1069). anupA pragaTatAM cAranuM' a dhanamukta karavA vacana mArI e kathanI sALAne pele cAra paDALImAthI vAra Avye ane anuka pAthI teNe mArA priyatamanA dhana te sarakhA zvAsa laI gake teTalA DhIlA karyo (1040). pachI teNe penI bhagmiAne dhutkArI-dhamakAvI, jethA medhagaja nAthA bhayabhIta banelI huNIonI jema teo tyAthI palAyana karI gaI. (1041) teo gaI ezle te care dhIme dhare mArA priyatamane kahyu, 'tu DarIza nahI, hu tana meAnamAthI macAvIza (1042) mAro sarva rAktithI, sarve upAya ajamAvIne, mArA prALutyAga karIne paNa huM tamAruM prAgANuM karIza te mATe hu prANu ApavA paDaze tA paNa ApIza' (104). tenA mAmAthI nIkaLelu abU vacana sAMbhaLIne amArA maraNatA sa trAsa naSTa thaI gayA, ane amane akam nAtA thaI (1044) amAru vita kuzaLa rahI e bhAva sAthe ame jinavarAne vaMdana karIne, lIdhelA pratyAkhyAnanuM pArachu karyuM. (145)-te veLA pADAnI patarAvaLImA mAsa laIne, 'A tamAre mATenu jamavAnu che, tA khAe, ApaNe dhaNuM dUra javAnu che' ema te cAra kahevA lAgyA. (1046). amane e khapatuM navI' ema kahIne ame te lIdhu nahI, pazu mAmA UMcA karIne ame te veLA pANI pIdhu (187), nizAnu Agamana teTalAmAM rAjyabhraSTa rAjAnI jaeNma jenA pratApa naSTa thayA che tevA sU gagana pAra karIne . ..(1048), visa AthamatA, kSAnAM pAna sa AcAyA, temanA mALAmAM aneka pakSI pAchAM karIne kAva karavA lAgyA() (1089) huM gRhasvAminI, maraNabhaye dhrujatA evAM amArA e atizaya lAkhA divasa raDatAM raDatA e rIte vIyeA. (1950).

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130 taraMgalolA aha timira-nivaha-sAmA saMpattA jIva loga-nissA / kosiya-piya nevattI(?) gayaNa-tala-pasAhiyA rattI // 1051 sAyara-kaya-viddhI-viyAso(') jaNassa udveI / / naha-saMcArima tilao kuMda-kusuma-paMDuro caMdo // 1052 ukuhi-hasiya-chAliya(1)-paDu-paDaha-ninAya-gIya-sahAlA / pallI matta-paNacira-coreka-rasa-jaNA jAyA / / 1053 to jemaNa-vakkhitte jaNammi so takaro piyaM muyai / bhaNai ya mA bhAhi tuma eha ahaM te palAemi // 1054 to teNa nINiyA mo sautAyaM(?)keNaI annajjaMtA / vijaya-hAreNamhe pallivatI-geha-sareNa(?) // 1055 ru dattaNeNa sucirAhiM niggayA samayi turatA ya / kicchAhiM niggayA mo kAsa-sara-kuDIra-majjheNa / / 10.6 to teNa punva-cAhiya-pariciya-dAra-vivara-muNiya-parimANo / gahio nicaTTa-suhio aDavI-sImaMtao paMtho // 1057 to tattha nirikkhato puramao pAsehi maggao ya puNo / bahuseA ya nisAmaMto advANaya-ciTThio sadhaM // 1058 gahiyAvaraNa-paharaNo uppIliya-dhaNiya baddha saNNAho / paccai payaddhasANo(?) paMthaM mottaNa pAseNaM // 1059 bhaNai jai yahai koI pabhAhi(1) to taM imeNa paMtheNa / jo tAva maraNa kAmo coro hoihi vAremi(1) / / 1060 gatUNa ciraM taha uppaheNa paMtha puNo samAiNNA / coreNa vareNa samayA saMjAya-bhaeNa taha nihuyA // 1061 panbhajjamANa vaNa-sukka-patta saddANukAriNo kei / pakkhe papphoDatA pakkhI rUkkhAhi uDDINA // 1062 vaNa-mahisa-baggha-dIviya-taraccha-pullINa taha birAlANaM / suNimA sauNa gaNANaM ca tattha nANAvihe sadde // 1063 bhaviyavvayA amhaM mahAbhae tattha vaTTamANANa / aNulomA Asi tayA khemA miga-pakkhiNo samve // 1064 vaNahatthi-hattha-palhatthiyattha(1)-luya-phala-kisalaya-pavAle / goDiya-viDave viDime kathai pAsAmi haM paDie // 1065

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; taraMgalAlA Rel gaganataLane zeAbhAvatI, tami-samUhe kALI, valIna avela gana samI ghUvaDane priya aDI rAta jIvaleAka para utarI (1051) sAgarane vRddhivikAsa karanArA, AkArAnA timAna tilaka sameA, krudakusuma samA, zveta caMdra UgyA (1052) a dhanamukti ane cerapallImAMthI palAyana cArapakSImA hrAmyane zeramakAra, dhamadhamatA DhAlanA nitAda ne gItanA zabda, tathA madamatta banIne nAcatA cAzanA raMgarasa chavAI gayA (1053) te veLA jyAre lAka jamavAmAM rAkAyelA hatA tyAre te cAre mArA priyatamane cheDayA, ane tene kahyuM, 'tu DIza nahI, have huM tane nasADavAnu karu chu ' (1054) pachI te kAIne jANa na thAya tema amane pallIpatinA gharanA vijahU~A-mA thaIne "I gayA (1055) te vistI hAIne amane nIkaLI jatA ghaNI vAra lAgI pachA ghaNI jhaDapathI cAlatA ame bahu muzkelIe kAzatRNunA sAThArna () jhU paDIAmAthI pasAra thayA (1056). te pachI teNe javA-AvavAthI pUrva paricita jANItA ataravALA ane sukhe pAra karI zakAya tevA ja galanI sarahade paheAMcatA mA` lIdhA (1057). te veLA AgaLapAchaLa ane AjubAju nirIkSaNu karatA ane mAga para thebhIne avAjone sAbhaLatA, AvaraNa ane hathiyArathI sajja ane barAbara kacakacAvIna nakhatara khAdhelA te ce mukhya mArga cheDIne AgaLa vadhatA hatA. (105810 pa9) teNe kahyu, ' je jIvateA maNasa cAreAnA jAsUsAne hAthe(ra) mavA chatA DAya te A rastethI pasAra thAya' (1060) eTale ghaNI vAra sudhI ADe bhAge cAlIne pachI ame te cene bhayabhIta banIne anusantA, gUpacUpa mukhya mArga para AvyA (1065). vanya mAnA jokhamabharyo pravAsa bananA sukI pADI kacarAtA cunA avAjathI keTalAka pakSIo pAkha krUDAvatAM, vRkSa parathI UDI gayA. (1062) ja galI pADA, vAdha, dIpaDA, jarakha ane siddhanA cItkAra tathA kavacit 5 khIonA avAjo ema vividha zabdo ame sAbhaLatA hatAM, (1063). bhAre khatarA vacce heAvA chatA amane bhAvI anukULa lAgatuM hatuM', ane badhA pazupa khI kuzaLakAka hatA. (1064) kathAka ja galI hAthInI sUMDhanA DALIo tADayA che tevA, rRkSAnA kArDa mArA jovAmA AvyA. (1065). prahAre jenA phaLa, phU paLeA ne

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132 taraMgalAlA ete Na aNNe ya bahU tattha avatthatare tarUmANe(?) / pAsamaMtA(?) taM katAraMtaraM tarimA // 1066 aha bhaNai takaro Nemi katAraM ti mA hu bhAitthA / aha gAmA abbhAse vaccaha etto avarahuttA // 1067 ahamayi gacchAmi u(1) khamahi ya jaM sAmiyassa ANAe / aNNANaeNa ya mae baddhA ya hayA ya pallIe // 1068 sarale mahare saMgayaM miyakkhara bhaNai ta sahIyaMto / aha takaraM guNakara pio piyaMto va diTThIe // 2069 tumhe ANAkArI tumbha uvayAra-kAriNo amhaM / ja Ne avatsavANaM(1) jIviya-dANaM imaM diNNaM // 107. alANamasaraNANa amhANa jIvie nirAsANaM / ubbaddhayANaM amha chiNNAsANaM tume vIra // 1071 ahayaM bacchapurIe putto dhaNadeva-satthayAsa / nAmaM ca paumadevo tti majjha jo ko vi sAhejja / / 1072 bhaNio ya ehi tahiyaM atthaM dAhAmu te suviula pi / so bhagai ha(1) jAi mahaM tatto gaMtuM ito gacchaM // 1773 jai hojja samAvattI-gamaNaM bhe tattha kAraNeNaM(1) / to mA hu maM na dacchiha ettha mae sAvio si tumaM // 1074 na hu makkA paDikAuM keNai savvammi jIva-loyammi / jiya-loya-savva sAra jIviya-dANaM padetassa / / 1075 amhaM aNuggahatya naNu tumhe bahu-mANa-pIi kro| AsaNa-pariggaho niggaheNa kAyavvao hoi // 1076 so bhaNai eva bhaNio naNu ha dhaNNo aNuggahiyo ya / savvaM ca me kayaM eva hoi ja bhe ttha paritudvA // 1077 so evaM jaMpamANo vaccaha tumbhe tti bhANiUNamhe / vaccai uttarahutto amhe vi gayA abarahuttA // 1078 nijiNapphoDa-vigalento(1) mANiya vAya saMraMbhA / kicchAhi uvvahAmo upaha-pahaTTha-mieNapa(?) / / 1079 ativegAgayAgamaNA ghariNI taNhA-chuhA-kilaMtA hai| vAyaM / ) bhaya-parisukkoTTha-kaMTha-jibbhA pArakhalaMtI // 1089

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taragalelA eranI vidAyaH AbhAradarzana AvA prakAranI aneka vividha paristhitio jotA jotA ame te ja gala pasAra karyuM. (106 6). eTale te cora che, "ApaNe jagala pasAra karI gayA, eTale have tame saheja paNa Daraze nahI gAme aDI najIkamAM ja che. tame ahI thI AthamaNI dizA taja jAo. (1067). hu paNa pAcho pharu chu mAlikanA hukamathI meM pahelI me tamane bAMdhyA ane mAya te mATe mane mApha karazo' (1968). eTale upakArI cera pratye mitrabhAva pragaTa karatAM, dRSTithI jANe ke tene pIto heya tema, mArA priyatame, gadagadaravare tene thoDAMka madhura vacana A pramANe kathA (1969) "tame tamArA mAlikanA AjJAkArI che, paNa amArA to tame upakAraka che, kema ke he vIra, atrANa, azaraNa, ba dhanamAM rahelA ane jIvavAnI AzA tajI dIdhelA ane taddana nirAza banelA evA amane tame A rIte jIvatadAna dIdhu (1070-1071) hu va purInA dhanadeva sArthavAhane putra chu. mAru nAma padyadeva che tArA kahevA ii je kaI tyAM AvIne mane maLaze tene tArA mATe hu puSkaLa dravya ApIza tu mane A pramANe vacana Apa te ja hu jauM (1072-1073). vaLI koI kAraNe tamAru tyAM AvavAnuM thAya, te tamane sega da che ke tamArA darzana na thAya evuM na bane. (108) jIvalekanA sarva sArarUpa jIvatadAna denAranu nANu cukavavuM A samagra jIvalekamAM zakaya nathI (1075) ane bIju, amArA pratyenA tamArA Adara ane premane kAraNe, amArA para anugraha karIne tamAre sthAna-parigrahane sayama pALa paDaze." (1006). A pramANe kahevAmAM AvatA te belyo, kharekhara dhanya ane anugRhIta thayo chuM tame mArA para pUrA prasanna che temAM ja tame mAru badhuM karyuM che.' (1077) e pramANe besIne, have tame jAo' ema kahIne te uttara tarapha vaLI gaye, ane ame paNa pazcima tarapha cAlavA lAgyA (1978). vasatI tarapha prayANuM paga phATI jatAM, traNamAMthI vahetA lohI sAthe AvavATe ame mahA muzIbate AgaLa vadhI rahyAM hatAM. (1979) bahu jhaDapathI cAlavAne lIdhe hu bhUkha ane tarasathI thAkIne lotha thaI gaI. zramathI () ane bAkathI mAruM gaLu ane hoTha sukAI gayAM ane hu lathaDavA lAgI. (1080). cAlavAne azakta banelI evI mane mArA priyatame pITha para UcakI levA

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taraMgalAlA acayatI gaMtuM je pIDhammi nivesi pio mahai / to taM pariharamANI balA vi pAehi vaccAmi / / 1081 aha maM aNupAlaMto bhaNai pio saNiyayaM pi vaccAmo / pecchaha tAva mayacchI payirala kaTTha-vaNudesaM // 1082 goula-payAra-maliyA papirala-taNa-gaNa-gomayA ya puNo / sAhati viyANa-bhUmI gAmabbhAsaM bhaya muMca // 1083 narse jhatti bhayaM me tuTThI ya samuTThiyA mahaM ghariNi / / logassa mAyaro tthaM(?) dadaThUNaM tA[u] gAvoo / / 1084 asaNa-kaya-kaNNapUre [ya] pecchie laTThiyAhiM khelaMte / duddhotappiya-vAle (?) bAle goyAlae tattha / / 1085 aha tehiM pucchiyA mo katto ummaggaeNa eha tti / / to bhaNai ajjaputto vayaMsa paMtho paNaTTho Ne // 1086 kinAmao jaNavao iNamo kinAmayaM ca nagaraM ti / kinAmao cca gAmo kettiya-mette io hoi // 1087 te ti gAmao Ne AsaNNe esa khAyagaM nAma / sesaM tu na jANAmo vaNa-vivara-vivaDhiyA amhe // 1088 gaMtUNa ya to amhe kameNa hala-vilihiyaM gayA bhUmi / aha maM puNo pi piyayamo imANi vayaNANi bhANIya // 1089 vaNa-paNNa-lAviyAo varoru pecchAhi gaam-juvtiio| paNNucchaMga-padasiya-thira piMjara-pIvarorUo // 1090 eyANi ya aNNANi ya tattha pio me piyAI jaMpaMto / soga-parissama-cakkheva-kAraNatthaM padaMsei // 1091 acchodaga-paDahatthaM maccha-gharaM phuDiya-kumuya-papUriyaM / gAmassa taM talAya naccAsaNNaM samaNupattA // 1092 acchaM phaliha-saricche phuDiya-kumuya-gaMdhiyaM bhaya-vibhukA / pANIhi pANiyaM se(?) gAma talAe tahiM pIya // 1093 (tattha) avagAhiUNa salile sIyala jalavAya-vIjiyagA / vissaMtA bhaya-mukkA ghariNI gacchAmu taM gAmaM // 1094

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taraMgalA 135 cA, para tu tethI bacavA hu parANe paNa page cAlavA lAgo (1081) mArI sAme bhALa karatA mArA priyatame kahyuM, "ApaNe Ate Ate jaIe. he mRgAkSI, tu vaDIka A kavacita achI taDI paDatA lAkaDA vALA vanapradeza tarapha daSTi kara (1982) gAyonI avarajavarathI kacarAye ane AchA ane chANavALAM goca parathI jaNAya che ke gAma najIkamAM ja che, te tu Dara tajI de' (1983) eTale he gRhasvAminI, lokamAtA samI gAne jotAM bhAre Dara ekadama dUra thayA ane mane atyaMta prasannatA thaI (1084) kSAyaka gAmamAM Agamana tyAM to asanapuchapanA karNapUra paherelA, lAThIthI khelatA. dUdhe camakatA gAla () vALA, govALanA chokarAo najare paDayA. (1085). temaNe amane pUchayuM, "tame A ADe raste kayAthI Avo cho ?' eTale Aryaputre kahyuM, 'mitro, ame rasto bhUlyA chIe. (1086). A pradezanuM nAma zuM che? A nagaranuM nAma zuM ? kayA nAmanuM gAma ahI thI kaTale dUra haze? (1987). temaNe kahyuM, "pAsenA gAmanuM nAma lAyaka che. paNa ame vadhu kazu nathI jANatA, ame to ahI ja galanI sarahadamAM ja moTA thayA chIe." (1088) pachI AgaLa cAlatAM krame karIne ame haLathI kheDelI bhUmi pAse pahecyA. eTale priyatame mane pharIthI A pramANe vacana kahyA (1089), "he varU, vananA pAMdaDA cUTI lAvatI A prAmINa yuvatIo je, pADAne kheLa bharele heIne temanA daDha, ratAza paDatA, puSTa sAthaLa khullA dekhAya che ' (1990) priya vacane kahete mAro priyatama, mAro zAka ane parizrama ocho karavA A tema ja anya vastu che mane batAvato jato hato (1091). gAmanuM taLAva te pachI thoDe dUra jatA ame gAmanA taLAva pAse jaI pahoMcyA te svaccha jaLe bhareluM hatuM, dara puSkaLa mAklIo hatI cotarapha kamaLanA phUDa vikasyAM hatAM (1993) te gAmanA taLAvamAMthI ame rava cha, vikasita kamaLanI suga dhavALuM pANI bhayamukta mane be be pIdhu (1093) he gRhasvAminI, pachI pANImAM nAhIne, jaLathI zItaLa banelA ane pavanathI vIjaNe nakhAtA aMge, bhayamukta banelA ame te gAmamAM pravezyaH (194).

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136 dIsaMtI codrahIo koDa-taDa- nivesiehi sa valaya-bAhu - pariNaddhakaM Thehi / kuDehi udaga ovatI / / 1095 citemi kiM nu vihiya kuDehiM jaM juvati-soNi kaDaesu / - bhuavagUDhA jaha piya-purisa vva acchati // 1096 tAo vi vimya - viyANiehi acchohiM Na avissAmaM / pecha (?) vimhiyAo ciraM pi gholAyama | jIo || 1097 to gAmaM vara-ti mahiliyAhi tuMba viyaDa-tthaNIhi tayaM / rUDhAhiM (?) samavagUDhaM taha pattAmo duyaggA vi / / 1098 amhe lattaNa- vimhaNa acchIhiM 'amuyamANIhi / aNNoSNa-rahasa-pellaNa-pasaMgao gAma - taruNIhiM / / 1099 bhaggA tattha aIo kattha va kaDakaDakaDassa kiDikA vi / taruNIhiM pecchivya- aNNANa ahijiNaMtIhi // 1100 i-bhaMjaNa saNa ya therA hi (?) ubviggayA [gayA ) rattha / bhukabhukabhukaMti kattha ya uddha-muhA piMDiyA suNahA // / 1101 atirega - siDhila valayAo paMDu-maila dubbalaMgIo / jara vAhiyA vi pecchati kA vi pamayA tarhi amhe ||1102 masiNa paDu - pAraga-niyaMsaNAhiM kaDi gahiya- ceDarUvAhi / ghara - niggayAhi ghariNI gavaI - ghariNIhi mo diTThA // 1103 aNumaNidiya-gejjhe tattha avatthaMtare bahU vajjaMtA peccha tA racchA ya aicchiyA amhe / saNiyaM / / 1104 * agaNaMtI / -maNa-caNa-vaNiyA taNDaM ca chuhaM samaM ca jIevvaya- lobhillA kahiNNA (?) taiM aDavi / / 1105 naTTa-bhayA asthi gaiti gatta-calaNa viyaNA-masiNa gAmA ( ? ) / tA parissamaM hUM citIya chuhaM ca tahaM ca // 1106 tattha ya bemi piyayamaM pahiyattaNa-kAraNeNa niddosa / katthaI chuhAvahAra AhAraM to gavesAmo ||1107 to maM bei piyayamo takara-parimuTTha molla- savvassA / kahi parassa gharaM aNajjabhANA visAmo // 1108 vasaNa-paripIDieNavi kula-mANamaNUNagaM vahateNa / dehi tti kaluNa-bhAveNa dukkhamuvatthAiu~ (1) loe // 1109 taraMgalAlA

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ta galAlA utsuka zrAmINu taruNuIe tyAM ghaDAne kAThe ahIMyAvALA hAtha dhI TALIne te vaDAne kaTipradeza para rAkhIne pANI vahI lAvatI juvAnaDIene ame joI (1995) mane thayu, A dhaDAoe zuM puNya karyuM haze ke priyatamanI jema yuvatI temane kaTitaTe rAkhAne bahoyAvALA jInna varDa AliMgana de che (1096), teA pazu smita thaIne, vibhiyathI paheALA thayelA taMtra, pharI prIte, aviratapaNe thAya sudhI amane joI rahI (1097) tU baDA rUpI vipula stanavALI, sarasa proDha vADI rUpI mahinAevI ali gita te gAmamA ame bane pahoMcyA. (1098) amArA saudaryathI vismita paryaMtI, amane khathI aLagA na karatI, utAvaLanA jAsamA akSmIjIne dhakelanI te mAmataruNIoe keTaleka sthaLe te jANu jovAnI ekabIjA sAthenI caDasAcaDasImA, vADAne kaDakaDATa karatI teADI pADI. (1099-1100) 139 vADA bhAgavAnA avAjathI vRddho ciMtAtura banIne bahuAra rastA para nIkaLI AvyA keTalIka jagyAe kUtarAo TaLe maLInaUMcu mADhu karI bhasatA hatA (1101). atizaya hrInA khaTIyAvALI, phIkrA melA ne dUbaLA dehavALI, dharaDI tema ja mAdI A pazu amane jevA nIkaLI hatI, (1106) huM gRhasvAminI, suvALI, UMcA kApaDanI DhaDDI eTalI, keDa para chekarA laI ghara bahAra nIkaLI AvIna gRhasthanI strIe paNa, amane jotI hatI (1103). e rIte aneka prakAranI paristhitionu aTakaLa grahaNa karatA, cAlatA cAkSatA dhu jotA aMge te mArga pasAra karyu. (1504) AhAranI tapAsa ' vananI keDIe cAlavAthI nA pagamAM chAlA paDI gayA che tevI huM jIvattA rahevAnI jha khanAmAM bhUkhatarasa ane thAkane na gaNatI, jyAre ja galane pAra karI gaI, tyAre have bhayamukta thaI hAvAthI, ane bacI javAne mAga meAkaLA thayA hAvAthI baMne paga ane anya gAtrAnI pIDAnu, thAt ane bhUkhatarasanuM Ana thayu. (11pa-1106). AthI me priyatamane kahyu, * ApaNe have bhUkha zame tavA pRthya ane nirdepi AhAranIkAka tapAsa karIkhe.' (1107) eTale priyatame mane kahyu, 'cee ApaNuM sarvasva mAMcI lAdhu che, te ajANyA ne pArakA dhamA ApaNe zI rIte praveza karI zakIe 8 (1108). kulInapaNAna| atizaya abhimanone mATe, te sa kamprata hoya tyAre pazu karuNubhAve 'mane kAMika Ape!' ema kahetA, leAkeAnI pAse javu ghaNu muzkela hAya che. (1109) matio, lAvanArI, mAnavinAzaka, apamAnajanaka, halakA pADanArI yAcanA krama karIne karu? (1110), dravya gumAvyAthI sahAya banele, eleA paDI gayelA (-), ane atyaMta

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138 lajjAvaNayaM mANa- paDisAmagaM kattha lahuttaNa- karapaM mANiNi attha-parihINa - vigalo kao barAka-sattha-muhammi ( 2 ) vijarNAmi / suThu vi kilissamANo havai na paNaI- paro suyaNo // 1111 paribhavassa jaM mUlaM / paNayaM ahaM kAhaM // / 1110 maM (?) paNaeNa dhaTThA dINa-zrayaNa-jaMpaNesu kaya-niggamA / jinbhA asambha-rahiyA dehi tti na paccalA vottuM // 1112 savyaM mANamaNagghayaM pamottaNaM / sutthe natthi mahaM kiMci terrori nAma // 1113 vIsama tAba muhantaM racchAmuha-bhUsaNammi eyammi / devakulammi vilAsiNi tA kAha bhatta vittaMte // 1114 R chaNa-divasecchaNa-saMpiMDiyassa vivi-kahANa ThANaM tattha ya pahiyAvasahaM samAgamuppAyagaM gahavaINaM / gAmella-ceDa- mohaNa-gharaM va sIyA- gharaM pattA ||1116 namiUNa savva- sammaMtIe (2) loyammi vissuya-jasAe / dasaraha - suhAe egapattIe sIyAe // / 1117 hariosAriya- suddhami bhUmi bhAgambha to duyaggA vi / tattha nisaNNA sAli - kaNise vva pavve vittammi (?) // 1118 pAmara - juSANa-satthassa / caummuhaM catthaM / / 1115 parasAmo ya juyANaM siMdhava - kule nivanteNa paDisanha - dhavala - khomaya kuppAsaga-khoma [ya] calaNiya samayaM / purao turiya-pahAviya taDavaDira vIra parivAraM // 1120 savvAvattaya visuddha ganteNaM / assa- patte AyataM // 1119 nAgara-taruNoti ahaM ma ( 2 ) lajjiUNa ya parassahI 2 ) jAyA / sIyAgharassa koNe ahaMsa saMsiyA accha // 1121 aha so kummAsahatthI payAhiNaM deulaM karemANo / dadaThUNa ajjaputtaM hayAhio dhAio sahasA // 1122 paDio ya ajjauttassa tattha pAe bhagai aha saMta AsI tumhaM sarasara- paruSNo / gehe ciraM kAlaM // 1123 taraMgalAlA

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taraMgalAlA 118 kaSTa bhagavate vA chatA paNa sajajana bhAgaNa banavAnuM pasa da nathI karatA. (1111) yAcanA karavA dhRSTa banI dina vacana bolavAne sajaja thaI, asabhyatAnA DarathA mukta banI "mane Ape evu belavA mArI jIbha samartha nathI (110) eka aNamela mAnanA bha gane bAda karatAM, bIju evuM kazuM nathI je hu tAre mATe na kara, (1113) to, he vilAsinI, tu ghaDIka A mahollAne nake zebhI rahelA devaLamA visAme che, teTalAmAM hu bhojanane kazoka praba dha karu. (1114). sItAdevInA maMdiramAM Azraya ame utsavadinanI ujavaNI jevA ekaThA thatA kheDUta juvAnanu vAtacIta karavAnuM sthAna, pravAsI onuM AzrayasthAna, gRhanuM milanasthAna ane grAmINa juvAnaDAonuM sakatasthAna evA cAra ta bha ane cAra dhAravALA tyAnA sItAdevInA maMdiramAM jaI pahoMcyAM. (1115-1116). levikhyAta yazavALa, sarvanI AdaraNIya, dazarathanI putravadhU ane rAmanI pativratA patnI sItAdevIne praNAma karIne ame bane lIlerIrahita, zuddha bhaya para eka tarapha beThAM--parva pUrU thatAM verAyelAM zALanA DUDAnI jema (9) (111-1118) te veLA ame eka juvAnane badhAM aMgomAM rativALA ane vizuddha, saidhava jAtinA uttama azva para ArUDha thaIne Avato joyo. (1119), teNe atya na jhINu ane mata kSemanuM paheraNa ane kSemanu kaTivastra paheryA hatAM tene AgaLa jhaDapathI doDatA taravariyA subhaTono parivAra have (1120) e nagaravAsI taruNane jAIne lajajAvaza hu e sItAma diranA eka khUNAmAM eka aSTakezu ta mane aDhelI, sa kocAIne rahe (11ra1) pratyAgamana zodhamAM nIkaLelA svajana sAthe milana ? ghare banelI ghaTanAo pachI te kumASaharatI nAme juvAne devaLanI pradakSiNA karatAM karatAM AIputrane joyA, ane ekAeka ghoDA karatAM paNa adhika vege doDIne mATe svare to raDato te AryaputranA page paDyo. pachI melyo, "have tamAre ghare cirakALa zAti thaI jaze' (1) (11rara-1123).

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taraMgalolA nAo ya ajjaputteNa dhaNiyamavagUhio ya / [bhaNio ya] kimAgamaNaM ti dehi sAhehi me siggha // 1124 avi kusalaM satthAho aMbA bhatta-vaggo ya / x x x x x to muhuttAga // 1125 tattha vidiNNa(?) niviThTho bhUmitale mAhae piyayamassa / vAmakaraMguli-nivaha dAhiNa-hattheNa ghettUNa // 1126 seTi-bhavaNammi kaNNA gaya tti aha nimmale pahAyammi / to kira dAsIyai Ne kahio bhe puvva-saMbaMdho // 1127 rattiM ca avakkamaNaM coriya-gamaNaM ca sayaNa-pakkhassa / kahiyaM jahAnubhUya savvaM bhe dAsa-ceDIe // 1128 bhaNio ya satthavAho gharamAgaMtUNa seTiNA kallaM / satthAha khamAhi mahaM jaM si kaDuio mae kalla // 1129 maggijjau me jAmAuo lahu~ eu mA ya bIheu / kiM kAhIi u putto videsa-vAse para-gharesu // 1130 tubbhaM ca puvva-jAiM sabva sAhIya ANupuvvIe / satyAhassa gahabaI jaha kahiya dAsa-ceDIe // 1131 tubhaM ca vippaogeNa vacchalA para-jaNaM ruyAvetI / rocchIya kaluNa-sarayaM soga-bhara-pelliyA aMbA // 1132 bhariyA ya vaccha-nayarI tatto bahu-jaNa-parapara-suIe / satthAha-suo jAIsaro tti sehissa ya suya tti // 1133 to seTThi-satthavAihiM tattha desa-nagarAgara-saesu / saMpesiyA maNussA samaMtato maggiuM tumbhe // 1134 ahamavi paNAsagaM pesio mi tubbhe gavesiDaM kallaM / ajja ya patto vi tahi na ya tattha suNaM pavinti te // 1135 ciMtemi khINa-davvA dhaNiya-paraddhA kayAvarAhA ya / paccaMtAsayaMtA(?) purisA durahIya-vijjA ya // 1136 paripucchiUNa niuNaM tao tahiM nirikkhi ihamAgao / devA ya me pasaNNA jaM me saphalo samo jAo // 1137 tumbhaM ca ime diNNA satthAhehi samayaM gahavatIhi / lehA sa-hattha-lihiya tti uvaNiyA teNa paNaeNa // 1138

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14 taraMgalAlA Aryaputre paNa tene oLakhyA, ane gADha AliMgana daIne tene pUchayuM, "are, tAre ahI kema AvavAnuM thayuM te mane jaladI kahe (110 4) sAtha vAha, mAtA ane meke sI kuzaLa to che ne ?' eTale eka ghaDI.. te bAjumAM beya para besI, pitAnA jamaNA hAthamAM mArA priyatamanA DAbA hAthanI AMgaLI pakaDIne kahevA lAgyA (125 11), * kanyA nAsI gaI ema jayAre zreNInA varamAM nirmaLa prabhAtakALe jANa thaI, tyAre dAsIe amane tamAre pUrvasa ba dha jaNAvyuM rAtrInA nIkaLIne chUpIthI tamArU prayANa vagere te dAsIe tamArA ma ba dhIone je pramANe pote je hatuM te pramANe badhuM ja kahyuM. (112-1128). prabhAtasamaye ekAe sArthavAhane ghare jaIne kahyuM, "sArthavAha, meM gaI kAle tAruM mana kaDavuM karyuM te mATe mane kSamA kara. ( 19). mArA jamAInI zodha kare. te Dara na rAkhe ane jaladI pAcho Ave. tamAre putra paradezamAM ane ghare rahIne zuM karaze ?' (1130), vaLI tamArA pUrvajanmane je vRttAMta ghasIe je pramANe jaNAvyuM hatA te badhe zreSThIe kamaza sArthavAhane kahyo. (1131) tArI vatsala mAtA tArA vivegamAM zekAvege na karatI AsapAsanAne paNa raDAvI rahI (113ra' teTalAmAM te sArthavAhanA putrane ane zreSThInI putrIne tenA pUrvajanmanuM smaraNa thayuM che evI karNopakarNa prasarelI vAtathI AkhI sAgarI bharAI gaI (1133) te pachI zreSThI ane sAryavAhe tamane kheLavA mATe se ko deza, nagara, khANa vagere sthaLoe cetaramANase mekalyA. (1134. mane paNa gaI kAle tamArI zodhamA prazAzaka mokalyo Aje tyAM AvI pahe, paNa tyAM tamArA kazA samAcAra maLyA nahI (1135). eTale meM vicAra karyo ke paise ghasAI gayelA, atya ta pIDita patita, aparAdhI ane kapaTavighA vALA loko sImAvartI gAmamAM Azareza laIne rahetA hoya che. (1136) AthI tyAM sarvatra pUchaparacha karIne tapAsane mATe huM ahI AvyuM. mArA para devanI kRpA thaI jethI karIne mAro zrama saphaLa thaye (1137). sArthavAhe ane zreSThI ne pitAne hAthe lakhelA A patro tAre mATe ApyA che e pramANe kahIne teNe praNAmapUrvaka te patra dharyA (1138).

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142 saMpalAlI aha parNamiUNa gahiyA lehA te tattha ajjaputteNa / saMdiTThAdiTThA ya tato nisAmaMto (?) // 1139 ugghADa-kareNa ya piyayameNa aNuvAiyA snniy-snniyN| hojja hu rahassa vayaNaM iha tti pacchAyayaMteNa // 1140 to te payAsa lehA gahiyatthA tattha ajjaputteNa / aha pAiyA sa-sadda suNAvaNattha puNo majjha // 1141 rosa-yayaNehiM rahiyA pasaNNa-vissAsa-sUyaNA lihiyA / eha tti sa-savaha-parA lehatthA me suyA do vi / / 1142 evaM soUNa mahaM so soo avagao ya sayarAI / paritosa pesieNa ya hiyayaM puNNaM ca hAseNa // 1143 ai nibiDa-baMdha-airega-pIDie gADha-visamie sUNe / hatthe piyassa daThUNa bhaNai kummAsahatthI so // 1144 sAhasu ko bhUyattho jaM te vara-hasthi-hattha-saMkAsA / sa-vaNA ya visama sUNA bAhA riu-maMthaNa samatthA / / 1145 kahiyaM jahANumUyaM tassa lahuM ceva uttama vasaNaM / amhehi ja kayaM ghariNi tattha dunni kRtaM turinahiM(?) / / 1146 kummAsahathieNa ya eyaM soUNa jevaNaM amhaM / taggAma-mANaNijje baMbhaNa-kulae samADhatta // 1147 taM tattha baMbhaNa-kulaM uNNaya-babhatthaleNaigayA mo| nivvammi ceya laMbAviyaya karaga gala-muyaMta-jala-bidu / / 1548 kaya-pAya-ssoyANaM gosAla-paMtahiM niviTThANaM / suddhodagaM ca diNNaM hattha-ppakkhAlaNaM amhaM / / 1149 (taha) nippaNNa rasoie siddha sarasa-niddhanna tosiyA amhe / airega-royamANaM jimiyA amayaM pa taM pariNi / / 1150 aha dhoya-hattha-muhayA avaNiya-uciTTha-bhAyaNA vikaa(1)| ghaya-makkhiya-calaNa-vaNA abhivAiya ta kulaM nImo // 1151 kaya-pajjaMtA saMtA aha AsaM do-vi samArUDhA / kummAsahatthi-bhaDa-caDagareNa parivAriyA paviTThA // 1152 desavayaMsa-bhUyaM sirIe AvAsayaM guNa-samagga / nayaraM paNAsayaM mo sogassa paNAsaya pattA // 1153 nAvAe uttiNNA tattha nadi to pabhUya pANIyaM / tuMga-taDa-kaDaya-visamaM gaMgAe payaMsiyaM tamasaM // 1154

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tAlAlA vaDIlane sadeza bhajanavyavasthA eTale Aryaputra praNAma karIne te patro lIdhA te udhADIne temAMnA saMdeza ane Adeza teNe dhIre dhIre, kazAka rahavyavacana heya te temane gupta rAkhavA, manamAM vA (1178-1140). te pachI temanuM arthagrahaNa karIne Aryaputre mane sabhaLAvavI te patro moTethI vAMcyA. (1141, bane patramAM lakhe vacana vagarane, prasannatA ane vizvAsa sUcavate, "pAchI AvI jAo' ema zapatha sAthe kahe sa deza meM sAMbhaLyo. (1142). e sAMbhaLIne mAro zaka turata ja adazya thayo, ane sa tethI pragaTelA hAye mAru hadaya bharI dIdhu. (1143) te veLA, mArA priyatamanA bAhune tasatasatAM ba dhanethI atizaya pIDA pAmelA, ghaNA vikRta banI gayelA ane sUjI gayelA-evI dazAmAM jaIne te kubhAvahastI belyo. (1144), sAcI vAta kahe, gajavaranI sUDha samA ane zatrune nAza karavAne samartha A tArA bAhuo kema karatA vikRta, sUjelA ane vAraMvALA thaI gayA che ?(1145) eTale ame baMnee je bhAre saMkaTa bhogavyuM, je maraNanI vANI AvI ane je kAI karyuM te badhuM yathAtatha tene kahyuM. (1186) e sAMbhaLIne kamalahastIe te gAmanA AdaraNIya brAhmaNa kuTuMbamAM amAre mATe bhojananI vyavasthA karAvavA mADI (1147) U cA sthAna para rahelA brAhmaNavADAmAM thaIne ame te brAhmaNanA varamAM praveza karyo chatamAMthI laTakAvelA kaLazanA gaLAmAMthI tyAM jaLabiMdu TapakatA ho (1148) paga joIne ame gauzALAnI nikaTamAM beThAM hAtha dhovA mATe amane zuddha jaLa Apyu (1149) rasoI taiyAra heIne amane supaphava, sarasa, snigdha annathI tRpta karavAmAM AvyA. he gRhasvAminI, amRta same atyata rucikara AhAra tyAM ame lIdhe (115) te pachI hAtha dhoI, achAM vAsaNa khaseDI laI, page paDelA UjharaDA para ghI copaDI, te kuTuMbanA lokone namaskAra karIne ame tyAMthI nIkaLyAM (115). gaNAzakanagaramAM vizrAMti pachI atizaya thAkelA ame baMne ghoDA para savAra thayA. kuMbhASahatI ane tenA subhaTa parivArathI vi TaLAIne ame te pradezanA AbhUSazarU 5. lakSmInA vAsaNamAM, samasta guNavALA, kavinAzaka praNAzaka nAmanA nagaramAM pahocyAM. (15-1153) tyA gagAnI sakhI sanI, la cA kAtarane lIdhe viSama kAThAvALA, jaLabharapUra tamasA nadI ame naukAmAM besIne pAra karI (1154), ga gA ane tamasAnA

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144 taraMgalAlA gagA-tamasa-samAgama puMDaka cUDAmaNiM vipaNi-puNNa / pattA paNAsaya mo ti-bhAga-sesammi divasammi // 1155 kummAsahatthi-pesiya-maNussa-saMpADieNa jANeNa / tattha paviTThA tuTThA mitta-gharaM aMti-yAsissa / / 1156 majjaNa-jemaNa samAlahaNAhiM paDivaggitthA tahiM sudchu| pajjatta-laddha-nihI taM rati mo suI yutthA // 1157 dhoya-muha-hatya pAyA abhivAiya-devayA tahiM gose / sama-bhaya-khuhA vimukA puNo vi sejjAsu acchAmo // 1158 sumuhuttakassa tatto pieNa kummAsahatthi-sahieNa | emo tti kucha-gharANaM kosaMbi pesiyA lehA / / 1159 abhaMgaNa parimaMDaNa-acchAyaNa-Siviha-kAya sokkhehiM / pANehiM bhoyaNehiM ya paDikIlatA tahiM vasimo // 1160 pasiUNa kei divase ohariya parissamA tahi pariNi / paDileha laMbha-tudvA kosaMbi ussuyA gaMtuM / / 1161 paMtha-parivyaya-mesaM ANIya tehiM hiraNNaya tatto / acchAyaNaM ca vivihaM aha yaMvAya'(!) carataM ca // 1162 kAhASaNaga-sahassaM diNaM mitta-ghara-celavANaM / khajjaga-mollaM ti mayA mahilAhiM nivArayaMtIhi / / 1163 lAjIya taM piyayamo dAuM paNaya paDisAhaNe bhiio| paccudhagAra-nimittaM appo dAu tti kAUNaM / / 2164 AmaMtiyA ya avayAsiyA ya savvA mae mahiliyAo / mitta gharassa ya purisA pieNa AmaMtiyA ya mae // 1165 mitta-ghara-jaNassa tahiM jahArihaM maharihaM sumaraNathaM / acchAyaNaM ca vivihaM AmaMtaMtANa me diNNaM // 1166 samyosahi saMjuttaM gahiyaM tA tattha ghariNi pacchayaNaM / paMthammi aNega vihe jogakkheme gaNetehi // 1167 jAtI-java-saMpaNNaM aha AsaM pavara-lakkhaNa samaggaM / ArUDho me ramaNo pavahaNa paTTIe so majjha / / 1168 satthAha-gahavatI-pesieNa bahuNA jaNeNa parikipaNo / kummAsahatthieNa ya samakaM parivAra sahieNa // 1169 bahu-samara-karaNa vikkm-umbhaamiy-naam-nigy-yaatraa| purisA Auha-hatthA ArakkhA amha, ADhasA // 1176

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taraMgalelA sa gama rUpI nilakamyAne zobhatA cUDAmaNi samA, hATothI samRddha evA paNa zaka nagaramAM dita sane trIjA bhAga bAkI rahyo ane tyAre ame pahoMcyA (1155) kumAlignama mekalelA mANase sapaDAvelA vAhanamAM besIne ame tyAM bhAgoLe hatA eka mitranA gharamAM sukhethI praveza karyo (1156) tyAM snAna, bhajana, A galepana Adi barAbara zuzraSA pAmI, nidrA laIne ame sukhapUrvaka rAta gALI (1157) savAra hAthapaga ane meM , devatAne vadana karI, zrama, bhaya ane bhUkhathI mukta banelA evA ame pharI rAyanamA ArAma karyo. (1158). te veLA sAru mudra jAIne, "kubAvaharatI sAthe ame AvIe chIe e pramANe priyatame amArA ghare kauzAMbI patra pAThavyA, (1159). anyU ga, vastrAbhUSaNaanya vividha zArIrika sukhasagavaDa ane khAnapAnathI Ana da karanA ame tyAM rahyA. (1160) he gRhasvAminA, e pramANe keTalAka divasa tyA nivAma kI, thAka utArI, patrane pratyuttara A tA prasannatA anubhavatA ame kolAbI ja ne usuka banyA (111). amAre mATe vATa kharacI pUratu sena, ane vividha vastro lAvavAmAM AvyA (11) te mitranA gharanI strIonA nivAravA chatA me amArA be janapeTe temanA chokarAonA hAthamAM eka hajAra ka SapaNa ApyA. (1163 nehane avani pratyuttara vALavAnA bhaye priyatamane, te ApatA, upakAranA prakAra che. ApaNe A te ghaNu ahapa ApIe chIe " evI lAgaNIthI lajajA AvatI hatI (1164) praNAzakamAMthI vidAya sau strIone bheTIne me temanI [ ya lIdhI. mitranA varanA sau puruSonI paNa priyatame ane me vidAya lIdhI (1165) vidAya letI veLA mitranA gharanA lokone me vAgIrI lekhe yathagya vividha prakAranA kAmanA vastra bheTa ApyA 116 6). pachI tAthI ame rastAnA jAtajAtanAM jokhamonI gaNatarI karIne, ha cUkavAmi che, badhA auSadha sahita bhAtu sAthe laI lIdhu (1167) mare priyatama uttama lakSaNavALA, jAtavAna ane vegIlA azva para savAra thaIne mArA vAhananI chaLa pAchaLa Avato hato (1168). sArthavAha ane zreSThIe mokale che bhAhanI sahitanA kAphAthI te vA TaLAyelA ho (1169). aneka yuddhomAM bhAga laI, parAkrama karIne jemaNe nAma -LyuM che ane jemane pratApa jAte che tevA hathiyAradhArI puruSe amArA rakSaka tarIke rahetA hatA, (1170),

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146 taraMgalAlA iTTi-mamiddho-guNa jAyayaM bahu-jaNa karemANA / nImI paNAmakAoM vahu-vipaNi-samiddha vIhIo // 1171 apacchaMda-suheNa ya gacchatA tattha rAya-maggagmi / dImaMtA ani dUra jaNaNa diTThI-sahasseNa // 1172 mitta ghara-mAtagaNa ya jaNeNa nidreNa tattha aNubaddhA / iiDhIe aNNa-jaNa-dullahAe nihammiyA bAhiM // 1173 uviyaM tu pavahaNaM sArahiNA yayaNeNa ajauttassa / Aruhaha ya pio vi tahiM to so saMpatthio tatto // 1174 pecchAmi pAuhArIu sAli-vaNa-maMDalANi tuMgANi / Amoya maNahAre sabhA pavAo ya peccha tA // 1175 viSTi-periyaM ca paMthe ovariyaMttela(1) kAma-vAsAriM / mamaDacchiyA va saNiyaM pattA vAsAliya-ggAma ||1176 pattala-visAla mAlaM sAsaya-giri-kUDa-saNiNahaM tattha / pahira-jaNa-vimhaya kara vAsa-ghara pakvi-saMghANaM // 1147 baDa pAyavaM mahalla penchAmo laDhaye ti kAUNa / aha nattha aMni-vAsI imANi bayaNANi bhANIya // 1178 niggaMtha-dhamma-titthamma desao sIla-saMbara-niyattho / cha umatho parivuttho etthaM kira vaddhamANa-jiNo // 179 ghAsAAlamiha ja AsI otthio mahAvIro / dhAmAliyaM ti to kira gAma sanivasiyaM nAma ||1180 amara-nara-javAba-rakkhasa-gadhanva-khayara sahassa paNiva io| jiNavara bhagIe imo tA pUrya pAvai vaDo tti / / 1181 mAUNa tasma eya oiNNA pavahaNA duyaggA vi / sAha-roma kUvA hAsusmaya mANasA ahiyaM // 1182 pabhakkhaM va jiNavaraM maNNaMtA uttamAe bhattIe / sIseNa caMdamANA vaDasma mUle nivaiyA mo // 1183 vAma ya NaM pajAlayA naruvara dhaNNo si taM kayattho ya / jaM te iha ayAe acchIya jiNo mahAvIro // 1184 acceUNa vaDaM taM kAUNa payAhiNaM ca tikkhutto / pavahaNamArUDhA mo puDiM tuhiM ca cahamANA // 1185 daThUNa baMdiUNa ya nIsihiyaM tattha vaddhamANassa / maMvega jAya-hAsA maNNAmi kayatthamappANaM // 1186

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eraMgalelA addhi, samaddhi ane guNe vaDe aneka levAnI cAhanA maLatA ame aneka bajAthI samRddha vAcaevALA praNAka gAmamAM thI prayANa karyuM : nArAte ane amArI anukULatA pramANe rAjamArgo para thaIne jatA amane hajAro loko dUra dUra sudhI joI rahyA hatA (1171-1172) mitranA paranA mA se snehane lIdhe amane vaLAvavA "vyA hatA. e rIte bIjAone mATe dubha avA dabadabAthI ame rAmanI bahAra na kaLyA (1172). AryaputranA kahevAthI sArathie vAlana bhui rAkhyu, priyatama paNa temA caDhI beThe ane vAhana pAchu UpaDyuM (114) muLa dhI, na vara lenA UMcI UMcI DAganA khetara ne bhathavArIo mArA jevAmAM AvI cAtAo ane pao jotA jotA ame jatA hatI (1175) vAsAliyA gAmamAM Agamana atikramIne ame dhIre dhIre vAsAliya gAma pahocyA (1176) tyA ame eka ramaNIya, pracaMDa vaTa mA joyu : [ qna zAkhAo ane paMdhaTAvALu, meruparvatanA zikhara sama, 'kSIgaNenuM raheThANa ane pravAsIo ne vismayakAraka teno paDArAmAM rahenArAe amane A pramANe che karI (177-1178) " kahevAya che ke nigraMtha dharmanAthanA upadezaka zI ane savarathI sajaja vardhamAna che temanI vAstha mAthAmAM ahI meM rahyA hatA, (1179) mahAvIra bahI varSAkALamAM vAsA rahelA tethI ahI A "vAsAliya" nAmanuM gAma vasyu (1180) deva, manuSya, yakSa basa, gAdha ane vidyAdharoe jene va na che tevuM A vaTavRkSa jinava bhaktine lIdhe pUjanIya banyuM che." (1181) tenI A vAta sAMbhaLIne ame baMne vAhanamAthI UtaryA. atyata saharSa ane utsuka nane, romAMca anubhavatA, ne vaDane pratyakSa jinavara so gaNIne uttama bhaktipUrvaka mastaka namAvAne ame tenA mULa pAse i Davata praNAma karyA (1182-1183). hAtha joDIne huM belI, he taruvara, tu dhanya che, kRtArtha che ke tArI chAyAma mahAvIra jina rahyA hatA. (11) vaDanI pUjA ane traNa vAra pradakSiNA karIne ame puSTi ane tuSTi dharatAM vAhanamAM beThAM (1185). vadhamAna jinanI e nizIhiyA (= abhAvadhi vAsasthAna)nI darzana ane vaMdana karIne harSa ane sa vega dharatI huM mArI jAtane kRtArtha mAnavA lAgI (1186)

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148 -varaMgolA to tattha pieNa samaM sokkha guNa kulaharassa mANaMtI / egAgihasthi-gAmaM aicchiyA kAligAmaM ca // 1187 vAsAya aigayA mo nagari sAhajaNi jaNAiNNa / bhavaNehi meha-rubhaehi . . .. bhArahiM // 1188 kavilAsa-tuMga-siharovamammi nayarI pamANuNa(1) krmmi| tattha niviTThA tuhA mitta-ghare aMti-vAsissa // 1189 tattha ya majjaNa jemaNa-uttama sejjA vihaann-ky-puuyaa| jemAviya-savva-jaNA paDiyaggiya-pavahaNa-bahallA // 1190 tattha suha ciya vutthA kallaM vicchaliya-hattha-muha pAyA / taM kulamAmaMteUNa niggayA uggae sUre // 1191 NANA-vihaga-gaNANaM saheNa ya bhamara mahuyariMgaNANaM / gurujaNa-miho-kahAhi ya gayaM pi paMthaM na-yANAmo // 1192 kummAsahatthi-kahie gAma-purArAma kittaNa-samUhe / paMthassa ya use ceiya-rukkhe ya pecchAmo // 1193 aha hariya-patta-sAmaM vissAmaM tattha pahiya-jUhANaM / paha ciMdha-parTa bhUmIe va paoharaM thoraM / / 1194 kosaMbi sIma mauDaM ghaNa-nibikha-mahala-sAla-vistharayaM / sauNa-gaNa-uttharaMtaM kummAsa-vaDaM samaNupattA // 1195 niggaliya-dhaSala-jalahara-biyANa-lIlA-vilaMbakaM tattha / vara surabhi-sarasa-pupphoSayAra-ciMcelliya-paesaM // 1196 kaya vaMdaNamAloyA-sotthiya vithiNNa puNNa-nava-kalasaM / paDhamaM gharaM gayA mo sayaNa-pariyaNAkulaM rammaM // 1197 AsaNNa-niddha-baMdhava-abbharihiya mitta-sattha paccaiyA / kummAsavaDe kouya-saehiM haviyA duyaggA vi 1198 pahAyA kaya pADekammA paugga-cicelliyA duyaggA vi / sasura-kulagharAsaNNaM nIyA parituTTa-bhajana-gayA // 1199 ahamavi ya jANa sahaNaM(1) gharagArUDhA taya samaNugaccha' / tatto ya niggayAhiM dhAIhiM samaM sa sArasiyA // 1200 parisadhara-thera-mayahara-dAsojaNa-taruNa cakAyAleNa / aNNijjamANa-maggA purao vaccAmi ya piyassa // 1201 aNNaM suvaNNa-para-bhaMDa-maMDiyaM tattha me piyayamo vi / turaga-para-samArUDho sa-vayaMso so samannei / / 1202

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taramahAlA 149 e pramANe te veLA mArA priyatamanA saMgamAM jANe ke piyaranAM sukhazAtA mANatA mANatAM meM ekAkIhastIgrAma ane kAlIgrAma pasAra karyo (1187). rAtavAso rahevA ame zAkhAMjanI nagarImAM praveza karyo. enI vasatI gIca hatI, bhavane vALane rokI rAkhe tevAM hatA. (1188), tyAM ame bhAgoLe rahetA eka mitranA ghare utAre karyo te kilAsanA zikhara samu Ucu, jANe ke nagarIne mAnada Da heya tevu hatu (1189) tyA nAna, bhajana, uttama zayA vagere sagavaDe vaDe amAre Adara karavAmAM AvyuM. badhA mANasane paNa jamADavAmAM AvyA ane vAhananA baLadanI paNa sArasa bhALa levAI (1191). tyAM sukhe rAtavAse karI vaLate divase sUryodaya thatA ame hAthapaga ane me joIne ane gharanA lekenI vidAya laIne AgaLa cAlyA. (1191). jAtajAtanAM paMkhIgaNenA kalaravathI, jamaravadanA gu jAvathI ane vaDIlo vizenI paraspara kahevAtI vAtothI amane paMtha kema kapAye tenI khabara paNa na paDI. (1192) kubhASahastI gAme, nagare, ughAne, kIrtismAraka, zaikSe ane rastAonA nAma amane kahe ja hato ane ame te sau jatAM jatAM hatAM. (1193) kasAbInA pAdaramAM praveza krame karIne ame lIlAM paNethI lIlAchama dekhAtA, pathinA visAmArUpa, rASTrIya mA ketu samA, dhananA puSTa padhara samA, kauzAMbInI sImanA mukuTa samA, puSkaLa ghATI ane pracaMDa zAkhAomAM vistarelA ane paMkhI dathI chavAyelA evA kubhASavaDa pAse AvI pahoMcyAM. (1194-115). tyAM rahelA, nirjaLa veta jaladharanA caMdaravAnI zobhAne upahAsa karatA, uttama prakAranA tAjA sugadhI bhAgalika pukhethI zobhatA AMgaNuM vALA, laTatI vaMdanamALA, ane meTA sAthiyA vacce mUkelA navA pUrNa kalazavALA, ramaNIya tathA vajana ane parijanethI ubharAtA evA prathama gharamAM ame praveza karyo. (1106-1197). nikaTavartI snehIo, svajane, AdaraNI ane mitronA vRdathI vizvasta banelA evAM amane baMnene seMkaDe mAMgalika vidhio sAthe kulmASavaDa nIce snAna karAvyuM. (1198). snAna karIne prasAdhana ane ucita AbharaNathI sajaja banelAM amane baMnene prasanna svajananA chaMda vacce zugRha ane piyaraghara tarapha laI javAmAM AvyA. (1198), nagara praveza huM paNa uttama vAhanamAM caDIne pAchaLa cAlI (?). mArA gharethI bahAra nIkaLelA dhAtrI, sArasikA, varSadhara, vRddho, vyavasthApake, juvAniyAo ane dAsIjanathI anusarAtI huM priyatamanI AgaLa prayANa karI rahI hatI. (1200-1001).senAnAM AbhUSaNathI zaNagArelA uttama azva para beThelA mArA priyatama tenA mitro sahita mArI pAchaLa Avato hato. (1202)

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150 taraMgalolA. bhAujjAyA ya mahaM vaTuMje niggayA sa-parivArA / tA vi ya vara-jANa gayA aiti nagari mae samayaM // 1203 vasaNussava-dosa-guNA gamaNAgamaNaM, pavesa-nikkhamaNaM / ahiyaM pahANa-purisassa savva-jaNa-pAyaDA hoti // 1204 puNNAha-sauNa-dAhiNa pasattha-bahu-maMgala nimittA / kosaMbimaiMgayA mo deva ghareNa tuMgeNa // 1205 AsIya(?) samuha-paMDara-sugaMdha-pupkovayAra-cicaiyaM / nara-nAri-dasaNUsuya-samupasthiya ruddha-peraMtaM // 1206 umao-pAsa-samuTThiya-mahaMta-pAsAya-paMti sobhataM / rAyapahamaigayA mo bahu-vipaNi-pasAhiya paesaM // 1207 vAya-pariyattiekkamuhiyaM va paMkaya-vaNaM jahA phullaM / taha jaNa-muha-pauma-vaNaM ca amha huttaM tahiM jAyaM // 1208 Abaddha-paMjali samujjao jaNo tattha rAya-maggammi / avayAsei va kaMtaM pemmupphAlAhiM diTThIhiM // 1209 daTTa na tippati jaNo piyaM pavAsAhi AgayaM saMtaM / ghaNa-saMkeya-vimukta caMdamiva samuTTiyaM sarae // 1210 SaddhAvaNa-AsIsA jaNassa sa-baMbhaNassa raay-phe| aMjali pAhuagANi ya na pahuppai gihiu~ ramaNo // 1211 babhaNa:savaNa-guru kyA ThieNa(?) sIseNa namai pNjlio| aSayAsei vayaMse sesaM AbhAsaha jaNaM ca // 1212 so esa cakavAu tti beti keI sa-vimhiyA purisA / jo sedvi-cittapaTTe vAheNa hao mao lihioi // 1213 jA cakavAya-juvatI cakAyaM aNumayA tahiM lihiyA / sA gahavaissa dhUyA jAyA bhajjA ya eyassa // 1214 sattha-vihANa-viNimmiya-citta-paNaTThA(1) ihaM puNo kiha taa| su-samAhiyaM juvalayaM debveNa aho imaM suTTa // 1215 sagghotti kei lho tti kei aho viNIo tti ke sUro tti / abhijAo tti ya keI bahu-vijjo saccaijjo(?)tti // 1216 so eva rAyamagge pasaMsio piyayamo bahujaNeNaM / niyayaM bhavaNa-vimANaM, kameNa patto mae samayaM // 12.17 tatyanmuTTiya-parituSTa priynn-ussnniiy-aggh-ky-puuo| phaya cuDulI-maMgalao AsI-vayaNe paricchaMto // 1218 /

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taraMgalolA 151 mArI bhAIe temanA parivAra sAthe mane maLavA AvelI teo paNa uttama vAhanemAbesIne mArI sAthe nagarapravezamAM joDAI. (1203). moTA mANasanAM sa kaTane utsava, doSa ne guNa, javuM ne AvavuM, praveza ane nirgamana leke nA sarvavidita banatA hoya che. (12 4) sAmaiyu mAMgalika sUrya, zubha dakSiNa zakuna ane aneka ma gaLa nimita sAthe ame unnata devakAramAM (pUrvadAramAM) thaIne kozAkhInagarImAM praveza karyo. (1205). te pachI bhAgalika zveta, suga dhI puSpothI zaNagArelA, jevAnA kutuhalavALA naranArIne TeLAnI bane bAju bhIDavALA, baMne bAju UcA prAsAdanI zreNIthI ma Dita ane hATeno eLathI zobhatA rAjamArgamAM ame pravezyAM. (126-1207). jema vikasita kamaLavana pavananA jhapATe eka tarapha mukha vALe, tema lokeAnAM mukhapavonA samUha amArA tarapha vaLela hato. (1208). usuka lAke hAtha joDIne preme ubharAtI dRSTi vaDe mArA priyatamane jANe ke bheTI rahyA hatA. (1209). pravAsethI pAchA AvelA priyatamane jotA le ke dharAnA na hatA-jema medhasa sagathI mukta banelA zaradacadranA udayane jotAM na dharAya tema. (1210). rAjamArga paranA brAhmaNonI AziSa tathA anya lokonI vadhAmaNI ane hAtha joDIne karAtu abhivAdana svIkAravAmAM mAre svAmI pahecI zakatA na hatA. (1211) te brAhmaNa, zramaNa ane vaDIlene hAtha jeDI mastaka namAvIne vadana karato hato, mitrone bheTato hato, te bAkInA sau lokenI sAthe saMbhASaNa karato hato. (1212). keTalAka ke belatA hatA: zreNInA citrapaTamA je cakravAka vyAdhathI vI dhAIne mRtyu pAmele cItaryo hato te A pate ja che (1213), ne tarabucakravAkI cakravAkanI pAchaLa mRtyune bheTatI cItarI hatI te ja A nagarazeThanI putrI tarIke avatarI ane pitAnI patnI banI. (1214), zAstrokta vidhi pramANe banAvelA citranA e paraspara anurU5 yugalane pharI pAchuM kai kevuM sarasa joDI ApyuM ! (1215). keTalAke tene lIdhe ko, keTalAke suMdara, keTalAke vinIta, keTalAke re, keTalAke abhijAna, keTalAke aneka vidyAne jANakAra te keTalAke sAco vivAvata-e pramANe rAjamArga paranA aneka lekenI prazaMsA pAmato mArA priyatama mArI sAthe pitAnA devavimAna samA prAsAdamAM AvI pahoMcyo. (1216-1217). Ana dina parijane UThIne tenI sAme AvyA ane lAvelI pUjA sAmagrIthI tenI pUjA karI; ubADiyA vaDe oLadhoLa karavAmAM AvyuM ane AzIrvAda uccArAyA. (1218). dahI, lAjA ane

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152 dahi lAya suddha - pupphehi tattha kaya-biula-devayo pUyaM / viraiya-vaMdaNamA sa kamala-kalasujjala-hAre // 1219 taM so bhavaNamaigao sahasA bIya koTTha-laTTe (?) 1 puNNa-maNoraha-sumaNo mae samayaM samuttiSNo || 1220 appa-kaya-dosa - lajjiya-vijaMbhiyA to tahi aigayA hUM / sasura- kulassa visAlaM jaNAkulaM aMgaNaM rammaM / / 1221 taraMgalolA * taM velaM ||1224 pubvAgao gahavaI me / pavarAsaNa- nisaNNo || 1222 paccakkha- devabhUtANaM / amhe AloyamANANaM // 1223 agghAiUNa ya sudiTThe | acchIhiM niSaDatayA samabagUDhA / paNyaM muMcamANIhi ||1225 ayaM ca bhAugANaM jaha-kamaM viNaya-namiya- sira- kamalA / pArasu nivaDiyA mo bAha-jala bhariya- acchINaM // 1226 aNNoya jo jaNo me aMjali karaNa saMbhAsiyo sabbo || savvo ya pesa-dhaggo paDio pAesu tatthamhaM // / 1227 dhAi ya pugdha-dhariyaM bAhaM muMcai ya sA ya sArasiyA / tAhe nipparihAsaM tusAra-salilaM layAu vva // 1228 gaddavai-satthAhANaM ca tattha muha-dhoSaNa gaya-muddeNaM / bhiMgAreNuvaNIyaM ja puNa ya (?) kaMcaNa - muddeNa // / 1229 savveNamhe baMdhava - jaNeNa saMjAya - kobaddalleNa / tatthAsINA satthA puvva-bhavaM pucchiyA ghariNi / / 1230 tesiM sAhai ramaNo ramaNijjaM ckkss| ya-jAI taM / savvaM jahANubhUyaM maraNaMta vippaogaM ca // 1231 taMcita kamma-kAraNa- samAgamaM taha gharAu niggamaNaM / nAvAe avakamaNaM uttaraNaM yasa ya saMdehaM pallIe vi ya tato palANamaNupAlaNaM ca taM aDhavIo nigamaNaM gAma-pavesaM ca kummAsahatthi - saMdasaNaM ca kahiyaM soUNa ya vRttaMtaM kahiyaM taM amha ajaraNa / soeNa do-vi pakkhA amhoNaM to paroiMsa || 1235 cora-haraNaM ca // 1232 va (1) taM majjha / takkareNa kayaM // 1233 ANupuvvIe / piyayameNa // 1234 savva-kuleNa samaggo tattha ya satthAddeNa samaM acchara ya aha amhe saMbhaMtA tesiM pAya -kamalesu niSaDiyA tehi ya mo avagUDhA sIse ANaMda - aMsU - vigaMdhiehi ammA sAsya ya pAyaesu ahiyamaNAha-paruNAhi *

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taraMgalolA 153 pavitra puruSo vaDe devatAonI moTa pAyA para pUjA karavAmAM, eTale jyAM vaMdanamALAo laTakAvavAmAM AvI che ane kAra para kamaLavALA jhaLahaLatA kaLaza mUkyA che tevA ane karatA keTathI bhatA te mahAlayamA, pUrA thayelA manorathane kAraNe prasanna evA mArA priyatame praveza karyo ane ame baMne tyAM UtaryA (121-1rara0) pachI, kalA aparAdhane lIdhe lajajA prakaTa karatI evI meM paNa lekanI bhAre bhIDavALA zvasuragrahanA vizALa ne sura prAgaNamAM praveza karyo. (1rara1). svAgata ane punarmilana tyA gharanA badhA mANasonI sAthe AvIne zreSThI sArthavAhanI sAthe UMcA Asana para beThelA hanA (1222). eTale amane joI rahelA, sAkSAta deva samA e vaDIlanA caraNakamaLamAM ame hAMphaLAphAMphaLA namI paDavA (1223) temaNe amane AliMgana dIdhuM, amArAM mastaka sUyAM, ane AMsuna gAtI ane te veLA amane kyAMya sudhI teo jatA rahyA (24) pachI mArAM sAsujInA pagamAM ane paDyAM. aDhaLaka a su sAratA, pAne mUkatAM te amane bheTavAM. (1225) te pachI huM vinayathI mastaka namAvIne anukrame, AsubharI AMkhevALA mArA bhAIonA caraNamAM parDa (1rara 6). bIjA sau lokone paNa ame hAtha joDIne bolAvyA, tathA sau paricArikavarga amArA page paDayo. (1rara7). dhAtrI ane sArasikAe, rokI rAkhelA AMsune vahevA dIdhA-vela parathI jhAkaLabi du kha tema te kharI rahyA. (1228) pachI zreSThI ane sArthavAhane mATe mo dhovA gajamukhanA AkAravALI senAnI jhArIbA jaLa lAvavAmAM Avyu (1229). he gRharavAminI, ravastha thaIne tyAM ame beThA eTale amArA sau bAdhae kahalathI amArA pUrvabhava vize pUchyuM. (1230). temane mArA patie cAvAka tarIke amArA su dara bhava, maraNathI thayele viyega, citranA Alekhana dvArA samAgama, gharamAMthI nAsI javuM, naukAmAM besIne ravAnA thavuM, naukAmAthI kAThe UtaravuM, cora dvArA apaharaNa, cAra pallAmAM prANasa kaTa, tyAMthI ceranI dekhabhALa nIce palAyana thavuM, ja galamAMthI bahAra ne kaLavuM, kramaza: vasatimAM praveza ane kumASahastI sAthe milana-ema badhu je pramANe anubhavyu hatu te pramANe kahI batAvyuM. (1231-1234). Ayaputre kaheluM ke amAru vRttAMta sAMbhaLIne amArA baMne pakSoe zAkathI sahana karyuM. (1235).

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taraMgalAlA tAeNa ya Ne bhaNiyaM kIsa mahaM puvvameva no kahiyaM / hetI na AvaI meM na ya chAyagghaM imaM hotaM // 1236 thevaM pi ya uvayAraM ahiyaM suyaNo kayaNNu-bhAveNa / maNNai riNaM piva jahA paccuvagAra a-kAUNaM // 1237 uvayAra-bharakkaMtA uvayAra-riNehi ghaDhamANehiM / kiha ussasaMti purisA paccuSayAraM akAUNaM // 1238 maMdara-giri-guru-bhAraM bhave bharaM matthae kayaM vahai / suyaNo kaovayAro jAva na duguNaM paDikarei / / 1239 taM saphala purisaM(?) kAhAmi AgameUNaM / tubhaM jIviya-dANeNa jeNamha jIviyaM diNNaM // 1240 eyANi ya aNNANi ya gahavaiNA tattha japamANeNa / taha aNuNoyA amhe ghariNI sasthAha-sahieNa // 1241 tuTro sayaNa-pariyaNo tatthAgamaNeNa Ne para-jaNo ya / sigdhA ya AgayA Ne piya-pucchaNayAmma sA nagarI // 1242 dijai icchA-icchiya-ghaDiyamaDiyaM suvaNayaM vatthaM / tAlAyara-maMgala-vAyagANaM piya-pucchayANaM ca // 1243 kumbhAsahatthiyassa vi dijai toseNa kaNaya-lakkhaM ti / / ekkAbharaNaM ca puNo diNNaM maha savva-sayaNehiM // 1244 kaiyaya divasesu tao kulaghara-vibhavANurUya-ramaNIyaM / vattaM vivAha kammaM aNaNNa-sarisaM puravarIe // 1245 taM ca aNaNNa-saricche kameNa vattaM mahUsavaM amhaM / / pecchaNayamaNovamayaM AcikkhaNakaM bahu-jaNassa // 1246 amhaM do-vi kula gharA pIi-niraMtara-siNeha-saMbaddhA / ekka-kulaM piva jAyA sama suha-dukkheNa ya guNeNa // 1247 paMca aNuvvayAI mahavvae(1) maha pio gahecchIya / avagADho ya visAlaM jiNa-vayaNa-suI amayabhUyaM // 1248 savva-maNoraha-paripUraga ca puNNa-maNorahasi mae / ujjamiyaM jaha bhaNiyaM tavayaM AyaMbilaha-sayaM // 1249 bhaNiyA ya ceDiyA me jaiyA piya-saMgayA gayA ahayaM / kA Asi vaTTamANI tujhaM ca ghare ca Ne taiyA / / 1250

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tAlAlA pitAjIe amane kahyuM, "tame pahelA mane A vAta kema na karI ? te tamane AvI Aphata na AvatA ane A apavAda na lAgata (1236). sajjana pitAnA parano upakAra thaDe hoya te paNa, jyAM sudhI te pratyupakAra na kare tyA sudhI, RNane jema, kRtajJabhAve tene ghaNe moTo mAne che. (1237). upakAranA bhAre ca pAtA puruSo upakAranA vRddhi pAmatA ANa nIce, pratyupakAra karyA vinA kaI rIte ucchavAsa laI zakatA haze . (1238) karelA upakArano jyAM sudhI pote bamaNe badale na vALI zake tyAM sudhI sarjana madaraparvatanA jeTalo bhAre banne pitAnA mastaka para vahe che (1238). jemaNe tamane jIvitAna ApIne amane paNa jIvitadAna ApyuM te mANasane hu nyAla karI daIza ()' (1240) evAM aneka vacane kahIne, he gRhapAminI, zreSThI ane sArthavAhe amArA mana manAvI lIdhAM (1241). amArA svajane, parijano temaja Itarajane amArA pratyAgamanathI ghaNA rAjI thayA. nagarInA leke te ja veLA amAru kuzaLa pUchavA AvyA. (1242). kuzaLa pUchavA AvanArAone tema ja bhagaLavAdake ane bhagaLapAThakane sonu tathA sonAnA AbhUSaNunI yatheccha bheTa ApavAmAM AvI, (1243). kulmASaharatIne prasannatApUrvaka eka lAkha senA mahera ane mArA sau svajanonA taraphathI eka eka AbhUSaNa ApavAmAM AvyuM. (1244) vivAha keTalAka divaso pachI mArA kulIna kuTuMbanA vaibhavane anurUpa ane nagaramAM apUrva evo amAre su dara vivAhesava ujavAyo. (1245). amAre te anupama vivAhamahatsava lokone mATe asAdhAraNa darzanIya ane saunI vAtano viSaya banI gaye. (1246). amArA baMne kulIna kuTuMba niratara prIti ane nehathI baMdhAyelAM ane parasparanAM sukhaduHkhanA samabhAgI banIne eka ja kuTuMba jevA banI gayAM. (1247) mArA priyatame pAMca aNuvrata tathA guNavrata lIdhA ane amRtarU5 jinavacanenA agAdha jaLAmA te magna banyo. (1248). mArA badhA manoratha pUrA thayA hovAthI meM pUrve karelA, sarva manoratha pUranArA ekaso ATha AbelanA tapanu ujamaNu karyuM. (1ra49). pachI me dAsIne pUchyuM, "priyatamanI sAthe jyAre hu cAlI gaI te veLA amArA dharamAM ane tArA saMbaMdhamAM zuM zuM banyuM hatuM ?' (1250)

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156 taraMgana to jaMpai sArasiyA bhUSaNamANehi pesiyA ahaya / tumbhehiM niya-bhavaNaM paTTaviyA to gayA ahayaM // 1251 pecchaM vakkhitta-jaNaM dAraM ca avaMguyaM aNArakhaM / to bhavaNa-majma-pattA appa-bhaya-sasaMkiyA ahayaM // 1252 tattha ya te gambhahare savyAbharaNa-bhariyaM gaheUNa / vara-nagara-sAra-bhUyaM karaMDayaM to niyattA ha // 1253 tattha ya a pecchamANI tubha parimaggiUNa savvatto / rayaNa-karaMDaya-hatthA gharaM visaNNA niyattA mi // 1254 hA majjha sAmiNi tti ya puNo gambhaharayaM paloyaMtI / tattha paDiyA mi hiyae tala-ppahAraM ca dAUNa // 1255 pazcAgayA ya jAhe kameNa ekalliyA vilavamANI / ciMteDe ADhattA imANi hiyaeNa I tattha // 1256 citemi ya tattha mahaM kAhI kaNNA-kaeNa siddhi tti / tIse parama-rahassaM jai se(?) eyaM na sAhissaM // 1257 sAhAmi sA vi hohI nicchinnA doharAe rattIe / majjha vi ya vANiM hohI kahie lahuo imo doso // 1258 eyANi ya aNNANi ya aNucitaMtIe eva hiyaeNaM / / sayaNa-varae gayA me nidA-vaMjhA tato rattI // 1259 seTThissa mayA siTuM pahAya-kAlammi pAya-vaDiyAe / taM tuha jAi-ssaraNaM gamaNaM ca samaM piyayameNaM // 1260 eyaM soUNa ya se kulamANamaNUNagaM vahaMtassa / rAhu gahio vya caMdo muha-caMdo nippabho jAo // 1261 dhI dhI aho akaja ti gahavatI karayalaM vihuNamANo / taNaiya kula-vaMso No hA jaha ayaseNa Dajjhijja // 1262 sayamAgaya rahaMgassa (?) natthi doso u satthavAhassa / sacchaMda-kajja-turiyAe esa dosomha dhUvAe // 1263 salila pariyatta-mUle pADeti sae taDe jaha nadIo / pADeti dusIlAo taha kula-mANe mahiliyAo // 1264 dosa-sayANa karaNI maliNI piulasa ghara kuTuMbassa / dhaNNassa jIva-loe kulammi dhUyA na jAyaMti // 1265 jaM payai-bhaddayassa vi abasassa vi svv-bNdhv-jnnss| viNivoiya-cArittA jAvajjIvaM kuNai dAhaM // 1266

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taraMgalAlA 1pahe sArasikAe ApaNe gharane nAta - - eTale sArasikA belI, "tuM mArA ghareNAM laI Ava--e pramANe te mane ekalI eTale huM ApaNuM dhare gaI (1251). gharanA leke kAmakAjamAM vyagna hatA. dvAra khulluM ane cAkI vagaranuM hatuM eTale sahejasAja karatI hu mahAlayanI aMdara paDecI. (125), tyAM ataHpuranA eraDAmAMthI badhA atya ta mUlyavAna AbhUSaNothI bharele karaMDiye laIne huM pAchI pharI. (1253) tane na jotA me tyAM badhe zedha karI, ane pachI viSAdapUrNa ciro hAthamAM ratnAkara Daka sAthe hu ghare pAchI pharI. (1254). hAya mArI svAminI' svA vilApavacana sAthe ataHpurane nihALatI, chAtI phUTatI hu beya para DhaLI paDI. (1255). bhAnamAM AvatAM, ekalI ekalI vilApa karatI huM tyAM A pramANe mArA manamAM vicAravA lAgI (1256), je huM jAte jaIne kanyAnI A atyaMta gupta vAta nahI kahu te mane te badala zikSA thaze. (12 57). te mAre vAta jaNAvI devI joIe lAMbI rAtane ane te paNa dUra chaTakI gaI haze, ane kahI devAthI bhAre aparAdha paNa haLavo thaze (1258) mArA manamAM AvuM AvuM citavatA zayanamAM me e nidrArahita rAta vitAvI. (1259). prabhAtakALe me zreSThInA pagamAM paDIne tArA pUrva janmanA maraNanI ane priyatama sAthe nAsI gayAnI vAta karI (1260). eka dAkha ane e e sAMbhaLIne atyaMta kulAbhimAna dharatA evA tene mukhacadra rAhugrA cadranI jema nisteja banI gaye. (1261). dhikkAra che! dhikkAra che, ane kevuM na karavAnuM karyuM ! e pramANe zreSThI hAtha dhuNAvate belavA lAge. hAya! amAruM kulIna netra apakIrti thI ghAsanI jema saLagI jaze. (1262). te pite tene ghera gaI, eTale AmAM sAtha vAhane kazo vAMka nathI. pitAne svachadI hetu pAra pADavA utAvaLI thayelI amArI dIkara rIne ja vAMka che (1263). jema jaLapravAhanA ghumarAvAthI nadIo pitAnA taTane teDI pADe che, tema duzIla khIo kulanA abhimAnane naSTa kare che. (1264). seMkaDe deva UbhA karanArI, mobhAdAra kuTuMbane malina karanArI putrI A jagatamAM jenA kuLamAM na janme te ja kharA bhAgyazALI (1265), kAraNa ke patita cAritryavALI putrI svabhAve bhalA ane paravaza evA sau bAMdhane jIvanabhara hadayadAha Ape che. (1266). kapaTathI

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talA kahagassa u dhosaMbha kaiyava-caDayAriyANa mahilANaM / dappaNa-gayaM varUvaM duggejhaM jo hohi sayaM / / 1267 bhaNiyaM ca teNa kIsa hu evaM puvvaM na te maha kahiyaM / tasseva ya dijjatI neyaM vicchAyaNa hotaM // 1268 to bemi tIe kira sAviyA miniyaeNa jIvieNa tti / rakhavaha rahassameyaM jA tAva milemi tassa tti // 1269 samayaM ca rakkhamANI ao mae bhaya-vasAe no kahiya / / jaM na hu niveiyaM bhe tassa pasIyaMtu me pAyA // 1270 soUNa eyamatthaM ca seTTiNI sA gayA tahA moha / chAyaggha ca gaNaMtI sAmiNi tujjha viogaM ca // 1271 daLUNa ya taM paDiyaM sahasA roeti vismaraM dINaM / garula-ppaveviraM piva nAga-kulaM(?) // 1272 paccAgaya-pANAe tattha vilAva-karaNaM aNega-vihaM / ghara-sAmiNIe ruNNaM royAvaNayaM bahu-jaNassa // 1273 savve ya bhAjyA te sa-kalattA pariyaNA vi keI ya / royaMli kaluNa-kaluNaM sAmiNi vihe tuI tajhyA // 1274 rottUNa ya sa vilAvaM dhUA-nechaNa mauya-hiyayAe / abbhatthio ya seTThI viNNavio tattha ammAe // 1275 sIleNa visuddhANaM jasa-luddhANaM pi jAiyA dhUyA / do ANei aNatyA dhUa-viogo ya ayaso ya // 1276 puva-kaya kamma-nivvattaeNa savvaM vihANa vihieNa / ' havAi subhaM asumaM vA savyo savaso va abaso vA // 1277 na hu doso dAyabvo tIse sIla-viNaeNa kaliyAe / kuDileNa jIvaloe sA taha nIyA kayaMteNa // 1278 jaha se jAtI sariyA jai puvva-paI ca aNugayA niyayaM / appo hu hoi doso ANijjau bAliyA me tti // 1279 sukumAliyA taNuiyA suddha-hiyaM bahu jaNassamaNa-haraNi / " no jIviDaM samatthA khaNaM pi dhUyaM a-pecchaMtI / / 1280 iya seTiNIe pAya-vaDiyAe kAluNaM / bhaNatIe / necchato to vi balA taha ti maNNAvilo seTThI // 1281

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taraMgalAlA mIThuM bolIne anyane vizvAsa upajAvatI strInuM darpaNamAMnA pratibi banI jema dudha hoya che." (1267), pachI teNe mane pUchyuM, te mane A vAta pahelA kema na karI to huM ene ja tene hAtha saMpata ane te A kla ka ta na hata' (1ra68). eTale meM kahyuM, "teNe mane pitAnA jIvataranA sogaMda daIne kaheluM ke huM jaIne tene na maLe tyAM sudhI tAre mAruM A rahasya jALavavuM. (1262) tene ApelA vacananuM pAlana karavA ane DaranA mAya hu kahI na zakI, tamane A vAta nivedita na karI te aparAdha badala huM tamArAM caraNanI kRpA yAcu chu.' (1ra70). zeThANIne vilApa A vAta sAMbhaLatAM zeThANI apakIrtitA ane tArA vinA vicAre mUrNita thaI gaI (1271) tene ekAeka DhaLI paDelI joIne gharanA badhA mANase saDI jatA nAgALanI jema dInabhAve citkAra karI raDavA lAgyA. (127ra). bhAnamAM AvatA rAThANI aneka prakAre vilApa karatI raDavA lAgI, jethI aneka jaNane paNa AvI gayu. (12). te veLA tArA sau bhAIo, temanuM parIo tathA keTalAka parijane paNa, che svAminI, tArA vige ati karuNa sadana karavA lAgyA (1ra74). putrI pratyenA nehane kAraNe karaNa na karatA karatAM komaLa havALI tArI ammAe zeThane vInavaNI karIne A pramANe abhyarthanA karI (1275), vizuddha zIlavALA ane kuLanA vazamAM lukhya lokone putrI jamIne be anarthanuM kAraNa bane che . putrIviga ane apayaza (1ra76) pU karelA kapanA pariNAmarUpa je badhu vidhAna vihita hoya te pramANe zubha ke azubha thAya ke sane keI AvA ke vaza bana. (1277). zIla ane vinayayukta mArI putrIte Sa deve gho nathI. kuTila vidhithI ja A saMsAramAM te derAI che. (128). je tene pitA pUrvajanma sAthe, ane pitAnA pUrvajanmanA patinI pAchaLa te gaI, te temAM teno kaza mere vAka thaye nathI te mArI baccIne tame pAchI laI Ave (1979). e kumaLI, pAtaLI, nirmaLa hatyanI, anekanI vahAlI mArI dIkarIne joyA vinA hu eka paLa paNa jIvI nahI zake.' (1280) e pramANe atyata karUNa vacano kahetI, page paDatI zANIe zeThanI anicchA chatAM tene manAvIne 'sAru' ema karAvyuM, (1281),

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160 taraMgalolA to bhaNai eSa bhaNio Asasa ANemi bAliyaM te tti / satthAha-kule upalabhAmi (1) 1282 aha niyao gaha-vazyaramiNamo Agao paSahaNeNaM / / cA(!)vAhieNa samayaM tumha kAhIya AgamaNaM // 1283 kIsa tume sA nIya tti majma gahavai-kuleNa ruTeNa / diNNo rosummIso SayaNa-pahAro viNayaNatyaM // 1284 je maggiDaM gayamhe purisA soUNa tumha AgamaNaM / te parituhA suMdari tatto savve pariniyattA // 1285 evaM vitthariyatthaM dhariNI paripucchiyAe saMtIe / savya jahANubhUyaM sArasiyAe mahaM kahiyaM // 1286 taM turiya-gamaNa-kAraNa-nimmAyaM maMta-kAraNa-nimittaM / tIse vi bhae kahiyaM sAmacchaM ajauttassa // 1285 kahaSaya-diNANa tatto cheyAyariya-uvadesa-nimmAya / nippurisa-nADayaM piyayamassa sasureNa se viNaM // 1288 to Ne saNiddha-baMdhaSa-abharihiya mitta-sattha-parikiNNA / ' ramimo bhavaNa-vara-gae parama-sare cakavAya vva // 1289 hiyaehiM suraya-dhaiyara-pIvara paNayANurAga-badhdhehi / na caemo mottu je muhuttamettaM vi aNNoNNaM // 1290 kAlaM te appaM [pi hu] pieNa-rahiyA ciraM va maNNAmi / / kAlaM niraMtara-luddhA ramiyanvaya-cikaNe laggA // 1291 majaNa-jemaNa-bhUsaNa-sayaNAsaNa taha(!) sarIra-bhogehiM / himaya-suhAhi ramatA nADayaM pacchA ya pecchaMtA // 1292 Abaddha-malla-pAmA cuNNa-sugaMdhehi parimala-sameyA / egaMtaraya-pasattA suhamacchAmo nirUbiggA // 1293 eSa suiNa gao Ne icchiya-visaya-suha-sAyara-gayANaM / sarakhA guNa saMpuNNo nimmala-gaha-caMda-nakkhatto // 1294 / patto ya sIya-vidya-viyaMbhiyAyAma-dIha-rAIyo / turiya pachazya-suro sisiro' bahu-pAya-saMghAo // 1295

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taraMgalAlA 161 tara'gavatonI zodha ane pratyAyana zeThANInA anurodhathI teNe kahyuM, "tu dhIraja dhara, huM tArI dIkarIne lAvI Apu chuM, sArthavAhane ghera tenA kazA samAcAra heAya te huM meLavuM chuM (1282-1283). "tuM zA mATe tene bahAra laI gaI ?' e pramANe gharanA badhA mANasoe mane pATha zIkhavavA roSapUrvaka vAgyAthI vIMdhI (1284). ApaNe je mANaso tArI zodhamAM gayA hatA, teo sau tu pAchI AvI rahI che. evA samAcAre, he suMdarI, Ana dita thaIne pAchA pharyA. (1285)" e pramANe, he gRhasvAminI, sArasikAne pUchatAM teNe je rIte badhu banyu hatu te mane vistArapUrvaka kahI batAvyuM (1286) me paNa Aya putranI salAhathI, guptatA jALavavAnA hetuthI, (tenI vATa joyA vinA) utAvaLe nAsI javAne nirNaya lIdhelo e khulAso tenI pAse karyo (1287) daMpatIne AnaMdaviveda pachI keTalAka divasa vItatAM, sasarAjIe mArA priyatamane, vidagdha AcAryonI dekha rekha nIce puruSapAtra vinAnuM nATaka taiyAra karAvIne Apyu. (1288) ame amArA nehIo, bAdhavo, pUjya ane mitronA samUhathI vI TaLAyelAM, uttama mahAlayamAM vasatA, kamaLasarovaramAM cakravAka samAM, kIDA karatA hatA (1289) premakelInA prasa gAthI puSTa banelA utakaTa anarAgathI abhAre hAtha baMdhAyelA hoIne ame ekabIjAne ekAda ghaDI mATe paNa choDI zakatA na hatA (1290) priyatamanA saga vinAne a5 samaya paNa mane ghaNe lAMbe lAgate, badhe samaya ame nibiDa premakrIDAmA niratara racyApacyA rahetA. (1291). snAna, bhojana zaNagAra, zayana, Asana vagere hRdayAlAdaka zArIrika begamAM ame ramamANa rahI pachI nATaka jene (1292). sugadhI a garAga lagAvI, puSpamALAo paherI parasparamAM Asakta evA ame taddana nizcita mane sukhamA divase vitAvatAM hatAM. (1293). gyaka evA prakAranA sukhamAM, yatheSTa viSayasukhanA sAgaramAM saheva karatA, ame nirmaLa praha, caMdra ane nakSatrothI zobhatI, aneka guNayukta evI zaradaRtu pasAra karI. (1294) te pachI jemA ThaDIne upadrava hoya che, vadhu ne vadhu lAbI thatI rAtrIo heya che, sUraja jaladI nAsI jato hoya che ane khUma pavana phUkAta rahe che tevI zizira Rtu AvI pahocI. (1295). 2 , ca inalepa, maNi ane motInA hAra tathA kaMkaNa, tema ja kSamatA

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162 taraMgalAkha caMdo caMdaNa-paMko mnni-mottiy-haar-vly-vlyaa(?)| khoma-dukulaM cINaMsuyaM ca dohaggayamurviti // 1296 soyamaicchiuNa puNo(2) uu-guNa-vivarIya-visaya-sokkhehi / hima-guNa-bala-vikkato hemaMto kaMta-sahiyANaM // 1297 sahayAra-puppha-mAso sIya-viNAso jaNassa suha-vAso / kAmassa kamma-mAso vasaMta-mAso ya aNupatto // 1298 niSThayA ajujjhamANA baddhA turiyaM ca aNavarajjhatA / etto bahUhiM ya tahA varatta-aMdolayA pariNi // 1299 jattha ya piya-vallANo(?) dINANuggaha raojaNo svyo| aMdolae sutuTTho baddhesu ' aNAvarAhesu // 1300 accheraya-pecchaNake pamayaSaNe mayaNa bANa-kosaMbe / ramimo aNaNNa-sarisaM devA viya naMdaNa-vaNammi // 1301 taru-laya-vilayA-pupphacchiaM UNaM(?) paccayaM uvavaNANaM / / pupphamaimuttayANaM caMdayarAhUyamaMsamaraM (2) // 1302 evaM saMdarisaMto kaMto laDhaha caDuyArao majjha / aNNoNNe ya sugaMdhe kusume kesesu me kuNai // 1303 ete aNNe ya bahuM tattha avatthaMtare duma-gaNANaM / pecchaMtA pIi-karA mudiya-maNA do vi viyaraMtA // 1304 pekkhAmo ya [pa]vittaM samaNa tattha sumaNa silAvaTTe / heTThAmuhe pavitte nissoyamasoya-rukkhassa // 1305 kesa-kalAve kusumANi bhAsio(?) pAuyANi aNgaanni(?)| tilaka-visesaka muha-cuNNao ya me puMchio tattha // 1306 evaM pieNa vi kayaM visajjiyA pAuyA ya kusumo ya / ujjala-veseNa guruM amigaMtuM jaM na juttaM ti // 1387 to viNaya-namiya kAyA saMjamiyA santuriyA asaMbhaMtA / a-parimiyaM rayaNANaM nihiM va daLUNa parituddA // 1308

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tamAkalA paTaphaLa ane rezamI vastra hadya arucikara banI gayAM. (129) zizira vItatA, viSayasukha mATe pratikuLa, patinA saMgamAM rahelI strIone himarUpI baLa ne parAkrame DarAvatI () hemata Rtu AvI lAgI. (1297). te pachI jemAM AmravRkSane ma karI bese che, jemA zItane nAza ane tene sukhavAsa che tevo kAmapravRttine mAsa vasa tamAsa AvyA. (1298). e samaye, he gRhasvAminI, yuddhamAM bhAga na levA chatAM jemane hagavAmAM AvyA che (kheDavAmAM AvyA che), kaze aparAdha nahI chatAM jemane bAMdhavAmAM AvyA che, tevA zeraDAnA hIMcakA ghaNuM levakoe laTakAvyA. (1299), te veLA khIo para anugraha karavA tatpara (3) evA sau loke vaNaaparAdhe ba dhanamAM rAkhelA ha LA para priyajanane sagamAM paritApUrvaka jhUlatA hatA (1300) upavanavihAra adabhUta prekSakavALA pravanamAM tathA sadana, bANuM ane kozAkavRkSavALA na danavanamAM deva samA ame anupama kIDAomA rana rahetAM hatAM. (1301). upavanamAM tarUlatA3pI vanitAne puSane zaNagAra, caMdrakiraNane paNa parAbhava karatuM atimukta latAnuM puSpo vagere mane aMdara ane miTa vacane sAthe batAvatA mArA priyatame mArA dezamAM jAtajAtanAM baga dhI kusumo gU dhyA. (1302-133) tyAM vihAra karatA ame A prakAre e vakSAnA vividha rUparaMga ane AkAra prakAra prAtisabhara ane mudita mane nihALatA hatA (1304). zamaNunAM darzana te veLA tyAM ame azoka vRkSa nIce zuddha zilApaTTa upara zokamukta ane nirmaLa ciro beThelA eka pavitra zramazane joyA. (135). kezakalApa paranAM kusuma ane paganI pAdukAo kADhI nAkhIne me te veLA mukha paranuM cUrNa, patralatA ane tilaka bhUsI kAvyA. (1306). priyatame paNa e ja pramANe pAdukA kADhI nAkhIne puSpo dUra kya. kAraNa ke gunI pAse bhapakAdara veze javu cogya nathI. (1317). te pachI vinayathI zarIra namAvIne, saMyamapUrvaka, tvarA sAthe cha AkuLa banyA vinA ame asaMkhya nA nidhasamAM tenAM darzana karIne patitoSa anubhavyuM. (1308).

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164 taraMgalI aha taM dhamma-guNa-nihiM mAyA-maya-moha yajjiyamasaMga / zANovaoga-paDisiddha-kAya-baDaM(?) uvagayA mo // 1309 sira-virajhya-kara-kamalaMjalIe viNaeNa parama-bhattIe / khaNa saMjama-majjAyaM kattuM sAmAiyaM pattA // 1310 ugga-upasagga-saha avyagga-maNA tahiM duyaggA vi / kAussagga kAUNa ya sa-samagga guNa-samagga // 1311 savyAvassaga-sukhaM (?) kamma-viheDhagaM nisuDhiUNa / tiviheNa viNaya-kammaM kiti-kammaM tassa kAsi mhe // 1312 kAUNa ya kiti-kammaM visesao nIya-goya-appArya / / phAsu-vihAramavigdhaM ca pucchio Ne tava-guNesu // 1313 to bhaNai savva-dukkha pamokkhaNaM khaviya-savva-visaya-suhaM / pAvaha avvAbAI atula-suhaM akkhayaM mokkhaM // 1314 sIseha paDiccheUNa tassa vayaNaM kayaM a-sAvaja / dharaNiyalammi niviTThA pahalU-maNasA duyaggA vi // 1315 taM pi ya suvasattA viNaya-bharoNamiya-jaMtiyA amhe / pucchAmu nicchaya-suhaM jara-bharaNa-nivAraNaM dhamma // 1316 aha samaya-niuNa-paramattha-vittharaM baMdha mokkha-pAyakhaNaM / iNamo saSaNa rasAyaNa-maNoharai bhaNai so samaNo // 1317 paccakkhaM uvamA ANA ya jiNavaruddiSTA / cattAri sAhaNAI bhaNiyAI baMdha-bhokkhassa // 1318 iMdiya-guNa-saMjuttaM AsaNaM diTTha-dosa-guNa-sAraM / jaM savya-bhoma-siddhaM taM vyaM jANa paccakkhaM // 1319 jaM davamadiTTha-guNaM guNegadeseNa diTThasAramiNaM / guNa doseNaNugammai taM davya jANa aNumANaM // 1320 paccakkheNa parokkhaM danyaM damveNa jaM su-sariseNa / uvamijjai nihosaM taM uSamANa viyANAhi // 1321 paccakkha-parokkhANaM davyANaM tiviha-kAla-juttANaM / jaM suya-nANa-ggahaNaM taM upadesaM bavAsaMti // 1322

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166. vaNNa rasa-rUva-gaMdhA (?) saha-pharisa - guNa virahio nincaM / jIvo aNAi-nihaNA jiNavara-diTTho niravaseso ||1323 [so] sAsao ajoNI aNidio iMdiyattha-parihINo / appA aNAi-nihaNo viNNANa-guNo ya NAyavvo || 1324 jo cihna kAya - gao jo suha- dukkhassa veyago ninco / visaya- suha-jANao va ya so AppA hoi NAyavvo / / 1325 uaoga-joga-icchA vikka-nANa-guNa- ceTThiya-guNehiM 1 [ appA ] aNumAyavvo aggejjho iMdiya-guNehiM // 1326 citA-veyaNa-saNNA viNNANa dhAraNA [ya] buddhI ya / IhA maI viyakko jIvarasa u Nya liMgAI / / 1327 jo cite sarIre asthi hu jIvo tti sAhu so AppA / na hu jIvammi a-saMta saMsaya-uppAyao asthi / / 1328 royai hasai ya bhUsai bIDa jhA vittaes | ukkaMThaha ramai puNo jIvo kammAbhAve ||1329 1 agghAi suNai pAsai rasamAmAyaha ya vedae pharisaM / iMdiya-guNehiM paMci kAya gao buddhi-yArehiM // 1330 $ pariNAmeNa nibaMdhati jIvo 'tiviha-paoga- patto rato viraya kammaM jIvo muMcai eso jiNovadeso samAsao baMdha - moksvassa / / 1335 so aNNatto muMcai aNNatto bajjha ya bahuyareNa / kammeNa gUDha -santo maMtho viva gAgarummaMthe ||1333 aNNatto muccaMto geNhaMto kamma- rAsamaNNatto / saMsAra - jaMta- jutto bhamati ghaDI - jaMta - jogeNaM // 1334 subha-jogo deva- gatiM vaccai majjhima- guNehiM mANusa / moheNa ya tiriya-gati narayaM puNa pAva-bahuleNaM // 1335 rAga hosa- aniggaha- samuhiyA basi (1)NiyA jiNavarehiM / tassa (?) samuddiTThA ya AgamA kamma- baMdhassa || 1336 pANavaha musaMgbAyA adatta- mehuNa- pariragahA koho / mANo mAyA jo [mao] bhayamaraha durguchA ya // 1337 maNa-vaya-kAya joge ya maMgule miccha- daMsaNa - pamAA / pittaNamaNNANaM abhiggaho iMdiyANaM ca // 1338 'ete ajjhavasANeNa sajuyA vaNNiyA aTTha-vihassa vi kammussa baMdha-U kammaM subhaM va a-mubhaM vA / maNa vayasA - kAya - jogehi // 1331 virAgayaM patto / jiNavarehi / samAse // 1339 taraMgalAlA

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taraMgalAlA jIvatA chava sarva varNa, rasa, 35, gaMdha, zabda ane sparza guNothI rahita ane Adita vinAnA hovAnuM jina vinuM sana che. (1323) te AtmA rAzvata che, ane che, iDhiyarahita che, iyAthathI rahita che, anAdi ane anata che ane vijJAnaguNavALe che. (1324). je dehathaIne sukhadu kha anubhave che, nitya che ane viSayasukhane jJAtA che tene AtmA ja. (15ra 5) AtmA IdriyaguNothI agrAhya che, upayoga, yoga, icchA, vitaka, nAna ane caNAnA guthI tenuM anumAna karavAnuM hoya che. (1326). vicAra, savedana, sanA, vinAna, dhAraNA, buddhi IlA, mati ane vitarka e jIvanA li ge che (1327). zarIramAM chava rahe che ke kema eno je vicAra kare che te ja AtmA che; kemake jIva na hoya te sa ya karanAra ja keI na hoya (1328), karmanA sAmarthathI jIva rahe che, bane che, gagagAra saje che, bane che, vicAre che, trasta bane che, ukAThita bane che, kIDA kare che. (12) bIramAM rahe chava buddhithI saMyukta pAMca IdrinA guNathI ga dha le che, sAbhaLa che, jue che, rasAsvAda kare che ane sparza anubhave che. (1330 ). mana, vacana ane kAyAne vyApAra35 traNa prakAranI pravRttithI pravRtta thavAnA pariNAme jIva zubha ke azubha kama bAdhe che. (1331). Asakta thaIne jIva karma kare che, ane virA thatA tana tyaja che -saMsapamAM A ja jinavare Apela badha ane mokSane upadeza che. (13). karma vo nuM 35 DhakAI gayuM che te jIva, gAgarama ma thana karatA. rayAnI jema, vAre vAra ahI be dhAya che te taha choDAya che. (1373) phavacita karmarAzine naja, to kavacita tenuM zravaNuM kana ane ema sa sAraya tramAM sUtelo jIva, nava 8 mAphaka bamaNa ka ka che, (1334) zubha karmanA yAre te devagati pAme che, madhyama guNa manuSagati, mAlathI niyaMcagati ane jhAjhA pApakarmathI narakagati. (1335) rAga aniyathI kama utpanna thAya che temane jinavare karma e dhanA uddabhAvaka kathA che. (1336). prAkhivadha, mRSAvAda, adattAna, maithuna, parimala, dha, mAna, mAyA, lebha, mada, bhaya, arati, jugupsA, mana vacana ane kAyAnA azubha yoga, miyAdazana, pramAda, pithananA, anAna, Idriya abhigraha-A sau sa ka5thI yukta thatAM ATha prakAranA karmanA be dhatuM hovAnuM jinavare niyuM che. (1337 1339) jema zarIra

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168 taraMgalolA nehabbhaMgiya-gattassa reNuo laggae jahA aNge| taha rAga-dosa-neholliyassa kammaM muNeyavvaM / / 1340 pariNAmei bahuvihaM taM so dosaggiNA mahaMteNa / udaraggiNA va puriso jaha paccakkhaM ca te jIvo / / 1341 orAlie sarIrammi x x x x x x x maseva , jIvaM(?) catta(?) kamma-sarIro vi nAyavyo / / 1342 nANassa dasaNassa ya AvaraNaM beyaNijja-mohaM ca / Auya-nAma goyaM ca aMtarAya ca kammAi // 1343 ete aTU vihANAe chaya bheyA havaMti parimiyayA / gahaNe, ya, paesagge niti, aNubhAge vibhAge ya // 1344 aha bIyANi mahiyale bahu-ppagArANi vippaiNNANi / niyaya-guNa-puppha-phala-kAraNeNa nANataNamurveti // 1345 saha pAva-kamma jogeNa nibaddhaM ekao asAya-guNaM / kamma) viviha-vivAgattaNeNa nANataNamuvei // 1346 davvaM khetta kAlaM bhavaM ca bhAva ca taha samAsajja / tassa samAsuddiTTo udao kammamsa paMca-viho // 1347 x x x x x Na aNavayagga parIti saMsAra / saMsAra-nimitta pi ya bhavaM bhavovahao lahati // 1348 / bhava-paccaie dehaM deha-nimitta ca iMdiya-visesa / iMdiya-visaya-nimitta maNaM maNAhi piNNANaM // 1349 viNNANa-nimitta pi ya vedaNamaNubhavai veyaNa-nimitta / / sArIra-mANasANi ya pASai dukravAI tikavAI // 1350 dukkha viNoyaNa-he sumicchU bahuyaraM kuNai pAvaM / pAveNa / teNa chababhai, jammaNa-maraNArahaTTammi // 1351 narayaM tirikkha-joNiM mANusa-bhAvaM ca deva loga ca / kammehi bhamADijjai jaha-kama ANupuvvIe // 1352 caMDAla muTThiya puliMda-vAha-saga-javaNa-babbarAdIsu / jAyeti ya aNukammA vivihAsu maNusma-jAImu // 1353 iMdiya-sarIra-vimalattaNaM ca paDipuNNayaM ca etesu vasatta (2) sAmitta tatto sobhagmandohaggaH / / 1354 saMloga-virapaoge uccA-goya' ca nIya goyaM ca / * Aya-paribhoga-buTTi khayaM ca atthaM aNathaM ca // 1355 ete aNNe ya bahu-suha-dukkhe tattha jammaNa-nimitta / pASA aNaMta-khutto khutto niyaesu kammesu / / 1356

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tAlAlA telano abhyAga karelA che. Aga para raja ceTe che tema rAgadveSarUpI telathI kharaDAyelAne karma ceTe che ema jANavuM. (1340). mahAna devAgni vaDe tene jIva vividha rUpe pariNAve che-jema jaTharAgni pratyakSapaNe puruSanA hArika zarIramAM vividha pariNAma lAve che.. e pramANe karmazarIra yukta () jIvane jANa (1341-1442) jJAnAvaraNIya, darzanAvaraNIya, vedanIya, mohanIya, AyuSa nAma, gotra ane atarAya--ema ATha prakAranA karmonA cha parimita bheda ane grahaNa, pradeza ane anubhAga pramANe vibhAga thAya che (1143-1344) jema be verelA vividha prakAranA bI tenA vividha guNa anusAra puSpa ane phaLarUpe anekavidhatA prApta kare che, tema megathI bAdhelu ane azAta vedanIya guNavALu eka navuM karma vividha vipAkarUpe anekanA prApta kare che. (1345-46) dravya, kSetra, kALa, bhava ane bhA ne anulakSIne karmane udaya pAMca prakAre nirdo che (1347), saMsAra (te kamane kAraNe jIva) aparimita sa sAramAM paribhramaNa kare che te sArane kAraNe bhavane upadrava thatAM te ja prApta kare che, janmane kAraNe zarIra, zarIrane kAraNe IdriyavizeSa, Idriya ane viSayane kAraNe mana, manane kAraNe vijJAna, vijJAnane kAraNe te savedana anubhave che ane saMvedanane kAraNe te tIvra zArIrika ane mAnasika duHkha pAme che (1748-135). A duHkha dUra karavA mATe sukhanI icchAvALA te pApakarma Acare che ane te pApane kAraze janmamaraNanA rahe Tama te phakAya che. (1351). tenA karmo tene uttarottara ekaeka karIne naraka, tiryaMca, manuSya ane devanI nimAM bhADe che. (1352). kamInusAra caDAla, muSTika, pulida vyAdha, zaka, yavana, barbara vagere vividha manuSya jAtiomAM te janme che. (1353). Ihi ane zarIranA nirmAtA ane pUrNatA, paravazatA A prabhutva, saubhAgya ane durbhAgya, sa yoga ane liMga, ucca ke nIca gova, AyuSya ane bhAgenI vRddhi ka kSaya, artha ane anartha-janmane kAraNe potAnAM karmomAM khUle te A prakAranA tathA anya aneka sukhaduHkha ana ta vAra pAme che. (1354-1356)

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170 taraMgalolA navaraM ettha viseso mANusa-bhAvammi hoi jIvANaM / jaM savva-dukkha-mokkhaM moksvapayamio hi saMkamai // 1357 aNNANa-rukkha-gahaNe saMsAra-mahAvaNe jiNadharehiM / nivbANa-mahApaMtho vijjA caraNaM ca uvaiho // 1358 saMjama-joga-niruddhammi Agame tapa-ghisohie sese / khINammi savva-kamme kamma-visuddho bhai siddho // 1359 eka-samaeNa vaccai sa ito hi parama-payaM aNAyAho / saMsAra bhaya-vimuko lahai suhaM akkhaya mokgvaM // 1360 iha nANA-bhava gati-kAraNehi kammahiM vipamuko so| uddhaM sabhAva-siddha siddhassa gatI agnaMgasma // 1361 upari aNuttarANaM tahiyaM ajjuNa-suvaNNa-saMkha nibhA / teloka-matthayasthA utta rayaNa maMtiyA puDhavI // 1362 siddhI siddhi kkhettaM paramaM ca paya aNuttara-payaM ca / caMbhapadaM(?) loga-thUbhiya tti vi mIya ti nAmAi // 1363 isIpabbhArAe sIyAe joyaNammi loyaMtA / tassuvarime ti-bhAge siddhANogAhaNA bhaNiyA / / 1364 jANato save bhAve ya avitaha siddho(?) / jaM khaviya-rAga-doso to teNa Na lippai puNo yi / / 1305 jaM saMThANa ihaI bhavaM cayaMtassa carima-samayammi / AsIya padesa ghaNaM taM saMThANaM tarhi tasna / / 1366 so AgAse siddhAlayammi siddha-gahaNammi ogADho / aviruddho tehi tahiM samaM aNaMtehiM / / 1367 eva bhaNataM samaNa ghariNo sAhaha-taNumahA amhe / icchAmo aNusaTTi ti bemi sIse nihiya-hatthA / / 1368 bhaNio ya piyayameNa so sAhU vaMdiUNa viNagNa / laddhA hu te suladdhA jaM tAruNNe vigaya-saMgI / / 1369 mAheha aNuvaroheNa majjha kaha taM si laddha-sAmaNNo / aNukaMpaM kAUNaM bhayavaM koUhalaM majhaM // 1370 to tattha mahura-sagaya-miyakkharaM nivviyAra-majjhanthaM / iNamo kahei su-maNo jiNa vayaNa-visArao mamaNo // 1371 caMpAe avara-jaNavayAsanne avi-samie dase / miga-mahisa-Nega-dIviya-ghaNahatthi-kulAvatiNNammi // 1372

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taraMgalelA 17 mekSa para tu manube bhava pUratI che mATe eTalI viziSTatA che ke sarva duHkhomAMthI mukti apAvanAra mokSapadane ahI thI ja jaI zakAya che. (1357). ajJAnarUpI vRkSathI gIca evA sa sArUpI mahAvanamA jinavarAe jJAna ane caraNane nivaNe pahoMcavAnA dhorI mArga rUpe cI mAM che (1358) karmanI prAptine sayama ane yoga vaDe aTakAvIne ane bAkInA kamanI tapa vaDe zuddhi karIne--ane e rIte sarva karmano kSaya karIne karmavizuddha thayela chava siddha bane che. (1359) eka samayanI a dara te ahI thI baMdhArahita paramapadamA pahece che, saMsAgnA bhayathI mukta bane te akSaya sukhavALe mekSa pAme che (1360). aneka bhavabhramaNa karavAmAM prApta thatAM karmothI mukta bane te ni sa ga siddhonI svabhAvasiddha jAgatine pAme che. (1761) anuttara devalokanI upara tyAM traNa lokane mathALe ajene suvAne ane na kha samI veta, chatraratnavALI pRthvI che (1362) siddhi, siddhidIva, pathyapada, anuttarapada, brahmapara, lekaphtapikA ane sItA evA tenA nAma che (1363) A ItyAbhAra ke mInAthI eka yojana para lekAta che tene upalA trIjA bhAgamAM ja siddhAnuM amathAna hovAnuM kahevuM che (1364) sarva bhAvene yathArtha rUpamAM jANato siddha, tejhA rAgapane khapAvyA hovAthI temanAthI pharI kharaDAto nathI. (1365). A bhavane chADanA anima veLAe tenuM je pradezanA sa cayavALu sathAna hoya te sa sthAna te siddhAvasthAmAM hoya che. (1366) te AkAzamA, siddhothI bharelA siddhAlayamAM, anya asakhya siddhAnI sAthe aviruddha bhAve vase che. (1367) A nAga ne zamAge upadeza ApyA, eTala, gRhiNI, varSathI ramAcita thayelAM ame mataka upara ajali racIne temane kahyuM, 'tamAru anuzAsana ame icchIe chIe, (13) pachI ja sAdhana vinayapUrvaka vadana karIne mArA priyatame kahyuM, "tame bharajuvAnImAM saMga tane tathA tene lIdhanI dIkSA dhanya cha kRpA karIne mane kahI tame kaI rIte thAya lIdhuM huM bhagavAna, mArA para amuka pA karIne kahe, mane ghaNuM ja kutahala che. (136- 1370). eTale te prarA mana vALA ane jinavacanamAM vizArada zamaNe madhura, sa gata ane mita vacanAmA, nihiM kAraNe ane madhyasthabhAve A pramANe kahyuM (171). bamaNane vRttAMta caMpAnI pazcime AvelA eka janapadanI bAjune aTavA pradeza aneka maga, mahiSa, dIpaDA ane vanagajethI sabhara hato. temAM ja galAM UMDe, jaMgalI pazuonA kALarUpa ane ni dA karma karanA thAnI eka vasAhata hatI (1772).

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taraMgalAlA raNovagUDhattha(?) asthi tattha(?) garahia-[ka]mmassa / / vAhANaM saMvAso sAvaya-kula-kAla-purisANaM // 1373 sukkhata-sarama-vallUra-maMsa-camma-vasamotthayA jattha / saMjhAyaMte ca sayA vAha(')-kuDi-muha-paesA // 1374 pallUra-sarasa-gaTThaya-saruhira-sukkhaMta-bhariya-nevvAo / dIsati ratta-kaMvala-kaya pAvaraNAu vAhIo // 1375 vAhIhi jattha kIrai, barahiNa-piccha-kaya-pAvariyaMsIhi / savvastha musala-kammaM kalabhANa daMta-musalehiM // 1376 ahayaM aNaMtara-bhave io ya AsIya isthi-paDihatthI / maya-jIviyAvahAro mAsAhAro tahi vAho // 1377 uccA-daDha-ppahArI pai-diNa-abbhAsa-dhaNu-guNa-vihaNNU / kaMDa-samajjiya-kittI amohakaMDo ti nAmeNaM // 1378 tassa ya acuka lakkho daDha-ppahArI sa kamma vikkhAo / vAho Asi piyA me kuMbhasIho(?) sIhao nAmaM // 1379 piuNo majjha bahu-mayA mAyA meM vAha-bAliyA Asi / aDavi-mayamANa-vesA aDavisirI nAma nAmeNaM // 1380 jAva ya ahaM vayastho hatthi pADemi , eka kaMDeNaM / tA meM bhANIya piyA suNa kula-dhamma imaM amhaM // 1381 vAha-kula-kosa-ghara-rakkhao sayA bIya-pADaNa-samattho / puttaya sANo sUro jUhabaI te na haMtavvo // 1382 pillayamaNupAlaMtI pusa-siNeheNa pNguliy-paaii| vAhANa' pi abhIru mA pillaya mAyaraM haNasi // 1383 puttaM apparicatta(?) sahAyaM duddha muddhayaM muddh| uharo hoi mahallo ti pillayaM mA hutaM haNasi // 1384 pillANa uppatti ramamANaM kAma mohiya maINaM / puvva-vihANa-juvaliyaM mA ya(?) vijuyalejjA // 1385 kula-dhamma-vayA(?) eso te hou. puris-ko| hojja kulassa avacao jo kula-dhamma viNAsejjA // 1386 bIyaM aviNAsaMto ya jAya dhammaM ca suTu rkkheto| puttaya karejja karma iya sAhejjAhi puttANa // 1387 to hai suThTha ya puTTo (?) kammaM vAhattaNa karemANo / viyarAmi ya pAraddhiM sAvaya-kula-saMkulaM raNa // 1388 khaggaM gayaya-kuraMga vaNa-mAhisaM gayavaraM varAhaM ca / tesu padesu nisu(?) pahAraM ahaM demi // 1389 tA me samANa-jAtI niyalliya bAliyA guru-jaNeNa / taruNI piyAbhirAmA diNNA surayAraNI bhajjA // 1390

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The Joyrnal-Is primarily intended to promote rosearches in Medforal Indian Culture. Hence emphasis with naturally be on the language literature and cultural sources of that period. Bori will also giro sufficlout space to other articles watch throw light mit Angleat an ladlan Culture ! th Contributiobh Finished for dicho a the Journalshould be type written with double spacing) or legibly written on one side ble sitbo Paper Copies and be folk med by the a wilioni d has a huong rotattodi forzitton LTN Contributtaus pimbodying oldinal Rules n onpablishga Sangry BALL Apabbrainte Old Tod Die doar locks; agprestations emotions ancient and mattersen Forks; notion of me criticismk will be

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