Charlotte Krause her Life and Literature

Author(s): Shreeprakash Pandey
Publisher: Parshwanath Vidyapith
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/001785/1

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Pārsvanātha Vidyāpitha Series No. 119
General Editor Prof. Sagarmal Jain
German Jaina Srāvikā DR. CHARLOTTE KRAUSE HER LIFE & LITERATURE
Vol. I
Compiled by Hazarimull Banthia Dr. Luitgard Soni
Introduction' by Prof. Sagarmal Jain
Edited by Dr. Shriparakash Pandey
Pārsvanātha Vidyāpitha, Varanasi
(INDIA)

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Pārśvanātha Vidyāpītha Series : 119
General Editor Prof. Sagarmal Jain
German Jaina Śrāvikā Dr. Charlotte Krause Her Life & Literature
Volume I
Compiled by Hazarimull Banthia Dr. Luitgard Soni
'Introduction' by Dr. Sagarmal Jain
Edited by Dr. Shriprakash Pandey
Pārsvanātha Vidyāpitha, Varanasi.
1999

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Published by : Pārsvanātha Vidyāpitha I.T.I. Road, Karaundi, Varanasi -- 221 005 (INDIA) Phone : 316521, 318046 First Edition : 1999 Price : Rs. 500.00
U.S. $ 40.00 1. S. B. N. : 81-86715-43-6
Type-setting at: Naya Sansar Press B. 2/143 A, Bhadaini, Varanasi - 1
Printed at : Vardhaman Mudranalaya Bhelupura, Varanasi – 10

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Miss.Charlotte Krause

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Publisher's Note
We feel emense pleasure in bringing out the present title "Dr. Charlotte Krause: Her Life and Literature", Vol. I, a compilation of articles and books authored as well as edited by Dr. Charlotte Krause. Dr. Krause, a German scholar of Indology, devoted her whole life for the propagation of Jaina Religion. She was so influenced by Jainism that she willingly adopted the life of a Jaina lay devotee, and throughout, except last phase of her life, she worked for Jainism. She enriched Jaina literature by her multifarious writings. "The Kaleidoscope of Indian Wisdom', 'The Heritage of Last Arhat', 'Siddhasena Diväkara and Vikramaditya', 'Ancient Jaina Hymns' and 'Nāsaketarī Kāthā' are some of her noted contribution to the Jaina literature. Inspite of these great contribution, she is less recognised among the Jaina scholars. No efforts were made for compilation of her works in a book form. A couple of years back Pārśvanātha Vidyāpīṭha published an article of Dr. Charlotte Krause titled "The Heritage of Last Arhat" in 'Śramaṇa', its quarterly research journal, and which was well received by the Jaina scholars as well as enlightened individuals. This article was instrumental in drawing attention of Shri Hazarimull ji Banthia, Acting President, Pañcāla Śodha Samsthāna, Kanpur, who approached us for publication of her works in a book form.
We express our sincere thanks to Shri Hazarimull ji Banthia, without whose efforts this work could not have seen the light of the day. He not only took pain in compilation of her works approaching some Indian as well as foreign institutions/centres, but also inspired some charitable trusts and individuals to give financial assistance for its publication.
We express our profound gratitude to Dr. Jayendra Soni and

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Dr. Luitgard Soni, Marburg, Germany who contributed Dr. Charlotte Krause's complete biography and her scholarly bequest on our request and also took pain in preparing an exhaustive bibliography of Dr. Krause's works.
We are very thankful to Prof. Sagarmal Jain, Director Emeritus, Pārsvanātha Vidyāpītha, who kindly agreed to write an 'Introduction for this book. It is Prof. Jain who always inspires us by his scholarship, his hairline clarity of the Jaina concepts and the vision of publication he has.
We are very thankful to Prof. S. R. Sarma, Formerly Professor of Sanskrit, Aligarh Muslim University, who kindly agreed to write a 'Foreword' for this book.
Our thanks are due to Dr. Shriprakash Pandey, Lecturer at Pārsvanātha Vidyāpīțha, for his thorough editing of this work. He not only edited the book but besides, he also checked the proofs and managed it through the press.
We are very thankful to Dr. Ashok Kumar Singh, Dr. Shiva Prasad, Dr. Vijaya Kumar Jain, Dr. Sudha Jain, Dr. A. K. Mishra, Shri O.P. Singh and Shri Rakesh Singh for their full co-operation in bringing out this book.
We are very thankful to Naya Sansar Press for its typesetting and Vardhman Mudranalaya for printing.
We will be publishing very soon the second volume of this book accomodating the rest of her articles and books.
We hope this book will be able to introduce to Dr. Charlotte Krause and her works, to those scholars and individuals who were not acquainted with this great lady and her contributions to Jainism.
Indrabhooti Barar
Joint Secretary Pārsvanātha Vidyāpītha
B. N. Jain
Secretary Pārsvanātha Vidyāpītha

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Charlotte Krause's House in Lashkar, Gwalior

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Acknowledgement
We thank all the persons who have contributed to the work in different capacities. In particular, we acknowledge : The Benefactors : • Shri Tansukh Daga, Secretary, Veerayatan, Rajgir for his
generous contribution of Rs. 15,000.00. • Shri K. Bulaki Chand and Phoola Chand Banthia, Charitable
Trust, Kanpur for its contribution of Rs. 11,000.00. Shri Vijaya Chandji Bhandari, President, Shri Dharmanath Shvetambar Jaina Mandira, Kanpur for his contribution of
Rs. 7,000.00 • Shri Shvetambar Murtipujaka Jaina Sangha, Kanpur, for contri
buting Rs. 5,000.00. The Faith Advisors : • Pt. Dalsukh Malvania, Prof. Nemu Chandaria, Pt. M. Vinaya
Sagar, Dr. A. M. Ghatge, Shri Ramanlal C. Shah, Dr. Jayemdra Soni, Prof. R.R. Pandey, Prof. R. C. Sharma, Prof. Sudarshanlal Jain, Dr. Phool Chand Jain, Dr. Kamalesh Jain, Dr. N. L. Jain, Dr. Nalini Balbir, Shri Lalit Bhai Shah, Dr. Jitendra B. Shah, Shri Virendra Kumar Jain, Shri Ratan Singh Nahta, Shri Abhay
Jain, Acarya Bhagvandas Sharma, Shri Navin Shah. Institutions : • Veeratattva Prakashak Mandal, Shivpuri. • Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, Pune.
Prakrit Bharati Academy, Jaipur. University of Marburg, Germany.

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INRI
DR. CHARLOTTE KRAUSE
BORN ON 18-5-1895 DIED ON 27-1-1980
CO
N LOVING MEMORY
DR. O KRAUSE
BORN IN GERMANY 18 Mar 1895 CAME TO INDIA IN OCT 1925 DIED AT LASHKAR 27 JAN 1980
THOU WILT NOT LEAVE HER Ira THE DUST FOR THOU HAST MADE HER. THOU ART JUST

DEAR CHRISTIANS PRAY FOR THE ETERNAL REPOSE OF HER SOUL
R.I.R
Dr. Charlotte Krause's Graveyard in Gwalior

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Foreword
The German poet Heinrich Heine once declared : “Let the Portuguese, the Dutch and the English plunder India of her material wealth. We Germans would rather dip into her spiritual and intellectual riches.” As a rasika of Saṁskṛta poetry, Heine may have been familiar with Bhartřhari's epigramme which says that vidyā is the only form of wealth that does not diminish when distributed to others. And truly enough the 'plunder' of India's spiritual and intellectual riches by generations of German scholars did enrich both India and Germany.
The German encounter with Saṁskṛta language and literature gave rise to a number of disciplines like Indology, Comparative Philology, Comparative Mythology and Religion. The efforts of the German and other Western scholars in systematic collection, preservation and study of manuscripts not only saved our precious heritage; these also made us aware of the vastness and variety of this heritage.
It is indeed gratifying that the Jaina community has always been conscious of the importance of the contributions to the study of the languages and literature of Jainism made by German scholars like Albrecht Weber, Hermann Jacobi, Ernst Leumann, Walther Schubring, Johannes Hertel, Helmuth von Glassenapp, Ludwig Alsdorf, Gustav Roth and Klaus Bruhn. Charlotte Krause belongs to this galaxy of savants. But in her case, Jainism did not remain just the subject of academic study; it became her own way of life.
Born at the turn of the last century in the city of Halle, Charlotte Krause attended the universities of Marburg, Tübingen and Leipzig. Initially she studied natural sciences, but soon was drawn to Indian languages, natably Saṁskṛta and the Prākṣtas. By the time she was thirty, she had established herself as a competent

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scholar of Jainism and Jaina literature, and a promising academic career awaited her at the University of Leipzig. She chose, however, the career of ahirsā and aparigraha. Living the life of a Sadhvi in India, she pursued the study of Jainism, both as a practitioner and an academic. She wrote extensively and in several languages - German, English, Hindi and Gujarati — on ethics, rituals, narratives and on historical and cultural aspects of Jainism.
This volume deals with the life and work of this remarkable Sādhvi and Viduși. It gathers in one place the various writings of Charlotte Krause. It also contains a sensitive account of her life by Dr. Luitgard Soni, who has been studying the life and work of Charlotte Krause for some years and who has visited all the places in India connected with her life.
The credit for assiduously collecting Charlotte Krause's valuable writings from diverse sources and bringing them together in one volume goes to Shri Hazarimull Banthia. In his constant endeavour to promote the study of Jaina Vidyā, in his sponsorship of numerous academic institutions and activities, in the warmhearted help and encouragement which he offers to scholars, Shri Banthiaji exemplifies the life of true śrāvaka. He strongly believes that India owes a debt of gratitude to those foreign scholars who devoted their lives to the study of our languages and culture. In this context, one is particularly impressed by Banthiaji efforts in keeping alive the memory of the Italian scholar Luigi Pio Tessitori and the German scholar Charlotte Krause. This volume then is an act of śraddhā to the memory of Charlotte Krause. It is a privilege for me to be associated — through this Foreword — with this laudable venture.
S. R. Sarma Formerly Professor of Sanskrit
Aligarh Muslim University

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Introduction
The present trend of comparative and critical Indological studies starts with the encounter of European-scholars to Indian heritage in the 19th century. Among these European scholars, who took keen interest in Indological studies ( the study of Indian philosophies, religions, culture and literature as well written in oriental languages such as Vedic Chāndas, Samskrta, Prākrta, Pāli, Apabhramsa, Old Gujarati and Rājasthānī), the Germans were on the top rank. The German poet Heinrich Heine has rightly remarked “Let the Portuguese, the Dutch and the English plunder India of her material wealth. We Germans would rather dip into her spiritual and intellectual riches." In the field of Indological studies the contribution of German scholars such as Maxmullar, Albrecht Weber, Hermann Jacobi, Ernest Leumann, Walther Schubring, Johannes Hertel, Helmuth Von Glasenapp, Ludwig Alsdorf, Gustav Roth, Klaus Bruhn and others is matchless. In the galaxy of these German scholars, who devoted themselves in Indological studies in general and Jainological studies in particular, the name of Charlotte Krause shines as a brighter star. She has made a significant contribution to the Indological studies. Born in Germany on May 18, 1895 Charlotte Krause received her Ph. D. Degree from Leipzig University on 'Nāsaketari Kathā: An Old Rājasthānī Tale' with a grammer of old Rājasthānī, in the year 1920 at the age of 25 years only. She had an opportunity to work with Johannes Hertel, an eminent scholar of Indian narrative literature. While working as a fellow and Assistant Professor of Indian Comparative Philology in Leipzig University, she wrote a critical and comparative exhaustive article on a newly discovered version of the Jaina Pañcatantra in old Gujarati and thus she established herself as a scholar of Indology in general and Jainology in particular. Her role in the establishment of

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a Centre of Jaina Studies in the Institute of Indology at the university of Leipzig was conspicuous and significant one and it was the reason that she was given two years academic leave of absence in order to have a first hand knowledge on Jaina religion, Culture and Literature. For this very purpose she visited India in the year 1925. In March 1926 she decided to have a wide tour of Jaina centres and to meet various Jaina Ācāryās and scholars. She got influenced with the calmness of mind of Ācārya Vijayadharmasūrijī, Muni Mangalavijayajī and Muni Jayantavijayajī. Though she had came India only to have a first hand knowledge of Indian philosophies, Culture and Literature, but being impressed with the high spiritual ideals and way of living of some Jaina saints she changed herself into a real devotee of Jaina religion. The contribution of Dr. Charlotte Krause to Jainism henceforth is two-fold - firstly as a scholar of Jainology and secondly as a true follower of Jainism. In the biography of Dr. C. Krause Dr. Luitgard Soni has rightly observed, "She integrated her will into the life-style of the ( Jaina ) monks and nuns and travelled with them on foot from Shivapuri to Bombay. She came in direct contact with the life in India with its customs, dia-lects, various religions and sects and many Jaina communities.”
She was so overwhelmed with etherial elegance of Jainism that during her stay at Beawar, she publicly announced her decision to take the Jaina vows of non-violence, non- possession etc, till the life. She changed her name from Charlotte Krause to Subhadra Devi. Though by birth she was a German and by faith a Christian, but putting aside all her past religious inclinations she willingly adopted the life of a Jaina lay devotee ( Śrāvaka ) in a real sense.
I have had the privilege of being in close contact with this celebrated lady. She visited my native place Shajapur (M.P.) many times on her way from Shivapuri to Ujjain and Bombay. Then she was Inspectress of Schools of Gwalior state and latter on of Madhya Bhārata. I recall the first meeting with her, when she was staying in a Rest house at Shajapur. She requested to my maternal brother to

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see her in the Rest house in the early morning so that she could offer her pūjā in the Jaina temple. I met her with my brother and then I came to know that she was a staunch devotee of Jainism and did not take any thing, even a glass of water without visiting Jaina temple and having Darśana of Jina image. After that time whenever she came to Shajapur, she used to visit Jaina temple with my maternal brother. Next time I met her at Gwalior in her old age. At that time she had returned back to the Christianity and was living in a campus of Roman Catholic Church at Gwalior. I was working as a lecturer of Philosophy in the M. L. B. Arts and Commerce College, Gwalior ( 1964-1967 ). In Gwalior I visited her first time with Prof. G. R. Jain – the author of Jaina Cosmology : Old and New - a commentary on the fifth chapter of Tattvārtha-sūtra.
As I remember, at that time we had a long discussion on the holy symbol of Swastika. This was for the first time I could evaluate and appraise her depth of knowledge about oriental studies particularly, Jainism. But in her old age, her faith towards Jainism and Jaina community had been shakened. It was very pathetic and painful experience for me that the Jaina community could not be able to offer proper regard and service to this great scholar and devotee of Jainism and that is why she had to spend her old age in a campus of Christian church. In this particular case I was compelled to think that what has happened to our basic principles of Swadharmivātsalya, i.e. the service towards our fellow religious beings ? Who is responsible for all this? In my humble opinion it is the indifference of Jaina community towards the scholars, particularly the foreign scholars and devotees of Jain-ism. We should learn a lesson from it. We Jainas are completely unable to estimate her sacrifices she made for the noble cause of Jaina religion and Jaina studies. She had not only resigned from her university services, but left her relatives, nation, nationality and even her religion. How sad it is that we failed to provide her proper care and service in her old age, when she was badly needed for. In respect to

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her great contribution to Jainological studies, ours return was nothing but disdainful. As I came to know from her biography, that after her retirement from the post of a curator in the Scindia Oriental Institute, Ujjain and Deputy Inspector General of Female Education in Gwalior state, she approached L.D. Institute of Indo-logy, Ahmedabad, to get a research assignment but she failed. Was it not condemnable that we could not adjust to such a dedicated scholar in the field of Jainological studies. My estimate is that she had a pain of not being well recognised by Jaina community and at the result she developed indifference towards Jaina community and returned back to the Roman Catholic faith. She spent rest of her life till death (January 27, 1980) in the campus of the Roman Catholic Church, Gwalior, depending on the very small amount of her pension, without any financial support from Jaina community.
Well it is true that after her final establishment in India, some of her publications were more or less the reflections of a western observer on the social status of Jainas than a serious research work. They were critical in nature and so that they remain unable to have a good appreciation from the Jaina community. I am of the opinion that this was also one of the cause of indifference of Jaina community towards Dr. Charlotte Krause. But her articles/ works written in last quarter of her life got much recognition and appreciation in scholarly world. Dr. Charlotte Krause wrote in several languages such as German, English, Hindi and Gujarati on various aspects of Jaina philosophy, religion, ethics, rituals and narratives. In spite of her great contribution to the Jinistic studies no efforts were made to publish her works in a book form.
It is for the first time that with the efforts of Shri Hazarimullji Banthia, Pārsvanātha Vidyāpītha is publishing her complete works with a view to let the scholars know her contribution in the field of Indology in general and Jainology in particular. This present volume contains her fifteen articles and edited works in English, Hindi and Gujarati written on different aspects of Jainology.

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In her essay on "The Kaleidoscope of Indian Wisdom”, she had beautifully discriminated the spheres of Science and Religion and has mentioned the limitations of religious thinking and a need for philosophical thinking. While dealing with Indian philosophical schools she had classified them into Vedic and Non-Vedic instead of Astika and Nāstika as other schools did.
In her division she included Sānkhya and Yoga into Vedic trend, but really these two schools do not belong to the Vedic trend but to the Sramanic trend. According to some scholars even Nyāya and Vaišeșika schools do not fall under the category of Vedic trend. These two schools, however, accept the authority of V.das, but so far as their philosophies are concerned they have their independet origin. I am of the opinion that among the different schools of Indian philosophy it is only the Mīmāṁsā school which has purely a Vedic origin. Though Vedānta is also considered to be of Vedic tradition, but in my opinion Vedānta is not based on the Vedas only. In real sense it is based on the Upanişadas and the Upanişadas are neither the blind supporter of Vedic ritualism nor they accepts the materialistic approach of the Vedas. On the other hand, they criticise Vedic ritualism and their materialistic philosophy in the same fashion as the Jainism and Buddhism do. They are spiritualistic and rich in profound philosophical thought.
In this essay Dr. Charlotte Krause presents a brief survey of the central concepts of different Indian philosophies. While discussing these schools she has mentioned each and every branch in detail which were remain in course of time. While men-tioning the different branches of Vedānta she has listed some newly born subsects of Vedānta such as Ārya-samāja, Prārthanā-samāja and Brahma-samāja. In her lists of different shades of Vedānta, however, we do not find the names of Aurobindo school and the practical Vedānta of Rāmakrsna and Vivekānanda, but it was not on part of her negligence, really at that time they were not prominent. This essay shows her minute observation and detailed study of each

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and every branch of Indian Philosophy.
In her second essay, "The Interpretation of Jaina Ethics”, she starts with the comparison of the outlook of the modern Europeans and Indians towards the way of living. She rightly observes, “it is true that our intellect is at present absorbed in technical and scientific problem but only a few centuries ago it was so in problem of how best to win the grace of God. ... ... It is true that our studying and teaching has all worldly ends, ... ... but only some centuries ago there existed no other science but Theology, the knowledge of God and all the other disciplines were its subordinate branches. Modern India represents exactly the state of Medieval Europe, with its religio-centrical conception of the problems of life.” ... ... Religion is the starting point and aim of all and everything. According to Dr. Charlotte Krause, sacred writings of Indian religions are not a subject of research or mere have a theoretical import as they are to the western scholars, but their study is indeed one of the practical import. They are being put fully into action. While interpreting the Jaina ethics, she also accepts the same fact. In this essay while dealing with the theoretical aspect of Jaina ethics, she discusses the main features of Jaina Karma Theory and accepts that this Karma theory is the fundamental postulate of Jaina ethics. On the concept of practical aspect of Jaina Ethics, she has dealt with the concepts of Jinakalpa and Sthavirakalpa, Punya and Pāpa, Asrava and Saṁvara, five Samitis and three Guptis, twenty-two Hardships, ten virtues, 12 reflections, five căritrās, five great vows of monk, twelve vows of the house-holder and twelve types of austerities as a means of Nirjarā. On the ritualistic aspect of Jaina ethics, she discusses the six essential duties ( Āvaśyakas ). In this essay the aspects of Jaina Ethics discussed, are descriptive in nature. She has not made any critical evaluation of them, except a sense of admiration.
The third essay of the present volume "The Heritage of Last Arhat" deals with the fundamental teachings of Jainism. At the very

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outset of this essay, on the basis of Jaina theory of Anekāntavāda, Dr. Krause propounds the relativity of religious truth. She rightly observes that, "each of the various religions on the earth appears to make us see a different aspect of truth-divine. How then we are entitled to speak of merit in only one or another of them.” Really, Jaina theory of Relativity, i.e. Anekāntavāda, teaches us regard for other religions and faiths and thus establishes religious harmony and fellowships of faiths on the earth. So far as the criterion of an ideal religion is concerned, Jainism holds that it is the tranquility and equanimity of mind of individual and society, provided by a religion which can be the touch-stone of an ideal religion. According to Dr. Krause Jainism fulfils this criterion of an ideal religion, because it warrants for perfect social welfare through this doctrine of non-violence and mental equanimity or tranquility through its doctrine of passionlessness, i.e. total detachment towards worldly things. Only through complete detachment ( Aparigraha ) and practice of non-violence one can attain spiritual and social peace. She firmly holds that “Jainism promulgates self realization as the aim of individual life, which at the same time also forms the basis of the well-being of all that lives.” The perfect soul is one, who is completely free from all the passions, desires and attachments. This perfectness of soul, according to Jainism, can be attain through selfrestraint ( Samyama ) and renunciation ( Pratyākhyāna). Dr. Krause concludes this essay suggesting the necessity of applying Jaina principles to modern social problems, because it is through the application of these principles perfect social and individual welfare can be achieved.
In the fourth essay "The Jaina Canon and Early Indian Court Life”, Dr. Krause propounds that the Jaina Canon not only supply us the data regarding the religious dogmas, ethical code, philosophical ideas and the history of its propagation and propagators, but it also presents some glances of early Indian court-life. It is true that some of the canonical works as well as Jaina narrative literature have full

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cultural material of that period. But it is unfortu-nate that while writing cultural history of India, this material has not been properly utilised. Though in this article Dr. Krause has shown the richness of Jaina canonical and narrative literature regarding its cultural data which reflects on the life of Indian society at that time. Here on the basis of Jaina canon she has mentioned that the system of Pardāh was a well established custom prevailing in Indian society, particularly in royal class, before the arrivals of Mohamme-dans to India. This essay lacks the original references from the Jaina canons. Had the author supplied the references, it would have been a good research article.
In the fifth article "The Social Atmosphere of Present Jainism”, Dr. C. Krause has given her accounts of observations of social atmosphere of Jainism. She propounds that not only a person who took his birth in the Jaina community or in Jaina family, is a Jaina, but the persons who took their birth in other communities and the followers of align faiths or religions, if they observe the fundamental principles of Jainism, such as non-violence etc. and have a regard towards Jaina ideals can also be included in Jaina community. Jainism is not a birth based religion, it is the religion of those who observes its ideals in their lives. The second aspect of this article on which Dr. Krause has stressed more is that Jainism was the religion, which strongly opposed the birth-based four-fold Varņa system as well as caste system of Indian society, but unfortunately at present it is completely in the grip of that Varņa and caste system. In this regard she had made a complete survey of the rites and rituals, prevalent at that time in different Jaina castes and her observation were true in that regard. But we must be aware of the fact that in these fifty to sixty year this position altogether has changed and that rigidness of class and caste system in Jainism had become only a historical fact. She has expressed her anxiety regarding the prevailing bitter sectarianism in Jainas which is totally against their liberal outlook of Anekāntavāda. Her observations

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regarding the sectarian quarrels in Jainas are worthy to note. She mentions “the Svetāmbaras and the Digambaras being still engaged in furious mutual quarrels about 'e possession of certain places of pilgrimage, such as Antariksa ( near Akola ), Pāvāpurī, Rājagshi, and Sammetaśikhara ( Bihar ), Keśarīyajī ( near Udaipur ) and Makşi ( near Ujjaina ) and others, millions have been spent in those fruitless strives. On the other hand, the idolatrous and two nonidolatrous Svetāmbara sect, viz. the Sthānakavāsīs and Terāpanthis are violently fighting each other about insignificant dogmatic discrepancies, whereas Digambaras too has its own troubles. Within the aforesaid sects there are again subsects, parties and schools of opinions which are not friendly with one another, but often enough cross each others schemes, the one spoiling, what positive work the other may have achieved. So there can be no doubt that stopping all these fruitless strives many power would become free to engage in the necessary work of caste-reform and uplift." It is to be noted that her remarks regarding Jaina society are still true and one can learn lesson from it. This essay is less a result of her research in Jainology than the reflections of a committed observer, who had lived in Jaina society with keeping his eyes on each and every activity of the society. Thus this article is an outcome of her minute observations and sincere reflections. The Hindi version of this article is also being published in this collection in its Hindi section.
In the sixth article of the English section “Pythagoras : The Vegetarian", Dr. Krause has enlightened us regarding the great Greek thinker Pythagoras and his vegetarianism. It shows that the vegetarianism is not only supported by Jainism alone. There were some great thinkers in Greek, contemporary to Mahāvīra, who preached the vegetarianism in the same fashion as Jainism do. It is worth mentioning that before Mahāvīra his predecessor Pārsva and Aristanemi also propounded the concept of vegetarianism in human society.
In the seventh essay of this volume "Siddhasena Divākara

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and Vikramāditya", Dr. Krause has established the contemporaneity of Siddhasena Divākara and Vikramāditya on the basis of Guņavacanadvātrimśikā of Siddhasena, which was according to her composed to address a royal patron who is revealed as such a unique personality, standing out in bold relief against a background of warfare, empire building and ingenious rule. On the basis of these qualities of a king Dr. Krause infer that this Gunavacanadvātrimśikā is composed by Siddhasena in the honour of Samudragupta, the father of Candragupta II, the Vikramāditya. She has supported her thesis on the basis of some Jaina and non-Jaina literary and epigraphical sources. Regarding the date of Siddhasena Divākara, she is of the firm opinion that he belongs to fifth century A.D. I also favour this date of Siddhasena, which I have already proved in my Introduction to Dr. Shriprakash Pandey's Hindi work “Siddhasena Divākara : Vyaktittva and Krtittva” published from Vidyāpītha in 1997. If we accepts that Siddhasena Divākara belongs to fifth century A.D. then there is no difficulty in accepting the contemporaneity of Siddhasena Divākara and Candragupta II, the Vikramāditya. The Ksapanaka, one of the nine jewels of Vikramāditya was no other than Siddhasena Divākara, as she has concluded.
This article of Dr. Krause is really a master piece of her research work. It is well documented and supported by 205 references from Jaina and non-Jaina sources, literary as well as epigraphical.
The eighth article, “Jāvada of Māņdu”, is about a person who lived in sixteenth century of Vikrama era and was famous for his charity. In this essay Dr. Krause has presented the biography of Jāvada on the basis of some literary and epigraphical evidences found in Jaina sources. In his biography Dr. Krause has mentioned his lineage, official and social position, his pilgrimages, welcoming the Guru and acceptance of the twelve vows. While accepting the fifth vow of the limitations of one's property, Jāvada reserved following quantity of his possessions for his lifetime 1,00,000 mounds of

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grain; 1,00,000 mounds of ghi and oil; 1,000 ploughs; 2,000 plough oxen, 10 houses and markets; 4 mounds of silver; 1 mound of gold; 4 mounds of pearls; 300 mounds of gems; 10 mounds of base metal; 20 mounds of coral; 1,00,000 mounds of salt; 2,000 mounds of molasses; 200 mounds of opium; 2,000 asses; 100 carts, 1,500 horses; 50 elephants, 100 camels; 50 mules; 20,00,000 Țankas.
By these figures one can infer the richness of Jāvada, a businessman of ancient Māņdu of the fifteen-sixteen century. In this article Dr. Krause has mentioned the generous charity of Jāvada temples he had built and statues he had installed. Among these statues there was one statue of gold weighing 10 kg. and one of silver weighing 20 kg. In the consecration festival he had spend 15 lacs of rupees. From all these informations which Dr. Krause had supplied, we can have an idea of her depth in the study of Jaina history as well as the richness and charitable attitude of Jaina śrāvakas of that time.
In the English section of this volume last two articles are about the biography of Vijayadharma Sūri and his sayings. It is worthy to mention that Vijayadharma Sūri was not only her teacher for Jainological studies, but also a spiritual guide. She had great regard for him. In this biography she has mentioned his popularity among Jains and non-Jains, his eminent personality, literary and editorial activities, scholarship and educational works. The main contribution of Vijayadharma Sūriji is promoting Jainology across the sea in western scholars, significant reforms in monastic customs and his attempt to solve the Devadravya and another disputes prevailing in Jaina society.
In Sayings of Vijayadharma Sūri, Dr. Krause has chosen meticulously the inspiring sayings of his revered teacher from his preachings and sermons for which she deserves for thanks from the Jaina society as well as the individuals interested in their spiritual upliftment. These sayings can play a vital role in the spiritual development of human personality.

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Hindi section of this book includes two important articles of the celebrated author namely “Jaina Sāhitya aura Mahākāla Mandira” and “Adhunika Jaina Samāja kī Sāmājika Paristhiti”. The latter is the Hindi version of her English article "Social Atmosphere of Present Jainism”, which I have already commented upon. In the former article, in the beginning, Dr. Krause has supplied various literary evidences proving the existence of Mahākāla temple at Ujjain. No doubt she has made exhaustive survey of Jaina literature in support of her view starting from 'Kahāvali' of Bhadreśvara (1205 A.D.) to Upadeśaprāsāda of Vijayalakşmi Sūri ( 1778 A.D.). She has also quoted Avantisukumāla episode, cited in some early canonical and non-canonical works of the Svetāmbaras and Digambaras in support of the existence of Kālakādīśvara or Kudangeśvara or Kuțumbeśvara with Mahākālavana which later on said to be changed as Mahākāla Mandira. It may be a matter of dispute whether a Jaina temple was changed into Mahākāla Mandira or the Śivalinga, after the recitation of Siddhasena Divākara's eulogy in its praise, itself got changed into the Jaina image or whether Vikramāditya became a Jaina or not, but literary, archaeological and epigraphical evidences refers to in her work establishes her as a serious scholar, ever worked on this subject.
Gujarati section includes some important articles authored by Dr. C. Krause namely, Śrī Hemavimala Sūri krta Tera Kāthīyāni Sajjhāya, Bhānumeru krta Candanabālā Sajjhāya, Kainka Sankheśvara Sāhitya, Sri Phalavardhi Pārsvanātha Stuti along with some reviews. These articles shows her efficiency of Gujarati language and deep insight as well as interest into hymnical literature. Indeed it was her laudable effort.
Last book section includes her two famous work “Ancient Jaina Hymns" and "Nāsaketarī Kathā". In Ancient Jaina Hymns she has edited some very important hymns noted amongst are ‘Munisuvrata Stavana', 'Śrī Devakulādinātha Stavana', 'Sri Varakāņa-Pārsvanātha-Stotram', 'Sri Sīmandhara Svāmi Stavana',

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and so on in which she not only edited the text of hymns but has supplied all its variants and notes etc. which further shows her talent and scholarship.
Appendix of the book includes some articles dealing with her life, glimpses from the letters of German as well as Indian Indologist about Dr. Krause, some 'Dohās' written in her praise, Janmādivịttam and Abhinandanam by Dr. Kapildeva Dwivedi, German Jaina Srāvikā Dr. Charlotte Krause, a Hindi article of Shri Hazarimull Banthia and at last her Will.
Being a multifarious writer she has written so many articles and monographs and different aspects of Jaina literature which are not possible to accommodate in one and single volume. Her some articles and books which are left in this volume will be published in its next volume.
It is my privilege that I was asked to write an Introduction on the works of such a great scholar. I thank to the authorities of the Pārsvanātha Vidyāpītha for their commendable decision to publish this work. I must record my sincere thanks to Dr. Shriprakash Pandey who has not only edited this work but also supplied me all necessary literature to prepare my introduction.
I hope this work will be expedient not only to the researchers working in the field of Indology particularly on Jaina Literature but to the enlightened individuals also.
Sagarmal Jain
Vaišākha Purnimā Shajapur.

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Contents
pages iii - iv
vii - viji
ix - xxi XXV - XXXvii
3
-
30
93 - 104 105 - 113 114 - 178
Publisher's Note Acknowledgements Foreword : Dr. S. R. Sarma Introduction : Dr. Sagarmal Jain Biography
Section 1 : English The Kaleidoscope of Jaina Wisdom An Interpretation of Jaina Ethics The Heritage of Last Arhat The Jaina Canon and Early Indian Court Life The Social Atmosphere of Present Jainism Pythagoras : The Vegetarian Siddhasena Divākara and Vikramāditya Jāvada of Māņdu Poetical Biography of Vijayadharma Sūri Sayings of Vijayadharma Sūri
Section 2 : Hindi Jaina Sāhitya aur Mahākāla Mandira Ādhunika Jaina Samāja kī Sāmājika Paristhiti
Section 3 : Gujarati Śrī Hemavimala Sūri krta 'Tera Kāthīyānī Sajjhāya' Śri Bhānumeru krta 'Candanabāla Sajjhāya' Māndavagadhanā : Śrī Pramadapārsvadeva Śri Phalavardhi Pārsvanātha Stuti Kairka Śankheśvara Sāhitya Samīksā
179 - 197 198 - 213 214 - 226
229 – 262 263 – 272
275 279 280 - 284 285 – 291 292 – 298 299 – 307 308 – 310

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pages
313 – 464 465 – 595
Section 4: Books Ancient Jaina Hymns Nāsaketari Kathā
Appendix ( A ) Glimpses From the Letters [B]German Jaina Śrāvikā Dr. Krause [C]German Jaina Śrāvikā Dr. Subhadrā Devī Rāsa [D] Jaina-darśana-viśāradā: Dr. Charlotte Krause [E] Janmādivsttar & Abhinandanam [F] Registered Will of Dr. Charlotte Krause
597 – 609 610 - 613 614 – 616 617 620 – 623 624 – 627

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Dr. Charlotte Krause
Biography* Dr. ( Miss ) Charlotte Krause's name has not been entirely unfamiliar to the academic world. She is known to both Western and Indian scholar of Indology, and especially to the Jainas. However, it will be a striking feature of human transience in all walks and endeavours, when one ventures to find out reliable data about this remarkable woman, who, apart from making a mark in Indological studies both in Germany and in India, stirs our interest in and respect for her authentic and sincere way of life. . Dr. Luitgard Soni
After giving up a very promising career in German academia she spent more than half of her long life in India, doing research and working in the field of education. European and Indian scholars knew her personally, appreciated her scholarship, gained a lot from her proficiency in languages and her vast insider knowledge regarding various aspects of Jainism. Yet the memory of her fell into oblivion already during her the last years of her old age, so much so that no one took notice of her death and the usual obituary for scholars was not done. Thus, her name is missing even in such elaborate accounts as German scholars in India and the standard reference for German scholars ( Kürschners Gelehrtenkalender ) contains only her date of birth and her first academic works, which were published in the twenties.
Why was she so easily forgotten ? Is it because she was a person, who did not thread the usual path of academicians by * A short biography by Luitgard Soni, University of Marburg,
Germany.

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actually living in her field of her research, with the people concerned, i.e., the Indians, the Jaina monks, nuns and laity ? Is it because she was a woman, who did not thread the usual path of women by leaving her native place, by shunning a promising career and by spending her life in research and work abroad? And is it perhaps also due to the disastrous effects and consequences of World War II, which not only immediately ruined millions of people, innumerable countries and traditions, but for many years afterwards severed all cultural communication? Many questions about motives and reasons of her curriculum vitae must unfortunately still remain unanswered. We can attempt here at least to sketch out the main lines of her biography, and especially to collect and list the available information about her scholarly work, lest it too will be lost to later students of the history of Jainism.
Charlotte Krause was born in Germany on May 18, 1895 in the city of Halle on the river Saale. Her parents were Anna and Hermann Krause, a merchant and patron of the fine arts. Her three brothers were younger than she, with professions in the arts and in business. Charlotte passed her matriculation in 1914 in the then famous Girl's High School of Dessau, where she received a thorough grounding in classical as well as modern languages, in the humanities and in science. After a two year break in her education, due to the outbreak of the First World War, Charlotte Krause enroled in the famous University of Marburg as a student of science, which had been her special interest since childhood, when she used to observe and study plants, animals and natural phenomena in the large country-estate of her maternal grandfather. It was then that she developed a deep-rooted love for nature and its creatures, by the study of which she had hoped to solve some of the great problems of life and creation.
In her studies she also had the opportunity to listen to great teachers of philosophy and history. She was immensely intrigued by these subjects and so decided finally to specialize in philosophy and

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religion. Hence, as was then also necessary in the curriculum, she devoted herself eagerly to linguistic studies, which is the key to the literature concerned. In several renowned German universities she subsequently studied comparative linguistics, oriental languages and especially Samsksta with such specialists as Richard Garbe in Tübingen and Ernst Windisch and Johannes Hertel in Leipzig.
She received her Ph. D. degree as early as in 1920 in Leipzig and henceforth devoted herself to Indology, working with Johannes Hertel whose critical philological method also became the basis for her own scholarly work. She published the Jaina stories about Prince Aghata and Ambađa in translation and edited the Nāsaketari Kathā, an old Rājasthānī tale with a grammar of old Rājasthānī. This work fulfilled the requirements for the 'Habilitation', an important qualification for a career in German academia. She became a Fellow and Assistant Professor of Indian and Comparative Philology at the University of Leipzig in 1923. At the early age of 28 she was first lady fellow ever admitted there. During these years she also wrote a lengthy article on a newly discovered version of the Jaina Pañcatantra in Old Gujarati.
All these works of Charlotte Krause published in Germany before she was 30 years of age. They are of a high standard, evincing not only her proficiency in philology but also her outstanding talent as a translator. She was thus able to reach out to a wider circle of readers, not only to students and scholars of religious studies and the history of literature, but also to the generally interested reader.
Johannes Hertel, the head of the Institute of Indology in Leipzig, was planning a centre for Jaina Studies at the University. He had been in lively contact with the internationally renowned scholar-monk, the Jaina Ācārya Vijayadharma Sūri and his group of sādhus, especially Ācārya Vijaya Indra Sūri. The Ācāryas supported Hertel's academic work by lending him numerous manuscripts, by presenting him books and also by giving him financial help for the publication of his work and the planned centre of Jaina studies.

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xxviii ]
Charlotte Krause was supposed to have played a key role in this centre and therefore she was given a two year leave of absence, in order to deepen her knowledge in India itself.
On the October 15, 1925 she landed in Bombay and enjoyed first the hospitality of Mr. Jamsedji Saklatwalla and his family who introduced her to Pārasi scholars, since she also intended to continue her Avesta and Pahlevi studies which she began in Germany.
In March 1926, she decided to set out on a tour of Jaina centres, invited by Mr. M. K. Shah of Bombay, the then Secretary of the Jaina Gurukula of Shivpuri. En route she visited several important Jaina places and made the acquaintance of Jaina personalities, among them śāntamūrti Jainamuni Hamsavijaya, the poet of many a beautiful hymns in praise of the Jinas, and the scholar Mr. Keshavalal P. Modi of Ahmedabad. It was on Mt. Abu where she for the first time met the successor of the internationally renowned Jainācārya Mahātmā Vijayadharma Sūri, the equally agile protector and promoter of Jaina studies in the West, Itihāsa-tattva Mahodadhi Jainācārya Vijaya Indra Sūri. Charlotte Krause had eagerly awaited to meet him, having corresponded with him long before in the West. She also met some other learned disciples of Vijaya Dharma Sūri, Upādhyāya-Nyāyaviśärada-Nyāyatīrtha Mangalavijaya, śāntamūrti Muni Jayantavijaya and others, whose scholarship and calmness of mind impressed her deeply.
At her destination, the Vīratattva Prakāśaka Mandala in Shivapuri, which was then in the state of Gwalior, she found an extraordinary centre of Jaina studies. During the life of the two Ācāryas the Mandala attracted both Indian and foreign scholars like a magnet. In their endeavour to promote Jainism the Ācāryas were not only very open to scholars but also helpful and generous in providing books, manuscripts, discourses and information to the knowledge seekers. Among the long list of renowned scholars were those of the calibre of L. P. Tessitori, M. Winternitz, W. Schubring, L. Alsdorf to name only a few. [ The centre of Jaina studies in

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Shivapuri has now lost its scholarly vibrations entirely, it lies now almost completely abandoned, the remarkable library is unused and filled with dust. It is still under the care of the aged secretary of Vijaya Indra Sūri, who enthusiastically talks about the old, glorious days and of Charlotte Krause, whom he knew personally. ]
Charlotte Krause now studied and worked in this famous academic yet remote and quiet place. Very soon, and partly by teaching her fellow students English and German, she mastered Hindi and Gujarati to a degree that she herself could deliver speeches and write essays and articles in these languages. The main subjects of her studies were Old Gujarati literature, Agamas and Jaina philosophy for which she found several erudite teachers like Śāsanadīpaka Jaina Muni Vidyāvijaya, Sāntamūrti Muni Jayantavijaya and Upādhyāya-Nyāyaviśārada-Nyāyatīrtha Mangalavijaya.
She integrated well into the life-style of the monks and the nuns and travelled on foot with them through the length and breadth of India. From several sources we know that she undertook the long walk lasting more than six months from Shivapuri to Bombay together with the monks following the Ācārya and his disciples. This was one of the manifold unique experiences giving her a profound insight into the activities of such a vihāra. On the way the group visited many important Jaina places, such as Gunā, Maksi, Māņdavagadha, Ujjain, Indore and Nasik. She thus came in direct contact with life in India, with its customs, dialects, various religions and sects and many Jaina communities.
During all these months she was in contact with her University in Germany and wrote lengthy letters to her teacher Johannes Hertel. A quotation from one of his letters written to her in 1927 echoes very well her accounts of this moving time : “...that the surroundings, in which you are living now attract you strongly, and that you at your youthful age ( she was 32 ) open widely your eyes, spirit and heart to all the beautiful, all that is worthy of seeing, learn

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ing and knowing, I do not only understand, but it makes me extremely happy."
In Bombay she delivered a public lecture in the Cowasji Jehangir Hall on the Correlations between Jainism and Science as well as several smaller lectures and in December 1927 she set out for a long tour to Gujarat and Kathiawar in the company of Chunilal S. Gandhi, a senior student at Shivapuri. Her tour took her to Sanjan and Navsari with their ancient Pārasī civilisation, Baroda, Ahmedabad, Viramgam, Mandal, Sankeshvar with its famous shrine of Lord Pārśva, Vadhvan, Sayla, Limbdi, Bhavnagar, where she met Mr. A. G. Sunavala and the learned Seth Kunvaraji Anandji, Talaja with its beautiful Jaina temples, Mahuva, the birth place of Vijayadharma Sūri, Junagadh, Girnar, Veraval, Prabhas Patan, Porbander, where she was the guest of Devidas Gherveria, the well-known patron of Jaina studies, Jamnagar, Dvaraka, Rajkot.
During a stay in Beawar on this trip Charlotte Krause publicly announced that she is taking the vow of ahimsa and was henceforth known as Subhadra Devi. Her leave from the University of Leipzig was extended for two more years.
She returned to Shivapuri in April 1928 and continued her studies and thus gaining a deep insight in the various branches of Jainism. Her learning won her great approval everywhere in India and on the occasion of the anniversary of the Shivapuri institution in Autumn 1928 she was honoured with the title Bhāratīya-SahityaVisārada in the presence of numerous erudite representatives of the Jaina community and members of the ruling council of the Gwalior
state.
In December of the same year Charlotte Krause's father came to India and both of them set out for a sight-seeing tour of North and Central India, during which time they also had a chance to meet several Jaina communities and Jaina ascetics, like Munirāja Lalitavijaya in Sadri.

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After seeing her father off in Bombay, Charlotte Krause went straight back to Shivapuri in February 1929. It must have been at this time that Charlotte Krause resolved not to return to Germany, fully aware of the consequences. Most important among these was the loss of her post in the university in Leipzig, because it could no longer be retained for her and so her academic career in Germany came to an end. For her, the stay in India at that time was a most profitable and receptive period of learning, followed by a productive period of lecturing and publishing. Her publications during this time are less the result of special indological research, than the reflections of an experienced and committed western observer. They are critical and prove a very sound and differentiated judgement. In her article The Social Atmosphere of Present Jainism (1929 ) she analyses the nuisance of caste-practices by the Jainas in North and Central India and the conflicts between Svetāmbaras and Digambaras over the claim on Tirthas. Other examples of her publishing activity from this time are An Interpretation of Jaina Ethics ( 1929 ) and Individual and Society ( 1931 ).
In the year 1932, after seven years of intensive life and work in Shivapuri, Charlotte Krause left the community and went to Gwalior. She became the tutor of Princess Kamalā Rājā, the sister of the then Rajā of Gwalior and afterwards she served as the DeputyInspector General of Female Education in the Gwalior State.
During World War II she was not interned like other German nationals but was allowed to remain free due to the protection of Rājā Jivāji Rao Scindia of Gwalior who granted her sanctuary in the Scindia Oriental Institute in Ujjain, where she held the post of a curator from 1942 to 1947. During these years she published several works in English, Hindi and Gujarati. Her indological publications concentrate on two major areas : one pertaining to hagiographical research, viz., Jaina Sähitya Aur Mahākāla Mandira ( 1944 ) and Siddhasena Divākara and Vikramăditya ( 1948 ). The other encompasses critical editions of hymns and

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]
didactic poems ( sajjhāya) of the Jainas. The texts are in Saṁskṛta, Apabhrarśa and Old-Gujarati. The editions are partially furnished with extensive comments and notes. These works appear as five articles in the Jaina Satya Prakāśa ( 1945-1954 ) and in the books Traņa Prācīna Gujarāti Kịtio ( 1951 ) and Ancient Jaina Hymns (1952).
After 1952 Charlotte Krause settled again in Gwalior, now as Indian citizen. She received a small pension from her occupation as Inspectress of Schools and gave private lessons in English and German. Apparently she did not publish much anymore and might have lost contact with the established academia in the West. Some of her German and Indian scholar-colleagues have observed that because she failed in her attempts to get a research assignment in India, such as from the L. D. Institute of Indology in Ahmedabad, she might have felt that she was not really recognised by the scholarly world. One even wonders whether this was the reason why she did not participate in the All India Oriental Conference in Ahmedabad in 1953.
In about 1960, she came in contact with the Catholic Church in Gwalior and started taking interest in the Catholic faith. Soon afterwards she converted to the Roman Catholic faith. In 1962, she had a small house built in the premises of the Catholic Church St. Johan the Baptist in Gwalior on the agreement that the bungalow would belong to the Church after her death. She stayed there until her death on January 27, 1980. Scholarly Bequest* in B.O.R.I., Pune
In her will Dr. Charlotte Krause wrote: "To the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute (B. O. R. I.), P. O. Deccan Gymkhana, Poona - 1, I leave (1) all my books other than on Homoeopathy and Medicines, ( 2 ) my finished and unfinished research papers and notes with their boxes, if any."
* Seen by Luitgard Soni in March 1996.

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According to the librarian at B. O. R. I. around 1635 titles were received in 1981. The books are not yet catalogued but they are in the register of books received. The finished and unfinished research papers and notes' are kept in a room in the first floor of the B.O. R. I. library together with papers, correspondence and bequests of other scholars. The bequest Krause is kept in six bundels containing the following: Boxes : 1. One box of cards recording the botanical names in the
Svetāmbara Canon. 2. One box recording the Pārśva Tirthas mentioned only in
texts already printed. Manuscripts : 1. Lecture for the ‘Habilitation' 16-6-1923 : “Die Entwicklung
der arisch-indischen Sprachen." ( The Development of the
Indo-Aryan Languages ). 2. Gujarati Grammar for teaching in the University 1923/243. 3. Sarnskrta for Beginners. 4. Introductory remarks about the interpretation of Prāksta
texts. 5. On the Brhatkathā.
“Die indo-arischen Sprachen' ( The Indo-Arian Languages ), 33 pages, typed with hand-corrections. Notes referring to Dharmadeśanā of Vijayadharma Sūri ( This is the title of a series of papers published by Vijaya
dharma Sūri in the Journal Jaina-Śāsana ). 8. Śrī Sukanadīpikācupau ( in Gujarati, 21 pages, handwritten ). 9. Süryamatī, Queen of Kashmir ( Manuscript of a lecture
about Süryamatī, according to Kalhana's Rājatarangiņi,
handwritten ). Note-books ( in German, Prākṣta ) : 1. Literature concerning Pratyākhyāna. 2. Various studies on Pratyākhyāna ( especially on food ).

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3. Studies and translations concerning Pratyākhyāna from the
Canon of the Svetāmbara. 4. Three note-books on Pratyākhyāna, also according to the
Abhidhāna Rājendra Kośa. 5. Preliminary Works on Botany ( e.g., Prajñāpanā). 6. Sūtrakstānga. 7. Botany according to Varņaka. 8. Miscellaneous. 9. Prajñāpanā ( Survey ).
Other Note-books : 1. Eleven note-books of various contents : collections of verses,
lexicography in Gujarati regarding the language used by Svetāmbara Sādhus of different gacchas ( e. g., terms for
clothing or utensils ). 2. Notes for Charlotte Krause's own lectures. 3. Notes on sermons given by Vidyāvijayajī.
Copy-books :
1. On Vijaya Indra Sūri in Gujarati. 2. Sri Mallinātha Räsa ( two books ). 3. Notes on the Nayas. 4. Old Gujarati Rāsa : Aitihāsika Rāsa Sangraha I-III ( English
Translation ). 5. Aitihăsika Rāsa Sangraha IV : Darśanavijaya, Vijaya Tilaka
Sūra Rāsa, Shivapuri 1921 (English translation ). 6. Translation of Sūrīśvara ane Samrāta. 7. Copies of various manuscripts, dated February 1943, Ujjain. 8. Notes on atrological studies. 9. Translation of the Vetāla-pañca-vimsatikā from the Gujarati
(ed. by Jagjivanadasa Dayalji Modi ) dated 1921. 10. Several copy-books with copies of manuscripts from the
Scindia Oriental Institute, Ujjain.

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Unpublished Articles : 1. Wie man in Gujarat kocht and speist ( How one cooks and
eats in Gujarat ). 2. Indische Kultur ( Indian Culture ). 3. Mathurā : Das indische Jerusalem ( Mathura : The Indian
Jerusalem ). 4. Prācīna Rūpa men Ahiṁsā Pratipādana. 5. Der Jaina Tempel ( The Jaina Temple ). 6. The Jaina Story of Aghata, The Source of an Ancient
German Tale. 7. The Mallinātha Rāsa by Rşabhadāsa, dated 14-7-1934. 8. Von indischen Wassern ( About Indian Waters ). 9. A Jaina Monk ( About Vidyāvijayaji ). Newspaper-articles in Jayaji Pratap, Gwalior : 1. Shivapuri or the Šāntiniketana of the Jainas, January 1930. 2. Rohini, September 1934. 3. Fire Divine, October 1937. 4. English in Female Education, June 1942. 5. The Birth of a Royal Child in Ancient India, March 1942 6. Grhastha-jīvana ki ridha grha udyoga hain, April 1947. Other Newspaper Articles : 1. My Gurus, Newspaper-article in the Divali issue of The
Hindustan, 1927, p. 27. 2. Jaina Utsavom kí Višeșată, Śri Verikateśvara Samācāra,
October 1928. Bibliography 1922 ( trsl. ) Prinz Aghata. Die Abenteuer Ambadas. Indische
Novellen 1. Leipzig : H. Haessel. 1924 "Eine neue Pañcatantra-Mischrezension in Alt-Gujarātī” in :
Streitberg-Festgabe. Leipzig : Market & Petters Verlag. 1925 ( ed. ) Nāsaketari Kathā, an old Rājasthāni Tale. Ed. with
notes, a grammar and a glossary. Leipzig : Asia Major (Phil. Hab. Schrift from June 1923 ).

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1925 Book-review: R. E. Hume The Thirteen Principal Upaniṣads. In ZDMG 79, pp. 334-336.
1926 Jangala main Mangala, Shivapuri.
1928 Indo-Iranian Fire. Worship. In
The Samaldas College Magazine, Vol. XI, September 1928, No. 1, pp.1-23. 1929 An Interpretation of Jaina Ethics, A Lecture. Bhavanagar, Shri Yashovijaya Jaina Granthamala, p. 37.
1929 The Kaleidoscope of Indian Wisdom. A Lecture. Bhavnagar. 1930 Book-review: L. Alsdorf Der Kumārapālapratibodha. In : Orientalistische Literaturzeitung. 33 col. 672-674.
1930 Book-review: A. A. Guerinot La Religion Jaina. In: ZDMG 84, pp. 195-202.
1930 The Heritage of the Last Arhat. A Lecture. Bhavnagar: Shri Yashovijaya Jaina Granthamala.
1930 "The Social Atmosphere of Present Jainism" in: The Calcutta Review.
1930 Adhunika Jaina Sāmājika Paristhiti. In: Anekānta, pp. 463470. Also in Prabhāta, 1930. pp. 22-33.
:
1931 “Individual and Society in Jainism" in: The Calcutta Review. 1932 "Pythagoras: The Vegetarian" in: The Calcutta Review, pp. 207-215.
1933 (2nd edition) Sayings of Vijayadharma Sūri. Translated by Charlotte Krause. Bhavnagar. Shri Vijayadharma Sūri Jaina Granthamala 7.
1934 "The Jaina Canon and Early Indian Court Life" In The Calcutta Review, 1934, pp. 2-5.
1944 "Jaina Sahitya aur Mahākāla-Mandira", Vikrama Smṛti Grantha, Ujjain.
1945 "Some Literature on Śankheśvara" in: Śrī Jaina Satya Prakāśa, Ahmedabad, Varṣa 11, Anka 3, pp. 73-80. 1945 "Śrī-Phalavarddhi-Pārśvanatha-Stuti" in: Śrī Jaina Satya Prakāśa, Ahmedabad, Varṣa 11, Anka 4, pp. 138-142.

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1946 "Śrī-Hemavimala Sūri's “Ter Kāțhiyāni Sajjhāya” in : Sri
Jaina Satya Prakāśa, Ahmedabad, Varșa 12, Anka 3, pp.
74-76. 1946 “Candanabālā-sajjhāya" in : Śrī Jaina Satya Prakāśa,
Ahmedabad, Varşa 12, Anka 5-6, pp. 161-164. 1948 "Siddhasena Divākara and Vikramaditya", Vikrama Volume,
Ujjain. 1951 “Traņa Prācīna Gujarāti Kịtio” in : Gujarāta Vidyā Sabhā,
Ahmedabad. 1952 Ancient Jaina Hymns, critically edited with introduction,
discourses, notes and index. Ujjain : Scindia Oriental Series
No. 2. 1954 "Māndavagadhanā Śrī Pramada-Pārsvadeva" in : Śri Jaina
Satya Prakāśa, Ahmedabad, Varşa 19, Anka 2-3, pp. 39-43. 1955 “Jaina Dharma Guruone Pujāri Tarike Olakhāvya" in : Sri
Jaina Satya Prakāśa, Ahmedabad, Arika 4, pp. 74-75. 1955 “Jaina Kathā Sāhityanā Mahārāthī Professor Dr. Hertelnā
Dehānta" in: Sri Jaina Satya Prakāśa, Ahmedabad, Anka 4,
p. 73. “New Light on the Vedic and Avestic Religions", Triveni
Journal of Indian Renaissance, Madras. .... .... "Jāvada of Mandu”, Journal of the Madhya Pradesh Itihasa
Parishad, Bhopal, No. IV.

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Section : English
The Kaliedoscope of Jaina Wisdom An Interpretation of Jaina Ethics The Heritage of Last Arhat
The Jaina Canon and Early Indian Court Life The Social Atmosphere of Present Jainism Pythagoras: The Vegetarian Siddhasena Divākara and Vikramāditya Jāvaḍa of Māṇḍu
Poetical Biography of Vijayadharma Sūri Sayings of Vijayadharma Sūri

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Human life is a strange thing. Here we are, all of us, destined to live and condemned to die : ignorant all the time as to who and what we are, where we came from, and whither we are bound, why we are here, and why we have to suffer pain now, and, the next moment, are allowed to enjoy. Ignorant we are as to what this world in which we are placed, may be like, and as to the power that prescribes its laws. Nor do we know how to act, nor what to leave undone in the face of this chaos of struggling powers round about.
But here we are, and there are our instincts that bid us preserve our lives at any cost, that bid us eat and drink and sleep, live and grow, seek happiness, and shun displeasure and pain. If our intellect asks us why we do not hesitate to obey them, we find just as much time as is sufficient to persuade ourselves that we do not know it, that we cannot know it, and that we need not know it either, but that we only need live and prosper, multiply and die.
Still, since pre-historical times, and perhaps earlier, human society has always produced such individuals as did not rest pleased with this kind to reply, but tried to reveal the great secrets of life. Some tried it by Science, working by the means of observation, experiment and logical inference. And science has indeed found out marvellous things. Science can tell us what time a ray of light requires in order to travel from the sun down to us. Science knows the secrets of the rainbow, of lightning, and of the shining crystals in the depths of the earth. Science knows how delicate green ferns and * A Lecture by Dr. Charlotte Krause. Published by Phulchandji
Ved, Secretary, Shri Yashovijaya Jaina Granthamala, Bhavnagar (Kathiawar ), 1930, on behalf of Desai Lallubhai Velchand in the sacred memory of his father Velchand Vishram of Paladi, Sihore.

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grasses turned into black coal, how glowing magma turned into metals and mountains. Science knows how atoms are composed, and by what laws planets rotate, and suns revolve in eternal orbs. Science can tell us the minutest details of the cells that compose our body, of the admirable structure of the human eye, of the workshop of our heart, of the development of the embryo, and of the decay of the senile body.
But science does not know whither the souls of the deceased have gone, nor why they had been bound to such and such a body for such and such a space of time, nor why they had to suffer from such and such ailments of body and of mind.
Others have tried to approach those great problems from the opposite side, viz., that of Religion, working by the means of imagination and of those dark feelings that are slumbering in the human heart, such as fear of the powerful, awe of the unknown, and that categorical longing for mental rest and support, for harmony and perfection, that so often makes us act in opposition to our instincts. And religion has made us see wonder over wonder : Heavens full of bright immortals, and ringing of joy, and deep Hells full of evil smell and darkness and clamour, it made us see hosts of spirits and goblins in tree and hill and fountain, and an eternal soul in man that migrates from birth to birth, or, becoming bodiless, haunts the place where its body withers, and enters paradise or hell. Religion made us see that great God, who created the universe, who created man and woman, plant and animal, who once, getting angry with men for their sins, punished them by pouring down floods over floods on them, and afterwards felt compassion and saved them, not only from the floods, but also from sin, which would have led them to eternal destruction, saved them from sin by incarnating on earth in the shape of a Christ, a Muni, a Krsna, or a Rāma or by sending down his messenger in the shape of a Moses, a Mohammud, a Zarthosht, and others. Religion promised heaven to the good and hell to the wicked, Religion made people build temples and offer

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sacrifices, practise penances, sing hymns, and prostrate themselves before idols, and it made people die for their faith : but Religion has never been able to prove what it promulgated, nor has it ever been able to make that old yearning for absolute and final truth become silent in the heart of man, in the middle of the orgies of its ecstasies.
At last, Philosophy took the problem into her hand. Respecting the limits drawn by science, and allowing, on the other hand, those inspirations and feelings, the procreators of Religion, to have their chance too, Philosophy began to erect her lofty buildings of daring speculation, large enough to enclose Macrocosm and Microcosm, God and Soul, Eternity and Infinite Space. She neither shared the toil and labour of science, nor the ecstasies of religion, but set to work for her own pleasure and content: calmly, serenely, like a child absorbed in silent play.
India has been her favourite haunt since many a century. Already in some of the Vedic hymns, philosophical speculation is astir. Its object is the Purusa, who represents the universe, or the question of Sat and Asat, and whether of the two was existing at the beginning of creation, or the question as to which of the Devas is worthiest to be worshipped, and whether there exists any Devas at all. Very often, its subject is Agni, the divine charioteer, who conveys the sacrificial gifts to Heaven, and all his manifold shapes. People had observed Agni, the combination of heat and light, not only on the altar, but also Agni in the sky, in the shape of sun, moon, and stars, Agni in the pebbles and rocks, Agni in the plants and in wood, particularly that of the Asvattha and the Sami trees, out of which it used to be produced by friction, for sacrificial purposes, Agni in the earth, in the shape of ignes fatui and volcanic phenomena, Agni in the air and clouds, in the shape of lightning, Agni in the waters, in the shape of the reflected light of sun and moon, and Agni in animals and in man, in the shape of bodily warmth and that of the sparkling of the living eye and its phosphorescence in darkness. This omnipresent Agni became-as Professor Johannes Hertel

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of Leipzig has shown in his late epoch-making researches – the chief principle of the speculation of the earlier Upanişads, which connected all the various shapes of Agni to one entity, and derived them from a great cosmic fire which was thought to surround the world and to shine down on earth through the openings in the stonevault of the sky known as sun, moon and stars. The individual Agnis which were thought to form the chief principle of life, in the shape of the 'Jatharāgni' or stomach-fire, and of bodily warmth, were imagined to form part of that cosmic fire, i.e., to have sprung from it, and to return to it after death, to return to Heaven, beyond the stonevault, where, in an atmosphere of fire and light, the Devas were believed to live, with bodies consisting all of light and fire likewise. According to Prof. Hertel's imposing assumption, the cremation of the dead, as well as the burning of the sacrificial gifts would be nothing but attempts to make the things destined to go to Heaven, fit for an existence in that fiery atmosphere, by transmuting them into sire before hand.
Originally, the name of the cosmic fire was 'Brahma' or ‘Brih', and if the earlier Upanişads say that Brahmā and Ātmā are identical, then it means, according to Hertel, that the principle of life is one and the same in Microcosm and Macrocosm, and that it is nothing but that all-pervading combination of light and heat.
This grand old natural philosophy of the earlier parts of the Upanişads was afterwards forgotten, and all the passages referring to it, became, by and by, enigmata to following generations. People no longer knew the original meaning of 'Brahma', but began to speculate in order to find out and to deepen the sense of the sacred books of their ancestors. Thus, we find, in later parts of the Upanişads, the word 'Brahma' used with quite a different significance, viz., that of an attributeless, indefinite, indistinct principle of life which forms a strong contrast with the clearly defined concrete ‘Brahman' of old. With the attributeless Brahma, various new ideas and speculations found their way into the ancient scrip

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tures, till at last the ambiguity and diversity of their various strata, with their different tendencies and different derivations, gave rise to divergent interpretations.
All the six so-called orthodox systems of Hindu Philosophy claim to have interpretations of this very same old work, and of this very same old philosophical system. Nothing could be stranger than this contest with one another of those six children of one and the same common mother, as it were, whom each of them pretends to represent in an authentic way, declaring all the others to be impostors. Everybody knows the names of these so-called Orthodox Hindu-Darśanas or Vedic Darśanas, viz., the Sāňkhya, Yoga, Mimāṁsā, Vedānta, Naiyāyika and Vaiseșika systems.
Different as they appear, still they agree with one another as well as with the true ancient doctrine of the Upanişads in several essential features, viz., the assumption of the reality of soul, which, whether individual or general, manifold, or one, is always thought to be eternal and all-pervading, the ideas of metempsychosis, of another world, of the two kinds of Karma, viz. Punya and Pāpa, and the assumption that individual soul can get rid of the inhering Karma substance and attain a state of final salvation.
[A] The Vedic Darśanas 1. Sänkhya
The name of Rși Kapila, the claimed founder of the Sānkhya system, occurs already in the Upanişads themselves, and the system too is mentioned in as early texts as the Anuyogadvāra and Aupapātika Sūtras of the Svetāmbara Jainas. Thus, there are no doubts concerning its high age.
The Sānkhya system knows of numberless periods of creation, each being followed by a period of Pralaya or decay. At the beginning of each creation, nothing exists but the couple Prakrti and Purușa, the eternal ones. "The Puruşa is the principal of life, the Jivātmā or Soul, which is thought to be manifold and pervading, devoid of quality, unable of action, and unable of change.

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Praksti, on the other hand, is lifeless and unconscious. It consists of the three essences Sattva, i.e., Light; Rajas, i.e., the Faculty of Reacting, and Tamas, i.e., Darkness ( or Sukha, i.e., happiness, Duḥkha, i.e. pain, and Moha, i.e. infatuation), all three of which are, originally in a state of perfect equilibrium.
As soon as Prakrti finds herself in the presence of Purusa, action begins. For as a magnet, though itself inactive, forces the compass needle to react, in the same manner the inactive Purusa creates action within Prakrti. The equilibrium of the three essences is disturbed, and therewith, creation proper sets in. According to Sāňkhya logic, the cause always contains its effect, as e.g. a lump of clay contains the jar, or a quantity of thread the tissue. In the same way, Prakrti contains, in an unmanifest form, the seeds or dispositions of all its later products, the composition and shape of which is destined by the Karmas collected since eternity. All these products consist of the three essences in various stages of apportionment. Thus, Prakrti is also called the Avyakta, i.e. 'the Unmanifest'
As the first product or ‘Vikrti' of Prakrti, the Mahat-tattva, i.e., 'the Great Principle' or the Buddhitattva, i.e. 'Intellect', manifests itself.
The Tattva-portion of intellect has the efficacy of a clear mirror and reflects in itself the image of Purusa. Mistaking this image for its own self, intellect produces the Ahankāratattva, i.e., Self-consciousness. The Sattva-portion of Aharkāratattva, in its turn, makes the 11 senses, viz., the 5 senses of perception, 5 senses of action, and Manas, i.e. 'Mind', spring into existence, whereas its Tamas-portion produces the 5 Tanmātrās, i.e., subtle elements, enumerated as Sound, Tangibility, the object of visual perception which comprises Form and Colour, then Savour and Odour. The latter produce the 5 Mahābhūtas, i.e., gross elements, named Ether, Air, Fire, Water and Earth, in conformity with the well-known correlations of sound corresponding to Ether, Tangibility to Air, Colour and Form to Fire, Savour to Water, and Odour to Earth.

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These 23 Vikrtis, Prakrti, and Purușa, i.e., in all 25 Tattvas, form the universe, being subject to nobody and nothing but Karma. In conformity with the innate Karmas, individual parts or Vyastis split off from the different derivatives of Prakrti, and manifest themselves either in an inorganic shape, or in that of one or other of the various organisms we see round about. Each of these organisms has two bodies, crystallised, as it were, around the respective image of Puruşa to which they are bound by Karma. They are : a subtle body, which contains all the products of Praksti except the gross elements, and a gross body, which consists of all the 24 products The individual being liable to metempsychosis, its gross body lasts as long as the Karmas admit, i.e., it is being renewed in every subsequent existence. The subtle body, however, lasts not only throughout all the existences of the individual, but even throughout all the creations and Pralayas, slumbering, during the periods of Pralaya, in an unmanifest form in Praksti.
Outfitted with these two bodies, and subject to its due joys and sufferings, the individual lives from existence to existence, and goes on collecting new Karmas, Punya by action in accordance with, and Pápa by acting in contradiction to, the prescriptions of the Vedas.
At the time of Pralaya, a retrograde development takes place, the gross Vyaşti being withdrawn into their respective Samasti, substances, the gross elements into the fine elements, the latter and the senses into the Ahankāratattva, the Ahankāratattva into the Mahat-tattva, and the latter into Praksti, so that, finally, nothing remains but Purușa and Prakrti, till both of them find themselves again engaged in the old play of creation, as before.
In this eternal play of the two, primeval forces, individual man acts but an inferior part, his own self being nothing but matter that reflects back an image of Universal Energy, subject to the power of Karma, opposite which it is actually helpless. In the moment only, when the knowledge of the 25 Tattvas arises within

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him, the might of Karma is being broken, and the individual is said to have attained salvation ( Mokșa ). Then, its gross body dissolves into the elements, its subtle body fades away likewise, all the constituents re-entering their respective Samastis, and remaining, henceforth, unchangeable. Not even the image of Purusa, being reflected in the Samaşti Buddhitattva, can now affect them.
Thus, in the very moment of becoming aware of herself and of her reactions upon the presence of Purusa, Prakrti retires, as it were, within herself, like a bashful woman who suddenly finds herself in the presence of her lover :
prakrtayes sukumārataraṁ na kiñcid astīti me matirbhavati. yā drștāsmīti punaḥ na darśanamupaiti Purușasya.
Individual Puruşa, however, for whom there exists neither binding of Karma, nor Mokşa, remains, as before, in a state of eternal, inactive, boundless happiness, such boundless happiness as does not leave room even for a spark of self-consciousness.
According to another school of Sānkhya, self-consciousness is being produced by Puruşa and Buddhitattva finding their respective images reflected within each other. In this case, the Ahankāratattva, and thus the whole creation, consists of elements of both, Purusa as well as Praksti, and possesses, therefore, a higher degree of reality. Puruşa himself becomes subject of Karma and Mokşa. Besides, this school, assumes only one single creation, and denies the possibility of Pralaya. 2. Yoga
The Yoga-system of Patañjali agrees, in general, with the Sānkhya school just mentioned. The chief difference is the assumption of an omniscient, omnipresent power, apart from Puruşa, by whose Sankalpa, i.e., resolution, creation is being started in the same way as in Sānkhya. Irremissible for the attainment of Moksa are the so-called Astānga Yogas or, Angas, viz., Yama, i.e., selfrestraint; Niyama, i.e., restraint of mind; Āsana, i.e., the sitting in

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special postures; Prāṇāyāma, i.e., Breath-exercises; Pratyāhāra, i.e., withdrawal of the senses from external subjects; Dhāraṇā, i.e., concentration of mind (under retention of breath ); Dhyana, i.e., meditation, and Samādhi, i.e., abstract meditation to such an extent as to identify the contemplator with the object meditated upon. In this last stage, the Yogi gets united with God, who, as it were, manifests himself out of the soul of the Yogi, as fire does out of the fire-producing sticks. On the other hand, the attainment of salvation is possible by the mercy of God too. God is assumed to help his true devotee, if he is not able to undergo the Yoga practices, by annihilating his Karmas in an instant. In Mokṣa, the soul remains eternally united with God.
3. Mimāṁsä
The Purva-mīmāṁsā or Karma-mīmāṁsā or simply 'Mīmāmsä' system of Rși Jaimini is divided into two schools, that of Kumārila Bhatta and that of Prabhākara Miśra, both of which differ from each other only in unessential points. The Mimāṁsā system agrees with Sankhya, in denying the existence of a creator of the Universe, in proclaiming a variety of omnipervading souls, which are subject to Karma, and in assuming the Universe to be formed of the same elements as Sankhya does, with the only difference that Mīmāṁsă believes all these elements to have been in their present distribution since, and to remain so for all eternity, without any Pralayas interrupting their manifestations.
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11
Of Moksa, it speaks as a state of complete extinction of all the qualities and activities of the soul, happiness included. Therefore, Mokṣa is not regarded as worth being taken trouble for. On the contrary, the devotee is advised to collect as much Punya as he can, in order to gain the felicity of Heaven, rather than to strive after salvation by acquiring Tattvajñāna. The way of acquiring Punya consists, of course, in a strict execution of the Vedic prescriptions as to sacrifices etc. Therefore, only vidhi-vākya, i.e., such passages of the Vedas whether Samhitā, or Upaniṣad or Brāhmaṇa
as

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contain prescriptions of this kind, are declared to be authoritative. The rest, are disposed of under the name of 'Arthavāda', i.e., ‘Eulogia', and never earnestly taken account of. This is the reason why this system has also been called Adhvara-mīmāmsā, i.e., 'sacrificial Mimāṁsā'.
It denies, by-the-bye, the possibility of the attainment of omniscience, in contradistinction to all the other systems. 4. Vedānta
The Uttara-mīmāṁsā, Brahma-mīmāṁsā or Vedānta philosophy of Rși Vyāsa ( Bādarāyaṇa ) is the most important of the Hindu Darśanas, from the practical stand-point, since it is the only one that plays a part in modern Indian civilization. It has two great branches, the former of which is the Advaita Vedānta of Sankarācārya.
The Advaita Vedānta of Sankarācārya whom western Indology believes to have lived in the last decades of the 8th, and the early decades of the 9th centuries, has a considerable historical importance as that might which violently opposed and oppressed Buddhism as well as Jainism, at and after the time of its founder, and brought about a vigorous revival of the study of Saṁskṛta, and more especially, philosophical literature all over India.
The essential feature of this system is the assumption of one single, all-pervading entity, the 'Brahma'which is ‘Saccidānanda', i.e., really existing, omniscient and consisting of boundless eternal happiness. Unlike the Puruşa of Sārkhya, the Brahmais, and always remains, one. Since eternity, however, this Brahma has been inseparably interlinked with the unreal entity 'Māyā', i.e., illusion, or ‘Avidyā', i.e., reason of erroneous knowledge (not ignorance, as many people translate ). Māyā acts the part of Prakrti, with the only difference that its products are completely unreal, and that the image of Brahma reflected by the Samasti-Buddhitattva is called God. It is different from the plurality of individual souls, which represent Brahma's image as reflected by the Vyasti-Buddhitattvas or ‘Antah

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13
karaņas'( viz. : Manas, Buddhi, Citta and Ahankāra).
Thus, the Universe, Individual Soul and God in all his various incarnations as Rāma, Krsna and others, all three of them are illusory, unreal products of Brahma : they cannot be called Brahma's 'Pariņāma', in the sense in which a pot is called a Pariņāma, i.e., product of clay, but they are his 'vivarta', i.e., pseudo-product, just as the silver for which we mistook a shining conch-shell, is a pseudo-product of the conch-shell.
By correct and complete Tattvajñāna, the individual comes to recognize the one great truth, viz., that everything except Brahma is unreal, and that not only the ‘Knowable', but also the ‘Knower' and ‘Knowledge' are nothing but illusion. By finding out this truth, the individual enters Moksa. The whole network of illusion, and therewith its own self, fades away, as the reflected image of the moon does, when the jar, containing the water with the reflecting surface, has been broken and the water run out so that, after all, nothing remains but the lunar orb itself. As the moon remains here, so Brahma alone is left at last, in his eternal happiness and boundless knowledge.
Thus, the attainment of Tattvajñāna, as the only means of reaching Mokşa, is the highest aim of the Samnyāsī, whose ideal representative is named a 'Paramahaṁsa'. Average man is not forbidden to strive after Heaven, by performing the Vedic observances.
Like Sānkhya and Mimāṁsā, the Vedānta, too, believes in a plurality of ‘Creations' and 'Pralayas'.
The second branch of Vedānta Philosophy comprises four schools, viz., the Visiştādvaita of Rāmānuja, who lived at Kanchipuram and Srirangam in Southern India in the twelfth century, the Dvaita-vedānta of Madhva or Anandatīrtha, a Kanarese Brahmin, who was born about 1200, in Southern India too, the Suddhādvaita of Vallabhācārya, who lived at the end of the fifteenth century chiefly at Benares, and the Dvaita-Advaita of Nimbārka, which rose in the fifteenth century.

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In contradistinction to Sankara, all the four latter systems teach the Universe to be real, and individual Soul to have its own independent existence.
According to Rāmānuja, whose doctrine is, from the practical stand-point, the most important of all, Brahma consists of three parts, viz., God, Prakrti and Soul, which are so closely interlinked with one another as are the kernel, the pulp, and the skin of a mango-fruit.
The Universe is produced, in the way known from Yoga, by the Sankalpa of God, who is omniscient, omnipotent, and, though all-pervading, still able to incarnate in definite shapes.
The soul is atom-sized, and equipped with all-pervading knowledge, as a lamp is with light. As the light of a lamp, if covered, gets confined to the smallest space, or freely spreads, it left unchecked, so the innate knowledge of the soul is covered by Karma, and therefore inefficient. On the other hand, it can fully display its power, as soon as the Karma is removed, in the state of Moksa. Mokșa can be attained by combined Tattvajñāna and fulfilment of the Vedic prescriptions. As in Yoga, the Soul acquires God in this state, and remains in eternal happiness and omniscience. Like in Jainism, the liberated souls stay in a definite place, which is situated at the top of the Universe. For, according to Rāmānuja, Prakrti, though unbound in all the other dimensions, is imagined to be limited in zenith. The name of this paradise is Vaikuntha.
Whereas God is not only the efficient, but also the material cause of the Universe in Rāmānuja's system, Madhva declares Him to be only the efficient cause.
Vallabhācārya, on the other hand, maintains that the Universe is the product of evolution of God alone, because nothing but God really exists. Besides this pantheistic dogmatic, he taught his pupils a non-ascetical discipline, under the motivation that selfmortification would dishonour the body, which, as everything else, contained a portion of God. This doctrine is known as the Puşti

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mārga. At present, Bombay is known to be a seat of the Vallabhācārya sect, which has numerous devoted followers there.
Nimbārka declares the soul as well as Prakrti to be energies, Saktis', of God, and agrees, otherwise, with Rāmānuja.
All the four schools under consideration are still living in India. All of them have their special seats and their traditional dynasties of gurus, some of whom are lords of stately properties, similar to our bishops in the middle-ages. There are very learned and far-sighted men amongst them, who do much for the progress of learning and the spreading of education, not only by direct teaching, lecturing and studying, but also by founding schools, libraries and other useful institutions,
The Arya Samāja, Prārthanā Samāja and Brahma Samāja are the latest off-shoots of Vedānta. They are of considerable practical, importance for the development of modern Indian civilization, especially the Ārya Samāja, which, by its broad and reasonable views on caste prejudice, has won many followers, and done much for the education of the massess, and for an improvement of their social standard.
The reformatory sect of Svāmī Nārāyaṇa, a foundation of the last century, may also be mentioned here. It arose in protest against the school of the Vallabhācārya, and their worldly ethics, but it is of more importance as an ethical system than as a philosophy. 4. The Naiyāyika and Vaiseșika Systems
The four main philosophical systems treated, viz., the Sānkhya, Yoga, Mimāṁsā and Vedānta, are closely related to one another, the principles and constituents composing the Universe being the same in all of them. The two systems left, viz., the Naiyāyika of Gautama ( Akşapāda ) Rși, and the Vaiseșika system of Kanāda, considerably contrast with them. Both of them assume that, at the beginning of creation, there exist four pervading substances, viz., Space or Ether, Direction, Time and Soul, the latter

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being subdivided into the plurality of individual Souls ( Jīvātmā) and omniscient God ( Paramātmā ), who is able to incarnate in various ( with the Naiyāyikas in 18 ), shapes. Besides these pervading substances, there exist the atoms of the four elements : Earth, Water, Fire and Air, which are separate in the beginning.
By the Sankalpa of God, who is being directed by the innate Adrsta, i.e., Karma, the atoms are brought to reaction. Thereby, three kinds of aggregates form themselves, viz., Śarīras, i.e., bodies; Indriyas, i.e., organs of sense and Visayas, i.e., objects of the senses, each of which is composed of all the four elements, but named after the prevailing one. Thus, the human and animal bodies are counted as earth-bodies, the sense of smelling as earth-sense, earth and clay as earth-objects of sense, etc., according to the well-known correlations of Sānkhya, with the difference that, there being only four elements in Naiyāyika and Vaišeșika Philosophy, the sense of hearing is connected with the eternal pervading substance 'Ether' or 'Space'.
Thus, all the individual souls, equipped with different bodies, in accordance with Karma, undergo numberless existences, amongst which there are also celestial and hellish ones. Only Mokșa can put an end to this chain of successive births and deaths. Mokşa can be attained by the knowledge of the Tattvas, which are sixteen in number with the older school of Naiyāyikas, six with the Vaišeşikas, and seven with the later school of Naiyāyika, the socalled 'Navya-Naiyāyika School', which is a combination of the two systems. Moksa is, like in Mīmāṁsā, that stone-like state, when joy and pain, knowledge, and all the other activities and qualities of the soul, are completely extinguished.
That this conception of Salvation did not meet with much popularity, shows the poetic confession of Old Gautama, who declares that he would like better to be re-born as a jackal in lovely
Bộndābana, than enter the state which the Vaišeşikas proclaim as International

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their highest aim of perfection :
varam vṛndāvane ramye kroștutvaṁ abhivāñchitam; na tu Vaiśeṣikīṁ muktiṁ Gautamo gantumicchati.
Like most of the other systems, the two systems under consideration believe in an endless number of Creations and Pralayas, except one special school of the Naiyayikas, which teaches that, at the very end, a final Pralaya will take place, after which only God, the individual Souls, and the passive atoms of the elements will remain. Another creation will not be possible, because all the Karmas will have been exhausted.
17
Both the Naiyayika and the Vaiseṣika systems place logic above the word of the Vedas, not nominally, but practically, the latter always being, in some way or other, adapted to the respective propositions. The other four systems, on the contrary, respect the Vedas as their highest authority, rather adapting and formulating their propositions according to the Vedas than doing the reverse. Thus it is quite natural that logic and dialectics should act a prominent part in Naiyāyika and Vaiseṣika philosophy, which indeed even count several logical and dialectical conceptions amongst their Tattvas, such as the logical argument, the pseudo argument, and also some dialectical tricks with the Naiyāyikas.
5. Minor Vedic Systems
Besides these six chief systems and their main schools, just mentioned, there are number of smaller systems, which likewise claim to be Vedic philosophy. They are indeed chiefly branches and sub-branches of the chief systems. As a curiosity, the Pārada Darśana may be named here, which teaches that the highest aim of life is a state of Mokṣa, in which our own body rests unchanged, made immortal by various manipulations with Pārada (Mercury); an aim which Śiva, Śukadeva, and others are said to have reached.
[B] Non-Vedic Systems
1. Minor Systems

Whereas all the systems mentioned claim the Vedas as their

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authority and even pretend to be mere interpretations of the Vedaword, there had risen, in India, since very early times, several independent philosophical doctrines, which not only rejected the Vedic authority, but even directly and openly opposed it. Amongst them, the time-honoured Jaina and Bauddha systems are prominent, not only for their metaphysical depth and grand ethics, but also on account of their historical importance and the influence they exercised on Indian civilization, by their humane and peaceful spirit, which greatly contributed to the abolition of bloody sacrifices and other horrible practices of ancient, indigenous ritualism. Besides, we know the names of several other Non-vedic systems, and also something about their teachings, from the Jaina and Bauddha writings.
Thus, e.g., there was a thinker named Sañjaya Belatthiputta, who is said to have promulgated independent agnostic-relativistic speculations, before the time of Buddha. Declaring experience to be the only authoritative source of valid knowledge, he refused to make any statement in favour of, as well as against, the assumption of an eternal soul, or of another world, leaving the question open. Of great importance is his logical theory of relativity, according to which the existence or non-existene of a thing can be expressed from seven different stand-points, viz., that of existence, that of non-existence, that of existence-non-existence, that of undefinableness, that of undefinableness as to existence, that of undefinableness as to nonexistence, and that of undefinableness as to existence and nonexistence. These same seven modes, we find also in Jaina logic, where, under the name of 'Saptabhargi-naya', or ‘Syādväda’, they act an important part.
Another thinker, named Ajita Kesakambali, went still further, professing decidedly nihilistic-materialistic ideas. He denied the reality of transcendental powers and subjects, which Sanjaya had dared to doubt only. According to him, nothing is real but the four elements : Ether, Water, Fire and Earth, of which every

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thing, even man, is composed. After death, the body dissolves, the senses fade away, and nothing is left behind.
Pūraņa Kassapa pronounced the unheard-of theory that body and soul are inseparable from, and perhaps even identical with each other, and that there exists no such thing as a moral canon.
According to Kakudha Kātyāyana, seven eternal substances, viz., Ether, Water, Fire, Earth, Soul, Joy and Pain compose all the living beings, without affecting one another. Like Pūrana Kassapa, Kakudha, too, refuses to acknowledge a moral canon.
A little better known than these four obscure Darśanas, concerning which we have only such scanty news, is the famous, or, better, notorious, Cārvāka System of Ācārya Brhaspati. It proclaims an absolute scepticism with reference to all metaphysical questions. The body, which is formed of the four elements, automatically develops a soul, which, after death, fades away spontaneously. The Universe rules itself by its own innate laws. All that happens is a consequence of mechanical natural laws, so that there is no room for freedom of will nor for ethical conduct. Thus, all actions are allowed, except such as are liable to punishment through worldly justice, and after all, men are advised to enjoy life to the fullest extent possible. The Cārvāka system and its teachings form a frequent subject of polemics, even in later times, when Jaina and other teachers vehemently thundered against its lascivious hedonistic moral principles and nihilistic doctrines, in the restless condemnation of which the representatives of all other philosophies, whether Vedic or Non-vedic, were ( a rare event ) in complete agreement with one another.
Closely akin to Jaina philosophy is the system of the Ājivikas, which flourished at the time of Mahāvīra and Gautama Buddha, and a short time later. It is still mentioned in Asoka's edicts as an actual religious power. But afterwards, it sank into oblivion, and ceased to act any part. According to the Buddhist writings, the Ājivikas were also called the Acelakas, i.e., the unclothed ones,

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from the nakedness of their monks. Gośāla Mankhaliputta, as the Jainas call him, or, according to the Buddhists, ‘Makkhaliputta', was their famous teacher in the sixth century B.C. As his predecessors, Nanda Vaccha and Kissa Sankicha are named by the Buddhists, whereas Jaina tradition says that he had a pupil of Mahāvīra, for six years.
In contradistinction to all the Non-vedic Darśanas treated before, the Ājivika system believes in metempsychosis, and in another world. It knows of 3000 Hells, of regions of demons and of Piśācas, and of Heavens. The souls are divided into six categories of different 'Colour', which seem to correspond to the six Leśyās to Jaina philosophy. Man is said to pass through seven stages of development, before reaching Mokşa. In the first period, that of the first seven days, the individual is able to remember its former experiences in a dim way, weeping in the remembrance of former sufferings, and smiling while remembering its former joys. The last stage is that of the passionless, omniscient ascetic. Salvation promises boundless happiness.
The Ājivikas deny the freedom of will, and, therewith, all personal responsibility for one's actions, since they believe everything to depend on Niyati, the necessity resulting from Karma. This is why they consider good and evil as worthy of praise and condemnation not per se, but only relatively, with reference to their producing good or bad Karma. Perfection is to be aimed at only as an instrument of Salvation. 2. Buddhism
Buddhism had to undergo a stranger and more vivid inner development and a more eventful history than any other of the Indian philosophical systems. It claims the noble shape of Gautama Buddha or Śākya Muni, the 'Tathāgata', not as its founder, but as its last great promulgator. The history of his life, which is fixed around 550 B.C., is well-known to all educated people today. And so are his chief teachings.

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The central idea of Buddhism forms the idea that life is pain, because life is, like beauty and joy, and life everything that exists, transitory. Transitory is the whole physical world, which is composed of the seventy Dharmas or elements, in consequence of the never ceasing vibrations of which it incessantly changes its shape, and which, too, renew themselves every moment. Transitory are soul and personality too. For soul is nothing but that chain of successive mental actions, which constantly take place, the socalled 'Iñānasantati'. Karma alone remains as a kind of individual entity. Karma regulates the apportionment of elements, of happiness and pain, and therewith, determines the fate of every being throughout its existences.
Ignorance of his real nature and condition makes man cling to this transitory, and, in a way, illusory, life, and by this ‘Thirst for Life', the chain of his existences grows longer and longer. Only he who attains the right knowledge, no longer feels the thirst for life, but, on the contrary, begins to long for a definite extinction of life, Nirvāņa. He takes the eightfold Way of Welfare', the chief elements of which are self-discipline and meditation, whereas austerities are rejected as valueless and even obnoxious.
Thus, the ideal monk, on his highest stage of perfection, finally reaches 'Nirvāṇa', the Mokṣa of the Buddhists, which consists in a complete extinction not only of pain and re-birth, but also of joy, of personality, and of soul. It is eternal rest, or, better eternal nothingness.
Buddhism has a well-developed cosmography, chronology, and mythology, whose various beings find all room in the edifice of Buddhist dogmatic. Buddhist logic and dialectics are renowned, and also Buddhist didactic literature, as handed down in Pāli and Saṁskṛta, is rich and important.
In Indian history, Buddhism has acted a splendid part, with its Asoka, Kaniska, Harsa and other great personalities as professors and protectors, who put Buddhist ethical principles into action, and

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proved them to be a blessing to people, by their spirit of practical humanity. Buddhism could maintain its sway in India as long as it was strong enough to withstand the influences of Hinduism. In the course of centuries, however, it came to amalgamate mythological and other ideas of Hinduism in a rising degree, whereas, on the other hand, its clergy, turning worldly and indifferent to spiritual interest, omitted to display and propagating activity and religious zeal whatsoever. So it appears only natural if finally Buddhism was absorbed by re-awakening Hinduism, under the influence of Sankarācārya and other reformers and that of the enthusiasm of their followers.
Buddhism is divided into numerous branches, the teachings of which greatly differ from one another as well as from the true doctrine of the Buddha. Its two main branches are the ancient Hīnayāna and later Mahāyāna. Mahāyāna, i.e., 'the Great Vehicle', which is said to have risen at the time of Kaniska, claims to be able to lead a greater number of people to Salvation than the former, the ‘Small Vehicle', as its adversaries called it. It advises people to strive after knowledge and its propagation, for the benefit of their fellow-creatures, rather than to try for personal Nirvāṇa only, and, thereby lays, consequently, more stress on laymen-discipline than on monastic prescriptions. Much later, at the time, when Śāktism had become a powerful part of Hindu religion, a third branch split off, the so-called 'Vajrayāna' or 'Mantrayāna', in which pantheistic ideas and a new ritual, full of Śāktic practices, prevailed.
The earliest school of Hinayāna is the 'Sthavira school'. which still flourished in Ceylon. Another Hinayāna school is that of the Sarvāstivādīs, who believe in the reality not only of the present ‘Dharmas', but also of the past and future ones. They flourished in Northern India many centuries ago. Besides these two, the Hinayāna also comprised a Sautrāntika school, which infers the reality of the world from the fact of its being perceived, just as Descartes inferred the reality of the Ego from its mental activity. It comprised, moreover, a school of Skandhavādis, who flourished at Hiuen

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tsyang's time, in the Ganges valley, and a school of Mahāsānghikas, who believed the Buddha to be all pervading, eternal and omnipotent.
As branches of Mahāyāna, the two schools of the Vijñānavāda or Yogācāra, and that of the Śūnyavāda or Mādhyamikavāda are well-known. The Vijñānavāda declares all the objects and the individual to be illusory and admits only knowledge to possess reality. The Śūnyavāda school, which was founded by Nāgārjuna in the second century B.C., went still further, declaring not only the Knower and the Knowable, but also Knowledge itself to be unreal, and teaching as the last truth the doctrine of the emptiness of the whole world.
23
At present, Buddhism is spread over Tibet, Turkistan, Burma, China, Korea, Japan, Thailand and parts of other countries, partly in the form of Mahāyāna, partly in that of Vajrayāna, which later prevails especially in Tibet. But although Buddhism has indeed become one of the great world-religions, it has died out in the country of its birth, Aryan India. Of Indian provinces, only Ceylon, Nepal and Burma have remained centres of Buddhism up to the present day.
It is characteristic that, wherever Buddhism is prevailing today, it has everywhere, adopted the role of a religion, the element of faith and imagination predominating over that of speculation and reasoning, resembling in this development, the Vedic philosophical schools and their derivatives, as far as they have survived.
4. Jainism
That of the Non-vedic systems which is, at present, widest spread in India, is no doubt Jainism, and that in a form in which both the philosophical and the religious moment counterpoise each other.
Like all the other systems, Jainism too, claims eternity. It divides eternity into numberless Utsarpiņīs, i.e., periods of rising development, and Avasarpiņis, i.e., periods of decline, succeeding

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each other in eternal alternation, during each of which twenty four omniscient Tirthankaras, Jinas, or Arhats, arise, who, independent of one another, proclaim the doctrines of Jainism. Western Jainology, believes at present, the two last Tirthankaras of this Avasarpiņi, viz., Pārśvanatha, who lived in the eighth century B.C., and Vardhamana Mahāvīra, who lived at the time of the Buddha, to be historical personalities. It has also become an established fact now, that Jainism is indeed a very ancient doctrine, by far older than Buddhism.
At present, Jainism is represented by numerous sects, which, differing from one another in several points, have been engaged, since many centuries, in violent mutual polemics. The two great branches of Jainism are the Śvetambaras and the Digambaras. The Digambara Jainas maintain that, as the Tīrthankaras, on their highest stage, never wore clothes, in the same way the monk should be naked, too, in order to symbolize his freedom from bodily care. This is why they have been called 'Digambaras', i.e., the 'Sky-clad ones'. The Digambaras maintain, moreover, that, after the attainment of the highest mental perfection, Kevalajñāna or Omniscience, the body of the saint becomes so purified as to require no longer any food, and can still exist for many years to come. According to their doctrine, woman, moreover, cannot attain salvation without having been re-born as a man. The genuine words of the Tīrthankaras they believe to be lost, and all the present writings ( Āgamas ) to be unauthoritative.
The Śvetambaras, i.e., 'the white-clad ones', are named so, because they believe the last Tīrthankara to have worn scanty white clothes, and accordingly, allow their monks to wear the same kind of clothes, in conformity with the etiquette and usage of the world. (The lemon-coloured robe, by-the-bye, which has, since the twelfth century, been adopted by a special school of Śvetāmbara monks, is merely meant to distinguish the true, renouncing ascetic from the 'Yati' or half-ascetic, who wears all the insignia of the monk too.)

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Also with regard to the other points mentioned the Śvetāmbaras profess the contrary opinion. They believe part of their ancient Prākệta literature, the holy Āgamas, to represent the genuine word of Lord Mahāvīra, taken down by his Ganadharas or chief pupils.
Both the great sects are divided into several subsects, amongst which the Calvinistic Sthānakavāsī and Teräpanthi sects of the Svetāmbaras deserve attention, because, probably influenced by Mohammedan ideas, they arose in opposition to idol-worship, and thereby put themselves in strong contrast with general Jaina tradition and ritual.
Apart from these, and some other discrepancies, Jainism shows, throughout, a surprising conformity of doctrine, which has not been essentially affected since Mahāvīra's days, and which reveals a splendid interpretation of the sense of life.
According to Jainism, the Universe is formed by an endless number of Jivas or individual souls, which, like the ‘monads' of Leibnitz, are in various stages of development, from the senseless and irrational Nigodas up to the Siddhas of highest perfection, and of five lifeless substances, viz., Space, Time, Matter, the Medium of Motion and the Medium of Rest. The Universe, which is eternal, has never been destroyed and will never be so. It is governed by nothing but its own eternal laws, and has the shape of a standing man, with the Hells in its lower, the world of Men in its middle, and the Heavens in its upper part. It is crowned by the umbrella-shaped region of the Siddhas, the Perfect Ones, called Siddhaśilā, and is surrounded by the empty Aloka.
The Soul is eternal, omniscient, of unlimited energy, and of unlimited happiness. But all these qualities can display themselves only if the soul is free from heterogeneous matter. And matter has, since eternal time, been tied together with Soul, in the shape of Karma. Every moment, new Karma is being heaped up by its countinuous activity. By this Karma, Pāpa as well as Punya, the
Soul's natural qualities are covered and made ineffective. Jainism

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knows 158 (or 148 respectively ) kinds of Karma, viz., five kinds of Jñānāvaraṇīya-karma, which, as a bandage over the eyes make seeing impossible, shut out right knowledge, nine kinds of Darśanāvaranīya-karma which, as a royal door-keeper hinders the king from seeing his visitors, shut out right sensual perception, two kinds of Vedaniya-karma, which, like honey, being licked off from the edge of a sharp knife, cause both pleasure and pain, 28 kinds of Mohaniyakarma which, like spiritual drinks, intoxicate the individual, 4 kinds of Ayusya-karma, which, as foot-irons make the individual helpless in its movements, keep it bound to its respective forms of existence for the period fixed, 103 kinds of Nāma-karma, which, like a sculptor, impart bodily proportion, colour, etc., 2 kinds of Gotrakarma, which, as a potter classifies his jars according to their quality etc., impart position and rank, and 5 kinds of Antarāya-karma, which, like a royal treasurer, who refuses to pay out the sum of money promised by the king, hinder man from enjoying his due share.
Thus, the Karmas force the self into its due body, into its due class of beings, fix its life-time, and force it to undergo its due sufferings and its due pleasures, force it - indirectly - to heap up new Karmas incessantly, in place of the old ones consumed, by calling forth ever new reactions and activities.
It is logical that the Soul can get rid of its Karmas by two means, viz., by annihilating the old Karmas ( Nirjarā ) and by hindering new Karmas to be bound (Saṁvara). The annihilation of old Karmas takes place automatically, by daily suffering and enjoying ( Akāma-nirjarā ); but self-inflicted suffering, by practising the 12 kinds of inner and outer austerities, considerably aids and quickens the process ( Sakāma-nirjarā).
The best illustration of what true Sakāma Nirjarā is, offers the life of the Jaina ascetic with its various penances. On the other hand, it beautifully exemplifies also the essence of Saṁvara with its minute prescriptions as to the avoidance of even the slightest injury of life, of even the slightest untruth, the use of even the slightest

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thing that has not been expressly given, of even the most insignificant form of unchastity, and of attachment even in its most harmless form. Besides keeping these five Mahāvratas or Great vows, which form part of the five-fold Căritra or monastic conduct, the ascetic, striving after Samvara, has always to be careful to act in accordance with the ideas of the Tīrthankaras, with reference to his external movements ( the 5 Samitis ), he has to control his inner nature ( the 3 Guptis ), has to comply with the ten-fold standard of the real ascetic ( the Daśavidha Yati-Dharma, which prescribes forgiveness, humility, simplicity, purity, etc.), he has continuously to turn over in his mind the 12 reflections ( as to the instability of all things, the loneliness of the soul, the changeability of happiness and pain, etc. ) and he has to submit to the 22 hardships ( as hunger, thirst, cold, heat, insect-bite, begging his food, etc.).
By leading a life within the strict limits of all these prescriptions, the chief principles of which are non-injury and selfrestriction, a state can be reached, when all the Ghāti-Karmas, i.e., the detrimental Karmas, are exhausted. Then, the original qualities of the Soul shine forth undisturbed, omniscience arises, and after the remaining neutral Karmas (the Aghāti-Karmas ) have likewise been consumed, the ascetic gives up his body for the last time, and enters salvation. The Soul, free from all earthly weight, rises straight upward to Siddhaśilā, where all the Siddhas stay, bodiless, but still individually distinguished from one another, in eternal happiness and in omniscience, taking no more part in any earthly concerns whatsoever.
Some of the Kevalis or Omniscient Ones become, before entering salvation, Arhats or Tīrthankaras, i.e., the Renewers of the Jaina Doctrine, who start a new Tīrtha, i.e., four-fold community, and become the instrument of the enlightenment and salvation of numerous people. The worship of these Jinas and their idols, as it is still practised today, is far from being 'idol worship’ in its idea, but it has, with much better right, been called “ideal-worship' for the

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worshipper expects from his 'God' neither help nor favour, but he plays the pious play merely in order to concentrate his mind and activity on his actual ideal and standard, and to find, as it were, some substantial support for his striving after the far-off aim of perfection.
Jaina monkhood is, of course, an ethical ideal high above the dispositions and faculties of body and mind of average man. Still, average man need not fear to be shut out from striving after the highest aim. Jainism welcomes every earnest longing for salvation, finds a place for it in its gradation of ethical attitudes, the Guṇasthānas, which range from a completely animal conception of life to the perfection of the Kevali, and allows it to find expression in the adoption of one or other of the ethical standards for laymen. Thus, e.g., for monks, the practising of Ahimsā, non-injury, is an absolute one, i.e., it refers to all living beings whatsoever, to non-doing, noncausing, and non-approving, and to thought, word and action. For the layman, however, it is only a partial one, by one or other of the just mentioned factors remaining excluded, and by being limited to the avoiding of intentional and purposeless injuring of harmless beings only.
This illustrates the discipline of Jaina laymen or Śrāvakas, who are supposed to keep 12 special commandments (Deśa-virati) in contradistinction to the strict rules for ascetics ( Sarva-virati), and whose whole life is influenced and regulated according to the chief ideas of non-injury and self-restraint within the limits of secular usage and propriety.
It is no wonder that Jainism, the commandments of which are so fit to guarantee the 'Greatest happiness of the greatest number' not only of men, but of all kinds of beings whatsoever, and to gratify the longing of the human mind for universal harmony ( maitri sarvabhuteṣu ), was at a time, wide-spread all over India, and has left traces everywhere, in the shape of beautiful temples of the Jainas, some of them being indeed marvels of combined architecture and sculpture.

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Kings and princes were amongst the followers of Jainism, and whole countries enjoyed a Golden Age under the mild and humane reign of devoted Jaina kings, such as Gujarat under Kumārapāla, the disciple of the Jaina Ācārya Hemacandra of worldwide fame. It was only a short time ago, when whole Vaisya-jñātis consisted completely of Jainas such as the pre-eminent Osval, Srimal, Agreval, Proval, Modh, Nagar and other Jñātis, many of whose members turned Vaisnavas of late, for complicate social and other reasons. But whatever may be, at present, the nominal number of confessors of Jainism, nobody can deny that it is due to the humane influence of Jainism alone, if today, vast areas of India, such as Pious Gujarat, Kathiawar, Cutch and Marwar, are, in fact, the humanest countries of the world, with their various institutions for protection of animal life, their vegetarian population, and their crowds of white and yellow clad Jaina ascetics, in whose footsteps enlightenment and humanity follow, penetrating town and village, palace and cottage.
Jainism has a rich and interesting literature, in which, besides the time-honoured Āgamas and their direct derivatives, works concerning logic and dialectics act a prominent part. Owing to the active co-operation of far-sighted and learned Jaina Sãdhus amongst whom Venerable Late Šāstraviśārada Jainācārya Vijayadharma Sūri and his worthy successor Itihāsatattva Mahodadhi Jainācārya Vijayendra Sūri deserve to be particularly mentioned, the West has begun to take more and more interest in the investigation of Jaina literature. I hope and trust that these efforts will shortly lead to as vivid a progress of Jaina studies as that achieved on the field of Buddhist research since many decades.
We have caught a hasty glimpse on the Kaleidoscope of Indian Wisdom. With their depth of conception, their boldness of speculation, and their tendency of dissolving in Religion, the utterances of Indian Wisdom offer so variegated and dazzling a sight that one would well like quietly to reflect on the divergences

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and congruences of the different ideas and on their merits and demerits, and to decide which of the great thinkers one would like best to follow : Kapila or Patañjali, Sarkara or Rāmānuja, Akşapäda or Kaņāda, Gośāla, Buddha, or Mahāvīra ?
Each of them claims to promulgate truth, each of them promises to lead mankind to salvation, and each of them has, or once had, numbers of enthusiastic devotees, ready to challenge and to argue with, anybody who would dare to doubt the competence of his particular champion.
I do not venture to provoke the grudge of the disappointed majority by siding with any of them, all the more since such a declaration would hardly contribute to a definite settlement of the millenium-old problem of the superiority of one or other of the famous Darśanas. Thus, venerable Haribhadra Sūri shall have the last word with his beautiful confession never to have taken the part of any philosopher in particular, but rather to have always been ready to approve of all that appears reasonable, whosoever may be its promulgator :
pakşapāto na me Vire, na dveşaḥ Kapilādiņu yuktimad vacanaṁ yasya, tasya kāryaḥ parigrahaḥ.
( Lokatattva-nirņaya, 38 )

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An Interpretation of Jaina Ethics*
While judging of Modern Western Civilization, the India is generally full of admiration for our wonderful technical advancement and perfect scientific methods, still, his praises often terminate in a bitter complaint as to our apparent materialistic conception of life. He should not forget, however, that his apparent materialistic conception of life is not a consequence of racial character, but one of cultural development.
It is true that our intellect is, at present, absorbed in technical and scientific problems; but, only a few centuries ago, it was so in the problem of how best to win the grace of God.
It is true that, when we sing or play music, we generally do so for our own pleasure; but, only a few centuries ago, we used to display our musical talents mostly in the praise of God.
It is true that, when we paint, we paint human passions and postures, visions and natural scenes; but, only some centuries ago, our art of painting was nothing but a fervent glorification of "God Father" and Christ, and Madonna.
It is true that, when we travel, we do so ( leaving business travels apart) for our pleasure, or for our health's sake, or we undertake dangerous expeditions for the sake of study; but, a certain time ago, we used to make the long and troublesome pilgrimage to Jerusalem, in order to worship at the Holy Sepulchre of Christ, and to protect it from the Saracens.
And it is true that our studying and teaching has all worldly ends, and that our Professors and scholars want nothing but find out,
* A Lecture by Dr. Charlotte Krause. Published by Phulchandji Ved, Secretary Shri Yashovijaya Jaina Granthamala, Bhavnagar (Kathiawar), 1929.

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and spread, the truth about things; but, only some centuries ago, there existed no other science but Theology, the knowledge of God, and all the other disciplines were its subordinate branches, cultivated by learned and orthodox clergymen.
Modern India represents exactly the state of Medieval Europe, with its religio-centrical conception of the problems of life, from singing and dancing up to travelling, teaching and studying. Religion is the starting point and aim of all and everything.
So it is with reference to the study of the Sacred Writings of Indian Religions. They are not, for the Indian student, first of all a subject of research, as they are to the Western scholar, but their study is indeed one of practical import. They live, and are being put fully into action, with all their minute and severe prescriptions.
I have been able to watch this phenomenon more particularly with reference to my special subject of study, viz., Jainism, whose ethics still forms the strictly authoritative canon of daily life of the present followers of the Jaina Religion ---- exceptions being, ofcourse, admitted. This system of Jaina Ethics forms the subject of this paper. It being a complicate and rather bulky matter, many details will have to be left away. Still, its main points will be paid due attention to, both from the theoretical and practical side.
[A] The Theoretical Side Striving after knowledge, perception, happiness and power, is a characteristic feature of human nature. But, according to Jainism, it is not an original characteristic of the soul, because the human soul, and every soul whatsoever, is, by its very disposition, omniscient, gifted with perfect perception, happiness and unlimited power. These four qualities, however, cannot manifest themselves, because they are covered by matter, interlaced and amalgamated with the soul since eternal times; just as the light of a lamp cannot spread, if the lamp is covered by opaque objects.
The matter interlaced with the soul is called Karma. It is bad Karma, or Pāpa, if it has been heaped up by evil action, and, as such,

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produces pain. It is good Karma, or Punya, if produced by good action, and produces happiness; but only imperfect, vanishing happiness. The Karmas destine the whole chain of existences of an individual. They are divided into two main classes, viz., GhātiKarmas or Destructive Karmas and Aghāti-Karmas or Non-destructive Karmas. The Ghāti-Karmas are four in number ( viz., Jñänăvaraṇīya, Darśanāvaraṇīya, Mohanīya and Antarāya Karmas ), and obscure each one of the four original qualities of the soul from displaying itself. The Aghāti-Karmas, which are likewise four ( viz., Vedaniya, Āyusya, Nāma and Gotra Karmas ), predestine the soul's sufferings and pleasures, the duration of its existences, the quality and shape of the body in which it incarnates, ( whether as a god, or as a man, or as an animal, whether beautiful, or ugly, short or tall etc. ), and its rank and position.
With all the sub-classes, there are 158 (or 148 resp. ) kinds of Karmas, on which the fate of the individual depends like that of a slave on his master's caprices, only with the particularity, that the master of the soul is a self-elected one, drawn near by the actions, committed in its various existences. At the due points of time, the respective Karmas exercise their power, and in the measure in which they do so, they are being automatically reduced : a process which is called Akāma Nirjarā, i.e., spontaneous consumption. On the other hand, by reacting upon the various Karma imposed experiences which it has to undergo, the individual binds new Karmas, which, in their turn, manifest themselves, indirectly call forth the binding of new Karmas, etc. in an eternal circle.
Still, man is not quite so helpless in the face of Karma, as it might appear. For though even the passions arising within him, are predestined by Karma, still he can make himself the master of Karma, by his own free will and initiative. He can hinder new Karmas from entering his soul by a process called Saṁvara, i.e., repression, and he can also reduce the predestined duration as well as intensity of latent Ghāti-Karmas bound before, he can suppress,

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and keep suppressed, the most obnoxious of them, and he can also definitely annihilate all of them, by efforts of highest energy and self concentration, and, thereby, bring about a complete consumption of the neutral Aghāti-Karmas too : a process called Sakāma Nirjarā, i.e., intended consumption.
Both the processes, however, Samvara, as well as Sakāma Nirjarā, cannot be accomplished by every living being whatsoever. They presuppose a high degree of religious insight, and number of exquisite qualities of body and mind. The very last step to Perfection, moreover, can be done only by a soul outfitted with a human body bearing special marks of outer perfection and strength. Thus, not even the Lord of the highest class of Gods, who enjoys a long existence of infinite bliss, and who commands hosts of celestial beings, can reach the last aim, in spite of all his divine power, unless he be reborn as a human being possessing all the bodily and mental requirements. Now, Jainism teaches that it is given into everybody's hand to acquire those qualities, by performing certain good actions and, thus, securing the good Karma or Punya necessary. Thus, the heaping up of Punya is another, though auxiliary, expedient for the attainment of perfection, as long as the respective soul has not acquired the bodily and mental qualities necessary.
After all, the problem of Jaina Ethics can be defined like this : How can a living-being, in order to secure its final salvation, cause Punya to be bound, on a lower step, and accomplish Samvara and Nirjarā on a higher stage of development ?
[B] The Practical Side The ethical rules laid down for him who strives after the highest aim in all earnest, are, of course, very stringent. They demand a complete concentration on the struggle against Karma, and a complete renunciation of worldly life and its pleasures and concerns, in short, they are rules for ascetics. They were, once, put in action and promulgated by Vardhamāna Mahāvīra, the last of the Jinas of the present age, i.e., the last of those passionless, omni

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scient, holy promulgators of Jainism, who, having annihilated all their Ghāti Karmas, and, thereby, reached inner perfection, still lived on for as long a period as their Aghātī Karmas allowed, and, on the threshold of Mokṣa, preached the great truth.
Ascetics who observed those rules in their strictest form, and without ever having recourse to exceptions, were called 'Jinakalpi' Sadhus, a standard which the few Sadhus of the Digambara sect still claim to represent.
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The ideal of the Jinakalpī Sādhu, however, so much exceeds the limits of worldly usage, and is so difficult to realize, that only very few individuals can hope to reach it. Thus, the so-called 'Sthavirakalpi' standard, i.e., the way of keeping the ascetical prescriptions in a milder form, and of having recourse, if necessary, to certain allowed exceptions, has now become generally adopted by the numerous Sadhus of the Svetambara sect.
But even this standard is far above the faculties of average man, who is unable to give up the world with its little, but certain joys, for the great transcendental beatitude, but who, still, cannot bear the idea of being completely shut out from striving after the latter. Thus, Mahāvīra himself had proclaimed a third standard, viz., that of the Śravaka, or layman, which is a compromise between striving after the last aim, and indulgence in the pursuit of worldly ends, and which, of course, owing to the particular weakness of compromise liking human nature, has become a factor of highest practical importance for individual as well as for social life in our days. For there exist only about 5000 male and female Jaina ascetics, as against about twelve lacs of Jaina laymen and lay
women.
These three standards, that of the Jinakalpī Sādhu, that of the Sthavirakalpi Sādhu, and that of the Śravaka, will always have to be distinguished with reference to all the single prescriptions, no matter whether it be explicitly stated or not. Since the two latter

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standards are mere variations of the former, it will have to form the starting point of the following description, except that of Punya. 1. Punya
The chapter concerning the acquisition of Punya, is rather summarily dealt with in the Jaina scriptures, because collecting Punya is a preliminary and auxiliary step only, and concerns laymen rather than ascetics. For the actions by which Punya can be acquired, are chiefly such a charity, and therefore, presuppose the possession of property and a certain amount of worldly activity. Both the sects, the Śvetāmbaras as well as the Digambaras, know of nine such actions, which however, differ somewhat in detail, with both of them.
According to the Śvetāmbaras, Punya is acquired by five acts of charity, viz., the giving of eatables, of drink, of shelter, of bedding and of clothes to a 'patra', i.e., a worthy receiver, under which the ascetic, the lay-brother or lay-sister, and, besides, any creature whose condition is able of awakening compassion in our heart, is understood. Moreover, the purity of thought, word and action of the devotee, particularly with reference to his acts of charity, and due respects paid to the Omniscient Ones, to the Gurus, and others, are believed to create Punya.
According to the Digambaras, all the nine causes of Punya, the Nava-Punya-Krama, refer to the worship of the Sadhu only. When the ascetic is seen approaching, he should first be welcomed and invited to enter the house, and then offered an elevated seat. The third action is to wash his feet, the fourth to worship him by flowers, light, incense, etc., the fifth, to bow down before him, the sixth, seventh and eighth to think with reverence, speak respectfully and observe respectful manners, and the ninth to offer him pure food. Also the giving of food, medicine, expedients of studying religion and protection to worthy laymen and laywomen, and to people in need of mercy, are counted as actions causing Punya.

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2. Samvara
Samvara, or the act of preventing fresh Karma from streaming into the soul, can be accomplished by various ways of ethical conduct, which, in Jaina tradition, are arranged in a system of six classes. All of them are permeated by two commanding principles, viz., Non-injury and Self-control.
In Jaina Ethics, the principle of non-injury has been developed to an incomparable height. The Jaina dogma teaches that the Universe is filled with souls in various stages of development, or better, degrees of infection through Karma, from irrational Nigodas upto omniscient Siddhas, who, free from the dirt of Karma, live, bodiless, at the top of the Universe, far away from all worldly concerns. Between these two extremes, there are those numberless classes of creatures : beings with one sense, and without the gift of spontaneous locomotion, which comprise the earth bodies, such as earth, stone, metals and all kinds of minerals in their natural state; then water bodies such as water, ice, mist; fire bodies, such as flames, sparks; wind bodies such as air, storm, etc. and plant bodies, such as leaves, stems, flowers, roots, seeds, etc. Then, there are the beings with two, three, four and five senses, comprising the whole animal kingdom, the classes of gods, the inhabitants of the hells and men.
In all these various beings, there is one and the same kind of immortal soul, gifted with the four great qualities, and able to display them, under certain conditions. Therefore, it is sin to injure any of its manifestations, in whatever state and condition it might be. It is sin, it creates bad Karma and suffering, and it detracts the soul from the path leading to Perfection. The higher the stage of development of the injured being is, ( i.e., the closer it has approached the state of Perfection ), the heavier the sin of the injury committed is considered to be. The sin of hurting a plant is smaller than that of hurting a lizard, the sin of hurting a bullock is smaller than that of hurting a man, and the sin of hurting a criminal is

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relatively smaller than that of hurting a Sādhu. From this standpoint, it can be understood why Jainism forbids flesh-eating, and, on the other hand, objects little to the eating of vegetables.
The other great principle permeating the prescriptions of Samvara, is Self-control. It is clear that only the calm, sober mind that does not allow himself to be subdued by the four Passions (the Kaşāyas ), viz., Anger, Pride, Illusion, and Covetousness, but masters them, that only such a mind can hope to master Karma too.
Therefore, it is understood that the indulgence in intoxication articles, which confounds the intellect, and awakens low passions, as well as over indulgence in sleep, or in any other thing what-soever, whether it be joy or grief or attachment, is contrary to Jaina Ethics. There should be soberness, measure, wakefulness in everything and in every action, even in austerities, which have to be performed exactly in the way and to the extension fixed before. Nothing is more contemptible to the striver after true perfection than drowsiness on one, and ecstasy on the other side.
Now, it is time to consider the different prescriptions for Saṁvara themselves. They are as follows: [a] The Five Samitis
The five Samitis are prescriptions for the regulation of the movements of the body in accordance with the two principles, more particularly the principle of non-injury. They are ---
(i) The Iryā Samiti, i.e., regulation of walking. It commands the individual, which, of course, must needs, with every movement, destroy some lower life, to walk in a way as to cause the least possible injury. Thus, a Jaina monk will walk only on barren earth, avoiding the touch of plants and of water, and after having carefully examined the way before him. He will avoid going out at night or, if forced to go, he will slightly move a kind of soft broom before him, in order to sweep away whatever higher form of life there might happen to be; he will never use any kind of vehicle, and will never walk over a carpet.

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(ii) By the Bhāṣā Samiti, i.e., regulation of speaking, the speaker shall avoid not only hurting anybody's feelings by offending words, but he shall also take care not to injure the air-bodies physically. Thus, the Śvetämbara Sadhus keep the 'Mukha-vastrikā”, a piece of cloth, before their mouth, in order to limit the reach of their breath, while speaking. Besides, the Mukha-vastrikā also prevents the book or manuscript perused from getting defiled by breath and particles of saliva.
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(iii) By the Eṣaṇā Samiti, the regulation of begging, particularly one's food, the ascetic has to make sure that the food he is offered, is in conformity with the prescriptions of the Jinas, i.e., that it does not contain any living substance, such as unboiled water, uncooked or underdone vegetables, uncut and unprepared fruit, seeds capable of germination etc., that is free from forbidden substances such as alcohol, honey, butter, meat, decomposed food, and that it has not been prepared expressly for him, etc., etc.
(iv) The Adana-Nikṣepa-Samiti regulates the actions of taking or using, and of putting away, anything whatsoever. Before filling a vessel with a liquid, one should ascertain that it is free from small insects; or, before sitting down, the seat should be wiped clean. Thus, an ascetic will never sit down on upholstered furniture, will never use cushions, and never lie down on a mattress, for fear lest he might hurt some hidden life.
(v) The Utsarga or Paristhāpanikā Samiti regulates the action of disposing of things, such as old clothes, broken vessels, excrements, saliva, etc., under the same motivation as before. Since every action of disposing of things is necessarily connected with some injury, it should be avoided as far as possible. This is why, e.g., Jaina ascetics never accept more food than they can expect to eat at a time.

All the five Samitis, though they can be strictly observed only by ascetics, are of some influence also in the daily life of Śrāvakas. A devoted Śrāvaka will, e.g., avoid treading on green

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grass, he will always ascertain the ritual purity of whatever eatables are put before him, he will never leave a vessel filled with a liquid substance uncovered; nor will he ever use an open light, for fear lest insects might rush into it and be killed, nor will he ever be seen spitting about him without regard to place and circumstances. [b] The Three Guptis
The three Guptis are regulations with reference to controlling one's inner nature, i. e., they are dictated by the principle of self control.
(i) The first of them is the Mano-Gupti, by which the mind is to be controlled, either in the shape of 'Akuśala Nivṛtti', i.e., exclusion of both grievous and cruel thoughts, or in the shape of 'Kuśala Pravṛtti', i.e., giving room only to pure thoughts, or in that of 'Yoga Nirodha', i.e., complete suppression of all mental activity whatsoever, a stage which only the omniscient ascetic can fully reach.
(ii) The second Gupti is the Vāk-Gupti, i.e., regulation of speech. It consists either in 'Maunāvalambha', i.e., taking and keeping the vow of silence for a certain time, or in 'Vāk-Niyama', i.e., speaking only as much as is absolutely necessary.
(iii) The third Gupti is the Kaya-Gupti, i.e., regulation of one's bodily activity. It consists either in 'Ceṣṭā-Nivṛtti', i.e., stopping all physical activity for a certain time, as far as it is in one's power, or in 'Yathāsūtraceṣṭā-Pravṛtti', i.e., executing only such bodily movements as are in exact conformity with the prescriptions of the Jinas.
It is a matter of course that these regulations can be practised, to a certain extent, by the layman too, i.e., as far as the limits of worldly propriety admit.
Both, the five Samitis and the three Guptis, are often grouped together under the name of 'Asta-Pravacana Mātā', i.e., 'the eight mothers of ethics', on account of their fundamental character.

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[c] The Twenty-two Hardships ( Parişahas )
The next expedient for the effecting of Samvara consists in willingly undergoing and enduring hardships, more especially such as the condition of a Sādhu generally involves. Twenty-two of them are enumerated ( the 'Twenty-two Parīşaha') viz., hunger; thirst; cold; heat; insect bites; nakedness ( which is understood by the Digambaras in its literal sense, whereas the Svetāmbaras allow the meaning of 'the wearing of scanty clothes' ); experiences fit to arouse the feeling of despondency, which, however, must not be allowed to gain ground; disturbances of one's asceticism through the opposite sex; constant roaming about without any fixed dwelling place; unsuitable places for one's study and meditation; uncomfortable bedding; being scolded, abused etc.; being beaten and illtreated; the arising of shame while begging one's food and whatever one requires, especially with people of high rank and breeding, many of whom used to be initiated as Jaina monks in former times; begging in coin; sickness; being hurt by the blades of thorny grass or hay which forms one's bedding; dirt; the necessity to remain, inwardly and outwardly, indifferent towards good as well as bad reception; the necessity of remaining humble in spite of one's high learning; that of never loosing courage if one happens to become aware of one's ignorance in metaphysical things, and that of remaining firm in one's belief in the words of the Jina, in spite of all difficulties and temptations.
It is, of course, only to a small extent, and more by the way of cultivating the respective spirit, viz., that of endurance, that the layman may be willing and able to put these rules into action, whereas most of them act at least some part in the daily life of the ascetic. [0 ] The Ten Virtues
The next class of prescriptions comprises the 'Daśavidhayatidharma', i.e., the ten-fold duty of the striver after Mokşa, which consists in the cultivation of the following ten virtues :

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1. Forgiveness, 2. Humility, 3. Candour, 4. Noncovetousness, 5. Austerity, 6. Restraint, with reference to the Great Vows, to the activity of the five senses, to the four great passions, and with reference to the activities of thinking, speaking and acting, 7. Truthfulness, 8. Interior and Exterior Cleanliness, 9. Total Lock of Property, and 10. Abstinence from all sexual activity, in whatever form.
To some extent, all these virtues can be cultivated by the Śrāvaka too, in whom at least several of them appear distinctly, such as, e.g., the spirit of forgiveness and humility, which sometimes manifests itself in touching forms, or the virtue of Cleanliness, whose exterior variety can be seen in fullest display in the Jaina house and the Jaina temple, which latter has become proverbial for its neatness, and the slightest uncleanliness of which would be counted as a downright defilement. [e] The Twelve Reflections
The next group of ethical rules form the Twelve Bhāvanās, i.e., Reflections, which one should constantly turn over in one's mind. They are as follows:
1. Beauty, Fortune, Love, and all that exists is transitory. Therefore, nothing is worth striving after but the permanent happiness of Moksa.
2. In the face of pain and death, man is completely helpless. Therefore, one should endeavour to make them cease, by annihilating one's Karma.
3. Existence, with all its stages, is like a drama, in which man acts only a temporary part, as a father, or as a lover, or as a son etc. Therefore, one should not keep one's mind attached to any person or to any thing.
4. In the act of consuming its Karma, by undergoing the various sufferings predestined to it, the soul is alone. Nobody can assist it therein. Therefore, one should make powerful efforts to get
rid of Karma by one's own initiative.

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5. Body and Soul are heterogeneous things, therefore one should not mistake the body and its demands for part of the self, nor allow it to rule over us.
6. The body contains many disgusting elements, thus one should endeavour to become a pure, bodiless Siddha.
7. Constantly, Karma streams into the soul and is bound by it, therefore one should try to stop it.
8. The way of stopping new Karmas entering the soul is Saṁvara.
9. The way of consuming Karma bound before is Nirjarā.
10. The Universe has the shape of a standing man, with the hells in its lower, the world of men in its middle, and the heavens in its upper parts. It is composed of the six eternal substances Soul, Space, Time, Matter, Medium of Rest and Medium of Motion. The three conditions of coming into existence, lasting and perishing, eternally alternate with one another. Thus, the world is transitory with reference to these three conditions, but eternal with reference to the six substances. Therefore, one should judge of all things from the standpoint of substance as well as from that of condition, if one wants to define them thoroughly and impartially, or, in other words, one should always apply the standard of relativity, which acts a prominent part in Jaina Logic, known under the name of 'Syädvāda'.
11. Instruction with reference to metaphysical truth, and faith in the latter are difficult to obtain. Therefore, having attained them, one should direct one's ethical conduct accordingly.
12. Taking into account the combination of particular Karmas necessary, it is very difficult to come into contact with a Jina, or with another competent teacher of metaphysical truth. Therefore, one should avail one's self of his spiritual guidance, if one has been lucky enough to meet one.
All these reflections are, of course, practicable by laymen too. They permeate, moreover, the whole of Jaina literature, in its

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various parts, from the beautiful and sublime stanzas of certain Āgamas, or Sacred Writings, full of the spirit of sweet renunciation, down to the hymns and religious ballads (the "Sajjhais'), with their soft and touching world-weariness. [f ] The Five Cāritras
The last group of regulations prescribed for the attainment of Saṁvara, comprises the five Căritras, or steps of discipline for ascetics, and the discipline for laymen, as a kind of addendum, though, from the practical standpoint, one of highest import.
The first of the Cāritras of ascetics is the Sāmāyika Cáritra. It is being realized by the adoption of Sarva-virati, i.e., the complete giving up of all evil, with reference to doing it, causing it to be done, and approving of its having been done, by thought, word and action. In contra-distinction to the Sarva-virati of ascetics, the layman discipline is based on Deśa-virati, i.e., partial giving up of evil, as will be seen later.
On the stage of Sāmāyika Căritra, the aforesaid Sarva-virati is adopted only temporarily, and under the reservation that certain trespasses of its rules will not be counted as breaches, i.e., they will be liable to a milder form of atonement than positive breaches would be. The adoption of Sarva-virati in this mild form is the very entrance gate to monkhood, since it makes an ascetic, though not a full one, out of the novice. The latter promises solemnly, and under certain rites, to keep the five great vows of Sarva-virati, or the Mahāvratas. This solemn act of adopting the five great vows in their milder form, is called Laghu Dikṣā, i.e., small initiation.
If the novice proves true, within a certain period, he is promoted to the next step, the Chedopasthāpanā Cāritra, by being made adopt the Sarva-virati rules for life-time, and without any reservation. The rites under which this is done, are called 'Vadi Dikṣā', i.e., great initiation, by which the novice becomes a full ascetic, and from the date of which his seniority is counted.
Monks who have been punished for violations of the great

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vows, have to undergo Vadi Dikṣā once more, their seniority being completely, or partially, cut. In the former case, they have to begin the stage of Chedopasthāpanā Căritra once more, which has got its name from this cutting ( cheda ) of the seniority, and the act of ordaining the monk a new ( upasthāpanā).
According to Jaina Tradition, there are certain cases, when the novice at once took, and takes, Sarva-virati in its strict form, i.e., when only the great initiation is performed, and the standards of Sāmāyika and of Chedopasthāpanā Cāritras, as described, fall together. But purposes, being limited to certain far-off countries, of which only the scriptures know, and to former ages, when, in this country too, only the great initiation used to be performed.
The five great vows which form the basis of the two forms of Cāritra in question, are the following ones :
By the First Mahāvrata, the Sādhu vows to avoid injuring life in even its slightest form. This explains why a Jaina Sādhu does not touch green plants, nor unboiled water, nor fire and light, and why he even avoids using artificial light, viz., because all these forms of life, even in the most subtle manifestations, would suffer in some way by the touch of the human body. The five Samitis are splendidly fit to help the monk in keeping this Vrata.
By the Second Mahāvrata, he promises to avoid telling even the slightest ‘Untruth', but, under the silent reservation that, by speaking truth, the higher interests of non-injury must not be endangered. This conception is, by-the-bye, very characteristic of the difference between Western and Indian Ethics, Western Ethics, which demands absolute truthfulness, without regard to its consequences, and Indian Ethics ( for this conception is not restricted to Jainism ), which places the principle of non-injury above all. It is well-known of what a high importance this factor is, in the intercourse of Indians and Europeans with each other and in the judgement of each others' peculiarities.
By the third Mahāvrata, the Sādhu promises to avoid appro

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priating, or using, anything that he has not explicitly been given, or its use allowed, by the lawful proprietor. This goes so far that a Jaina Sādhu, even if starving, would never pick up even a wild fruit from the ground ( which would, it is true, imply the further sin of hurting plant life ), nor would he use even a blade of dry grass lying about, nor a stone.
By the Fourth Mahāvrata, the ascetic promises to avoid even the slightest form of sexual activity. Even the touch, not only of a human person, but even of an animal, of the opposite sex would be counted as a kind of trespass. The present Jaina Sadhus take this vow, therefore, so strictly as to anxiously avoid even the indirect contact with a woman, such as by a carpet, or by a piece of furniture, or by a book etc., always keeping in mind that certain substances, such as wood, paper, metals, cloth etc. are considered as better conductors than others, such as stone, or earth. Amongst all the ascetic rules, the fourth vow is said to be the one which allows no exceptions at all.
By the fifth vow, the ascetic promises to give up even the slightest form of attachment to whatever it may be whether lifeless things or persons. Practically, this vow demands not only the giving up of all property, but also that of all family ties, i.e., the adopting of the life of a mendicant. It is well-known in which strict way the present Jaina Sãdhus keep this vow, the Digambara monks, who roam about, always alone, without clothes, without even vessels to eat from, and the Svetāmbara Sādhus with their scanty clothes and equipment, who will not accept but what they can use at a time, the acceptance of money being, of course, strictly forbidden.
After having reached a certain standard of firmness in the keeping of Sarva-virati, and of religious learning too, a monk can climb up to the next step of discipline, the Parihāra-viśuddhicăritra, which can be reached by undergoing certain practices requiring a high degree of self-control and firmness. It is prescribed that always groups of nine monks should devote eighteen months to

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these practices, changing places with one another in the alternate performing of austerities, and service, in obedience to a self elected Guru. During these eighteen months, the discipline to be observed is so strict that it would, e.g., be forbidden to take any care of one's body even in the case of severe sickness.
The fourth standard is the Sūkşma-sāmparāya-cāritra, which requires the complete annihilation of one's Anger, Pride and Deceit, and a partial one of the fourth great passion, viz., covetousness, of which only a small fraction is allowed to remain.
The fifth standard, the Yathākhyāta Cāritra, demands a complete annihilation of all the four passions, and a strict Jinakalpi conduct, completely in accordance with the monastic discipline, once put in action, and promulgated, by the last Jina.
The last three standards can no more be attained by monks of the present age, in which the strength of bodily and mental constitution as required for the fulfilment of the respective rules, is no more to be found. Since the time, when all such heroic accomplishments were possible, and were indeed put in action, a great degeneration has taken place according to Jaina tradition.
The lowest standard of discipline is the Deśa-virati-căritra of Śrāvakas, the rules for which are the twelve laymen vows, the socalled Dvādaśa-vrata, or, in the vernacular, the Badā-vrata, which play a great part in the life of the single Jaina as well as that of the whole community.
Besides being, in themselves, milder than the respective prescriptions for ascetics, the laymen vows can be taken only with reference to not doing and not causing to be done, bad thoughts, words and actions. Moreover, one or other of these factors, such as 'not causing to be done' or 'bad thoughts' etc. can optionally be left away, or instead of taking all the vows, a selection of some of them can be adopted. Consequently, the layman who adopts the twelve vows, or some of them, is left ample freedom to fulfill all his worldly duties, and to remain in fullest concordance with worldly

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propriety and etiquette, even if he happen to be a judge, or a king even, or to occupy any other responsible post which requires energetic and even violent acting, in the interest of the State.
[g] The Twelve Vratas of Laymen
The twelve Vratas of laymen are sub-divided into three parts, viz., the five Aṇuvratas, the three Gunavratas and the four Šikṣāvratas.
(a) The Five Aņuvratas
The five Aṇuvratas, i.e., small vows represent only a milder form of the great vows of ascetics. By the First Anuvrata, the Śrāvaka promises to give up destroying, intentionally and without purpose, the lives of harmless living beings, which are gifted with free locomotion. With reference to this formulation, it has often been said that, whereas the Sadhu practises complete non-injury, or expressed in the old way, twentytwentieths of non-injury, the Śrāvaka only practises one-twentieth and a quarter; ten-twentieths being substracted by excepting beings without spontaneous locomotion, as plants, water, fire, air and minerals, five further twentieths by excepting harmless creatures, two and a half-twentieths by excepting unintentional, and one and a quarter-twentieths by excepting purposeless injury. That means, of course, practically, that he is allowed self-defence, as well as such actions including injury of lower life, as are necessary for his subsistence, such as the construction of houses or wells, the gathering of fruit and vegetables and their preparation, the use of vehicles, etc., etc.
By the Second Aṇuvrata, he promises to give up all untrue and other utterances of grossly injurious character, with reference to marriageable women, cows, land, deposits and false witness.
By the Third Aṇuvrata, he promises never to appropriate things ungiven, neither living nor lifeless ones, in the intention of stealing.
By the Fourth Aṇuvrata, he promises either matrimonial faithfulness to his wife, or merely renounces intercourse with the

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wives of others. The same does, mutatis mutandis, the laywoman.
By the Fifth Aņuvrata, he promises not to keep property, lifeless or living, exceeding a certain limit, which he fixes himself at the time of taking the vow.
(b) The Three Gunavratas -- The Gunavratas comprise certain general restrictions, canonical for the whole life-time.
The First Guņavrata or Digvrata, limits the sphere within which the Srāvaka is left liberty to move, in all, or in one or other of the points of the compass, as well as in the height and depth.
The Second Guņavrata or Upabhoga-paribhoga-vrata, limits the classes and qualities of things to be used by the Śrāvaka. They are divided into two classes, viz., things which can be used only once, such as food, flowers, ointments, and things which can be used repeatedly, such as houses, clothes etc. Thus, onions, potatoes, and all kinds of bulbs and roots, are to be renounced by every orthodox Śrāvaka, because they are believed to contain a greater number of lives than other parts of plants. Meat, butter, honey and many other articles, the attainment or preparation of which is connected with gross and unnecessary injury of life, are likewise prohibited as being ‘abhakşya', i.e., uneatable. For the same reason, eating and drinking after sunset and before sunrise are interdicted. Intoxicating articles are to be avoided for reasons shown before. Besides these things which are, under all circumstances, forbidden for the Šrāvaka who takes this vow, there is, of course, no limit of things the use of which can be restricted or renounced. Thus, many a pious Śrāvaka will renounce, for life-time, tea, or some other delicacy, in which he is inclined to over-indulge, or any food that contains life, such as unboiled water, or uncut fruit, or even green vegetables in any form whatsoever, because their gathering and preparation includes more injury than that of ripe fruit or grain, etc.
On other hand, the Vrata under consideration, also puts a limit to the number of trades and professions which come into consideration for a pious Jaina layman. There are fifteen so-called

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‘Karmadānas', i.e., professions, which a Śrāvaka who wants to keep the rules of Deśa-virati, should never embrace, such as charcoalburning, letting out animals or vehicles, gardening, agriculture, trade with ivory, alcohol, poison, slaves, etc., oil-pressing, etc. This restriction is of great importance for social life, because it shows e.g., why there are so few Jaina agriculturists, and why, on the other hand, the Jainas of today are, nearly all, bankers, jewellers dealers in cloth, corn and similar harmless goods, and why they use to look with a kind of contempt down on the tanners, shoe-makers, dyers, gardeners and representatives of various other trades more or less connected with injury.
The Third Guņavrata or Anarthadanda-vrata, forbids certain harmful actions not included in the First Aņuvrata, viz., 1. Cherishing evil thoughts, 2. Indulging in alcoholic, sexual and emotional inebriation, as well as in bad talk, or in defamation, 3. practising injury and 4. giving suggestions concerning sinful actions to be done by others. This Vrata is of great practical import, because he who keeps it, cannot possess domestic animals, nor do agri-cultural nor gardening work, nor see a performance in a circus, elephant fighting, etc.
(c) The Four Śikṣā-vratas — The Śikṣā-vratas are vows with reference to certain religious performances or actions to be done, throughout one's life, in regular intervals, the duration of which one fixes at the time of taking the Vratas.
The First Śikṣā-vrata is the Sāmāyika-vrata, by which the Śrāvaka promises to perform, in certain intervals, the "Sāmāyikakriyā”. The latter consists in sitting down, under the performance of certain formalities, for about forty-eight minutes, on a clean carpet, having put on clean clothes, and keeping one's mind concentrated on some religious activity, such as reading a religious book, discussing religious subjects, meditating etc. For the duration of this time, the Śrāvaka vows to give up doing, and causing to be done, evil thoughts, words and actions, nearly coming up to the moral

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standard of an ascetic for the time being.
By the Second Sikṣā-vrata or the Deśāvakāśika-vrata, he promises daily to fix a new limit within the limits fixed by the First, or those fixed by the second Guṇavrata, regulating the narrower limits in accordance with his daily requirements. The daily limitation of the things appertaining to the second Guṇavrata is, generally, done with reference to fourteen stereotype points, viz., food containing life, kinds of food, the 'Vikṛtis' (viz. milk, curds, ghee, oil, molasses and certain fried things ), then the quantity of food, betel, clothes, shoes, bedding, bathing, ointments, flowers, vehicles, sexual intercourse, and the sphere of moving.
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By the Third Sikṣā-vrata or the Pauṣadha-vrata, the Śrāvaka promises to live, for a certain period, one day or longer, the life of an ascetic. The Pauṣadha-kriyā affects four things, viz., food, bodily care, sexual intercourse and professional activity, which should be limited or given up respectively, for the period fixed. It is being performed generally in special Pauṣadha-śālās, or in the Upāśrayas, under the surveyance and assistance of ascetics of the sex of the performer, and under special formalities.
The Fourth Sikṣa-vrata is the Atithi-saṁvibhāga-vrata. The Śrāvaka who takes it, promises to serve and feast, at certain intervals, Jaina ascetics who approached him in the prescribed way. Today, it is, in the Svetambara sect, very often replaced by the obligation to spend a certain amount of money every year, for the best of the Seven Fields, viz., the male and the female ascetic, the layman and the laywoman, the statue of a Jina, the temple of a Jina and religious education, including literature, etc.

Each of the twelve Vows contains five Aticāras, i.e., it enumerates five actions, the forbidden character of which partly is clear from the wording of the chief rule itself, and partly can be inferred from its wider sense, such as e.g., the actions of binding, beating, mutilating, overburdening, and starving living beings, in the case of the First Aṇuvrata; or the actions of buying stolen goods,

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inducing thieves to steal, transgressing the boundaries of inimical kings, using false weight and measure, and dealing with adulterated or imitated things, in the case of the Third Aņuvrata.
By doing actions enumerated as Aticāras, a śrāvaka does not break the vow in the proper sense, it is true, still he makes himself guilty of acting in contradiction to Laymen Ethics, and is liable to atonement. 3. Nirjarā
After having had a glance on the rules of Saṁvara, as they are handed down by Jaina tradition, it is time to proceed to a short inspection of those of Nirjară, or better: those of Sakāma Nirjarā, or Intentional Consumption of Karma, because Akāma Nirjarā, or Unintentional Consumption, has only little to do with ethics proper. Akāma Nirjarā, on the contrary, is, per se, rather fit to contribute to fresh Karma being bound, because, by making the individual suffer the hardships predestined by its former Karmas, it indirectly procreates certain reactions, by which new Karma must be attracted. Only in so far as the individual determines not to give way to such reactions, but quietly and willingly undergoes what is imposed on him, i.e., in so far as Akāma Nirjarā would, thus, involve the attitude of Saṁvara, it may be said to overlap on the field of Ethics.
Sakāma Nirjarā, on the other hand, is an ethical idea per se. It designates the undergoing of self-imposed hardships, by free determination, motivated purely by the desire to proceed, thereby, on the path leading to the last metaphysical aim. Sakāma Nirjarā not only leads to, but also presupposes, Samvara, because the determination to undergo self-imposed hardships, is not possible without a high amount of self-control.
While fixing the kind, intensity, duration etc. of the hardships to be undergone, the individual must take care lest, by undue violence done to the frail body as well as mind, an opposite result be produced, consisting in a worried and confounded mental activity, or a kind of impure, grievous meditation, which would rather help to

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attract fresh Karmas. He who keeps all such precautions in mind, while endeavouring for Sakäma Nirjarā, can be said to practise genuine austerity, in the true sense of the Jina.
The Jaina scriptures distinguish twelve kinds of austerities, as the expedients of Nirjarā, grouped together under the two headings of 'Exterior Austerities' and 'Interior Austerities'.
[ a ] Exterior Austerities
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Exterior Austerities are the following:
(i) Anaśana, i.e., complete abstinence from all kinds of food, for a period fixed by the individual beforehand. There are various forms of this austerity, from abstention for several hours upto fasts of more than a month's duration, during which latter, the fasting person generally reserves to himself the right of drinking boiled water during day time.
People who are hopelessly sick, or on the verge of the grave for any other reason, sometimes take the vow of lifelong abstinence from food. This form of dying is called 'Samlekhana' or ( Sallekhanā ). This used to be more frequently resorted to in the heroic olden times, when, according to Jaina tradition, Sadhus, taking the great determination, placed themselves upright, motionless, assuming some special posture, in some lonely place in the jungles, vowing not to stir voluntarily, but to hold out, till exhaustion would throw them to the ground, and death put an end. This mode of dying is known under the name of 'Pādapopagamana', i.e., 'assuming the state of a tree'.
(ii) Ūṇodarikā Tapa, i.e., reduction of one's food below the quantity required, for an optional number of meals.
(iii) Vṛttisankṣepa, i.e., renunciation of certain kinds of food, or of food available in certain localities, or at certain times, or under certain circumstances, for an optional period. This form of renunciation is only of small practical value for the layman, who can arrange for his own meals, their time, place etc., whereas it plays a considerable part in the life of the ascetic, who is completely

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dependent on circumstances in getting his food.
(iv) Rasatyāga, i.e., renunciation of the 'Vikṛtis', of which four, as we saw before, viz., meat, butter, honey and alcohol (the socalled 'Great Vikṛtis') are prohibited completely, whereas the remaining six, viz., milk, curds, ghee, oil, molasses and certain fried things, can be renounced in an optional measure, as far as there are no fixed prescriptions for certain special forms of austerities.
(v) Kāyakleśa, or mortification of one's body, consists in sitting or standing, for a certain time to be fixed, in one or other of the various Asanas, or ascetical postures, which play such a great part in the rites of certain Hindu sects. With the Jainas, the most frequent postures are the Kayotsarga posture, i.e., the standing with one's arms hanging loosely down, without coming into contact with the body, and the Padmasana posture, i.e., sitting with crossed legs in a particular way. Certain particular forms of austerities require the ascetic to stand in the Kayotsarga posture for a whole night or longer. Also in the rites of the Śravakas, the two āsanas are frequent.
6. Saṁlīnatā, i.e., withdrawing one's senses from all impure objects, particularly by avoiding to stay longer in closer connection with persons and even animals of the other sex, or by trying to suppress one's passions and to reduce one's activities, except such of a ritualistic nature.
[b] Interior Austerities
1. The first of the interior austerities is the Prayaścitta, i.e., atonement for transgressions. It is composed of ten different elements, viz.,
(i) Ālocană, i.e., confession before the Guru,
(ii) Pratikramaņa, i.e., repentance, which includes the promise strictly to avoid the respective transgressions in future, (iii) Miśra Prāyaścitta, i.e., a combination of the two
elements,
(iv) Viveka, i.e., renunciation,

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(v) Kāyotsarga, i.e., stopping, as far as possible, the activity of one's body,
( vi ) Austerities, (vii) Cheda, i.e., the partial cutting of one's seniority,
(viii) Müla Prāyaścitta, i.e., the complete cutting of the latter,
(ix ) Anavasthāpya Prāyaścitta, i.e., the complete cutting of the seniority, and delaying, for a long period, a repetition of the great initiation,
(x ) Pārāñcita Prāyaścitta, i.e., exclusion from the order for twelve years.
2. The second interior austerity is Vinaya, i.e., appropriate behaviour with reference to study, to one's fellow ascetics, to the ritualistic and ethical rules, to one, Guru, etc.
3. Vaiyāvíttya, i.e., unselfish service, corresponds, to some extent, to the idea of Bhakti in Hindu Religion. Vaiyāvsttya or Veyāvacca, as it is generally called, with its old Prāksta name, is to be rendered to one's superiors by rank and seniority, to sick fellow ascetics, or such engaged in austerities, to young ascetics, to one's closer or wider ascetical community, and to the Sangha, the general community.
4. Svādhyāya, i.e., Study, viz., teaching and learning, discussing, repeating, meditating upon, and preaching on religious matters.
5. Subha Dhyāna, i.e., Pure Meditation, which is either Dharma Dhyāna, i.e., Religious Meditation and Sukla Dhyāna, i.e., Bright Meditation, which latter is distinguished by its faultless purity and its profoundness. Both the kinds of pure meditation have various sub-divisions. A description of them would, however, form a whole chapter in itself.
6. Kāyotsarga, which occurred already as one of the kinds of Prāyaścitta. The ascetic practising the Kāyotsarga austerity either gives up the society of his fellow ascetics and roams about, alone

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and naked, as a Jinakalpi Sādhu, or he takes the vow of Samlekhanā, or tries to give up all passions, and thereby opens the way for a complete annihilation of all his Karma.
It is not necessary to add that many of the austerities described can well be practised by laymen too, who, indeed, enthusiastically undergo austerities of incredible rigour, vying with the saintliest of their ascetics. The most popular of all austerities are, with reference to laymen : Anasana, Vrttisanksepa, Rasatyāga and Vaiyāvíttya, in the practice of which much tranquil heroism is displayed
[ C ] Something on the Ritualistic Side
It is evident that the shape in which the ethical prescriptions of Jainism have come down to us, is not a pure one, but many of them contain a distinctly formal element, such as the Sāmāyika Vrata of Śrāvakas, the Parihāra Visuddhi Caritra of Sādhus, or the sub-divisions of Prāyaścitta do, so that one might doubt whether they should not be counted as ritualistic rather than ethical rules. But the arrangement in which they are handed down, leaves no doubt that Jaina tradition wants then to be counted as ethical rules.
Many of the rules, which could be given here only in their original, simple form have undergone a process of extension and complication, in consequence of which the ritualistic element has been put still more in the foreground. This is the case, e.g., with the Atithi Saṁvibhāga Vrata ( the 12th vow of śrāvakas ) which is, at present, generally taken in the form that the śrāvaka performs the action of serving and feasting the ‘atithi’, i.e., the begging Sādhu, after finishing certain austerities, and under certain formalities. It can also be observed with reference to the Sāmāyika Cāritra of ascetics, for which a Sādhu is not counted fit, unless the process of ‘Luñcana', i.e., plucking out of the hair of his head, has been performed, nor is he counted a full ascetic afterwards, unless he allows this process to be repeated at least twice every year, or, at a higher age, once a year. Another example is the Kāyotsarga austerity,

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which is, at present, necessarily connected with the Kāyotsarga posture.
Still, there is an extra chapter, in which all such prescriptions are summarized from the formal, i.e., ritualistic, stand-point. It is called the chapter of the Avaśyakas, i.e., necessary ritualistic actions, which are to be performed daily, at least by ascetics. The Āvasyakas stand in closest correlationship with the ethical system. Therefore, and also on account of their fundamental importance for the whole life of the Jaina, they shall be enumerated here. The Six Āvasyakas
1. The first of the six Āvasyakas is the Sāmāyika, which the Sadhu practises both fully and permanently by observing Sarvavirati, and by thus living up to the standard of Sāmāyika Căritra. The layman performs it either permanently, but partially, by observing Deśa-virati; or nearly fully, but only for a limited period, by performing the Sāmāyika-kriyā described under the Sāmāyika-vrata.
2. The second Āvasyaka is the Caturvimśati-Jina-stava, i.e., the praise of the twenty-four Jinas of this period, who are the ethical ideals of all Jainas. It has not the purpose of pleasing them, because nothing, neither praise nor its contrary, would be able to change their equilibrium of mind, or to induce them to reciprocate; but, by their praise, the devotee can purify his thoughts, and acquire firmness and faith in his striving after Mokșa. With the idolater-sects, who have always been prevailing in number, the praise of the Jinas often forms part of a Pūjā ceremony, or of other functions, which, however, differ much with the different sects and sub-sects.
3. The third Āvasyaka is the Vandanā, i.e., the ceremonial and humble greeting of the spiritual teacher, which has likewise various forms with the different sects. In the Svetāmbara sect, three forms of Vandană are known, viz., the Phitta Vandanā, i.e., greeting by placing one's folded hands on one's forehead, when meeting the Guru on the way, and at other occasions when there is no time for the usual greeting ceremony. The second is the Thobha Vandanā,

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which consists in a repeated bowing down to the earth, so that knees and forehead touch the ground, under recitation of old Prakṛta formulas and other formalities. The third form is the Dvādaśāvarta Vandana, which demands the performance of a complicate ceremonial, and is, at present, restricted to certain special occasions.
4. The fourth Avaśyaka is the Pratikramaṇa, i.e., the formal repentance of all transgressions, connected with a full confession, in the presence of the Guru or his representative. It has various forms with the different sects. The scriptures speak of a five-fold Pratikramaṇa, the different forms of which are practised every morning, every night, every fortnight, every three months, and every year, by way of confessing the transgressions committed in the preceeding period. It is worth noting that the Śvetāmbaras have certain stereotype lists in which all the transgressions a Sadhu and a layman can possibly commit, are enumerated in full details, and which have to be recited regularly. With the Śvetāmbaras, the two daily Pratikramaņas form the main rite of the day, with which all the other Avasyakas have become so intimately connected, that a separation would be impossible: 'to perform Pratikramaṇa' means, with them, 'to perform the six Avaśyakas in their stereotyped combination'.
5. The fifth Avaśyaka is the Kayotsarga, i.e., the Kayotsarga austerity, as described before, generally performed by the way of meditating, while standing motionless, in the Kayotsarga posture. At present, it is often performed in a sitting posture, too. The duration of each Kayotsarga must be fixed before, and the time minutely kept.
6. The last Avaśyaka is the Pratyākhyāna, i.e., a formal vow taken in the presence of the Guru with reference to any kind of restriction or renunciation to be performed. The Mahāvratas and Aṇuvratas are Pratyākhyānas too, it is true, and so are the other Vratas of Śrāvakas likewise. But as Pratyākhyāna Avaśyaka in the narrower sense, only vows as are adopted for a short period are usually counted. There are various kinds of Pratyākhyānas, differ

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ing with reference to the object of renunciation, to its duration and formalities. A man can solemnly renounce the society and help of his fellow ascetics, if he happens to be a Sādhu, or he can give up all utterances of arising passions, or certain kinds of food, such as one or other of the Vikstis, or, for a certain time, all kinds of food whatsoever, or he can reduce the quantity of food, he can reduce his movements, or the territory within which to move, he can restrict or renounce his sexual activity, etc.
The Svetāmbara canon contains certain Prāksta formulas, which are recited at the time of taking the Pratyākhyāna. They contain so called Ākāras, i.e., reservations of cases in which transgressions that happened without the fault of the vower, are not to be counted as breaches of the vow. Thus, the Pratyākhyāna of complete fasting for one or more days, e.g., takes into consideration the case that food might be forcibly put into the mouth of the devotee, or that he suddenly might become non compos mentis, or that the Guru might order him to eat, in order to enable him to execute some urgent work in the service of the community etc.
Whereas a Śvetāmbara Sādhu will take at least three Pratyākhyānas every day, the Śrāvaka following his example, will scarcely allow a day to pass without taking at least the ‘Navakarsi Pratyākhyāna', i.e., the promise not to take any food earlier than forty-eight minutes after sunrise, and the 'Divasa-CarimamPratyākhyāna', i.e., the promise not to touch any food after sunset. Śrāvakas who have taken the Second Guņavrata, are, of course, bound to take another daily Pratyākhyāna with reference to their sphere of movement, or to the fourteen things of daily use described before.
Whereas the Āvasyakas are daily functions, there is another group of formalities, which regulate the ethical conduct of the individual in stages comprising longer periods. They are called the Pratimās.
The Pratimās are of less practical importance, because they

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are, at present, relatively rarely adopted. In the Digambara community, it is true, they act still a certain part. The Śravaka Pratimās are eleven in number and form a series of austerities and performances, the standard and duration of which rises periodically, and which finally culminate in an attitude resembling monkhood.
The Sadhu Pratimas are twelve in number. They form, likewise, a series of restrictions and austerities increasing in intensity, though not in duration.
As we have seen, Jaina ethics is the result as well as the basis of a high standard of Human Culture: Self-control, Non-injury and Free-determination being its chief principles, and unselfish service, study, veneration of the really Great, purity, and sobriety being some of its categorical demands.
It is a matter of great satisfaction that this time honoured culture has not died out as yet but is being carefully preserved by a community of enthusiastic ascetics as well as laymen, who, though small in number, still act an important part in Indian Society, especially in the north and west of India, by the esteerned position that many of its individuals occupy, and, last but not least, by the admirable way in which modern ascetics have understood to be active in the service of their faith, without transgressing the narrow limits of their monkhood.
I am, myself, deeply indebted to several of the venerable Śvetāmbara Sādhus, especially late Śāstraviśārada Jainācārya Vijaya Dharma Sūri, and his successor, Acarya Vijayendra Sūri, for having enabled me to make a long and profound study of Jainism at the source, and I wish to thank him and his group of learned Sadhus most heartily, and to give expression to the hope that a long life may be granted to him and his Sadhus, to his spirit of benevolence, and to the noble culture of the Jainas too.

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Relativity of Religious Truth
By birth and education, every one of us has been placed within the sphere of power of one or another of the great human civilizations, which exercised its influence on our bodily and mental training, and on the whole development of our personality, and even impressed on the mind of the majority, the stamp of its particular religious dogma. Strengthened by history, tradition, custom and convention, this network of influences fettered the individual nearly as firmly as those bonds of kinship do, that connect him with the race of his ancestors.
Still, as those bonds of kinship do not hinder a person from attaching himself with even stronger bonds, bonds of love and friendship, bonds of fellowship and mental affinity, to other, distant persons, just so that other bondage must not keep anybody back from glancing around himself, discovering merits in heterogeneous religions, and measuring his own conceptions by the noblest of theirs.
But then how to judge of the merit of a religion, how to know what is noble in it? Is not one single religion, isolated from its sister-religions, like the isolated petal of a flower, the isolated note of a melody ? Is it not, in its one-sidedness, comparable to the opinion of a single one of that group of blind men, who, standing before an elephant for the first time in their lives, tried to define its nature. The first, who happened to touch its forehead, declared the elephant to be a big stone; the second, from the touch of one of its
* A Lecture by Dr. Charlotte Krause. Published by Phulchandji
Ved, Secretary, Shri Yashovijaya Jaina Granthamala, Bhavnagar ( Kathiawar ), 1930.

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tusks, defined it as a pointed weapon; the third, after touching the trunk, said the elephant was a leather bag; the fourth caught hold of one of the ears, and defined the whole animal as a flapping fan; the fifth, after passing his hand over its body, declared it to be a mountain; the sixth, who had touched one of the legs, said the elephant was a pillar; and the seventh described it as a piece of rope, because he had just caught hold of the tail. Each of them grasped only part of the nature of the actual thing, and just so, each of the various religions on earth appears to make us see a different aspect of Truth Divine. How then are we entitled to speak of merit in one or another of them ? Criterion of an Ideal Religion
As a matter of fact, the individual, whenever acting, endeavours to act so as to establish, or to maintain, an optimum (i.e., best possible degree ) of physical well-being, in response to its innate egotistic instincts. In this activity, it feels itself, often and again, checked by another kind of inner voices, which ( no matter whether they be called conscience, or categorical imperative, or social instincts, or whatever else ), regularly warn it, whenever egotism tempts it to transgress one or another of the universal commandments of ethics, and to endanger, thereby, directly or indirectly, the well-being of the social body to which it belongs. Life seems to be nothing but an attempt of the individual to keep itself balancing, as it were, on the delicate line of demarcation between the postulates of egotism and those of ethics, avoiding to hurt its own interests on one, and those of society on the other side. This state of equilibrium is experienced, by the refined mind, as the optimum of inner happiness attainable under the given juncture of circumstances. It is that bliss, that ‘Peace of God', which religion promises to its followers.
For religion has always considered it its task to indicate that line of demarcation, winding along between those two postulates. Every religion has approached this task with boldness and determination, and in its own peculiar way, following its own particular

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character and tradition. If a religion has succeeded in fulfilling its task well, its doctrines must guarantee a state of perfect and permanent harmony between the well-being of the individual and that of society under whatever conditions imaginable. It is obvious that reversely, the degree and constancy of perfection characterizing the harmony of the above two factors, must allow us to judge of the merit of the religion by which it is being vouched for.
Measured by this standard, there can be no question as to the high value of Jainism, that time-honoured religion, which goes back to the teachings of Vardhamāna Mahāvīra, the great contemporary and countryman of Gautama Buddha, and to his predecessors : for its teachings seem to guarantee indeed “the greatest happiness of the greatest number' not only of men, but of living beings, under all circumstances imaginable. This is why I make bold to draw your attention on this extra-ordinarily fascinating and important subject today. Perfect Social Welfare Warranted by Jainism
According to Jainism, everything that lives has got a soul, or, to speak in the beautiful, concise language of the Scriptures, is a soul. And all the souls are fellow-creatures : the godlike recluse in his purity and unshakable peace, the active man of the world with his never resting ambitions, the innocent infant and the criminal, the lion and the nightingale, the cobra and the dragon-fly, the green leaf and the rose flower, the tiniest particle of water and the smallest of the corpuscles that compose the shining crystal, each of those myriads of beings that form the wings of the breeze, and of those that waver in the scarlet glow of fire : all are fellow-creatures, all are brothers. For all have got bodies, all have got senses, all have got instincts, all take food and digest it, all multiply, all are born and die, all are capable of suffering and enjoying, and all bear the germs of perfection within themselves. That means, all are able to develop, during the long chain of their respective existences subsequent to one another, their innate dispositions of perception, knowledge,

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activity, and joy, to a degree of highest perfection. And all find themselves placed in the middle of the struggle against 'Karma'.
'Karma' designates that substance which we incessantly assimilate by our bodily and mental activity, and which remains latent in the depths of our personality, until it ‘ripens', at the critical moment, destining the whole complex of our personality as far as it is foreign to 'soul', and shaping our whole fate. We bind Karma by walking and speaking, by eating and breathing, by loving and hating, by helping and harming. And a different activity produces a different kind of Karma, which may ripen either immediately, or after some time, or even in one or another of our subsequent existences.
यादृशं क्रियते कर्म तादृशं भुज्यते फलम् ।
यादृशमुप्यते बीजं तादृशं प्राप्यते फलम् ।।
"To the actions we do, corresponds the result we have to incur, as the fruit corresponds to the seed that has been sown.”
By acting in such a way as to do harm to others, we produce a Karma which will make us suffer to the adequate extent, and by acting so as to benefit others, we store up an adequate amount of latent happiness. There are moreover, actions which destine our bodily constitution, our surroundings, and the length of our life, and there are actions which destine the limit within which we are allowed to perceive and to know, to enjoy and to be successful.
Thus, to bind Karma by good deeds, means to secure the basis of a happy lot; to bind bad Karma, by evil deeds, means to sow the seeds of future sorrow; and to stop the bondage of Karma completely, leads, if coupled with the consumption of all the remaining latent Karmas, to an elimination of everything that is non-soul in our personality. It means self-realization, it means that final state in which the soul, free from all encumbrance, is soul and soul alone : soul in the fullest possession of perception, knowledge, strength, and joy. This is the state called Mokşa, i.e., ‘Freedom', the 'Salvation' of Jainism.

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The acknowledgement of the Law of Karma as the commonest of all natural laws (the law of conservation of forces, as it were, in its application to the psychical sphere ) culminates in the glorification of the Principle of Ahimsā, i.e., Non-injury, in Jainism. For, according to the law of Karma, a living being that causes a fellow-creature, even the lowest developed one, to suffer, be it in order to further its own advantage, or for any other reason, cannot do so without harming its own soul, i.e., without tumbling down a greater or smaller distance from the height of inner development it has reached, and without experiencing, earlier or later, as a mechanical consequence, a disturbance of its own harmonious equilibrium. What means suffering to one, can never be a source of real joy to another, and wherever it appears to be so, it is because our means of perception hinder us from being aware of the slow, but sure effectiveness of this Law of 'Eternal Justice'. This explains why the saying, "Ahimsā paramo dharmaḥ", i.e., 'Non-injury is the highest of all religious principles', acts such an important part in the daily life of the religiously inspired Jaina, whose sensible heart, a psychical galvanometer, as it were, warns him of every disturbance of well-being in the community of fellow-creatures around him, and spontaneously causes him to insert the resistance of self-control in the circuit of his own activity, or to restrain that of others in its proper course.
Strictly speaking, of all the religions that acknowledge of law of Karma in one shape or another, i.e., practically of all the Indo-Aryan religions, it is Jainism with its all-comprising doctrine of soul, in which the principle of Ahimsā has got the highest theoretical as well as practical importance, and where its place is substantiated more logically than anywhere else. Moreover, Jainism (unlike various other religious systems ) does not believe the soul to be completely helpless in its dependence on Karma, i.e., to be hopelessly condemned to act and react, like an automation, upon the consequences of its former deeds, and to be therefore beyond all

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responsibility for its moral attitude and actions. But Jainism clearly states that the individual is gifted with a certain amount of freedom of will : a fact which none of all the writers on Jainism has up till now, duly emphasized. And still, this tenet forms one of the most important and most complicate chapters of the doctrine of Karma, as expounded exhaustively in the Jaina Scriptures. They state, it is true, that the soul is indeed constantly under the control of Karma, that its body and its sufferings and joys are indeed shaped by Karma, and that even those passions that shake it, and all the fatal instincts that arise in it, are predestined by Karma; but, on the other hand, they most emphatically declare that the soul is endowed with the power of breaking, by its free resolution and activity, the most obnoxious of the fetters of this very Karma, of destroying its own evil dispositions, and of suffocating the flames of all the various kinds of passion, before they can overpower it. That means nothing else but that the first and essential step towards religious activity is, according to Jainism, a pronounced act of free volition, and that the soul is indeed, to a considerable extent, the lord of its own fate.
Thus, Jainism does not torpify its followers by the terrors of Karma, nor does it make them languish in unhealthy; effeminate fatalism as many people think all Oriental religions do : but on the contrary, it trains the individual to become a true hero on the battlefield of self-conquest.
For it does presuppose a great deal of heroism on the part of the hearer, to make him fully realize the cruel irony of this play of life, viz., how they all strive after happiness by all means of physical and mental activity, from eating, drinking, sleeping, dressing, up to sport and play, traffic and trade, art and science, strive after happiness at any cost, even at the cost of the well-being of others, and to reach, alas, just the contrary, viz., the binding of undesirable Karma, and therewith latent sorrow and suffering. To make him realize all this, to make him know that he cannot even quietly sit and breathe without killing and harming life round about, killing and

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harming brother-souls, and adding thereby to the stock of his own misfortunes. To make him aware of it and still encourage him to take up the desperate struggle against this world of dark mights within and round about him.
How can he take up this desperate struggle ?
कहं चरे कहं चिट्ठे कहासे कहं सए ।
कहं भुंजंतो भासतो पावं कम्मं न बंधई ॥
"How to walk, how to stand, how to sit, how to lie down, how to eat, and how to speak, without binding undesirable Karma?”
The Daśavaikālika Sūtra ( iv. 7f.) after giving a detailed description of the harm people do to other creatures merely by careless behaviour, puts these questions, and immediately lets the answer follow:
जयं चरे जयं चिट्ठे जयमासे जयं सए । जयं भुंजंतो भासतो पावं कम्मं न बंधइ ||
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"By walking with care, standing with care, sitting with care, lying down with care, eating with care, and speaking with care, the binding of undesirable Karma can be avoided."
Дcārānga Sūtra discusses this subject in full breadth, and the Sūtrakṛtānga Sūtra, which goes more into the depth of the abstruse problem, goes so far as to state (ii. 4) that the soul is binding bad Karma at any time whatsoever, even if it does not directly do evil actions, i.e., even in sleep, or in a state of unconsciousness. For, as a man who has made up his mind to kill a certain person at the first best opportunity, goes about with his murderous intention day and night, and as his sub-conscious mind is constantly filled with those hostile sentiments towards that person, just so the individual is constantly filled with hostile sentiments towards the whole of creation, as long as he is inwardly prepared to satisfy, as soon as they will arouse him, his physical instincts at the cost of the well-being of any other creature.
There is, according to the Sūtras, only one way by which the

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individual can save himself from binding bad Karmas, and that is the ‘Pratyākhyāna', i.e., the solemn vow of restriction concerning harmful acting. For it is not enough not to do evil deeds, after all, but one must avoid them with full intention and deliberation. Thus, one can, e.g., vow not to eat meat, in order to give and assurance of safety, 'Abhayadāna', the noblest of all gifts, to a large group of animals, one can vow to avoid eating at night, in order to put another kind of limit to one's actions connected with indirect harm to others, one can vow not to wear silk or fur, or leather foot-wear, for the benefit of the animals producing it, one can vow not to break flowers, or not to kill any animal whatsoever, down to worms and insects, one can vow not to waste any articles of daily use, such as water, fire, food, clothes, beyond one's actual requirements, one can vow not to encourage the captivating and training of wild animals for the sake of sport or amusement, by avoiding to visit shows, etc., referring thereto, and one can vow to avoid thousands of similar actions connected with direct or indirect injury to other creatures. There are various kinds of Pratyākhyānas, from Pratyākhyānas of single actions of the above character, upto the stereo-type group of the five all-comprising Pratyākhyānas, called the Pañca Mahāvrata, or the Five Great Vows, viz., the Pratyākhyāna of all physical injury whatsoever, that of all verbal injury, that of appropriating things arbitrarily, that of sexual intercourse and everything connected therewith, and that of keeping property or belongings of any kind. These five vows are taken by every Jaina monk at the time of his initiation in a form of absolute strictness. They comprise not only the doing of those objectionable actions, but also the causing of their being done and the approval one might give to their being done, by thought, word and action. The five great vows guarantee indeed the optimum of faultlessness attainable in this world. And this optimum is only attainable by persons of the highest qualities, who do not care to keep up any attachment whatsoever. Thus, a genuine Jaina Muni, even one of the twentieth century, will never use any vehicle, not shoes, nor keep money, nor touch a woman, nor kindle, or sit

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before, a fire, not use unboiled water, nor any food containing a trace of life, not such food as has been prepared expressly for him, nor touch a green plant, for fear least its delicate body might suffer from his bodily warmth, nor keep any property except his beggingbowls, his stick, and the scanty clothes that cover his body. And even these few things cannot well be called 'property' in the sense of the scriptures, because in their case, the characteristic which distinguishes property, viz., the attachment of the owner, is wanting. And there are even a group of Jaina monks who renounce these few utensils too, walking about unclad, and using their hands as their eating vessels. But there are only a few of them, in the whole of India the 'Digambara' or Sky-clad monks, whereas the other branch, the 'Śvetambara' or White-clad monks, come to several
hundreds.
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The standard of the usual Pratyākhyānas for laymen consists in the group of fixed Pratyākhyānas called the Twelve Laymen Vows, which can be taken in various shades of strictness and in an optional number. Though standing below the standard of the ascetical vows, still they represent a high form of ethical conduct.
Not only the Jaina monks, but also the laymen are very particular about taking and keeping (besides those groups of fundamental 'Vows', which are being taken only once in the whole life, and for lifelong ) number of other, detached Pratyākhyānas of the above described character for an optional period. For the Pratyakhyāna is the very key to 'Mokṣa' constant binding alone can lead to final 'Liberty'. Thus, there is practically no Jaina who will eat meat or fish or fowl, or even eggs, and there is not Jaina who will intentionally and without purpose kill or trouble a harmless living creature, be it even a fly. Most Jainas even avoid potatoes, onions, garlic, and other vegetables believed to be endowed with a higher vitality, as well as eating at night; and most Jainas take, for certain days, the vow of abstention from green vegetables, or from

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travelling and moving out, or the vow of chastity, and vows of innumerable other things.
The theoretical and practical valuation of the different kinds and shades of Pratyākhyānas depends not only on their duration, or on the quantity of the objects concerned, but first of all on their transcendental quality. For though all the souls, i.e., all the living creatures, are equal in their original disposition, still they are observed to be in various phases of development towards perfection, in various stages of self-realization. According to the principle of economy, the higher developed ones are higher valued than the lower developed ones. Therefore, the Karma bound by harming a higher developed being is thought to be of graver consequences than that bound by injuring a lower creature. Thus, plucking a handful of vegetables is, by far, less harmful than killing a cow; killing a menacing tiger less harmful than the murder of a peaceful antelope; or punishing a dangerous criminal is of less consequences than an offence done to a saintly monk. This valuation, by-the-bye, seems to have a counterpart in those less refined, universally adopted conceptions, which, with all expressions of disgust, condemn cannibalism, but do not object to the slaughtering of animals for culinary and other purposes; or which strictly forbid the bloodshed of a human being, but allow the murdering of the murderer, or that of the assailing, or otherwise menacing, enemy, all of whom have ethics against them.
Thus much be said concerning the Pratyākhyāna of Hiṁsā, i.e., injury that precaution against the binding of new latent suffering, by deliberate abstention from actions connected with harm to others.
It has its counterpart in the attempts of securing new latent happiness, by furthering the well-being of others. Though there is no hope of gaining genuine, i.e., completely pure and unhampered happiness as long as any particles of Karma of either kind mar the soul, still a certain amount of good Karma is a necessary condition,

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in order to secure that bodily and mental constitution from the basis of which the struggle against the obnoxious Karma particles can be successfully taken up. Good Karma is believed to be secured by charity, hospitality and selfless service. And here too, a gradation of objects can be observed. It is, of course, meritorious to practise charity wherever our heart is moved to compassion. It is meritorious to build Pānjrāpoles for the relief of poor sick animals, it is meritorious to provide the poor hungry with bread, people suffering from cold with clothes, and homeless ones with a roof over their heads : still nothing can come up to the service done to a poor pious brother in Mahāvīra. The more he comes up to the ideal laid down in the scriptures, the higher is considered to be the merit of serving him. This explains the remarkable zeal with which one can see Śrāvakas ( laymen) hasten to feast a brother Jaina, especially on the day when the latter breaks a fast of long duration, and it accounts for the readiness with which a Jaina community or Jaina institution hastens to receive and to give facilities even to a foreign scholar, who happens to be a student of Jainism, and whose learned activity in connection with Jainism is considered to be an undoubted religious merit. And it explains, last but not least, the unspeakable pleasure and devotion with which a Jaina family sees approaching towards their door the saintly monk or nun, who will enter with the greeting of 'Dharmalābha', or a similar formula, and will allow the lord or lady of the house to put a small quantity of eatables into their bowl, provided that this action includes no indirect injury to anybody, and that everything is in strictest accordance with the rules of monastic conduct and decency.
Now I have been asked several times whether it is true that the Jainas, as alleged, carry the virtue of charity so far as to cause, now and then, some poor wretch, ( whom they pay off ) to yield his body as a pasture-ground for lice and fleas and other amiable creatures, and let them have their fill. According to my firm
conviction, this horrible allegation must be a bold invention. And if

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it is perhaps, against all probability, true that some ill-informed fanatic did such a thing, then he would have acted in straight opposition to the tenets of Jainism : for to make a being so highly developed as a human soul, suffer in such a degrading way, in the name of the humanist of all religions, would clearly fall under the
heading of Himsa, of worst and meanest injury, and would, besides, mean a downright insult to Religion in general.
Resuming, one can say that the social conduct prescribed by Jainism is characterized by the four attitudes 'Maitri', 'Pramoda', 'Karunya' and 'Madhyasthya', which have been grouped together in the following stanzas :
मा कार्षीत् कोऽपि पापानि मा च भूत् कोऽपि दुःखितः । मुच्यतां जगदप्येषा मतिमैत्री निगद्यते ॥ अपास्ताशेषदोषाणां
वस्तुतत्त्वावलोकिनाम् । गुणेषु पक्षपातो यः स प्रमोदः प्रकीर्तितः ।। दीनेष्वार्तेषु भीतेषु याचमानेषु जीवितम् । प्रतीकारपरा
बुद्धिः कारुण्यमभिधीयते ।। क्रूरकर्मसु निःशङ्कं देवतागुरुनिन्दिषु । आत्मशंसिषु योपेक्षा तन्माध्यस्थ्यमुदीरितम् ।।
"By Maitri, i.e., amity, that mentality is meant which makes one wish that no creature should commit evil actions, that no creature should be suffering, and that the whole universe may find Salvation."
“Pramoda, i.e., joy, designates the fullest appreciation of, and admiration for, the virtues of those who have shaken off all six, and who can see through the essence of all things.
"Kārunya, i.e., compassion, is that trend of mind which makes one wish to help all creatures in need, all that are afflicted, and all that beg for their lives."
"Mādhyasthya, i.e., impartiality, is that indifference, or rather leniency one should always bear towards those who commit cruel actions, those who openly blaspheme the Divine, or the spiritual teacher, and those who are filled with arrogance."

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It is clear that all such principles, put in action, guarantee such an amount of happiness and peace within the whole brotherhood of living creatures, such a paradise like state of general bliss, that one should wish them to be universally adopted and followed, to the benefit of all that lives. Perfect Individual Welfare warranted by Jainism
On the other hand, it is true, they presuppose what appears to be a kind of sacrifice on behalf of the individual.
This apparent sacrifice at the cost of which that state of general well-being is being brought about, consists in a certain amount of personal happiness, or of expedients of the latter, which the individual has evidently to renounce, in the case of even the most insignificant of the Pratyākhyānas, and in every one of its positive altruistic efforts.
It is clear that the equilibrium of personal and general wellbeing would indeed remain incomplete, and Jainism could not be said to have fulfilled its noble task in the ideal way claimed before, if the individual world feel the apparent sacrifice to be an infringement on its happiness. In reality, however, both the sides are in perfect equilibrium, for there are deliberations which not only reconcile the individual with that so-called 'sacrifice', but make it realize that it is, on the contrary, benefitted by it, and that this benefit by far outweighs the apparent disadvantage.
First of all, the motivation of the very 'sacrifice' is, as we saw, an egotistic one : for if the individual submits to those restrictions, it does so in order to avoid the binding of unfavourable Karma, and therewith the storing up of latent suffering; and if it recurs to those actions of positive altruism, it does so in order to bind favourable Karma, and to secure latent happiness.
And it performs both the kinds of actions, those of negative as well as those of positive altruism, with the assistance of certain of its own natural dispositions, which form part of its 'conscience'. I

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mean those emotions of sympathy and compassion, which make us place ourselves in the situation of a suffering creature, and suffer, as it were, with it, especially when we have reason to feel ourselves responsible for its sufferings, as in the case of a night-flutterer rushing into the light we allowed to burn uncovered, in our carelessness; or in the case of a bird which was starved in its cage through our forgetfulness, or in the case of a helpless deer which we killed with our own hand, in a fit of huntsman's zeal, and the sight of whose mutilated body makes us, after all, sick and miserable. It is that universal postulate which Hemacandra, the great Acarya and teacher of King Kumarapala of Gujarat, has expressed in that oftenquoted stanza ( Yoga-śāstra, ii. 20).
आत्मवत्सर्वभूतेषु सुखदुःखे चिन्तयन्नात्मनोऽनिष्टां हिंसामन्यस्य
प्रियाऽप्रिये । नाचरेत् ॥
"In happiness and suffering, in joy and grief, we should regard all creatures as we regard our own self, and should therefore, refrain from inflicting upon others, such injury as would appear undesirable to us, if inflicted upon ourselves."
Akin to dispositions of this kind is a certain sense of chivalrousness, a certain generosity, which overcomes us, whenever we see a small innocent creature being at our mercy, provided our mind is calm enough to visualize its utter helplessness: that feeling which unfailingly overcomes even the case-hardened hunter, at the occasion of battue-shooting, and which makes him, perhaps for an instant only, regret to have joined such an ungentleman like sport as this wholesale slaughter of helpless creatures surely is.
Another feeling of this kind is a certain instinct of economy, which, with sensible persons, proves a powerful pleader in favour of Ahimsa : I mean that spontaneous conviction that it is not right to kill, or to cause to be killed, such a highly organized creature as a pigeon or a deer or a cow in order to flatter one's gluttonous appetite, when a dish of well-dressed vegetable would serve the

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same purpose just as well, if not better.
The appeasement of all these, and others of our social instincts, by avoiding harming and trying to benefit, fellowcreatures, is, after all, in itself a valuable personal gain.
In addition to avoiding bad and securing good Karma, and to appeasing its innate social instincts, the individual gains, by its non-egotistic attitude, a third advantage, which is perhaps the most valuable of all : it consists in the lasting and genuine bliss which renunciation only can give.
For what is the good of trying to gratify all one's wishes, all one's passions, all one's ambitions ? Is the advantage gained thereby, indeed worth so much hankering, so much worrying, and so much harming ? No, says the sage : the happiness we crave for, is transient like a dream, like a cloud, like beauty. It leaves the bitterness of its absence behind, as soon as it is passed, and it leaves behind, like a dose of opium, the ardent craving for more and more. It is just so as the Uttarādhyayana Sūtra states ( ix. 48 ):
सुवन्नरुप्पस्स उ पव्वया भवे सिया हु केलाससमा असंखया । नरस्स लुद्धस्स न तेहिं किंचि इच्छा हु आगाससमा अणंतिया ।।
“Let there be mountains of gold and silver, let them be as high as the Kailāśa, and let there be innumerable of them : still to man in his greediness, all this will mean nothing. For desire is boundless like space.”
So what is the good of a drop of nectar, when you are thirsty for a cup-ful? The cup-ful being denied to you, why bother about the drop ? Shake off that foolish wish and forget it.
And further, if gained, the happiness you crave for, means possession. Possession of land or fortune, of houses or fields, of beauty or skill, of friends or family, of honour or reputation. And possession involves the sorrow of its maintenance. You have incessantly to take care of your land and of your fortune, you have to recur to lots of contrivances, if you want to preserve your beauty or

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to retain your skill, you have to bring sacrifice over sacrifice for your friends and your family, you tremble for their lives, when sickness shakes them, and suffer agonies when fate separates you from them, and the concern about his position and reputation has even proved able to urge a person to suicide and other desperate steps. In short, to speak in the words of Bhartshari, the great Saṁskṛta epigrammatic writer :
सर्वं वस्तु भयान्वितं क्षितितले वैराग्यमेवाभयम् ।
“Everything on earth is unstable. The only stable thing is Vairāgya ( i.e., world-weariness )."
What is the good of a happiness including so much agony ? What is the good of this feasting with the Damocles-sword of sorrow threatening above your head ? Would it not be much better to give up all this possession guaranteeing such a doubtful happiness? To give it up as those saints of old did, of whom the Uttarādhyayana Sūtra (ix. 15 f.) says:
चत्तपुत्तकलत्तस्स निव्वाावरस्स भिक्खुणो । पियं न विज्जई किंचि अप्पियं पि न विज्जइ । बहुं खु मुणिणो भद्दमणागारस्स भिक्खुणो ।
सव्वतो विप्पमुक्कस्स एगंतमणुपस्सओ ।।
“To the begging monk, who has given up family life and all secular activity, nothing appears desirable and nothing undesirable."
“Great indeed is the bliss of the monk, the homeless beggar; who is free from all attachment, and who is aware of his solitude (which includes the metaphysical solitude of the soul )."
And then, says the wise, whether you hanker for its gain, or trouble for its preservation : all this happiness you are so particular about, means slavery in the last end. The anxiety you feel about it, fills your mind, and mars your thinking from morn till night, so that, in your continuous worrying about your business, your position, your hobbies, your friends, your pleasures, and your wife and

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children, you do not find so much time as to ask yourself why you are doing all that, what you live for, and where you are steering to. You think that you do not care to ponder over it. But in reality, you are not free to do so, because you are the slave of your attachment to that empty, transient bit of happiness, which is, in reality, no happiness at all. Would it not be much better for you to be unconnected with all this, to be your own master, to be like the Rșis and Munis of old, who, in their solitary meditations, unhampered by secular considerations, without comfort and property, without wife and children, without ambition and position, were, in reality, the lords of the world?
अर्थानामर्जने दुःखमर्जितानां च रक्षणे । आये दुःखं व्यये दुःखं धिग् द्रव्यं दुःखवर्धनम् ।। अपायबहुलं पापं ये परित्यज्य संश्रिताः ।
तपोवनं महासत्त्वास्ते धन्यास्ते तपस्विनः ॥
"The acquisition of property, and, if acquired, its preservation, both are connected with trouble. There is trouble in earning, and trouble in spending. Therefore, cursed be property, the increaser of unhappiness !”
“Blessed are those ascetics, great souls are those ascetics, who gave up sin, the producer of so much suffering, and who have found a place of refuge in the grove of a hermitage."
It is not without reason that people in India have been giving to such 'great souls', titles like 'Svāmī', 'Mahārāja' and others, which, in olden times, were applicable only to the truly renouncing ascetics, who were living examples of the fact that renunciation means power, and who indeed experienced the royal happiness of asceticism, where there is :
न च राजभयं न च चोरभयं, इहलोकसुखं परलोकहितम् । नरदेवनतं वरकीर्तिकरं श्रमणत्वमिदं रमणीयतरम् ॥
“No fear of the king, no fear of robbers, happiness in this, and bliss in the next world, reverence shown by men and gods, and

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the acquisition of true fame : delightful is this ascetical life."
or, in other words :
न चेन्द्रस्य सुखं किंचित्र सुखं चक्रवर्तिनः । सुखमस्ति विरक्तस्य मुनेरेकान्तजीविनः ॥
"Nothing is the happiness of the king of the gods, nothing the happiness of the emperor of the world, compared to the happiness of the world-weary monk in his solitude."
All such considerations lead to the second great postulate of Jainism Samyama or Renunciation, i.e., continuous self-control practised by giving up one's regards for physical happiness.
According to the Jaina conception, the individual is free to embrace whatever degree of renunciation he deems appropriate to his personal convictions and abilities. Just as Non-injury, Samyama also can be resorted to by various kinds of Pratyākhyānas. And, since Non-injury itself is not practicable without Samyama, and Samyama, on the other hand, vouchsafes Non-injury, the Pratyakhyānas concerning the former, practically fall together with those concerning the latter great principle. Thus, the climax of the Pratyakhyānas concerning Non-injury, viz., the five great Vows of monks : non-harming, non-lying, non-stealing, sexual renunciation, and non-property, form at the same time, also the climax of the Pratyakhyānas concerning Samyama. The object is all the same, it is only the stand-point that has changed. For to the duty of avoiding objectionable actions as far as they are fit to harm others, is being added the further obligation of avoiding them also as far as they are fit to disturb one's own equilibrium and calmness of mind, and to detract one from that religious activity so essential for one's real welfare. Thus, the principle of Samyama stands in the foreground especially in such particulars as the absolute prohibition of heavy food, of aphrodisiacs, excessive sleep, sexual activity, intoxicating substances etc. for monks, and in the obligation of laymen to give up some of these things partially and some totally. The explicit command of the scriptures never to give way to any of the four

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fundamental passions, viz., anger, pride, deceit and covetousness, of which the last includes all kinds of attachment to lifeless as well as living things, and many other regulations, fall likewise under this heading, notwithstanding their being rooted in Ahiṁsā after all.
Another important expedient of securing one's personal metaphysical advantage in fullest accordance with the laws of ethics, is very closely akin to, and based on, renunciation : I mean Tapa, i.e., austerity, or self-imposed suffering undertaken for religious reasons. The purpose which the Jaina has in view when practising austerities, can be understood from the idea that all suffering means a consummation of bad Karma, and that the voluntary undergoing of certain hardships has the further advantage of giving, at the same time, valuable assistance in the realization of the two great principles Ahimsā and Samyama. Thus :
सउणी जइ पंसुगंडिया विहणिय धंसयइ सियं रयम् । एवं दविओवहाणवं कम्मं खवइ तवस्सी माहणे ।।
( Daśavaikālika Sūtra) “As a bird, gets rid of the dust with which it is covered, by shaking itself, just so the monk, who practises austerites, consumes and shakes off his Karma.”
To get of Karma, is (as we saw before ) the first step towards self-realization, and therewith to the highest transcendental bliss. This is the reason why austerity plays such an important part in the life of the Jaina, be he a monk or a layman. According to the Jaina scriptures, there are various ways of practising austerities, all of which are being started with the respective Pratyākhyānas too, after their duration and other items have been accurately fixed. With reference to Tapa, there are Pratyākhyānas by which the quality, quantity, or time of one's meals is being reduced, from the simple giving up of special kinds of food, or of eating at night, and from partial fasts, and fasts of a whole day or several days, upto fasts of more than a month's duration. There are, moreover, Pratyākhyānas by which one binds oneself to practise certain ascetical postures, to

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meditate for a fixed time, to devote a certain time to the regular study of religious works, or to the service of co-religionists etc. Several forms of austerity are at the same time recommended as strengthening and hardening one's bodily and mental powers, as e.g. the Ambila-Ayambila Fast, a kind of bread-and-water diet (excluding all milk, fat, sugar, spices etc.) and also certain Āsanas, or ascetic postures indeed do, if observed within certain limits. Of quite a different character is the austerity called Sallekhanā, or Saṁlekhanā, by which the individual solemnly resigns all food for the rest of his life, under formalities dealt with in the Avaśyaka Sūtra, the whole last chapter of which is devoted exclusively to the subject ‘Pratyākhyāna'. This form of austerity is indeed being recurred to by very pious people at the time when they feel death positively approaching
Thus, it is true that under certain circumstances, Jainism does allow the vow of starvation. But it would be wrong to infer there from that its ideal is the extinguishment of personal activity at all. Just the contrary is true. Jainism promulgates self-realization as the aim of individual life: a self-realization which, at the same time, also forms the basis of the well-being of all that lives. The achievement of this self-realization presupposes, on the part of the individual, the highest exertion of all bodily and mental powers, a constant wakefulness, and an iron will, which precisely obeys the behests of intellect, bravely resisting all kinds of internal and external temptations. More practically speaking, it presupposes a reasonable kind of self-preservation in the narrowest limits possible. There is a parable, according to which six hungry travellers came to a mango-tree and consulted as to how best to obtain its fruit. The first suggested to uproot the whole tree, as the promptest expedient, the second said that it would just do to cut the crown, the third wanted to cut some taller, the fourth some smaller branches, the fifth suggested that they should merely pluck as many fruits as they required, and the last said that the ripe fruits which the wind

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had blown down into the grass, were amply sufficient to appease their hunger. The six men symbolize, in the above succession, the six Leśyā or ‘soul-colours', representing types of graded inner purity. It is quite characteristic of the spirit of Jainism that the representative of the white colour, i.e., the type of highest purity, advises to eat the fruits fallen into the grass, but not, as absolute and one sided negation of life would suggest, to sit down in fullest renunciation, and die of hunger.
The postulate of self-preservation within the reasonable limits of ethical decency is clearly and directly pronounced in the Jaina scriptures, which, in critical cases, recommend it even at the cost of renunciation or Samyama:
सव्वत्थ संजमं संजमाओ अप्पाणमेव रक्खिज्जा । मुच्चइ अइवायाओ पुणो विसोही न साविरई ।। संजमहेउ देहो धारिज्जइ सो कओ उ तदभावे । संजमफाइनिमित्तं देहपरिपालना इट्ठा ।।
(Ogha-niryukti, stanzas 47-48.) “Before all, one should guard the rules of renunciation, but even at the cost of renunciation, one should guard one's self. For one can get rid again of the sin of transgression, if one atones for it afterwards (by austerities ), and it is, as a matter of fact, not a case of Avirati ( i.e., the state of not being under any Pratyākhyāna whatsoever, or the state of religious licentiousness ).”
“The body is the instrument of renunciation. How could a man perform renunciation, without the help of his body ? Therefore, it is desirable to preserve one's body in order to increase one's Samyama.”
Thus, even the rules laid down for monks, for these two stanzas refer to monastic conduct, stand under the immediate influence of this principle. The monk, it is true, is supposed to fast and to renounce, to observe absolute chastity, to meditate and to suffer all kinds of inconveniences and hardships; but he has, on the

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other hand, to follow special prescriptions as to how to accept, within narrow limits, pure food and other requisites offered, how to walk and how to sleep, how to sit and how to speak, how to serve fellow-ascetics, and how to receive their service, how to preach and how to dispute, how to work and how to move in the world as it is, with its saints and its criminals, its laymen and laywomen, its Hindus and Bauddhas, its scholars and peasants, and its kings and beggars.
In short, he is taught how to regulate his whole bodily and mental activity in such a way as to be in constant and undisturbed harmony with all that lives around him, under all conditions given. He is shown the way how to secure the optimum of his own personal happiness in such a manner as to contribute, even thereby, to the welfare of the world. Or he is taught how to help making the world more perfect by increasing his own perfection.
Thus, the very secret of Jainism is contained in the three important words : Ahiṁsā or Non-injury, Saṁyama or Renunciation and Tapa or Austerity : words which the famous first stanza of the Daśavaikālika Sūtra so beautifully groups together as the essence of Dharma, i.e., Religion :
धम्मो मंगलमुक्किटुं अहिंसा संजमो तवो ।
देवाऽवि तं नमस्संति जस्स धम्मे सया मणो ।।
“Religion is the highest of all blessings : it comprises Ahimsā, Samyama and Tapa. Even the gods bow down to him whose mind is always centered in religion.”
Then the Sūtra continues with the following classical verses, which are, like the above one, amongst the words to be daily recited by monks :
जहा दुम्मस्स पुप्फेसु भमरो आवियइ रसम् । ण य पुप्फ किलामेइ सो अ पीणेइ अप्पयम् ॥ एमए समणा मुत्ता जे लोए संति साहुणो । विहंगमा व पुप्फेसु दाणभत्तेसणारया ।।

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वयं च वित्तिं लब्भामो न य कोइ उवहम्मइ । अहागडेसु रीयंते पुप्फेसु भमरा जहा ।। महुगारसमा बुद्धा जे भवंति अणिस्सिया ।
नाणापिंडरया दंता तेण वुच्चंति साहुणो ।।
"As the bee drinks honey from the blossoms of a tree and gets seated, without causing pain to the blossom."
"Just so are those monks, who have given up all attachment and who are truly the 'good ones' (original : 'Sadhu', i.e., also ‘monks' ) in the world. As the bees are with the blossoms, so are they gratified with begging their alms."
"Their device is, 'Let us find something to live on, without any creature being harmed'. This is why they go in quest of what they find ready, as the bee does on the blossoms."
"Wise are those who act like the bees, and who are free from all bonds of dependence. Pleased they are with any food they obtain, and ever self-controlled. This is why they are called 'Sadhus' (i.e., “the good ones' and 'monks' ).
The ideal of what human life can be like, and ought to be like, in the light of all these conceptions, is illustrated by the figure of the Jina or Arhat, the supposed initiator of a new period of reawakening Jainism after a period of decay. Many such Arhatas are related to have appeared on earth before, many are said to be living even now in distant regions, and many, to be expected in future too. The Jina or Arhat is man on the summit of perfection, man at the threshold of Mokşa, ready to enter Siddhasilā, the place of eternal bliss, from where there is no return into this world of imperfection.
His Karmas, with the exception of some neutral ones, are fallen off from him, and-the innate qualities of his soul are expanded in fullest beauty and majesty. He is omniscient, all-perceiving, filled with infinite joy and infinite strength. He is free from all passion and attachment, free from desire for desire is nothing but an expression of imperfection —, and yet he is man, and has to keep

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his human body as long as the neutral rest of his Karmas force him to keep it. He is man, and, as one part of Jaina tradition, that of the Śvetāmbara branch, so beautifully suggests, has to satisfy the requirements of his human body : he begs his food, and he eats and drinks, within the limits prescribed for a monk, since the rest of his Karmas require him to do so. And the rest of his Karmas also require him to live exclusively for the benefit of the world, i.e., of those souls that are still in the bonds of dangerous Karmas. For as long as he lives in his human shape, he goes about, showing to the whole of creation, the right path, by preaching and teaching, and by the example of his own model life. And it is obvious that the activity and life of the Perfect One must indeed turn out to be a blessing, for he cannot but attract crowds of followers and imitators.
This is what the Jaina worships as his highest religious ideal, his ‘god’, if one chooses to say so. He adorns his statue with pearls and diamonds, with roses and jasmine, and costly champak flowers, he fans it, as one fans a great king, with white chowries, he burns sweet frankincense before it, and builds beautiful temples over it, beautiful and costly as fairy palaces, and he takes it round the city in gorgeous processions, on golden cars, followed by crowds of singing women in gay-coloured, gold-glittering sarees : still he knows that his god dwells high beyond all this, and that all this bhakti, or pious service, is nothing but an expression of his own admiration for his chosen ideal, and a kind of expedient to bring it closer before his eyes and the eyes of the world, both of whom are pretty well in need of it.
Jinahood shares the quality of all ideals, to be, in spite of - or perhaps just on account of — its undiminished and undiminishable attractiveness — high above the bodily and mental standards of its admirers and imitators. And ever Jaina-monkhood, its reflection on the rough mirror of actual life, is high above the standard of average man, and will — owing to the diversity of human dispositions, - always remain restricted to a few privileged individuals,

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wanderers as it were on the heights of humanity. Since the institution of monkhood, and all the other institutions of Jainism, presuppose the world as it really is, and humanity as it really is, the scriptures do not account for the question as to what would become of the universe, if all people would turn monks. Therefore, it will always remain undecided whether that venerable Muni was right, who replied to the idle questioner that in such a case the good Karmas of mankind would cause wish-trees to grow, and streams of Amộta to flow, and gods to descend from their celestical abodes to serve their feet.
But even if it is not possible for everybody perfectly to come up to that ideal, still, merely acknowledging it to be an ideal, and trying to cultivate as many of its virtues as one's constitution allows, even thus much is considered to be a step towards advancement. Necessity of applying Jaina Principles to Modern Social Problems
This is, expressed just in a few words, what I think to be the innermost secret of Jainism, and what is, at the same time, a mental attitude without which a real advancement of human culture is not possible. We are living in a generation which, by all means imaginable, encourages a boundless egotism on one side, and on the other, an unrestrained violence offered to living creatures, in the shape of slaughter and war and misery: and then we think that our egotism can be satiated by regardlessness towards others, and that the violence we suffer can be abolished by our doing violence to others. Has there ever been a greater and more fearful mistake ? Why not acknowledge now that we have been wrong, and that the way we have taken to, must lead to a hopeless degeneration ? Why not comprehend at last that egotism cannot succeed, unless it dissolves in altruism, and that a reasonable altruism must needs lead to perfect individual bliss ? This clear and simple axiom is the basis of that time-honoured doctrine which forms the legacy of the last Arhat, and which, even if taken as a symbol, still represents such a

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noble image of Eternal Truth.
Having been asked so often as to what I think to be the merit of Jainism as a practical religion, I have tried to give a short answer today, which the general public might be able an willing to follow. At first sight, it might appear to be a one-sided answer, because it is based solely on the problem of the mutual relations of individual and society. Still, this problem being one of vital importance, and it being, as I said before, the very touch-stone by which the value of a religion can be objectively ascertained, the above expatiations may stand, as a kind of introduction into the spirit of Jainism.

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*
The Jaina Canon and Early Indian-Court Life
From the canonical writings of a religion one is prepared to gain insight into its dogma, ethics, philosophical ideas, and the history of its propagation and propagators. The last topic may allow glances at its historical and cultural background. Scarcely, however, should one expect to glean from them a harvest of the most vivid descriptions of ancient Indian court life. Still this is one of the pleasant surprises with which the student of the Jaina Agamas is rewarded for the pains it cost him to work through the difficulties of their strange medium, the old Ardha-māgadhī tongue.
All the great Jaina sages were scions of illustrious Ksatriya clans, and all of them were prompted by the voice of religious intuition to leave the vain splendours of a royal court for the loneliness of Saṁnyāsa. This has given the chronicles ample opportunity of enlivening their narrative by dwelling on the contrast between both aspects of the lives of their saints.
So they allow us glimpses of the palace of an ancient king with its sweet-scented, gem-inlaid apartments. We are allowed to peep right into the gaily-painted, mosaic-floored, jewel-lit bedroom of the queen, with its curious toilet requisites. There she reclines on a couch that is smooth like Ganges sand, soft like flakes of cottonwool, covered with cushions and with coverlets of red silk, perfumed with frankincense and olibanum, and strewn with fragrant flowers. Auspicious dreams descend and awake her long before dawn, and we see her rise and leave the room to narrate them to her royal husband, while they are fresh in her memory.
Another time we are permitted to watch the king with his
* Published in January issue of the Journal Calcutta Review, Calcutta University, 1934.

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gaudy train of followers moving in stately procession through the bazars to the quiet temple garden which the spiritual teacher has chosen for his abode. There we see him dismount from his elephant, leave his retinue behind, as well as sword, parasol, diadem, shoes and chowries, the five emblems of dignity and power, to greet the Guru in all humility. We see him take his seat in the assembly and attentively listen to the sermon, till its last words have died away. Then he draws nearer and engages the Guru in an animated discussion regarding the secrets of life and death, heaven and hell.
At another occasion, the chronicler invites us to watch the queen at her preparations for Pūjā. Workmen are sent to the temple to erect a flower-shamiana, and decorate it with gay patterns representing swans and peacocks, koyals and cranes, gazelles and horses, bears and wolves, and other birds and beasts, all beautifully inlaid in flower-mosaic. Water is sprinkled on the streets leading to the temple, and the bazars are swept and tidied by her orders. At last she leaves her apartments, refreshed from her bath, sumptuously dressed and adorned, mounts her chariot, and drives to the lotuslake. There she wades into the water, has another ablution, gathers the most perfect of the lotus-flowers with her own hand, and takes them with her to the temple, followed by crowds of slave-girls, who carry flower-baskets and censors. With her own hand too she washes, decorates and worships the idol, as it is customary with her family, and then waits for the arrival of the king.
Another time, the princess may be watched celebrating some auspicious festival. On a little stool she sits, under a specially erected shamiana of the loveliest flowers, in the very centre of a skilful design of the town with all its streets and lanes, outlined on the floor in grains of multi-coloured rice. Presently, she has to submit to a shower-bath poured over her by slave-girls from pitchers of silver and gold. Then she is dressed and decked and led to her royal father, at whose feet she bows, and who places, her in his lap, asking the prime-minister with paternal pride whether he ever saw such a beauty of a little princess before.

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With even greater pride may he be seen some other time, listening to the announcement of the birth of a son, and distributing gifts with lavish liberality. We hear him order his officials to release all prisoners, to sprinkle the whole town with scented water, sweep and plaster the streets, and decorate them with arches and banners, to erect shamianas so that the populace may watch the joyous celebrations, to whitewash all the buildings, cover their walls with auspicious hand-prints of sandal-paste, garland them with flowers, strew flowers everywhere, and perfume the air with frankincense and olibanum. Then musicians and singers, dancers and acrobats, wrestlers and jesters, all are ordered to display their art, the populace is to be free from taxes, and there is to be rejoicing and happiness everywhere. Thus he celebrates the event for ten days, and goes about wearing his costliest robes and most precious ornaments.
Again, a royal person may be watched negotiating with the masters of the guild of goldsmiths, who receive orders of the strangest import. Painters are instructed to decorate the walls of some private room with representations of dallying beauties and love-scenes. Wealthy merchants, coming from far over the sea, full of accounts of strange adventures, are received in audience, and curious and valuable gifts graciously accepted. More than once may we see the skilful and successful lavishly rewarded, the unskilled scorned and punished with exile at the hands of a discriminating and high-spirited ruler, the sphere of whose interests seems to have no bournes. On the battle-field too we may watch him, clearly distinguish his curiously equipped army, gaze on old-fashioned weapons, that might well have served as models to the painters of Ajantā and wonder at the stratagems of ancient warfare.
Apart from all such occasional glimpses, we even learn in detail how a king of antiquity begins his day and starts the series of his various activities. The small hours of the morning find him on his bed, peacefully slumbering. Only when the sun comes forth, red like the Aśoka blossom, he rises and straight away begins a good

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round of hearty bodily gymnastics. He repairs to his gymnasium, and engages, in several bouts of wrestling and boxing, followed by massage, till he feels pleasantly exhausted, and expert masseurs have to dispel his fatigue by rubbing him with refreshing, fragrant ointments, skilfully concocted from innumerable costly ingredients.
Then he enters the bagnio. Under the bath pavilion, the floor of which is a many-coloured mosaic of gems, and the windowgrating set with glimmering pearls, stands the jewel-decorated bathstool. There he takes his seat, to enjoy a hot shower-bath of fragrant, crystal-clear water, goes through a series of auspicious rites, dries his body with a beautiful, soft towel, and dresses in the typical twopiece garment of purest archaic style, made of richest material. Delightful sandal-paste covers his limbs, a garland of sweet-scented flowers in all the five colours adorns his breast, and the resplendent ornaments that deck him all over, glistening on his neck and chest, on his waist, his arms, his wrists and fingers, his ears and forehead, so that he looks like a walking wish-tree, are of so many shapes and varieties that their names and descriptions fill more than a page of the narrative. Thus adorned, he leaves his apartments moving under an amaranth-garlanded parasol, fanned with white chowries, hailed by victory-greetings, and accompanied by his splendid court, from the wise prime minister and his proud Sardars down to the dwarf and jester.
The procession moves to the Darbar hall, where the king holds his levee. On this particular occasion, he intends to consult with the astrologers of the town.
Sitting down on the throne, he orders eight seats of honour to be arranged, spread with white cloth, and strewn with auspicious white rape-seed and Dūrvā grass. Then he remembers that his consort will probably be interested in the proceedings, and arranges for her accommodation too. Part of the room is cut-off from the public gaze by a gem-embroidered, gorgeous curtain of exquisite material, that falls in heavy folds to the ground, and shows hundreds

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of patterns representing wolves, steers, horses, crocodiles, birds, snakes, men, kinnaras, insects, cows, elephants, woodland creepers and lotus-plants. Behind this delightful curtain, a jewel-inlaid seat is placed, and covered with a soft mattress, over which a white cloth is spread.
After having supervised these preparations with his own eyes, the king sends for the eight chief astrologers, each of whom represents a different branch of the complicated and advanced art of ancient astrology. Having taken their bath and performed their morning rites, dressed in plain, but spotlessly clean garments, adorned with a few good ornaments of value, and carrying with them as purifiers and emblems of good augury, white rape-seed and Dūrvă grass, they appear in the Darbar hall, and hail the king with the greeting of victory. The king receives them with great respect, and they take their seats on the eight places of honour.
Only after all these preliminaries are gone through and the whole scene has arranged itself, gay with colours, graceful, and yet solemn, like an Ajantā fresco, the king sends word to the queen, inviting her to witness the consultation. She responds at once, quietly takes her place behind the curtain, and listens to the eager questions of the king and the assured answers of the wise men, till at the end they are reverentially dismissed with gifts of all varieties of eatables, flowers, garments, perfumes, ornaments and means of sustenance that will last them all their lives.
Then the king shows himself behind the Bordah to talk the event over with his consort, till she finds it the proper moment to take her leave, and retires, walking with the dignified and graceful gait of the Rājahamsa, to her own apartments.
The canonical writings of the Svetāmbara Jainas, from which the above gleanings have been taken, are said to go back, in their original shape, to the apostles of Vardhamāna Mahāvīra, whose Nirvāṇa took place in 527 B.C. Still, Jaina tradition itself admits that they have undergone various transformations, and that

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the definite form in which they are extant to-day, was fixed at the synod of Valabhs in Vīra Nirvāņa Samvat 980 ( according to another view 993 ), that means 453 A.D. Therefore, the bulk of this literature is at least about 1500 years old. This fact renders the interesting information it supplies concerning obsolete customs and institutions, so valuable and important.
So it is well worth noting that it contains, amongst other invaluable material, the above instance of a pre-Mohammedan Purdah scene, proving that Purdah was a well-established custom with the gallant Ksatriya clans of the Bhāratavarşa of the time.
It is surprising that this literature should not have been turned to better account by historians and other students of Indian culture in tracing back and explaining many of the astonishing institutions of this unique country, that has rightly been called a museum of the most fascinating antiquities.

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The Social Atmosphere of Present Jainism *
Jainism is one of the oldest religions of India, older than Buddhism, and older perhaps than even the oldest systems of Hindu philosophy. Though according to present opinions, it never attained the power and extension of Buddhism, nor spread beyond the boundaries of India, still it acted once a prominent part in Indian religious life : counting, at a time, kings and nobles amongst its followers, and enforcing the influence of its humanitarian principles on other religious and philosophical systems. During the last centuries, however, it has lost a great deal of its power, and at present, the number of its actual followers decreasing from census to census, has come to a minimum standard of eleven lakhs (11,00,000 )* at last.
It would be unjustified, however, to infer from this fact that the Jaina religion itself is declining in proportion to this development, and ceasing to exercise its influence on the spiritual life of India. As a matter of fact, Jainism is not confined to those people who are Jainas officially, i.e., Jainas by birth and tradition, but Jainism is indeed far wider spread over the country than the census reports tell, and its tenets are clung to by far more people than the outsider could possible guess. For Jainism has constantly been, and is still being, carried from place to place, by highly learned, refined and enthusiastic Jaina ascetics, who have always known how to attract not only the broader masses, but especially educated people all over the country, and to arouse, even amongst the heterodox of them, liking and esteem, if not enthusiasm, for the religion they profess themselves. Thus, there are many persons, and I know a * Published in June issue of the Journal Calcutta Review, Calcutta
University, 1930. # Presently the number of its actual follower in India is more than
One Crore (Editor).

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number of them personally, who, though never thinking in the least of giving up the Hindu, Parsee, or Musalman creed they profess by birth, tradition and ritual, could still be called convinced Jainas, regarding their view on life and their ethical ideas. Nay, there are even numbers of heterodox people who though sticking to their old creeds, still regularly visit Jaina temples, worship Jaina idols, and even perform various ascetical and other Jaina observances as ardently as only good Jainas could do. I may be allowed to quote, as an illustration of the latter fact, the example of H.H. the present Mahārāņā of Udaipur and his heir-apparent, who, though orthodox Hindus, are known, to worship the Jina idol in the famous temple of Kesaria Nath ( near Udaipur ) in all publicity. And there are quite a considerable number of princes who could justly be styled protectors and devotees of Jaina ascetics, in whose sermons they take delight, and on whose instigation they have even issued decrees in order to promote the protection of animal life, etc., in the sense of Jainism.
Now one should think that there cannot be such a large step from admiring Jainism and living up to its ethical standard, or in a word, from being a Jaina by conviction — to being a Jaina by birth and tradition. Nor is indeed the gap between the two states such a wide one in the light of the situation as it represents itself in the peaceful South of India, amongst those calm-hearted intelligent Dravidian Jainas, who have preserved, in a state of rare purity, an old form of Digambara Jainism, one of the two chief confessions into which Jainism is divided. All their knowledge and all their observances are based on oral tradition, handed down from father to son, and from mother to daughter, without clerical interference. To them, Jainism is indeed nothing but a moral standard, and the key to the ideal view on life. It is therefore a powerful bondage connecting all the Digambara Jainas of the South ( and there are no other Jainas in the South, except late immigrants ) indissolubly with one another, as though they were members of one and the same lodge of

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freemasonry. Whether their mother-tongue be Tamil, or Kanarese, or Malayalam, or Telugu; and whether their respective caste be a high one or a low one : All the autochthonous Jainas of those parts are one great community, in which sub-sectarian and sectarian differences are unknown, and in which there exists an unexceptional mutual messmateship and complete freedom of intermarriage. To those pure-hearted and pious people, every Jaina is indeed a brother and friend, no matter if he be a born Jaina or not.
In North and Central India, however, where both the great confessions, Digambaras as well as Śvetāmbaras, are represented with their various sub-sects, and where there exists a regular system of Jaina schools and other educational institutions as well as a vivid Jaina propaganda, exercised both by laymen and by ascetics, the situation is quite a different one. Here, the title 'Jaina' implies not only the obligation of undergoing the most rigid ascetical and other practices and minute observances, but it also involves that the individual bearing the title is being entangled, from his very birth, in a net of caste and sub-caste regulations, which are exercising their influence on the individual's whole household and personal affairs, during his whole lifetime.
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The reader must be wondering what religion can possibly have to do with caste regulations, all the more since the Jaina religion itself is known to plead for universal love and tolerance, and to recommend a close and indiscriminate alliance, especially of all 'Svāmībhāis', i.e., 'Brothers in the Lord', to whatever caste or profession they may belong, just as the one existing amongst the Southern Digambara Jainas. Still, the miracle-working hand of history has succeeded in bringing about that incredible and apparently inextricable combination of the two heterogeneous elements, caste and religion, in the case of the northern Jainas.
The present representatives of northern Jainism belong practically all to one or another of the Baniya castes, which form the bulk of the Vaisya or commercial group of Indo-Aryan society. Like

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the castes of the Brāhmaṇa or priestly, and those of the Ksatriya or warriors groups of Indian society, those Baniyā castes too are very ancient institutions, of some of which we hear at as early a date as the sixth century A.D., and even earlier. All of them, the Brāhmana, Ksatriya and Baniyā castes of northern and central India go back, in the last instance, to local communities, bound to certain places of Marwar and Gujarat, the influence of the names of which is, in many cases, still visible in the names of the castes themselves. Thus, the present Modha Brāhmaṇas and Modha Baniyās go back to the town Modherā, the Nāgara Brāhmaṇas and Nāgara Baniyās to the place Vādanagar, the Osavāla Baniyās to the place Osia near Jodhpur, the Śrīmāls to a place named Bhinmāla ( likewise near Jodhpur ), etc., etc. Most of those Brāhmaṇas of old who had originally been Jainas gave up their religion under the influence of Sankarācārya and his school. Thus, the Brāhmaṇa castes have no practical importance in the later history of Jainism. The Kșatriya Jainas, however, gradually gave up their old profession in favour of the more peaceful, and, in the sense of Jainism, less harmful pursuits of trade, and were soon completely absorbed by the old Baniyā castes. We know for certain that, e.g., the present Osavāla, Śrīmāla, and Poravāla castes partly consist of descendants of the Chauhāna, Rāthoda, Chāvadā, Solanki and other famous Rājapūta clans, the names of which still appear in some of the gotra, i.e., family names of modern Baniyā Jainas.
Thus, it is the Baniyā caste alone that have been representing Jainism in India for many centuries. Not only this much, but the greater part of them were even pure Jaina castes originally, as is known 'for certain with reference to the Osavāla, Srimāla, Poravāla, Vayad, Disāvāla, Nāgara, Modha and other Baniyās. Of the rest of the '84 Baniyā castes' of which tradition knows, this much is certain that all of them contained a greater or smaller number of followers of Jainism, many of whom have handed down their names on inscriptions of Jina statues and temples erected on their behalf. It was only since the 16th and 17th centuries that, owing to the decline

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of the Jaina clergy and to the rise and zeal of the Vişnuitic Vallabhācārya sect that many members of the old Jaina Baniyā castes gave up their inherited religion and 'bound the Kanthi ( i.e., the necklace of Tulasi beads, symbolical of Vaişņavism )', or, in other words, became Vaisnavas in great numbers. Late Jaina Ācārya Buddhisāgara says in the introduction to his 'Jaina Dhātupratimā Lekha Sangraha', I, p. 18, that he heard a Vaiṣṇava Pandita boast in a public assembly in Surat that the Vallabhācārya sect had converted three hundred thousands of Jainas to Vaişnavism, and the author adds that this may very well be true.
Now the old Jaina castes, whose members had to live, from the very beginning, in the middle of a heterodox and, in their eyes, ritually impure and barbarous majority, very early developed, independently of one another, a number of strict regulations concerning messmateship and intermarriage. And when the main castes again split asunder, and various sub-castes sprang into life, such as the Śrī-śrīmāla, Vīsā-śrīmāla, Daśa-śrīmāla and Laduvaśrīmāla, or the Visã-osavāla, Daśa-osavāla, Pañca-osavāla, and Adhiā-osavāla, etc., castes, those restrictions and regulations multiplied in the same measure. These sub-castes, in their turn, became divided into as many different branches as there were places, chiefly in Gujarat, Kathiāvada and Māravāda, where colonies of Baniyās had settled later on, up to a certain date.
And these sub-sub-castes again kept each strictly to their own regulations of messmateship and intermarriage. In many cases, moreover, the caste did not form a uniform religious community, but was divided into different sects and sub-sects. Thus, a Jaina Baniyā caste may not only be divided into the two main confessions of Śvetāmbaras and Digambaras, but there may be again idolworshipping Svetāmbaras, non-idolatrous Sthānakavāsī Śvetāmbaras and followers of the still more rigorously Calvinistic Terāpanthi Svetāmbara sect, and there are, on the other hand, again Vișāpanthi Digambaras and Terāpanthi Digambaras, each group refusing (with

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exceptions ) to keep up messmateship and intermarriage with the
rest.
Thus, it came to pass that the groups within which messmateship and intermarriage were allowed, became smaller and smaller, and that even in such an enormous caste as, e.g., the Śrīmālis are, it has become a difficult problem for the head of a family to find out brides for all the marriageable young men. For in many places of Gujarat and Kathiawar, it would even now-a-days be considered quite an unheard of case and liable to outcasting, if e.g., a Vīsā-śrīmāla Svetāmbara idolator would give his daughter in marriage to a Vīsā-Śrīmāla Svetāmbara Sthānakavāsī even of the very same place; and if a Daśa-osavāla Svetāmbara idolator of Veraval would marry his daughter to a Daśa-osavāla Śvetāmbara idolator of Vala, it would be considered just as heavy a crime. . Owing to the strictness of the prohibition of widowremarriages on one, and the frequency of even old widowers remarriages on the other side, owing to the great mortality of Indian women as a consequence of improper hygienic conditions in childbed and of too early marriages, owing to the prohibition of marriages within certain distantly related clans, and many other reasons, there has always been a scarcity of marriageable women in India, which again resulted in such objectionable customs as the selling of brides for high prices. It was in order to prevent marriageable girls to be given away outside the respective communities, and in order to secure brides for poor and uneducated fellow-citizens for whom it has always been difficult to secure brides, that those circles of caste restrictions were drawn narrower and narrower. It is typical that these restrictions refer only to the giving away of brides, whereas there is complete liberty as to bringing brides home from outside provided they belong to the same chief caste.
Many of the ancient Jaina castes had moreover been decimated by those conversions to Vaişnavism alluded to above. Messmateship and intermarriages between the now heterodox parts of

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one and the same caste were in most cases soon stopped, owing to the pressure exercised by the renegades, who tried to force the rest of the caste by this kind of boycott to become Vaisnavas likewise. Wherever there was a Vaisnava majority and a Jaina minority, the latter had to give way, i.e., they had to give up their faith in order to get wives for their sons or for themselves, no matter how firm their innermost convictions as to their old creed might be. Old men in grey hair have indeed been seen weeping at the feet of Jaina monks, confessing with utter grief how it came that decades ago they had been forced to give up the still beloved faith of their fathers for practical reasons, and how much grieved they were at seeing their children growing up in the atmosphere of the new faith.
Thus, it could happen that, within the last hundred years, many castes which had been pure Jaina castes before, have lost the claim to this title, the small rest of Jainas amongst their members dwindling quickly away, as it is the case with the Modha, Maniyāra and Bhāvasara Baniyās. Only a few years hence the last Jainas of the Vādanagar Nāgara Baniyās have adopted Vaisnavism definitely, because the isolated, small, but enthusiastic flock could not, in their social needs, prevail upon the Visā-śrīmālī Jainas to receive them into their midst, and to allow them to join their messmateship and marriage-circle. The narrow-mindedness of their ‘Brothers-inthe Lord' drove them straight into the arms of Vaişnavism. Thus, the report of Jaina Ācārya Buddhisāgara ( I, I. p. 11f.).
In the same way, the Lingayat of the Deccan and the Sarāka of Bengal, both of them pure Jaina castes at a time, do not count even a single Jaina amongst their members at present.
Thus, the unreasonable caste and sectarian organization of the Jainas of North and Central India is indeed responsible for the greater part of the numerous cases of apostasy amongst the Jainas which happened in the last decades.
There are other reasons too, such as the want of proper schools, where people could be taught to understand the inner

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reason and sense of those long prayers, hymns, etc., they mechanically recite, and of the various rites they daily perform without knowing why and where they could learn to connect the rigorous ascetical and other practices they have to undergo, with their beautiful philosophical justifications. The wealthy Jaina Setha, enthusiastic over his beloved religion, does spend lacs of rupees for religious purposes, such as pilgrimages, processions, Pūjāceremonies, etc. The famous pilgrimage of about four thousand Jaina laymen and four hundred ascetics, who went from Pāțaņa to Girnāra some years ago, had been undertaken and patronized by a well-known merchant prince of Gujarat : it had cost no less than about twelve lacs ( 12,00,000 ) of rupees. Many of them do spend money in this way out of the purest motifs; still they have not yet learned to spend it for educations, the very basis of all religion and culture, being over-anxious to see their sons and grand-sons earning money and becoming settled in life as early as possible.
That many noble Jaina families gave up their faith in consideration of the heterodox belief of a royal master to whom they were attached by service and tradition, and from whose more intimate company their caste restrictions cut them off, is also a well-known fact, illustrated by the example of the ancient minister families of the states Udaipur, Jodhpur, etc., whose ancestors, convinced and faithful Jainas, once acted a great part in the history of their countries.
Many of those discontented and disheartened Jainas who did not find the courage boldly to face those caste regulations, and who, on the other hand, did not desire to join the Vaisnava faith, ran into the open arms of the Arya Samāja, that institution of reasonably reformed and liberal-minded Hinduism which pays so much attention to education and which plays such an important part in the India of today. Many of those poor renegades may well have remained good Jainas in their heart of hearts, or even Jainas by conduct and observances : still what can the census report possibly

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know of them when stating the number of actual official Jainas? And what does the Jaina community care for it who are bewildered at seeing the number of their followers dwindling away from year to year?
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They have much pondered over the problem and have been trying many remedies, but in vain, for nobody has as yet dared even to look with an unfriendly eye on the sacred institution of the castes and their strange laws, which seem as unfit as possible for the century of general awakening and of a reasonable economy of powers.
Well, what have they been devising after all? There are two distinct parties with distinct views and suggestions. One of them is the conservative party, who, ignoring the actual reasons of the evil, are inclined to derive every damage from the tendency towards abandoning old views and old customs, and from the increasing influences of Western education with its revolutionary conceptions and theories. They recommend, as the only remedy, to cling in all rigidity not only to the general customs and views of old, but even to such ancient regulations as their ancestors once had to introduce in order to redress the needs of their own time, however, out of place they may be in the present age. Thus, they forbid every closer connection and collaboration with heterodox people, forbid travelling to Europe, forbid the sacred writings to be studied by laymen and disapprove of any education based on Western lines. Narrowmindedness and an unreasonable conservatism can be said to be the chief characteristics of this party. Its spirit, though in a moderate form, can be said to dominate as yet with the majority. Still, this party has begun to lose ground, and it will soon enough cease to be taken in full earnest.
The other party denotes itself as the reform party. Having recognized with a clear eye the true causes of the rapid decline of Jainism, but still not daring to do anything openly and directly against the caste system, they have adopted an indirect way of fight

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ing it; namely they eagerly propagate education on broad and modern lines, encourage and deepen the knowledge of the Sacred Writings, popularize Jaina literature not only in India, but even in the West, show how to separate the true essence of the Jaina religion from the profusion of traditional observances and conventions, by which its true nature is being concealed, improve the social position of women, propagate tolerance and sympathy everywhere, and last but not least try to create unity within the camp of Jaina sectarianism itself. The measures taken are no doubt useful ones, for with the progress of education, the conviction of the necessity of openly doing away with those caste regulations must arise in a daily increasing number of individuals. And on the other hand a closer union and collaboration amongst the different sects must needs create a more vivid feeling of responsibility, and strengthen the fighting lines.
At present, it is true, this aim is still far from being reached, the two chief confessions, the Śvetambaras and the Digambaras being still engaged in furious mutual quarrels about the possession of certain places of pilgrimage, such as Antarikṣa ( near Akola ), Päväpuri Rājagṛhī, and Sametśikhara ( all three near Patna ), Kesariāji (near Udaipur ), Makṣi ( near Ujjain ), and others, and millions have been spent and are being spent in those fruitless strifes. And on the other hand, the idolatrous sect of he Śvetāmbaras, and the two non-idolatrous Śvetambara sect, viz., the Sthānakavāsīs and Terapanthis, are still violently fighting each other about insignificant dogmatic discrepancies, whereas the Digambara party too has its own internal troubles. Within the aforesaid sects, there are again sub-sects, parties and schools of opinions, which cannot keep peace with one another, but often enough cross each others schemes, the one spoiling what positive work the other may have achieved. So there can be no doubt that by stopping all these fruitless strifes many powers would become free to engage in the necessary work of caste reform and general uplift.

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That reformatory work of this kind can hope to succeed even in present India, is shown by the example of the Jainas of the Punjab, who are heard to have formed, some years ago, one single great circle of common messmateship and intermarriage, and who are now collectively known as Bhāvadā, which name is likely to abolish the few caste distinctions which still survive. Examples of great circles in which at least the sub-caste is ignored in the case of marriages, are the Mārawadi and Bābū Jainas of Eastern Rājaputānā, the United Provinces, and Bengal, all of whom form a unity, and the Jainas of the Deccan on the other side, who are at least partly united. Both are cases, it is true, in which small numbers of Jainas are spread over vast areas. Still they show what is possible where there is good will and tolerance.
There are also instances of such Jaina communities in Gujarat in which certain messmateship and intermarriage circles comprise even members of different chief castes, as is the case with the intermarriages between member of the Daśa-poravāla, Dasaśrīmāla and Dasa-osavāla castes of Pāțana. This is, however, not due to progress nor reform, but it is the outcome of a time honoured local usage.
On the other hand, there are some such circles in Gujarat and Kathiāvāda, as comprise heterodox members of one and the same caste as the result of which intermarriages between Jainas and Vaisnavas occur. Still instances are relatively rare.
Leaving aside those few exceptions, as well as the ideal unity existing in the great brotherhood of the Southern Digambara Jainas, the social atmosphere of present Jainism is a very unwholesome one, with its regrettable tendency of sacrificing religious ideals to material advantages, and the incomprehensible want of courage on the part of the less prejudiced amongst its followers. For the future of Jainism, it seems to admit of prospects little short of distressing.

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One asks oneself with utter concern whether the time will ever come, when, as they all hope and wish, the powerful old religion of the Tīrthankaras, freed from the suffocating influence of those unreasonable caste regulations, and unhampered by the undergrowth of prejudice and blind faith, in which the former are so firmly rooted, will once more return to a fresh and healthy life.

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Pythagoras : The Vegetarian*
Ever since Western scholars have occupied themselves with India's time-honoured culture, they have noted again and again that all the utterances of her spirituality are characterized by a prominently religious attitude, extant even in her attainments in the historical and scientific disciplines.
This religious attitude too is responsible for the depth of her admirable philosophical speculation. It accounts, moreover, for the subtlety and rigour of the postulates of her various ethical systems, and explains the important part which those postulates once played, and partly still play, in her cultural life.
Once of the most conspicuous of those postulates is the prohibition of animal diet. The Mahābhārata, the Smrtis, and numerous other Saṁskṛta works, down to the earliest of the Sārkhya scriptures, bear testimony to the fact that vegetarianism was once enjoined by Hinduistic ethics, where it still survives as an indispensable postulate amongst most of the modern Brahmin clans.
Asoka's edicts eloquently speak of the practical influence this postulate exercised on the daily life of the great Buddhist ruler and his zealous subjects.
This strictly vegetarian mode of life of nearly the whole population of present Gujarat, Kathiavad, Cutch and Rājaputānā tells its tale of the lovely influence of Svetāmbara Jainism, which has been counting vegetarianism amongst its chief restrictions since time immemorial.
Yet, if the present historical theories are correct, vegetarianism was not confined to India, even at the time of Mahāvīra Svāmī
* Published in August issue of the Journal Calcutta Review,
Calcutta University, 1932.

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and Lord Buddha. The far-off Occident also could boast of a powerful preacher of vegetarianism in those remote days, although it must be admitted that his practical influence did not outlive his fame. This preacher of vegetarianism was none else but the Greek philosopher Pythagoras. History supposes him to have been born about 590 B.C. on the island of Samos in the Ionian Sea, to have undertaken vast travels all over the Old World, and finally to have settled down at Crotona, in South Italy, where King Numa Pompilius became his admirer and disciple.
An account of Pythagoras and his teachings is given in the “Metamorphoses' of the Latin poet Ovid, who died A.D. 18 in exile, somewhere on the shores of the Black Sea, far off from the refined civilization of his beloved Rome.
Ovid's art is famous for its elegance, its gracefulness and gaiety. Some of his works, such as the 'Ars Amandi' ( the Latin Kāma-Šāstra'), are even frivolous, if not lascivious, and made his own by no means prudish contemporaries fell scandalized.
These stanzas of the 'Metamorphoses' however which contain Ovid's account of Pythagoras, seem to reveal quite a new and a serious face of the dallying poet. They are permeated by a wonderfully sincere tone of sympathy with the ‘Samian Sage' and of partisanship with his doctrine of self-denying compassion. They make the reader feel as if he were listening not to the notorious author of the 'Ars Amandi' but to a most rigorous moral preacher, who does not lack a dose of pastoral pathos either.
Fascination as Ovid's account of Pythagoras may thus be from the literary standpoint, it is not without interest for the historian too, to whose knowledge it may be said to add some new details.
These considerations may justify the full account being rendered here in literal translation. It has the form of a sermon delivered by Pythagoras before King Numa Pompilius, and runs as follows ( Metamorphoses, Liber XV, stanzas 6-178 ):

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“At that place ( viz., Crotona ), there lived a man, who was a Samian by birth. His hatred of tyranny had prompted him to leave Samos and its ruler, and to live in voluntary exile.
"By spiritual means, he approached the Gods, remote though they be in their celestial spheres, and whatsoever nature withholds from the human eye, he perceived with the mental one. After he had fathomed all things by reason and attentive scrutiny, he would give out the essence. Before assemblies of silently listening men, whom his words struck with wonder, he would proclaim his teachings, speaking of the origin of the universe, the causes of things, and what their nature was, what God was, where the snows came from, how lightning was caused, whether Jupiter or the winds were thundering from the shaking clouds, how earthquakes came about, by what laws the stars were moving, and whatsoever lies hidden from human knowledge
"He too was the first to argue against animal food being placed on the table, and to pronounce words as the following, which, reasonable though they be, yet did not find believers :
‘Beware, Oh mortals', he exclaimed, ‘of defiling your bodies with sinful food ! There are cereals, there are fruits, bending the branches down by their weight, and luxurious grapes on the vines. There are sweet vegetables and herbs which the flame can render palatable and mellow. Nor are you denied milk, nor honey, fragrant of the aroma of the thyma flower. The bountiful earth offers you an abundance of pure food, and provides for meals obtainable without slaughter and bloodshed.
'It is the beasts that appease their hunger with flesh, and yet not all of them. For the horses and sheep and cattle live on grass. Armeni's tigers and fierce lions, however, and wolves and bears, and others whose nature is wild and brutish, they do delight in bloody meals, Oh how atrocious is it to think how entrails are buried in entrails, how one greedy body grows fat on another creature's body, which it has devoured, and how one animal lives on the death
of another !

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It appears that of all the wealth that benign Earth, the best of mothers, provides, nothing pleases thee unless thou canst inflict dreary wounds with cruel teeth, and imitate the Cyclops and their jaws. Nor dost thou seem able to appease the cravings of the greedy and degenerate stomach, unless thou killest another creature !
'But in that remote age which we are accustomed to call the Golden one everybody was content with the fruit of trees, and with such vegetables as the soil produces. Nobody would pollute his lips by the touch of animal blood. At that time, birds moved safely in the air, fearlessly did the hare gambol in the midst of the meadow, nor did the fish fall a victim to the angler's hook, in his easy confidence. In short there was no persecution, no fear of being tricked into ruin, and all the creatures were at peace.
'But since some unfortunate originator, whosoever he was, began to begrudge the lions their meals, and allowed animal food to enter his body, the way to atrocity has been open. It is possible that first of all it was the blood of ravenous beasts only that stained and heated the killing knife. There, man ought to have stopped. For in their case, we may well exculpate ourselves by asserting with selfcomplacence that we had to put to death those brutes, because they had attempted our lives. But admitted that they had been put to death justly, nothing can justify our eating them.
'Further crime has arisen therefrom. The boar is believed to have been the first victim deserving death, because with his protruding snout, he uprooted the seeds and spoilt the harvest of the year. Then the goat is said to have been slaughtered at the altar of the avening Bacchus, because it had browsed the vines. Both of them were ruined by their offence. What sin however did the sheep commit, those peaceful creatures, born to protect man, that carry nectar in their full udders, and offer their wool as soft coverings, thus being more useful by their life than death? What offence did the cattle commit, those creatures without deceit and malice, creatures so innocent, so harmless, born only to suffer hardships ?

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Ungrateful, unworthy indeed of the gift of corn is the man who has the heart to slay the cultivator of his fields, to hit with his axe the neck of the confiding creature, from which the burden of the plough has just been removed, the same neck that has become worn by the repeated labour of turning up its owner's hard soil, and of securing his harvest !
‘Nor is it enough that such crimes were committed ! But people even made the Gods responsible for their atrocities, and believe the divine power to rejoice in the murder of the toiling bullock.
"The sacrificial animal, void of the least blemish, distinguished by beautiful shape (for it is dangerous to be found pleasing ), and adorned with fillets and gold, is placed before the altar. Unsuspecting, it hears the incantations, and sees its forehead between the horns marked with the same corn it once helped to cultivate ! And then the death blow stretches it to the ground, and its blood stains the knife which it perchance beheld reflected in the clear water of the sacrificial basin !
Then they tear the entrails from the still living body to examine them, and pretend thus to find out the will of the Gods.
*And of such flesh ( I wonder whence comes such a greed for impure food in man!) you dare to make a meal, Oh human race !
'Oh I implore you, don't do it ! Listen to my warning ! Be bold and realize that whenever you gratify the appetite of your palate, by tasting the flesh of cattle, you feast on your own fieldlabourers !
“And now, since a God inspires my lips, I will duly obey the inspiring deity, and throw open my Delphi. Yea throw open heaven itself, and disclose the oracles of the sublime mind. Great truths will I sing, which the intelligence of our forefathers never fathomed, and which have long remained hidden. For it is a joy to move high up
amongst the stars, it is a joy to travel beyond the clouds, leaving far

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behind the earth and our dull abodes, to stand on the shoulders of mighty Atlas, to watch from far away the human race, as they wander far and wide, devoid of all reason, and a joy it is thus to admonish them, the trembling ones, in their fear of death, and to unroll the book Fate :
'Oh race terrified by the shape of cold death, why do you fear Styx, why fear vain shadows and empty words, the creations of poets and the dangers of an unreal world ?
'Do not believe that our bodies could possibly be exposed to any further hardships, after once the flame of the funeral pyre or the decay of old age has consumed them ! The souls however can never die, but leaving their former habitations, they live on in new abodes, which they enter to dwell there.
'So I was, at the time of the Trojan War, Euphorbus, the son of Panthous ( for I do remember ), whose breast was pierced by the heavy spear of the younger son of Atreus. Only recently, I recognised the shield which I had once borne on my left arm, in a temple of Juno at Agos, the city of Abas.
'All things change, there is no death anywhere. The spirit comes from here and goes thither, starts from there and comes hither, and occupies whatever abode it chooses. From wild beasts it passes into human bodies, and our own spirit passes into wild beasts. It can never perish, but just as soft wax can be modelled into new designs, just as it does not remain in its former state, nor keeps one and the same shape, and yet remains one and the same itself, just so do I teach the soul it remain always the same, wandering into various forms.
Therefore, lest piety be vanquished by gluttonous greed, I warn you as a seer, refrain from expelling kindred souls by sinful murder ! Do not allow blood to be fed on blood !
Since I am sailing thus on a vast ocean, having given all my sails to the winds, let me continue :

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"In all the world, there is nothing that lasts. All things are floating, and every shape is formed so that it must change for ever and ever."
In the following stanzas ( 179-452), the inconsistency of all shapes and conditions is dwelt upon and exemplified, such as the alternation of day and night, the seasons, weather, geological phenomena, diseases and their cures, spontaneous generation, historical happenings, etc., etc.
Finally, Ovid makes the philosopher conclude his long lecture with these words ( stanzas 453-478):
“But I must not digress too far, my steeds forgetting, as it were, to hasten towards to goal ! To make it short, the sky itself with all that exist under it, the earth with all that is upon it, all things keep changing their shapes.
"So do we too, part of the universe as we are, since we consist not of body exclusively, but also of agile souls, and we can choose as our abodes the bodies of wild beasts, or we can enter the bodies of tame cattle.
"So we ought to leave safe and unmolested those bodies, since they may possible be serving as abodes to the souls of our parents or brothers or of people linked to us by whatsoever bonds, or of other human creatures ! Careful ought we to be not to load our stomachs with Thyestean meals.
"To what sin does the impious man give himself up who cuts the throat of the calf, coldly shutting his ear to its woeful wailing, or the man who is capable of butchering the kid, in spite of its bleating, which so closely resembles the weeping of little human children ? Or the man who can feast on the fowl that he once used to feed with his own hand! All of them are, as it were, on the way to the murder of human beings. For insignificant is the step from the former deed to the full crime, and subtle the transition from one to the other.

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“Therefore, let the bullock go on ploughing till he will die of old age ! Let the sheep supply you with a means of protection from the cold north wind and its terrors ! Let the goat, returning from the pastures, offer her udder to your hands to be milked ! Have done with nets and foot-snares, with nooses and with huntsman's tricks ! Leave of deceiving the bird with lime rods, desist from scaring the hart into ruin with stringed feathers, and give up concealing crooked books in deceiving baits !
"If you insist upon killing creatures that harm you, well confine yourself to killing them ! Beware of letting your lips touch animal diet ! Pure and gentle be the food you partake of !”
This account of Ovid's with its clearly pronounced postulate of vegetarianism raises the question as to the origin of the Pythagorean teachings with greater force than any other of the traditions concerning the “Samian Sage', scanty and uncertain as they are.
The Jaina religion, which proclaims strict vegetarianism as once of its chief ethical postulates even now-a-days, had been spread in India, centuries before Pythagoras, in the shape of the teachings of Pārsvanātha, the 23rd Jina, and his predecessors, and during Pythagoras's life-time, Vardhamana, the 24th Jina, was teaching and preaching there. So was Gautama Buddha, the founder of Buddhism, whose ethics then likewise enjoined the protection of animal life in the form of a more or less strict vegetarianism. The Sānkhya doctrine too, which is full of rules commanding it, existed at that time.
It is a historical fact that Pythagoras did visit the East, and it is known that wherever he travelled, he was guided by the wish to study the wisdom of all those countries. So he was an adept in the mysteries of Ancient Egypt, and tradition says that the doctrines and practices of the Jews and even of the Druids were no less familiar to him than the highest of the Orphic secrets.
Thus, historically speaking, it is quite possible that

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Pythagoras's postulate of vegetarianism may go back to the Jaina, the Buddhist, or the Sānkhya ethical ideal, forming another of the numerous rivulets and rivers that streamed forth from the rich source of Indian Wisdom.
The probability of this supposition is raised to a certainty, if one realises that Pythagoras bases his postulate of vegetarianism on the doctrine of metempsychosis ( Punarjanma ) which is indeed purest Indian philosophy. It need not be added that the instances of Pythagoras remembering his former births ( Jatismara ) are of the very same type as those of the Jātakas and Jaina legends.
It will only have to be ascertained from which of the three ancient Indian traditions Pythagoras derived his wisdom -- from Sāňkhya Philosophy, Jaina Philosophy, or Buddhist Philosophy, all three of which can raise their claim with equal right.
Perhaps the question will never be decided.

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Siddhasena Divākara and Vikramāditya*
Jaina literature often and again refers to Vikramāditya, the Sakāri and Samvatsara-pravartaka, as to a personality of undoubted historicity. Brave in battle, efficient as a ruler, interested and proficient in arts and learning, lavishly generous, devoted to the exponents of religion, and keen on visiting and endowing places of worship, Vikramāditya is to the Jainas the model of a historical Śrāvaka king, ranging with Śreņika, Samprati and Kumārapāla.
The pertinent evidence, it is true, might be pronounced to be of limited value so far as derived from epic poetry, legend, and even ecclesiastical history,- literature classed as 'aupadesika'and therefore open to the suspicion of treating the historical truth of its subject-matter as less important than its edifying or proselytizing qualities.
As a matter of fact, however, such evidence is also found in those dry chronological and genealogical lists which enumerate pontiffs along with contemporaneous rulers, representative luminaries of the respective periods ( 'yugapradhāna'), and other items characteristic of the time. These Gurvāvalis, Patřāvalīs, etc., likewise reiterate that Vikramāditya, whose Sarvat started 470 years after Mahāvīra's Nirvāṇa and 135 years prior to the year of commencement of the Sālivāhana Samvat, was a historical Jaina
king.
Most of those works connect Vikramāditya's name with that of the Jaina logician and lyric poet Siddhasena Divākara as that of his spiritual teacher. Since Siddhasena Divākara is a well-known figure in Jaina literature and some of his works are available, it
* Published in Vikrama Volume, Scindia Oriental Institute, Ujjain,
1948.

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follows that his historical whereabouts should form a convenient starting point in attempting to lay hold of Vikramāditya's elusive personality and to fix his place in history. __ 1. Vikramaditya and Siddhasena in
Non-Jaina Literature Such an attempt seems all the more hopeful, since non-Jaina literature obviously corroborates the mutual contemporaneousness of these two personalities in the following often quoted passage of the 22nd Prakarana of the Jyotirvidabharana 2: वर्षे श्रुतिस्मृतिविचारविवेकरम्ये
श्रीभारते खधृतिसंमितदेशपीठे । मत्तोऽधुना कृतिरियं सति मालवेन्द्रे
___ श्रीविक्रमार्कनृपराजवरे समासीत् ।। ७ ।। शङ्कः सुवाग्वररुचिर्मणिरङ्गुदत्तो
जिष्णुस्त्रिलोचनहरी घटखर्पराख्यः । अन्येऽपि सन्ति कवयोऽमरसिंहपूर्वा .
यस्यैव विक्रमनृपस्य सभासदोऽमी ।। ८ ।। सत्यो वराहमिहिरः श्रुतसेननामा
श्रीबादरायणमणित्थकुमार सिंहाः । श्रीविक्रमार्कनृपसंसदि सन्ति चैते
श्रीकालतन्त्रकवयस्त्वपरे मदाद्याः ।। ९ ।। धन्वन्तरिः क्षपणकामरसिंहशङ्कु
वेतालभट्टघटखर्परकालिदासाः । ख्यातो वराहमिहिरो नृपतेः सभायां
रत्नानि वै वररुचिर्नव विक्रमस्य ।। १० ।। The question whether or not the word 'Ksapaņaka’used in Stanza 10 to specify one of Sakāri Vikramaditya's 'Nine Gems' refers to Siddhasena Divākara, has often been discussed, but not definitely settled as yet. There can be no doubt that in early Jaina literature like the Nandi-sūtra and the Viseșāvaśyaka this word, or rather its Prākrta equivalent 'khavanayad, means 'Jaina ascetic' in general, while in later Jaina works like the Guruparvakrama

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varnanaṁ by Gunaratnasūri', the Tapāgacchapattāvalīsutra by Dharmasāgaragaņi“ (both Svetāmbara works ) and the Pravacanaparīkņā by Yogindradeva’ ( a Digambara work ), it has assumed the special meaning of 'Digambara ascetic' in contradistinction to
Svetāmbara ascetic'. This meaning is confirmed by the lexicographers Hemacandra ( Śvetāmbara ) and Śrīdharasena ( Digambara )8, and by the non-Jinistic Prabodhacandrodaya". In which sense it is used in the Avadānakalpalatā0, the Mudrārāksasa'l, the Pañcatantral, and other works, seems as uncertain as in the abovequoted stanza. Since, however, Siddhasena is claimed by Digambaras as well as Svetāmbaras as belonging to their respective sect13 and since – for the matter of that – he probably flourished at a time when the earlier meaning may still have been in force, there is certainly nothing in the way of applying the expression to him.
In the Ganaratnamahodadhi of Vardhamāna, it is true, the word 'Kșapaņaka' or 'Mahākṣapaņaka' seems to be used as the proper name of a grammarian, author of an Anekārthakośa or Anekārthadhvanimañjarī, and of an Ekārthakośa.14
Accordingly, the possibility might be considered whether the author of the Jyotirvidābharaṇa, too, has not used the word as a proper noun rather than a generic one, applied to an author who represented that station in life. A glance on the context, however, shows that six out of the 'Nine Gems' ( viz., Amarasimha, Sanku, Ghatakharpara, Kālidāsa, Varāhamihira and Vararuci) are mentioned twice, viz., once as 'Gems' and another time as ‘Kavis' or “Kālatantra-kavis' respectively. It is therefore likely that the ‘Kșapaņaka' in the group of 'Gems' is nothing but a second reference, under his generic designation, to Śrutasena who figures in the preceding stanza as a 'Kālatantra-kavi'. That'Śrutasena', according to prosodic and grammatical rules, is a regular substitute for ‘Siddhasena', has been pointed out by the commentator of the Jyotirvidābharaṇa, Bhāvaratna's. It is further corroborated by the fact that, though none of Siddhasena Divākara's astronomical

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works survives, yet an astronomer author Siddhasena is testified by Varahamihira in his Bṛhajjātaka.
117
The mentioning of this 'Śrutasena' alone would therefore be sufficient evidence to show that once, whatever may be the actual time of composition of the Jyotirvidābharaṇa, a non-Jinistic tradition did exist which connected Siddhasena and Vikramaditya as contemporaries. The commentator further quotes four panegyrical stanzas which Siddhasena Divākara is related to have composed in honour of Vikramaditya.
2. Siddhasena and Vikramaditya in Jaina Literature The episode of the four Ślokas referred to by Bhavaratna is one of the Vikramaditya-Siddhasena stories found in the Jaina Prabandhas and Kathānakas". It relates how Siddhasena, seeking an interview with King Vikramaditya and stopped at the palace gate by the doorkeeper, sent in to the king a poetic Samskṛta message stating that, with four Ślokas in his hand, a mendicant friar was waiting outside, wondering whether he should come or go. Allowed entrance by a similar Samskṛta stanza of the king, Siddhasena entered, recited his four Ślokas, and thus won the favour of the king.
Another well-known episode is that of the Jina statue which Siddhasena caused to appear out of a Śiva-linga in the presence of the king by the recitation of some of his renowned hymns, and of the subsequent restitution to the Jainas of the temple concerned, and the endowment of the latter with the substantial grant of several hundreds of villages18 With this episode I have dealt in my article " जैन साहित्य और महाकाल मन्दिर " . 19
A third story tells how Vikrama, hearing people in the street refer to Siddhasena as 'Sarvajña-putra' and desirous of testing the appropriateness of this epithet, greeted the ascetic by mental obeisance only, in response to which the latter, with loud voice and lifted-up hand, extended his 'Dharmalabha', the formula with which Śvetämbara Sadhus are still accustomed to greet laymen2".

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Significant is the reference to a Jaina temple at Onkāranagara ( or Onkārapura respectively ), for the erection of which Siddhasena is related to have obtained King Vikramāditya's permission and which is described as having surpassed in height and splendour the famous temple of Siva situated there22.
In some of the Prabandhas, Siddhasena is said to have predicted on Vikramāditya's question - in true Purāņa style -- that the next Śrāvaka king worthy to be compared with him would be Kumārapāla, who would arise 1199 years after him23. According to the Purātana Prabandha-sangraha, the pertinent stanza was preserved in the ‘Kundageśvara' or 'Kundigeśvara-temple', or, according to the Prabandhacintamani, in the 'Kudangeśvara-temple'in Malwa24
Of historical interest is also the information, found in the Prabhāvakacarita exclusively25, that King Vikramāditya, advised by Siddhasena Divākara, caused the ancient Jaina place of pilgrim-age Broach ( 'Bhřgupura') to be repaired.
Somewhat separate from the Prabandhas and Kathānakas stands the reference to Vikrama and his Guru which Ratnasekhara Sūri gives in his Vidhikaumudi (or Sraddhavidhi-vrtti) and which has obviously been literally copied by the author of the Astāhnikāvyākhyānas. Here Vikramāditya, the royal disciple of Siddhasena, is referred to as the example of a distinguished visitor to places of pilgrimage, who went to Satruñjaya with a huge procession and with all pomp and formality, accompanied by 5000 Jainācāryas including Siddhasena Divākara, 14 kings adorned with their royal diadems, 70 lacs of Śrāvaka families; 1 crore 10 lacs and 9,000 cars; 18 lacs of horses; 7,600 elephants; besides camels, bullocks, etc., untold.
In his Laghu Satruñjayakalpa, Dharmaghoșasūri27 likewise mentions Vikrama in connection with this sacred place of the Jainas, which is stated to have been repaired by him. According to Dhaneśvarasūri's satruñjayamāhätmyas,

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Mahāvīra predicts to Indra that 466 years and 45 days after his Nirvāņa King Vikrama would free the earth from debt and subsequently replace the Vīra-samvat by his own Samvatsara.
Based mostly on the above-mentioned and similar sources, which have not yet been made available in print”, are a number of brief references to Vikrama and Siddhasena, his Guru, sometimes only alluding to one or another of the above-related episodes, in later Jaina literature, such as Acalakīrti's Vişāpahārastotrabhāṣā!", Banārasīdāsa's Kalyāṇamandirastotrabhāsā”, Bộndāvana's Mangalāstaka?? and Gurvāvalīstotra”).
Generally not much older than all the above works, none of which is, so far as can be ascertained, composed previous to A.D. 12002, are the references contained in the Pattāvalis and kindred works mentioned above, such as Dharmaghosasūri's DusamākālaSamaṇasangha-Thayam, or rather its Avacūri,35 Ravivardhanagani's Pattāvalīsāroddhāra, an anonymous Guru-Pattāvalp, Kharataragaccha-Sûri-Paramparā-Prasastis, Kharatara-gacchaPattāvali Nos. 1 and 239, the anonymous RatnasañcayaPrakaranam", and Pradyumnasūri's Vicārasāra-Prakarana“.
Still, works of this type are assumed to contain, by way of quotations, passages of the last-named two works betray, by their very wordings, origin from a common old source, and also the extent to which the original has been contorted. Both do not mention any relationship between Vikrama and Siddhasena, it is true, but they clearly state them to have belonged to approximately the same age.
(1) Ratnasañcaya-Prakarana : चउसयसत्तरि वरिसे वीराओ विक्कमो जाओ ॥ ५६ ।। पंचवे य वरिससए सिद्धसेणो दिवायरो जाओ ।
सत्तसय वीस अहिए कालिगगुरु सक्कसंथुणिओ ॥ ५७ ।।
"470 years after Vīra, Vikrama flourished. 500 years after Vira, Siddhasena Divākara flourished. 720 years after Vira, Guru
Kālaka who was praised by Indra."

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(2) Vicārasāra-Prakarana : .................... .... ................ .... पंचेव य वरिससए सिद्धसेणदिवायरो य जयपयडो । छच्चसए वीसहिए सक्कथुऊ अज्जरक्खिपहू ।। २६ ।।
"500 years afterwards, Siddhasena Divākara of well-known glory, and 620 years afterwards, the Lord Āryarakṣita, praised by Indra."42
Works of this last category claim by their very character to be treated as historical sources. Not only this, but even works of the former type, i.e., the Prabandhas, etc., have been tapped for historical data by Bühler in his Biography of Hemacandra43 Accordingly, it might be expected that the above rich literature in its totality should allow Siddhasena Divākara's historical whereabouts to be conveniently settled. 3. Historical Value of the Vikramāditya
Siddhasena Literature Yet the task of reconstructing history from the Vikramāditya-Siddhasena literature mentioned above is beset with difficulties, as a number of the data which it supplies contradict each other, while others are ruled out as anachronisms or as otherwise improbable. Where, e.g., did Siddhasena come from? Was he, as most of the Prabandhas would make posterity believe, the son of Devarși, Vikramaditya's Purohita of Ujjain of Kātyāyana-Gotra, and of his wife Devāśrī44, or was he the ‘Karņāțabhatta-Divākara', who had immigrated from the Dakṣiṇāpatha, as other works state45? Was, accordingly, Karnāțabhatta-Divākara his original name, which later, at his initiation, was changed to ‘Siddhasena Divākara', or was it Siddhasena, changed to 'Kumudacandra' at his initiation and again to 'Siddhasena Divākara' at his consecration as an Ācārya, or was 'Siddhasena Divākara' an honorary title conferred on him by King Devapāla of Karmārapura“?
Was his sister's name Siddhaśrī, Siddhasarasvati, or Bāla

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sarasvatī, as those works state“), contradicting one another ?
Was it the Mahākāla Temple where he met Vikramāditya and where his recitation worked the alleged miracle of the Jina statue, or was it the temple of Kuqangeśvara ? Were this statue, the temple where it appeared and the place of pilgrimage into which the latter developed after its restitution to the Jainas sacred to Pārsvanātha or to Ādinātha“8 ?
Was he a disciple of Vrddhavādin whose original name was Mukunda“, or cf Dharmācārya50?
Anyhow, the date of Vrddhavādin, Dharmācārya and Siddhasena himself is unanimously declared to be in the vicinity of the starting year of the Vikrama Saṁvat, and all three are explicitly stated to have been contemporary with Kālakācārya, the famous Sakaguru". But simultaneously Siddhasena is also stated to have been a descendant of Pādaliptasūri, author of the much praised Prāksta novel Tarangāvali and founder of Pālītāna, the same Pädalipta who is mentioned as coeval with Nāgārjuna ( the latter flourishing in the time of Kaniska ), with Nāgahastin ( who, according to the Nandi-sūtra, was the 22nd Yugapradhāna and whose predecessor Aryarakṣita, the 21st, is stated to have lived 620 after Vīra, as has been shown above ), and with Arya Khapuța (known to have died in Vikrama Samvat 484 )52.
The Prabhāvakacaritra moreover relates that this same Pādalipta lived at the court of King Krsna of Mānakhetapura”, i.e., Malkhed, the capital of the Rāstrakūtas, though the latter was founded, according to present assumptions, by King Amoghavarşa (815-877 A.D.), or though in any case the earliest Krsnarāja who 'could have ruled there, even if Malkhed is assumed to have existed before, would be Krsna I who died between 772 and 775 A. D.55
What to say, moreover, re Siddhasena's stay at Citrakūța, related in several sources56, in view of the fact that this place was founded as late as Saṁvat 60957 ?
And what about his being coeval with Kālidāsa, Vararuci,

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Bharthari, as told in some of the Prabandhas, in agreement with the Jyotirvidābharana which adds Varāhamihira, Amarasimha and other literary personalities now generally assumed to have flourished centuries after the beginning of the Vikrama era ?
Besides, the bewildered reader might also ask why there is no unanimity re the important question of the origin of the Vikrama Saṁvat itself, which, according to some texts, was started in commemoration of Vikrama's freeing the earth from debts, according to others in remembrance of his death, according to a third group to immortalize his accession to the throne", and according to one more opinion from the date of his birth®?, while nowhere at all in Jaina literature it is found connected with a victory over the Šakas directly.
Even regarding the very starting point of the Vikrama Samvat, counted in years of the Vīra era, there is no agreement, though the discrepancies are inconsiderable.
A certain amount of anachronisms and other inconsistencies might certainly be conceded to the literature referred to, without denying that it may contain some kernel of historical truth. The task, however, to peel off all secondary matter, and neatly to reveal this kernel, seems hopeless in view of the inadequacy of the expedients available so far. 4. Other Expedients for a Definition of
Siddhasena's Time These expedients mostly consist in passages of literary works containing either citations from Siddhasena's works, or references to them or to the author as such. Much valuable material of this type has been collected and valuated by Pt. S. Sanghavi and Pt. B. Doshi in their Introduction to the Sanmatitarka, as well as by Pt. N. Premies and others66. Still on studying it, one cannot help the impression that even in its totality it is but a feeble structure on which to rest the full weight of Siddhasena's chronology, in view of

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the fact that the time of most of the earlier authors who mention the logician-poet or his works is itself uncertain as yet.
Leaving aside as irrelevant for the problem under consideration all references posterior to 850 A.D., the following would be the material available :
(1) Jinasena ( “Bhagavajjinasena'), Adipurāņa (composed approximately 840 A.D.)67, where the ‘Poet Siddhasena' is extolled as a ‘knife-blade ( to cut down ) false notions' and “a lion ( to tear to pieces ) the herds of elephants consisting in disputants, his mane being composed of the standpoints of Jaina Logic ( naya).”
(2) Virasena, Dhavala ( Șațkhandāgama-țīkā, composed 826 A.D.), where seven stanzas of Siddhasena's Sanmatitarka are quoted, the work itself being referred to as 'Sammaisutta’68.
(3) Jinasena, Harivaṁsa-Purāņa ( composed 783 A.D.), where Siddhasena's verses in general ( 'sūktayaḥ') are mentioned69
(4) Haribhadrasűri, Pañcavāstuka (composed between 650 and 777 A.D.)?", Stanzas 1047-1048, where Siddhasena is referred to as “Ācārya Siddhasena, the Omniscient one in the lore of the scriptures ( Śrutakevalin ), whose fame is established in his Sanmati-tarka and whose name 'Divākara' is based on the fact that he resembles the sun ( divākara ) with regard to this night of the Duhsamā period."
In his Anekārthajayapatākā, this same Haribhadrasūri speaks of a Vịtti to Sanmati-tarka composed by Mallavādin??.
(5) Jinadāsagani Mahattara, Višeșa-Cūrņi to the NiśīthaSūtra ( composed in 676 A.D. ) with three separate references as under" :
(a) mentioning the Sanmati-tarka ( 'Sammati') as a 'work fit to enrich faith and knowledge',
(b) speaking of the same ( 'Sammadi') as of a 'work fit to enrich religious faith';
(c) saying that Siddhasenācārya, by miraculous powers

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which he had acquired from studying the Yoniprābhịtaka and other works, had produced artificial horses.
In the Daśa-Cūrņi, ascribed to the same Jinadāsa, a passage refers to Siddhasenācārya's method of interpreting one and the same Sütra in various ways.
(6) Jinabhadragani, Višeşāvaśyaka-Bhāşya ( composed in 611 A.D.), discussing the main doctrines of Siddhasenas.
(7) Śivakoti, Ratnamālā ( of doubtful date ), mentioning as previous to Samantabhadra76 a 'Bhattāraka Siddhasena' among the sages whose blessings are invoked and thus corroborating the Svetāmbara Patřāvalīs in that point”?.
( 8 ) Mallavādin, Commentary on the Sanmati-tarka testified by Haribhadrasūri ( vide supra, Item No. 4). The work itself is not preserved. From the fact that Mallavādin also wrote annotations to Dharmottara's Commentary on Dharmakīrti's Nyāyabindu, he is assumed to belong to the 5th century of the Vikrama era78.
(9) The earliest reference re Siddhasena so far traced is that in Pūjyapāda's ( Devanandin's ) Jainendra-Vyākarana ( 5; 1; 7) of approximately 450 A.D. (more accurately: the beginning of the 6th Vikrama century )". This reference consists merely of the Sūtra 'vetteh Siddhasenasya', preceded and followed by similar Sūtras which refer to Bhūtabali, Prabhācandra, Samantabhadra, and other ancient Jaina authors. In view of the undeniable chronological as well as spiritual proximity of the latter to Siddhasena, it can safely be assumed that the passage refers to him, though, as Pt. Mukhtar and Pt. Premi point out, its exact interpretation would presuppose researches into the linguistic peculiarities of Siddhasena's works80.
( 10 ) To these Jaina references may be added the above referred to passage of Varāhamihira's Bșhajjātaka, where an astronomer author Siddhasena is mentioned. Varāhamihira was probably alive in Śaka Samvat 427 = A.D. 505, if not a century prior81
Though Haribhadrasūri's and Jinadāsagani's way of referring to Siddhasena indicates that the latter was in their eyes a person

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of remote age82, still the above literature does not allow of further conclusions re Siddhasena's time beyond the fixation of his terminus ante quem for about 450 A.D.
Those references, culled as they are from Digambara (Items Nos. 1, 2, 3, 7, 9 ) and Śvetāmbara works ( Items Nos. 4, 5, 6, 8 ), illustrate the fact alluded to before that Siddhasena is acclaimed as an authority by both the sects, similar to Umāsvāti (or ‘Umāsvāmī') and Samantabhadra, so much so that the problem to which sect he belonged remained long unsolved. It was only internal evidence which enabled the editors of the Sanmati-tarka to decide that he 'cannot have been a Digambara’83.
In the meantime, the inscription on a Jina statue recently found in the Candraprabha temple of Jaisalmer has come to their support. It reads as follows84 :
१. श्रीनागेंद्रकुले 7. Sif hashafal (-) B. Brarfod 37 (-) ४. म्माछुप्ताभ्यां कारिता ५. संवत १०८६
This legend also shows that Siddhasena belonged to the Nāgendra-Kula. As, according to the Pattāvalīs, this Nāgendra-Kula was founded on Vajrasena's death 620 years after Mahāvīra, i.e. in 93 A.D., along with the Candra-, Nirvrtti-, and Vidyādhara-Kulas85, it is clear that he could not have belonged to the Vidyādhara-Kula. If, therefore, the Prabandhas declare, Siddhasena to have belonged to the ‘Vidyadhara-Vara-Amnāya’86, to the ‘Vidyādhara-Vaṁśa'87, to the 'Vidyādharendra-Gaccha'ss, or to the 'Vidyādhara-Gaccha' respectively, all these references might point to the ‘Vidyādharī Sākhā' ( founded centuries earlier by Vidyādhara Gopāla ), as inferred by Pts. Sanghavi and Doshi89, on the basis of other premises.
To return to the question of Siddhasena's date, H. Jacobi and afterwards P. L. Vaidya had previously tried to fix the same

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with the help of internal evidence. Tracing, e.g., the term 'bhrānta' which Siddhasena uses to the Buddhist logician Dharmakīrti, they inferred that Siddhasena must have lived after Dharmakirti and thus placed him in the second half of the 7th century A.D. This theory was, however, proved to be untenable by Pts. Sanghavi and Doshi.” Another argument adduced in favour of a later date by Pt. Mukhtar" and based on a stanza which Siddhasena's Sanmati-tarka appears to share with Samantabhadra's Śrāvakācāra was likewise refuted by them.
On the basis of this material (excluding the above Items No. 2, details of 6, 7, and 10 ), the editors of the Sanmati-tarka came to the conclusion that Siddhasena “most probably flourished in the fifth century of the Vikrama era", i.e. in the 'Gupta Period'92. In his Foreword to the English translation, it is true, Dalsukh Malvania had expressed the opinion that some Buddhist books published recently promised to "lead us to fix the date in question in the sixth or the seventh century A.D."93 In obvious supersession, however, Pt. Sanghavi has again confirmed his previous view, saying" that in the light of fresh researches re the time of the composition of Jinabhadragani's Viseșāvaśyaka-Bhāsya, in which Siddhasena's doctrines are discussed ( vide above, Item No. 6), he now believes Siddhasena to have flourished in parts of the 5th and 6th centuries of the Vikrama era, which comes to the 5th century A.D.
Against this fixing of Siddhasena's time, however, the objection can be raised that, properly speaking, it confines itself to the terminus ante quem which it is true, stands beyond doubt, while, on the other hand, the fixing of crminus a quo cannot be said to have been achieved. Nor does it seem likely that it could be achieved with the method hitherto resorted to, viz., by drawing conclusions from the dates of heterodox works which happen to contain technical terms or doctrines criticized by Siddhasena. For in view of the vast literature, which, though testified to have existed, is no longer available, it must be admitted that our knowledge of early

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Indian Philosophy is relatively limited. It is, therefore, unsafe to state on the basis of the chance-remains available whether, in an individual case, a term or a doctrine appears in a certain work for the first tîme, or whether it represents one of the later links in the chain of Guru-paramparā lost to our view.
Thus, the question of Siddhasena's terminus a quo must be admitted to be still open.
5. The Gunavacanadvātrimśikā
It seems, however, that for its solution an expedient offers itself which has not been utilized so far by the scholars who have dealt with Siddhasena's chronology : I mean the direct evidence which the poet himself so eloquently gives in one of his works%s.
This work is the 'Guņavacanadvātrimśikā', the eleventh of those 21, or, under inclusion of the 'Nyāyāvatāra', 22 Dvātrimsikās which have survived out of Siddhasena's famous 32 Dvātrimśikās testified to have once existed%. These Dvātrimśikās, an appreciation of which is given in the Introduction to Sanmati-tarka,99 are all composed in high-flown Samskệta and in various classical metres. All, with the exception of the Gunavacanadvātrimśikā, address themselves to Mahāvīra, the last Tīrtharkara. A great part of them are in fact hymns in praise of Mahāvīra. They mostly contain refutations of heterodox philosophical systems or expositions of certain aspects of Jaina Philosophy, while some deal with the rules of disputation and controversy. In the middle of these purely spiritual or philosophical hymns stands the Gunavacanadvātrimśikā, an isolated example of secular panegyrical poetry, which, however, shares the other characteristics of its surroundings, including their polemic nature.
In this Dvātrimśikā, a royal patron is addressed, who is revealed as such a unique personality, standing out in bold relief against a back-ground of warfare, empire-building and ingenious rule that, with the help of contemporaneous literature, even a modern reader can guess who he was and thus infer when Siddhasena lived.

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In view of its historical importance and also for its own poetic merits, I render the poem here, critically emended on the basis of the printed edition with the help of the two manuscripts which I was able to obtain”.
The understanding of this poem is made somewhat difficult by the fact that behind the inspired eulogy with its graceful poetic figures hides itself a smart attack on the system of Vaiseșika Philosophy100 achieved with the help of occasional paranomasia. Thus the word 'guna', the leitmotiv, as it were, of the whole poem, is sometimes used in its conventional meaning of 'virtue', 'merit', ‘excellent quality', sometimes as a logical terminus technicus meaning quality', in contradistinction to dravya, “substance', while in some cases it is to be understood as conveying both the meanings simultaneously. Other words too are used with a similar double entendre, as the text itself will make clear. Though I am not sure whether I have in every case been able to understand the meaning or meanings which the poet wanted to convey, still I add, with some hesitation, a translation, in order to facilitate the ensuing discussion. The text seems so full of allusions, among them such to contemporaneous persons and events that it will perhaps never yield all its secrets to the modern reader, far remote as he is from the golden age of Siddhasena and his brilliant patron. Here follows the text :
गुणवचनद्वात्रिंशिका समानपुरुषस्य तावदपवादयन् कीदृशः
किमेव तु महात्मनामपरतन्त्रधीचक्षुषाम् । अपास्य विनयस्मृती भुवि यश: स्वयं कुर्वता
त्वयातिगुणवत्सलेन गुरवः परं व्यंसिताः ।। १ ।। श्रीराश्रितेषु विनयाभ्युदयः सुतेषु
बुद्धिर्नयेषु रिपुवासगृहेषु तेजः ।
St. 1. Pșthvi.

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वक्तुं यथायमुदितप्रतिभो जनस्ते व कीर्ति तथा वदतु तावदिहेति कश्चित् ।। २ ।। एकां दिशं व्रजति यद् गतिमद् गतं च
तत्रस्थमेव च विभाति दिगन्तरेषु । यातं कथं दशदिगन्तविभक्तमूर्ति
युज्येत वक्तुमुत वा न गतं यशस्ते ।। ३ ।। सत्यं गुणेषु पुरुषस्य मनोरथोऽपि
श्लाघ्यः सतां ननु यथा व्यसनं तथैतत् । यत्पश्यतः समुदितैरबलेत्युपास्ता
कीर्तिस्तथा श्रुतिसुखानि वनानि याता ।। ४ ।। एतद् भो बृहदुच्यते हसतु मा कामं जनो दक्षिणः
स्वार्थारम्भपटुः परार्थविमुखो लज्जानपेक्षो भवान् । योऽन्यक्लेशसमर्जितान्यपि यशांस्युत्सार्य लक्ष्मीपथा
की]कार्णववर्षिणापि यशसा नाद्यापि सन्तुष्यसे ।। ५ ।। चाटुप्रीतेन मुक्ता यदियमगणिता दीयते राजलक्ष्मी
रन्योन्येभ्यो नृपेभ्यस्त्वदुरसि नृपते यापि विश्रम्भलीना । मा भूदेष प्रसङ्गो निरनुनयमतेरस्य मय्यप्यतस्ते
कीर्तिस्तेनाप्रमेया न विनयचकिता सागरानप्यतीता ।। ६ ॥ अवश्यं कर्तव्यः श्रियमभिलषता पक्षपातो गुणेषु
प्रसन्नायां तस्यां कथमिव च न ते लालनीया भवेयुः । किमेषां वृत्तान्तं न वहसि नृपते लालनीया त्वदाज्ञा
महेन्द्रादीनां यद्गुणपरितुलनादाविनीता गुणास्ते ।। ७ ॥ अन्येषां पार्थिवानां भ्रमति दश दिशः कीर्तिरिन्दुप्रभाभा
त्वत्कीर्तेर्नास्ति शक्तिः पदमपि चलितुं किं भयात्सौकुमार्यात् । St. 2. Vasantatilakā. St. 3. Vasantatilaka - L. 4 : र्यु - Bh, A; र्युद्येत P. St. 4. Vasantatilaka-L. 3 :- लोव्यु - Bh; L. 4 :- मुखानि Bh. St. 5. Sardālavikridita. - L. 1 : - नोवृ - P, A; दप्रिण: A; L. 2 :
स्वार्थरम्भपदुः P; लब्ध्वा P; “नो भवान् ।। स्वार्थरंभपटुः परार्थविमुखो
लज्जानपे-" A; L. 3 : समर्थि - P; L. 4 :- ष्यते A. St. 6. Sragdhara -L. 3 : रान्यो - P; L. 3 : देषं P; मध्यप्य - P St. 7. Sobha - L. 1 : लखता P; लखेता A; L. 3 : वहिसि P

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आ ज्ञातं नैतदेवं श्रुतिपथचकिता तेन गच्छत्यजत्रं
कीर्तिस्तेषां नृपाणां तव तु नरपते नास्ति कीर्तेरयातम् ॥ ८ ।। अन्येऽप्यस्मिन्नरपतिकुले पार्थिवा भूतपूर्वा
स्तैरप्येवं प्रणतसुमुखैरुद्धृता राजवंशाः । न त्वेवं तैर्गुरुपरिभवः स्पृष्टपूर्वो यथायं
श्रीस्ते राजनुरसि रमते सत्यभामासपत्नी ।। ९ ।। अगतिविधुरैर्लक्ष्मी दृष्ट्वा चिरस्य सहोषितां
यदि किल परेकीभूतैर्गुणैस्त्वमुपाश्रितः । इति गुणजितं लोकं मत्वा नरेन्द्र सुरायसे
वदतु गुणवान् बुद्ध्यादीनां गुणः कतमस्तव ।। १० ।। गन्धद्विपो मधुकरानिव पङ्कजेभ्यो
दानेन यो रिपुगणान् हरसि प्रवीरान् । चित्रं किमत्र यदि तस्य तवैव राज
नाज्ञां वहन्ति वसुधाधिपमौलिमालाः ।। ११ ।। एकेयं वसुधा बहूनि दिवसान्यासीद् बहूनां प्रिया
वस्यान्योन्यसुखाः कथं नरपते ते भद्रशीला नृपाः । ईर्ष्यामत्सरितेन साद्य भवतैवात्माङ्कमारोपिता
शेषैस्त्वत्परितोषभावितगुणैर्गोपालवत्पाल्यते ।। १२ ।। गृहाध्यक्षाः सिंहाः प्रमदवनचरा द्वीपिशार्दूलपोताः
कराग्रैः सिच्यन्ते वनगजकलभैर्दीर्घिकातीरवृक्षाः । पुरद्वारारक्षा दिशि दिशि महिषा यूथगुल्माग्रशूरा
रुषानुध्यातानामतिललितमिदं जायते विद्विषां ते ।। १३ ।। St. 8. Sragdhara - L. 2 : त्सोकु - P; L. 3 : अन्यातं P, A; L. 4 :- त्कीर्ते
- A; नणते A; कीर्ति-A. St. 9. Mandakrāntā-- L. 2 : वृता - A; L. 3 : - भव - P, A; L. 4 :
-सिमते P,A. St. 10. Harini - L. 1 : लक्ष्मी P, A; दृष्णा A; L. 3 : गुणे P. St. 11. Vasantatilaka - L. 3 : कमत्र P. St. 12. Sardalavikridita -L. 2 : वश्यान्योन्य - would be preferable !
-सुखा A; L. 3 : भवतैचा --P. St. 13. Sobha - L. 1 : गृहा Bh; गृहाध्यता: A; L. 2 : कारा – P; वनगत
कलत्रैदी - A; L.3 :- शूराः A; L.4 : लतिलमि – P; जयते Bh, P, A.

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निर्मूलोच्छिन्नमूला भुजपरिघपरिस्पन्ददृप्तैनरेन्द्रैः
संक्षिप्तश्रीविताना मृगपतिपतिभिः शत्रुदेशाः क्रियन्ते । किं त्वेतद्राजवृत्तं स्वरुचिपरिचयः शक्तिसम्पन्नतेयं
__ भङ्क्त्वा यच्छत्रुवंशानुचितशतगुणान् राष्ट्रलक्ष्म्या करोषि ।। १४ ॥ सर्वेऽप्येकमुखा गुणा गुणपतिं मानं विना निर्गुणा
इत्येवं गुणवत्सलैर्नृपतिभिर्मानः परिष्वज्यते । नान्यश्चैष तवापि किं च भवता लब्धास्पदस्तेष्वसौ
मत्तेनेव गजेन कोमलतरुर्निर्मूलमुत्खन्यते ॥ १५ ॥ यत्प्राप्नोति यशस्तव क्षितिपते भ्रूभेदमुत्पादयन्
किं तत्त्वच्चरणोपसन्नमुकुटः प्राप्नोति कश्चिन्नृपः । इत्येवं कुरुते स वल्लभयशास्त्वच्छासनातिक्रम
___ दर्पात्सूचितसन्मुखो न हि मृगः सिंहस्य न ख्याप्यते ॥ १६ ॥ प्रसादयति निम्नगाः कलुषिताम्भसः प्रावृषा
पुनर्नवसुखं करोति कुमुदैः सरः सङ्गमम् । विघाटयति दिङ्मुखान्यवपुनाति चन्द्रप्रभां
तथापि च दुरात्मनां शरदरोचका त्वविषाम् ।। १७ ।। न वेद्मि कथमप्ययं सुररहस्यभेदः कृत
स्त्वया युधि हतः परं पदमुपैति विष्णोर्यथा । अतः प्रणयसंसृतामविगणय्य लक्ष्मीमसौ
करोति तव सायकक्षममुरः सिषित्सुर्नृपः ।। १८ ।।
St. 14. Sragdhara-L.1 : निम - P;-स्तला - P; परिध - P; - हस्तै-A;
L. 2 : शक्र - P, A; L. 4 : क्रवं - P, A. St. 15. Sardalavikridita - L. 1 : सर्वोs A; L. 2 : परित्यज्यते Bh, P, A,
_corrected as per an oral suggestion of Dr. H. R. Diwekar, Controlling Officer, Scindia Oriental Institue, Ujjain. L. 3 :
- श्चैव Bh; लब्ध्वा - A; L.4 : गतेन A. St. 16. Sardālavikridita-L. 1 :- भू - P; L.3: त्वच्चा -A, P, Bh; L.
4 : दोस्तर्वित – P, दृस्तिर्वित - A, दर्पासूचित – Bh; व्याप्यते P. St. 17. Prthvi-L. 2 : मूर्ख P; L. 3: – ग्मु A; L.4 :- कस्तद्विषाम् – Bh,
P, कस्तद्वि A. St. 18. Prthvi - L.4 : सायक: Bh; शिखि – A; - नूप Bh.

For Private & Persorial Use Only

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अन्योन्यावेक्षया स्त्री भवति गुणवती प्रायशो विप्लुता वा
लोकप्रत्यक्षमेतत्क्षितिविषमतया चञ्चला श्रीर्यथासीत् । सैवान्यप्रीतिदानात्तव भुजवलयान्तःपुरप्राप्तमाना
मुवीं दृष्ट्वा यथावत्सलघु सुचरिता हारसख्यं करोति ।। १९ ।। प्रसूतानां वृद्धिः परिणमति नि:संशयफला
पुरावादश्चैष स्थितिरियमजेयेति नियमः । जगवृत्तान्तेऽस्मिन् विवदति तवेयं नरपते
कथं वृद्धा च श्रीन च परुषितो यौवनगुणः ।। २० ।। अन्तर्गृढसहस्रलोचनधरं भ्रूभेदवज्रायुधं
___ कस्त्वा मानुषविग्रहं हरिरिति ज्ञातुं समर्थो नरः । यद्येते मघवञ्जगद्विततरास्त्वा वल्लभाः स्वामिन
स्त्वद्भूदेशपटुप्रकीर्णसलिला न ख्यापयेयुर्घनाः ।। २१ ।। महीपालोऽसीति स्तुतिवचनमेतन्न गुणजं
महीपालः खिन्नामवनिमुरसा धारयति यः । यदा तावद् गर्भे त्वमथ सकलश्रीर्वसुमती
किमीयायुष्मंस्ते नवशिवमिमां पश्यति महीम् ।। २२ ।। शतेष्वेकः शूरो यदि भवति कश्चिन्नयपटु
स्तथा दीर्घापेक्षी रिपुविजयनिःसाध्वसशरः । तदेतत्सम्पूर्ण द्वितयमपि येनाद्यपुरुषे
श्रुतं वा दृष्टं वा स वदतु यदि त्वा न वदति ।। २३ ।।
St. 19. Sragdhara - L. 1 :- न्यायवक्ष – P, A; प्रायसो P,A; विष्णुता B;
L. 2 : लोके P; वञ्चला A; - यथा - A; L.4 : उर्वी A; दयाव- Bh;
सुचरि – P; - सङ्ख्यं A, - सङ्ख्यं Bh. St. 20. Sikharini-L.1 : निःशंश - A;- कला Bh; L. 3 :-स्मिन्न - A; L.
4: कथ A; व श्री - P, A; व परु - A. St. 21. Sardalavikridita-L. 1 : - लोचनं A;- ज्ञायु-A; L. 2 : कस्त्वां P;
L.3 :- गधित -P; बल्ल-A;-भःस्वा -Bh, P,A; L.4 : भूट्टे-A. St. 22. Sikharini - L. 1 : स्नु - A; L. 3 : त्वमध P; - मति – Bh; L. 4 :
ष्मांणा- A, P, Bh. St. 23. Sikharini-L. 2 :- सपरः - Bh.

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अयनविषमा भानोर्दीप्तिर्दिनक्षयपेलवा
परिभवसुखं मत्तैर्मत्तैर्धनैश्च विलुप्यते । सततसकला निर्व्यासङ्ग समाश्रितशीतला
तव नरपते दीप्तिः साम्यं तया कथमेष्यति ।। २४ ।। को नामैष करोति नाशयति वा भाग्येष्वधीनं जगत्
स्वातन्त्र्ये कथमीश्वरस्य न वशः स्रष्टुं विशिष्टाः प्रजाः । लब्धं वक्तृयशः सभास्विति चिरं तापोऽद्य तेजस्विना
मिच्छामात्रसुखं यथा तव जगत्स्यादीश्वरोऽपीदृशः ।। २५ ।। गण्डेष्वेव समाप्यते विवदतां यद्वारणानां मदो
यद्वा भूमिषु यन्मनोरथशतैस्तुष्यन्ति तेजस्विनः । यत्कान्तावदनेषु पत्ररचनासङ्गश्च ते मन्त्रिणां
तत्सर्वं द्विषतां मनोऽनुगतया कीर्त्यापराद्धं तव ।। २६ ।। क्रमोपगतमप्यपास्य युगभागधेयं कले
रपर्वणि य एष ते कृतयुगावतारः कृतः । भवेदपि महेश्वरस्त्रिभुवनेश्वरो वाच्युतो
विधातुरपि नूनमद्य जगदुद्भवे संशयः ।। २७ ।। गुणो नाम द्रव्यं भवति गुणतश्च प्रभवति
गुणापेक्षं कर्माप्यनुनयमनारम्भविषमम् । विभु स्यात् किं द्रव्यं गुणजमुत वान्यः पदविधि
र्यशो दिक्पर्यन्तं तव किमिति शक्यं गमयितुम् ।। २८ ।।
St. 24. Harini - L. 1 : - पेलनं A; L. 2 : first मतै - missing in P, A;
मस्तव -A; र्धनैश्च P; L. 3 : निर्वा – P, निवा - A; L. 4 : सव A; -
प्तिस्सा-P,A; तथा P. St. 25. Sardālavikridita - L. 2 : श्रष्टुं P, A; L. 3 : चक्तुं - P; सभां - A,
सभास्थि - P; L. 4 : जगस्या – P; s missing P, A. St. 26. Sardulavikridita - L. 3 : पत्त - A; - डग़च्छते P; L. 4 : मनोनु -
A; - द्वन्तव P. St. 27. Prthvi - L. 3 : दसि म – P, A; L. 4 : त्तनम - P. St. 28. Sikharini-L. 2 : कर्मष्य -A; - यमारंभ - P; - विषयं Bh; L. 3 :
विभुः Bh, A;-विधे - P, A; L. 4 : दिशो दि- P.

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The Dvātrimśikā Dealing with 'Qualities'
(1) What kind of a man is he who gives offence by setting aside good breeding and tradition in front of an ordinary person ? (Not content with such behaviour,) you have set them aside in front of exalted persons of independent intellect and sight, as by your overgreat fondness for 'Qualities' you keep creating Renown over the world all by yourself, thus badly cheating those to whom respect is due ( i.e., bards etc. whose privilege it is to spread peoples' fame ) !
(2) My intellect allows me to state that your royal wealth is with those who approach you for shelter, the result of your good breeding in your sons, your judgement in your maxims (or, logical stand-points )101 and your ambition in the living-apartments of your enemies. I challenge anybody to declare in the same way where your Fame is to be found ( which is difficult, as shown in the following stanza ).
. (3) Possessed of motion, your Renown wanders in one direction, and, after having moved there, and even while staying there, shines forth in the other directions ! What is it thus appropriate to state, that it has moved or that it has not moved, its form being spread over all the ten directions of the world ?102
(4) A person's mere desire for 'Qualities' is most decidedly praiseworthy in the eyes of good people. It is, however, doubtful whether this is also the case with this actual passion which you have for them : for all of them have manifested themselves simultaneously in you and, understanding your Fame to be a helpless woman, they have overwhelmed her before your very eyes, so that she went into the wildernesses where hearing is easy!
(5) Listen! I proclaim it loudly! An intelligent person may laugh at me as he pleases ! You are keen on enterprises serving your own purpose, averse to the interest of others and regardless of shame, as even now you are not satisfied as yet with your Renown, whose path is that of Lakşmi (i.e., which is acquired by liberality)

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and which is showering down (on you) a veritable deluge of Fame103, sweeping aside the Renown of others, though the latter was won (by them) with trouble!
(6) Being abandoned by you in your fondness for pleasant words, though she was reclining trustingly on your breast, this uncounted royal Fortune. ( Rāja-Lakṣmī) is given away by you to various princes. Seeing this, your Fame got frightened, lest you, of inconsiderate mind as you are, might behave towards her in the same way therefore she has become immeasurable104 and transcends even the oceans, unrestrained by modesty !
( 7 ) He who covets Fortune ( Śrī ) must necessarily be particular to Qualities; but after she has become favourable; they need not be indulged at all any longer. How is it that you do not conform with this way of treating them, O King? (You have won over Śrī to such an extent that ) Mahendra and the others fondly obey your order. (Still you go on indulging your Qualities so excessively that ) measuring themselves with the Qualities of the former (and exulting in their own superiority), they have got out of control !
( 8 ) The Fame of the other rufers roams about in the ten directions, similar to the light of the moon. Your Fame, however, is not able to move even a step: is it because she is afraid, or is she too delicate? Oh, I know! It is not like that! The Fame of those kings walks incessantly because she is alarmed at the (length of the) path of hearing (which still lies before her ), while for your Fame (which is already spread all over the world) no space is left which she has not already covered (and where she could put down her foot ) !
(9) In this line of kings, there were other rulers, too, in the past who graciously stooped to those bowing before them and who uplifted royal dynasties in this very way. Yet never before ( was kindness carried so far by any of them that ) they would have suffered a gross humiliation like this present one (consisting in the fact that ) Śrī is playing at your breast, O King, ( though she is )

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Satyabhāmā's co-wife105 ( and out of courtesy, you refrain from asking her to go away, though her indiscreet behaviour must expose you to undesirable criticism )!
(10) Having seen Lakşmī, their companion of old, staying near you and being bereft ( of her company ) owing to her unwillingness to go ( away from you ), the good qualities of the other ( princes ) have in unison attached themselves to you. If thus, thinking that you have conquered the world by good qualities, you behave like a God, O Indra among men, a person of ( the requisite ) qualities ( viz., courage and truthfulness ) should state which of those qualities ( by which you conquered the world ), including intellect, are in fact yours (and which belong to the other princes)!
( 11 ) As a scent-elephant lures the bees away from the lotuses by his rut-fluid, so you win over the brave troops 106 of your enemies by your liberality : what wonder that rows of diadems worn by overlords of the earth carry only your order, O King ?
( 12 ) This Earth, though only one, was for many days the beloved of many. How kind-hearted those princes must have been, O King, thus sharing their happiness with one another ! Only you, selfish with jealousy, have now taken her on your lap (and claim her ) all for yourself, while the other (princes ), in whom your satisfaction produces good qualities ( viz. self-restraint, chastity and self-lessness ), only guard her like cow-herds !
(13) This very strange thing may happen to your enemies whom you think of with annoyance : lions become their householdcontrollers, panther and tiger cubs walk about in their pleasuregroves, wild elephants' calves water with their trunks the trees at the borders of their oblong garden-lakes, and buffaloes, heroes as it were, at the head of their troops represented by their herds, function as guards at their city gates in all directions !
( 14 ) Kings, proud of the swelling ( muscles ) of their arms which resemble iron-bars, behave like overlords of lords of beasts in utterly ( pun : to the very roots ) destroying the capital cities ( pun :

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tickets) of the countries of their enemies and in cutting down the expansion (pun creepers) of the latters' royal wealth ( pun: lotuses). Such kingly procedure betrays individual liking. An outcome of real strength is what you are practising, when, after defeating inimical royal dynasties, you equip them with a royal wealth which is the hundred-fold of that to which they were accustomed.
(15) All the qualities have one overlord, and are void of quality without this their chief, viz., Pride.107 Keeping this in mind, kings who are fond of qualities embrace pride alone, and no other (quality). What, however, is he (the other kings' Pride) to you? Though he has found shelter with those ( princes ), you eradicate him with his very roots as a mad elephant ( eradicates ) a sapling! (16) Can any king whose royal diadem keeps near your feet ( owing to his constantly bowing to you) acquire the same renown as is gained by the one who makes you frown, O Lord of the Earth? (knowing this to be unlikely) he who is fond of renown breaks your order: for a deer which boldly indicates its presence and con-fronts the lion cannot escape the latter's notice.
(17) The Autumn purifies the rivers whose water became turbid during the rainy season, it brings about the reunion of the lake with the lotuses, thus causing fresh joy, it opens the (whole ) expanse of the sky and cleanses the lustre of the moon (Candra): yet with those mean persons, your enemies, this (season) is not popular (as it is the season of warfare and they fear to be defeated by you ) !
( 18 I wonder how in the world this divine secret got disclosed, (but it is a fact that ) since he whom you kill in battle reaches the highest step of Viṣņu, a king who desires final beatitude makes his chest ready for your arrow, not heeding Lakṣmi who lovingly attends him!
(19) It depends on the reciprocal care (of husband and wife for each other) whether a woman becomes virtuous or licentious. This fact is before the eyes of the world. For in the past, so long as

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you were indifferent to the Earth, Śrī was unsteady. When however you gave your love to the other, and she saw the Earth ( her-cowife ) respected in the harem of your encircling arms, this same Sri became as well-behaved as she ought to be and readily makes intimacy with the necklace ( on your breast ).
( 20 ) It is an ancient saying that whosoever is born grows and ages with doubtless result, and this state of things is unavoidable, such is the law ( of nature ). With this course of the world, however, this your Śrī, O King, is at variance : for how is it that though she is old and full-grown, yet the quality of youthfulness has not become impaired in her case ?
(21) Since you keep your thousand eyes hidden within, use the frown instead of the thunderbolt, and possess the body of a human being, who could know you to be 'Hari', if, O Maghavan, those heavy clouds, beneficent to the Earth and beloved of the Lord, splashing water in plenty on the ground of your territories, were not to proclaim you as such ?
(22) To say that you are the 'Protector of the Earth' is not a mere panegyrical phrase, but it is based on the respective quality : a 'Protector of the Earth' being he who lends the support of his breast to the troubled Earth. For when you were in ( your mother's ) womb, the Earth with all her wealth ( was divided among so many princes that it would have been difficult to state ) whose she was ( i.e., she was then troubled indeed, while ) now, since she is yours, new prosperity looks on this ( same ) Earth ( due to your protection ).
(23 ) ( If it is possible that ) the one hero out of a hundred persons is ( simultaneously also ) judicious in his maxims ( or, logical stand-points ), and if it is possible that he who is able to aim his arrows boldly, causing the enemies defeat, is also at the same time of far-sighted wisdom, then he should speak up who has heard of or seen in its completeness this duality ( of qualities ) in the “Ancestor', unless he were to point to you.
( 24 ) The lustre of the Sun is unequal in the two parts of the

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year, weak at the end of the day, and his joy in defeating (everything alive on the earth by his heat ) is marred by mad, mad clouds : how can it serve as a comparison with your lustre, O King, which is always in full display and cooling for all who approach you, without distinction ?
(25) Who indeed is he who creates or annihilates a world dependent on destinies? If there is an all-powerful God, was it not in his might to produce being of a higher order108 ? Now-a-days, whenever orator-renown is won, it is for a long time an occasion of grief to ambitious persons ( who ardently desire to gain it, but are every time outshone by your superior rhetorical achievements ). Just as the happiness of this your world ( of disputants ) exists in their desire only, the same is perhaps the case with God (i.e., as the desire of those disputants for fame is frustrated by your superiority, just so God may be prevented from creating a world according to his desires by the law of Karman )!
(26) If the rut (pun: excitement ) of your fighting elephants ( pun : disputants opposing each other ) spends itself on their temples ( pun: in the ganda-type of dialogue ), or if your ambitious ( warriors ) ( forced by long peace to stay inactive ) in the country, have to content themselves with hundreds of desires ( for battle ), or if your ministers are interested only in the patra-racanā ( decorative design drawn with sandal paste, etc.; pun : composition of political documents, or : array of chariots etc. for war ) on the faces of their beloveds : for all this your Fame alone must be made responsible who keeps haunting the minds of your enemies ( so that they do not dare to engage in war with you, and peace remains in the land ).
(27) Though it is still the turn of the era of Kali, you have shaken off its remaining portion, and have led in, without even allowing for the (traditional) break (between the two eras succeeding each other ), this manifestation of the Kệta Era ! ( In view of this authority thus displayed by you, one might ask whether ) the Lord of the Universe is really Maheśvara or Acyuta ( or whether it is not

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rather you ), and doubts may even be entertained now-a-days as to whether the world was indeed brought forth by the Creator.
( 28 ) Is it possible to explain ( under application of the principles of Vaišeșika Logic ) how your Renown has spread as far as to the cardinal points ?
( According to Vaišeșika Logic, the above proposition would mean that conjunction ( samyoga ) has taken place between your Renown and the cardinal points. Conjunction can take place between two substances ( dravya) only?09. The cardinal points (dis) do fall under the category of substance'10, it is true; but Renown, being a species of śabda, would be a quality". Does therefore your Renown, though being a quality, play the part of a substance, or, in other words, is it to be assumed that in this case, though the difference between substance and quality as separate categories ( padārtha ) is one of the main axioms of Vaiseșika ( Logic"12 ) quality becomes substance in fact ?
(If this is conceded for argument's sake, it leads to another embarrassment. For since Renown is produced by qualities ( in the conventional sense, such as liberality, valour, sagacity ), it would have to be admitted that in this case ) substance is produced by quality, ( though Vaiseșika Logic teaches that a substance can only be produced by a substance, but never by a quality 113. Consequently your Renown cannot be defined as a substance !)
(Let it therefore be assumed to be a quality. As the conjunction ( samyoga ) of the latter with the cardinal points has taken place, and this presupposes that your Renown has performed the action of moving\14 there, it follows that the action of moving must have inhered in a quality. According to Vaišeșika Logic, action can inhere in a substance only, but never in a quality115. ( Therefore ) an action inhering in a quality would likewise be objectionable ( vişama) logically ( anunayam), as it could have no initiative ( ārambha) (i.e., it could not take place 16 (pun: it would be beginningless, i.e., eternal, though action is characterised in

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Vaiseșika Logic as unstable'17.) Therefore, your Renown cannot be a quality either!)
Could it perhaps be a pervasive substance ? ( In that case, the objection would arise that the cardinal points with which its conjunction takes place are likewise pervasive substances; and according to Vaišeșika Logic, conjunction cannot take place between two pervasive substances 118. Besides, since Renown is ) produced by qualities it, is a producible thing (janya padārtha), and, according to the Vaiseșikas, producible things cannot be pervasive"). Therefore your Renown cannot be a pervasive substance either.
Thus according to Vaiseșika Logic, it would not be possible for your Renown to reach the cardinal points, though it is an established fact that it has done so.)
Or is there any further way of applying the terms ? (If not, Vaišeșika Logic has failed !)
What strikes the reader of the Gunavacanadvātrimśikā at first sight is the resemblance which it bears to Siddhasena Divākara's remaining creations. The Sanmatitarka and Nyāyāvatāra it recalls by the dogmatic and philosophical subjects which it directly or indirectly touches. Its relationship with the remaining Dvātrimśikās and the Kalyāṇamandirastotra it betrays by similarities re style and diction, boldness of imagination, brilliance of wit, devotion to the Jaina faith, and, last but not least, the reluctance of the logician to abandon, even for a while, his beloved speciality, logic, in which he keeps indulging even under the influence of poetic inspiration. There he is seen playing with some logical term, which his poetic skill makes scintillate with unexpected meanings; again he is found advocating some logical theory, or dealing a quick feint at a heterodox opponent by a brilliant poetic figure, performing the miracle of making abstract logic blossom into concrete life.
Though a Jaina ascetic, the poet possesses insight into politics, diplomacy and court-life, and is full of humaneness and a

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humour which often elicits a smile even from the modern reader. Yet he is a devoted Jaina, and takes every occasion, no matter if he has to create it himself, to plead for the doctrines of his religion. This he does with conviction and fervour, yet without fanaticism, for his broad-mindedness allows him to utilize ideas of Hindu mythology whenever desirable, and his perfect poetic manners prevent him from transgressing the limits of polite polemics and good taste, even when tackling an opponent.
Being a Jaina Sādhu, and as such plighted to absolute poverty and abstinence from worldly enjoyments, it can only have been the love for his faith and zeal for its aggrandizement which prompted him to compose this secular panegyric, making no secret of his intention to please a royal patron and gain his favour, for ends which can only have been pure and selfless.
And yet, his tone betrays that he sincerely loved and admired that royal patron for those unusual qualities of intellect and character on which he so eloquently dwells. Sometimes, as though feeling shy of showing his admiration too freely, he disguises eulogy by apparent chiding and teasing, in a form which strikes the reader by its boldness, - obviously the boldness of a confidant and favourite, to whom such liberty was willingly conceded. On the other hand, the poet seems perfectly sure of his success in paying this unusual patron the most subtle compliment that could be thought of, viz., by weaving into nearly every line of this Dvātrimśikā the implication that, as a matter of course, his patron is all the time following him into the depths of erudition which he displays, and is able to appreciate the intricacies of poetic and polemic skill to which he treats him. 6. When was the Gunavacanadvātrimśikā Composed ?
There can be no doubt that this royal patron must have been a man of outstanding personality, and a person of high position, in fact a ruler likely to have left the imprint of his genius on the history of his time. Yet as his name is not given, his whereabouts cannot

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directly be ascertained. When scrutinizing the poem for indications re the time of its composition, and thus the period in history in which this mysterious patron lived, one feels inclined to ask whether contemporaneousness with Kalidasa might not be inferred from a number of ideas and expressions which the Dvātrimśikā has in common with the works of that poet.' 120 If Kālidāsa belongs to the Gupta period, as is assumed now-a-days by the majority of scholars, this would fit in well with the fact that the poem under discussion also agrees in certain points of style and diction with the poetical Gupta Prasastis available so far, such as Hariṣena's Allahabad Pillar Inscription, the Eran Pillar Inscription, the Udayagiri Cave Inscription, the Meharauli Inscription, the Jūnāgaḍha Rock Inscription and later imitations. There are, e.g., the stereotyped ideas of the eulogized king's fame pervading the universe, or, personified, roaming over the earth111, of the king himself perceived as a god ( Indra )122, or as gaining untold fame by his good qualities123, or as conquering the world by the latter, trespassing on the realm of the gods, as expressed in the following singnificant words:
" गुणजितं लोकं मत्वा नरेन्द्र सुरायसे" ( St. 10 ) 124
This passage, on the other hand, obviously cannot be separated from legends on Gupta coins like the following: ( क ) राजाधिराजः पृथिवीमवित्वा दिवं जयत्यप्रतिवार्यवीर्यः । (Samudragupta )125
(ख) अप्रतिरथो विजित्य क्षितिं सुचरितैर्दिवं जयति ।
(ग) काचो गामवजित्य दिवं कर्मभिरुत्तमैर्जयति ।
143
(Samudragupta )126
(Kacha )127
(a) fafa49facı yakàftå gufa famuifte: 1 (Candragupta, II )128
(ङ) गुणेशो महीतलं जयति कुमार । ( sic ! )

(च) गामवजित्य सुचरितैः कुमारगुप्तो दिवं जयति ।
(Kumāragupta, I )129

(Kumāragupta, I )130

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( 35 ) Hafa farinat TURIST **** **** HESTAR I (sic!)
(Kumāragupta, 1 )131 The parallelism of the wording and idea of these legends with the pertinent passage of the Meharaulī Pillar Inscription has been pointed out by D. Sharma,132 who, on this basis, inferred their contemporaneousness.
The much discussed expression 'anudhyāta', too, used by Siddhasena in St. 13, though in an ironical sense, sounds like an echo from Gupta inscriptions or their imitations133 ( and, for the matter of that, demonstrates ad oculos the fact that the root has retained its transitive meaning in this particular application134).
Another significant parallel between the Guņavacanadvātrimśikā and Gupta remains is the idea of the extremely wanton Śrī, who behaves towards Siddhasena's royal patron in the same capricious way as she does towards inscriptional Gupta rulers 135, and haunts the former's proximity just as fondly as she does that of the Gupta kings of those famous coins136 on which she is so persistently depicted, taking her turn with the respective Pattamahārājñi ( St. 9, 10, 19, 20).
Even leaving details aside, one can scarcely resist the general impression that the whole Dvātriṁśikā appears like a poetic paraphrase of the stereotyped epithets attached to the names of Imperial Gupta rulers from Samudragupta onward in grants and other documents137, such as aprativāryavīrya, sarvarājocchettrī, prthiviyaṁ apratiratha, caturudadhisalilāsvāditayaśas, Dhanadavaruņendrāntakasama, krtāntaparašu, nyāyāgatānekagohiranyakotiprada.
In view of these observations, coupled with the fact that the very policy of Siddhasena's patron, his tolerance, urbanity, liberality, love for learning and rhetoric and his personal proficiency therein, in short the whole atmosphere of cultural refinement surrounding this king, are typical features of the Gupta age, one can

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not help asking whether Siddhasena's patron may not have been one of those great Gupta rulers of India's Golden Age.
7. Who was Siddhasena's Patron ?
To decide this question, it recommends itself to visualise more closely the features which distinguish Siddhasena's patron in the light of the Guņavacanadvātrimśikā. They are as follows : ( A ) Position and Career :
(1) He was the scion of a dynasty of rulers and feudatory lords. ( St. 9)
(2) In the beginning of his reign, he was 'indifferent to the Earth', i.e., he did not undertake campaigns of conquest, and subsequently the prosperity of the country and the royal fortune were not stable. (St. 19 )
(3) At that time, the land was divided among many princes, who fought with one another for its possession, so that the right of property was uncertain and people were troubled. This condition had been prevailing since a considerable time. ( St. 12, 22)
(4) Siddhasena's patron then started a number of victorious campaigns against those princes and conquered their territories. (St. 12-15, 17-18, 23 )
(5) The defeated princes became his vassals, as, instead of humiliating or exploiting them according to the usual procedure, he restituted their principalities to them and even strengthened their position by financial help. ( St. 12, 14 )
( 6 ) Others of the neighbouring rulers he won over by diplomatic tactics with lavish liberality, so that they became his allies. (St. 11 )
(7) In this way, he created a vast empire under his undisputed control, counting crowned kings among his allies or vassals. (St. 7, 10, 11, 12)
(8) Opposition or rebellion he suppressed with a strong hand, and thus made himself feared to such an extent that none of his

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vassals or neighbours dared to stir, and the eventual perpetrator of an insurrection made, himself notorious. (St. 12, 13, 15-17)
(9) By this policy, he led in a long period of peace and prosperity. During this period, the Gunavacanadvātriṁśikā was written.
(10) The prosperity of the empire was great. (St. 2, 6, 7, 10, 19, 20, 21, 27)
(11) The splendour and wealth of the royal court were immense. (St. 21)
(12) His fame was far-reaching ( St. 1-5, 8, 16). It extended even beyond the seas. (St. 6)
(13) He encouraged and took active part in learned discussions on philosophical subjects. (St. 25)
(14) He had sons, whose good breeding is praised. (St. 2) (B) Personality :
(15) He possessed many unusual good qualities, by which his fame was established. (St. 4, 7, 10)
(16) The poet particularly praises his intellect, sagacity, independence of judgement and far-sightedness. (St. 1, 2, 23) (17) He was lavishly liberal. (St. 5, 6, 11, 14) (18) His manners were cultured. (St. 2)
(19) He was keen on conquest, personally skilful at arms and brave in battle. (St. 2, 18, 23)
(20) His great kind-heartedness, urbanity and politeness are repeatedly praised (St. 2, 9, 24). They were so outspoken as to provoke the poet's sarcasm, as is evident from St. 9.
(21) He was so erudite and fond of learning that Siddhasena could hope to gain his favour by as intricately difficult a piece of poetry as the Dvātriṁśkikā under discussion, which he must have been able to appreciate. Not only this, but his proficiency in philosophy must have been of such a high standard that he could personally defeat the learned and ambitious disputants of his

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assemblies, one of whom was the most famous of the Jaina logicians of all times. (St. 25)
(22) He was a great orator. (St. 25 )
( 23 ) The ideas of Hindu mythology which the poet resorts to repeatedly (vide his reference to Śrī Lakṣmī in St. 6, 9, 10, 19, 20, to the divine trinity of Śiva-Viṣṇu-Brahmā, or rather, in the poet's own words, to Maheśvara-Acyuta-Vidhātrī in St. 27, to the Viṣṇupada in St. 18, and to the Kali and Kṛta Yugas in St. 27: all ideas foreign to Jainism ), applying them in the very middle of pronounced Jinistic notions, can only be understood and justified under the assumption that the Jaina poet addresses himself to a Hindu patron.
( 24 ) That Siddhasena's patron, being a Hindu king, must have been distinguished by unusual broad-mindedness, religious tolerance and humaneness, can be inferred from the fact that he did not only allow the Jaina Sadhu to defend his heterodox faith and philosophy, but even to attack Hindu philosophy, and mock, with bold satire, at the most sacred idea cherished by the majority of Hindu Darśanas, viz., that of a personal Almighty Creator (St. 25 ). It seems that, like Akbar the Great, this unusual monarch found pleasure in seeing God and the world viewed from all the various standpoints which the learned disputants of his assemblies must have severally represented and defended with eloquent ardour.
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( 25 ) At the time of the composition of the poem, the king seems to have been looking back on a long reign of peace and prosperity, following his victorious campaigns, and, consequently, he was in all probability of advanced age himself. (St. 5, 20, 26, 27) (26) His personality and achievements were high above the ordinary, making him appear as a kind of super-man, glorified by poetical apotheosis. (St. 10, 21, 23)
When comparing these points with what is known so far re the history and personalities of the individual Gupta rulers, it seems that they could not refer to Candragupta I, whose reign was neither distinguished by extensive campaigns and conquests in grand style,

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nor by a long and glorious peace, nor by a fame which transcended the oceans, and of whom no extraordinary personal achievements or merits are reported138.
Skandagupta might be thought of, especially since it is he whose deeds Somadeva sings in his Kathāsaritsāgara139 under the names of Vişamaśīla and Vikramāditya and who would appear a hero worthy of the eulogies of a Siddhasena Divākara140 ! One might believe the name of Vişamaśīla to be indirectly reflected in St. 12 of the Gunavacanadvātrimśikā, where the poet contrasts his patron with the other princes, characterizing the latter ironically as bhadraśīla. Besides, the title of Vikramāditya would well suit the tradition of the Jaina Prabandhas and Pattāvalis, which connect Siddhasena persistently with a Vikramāditya, and would also be in conformity with St. 24 of the Dvātriṁśikā, if taken as an indication that Siddhasena's patron did possess a title containing a synonym for ‘sun'. Yet Skandagupta, too, must be ruled out on account of the shortness of his reign, the deterioration of the finances of the Gupta Emprire which characterized his later years, and his having no sons worthy to succed him41
Appellations like 'Indra', 'Mahendra', 'Maghavan', which Siddhasena frequently applies to his patron, as well as the word 'Candra' or its synonym 'Indu', if interpreted as paranomasia, might be looked upon as references to Kumāragupta I who, a great conqueror and a ruler of many years standing, bore the title of ‘Mahendrāditya’ and is also sometimes designated as 'Candra' on his coins. Besides, some of his coins bear the legend of ‘Vikramāditya', too. These arguments, however, are not sufficient to prove anything by their own strength. They are, on the contrary, invalidated by the fact that the political conditions which Siddhasena describes as having prevailed at the beginning of his patron's reign, viz., the earth being troubled by incessant wars waged by numerous petty princes with one another and the prosperity of the land and the wealth of the king being unstable, do not apply to this ruler at all,

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who, from his ancestors, inherited a huge consolidated empire abounding in prosperity.
This latter argument obviously also excludes the later Gupta rulers, none of whom can be said to have accomplished the grand feat attributed by Siddhasena to his patron, viz., of having created an empire out of a chaos of small principalities.
There is some temptation, though, to argue that perhaps Siddhasena might after all have exaggerated the deeds and merits of his patron, as is usual with authours of eulogies, and that the expression 'Harir iti' might be a direct clue to the latter's name, which could easily have been 'Harigupta', and refer to one of the later Guptas, known from a solitary copper coin142 recently discussed by Ācārya Jinavijaya143. The temptation lies in the fact that Acārya Jinavijaya has tried to identify this Harigupta of the coin with a Jainācārya Harigupta ( 'Hariutta' ), who is mentioned in Uddyotanasūri's Kuvalayamālā as one of the author's spiritual ancestors and specified as belonging to the Gupta family and being the Guru of "Torarāya' of Pavvaiya ( on the Candrabhāgā River )144. This Srāvaka king Harigupta, imagined to have renounced the world later in life and become Ācārya Harigupta, has already been assimilated by recent Jaina Historiography.145 Still, his existence can scarcely be said to be sufficiently established, as
(a) the pitcher with flowers depicted on the reverse of Harigupta's coin does not prove beyond doubt that Harigupta was a Jaina,
(b) he may not have been a king at all, but something like a provincial Governor14, and
(c)even if he was a Śrāvaka king, he would not be likely to be identical with the Ācārya of the Kuvalayamālā, as Uddyotanasūri does not say anything about the latter's having been of royal rank: a feature which he would most naturally have mentioned, had there been any such foundation for such a statement.
Again, even if the Harigupta of the coin could be proved to

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have been a Jaina king and identical with Acārya Harigupta, still he could not be the object of Siddhasena's eulogy, because
(a) as has already been pointed out, Siddhasena, obviously addresses himself to a Hindu king, and
(b) in view of the religious zeal and sincerity of conviction and feeling which hide themselves behind Siddhasena's satire and in view of the learned monk's station in life, the integrity of his person and purpose, as well as his responsible and representative position in the philosophical and religious literature of his time, he cannot be presumed to have exaggerated or distorted facts so grossly as to invent those unique deeds ascribed to his patron and thus to have falsified history to an extent unallowed even to a secular eulogist. Taking therefore Siddhasena's description as genuine Vṛttetivṛtta, his Dvātrimśikā cannot possibly be addressed to some obscure Harigupta of the time of the decline and fall of the Gupta Empire.
Therefore the appellation 'Hari' must be understood as a mere synonym for 'Indra', used in the conventional sense147.
Thus, the choice narrows itself down to the two greatest and most renowned of the Gupta rulers Samudragupta and Candragupta II. Both great conquerors and ingenious rulers, who, after victorious campaigns, reigned over a vast and prosperous empire for long periods of glorious peace, both eulogized for personal valour, both patrons of poetry and learning, both munificent and of generally acknowledged broad-mindedness and tolerance148, and both adorned with the title of 'Vikramaditya'. So far as Samudragupta is concerned, this latter fact (though, of course, the epithets 'Parākrama' and 'Vyāghraparakrama',149 ‘Parākramānka'150 and 'Vikramānka' were known before as applied to him) was ingeniously inferred by V. A. Smith long ago, but has actually been established only recently by the discovery of a coin of this ruler at Bamṇālā in Indore State bearing this very legend 152. It is obvious that this discovery will necessitate a re-examination of the literary references to
,"151

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‘Vikramāditya', a number of which might now have to be apportioned to the brilliant and accomplished Samudragupta, thus detracting from the glory of his son !
To decide whether either of these two rulers could have been addressed by Siddhasena Divākara, the following will have to be considered :
(1) According to recent researches153, Samudragupta's empire was shaken by insurrections on the latter's death. On that occasion certain tribes, hitherto allied ( Khaśas or Śakas : it is still disputed ), started to menace the northern borders. Samudragupta's immediate successor, Rāmagupta, cowardly tried to purchase peace from them by surrendering his queen Dhruvadevī. Rāmagupta's brother Candragupta, however, saved both queen and empire by a bold coup and took the reins of affairs in his own hand, becoming himself emperor and Dhruvadevī's husband. Even if the historical truth of these events, which have been inferred from later literature, might be questioned, in any case it is certain from epigraphic evidence that Candragupta II did subdue a number of enemies and strengthened and enlarged the empire taken over by him.
And there's the rub': for the very fact that he actually did take over an empire, no matter how and in what condition, would not allow the following passage of the Guņavacanadvātrimśikā to be applied to him : एकेयं वसुधा बहूनि दिवसान्यासीद् बहूनां प्रिया
वस्यान्योन्यसुखाः कथं नरपते ते भद्रशीला नृपाः । ईर्ष्यामत्सरितेन साद्य भवतैवात्माङ्कमारोपिता
hotrocifrenifancutituitarra 1187.11 This stanza clearly suggests that at the beginning of the reign of the patron there was no consolidated empire, nor had there been one before, that numerous small rival principalities, constantly at war with one another, occupied its place, and that it was he who created the empire by their unification.

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Still more explicit is the following passage : यदा तावद् गर्भे त्वमथ सकलश्रीर्वसुमती
f IRT **** **** **** **** *** 11 33. !! which makes it clear that the pre-empire stage existed even at the time of the birth of the hero. It could not therefore refer to Candragupta, at the time of whose birth his illustrious father Samudragupta must have been in the prime of his life and his glorious career of conquest in full progress, heralding, even at that stage, the fact that the earth 'belonged' to him.
As it would, moreover, appear that Candragupta had to fight from his very accession, not only this, but that he probably gained the throne only after successfully fighting the Khasas or Śakas, the following words, too, could not be applied to him :
**** **** **** fefafa946) A sikeferita सैवान्यप्रीतिदानात्तव भुजवलयान्तःपुरप्राप्तमाना
मुवी दृष्ट्वा यथावत्सलघु सुचरिता हारसख्यं करोति ।। १९ ॥ For they state that in the beginning, when the hero was indifferent towards the Earth, i.e., before he started on his campaigns of conquest, his prosperity was unstable. This could certainly not be said with regard to the heir to the proverbial wealth accumulated by Samudragupta during his many successful wars.
All these passages, however, excellently suit Samudragupta himself, who having inherited a small kingdom of limited resources developed it into the glorious Gupta Empire with its vast extension and fabulous wealth, and this by his won initiative and genius.
(2) Besides, notwithstanding Candragupta II's achievements in war and peace, this prince does not seem to lend himself well as an object to the unrestrained praise and actual admiration of an austere and stern person like a Jaina Sadhu, and this not an ordinary Jaina Sädhu to boot, but an eminent and representative champion of truth like Siddhasena Divākara. For Candragupta II, though he had saved the empire from threatening disintegration and

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earned praise for this deed154, also met with disapproval re the moral aspect of his actions and acquired an odious reputation, which survived, side by side with his fame, for many centuries. Thus in the Cambay and Sāngli Plates 155, his name finds itself quoted, to show off, by the contrast of his evil example, the merits of some later ruler. He is, in undisguised terms, accused of 'cruelty towards his elder brother, adultery committed with his brother's wife and other evil deeds'. The Sanjan Copper-Plates Grant carries the accusations against him even further, by directly inculpating him with having murdered his brother, usurped throne and queen and acquired a false reputation for liberality by fraudulent transactions of enormous extent (literally : by causing 'crores' to be written instead of 'lacs').
A reflection of this stain on Candragupta's character may perhaps be seen in the fact that contemporaneous records, so far as available today, never praise this ruler for moral qualities, except that his Foreign Minister Vīrasena, who accompanied him on a campaign and, en route, dedicated a cave to Siva, calls him, in the pertinent inscription, Rājādhirājarși157. In fact, the way how, e.g., in the Sāñci Stone Inscription 158 a whole bunch of epithets denoting excellent moral qualities is attached to the Sangha, while the king's name stands unadorned, is illustrative.
Samudragupta's records, in sharp contrast, are full of glowing testimonies to his admirable character, his great moral qualities, and his interest in serious questions of a religious or philosophical nature. Thus, Harişeņa praises his self-control ( praśama ) 159 as well as the "overflow of the multitudes of his good qualities, adorned by hundreds of noble deeds, which sweeps the fame of other princes down to the soles of their feet ( sucaritasatălankstānekagunaganotsiktibhiścaraṇatalapramţstānayanarapatikīrti ), says that his metal serenity made him fit company for the wise (prajñānuşangocitasukhamanas161 ), that his heart was so soft that he could be won over by mere devotion and submission, and that he was full of mercy ( 'bhaktyavanatimātragrāhyamrduhrdaya' and 'anukampā

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vať 162), that he was so just as to be a cause of rise for the good and of ruin for the wicked (sādhvasādhūdayapralayahetul63), that his mind was continuously engaged in the uplift of the miserable, the poor, the unprotected and the afflicted ( krpanadīnānāthāturajanoddharaṇamantradīksābhyupagatamanas164), that many a wonderful self-less action done by him deserved to be praised for a long time ( sucirastotavyānekādbhūtodāracarita165 ), and that he was "a flaming embodiment of the spirit of public good ( samiddhasya vigrahavato lokānugrahasya166 )". He also calls him the building of the wall of religion ( dharmaprācīrabandha/67), a master of the true meanings of the scriptures ( śāstratattvārthabhart,168 ), praises his learning which pierces the essential nature of things ( vaidusyam tattvabhedi169 ) and refers to him as the only object worthy of the contemplation of those who know to appreciate excellent qualities and discernment ( guṇamatividușāṁ dhyānapātrar ya ekaḥ170 ).
Thus there can be no doubt that in view of the moral qualities, too, which the Guņavacanadvātrimśikā refers to, Samudragupta is a suitable object of Siddhasena's eulogy.
(3) The impression that the Guņavacanadvātrimśikā might be addressed to Samudragupta is further strengthened by the fact that in other respects, too, Harişeņa's Prasasti, supplemented by the Eran Pillar Inscription, ascribes to Samudragupta, with most striking concurrence, exactly the same charactreristic features and deeds as Siddhasena praises in his patron, such as :
(a) Descent from dynasty of kings171, = Point 1 (supra). (b) Numerous principalities existing172, = Point 3. (c) Victorious campaigns led against the latter,173 = Point 4.
(d) Defeated princes become vassals, their lands being restored to them74, = Point 5.
(e) Alliances by diplomatic transactions with neighbours, some of them kings175, = Point 6.
(f) Creation of consolidated empire176, = Point 7. (g) Strict rule'77, = Point 8.

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(h) Great prosperity17, = Point 10. (i) Fame transgressing the oceans 179, = Point 12. (j)Love for learning and philosophy180, = Point 13. (k) Having sons181, = Point 14.
(1) His excellent qualities, surpassing those of all other rulers, are the cause of his fame182, = Point 15.
(m) Sagacity 183, = Point 16. (n ) Liberality184, = Point 17. (0) Skill at arms and valour185, = Point 19. (p) Outspoken kindness of heart186, = Point 20. (9) Profound erudition 187, = Point 21. (r) Being a Hindu188, = Point 23. (s) Super-man189, = Point 26.
If Harişeņa ( leaving aside the Eran Pillar Inscription, as it is anyhow incomplete ) does not mention the period of continued peace and prosperity to which Siddhasena so emphatically refers, this may be due to the fact that Harişeņa's Prasasti was probably composed at a time when Samudragupta's campaigns either had just come to an end or were still in progress ( an assumption which is also corroborated by the much commented-upon absence of any allusion therein to the Aśvamedha performed by that ruler ). Siddhasena, on the other hand, appears to have written his Dvātrimśikā suggested. ( For him, as a Jaina Sādhu, the absence of any allusion to the Aśvamedha is only natural.)
The beautiful characterization of Samudragupta as “a lord, super-man, severe, ever vigilant, mindful about himself”, found in the Buddhist Mañjuśrīmālakalpa190, likewise covers a number of the characteristics of Siddhasena's patron".
( 4 ) It may be argued that the above considerations are of too general a nature to allow of the definite conclusion that none but Samudragupta can be the object of the Guņavacanadvātrimśikā. To meet this objection, an additional argument can be adduced in support of that proposition. This is the fact that Siddhasena's poem

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seems to be interwoven with allusions to contemporaneous events and persons, disguised by paranomasia, and therefore difficult to recognize for a reader remote in time and circumstances, but probably easily understood and readily enjoyed by the circle in which the poet moved.
It has already been seen that the poem is full of double entendre and that many of its words are iridescent with variegated meanings, challenging the reader's imagination to follow the poet into the intricacies of his fancy. When he, e.g., uses the word 'guna', he often leaves it to the reader to find out whether 'virtues' are referred to, or the attributes' of Logic, or both; or when he calls his hero's Fame ‘aprameya'( St. 6), he keeps him wondering whether this adjective is used in the conventional sense of 'immeasurable', or the special one of ‘not to be proved' which it has as a logical term, or both; or when he speaks of the king's 'naya', it may be simply ‘maxims', or the 'stand-points' of Jaina Logic, or more likely both.
When proper nouns are concerned, the decision is even more difficult, as there is the danger of hitting beyond the mark and inferring meanings of which the poet never thought ! How is, for instance, the modern reader to decide whether or not the word ‘Satyabhāmā' ( St. 9) is meant to imply an allusion to the Empress Dattadevī, whose portrait appears on some of Samudragupta's coins, alternating with that of Śrī-Lakşmi whose co-wife she can be called with fullest justification 2192
How to decide whether or not the expression ‘Ādyapuruṣa' (St. 23 ), which may refer either to Vişnu or to the first Tīrthankara Rşabhanātha, simultaneously also implies an allusion to the 'Adirāja' or certain Gupta records, i.e., to Ghatotkaca, the 'Ancestor' of the Gupta Emperors ?193
It is still more uncertain whether or not King Hastivarman of Vengi, or perhaps Vyāghrarāja of Mahākāntāra whom Samudragupta defeated194, or both, are in Siddhasena's mind, when he speaks of those 'bhujaparighaparispandadęptair narendraiḥ.... mrga

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patipatibhiḥ', contrasting their policy of barbaric destruction with his patron's wise practice of restitution and reconciliation (St. 14)! Nor would it be safe to say that Visnugopa of Kāñci hides himself behind the expression 'gopālavat' (St. 12), used with such broad irony that this defeated adversary of Samudragupta's cannot escape from being recalled by the reader195.
157
The same holds good for Maheśvara and Acyuta ( St. 27 ), names which forcibly must have reminded the contemporary reader of Rudradeva and Acyuta, those two kings of Aryavarta who, according to Harisena,' were eradicated by Samudragupta: Acyuta being mentioned by the former even twice, as it appears that he was defeated by the Emperor's own arm in personal combat !
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It cannot, however, be denied that the Guṇavacanadvātrimśikā contains at least one clear and unambiguous reference to Samudragupta's history, viz., the words "lalaniyatvadājñā Mahendrādīnāṁ yadguṇaparitulanādurvinītā guņās te❞ ( St. 7). Obviously this passage would not be creditable to Siddhasena's poetic genius, were the word 'Mahendra' merely to be taken in its conventional sense of 'Indra-like ruler', as this meaning would be neutralized by the following 'adi' and thus become pointless and poetically insipid. It is therefore necessary to understand it as a proper name, in which function it can only refer to King Mahendra of Kośala, mentioned by Harisena as 'Kauśalakamahendra', the first in the group of kings of Dakṣinapatha recorded to have been defeated by Samudragupta' during his southern campaign. Only if taken in this sense, the passage reads like true poetry, deprecatingly summing up Mahendra and those other princes as an inferior crowd, whose qualities are so negligible that Samudragupta's Qualities, measuring themselves with them, get out of control with exultation at their own superiority! The conventional meaning of 'Mahendra' is not completely lost either, as now it puts a high-light of irony on the whole expression.
If it is admitted that all this evidence allows of the

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conclusion that Siddhasena did address his Gunavacanadvātrimśikā to Samudragupta, it is a question of minor importance whether or not the word 'Candra' or its synonyms occurring therein are meant to be taken as references to Prince Candragupta, the later Emperor Candragupta II. If, as has already been hinted at, the poem was written during the last years of Samudragupta's reign, Kumāra Candragupta must then have been in the prime of his life, and his proverbial valour must have made him conspicuous even then in the military enterprises of his illustrious father. On the other hand, it is not improbable that they may refer to Samudragupta himself, who, according to V. A. Smith198, “in his youth must have borne the titles of both Candraprakāśa ( -prabhāva ) and Bālāditya or Parāditya.”
Just as doubtful it is whether the comparison of the hero's splendour with that of the sun (St. 24 ) is meant to imply an allusion to the title of Vikramāditya.
8. Conclusion From the whole atmosphere which the Guņavacanadvātrimśikā, supplemented by epigraphical records, depicts as surrounding the poet and his illustrious patron, one cannot help inferring that the above referred-to episodes which the Prabandhas and Kathānakas have handed down re Siddhasena and Vikrama do reflect a good amount of historical truth, with Siddhasena's 'disciple' Vikrama safely identified as Samudragupta !
Thus the boldness, the profound erudition and independence of mental outlook which Siddhasena displays in his poem make it easy to understand how he could make to his co-religionists the unheard-of proposal to translate the Jaina canon into Samskrta, the honoured language of the Gupta Court, whose Golden Age was led in by his patron Samudragupta, known to have been a Saṁskṛta poet himself. On the other hand, the zeal for his religion which he betrays makes one understand how, ex-communicated by way of expiation for this 'offence', he made good by serving his beloved religion in his own way, viz., by enlisting the interest of the greatest

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of the Gupta rulers for the Jaina Faith to such an extent that the Emperor, again true to the picture which both Siddhasena and Harişeņa have given of his fairness, great-heartedness and generosity, restituted to the Jainas the Kudangeśvara Temple which had formerly been a Jaina temple199, allowed them to erect Tīrthankara temples where they pleased and accorded substantial grants and other concessions to places of Jaina worship. And who knows to what extent that great monarch, merciful and philosophically inclined as he was, may have not been attracted by Jaina doctrines, for whom a more eloquent and enthusiastic exponent than Siddhasena can scarcely be imagined !
That other well-known episode of the 'Four Slokas' referred to above, representing poet and patron as bandying Samsksta verses a la impromptu, likewise fits in well with the characteristics of both, supplied by the Dvātrimśikā and epigraphical records.
The story, too, that Siddhasena temporarily became somewhat lax in his habits, dazzled by court-life and royal favour, and had to be brought back to the fold of rigid monastic discipline by his old Guru, may be a reflection of the honours which the poet must have enjoyed at the court of his patron, though, it is true, the Prabandhas do not connect this episode with Vikrama's name.
It is not unlikely either that Siddhasena, as the Prabhāvakacarita ( 1.1., p. 60, St. 164 ff.) relates, did visit King Dhanañjaya of Broach, if this king could be proved to be identical with King Dhananjaya of Kusthalapura, who, according to Harişeņa, was defeated by Samudragupta in the course of his southern campaign. This would, however, presuppose Kusthalapura, a mysterious name to epigraphists as yet, to be identical with Broach, and the latter to be counted as situated in the Daksiņāpatha : assertions which, however, it is not intended to advocate here.
If thus all the above observations combine in proclaiming that Siddhasena Divākara flourished during the reign of Samudragupta, and that most likely during his later years, it can moreover be

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concluded that he must have lived down into the reign of Candragupta II. For though Samudragupa, as has been pointed out before, is now included in the number of those rulers who bore the appellation of Vikramāditya, and though, therefore, it is yet to be decided which of the literary references to Vikramāditya, ascribed to Candragupta, actually point to that ruler, and which to his brilliant father, still the fame of the ‘Sakāri' will probably remain on the shoulders of Candragupta II. Therefore, the nine gems, too, would remain connected with the latter, and it would appear that Siddhasena, though he addressed the Guņavacanadvātrimśikā to Samudragupta, was also conspicuous at the court of Candragupta II as the Ksapanaka-Śrutasena mentioned in the Jyotirvidābharaṇa. Later on, legend obviously mixed up the several features of the two Gupta ‘Vikramādityas', welding them into the figure of one single monarch, who, from a tolerant and philosophically inclined ruler, who favoured and patronized the famous Jaina logician and probably liked to hear Jaina Philosophy expounded alongwith the Six Hindu Darśanas, gradually became a Śrāvaka King in the light of Jaina Tradition.
Not only this much, but this king seems gradually also to have become invested with the title of 'Samvatsara-pravartaka', being made responsible for the introduction of the ‘VikramaSamvat'. This presupposed the feat of projecting this ‘Vikramāditya', and with him his 'Guru', back by several centuries, so as to enable their existence in 56 B.C., which ( vide the second chapter of this paper ) the Prabandhas and Pattāvalīs report, fusing this already synthetic 'Vikramāditya' with the assumed mysterious prototype of all the numerous ‘Vikramādityas', 'Sakāris' and 'Samvatsarapravartakas' of the ensuing ages, viz., the genuine founder of the ‘Vikrama-Sasvat’, thus leaving philologists and historians, in Siddhasena's words, paraṁ vyaṁsitāḥ!
And yet, who can say whether Siddhasena's patron Samudragupta was not indeed a 'Samvatsara-pravartaka', only not

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with regard to the ‘Vikrama Era’, but to the much discussed 'Gupta Era 2017 Referring to the Nālandā and Gayā Copper-plates of Samudragupta, D. C. Sircar says : "If however it may be assumed that this charter and No. 5, infra, were forged to make up the loss of genuine charters of Samudragupta dated in year 5 and year 9, it should be suggested that the Gupta Era began from the 1st year of this king”212. As R. C. Majumdar has recently shown203 that these charters are indeed most probably exact copies of spoilt originals, this latter assumption would be a fact. Therefore, St. 27 of the Guņavacanadvātrimśikā might be taken as a most significant reflection of this important historical event !
In this paper, it has been attempted to disentangle, out of the jumble of the three heterogeneous : ‘Vikramādityas' which the tradition of the Jainas presents, at least those two bearers of that title who functioned as the patrons of Siddhasena Divākara. It seems a thankless task to try to say anything new re the third one, the ‘Vikramāditya' kat'exochen, on the basis of the expedients available so far, since, after deducting these two Gupta Vikramādityas, it is only a dreary skeleton what remains of the much discussed ‘Vikramāditya' of the Jainas, alleged contemporary of Kālakācārya and dislodger of the ‘Sāhāņusāhis' whom the latter Ācārya had piloted to Gardabhilla's capital Ujjayinī from far-off 'Sakakula 204 : it is not much more than a name, which, though sanctified by a hoary tradition, no scholarly acumen has been able to bring to life up-to this day! It is just possible that excavations undertaken on the site of ancient Ujjayini may some day perform the miracle : yet who would a priori guarantee even their success 2205
References 1. In some texts, somewhat deviating figures are found : vide
infra. 2. महाकविश्रीकालिदासविरचितं ज्योतिर्विदाभरणम् भावरत्नविरचितसुखबोधिका
HHS4, Published by Nārāyaṇaśarmana ( Bombay, 1908 ).

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3. Vide M. Winternitz : A History of Indian Literature, Vol. II
( Calcutta, 1933 ), p. 477, Note : Krishnamachariar : A History of Classical Saṁskrta Literature ( Madras, 1937), p. 87ff. and 110ff.; Jugal Kishor Mukhtar : Fanat 147795
(Bombay, 1925 ), p. 133ff. 4. Vide Pt. Haragovind Das T. Sheth : Pāia-Sadda-Mahaņņavo
( Calcutta, 1928 ), s. v. 'khavaņaya'. 5. Pattāvalisamuccaya, ed. by Muni Darśanavijaya, I, 1933, p.
26, St. 14. 6. 1. 1., p. 50, St. 9, Vţtti. 7. Vide J. Mukhtar, 1.1., p. 140. 8. Vide J. Mukhtar, 1.1., p. 141. 9. Nirnayasāgara Press Edition, 1924, p. 109. 10. Vide Satishchandra Vidyabhushana : A History of Indian
Logic, ( Calcutta, 1921 ), p. 173. 11. Fifth Tantra, Story of the 'Golden Man”. 12. Edition of Telang, p. 210ff. and p. 219ff. of the text; vide
also p. 17 of the Introduction. 13. Details vide infra. 14. Vide Aufrecht's Catalogus Catalogorum, s.v. 'Kșapaņaka'. 15. Vide Commentary to Stanza 9, 1.1. 16. Vide Aufrecht, 1.1., s.v. ‘Siddhasena'. 17. E.g., Prabhācandrācārya's Prabhāvakacarita, ed. by Jinavijaya
Muni ( Singhi Jaina Series No. 13, 1940 ), p. 58, St. 121ff.; Merutungācārya's Prabandhacintāmaņi ( ibidem No. 1), p. 7, Note ( Version 'D' ); Rājasekharasūri's Prabandhakośa ( ibidem No. 6), p. 20, para 26; Sanghatilakasūri's Samyaktvasaptatikā-vrtti ( Devachandra Lalabhai Pustakoddhara No. 35 ), p. 139ff., Subhaśīlagani's Vikrama-caritra ( ed. Pandita Bhagavānadāsa, Samvat 1996 ), p. 63, St. 135 ff.; Vijayalaksmīsūri's Upadeśaprāsāda ( Rājanagara, 1938 ), p. 61ff. Bhāvaratna, too, was a Svetāmbara Jaina Sādhu.

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18. Prabhāvakacarita, 1.1., p. 59, St. 130ff.; Prabandhacintamani,
Version 'D', 1.1., p. 7, Note; Prabandhakośa, 1.1., p. 18, Para 26; Jinaprabhasūri : Vividhatirthakalpa ( Singhi Jaina Series No. 10 ), p. 88f.; Prabandhacintāmaņi-sambaddha Purātana Prabandha-Sangraha ( Singhi Jaina Series, No. 2 ), p. 10, Para 15; Tapācārya : Kalyāṇamandirastotra-tīkā ( vide R. B. Hiralal : Catalogue of Saṁsksta and Prāksta Manuscripts in the C.P. and Berar, Nagpur, 1926, p. XII ff.); Samyaktvasaptaţikā-vrtti, 1.1., p. 139ff.; Subhaśīla : Vikrama-caritra, 1.1.,
p. 95, St. 1ff.; Upadeśaprāsāda, 1.1., p. 60ff. 19. In the Vikrama Two Millennium Commemoration Volume
fashionfruie in Hindi under publication by the Gwalior
Government. 20. Prabhāvakacarita, 1.1., p. 55, St. 61; Prabandhacintamani,
1.1., p. 7; Prabandhakośa, 1.1., p. 16, Para 24; Vividhatīrthakalpa, 1.1., p. 89; Samyaktvasaptatikā-vítti, 1.1., p. 139ff.; Purātana-prabandha-sangraha, 1.1., p. 117, Para 263; Subhaśīla : Vikramacaritra, 1.1., p. 63, St. 119ff.; Upadeśaprāsāda, 1.1., p. 59ff.; Bhadreśvara : Kathāvali, as quoted by L. Gandhi in the 'Introduction to his edition of Apabhraíśa
kāvyatrayi (G. O. S. No. 37 ), p. 74, Note 1. 21. Probably identical with 'Onkaranātha', which Nundo Lal De
in The Geographical Dictionary of Ancient and Medieval India ( Calcutta Oriental Series, 1927 ), p. 142, states to be the same as ancient Māhismati or Māndhātā, situated on an island in the Narmadā, 32 miles n. w. of Khandwa, and representing the oldest of the Śiva temples and one of the great
lingas of Mahādeva. 22. Prabandhakośa, 1.1., p. 19, Para 27; Samyaktvasaptatikā-vrtti,
1.1., p. 139ff. ( the name is here mis-spelt as 'Cunkārapura' ); Subhaśīla : Vikramacaritra, 1.1., p. 63, St. 131 ff.; Upadeśaprāsāda, 1.1., p. 61; without referring to the above episode, Jinaprabhasūri in his Vividhatirthakalpa, 1.1., p. 86, mentions,

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in other connection, a temple of the Sahasraphanin Pārsvanātha’, located on the ‘Onkāraparvata’; the Upadeśaprāsāda
too refers to the above temple as to a Pārsvanātha temple. 23. Prabandhacintāmaņi, 1.1., p. 8 and p. 78; Prabandhakośa,
1.1., p. 17, Para 24; Vividhatirthakalpa, 1.1., p. 89; Purātana
Prabandha-Sangraha, 1.1., p. 123, p. 38. 24. Vide my above referred to article for details. 25. 1.1., p. 43, St. 77. 26. Vidhikaumudi ( Jaina Atmananda Sabha ), Sam. 1974, p. 165
ff.; Astāhnikavyākhyāna ( Ibid., Saṁ. 1860 ), p. 7. 27. Śri Satruñjaya-Mahātirthādi-Yātrā- Vicāra ( Bhavanagar, Sam.
1985), p. 193 ff. 28. Vide Gujarati translation, published by the Jaina Dharma Pra
saraka Sabha, Bombay, Sam. 1956, p. 488. Though this work claims to have been composed in Sam. 477 ( 1.1., p. 498 ), the vaticinatio post eventum re King Kumārapāla contained
therein illustrates its real age clearly enough. 29. Some further literature is given in M. D. Desai's Short His
tory of Jaina Literature ( Bombay, 1933 ), Paras 150 ff., 683, 899, and Note 524; vide also Sanmatitarka edited by Pt. S. Sanghavi and Pt. B. Doshi ( Śrī Jaina Śvetāmbara Education
Board, Bombay, 1939 ), Introduction. 30. Jñānārņava, No. 9, p. 65. 31. 1.1., No. 8, p. 60. 32. Brihajjinavāṇīsangraha No. 57, p. 158, St. 7. 33. 1.1., p. 156, St. 23. 34. Prabhāvakacarita 1278 A.D., Prabandhacintāmani 1305 A.D.,
Vividhatirthakalpa 1333 A.D., Prabandhakośa 1451 A.D., Samyaktvasaptatikā-vrtti 1366 A.D., Subhasila's Vikramacaritra 1443 A.D., Vidhikaumudi 1450 A.D., Dharmaghosa
sūri's death 1301 A.D., Upadeśaprāsāda 1787 A.D. 35. Pattāvalīsamuccaya, edited by Muni Darśanavijaya, Viram

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gam, 1933 A.D., p. 17; re its time of composition, vide last Note.
36. 1.1., p. 150; composed 1683 A. D.
37. 1.1., p. 166.
38. Kharataragaccha-Paṭṭāvalī-Sangraha, compiled by Śrī Jinavijaya (Calcutta, 1932 ), p. 2ff., composed 1528 A.D.
39. 1.1., p. 9 and p. 18.
40. Quoted by Kalyāṇavijaya in Viranirvāņa aur Jaina-kālagaṇanā (Nagari Pracharini Patrika, Vols. 10-11 ), p. 65, Note. 41. The pertinent passage is quoted from Peterson's Third Report by Satishchandra Vidyabhushana in his History of Indian Logic (Calcutta, 1921 ), p. 173. Pradyumnasūri flourished in the first half of the 13th century.
165
42. Satishchandra Vidyabhushana seems to be unaware that the years are counted from Mahāvīra's Nirvana, as he quotes this passage in support of his theory that Siddhasena and the other 'Gems' were contemporary with Yasodharman !
43. Professor G. Buhler's The Life of Hemacandra, translated by M. Patel (Singhi Jaina Series, No. 11 ).
44. Prabhavakacarita, Prabandhakośa, Tapācārya's Kalyāṇamandira-stotra-ṭīkā, Samyaktva-saptatikā-vṛtti, Upadeśaprāsāda, 1.1.; some versions have the Prakṛta equivalents of the above names.
45. Vividhatirthakalpa; the particular version of the Prabandhacintamani to which Pt. Sanghavi and Pt. Doshi refer in their Introduction to Sanmatitarka, 1.1.
46. The latter according to the Prabandhacintāmaṇi.
47. The first name is given in the Prabhavakacarita, the second in the Prabandhakośa and the Upadeśaprāsāda, and the third in the Samyaktvasaptatikā-vṛtti.
48. Vide my article referred to above, where these problems have been dealt with in detail.

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49. So all the Prabandhas, the Vividhatīrthakalpa, Dharmasāgara
gani's Tapāgaccha-Pattāvali-sūtra, the Kharataragaccha-Sūri
Paramparā-Prasasti, the Kalyāṇamandirastotra-țīkā, 1.1. 50. So Dharmaghoșasūri's Dusamākāla-samaņasangha-thoyas,
1.1. 51. Thus all the Prabandhas and Kathānakas as well as the Pattā
valis referred to. The only point of difference, viz., the fact that the contemporaneous pontiff, Arya Simhagiri, is in some sources declared to have been the 13th, in others the 12th, and in a third group the 15th after Mahāvīra, is unessential
here. 52. Re Pādalipta and Nāgārjuna vide K. P. Jaiswal : The
Murunda Dynasty and the Date of Pādalipta in Mālavīya Commemoration Volume. Re Nāgahastin vide Muni Kalyāņavijaya, 1.1., p. 125 ff.; he is supposed to have died 676 years after Mahāvīra. Re Arya Khapuța vide Prabhāvakacarita, p.
43, and Muni Kalyāņavijaya, 1.1., p. 105, Note. 53. 1.1., p. 36 and p. 39. 54. Vide Altekar : The Rāştrakūtas and their Times ( Poona,
1934 ), p. 46 f. 55. Vide Altekar, 1.1., p. 45. 56. Prabhāvakacarita, Prabandhakośa, Samyaktvasaptatikā-vrtti,
Upadeśaprāsāda. 57. Vide Pattāvalisamuccaya, 1.1., p. 202. 58. Prabandhacintāmaņi, Purātana-Prabandha-Sangraha. 59. Prabhāvakacarita, 1.1., p. 25, St. 90f. and p. 49, St. 71f.;
Vividhatīrthakalpa, 1.1., p. 88 and p. 39; Satruñjaya
māhātmya 1.1. 60. Prabandhacintāmaņi, 1.1., p. 10; Himavanta-Therāvali quo
ted by Muni Kalyāņavijaya, 1.1., p. 117ff.; a number of references in old Digambara texts are given in the Introduction to

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Satkhandāgama, Vol. I, by H. Jain ( Amraoti, 1939 ), p. 34,
Note 2. 61. Vide the Gāthās quoted by Muni Kalyāņavijaya, 1.1., p. 177. 62. This opinion I have seen represented so far by a single pass
age only, which Pandit Hiralal, Siddhantashastri, Ujjain, found in a Manuscript of the Śri-Vasunandi-Śrāvakācāra of the Digambara Library of Indore ( Fol, 94 ) and which I herewith render with the Shastriji's permission : सत्तरि चउसदजुत्तो जिणकाले विक्कमो हवेइ जम्मो । अट्ठ वरिस बाललीला सोलस वासे भमिए देसे ।। रस पण वासे रज्जं कुणंति मिच्छोपदेशसंजुत्तो । चालीस वरिस जिणवरधम्मं पालीय सुरपयं लहियं ॥ "After 470 years of the Jina-era, Vikrama's birth took place, 8 years lasted his childhood, 16 years he roamed about in the country, 56 years he ruled as an unbeliever, 40 years he lived as a follower of the noble Jaina religion, and then went to Heaven.” Accordingly, Vikrama would have reached an age
of 120 years! 63. Muni Kalyāņavijaya, 1.1., and Șatkhaņdāgama, Introduction,
1.1. 64. Vide supra. 65. Jaina Sāhitya aur Itihāsa, Bombay, 1942. 66. M. D. Desai, 1.1. 67. Premi, 1.1., p. 421, p. 512 and p. 536. This Jinasena was a
disciple of the Vīrasena mentioned below under No. 2. 68. The Şatkhandāgama ( Amraoti, 1939), p. 12 ff., p. 80 and p.
91, as well as p. (53) of the learned Introduction by H. Jain. 69. Premi, 1.1., p. 420 ff. and p. 536. This Jinasena was a disciple
of Kīrtisena and different from the Jinasena of Item No. 1. 70. Vide Haribhadrasūri, Anekāntajayapatākā, ed. by H. R.
Kapadia ( G. 0. S. No. 88 ), Introduction, p. XXVI f.; ŚrīPañca-vastuka-Granthaḥ ( Devachandra-Lalabhai-faina Pusta

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koddhāra No. 69, 1927 ), p. 156; Sanmatitarka, Introduction,
p. 1 ff. 71. I.e., the present 5th sub-period of the running Avasarpiņi or
world period of Degeneration which Jaina dogmatic assumes. 72. Vide N. 2 above; re Mallavādin vide infra, Item 8; Sanmati
tarka, 1.1., p. 10. 73. Sanmatitarka, p. 3, Note 2. 74. Sanmatitarka, p. 3 f. 75. This important item is quoted from a letter of Pt. S. Sanghavi
dated 21st February 1944 : it is hoped that the details will soon be made generally known. Vide also the now antiquated
reference in Sanmatitarka, p. 16 ff. 76. According to Pt. J. Mukhtar, Svāmi Samantabhadra ( Jaina
Grantha Ratnakara Karyalaya, Bombay, 1925 ), p. 196, Samantabhadra would have flourished during the first five
centuries of the Vikrama era. 77. Re Śivakoți vide Bhagavati Ārādhanā ed. by A. N. Upadhye
( Singhi Jaina Series No. 17 ), Bombay, 1943, Introduction, p. 53, as well as N. Premi, 1.1., p. 27 f.: both scholars doubt the identity of this sivakoți with the author of the Bhagavati Ārādhanā, so that his date would remain uncertain. The following Pattavalis mention Samantabhadra as later than Siddhasena; Dharmasāgaragani, Tapāgaccha-Pattāvalisūtra, 1.1., p. 47, Ravivardhanagani, Pattāvalīsāroddhāra, 1.1., p. 151; Anonymous Pattāvali, 1.1., p. 167; Kharataragaccha
Pattāvali No. 2, 1.1., p. 19, etc. 78. M. D. Desai, 1.1., p. 134 ff.; Sanmatitarka, 1.1., p. 10. 79. Premi, 1.1., p. 117; Sanmatitarka, 1.1., p. 10 f.; J. Mukhtar,
1.1., p. 250 ff. 80. Recently, H. D. Velankar, Jinaratnakośa, Poona 1944, p. 146,
has also expressed the opinion that the names referred to are probably those of “well-known Jaina authors who used the

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particular grammatical forms, and not necessarily of old gra
mmarians”. 81. S. K. Dikshit, Candragupta II Sāhasānka, alias Vikramā
ditya, and Nine Jewels (Indian Culture, VI., p. 191 ff. and p. 377 ff. ), interprets the pertinent chronogram of the Pañcasiddhāntikā as Śaka 327 = 405 A.D., which has been refuted by K. M. K. Sharma in his article The Jyotirvidābharaṇa and
the Nine Jewels ( The Poona Orientalist, IV, p. 205 ff.). 82. Vide Sanmatitarka, Introduction, p. 2 and p. 6. 83. Vide Sanmatitarka, Introduction, p. 159. 84. Vide Sarabhai Manilala Navab, ‘Siddhasena Divākara Ācārya
Gaccha Sambandhi ek Ullekha' in Jaina Satya Prakāśa, 7th
year, 1942, p. 433. 85. Dharmasāgaragani, Tapāgaccha-Pattāvali-sūtra, 1.1., p. 48;
Anonymous Pattāvali, 1.1., p. 166; Kharataragaccha-Pattāvali
No. 2, 1.1., p. 18, etc. 86. Prabhāvakacarita, 1.1., p. 54. 87. Ibid., 1.1., p. 61. 88. Samyaktvasaptatikā-vrtti, 1.1., and Upadeśaprāsāda, 1.1. 89. Sanmatitarka, Introduction, p. 42. 90. Introduction to Sanmatitarka, 1.1., p. 11 ff. 91. 5.1.1., p. 15. 92. 6.1.1., p. 17. 93. 1.1., p. IV. 94. In his personal letter referred to already : p. 229, Note 2. 95. At present, the following works of Siddhasena Divākara are
available : (a) 21 of his Dvātrimsad-dvātrimśikā, (b) Nyāyāvatāra, (c) Sanmatitarka, (d) Kalyāṇamanadirastotra : vide
Introduction to Sanmatitarka, 1.1. 96. Vide e.g. Prabhāvakacarita, 1.1., p. 59, St. 142; Vividha
tīrthakalpa, 1.1., p. 88; Prabandhacintāmaņi, Version D, 1.1. p. 7; Prabandhakośa, 1.1., p. 18.

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97. 1.1., p. 156 ff.
98. 'Śrī-Siddhasena-Divākara-kṛta-granthāmāla ( Ekaviṁśati-Dvātrimśikā, Nyāyāvatāra, Sanmatisūtra Mūla )', Śrī-JainaDharma-Prasaraka Sabha, Bhavnagar, Samvat 1965, p. 15 f.
('Bh').
99. (a) 'Dvātrimśad-dvātrimśikā', Manuscript No. 32 of 1880/81 of the Government Manuscripts Library of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, Poona ('P'), undated and without colophon. It contains the first 20 Dvātriṁśikas, including the poem under discussion which occupies Fols. 51a-57a and ends with the sub-colophon - "er-Uत्रिंशिका समाप्ता ॥ छ ॥ " A transcript I obtained through the courtesy of the Curator, Mr. P. K. Gode.
(b) A manuscript, without singnature or number, of the Vijayadharma-Lakṣmi-Jñānamandira of Agra, Belanganj ('A'), which contains the first 21 Dvātrimśikās, and was made available to me through the kindness of my Guru on the field of Jainagama and Old Gujarati studies, Muni Vidyavijaya. Its colophon runs as follows: "I fafa 31916 d १ भौमवासरे श्रीसंवत् १९६१ हस्ताक्षरेण पंडित बालाजी वैद्यस्य || " The poem under discussion has the sub-colophon : “Tवचनद्वात्रिंशिका एकादशोऽध्यायः समाप्ता ॥ " .
100. Vide Stanzas 25 and 28. Here I must acknowledge my obligation to Pt. Hiralal, Siddhantashastri, Ujjain, who, when I discussed the difficult 28th stanza with him, first recognized the allusions to Vaiseṣika Philosophy which it contains.
101. 'Naya', one of the fundamental terms of Jaina Logic, with which Siddhasena has dealt in detail in his Sanmatitarka ( I. 22 ff: p. 26 ff. of the English edition of Pts. Sanghavi and Doshi, Bombay, 1939 ), showing that real truth can only be arrived at by seeing a thing from various standpoints and drawing conclusions from the aggregate, true to the Jaina doctrine of Anekāntavāda or 'Relativity of Truth'.

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102. This passage recalls Sanmatitarka III. 29 ( 1.1., p. 140 ),
where, explaining the Anekāntavāda, the author declares an object to be in motion only with reference to the direction in which it moves and at rest with reference to the other
directions. 103. Obviously Siddhasena differentiates here between yaśas
( rendered by 'Renown') and kirti ( rendered by 'Fame' ), like Viśvanātha Kavirāja in his Sāhityadarpaņa : yaśas being acquired by learning etc. and kirti by the sword, according to the explanation of the commentator Ramacharana Tarkavagisha Bhattacharya ( N.S.P. Edition of 1931, p. 437 f.). The above passage seems to imply that the fame of the great liberality of Siddhasena's patron is the basis of his
general fame. 104. Or, 'unprovable' in the logical sense. 105. This obviously refers to Śrī's avatāra as Rukmiņi. It is not
impossible that Satyabhāmā may cover the name of the royal patron's chief qucen ! This is why I hesitate to accept the ingenious suggestion of Dr. H. R. Diwekar with whom I had the privilege to discuss some points of this poem and who thinks that 'Satyabhāmāsapatnī' may be corrupted out of 'satyamāyāsayanti', 'actually troubling you ( by her offi
ciousness )', which makes excellent sense indeed. 106. The word 'gana' is decidedly not used in the political sense
here. 107. Cp. Umāsvāti, Tattvārthādhigama-Sūtra V. 40 : 'dravyāśrayā
nirguņā gunah' ( Edition of Devchand Lalbhai Jaina Pustakoddhar Fund Series No. 67, 1926, p. 435 ), as well as Kaņāda, Vaišeșika-Darśana, 1.1.16 : "dravyāśrayyaguņavān
.... ....... guņalakṣaṇam”. 108. This is an attack against the idea of Creationistic Causation
( Arambhavāda ) of the Vaiseșika Philosopy : vide ‘A Primer of Indian Logic according to Annambhatta's Tarka-sangraha" by S. Kuppusvami Shastri, Madras, 1932, Part III, p.

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109, which is directly opposed to the Jaina dogma of the eternity of the world and the absence of a Creator and an act
of Creation : vide Sanmatitarka, 1.1, III.32ff. and notes. 109. Vide Vaiseșika-Darsana by Kaņāda Muni ed. by M. G.
Bakre, Bombay, 1913, 7-2-16 (p. 282 ); also A Primer of
Indian Logic, 1.1., Part III, p. 65. 110. Kaņāda, 1.1., 1.1.5, p. 17; Annambhatta, 1.1., Sūtra 3a
(Part II, p. 2). 111. Kaņāda, 1.1., 2.2.21-25, p. 113ff.; Annambhatta, 1.1., Sūtra
3b. 112. Kaņāda, 1.1., 8.2.3 (p. 307 ); Annambhatta, 1.1., Sūtra 2.
Particularly instructive and useful for the understanding of Siddhasena's stratagems is the following annotation of the editor of the Tarkasangraha ( 1.1., p. 15 of Part III ): "It may also be useful to remember here that the conception of substance ( dravya ) as the substratum of qualities and movements is the bed-rock of the realism of Nyāya; and one has only to show the hollowness of the Nyāya distinctions of substance ( dravya ), quality ( guna ) and movement ( karman or kriyā ), in order to knock off the bottom of the Nyāya realism." This is exactly, what Siddhasena is doing to the Vaiseșika system, with which the Naiyāyika system shares this doctrine. In opposition to this doctrine of the Naiyāyika-Vaiseșika system of the absolute difference between dravya and guņa, as well as that of the Sānkhya system of their absolute identity with each other, Siddhasena has, in his Sanmatitarka ( 1.1.III. 16ff, p. 125ff.) defended the Jaina doctrine of their being neither absolutely different nor absolutely identical, true to the principle of Anekāntavāda. Kaņāda especially groups dravya, guņa, and karman
together as artha. 113. Kanāda 1.1.10 ( 1.1. p. 28 ). 114. Kaņāda, 1.1.30, p. 43.

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115. Kanāda, 5.2.22-24.
116. An allusion to the Arambhavāda of Vaiseṣika Philosophy : cp. also Sanmatitarka, Text p. 30 and p. 152 ff.
117. Kaṇāda 1.1.8, p. 25; also Annaṁbhaṭṭa, Sūtra 3c and III, p. 19ff.
118. Kanāda 7.2.9, p. 275; Annambhaṭṭa III, p. 95, p. 125. 119. Kaṇāda 7.1.22, p. 261; Annambhaṭṭa III, p. 126. 120. Thus for instance, St. I recalls 'mudhaḥ parapratyaya-neyabuddhiḥ' of Malavikāgnimitra ( N. S. P., 1924, p. 3 ); St. 4d the passage ‘śrutau taskaratā sthita' of Raghuvaṁśa I. 27b; St. 9b and 14d, the passage 'āpādapadmapraṇataḥ utkhatapratiropitaḥ' of Raghuvamsa IV.37; St. 17 the passage 'prasasādodayād ambhaḥ Raghor abhibhavāsanki cukṣubhe dviśatām manaḥ' of Raghuvaṁśa IV.21; St. 21 the passage 'mahītalasparśanamātrabhinnaṁ riddhaṁ hi rajyaṁ padaṁ aindram āhuḥ' of Raghuvarśa II.50. A number of similarities between passages of other Dvātrimśikās and such of Kalidasa have been pointed out by the editors of the Sanmatitarka, 1.1., p. 26ff: some of them are more striking than those quoted here !
121. St. 3 and 8 cp. Eran Pillar Inscription ( D. C. Sircar, Select Inscriptions, Vol. I, Calcutta, 1942, p. 261 ); St. 6: Kahāum Pillar Inscription (1.1., p. 309 ); St. 1: Allahabad Pillar Inscription (1.1., p. 259 ), Para 30.
173
....
....

122. St. 10 and 21: cp. Allahabad Pillar Inscription ( 1.1., p. 259), Para 28; Kahāum Pillar Inscription (1.1., p. 309 ); St. 1 Bihar Pillar Inscription (1.1., p. 316 ).
123. St. 1, 4, 7, 10, 15 and 28: cp. Allahabad Pillar Inscription (1.1., p. 258 ), Para 25.
124. St. 10 cp. Meharauli Pillar Inscription (1.1., p. 267 ), St. 2 and 3.
125. Sircar, 1.1., p. 267.
126. G. H. Ojha Prācīna Mudră ( Hindi Translation ), Nagari Pracharini Sabha, Sam. 1981, p. 159.

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127. Sircar, 1.1., p. 269. 128. Ojha, 1.1., p. 166. 129. 1.1., p. 174. 130. 1.1., p. 174. 131. 1.1., p. 178. 132. Journal of the Gangānātha Jhā Research Institute, Vol. I, p.
185f. 133. Allahabad Pillar Inscription ( Sircar, 1.1., p. 260 ), Udayagiri
Cave Inscription ( 1.1., p. 271 ), Karamdandda Stone Linga Inscription ( 1.1., p. 282 ), Bhitari Stone Pillar Inscription ( 1.1., p. 313 ), Bihar Stone Pillar Inscription ( 1.1., p. 318 ), Bhitari Seal ( 1.1., p. 322 ), Guņaighar Copper-plate Inscri
ption ( 1.1., p. 331 ), etc. 134. Vide the recent discussions between D. C. Sircar ( Indian
Culture IX, 1942, p. 115 ff. ), B. Ghosh ( Ibid, p. 118 ff. ), K. Chattopadhyaya ( Indian Historical Quarterly XVIII, 1942, p. 63 f.), V. V. Mirashi ( Ibid, XX, 1944, p. 288ff. ), among whom Dr. D. C. Sircar's and K. Chattopadhyay's interpretation is borne out as correct by Siddhasena's
passage. 135. Jūnāgadha Inscription ( Sircar, p. 301 ), St. 5; Bhitari Pillar
Inscription ( 1.1., p. 314 ), St. 6. 136. Ojha, 1.1., p. 158ff. 137. Vide Sircar, 1.1., p. 265, Note 4 and the following inscrip
tions. 138. Vide V. A. Smith : The Early History of India, 4th Edition
( Oxford, 1924 ), p. 295 ff. 139. Edition of the N. S. P., Vişamaśīla-Lambaka. 140. Vide the glorification of this distinguished Gupta ruler by
Jayasankara Prasāda, Skandagupta Vikramāditya, and his
remarks in the erudite 'Parisista', particularly p. 19 ff. 141. Vide V. A. Smith, 1.1., p. 328 f. 142. Vide J. Allen : A Catalogue of Indian Coins : Gupta Dynas
ties, p. 152.

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Siddhasena Divākara and Vikramāditya
175
143. Bhāratīya Vidyā, II, 1941, p. 212 f. 144. 1.1., p. 84. This ‘Torarāya' is identified with the notorious
Toramāņa, who, in this way, likewise becomes a Śrāvaka. 145. The articles by Muni Nyāyavijaya and Muni Darśanavijaya
in Jaina Satya Prakāśa, Dīpotsavi Anka, Vol. 7, p. 7ff., as
well as p. 145 and p. 151. 146. Vide R. N. Dandekar : The History of the Guptas, Poona,
1941, p. 148 f. 147. The word “Hari' is found to be used in this very same sense
by the author of the Vadnagar Fort Prasasti, in which King Kumārapāla of Gujarat is described as “Harir iti jñātaḥ prabhāvāj jane': vide Muni Darsanavijaya's article in Jaina
Satya Prakāśa, 1.1., p. 159, Note. 148. For Samudragupta, vide the Allahabad and Eran Pillar Ins
criptions ( Sircar, 1.1., p. 254ff. ), for Candragupta the Mathurā, Udayagiri and Meharauli Inscriptions ( 1.1., p. 269 ff. ), and for both V. A. Smith ( 1.1., p. 297 ff. ), R. S. Tripathi, Religious Toleration under the Imperial Guptas ( I.
II. Q., XV, p. 1 ff. ), and R. N. Dandekar, 1.1., p. 44 ff. 149. On coins : vide Ojha, 1.1., p. 158 ff. 150. Vide the Allahabad Pillar Inscription, Sircar, 1.1., p. 156,
Para 17. 151. Vide the colophon of the preserved part of Samudragupta's
Krsnacarita, as per the notice of 'S.R.S' in Indian Culture,
Vol. X, p. 78f. 152. Vide V. A. Smith, 1.1., p. 347, as well as the notice of D.
B. Diskalkar in the Journal of the Numismatic Society of India, Vol. V, Part II, p. 136 f., for which reference I am indebted to Mr. S. L. Katre, my colleague at the Scindia
Oriental Institue, Ujjain. 153. A. S. Altekar, A New Gupta King ( J.B.O.R.S., XIV, p. 223
ff. and XV, p. 134 ); D. R. Bhandarkar, New Light on the Early Gupta History ( Mālaviya Commemoration Volume,

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Dr. Charlotte Krause : Her Life & Literature
1932, p. 189ff. ); K. P. Jayaswal, Candragupta II and his Predecessors (J.B.O.R.S., XVIII, p. 17 ff. ); V. V. Mirashi, Further Light on Rāmagupta ( I. A., 1933, p. 201 ff.); N.N. Das Gupta, Rāma Gupta ( Indian Culture, IV, 1937, p. 216 ff. ); Jagannatha, 'Some Observations on the Reign of Chandra
gupta II; Vikramāditya' ( N.I.A., II, 1940, p. 685 ff. ) 154. Vide Rājasekhara, Kāvyamīmāṁsā, the stanza quoted by
Jagannatha, 1.1., p. 689, Note 13; further references can be found in Pt. Bhagavaddatta's Bhāratavarśa kā Itihāsa : Ādi
yuga se Guptasāmrajya ke Anta Taka, Lahore, 1940. 155. Jagannatha, 1.1., p. 686. This record was composed in 871
A. D. 156. 1.1., p. 687. My interpretation of this stanza deviates from
that of the author of the article under reference. 157. Udayagiri Cave Inscription, Sircar, 1.1., p. 271. 158. Sircar, 1.1., p. 273. 159. Sircar, 1.1., p. 259, Para 30 and p. 256, Para 15. 160. 1.1., p. 258, Para 25. 161. 1.1., p. 255, Para 5. 162. 1.1., p. 259, Para 25. 163. 1.1. 164. 1.1., p. 259, Para 26. 165. 1.1., Para 27. 166. 1.1., Para 26 : the translation of this passage is as given by
D.B. Diskalkar, Selections from Saṁsksta Insriptions, Part
II, p. 47. 167. 1.1., p. 256, Para 15. 168. 1.1., p. 255, Para 5. 169. 1.1., p. 256, Para 15. 170. 1.1., p. 256, Para 16. 171. Allahabad Pillar Inscription, Sircar, 1.1., p. 259, Para 28f.,
as well as following records.

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177
172. 1.1., throughout. 173. Do. 174. 1.1., p. 258, Para 23 and p. 259, Para 26. 175. 1.1., p. 258, Para 23 f. 176. 1.1., throughout. 177. 1.1., p. 258, Para 22f.; p. 162, Para 24. 178. 1.1., p. 259, Para 26, and following records. 179. 1.1., p. 258, Para 24 ( vide also p. 258, Para 25, p. 259,
Para 30 and p. 261, Para 22 ). 180. 1.1., p. 255, Para 5f.; p. 256, Paras 15ff.; p. 259, Para 26 etc. 181. Eran Pillar Inscription, 1.1., p. 161, Para 19. 182. Allahabad Pillar Inscription, 1.1., p. 258, Para 25; also p.
161, Para 21 f. 183. 1.1., p. 259, Para 27. 184. 1.1., p. 259, Para 25-26. 185. 1.1., p. 256, Paras 11, 13, 17, 18; P. 259, Paras 26 and 30
( St. 9 ); and p. 261, Paras 13, 16 and 23. 186. 1.1., p. 258 f., Paras 25 and 26. 187. 1.1., p. 255, Para 5 f.; p. 256, Para 15; p. 259, Para 27. 188. 1.1., throughout. 189. 1.1., p. 255, Para 9; p. 256, Para 16; p. 258, Paras 24 and
25; p. 259, Para 28. 190. R. N. Dandekar : A History of the Guptas, p. 67. 191. An idea of Samudragupta's personality can be formed from
a perusal of Radha Kumud Mookerji's note 'Character of Samudragupta from his Inscription and Coins in Indian
Culture', Vol. IX, p. 177 ff. 192. Possibly it is an allusion to some passage of Samudra
gupta's Krişnacarita, the pertinent part of which is not
available : vide supra. 193. Vide the Poona and Rithpur Copper-plate Inscriptions of

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Dr. Charlotte Krause : Her Life & Literature
Prabhavati Gupta, Sircar, 1.1., p. 412 and p. 415. 194. Vide the Allahabad Pillar Inscription, Sircar, p. 256f., Para
19f. 195. Sircar, 1.1. 196. Sircar, 1.1., p. 256, Para 13 and p. 257, Para 21. 197. Sircar, p. 256, Para 19. 198. 1.1., p. 347. 199. Vide my article quoted above. 200. Vide Prabhāvakacarita, 1.1., p. 56, St. 74ff.; Prabandha
kośa, 1.1., p. 17, Para 25; Samyaktvasaptatikā-vștti, 1.1.;
Upadeśaprāsāda, 1.1. 201. Vide V. A. Smith, 1.1., p. 296, as well as later theories spo
nsored by S. K. Dikshit in Indian Culture, VI ( 1940 ), p. 191ff., Dhirendra Nath Mookerji in Bharatiya Vidya of 1945, p. 96, and M. V. Kibe in Journal of the Ganganatha
Jha Research Institute, Vol. I ( 1944 ), p. 417 ff. 202. 1.1., p. 263, Note. 203. The Gayā and Nālandā Plates of Samudragupta ( Indian
Culture, Vol. XI, p. 225 ff. ) 204. Vide W. Norman Brown, The Story of Kālaka, Smithsonian
Institution, Freer Gallery of Art, Oriental Series, Washing
ton, 1933, p. 3 ff. and p. 56, Note 10. 205. I am sorry to state that manuscript No. 119 of Muniraj Śrī
Kāntivijayaji's Bhaņdāra at Chhani, which, according to the Jinaratnakośa, s. v. 'Dvātrimśad-dvātrimśikā No. I', promises to contain a commentary to the whole of Siddhasena Divākara's Dvätrimśad-dvātrimśikā by Udayasāgara, contains in reality only a Țīkā to the 21st (or ‘Vardhamāna- )' Dvātrimśikā, as I was informed on my request for the loan of this manuscript. It is therefore a fact that so far no commentary to Siddhasena's remaining 20 Dvātriṁśikās, including the Gunavacanadvātrimśikā, is known to exist.

Page #224

Jāvada of Mandu*
In the year 1498/99, when Ghias-ud-din Khilji was the ruler of Mālava, his capital Māndapadurga, now known as Mandu (District Dhar) witnessed a glittering festival. It was an Udyāpana! festival, such as is still celebrated by Jainas at the end of certain austerities, under presentation of articles suitable to aid religious knowledge, faith and conduct. This udyāpana was of special importance. For at this occasion, the pious Jaina lady Kumarī? ceremoniously handed over to the Jaina dignitary Vācanācārya Somadhvaja of the Kharatara-gaccha?, a gold lettered, illustrated manuscript of the Kalpasūtra, which she had got prepared under great expenses.
The magnificent manuscript, bearing the date of S. 1555, is still preserved". Besides the Ardha-Māgadhĩ text of the sūtra, it contains an historically informative prasasti of 91 Samskrta stanzas in high-flown kāvya-style ( ‘K.P.' ), composed in that year by Somadhvaja's great-grand-disciple Śivasundara Munif and copied in the same yearo.
In this Kalpa-prasasti, the author not only describes the presentation in detail, but also records ( of course not forgetting his own monastic lineage ) a complete history of the family of the Jaina merchant Jasadhīra of Mandapa, the second of whose four wives the donor Kumari was”. He starts with the seventh ancestor, an influential merchant of Delhi. The family resided at Delhi, till the 4th ancestor, a younger son, emigrated to Mandu, where its junior branch remained settled. To his branch, Jasadhīra belonged.
The family was of the Bahakața-gotra of the Śrīmālī-clan
* Published in the Journal of Madhya Pradesh Itihasa Parishad,
Bhopal, No. 4, 1962.

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and belonged to the Kharatara-gaccha. Jasadhīra followed the family tradition in being a devout disciple of Acārya Jinasamudra Sūris, the then living head of this Gaccha. He had acquired the coveted title of Sanghapati and was known for his religiousmindedness and for many acts of charity, and thus receives his full share of praise in the Prasasti. So do those of his ancestors who likewise excelled by meritorious deeds, while others are mentioned by name.
In the galaxy of all those more or less deserving personalities, somewhat outside the straight genealogical line there are two, who as chance will have it, bear the name of Jāvada and were both inhabitants of Mandu and contemporaries at that. 1. Jāvada of Kharatara-Gaccha
The less outstanding of those two Jāvadas was Jasadhīra's son-in-law, married to Sarasvati, elder daughter of Kumari's senior co-wife Jhanakū. About him, K. P. has nothing to say, except that he was the son of Sanghapati Mandaņa ( st. 54 ). To judge from the scantiness of references to him, this Jāvada does not seem to have impressed his contemporaries and certainly was of lesser stature than his famed father, who is sufficiently known from sources other than the K. P., and after whose famed name that of Jāvada just trails along by way of an appendage.
Thus the colophons of the manuscripts of the Vasudevahindi', dated S. 1528, and of Bhagavati Sūtral", dated S. 1532, both of which Sanghapati Mandana (or Māndana ) has got copied for the Manuscript-library of Mandu (Mandapadurga-citakośa ) proclaim that he belonged to the Thakkura-gotra of the Śrīmālī-clan and to the Kharatara-gaccha. He was a son of Sanghapati Jayatã and his wife Hīmī and had proved his loyalty to the Jaina faith by many pious deeds, such as temple-consecrations, installations of idols, celebrations of the ordination etc. of ecclesiastical dignitaries, mass pilgrimages, had performed acts of charity, like the opening of almshouses (Satrāgāra ) and, last but not the least, had caused the whole

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Jāvaḍa of Mandu
Siddhānta, i.e., the sacred books of the Jainas, to be copied for the above mentioned library, a praiseworthy enterprise indeed, at a time when there were no printed books. All this, so it is stressed, he achieved by spending large amounts of money, honestly earned by his own hands. The Vasudevahiṇḍī colophon mentions his wife Līlāde and his sons Khīmā and Karaṇa, but not Jāvaḍa, while the Bhagavati colophon names as his sons Sanghapati Khīmarāja and Sanghapati Jau, the latter being of course, an alternate form of Jāvaḍa, and even adds the name of the latter's son Nīnā.
181
Inscriptions confirm that Mandaṇa ( or Māṇḍaṇa ), son of Jayata of the Śrīmālī clan, did instal Tīrthankara images, and proclaim that he had them consecrated by Jinacandra Sūri, the 57th pontiff of the Kharatara-gaccha, and as such, predecessor of Jinasamudra Suri, who was mentioned above as Jasadhira's Guru11. One inscription12, dated S. 1524, says that in that year, he installed an image of Śreyamsa ( the eleventh Jina ) at Maṇḍapa-durga. It mentions that he was of the "Thakura-gotra', but is silent about Jāvaḍa, unless 'Jhanjhaṇa' is a misreading of that name. Another inscription13, dated S. 1533, contains the name of Mandaṇa wife Līlāde and that of his son Javaḍa, and records that in that year, Māṇḍana installed the Supārsva statue (a Pañcatirthi ) on which it is inscribed. Here no place-name is given, nor is the gotra specified.
There can be no doubt that the Mandana (or Māṇḍana) and his son Javaḍa ( or Jau) of these colophons and inscriptions are the same persons as those mentioned in st. 54 of K. P.14
This concludes the scanty record about Javaḍa of the Kharatara-gaccha, who, far from following in the foot-steps of his generous and far-sighted father and his large-hearted father-in-law, has done nothing that could, to the best of our knowledge, justify the mention of his name, were it not for the confusion he has created by being mixed up15 with his illustrious namesake, Javaḍa of the Tapāgaccha, the subject of this article.

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2. Jāvada of the Tapā-gaccha
This other Jāvada was a cousin of Jasadhīra (K.P. st. 31-42), his mother Suhagū being the youngest paternal aunt of the latter. Jāvada's father was Rājamalla, who, though K.P.( st. 41 f.) merely mentions his name, was a person of some consequence according to other sources to which we shall revert later.
The main biographer of Jāvada and his family is the Jaina poet Sarvavijaya Gaņi, whose monastic lineage! goes back to the 50th Tapā-gaccha pontiff Ācārya Somasundara Sūri18. He is the author of two Saṁskṛta Mahākāvyas, the Ananda-sundara ( An.)19 and the Sumati-sambhava ( Su. )20, both preserved in manuscripts, but not yet accessible in print.
The Ananda-sundara ( sub-title Daśa-śrāvaka-carita ) renders, as both the titles indicate, the stories of the foremost ten laymen of Mahāvīra, starting with Ananda, the first of them. It is based on the canonical Uvāsaga-dasão, the 7th Anga, and has 8 adhikāras. It must have been composed very shortly before the copying year of the oldest Ms., S. 1551, as it mentions Jāvada's idol installations of S. 1547 ( An. Prasasti, st. 16 ) and seems to presuppose Jāvada's Guru, Ācārya Sumatisādhu Sūri2, the 54th Tapāgaccha pontiff, who died S. 1551, as still alive ( 1.9). This work contains, besides various stray references to him, a detailed account of Jāvada's family history from the 6th ancestor onward, justified by the fact that the poet wrote this work at Jāvada's suggestion and insistence.22
Sarvavijaya's second poem, the Sumati-sambhava, bears a title which appears, at first sight, tantalizingly familiar to the pious Jaina, as it suggests the names of the two successive Tirtharkaras Sumati and Sambhava, who, in reality, have nothing to do with it. For it is nothing but an account of the life and doings of Ācārya Sumatisādhu Sūri, who was mentioned before already. As it contains a description of Jāvada's idol installations of S. 1547, it
must have been composed between that year and the date of copying

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183
of the only known manuscript S. 1554. Since the last portion is missing, it cannot be said whether or not it covered the hero's death (S. 1551). Yet from the title ( sambhava ) it appears most likely that it did not, which would fix S. 1551 as the terminus ante quem.
This poem devotes two of its eight Sargas, viz. VII and VIII, to Jāvada, as the chief devotee of the hero. Yet of Jāvada's ancestors, only his grandfather Golha and his father Rājamalla find mention therein. This might be interpreted as an indication that it was composed after the An., where the whole pedigree is given, and that the poet did not want to repeat himself.
Some information about Jāvaļa, mostly concerning social and religious services rendered by him, is contained in Sivasundara's above-mentioned contemporary K. P. ( st. 42-45 and 60).
A reference to Jāvada is also found in the Gujarati Māndavagadha Caityapravādi by Khemarāja Gani alias Kșemarāja Gani, a monk, disciple of Somadhvaja Vācanācārya ( vide above ), approximately contemporary according to the testimony of another of his works, dated S. 1546.23
Another, likewise contemporary source is Somacaritra Gani's Guru-guna-ratnākara Mahākāvya ( Gu. ),24 a Saṁskṛta biography of Ācārya Lakşmīsāgara Sūri, the 53rd Tapāgaccha pontiffs, composed in S. 1541, which throws light on Jāvada's pilgrimage.
Then, there is the Tapāgaccha-pattānukrama-gurvāvali Canda, composed in S. 1570 in Gujarati verses by ‘Vibudha-vimalaśişya' ( Vib. ),26 and the quite recent Laghupausālika-gacchapatřāvali ( La. ),27 both of which refer to Jāvada's idol installations. Lineage :
Jāvada belonged to an ancient, highly respected and wealthy family. This can be deducted from the fact that all the links in the chain of his ancestors (except Hāparāja ) were 'Sanghapatis', which means that they had atleast once taken out a mass pilgrimage,
an affair which in those days implied enormous courage, social

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credit and wealth. Three of them also were connected with the court of the rulers of Mālavā, viz., Hāparāja, who seems to have been something like a master of Protocol28, Golha, who is called a favourite of the rulera, and Jāvada's father Rājamalla, who is specified as an “ornament of the assemblies of Mālavā-pati Mahimunda."30
Most of them are extolled for their charity and piety, last but not least Rājamalla, famed for the sumptuous reception with which he welcomed his Guru Laksmīsāgara Sūri ( vide above ) at Mandu, spending 60,000 Taňkas on pomp and show and on alms for the poor. The sojourn of this popular and learned dignitary at Mandu is confirmed by inscriptions on statues of Tīrtharkaras consecrated by him there in the years S. 1517, 1520, 1521 and 1524, which approximately date Rājamalla's feat.31 Official and Social Position :
True to family tradition, Jāvada himself occupied a respected position at court, for Sultan Ghias-ud-din always honoured him32 and gave him the title of 'Grand Merchant'33 and the responsible post of Treasury Officer?4, so that he was referred to as the Sultan's Ministers. Sometimes he is alluded to as Jāvađendra36, an epithet which besides his position of power, also hints at his fabulous wealth, just like the title “Little Śālibhadra'37.
Expressive of his social prestige is his designation "Prince of the 'śrīmāli clano3$, which occurs repeatedly.39 Pilgrimage :
In his religious community, Jāvada was held in high esteem, as the epithet 'Sanghanāyaka'40, and the regular title 'Sanghapati’41, show. The latter title he obviously acquired on his pilgrimage to Arbuda? (modern Abu ) and Jīrāpuri ( modern Jiravla )*, both even now famous Jaina places of pilgrimage. For the sources do not speak of any other pilgrimage made by him, while on the other hand, they stress the vastness of the crowds of pilgrims he took along with him, and tell about the large amounts of money he spent on them on

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this pilgrimage. K. P. says that Jasadhīra himself was one of the pilgrims. Gu. describes with satisfaction how 'Mantrīša Jāu of Mandapa', with his pilgrim party, joined at Ratlam, other troops of pilgrims coming from Ujjain and Dhar, and how the three parties, forming one long army, proceeded together to Idar, where they ceremoniously made their obeisances to the head of their Gaccha, the great Ācārya Lakşmisāgara Sūri, who was mentioned above as Rājamalla's Guru, and as the hero of the Guru Gunaratnākara. From there they proceeded to Abu and Jiravla, then returned via. Sirohe, to Malava, all the time celebrating religious festivals, fasting and feasting, and happily indulging in the sumptuous donations made by their open-handed leaders, and in the sight of the holy places with their gorgeous temples. Luckily, this pilgrimage can be exactly dated with the help of an inscription in the Lunavasahi Temple of Abu, which commemorates, with an obeisance to Neminātha, the 22nd Jina, the pilgrimage made to this place by Sanghapati Jāvada, son of Sanghapati Rājā ( i.e., Rājamalla ) of the Srīmāli clan and of his wife Suhava ( i.e., Suhāgu, vide above ), of Mandapa-durga, in the company of his wife Dhanīā44 and other family members, in S. 1531.45
Welcoming the Guru :
Jāvada, just as he had followed in his father's footsteps on paying his respects to Ācārya Lakşmīsāgara Sūri, remained a devotee of the Gurus of the Tapā-gaccha. His special allegiance was concentrated on Lakşmīsāgara Sūri's successor, the already referred to Ācārya Sumatisādhu Sūri, to whose sagacious guidance his much extolled actions are traced back by his biographer. Sumatisādhu Sūri, while touring Gujarat, had been invited to Mandu by Jāvada and was welcomed hy him with a grand reception, which is described in detail“. Special attention is drawn by the poets on the manifold musical instruments used by the bands ( among others 84 pairs of drums ) and the deafening sound they produced, the rows of elephants and decorated horses, walking in the pompous process

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ion, the costly garments and other articles of value distributed by the Seth, and the jubilations of the delighted populace, including even its Mohammedan element47. A picture indeed which it is difficult to imagine, when looking on the fields of ruins which are today's Mandu ! Acceptance of the twelve vows :
The first action to which his Guru's presence inspired Jāvada, was the adoption of the 12 laymen-vows4% which in the eyes of his biographer, place him in a line with the great Śrāvakas of the past : King Sreņika, Emperor Samprati, the kings Kumārapāla and Āma, and Seth Sālibhadra“.
The first five among those twelve vows are grouped together as Aņuvratas, being relaxed versions of the five Mahāvratas of the ascetics. The first vow, that of Ahiṁsā, as well as the second, that of Truthfulness, was adopted by Jāvada in the conventional form. So was the third, that of non-stealing, but with the additional relaxation of merely promising carefulness in the removal of pests50 ( which obviously are acknowledged as the legitimate 'proprietors' of whatever substance they are found in ).
Under the fourth vow, that of Chastity, Jāvada, promising conjugal fidelity, reserved to himself the right of possessing 32 women, doubtlessly in imitation of the example of the justmentioned Śālibhadra, who is said to have had this very number of consorts, only with the difference that he left them all to become a monk. According to the sources, Jāvada had in fact four regular wives, whose names are handed down. The rest could have been concubines, in conformity with ancient Rājpūta custom, which was still in vogue, even in Jaina families of Rājpūta origin, a few generations back.
By the fifth vow, that of non-attachment, which demands limitation of one's property, fixed in regard to number or quantity for life-time, Jāvada reserved to himself, in this order, the possession of 1,00,000 mounds of grain; 1,00,000 mounds of ghi and oil;

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1,000 ploughs; 2,000 plough oxen, 10 houses and markets; 4 mounds of silver; 1 mound of gold; 4 mounds of pearls; 300 mounds of gems; 10 mounds of base metal; 20 mounds of coral; 1,00,000 mounds of salt; 2,000 mounds of molasses; 200 mounds of opium; 2,000 asses; 100 carts, 1,500 horses, 50 elephants, 100 camels, 50 mules, 20,00,000 Tankas. Figures which allow us to form an idea of the establishment of a 'vyavahārī-śiroratna' of ancient Mandu.
The second group of vows, the three 'Gunavratas', comprises the 6th, 7th and 8th vows. Under the 6th, Jāvada restricted the radius of his movements to 2,000 gavyūti in the horizontal directions and to 1/2 gavyüti and two yojana each upward and downward.52 Under the 7th, which sets limits to the number and quantity of articles of daily consumption and use, he pledged himself to use at the utmost, p. d. 4 seers ghi, 5 seers, grains, 5 pitchers of drinking water, 100 varieties of vegetables, 500 fruits by number, one mound by weight, 2 mounds by measure, 4 seers soparī, 200 betel leaves, ornaments worth one lac, ointments worth 100 Țankas, one mound flowers, 8 jars of bathing water, 7 suits of garments and other articles similarly restricted, which form a long list. The 8th vow, which limits such articles and actions as would involve unnecessary discomfort to fellow-creatures, Jāvada promised, among other items, to use only water sterilized by boiling, to get only a limited number of garments dyed, not to gamble, not to accept a post like Kotavāla, Prison-superintendent, etc.
The last four of the 12 laymen-vows, viz., ninth to twelfth are the Sikṣā-vratas, the ninth enjoining the performance of the traditional religious practices at fixed intervals, the 10th imposing further limits on items already touched in a more general way by previous vows, such as sexual intercourse, distances of daily walking, riding etc., daily routine, which may only be begun after viewing a Jina image, while the eleventh makes the Pausadha rite (living like a monk for a fixed time ) compulsory, and the twelfth binds the laymen to perform certain acts of charity, hospitality and religious

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service, defined by timings and by amounts of money to be spent thereon.
Each and everyone of the restrictions and promises settled by Jāvada is minutely recorded by the latter's biographer, who was understandably eager to present to the world the picture of this ideal Srāvaka, shining forth among the devotees of his sect, whom his faith inspired to such self-discipline.
That Jāvada was faithful to his pledges, particularly those taken under the tenth vow, can well be inferred from the lavish donations he made at every suitable occasion, from his biographer's assertions53 that he "equipped the earth like an almshouse”, from the description of the thoughtful way in which he draped all the rivers, lakes and wells of Mandu with cloth, to protect aquatic life54 and, last but not the least, from the numerous Tīrthankara statues which he installed.55 Statues Installed
These statues were installed by Jāvada and consecrated by his Guru, Ācārya Sumatisādhu, in one grand collective ceremony at Mandu in S. 1547. They were 104 statues in all, viz., one of each of the 24 Tīrthařkaras of Bhārata of the past world period, one of each of the 24 of the future, and one of each of the 24 who lived in this world period, moreover one of each of the 20 'Viharamānas', i.e., those Tīrthankaras who are believed to be living now in other, distant worlds, three collective relief plaques of 24 each, one collective relief plaque of the 20 Viharamānas, and six Pañcatīrthīss, all fashioned in brass, besides one silver statue weighing 23 seers, and one of gold, weighing 11 seers.** They were lavishly adorned with jewel-studded parasols and precious ornaments, so much so that Kșemarāja in his above-mentioned Caityapravādi ( st. 22 ) praises Jāvada's statues of silver, jewels and gold as show-pieces, worth being visited by pilgrims, and even K. P. ( st. 44 ) especially mentions them", when taking Jāvada's name. The rites and celebrations marking these consecrations, the pomp and show displayed, the

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presentations made by Jāvada, the magnificent ritualistic paraphernalia dedicated by him, and the crowds which and come from all parts of India ( the list of geographical names enumerated fills alone two stanzas ), all this is described in minute detail by Su. in 23 stanzas, perhaps with the intention of laying down for record the ideal way in which such an important function should be arranged. Vi. devotes 17 verses to it, describing even the items of food served to the guests. According to him, the consecration festival cost Jāvada 15 lacs. The Temples
The fabulous generosity of Jāvada has led modern admirers to the statement, for which there is no evidence at all, that he also constructed five big temples of the Tīrtharkaras Rşabha, śāntinātha, Neminātha, Pārsvanātha and Mahāvīra at Mandu. This seems to be an inference unjustifiably made on the basis of An. 1-5, where, by way of a 'Mangalācarana', these five Tīrtharkaras are extolled and then their blessings invoked in st. 6.
मण्डपद्रङ्गशृङ्गाराः पञ्चाप्येते जिनेश्वराः ।।
शास्त्रादौ जावडेन्द्रस्य प्रसन्नाः सन्तु सन्ततम् ।। ६ ।।
“At the beginning of the book, these five Jinas, ornaments of the city of Mandu, be always gracious to Jāvadendra.”
Why the poet chose just these five Jinas, he knows best himself. Mahāvīra's inclusion may have been felt desirable, because the heroes of the poem were all his direct devotees.
In no case, however, could this stanza form a basis for the inference that the temples of those five were the main temples of Mandu. For in his Caitya-pravādi 61 mentioned before already, Kșemendra Gaņi, reporting a pilgrimage to the representative sacred places in and around Mandu, names and describes the five temples of Pārśva, Supārsva, śānti, Sambhava and Ādinātha (Rşbhanātha ) of Mandu itself, besides 17 of places of its vicinity, such as Tarapur, Dhar, Hoshangabad ( which at that time probably
were under the jurisdiction of the Sultan of Mandu62 ) as essential

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for inculsion in the Pravādi. It can well be taken on his authority that the five temples mentioned by him were the main temples of Mandu proper at that time.
The representaive character of the temples of Pārśva and Supārsva of Mandu is anyhow confirmed by the contemporary K. P.
st.1 :
श्रीमन्मण्डपमेरुभूधरधरास्कन्धे निबद्धस्थिती ।।
श्रीमत्पार्श्वसुपार्श्वनिर्जरतरू स्यातां सतां श्रेयसे ।। १ ॥
“May Pārsva and Supārsva, two heavenly trees, as it were standing on the ground of Meru-like Mandapa, be a blessing to good people.”
Besides, every Jaina knows that especially Supārsva has always been considered as the Lord of Mandu, as in the Gujarati poet Rşabhadāsa's much quoted verse63;
माण्डवगढनो राजियो नामे देव सुपास ।
#29797 The Foot TRAI TETE T T 3774 11 4 11
Supārśva as deity of the Jainas at Mandu is also mentioned in Ratnamandira Gani's Upadeśatarangini 64 (p. 135 ), in Khema's Vrddhacaityavandana S, in Silavijaya's and Subhāgyavijaya's Tīrthamālās“ etc. throughout the last centuries but one.
That these five temples, or any one of them, or for the matter of that, any Jina temple whatever, was built by Jāvada, is not even hinted at anywhere in literature nor epigraphy. On the other hand, it is certain that in Jāvada's time, the number of Jaina temples of Mandu was quite considerable. It cannot be said, though, what had happened by then to all those 700 temples, stated by Muni Jayānanda in his Nemāď Pravāsa Gitikā 67 to have been in existence at the time of his pilgrimage in S. 1427, when the number of inhabitants of Mandu was 3,00,000 ! Anyhow, it would lead too far, were we to enter here into details of the previous history of the Mandu Jaina temples, which would have to include Pethada's famous constructions. Suffice it to say that in Jāvada's time, at least those 104 temples were doubtlessly in existence, in each of which he

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installed one of his idols ( Su. viii. 14):
स्फुरन्त्यत्र देवालयस्तुङ्गशृङ्गाः शतं ते चतुर्भिः समं चित्रचङ्गाः । कसत्कोरणीभिर्लसत्तोरणश्रीधराः सिन्धुरा एव घण्टाघटाभिः ।।
“There, 104 temples are gleaming, with high pinnacles, bright and handsome, with shining engravings, bearing beautiful arches, having the shape of elephants, with numbers of bells.”
This tallies with Vi., st. 75; अभिनव देवभुवन देवाला शत उपरि च्यारइ चउसाला । कणय रजत पीतलमय कारीय बिंब प्रतिष्ठा जग साधारीश ।।
“In 104 four-roomed temples, abodes of the gods, all new, the consecration of gold, silver and brass images was performed and the world made better."
This amply suffices to allow us to form an idea of the splendour and prestige which Jaina culture could boast of in Jāvada's time. One would feel inclined to know what is left of all this glory, so eloquently extolled by devout poets : do we only have their high-flown words vouching for it ? Epigraphic Evidence
By a lucky chance, some statues, bearing pertinent inscriptions, have escaped the general destruction, which transformed Mandu, the City of Joy', into a field of ruins, surmounted by a few awe-inspiring, gaunt Islamic piles. For, pious Jainas hurried those precious idols away in time, giving them places in temples outside Mandu, where they are still worshipped.
Out of those 104 images and reliefs which Jāvada installed, three statues of Jinas of the past period, viz., Anantavīrya6s, Svayamprabhas, and Padmanātha?", two of those of the present period, viz., Abhinandana" and Neminātha, one of the Viharamānas, viz., Viśālanātha", and all the three Pañcatīrthis, viz., Kunthu24, śānti75 and Pārsvas, i.e., in all nine statues, are preserved. After correction of some obvious misreadings, it is seen that they all bear, besides the place-name Mandapa, the date of the consecration

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as specified in Su. viii, st. 7. viz., the 13th Māgha, Bright Half, S. 1547, the name of the donor Jāvada of the śrīmāli-clan, and, mostly, those of his four wives, his son Hīrā with wife, his adopted relation Lālā, all the ancestors, except Hāparāja, with their wives, and Rājamalla's elder brother Meghã and sister Sānī, all of whom are also found in one or other of the literary sources. They also agree with the latter as well as with one another in naming Ācārya Sumatisādhu Sūri, successor of Ācārya Laksmīsāgara Sūri of the Tapā-gaccha as the consecrating dignitary, and in mentioning ( with one exception ) that 104 statues were simultaneously consecrated there and then.
The mathematical precision with which, in this way, statements and figures of literary sources are confirmed by epigraphic evidence, forms a splendid vindication of the historical value of the much maligned Jaina literature and should entitle the researcher to trust it even in cases when there happens to be no epigraphic material to bear it out.
This presupposes, however, that the texts are interpreted with true philological accuracy and with the unprejudiced endeavour to find out the truth and nothing out the truth. Othervise, pseudo-history is created, as has happened in the case of the object of this article, Jāvada, who, contrary to all evidence, or in absence of it, has in all earnest been reported to have adorned Mandu with temples, to have caused the gold-lettered Kalpa-sūtra manuscript to be written, to have installed stone idols, and to have belonged to the Kharatara-gaccha.
It is hoped that this small study has succeeded in revealing a minute, but true picture of a phase of Jaina cultural history, which, though restricted to the narrow limits of Old Mandu, may well be taken as representative of the India of that time, for Jainism with its ever wandering, ever teaching, ever respected monks has never allowed itself to remain confined within geographical boundaries.

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References 1. Modern Hi. 3640 2. K. P., st. 89 "THET-HS7770-487 96427 I" 3. His pedigree goes back to Jinakusala Sûri , the 50th pontiff
of this gaccha, vide K. P., st. 80ff. 4. Cf. : 3TR TR 7162T, FUSC" at the offerte di foras
Faufert ufa, "false", Po80, ço PP-REI 5. K. P., st. 80 ff. and 91. 6. A copy of this Prasasti was most obligingly placed at my
disposal by Shri A. Nahta. 7. K. P., st. 52. 8. He died S. 1555. Vide Jaina Gurjaro Kavio by M. D. Desai,
II. p. 682, also K. P., st. 79. 9. Cf : Vijayadharma Sūri, Aitithāsika Rasa Sangraha III,
Yasovijaya Jaina Granthamālā, S. 1978, Introduction, p. 18,
No. 14. 10. Cf : Muni Jinavijaya, Vijñapti-triveņi, Jaina ātmānanda
Sabhā, Bhāvanagar, 1946 A. D., Introduction, p. 70 f. 11. Vide Jaina Gurjara Kavio, II, p. 683 f. : he died S. 1530. 12. fate TT, ymgrtGFIE, FO 8481 13. aet, po 1401 14. This Mandana or Mandana must not be confounded ( as has
happened ) with his several contemporary or nearly contemporary namesakes, particularly the somewhat earlier author Mantri Mandana, who likewise lived at Mandu and likewise belonged to the Srīmāli clan and the Kharataragaccha, but was a son of Bahada and belonged to the Sonagara-gotra. Re him vide M. D. Desai, Short History of
Jaina Literature (Bombay, 1933 ), pp. 698-704 etc. 15. TROR 71627, Husano ato ita HFGT, Journal of the
Madhya Pradesh Itihāsa Parişada, No. 2. p. 80 ff. 16. Not sister, as represented by A. Nahta, in his article in
‘Vikram' 1. 1. for K. P. clearly states that she was a

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daughter of Jasadhīra's grandfather Jagasimha, and therefore
a sister of the former's father Jasavīra. 17. Somasundara Sūri, Jinasundara Sūri, Caritraratna Vācaka,
Sarvahamsa Gani, P. Jayasādhu, Sarvavijaya Gani : cf. An. p. 26 ff. Su. VIII, 45 ff., and Muni Caturvijaya, Jaina-stotrasandoha, Ahmedabad, Introduction to I, p. 79 and to II, p. 89 f.; he names P. Sivahema and Vācaka Jinamāņikya as his
teachers. 18. Vide M. D. Desai, Jaina Gurjara Kavio, II, p. 719 f: he died
in S. 1499. 19. Cf. : M. D. Desai, Short History of Jaina Literature, f. 755;
the references and quotations relating to the first 12 stanzas of this text are taken from an extract from P. Peterson's “Fifth Report of Operations in Search of Saṁskṛta Manuscripts in the Bombay Circle”, 1896, No. 625, kindly placed at my disposal by Ācārya Vijayendra Sūri; those relating to other portions of the text are from manuscript No. 703 of the Bhaktivijayaji Bhandar of the Atmananda Sabha, Bhavnagar, kindly lent to me by the latter ( a rather incomplete manu
script ). 20. Cf : SIST 77621, "sit ofia71 Ofreift 109 11
3451fox”, a Thigi PO, 2-3, qo 88 ff. My references and quotations refer to a photostatic copy of manuscript 7305 of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Calcutta, kindly lent to me by the ever helpful and generous Shri Agarchand Nahta. This manuscript is the only one known so far of this text and is very defective, as not only the 5th and 6th leaves are missing, but also the whole last portion from the 20th leaf onward, which must have contained the final stanzas 31-43 of the 8th Sarga ( for the 19th leaf ends with st. 30, while the last, unnumbered leaf begins with st. 44 ), which B. Nahta does not mention. In the process of copying too, text portions, such as VII. 74 and VIII. 25 have got lost.

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21. Cf. : Jaina Gurjara Kavio 1. 1. II, 722 f. n. 22. An. 1. 42; 1. 34; VIII. 67. An. Prasasti 24, f. and colophons. 23. Jaina Gurjara Kavio, 1. 1. II, p. 500, No. 654. 24. Edited by Muni Indravijaya, Yasovijaya Jaina Granthamala,
no. 24, Benares, Veera S. 2437. 25. Vide Jaina Gurjara Kavio II, p. 721 : he became pontiff in
S. 1517 and cannot have died before S. 1557, the date of his last consecration-inscription : Nahar, Jaina Inscriptions, II,
No. 1773. 26. Published in Pattāvali-samuccaya, Part II, by Muni Darśana____vijaya ( Ahmedabad, A. D. 1950), pp. 133-144. 27. Vide Jaina Gurjara Kavio, II. p. 723 note. 28. An. p. 7 : "नृपदिसंसदि योऽर्घमाप" ।। 29. An. p.9 : "भूवल्लभस्यापि हि वल्लभो यः" । 30. An. p. 11 : "ख्यातः श्री महिमुन्दमालवपतेः शृङ्गारकः संसदाम्" । The
ruler is Mahmud Khilji I ( S. 1492-1525 ). 31. An. p. 12, Su. vii, 18 f. : vide for the inscription of S. 1517 :
मुनि धुरन्धरविजय, "श्री माण्डवगढ़नी महत्ता", जैन सत्यप्रकाश, वर्ष 7, अंक 9, पृ 26, नं 7; for S. 1520 : आ विजयधर्म सूरि, प्राचीन लेख संग्रह, भाग 1, भावनगर 1929, नं 342; आ बुद्धिसागर सूरि,
जैन धातुप्रतिमालेखसंग्रह, भाग 2, वडोदरा 1924, नं 408; for S. 1521 : विनयसागर, प्रतिष्ठालेखसंग्रह, भाग 1, कोटा 1953, नं 614; मुनि धुरन्धरविजय, 1.1., पृ 27, नं 9; आ बुद्धिसागर सूरि, 1.1., नं 149 एवं 257; नाहर 1.1.2, नं 1614 and for S. 1524 :
विनयसागर, 1.1., नं 643 । 32. An. p. 14 : 'सदा ददातीह यस्य बहुमानम्' । 33. Vi. 73 : 'वडविवहारिविरुद', reiterated in An. colophons 'व्यवहारि
शिरोरत्ननुकारि'। 34. An. colophons : 'गाधिकारी' । 35. Gu. IV. 65 : 'मन्त्रीश-जाऊ' of 'मण्डप' and ib. 128 : 'श्रीमालवा
धीश्वर मन्त्रि-जाऊ', Re. “Jau as short-form for Javada' vide
above. 36. An. I. 6; Su. VII and VIII colophons : K. P. 45.

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37. An. colophons; Su. VII colophon;
fèfa fascufus' also reflected in An. I. ii. Śalibhadra is the well-known Croesus of Jaina tradition and plays a great part in legendary literature. According to Thāṇānga III and its commentary 10, he was a contemporary of Mahāvīra.
38.
reading
:' vide An. 1. 15 and Su. VII colophon. The in the letter place is proved a lapsus calami by the metre of the former B. Nahta's article in Jaina Satya Prakash, 20, 2-3, p. 44 ( mentioned earlier) has to be corrected accordingly.
39. Reflected also in An. 1, 34; VIII, 67.
40. Su. VII, 14.
41. An. colophons, An. p. 13, K. P. 45, Vi. 73, 82, 92.
42. Su. VII. 24 f.; K. P. 60; Gu. V. 64-132.
43. 30 m. from Abu Road Station.
44. The mother of his only son Hira, A. T. st. 18.
45. Muni Jayantavijaya, Śrī Arbuda-prācīna-jaina-lekhasandoha,
Shri Vijayadharma Sūri Jaina Granthamala, No. 50, S, 1994, p. 155, No. 387, and p. 465.
46. Su. VII. 26 -33 and Vi. 73 ff.
47. Su. VII. 28 : 'घन - खान- मलिक्क
48. Su. VII. 34-70.
49. An. I, 10 ff.; An. p. 14 ff.; Su. VII. 21 f. About Śalibhadra vide above.
50. Su. VII, 38: ''
51. An. p. 17.
52. 1 gavyūti = 4 miles ( ? ); 1 yojana = 9 miles (?).
53. An. p. 24 : 'विश्वम्भरा
श्री जावडेन
54. K. P. 43.
सत्रागारमिव व्यधाप्यत' ।
55. Su. VII, 2 ff.; Vi. 75 ff.
56. A 'Pañcatīrthi' is a statue surrounded by an ornamental frame of the same material as the statue, with four small
Tīrthankara images in relief.

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57. Not 22, as is often stated, one writer copying the mistake
from the other. Vide Su. VII, 6. Top peilfasifarafidhctat' 58. Su. VIII. 6. 4 a HOT THAT I 59. araufque maigiaih SCRITTI 60. f aritusfoore, si ucisiger-fergefa, TT 4, À 1993,
q 203, reiterated by A. Nahta in this Journal No. 2, p. 80 f. 61. First printed in Jaina Yuga IV (S. 1985 ), pp. 332-333. A.
Nahta does not state whereon his edition in this Journal No.
2, pp. 84 ff. is based. 62. The text is quite clear on the point that out of 22 temples on
the pilgrims' route, only those five are of Mandu proper, though A. Nahta in this Journal No. 2, p. 79 f. takes all 22
as located within the town of Mandu. 63. From his 'Caityavandana'. This poet's works fall into the
period S.1666 to 87; vide Jaina Gurjara Kavio, 1.1.,1., p.
409ff. 64. S. 1520 Published in Benaras, Vira S. 2437. 65. S. 1619 ( ? ) vide. 15, JO VETA Toridit anfaati, 36 Tai
1951, \ 25-261 66. S. 1746 and 1750; vide fazer FR, Y a defect FNE, F
1978, I 101, 731 67. Published in: a pirjasta, st stefat ETETA, 376HGICE,
1949, ” 411 1 68. Now in Ahmedabad : Buddhisāgara, 1. 1. 1, No. 861. 69. Now in Ahmedabad : Buddhisāgara, 1. 1.1, 1. No. 1074. 70. Now in Baroda : Buddhisāgara, 1. 1.; II, No. 316. 71. Now in Nagpur : Muni Kāntisāgara, Jaina-dhātu-pratimā
lekha, 1950, No. 251. 72. Now in Kheda ( Gujarat ): Buddhisāgara, 1.1., II, No. 454. 73. Now in Cambay : Buddhisāgara, 1.1., II, No. 614. 74. Now in Agra : Nahar, 1.1., II, No. 1472. 75. Now in Vijapur : Buddhisāgara, 1.1., No. 428. 76. Now in Merta : Vinayasāgara, 1.1., No. 847.

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Poetical Biography of Sri Vijaya Dharma Sūri* Popularity of the Hero
Vijaya Dharma Sūri deceased only six years ago at Shivpuri (Gwalior State ), where illness had obliged the indefatigable wanderer to linger, when he was passing there on a walking tour from Bombay to Benares, and where a splendid Memorial Temple has been erected in his honour, combined with a flourishing Boarding School for Jaina boys ( the ‘Viratattva Prakāśaka Mandala' ). But even without this visible sign of the gratitude of his devotees and disciples, Vijaya Dharma Sūri could never be forgotten. For in India, his name is engraved in many hearts with the letters of purest reverence, as I experienced myself, while following the traces of his wanderings through Gujarat and Kathiawar last cold weather. Pronouncing the name of Vijaya Dharma Sūri with respect, had the effect of a magic spell, instantaneously causing the hearts of young and old to open, and turning foreigners into friends and brothers in a trice. Not only Mūrtipūjaka Svetāmbera Jainas, but Sthānakavāsīs and Digambaras and Terāpanthis too, not only Jainas, but Arya Samājīs, Vaisnavas, Saivas, Parsees, Musulmans and freethinkers too, not only sons of Mother India, but great stars amongst European scholars and high officials too, are in the crowd of the late Mahatma's admirers, disciples, devotees, and friends. Mahārājās, millionaires, and dignitaries even of heterodox sects and creeds, honoured and respected him during his life-time, and still do honour and respect his memory. And even in distant Europe and America, the great Jainācārya's name is pronounced with sympathy and reverence.
*
An article by Dr. Charlotte Krause. Published in 'Dharma Jivana Pradīpa', alias “Vijaya Dharma Sūri Rāsa', Shivpuri, June 1928.

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His Personality
And this is no wonder. For Vijaya Dharma Sūri was not only an ideal Jaina Sādhu, but his was a personality of eminence and rare attractiveness. His was a great and liberal mind, which made him just in the appreciation of things good and noble in other sects and religions. His was a warm heart, which made him mild towards poor infatuated fellow-creatures, whom he loved as a father does his own erring children. His was a firm soul, which made him forbearing even towards his adversaries. His was the quick intuition of a genius, who, ages before, knows the demands of coming generations, and his was a sound common sense, which knows the needs and grievances of the present hour, and finds means to redress them. Renowned was he as a writer, a scholar, an orator, and a social reformer.
Literary Activity
Even now, his co-religionists and country-men delight in numerous essays and other writings from his pen, which deal with different aspects of Jaina Religion, and which, learned and devotional at the same time, resulted from a deep study of the Sacred Writings as well as post-canonical Jaina Literature, and which, partly, represent what were originally sermons, recast in book-form. The titles of his chief volumes are : Jaina Tattva Digdarśana ( which originally had been read before the Convention of Religions in India on the 9th April 1909, written in Hindi ), Jaina Tattvajñāna ( in Saṁskṛta ), Indriya Parājaya Digdarśana ( in Gujarati, a Hindi as well as a Marathi translation having appeared later ), Jaina Šikṣā Digdarśana ( in Gujarati, translated into Hindi ), Brahmacarya Digdarśana ( in Hindi, translated into Hindi and Marathi ) Puruśārtha Digdarśana ( in Gujarati ), Ahimsā Digdarśana ( Hindi ) Ātma Unnati Digdarśana ( Gujarati ), Dharma Deśană. All these different works ( the resp. years of the first publication of which I could not ascertain ) appeared in the Series ‘Yaśovijaya Jaina Granthamālā' in Bhavnagar. The last-named publication, the

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Dharma Deśanā, consists of a number of articles, which give a clear idea of the whole of Jaina ethics and dogmatics, and which originally had been published, one by one, in the 'Jaina Śāsana' weekly appearing under the auspices of the Acarya at Benares, from 1911 till 1914.
a
Educational Work
All these different writings were meant to, and indeed did contribute a good deal to, the propagation and popularisation of Jainism in India. In order to reach this aim so much the safer, venerable Vijaya Dharma Sūri at the same time resorted to another expedient, viz., establishing a number of Jaina libraries and Jaina educational institutions which, if enumerated here, would make a long list. Well-known are the Viratattva Prakāśaka Maṇḍala at Shivpuri (Gwalior ), the students of which are being prepared for the title examinations of Calcutta University, the Yasovṛddhi Jaina Bālāśrama at Mahuva ( Kathiawar) and the Yasovijaya Jaina Gurukula at Palitānā. It was Vijaya Dharma Sūri's scheme to get trained up, in these institutions, a number of not only indigenous Jaina scholars, but also Jaina teachers and preachers, who would carry the spirit of Jaina religion amongst the masses, nay, even perhaps as far as Europe and America. In this connection, it must also be mentioned that it was by Vijaya Dharma Suri's instigation, that Jaina Nyaya and Jaina Vyakaraṇa were introduced as subjects for the Madhyama and Tīrtha Examinations, and the 'Pramāṇanaya-tattvā-lokālankara' prescribed for the M.A. examination in
Nyāya.
Activity as a Scholar
As a scholar, Vijaya Dharma Sūri had made himself a name by his edition of Hemacandra's Yogaśāstra, along with its author's commentary, which appeared in Bhavanagar, in the Yasovijaya Jaina Granthamālā. Of no less import, though less known, are his works on the field of Old Gujarati Jaina Literature: viz., the Aitihäsika Rasa Sangraha, Vol. 1-3 ( Bhavnagar 1920-22, Yaso

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vijaya Jaina Granthamālā ) in which 20 old historical Rasas dealing with Jaina ecclesiastical history, have been edited, and the Prācīna Tīrthamālā Sangraha ( Bhavnagar, Yaśovijaya Jaina Granthamālā, 1922 ), a collection of 25 Tīrthamālās, i.e., small epics dealing with Jaina places of pilgrimage and their history, likewise composed in Old Gujarati. Both the collections contain learned and most valuable introductions and ample notes on Chronology, History, Epigraphy etc.
On the field of Epigraphy, Iconography and Chronology, the Ācārya has likewise been an indefatigable worker, since, on his extensive walking tours, he used to collect and arrange all materials he happened to come across. His most valuable works on this field are however still unpublished. Only a small monograph, entitled ‘Devakulapatākā' has come out till now, which gives an account of the history of Delwāļā ( Mewar ) and is accompanied by abundant epigraphic material ( Bhavnagar, Yaśovijaya Jaina Granthamālā). Editorial Activity
Another work of Vijaya Dharma Sūri must be mentioned here, which alone would have been sufficient to make his name a lasting one : the foundation of the, Yaśovijaya Jaina Granthamālā, 1904, in Benares, which afterwards, was transplanted to Bhavnagar, where it still exists. It was an enterprise destined for the publication of works pertaining to the different branches of Jaina literature such as Kāvya, Nyāya, Vyākaraṇa, Philosophy, and meant at its time, an astonishing innovation, which – thus many leading dignitaries speculated – would result in attacks on the Jaina tenets and institutions from different sides. But after the prejudice had once been broken by Vijaya Dharma Sūri, many publications of Jaina classical writings and canonical scriptures have followed, undertaken from various sides, and Jaina studies have, since then, ever been increasing in India. If, indeed, attacks on the Jaina dogma did follow, from the heterodox side, they could not but enflame the religious zeal of Jaina champions to a higher enthusiasm and sharpen their mental
arms.

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Promoting Western Jainology
To what degree Vijaya Dharma Sūri, who could justly be called the father of indigenous Jaina research, has promoted European Jaina studies likewise, this is so well known that I need hardly dwell on it here. There is indeed not a single Jaina scholar in Europe or America but profited in some way or other by the great Acarya's tactful and liberal help. Vijaya Dharma Sūri ( it is wellknown) had cultivated an extensive correspondence with the Western learned circles interested in Jainism, and every scholar concerned with Jaina studies could always firmly reckon on being supplied - on request - with references, advice, manuscripts, books and whatever information or other materials he was in need of, through Vijaya Dharma Sūri's generous hand. Scarcely any work has been written on a subject pertaining to Jainology during the last about 20-30 years whose author does not own his indebtedness to the venerable Acārya. From this fact it can be inferred what Vijaya Dharma Suri's liberal policy meant for the young science 'Jainology'. What was Jainology only some decades ago? And what did the West know about Jainism at that time? The number of people who knew something about Mahāvīra and the other Tirthankaras, or who knew the meaning of such important everyday terms as ‘Pratikaramaṇa', ‘Kāyotsarga”, ‘Śrāvaka”, ‘Śrāvikā', ‘Samyaktva', etc., was limited to a few scholars. Whereas, at that very time, nearly every educated European had some idea about Brahmā, Viṣņu, Śiva, about Kṛṣṇa and Rādhā, about the Vedas and Upanisads, about Mahabharata and Rāmāyaṇa, about the beauties of Kalidasa's poetry and about Bhartṛhari's melancholy, about Nirvāṇa and 'Tattvamasi', and there was Gautama Buddha's life painted, in glowing colours, by the masterhand of the Western poet Arnold, a glorious piece of poetry which quickly made Buddhism popular in Europe. Thus, Buddhism had, indeed, become known, and begun to be methodologically explored in Europe, long before anybody had ever heard of Mahāvīra's teachings. The consequence was that Jainism came to be believed to be but a recent off-shoot of

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Buddhism for a long time. All this could happen, since there was nobody in the Jaina community who cared for an exploration or propagation of Jainism in Europe, but there were, quite on the contrary, numerous Sādhus who, in all earnest, did object to the sacred Jaina scriptures being exposed to European eyes and to their being edited, translated and studied with a critical view, for the study of these texts then was considered ( and the reader will perhaps be astonished to learn that it is still being considered in certain circles ) as a privilege of initiated Sādhus only. Regarded from this standpoint, Śrī Vijaya Dharma Sūri's indefatigable endeavours in contributing to the creation and advancement of Jainology are a most courageous and important step, which now, being approved of and imitated by a number of enlightened members of the Jaina community, appears so simple and so selfunderstood.
Devadravya Dispute
If, in all the above points, Vijaya Dharma Sūri had to face an orthodox majority, who did not share, and sometimes even opposed to, his views, this is still more obvious in another of his great attempts at reformation, viz., the famous 'Devadravya-Dispute', which, some years ago, set the whole community in motion. ‘Devadravya'means “property of the Gods' and consists, according to Vijaya Dharma Sūri's opinion ( which is laid down in his pamphlet 'Devadravya sambandhi māra vicāro'. Bombay 1920 ), only of such things which have been deposited before the respective idol with an explicit intention of being offered to the respective deity, such as gifts of money, rice, betel-nuts, almonds etc., which are daily offered in great quantities in all the various Jaina temples. Current custom and opinion, however, used to include in the Devadravya also the money derived from the so-called 'Ghi-ni boli', a kind of auction of the right of performing certain ceremonies, by which considerable sums of money are being collected. If Vijaya Dharma Sūri's opinion were to be generally adopted, in

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that case enormous sums of money, which, at present, are only spent for the erection and restoration of temples, or, in other ways, for the direct service of the idol, would become available for educational and charitable purposes. Though many communities still cling to the old definition, sanctified by tradition, still there are a good number of towns and villages where the reasonable reform suggested by Vijaya Dharma Sūri, has been carried through, and their number will, of course, increase in the measure in which education and enlightenment of the masses will progress.
Reforming Monastic Customs
Another courageous attack against the gaint 'tradition' Vijaya Dharma Sūri had undertaken, when, at the age of nineteen, he had for the first time re-entered his native place Mahuvā, in the garb of a monk. It had come to be an established custom that a Jaina monk, whenever he preached, could do so only in a so called Upāśraya, i.e., Jaina assembly hall, and only sitting in the prescribed posture, the ‘Patiyu' behind him, on his 'Pat', with the “Mukhavastrikā' in one, and the manuscript in the other hand. Thus the public which he addressed, consisted of course, almost completely of Jaina laymen and laywomen. Vijaya Dharma Sūri, however, not content with such an audience, found that it were not his laymen who were so much in need of his teaching, but, before all, those Non-Jainas, amongst whom the gospel of non-violence had not yet been carried. Imitating the noble example of Lord Mahāvīra, he found that it was his duty as a religious teacher to speak before all and everybody who needed enlightenment. Thus, making light of old usage, he began to deliver lectures and public addresses in all kinds of meetings, began to preach in all kinds of public places, in the very streets and bazaars, and sometimes even, standing up-right, under the open sky, before crowds in which all creeds and castes were represented. Thus he created himself a powerful expedient for carrying the Jaina tenets amongst people who had never heard the name of a Tīrtharkara before. And this very reasonable innovation

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at once met with general approval, being instantly adopted by numerous Jaina monks ( and even nuns ) of various orders and sects and the number of its imitators still increases from day-to-day.
Touring and Lecturing in Heterodox Countries
Finder of new paths in so many different respects, it is no wonder that the great Jainācārya also found new roads in the literal sense of the word, viz., with reference to his very walking tours. It had become an established custom that Svetāmbara Jaina monks did never extend their walking tours beyond the limits of sweet Gujarat with its vast population of devoted laymen and laywomen, and its multitudes of comfortable Upāśrayas, till venerable Munirāja Buteravji ( alias Buddhivijaya ) had also made Kathiawar ( and Punjab too ) accessible for Jaina monks. Since that time, the road between Ahmedabad, Cambay, Patan, Bhavnagar and Jamnagar formed their traditional march routes, following which they were always sure to find, without difficulty, food and shelter, and a circle of well-prepared and humble hearers of their ‘Vyākhyānas'. Vijaya Dharma Sūri, however, far-sighted and audacious, found the way beyond the traditional limit, to the proud and hostile Benares, the very central place of orthodox Hinduism begging his way, under unspeakable hardships, through a population, which had not the least idea about what a Jaina monk was and what his customs etc. were. And not only did he find his way to Benares but even to the very court and to the very heart of the ruler of that place, who many times paid his respects to the great Jaina Ācārya, after having once become aware of his spiritual eminence. Not only thus much, but he indeed made the haughty representatives of orthodox Hindu hierarchy bow to himself in sincere veneration, made them realize the beauties of his beloved Jaina religion, and even received, from their hands, the title of 'Šāstraviśārads Jainācārya'. After a fertile activity in Benares, he proceeded to Bihar Old Sacred Magadha, the country where the last Tīrthankara was born, initiated, where he wandered about preaching, and from where he went to salvation, but

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which is now destitute of Jainism and Jainas, and inhabited by a flesh-eating population, amongst whom not a single reminiscence of the past glories of Jainism has survived. He regarded it his duty as a real son of Mahāvīra, to work there for the re-establishment of non-violence, and even proceeded as far as distant Calcutta, where the initiation of live of his disciples was celebrated with unheard-of splendour and display, and where the very elite of national erudition used to hang upon his lips. Vijaya Dharma Sūri Bibliography
These few points may suffice to illustrate the fact that the subject of the present booklet is a worthy one, an opportune one, and an attractive one. To support this, it may be added that venerable Vijaya Dharma Sūri's personality and life has come to form the subject of a great number of books and pamphlets, leaving aside the mass of articles and other contributions to newspapers, magazines, and books. It all the resp. titles could be enumerated here, it would appear that Vijaya Dharma Sūri has been extolled not only in Gujarati, Hindi, Urdu, Marathi, Bengali, Simhalese, Samskrta, English, German, French, Italian, but there exists even a highly artistic poem in Prākrta in his honour, from the pen of the famous Saṁskrta writer and poet Nyāya Vijaya, who is one of the Ācārya's disciples ( Benares, Vira Samvat 2434 ). Not only this much, but there are even two different text-books for a Pūjā ceremony to be celebrated in his honour, which have been practically used many times ( During the last rainy season, I witnessed two Pūjā ceremonies of Vijaya Dharma Sūri in Bombay. ). One of the two texts was written by the author of the present ‘Vijaya Dharma Sūri Rāsa' and bears the title of 'Sri Vijaya Dharma Sūrīśvaraji Mahārāja ni Aştaprakārī Pūjā'(Agra, Vira samvat 2451, in Gujarati), the other, composed by Munirāja Vidyā Vijaya, the celebrated orator and writer, in India, is entitled 'Sri Vijaya Dharma Sūri Mahārāja Ki Aștaprakārī Pūjā’(Bhavnagar, Vīra samvat 2451 ). ..
Only some of the biographies of Vijaya Dharma Sūri, such

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as appeared independently-are named as follows: In English:
1. L. P. Tessitori, Vijaya Dharma Sūri, a Jaina Acarya of the Present Day, Bhavnagar, Yasovijaya Jaina Granthamālā (translated into Gujarati by Shah Harilal Shivlal, Bhavnagar ). 2. A. J. Sunavala, Vijaya Dharma Sūri, His Life and Work, Cambridge 1922.
207
3. Vijaya Indra Sūri, Reminiscences of Vijaya Dharma Sūri, Allahabad 1924.
In Gujarati:
4. Muni Vidya Vijaya, Śrī Vijaya Dharma Sūri Caritra,
Ahmedabad 1911.
5. Seth Devacand Damji, Śrī Vijaya Dharma Sūri Jīvanaprabhā,
Palitana 1915.
6. Chunilal Shivlal Gandhi, Saco Dharma, Limbdi 1924.
7. Munirāja Jayantavijaya, Vihāra Varṇana, Bhavnagar 1926, (containing a detailed description of the deceased Acārya's walking tours).
8. Tapu Vasani, Śrī Vijaya Dharma Süri nī Arghya, Bhavnagar
1927.
9. Nyāyavijaya, Vijaya Dharma Sūri ni Vijaya Ghoṣaṇā, Bhavnagar 1927.
10. Bhiksu Sayalakar, Dharma Jīvana, Shivpuri 1927.
In Hindi:
11. Muni Nyāyavijaya, Dharmagītāñjali, Ujjain 1923. 12. Muni Vidyavijaya, Ādarśa Sādhu, Bhavnagar 1918. In Urdu:
13. Vijaya Dharma Sūri yane Śāstraviśārada Jainācārya Vijaya Dharma Sūri kī Jindagi ke Kucha Hālāt, Bhavnagar, 1924. In Samskṛta:
14. Muni Ratna Vijaya, Dharmamahodayaṁ, Benares 1920.
Amongst all these various works, the two biographies composed of Venerable Muni Vidyāvijaya, and amongst them more

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particularly the 'Adarśa Sadhu' deserve fullest attention, since both of them are not only written on the basis of direct information, but also contain fullest details. For this reason, the 'Adarśa Sadhu' is often referred to in the present Rāsa and must be kept alongside the latter as a valuable supplement. On the other hand, the 'Adarśa Sadhu' describing the events only as far as 1918, the Rasa, in its turn, complements the former work, since it takes into consideration all the events till the Mahatma's death, and even describes the fate of the deceased Acarya's group of disciples in later years.
The Vijaya Dharma Süri Rāsa
In another respect too, the Vijaya Dharma Sūri Rāsa occupies a place of its own, viz., with reference to the spirit in which it is composed. I do not mean the spirit of genuine, and often touching, 'Gurubhakti', which is common to all and every of the extant biographies, but a spirit of enthusiastic devotion to the religious and sectarian ideal which the author professes as his own, and which he not only places high above the ideals of all other religions and sects, but in whose defence and glorification he often severely criticizes heterodox confessions and institutions. Thus, e.g., a devoted and convinced Terapanthī layman must surely feel offended on reading the venerable Upadhyāya's often sarcastic criticisms of the Terapanthi Sect and its dignitaries, and whosoever owes the formation and development of his spiritual self to European, i.e., Christian civilization, must needs feel utterly grieved on finding Christian society characterized as Bhārata Bhraṣṭa Karnāri ( i.e., ‘ruining India' ). But, going through the Rasa with the calm mind of an investigator of Jainism, one cannot but read even the polemic chapters with great interest, since they allow us to get insight into many an astonishing point of discrimination of the various sects and sub-sects, make us acquainted with many interesting monastic rules and customs, and exemplify the subtle way in which dogmatical discussions are being tackled in those circles. Moreover, the observer of social life gets some insight into

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the causes of the present dissension of the Jaina Community, into its quarries, its weaknesses and the short-sighted policy of the majority of their spiritual guides.
The prevailing of this polemical spirit, however, should not surprise us too much since it seems to be a characteristic feature of many of the ancient Rāsas, in which the greatest part of the ecclesiastical history of Gujarati Jainism is handed down, and which venerable Mangalavijaya has successfully revived in his 'Dharma Jivana Pradipa'. All the Răsas are epic poems, and consist of a number of sections composed in different meters and melodies (desi, cālī). Endrhyme is obligatory, alternation of Doha and Dhāla sections as has been carried through in the 'Dharma Jīvana Pradipa') optional for the species. The oldest Rasas dealing with subjects of Jaina history, are of the 13th century. The species flourished during the period from the 14th till 16th century, and has since then come out of fashion. The older specimens, written in a very archaic Gujarati, are interesting from the linguistic standpoint. Some show real literary merits But all of them are equally valuable for the historiographer, since they represent trustworthy historical records (Good specimens are contained in the above-mentioned collection of Rasas edited by Vijaya Dharma Sūri. ). Venerable Mangalavijaya's Rasa truly examplifies - in nearly all respects the old species, and, like the ancient Rāsas, it must be sung in order to display its full charm and to exhale the whole sweetness of the pure, innocent devotion and genuine piety in which it abounds. Then, the whole strange world of Jaina asceticism, of which the hero as well as the author are true representatives, with its pensive worldweariness, its peace and contemplativeness and its spirit of bittersweet renunciation, becomes alive before our mental eye :
न च राजभयं न च चोरभयं इहलोकसुखं परलोकहितम् । वरकीर्त्तिकरं श्रमणत्वमिदं रमणीयतरम् ।। 1 ।
नरदेवनतं
It has a peculiar charm to watch, standing out in bold relief against this unworldly back-ground, the shape of the clear-sighted,

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energetic hero and his indefatigable endeavours for the progress of his community : a beautiful proof for the often denied fact that Jainism, even in the culminating product of its most rigid postulates, viz., the Jaina monk, need not lead to apathy and passiveness, but has indeed much room for concentrated activity and admirable heroism.
The Author of the Rāsa
As stated above, venerable Mangalavijaya is a Jaina Sadhu himself, and a devoted disciple of Vijaya Dharma Süri. Upādhyāya Mangalavijaya is known as an excellent connoisseur not only of the Jaina Sacred Writings and Jaina Philosophy, but of the various systems of Indian Philosophy and their respective canonical scriptures. The results of a comparative study of the Jaina and Non-Jaina Indian philosophical systems he has laid down in the two volumes of his 'Tattvākhyāna' ( Bhavnagar 1921 ), which are written in Gujarati, and abound in most interesting discussions on all the important points of mutual deviation. Besides, Mangalavijaya has also made a good study of indigenous Saṁskṛta Grammar, the results of which have taken shape in his 'Dharmadīpikā' (Bhaynagar 1925 ), a Samskrta grammar which, though based upon the Siddhahema, contains all the materials in quite a new, and very clear, arrangement: all the respective terms of all the different classes of declension, conjugation etc. being grouped together according to Western method, and various new paradigms being added. On the special field of Jaina dogmatics, logic etc., the learned Upādhyāya has been very busy too, as his various publication show. There is, from his pen, a “Jaina Tattva Pradīpa'(in Saṁskṛta), which gives a summary of Jaina dogmatics a 'Saptabhangi Pradīpa', which deals with a group of problems of Jaina logic a ‘Dravya Pradīpa', and a ‘Samyaktva Pradīpa', all of them in Gujarati. His ability as a poet he has shown before in his 'Dharma Pradīpa', a collection of spiritual hymns, and in the above-mentioned hand-book for a Pūjā-ceremony of Vijaya Dharma Sūri.

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Now it might interest the reader to learn how venerable Mangalavijaya first came into contact with Mahātmā Vijaya Dharma Sūri, all the more since, true to tradition, which forbids the author to throw his own personality or his own personal experience too much into relief, he has refrained from touching this subject more closely in his Rāsa. As the writer of these few lines learned from venerable Mangalavijaya himself, the latter was then at the age of nineteen and a Jaina layman. His name was Mansukhalala Bhagavandasa Mehta. Alongwith other members of his family, he had left his native place Linch, a small country town near Mehasana, in order to visit Śarkheśvara, a very old and very renowned place of pilgrimage ( about 50 miles distant from Linch ). This place possesses a beautiful Jaina Temple with an old and, as people say, miracle working idol of Lord Pārsvanātha, and every year attracts bit crowds of pilgrims, though the railway-station is very far away and the roads are unspeakably bad. When the party arrived there (it was on the 10th of the dark half of Poşa 1896 ) they found two Sādhus, who had likewise undertaken the pilgrimage to the idol of Sankheśvara Pārsvanātha : the monk Dharma Vijaya ( the late Ācārya Vijaya Dharma Sūri ) with one of his disciple. The monk's sermon on the vanity of all earthly joys and on the path of renunciation deeply impressed the pious hearers, who, afterwards, approached the Muni and freely conversed with him. And so much pleased were they with his holy company, that they stayed there for a couple of days, during which time young Mansukhalala, thoroughly examined by Dharma Vijaya, found plenty of opportunity to show his intellect, his learning, and his disposition to strict renunciation. Inspite of his young age, he took the solemn vow of lifelong celibacy before his future master. Then, following the call of filial duty, he returned to his native place, where he persevered in his former profession, till his father died in 1989, and his brother Dalichand took over the care of the household. Now, Mansukhalala was free to fulfill his heart's desire, viz., to become a Sadhu disciple of Dharma Vijaya. On the 6th of the dark half of Vaišākha 1900, he became initiated at

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Mahuva, along with Muni Vallabha Vijaya, and received the monk's name Mangalavijaya. The community celebrated the event with much display, and Dharma Vijaya delivered a beautiful sermon on the Samskệta stanza :
भवारण्यं मुक्त्वा यदि जिगमिषुमुक्तिनगरी
तदानीं मा कार्षीर्विषयविषवृक्षेषु वसतिम् । अतः छायाऽप्येषां प्रथयति महामोहमचिराद्
अयं जन्तुर्यस्मात् पदमपि न गन्तुं प्रभवति ।। 1 ।। For the enlightenment of his new disciples, he narrated and explained the famous allegory of the four damsels Ujjhia, Rakṣita, Bhāșika and Rohiņi, who, in their respective ways of dealing with a handful of unhusked rice, are symbolical of the four classes of disciples, with reference to the way in which they profit of the teachings of their master.
After his initiation, Mangalavijaya nearly always stayed with his revered Guru, accompanying him on all his vast wanderings, as well as during the various halts in the rainy seasons. After frequenting the Jaina Pāțhaśālā of Benares, he passed the Nyāya Tīrtha Examination of Calcutta University in Hindu Logic in 1912, alongwith his brother disciple Nyāyavijaya, and was given the title of Nyāyaviśārada by a committee of Bengal scholars. In 1914, he was given the title of Pravartaka, and in 1923, at Agra, he attained to the title and rank of an Upādhyāya. Since his Guru's death, in 1922, he has always been in the company of his brother disciples, the eldest of whom, the present Ācārya Itihăsatattva Mahodadhi Vijaya Indra Sūri, succeeded to the rank and title of Vijaya Dharma Sūri. Alongwith them, he undertook long tours, especially in Rājaputānā and the Central Provinces, and spent his last rainy season in Bombay, from where the group intends to proceed to the south, in order to carry the light of their faith into these distant regions with their heterodox population, true to the intentions of their great master.
The writer of these few lines feels deeply indebted to venerable Upādhyāya Mangalavijaya for much valuable instruction

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Poetical Biography of Śri Vijayadharma Sūri
most liberally bestowed on her, and thus thought it her duty to comply with the author's wish of writing an introduction to the Dharma Jīvana Pradīpa. Though she is not a profound connoisseur of Gujarati poetry, such as this task would require, still her zeal to show her gratitude to the author, and her sincere admiration for Jaina religion, Jaina asceticism, and particularly the hero of this book, may be considered as an excuse for her audacity.
May the beautiful words come true which another of Mahātmā Vijaya Dharma Sūri's disciples wrote, out of the depths of his devoted heart :
भवतु भवतु लोके सौख्यवृद्धिः समन्तात्
चलतु चलतु कालः प्राणिनां सत्यतश्च । हरतु हरतु पापं श्रीजिनेन्द्रस्य पन्था

जयतु जयतु नित्यं धर्मसूरिर्मुनीन्द्रः ।। 1 ॥
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Sayings of Śri Vijayadharma Sūri*
[ 1 ]
Advice given by people whom Passion governs, is always marred by selfish regards. The advice of the Passionless alone can guide thee towards thy very welfare.
[2]
If the quarrels of this world have filled thee with disgust, and the terrors of death with apprehension, beware, O marr! from reposing thyself in the shadow of sensual pleasure! Keep aloof from it! Keep far aloof!
[ 3 ]
Carelessness is a mortal enemy of man: hovering over his head, he lures him away from his duty, to hurl him down from his spiritual heights.
[ 4
The mental peace, which we have acquired by turning away from the world, can so quickly be destroyed by wrath. How unwise
The Sayings have been selected by Revered Muni Vidyāvijaya, from the following of Shri Vijaya Dharma Sûri's works:
Nos. 1 to 22 from Dharma-deśanā.
Nos. 23 to 53 from Dharma-pravacana.
Nos. 54 to 61 from Jaina-Sikṣa-Digdarśana.
Nos. 62 to 72 from Ahimsa-Digdarśana. Nos. 73 to 96 from Brahmacarya-Digdarśana. Nos. 97 to 103 from Atmonnati-Digdarśana.
Nos. 104 to 108 from Puruṣārtha-Digdarśana.
Translated by Dr. Charlotte Krause. Published by Phulchandji Ved, Secretary Shri Yashovijaya Jaina Granthamala, Bhavnagar (Kathiawar), 1930.

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is it to store up such a treasure under endless troubles, to see it destroyed in a moment !
[ 5 ]
Man ought to be like a lion, not like a dog: the dog rushes towards the instrument (viz., the clog in the assailant's hand), the lion, however, faces the essential cause (viz., the assailant himself).
[ 6 ]
Be thankful to him who blames thee, if thou art guilty of the fault for he has reminded thee of thy imperfection! Pity him, if thou are guiltless for the poor wretch has burdened his soul with the sin of slandering.
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[7]
Not by beauty is the aim of Religion attained, but by the body many, though void of beauty, have reached highest spiritual stages merely by means of the body.
[ 8 ]
Mildness is an excellent remedy against Pride, Arrogance and Conceit.
[9]
If thou wishest to behold the Three Jewels 'Knowledge', 'Belief' and 'Ethical Conduct', thou must light torches like 'Discretion', 'Modesty', 'Equanimity' and 'Compassion', in thy heart.
[ 10 ]
What graces the layman, disgraces the monk.
[ 11 ]
'One word, and one weight', this is the source of all prosperity for the tradesman.
[ 12 ]
A man, who has escaped from the claws of the terrible demon 'Illusion', is, in truth, a genuine jewel, a genuine king, a genuine object of worship.

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[ 13 ] Remember that the latent consequences of thy actions do not temper justice with mercy!
[ 14 ] As the dark planet Rāhū ( dragon's head ) has got the power of eclipsing the bright moon, just so hypocrisy can deprive piety of all its brilliancy and power.
[ 15 ] Around “Desire', all the vices seem to flock together. If desire is absent, man is virtuous.
[ 16 ] An iron chain can be broken by physical strength, but the chain ‘Infatuation cannot be shattered, except with the help of the tool ‘Aversion from the world'.
[ 17 ] The circuit of all the mundane existences we have to undergo, is nothing but the result of the efficacy of our former actions. Where the latter are absent, the other is non-existent too.
[ 18 ] Happiness followed by pain is pain, and not happiness, and pain followed by happiness is happiness, and not pain.
[ 19 ] When Right Philosophical Knowledge reveals the vulnerable points of Delusion, the true hero, who endeavours for his welfare, begins to display his strength.
[ 20 ] Not he is a real Pandita, who after studying his books engages in sophistry, nor he who instructs others without acting accordingly himself : but a true Pandita possesses knowledge, and also acts according to it.
[ 21 ]
Spiritual happiness is a wish-tree as it were, whose blossoms are those supernatural powers called 'Labdhi', which form, as it were, the wealth of the Inner Self.

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217
[ 22 ] If thou hast contracted a habit of, or predilection for slandering, slander thy own self : then there will be a chance of something good coming out therefrom.
[ 23 ] Forgiveness is an ornament of the followers of Vīra. Where Forgiveness is absent, and Wrath dominates, there the great Goddess Non-injury will never come to dwell.
[ 24 ] Slandering pulls our own pure actions down to the level of the impure ones of others.
[ 25 ] Piety is nothing but good acting, and impiety nothing but evil acting.
[ 26 ] Obstinacy excludes piety.
[ 27 ] With the increase of tranquillity, sensuality fades away, justice and morals rule, and love towards all creatures becomes manifest : this is called piety.
[ 28 ] Religious actions done without devotion are as useless as termitaries, which, though rising in the shape of spires, still are never called spires nor hills.
[ 29 ] Neither the destruction of our enemies, nor the increase of our fortune, nor the attainment of renown ought to be the motive of our devotions, but Salvation only alone.
[ 30 ] Worship is nothing but that feeling of reverence with which we regard a statue or a picture, a book or a person.

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[ 31 ] No object is in itself endowed with the quality of being dear or hateful. Our own disposition for loving or hating makes one object, dear to us and another hateful. This is why one and the same object so often appears dear to us and hateful to someone else.
[ 32 ] Harness thy mind to the chariot called 'Aversion from the World', take up the arms ‘Discretion', 'Modesty' and the like, and open the fight against 'Wrath', and other internal enemies !
( 33 ) In his silken quilts, a Universal Emperor, lord of all luxury and enjoyments, cannot find that exquisite happiness which the Monk, who, lean and emaciated as he is himself, has emaciated his love and hatred too, experiences on his bed of straw.
[ 34 ] Religious actions are fertile only if combined with knowledge, and religious knowledge is fertile only if combined with actions.
[ 35 ] If we cannot grasp the truth, it is because a layer of prejudice covers our Inner Self. Therefore, it is necessary first of all to do away with prejudice.
[ 36 ] He who subdues desire is a true ascetic, a true sage and, though living in the world, still aloof from it in every respect.
[ 37 ] Unless coupled with Forbearance, all the remaining virtues are as useless as zeroes isolated from the other figures.
[ 38 ] Only he who renounces gold and women renounces truly, and only he is worthy of reverence.

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219
[ 39 ] A person over whom Illusion has got power, be his outer position ever so high, can never reach the shore of this ocean of births and re-births.
[ 40 ] A nation, a family, or a community in which good-will is absent, can never be successful.
[ 41 ] Every work should be done in conformity with matter, place, time and disposition. He who ignores these four – be he a scholar, a physician, or a preacher --- gets needs into trouble.
[ 42 ] An army or a community, into which licentiousness has found its way, or which has got no leader, or many leaders, can never hope to be successful.
[ 43 ] A family, community, or nation in which intolerance has found a home-stead, gets rotten in all its parts.
[ 44 ] The habit of exposing others' faults not only adds to our own faults, but also helps to create bad prospects for our own after lives.
[ 45 ] He who cannot see others' merits without debasing them, will never gain renown.
[ 46 ] It is one of the chief commandments of Lord Vīra to save other lives even at the cost of our own.
[ 47 ] The suppression of such customs as are a stain on religion, is religious duty, and helps to establish religion itself so much the firmer.

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[ 48 ] Religiousness is that attitude or activity by which thinking and feeling are being purified.
[ 49 ] It is a good thing not to be proud of our caste, lineage, strength, beauty, austerity, wealth, wisdom or gain; but our mental purity, and our religious activity too ought not to be capable of making us conceited.
[ 50 ] An Aryan is he who remains aloof from all objectionable actions.
[51] Indulging in sensual enjoyment makes a soul fall from its spiritual heights. It is like lying down on a couch made of untwisted threads, which nobody could do without falling to the ground.
( 52 ) Birth as a human being is like a wish-tree, which one must not allow to wither from the brine of sensuality and passion.
[ 53 ) On being united with the desirable, thou shalt not exult, and on being separated from it, thou shalt not grieve. Nor shalt thou grieve on being united with the undesirable, nor exult on being separated from it.
( 54 ) The happiness and pain, which the soul has to experience, are imparted by fate alone, and fate is nothing but the consequence of our good or evil deeds.
[ 55 ] Meditating on the dispassionate makes the soul approach the ideal state of dispassionateness, and meditating on the impassioned makes it impassioned.

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221
[ 56 ] Not only destroying another's body is injury, but injury comprises the causing of any pain to another creature in inimical intention.
[ 57 ] The more good deeds a living being does, the higher is the form of existence it will acquire.
[ 58 ] Breath is matter. Still its destruction causes pain to the immaterial soul. This is why killing is counted as injury.
[ 59 ] You may cut his head : still a brave man will not give up his valour.
[ 60 ] A monk who refrains from imparting religious instruction is like a stray leaf : both are floating towards their destination, without being able to make others float to theirs.
[ 61 ] There will be births and re-births as long as the efficacy of our actions will not be exhausted. At the disappearance of the latter, the former too will cease.
[ 62 ] What were we to understand by irreligiousness, if the aim of religion could be reached by injuring others, lying, stealing and the like !
[ 63 ] Remember that the consequences of serving others open bright, and those of causing pain to others, sad prospects for your after-lives.
[ 64 ] To say that Religion can be served by injury, is just as preposterous as it would be to assert that a snake drops nectar from its jaws.

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[ 65 ] In a heart in which the Goddess Non-injury has taken her domicile, the whole host of virtues, such as chastity, unselfishness, contentment, liberality, meditation, austerity and prayer soon manifest themselves.
[ 66 ) Knowledge, meditation, the morning and evening devotions, and other religious actions are necessary to form a fence, as it were, around the useful garden 'Non-injury', in order to protect it duly.
[ 67 ] The root of piety is compassion. Where there is injury, there cannot be compassion, and thus, there cannot be piety either.
[68] To commit injury and afterwards atone for it, is just like soiling one's feet with mud and then washing them.
( 69 ) No object is so dear to a creature as its life. Thus there can be not greater sin than to take it away, in order to fatten one's own body by that of the poor killed thing.
[ 70 ] Bear in mind that in feeling happiness and pain, another's self is just like thy own : therefore love others even as thou lovest thyself.
[ 71 ] In this world, which is so full of fears, only he can live fearlessly, who practises compassion towards all creatures.
[ 72 ] No reasoning can justify the cruelty which man displays when destroying the whole existence of another creature for the sake of a momentary gratification of his desires.
[ 73 ) The faculty of doing important work grows in the measure in which one preserves one's chastity.

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223
[ 74 ] The preservation of virility in its intactness means selfpreservation.
[ 75 ] When protecting our virility, we protect, as it were, a popular and just king : for virility is the ruler of the body.
[76] After squeezing the juice out of sugar-cane, nothing remains but dry fibres. Just so the consumption of your virility leaves your body worthless — an empty case as it were.
[ 77 ] True monks are those who, living on alms, wander about on earth for their own and others' benefit.
[ 78 ] The monk, who lives in constant celibacy, never ought to face such circumstances nor to engage in such practices, as offer opportunities of violating his chastity.
[ 79 ) People living in complete celibacy ought to keep aloof from all talk concerning the other sex, which is so capable of increasing sensual desire.
[80] Food which serves to increase erotic desire ought to be strictly avoided by people observing celibacy.
[81] He who eats little verily eats much.
( 82 ) The pulling out of the hair, severe penances, exposing one's body to the five fires, and thousands of other severe ascetical practices are useless, where chastity is destroyed.
[ 83 ] He who transgresses his limits has to pass his whole life in constant fear, sorrow and uneasiness.

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[ 84 ] As the firmness of a house depends on the firmness of the foundation, just so the firmness of thy life depends on the absolute preservation of thy virility.
[ 85 ) The destruction of chastity in childhood and early youth is not only the breach of a natural law, but it is fighting against Nature itself.
[86] As rotten seeds can never yield a good crop, just so immature virility cannot produce valuable progeny.
[ 87 ] Bear in mind that erotical scenes and words, seen and heard in early childhood, infect the mind of the child with the poison of sensuality.
[ 88 ] He whom a very wicked and ruinous vice has once subdued, must surely perish before long.
[ 89 ) He who, transgressing the limits drawn in the Sacred Writings, indulges in sexual enjoyment in a way discordant with Ethics, does not accomplish one of the aims of human life, but commits a crime.
[ 90 ] The hope of fully gratifying sensual desire by indulging in it for a time, is vain : has one ever calmed down fire by feeding it with melted butter ?
( 91 ) Old age can indeed be a treasury of wisdom and an embodiment of empirical knowledge, provided it has been preceded by a period of strictly observed sexual abstinence.
[92] The procreation of too numerous progeny contributes to the material pauperization of a country.

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[ 93 ]
The chief reasons of the increase of the number of widows are child marriages and marriages of old men. By abolishing these two evils, the problem, whether widows should be allowed to remarry or not, could be easily solved.
[ 94 ]
Modesty, discretion, contentment and all other virtues take their permanent seat in the heart of such men or women as have preserved their chastity in full.
225
[ 95 ]
The highest and the very ideal one of all the virtues in woman is conjugal fidelity.
[ 96 ]
The pleasure, which man derives from indulging in sexual enjoyment, resembles that of a dog who, gnawing at a fleshless bone, is gratified by the taste of his own blood that streams forth from his teeth.
perfection.
[ 97 ]
Reaching the summit of genuine happiness is truest self
[ 98 ]
Good conduct and good thought are the best expedients to annihilate evil actions.
[ 99 ]
He who remains unshakable as Mount Meru in spite of all hardships, pure as a conch-shell in spite of all impurity round about, and brave and patient in spite of all pain, is indeed the ideal of a man.

[ 100 ]
The three genuine spiritual jewels 'Knowledge', 'Faith' and 'Good Conduct' relieve the misery under which the soul has been suffering since eternity, so that it can never again find a foothold there.

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[ 101 ]
As the ocean is the support of all jewels, and the earth the support of all beings, just so Right Faith is the support of all virtues. [ 102 ]
A soul can reach perfection only after the dirt consisting in the latent efficacy of its former deeds has disappeared from it. [ 103 ]
Knowledge without Faith and Good Conduct is useless; it cannot lead to the accomplishment of any object whatsoever. [ 104 ]
How can a man lead others to spiritual welfare, as long as he is affected by worldly interests himself?
[ 105 ]
If instruction from the lips of the worthiest of ascetics cannot influence a hardened, arid heart, the fault does not lie with the preceptor, nor with the instruction, but solely with the unfortunate disposition of the soul in question.
[ 106 ]
In the hand of the pious, wealth serves as an expedient for securing spiritual welfare by selfless deeds, whereas in the hand of the sensually disposed, it becomes an expedient for securing sensual pleasures.
[ 107 ]
With a person, in whom the latent efficacy of former good deeds is still operative, wealth becomes dependent on virtue, and spontaneously hastens to join it.
[ 108 ]
Let there be diversity in this world, but let there be no enmity! Let there be competition, but let there be no jealousy!

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Section 2 : Hindi
Jaina Sāhitya aur Mahākāla Mandira Adhunika Jaina Samāja ki Sāmājika Paristhiti

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जैन साहित्य और महाकाल-मन्दिर*
जैन साहित्य के विशाल मन्दिर में जिन विभूतियों की पुनीत स्मृति पर शताब्दियों से भक्ति की पुष्पाञ्जलि चढ़ाई जा रही है, उनमें संवत्सर-प्रवर्तक श्री विक्रमादित्य और उनके माने हुए धर्मगुरु, प्रौढ़ विज्ञान्, महाकवि श्री सिद्धसेन दिवाकर, इन दो अमर व्यक्तियों की बेजोड़ जोड़ी है। दोनों के मिलाप कब-कब एवं कैसे-कैसे हुए, इस विषय की बहुत सी किंवदन्तियाँ जैन साहित्य में पाई जाती हैं। इनमें उज्जैन के महाकाल-वन के महादेव के दरबार में दोनों के उपस्थित होने का वह महत्त्वयुक्त वृत्तान्त है जिसके साथ श्रीमहाकालेश्वर मन्दिर की एक जैन मन्दिर से मानी हुई उत्पत्ति का अनोखा इतिवृत्त जुड़ा हुआ है।
उक्त इतिवृत्त की ऐतिहासिक प्रामाणिकता का अन्वेषण करने के मूलोद्देश्य से इस कहानी पर कुछ दृष्टिपात करने की आवश्यकता है। इसका सारांश ( आगे उल्लिखित ग्रन्थों के आधार पर ) निम्नलिखित है - (1) महाकालवन में विक्रमादित्य और सिद्धसेन
सिद्धसेन दिवाकर एक उच्च ब्राह्मणकुल में उत्पन्न और ब्राह्मण विद्या के पक्के पण्डित होकर जैन मुनि बन गए थे। अपने संस्कृत-ज्ञान के अभिमान में जैनशास्त्र की प्राकृत भाषा को गौरवहीन और अयोग्य बताने का साहस करते हुए उन्होंने जैन आगम को संस्कृत में अनुवादित करने का बीड़ा उठाया था। आगम-प्ररूपक महामुनियों के प्रति ऐसा अपमानसूचक विचार प्रकट करने के दण्ड में सिद्धसेन को जैन मुनिवेश छिपाकर बारह वर्ष पर्यन्त अज्ञातरूप में विचरते रहने का कठोर प्रायश्चित्त लेना पड़ा। विचरते-विचरते वह हरसिंगार के फूलों से रंगित भिक्षुक-वेष धारण करके महाकालवन के शिव-मन्दिर में आए थे। श्री राजशेखर सूरि कृत 'प्रबन्धकोश'' (ई. सन् 1351 ), श्रीतपाचार्यकृत 'कल्याण-मन्दिर स्तोत्र टीका' (रचनाकाल अज्ञात), श्री संघतिलक सूरि कृत 'सम्यक्त्वसप्ततिका टीका' (ई. सन् 1366), श्री शुभशील गणि कृत 'विक्रमचरित्र (ई० सन् 1443 या 1434? ) और श्री विजयलक्ष्मी सूरि कृत 'उपदेशप्रासाद' (ई. सन् 1778) के अनुसार वह 'महाकाल' या 'महंकाल' का मन्दिर था। 'पुरातन प्रबन्ध संग्रह' ( रचनाकाल अज्ञात) और मेरुतुंग सूरि कृत 'प्रबन्ध चिन्तामणि' आदर्श 'डी" (ई. सन् 1305) के
*
Published in Vikrama Smrti Grantha, Scindia Oriental Institute, Gwalior, V.S. 2001.

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Dr. Charlotte Krause : Her Life & Literature
अनुसार वह ‘गूढ़महाकालप्रासाद' और श्री भद्रेश्वर सूरिकृत 'कथावली' (ई. सन् 1235 के पूर्व ), श्री प्रभाचन्द्र सूरि कृत 'प्रभावकचरित' ( ई. सन् 1278 ) तथा श्री जिनप्रभ सूरि कृत 'विविधतीर्थकल्प' अथवा 'कल्पप्रदीप' ( ई. सन् 1333 ) के अनुसार 'कुडंगेसर', 'कुडंगेश्वर', किंवा कुडुंगेश्वर महादेव का मन्दिर था। इन नामों की चर्चा आगे की जायेगी । यहाँ इतना समझ लेना पर्याप्त होगा कि वह मन्दिर महादेव ही का था ।
मन्दिर में भिक्षुक ने शिव-विग्रह को नमन नहीं किया । रुष्ट होकर श्री विक्रमादित्य ने इसका कारण पूछा। उत्तर देते हुए श्री सिद्धसेन दिवाकर ने 'लिंगभेद' और उसे परिणामस्वरूप अप्रीति होने का भय बताया। ऐसी अनहोनी बात सुनकर साहसांक नरेश ने अधीर होकर आज्ञा दी कि 'तुरत ही नमस्कार करो। इसका परिणाम मेरे सिर पर हो' । तब श्री सिद्धसेन दिवाकर ने ( जिनका अपरनाम कुमुदचन्द्र भी बताया जाता है ) 'कल्याणमन्दिरस्तोत्र टीका' के अनुसार अपने सुप्रसिद्ध संस्कृत 'कल्याणमन्दिरस्तोत्र' द्वारा तेईसवें तीर्थङ्कर श्री पार्श्वनाथ के नाम से सच्चिदानन्दरूप वीतराग जगदीश की स्तुति सुनाते हुए आदरभाव से देवता को नमन किया। उक्त स्तोत्र अभी भी जैनियों में ( चाहे वे दिगम्बर हों या श्वेताम्बर ) विशेष पवित्र माना जाकर नित्यपाठ के रूप में बोला जाता है । 'विविधतीर्थकल्प', 'कथावली', 'प्रबन्ध चिन्तामणि' (आदर्श डी), 'पुरातन प्रबन्धसंग्रह' और 'सम्यक्त्वसप्ततिका टीका' के अनुसार सिद्धसेन ने उस अवसर पर अपनी विख्यात 'द्वात्रिंशिकाओं' का पाठ किया, जिनमें ( एक को छोड़कर ) तत्त्वज्ञान और न्यायशास्त्र के अनेक प्रश्नों की चर्चागर्भित, अन्तिम तीर्थङ्कर श्रीमहावीर की स्तुति है, और जिनके गाम्भीर्य के प्रति बहुत शताब्दियों के पश्चात् महाकवि श्री हेमचन्द्र सूरि ने भी अपनी ' अयोगव्यवच्छेदिका' के निम्नलिखित रमणीय पद्य द्वारा अपनी लघुता प्रदर्शित की है :
क्व सिद्धसेनस्तुतयो महार्था अशिक्षितालापकता क्व चैषा ।
तथाऽपि यूथाधिपतेः पथस्थः स्खलद्गतिस्तस्य शिशुर्न शोच्यः ।। 3 ।। ( ‘सन्मतितर्क', भूमिका पृ. 91 से उद्धृत )
अर्थात् “कहाँ तो सिद्धसेन की महान् अर्थयुक्त स्तुतियाँ और कहाँ यह मेरा अशिक्षित आलाप । फिर भी यदि यूथपति (नेता) के मार्ग पर चलने वाला बच्चा ठोकर खाता हुआ दिखता है तो वह शोचनीय नहीं है ।। 3 ।।"
‘प्रभावकचरित’, ‘प्रबन्धकोश', विक्रमचरित्र' और 'उपदेशप्रासाद' के अनुसार सिद्धसेन ने 'कल्याणमन्दिरस्तोत्र' और 'द्वात्रिंशिकाएँ' दोनों को सुनाया। इस भिन्नता की चर्चा आगे की जायेगी ।
जगदीश की स्तुति के चमत्कारिक प्रभाव से लिंग में से एक तीर्थङ्करमूर्ति निकलती हुई दृश्यमान हुई । उपर्युक्त सभी ग्रन्थों के अनुसार वह पार्श्वनाथ की मूर्ति

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थी। मात्र 'विविधतीर्थकल्प' में 'नाभिसूनु', 'नाभेय' इत्यादि प्रथम तीर्थङ्कर श्रीऋषभदेव के नामान्तर पाए जाते हैं। इस भिन्नता का कारण यह हो सकता है कि मूल कहानी में श्रीपार्श्वनाथ ही की मूर्ति का प्रार्दुभाव कथित हुआ होगा जिनके नामान्तर 'वामासूनु', ‘वामेय' इत्यादि श्री जिनप्रभ सूरि के आधारभूत मूल-ग्रन्थ की आदर्श प्रति में लेखक की भूल से 'नाभिसूनु, 'नाभेय' आदि में परिवर्तित किये गए और इस भूल के परिणामस्वरूप शेष परिवर्तन पिछली प्रतियों में क्रमशः आ पड़े होंगे। ऐसा अनुमान करने में कुछ आपत्ति दिखाई नहीं देती।
इसके विपरीत यह अनुमान इस विचार से विशेष न्याययुक्त जान पड़ता है कि 'विविधतीर्थकल्प' की 'अ' संज्ञक आदर्श-प्रति में दी हुई तीर्थकल्पों की अनुक्रमणिका में (जिनविजयजी, पृ. 111 ) प्रस्तुत तीर्थकल्प ( नं. 47 ) का नाम 'कुडुंगेश्वरनाभेयदेवकल्प' के स्थान पर साफ-साफ 'श्रीकुडुंगेश्वरपार्श्वनाथ' ही उपलब्ध
इसके अतिरिक्त 'विविधतीर्थकल्प' में चौरासी जैन महातीर्थों के नामों की एक सूची चौबीस तीर्थङ्करों के कालक्रम से दी गई है ( जिनविजयजी, पृ. 85 )। इस नामसंग्रह में प्रथम तीर्थङ्कर के तीर्थस्थानों की नामावली में न तो कुडुंगेश्वर और न उज्जैन ही का उल्लेख है, किन्तु तेईसवें तीर्थङ्कर श्रीपार्श्वनाथ की तीर्थसूची में 'महाकालान्तरपातालचक्रवर्ती' (जिनविजयजी के मूल का पाठ 'महाकालान्तरा.') ऐसा नाम पाया जाता है। इससे भी उपर्युक्त अनुमान का कुछ समर्थन होता है कि प्रस्तुत बिम्ब, जो कि बाद में एक प्रसिद्ध तीर्थस्थान का केन्द्र बना, श्रीआदिनाथ का नहीं, किन्तु वास्तव में श्रीपार्श्वनाथ का ही था।
प्रस्तुत अनुमान के साथ यह बात भी भलीभाँति मेल खाती है कि महादेव का आभूषणरूप माना हुआ सर्प पार्श्वनाथ का भी 'लाञ्छन' अर्थात् चिह्नविशेष है, और पार्श्वनाथ का शासनदेवता-युगल धरणेन्द्र-पद्मावती नागदेवताओं का रूप धारण करते हुए कल्पित होते हैं। तदनुकूल प्रस्तुत प्रसंग में भी एक सर्पचिह्न का उल्लेख 'प्रभावकचरित' में (पृ. 60 पद्य 152 ) दिया गया है। यथा :
शिवलिंगादुदैच्चात्र कियत्कालं फणावलिः ।
लोकोऽघर्षीच्च तां मश्चान्मिथ्यात्वदृढरंगमः ।। 152 ।।
(मूल में 'लोकोऽघर्षीच्च' के स्थान पर 'लोकोऽघर्षच्च' पाठ है। ) अर्थात् "वहाँ शिवलिंग में से थोड़े समय में सर्पफणों की श्रेणी निकली। पश्चात् लोगों ने मिथ्यात्व की दृढ़ भावना से जल-सिंचन कर उसकी पूजा की" ।। 152 ।।।
____ आज भी एक रत्नचक्षुमय सर्प महाकाल लिंग के चतुर्दिक् चाँदी के पत्रों से ढंकी हुई जलाधारी में देखा जा सकता है।

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Dr. Charlotte Krause : Her Life & Literature
दिगम्बर साहित्य में भी 'श्रीकल्याणमन्दिरस्तोत्र' का पाठ होने से श्रीपार्श्वनाथ ही के बिम्ब का प्रगट होना कथित है। ऐसा उल्लेख श्री अचलकीर्तिकृत 'विषापहारस्तोत्र भाषा' ( जहाँ श्री विक्रम राजा का भी नाम इस सम्बन्ध में दिया गया है ), 'कल्याणमन्दिरस्तोत्र भाषा' में और वृन्दावन कवि कृत 'मंगलाष्टक' आदि में मिलता
यदि उपर्युक्त कुछ ग्रंथों में इस पार्श्वनाथ प्रतिमा के प्रादुर्भुत होने में पार्श्वनाथस्तुति-रूप कल्याणमन्दिरस्तोत्र के अतिरिक्त महावीर-स्तुति-रूप 'द्वात्रिंशिकाओं' का पाठ भी निमित्तभूत कथित है, तो वह इस कारण से अबाधित है कि जैन रीति के अनुसार किसी भी एक तीर्थङ्कर की स्तुति, पूजा आदि में बहुधा शेष तीर्थङ्करों की आराधना भी अन्तर्भूत समझी जाती है। उक्त कविताएँ, विशेषतः प्रस्तुत प्रसंग पर उचित ही ज्ञात होती हैं, क्योंकि इनमे कथित तीर्थङ्कर-स्तुति एक साथ परमात्मा रूपी महादेव के प्रति भी मानी जा सकती है। जैसा कि पहली द्वात्रिंशिका के पहिले पद्य के निम्नलिखित शब्दों से विदित है :
स्वयंभुवं भूतसहस्रनेत्रमनेकमेकाक्षरभावलिंगम्।
आज भी "स्वयंभू' शब्द विशेषतः महाकालेश्वर-लिंग का एक प्रचलित विशेषण है।
इस स्तोत्रपाठ के चमत्कारिक प्रभाव से आश्चर्यान्वित विक्रमादित्य को अब सिद्धसेन प्रतिबोध देने और उस प्रादुर्भूत हुए जिन-बिम्ब का पूर्व इतिहास सुनाने लगे, जो कि अवन्तिसुकुमाल मुनि के वृत्तान्त के साथ ग्रथित है। वह एक विस्तृत अन्तर्कथा के रूप में 'प्रबन्धकोश', शुभशीलकृत 'विक्रमचरित्र' और 'उपदेशप्रासाद' में, तथा अति संक्षिप्त रूप में 'पुरातनप्रबन्धसंग्रह' और प्रबन्धचिन्तामणि' (आदर्श डी) में दिया हुआ है। शेष ग्रन्थों में वह नहीं पाया जाता है परन्तु उनसे अधिक प्राचीन ग्रन्थों में इसका इतिवृत्त स्वतन्त्र रूप में उपलब्ध है। उस इतिवृत्त पर अब दृष्टि डालना आवश्यक है। (2) श्वेताम्बर साहित्य में अवन्तिसुकुमाल-स्मारक
अवन्तिसुकुमाल का वृत्तान्त अति प्राचीन है। वह दिगम्बर तथा श्वेताम्बर दोनों सम्प्रदायों में प्रसिद्ध है। इसका आधार जैन-इतिहास की कोई सत्य घटना होगी, ऐसा मानने में तनिक भी संकोच की आवश्यकता नहीं है। प्राचीन अवन्ति नगरी में एक श्रीमन्त-पुत्र को किसी जैन मुनि का व्याख्यान सुनने से प्रबल वैराग्य का उत्पन्न होना, मुनिवेश ग्रहण करके दीक्षित होना, महाकालवन की श्मशान-भूमि की एकान्तता में आहार-निद्रा आदि का त्याग करके कुछ दिन तक अचल धर्मध्यान में मग्न रहना और इसी अवस्था में एक बुभुक्षित स्यारनी और उसके सन्तान से भक्षित होना, ऐसी घटना-श्रृंखला को असम्भव कौन कह सकता है? जो दृढ़ श्रद्धा और

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अचल वैराग्य अवन्तिसुकुमाल को अपने घर की अगणित लक्ष्मी और स्वर्गसदृश सुख छोड़कर अपने जीवन का उत्तमार्थ समाधीकरण ही में पाने को प्रेरित करता है, वह अपूर्व नहीं है। राजाओं ने भी अपने सिंहासन छोड़कर सल्लेखना मृत्यु ही में अपना कल्याण माना, ऐसे दृष्टान्त श्री एस. आर. शर्मा कृत 'जैनिज्म एण्ड कर्णाटक कल्चर' और श्री बी. ए. सालेतोर कृत 'मेडिवल जैनिज्म' नामक सुप्रसिद्ध ग्रन्थों में पाए जाते हैं। भूतकाल तो दूर रहा, आज भी ऐसी ही श्रद्धा और ऐसे ही वैराग्य से प्रेरित कई लक्ष्मीपति और उनकी सुकुमार महिलाएं अपना सुख और वैभव छोड़कर दुष्कर तपस्या करती हुई प्रत्यक्ष देखी जाती हैं।
अवन्तिसुकुमाल के सबसे पुराने उल्लेख श्वेताम्बर आगम के अन्तर्गत 'भत्तपरिण्णा', 'संथारयपइण्णं' और 'मरणसमाहि' नामक तीन 'पइण्णों' ( अर्थात् 'प्रकीर्णक' नामक ग्रन्थ-विशेष ) में, समाधिमरण के एक विशेष भेद के दृष्टान्त स्वरूप मिलते हैं। श्वेताम्बर आगम की अन्तिम आकृति श्री देवर्द्धिगणि क्षमाश्रमण ने वलभी नगर में वीरनिर्वाण से 980 वर्ष के पश्चात् (या एक दूसरे मत के अनुसार 993 वर्ष के पश्चात् ), अर्थात् ईसवी सन् 453 के आसपास अत्यन्त प्राचीन मूल.ग्रन्थों के आधार पर सम्पादित की, ऐसा माना जाता है। .
'भत्तपरिण्णा पइण्ण' 10 का उल्लेख निम्नलिखित है :
भालुंकीए करुणं खज्जतो घोर विअणत्तोवि ।
आराहणं पवनो झाणेण अवंतिसुकुमालो ।। 160 ।।
अर्थात् “स्यारनी द्वारा करुणाजनक रीति से भक्षित होते हुए और घोर वेदना से पीड़ित होते हुए भी अवन्तिसुकुमाल ने ध्यानस्थ अवस्था में आराधना की ।। 160 ।।
यही पद्य थोड़े पाठान्तर सहित दिगम्बरीय 'भगवती आराधना' और 'कण्णड वड्डाराधना' में भी उपलब्ध है, जैसा कि श्री ए. एन. उपाध्ये महाशय ने हरिषेण कृत 'वृहत्कथा-कोश' की प्रस्तावना ( पृ. 78 ) में बताया है। इससे प्रस्तुत वृत्तान्त की प्राचीनता भलीभाँति ज्ञात होती है।।
'संथारय पइण्णं' में उज्जैन के श्मशान का उल्लेख इस सम्बन्ध में दिया गया है। महात्मा का नाम 'अवन्ति' मात्र है। यथा :
उज्जेणी नयरीए अवंतिनामेण विस्सुओ आसी । पाओवगमनिवत्रो सुसाणमज्झम्मि एगंतो ।। 65 ।। तिनिरयणीइ खइओ भल्लुंकी रुट्टिया विकटुंती ।
सोवि तह खज्जमाणो पडिवत्रो उत्तमं अटुं ।। 66 ।।
अर्थात् “उज्जैन नगरी में अवन्ति नाम का विख्यात ( पुरुष ) था। उन्होंने श्मशान में एकान्त में पाओवगमन् ( नाम का समाधिमरण) अंगीकार किया ।। 65 ।।

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रुष्ट स्यारनी ने उनको तीन रात तक विदीर्ण कर खाया। इस रीति से भक्षित होते हुए भी उन्होंने उत्तमार्थ प्राप्त किया ।। 66 ।।
'मरणसमाहि पइण्णं'12 का वर्णन कुछ अधिक विस्तृत और ऐतिहासिक दृष्टि से रुचिकर है। वह निम्नलिखित है :
सोऊण निसासमए नलिणिविमाणस्स वण्णणं धीरो । संभरियदेवलोओ उज्जेणि अवंतिसुकुमालो ।। 435 ।। घित्तूण समणदिक्खं नियमुज्झियसव्वदिव्वआहारो । बाहिं वंसकुडंगे पायवगमणं निवण्णो उ ।। 436 ।। वोसट्ठनिसटुंगो तहिं सो भल्लुंकियाइ खइओ उ । मदरगिरिनिक्कपं तं दुक्करकारयं वंदे ।। 437 ।। मरणमि जिस्स मुक्कं' सुकुसुमगंधोदयं च देवेहि ।
अज्जवि गंधवई सा तंच कुडंगीसरट्ठाणं ।। 438 ।।
अर्थात् “उज्जैन में रात के समय में नलिनी विमान ( नामक स्वर्ग) का वर्णन धीरतापूर्वक सुनने वाले अवन्तिसुकुमाल को देवलोक का (जाति) स्मरण हुआ ।। 435 ।।
अपने समस्त दिव्य भोगों को छोड़ते हुए उन्होंने जैन-साधु-दीक्षा ग्रहण की और बाहर 'वंस कुडंग' में 'पायवगमण' (नामक समाधिमरण ) को अंगीकार किया ।। 436 ।।।
___ अपना निःसह ( अर्थात् कोमल ) शरीर वहाँ छोड़कर वे शृगाली से भक्षित हुए। मन्दिर-पर्वत जैसे निष्कंप इस महात्मा को, जिन्होंने ( ऐसा ) दुष्कर काम किया, मेरी वन्दन हो ।। 437 ।।
उनके मरण ( के समय ) पर देवताओं ने उत्तम फूल और सुगन्धित जल बरसाया। आज भी वह गन्धवती ( नदी) और वह कुडंगीसर का स्थान ( वहाँ विद्यमान) है ।। 438 ।।"
उपर्युक्त गन्धवती और इस नाम का घाट आज भी क्षिप्रा तट की पूर्व दिशा में श्री अवन्तिपार्श्वनाथ के जैन मन्दिर के पास उज्जैन में विद्यमान है। वह स्थान प्राचीन काल में जंगल और श्मशान था, यह हर किसी को ज्ञात है। वहाँ क्षिप्रा में मिलने वाला आधुनिक संकुलित नगर का मैला पानी ले जाने वाला 'गन्धवती नाला' अथवा 'गन्दा नाला' एक समय स्वच्छ जल की एक छोटी नदी था। इस नदी का 'गन्दे' पानी से सम्बन्ध रखने की कल्पना तो दूर रही, उसी को 'स्कन्दपुराण' के 'अवन्तिखण्ड' में ( 16.4 ) 'पुण्या' और 'त्रैलोक्यविश्रुता' जैसे विशेषण दिये गए हैं
और कालिदास ने उसके कमल-पराग से सुगन्धित पवन और उसमें जलक्रीड़ा करने वाली युवतियों का रमणीय उल्लेख किया है। ( मेघदूत, पद्य 35 )

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'वसकुडंग' और 'कुडंगीसर' के सम्बन्ध में आगे विचार किया जायेगा।
मूल आगम के पश्चात् प्रस्तुत वृत्तान्त का सबसे प्राचीन उल्लेख श्री जिनदासगणि महत्तर कृत 'आवश्यकचूर्णि' में प्राकृत गद्य में उपलब्ध है ( देखिए 'श्रीमदावश्यकसूत्र' रतलाम ई. सन् 1939, उत्तरभाग, पृ. 157 )। इस ग्रन्थ के रचनाकाल की कल्पना इस बात से की जा सकती है कि इसी जिनदासगणि कृत निशीथचूर्णि' शक 518 अर्थात् ई. सन् 676 में रचित है। ( देखिए श्री पं. सुखलाल और बेचरदास की भूमिका, सन्मतितर्क, पृ. 3 )। प्रस्तुत 'आवश्यकचूर्णि' में अवन्तिसुकुमाल की माता 'भद्दा सेट्ठिभज्जा', अर्थात् 'भद्रा श्रेष्ठिभार्या', उनकी बत्तीस सुयौवना पत्नियाँ, उनके धर्मगुरु 'सुहत्थि', अर्थात् आर्य सुहस्ती आचार्य अशोक पौत्र जैन सम्राट् सम्प्रति के प्रतिबोधक, ( देखिए मुनि कल्याणविजय, वीरनिर्वाण और जैनकालगणना', नागरी प्रचारिणी पत्रिका 10 और 11 से उद्धृत, जालोर, सं. 1987, पृ. 77 ), और पुत्र, इतने पात्र अधिक पाए जाते हैं। अवन्तिसुकुमाल के मृत्यु का स्थान 'मसाणे कंथारकुडंग' अर्थात् 'श्मशान में कंथारकुडंग' इन शब्दों में वर्णित है, जिनकी चर्चा आगे की जायगी। महात्मा के मरण के पश्चात् गन्धोदक बरसने का प्रसंग भी उल्लिखित है, यद्यपि गन्धवती नाम नहीं दिया गया है। उनकी माता और बत्तीस पत्नियों में इकतीस साध्वी-दीक्षा ग्रहण करती हैं। बत्तीसवीं गर्भवती
तीसे पुत्तो तत्थ देवकुलं करोति।
तं इयाणिं महाकालं जातं। लोकेणं परिग्गहितं।
अर्थात् “उनके पुत्र ने वहाँ एक देवमन्दिर बनाया। वह अब महाकाल बन गया। ( अन्यधर्मी ) लोगों ने उसको ग्रहण कर लिया।"
___ श्री हरिभद्र सूरि की 'आवश्यकवृत्ति' में भी प्रस्तुत वृत्तान्त प्रायः अक्षरशः पाया जाता है। इस वृति का रचना-काल भी ई. सन् 650-700 के आसपास समझा जा सकता है, अर्थात्, श्री जिनदासगणि और श्री हरिभद्रसूरि दोनों ने एक ही प्राचीन आदर्श ग्रन्थ का उपयोग किया होगा, ऐसा प्रतीत होता है। प्रमुख भिन्नता यह है कि यहाँ महात्मा की माता का नाम 'भद्दा' के स्थान पर 'सुभद्दा' (सुभद्रा) दिया गया है ( देखिए 'श्रीमदावश्यकसूत्रोत्तरार्ध पूर्वभाग', आगमोदय-समिति, ई. सन् 1917. पृ. 670)।
इसके पश्चात् अवन्तिसुकुमाल का वृत्तान्त सुप्रसिद्ध 'आवश्यक कथाओं' में उपलब्ध है। वहाँ की कहानी, जो कि मुझे मात्र अभिधानराजेन्द्रकोश में ( 'अणिस्सिओवहाण' शब्द के नीचे ) मिली, संस्कृत पद्य में है, और उसका विवरण पूर्वोक्त कहानी के साथ ठीक-ठीक मिलता है। मृत्युस्थान 'कन्थारिकावन' और माता का नाम 'सुभद्रा' है। अन्तिम पद्य नीचे के अनुसार है :

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.... .... .... .... .... .... .... .... .... । स्थितैका तु गुर्विणी तत्सुतो ततः ।। 32 ।। अचीकरद्देवकुलं श्मशानेऽद्भुतमुच्छ्रितम् ।
तदिदानीं महाकालं जातं लोकपरिग्रहात् ।। 33 ।।
अर्थात् “परन्तु एक ( पत्नी जो कि ) गर्भवती थी (गृहस्थावस्था में ) रही ।। 32 ।।
। उनके पुत्र ने श्मशान में एक अद्भुत उच्च देवमन्दिर बनाया। वह अब ( अन्य धर्मी) लोगों से ग्रहण किया जाकर महाकाल ( मन्दिर ) बन गया है ।। 33 ।।
तदनन्तर अवन्तिसुकुमाल का इतिहास 'दर्शनशद्धि'13 नामक ग्रन्थ में प्राकृत गद्य में और पूर्वोक्त कथा के अनुरूप श्री चन्द्रप्रभसूरि द्वारा ( ई. सन् 1093 में ) वर्णित है। यहाँ मृत्युस्थान को 'कंथारिकुडंगिसमीवे', अर्थात् 'कंथारिकुडंग के पास' और मृत शरीर को 'कुडंगाओ नेरइयदिसाए आसयट्ठियं' अर्थात् 'कुडंग से नैऋत्य दिशा के निकटवर्ती' बताया जाता है, जिन शब्दों का स्पष्टीकरण आगे किया जायगा। माता का नाम 'भद्दा' (भद्रा ) है। अपनी पुत्रवधुओं के साथ उनके क्षिप्रा नदी के किनारे पर विलाप करने का वर्णन दिया गया है। अन्त में देवताओं ने गन्धोदक बरसाने के साथ 'अहो महाकालो' अर्थात् 'वाह महान् मृत्यु' ऐसी आकाशवाणी सुनाई और बत्तीसवीं वधू के पुत्र ने
पिउमरणठाणे काराविया पिउपडिमा । समुग्धोसियं महाकालोत्ति नामेण आययणं । तं च संपयं लोइएहिं परिगाहियं महाकालोत्ति विक्खायं ।।
(अभिधानराजेन्द्रकोश, 'अवन्तिसुकुमार' शब्द के नीचे ) अर्थात् “पिता के मृत्युस्थान पर पिता की प्रतिमा बनवाई । स्मारक मन्दिर का नाम 'महाकाल' उद्घोषित किया। वह लौकिकों ( अन्य धर्मिओं) से ग्रहण किया जाकर अभी भी 'महाकाल' नाम से विख्यात है।"
उसके पीछे श्री हेमचन्द्राचार्य कृत 'परिशिष्टपर्वन'14 रचित है ( ई. सन् 1160-72 ), जिसके ग्यारहवें सर्ग के अन्त में संस्कृत पद्य में अवन्तिसुकुमाल की मृत्यु का वर्णन आर्य सुहस्ती सूरि के जीवन-वृत्तान्त के अन्तर्गत पाया जाता है।
इसका समस्त विवरण ‘दर्शणशुद्धि' से मिलता-जुलता है। केवल देवताओं का 'अहो महाकालो' पुकारना नहीं कहा गया है। अन्त में निम्नलिखित श्लोक है :
गुळ जातेन पुत्रेन चक्रे देवकुलं महत् ।। अवन्तिसुकुमालस्य मरणस्थानभूतले ।। 176 ।। तद्देवकुलमद्यापि विद्यतेऽवन्तिभूषणम् । महामालाभिधानेन लोके प्रथितमुच्चकैः ।। 177 ।।

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अर्थात् “गर्भवती से उत्पन्न हुए पुत्र ने अवन्तिसुकुमाल के मरणस्थान पर एक बड़ा देवमन्दिर बनाया ।। 176 ।।
__वह देवमन्दिर आज भी अवन्ति का भूषणरूप विद्यमान है और उसकी प्रशंसा महाकाल के नाम से आज भी जगत् में ऊँचे स्वर से होती रहती है ।। 177 ।।"
श्री हेमचन्द्रसूरि के समकालीन श्री सोमप्रभसूरि विरचित 'कुमारपालप्रतिबोध (ई. सन् 1185) में भी अवन्तिसुकुमाल की कथा संस्कृत पद्य में और 'परिशिष्टपर्वन' के अनुरूप पाई जाती है। उसके अनुसार 5 अवन्ति-सुकुमाल की बत्तीसवीं पत्नी के पुत्र द्वारा बनाए हुए मन्दिर में महात्मा की प्रतिमा स्थापित हुई। उस मन्दिर को 'अवन्ति का अलंकार' कहा जाता है, जो कि “अपने शिखर के अग्रभाग द्वारा सूर्य के रथ के घोड़ों का मार्ग रोकता हुआ आज भी 'महाकाल' नाम से प्रसिद्ध
इन उल्लेखों से ज्ञात होता है कि ईसा की बारहवीं शताब्दी के अन्त पर्यन्त 'महाकाल-मन्दिर' विद्यमान था। इतना ही नहीं, उसकी महिमा कालिदास के समय से इतनी शताब्दियों तक अक्षुण्ण रही थी और कालिदास के समय से तब तक महाकालेश्वर की आरती का गर्जनासदृश दुन्दुभिनाद आकाश को प्रतिध्वनित करता रहा था।
___ परन्तु यह महिमा आगे नहीं रही, ऐसा श्री हेमचन्द्रसूरि और श्री सोमप्रभसूरि के पश्चात् के साहित्य से ज्ञात होता है। इस साहित्य का सिंहावलोकन करने पर पहली दृष्टि संस्कृत गद्यबद्ध 'पुरातन-प्रबन्ध-संग्रह' तथा 'प्रबन्ध-चिन्तामणि' नाम के ग्रन्थों पर पड़ती है। इनमें श्री अवन्तिसुकुमाल के सम्बन्ध में इतना ही उल्लेख है कि जिस मन्दिर में श्री सिद्धसेन के स्तोत्र-पाठ से श्रीपार्श्वनाथ की प्रतिमा प्रकट हुई, वह अवन्तिसुकुमाल का उनकी बत्तीस पत्नियों द्वारा बनवाया हुआ स्मृति-मन्दिर था, और उक्त चमत्कार होने के पश्चात् 'तदा प्रभृति गूढमहाकालोऽजनि', अर्थात् 'उस समय से गूढ़ महाकाल हुआ।
_ 'प्रबन्ध चिन्तामणि' ई. सन् 1305 में और 'पुरातन-प्रबन्ध-संग्रह' भी लगभग उसी समय में रचित है। अर्थात् उपर्युक्त वाक्य ऐसे समय में लिखा गया है जबकि श्री हेमचन्द्रसूरि और श्री सोमप्रभसूरि के महत्त्वपूर्ण वर्णन के रचनाकाल से लगभग सवा शताब्दी बीत गई थी। इतने समय में 'अवन्तिभूषणरूप' गगनचुम्बी महाकाल-मन्दिर मिट गया और 'गूढ़ महाकाल' ने उसका स्थान ले लिया था जिसकी पूजा-आरती आदि भूमि-गृह ही में होती रही। इसका कारण अति स्पष्ट है। इस सवा शताब्दी ही के अन्दर अल्तमश का कालरात्रि-सदृश समय मालव-भूमि पर छा गया था और इसी कालरात्रि में ही ई. सन् 1235 में महाकाल का विख्यात मन्दिर भूमिसात् हुआ था। वह इतिहास-प्रसिद्ध है। अतः विस्तार अनावश्यक है।
लगभग उसी समय के महामालवन में एक जिनालय भी विद्यमान था जो

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कि 'महाकालान्तर-पातालचक्रवर्ती' इस नाम से श्री जिनप्रभ सूरि के ई. सन् 1333 में रचे हुए विविधतीर्थकल्प' में उल्लिखित है, जैसा कि ऊपर बताया जा चुका है। कदाचित् वह 'पातालचक्रवर्ती' श्री अवन्तिसुकुमाल के मन्दिर की मूलनायक-प्रतिमा ही थी, क्योंकि दोनों प्रतिमाएँ श्रीपार्श्वनाथ ही की थीं। जब अवन्तिसुकुमाल का मन्दिर ( आगे आने वाले विवरण के अनुसार ) दूसरी बार अन्यधर्मियों से ग्रहण किया गया था, उस समय वहाँ की उस मूलनायक-प्रतिमा को एक भिन्न जिनालय में स्थापित किया गया होगा। वह मन्दिर भी पूर्वोक्त अमांगलिक प्रसंग पर नष्ट हो गया होगा, जिससे कि उसके मूलनायक को भी ( महाकाल के सदृश ) भूमिगृहरूपी 'पाताल' ही में शरण लेनी पड़ी होगी।
इतने विवेचन के अनन्तर अब श्री अवन्तिसुकुमाल के वृत्तान्त के शेष साहित्य का अवलोकन करना पड़ रहा है। उसमें पहले 'प्रबन्ध-कोश' ( ई. सन् 1351 ) का क्रम आता है। इसमें उक्त वृत्तान्त संस्कृत गद्य में ऐसे रूप में कथित है जो कि श्री हेमचन्द्र सूरि की कहानी से मिलता है। अन्त में अवन्तिसुकुमाल के पुत्र ने.
प्रासादः कारितः। मम पितुर्महाकालोऽत्राभूदिति महाकालनाम दत्तम्। श्रीपार्श्वनाथबिम्बं मध्ये स्थापितम्। कत्यायहानि लोकेन पूजितम्। अवसरे द्विजैस्तदन्तरितं कृत्वा मृडलिंगमिदं स्थापितम्।
अर्थात् “एक मन्दिर बनवाया। मेरे पिता का 'महान् काल' ( अर्थात् महान् मृत्यु ) यहाँ हुआ। इस कारण से 'महाकाल' नाम दिया। बीच में श्रीपार्श्वनाथ की प्रतिमा स्थापित की। उसकी पूजा लोगों ने कुछ दिन तक की। अवसर पाकर ब्राह्मणों ने उसे छिपा दिया और यह शिव-लिंग स्थापित किया।"
श्री शंभशीलगणि कृत 'विक्रमचरित्र' (ई. सन् 1443 या 1434 ) में अवन्तिसुकुमाल की अन्तर्कथा संस्कृत पद्य में और उसी कवि-रचित 'श्री भरतेश्वरबाहुबलि-वृत्ति' (ई. सन् 1453 ) में उसकी स्वतन्त्र कहानी संस्कृत गद्य में दी गई है। यहाँ की और पूर्वोक्त कहानी में इतनी ही भिन्नता है कि अवन्तिसुकुमाल की माता 'भद्रा' के अतिरिक्त उनके पिता 'भद्र श्रेष्ठी' भी उल्लिखित हैं। "विक्रमचरित्र' के अनुसार :
तस्मिन् स्थाने महच्चैत्यं पार्श्वनाथजिनेशितुः । मनोज्ञं कारयामास भद्रश्रेष्ठी धनव्ययात् ।। 39 ।। तस्याऽजनि महंकालनामेति विश्रुतं भुवि ।
कालक्रमाद् द्विजलिंगं स्थापितं पार्वतीपतेः ।। 40 ।।
अर्थात् “उस स्थान पर भद्र सेठ ने, बहुत धन खर्च करके, श्रीपार्श्वनाथ जिनेश्वर का एक विशाल मनोहर मन्दिर बनवाया ।। 30 ।।

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Jaina Sahitya aur Mahākāla-Mandira
उसका जगद् विख्यात नाम महाकाल हो गया। कालक्रम से वहाँ ब्राह्मणों ने पार्वतीपति का लिंग स्थापित किया ।। 40 ।। ”
239
श्री विजयलक्ष्मी सूरि कृत 'उपदेशप्रासाद' ( ई. सन् 1787 ) में आई हुई अवन्तिसुकुमाल कथा संस्कृत पद्य में और 'प्रबन्ध-कोश' के अनुसार है।
इनके अतिरिक्त श्री धर्मसमुद्र वाचक " ( ई. सन् 1520 के आसपास ) और प्रसिद्ध गुर्जर जैन कवि श्री जिनहर्ष सूरि तथा श्री ज्ञानविमल सूरि17 ( ई. सन् 1770 के आसपास) कृत गुजराती 'सज्झायो' ( अर्थात् धर्मभावना - पोषक, 'स्वाध्याय' के योग्य छोटे गेय काव्य ) आदि कृतियों में प्राचीन मूलग्रन्थों के आधार पर अवन्तिसुकुमाल और बहुधा उनके समाधि-मन्दिर का भी वृत्तान्त वर्णित है। आधुनिक जैन भक्त कवि मुनि श्री चौथमलजी महाराज ने भी एक 'अवन्ति - सुकुमाल - सज्झाय' हिन्दी में रची है, जो मुनियों से गाई हुई सुनी जा सकती है।
( 3 ) दिगम्बर साहित्य में अवन्तिसुकुमाल
दिगम्बर साहित्य में अवन्तिसुकुमाल के वृत्तान्त का सबसे प्राचीन उल्लेख श्री शिवार्य कृत 'भगवती आराधना' में उपलब्ध है, जो कि श्री ए. एन. उपाध्ये महाशय के मतानुसार ( हरिषेण, 'बृहत्कथाकोश' 18, भूमिका, पृ. 54 ) जिनसेन के 'आदिपुराण' से अधिक प्राचीन है, अर्थात् ईस्वी की नवमी शताब्दी के पूर्व में रचित है । वहाँ उक्त उल्लेख उस प्राकृत गाथा में विद्यमान है, जो ऊपर श्वेताम्बरीय ( भत्तपरिण्णा पइण्णं' में से कुछ पाठान्तर के साथ उद्धृत की जा चुकी है। 'भगवती आराधना' में निम्नलिखित रूप में है (गाथा नं. 1539, पूर्वोक्त भूमिका, पृ. 78 के अनुसार ) :
भल्लुंकीए तिरत्तं खज्जंतो घोरवेदणट्ठो वि । आराधणं पवण्णो झणेणावंतिसुकुमालो ।।
अर्थात् " तीन रात पर्यन्त स्यारनी से भक्षित और घोर वेदना से पीड़ित होते हुए भी अवन्तिसुकुमाल ने ध्यान में मग्न रहकर आराधना की । ”
वास्तव में ऐसी गाथाएँ श्री उपाध्ये के कथनानुसार ( उक्त भूमिका, पृ॰ 54 ) उस अति प्राचीन समय के साहित्य के अवशेष हैं जब जैन समुदाय और जैन साहित्य दिगम्बर और श्वेताम्बर शाखाओं में विभक्त नहीं हुआ था अर्थात् उनको न तो श्वेताम्बरीय और न दिगम्बरीय ही, किन्तु सामान्य आदि - जैन- साहित्य गिनना समीचीन है । पूर्वोक्त भूमिका से अवन्तिसुकुमाल की कहानी का कुछ विवरण दिया गया है, तथापि उसकी एक लुप्त प्राकृत टीका में ऐसी कहानियों का संग्रह अवश्य विद्यमान था जो पश्चात् के दिगम्बरीय कथा - साहित्य का मुख्य आधार बन गया है। (पृ. 58 ) इस कथा - साहित्य का एक प्रसिद्ध ग्रन्थ श्री हरिषेण कृत 'बृहत्कथाकोश' है, जिसका रचनाकाल कवि ने स्वयं ई. सन् 932 दिया है। यह ग्रन्थ संस्कृत पद्य
19

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में रचित है। उसमें ऐ 'श्री अवन्तिसुकुमाल-मुनि-कथानक' ( कथानक नं. 126, पृ. 297 आदि ) है, जिसमें प्रस्तुत वृत्तान्त अति विस्तारपूर्वक 260 पद्यों में कथित है। इस कथानक के अनुसार महात्मा की माता यशोभद्रा, उनका धर्मगुरु जिनसेन और उज्जैन के तत्कालीन राजा-रानी प्रद्योत और ज्योतिर्माला हैं। अवन्तिसुकुमाल के घर की लक्ष्मी एवं अपूर्व वैभव का अति विस्तृत वर्णन दिया गया है। इसके अतिरिक्त, सब पात्रों के (स्यारनी और उसके बच्चों तक को न छोड़कर ) पूर्व जन्मों की श्रृंखला भी वर्णित है। अन्त में अवन्तिसुकुमाल के मृत्यु-स्थान के सम्बन्ध में निम्नलिखित पद्य
श्रीमदुज्जयिनीतोऽयं दक्षिणद्वारगोचरः । स्तोकमार्गमतिक्रम्य स प्रदेशो विराजते ।। 256 ।। अवंतीसुकुमालोऽयं यत्र कालगतो मुनिः । कापालिकैः प्रदेशोऽसौ रक्ष्यतेऽद्यापि पुण्यभाक् ।। 257 ।। तत्र कापालिकानां च दत्त्वा मूल्यं बहु स्फुटम् । पुण्यबुद्ध्या दहन्त्येते मृतकानि महाजनाः ।। 258 ।। देवैर्गन्धोदके मुक्ते तस्मिन् काले गते मुनौ । सुगन्धीभूतसर्वाशा जाता गन्धवती नदी ।। 259 ।। तद्भार्याभिस्तरां तत्र कृते कलकले सति ।
बभूव लोकविख्यातो देवः कलकलेश्वरः ।। 260 ।।
अर्थात् “यह प्रदेश उज्जैन से ( आने वाले) मार्ग का थोड़ा सा उल्लंघन करने पर दक्षिण दरवाजे के पास जाता है ।। 256 ।।
जहाँ मुनि अवन्तिसुकुमाल की मृत्यु हुई थी। इस पुण्यशाली प्रदेश की रक्षा आज तक कापालिकों से की जाती है ।। 257 ।।
स्फूट रीति से कापालिकों को बहुत द्रव्य देकर महाजन लोग वहाँ पुण्यबुद्धि से अपने शवों का दाह-संस्कार करते हैं ।। 258 ।।
जब इस मुनि की मृत्यु हुई तब देवताओं ने सुगन्धित जल बरसाया। इससे सब दिशाओं को सुगन्धित करती हुई गन्धवती नदी उत्पन्न हुई ।। 259 ।।
उनकी पत्नियों ने वहाँ 'कलकल', अर्थात् कोलाहल किया। इससे लोकविख्यात कलकलेश्वर की उत्पत्ति हुई ।। 260 ।।
प्राचीन उज्जयिनी आधुनिक उज्जैन से कुछ दूर उत्तर की ओर लगभग उस स्थान पर विद्यमान थी जहाँ आजकल भैरवगढ़ और कालभैरव मन्दिर तथा आसपास के प्राचीन प्राकार के भग्नावशेष दिखते हैं। आधुनिक 'चौबीस खम्भों' का प्रसिद्ध दरवाजा पुराने नगर का दक्षिण दरवाजा था, और वहाँ से ही वह मार्ग जाता होगा जिसका 'थोड़ा सा उल्लंघन करने पर' अवन्तिसुकुमाल का मृत्युस्थान पाया जाता था।

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उस स्थान पर, 'चौबीस खम्भों के पास के 'कोटमहल्ले' में ( 'गन्दे नाले' और महाकाल के बीच में ), आज भी कापालिक साधुओं के 'जंगम' एवं 'चाकूकतिया' नाम से प्रसिद्ध गृहस्थ-लिंगी शिष्य-सन्तति की बस्ती है। वहाँ नया नगर बसाया जाने से विख्यात गंगागिर कापालिक ('औघड़' ) जो कि मृत-कलेवर-भक्षक स्थानीय कापालिक साधु-परम्परा के एक असली प्रतिनिधि थे, क्षिप्रा नदी के सामने के किनारे पर रहने लगे थे, जहाँ कि उनका देहान्त कुछ वर्षों पहले हुआ है, ऐसा अनेक उज्जैन-निवासियों को स्मरण है। इन बातों से श्री हरिषेण के उस कथन की सत्यता का अनुमान किया जा सकता है कि उक्त स्थान पर कापालिकों का विशेष अधिकार था।
श्री हरिषेण द्वारा उल्लिखित कलकलेश्वर का मन्दिर भी उपर्युक्त स्थान के पास श्री के. बी. डोंगरे कृत 'श्रीक्षेत्र अवन्तिका, नामक ग्रन्थ (ए. डी. प्रेस, ग्वालियर, प्रथम आवृत्ति, पृ. 55 ) की सहायता से पटनी बाजार से मुड़ने वाली एक सकरी गली में आए हुए 'मोदी जी के कुएँ' की उत्तर दिशा में एक झोंपड़ियों से घिरे हुए बाड़े में छिपा हुआ पाया जाता है। वह छोटा ही है, परन्तु उसके दरवाजे के परिकर के शिलापट्टों पर उत्कीर्ण दम्पति-मूर्तियाँ दर्शनीय हैं। ये अति प्राचीन कारीगरी के अवशेष और पुरातत्त्ववेत्ताओं के लक्ष्य योग्य ज्ञात होते हैं। इस मन्दिर का विवरण हिन्दू धर्म के दृष्टिकोण से 'स्कन्दपुराण' के अवन्ति-खण्ड ( अध्याय 18 ) में कथित
श्री अवन्तिसुकुमाल के स्मारक मन्दिर का कोई भी उल्लेख श्री हरिषेण के प्रस्तुत ग्रन्थ में नहीं पाया जाता है।
इस ग्रन्थ के साथ निकट सम्बन्ध रखने वाले कतिपय अन्य दिगम्बरीय कथा-संग्रह ग्रन्थों में भी श्री अवन्तिसुकुमाल का कथानक मिलता है, ऐसा श्री उपाध्ये की उपर्युक्त भूमिका (पृ. 78 और पृ. 63 आदि ) में दिए हुए साधनों से ज्ञात होता है। उनमें निम्नलिखित ग्रन्थ हैं :
1. श्री श्रीचन्द्र कृत अपभ्रंश पद्य-बद्ध 'कथाकोश' ( रचनाकाल लगभग ईस्वी की ग्यारहवीं शताब्दी ), कथा 145 ।
2. श्री प्रभाचन्द्र कृत संस्कृत गद्य-बद्ध 'कथाकोश' (वही, रचनाकाल ), कथानक 631
3. प्राचीन कण्णडा गद्य-बद्ध 'बड्डाराधने' (ई. सन् 898 और 1403 के बीच में रचित), कथानक 1, जिसमें 'भत्तपरिण्णा-पइण्णं' और 'भगवती आराधना' की पूर्वोल्लिखित प्राकृत गाथा भी पाई जाती है।।
4. श्री नेमिदत्त-ब्रह्मचारी कृत 'आराधना-कथाकोश' ( रचनाकाल ईसा की

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सोलहवीं शताब्दी का आरम्भ )। श्री नेमिदत्त की कृति को छोड़कर उक्त साहित्य अनुपलब्ध है।
श्री नेमिदत्त के ग्रंथ (जैनमित्र कार्यालय, बम्बई, वीर सं. 2440-42, पृ. 256-269 के श्री सुकुमालमुनेराख्यान' नामक 57वें कथानक में प्रस्तुत वृत्तान्त 142 संस्कृत पद्यों में कथित है। उसके अनुसार मुनि का नाम सुकुमाल, उनकी माता का यशोभद्रा और गुरु का गणधराचार्य है। शेष बहुधा श्री हरिषेण के विवेचन के साथ मिलता है। मृत्यु-स्थान के सम्बन्ध में निम्नलिखित विवरण है :
उज्जयिन्यां तवा देवैर्महाकोलाहलः कृतः ।। महाकालः कुतीर्थोऽभूज्जन्तूनां तत्र नाशकृत् ।। 140 ।। गन्धतोयलसद्वृष्टिः कृता देवैः सुभक्तितः ।।
तत्र गन्धवती नाम्नी नदी जातेति भूतले ।। 141 ।।
अर्थात "उस समय देवों ने उज्जैन में महा-कोलाहल किया। उस स्थान पर 'महाकाल' ( नामक ) जीवहिंसा का निमित्तभूत कुतीर्थ उत्पन्न हुआ ।। 140 ।।
___ भक्तिभाव से देवों ने सुगन्धित जल से सुन्दर वृष्टि कराई। वहाँ गन्धवती नामक नदी पृथिवी पर हुई ।। 141 ।।"
___ दुःख की बात है कि प्रस्तुत वृत्तान्त का न तो दिगम्बरीय और न श्वेताम्बरीय साहित्य ही अभी तक सम्पूर्णतया हस्तगत हो पाया है। इसमें कुछ महत्त्व के प्राचीन साधन जान पड़ते हैं, जैसे कि :
1. भद्रेश्वर कृत 'कथावली', जो बारहवीं शताब्दी में या उससे पहिले रची हुई है और जिसका उपयोग मात्र कुछ अवतरणिकाओं पर से किया जा सका ( देखिए 'अपभ्रंश काव्यत्रयी', गायकवाड़ ओरियण्टल सीरीज नं. 57, श्रीयुत पंडित एल. बी. गांधी की भूमिका, पृ. 74, नोट 1; और 'सन्मतितर्क', पंडित श्री सुखलालजी संघवी और बेचरदासजी की भूमिका, पृ. 18-19 )।
2. 'सुकुमाल-चरित्र' ( देखिए श्रीयुत् बनारसीदास जैन, पंजाब जैन-भंडारों के हस्तलिखित ग्रन्थों की सूची, लाहौर, 1939, पृ. 122, नं. 3005)।
3. 'सिद्धसेन-कथा' ( देखिये पाटण के जैन-भण्डारों के सूचीपत्र, भाग 1, गायकवाड़ ओरियण्टल सीरीज, नं. 76, पृ. 28 )।
4. प्राकृत-बद्ध 'सिद्धसेन-चरित' ( वही, पृ. 194 )। उन सब ग्रन्थों की पूरी साक्षी नहीं दी जा सकी।
उपलब्ध साधनों के आधार पर कहा जा सकता है कि श्री अवन्तिसुकुमाल के एक स्मारक-मन्दिर के विद्यमान होने और उसमें से महाकाल मन्दिर के उत्पन्न होने के सम्बन्ध में जो कुछ उल्लेख मिलते हैं, वे कतिपय श्वेताम्बर ग्रन्थों तक ही परिमित

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ज्ञात होते हैं। इसका कारण एक तो यह हो सकता है कि जिन ग्रन्थों के आधार पर प्रस्तुत दिगम्बर ग्रन्थ रचे हुऐ हैं, वे (जैसा कि ऊपर कहा जा चुका है ) आराधनासाहित्य की कृतियाँ थीं, जिनका उद्देश्य पूर्वोक्त श्वेताम्बर ग्रन्थों की भाँति औपदेशिक या व्याख्याकारक नहीं, किन्तु साधुमरण आदि से सम्बन्ध रखने वाले क्रियाकाण्ड के विषय में दृष्टान्त सहित सूचनाएँ ही देने का था। एक समाधिमरण विशेष के ऐसे एक दृष्टान्त ही के रूप में वहाँ ( पइण्णों में जैसे ) अवन्तिसुकुमाल की मृत्यु मात्र के संक्षिप्त उल्लेख को स्थान दिया जा सका, न कि उसके पूरे विवरण को । इस कारण से श्री हरिषेण आदि दिगम्बर ग्रन्थकारों को प्रस्तुत महात्मा के समाधि - मन्दिर के सम्बन्ध का कोई उल्लेख मूलग्रन्थों में नहीं मिला होगा।
इसके अतिरिक्त उपर्युक्त ग्रन्थकारों ने कदाचित् इस कारण से भी उसकी उपेक्षा की होगी कि सिद्धसेन दिवाकर ( देखिए, सन्मति - तर्क, भूमिका, पृ० 159 ) एक श्वेताम्बराचार्य थे, और उक्त स्मारक मन्दिर की जो पार्श्वनाथ- प्रतिमा उनके प्रभाव से प्रादुर्भूत और पुनः प्रतिष्ठित हुई, वह एक महान् श्वेताम्बर तीर्थ का केन्द्र स्थान बन गई थी, जैसा कि आगे बताया जावेगा ।
243
ऐसा भी हो सकता है कि उक्त मन्दिर कवि-कल्पना शक्ति या लोकमनोगति की एक कृति थी, जिसको केवल श्वेताम्बर वृद्ध - परम्परा में ही स्थान मिल गया । अवन्तिसुकुमाल की कहानी के भिन्न-भिन्न रूपों में अनेक भिन्नताएँ इसी मनोगत के परिणामस्वरूप विदित होती हैं। महामुनि की माता का नाम भद्रा, सुभद्रा और यशोभद्रा, उनके गुरु का नाम आर्य सुहस्ती, गणधराचार्य और जिनसेन, उनके मन्दिर की बनाने वाली उनकी माता, उनका पिता और उनका पुत्र कथित हैं, इत्यादि उसके उदाहरण प्रत्यक्ष विद्यमान हैं। अतः उपर्युक्त शंका को भी यहाँ स्थान देना उचित है, परन्तु इसका निर्णय अब आगे अवन्तिसुकुमाल का वृत्तान्त सुनने वाले विक्रमादित्य की ओर तथा मूर्ति के प्रादुर्भाव के परिणाम की ओर कुछ ध्यान देने के पश्चात् किया जा सकेगा।
( 4 ) महाकालवन में कुडंगेश्वर जैन तीर्थ
जिस मूर्ति और उसके मन्दिर के इतिहास में पूर्वोक्त प्रकरणों में उतरना पड़ा, उसके प्रादुर्भाव के सम्बन्ध में पूर्वोल्लिखित दिगम्बरीय स्तोत्रों, श्वेताम्बरीय सज्झायों और 'पुरातन - प्रबन्ध संग्रह' में संक्षिप्त उल्लेख मात्र हैं ।
शेष ग्रन्थों में विवरण के साथ उस चमत्कार के दो परिणाम कथित हैं। पहला परिणाम यह है कि राजा विक्रमादित्य जैनधर्मानुरक्त अथवा जैन ही बन गए । 'प्रभावक-चरित' और 'सम्यक्त्व - सप्ततिका टीका' के अनुसार वे जैनधर्म में प्रतिबोध पाकर जैनधर्मानुरक्त हुए ।

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'प्रबन्ध-चिन्तामणि', 'प्रबन्धकोश', शुभशीलकृत 'विक्रम-चरित्र', तपाचार्य-कृत 'कल्याणमन्दिरस्तोत्र-टीका' और 'विविध-तीर्थकल्प' में स्पष्ट कहा गया है कि श्री विक्रमादित्य उस अवसर पर श्रावकों के बारह व्रत अंगीकार कर जैन बन गए।
संवत्सर प्रवर्तक विक्रमादित्य के श्री सिद्धसेन दिवाकर के उपदेश से जैन बनने के सम्बन्ध में श्वेताम्बरीय 'गुरु पट्टावलियों' आदि सदृश ग्रन्थों में भी स्पष्ट उल्लेख पाए जाते हैं। इतना ही नहीं, सुतराँ श्री विक्रमादित्य द्वारा श्री सिद्धसेन दिवाकर के उपदेश से कराए गए जैन तीर्थों के जीर्णोद्धार, यात्रा, मन्दिर एवं मूर्तिप्रतिष्ठा आदि धार्मिक कार्यों के विस्तृत वर्णन श्री रत्नशेखर सूरि कृत विधिकौमुदी20 (ई. सन् 1450 ) और उसके पश्चात् 'अष्टाह्निका-व्याख्यान'21 (ई. सन् 1814 ) आदि ग्रन्थों में भी मिलते हैं, जिनमें श्री विक्रमादित्य एक आदर्श जैन राजा के उदाहरण-रूप वर्णित हैं। श्री धर्मघोषसूरि कृत 'शत्रुञ्जय-लघु-कल्प' (ईसा की तेरहवीं शताब्दी) में विक्रम का नाम शत्रुञ्जयतीर्थ का जीर्णोद्धार कराने वाले महाविभूतियों की नामावली के अन्तर्गत है। यथा :
संपइ-विक्कम-बाहड-हाल-पलित्त-आम-दत्तरायाइ ।
जं उद्धरिहंति तयं सिरि सत्तुंजय-महातित्थं ।। 29 ।।
अर्थात् “वह महातीर्थ शत्रुञ्जय ( जयवन्त हो ) जिसका जीर्णोद्धार करने वाले सम्प्रति, विक्रम, बाहड़, हाल, पादलिप्त, आम दत्तराजा ( आदि हुए हैं और ) होंगे ।। 29 ।।"
वहुशंकित 'ज्योतिर्विदाभरण'23 ( 22-9 ) में भी संवत्सर-प्रवर्तक विक्रमादित्य का सम्बन्ध श्री सिद्धसेन दिवाकर के साथ उल्लिखित है, यदि मूल-ग्रन्थ का 'श्रुतसेन' (टीकाकार श्री भावरत्न के मतानुसार ) सचमुच सिद्धसेन का नामान्तर है।
प्रस्तुत अवसर पर इस जैनहितैषी या तो जैन ही बने हुए विक्रमादित्य ने शिवलिंग से प्रादुर्भूत हुई प्रतिमा की पुनः प्रतिष्ठा कराई और इस मूर्ति की सेवा-पूजादि के लिये उदारतापूर्वक प्रबन्ध किया, वह पूर्वोक्त चमत्कार के दूसरे परिणाम-स्वरूप कथित है। यथा : 1. श्री शुभशील-कृत 'विक्रमादित्यचरित्र' (7; 55-56 ) के अनुसार :
महंकालाभिधे चैत्ये बिम्बं पार्श्वजिनेशितुः । भूपतिः स्थापयामास पूजायामास चादरात् ।।
देवपूजाकृते ग्राम सहस्रं नृपतिर्ददौ । अर्थात् “महंकाल नाम के मन्दिर में राजा ने पार्श्वनाथ तीर्थङ्कर का बिम्ब स्थापित किया और आदर से उसकी पूजा की। देवपूजा के लिए नृपति ने हजार ग्राम
दिए।"

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2. 'प्रबन्ध-कोश' (पृ. 19 ) के अनुसार :
तच्छ्रवणान्नृपः शासने ग्रामशतान्यदत्त देवाय। अर्थात् “यह सुनकर राजा ने शासन द्वारा देव को सैकड़ों ग्राम दिए।" 3. 'उपदेश-प्रासाद' (पृ. 61 ) के अनुसार :
एवं निशम्य तत्पूजार्थ ग्रामशतान्यदत्त विक्रमाक्रः। अर्थात् “ऐसा सुनकर विक्रमार्क ने उसकी पूजा के लिए सैकड़ों ग्राम दिए।"
4. विशेष महत्त्वपूर्ण श्री जिनप्रभ सूरि कृत 'विविध-तीर्थकल्प' (पृ. 89) का निम्नलिखित उल्लेख जान पड़ता है :
____ ततश्च गो-हदमण्डले च साम्बद्राप्रभृतिग्रामाणामेकनवति, चित्रकूटमण्डले वसाडप्रभृतिग्रामाणां चतुरशीति, तथा घुण्टारसीप्रभृतिग्रामाणां चतुर्विंशतिं, मोहडवासकमण्डले ईसरोडाप्रभृतिग्रामाणां षट्पञ्चाशतं श्रीकुडुंगेश्वर-ऋषभदेवाय शासनेन स्वनिः श्रेयसार्थमदात्। ततः शासनपट्टिकां 'श्रीमदुज्जयिन्यां, संवत् 1, चैत्र सुदी 1, गुरौ, भाटदेशीय महाक्षपटलिक-परमार्हतश्वेताम्बरोपासकब्राह्मणगौतमसुतकात्यायनेन राजाऽलेखयत्।
अर्थात् “तत्पश्चात् ( राजा ने ) अपने आत्मकल्याण के लिए कुडुंगेश्वर ऋषभदेव को शासन द्वारा गोहृदमंडल में साम्बद्रा आदि 91 ग्राम, चित्रकूट-मंडल में वसाड आदि 84 ग्राम तथा घुण्टारसी आदि 24 ग्राम और मोहडवासक मंडल में ईसरोडा आदि 56 ग्राम प्रदान किए।
पश्चात् राजा ने शासनपट्टिका ( ग्राण्ट ) उज्जैन में चैत्र शुक्ल प्रतिपदा संवत् 1 गुरुवार को भाट देश निवासी महाक्षपटलिक ( रेकोर्ड के अध्यक्ष ) परम-श्रावक, श्वेताम्बर-मत के अनुयायी ब्राह्मण गौतम-पुत्र कात्यायन द्वारा लिखवाई।"
उपर्युक्त स्थानों तथा प्रदेशों के नामों में से चित्रकूट, वसाड और घुटारसी की कुछ चर्चा आगे की जायेगी। गो-हद कदाचित् गोध्रा और भाट देश जैसलमेर के आसपास का प्रदेश होगा ( देखिए 'पृथ्वीचन्द्र चरित्र', गायकवाड़ ओरियण्टल सीरीज़ 13, पृ. 94 तथा टॉड, 'राजस्थान'1, पृ. 42 और 95 ), इतना ही अनुमान किया जा सकता है। तथापि इन और शेष नामों के सम्बन्ध में खोज की आवश्यकता है।
शासनपट्टिका लिखाने वाले राजा को 'श्री विक्रमादित्यदेवः' कहा जाता है और उनका निम्नलिखित विशेषण दिया जाता है :
सर्वत्रानृणीकृतविश्वं विश्वम्भराङ्कितनिजैकवत्सरः। अर्थात् "जिसका एक ही निजी संवत्सर (चालू है जो) समस्त पृथ्वी को सर्वत्र ऋणरहित करने के कार्य से अंकित है।"
इसका तात्पर्य यही हो सकता है कि श्री जिनप्रभु सूरि के मतानुसार 'संवत्सर प्रवर्तक' विक्रमादित्य ने, श्री सिद्धसेन दिवाकर द्वारा प्रतिबोधित होकर अपने निजी

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संवत् 1 की चैत्र शुक्ल प्रतिपदा के दिन जैनधर्म अंगीकार किया और 'कुडुंगेश्वर ऋषभदेव' को उक्त ग्राम अर्पित किए।
यह उल्लेख स्पष्ट और विस्तृत है। इसलिए पूर्वोक्त तीन उल्लेखों को और उनकी विशेषताओं को कुछ देर के लिए छोड़कर सर्वप्रथम इसी चौथे उल्लेख पर ध्यान देना उचित है।
पहिले उसमें दिए हुए समय-निर्देश का निरीक्षण करने पर ज्ञात होता है कि विक्रम संवत् 1 की चैत्र शुक्ल प्रतिपदा का दिन गुरुवार कथित है। मेरी प्रेरणा से श्री आर. वी. वैद्य, एम.ए., बी.टी., ज्योतिर्विद्यारत्न, सुपरिण्टेण्डेण्ट, श्री जीवाजी ऑब्जर्वेटरी, उज्जैन ने ज्योतिषशास्त्रानुसार गणित करने का कष्ट उठाकर इस बात का पता लगाया है कि विक्रम संवत् 1 ( अर्थात् ई. सन् 56 बी.सी. ) की चैत्र शुक्ल प्रतिपदा गुरुवार ( अथवा शुक्रवार ) हो सकती है, यदि संवत् का आरम्भ कार्तिक से माना जाय। इस रीति से विक्रम संवत् का प्रारम्भ कार्तिक शुक्ल प्रतिपदा से गिनना प्राचीन जैन-प्रणाली के अनुकूल है। इसका प्रमाण 'तित्थोगालीय-पइण्णयं' में पाया जाता है। ( देखिए ‘पट्टावली-समुच्चय', मुनि दर्शनविजय सम्पादित, वीरमगाम, ई. सन् 1933,1, परिशिष्ट 3, पृ. 197 ), जिसके अनुसार वीर-निर्वाण-संवत्, जो कि कार्तिक शुक्ल प्रतिपदा ही से प्रारम्भ होता है और विक्रम-संवत् के बीच का अन्तर ठीक 470 वर्ष है। आगे वीर-निर्वाण-संवत् और शालिवाहन-संवत् के बीच का अन्तर 605 वर्ष और 5 महीनों का कथित है। इसका तात्पर्य यह है कि 'तित्थोगालीय-पइण्णयं' के सम्पादन-काल में अर्थात् ई. सन् की पाँचवीं शताब्दी के पहले, जैन-कालगणना के अनुसार विक्रम संवत् कार्तिक शुक्ल प्रतिपदा ही से और शालिवाहन-संवत् आज की भाँति चैत्र शुक्ल प्रतिपदा ही से प्रारम्भ हुआ करता था। इस रीति से उपर्युक्त समयनिर्देश अबाधित है।
तथापि कुछ अन्य बातों से प्रस्तुत विवेचन की प्रामाणिकता में शंका उत्पन्न होती है। उनमें 'चित्रकूटमंडल' का उल्लेख है। चित्रकूटमंडल में वसाड और धुंटारसी गाँव कथित हैं। दोनों गाँव आज भी प्रतापगढ़ के पास विद्यमान होने से ज्ञात होता है कि प्रस्तुत चित्रकूट आज का चित्तोड़ ही हो सकता है। यह चित्तोड़ विक्रम संवत् 609 में बसाया गया और बसाने वाले चित्रांगद सोरिया से उसका नाम पड़ा ( देखिए उपर्युल्लिखित 'पट्टावली-समुच्चय' 1, पृ. 202 )। इससे उक्त चित्रकूटमंडल का विक्रम संवत् 1 विद्यमान होना अशक्य है।
सन्देह का एक दूसरा कारण 'श्वेताम्बर' शब्द है, जो कि प्रस्तुत तीर्थकल्प में तीन बार, और विशेषतः उपर्युक्त शासनपट्टिका के लिखने को नियोजित अधिकारी के लिए प्रयुक्त है। वास्तव में 'श्वेताम्बर' शब्द का प्रयोग साहित्य में उस समय से हो सकता है जबकि जैन शासन दिगम्बर और श्वेताम्बर इन दो सम्प्रदायों में विभक्त हो

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चुका था, अर्थात् वीर-निर्वाण-संवत् 609 अथवा विक्रम-संवत् 139 के पश्चात्। उससे विक्रम संवत् 1 में श्वेताम्बरोपासकों की विद्यमानता नहीं मानी जा सकती।
शंका का एक तीसरा स्थान 'श्री कुडुंगेश्वर-ऋषभदेव' शब्द है, जिसका शासनपट्टिका में भी प्रयुक्त होना कथित है। ऊपर इस बात का निर्णय किया जा चुका है कि जो जिनबिम्ब अवन्तिसुकुमाल के स्मारक मन्दिर में स्थापित था, वह 'विविध-तीर्थकल्प' को छोड़कर सभी अन्य ग्रन्थों के एकमुखी साक्ष्य के अनुसार, श्री पार्श्वनाथ ही का था, और किसी लेखक के भ्रम से 'वामेय' का 'नाभेय' बना, जिस भ्रम के परिणामस्वरूप उक्त ग्रन्थ में पार्श्वनाथ-बिम्ब का स्थान ऋषभदेव के बिम्ब ने लिया था। यदि प्रस्तुत वर्णन प्रामाणिक होता तो उसमें 'कुडुंगेश्वर-ऋषभदेव' के स्थान पर 'कुडुंगेश्वर-पार्श्वनाथ' ही का उल्लेख होना चाहिए था, वह निर्विवाद है।
शासनपट्टिका को छोड़कर भी प्रस्तुत तीर्थकल्प के अन्य स्थानों पर शंका के कारणों का अभाव नहीं है। उनमें से एक यह है कि उसके एक पद्य में प्रस्तुत प्रतिमा को चारणमुनि श्री वज्रसेन के हाथ से प्रतिष्ठित बताया जाता है। यथा :
श्वेताम्बरेण चारणमुनिनाचार्येण वज्रसेनेन ।
शुक्रावतारतीर्थे श्रीनाभेयः प्रतिष्ठितो जीयात् ।। 1 ।।
अर्थात् "शक्रावतार तीर्थ पर श्वेताम्बर चारणमुनि आचार्य वज्रसेन द्वारा प्रतिष्ठित श्री ऋषभदेव जयवन्त हों।"
_श्री वज्रसेन सूरि एक प्रसिद्ध श्वेताम्बर आचार्य थे जिनका देहान्त वीरनिर्वाण-संवत् 620 अथवा विक्रम संवत् 150 में माना जाता है। अर्थात् यदि प्रस्तुत पद्य यहाँ अपने मूल स्थान पर समझा जाय तो वह उपर्युक्त शासनपट्टिका के समयनिर्देश से बाधित है।
परन्तु इसी वृत्तान्त के सम्बन्ध के एक अन्य पद्य में मूर्ति की प्रतिष्ठा श्री सिद्धसेन दिवाकर ही का कार्य बताया जाता है। यथा :
उद्व्यूढपाराञ्चितसिद्धसेन दिवाकराचार्यकृतप्रतिष्ठः ।
श्रीमान् कुडुंगेश्वरनाभिसूनुर्देवः शिवायारतु जिनेश्वरो वः ।। 1 ।।
अर्थात् “श्रीमान् कुडुंगेश्वर ऋषभदेव जिनेश्वर जिनकी प्रतिष्ठा पाराञ्चित ( नामक प्रायश्चित्तविशेष ) उद्वाहन करने वाले आचार्य सिद्धसेन दिवाकर ने की, तुम्हारा कल्याण करें ।। 1 ।।"
__ इन दो उल्लेखों में यह अन्तर भी है कि दूसरे पद्य में दिया हुआ 'कुडुंगेश्वर' नाम दूसरे में नहीं पाया जाता है। इसलिये ऐसा माना जा सकता है कि पहला पद्य अन्य सम्बन्ध का होकर किसी लिखने वाले की भूल से किसी अन्य ग्रन्थ में से उद्धृत किया गया होगा। कदाचित् उस पद्य में उल्लिखित 'शक्रावतारतीर्थ' और उज्जैन से विशेष सम्बन्ध रखने वाला ‘चक्रतीर्थ' इन नामों के सादृश्य के आभास से ऐसा हो

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Dr. Charlotte Krause : Her Life & Literature
पाया होगा। ऐसी दशा में सिद्धसेन दिवाकर को ही उक्त मूर्ति के प्रतिष्ठाता मानने में कुछ आपत्ति नहीं है। इससे उपर्युक्त संशय का भी निराकरण होता है।
अधिक चिन्तनीय है आचार्य श्री सिद्धसेन दिवाकर और 'संवत्सर प्रवर्तक विक्रमादित्य' का समकालीन होना, जो कि पं. सुखलालजी और बेचरदासजी ने 'सन्मतितर्क' की भूमिका में सन्दिग्ध ही नहीं, असम्भव बताया है ( देखिए उसका अंग्रेजी अनुवाद, श्री जैन श्वेताम्बर एजुकेशन बोर्ड, ई. सन् 1933 )। उक्त विद्वानों ने सिद्धसेन आचार्य का गुप्त-काल में होना अनुमान किया है। यद्यपि दोनों की समकालीनता का समर्थन उपर्युल्लिखित और अन्य प्राचीन जैन ग्रन्थों द्वारा निश्चित रीति से किया जाता है, जिनमें विशेषतः गुरुपट्टावलियाँ भी हैं, तथापि उक्त पण्डितों के प्रमाण महत्त्वपूर्ण और उनका कथन यथार्थ ज्ञात होता है। अर्थात् यदि श्री सिद्धसेन दिवाकर ने वास्तव में किसी एक विक्रमादित्य राजा को धर्मोपदेश दिया है तो वह केवल विक्रमादित्य पदवी से विभूषित कोई गुप्तवंशीय राजा या सम्राट ही हो सकता
ऐसी वस्तुस्थिति में यह प्रश्न उठता है कि यदि इस रीति से श्री सिद्धसेन दिवाकर और संवत्सरप्रवर्तक विक्रमादित्य समकालीन ही नहीं थे, तो प्रस्तुत तीर्थकल्प के इतनी शंकाओं से बाधित विवरणों में कितना ऐतिहासिक तत्त्व माना जा सकता है? फिर भी उक्त कल्प के कर्ता निम्नलिखित शब्दों में पाठकों से विश्वास की माँग करते हैं कि: कुडुंगेश्वरनाभेय
देवयानल्पतेजसः । । कल्पं जल्पामि लेशेन दृष्ट्वा शासनपट्टिकाम् ।। 2 ।। अर्थात् “शासनपट्टिका को देखकर मैं महान् तेजस्वी कुडुंगेश्वर नाभेयदेव के कल्प को संक्षेप में कहूंगा ।। 2 ।।"
प्रस्तुत शब्द उस महान् जैनाचार्य श्री जिनप्रभ सूरि के हैं जिन्होंने दिल्लीश्वर सुल्तान मुहम्मद तुगलक को प्रतिबोध देकर जैनधर्म-हितैषी बनाया और उस बादशाह के हाथ से अहिंसा-धर्म के अनेक कार्य कराए ( देखिए पं. श्री लालचन्द्र गांधी, 'श्री जिनप्रभ सूरि अने सुल्तान मुहम्मद', श्री सुखसागर-ज्ञानबिन्दु नं. 35, लोहावट, ई. सन् 1939)। ऐसे महापुरुष के वचन की प्रामाणिकता में सन्देह करना उचित कैसे समझा जा सकता है? अतः यह बात अवश्य सत्य माननी पड़ेगी कि श्री जिनप्रभ सूरि जी ने उपर्युल्लिखित आशय की एक शासनपट्टिका (चाहे वह शिलालेख हो या ताम्रपत्र ) देखी थी। परन्तु उन्होंने उसके सम्बन्ध के शब्दों को स्मृति से लिखा और वृद्ध-परम्परा के मौखिक संस्मरणों के आधार पर बढ़ाया भी होगा। ऐसा मानने में इस कारण से कुछ आपत्ति नहीं है कि प्रस्तुत कल्प के अन्तिम पद्य में स्पष्टता से कहा गया है कि :

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कुडुंगेश्वरदेवस्य कल्पमेतं यथाश्रुतम् ।
रुचिरं रचयां चक्रुः श्रीजिनप्रभसूरयः ।। 1 ।।। अर्थात् “कुडुंगेश्वर देव का यह सुन्दरकल्प श्री जिनप्रभ सूरि ने जैसा सुना वैसा रचा ।। 1 ।।"
इससे विदित है कि श्री जिनप्रभ सूरि ने प्रस्तुत तीर्थ को अतिप्राचीन इतिहास की एक आदणीय वस्तु समझकर और उसकी तत्कालीन विद्यमानता का प्रश्न छोड़कर उसके सम्बन्ध में प्रचलित किंवदन्तियों के संग्रह-रूप में अपना कल्प रचा है। यह इससे भी स्पष्ट है कि उस समय में विद्यमान जैन तीर्थस्थानों की सूची में ( जैसा कि पहले बताया जा चुका है ) कुडुंगेश्वर तीर्थ का नाम नहीं है। ऐसी स्थिति में यह समझा जा सकता है कि उपर्युक्त समयनिर्देश इत्यादि बाधित बातें ऐसी किंवदन्तियों के आधार पर प्रस्तुत 'तीर्थकल्प' में प्रविष्ट हो पाई होंगी।
अथवा यह भी अशक्य नहीं है कि जो शासनपट्टिका श्री जिनप्रभ सूरि ने देखी वह विक्रम संवत् के उल्लेखों से अंकित पीछे के समय में लिखे हुए नकली शिलालेख, ताम्रपत्र आदि में से एक थी, जो कभी-कभी हस्तगत होते हैं।
फिर भी यह निर्विवाद है कि जिस कुडुंगेश्वरदेव का अवलम्बन कर ऐसे आशय की एक जाली शासनपट्टिका बनाई जा सकी और जिसके सम्बन्ध में वृद्धपरम्परा के ऐसे संस्मरण प्रचलित हो सके, उस कुडुंगेश्वरदेव का नाम किसी समय में एक प्रसिद्ध वस्तु और उसका मन्दिर एक महिमा-संयुक्त जैन तीर्थस्थान अवश्य था।
इस बात का समर्थन 'प्रबन्धचिन्तामणि' के अन्तर्गत 'कुमारपाल-प्रबन्ध' (पृ. 78 ) के एक वृत्तान्त से भी होता है। उसके अनुसार गुजरात के भावी राजा कुमारपाल वर्तमान राजा सिद्धराज के भय से भागते फिरते हुए मालव देश में 'कुडंगेश्वर' के मन्दिर में आते हैं। उस कुडंगेश्वर के मन्दिर में वे वहाँ की 'प्रशस्तिपट्टिका' में इस आशय का एक पद्य पढ़ते हैं कि विक्रम से 1999 वर्ष पश्चात् स्वयं कुमारपाल ही विक्रम के सदृश एक राजा होंगे।
उक्त पद्य अन्य अनेक ग्रन्थों से भी ज्ञात है। मूल से उसमें श्री सिद्धसेन दिवाकर श्री विक्रमादित्य का सम्बोधन करते हुए कल्पित हैं।
"पुरातन-प्रबन्ध-संग्रह' (पृ. 38 तथा 123 ) में भी कुमारपाल का यह वृत्तान्त कथित है। परन्तु वहाँ कुडंगेश्वर के स्थान पर 'कुण्डिगेश्वर' और 'कुण्डगेश्वर' यह ही विकृत रूप पाए जाते हैं और उपर्युक्त पद्य सिद्धसेन-कथित ही बताया जाता
कुडंगेश्वर नाम के ये उल्लेख भी ( उनके ऐतिहासिक मूल्य का प्रश्न छोड़कर ) कुडंगेश्वर जैन-तीर्थ की विद्यमानता की एक अस्पष्ट प्रतिध्वनि समझे जा सकते हैं।

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Dr. Charlotte Krause : Her Life & Literature
(5) कुडंगेश्वर महादेव
उपर्युक्त प्रमाणों के अनुसार जिस कुडंगेश्वर महादेव के मन्दिर में से यह कुडंगेश्वर जैन-तीर्थ उत्पन्न हुआ और जिस कुडंगेश्वर महादेव के नाम से 'कुडंगेश्वर ऋषभदेव' या हमारी कल्पना के अनुसार 'कुडंगेश्वर पार्श्वनाथ' नाम पड़ा, वह देव कौन था, यह ज्ञात हो जाने पर प्रस्तुत विषय पर कदाचित् प्रकाश पड़ेगा। ऐसी आशा से अब इस नाम का कुछ निरीक्षण करना उचित होगा।
_ 'कुडंगेश्वर' या "कुडुंगेश्वर' एक संस्कृत समास है, जिसका पूर्व भाग ('कुडंग' या 'कुडुंग') 'अमरकोश' और अन्य संस्कृत कोशों में 'कुडंग' रूप में पाया जाता है। अर्थात् वही रूप ( न कि कुडुंग ) समीचीन है। 'कुडंग' वास्तव में एक प्राकृत शब्द है जिसको श्री हेमचन्द्राचार्य ने अपने 'देशीनाममाला' में (2,27: एम. बेनरजी द्वारा सम्पादित, कलकत्ता, ई. सन् 1931, भाग 1, पृ. 70 ) देशी शब्दों में गिना और उसका अर्थ 'लतागृह' बताया है। पाइयसद्दमहण्णवो-कोश के अनुसार 'कुडंग' के विविध अर्थान्तरों का समावेश 'लता आदि से ढंका हुआ स्थान', जंगल', 'कुञ्ज' आदि में होता है। इसके अतिरिक्त प्राकृत में 'कुडंगा' और 'कुडंगी' भी विद्यमान हैं, जिनमें से 'कुडंगा' का अर्थ 'लताविशेष' और 'कुडंगी' का अर्थ 'बाँस की जाली' उक्त कोश में बताया जाता है। इन तीन शब्दों में से 'कुडंग' शब्द ही का उपयोग उपर्युक्त समास में, और उसके अतिरिक्त, स्वतन्त्र रूप में भी श्री अवन्तिसुकुमाल के मरण-स्थान के वर्णन में किया गया है। यथा :
__ 1. 'बाहि वंसकुडंगे', अर्थात् ‘बाहर बाँस के जंगल में' ( मरणसमाहिपइण्णं' )।
2. 'मसाणे कंथारकुडंगं', अर्थात् 'श्मशान में कंथारों ( एक थोहर विशेष जिसको गुजराती में अभी भी 'कंथारी' कहा जाता है ) का जंगल' ('आवश्यकचूर्णि' और वृत्ति' )।
3. 'कंथारिकुडंगसमीवे', अर्थात् 'कंथारों के जंगल के पास' ( 'दर्शनशुद्धि' )।
4. 'कंथारकुडंगाख्यं श्मशानमेत्य', अर्थात् 'कंथारकुडंग नाम के श्मशान में जाकर' ('प्रबन्ध-कोश' )।
इस चौथे उल्लेख से ऐसा प्रतीत होता है कि 'कंथारकुडंग' उज्जैन के इस श्मशान का एक विशेष नाम था। वह स्थान प्राचीन काल में 'कंथारों' से ढंका हुआ था, जिस पर से यह नाम पड़ने का अवसर प्राप्त हो सका था। ऐसे आशय के अन्य उल्लेख भी उपलब्ध हैं जैसे कि 'आवश्यक-कथाओं' का 'कंथारिवन' और 'कुमारपाल-प्रतिबोध' का ( अनुवादित ) 'कंथारीवन की वंसजाली' ।
यह बात इससे भी सत्य प्रतीत होती है कि ऐसे 'कंथार' नामक थोहर के गहरे जंगल कुछ वर्ष पहले भी उज्जैन के आसपास फैले हुए थे, ऐसा उज्जैन

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निवासियों को स्मरण है। सम्भव है कि उक्त 'कंथारवन' या 'कंथारकुडंग' एक समय श्री अवन्तिसुकुमाल के समाधिस्थान, अर्थात् गंधवती घाट के आसपास के प्रदेश से उत्तर में 'सती दरवाजे' तक या उससे और भी दूर तक एक-सा फैला हुआ था और कदाचित् आधुनिक 'कंठाल मुहल्ले' का नाम उसकी स्मृति का एक अवशेष हो । इसी विशाल ‘कंथारवन' अथवा 'कंथारकुडंग' में श्री अवन्तिसुकुमाल के समाधि-स्थान पर इस महात्मा का स्मारक मन्दिर बनाया गया था, ऐसा उपर्युल्लिखित साहित्य से विदित है ।
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उसी साहित्य से यह भी विदित है कि जिस समय श्री विक्रमादित्य और सिद्धसेन दिवाकर महाकाल वन में आए, उस समय यह स्मारक - मन्दिर हिन्दुओं के अधिकार में आकर एक हिन्दू मन्दिर बन गया था, जिसमें 'कुडंगेश्वर महादेव' का लिंग स्थापित किया गया था।
इस 'कुडंगेश्वर' का सबसे प्राचीन उल्लेख 'मरणसमाहि-पइण्णं' में उपलब्ध है, जहाँ श्री अवन्तिसुकुमाल का मृत्युस्थान 'कुडंगीसरट्ठाणं' प्राकृत शब्द से वर्णित है ( देखिए पूर्वोक्त अवतरणिका )।
इसके पश्चात् उक्त नाम ' कथावली' में पाया जाता है, जहाँ कि प्राकृत 'कुडंगेसर' साफ-साफ उस हिन्दू मन्दिर के लिए प्रयुक्त है जहाँ श्री विक्रमादित्य और सिद्धसेन का मिलाप हुआ ।
उसी मन्दिर के नामस्वरूप संस्कृत 'कुडंगेश्वर' उपर्युक्त 'विविध - तीर्थकल्प' की कुछ प्रतियों में, 'प्रभावक - चरित' में, 'प्रबन्ध - चिन्तामणि' में तथा 'कुडुंगेश्वर' 'विविध- तीर्थकल्प' की अन्य प्रतियों में उपलब्ध है।
इन ग्रन्थों के अनुसार इसी कुडंगेश्वर महादेव के मन्दिर में अवन्तिसुकुमाल के समय की तीर्थङ्कर-प्रतिमा निकली और 'कुडंगेश्वर नाभेय' या हमारी कल्पना के अनुसार 'वामेय', आदि नामों से फिर जैनियों से पूजित हुई, जैसा कि पहिले व्यौरेवार बताया जा चुका है । अस्तु ।
उपर्युक्त कुल बातें जैन-ग्रन्थों ही के आधार पर कथित हैं। यदि उनके लिए अन्य साहित्य के भी कुछ प्रमाण दिये जा सकेंगे तो उनकी प्रामाणिकता अधिक मान्य समझी जा सकेगी। यह विशेषतः कुडंगेश्वर महादेव के अस्तित्व के विषय में उचित है, जो एक राज - पूजित हिन्दू-देवता बताया जाता है। इसका पता हिन्दू साहित्य से लगाने का प्रयत्न अब किया जायगा ।
( 6 ) कुटुम्बेश्वर महादेव
‘विविध-तीर्थकल्प' के अन्तर्गत और पहले बारम्बार उल्लिखित 'कुडुंगेश्वरकल्प' में 'कुडुंगेश्वर' शब्द छः बार आया है। मुनि श्री जिनविजयजी ने इस शब्द के केवल 'कुडुंगेश्वर' और 'कुडंगेश्वर' ये ही दो पाठान्तर दिये हैं। परन्तु 'अभिधान

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राजेन्द्रकोश’ में ( ‘कुडुम्बेश्वर' शब्द के नीचे ) उक्त कल्प का जो रूप पाया जाता है उसमें उनके स्थान पर छः ही बार 'कुटुम्बेश्वर' यह पाठान्तर है । यद्यपि उक्त कोश के सम्पादक महाशय ने इस बात का स्पष्टीकरण नहीं किया है कि यह तीर्थकल्प कौन
प्रति से उद्धृत किया गया है, तथापि अनुमान किया जा सकता है कि उनको ऐसी कोई प्रति हस्तगत हुई होगी जिसका उपयोग मुनिश्री अपने सम्पादन कार्य में न कर पाए होंगे।
उक्त तीन रूपों में से ‘कुडुंगेश्वर' और 'कुडंगेश्वर' हिन्दू साहित्य में अब तक सर्वथा अप्रसिद्ध हैं, जबकि 'कुटुम्बेश्वर' शब्द 'स्कन्दपुराण' के 'अवन्तिखण्ड' में तीन भिन्न-भिन्न स्थानों पर नीचे के अनुसार उल्लिखित है :
1. 1.10, पद्य 1-10 ( वेंकटेश्वर प्रेस एडिशन, पृ० 14 ब ) : वहाँ कुटुम्बेश्वर महादेव के दर्शन का फल बताया जाता है।
2. 1.67, पद्य 1-25 ( पृ० 72 ब ) : वहाँ भक्तों के 'कुटुम्बी', अर्थात् बड़े परिवार युक्त हो जाने से 'कुटुम्बेश्वर' शब्द का व्युत्पत्त्यर्थ ( यौगिक अर्थ ) बताया और कुटुम्बेश्वर महादेव के मन्दिर का वर्णन किया जाता है। इसके अनुसार वहाँ एक चतुर्मुख लिंग, 'भद्रपीठधरा देवी भद्रकाली' अर्थात् 'सिंहासन पर विराजमान भद्रकाली देवी' तथा एक पाँव से लंगड़े भैरव क्षेत्रपाल विद्यमान थे ।
3. 2.15, पद्य 1-41 ( पृ० 91 अ ) : वहाँ समुद्र मन्थन से लेकर उक्त लिंग के कल्पित इतिहास सहित ऐसी घटना का विस्तृत वर्णन है कि कामेश्वर - लिंग से उत्पन्न हुआ कुटुम्बेश्वर - लिंग, आरम्भ से एक विष लिंग और मृत्युदायक होकर महादेव के वरदान से और लकुलीश के उसमें अवतार लेने से वृद्धिकारक बन गया
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कुटुम्बेश्वर महादेव का मन्दिर आज भी गन्धवती घाट के पास उज्जैन के उस भाग में विद्यमान है, जो सिंहपुरी नाम से प्रसिद्ध है । वह शिखर - युक्त, परन्तु छोटा है और उसका एक कमरा मात्र है । उसमें दरवाजे से लेकर सामने की दीवार तक एक पंक्ति में तीन लिंग स्थापित हैं, जिनमें से बीच का लिंग पुराण के वर्णन के अनुसार सचमुच चतुर्मुख है, अर्थात् उसे ही 'कुटुम्बेश्वर' समझना चाहिए । परन्तु पुराणोक्त 'भैरव क्षेत्रपाल' और 'भद्रपीठधरा भद्रकाली देवी' के नामनिशान तक नहीं दिखते हैं। दरवाजे के सामने की दीवार के पास गणपति के एक उभरे हुए चित्र से शोभित एक नीचा खम्भा और ऊपर झरोखे में चार हाथ वाली खड़ी हुई पार्वती का एक उभार-चित्र है, जो केवल थोड़े वर्ष पहले बनाया हुआ दिखता है। देवी के आगे के दोनों हाथों में लिंग योनि, पीछे के दाहिने हाथ में एक सुराही और पीछे के बाएँ हाथ में एक बिल्व-पत्र है । बाँईं दीवार के ऊपर के कोने में एक साढ़े पाँच फुट ऊँचा और डेढ़ फुट चौड़ा शिलापट्ट जड़ा हुआ है, जिस पर उत्कीर्ण छोटी मूर्तियाँ 'चौरासी

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महादेव' के नाम से पूजी जाती हैं।
पुराण-सम्पादन-काल से कुटुम्बेश्वर महादेव के परिवार में इतना परिवर्तन दृष्टिगोचर होते हुए भी उक्त महादेव का मृत्यु के साथ सम्बन्ध रखना अभी भी यहाँ तक माना जाता है कि किसी हिन्दू कुटुम्ब में कोई अवसान होने के पश्चात् मृत के कुटुम्बजन शुद्धिकरण के लिए उनका दर्शन करने को आते हैं, ऐसा उज्जैन के सुप्रसिद्ध ज्योतिषी और पुरातत्त्ववेत्ता श्री सूर्यनारायणजी व्यास महाशय से ज्ञात हुआ है।
इस ‘कुटुम्बेश्वर महादेव' और जैनग्रन्थों के 'कड्गेश्वर महादेव' का सम्बन्ध निकालने का अधिकार केवल स्थान के साम्य और नामों के सादृश्य (विशेषतः प्राकृत में 'कुडुंगेसर', 'कुडुम्बेसर' ), या उक्त प्रति के अनुसार नामाभेद ही पर निर्भर नहीं है। किन्तु दोनों का कुछ ऐतिहासिक सम्बन्ध होना ही चाहिए, इस अनुमान को उपर्युक्त 'चौरासी महादेव' के शिलापट्ट से भी पुष्टि प्राप्त होती है। उस शिलापट्ट पर उत्कीर्ण मूर्तियों का निरीक्षण करने पर ज्ञात होता है कि वे न तो चौरासी हैं और न महादेव ही की मूर्तियाँ हैं। ऊपर से नीचे तक गिनकर मूर्तियों की 20 अथवा 21 पंक्तियाँ हैं। शिलापट्ट का नीचे का किनारा इतना जीर्ण हो गया है कि सबसे नीचे की पंक्ति के स्थान पर सचमुच मूर्तियों की एक पंक्ति अथवा कोई शिलालेख आदि विद्यमान था, इस बात का निर्णय नहीं किया जा सकता है। ऊपर की 9 तथा नीचे की 9 पंक्तियों में ( सबसे नीचे की सन्दिग्ध पंक्ति को छोड़कर ) 9-9 छोटी मूर्तियाँ विराजमान हैं। मध्य भाग की दो पंक्तियों में मात्र 3-2 मूर्तियाँ हैं, जिनसे घेरी हुई एक बड़ी मूर्ति शिलापट्ट के केन्द्र-स्थान पर विराजमान है। इस मूर्ति के सिर पर एक 5 या 7 फण वाले सर्प का आकार अस्पष्ट रीति से दिखता है। इस रीति से मूर्तियों की कुल संख्या 175 अथवा यदि 21 पंक्तियाँ समझी जाँय तो 184 है। सब पद्मासनासीन और शिल्पशास्त्र के नियमानुसार सिद्ध या तीर्थङ्करों की मूर्तियाँ हैं। केन्द्रस्थ बड़ी मूर्ति सातवें तीर्थङ्कर श्री सुपार्श्व अथवा तेईसवें श्री पार्श्वनाथ की हो सकती हैं।
___ इसी आकार के और ऐसी ही उत्कीर्ण मूर्तियों से सजाए हुए शिलापट्ट आज भी जैन शिल्पकला की उस निर्मिति में देखे जा सकते हैं, जिसका एक उदाहरण 'सहस्रकूट' नाम से प्रसिद्ध है। वह “सहस्रकूट' शत्रुञ्जय जैन तीर्थ में 'पाँच पाण्डवों की देरी' के पिछवाड़े के एक छोटे मन्दिर में विद्यमान है ( देखिए एस. एम. नवाब, 'भारत नां जैन तीर्थों', अमदाबाद, ई. सन् 1942, पृ. 33, चित्र नं. 70 और नोट )। वह श्वेत संगमरमर की, वैसे ही चार शिलापट्टों की एक निर्मिति है, जिसका नोकदार शिखर इसी शैली के छोटे शिलापट्टों से बनाया हुआ है। उक्त सहस्रकूट पर उत्कीर्ण मूर्तियों की कुल संख्या (शिखर की मूर्तियों सहित ) 1028 है। सम्भव है कि कुटुम्बेश्वर महादेव के मन्दिर का शिलापट्ट वैसे ही एक 'सहस्रकूट' के नीचे के

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भाग की चारों दीवारों में से एक है। उसकी बाह्य आकृति से यही अनुमान ठीक जंचता है।
फिर ऐसी निर्मिति का वहाँ क्या मूल प्रयोजन था और उसका आगमन श्री कुटुम्बेश्वर महादेव के मन्दिर में कहाँ से और कैसे हुआ, ये प्रश्न उठते हैं।
मूलतः ऐसी शिल्प-कृतियाँ किस उद्देश्य से बनाई जाती थीं, यह निश्चयपूर्वक नहीं कहा जा सकता। इतना ही स्पष्ट है कि उनका आकार अवश्य तक्षशिला आदि के छोटे बौद्ध-स्तूपों का स्मरण कराता है। इसलिए वे भी कदाचित् आरम्भ में मुनि-महात्माओं के स्तूप अर्थात् स्मारक-विशेष थे, ऐसा अनुमान किया जा सकता है।
यदि यह कल्पना मान्य हो और कुडंगेश्वर महादेव का सम्बन्ध कुटुम्बेश्वर महादेव के साथ जोड़ा जाना उचित समझा जाय, तो प्रस्तुत शिलापट्ट को श्री अवन्तिसुकुमाल मुनि के समाधिस्तूप का अवशेष मानने में क्या आपत्ति है? इस अनुमान का कुछ समर्थन शिलापट्ट की केन्द्रस्थ, फणयुक्त मूर्ति से होता है। यदि उसे श्री पार्श्वनाथ ही की समझी जाय, जिसका सम्बन्ध उक्त स्मारक के साथ अनेक ग्रन्थों में कथित है ( देखिए ऊपर की अवतरणिकाएँ)। तथापि उसके अतिरिक्त एक स्वतन्त्र पार्श्वनाथ प्रतिमा भी उक्त स्मारक-स्तूप के पास स्थापित थी और स्तूप तथा प्रतिमा दोनों एक भव्य मन्दिर में स्थित थे, ऐसा भी उक्त साहित्य से समझा जा सकता है।
यह स्मारक मन्दिर श्री अवन्तिसुकुमाल की माता भद्रा या सुभद्रा, अथवा उस भद्रा या सुभद्रा के पौत्र के हाथ का (कहीं मुनि के पिता या पत्नियों के हाथ का भी ) बनाया हुआ कथित है, जिनकी समृद्धि अपार थी। कदाचित् इन बनाने वालों ने प्राचीन जैन स्थापत्य की प्रणाली और मथुरा के जैन पुरातत्त्व के प्राचीन अवशेषों के उदाहरणों के अनुरूप अपना ( या अवन्तिसुकुमाल के पुत्र ने अपनी पितामही का इत्यादि) कोई स्मारक-चिह्न प्रस्तुत मन्दिर बनवाया हो। फिर ऐसा क्यों नहीं माना जाय कि 'स्कन्दपुराण' के 'अवन्तिखण्ड' में उल्लिखित और एक समय में कुटुम्बेश्वर के मन्दिर में विद्यमान 'भद्रपीठधरा भद्रकाली देवी' का चित्र मूलतः उक्त ‘भद्रा' ही का स्मारक-चिह्न था? यह कल्पना इस कारण से कुछ सुसंगत है कि हिन्दुओं की 'भद्रकाली देवी' का रूप शिल्पशास्त्र के नियमानुसार विकराल ही है और उनके लिए 'भद्रपीठधरा' के विशेषण का प्रयोग देखने से आश्चर्य उत्पन्न होता है ( देखिए हिन्दू शिल्प-शास्त्र के सम्बन्ध में श्री एस. श्रीकंठ शास्त्री का निबन्ध क्वार्टी ऑफ दी मिथिक सोसायटी 34, 2-3 में पञ0 183 आदि)। इसके अतिरिक्त जिस स्थान पर 175 ( या 184 ) तीर्थङ्कर प्रतिमाओं के '84 महादेव' बन सके, उसी स्थान पर यह परिवर्तन भी सम्भाव्य समझा जा सकता है। (7) मुनि-स्मारक-मन्दिर के इतिहास का सारांश
पूर्वोक्त विवेचन से निम्नलिखित घटन-श्रृंखला का अनुमान किया जा सकता है :

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ईसा के पूर्व किसी समय में गन्धवती के पास वर्तमान सिंहपुरी के अन्दर, श्री अवन्तिसुकुमाल मुनि का स्मारक मन्दिर विद्यमान था, जिसमें मुनि का स्तूप और श्रीपार्श्वनाथ की एक प्रतिमा स्थापित थी। आसपास श्मशान-भूमि और निर्जन जंगल होने के कारण जैनियों ने मूर्ति की पूजा-सेवा की उपेक्षा की। स्तूप खण्डित और मन्दिर उजाड़ पड़ा रहा। उसमें (कदाचित् कुछ जीर्णोद्धार या अन्य परिवर्तन करते हुए ) हिन्दुओं ने श्मशानों के अधिष्ठाता के उपलक्ष्य में एक लिंग स्थापित किया। तीर्थङ्कर-प्रतिमा लुप्त हो गई। मन्दिर हिन्दू-मन्दिर बना। स्थान के आधार पर उसको 'कुडंगीसर' या 'कुडंगेश्वर', अर्थात् 'गहरे जंगल का ईश्वर' यह नाम चल पड़ा। इस कुडंगेश्वर महादेव के मन्दिर में किसी एक उदार विचार वाले, 'विक्रमादित्य' की उपाधि धारण करने वाले गुप्त सम्राट के समय और उपस्थिति में श्री सिद्धसेन दिवाकर का आगमन और प्राचीन पार्श्वनाथ-प्रतिमा का प्रादुर्भाव - चाहे चमत्कारिक या प्राकृतिक रीति से - हुआ। उक्त प्रतिमा ‘कुडंगेश्वर-पार्श्वनाथ' के नाम से पुनः प्रतिष्ठित होकर एक जैनतीर्थ का केन्द्र बनी, जिसकी उपासना के लिए राज्य की ओर से कुछ गाँव प्रदान किये गए।
पश्चात् उक्त मन्दिर फिर हिन्दुओं के हाथ में आया। कुडंगेश्वर नाम उसके साथ जुड़ा हुआ तो था परन्तु उस नाम को व्युत्पत्त्यर्थ की दृष्टि से कल्पनाशक्ति के अधिक अनुकूल बनाने के उद्देश्य से, जिस न्याय से 'करण' का 'कर्ण', 'सिप्रि' की 'शिवपुरी', 'नाचिकेतस्' का 'नासकेत', 'तैलंग' का 'त्यक्तलंक' इत्यादि कृत्रिम रूपान्तर गढ़े गए, उसी न्याय के अनुसार वह रूप मिटाया जाकर 'कुटुम्बेश्वर' शब्द बनाया गया, जो पुराण में ( जैसा ऊपर बताया जा चुका है ) प्रयुक्त होकर आज तक प्रचलित है।
इस मन्दिर की उत्पत्ति और प्रारम्भिक इतिहास का वृत्तान्त जैन साहित्य में और मध्यकालीन स्थिति का वर्णन पुराण में उपलब्ध रहा। फिर भी इतनी शताब्दियों के क्रम में उसका नाश, जीर्णोद्धार, धर्म-परिवर्तन और कदाचित् स्थानान्तर भी कितने बार और कब-कब हुए, इन रहस्यों की रक्षिका सिंहपुरी, गन्धवती घाट और महाकालेश्वर मन्दिर की सीमा के अन्तर्गत भूमि ही है, जहाँ कभी खोदने पर कदाचित् किसी दिन उस पर प्रकाश पड़ेगा।
___ मन्दिर का आधुनिक आकार पेशवा या सिन्धिया काल से अधिक प्राचीन नहीं हो सकता। वह उसके छज्जे में जड़े हुए एक शिलालेख से देखा जा सकता है, जो एक टूटी हुई इमारत का एक भग्नावशेष जान पड़ता है। इस शिलालेख के अनुसार वह इमारत संवत् 1982 में बनाई गई या उसका जीर्णोद्धार के प्रसंग पर वह शिलालेख '84 महादेव' के पूर्वोक्त शिलापट्ट के साथ खण्डहरों में से निकाला जाकर दोनों वस्तुओं को अपने-अपने आधुनिक स्थान में जड़ाया गया होगा। उसी समय से

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उक्त शिलापट्ट उसी मन्दिर में आतिथ्य भोगने लगा होगा, जिसके मूल-मन्दिर के केन्द्रस्थान में वह एक बार महात्मा के स्तूप की एक दीवार था। कदाचित् स्तूप के शेष भाग और भद्रकाली या भद्रा श्राविका का चित्र भी किसी दिन इसी भाँति प्रादुर्भूत होकर दर्शन देंगे। (8) मुनि-स्मारक और महाकाल
मुनि-स्मारक-मन्दिर और उसमें से उत्पन्न हुए मन्दिरों के इतिहास की उपर्युक्त रूपरेखा के आधार मुख्य करके 'मरणसमाहि-पइण्णं', भद्रेश्वर-कृत 'कथावली' ( परन्तु वह केवल कुछ अंश से ), प्रभाचन्द्र-कृत 'प्रभावक-चरित' और जिनप्रभ सूरि कृत 'विविध-तीर्थकल्प', इतने ही ग्रन्थ हैं, जिनमें 'कुडंगेश्वर' नाम विविध रूप धारण करता हुआ, प्रस्तुत सम्बन्ध में प्रयुक्त है। . वह नाम श्री हरिषेण-कृत 'बृहत्कथा-कोश' आदि दिगम्बर-ग्रन्थों में नहीं पाया जाता है। हरिषेण के एक पद्य ( 242 ) के अनुसार मुनि का समाधि-स्थान 'महाकालवन' में और एक दूसरे पद्य (260) के अनुसार उसी महाकालवन में आई हुई 'गन्धवती नदी' और 'कलकलेश्वर मन्दिर' के पास और श्री नेमिदत्त के अनुसार 'गन्धवती' नदी और 'महाकाल' के पास था ( देखिए ऊपर की अवतरणिकाएँ)। परन्तु वे सब स्थान 'कंथारिकावन' में विद्यमान होने से उपर्युक्त इतिहास इन उल्लेखों से बाधित नहीं होता है।
बाधा तो कुछ श्वेताम्बर ग्रन्थकारों के इस आशय के कथन में विदित होती है कि श्री अवन्तिसुकुमाल का स्मारक मन्दिर हिन्दुओं से ग्रहण किए जाने के पश्चात् महाकाल ही का मन्दिर बना। ऐसे उल्लेख श्री जिनदास गणि महत्तर, श्री हरिभद्र सूरि, 'आवश्यक कथाओं' और 'दर्शनशुद्धि' के कर्ता, श्री हेमचन्द्राचार्य, श्री सोमप्रभाचार्य, श्री राजशेखर सूरि, श्री मेरुतुंगाचार्य, श्री तपाचार्य, "पुरातन-प्रबन्ध-संग्रह' के कर्ता, श्री शुभशील गणि, श्री विजयलक्ष्मी सूरि और श्री संघतिलक सूरि की कृतियों में से उद्धृत किए जा चुके हैं।
इसके अतिरिक्त, 'आवश्यक-कथाओं', 'दर्शनशुद्धि', श्री हेमचन्द्राचार्य कृत 'परिशिष्टपर्वन्', श्री सोमप्रभसूरि कृत 'कुमारपाल-प्रतिबोध', श्री मेरुतुंगसूरि कृत 'प्रबन्ध-चिन्तामणि', श्री राजशेखर सूरि कृत 'प्रबन्धकोश' और श्री शुभशील गणि कृत 'विक्रमचरित्र' तथा 'भरतेश्वर-बाहुबलि-वृत्ति में यह और भी कथित है कि 'महाकाल' शब्द स्वयं ही श्री अवन्तिसुकुमाल के 'महान् काल', अर्थात् 'महान् मृत्यु' पर से बन गया है ( देखिए ऊपर दी हुई अवतरणिकाएँ)।
प्रथमतः इन दो बातों में से इस शब्द-व्युत्पत्ति का निराकरण करना अधिक सरल है, क्योंकि वह इस कारण से देखते ही असम्भाव्य ज्ञात होती है कि एक तो 'महाकाल' शब्द महादेव के एक नामान्तर के रूप में जैनागम में भी प्रयुक्त है। वह

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महाकाल श्मशान-भूमि का अधिष्ठाता होने से इसी के नाम से महाकालवन का नाम उत्पन्न होना स्वाभाविक है।
इसके अतिरिक्त 'महाकालवन' शब्द स्वयं भी जैनागम के अन्तर्गत 'अन्तगदसाओ' ( 3.8 ) नामक ग्रन्थ में विद्यमान है। वहाँ श्रीकृष्ण के समकालीन बाईसवें तीर्थङ्कर श्रीनेमिनाथ के समय की द्वारका नगरी के पास 'महाकालवन' नामक एक श्मशान का विद्यमान होना कथित है, तो उज्जैन के 'महाकालवन' के नाम की व्युत्पत्ति वीर-निर्वाण के पश्चात् हुए अवन्तिसुकुमाल की मृत्यु के प्रसंग पर से होना असंगत ज्ञात होती है। इससे प्रस्तुत शब्द-व्युत्पत्ति को कवि-कल्पना शक्ति के उसी क्रीड़ा-विशेष में गिनना अनुचित नहीं होगा, जिसके अनुसार संस्कृत 'ब्राह्मण' शब्द के प्राकृत रूपान्तर 'माहण' की व्युत्पत्ति ‘मा हणसु' (अर्थात् 'मत मारो' ) इस वाक्य से बताई गई ( पउमचरिय 4.84 )25 और अन्य अनेक भाषाशास्त्र-विरुद्ध शब्दव्युत्पत्तियाँ भी प्राचीन ग्रन्थों में कही गई हैं। अब रहा महाकालेश्वर मन्दिर ही की जैनमुनि स्मारक-मन्दिर से कथित उत्पत्ति का प्रश्न। वह इस कारण से कुछ विकट ज्ञात होता है कि अभी उक्त मुनि-स्मारक-मन्दिर में से कुडुंगेश्वर-कुटुम्बेश्वर महादेव ही के मन्दिरों का क्रमशः अनुमान है कि प्रस्तुत समय में कुडुंगेश्वर-कुटुम्बेश्वर महादेव और महाकालेश्वर महादेव एक थे। अपनी सन्मति-तर्क भूमिका में (पृ. 45 ) पं. श्री सुखलाल जी और श्री बेचरदास जी ने भी 'कुडंगेश्वर' और 'महाकाल' के अभेद का अनुमान प्रगट किया, परन्तु उसका समर्थन करने को वे उद्यत नहीं हुए। कहाँ तो कुडंगेश्वर-कुटुम्बेश्वर जैसे साधारण श्रेणी के नाम और कहाँ जगत्प्रसिद्ध महाकालेश्वर, जो भारतवर्ष के बारह ज्योतिर्लिङ्गों में एक हैं और जिनका नाम तक अत्यन्त आदरणीय माना जाता है।
फिर भी इस ज्योतिर्लिंगरूपी महाकाल के अतिरिक्त, महाकाल नामक एक अज्ञात अरण्य-देव भी विद्यमान है, जैसा कि श्री शरतचन्द्र मित्र महाशय ने अपने एक निबन्ध में (इण्डियन कल्चर, अंक 4, पृ. 427 आदि ) बताया है। यह महाकाल पूर्व और पश्चिम भारत की कुछ जंगली जातियों से पूजित है। उनके नाम से खाये हुए सौंगन्ध के भंग का परिणाम भयंकर मृत्यु और उनकी उपासना का फल कुटुम्ब आदि परिवार की वृद्धि माना जाता है। गहरे जंगलों में उनकी पूजा-सेवा होती है। अरण्य के इस अज्ञात महाकाल और अवन्ति के जगत्प्रसिद्ध महाकाल, दोनों के सामान्य मूलभूत किसी एक आदि महाकाल की कल्पना अवश्य की जा सकती है, जो द्वारका
और उज्जैन के आसपास के जंगलों में पूजित होकर, वहाँ के 'महाकालवन' के नामोत्पादक हुए। इस महाकाल और पुराण में उल्लिखित कुटुम्बेश्वर के गुणों में और आराधना-फल में इतना सादृश्य है कि कुडंगेश्वर-कुटुम्बेश्वर को महाकालेश्वर का नामान्तर माना जा सकता है और महाकालवन के जिस मन्दिर में श्री विक्रमादित्य और

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सिद्धसेन का आगमन हुआ, उसको उपर्युक्त पण्डितों के मतानुसार, प्रस्तुत कुडंगेश्वरकुटुम्बेश्वर-महाकाल का मन्दिर समझा जा सकता है।
फिर भी ऐसा समझने पर यह आपत्ति पाई जाती है कि एक तो साहित्य में ऐसा कोई भी उल्लेख नहीं पाया जाता है जिससे दोनों को गुप्त-काल में अभिन्न मानने का अधिकार प्राप्त होता हो। इसके विपरीत, जहाँ देखा जाय वहाँ कुडंगेश्वरकुटुम्बेश्वर एक भिन्न वस्तु और महाकाल एक भिन्न वस्तु का रूप धारण करते हैं। यदि दुराग्रह से उनका पारस्परिक अभेद मान भी लिया गया तो कुछ समय पश्चात् दो भिन्न स्थानों पर भिन्न नामों से अंकित उनके दो देवालय क्यों और कैसे बनाए गए, इसका कोई सन्तोषकारक समाधान नहीं किया जा सकता है।
यह भी ध्यान में रखना चाहिए कि सिद्धसेन दिवाकर ( उपर्युक्त विवेचन के अनुसार ) गुप्तकालीन थे और यदि उनका अस्तित्व ( पूर्वोल्लिखित साहित्य के अनुसार ) एक 'विक्रमादित्य' की पदवी धारण करने वाले नरेश ही के समय में माना जाय, तो महाकवि कालिदास उनके समकालीन अथवा लगभग समकालीन ठहरेंगे। तब महाकाल मन्दिर सम्बन्धी दोनों प्रसिद्ध पद्य जो उस कवि के 'मेघदूत' ( 35 आदि ) और 'रघुवंश' ( 6.34 ) में आए हैं, श्री कुडंगेश्वर जैनतीर्थ के स्थापना-काल के आसपास में रचित होने चाहिए। अर्थात् वे या तो उस समय से कुछ पहले रचित हो सकते हैं, जबकि प्रस्तुत मन्दिर हिन्दू मन्दिर से मिटकर जैन मन्दिर बन गया था, अथवा उस समय के कुछ पश्चात् जबकि कुडंगेश्वर जिनालय मिटकर फिर हिन्दू मन्दिर बना। यदि यह कुडंगेश्वर मन्दिर और कालिदास-स्तुत मन्दिर अभिन्न थे, तो दूसरे विकल्प के अनुसार ऐसा मानना पड़ेगा कि वह प्रौढ़ 'त्रिभुवनगुरोर्धाम चण्डीश्वरस्य' ( मेघदूत 35 ), अर्थात् 'तीन भुवन के अधिपति चण्डीपति का निवासस्थान' उक्त पद्यों की रचना से थोड़े समय पहले जैनियों से चुराया हुआ एक जिनालय था, जो कि एक अत्यन्त असम्भाव्य और अनुचित कल्पना है।
यदि पहला विकल्प मान्य है कि कुडंगेश्वर जैन तीर्थ कालिदास के उक्त पद्यों के रचनाकाल के पश्चात् प्रतिष्ठित हुआ, तो इसका तात्पर्य यह है कि महान् हिन्दू देवता महाकाल के जिस मन्दिर को राजकवि ने अभी अवन्ति देश के मुख्य कौतुक का स्थान दिया था और अत्यन्त वेगपूर्वक प्रयाण करने वाले प्रवासी के लिए भी, यदि उसको सीधा मार्ग छोड़ना पड़े फिर भी दर्शन करने के योग्य बताया था, वही जगद्विख्यात्, वैभवशाली और विश्वपूज्य हिन्दू मन्दिर पश्चात् अवन्ति नरेश की आज्ञा से एक जैन मन्दिर में परिवर्तित किया गया। इतना ही नहीं किन्तु वे नरेश गुप्तवंशीय थे और जिस महादेवता का उत्थापन उन्होंने कराया, वह बहुत कर गुप्तवंश का कुलदेव था ( देखिए श्री एम. के. दीक्षित महाशय के निबन्ध का फुट-नोट नं. 75, इण्डियन कल्चर, ग्रन्थ 6, ई. सन् 1939, पृ. 385 )। इसके अतिरिक्त, उक्त

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नरेश कोई साधारण गुप्त राजा ही नहीं थे, किन्तु वे 'विक्रमादित्य' का उपनाम धारण करने वाले, अर्थात् महाप्रतापी 'परमभागवत' गुप्त सम्राटों में से एक थे। ऐसे एक महान् गुप्त सम्राट् के हाथ से इस प्रकार के एक असाधारण कार्य का किया जाना ऐसी अनोखी घटना है कि जिसके साक्षीभूत ( अथवा इसी सम्राट् के हाथ से किए हुए किसी अन्य जैनधर्म-प्रभावना रूपी कार्य के साक्षीभूत ) प्रमाणों का सर्वथा अभाव होते हुए उसको ऐतिहासिक सत्य मानने को कोई इतिहासज्ञ तैयार नहीं हो सकता है। यदि कालिदास का अस्तित्व शुंग -काल में मान लिया जाय, उनके तथा सिद्धसेन के बीच में कुछ शताब्दियाँ बीत भी गई हों, तब यह युक्ति ग्राह्य ठहरती है। उपर्युक्त आपत्ति महाकालेश्वर और कुडंगेश्वर को अभिन्न मानने का फल है। यदि दोनों को अभिन्न समझा जाय तो उसका यह अर्थ होता है कि सिद्धसेन दिवाकर और कालिदास के समय में महाकालवन में एक तो कालिदास द्वारा प्रशंसित वैभवशाली, राजपूजित महाकालेश्वर महादेव का मन्दिर और दूसरा प्रकीर्णकों में उल्लिखित, अवन्तिसुकुमाल के स्मारक मन्दिर में से उत्पन्न हुआ, साधारण श्रेणी का कुडंगेश्वर महादेव का मन्दिर, ऐसे महादेव के दो भिन्न देवालय विद्यमान थे।
यदि श्री सिद्धसेन दिवाकर के प्रभाव से जैन - हितैषी बने हुए गुप्त नरेश ने ( कदाचित् द्वितीय चन्द्रगुप्त ही ने ), उस कुडंगेश्वर मन्दिर का इतिहास जानकर और उसमें उपर्युक्त प्राचीन तीर्थङ्कर प्रतिमा प्रकट हुई देखकर, गुप्तवंशीय सम्राटों की इतिहास-प्रसिद्ध उदारता और न्यायप्रियता के अनुसार जैनियों को उक्त मन्दिर वापस दिया हो तो यह कुछ आश्चर्यकारक घटना नहीं थी। फिर भी जैनियों को अपना यह महा - पवित्र और पूज्य स्थान पुनः प्राप्त होने से अत्यन्त सन्तोष हुआ होगा, और प्रख्यात ‘महाकालवन' में आए हुए इस जैन मन्दिर की भलीभाँति प्रसिद्धि हुई होगी। इस कल्पना के स्वीकृत होने से कुडंगेश्वर और महाकालेश्वर की अभिन्नता का निराकरण हो जाता है। इतना ही नहीं, किन्तु उपर्युक्त महान् ग्रन्थकारों का इस आशय का कथन है कि महाकाल मन्दिर अवन्तिसुकुमाल के स्मारक - मन्दिर से उत्पन्न हुआ, वह भी साथ ही साथ अयथार्थ सिद्ध हो जाता है। यद्यपि इतने महापुरुषों का एकमुखी साक्ष्य इस रीति से अयथार्थ ठहर जाना अवश्य चिन्तनीय है, तथापि एक तो दिगम्बर-परम्परा भी उनके उस कथन से विरुद्ध है, क्योंकि ( ऊपर दी हुई अवतरणिका के अनुसार ) श्री नेमिदत्त साफ-साफ महाकाल - तीर्थ का एक 'कुतीर्थ', अर्थात् अन्य-धर्मियों के तीर्थ के रूप में उत्पन्न होना बताते हैं ( जीवहिंसा से हिन्दूमन्दिर ही का अनुमान होता है )।
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इसके अतिरिक्त, यह भी विदित है कि उक्त ग्रन्थकारों को एक ही समान वृद्ध परम्परा मान्य थी, जिसका प्रारम्भ प्रस्तुत विषय की दृष्टि से श्री जिनदास गणि और श्री हरिभद्र सूरि का सामान्य आधार था।

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Dr. Charlotte Krause : Her Life & Literature
दूसरी ओर, प्रस्तुत विषय उन ग्रन्थकारों की दृष्टि से गौण और प्रसंगोपात्त ही था, जिससे उन्होंने श्री जिनप्रभ सूरि की भाँति, विशेष अन्वेषण करना आवश्यक ही नहीं समझा होगा।
यदि अति प्राचीन समय में - अर्थात् श्री जिनदास गणि और श्री हरिभद्र सूरि के पहले श्वेताम्बर-परम्परा के किसी लेखक या उपदेशक की भूल से 'महाकालवन का जैन-मन्दिर' 'महाकाल जैन-मन्दिर' में परिवर्तित हुआ और इस भ्रान्त निर्देश से महाकाल मन्दिर के जैन मन्दिर से उत्पन्न होने की और भी भ्रान्त कल्पना उपस्थित हुई, जो परम्परागत इतने ग्रन्थों में क्रमशः प्रविष्ट होती गई, तो यह बात आश्चर्यकारक नहीं है। वह इस कारण से स्वाभाविक ही समझी जा सकती है कि स्वधर्मपरायण प्राचीन श्वेताम्बर-वृद्ध-परम्परा ने, सूक्ष्म ऐतिहासिक खोज को अपना कर्तव्य नहीं समझकर, ऐसी भ्रान्तियों को शुद्ध करने की तरफ उदासीनता रखी है। इसके अतिरिक्त, खोज के साधनों के अभाव से भी व्यक्तिगत ग्रन्थकारों को अपने-अपने मूलग्रन्थों पर बहुधा अन्धविश्वास रखना ही पड़ता था। इसके परिणामस्वरूप गुप्तकालीन सिद्धसेन दिवाकर द्वारा संवत्सर प्रवर्तक विक्रमादित्य का प्रतिबोधित होना आदि विचित्र भ्रान्तियाँ भी अशोधित रहकर शताब्दियों के क्रम से जैन साहित्य का सर्वमान्य सिद्धान्त बन सकीं। ऐसी एक भ्रान्ति-स्वरूप श्री अवन्तिसुकुमाल के स्मारक मन्दिर में से महाकालेश्वर मन्दिर का उत्पन्न होना भी समझा जा सकता है।
साथ ही साथ यह भी ध्यान में रखने योग्य है कि प्रस्तुत घटनाओं की रंगभूमि, प्राचीन उज्जयिनी, जैन धर्म का एक महिमायुक्त केन्द्र-स्थान था। इतिहासप्रसिद्ध जैन राजा सम्प्रति, जिनकी आज्ञा से कराई हुई जिन-प्रतिमाओं और जैन मन्दिरों की संख्या से आश्चर्य होता है, और कालकाचार्य द्वारा प्रतिबोधित जिनभक्त शक-राजा-मण्डल (जो पश्चात् संवत्सर प्रवर्तक विक्रमादित्य से पराजित बताये गये हैं ) उज्जैन ही में अपनी राजधानी रखते हुए राज्य करते थे। वहाँ ही 'आवश्यकचूर्णि' के अनुसार, उक्त अशोक-पौत्र सम्प्रति के समय में 'जीवित स्वामी' ( अर्थात् किसी एक तीर्थङ्कर के समय में बनाई हुई उनकी एक प्रतिमा ) का एक प्रसिद्ध मन्दिर विद्यमान था, जहाँ दर्शन करने को राजगुरु आर्य सुहस्ती आचार्य 'विहार कर' आए।
इस बात के पुरातत्त्व सम्बन्धी प्रमाण भी विद्यमान हैं। श्रीपार्श्वनाथ की शासनदेवी पद्मावती की एक बड़ी, अति प्राचीन कारीगरी की सुन्दर मूर्ति गढ़ की कालिका देवी के मन्दिर में अभी भी विराजमान है। इस मूर्ति के आकार से अनुमान किया जा सकता है कि वह एक समय एक भव्य पार्श्वनाथ-प्रतिमा के पास एक विशाल जिनालय में स्थापित हुई होगी, जिसकी पूजा-सेवा प्रतिदिन सैकड़ों श्रावकश्राविकाएँ करती होंगी। प्राचीन जैन प्रभाव की एक अन्य निशानी वह भव्य, श्याम पाषाणमय पार्श्व-प्रतिमा है जो कुछ समय पहले महाकालवन की भूमि में से निकली

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हुई, आज गन्धवती घाट के पास आए हुए श्वेताम्बर मन्दिर में 'अवन्ति पार्श्वनाथ' के नाम से पूजित है।
इन उदाहरणों से विदित है कि प्राचीन उज्जयिनी में जैनधर्म का स्थान इतना ऊँचा था कि उससे भी महाकालेश्वर मन्दिर की उत्पत्ति की उपर्युक्त कल्पना को उत्तेजना और इतनी शताब्दियों पर्यन्त प्रचलित रहने की शक्ति प्राप्त हो सकी।
प्रस्तुत निबन्ध पुष्कल अन्वेषण और मनन का फल है। उसमें पाठकों को जो कुछ नई बातें ज्ञात हों, वे आधार-रहित नहीं हैं। तथापि कतिपय बातें अभी तक प्रत्यक्ष प्रमाणों से सिद्ध नहीं हुई हैं। यदि किसी दिन सिंहपुरी की भूमि में पट्टिका, अथवा श्री आदिमहाकालेश्वर के स्थान पर उसके प्रारम्भिक इतिहास का कोई शिलालेख आदि निकले, तो उपर्युक्त विवेचन को यथार्थता की कसौटी प्राप्त हो सकेगी। ऐसा अवसर शीघ्र उपलब्ध हो, यह इस रमणीय विषय के अन्वेषण में रस लेने वाले प्रत्येक इतिहास एवं पुरातत्त्ववेत्ता की अन्तःकरण से कामना होगी, इसमें तनिक भी सन्देह नहीं है *। सन्दर्भ 1. सम्पादक जिनविजय, सिंघी जैन ग्रन्थमाला, नं. 6, शान्तिनिकेतन, 1935। 2. देखिए : रायबहादुर हीरालाल, कैटेलॉग ऑफ संस्कृत ऐण्ड प्राकृत
मैन्युस्क्रिप्ट्स, नागपुर, 1926, प्रस्तावना, पृ. 12 आदि। 3. श्रीसम्यक्त्वसप्तति, संशोधक मुनि श्री वल्लभविजय, श्रेष्ठी देवचन्द्र लालभाई
जैन पुस्तकोद्धार ग्रंथांक 35, ई. सन् 1916। 4. संशोधक और प्रकाशक पं. भगवानदास, वि. सं. 1996। 5. राजनगर, ई. सन् 1938। 6. सम्पादक जिनविजय मुनि, सिंघी जैन ग्रंथमाला नं. 2, शान्तिनिकेतन, ई. सन्
19361 7. वही, नं. 1, ई. सन् 1933 | 8. सम्पादक जिनविजय मुनि, सिंघी जैन ग्रन्थमाला नं. 13, अहमदाबाद
कलकत्ता, ई. सन् 1940। 9. वही, नं. 10, शान्तिनिकेतन, ई. सन् 1934। 10. चतुः शरणादिमरणसमाध्यन्तं प्रकीर्णकदशकं, श्री आगमोदयसमितिग्रन्थोद्धारे
नं. 46, सन् 1927, पृ. 301 * भारतीय संस्कृति के गाढ़ प्रेम से प्रेरित होकर मैंने विदशी होते हए भी यह निबन्ध हिन्दी में लिखा। अतः यदि इसमें कुछ त्रुटियाँ रह गई हों तो पाठक क्षमा करें, ऐसी प्रार्थना है - लेखिका।

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11. वही, पृ. 571 12. वही, पृ. 126। 13. अभिधानराजेन्द्र-कोश की अवतरणिका 'अवन्तिसुकुमाल' शब्द के नीचे। 14. परिशिष्टपर्व, श्री जैनधर्मप्रसारक सभा, भावनगर, वि. सं. 1968, पृ.
96-98। 15. गुजराती अनुवाद, श्री जैन आत्मानन्द सभा, भावनगर, वि. सं. 1983 । 16. जैन-गुर्जर कविओ, संग्राहक मोहनलाल दलीचंद देशाई, मुम्बई, ई. सन्
1925, भाग 1, पृ. 118। 17. श्री जैन सज्झाय संग्रह, सम्पादक साराभाई मणिलाल नवाब, श्री जैन प्राचीन
साहित्योद्धार ग्रंथावली नं. 9, ई. सन् 1940, पृ. 40-55, पृ. 55-591 18. सिंघी जैन-ग्रंथमाला, बम्बई 1943। 19. सिंघी जैन-ग्रंथमाला, बम्बई 1943। 20. श्राद्धविधि ( की इस नाम की टीका ), श्री जैन आत्मानंद ग्रन्थ रत्नमाला नं.
48, वि. सं. 1974, पृ. 165। 21. श्री आत्मानन्द ग्रन्थ रत्नमाला, पृ. 7। 22. श्री शत्रुञ्जयादि महातीर्थादि यात्रा विचार, भावनगर, वि. सं. 1985, पृ.
193-208। 23. महाकवि कालिदास विरचितं ज्योतिर्विदाभरणम् भावरत्नविरचित सुखबोधिका
समेतम्, पं. नारायणशर्मणा प्रकाशितं, मुम्बई, ई. सन् 1908 । 24. देखिए खरतरगच्छ-पट्टावली-संग्रह, संग्राहक श्री जिनविजयजी, कलकत्ता, सं.
1988, पृ. 18 तथा धर्मसागर-गणि विरचित श्री तपागच्छपट्टावली, पट्टावलीसमुच्चय, सम्पादक मुनि श्री दर्शनविजय, वीरंगाम, वि. सं. 1989,
पृ. 48। 25. श्रीविमलसूरि-विरचितं पउमचरियम्, श्री जैन-धर्म प्रसारक सभा, भावनगर,
1914, पृ. 18। 26. 'कालिदास', लेखक वा. वि. मिराशी, लाहौर, सन् 1938।

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आधुनिक जैन समाज की सामाजिक
परिस्थिति*
जैनधर्म भारतवर्ष के अति प्राचीन धर्मों में से एक है, जो बौद्ध-धर्म से भी प्राचीन है और प्रायः वर्तमान अभिप्राय के अनुसार अति प्राचीन हिन्दूदर्शन से भी पूर्व अवस्थिति वाला है। यद्यपि जैनधर्म ने बौद्धमत की भाँति शक्ति एवं विस्तीर्णता नहीं पायी थी और भारतवर्ष की सीमा का भी उल्लंघन नहीं किया था, अर्थात् बौद्धमत की भाँति भारतवर्ष के अतिरिक्त चीन, जापान आदि देशों में जैनधर्म का प्रचार नहीं हुआ था, तो भी इस धर्म ने एक समय भारतीय धार्मिक जीवन पर बड़ा प्रभाव डाला था, क्योंकि किसी समय में राजा-महाराजा सरदार लोग भी इस धर्म के अनुयायी थे और इस धर्म ने अपने अहिंसात्मक सिद्धान्तों का प्रभाव अन्य धर्मों पर डाला था। फिर भी अन्तिम शताब्दियों में इसका प्रभाव न्यून हो गया है। इस धर्म के वर्तमान निश्चित अनुयायियों की संख्या प्रति मनुष्य-गणना' ( Census Report ) के अनुसार न्यूनता के मार्ग की ओर प्रयाण करते-करते 11,00,000 ( एकादश लाख ) की अन्तिम जघन्य स्थिति तक पहुंची है।
परन्तु उपर्युक्त उल्लेखानुसार जैनधर्म के की अवनति हो रही है और जैनधर्म ने भारतवर्ष के आत्मिक-धार्मिक जीवन पर अपना प्रभाव छोड़ना बन्द कर दिया है, ऐसी कल्पनायें करना ठीक नहीं है। बात यह है कि जैनधर्म, उन मनुष्यों के लिये जो कि ज़ाहिरा तौर से जैन हैं अर्थात् जो जन्म और परम्परा से जैन हैं, उनकी ही मर्यादा में नहीं है। किन्तु वास्तविक रीति से जैन-धर्मानुयायियों की संख्या मनुष्यगणना के कथन की अपेक्षा से अधिक प्रमाण वाली है। जैनधर्म के सिद्धान्तों में, सम्भवतया जिनका कि अनुमान बाह्य लोग कर सकते हैं उनसे अधिक लोग आ सकते हैं। क्योंकि जैनधर्म का, ऐसे विद्वान्, विवेकी एवं उत्साहसम्पन्न जैन मुनिराजों द्वारा एक स्थान से दूसरे स्थान पर निरन्तर प्रचार हुआ और आजकल भी होता है, जो मुनिराज मात्र अशिक्षित वर्ग के लोगों को ही नहीं, किन्तु ख़ास करके समग्र देश के शिक्षित लोगों को भी आकर्षित करते हैं और अन्य धर्मानुयायियों में भी अपने धर्म के प्रति प्रेम, मान और उत्साह उत्पन्न कराते हैं। ऐसे बहुत से मनुष्य हैं, जो यद्यपि जन्म,
*
Published in Anekanta, Varsa 1, Kirana 8, 9, 10. Translator Bhanwaralal Lodha.

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परम्परा और क्रियाकाण्डादि से हिन्दू, पारसी, मुसलमान धर्मों का आचरण करते हैं
और उन धर्मों को छोड़ने का विचार भी नहीं करते हैं, तो भी अपने तत्त्व-ज्ञान एवं नैतिक आदर्श का अनुसरण करके सच्चे जैन कहे जा सकते हैं। ऐसे और भी अन्य धर्मी लोग विद्यमान हैं, जो अपने पुराने ( परम्परागत ) धर्म में लवलीन होने पर भी नियमित रीति से जैन मन्दिरों में दर्शनार्थ जाते हैं, जैन-मूर्तियों की पूजा, पाठादि दैनिक कार्य करते हैं और सच्चे जैनों की भाँति उत्साहपूर्वक जैनों के कतिपय नियम पालते हैं। इस वस्तुस्थिति के दृष्टान्त के तौर पर मैं उदयपुर के नामदार महाराणा साहब तथा कुँवर साहब के प्रसंग का उल्लेख करती हूँ, जो कट्टर हिन्दू होने पर भी उदयपुर के समीपवर्ती केशरिया जी के प्रसिद्ध मन्दिर का विधिपूर्वक आम पब्लिक में पूजन व दर्शन करते हैं। ऐसे और भी कई एक राजा-महाराजा हैं, जो जैन मुनिराजों के रक्षक तथा भक्त कहलाये जा सकते हैं। वे लोग जैन मुनिराजों की देशना से प्रफुल्लित होते हैं, व मुनिराजों की प्रेरणा अथवा उपदेश के प्रभाव से जैन धर्म के सिद्धान्तों का अनुसरण करके स्वयं जीवरक्षादि के नियमों का पालन करते हैं और अपनी प्रजा से पालन कराने के लिये 'अभारी पटह' की उद्घोषणा करते हैं।
अब यह मालूम होता है कि एक ओर से जैनधर्म में अनुरक्त रहना और उसके नैतिक सिद्धान्तों के अनुसार जीवन व्यतीत करना और दूसरी ओर जन्म एवं संस्कार से जैन होना, इन दो विषयों में अधिक भिन्नता नहीं है। यदि दक्षिण भारत की परिस्थिति पर दृष्टिपात करेंगे तो सचमुच इतना अन्तर दृष्टिगोचर नहीं होगा। उस प्रदेश के शान्त-हृदयी बुद्धिशाली द्रविड-जैनों ने दिगम्बर जैनधर्म का, जो कि जैनधर्म की मुख्य दो शाखाओं में से एक है, प्राचीन समय से ही पवित्रतापूर्वक आचरण तथा रक्षण किया है। इन महानुभावों का जैनधर्म विषयक जो मान तथा क्रियाकाण्डादि हैं, उन सबका आधार मौखिक परम्परा ही है, अर्थात् पिता अपने पुत्र को, माता अपनी पुत्री को सैद्धान्तिक उपदेशक के बगैर ही उस धर्म के सिद्धान्तों का अध्ययनअध्यापन करते थे और अब भी करते हैं। उन लोगों के लिये जैनधर्म एक नैतिक आदर्श तथा सच्चे तत्त्वज्ञान की एक चाभी-कञ्जिका है। इसलिये दक्षिण भारत के समस्त दिगम्बर अपने धर्मबन्धनों द्वारा गाढ़-घनिष्ट-प्रेमरूपी सांकल में परस्पर इस प्रकार से बँधे हुए हैं कि भिन्न-भिन्न स्थानों में रहते हुए तमिल, तेलुगू, कनडी और मलयालमादि भित्र-भिन्न भाषायें तथा उच्च व नीच गोत्र होने पर भी वे सब जातियाँ एक ही संघ के सदस्य के समान मालूम होती हैं, अर्थात् उन लोगों में किसी प्रकार का भेदभाव नहीं है। वे संघ, जाति व पेटा जाति आदि की मत-भिन्नता से अनभिज्ञ हैं और उनमें सर्वसाधारण भोजन-व्यवहार एवं कन्या-व्यवहार प्रचलित हैं। वे पवित्र निष्कपट-हृदयी तथा धर्म-प्रेमी दिगम्बर जैन जैन-कुल में जन्म लेने वाले और जन्म नहीं लेने वाले प्रत्येक जैन के साथ भाई तथा मित्र जैसा व्यवहार करते हैं।

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Adhunika Jaina Samāja Ki Sāmājika Paristhiti
265
किंतु उत्तर तथा मध्य भारत में जैनधर्म की पूरे श्वेताम्बर और दिगम्बर ये दो मुख्य शाखाएँ स्वकीय विविध प्रतिशाखाओं सहित विद्यमान हैं। वहाँ जैन स्कूलादि शिक्षालय मौजूद हैं और वहाँ पर श्रावक व साधु-मुनिराज जैनधर्म के प्रचार-कार्य के लिए उत्साहपूर्वक परिश्रम करते हैं। उस देश में जैन इस गम्भीर आशय वाले पद से विभूषित लोगों को अति कठोर तपस्या तथा सूक्ष्मक्रियादि करने का कर्तव्य उस जैन शब्द के ही अन्तर्गत रहा हुआ है। जैन इस उपाधि से युक्त व्यक्ति जन्म से ही ज्ञाति व पेटा ज्ञाति के नियमों में बँधा हुआ है। जिन ज्ञातियों तथा पेटा ज्ञातियों का प्रभाव उस व्यक्ति के समस्त कौटुम्बिक कार्यों में आजीवन दबाव डालता है, यह बात भी जैनधर्म में समाविष्ट है।
वाचकों के मन में आश्चर्यपूर्वक यह प्रश्न अवश्य उत्पन्न होगा कि जैनधर्म जिसके विषय में यह बात प्रसिद्ध है कि वह विश्वप्रेम एवं उदारता का समर्थक है और समस्त स्वामी भाइयों को ज्ञाति के भेदभाव को छोड़कर परस्पर सदृश भक्तिभाव रखने की प्रेरणा करता है, उस धर्म का ज्ञाति तथा पेटा ज्ञाति के नियमों से क्या सम्बन्ध? तो भी उत्तर व मध्य भारत के जैनों में इतिहास ने ज्ञाति तथा धर्म इन दोनों में परस्पर विरुद्ध तत्त्वों का अश्रद्धेय व अभंग सम्बन्ध करा दिया है।
उत्तर तथा मध्य भारत में जैनधर्म के लगभग समस्त आधुनिक प्रतिनिधि वणिक् जातियों के हैं, जो वणिक् जातियाँ भारतीय प्राचीन समाजान्तर्गत वैश्य समुदाय की प्रतिनिधि हैं। वणिक जातियाँ ब्राह्मण तथा क्षत्रिय जातियों के समान प्राचीन संस्थाएँ हैं, जिनमें से कई जातियों का उल्लेख ईस्वी सन् की छठी शताब्दी और उससे भी पहले पाया जाता है। यदि उत्तर और मध्य भारत की ब्राह्मण, क्षत्रिय और वणिक् जातियों के इतिहास की ओर दृष्टिपात करेंगे तो मालूम होगा कि वे सब जातियाँ मारवाड़ तथा गुजरात के कतिपय स्थानों के समाजों से उत्पन्न हुई हैं। उन स्थानों के नामों का प्रभाव जातियों के नामों में बहुत अंशों में आजकल भी विद्यमान है। इस प्रकार वार्तमानिक मोढ़ ब्राह्मण और मोढ़ वणिक् मुढ़ा गाँव से, नागर ब्राह्मण तथा नागर वैश्य बड़नगर नामक स्थान से, ओसवाल वणिक् आशियानगरी और श्रीमाल वणिक् भीनमाल नामक स्थान से उत्पन्न हुए हैं। ये ही ब्राह्मण, जो प्राचीन समय में मूलरूप से जैन थे, उन्होंने शंकराचार्य तथा उनके अनुयायियों के प्रभाव की प्रबलता से जैनधर्म को सदा के लिये त्याग दिया। इस कारण से ब्राह्मण जाति ने जैनधर्म के अन्तिम इतिहास में कोई भी महत्त्वशाली स्थान हस्तगत नहीं किया। दूसरी ओर जो क्षत्रिय मूल से जैन थे, उन्होंने क्रम से अपना प्राचीन सैनिक व्यवसाय और धंधा छोड़कर ऐसा व्यवसाय स्वीकार किया था जो जैनधर्म के सिद्धान्तानुसार कम हिंसाकारक है अर्थात् वे व्यापार करने लगे और उनकी ज्ञातियों का वणिक् ज्ञातियों में समावेश हो गया। हम निश्चित रीति से जानते हैं कि आधुनिक ओसवाल, श्रीमाल और पोरवाल ज्ञातियों का एक

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भाग चौहान, राठौण, सोलंकी और अन्य प्रसिद्ध राजपूत गोत्रों का वंशज है, जिनके नाम आजकल भी बहुत से जैनों के गोत्रों में पाये जाते हैं।
उपर्युक्त उल्लेख से स्पष्ट प्रतीत होता है कि बहुत शताब्दियों से मात्र वणिक् ज्ञाति ही के लोग जैनधर्म के प्रतिनिधि होते आए हैं। इतना ही नहीं किन्तु वणिक् ज्ञातियों के ओसवाल, श्रीमाल, पोरवाल, वायड और मोढ आदि बड़े-बड़े भाग शुद्ध जैन ज्ञातियों के रूप में थे। चौरासी वणिक् ज्ञातियाँ, जो कि इतिहास में प्रसिद्ध हैं, उनके सम्बन्ध में इतना ही निश्चित है कि इनका एक भाग अवश्य जैनधर्मानुयायी था। क्योंकि उनमें से बहुत से लोगों ने मन्दिरादि निर्माण कराकर जिन-प्रतिमायें व मन्दिरों के शिलालेखों में अपना नाम सदा के लिये लिखवाया है। जैन साधुओं की शिथिलता व उदासीनता से तथा उत्साही वैष्णवधर्म के वल्लभाचार्य सम्प्रदाय के उत्थान के परिणाम से सोलहवीं, सत्रहवीं शताब्दी में उपर्युक्त इन प्राचीन जैन वणिक् ज्ञातियों के बहुत मनुष्यों ने अपना मूल धर्म छोड़कर वैष्णव धर्म अंगीकार किया था। पूज्यपाद स्व. जैनाचार्य श्रीमद्बुद्धिसागरसूरि जी स्वसम्पादि जैनधातु प्रतिमालेखसंग्रह की प्रस्तावना में फर्माते हैं, "मैंने सुना था कि सूरत शहर की एक पब्लिक सभा में एक वैष्णव पण्डित ने अभिमानपूर्वक कहा था कि वल्लभाचार्य के सम्प्रदाय वालों ने तीन लाख जैनों को वैष्णव धर्मानुयायी बनाया था।" लेखक महानुभाव का कथन है कि उपर्युक्त कथन प्रायः सत्य है।
अब प्राचीन जैन ज्ञातियों ने, इस कारण कि उनके अनुयायियों को प्रारम्भ से ही स्वमतानुसार अपवित्र एवं मिथ्यात्वी अन्यधर्मी लोगों के साथ रहना पड़ता था, स्वतन्त्रतापूर्वक प्राचीन समय में ही भोजन और कन्या-व्यवहार सम्बन्धी कई एक कठोर नियम बना लिये थे और जब फिर से ये ज्ञातियाँ श्रीमाल, वीसा श्रीमाल, दस्सा श्रीमाल, लाडुआ श्रीमाल एवं वीसा ओसवाल, दस्सा ओसवाल, पाँचा ओसवाल
और अढईया ओसवालादि भिन्न-भिन्न पेटा-ज्ञातियों ( उपजातियों ) में विभक्त हो गईं, तब उन पेटा ज्ञातियों में भी उपर्युक्त नियम अधिक संख्या में बनने लगे। अब गुजरात, काठियावाड और मावाडादि प्रान्तान्तर्गत स्थानानुसार जहाँ पर इन पेटा-ज्ञातियों के समूह निवास करते थे उन्हीं के अनुसार वहाँ-वहाँ पर फिर इन पेटाज्ञातियों की भिन्नभिन्न शाखायें उत्पन्न हुई।
फिर भी इन सब ज्ञातियों तथा उप-ज्ञातियों की प्रत्येक शाखा अपने-अपने भोजन तथा कन्या-व्यवहार सम्बन्धी नियम दत्तचित्त होकर पालने लगी। इतना ही नहीं किन्तु यह ज्ञातियाँ भिन्न-भिन्न धार्मिक समुदायों में विभक्त हो गईं। इस प्रकार जैन वणिक् ज्ञाति मात्र श्वेताम्बर एवं दिगम्बर इन दो मुख्य भागों में ही विभाजित नहीं हैं। बल्कि श्वेताम्बर जैन ज्ञाति में भी श्वेताम्बर मूर्तिपूजक, श्वेताम्बर स्थानकवासी, श्वेताम्बर तेरहपंथी, ये शाखायें हो गईं। दिगम्बर सम्प्रदाय में भी तेरहपंथी तथा बीसापंथी ये दो

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Ādhunika Jaina Samāja Ki Sāmājika Paristhiti
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शाखायें हैं। ये सब भिन्न-भिन्न सम्प्रदाय परस्पर भोजन तथा कन्या-व्यवहार का प्रायः खुल्लमखुल्ला विरोध प्रदर्शित करते हैं।
उपर्युक्त वस्तुस्थिति तथा आचरण का परिणाम यह हुआ कि जिन समुदायों में परस्पर भोजन तथा कन्या-व्यवहार की छूट थी वे मंडलियाँ उपर्युक्त भेदों के कारण प्रतिदिन घटती गईं। इसका प्रत्यक्ष उदाहरण यह है कि बीसा श्रीमालादि बड़ी ज्ञातियों में विवाहयोग्य समस्त युवकों के लिये कुन्या कैसे प्राप्त करना, यह एक कठिन कार्य हो गया और अब भी है। गुजरात, काठियावाड़ के कई एक स्थानों में ऐसी भी परिस्थिति उत्पन्न हुई है कि एक बीसा श्रीमाल श्वेताम्बर मूर्तिपूजक, यदि अपनी कन्या का विवाह उसी गाँव के श्वेताम्बर स्थानकवासी बीसा श्रीमाल के साथ करता है तो वह मनुष्य संघबाहिर करने का पात्र होता है और वेलावल का कोई श्वेताम्बर मूर्तिपूजक दस्सा ओसवाल, यदि बलानिवासी श्वेताम्बर पूजक दस्सा ओसवाल के साथ अपनी पुत्री का विवाह करे तो वह मनुष्य भी बड़ा दोषी माना जाता है।
भारतवर्ष में लग्नयोग्य कन्याओं की बड़ी भारी वटि है। इस विषय में नाना प्रकार के सबल कारण मालूम होते हैं। उनमें से मुख्य कारण कुछ यही प्रतीत होते हैं कि एक तो कई समाजों में विधवा स्त्री का पुनर्लग्न करने का निषेध है और विधुर लोगों के लिये पुनर्लग्नसम्बन्धी प्रतिपेक्ष के अभाव से वे लोग बारम्बार पुनर्लग्न करते हैं। दूसरे भारतीय स्त्रियाँ कम अवस्था में ही मृत्यु के मुख में प्रवेश करती हैं, जिसका कारण यह है कि प्रसूति के समय उनके आरोग्य सम्बन्धी साधनों का अभाव होता है, तथा बाल्यकाल में विवाह हो जाने के कारण उनके शरीर दुर्बल और रोगी बन जाते हैं। तीसरे कई एक गोत्रों में समर्पण सम्बन्धी अमुक नियमों के कारण से लग्न नहीं हो सकता है। उक्त कारणों से स्त्रियों की क्षति होने पर कन्या-विक्रय जैसे दुष्ट हानिकारक रिवाज प्रचलित हुए हैं। अपनी-अपनी मंडली (Circle) की लग्न करने योग्य वैश्य जैन कन्याएँ अपने-अपने नगरवासी लोगों के अतिरिक्त किसी भी अन्य नागरिक को न दी जाय। यदि प्रत्येक प्रतिवासी मनुष्य इस नियम पर कटिबद्ध हो जाए तो अपने नगर व प्रतिवासी अशिक्षित एवं साधारण वर्ग को भी कन्यायें उपलब्ध हो सकें। ऐसे विचार अर्थात् कन्याएँ अपनी मंडली के बाहर जाने नहीं देने का इरादा इस बात का कारण बना कि उपर्युक्त जाति-नियम अतीव कठोर बन गए। इसका प्रमाण यह भी है कि ये सब नियम मात्र देने के वास्ते ही किये जाते हैं जब कि स्वज्ञातिय कन्या मण्डली के बाहर से लाने में भी संकोच नहीं होता है।
मेरे उपर्युक्त उल्लेखानुसार कई एक प्राचीन जैन ज्ञातियों के मनुष्यों ने जैनधर्म छोड़ कर वैष्णवधर्म स्वीकार किया। इसी कारण से जैन जाति प्रति दिवस कम होती गई। इसी सबब से बहुत सी जातियों में जैनविभाग तथा वैष्णवविभाग, इस प्रकार दो पक्ष पड़ गये। इन दोनों विभागों में परस्पर भोजन तथा कन्या-व्यवहार प्रायः

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बन्द कर दिये गये, क्योंकि जिन लोगों ने वैष्णवधर्म स्वीकार किया था वे लोग अवशेष जैनों को वैष्णव-धर्मानुयायी बनाने के लिये आग्रह तथा दबाव डाला करते थे। जहाँ-जहाँ पर जैनों की बस्ती थोड़ी थी और वैष्णव धर्मानुयायियों का प्राबल्य था - वे अधिक संख्या में विद्यमान थे - वहाँ पर जैनलोगों को कन्या-प्राप्ति के लिये अपना प्राचीन धर्म छोड़ना पड़ता था। तो भी उन लोगों का अन्तःकरण अपने पुराने धर्म से विरक्त हो जाता था, ऐसा नहीं किन्तु बाह्य कौटुम्बिक कारणों से उन लोगों को अन्य धर्म स्वीकार करना पड़ता था । मैंने ऐसा भी सुना है कि सफ़ेद केश वाले वृद्ध लोग बारम्बार जैन मुनि महाराजों के निकट आकर रोते-रोते स्वीकार करते हैं कि कुछ वर्ष पहले हम लोगों को पूर्वोक्त प्रकार के व अन्य आर्थिक कष्टों के कारण हमारे पूर्वजों के प्रियधर्म को छोड़ना पड़ा और हमारी सन्तति का अन्यधर्मियों के संस्कारों में पालन-पोषण होते हुए देखकर दुःख पैदा होता है।
इसका परिणाम यह हुआ कि अन्तिम 100 वर्षों में ऐसी बहुत सी ज्ञातियाँ, जो पहले शुद्ध जैन जातियाँ थीं, आज कल 'जैन- ज्ञाति' कहलाने योग्य नहीं रहीं। इन ज्ञातियों में जैनों का मात्र छोटा-सा भाग अवशेष है, जो कि कम होता जाता है। यही परिस्थिति मोद, मनियार तथा भावसार वणिक् ज्ञातियों की है। कुछ वर्ष पहले बड़नगर के नागर वणिकों में जो शेष जैन थे, उन्होंने भी वैष्णवधर्म स्वीकार कर लिया। क्योंकि अपनी जाति वाले जैनों से कन्यायें प्राप्त नहीं कर सकने पर, इन नागर वणिक् जैनों ने बीसा श्रीमाली ज्ञाति के जैन लोगों से विनती की थी कि हम लोगों को अपनी मंडली में सम्मिलित करो एवं हमारे साथ भोजन तथा कन्या - व्यवहार भी प्रारम्भ करो। परन्तु संकुचित विचार वाले बीसा श्रीमाली जैन वणिकों ने अपने स्वामीभाइयों को साफ इनकार कर दिया। इस कारण से अन्तिम नागर जैनों को जैनधर्म छोड़ना पड़ा। मेरे को यह बात पूज्यपाद स्व. जैनाचार्य श्रीमद्बुद्धिसागर सूरिजी के उपर्युक्त ग्रन्थ से मालूम हुई है।
इसी प्रकार दक्षिण की लिंगायत ज्ञाति व बंगाल की सराक ज्ञाति, जो किसी समय में शुद्ध जैन ज्ञातियाँ थी, उनमें आजकल एक भी जैन पाया नहीं जाता है। इससे मालूम होता है कि मध्य एवं उत्तर भारतवर्षीय जैन ज्ञातियों तथा धर्मशाखाओं की अयोग्य सामाजिक व्यवस्था तथा परिस्थिति के कारण यह दशा हुई कि अन्तिम वर्षों में बहुत से जैन लोग धर्मभ्रष्ट हुए ।
इसके बारे में कई एक अन्य कारण भी हैं । उनमें से एक कारण यह भी है कि बहुत से जैन स्तुति पाठादि बिना समझे बोलते हैं और विविध क्रियाओं का उनका रहस्य समझे बिना आचरण करते हैं और कठोर तपस्याएँ भी कारण समझे बिना करते हैं। इस सबका कारण समझने वाली एवं ज्ञान देने वाली धार्मिक संस्थाएँ बहुत कम हैं। अच्छी स्थिति वाले धनिक जैन श्रावक अपने धार्मिक उत्सव पर थोड़ा,
पूजा,

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उपधान, उज़मण, अट्ठाई महोत्सव, दीक्षोत्सव, प्रतिष्ठा और संघ निकालना - वगैरह धार्मिक प्रसंगों में लाखों रुपये खर्च करते हैं। दो-चार वर्ष पहले चार हज़ार जैन श्रावक व चार सौ साधुओं का एक बड़ा संघ पाटन से गिरनार व कच्छ के लिये निकाला गया था। उसका संघपति एवं संरक्षक एक प्रसिद्ध गुजराती सेठ था। उस प्रसंग पर बारह लाख रुपये का खर्च हुआ था, ऐसा सुना जाता है। यद्यपि ऐसे धार्मिक कार्यों में पुष्कल द्रव्य-व्यय किया जाता है तथापि शिक्षा के लिये, जो समग्र धर्मों तथा सभ्यता की जड़ है, यथोचित रीति से अपनी लक्ष्मी का सद्व्यय करना बहुत जैन लोग अभी तक नहीं सीखे हैं। अपने पुत्र-पौत्रादि जैसे हो सके वैसे जल्दी द्रव्योपार्जन करने वाले तथा अपने जीवन में प्रतिष्ठा पाने वाले होवें, यही उनको फिक्र रहती है। इसकी कारण से शिक्षा-प्रचार की ओर कम ध्यान देते हैं।
बहुत से उच्च कुटुम्ब के जैनों ने अपना धर्म इस कारण से छोड़ दिया कि वे लोग बहुत पीढ़ियों से अन्यधर्मी राजा के नौकर थे और भोजन के कठोर नियमों के कारण दरबारी सभासदों के साथ स्पष्ट व्यवहार नहीं रख सकते थे, इसलिये उन सबों ने इन नियमों तथा धर्म को भी त्याग दिया। ऐसी घटना उदयपुर, जोधपुरादि राज्यों के प्राचीन शहर पर गुजरी, जिनके पूर्वज जो कि इतिहास में तथा महत्त्वशाली पात्र गिने जाते हैं, कट्टर जैनी हैं अभी उनमें मुश्किल से ही कोई जैन मिलेगा।
कई असन्तष्ट एवं घबराये हए जैन, जो कि अपने जाति-नियमों का उल्लंघन करने का साहस नहीं कर सकते थे, आर्य समाज में जा मिले, जो कि भारतीय आधुनिक जीवन में बहुत भाग लेता है और बुद्धिपूर्वक उदार व सुव्यवस्थित शिक्षण-संस्थाएँ खोलने में उत्साह दिखलाता है। मनुष्य-गणना की रिपोर्ट जो मात्र जाहिर जैनों की संख्या को सूचित करती है, वह इसके विषय में क्या जान सकती है कि “बहुत से मनुष्य जिन्होंने जाहिर में जैनधर्म छोड़ दिया है वे अपने हृदय में जैन हैं, जो धर्मभ्रष्ट होने पर अन्तःकरण से जैन हैं और आचार-विचार से जैन धर्मानुयायी हैं और जैन संघ को, जो कि चिन्तापूर्वक यह देखता रहे कि हमारी संख्या प्रतिदिन कम होती जाती है चाहे वे धर्मभ्रष्ट होने वाले लोग जैनधर्म के प्रति अन्तःकरण से प्रेम रखते हों, इससे क्या लाभ है?
जैनसंघ के नेताओं ने इस विषय में बहुत कुछ विचार किया और इन क्षतियों का सुधार करने के लिये बहुत कुछ प्रयत्न किये, परन्तु अभी तक किसी भी व्यक्ति ने ज्ञातियों और उनके नियमों की ओर कठोर दृष्टिपात करने का भी साहस नहीं किया है। यद्यपि वास्तव में इन बन्धनों के लिये इस जागृति तथा शक्ति-विकास के जमाने में जरा भी स्थान नहीं है।
तब फिर जैन संघ के अग्रेसरों ने कौन-कौन से उपाय किये? इसके उत्तर

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में यही कह सकते हैं कि भिन्न-भिन्न मति की भिन्न सूचनायें करने वाले दो जुदे पक्ष हैं। इनमें से एक पक्ष रूढ़िपूजक पक्ष है, जो उपर्युक्त हानियों के सच्चे कारण नहीं जानता। परन्तु ऐसा जानता है कि इस हानि का कारण यह है कि आजकल पुरानी रूढ़ियों तथा पुराने मतों की लोग उपेक्षा करते हैं और आधुनिक पाश्चात्य शिक्षण विचार एवं सिद्धान्तों के प्रति विशेष रुचि दिखलाते हैं। इसलिये रूढ़िपूजकों का कथन है कि अपनी रूढ़ियों और मतों में कठोरतापूर्वक दृढ़ रहना चाहिए। इतना ही नहीं, किन्तु ऐसे नियम भी जो किसी समय लाभदायक थे, परन्तु इस समय के लिए हानिकारक हों, वे भी रखने चाहिये। उपर्युक्त मान्यता स्वीकार करने वाले लोगों का कथन है कि “अन्यधर्मियों के साथ सहकार-सम्बन्ध नहीं रखना चाहिये, यूरोप-यात्रा करनी चाहिए, गृहस्थ लोगों को आगमाभ्यास भी करना चाहिये और पाश्चात्य शिक्षण को स्थान देना चाहिये।" संकुचितता एवं बुद्धिहीन रूढ़िवादिता इस पक्ष के मुख्य चिह्न हैं। यद्यपि इस पक्ष की भावना जैन-समाज में अभी तक बहुत प्रचलित है तथापि ऐसा कह सकते हैं कि इस पक्ष के अनुसार वे कम होते जाते हैं। प्रायः यह पक्ष थोड़े समय में निर्बल हो जायेगा।
दूसरा पक्ष अपने को सुधारक पक्ष बतलाता है। ये लोग यथार्थ रीति से जैन धर्मानुयायियों की संख्या घटने के सच्चे कारण जान गये हैं। तो भी ये लोग ज्ञातिनियमों के विरुद्ध सीधी रीति से हलचल करने का साहस नहीं करते हैं, किन्तु आड़े टेढ़े प्रयत्न करते हैं, अर्थात् नवीन पद्धति के अनुसार शिक्षण देने की सूचना देते और परिश्रम भी करते हैं। आगमों का अभ्यास करने का स्कालरों (Scholars) को उत्तेजन देते हैं। भारत में ही नहीं किन्तु पाश्चात्य देशों में भी जैन साहित्य का प्रचार करते हैं। जैन-धर्म के तत्त्व क्या हैं, रूढ़ियाँ क्या हैं, आदि बातें बतलाते हैं। स्त्रियों की स्थिति सुधारने के लिये प्रयत्न करते हैं। प्रत्येक स्थान में सर्वसाधारण प्रेम एवं सहकार की उद्घोषणा करते हैं। जैनों की शाखा तथा प्रतिशाखाओं में ऐक्य-स्थापन करने का प्रयत्न करते हैं। यह बात निस्सन्देह है कि उपर्युक्त प्रयत्न उचित हैं। कारण यह है कि जितने अंशों में शिक्षा का प्रचार होगा उतने ही अंशों में शिक्षण-प्रचार से यह बात निश्चित हो जाएगी कि "उपर्युक्त ज्ञाति-नियमों के कारण समाज की कितनी अधोगति हुई है और अब उन नियमों का नाश करना कितना आवश्यकीय कार्य है।"
और जितने अंशों में भिन्न-भिन्न शाखाओं तथा प्रतिशाखाओं में परस्पर जितना सम्बन्ध बढ़ेगा उतने ही अंशों में सुधारक पक्ष शक्तिशाली बनेगा और प्रत्येक को अपनाअपना उत्तरदायित्व मालूम होगा।
उपर्युक्त कथन के सिद्ध होने में अभी बहुत देर है। क्योंकि जैनधर्म की श्वेताम्बर एवं दिगम्बर यह दो मुख्य शाखायें अभी तक अन्तरिक्षजी, पावापुरीजी, राजगृही, सम्मेदशिखर, केशरियाजी और मक्सी आदि तीर्थस्थानों के अधिकार प्राप्त

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करने के लिये परस्पर झगड़ रहे हैं। इस निष्प्रयोजन कलह में लाखों-करोड़ों रुपयों का अपव्यय कर रहे हैं। दूसरी ओर श्वेतरम्बर मूर्तिपूजक, श्वेताम्बर स्थानकवासी और श्वेताम्बर तेरहपंथी तत्त्वज्ञान सम्बन्धी महत्त्वहीन भिन्नताओं के लिये परस्पर लड़ रहे हैं । दिगम्बर समुदाय में भी कुछ अन्दरूनी - आभ्यन्तरिक - अशान्ति मालूम होती है। यह सब शाखायें-प्रतिशाखायें पुनः भिन्न-भिन्न समुदायों में विभक्त हैं, जो समुदाय परस्पर एक-दूसरे को शान्तिपूर्वक रहने नहीं देते हैं । परन्तु प्रतिपक्षियों के सुन्दर कार्यों को नाश करने के लिये प्रयत्न करते हैं। जब ऐसे परिणामहीन झगड़े बन्द हो जावेंगे तब ऐसी बहुत-सी शक्तियाँ जाति-सुधार और सर्व साधारण का उत्थान करने में लाभदायक हो जावेंगी ।
आधुनिक भारतवर्ष में ऐसा सुधार शक्य है, इस कथन की पुष्टि पंजाब के जैनों के उदाहरण से होती है। इन लोगों के बारे में यह बात सुनी जाती है कि "उन्होंने कुछ वर्ष पहले भोजन तथा कन्या - व्यवहार की एक बड़ी मण्डली बना दी है, जिसके सभासद 'भावडा' इस नाम से प्रसिद्ध हैं और जिसमें किसी भी प्रकार का भेदभाव नहीं है ।" पूर्व राजपूताना, संयुक्त प्रांत और बंगाल के मारवाड़ी जैनों में भी ऐसी बड़ी मंडलियाँ हैं जो कम से कम पेटा ज्ञाति की अपेक्षा नहीं रखती हैं। दक्षिणवासी जैनों के बारे में भी ऐसी ही बात सुनी जाती है। यह बात सत्य है कि उपर्युक्त प्रसंगों में जैनों की छोटी-सी संख्या के विषय में विवेचन किया गया है, जो कि एक बड़े विशाल क्षेत्र में रहती हैं, तो भी 'ज्ञातीय संकुचितता त्याज्य हो सकती है' इस बात को बतलाने के लिये यह प्रसंग योग्य है।
I
गुजरात के कई एक जैन संघों में ऐसी मण्डियाँ भी विद्यमान हैं, जिनमें भिन्न-भिन्न ज्ञातियों के सभासद परस्पर भोजन तथा कन्या - व्यवहार करते हैं । पाटन के जैनसंघ का प्रत्यक्ष दृष्टान्त है कि दस्सा पोरवाल, दस्सा श्रीमाल और दस्सा ओसवाल इन सम्प्रदायों में परस्पर उपर्युक्त प्रकार का सम्बन्ध विद्यमान है। वहाँ की प्राचीन रूढ़ि का ही यह परिणाम है, न कि सुधारकों का ।
दूसरी ओर गुजरात और काठियावाड़ में ऐसी भी मंडलियाँ हैं जिनमें एक ही ज्ञाति को भिन्न-भिन्न धर्म वाले जैन - वैष्णवादि लोग एक-दूसरे के साथ भोजन और कन्या-व्यवहार करते हैं, परन्तु ऐसे उदाहरण बहुत कम पाये जाते हैं।
यदि उल्लिखित अपवादों को और दक्षिण भारतवर्षीय दिगम्बर जैनों की आदर्श स्थिति को भी एक तरफ कर दें, तो ऐसा कहना पड़ेगा कि आधुनिक जैन समाज की परिस्थिति आर्थिक लाभों के लिये अपने धर्म को छोड़ देने की दुःखोत्पादक भावना से और जैन धर्मावलम्बी सुधारक वर्ग में साहस नहीं होने के कारण से बहुत ही अस्वस्थ मालूम होती है। यह बात जैनधर्म के भविष्य के लिये दुःखदायक कल्पना उत्पन्न करती है।

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ऐसे विचारों से हमारे मन में यह प्रश्न उत्पन्न होता है कि ऐसा समय कब आएगा जब कि हमारी आशाओं का अनुसरण करके, उपर्युक्त समस्त ज्ञाति या जातिबन्धन के हानिकारक प्रभावों से मुक्त होकर और अन्धश्रद्धा व संकुचितता के अनिष्ट प्रभावों से छूट कर तीर्थङ्कर द्वारा उपदिष्ट प्राचीन धर्म में फिर से जीवनशक्ति प्रदान करेगी। सन्दर्भ 1. ब्रिटिश गवर्नमेण्ट ( British Government ) के अनुसार प्रति दस वर्ष में जो
मनुष्यों की संख्या गिनी जाती है, उसे मनुष्य-गणना कहते हैं।

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Section 3: Gujarati
Śrī Hemavimala Sūri kṛta ‘Tera Kāṭhiyāni Sajjhāya' Śrī Bhānumeru kṛta 'Candanabāla Sajjhāya' Mandavagadhanā: Śri Pramadapārsvadeva Śri Phalavardhi Pārśvanātha Stuti Kamika Śankheśvara Sahitya Samikṣā

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શ્રીહેમવિમલસૂરિકૃત “તેર કાઠીયાની સક્ઝાય*
શ્રી સુમતિસાધુસૂરિની પાટઉપર થયેલા, તપાગચ્છના પપમા અધિપતિ આચાર્ય શ્રી હેમવિમલસૂરિજી (અસ્તિત્કાળ વિ. સં. ૧૫૨૨-૮૩) વિશેષતઃ ક્રિયોદ્ધારક અને સાહિત્યના ભિન્ન ક્ષેત્રોમાં નામાંકિત એવા શિષ્યો અને પ્રશિષ્યોના એક વિશાળ સમુદાયના કુલપતિ તરીકે પ્રસિદ્ધ છે કે જેમના જીવનચરિત્રની આશ્ચર્યકારક વિગત ઘણા-ખરા ગ્રંથોમાં મળી આવે છે.'
સાહિત્યસર્જનમાં તેઓશ્રીએ પોતે જ વિશેષ ફાળો આવ્યો નથી એમ વિશેષજ્ઞ વિદ્વાનોનું મંતવ્ય છે, કારણ કે હજુ સુધી આ મહાન આચાર્યનીફકત એક જ સંસ્કૃત કૃતિ પ્રસિદ્ધિમાં આવી છે, તે એક સુંદર “પાર્શ્વનાથસ્તવન છે કે જે પૂજ્ય મુનિ શ્રી ચતુરવિજયજી સંપાદિત જૈન સ્તોત્ર સંદોહના બીજા ભાગમાં (પૃ. ૨૧૭૨૨૬ ) પ્રકાશિત થયું છે અને જેનાં ૩૨ પદ્યોમાંના હરેક પદ્યમાં ચાર વાર આવેલા “કમલ' શબ્દના ભિન્ન ભિન્ન શ્લેષી કવિની અપૂર્વ નિપુર્ણતાની અને વિદ્વત્તાની સાક્ષી પૂરે છે.
તેઓશ્રીની એક બીજી સંસ્કૃત કૃતિ, હમણાં જ ઉજ્જૈનસ્થ શ્રી સિંદિયા ઓરિએંટલ ઇન્સ્ટિટ્યૂટના હસ્તલિખિત ગ્રંથસંગ્રહની એક પ્રતમાં પ્રાપ્ત થયેલું ભક્તામર અને કલ્યાણમંદિર સ્તોત્રની પાદપૂર્તિરૂપ ૪૬ પદોનું અત્યંત મનોહર “વરાળ-પાર્શ્વનાથ-સ્તવન છે, કે જે ઉપર્યુક્ત કાવ્યની સાથે ગુણસંપન્નતામાં સફળ સ્પર્ધા કરે તેવું છે, અને જે થોડા સમયમાં બીજી અપ્રકાશિત જૈન સંસ્કૃત કૃતિઓ સાથે બહાર પાડવાનો ઇરાદો છે.
ગુજરાતી સાહિત્યના ક્ષેત્રમાં શ્રીહેમવિમલસૂરિના હાથની એક “મૃગાપુત્ર સક્ઝાય” જૈન ગુર્જર કવિઓ ભાગ ૧, પૃ. ૬૮માં અને એક “મૃગાપુત્ર ચોપઇ” ભાગ ૩, પૃ. ૫૦૩માં ઉક્ષિખિત છે. યદ્યપિ આ બન્ને કવિતાઓમાંથી આપેલાં ઉદ્ધરણો ભિન્ન ભિન્ન દેખાય છે, તથાપિ શ્રી. મો. દ. દેશાઈજી બન્નેને એક જ કૃતિ ગણે છે તેમ લાગે છે. મૂળ ગ્રંથોને જોયા વગર આ સંબંધી વઘારે વિગત જાણી * Published in “Sri Jaina Satya Prakasa”, Ahmedabad, Varsa 12,
Anka3, pp. 73-76.

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શકાય તેમ નથી. અસ્તુ ! તે સિવાય આ આચાર્યની કોઈ પણ બીજી ગુજરાતી કૃતિ હજુ સુધી જાણવામાં આવી હોય તેમ દેખાતું નથી.
આવા સંજોગોમાં હમણાં જ શ્રી સિંદિયા ઓરિએંટલ ઇન્સ્ટિટ્યૂટની સ્તવનો અને સાયોના સંગ્રહની એક હસ્તલિખિત પ્રતમાં “શ્રીહેમવિમલસૂરિકૃત તેર કાઠીયાની સક્ઝાય” નામની જે ગુજરાતી કૃતિ હસ્તગત થયેલી છે તેને ખરેખર મહત્ત્વની વસ્તુ સમજવી જોઈએ.
પ્રસ્તુત પ્રતનો નંબર ૫૦૯૭ છે. તેના ૪%”x૧૦” ના દેશી કાગળના ૧૧ પત્રો છે. હરેક પત્ર ઉપર કાળી શાહીથી સાધારણ દેવનાગરી લિપિની ૧૫ લીટીઓ લખેલી છે. માત્ર અંતિમ પત્રનું એક પૃષ્ઠ ખાલી છે. અંતમાં નિમ્નલિખિત લહિયા પ્રશસ્તિ છે :
"सं. १८४६ रा वेसाष वद ९ शनिवारे साकथली नगरे सांतीनाथजी प्रसादात् पं. मोजीजी वांचनार्थ श्री श्री श्री लिषतं हरिविजय श्री श्री श्री ।"
પ્રતનું પહેલું પત્ર ખોવાઈ ગયું છે. પ્રસ્તુત સઝાય પત્ર ૮ પર લખેલી છે. તેના અંતમાં ‘રૂતિ સક્લાય' આટલો જ ખુલાસો છે. કવિતા આ પ્રમાણે છે :
તેર કાઠીયાની સઝાય પ્રણમું શ્રીગોતમ ગણધાર, બિજો સુહ ગુરુ તણો આધાર ! તેર કાઠીયા જિનવર કહ્યા, વિવર કહું, સુણો આમ થયા એ ૧ પહિલ આલસ આણે અંગ’, મોડે કાયા નવ નવ ભંગ ! જાઉં જાઉં કરતાં આલસ થયે, ધર્મ કામ આલસે રહ્યો છે ૨ બીજો સબલ મોહ કાઠીઉં, પુત્ર કવિત્ર ધન વિટી રહ્યો છે મોહજાલ બાંધ્યો ઘર રહે, થયો અસુર પછે ઇમ કહે છે ૩ છે તીજે અવજ્ઞાની ચિતવે, કિસ્યાં દેવ ગુરૂ સુષ ઇન લવે ! જોરૂ લીએ તો સુષ પાઈએ, તિહાં જઇ પોટી સું થાઇએ ૪ . ચોથું થાનીક મોટીમ કરે, જીણ જણ વ્રત વંદણ કુણ કરે છે અહંકાર પુર્યો તડફડા, દેવ ગુરૂ વંદણ ગાઢો અડે . પ . પાંચમે ક્રોધ વસે મન ધરે, અમને કી નવી આદર કરે ! રીસે ધર્મ ઠામ નવી ગયો, કાલે ગુરૂ ધર્મલાભ નવી કહ્યો છે. ૬ છઠે ઠામેં ઘણો પ્રમાદ નિદ્રા વિકથા કરે વિવાદ | ધન કારણ હીમેં ઝલફલ્યો, ષેત્રપાલરા વાહણને મીલ્યો . ૭ |

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સાતમેં મન કૃપણાઇ ઘણિ, ધર્મ ઠામ તે નામે સુણી ! જે થલ પાયગો હસી હાણ, લોભે પેઠો આણે કાણ | ૮ | આઠમે ભય મન માંહી અપાર, ગુણ શ્રાવક આદેસ વિચાર | બીહતો ધર્મ ઠામ નવી ગયો, ભય કરી પગ ભારી ઈમથયો ! ૯ છે. નોમેં સોગ અછે ઈમ કહે, ઘરકો કામ એક નવી રહે ! ઘર કાજ સોગ પરીહરે, ધર્મ કામ ઉત્તર વીસરે / ૧૦ અજ્ઞાનપણો દસમો હોય ઇસ્યો, ધર્મતત્ત્વ તે કહીએ કસ્યો ! ન જાણું જીવ, ધરમ, અધર્મ, અજ્ઞાનપણે જીવ બાંધે કર્મ | ૧૧ / અગ્યારમે જીવ ચિતવી ઈસ્યો, એ ગુરૂ કાથો કુંટે કીસું | વિકથા “ ઉપર બહુ રૂચિથાઇ, હાસૌ કતુહલ તીહાં મનજાય ૧૨ IT બારમેં ધર્મ વિષયો પરીહરી, કોતીક જોયણા જોયણ ફેરી | તીહાં ઉભો તે માંડે કરણ, નાઠી નિદ્રા, દુષે ચરણ છે ૧૩ વિષય કાઠીયો સુણો તેરમો, કોઈ નહી દુરજન તેહને સમો | વિષય ભોલાવ્યા જગમે ભમે, ન કરે ધર્મ, પાપ મન રમે છે ૧૪ . તેર કાઠીયા એ વસી કરી, ધર્મ કરો, મન ઉલટ ઘરી | પાંચમી ગત પામીજે સહિ, હેમવિમલસૂરીસે કહી ૧૫ /
તેર કાઠીયાનાં ઉપર્યુક્ત નામો અને તેઓનો કમ વાસ્તવમાં “શ્રીરત્નસ - ન્ય' ના પધ ૧૧૮ માં આપેલી વિગત સાથે ઠીક મળતાં આવે છે કે જે નિમ્નલિખિત પ્રમાણે છે :
आलस्स १ मोह २ वन्ना ३ थंभा ४ कोहा ५ पमाय ६ किविणत्ता ७ ।। भय ८ सोगा ९ अन्नाणा १० वक्खेव ११ कुतूहला १२ रमणा १३ ।।
આ પધથી સ્પષ્ટતાથી જ્ઞાત થાય છે કે ત્રીજા કાઠીયાનું અસલી નામ “અવજ્ઞા', પાંચમાનું “માન', દસમાનું વ્યાપ', બારમાનું “કુતૂહલ', અને તેરમાનું વિષય વાસના' સમજવું જોઈએ. પ્રસ્તુત વિષય સંબંધીનું બીજું સાહિત્ય અવશ્ય વિદ્યમાન હશે, જેમાંની મારા જાણવામાં માત્ર શ્રીઉત્તમસાગરજીકૃત એક “તેર કાઠીયા સક્ઝાય' આવી છે કે જે મેં પૂજ્યપાદ ઉપાધ્યાય શ્રીલબ્ધિમુનિજી મહારાજના મુખકમલથી સાંભળી છે અને જેની અંતિમ બે લીટીઓ આ પ્રમાણે
કુશલસાગર વાચક
શિષ્ય ઉત્તમ
ગુણ ગેહ |

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Dr. Charlotte Krause : Her Life & Literature
આચાર્ય શ્રી હેમવિમલસૂરિજીની કવિતા ટૂંકી જ, પરંતુ ઘણી સરસ અને અસર-કારક છે. વાંચતા એમ લાગે છે કે આ મહાન ગચ્છપતિ પોતાના શ્રાવકોની આદતો સારી રીતે ઓળખી ગયા અને સહજ હાસ્યરસના ઉપયોગ પૂર્વક તેઓની કમજોરીઓની આલોચના કરતાં પોતાના ઉદાર હદયમાં ભાવદયા ચિંતવતા અને બધાઓનેય – પેલા ક્ષેત્રપાલના વાહનની ઉપમાથી અંકિત વિકથાની શોખીન વ્યક્તિને તથા ગુરુમહારાજનો ધર્મલાભ નહીં પ્રાપ્ત થયાના કારણથી રીસાયે લા મહાનુભાવને નહીં છોડી – હિતબુદ્ધિ અને મૈત્રીની અમીદષ્ટિથી જોતા હતા.
શ્રીહેમવિમલસૂરિનો પ્રભાવ એમના સમકાલીન જૈન સમુદાયમાં ધણો મોટો હતો એમ સત્સંબંધી સાહિત્યમાંથી જ્ઞાત થાય છે. દાખલા તરીકે “લઘુ પોશાલિક પટ્ટાવલી” અનુસાર ૫૦૦ સ્ત્રી-પુરુષોએ એમના હાથથી ચારિત્ર લીધું હતું, અને શ્રીદેવવિમલ ગણિની “મહાવીર-પટ્ટપરંપરા પ્રમાણે ૧૮૦૦ મુનિવરો એમની આજ્ઞામાં રહેતા હતા કે જેમાં શ્રીઆનંદવિમલસૂરિ, શ્રીહર્ષકુલ ગણિ, શ્રીચારિત્રરત, શ્રી સૌભાગ્યહર્ષસૂરિ જેવાં શાસનપ્રભાવકો હતા. શ્રાવકવર્ગમાં એમની અસર કેવી અસાધારણ હતી તેનું અનુમાન એમના પ્રતિષ્ઠાલેખોની સંખ્યાથી અને એમના સન્માનમાં ઉજવાયેલા પ્રવેશોત્સવો સંબંધીના વિવિધ ઉલ્લેખો ઉપરથી કરી શકાય તેમ છે. “લધુ પોશાલિક પટ્ટાવલી' અનુસાર સં. ૧૫૭૨માં કપડવંજના શ્રીસંઘે ઇડરથી ખંભાત વિહાર કરતા ગુરુમહારાજનું સામયું ભક્તિના ઉમંગમાં એટલી બધી ધામધૂમથી કર્યું કે તેનો અદૃષ્ટપૂર્વ ઠાઠમાઠ એક બાદશાહને યોગ્ય કહેવાયો અને ખરેખર બાદશાહ મુજફ્ફર શાહે તેના સમાચાર સાંભળતાં, ઈર્ષાથી પ્રજ્વલિત થઈને, સૂરિજીને ગિરફ્તાર કર્યા અને શ્રીસંઘથી ૧૨૦૦૦ ટંક જીર્ણ નાણું વસુલ કર્યા પછી જ તેઓશ્રીને છોડ્યા હતા.
આટલી બધી ભક્તિના પાત્રભૂત પૂજ્ય આચાર્યનો આવો અતિશયયુક્ત પ્રભાવ જોતાં તેઓશ્રીના હાથની એક અપ્રસિદ્ધ કવિતા પ્રકાશમાં લાવતાં આ લેખિકાને અપૂર્વ આનંદ થાય છે. આવા પ્રસિદ્ધ આચાર્યની આવી સુંદર કૃતિ આજ સુધી વિસ્તૃત રહી તે ખરેખર આશ્ચર્યની વાત છે.
સન્દર્ભ
૧. (૧) વીરવંશાવલી, કે જેમાંનાં ઉદ્ધરણો માત્ર હસ્તગત છે : જૈન ગુર્જર
કવિઓ ૨, પૃ. ૭૨૩, નોટ, જૈન સ્તોત્ર સંદોહ ૨, પ્રસ્તાવના, પૃ.
૧૦૮ નોટ. (૨) લધુ પોશાલિક પટ્ટાવલી, કે જે આવી જ રીતે હસ્તગત છે : જૈન

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Śri Hemavimala Sūri krta "Tera Kāțhiyāni Sajjhāya' 279
ઐતિહાસિક ગુર્જર કાવ્ય-સંચય, સંપાદક શ્રીમાન જિનવિજયજી, પરિશિષ્ટ પૃ ૯૬; જૈન ગુર્જર કવિઓ ૨, પૃ. ૭૪૩; જૈન સ્તોત્ર સંદોહ
૨, પ્રસ્તાવના, પૃ. ૧૦૯. (૩) હેમવિમલ ફ્રાગ, ઘનવનશિષ્ય મુનિ શ્રીહંસધીરકૃત (વિ. સં. ૧૫૫૪) :
જુઓ જૈન ઐતિહાસિક ગુ. સં., પૃ. ૧૮૬-૧૯૦ (જૈન સ્તોત્ર સંદોહ
૨, પ્રસ્તાવના પૃ. ૧૧ પમાં કર્તાના ગુરુનું નામ દયાવર્તન લખ્યું છે). (૪) હેમવિમલસૂરિ સક્ઝાય (જૈ. ઐ કા. સં., પૃ. ૧૯૦-૧૯૨ ).
ગચ્છનાયક પટ્ટાવલી સક્ઝાય, શ્રી સોમવિમલકત (વિ. સં. ૧૬૦૨ ) : જુઓ જૈન ગુર્જર કવિઓ ૧, પૃ. ૧૮૮; જે. એ. ગુ. કા. સં.,
પરિશિષ્ટ, પૃ. ૯૬. (૬) હેમવિમલસૂરિ સક્ઝાય. શ્રીસુંદરહંસકૃત, જૈન ગુર્જર કવિઓ ૩, પૃ.
૫૫૩માં ઉલિખિત ( હસ્તગત નથી). (૭) તપાગચ્છ પટ્ટાવલી સૂત્ર, ઉપાધ્યાય શ્રીધર્મસાગરકૃત, (વિ. સં. ૧૬૪૬) :
પટ્ટાવલીસમુચ્ચય ૧, પૃ. ૬૮ આદિ. (૮) મહાવીર-પટ્ટ-પરંપરા, શ્રીદેવવિમલગણિત (પટ્ટા. સમુ, પૃ. ૧૩૪,
પદ્ય ૧૩૧ ). (૯) સૂરિપરંપરા-શ્રીવિનયવિજયજી કૃત (વિ. સં. ૧૭૦૮ ) = (પટ્ટા. સમુ,
પૃ. ૧૪૫, પદ્ય ૨૨ આદિ). (૧૦) પટ્ટાવલી સારોદ્ધાર, રવિવર્બનકૃત ( વિ. સં. ૧૭૩૯) : પટ્ટા. સમુ,
પૃ. ૧૫૭. (૧૧) ગુપટ્ટાવા : પટ્ટા. સમુ., પૃ. ૧૭૨. ૨. જૈન સ્તોત્ર સંદોહ, ભા. ૨, મુનિ શ્રી ચતુરવિજયજીની પ્રસ્તાવના, પૃ. ૧૨૨. ૩. પ્રતમાં “સહ'. ૪. “જનવર'. ૫. “યંગ'. ૬. “અબજ્ઞાની', પૃ. “મુષ'. ૭. “નવી' પ્રતમાં નથી. ૮. “અરમ'. ૯. “વિકતા' ૧૦. “હાથો'.
૧૧. “વષથા'. ૧૨. “સંપાદક શેડ ચતુરભુજ તેજપાલ, હુલ્લી, વિ. સં. ૧૯૮૪, પૃ. ૫૩. ૧૩. મુનિ શ્રી ચતુરવિજયજી મહારાજ, નૈનસ્તોત્રસન્તો, ભાગ રની પ્રસ્તાવના, પૃ.
૧૧૩-૧૧૭. ૧૪. જૈન ગુર્જર કવિઓ, ભાગ ૨, પૃ. ૭૨૩ નોટ.

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શ્રી ભાનુમેરુકૃત “ચંદનબાલા સક્ઝાય*
ગૌર્જર ભાષાના મહાકવિ શ્રી નયસુન્દર પોતાની રમણીય કૃતિઓમાં કે જે વિ. સં. ૧૬૫૦ ની આસપાસના જમાનામાં વિરચિત છે, એક “ભાનુમેરુ” નામના મહાત્માને પોતાના ગુરુ તરીકે ઓળખાવતાં પોતાની ગુરુ પરંપરાની વિગત આપે છે. તે પ્રમાણે આ ભાનુમેરુ વૃદ્ધ તપાગચ્છમાં થયેલા શ્રી જ્ઞાનસાગરઉદયસાગર-લબ્ધિસાગર-ધનરત્નસૂરિના શિષ્ય હતા. એટલે શ્રી ધનરત્નસૂરિના પટ્ટધર, પ૯માં ગચ્છપતિ શ્રી અમરરત્નસૂરિ તથા શ્રી ધનરતસૂરિના સ્વર્ગવાસ પછી થયેલી બીજી શાખાના પહેલા અધિપતિ શ્રી તેજરત્નસૂરિ આ બે સૂરિઓ શ્રી ભાનુમેરુના ગુરુભાઈઓ હતા શ્રી માણિક્યરત અને શ્રી નયસુન્દર આ બે ભાઈઓ એમના શિષ્યો હતા.
શ્રી નયસુંદરની કૃતિઓમાંનું એક શાંતિનાથસ્તવન શ્રી ધનરસૂરિના જમાનામાં વિરચિત છે એમ તેનાં પ્રશસ્તિ પોથી જ્ઞાત થાય છે. તેમા શ્રી ભાનુમેરુના નામ સાથે “મુનિ' પદ જોડાયેલું છે. પાછલની કૃતિઓમાંની કેટલીક કૃતિઓ અમરરતસૂરિના જમાનામાં, કેટલીક તેમના પટ્ટધર દેવરત ( દેવસુન્દર ) સૂરિના જમાનામાં અને કેટલીક દેવરત ( દેવસુન્દર ) સૂરિના પટ્ટધર વિજયસુન્દર ( જયરત ) સૂરિના જમાનામાં વિરચિત છે. તે બધી કૃતિઓમાં શ્રી ભાનુમેરુને “ગણિ' તરીકે ઓળખવામાં આવેલ છે. તે કૃતિઓનો સમય વિ. સં. ૧૬૩૭થી લઈ ને ૧૬૮૧* સુધીનો છે.
તે સિવાય શ્રી નયસુન્દરની શિષ્યા સાધ્વી શ્રી હેમશ્રીજી દ્વારા સં. ૧૬૪૪માં શ્રી અમરરત્નસૂરિના સમયમાં વિરચિત “કનકાવતી આખ્યાન' માં શ્રી ભાનુમેરુ આ કવયિત્રીના દાદાગુરુ તરીકે ઉક્ષિબિત છે."
આ ભાનુમેરુનું નામ ઉપર્યુક્ત ઉલ્લેખો માત્રથી અમર થયું છે. એમના પોતાના હાથની કોઈ પણ કૃતિ હજુ સુધી પ્રસિદ્ધિમાં આવી હોય તેમ લાગતું નથી. માત્ર છે. સન્ ૧૯૧૭માં લખેલી “શ્રીઆનંદકાવ્યમહોદધિ” મૌક્તિક ૬ની * Published in "Śrī Jaina Satya Prakāśa”, Ahmedabad, Varșa 12,
Anka5-6, pp. 161-164.

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પ્રસ્તાવનામાં (પૃ. ૧૩) શ્રી મો. દ. દેશાઈ જણાવે છે કે “ભાનુમેરકત ચંદનબાલા સજ્જાય હાથ લાગી છે તે આ “ભાનુમેરુ (અર્થાત્ કવિ નયસુન્દરના ગુરુ) લાગે છે.” શ્રી દેશાઈજીની પાછલની કૃતિઓમાં અર્થાત્ “જૈન ગુર્જર કવિઓ' માં અને જૈન સાહિત્યનો સંક્ષિપ્ત ઇતિહાસ' માં ન તો આ “ચંદનબાલા સક્ઝાય', અને ન તો આ ભાનુમેરુ એક સાહિત્યકાર તરીકે ઉક્ષિખિત છે.
પરંતુ “જૈન સાહિત્યનો સંક્ષિપ્ત ઇતિદાસ' ના પેરા ૮૭૧માં એક બીજા ભાનુમેરુનો ઉલ્લેખ છે, કે જેઓ ખરતરગચ્છમાં થયા અને ચારિત્રસારના શિષ્ય તથા સં. ૧૬૫૪માં મેક પર વૃત્તિ રચનાર જ્ઞાનવિમલના ગુરુ હતા. તે ભાનુમેરુની પણ કોઈ કૃતિ હજુ સુધી મળી નથી લાગે છે.
ઉજ્જૈનસ્થ શ્રી સિંદિયા ઓરિએંટલ ઇન્સ્ટિટ્યૂટના હસ્તલિખિત ગ્રંથસંગ્રહની પ્રત નં. ૬૬૨૦માં શ્રી ભાનુમેરુકૃત એક “ચંદનબાલા સક્ઝાય' પ્રાપ્ત થઈ છે. સંભવ છે કે તે જ ઉપર્યુલિખિત કૃતિ હોય. પરંતુ તેમાં કવિનું નામ “ભાનુમેરુ' આવું જ આપેલું છે, અર્થાત્ તેઓ કયા ભાનુમેરુ છે અને કયા સમયમાં વિદ્યમાન હતા તે વાતોનો તેમાં કોઈ પણ ખુલાસો નથી. માત્ર તેમાં આવેલા ભાષાના કેટલાક પ્રયોગો. જેવા કે - “મંદિર = ઘર, “ઉઢવું” = ઊંચું કરવું ( સંસ્કૃત ૩૬+ વર્લ્ડ ), “મીત' = મિત્ર, ‘વેણીડંડ' = ગુંથાયેલો ચોટલો ( સંસ્કૃત વેvીવવું, હિન્દી વોડી ), “લહુસહી' = લેશો, “કોડઈ' = કોડ ( સંસ્કૃત કોટિ ), “સ્વઇ દેહી’ = પોતે જ ( સંસ્કૃત સ્વછીયેe ), લાધું' = લબ્ધ ઇત્યાદિ પ્રાચીન છે. એટલે કવિ ઉપર્યુક્ત બે ભાનુમેરુમાંના એક હોય તે બનવા જોગ છે. જો ૧૩માં પદ્યમાંના અનાપ્રાસ “રતન-“ધન' દ્વારા શ્રી ધનરતસૂરિનું નામ સૂચિત કરવાનો કવિનો ઇરાદો હોય તો સમજવું જોઈએ કે વૃદ્ધ તપાગચ્છના ભાનુમેરુ ગણિ જ આ સક્ઝાયના કર્તા છે, પરંતુ તેની ખાતરી નથી.
પ્રસ્તુત કૃતિ-ગમે તે ભાનુમેરુના હાથની હોય-પ્રાચીન અને સરસ હોવાથી તેને વિસ્મૃતિથી બચાવવા માટે તેને અહીંયાં પ્રકાશિત કરવામાં આવે છે.
તેની પ્રતનું એક જ પત્ર છે. અક્ષર સાધારણ દેવનાગરીના છે. કોઈ કોઈ પડિમાત્રાવાળા અક્ષરો તેમાં આવી ગયા છે. લિપિ સ્વચ્છ અને સુન્દર છે. શાહી અને કાગળ ૨૦૦થી વધારે વર્ષનાં હોય તેવાં પુરાણાં દેખાય છે. બન્ને પૃષ્ઠોની વચમાંના અક્ષરો લાલ શાહીની રેખાઓથી એવી રીતે વીંટાયેલા છે કે ગંજીફાના ચોકડીના આકારનો એક મોટો અને અનેક નાના ચતુષ્કોણો દેખાય છે. ડાબો અને જમણો કિનારો બન્ને લાલ રેખાઓથી અંકિત છે. આરંભમાં “જૈન ડાયગ્રામ અને

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અંતમાં નિમ્નલિખિત લહિયા-પ્રશસ્તિ છે.
ઇતિ ચંદ્રનવીની સપૂ શ્રી શ્રી શ્રી સાધ્વી શ્રી વરસુંદરિપઠનાર્થ I ૭ ' સક્ઝાય આ પ્રમાણે છે :
ચંદનબાલા સક્ઝાય ધન ધન દીન માહરઇ આજનુ, કાંઈ અંગણ દેવ દયાલ રે ! આવ્યા અચિંત્ય ચિંતામણિ, કાંઇ બોલાઇ ચંદનબાલ રે | ૧ | આવો રે આવો જગગુરૂ, માહરા મંદિર માંહઈ પધારો રે ! લો બાકડા સૂઝતા, મારા જગતારો મનઈ તારો રે | આ છે ૨ | આ શું રૂડું આજ અનોપમ, લાધું ત્રિભુવન રાજ રે ! મંદિર વીર પધારીયા, મુજ સરીયા વાંછિત કાજ રે | આ | ૩ | ઉપાય કોડઇ જી કીજીઈ, જો જિનજી કેમઈ ન આવઈ રે ! તે જિન સેહઈજઇ આવીઆ, કાંઇ આજ રૂડું અતિ ભાવઈ રે | આ | ૪ | આજ આંગણ આભા પાખઇ, માહરઈ અમીઈ વઠા રે મઝધરિ પ્રભુજી સ્વઈ દેહીજ, કાંઇ ચાલી આવ્યા જેહ રે ! આ છે ૫ / ધન તે શ્રાવક શ્રાવિકા, જે મીઠાઈ પકવાન્ન રે ! શાલિ દાલિ ધૃત ગોલસું, કાંઈ દે વસ્ત્રાદિક દાન રે . આ ૬ પરમ પૂજ્ય તમ સારખું, કાંઇ પામી પાત્ર અમીના રે ! અડદ બાકુલડા આપું છું, તો હું ભાગ્યહીના રે એ આ ૭ II વાહલેસર એવડું કરું, તુમ કહાવો છો મહાજન્ન રે !
લ્યો, લ્યો, લાભ દીઓ મન્નઈ, મારૂં ભગતિ મોહ્યું મન્ન રે આ ૮ | ઈમ આગ્રહ કરતાં પ્રભુજી, જોઇ અભિગ્રહ આપ રે ! હાથ ન ઉઢઇ જિનવરો, તવ કુમારી ચિંતે મુઝ પાપ રે આ ! ૯ . હા હા ધિગ ધિગ મુંહનઇ, કઈ માં શાં કીધાં વિકર્મ રે ! મુઝ પરથી પાછા વલસા, કાંઇ મૂર્તિમત્ત ઘર્મ રે | આ | ૧૦ ઇમ કહી જલ ભરઇ લોયણાં, તવ ઉઢઇ પ્રભુજી હાથ રે ! બાકુલડા લેઈ કુમારીના, તુઠા ત્રિભુવન નાથ રે . આ છે ૧૧ પંચ દિવ્ય તર સુર કરઈ, ભંજઈ લોહ જંજીર રે વેણીડંડ નવું કરી સરઈ, ભૂષઇ સકલ શરીર રે | આ ૧૨ .

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કુમરી કહઈ મઇ રાંકડીઇ, પામ્યું આજ રતન રે ! જે મઈ જિન પ્રતિલાભિયા, મુઝ માનવ ભવ ધન રે ! આ છે ૧૩ છે. ચ્યારે માસ જીરણ સેઠિ, જઈ વણવીયા નીત નીત રે ! તુહઈ પ્રભુજી તસ ધરઈ ન ગયા, ગયા અભિનવ ધરિ જગમીતરે છે આ . ૧૪ તો મુઝ ભાગ્ય મોટડું, કાંઈ પુણ્યવંત મુઝ પ્રાણ રે ! જે અણસેડ્યા જગગુરૂ, કાંઈ પુઈ આપ્યા તાણ રે આ ૧૫ | ધન ધન તે જગ માનવી, જેણઇ પ્રતિલાલ્યા ભગવંત રે ! જનમ સફલ સહી તેહનું, કાંઇ તેહના પુણ્ય અનંત રે આ એ ૧૬ . ભાવિક લોક ઈમ જગગુરૂનઇ, તમે પ્રતિલાભો ભગવંત રે ! ભાનુમેરૂ કહઇ જીમ લહુસઇ, સકલ દુખનું અંત રે આ 1 ૧૭ |
સતી ચંદનબાલાનું નામ આગમના મૂલ ગ્રંથોમાં ‘વંતન્ના અને અન્નવંતા આ રૂપોમાં મહાવીર સ્વામીનાં પ્રથમ સાધ્વી શિષ્યાના અને તત્કાલીન સાધ્વીસમુદાયનાં આગેવાન આર્યાના નામ તરીકે આવે છે. એમનો વિગતવાર ઇતિહાસ આવશ્યક-સૂત્રની ટીકાઓ વગેરે ગ્રંથોમાંથી પ્રસિદ્ધ, અને ભરફેસર સક્ઝાયમાં એમનો ઉલ્લેખ હોવાથી શ્રાવકવર્ગમાં પણ અતિપરિચિત છે. ઉપર પ્રકાશિત “ચંદનબાલા સક્ઝાય' માં તેનો સાર માત્ર હોવાથી આ સુંદર કવિતા સંબંધી વધારે ચર્ચા નહીં કરતી વિરમીશ !
સન્દર્ભ ૧. “જૈન ગુર્જર કવિઓ' ભાગ ૧, પૃ. ૨૫૪-૨૬૭; ભાગ ૩, પૃ. ૭૪૮
૭૫૫ અને પૃ ૨૨૨૭. “શ્રીઆનંદકાવ્યમહોદધિ' મૌક્તિક ૬ની પ્રસ્તાવના. પૃ. ૧૨-૧૪માં જે વિવેચન છે તે પૂર્વોક્ત ગ્રંથોના આધાર પર વધારવાની
અને સુધારવાની આવશ્યકતા છે. ૨. “જૈન ગુર્જર કવિઓ' ભાગ ૩, પૃ. ૨૨૯૭. ૩. “જૈન ગુર્જર કવિઓ', ભાગ ૩પૃ. ૭૫૫. ૪. સં. ૧૬૮૧માં યશોધર નૃપ ચૌપાઈ' વિરચિત છે. તેની પ્રશસ્તિમાં ( જૈન
ગુર્જર કવિઓ ૩, પૃ. ૭૪૯ ) જે સાંકેતિક સંખ્યા આપવામાં આવેલ છે, એટલે “વસુધા વસુ મુનિ રસ એક તેનો અર્થ શ્રી દેશાઈજીએ “૧૬૧૮' કર્યો છે, તે યથાર્થ નથી લાગતો. કારણ કે, તે કૃતિમાં “વિજયસુન્દર' ને દેવસુન્દરના પટ્ટધર કહેવામાં આવેલ છે, જ્યારે કે સં. ૧૬૪૬ સુધીની

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કૃતિઓમાં “દેવરત્ર' ( = દેવસુન્દર ) અને તે પછી જ “વિજયસુન્દર' ( = જયરત્ર ) પટ્ટધર તરીકે ઉક્ષિખિત છે. એટલે આકૃતિ સં. ૧૬૪૬ પહેલાં જ વિરચિત હોય તેનો સંભવ નથી. બાકાં શબ્દોના કમથી પણ સ્વાભાવિક રીતિથી ૧૬૮૧ જ નિકળે છે ( “મુનિ' શબ્દ ક્રિયાપદ-સંબોધન
હોય અથવા ‘પુનિ' શબ્દનું વિકૃત રૂપ હોય એવું લાગે છે ) ૫. આનંદકાવ્યમહોદધિ, પૃ. ૧૪ અને “જૈન ગુર્જર કવિઓ', ભાગ ૧, પૃ.
૨૮૬. ૬. અર્થાત્ “ભલે મીંડું. ૭. પદ્યોની ગણતરી પ્રતમાં નથી આપેલી. પ્રતના જે મૂલ પાઠોનું સંશોધન થયું
છે તેનાં અસલી રૂપ તે તે કડી પ્રમાણે નીચે આપવામાં આવ્યાં છે – મૂલ પાઠો : પદ્ય ૧ – આજુનુ; અચંત ચંતામણિ. પદ્ય ૨ – આવુ રે આવુ જગગરૂ; મંદર; પધારૂ; લુ; જગતારૂ; તાહરૂ. પદ્ય ૩ – સું; ત્રભોવન; મંદીર; વિંછત. પદ્ય ૪ – જુ જનજી; કમઈ; જીન. પદ્ય ૫ – પાષા; મેહા. પદ્ય ૬ – શ્રાવકા; પકવાન; ધોલ; કાંઈ દુ વસ્ત્રાદીક. પદ્ય ૭ – સારવું; તુહુ; ભાગહીન. પદ્ય ૮ – માહજa; લ્યુ લ્યુ; દી; મોડુ. પદ્ય – અભીગ્રહ; જ ઉઢઈ જીનવરૂ; ચંતિ. પદ્ય ૧૦ – સાં; વીકર્મ, પાછુઃ મુરતિવતુ. પદ્ય ૧૧ – ત્રભોવન. પદ્ય ૧૨ – દવ્ય; સૂર; સરીર. પદ્ય ૧૩ – જીન પ્રતલાલીવા. પદ્ય ૧૪ – અભીનુ. પદ્ય ૧૫ – તુ; ભાયગ; પુન્યવંત; પ્રાણી; ગરૂ; પુન્યા;
તાણી. પદ્ય ૧૬ – પ્રતલાવ્યા; પુન્ય. પદ્ય ૧૭ – ભવીક; પ્રતલાભુ. ૮. સમવાયાંગસૂત્ર, સૂત્ર ૧૫૭, પદ્ય ૪૪; કલ્પસૂત્ર, સૂત્ર ૧૩૫; અંતગદાસાઓના
વિવિધ પાઠો.

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માંડવગઢના : શ્રીપ્રમદપાર્ષદવ*
સુરમ્ય માલવભૂમિમાં આર્ય સંસ્કૃતિની એક ઉત્કૃષ્ટ પુષ્યરૂપી શિલ્પકળા અલાઉદ્દીન ખિલજીના આક્રમણની ભયંકર કાલરાત્રિમાં નષ્ટભ્રષ્ટ થઈ હતી. માંડવગઢના પ્રૌઢ મંદિરોના સ્થાને વેરાન વગડો ફેલાયો હતો.
એક અંધકારમય સદી વીતી. માલવાના ગોરી અને ખિલજી સુલતાનોંના રાજ્યકાળનું પ્રભાત ઊગ્યું. નવીન રાજ્યવૈભવ ચમકવા લાગ્યો. જ્ઞાન, વિજ્ઞાન, કાવ્ય, સંગીત, નૃત્ય, સ્થાપત્ય અને શિલ્પકળા પુનર્જીવિત થયાં. માંડુના પેલા ખંડિયેરોમાંથી જબરા મહેલો, મસજિદો અને મકબરાઓ બનાવા લાગ્યા, જેના પ્રચંડ અવશેષો આજે પણ પ્રવાસીઓના વિસ્મયનું કારણ બની રહ્યા છે. સાહસિક સુલતાન હોશંગશાહે માંડુને જ માલવાની રાધાની બનાવી અને તેના પુત્ર મુહમ્મદ ગોરીએ એને મમત્વભરેલું અર્થસૂચક શાદિયાબાદ' નામ લાગુ કર્યું, જે ઠેઠ મોગલ સમ્રાટોના સમય સુધી માંડવગઢ, મંડુ અને મંડપ નામો સાથે ઉપયોગમાં આવતું રહ્યું.
- ભૂતપૂર્વ હિંદુ રાજાઓના રાજમંત્રપ્રવીણ કુલપરંપરાગત હિન્દુ અને જૈન સચિવો તે સુલતાનોની સેવામાં પ્રવિષ્ટ થવા લાગ્યા. તેમના સમયાનુકૂલ સંરક્ષણમાં આર્યધર્મો પણ ફરીવાર પ્રકાશમાં આવવા લાગ્યા. મંદિરની પ્રતિષ્ઠાઓ, બિંબોની સ્થાપનાઓ, સાધુસંતોના પ્રવેશો અને પદવી પ્રદાન ઉત્સવો, ઘર્મચર્ચાઓ, રાજમુલાકતો, ઈત્યાદિ પ્રસંગોના જે ઉલ્લેખો તે સમયના સાહિત્ય અને પુરાતત્ત્વમાં મળી આવે છે તે આ વાતની સાક્ષી પૂરે છે. આટલું જ નહીં પરંતુ નકદુભુલ્ક, માફરુભુલ્ક, આફતાબ જેવા વિદેશી ખિતાબોથી અલંકૃત થતા હિન્દુ અને જૈન અધિકારીઓ એટલી હદ સુધી અમીરોની પંકિતમાં ગણાવા લાગ્યા કે તત્કાલીન ફારસી ઇતિહાસ ગ્રંથોથી કોઈ વાર એ વાતનો નિર્ણય કરવો કઠિન થઈ પડે છે કે ફલાણો અમીર મુસલમાન હતો અથવા હિન્દુ, જૈન હતો !
એવા સમયમાં તેજ શાદિયાબાદ, યાને આનંદવસ્તી, ઉલ્લાસપુર, અમદનગર નામથી ઓળખાતા માંડવગઢમાં “પ્રમદ પાર્શ્વનાથ” નામનું એક જિનબિબ્બે * Published in “Sri Jaina Satya Prakasa”, Ahmedabad, Varsa 19,
Anka 2-3, pp. 39-43.

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વિદ્યમાન હતું. એ વાત સ્થાન અને સમયને અનુકૂલ જ ગણવી જોઈએ.
આ “પ્રમદ પાર્શ્વનાથ” પ્રતિમાનું અસ્તિત્વ એક સંસ્કૃત સ્તવનથી જ્ઞાત થાય છે, જે પૂજ્ય શ્રીહરિભદ્રસૂરિ દ્વારા વિરચિત સુપ્રસિદ્ધ “સંસારદાય-સ્તુતિ” ની પાદપૂર્તિનું રૂપ ધારણ કરે છે. આ “પ્રમદ પાદવાસ્તવન” પૂજ્યપાદ સ્વ. આચાર્યશ્રી વિજયધર્મ સૂરીશ્વરજી દ્વારા સંપાદિત “જૈન સ્તોત્રસંગ્રહ' ના પ્રથમ ભાગમાં પ્રકાશિત થયું હતું જે આજે અલભ્ય છે, બિંબ સંબંધીના ઉલ્લેખો ઉક્ત સ્તવનના પહેલા અને છેલ્લા પદ્યમાં મળે છે, જે આ પ્રમાણે છે :
श्रेयो दधानं कमलानिधानं, पार्श्व स्तवेऽहं प्रमदाभिधानम् । श्वः श्रेयसश्रीसहकारकीरं संसाददावानलदाहनीरम् ॥ १ ॥ तथा इत्थं श्रीपार्श्वदेवत्रिभुवनविजयी जैनभद्राहिसेवः,
... श्रीसिद्धान्तप्रभोद्यद्विनयनतमुनि नचन्द्रो वितन्द्रः । श्रीमच्छीमण्डपप्रागुदयगिरिशिरोममण्डनं जीवराजी
राजीवोल्लासहेतुः प्रदिशतु कुशलं श्रेयसे श्रीविलासम् ।। १७ ।। એટલે ? પાર્શ્વનાથને સ્તવું છું જે શ્રેયના આપનાર, લક્ષ્મીનું નિધાન, પ્રમદ નામધારી સુખ અને વૈભવ દાવાનલના દાહને માટે જલ સમાન છે.
તથા : એવી રીતે જ ત્રણે લોકોમાં વિજયી છે. જેમના પગ જૈનો દ્વારા ( શ્લેષઃ જિનભદ્રના શિષ્ય દ્વારા) સેવિત છે, જેમની આગળ મુનિજનો સિદ્ધાન્તના પ્રભાવથી ઉત્પન્ન થયેલ વિનયપૂર્વક કરે છે ( શ્લેષ : જે મહાત્માની આગળ ઉદિત વિનયપૂર્વક સિદ્ધાન્તરુચિ નમન કરે છે), જે જૈનોને માટે ચંદ્ર સમાન છે (શ્લેષ : જે જિનચંદ્રના ગચ્છાતિ સમયમાં વિદ્યમાન છે), જે આલસ્યથી રહિત છે, જે દોલતથી ભરેલા શ્રીમંડપગઢ (શ્લેષ : લક્ષ્મીના તંબુ) ના પહેલા ઉદયગિરિના શિરોભૂષણરૂપ છે, જે જીવરૂપી નીલકમળને માટે ઉલ્લાસનું કારણ છે, તેવા શ્રી પાર્ષદેવ શ્રીનો સારો વિલાસ શ્રેયને માટે પ્રદાન કરો.૧૭.
આ સ્તવનને કેટલેક સ્થળે શ્રીજિનચંદ્રસૂરિની કૃતિ બતાવવામાં આવેલ છે પરતું મારા નમ્ર મત પ્રમાણે તેના કવિ કેવલ શ્રી સિદ્ધાન્તરુચિ હોઈ શકે, કારણ કે એમનું નામ છેલ્લા પદ્યમાં “સિદ્ધાન્તપ્રમ” આ શ્લેષમાં રહેલું છે. જે “સિદ્ધાન્તરુચિ” નો ઠેઠ પર્યાય છે. એટલું જ નહીં પરંતુ તે આ જ કવિ દ્વારા વિરચિત “જયરાજપુરીય પાર્શ્વજિન સ્તવન માં આવેલા “સિદ્ધાન્તાધિય” આ શ્લેષનું પણ સ્મરણ કરાવે છે, જેમાં કવિએ પોતાનું નામ તદન સદશ ઢંગથી પ્રકટ કર્યું છે.

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આ જ પદ્યના બે અન્ય શ્લેષોમાં એટલે “જૈનભદ્રાદિસેવઃ” અને “જૈનચન્દ્રો” આ શબ્દોમાં કવિના ગુરુ શ્રીજિનભદ્રસૂરિ અને તે સમયના ખરતરગચ્છાધિપતિ શ્રી જિનભદ્રસૂરિનાં પણ નામો સૂચિત કરવામાં આવ્યાં છે.
આચાર્ય શ્રીજિનભદ્રસૂરિ ખરતરગચ્છના પંચાવનમા અધિપતિ હતા. એમનો જન્મ સં. ૧૪૫૦ માં, સૂરિપદ સં. ૧૪૭૫ માં, અને સ્વર્ગવાસ સં. ૧૫૧૪ માં થયો હતો. એમના ઘણા પ્રતિષ્ઠાલેખો સં. ૧૪૭૯ થી સં. ૧૫૧૨ સુધીના ઉપલબ્ધ છે. જેસલમેરની સં. ૧૪૯૭ ની “સંભવનાથ મંદિર પ્રશસ્તિથી જ્ઞાત થાય છે કે એમના હાથે મંડપદુર્ગમાં કોઈ જિનબિંબની પ્રતિષ્ઠા થઈ હતી.
માંડવગઢના જૈન સંઘ સાથે એમનો વિશેષ સંબધ હતો. તે ત્યાંના શ્રીમાલકુલ અને સોનગરા વંશના, પ્રસિદ્ધ શ્રાવકો બાહડપુત્ર શ્રી મંડન અને તેમના પિત્રાઈ દેહડપુત્ર શ્રી ધનદના ઈતિહાસથી પણ જણાય છે. બન્ને એક પ્રાચીન મંત્રીકુટુંબમાં ઉત્પન્ન થયેલા શ્રીમંતો અને કવિઓ હતા. શ્રી મંડનનાં ૧૦ કાવ્યો, ચંપૂ ઇત્યાદિ કૃતિઓનાં નામો પ્રસિદ્ધ છે. તેમાંની ૯ કૃતિઓ સં. ૧૫૦૪ માં માંડુમાં લખેલી એક પ્રતમાં ઉપલબ્ધ અને અંશતઃ પ્રકાશિત છે. શ્રી ધનદે સ્વયં સં. ૧૪૯૦ માં રચેલી શકત્રયી, એટલે શૃંગાર, નીતિ અને વૈરાગ્યશતક ઉપલબ્ધ અને પ્રકાશિત છે. નીતિશતકમાં શ્રી જિનભદ્રસૂરિનું નામ કવિના ગુરુ તરીકે ભક્તિપૂર્વક લેવામાં આવ્યું છે. તે સિવાય કવિ મહેશ્વર કૃત “કાવ્ય મનોહર નામક મંડનના જીવનવૃતાંતમાં પણ ( રચનાકાલ સં. ૧૫૦૪ ની પૂર્વ) આ આચાર્યની સ્તુતિમંડનના કુલગુરુ તરીકે કરવામાં આવી છે.
સં. ૧૫૦૩ માં લખેલી “શ્રી ભગવતીસૂત્ર' ની એક પ્રતની પુષ્મિકામાં આ આશયનો નિર્દેશ છે કે મંડપના તેજ સંધપતિ મંડને પોતાના ભાઇ શ્રીઘનરાજ (ધનદ) ઇત્યાદિ કુટુંબીજનો સહિત એક સંપૂર્ણ સિદ્ધાન્ત ગ્રંથસંગ્રહ શ્રીજિનભદ્રસૂરિની ઉપદેશથી લખાવ્યો હતો, જેમાંની તે એક પ્રત છે.
પટ્ટાવલીઓ પ્રમાણે શ્રી સિદ્ધાન્તરુચિ એ જ જિનભદ્રસૂરિના ૧૮ પ્રસિદ્ધ શિષ્યોમાંના એક હતા.
શ્રી જિનચંદ્રસૂરિ ખરતરગચ્છના સત્તાવનમા અધિપતિ હતા. ખરતરગચ્છમાં આ નામના અનેક અધિપતિઓ થયા છે. તેઓમાં આપ પાંયમા જિનચંદ્રસૂરિ અને જિનભદ્રસૂરિના પટ્ટધર થાય છે. એમનો જન્મ સં. ૧૪૮૭ માં, સૂરિપદ સં. ૧૫૧૫ માં અને સ્વર્ગવાસ સં. ૧૫૩૭ માં થયો હતો. એમના જે પ્રતિષ્ઠાલેખો ઉપલબ્ધ છે તે સં. ૧૫૧૯ થી ૧૫૩૪ સુધીના છે. તેમાંના બે માંડવગઢના

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છે. તે બે લેખો પ્રમાણે તેઓએ સં. ૧૫૨૪ માં એક શ્રેયાંસનાથ પ્રતિમા અને સં. ૧૫૨૮ માં એક નમિનાથ પ્રતિમાની પ્રતિષ્ઠા ત્યાં કરી હતી. પહેલી પ્રતિમા આજે પણ માંડુમાં, અને બીજી બિહારના એક મંદિરમાં છે.
શ્રી મેરુસુન્દર કૃત “શીલોપદેશમાલા' બાલાવબોધની પ્રશસ્તિથી જ્ઞાત થાય છે કે આ ગ્રંથ સં. ૧૫૨૫ માં શ્રીકિજનભદ્રસૂરિના શિષ્ય શ્રીજિનચન્દ્રસૂરિએ માંડવગઢનિવાસી શ્રીમાલકુલમાં ઉત્પન્ન સંઘપતિ શ્રીધનરાજની પ્રાર્થનાથી શ્રીરનમૂર્તિ વાચનાચાર્યના શિષ્ય શ્રી મેરુસુન્દર દ્વારા રચાયો હતો. આ ધનરાજ એ જ મહાશય હોવા જોઈએ કે જેમને ઉપર શ્રીજિનભદ્રસૂરિના ભકત તરીકે ઉલ્લેખ કરવામાં આવેલા છે.
શ્રી સિદ્ધાન્તરુચિ પોતે શ્રીજિનભદ્રસૂરિના શિષ્ય અને શ્રીજિનચન્દ્રસૂરિના નાના ગુરુભાઈ હતા. ૯મનું નામ સં. ૧૪૮૪ માં રચેલી ‘વિજ્ઞપ્તિ ત્રિવેણી "" માં અને અન્યાન્ય બીજા મુનિઓના નામ સાથે પં. સિદ્ધાન્તરુચિ ગણી તરીકે ઉલ્લિખિત મળે છે. એમના શ્રી સાધુસોમ, શ્રી વિજયસોમ અને શ્રી અભયસોમ નામના ત્રણ શિષ્યોના ઉલ્લેખ મળે છે.
તેમાંના પહેલા શિષ્ય શ્રીસાધુસોમ દ્વારા, સં. ૧૫૧૯ માં રચાયેલ શ્રી જિનવલ્લભસૂરિ કૃત “મહાવીર ચરિત્ર” ની ટીકાની પ્રશસ્તિમાં એવો નિર્દેશ છે કે કર્તાના ગુરુ શ્રી જિનભદ્રસૂરિશિષ્ય શ્રીસિદ્ધાન્તરુચિ મહોપાધ્યાયે સુપ્રસિદ્ધ શ્રીજીરાવલ્લી પાર્શ્વનાથના પ્રસાદથી વરદાન મેળવીને શ્રી ગ્યાસુદ્દીન શાહની મહાસભામાં વાદીઓ પર વિજય પ્રાપ્ત કર્યો હતો.
બીજા શિષ્ય શ્રીવિજયસોમ દ્વારા સં. ૧૫૩૨ માં લિપિકૃત “શ્રી ભગવતીસૂત્ર””, “શ્રીદર્શનશુદ્ધિ” અને “શ્રીખરતરગચ્છ સામાચારી” આ ત્રણ ગ્રંથોની પ્રતિલિપિઓની પુષ્પિકાઓમાં પણ શ્રીસિદ્ધાન્તરુચિનું નામ મહોપાધ્યાય તરીકે ઉલ્લિખિત છે. ત્રણે ગ્રંથોમાં શ્રીજિનભદ્રસૂરિના પટ્ટધર શ્રીજિનચન્દ્રસૂરિના ગચ્છપતિત્વનો નિર્દેશ છે, અને ત્રણેનું લેખન શ્રીમાલજ્ઞાતીય ઠકુરગોત્રીય સંધપતિ જયતાપુત્ર શ્રીમંડનના વ્યયથી હતું કે જેમના ખર્ચથી સં. ૧૫૨૮ માં “વસુદેવ હિંડી”૨૦ ના બીજા ભાગની પ્રત પણ શ્રીપદ્મમૂર્તિગણિ શિષ્ય શ્રીમેરુસુન્દર' દ્વારા લખાવવામાં આવી હતી. ચારે ગ્રંથોની પ્રતિલિપિઓ જયતાપુત્ર મંડને (માંડને ) માંડવગઢના ચિત્કોશ-જ્ઞાનભંડારને માટે કરાવી હતી આ આશયની ચારેમાં પણ ઉલ્લેખ છે.

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શું આજ ચિત્કોશની સાથે થોડાં વર્ષ પહેલાં બાહડપુત્ર મંડળ દ્વારા લખાવેલ પૂર્વ-કથિત સિદ્ધાન્તકોશનો કોઈ સંબંધ હશે કે કેમ તે કહી શકાતું નથી, પણ એટલું તો નક્કી છે કે બન્ને કોશોની પ્રતિલિપિઓ છિન્નભિન્ન થયેલી છે. પહેલી આજે પાટણમાં, બીજી રાધનપુરમાં, ત્રીજી સૂરતમાં અને ચોથી લીંબડી (સૌરાષ્ટ્ર) માં છે. શેષનો પત્તોય નથી.
આ બધા પ્રમાણોથી જે માહિતી મળે છે તેનો સરવાળો નિમ્નાનુસાર છે:
શ્રી સિદ્ધાન્તરુચિ આચાર્ય શ્રીજિનભદ્રસૂરિના શિષ્ય હતા અને શ્રીજિનભસૂરિ તથા શ્રીજિનચન્દ્રસૂરિના ગચ્છાધિપત્ય સમયમાં વિદ્યમાન હતા. ૧૪૮૪ માં તેઓ ગણિ હતા. સં. ૧૫૧૯ ની પૂર્વ એમને મહોપાધ્યાય પદવી મળી હતી. તે ઓકવિ અને વિદ્વાન તરીકે પ્રસિદ્ધ હતા.
એમના શિષ્ય શ્રીસાધુસમ સં. ૧૫૧૯ માં અને વિજયસોમ સં. ૧૫૩૨ માં વિદ્યમાન હતા.
શ્રીસિદ્ધાન્તરુચિ તથા એમના ગુરુ અને શિષ્યમંડલની વિશેષ સંબંધ માંડવગઢ સાથે હતો. ત્યાં તેઓનું ગમનાગમન અને વિવિધ ધર્મકાર્યો થલ હતાં શ્રી સિદ્ધાન્તરુચિ સ્વયં સુલતાન ગ્યાસુદ્દીનના રાજત્વકાલમાં (સં. ૧૫૨૫-૫૬ ) ઓછામાં ઓછું એકવાર માંડુમાં આવ્યા અને તેમની પંડિત સભામાં વિજ્યી થયા
હતા.
શ્રીપ્રમદ પાર્શ્વનાથ સ્તવનની રચનાને માટે આચાર્ય શ્રીજિનચન્દ્રસૂરિનો ગચ્છપતિ. સમય અર્થાત્ સં. ૧૫૧૫ થી ૧૫૩૭ સુધીનો સમય નિશ્ચિત થાય છે.
સ્તવનથી અનુમાન થાય છે કે તે સમયમાં માંડમાં શ્રીપ્રમદ પાર્શ્વનાથનું મંદિર વિદ્યમાન હતું. આટલું જ નહીં, પરંતુ “ ” આ “ ” શબ્દથી કહી શકાય કે તે મોડુના ઠેઠ પૂર્વ ભાગમાં કંઈક ઊંચા સ્થાન પર આવેલું યા પોતે જ પણ એક ઊંચી ઈમારત હશે. એટલે પૂજ્યપાદ આચાર્ય શ્રીવિજયયતીન્દ્રસૂરિજીનું અનુમાન કે લોહાની દરવાજા પાસે જેને ખાંડપારાઓ જે દેખાય છે તે જ ભૂતપૂર્વ પ્રમદ પાર્શ્વનાથના મંદિરના અવશેષો હોવા જોઈએ એમ યથાર્થ પ્રતીત થાય છે. કારણ કે આ સ્થાનની ટેકરીની ઢાળનું મુખ સીધું પૂર્વ ક્ષિશાતરફ આવ્યું છે અને તે એટલી ઊંચી છે કે સૂર્યનાં પહેલાં કિરણો આજ મંદિરના શિખરોનો સ્પર્શ કરી શકતાં હતાં.
આ મંદિર કયા સમયમાં નિર્માણ થયું હતું તેનું અનુમાન કરવું કઠિન છે. સંભવતઃ શાદિયાબાદ નામ પાડચા પછી, અર્થાત્ સુલતાન મુહમ્મદ ગોરીના એક

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વર્ષીય રાજ્યકાલ સં. ૧૪૯૧-૯૨ ની અંદર અથવા તેની પછી શાદિયાબાદ નામના અર્થને અનુસરીને પ્રમદ પાર્શ્વનાથ નામનું બિંબ અને મંદિર બન્યાં હશે.
જેસલમેરના સં. ૧૪૯૭ ના પૂર્વોક્ત પ્રતિષ્ઠાલેખમાં શ્રીજિનભદ્રસૂરિ દ્વારા મંડપમાં કરાયેલી બિંબપ્રતિષ્ઠાનો ઉલ્લેખ છે. એટલે શ્રી પ્રમદ પાર્થની પ્રતિષ્ઠા તેઓશ્રીના શુભ હાથે થઈ હોય તો તે સંભવિત છે.
મંદિ૨ અને પ્રતિમાજીની દશા સ્તવનના રચનાકાળમે પૂજાને યોગ્ય અને શ્રીસિદ્ધાન્તરુચિ જેવા કવિ અને વિદ્વન્દ્વરમાં ભક્તિભાવના જગાડવા સમર્થ હતાં તે તો સ્પષ્ટ જ છે.
સન્દર્ભ
૧. ટબકાત ઈ અકબરી, ૩,૨, પૃ. ૪૯૧ ( શ્રી વૃજેન્દ્રદેવ કૃત ભાષાંતરમાં ), કલકત્તા, સન્ ૧૯૩૯.
૨. શ્રી યશોવિજય જૈન ગ્રંથમાળા ૭, કાશી, વી૨ સં. ૨૪૩૯ પૃ. ૬૭-૬૯. ૩. “જૈન સ્તેાત્રસંદેહ”, દ્વિતીય ભાગ, અમદાવાદ સન્ ૧૯૩૬, પૃ. ૧૪૦૧૪૨ ( સંપાદક પૂજ્ય મુનિરાજ શ્રીચતુરવિજયજી ).
૪. પૂ. ચં. નાહર. “જૈન લેખ સંગ્રહ”, તૃતીય ખંડ, વીર સંવત્ ૨૪૫૫, પૃ. ૧૮, ૫૬ ૪.
૫. શ્રી હેમચંદ્રાચાર્ય ગ્રંથાવલી, ક્ર. ૭-૧૧ અને ૧૭, પાટણ સં. ૧૯૧૮
૧૯.
૬. પઘ ૯૪, કાવ્યમાલા ૧૩, પૃ. ૬૩.
૭. શ્રી હેમચંદ્રાચાર્ય ગ્રંથાવલી, ક્ર. પૃ. ૨૮ (અંતિમ પ્રશસ્તિ પદ્ય ૩૭). ૮. “વિજ્ઞપ્તિત્રિવેણી”, સંપાદક મુનિ શ્રી જિનવિજય, ભાવનગર સન્ ૧૯૧૬, પ્રસ્તાવના, પૃ. ૬૫.
૯. શ્રી ખરતરગચ્છ પટ્ટાવલી ક્ર. ૩ ( મુનિ શ્રી જિનવિજય દ્વારા સંપાદિત “ખરતરગચ્છ પટ્ટાવલી સંગ્રહ”, કલકત્તા, સન્ ૧૯૩૨) પૃ. ૫૫.
૧૦. ખરતરગચ્છ સૂરિપરંપરા પ્રશસ્તિ ( રચનાકાલ સં. ૧૫૮૨, ઉપર્યુક્ત સંગ્રહમાં પૃ. ૬) પ્રમાણે ( “બાણેન્દુબાણેન્દુમિતે ચ વર્ષે”) આજ આંકડો યથાર્થ છે. અન્યત્ર ૧૫૧૪ લખેલું છે તે ભ્રાંત સમજવું જોઇએ. ૧૧. કંઈક સ્થાને સં. ૧૫૩૦ મળે છે જે તત્પશ્ચાત્ ઉપલબ્ધ લેખોના કા૨ણે
અસંભવ લાગે છે.
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૧૨. મુનિરાજ શ્રી ધુરંધરવિજય, “શ્રી માંડવગઢની મહત્તા”, શ્રી જૈન સત્ય
પ્રકાશ, સંવત્ ૧૯૯૮, પૃ. ૨૭ ક. ૧૦. ૧૩. પૂ. ચં. નાહર, “જૈન લેખ સંગ્રહ” ભાગ ૧, કલકત્તા વીર સં. ૨૪૪૪, ક્ર.
૨ ૧૮. ૧૪. “જૈન ગુર્જર કવિઓ” મુમ્બઇ સન્ ૧૯૪૪, પ્રાયોજક શ્રી મો. દ. દેશાઈ.
૩.૨, પૃ. ૧૫૮૩. ૧૫. ઉપર જેમ, પૃ. ૧૫ (મૂલ) અને પ્રસ્તાવના, પૃ. ૬૯-૮૧. ૧૬. “જૈન સ્તોત્ર સંદોહ” ઊપર જેમ, પ્રસ્તાવના, પૃ. ૬૭. ૧૭. “વિજ્ઞપ્તિત્રિવેણી” ઉપર જેમ, પ્રસ્તાવના, પૃ. ૭૦-૭૧. ૧૮. “શ્રી પ્રશસ્તિ સંગ્રહ” સંપાદક શ્રી અ. મ. શાહ, સં. ૧૯૯૩, ભાગ ૨, ક્ર.
૧૫૦. ૧૯. “શ્રી પ્રશસ્તિ સંગ્રહ” ઊપર જેમ, ક્ર. ૧૫૨. ૨૦. “ઐતિહાસિક રાસ સંગ્રહ” ભાગ ૩, સંશોધક પરમપૂજ્ય આચાર્ય શ્રી
વિજયધર્મસૂરીશ્વરજી, ભાવનગર, સં. ૧૯૭૮, પ્રસ્તાવના, પૃ. ૧૮. ૨૧. આ મેરુસુંદર ઉપર્યુક્લિખિત “શીલોપદેમાલા-બાલાવબોધ” ના કર્તા મેરુસુંદર
થી ભિત્ર લાગે છે.

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(૧) પ્રતો નીચે પ્રકાશિત, ભક્તિરસભીની શ્રી ફલવદ્ધિ પાર્શ્વનાથ સ્તુતિનો ઉલ્લેખ, શ્રી મોહનલાલ દ. દેશાઈકૃત “જૈન ગુર્જર કવિઓ' માં (ભાગ ૧, પૃ. ૫૩૯, અને ત્રીજો ભાગ, પૃ. ૧૦૩૧ ), અને તેઓશ્રીએ વિરચિત “જૈન સાહિત્યનો સંક્ષિપ્ત ઇતિહાસ માં (પેરા ૮૮૪), તથા શ્રી અગરચંદ તથા ભંવરલાલ નાહટાકત “પુત્રધાન નિદ્રસૂરિ'માં (પૃ. ૨૦૭ ) આપવામાં આવ્યો છે. ત્યાં ઉલિખિત પ્રતોને છોડીને આ સ્તુતિની બે અધિકતો ઉજ્જૈનના શ્રી સિંદિયા
ઓરિએન્ટલ ઇન્સ્ટિટ્યૂટમાં મળી આવી છે. કે જેઓના આધાર પર આ સ્તુતિ નીચે પ્રકાશિત કરવામાં આવે છે. આ બે પ્રતોની વિગત આ છે –
૧. પ્રત “અ” એટલે નં. ૬૫૭૦ (૧ પત્ર). લહિયાની પ્રશસ્તિ નિમ્નલિખિત છે –
___“इति श्रीफलवर्द्धि पार्श्वजिन छंदबद्ध स्तुति समाप्त ।। गणि तत्त्वविजय लखितं छथ्योआ मध्ये का. व. ४ दिने।" ।
પ્રત લખ્યાનો સંવત આપેલો નથી, પણ ઓછામાં ઓછી ૧૫૦ વરસની હોવી જોઈએ. લખવાની શૈલી “ગવાલિયોરી' અને ઊર્ધ્વમાત્રાની છે. તેમાં કેટલીક અશુદ્ધિઓ છે અને અગિયારમા પદ્યનો ઉત્તરાર્ધ મલતો નથી.
૨. પ્રત “બ' એટલે નં. ૬૫૭૮ ( ૨ પત્ર). આની લહિઆની પ્રશસ્તિ નિમ્નલિખિત છે –
"इति श्रीफलवृध पार्श्वनाथजीको छंद संपूर्णः लषितं रिष गंगाराम समत १८६७ वर्षे मती वैशाख वदी ४ सौमे-प्रतापगढ मध्ये।"
આ પ્રત પ્રચલિત શૈલિમાં અને “ઊર્ધ્વમાત્રા'થી લખાએલ છે. અક્ષર સુંદર છે અને શુદ્ધિ સાધારણતઃ ઠીક છે; માત્ર કોઈ કોઈ સ્થાનમાં લહિયા ઋષિ ગંગારામે, કે જેમના હાથની થોડી ઘણી બીજી પ્રતો પણ સિંદિયા ઓરિએન્ટલ * Published in “Śri Jaina Satya Prakāśa”, Ahmedabad, Varșa 11,
Anka4, pp. 138-142.

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ઈન્સ્ટિટ્યૂટમાં વિદ્યમાન છે, પોતાની ટેવ મુજબ રાજસ્થાની ભાષાના પ્રત્યયો ઘુસાડી દીધા છે.
પ્રસ્તુત સ્તુતિ “અ”ના આધાર પર છપાવવામાં આવે છે, “બ'ના વાસ્તવિક પાઠાંતરો નોટોમાં આપેલ છે.
(૨) કવિ આ બંને પ્રતાને અનુસરીને કવિનું નામ અંતિમ છપ્પયમાં “રત્નહર્ષ-ગુરુશિષ્ય-વર સાર' એમ બતાવવામાં આવે છે, જ્યારે કે પં. સિદ્ધિવિલાસ ગણિ દ્વારા લખેલ પ્રત (જૈ. ગુ. ક. ભાગ ૧ ) અને “ના. ભં.” ની પ્રતમાં નથી મળતો. બાકી બીજી પ્રતોમાં તે છે. કવિ વાસ્તવમાં શ્રીરનહર્ષ વાચકના શિષ્ય સુપ્રસિદ્ધ લેખક શ્રીસાર છે, આમાં કોઈ શંકા નથી. એમનાં નામનું ૩૫ બન્ને મૂલ પ્રતોમાં શ્રીસાર'ના બદલે “સાર' એમ આપેલું છે તેમાં કોઈ વાંધો નથી, કારણ કે આ જ કવિએ રચેલ “સારબાવની' માં (જૈ. ગુ. ક. ભાગ ૧, પૃ. ૫૩૮) પણ આ જ ૩૫ કેટલીક વાર મળી આવે છે.
ગુજરાતી જૈન સાહિત્યના વિશેષજ્ઞ શ્રીદેશાઈજીએ આ કવિની કૃતિઓની સૂચી ઉપરોક્ત સ્થાનોમાં આવી છે, અને આ સૂચીને જૈન સાધુપરમ્પરાના ઇતિહાસવેત્તા શ્રીનાહટાજીએ કેટલાંક અદિક નામોથી વધારી છે. આ બંને વિદ્વાનોને અનુસાર શ્રીસારની નિમ્નલિખિત કૃતિઓ હમણાં જ્ઞાત છે.'
(૨) મુશાનદ્રમારોઃ વીતાવવોપ (સં. ૨૬૭૮): (૨) બિનર/ગલૂરિાસ (. ૨૬૮૨) (૩) સંતરખેવીપૂજ્ઞાતિ શાન્તિસ્તવન (સં. ૨૬૮૨) (૪) પાર્શ્વનાથ રાસ (સં. ૨૬૮૩). (૧) માનન્દ શ્રાવ સન્ધિ (સં. ૨૬૮૪) (૬) મોતી-પાલીયા સભ્ય સંવાદ (સં. ૨૬૮૨) (૭) સા-વાવની (સં. ૬૮૬) (૮) વાસુપૂષ્ય સ્તવન (સં. ૨૭૦ ૨ ) (૨) નવિનય વૌ. (१०) कृष्ण रुक्मिणी वेलि बालावबोध (११) लोकनालगर्भित चन्द्रप्रभ स्तवन (૨૨) ૩પશ સત્તરી (१३) दशश्रावक गीत

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(१४) फलवर्द्वि पार्श्वनाथ स्तुति (૨૫) ગૌતમ9છી સ્તવન (१६) जिनप्रतिमा-स्थापन स्तवन (१७) आदिनाथ स्तवन
શ્રી નાહટાજીના કથનાનુસાર આ કવિ દ્વારા વિરચિત બીજાં સ્તવનો આદિ પણ છે.
શ્રી દેશાઈજીએ પ્રકાશિત શ્રીસારની કૃતિઓની પ્રશસ્તિઓથી વિદિત થાય છે કે આ કવિની સાધુપરમ્પરા ખરતરગચ્છની ખેમાશાખામાં અંતર્ગત છે, કે જે દાદા શ્રી જિનકુશલસૂરિના પ્ર-પ્રશિષ્ય, આબાલગોપાલમાં પ્રસિદ્ધ ગૌતમરાસના કર્તા શ્રી જિનપ્રભસૂરિના પ્રશિષ્ય અને શ્રી વિજયતિલકસૂરિના શિષ્ય શ્રી ક્ષેત્રકીર્તિ વાચકથી ચાલી આવી છે. તે જ ખેમાશાખામાં શ્રી સહજકીર્તિકૃત “શત્રુંજયમાહાભ્ય રાસ' (જે. ગુ. ક. ભાગ ૧, પૃ. ૫૨૫) અનુસાર શ્રી રતસાર થયા, જેમના શિષ્ય શ્રીરનહર્ષ વાચક હતા. આ રતવર્ષ વાચકના ત્રણ શિષ્યો હતા, ( ૧) શ્રી હેમનંદન કે જેઓ સં. ૧૬૮૧ થી ૧૬૮૮ ના દરમ્યાન રચાએલ કૃતિઓ દ્વારા પ્રસિદ્ધ શ્રી સહજકીર્તિના ગુરુ હતા, (૨) શ્રી હેમકીર્તિ અને, (૩) પ્રસ્તુત કવિ શ્રી શ્રીસાર.
કવિ શ્રીસારની સાહિત્યપ્રવૃત્તિના સમયનો પહેલો ભાગ ખરતરગચ્છની મુખ્ય શાખાના બીજા જિનરાજસૂરિના ગચ્છાતિ-જમાનામાં (સં. ૧૬૭૪-૧૯૯૯) સમાયેલ છે, કે જે ખરતરગચ્છના ૧૧ ગચ્છભેદોમાંના ત્રણ ભેદોથી અંકિત છે. આ ત્રણ ભેદો થાયા પહેલાં, અર્થાત્ આઠમો ભેદ થતાં સં. ૧૬૮૬ માં શ્રી જિનસાગરસૂરિની શાખા, તથા નવમા અને દસમા ભેદ સં. ૧૭૦૦ માં થતાં શ્રી રંગવિજયની અને શ્રીસારીયા શાખા નિકલ્યા પહેલાં, સં. ૧૬૮૧ માં શ્રીસારે આ જિનરાજસૂરિનો રાસ રચ્યો છે, કે જેમાં તેઓ વારંવાર શ્રીજિનરાજસૂરિને અને તેમના ભવિષ્યના પ્રતિસ્પર્ધ્વ શ્રી જિનસાગરસૂરિને બન્નેનેય “ગુરુ' તરીકે સંબોધિત કરે છે (જુઓ શ્રી નાહટાજી દ્વારા સંપાદિત આ રાસ પૃ. ૧૬૯-૧૦૧, પદ્ય ૮, ૧૦, ૧૨, ૧૪, અને ઢાલ ૧૧, પદ્ય ૧, ૧૦), અને પોતાની જાતને શ્રી જિનરાજસૂરિના “સેવક' તરીકે ઓળખાવે છે (પૃ. ૧૭૦, ઢાલ ૧૧, પદ્ય ૩.)
આ જિનરાજસૂરિ (ભૂતપૂર્વ મુનિ રાજસમુદ્ર) પોતાની સાહિત્યપ્રવૃત્તિ અને પ્રતિષ્ઠાલેખો અનુસાર એક મહાન્ વ્યક્તિ હતા. ખરતરગચ્છની મુખ્ય શાખા આગળ ચલાવનાર એમના પટ્ટધર શ્રી જિનરત્નસૂરિ ઓછી પ્રસિદ્ધિમાં આવ્યા છે,

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જ્યારે કે આ જિનરત્નસૂરિની પ્રતિસ્પર્ધા માં એક નવીન શાખા સ્થાપિત કરનાર શ્રી જિનરંગસૂરિ' (ભૂતપૂર્વ શ્રી રંગવિજય ) મહાપ્રભાવશાલી અને યુગપ્રધાનની પદવીથી વિભૂષિત હતા. એમની કેટલીક સાહિત્યિક રચનાઓ પણ વિદ્યમાન છે. આ બન્ને ગચ્છનાયકોને નહી માનનાર અને શ્રી જિનરાજસૂરિના સ્વર્ગવાસ પછી જ સં. ૧૭૦૦ માં ઉત્પન્ન થયેલી રંગવિજય-શાખામાંથી જ આ જ સંવતમાં બન્ને વિદ્યમાન શાખાઓની પ્રતિસ્પર્ધારૂપ પોતાની નિજી શ્રીસારીયા શાખા ઉત્પન્નકરનાર શ્રીસારોપાધ્યાય કોણ હતા અને એમનો કરેલો આ ગચ્છભેદ શા કારણથી થયો તે સંબંધી હસ્તગત સાહિત્યમાં હજુ સુધી કોઈ ઉલ્લેખ ઉપલબ્ધ થયો નથી. માત્ર આટલું જ વિદિત છે કે આ શ્રીસાર “ઉપાધ્યાય' પદવીથી વિભૂષિત અને જિનરાજસૂરિ શિષ્ય શ્રી જિનરંગસૂરિના સમુદાયના હતા.
હવે પ્રસ્તુત કવિ શ્રીસાર કે જેમની રચાએલી સ્તુતિ નીચે પ્રકાશિત કરવામાં આવે છે તેઓ પણ વાચક, અર્થાત્ ઉપાધ્યાય હતા, અને તેઓ પણ શ્રીજિનરાજસૂરિ અને એમના સમુદાય સાથે ઘણો સંબંધ રાખતા હતા. અર્થાત્ થધપિ આ કવિ શ્રીસાર એમ શાખાના હતા, તથાપિ આ વાત બનવા જોગ છે કે તેઓ અને ગચ્છભેદ કરનાર શ્રીસાર આ બન્નેનો એક જ વ્યક્તિમાં સમાવેશ થાય. નહીં તો આ અપ્રચલિત નામની બે ભિન્ન વ્યક્તિઓનું એક જ સમુદાયમાં સમકાલીન અસ્તિત્વ માનવું પડશે. જે ઇતિહાસન્ન વિદ્વાનોને રાજપુતાના અને ગુજરાતના જૈન ભંડારોની અપૂર્વ સાહિત્ય-સમૃદ્ધિ સુલમ છે તેમાંના કોઈ એક મહાશય આ પ્રશ્ર ઉપર ઠીક પ્રકાશ પાડે તો સારું થાય.
श्रीफलवद्धि-पार्श्वनाथ स्तुति
છે. દૂર છે परता पूरण परगडउ अरिगंजन अरिहंत । साचउ साहिब तु सही भयभंजनभगवंत ।। १ ॥ वामा-नन्दण वदीयइ दउलतिनउ दातार । किडीथी कुंजर करइ सेवकनइ साधार ।। २ ।। श्रीफलवद्धिपुर धणी एकल्लमल्ल अबीह ।
मावठि मयगज मंजिवा तुं सादूलउं सीह ॥ ३ ॥ ૨. કુરા માત્ર “બ'માં; “બ” પૂરા પ્રાણી. ૨. “અ” વંડી વી; વાતા. રૂ. “બ” પવિત્ર નય મં..

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पाय कमल तुज प्रणमतां अधिक वधइआणंद । दादउ मोटो देवता वंदइ सुरनरवृंद ॥ ४ ॥
॥ छंद मोतीदाम ॥ कितं तुझ वंदइ नरना वृदं, कितं तझ सेवा सारइ इदं ।। कितुं तुं दूरि गमावइ दंद, कितुं तुं अधिकउ द्यइ आणंद ।। ५ ।। कितुं तुझ देह अपुत्या पूत, कितुं तुं साधइ सघला सूत । कितुं तुं आणइ महीयल मेह, कितुं तुं नवल वधारइ नेह ।। ६ ।। कितुं तुं दूरि हरइ दालिद, कितुं तुं रोग गमावइ रद । कितुं तुं परता पूरणहार, कितुं तुं अडवडिआं आधार ।। ७ ।। कितुं तुं भाजइ भावठि भूष, कितुं तुं टालइ सघला दूप । कितुं तुं वांद्यां वधई विवेक, कितुं तुं पूरइ आस अनेक ।। ८ ।। कितुं तुझ नमतां नवनिधि होई, कितुं तुझ आस करइ सहू कोइ । कितुं तुं कुशल करइं कल्याण, कितुं तुं दोलति द्यइ दिवाण ।। ९ ।। कितुं तुझ मेरु सम उभल मन, कितुं तुझ लोक कहइं धनधन । कितुं तुं वारिद जेम वरन, कितुं तुं आपइ परघल अन ।। १० ।। कितुं तुं रांकांने करइ राओ, कितुं तुं सेव्या द्यइ सिरपाओ । कितुं तुं जोडइ भोग संजोग, कितुं तुं सरव गमावइ रोग ।। ११ ।। कितुं तुं समर्यो करइ सुगाल, कितुं तुं पिसुण करइ पइमाल । कितुं तुं चिंता करइ चकचूर कितुं तुं विघन विडारइ दूर ।। १२ ।। कितुं तुं आपइ अविचल वाण, कितुं तुं आच्छा ए अहिनाण । कितुं तुं सघलइ हो सिरदार, कितुं तुझ कोइ न लोपइ कार ।। १३ ।। कितुं तुं सोहइ मोटो साध, कितुं तुं आगम गुणइ आगाध । कितुं तुं संसो भाजइ सर्व, कितुं तुं गालइ दुसमण गर्व ।। १४ ।।
४. श्री भने यो) य२९५ '५'भi Geटुं छे. ६. '' तु महीयल आण मेह. ८. 2' नी भने यो) ५२४॥ आटुं तुं विध्या धरे विवेक. १०. '५' वारधी. ११. ''मां त्री भने योधुं य२९॥ नथी. १३. अने. १४. ५२४ोनो पक्षी यो.

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Śri Phalavardhi Pārsvanātha Stuti
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कितुं तुं अनंत अनतं अनंत, मलई मई भेट्यउ श्रीभगवंत । सदा एक तोरउ साचउ साथ, जयउ परमेसर पारसनाथ ।। १५ ।। अलष, अलष, अलष, अलष, सदा तुं सेवकनइं परतष । अधिक अधिक दीयइ आणंद, जयउ श्रीफलवर्द्धिपास जिणंद ।। १६ ।।
अपार, अपार, अपार, अपार, अनाथ नरांनइ तुं आधार । अगम, अगम, अगम, अगम, धरूं एक साचउ तुझ धरम ।। १७ ।। बहु जिण अटवि माहे बीह, सदा जिहां विचरइ सबला सीह । तिहां तुं सेवक नइ निसतारि, कृपा करि मेलई पेल्हइ पारि ।। १८ ।। जिहां जिहां समरइ सेवक जेह, तिहां तिहां इच्छा पूरइ तेह । कहूं इम केता तुझ बिरद, मोटउ तूं पारसनाथ मरद ।। १९ ।। इला तुं एकल्ल मल्ल अबीह, न लोपइ कोइ तोरी लीह । माया हिव मासुं करि माहाराज, परतीष इच्छा पूरो आज ।। २० ।।
॥ ऊलालो ॥ इच्छा पूरउ आज सुपरसन, सेवकां संभारो, जिणवर पास जिणंद, सदा हूं सेवक ताहरो । कल्पवृक्ष थी अधिक, कृपा मो उपरि कीजइ, श्री आससेन सुतनय, घणी मुझ दउलति दीजइ । श्री रतनहरष गुरु शिसंवर, सार सुजस इस उचरइ, फलवर्द्धि राय मोटो धणी, सेवकनई सानिध करइ ।। २१ ।।
१६. ''मां त्र पर '' अलष. १७. ' 'भां अपार भने अगम मात्र 3 वा२. '५' तारो धरम. १८. '५' अबीह; 'ॐ' करपा; पेले पार. १९. '' बहुं इम, मोटउपन पासनाथ. २०. '' मह्य. २१. '' सुपरि सेवकां साधारउ; '५' सूधारो; '५' थारो; 'A' सुतन; '५' सूतन; __' सूसेवकने.

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સન્દર્ભ ૧. આ સંબંધી શ્રીવેલણકરકૃત “નિરોશ' (પુણા ૧૯૪૪) માં અને “જૈન
સાહિત્યનો સંક્ષિપ્ત ઇતિહાસ” (પેરા ૮૯૧) માં પણ ઉલ્લેખો છે. ૨. શ્રી નાહટાજી દ્વારા સંપાદિત તિહાસિક નૈન વાવ્ય સંગ્રહ, સ્ત્રવેત્તા, વિ. સં.
૧૯૯૪, પૃ. ૧૫૦-૧૭૧. ૩. આ કૃતિ શ્રી સિંદિયા ઓરિએંટલ ઇન્સ્ટિટ્યૂટની નિમ્નલિખિત પ્રતોમાં પણ
છેનં. ૯૩૫ (૧૩ પત્ર, લખવાનો સમય સં. ૧૭૩૯ પૂર્ણ); નં. ૫૧૬૮ ( ૭ પત્ર, ખંડિત ); નં. ૭૦૮૬ (બીજી કવિતાઓ સાથે, પત્ર ૧૨-૨૫, પૂર્ણ); અને નં. ૭૧૧૬ (બીજી કવિતાઓ સાથે, પત્ર ૨૫૩-૨૭૦, પૂર્ણ, લહિયા-પ્રશસ્તિ નિમ્નલિખિત – “સંવત્ ૨૭૨૮ વર્ષે વિUા વઢિ ૧૨ દિને, शनिवारे। श्रीकीर्तिरतनसूरिसाषायां। श्री पं. श्रीचन्द्रकीर्तिगणि तत् शिष्य वा. श्री सुमतिरंगगणिना शिष्य सुखलाभ-जयकुसल-सकलवर्द्धन-समयनन्दन पं. अचलवर्द्धन लिखतं। श्रीमज्जेसलमेरनगरे। संघवी उतचमचंद पठनार्थं।। श्रीरस्तु
છે !” ૪. જુઓ જે. ગુ. ક. ભાગ ૧ પૃ. પ૨૫-૫૨૬; જે. સા. સં. ઇ. પેરા ૮૮૪,
અને ઐ. જે કા. સં. પૃ. ૧૭૪-૧૭૬. પ. જુઓ નાહટા, એ. જે. કા.સં. ભૂમિકા, પૃ. ૯૧. ૬. જુઓ જે. ગુ. ક. ભા. ૨. પૃ. ૨૭૩ અને ભા. ૩, પૃ. ૧૨૭૭.

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કંઇક શંખેશ્વર સાહિત્ય*
ઉજ્જૈન નગરીનું નામ પ્રાતઃસ્મરણીય શ્રી અવંતિસુકુમાલ, પ્રૌઢપ્રતાપી શ્રી સિદ્ધસેન દિવાકર, તેજસ્વી શ્રી કાલકાચાર્ય, શાસનપ્રભાવક મહારાજા સંપ્રતી, અને શ્રી વિક્રમાદિત્યનાં ચરિત્રોના નિમિત્તથી જૈનોને અતિપરિચિત અને આદરણીય છે. આ નગરી આજે શ્રીમંત સિંધિયા સ૨કા૨ના ગ્વાલિયર રાજ્યનું બીજું શહેર છે. ભૂતકાલના યશસ્વી સાહિત્યના પૂજાસ્થાન રૂપે ત્યાં કેટલાંક વર્ષોથી પ્રાચીન હસ્તલિખિત ગ્રંથેાનું એક સરકારી સંગ્રહાલય વિદ્યમાન છે જે શ્રી સિંધિયા ઓરિએંટલ ઇન્સ્ટિટ્યૂટના નામથી પ્રસિદ્ધ છે. આ સંસ્થાના આશરે ૭૫૦૦ ગ્રંથોમાંનો એક નાનકડો અંશ જૈન ગ્રંથો છે, જેઓમાં કંઈક એવી વસ્તુઓ મળી આવી છે કે જે વિદ્વાનોનું લક્ષ્ય આકર્ષિત કરે.
પૂજ્યપાદ શાંતમૂર્તિ મુનિરાજ શ્રી જયંતવિજયજી મહારાજ દ્વારા વિરચિત ‘શંખેશ્વર મહાતીર્થ’ નામના સુન્દર અને ઉપયોગી પુસ્તકનું નિરીક્ષણ કરતી વખત વિદિત થયું કે શ્રી સિંધિયા ઓરિએંટલ ઇન્સ્ટિટ્યૂટના સંગ્રહમાં મલી આવેલું કેટલુંક શંખેશ્વર પાર્શ્વનાથના સંબંધનું સાહિત્ય ઉપર્યુક્ત પુસ્તકમાં વિદ્યમાન નથી. તેમા નિમ્નલિખિત ચૈત્યવંદન અને સ્તવનો છે, જેઓમાંનાં કેટલાંક એવાં છે કે જે આધુનિક રુચિના હિસાબે પણ ગેય અને મનેારંજક લાગે.
પહેલી કવિતા નિર્ણામક છે, જ્યારે બીજી અને ત્રીજી કવિતાના એક જ કર્તા શ્રી હમીરવિજયજીના શિષ્ય શ્રી ઉત્તમવિજયજી છે, અને ચોથી તે જ ઉત્તમવિજયજીના શિષ્ય શ્રી મોહનવિજયજીની કૃતિ લાગે છે. પાંચમી અને છઠી કવિતા પ્રસિદ્ધ ભક્તકવિ શ્રી જિનસુખસૂરિની કૃતિઓ છે, અને સાતમી કવિતા શ્રી ઉદયરતના નામથી અંકિત છે. આ સ્તવન મારવાડી ભાષાના પ્રયોગોથી અને શ્રૃંગા૨રસ-અધિવાસિત અલંકારોથી શોભિત છે. આ વિશેષતાથી અનુમાન થાય છે કે આ કવિ એ જ ઉદયરત હોવા જોઈએ કે જેમની પ્રસિદ્ધ કવિતાઓ સં. ૧૭૪૯ થી ૧૭૯૯ સુધી રચાએલ મલે છે, અને જેમને–એમની કેટલીક કૃતિઓ શ્રૃંગા૨-રસથી
*
Published in “Śri Jaina Satya Prakāśa”, Ahmedabad, Varsa 11, Anka 3, pp. 73-80.

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અતિપૂણ હોવાથી એક વખત સંઘાડા બહાર કરવામાં આવ્યા હતા (શ્રી મો. દ. हेाs, हैन ४२ विभी, की मl, पृ. ४१४ ).
(१) शंखेश्वर चैत्यवंदन श्री शंखेश्वर गांममां, श्री संखेस्वर पास । तिहां बेंठा प्रभु पूरवें, सहू केरी आस ।। १ ।। ठांम ठांमना तिहां मिलें बहु संघ अपार । पूजें प्रणमें निं धुणे, केई केई करे जोहार ।। २ ।। तेहना वंछीत पूरवेंए, प्रभुजी पास जिणंद । देषावें महीमा घणो पौमावई धरणिंद ।। ३ ।। (२) संषेश्वर पास जिनस्तवन'
श्रीउत्तमकृत (सं. १८४९ ) संषेश्वर जिन-राय दिल में भायो रे, चरणे राषो, स्वांम, सरणे आयो रे । भमतांभवह मजार नही प्रभु पायो रे, भाग योगे भगवंत, दरसण पायो रे ।। १ ।। महिर करो, महाराय, सेवक तोरो रे, मेटो मोह जंजाल, मोहि कर सोरो रे । अनुभव रस, महाराय, मुजने दीज्ये रे, बगसो, गरीब नीवाज, कारज सीझे रे ।। २ ।। चातक चाहे मन्ने अहनिस घनने रे, लोभी मन लयलीन चाहे धनने रे । जिम मधुकर मन माहे केतकी चाहे रे, तिम प्रभुनो धरुं ध्यान हीयडा मांहे रे ।। ३ ।। तुम दरसण देषंत हीयईं हरषे रे, जांणे तुं दिलनी वात तुं सहुं परषे रे । यादवपतिनी जीत सरस सुधारी रे, तार्या नाग तुरंत तुंम गुण भारी रे ।। ४ ।। तुं ग्यांनी गुणवंत, घणं स्यूं कहीइ रे, षलकनी पूरो षंत, बिरुद वहीइं रे । उगण पंचासे मान संवत अढारे रे, शुदी सप्तमी वेसाष, वली बुधवारो रे ।। ५ ।।

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Kamika Śankheśvara Sahitya
पाया रे ।। ६ ।।
सहर प्रतापगढ मांहे आप विराज्या रे, जग पसर्यो जस वास, बाजा बाज्यारे । परच्या पूरे पास, सहु मन भाया रे, आवे संघ उमाह, तुझने त्रेवीसमा जिन-राय, अरज सुणीजे रे, मुज मनडानी आस सफल करीज्ये रे । पास प्रभूनी सेव जे नर करस्ये रे, कहे उत्तम, नर तेह मंगल वरस्ये रे ।। ७ ।।
(३) संखेसर स्तवन' मंदिर वर्णन गर्भित श्रीउत्तमकृत (सं. १८४९ )
सरसती, करो सुपसाय, नमुं आनंदे रे,
प्रभुना गुण गातांह, पाप निकंदे रे ।

सुंदर सूरत एह संखेसरनी रे,
चोमुष प्रतिमा च्यार आदीसरनी रे ।। १ ।।
पंच मेरुने भाव पूजा करीई रे,
चोमुष ए पूजंत चिहुं गति हरी रे ।
समवसरण के मांहे आप विराज्या रे, चमुष टाली मर्म, धर्म प्रकासे रे ।। २ ।।
बली ऋषभानन देव, चंद्राननजी रे, वारिषेण, वर्द्धमान, नंदीसरजी रे ।
फिर चोमुष वंदंत, पंच वेलां करी रे,
मानु वीसे वेहरमांन प्रणम्या हित धरी रे ।। ३ ॥
अतीतानागत वर्त्तमान जिन आनंदो रे,
गणधर गोतम सांम, पुंडरीक वंदो रे । तपगच्छ धर्मसूरिंद चरण नगीना रे, पगल्या वरतरगच्छ दादाजीना रे ।। ४ ।।
दादा दोलित देव करे गहगाटे रे, सेवकने द्ये सुख वाटे घाटे रे
I
ठाम ठामनो संघ आवी वंदे रे, लहे सुष संपति कोड जननां वृंदे रे ।। ५ ।।

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संवत अठारा माहे गुणपचासे रे, शुदि सप्तमी वेसाष बुध उलासे रे । करीय प्रतिष्ठा सार सुभ मोरती रे, नयर प्रतापगढ मांहे आनंद वरती रे ।। ६ ।। सिवनो तीर्थ सुठांम दीपेसरजी रे, पासे प्रभु परमेस संषेसरजी रे । वावी, सरोवर, थांन, वाडी सोहे रे, तिहां प्रासाद उत्तंग जन-मन मोहे रे ।। ७ ।। वाडीलीया रघुनाथ माणकचंदथी रे, थयी जिनधर्म उछाह संघ सानिधथी रे । हमीरविजय गुरु-राय उत्तम शिष्ये रे, पदमावती धरणेंद्र फल्या परत्यष्य रे ।। ८ ।।. (४) संषेसर स्तवन
श्रीमोहनकृत संषेश्वर जिन-राया, हो मन भाया, संघ समस्तने,
सुण स्वामी अरदास । सुणीय, सुण मन जांणी हो मत काढो, काना आगले,
मुज दीज्यो विसवास ।। सं. ।। १ ।। कासी देश वाणारसी, हो बहु सरसी, नगरी राजनी,
जनम्या जिहां जीन-राय । अश्वसेन कुलनंदा, हो आंनदा, वामा मातजी,
सर्प-लंछण जस पाय ।। सं. ।। २ ।। संघ सइ उमाही, हो उछाही, आवे राजने,
चरण लगाडी भाल । पास जीनंदने सेवे, हो अति प्रेमे, रोगादिक समे,
होवे मंगल-माल ।। सं. ।। ३ ।। मात पिता अरु भ्राता, हो नही त्राता, सगपण कारमो,
नही कोई सुष-दातार । मोहनी कर्मने भोगे, हो संयोगे, ए संसारमां,
मिलियो शुं किरतार ।। सं. ।। ४ ।।

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मूरष नर प्रतिबोधी, हो चित सोधी, आणे मारगे,
एहवो ताहरो धर्म । वाणी अमृत समाणी, हो गुण-षाणी, श्रवणे जे सुणे,
. न रहे तेहने भर्म ।। सं. ।। ५ ।। हवे प्रभु सरणो लीधो, हो सहु सीधो, कारज मांहरो,
गुरु उत्तम सुपसाय । धण स्यं कहं कर जोडी, हो मद छोडी, स्वामी सांभलो,
कहे मोहन चित लाय ।। सं. ।। ६ ।। (५) संखेसर स्वामी स्तवन'
श्रीजिनसुखसूरिकृत अधिक उलासै, हो प्रणमौ पास जिणेसरू,
श्रीसंखेसर सांमि । इण संसारै, हो आरै पंचम सुरतरू,
- कामित पूरै काम ।। अ. ।। १ ।। जग सहु आवै, हो भावै मिलि मिलि जातरा,
गावै प्रभु गुण गान । बहु धन परचै, हो अरचै, सरवै सुगति सुं,
__ परचै मुगति प्रधान ।। अ. ।। २ ।। आज इण वेला, हो महिमा अतिघणो,
दूर हरै, दुख दंद । सुख सहु आपै, हो थापै आणंद इण भवै,
परभव परमानंद ।। अ० ।। ३ ।। मन मैं ऊमाहो, हो हुतौ दिवस घणा तणौ,
जाई कीजइ जात । तेह जुहार्यो, हो वायॊ भमवौ भव भवै,
ग्यांन गिण्यौ ए गात ।। अ. ।। ४ ।। हीयडौ हरष्यौ, हो परष्यौ समकित सुध सही,
नयन थया नेहाल । जिगसुखसूरइ, हो भावै पूरइ भेटीयौ, ।
पातक परहौ पाल ।। अ. ।। ५ ।।

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(६) संषेसर साहिब स्तवन
श्रीजिनसुखसूरिकृत श्रीसंखेसर साहिब पास, मोसु महिर करीजै ।। ध्यान तुम्हारौ नित्त धरीजै, दूजौ चित्तन दीजै ।। सुनिजर एहवी कीजै, सांमी, जिम भवजलधि तरीजै ।। श्री. ।। १ ।। अधिकौ कहिजै तुं उपगारी, साभ सहु मैं सारी । पिण अम्हनैं मूंकौ वीसारी, तौ सी महिर तुम्हारी ।। श्री. ।। २ ।। सेवा करतां जे सुष आपै, ते कीधा नो कीधो । । स्वारथ विण जे दीजै सहुने, दान ति कोहि ज दीधौ ।। श्री. ।। ३ ।। थिर चित ताहरी भगति न थायै, आलस अधिकौ अंगै । पिण परतीत अछै ए प्रभुजी, सुष थास्यै तुझ संगै ।। श्री. ।। ४ ।। अरज करी छै परतित एहवी जिनसुखसूरि जगीसै । सह कारिज मैं करिज्यो सांनिधि विधि विधि विसवा वीसै ।। श्री. ।। ५ ।।
(७) शंषेसर पास स्तवन'
श्रीउदयरत्नकृत ( 'वाडी मांहे वड घणा पेंपल गुहीर गंभीर', ए देशी) थे छो म्हारा ठाकुरजी, म्हें चाकर, महाराज । महिर करो म्हां ऊपर जी, कांई अरज करां छां आज ।। सुणो, साहिबीया, हो राज, कांई अजब बनि, थां स्युं आस की । सुणो, साहिबीया, हो राज, कांई नवल बण्यो, थां सुं नेह जी ।। सु. ।। १ ।। जीयांरि जिणसुं बनीजी, तीयारे दिल तेह ।
आंखिं न जोडि उंरस्युंजी, ज्युं न गमि जवासांने मेह ।। सु. ।। २ ।। चकोरां चंदो रूचिंजी, चकवि चाहे दीह । त्युं थे म्हांने बाल्हा हाजी, कांई, लाल, लोपां नही लीह ।। सु. ।। ३ ।। रागी म्हें छां, राउलाजी, दासांरा छां दास । दिल मेली म्हांसुं मिलोजी, कांई प्रभु थे, शंषेसर पास ।। सु. ।। ४ ।। दरसण थोरो देषतांजी, उदयरतन कहें आज । कोडि फली मन कामनांजी, सषर पायो सा सुष साज ।। सु. ।। ५ ।।

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(८) श्रीशङ्खेश्वर पार्श्वनाथ प्रबन्ध
ઉપર્યુક્ત સાત ભાષાકવિતાઓથી અતિરિક્ત એક આઠમી ભાષાકવિતાવિદ્યમાન છે. આ કવિતા શ્રી ભાનુમેરુશિષ્ય શ્રી નયસુંદર દ્વારા ૧૩૨ પઘોમાં સં. ૧૬૫૬ માં રચાએલ ગુજરાતી શંખેશ્વર પાર્શ્વનાથ પ્રબંધ છે. આ પ્રબંધ સ્વતંત્ર રૂપમાં પ્રકાશિત કરવાનું કામ ચાલુ હોવાથી આની અહિમ વધુ વિગત આપવાની જરૂરત જણાતી નથી.
( ९ ) श्रीशङ्खेश्वर पार्श्वप्रभु स्तोत्र
એવી જ રીતે શ્રી નયવિમલવિરચિત શ્રી શંખેશ્વર પ્રભુસ્તોત્ર નામનું ૨૧ પઘોનું સંસ્કૃત કાવ્ય અહિઆં નામ માત્રથી સૂચિત કરવામાં આવે છે. આશા છે કે આ કવિતા પણ બીજી વસ્તુઓ સાથે જલદી બહાર પડશે.
ઉપર્યુલ્લિખિત બધી કવિતાઓ એવી છે કે જેઓનો વિષય શ્રીશંખેશ્વર પાર્શ્વનાથ જ છે. તે અતિરિક્ત કંઈક ગ્રંથોમાં શ્રી શંખેશ્વર પાર્શ્વનાથના પ્રસંગોપાત્ત ઉલ્લેખો માત્ર મળા આવે છે જેમ કે :
(१०) आगमनी अष्टप्रकारी पूजा श्रीवीरविजयजीकृत आदि
श्रीसंषेश्वर पासजी, आहिब सुगु गरि ।
शुभगुरु चरण पसायथी श्रुत निधि निजरे दीठ ।। १ ।।
(११) तपागच्छ गुरुपरम्परा पट्टावली स्वाध्याय श्रीधनविजयजी उपाध्यायशिष्य श्रीरामविजयजीकृत ( श्रीविजययदेव-विजयप्रभसूरि-राज्ये ) १०
आदि : श्रीसंषेसर- पुरा धरा- भामिनी तिलक समानो रे । प्रणमी पास जिणेसरु दिन दिन वधतङ्कं वांनो रे ।। १ ।।
( १२ ) श्रीवरकाण पार्श्वजिनस्तवन"
श्रीहर्षरुचिशिष्य श्रीलब्धिरुचि कृत
आदि श्री शंखेसर पास प्रभावक प्रणमि परमानंद ।
वसुधा वरदायक वरकाणो थुणस्यु धरीअ आनंद ।। १ ।।
305

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(१३) बार व्रत पूजा श्रीवीरविजयजीकृत (सं. १८८७ )
दुहा
सुषकर संषेसरु प्रभु प्रणमी शुभगुरु पाय । सासन नायक गाईशुं शुद्ध मन जिन राय ।। १ ।। ( १४ ) त्रिणसि पांसठि पास जिननाममाला" श्रीविमलहर्षशिष्य श्रीप्रेमविजयजीकृत (सं. १६५५ ) आदि
3
श्री सरसति, मुझ मति आपी पूरो आस, नाम ग्रहण करेस्युं त्रिणिसि पांसठि पास । संषेसर, संतु, सीधुओ, चंद्रषेण राय, सविनो, सुषदायक, सामलो प्रणमुं पाय ।। १ ।। (१५) श्रीतीर्थमाला - चैत्यवन्दन आदि
श्रीशत्रुञ्जयरैवताद्रिशिखरे द्वीपे भृगोः पत्तने, सिंहद्वीपधनेरमङ्गलपुरे चाज्जाहरे श्रीपुरे । कोडीनाहडमन्तदाहडपुरे श्रीमण्डपे चार्बुदे, जीरापल्लिफलर्द्धिपारकनगे

शैरंसिशङ्खेश्वरे ।। १ ।।
આશા છે કે ‘શ્રી શંખેખર મહાતીર્થ' ની બીજી આવૃત્તિ બહુ જલદી બહાર પડશે અને તેના પરિશિષ્ટમાં ઉપર્યુક્ત સાહિત્યને પણ સ્થાન મળશે. યધિપ આ સાહિત્ય વધારે પ્રાચીન નથી તથાપિ તે અહિઆં પ્રકાશમાં લાવવામાં આવેલ
છે તે પૂર્ણતાને દષ્ટિયે અસ્થાને નહીં ગણાશે એવો મને વિશ્વાસ છે.
સન્દર્ભ
૧. પ્રત નંબર ૮૫૫ નં. ૯, (સં. ૧૮૮૦ વર્ષે માધ કૃષ્ણ ચતુર્થે શ્રી શમીનગરે सजेसी ).
२. प्रत नं. ५०७८ पत्र नं. १ ( सहियानी प्रशस्ति नधी ).
3. सेशन. नं. २.
४. खेशन. नं. २, पत्र नं. २.
५. अ नं. ५१७७, पत्र नं. ८७ ( सहियानी प्रशस्ति नथी ).

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307
૬. એજન. નં. ૫, પત્ર નં. ૯૯. ૭. પ્રત નં. ૬૬૩૦, પત્ર નં. ૧ (લહિયાની પ્રશસ્તિ નથી). ૮. પ્રત નં. ૫૧૮૨ (સં. ૧૮૮૯ માં વીજાપુરમાં શ્રી નેમવિમલ દ્વારા
લખાએલ; ૭ પત્રો), ગુજરાતી. ૯. પ્રત નં. ૫૨૦૩ (લહિયાની પ્રશસ્તિ નથી, ૧ પત્ર; ૧૯ પઘો), ગુજરાતી. ૧૦. શ્રી વિજયપ્રભસૂરિ સં. ૧૭૦૮ માં આચાર્ય. થયા એમના અને શ્રી રામ
વિજયજીના સંબંધમાં જુઓ મો. દ. દેસાઈ, જૈન સાહિત્યનો સંક્ષિપ્ત ઇતિહાસ,
પેરા ૯૪૭ અને ૭૯૯. ૧૧. પ્રત નં. પ૨૭૫ (‘ગણિ પમાવિજય' દ્વારા લખાએલ; ૧૫ પત્રો, ૨૫
પદ્યો ), ગુજરાતી. ૧૨. આ કવિ સંબંધી જુઓ મો. દ. દેશાઈ, જૈન ગુર્જર કવિઓ, બીજો ભાગ,
પેરા ૧૫૦. પ્રસ્તુત કૃતિ અપ્રસિદ્ધ લાગે છે. ૧૩. પ્રત નં. ૬૫૮૩ (લહિયાની પ્રશસ્તિ નથી; ૧૨ પત્રો), ગુજરાતી. ૧૪. પ્રત નં. ૬૩૯ (લહિયાની પ્રશસ્તિ નથી; ૬ પત્રો; ૩૨ પદ્યો), ગુજરાતી
કવિ સંબંધી જુઓ જૈન ગુર્જર કવિઓ, બીજો ભાગ, પૃ. ૩૯૭. ૧૫. પ્રત નં. ૮૫૫ ( સં. ૧૮૮૦ માં “શમીનગરે' લખાએલ; પત્ર નં. ૧૦; ૫
પઘો ), સંસ્કૃત. આ કૃતિ પણ અપ્રસિદ્ધ લાગે છે.

.

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સમીક્ષા* જૈન ધર્મગુરુઓને પૂજારી તરીકે ઓળખાવ્યા!
[ અમેરીકાના ચીકાગો શહેરમાંથી પ્રગટ થતા જગપ્રસિદ્ધ અઠવાડિક ‘ટાઈમ' નામના પત્રમા, થોડા સમય અગાઉ અમદાવાદના દેરાસરોમાં કામ કરતા પૂજારીઓએ પગારં, હકક રજા વગેરે ખાખતોનો વિરોધ દર્શાવ્યો હતો તે અંગેના સમાચારો આ અઠવાડિક પત્રના એક રિપોર્ટરે પૂજારી” ને “ધર્મગુરુ' તરીકે દર્શાવી સમાચાર છાપ્યા છે. તેણે જૈન સમાજમાં સનસનાટી ફેલાવી દીધી છે. ખબર આ ગ્વાલિયરમાં વસતા જૈન ધર્મ અપનાવતાર ડા. મીસ શાઊંટે ક્રાઉઝે ( શ્રી સુભદ્રા દેવી ) એ વાંચી તે અઠવાડિકના તંત્રીને સુધારો છાપવા મોકલ્યો છે. તે “ટાઈમ' પત્રમાં આવેલું લખાણ અને ડા. ક્રાઉઝેએ તે પત્રના પ્રકાશકને પ્રતીકારાત્મક જવાબ આપ્યો છે. બંને લખાણો અંગ્રેજીમાં છે. તેનો અનુવાદ નીચે આપવામાં આવે છે. આ બન્ને પત્રો વાંચી જૈન સંસ્થા તેમજ કાર્યકરોએ યોગ્ય વિરોધ અમેરીકાના તેમના સરનામે જણાવવા વિનંતિ છે. ].
પશ્ચિમ હિંદુસ્તાનમાં આવેલા અમદાવાદ શહેરમાં ૧૦૦ જૈન મંદિરો છે, જેમાં ભગવાન અને ભક્તો વચ્ચે ૬૦૦ જેટલા ધર્મગુરુઓ ( Priest) કામ કરે છે. તેઓનું જીવન ઘણું કઠણ અને પવિત્ર હોય છે. તેઓ ધાર્મિક પ્રાર્થનાઓ મંદિરમાં કરે છે. મંદિરની તિજોરી સાચવે છે. તેઓ બીડી પીતા નથી, તેમજ દારૂ પીતા નથી. પતંગિયાં દીવામાં પડીને મરી ન જાય તેટલા માટે સૂર્યાસ્ત પહેલાં જમી લે છે, અને એને શ્વાસ લેતા જીવજંતુઓ મરી જાય એટલા માટે આ લોકો શ્વેતવસ્ત્ર (મુહપત્તિ ) થી મોટું ને નાક ઢાંકી દે છે. તેમનો પગાર એક મહિનાનો પાંચ ડોલર (લગભગ રૂ. પચીશ) થી કદી વધારે હોતો નથી.
બિનધાર્મિક રાજ્યની અસર હવે અમદાવાદમાં પણ પહોંચવા લાગી છે. કેટલાક જૈન ધર્મગુરુઓએ હમણાં તાજેતરમાં અમદાવાદમાં જાહેરમાં માર્ક (મુહપત્તિ) છોડી નાખી છે ને રેસ્ટોરાની અંદર ખાવાપીવાની પણ શરૂઆત કરી દીધી * Published in “Śrī Jaina Satya Prakāśa”, Ahmedabad, Arka 4,
pp. 74-75.

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Samīkņā
309
છે. પતાંગયાંઓની દયાની ચિંતા છોડી દઇ ને દીવા વાપરવાની શરૂઆત પણ કરી દીધી છે. ગયા અઠવાડિયે તો આના કરતાં પણ એક ડગલું વાત આગળ વધી કે સો જેટલા ધર્મગુરુઓએ મેગા થઇને “અમદાવાદ જૈન મંદિર ધર્મગુરુઓનું કામદાર મંડળ' એ નામથી મંડળની સ્થાપના કર્યાની જાહેરાત કરી. કારણ કે, દેવોની પૂજા કરવી એ પણ એક ઔદ્યોગિક નોકરી છે તેથી તેમણે મંદિરના વ્યવસ્થાપકો પાસે માગણી કરી કે –
અમોને દર મહિને ઓછામાં ઓછા આઠ ડોલર (લગભગ રૂ. ૪૦) પગાર મળવો જોઇએ, દર અઠવાડિયે એક દિવસની રજા મળવી જોઇએ અને માંદગી અંગે એક અઠવાડિયાની રજા મળવી જોઇએ. આ ઉપરાંત દર વરસે ત્રણ અઠવાડિયાની હક્ક રજા મળવી જોઈએ અને જયારે છૂટા થઇએ ત્યારે અમોને * અમુક રકમ મળવી જોઇએ. અને કામ કરતા કરતા ગુજરી જઇએ તો અમારા કુટુંબ ને રકમ મણવી જોઇએ. આ જાણીને અમદાવાદના મંદિરોના વ્યવસ્થાપકો જૈન શ્રીમતે અળભળ ઊઠયા અને એકે કહ્યું કે, ધનનો ત્યાગ કરવો એ તેમનું વ્રત છે તો પછી તેમનાથી યુનિયન (મંડળ) સ્થાપી શકાય જ કેમ? અને પગારની માગણી પણ કેમ કરી શકાય? ત્યારે બીજા એક ભાઈએ ગભરાઈ ને કહ્યું કે, પૂજારીઓ જે દિવસે રજા પાંડે, તે દિવસે પૂજા કરસે કોણ‘ટાઈમ' પત્રે જૈન ઘર્મગુરુ ઓને ......સ્થાપી શકાય જ કેમ ? અને પગારની માગણી પણ કેમ કરી શકાય? ત્યારે બીજા એક ભાઈ એ ગભરાઈ ને કહયું કે, પૂજારીઓ જે દિવસે રજા પાળે તે દિવસે પૂજા કરશે કોણ ?
પ્રતીકાર
To,
James A. Linen, Publisher “Time" Clo Time Inc. 540 N. Michigan Ave. Chicago - 14, 111 ( U.S.A.)
આપના તા. ૭ નવેમ્બરના અંકમાં અમદાવાદના જૈન મંદિરના ઘર્મગુરુઓના સંબંધમાં જે લેઆ છપાયો છે. તેમાં સત્ય હકીકતોને બિલકુલ ઊંધી રીતે ચીનરવામાં આવેલ છે. જૈન મંદિરમાં કામ કરનારા જે માણસોએ હમણાં પગાર વધારવાની માંગણી કરી છે તે ખરેખર “ધર્મગુરુઓ' નથી પરંતુ જૈનોએ મંદિરમાં

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Dr. Charlotte Krause : Her Life & Literature
કામ અંગે રાએલા નોકરો છે. આ નોકરો હમેશાં જૈનેતર જ હોય છે. સૂર્યાસ્ત પછી ન ખાવું, ઘનનો પરિગ્રહ ન રાખવો વગેરે આચારો જૈન ધર્મગુરુઓના જ છે. આ આચારોની સાથે મંદિરના નોકરોને જરા પણ લેવાદેવા નથી. વળી, જૈન ધર્મગુરુઓને મંદિરની નોકરી સાથે કોઈ જાતનો સંબંધ જ નથી. તેઓ તો બહુ પવિત્ર જાવન ગાણે છે. સમાજ તેઓના પ્રત્યે ખૂબ બહુમાનની દષ્ટિથી જુએ છે. પગારદાર નોકરોને જોન ધર્મગુરુઓ તરીકે વર્ણવવા એ તમારા રિપોર્ટરની ગંભીર ભૂલ છે. ધનના ત્યાગી ધર્મગુરુઓ પગારની માગણી કરે તેવું લખાણ વાંચી શ્રીમંત જૈનો ખળભળી ઊઠ્યા છે. આ પ્રમાણે તમારો ખબરપત્રી સત્યને વેચીને પણ લોકોમાં સનસનાટી ફેલાવવાં અચકાતો નથી. તમોએ જે જૈન ધર્મગુરુનો ફોટો છાપેલ છે તે જૈનસાધુનો જ ફોટો છે, તે મંદિરના નોકરનો નથી અને આ ફોટો તો મંદિર તથા મૂર્તિને નહીં માનવાવાળા સ્થાનકવાસી સંપ્રદાયના સાધુનો જ છે, ફેટામાં મોઢે જે મુહપતિ બાંધેલી છે તે પણ બતાવે છે કે આ ફોટો સ્થાનકવાસી સાધુનો છે. કારણ કે મૂર્તિપૂકજક સંપ્રદાયના સાધુઓ મોટે ભાગે મુહપત્તિ બાંધતા જ નથી. પણ માત્ર બોલવું હોય ત્યારે મોઢા આગળ હાથમાં મુહપત્તિ રાખે છે. તમારા ખબરપત્રીએ આ મુહપત્તિને મુખકોષરૂપે માની લીધી છે, જે મુખ કોષ પૂજા કરતી વખતે મુખ આગળ બાંધવામાં આવે અને આ મુખકોષને પૂજા કર્યા બાદ છોડી નાખવામાં આવે છે. આનો અર્થ તમારા ખબરપત્રીએ એ કયો છે કે જૈન સાધુઓ હવે જાહેરમાં મુહપત્તિ છોડી નાચવા લાગ્યા છે, તે સૂચવે છે કે આવી રીતે સંતપુરુષોની ખોટી બદનામી કરીને લોકોમાં ખળભળાટ મચાવવાનો આશય દેખાઈ છે. જેના વિષે ઘણી જ ગેરસમજ ચાલે છે તે હિંદુસ્તાન દેશ વિષે તેઓ પ્રામાણિક સમાચાર મેળવી શકચા નથી. તે તમારા જગપ્રસિદ્ધ છાપા માટે ઘણું દયાજનક ગણાય. મને આશા છે કે, અમારા સુધારાને તમારા છાપામું પ્રસિદ્ધિ આપવાનું સૌજન્ય દિખાવશો.
C. Krause, Ph. D. Research Professor in Indology
( સુભદ્રાદેવી )

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Section 4 : Books
Ancient Jaina Hymns
Nāsaketari Kathā

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Scindia Oriental Series No. 2
Ancient Jaina Hymns
[ Critically Edited with Introduction, Discourses, Notes and Index ]
Charlotte Krause
Ujjain
Published by Scindia Oriental Institute
1952
Printed at Government Central Press
Gwalior
1952

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Preamble
“Ancient Jaina Hymns" is the latest monograph in the Scindia Oriental Series of the Scindia Oriental Institute. The Institute was established by the Gwalior Darbar to foster oriental learning and research in Indology and is now maintained by the Madhya Bharat Government. It has a special library of Samskrta, Pāli, Prākrta, Hindi and Marathi books and valuable manuscripts. Its present Curator Shri S. L. Katre has published numerous research monographs in various learned and research journals. But lack of facilities for publications has prevented most of the research work done at the Institute from coming before the public, and paucity of funds has been responsible for so few publications by it. The Madhya Bharat Government has now undertaken its reorganisation, and it is hoped that before long not only the scope of its work will expand, but also the necessary facilities for the publication of its researches will be made available.
The present work is a scholarly study of ancient Jaina Hymns by the distinguished German Scholar and Orientalist Dr. Charlotte Krause, who has spent over twenty-five years in Madhya Bharat and for a long time carried on her researches under the guidance of the distinguished Jaina Scholar and Saint Sri Muni Vidyāvijayaji of Shivapuri. When the devotees recite the hymns, little do they realise what wealth of historical and geographical facts is hidden in them, and how these hymns can throw light on many obscure problems of history, geography and biography of long forgotten saints and poets. A perusal of the every well written 'Remarks on the Texts' will show how the illuminating analysis and study reveal many hidden facts, which were little known to the ordinary devotee. Scholars now universally realise the need of research in the old sacred literature of the Hindus – especially the

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Purāņas, in which numerous historical facts are burried in a mass of poetic descriptions. But, few people realise the need of research in the ordinary old hymns. Dr. Krause is to be thanked for her pioneer work in this line. It is hoped that the path shown by her will be followed by some other workers as well, and systematic and scientific studies of the numerous hymns – Hindu, Jaina and Buddhist - will be undertaken. Dr. Krause deserves our hearty congratulations for her very thorough and illuminating study of the Jaina Hymns.
Gwalior, September 9, 1952.
S. N. Chaturvedi Director of Education
Madhya Bharat

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Contents
Page
317
320 321 342 342
361
Preface Abbreviations Introduction Remarks on the Texts
1. The Munisuvrata-stavana 2. The Devakulādinātha-stavana 3. The Varakāņa-Pārsvanātha-stavana 4. The Sankheśvara-Pārsvanātha-stavana 5. The Tīrthamālā-caityavandana 6. The Vīra-stuti 7. The Mahāvira-stuti
8. The Sīmandhara-stavana The Texts
1. Jñānasāgara Sūri, Munisuvrata-stavana 2. Sārodaya Gaņi, Devakulādinātha-stavana 3. Hemavimala Sūri, Varakāņa-Pārsvanātha-stavana 4. Nayavimala, Sankheśvara-Pārsvanātha-stavana 5. Tīrthamālā-caityavandana 6. Vīra-stuti 7. Jinapati Sūri, Mahāvīra-stuti
8. Sīmandhara-stavana Critical Apparatus Notes Bibliography
365 371 378 385 398 400 425 425 430 434 440 443 444
444
445 449 452 459

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Preface
The Scindia Oriental Institute of Ujjain, well-known repository of manuscripts of works pertaining to Hindu Religion and Philosophy, and to Indian Literature in general, owns a number of manuscripts of Jaina works. Some of the latter are hitherto unpublished and even unknown, and deserve to be made accessible not only to the narrower circle of Jaina specialists, but to indologists in general. A selection of such texts is being published in the present volume. All of them belong to the category of hymnal literature, and are of Svetāmbara origin. Leaving aside their literary merits, some of these texts are of high interest as the creations of renowned authors, which by some unexplained chance, have remained hidden from the light of publicity for centuries. There is a Mahāvīra-stuti from the hand of as old and distinguished an author as Jinapati Sūri (born in V.S. 1210 and died in 1277 ). Another text, 'The Munisuvrata-stavana', so far known from literary references only, is the creation of that renowned and erudite Ācārya Jñānasāgara Sūri, who died in V.S. 1460.
The author of the 'Varakāņa-Pārsvanātha-stavana' is Hemavimala Sūri, known as a Jaina theologian and as an eminent ecclesiastic dignitary, who died in V.S. 1583, and many of whose numerous disciples are, in their turn, famous for their literary achievements. Nayavimala, author of the ‘Sankheśvara-Pārsvanāthastavana', is identical with the celebrated ‘Jñānavimala Sūri', many of whose devotional songs, Rāsas and exegetical works both in Saṁskrta and Gujarati, are well-known.
The 'Munisuvrata-stavana', moreover is of historical interest by its reference to 'Aśvāvabodha' or 'Sakunikā-vihāra', that famous shrine of the Jainas at Broach, which, believed to have been in existence already at the time of the composition of the

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Sacred Books, i.e., more than 2000 years ago, and for the last time directly mentioned as existing at the time of Vastupāla, and Tejapāla, i.e., about 700 years ago, is described in our text as a still flourishing place of pilgrimage of miraculous sanctity. Our hymn thus represents the last definite record of the existence of that sacred place, its Requiem, as it were.
Similarly, the Devakulādinātha-stavana extols the sanctity of Devakula, another famous old place of pilgrimage, identical with today's Delwara near Udaipur, which once resounded with the chimes of the bells from 300 Jaina temples, and is now nothing but an insignificant village with three Jaina temples, surrounded by acres of ruins.
A whole list of such names of ancient places of pilgrimage is contained in the short Caityavandana, and constitutes its interest.
The Vīra-stuti is a striking example of onomatopoetic expression, and, at the same time, an indirect, but eloquent testimonial to the important role which music and musical science once played in the Svetāmbara ritual.
The Simandhara-stavana, last but not least, is of linguistic value as another of those not every frequent specimina of late Gaurjara Apabhramsa in its transition to Middle Gujarati. Besides, it is not without poetic charm, an outcome of both the skill and the devotion of the poet, who, incidentally, was one of the great figures of earliest Gujarati literature, if a conjecture ventured in the discourses is correct.
The introduction is meant to facilitate the understanding of the texts in their hagiographical settings. The subsequent discourses attempt to define the historical and literary background, and, so far as possible, to identify the author, of each individual text.
Thanks are due to my learned colleague at the Scindia Oriental Institute, Ujjain, Pt. Gopikrishna N. Dvivedi, as well as to the erudite Controller of the Institute, Dr. H. R. Diwekar, for going through the Saṁskṛta texts and suggesting several improvements.

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Difficulty I feel in duly expressing the gratitude I own to His Highness Shrimant Jiwaji Rao Maharaja Scindia of Gwalior, who, during the raging of the Second World War, graciously granted me sanctuary in the quietude of his Oriental Institute. In the following Samskṛta stanzas I have attempted to express this gratitude in the way of the bards of yore :
यत्सेवाभयकल्पपादपवने सद्भावमेघोक्षिते न्यायाचारसमीरशीतविटपे
नीत्यौषधैर्वासिते ।
पूज्याचार्यकवीन्द्रनिर्मितवरस्तोत्रादि पुष्पोत्करं सञ्चित्येममगुम्फमत्र विदुषां सद्बोधये ग्रन्थकम् ।। 1 TI
यद्राज्ये सुखशान्तिशालिनि सदा सारा विशाला गता ज्ञानश्री रमते विकस्वररुचिर्ग्रन्थालयोद्भासिता । चैत्यं चाश्रयिणी गुरोर्विजययुग्विद्याङ्कितेनर्षिणा
धर्मश्रीः करुणारता शिवपुरे संरक्षिता शोभते ।। 2 ।।
हर्म्यारामसुरम्यगोपनगरे वात्सल्यसौम्याजिता
राजश्रीर्विलसत्यसौ च विमला यस्य प्रतापान्विता ।
जीवाजीपृथिवीपतिर्विजयतां श्रीमान्स सद्भावयुग् इत्याशीर्मम हृद्गता सफलतां यायात्सुभद्रा शुभा ।। 3 ।।
Ujjain,
Scindia Oriental Institute, Makara Sankranti, 1947

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Charlottre Krause

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Abbreviations
Abidh. Devendra. st. J.G.K. jñātādh. Pañcaprat. Pravac. Prajñ. Prāc. Tīrth. Sangr. Samv. Sapt.
Abhidhānarājendrakośa Devendrastava Prakīrņaka Jaina Gujarati Kavio Jñātādharmakathā Pañcapratikramana Sūtra Pravacanasāroddhāra Prajñāpanỗ Sutra Prācīna-Tīrtha-Sangraha Samavāyānga Sūtra Saptati-śatasthana-prakarana Stottari-Tīrthamālā-Sangraha Stanza Saptati-śatasthāna-prakaraņa Tattvārthasūtra Tiloyapannatti Trisastiśalākāpuruśacarita Vividha-Tīrtha-Kavio
Stott.
St.
Sapt. Tattva. Tiloya. Trişasti. V.T.K.

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Introduction
As the hymns published in this volume address themselves to Tīrthankaras, and contain allusion to not generally known ideas connected with the latter and with their background, a few of the main features which Jaina Hagiography teaches about them, are memorized below.
It must be remembered that according to Jaina Cosmography, the world of human beings', situated between the worlds of the gods on top, and the hells below, forms the centre of a pattern of ring-shaped islands, alternating with oceans, of steadily increasing circumference, which are concentrically arranged around the diskshaped 'Jambūdvipa'. The ocean immediately surrounding the latter is 'Lavanoda', the 'Salt-sea'. Next comes the ring-island of 'Dhātaki-Khanda', which the ‘Kāloda' or 'Black Sea' surrounds. Then follows the island-world of 'Puskarawara-dvīpa', and the further countless ring-oceans and ring-worlds, upto 'Svayambhūramaņa-samudra', the outermost and therefore largest of the oceans, which is alluded to in the Muni-suvrata-stavana published below (st. 21 ) as 'carama-jaladhi', and in the Sīmandhara-stavana ( st. 2) as 'carama-sāyara'. The latter is immediately adjacent to the ‘Aloka', and thus forms the end of the world in the horizontal dimensions.
Human beings inhabit only the central 'Two-and-a-halfworlds', viz., 'Jambū-dvīpa', 'Dhātaki-khanda', and the inner portion of 'Puşkaravara-dvīpa', demarcated by an insurmountable ring-shaped mountain-range, the ‘Mānuşottara-parvata', which divides this island into two concentric parts. The Tirthamālācaityavandana published below, mentions this mountain-range as containing places of pilgrimage ( st. 3).
'Jambū-dvīpa', the central island of the 'Manusya-loka', is

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traversed, from east to west, by six insurmountable mountainranges, which divide it into seven continents, viz., the two segments of 'Bharata' and 'Airavata' in the south and north respectively, and, between the latter two, following one another from south to north, the five zones of 'Haimavata', 'Hari-kṣetra', 'Mahāvideha', 'Ramyaka-kṣetra' and 'Hairanyavata'. The central one of these seven continents, Mahāvideha, is the largest. It is diagonally traversed by four insurmountable mountain-ranges, radiating, as it were, from Mt. Meru, the hub of Jambu-dvīpa. 'Mahävideha' is thus sub-divided into four parts, viz., 'Devakuru' and 'Uttarakuru' south and north of the Meru, and ‘Pūrvavideha' and 'Aparavideha' in the east and west respectively. Devakuru and Uttarakuru are often grouped together as 'the two Kurus', while Pūrvavideha and Aparavideha are referred to as 'the two Videhas', or as 'Mahāvideha' in the narrower sense. Each of the two 'Videhas' is again subdivided into two portions by a huge river named 'Sītä'. Each of those portions has eight provinces, which are known as 'Vijayas', and in fact are independent worlds of their own, the boundaries of which are untransgressible for the human beings and animals inhabiting them. The whole of Mahāvideha has thus 32 Vijayas. Such a 'Vijaya' is referred to in the Sīmandhara-stavana ( st. 16).
Three out of the seven continents of Jambū-dvīpa, viz., Bharata, Airāvata and Mahāvideha in the narrower sense, are grouped together as the 'Karmabhūmis'. There, people have to work to earn their livelihood, and Tīrthankaras appear, creating the spiritual basis from which salvation can be attained, a feat which is not possible anywhere else in the universe.
Among the three 'Karmabhūmis', again, Bharata and Airavata occupy a separate position. For only there, the 'Kālacakra', the 'Wheel of Time', revolves, alternately bringing into play, in never ending crescendo-decrescendo, periods of evolution, called 'Utsarpiņīs', and such of degeneration, or 'Avasarpinis', each of them being sub-divided into six 'Aras' or spokes, i.e., sub

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periods of increasing and decreasing duration. Each main-period lasts ten ‘koțākoțīs of Sāgaropamas's.
A 'Kālacakra' or 'Kalpa', i.e., the aggregate of one Utsarpiņi plus its subsequent Avasarpiņi, thus lasts twenty kotākoțis of Sāgaropamas'.
An 'Avasarpiņi' has the following six 'Ārās', the direction of development and the order of which is simply reversed in an 'Utsarpiņi':
(1) 'Suşama-suşamā’, the beginning of which is characterized by an optimum of physical development and well-being of all that breathes. Human beings have a body-height of six miles, and live upto an age of three palyopamas, enjoying undisturbed bliss, fed and clad by wishing-trees, husband and wife being born together as twins, and dying together when their time is up. There is neither fear nor pain, neither crime nor vice, nor worrying about scruples of justice or religion. But on the other hand, there is no possibility of spiritual enlightenment. No Tīrthankara is born, and salvation cannot be attained. As this period passes, everything slowly deteriorates, till, after four koțākotis of sāgaropamas, a certain limit is reached, which marks the beginning of the next 'Ara'.
(2) 'Suşamā', at the outset of which the body-height of man is four miles, and his maximum age two palyopamas. It lasts three kotākoțis of sāgaropamas, Tīrtharkaras are not born. Everything deteriorates further.
(3) 'Susama-duşşamā', at the beginning of which men have a height of two miles and an age of one palyopama. Towards its end, the first Tīrthankara appears, with a body 500 dhanu'high, and enters ‘Nirvāṇa'after a life of 84,00,000 ‘pūrvas's. Three years and eight and a half months after his ‘Nirvāṇa', this period comes to an end, having lasted two koțäkotis of sāgaropamas, and seen the end of the wishing-trees and of the twinship of husband and wife.
(4) 'Dușşama-suşamā', during which deterioration continues, till at its end, the human body is only seven ‘hasta' high, and

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the maximum age 100 years. It lasts one koțākoți of sägaropamas minus 42,000 years. During this period, the remaining 23 Tīrthankaras out of the stereotyped "Tīrtharkara-caturvimśatikā', which, as a law, appears during an Avasarpiņi ( as during an Utsarpiņi ), succeed one another in gradually decreasing intervals, each inferior to his predecessor in height and duration of life. Thus, the first Tīrtharikara of this 'Ārā'( the second of the Caturviṁsatikā) is 450
dhanu' high and lives 72,00,000 pūrvas' of years, while the last one reaches a height of only 7 'hasta', and an age of less than 100 years.
(5) 'Duşşamā', during which the body-height decreases to two 'hasta', and the duration of life to 20 years. Tīrthankara has no longer appear, religion slowly lapses into oblivion, and the gate to salvation is closed again. This period sees the last of the Sādhus and the last Jaina layman. It lasts 21,000 years.
(6) 'Duşşama-duşşamā', during which the lowest limit of degeneration is reached. Human beings are, at the best, 1 ‘hasta' high, and their span of life does not exceed 16 years. Religion and civilization are utterly dead. The world is populated by a miserable horde of savages, who dwell in caves, troubled by wild beasts, vermin, disease, and extremes of heat and cold, against none of which evils they are any longer able to protect themselves. Having lost the art of using fire, they live on raw fish and tortoises. This ever-increasing misery lasts for 21,000 years, when the first 'Ārā' of the next 'Utsarpiņi' starts, with fresh hope for a gradual improvement of things.
While the chain of these six 'Ārās', interminable like an endless band, goes on revolving for ever in Bharata and in Airāvata, there are neither Utasarpiņis nor Avasarpiņis in the rest of the universe. Even in Pūrvavideha and Aparavideha, though they too belong to the category of 'Karmabhūmis', time eternally stands still. All the 32 'Vijayas' invariable are in a condition of 'DuşşamaSuşamā', with a fair average of development, and a fair share of

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both work and pleasure. Tīrthankaras are always in existence there, pointing out the way to salvation. As a rule, each group of eight 'Vijayas' north and south respectively of the river Sītā, always has a Tirthankara in one or another of its parts, while it may also happen that Tirthankaras simultaneously exist in all the 32 Vijayas.
325
Thus much for the 'Karmabhūmis'. The remaining four of the seven parts of Jambū-dvīpa are 'Bhogabhūmis', whose inhabitants, exempt from the necessity of working, eternally 'enjoy' themselves, living in never-changing Utopian conditions, such as prevail in the first three 'Aras' of an Avasarpiņi, but being also precluded from having the darśana of a Tīrthankara. Thus, the first 'Ārā' always prevails in the two 'Kurus', the second in Hari- and Ramyaka-Kṣetra, and the third in Haimavata and Hairaṇyavata.
All the above refers to Jambū-dvipa. The remaining parts of the Manusya-loka, viz., the whole of Dhāṭaki-khanda and the inner ring of Puskaravara-dvīpa, are likewise sub-divided into a number of continents, or rather worlds, and further divisions, in such a way that these ring-islands have each two sets of exact repliqua of the seven continents described just now with regard to Jambu-dvīpa.
Thus, the whole Manuṣya-loka has in all 15 'karmabhūmis' (viz. 5 Bharats, 5 Airāvatas and 5 Mahāvidehas ) and 30 'Bhoga-bhūmis' (viz. 5 Haimavatas, 5 Hari-kṣetras, 5 Devakurus, 5 Uttarakurus, 5 Ramyaka-kṣetras and 5 Hairanyavatas ) with 5 Merus, each with a separate system of suns, moons and other heavenly bodies".

We are supposed to live in the Bharata-kṣetra of Jambūdvipa in the 3rd millennium of the 5th 'Ara' of an Avasarpiņi, the last Tirthankara of which latter, Mahāvīra, expired roughly two and a half millennia ago. This 'Ara' is assumed to have started 3 years and 81⁄2 months after Mahāvīra's Nirvāṇa. At present, not only Bharata, but also Airāvata is believed to be without a Tīrthankara, while four Tirthankaras exist in Mahāvideha. Exactly the same holds good for the other two ring-worlds outside Jambu-dvīpa, so

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that the whole Manuşya-loka has just now 20 Tīrthankaras, the minimum number possibles, generally designated as the 20 ‘Viharamāņas'. One of them is the lord Sīmandhara, imagined to exist in the Aparavideha of Jambū-dvipa, to whom one of the stavanas published below is addressed.
The maximum number of simultaneously existing Tīrthankaras, on the other hand, is 170. It is reached at periods when there is one Tīrtharkara in each of the 32 ‘Vijayas’ of each of the 5 Mahāvidehas, and one in each of the 5 Bharatas and the 5 Airāvatas'. This figure is considered not only as sacred, but as endowed with magical potentialities, and plays an important part in Jaina-Tantra-Šāstra, as exemplified by the popular ‘Tijayapahutta'-stotra, which is one of the ‘Smaraņas' of the Svetāmbaras supposed to be daily recited".
Best known among the Tīrtharkaras of all the 15 ‘Karmabhūmis', past, present, and future ones, is naturally the past 'Caturviṁsatikā' of the world in which we live, i.e., those 24 ones who appeared during the past two 'Arās' of the present 'Avasarpiņi' in the 'Bharata-kşetra' of Jambū-dvīpa. They are : 1. Rşabha ( Ādinātha ), 2. Ajita, 3. Sambhava, 4. Abhinandana, 5. Sumati, 6. Padmaprabha, 7. Supārsva, 8. Candraprabha, 9. Suvidhi ( Puspadanta ), 10. Šītala, 11. Śreyāṁsa, 12. Vāsupūjya, 13. Vimala, 14. Ananta, 15. Dharma, 16. Šānti, 17. Kunthu, 18. Ara, 19. Malli, 20. Munisuvrata, 21. Nami, 22. Aristanemi ( Neminātha ), 23. Pārsvanātha, 24. Mahāvīra ( Vīra or Vardhamāna ). Out of them, the 1st, the 17th, the 18th, the 20th, the 21st, the 23rd and the 24th are referred to in the hymns published in the volume.
The main data which Jaina tradition has handed down with regard to this group of Tīrtharikaras, have been presented in poetical form by Somatilaka Sūri in his "Saptati-śatasthāna-prakarana', composed in V.S. 1387". As the name indicates, these data are 170 in number. Some of them are mentioned in our stotras too ( sometimes slightly deviating ). Such data are, e.g. :
(1) The ‘Kalyāņa-pañcaka', i.e., the dates of the five main

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events of a Tīrtharkara's life, viz., conception, birth, initiation into monkhood, attainment of omniscience, and final salvation. The Muni-suvratastavana mentioned these five ‘Kalyāņaka' with regard to the 20th Tīrthankara ( st. 15).
(2) The ‘antarāņi”, i.e., intervals between the Nirvāṇas of two Tirthařkaras succeeding one another. According to the law of the 'Kālacakra', these intervals are on a steady decline, as this Caturvimśatikā belongs to an Avasarpiņī. Thus, 50 lakṣa-koți of sāgaropamas of years intervened between Rşabha and Ajita, the two first ones, but only 250 years elapsed between Pārsva and Mahāvīra, the two last ones.
(3) The spans of their lives, which likewise steadily decrease, as the Avasarpiņi progresses. Thus 84 lakṣa pūrvas of years is given as the age of Rşabha, 30,000 years as that of Munisuvrata (mentioned in st. 6 of the pertinent stavana), 100 as that of Pārsva, and 72 as that of Mahāvīra.
This set of data, combined with the previous one, allows a kind of chronology to be established. Rşabha, the first Tirtharkara's birth took place 84 lakņa pūrvas, 3 years and 8/2 months before the beginning of the 4th 'Ārā', and his death 3 years and 82 months before the same. As we are supposed to live in the third millennium of the 5th 'Ārā', and the duration of the 4th 'Ārā' is 1 koțākoți of sāgaropamas minus 42,000 years, this leads down into mythological ages ! Munisuvrata, another of the Tīrthankaras mentioned in our texts, is supposed to have been an approximate contemporary of Rāma and Sītă, and to have died 1 lakṣa and 84,000 years before Vīra, or roughly 11,84,500 B.C. As he died at the age of 30,000 years, he would have been born 12,14,500 B.C. It is also interesting to realize that Neminātha, the 22nd, is believed to have been contemporary with Krsna, and to have died 84,000 before Vīra, i.e. roughly 84,500 B.C. As he was then 1,000 years old, he would have been born 85,500 B.C. With Pārsvanātha, the 23rd, the dawn of history is reached. As he is stated to have died 250 years before

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Vīra, at the age of 100 years, the date of his birth roughly comes to 880 B.C. and that of his death to 780 B.C. He is generally admitted to be an historical personality. Mahāvīra's well-known data are, of course, history, though their accurate placing is still an object of discussion.
(4) The names of the Tīrtharkaras' fathers and mothers, out of which those of Munisuvrata are quoted in our texts ( st. 5 of the pertinent stavana).
(5) The dynasties to which they belonged ( loc. cit.). (6) Their birth-places ( loc. cit.). (7) The countries to which they belonged ( loc. cit. ).
( 8 ) Their colour : 16 being of brown, and each two of white, black, red and bluish complexion. Munisuvrata's 'śyāmavarna' is referred to in the text just quoted ( st. 6).
(9) The characteristic body-marks, such as Munisuvrata's tortoise mark ( loc. cit. st. 6 ) or Pārsva's snake mark.
(10) The body-height ( for Munisuvrata loc. cit. st. 6). (11) Biographical items of their previous existences.
In our texts, nine previous existences of Munisuvrata are mentioned ( loc. cit. st. 3-4), re. which the individual treatise infra may be referred. The Sankheśvara-Pár vanātha-stavana ( st. 3-4 ) contains an allusion to Pārsvanātha's former lives in the shape of a reference to ‘Kamatha’, Pārsvanātha's hostile brother in his existence as Marubhūti, a minister's son. In that existence, which happened aeons age, Kamatha killed Marubhūti. Subsequently, both brothers were re-born in various parallel existences, and each time, the incarnation of Kamatha hated and finally killed that of Marubhūti. In Marubhūti's final existence as Pārsvanātha, Kamatha was incarnated as Katha, a Hindu ascetic, who, while practising the five-fire-penance, once very nearly burnt a snake, which was hidden in one of the logs. By chance, Pārśva, then Prince of Benares, appeared, and, aware of the plight of the snake by his supernatural knowledge, rescued the latter. Katha resented the interference, and

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his age-old hatred was re-kindled. This hatred followed him into his next existence as the Asura Meghamālin, who again tried to worry Pārsva. Pārsva had, in the mean-time, become an ascetic and was wandering about in the wilderness. Meghamälin caused him to be attacked by ferocious beasts, nearly suffocated by dust-storms, and drenched by cloud-bursts, but did not succeed in disturbing the concentration of the Lord. In the end, the snake, whom the Lord had saved, and who had become re-incarnated as Dharaṇa, King of the serpent-demons, appeared with his consort Padmavatī, and both protected the Lord forming baldachins over him with their hoods. Reproached and enlightened by Dharaṇa, Meghamalin repented, asked the Lord's pardon, and, having attained spiritual enlightenment, found the path to salvation12. Dharana, or Dharanendra, however, kept serving the Lord Pārśva, and is still worshipped as his divine attendant and devotee, along with his spouse.
(12) Names of the male and female deities lieved to be in attendance, each couple on one of the Tirthankaras or his places of worship, as Dharaṇendra and Padmāvatī, mentioned just now, in Pārsva's case. Both are referred to in the Sankheśvara-Pārsvanāthastavana published below ( st. 9 and 10). These divine attendants of the Tirthankaras are generally known and worshipped as the Yakṣas and Yakṣinīs, or the Śāsanadevas and Sasanadevis, and are often found represented at the side of images of the Tīrthankaras.
329
References to these divinities in this particular function are obviously restricted to post-canonical literature: the earliest being contained in Pādalipta's ‘Nirvāṇakalikā’13 ( according to Winternitz14, prior to the 5th century) on the Svetambara, and in Yativṛṣabha's Tiloyapanṇatti1s and Vasunandin's Pratiṣṭhāsāroddhāra1 (both about contemporaneous with the former) on the Digambara side. In Śvetambara canonical literature, the very expressions 'Śāsanadeva' and 'Śāsanadevī' do not occur, and the word 'Yakṣa' has a different sense. Generally, it stands as a denomination of one of the eight sub-classes of Vyantaras, which latter, in their turn, are

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one of the four main categories of gods17 known to Jaina dogmatics. But that at least Dharaṇa or Dharanendra, the most popular of the Śāsanadevas, cannot be meant to belong to the Yakşa sub-class of the Vyantaras, is clear from the facts :
(1) that this Yaksa sub-class of the Vyantaras is stated to be ruled by two Indras only, viz., Purnabhadra and Māņibhadra's, not leaving room for a third Indra 'Dharana', and
(2) that they are not snake-deities'', while the Śāsanadeva Dharana is most decidedly a snake-god. Obviously, he is identical with the Dharana whom Jaina dogmatics mention as the Indra of the southern section of the Nāga-kumāras, the second sub-class of the Bhavanapatisz", whose emblem is the snake21. Yet if this identity is assumed, the difficuly arises that the Sāsanadeva Dharana is unanimously described as being accompanied by his mate Padmāvatī, while a list of the names of the chief-queens of the Nāga-kumāra ruler Dharaṇa22 does not contain the name of 'Padmāvatī', as Professor H. R. Kapadia has Pointed out23. If the Senapraśna is correct in insisting on the identity of both, as well as on Padmāvati being Dharana's chief queen24, the name of 'Padmavati' would have to be taken as an original epithet or apposition to any one of those Indrānīs, replacing, later on, the actual name.
As thus Dharanendra, anyhow, does not belong to the Yakşa sub-class of the Vyantaras, the now prevalent technical meaning of the word 'Yakşa' as 'divine attendant on a Tīrthankara' cannot directly be connected with the former meaning. There is more likelihood of its being based on the meaning which the word 'jakkha' bears in two isolated passages of the Uttarādhyayana-sūtra-5, where it serves as a synonymon for 'deva', and refers to gods of higher categories, who reside in 'Kalpas, thus proving that it is not restricted to the sub-class of the Vyantaras called Yaksas.
The idea that each couple of Yakṣa and Yakșiņi serving one and the name Tīrtharkara, are husband and wife, as assumed by B. C. Bhattacharya26, certainly holds good in the case of Dharana and

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Padmāvatī. There is, however, no indication which would confirm this as a general principle. Nor is the idea of the same scholar tenable that originally, every Yaksa was the leader of the disciples of his resp. Tīrthankara, and each Yakşiņi his first female convert27. The very life-story of Pārśva suffices to disprove this, as he was attended by Dharana and Padmāvatī before he attained omniscience and began his teaching activity.
Over and above the 170 stereotyped data, out of which the above ones have been culled, tradition has handed down life-stories and legends of those 24 Tīrthankaras. Most of the latter are found collected in Hemacandra Sūri's famous compendium 'Trişastisalākāpuruşa-carita'. It is seen that the details available for the majority of those Tīrthankaras are scanty, while there are elaborate biographies of a few of them, who enjoy special popularity. Their lives, including previous existences, form also the subjects of individual monographs in Saṁskṛta, Prāksta, Apabhramsa and Gujarāti. Ādinātha, Munisuvrata, Pārsvanātha, and Mahāvīra, to whom some of the hymns published below are dedicated, belong to that category.
Much less attention than to this last Caturvimśatikā of our Bharatakşetra has naturally been paid to the 24 Tīrthankaras who were contemporaneous with them in Airāvata. Their names, however, are handed down28. The same must be stated with regard to the Caturviṁsatikās who appeared previous to the latter, i.e., in the last Utsarpiņi both in Bharata?' and Airāvatao. It seems that a certain tradition exists regarding the five 'Kalyāņakas' of those three groups.31.
List of the names of the Tīrtharkara-caturvimśatikās destined to appear in Bharata?? and Airāvata?the coming Utsarpiņi are likewise handed down. These future Tīrthankaras are of somewhat stronger interest, since they are linked up with the past by certain predictions found in the Sacred Literature with regard to those personalities in whom they were once incarnated. Thus, Sulasā, a

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loyal lady-devotee of Mahāvīra, is to be reborn as the 16th Tīrthankara of the coming Utsarpiņi of Bharata. In the same way, King Śreņika, the ruler of Magadha during Mahāvīra's time, and one of his layman-followers, is to be the first and Śrī-Krsna, cousin and layman-follower of Neminātha, the past 22nd Tīrthankara of Bharata, is to be the 21st Tīrthankara of the future. 34
At present, anyhow, those future Tīrthankaras are assumed to be still roaming about in a state of relative imperfection, and are, therefore, little satisfactory objects of worship. The past ones, on the other hand, are supposed to have shed their human shape, and, having attained final salvation, to be no longer capable of action nor of interest in mundane affairs, and, therefore, utterly of reach of the worshipper's imagination. Still, Tirtharkara-worship forms one of the six Āvaśyakas or daily observances of every Jaina, meant to effect internal purification. In view of this aim, all the Tīrthankaras are considered equal, and full scope is left to the personal liking of the worshipper in addressing his hymn or his prayer to any one out of them, or even to a particular statue at a particular place of pilgrimage, imagined to represent the Tīrthankara by 'sthāpanā'. What is more natural than that the worshipper should turn his mental sight towards the distant world of Mahāvideha, or rather of the several Mahāvidehas, where at this very moment, the twenty 'Viharamanas' are wandering about in actual human shape, and yet perfect in their supernatural knowledge and their absolute purity of thinking, feeling and acting, apparently much nearer in approach for the naïve type of bhakti than those past and future Tirthankaras. Both the Digambaras and the Svetāmbaras have lists of names of those twenty Viharamāṇas'35, as well as a number of hymns addressed to one or the other or to all of them. A special favourite among them is the Lord Sīmandhara, to whom one of the hymns published below, is addressed. He is believed to live at present, in the full possession of omniscience, in the Vijaya 'Puşkaravara' of the Pūrvavideha of Jambū-dvipa, having a body-height of 500 dhanu ( = 2,000 cubits).

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As our poem recalls to mind ( st. 16 ff.), he was born in the city of Puņdarīkiņi in the period intervening between the Nirvāṇa of Kunthus, the 17th and that of Ārā, the 18th Tīrthankara, which latter is supposed to have taken place about % of a palyopama of years, i.e., aeons, ago. He renounced the world in the interval between Munisuvrata, the 20th, and Nami, the 21st Tīrihankara, obtained omniscience subsequently, and is destined to attain Nirvāņa by the time when the 7th Tīrthankara of the coming Utsarpiņi of the Bharata of Jambū-dvipa, Udaya, will have attained salvation, i.e., millions of years hence. 37
Thus much about the Tīrtharkaras collectively. As regards the individual Tirthankara ( also designated as Arhant or Jina ), he is, as has already been hinted at, so free from passion that not even traces of the four ‘kasāyas', viz., anger, deceit, pride and greed, mar the perfect peace of his mind. The omniscience which he has achieved, in fact presupposes the complete annihilation of the four types of ‘obnoxious karman' ('ghāti karman') which Jaina metaphysics assumes, viz.,
1. karman obscuring knowledge, 2. karman obscuring vision of mind, 3. karman preventing ethically correct acting, and 4. karman which produces obstruction in general.
Consequently, the four infinite qualities which in fact inhere, in latent form, in every soul ( the 'ananta-catuṣka'), viz., infinite knowledge, infinite mental vision, infinite bliss, and infinite power, are fully manifested in him. Nothing separates him from final emancipation but remnants of the four types of ‘non-destructive karman' ( 'aghāti-karman’), viz.,
1. karman pre-ordaining pleasure and pain,
2. karman pre-ordaining the duration of life in the respective incarnation,
3. karman pre-ordaining the characteristics of body and surroundings, and

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4. karman, pre-ordaining family, social rank, etc.
So long as particles of these four categories of karman remain unconsumed, the Saint retains his human body, and wanders about, passionless, perfect, preaching the true religion, adored by mortals, immortals and animals. Innumerable beings gain spiritual enlightenment and follow in his path, both in the figurative and the literal sense. In this way, a “Tīrtha' is formed, i.e., the prototype of the fourfold community, consisting of ascetics and laymen, both male and female, professing the newly revived eternal Jaina Faith, which had been dormant since the Nirvāṇa of the preceding Tīrthankara. Many members of this Tīrtha become 'Kevalins', i.e., omniscient saints, and precede the Tīrthankara to final salvation ( 'Mokşa' or 'Siddhi') as Siddhas, i.e., emancipated, perfect souls to reside for ever at the top of the universe, from where there is no return into the Saṁsāra or circle of metempsychosis. A time comes when the Tīrtharkara himself enters Mokşa, his store of karman being exhausted. From that time onward, omniscience again becomes unattainable for all, excepting a few sporadic cases happening in the immediately following decades. The existing ‘Kevalins' enter Nirvāņa. Then, Mokșa too can no longer be attained, till, after aeons over aeons, another Tirthankara appears.
The only feature which distinguishes a Tīrthankara from the infinite number of likewise perfect ‘Kevalins', is the fact that the former initiates a period of religious revival, founds a 'Tīrtha', whose supreme leader he remains during his lifetime, and gives, as it were, the signals for the opening and closing of the gate to salvation by the beginning and end respectively of his Tīrthankara activity, as pre-ordained by a peculiar type of karman, a variety of ‘punya’ of the most exalted degree, named “Tīrtharkara-nāmakarman'.
Not content with this definition of the personality of a Tīrtharkara, Jaina hagiography describes him as invariably distinguished by a number of stereotyped 'eminences'. Thus, every

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Tīrtharkara belongs to a royal dynasty, and some are ruling princes or emperors themselves, before renouncing the world. His imminent birth is announced to his mother by a chain of stereotyped auspicious dreams. His five 'Kalyāṇakas' are celebrated by the gods with divine pomp. From his very conception, he is equipped with supernatural knowledge, and from early childhood possesses extra-ordinary physical strength. When he prepares to renounce the world, he distributes, for a year, valuables of all kinds, which are continuously replenished by devoted genii. Then, seated in his royal palanquin, he moves into the wilderness, with a huge retinue of mortals and immortals, haits under some tall tree, and removes, along with his royal robes and ornaments, his hair in five handfuls. Leaving his followers behind, he wanders about from place to place, a homeless ascetic, practises severe penance, and patiently suffers hardships and persecutions, till he obtains omniscience. Only then, his activity as a Tīrthankara begins, in which he preserves till his karman is consumed. Wherever he goes, gods and genii produce miraculous phenomena to his glorification.
Generally, 34 miraculous phenomena38 of this kind are described in Jaina texts under the name of 'the 34 atiśayas', which are also referred to in some of our hymns. They are as follows: (a) 4 innate atisayas : (i) His body is of exquisite beauty, always clean, fragrant,
and free from perspiration. (ii) His breath has the fragrance of lotuses. (iii) His flesh and blood are the colour of milk and free from
odour. (iv) The actions of eating and of evacuating are impercepti
ble to the human eye (or : do not take place according to
Digambara doctrine ). (b ) 11 atiśayas produced by exhaustion of 'ghāti-karman': (i) One kotākoți to gods, men and animals find place within
the space of one mile around him, to listen to his words.

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(ii) Every living being listening to him, can understand his
teachings in his or her own language within that space. (iii) A sun-like halo surrounds his head. (iv) No disease appears within the space of one yojana
around him. (v) Nor does enmity exist therein. (vi) Nor calamity produced by the seasons. (vii) Nor epidemics. (viii)Nor excess of rain. (ix) Nor drought. (x) Nor famine.
(xi) Nor fear from government or from enemies. (c) 19 atiśayas created by gods : (i) The 'dharma-cakra'steadily accompanies him, floating
in the air in front of him. (ii) Divine chowries keep fanning him. (iii) A throne with foot-stool accompanies him. (iv) A triad of divine parasols keeps moving with him. (v) A jewel-flag accompanies him. (vi) Golden lotuses arise wherever he puts down his feet. (vii) Wherever he stops to preach, the ‘Samavasaraņa-hall'
miraculously arises around him, with three enclosures
of precious materials. (viii )Though he sits down with his face turned towards the
east, reflections of his shape are visible in the remaining three directions, so that he seems to be present fourfold
('caturmukha'). (ix) In the middle of those four shapes, a huge Asoka tree is
visible, overshadowing the audience. (x) Wherever his foot treads, thorns turn their spikes down
ward. (xi) The trees salute him, as it were, bending down towards
him.

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(xii) The sound of divine drums keeps accompanying his
voice. (xiii) A pleasant breeze keeps blowing. (xiv) The birds fly around him in the auspicious direction. (xv) Showers of fragrant water fall. ( xvi) Divine flowers of all the five colours fall in showers
and cover the ground keep-deep. (xvii) His hair and nails do not grow. (xviii) At least one crore of gods and genii are always near
him to serve him. (xix ) The weather is always pleasant.
All these fatisayas' are enumerated in the Munisuvratastavana ( st. 8-13). Seven out of those mentioned under ( b ) and (c), viz., the Aśoka tree, the flower-rain, the chowries, the throne, the halo, the divine drums, and the three parasols, with the addition of a further item, viz., divine music accompanying the Lord's voice (generally quoted as the third in stereotyped order ), form the ‘eight pādihera', or ‘pratihārya’.99 They are described in the VarakāņaPārsvanātha-stavana ( st. 20 ff.) in detail.
Besides, the voice of the Tīrtharikara is described as possessing 35 special merits“0, his body as adorned with 1008 auspicious characteristics“), and his mind as free from 18 weaknesses which inhere in ordinary human beings2. References to these characteristics are given in the Munisuvrata-stavana ( st. 14 )“.
The latter hymn also mentions some further features generally connected with a Tirtharkara's appearing. Thus there are the 12 'pārşadah' ( st. 18 ), i.e., groups of listeners who surround the Lord in the 'Samavasarana' hall, viz., the four classes of gods and goddesses, male and female Jaina ascetics, and human laymen and laywomen.44 Then there is that miraculous power of the Lord simultaneously to answer all the questions and dissolve all the doubts that may arise in the minds of any number of individuals of his vast audience ( st. 16 )45. There is, moreover, that mode of argumentation

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so typical of Jaina Philosophy known as the 'Syādvāda' (i.e., the method of deducing an absolute truth from an aggregate of statements made from various stand-points, or, in other words, the method of relativity in argumentation ), which likewise finds a mentioning there as one of the characteristics of the teachings of the Lord (st. 31).
References :
1. Tattv. III, 7 ff., Ṭīkā, p. 248 ff.
2. Tattv. IV, 15, and Țīkā, p. 294 ff.
3. 1 koti 1 crore or ten millions; accordingly 1 koṭākoṭī = the square of a koți or 10,00,00,00,00,00,000. A 'sāgaropama' is equal to ten koṭākoṭīs of 'palyopamas', and a 'palyopama' is the number of years which it would take to empty 'a cylindrical container of a height and circumference of one yojana ( = 4 miles), filled under enormous pressure with the finest bodyhairs, if every 100 years one hair is removed. Vide Tattv. IV, 15, Bhāṣya, p. 294, and Pravac., Dvāra 18 and 159, p. 302 ff., where details and further specifications are given.
4. 1 'dhanu' = 4 'hasta' or cubits.
5. 1 'pūrva' = 84,00,000 pūrvāngas', one 'pūrvänga' equalling 84,00,000 years; Vide Tattv. IV, 15, Ṭīkā, p. 293.
6. 1 'hasta' = 1 cubit.
-
7. Tattv. III, 12-13.
8. Vide Pravac., Dvāra 13, st. 327 (where, as an alternative, 10 is also given as the minimum number ).
9. Pravac. loc. cit.
10. Pañcaprat., Bh., p. 431 and elsewhere.
11. Published by the Atmananda Jaina Sabhā, Bhavnagar, V.S. 1975 (with the Commentary of Devavijaya).
12. Cp. M. Bloomfield, The Life and Stories of the Jaina Saviour Pārsvanatha, Baltimore, 1919, Introduction and the Original works mentioned therein.

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13. Nirnaya Sāgara Press, 1926; p. 34 ff.
14. M. Winternitz, A History of Indian Literature, Vol. II, Published by the University of Calcutta, 1933, p. 478.
339
15. Part I, Published by Jaina Samskṛti Sangha, Sholapur, 1943, p. 266 (IV, st. 934 ff. ).
16. As quoted in Vastusära-prakaraṇa, Jaipur City, 1936, 'Parisiṣṭa', p. 169 ff.
17. (i) Bhavanapatis, whose realm lies 1,000 yojanas below the surface of the earth, stretching thousands of yojanas into the depth, and who are divided into the 10 sub-classes: Asura-, Nāga-, Vidyut-, Suparṇa-, Agni-, Vata-, Stanita-, Udadhi-, Dvipa-, and Dik-kumāras;
(ii) Vyantaras, whose abodes lie 100 yojanas below the surface of the earth and who are divided into the 8 subclasses: Kinnaras, Kimpurusas, Mahoragas, Gandharvas, Yakṣas, Rakṣasas, Bhūtas and Piśācas;
(iii) Jyotiskas, located high up in space, and represented by the several suns, moons, planets, fixed stars, etc.;
(iv) Vaimānikas, residing in vimānas in a layer of space high above the realm of the Jyotiskas, and represented by divinities of the highest degrees of perfection, which increases in proportion to the elevation of their abodes from the ground.
Vide Tattv. IV, 11ff.; Prajñ. II, Sūtra 46ff., Tiloyap. III, Devendra-stava-prakīrņaka st. 15 ff. etc.
18. Cp. Tattv. IV, 6 and Devendra. st. 15 ff. and 66 ff.
19. Vide Tattv. IV, 12, p. 284, Bhāṣya, where these Yakṣas are called 'vatavṛkṣa-dhvaja', i.e., having the banyan tree as their emblem.

20. Vide Prajñ. loc. cit.; in Tiloya. the name is 'Dharaṇānanda'. 21. Tattv. IV, 11, p. 282; Bhāṣya ( ‘phani-cihna').

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22. Bhagavati-sūtra, X. 5; Jñātādh. II, 1, etc. 23. Sobhana Muni, Stuti Caturviṁsatikā, Āgamodaya Samiti, 1926,
p. 279. 24. II, 112, as quoted loc. cit. 25. III, st. 14 and 16. This important meaning is not given in Pt.
Hargovind Das T. Sheth's generally useful Prāksta Dictionary
‘Pāia-Sadda-Mahaņņavo'. 26. 'The Jaina Iconography', Punjab Oriental Series, Lahore, p. 163. 27. loc. cit. p. 93. 28. Sama., Sūtra 159, st. 66 ff. (p. 153 ) and Pravac., Dvāra 7, st.
296-299. 29. Pravac., Dvāra 7, st. 288-290, and Abhidhāna, I, st. 50 ff. 30. loc. cit. 31. Pürņa-kşema-vallabha-vilāsa, Sangrahakarttā Śrī Vallabha
Sāgara Gani, Neemach, V.S. 1990, Bhāga 3, p. 28. 32. Samav., Sūtra 159, st. 72 ff.; Pravac., Dvāra 7, st. 293-295;
Abhidh. I, st. 53 ff. 33. Samav., Sūtra 159, st. 87 ff.; Pravac., Dvāra 7, st. 159, 87 ff. 34. Samav., Sūtra 159, st. 77 ff. 35. For the Digmbara Tradition, vide 'Jaina-vāņi-sangraha', Cal
cutta, V.S. 1982, Adhyāya 7, p. 66; for the Švetāmbara one : 'Śrī
Hindi-Pañca-Pratikramana', Indore, A. D., 1927, p. 523. 36. Kunthu is believed to have been %4 palyopama, 66 lakṣa, 79
millennia of year and 89 fortnights previous to the beginning of
the 5th 'Ārā'. 37. For further data re. Sīmandhara vide “Ratnasamuccaya
grantha'. Published by Seth Manekchanda Pitambardas, Hubli,
V.S. 1985, p. 202, st. 517 ff. 38. Abhidh. I, st. 57-64; Saptat., Sthāna 97. 39. Vide Pravac., Dvāra 440, p. 106. 40. Vide Abhidh. I, st. 65-71; Saptat. Sthāna 98.

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41. Vide Saptat., Sthāna 44. 42. Vide Abhidh. I, st. 72-73. 43. Digambara tradition deviates slightly in all these points : cp. J.
Jaini, Outlines of Jainism', Cambridge, 1916, App. IV. 44. Vide Trsaști. I, 6, st. 100 ff. and I, 3, st. 423 ff., where full des
criptions of the Samavasaraņa are given. This work is now partially available in the English translation by Miss H. John
son, G. O. S., No. 51. 45. Vide s.v. 'Samavasaraṇa' in the 'Abhidhānarājendra-kośa'.

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Remarks on the Texts
1. The Muni-Suvrata Stavana As its name indicates, this hymn is addressed to MuniSuyrata, the 20th of the 24 Tīrthankaras who appeared in this Bharataksetra of Jambū-dvīpa during the previous two ‘ārās' of the present Avasarpiņi.
After announcing, in st. 1, his intention to sing the praise of Munisuvrata, and expressing, in st. 2, his incompetence to do justice to this task, the poet gives, in st. 3-7, the data of the last mine existences, in which he was incarnated respectively as :
(1) King Sivaketu of Supratistha-nagara.
(2) A god in 'Saudharma' (the southern half of the lowest heaven ).
(3) Kuberadatta of Varapura. (4) A god in the third heaven. (5) King Vajrakundala of Paurāņa-nagara. (6) A god in the fifth heaven. (7) King Srīvarma of Campā.
(8) A god in 'Aparājita' ( one of the five 'vimānas' of 'Anuttara', the highest heaven, the inhabitants of which are predestined to attain final salvation after, at the most, two more rebirths).
(9) Muni Suvrata, son of King Sumitra of Rāja-grha, of the Harivañía dynasty, and Queen Padmā, and later himself King of Magadha, which position he resigned to become a homeless ascetic, attain omniscience, and after a long and beneficent career as a Tīrtharkara, enter Mokşa.
While dwelling on this last existence, the poet alludes to some of the stereotyped features common to all Tīrtharkaras, the birth festival celebrated by the gods, and the supernatural know

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ledge inherent in them from birth, mentioning also Muni Suvrata's black complexion, the characteristic tortoise-mark on his body, his body-height of 20 'dhanu' (i.e., 80 cubits), and his age being 30,000 years.
The next stanzas, 8-14, describe the conventional 'Atisayas' and other supernatural phenomena believed to accompany a Tīrthankara's appearance ( as specified above).
guna,
343
Then follows, in st. 15, the list of Munisuvrata's five 'Kalyāṇakas', viz. :
(1) entering his mother's womb on Śrāvaṇa Pūrṇimā. (2) birth on the dark Aṣṭami of Jyeṣtha,
(3) initiation as a monk on the bright Dvādaśī of Phalguna, (4) attainment of omniscience on the dark Dvādaśī of Phāl

(5) 'nirvāṇa' on the dark Navami of Jyeṣṭhā.
With regard to all the above data of Muni Suvrata's life our poet agrees with a tradition represented by Somatilaka Suri's 'Saptatiśata-sthāna-prakaraṇa', as well as Dharmaghoṣa Suri's 'Munisuvrata-stotra', except that the latter has 'Sirikeu' instead of 'Sivakeu' as the name of Muni Suvrata's first incarnation. A poetical passage in Prabhācandra's 'Prabhavaka-carita' said to be quoted from the 'Agama' in illustration of Muni Suvrata's nine last existences3, likewise agrees regarding that subject, except that here, 'Pränata' (the tenth heaven) stands for 'Aparajita'. Another tradition, represented by Vimalasūri's 'Paumacaria', Hemacandracārya's 'Trṣaṣṭiśalākāpuruṣacarita's, and Jinaprabha Suri's 'Vividha-tirtha-kalpa", knows only of the three last existences of Muni Suvrata, which deviate from the former version in so far as here, the name of the first incarnation is 'Siridhammo' according to Vimalasūri, 'Suraśreṣthin' according to Hemacandra, and 'Surasiddha' according to Jinaprabha ( he is King of Campă in Aparavideha according to all three unanimously), while the second is that as a god in 'Prāṇata' (only Vimalasūri has 'Pupphottara' instead),

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and the last as Muni Suvrata. Hemacandra further deviates in giving the Daśami instead of the Dvādaśī as the 'Dikṣā-kalyāṇaka'. It would be futile to try to assess the mutual relationship and value of these variants, before further works dealing with Muni Suvrata's life, particularly all those monographs mentioned in H. D. Velankar's ‘Jinaratnakośa', will have become available in print.?
Only thus much may be mentioned that none of all the above post-canonical works follows the Samavāyānga-sūtra in including, in the list of pre-existence names, that of 'Sīhagiri', the only pre-existence name of Muni Suvrata which that Sūtra, and for the matter of that the canon, happens to mention.
The stanza of our hymn following this biographical sketch ( st. 16 ), extolls some of the stereotyped merits inherent in a Tīrthankara's preaching.
The next stanzas contain a very compressed summary of the legends of 'Aśvāvabodha-tīrtha' and 'Sakunikā-vihāra' (st. 17-21 ). This time-honoured place of pilgrimage of Munisuvrata at Broach is frequently mentioned in Jaina literature, and, though no longer existing as such, still reverently remembered. The very Āvaśyaka liturgy of the Svetāmbaras contains a reference to it in the much recited passage :
‘Jayau .... .... Bharuacchahim Muņisuvvaya!", i.e., "At Broach, Muni Suvrata ( 's image ) be victorious!”.
These are words of the Jagacintāmaņi-caityavandana'', which is believed to go back to the Lord Gautama Indrabhūti, Mahāvīra's direct disciple, and thus to be older than the Agamas themselves. This indicates that Broach must indeed have been a very ancient centre of Muni Suvrata worship. According to the legends referred to, it is even a 'Jivarta-Sāmitittha's", i.e., a Tīrthalı founded during the lifetime of the Tīrthankaral?, in this case nearly 12 lakhs of years ago. The reference to it in our hymn is, therefore, amply justified from the poet's stand-point.
The legends themselves are a popular subject of Jaina litera

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ture, and therefore, handed down in slightly varying shapes!). According to the version followed by our poet, their gist is as follows:
Muni Suvrata once came to know by his omniscience that an Aśvamedha-sacrifice was about to be performed at Broach, and that a stallion was destined to be sacrificed who, in a former human existence, had been his friend. 14 As according to the Jaina doctrine, dying with a depressed or frightened or otherwise worried mind causes re-incarnation in a low order of living beings, the Lord foresaw that this might happen to the stallion, who owed his present plight too to such a previous death"5. Deciding to save him, the Lord hastened from Pratişthāna, where he was staying, to Broach, doing the whole distance of 60 yojana ( = 240 miles ) in one night. He halted in the grove 'Korințaka-vana' near Broach, where his Samavasarana was arranged. High and low, gods, men and animals flocked there to listen to his sermon. In the crowd was the sacrificial stallion". Listening, the remembrance of his former life, when the Lord has been his friend, suddenly came over him, and got with it, religious enlightenment. Fortified by the requisite observances, including the vow of fasting unto death, he died with a serene mind, and was thus re-incarnated as a god. In grateful remembrance, this god built, on the scene of his enlightenment, a temple dedicated to Muni Suvrata. According to the present version, it contained the foot-prints of the Lord. This temple became known as 'Aśvāvabodha', i.e., 'Stallion's Enlightenment’, vying in religious importance with the local 'Aśvamedha' Tīrtha of the Hindus.
Near the Aśvāvabodha Temple, a female bird, according to our hymn a 'vata-babalikā' ( 'sabalika' = Prākrta 'savaliyā' = Gujarati 'samali' ), was once hit by an arrow. Wounded to death, she fell down at the foot of the Banyan tree, which contained the nest with her young ones. Two Jaina Sādhus saw her, and, desirous to help her to improve her future life, whispered the 'Namaskāramantra 20 into her ear. Soothed by the sound of the words of this holiest of all Jaina Prayer formulas, which is believed to possess

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miraculous faculties, the bird died with a calm mind. She was thus reborn as the daughter of the King of Ceylon, and was named Sudarśanā. Once, a Jaina merchant from Broach, who attended the Durbar of her father, was seized by a fit of sneezing, and spontaneously exclaimed 'Namo Arihaṁtānas'! When the sound of these words reached the ear of the Princess, she suddenly awoke to a recollection of her previous life, when, as a bird, she had heard recited the sacred mantra which contains these very words. Eager to see the scene of that event once more, she undertook a pilgrimage to Broach, accompanied by that merchant, as well as by a large retinue, accommodated in 700 ships. She became a devoted Jaina laywoman, and restored the shrine of Aśvāvabodha. In commemoration of her experience, the place became known as "Sakunikāvihāra' or 'Samalikā-vihāra’, the 'Bird's Temple'. After a virtuous life, she died and became re-incarnated as a goddess in Iśāna ( the northern half of the lowest heaven ), from where she sometimes descends to worship the Lord. Muni Suvrata, producing miraculous phenomena in the temple. Obviously, our poet refers to the latter belief, when calling the temple-walls 'adhisthita' ( st. 38 )22.
So far the legend.
To substantiate these accounts of animals - horse and bird - awakening to a recollection of pre-existences and spiritual enlightenment, the poet then quotes, in st. 21, the instance of a fish in the ‘Last Ocean', i.e., the ‘Svayambhūramaņa-samudra'. Encountering another fish, whose body faintly resembled a Jina statue, he remembered how in a previous human existence, he had seen such a Jina image ( and, so the story goes on according to Somadharma Gani's Upadeśa-saptat?), had paid many involuntary obeisances to it, as it had been placed close to a very low house-door by his devout father, in the intention of thus reforming a religiously indifferent son). This recollection inspired the fish to introspection and to a religiously blameless conduct, which caused his becoming incarnated as a god.

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The subsequent stanzas, 22-36, glorify the Jaina Religion in general, and express the poet's firm belief in the sublime teaching of the Tīrthankara as the means by which he hopes to be rescued from the terrifying ocean of re-births, and to attain final beatitude.
Then his thoughts revert to Muni Suvrata's shrine at Broach, whose sacredness he extolls in st. 37-39 under both the ancient names, ‘Aśvāvabodha' as the general name of the Tīrtha, and *Śakunikā-vihāra' as that of the temple24. Of great interest are the attributes ‘pravara-mahimă”, i.e., “being of outstanding grandeur', applied to the whole Tīrtha, as well as 'tatra-saṁsthā', i.e., 'standing there' ( viz., at Aśvāvabodha ) applied to the temple, and 'guru-parivrdhādhisthita-supratiştha', i.e., 'big, massive, attended and protected by divine power, and well founded', applied to the surrounding wall, the dwellers within the precincts of which are not robbed even by cruel thieves !' This sounds like irony nowadays, when the ancient place of pilgrimage no longer exists, and its very site can only be inferred ! Yet it shows that the poet cannot have had the modern Muni Suvrata Temple in view, which is only a small, unimpressive building, standing in a row of houses, sandwiched between them, without any surrounding space, not to speak of a big and massive' wall. The poem can only have been composed at a time when Sakunikā-vihāra was an impressive stone building and a renowned Jaina place of pilgrimage. Since the poem itself is anonymous and undated, it will be necessary to define that period more precisely so as to ascertain the time of its composition. What happened to Aśvāvabodha and Sakunikā-vihāra after its restoration by Sudarśana ?
Literature is full of accounts of its existence, its sanctity and popularity, and of its being restored and embellished over and again by kings and ministers25. Some of those accounts lead back into mythological darkness, so that it is not easy to draw a sharp line between legend and history. According to a summary of the history of the shrine, given in the Prabhāvaka-carita?“, Aśvāvabodha had

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twice been restored previous to Sudarśana, viz., by the pre-historical emperors Padma ( i.e., Śrī Rāma ) and Harişeņa. After the restoration effected by Sudarśana, it is related to have been renewed by the Śrāvaka King Samprati, Asoka's grand-son, who, according to Jaina belief, never tired of building and restoring temples of the Tīrtharkaras, nor of installing their images, though there are historians who doubt his existence. Then followed a restoration effected, on Siddhasena's advice, by the great Vikramāditya, who, in the essential aspects, shares Samprati's fate. The subsequently reported events indicate that the poet indeed refers to the ‘Samvatsarapravartaka' of 56 A.D., though in reality, Siddhasena was not contemporary with the latter, but with some Gupta-Vikramāditya27.
The sacred place fell then into the hands of the Bauddhas, from whom Ācārya Khapuța wrangled it back 484 years after the Vīra-Nirvāṇa, i.e., 14 years previous to the Vikrama Saṁvat. In the Vīra-Nirvāṇa Saṁvat 845, i.e., 375 V.S., the 'Turuşkas', having destroyed Valabhĩ, tried to take Broach, but were repulsed by the intervention of the divine incarnation of Sudarśana. In the ViraNirvāņa year 884, i.e., 414 V.S., the influence of the Bauddhas, who had again gained preponderence there, was paralysed by the Jaina ascetic Mallavādin, whose identity is not clearly established.
The temple is also related to have been restored by King “Sātavāhana', and the subsequent consecration to have been performed by the well-known Jainācarya Pādalipta Sūri, who is credited with the authorship of several works preserved up till now. A monograph on Padalipta Sūri contained in the same 'Prabhāvaka-carita' which relates that event28, is however, so seriously marred by chronological improbabilities, that his date is still a subject of discussion. The fact that Āryarakṣita, who is assumed to have died in V.S. 127, mentions Pādalipta as the author of 'Taramgavai' in his Anuyogadvāra-Sūtra, makes it appear that Pādalipta Sūri must have flourished before that date, so that those inconsistencies would dissolve themselves into mere anachronisms, due perhaps to the

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possible existence of several Pādaliptas at different periods29.
Subsequently, at the time of Vijayasimha Sūri, who is known as the author of an ancient hymn, though his time is uncertain', Broach was destroyed by fire, which consumed the wooden structure of Sakunikā-vihāra. Vijayasimha Sūri, who was the Ācārya of the temple, caused the same to be re-erected in wood. According to our source, this structure, having been rendered uninflammable by the Sūri's magic power, lasted till, in the time of the Solanki King Kumārapāla of Gujarat, Ambada rebuilt it in stone. Re. its fate in the intervening period, our source has nothing to say.
Its existence is, however, testified by two references in other works. One of these references is contained in Śricandra Sūri's 'Munisuvrata-caritra', a work of nearly 11,000 Prāksta Gāthās, which is assumed to have been composed in about V.S. 120031. It states that Maladhārin Abhayadeva of the Harsapurîya Gaccha, one of the author's spiritual ancestors (otherwise known to have performed the consecration of Antariksa Pārsvanātha, a famous Tīrtha at Sirpur, near Akolā, in V.S. 1142 ), caused golden pinnacles ( 'hemamaya-kalasa' ) to be fixed on 'Savaliyā-vihāra', i.e. 'Śakunikā-vihāra' by 'Varanagasūya Saṁtuya’32, i.e., Sāntu, or Sampatkara, the pious Jaina Minister of the Solanki kings Bhīma (V.S. 1078-1120), Karņa ( 1120-50 ) and Jayasimha ( 1150-99), a well-known figure of the Prabandha literature33.
The second reference occurs in the Prākrta Pārsvanāthacarita of Devabhadra Sūri ( of the Kharatara Gaccha )34, who states35 that he composed this work in V.S. 1168 in ‘Amadatta's Temple' at Broach, which town he describes as being 'attractive by the temples of Vira and of Muni Suvrata, adorned with golden pinnacles ('sovannimdaya-mamdiya-Munisuvvaya-Vira-bhavana-ramanie Bharuyacche tehim tthiehim mandire Āmadattassa' ). This reference very clearly indicates that in V.S. 1168, the temple of Muni Suvrata must still have been in the possession of the Jainas, and that it must have been a place fairly frequented and held in esteem by

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them, to say the least. Most likely the pinnacles36 which Devabhadra Sūri saw, were those which Sāntu had presented.
We return now to the account of Prabhāvaka-carita? According to the latter, the old wooden building of Sakunikā-vihāra lasted till the time of Kumārapāla3, when it was in a state of utter decay, brought about by white ants and monsoon-moisture ( according to Jinaharsa Gaņi, by the floods of the Narbadā). In that condition, it was seen by Kumārapāla's brave General, the “Rāņaka Ambaďa', Governor of Lāța and other parts of the kingdom, who had won the title of 'Rājasamhāra' by his victory over the Kadamba King Mallikārjuna of the Konkaņa. He was the son of the Śrāvaka Minister Udayana of Śrīmāla clan, and younger brother of Kumārapāla's later Minister Bāhada or Vāgbhata, and a good Jaina himself. He undertook the next restoration of Sakunikā-vihāra 11,85,686 years after Muni Suvrata's Nirvāṇa, i.e., in V.S. 121640 ( according to later sources, he did so in fulfilment of the last wish of his dying father, whose death" occurred between V.S. 1205 and 1208 ). He caused the whole old wood structure to be dismantled, and rebuilt the temple in stone from its very foundations. It was only after a hard struggle with the treacherous river-soil, which once buried the foundation, and with it, a batch of masons, that Ambada succeeded in erecting a firm building, according to the Prabandha-cintāman142. It took a year to complete it, according to the Purātana-prabandhasangraha^3. The Prabhāvaka-carita states that it measured 18 'hasta' ( 'hastāstādaśakaṁ caityaṁ' ), i.e., 8 square-yards, which measurement refers of course, to the innermost sanctum, not counting the several entrance-halls ( 'ranga-mandapa', 'dvāra-mandapa', etc. ), nor the surrounding chapels which the Prabhāvaka-carita itself refers to ( 'aneka-devaveśmādhyam”), and which later literature mentions under the name of 'deva-kulikās’44. According to Jinaharşa Gaņi, the temple contained a 'lepyamaya' (plaster ) statue of Muni Suvrata“. All the sources concur in stating that the consecration-ceremony was performed by the Rāja-guru Hemacandra Sūri

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( who was intimately connected with the family of Ambada, and whose very ordination ceremony had been arranged by Ambada's father, the Minister Udayana )“. Some of the later sources add that King Kumārapāla himself was present at the consecration of Ambada's temple, and performed the 'Arātrika' rite (modernārati ). The very much later Jinamandana states in his ‘Kumārapālacarita'47 that the consecration took place in V.S. 1220.
· All those sources, including the Prabhāvaka-carita, are chronologically considerably remote from the actual event, none by less than a century. The only source which stands closer, is Somaprabha Sūri's Kumārapāla-pratibodha, composed in V.S. 1241. This source not only lacks in such features of glamour as Hemacandra's and Kumārapāla's presence at the consecration, but just plainly states that when Hemacandra once visited Broach, accompanying his Guru, he worshipped Muni Suvrata at sakunikā-Vihāra and advised the Kotavāla Ambada to restore the temple, which the latter did*! If those later sources are correct, Ambaďa would thus have followed Hemacandra's advice more than 50 years after it was given, for Hemacandra's Guru, Devendra Sūri, in whose company he is stated to have been then, is known to have died shortly after Hemacandra's initiation as an Ācārya in V.S. 116649.
Hemacandra Sūri, moreover, would at that time have been composing his Trişașțiśalākāpuruşacarita ( 1216-1229 ), the later portion of which contains ( 1.1.) an account of the legends of the origin of Śakunikā-vihāra. As, according to the above later sources, he deemed it proper to praise Ambada's restoration in panegyrical stanzas in the presence of the king, the former poem would have been an ideal place for inserting one or another of those stanzas, or at least mentioning Ambada's name. Yet Hemacandra himself, strangely enough, is perfectly silent about the subject. This would be in order, if the restoration had been effected not in the immediate past, but many decades back, at the time when he was still a young and unknown Sāahu and shortly after he had visited that place with his Guru.

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The Caritas and Prabandhas generally cannot be relied upon as revealers of absolute historical truth, since their tendency is the supply of convenient devotional reading matter, which, though based on a certain tradition re historical events and characters, is, after all, fiction to some extent. In the present case, it is, therefore, a priori possible that Ambada's restoration has been post-dated, so as to allow of its being glorified by accounts of the illustrious presence of Kumārapāla and his Guru. Devabhadra's above statement re his stay in 'Amadatta's Mandira' in V.S. 1168 even raises this assumption to something like a certainty, provided it can be admitted that 'Amadatta' is another of the many variants in which Ambada's name has been handed down, to mention only 'Amrabhata', 'Ambhata', 'Amradeva', 'Ambāka', 'Ambaḍa', 'Amaḍa', 'Ambā'.
It may be objected that the 'Amadatta' in whose 'Mandira' Devabhadra Sūri stayed, must not be separated from the 'Amadatta' mentioned in st. 29 of Dharmaghosa Sūri's 'Śatruñjaya-kalpa’5o (composed prior to V.S. 1357, when the poet died) and in st. 35 of Jinaprabha Suri's poem of the same names1 (V.S. 1389 ), in both of which works this name occurs along with the names of Samprati, Vikramaditya, Sātavāhana, Pādalipta and Vāgbhața, all mentioned as restorers of Śatruñjaya. Jinaprabha Sūri gives the name ‘Amadatta' combined with 'Padalipta' to a dvandva-compound, which he treats not as a Dual, but as a Plural, thus indicating that he considered 'Amadatta' as two separate names, viz., ‘Āma' and ‘Datta'. Modern interpreters accordingly explain ‘Amadatta' as the name of king Ama or Nāgāvaloka of Kanyakubja (who died in V.S. 890 and is known as a devout Jaina and Bappabhaṭṭi Sūri's patron) plus that of 'Datta', a future Patriarch, whose existence the Agamas predict (Samavāyānga-sūtra 153 )! Devabhadra's reference, however, suggests that the 'Amadatta' who gave his name to the temple of Broach, must have been somebody who lived in the past and probably built or re-built that temple. Most likely the same person built or re-built temples at Śatruñjaya. That our Ambaḍa is that very person,

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seems likely from the fact that the name ‘Amadatta' stands side by side with that of Vāgbhața, Ambada's elder brother in both the above poems!
Ambada, who is otherwise also known to have built the famous stairs leading upto Mount Girnar ( for which epigraphic evidence is available ), would thus have joined his brother in beautifying Satruñjaya too, besides restoring Sakunikā-vihāra, which latter enterprise would have been completed prior to V.S. 1168. This would go well with Somaprabha Sūri's account, and would also explain Hemacandra's silence re the restoration.
It is thus probable that it was the sakunikā-vihāra after its restoration through Ambada, which Sāntu decorated with golden pinnacles, which are again mentioned at the occasion of the presentation of golden flag-staffs by Tejapāla about a century later.
From Ambada's restoration onward, Prabhāvaka-carita, Vividha-tīrtha-kalpa, and Prabandha-cintämaņi have nothing further to say re Sakunikā-vihāra. The next reference to the sacred place, this time under the name of 'Aśvāvabodha', is found in the Upadeśamālā-vrtti 'Doghatti', which its author Ratnaprabha Sūri (Bșhad Gaccha ) states to have been composed in V.S. 123852 in that very temple.
Then, Mahendra Sūri ( Vidhipaksiya Gaccha) mentions the Tīrtha in his 'Aştottari-tīrthamālā-stavana' ( st. 77-80 ), some time after V.S. 128753. This stavana forms part of the VidhipaksaĀvaśyaka Liturgy, and contains both the names ‘Aśvāvabodha' and 'Samaliyā-vihāra' with references to the legends.
With Mahendra Sūri, we have approached the period of the brothers Vastupāla and Tejapāla, the Śrāvaka Ministers of the Vāghela Rājā Vīradhavala of Dholka ( vassal of the Solanki King Bhima II of Gujarat, who ruled from 1234 to 1298 ). Both are famous not only as statesmen and generals, but particularly as builders and restorers of Jaina temples, and as patrons of Jaina poets and saints. They belonged to the Porvāda clan and died in V.S. 1296 and

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1304 respectively. Out of the bulky contemporaneous literature in praise of their achievement, it is particularly the 'Vastupāla-Tejapāla-Prasasti’S4 that interests us here. Its author is Jayasimha Sūri, pupil of Virasüriss, and Ācārya of the Muni Suvrata Temple of Broach. The Praśasti is believed to have originally been incised on a stone slab in the Sakunikā-vihāra Temple which Ambada had reerected, but is now only preserved in a manuscript. In this Praśasti, Jayasimha Sūri relates how he once requested Tejapāla on a visit of the latter to Broach, to replace the bamboo staffs on the 25 chapels ('devakulika', st. 67 ) of the Muni Suvrata Temple of the 'Mandaleśvara Ambada' by golden ones, so as to match their golden pinnacles ('kalyāna-kumbha', st. 67 ) obviously those which Sāntu had donated, and Devabhadra Sūri mentioned. With the consent and assistance of his elder brother Vastupāla, Tejapāla had complied with this request of the Ācārya ( st. 64-69). The Praśasti also extolls Vastupäla for having installed images of Pārsvanātha and Mahāvīra in Ambada's Sakunikā-vihāra Temple ( st. 63 ).
The Praśasti is not dated, nor does it mention the dates of those events. The circumstances of the poet are not known either, except the fact that he composed another work in honour of the two brothers, viz., the drama 'Hammira-mada-mardana'56, the oldest manuscript of which is dated V.S. 1286, and which is stated to have been acted at Cambay at the order of Vastupāla's son Jaitrasimhas. It celebrates the victory of the two brothers over Amīra Sikāra or Sultan Samsud-dunyā, who had tried invade Gujarat. As Vastupāla entered the services of Vīradhavalā, for whom he fought, in V.S. 1276, the drama must have been composed between these two dates. The fact that the Praśasti mentions Vastupāla's nomination as a Minister, but not his above victory, indicates that it must have been written before the drama. The presentation of golden flag-staffs to Śakunikā-vihāra must, therefore, have happened between V.S. 1276 and 1286.
The Purātana-prabandha-sangraha, one of the versions of

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which proclaims to have been written in V.S. 1290 by Udayaprabha's pupil Jinabhadra of the Nāgendra Gaccha for Vastupāla's son, the Minister Jayatasimha ( = Jaitrasimha ), likewise contains an account of the donation of those flag-staffs by Tejapāla, but states them to have been 72 instead of 25 in number, and the name of the Ācārya who inspired the same, Räsilla Sūri instead of Jayasimha Sūri59. As this reference is chronologically not far remote from the event, it has a certain weight. From the fact that the uncommon name 'Rāsilla' is characteristic of the Vāyada Gaccha“, it may, therefore, be assumed that the former is another name of Jayasimha Sūri, and that this Ācārya belonged to the Vāyada Gaccha, just like the poet Jinadatta ( author of the 'Viveka-vilāsa ), and his two famous disciples Amarasimha and Arisimha, all of whom were likewise protégés of Vastupāla and Tejapāla.
The Purātana-prabandha-sangraha also mentions a donation of 12 villages made to Sakunikā-vihāra by Vastupāla at the time when Bālahaṁsa Sūri (not identified so far )'was the ‘adhişthāyaka' of the ‘matha' of that temple, enjoying a 'rājya' of 700 horses 61 !
Jinaharşa Gani in his considerably later 'Vastupāla-carita' (VII. st. 97-103 ) likewise relates the episode 62 of the flag-staffs presented to the Minister Ambada's Temple' at Broach. Re their number, he follows the Purātana-prabandha-sangraha, but omits the name of the dignitary to whom he simply refers as 'Vāyada-gaņādhipa', i.e., 'head of the Vāyada Gaccha' (VII, st. 99 ). This corroborates our assumption of Jayasimha Sūri belonging to that Gaccha. Jinaharsa then adds that that Tejapāla also installed a metal 'snātrapratimă' (i.e., an image that can be used for the abhişeka rite at a Pūjā ceremony ) in front of Muni Suvrata's plaster status, donated a ‘snātra-pitha' with a golden image, and provided flower gardens for the supply of ever fresh flowers for offerings, spending one crore of ‘drammas'. According to the same work, Vastupāla too donated to that temple a metal image, which he caused to be consecrated by Jagaccandra Sūri ( the celebrated founder of the Tapā Gaccha and

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revered Guru of Vastupala's family )63, and erected 4 temples at Broach. Besides, he extended the temple of 'Samali-vihāra' by two chapels dedicated to Ajitanatha and Santinātha, and set up portraits
of himself and his consort in the sanctum.
Shortly after these events, the Prabhavaka-carita was written (V.S. 1334 ). It contains the memorable words (as part of a prophecy of Lord Mahāvīra ) :
"Etat samarthyavaśād Bhṛgupuram etan na bhangamāpnoti", i.e. "Owing to her (i.e., Sudarśana's) power, Broach cannot be destroyed by enemy action.
It is clear that these words could only have been written before the Musalman invaders had appeared on the scene, and at a time when Śakunikā-vihāra was still a Jaina Tīrtha.
One year later, i.e., V.S. 1335, the beautiful bas-relief representing Aśvāvabodha as a pavilion with the foot-prints of the Lord, and Śakunikā-vihāra as a temple with a high spire, containing a statue of the Tirthankara, was installed on Mount Abu, where it still adorns chapel No. 19 of the 'Luṇāvasahi' of the Delwara Temples4. This would likewise show that at that time, Aśvāvabodha and Śakunikā-vihāra had not yet been desecrated and thus disproved their much boasted sanctity.
Far, a few decades afterwards, the Musalmans, whom the two brothers had held back from Gujarat so bravely, flooded 'Karaṇa Ghela's kingdom (regnal years V.S. 1353-60) under Gyasuddīna (regnal years A.H. 720-725 = V.S. 1376-81 ), and destroyed many of those shrines which Ambada and Vāgbhața, as well as Vastupala and Tejapāla had so lovingly restored, embellished, and endowed. Aśväāvabodha Śakunikā-vihāra seems to have been among them. It is not known when and how it ended, but anyhow, from then onward, it is no longer heard of. Some scholars think that the present Jami Mosque represents what is left of that ancient Jaina shrine. This seems possible in view of the situation of the mosque on the bank of the Narbadā outside the city, and the remains of ancient

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Hindu-Jaina architecture and sculpture which its three impressive and exquisitely carved domes enclose. The style and workmanship of the latter indeed recall those of the suites of ‘Ranga-maṇḍapa', 'Navacauki', and 'Gūḍhamaṇḍapa' of temples like the Vimalavasahi of Abu, and some of the pillars, covered with representations of Jaina mythological scenes, complete the impression. The stones of its walls too, are said to be of the same type as those used for the city-wall erected by Jayasimha and Kumārapāla❝5.
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The northern gateway of this mosque bears an ancient inscription in Persian, which, though extremely worn off and only partially decipherable, reveals the date A.H. 721 (= V.S. 1378) and the name 'Dawalat Shah Muhammad Butmari', along with a scriptural quotation referring to the merit acquired by building a house for Allah". This obviously allows of the conclusion that in that year, the original temple, after having been taken, desecrated, and partially demolished by the Muslims, as usual in those centuries, was adapted to serve as a mosque. As such, it still stands, now carefully protected.
The same northern wall of the mosque bears another Persian inscription, saying that the mosque was built in A.S. 458 (= V.S. 1115), and that the domes were completed in A.H. 721 (= V.S. 1378). This inscription is, however, a recent one, as Qazi Syed Nuruddin Hussain, the learned historian of Broach, informs me, adding that, according to an ancient note-book preserved in his family, the former date goes back to 'the verbal authority of the Koli-Rājā Pāñchāla Mānbhāva', and that it was also 'in the KoliRājā's Chopaḍa'. If this tradition is correct, it would signify that, having fallen into the hands of the Muslims, the building would have come back into the possession of the Jainas previous to V.S. 1168, and that too prior to its being erected in stone! The authenticity of this tradition seems, however, doubtful, especially in the light of the older inscription referred to above.
It, therefore, the Jami Mosque does represent the remains of

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Aśvāvabodha-Śakunikā-vihāra, it stands to reason that it would only be up to V.S. 1378 at the utmost, that it could have answered the description of our hymn as a Jaina shrine of miraculous sanctity and inaccessibility to profanation.
On the other hand, the hymn, as pointed out previously, suggests a firm structure, probably in stone, by referring to its walls as big, massive, and well-founded, and thus chronologically presupposes the re-erection in stone of the old wooden temple effected by Ambada on the advice of Hemacandra. This fact would indicate that the terminus a quo for its composition is given by the year of Hemacandra's ordination, viz., V.S. 1154. If, however, the reading “Tapākūpāra' in its last stanza is correct, this would probably suggest that the poet belonged to the Tapā Gaccha, and the latter name having been created as late as in V.S. 1285, that the hymn could not have been composed prior to that date.
The colophon, anonymous and undated like the hymn itself, proclaims the latter to be a work of 'Jñānasāgara Sūri’. Unfortunately, no bearer of this name is so far known to have flourished in the specified period, viz., between V.S. 1285 and 1378. The earliest Jñānasāgara Sūri whom our present records mention, is the distinguished disciple of the 49th (or 50th ) Tapā Gaccha pontiff Devasundara Sūri, mentioned himself, by a certain tradition, as the next pontiff, and as succeeded, in his turn, by his brother-disciples Kulamandana and Somasundara, while another tradition does not count him as a pontiff47. This Jñānasāgara Sūri was born in V.S. 1405, ordained as a monk in 1417, as an Ācārya in 1441, and died in 1460. He is known as the author of the following works :
1. Avacūri to the 'Oghaniryukti' in V.S. 143968, 2. Avacūrņi to the 'Avaśyaka-sutra' in V.S. 1449. 3. Avacūrņi to the 'Uttarādhyayana-sūtra' in V.S. 1441. 4. 'Munisuvrata-stava'. 5. 'Ghanaughā-navakhanda-Pārsvanātha-stava'. 6. 'śāśvata-caitya-stavana'69.

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The profound erudition of this Ācārya forms the object of the enthusiastic praises of the famous prodigy, the Sahasrāvadhānin Munisundara Sūri, who, in his ‘Traividyā-goşthi'70 ( composed in V.S. 1455, when he was only 9 years old ! ), calls himself 'SriJñānasāgara-Gurūttama-Pāțhita' (p. 19 b), amd again shows his indebtedness to him in the words (p. 1 a, st. 2) -
श्रीज्ञानसागरावस्वगुरूणां ज्ञानवारिधिम् ।
उपजीव्योपदेशं च कुर्वे विद्यागोष्ठिकाम् ।।
In his Gurvāvali”, a basic and widely known, though extremely difficult work on Tapā Gaccha history, composed in V.S. 1466, the same Munisundara Sūri (p.35 ff., st. 325 ff.) extolls him in the strongest terms, saying towards the end of his long and flowery eulogy (st. 352 ) --
तत्कृतिवेला जल्पति पीतत्रैवैद्यवार्धिगाम्भीर्यम् ।
भृगुपुरघोघातीर्थस्तोत्रमुखा विहितचित्तसुखा ।।
It is obviously this stanza with its reference to a 'Bhrgupura-stotra' composed by Jñānasāgara Sūri, which has caused M.D. Desai and other scholars to mention a 'Munisuvrata-stava' among the works of that Ācārya, though no such work has been known to exist up till now.72
Is it to be assumed that it was this statement of the 'Gurvāvali', which led the copyist of our present 'Munisuvrata-stavana', published below, to imagine that he had the lost poem of that celebrated Ācārya before him, and caused him to denote it as such in his colophon on the basis of mere inference ? Or could it really be that famous hymn itself, in spite of apparent chronological inconsistency?
Compared with Jñānasāgara Sūri's 'Ghanaughā-Navakhanda-Pārsvanātha-stava 73, our hymn emphatically proclaims to be indeed the twin-creation of the former, as which Munisundara Sūri represents it in the phrase 'Bhrgupura-Ghoghā-tirtha-stotra'. Both the hymns not only extoll parallel subjects, but both are also built according to an identical scheme, present identical style and

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diction, and, to some extent, even identical metres ( Vasantatilakā with concluding Sārdūlavikrīdita in the former, Mandākrāntā and Vasantatilakā with concluding Sārdūlavikrīdīta in the latter ). Not only thus much, but their twinship seems to have been intentionally accentuated by the author himself by the strikingly parallel construction of both the last stanzas, as well as by the still more striking identity of the wording of the last part of their first lines, which read as follows:
पुण्यामोघ सुघोष घोघनगरालङ्कारचूडामणे । in the Ghoghā-stotra, and
एवं श्रीभरुकच्छवर्यनगरालङ्कारचूडामणे । in the Bhrgupura-stotra.
Both the hymns also agree in abstaining from betraying the author's name directly or by Śleșa, and both use the word 'deva' repeatedly, allowing it to be referred to Jñānasāgara's erudite Guru Devasundara Sūri.
It can thus be assumed as fairly certain that our 'Munisuvrata-stavana' is indeed the lost creation of the great Jainācārya Jñānasāgara Sūri, and thus represents a find of no small importance.
If this assumption is correct, the above referred to idea that the Jami Mosque of Broach represents the remains of 'Sakunikāvihāra', must be abandoned. For, if not from V.S. 1115, it has definitely been in the hands of the Muslims from V.S. 1378. It may be one or another of the remaining Jina Temples which Vastupāla and Tejapāla are stated to have built in that city. 'Sakunikā-vihāra', in any case, must have been intact at the time when Jñānasāgara Sūri flourished, say at least till V.S. 1420. Being the Lord's 'Samavasaraņa place', it would probably have been situated farther outside the city, and that in the north-eastern direction, according to the abovequoted stanza of the Syādvāda-ratnākara. Perhaps, it was located somewhere near Suklā-tīrtha and that world-famous Banyan-tree known as the 'Kabira-vața' ( about 10 m. from the city ). Such a

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long distance from the town itself would satisfactorily explain the fact that the ancient shrine could have survived so long after the Mohammedan occupation, at a time when most Jaina and Hindu shrines must have been destroyed or desecrated. This again would justify the apparent exultation with which the poet dwells on 'caurāḥ kraurā api' as incapable of violating the time-honoured sanctity of Aśvāvabodha-Sakunikā-vihāra.
The hymn is preserved in Manuscript No. 6628 of the Scindia Oriental Institute only, on the basis of which it is published below. It consists of one leaf of very old and brittle paper, closely written in black ink, verse numbers being tinted with red pencil. The script is Devanāgarī, with 'Adhomātrā' being carried through and 'Padimātrā' mixed with 'Urdhvamātrā'. In the centres of both sides, rhombs have been left blank. The text is preceded by the usual Jaina diagram and followed by the following colophon :
श्री मुनिसुव्रतसामिस्तवनं श्रीज्ञानसागरसूरिकृविरचितं ।। श्रीः ।। ।। शुभं 9999: | 11 orelu II ll St II ll ll ll DED: 11 ( sic ! )
The margine bears explanatory glosses in three places ( vide foot-notes to the text ). The rendering of the text is fairly correct and unambiguous, so that only a few corrections were necessary, as may be seen from the critical apparatus.
Out of the 40 stanzas, 34 are in Mandākrāntā ( 1; 2; 6-39), 3 in Vasantatilakā ( 3-5 ), and 1 in Šārdūlavikrīdita-metre ( 40 ).
2. The Devakulādinātha-Stavana
This hymn is addressed to Ādinātha or Rsabhadeva, the first of the last group of 24 Tirtharkaras of the Bharata-kşetra of Jambūdvīpa. It is, however, so entirely void of references to this Jina's life that it could be applied to any Tīrthankara. Not only thus much, but it is even so free from allusions characteristic of a Jina, that it could be an expression of the world-weariness and devotion of the follower of any religion that stands for faith in an omniscient and in every way perfect God, an immortal soul, and a final salvation from the

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misery of life in this world, were it not for a few Jaina termini like ‘Jina', 'Tīrthakrt', 'Karman', 'şat-kāyāḥ', some proper nouns like ‘Vrşauha', 'Nābheya' ( both synonyms of the Jina's name ), etc., and the emphasis laid on the Tīrthankara's perfect passionlessness, which betray its Jaina origin.
Following a custom in vogue with Jaina poets of the period, the author does not address the Tīrthankara as such ( the 'BhāvaJina', to use a Jaina technical term ) but the Tīrthankara image of a certain sacred place ( the 'Sthāpanā-Jina' ), in the present case the Adinātha image of 'Delaüala', or, Sanskritized, 'Deva-kula', or 'Devakula Pataka', modern Delwārā. This is a small place in Mewar, about 3-4 m. from Ekalingajī, north of Udaipur, famous for its archaeological remains, particularly such of Jaina temples, which confirm the tradition that some centuries ago, the bells from 300 Tīrthankara temples would sound there simultaneously. Even now, three Jaina temples of the Bāvana-Jinālaya type stand there, two of which are dedicated to Ādinātha.
Stanza 25 of this hymn bears a reference to Ācārya Somasundara Sūri, the 50th ( according to other: 51st ) pontiff of the Tapā Gaccha, whom we had occasion to mention as a brother disciple of Jñānasāgara Sūri, the author of the Munisuvrata-stavana, as well as to Somasundara Sūri's pupil, the Sahasrāvadhānin Munisundara Sūri, who was likewise mentioned before, as a student of Jñānasāgara Sūri. The names of both these dignitaries are followed by the expression 'tridaśa-vrnda', which, by way of a pun, allows of the interpretation of 'belonging to the flock of Acārya Devasundara Sūri', which latter, as already stated, was the common Guru of Jñānasāgara Sūri and Somasundara Sūri.
The assertion of our poet that the feet of the Ādinātha of Devakula Pāțaka are worthy to be reverentially saluted by Somasundara and Munisundara, bears reference to actual happenings, for epigraphical and literal evidence show that the history of this Tīrtha is bound up with the activity of these two Ācāryas." Somasundara

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Sūri (born V.S. 1430, ordained 1437, became Vācaka 1450, Ācārya 1457, died 1499 ) consecrated various temples and images there. After having, become a Vācaka, he was honoured there by a grand celebration, and it was this place again which he selected as the venue for the celebration of the investiture of his grand-pupil ('praśisya' ) Ratnasekhara with the Vācaka title in V.S. 1493. There, his disciple Munisundara Sūri, recipient of the proud title of "Kālīsarasvatī', (born V.S. 1436, ordained 1443, became Vācaka 1466, Ācārya 1478, died 1503 ), composed his well-known
Santikaraṁ Stotra'76, which still forms part of the Tapā Gaccha liturgy. In his ‘Yugādideva-stava', the poet Subhasundara, obviously a 'pra-praśisya' of Munisundara Sūri, calls the Ādinātha of Devakula 'Munisundara-stuta'77, which reference clearly points at the 'Deulavāda-Rşabha-stotra', a hymn in 26 Samskệta stanzas composed by Munisundara?8.
The mentioning of these two names, Somasundara and Munisundara, in our hymn, indicates that the poet must have belonged to their circle, and probably floursihed in the last part of the 15th or 1st part of the 16th century ( V.S. ). The colophon states 'Sārodaya Gani' as the poet's name, which is confirmed by the last word of the hymn itself. The word immediately preceding the latter, ‘Praśamamadhura', possibly points to Santicandra”, that ascetic disciple of Somasundara, as the poet's Guru. The colophon moreover states that the hymn was composed at 'Ardraja'80.
So far, a Sādhu bearing the name of 'Sārodaya Gani' is not known in Jaina ecclesiastical history. Only this much is certain from the title 'Gaņi”, that our poet did belong to the religious order. As he professes himself to be one of the followers of Somasundara and Munisundara, and the retinue of pupils, grand-pupils and greatgrand-pupils of those distinguished Ācāryas was remarkable by number and brilliancy, it is quite probable that a personality of the obvious erudition and poetic gift of this Sărodaya may have remained unnoticed and unknown, especially in case of a promising

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career shortened by an eventual untimely death. It is also possible that Sarodaya may be the unknown monk's name of some of the famous personalities, known only under their later, changed Acārya's name. Anyhow, the dignified and pleasing diction, which sometimes tends to becoming too high-flown, betrays the hand of a promising poet, capable of expressing genuine sentiment in a convincing way by the expedient of so stiff and conventional a medium as Samskṛta poetry.
The poem consists of 26 stanzas, 11 in Śikhariņi (2-12), 1 in Pṛthvi (25), 2 in Mandākrāntā ( 24 and 26), and 12 in Vamsastha metre, alternating with Indravaṁśa ( 1; 16-23 ).
The poem is handed down in manuscript No. 6592 of the Scindia Oriental Institute, consisting of one leaf of country paper of apparently very high age. The characters are ordinary Devanagari, with only the 'ai' and 'au' in Paḍimātrā. In the centre of each side, a rhomb is left blank. The beginning is marked by the usual Jaina diagram and the words "". The colophon runs as follows : " इति श्रीदेलउला - श्रीआदिदेवस्तवनं ॥ छ ॥ कृतमार्द्रजस्थेन सारोदयगणिना ।। शुभं भवतु । श्रीः ।।"
In several places, the text has been corrected by the same hand which wrote the original. Thus, the reading adopted for the present edition, “स्फुरन् रागश्चौरो भवजलनिधौ” ( st. 7 ) is entered on the margin, while the original reading, still stands undeleted in the text itself. The poet obviously felt compunction after having written the word 'carata', which in fact is not pure and genuine Samskṛta, but apparently an attempted Sanskritization of Prākṛta ‘caraḍa', which denotes a special type of robbers. In st. 12 too, the poet can be watched at his work. Here, he had first put down the word 'Präkäśye', then deleted it and written above the line 'dṛśyatve', which in the end, he likewise rejected in favour of 'dhyakṣatve', entered on the margin. The word of ‘sahacaraṇaśīlāḥ' in st. 8 is likewise a later correction. The original order of the stanzas has also been changed later, indicated by marks. The present edition is based on the amended form.

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Being thus obviously an autograph from the poet's hand, the manuscript is reliable. Its spelling too is correct throughout. Yet its perfection is badly marred by external damage, one corner being torn off and part of the text thus lost. The improbability of further manuscripts of this hymn being in existence, may justify the present edition of the hymn in its defective condition.
3. The Varakāņa-Pārsvanātha-Stavana
The author of this hymn is Ācārya Hemavimala Sūri, a wellknown ecclesiastic diginitary, for whose life the following sources are available :
1. 'Vīra-vaṁsāvali' in Gujarati, a work which seems to be full of detailed information, but was accessible only in abstract;82
2. ‘Laghu-pośālika-pattāvali', likewise available only in abstract;83
3. 'Hemavimala-phāga' by Muni Hassadhīra, pupil of Dānavardhana, V.S. 1554, edited by Muni Jinavijaya;#4
4. 'Hemavimalasüri-sajjhāya', anonymous, obviously composed during the Ācārya's life-time;85
5. 'Hemavimalasūri-sajjhāi' by Sundarahaṁsa, which was not available to me;86
6. 'Gacchanāyaka-pattāvali-sajjhāi', composed by Somavimala in V.S. 1602, which Muni Jinavijaya quotes; 87
7. ‘Tapā-gaccha-pattāvali-sūtra', composed by Upādhyāya Dharmasāgara in V.S. 1646 in Prākrta and Saṁskrta;88
8. ‘Mahāvīra-patta-paramparā', composed by Devavimala Gaội between V.S. 1639 and 1656, in Saṁskṛta;89
9. 'Sūri-paramparā', composed by Vinaya-vijaya in V.S. 1708, in Saṁskrta;90
10. 'Pattāvali-sāroddhāra', composed by Ravi-vardhana in V.S. 1739, in Saṁskṛta;°1
11. 'Guru-pattāvali', anonymous.92 In some points, these sources deviate from one another.

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Thus, according to some of them, Hemavimala Sūri was born in V.S. 1520 and ordained in V.S. 1528, but according to others, in V.S. 1522 and 1538 respectively. Some state his secular name to have been 'Hadarāja', and his monk's name ( prior to becoming an Acārya) 'Hemavimala', others, however, 'Hādakumāra and Hemadharma' respectively.
Yet in main points, they appear to be unanimous. He was ordained as a monk by Acārya Lakṣmīsāgara Sūri, the 53rd Tapā Gaccha pontiff, who, in turn, was the third in succession from the famous Munisundara Sūri mentioned above. Lakṣmīsāgara Suri's
immediate successor, Acarya Sumatisādhu Sūri, became our poet's teacher, and bestowed on him the title of Acarya in V.S. 1548, since when he has been known as 'Hemavimala Suri'. As such, he became the 54th Tapā Gaccha pontiff after Sumatisādhu Sūri's death in V.S. 1551.
Prior to Hemavimala Suri's investiture with the Acarya title, Sumatisādhu Sūri had bestowed this title on two other pupils, viz., Indranandin and Kamala-kalaśa, but had decided later on to nominate the junior Hemavimala his successor as head of the Gaccha, in supersession of the other two. Thus, the spiritual descendents of the latter came to be considered as side branches of the Tapā Gaccha, under the names of Kutubapura Gaccha and Kamalakalasa Gaccha respectively, while the main line, carried on by Hemavimala Suri's pupils, is designated as the Palhanapurā Śākhā or Hema Śākhā. It is this line which represents the Tapa Gaccha now-a-days, and which has produced celebrities like Akbar's spiritual guide Hiravijaya Sūri, the great logician and poet Yasovijaya, the popular poet Vīravijaya, and the far-sighted reformer and scholar Vijayadharma Sūri of venerable memory.
To judge from the above soruces, Hemavimala must have been an outstanding personality, who exercised great influence over his contemporaries and commanded their unrestrained respect, mainly by the integrity of his character and the strictness of the

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monastic discipline which he enforced on himself as well as on his flock, at a time when monastic ethics called for reformatory steps. His popularity is reflected in the great number of inscriptions testifying to the numerous consecrations of temples and installations of images performed by him during his extensive wanderings. It is moreover reflected in those accounts of festivals and receptions arranged in his honour by the communities of various places through which he passed, such as the famous reception accorded to him in V.S. 1572 by the over-enthusiastic Jaina community of Kapadvanj, said to have been fit for an emperor. Its report reached the Emperor Muzaffar Shah, and aroused his jealousy to such an extent that he sent emissaries to seize the Sūri who dared compete with him. The Ācārya, persecuted, took to flight, was however arrested, and kept in confinement, till the Jaina community purchased his freedom at the exorbitant ransom of 12,000 ‘tarika'.
The Sūri's influence can further be judged from the statement contained in the above mentioned 'Laghu-pośālika-pattāvali, that he ordained 500 person as monks and nuns, and in Devavimala Gani's statement, contained in his ‘Mahāvīra-patta-paramparā', that 1800 monks obeyed his orders. Other sources relate that all his monks strictly followed the ancient ritual which he had revived in V.S. 1556. Besides, a glance on the Jaina literary history of his period reveals that many of the outstanding writers and poets of the latter were his pupils or grand-pupils. This fact has been duly stressed by Muni Caturvijaya, on the basis of the huge genealogical tree of this Sūri's retinue prepared by him.93
As his successor as head of the Tapā Gaccha, the Sūri had nominated Anandavimala, his pupil, on whom he had bestowed the title of Ācārya in V.S. 1570. It seems, however, that later he changed his mind, and nominated, in his stead, another disciple, Saubhāgyaharşa, in 1583. Yet when Hemavimala Sūri died in that very year, Anandavimala was generally accepted as the 56th pontiff, while from Saubhāgyaharşa, a new line branched off, known as the Laghu

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Pausālika Gaccha.
That Hemavimala Sūri, though not a habitual writer, was a scholar of profound erudition and a gifted poet, is obvious from the only Saṁskṛta creation from his hand that has been known so far, viz., his 'Pārsva-Jina-stavana', which comprises 32 stanzas and reveals its author's skill by the use of the word “kamala' in each 'carana' in various shades of meaning.94 The newly discovered 'Varakāņa-Pārsvanātha-stavana', published and mentioned here for the first time, goes to fortify the impression of Hemavimala's qualification as a Samskrta poet.
That he also tried himself in the field of Gujarati poetry, can be seen from the 'Mrgāputra-sajjhāi', which is a creation from his hand, and is also known under the name of 'Mrgāputra-copăi, composed in V.S. 1562.95
Another Gujarati poem composed by him, has been found in the collection of the Scindia Oriental Institute. It bears the title of "Tera Kāthīyāni Sajjhāi’ and is preserved on fol. 8 of manuscript No. 5097%, from which I published it in the 'Jaina Satya Prakāśa' of 15-12-1946.97
Besides the above four poems, no further creation from the hand of Hemavimala Sūri has been traced so far.
The Varakāņā-Pārsvanātha-stavana is handed down in manuscript No. 846 of the Scindia Oriental Institute, which consists of four folios written on country paper with black ink. The characters are ordinary Devanāgarī, with a few instances of 'ai' and `au' rendered in Padimātrā style. The colophon runs as follows : "fa श्रीवरकाणस्तोत्रं पार्श्वनाथस्य स्तोत्र सम्पूर्णः लषतं मुंनी ववेकविजययेनः". The rendering is extremely unsatisfactory, owing to mistakes obviously due to deficiency in both grammatical training as well as memory on behalf of the copyist, and necessitated numerous corrections and conjectures, as the apparatus shows.
The hymn itself consists of 46 stanzas in Vasantatilakā metre, which, though their language is a high-flown and proud

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Samskrta, and though they are laden with the usual adornments of Kāvya style, make pleasant and easy reading, owing to the lucidity and melodious flow of their phrasing. This is all the more creditable to the poet since the whole poem is an instance of ‘samasyapūraņa', or rather double ‘samasyā-pūraņa”. It is carried through in such a way that, except for the first and last stanzas, the first and last 'caraņas' of each stanza are taken from the corresponding stanzas of what are considered to be the two model Jaina hymns by both Svetāmbaras and Digambars, viz., Siddhasena Divākara's 'Kalyāņamandira-stotra' and Merutunga Sūri's 'Bhaktāmara-stotra'. Only the second and third 'caraṇa' of each stanza, which artistically connect the two heterogeneous 'carana', as well as stanza 1 and 46, are the poet's own creation. Only in one instance, he has changed the 'samasyā', viz., in st. 45, where the pertinent 'caraṇa' of the Kalyāna-mandira-stotra ( st. 44 ) was required to be re-shaped so as to fit into the metrical scheme.
In Jaina literature, ‘samasyā-pūraña', particularly on the basis of those two classical stotras, which are very popular and credited to be gifted with miraculous virtues, has repeatedly been practised. Five 'Bhaktāmara-stotra-pādapūrti-stotras' have been edited in two stately volumes by Professor H. R. Kapadia", along with a learned introduction dealing with the subject in general, and with further references re this type of literature. Our present hymn forms a supplement to that collection.
Our hymn is addressed to Pārsvanātha, the 23rd Jina, without however containing any allusion to the latter's life or personal characteristics, except for a reference to the king of the snakedemons and his mate, the well-known Śāsana-deva' and 'Sāsanadevi' of that Jina, in st. 45. It describes, on the other hand, in detail, the eight ‘prātihāryas', common to all the Jinas ( st. 21-29), as well as the conventional eight great dangers from which the devotee can be saved by remembering the Tīrtharkara ( st. 35-42).
Like the 'Devakulādinātha-stavana', this hymn too is add

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ressed to a 'sthāpanā-Jina', in this case the ancient Parśvanātha innage of Varakāṇa. The latter is even now a famous and much visited place of pilgrimage in Marwar, 3 m. from the B.B.C.I. Railway Station Rani", known as one of the five sacred places which form the 'Pañcatīrthi' of Marwar (i.e. Nadol, Nadulai, Ghaneray, Ranakpur and Varakāņa ). It possesses a huge temple of the 'BavanaJinālaya' type, dedicated to Pārsvanatha, whose image is believed to be very old and equipped with magical powers.1
100
Munisundara Sūri, whose name the poet have woven into the last stanza, was already mentioned before as the 51st pontiff of the Tapa Gaccha, and one of the poet's spiritual ancestors. The last word of the hymn, ‘Vimaladharma', if at all meant as a ‘Śleṣa', may be an allusion to a personality of that name to whom the poet felt bound in gratitude or admiration, perhaps some one under whom he studied. This is all the more likely since the same name occurs a second time in this hymn, in st. 19, though disguised in the form of 'Vimalavabodha'.
Contemporaneous literature does indeed know of a personality of the name of 'Vimaladharma'. An anonymous Gujarati poet refers to him as to his Guru in his 'Jīrāūlā Pārsvanatha Vinati', and his 'Mahāvīra Vinati', the latter composed in V.S. 1520, in the following words 101:
जय पंडितवर सिरि विमलधर्म, ते जाणइ आगम वेद मर्म । and :
राय राणा भूप अति घणाए, जिण रंजिय देस नयर तणाए । विमलधर्म पंडित तणइए, उपदेसिइ जीर्ण उधार करइए ।। १३ ।।
The colophon of an ancient manuscript of the 'Gautama Rāsa' too mentions the name of Vimaladharma in the following way102 : "पूज्याराध्य पंडित शिरोमणि पंडित विमलधर्म गणि शिष्य पंडित जिनशील गणि पंडित श्रीविमल गणि शिष्य पंडित माणिक्यविमल गणि".
This record is undated. It is however, supplemented by another, dated one, viz., the colophon of a manuscript of 'Śrī

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Gurūņām Svādhyāya', of V.S. 1569, in which the same Māņikyavimala, who wrote the above manuscript of the 'Gautama Rāsa', states his Guru 'Śrīvimala' to be a pupil of the 'Laghu-Sālīya Gacchanāyaka Śrī Hemavimala Sūri’. Since, as we saw above, the ‘Laghu Pauśālika', or ‘Laghu-Śālīya' Gaccha branched off from the Tapā Gaccha after Hemavimala Sūri's death, these two records clearly indicate that "Vimaladharma Gaņi' belonged to the same order as Hemavimala Sūri. The former two references show that this Vimaladharma must have been at least 20 years older than our poet, and that he was a 'Pandita', familiar with the Āgamas and the Vedas, as well as a personality of influence and attractive force. Nothing stands thus in the way to assume that this 'Vimaladharma', may have been our poet's 'Vidyāguru', whom he felt bound in gratitude to extol in his hymn.
4. The Śankheśvara-Pārsvanātha-Stavana
Hemavimala Sūri, the 55th pontiff of the Tapā Gaccha main line, was, as we saw above, succeeded by his pupil Anandavimala, in the straight continuation of that line, the 'Hema sākhā'. In a minor line branching off from the latter, the Sādhus Harşavimala, Jayavimala, Kirttivimala, Vinayavimala and Dhiravimala Gani succeeded one another in this order. The latter's disciple Jñānavimala Sūri made himself a name as a poet and scholar during the pontificate of Vijayaprabha Sūri, the 61st head of the Tapā Gaccha, and gained such influence that, after Vijayaprabha's death, he was counted as the 62nd pontiff by his followers. The new branch thus initiated is known as the 'Vimala sākhā' or 'Vimala Gaccha' 103. It is this dignitary who interests us here as the author of the 'Sankheśvara-Pārsvanātha-stavana'.
A sketch of his life has been given by the late M.D. Desai104, along with a survey of his works, so that details re both need not be reiterated here. For the present purpose, it will be sufficient to know that he was born in V.S. 1694, ordained by his Guru Dhīravimala Gani in 1702 under adoption of the monk's name of 'Nayavimala',

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invested with the title of 'Ācārya' under adoption of the name of
Jñānavimala Sūri’ in 1748 or ( 1749 ) by orders of the head of the Gaccha, and died in 1782 at the ripe age of 89 years. He was a prolific writer. His creations comprise a number of Rāsas, Stutis, Stavanas, Sajjhāyas and Bālāvabodhas in Gujarati, while his Saṁskệta works are commentaries on texts like the Praśnavyākaranasūtra and the Dāvānala-stuti, as well as an orginal “Srīpāla-caritra' in prose, and a ‘Praśna-dvātrimśikā-stotra'.
The 'Sarkheśvara-Pārsvanātha-stavana', published here for the first time, thus brings the number of his Sarnskrta hymns upto two. The fact that this hymn opens with the word 'aindra', naturally makes the reader think of Yaśovijaya105, the famous author and reformer, senior to our poet by a few decades, who had such a predilection for this word that he began many of his Saṁskṛta works with it. For, according to his own testimonial146, it was by repeating the first syllable of this word, 'aim', the 'mantra-bija' of Sarasvati, that this goddess bestowed her favour on him, on the bank of the Ganges, during his 12 years, stay at Benares as a student. The mystic meaning of the whole word 'aindra', which, in Tantra-śāstra, is an equivalent of 'mati', 'buddhi' 107, may also partially be responsible for Yaśovijaya's predilection for the same. One could therefore think of Yaśovijaya as the author of the present hymn, assuming 'Naya + vimala' in the last stanza to be a lapsus calami for 'Naya + vijaya', which latter is the name of Yaśovijaya's Guru, who might have been glorified by the poet in this way. The proud language and the erudition displayed therein, would be in congruence with such illustrious authorship. Yet the mentioning of 'Dhiravimala' in st. 13 leaves no doubt that its author can be nobody else but the latter's disciple Nayavimala alias Jñānavimala Sūri. Since he gives his name as 'Nayavimala', the hymn must have been composed before this name was changed to 'Jñānavimala Sūri' at his investiture with the Ācārya title in V.S. 1748-49; and since he mentions, in the same stanza, Vijayaprabha Sūri as pontiff, it must

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have been after the death of the preceding pontiff Vijayadeva Sūri in V.S. 1713 ( or anyhow, after Vijayaprabha Sūri's investiture with the Acārya title in V.S. 1710).
Still, the word 'aindra' is not a wrong clue, if interpreted as pointing towards eventual connections of the poet with Yasovijaya. Such connections are indeed established. For it is well known that Nayavimala-Jñānavimala wrote Bālāvabodhas on two of Yaśovijaya's works, viz.,
(i) on his Sīmandhara-stavana' (V.S. 1763 )108 and (ii) on his ‘Ātha-yogadęsti-sajjhāi' (undated ).109
Muni Caturavijaya!!" has inferred from Yaśovijaya’s ‘Astapadi' and from the ‘Navapada-pūjā''ll going under the latter's name, that personal relations existed between Yaśovijaya on one side and the three philosopher poets Jñānavimala, Anandaghana and Devacandra on the other side. This is quite impossible in Devacandra's case, who was born in V.S. 1746, i.e., three years after Yaśovijaya's death ( V.S. 1734 ). Yaśovijaya may personally have known the Sage Ānandaghana, whom he celebrates eloquently in his ‘Aștapadi', and it is possible that he and our poet, who was his junior by only 14 years, did meet. Such personal acquaintance is, however, not inferable from the fact that the 'Navapada-pājā contains, besides Yaśovijaya's name, also the names of those poets : the passages composed in ‘Ulālālani Deśī and the ‘kalaśas' being marked as Devacandra's work, and the passages in 'Bhujangaprayāta' and in ‘Mālini' metre as Jñānavimala Sūri's. For, though no written account of the history of this collaboration is so far known to exist, there is an oral tradition"2, according to which this 'Pūjā' was compiled after Yaśovijaya's death in execution of a joint resolution of the representatives of the three main Śvetāmbara Gacchas, viz., our poet Jñānavimala Sūri as representative of the ‘Kharatara Gaccha', and Uttamavijaya Sūri as representative of the main line of the 'Tapā Gaccha', decreeing that a pūjā text should be created which would be palatable to followers of the three Gacchas.

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To achieve this, certain portions of the extremely popular 'Śrīpālaräsa' composed by Yaśovijaya, representing the Tapā Gaccha, were approved as the basis of the pūjā text, while Jñānavimala Sūri on behalf of the Vimala Gaccha and Devacandra on behalf of the Kharatara Gaccha contributed each a number of stanzas prepared ad hoc, a compilation which proved so successful that it forms even now the most frequently used pājā text of the Svetāmbara community.
In any case, it is certain that Nayavimala-Jñānavimala was an admirer of Yaśovijayajī. It would thus have been natural for him to show his reverence for the great philosopher and scholar by opening his hymn with the two syllables which the latter loved so much. And in fact he opened it not only with those two syllables, but with the whole phrase which follows them in one of Yaśovijaya's works, the ‘Pratimā-śataka', which likewise beings with the words ‘Aindra-śreņinatā'113. Not only this much, but in this very way of expressing his veneration, our poet seems to follow the example of Yaśovijaya, who opened his Sankheśvara-Pārsvanātha-stotra with the words "Ananta-vijñānamapāstadosas' in imitation of Hemacandra's 'Anyayoga-vyavaccheda-dvātrimśikā' ( which begins 'Anantavijñānamatīta-dosam' ), and who, at the end of some of his works, used the word 'rahasya', the literary stamp of the erudite neo-logician, Pandita Mathurānātha, who had been his teacher, and whom he greatly admired."14
Like the preceding two hymns, Nayavimala's 'Sankhesvara-Pārsvanātha-stavana' addresses itself to the image of a particular place of pilgrimage, here the time-honoured and much worshipped statue of Pārsvanātha at Sankheśvara, an ancient Jaina place situated 16m. from the B.B.C.I. Railway Station Harij in the Radhanpur District of Gujarat. Its history and legends have been dealt with in detail recently, in a monograph entitled 'Sankheśvara Mahātīrtha' ( in Gujarati ) by the learned Muni Jayantavijaya (Vijayadharma-Sūri Jaina Granthamālā, No. 57 )115, where also the pertinent epigraphic, as well as literary records are given. The

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present hymn, which has been discovered only recently in the collection of the Scindia Oriental Institute, is not included therein, so that the follwoing edition supplements that work. A previous reference to the hymn was made in my Gujarati article ‘Kamika Sankheśvara Sāhitya' published in the 'Jaina Satya Prakāśa'116.
The main portion of the hymn consists of prayer for transcendental bliss and eulogy of the Tīrthankara, who is repeatedly identified with certain aspects of Hindu deities, being invoked as 'Visnu', 'Sankara', 'Dhātara', 'Satadhști', 'Kālāri', 'Kștīja', 'Gauriguru', as has been in vogue with Jaina poets ever since the days of Siddhasena Divākara and Samantabhadra. The Jaina reader, familiar with this way of expression, does not find it difficult to grasp the 'Śleșas' and their intended implications, and duly to adapt them to Jaina ideas and ideals.
The Jina's life is not alluded to, except for an isolated reference to Kamatha, the Jina's enemy throughout his last pre-existences, in st. 3.
In st. 9-12, the poet introduces ideas of Tantra-śāstra, sublimated by transcendental-mystic application. Jaina Tantra-śāstra with its direct implications was once a well developed science. It seems to have played a great part in Jaina culture in those early days when and even before the Āgamas were collected, perhaps even previous to Mahāvīra, in the age of Pārsvanātha. Throughout the centuries, it has inspired and influenced works of a number of wellknown poets, such Mānatunga, Hemacandra, Dharmaghoșa, Munisundara and even Yaśovijaya"7.
In st. 9, our poet extolls the magic power of the most popular and ancient of all the Pārsvanātha-mantras, which is generally known as the 'Vişahara-phulinga-' or 'Cintāmaņi-mantra', and which is mentioned in as early piece of Jaina literature as Bhadrabāhu's famous 'Uvasaggahara stotra', assumed to have been composed in the 6th century A.D., if not earlier. '18 Many texts of the subsequent centuries, such as Mānatunga's famous 'Bhayahara

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stotra', composed during the reign of king Harsa of Thānesara, Dharmaghoșa Sūri's 'Śri-Cintāmaņikalpa', belonging to the 14th century or perhaps even to an earlier period, the Pārsvanātha hymns by Taruņaprabha Sūri, Kamlaprabha Sūri, Ratnakīrti Sūri, Jinapati Sūri, etc.""' contain the mantra ( some with prescriptions re its use ), and glorify its miraculous efficacy. The 'mūla-mantra' runs as follows : "Namiūņa pāsa visahara vasaha Jiņa phulimga”. 120
Around this ‘müla-mantra', various ‘bījas' are generally arranged in varying number and order. Out poet mentions the following 'bijas' : 'aim' (general , for 'Sarasvati' ), 'om' (general, for 'Praņava' ), 'hrīí' ( general, for “Māyā' ), the latter twice, ‘arhar' ( especially Jaina, for 'Tīrthankara', 'Siddhacakra', or Asta-mahāsiddhi'121, or according to another school of thought for jñāna' )122, and 'śri ( m )' (general, for 'Lakşmi' ), without however giving any hint as to their intended arrangement. 123
In the same way, st. 10 glorifies the efficacy of a mantra of Padmāvatī, Pārsvanātha's much worshipped 'Sāsana-devi', whom Jaina Mantra-śāstra believes to embody Sarasvatī, Durgā, Tārā, Sakti, Aditi, Lakşmi, Kālī, Tripurasundarī, Bhairavī, Ambikā, Kundalini, etc. The ‘mūla-mantra' is given in the following form : 'Padmāvatyai namo'stu sphuta hana daha rakṣa rakṣa'.
It is accompanied by the following 'bījas' : 'om' ( 'Pranava'), 'hris' ( “Māyā' ), 'klim' ( 'Ananga'), 'śrīṁ ( ‘Lakşmi' ), 'blīm' ('ākarşaņa' ), ‘hsom' ('Śakti' ), which are all well-known from general Tantric lore, except for 'blīm', which seems to be particularly Jaina. 124 The poet winds the list up with ‘svadha', which, according to Jaina Tantra-śāstra, indicates, 'śānti',12s just as *namo' is said to stand for ‘Mokşa'.126 If the third line of the pertinent stanza, an isolated Citralekhā-pada between two Sragdharapadas, and, for the matter of that, the only Citralekhā-pada of the whole poem is to be corrected into a Sragdharā-pada, it would most likely have contained also the bija ‘aim', the most important of the bijas applicable to Padmāvati-Sarasvati from the standpoint of our

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poet. The line would then perhaps read as follows: “aiṁ klim śrīm blir tathā hsoṁ” etc.
It is also possible that the well-known 'slim' ('amsta') is a more correct reading than the rather doubtful 'blim'. Yet when constituting the text, I thought it advisable not to trust conjecture, so long as the latter is avoidable.
I have not succeeded in tracing this particular mantra anywhere else, though similar mantras are frequent, so far as thus much can be stated without proper ‘uddhāra'.127
That a precise 'uddhāra' is not possible in the case of both the mantras on the basis of the data as the poet puts them before the reader, is only natural, for to him, like to the equally spiritualminded among his predecessors on the field of 'mantra-garbhita' poetry, the mantra, divested of its original implication of sorcery, is nothing but another means of self-realization, so that its precise wording is of minor importance. It is passion ( ‘kaņāya' ), the 'bhāva-ripu', i.e., the esential enemy of the ātman, which the poet visualizes ( and the Jaina reader correctly conceives ) as the object of the barbarous-sounding 'hana' and 'daha', and it is 'Final Beatitude' or 'mokşa', which hides behind the mystic-allegorical veil of the secular-luxurious-sounding 'Sāmrājya-Lakşmī' in st. 11.
In the case of the 'kavaca'-like 'nyasa' of the Jina's image on various parts of the body, as recommended in st. 12, the imagined spiritual aim, viz., 'siddhi”, final emancipation, after only 2-3 more rebirths in high forms of existence, is clearly expressed.
The hymn consists of 21 stanzas in the Sārdūla-vikrīdita metre, which occasionally, sometimes in the middle of a stanza, changes over to Sragdharā ( 8a, 8b; 106, 10d, 116-12d and 20d), and once ( st. 10c ) to Citralekhā, unless the latter is to be changed to Sragdhară, as discussed above.
The hymn is handed down in manuscript No. 5084 of the Scindia Oriental Institute, on two leaves of very old country paper. The first page is blank, the second contains, on its right side, a blank

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space, obviously meant for an intended, but not excuted illustration, the third is fully covered with writing, and the fourth has only three and a half lines of writing at the top. The centres of pages 1b and 2a are each filled with a rhomb of red lines, each rhomb being subdivided by further red lines into 9 small rhombs, each of which contains one letter of the running text. The characters are ordinary Devanāgarī, 'Adhomātrā' being carried through, and 'Padimātrā regularly used for the 'ai' and 'au' only. The writing is in faded black ink, with occasional superimposed corrections in age-browned yellow pigment. The cyphers and some of the signs of punctuation as well as the ‘Mangalācaraṇa' formula (“Sri Bhuvaneśvaryai Namah” preceded by the usual diagram ) are overpainted with red ink, darkened by age. The manuscript has no colophon, except for the words “Iti Sri-Sankhare-Pārsvaprabhustotram” (sic!).
After st. 20 the words “Śrī-Sankheśvara-tīrtha-bhūṣaṇamaņe Śrīyuktapā" are clearly readable through the yellow pigment. This may be an indication that the manuscript was written by the poet himself, who first framed the beginning of this stanza in this way, and later rejected the phrase in favour of the present wording. The general correctness of the spelling of the whole text is in favour of such an assumption. This would greatly enhance the value of the manuscript which is, anyhow, the only record of this hymn known up till now, and, in view of the celebrity of its author, a find of no small literary importance.
5. The Tirthamālā-Caityavandana
According to Svetāmbara terminology, a 'caitya-vandana' is a short ritual performed (either separately in the temple, or as part of the ‘Āvaśyaka'-liturgy ) in praise of the 'caitya', i.e., the Jina Temple, and what the latter stands for. It consists in the recitation of liturgic formulas and hymns in Saṁskṛta, Prāksta, Apabhramśa, and Modern Indian Languages respectively, under adoption of prescribed postures, accompanied by the performance of a number of obeisances ( 'khamāsaņā ) and the ‘kāyotsarga' rite ( i.e., a certain

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posture which is held for a certain measure of time with perfect motionlessness ). Those formulas and hymns are fixed, except for two hymns which the devotee selects himself, one for being recited in the beginning, the other at the end of the ritual. The former of these two hymns bears itself the name of 'caitya-vandana', which represents a particular type of hymnal literature.
A 'caitya-vandana' in the latter sense is always a short poem in praise of the Tīrthankara, the Tīrthankara image, the
Tīrtharkara temple, the Jaina Tīrtha, or any abstract idea connected with Tīrthankara worship which lends itself to eulogy. The Jina statue, being installed and consecrated under special rites ( the ‘añjana-salākā' ), is not merely holy by association, but is considered a concrete representative of the Tīrthankara by “sthāpanā', though, contrary to the Hindu conception, it is not imagined to be in any way presided over, or animated by him whom it represents. The ritual importance of the temple with its multitude of images, and of the place of pilgrimage with its multitude of temples and chapels can thus easily be understood. The caitya-vandana, however, often does not content itself with extolling image, temple and place of pilgrimage, but pays homage to a whole chain of such sacred places. The caitya-vandana published below, belongs to this type, justifying its name 'Tīrthamālā-caitya-vandana', the first part of which, 'tīrthamālā denotes, in ancient Gujarati, a poem describing a number of places of pilgrimage, or a pilgrimage undertaken to them. 128
Our Tīrthamālā-caitya-vandana is anonymous. It consists of five Śārdūlavikridita stanzas in Saṁskrta, which are formally all but perfect, and void of poetical charm. The interest of the poem lies in the list of names of ancient Jaina tirthas which it contains, and most of which are borne out as genuine geographical names, either by their modern equivalents, or by other references in old Jaina works. In the order of the poem, they are as under ( names inferred by conjecture being marked by '?')
(i) Satruñjaya ( modern Śatruñjaya Hill ),

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(ii) Raivatāri ( modern Mount Girnar ), (iii) Bhrgoh Pattana ( modern Broach), (iv) Simhadvīpa129,
(v) Dhanera ( modern Dhānerā in Palanpur state, 22 m. north-west of Deesa Station ),
(vi) Mangalapura ( modern Mangrol on the south coast of Kathiawar),
(vii) Ajjāhara ( modern Ajārā near Veraval on the south coast of Kathiawar ),
( viii ) Śrīpura ( modern Sirpur in Berar, near Akola, with ‘Antarikșa-Pārsvanātha’ Temple ),
(ix) Kodīnāraka (modern Kodinar, near Mount Girnar )130,
(x) (Mantri- ) Dāhadapura ( modern Dahidro near Mount Abu ),
(xi) Mandapa ( modern Fort Mandu ), (xii) Arbuda ( modern Mount Abu ),
(xiii) Jīrāpalli ( modern Jiravla, with Jirāvlā-Pārsvanātha' Temple, near Deesa ),
(xiv) Phalarddhi ( modern Falodhi in Marwar, near Merta Station, with ‘Falodhi Pārsvanātha' Temple ),
(xv) Pārakanaga131,
( xvi ) Sairīsa ( modern Seraiyal33, near Kallol in District Ahmedabad ),
( xvii ) Sankheśvara ( modern 'Sankheśvara-Pārsvanātha' Tirtha, near Radhanpur, Gujarat ),
( xviii ) Campāneraka (?) ( modern Champaner133 at the foot of Pavagadh, Baroda state ),
(xix ) Dharmacakra (?) (Modern Taxila )134, (xx) Mathura135, (xxi) Ayodhyā136, ( xxii ) Pratisthānaka ( modern Paithan ),137 (xxiii) Svarnagiri ( modern Jalor in Marwar ), 138

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381
( xxiv) Suragiri ( modern Daulatabad )139,
( xxv ) Devaki Pattana ( modern Prabhāsa Pattana near Veraval in Kathiawar ),140
(xxvi ) Hastoờīpura?“, ( xxvii) Pādalīpura ( Modern Patna )142, (xxviii ) Daśapura ( modern Mandasor in Gwalior State ), ( xxix ) Cārupa ( modern Charup near Patan in Gujarat ),
( xxx ) Pancāsara ( modern Pancasara near Wadhwan in Radhanapur State ),143
(xxxi) Karaṇāvatī (?) (modern Ahmedabad ), (xxxii) Sivapura ( modern Ahichchhatta ),144 ( xxxiii ) Nāgadraha ( modern Nagda in Udaipur State ),145
(xxxiv ) Nāņaka ( modern Nana near Pindwara in Jodhpur State ), 146
(xxxv ) Meru ( mythological ),147 (xxxvi) Kundala ( mythological ), 148 ( xxxvii ) Mānuşa ( mythological ),149 (xxxviii ) Rucaka ( mythological ),150 ( xxxix ) Vaitādhya ( mythological ),151 (xl) Nandīśvara ( mythological ),152 (xli ) Aștāpada ( mythological ),153 ( xlii) Gundara, 154 ( xliii ) Gajapada,155
( xliv ) Sammetaśaila ( modern Mount Sameta-śikhara or Sikharajī' in Bihar ),
(xlv) Vindhya (?)(modern Vindhya Mountains ),156 ( xlvi ) Sthambhana-nagara ( modern Cambay), (xlvii ) Sīttha-Mīļtha-nagara ( modern Set-Mahet),157
( xlviii) Rājadraha ( ? )(modern Rājasāgara Lake in Udaipur State ), 158
(xlix ) Śrīnaga ( modern Parwattam on the Krşņā River ), 159 (1) Kuntivihara (modern Nasik ),160

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(li) Pallavihāra (modern Palanpur in Gujarat),
(lii) Taranagaḍha ( modern Taranga Hill in Mahikantha, Gujarat),161
(liii) Sopāraka (modern Soparo near railway station Nalasopara, north of Bombay),162
(liv) Ārāsaṇa (modern Arasan near Mount Abu ),163
(lv) Dvārāvatī (modern Dvārakā),164
(lvi ) Jīrṇavapra (modern Junagadha near Mount Girnar ), (Ivii) Thārāpadrapura (modern Tharad near Radhanpur in
Gujarat),
(Iviii) Vāvihapura (modern Vavipur near Radhanpur ),
(lix) Kāsadraha (modern Kasindra, 8 m. north of Abu Road
Station),165
(lx) Iḍara ( modern Idar in Gujarat),
(lxi) Tejallavihāra;166
(Ixii) Nimbatataka,16
(lxiii) Candra ( modern Chandur close to Śankheśvara, vide above No. 17),
rat ),171
( lxiv ) Darbhāvatī ( modern Dabhoi, 25 m. from Broach), (lxv) Satyapura ( modern Sachor, 80 m. from Deesa
station ),168
(Ixvi) Bahaḍapura ( modern Bahadpur near Mount Śatruñjaya ),"
169
(lxvii) Rāḍadraha,1
(Ixviii) Vāyaḍa (modern Bayad near Kapadvanj in Guja
170
(Ixix) Nandasama,172
(lxx) Sami (modern Sami near Radhanpur ),
(lxxi) Dhavalaka ( modern Dholka in Gujarat),
(Ixxii) Marjjāda (modern Majadar near Patan in Gujarat), (lxxiii) Munḍasthala ( modern Mungthala at the foot of Mount Abu)," 173

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( lxxiv ) Modhera ( modern Modhera near Bamanvada in Baroda State ),
(lxxv) Dadhipadra (modern Dahod near Godhra in Gujarat ),
( lxxvi ) Karkarapura ( modern Karakal near Mudbidri in South Kanara )174
It is obvious that the above sacred names have not been arranged according to any fixed scheme, but are strung together as they presented themselves to the memory of the poet, and as metrical exigency demanded. Though most of the places belong to Gujarat, with which the poet must have been particularly familiar from wanderings there, still he seems to have endeavoured to incorporate names of places situated in as many parts of India, or, for the matter of that, in as many parts of the universe as possible. In his pious zeal and his firm belief in the pertinent Jaina dogmata regarding cosmography, he has thus mixed up genuine geographical names with purely mythological ones, such as Meru, Vaitādhya, Astapada, Kundala, Mānuşottara, Rucaka and Nandīśvara, explicitiy referring to temples situated in the realms of all the four classes of gods. 175
Yet among the remaining references, a great number of names of even now popular Jaina places of pilgrimage can be recognized at first sight, such as Satruñjaya, Giranāra, Broach, Mangrol, Ajara, Sirpur, Fort Mandu, Mount Abu, Falodhi, Sankheśvara, Prabhāsapattana, Mandasor, Charup, Ahmedabad under the ancient Hindu name of Karaṇāvatī, Mount Sametaśikhara, Cambay, Palanpur, Taranga Hill, Arasan, Junāgadha, Idar, Dabhoi, Sachor, Karakal. Others of the places mentioned as tīrthas, are now not much in prominence, but do possess Jina temples, and some of them also a Jaina population, such as Dhanera, Kodinar, Dahidro, Jirāvala, Champaner, Jalor, Pañcāsara, Nana, Tharad, Vavipur, Kasindra, Nibeda, Chandur, Bahadpur, Bayad, Sami, Dholka, Majadra, Modhera, Dahod. Some places of both these types as, e.g., Fort Mandu, Arasan, Champaner, Jalor, Pancāsara, Dholka, were once

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flourishing and celebrated centres of Jaina culture, whose former grandeur can be inferred from literary references or architectural remains.
Another type of places is represented by names like Taxilā, Mathura, Ayodhya, Paithan, Daulatābāda, Patanā, Nasika, Dvaraka, Parvatam, all of which are still flourishing and well-known, but seem to have lost their association with Jainism, which is amply testified for the past.
A further category of ancient tirthas mentioned in our poem is formed by places which have lost both their association with Jainism and their economical importance, their very sites being identifiable now by nothing but either fields of ruins with here and there an epigraphical testimonial, or with the half-hearted help of the modern names of otherwise unsuspect village built over their remains. Such places are Ahicchattra, Nāgadraha, Śrāvastī, Rājanagara, Sopāraka, Tejalapura, Mundasthala, Serīsa, and the tīrthas of Sindh. Entire oblivion seems to envelop those tīrthas which our poem mentions as existing in the Vindhya Mountains, as well as places like Gundara, Gajapada, Rādadraha, Nandasama, which have ecaped identification up till now.
From references like the above, to names which the later hymnal literature no longer knows, it would appear that the Caityavandana must have been composed at least several centuries ago, when the reminiscences of those places were still alive. A terminus a quo is given by the names of Bāhadapur and Tejalavihāra, founded by Kumārapāla's Minister, Vāgbhata and Vīradhavalā's Minister, Tejapāla, the latter of whom died in V.S. 1296. If Rājadraha is the correct reading, in st. 3c, the poem cannot, however, have been composed prior to V.S. 1731, when Dayālashah built the famous temple near the Rājasāgara Lake in Mewar, so high with its nine stories that the shadow of its flag fell as far as six kosa across the land. On the other hand, it must have been composed before Aurangzeb partially destroyed that temple, and before it thus ceased

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being an object of worship. The reading is, however, doubtful.
The text is contained on fol. 10 of manuscript no. 855 of the Scindia Oriental Institute, in which a collection of stavanas and caityavandanas is handed down ( all in all 23 ). The material is country paper, the writing in black ink. In the centre of each page, a rhomb is left blank, with four letters of the text jutting out, so as to form another, smaller rhomb. The characters are modern Jaina Devanāgarī. The writing looks extra-ordinarily neat and spectacular, the text is, however, very incorrect, and necessitated frequent conjectures, as the apparatus shows. After the text of our poem, the following colophon is given : "fa sit sitefistor 94141 : 22 aC 1880 q hieroor acte SA T : 11", which is followed by one more caityavandana with a colophon of its own, written by the same hand.
6. The Vira-Stuti In older Svetāmbara works, the word 'stuti' is often used in the ordinary sense of 'hymn' in general.176 Mostly, however, especially in more recent terminology, its use is restricted to a particular category of hymnal literature, viz., hymns which are rather aggregates of four separate 'stutis', and eulogize, strictly in this order, (a) any of the Tīrthankaras individually in the first part, (b) all the Tīrthankaras collectively in the second, (c) the Jaina doctrine or the Jaina sacred writings in the third, and (d) any of the Śāsana-devas, Sāsana-devis, Vidyā-devīs, the 'Śruta-devi Sarasvati, or other divinities known to be devoted to the Jaina religion, in the fourth (each part mostly consisting of a single stanza). That this definition is generally accepted, can be seen from the fact that the hymns contained in any random collection of 'stutis', are throughout built according to this scheme.
(Only the followers of a modern sect, known as the 'Tristuti-mata', believe it to be infra dignitatem for a good Jaina to pay homage to beings so much below the moral standard of perfection as

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gods are supposed to be, and therefore dispense with the fourth parts of stutis.).
Stutis of this description form part of the 'Pratikramaṇasūtra', i.e., the text of the daily ritual, of all the Śvetāmbara sects, since "Tīrthankara-vandana' is one of the six 'Avaśyakas', or indispensable daily duties of a Jaina. The first quarter of a stuti of the devotee's selection also forms part of the caityavandana ritual mentioned in a former chapter, representing the second of the two changeable recitation pieces of the pertinent liturgy.
Our present stuti is true to type with its four-fold eulogy, clearly presented in four exactly parallel Sragdhara stanzas.
One of its formal attractions is the skilful way in which onomatopoeia has been carried through therein, suggesting, in the first stanza, vocal, and in the second and third ones, instrumental music. Obviously, the poet intends this musical performance to illustrate the belief that when the Tīrthankara preaches in the 'samavasaraṇa', his voice is not only in itself distinguished by ‘upanītarāgatvam', i.e., possession of melody in the technical sense (one of its 35 stereotyped supernatural qualities ), but it is also harmoniously accompanied by celestial music, which devoted gods and genii continuously produce ( another of the stereotyped atisayas of the Tirthankaras )."
177
178
The use of onomatopoeia in this way, though, is not unique. A famous Samskṛta stuti composed by the celebrated Saint and poet Jinakusala Sūri of the Kharatara Gaccha, who died in V.S. 1389, is composed according to the very same principle. I refer to the Pārṣvanātha-stuti179 beginning with the words 'Drem drem ki dhapa mapa', which, forming part of the Pākṣika Pratikramaṇa of the Kharatara Gaccha, is also known as the 'Pākṣika-stuti'." It is possible that our poet, whose name and whereabouts are not known, tried to emulate that popular piece of poetry and its fascinating tingle of sounds.
180
Yet while Jinakuśala Suri's stuti is in honour of Pārsva

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nātha, the present hymn celebrates Mahāvīra, the last Tīrtharkara, in its first quarter.
The object of eulogy in the fourth quarter is likewise a different one. In Jinakusala Sūri's stuti, it is the “Sāsana-devatā' quite generally,181 while our poet addresses himself to the goddess 'Vairotyā', whom he visualizes, with extraordinary vividness, as a snake deity of militant qualities and of an apperance fit to fill an adversary's heart with terror, whom he seems to invoke in a spirit of tantric ecstasy and expectation.
Jaina Literature knows several goddesses of this name, as under :
1. In the shape of 'Vairoti', it designates the Śāsana-devī of Vimalanātha, the 13th Tīrtharkara, in Digambara literature. 182 She is represented as 'harivarņā', mounted on a snake ( ‘gonasa'), and holding snakes in her four hands. In Svetāmbara literature, Vimalanātha's female attendant, described as being of the same colour, but seated on a lotus, and holding a single snake, bow, arrow, and noose in her hands, is referred to as “Viditā', or ‘Vijay'.183 The male counterpart in attendence on Vimalanātha is, in both literatures, 'Şanmukha', who is seated on a peacock, and holds various weapons in his twelve (or eight ) hands.184 Our hymn being a Svetāmbara text, this 'Vairoțī' is a priori not likely to be invoked therein, though she is a snake goddess too.
2. In the shape of 'Vairotyā” 185 ( Saṁskrta ), 'Vairuttā’186, "Vaīruttā' 187, or ‘Vasrotā’188 (Prāksta ), the name further designates the Śāsana-devi of Mallinātha, the 19th Tīrthankara, in Svetāmbara works. She is described as “krşņavarṇā', and as seated on a lotus. In Digambara sources, the Śāsana-devi of Mallinātha is 'Aparājitā’,189 described as 'harid-varņā', and as seated on that fabulous creature named 'astapāda' or 'sarabha'190. Both sects agree re the attributes in three of her hands, viz., ‘varada-mudrā', citrus-fruit and sword, while the fourth carries as rosary according to the Svetāmbaras, but a shield according to the Digambaras. Her male counter-part is,

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according to both, the four-headed Yakșa Kubera.
In neither of the two categories of sources is this deity associated with snakes, which form an essential attribute of the goddess invoked in our hymn.
Only from Hemacandra's 'Abhidhāna-cintāmaņi-kośa', I, st. 45, such an association might appear to exist. For, Hemacandra, instead of mentioning Mallinātha's Śāsana-devi under her actual name, refers to her as 'Dharana-priyā', which he explains, in his 'Svopajña-tīkā', as 'Dharaņoragendrasya priyā Vairotyā', i.e., “Vairoțyā, consort of Dharaṇa, the Indra of the Snakes”. Obviously, this Vairotyā cannot be separated from the goddess whom Āryānandila invokes in his 'Vairotyā-Devi-stava'191, as 'Dharanindapadhama-patti Vaīruttā nāma Nāgiņi (st. 4), and as 'Dharaņoragadajā .... Vairuttā' ( st. 12 ). The Prabhāvaka-carita contains, in its 'Aryanandila-carita'192, an account of the origin of this stava, in the form of a legend, the motif of which recurs in Hindu folk-lore. According to this legend, Vairogyā was the wife of a merchant's son named Padma, and the mother of Nāgadatta, a disciple of Aryanandila (the second 'a' of the latter name being short here). By some action of kindness, Vairoțyā gained the favour of the snake people, who adopted and treated her as a relative, over-showering her with divine favours. After her death, she became the queen of their ruler Dharana, the same divinity whom we mentioned previously as Pārsvanātha's Sāsana-deva ( 'Dharanendrasya devi Sri-Pārsva-sevituḥ' ), and has since then been assisting her mate in coming to the rescue of devotees of Pārsvanātha, especially in danger threatening from poison or fire. Āryanandila, who had been Vairotyā's Guru in her human existence, composed in her honour, the above mentioned hymn, the recitation of which is asserted to be particularly efficacious in securing her help.
In the 'Pädalipta-carita' of the Prabhāvaka-carita193 too, a *Vairoțyā Devī’, obviously the very same goodess, is referred to, for she bears the epithet of 'Phaņīndra-kāntā', and is described as an

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attendant of Pārsvanātha, the patron saint of the snake-king.
Yet it is difficult to understand how this Vairotyā, who is thus supposed to have lived and died as a human being during the life-time of Aryanandila, i.e., roughly in the former half of the second century after Vikrama, 194 and to have been a snake deity and Dharanendra's consort only since then, could be identical with Mallinātha's Śāsana-devi. For, as all the Śāsana-devas and -devis are believed to come into existence during the time of the 'tīrtha', i.e., the original community of the respective Tīrtharkara,195 Mallinatha's Śāsana-devi would have been in existence since more than 65,86,000 years, Mallinātha's nirvāņa being assumed to have taken place 65,84,000 years before the Vira-nirvāņa.
Did the great Hemacandra allow himself to be misled by the chance identity of the name of Mallinātha's Śāsana-devī with that of Āryanandila's 'Istadevată”, and this wrongly apportioned to the former goddess the epithet of 'Dharana-priyā', to which only her namesake was entitled ? This seems likely in view of the already mentioned absence of all snake attribues in Mallinātha's Śāsanadevi: for, a consort of Dharanendra would necessarily belong to the class of the ‘Nāgakumāras', and as such, be bound to wear the snake emblem,1% as Āryanandila's Vairotyā ostentatiously does (“nāgiņi nāgarūdhā nāga-karā nāga-bhūsiya-sarīrā, nāgehim siramālā nāgamuhā sā”, st. 3 of the pertinent stava ).
As the deity whom our poem eulogizes, is doubtlessly a snake-goddess, she would probably not be Mallinātha's Śāsanadevī, but may be identical with the Dharaṇa-priyā Vairotyā of Aryanandila's hymn. It remains to be seen whether she cannot be more clearly defined.
3. The Jaina Pantheon knows of a third goddess of the name of Vairotyā, viz., one of the 16 Vidyā-devīs'.197 The latter are common to Digambaras and Svetāmbaras. Like the sāsana-devas and devīs, they too are first mentioned, as a group, and described, with their emblems, in post-canonical works.198 They are often in

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voked in connection with rites of a more or less tāntrika character as well as for purposes of magic protection, and thus play a great part in Jaina Mantra-śāstra199 and in hymnal literature. Though it is possible that some of their features, particularly their number (16), are connected with such of the 16 tāntrika Goddesses of the Hindu Āgamas, viz., the ten forms of Tripurā and her six friends,200 still the very idea of 'vidyās' in the sense of 'tāntrika lores', can be traced back to the Jaina Sacred Writings themselves.201 In their role as personifications of such tāntrika lores, they are linked up with the ancient Jaina legend of the origin of the 'Vidyādharas', as related in a number of texts.202 According to that legend, Nami and Vinami, two princes, hand been absent when Rşabhadeva, the first Cakravartin, and, subsequently the first Tīrthankara of this avasarpiņi, gave away all his property to his relatives and friends, to become an ascetic. Thus deprived of their share, they followed the Lord, serving him perseveringly, in the hope of material reward. The Lord, however, had now nothing to bestow. Dharana, the ruler of the Nāgakumāras, and a devotee of Lord, felt a desire to fulfil their hope. The earth and everything on it having been given away already, Dharana gave them land outside the usual realm of mortals, on the slopes of Mount Vaitādhya, that mythological mountain range which traverses Bharatakşetra from east to west, being embraced by the Ganges and the Sindhu respectively. The land being 10 yojana above the ground, and inaccessible to ordinary man, Dharaņa also bestowed on the two princes 48,000 ‘vidyās”, enabling them to walk through the air and on water and to perform other miraculous feats. Thus, outfitted, they settled on Mount Vaitādhya with their kith and kin, and founded each a row of cities on the northern and southern slope respectively, directly below the cities of the Vyantara gods. Dharaṇa then installed Nami and Vinami as the rulers of the semidivine ‘Vidyādharas', by which name they and their followers became known, Nami ruling in the south, and Vinami in the north.
Each of these two rulers was the lord of eight 'Vidyādhara

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nikāyas', to each of which a particular group of 'vidyās' was apportioned. The 16 ‘Vidyadhara-nikāyas' were named after the countries from where the pertinent group of Vidyādharas had originally emigrated, and the several 'vidyā' groups were named accordingly. Lists of the names of these 16 groups of 'vidyās' are given in Prākrta in the 'Vasudevahindi and the ‘Āvaśyaka-cūrņi', and in Saṁskṛta in the 'Trişaşti-salākāpuruşa-carita', all three deviating from one another in several items. According to the last-named text, these 'vidyā'-groups were : 1. Gauri-, 2. Manu-, 3. Gandhārī-, 4. Mānavī-, 5. Kausiki-, 6. Bhūmituņdā-, 7. Mūlavīryā-, 8. Sankulā-, 9. Pāņduki-, 10. Kāli-, 11. Švapākī., 12. Mātangi-, 13. Pārvati-, 14. Varśālayā-, 15. Pāṁsumūlā-, and 16. Vrksamūlā-vidyās. Out of these names, the 'Subodhikā' mentions only nos. 1 and 3, as belonging to the southern, and 9 and 14, as belonging to the northern part of ‘Vidyādhara'-land.
Besides these ‘vidyā'-groups, the ‘Āvaśyaka-cūrņi' and the 'Subodhikā' mention four individual ‘mahāvidyās', viz., 1. Gaurī, 2. Gandhārī,203 3. Rohiņi, and 4. Prajñapti. Haribhadra Sūri, obviously following the former text, mentions them with the exclusion of any other name.
Traces of the 'Vidyādhara’-legend can be found in the Jaināgama itself, where the two rows of Vidyādhara-cities' are repeatedly mentioned as adorning the slopes of the Vaitādhya,204 though details and names are not given.
Though it is not feasible restlessly to solve, with the help of the text-material available at present, the fascinating problem of the origin of the 16 Vidya-devis' and of their relationship with the ancient 'vidyās', as raised by Dr. Miss Helen Johnson20s, still thus much can be inferred from a comparison of the respective names that the first, second, ninth and tenth ‘Vidyā-devīs' are identical with the four 'mahāvidyās' enumerated above, the two latter of whom again seem to have derived their names from the designations of the first and third 'vidyā'-groups of Vidyādhara'-land. Besides,

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the names of two further Vidyā-devis', viz., nos. 7 and 12, seem to have been derived from the names of the 'vidyā-groups nos.10 and 4 respectively. It is thus possible that each of the 16 ‘Vidyā-devis' may originally have been imagined as representing one of the 16 'vidyā-nikāyas' of 'Vidyādhara'-land, bearing either an individual name, or a generic name derived from that of her group, or perhaps both.
Incidentally, the names of all the sixteen Vidyā-devis' find themselves again, without exception, in the list of the names of the "Śāsana-devis', some in that of Śvetāmbara, others in that of Digambara tradition, and some in both simultaneously, in such a way that 11 of the Svetāmbara, and 13 of the Digambara Šāsana-devis, 8 of them being common to both, appear to be in fact nothing but ‘Vidyā-devīs”, though some of the names slightly vary. The following synoptic table will make this clear206 : Vidyā-devī Vidyādhara- Śvetāmbara Digambara vidyā
Śasana-devī Sasana-devī
1. Rohiņi Mahavidyā No. 3
No. 2 2. Prajñapati Mahāvidyā No.4 No. 15 No. 3 3. Vajraśộnkhalā ........
No.4 4. Vajrānkusa ........
No. 14 ( Ankusa ) 5. Apraticakrā ........
No. 1
No.1 (only or Cakreśvarī
Cakreśvarī) 6. Puruşadattā .... ....
No.20 (only No. 5 (only or Naradattā
Naradattā ) Puruşadatta ) 7. Kāli | Vidya-nikāya No. 4
No. 7 or 18 No. 10 8. Mahākali
No. 5
No. 9 9. Gauri Mahavidyā No. .... ....
No. 11 1 and Vidyānikāya No. 1

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11. Sarvāstrā
Mahājvālā
12. Mānavī
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Mahavidya No. No. 21 2 and Vidyanikāya No. 3
13. Vairotyā
14. Acchuptă
15. Mānasī
16. Mahāmānasī....

Vidyā-nikāya No. 4
No. 8 (Jvālā )
No. 11
No. 19
No. 20
No. 12

....
No. 7 or 10
No. 13
****
No. 15
No. 16
B. C. Bhattacharya ( 1c. p. 164 ), who also noticed that there are "clear points of identity between Vidyā-devīs and Śāsana-devīs, not only regarding names, but also attributes, etc.", has come to the conclusion that "the Vidyā-devīs in conception were modelled after the Yakṣiņis", and this "on the ground of the priority of the Yaksiņis as connected in mythology and ritual with the Tīrthankaras". It does not seem, however, that such a priority can be proved for the Śāsanadevīs as a class, leaving aside individual cases. I think, the above synopsis goes, on the contrary, strongly against this theory. For, the list of the Vidya-devīs of the Śvetambaras (vide ‘Nirvāṇakalika') exactly agrees with that of the Digambaras (vide ‘Pratiṣṭhāsära') not only with regard to the names themselves, but also to their order (deviations being restricted to their attributes), while, on the other hand, the lists of the Śāsanadevīs ( vide the same two works) differ from each other so strikingly both in names and order (not to speack of the attributes) that in fact only three out of the 24 can be recognized at first sight as mutual replica (viz., Nos. 1, 23 and 24). This leads to the conclusion that the common list of the Vidya-devīs must go back to the time before the schizma of the Jaina-sangha into Digambaras and Śvetāmbaras had occurred, and that it has been handed down unaltered from generation to generation up to this day, while the lists of the names of the Śāsana-devīs,
393

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as entities, developed separately in two different directions, incorporating, of course, single items, which represented a common heritage, such as the names of Śāsana-devīs, Nos. 1, 23 and 24, as well as those of the pertinent Vidyā-devis, pointed out above. Significantly enough, even those eight Vidyā-devi-names which are common to the list of the 11 taken over by the Svetāmbaras, and the 13 taken over by the Digambaras as Śāsana-devi-names, have been apportioned to different Tīrtharkaras. This accounts for the fact that Vairoțyā, the thirteenth Vidyā-devī, who alone interests us here, has become associated with the 13th Jina in Digambara, but with the 19th in Svetāmbara theology.
The name of the Vidyā-devi Vairotyā occurs in the forms of ‘Vairotyā 207 in Saṁskrta and 'Vairoțī’208, as well as 'Vaīruļļā’209, in Prāksta sources. All the texts, so far as they give a description, agree in depicting her as holding a snake, or snakes, in one, or two respectively, of her four hands. The 'Nirvāņakalikā' further describes her as 'śyāma-varņa', and mounted on a Boa constrictor ( 'ajagara-vāhana' ), Sāgaracandra Sūri in his Sri-Mantrādhirājakalpa' ( st. 15 )210 as ‘payodharābhā' and mounted on a 'vihangarāja', and the likewise Svetārbara 'Ācāradinakara' as 'abja-mudatāra-tușāra-gaură”211 and seated on a lion ( ‘simhavāhana' ), while according to the Digambara 'Pratișthă-sāroddhāra', she is ‘abhranīlā' or 'haritā’212 and seated on a lion ('simhagā').
It appears that Bappabhatti Sūri and Sobhana Muni refer to this Vidyā-devi when they eulogize a goddess ‘Vairotyā' each in the fourth stanza of one of the stutis of their famous 'Caturvimsatikās 213 ( Nos. 18 and 23 respectively), the former describing her as 'śyāma' and 'nāgāstra-patră' ( i.e., 'having snakes as weapon and vehicle' ), and the latter as 'śyāma-dehä', as 'avisama-vișabhțdbhüşana' (i.e., 'having harmless snakes as ornaments ), and as 'yātā .... pārindra-rājam (i.e., ‘mounted on a king of pythons').
The only serious discrepancy, viz., that re the mount, which according to some sources is a snake, according to others a lion, and

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according to a third group, a Garuda, can easily be removed by the assumption that the archetypus, to which they all go back in the last instance, contained a word like “pārindra', which may mean a snake as well as a lion, or like 'vyāla', which may denote any vicious animal and could refer to a snake as well as to some dangerous quadruped. “Vihanga-rāja', the Garuda, may simply be a misread 'bhujanga-rāja'. Since Vairoțyā is anyhow equipped with the snake emblem, the idea that her mount was originally likewise a snake, does not seem to be a far-fetched conclusion. In any case, it means only a supplementary stroke of the brush to complete her picture as that of a doubtless snake-deity.
In this way, the similarity of the Vidyā-devi with the Digambara Sasana-devī of Vimalanātha of identical name, emblem and mount, is even more perfect than Bhattacharya assumes.214 As moreover, in the invocation quoted by that scholar, Vimalanātha's Śāsana-devi is actually addressed as a Vidyā-devi (Vairoți haritārcyate, or hrīí Vidyā-devī°215), no doubts can obviously be raised regarding their original identity. While thus the Digambaras apportioned this Vidyā-devi to Vimalanātha, without changing her original character, the Svetāmbaras, when associating her with Mallinātha, allowed her snake attributes to fall into oblivion. The only link that still connects this Svetāmbara goddess with her original home, the snake-world, is apparently the above-mentioned name of ‘Dharana-priyā' under which Hemacandra refers to her. Thus, this ‘kalikāla-sarvajña' is once more vindicated as standing on the firm ground of a very old and original tradition, while the legend of the Prabhāvaka-carita re Vairotyā Devī's direct association with Aryanandila is proved to be nothing but a recent growth of devotional fiction.
The fact that the Vidyā-devī Vairoțyā was indeed imagined to be the consort of Dharaṇa, the king of the snake-demons, is amply testified. Thus, Sobhana Muni gives her the epithet of 'Ahīnāgryapatni'. Sāgaracandra Sūri calls her 'Bhujagendra-patni'. Both these

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epithets exactly correspond to the expression “Phaņīndra-kāntā' of the hymn of Aryanandila, who moreover refers to her as 'Dharanoraga-dalā', and, even more explicitly, as 'Dharaņisda-padhamapatti Vairuttā nāma nāgiņi vijjā', which latter phrase, besides, clearly defines her as a 'vidyā , i.e., “Vidyā-devi'.
Yet since the honour of being Dharanendra's favourite queen, is generally known to go to Padmāvatī, the Sāsana-devī of Pārsvanātha, and actual female counterpart of Dharaṇendra, the Śāsana-deva of that same Jina, the above epithets obviously bring Vairotyā into collision with Padmāvatī. The question may be raised as to whether both these names, Vairoțyā and Padmăvatī, may not be synonyms for one and the same deity. This seems possible from a passage of the 'Supāsaņāha-cariyā 216 ( composed in V.S. 1199 ), which runs : ‘atthi supasiddha-vijjă-viijāsāhaga-sahassa-naya-calanā mamtā-saroruha-sarasi devi Padmāvati nāma', and clearly calls Padmāvati a vidyā, i.e., Vidyā-devi. Padmāvati is, in fact, the main goddess of Jaina tāntrika literature. According to an old 'Padmăvati-stotra'217, she is the equivalent of the Sakti of Hindu tāntrika lore, the Gauri of the Saivas, the Gāyatrī of the Vedāntins, the Prakrti of the Sānkhyavādins, the Tārā of the Buddhists, the Vajrā of the Kaulikas. From the name Vajrā' in its Prāksta form ‘Vairā', and eventual derivatives, it seems to be but a small step to 'Vairoțyā'. The Pādalipta-carita of the Prabhāvaka-carita moreover clearly states that the 'Phaņindra-kāntā Vairotyā' was worshipped in a temple of Pārsvanātha at Kośalā as the 'Śāsana-devi', and 'Aryanandila's' hymn as well as the 'Aryanandila-carita' of the Prabhāvaka-carita agree in asserting that this Vairotyā favours the devotees of Pārsvanātha with her help.
That in spite of so much semblance of identity, both the names will have to be understood as designating two separate deities, is, however, suggested by the following two pieces of literary evidence :
1. a prayer formula ( quoted by Professor H. R. Kapadia in

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proof of their separateness ),218 in which Dharanendra is described as accompanied by both the goddesses ('Vairotya-Padmāvatī-devīyuta' ), and
2. the second stanza of Āryanandila's hymn, where both are clearly referred to as separate individuals ( ‘Dharaṇoraga-daīā devī Paumāvāi ya Vairuṭṭā' ).
397
If the Svetambara poets eulogize Vairotyā as Dharana's ‘agrya-patni' and 'paḍhama-patti', this may be due to the idea that since Vairotya is the Śāsanadevī of the 19th Jina, she must naturally be senior to Padmavati, the Śāsanadevi of the 23rd (That, for the matter of that, she must also be senior to her husband by millions of years, is of no consequence, in view of the Jaina belief in the eternal youth of their deities).
The above expressions leave no doubt about the fact that anyhow Vairotya is considered to be an ‘Agramahişi' of the Indra Dharana of the Nāgakumāras. The same has been stated with regard to her co-wife Padmavati.219 Professor Kapadia, who has stressed this idea, has expressed his disappointment on not finding the name of either of these two queens in the list of the names of Dharanendra's 'Agramahiṣīs' given in the Sacred Books.220 Besides the Bhagavati (Viyahapaṇṇatti ), which he quotes (X.5, Sūtra 406), the Jñātādharma-kathānga ( Nāyādhammakahão) likewise (II,1) contains that list, which runs as under: (i) Alā or Ilā, (ii) Sakkā or Sukkā, (iii) Sakrā or Sadārā, (iv) Sodāmiņī, ( v ) Iṁdā, ( vi ) Ghaṇavijjuyā. To solve this difficulty, it might be assumed that either the names Vairotyā and Padmavatī have developed from original epithets into proper names, or that those six names are not genuine proper names, but rather appellative nouns, designating the rank or 'office' of these six goddesses, the incumbents of which go on changing, just as is the case with the various 'Indras' of the Jaina Pantheon: the word 'Indra' being nothing but an office designation either.221
Padmavati's being referred to as a 'Vidya' in the above passage, is nothing out of the ordinary in view of her being the

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central figure of Jaina Tantra-Śāstra, and, as such, subject to the moods and whims of the 'ärädhaka', who considers it as his privilege to invest his 'Śakti' with whatever attributes his desire may drive at, not hesitating to address her as Lakṣmi, Ambikā, Tripurasundari, Kālī, Cakreśvarī, Sarasvati, or even Kundalini.2 Besides, 'Padmavati' may in fact originally have been a 'Vidyādevi', i.e., one of the original Vidyadhara-vidyās.
On what basis the Prabhavaka-carita (V, st. 11) mentions Vairotya as the 'Śāsana-devatā' in Pārsvanatha's temple, is not clear. The poet may have done so, thinking of her as one of the consorts of Dharaṇa, the Śāsanadeva, or he may have used the word ‘Śāsanadevata' not in the technical sense of 'divine attendant on a particular Jina', but in a more general sense of 'divine devotee'.
222
Anyhow, the goddess which the poet of our present 'Virastuti' invokes under the name of Vairotya, is most decidedly the divinity whom later Svetambara literature would define as the 13th "Vidyadevi'. Her martial qualities, suggested in her representations and descriptions by the sword and shield in two of her hands, are cleraly expressed in the first two lines, while her character as a snake goddess is unambiguously represented by the writhing snakes with which our poet describes her as tying her matted locks.
The manuscript in which this stuti is handed down, belongs to Muni Śrī Nyāyasāgarajī ( disciple of Panyasa Śrī Candrasāgara Gani ), with whose permission the stuti is published. It is a single leaf, containing 5 stutis in Samskṛta and Gujarati, without a colophon. Paper and ink are ordinary. The writing is in 17 lines of rather modern Devanagari. The manuscript appears to be at the utmost 100 years old. Our stuti is the first text, its end being marked by the legend “इति श्री वीरस्तुतिः ।। १ ।। ". The wording is very faulty, necessitating various emendations, as the apparatus shows. To the best of my knowledge, the stuti has not been published before.
7. The Mahavira-Stuti
This poem belongs to the same category of hymns as the

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preceding one.
It proclaims to be a creation of Ācārya Jinapati Sūri, the 46th pontiff of the Kharatara Gaccha, whose name is contained in the last stanza, in a śleșa characteristic of the former223, and whose Guru, Ācārya Jinacandra Sūri, is likewise alluded to, in the third stanza.
Jinapati Sūri224 was born in V.S. 1210, ordained in 1218, invested with Ācārya title in 1223, and died in 1277. He is known not only as an influential pontiff and the Guru of celebrities like Ācārya Jineśvara Sūri (his successor ), Upādhyāya Jinapāla, Vācaka Sūraprabha, Pūrņabhadra Gani and Sumati Gani, but also as a hymnist and author of commentaries. The following works are from his hand :
(i) Caturviņśati-Jina-stavana, published, 225 (ii) Cintāmaņi-Pārsvanātha-stava, likewise published,226 (iii) Antariksa-Pārsva-stava, not found as yet, (iv) Tīrthamālā, likewise not found as yet,
(v) Vidhiprabodha-vādasthala ( Prabodhodaya-vādasthala), available in manuscripts, 227
(vi) Brhat-tīkā to Jinavallabha's Samghapattaka-prakarana, published,228
(vii) Vivaraņa to Jineśvara Sūri’s Pañcalingi, published, 229 and,
(viii) Mahāvira-stuti, published and mentioned for the first time in this volume.
The Mahävīra-stuti consists of four Mālini stanzas, the first of which eulogizes Mahāvīra, while the fourth invokes the ‘Yakşa Sarvānu'.
The name 'Sarvänu' looks like a sanskritization of Prākrta Savvāna', which occurs in the 'Vihāya-pannatti', the 'Bhagavati' of the Jainas ( Šataka III, Uddeśa 7, Sūtra 168, p. 200 ), in the description of the retinue of Vesamaņa ( Saṁskṛta “Vaiśramaņa' or ‘Kubera'), one of the four Lokapālas230 or frontier-guard officers of

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Śakra, the Indra of the southern part of the first Heaven 'Saudharma'. There, 'Savvāṇa' is mentioned along with a number of other godlings, such as Manibhadra and Pūrṇabhadra, known to belong to the 'Yakṣa' sub-class of the 'Vyantaras', one of the four categories of gods. According to that Sūtra, all those deities were favoured by Vesamana as if they were his own offspring (‘ahävaccābhinnāyā', i.e., 'yathāpatyābhijñātāḥ' ): a relationship which seems in order, the Yaksas being genii of treasure, just as Vesamana is the god of wealth.
This 'Sarvanu' may be indentical with the "Yakṣa Sarvānubhūti' whom Acārya Bālacandra, Hemcandra's notorious rather than famous, disciple, glorifies in the fourth stanza of his sparklingly beautiful stuti 'Snātasya', which forms part of the Pākṣika Pratikramaṇa-sūtra of the Tapa Gaccha. There, the Yakṣa is described as mounted on a ruttish elephant of cloud-clour with curved tusks and tingling bells, as granting the desires of the devotee, and as manifesting himself in any shape at will.
Our 'Mahāvīra-stuti' is preserved in the same manuscript, as the previous one, forming the second text, marked by the legend: " इति महावीरस्तुतिः ।।"
8. The Simandhara-Svāmi-Stavana
This hymn is addressed to the Tirthankara Sīmandhara, one of the twenty 'Viharamāṇa' (vide Introduction), who is believed to be wandering about at present in the portion 'Puskaravara-Vijaya' of Pūrvavideha, the eastern half of the distant world Mahāvideha, preaching the Jaina religion. As the hymn recalls to the reader's mind, he is believed to have been born there in the city of Pundarīkiṇī, during the interval between Kunthu, the 17th, and Ara, the 18th Tirthankaras of the last Caturviṁśatikā of Bharata-kṣetra, i.e., uncountable years ago, to have abandoned his royal rank and possessions and become an ascetic in the interval between Muni Suvrata, the 20th, and Nami, the 21st Jinas, and to have subsequently attained the status of a Kevalin or omniscient saint (st. 16f ). He is

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predestined to reach final salvation after a long activity as a Tirtharikara, in a far remote future, viz., at the time when Udaya, the 7th Jina of the coming Utsarpiņi of Bharata-kşetra, will have entered Nirvāņa. The poet expresses his fervent desire that in his next incarnation, he may be reborn himself in Mahāvideha, sit at the feet of the Lord Sīmandhara, and be allowed to listen to his sermons to bow to him, to sing his praise, and perhaps even to become a monk in the Lord's retinue, and attain omniscience and subsequent salvation in a very near future ( st. 14f).
To the reader who tries to define the language of the hymn, a number of conspicuously archaic-looking Prāksta forms231 obtrude themselves at the first glance, such as e.g., namira, vimda, vaṁdiya, payam, kitti, lakkhaņa, vihamdaņo, sattame, Jiņa, jhāna, dhaņuha, jamma, micchatta, harisa, daṁsaņa, rajja, māhappa, khittammi, hiņassa, dīņassa, kuņai, phiriūņa, tiriyattane. Forms like nihi, mahura, savvahā, bohamkaro, would brand it as “Jaina-Prāksta'.
Other forms, however, are developed beyond the Prāksta stage, showing clear characteristics of Gurjara Apabhramsa.232 Such forms are : nouns of the a-declension with -au in the Nominative singular masculine, as divasau, lagau, jugau, phaliyau, miliyau; with -aha in the General singular as bijaha; with -i in the Locative singular, as sārī, sihari, gayaņi, vasī; nouns of the i- and u- declensions with -i and -u in the Nominative singular masculine, as sāmi, taru, guru; nouns of the ā- and i- declensions with -a, -7, and -i in the Acc. singular, as karuņā, vāņi, siri; pronominal forms like haum, mūm, and mū in the First Person singular, and tushaji in the Second Person singular ( with suffix of emphasis ); verbal forms like vīņavauń, namaum, lagauṁ, in the First Person singular Ind. Pres.; thuộaha do. in pl., rāși, kari, tāri in the Second Person singular Imperative; nisuņiso, paņamiso, gāyaso, påmiso, in the First Person singular Future; hoisii in the Third Person singular Future; Absolutiva like older karavi, pariharavi, and more recent jodi, kari, suņi; as well as numerous endingless case forms like hīņa, nayara, jasa, vayaņa, năma, rüva, poa 233

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Some forms can even be recognized as bearing the stamp of rather a late stage of Gurjara Apabhraíśa, if not of Gujarati. To this category belong the above-mentioned bijaha for older bījahu,234 thuộaha for thunahu, and i- absolutiva like kari, jodi, besides chaum for acchauṁ ( Modern Gujarati chuộ )235, the Nominative singular neutre te, hiva236 (Saṁskṛta adhunā, Modern Gujarati have ),237 eha pari ( corresponding to Saṁskṛta etad + prakare, Modern Gujarati e + per ),238 forms with final i changed to e239 as sampajjae, gajjae, dippae, viharae ( all four verbs being used in the Parasmaipada only, in Prākṣta ), and several cases of consonant aggregates being replaced by single consonants with or without lengthening of the preceding vowel,240 as lāgi, Prāksta laggi, Saṁskṛta lagna ), tājiu ( Prāksta tajjiya, Saṁsksta tarjita), viņavauí (Präksta viņpavemi, Samskrta vijñāpayāmi), at the side of lagaum, jugaum.
Forms like the latter ones are rare in, if not alien to, even later Apabhramśa, such as represented by the Apabhraṁsa portions of Somaprabha Sūri's Kumārapala-pratibodha241 ( not to speak of the earlier Bhaviyasattakahā242 and the Harivaṁśa-purāņa by Dhanapāla, or of the Vasudevahindi),243 and characterize the earlier stages of Middle Gujarati rather than Apabhraíía, gaining more and more ground in Modern Gujarati..
All those phonological phenomena, it is true, cannot be ascribed with certainty to the poet himself, as for some of them (just as for occasional ‘ya-śruti' ), clerical influence might be responsible. Yet a number of them are testified as doubtlessly genuine by metre, rhyme, as well as by the persistency of their occurrence. On this basis, the language of the poem can safely be defined as being either very late Gaurjara Apabhraíía, or, with more probability, early Middle Gujarati.
The mixture of archaic and recent forms, the numerous tatsamas, such as nikara, tāta, sampūraka, durita, tāraka, nāyaka, pāpa, tāpāpaha, sẵdara, Eddhikara, kathina, hatha, ghata, lobha, rāga, bhoga, indra, pada, gati, mati, abhinava, mada, bodha, dāyaka,244 the

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frequent ignoring of Sandhi-rules,245 even in compounds, such as in namira-sura-asura, sāra-upayāra, vişaya-vişama-amiya-bhara, nami-astaram, all these peculiarities go to stamp the language of our hymn as true to type. So does the word alajayă ( st. 20 ), if taken as a loan-word from Arabic-Persian, equivalent246 to Modern Gujarati alijahāṁ, meaning ‘august', and being here an attribute of the Jina.247
Tadbhava-like, hybrid formations, such as padiyau, cadiyau, sāhaga, moaga, jagi, jaga-jantu, vaņa-rāji, kammāņi, samsiddhae, upayāra, jāgaramaņā, haratāra, along with genuine Prāksta forms such as mentioned above, as well as Sanskritisms, like mama, karavāni ( for karavāni, first person singular imperative ), dehi, gami, obviously represent attempts of the poet to express himself in archaic style, in order to enhance the dignity and solemnness of his eulogy. Nominal and verbal forms in -o and -e ( for -i and -u ) may also fall under this category of phenomena, though, on the other hand, they may also be recent development, representing cases of 'contracted svara-yugma’,24% so typical of Middle and Modern Gujarati.
The language of the interlinear commentary ( ‘Tabbā' ) is far more developed, and can be defined as Modern Gujarati of rather an early type, to judge from formations like eņi parim, dihāļau ( Modern Gujarati dahāļo ), mū and mūhanai ( Modern Gujarati mane ), atibhāgu ( modern atibhāṁgyo ), lāgau ( modern lāgyo ), lādhi ( modern ladhi ), hus gāyasuṁ ( modern huṁ gāiś ), hur joyusu ( modern hum jois).
Out of the 21 stanzas of the present hymn, the first 20 are in a metre of twenty mātrās in each of its four lines with caesura after the tenth mātrā and paired end-rhyme : the metre which Hemacandra in his 'Chandonuśāsana' ( IV, 8; Vrtti p. 32a ) designates as *Avali' ( mātrās 6+4+4+4+2 ).249 The last stanza is in Harigīta, likewise with paired end-rhyme.
As regards his own identity, the poet says in st. 20:"797756

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विणयपरु जोडि कर वीनg", which passage the commentator explains in the following way : " aners dra faune 713 879 ist aucht 3". According to this interpretation, the poet would have remained anonymous. The interpretation is, in itself, unobjectionable, especially since the expression 'viņayaparu' ( here singular ) is reflected by the similar ‘sādaraparā' ( st. 7 : there plural ). Still, it appears likely that instead of 'viņayaparu', the archetypus read 'Vinayapahu', and thus contained the actual name of the poet ( with the Genitive singular ending -u, typical of Apabhraíśa ). Viņayapaha, generaly known by his Sanskritized name Vinayaprabha Sūri, was a famous Jainācārya and poet of the very period to which our poem belongs, who composed in the very same language.250 He was a direct disciple of the well-known Saint and poet 'Dādā' Jinakusala Sūri of the Kharatara Gaccha, was ordained as a monk in V.S. 1382 and raised to the rank of an Upādhyāya between V.S. 1394 and 1412. His famous 'Gautama-Rāsa', composed in V.S. 1412 at Cambay, is even now so popular that it forms part of the standing repertoire of recitation pieces of Śvetāmbara Sadhus and Sadhvis. Among his further creations are five hymns in honour of various Jinas, which are of approximately the same length ( 19-29 stanzas ), and, to judge from the scanty specimina reproduced by Mr. Nahta,251 of the same linguistic and poetical qualities as our hymn. Not only thus much, but in his Mahāvīra-stavana of 24 stanzas, the same metre seems to have been used in which the 20 first stanzas of the former are composed. In depth of religious sentiment, gracefulness of diction, and melodiousness of flow, our hymn is not inferior to the Gautama-rāsa either.
It is, therefore, quite possible that our hymn may represent another creation of this poet, whose authorship of the Gautama-rāsa too was long unknown, owing to a similar mutilation of that part of the text which contained the name, till older manuscripts with a more authentic text were found, and the truth revealed with their help. In the present case, the conjectured `Viņayapahu' makes

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smoother reading from the standpoint of the tonic qualities, and gives more aesthetic satisfaction from that of the train of ideas than the 'viņayaparu' of our manuscript, by harmoniously gratifying the curiosity regarding the poet's identity, which the words at 5 **** Gilfs ook afha'' i.e., “With folded hands, I, your servant .... pray”, arouse in the reader.
The manuscript from which this hymn is being published was kindly placed at my disposal by Upadhyāyaji Śrī Labdhimuniji of the Kharatara Gaccha, from the Bhandāra of the Sāntinātha Temple of Ujjain. It consists of six leaves of country paper ( 4/10), bearing on the margin the figures 3-8. Each leaf has four lines of bold 'paļimātrā' Devanāgari characters of archaic type, in which the hymn is recorded, with an interlinear commentary written above the text in smaller letters, all in black ink. The cyphers, colophons of the original hymn as well as of the text which preceded the latter, and of which only the final passage is preserved, and the vertical marginal lines are in red, the marginal lines being double, and the interstices filled with yellow pigment. The right and left margins moreover are decorated with multicoloured floral designs, considerably reduced by frequent handling, owing to which even the original marginal cyphers of paging have partially disappeared, being subsequently over-written by fresh ones. The yellow pigment used for corrections, has likewise become so much worn off by friction, and is so much faded that the corrected letters are clearly discernible below it. From all this it seems that the manuscript must be fairly old.
The first two leaves obviously contained the well-known and often published 'Bharateśvara-sajjhāi' (part of the Tapā Gaccha Liturgy ), part of the last stanza of which appears on the top of the first leaf numbered as the third.252 Our hymn is the last text of the manuscript and bears the following colophon : “इति श्रीसीमन्धरस्वामिFra 11 HA11 II II". The interlinear commentary has the colophon : “इति श्रीसीमन्धरस्वामिस्तवनाचूरि समाप्ता ।।". More than half of the

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last page, left blank by the copyist, is filled with meaningless scribblings from later hands.
To the best of my knowledge, the hymn has never been printed nor cited before, nor does there seem to exist any further manuscript of the same.
References
1. Loc. cit. Sthana 1, st. 26.
2. Jaina-stotra-sandoha, I, p. 109 ( 'Varäīammi' must be corrected there to 'Varaiammi' ).
3. Singhi Jaina Series 13, p. 42, st. 27-28; the stanza is not located. 4. Uddeso 20 and 21 on p. 96ff. and p. 104ff. of H. Jacobi's edition, published by the Jaina-dharma-prasāraka-sabhā, Bhavnagar; 1914 (the work is believed to be composed at the beginning of the Christian era ).
5. Parvan VI, Sarga 7, st. 1 ff. (edited by the J. D. P. S., Bhavnagar, 1903-13 ).
6. Singhī Jaina Series 10, p. 20, line 12.
7. A modern 'Munisuvrata Svāmī Caritra' in Gujarati, by M. T. Jhaveri, Thana, V.S. 1998, written with a devotional outlook, does not make attempts in that direction, though it contains some bibliographical hints.
8. Sūtra 157, st. 13 (p. 151 a) in the case of other Tīrthankaras too, the generally followed tradition does not agree with this sūtra regarding the pre-existence names.
9. 'Pañca-Pratikramaṇa-Sūtra', Jaina Atmānanda Sabha, Bhavnagar, V.S. 1982, p. 26 ff.
10. Mahendra Sūri, Aṣṭottarī-Tīrthamālā, st. 80, V.T.K., p. 21. 11. Here and in the following, this word is used in the ordinary sense of 'place of pilgrimage'.
12. This is the popular explanation !
13. Some of the more important sources, also for the history of the
Tirtha are:

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(a) Vādideva Sūri, Syādvāda-ratnākara, I.1, st. 2 (ed. by Moti
lal Ladhaji, Poona, V.S. 2153, composed V.S. 1181. (b) Hemacandra Sūri, Trişasti-salākāpuruşa-carita, IV, 7, st. 1
ff., composed V.S. 1216-29. (c) Somaprabha Sūri, Kumārapāla-pratibodha, Prastāva V,
Prakaraṇa 10, and ( translated into Gujarati, Jaina ātmā
nanda Sabhā, Bhavnagar, p. 436 ), composed V.S. 1241. (d) Mahendra Sūri, Astottarī-Tīrthamālā-Caityavandana ( ed.
in Vidhi-pakşagacchasya Pañcapratikramaņa Sūtrāņi, V.S.
1984, 56 ff. ), composed V.S. ca. 1290. (e) Prabhācandra Sūri, Prabhāvaka-carita, Singhi Jaina Series,
VI, p. 41 ff., composed V.S. 1334. (f) Inscription No. 297 of Mount Abu Jaina Temples (Jayanta
vijaya, ‘Abu', I, p. 109 ff. and II, p. 124, Śri-Vijaya
dharma Sūri Jaina Granthamālā ), dated V.S. 1335. (g) Merutunga Sūri, Prabandha-cintāmaņi ( Singhi Jaina
Series ), para 146 and 187, p. 87 and p. 100 f., composed
V.S. 1361. (h) Jinaprabha Sūri, Vividha-tīrtha-kalpa ( Singhi Jaina Series ),
X, p. 20 ff., composed V.S. 1389. (i) Purātana-prabandha-sangraha ( Singhi Jaina Series ), p. 40
and p. 76. (j) Jinamaņdana Gani, Kumārapāla-prabandha, p. 74; compo
sed V.S. 1292. (k) Somadharma Gani, Upadeśa-saptati ( Ahmedabad, V.S.
1998 ), Adhikāra II, Upadeśa. 2, p. 26 a, composed V.S.
1503. (1) Jinaharsa Gani, Vastupāla-caritra ( Translation into Guja
rati, Jaina Dharma Prasāraka Sabhā, V.S. 1974 ), Prastāva
IV, p. 136 ff., composed V.S. 1793. (m) Lakşmīvijaya Sūri, Upadeśa-prāsāda, Sthambha V, Vyā
khyāna 70, p. 148 ff., composed V.S. 1843. Besides, most works dealing with Ambada and with Teja

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pāla refer to the subject : vide M. D. Desai, Short History of Jaina Literature, V.S. 1989, paras. 313, 324, 385, 456, 527,
Note 374. 14. According to most sources, this happened in the 7th of the
above mentioned nine pre-existences of Muni Suvrata. 15. On this point, the several sources greatly differ from one ano
ther. According to Hemacandra, e.g., this death occurred in the
same existence in which the stallion was the friend of the Lord. 16. The Prabhāvaka-carita has 2000 yojana'. 17. Hemacandra omits the Aśvamedha, relating that the stallion
was the mount of King Jitaśatru of Broach, and mere chance
took it into the Samavasaraņa, and the Lord to Broach. 18. According to the Vividha-tīrtha-kalpa and the Upadeśa-prā
sāda, the god decorated the temple with temple with statues of
Muni Suvarata and of the horse. 19. The pre-existences of the bird are dwelt upon with great length
in some sources. 20. “Namo Arihaṁtānam, namo Siddhānam, namo Āyariyāṇam,
namo Uvajjhāyāṇaḥ, namo loe Savva-sāhūņam ! Eso Pascanamukkāro savvapāvappaņāsaņo, mamgalāņam ca savvesim
padhamam havai mamgalam'. 21. According to the Prabhāvaka-carita 18. 22. This belief is particularly dwelt upon in the Prabhāvaka-carita. 23. Loc. cit. Adhikāra I, Upadeśa. 24, p. 23 :
विनापि भावं विहितः प्रणामो जिनेषु न स्यादफलः कदापि । स दुःसुतः श्रेष्ठिवरस्य मीनोऽप्यापत् प्रबोधं यत उद्धतोऽपि ।। 1 ।। as well as the following stanza quoted there : तातादेशवशादपीह नृभवे न त्वं मयाराधितस् तेनाहं भवसागरे निपतितोऽम्भोधौ महापातकी । तत् त्रायस्व जिनेन्द्र मामशरणं सर्वज्ञबिम्बाकृते
मीनो मीनवरानमस्कृतिपरो जातिस्मृतेः स्वर्ययौ । 24. Similar to the application of these names in the Prabhāvaka

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409
carita ( p. 42, st. 39; p. 43, st. 65 ) and the Vividha-tīrtha-kalpa
(p. 20, 1.31 ). 25. Vide the above note for bibliography. 26. Loc cit. VI, p. 41 ff. 27. Vide my article 'Siddhasena Divākara and Vikramāditya' in the
English Vikramāditya Memorial Volume, published by the
Gwalior State. 28. Loc. cit. V. p. 28 ff. 29. Vide M. B. Jhaveri on p. 179 of his Comparative and Critical
Study of Mantra-śāstra’, Ahmedabad. 30. Vide Jaina-stotra-sandoha, edited by Muni Caturavijaya, I,
Ahmedabad, 1932, p. 190 and Introduction, p. 9 f. 31. Vide ‘Jina-ratna-kośa', p. 311. 32. M. D. Desai, 1.1., paras. 312, 313, 300. 33. Prabandha-cintāmaņi, paras. 89-93 and 124, and Purātana
prabandha-sangraha, paras 58, 65, 323, 326. 34. Sri-Päsanāha-Cariyas', Samsodhaka Ācārya Mahārāja Śrī
vijaya-kumuda Sūri, Maņi-vijayagani-granthamālā, X, Ahme
dabad, A.D. 1945; vide also M. D. Desai, 1, 1, para. 3-4. 35. Loc. cit., p. 503, st. 8 ( above ). 36. Strictly speaking, the word 'imdaya' (= Skr. 'andaka') denotes
the central part of the pinnacle or 'kalasa' ( = Skr. ‘kalaśa' ) only, which latter expression, as we saw above, is used by Śrīcandra Sūri, Vide 'Vāstusāra-prakarana' by Thakkura Pheru, Jaipur, A.D. 1936; p. 139. Both the words are, however, used as synonym in colloquial modern Gujarati, as Muni Jayantavijaya kindly informs me. This seems to hold good in the present case
too. 37. VI, st. 136 and XXII, st. 725-766. 38. regnal years V.S. 1199-1229. 39. Loc. cit. IV, p. 136 ff. 40. Obtained by deducting 11,84,000, the number of years defining

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the interval between Muni Suvrata's and Mahāvīra's Nirvāņa, and the number of years imagined to have elapsed from Mahā
vīra's Nirvāņa. 41. M. D. Desai, Short History, etc., para 383. 42. Para. 146. 43. Para. 81. 44. Vide infra. 45. Śri-Vastupāla-caritra, Gujarati translation, Jaina Dharma Prasă
raka Sabha, V.S. 1974, IV, p. 136 ff. 46. Vide Buhler, Life of Hemacandra, translated, Singhi Jaina
Series, p. 6. 47. Vide Buhler, 1.1., p. 90, note 67. 48. Translation into Gujarati, p. 436. 49. Vide Buhler, 1.1., p. 11. 50. 'Śatruñjaya-Yātrā-Vicāra', Bhavnangar, V.S. 1985, p. 204. 51. 'Vividha-tīrtha-kalpa', p. 2. 52. M. D. Desai, 1.1, para. 483. 53. Loc. cit.; vide also Pt. Lalacandra Gandhi, Tejapalano Vijaya,
Bhavnagar, V.S. 1991, Introduction, p. 10 f. 54. Published in 'Hammīra-Mada-Mardana', Gaekwad's Oriental
Series, X, p. 59 ff. vide also M. D. Desai, 1.1., paras, 528 and
552 and Winternitz, 1.1., II, p. 547. 55. Hammira-Mada-Mardana, 1.1., p. 2, st. 5. 56. Vide supra. 57. M. D. Desai, para. 552. 58. L. 1., p. 136. 59. L. 1., Para. 127. 60. M. D. Desai, 1.1., para. 479 and note 393. 61. L. 1., para 172. 62. vide extract in G.O.S. X, App. p. II. 63. M. D. Desai, 1.1., para 565.

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64. Vide 'Abu' by Muni Jayantavijaya, I (V.S. 1990) p. 109 f. and
II, (V.S. 1994), p. 124. 65. Vide 'Śrī Muni Suvrata Caritra’, Lekhaka : Mangaladasa Trika
madasa Jhaveri, Thana, V.S. 1998, p. 67 f. 66. Vide 'Epigraphica Indo-Moslemica' by Dr. M. Nazim, p. 26,
plate No. XIVb (for which reference I am indebted to the Qaziji). 67. Vide M. D. Desai, Jaina Gurjara Kavio', II, p. 719 f. and the
same author's 'Short History of Jaina Literature', paras. 652,
653 and 679. 68. Vide Jinaratna-Kośa. 69. This work is only mentioned in Muni Caturavijaya's Introduc
tion to 'Jaina-stotra-sandoha', II, p. 83. The same Muni, in his Introduction o Part II of the same publication, p. 74 wrongly ascribes to this Jñānasāgara Sūri's 'Vimalanātha-caritra', which in reality is a work of Ratnasimha Sūri's pupil of the same
name, composed in V.S. 1517. 70. Published by Sha. Devakarana Mulaji, Bombay, V.S. 1966. 71. Published by the 'Yaśovijaya-Jaina-Granthamālā', 4, Vīra
Samvat 2437. 72. On being consulted by me re the whereabouts of that 'Muni
Suvrata-Stava', the learned Pandit of the Baroda Oriental Insti
tute, Pt. Lalacandra Gandhi, kindly intimated this as his opinion. 73. Printed under the name of 'Ghoghā-maņdana-Pārsva-Jina
stava' on p. 47 of Stotra-Samuccayah', edited by Muni Catura
vijaya, 1928 A. D. (N. S.P.). 74. Vide Ācārya Vijaya Dharma Sūri, ‘Devakulapātaka', Yaśo
vijaya Jaina Granthamālā and Muni Vidyāvijaya, Meri Mevāda
Yātrā, Vijay Dharma Sūri Jaina Granthamālā, p. 61. ff. 75. Vide Ācārya Vijaya Dharma Sūri, loc. cit.; Puran Chand Nahar,
“Jaina Inscriptions', Part II, 1927, Inscriptions Nos. 1972, 1983, 1980, 1968, 1971; M. D. Desai, Short History of Jaina Literature, para. 672 ff.

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76. M. D. Desai, loc. cit.,
para. 674.
77. Jaina-Stotra-Sandoha, I, p. 368.
78. Edited in part I of the Stotra-sangraha of the Yasovijaya Jaina Granthamālā (vide Appendix p. 18 of Jaina-stotra-sandoha, loc. cit.).
79. Vide Munisundara Sūri, ‘Gurvāvali', loc. cit., st. 449.
80. Probably modern 'Adrej', a village in Gujarat with a Jaina Temple and Jaina population (between Bhoyani and Pansar, not far from Ahmedabad): vide Muni Caritravijaya, Vihāradarśaṇa, V.S. 1988, p. 84 f.
81. Vide 'Pāīasaddamahaṇṇavo' by Pandit Hargovind Das T. Sheth, Calcutta, 1928, p. 400: 'luțere ki eka jāti'. The Samskṛta word 'carata' (only found with lexicographers) in the meaning of 'wagtail', was of course not in the poet's mind.
82. J. G. K., II, p. 723, note; J. St. Sand., II, Introduction, p. 108, note. 83. J. Ait. G. K. S., Appendix, p. 96 ff; J. G. K., II, p. 743; J. St. Sand., II, Introduction, p. 109.
84. J. Ait. G. K. S., p. 115, p. 186-190; it is also mentioned by Muni Caturavijaya, J. St. Sand., II, Introduction, p. 115, where, however, the poet's Guru is quoted as 'Dayāvardhana'.
85. J. Ait. G. K. S.,
pp. 190-192.
86. J. G. K., III, p. 553.
87. J. G. K. I, p. 188; J. Ait. G. K. S., Ap. p. 96.
88. Patt. Sam. I, p. 68 ff.
89. loc. cit., p. 134, st. 131.
90. loc. cit., p. 146, st. 22 f.
91. loc. cit., p. 157.
92. loc. cit., p. 172.
93. J. St. Sand., II, Introduction, p. 113 ff. and table facing p. 122. 94. Edited by Muni Caturavijaya in J. St. Sand., II, pp. 217-226. 95. J. G. K. II, p. 68, and III, p. 503.

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96. Its colophon runs as follows (on fol. 12 a): "186
वद 9 शनीवारे साकथली नगरे सांतीनाथजी प्रसादात् पं० मोजीजी वांचनार्थ श्री. कांठल से श्री श्री श्री लिषतं पं० हरिविजय श्री श्री श्री " .
97. XII. 3, p. 73 : " श्री हेमविलसूरि कृत 'तेर काठीयानी सज्झाय'." 98. Śrī-Bhaktāmarastotra-pādapūrti-rüpasya
Kavyasangrahasya
Prathamo Vibhāgaḥ ) ( Agamodaya-Samiti ), 1926, and 'Dvitiyo Vibhāgaḥ 1927'.
413
99. Muni Căritravijaya, 'Vihāra-darśana', p. 234.
100. Muni Śāntivijaya, Jaina Tīrtha Guide, p. 135 ff.
101. J. G. K., III, p. 552. 102. J. G. K., III, p. 553 f.
103. J. G. K., II, p. 753 f.
104. J. G. K., II, p. 308 ff.
105. He was ordained in 1688 and died in 1743 (J. G. K., II, p. 20 ff).
106. Vide J. St. Sand., Introduction, p. 94.
107. Vide 'Tantrabhidhana', edited A. Avalon, p. 60.
108. J. G. K., II, p. 45 ff.; p. 7; and III, p. 1312 and p. 1631.
109. J. G. K., II, p. 39; p. 336; and III, p. 1637.
110. J. St. Sand., I, p. 101.
111. Vide 'Śrīmad Yaśovijayaji Upādhyāya-kṛta Śrī Navapadajī Pūjā', Jaina Atmananda Sabha, Bhavnagar, V.S. 1981, Introd. p. 7 f.
112. Venerable Upadhyāya Labdhimuniji, who commands my sincere admiration as a poet, a scholar, and before all as a true embodiment of the ancient ideal of Jaina sadhu-hood, has assured me that this tradition is handed down in his 'Sampradāya' as a historical fact, which is sufficient guarantee for its reliability.
113. So does the (probably Svopajña) Ṭabā to Yasovijaya's 'Dravya Guna Paryāya Rāsa' (J. G. K., II, p. 30).
114. Vide M. B. Jhaveri, 'Comparative and Critical Study of Mantra-śāstra', Ahmedabad, A.D. 1944, Introduction, p. 245 f, and J. G. K., II, p. 25.

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Dr. Charlotte Krause: Her Life & Literature
115. V.S. 1998.
116. Varṣa 11, Ańka 3, pp. 73-80.
117. Vide M. B. Jhaveri, loc. cit., and J. St. Sand. I and II, where a number of texts of this type are published.
118. Vide J. St. Sand. II, Introduction, p. 8.
119. Vide J. St. Sand., both parts.
120. Vide J. St. Sand II, p. 27.
121. This definition is given in a list of ‘mantra-bījas', contained on an ancient stray manuscript leaf in the possession of the Venerable Upadhyāya Labdhimunijī.
122. Vide the list of 'mantra-bījas' on p. 139 ff. of ‘Śrī JainaKalpa-Mantra-Mahodadhi”, I, by Muni Vīravijaya, Multan,
V.S. 1999.
123. The following arrangement is generally found: "Om hrim śrīṁ ( arham) namiūņa pāsa visahara vasaha Jiņa phuliṁga hrīm ( śrīm) (svāhā)". Vide J. St. Sand. II, p. 15, 27, 34, M.B. Jhaveri, loc. cit., Texts p. 43, 44, and 'Pañca-pratikramaṇasūtra', Jaina Ātmānanda Sabhā, Bhavnagar, V.S. 1982, p. 455. 124. Though 'blim' is occasionally found in Jaina texts, still I have seen this explanation only in Upadhyāya Labdhimuni's list referred to above.
125. M. B. Jhaveri, loc. cit., Texts, p. 20, 1.11.
126. Vide 'Śrī-Sūri-mantra-bṛhatkalpavivaraṇam', Ahmedabad, V.S. 2458, p. 2 a.
127. Vide M. B. Jhaveri, loc. cit., Texts, and J. St. Sand. I, Texts. 128. Vide 'Prācīna Tīrthamālā-sangraha', Samsodhaka Śrī Vijayadharma Sūri, I, Bhavnagar, V.S. 1978.
129. Simhadvipa may stand for 'Simhaladvīpa', Ceylon, where an ancient place of Jaina worship is testified to have existed in the "Vividhatīrthakalpa' (loc. cit., p. 85 ), or for 'Singhapura', an ancient Jaina tīrtha near Jhelum mentioned by Hiuen Tsang (Cunningham, p. 142 ff. ), and in V.T. I., p. 3, p. 85, p. 86.

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Ancient Jaina Hymns
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130. Vide Muni Cãritravijaya, 'Vihāradarśana', p. 229, and V. T.
K., p. 107. 131. Perhaps "Pārakaraga', for 'Pārakara', would be the correct
reading. Jaina places of worship situated in ‘Pārakara-deśa', i.e., the modern Thara-Parakara District of Sindh, are referred
to in the V.T. K. p. 85 and the Aștottari-Tīrthamālā, st. 83 ff. 132. In ancient texts, this place is referred to as 'Serīsa' or 'Seri
sayapura' ( vide V. T. K., p. 24, p. 25, and p. 106 ). It seems to have once been an important town. Vide also Muni Jñāna
vijaya, 'Jaina Tīrthono Itihāsa', p. 40 ff. 133. About the history of this ancient place vide Pt. Lalacandra
Gandhi, ‘Tejapālano Vijaya' and 'Pāvagadha thi Vadodarā maṁ Prakata Thayelā Jīrāvalā Pārsvanātha', Bhavnagar, V.S.
1997 and 1991. 134. Vide V. T. K., p. 85 and Astot. st. 41 and 56, and p. 66 ff.
( 'Dhammacakka-titthaṁ' ). According to 'Purātana-prabandha-sangraha’l., p. 107, para. 232, Takşaśilā had once 105
tīrthas'. 135. The importance of Mathura as an ancient Jaina centre has been
revealed by excavations. Detailed references are found in the V. T. K. Vide also ‘Prācina Tīrthamālā-Sangraha', Introduc
tion, p. 40. 136. For ancient references vide the V. T. K.; for further informa
tion : 'Prācīna Tīrthamālā-sargraha', Introduction, p. 34. 137. Vide V. T. K. p. 61 ff., p. 86, etc. 138. Cp. Aştot., st. 86 f. (Jālaure .... Suvannagiri-sihare' ), etc. 139. The form 'Devagiri' is better known : cp. V.T. K., p. 44f. 140. Cp. the references given by M. D. Desai, ‘Short History',
Index, p. 994. 141. 'Hastodipura' is, according to the well-known specialist in the
history of Jaina tīrthas, Muni Jayantavijaya, whom I consulted, identical with 'Hastikundi', an ancient Jaina tīrtha, the name of which occurs in inscriptions pertinent to a tīrtha now

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known as 'Rātā Mahāvīra', situated in the jungles about 2 m. from Bijapur ( the latter place being situated 8 m. south-east from the Railway Station Eranpura Road ). In an inscription of V.S. 1345, this 'Hastikundi' is referred to as “Hathiudi' (Nāhar, “Jaina Inscriptions', I, No. 897 ), which linguistically lends itself well as prototype for a demi-Sanskritic 'Hastodipura'. The 'Hastikuņdīya-gachha' ( Vijaya Dharma Sūri,
Prācīna-lekha-sangraha', No. 43 ) seems to have derived its
name from that place. 142. Cp. 'Pādalipura' etc., in V. T. K., p. 34, and 'Pādaligāma' in
Astot., st. 82; vide also Prāc. Tīrth. Sangr., Introduction, p. 15.
The form ‘Pāțaliputra' is better known. 143. Vide Pt. L. Gandhi, ‘Pāvāgadh' etc., p. 52, p. 71, p. 90. 144. In Aștot., st. 59, this place is referred to as 'Sivanayarī’. Vide
also Prāc. Tīrth. Sangr., Introduction, p. 39. The modern place of the name of 'Ahicchatta' is situated near the E. I. Railway
Station, Aonla, not far from Rampur ( Distr. Bareilly). 145. Cp. Muni Vidyāvijaya, 'Meri Mevāda-Yātrā', p. 59 ff. The
place is situated about 13 m. north of Udaipur. 146. Cp. V. T. K. p. 86, Aștot., st. 89 ( ‘Nanaya'). 147. Vide above, chapter on the “Tīrtharkaras'. 148. Name of the 11th ring-continent, counted from Jambū-dvipa,
also of the ring-mountain traversing it. Being outside the ‘Manuşyaloka', its temples are built and attended only by
divine and semi-divine beings ( Sthānānga-sūtra, ‘Kundala'). 149. 'Mānușa' is an abbreviation for ‘Mannsottara' similar to the
form 'Maņua' used in the Astot., st. 25. Re the Mānnuşottara
Mountain, vide chapter on the ‘Tīrthankaras'. 150. Name of the 13th ring-continent as well as of the ring-moun
tain traversing it. Its temples are divine (Sthānānga-Sūtra, IX :
'Ruyaga'). 151. Mountain-range which traverses the Bharata-kşetra from east

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417
to west, parallel to its northern boundary, the Himavat ( Tattv.
III, p. 256). 152. Name of the 8th ring-world, famous for its splendid temples
and the gorgeous religious festivals celebrated there by gods
and genii. ( Sthānānga-Sūtra IV, 3 : 'Nandisara') 153. According to V. T. K., p. 91, this much eulogized Semi
mythological sacred mountain ( 'Atthāvaya' ) is situated 12 yojana north of Ayodhya, and is identical with the Kailāśa, also called 'Dhavalāgiri', which, so this work states, can be seen from Ayodhya on clear, days, with its range of white
summits. 154. 'Gundara' may be the same as 'Gudara-giri', which is mentio
ned in the Astot., st. 83, as situated in ‘Parakara-deśa', i.e., in
Sindh, and as being sacred to Ādinātha. 155. Gajapada may be the same as 'Gajāgrapada' ('Gayaagg
apaa'), a Jaina Tīrtha mentioned in Astot., St. 41 and 49 under this name and under the name of 'Daśārņakūța' ( 'Dasannakūda'). According to V.T.K., p.78, a 'Dasaņņa-pavvaya' was situated in Magadha near the Tirtha ‘Koțiśilā’. There is matter
for research. 156. The V. T. K., p. 86 refers to a Jaina Tīrtha in the Vindhya
Mountains. 157. Modern 'Set-Mahet', or ‘Sahet-Mahet', situated near the O.B.
Railway Station Balrampur, represents the site of ancient
Śrāvastī', as the former part of the name suggests ( vide Prāc. Tīrth. Sangr., Introduction, p. 36f). The V. T. K., p. 70, testifies that at the time of its composition (V.S. 1389 ), the old
city of Śrāvasti ( 'Sāvaťthi') was known as “Māhethi’. 158. 'Rājadraha' is an obvious equivalent of “Rājasāgara’, the
name of the famous lake in Udaipur State, at the shore of which the ancient Jaina place of ‘Rājanagara' was situated. Even now, the ruins of the latter exist, with the remains of a grand Tīrthankara Temple, known as 'Dayālaśāha kā Kilā':

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418 Dr. Charlotte Krause: Her Life & Literature
vide Muni Vidyāvijaya, ‘Merī Mevāḍa-Yātrā', p. 64 ff. 159. 'Śrīnaga' obviously stands for ‘Śrīparvata', a name often mentioned in Jaina literature, as, e.g., V.T.K., p. 86 and p. 106. M. D. Desai, Short History, Para 524 locates it 'near Conjeeveram'. Nundo Lal De identifies Ancient 'Śrīśaila or Śrīparvata', 50 m. from the G. I. P. Railway Station Krishna. 160. Vide V. T. K., p.. .53.
161. Cp. Astot., st. 100, where this sacred place is referred to as "Tāraṇagiri'.
162. Vide also V.T.K., p. 85. The modern place lies 40 m. from Andheri. It was once an important Jaina centre.
163. Ārāsaṇa is a synonymon of ‘Kumbhāriya', once a flourishing city, much mentioned in Jaina literature. As a tīrtha, it is also referred to in Astot., st. 102.
164. Vide also V.T.K., p. 12, p. 85, p. 83, etc. : Dvārakā was once a Jaina tīrtha, bound up with the History of the 22nd Jina Neminatha, contemporary and relative of Śrī-Kṛṣṇa. Cp. also M. D. Desai, loc. cit., para. 842.
165. This place is mentioned in the Astot., st. 102 as 'Kāsaddaha”, and in V.T.K., p. 85 as ‘Kāśahrada'.
166. V. T. K., p. 7, st. 3 and p. 10 mentions a place "Tejalapura', built by Tejapäla at the foot of Mount Girnar. Vide also Prāă. Tirth. Sangr., Introduction, p. 57 f. 'Tejallavihāra' may refer to the temple erected there by him in honour of Pārśvanātha, and named 'Asarayavihāra' in honour of Tejapala's father.
167. This may be 'Nimbuyāḍa', a Jaina place mentioned in Meghavijaya's 'Pārsvanātha-nāmamālā', st. 20 ( Prāc. Tīrth. Sangr., p. 151 ), or 'Nibeḍā Kala', mentioned in the "Tīrthāvalīpravāsa' (No. 383) as posessing an old Jaina temple. Perhaps both names denote one and the same place.
p.
168. Satyapura, mentioned in this form in the V. T. K., p. 4 and 86, and in the Prākṛta form 'Saccaura' in the Astot., st. 85. This

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419
is a very old place referred to already in the ‘Jagacintāmaņicaityavandana' ( ascribed to Mahāvīra's direct disciple
Gautama ) as sacred to Mahāvīra. 169. Vide Muni Jñānavijaya. “Jaina Tīrthono Itihāsa', p. 5. The
place was founded by Kumārapāla's Minister Vāgbhața, the elder brother of the above mentioned Ambada, who restored
Sakunikā-vihāra. 170. This place is frequently mentioned in old works in varying
form, as ‘Rādadraha', 'Rādadaha', 'Rādadre', 'Lāțahrada', “Rādadhada', ( etc. ), one of the oldest references being in Aștot., st. 84. From an ancient inscription of V.S. 1209 (M. D. Desai, Short History, p. 261, note 294 ), it appears that this place was part of the territory of King Alhaņa Deva, a vassal of Kumārapāla of Gujarat. The learned Jainācārya Śrī Vijayendra Sūriji refers me to Epigraphica Indica IX, pp. 73-78 and
XI, p. 44 f. and p. 74 f., which were not available to me. 171. Vide also V. T. K., p. 86 and Astot., st. 101, as well as M. D.
Desai, Short History, para. 496. Re the modern place, vide
Cāritra-vihāra, p. 155 and Tīrthāvali-pravāsa, No. 696. 172. From Astot., st. 90 ( 'Mevāda-desa-gāme .... .... Naṁdisama
nāme, Sagadala-maṁti-kāriya-Jina-bhavane'), it appears that this place was situated in Mevāda and contained a Jina Temple built by the Minister 'Sagadāla'. Nothing further could be ascertained. Vide V. T. K., p. 86 Aștot., st. 97, and Muni Jayantavijaya, ‘Abu'. II, p. 245, Inscription 10-11, according to which refere
nces, 'Mundasthala' was an old Jaina place. 174. Karakal has long since been 'famous for the Jaina and
Buddhist Pilgrims', according to Nundoo Lal De, p. 903; vide
also Tīrthāvali-pravāsa, No. 416. 175. Viz., ( a ) Bhavanaväsin, in the underworld, ( b ) Vyantara, in
the layer between the underworld and the world of men, (c) Jyotiska, in the lower strata of the atmosphere, and (d)

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Vaimānika, in layers above the latter in movable 'vimānas'. 176. Vide the references quoted by Professor H. R. Kapadia, in his
edition of "Śrī-Bappabhattisūri-viracitā Caturvimśatika',
Āgamodaya Samiti, No. 53, 'Upodghāta’, p. 45 ff. 177. Hemacandra Sūri makes this expression clear by his expla
nation ‘Mālava-Kausikyādi-grāmarāga-yuktatā' in the Svo
pajña-tikā to his 'Abhidhāna-Cintamani-Kośa', I, st. 66. 178. Vide Introduction. 179. Vide A. and Bh. Nahta, 'Dādā Śrī Jinakusala Sūri, Calcutta,
V.S. 1996, p. 58. 180. “Pūrņa-Kșema-Vallabha-Vilāsa', Neemach, V.S. 1990, part
II, p. 16 ff. 181. Loc. cit., p. 22. 182. Cp. B. C. Bhattacharya, 'The Jaina Iconography', Punjab
Oriental Series No. 26, Lahore, 1939, p. 133. 183. Nirvāṇakalikā, edited by M. Bh. Jhaveri, Nirnaya Sāgara
Press, Bombay, A.D. 1926, p. 35. 184. Cp. Bhattacharya, 1.1, p. 107; Pheru, Vāstusāra Prakaraņa,
Jaipur, A. D. 1936, pp.168-212 and pp. 156-213. In some
Digambara works, the name 'Caturmukha' is found. 185. Nirvāņakalikā, p. 36; Saptatiśata-sthāna-prakaraṇa, 1.1, Dvăra
109; Tīkā; Pravacanasāroddhāra, Tīkā, Dvāra 27; Hema
candra, Abhidhāna-cintāmaņi-kośa, I, 45, Tīkā. 186. Munisundara, śāntikara-stavana, st. 1. 187. Saptatiśata-sthāna-prakarana, st. 228. 188. Pravacana-sāroddhāra, st. 376. 189. Pratisthā-sangraha, as quoted by Bhattacharya, 1.1., p. 139
vide also ‘Tiloyapaņņatti', st. 939. 190. On what basis Bhattacharya, 1.1., mentions a 'lion', is not
clear. 191. Vide J. St. Sand., 1. p. 347ff. and its Introduction, p. 8. 192. L. 1., p. 19 ff.; vide also Muni Kalyāņavijaya's remarks in his

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421
Introduction to the Gujarati Translation of the Prabhāvaka
carita ( Jaina Ātmānanda Sabhā, Bhavnagar, V.S. 1987), p. 22. 193. L. 1., p. 28 f. 194. Cp. Muni Kalyāņavijaya, loc. cit. 195. Cp. Nirvāņakalikā, I.c., p. 34ff., particularly the regularly
recurring attribute of the ‘Yakṣiṇīs' : 'tasminneva tīrthe
samutpannā'). 196. Cp. Tattv. IV, 11, Bhāsya, p. 282 ( 'sirassu phaņicihnā Nāga
kumārāḥ'). 197. The word 'Vidyā-devi' does not mean 'Goddess of Learning'
at all, as Bhattacharya ( loc. cit., p. 163ff ). translates it, but 'divine personnification of magic lore'. The 'Goddess of
Learning' is the 'Śruta-devī' Sarasvati. 198. The earliest references appear to be : with the Svetāmbaras the
"Nirvāņakalikā' of Pädalipta Sūri, and with the Digambaras
the ‘Pratişthā-sāra' of Vasunandin. 199. Vide M. Bh. Jhaveri, 'Comparative and Critical Study of
Mantra-śāstra’, p. 258. 200. Vide Daksiņāmūrti, 'Uddhārakośa', ed. by Raghuvīra, Intro
duction, p. 9f. 201. Vide M. Bh. Jhaveri, loc. cit., p. 147 ff., and p. 271 ff. 202. Representative are : Sanghadāsa Gani, ‘Vasudevahindi', IV,
p. 163f.; Jinadāsa Gani Mahattara, 'Āvasyaka-Cūrņi', p. 161f; Haribhadra Sūri, “Avaśyaka Tīkā', p. 143ff.; Hemacandra Sūri, 'Trişastiśalākāpuruṣa-carita', III st. 124-233; Vinayavijaya, Kalpasūtra-ţikā ‘Subodhikā', 1, 212 (p. 152 ); Cp. also
M. Bh. Jhaveri, 1. c., p. 175 f and p. 260 ff. 203. These two vidyās are also mentioned in the Sūtrakrtānga-Sūtra
(II, 2, Sūtra 30, p. 318 ). 204. Jambūdvipa-prajñapti IV; Sthānāņga-sūtra X, 3. 205. In her English Translation of the 'Trişastiśalākāpuruşa-carita',
Vol. I, p. 176.

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206. Small variances found in some individual texts, are not consi
dered. The Arabic figures in the columns of the Śāsana-devis denote the respective Tīrtharkara to whom the goddess conce
rned is attached. 207. Hemacandra, Abhidhānacintāmaņi, II, st. 154; Nirvāņakalikā,
p. 38. Acaradinakara, as quoted by Bhattacharya. 208. Pratisthā-sāroddhara, as quoted by Bhattacharya, p. 175. 209. Šāntikara-stava, loc. cit. 210. J. St. Sand., II, p. 241. 211. Here in the sense of ‘shining' as in the expression 'gaurānga'
as an epithet of Kțşņa. 212. Here in the sense of 'dark-blue'. 213. Edited by Professor H. R. Kapadia, Āgamodaya Samiti, Nos.
53 and 52. 214. Loc.cit., p. 140. 215. Loc. cit, p. 175, note. 216. p. 131, st. 54. 217. Comparative and Critical Study of Mantraśāstra', Appendix
v (p. 28 ), st. 20. 218. Edition of Sobhana's 'Caturvimśatika', 1.1., p. 279, note 3. 219. Senapraśna II, Praśna 112, p. 31. 220. Edition of Sobhana's Caturvimsatikā, 1.1., p. 278 f. 221. Thus, the 'Dharanendra' who presented Nami and Vinami
with 48,000 Vidyās, during the life-time of the first Tīrthankara, is of course assumed to be a different individual from the Sāsana-deva of the 23rd Tīrthankara, for the latter Dharaņendra's soul was still incarnated in a snake when Pārsvanātha was Prince of Kāśī, and became incarnated as god only subse
quently. 222. M. Bh. Jhaveri, 1. c., p. 63 and p. 315. 223. Cp. the conclusions of the Cintāmaņi-Pārsvanätha-stotra and
the Caturvimśati-Jina-stava, in Jaina-stotra-sandoha II, p. 47, and I, p. 209.

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224. Vide J. G. K. II, p. 677, and J. St. S. I. Prastāvanā, p. 35 and II,
Prastāvanā, p. 31.
225. J. St. S. I., pp. 206-209.
226. J. St. S. II, pp. 44-47.
227. Vide Jinaratnakośa.
228. 1.1.
229. 1. 1.
230. Tattv. IV, 4 and commentaries.
231. Vide B.G. Bhandarkar, 'Wilson Philological Lectures on Samskṛta and the Derived Languages', Bombay, 1914, p. 81 ff; N. B. Divatia. 'Gujarati Language and Literature', Bombay, 1921 and 1932; Keshavaram Kashiram Shastri, 'Apaṇā Kavio', Ahmedabad, 1942 (Gujarat Vernacular Society ), I. 232. Vide Bhandarkar, 1.1., p. 108 ff. and Keshavaram Shastri, 1.1., p. 78 ff.
233. Keshavaram Shastri, p. 175, p. 181, p. 265. 234. 1.1., p. 279.
235. Divatia I. p. 368; II,
P. 55 ff.
236. L. 1., p. 30; Keshavaram Shastri, p. 264.
237. Divatia, I, p. 333 and p. 378; Keshavaram Shastri, p. 159.
238. Divatia, I, p. 129 ff; II, p. 28.
239. Divatia, II, p. 77.
423
240. Divatia I, p. 385 and p. 396 ff.; Keshavaram Shastri, p. 158, p. 221, p. 232, p. 236, p. 244.
241. V.S. 1241.

242. Pre-Hemacandra.
243. Probably earlier than 7th century (V.S.) vide M. D. Desai, Short History, para 203.
244. Keshavaram Shastri, p. 158, 181, 189, 221, 232, 236 and 265. 245. General tendency of Middle Gujarati, stabilised in the modern
language.
246. Keshavaram Shastri, p. 232.

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247. The commentator takes the word as an equivalent of Prāksta
alajja, ‘shameless', and connects it as an apposition with majha,
'me' (Dat. sg.), which however does not seem satisfactory. 248. Keshavaram Shastri, p. 265 and p. 278, Divatia II, p. 69 ff. 249. From the stand-point of Samskrta prosody, it would be 'Matta',
but for some minute deviations. 250. अ. भा. नाहटा, 'दादा श्री जिनकुशल सूरि', कलकत्ता, वि. सं. 1996; मो. द.
देशाई, 'जैन गुर्जर कविओ', प्रथम भाग, ईस्वी सन् 1926, पृ. 15,त्रीजो भाग, पृ.
416; केशवराम काशीराम शास्त्री, पृ. 273. 251. नाहटा, पृ. 60. 252. “उ । अज्जवि विज्जइ जासिं । जस पडहो तिहुअणे सयले ।। 13 ।। इति महातस
महासती कुल समाप्तं ।। छ ।।"

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The Texts (1) श्रीमुनिसुव्रतस्वामिस्तवनम्
श्रीज्ञानसागरसूरिकृतम् श्रीकैवल्यावगमविदिताशेषवस्तुस्वभाव
भावद्वेषिप्रमथनपटुं दोषनिर्मुक्तवाचम् । भक्तिप्रवत्रिभुवननतं सुव्रत श्रीजिनाहं
देवं स्तोष्ये भृगुपुरमहीमौलिमौले भवन्तम् ।। 1 ।। प्रज्ञोत्कर्षाधिगतसकलद्वादशाङ्गार्थसाथै
रीशांचक्रे न कविवृषभैयाँ स्तुतिं ते विधातुम् । मादृक्षः किं निबिडजडिमा तद्विधौ स्यात्समर्थो
बालः किं वा कलयति निजाशक्तिशक्त्योर्विभागम् ।। 2 ।। आद्ये भवे त्वमभवः शिवकेतुभूमी
शः सुप्रतिष्ठनगरेः सुमना द्वितीये । सौधर्मगोऽवरपुरेऽथ कुबेरदत्त
स्तस्मात्तृतीयदिवि दैवतपुङ्गवोऽभूः ।। 3 ।। श्रीवज्रकुण्डलनृपो नगरेऽजनिष्ट
पौराणनाम्न्यथ च पञ्चमकल्पवासी । श्रीवर्मभूपतिरुदग्रबलस्तु चम्पा
__ स्वामी विमानमपराजितमागमस्त्वम् ।। 4 ।। च्युत्वा ततो हरिकुले विपुलेऽवतीर्णः
श्रीमत्सुमित्रनृपवंशविशेषकस्त्वम् । पद्मात्मजः प्रवरराजगृहे गरीयः
पुण्यास्पदं जनिमहं तव तेनुरिन्द्राः ।। 5 ।। आयुस्त्रिंशस्त्रिभुवनविभो वत्सराणां सहस्रां
देहोच्चत्त्वं तव जिनपते विंशतिः कार्मुकाणि ।

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आद्यज्ञानत्रयपरिगतः श्यामवर्णाभिरामो
राजत्वं ते मगधविषयं कूर्मलक्ष्मा व्यधास्त्वम् ।। 6 ।। उत्सृज्यातः पुरधनमहाराज्यराष्ट्रादि सर्वं
प्रव्रज्य स्रागधिगतमनःपर्ययज्ञानशाली । हत्वा मोहाद्यरिकुलबलं सारखादैस्तपोभि
र्लोकालोकाकलनकुशलं कैवलं लेभिषे त्वम् ।। 7 ।। देहः स्वेदाममलविकलोऽतुल्यरूपः सुगन्धः
श्वासः पङ्केरुहपरिमलः प्रोज्ज्वले मांसरक्ते चर्माक्षाणामविषयमिहाहारनीहारकृत्यं । व चत्वारोऽमी लसदतिशया जामनस्ते सहोत्थाः ।। 8 ।। देवादीनां समवसरणे संस्थितिः कोटिकोटे
र्वाणी तिर्यग्नरसुरसदोबोधिदानप्रवीणा ।। अर्कज्योतिर्विजयि विमलं देव भामण्डलं ते
मौलेः पृष्ठे स्फुरति जगतो बाढमाश्चर्यकारि ।। १ ।। एकैकस्यां दिशि शतमितक्रोशमध्ये जनानां
न स्युमारि वनभयदा स्वस्य चक्रोत्थभीतिः । दुर्भिक्षोग्रामयभरमहावृष्ट्यवृष्टीतिवैरं
स्वामिन् कर्मक्षयसमुदिता एवमेकादशैते ।। 10 ।। आकाशे ते रुचिरचमरश्रेणयो धर्मचक्रं .
__ भास्वत्सिंहासनमनुपमं पादपीठेन युक्तं । प्रौढच्छत्रत्रयमुरुतरश्रीकरत्नध्वजोऽङ्घि
न्यासे चामीकरनवपयोजानि दीप्रत्रिवप्री ।। 11 ।। चातूरूप्यं तरुवरनतिय॑ङ्मुखा कण्टकाली
वृक्षोऽशोकः समवसृतिभूव्यापकस्तापहर्ता । उच्चै दो ध्वनति गगने सर्वतो दुन्दुभीना
मिष्टो वातः सकलशकुना दक्षिणावर्तचाराः ।। 12 ।। वर्ष गन्धप्रवरपयसामिन्द्रियार्थानुकूल्यं
जानूत्सेधः कुसुमनिचयः केशरोमाद्यवृद्धिः । पार्श्वे सेवाविहितहृदया देवकोटिर्जघन्या
देते विश्वेश्वर सुरकृता विंशतिर्खेकहीना ।। 13 ।।

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पञ्चत्रिंशद्वरतरगुणा वाचि संस्कारवृत्तौ -
दात्त्याद्यास्ते मनसि परमः कोऽप्युदासीनभावः ।
स्वामिन्नष्टोत्तरदशशती बाह्यसल्लक्षणानां
सत्त्वादीनां वपुषि तु तथानन्त्यमाभ्यन्तराणाम् ।। 14 ।। दीक्षाज्ञाने ह्यसितसितयोः पक्षयोः फाल्गुनस्य
द्वादश्योस्ते; च्यवनमथ च श्रावणे पूर्णिमस्याम् । ज्येष्ठेऽष्टभ्यां जनुरिन शितौ मुक्तिलाभो नवम्या
मासन्विश्वप्रमदविधयेऽमूनि कल्याणकानि ।। 15 || आसर्वार्थं जिन तनुमतामत्र संस्थो व्यपास्यन्
संख्यातीतानपि च युगपत्संशयानेकवाचा | धर्मं स्मात्थ त्रिभुवनगुरो पर्षदां द्वादशाना
मग्लान्याः द्विः प्रतिदिनमहो विष्टपानुग्रहस्ते ।। 16 ।। मध्ये कोरिण्टकवनवने त्वं प्रतिष्ठानतोऽत्रा
गत्यैकस्यां सपदि रजनौ योजनानां तु षष्टिम् । यागे जोहूयितहरिवरं बोधयित्वा स्वमित्रं
स्वामिन् धर्मेऽनशनविधिनाऽजीगमः स्वर्गलोकम् ।। 17 ।। तद्गन्धर्वामरविरचिते श्रीमदश्वावबोधे
तीर्थेऽस्मिंस्त्वच्चरणयुगलीपाविते साधुदत्तम् । शुश्रावैका वटशबलिका म्लेच्छबाणेन विद्धा
निःशेषांहोहरणनिपुणं श्रीनमस्कारमन्त्रम् ।। 18 11 मृत्वा साऽभूत्सुकृतवशतः सिंहलेशस्य पुत्री
बुद्धा भूयोऽपि च भृगुपुरेऽभ्योक्ततन्मन्त्रमाप्य । भीता पापात्कुगतिजनितात्सप्तशत्या तरण्डै
रेत्योद्दध्रे जिनगृहमिह त्वत्पदद्वन्द्वपूतम् ।। 19 ।। त्वत्पूजायां भृशमवहिता ब्रह्मचर्यादिपुण्या
न्यातन्वाना त्रिदशरमणीशानकल्पे बभूव । सम्यग्भावातिशयविहिता पर्युपास्तिस्त्वदीया

427
किं किं दत्ते न सुखमतुलं कल्पवल्लीव पुंसाम् ।। 20 ।। यद्बुध्यन्ते प्रवरवचनाकर्णनात्प्राणिवर्गा
आश्चर्यं तत्तव न हि जगद्बोधदायिञ्जिनेन्द्र ।

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428 Dr. Charlotte Krause : Her Life & Literature
ग्राम्यन्मीनश्चरमजलधौ कोऽपि कर्मानुभावा
ज्जैनाकारं झषमपि समालोक्य बुद्धस्तु चित्रम् ।। 21 11 यद्वत्पूर्णं पृथुतरनदे सञ्चरन्निन्दुबिम्बं
कूर्मोऽपश्यत्पवनदलितोद्दामसेवालबन्धे ।
कर्मोऽत्कृष्टस्थितिविघटनेऽनन्तकालात्तथाहं
त्वामद्राक्षं जिन पुनरयं भाग्यलभ्यो हि योगः ।। 22 II आज्ञायां ते विमुखमनसां भूरिकर्मावृतानां
भूयोऽपि त्वं भवसि भविनां नाथ दृष्टोऽप्यदृष्टः । आयुर्वेदी व्यपनयति किं रोगमुग्रं जनानां
निर्बुद्धीनामवगणयतामुक्तभैषज्यजातम् ।। 23 11 दुःखानन्त्यं त्रिजगति मया योनिलक्षेषु सेहे
भ्रामं भ्रामं प्रतिपदमविश्रान्ति धर्मं विना ते । किं पाथेय दृढतरमृते दीर्घमध्वानमाप्तः
स्यादध्वन्यः क्वचिदपि सुखी क्षुत्पिपासाभिभूतः ।। 24 || मिथ्यात्वाद्यैर्बहुभवभवाभ्यासपुष्टैः प्रमादैः
संसारान्तर्न सुखकणिकाः काश्चनापं कदापि ।
सञ्जायन्ते न खलु निहितैः कोद्रवैः क्षेत्रमध्ये
शालिस्तम्बा रुचिरकणिशश्रेणिसम्पत्तिमन्तः ।। 25 || मोक्षोपायं भगवदुदितं भावतो ये प्रपन्नाः
प्रत्यासन्नीभवति भविनां निवृतिर्नाथ तेषाम् । पारे पाथोनिधिगुरुतराच्छिद्रबोहित्थमध्या
11
सीना केचिज्जिगमिषुजनाः स्युर्न गन्तुं समर्थाः ।। 26 देवानादिर्निखिलभविनां कर्मराशिस्त्वदुक्ता
ऽनुष्ठानस्याभ्यसनविधिना द्रागदनीध्वस्यतेऽसौ ।
स्वर्णान्नाना भवति न हि किं वह्नियोगेन सद्यो -
ऽलोलीभावस्थितिरपि मलो मार्त्तिकः सर्व एव ।। 27 || लब्धे धर्मे नवशिवगतिं प्रापुरन्तर्मुहूर्त्तात्
क्लेशैर्मुक्ता भविकनिवहाः साम्यपीयूषतुष्टाः ।
गेहस्यान्तर्भवति तिमिराकीर्णवस्तूपलम्भः
किं नो पुंसां विलसति सुखात्सर्वतो दीप्रदीपे ।। 28 ।।

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अन्येऽध्वन्याः स्वमतनिरता वर्षकोटीतपोभिः
क्लिश्यत्कायाः शिवपदमगुर्न त्वदाज्ञाविहीनाः । किं जात्यन्धा अभिमतपुरप्रापणेऽलं भवेयु
म्यन्तोऽपि प्रसभमभितो देव जङ्घाबलेन ।। 29 ।। संसृत्यन्तर्धमिभवमहातापनिर्वापहेतोः
शिश्रायासौ जनसमुदयः शासनं तावकीनम् । नो लीयन्ते किमु पथगतं शाड्वलं पान्थसार्था
नो केऽशोकाभिधवरतरुं ग्रीष्मभीष्मार्कतप्ताः ।। 30 ।। त्वत्स्याद्वादेऽखिलनयमये विश्वलब्धप्रतिष्ठे
स्फूर्जात्युच्चैः परमतगणा भान्ति नो लेशतोऽपि । तेजःपुढे प्रसरति दिवा भानवीयेऽथवा किं
द्योतन्तेऽन्तर्धरणिवलयं क्षुद्रखद्योतपोताः ।। 31 ।। रागद्वेषौ विरुजत इतो हन्ति कामः प्रकामं
मोहोऽत्यर्थं तुदति सततं चैकतः शत्रुवन्माम् । त्रायस्वातस्त्रिभुवनपते भीतभीतोऽहमद्य
त्वत्पादाब्जं शरणमगमं संश्रितानां शरण्यम् ।। 32 ।। पारावारोत्तरणमनसो मानवा यानपात्रं
मार्गभ्रष्टा अभिरुचितभूप्रापकं सार्थवाहम् । नानाव्याधिव्यथितवपुषः प्राप्य वैद्याधिराजं
मोमुद्यन्ते जिनवर यथा पेप्रियेऽहं तथा त्वाम् ।। 33 • ।। स्वामिन्दन्ताबलघनघटा उत्कटा वाजिघट्टाः
स्थामप्रौढा विकटसुभटाः स्यन्दनाश्चाभिरामाः । भव्यं द्रव्यं कनकरजतं भूरिमाणिक्यमुक्ता
राशिर्न स्युस्तव मतमृते दुर्गतित्राणहेतोः ।। 34 ।। कामाध्मातः प्रवणमनसा विश्ववन्द्यान पादां
_श्चक्रे वाचा विविधविकथा न स्तुतिस्ते गुणानाम् । पापं कर्म व्यरचि वपुषा पर्युपास्तिर्मया नो
ही जन्मोदग्विफलमगमं देव दुर्दैवयोगात् ।। 35 ।। पुष्पैर्गन्धैर्बहुपरिमलैरक्षतैधूपदीपैः
सत्रैर्वाद्यैः शुभफलगणैर्वारिसम्पूर्णपात्रैः ।

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कुर्वाणास्ते जगदधिपतेरर्चनामष्टभेदां
सर्वाशंसारहितमयो विश्ववन्द्या भवन्ति ।। 36 ।। एतत्तीर्थं प्रवरमहिमं श्रीमदश्वावबोध
त्वत्पादाम्भोरुहपरिचयप्राप्तपावित्र्यभावम् । तृष्णाच्छेदं मलविशरणं सर्वदाहोपशान्ति
कुर्यात्केषां न हि मुनिपते देव भव्याङ्गभाजाम् ।। 37 ।। नश्यत्यंहो जिन शकुनिकाश्रीविहाराभिधान
प्रासादेनाश्रिततनुमतामत्र संस्थेन दूरे । प्राकारेऽन्तर्गुरुपरिवृढाधिष्ठिते सुप्रतिष्ठे
चौराः क्रौरा अपि विदधते मोषमावासिनां नो ।। 38 ।। धन्यो लोको भृगुपुरगतः कस्य पुण्यात्मनोऽपि
श्लाघास्थानं न भवति विभो प्रत्यहं यः प्रभाते । उत्थाय त्वच्चरणयुगलोपास्तिमस्तान्यकृत्य
श्चक्राणः स्वं सृजति सफलं मानुषं जन्म लब्धम् ।। 39 ।। एवं श्रीभरुकच्छवर्यनगरालङ्कारचूडामणे
नूतो मुग्धजनोचितेन मयका भक्तिस्तवेनामुना । संसाराम्बुनिधौ विभो निरवधौ मज्जन्तमत्राणकं
देव श्रीमुनिसुव्रतोद्धर तपाकूपार मामानतम् ।। 40 ।। (2) श्रीदेवकुलादिनाथस्तवनम्
श्रीसारोदयगणिकृतम् श्रीमन्तमादीश्वरमादरेण तं
स्तुवे परात्मानमनन्तसंविदम् । यः साम्प्रतं देवकुलाश्रमे सतां
हितार्पणैर्दर्शयति स्वमंशतः ।। 1 ।। न कीत्तौं सम्प्रीतिर्न हि विदुरतायाः प्रकटनं
न चातुच्छा वाञ्छा विषयजसुखे न व्यसनिता । प्रयुङ्क्ते मां स्तोत्रे जगदधिपतेरेव भवतः
परं सर्वाभीष्टप्रथननिपुणं नाथ सहजम् ।। 2 ।। विभो दायं दायं भवसुखमभीष्टं शिवसुखं
प्रदत्से वात्सल्याज्जिन निजपदोपास्तिसजुषाम् ।

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प्रसिद्धो नीरागस्तदपि विजयेथास्त्वमथवा
न मादृ:लक्षं विलसितमहो दैवतमिदम् ।। 3 ।। तथा यौगं योगं निरुपमतपोजापविधिभि
स्त्वमभ्यासीासीत्त्वयि स हि यथा कर्ममलहृत् । धराद्याः षटकायाः षडपि ऋतवः पञ्चविषया
स्तवैतन्माहात्म्याज्जिन यदनुकूलत्वमगमनम् ।। 4 ।। प्रणिघ्नन् विघ्नौघान् प्रबलरिपुभूतादिदमनैः
प्रयच्छन्नानन्दाभ्युदयमभितोऽभीष्टघटनैः ।। अपस्मारस्मेरस्मरगडुविकारज्वरमुखा
रुजोऽजर्यस्थैर्यात् प्रमथसि सपर्याप्रणयिनाम् ।। 5 ।। इमौ रागद्वेषौ प्रसभमनिवार्यौ भववने
प्रबोधते व्याधाविव बहु मनो मे मृगमिव । कृपालुस्त्वं नाथस्त्रिजगदवनोपायजनक
स्तदाभ्यां नो कस्मादवसि भवदेकाश्रितमिदम् ।। 6 ।। स्फुरन् रागश्चौरो भवजलनिधौ द्वेषमकरो
महामोहग्राहो जनिमृतिचलद्वीचिनिचयाः ।। भृशं सर्वं दुःखप्रदमिदमभून्मे परमतो
न च त्रातर्यस्मात्तव पदयुगल्याप्यत तरी ।। 7 ।। स्वयं निर्माप्यामी भृशमशुभमर्माण्यसुमतां
तुदन्तो विद्वेष्याः सहचरणशीलाः प्रतिपदम् । यथा स्युस्ते चिन्त्या इह न हि बहिःस्थास्तदिव ते
ततस्त्वं मद्रीभवनमुभयेषामपि कुरु ।। 8 ।। त्रिलोक्यन्तस्तावच्चिरपरिचितं राज्यमजितं
जन्स्वान्तास्थान्यां ननु विदधतां मोहमहिमा । न यावत्सर्वान्ता रिपुकुलतरोर्मूलविभुजो
हठात्तामाक्रामत्यधिप तव निस्सीममहिमा ।। १ ।। सुखापेक्षः श्रीमन् वृषभ निखिलो दुःखविमुखो
विमोक्षो दुःखेभ्यः प्रभवति सुधर्मानुपरमात् । सुसामग्रीयोगात्स च भवति तस्मादपि स त
च्छ्रितानामन्योन्याश्रयमनयमेनं व्यपनय ।। 10 ।।

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पवित्रत्वद्गोत्रस्मरणविधिभिः संसृतिभवै
घनापायैः कामैः प्रसृमरतराण्यान्तरतनौ । अवश्यं नश्यन्ति प्रथमजिनपैनांसि भविनां
विषावेगा वेगादिव पटुतरैर्जाङ्गुलिजपैः ।। 11 ।। जगच्चक्षुः साक्षात्त्वमसि कमलोल्लासजनना
दलक्ष्योऽप्यध्यक्षो भवभवतिरस्कारचतुरः । यतस्तेऽध्यक्षत्वे प्रशमगुणभाजामसुखदा
न हि प्रोज्जयन्तेऽभ्युदितुमवनौ तामसगणाः ।। 12 ।। तवानुकम्प्येषु भवन्ति सर्वदा
समृद्धयः सर्वहितार्थसिद्धिदाः । यतोऽनुकूले जलदेऽखिलं भवे
दिलातलं मञ्जुलशाद्वलं न किम् ।। 13 ।। शनैः शनैर्नीरदवृष्टिभिः क्षितौ
प्रजायते शाखिगणः फलेग्रहिः । प्रसन्नतायाः पदपङ्कजस्य ते
फलोदय(स्तत्) क्षणमे(व) नो) ध्रुवः ।। 14 ।। भवद्वयीशर्मदधर्म ( - - -
- - - - - ) हितयीमदीदृशः । तवोपकर्तुः सुधृतीनतीः स्तुती
रतो न कस्कोविदधीत तत्त्वधीः ।। 15 ।। धन्यास्त एव स्तवनैर्नवैर्नवै
र्भवन्तमा ( - - - - - - - । - - - - ) नल्पविकल्पकल्पना
निरस्य वश्यात्मतया सुमेधसा ।। 16 ।। न रूष्यसि त्वं न च तुष्यसि स्वत
स्तदप्यनिष्टेष्टरमासमर्पणैः । (- - - - )देहभृतां तवेश त
ल्लोकोत्तरं प्राभवमत्र चित्रकृत् ।। 17 ।। फलन्ति वाचां मनसां च गोचरै
ध्रुवं फलैर्दैवतपादपादपाः ।

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भवांश्च विश्वेशितरप्यगोचरै
जगत्यतस्ते समतादरिद्रता ।। 18 ।। तव क्रमौ वन्दितुमुत्सुकायितः
कृती स्वभावान्न हि नीचकैःशिराः । गरीयसा किं तु तदा समर्जित
स्वधर्मसम्भारभरेण मन्महे ।। 19 ।। उच्चैः क्रमादुन्नततां तव क्रमौ
स्वस्मिन्नुदारप्रकृती दरीधृतः । स्वभाक्तिकानामपि तां चरीकृतः
स देव दीयेत दयालुनापि यत् ।। 20 ।। प्रणेमुषां कौसुमशेखरन्ति दि
ग्विलासिनीनां विलसद्यशांसि यत् । स्फुरन् गुणोघो हृदये च हारति
प्रभुस्तवैवात्र पदप्रसन्नता ।। 21 ।। व्यपास्य संसारविकारविप्लवा
नमन्दमानन्दपदं दधास्यतः । भवोद्भवोपप्लवविप्लुतात्मनो
मनः समाघानविधि विधेहि मे ।। 22 ।। त एव वा भगवन् विकल्पना
निरस्य साम्यामृतनित्यशीतलाः । नासाग्रविन्यस्तदृशः स्मरन्ति ते
पदाम्बुजं ये हृदयाम्बुजे निजे ।। 23 ।। नो शास्त्रार्थे प्रपरति मतिर्नो तपस्सु प्रयत्नो
नात्मध्याने धृतिरनुभवो नैव योगप्रयोगे ।। नाप्युत्साहः प्रथमजिन मे धर्मकृत्येऽपरस्मि
नीहे मुक्तिं तदपि तव यत्तत्र भक्तिः प्रयोक्त्री ।। 24 ।। कृतार्थितमनोरथः सकलवर्णसद्वर्णनः
स सोममुनिसुन्दरत्रिदशवृन्दवन्द्यक्रमः । स दैवकुलिको मम प्रथमतीर्थनाथः पृथू
करोत्ववितथाः प्रथाः प्रमथितापदां सम्पदाम् ।। 25 ।।

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Dr. Charlotte Krause : Her Life & Literature
इत्थङ्कारं स्तुतिपथमहं त्वामनैषं कृतार्थं
धर्मार्थादीन् स्वहितजनकानाप्तुकामः पुमार्थान् । नाथः प्रार्थ्यप्रथननिपुणः प्राथ्यसे त्वत्प्रसादा
च्छीनाभेय प्रशममधुरा मेऽस्तु सारोदयश्रीः ।। 26 ।। (3) श्रीवरकाण-पार्श्वनाथ-स्तोत्रम्
श्रीहेमविमलसूरिकृतम् श्रेयोमहोदयलतावनयौवनश्री
सम्प्राप्तिमाधवमगाधतरं महिम्ना । पार्श्वप्रभुं स्तवयुगैकपदैः समस्या
बन्धन्नवीमि वरकाणपुरीगिरीशम् ।। 1 ।। कल्याणमन्दिरमुदारमवद्यभेदि
पादाम्बुजं त्रिजगतीश तव स्तवीमि । अम्भस्तरङ्गनिकरैः स्नपितं मिषेण
भक्तामराप्रणतमौलिमणिप्रभाणाम् ।। 2 ।। यस्य स्वयं सुरगुरुगरिमाम्बुराशेः
प्रज्ञानिधिर्न हि विभुर्गदितुं गुणौघम् । अत्यर्णवायितगुणं परमेष्ठिवर्गे
स्तोष्ये किलाहमपि तं प्रथमं जिनेन्द्रम् ।। 3 ।। सामान्यतोऽपि तव वर्णयितुं स्वरूप
मज्ञः कथं स्तुतिविधौ प्रभवेयमीश । सङ्क्रान्तमप्सु शशिनं निशि वा विनार्भ
मन्यः क इच्छति जनः सहसा ग्रहीतुम् ।। 4 ।। मोहक्षयादनुभवन्नपि नाथ मर्यो
मानातिगांस्तव गुणान्न हि चङ्क्रमीष्ट । प्राज्यप्रभुत्वपरमेश्वरमप्रगाह्यं
को वा तरीतुमलमम्बुनिधिं भुजाभ्याम् ।। 5 ।। अभ्युद्यतोऽस्मि तव नाथ जडाशयोऽपि
____भक्त्येरितः स्तुतिविधावुपहासदेऽपि । रागात्स्वशक्तिमविचिन्त्य हरिं कुरङ्गी
नाभ्येति किं निजशिशोः परिपालनार्थम् ।। 6 ।।

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ये योगिनामपि न यान्ति गुणास्तवेश स्तोतुं कथं चतुरता मम तान् समेतु । यद्वा त एव खलु यान्तु चिदाश्रयं मा
मल्पश्रुतं श्रुतवतां परिहासधाम ।। 7 ।। आस्तामचिन्त्यमहिमा जिन संस्तवस्ते
दूरेऽस्तु दर्शनमपि प्रशमप्रशस्यम् । नाम्नाऽपि ते दुरितसन्ततिरन्तमेति
सूर्यांशुभिन्नमिव शार्वरमन्धकारम् ।। 8 ।। हृद्वर्तिनि त्वयि विभो शिथिलीभवन्ति
भव्याङ्गिनां भवशताजिर्तकर्मपाशाः । आत्मा श्रयेद्विमलतामिव शुक्तिसङ्गा
मुक्ताफलद्युतिमुपैति ननूदबिन्दुः ।। 9 ।। मुच्यन्त एव मनुजाः सहसा जिनेन्द्र
त्वत्सेवनादशुभकर्मभरेण भव्याः । तेषां च धाम शुचिरं विलसत्यपास्य
पद्माकरेषु जलजासिन विकाशभाञ्जि ।। 10 ।। त्वं तारको जिन कथं भविनां त एव
यत्त्वां हृदा परिवहन्त्यथवान्तरस्थम् । त्वं तारयस्यथ न चेन्महतोऽय्यता का
भूत्याश्रितं य इह नात्मसमं करोति ।। 11 || यस्मिन् हरप्रभृतयोऽपि हतप्रभावा
स्तं मन्मथं क्षपयतो भवतोऽन्यदेवम् ।
कः सेवते ? ससितगव्यपयः प्रपीय
क्षारं जलं जलनिधेरशितुं क इच्छेत् ।। 12 ।। स्वामिन्ननल्पगरिमाणमपि प्रपन्ना
स्त्वच्छासनं लघु तरन्ति भवाम्बुराशिम् । विश्वत्रयेऽप्यनुपमाः खलु ते प्रजातो
यैः शान्तगरारुचिभिः परमानुभिस्त्वम् ।। 13 |1 क्रोधस्त्वया यदि विभो प्रथमं निरस्तः शेषद्विषो विमहसः स्वयमेव नेशुः ।

435

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भानुर्विभां किमु हरेच्छशिमण्डलस्य
यद्वासरे भवति पाण्डुपलाशकल्पम् ।। 14 ।। त्वां योगिनो जिन सदा परमात्मरूप
मारोप्य हृत्कमलकोशपदे भजेयुः । तेषां गुणाः शशिरुचः शवते त्रिलोकीं
__ कस्तान्निवारयति सञ्चरतो यथेष्टम् ।। 15 ।। ध्यानाज्जिनेश भवतो भविनः क्षणेन
कर्मावलिक्षयकरान मनाक चलेयुः । दुर्गोपसर्गनिवहेन युगान्तवातैः
किं मन्दरादिशिखरं चलितं कदाचित् ।। 16 ।। अन्तः सदैव जिन यस्य विभाव्यसे त्वं
मन्ये तदेव हृदयं निलयं शिवस्य । यस्मिस्तमः प्रशमयनपधूमवर्ति
र्दीपोऽपरस्त्वमसि नाथ जगत्प्रकाशः ।। 17 ।। आत्मा मनीषिभिरयं त्वदभेदबुद्धया
रोपेण संस्मृत इह प्रगुणप्रभावः । त्वद्वद्भवेद्भविकपद्मवनावबोधः
सूर्यातिशायिमहिमाऽसि मुनीन्द्र लोके ।। 18 ।। त्वामेव वीततमसं परवादिनोऽपि
प्राप्य प्रभो लघु तरन्ति भवाम्बुराशिं । वाक्यं तवेश जयताद्विमलावबोधं
नित्योदयं दलितमोहमहान्धकारम् ।। 19 ।। धर्मोपदेशसमये सविधानुभावाः
स्वान्ते समक्षसमुदो भवशर्म भव्याः ।। नेच्छन्ति वा फलितशस्यवतीह विश्वे . कार्य कियज्जलधरैर्जलभारननैः ।। 20 ।। चित्रं विभो कथमवाङ्मुखवृन्तमेव
सूनोत्करं तव किरन्ति यथा सुरास्ते ।। नैवं परस्य महिमा सुमणेस्तु यादृङ्
नैवं तु काचशकले किरणाकुलेऽपि ।। 21 ।।
| 21 ।।

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स्थाने गभीरहृदयोदधिसम्भवा या
__ वाचस्तवामृततुला विबुधास्त्वदीयाः । यतेंजुषां सुमनसां न परो भवत्तः
कश्चिन्मनो हरति नाथ भवान्तरेऽपि ।। 22 ।। स्वामिन्सुदूरमवनम्य समुत्पतन्तः
संसूचयन्ति भविकानिति चामराः किम् । यन्नेतरा सुतमसूत विभो समं ते
स्त्रीणां शतानि शतशो जनयन्ति पुत्रान् ।। 23 ।। श्यामं गभीरगिरमुज्ज्वलहेमरत्न
सिंहासनेऽमरगिरिस्थनवाम्बुदाभम् । त्वामीक्षते भविककेकिगणो यतस्त्वं
नान्यः शिवः शिवपदस्य मुनीन्द्र पन्थाः ।। 24 ।। उद्गच्छता तव शितिद्युतिमण्डलेन
__ भात्या वपुः परिवृतं सुषमां बिभर्ति । लुम्पत्यशोककिसलान्सलतानतस्त्वां
ज्ञानस्वरूपममलं प्रवदन्ति सन्तः ।। 25 ।। भो भोः प्रमादमवधूय भजध्वमेनं
कर्मच्छिदे विभुमिति त्रिजगज्जनौघानं ।। आमन्त्रयत्यमरदुन्दुभिरुनदस्ते
व्यक्तं त्वमेव भगवन् पुरुषोत्तमोऽसि ।। 26 ।। उद्योतितेषु भवता भुवनेषु नाथ
भ्रष्टाधिकार इव तारकवच्छशाङ्कः । श्वेतातपत्रमिषतस्त्रितनुर्विधत्ते
तुभ्यं नमो जिन भवोदधिशोषणाय ।। 27 ।। स्वेन प्रपूरितजगत्त्रयपिण्डितेन
चन्द्रांशुसान्द्रयशसा गुणराशिपूर्णः । दोषैरलब्धनिलयैर्गमितैर्विदूरैः
स्वप्नान्तरेऽपि न कदाचिदपीक्षितोऽसि ।। 28 ।। दिव्यस्रजो जिन नमत्रिदशाधिपानां
मूर्द्धनो महामणिमयानपहाय मौलीन् ।

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शेश्रय्यति क्रमयुगं तव तत्प्रतिक्षि
मुच्चैरशोकतरुसंश्रितमुन्मयूखम् ।। 29 || त्वं नाथ जन्मजलधेर्विपराङ्मुखोऽपि
तीर्णश्च तारयसि संश्रितभव्यलोकम् । धामस्थितं भविकहृत्सु तमोपहं ते
तुङ्गोदयाद्रिशिरसीव सहस्ररश्मेः ।। 30 ।। विश्वेश्वरोऽपि जनपालक दुर्गतस्त्वं
कष्टव्रजाद्वितनुषेऽभिमतं श्रितानाम् ।
सिंहासनं द्युतिरुचा भवतेश राज
त्युच्चैस्तटं सुरगिरेरिव शातकौम्भम् ।। 31 || प्राग्भारसम्भृतनभांसि रजांसि रोषा
त्साराद्यथाय जलमुचा प्रगलन्ति तद्वत् । आमस्तव स्मृतिवशेन भवेद्सङ्गः
11
प्रख्यापयत्त्रिजगतः परमेश्वरत्वम् ।। 32 यद्गजदूर्जितघनौघमदभ्रभीमं
भीतिच्छिदो जयति गीस्तव युक्तमेवम् । विश्वत्रयेऽपि गुरुतां भजतस्तवांहीं
उन्निद्रहेमनवपङ्कजपुञ्जकान्ती ।। 33 11
ध्वस्तोर्ध्वकेशविकृताकृतिमत्यमुण्ड
भूषाधनेषु गिरिशादिषु सा न हि श्रीः । या तेऽजनिष्ट सवितुः किलयः प्रकाश
स्तादृक्कुतो ग्रहणस्य विकाशिनोऽपि ।। 34 || धन्यास्त एव भुवनाधिप ये त्रिसन्ध्यं
त्वामर्चयन्ति विगलन्मदभिन्नगल्लम् ।
व्यालं बलोत्कटमतीवरुषन्तिकाप्तं
दृष्ट्वा भयं भवति नो भवदाश्रितानाम् ।। 35 ।। अस्मिन्नपारभववारिनिधौ मुनीश
चण्डानिलोद्धतजले विषयोर्मिराशिः ।
निर्यामकोज्झितनिजक्रिययानसंस्थं
नाक्रामति क्रमयुगाचलसंस्थितं ते ।। 36

TI

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जन्मान्तरेऽपि तव पादयुगं न देव
नेमे वयाश्मपतनप्रसृतं दवाग्निम् । ज्वालालिदग्धविपिनं भयदं समेतं
त्वनामकीर्तनजलं शमयत्यशेषम् ।। 37 ।। नूनं न मोहतिमिरावृतलोचनेन
दृश्य प्रभो भवदुपास्तिवशाज्जनोऽयम् । भीमद्विजिह्वमणुवन्मनुते भुजङ्गं
रक्तेक्षणं समदकोकिलकण्ठनीलम् ।। 38 ।। आकर्णितोऽपि महितोऽपि निरीक्षतोऽपि
त्राता जिन त्वमसि यत्समरे रिपूणाम् । सेना गजाश्वसुभटध्वनिभीषणापि.
त्वत्कीर्तनात्तम इवाशु भिदामुपैति ।। 39 ।। त्वं नाथ दुःखिजनवत्सल हे शरण्य
रक्षेति संस्मृतिपरा विचरत्कबन्धे । युद्धेऽस्त्रविद्धगजभीमरवे जयश्रीं
त्वत्पादपङ्कजवनाश्रयिणो लभन्ते ।। 40 ।। निःसंख्यसारशरणं शरणं शरण्य
मीशं प्रपद्य मृगपस्य शरत्रखस्य । हेलाविनिर्दलितकुम्भिघटस्य सत्त्वा
स्वासं विहाय भवतः स्मरणाद् व्रजन्ति ।। 41 ।। देवेन्द्रवन्ध विदिताखिलवस्तुसार
त्वद्भक्तितः झगिति जीवितसंशयाप्ताः । कासक्षयज्वरजलोदररुक् प्रतप्ता
मा भवन्ति मकरध्वजतुल्यरूपाः ।। 42 ।। यद्यस्ति नाथ भवदंह्रिसरोरुहाणा
मन्तः षडंहितुलितं सूधियां तदाश । मोक्षं भजन्ति निबिडं निगडैर्निबद्धा
आपादकण्ठमुशृङ्खलवेष्टिताङ्गाः ।। 43 ।। इत्थं समाहितधियो विधिवज्जिनेन्द्र
मत्तेभवायनलनागरणाङ्गणोत्थाः ।

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हर्यामवेधनभियश्च गलन्ति तस्य
यस्तावकं स्तवमिमं मतिमानधीते ।। 44 ।। भव्याङ्गिदृक्कुमुदचन्द्रनिभप्रभाव
भोगीन्द्रभोगिललनाञ्चित पार्श्वदेव । यस्त्वां नवीति वरकाणपुराधिपैवंs
तं मानतुङ्गमवशा समुपैति लक्ष्मीः ।। 4 ।। एवं जिनेश मुनिसुन्दरवंशजाली
- संसेव्य हेमविमलस्तुतसद्गुणौघ । आशालताः सफलयेर्वरकाणनाथ
श्रीपार्श्व मे विमलधर्मशुभप्रभावात् ।। 46 ।। (4) श्रीशङ्केश्वर-पार्श्वप्रभु-स्तोत्रम्
श्रीनयविमलकृतम् ऐन्द्रश्रेणिनतावतंसनिकरभ्राजिष्णुमुक्ताफल
ज्योतिर्जालसदालबाललहरीलीलायितं पावितम् । यत्पादाद्भुतपारिजातयुगलं भाति प्रभाभ्राजितं
श्रीशङ्केरिपार्श्वनाथजिनपं श्रेयस्करं संस्तुवे ।। 1 ।। यन्नामाभिनवप्रभूतसुमहोधाराधरासारतः
कल्याणवलिवल्लरी कलयति प्रस्फूर्जतः सान्द्रताम् । भव्यानां भवदीयपादयुगलोपास्तिप्रसक्तेर्जुषां ।
श्रीशङ्केश्वरपार्श्वनाथजिनपं श्रेयस्करं संस्तुवे ।। 2 ।। यद्यानोत्कटचित्रभानुरनिशं नीरोत्करर्दिद्यते
___ मुक्तैर्दुष्टशठेन तेन कमठेनानिष्टकृत्कर्मणा । स्पष्टं जुष्टफणिस्फटामणिगणाश्लिष्टक्रमाम्भोरुहं
तं श्रीशङ्केश्वरपार्श्वनाथजिनपं श्रेयस्करं संस्तुवे ।। 3 ।। दुर्ध्यानाधिकवातकम्पितपरप्रोढप्रभावे मह
त्यस्मिन् कालकरालिते कलियुगे कल्पान्तकालोपमे । जाग्रच्चारुयशोभिराममलयोद्भूताभितः सौरभं
न श्रीशङ्केश्वरपार्श्वनाथजिनपं श्रेयस्करं संस्तुवे ।। 4 ।। श्रीमद्ध्यानविधानतानमनसां भव्यात्मनां भाविनां यत्रामापि पिपर्ति पुण्यजनितान् कामान्मनोभीष्टकान् ।

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विश्वाशापरिपूरणाय किमिमं विश्वागतं स्वस्तरुं
तं श्रीशङ्केश्वरपार्श्वनाथजिनपं श्रेयस्करं संस्तुवे ।। 5 ।। त्रैमत्कास्यविलोकनान्मम करे स्फूजन्महासिद्धयः
सम्प्राप्ता धुसदामधीशविनुतप्राज्यप्रतिष्ठाः पुनः ।। सञ्जाता परमा रमा सहचरी सौख्यं सदालिङ्गितं
श्रीमच्छङ्खपुराधिनाथ जिनप प्रौढप्रभावाद्भुत ।। 6 ।। क्षीणाज्ञानभरो नतामरनरश्रेणिप्रयुक्तादरो
ध्वस्ताशेषदरस्तमोभयहरः कर्मद्रुमे मुद्गरः । लोकोद्योतकरः स्मरज्वरहरः सौख्यद्रुधाराधरो
दद्याद्भरितरप्रमोदनिवहं त्वन्नाममन्त्राक्षरः ।। 7 ।। नष्ट दुष्टोग्रकर्माष्टककरटिगणैर्निर्गतं क्रोधमान
प्रोद्यत्पञ्चप्रमादादिकचटुलतरर्योत्करैः क्रूररूपैः । भग्नं पातकजातशाखिनियहैरापच्छिवाभिर्गत
___दृष्टेऽस्मिन् भवदीयदर्शनमहानादे दयायुक् प्रभो ।। 8 ।। ऐङ्कारादिमसिद्धसाध्यमहिमा ओंकारह्रींकारयुङ्
मायाबीजसमन्वितो विसहरस्फौलिङ्गताश्लेषितः । अहँ श्रीनमिऊणपासकलितस्त्रैलोक्यसौख्याकरो
भूयाच्छ्रीधरणेन्द्रसेवितपदः पार्श्वप्रभुभूतये ।। १ ।। ओङ्कारप्रथितावदाततरयुग् ह्रींकारसाराश्रितः
पद्मावत्यै-नमोऽस्तु-स्फुटहनदहता-रक्ष-रक्षेति युक्तः । क्लीं श्रीं ब्लीं ह्तों प्रतियतिसमयं सस्वधामन्त्रबीज
प्रोद्यद्धामप्रतापान्वितविशदतरस्फारवीर्यप्रचारः ।। 10 ।। ये जानन्ति जपन्ति सन्ततमभिध्यान्ति मन्त्रद्विकं
तेषां साम्राज्यलक्ष्मीः कृतकलनिलया जायते सम्मुखीना । सप्ताङ्गाः गाङ्गनीराकृतिविशदयराशिरुज्जम्भतेऽस्मि
ल्लोके सम्पूर्णकामोऽमितगुणनिकरस्थैर्यमालम्बते ते ।। 11 ।। कृत्वालीके च वामेतरभुजयुगले नाभिदेशे च वक्ते
__ शस्ते हस्तद्वये वा ह्यभिमतफलदं मूर्ध्नि संस्थापयित्वा । पार्श्व शकेश्वराख्यं सुरतरुकरणिं ये जपन्तीह शश्व
ते भव्या यान्ति सिद्धिं तनुतरदुरिता द्वित्रकैः सद्भवैश्च ।। 12 ।।

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दुर्ध्यानद्रुमखण्डखण्डनखटो दुर्दम्यदन्ताबलः
श्रीधीराद्विमलप्रबोधकमलप्रीतिप्रदानोज्ज्वलः । सद्ध्यानप्रबलप्रतापबहुलज्वालावलीधूमलो
ध्वस्ताशेषखलः खलीकृतमल: सिद्धयङ्गनाकामलः ।। 13 ।। मूर्द्धिन स्फारणफणीन्द्रजालजटिलोऽक्षुद्रक्षमाकन्दलः
सम्यग्ज्ञानजलप्रवाहपयसा प्रक्षालितक्ष्मातलः । धैर्यस्वय॑चलः सुसाधितकलो दौर्गत्यवारार्गलो
दत्ताभीष्टफलः पुनातु भुवनं पार्थो घनश्यामलः ।। 14 ।। पार्श्व त्वत्पदपद्मपूजनकृते सत्केतकीनां वने
तीक्ष्णैरुत्कटकण्टकैश्च सततं विध्यन्ति येषां कराः । तेषां चारुपतिंवरेव भविनां चक्रित्वशक्रश्रियः
स्वैरस्थैर्यतया चलत्वरहिता भव्यं भजन्ते प्रभो ।। 15 ।। साफल्यं जनुषो ममाद्य सुतरां जातं प्रशस्यो दिनः
श्लाघ्यं जीवितमद्य हृद्यसफलश्रेयानयं स क्षणः । जाता कृत्यकृतार्थिनी बहुफला सा धारिका कारिका
सौख्यस्यैव यदीश शर्मकृदिदं त्वद्दर्शनं प्रापितम् ।। 16 ।। लोला त्वनुतिलोलुपा तव गुणग्रामायते मे श्रुति
नित्यं त्वद्वदनावलोकनजुषी स्वामिन् पुनश्चक्षुषी । शीर्षं त्वत्पदमण्डनं तव विभो ध्यानैकतानं मनो
जातं तन्मम सर्वमेव शुभकृदात्माप्ययं त्वन्मयः ।। 17 ।। शस्य त्वद्गुणचक्रवालजलधेः पारं न यामि प्रभो
___ आत्मीयोत्कटदुष्टदुष्कृततते! यामि पारं पुनः । तस्माद्देव तथा विधेहि भगवन् प्राप्नोमि पारं तयोः
सम्यक्त्वेन विधाय भव्यकरुणां कारुण्यपात्रे मयि ।। 18 ।। श्रीखण्डागुरुघूपवासनिवहैः कर्पूरपूरैस्तथा ।
काश्मीरद्रवसान्द्रचान्द्रविहितैः सद्वन्दनैश्चान्दनैः । स्वामिंस्त्वत्पदयामलं गतमलं येऽर्ध्वन्ति चर्चाचणा
लोके लोकिततत्त्वसत्त्वसहितास्तेऽप्यर्चनीयाः सदा ।। 19 ।। विष्णुस्त्वं भुवनेऽसि भूपतिरसि श्रेयस्करः शङ्करो
धाता सत्यमहाव्रती शतधतिः कालारिरुग्रस्तथा ।

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ऋद्ध्या सिद्धियुतः कृतीजजनको गौरीगुरुस्त्वं सदा जैनैर्जेनेतरैश्चाद्भुततरविभवैर्गीयसेऽस्यां जगत्यां ।। 20 ।।
सूरिश्रीविजयप्रभादिसुगुरौ राज्यस्थितिं कुर्व्वति
प्रीत्येवं नयपूर्वताविमलयुङ्नाम्ना प्रभुः संस्तुतः । भूयास्त्वं भवभीतिभेदभिदुराकारोपमानः सदा
स्वर्द्धामद्रुमसान्नभो मम पुनः सर्वार्थसम्पत्तये ।। 21 11
( 5 ) श्रीतीर्थमालाचैत्यवन्दनम्
श्रीशत्रुञ्जयरैवताद्रिशिखरे द्वीपे भृगोः पत्तने
सिंहद्वीपधनेरमङ्गलपुरे चाज्जाहरे श्रीपुरे । कोडीनारकमन्त्रिदाहडपुरे श्रीमण्डपे चार्बुदे
जीरापल्लिफलर्द्धिपारकनगे शैरीसशङ्खेश्वरे ।। 1 ।।
चम्पानेरकधर्मचक्रमथुरायोध्याप्रतिष्ठानके
वन्दे स्वर्णगिरौ तथा सुरगिरौ श्रीदेवकीपत्तने । हस्तोडीपुरपाडलादशपुरे चारूपपञ्चासरे
वन्दे श्री करणावतीशिवपुरे नागद्रहे नाणके ।। 2 मेरौ कुण्डलमानुषे च रुचके वैताढ्यनन्दीश्वरे
वन्देऽष्टापदगुण्डरे गजपदे सम्मेतशैलाभिधे । विन्ध्यस्थम्भनशीट्ठमीट्ठनगरे राजद्रहे श्रीनगे
कुन्तीपल्लविहारतारणगढे सोपारकारासणे ।। 3 ।।
द्वारावत्यपरे गढे मढगिरौ श्रीजीर्णवप्रे तथा
थारापद्रपुरे च वाविहपुरे कास हे चेडरे । श्रीतेजल्लविहारनिम्बतटके चन्द्रे च दब्र्भावते
वन्दे सत्यपुरे च बाहडपुरे राडद्रहे वायडे ।। 4 ।। वन्दे नन्दसमे समीधवलके मर्जादमुण्डस्थले
मोढेरे दधिपद्रकर्करपुरे ग्रामादिचैत्यालये ।
ज्योतिर्व्यन्तरकल्पवासिनिलये भौमेषु वा भूतले
ते सर्व्वेऽपि हि शाश्वतेतरजिनाः कुर्व्वन्तु वो मङ्गलम् ।। 5 ।।

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(6) वीर-स्तुतिः पापाधाधानिधाधा धम धम धगसा सागसा सारिगापा
सासागागारिधापा निगरम सरिगा पापगा सारिधाधा । इत्थं षड्जादिरम्यं करणलययतं सत्कलाभिः समेतं
संगीत यस्य देवैर्विहितमतिशुभं पात्वसौ वर्द्धमानः ।। 1 ।। पुन्दा पुन्दा पुषुन्दा डिषि डिषि डिषिमा टाघुमाटां घुमाटां
दुक्मां दुक्मां दुदुक्मां दुलि दुलि दुलिमां भीभभां भम्भभाम्भम् । तल्मां छल्मां छछल्मां टिकरिटिकरिमां भाम्भ्रुवां भम्भ्रुवाम्भ्रम्
येषामातोद्यवाद्यं विदधति विबुधाः पान्तु वस्तीर्थपास्ते ।। 2 ।। कोटेण्टं रावणेण्टं त्रिभुवनकरिटं कर्पणण्टं रणण्टं
डाव्यं डाव्यं डडाव्यं डह डह डहवत् त्राङ्गुलं त्रामुनेत्रम् । झम्प्रं झम्प्रं झझम्प्रं त्रिषि मषि षुषुमां भाक्षुभिः क्षुद्रमासै
रेभिस्तूरलेशं जिनपतिवचसः पातु पूज्योपचारः ।। 3 ।। त्रेताभिस्त्रोटयन्ती त्रुटितकटितट कण्टकं लोटयन्ती
कोटान्दुःकोटयन्ती कपटमतिमटङ्कापदं शाटयन्ती । उत्तालाफालैः स्फुटजटिलजटाजूटकं जोटयन्ती
वैरोठ्याऽव्याज्जयन्ती घनमदमवशा छन्दसा वर्द्धमानम् ।। 4 ।।
(7) महावीर-स्तुतिः
- श्रीजिनपतिसूरिकृता मदनदहननीरं क्रोधनोबैकधीरं
मदजलदसमीरं दम्भभूभेदसीरम् । जलधिगुरुगभीरं लब्धलोभाब्धितीरं
___कनकरुचिशरीरं श्रीजिनं नौमि वीरम् ।। 1 ।। हतविषयविकाराः कर्मवल्लीकुठाराः
नतसुरवरवाराः प्राप्तसंसारपाराः । सुखमतुलमुदारास्तीर्थपा लोकसारा
ददतु शिववधूरोमण्डने तारहाराः ।। 2 ।।

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प्रणतसुरसुरेन्द्रं ध्वस्तसम्मोहनिद्रं
सुगुणमणिसमुद्रं यत्कषायारिरौद्रम् । नमत विहितभद्रं सत्त्वपीडादरिद्रं
कुमतकमलचन्द्रं शासनं जैनचन्द्रम् ।। 3 ।। जिनपतिनेतदक्षः प्लुष्टमिथ्यात्ववृक्षा
प्रणतविहितकक्षः स्मेरपद्मोपमाक्षः । नियतकुशलपक्षः सद्यशोभावलक्षः
प्रवचनकृतरक्षः सोऽस्तु सर्वानुयक्षः ।। 4 ।।
(8) श्रीसीमन्धरस्वामिस्तवनम् नमिर-सुर-असुर-नर-विन्द-वन्दिय-पयं
रयणिकर-कर-निकर-कित्तिभर-पूरियं । पञ्चसय-धणुह-परिमाण-परिमण्डियम्
थुणह भत्तीइ सीमन्धरं स्सामियं ।। 1 ।। मेरुगिरि-सिहरि धय-बन्धणं जो कुणइ
गयणि तारा गणइ वेलुआ-कण मिणइ । चरम-सायर-जले लहरि-माला मुणइ
___ सोवि नहु सामि तुह सव्वहा गुण थुणइ ।। 2 ।। तहवि जिण-नाह निय जम्म सफली-कए
विमल-सुह-झाण-सन्धाण-संसिद्धए । असुह-दल-कम्म-मल-पडल-निन्नासणं
तात करवाणि तुह सन्थवं बहुगुणं ।। 3 ।। मोह-भर-बहुल-जल-पूर-सम्पूरिए
विषय-घण-कम्म-वणराजि-संराजिए ।। भव-जलहि-मज्झि निवडन्त-जन्तू-कए
सामि सीमन्धरो पोअ जिम सोहए ।। 4 ।। तेअ-भर-भरिअ-दिसि-विदिसि-गयणङ्गणो
पबल-मिच्छत-तम-तिमिर-विद्धंसणो । भविअ-जण-कमल-वणसंड-बोहंकरो
सामि सीमन्धरो दिप्पए दिणयरो ।। 5 ।।

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सुजण-मण-नयण-आणन्द-सम्पूरकं
दुरित-हरतार तारक मुणी-नायकं । सयल-जग-जन्तु-भव-पाप-तापापहं
नमउं सीमन्धरं चन्द-सोहावहं ।। 6 ।। सुर-भवणि गयणि पायालि भूमण्डले
नयरि पुरि नीरनिहि मेरु-पव्वय-कुले । देव-देवी-गणा नारि-नर-किन्नरा
तुह्य जस नाह गायन्ति सादर-परा ।। 7 ।। नाण-गुणि झाण-गुणि चरण-गुणि मोहिया
सार-उवयार-सम्भार-संसोहिआ । रयणि दिणि हरिस-वसि सुत्त जागरमणा
तात तुह नाम झायन्ति तिहुयण-जणा ।। 8 ।। सिद्धिकर रिद्धिकर बुद्धिकर सङ्करा
विषय-विष-अमिय-भर सामि सीमन्धरा । पुव्व-भव-विहिअ-वर-पुन-वय-पामिआ
राषि हिव भूरि-भव-भमण मू सामिआ ।। १ ।। कम्म-भर-भार-संसार-अइभग्गउ
घणउं फिरिऊण जिण पाय तुह लग्गउ । मज्झ हीणस्स दीणस्स सिव गामिया
करवि करुणा-रसं सार करि सामिआ ।। 10 ।। कठिण हठ घाय तिरियत्तणे ताजिउ
__नरय-गइ करुण विलवन्त नहु लाजिउ । मणुअ-गइ हीण पर-कम्म-वसि पडियउ
__ लागि तुह चरणि आणन्दि हव चडियउ ।। 11 ।। केवि तुह दंसणे देव सिव साहगा
केवि वाणी सुणी चरणि भव-मोअगा । भरह-खित्तमि हठं झाणि छउं लग्गउ
देहि आलम्बणं नाह जइ जुग्गउ ।। 12 ।। धन्न ते नयर जहिं सामि सीमन्धरो
विहरए भविअ-जण-सव्व-संसयहरो ।

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काम-घट देव-मणि देव-तरु फलियउ
तीह घरि जीह रहिं सामि तउं मिलियउ ।। 13 ।। कर-जुअल जोडि करि वयण तू निसुणिसो
बाल जिम हेल देइ पाय तुह पणमिसो । महुर सरि तुम्ह गुण-गहण हउं गायसो
निय-नयणि रूव रोमंचिउ जोइसो ।। 14 ।। तुम्ह पासि ठिउ चरण परिपालिसो
हणिअ कम्माणि केवल-सिरिं पामिसो । तुम्ह जिणु निअय-करु सिरसि संठविसउ
सोवि कईआवि y होइसिइ दिवसउ ।। 15 ।। भरह-खित्तम्मि सिरि-कुन्थ-अर-अन्तरे
जम्म पुण्डरिगणी विजय पुक्खलवरे । मुणिसुवय-तित्थ-नमि-अन्तरं इह जया
रज्ज-सिरि परिहरवि गहिय संजम तया ।। 16 ।। हणिय कम्माणि लहु लद्ध केवल-सिरी
देहि मे दंसणं नाह करुणा करी । भाविए उदय जिणि सत्तमे सिव गए
बहूअ-कालेण सिद्धिं गमी सामिए ।। 17 ।। मोह-भर मान-भर लोभ-भर भरियउ
राग-भर दम्भ-भर काम-भर पूरिउ । एह परि भरह-खित्तम्मि मूं सामिअ
सार करि सार करि सार करि (तारि) गोसामिअ ।। 18 ।। भोग-पद राज-पद नाण-पद सम्पदं
चक्कि -पद इन्द्र-पद जाव परमं पदम् । तुज्झ भत्तीइ सव्वं पि सम्पज्जए
एह माहप्प तुह सयल जगि गज्जए ।। 19 ।। तुंहजि गति तुंहजि मति तुंहजि मम जीवनम्
तात तउं परम गुरु कम्म-मल-पावनम् ।

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कम्मकरु विणय-परु जोडि कर वीनवउं
देहि मे दंसणं अलजया अभिनवं ।। 20 ।। इय भुवन-भूषण दलिय-डूषण सव्व-लक्खण-मंडणो
मद-मान-गंजण मोह-भंजण वाम-काम-विहंडणो । सुरराय-रंजण नाण-दंसण-चरण-गुण-जय-नायको
जिण-नाह भवि-भवि तात भव मे बोधि बीजह दायको ।। 21 ।।

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Critical Apparatus
1. Muni-Suvrata-Stavana 2a fic on gamb. over Hardt; 2d "T; 3b yurag; 4d TA; 6d ते । or तो stands above the line; 7b श्राग; 8b प्रोज्व; 11a रुचिचम; 146 GRI ( + above line ) ; 14d Hal; 18a ghara; 22b afet; 27b ZET; 27c Fl; 29a 4341 with illegible gloss on margin; 30b thi; 30d ; 31a ufae; 31c fet; 32a 72464at; 335 79:; 346 P114; 35a EHIN:; 97T; d 194; 36a 644; 36b qiel:; 37a HSH; ata; 38c afde; 39d moet; 40 b Afiat
2. Devakulādinātha-Stavana 1c देलउला; 6d 7; 7a भवाम्भोधौ रागप्रबलचरटो ( the adopted variant stands on the margin; the Tin Tut not being visible ); 8; 86 URÍCII on margin ( in text fao above two deleted letters in line ); 9; 9d 10; 10a Maag: H at; 10d 11 and sign indicating st. 11 ( numbered as '12' and written after 120 and 13 ) to be inserted here; 11b letter after : as not readable owing to hole in paper; 11d 12 with sign indicating the place of the stanza to be after 10; 120 4 914 with orcharged above line, deleted, and over-written by yurd, likewise deleted, with sign referring to margin with the final reading seterra; 12d shiria; 13; 13d 14; 14 the whole stanza is written on the margin without any indication re its place, which has been conjectured from the context and metre; 15 only partially readable owing to holes in paper; 16 do; 17 do.
3. Varakāņa-Parsvanātha-Stavana
la Tea; 2d ufuatt; 4; 3a Te; 3b Afeffe; 3c Afea; 1. The following changes are not recorded : Anusvāra to class nasal,
to and v.v., addition of Avagraha and Visarga, removal of redundant Anusvāra.

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3d पितंमिप्र; 4d इछति; 5b चक्रमीष्टे; 5c प्राज्ञ्य; मंबगाह्यं; 5d लंमांबु; 6a डासयापि; 6d हरिकुरींगी; 7b चतुमामम; 7c तएवयंतु; 7d वतांरि; 8a स्तामि; 8c नाम्नमिते; 8d सार्व्व; 9a विभो; 9b भव्यांग; ताजित; 9d नुदविं; 10b दश्रुभ; 10c सुचिरंविलसश्वपास्य; 10d विकास; 11a यन; भवनं; 11b यत्वां; परिवहत्य; 11c भारयस्यघ; 11d जियिनात्म; 12a हरः प्रष्टतियोपिहतः प्रभावस्तं; 12b भवन्य; 12d सितुंकइछेत्; 13 नतुल्य; पनास्त्व; 13b वुराशि; 13d ये; रुचभि:; भिस्ते; 14b षोवि; 14c र्बिभांकिमहछसि; 14d पलास; 15b हत्क; 15c शशीरुचोशुवते; 15d कस्त्वांनि; संचिरतोधतीष्टं; 16a नाजि; भवनः; 16b मनाग्; 16d मंदि; शिषिरं; 17b तदेही ; 17c यस्मिंस्तमंप्रसमयन्नय; वत्ति:; 17d परस्त; जग्; 18b भाः वः; 18c नाचवोधा; 18d सुर्याः; यमहिमासमुनिंद्र; 19b राशे; 19c वोध; 20 शसये; भाव; 20b सांते; 20c निछंति; 20d नानैः; 21a कथंवाङ्मु; 21b यथासुस्तन; 21c महीमासुमणोस्त्र; 21d त्रुः क्रुलेपि; 22a गंभीरह; 22b विबुधात्वदाया:; 22c नयरे; 23b चामरम्; 23c यत्रेतरो; ममुत; भोः; 23d शतसो; 24a गंभीरगी; ज्वल; 24c गणोश्रेयतस्व; 25c लुपत्यशौककिशलासलताः मतस्त्रां; 26b छिंदे; नाघा; 26d भगवंनूपुरषोत्तमोशि; 27b ईव 27c नुवि; 27d सोष; 28b चंद्रांश्रुः 28c पैरलध्व; गमितैबिदूरै; 28d पिक्षितोसि; 29a श्रजो; त्रिद; 29c तिक्षीं; 29d शौक; यूषं; 30d द्रीसिशिव; रस्मै; 31a दूरगतस्तं; 31c तिरुणा; 31d मुच्चैस्टंकं; 32b मुचप्र; 32c आमास्त; वशै; भवानसंग; 32d मैश्व; 33b छिदो; 33c यैपि; 33d कांति; 34a र्द्धकेशबि; 34b सानही; 34c यातज; 34d शनो; 35a नादिषुः 35b भिन्नगस्मं 36b विषर्मेंमिरा; 37b नातर्बयोस्यपदन; 37d समय; 38b वशज्ज; 39d त्कीत्तिना; वासुः 40a त्वन्ना; सरण्य; 40d लभ्यंते; संख्यसारणंसरण; 41c क्रंभि; 42b त्वद्भक्तयो; 42c रुप्रत; 42d भिवंति 43a दंहीश; हाना; 43b तदाश्रुः 43c भजंती; निगवै; 43d मरु; खलु; 44a इक्षं; समाही; 44b णोच्छा; 44d वमम; धिते; 45a दृकुमदः प्रभोवी; 45c चरकाण; 45d सुमुयै; 46a सुंदवासवाली; 45b सदगुणोघ; 45c आसा; 45d भावः ।
4. Śankheśvara-Pārśvanatha-Stavana
2b स्फूर्ज्जता; 20 प्रशक्ते; 3c फणीफणा; 4a दुर्यवना; 6b प्रतिष्टाः; 9a युक्; 10c बीजं; 11c रुजू; 12a वस्त्रे; 13a खटा; 13b नोज्वलः; 13c धूमल; 14b सम्यक्ज्ञा; 16b जीवितमे; 17a श्रुती ।
5. Tirthamāla - Caityavandana
1a शेत्रुं शीख; भृगु; 1b सिंहे; अज्जाहरे; श्रीपुरे; 1c कोडीनाहडमंतृ; ( कोडी on margin ); अर्बुदे; 1d पल्ली; फलद्धी; शैरंसी; 2a चंपाराजचचक्रमथुराजोद् व्वाप्रतिष्ठानगे; 2b स्वर्णगीरौ; सुरगीरौ; देवके; 2c पाडलादशपूरे; 2d कर्णाटके

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शीवपूरे; 3a मेरु; 3b वन्देश्रापद; भीधे; 3c विंणा; राजनगरे; 3d कुंत्तिपल्लवी; 4a त्यपूरे; गढमडगी; 4b वावीहपूरे; ईडरे; 4c वीहार; 4d शत्यपूरे; बाहडपूरे; 5a नंदवंदसमौमि; मंड; 5b कर्करपूरे; चत्या; 5c ज्जोतिर्वितरकल्पवाशीनी; भोमेषुच; 5d स्तेसर्वेपीहीसांस्वतेतिजिननांकु ।
6. Vira-Stutil 1c इथं; षट्जाति; जतंसकलाति:; 1d विदित; पातसौ; 2a षुषुदां; 2d येषांवातो; बुधापातुः 3c भांक्षुद्रभिः; 3d स्तुर्यलोष; पातु: 4a विटाभित्राटयंति; करितटं; 4b कोटादुः; मटिमटं; साटयंती; 4c उता; 4d ट्याद्यालयंती; वसा; छंदसौवर्धमानः ।
7. Mahavira-Stuti . 1a क्रौध; 2c सुषम; 2d दधतु; मंडनेमंडने; 3a मदनसुरः; 3b रौद्रं; 3d सासनं; 4b विहितघृक्षः; 4c सोभावलष्यः; 4d सर्वाणु ।
8. Simandhara-Stavana ___1d स्वामियं; 2b वेलुअ; 6d नमउं; 10b लग3; 12c लग3; 12d नाहज; जुगउ; 13a धन; 13d रहिं; 14b देइ; 14c तुम्ह; 14d रूव; 15a ठिउचरण; 17d बहूअ; 18d करितारिगो; 20a तुंहजि (3 times ); 20b तउं; 20c वीनवउं ।
2. In the onomatopoetic passages, ष has been left unchanged, as
it does not seem possible to decide when it stands for u there.

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Notes
1. Munisuvrata-Stavana (1) 'bhāva-dveși' = 'enemy by nature'. Here, 'bhāva' is the last of the four 'niksepa' or principles of definition of Jaina dialectic, which are : (a) nāman = denomination, (b) sthāpanā = assumption, ( c ) dravya = substance, and (d) bhāva = nature or attributes, cp. Tattv. I, 5. Thus, a person of the name of 'Jina' may be called a "Nāma-Jina', a Tīrthankara statue a 'Sthāpanā-Jina', a being whose soul is predestined to become incarnated as a Tīrtharkara in a later life, a 'Dravya-Jina', and a saint possessing all the characteristics of a Tīrthankara, would be a 'Bhāva-Jina'. The 'bhāva-dveșin' or 'bhāva-ripu' of the soul is, of course, karman, owing to the harm which it brings to the latter, by supperssing the innate godliness of the ātman.
(2) 'Dvādaśānga' = the twelve original Sacred Writings of the Jainas, out of which the Svetāmbaras believe the first 11 to be respresented by those 11 works now known as 'Argas', while the 12th, the bulky ‘Drstivāda', is unanimously admitted to be lost.
(3) 'Kalpa' = a kind of celestial state, the rulers, officials, and subjects of which consist all of gods belonging to the lower of the two sub-sections of the fourth and highest category of Jaina gods, the 'Vaimānikas'. These gods are known as 'Kālpopapanna', while the other sub-section of the Vaimānikas is designated as ‘Kalpātīta’, from the idea that they do not live in ‘Kalpas', but are all of equal social rank. The ‘Kalpas' are twelve in number, and occupy the 8 lower strata of Heaven. The lowest layer consists of the first and second 'Kalpas’, viz., Saudharma in the south, and īşaņā in the north. The second layer contains the third and fourth ‘Kalpas', viz., Sanatkumāra in the south, and Mahendra in the north. The 3rd 4th, 5th and 6th layers are each occupied by an independent

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Kalpa', viz., Brahmaloka the 5th Kalpa, Lantaka the 6th Kalpa, Śukra the 7th Kalpa, and Sahasrāra the 8th Kalpa, respectively. The 9th and 10th Kalpas, viz., Ānata in the south, and Prāṇata in the north, form the 7th layer, and the 11th and 12th Kalpas, viz., Āraņa in the south, and Acyuta in the north, constitute the 8th layer. Above these 12 Kalpas are situated the realms of the Kalpātīta gods. They consists of two layers, the lower of which contains the 9 Graiveyaka-vimanas, named Vijaya, Vaijayanta, Jayanta, Aparājita, and Sarvārthasiddha. Cp. Tattv. IV. 17 ff. and commentary. The physical and ethical refinement of the various classes of divinities is in direct proportion to the elevation of their respective abodes.
Out of the nine last existences of Munisuvrata, four were spent in Heaven, viz., the second in the first Kalpa Saudharma, the fourth in the third Kalpa Sanatkumāra, the sixth in the fifth Kalpa Brahmaloka, and the eighth in the Anuttara-vimāna Aparājita, each being preceded and followed by a human one, and each representing a higher level of refinement than the preceding one.
(5) ‘Hari-kula' = 'Hari-varśa', the Kșatriya dynasty to which the two Tīrtharkaras Muni Suvrata and Neminātha belonged, while the remaining 22 were all scions of the ‘Ikşvāku' dynasty.
(6) jani-maham' = 'janma-mahotsavaṁ', alluding to the belief that the gods celebrate the birth of each Tīrtharkara with great eclat, after taking the new-born babe to the fairy-island of Nandiśvara-dvīpa, outside the world of men.
'ādya-jñāna-traya' = the first three out of the five categories of knowledge, viz., (a) mati-jñāna or knowledge obtained through the senses and the process of thinking, (b ) śruta-jñāna or knowledge acquired by instruction, (c) avadhi-jñāna or transcendental knowledge of material things, (d) manah-paryaya-jñāna or thought reading, and (e) kevala-jñāna or omniscience. Cp. Tattv. I, 9 ff. The Tīrtharkaras are believed to possess the first 3 categories from their very conception, and to acquire the last two at later stages of their lives.

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(7) 'mohādyari-kula' refers to the mohanīya and the other categories of karman, represented as the enemies of the soul ( vide above).
(8-14 ) vide general chapter.
( 11 ) 'tri-vapri' = the three-fold enclosure of the ‘Samavasaraña'.
(12) cāturūpyam' = the fourfold appearance of the Tīrtharikara, created by the gods in the 'Samavasarana' in such a way that he seems to face all the four directions simultaneously.
( 14 ) 'audāttya' = 'high tone', a quality attributed to the Tīrthankara's voice : cp. Hemacandra, Abhidh. I, 65 and Commentary.
(15) ‘sita' and 'asita' = ‘śukla' and 'krsna' with reference to the two halves of the month, the order of the two words being dictated here by Kaumudi Sūtra 904 (2/2/33 ). In fact, the 'dīksā' took place in the bright half, and the ‘kevala-jñāna-kalyāņaka' in the dark ( cp. Saptatiśata 59 and 87, Dharmaghoşa's Munisuvratastava, 1.1., and Trişast. IV, 7, st. 154 and 159 ).
'Siti' means 'dark' here, as both “janma' and 'moksa' took place in the dark halves of the respective months according to the available sources ( vide above).
( 20 ) 'Isaņā' = the 2nd Kalpa ( vide above ).
( 21 ) 'carama-jaladhi' refers to the Svayambhūramaņasamudra, re which vide general chapter. According to Jaina cosmology, aquatic animals are only found in the first two ring-oceans, counted from Jambū-dvipa, viz., Lavaņoda and Kāloda, and in the last ocean, the Svayambhūramana Sea. All the other countless ringoceans are void of life.
( 22 ) This stanza contains a reminiscence of the famous "Tortoise-parable', one of the 10 stereotype allegories used over and again to illustrate what a rare chance it means for a living being to be born as a man, and thus to have the chance of finding the path to mokşa by following the Jina's teachings. It is equal to the chance

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which a tortoise, living at the bottom of a lake thickly overgrown with aquatic weeds, would have to see the full-moon through a hole made in the weeds by a chance gale in a full-moon-night (cp. 'ŚriRatnasañcaya-grantha', published by Seth Chaturbhuja Tejapāla, Hubli, V.S. 1984, p. 53, st. 119).
(27)‘mārttika' adj. ‘alolībhāva-sthiti' = 'of long standing'
(28) ‘antarmuhurtta' = somewhat less than a muhūrtta (= two ghatikā= 48 minutes ).
‘vilasati' Loc. sg. of the Part. pres.
(31) ‘naya' = 'logical stand-points', the adoption of a single one of which in viewing a problem leads to error, due to one-sidedness of judgement, while the adoption of a plurality of them is indispensible in finding the truth, according to the Jaina doctrine (cp. Tattv. I, 34 f.).
'syādvāda''= relativity of truthfulness of a statement.
(35) 'vikathā' (sanskritized 'vigahā' )= 'undesirable, idle talk' such as is forbidden from the stand-point of monastic discipline. The Sthānānga-sūtra ( IV. 2 Sūtra 282 ) discerns four types, viz., ( a) "itthí-kahā' or talk about women, (b) 'bhatta-kahā' or talk about food, (c) 'deśa-kahā' or talk about countries, and (d) 'rāyakahā' or talk about princes.
( 36 ) ‘aştabhedi-pājā' = pājā by 1. water, 2. sandal-paste, 3. flowers, 4. frank-incense, 5. light, 6. rice-grains, 7. sweetmeats, and 8. fruit, as is usually performed to this day by Mārti-pūjaka Śvetāmbaras.
2. Devakulādinātha-Stavana (2) 'sahajaṁ' = disposition.
(4) 'şat-kāyāḥ' = the six categories of living beings, viz., earth-, water-, fire-, air-, plant-bodies, and animals ( cp. Pravac., Dvāra 152, st. 989).
The pleasantness of everything in his surroundings, as described in this stanza, is one of the ‘atiśayas' of a 'Tīrthankara'

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cp. general chapter.
(70) the boat consisting in the pair of your two feet, was not obtainable'.
(10) Vrşabha'= Rşabha or Ādinātha.
(18) 'In this world, there is a scarcity of your likeness', i.e., your equals are rare.
(19) “We believe that when the devotee, eager to bow to your feet, bends his head down low, this is not due to his natural trend, but to the heavy store of merit formerly acquired by him ( as without such merit, the opportunity of coming into contact with the Jaina Faith, cannot be obtained )”.
(21 ) “The fame of those who bow to you, spreads so far that ( reaching the ends of the world ) it forms, as it were, flowerchaplets for the Dikkumārīs.” The latter are goddesses belonging to the Dikkumära sub-class of the first main category of gods of the Jaina Pantheon, the Bhavanavāsins, and are the guardians of the heavenly quarters ( Tattv. IV, 11).
(23) 'vikalpanāḥ' Acc. plur. ( 26 ) 'Nābheya' = 'son of Nābhi', i.e., Rşabha or Ādinātha.
3. Varakāņa-Pārsvanātha Stavana
(3) prathama' refers, in the original context of the Bhaktamara-stotra ( st. 2d ), to the first Jina Ādinātha, and therefore stands there in the literal sense. As the present hymn, however, is addressed to the 23rd Jina, it must here be taken in the sense of 'foremost', 'best'.
(12) 'sita' = 'sugar'. ( 14 ) ‘Mahasaḥ = 'swiftly'. (15) ‘śavate' = 3rd person plur, pres. Tense of ‘śu' 'to go'.
( 20 ) 'samuď = 'joyful, a synonymon of 'aśoka', meant here as an allusion to the Aśoka-tree, the first of the eight ‘pratihāryas', which are referred to in their conventional order, in st. 2027, each in one stanza.

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Ancient Jaina Hymns
(22) "yad bhejuṣāṁ sumanasāṁ ( yām vāṇīṁ ) pibatāṁ sajjanānāṁ 'vibudha' must be taken as an adjective.
....
....
. manaḥ” = “ya vācaḥ manaḥ"; in this context
(34c) The first sentence ends after 'yā te'.
(35b) 'bhinna' = 'puffed up'.
(37) 'na neme'
=
'I never bowed' (here the sentence ends). 'vaya' 'śākha": "a forest conflagration caused by the falling of lightning on branches (of forest trees)".
6
(41) 'saran' = Part. Pres. of 'śri" to tear'.
457
(45) 'Bhogindra' = 'the Indra of the Snake (-demon) s', i.e., Dharanendra, the Indra of the Nagakumāras, Pārśvanatha's Śāsanadeva: 'Bhogi-lalana' = the Śasanadevī of Pārśvanatha,
Padmavati, consort of the former.

'Laksmīḥ' is, of course, meant in the metaphorical sense of 'Highest Bliss', i.e., ‘Mokṣa'.
4. Śankheśvara-Pāśvanatha-Stavana
(3) 'Kamatha' = the name of Pārsvanatha's hostile brother in his pre-existence as the Minister's son Marubhūti. This Kamatha was, in Pārsvanatha's last existence, re-incarnated as the Asura Meghamalin, who tried to disturb the Lord's meditation by sending against him ferocious animals, dust-storms and cloud-bursts, which latter are alluded to here along with the just mentioned snakedeities, who tried to protect him with their expanded hoods.
(8) ‘aṣṭa-karma-karați? = 'the (hostile) elephants, consisting in the eight (well-known) karma-prakṛtīs': vide general chapter. 'pañcapramādāḥ' = 'the five intoxicants', viz., alcohol, sexual lust, passion, sleep, and undesirable talk ( ‘vigahā' ), cp. Uttarādhyayana IV.
5. Tirthamālā-Caityavandana
(4c) The Locative ‘Darbhāvate' presupposes a rather unusual 'Darbhāvata' !

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(5c) This passage refers to the four main categories of gods viz., Bhavanavāsin, Vyantara, Jyotişka and Vaimānika, and to their abodes in the various strata of the universe, all of which are supposed to contain temples of the Tīrthankaras.
music.
6. Vira-Stuti
(2) Tīrthapa' = 'Tirthankara'.
(4) 'treta' = 'taurya-trika', the triad of song, dance and
'aṭanka' = 'void of pride': cp. ‘amadeha' ( i.e., ‘amada' + 'iha') an attribute of similar meaning, bestowed on this goddess by Śobhana Muni in his 23rd Stuti (loc. cit. p. 276, st 92).

Page #504

Bibliography
Āryarakṣita, Anuyogadvāra-sūtra, Āgamodaya Samiti, Bombay,
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sūri, Muni Vijayagani Granthamālā, Ahmedabad, 1945. Devendrastava-prakīrņaka, Āgamodaya Samiti, Bombay, 1927.

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Divatia, N. B., Gujarati Language and Literature, Bombay, 1921;
1932. Dey, Nundo Lal, The Geographical Dictionary of Ancient and
Mediaeval India, London, 1927. Hargovind Das T. Seth, Pāía-sadda-mahaņņavo, Calcutta, 1928. Haribhadrasūri, Āvaśyaka-niryukti Țīkā, Āgamodaya Samiti,
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Yaśovijaya Jaina Granthamālā, Bhavnagar, V.S. 2446. Hemacandrasūri, Anya-yoga-vyavaccheda-dvātrimśikā, ed. A. B.
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II, translated into English by H. Johnson, G.O.S., 1931-37. Hindi-Pañca-Pratikramaņa, Indore, 1927. Jaina Aitihāsika Gurjara Kāvya Sañcaya, ed. Muni Jinavijaya, Jaina
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1932. Jaina, J., Outlines of Jainism, Cambridge, 1916. Jaina Satya Prakāśa ( Magazine ), ed. C. G. Shah, Ahmedabad. Jayantavijaya Muni, Abu, Vijayadharmasūri, Jaina Granthamālā,
Ujjain, 1933. Jayantavijaya Muni, Saņkheśavara Mahātīrtha, Vijayadharmasūri
Jaina Granthamālā, V.S. 1998. Jayasimhasūri, Hammira-mada-mardana, G.O.S., No. 10. Jhaveri, M. Bh., Comparative and Critical Study of Mantraśāstra,
Ahmedabad, 1944. Jhaveri, M. T., Munisuvrata Svāmi Caritra, Thana, V.S. 1998.

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Ancient Jaina Hymns
461
Jinadāsa Gani Mahattara, Āvaśyaka-cūrņi : Āvaśyaka-niryukti, ed.
Rşabhadevaji Keśarīmalajī Śvetāmbara Saṁsthā, Ratlam,
1928. Jinaharsa Gani, Vastupăla-caritra, Gujarātī Translation Jaina
Dharma Prasāraka Sabhā, Bhāvanagar, V.S. 1974. Jinamaņdana Gani, Kumārapāla-prabandha, Jaina Ātmānanda
Sabhā, Bhavanagar, 1971. Jinaprabhasūri, Vividha-tīrthakalpa, Singhi Jaina Series 10, Shanti
niketana, 1934. Jinaratna-Kośa, H. D. Velankara, B.O.R.I., Poona, 1944. Jñānavijaya Muni, Jaina Tirthono Itihāsa, Palitana, V.S. 1981. Iñātādharmakathā-sūtra, Āgamodaya Samiti, Bombay, 1916. Keśavarama K. Šāstrī, Āpaņā Kavio I, Ahmedabad, 1942, Gujarat
Vernacular Society. Krause, C., Kāika Sankheśvara Sāhitya, Jaina Satya Prakāśa, Varşa
11, Anka 3, pp. 73-50. Krause, C., Siddhasena Divākara and Vikramaditya, Vikrama
Volume, Scindia Oriental Institute, Ujjain, 1948, pp. 213
280. Krause, C., Śrī-Hemavimalasuri-krta Terā Kāthīyāni Sajjhāya,
Jaina Satya Prakāśa, Varşa 12, Anka 3, pp. 74-76. Lakşmīvijayasūri, Upadeśa-prāsāda, Jaina Dharma Prasāraka
| Sabha, Bhāvanagar, 1914-23. Lālacandra, Pt. Bhagavānadāsa, Pāvāgadha thi Vadodrā mā Prakata
Thayelā Jirāvala Pārsvanātha, Bhāvanagar, V.S. 1992. Lalacandra, Pt. Bhagavānadāsa, Tejapālano Vijaya, Bhavanagar,
V.S. 1991. Mahendrasūri, Astottarī-tīrthamālā-caityavandana, Vidhipaksa
gacchasya Pañca-pratikramaņa-sūtrāņi, V.S. 1984. Mangaladāsa Trikamadāsa Jhaveri, vide Jhaveri, M. Merutungasūri, Prabandha-cintāmaņi, Singhi Jaina Series I, Shanti
niketana, 1933.

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Munisundarasūri, Gurvāvali, Yaśovijaya Jaina Granthamālā, 9,
Benares, V.S. 1961. Munisundarasūri, Traividyā-goșthi, Sha. Devakaraṇa Mūlajī,
Bombay, V.S. 1966. Nahar, P. C., Jaina Inscriptions, Parts I-III, Calcutta, V.S. 2444,
A.D. 1927, 1929. Nahta, A. and Bh., Dādā Śri-Jinakusalasūri, Calcutta, V.S. 1996. Nazim, Dr. M., Epigraphia Indo-Moslemica. Nemicandra, Pravacanasāroddhāra, Devachand Lalabhai Pustako
ddhara Fund Series, Bombay, 1922. Nundo Lal, vide Dey. Pādaliptasūri, Nirvāṇa-kalikā, Nirnaya Sagara Press, 1926. Pañca-pratikramaņa-sūtra, Jaina Ātmānanda Sabhā, Bhavanagar,
V.S. 1982. Pattavali-sangraha, ed. Muni Jinavijaya, Calcutta, 1932. Pheru, Vāstu-sāra-prakaraṇa, Jaipur, 1936. Prabhācandra, Prabhāvaka-caritra, Singhi Jaina Series 13,
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Yaśovijaya Jaina Granthamālā, Bhavanagar, V.S. 1978. Prajñāpanā-sūtra, Āgamodaya Samiti, 19-20, Bombay, 1918-19. Pravacanasāroddhāra, vide Nemicandra. Purātana-prabandha-sangraha, Singhi Jaina Series 2, Calcutta, 1936. Pūrņa-kşema-Vallabha-vilāsa, ed. Sri Vallabhasāgara Gani,
Neemuch, V.S. 1990. Ratna-samuccaya-grantha, ed. Seth Manekchand Pitambaradas,
Hubli, V.S. 1990.

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Ancient Jaina Hymns
Samavāyānga-Sūtra, Āgamodaya Samiti, 15, Surat, 1919. Sanghadasa Gaņi, Vasudevahiṇḍī, Jaina Atmānanda Sabha, Bhāvanagar, 1930.
463
Śāntivijaya Muni, Jaina Tirtha Guide, Ahmedabad, V.S., 1967. Śatruñijaya-yātrā-vicāra, Bhavanagar, V.S. 1985.
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Uttaradhyayana-sūtra, Yaśovijaya Jaina Granthamālā 46, Bhavanagar, 1927.
Vādidevasūri,
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Velankara, H. D., Jinaratna-kośa, Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, Poona, 1944.
Vidyavijaya Muni, Merī Mevāḍa-Yātrā, Vijayadharmasūri Jaina Granthamālā, Bhavanagar.
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Vimalasūri, Pauma-caria, Jaina Dharma Prasāraka Sabha, Bhavanagar, 1914.
Vinayavijaya, Kalpasūtra-ṭīkā Subodhikā, Jaina Ātmānanda Sabhā, Bhavanagar, V.S. 1975.
Vīravijaya Muni, Śrī Jaina-Kalpa-Mantra-Mahodadhi, I, Multan,
V.S. 1999.
Vividha-tirtha-kalpa, vide Jinaprabhasūri.
Winternitz M. A., History of Indian Literature, Published by the University of Calcutta, 1927-33.
Yasovijaya Upadhyāya, Śrī Navapadajī Pūjā, Jaina Atmananda Sabha, Bhavanagar, V.S. 1984.
Yativṛṣabha, Tiloyapanṇatti, Jaina Samskṛti Samrakṣaka Sangha, Sholapur, I. 1943.

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NĀSAKETARĪ KATHA
An Old-Rājasthānī Tale [Edited with Notes, A Grammar and A Glossary ]
by
Charlotte Krause
LIPSIAE MCMXXV

Page #511

Contents
Page
467 470
475
475 476 482 487 492 510
529
Abbreviations Preface Introduction
(I) The Manuscript (II) The Language of the Text (III) Tessitori's Text
(IV) The Matter The Texts Notes Grammer
(I) Accidence :
A. The Noun B. The Pronoun C. The Numerals D. The Verb
E. Indeclinables ( II ) Syntactical Remarks :
A. Noun and Pronoun B. The Pronouns
C. The Verb • D. The Simple Sentence
E. Hypotaxis of Sentences
Appendix : Affixes Glossary
529 531 534 534 540
543 547
547
551
552
553
554

Page #512

a.
Ab.
adv.
Ap.
Beames
BeFi
bel. to
Bhav.
comp.
Gu.
Gut. Hi. Koşa
He.
Hem., Deś.
Hem. Vet.

Abbreviations
adjective
the Samskṛta text of Naunidhirāma's Sāroddhāra in the German translation of
Emil Abegg 'Der Pretakalpa des GarudaPurāṇa', Berlin and Leipzig 1921.
adverb
=
=
||
-
=
=
=
=
=
11
=
=
11
=
11
=
=
=
Apabhraṁśa
see p. 4
the Samskṛta text edited by Belloni Filippi under the title 'II Näsiketopākhyānaṁ', Firenze 1902
belonging to
Bhavisatta Kaha von Dhaṇavāla. Eine Jaina Legende in Apabhramsa, herausg. von Hermann Jacobi ( AKBAW., ph.ph. & K1., XXIX. Band, 4 ), Munchen 1918.
compound
Gujarātī
C. D. Sharma, Guṭaka Hindi Koṣa, Allahabad, 1920.
Professor Hertel's Glossary of Old Gujarati (Manuscript).
Hemacandra, Deśīnāmamāla.
Professor Hertel's copy of the Vetālapañcaviṁśatikā in Old Gujarāti of Hemānanda.

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468 Dr. Charlotte Krause: Her Life & Literature
Hertel, 'Pañcatantra'
Hi.
Ho.
indep.
Jaip.
L. S.
L. S., st. w., No.
Mărw.
Mew.
Molesworth
n. p. p. pres.
Platts
p. p.
p. pres.
pkr.
p. w.
Rāj.
San.

=
||||||||||
=
=
=
=
=
-
=
|| ||
=
=
=
|| ||
=
=
=
|| || 11
=
=
=
=
=
Johannes Hertel, Das Pañcatantra. Seine Geschichte and seine Verbreitung, Leipzig and Berlin 1914.
Hindi
Hindostani.
independently.
Jaipuri.
Linguistic Survey of India, collected and edited by Sir George Grierson, Vol. IX, Part II.
respective number of the 'List of Standard Words and Sentences in Rajasthani' in L. S., p. 304 ff.
Mārawāḍī.
Mewāṭī.
A Dictionary, Marathi and English, Compiled by I. T. Molesworth, Bombay 1857.
nomen proprium.
Pañcākhyānavārttika: see p. 9.
A Dictionary of Urdu, Classical Hindi, and English by John T. Platts, London 1884.
Past Participle. Present Participle.
Präkṛta
Samskṛta-Worterbuch in Kurzerer Fassung, bearbeitet von Otto Bohtlingk.
Rājasthānī.
Sanatkumāracaritam, herausg. von Hermann Jacobi (ABAW., ph.-ph. & h. Kl., XXXI. Band 2), Munchen 1921.

......

Page #514

Nāsaketari Kathā
469
=
Tisdall
=
Suvābahuttarīkathā ( Hertel's copy of the text which he has treated in ‘Festschrift fur Ernst Windisch' Leipzig 1914, p. 138 ff.) the text of "Nāsaketari Kathā' of the Manuscript described on p. 3 the text of "Nāsaketari Katha' partly edited by Tessitori : see p. 9. A simplified grammar of the Gujarāti language, by Clair Tisdall, London 1892. tatsama. 'The Vārāha Purāņa, ed. by Pandita Harikesha Shastri, Calcutta 1893' (B.I.). a word under discussion is to be repeated with inclusion of the last syllable. a word under discussion is to be repeated with the exception of the last syllable.
ts.
V. P.
=
=

Page #515

Preface
The text edited below deals with the story of young Nāciketas, who, cursed by his father, visited the world of Yama, and afterwards returned, safe and sound, to our earth.
What we have before us, is but a modern recension of this well-known old apocalyptic legend, the history of which can, by means of the so-called 'Brahmānda-Purāņa-recension' (edited by Belloni Filippi ), of the older recensions of the Vārāha-Purāna and Mahābhārata, be traced back through about two and a half thousand years as far as time-honoured Kathopanişad and even more timehonoured Taittirîya Brāhmaṇa ( III, II, 8, I ff.), whereas, on the other hand, it can be followed down to the recent Hindi tale 'Candrăvati athavā Nāsiketopākhyāna', which, in the beginning of the last century, Sadala Miśra composed as a standard of Modern Hindi prose.
But interesting as our text may be with regard to its literary antecedents, and attractive as the development of its matter throughout so many centuries, and in so various stages may be to the student, all this would never justify the bringing out of a critical edition and an exact interpretation. For the recension represented here and by the parallel text partly edited by Tessitori is but a short abstract of a source closely akin to the so-called 'BrahmāndaPurāņa-recension', and its literary value is only small.
Much more valuable is our text from the linguistic point of view. For, written in rather an archaic shape of a modern Indian vernacular, and handed down in a good old manuscript exactly dated, it allows us to study a certain earlier stage of development of a certain modern Indian dialect.
The importance of this argument is clear, if we remember that nothing is known of the time when, and the manner in which the

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old Prakstas have been transformed into the different later vernaculars, and as little is known of the nature and causes of the motive powers that governed this development. Śaurasenī, e.g., forms the genitive by adding the case-termination -assa, derived from Saṁskrta -asya, and, as the latter, amalgamated with the noun into one single word, e.g. devassa. Modern Hindi again, a descendant of Śaurasenī, adds the particle -kā, which, being derived from an old -kiaa, shows, by the preservation of the initial k, that it was never felt as a 'termination', but remained a separate ‘particle' (cp. Sir George Grierson's statements, 'Linguistic Survey of India', Vol. IX, Part II, on p. 328 ): e.g. deva kā. Quite different, according to Sir George Grierson (1. c.), was the fate of the old -karau, by means of which the genitive was formed in Western Rājasthāni: its development to modern -ro proves, by the elision of the k, that it has, in the course of time, become a real 'case-ending', as in devaro. We have only the first and the last step of this change before us. We do not known when, why, and how the main part of the old inflectional system was abandoned, in favour of the new agglutinative one, by Hindi and the other Aryan languages of the Central Circle' (by Gujarātī and Rājasthānī with the exception of the genitive and dative), nor do we known when, why, and how the languages of the 'Outer Circle', as well as Gujarātī and Western Rājasthānī in the case of the genitive and dative, came to proceed even farther, and began to develop a second synthetical system of declension and conjugation.
Another unsolved problem is why and when the vast stores of more or less late tatsamas and tadbhavas were introduced into the modern dialects, driving out their old Prākrta equivalents, that had been developed by manifold early phonological changes, so that e.g. (Beames, 'Comparative Grammar of the Modern Aryan Languages of India', Vol. I, 1872, p. 14 ) 'Hindi has rāta, rāga, nāgarī, gaja for Saṁskṛta rātri, rāga, nāgarī, gaja, where Prakrta has only rāi, raa, nāаri, gaa'. Thus, we have, on the one hand, the pure, regularly

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developed Praksta dialects, and on the other hand, the modern vernaculars with their enormous mass of words newly borrowed from Saṁskṛta, but we know nothing whatever of the causes of those innovations.
It is evident that problems of that kind can only be solved by means of critical editions of well preserved and exactly dated texts, together with thorough investigations of their peculiarities. A series of such monographs treating texts of different ages and dialects will finally lead to a truly historical grammar of the Indian languages. In spite of all that has been done by Beames (1. c. ), Sir R. G. Bhandārakar ( 'Wilson Philological Lectures on Samskrta and the Derived Languages Delivered in 1877', ed. by Śrīdhara R. Bhandārakara, Bombay 1914), and Tessitori ( 'Notes on the Grammar of the Old Western Rājasthāns with special reference to Apabhraíśa and to Gujarāti and Mārawādī', Indian Antiquary, Vol. XLIII, Part DXL ff.), we are yet far from such an achievement, because their researches were based on but incidentally chosen and in themselves insufficient materials.
In the following study it has therefore been my principal aim to correctly edit and interpret my text, subordinating the treatment of all other questions and problems under this point of view. The chapter on grammar as well as the vocabulary are therefore merely descriptive and without an attempt of comparison. Equivalents from the modern vernaculars, or from Samskrta or Prākrta, etc., have, consequently, only been cited as a means of control.
In terminology, I have generally followed the use of the L. S., which must, for many years to come, be our leader in all studies concerning moder Indian dialects. In transcription, however, I could not persuade myself to try to follow the system of Sir George Grierson, who necessarily aims at an exact rendering of all possible shades of pronunciation occuring in his ( modern ! ) texts. With a text like ours, such a course would be impossible.
For :(a) we do not know the general linguistic character of

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the text: that is, we cannot say for certain to which sub-division of Rājasthānī it more especially belongs. If it were, e.g., written in a Thali-dialect (i.e., 'Western Māravāḍī' )· - as I suppose it really is (cp. p. 8) the old unstressed final a would still be audible (as it often is in modern Thali : cp. Linguistic Survey Vol. IX, Part II, p. 109), and, therefore, 'inherent a' would have to be expressly transcribed in many cases in which it is mute (or nearly mute) in every other modern ( ! ) Rājasthānī-dialect.
(b) But even if the dialectal origin of our text were proved beyond a doubt, it would be a petitio principii to assume all the phonetic peculiarities of a modern vernacular to have existed in an old one already, the special phonetic character of which has yet to be found out. Thus, the values of,, and 3, 3, of, of anusvāra etc. in earlier texts are not yet exactly known, nor do we know where and when e.g., 'inherent a' means a kind of svarabhakti-vowel or a remnant of an old unstressed a respectively, or is mute1.
(c) Several words (especially names of hells: cp. VII. 83 Note) are, in the manuscript, given in so corrupted forms that sometimes neither their meaning can be guessed at, nor their Samskṛta (or other ) equivalents ascertained, nor yet their proper phonetic shape.
473
(d) In some propernames (e.g., fatura, fazyчfa), popular etymology may have exercised an influence, but we do not know how far, nor whether on their actual pronuciation or merely on their spellings (cp. the name of the hero and its explanation in adhyāya 1-2!).

1. Questions which, according to my opinion, cannot be finally decided without a thorough investigation of the general phonetic character of numerous similar texts. As to the methods to be employed here, may suffice to refer e.g., to Professor Sievers' treatment of the relations between Otfrid's spelling and phonology in 'Aufsätze zur Sprach und Literaturgeschichte f. W. Braunme', Dortmund 1920, p. 148 ff.

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Transcription, in the following study, is, therefore, merely used as a substitute for the nāgari-letters of the original, without regard to the solution of phonetic problems ( such as the questions of 'inherent a', or of anusvāra-mark, or ofa, etc.): written `inherent a' is consequently always represented by a printed a, anu-svāra always rendered by m; always by șa; a by va; a as usual, by ca; 39 by cha. Spellings like 'Nāsaketarī Kathā', 'Gangā', 'Ura-vaṁsi' ought, therefore, not to be too offensive to the reader used to the present Indo-Aryan vernaculars, and their phonetics.
For the sake of consequence, the few occuring passages in Modern Vernaculars have been rendered in same mechanical way.
From this system of transliteration, I have deviated only on pp. 19-23, where rendering a portion of my text in juxtaposition with Tessitori's, I accommodated my transliteration to that of Tessitori. Quotations, of course, retain the transliterations of the respective authors.
This study was accepted, in June 1923, as a 'Habilitationsschrift' by the Philosophical Faculty of the University of Leipzig, at the recommendation of my teacher Professor Johannes Hertel, who also most kindly put the manuscript ( and other ) material for my work at my disposal, and allowed me to make use of several of his critical remarks. It would be impossible to me to conclude without expressing my deep obligations to him for all his kind and selfdenying help.
Simultaneously with this booklet, the text of Nāsaketarī Kathā, together with an english translation ( but without the parts “Grammar' and 'Glossary'), will be published in 'Asia Major ( Editors B. Schindler et. F. Weller ), Vol. I, Lipsiae 1924, pp. 347-427.
Leipzig,
August, 2nd 1923
Charlotte Krause

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Introduction
I. The Manuscript Our ‘Näsaketari Kathā' is contained in the manuscript fully described by Hertel on p. 51 f. of his 'Pañcatantra' : I refer to this description more essentially, as I have not been able to see the manuscripts myself. My text is edited from an earlier copy of the original, made by Professor Hertel, and kindly placed at my disposal.
The colophon runs as follows: "Written by Sivavarddhana in Jaitārana, on the first day of the dark fortnight of Bhādra, of the samvat-year 1786", i.e., in August-September 1729 A.D. The situation of Jaitāraṇa, even if known, could not help to define the home of the copyist, as the latter was ( see Hertel 1.c.) a Jaina monk, and Jaina monks are known to migrate from place to place. Śivavarddhana's colophons of our Nāsaketarī Kathā, of 'Hitopadeśapañcākhyāna' (cp. Hertel 1.c. ), of Suvābahuttari Kathā ( cp. Hertel, 'Festschrift fur E. Windisch', Leipzig 1914, p. 138 ff.) and other texts, show two grammatical peculiarities also characteristic of the language of the text itself, and therefore treated below (p. 4): viz. the genitive in -ro, -rī, and the third person pres. indic. of the verb substantive chai.
The spelling shows the manner common to devanāgarī manuscripts of modern vernacular texts coming from North-Western India : the old compound letters are generally avoided; virāma is never written (cp. spellings as hoya, asatari, aganaparasaņa, vanāsapati etc., and see p. IX and X; vocalic ? replaced by vowel +r, or r+ vowel; anusvāra used to mark the different nasal consonants as well as vowel-nasalizations, and often put without having any etymological value ( cp. spellings as Uravarsi, addhisko ). Other peculiarities are : the use of for and G; of a fora and (cp. Hertel, 'Indische Erzāhler' VI, p. 185, note I ); of a different type for 3 (

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does not occur ); of the letter which Sir George Grierson transcribes by '^'(L.S., p. 20 ) for both cerebal consonants fr'as well as 'R'; of 37 for t of a special different type for jha, also occurring in combination with ; of a special type for T: for ET ( see Jacobi in his edition of the Kalpasūtra of Bhadrabāhu, Leipzig 1879, p. 19, foot-note ); and some special combinations of letters, such as ( besides f), GU, U etc.
All such peculiarities of spelling have been retained in my edition, as far as possible; also a kind of kolon employed by the copyist as a general mark of punctuation.
• The wording of Sivavarddhana's text is good and complete, and almost free from blunders. The copyist has even probably well preserved the linguisitc features of his original, as all the various texts contained in his manuscript - Professor Hertel told me so — are each truly rendered in their respective different (North-Western) dialects.
(As to literal faithfulness, some passages seem to show that he has slightly deviated from the original : such as I, 14-15 [ cp. Te and Si IV, 43!), 1, 37-44, or IV, 34 [ see note ).)
The numerous glosses received into the text, show that the source of Sivavarddhana was not the archetype.
II. The Language of the Text 1. The Vernacular Text ( a ) Accidence
The grammatical forms of our text offer the main characteristics of Modern Rājasthānī ( described by Sir George Grierson, ‘Linguistic Survey of India’, Vol. IX, Part II ), as in various agreements not only in the general paradigms of the inflection of nouns, pronouns, and verbs, and in the absence of the neuter gender; even the shapes of the single classes of pronouns and the way of forming the past of transitive verbs are essentially the same.
But we cannot say for certain to which of the various Rājasthānī dialects the language of our text more especially belongs,

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as it does not fully coincide with any of the dialects treated in the L.S. Thus, the genitive in -ro, -rī, the nominative of the pronoun of the first person huộ, and the imperfect tense formed by combining the pres. part. with the past of the verb substantive are characteristic of modern Mārawādī and modern Mālavī. A future tense like mārasi occuring in singular as well as in plural ( Modern Mārawādī knowing only the singular ) and the formation hoya of the present of the root ho are peculiar to Modern Jaipuri. Other features are found in Modern Mārawādi only, such as the accusative-dative in -rai, the infinitive in -ņa, the two adverbial participles in -āṁ. On the other hand, the third person present of the verb substantive chai occurs in Modern Jaipuri, and, in the shape che also in Nimādī and certain subdialects of Mārawāļi, i.e., in the Dhāțakī Thāļī of Jaisalmer, in Sirohi and Bikānerī, whereas the past tho, thi occurs in Mālavī, Ahīrawātī, Nīmādī, and the Sirohi and Thalí subdialects of Mārawādī.
And, finally, there are a few grammatical forms now only appearing in dialects adjacent to the territory of Rājasthānī, such as the sporadic Gujarāti genitive in -no, -nī, the Gujarāti conjunctive participle in -i, or the Bundeli and Hindi forms mo-, to- of the pronouns of the first and second person singular ( with the -nai accusative ), whereas forms like the sporadic accusative in -nu, a pronominal formation like titarai, etc., have no modern equivalents
at all.
But apart from such sporadic forms, or heterogeneous peculiarities, the main store of the grammatical forms point towards Mārawāda, and, within Mārawāda, towards the territory of Jaisalmer, if we may judge from the short specimens given in the L.S.
A number of characteristics of our text point to an earlier stage of linguisitic development : e.g., the distinction between the locative in -ai and that in -e and -i ( the former being confined to strong, the latter to weak nouns, whereas the modern vernaculars have dropped the i-locative, and employ the forms in -e and -ai

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promiscuously, but only with strong nouns ); or the formation of the present and imperative of vowel-stems. In our text, the latter are not yet reduced ( as in the modern dialects ) to a uniform type, but still show the following formations :
The case-ending added to the stem ( i ) without any modification as with consonant-stems : jāu, nãu; (ii) the vowel of the stem becoming a semi-vowel : dyum, dyo; (iii) a semi-vowel being developed : jāvai; (iv) the stem itself being, if possible, modified by the latter : diyai, huvai; and (v) there are even some remnants of the old Prākrta forms which had been regularly developed out of the Samsksta paradigms, such as Jāya from Prāksta jai from Samskrta yāti; de from Prākṣta dei from Samsksta dadāti; hoya from Prāksta hoi from Sarsksta bhavati.
Of these types, the first has been generalized throughout Modern Rājasthānī with regard to the first person singular, as e.g., haus, jāuń, whereas, in the other persons, Modern Mārawādi has generalized the third, as e.g., hovai, jāvai, most of the other Rājasthāni dialects, however, the fifth , cp. e.g., Jaipuri jāya; of the second type, only the Jaipuri forms of the imperative plural dyo and lyo have been preserved as special 'irregularities'.
Of past participles, our text, similarly, shows the parallel types diyo ( and huṁvo ) and āyo ( and joyo ), of which the latter survives in Modern Mārawādi. Of the types huṁto, jāto and jāvato of the pres. part., the latter has been carried through in Mārawādi ( with the exception of the 'irregular' hoto), the second in the other modern dialects. In the modern Thāli dialect spoken in Jaisalmer, also the root ho forms a 'regular' pres. part. hovato.
These verbal stems ending in vowels show the interesting phenomenon of the final -va which we have e.g., in our āvato, jāvai, huvai etc., and which originally ( like the ya in dīyai etc.) was a sort of glide, becoming, in the course of time, an element of inflection, nay even of stem-formation, as in Modern Mārawādi, Nīmādī, and, partly, in Jaipuri, too ( cp. e.g., the shape of the stem ā, or āva resp. in

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the different dialects, L.S., st. w. No. 80). Whereas, in our text, this -va is still absent before most terminations beginning with a consonant ( as e.g., leņa ( nai ), deņa ( hāra ) ), it has been generalized throughout the modern paradigms ( the corresponding forms of which are levaņa, devaņa). (b) Syntax
The chief characteristic of Modern Rājasthānī syntax, viz. the mixture of the Hindi and Gujarātī impersonal construction of the transitive verb. is peculiar also to our text : cp. what has been said below in § 34.iv of our grammar. In the formation of reflexive verbs by uro. our text agrees with modern Mārawādi (cp. grammar 32). But whereas in the latter dialect, the root raha always adds a negative sense to a preceding pres. part., ( as e.g., gāto rahaņo ‘not to sing' ) (cp. L.S. p. 29), it has, in our text, kept its old meaning 'to remain' (cp. e.g. XII,29 sadāi bhamatā rahai 'they remain constantly roaming' ). Another difference between the modern vernacular and the language of our Nāsaketari Kathā appears in the treatment of the attributive adjective, which, if qualifying a noun in the locative or agent, commonly coincides with the latter throughout modern Rājasthānī, in opposition to what has been stated in our $ 24, I, c ( see also L.S. p. 7). (c) Phonology
Most of the ( spelling, or rather ) phonological phenomena observable in our Nāsaketari Kathā, are common to several groups of vernaculars, as shown by a comparison with the materials given in Beames' Comparative Grammar: as e.g., the fact that the vowels a, i, and u, that long and short vowels interchange; the cerebrals are substituted for dentals; mediae for tenues; h for aspiratae; s for ś, and in some case also for ș; the arbitrary vowel-nasalizations; the substitution of j for y; i for final -in; the dropping of final y; the substitution of kh for ș; the dropping medial k and t; the numerous assimilations in consonantal groups; the development of svarabhakti-vowels, of a prothetic a before s, and of various glides, and

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other changes of more or less frequent occurring.
The frequent dropping of h ( before all in the aspiratae of younger tadbhavas), however, especially agrees with modern Mārawāḍī and eastern Rājasthānī ( cp. L.S., p. 20 and p. 33 ). But the other phonological characteristics of modern Rājasthānī do not occur (such as the confusion of c, ch, and s), whereas e and ai, o and au are only occasionally interchanged.
The substitution of gy for jñ agrees with modern Gujarātī. Besides, there are, in our text, some special peculiarities, such as the substitution of dentals for cerebrals, aspiratae for mediae, and even tenues for mediae, and of b and bh for v.
(d) Vocabulary
In the vocabulary, it was impossible to compare modern Rajasthānī throughout, owing to the absence of materials available. With regard to the sense of the individual words, I have chiefly depended on dictionaries of modern Gujarātī, in many cases also of Hindi, Hindostānī, and Marāṭhī, all these languages in most cases offering homonymous, or nearly homonymous, equivalents. Some results could only be obtained by tracing certain words directly back to Samskṛta, Prākṛta, Persian, or Arabian. For information about the words marked, in the below glossary, by He., I am indebted to the old Gujarāti glossary of Professor Hertel, which has been at my disposal.
A comparison of our vocabulary with the 'Lists of Standard words' of Rajasthānī in the L.S., shows certain agreements with different groups of Rajasthānī dialects at the same time, as e.g., with regard to2 ēka, tīna, cyāra, pāca, dasa, pacāsa, hū, māro, tū, tū, thāro, hāta, mūdo, ākha, kāna, jībha, peta, loha, sono, rūpo, bāpa, mā, bhāi, minakha, lugai, bālaka, beṭī, pāṇī, ghara, ghoṛo, gãya, gadho, pākherū, jā, khā, ā, māra, mar, de, ūpara, kanāī, āgai, pailī, pachai, kuṇa, kāī, piṇa, paṇa, hāya, bhalo, uco. On the other hand, there are some agreements with single dialects only, as e.g., with Mārawāḍī in the case of the words doy, hețai, nāī, bahū, unā ( ro ), jīm, jala,

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with Thālī in the case of cha, o, māṇasa, and with Mālavī in the case of ūbho re, with several Rājasthani dialects except Mārawādi and Thālī in the words āg, där, kyū. In some cases, words of our text appear, in the above lists, in different shapes : cp. our tū, tum with a short u, hātha and mūṁdho with aspiratae, our bahina, etc.
Certain younger tadbhavas and tatsamas may be registered as characteristic features of our text ( cp. e.g., pitā, mātā, devatā, putra, asatri, tathā, agna, etc.) in opposition of Grierson's lists. (e) General Result
We have seen that the grammatical forms as well as syntax, phonology and vocabulary of our Nāsaketari Kathā show distinct characteristics of the modern language of Mārawāda. Of the different modern Mārawādi dialects, it seems to be closest akin to the Thälī as spoken in the territory of Jaisalmer, as far as our materials admit of comparison.
On the other hand, we have seen that a number of peculiarities distinctly point towards an earlier stage of linguistic development.
The heterogeneous linguistic features occurring in our text, such as certain agreements with Gujarātī, Western Hindi, etc., can not be elucidated without comparing similar texts ( written in earlier modern vernaculars ). But as thorough monographs of such texts do not yet exist, such an attempt would go beyond the intentions of this study. 2. The Saṁskṛta Passages
The few Saṁskṛta passages occurring (I, 2-5; XIII, 1; 3; XV, 1; II; XVII, 1; XVIII, I; 18; 19; and the final passages of the adhyāyas ) show peculiarities similar to those of the Saṁskṛta stanzas contained in ‘Pañcākhyāna vārttika' (cp. Hertel's edition in 'Sachsische Forschungs Institute in Leipzig, Forschungs institute fur Indogermanistik, Indische Abteilung, No. 3', and Hertel's Preface ). The usual spelling (sometimes also the phonology) of the vernacular, have here been carried over to the Saṁskṛta passages, the

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language of which is very bad, and abounds in grammatical forms taken from the former. It is, therefore, often difficult to say, whether we have to deal with corruptions, or phonologically exact spellings of what was really spoken. Consequently, I have restricted myself to correcting manifest blunders, and, if necessary, giving explanations in the notes. Into the glossary, these hybrid forms have not been received
III. Tessitori's Text The parallel Rājasthānī Nāsaketari Katha of the Florentine MS. Pav. 759, could only be utilized as far as edited by Tessitori (Rivista degli Studi Orientali, Vol. VI, Fasc. I, p. 113 ff.): viz., for the three first and for part of the fourth adhyāya. I have, therefore, restricted myself to referring to variants of special importance.
The relationship of the two texts I have tried to illustrate by a list of parallel passages, retaining Te in the transcription of its editor, and accommodating my own to that as far as possible. ( viz., : anusvāra I have transcribed by m, without regard to its various phonetical values : 37 ( see p. 4 ) and it with ai and au, whereas Tessitori marks differences of modern pronunciation. A difference between d and ď' could not be marked, as our manuscript has only one letter for both. ]
Te I. rașesvara baithā chai |14
eka rasesara Udalaka nāmail tike piņa (eka rașesvara ) nămma
Udālaka-ji [15 Vrahmā-ji-ro putra 116
tikāu Vramā-ji-ro putra | moto rașesvaras"?
moto tapasi | deha-ro damanahāra 118
deha-rau damaņahāra | veda śāstra-no jańņaņahāra 19 veda-rā jāņaņahāra i tiņa-ro āścrama chai 120
tiņā-ro utama āścrama chail
Pipalāda rașesara āyā | tathai bijā piņa bhalā bhalā tathai bijā piņa rașesara bhelā rasesvara rahai chai |21
rahi chail
Si

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aiāyaba kumja vana chai 122
bohata ādara kiyo ! ajāiba vana chail Gargā-ji vahai chail pahāda ghaņā chail ramaņīka jāyagā chail mora cikora sārasa koyala suka
aneka jināvara bolai chail
ghaņa mora ciṁkora koyala
sārasa aneka pamșerum Jiva rahai chai 123
tiņa-rai āścrama Pipalāda rașe-
svara āyā 124 āya-nai gusati kari |25
itarā-mai Pipalāda rașesvara
dītho I ja astrī nahi 126 tarai Udālaka-ji-nai puchiyo 127 mahārājā thāṁrãi astrī nahī (28 so kisai vastai 129 tarai Udālaka-ji bolīyā 130 mai tapasyā vramacāri thakai
kivi chai 31 tarai Pipalāda-jí kahyo|32 vivāha karo 133 astri vinā agnahotri na huvai 134
vana-mi āṁbā kela aneka vrişā
suvanna virājamāna disai
chail tiņa-rai āścrama Pipalāda
rişesara āyā chai! āya-nai Událaka-ji-sū gosața
karai chail gosața karată Pipalāda dīķho |
äsarama-māhi asatarī nāhil tarāi Udālaka-ji-nū pūchaul thāri asatari nahil so kasāi vāsatai! tarai Udālaka-ji bolīyā| mhe tapasya vrimacārī-thakā
karī chāi! tarai Pipalāda kaho | the sāca kaho chail piņa asatri vinā aganahotra
upajai nahi! pitara devatā cena pāvai nahil
piņa pitradevatā caina pāvai
nahi 135 tarai Udālaka-ji bolīyā 136 mo-nai kurņa paraņavāi 137 mai to chayāsīhajāra varasa
vramhacārī thakai tapasya kini 138
tarai Udālaka-ji bolīyā || mo-nū kuņa paraṇāvasil me to bayāsihajāra varasa
tapasya kini chail

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vale Pipalāda-jī boliyā |39 putra vinā kuṁlanāsa hoya | pitradevată dumṣa pāvail veda kamhai chai 140 [ tarai Udalaka boliyā |11 mo-nai kuṁņa paraṇāvasī |42 phera Pipalāda-ji boliyā |43 putra vinā kulanāsa hoyāl pitradevată dumṣa pāvāi [44] asatrī-nai ritadāṁna dīyaṁ-ro doṣa lāgai nahi |45
aganaparasana karasyo to astrī āṁṇasyo 146
tarai Udalaka-ji boliyā (47 mai tapasyā kīvī chai 148 dehadamana kiyo chai 149 tiņa-ro nāsa hosi 150 phera Pipalāda-ji boliyā 151
thāṁrā mana-mai samdeha upano chail to the Vramhā-jī-nai puychanai nai āvo |52 Vrahma-ji kahai so kijyo 153 itaro kaha-nai Pipalāda-jī āparai āścrama āyā 154 pachai Visvanopāya raṣesvara-ji rājā Janamai-jī-nai kahai chai 155
Udālaka-ji-rī tapasyā-mähe bhamga padyo 156 Udālaka-ji bohata soca karai
chai (57
mo-nai kanyā kuņa paraṇavasi |58

tarai Pipalāda-ji kaho | putra vinā kulanāsa hosī pitra devatā-ja cena na pāvil dukha pāvil
asatri-nū rītadāna diyā-ro doṣaṇa lāgai nahī\ aganaparavesa karaso to asatrī āṇaso |
vale Udalaka-jï kahi | mhe tapasya karā chā| dehadamana karā chā| tiņa-ro nāsa hosil
tarai phera Pipalāda-jī bolīyā | asatrī-nu rītadāna dīyā-ro doṣa nahi |
nai thārai mana-mai buro upajai chai I the Vramā-jī-nu puchau
Viramā-jī kai sau karo | itaro kahai-nai Pipalāda-jī apari aścrama gaya | pasai Visanapāya-jī rājā Janame [ja]-ji-nū kahi chai
Udalaka-rai tapasyā-mai bhamga paḍau |
Udālaka mana-māhai bo [ha] ta soca karai chail

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tarai Vramā-ji-ro dhyāṁna kiyo 159 Vrahmā-jī kanai jāya-nai astuti kivi chai 160
Nāsaketari Kathā
hatha joḍa-nai kahyo (1 māṛai [ āścramai ] Pipalāda-jī āścrama āya-nai kahyo (62 thamrai astri nahi 163 so aganahotri na hoya 164
pitra devată tripata na hoya [65 tu astrī āṁņa 166
tarai mai kahyo chai 167 tapasyā kīvī chai 168
tiņa-ro näsa hosi 169 tarai Pipalāda-ji kahyo [70 tu Vrahmā-ji-nai pucha [71 Vrahmā-jī kahai so kijyoľ”2 tarai hūm rāja-kanai āyo chu 173 tarai Vrahma-ji boliyā [74 thārai putra pailā āvasī nai bhāryā pachai āvasīNo75 tarai Udalaka-ji kahyo 176 mai tapasyā kīvī chail
tina-mai bhamga paḍīyo chai \" so rāja masakari karo cho 178 tarai Vrahmā-ji boliyā 179 re putra Vrahmavāyaka mithyā [ ta] na hoya 180
thārai Rughavamsarī asatarī āvasi (81

Udālaka-jī Vramā-jī-kanau gayā jāya-nai ghaṇī astuta karaṇalāgo |
485
Udalaka Vrama-jī nū kahai | māre āśrama Pipalāda raṣesvara ayo tho! tiņa mā nu kaho | jo thārai asatarī nahī| asatarī vinā aganahotra upajai nahi |
deva pitra tripatā nahī hoya | tū asatarī āna |
tarai mai kaho\
me tapasyä vramasärī-thakā kari chail
tiņa tapasyā-ro nāsa hosī| tarai Pipalāda-ji boliyā | tū Vrimhā-ji-kanāi jā| to-nū Vrimhā-ji kahai so karo tarai hū rāja-kanai āyo chū-ji | tarai Vrimā-jī kaho
bhārajyā pilī putra āvasi | pasai bhārajyā āvasi | tarai Udalaka boliyo pitā-jī mai tapasyā bohata karī chail
tiņa-mi bhanga paḍasī|
tarai Vrimhā-ji boliyā | re putra tiņa-māhai doṣaṇa nahi |
thārai Rughvamsa-rī asatarī
dāvasil

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itaro kahi-nai Vrahmā-ji amtara- itaro kani-nai Vrimhā-ji antaradhyāṁna huvā 182
dhyā huvā| Umdālaka-jī pāchā āyā 183 Udalaka āpa-rai āścrama āyo|
As these two texts show, their linguistic character is nearly identical. Thus, the grammatical peculiarities of p. 4 foll. are found in Te too. But besides the accusative in -nai, there occurs ( and far more frequently ) one in '-nā' which is characteristic of western Mārawādi and of Thālī of Jaisalmer (cp. L.S., p. 110 and St. W. No. 103 ), and one in '-nu'. Moreover, a genitive in ko, -ki appears besides that in -ro, -ri, as in modern Mārawādi, and the old form nâu has been replaced by the modern ‘āvā nahi'.
As to syntax, there are no differences, except that the verbs of speaking and asking are sometimes construed with the ablative case in the Hindi-manner.
Phonology in most cases agrees with Si. Wherever there are differences, Te shows a closer relationship to modern Mārawādī. I here quote some of the statements of Tessitori's on p. (5): "I dittonghi ai, au hanno un'applicazione larghissima. Non solo sostituiscono e, o come in : lai( per le), daiyai ( per devai); sau ( per so), tikau ( per tiko); ma perfino a, i, come in : saiha ( per saha), mainașa (per manusa ), saihaisa ( per sahasa ), kahai-nai (per kaha-nai ), raihaiti ( per rahati); vaiņai ( per vişai), paitā ( per pitā). Spesso ai diventi i, es.: chi( per chai), mi( per mai), ri ( per rai), pāvi (per pavai ). Frequentissime sono gli scambi di ......, c, ch es, come in : ichadi (per isari), dilāchā (per dilāsã), vaṁca (per vamsa), cū (per sü), sadhiyo ( per cadhiyo), pasai (per pachai), si ( per chi = chai); der, come in : isado ( per isaro ), nagadi (per nagari), parai ( per padai)”. A spelling like 'cena, peli, vrama, rașesara' seems likewise to point to a stage of development posterior to our #ta, toit, de,
रषेस्वर.
Thus, the linguistic character of Te is completely in agreement with the younger age of the manuscript, which, according to Tessitori, is dated samvat 1857.

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487
The text itself shows marks of a younger tradition. Not only have descriptive passages been amplified ( such as I, 21ff., II, 14; IV, 1; 32, 1 ), but also have single terms which in the source were and in Si are still, somewhat vague or even ambiguous, been (in Te) brought into a more concise, but less appropriate shape ( such as I, 105; or I, 107 )'. In some cases of disagreement, the reading of Si is borne out to be correct by Be Fi ( see p. 14), whereas that of Te, on the contrary, in some cases directly contradicts BeFi: (cp. I, 33; 38; 40; 46; 61; 80; II, 1 )?.
In other respects also, Te is inferior to Si, showing disfigurations ( as I, 76, cp. Si I, 56 )', and even heavy corruptions, which render the text unintelligible without the aid of Si, or the Saṁskṛta text ( as I, 46; 89-91, III, 8 ff.). Elsewhere, Te has inserted absurd passages (such as III, 38 ff.)', or left out important ones ( such as the opening passages I, 1-13; III, 68 ff; IV, 29; or the description of the battle XII, 32 ff., cp. Tessitori, 1. c. p. [3] )“.
Besides the numerous glosses that have crept into Si particularly, already the common archetype of Si and Te must have contained marginal glosses, one of which has been inserted into both texts : in Si in the right place, in Te in a wrong one, making the whole passage totally unintelligible ( cp. I, 90 and note ).
IV. The Matter As remarked before, the matter and its history will not be dealt with in detail here, especially as Belloni Filippi has summarily discussed the earlier recensions in his book “Iti ‘Nāsiketopākhyānam” (Firenze, 1902).
1. Cp. p. X, note 1. 2. I give the 'standard words' without changing the transcrip
tion of the L.S. 3. = 'd' and 'r' of the L.S. 4. Cp. the respective notes. 5. Cp, the respective notes. 6. Nāgarī Prachāriņi Granthamālā Series No. 2, Allahabad 1901.
w

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BeFi is the only Saṁskṛta text containing the story of the hero's birth, the motif of which Belloni Filippi believes to have beer. suggested by the modern form of the name 'Nāsiketu', into which the old name ‘Nāciketas' had been transformed in popular tradition. Of this ‘Näsiketopākhyāna' (or of a text very closely akin to it ), our Rājasthānī recension, as represented by Si and Te, is a very short and rather bad abstract. Cp. the following table of contents of Si, compared with that of BeFi :
Si
BeFi
II
1-30
II
30ff.; III 1-18
III IV IV
19ff. 1-47 48ff.
VI 1-25
I History of Uddālaka
Candravati's conception : ... II The repudiation of Candrāvatī and
the birth of Nāsiketu . .... III The exposure of N. by C. and his adoption by U
.... C.'s coming to the hermitage of U. IV U.'s wooing. His wedding with C .....
N.'s disobedience and U.'s curse. N.'s going to Yama
N. visits Yama and Citragupta ... VI N. visits the hells and returns home.
The Rșis come and praise him ... VII Questions of the Rşis. N. describes
the city of Yama. Enumeration of
the hells VIII Enumeration of the sinners .... IX A trial of Yama's court of justice.
The condemnation of the sinners. The different punishments of
the different classes of sinners ... X Continuation
.... XI The burning tree and other tortures.
VI 26ff.; VII 1-8
VII 9ff.
VIII
IX X

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489
XIII
A speech of the messengers of Yama.
Continuation of IX and X ... XI XII Description of the messengers. The
D battle of the messengers with the Daitya
XII The re-births of the sinners ... XVIII 28-49 XIV The celestial joys. The virtuous people and their rewards
XIII, XIV XV Puspodaka
XV The fate of the soul immediately after death
XVII 1-8 The paths in Yama's world ... XVII 9ff. (XVI) XVI Narada visits Yama. The appearing
of the celestial cars. Yama's fear ... XVIII
Yama's explanation of his fear .... XIX 1-28 XVII Re-births of female and of male sinners
... XVIII 28-49 XVIII The Rșis praise U. and N Sravaņaphala
XIX 29ff. ( As to details, I must refer the reader to my notes on the single passages.)
That the Nāsaketari Kathā, however, cannot directly go back to the version of the Nāsiketopākhyāna published by Belloni Filippi, is especially proved by the XVIth adhyāya of Si, and by the abstract Tessitori has given of the corresponding chapter of Te. As to the passage of Te corresponding to Si XVI 20ff., Tessitori says: “L'episodio finale della visita di Nārada a Yama ha un'aggiunta di cui non vi e traccia nel testo purāņico. Narada, dopo aver ascoltato da Yama l'elogio di Janaka e della sua casta consorte, gli domanda perche egli abbia il corpo lucente come l'oro e il viso nero. Yama risponde : i peccatori communi che vengono a me, mi stanno ritti di fronte e io impartisco loro la pena. Ma i devoti di Vişņu mi mettono

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i piedi sul capo. Percio il mio viso e nero." Now as I have shown in my note on XVI, 20ff. of Si, a correct interpretation of the whole passage of the Rājasthānī recension as well as a solution of the problem of its origin is possible by the aid of the Nāciketa-episode of the Vārāha-purāņa, which also helps to explain some more discrepancies between Nāsaketari Kathā and Nāsiketopākhyāna. I refer to the respective note.
A further argument in favour of the assumption of relations to the V.P., is the fact that the prominence of the Vişnu worship (which plays so important a part in our kathä) has a parallel in the V.P., whereas throughout BeFi, the worship of Śiva is predominent, as Belloni Filippi has shown (1. c. p. 54).
Thus we come to the conclusion that the text from which our Rājasthānī recension is derived, was, in general, closely akin to BeFi, but in certain features agreed more closely with the V.P.
It is uncertain, how far some other differences between the Rājasthānī recension and BeFi ( as e.g., the different adhyāyadivision ) are due to this source, or to the compiler of the Rājasthānī recension, who, by the way, has worked rather arbitrarily, and, sometimes, rather stupidly, as shown in my notes on 1, 97; IX, 10; X, 2. These passages make it even probable that the compiler knew his source only from oral communication : a hypothesis which is borne out by the shape in which some of the Samskrta names ( especially of the hells and of the judges of the lower world ) appear ( see the notes on VII, 83 and LX, 8), as well as by the confusion of some special features in the text of the Nāsaketari Kathā ( such as of the punishments of all the respective sinners, or of the tortures and characteristics of the respective hells ).
That the shape of the Nāsaketari Kathā text to which Si and Te go back had undergone corruptions, is obvious from I, 107 and II, 16.
Li vön radistinction to our Rājasthānī recension ( contained in the Jaina manuscript of Si and in the younger, Vaişņava

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manuscript of Te ), the Hindi recension of Sadala Miśra (see p. VII) goes straight back to BeFi. It agrees with BeFi not only generally, but even in its passages of especially Śivaitic character, although Sadala Miśra himself is a representative of the Vaisnava school of Caraṇa Dāsa (see Hastings' Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics ), and though his booklet belongs to the scriptures of the Vaisnava sect just mentioned.
491

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The Texts
The original punctuation of the manuscript which is — in a very inconsequent manner — marked by a kind of asterisk, has been preserved. Besides that, the European marks of punctuation have been carried through for the sake of clearness.
Passages added to the wording of the manuscript are enclosed in <>, whereas glosses, dittographies, and other, probably, unoriginal passages are enclosed in [ ].
अहँ ।। श्रीसद्गुरुभ्यो नमः! नासकेतरी कथा लिंषते*।' सरसति महाभागे:! वरदे कामरूपिणी:! विस्वरूपी विसालांकी* ! देविद्या परमेसरी* ! 14 एकदंतो महाबुधीः, सर्वगुणो गुणनायकः! सर्वसिंधकरो देवः! गवरीपुत विनायकः ! 25 इति सरस्वतीजीरी नै विनायकजीरी स्तुति । अग्रे कथासबंधनं*।'
प्रथम श्रीगंगाजीरै तटिं विसनोपाय रषेस्वर [:] बारै वरसरी दिष्या लेनै बैठा छै*। तठै राजा जनमै आय नीसरीया*।' तरै राजा जनमैजी विसनोपाय रषेस्वरजीनै कह्यौ ।' ० "महाराज रषेस्वरजी ! काईक पापमोचनी कथा सुंणावो* !'1" तरै रषेस्वरजी बोल्या*12 "राजा, पिण सांभलो* !3!"
रषेस्वर बैठा छ।'4 तिके पिण एक रषेस्वर नाम उदालकजी*115 ब्रह्माजीरो पुत्र, मोटो रषेस्वरः,” देहरो दमणहारः, वेद सास्त्रनो जाणणहार*।'' तिणरो आश्रम छै*।२० तठै बीजा पिण भला भला रषेस्वर रहै छै*121 अजायब कुंजवन छै*122 घणा मोर, चिंकोर, कोयल, सारस, अनेक पंषेरूंजीव रहै छै* 123 तिणरै आश्रम पिपलाद रषेस्वर आया*24 आयनै गुसटि करी* 125 इतरा मै पिपलाद रणेस्वर दीठो*। ज अस्त्री नही* । तरै उदालकजीनै पूछीयो*17 महाराजा ! थारै अस्त्री नहीं*128 सो किसै वास्तै*।' तरै उदालकजी बोलीया*।३० मै तपस्या व्रमचारीथकै कीवी छै*।' तरै पिपलादजी कह्यो*132 विवाह करो* !3 अस्त्री विना अग्नहोत्री न हुवै*,34 पिण पित्रदेवता चैन पावै नही*135 तरै उदालकजी

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493
बोलीया* मोनै कुण परणावै*?37 मै तो छयासी हजार बरस ब्रम्हचारी थकै तपस्या कीनी* !38 वले पिपलादजी बोलीया*।' पुत्र विना कुलनास होय*, पित्रदेवता दुष पावै* वेद कहै छै*40 : [तरै उदालक बोलीया*141 मोनै कुंण परणावसीः फेर पिपलादजी बोलीया*:43 "पुत्र विना कुलनास होय, पित्रदेवता दूंष पावै।"] असत्रीनै रितदान दीयारो दोष लागै नही*145 अगनपरसण करस्यो, तो अस्त्री आंणस्यो*16 तरै उदालकजी बोलीया* :47 मै तपस्या कीवी छै:48 देह दमण कीयौ छै* :49 तिणरो नास होसी* !50 फेर पिपलाद जी बोलीया* :51 'थांरा मन मै संदेह उपनो छै, तो थे ब्रम्हाजीनै पुछनै आवो*।52 ब्रह्माजी कहै, सो कीज्यो* !'53 इतरो कहनै पिपलादजी आपरै आश्रम आया*।54
पछै विस्वनोपाय रषेस्वरजी राजा जनमैजीनै कहै छै* :55
"उदालकजीरी तपस्या माहे भंग पड्यो। उदालकजी बोहत सोच करै छै* :57 'मोनै कन्या कुण परणावसी*?'58 तरै ब्रह्माजीरो ध्यान कीयो*।१ ब्रह्माजी कनै जायनै अस्तुति कीवी छै*160 हाथ जोडनै कह्यो* :61 मारै [ आश्रमै] पिपलादजी आश्रम आयनै कह्यो* :62 थारै अस्त्री नही सो अगनहोत्री न होय*64 पित्रदेवता त्रिपत न होय* :65 तु अस्त्री आंण* !66 तरै मै कह्यौ छै*67 'तपस्या कीवी छै* :68 तिणरो नाम होसी* !'69 तरै पिपलादजी कह्यो*70 'तु ब्रह्मजीनै पुछ* !1 ब्रह्माजी कहै सो कीज्यो*!'72 तरै हूं राज कनै आयो छु*। तरै ब्रह्माजी बोलीया* :74 'थारै पुत्र पैला आवसी*, नै भार्या पछै आवसी* !'75 तरै उदालकजी कह्यो* :76 'मै तपस्या कीवी छै: तिण मै भंग पडीयो छै* :7 सो राज मसकरी करो छो* !"78 तरै ब्रह्माजी बोलीयाः' 'रे पुत्र ब्रह्मवायक मिथ्यात [1b] न होय* !s° थारै रुघवंसरी असत्री आवसी* !'81 इतरो कहिनै ब्रह्माजी अंतरध्यांन हुवा* 182 उंदालकजी पाछा आया*183
पछै मन मै असचीरी अविलेषणा करण लागा* :34 'इसडी असत्री आवै, तो भली*, अतिरूपवंती:, सीलवंती:, उदारचिंतवंती:, निपुण मुधर बोलीः, बाहिर भीतर सुचवंती:, भरतार सुं प्रीतवंती*, भरतारनी [ कथन ] आग्या लोपै नही*।'85 उदालकजी मन मै ईसडी चिंतवणा करै छै*186
___ एक दिवसरै विषै गंगाजी सनांन करणरै वास्तै गया था*187 तरै अपछरांरा रथ दीठा*। तरै मन चालीयो, नै वीरज प्रिंसीयो। सो तपस्यारो वीरज धरती मै मेलीयो न जाय*।१० कमलरो फूल तोडनै, माहे

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वीरज घातीयो।' उपर डाभ लपेटीयो*12 पछै गंगाजी माहे प्रवाह दीयो*13
सो फूल तिरतो राजा रुघा वंस]री नगरी हेढ़ आय नीसरीयो*14 तठे राजा रुघ[ वंस]री बेटी दस हजार सहेलीयां सुं [:] गंगाजी नित्य सनांन करणनै आई थी*15 एक ईद्ररी अपछरा, तिणनै सराप हूवो थो* सो राजा रुंघरै दासी हुई। सो दासी थकी। चंद्रावतीरा हीडा करै छै*198 नांम उरवंसी छै।" तिणनै चंद्रावती सनांन करती कह्यो* :100 'कमलरो फूल तिरतो जाय छै*,101 सो तु ले आव* !102 तरै उरवंसी ल्याई।103 चंद्रावती सूघीयो*104 तरै वीर्य नासका < पेड > होयनै प्रवेस कीयो*1105 [वीर्य ] एक महींनो नै दुजो महीनो हुंवै* :1०० तठै चंद्रावती फूल [[समी ]तुल ]ती थी।' ०7 सो फूल अद्भिका चढण लागा*/108
इति प्रथमोध्याय संपूर्ण। ०१ बाई चंद्रावतीनै दोष लागो*।' तरै राजाजीनै रांणी कह्योः। तरै राजाजी कह्योः' 'तरै चंद्रावती कनै दस हजार सहेलीयां रहती, तिणांनै काई हुंवो*?' तरै राजाजी उरवंसीनै बुजीयो* : 'थानै जतन करणरै वासतै राषी थी* सो थांनै कांई हुंवो*?” तरै उरवंसी बोली* : 'महाराजा कोई मांणसरो प्रवेस होय तो मारी जांवा* !' पिण परमेसरजीरी गतिं जाणी न जाय*।1० तरै राजा कह्यो* :11 'मास्यां, तो पाप हुंवै* !12 वनषंड माहे मेल आवी*।'13 तरै राजाजीरा चाकर बन मै मेल आया*14
सो चंद्रावती वन मै रंदन करती फिरै छै*115 तठै तिणबंध रषेस्वर आया। कंद मूलरै वास्तै आया था*। तरै चंद्रावतीनै रुंदन करती दीठी*" तरै रषेस्वर बोलीया* :18 'हे कन्या! तु कुंण छै*?" रुंदन क्यं करै छै*?'20 तरै चंद्रावती बोली* :21 हं राजा रुघा वंस री बेटी छु*। मोनै आगला भवरी कमाई [ कर्म] करनै दोष लागो* :13 अबकै भव तो षोटी कमाई कोई कीवी नही* 124
तरै रषेस्वर दिलासा देनै, आपरै आश्रम ले आया*125 बेटी करनै राषी*16 महीना पुरा हुंवा*,' जठै नासिका सु पुत्ररो जन्म हुवो*128 नांम नासकेत दीधो*19
___ इति दुतीयोध्याय संपूर्ण। महीना तीनरो हुंओ*,' जठै रुंदन करण लागो। तरै चंद्रावती क्रोध करनै। बालकनै कंठ पीजरा मै घातिनै, गंगाजी माहे प्रवाह दीयो।'

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तरै रषेस्वर बोलीयो* : 'रे बालक! तु थारा बाप कनै जा* !' तरै उदालकजीरो आश्रम गंगाजीरै तटि छै*। सो पिंजरो सांमै पाणी चालीयो*।' सो उदालकजी गंगाजी नित्य सनांन करणनै आवै छै*। तठै सनांन करतां पिज[2a)रो आयने पगे लागो*।' तीनही विरीयां पगे लागो* :10 मध्य सनांन पगे लागो।' संझ्या संनांन पगे लागो*12 तरै उदालकजी दीठो*13 [तरै उदालकजी जोयो*/14] पिंजरो उरो लेनै षोलीयो।' माहे देषै, तो अनोपम बालक छै* तिणरै आपरा सा चैन छै*। सो देषनै ब्रह्माजीरो बोल याद आयो*18 कह्यो थो*19 'असची पैली बालक आवसी*12० तिको बोल पुगो*21 पछै बालकनै आपरै आश्रम ले आया*122 पाल पोस करता हुआ*13 मोटो हुंवो।4
एक दिनरै विषै चंद्रावती दलगीर हुई*15 त? तिणबंध रषेस्वर बोलीयो* :26 'बेटी! तुं दलगीराई क्युं करै छै*?'27 तरै चंद्रावती बोली* :28 'पिताजी! एकलां आवडै नही* !' डावडो हुवो थो*३० तिको गंगाजी माहे प्रवाह दीयो*31 नही, तर आजनै मोटो हुंओ इंतो*32 तरै रषेस्वर जी बोलीयो* :33 'जठीनै पिजरो जातो दीठो छै*,34 पुत्री, तु तठी सोझ, लाभसी*।'35
तरै पिंजरो जातो दीठो थो*,36 तठीनै चंद्रावती चाली*137 आगै देषै तो उदालकजीरै आश्रम बैठो छै*38 तरै चंद्रावती पूछीयो* :१ रे बालक! तू कुण छै*? थारो पिता कुण छै*?41 थारी माता कुण छै*?42 ओ आश्रम किंणरो छै*?'43 तरै नासकेत बोलीयो* :44 'ओ आश्रम उदालकजीरो छै*145 मारै पिता उदालकजी छै*। मोनै माताजी षबर नही*147
तरै चंद्रावती बोली* :48 रे पुत्र! हूं थारी माता छु* 149 रषेस्वर कठै गयो छै*?'50 तरे नासकेत बोलीयो* :51 'कंद मुलनै गया छै*152 मोनै बैसाण गया छै*।'53
तरै चंद्रावती बुहारो दीधो*154 चोको दीधो*।55 हंडवाई मांझी*156 पछै गंगाजी सनांन करण गया चंद्रावतीजी*।57
इतरा माहे उदालकजी पिण आया*।58 देषनै कह्यो* :59 रे पुत्र! बुंहारो किंण दीयो*?०० चोको किण दीयो*?61 हडवाई किंण मांजी*?'62 तरै नासकेत बोलीयो* :63 'पिताजी! माहरी माता आई थी*164 तरै उदालकजी बोलीया* :65 रे पुत्र! थारी माता आई थी, तो कठै गई*?'67

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तरै नासकेत कह्यौ* :68 'गंगाजी सनांन करण गया छै*।'०१ तरै नासकेतनै रषेस्वर कह्यो* :7° 'थारी मातानै बुलाय ल्याव* :1 मारो पिता तोनै बुलावै छै* !'72
तरै चंद्रावती बोली* :73 रे पुत्र! थारी बुलाई कोई नाउ* !'4 हुं तो कन्या छू* !?s मोनै पिता के भाई देसी, तो आवसुं*76 तरै नासकेत आयनै कह्यो* !77 तरै उदालकजी नासकेतनै फेर पाछो मेलीयो* : वलै जाइनै पुछ* :' थारो बाप कुण छै*?७० नै पुत्र क्युं करनै हुवो छै*?'81 तरै नासकेत जायनै पुछीयो*182
तरै चंद्रावती कह्यो* :33 'हुं राजा रुंघरी बेटी छु*184 हुं गंगाजी दस हजार सहेलीयां सं गई थी*।'85 तलै कमलरो फुल तिरतो थको आय नीसरीयो*। सो मै मंगायने सुंघीयो*137 तिण सु मारै आधांन रह्यो। तरै मोनै वन मै मेल आया*।१ तरै हूं रुंदन करती थी*१० तठै तिणबंध रषेस्वर आय नीसस्या तिणा मोनै दिलासा देनै, आपरै आश्रम ले आया*। तरै महीना पुरा हुवा, जठै नासका पेड होयनै पुत्र हुओ।' नाम नासकेत दीधो*15 महीना तीनरो हुंवो जठै रुंदन करण लागो* तरै मै कठपिजरा मै घातनै गंगाजी माहे प्रवाह दीयो*197 - जै समाचार नासकेत उदालकजी आगै कह्या*। तरै उदालकजी कह्यो* 'फेर पाछो [2b] जायनै कहजे* :११ हुं राजा रुघ कनै कन्यादान मांगण- जाउ छु*11०० तुं थारे आश्रम जा*!101 तरै नासकेत चंद्रावतीनै कह्यो*।102 तरै चंद्रावती आपरै आश्रम गई*1103 नै उदालकजी राजा रुंघ कनै कन्यादान मांगणनै गया*1104
इति तृतीयोध्याय समाप्तं*105 रषेस्वर आवता देषनै, राजा रुंघ सांमो बहूत अस्तुति कीनी*।' आसण दीयो*।' प्रदक्षिणा देनै पुछीयो* : 'महाराज रषेस्वरजी! किंतरैक कांम पधारीया छो*?'4 तरै रषेस्वरजी बोल्यो* : मोनै कन्यादान द्यो* !' तरै राजाजी कह्यो* :' 'कन्या थी, पिण मर गई* हुंती। तो उजर कोई करता नही*।' तरै उदालकजी मांडनै वांत कही।
हुँ गंगाजी सनांन करण गयो थो*' तटै अपछरांरा रथ दीठा*। तरै मन चालीयो < नै वीरज पिंसीयो>113 सो तपस्यारो वीर्य धरती मेल्यो न जाय* तरै कमल तोड, वीर्य माहे घातिनै, गंगाजी माहे प्रवाह दीयो*115 सो तिरतो थको, आय नीसरीयो*16 सो चंद्रावती

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उरवंसी कना सु मंगायनै सुघीयो ।' 7 तरै नासकारा पेड मै होयनै, वीर्य प्रवेस कीयो । " तरै राजाजी क्रोध करनै । वन मै मेल आया । " तठे चंद्रावती रुंदन करण लागी * 120 फिरती आय नीसरी * 1 21 तठै तिणबंध रषेसर आय नीसरीया* 1 22 तिण पुछीयो 23 'कन्या! तु कुण छै* ?124 तरै चंद्रावती को 25 हूं राजा रुंघरी बेटी छु । 26 मोनै विगर कीयां दोष लागो* । ' 27 तरै रषेस्वर दिलासा देन, बेटी कहिने, आपरै ऑश्रम ले गया * । 28 सो उठै छै* । '29
497
राजाजी बोहत राजी हुवा | 30 वधाई बांटी, घणा उछाह कीया। 31 कवरांने मेंलने, चंद्रावतीनै उरी बुलाई * 1 3 2 विवाह भली भांत सु कीयो । मांगीयौ, सो डायजो दीयो* । 34 बेटीनै डाहिजो, दोहितानै भली भांत सुं देनै, आपरै आश्रम पोहचाया* 135
नासकेत मोटो हुओ* 136
एक दिनरै विषै नासकेतनै कंद मूलरै वासतै अगनहोत्रीरै वासतै मेलीयो थो*17 सो नासकेत वन मै गयो । तठै देषै, तो वलो वन छै*।' सरोवर भरीयो छै । 40 वन फल फूल रह्या छै । " दरषत मोरीया छै*।+2 मोर, चिकार, सारस, कोयल, अनेक भांतिरा जीनावर रहै छै । 43 रमणीक जागया देषनै, नासकेत जोग अभ्यास करण लागो * 144 जोग अभ्यास करतां, छ महीना लागा * 145 पाछो आयो, जरै उदालकजी क्रोध करनै बोलीया* : 46 रे पुत्र ! अगनहोत्रीरी भली षबर लीथी* 1 47 आपणै तो अगनहोत्री परसण कीधी चाहीजै ।' 48
तर नासकेतजी बोलीया * +9 'पिताजी! थे कही, सो भलां* : 50 पिण जोग मारग छै, सो मोटो पदारथ छै* !' 51
तरै उदालकजी क्रोध करनै, नासकेनै सराप दीयो*, 52 जे 'पुत्र ! अगननै निदै छै, तो जमलोक जा* ! ' 53

तर चंद्रावती मन मै दलगीर हुई * : 54 'रषीसुंरजी ! थे बोहत बुरी कीनी* 155 आंपणे एकहीज पुत्र छै! 56 तरै उदालकजी बोलीया 57 'तु दलगीर मती हुवै* : 58 जम आपण आवै नही* ! 59 मोनै म्हारी तपस्यारो भरोसो छै*, 60 जे* जम आवै, तो षाली जाय ।" मारो पुत्र जमलोक जावै नही* 1 62 तरै नासकेत बोलीयो * ' 3 'पिताजी! हूं थांरो सराप साचो करसुं* 164 जमलोक माहे जायने, पाछो आवसूं* 165 थे मन मै दलगीर मती हुंवो* !" मारी काया रूडां राषज्यौजी* !67
63

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इतरौ कहिनै, जोग अभ्या[3a]स करनै, देह मांहिं सूं जीव नीसरियो* सो जमलोक गयो छै जीव।68
इति चतुर्थोध्याय संपूर्णं। १ नासकेत राजा जम कनै गयो।' असतुति करी*। 'सहस्रबाह, सहस्रचष्य, सहस्रपद राज!' असतुति सुणनै, जम राजा राजी हुंवो बोहत* जम राजा पुछियो* 'तोनै अठै कुण ल्यायौ?' थारी आव पुरी कोई न हुई छइं*!'7
तरै नासकेत बोलीयो* 'मोनै पिताजीरो सराप हूंवो छै* :' वासतै हुं अठै आयो छु*110
राजा जम राजी हुवो नै कह्यो* :11 'तु पाछो जा!12 थारी कथा सुंणसी, जिणनै जमदंत कोई आवै नही, नारकी माहे जावै नही* !13 नासकेत बोलीयो*14 'मोनै जमपुरी दिषावो* !15 तरै राजा जम दुतानै कह्यो*16 'नासकेतनै चित्रगुपत कनै ले जावो* !17
सो जमदंत चित्रगुपत कनै ले गया*18 नासकेत असतुति करी* :19 'सरब धरमरा जांणणहार* !° बोहत तेजरा धरणहार* !! पाप पुन्यरा जांणणहार!'22 इतरो कहै नै असतुति करी*।23 इतरो कहनै, उभो रह्यो छै*124
इति पंचमोध्याय संपूर्ण।25 विसानोवाच*
चित्रगुपत नासकेतनै कहै छै*' 'तु मांगै, सो मांग* :- हुं तोनै सुप्रसन हुंवो। तरै नासकेत बोलीयो* :4 'मोनै थांरी नगरी दिषावो!'5 तरै दुतांने कह्यो* 'दिषावो* !? तरै दुतां पाप पुन्यरा करता दिषालीया*।' व्रतरा करता दिषालीया*।' तलाव, नीवांरा करता दिषालीया*।'° कुंड दिषालीया*।' सगला सहर मै फेरंनै ले आया*112
तरै राजा जम कहीयो* :13 नासकेत! तु पाछो जा* !4 थारी कथा सीषसी नै सुणसी, तिणनै जमदंत कोई आवै नही*!15 सो जमलोक न आवसी* !'' थारा माईत दुचीताई करता हुंसी* !17
तरै नमसकार करनै, पाछो आयो।8
आयनै, मातापितानै नमसकार कीयो।" इतरा माहे रषेस्वरां सुंणीयो*।२० तरै रषेस्वर आया। तिके रषेस्वर किंसडायक छै*??

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केईक पवन साझै छ,23 केईक तो मासपारणो करै छै*124 केईक तो पषपारणो करै छै* :25 ईसडी तपस्यारा करणहार अनेक रषेसर भेला होयनै, आया छै*126 तिके कहै छै27 'उदालकजी! थारो वडो भाग,28 तिणार नासकेत सरीषा पुत्र* !?' आज पैहली दीठो न कोई सुंणीयो* !30 जमलोक जायनै, पाछो कोई आवै नही!' सो नासकेत जायने आयो* !'32 रषेस्वरां ईसडी कही।
इति षष्टमोध्याय संपूर्ण। आसपूरण कथा राजा जनमैजी आगै विसनोपाय रषेस्वर कहै छै:।
"हिवै नासकेतनै रषेस्वर पुछ छै, न कहै छै*. 'जमलोक किसडोक छै? जमदूंत किसडाक छै*?' जम किसडायक छै*?' चित्रगुपति किसडायक छै*?' पैडो किसडोयक छै*?"
तरै नासकेत कहै छै* : मोनै पिताजी सरापन दीयो*।' क्रिपा कीवी। तिण सुं जमलोक जायनै, पाछो आयो*।। हमै उठारी कथा दीठी। तिसडी कहूं छु*13 थे एकाग्र होयनै, सांभलो!14
प्रथम तो उठै जाय छै।६ तरै राजाजी जमनै चित्रगुपतनै नमसकार कीजै छ।16
जमपुरी सहस्र जोजन उची छै*," पचास जोजन चोडी छै*18 च्यार दरवाजा छै*।" च्यार षुणा छै*।२० तनांना भातरा लोक रहै छै*121 वाग, वगीचा, तलाव, नदी छै*122 चंदणरा कपाट छै;23 सोनारा घर छै;24 लाल हीरा जड्या छै*;25 मोतीयांरी झालर छै*26 ईसडो सहर छै।7 तिण माहे देवता रहै छै*128 गधर्व गावै छै*" मृगतगांमी*,30 तलावर करता*31 उपगार करता*,32 वावडी कुवा करता, भूषांने अनरा देणहार*,34 ईसा मनष पूरबरै दरवाजै प्रवेक करता दीठा*135
हिवै पछिमरा दरवाजारा कहूं छु* :6 तांबारो दरबाजो छै;37 तांबारी धजा छै;38 तांबारा घर छै*१ तलै एहवा मनष तांबारै दरवाजै प्रवेस करता दीठा* :40 उपगार करता दीठा*,41 सतवादी दीठा*;42 मातापितारी सेवा करता दीठा;43 माहरा महीना माहे सीयां मरतांनै तपावै*;+ थाकांनै विसरांम दे, कुल पुछै*,45 पग धोवाडे [3b], पावडी दीयै*46 इतरा पछिमरै दरवाजै प्रवेस करता दीठा* 147
हिवै उतररा दरवाजारा कहूं छु* :4s सोनारो दरवाजे छै*;" मोनारी घंटा छै* :50 सोनारो चमर छै*। तठै एहवा लोक प्रवेस करता

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दीठा* :52 देवतांरी सेवा करता, गउ ब्रांमणनै पुजै*153 षटदरसणरां अतीतांनै पुजै*,54 विसनभगतां, नै अगनहोत्री दे*,55 गांम दे, गऊं दांन दे*,57 सुंच रहै*,58 सहस देवल दे*,5' [जिग] होमसामग्री दे,०० व्रत करै*,61 मास उपवास करै,62 पष उपवास करै,63 असत्री सु गमन न करै*,64 तीरथ करै,5 नित्य धर्म करै, जीवदया पालै*,67 मांन न करै*,68 मारग मै चालै* :69 तिके तो उतररै दरवाजै प्रवेस करता दीठा*।
हिवै दिक्षणरै दरवाजै प्रवेस करता कहुं छु* :71 कालाभमंग*,72 कुचीतो, इधक पैडो*। छुरीधार कांटा घणा* 174 ग्रीझण छै।5 पापी तिण पैडै जाय छै*16 मुदगरां सु मारीजै छै*17 हाय हाय करनै रह्या छै*78 ईसडा पापी दिषणरै दरवाजै प्रवेस करता दीठा*।"
एक अचंभो वले दीठो*18 नरकरा कुड दीठा। 1 तिणरा नाम कहुं छु* :2 कुभीपाक, अभीच, महारोरवंत*, पतीपाक*, अंगारांरी रास*, छुरीधार*, केषलछैल, असिमोचन*, अगनधार, महानंदी*, करमषुदाण*, कुंदणवसीकछैल*, घीरतपाक*, गुलपाक*, महाभयानक*, तपतवेलु, कीडांरो कुड*, तलजंत, दुषजंत*, विषकुप*, जमचोली*, पवीतरोहण*, सुररोहण*, संग्रांमरोहण*, लोहकार*, [महारोरवंत*,] तथा सूल*183
___ पराई लुगाई दीठां, नेत्र फोडै*,84 जुंठ बोलै, 5 जिणरी जीभ काट*186 सीह सिचांणा, बघेरा, स्याल, कुंतरा, सुंई, मुसा, विरह, (वाराह,) इसै उणां हारै जमदुत छै*187 . मै तो संषेप मात्र कह्या छै।
__इति सप्तमोध्याय संपूर्ण।" हिवै मै पाप करता दीठा। तिके कहु छु* :'
व्रम्हहित्या; गउहित्या*; पुत्रहित्या*; असत्रीहित्या; मित्रहित्या*; वेसासघाती*;' बालघाती; पराई असत्री कनै जाय*;' विरांमण होयनै, दारु पीवै; कुलरो नास करै*;' देवतांरो मालरो राषणहार*;? अभष भषै; अगमरी वात करै*;" झूठी साष भरै; अणदीठी कहै*;16 पराई थांपण राषै;” व्रतभंग करै*;18 आपरी त्यागै, पराई सु लागै*;" कपट बोलै;२० रसभेद करै*;21 पापभेद करै*;2 गांम, असत्री मारै* :13 ईसा तो मै अनेक पापो दीठा*124
अधरमी राजा दीठा*,25 धरमी दीठा*। सीम भांजै*,27 कुडो

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बोलै*, वाजा हरै*,' अभिमांन करै* :३० ईसा तो मै अनेक दीठा*।" नासकेत कहै।
इति अष्टमोध्याय संपूर्ण*133 धरमराजाजी दरबार मांडि बैठा छै*।' पापी दुराचारीयांनु बुलावै छै*।' मुदगरां सुं मारीजै छै*।' त्राहि त्राहि कर रह्या छै*/* रषेस्वर बैठा छै*। तिके पिण करुर थका बैठा छै*।' त्यांरा नाम कहूं छु* :
अंतकजी*, भारद्वाजी*, धीच*, मुनि नारद*, मारकंडजी* इतरा रषेस्वर धर्मराजाजीरा मुहडा आगै आय बैठा छै*। पाप पुन्यरो न्याव कीजै छइं*।' बारै सूर्य संक्रांत तपै छै*।'° धरमरा, वेद सास्त्रना जांणणहार, त्रिकालदरसी* इतरा धरमराजाजी आगै बैठा छै*।' माथै मुगट छै; हाथे डंड छै*13 कांने कुंडल छै*114 देवता सगला बैठा छै*15
तठै बमहित्यारांनै कुभी नरक मै नांषै छै*16 गोहित्यारांनै कुसटलकुंड मै नांपै छै*117 असत्रीघातीनै, वरतहीरानै घांणी मै घालनै पीलीजै छै*। मातापितारो घाती, तिंणनै छुरी सुं काटीजै छै*" परनारी सुं गमन करै, तिणनै लोहरी पुतली उंनी लाल करनै, छांती सुं भीडीजै छै*।२० पापी दूराचारयांनै मुदगरां सुं मारई छै*121 कन्यानै झूठो दोष लगावै, तिणनै, वैतरण नंदी मै नांपै छई*22॥ [4a]गुरपतनीनै दोष लगावै, तिणनै कुशलकुड मै नांपै छै* 123 वेसासघातीनै तेल माहे नाषीजै छै* 24 नै वडारी नाई तलै छै*125 पराई थांपण राषै, तिणनै कुभी नरक मै नांषै छै*126 इष्टी होय, तिणनै कुतां कना सुं फडाईजै छै*17 गुरनै न मांनै, तिणनै करमकुड मै नांपै छै*18 अभिष भषै, तिणनै वैतरण नंदीरो लोही राधि, महादुरगंध मनषनै पाईजै छै*129 बहिन साटै परणै, तिणनै हजार जनम नरक मै नांपै छै* कपडो चोरै, तिणनै तपत सिला उपर बैसाणे छै*131 कन्यादान माहे. भंग करै, तिणनै नरुछास नरक माहे नांपै छै*132 व्रतभंग करै, तिणनै षडगधारा नरक माहे नांषीजै छै*133 गुररी असतरी सुं गमन करे, तिणनै नारकी मै नांषै छै*134 मित्रघातीनै पेट फाडनै, नरक माहे नांषीजै छै*15 सोनो चोरै, मोती चोरै, जिणनै जमपरबत सूं नांषीजै छै*. गरीबरो, दलद्रीरो धन चोरै, तिणनै नरक मै नांषीजै छै*।' विगर दीठी साष भरै, तिणरी आंष फोडै छै*138 दांन करतां वरजै, तिणरो मुंढो विसटा सुं भरै छै*।' असत्रीरी नंद्या करै, व्रम्हचारीरी नंद्या करै, तिणनै

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जमपोल सु नांषै छै । 40 आपरी त्यागै, पराई सुं लागै, ज्यां माहे मोटो हुंवै तिणांरो वुरो चाहै, तिणनै सूली दीजी छै । 1 एकलो षाय, तिणनै नरक मै नांषै छै*42 धरमसास्त्रनै नंदै, तिणनै कुतरां कना सूं फडाईजै छै* 143 असतरीनै विगर पुन छाडै छै, तिणनै लोहयंत्र मैं घालनै, पीलै * 144 इण भांत सुं चितार चितार सझा दीजै छै* 145
इति श्रीनवमोध्याय समाप्तं * | 46
एक मै अचरज दीठो* : '
उरधकेसी, 2 मेकदंता*, 3 षडगदंता *, ' मोटा नष* : इसा जमदुत दीठा, जिके पापी दुराचारीयांनै पकड ल्यावै छै । पैलानै धाह दे, तिणनै षडग सुं मारता ल्यावै छै । पराई लुगाई कनै मांडांई जाय, तिणनै लोहरां तवां उपर उन्हा करनै बैसांणै छै । जिसडी कमाई करै, तिणनै सभाल सभाल तिसडीहीज सझा दीजै छै* 110 मित्र भाईरी तथा सगा सोईरी असत्री सुं बुरो देषै, तिणनै कुतरां कना सुं फडावै छै ।" मुहडो आगिं सु भरै छै । " " सास अमुझे छै । 13 षडग धप्ता माहे नांषे छै । ' 4 आतमघातीनै नरक मै नांषै छै । 15 पछै पंषेरू अवतार दे । 16 देवतांरो माल चोरै, तिनै कुभी नरक मै नांषै छै* 17 हंडवाई चोरै, तिनै चक्र सुं मारै छै । 18 पो<> पांणीरी भांगै, तिणनै कुलपासां सुं बांधै छै । " बांधनै, नरक मै नांषै छै* 120 तलांव फोडै, तिणने जोककुड माहे नांषै छै*।±1 वाग वनासपति, नीलो रुष काटै, तिणनै बककलेस नरक माहे नांषै छै । 22 वडेरा न मांनै, तिणनै रोरव नरक माहे नांषे छै* 123 गांव बालै, दव दे, तिनै अगनकुड माहे नांषै छै । 24 आपरा पुरषनै त्यागै, पराया पुरष सुं लागै, आपरा पुरषरो माल पराया पुरषनै पवाडै तिण असत्रीनै लोहरा तवा ऊना करनै उपरै बैसांणै छै* 125 सांमद्रोही नै, गुरद्रोहीनै, मित्रद्रोहीनै, जिणरा हाथ पग वाढिनै, मूंढो विसटा सूं भरनै, नरक माहे नांषै छै* 1 26 अन चोरै, तिणनै मुढो विसटा सुं भरनै, नरक मै नांषै छै*127 हस तचाड हुंवै, तिणनै अंधतास नरक मै नांषै छै*128 असत्रीनै लोग दिषायनै गमन करै, तिनै दाहकुंड माहे नांषै छ । 29
इति श्रीदसमोध्याय समाप्तं । 30
एक अचरज वले दीठो : ' एक व्रष दीठो : पांच जोजन चोडो, दस जोजन उचो । तठै पापी छै । तिके बो[4a]हत अचैन पावै छै* । उनी वेलूं छै* ' तठै दाजीजै छै । 7 कालगांमी छै । बोहत रुंदन करै
6

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छै*।' मुदगरां सु मारीजै छै*110
रे जीव धर्म क्युं कीयो नही*?' तीरथव्रत क्युं कीया नही*?12 व्रम्हचारी अतीतरी, भूषा तिसीयारी मन, छा, त्रिपत न कीधी*?13 षटदरसणनै कदेई दांन न दीयो?' सो जम राजानै ओलषता कना नही*?16 अतीत ग्रास*, गउ ग्रास*, स्वांन ग्रास*, बीली ग्रास*, काग ग्रास*, ए पांच ग्रास न दीया।" थाकांनै विसरांम न दीया*18 सो जमदुतांनै ओलषता कना नही? ओलषता नही*।"
तिहांनै कहि[कहै|नै, मार दीजै छै*120 नारकी मै नांषीजै छै*11 दान देनै गिणावै, सो नारकी मै पडै*121 काग कुंतरां कना फडावै छै*122 अमावसरै दिन भोग करै, सुतक मै षावै*, सरब भषै, तिण प्रांणी [जीवनै] आंधा कुंवा मै नांषै छै*123 वावरीनै लोहजंत्र मै घातनै पीले छै*124 जलनै, अगननै नंदै, देवतां साधांनै नंदै, राजा अतीतनै नंदै, ब्रांमणनै नंदै*, पुजनी कनै नंदै*, पारकी निंदा करै, पराई आयो* तिणनै क्रमकुड मै नांषै छै* 15 अनेक भांति भांति सुं सझा दीजै छै*16
इति इग्यारमोध्याय समाप्त। जमकिकर भयानक दीठा।' तिके कहु छु* :- थे सकोई एकाग्र चिंत देनै सांवलो* ! गोहीडै चढीया, सरप चढीया, गोह चढीया, वीछु चढीया* , कुतरां उपर चढीया, सूर उपर चढीया, नाहर उपर चढीया* इसा तो मै अनेक जमदुत दीठा*। उरधकेसा, करालदंता छै* कालै वरण, मोढा नष छै। मोटा हाथ नै पग छै।' मोटा पेट छै* स्यालमुषा छ,' ल्यालीमुषा छै*11° आगा सु रुधर लपेटीया छै*।'' हाथां माहे साप छै। काला कपडा छै*113 क्यांहीरे हाथां मै षडग, त्रिसूल छै*,14 बरछी छै,। [हाथां] तोमर छ,16 फरसी छै," मुदगर छै, पासी छै*," चक्र, आकुस छै*,२० वज्र छै,1 डंड छै* :12 इसा हाथां माहे आवध छै*123 त्यारै घरबार नही* 124 सदाई भमता रहै*15
त्यां माहे एक जमदुत बलवंत छै*126 तिणरै अगन सरीषा नेत्र छै* घडी घडी मै चित्रगुपत कनै कहै छै* :28 'जिणरी आव पुरी होय, सो वतावो* !29
केई तो जम राजारा जोडायत छै*13० तिके जम राजारा हुंकम सुं पापीयारै मार दे छै*131
एक मै वले अचंभो दीठो* :32 एक दैत जमदूत सूं लडाई

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कीवी*33 [राजा जम] काल पास [जमनै] मेल मेल पकड, <राजा जमनै> मंगायो* 14 दैतनै अंधार वन मै उधोमुष नांषीयो*135
__ जिसडी कमाई कीजै छ, तिसडी सझा [मार] दीजै छै। औ जमदुतांरा समाचार छै*37 मात लोक मै दिन मै तीन वेला पापी अधरमीयांरी षबर ले छै* : प्रात समै, मध्यांन समै, सध्या समै* : ए तीन काल नित्य षबर लेणनै आवै छै*।''
इति श्रीद्वादसमोध्याय संपूर्ण*। रषेस्वरोवाच* : 'किंसो ध्रम*, किंसो पाप*, किसो पैडो*, किसो तीरथाः] मिनषा देह पावै? सो कहौ* !'2
नासकेतोवाच* :
'व्रम्हहित्यारो चंडाल होया गुरुपतनी सुं गमन करै, सो वावरी होय। पिताघातीरै सूलरोग होय। बहिनद्रोहीरै कोसो होय;' पासी सुं मरै* वंसधाती छीपो होय*;' माथारी पीडा सं मरै*।1० पंषी मारै, सो ल्याली होय*" भाणेज मारै, सो स्याल होय*12 बालघाती गड सूरो होय*13 भैसो मारै, सो कुबो होय।14 उपगार करतां वरजै, सो चंडाल होय।' पेट मारनै मरै, सो मीढो होय। चोरी करतां मरै, सो काग होय*17 सोनो चोरै, सो कोठ्यो होय*18 वध बालकरो धन चोरै, सो मुसो होय।१ [5a]अन चोरै, सो घण होय*।२० झूठ बोलै, सो किर कांट्यो होय*11 कुडी साष भरै, सो नील्यो होय*12 दुष्ट कमाई करनै मरे, सो, जगर होय* 123 तीरथरी नंद्या करै, सो ल्याली होय* 124 असतरी भरतार सुं वाद करै, सांमी बोलै। तिकाज मारो गोह रारो पावै* 125 बालकनै मारै, सो बोलो होय*126 आंधानै मारै, सो कोढ्यो होय। जनम जनम नरक मै जाय*128 तलाव, वावडी, कुंवा फोडै, सो पांगलो होय।१ गुररो, अतीतरो माल षाय। सो नरक मै जाय*।३० पैडो भांजै, सो पथररी गति पावै*131 देनै उरो ले। सो कागलो होय* 132 गुररी, पितारी आग्या न मांनै, सो जढ [मूरष] होय*;33 पुस्तक चोरै, सो गुगो होय*134 गायनै ठोकरवावै, सो वाघ होय*;5 पछै नरक जाय*136 गुरपतनी सुं गमन करै, सो मोर होय*37 पराई असत्री हरै, सो घोडो होय*38 षत चोरै, सो कोढ्यो होय*३१ अगन निदै, सो कीडो होय*140 व्रतभंग करै, सो वीछु होय*141 विस दे, सो जलसाप होय*12 कंन्या देनै नंदै, सो प्रेत होय*143 भाई बहिन मारै, सो नरक मै जाय*14 पारकी असत्री सु

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कटुबरी असत्री सुं, वडा भाईरी बहुं <सुं> भोग करै, सो गधो होय*145
इति त्रयोदसमोध्याय संपूर्ण । धरमरा करता दीठा।' तिके कहूं छु* :2 घ्रतरी नंदी*, सैतरी नंदी*, दुधरी नंदी*, सेलडी रसरी नंदी*। सीतल जलरी नंदी* : ईसडी नंदी वहै छै*। अजाब कुंड छै*। पकवांन सुं भरीया छै*। मैहल सोनारा छै* आछी विछायत छै* सषरी असत्री छै* अपछरां सुं भोग विलास करै छै*।' अनेक भांति भांतिरा सुंष भोगबै छै*।
___ अठै दीजै, सो उठै सहसगुणो पाईजै छै*।' भोमदान, गजदान, घरदांन*, सोना रूपारो दांन, आपनै भावै सो दांन* : अनेक जिके दांन दीजै छै*, सो धरमराजारा हुंकम सु सहसगुणो पाईजै छै*।
अतीत अभ्यागतरी, षटदरसणरी सेवा करै, तिण सुं देवता बोहत राजी होय*। सरब देवता चैन पावै], अगनहोत्री दे*, रितदान दे*, कुलरो कल्याण वांछै*, धीरजवंत, नै सतवादी नै विमांण आवै*/14 पंच अगन साझै, तिणनै पदमण विमांण बैसांणनै, ईद्रलोक ले जावै*।' अतीतनै, गउनै, कागनै, स्वांननै, बीलीनै* ए पांच ग्रास निंत्यांन दे, तिके काम भोग विलास करै छै संरग लोकरै विषै*116 अवला अन दे, सो सरग लोग विषै विमांण पावै*117 दही दूध पावै*18 एक ग्रास रोजीनो दे, सो मनोहर सागर पावै*11" नीपनो षेत ब्राम्हणनै दे, सो स्वर्ग लोक पावै*120 उनाला मै पैजार दे, सो सीतल जल पावै*121 अतीतनै, अनाथनै दे, सो स्वर्ग लोक पावै* धरमी छै, सो रथ बैठा आवै छै*13 धरमराजाजीरा हुंकम सुं लील विलास करै छै* 124 इसा धरमी तो अनेक दीठा।25
इति चतुर्दसमोध्याय संपूर्ण।२० . नासकेतोवाच*:1
'एक नंदी, जिणरो नाम पुसपोद छै*। तिणरो फूलां सरसो जल छै*। सोनारी वेलु छै। विध विधरा दरषत छै*।' तिके सदा फल फूलां सुं लूब रह्या छै*। तठै धरमराजाजीरी नगरी छै*।' तठै रुपवंती असत्री छै* नांना भंतरा आभूषण छ।' धर्मजुगत छै*, पुन्यवंत जीव रहै छै*, श्रीपरमेसरजोरी भक्त करै, जिके उठै रहै छै*।'10
रषेस्वरोवाच*' [5b] संसार तिरणरो मारग वतावो* !'12

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नासकेतोवाच*13
'जीव देह छोडै, तरै भाई, बंध, सगा, सोई, सर्व अठै रहै छै*14 पाप पुन्य कीया होय, सो साथे आवै।' जममारग सारो चालतां बोहत कठण छै*। तठै एक वन छै।" तपती वेलू छै*18 वैतरणी नंदी छै।" अंगारांरी राम छै* 10 सूलां वीछाई छै*11 अठै पुन्य करै, सो उठे आडो आवै छै*12 गउ दांन दे, सो उठै वैतरणी नंदी मै आडी आवै छै* :23 सो उठै पुछ पकडनै, पार उतरै छै*124 पांच सहर छै*125 तछै एक तलाव छै*। तठै एक वन छै*।२६ तलै तपती वेलूं छै*। पैजार जोडी दांन दे, तिका उठै आडी आवै छै*28 पैहरनै, पार उतरै छइं।" जिको दांन दीजै छ, तिको उठै आडो आवै छै।
इति पनरमोध्याय संपूर्ण।। राजा जमरायजी वैठा छै*।' रषेसर बैठा छै।' इतरा माहे नारदजी बोहत तेज धारीयां थकां आय नीसरीया।'
तिण समै एक विमांण आय नीसरीयो*। तिणरा मुढा आगे हाथी छै* : इदररो विभो छई। सो विसन लोकरै विषै जाय छै।' राजा जमजी पुहचायनै आया।
तरै नारदजी पूछीयो* :' 'गयो [छै] ईद्र कना ओर कोई मोटो देवता छै? 10 तरै राजा जम कहीयो* :11 'ओ राजा जनक छै*12 सो स्वर्ग लोकरै पिषै जाय छै*।'13 तरै नारदजी पुछीयो[:]जम राजाजीनै*14 'थाहरी देह सोनारी छै*,15 मुढो कालो*16 किसै वासतै*?17 तरै राजा जम कह्यो* : तीन लोक छै*19 सो मांरा मुढा आगै आय उभा रहै छै*।२० कमाई करै, तिसडी सझा डुं छु*11 पिण विसन भगत छ,2 सो मारा माथा उपर पग देनै जाय छै*123 तिण वास्तै मुढो कालो छै*24, देह सोनारी छै*125 राजा जनकरै असत्री छै*126 सो पतिभरता छै*,7 तिण राजारी धरती मै काल पडै नही छै*128 आ उषा विगर मरै नही छै*।" राजा अस्वमेद ज्याग कीयो*३० तिण पुन्य करनै, विसन भगत लोकरै विषै जाय छै*131
इति षोडसमोध्याय संपूर्ण। नासकेतोवाच* : 'बुरी कमाई करै छै, तिणरी मै सझा कही छइं*।'

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हिवै असत्रीरा चैन कहुं छु : भरतार पैली जीमै, सो सुंषणी कहीजै छै*।' भरतार सुं धोह करै, सो कोयल होय ।' सासू सु लडै, तिका टीटोडी होय ।' नित्यरी कलहो करै, सो कागली होय ।7 भरतार सुं कांमण करै, सो मीडकी होय; पछै जनम जनम वेस्या होय ।'
8
507
ब्रामण क्रीया हीण होय, सुंच न रहै, 10 काग कुतरीरी जौन पावै । " फूल, वड, पीपल काटै, सो बोलो होय । 12 दांन देतां वरजै सो आंधो साप होय । 1 3 ध्रोही होय, सो भिल होय । 14 गर्भपाती होय, सो कसाही होय * ।'' मिनष देह पायनै, श्रीपरमेस्वरजीरी, महादेवजीरी, वासदेवजीरी, माताजीरी, तीरथरी, गुररी, मातापितारी, देवी देवतांरी सेवा न करै*, सुंच मै न रहै, सो जनम जनम नरक मै पडै ।" इतरां देवतांरी सेवा करै, तीरथ करै, व्रत करै, दांन पुन्य करै, सो मनुष मुगतगांमी होय।'17 इति श्रीसतरमोध्याय संपूर्णं । '
6
118
रषीस्वरोवाच, ' राजा जनमैजी नै> कहयो छै*2
'नासकेत जमलोक जायनै, पाछो आयों छै । पितानै रषीस्वरांनै ओ विरतंत सूंणायो । सकोई सांभलनै राजी हूवा * । नासकेतनै रषीस्वर कहै छै* : ' आ कथा थां विगर कुंण सुणावै* ! धन थे ! उदालकजी
धन्यः;
जिणरै थां सरीषा पुत्र* !''
तितरै नासकेत कहै छै* : 10 आ कथा सांभलै, सो नरक जाय नही* : '' मुगतरो इधकारी होय ! 12 जम रा[a] जाजीरो हुंकम छै । 13 आ कथा पापमोचनी छै* । 14 सुणै, सांभलै सो बैकुंठ जाय !' 15
नासकेत रषीस्वरां ईसो जिम लोकरो विरतंत सुणायो ।" पाप, पुन्य, धरमी, दुष्टातमा त्यांरी वातां कही। 7

18
इति श्रीनासकेतरी कथा संपूर्णं । ' लिषतं शिववर्द्धन, जैतारण मद्धे, सं 1786 रा भाद्रवा वदि 1 दिने । "
Notes and References
Chapter I
1. in the shape of the
mutilated diagram : see
note ।।
9. जनसै ॥
14. om. at the end of the
line II
उदालकजी corr. from 'की ॥
उदा० ।। at the end of the
line 11

15.
46.

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46. परमसरण ( cp. IV 48 ) ।।
56. om.
line II
85. सीलवंती ॥
101. for danda instead of * li 106. हुंवै तठै* ।।
109. (sic!) !!
at the end of the
Chapter III
6. क in उदालकजीरो above the
line
23. पाल गेस |
24. om.
line 11
at the end of the
88. om. at the end of the line 11
Chapter IV
9. उत्तर ।।
10. anusvāra in aid blotted out I om. at the end of the line 11
13. the passage has
41. रह्यो । 42. फूंभ ॥
been
completed according to I 89 11
०स० ।।
55. सुं॰ in रषीसुंरजी corr. from
57. • या in भोलीया corr. ( gamb. ) from °यो ।
69. 8 after चतुर्थोध्याय ॥
Chapter V
7. .om. at the end of the
line II

22. the same II
23.
in from °f 11
Chapter VII 30. गां° = °० ॥
44. ना in महीना = 'ता ॥
48. हमे ॥
73.
कुचीता ।।
81. om. at the end of the line 11
83. अभिसोचन ॥ कीडांरी कुड || is used instead of after कुभीपाक and अभीच || the third name reads महारेरवंत |रो in संग्रामरोहण partly on gamb., it looks like
87. instead of our commas
॥ उणी ॥
Chapter IX
1.
GR in the margin (cop. ) II लावै ॥
2.
8.
मारकंडजी ॥
17. गोहित्यरां कु‍ ।।
34. षै || corr.
(cop.) 11
41. तिणरो ।।
Chapter X 19. पासा सुं ।।
corr. ( gamb.)
Chapter XI
3. पांच जोज
(cop.) 11 after: II
19.
22. कुंतरा ।।

from
on
gamb.

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509
27. इम्पारमोध्याय ।।
Chapter XVI Chapter XII
7. कोकरै ।। 4. वीछु = वीबु ।।
10. om. at the end of the 35. उधैमुष ।।
line 11 Chapter XIII
14. राजारीनै ।। 8. मारै ( cp. note ) ।
16. काला corr. from कोलो 14. भै = ते ।।
(gamb.)॥ 27. °धा = घा।।
29. उतर ।। 37. मो = सो ॥
32. १६ (xvi) after °ध्याय ।। Chapter XIV
Chapter XVII 9. after , a superabundant
11. कुतरोरी ॥ fat the end of the line il
• 18. संपूर्णन् ।। 16. तित्यान ।। 25. om. at the end of the Chapter XVIII line 11
8. थे on gamb. || 26. १४ (xiv) after अध्याय ।।
16. the colon above the Chapter XV
beginning of णा in सुणायो ।। 2. कुसपोद ।।
19. रा भाद्रवा वदि १ (i) दिने* in 31. १६ (xvi) after °ध्याय ।।
the right margin ( cop. ) 11

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Notes
Chapter 1
1. On the Jaina diagram, see Hertel, Indische Erzahler 6, Anh. 2, p. 2. The passages 1-13 om. Te.
2-5. In grammatically correct Saṁskṛta, the text would run as follows:
śri-sadgurubhyo namaḥ // Nāsaketari kathā likhyate / sarasvati mahābhāge / varade kāmarūpiņi // viśvarūpe viśālākṣi / devi yā parameśvari // 1/1 ekadanto mahābuddhiḥ / sarvajño gañanāyakaḥ // sarvasiddhakaro devo / gaurīputro vināyakaḥ // 2 // On the spelling see p. 9.
21-23. Cp. the more detailed description in Te, on p. 10, as well as its different reading of 21.
33. The reading of Te ( see p. 10 ) is probably corrupt, not only because of its inferior sense, but as contradicting BeFi I 22 : ‘ayuktaṁ uktam bhavatā pippalādas taṁ abravit'.
38. Te 'bayāsihajāra’blunder: cp. BeFi I ‘sadaštisahasrāņi'.
40. Si 'veda kahai chai' absent in Te : cp. BeFi I 24 ‘smrtir esa sanātani'.
41-44. Absent in Te. The copyist of Si inadvertently repeats the text of 36-40 with slight variations.
46. The text of Te ‘aganaparavesa karaso to asatrī ānaso’is non-sense. The translation of Tessitori ‘Entrate nel fuoco (e, se non vi brucera ), conducete moglie' would presuppose ( i ) a lacuna in the manuscript from which Te is derived, ( ii ) the use of paravesa ('entrance') in the sense of Saṁskṛta praveśana ( 'introducing' ), and ( iii ) a custom of examining the bride by an ordeal before making her one's wife ( which Tessitori assumes, stating : “Si tratta evidentemente di una specie di agniparīksā'). From the reading of

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511
Si, it is evident that the ‘aganaparavesa' of Te must be a corruption of aganaparasaņa.
52. Te 'If bad thoughts arise in your heart, ask Brahman !'. Tessitori wrongly makes the two clauses coordinate in his translation.
59. Absent in Te.
61. 'hātha jodanai', which is absent in Te, agrees with BeFi I 34 ‘krtāñjaliputo bhūtvā'.
77. Te's reading is inferior : cp. Si ( and Te ) 1.56! 78. Absent in Te.
80. Te different. Si agrees with BeFi 1.38 ‘madvaco nānyathā bhavet.
84. Beginning of the 2nd chapter in BeFi.
85. See Te! In Te, the danda must be put before, not after 'bhara-tāra-sū’. The text of Te proves that the kathana of Si is a gloss upon āgyā.
88. Te ‘apacharā dīthi'.
89-91. Te : “so mana caliyo/tarai tapasi-rau binda dharatiñā maliyo jāya / tarai Událakaji-ro vīraja khasiyo / tarai kāvalaro phūla toţi-nai !". "His heart was moved. Then, the semen ( see Molesworth as well as Platts s.v. bimda : the translation of Tessitori by 'fascia'is impossible!) of the ascetic fell to the ground. Then the semen of Uddālaka slided away. Then, he plucked off a lotus."
The passage in Te is evidently corrupt : whereas the corresponding passage of Si is good and clear. Probably, 1.90 of Si 'The semen of the penance could not be sent to the earth' had originally been added in the margin in order to explain why Uddālaka puts the semen into a flower and makes it float away ( namely, because, by dropping the semen to the earth, the ground of the herinitage would have been polluted, and the well-known prescriptions, such as Manu IV, 151 etc., would have been violated ). Afterwards, the gloss mentioned was taken into the text, in Si in the right place and

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without alteration of the sense, in Te in a wrong place, viz. before 89, and without the negative particle ( as otherwise the passage would have directly contradicted the following one ).
94-95. Te 'Rugha-ri'.
97. Te ‘eka apasarā-nü devatā-ro sarāpa huvo'. BeFi knows nothing about this apsarās, and, later on, BeFi II.26, a ‘sakhi' is ordered to fetch the flower. Perhaps, the apsarā Urvasi owes her textual existence to the celestial being to whom, in BeFi II.13, the mother of Candrāvati is compared.
98. Tessitori conjectures krīdā for hidā, which would agree with BeFi II.24 ‘kṣaṇaṁ krīļādikaṁ krtvā”.
105. “Then the nose serving as ( literally : becoming ) a womb, the semen entered.” Te : 'tarai nāsakā-rai peļi bija petamahai paravesa kīyo’“Lo sperma per la via delle narici ( le ) entro nell'utero." In Te, an original peda ( for peta) 'womb' was probably mistaken for paido 'path'. The passages III, 94 and IV, 18 speak in favour of this hypothesis. Cp. also the reading of Te II, 28!
106-107. Te Zeka māsa/doya māsa/tījau māsa huyo/tarai Candrāvati phullātula thi / ( manuscript 'phulātula'). Tessitori does not stoop to justify either this latter conjecture of phullātula, for phulātula, nor his translation of the word by 'gravida', although no dictionary knows either of the two forms. The difficulty arises again from a corruption in Te, whereas Si is correct : it reads 'phūla sami tulati'. Now 'samī' is a gloss upon tulati, and 'phūla tulati' means ‘like a flower'. This ‘phūla tulati' must have been in the archetype of Te and Si. In Te it was afterwards corrupted into 'phulātula', which the copyist even perhaps mistook for a corrupted compound of 'phūla' pl. 'pregnancy', and 'ātura''ill’, ‘sick'. The reading 'phūla tulati' however, of the common arche-type of Te and Si, is itself nothing but a corruption of a pres. part. of the verb phūl 'to be pregnant', the meaning of which is, at all events, necessary here, especially as the then following passage refers to ‘so phūla', 'that pregnancy'

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Chapter II
Te before 1. ‘tarai Uravāsi rāṇī-nū kahai”, against BeFi, which says that the queen becomes herself aware of the state of Candrāvati.
āyā/".
3-9. Te different Te 9: 'mahārāja silāmata/kaņā mānasa-ro samcāra nahi huvo / garadana mārī jāvā /.
11. Absent in Te.
14. Te: "tarai kavarī-nai pālakī-mai baisārī vana-mai mela
513
16. The name of the rsi Tinabaṁdha occurs four times in Si, and always in the combination 'Tinabamdha raṣesvara' (II.16; III. 26; 91), or 'Tiṇabamdha raṣesara' (IV.22). In Te, the name occurs five times, and in the following variations: (i) Tiņavida raṣesara; (ii) Taiņavida raṣesara; (iii) Tinabada raṣesara; (iv) Tiṇavāda raşesvara, and (v) Taiņavaida rașesvara. BeFi III.2 merely speaks of 'kaścid tapodhanaḥ', nor does Sadala Miśra mention a name of this ṛṣi. The explanation of Tessitori, who thinks the name as given in his manuscript to be a corruption of "Tīrṇaveda', is impossible for phonological reasons. We have again to start from our manuscript. The tiṇabamdha of Si is a regular Rajasthānī formation, consisting of tina, the oblique sg. of the anaphoric pronoun, and of the masculine substantive bamdha Samskṛta bandhu, which still occurs in Si. Thus, the name means 'related to him (or: to her )', or 'a friend of his (or of hers )'. In this sense, the expression tiņa baṁdha raṣesvara must originally have been employed as an epithet of the rsi who protects the girl, which (later on) was mistaken for the proper name of this ṛṣi. The spelling of Te makes no difficulty (see p. 13).
22. Te 'Rugha-rī'.
23. Te 'mo-nai agala bhava-ri kamai kari-nai etc'.
28. Te 'tarai näsakā-rai paiḍai ( Ms. paḍai ) putra huyo',
'per la via delle narici nacque il figlio.'

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Chapter III
1. Te 'tina cyāra-ro'.
2. Te ‘kāta-ră”. Cp. BeFi III.22 : 'iti roşāt taṁ adāya trnair āvrtya bhūribhiḥ', on which Sadala Miśra depends (p. 11 ): 'eka ghāsa ke bojhe para rakha'.
8-14. The text of the corresponding passage of Te is in a very bad state. Te too says that Uddālaka used to bath thrice a day: in the hours of twilight ( sījyo ) and at noon ( majha ), but does not say that the cage thrice attached to his feet.
17. Te 'bālaka-māhai āpa-ri dehi-kā sā cena chai'. 19. Absent in Te. 21. Te 'so putra āyo'. 23. Te 'pāla posa-nai'. 25. Beginning of chapter IV in BeFi. 25-35. Absent in Te.
29. Te 'ho pita-ji mo-nai akeli alagai nahi', 'Oh padre ! A me non garba ( star ) sola.” (?)(?) ( 'ālagai' might be a corruption of the āvaļai which we find in Si !).
After 38. Te : putra-nai ulakhiyo' which is against the following passage.
51-53. Absent in Te.
54 ff. Cp. BeFi IV, 10 : 'toyāharanaṁ ālepaṁ agnicālāsvahaṁ suta karomi tvaṁ sukhaṁ tista ....'(Sadala Miśra correspondingly).
56. Te 'handi vāyaṇa ( Manuscript : vācaņa ) māji-nai / ‘Lavo la scodella di terra e il mortaio di pietra'.
59. Te ‘āgai dekhai to buhāro / coko / handi / vāīņa (Manuscript : vāiņa) Nāsaketa-ti mājī nahi'.
62. Te : ‘āja putra buhāro / coko / handi / vāyaṇa kiņa-rī mājī chai/'.
68-71. Te 'tarai Nāsaketa jāya mā-nai kahai'. 74. Te: 'āvā nahi'.

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After 77. Te repeats 75 and 74. 81. Te 'kaiņa vaṁca-ri chai'.
94. 'Then, the nose serving as a womb ( lit. : the nose becoming a womb), a son was born' (cf. also I.105; II.28; IV.18).
89-97. Te not published by Tessitori.
98. Te IVth chapter. 'tarai Nāsaketa kahai / pitā-ji mārī mā iyū kahai chai/ hū rājā Rugha-ri beți chu / nai mā-rai pailā bho-ro pāpa-sū putra ho-nai / sāri hakikata mātā kahí / so pitā-āgai Nāsaketa kahi/'. Chapter IV
1. Te 'sāmo āya page lāgo / pūjāracinā ( Manuscript : pujāracinā) karī-nai /āpa-ro sigācaņa de-nai / rași-nā pūchiyo / jai mahārāja kisai kāraja padhāriyā chail'.
9-10. Te 'hū rājā-sū ujara karū nahi / tarai rași Udālaka mādindi thetha-sū vārată rājā-sū kahi'.
13. Te 'mhārai bija khasiyo / : this, or a similar passage, must have been omitted in Si (Cp. 1.89 ).
18. “Then arriving at the womb of the nose' (i.e. at the nose which served as a womb ) : cp. I.105; III.94. Miss. in Te.
27f. Te "Candrāvati māhāro nāma chai / mo-nai āgalā bhava-ri kamās lāchaņa lāgo chai / so mo-nai vana-mai meli gayā chai i tarai taiņa-vaida rașesvara kara beți āpa-rai acrama le-nai āyā !". For 'kara beti'one would expect 'beți kari-nai'!
29. Te om.
32. Te, after 32 : rāși-nū ghaņa ālānīlā kalasa karāya-nai', 'fece fare al santo molte fresche tazze ( di legno)'.
34. Here Tessitori has completely misunderstood his text. The manuscript of Te read “cāhījai so dāyaso dīyo'. According to the spelling of Te ( which confounds c, ch, and s ) dāyaso stands for dāyaco 'dowery', and the meaning of the passage is ‘he gave the dowery which was wished for', or: 'which was necessary (i.e. suit
able )'. As the former conception would be against BeFi (IV.80),

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the latter will be right here. It is even probable that Te is more authentical here than Si: the copyist of Si, may have taken ‘cāhījai' in the former sense and accordingly replaced it by māṁgīyau, so that Si now is in direct opposition to BeFi, which makes Uddālaka, on the contrary, refuse all those gifts.
Tessitori's publication ends here.
36. Beginning of the Vth chapter in BeFi. 43. Cp. Te's text of I.23.
45. BeFi 'sārdhasamvatsaro gataḥ' ( V.8 ). 48. BeFi V.11 kṣiṇaḥ'. Sadala Miśra just so.
52. Very detailed in BeFi.
Chapter V
‘agnihotrasya me lopo jāto tu tvaṁ pratī
Beginning of the VIth chapter in BeFi.
3. Instead of this vedic reminiscence, BeFi has a long stotra. 13. This anticipated śravaṇaphala is absent in BeFi. In BeFi Yama bids Nasiketu utter a wish, and the latter asks to be shown the regions of Yama.
Chapter VI
15f. This second śravaṇaphala is also absent in BeFi. But there Yama grants a second wish to Nasiketu, who wishes for his father's pardon. Yama adds: ‘ajaraca cāmaraca caiva sarvadoșavivarjitaḥ/bhava yakṣac ca viprendra tapoyogabalād iha //’.
17. 'Your family will be in sorrow'?
20. Beginning of the VIIth chapter in BeFi.
23. BeFi 'vāyubhakṣāḥ' (VII.4 ).
Chapter VII
15f. BeFi 'stutibhis toșito devo mayā dṛsto'tisundaraḥ' (VII.18).
17-18. BeFi 'śatayojanavistīrṇaṁ puram durgaparisthitam' (VII.22). In the following passages, there are many differences between Si and BeFi.

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30. Cp. BeFi VII.26 'duḥsthitānāṁ duḥkhitānāṁ āśramaṁ vitaranti ye (and Sadala Miśra, p. 24 'dukhi jan ko pālte haim'). 72. Cp. the description of the paths in BeFi XVII.27f.
mahāniśā tathā meghair andhakāro bhayāvahaḥ // tatra tata sthanam atulaṁ kṛṣṇameghasamaprabham / dṛśyate tatra pāpānāṁ darśanādarśanaṁ kvacit //.
83. The passage in BeFi enumerating the hells is, according to the editor, 'di disperata emendazione'. The series of names given there does not seem to agree with any Puranic or epic text treated by Kirfel in his 'Kosmographie her Inder' (Bonn und Leipzig, 1920). nor is there any agreement between Si and BeFi. Indeed the list of names in our Rājasthānī text seems to be even more arbitrary and unoriginal than in BeFi. The original list can no more be restored.
But there are several classes of names distinct with regard to their origin. Considering, throughtout Si, ( i ) all the names which are distinctly marked as designations of 'narakarā kuḍa' ( = k. ), or of 'naraka' (= n. ), and (ii) all the names which are not distinctly marked as proper names, and part of which can also be taken for appellatives, we may distinguish the following groups:
(A) Samskṛta names ( as known from different texts: cp. Kirfel, 1.1. ), given in their original shapes, or somewhat corrupted or modified by phonology, popular etymology etc., such as:
(a) Distinct Proper Names: 1. Amdhaṭāsa (n.)
2. Abhīca (k.)
3. Kubhi (n.)
4. Kubhīpāka ( k. )
5. Gulapāka (k.) 6. Churīdhāra ( k.)
7. Jamacoli ( k.) 8. Tapata Velu ( k.) 9. Naruchāsa (n.)

for
517
Andhatamas or Andhatāmiśra
for Avici
for Kumbhīpāka
for Kumbhīpāka
for Guḍapāka
for Kṣuradhāra
for Yamaculli
for Taptaväluka for
Nirucchavāsa

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10. Mahābhayāṁnaka ( k.) for Bhayānaka 11. Mahāroravaṁta ( k.) for Mahāraurava 12. Rorava (n.)
for Raurava 13. Lohakāra ( k.) for Lohacāraka 14. Sūla ( k.)
for Śūla (b) Designations not marked as proper names : 15. Aṁdhāravana
for Andhatāmiśravāpana 16. Karama Kuda
for Kļmikunda 17. Krama Kuda
for Kțmikunda 18. Kusala Kuda
for Kaśmala ( +kunda) 19. Kusatala Kurda for Kūțaśālmali ( +kunda ) 20. Jamaparabata
for Yamalaparvata (B) Names representing attempts to translate or transcribe Samskrta names in order to make them generally intelligible for the native speaker : originally, perhaps, nothing but marginal glosses :
(a) Distinct Proper Names : 21. Argārāmri Rasa ( k.) for Angāraraśibhavana or
Angāropacaya 22. Kidāmro Kuda (k.) for Krmikunda 23. Mahānamdi ( k.) for Mahāhrada 24. Talajamta (k.) for Taptajantu ( cp. glossary
S.V. tal) (b) Designations not marked as proper names : 25. Aṁgārāṁri Rāsa
cp. No. 21 26. Ārdho Kumvo
for Andhakupa 27. Tapati Velü ( or Velūm) cp. No. 8
(C) Names originally expressing only certain characteristics, or tortures, of certain hells, but reminding the reader, by form or meaning, of proper names. of hells, and thus mistaken and handed down as such :
(a) Distinct Proper Names : 28. Aganadhāra ( k.) reminding of Agnijvāla and
Kșuradhāra etc.

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1.
2.
Näsaketari Katha
29. Asimocana (k.)
30. Ghiratapāka (k.) 31. Duṣajaṁta (k.)
32. Patipäka (k.)1
Tailapāka etc.
33. Vimṣa Kūpa ( k.) reminding of
Visakunda and
Andhakupa etc.
34. Sadagadhära (n.) reminding of Khadgakunda and
Kṣuradhāra etc.
reminding of
reminding of reminding of
reminding of
(b) Designations not marked as proper names :
35. Agana Kuḍa
reminding of
Agnijvāla and
Visakunda etc. Jalaukākhya and
36. Joka Kuḍa
reminding of
Visakunda etc.
37. Şaḍagadhapta
reminding of
Asipatravana
(D) a stock of names which seem to be hopelessly corrupted from Samskṛta names (or their translations ), whose original forms can no longer be ascertained:
519
Asipatravana Tailapāka
Dūṣikakuṇḍa and Taptajantu
Pūtikunda and
(a) Distinct Proper Names:
38. Karamaṣudāṁṇa ( k. ) ( = karama [ Skr. kṛmi ] + ṣudāmṇa [ Gu. khodāṇa, n., ground washed away by a current? ] )
39. Kumdaṇavasīkachaila (k.) (-chaila corrupted from Skr. -śalmali?)

40. Keşalachaila (k.) (-chaila corrupted from Skr. -śālmali ? )
ср. V.P. 202, 32: "pūtipākeṣu pacyate".
cp. Glossary.
41. Pavītarohana (k.) (-rohaṇa corrupted from Skr. nirodhana?)
42. Samgramarohaṇa ( k. ) ( -rohana corrupted from Skr. nirodhana?)

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43. Surarohana ( k. ) ( -rohaņa corrupted from Skr.
nirodhana?) 44. Bakakalesa ( n. ) ( perhaps baka, a crane, + klesa,
torture : in the sense of a hell where people are tortured by cranes': cp. the tortures of Sulaprota in the
texts mentioned by Kirfel.) (b) Designations not marked as proper names : 45. Jamapola ( see Glossary s.v. pola )
83-89. The corresponding Samskrta passages in BeFi are absolutely corrupt. Chapter VIII
Throughout the adhyāya, the agreement with BeFi is evident, although many single items differ.
10. hoyanai, 'having become', viz. in the course of samsāra. Cp. Ab. IV.21.
21-22. rasabheda ( Skr. rahasyabheda ) 'disclosure of a secret' being mistaken for Skr. rasabheda ‘a species of rasa', the following expression 'pāpabheda', 'a species of crime' was perhaps added in analogy.
25ff. absent in BeFi. Chapter IX
On the whole corresponding to BeFi IX.
8. BeFi mentions far more names : on the other hand, the names Astakaji ( Antaka as a servant of Yama occurs in yet other texts : cp. Ab. p. 191; note I), Dhica ( probably = Dadhici, who is mentioned only in Sadala Miśra's text, on p. 26 ), and Muni Nārada ( who, later on, plays a part in all the different recensions ) are absent in BeFi. Bhāradvāji is Bhāradvāja in BeFi ( in Sadala Miśra Bhāradvāja ), and Mārakaṁdaji is Mārtaņda there.
10. This passage looks like a mechanical transformation of 1. Professor Hertel supposes that pāpa bheda might be corrup
ted from an original “pādapa cheda'.

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the Saṁskṛta source : cp. BeFi IX.9 ( and 11 ) dvādaśādityasaṁkāśāh' ( -śo respectively ), which is an epithet of the judges (and of Yama respectively ). The sense of the Rājasthānī passage is : 'There were burning (i.e., they were burning like ) twelve united suns.' In Sadala Miśra's text, the Saṁsksta passage has been rendered correctly (p. 26).
16f. In the list of the different sinners and their punishments, there are but few agreements between BeFi and our text which is much fuller here, nor does Sadala Miśra exactly agree with BeFi.
18. BeFi 'tailayantre'.
20. Cp. BeFi X.6 : 'tatra lohamayi rambhā surūpā ca subhūșită / agnină jvalavati ca anītā pāpino'grataḥll'.
25. Cp. Ab. III.52 and notes.
39. Cp. BeFi IX.32 kanyāpradānasamaye ye narā vighnakāriņaḥ'.
39. Cp. BeFi IX.33 ‘dāne pradiyamāne hi yastu vighnaí samācaret'.
41. jyās māṁhe moto husvai 'those amongst whom he is growing up' (cp. III.24; 32; IV.36).
44. 'Even without killing her'. Chapter X
Corresponding to BeFi X.
2-5. The epithets of the different classes of sinners in BeFi X.3 have, in our text, wrongly been connected with those of the messengers of Yama.
3-4. BeFi X.3 'tīksnadaństrā”.
14. Cp. BeFi X.13 ‘niyamānās tato dūtair dāruņaic ca vanāntaram / patadbhiḥ tälavrkşaiśca gātracchedaḥ prajāyate ll'.
22. BeFi X.20 ‘ärāmam chedayed yas tv agnimadhye kşipanti taṁ'. Cp. Ab. IV.29. As to bakakalesa, see note on VII.83.
24. BeFi X.22 ‘agnido hi' etc., Cf. Ab. IV.52. 25. BeFi X.25 ‘mste kānte parāsaktā patidrohakari ca yā /

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jvalantam agnisaṁkāśaṁ stambhaṁ lohamayaṁ tathā // taptaṁ alingayati sā...'.
28. BeFi X.31 'dūṣakāḥ sarvaśāstrāṇaṁ brahmaṇānāṁ (sic!) ca['nindakāḥ'].
Chapter XI
Corresponding to BeFi XI.
4. BeFi XI.4 'pañcayojanavistīrṇa ekayojanamucchritaḥ'. 5. BeFi gives a detailed description of this burning tree, and of the various tortures the sinners have to undergo there.
16. Belloni Filippi has not edited this part of his text. There is, however, a parallel speech of the messengers of Yama, in BeFi XVI.25, which supports my conception of the clause as an interrogative one (do. Si XI.19) 'na śrutaṁ yamalokasya dāruṇaṁ vartma durgamaṁ //'.
66
17. Belloni Filippi's summarizing of the corresponding passage of his text by : la mancata offerta dei resti sacrificati ai cani ed ai corvi ....", and his note.
19. See note on 16.
....
22. Cp. Ab. IV.18 and note.
25. parāī āyo 'after having come to another woman' : probably a marginal gloss on the adjective pārakī, which, by the glossator, was mistaken for a substantive in the sense of parāï ( see Glossary) 'the wife of another'. The original sense of paraki nimdā karai tiṇanai.. was most probably 'he who blames (or: offends) another person'.
Chapter XII
....
Corresponding to BeFi XII.
4. As to gohīḍai cp. Belloni Filippi's summary of BeFi XII, 1-6 '.... dei messi infernali, che a cavallo di bufali e gazzelle ....', as well as Sadala Miśra p. 29 .... kisīko dekho to bhaiṁse para ....'. 26. Cp. Belloni Filippi's abstract of BeFi XII.21ff. 'A tutte presiede Kāla, il fiero ministro di Yama dagli occhi goccianti sangue, che cavalca un gran bufalo'.

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32-35. These hints refer to the great battle between Kāla and the Asura, described in detail in BeFi XII.32-47. The same episode occurs in Vārāha-Purāņa CCI, with full particulars. In the recension of Sadala Miśra, it is missing. As to relations between Si and V.P. see below, XVI. In Te, the whole episode is missing : cp. Tessitori 1.c. p. [3]
34. 'Kāla flung his lasso, caught him, and ordered him to be brought before King Yama.' Cp. BeFi XII.42 ( 52 ).
kimkarais tu mahāghorair nirjitā dānavādhipāḥ/ kālākṣipati tān pāśair baddhā daityā mahābalāḥ // dandamudgaraghātena vašīkstās tataḥ kṣaņāt / atas ( taiḥ ) kimkarair nītā dharmarājāgratas tataḥ //
The corruption of this passage in Si is perhaps due to the fact that the idea of Kāla as of a servant of Yama was not very familiar to the common reader, Kāla being chiefly known as a name of Yama himself. Thus, in XII.26 the name of Kāla is omitted, though this person is described there ( see note ), and the passage XII.38ff. seems to be corrupted from what is told in ślokas XII.49ff. of BeFi, which contain a praise of Kāla's power : for, in 39 of Si, the copyist, mistaking the proper name Kāla for a synonym of velā, omitted an original velā after tīņa, whereas in 38, an original Kāla was omitted for the same reason. Chapter XIII
The XIIIth adhyāya of BeFi contains a description of the celestial joys, which are treated in the next chapter of Si. About the states of saṁsāra of the different sinners, which form the subject of Și XIII, some hints occure in BeFi XVIII.28-49, a passage of which Belloni Filippi has edited only 9 ślokas. In Sadala Miśra's text, this chapter about the sinners is completely missing. Compared with the just mentioned passage of BeFi, as well as with the chapters of V.P. dealing with this subject ( CC, 68ff., CCII, 34ff., CCIII, CCIV ), most particulars of Si are different.
5. The babūla-tree reminds one of the śālmali-tree, which is

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often mentioned as an instrument of torture, especially for adulterers. See Kirfel. That a man who interferes with the wife of his guru becomes a plant, is related in other texts too : cp. Ab. V.36 ( see also note 7).
7-8. Cp. BeFi XVIII.45 'tāditā bhagini yena pāpas tasya bhavisyati / pāņdurogo bhaven mrtyur jvaradāhaḥ sudāruņaḥ//'.
10. Cp. V.P. CCIII.16. 13. Our interpretation is supported by Si XIII.26, 9. v.
19. dhana has probably been substituted for an original dāna ‘corn', 'cereals' : cp. Ab. V.12 and the texts mentioned there, as well as Garuda-Purāņa CCXVII.18; Mārkandeya-Purāņa XV.9.
25. tikāja māro goha-rāro pāvai, i.e., 'this very woman gets a destruction in the manner of a lizard', i.e. she is crushed under foot as a lizard. Cp. Ab. V.27.
31. he gets the fate of a stone' (or : of a rock ). Cp. Ab. IV.60-61.
32. ‘he who takes for himself what he has given’, cp. Ab. V.46.
35. Cp. Ab. V.9. Chapter XIV
Agreeing, in general, with BeFi XIII ( and XIV). • 3. BeFI XIII.1f.
dharmişthānaṁ pravaksyāmi śrüyatām dvijasttamā/ ghệtakṣīrāņi miștānnaṁ kşaudrakhandodakāni ca // pakvānnarāśayas tatra yathestāśca’nnarāśayaḥ/ kauśeyam tu varas vastram bhūşaņābharaṇāni ca II.
The five rivers of Si remind us of five of the seven liquids of the seven ring-shaped oceans surrounding Jambūdvīpa, salt-water and alcohol being of course omitted.
14. rita dāṁna de : cp. BeFi XIII, 11 stukālābhigāmi ca'.
15. parca agana sājhai : cp. BeFi XIII.18 ‘pañcāgnisevino viprah'.

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525
16. Cp. Si XI. 17 and note. 20. Cp. BeFi XIII.23 yo dadāti mahākṣetraṁ dhānyaśāliprapuritam /
sa yāti paramaṁ sthānam vimānaiḥ svargagāmibhiḥ // Chapter XV
1-10. corresponding to BeFi XV. Besides here as BeFi XV, 1ff. ( and Sadala Miśra p. 31 ), the river Puspodaka occurs in MBh III.199,56f. (Roy 1810, p. 525 ). But whereas this miraculous river is described as a place of happiness in BeFi ( Sadala Miśra ) and in our text, it is, in MBh, a means of examining the dead men by a kind of ordeal, giving agreeable cool water to the virtuous and pus to the bad. Te. ‘kapoya'(cp. Tessitori p. [3] ).
11-30. What is told here, goes with BeFi XVII, which is, however, more detailed. The XVIth chapter of BeFi ( with which Sadala Miśra agrees ) has no parallel in our text. As to Vaitarani and the famous Vaitaraṇī-cow see Scherman and Kirfel. Cf. also BeFi XVII.37ff. Chapter XVI
The few and dark passages of this adhyāya of Si correspond to what is told in BeFi XVIII.1-23 and XIX in 53 ślokas about Nārada's visit of the hells. The matter is as follows:
Once, Nārada visited King Yama, sent by Vişnu in order to superintend the administration of justice exercised by Yama. While Yama and Nārada were saluting each other ceremoniously, there appeared, with much pomp and with music, thousands of heavenly cars, at the head of which the king of the gods approached, riding his elephant Airāvata, surrounded by celestial nymphs, and followed by many horses and elephants. At this sight, Yama suddenly fled away, together with his ascetics, into his palace, while his messengers ran away in all directions, and the hosts of the preta too. When Yama ventured forth again, Nārada asked him why he had fled. Then follows the answer of Yama : in the manuscript B of BeFi immediately, in A after Yama has asked Nārada's pardon for first arranging

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his affairs, and after he has given his commands to the messengers (all this is described with full particulars ). In answering Nārada's question, Yama tells him about King Janaka's faithful wife Satyavati, who, on account of her virtue, was taken upto heaven in a celestial car, and revered by all the gods. He concludes with the confession that he has no power whatever over virtuous people, of whose tejas his messengers also were greatly afraid. After learning this story (which, in the beginning, Yama had called a great secret), Nārada returns to heaven. And now follows the conclusion of all the Näsiketopākhyāna: Näsiketu has finished his story, the ascetics return home, and Vaiśampāyana adds a śravaṇaphala :
śrutvā ce'mam kathām divyam pavitrāṁ pāpanāśinīm / sarvāṁllokān atikramya yānti te ca'marāvatīṁ //
Sadala Miśra agrees with BeFi.
Now, Belloni Filippi has drawn attention to the older recension of this episode in the V.P. There, we do not hear anything about Indra, but there appear heavenly cars, in which ascetics are sitting with their wives and kindred, passing across Yama's head, tearing down his wreaths. Yama becomes pale with anger and fear, and being questioned by Nārada, confesses that he has no power to resist the mighty ascetics who were jeering at him. At this very moment, a beautiful woman appears, in a heavenly car, and bids Yama not to be angry with those powerful and virtuous people, who ought to be revered in all submissiveness. Yama shows his reverence to the beautiful ‘pativrata', falling at her feet. Asked by Nārada, why he had turned pale, and why he had revered the 'pativrata', he tells him of Janaka's virtuous wife, whose name, in V.P., is Rūpavati, and who was a pativrata too, whom all the gods were serving and revering for her virtue. Her story is told with all particulars.
This recension must also be taken into consideration. For, with regard to certain features, our Rājasthānī text shows a closer relationship to V.P. than to BeFi. Thus, Si XVI.22-23, a passage

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which has no parallel in BeFi, agrees with what is told V.P. CCVIII. 8-11, and can only be understood, if the whole situation described in V.P. is well-known. Moreover, the strange question of Nārada in Si XVI.15-17 and Yama's affirmation in XVI.24-25 directly seem to point towards relations to V.P. CCVIII 3, 5-6, and 7, where the radiant and powerful king of the lower world changes his colour out of fear and anger, when the ascetics pass over his head and tear down his wreaths:
vivarṇavādino rājā prabhātejovivarjjitaḥ/
acirād eva sañjātaḥ krodhena bhṛṣaduḥkhitaḥ // 3 // api tvaṁ bhrājamānastu paśoḥ patirivā’paraḥ /
kasmāt te sobhanaṁ vaktraṁ kṣaṇād vaivarṇatāṁ gataḥ // viniśvasan yathā nāgah kasmāt tvaṁ paritapyase/ rājan kasmād bibheṣitvam etad icchāmi veditum // 5-6 // vivarṇam jāyate vaktraṁ śuṣyate na ca (sic!) samsayaḥ / yan mayā īdṛśaṁ dṛṣṭaṁ śrūyatām tanmahāmune // 7 //
Such relations would be possible under the supposition that Si goes back to a recension of Näsiketopākhyāna in which the above episode was told in a way corresponding to that of V.P., and that some later story-teller, who laid more stress on Yama's anger than on his fear, related that his face turned black with wrath instead of pale with fear, whereas the rest of his body remained radiant as before. The particulars mentioned in Si XVI.8 'King Yama accompanied (him, or them) with good wishes for (his, or their ) arrival' even directly contradict that of the flight of Yama as told in BeFi, and would likewise presuppose the knowledge of the recension of V.P., according to which the pativrata at least (who is sitting in a celestial car together with her husband), is revered and honoured by Yama. That our compiler has confounded the pativrată ( who really appears) with the wife of King Janaka ( who is only told about) is not to be wondered at.

6. 'it was Indra's property', cp. BeFi XVIII.16 'airāvatasamārūḍho devarājaḥ puraḥsthitaḥ /

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10. 'Did there not depart, together with Indra, another great deity?'
29. "That woman does not die without her wish' : cp. V.P., CCIX.8 ( also 10,12,13, etc. as a burden in a long stotra praising the pativrata) 'sã na mộtyumukham yāti evar yā strī pativratā' etc.; 28 originally was perhaps a marginal gloss, which crept into the text in a wrong place : apparently, it ought to stand after 29. Cp. V.P. CCVIII.30 ‘na vyādhir na jarā mrtyus tasmin rājani śāsati', which refers to Mithi, the krtayuga-shape of existence of Janaka, and the husband of Rūpāvati.
31. Cp. BeFi XIX.5 ‘aśvamedhakaraḥ sadā”. Chapter XVII
The XVIIth chapter of BeFi contains a list of the streets in Yama's world. Our text here speaks of the re-births of the sinners, which had already been dealt with in the XIIIth adhyāya. The statements of Si are throughout arbitrary and apparently independent of the parallel passage of BeFi (XVII.28ff.).
10-11. Cp. Ab. V.17. Chapter XVIII
As to the contents of BeFi XVIII and XIX, see above under XVI. What is told in our Si, corresponds to the contents of the last ślokas of BeFi XIX, where, however, the śravanaphala is spoken by Vaišampāyana.
19. The colophon, which is written in a mixture of Saṁskrta and vernacular, has been translated on p. 3, q.v. ( bhādrava (Gu., m.) = the month Bhādrapada; vadi ( Gu. vada, vadi f. ) = Samskrta vadyapakşa; saṁ= abbreviation of saṁvata, = Samskệta samvatsara (Gu., Hi.)).

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In the paradigms, only really occurring examples have been taken account of therefore, it was necessary to combine many paradigms of forms of different examples.
Forms of frequent occurance are marked by 'etc.', whereas rare ones are given in all occuring instances.
I. Accidence
(A) The Noun
§ 1. 1. Primary Cases
1. Strong Nouns in -o (masc. ) :
Sing.
दरवाजो etc.
दरवाजा etc.
Nom.
Obl.
Ag.
Loc.
दरवाजे etc.
2. Strong Nouns in -ī ( masc. and fem.):
Sing.
Plur.
दुष्टी etc.
पापी etc., m.n.f.; सहेलीयां f. 3 पापीयां etc.; दूराचारयां
सतवादी etc.
चंद्रावती etc.
Nom.
Obl.
Ag.
Loc.
3. Weak Nouns (masc. and fem.):
Sign.
हाथ etc.
मनष etc.
Nom.
Obl.
1. exception: MS. IX.17. 2. exception: MS. XI.22.
3. an.
4. exception: MS. X.19.
Plur.
'दरवाजा' etc.
थाकi' etc.

Plur.
हाथ etc.; वातां etc.; मुषा etc. हाथां etc.

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Ag. नासकेत etc. रषेस्वरां etc.
Loc. get etc.; afë, afë' aia etc. $ 2. 2. Secondary Cases
The 'Secondary Cases' are formed by adding to the obl. the 'younger case-endings' (cp. L.S. p. 328 ), which are :
1. declined as strong nouns in -o and i:
Genitive : -1, -; --, -- 2. indeclinable :
Accusative : -*; -7: -
Genitive-Dative :-* § 3. 3. Tertiary Cases
The 'Tertiary Cases' are formed by adding post-positions to the obl. :
1. Ablative-Instrumental : H: ; U; T; pat : 21 : SATİ 2. Locative : #; FIT
( As to further relations expressed by post-positions, cp. $ 19.) $ 4. 4. The Formation of Feminine Nouns
1. To the strong masc. stems in -o as well as the weak masc. stems in -da correspond special strong fem. i-stems which are regularly inflected, e.g. :
(a) Strong stems :
39347, 37 oft; o'sit, oftimit; etc. (b) Weak -oastems :
masc. : siroda, actdia, prida. fem. : 14ciai, garfeladat, uidcat, Ascidi, hedat.
1. the forms in - and - an.; a primary loc. of a weak fem.
noun does not occur. 2.-7, -ă, and -- an ( see Glossary ). 3. -] and jan. ( see Glossary). 4. The genitive-dative in - is homonymous and etymologically
equivalent to the loc. of -!

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2. The other weak nouns have only one form for both genders. Cp. the fem. adjectives : 3796, 3774 TRUT, 7798, g ik
3. There exist, however, some old feminine nouns in -ī to which weak masc. nouns correspond, as e.g. : 37UCIS, 37uisici; 248, तपती; तुलती; पापमोचनी. $ 5. 5. The Formation of Adverbs
Of adjectives as well as of both participles a kind of adverbs are formed, which exactly correspond to the obl. plur. : cf. § 27 and
§ 29.
(B) The Pronoun I. Substantive Pronouns $ 6.(I) The Primary Cases :
(a) The Personal Pronoun
First Person
Sing.
Plur.
Nom. Obl.
FET, HIE, FT, HI
Ag.
Plur.
Obl. before -nai
Second Person
Sing. Nom.
Dİ Obl.
थाह, था Ag. Obl. before -nai at
A kind of honorific pronoun of the second person is 75, HERIST 'Sir', 'your honour', which is inflected as a weak noun ( see Glossary ). ( In order to show respect, the syllable it is often added to nouns, in one case even to a verb ( see Glossary ).) (b) The Reflexive Pronoun Sing.
Plur. Nom.
आपणै Obl.
आप

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Sing.
Ag., Loc.
आपणै, आपण (Gen.
आपरो, आपणो [?]) (c) The Anaphoric and Correlative Pronoun Sing.
Plur. Nom. सो; तिको m., तिका f. सो, तिके Obl. तिण', तिण
तिणां, तिहां, त्यां Ag. तिण
तिणां (d) The Demonstrative Pronoun
Plur. Nom. ओ m., आ f.
ए, ऐ Obl. इण
उणा Ag. (e) The Relative Pronoun Sing.
Plur. Nom. faent m.
जिके Obl. जिण
ज्यां Ag. (f) The Interrogative Pronoun Sing.
Plur. Nom.
कुण, कुंण m.; क्युं, कांई neutr.' Obl.
किंण
किंण, किण (g) The Indefinite Pronoun Sing.
Plur. Nom. कोई m.', काईक f. केई, केईक Obl. gols m.
क्याही
Ag.
Ag.
1. Used also in a relat. sense : see Gloss. 2. Used also in a demonstrat. sense : cp. Gloss.
Also in Modern Marawari, this pronoun has a special neuter form ( कांई, कंई, कउं), though a special neuter gender does not
exist ! Cp. $ 9, Note 3 ! 4. Cp. 8 9, Note 3 !

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Plur.
(h) The Pronoun of Quantity
Sing. Nom. Hilm Obl.
कोई
Ag.
§ 7.(II) The Secondary and Tertiary Cases : The secondary and tertiary cases are formed in the same way as those of nouns. The irregular obl. which is required in the acc. of the pronouns of the Ist and 2nd persons sg., as well as the irregular gen. of the reflexive pronoun have been incorporated into the above paradigms. 8 8. II. Adjective Pronouns
(1) Regularly inflected as strong nouns : (a) Demonstrative :
Sari, • 'this' 3011, of 'being there'
LEQI, oast; $H, °FT; FHI, °FİT; $HET, °FT; FHET, °FT; faust, 27 'talis'.
(b) Relative :
FETHET, °ET; “qualis'. (c) Interrogative :
FAHPH; PHI, ; Pärritati; qualis'. ( II ) With inward inflection :
Interrogative : fo45740, m. pl. fon 46P 47; *Fönstech, m. pl. f6451405;
feasin, m. pl. festoh', 'qualis?'. $ 9. III. Adverbial Pronouns
Temporal Local Causal Modal Demonstr. facit
378, 38 Correlat.
nd, notc) Relat.
जठीनै
1. A femin. does not occur.

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Interrog.
क्यु
कठे Indef. कदेई § 10. (C) The Numerals (I) Cardinals 1 एक
3 तीन 'three' 4 च्यार 5 पंच, पांच
6 छ
10 दस 12 बारै
50 पचास 86 छयासी 1,000 हजार, सहस्र, सहस
10,000 दस हजार (II) Emphatic Cardinals
तीनुही 'all three' (III) Ordinals
दुजो; बीजो 'second (D) The Verb $11. (I) The Verb Substantive : 'to be' (i) Present
Plur. 1st Person 2nd Person 3rd Person (ii) Past Sing.
Plur. masc. fem. (iii) Present Participle
थको, को, regularly inflected as a strong noun. ( II ) Inflection of the Regular Verb $ 12. (i) The Verbal Nouns (a) Infinitive (inflected as a weak noun): करण etc.
Sing.
Hao
TH
छइ, छै
थी
1. Originally : the nom. sg. m. of the indefinite pronoun ( cp.
86g ). 2. Originally : the neuter of the interrog. pron. ( cp. § 6f. ).

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(b) Noun of Agency (occ. only in the nom.): Uer etc. (c) Conjunctive Participle : (a) the simple stem :
रह (B) in -i after a consonant : मांजि, राधि
in -y after a vowel : आय, बुलाय (y) in-nai:
करनै etc. (8) in -inai after a consonant: Afat etc.
in -inai after a vowel : FISH
in -ynai after a vowel : GRA, ETA etc. (d) Present Participle' (infl. as a strong noun ) :
(a) of stems in a consonant : art, at etc. (B) of stems in ā:
जातो, ती; आवतो, ती () of stems in e:
art, at (8) of stems in o:
हुँतो, ती (e) Past Participle' (infl. as a strong noun ) :
(a) of stems in a consonant: el, ei; petit, opt etc. (B) of stems in a :
31141, - etc. (y) of stems in e: (8) of stems in o:
E341; BTT, - ; gat;
हुंवो; हूंवो; जोयो § 13. (ii) Root Tenses
(a) Old Present (a) Consonantal Stem
Plur. 1st Person doe*, *, * 2nd Person
Et* 3rd Person
कहै etc. (B) a-stems. Sing.
Plur. 1st Person जाउ*
जावां
दीयो
Sing.
16. fears: the resp. f
16. *means : the resp. forms occur only in the periphr. pres.

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2nd Person
3rd Person etc., , जावै etc.
(y) e-Stems
1st Person
2nd Person
3rd Person
(8) o-Stems
1st Person
2nd Person
3rd Person
2nd Person (B) a-Stems.
2nd Person
(y) e-Stems.

(b) Imperative (a) Consonantal Stems.
Sing.
पुछ etc.
2nd Person
-
1st Person
2nd Person
3rd Person
(B) a-Stems.
Sing.
घुं*
to
Sing.
2nd Person
(c) Respectful Imperative
Sing.
कहजे
1st Person
हुवै
होय, हवै, हुंवै
(d) Future
(a) Consonantal Stems
Sing. GI, 3119
Sing.
Sing.
करसुं
लाभसी
सीषसी
Sing. आवसुं, सूं

--
जाय etc. आवै etc.
Plur.
दे, दीयै
Plur.
1 For the
हुंवो
होय
Plur. aircì, het
Plur. जावो etc.
Plur.
द्यो
Plur.
319 Get
Plur.
करस्यो
1
Plur.

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537
Sing.
Sing,
-
2nd Person
3rd Person आवसो (7) e-Stems.
Plur. 1st Person 2nd Person
3rd Person (8) 0-Stems.
Plur. 1st Person 2nd Person
3rd Person As to the phonological changes, cp. p. 5f. (iii) Periphrastic Tenses Periphrastic Present Sing..
Plur. 1st Person To j etc. 2nd Person
करो छो 3rd Person etc.
कहै छै etc. § 14. (iv) Participial Tenses (a) of the Present Participle : (1) (a) CAT 'I am not doing.'
(b) Tent etc. “They were staying.' (2) Pori eft etc. She was doing.' (b) of the Past Participle : (a) Of Intransitive Verbs :
1. (g) 3r etc. 'I came.' 2. (C) 21 j etc. “I have come.'
17. Besides these genuine participial tenses, there occur homo
geneous combinations of the participles with the verb subst., in which the participles retain their original function as nouns : cp. $ 29, 3.

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3. (हुं) गयो थो etc. ‘I had gone.’ (B) Of Transitive Verbs :
'I told.'
'I have told.'
1. (मैं) कह्यो etc. 2. (मैं) कह्यो छै etc. 3. (मैं) कह्यो थो etc. (c) A kind of Subjunctive Mood is formed by means
'I had told.'
of the pres. part. of हो: ' हुं हुं मर गई हुंती
§ 15. ( III ) The Causatives 1. The Simple Causative
‘he would have come. '
'she will, perhaps, have died.'

(a) Of Verbs with a short root-vowel :
(a ) The vowel is strengthened by Guna :
मार
फेर
मर
फिर
(B) The stem is amplified by final -आ
तप
तपा
परण
परणा
सुण
सुणा
गिणा
वता
(b) Of Verbs with a long root-vowel :
(a) The vowel is reduced and the stem amplified 1. by final -आ
मांग
फाड
मंगा
फडा
लगा
दिषा
बुला
2. by final -आड, which becomes -वाड
before a vowel :
षा
लाग
देष
बोल
1. Only these two examples occur.

षवाड

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539
3. by final -37161:
दिषाल (B) The unchanged stem is amplified 1. by final -371:
पोहचा 2. by final -3715 which becomes -ais before vowels :
धोवाड 3. by final
बैसाण 2. The ‘Double Causative'
The 'double' or 'second' causative is formed by reducing the final -371 of the simple causative and adding -01 :
[Gu. 1951 ] Ona § 16. (IV ) The Passive Voice
1. Old Passive As in Modern Rājasthānī, a passive is formed by adding -$57 to the stem. The following types are found : (a) Consonantal Stems: The
कहीज etc. (b)ā-Stems :
97
पाईज etc. (c) ?-Stems :
दीज etc. 2. Periphrastic Passive!
There is also a passive formation, in which a past participle and the present of H1 are combined; it has always a potential sense ( like the modern Mārawādi $x7-passive, the Western Hindi 377– passive, and the Gujarati verbal compounds of the root 3). The following cases occur :
मेल्यो न जाय । Hotel a gre 'could not be put' Got 7 gry 'cannot be known'
Ar gai ‘may we be beaten' 1. Cp. Modern Marawari afcuit etc.

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§ 17. (V) Irregularities
1. Irregular Past Participles : 1
कर
न वह 5 | | |

2. Irregular Respectful Imperative :
कर
(E) Indeclinables
§ 18. I. ADVERBS
की धो*, कीनो*, कीयो*, कीवो दीजो [ ? ], दीघो*
लीधो*
दीठो*
गयो *
बैठो
पुगो
लागो*
3. Irregular causative :
पी
पा
4. Irregular Old Passive :
कर
कीज
कीज्यो
1. Old Adverbs of Different Origin
( a ) Local :
आगे
उपर, उपरै
बाहिर
भीतर, माहे
(b) Temporal :
आजनै
आज पैल
पछै
'in front'
'above'
'outside'
'inside'
'to-day' 'upto now' 'afterwards'
1. *corresponding to modern Marawari.
2. Gu. बेस.
3. Gu. युग.
4. Gu. लाग.

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पैला (नै) हिवै
(c) Modal :
फेर
बहुत,
वले
षाली
सा
$ 19. II. Postpositions

Nāsaketari Kathā
बोहत
2. Adverbs recently formed
(a ) by weak adjectives without any change : ‘constantly’,
साथै
सा
आगै
उपर
कनै
'once' etc.
(b) from strong adjectives by putting them into the obl.
plur. :
भला ‘well’;
रूडां 'properly'
3. Pronominal Adverbs: see § 9.
सा
सारूं
हारै
हेठै
'at first'
'now'
1. Requiring the Oblique :
Besides the postpositions which represent the so-called ‘tertiary case-endings' ( see § 3 ), there occur the following instances :
पैहली, पैली
मांहीं सूं
विगर'
'back'
'much'
'again'
'in vain'
'together'
1. Sometimes used as a preposition.
'before '
'on', 'upon'
‘at’, ‘on’, ‘to’
'previous of'
' out of '
'without'
'with'
'for the sake of'
'in the company of' 'below'
541

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on
cco
तथा
‘or'
2. Postpostions, which, being still felt as a kind of substantives, require the gentive. (a) in- : ard, and
fall, fait ‘in', 'on', 'at', (b) in - :
‘in the way of § 20. III. Conjunction
1. Coordinative : (a) copulative : 7,7 ‘and'
‘as well as'
पिण 'moreover' (b) disjunctive : *
(c) adversative : forum 'but 2. Subordinative :
(a) opening an apodosis: a1, then' etc. (b) opening an oratio recta etc. (like Skr. 75, 79): 37,5
(c) opening a temporal clause : 51, GÒ= 'cum inversum' § 21. IV. Particles 1. Interrogative :
HII = Latin ‘num' 2. Negative : न, नहीं
‘not' मत
used in injunctive clauses 3. Enclitic Particles of no distinct shade :
सो = Samskrta स at = Greek ye.
foot = "thus', 'so' etc. § 22. V. Interjections
1. Of Vocative : 7,7 2. Of Pain : 6797, IIFE 3. Of Praise : ERI, ET

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II. Syntactical Remarks
(A) Noun and Pronoun
§ 23. I. The Functions of the Single Cases
1. The Nominative occurs in the function (a) of a nominative, e.g.
सो पिंजरो सां पांणी चालीयो
III 7
(b) of a genuine accusative, in order to mark the direct
object, e.g.
cart anfet
कपडो चोरै
2. The Oblique' is used
I 82
IX 31
(a) before most postpositions, e.g.
मारा माथा उपर
XVI 23
(b) of adjectives and pronouns dependent on substantives in any case but the nominative (except the cases treated in § 24), e.g.
सगला सहर
VI 12
fam 31Hi
X 25
543
(c) answering the questions 'where?' 'whither?' 'when?' 'how often?' etc., e.g. रथ बैठा
XIV 23
जमलोक जा
IV 53
मध्य सनांन पगे लागो
III 11
तीनही विरीयां पगे लागो III 10
(d) before adjectives expressing resemblance :
फूल सरसो जल
XV 3
थां सरीषा पुत्र
XVIII 9
As to आपरा सा चैन see note on III 17.

3. "The Agent' is the case of the acting person in the compound tenses of the past participles of transitive verbs:
1. For two special modes of employment of the obl. pl. see § 18 2, 29 4.

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मै कह्यो
I67 रषेस्वरां सुंणीयो
V20 थे कही सो भला
IV 50 Also in the conjunctive participle of transitive verbs :
तिणा मोनै दिलासा देनै I 92 4. The Locative answers to the questions 'where?' 'whither?' 'when?' etc.: पगे लाओ
III 9 आपरै आश्रम आया I54 तिण समै
XVI 4 अबकै भव
III 9 5. The Genitive in -रो etc. is used exactly like a strong adjective :
(a) Regularly as a genitive, e. g.
ब्रह्माजीरो पुत्र 116 (b) As a kind of possessive dative :
तिणरो आश्रम छै 120 6. The Accusative in - is (a) the case of the direct object :
तरै उदालकजी नासकेतनै फेर पाछो मेलीयो III 78 (b) the case of the indirect object :
असत्रीनै लोभ दिषायनै X 29 ब्रह्मजीनै पुछ
I71 (c) a kind of possessive dative :
तिणनै सराप हूंवो थो 7. The Genitive-Dative in -रै is used (a) as a real genitive, but is of rather sporadic occur
rence :
मारै पिता उदालकजी छै III 46
सो राजा रुघरै दासी हुई 197 (b) as a possessive dative : पिताघातीरै सूलरोग होय
XIII 6

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545
(c) as the case of the indirect object : पापीयारै मार दे छै
XII 31 8. The Ablative-Instrumental occurs in all the different functions of the Sanskrit ablative and instrumental:
(a) comitative :
दस हजार सहेलीयां सुं ... आई थी 195 (b) instrumental : मुदगरां सुं मारीजै छै
VII 77 (c) agential : कुतां कना सुं फडाईजै छै
IX 27 (d) local : नासिका सु पुत्ररो जन्म हुवो
II 28 (e) causal : तिण सुं जम लोक जायनै
VII 11 (f) modal :
बेटीनै डाहिचो दोहितानै भली भांत सुं देनै IV 35. . § 24. II. Hypotaxis of Nouns
1. Concord (a) Each subordinate noun or pronoun agrees with the
ruling one in number, gender, and in the primary case, e.g. Dir. तांबारो दरबाजो
VII 37 रुधवंसरी असत्री
I81 व्रतरा करता
VI9 तिणरी आंष
IX 38 Obl. थारा मन मै
I52 तिण राजारी धरती मै XVI 28 लोहरां तवां उपर
X9 माथारी पीडा सुं
XIII 10 Old Loc. : पूरबरै दरवाजे
VII 35 (b) Pronouns depending on a noun in the loc., are put in
the oblique, e.g. तिण पेडै
VII 76

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(c) Generally, only the subordinate noun is put in the
loc., and the ruling one in the obl., e.g. उदालकजीरै आश्रम
III 38 आपरै आश्रम
154 अबकै भव
II 24 कालै वरण
XII 6 $ 25. 2. Construction (a) The subordinate noun regularly precedes the
ruling one, e. g. मोटो रषेस्वर
I 17 देवतांरो मालरो राषणहार VIII 2 Now and then, however, it is postponed, especially in the case of a weighty adjective or of a participle, e.g.
पराई लुगाई कनै मांडांई जाय x9
लोही राधि महादुरगंध IX 29 (b) As a rule, the subordinate and the ruling noun succeed each other immediately. Examples see in 8 24.
Only sometimes they are separated by other parts of the sentence. Besides the two last examples given above, cp. IV 68 :
देह मांहिं सूं जीव नीसरीयो सो जमलोक गयो छै जीव 8 26. III. Parataxis of Nouns
__ 1. The strong nouns in i from solid Dvandva-compositions with a following coordinate noun, their i remaining uninflected, whereas the following noun is declined in the ordinary way, e.g. : पापी दुराचारीयांनै
X7 देवी देवतारी
XVII 16 etc. 2. The strong nouns in o and the weak nouns form looser compositions, in which the first part keeps its primary case-ending, and which are characterized as a sort of nominal compounds only by omitting the postposition of the first noun, e.g. : देवतां साधांनै
XI 25 सीयां मरतांनै
VII 44

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547
827. IV. Adjectives and Adverbs 1. The adjective has often the function of an adverb, e.g. नित्यरी कलहो करै
XVII 7 सो उठै आडो आवै छै
XV 22 etc. 2. In other cases, the regular adverb ( cp.8 18, 2 ) is employed, e.g. मारी काया रूडां राषज्यौजी
IV67 थे कही सो भला
IV50 § 28. ( B ) Pronouns
As in the modern Rajasthani-dialects ( cp. L.S. p. 10 ) the relative pronoun is often used in a demonstrative sense : cp. V.13, VII.86, IX.36,X.7,X.26,XV.2,XV.10.
On the other hand, the anaphoric pronoun is once used in a relative sense : cp. VI.29. (C) The Verb 8 29. I. The Verbal Nouns
__ 1. The Infinitive, though inflected as a noun, keeps its verbal character by governing the accusative etc., e.g.
गंगाजी नित्य सनांन करणनै आई थी। संसार तिरणरो मारग वतावो
XV.12 षबर लेणनै आवै छै
XII.39. 2. The Noun of Agency governs the genitive, and is thus characterized as a genuine noun : देहरो दमणहार
I.18 सरब धरमरा जांणणहार
V.20 भूषांनै अनरा देणहार
VII.34 3. Besides their verbal functions as special tenses ( cp. $ 14), the participles often bear the character of genuine nouns, even in combinations with the verb substantive. Combinations with transitive verbs are construed differently : (a) Nominal construction : पाप पुन्यरा करता
IV.8 किंतरैक कामय धारीया छो
IV.4
I.5

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(b) Verbal Construction : देवतांरी सेवा करता
VII.53 मै कह्यो
I.67 चंद्रावती कह्यो
IV.25 4. Of both participles, a kind of 'Adverbial Participle' is formed by means of the obl. plur. m., corresponding to the homonymous formation of Modern Marawadi (cp. L.S. p. 26). It is used independently, and in the sense of immediately on doing', in doing' etc. as in : सनांन करतां
III.9 मारग सारो चालतां
XV.16 बोहत तेज धारीयां थकां
XVI.3 5. The conjunctive participle has the same form in the active as in the passive sense. Cp. आयनै
I.25 तिणां मोनै दिलासा देनै
III.92
830 II. The Tenses
1. The Old Present is used (a) (as in modern vernaculars ) as a kind of Present
Subjunctive, especially in negative and in ( chiefly contrary-to-fact) conditional clauses : थारी बुलाई कोई नाउ
III.74 .जम आवै तो षाली जाय IV.61 (b) almost regularly in relative clauses in the Present
Tense, e.g. : देवतांरो माल चोरै तिणनै कुभी नरक मै नांषै छै X.17
गुरनै न मानै तिणनै करमकुड मै नांपै छै IX.28 (c) now and then simply to denote a Present Indicative,
e.g.: पछै पंषेरु अवतार दे
X.16 दांन देनै गिणावै सो नारकी मै पडै । काग कुतरा कना फडावै छै
XI.22

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does not occur.
Nāsaketari Kathā
regularly with the root, of which a Periphrastic Present
2. Both Imperatives occur only in an affirmative sense. As to negative injunctions, cp. § 34 v.
3. The Future is used
(a) to denote a future action :
पाछो आवसूं
IV.65
थारी कथा सीषसी नै सुणसी तिणनै जमदुंत कोई आवै नही VI.15
(b ) in the sense of an Imperative, as in अगन परसण करस्यो तो अस्त्री आणस्यो
4. The Periphrastic Present is used
(a) regularly as a Present Indicative, referring to any kind of present action, state, or institution, such as e.g. तिसडी सझा घुं छु
XVI.21
मारो पिता तोनै बुलावै छै
III.72
(b ) as a Historical Present, cp.e.g. हिवै नासकेनै रषेस्वर पुछै छै न कहै छै रैनासकेत है छै
5. The Tenses of the Present Participle.
(a) The simple verbal Present Participle occurs (a ) once as a potential Present : तो उजर कोई करता नही
IV. (B) twice as a durative Past Tense : दस हजार सहेलीयां रहती II.4
ओलषता कना नहीं
(b) The Present Participle with
Past Tense

....
• पिपलाद रषेस्वर आया
....
तरैहूं रुंदन करती थी फूलती थी
6. The Tenses of the Past Participle.
(a) The simple Past Participle is the ordinary historical
Past Tense :
नैसि
549
1.46
III.90
I.107
XI.16 and 19
occurs as a durative
I.24
1.25
VII.2
VII.8

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(b) The Past Participle with is the ordinary Perfect Tense:
तरै हूं राज कनै आयो छु I.73
मै तो संक्षेप मात्र कह्या छै VII.88 (c) The Past Participle with an in the ordinary Pluperfect Tense :
निज सनांन करणने आई थी I.95
नासकेतनै .... .... मेलीयो थो IV.37 831. III. The Periphrastic Passive always has a potential
sense : see $ 16.
$32. IV. A kind of Middle Voice is formed by prefixing to the verbal forms the adjective उरो, री ( which corresponds to modern वरो and ओरुं): पिजरो उरो लेनै
III.15 चंद्रावतीनै उरी बुलाई IV.32 देनै उंरा ले
XIII.32 $ 33. V. Verbal Compounds . A kind of compounds are formed from the different conjunctive participles by combining them with such verbs as आ, जा, नीसर, रह. Such compounds 'may be said to supply the place of verbs compounded with prepositions in Latin and Greek, or that of such particles as on, down, away, united to verbs in English', as Tisdall states with regard to the Gujarati compounds in his Gujarati Grammar. In our text, the following compounds occur : आय नीसर
'to approach', 'to appear' मेल आ
'to take away' ले आ; ल्या; or ले जा 'to take with oneself' देने जा
'to give' (in an emphatic sense ) पोस कर
'to keep feeding' कर रह; or करनै रह 'to keep doing'
Sometimes, however, the second verb merely seems to have the function of an auxiliary, adding no remarkable shade of sense : पुछनै आ
to ask मर जा
to die

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The verb gimt 'to begin', governs the infinitive, as in modern Rajasthani (L.S. p. 30 etc.). $ 34. ( D ) The Simple Sentence
___1. The usual order of the parts of the sentence is as follows : Subject, Indirect Object, Direct Object, Predicate :
नासकेत रषीस्वरां ईसो जिम लोकरो विरतंत सुणायो XVIII.16 Exceptions occur : तरै राजाजीनै रांणी कह्यो
II.2 पछै गंगाजी सनांन करण गया चंद्रावतीजी III.57 2. The Predicate agrees with the Subject in gender and number, except in the tenses formed of the Past Participle of transitive verbs, which govern an impersonal construction ( see under 3): तठीनै चंद्रावती चाली
III.37 तिके रषेस्वर किंसडायक छै
VI.22 सो फूल तिरतो राजा रुघरी नगरी हेढ़ आय नीसरीयो I.94
To express either respect, or modesty, the predicate is put in the plural, even if the subject is in the singular; with a female subject, the predicate is put in the masc. pl. : Respectful Plural: सो राज मसकरी करो छो
I.78 ..... तिणारै नासकेत सरीषा पुत्र VI.29
..." सनांन करण गया चंद्रावतीजी III.57 Plural of Modesty : तो उजर कोई करता नहीं
IV.9 3. When belonging to an impersonal subject ( as is regularly the case in the tenses of the past part. of transitive verbs ) the predicate is put in the sg. masc., if the direct object is missing : तरै चंद्रावती पूछीयो
____III.39 Only now and then, the pl. masc. is used : तरै उदालकजी बोलीया
_I.41 Where वात or कमाई could be added as a subject, the predicate is sometimes put in the feminine : थे कही, सो भला.

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In this case, even the impersonal ruling noun is occasionally put in the feminine : थे बोहत बुरी कीनी
IV.55 रषेस्वरां ईसडी कही VI.33 अणदीठी कहै
VIII.16 4. Where there is, in these tenses of transtive verbs, a direct object, our text agrees with what Sir George Grierson has observed in Standard Mārawādi (L.S. p. 15):
"Whenever a transitive verb in the past tense is used in the impersonal construction in Western Hindi, the verb is always put in the masculine, whatever the gender of the object may be. Thus, usane strī ko mārā( not māri), he struck the woman, or, literally, by him, with reference to the woman, a beating was done. In Gujarātī, on the contrary, the verb is attracted to the gender of the object. Thus, tene stri ne māri(not māryo), literally, by him, with reference to the woman, she was struck. Rājasthāni sometimes employs one construction, and sometimes the other, so that, in this respect, it is intermediate between Western Hindi and Gujarātī." (i) Western Hindi construction : तरै दुतांनै कह्यो
VI.6 तरै राजाजी उरवंसीनै बुजीयो (ii) Gujarati construction : **** Fast si gars
IV.32 i istanta igi operit alot 11.17 5. In clauses containing a negative injunction, the negative particle is not 7, TET, but at which is construed with the Simple Present : तु दलगीर मती हुवै
IV.58 थे मन मै दलगीर मती हुंवो IV.66, § 35. ( E ) Hypotaxis of Sentences
1. The subordinate clause regularly precedes the ruling one. The protasis is never opened by a conjunction, and but occasionally
11.6

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553
by a relative pronoun, whereas the apodosis, as a rule, beigns with a correlative pronoun, or with a particle :
(i) The protasis is opened by a relative pronoun :
जठीनै पिजरो जातो दीठो छै पुत्री तुं तठी सोझ लाभसी III.34 अनेक जिके दांन दीजै छै सो .... ..... पाईजै छै
XIV.12 जिसडी कमाई कीजै छै तिसडी सझा दीजै छै
XII.36 (ii) The protasis is neither opened by a relative pronoun nor by a conjunction : relat. : कमाई करै तिसडी सझा धुं छु
XVI.21 पराई थांपण राषै तिणनै कुभी नरक मै नांपै छै IX.26 temp. : थारी माता आई थी तो कठै गई
III.66f. cond. : कोई माणसरो प्रवेस होय तो मारी जावां
II.9 मोनै पिता कै भाई देसी तो आवसुं
III.76 fin. : अगन परसण करस्यो तो अस्त्री आंणस्यो __ I.46 caus. : अगननै निदै छै तो जम लोक जा
___IV.53 2. Only if the subordinate clause is opened by जरै or जठै = cum inversum, it is preceded by the principal sentence : महीना तीनरो हुंवो, जठै रुंदन करण लागो
III.96 तरै महीना पुरा हुंवा, जठै नासका पेड होयनै पुत्र हुओ III.93f. 8 36. Appendix : Affixes
As Modern Rajasthani ( see L. S. p. 15, p. 35 etc. ), the language of our text shows a certain predilection to pleonastic affixes, such as -रो (नित्यरो), -लो ( कागलो), -क ( कोईक), etc.
On the other hand, the affixes -ई, -हीज, -ही are affixed in order to give emphasis, as in Modern Marawadi. The respectful -जी of our text goes with Modern Gujarati as well as Malvi.

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Verbs are given in the stem, substantives in the nom. sg., adjectives in the nom. sg. masc.; nominative-forms which do not occur, are marked by '*'. Wherever etymological and semasiological Saṁskṛta equivalents exist, they are rendered in transliteration ( instead of the resp. English translations ). In the alphabetical order, anusvāra has not been expecially taken account of. As to the abbreviations “-” and “o”, see p. VI. Tatsamas have not been notified here. 37
3ER ET S. m. [Gu. n., Hi, m. ) āśca37T see 371
rya: X.1, XI.1. 37T4 a. agamya : - VIII.14. Tetats. (Hi. a.) uneasiness : XI.5. *irt s. m. angāra : TT TT (i) Cp. t.
angāra-rāśi : XV.20 ( = 2 ? Cp. 375T and stora a. (?) [Gu. Note on VII.83 ); (ii) n. of a 375114 S. n. sg. and a.; 375rta hell : VII.83 ( see note )
pl. of the former : Ho.. अन and अगन s. [Gu. अगन f.] agni S. m. and a., Wull s. pl. and
(i) 377: comp. -tait agnihotra : a.) wonderful : (i) 375116 XIV. 1.34. (ii) 37TA: XII.27; - IV. 4. (ii) 375G 1.22. 53, XI.25, XIII.40, XIV.15; 317rea see 3THTA comp. -ohs agnikunda ( n. of a 376 pron. adv. ( cp. Gram. $ 9): hell ? Cp. note on VII.83 ): (i) hither : V.6, 10. (ii) here : HTË X.24; -ETT n. of a hell : XIV.11, XV.14,22. VII.83 ( see note ); -YPHUT *3TUICTO a. [Gu; cp. aidi] adrsta : fire-worship : 1.46; -Eisit agni- t VIII.16 ( cp. Gram. § 34, hotra : 1.34, 64, IV.48, VII.55, III). XIV.14, - À IV.47, -+ IV.37; 3757 suffix, forming substantives -होत्री परसण agnihotra- [Ho.] : in मिथ्यात q.v.
worship : IV.48. Cp. 316i 318th Antaka, n. of a servant of 3terat s. m. [Gu. 3tejat) an object Yama : - ft IX.8 ( see note ).
of wonder, a puzzle : VII.80, *3 francia a. atirūpavant : XII.32.
1.85. Cp. Hiyaa.

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3 s. m. [Gu.] a mendicant, an itinerant ascetic; [Hi.] a wanderer a pilgrim : XI.17, XIV.13, XI. 25, XIV.16, 22, -री XI. 13, -रो XIII.30, at VII.54.
* अद्धिंको a. adhika : "का I. 108. अंधतास n. of a hell : ( -नरक मै ) X. 28
3 f.] the day of new moon: XI.23.
sv.i. [Gu. зur f. perplexity, trouble etc., asthma; Ap. mujjhai = muhyate, -ti (Bhav., San., San., Jacobi ) ] muh:X.13.
अवलोa [Gu. अवल] first, best, excellent: XIV.17. erfacquis.f. abhilāṣā: 1.84. असतरी see अस्त्री
असतुति see अस्तुति असत्री see अस्त्री
3s.m. anna: X.27, XI. 15, XIII.20,
cp. note).
зfun. of a hell: VII.83 (M.S. असिभोचन XIV.17, -रा VII.34. Cp. निंत्यांन अस्तुति, अस्तुति, असतुति and स्तुति and पकवांन.
अनोपम a anupama : III. 16. अन्तरध्यांनsm [Hi. अन्तरध्यान ] antaradhāna: - to disappear: 1.82. 37737 s.f. [Gu.] apsarās : 1.96,
s.f. [Ho. зregfa 1.60. (ii) 3rejfa IV.1 (iii) зruga V.2, 4, 19, 23. (iv) vifa 17.
अस्त्री, असत्री and असतरी s. f.
1.87, IV.12, TY XIV.9.
* अबको a [Hi अबका ] recent, of present times: II.24. अभष and अभिष s abhaksya : (i) अभष VIII. 13. (ii) अभिष IX.29. erfi s. abhimana VIII.30. अभिष see. अभष
[Ho. S] strī : (i) 3raît [ Hi. इस्त्री] 1.26, 28, 34, 46, 63, 66. (ii) असत्री 1.81, 85, III.20, VIII.23, XIII.38 XIV.8, XV.8, XVI.26, -ch VIII.9,- 1.45, X.25, 29, -π XVII.3, - 1.84, IX.40, - X.11, XIII.45, -सु VII.64, XIII.45; comp. - घाती : - नै IX.18; -हित्यो : या VIII. 5. (iii) असतरी XIII.25, - IX.44, IX.34, अस्वमेद
s.m.
aśvamedha
XVI.30.
(see note on VII.83 ). зres. m. adharmin: VIII.25, -i री XII. 38. Cp. धर्म and धरमी.
S
зients (?) [Gu. 3s. n.] andhakāra : comp. -वन n. of a hell ( for ‘Andhatāmiśravāpana' ? Cp. Note on VII.83): - XII.35.
Avici, n. of a hell: VII.83 (see note). 3s.m. [Gu.] a guest, a mendicant; [Hi.] a guest, visitor, ascetic - XIV.13.
अमावस s. [Hif; Gu. अमावस्या and

555

(stuti : (i [ استت

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आ
3171 (i) postp. (Marw. etc. (cp. 37 pron. see. 317.
L. S., st. w., No. 90 )] : आ v.i. [Hi. आ Raj. आ and आव (cp.
before : III. 98, VII.1, IX.8, L.S., st. w., No. 80), Gu. cp. p. 11, XVI.5, 20. (ii) adv. (Hi. 13ff.) āryā:(i) indep. : to come: 311] soon, then III.38. - et 1.95, III.64, 66, -27 IX.8, 31pret s. f. [Ho. 451 ) ajñā : I. XVI. 20,- tot see it, - 85, XII.33. 1.25, 62, III.9, 77, VI.19, - *31101 a. (Gu. 311g dim, not full, 1.24, 54, 83, II.24, 16, III.58, thin, ToT unblown, scarce, VI.21, XVI.8, - VI.26, -
U r are, thin, 370g = Hi. 3TEGOT AT II.16, - III.18, IV.46, fine, good] precious (?): 81 VI.18, 32, VII.11, XI.25, -
IV.7. V.10, -31 g 1.73,- XVIII.3, 3771 adv. [Gu., Hi.] adya: -* III. -aa IV.1, -aft 1.75 (2), 81, 32. -Erft VI.30. III.20, VI.16, - III. 76, are 31st a (Marw. ( Thalí ), cp. L.S. IV.65, -8 1.85, IV.61, XIV.14, p. 117, stanza 16; Gu. 3715 XV.15 etc., - III.8, XII.39, adv., Hi. 371ŞT) across : XV. XIV.23, XV.22, 23, etc., et ta 22, 30; "XV.23, 28. IV.59, V.13, VI.15, 31. (ii) as 3710T v.t. [Hi. 37) ā+ni : 1.66, second member of a verbal - I. 46. compound ( cp. Gram. § 33 ): 347414art s.m. ātmaghātin : -
see on, yo,, FaT. Cp. 773. X.15. 31$ suffix, forming abstract nouns 31TETT S.m. (Hi.) conception,
[Gu.]cp.goving, getais, M51$. pregnancy : III.88 311$a suffix, forming nouns : cp. Biert a. andha : XVII.13, og माईत
XI.23 ( see gat ) ET * XIII. 3115 s. ankuša: XII.20.
27. 37TT see 37ft.
3114 refl. pron. [Rājasth.) ( see *3T a [Gu.3mi) former : Gram. § 6): -* XIV.12, -IT II.23.
III.17, X.25 (2) - VIII.19, 3nfi and 3 s. [Ap. aggi ( Bhav., IX.41, -1.54, II.25, III.22,
San.); Jaip. etc. ITT ( L.S., st. 92, 103, IV.28; 35. Cp. 3779ut w. No. 65 ); Gu., Hi. 37TT f] = and 374uit. अनq.v. : (i) आगिं : -सु X.12. (ii) आपण and आपणै refl. pron. ( see 3ITT: XII.11.
Gram. § 6 ) ātmanā : (i)

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31190t : IV.48. (ii) 3tiqut IV.56, *9H57 and $A$1 = shi and $HT, 59. Cp. 314unt.
9.v. : (i) *5h57 : Sit 1.85. (ii) *3719uit pron. refl. a. ( see Gram. $A$1 : VII.27, ET VII.79, et
$ 6,1,b): uft XI.15. Cp. 3719 1.86, VI.26, 33, XIV.3. and 31140t.
*SH and $ht pron. a. 'talis' : (i) 377944U . [Gu. s.n.] bhūṣaṇa : *5 : HX.6, XII.4, 23, XIV. XV.9.
25, VII.87. (ii) $AT: XVIII.16, 37149 (Gu.] suffix, forming colle- ATT VII.35, VIII.24, 31. Cp.
ctive nouns : see विछायत, SHET and SHET.
जोडायत. 310 s.f. (Ap. 3173 ( Dhan ).] āyus : V.7, XII.29.
$ emphasizing suffix [Gu., Hi.] :
in Hi$, FGTS, 2a$. आवड v.i. [ Marathi अवड to be
ईद्र and इदर s.m. Indra : (i) ईद्र : -री pleasing, delightful, agreeable to; Gu. 31105 v.t. to know, to
1.96. - XIV.10; comp. cilat
XIV.15 (ii) GT: - XVI.6 be familiar with] to be pleas
। ईसडो see इसडो. ing, agreeable to: ŠTE III.29
इसो see इसो. (थका is to be added here ) 3199 s.m. āyudha : XII.22. आंष s.f. [Gu. Hi. आंख f.] aksi : उचो a. [Gu. ऊंच Hi. ऊंचा] ucca : IX.38.
XI.4, "O VII.17. 3774 s. (Hi. f.] āśa : VII.1.
3916 s.m. (Ho. spal] utsava : TAUT s.m. āsana : IV.2.
IV.31.
JER s. (Ho. is s.m. accomplishşut dem. pron., obl. sg. of 317 m ent of a wish etc.] : - to q. v. : IX.45. Cp. 3u1.
comply with the wishes of a. şaret pron. a. 'talis': 1.54, 82, IV. p.: IV.9 (MS. 37, see note ).
68, V.23, 24, TT VII.47, IX.8, Jort pron. a. I derived from 38, 11, T H III.58, VI.20, XVI. q.v. ] being there : VII.12.
3, 7 # 1.26, °TT XVII.17. 38 pron. adv. (cp. Gram. $ 9) (i) $G+ see .
thither : IV.29. (ii) there : IV. şum a. andhaka: V11.73 ( see note ). 29, XIV.11, XV.10, 22, 23, guchirt a. adhikārin : XVII.12 24, 28, 30.
('entitled to', 'having a right 30T (Mārw.] = farur, q.v. : cuir to').
VII.87.

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उतर s. [ Skr. उत्तर a.] the north : -रा No. 82] to stand : उभो रह्यो छै V. VII.48, -रै VII.70.
24, उभा रहै छै XVI.20. उतर v.t. [Gu., Hi.] to cross : रै छै उरध a. ārdhva : XII.5 : comp.
XV.24, 29 (MS. उतर छै ). -केसी urdhvakesax.2. *उदारचिंतवंत a. udara + cintavant: उरवंसी n.p.f. Urvasi : I.99, 103, II. "ती 185.
____8, IV.17. -नै II.6. उदालक and उंदालक n.p.m. Udda- उरो and उरो a., prefixed to verbs to
laka : (i) उदालक : I.41, -जी I. denote a reflexive action 15, 30, 36, 47, 57, 76, 86, [Marw. वरो ( cp. L.S. p. 30 ), III.8, 13, 14, 46, 58, 65, 78, Marw. of Sirohi-Rathi ओरौं 99, 104, IV.10, 46, 52,57, VI. ( cp. L.S. p. 98, No. II,1.4)] 28, XVIII.9, -जी आगै III.98, 'for myself' etc. : (i) उरो : III. -जी नै I. 27, -जीरी I.56, -जीरो 15. (ii) उंरो : XIII.32, री IV.32. III.6, 45, -जीरै III.38. (ii) *उषो s. [Gu. उंख f.] a wish (?) : षा उंदालक : -जी I.83.
विगर. उधोमुष a. adhomukha : XII.35
(M.S. उधैमुष ). *उनालो s.m. [Gu. उनाळो] the *ऊनो see उन्हो. .. summer : "ला मै XIV.21. उनो and उंनो see उन्हो.
ए see ओ. *उन्हो, *ऊनो, *उनो, and *उंनो a. एकहीज num. [ Skr. एक + हीजq.v.]
[Prk. उण्हो, Marathi ऊन्ह Gu. only one single : IV.56. ऊनुं] Usna : (i) *उन्हो : "न्हा X.9. एकलो a. [Gu. (कलुं Hi. एकला] (ii) *ऊनो : 'नाX.25. (iii) *उनो: alone : IX.42, "लां III.29.
'नी XI.6. (iv) *उंनो : "नी IX.20. *एहवो pron. a. [Gu. एहेवू, एवं] उपगार s. upakāra : VII.32, 41, talis' : "वा VII.40, 52.
XIII.15. उपनो a. utpanna : I.52.
औ see ओ. उपर upari (i) adv. above : I.92. (ii) on, upon : IX.31, X.9, XII.4,
ओ (3),XVI.23.
ओ, आ, ए, औ dem. pron. ( cp. उपरै adv., = उपर (i), q.v. : X.25. Gram. $ 6) Nom. : (i) ओ sg. उभो a. [Marw. -ऊबो, Gu. ऊ/, Hi. m. [Marw.] : III.43, 45, XVI.
उभ] ubha : -रह [Marw. ऊबो हो, 12, XVIII.4. (ii) आ sg. f.:
Malvi ऊभो रे cp. L.S., st. w., XVI.29 ( see note ), XVIII.7,

औ

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559
11, 14. (iii) T m. pl. : XI.17, II.4. (ii) to, towards : 1.60, 73, XII.39, XIV.16. (iv) 37 m. pl. 111.5, 100, 104, V.1, 17, 18, [Mārw.] : III.98, XII.37. Obl. VIII.9, X.9, XI.25, XII.28. see şUT.
कन्या and कंन्या s.f. kanyā : (i) कन्या 3T a. (Gu. Bir adv., Hi. 34te] 11.19, III.75; comp. -GIA
another, a further : XVI.10. III.100, 104, IV.6, IX.32. (ii) ओलष v.t. [Gu. ओळख] to know, to PR : XIII.43. identify : -ता नहीXI.16, 19 (2). कपडो s.m. [Gu. कपडं Hi. कपड़ा) a
garment : IX.31, "GT XII. 13. Dear s. kutumba : * XIII.45. This s.f. [Gu. Hi. = earnings, To and s. [O. Gu. To ( Suvā- gains, profits) karman : II.23,
bh. ) He.] kastha : (i) cho: 24, X.10, XII.36, XIII.23, comp. -forrt a wooden cage : XVI.21, XVII.2. Cp. nf. T # III.97. (ii) o : comp. oe v.t. [Gu., Hi.] kar : (i) indep. : fort do. - 7 # III.3.
to do : -UT 1.84, III.2, 57, 69, Our a. (Gu.) difficult : XV.16. 96, IV.11, 20, 44, -ut + 1.95, christ pron. adv. ( cp. Gram. $ 9) III.8, -U * 1.87, II.7, -UIER
whither (inter.): III.50, 67. VI.26, - (a) verbal VII.35, Ce THRETTİ S. kathā-sambandhana 40, 47, 52, 70, 71, 79, (b) 1.7.
nominal : VI. 8, 9, 10, VII.31, da s.m. [Gu., Hi.] kanda : II.16, 32, 33, 41, 43, 53, VIII.1, III.52, IV.37.
XIV.1, -AT TET IV.9, -Nİ III.9, ang $ pron. adv. [Gu. anait] ever, at IV.45, IX.39, XIII.15, 17, - any time : XI.14.
1.100, II.15, 17, -aft eft III. 90, Chat postp. ( cp. : ):(i) together - 11.23, 26, III.3, 81, IV. 19,
with, in the company of : XVI. 46, 52, 68, VI.18, X.9, 25, 10. (ii) by : XI.22, -İ IX.27, XVI.31, -* , -TE see E, - - IV.17, - IX.43.
IV.64, -rit 1.46, 7 V.2, 19, all inter. particle (cp. Pr. fofuit 23, 4 VII.61-66, 68, VIII. 11,
(Hem. Gr. II.216, Triv. 2, 1, 14, 18, 30, IX.20, 32, 33, 34, 17, Var. IX.9 ) and Apabhr. 40, (2), X.10, 29, XI.23, 25, fasat = fon 7 ( Bhav., San.)]: XIII.5 etc., * $ 1.57, 86, 98, ‘num': XI.16, 19.
II.20, III.27, VI.24, 25, XI. 9 at postp. [Marw. oht : Gu., Hi. etc., u 1.78. (ii) as second
at] : (i) in the company of : member of a verbal compound

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(cp. Gram. § 33 ) see UTH. Cp. 102, IV.7, 25, V.11, 16, VI.6, कीज, कीधो, कीनो, कीयो, कीवो XVI. 18, EU1.67, XVIII.2, (cp. Gram. § 17).
EUT III.19. (ii) bei der करम and क्रम s. krmi : (i) करम : 1.40.
comp. -gas n. of a hell ( see this prn. int. ( cp. Gram. § 6f, note on VII. 83 ): -#IX.28, - Note ): Nom.sg. neutr. of spur,
Ciut n. of a hell VII.83 ( see q .v.: II.5, 7. note ). (ii) क्रम : comp. -कुड n. काईक see कोई (i). of a hell ( see note on VII.83): dort s.m. [Gu., Hi.] kāka : XI.17, # XI.25.
22, XIII. 17, XVII.11, -* XIV. oft a. [Gu.] krūra : IX.6.
16. Cp. Gatimit कर्म s. karman : II.23 (gloss upon कागलो s.m. [Gu. कागडो] = काग, This, q.v.).
q.v. : XIII.32; a she-crow : Comet s. m. kalaha : XII.7.
XVII.7. CAREITUT s.m. kalyāna : XIV.14. aalt v.t. [Hi.] to cut : est IX. Cape s.m. [Gu., Hi. Smart) kumāra : 19,VII.86, X.22, XVII.12. T IV.32.
taniets. [Gu.] kantaka: "ET VII. 74. कसाही s.m. [Gu., Hi. कसाई) a कांट्यो a. [cp. Gu. कांटो s.m. in : butcher : XVII.15.
parrots, a disease in the throat' कह and कंह v.t. [Hi. कह Gu. केह, ( as to the formation cp.
ata] kathay: (i) he: - III.99, antcut, antent and Gu. Hilfseit -*1.54, V.24, P 1.82, IV.28, which belong to Gu. afats )]: 68, XI.20, IV.10, 50, VI. (a parrot ) suffering from a 33, XVIII.17, at XVII.2, disease in the throat : XIII.21.
test XVII.4, opet VI.13, ania s. [Gu., Hi.] karna : IX.14. XVI.11, G VII.71, XVII.3, anih s. [Gu., Hi.] kāma : XIV.16.
VII.82, EU VIII.1, FT Cp. ciner. XII.2, o VII. 13, 36, 48, itu s. = 14, q.v.: IV.4. IX.7, XIV.2, 71.53, 72, V.23, Miqut s. (Gu. 14U s.m. fascinaVIII. 16, 32, (XI.20,] #1.55, tion, enchantment, witchery] VI.1, 27, VII.1, 2, 8, XII. 28, enchantmen : XVII.8. XVIII.6, 10, opt XIII.2, N our s.f. [Gu. apata f] kāya: IV.67. III.98, UT VII.88, UT 1.10, att s.m., ts. : (i) Kāla, the minis32, 61, 62, 70, 76, 100, II.2, 3, ter of Yama : XII.34, XVI.28. 11, III.59, 68, 70, 77, 83, 99, (ii) Kāla, another name of

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Yama himself : comp. : -गांमी कीडो s. m. [Gu.] kita : XIII.40, going to Yama : XI.8 (iii) डांरो कुड n. of a hell : VII.83 time : XII.39 (see note). (MS. डांरी कुड, cp. note); cp. कालाभ s. kalabhra : -मंग kalābhra- करम कुड and क्रम कुड.
magna, VII.72 (see note ). *कीधो p. p. of कर q.v. : 'नी IV.48, कालो a. (Gu. काळु Hi. काला] kala XI.13.
black: XVI.16, 24, °ला XII.13, *कीनो p.p. of कर q.v. : "नी I.38, "लै XII.6.
IV.1, 55. किकर s.m. [Gu. किंकर ] kimkara : कीयो p.p. of कर q.v. : I.49, 59, XII.1.
105, IV.18, 33, VI.19, XI.11, किण and किंण pron. inter., obl. XVI.30, “या IV.31, XI.12,XV.
and ag. [Marw.] (cp. Gram. $ 15, 'यां IV.27. 6f.) : (i) किण : ag. III.61. (ii) *कीवो p.p. of कर q.v. : 'वी I.31,48, किंण : (a) ag. III.60, 62. (b) 60, 68, 77, II.24, VII.10, obl. -रो III.43.
___XII.33. किंतरैक pron. a. 'qualis?' : IV.4. कुचीतो a. [Gu. कचित्रु] ill-coloured : किर s.m. kira : XIII.21.
VII.73 (MS. "ता). किसडाक see किसडोक.
कुंज s. [Gu., Hi.] kulija : comp. किसडायक and किंसडायक see किस- -वन I.22. डोयक.
कुंड and कुड s.m. [Gu. कुंड and किसडोक see किसडोयक.
कुण्ड] kunda : (i) कुंड : VI.11, किसडोयक, किंसडोयक and किसडोक XIV.4; see also दाह-, कुसटल-.
pron. a. = किसो,q.v. : (i) किस- (ii) कुड : VII.81; see also डोयक sg. : VII.7, किसडायक pl. अगन-, करम-, कीडांरो-, क्रम-,
VII.5, 6. (ii) *किसडोयक: जोक-, कुशल- -. किंसडायक pl. VI.22. (iii) किस- कुंडल s. kundala : IX.14. डोक sg. : VII.3, किसडाक pl. कुडो a [Gu. कुडुं] fraudulent, VII.4.
___wicket : VIII.28, 'डी XIII.22. किसो and किंसो pron. a. 'qualis?' : कुण and कुंण pron. interr. m., nom.
(i) किसो : XIII.2 (2), "सै वासतै [Marw.] who : (i) कुण : III.40, XVI.17, 'स वास्तै I.29. (ii) 42, 80, IV.24, V.6. (ii) कुंण : किंसोXIII.2 (2).Cp. किंसडोयक. I.37, 42, 58, II.19. III.41, कीज bel. to कर q.v. ( cp. Gram. $ XVIII.7. Obl. see किण, किंण;
17,4): "जै छइ IX.9. "जै छै VIII. neutr. see कांई. 16, XII.36, “ज्यो I.53, 72. *कुतरो and *कुंतरो s.m. [Gu. कुतरूं]

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केई see कोई (i) केईक see कोई (i)
a dog : (i) *कुतरो : शं उपर XII.4, °रां कना सुं X. 11, रां कना
IX.43; a female dog: - XVII.11 ( MS.). (ii) * कुंतरो : रा VII. 87, रां कना ( MS. *T ) XI.22. Cp. *g. * कुतो s.m. [Hi कुत्ता ] = कुतरो q. v. : तांकना सुं IX.27. guas., n. of a hell: VII. 83 (see note). कुपs.m. kūpa : see विंष-. Cp. कुवो. कुबो a. [Hi. कुब्बा, Gu. कुबडो ] kubja : XIII.14.
कुभी = कुभीपाक q. v. : ( -नरक मै ) IX.16, 26, X.17, Cp. Note on VII.83.
n. of a hell: kumbhipāka: VII.83. Cp. ft. कुल and कुंल s. m. kula : (i) कुल : VIII.11, - XIV.14; comp. -नास kulanāśa : I.44, (ii) कुंल : comp. - 1.40. Mrs. [cp. я] kālapāśa: सुंX.19.
कुवो and कुंवts.m. [Gu. कुवो] = कुप, q.v.: (i) ghat : a VII.33. (ii) कुंवो : 'वा XIII. 29; 'वा मै XI.23 (erie at n. of a hell? Cp. Note on VII.83 ).
sn. of a hell (‘kaśmala' + 'kunda'?): IX.23 (see note on VII.83 ).
gens n. of a hell (‘kūṭaśālmali'+'kunda'?): IX.17 (see note on VII.83).

n. of a hell XII.16 cp
note.
केसs. keśa: 'सा XII.5; cp. , उरधकेसी. कै conj. [Gu. के] or : III. 76. कोई, काईक, केई (क ), and क्यांही indef. pron. somebody, anybody, some: (i) as (a) s.m. sg. (a) nom. VI.31, XVI.10, (a) ag. II.9; (b) adv. somehow, anyhow II.24, III.74, IV.9, V.7, 13, VI.15,30. (ii) काईक f. sg. I.11. (iii) केई and केइक m. pl. XII.30, VI.23, 24, 25. (iv) i obl. pl. : - XII.14.
:
antcut and atout a. [Gu. afs
from as] afflicted with white leprosy (i) eat: XIII.18, 27. (ii) atout: XIII.39. antout see antcut.
Hits.m. [Gu., Hi.] kokila: 1.23,
IV.43, XVII.5.
कोसो s. m. [Gu. कोड = Skr. कुष्ठ; Hi. a s.m. curse, malediction] white leprosy (?) : XIII.7 (cp. note ). quist see ants.
(cp.
(i) pron. inter. ( Gram. $ 6 f, Note): Nom.sg. of uq.v.: III.81. (ii) pron. adv. ‘why?': II.20, III.27, XI.11,12.
क्रम see करम.
faчrs.f. kṛpā: VII.10.

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atent s. kriya: comp. -TUT XVII. 111.67, 103, og ef III.85. (ii) as 10 ( see note ).
second member of a verbal
compound ( cp. Gram. § 33): T3, TT, TT, ra and TIA S. [Gu. 1, see , .
Hi. Skr. Tra (cp. L.S. st. mira a. [Gu.) poor, indigent : - W., No. 69 )] go: (i) 73 : VII. IX.37. 53, XI.17, XV.23, -* XIV.16; Tefurit s.m. (Skr. *mefufam a comp. -ferat (sic!) a murderer killer of an embryo : XVII.15. of a cow: 71 VIII.3. (ii) 8: T v.t. [Gu., Hi.) gā:- VII.29. VII.57. (iii) : XII.4; comp. TIH (i) = via, q.v. (ii) = 73, q.x
frant [Gu. TERIT) = 75- "The see T3. हित्यो q.v. : "रांनै ( MS. "रां) IX. गांव and गांम s.m. [Hi. गांव Gu., Hi. 17; - ist (see ist ) a bullock: A grāma: (i) tia :X.24. (ii) og XII.4. (iv) TRT: -* XIII. TIH : VII.56. 35. (v) Tia (probably mista- fitur v. caus. [ cp. Gu. TOT Hi. fut, ken for TA] : VIII.23.
Tutto count, to deem, to value; Ti see TT3.
Ho. Tu to praise, to laud, to TMT n.p. Gangā: -vit 1.87, 95, III. consider) to cause to value, or :
8, 57, 69, 85, IV.11, -GT HITS to cause to praise : -• XI.22. 1.93, III.3, 31, 97, IV.15,-Fit T a. [Gu.) dumb : XIII.34. 1.8, III.6.
T and TE s.m. guru : (i) TT: IX. T5 s. (Gu. Ts.m.) a hill, a mount: 28, - XIII.30, -* IX.34,
comp. -सूरो see सूरो: XIII.13. XIII.33, XVII.16; comp. - (Or does ts belong to Ho. üs gurupatni: - IX.23, - XIII. a., short in stature, little, 37; -Jtet see ghet: -* X.26. dwarf, manikin ?).
(ii) T5: comp. - qaft = TTheres.m. gandharva : VII.29. wait : - XIII.5. tant s.m. [Mārw., Mew. (cp. L.S., Ts see Ir.
st. w. No. 74 ), Gu.; Hi. TET] TUTC n.p. Gudapāka, n. of a hell: gardabha: XIII.45.
VII.83 (cp. Note ). pret p.p. of IT q.v. ( cp. Gram. § Taft s. goșthi: 1.25.
17): (i) indep. : IV.38, V.1, ot see T3. - 111.50, IV.68, XVI.10, -17 TE S. [Hi. s.m.] a lizard, an V.11, UT III.57, 104, OT OT i guana, a gangetick alligator : 1.87, T 111.52, 53, 69, o XII.4, XIII.25 ( cp. note ).

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ग्रास s.m. [Gu., Hi.] ts:, in the
sense of 'bali' : XI.17 (6),
XIV.16, 19. ग्रीझण s. [Hi. गर्जन s.f.] thunder
ing, roaring (?) : VII.75.
ghrta : (i) प्रत : -री XIV.3. (ii) घीरत : comp. -पाक n. of a hell : VII.83 (cp. note).
घ
घंटा s.f. ghanta : VII.50. घडीs. [Gu.] ghati, 24 minutes : -मै
XII.28. ETUT S. (Gu. gur s.n. ) ghuņa: XIII.
20. घणो a. [Gu. घj] much : 'णा I.23,
IV.31, VII.74. घर s. [Gu. Hi.] ts. : VII.24, 39,
XIV.12. घरबार s. [Gu. s.n., Hi. s.m.] a
family, a house and its appur
tenances : XII.24. uiuft s. [Gu. arft s.f.) an oil-mill:
-मै IX.18. घात v.t. to put : -नै III.97, XI.24,
तिनै IV.151, "तिनै III.3, "तीयो I.
91. घाती s.m. ghatin : IX.19; cp. असत्री-, आतम-, पिता-, बाल-, मित्र-,
' वंस-, वेसास-. घाल v.t. [Gu.] to thrust into, to set
to: -नै IX.18,44. घीरतपाक see प्रत. घोडो s.m. [Raj. ( L.S., st. w. No. 68 ), Gu.; Hi. घोड़ा] ghotaka :
olaka : XIII.38. घ्रत and घीरत s. [Gu., Hi. प्रत] 1. Te, ghāliyo.
चट see चढ. चंडाल s.m. candala : XIII.4, 15. चढ and चट v.i. [Gu. चढ and चड,
Hi. चढ़] : () चढ (a) to mount, to ascend : "ढीया XII.4 (6); (b) to augment, to swell : -UT I. 108. (ii) चट = चढ (a) "टीया
XII.4. चंदण s. candana : -रा VII.23. चंद्रावती n.p.f. Candravati : I.100,
104, 107, II.21, III.3, 25, 37, 48, 54,73, 83, 103, IV.25,54, -कनै II. 4, -जी III.57, -नै II.1,
17, IV.32, -रा I.98. चष्य s. [Gu., Hi. चख] caksus see
सहस्त्र-. चाकर s.m. [Hi.,Gu.] a servant : II.
14. चालv.i. [Gu.] cal: -तांXV.16, "ली
III.37, "लीयो I.89, III.7, IV.13,
ग्लै IV.69. चाह v.t. [Gu., Hi.] to love. to wish :
"है IX.41; "हीजै = Hi. °चाहिये, it _is necessary : IV.48. चिकार see चिंकोर. ferant and fachle s.m. cakora : (i)
चिंकोर : I.23. (ii) चिकार : IV.43. ferat s. cinta: XII.3.
- चिंतवणा s.f. [Gu. चिन्तवन s.n.]
thinking, considering, music etc. : I.86.

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छ
ferare (Gu. s.m. a portrait, an exact
description ) : a. manifold (?) < num. [Tháli of Jaisalmer (cp. IX.45 (2).
L.S. st. w. No. 6). Gu., Hi.] चित्रगुपत and चित्रगुपति n.p.m. sat : IV.45.
Citragupta : (i) fargua : VI.1, 45, $, and v. subst. (cp. Introd. - V.17, 18, XII.28 - VII. p. 12 and Gram. $ 11 ) [Prāks. 16; (ii) Farjufer VII.6.
acchai] : (i) vs : (a) 3rd sg. : fayefat see festzua.
XVI.6; 3rt-, upist-, tidt-, js
see s.v. Sale-, ahl, tia, g37. # s. (i) (Hi., # s.m., Gu. Eta
(b) 3rd pl. : 1st-see s.v. it . s.f.) rest, ease, repose : 1.35,
(ii) $ : (a) 2nd sg. : II.19, III. XIV.14. (ii) s.m. (Gu. E s.n.]
40; ant- see s.v. Cit; etc. (b) cinha: III.17, XVII.3.
3rd sg. I.20, 22, 52, 99, III.6, nicht s.m. [Gu. Zilan, Hi. aitat]
16, 41, 42, 43, 45, 46, 80 etc.; the space in which a Hindu ont, w et-, dit- see s.v. opie, cooks and eats his victuals tet, antat, etc. (c) 3rd pl. III. ( the ground being first plas- 17, VII.19, 20, 23, 24, 26 etc.; tered with mud and cowdung -, HOT- see. s.v. TC, atat etc. [Platts] ): III.55, 61 ( as to - (iii) $ 3rd pl. : TRT- see In. दीधो cp. Hi. बरतन कर “to make छयासी num. [Gu. छासी Hi. छियासी] a caukā ( i.e. to plaster and sadašīti : 1.38. prepare a space for cooking ) IT v.t. [Gu. via shadow, shelter,
and scrub the pots and pans”. Hi. ui shelter) a shelter : XI.13. • (Platts ).
UTS v.t. (Gu. vis) to abandon, to algt a. (Gu. alg) broad, wide : divorce : IX.44. XI.3, "SI VII.18.
grat s. [Gu., Hi. f.) the chest, the ate v.t. (Gu.) cur : 4 IX.31, 36
breast of a woman : - IX.20. (2), 37, X.17, 18, 27, XIII.18, 8
छीपो s.m. [Gu. छीपो, Hi. छीपी] a
cloth-printer, a stamper : XIII.9. 19, 20, 34, 39.
and y v. subst. Ist sg. : (i) C: allt s. [Gu., Hi. f. Ja theft XII.17.
III.49, 75, IV.26; 314, ang-, Cp. ak.
e-, - etc. see 317, che etc. Er num. [Marw., Jaip., Mew. (ii) g: II.22, III.84; rt-,
WM; ( cp. L.S., st. w. No. 4), 5113-, C-, C- etc. see 371, Gu., Hi. Zl) catur: VII. 19, 20. I, JE etc.

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git s. [Gu. f.] ts. : - IX.19;
comp. -ER (i) chūrīdhārā : VII.74. (ii) n. of a hell : VII.83 ( see note ). and see us. ut v. subst. 2nd pl. : IV.4; post-
see ait. uts v.t. [Gu. Jis Hi. Ute) to let
loose, to release: XV.14.
ज
5 indecl. (i) = , 9.v. (ii) empha
sizing particle [Gu.) see it
and fraaist s.v. friant. prt s. (Hi. Fituse s.m.) a cricket, a
moth : XIII.23. Frott pron. adv. (rel.) whither :
III.34. A conj. ( cp. Gram. § 20, 2c; §
35 ) 'when' : II.28, III.2, 94, | 96. Cp. Hà. 773 v.t. (Gu.; Hi. ] to inlay :
GUT VII.25. Fa. [Gu. 176] jada, stupid : XIII.
10, -f 311 VII.1, - 1.55,
XVIII.2. 74 and 9776 s. [Gu., Hi. 47] janman : (i) 4 : II.28. (ii)
14: IX.30, XIII.28 (2), XVII.9, 16. जम and जिम n.p.m. [Gu. जम]
Yama: (i) 37 IV.59, 61, V.11, 16, VI.13, VII.15, XI.16, (XII. 34,] XVI.11, 18, -* V.1, -uit XVI.8, -* VII.16, XII.34; comp. : -aic Yamaculli, n. of a hell : VII.83 ( cp. Note );
art, a, -ga, -yamadūta : (a) -6:- XII.33; (b) -37 : VII.4; (c) -GA: VII.87, X.6, XII.26,7 * XI.19, TT XII.37; (d) -ja: V.13, 18, VI. 15, XII.4; Tan Yamalaparvata, n. of a hell (cp. Note on VII.83 ): - IX.36; - yamapuri: V.15, VII. 17; -UTA (see UTC) : H IX.40 ( cp. Note of VII.83 ); -ARUT yamamārga: XV.16; - Trh and TTT Yamarājan: (e)-TTT:- XVI.1; (f) -TTT: V.4, 5, -Uit XVI.24,
uft XVIII.13, -* XI.16, -T XII.30, 31; -witan yamaloka : IV.53, 62, 68, VI.16, 31, VII.3, 11, XVIII.3, -HTË IV.65. (ii) जिम : comp. -लोक yamaloka :
À XVIII.16. eft conj. ( cp. Gram. § 20, 20; §
35 ) 'when : IV.46. Cp. uid.
33.
जंत s. [Gu. जन्त the intestinal
round worm) jantu : see Ta-,
A s. (Gu. s.n.] care, heed, pro
tection : 11.7. ia and ja s.m. yantra : see -. 76 n.p.m., ts. : XVI.12, -*XVI.
26. 779 see 574 HH n.p.m. Janamejaya: - 1.9,

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STATU s. jalasarpiņi : XIII.42. X.26, -* VII.86, - XV.2. See also: 19.
for see 374. IT v.i. [Rāj. (L.S., st. w., No. 77), *flust rel. pron. a. 'qualis': t Gu., Hi.) yā: (i) indep. : III.5, X.10, XII.36.. 101, IV.53, V.12, VI.14, -57 bits. jiva, heart, mind :-# XVII.4. III.79, -3 T III. 100, - III.34, it honorif. suffix (Gu.] : see 36, - IV.61, VIII.9, X.9, 3GIC, sult, bistant, funt, XIII.28, 30, 36, 44, XVIII.15, Har, furg, ECE, ETT, st- VII.15, - $1.101, VII. a etc. 76, XVI.7, 13, 31, - TRT Rs.m. [Gu. FAIR n.) a beast : XVIII.11, -** 1.60, III.82, IV.43. 99, IV.65, VI.31, 32, VII.11, wfter s. (Gu., Hi. f.] jihvā: VII.86. XVIII.3, - TET IV.62, V.13. FH v.t. (Hi. «TA, Gu. 47A) jam: (ii) as second member of a XVII.4. verbal compound ( cp. Gram. aa (Gu.) yukta : see erfr. 833) : see ले दे (iii) forming a जुंठ, झूठ and *झूठो a. [Gu. जुईं, जूटुं passive voice, which, at the Hi. TE, TO, yet, and 6] same time, has a potential false, mendacious : (i) jo: sense ( cp. Gram. § 16): see VII.85. (ii) : XIII.21. (iii) HIUT, HR, #MT. Cp. ru.
*ot : VIII.15. HVIOT v.t. [Gu. Hlut Hi. Fr] jña: ot and indecl., used in the
-UIER 1.19, V.20, 22, IX.11; begining of an oratio recta,
ouft RT II.10 ( see JT 3 ). like Skr. og pe: (i) It: fram s. [Ho. Kila ) place, IV.53, 61. (ii) T: I.26.
station, dwelling : IV.44. v.t. [Gu.) to look at, to behold, forcat pron. (i) rel. : nom. sg. m. to view : - III. 14.
XV. 30, auto nom. pl. XIV.12; ita s. (Gu. Ilan, Hi. Hica f.] obl. see forum and Bi. (ii) used jalauka : comp. -73 ( n. of a in a demonstrative sense o to hell ? Cp. note on VII.83 ): nom. pl. X.7, XV.10.
X.21. ferir s. yajña : VII.60 ( gloss upon FINT s. yoga: IV.44, 45, 51, 68. TH?)
JA S. (Gu., Hi. m.) yojana : forum obl. sg. of feront q.v. (i) relat.: VII.17, 18, XI.3, 4.
- XII.29, XVIII.9. (ii) uits v.t. [Gu. tils Hi. 75] yuj: - demonstr. : -+V.13, IX.36, -7 1.61.

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झ
जोडायत s. [जोड + suffix आयत] डुष्टी s.m. *dustin : IX.27. company : XVI.30.
Et suffix ( Gu., Marw. etc. ) : see Filst s. [Gu. Filst f., Hi. Hiç f. Ja 4651. couple : XV.28.
a जौन s. [Gu., Hi. जोनी f.] yoni : तचाड s. [cp. Gu. तछोडq to scorn) XVII.11.
contempt, disdain, want of went obl. plur. of futant, q.v. : -AT
respect : see -. IX.41.
TE s. (Gu., Hi. m. ) taţa : fè III.6, ज्याग S. yaga : comp. अस्वमेध-,q.v.
f I.8.
not = n5 q.v. : III.35, -* do. : SITE s. f. (Gu., Hi.) the fringe : III.37. VII. 26.
no pron. adv. ( see Gram. $ 9) (i) To see jo.
thither : 1.9, 95, II.16, III.86, slot see jo.
91. (ii) there, then ( a clear
distinction between the local टीटोडी s. f. [Gu. टिटोडी] a female
and the temporal use is not of the lapwing kind, a female
possible ): 1.21, 107, III.9, 26,
IV.12, 20, 22, 39, VII.21, 40, sand piper : XVII.6.
52, IX.16, XI.5, 6, XV.7, 8,
17, 26, 27. Jlantat 2nd caus. ( cp. Gram. § apei conj. [Gu., Hi.] and : VII.83,
15, 2) [bel. to Gu. Gicht to X.11. stumble ) to cause to stumble: To v.t., ts. : IX.10. - XIII.35.
furt a. tapta : IX.31, i XV.18,
27; comp. - Taptavāluka, 55 s. [Gu. 305 m) daņda : IX.13, n. of a hell : VII.83 ( cp. Note ), XII.22.
el s.f. (Hi.] ts. penance : 1.31, STATS. (Gu., Hi. m. ) darbha: 1.92. 38, 48, 68, 77,- TT 1.90, IV.14, stent and sifets.m. (Gu. Groet 60, - T VI.26, HTE 1.56.
and are eit m.] a dowery : (i) 79T v. caus. of aa q.v.: - VII.44. grus IV.34 ( cp. note ). (ii) = at q.v.: III.32. See also it. sifat IV.35.
pron. adv. : thereupon, then : I. glass.m. [Mārw. ( cp. L.S. p. 10, 12, 27, 30, 41, 47, 59, 67,
63): şagt ) a son: III.30. 70, 73, 74, 76, etc., III.3, 4, 6, डाहिचो see डायजो.
13, 14, 28, 33 etc.

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Att v.t. [Gu. Hi. Am] to fry: IX.38, XVII.2, # 1.77, -HITE IX.25.
VII.28, - III.88, -İ VII.11, Aria n. p., n. of a hell : VII.83 XIV.13, arra V.10, art (cp. Note ).
XVI.24, uti pl. : III.92, -* TITA s. (Gu. Tora n., Hi. Stara II.5, -JT IX.41; cp. Fai and frei.
m.) a tank, a pond, a small (b) in a relat. sense : oui lake : VI.10, VII.22, X.21, VI.29. (ii) fut: -71.96, IX.19. XIII.29, XV.26.
तिणबंध n.p.m. :- रषेस्वर II.16 (see तलावर s. [see तलाव] a small pond : note ), III.26, 91, TOT IV.22. VII.31.
ferait pron. adv. (Hi. fora] there, *nats.m. [Gu. Hat m., Hi. Har m.] thither, thereupon : XVIII. 10.
a griddle, a pan, the iron plate for v. tar: (i) v.i. (Gu. Hi. fare] on which bread is baked : an to swim : - na. ici. III.86. X.25, ai 342 X.9.
IV.16. (ii) v.t. (Gu., Hi. ale to *तांबोs.m. [Gu. तांबुंn., Hi. तांबा m. pass over, to cross : -ORT
] tāmra, copper : ART VII.37, XV.12.
FINT VII.39, OR VII.38, ant *fast pron. a., dem. 'talis': si VII.40.
VII.13, XII.36 XVI.21, BIETET farat = HI, q.v. : nom. sg. m.: (see HMT): X.10.
III.21, 31, XV.30; at sg. f.: *fèruirat a [Ap. tisiya (San. )] XV.28, XVII.6; faith f. "this trșita : Urêt XI.13. very” XIII.25; votos pl. : 1.15, farei see ui. VI.22, 27, VII.70, VIII.1, IX. ata num. [Rāj. (L.S., st. w., No. 6, XI.5, XII.2, 31, XIV.2, 16, 3 ), Hi.) three : XII.38, 39, XV.6. Obl. see faur.
XVI. 19, - III.1, 96. See also facut and fut obl. of fateht and of t et.
1 (cp. Gram. § 6,1): (i) faut: et num. [O. Gu. at both, (a) used in a demonstr. sense that all three ( Suvābh., IV.23, VII.76, X.25, XI.23, He.)] all three : III.10. XVI.4, 28, 31, -* 1.100, VI. men s. [Gu.) tirtha : VII.65, XI. 15, IX.20, 22, 23, 26-34, 37, 12, XVII.17, -* XIII.24, 40-44, X.8-11, 17-19, 21-24, XVII.16. 27-29, XI.25, -t 1.20, 50, 69, Į and j pron. of the 2nd person, IX.39, XV.3, -IT VII.82, XVI. nom. sg. [ Mārw. j, ej, Gu. j, 5, -+ 1.24, III.17, XII.27, - Hi. U ( Gram. § 6 ): (i) :

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1.66, 71, 102, II.19, III.5, 40, 101, IV.24,58, V.12, VI.2, 14, gant a. (cp. Ap. thakka ( Bhav. (ii) À : III.27, 35.
and San. ) p.p. of thakkai = *तुलत a [Hi. तुलित] similar, like fagfa] being : III.86, IV.16, 1.107 ( see note ).
TT IX.6, 1.98, 1.31, 38. att s. [Gu., Hi.) tejas : XVI.3, -27 er v. subst. see ent. V.21.
e pron., obl. of I, İ (Mārw. EM, acts. [Gu., Hi.) taila : -HI IX.24. Gu. 1, Hi. TFT) ( Gram. § 6, at conj. [Gu., Hi.) ( cp. Gram. 1):-III.5, -f 111.42, 49, 66,
20 ) then, there, therefore etc.: 71, 74, V.7, 13, VI.15, -1.75. 1.46, 52, 85, II.9, 12, III. 16, 81, III. 101, -TT III.41, 80.
38, 67, 76, IV.9, 39, 53, 61. Ti pron. see it. at encl. particle ( cp. Gram. ß *echt a. (Gu. era s.m. fatigue.
21 ): 1.38, II.24, 111.75, IV.48, exhaustion, Hi. erao v.t. to tire, VI.24, 25, VII.15, 70, 88, थका a. tired ] tired : -कां नै
VIII.24, 31, XII.4, 30, XIV.25. VII.45, XI.18. तोड v.t. [Gu. तोड Hi. तोड़] to break थांपण s.f. [Gu. थापण] capital, off: IV.15, -1.91.
stock, funds : VIII.17, IX.26. aita j ( cp. Gram. § 6, 1, a): uit and uti pron., obl. of St (Mārw. III.72, V.6, VI.3.
ui, 7hi, Gu. T Hi. TA] Rai and frei = faruri q.v.: obl. pl. of (Gram. $ 6,1): (i) sie : -
# 1, frenat(cp. Gram. 96):(i) XVI.15. (ii) gi : -* 11.7 (2), - RI: -7 IX.7, - XVIII.7, - 11.52, - VI.5, -+1.28, 63, - XII.24, -HI XII.26. (ii) faei : IV.64, VI.28, -far XVIII.7, -* XI.20.
- HET XVIII.9. RM v.t. (Gu., Hi.] tyaj : opt et v. subst. see it.
VIII. 19, IX.41, X.25. et pron. of the 2nd person plur. als interj. (Mārw. et Gu. Site [Mārw., et, and, Gu. and, Hi.
Hi. ) save ! mercy ! IX.4 A ( cp. Gram. § 6, 1 ): (i) (2).
nom. 1.52, IV.66, VII. 14, XII. faranterar s.m. trikäladarsin : 3, XVIII. 8. (ii) ag. IV.50, 55. IX.11.
at, eft, e past of the v. subst. farunt (i) s.f. trpti : XI.13. (ii) a. (Gram. § 11, Intro. p. 5):(i) trpta: 1.65.
et m. sg. : see het, het, faint s. trisüla : XII.14.
atot-, jat-, get-. (ii) eft f. sg.:

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IV.3; see आई-, गई-, करती-, रितदांन. फूलती-, राषी-. (iii) था m. pl. : दारु s. [Gu. दारु m., Hi. दारू f.] see आया-, गया-.
alcohol : VIII.10.
दाहकुंड s. dahakunda : -माहे X.29. दंत s.m. danta : "ता XII.5: cp. मेक-, दिक्षण and दिषण a. daksina : (i) षडग-.
दिक्षण : - VII.71. (ii) दिषण :दम v.t. ts. : -ण I.49, -णहार I.18. VII.79. दरबाजो see दरवाजो.
___ *दिलासो s.m. [Gu. m., Hi. दिलासा दरबार s. [Gu.] a court of Justice : m.] comfort : “सा II.25, III.92, _IX.1.
IV.28.. दरवाजो and दरबाजो s. m. [Gu. दर- दिषण see दिक्षण.
वाजो] a gate, a door: (i) दरवाजो दिषा and दिंषा caus. of देष [Marw.] VII.49, 'जा VII.19, "जारा VII. (Gram. § 15 ) to show : (i) 36, 48, 'जै VII.35, 40, 47, 70, दिषा : -यनै X.29, -वो VI.5, 7. 71,79. (ii) दरबाजो : VII.37.
(ii) दिषा : -वो V.15. Cp. दिषाल. दरषत s. [Ho. m.] a tree : दिषाल = दिषा, q.v. : "लीया VI.8-11. IV.42,XV.5.
feel s.f. dikșă: 1.8. दलगीर a. [Gu., Hi.] grieved : III. दीज pass. of देq.v. (Gram. 816): 25, IV.54,58,66.
"जी छै (cp. Gram.817) IX.41, दलगीराई s. [Gu. दलगीरी f.] sorrow,
"जैXIV.11, "जै छै IX.45,X.10, grief : III.27.
XI.20, 26, XII.36, XIV.12, दलद्री s.m. [Gu. दरिद्री, दळद्री, Hi. XV.30.
दलिद्र] daridra : -रो IX.37. दीठो p.p. of देषq.v. (Gram. $17) दव s. [Gu. m.] ts. a forest-confla- [Gu. दीढुं] : I.26, III.13, 34, VI. gration : X.24.
30, VII.80, X.1, XI.1, 2, XII. दस num. [Raj. ( L.S., st. w., No. 32, -थो III.36, "ठा I.88, IV.12, 10 ), Gu.] dasa : XI.4; -हजार
VII.35, 40-43, 47, 52, 70, 79, ten thousand I.95, II.4, III.85. 81, VIII.1, 24-26, 31, X.6, दही s. [Gu., Hi. m.] dadhi : XIV. XII.1,4,XIV.1, 25, 'ठां VII.84, 18.
"ठी II.17, VII.12, IX.38, ( cp. दाज v.i. [Gu. दाझ] to be burnt : Gram. 8 34, III). "जीजै छै XI.7.
दीधो p.p. of देq.v. (Gram $ 17): दांनs. dana : VII.57, IX.39, XI.14, II.29, III.54, 55, 95, °धउ नही ___15, 22, XIV.12, (6), XV.28, XI.14.
30, XVII.13, 17; cp. कन्या-, दीयै bel. to दे q.v. ( cp. Gram. ६

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दीठो.
13) : VII.46.
दीज, दीधो, दीयो, j, धो. दीयो = दीधो q.v. : I.93, III.3, 31, देवताs.m. ts. : VII.28, IX.15, XIV.
60, 61, 97, IV.2, 15, 34, 52, 13, 14,XVI.10, "तांXI.25, 'तारी
VII.9, XI.15, 'या XI.17, 18, VII.53, XVII.16, 17, "तांरो VIII. 'यारो I.45; cp. "यै.
12,X.17. दुचीताई s. [Hi. दुचिताई f.] doubt, देवल s. [Gu. देवळ n., Hi. देवल m.] _suspense etc. : VI.17.
devālaya : VII.59. दुजो num. a. [Marw. दूजो Gu. दुर्जु] देष v.t. [Gu., Hi. देष] dars : (i) to ___dvitiya : I.106. Cp. बीजो.
see : 'षनै III.18, 59, IV.1, 44, दुत and दुत see दूत.
पै III.16, 38, IV.39. (ii) to look दुध and दूध s.[Gu. दूध, दुधn., Hi दूध for, to search for [Marathi] : षै __m.] dugdha : (i) दुध : -री XIV. X.11. Cp. दिषा, दिंषा, दिषाल,
3. (ii) दूध: XIV.18. दुराचारी and दूराचारी s.m. [Gu. देह s.f. [Gu. m., Hi. f.] ts. : I.49,
दुराचारी] durācārin : (i) दुराचारी : XVI.15, 25, XVII.16, -मांहिं सूं -यांनै X.7. (ii) दूराचारी : -यांनु IV. 68, -रो I.18. IX.2, "त्यांनै IX.21.
दैत s.m. [Gu.] daitya : XII.33, -नै दुंष s. duhkha : I.40, 44.
XII.35. दुषजंत n. of a hell : VII.83 ( see दोहिता s.m. [Hi. दोहता] dauhitra : note).
___-नै IV.35. दुष्टात्मा s.m. dustatman : XVIII.17. युं bel. to देq.v. (Gram. $13): -छु दूत, दूंत and दुत, दुत s.m. duta : (i) XVI.21.
दूत : see जम-.(ii) दूंत : see जम-. द्यो bel. to दे q.v. ( Gram. $ 13 ) : (iii) दुत : 'तां VI.8, 'तां नै V.16, IV.6. (cp. Introd., p. 5f.).
VI.6; see जम- (iv) दंत : see जम-. द्रोही and धोही s.m. [Gu., Hi. द्रोही] दूध see दुध.
drohin (i) द्रोही : see गुर-, बहिन-, दूराचारी see दुराचारी.
मित्र-,सांम-. (ii) धोहि XVII.14. दे v.t. [Gu., Hi.] da : VII.45, 55,
ध 56, 57, 59, 60, X.8, 16, 24, धजाs.f. [Gu. Hi.] dhvaja : VII.38. XIII.42, XIV.14, 16, 17, 19, धन [Gu.] (i) s. dhana XIII.19 (see XV.28, -णहार VII.34, -तां note) (ii) interj. see धन्य. XVII.13, -नै II.25, III.92, IV. धन्य and धन interj. of praise 3, 28, 35, XI.22, XII.3, XIII. [Marw. धन्य Gu. धन्य, धन] 32, 43, -नै जाय छै XVI.23, -सी hail ! bravo! : (i) धन्य XVIII.9. III.76. Cp. Gram.8 13. Cp. (ii) धन XVIII.8.

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*धप्तो pres. part. [bel. to Gu. धब to
drop down] : see 15-. ETT and ETT v.t. (Gu. &TT) to keep :
(i) &T : -UIER V.21. (ii) ETC :
"रीयां XVI.3. Ererit s.f. [Gu., Hi.) dharitri :
IV.14, -#1.90, XVI.28. ETH see t. petits.m. (Gu., Hi. Ethif] dharmin:
VIII.26, XIV.23, 25, XVIII.
धोह s. [cp. O.Gu. दूहव to be angry
with ( Pc. V. 8 ), to make angry ( Pc. V.11; 15 ) ( He.)]
trouble, grief (?): XVII.5. Ein S.m. dhyāna: 1.59.
Ta see Etef. stet see stat.
17.
ETH, ETH and s. m. dharma: (i)
Erf: VII.66, XI.11; comp -Una dharma-yukta : XV.10, -TIT . : -IRT IX.8; (ii) ETH: - V.20, IX. 11, XIV.1; comp. -TTT = Epis: - IX.1, -uft 374 IX.11, -vikt XIV.24, - A XV.7, - XIV. 12; - dharma-śāstra : -
IX.43. (iii) 8TH : XIII.2. . ETT S. see ERT. ETT v.t. (i) = ER q.v. (ii) (Gu.] to
consider : IV.4. धारा and धार s. [Gu. धारा and धार
Hi. Ert f. ] dhārā: (i) RT : see
5T-.(ii) ET : see 377-, git-. ETTE s. (Hi. f.] screaming : X.8. Efter n. p. m. : IX.8 ( see note !). धीरजवंत a. [cp. Gu. धीरज s.f., Hi.
m. = Skr. Eftef] patient, calm :
XIV.14. strats v. caus. (cp. Gu. et to
wash] (Gram. $ 15): to cause to wash : VII.46.
7 conj. see *. 7 negative particle ts. : 1.80, 90,
IV.14, V.7, VI.16, 30, VII.64, 68, IX.28, X.23, XI.13, 15, 17,
18. XIII.33, XVII.10, 16, (2). 7 suffix (Ho.) : see 14. * see fire pet and fat s.f. nadi : (i) 767
XIV.3. (ii) ict: XIV.3 (5), XV.2, 19, -TT IX.29, -* IX.22,
XV.23; comp. see. 461-. TE s. nindya : IX.40 (2), XIII.24. 744T n.p. namaskāra : VI.19,
VII.16. ThorH n.p. Nirucchvāsa, n. of a
hell :( - T041) IX.32 ( see
note on V 78 s.m. nakha: X.5, XII.6. Ti negative particle [Gu. Feit, Hi.
78] : 1.26, 28, 63, 85, II.24, III. 29, 32, 47, IV.9, 49, 62, V.13 (2), VI.15, 31, XI.11, 12, 14, 16, 19, (2), XII.24, XVI.
28, 29. XVIII.11. I postp. see IT. his subst. postp. f. (cp. Ap. 1$ iva

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( Bhav. )) in the manner of: 716*s. m. (Gu., Hi.) a tiger : XII.4. IX.25.
fire and fire nitya : (i) fren: 773 bel. to 371 q.v.: I do not come 1.95, VII.66, XII.39. (ii) fira: III.74. Cp. Introd. p. 5f.
III.8. Cp. FARINA. Fiat a. indecl. (Gu.] nānā: VII.21. *forert a. [cp. fort) nitya : XV.9.
XVII.7. 114 s. nāman : 1.98, II.29, III.95, fruia s. (Skr. fratt375T) in the VII.82, IX.7, XV.2.
sense of Skr. fra (cp. Hertel, Frat s. [Skr. Trenitet a.] a hell : Tantrākhya, Gloss. ): XIV.16.
-HIE V.13, -# IX.34, XI.21, Cp. Thanh, T. 22.
निद and नंदv.t. [Gu. निन्द] nind : (i) ATG n.p.m. ts. : IX.8, -uft XVI.3, fra: IV.53, XIII.40. (ii) TG: 9, 14.
IX.43, XI.25 (5), XIII. 43. Ata v.t. (Gu. TIE) to throw : opitut ficts.f. nindā: XI.25.
IX.24, 33, 35, 36, 37, XI.21, freut a. nipuņa: 1.85. षीयो XII. 35, षै छ; IX.22, षै नी postp, see नो. $IX.16, 17, 23, 26, 28, 30, 32, funta. [ O. Gu. frusi (Pc. V.13, 34, 40, 42, X.14, 15, 17, 20- 24, Sb. 69 (2)) (He.)] nişpanna: 24, 26-29, XI.23, 25.
XIV.20 ( in the sense of : culti7h s.m. nāia : 1.50, 69, VIII.11; vated, cp. note ). cp. -, 9769-.
finita. (Gu., Hi.) nila : X.22. r4 chat see that.
नीवांण s. [Gu. नवाण n.] a watering Tractant n. p. m. [ cp. p. 14 ] 11.29, place, a water-side : -VI.10.
III.44, 51, 63, 77, 82, 95, 98, fiv.i. (Gu., Hi. frete) : (i) in102. IV.36, 38, 44, 63, V.1, 8, dep. : to come out of : Pret 14, 19, VI.4, 14, 32, VII.8, IV.68. (ii) with a preceding VIII.32, XIII.3, XV.1, 13, 3774 : to come, to appear : XVII.1, XVIII.3, 10, 16, -it IV.21, often 1.9, IV.22, XVI.3, IV.49, -* III.70, 78, IV.37, 52, e 1.94, III.86, IV.16, XVI. V.17, VI. 1, VII.2, XVIII.6, 4, "TUT III.91.
- # 1.3, XVIII.18, -Friter VI.29. I and termination of acc. ( cp. Tiffah and that s. (Gu., Hi. Gram. 82):(i) IX.2. (ii) 1:
T at] nāsikā : (i) Hat : III.100. - II.28. (ii) TTHCT: I.105, #termination of acc. ( cp. Gram. III.94, -TIV.18.
§2):1.10, 27, 45, 52, 55, 71,

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95, 96, 100, II.1, 2, 5, 6, 7, 17, Teth num. (Gu., Hi.) pañcāśat : 23, III.3, 8, 22, 32, 34, 37, 47, VII.18. 52, 53, 70, 71, 72, 76, 78, 102, ufogy a. paścima : - T VII.36, - IV.6, 32 (2), 35 (2), 37, 52, 53, VII.47. V.16, VI.1, 5, 6, 15, 19, VII.2, 18 adv. [Gu. TJ Hi. uut] paścād: 9, 16 (2), 44, 45, 54, XIII.26 1.55, 75, 84, 93, III.22, 57, etc. etc.
X.16, XIII.36, XVII.9. #andconj. [Gu. 37a) and :(i)*: 45 v.i. (Gu. 15 Hi. Vs] : (i) to 1.6, 75, 89, 106, III.81, 104
drop, to descend : XI.22, V.11, 23, VI.15, VII.55, IX. XVI.28, XVII.16. (ii) to 25, XII.7, XIV.14 (2), XVI.
happen : ostet 1. 77, "SUTI.56. 15. (ii) 7: VII.2.
wanit s.f. patni : see h-, 15-. 7, ft, 7 termination of genit. of Tea s.f. [Ho.
] [Gu.) ( cp. Gram. $ 2): (i) 77
pativratā: XVI.27. Cp. an. nom. m. sg. :1.19, XIV.19. (11) giurato n. of a hell : VII.83 ( see of nom f. sg. : 1.85. (iii) T
note ). nom. pl. m. IX.11.
पथर s. [Gu. पथरी a small stone नोल्यो s.m. [Gu. नोलियो] nakula :
etc., per a large stone, a XIII.22.
stupid, dull-headed man etc., la s.m. (Gu., Hi. Ta] nyāya :
Hi. Orere, uerit a stone ] : - IX.9.
a XIII.31 'the state of a
stone (?)' (cp. note ). 4075 v.t. (Gu., Hi.) to catch, to
UGHUT n. p. m. Padmin ( = Vişņu):
XIV.15. seize : XII.34, X.7, -* XV.24. Wahaia s. pakvānna : - XIV.5.
Un s. m. padārtha : IV.51. Cp. 379 and Firin.
OPRUT V.. (Gu.) pari + ni: out IX.30. U s. [Gu., Hi.) pada : VII.46, X. परणा v. caus. of परण to give (a 26, XII.7, XVI.23, III.9, 10,
daughter ) in marriage : -art 11, 12
1.42, 58, -1.37. पंच and पांच num. IGu., Rai. पांच परबत see जम· (L.S., st. w., No. 5 ), Hi. Ta u t and sm. Parame
and पांच ] parica : (i) पंच XIV. śvara : (i) HERE: - II. 10; 15. (ii) via XI.3, 17, XIV.16, cp. sit-. (ii) RTRE : see sft-. XV.25.
परमेस्वर see परमेसर.

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U
EHUT S. (Cp. Ho. . to wor- urot a. (Gu. Tie] back : III.78, 99,
ship; O. Gu. Het worship IV.46, 65, V.12, VI.14, 18, 31, (Sb. 21. ) He.) worship : see VII.11, XVIII.3, UT 1.83. 3717- and 3TTEET-.
47927 VIII.22 : see note. परायोa. [Gu. परायुं Hi. पराया] para- पापी s.m. papin : VIII.24, X.7,
kiya : pertaining to another : X1.5, XII.38, - XII.31. COTT X.25 (2); $f.:(i) a VII.84, UR S. (Gu., Hi.) ts. : XV.24, 29. VIII.9, 17, IX.26, X.9, XIII.
*oranta. [Gu.org) pārakya: mit 38; (ii) = $ That : XI.25,
XI.25, XIII.45. Cp. art. - IX.41, - VIII.19. TEU n. of a hell : VII.83 ( see
पाल v.t. [Gu. पाळ Hi. पाल] pālay :
III.23, ny VII.67. note ). GS. IGu. 6. 98. Hi gl ast s. [Gu. 1.] a kind of wooden paksa : VI.25, VII.63.
shoes, sandals : VII.46. पंषी s. m. [Gu., Hi. पती] paksin: पास s. pāsa see कुल-. XIII.11.
art s. (i) [Ho. Luule f. a net, a To see Tii.
rope with which the legs of a पंषेरूं and पंषेरु s. m. [Marw. पंखेरू horse are bound; Hi. uit a
m. (L.S., st. w., No. 76 ), Gu. rope) a rope, a lasso : XII.19. पर्छ; n. Hi. पखेरू m. ] a bird :
(ii) [Mār. yigit, uigst or miyit a (i) TW H 1.23. (ii) 5 : X.16. disease arising to cattle from OT v.t. (i) (Gu., Hi.] prāp: -st their not being led to water at
XIV.11, 12, -XVII. 16, - the seasons) fever or a similar 1.40, 44, XIII.2, 25, 31, XIV. disease ( see note on XIII.8): 14, 17-20 etc., XVII.11; -
XIII.8. XI.5, - 7 1.35. (ii) (Gu.) füst, fuert, and rt s. m. [Gu. caus. of ut, 9. v. (cp. Gram. § fügt, füsts, uit n., Hi. 17,3): sut s IX.29.
fukt) piñjara, pañjara : (i) amit a. (Gu. uino] pangula : funt III.7, 36, (ii) furt III.9, XIII.29.
15, 34, T # III.97. (iii) RT : qiz see ten.
7 # III.3. uiuft s.(Jaip. viuft; Thali, Mew. faut conj. [Mārw. four, qut, Gu.
etc. yiuft (L.S., st. w., No. 66); OUT) punar: (i) stressed : moreGu. Truft n.) pāniya : III.7, -* over, however : 1.13, 35, II.10, X.19.
IV.8, 51, XVI.22. (ii) encl.

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577
( emphasizing ) : I.15, 21, III. पुज v.t. [Gu. पुज Hi. पूज] puj : "जै 58, IX.6.
VII.53,54. पिता and पिता s.m. [Gu., Hi. पिता] पुजनीs: [Gu., Hi. पूजनीय] puja
pitar : (i) पिता III.41, 46, 72, niya : -कनै XI.25. 76, -जी III.64, IV.50, 64, VII.9, पुतली s.f. [Gu. पुतळी, Hi. पुतली] -जीरो V.9, -नै VI.19, XVIII.4, puttali : IX.20. -री XIII.33; comp. -घाती pitr- पुत्र and पूत्र s.m. putra : (i) पुत्र I.40, ghatin:-रैXIII.6 (ii) पिंता :-जी 44,75, 80, III.49, 74, 94, IV. III.29, -री VII.43.
47,53,62, VI.29,XVIII.9, -रो पित्रदेवता s.m. pl. 'pitrdevatah' : II.8; comp. -हित्यो ( sic ! ) a I.35,44, 65.
murderer of a son : PT VIII.4. foucitg 'n.p.m. Pippalāda : 1.24,
(ii) पूत्र : III.81. 26. -जी I.32. 39.43. 51. 54. पुरष s.m. purusa : -नै X.25 (2), -रो 62, 70.
X. 25, -सुंX.25. पी v.t. [Gu., Hi.] pā, to drink : 'वै पुन्यवंत a. [ punyavanta : XV.10,
-रा V.22, VI.8, -रो IX.9. VIII.10. Cp. पा 2. पीजरो see पिंजरो.
पुसपोद n. p. Puspodaka : XV.2
(M.S. कुसपोद). पीपलs. [Gu. पिपळो m., Hi. पीपल] :
पुहचा see पोहचा. pippala : XVII.12.
पूछ see पुछ. पील v.t. [Gu. पील, पिल, पीड, Hi.
पूत्र see पुत्र. पीड़] pid : 'लीजै छै IX.18, 'लै
पूरब a. purva : - VII.35. IX.44, ग्लै छै XI.24. .
पेट and पेड s. m. [Gu. पेट and पेडु gov.t. (Gu.) to reach, to arrive at, ___n., Hi. पेट] the belly, the womb : to come to hand : "गो ( cp. (i) पेट IX.35, XII.8, XIII.16. Gram.8 17, 1) III.21.
(ii) पेड : III.94, -मै IV.18. पुछ s. [Gu. पुच्छ f.n., Hi. f.] पेड see पेट. puccha : XV.24.
पैजार s. [ Gu. पेजार m. a shoe, a पुछ, पूछ, and बुज v.t. [Gu. पुछ Hi. slipper : XIV.21, XV.28.
पुछ and पूछ] prach : (i) पुछ : पैडोs. m. [Hi. पैंड़ा, पैंढा m.] a road, I.71, III.79, -नै आवो I.52, "छीयो a highway, a path : VII.7, 73, III.82, IV.3, 23, V.5, XVI.14, XIII.2, 31, "डै VII.76. "छै VII.45, 'छै छै VII.2. (ii) पूछ : पैला adv. [cp. पैहली] at first : I.75, "छीयो I.27, III.39, XVI.9 (iii) -नै do. X.8. बुज : 'जीयो II.6 (see note). पैली see पैहली.

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Dr. Charlotte Krause : Her Life & Literature
फ
#6 v.t. (Gu. 16, te) to put on : 40, 47, 52, 70, 71, 79. (ii) yeah *XV. 29.
VII.35. पैहली and पैली postp. [ Raj. पैली प्राणी s. [Gu., Hi. प्राणी] pranin :
( L.S., st. w., No. 90 ); Gu. XI.23. पहेलुं, पेहेलु, and पेलुं a. at first] प्रात adv. prātar: XII.39. before : (i) Hart : VI.30. (ii) *vida a. (Skr. vifa + ant) affecerit : III.20, XVII.4.
tionate, loving : 1.85. पोरय> s.f. [Marathi पोय, पोई) a प्रेत s. m. ts. : XIII.43.
hollow running down from the country towards and into a ST v. caus. (cp.is, see Gram. river, filled at seasons with § 15, 1) to cause to tear, to water : also a narrow creek or cause to split : $ $ IX.27,
inlet ( Molesworth ) :X.19. 43, -##X.11, XI.2. ICT s. [ Gu. ulo f. a street, a lane, et s. [Gu. f.) a battle-axe :
17 m. a bridge; Hi. Ta m. a XII.17. gate, a door, a courtyard ] ?: 415 v.t. [Hi. 415, Gu. 116) to see जभ-.
tear :-* IX.35. Cp. 95T. पोस v.t. [Gu. पोष, Hi. पोस] posay: फिर v. i. [Gu. फर] to walk to and Laat III.23 (M.S. TH).
fro: -- IV.21, II.15. Cp. पोहचा and पहचा v. caus. ( cp.
HR v. Gram. § 15 ) (Gu. uta. Mārāthi and part s. m. (i) OCT (a) (Gu. utca to arrive] to accompany
n., Hi, m.] a flower : 1.91, 94, a p. with wishes for a happy
101, III.86, XVII.12, I HAT arrival ( cp. O. Gu. Etat
XV.3, MI I XV.6, (b) (cp. 'Ratnacūda Vyavahārīņo
Gu. swollenness puffedRāsa', Ahmedabad 1907, p.
ness; see yo v.i.) pl. preg65, 1.7 ( He.)]:(i) JEET; - ET
nancy : I.108. (ii) 6 = 1.1. IV.35. (ii) year: -7 XVI.8.
IV.41.
07 v. i. [Hi.] to be big with child yuh adv. [Skr., Gu., Hi.) once :
-nit 1.107 ( see note ). 1.8.
adv. [Gu., Hi.] back : 1.43, 51 ugratuit s. pradakşiņā: IV.3.
III.78, 99. yaao see yah.
tot v. t. (Gu., Hi. ] caus. of fine yart and yarato s. m. praveśa : (i) q.v.: to take a. p. round about
udh : 1.105, II.9, IV.18, VII. -* 310 VI.12.

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uts v. t. (Gu. 5, Hi. 175] to ant num. (O. Gu. (Sb.), (He.); Gu.
break, to pluck out: VII.84, ar Hi. UE ] dvādaśa : 1.8, X.21, XIII.29, o IX.38. IX.10. ब
बाल v.t. [Gu. बाल Hi. बाल] to uchanter n. of a hell ( see note on
kindle : X.24. VII.83):( --) X.22. alleirit s. m. bālaghātin : VIII.8, CERT s.m. (Ho. Thanks :0. Gu. XIII. 13.
port (Sb. 5) (He.) ) a tiger's Hit S. (Hi. ait ) bāhu : V.3. whelp : TT VII.87.
allet adv. (Gu. 16, Hi. 416) s. m. bandhu : XV.14; cp.
bahir: 1.85. four-st see 17.
*aisit num. a. (Gu. 1) a second, see at.
another : GT 1.21. Cp. geit. RU s. (Gu. f.) a sort of spear; a im s. f. [Gu., Hi., Thaļī (L.S. st. lance, a javelin : XII.15.
w., No. 71 ) format] bidāli: XI. arian a. balavant : XII.26.
17, -* XIV.16. after s.f. [Hi. alfa Mārw.asur, et see yo.
Gu. बेन] bhagini: XIII.44, -साटै बुरो and वुरो a. [Gu. बूस, Hi. बुरा]
IX.30; comp. -STA XIII.7. bad, evil : (i) : X.11, -7 als.f. [Hi. , Gu. a vadhū : IV.55 ( cp. Gram. § 34, III ). XIII.45.
(ii) ait : IX.41, 7 XVII.2. बहूत and बोहत adv. [Hi. (a.), Gu.. बुला and बुंला v. caus. [ of बोल; cp.
( a. and adv.) Jen] bahu : (i) Gram. § 15; Hi İMT ] to call, to aka: IV.1. (ii) DIET: 1.57, IV. invite : (i) GMT: -$ 111.74, IV. 30, 55, V.4, 21, XI.5, 9, XIV. 32, - ria III.71, - III. 13, XV.16, XVI.3.
72; (ii) GMT: IX.2. s. f. [Gu., Hi.] ‘Miss etc. art and art s. m. (Gu., Hi. ( preceding female proper TER to sweep, Hi. CERT, gora
nouns ) :-zigrant * II.1. m. a. sweeper, ERİ, TERIT f. aic v.t. (Gu. aic Hi. ait] to a. broom] : -a [Hi. gert, al to distribute : C IV.31.
sweep : (i) gart : III.54. (ii) AiT v.t. (Gu., Hi.] bandha : -* x. Cart III.60. 20, ost $X.19.
act s. f. (Gu., Hi., Mārw. etc. (L. 014 s.m. (Gu., Hi., Rāj. (L.S., st. S., st. w., No. 56 )] a daughter:
w., No. 101 )] a father : III.80, 1.95, II.22, 26, III.27, 84, IV. -07 III.5.
26, 28, -*IV.35.
A
21

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Dr. Charlotte Krause : Her Life & Literature
co n. p. Vaikuntha: XVIII.15. 7 v. t. [Gu., Hi.] (i) to fill in, to बैठो and वैठो p.p. [Gu. बेर्छ; cp. put in : -नै X.26, 27, रीया
HIUT ] sitting etc. : (i) 1 : XIV.5, tut IV.40,* IX.39, - III.38, UT XIV.23, OTI. X.12. (ii) to supply : 4 VIII. 8, 14, IX.1, 5, 6, 8, 11, 15, 15, 1X.38, XIII.22. XVI.2. (ii) tot: XVI.1. Par s. m. (Gu.) bhartara : - HIUT V. caus. (cp. Gram. $ 15,1; 1.85, -umit XVII.4, - 1.85, Gu. As caus. of star to XIII.25, XVII.5, 8. cause to sit, to set : 111.53, - THT s. m. [Gu. THT, Hi. CFTAT] XIV.15, ut IX.31, X.9, 25. confidence : IV.60. Cp. 401.
*भलो a. [Gu. भलुं, Hi. भमा] good : atat s. m. (see att v.] speech : III. 1.21 (2), W IV.50, M I. · 18, 21.
85, IV.33, 35, 47. a v. t. [Gu., Hi.] to speak : om 970 v.t. [Gu. 40 ] bhaksa : 0 1.85, II.8, 21, III.28, 48, 73. VIII. 13, IX.29, XI.23.
e 1.30, 36, 39, 41. 43. 47. 45 s. m. [Gu., Hi., Rāj. (L.S., st. 51, 74, 79, II. 18, III.65, IV.46, W., No. 49 )] bhrātara : III. 76, 49, 57, mat III.4, 26, 33, 44,
XIII.44, XV.14, -AX.11, XIII. 51, ont VII.85, VIII.20, 28, 45. XIII.21, 25, ment 1.12, it is vt. [Gu.) to break : X.19. IV.5.
IGT v. t. (Gu., Hi.] to break, to GTCIT S. m. [O. Gu. dan, ICT ( Sb. demolish : VIII.27, XIII.31.
12 ), (He.)] vavvola ( = Acacia HIUIT S. m. [Gu. HIUTHT etc.] bhāgiarabica ) : XIII.26, XVII.12. neya : XIII.11. Cp. arat.
भांत and भांति s.f. [Gu. भात, Hi. alen see an.
Hifa] manner and way : (i) Hia: - T VII.21, XV.9, IV.33,
35, IX.45. (ii) sifa : - IV.43, 9987s. f. bhakti : XV.10.
XIV.10 (2), - XI.26 (2). spor s. m. bhanga : 1.56, 77, IX.32. wifet see via.
a s. m. [Gu., Hi.] bhakta : see. 4&rsit n. p. m. Bharadväja : IX.8. fant
Ta v. t. [Gu.] to be pleased with : 979 v. i. [Gu.] bhrama :-XII.25. XIV.12. Pelit a. bhayānaka : XII.1. Cp. Het s. m. [Gu., Hi. fict] bhilla : HET-.
XVII.14.

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Nāsaketari Kathā
581
1.78
note.)
vfts v. t. (Gu., Hi. 1975] to come E, AMT ? : XIV.19.
into contact with, to embrace: Rev.i. [Gu., Hi.) mar: (i) to die : "डीजै छै IX.20.
-u$ gnit IV.8, 7 XIII.10, 16, are adv. (Hi, prep.) within : 1.85. 17,23, TT XVI.29. (ii) to भूषोa. [Gu. भूखं, Hi. भूखा] hungry: undergo any extreme sufferET XI.13, UT Å VII.34.
ing or sickness etc. [Gu.] :-aiat भेला हो v.i. [Gu. भेळा थ] to assem- VII.44. ble: -VI.26.
Hecht s. [Gu. f.) a jest, a joke : भैसो s.m. [Gu. भेंसर, Hi. भैंसा] a
male buffalo : XIII. 14. Hargriet a. mahādurgandha: IX.29. भोगब v.t. [Gu. भोगव, Hi. भोग] to महादेव s.m. ts. : -जीरी XVII.16. enjoy : XIV.10.
Herici n. of a hell : VII.83 ( see 14 s. bhūmi : XIV.12.
note.)
HETHeita n. of a hell : VII.83 iT a. magna: cp. DICIT97-.
(see note ). HIT caus. (of HİT, 9.v.; Gu., Hi. HETTET and HERIGT: (i) HERTE
HŞT ) to send for, to order to be honorif. pron. of the 2nd brought : - III.87, IV.17, person (Gu.] Sir, your honour : - XII.34.
1.11, IV.4; cp. 11. (ii) HERIGT ari negative particle, used in the s.m. [Gu.] mahārāja : II.9; Cp. imperative mood (Hi., Marw.
Isli. Ha] : IV.58, 66.
HERIGI see. HERS. HET s. ts. noon :-HATT III.11. . Hortaia n.p. Mahāraurava : VII. HEZIT s. [Gu. HERA) madhyāhna: 83 ( 2; M.S. 1 HER ) cp.
comp. - madhyāhnasamaye : XII.39.
Ett and Peti s. m. [Gu. HET, FTS. (i) m. (Gu., Hi.] manas :1.89,
Hi. HEAT) (i) HETIT : (a) a IV:13, -* 1.52, 84, 86, IV.54, month : 1.106, TT III. 1, 96, IV. 66. (ii) = HİA, q.v.
45, TT HIE VII.44. (b) HETIT PI. 479 see. Th.
[Gu.) pregnancy: II.27, III.93. HGH, 498, and former s. m. (Gu. (ii) atat = I.1, 1.106.
मनख, Hi. मनुख, manusya : (i) मा and मां see म्हा. 4018: XVII.17. (ii) TTY: VII. HI$TT s. m. pl. [O. Gu. m. sg. 35, 40, - IX.29. (iii) firar: (Hem., Vet. 1 ), (He.); as to XVII.16, UT XIII.2. Cp. HIUTH, the formation of the word, cp.

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Beames II p. 104. f.] mother's Are v. t. (Gu., Hi.] ( caus. of HR, house : VI.17 (in the sense of cp. Gram. § 15 ) to beat, to kill : ‘parents').
- $ $ IX.21, NT X.8, HİT v. t. [Gu., Hi. Am] mârg: VI.2, XIII.16, GIAT II.9, ( cp. IT
-U İ III.100, -UT # III.104, 3), fist VII.77, IX.3, XI. opet IV.34, o VI.2.
10, F VIII.23, XIII.8, 11, 12, मांज and मांझ v. t. [Gu. माज] to 14, 26, 27, 44,रे छै X.18, "त्यां
clean : (i) IGT: FAT III.62. (ii) II.12. III.56.
Hrasvit n. p. m. Mārtanda : IX.8 HiŞt see HIST.
( see note ). HIS v. t. (Gu.] manda to arrange: HRT s. m. [Gu., Hi.) mārga : IV. - IV.10, fs IX.1.
51, XV.12, -# VII.69, Cp. . मांडा v. caus. [of मांड : cp. Gu. मारो s. m. [Gu.मारो, Marathi मारा] a
YUST) to enter into a conjugal: beating, a striking, a violent
state, to marry : "Gİş X.9. and general destruction : माणस s. m. [Ap. माणुस (Bhav., XIII.25.
San.); Hi. HITA] mānușa : - HIST S. m. [Gu., Hi.) property : X. II.9. Cp. HHH.
17, 25, XIII.30, -# VIII. 12. HIT S. (Gu. Pa n., Ho. gro f.) AMA (Gu., Hi.] ts. : VI.24. Cp.
death : comp. -110 # XII.38. Helt. FIAT s.f. (Gu., Hi.) mātar: III.42, 4 pers. pron. see FT.
47, 49, 64, 66, VI.19, VII.43, HIE S. Gu. m.] māgha:- VII.44. IX.19, XVII.16, - III.71, Hii see HT..
-UNRA XVII. 16 ( = Devī). Hie, hift, and # indecl. (Mārw. Freit s. m. (Gu. Prej n., Hi. HTETT HIE, #; Gu. HIE, HIE, HI; Hi.
m.] mastaka : ogret XIII. 10, HIE, Hift, Hift, HET, #]
og 347 XVI.23, 4 IX.12. madhye(i) HIE : (a) adv.: 1.91, मांन and मन s. [Gu., Hi. मान] III. 16, IV.15. (b) postp. of
mâna: (i) 419 : VII.68; (ii) 44 Loc. : 1.93, II.13, III.3, 32, 58, XI.13.
97, IV.15, 65, V.13, VI.20, HIT v. t. [Gu., Hi. I) to obey, to VII.28, 44, IX.24, 32 (2) 33,
believe : IX.28, X.23, XIII. 35, 41, X.14, 21, 22, 23, 26, 33.
29, XII.12, 23, 26, XVI.3. (ii) 41 s. [Gu., Hi.) a beating : XI.20, Hif postp.: - out of: IV.68.
XII.31, 36 ( gloss upon THT). (iii) # postp. of Loc. ( cp.

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Nāsaketari Kathā
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35.
Gram. $ 19 ): I.31, 48, 67,77, मुहडोs. m. [Ap. मुह ( Bhav., San.) II.14, 15, III.3, 89, 97, V.18, + suffix डो, Gu. मोहर्ड् n.] a 19, 38, 54, 66, VI.12, IX.16, head : X.12; "डा आगै IX.8.Cp. 17, 18, 34, 37, 42, 44, X.15, मुष. 17, 20, 27, 28, XI.20, 21, 23, मूंढो, मुंढो, and मुढो s. m. [Gu. मुण्ड 24, XII.14, 28, 35, 38, (2), _n.] the head : (i) मूंढो: X.26. XIII.28, 30, 44, XIV.21, 23, (ii) मुंढो : IX.39. (iii) मुढो: X. XVI.28,XVII.4, 16 (2).
27, XVI.16, 24, "ढा आगै XVI. मित्रघाती s. m. mitraghātin : -नै IX. 5, 20.
मूरष s. m. murkha: XIII.33 (gloss fuaferit s. m. a murderer of a
___upon जढ]. friend : PAT VIII.6.
मूल and मुल s. mula : (i) मूल : -रै मिथ्यात s. {Skr. मिथ्या + suffix -at वासतै IV.37,-रै वास्तै II.16. (ii)
(Ho.)] non-fulfilment (?) : मुल : -नै III.52. I. 80.
मृगतगांमी s. m. *mrgita-gamin, i.e मिनष see मनुष.
one who looks for ( takes care मीडकी s. f. [Gu. मेंडक, मेडक, Hi. of ) the pursued : VII.30 ( see
मेंडक m.] manduki: XVII.8. note). मीढो s. m. [Gu. मेंढो, मेढो, Hi. मेंढा, मेक s. [Gu., Hi. मेख f.] a peg etc. :
मेढा] medhraka: XIII.16. comp. -दंत (cp. दंत): ता X.3. मुगट s. [Gu. m.] mukuta : IX.12. मेल v.t. [Gu.] to put, to place, to मुगत s. mukti: -रोXVIII.12; comp. send : XII.34, -आया II.14, III. ___ -गांमी s. m. mukti-gamin : 89, IV.19, -आवो II.13, -नै IV. XVII.17.
32, "लीयो III.78. "लीयो थो IV. मुढो and मुंढो see yढो..
37, 'लीयो न जाय I.90, "ल्यो न मुदगर s. mudgara : XII.18, "रा सुं जाय IV.14, ( see जा 3). _IX.3. 21, XI.10, "रां सु VII.77. मै postp. see माहे. मुधर a. madhura : I.85.
मै pers. pron., ag. of हुं, हूं ( cp. मुल see मूल.
___ Gram. $ 6 ) [Marw. म्हैं, Gu. मुष s. m. [Gu. मुख n., Hi. m.] मे ] : III.87, 97, VII.88, VIII.1, __mukha : see उधो-, ल्याली-, 24,31,X.1, XII.4, 32, XVII.2. स्याल-; Cp. मुहडो.
मैहल s. m. [Gu. मेहेलं, Hi. महल] a मुसो s. m. [Gu. मूषक, Hi. मूष and royal palace : XIV.6.
मूसा] musaka : XIII.19, 'सा मोचन a. [Gu.] ts. : "नी I.11, XVIII. VII.87.
14.

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मोटो and मोढो a. [Gu. मोटं, Hi. रषीसंर see रषीस्वर.
मोटा] mahant : (i) मोटो : I.17, रषीस्वर, रषीसुर, रषेस्वर, and रषेसर III.24, 32, IV.36, 51, IX.41, s.m. rsivara: (i) रषीस्वर XVIII. XVI.10, "टा X.5, XII.7, 8. (ii) 1, 6, "रां XVIII.16, "रां नै XVIII. मोढो : "ढा XII.6.
4. (ii) रषीसुंर : -जी IV.55. (iii) मोढा see मोटो.
रषेस्वर : I.8, 15, II.16, 18, 25, Hint s. (Gu. n., Hi. m.] cp. Ap. III.4, 24, 50, 70, 91, IV.1, 5,
मोत्तिय (Bhav.)] mauktika : IX. 22, 28, VI.21, 22, VII.1, 2, IX. 36, -यांरी VII.26.
5, 8, XIII.1, XV.11, -जी I.11, मोनै pron. pers., dat. -acc. of हुं, हूं 12, 55, III.33, IV.4, -जी नै I.10,
(cp. Gram. $6) I.37, 42, 58, 'रां VI.20, 33. (iv) रषेसर : VI. II. 23, III.47, 53, 76, 89, 92, 26, XVI.2. IV.6, 27, 60, V.9, 15, VI.5, रषेसर see रषीस्वर. VII.9.
रषेस्वर see रषीस्वर. मोर s. m. [Gu., Hi.] mayāra : I.23, रसभेद s. rahasyabheda : VIII.21. ___ IV.43, XIII.37.
see note. मोर v. i. [Gu.] to bear blossom : रह v.i. [Gu. रेहे, रे, Hi. रह) (i) indep. : . रीया IV.42.
to be, to remain : -ती II.4, "है हा, माह, मा, and मां, pron. pers., VII.58, XII.25, XVII.10, "है छै
obl. हुं, हूं of (cp. Gram. 86,1) I.21, IV.43, VII.21, 28,XV.10, [Marw. म्हा, मा, Thali मां, मया 14, I.21, IV.43, VII.21, 28, ( L.S., st. w., No. 16 ), Gu. मा, XV.10, 14, "ह्या IV.41, VII.78, मया Hi.] : I.) म्हा : -री IV.60. XV.6, "ह्यो III.88; see also उभो-. (ii) माह : -री III.64. (iii) मा : -रो
(ii) as second member of a III.72, IV.62, -रा XVI.23, -री verbal compound ( cp. Gram. IV.67, -रै I.62, III.46, 88. (iv) 833 and p.6): कर रह and करने मां: -रा XVI.20.
रह to keep doing : (a) कर रह : य
"ह्या छै IX.4. (b) करनै रह : ह्या छै यंत्र see. जंत्र.
VII.78. याद s. [Gu., Hi. f.] remembrance : रा . [Gu. रा, राह f., Ho. xl, f.] a III.18.
_manner :-रोXIII.25 ( see note).
रा, रां postp. see रो. रंदन see रुंदन.
राज see राय. रमणीक a. [Gu.] ramaniyaka : IV. राजा see राय. 44.
राजी a. [ Gu., Hi., Pers. Gol.]

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pleased : IV.30, V.4, 11, XIV. 2, 90, 96, IV.20, XI.9. (ii) IGT: 13, XVIII.5.
II. 15. viunt s.f. (Gu., Hi. Tunt] rājñi: II.2. FETT a. [Gu. FPËR s. n., Hi. s. m. TET v.t. (Gu. Hi. TİET) to cook : of blood !) rudhira, red (?): XII. IX.29.
11. PPT, , and TGT S. V. rājan : (i) *0n a rūpavant : i XV.8. Cp.
Trus. m. [Gu., Hi.] : see . 3fa-. (ii) TTF honorif. pron. [Mārw.) *540 s. m. [Gu. Hoy, Hi. 1941 Sir, your Honour : 1.78, V.3, silver: URT XIV.12. at 1.73; cp. HET-. (iii) TFT 58 s. [Gu. no m.] vệkșa : X.22. s.m. (Gu., Hi.] a king : 1.94, Cp. 04. 95, 96, III.84, 100, 104, IV.1, **st a. (Gu. 55, el good, 26, V.1, 11, 16, VI.13, VII.1, suitable; "Gİ IV.67. VIII.25, XI.25, (XII.34,) XVI. interj. of Voc. : 1.80, III.5, 40, 1, 8, 11, 12, 18, 26, 29, XVIII. 49, 60, 66, 74, IV.47, XI.11. 2, -ut II.3, 6, IV.7, 19, 30, + (i) Loc. of the case termination VII.16, -ut II.2, -TRT II.14, 1, q.v. (ii) independent postp.
JRT XVI.26; cp. 474-, and (a) of the genit. : 1.97, III.46. HET-.
(b) of the dat. of the indirect <79 v. t. [Gu., Hi.) rakṣ : -veit GT object : XII.31. (c) of the possIV.67, -UTER VIII. 12, mit II.
essive dat. : I.28, 63, 75, 81, 26, eft eft II.7, VIII.17, IX. III. 17, VI.29, XII. 14, 24, 27, 26.
XIII.6, 7, XVI.26, XVIII.9. TTA S. f. [Gu.] : see impri-. t suffix see firkt. fagia s. : - rtum dā: veit I. , , T, Ti, 7 termination of the 45, XIV.14.
gen. [Mārw. Mālvi ( cp. L.S., i postp. see it.
p. 7)] ( see Gram. §2):(i) TT her and the n. p. m. Raghu : (i) nom sg. m. : I.16, 18, 20, 45,
BE:-on III. 100, -^ 1.94,95; 50, 59, 69, 90, 91, 101, II.9, comp. -ah Raghuvamsa : - 28, III.6, 18, 41, 43, 45, 72, 1.81. (ii) 627: IV.1, - III. 80, IV.14, V.9, VI.28, VII.37, 104, -À 11.22, III.84, IV.26, 49, 51, VIII.2, IX.9, 19, 29, 37, -*1.97.
39, 41, X.17, 25, XIII.19, 30, #67 and 1G s. [Gu. F5H, TGA, Hi. XIV.12, 14, XV.2, 3, 12, XVI.
F1 ]:(i) GT: II.17, 20, III. 6, XVIII. 12, 13, 16. (ii) À :(a)

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nom. sg. f. : 1.6, (2X), 8, 81, nance, the daily food: --XIV. 84, 94, 95, 96, II.10, 22, 23, 19. III.42, 47, 49, 64, 66, 74, Tan. p. Raurava:(-7705 HTS )X. IV.26, 47, 67, V.7, 13, VI.5, 23 ( cp. note on VII.83 ). 15, VII.12, 26, 43, 53, 83,
ल (2X), 86, VIII. 14, 19, IX.20, 40, (2X), 41, XI.13, XII.29, PT V. caus. [of Art ( cp. Gram. § 38, XIII.24, 31, 33, XIV.13, 15, 1 ); Gu. alla, tills, Hi. XV.4, 7, 10, 20, XVI. 15, 25, TTT) to attach to, to fix the XVII.2, 11, 16, (8X), 17, mind upon : - IX.22, 23. XVIII.18. (b) obl sg. f. : 1.56, 5 v. i. (Gu., Hi.) to quarrel : III.71, IX.25, 33, X.11, XIII. XVII.6. 45, XVI.28, (c) dir. pl. f. : VII. AST$ v. t. (Gu., Hi.) a fight : XII. 38, 50, XIV.3, (5X), XVIII. 33. Cp. M5. 17. (d) obl. pl. f. : XIII.10, 45, MUT v. t. (Gu., Hi.) to enwrap, to (iii) T: (a) obl. sg. m.: I.26, envelope, to cover : aut XII. 52, III.5, IV.18, VII.44, IX.8, 11, etut 1.92. X. 25, (2X), XII.31, XIV.12, SIT (Gu., Hi.) lāg: (i) t. v. ( with a 24, XVI.5, 20, 23, (b) nom. pl. preceding Infinitive ) to begin : m. : 1.88, 98, II.14, IV.12, 43, TTT 1.84, 108, T IV.20, TT III. V. 20, 21, 22, VI.8, 9, 10, 17, 2, 96, IV.44, (ii) i.v. to come 26, VII.21, 23, 24, 34, 39, 81, into contact with, to appear 82, IX.7, 11, 25, 26, XII.30, etc. : IV.45, o VIII.19, IX. 37, XIV.1, 6, 10, XV.5, 9, 41, 41, X.25 ot TET 1.45, TT II. XVII.3. (c) obl. pl. m. : III.17, 1,23, III.9, 10, 11, 12, IV.27. XI.22. (iv) i obl. pl. m.: TH v. t. (Gu.) läbh : - III.35. VII.54, X.1. (v) †: (a) loc. sg. art s. (i) (Gu. f.) a ruby : VII.25. m. : 1.8, 24, 54, 62, 87, (2X), (ii) (Gu. m. a. beau, a precious II.7, 16, III.6, 22, 25, 38, fellow etc., Hi. m. a son, a IV.35, 37, VII.35, 40, 47, 70, darling] : -to caress : IX.20. 71, 79, XI.23, XIV. 16, 17, *attert p.p. of t, q.v. [cp. Gram. S XVI.7, 13, 31, XVIII. 9. (b) 17 ): eft IV.47. independent termination : see on s.f. [Hi., Mārw. etc. (L.S. st.
w. No. 52 )] a woman : VII.84, tort s. (Gu., Hi. tuft s.f.] mainte- X.9.

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लूब a. [cp. Gu. लूम s. f. a bunch of ल्या see ले आ.
fruits and Hem., Deś. cjent = mint s. m. [Hi. witta wolf : स्तबक ] covered with fruits or XIII.11, 24; comp.-मुष having flowers : XV.6.
a wolf's head : °षा XII.10. ले v.t. [Gu., Hi.] la : (i) indep. : to
व catch, to seize : XIII.32, -छै वगीचो ( or "चा ? ) s. [Gu. बगीचो XII.38, -णनै XII.39, -नै I.8, m., Hi. बगीचा f.] a small III.15. (ii) followed by a verb
garden : "चा VII.22.Cp. वाग. of going : to take, to lead : (a) वड s. [Gu. वड, वट, Hi बड, वट] ले आ: -यो II.25, III.22, 92, vata : XVII.12. VI.12, -व I.102. (b) ल्या : -ई I. वडेरो a. [Ap. vaddara (Bhav.)] = 103, -यौ V.6, -व III.71, -वै छै वडो a. 2q.v. : "रा X.23. X.7, 8. (c) ले जा : -वै XIV.15, वडोa. [Gu. वडुं, Hi. बड़ा] vrddha : -वो V.17; (d) ले गयो : IV.28,
(i) great, grand : VI.28. (ii) V.18. Cp. लीधो.
senior : "डा XIII.45. Cp. वडेरो, लो suffix : see कागलो.
व्रध. लोक and लोग [Gu. लोक, Hi. लोक वडो s. m. [Gu. वडु n. a. kind of
and लोग ] loka : (i) लोक : (a) fried dish ] vataka ( cp. p. w.): sg. and pl. : a world : XVI.19; 'डांरी नांई IV.25 (see note ). see also ईद्र-, जम-, जिम-, वताव v. caus. [cp. Hi. बता, Gu. विसन-, सुंरग-, स्वर्ग-. (b) pl. बताव, वरताव] to show, to people : XII.21, 52. (ii) लोग = explain : 'वो XII.29,XV.12. I.1 : see सुरग-.
- वधाई s.f. [Hi. बधाई f. gifts, Gu. लोप see लोक.
वधाई f. a. gift given to the लोप v. t. [Gu.] to disobey, to dis- bearer of good news etc.] ___respect : 'पै नही I.85.
remuneration of a congratulaलोह s. [Gu. n., Hi. m.] iron : -राX. tion (cp. Hem, Des. s. v. वर्धा
25, -रां X.9, -री IX.20; comp. पनिका): IV.31. -जंत्र and -यंत्र loha-yantra : (i) वन and बन s. m. vana : (i) वन : I. -जंत्र : -मै XI.24. (ii) यत्र : -मै 22, IV.19, 39, 41, XV.17 etc., IX.44.
-मै II.13. II.15; comp. -पंड लोहकार n. of a hell : VII.83 (see _vanakhanda : II.13. (ii) बन : note).
-मै II.14. लोही s. m. [Gu.] lohita, blood : IX. वनासपति s. [Gu. f. वनस्पति Hi. m.] 29.
_a plant : X.22.

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IX.39, XIII.15, XVII.13.
वरज v. t. [Gu. वरज, वर्ज] varj: 'जै वायक s. [ Gu] vākya : s. ब्रह्म-. वाराह and विरह s. m. varāha : (i) art VII.87. (gloss ). (ii) fate : VII.87.
वरण s. [Gu. वरणf., auf m., Hi. , m.] varṇa: XII.6.
588
वरत see व्रत.
a adv. [Gu.
वरस s. [Gu. वरस, वरश, वर्ष, Hi. fm.] varsa: 1.38, -1.8. ] again: 1.39, III.79, VII.80, XI.1, XII.32. Cp. act.
acta. [cp. at] a second, a further:
IV.39.
s. vamsa: comp.: - s.m. a killer of a family: XIII.9. Cp. रुघ-.
वह v. i. vah : 'है छै XIV. 3. वाई s. f. [Hi. बाई f. = 'व्रात' ('Gutaka Hindi Koşa'); Ap. a vrāta (Bhav.)]: a multitude, a group: see हंड, हड-.
वाग s. [Gu., Hi. बाग m. ] a garden, an orchard VII.22, X.22. Cp. avitat.
vārttā: (i) a: IV.10 (ii) aia: VIII.14. i XVII. 17.
as. [Gu., Hi.] ts. a quarrel :
XIII.25.
alast s. f. [Gu.] a small well with steps VII.33, XIII.29.
वावर vi. [ Marathi बावर] to be bewildered, lost, overcome by any emotion: XI.24. वावरी s.f. [Gu. बावळी] a species of
babul having large thorns (cp. atat) XIII.5.

वासतै see वास्तै.
aruta n. p. m. Vāsudeva: - XVII.16.
वास्तै and वासतै subst. postp. [Gu. वास्ते] on account of : (i) वास्तै : 1.29, 87, II.16, XVI.24. (ii) : II.7, IV.37 (2), V.10, XVI. 17.
वाघ s. m. [Gu., Hi. बाघ] vyāghra : विछायत s. f [Gu. बिछायत, Mar. बिछाईत f.; cp. वीछा ] a carpet, a mat: XIV.7.
XIII.35.
ais v. t. [Gu. ai, at] vāñch: छै XIV.14.
*वाजो sm [Hi. बाज, Gu. वाजी]
farer s. [Gu. faer m., Hi. faer f.] vidhi, a kind: -π XV.5. विनायक n. p. m. Vināyaka : -जीरी
vājin: VIII.29.
a v. t. [Gu.] to cut: f X.26.
1.6.
वात and वांत s.f. [Gu. वात, Hi. बात विभो s. m. [Hi, Skr. विभव ] pro
perty XVI.6.
fauior s. vimana: XIV.14, 15, 17,
विगर [Gu. वगर] without : (i) postp. : XVI.29, XVIII.7. (ii) prep. : IV.27, IX.38, 44.
XVI.4.
farda s. m. vṛttanta: XVIII.4, 16.

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10.
विरह see वाराह.
(ii) वीर्य : I.105, [106,] IV.14, विरांमण see ब्राम्हण.
15, 18. विरीयां s. [Hi. बिरियां f.] time : III. वीर्य see वीरज.
वुरो see बुरो. विंष see विस.
वेद s. ts. : I.18, 40. विषै and विषै subst. postp. [Marw.
वेलू see वेलू. विषै; Gu. विषे about] visaye in,
वेलू, वेलूं, and वेलु s. f. [Gu. वेळु, at, on : (i) विषै : (a) temp. : III.
वाळु, वाळु, Hi. बालू] valuka : (i) 25, IV.37. (b) loc. : XIV.16,
वेलू : XV.18. (ii) वेलूं : XI.6, 17, XVI.7, 13, 31. (ii) विषै
___XV.27. (iii) वेलु : XV.4. Cp.
तपत-. temp. : 1.87.Cp. Gram. $ 19, 2. विस and विंष s. [Gu., Hi. विस and
वेसासघाती s. m. visvāsaghatin :
VIII.7, -नै IX.24. विष] visa : (i) विस: XIII:42.
arell s. f. veśyā: XVII.9. (ii) विंष comp. -कुप n. of a
वैठो see बैठो. _hell : VII.83 (see note ). विसटा s. [Hi. विष्टा f. dirt; Gu. Hi..
वैतरणी n. p. ts. : IX.22, 29,XV.19, विष्ठा f. excrements) visthā : -सुं
23.
७ व्रत and वरत s. vrata : (i) व्रत : XVII. IX.39, X.27, -सूं X.26.
17; comp.- भंग vratabhaiga : विसन n. p. m. Visnu : comp. -भगत
___VIII.18, IX.33, XIII.41. (ii) visnubhakta : XVI.22, 31, "तां
वरत : comp. -हीण vratahina : VII.55; -लोक visnuloka : -रै
-नै IX.18.Cp. पतिभरता. विषै XVI.7.
वध s. m. vrddha : XIII.19. Cp. विसनोपाय and विस्वनोपाय n. p. m. वडो. Vaisampāyana : (i) विसनोपाय :
व्रम see ब्रह्मा. ___I.8, 10, VII.1. (ii) विस्वनोपाय :
व्रम्ह see ब्रह्मा. 1.85.
व्रम्हा see ब्रह्मा. विसरांम s. viframa : VII.45, XI.18.
व्रषs. m. vrksa : XI.2. Cp. रुष. विस्वनोपाय see विसनोपाय.
ब्रह्म see ब्रह्मा. वीछा v.t. [Gu. बिंछाव] to spread, to ब्रह्मा, ब्रह्म, व्रम्हा, व्रम्ह, and व्रम, s. m. _lay : -ई XV.21.
Brahman : (i) ब्रह्मा : -जी I.53, वीछु s. m. [Gu.] vrscika : XII.4, 72, 74,79, 82, -जीरो I.16, 59, ____XIII.41.
-- III.18, -जी कनै I.60. (ii) ब्रह्म : वीरज and वीर्य s. m. [Gu. Hi.वीर्य) -जी नै I.71; comp. -वायक I.80. • virya : (i) वीरज : I.89, 90, 91. (iii) व्रम्हा : जीनै I.52. (iv) व्रम्ह :

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10.
comp. -चारी brahmacarin : I. षबर s. [Gu. खबर f.] (i) a news : 38, XI.13, -री IX.40; -हित्यो III.47. (ii) -ले to take care of : (sic) s. m. a murderer of a IV.47,XII.38, 39, ( cp. ले). brahmin : "त्या VIII.2; -हित्यारो षवाड v.caus. [of षाq.v.; Gu. खवाड] do. : XIII.4,. (v) व्रम : comp. to feed : "डै X.25. Cp. Gram. $ -चारी = व्रम्हचारी I.31; -हित्यारो = 15.
व्रम्हहित्यारो : "रा नै IX.16. षा v.t. [Gu., Hi. खा] khād : -यIX. वांमण see ब्राम्हण.
...42, XIII.30, -नै XI.23. ब्राम्हण, तामण, and विरांमण s. m. षाली adv. [Gu. खाली] in vain : IV.
brahmana : (i) ब्राम्हण : -नै XIV. 61. 20. (ii) व्रांमण : XVII.10, -नै VII. घिसv.i. [Gu., Hi. खस] to move, to 53, XI.25. (iii) विरांमण : VIII. . slide : "सीयो I.89.
*षुणो s. [Gu. खुणो f.] kona : °णा
VII.20. श्री honorif. prefix [Gu., Hi.] : षुन s. [Gu. खुन f., n.a murder :
गंगाजी : - I. 8; -परमेसरजी :-री विगर- IX.44. xv.10: -परमेस्वरजी :-री XVII. षेत s. m. [Gu. n., Hi. खेत m.] 16; -नासकेत :-री XVIII.18. ksetra : XIV.20.
___*षोटो a. [Gu. खोटुं, Hi. खोटा] bad, षटदरसण and षटदरसणरो s. m. sad
false : "टी II.24. darsana : (i) षटदरसण: -री षोल v.t. [ Gu., Hi. खोल] to open : XIV.13, नै XI.14. (ii)
'लीयो III.15. षटदरसणरो : 'रां VII.54.
स षटदरसणरो see षटदरसण.
सकोई pron. of quantity : षंड see वन-.
everybody : XII.3, XVIII.5. षडग s. m. [Gu. खडग n., Hi. f.] Cp. कोई.
khadga: XII.14,-सुंX.8; comp. संक्रांत IX.1 see note. -दंत (cp. दंत): "ता X.4; -धप्ता सगति s..f. [Skr. सु + गति] welfare : m. pl. 'dropping swords' ( n. -सारुं XI.15. of a hell? Cp. note on VII.83; *सगलो a. [ Gu. सघळु] sakala : 'ला on X.14):-माहे X.14;-धारा n. VI.12, IX. 15.
of a hell :(-नरक माहे) IX.33. *सगो s. m. [Gu. सगुं a., Hi. सगा] षत S. [Gu. खत n.] a bond, a wri- sagotra : "गा X.11,XV.14.
ting in acknowledgement of a संग्रामरोहण n. of a hell : VII.83 debt: XIII.39.
(see note ).

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सझा sf. [Gu, Hi. सजा ] punish - ment IX.45, X.10, XI.26, XII.36, XVI.21, XVII.2. संझ्या and संध्या s. [Gu. सञ्जा, सङ्ख्या f. evening] samdhyā : (i) संझ्या III.12 twilight (i.e. morning and evening). (ii) : the evening XII.39.
सष see सुंष.
s. samkṣepa: VII.88. सहर s. m. [Gu. शेहेर, Hi. शहर ] a city: VII. 27, XV.25, -VI.12. सहस see सहस्र.
and AE num. sahasra : (i) HE: V.3 (3), VII.17. (ii) सहस : VII.59; comp. -गुणो thousand-fold: XIV.11, 12. Cp. हजार.
S.
Hits. f. [Hi.] a she-friend: -i II. 4, -यां सुं 1.95, III. 85.
साचो a. [Gu. साचुं, Hi. सांच] satya : IV.64. HIV. t. [Gu. to cleanse, to suit etc., Hi. to prepare, to regulate] to prepare, to feed on: VI.23 (see note), XIV.15.
XII.39 (3), XIV.4.
*समो a. sama : मी I. 107 ( gloss : साटै postp. [Gu. साटे in exchange for] together with: IX.30.
see note).
s. m. sarpa: XII.4. Cp. İT. सरब and सर्व a sarva : (i) सरब : V.20, XI.23, XIV.14. (ii) of: XV.14.
Has. m. satyavādin : VII.42, XIV. 14.
His adv. always : XII.25 Cp. $. संध्या see संझ्या.
सनांन and संनांनs snāna (i) सनांन 1.87, 95, 100, III.8, 9, 11, 57, 69, IV.11; (ii) III.12. सभाल vi. [Gu. सम्भाळ] to take
care, to be cautious: X.10 (2). समैs. [Gu. समे, समय ] samaya :
सराप and सरापन sm [Gu, Hi. सराप] sāpa : (i) सराप I.96, IV. 52, 64, V.9. (ii) VII.9. * सरीषो a. = सरसो, q. v. [Hi. सरीखा, Gu.VI.29, XII.27, XVIII. 9: cp. अगन-. सर्व see सरब.

A
a. [Ap. aft (San., Bhav. ). sadṛśa: XV.3. Cp.. सरस्वती ts: -जीरी 1.6.
591
adv. [Gu.] together with XV.15.
s. m. [Gu., Hi.] sadhu: &# XI.25.
q.v.: XII. 12, XVII.
13, cp. जल-.
सांभल vt. [Gu. सांभळ] to hear : नै XVIII.5, XVIII.11, 15, I.13, VII.14, XII.3. His. samagri : VII.60. सांमद्रोही s. m. svami-drohin : -नै

X.26.
सांमो a. [Gu. सामुं] sammukha : IV.1, XIII.25, III.7.

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सारुं postp. [Gu. सारु] on account of, for XI.15.
सारो a. [Gu. सारुं good, Hi. सारा all] whole, intact: XV.16.
S. f. [ Gu., Hi.
] attestation VIII.15, IX.38, XIII.22. [Gu. m.] śvāsa: X.13. सासू sf. [Gu., सासु, Hi. सासू ] śvaśrũ - XVII.6.
सास्त्र s. sastra : - ना IX . 11, -नो I. 19; cp. धरम-.
* सिचांणो s. m. [Gu. सिचाणो] a hawk, a falcon : VII.87. fum S. [Gu. fact f., Hi. fum, fe f. ] śilā: -347 IX.31.
a. śitala: XIV.3, 21. Cp. Fiteit.
सीम s. [Gu. सीमf., Hi. सीमा f.] Sīman VIII.27.
* सीयो a. [Ap. सीय ( San. ); सीयल = शीतल ( Bhav. )] Sīta : 'यां VII. 44. Cp. सीतल.
* सीलवंत a. [Hi. सीलवन्त] Sīlavant : ती 1.85.
s. m. simha : VII.87. and postp. of the instrum. abl. (cp. Gram. § 3) [Marw., Malv., cp. L.S. p. 7] (i) : 1.95, III.85, IV.35, VII.11, IX. 19, 20 (2), 27, 34, 39, 41, 45, X.8, 11 (2), 18, 19, 25, 27, XI.10, 26, XII.31, XIII.5, 8, 10, 37, 45, XIV.5, 9, 13, XVII.
5, 8. (ii): II.28, III.88, VII. 64, 77, VIII.19, IX.40, X.12, XIII.45, XVII.6. (iii) : IV. 68, IX.36, X. 26, XII.33. Cp. कना-.

s. [cp. O. Gu. Hat (Sb.) He. ] śuki (?): VII.87.
सुंघ and सूघ v t [Gu. सुंघ] to smell : (i) सुंघ : 'घीयो III. 87. (ii) सूघ 'घीयो I. 104, IV. 17. a. [Hi. ] śuci, pure. unpolluted VII.58, XVII.10, - XVII.16.
*सुचवंत a. [Skr. शुचि + वन्त ] pure : ती I. 85. Cp. सुंच.
सुण and vt. [Gu. सुण] śru : (i) सुण नै V. 4, -सी VI. 15. (ii) सुंण : -सी V. 13, णीयो VI. 20,
30.
सीष v. t. [Hi. सीख ] siks: -सी VI. सुतक s sūtaka : - मै XI.23.
15.
सुणा, सुंणा and सूणा v caus. [of सुण etc. cp. Gram. § 15] to tell: (i) सुणा : -यो XVIII. 16, -वै XVIII. 7. (ii) सुणा : - वो I. 11. (iii) सूणा : -यो XVIII. 4.
a. su-prasanna : VI.3. सुरग and सुंरग see स्वर्ग.
gun. of a hell: VII.83. ( see note ).
and s. sukha : (i) : XIV.10. (ii) : XIV.8. uit s. f. [Ho.więło. = Skr. शङ्खिनी which denotes, according to Apte: (i) a woman of one of the four classes into which

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Nāsaketari Kathā
writers on erotic science divide women [Apte here adds. a quotation from the Ratimañjarī ], (ii) a female spirit, or a kind of fairy] Sankhini: XVII.4. सू see सुं.
सूघ see संघ.
सूणा see सुणा.
s. m. sūkara: -347 XII.4. s. m. [Mārāṭhi 'm. The cypress tree, a shrub, Tamarix Dioica' (Molesworth); Ho. .orm. a tree from which bows are made] a kind of tree XIII. 13 (cp. XIII.26 ! ). Hes. śūla : (i) f. [Gu. ч n., Hi. सूली f. ] a thorn : 'लां XV.21. (ii) [Gu. f., Hi. & m.] : comp. - gripes, colic, a shooting pain: XIII.6. (iii) n. of a hell: VII.83 (see note). Cp. सूली.
सूली s. [Gu. सूळी, सुळो Hi. सूली f.
a stake on which criminals are executed : IX.41. Cp. . सेलडी s. [Gu. सेरडी, सेलडी f. ] a sugar-cane comp. -TH: - XIV.3.
s. f., Platts]
सो
s. [Ho. butter-milk: - XIV.3. pron. of the 3rd person, correlative pronoun, definite article etc. (cp. Gram. § 6) [Mārw.]: nom. sg., pl., m. f. 1.29, 53, 72, 97, 98, 102, 108, III.18,

593
87, IV.16, 29, 50, 51, VI.2, 16, XI.22, XII.29, XIII.2, 5, 11, 12, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20.
Obl. see faut, t. Cp. frant. particle: then, thus etc. ( = Skr.
): 1.64, 78, 90, 94, II.7, 15, III.7, 8, IV.14, 17, 38, 68, V. 18, VI.32, XI.16, 19.
*सो a. [Gu. शुं, Hi. सा] like, similar III.17.
to:
s. m. sodarya: XV.14, - X.11.
s. [Gu. m. ] grief, affliction : I.57.
Av.t. [O. Gu. v. t. (Sb. 37;
39); s. m. searching (Hem. Vet. 1; 14), [He.)] to search for: III.35.
* सोनो sm [Gu. सोनुं, Hi. सोना] suvarna: IX.36, XIII.18, XIV. 12, RT VII.24, XIV.6, Û VII.50, XV.4, XVI.15, 25, नारो VII.49, 51. स्तुति s. see अस्तुति.
स्याल s. [Gu. सियाळ, शियाळ Hi. सियार, स्यार] srgāla : comp. -मुष see मुष: षा XII. 9. स्वर्ग, सुरग and सुंरग s. m. svarga : (i) स्वर्ग : comp. - लोक XIV. 20, 22; - ₹ विषै XVI.13. (ii) सुरग : comp. -लोग : - रै विषै XIV. 17. (iii) सुंरग : comp. -लोक : - रै विषै XIV.16.
i s. m. [Gu., Hi. 1, T) śvāna: XI.17, - XIV.16.

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ह
=
Rnum. [Gu., Ho. ] = q.v.: 1.38, 95, II.4, III.85, IX.30. हंड and हड s. [Hi. हड़ f. 'काठ की ast' ('Guṭakā Hindi Koṣa') a wooden vessel : (i) हंड : - वाई a set of wooden vessels: III.56, X.18. (ii) हड : -वाई = हंड वाई : III.62. Cp. note on III.56. pron.
हमै
of the Ist person pl., ag. : VII.12.
v. t. [Gu., Hi.] har: VIII.5, XIII.38.
s. m. [Gu. ] hamsa, an ascetic of the highest order: comp. -तचाड see तचाड : X.28. Ts. [ Gu., Hi. T, Marw. etc.
(L.S. st., w. No. 32), Thali
hasta 1.61, X.26, XII.7, थां XII. 16, थां माहे XII.12, 23, थां मै XII. 14, थे IX.13. grets. m. [Gu., Hi. ] hastin:
XVI.5.
interj. of pain [Gu., Hi.] alas! : VII.78.
suffix (cp. Gram. § 12) [Ho.]: see करण, जांणण-, दमण-, देण, धरण, राषण -. हारै postp. [Gu. हारे] in company of: VII.87. furt s. m. Hatya-kāra : see π-, व्रम-, व्रम्ह -. Cp. हित्यो.
the
हित्यो = हित्यारो q. v. : see असत्री-, गउ-, पुत्र, मित्र- व्रम्ह. fra adv. [Gu.] now: VII.2, 36,

48 (M. S. ) 71, VIII.1, XVII.3.
ही suffix, emphasizing : see तीनुही, क्यांही; cp. हीज.
emphasizing suffix [Mārw. ,, cp. L.S., p. 30]: see एक-, तिसडी-.
हीडा s. m. pl. [Gu. हेडो, sg. m.] attachment to, fondness for: I. 98 (see note).
Asts. m. [Gu. हेडियो] a bullock : see -.
हीण a. hina : see क्रीया-, वरत-. * हीरो s. m. [Gu. हीरो, Hi. हीरा ] hiraka: VII.25.
हुं and हूं pron. of the Ist person sg. nom. [Marw.,, Gu., Hi.
(Gram. § 6): (i) § : II.22, III.75, 84, 85, 100, IV.11, V. 10, VI.3. (ii) : 1.73, III.49, 90, IV.26, 64.
gent, gent, gat, gat, gat, and gat p. p. of (cp. Gram. § 12 e and Introd. p. 6) : (i) gent: III.94, IV.36. (ii) हुंओ : III. 1, ई 1.97, III. 25, IV.54, V.7, gat (cp. Gram. § 14 c ) III.32. (iii) gat: II.28, V.4, - III. 81, -थो III. 30, "वा I.82, III. 23, IV.30. (iv) at II.5, 7, III. 24, 96, V.11, VI.3, a II.27, III.93. a 2nd pers. pl. pres. see s. v. हुंवो ! (v) हूवो : -थो I. 96, 'वा XVIII.5. (vi) हूँवो : -छै V.9.

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Näsaketari Kathā
595
24 s. m. (Gu. 504, Arab..potá] person pl. : VI.17.
an order : XVIII.13, -İ XIV.
24, - XIV.12. हुँतो pres. p. of हो ( cp. Gram $ 12 हूवो and हूंवो see हुओ.
and Introd. p. 6): 31t- see interj. of voc. ts. : II.19.
हओ; मर गई ती see मर. हेढ़ postp. [Gu. हेठे] below : I.94. gd and gd = ato q. v. ( S. v. ) :
v. i. (Mārw. ] ( cp. Gram. § (i) gà :(a) 2nd person sg. : Heit
12ff. and Introd. p. 5f.) bhū : IV.58. (b) 3rd person sg. : 1.34.
- (i) 3rd person sg. pres. : (ii) gà 3rd person sg. : 1.106,
I.40, (44), 64, 80, II.9, IX.27, II.12, IX.41, X.28.
XII. 29, XIII.4, 6, 7, 9, etc. (ii) हुवो and हुंवो past p. of हो : see हुओ.
3rd person pl. : 1.65; ( cp. gd jat 2nd person pl. pres. of Et q. v.
and go ); -t 1.105, III.94, (cp. Gram. § 13 and Introd. p.
IV.18, VI.26, VII.14, VIII.10; 5f.): - IV.66.
- 3rd person sg. : 1.50, 69 gift = q. v. (s.v. Et cp. Gram. ( see also हुंसी). Cp. हुओ and
$ 13, e and Introd. p. 5 f.): 3rd jat.

Page #641

Page #642

Appendix
[A] Glimpses From the Letters
DR. JOHANNES HERTEL University, Leipzig (Germany)
My dear and venerable Muniraj Indervijaya ji,
Leipzig Dec. 4th 1920

"Vandan"
I should be ashamed of not having answered all the letters, you kindly wrote me in the last months, if a possibility had existed to do so.
The two students of Samskṛta, which are following all my lectures are Mr. Porsig, of Sena and Miss Krause Ph. D. of Halle. Both of them are very well gifted and very assiduous young people, both of them have the intention of qualify themselves for the charge of university lectures (in German: Privatdozenten), and I have no doubt that in due time they will be promoted to university professors. They are rapidly progressing in their studies. Miss Krause studied for 5 years German and Modern Philology and was, after a very good examination promoted to the degree of Ph. D. of our university, She is a very enthusiastic scholar, pursuing in her studies the only aim of augmenting her knowledge and of preparing herself for activity promoting literary and scientific studies. As her means of substance are scanty and as life is extremely costly now, especially in large towns, I offered her a lodging clear of charges in my family, where she is dwelling now with my wife and my children. In her eager

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Dr. Charlotte Krause: Her Life & Literature
desire to augment her knowledge she has learned, under Prof. Garbe at Tubingen, the elements of Samskṛta and when I began my lectures at Leipzig, she was one of the students to whom I expounded and so made was 'Kathāsaritsāgara'. During this lecture she took so vivid an interest in Samskṛta literature, that she declared to me her intention to devote herself in future wholly to Samskṛta studies, she has an excellent memory and a vary keen intellect and her progress is quite astonishing. If she is continuing in the same manner, I have no doubt she will do good service to Jaina literature. As she is dwelling now in my family, she has the free use of my books and of my manuscripts, and she has already began to study the Gujarati language. I explained to her my views on Jaina literature, and she has intention to devote herself not only to the study of Jaina Samskṛta and vernacular literature.
So you see that even in these extremely sad days Samskṛta studies are not quite desolate at our university, and that I have here even two very promising young scholars to whom I am very glad to point out the importance of Jaina studies.
But I should like much better your sending me in exchange some books I need very urgently and which I can not otherwise procure for my use there are :
I require this book as I write to teach Miss Krause (mentioned before above) the elements of Gujarati. This book is for this aim much more useful than any other, as it contains the text in modern Gujarati as well as in ancient Gujarati both metrical and prose. I should be able to teach this language to Miss Krause who as I told you before, is a very promising scholar and who has declared to me that she eagerly desires to work in the direction of Jaina Samskṛta and Gujarati literature.
With the most respectful thank, I am my dear and venerable Muniraj Indervijayaji.

Yours, Always respectfully and thankfully
Prof. Johannes Hertel

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Appendix
599
E. W. HOPKINS 299, Lawrence Street New Haven, Connecticut.
14th Dec. 1930
Dear Friend,
I thank you for the little volume translated from Gujarati by Dr. Krause. It is a very worthy addition to our knowledge of the Great teacher Sir Vijaya Dharma Sūri and I have read it with much profit as well as pleasure. Wishing you all the blessings of the coming new year and thanking you again for your kindness in sending me this volume which I shall always esteem highly.
I remain, Very Sincerely Yours
E. W. Hopkins

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Dr. HERMANN JACOBI 59, Niebuhrstrasse, Bonn,
Germany
Bonn, 5th Nov. 1927
Dear Sir,
an
www.
I beg to acknowledge with best thanks receipt of two copies
of the lectures by Dr. Charlotte Krause. The one on Jaina Ethics is a very good performance furnishing the reader with clear and substantial information on that section of Jaina Religion.
I have lately been persuing studies in Yoga which furnishing interesting results amongst which I may mention that Patañjali in his account one of the Yama's
has borrowed some details from the Jainas. I begin next to revise and rewrite the introduction to my edition of the Parisista Parva in the Bibiotheca Indica. It was written nearly 50 years ago, some of my remarks then made will be cancelled and new matter be added. With Kind
Yours Truly Hermann Jocoby

Page #646

Appendix

Dr. A GUERINOT
19, Rue De Boulainvilliers Paris XVI
601
Very Much Revered Sir,
I have a great pleasure to acknowledge receipt of this two lectures on Jaina Ethics and Indian Philosophy by Dr. C. Krause, which you were so kind as to send me. Please accept my hearty thanks with the expression of my feelings of grateful veneration.

22, Oct. 1929
I remain, Yours Very Truly A. Guerinot

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Dr. Charlotte Krause : Her Life & Literature
Dr. JAHANGIR TAWADIA, Ph. D.
Hamburg University, Germany
12.9.28
Revered Acharya Maharaj,
Please excuse me that I have not written to your for such a long time.
I am very glad to hear about Dr. Miss. Krause and Dr. Miss. Johnson. Prof. Schubring wrote to me as well as told me about the services of the former. I have sent long ago a copy of my remarks on the old Gujarati Pañcākhyāna Vārttika ( in German ) to Shivapuri. I do not know whether she has seen this article. The reason why I was not able to write to you was this that I was busy with the work of my Ph. D. Exam. which I passed in July. With most respectful regards to you and your co-workers,
I remain, Sincerely Yours Jahangir C. Tawadia

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Appendix
St. NIHAL SINGH Staff quarters, Mysore.

603
My Dear Friend,
I am grateful for your letters, your student Dr. Krause in Calcutta sent me the book and pamphlets that you had kindly asked him to forward. Many thanks. I shall write to him at the first opportunity to express my indebtedness to him.
Dr. Subhadra Devi (Dr. Krause) was present at the address I delivered in opening the Jaina conference on the 3rd inst. She appears to have been surprised that I could tell the Jaina as a thing or too about their past which they did not know. Some of the professors who attended the meeting spoke to me in the same strain.
Your may remember that I spoke to you about the need of some one learned in Jaina lore devoting himself assiduously to compiling a complete history of the rise and spread of the culture. I hope that you will take my suggestion seriously and set to work persons with the necessary qualifications.
I am anxious that the Jainas should have as brilliant a future as they have had a past. I therefore took the opportunity to call attention to some matters in respect of which Jainas need, in my estimation, toget themselves right. Dr. Subhadra Devi (Dr. C. Krause) is, I believe, sending you a translation of my address and I shell be glad to know what you think of the suggestions I putforward.
October 5, 1930
Mrs. St. Nihal Singh and I look forward to the pleasure of calling upon you shortly after my return to Bangalore, probably during the 3rd week of the month.
With highest personal regards, Believe me,

Yours Sincerely
St. Nihal Singh

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Dr. LUDWIG ALSDORF Scheidt ( Saar ), Germany.
14th Oct. 1929 Revered Suri Acharya Maharaj,
Let me thank you heartily for your kind letter of September 24th, as well as for the packet posts which arrived yesterday. I have pursued the instructive lecture of Dr. C. Krause with great interest and I am very to possess such an important and useful Prākta work as the Mahaviracariya, which I regard as a particularly valuable enrichment of the well-known and renowned
sheth Debechand Lalbhai Jain Pustakodhar Fund series. Ever and again I am surprised to see how rich and extensive Prāksta literature is and how many unknown and important works it contains. Jaina scholars, indeed, are to be congratulated for the edition and publication of so many beautiful and interesting texts which furnish the indispensable foundation for investigation and research.
With my kind wishes for your happiness and welfare,
Yours very faithfully devoted
Dr. Ludwig Alsdorf

Page #650

Appendix
605
FRANKILN EDGERTON Yale University, New Haven Cornecticent
(U.S.A.)
Oct. 28th 1929
My Dear Sir,
I acknowledge with great appreciation receipt of the two lectures by Dr. Krause and your accompanying letter of the 3rd October. I am very glad to have the lectures at hand.
I appreciate your repeated expression of readiness to help and shall not forget it. For the most part of my studies have taken me into other fields than Jainism. In recent years, I have published a translation of the Apadevi, a work of the Pūrva Mimāṁsā, and certain studies but none on Jainism. My interest remains, however, and I am now giving a course of Jaina Maharastri in Yale University in which we are reading Jacobis AUSGEWAHITE ERZAHLUNGEN in Maharastri.
With sincere regards, I am
Frankiln Edgerton

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Dr. JOHN NOBEL Marburg, Germany.
Berlin, 30 Dec. 1925
Dear Sir,
I thank you very much for having sent me the Dharmadīpikā. I have great admiration for Hemcandra who surely was on the learned men in India. The commentary is written in such a way that the text of the Sūtras is made very clear. The index are carefully prepared and are therefore very useful for the student.
I am surprised to heard form you that Miss Krause is in India. It seen therefore to be possible again for a German to get a passport for India. I hope that later on I would spend some years in India. However, it be necessary for me to find any source of appointment perhaps as a teacher at a university or another institute. Before three years, I had written in this matter to Sir Rabindra Nath Tagore. He had sent me a very kind letter stating his willingness to give me an occasion for teaching in Shantiniketan. But there was that time no possibility for a German to go to India. I hope that I can realise my purpose latter on.
As regards Jaina literature and religion I have read many texts and hope that I shall find occasion and time to publish or to collect on the numberous Jaina manuscripts of our library
Yours very faithfully
John Nobel

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Appendix
607
St. NIHAL SINGH Journalist & Author (India) Government House, Mysore (India)
Sept. 9, 1930 My Dear Acharya Ji,
I regret my inability to pay you another visit before leaving Bangalore both Mrs. St. Nihal Singh and I would have enjoyed another talk on Jainism.
Subhadraben (Dr. C. Krause ) has sent me the information regarding the Tirthankars for which I had asked. Kindly convey to her my grateful thanks the next time you see her.
As soon as I am settled anywhere for any length of time, I shall make prints from the negatives. I made for you and send them. In the meantime pray accept our highest personal regards
Yours Sincerely St. Nihal Singh

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Dr. Charlotte Krause : Her Life & Literature
Dr. STEN KONOW Oslo University ( Norway)
Kristiania Etnogra Fisk Museum Oslo, 28th October 1929
My Dear Jaina Acharya,
Very many thanks for kindly sending me the lectures of Dr. Charlotte Krause, which I have read with great interest. It seems to me as if nothing is more calculated to opening the eyes of the world to the intrinsic value of the able teachings of the Tirthankaras than to assist western scholars in the endeavour to study the Jaina scripture in India under the guidance of Sādhus whose life is a living illustration of the conduct of life enjoyed by the scriptures. The mere study of the ancient books can not convey an understanding as necessary to everybody who is not merely in-tended in logical discussion, a methodical classification, but looks on religion as a means of leading man towards perfection and emancipation. Personally I feel that my short stay with you and other Jaina friends has done more to open my eyes than years of serious study. If ever I shall be able to visit India, I hope to be able to renew the personal contact with you and others. I need not send you my best wishes for your future, because I know that you will continue your unselfish life because of the faith that is in you. But still you will allow me to send you my sincere Praņāma in which I am cordially joined by Mrs. Konow.
Yours Sincerely Sten Konow

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Appendix
Dr. WALTHER SCHUBRING
University, Hamburg (West Germany)

609
Dear Acharya Maharaj,
It is long since you last heard from me, but you will not take my silence as a sign of indifference. On the contrary, it was the trouble of much working in our common cause that made me silent. I feel very much obliged to you for your kindly having sent me the recent works of Dr. Krause among which the "Sayings of Vijaya Dharma" must be named particularly. She has done her work exceedingly well and brought near to may people the high thoughts of your revered predecessor.
23 Feb. 1931
My book on 'Mahāvīra sayings', I shall bring with me for your use with the help of Miss Krause to whom please say my kind regards.

Yours Sincerely W. Schubring

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[B] जर्मन जैन श्राविका डॉ. क्राउज़े*
हजारीमल बाँठिया विदेशी जैन विद्वानों में जर्मन की विदुषी डॉ. शैलौट क्राउज़े ऐसी एकमात्र सर्वप्रथम महिला विद्वान् थीं जिन्होंने भारत में आकर अपने आपको जैन-धर्म के प्रचार-प्रसार में समर्पित कर दिया। स्वयं इतिहासतत्त्वमहोदधि जैनाचार्य श्री विजयेन्द्र सूरीश्वर जी के कर-कमलों से वि. सं. 1982 की श्रावण बड़ी पंचमी के दिन नया शहर में पाँच हजार जैन-जैनेतर जनता की उपस्थिति में विधिवत भगवान् जिनेन्द्रदेव की प्रतिमा को साक्षी मानकर जैनधर्म में दीक्षित हो गई और अपना नाम भी भारतीय पद्धतिनुसार कु. सुभद्रा देवी रखकर जैन श्राविका बन गई और चौथा ब्रह्मचर्य व्रत भी धारण कर लिया।
डॉ. शैलौट क्राउज़े का जन्म मारबर्ग ( जर्मनी ) के पास लेपज़िग शहर में हुआ। आपकी प्रारम्भिक शिक्षा वहीं हुई और आप 'नासकेतरी राजस्थानी कथा' पर शोध निबन्ध लिखकर पी-एच. डी. की उपाधि ग्रहण कर, मारबर्ग विश्वविद्यालय, मारबर्ग में प्रो. जॉन हर्टल के पास गुजराती, हिन्दी
और संस्कृत में विशेष अध्ययन करने के लिये आ गईं। प्रो. हर्टेल ने अपनी बेटी की तरह अपने घर में ही रहने की इजाजत दे दी। प्रारम्भ से ही डॉ. शैलौट क्राउज़े मेधावी छात्रा थीं। जैन-धर्म के प्रति आपके मन में असीम अनुराग पैदा हुआ और शास्त्र विशारद श्री विजयधर्म सूरि जी के साथ आपने पत्राचार के माध्यम से जैन-धर्म की शिक्षा लेना प्रारम्भ कर दिया।
मारबर्ग विश्वविद्यालय से अपनी शिक्षा समाप्त कर आप सन् 1925 में पारसी व जैन-धर्म पर अध्ययन करने के लिए सर्वप्रथम बम्बई आईं और वहाँ कुछ दिन ठहरकर आचार्य श्री विजयधर्मसूरि जी के पाटवी शिष्य इतिहासतत्त्व-महोदधि
जैनाचार्य श्री विजयेन्द्र सूरीश्वर जी के पास आबू में आईं। जैन धर्म साहित्य और जैन मुनियों के आचार और व्यवहार से प्रभावित होकर आपने जैन-धर्म में दीक्षित होना भी
* Published in Sramana, October-December, 1997, Parsvanātha
Vidyātha, Varanasi.
.

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Appendix
611
स्वीकार कर लिया। शिवपुरी में स्थायी निवास बनाकर आपने आगमों का अध्ययन उपाध्याय मुनि मंगलविजय जी के पास किया। शिवपुरी में ग्वालियर की महारानी सिंधिया सैर-सपाटे के लिये अक्सर आती रहती थीं। उनसे सम्पर्क होने पर आप महारानी साहिबा के निर्देशानुसार ग्वालियर के शिक्षा विभाग में डिप्टी डाइरेक्टर पद पर नियुक्त हुईं और कुछ दिन उज्जैन में ही सिंधिया शोध-संस्थान में क्यूरेटर पद पर कार्यरत रहीं। आप जैन साहित्य व आगम का निरन्तर स्वाध्याय करती रहीं। जैनधर्म पर गुजरात, मध्य प्रदेश, कलकत्ता में कई जगह भाषण भी दिये जो इतने प्रभावक रहे कि इनकी विद्वत्ता की सुगन्धि सर्वत्र फैलने लगी।
डॉ. क्राउज़े ने जो तीन महत्त्वपूर्ण भाषण दिये वे पुस्तिका के रूप में श्री यशोविजय जैन ग्रन्थमाला, भावनगर से प्रकाशित हुए। जिनके नाम इस प्रकार हैं -
1. An Interpretation of Jaina Ethics 2. A Kaleidoscope of Indian Wisdom. 3. The Heritage of the Last Arhat.
जब ये पुस्तिकायें देश-विदेश भेजी गईं तो इनकी सर्वत्र प्रशंसा हुई। इनके प्रशंसकों में हैम्बर्ग ( जर्मनी ) के एल. ऑल्सडोर्फ, बोन (जर्मनी) के डॉ. हर्मन जैकोबी के अलावा नार्वे, स्वीडन, चेकोस्लोवाकिया, रूस, अमेरिका, इंग्लैण्ड, फ्रांस आदि के विदेशी विद्वान मुख्य थे। इनमें से कई विद्वानों ने डॉ. क्राउज़े को बधाई देने के लिये आचार्य श्री विजयेन्द्रसूरि जी को पत्र दिये। ये पत्र "लेटर्स टू विजयेन्द्र सूरि" पुस्तक में सन् 1939 में प्रकाशित हुए हैं।
डॉ. क्राउज़े के लेख सन् 1922 से ही लेपज़िग की पत्र-पत्रिकाओं में छपने लगे थे। सन् 1925 में लेपज़िग की पत्रिका Asia Major ( Phil. Hab. Schrift, Vol. June 1923 ) में "नेसकेतरी कथा : एक राजस्थानी कहानी" व्याकरण की पूर्ण जानकारी के साथ छपी है। इसी कहानी पर डॉ. क्राउज़े ने पी-एच. डी. की उपाधि प्राप्त की थी। सन् 1925 में भारत आने के बाद इनके लेख गुजराती, हिन्दी और अंग्रेजी में, कलकत्ता रिव्यू, जैन-सत्य-प्रकाश, अनेकान्त आदि पत्रिकाओं में छपे। सेन् 1944 में सिंधिया सरकार ने 'विक्रमस्मृतिग्रन्थ" नामक महाग्रन्थ प्रकाशित किया जिसमें "जैन साहित्य और महाकाल मन्दिर" पर 30 पृष्ठ का आपका बृहत् लेख नई शोध दिशा के साथ हिन्दी में प्रकाशित हुआ। लेख के अन्त में डॉ. क्राउज़े ने लिखा है - "भारतीय संस्कृति के प्रगाढ़ प्रेम से प्रेरित होकर मैंने विदेशी होते हुए भी यह निबन्ध हिन्दी में ही लिखा। अतः यदि इसमें कुछ त्रुटियाँ रह गयी हों तो पाठक क्षमा करें, ऐसी प्रार्थना है : लेखिका।" जैन-सत्य-प्रकाश में तो इनके लेख सदा गुजराती भाषा में छपते थे। सन् 1948 में उज्जैन से प्रकाशित "विक्रम वॉल्यूम' में डॉ. शैलौट क्राउज़े का “सिद्धसेन दिवाकर और विक्रमादित्य'

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612
Dr. Charlotte Krause : Her Life & Literature
नामक शोधपूर्ण लेख छपा। इसके अतिरिक्त आपके अनेक शोधपूर्ण लेख अनेक पत्र पत्रिकाओं में प्रकाशित हुये हैं।
सन् 1950 के दिनांक 5 अक्टूबर के एक पत्र में पू. मुनिराज विद्याविजयजी ने मुझको लिखा – “डॉ. टैसीटोरी से भी कई गुनी सेवा जर्मन विदुषी डॉ. शैलौट क्राउज़े ( सुभद्रा देवी ) ने की है और कर रही हैं। इनकी सेवा का कार्य इतना विशाल है कि जितना लिखा जाय, उतना कम है। इस समय ऐसी विदुषी की विद्वत्ता का लाभ मध्य भारत सरकार काफी ले रही है। एज्यूकेशन डिप्टी डाइरेक्टर के ओहदे पर वह हैं। पाँच सौ पच्चीस रुपये मिलते हैं। कोई हिन्दुस्तानी जो काम नहीं करता या नहीं कर सकता, वह काम डॉ. क्राउज़े कर देती हैं और यशस्विनी बनती हैं।"
वि. सं. 2008 में स्वनामधन्य, जैन साहित्य महारथी श्री अगरचन्द नाहटा अपने पुत्र के विवाह के सन्दर्भ में जब ग्वालियर गये, तो वहाँ वे डॉ. शैलौट क्राउज़े को निमन्त्रण देने उनके बंगले पर गये और फाटक खटखटा कर बोले -क्या बहिन जी भीतर हैं? जब डॉ. क्राउज़े ने फाटक खोला तो देखा श्री नाहटाजी खड़े हैं। डॉ. क्राउज़े ने तत्काल कहा - भाई साहब, मुझे बहिन के नाम से शायद सम्बोधित करने वाले पहले व्यक्ति आप ही हैं। यहाँ के सभी जैन-जैनेतर, भाई-बहिन डॉक्टर साहब कर ही मुझे सम्बोधित करते हैं। इस प्रकार डॉ. क्राउज़े एक अत्यन्त विनयशील विदुषी महिला थीं।
डॉ. क्राउज़े का निधन 28 जनवरी सन् 1980 को ग्वालियर में हुआ। वृद्धावस्था में कोई परिचारिका उपलब्ध न होने के कारण वे गिरजाघर चली गई थीं। वहीं उनका निधन हुआ। वहीं समाधि बनी हुई है।
__ वर्तमान में राष्ट्रसन्त जैनाचार्य श्री पद्मसागरसूरि जी से डॉ. क्राउज़े के बारे में मैंने जानकारी चाही और उनसे डॉ. क्राउज़े के बारे में एक संस्मरण लिखकर देने की आग्रहपूर्वक विनती की। उन्होंने निम्न संस्मरण स्वहस्त लिखकर भेजा है, जो इस प्रकार है - श्रीमान् सुश्रावक श्री हजारीमलजी बांठिया, योग्य धर्मलाभ।
डॉ. सुभद्रा देवी (डॉ. शैलौट क्राउज़े) के विषय में इतना ही मैं लिखुंगा कि बाल्य-जीवन में जब मैं 7वीं कक्षा में, शिवपुरी श्री वरतत्त्व प्रकाशन मंडल में छात्रावास में 1949-50 में अभ्यास करता था, तब उन्हें नजदीक से देखने का अवसर मुझे मिला था। जिनेश्वर देव की भक्ति-पूजा साथ में करने का मौका भी मिला है। उनकी पूजा, चैत्यवन्दन, स्तुति खूब भावपूर्ण और अनुमोदनीय थी। वे खूब भावविभोर होकर पूजा करती थीं। बालकों के प्रति उनका स्नेह भी प्रशंसनीय देखा। जब

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Appendix
जब उनका मुनिराज श्री विद्याविजय जी म. के दर्शनार्थ शिवपुरी आना होता तब बच्चों के लिये मिठाई-फल आदि कुछ न कुछ जरूर लेकर आती थीं। बच्चों के साथ में खेल में भी कई बार हिस्सा ले लेती थीं। हिन्दी - गुजराती भाषा का भी अच्छा ज्ञान था, उच्चारण भी सही करती थीं। उनका चेहरा भी उनकी धर्मप्रियता और सात्विकता का परिचय सहज ही देता था । मेरी स्मृति में आज तक उनकी भक्ति भावना जुड़ी हुई है, जो हमेशा जुड़ी रहेगी।
613
पद्मसागर सूरि
वि. सं. 1984 में उपाध्याय मुनि मंगलविजय जी ने शास्त्रविशारद श्री विजयधर्म सूरि जी के जीवन पर काव्यमय रास 'धर्म जीवन प्रदीप' लिखा जो श्री यशोविजय जैन ग्रन्थमाला, भावनगर से सन् 1928 में प्रकाशित हुआ था। इसके परिशिष्ट में इतिहास-तत्त्व - महोदधि आचार्य श्री विजयेन्द्र सूरि जी का भी संक्षिप्त जीवन परिचय काव्य में लिखा है। इस प्रकरण में उन्होंने जैन जर्मन श्राविका डॉ. सुभद्रा देवी रास (डॉ. शैर्लोट क्राउज़े) गुजराती भाषा में प्रकाशित किया है। उसी को यथावत् मैं प्रस्तुत कर रहा हूँ जिससे पाठकगण स्वयं निर्णय कर सकेंगे कि वह जर्मन श्राविका कितनी महान थीं और किस प्रकार उन्होंने जैन धर्म को ग्रहण किया तथा अपनी सेवायें दीं।

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[C] जर्मन जैन श्राविका डॉ. सुभद्रादेवी रास*
- उपाध्याय मंगलविजय जी
।। दूहा ।। सिंहावलोक न्याये करी, कहुं दत्तचित्त अवधार । यूरोपदेशीय मन धरी, कहुं किंचित् अधिकार ॥ १ ॥ दृष्टि अभ्यासक मन करी, केईक करे त्यां अभ्यास । आचारे नहीं जैनता खरी, विचारक जैन केई खास ॥ २ ॥ पक्षपात मीशनरी घणों, स्कॉलर मां नहीं गंध । मध्यस्थ भाव स्कॉलर तणो, मीशनरी ते धर्मांध ॥ ३ ॥ केई सरल स्वभावी घणां, यॉकोबी, हर्टेल, थोमस । बीजपण विद्वान् तणा, नाम उपलक्षे सुवास ॥ ४ ॥ हर्टेल-शिस्या । ओ खरी, जर्मनीमां सुप्रसिद्ध । अभ्यासक दृष्टि धरी, अभ्यास तिकां बहु किद्ध ॥ ५ ॥ अभिधा जेहनी जाणे सह, 'क्रौज़े' पी-एच. डी. धार ।। सर चालॉटे अवर बहु, यूरीपीयन नाम सार ॥ ६ ॥
।। ढाल-देसी ।। विलोकया शास्त्र अनेक दर्शननां, यूरापमां बहु बार रे । सहायक संस्कृत प्रोफेसरनां, टाइटल लॅपजिग अवधार रे ॥ १ ॥ जमर्नदेश मां स्त्रीओने पदवी, हेवी बहु थोड़ी विचार रे । बुद्धि-चालाकी अ श्रम त्यजावी, प्रसिद्ध करावी ते वार रे ॥ २ ॥ मारवाडी पुरातन भाषा मां, नासकेतरी कथा निबंध रे । अनुवाद कोश अने टिप्पणमां, निपुणता जाणो प्रबंध रे ।। ३ ।। पी-एच. डी. पदवी ते निबंधे, मेलवी सुखकर संबंधे रे । भाषा यूरोपनी सघली ते धंधे, वाक् चातुरीना प्रबंध रे ॥ ४ ।।
*
"धर्म जीवन प्रदीप' वि० सं० १९८४ में प्रकाशित, संकलन श्री यशोविजय जैन ग्रन्थमाला, भावनगर ।

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पत्र व्यवहार गुरुदेव संगाथे, चाले प्रश्नोत्तर संगाथे रे ।। प्रेमघणो गुरुदेव संगाथे, गुरु-वचन प्रमाण साथे रे ॥ ५ ॥ पारसी ने वली जैन धर्मना, अभ्यासे ते भारते आवेरे । विश्वविद्यालय अनुमति मानो, मुंबइमां प्रथम ते जावे रे ॥ ६ ॥ आगमन पत्र खीवाणदी दीधो, विजेन्द्र सूरिजी ने सिध्धोरे । उतारो सकलात वालो नो लीधो, पारसी धर्मनो अभ्यास की धोरे ॥ ७ ॥ परिचय जैन श्रावकों नी साथे, सूरिपत्र तणे अनुसारे रे । नागरदास सहायक संगाथे, गुजरात मुख्य नगर मां सार रे ॥ ८ ॥ भ्रमण करी सूरि-दर्शनकाजे, आबू तीर्थ मांहे सरि राजे रे । दर्शन धर्म-प्रचार बहु राजे, सात दिवस त्यां स्थिरता छाजे रे ।। ९ ।। शिवपुरी मांहे अभ्यासनी काजै, शासन दीपक परिचय बाधे रे । प्राचीन रास उत्तराध्ययन राजे, अभ्यास प्रबल पणे छाजे रे ॥ १० ॥ आचार विचारे शुद्ध साधु निहाली, बीज श्रद्धातणां रोपाय रे । संवेग रंग वासनारढी आली, अंतर आतमे वास सुहाय रे ।। ११ ॥ साधु अने गृहस्थ धर्म आचारो, विद्यावारिधि समणावे प्यारो रे । रावक धर्म-ग्रहण जिज्ञासा धारो, वधे प्रतिदिन ते मनोहारो रे ॥ १२ ॥ व्रतग्रहण-अभिलाषाओ आवे, नयां शहर सूरीश्वर पास रे । व्रत-स्वरूप खूब दृढ़ समझावे, जयंतविजय सुवास रे ॥ १३ ॥ श्रावण वदिपंचमी शुभ दिवसे, ब्यासी ओगणी संवत धार रे । शाहजी शाहना न्होराने विशे, प्रजा उलट तणो नहीं पार रे ॥ १४ ॥ पब्लीक जन पाँच हजार जाणो, जैनेतर-बहुत अवधारो रे । मध्य मंडपमांहे नाण बखाणों, जिनराज चौमुखे अवधारो रे ॥ १५ ॥ शुद्धि क्रिया सुणे सह शांत भावे, समकत चाला वो मुख्य धार रे । नाम निक्षेपों भारतीय भावे, देवी सुभद्रा अति मनोहार रे ॥ १६ ॥ व्रताष्टक पण साथ विचारो, अभयचन्द्र तेहमां अवधारो रे । वीर-वाणी शुद्ध घोष प्रचारो, सूरीश्वर-मुखथी मनोहारो रे ॥ १७ ॥ शुद्धि प्रथम ते जैनोमां जाणो, सूरीश्वर ने 'मल्यो सारोटाणो रे । भरतीयोनी घणी ने जाणो, यूरोपीयन प्रथम बखाणो रे ॥ १८ ॥ जय जय कार नगर फेलाणो, मले भेद बहुत प्रमाणो रे । धर्म भगिनी सहु पहेचाणो, जैन धर्म व्याख्याने गवाणो रे ॥ १९ ॥

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___Dr. Charlotte Krause : Her Life & Literature
देवी-व्याख्यान सुन्दर शैलीमां, जैन दर्शन बहु प्रमाणो रे । मध्यस्थ भाव अवर दर्शन मां, समभाव बहु उत्साही रे ॥ २० ॥ भेदभाव श्रावक नहीं राखे, साधर्मि-वात्सल्य सांच ते दाखे रे । भोजन आमंत्रणना बहाने, सत्कार सन्मान न छाने रे ।। २१ ॥ पर्युषण पर्व तिहांपूर्ण कीधां, व्याख्यानादिकनों लाभ लीधो रे । शिवपुरी मां पठन-काम सिध्या, धर्म-रंग जामे प्रसिद्धा रे ॥ २२ ॥ गुरुदेव-शिष्या मुख्यते जाणो, विद्या गुरु वारिधि बखाणो रे । सिंदे सरकार महाराणी तणो, परिचय थी धर्म प्रेम जाणो रे ॥ २३ ॥ एक सप्ताह सौपुर मां पधार्या, महाराणी आमंत्रण बखाणो रे । आचार विचारे देवी ने निहाल्यां, सवी मन आश्चर्य नो राणो रे ॥ २४ ॥ ओघ नियुक्ति सूत्र नो अभ्यास, मंगल विजय पास ते खास रे । रात दिवस ज्ञान ध्यान विलास, अवर नहीं मन वास रे ॥ २५ ॥ व्रत नियम पाले बहु प्रिते, मोहमयी बिहार मां युक्त रे । छात्रों साथे ज्ञान-गोष्ठीने करते, व्याख्यान पब्लीक मां उद्युक्त रे ॥ २६ ॥ ल्हावो धर्मोनतिनो सारो लीधौ, सदाचारिणी विदुषी जाणो रे । जहांगीर हॉल मां भाषण कीधुं श्रोताजने वचनामृत पीधुं रे ।। २७ ॥ रोम-रोम भाषणनी मांहे, जैनत्वपणं बह झलके रे ।। मौज शोख यूरोपनो त्यागी जैन धर्म माहे रटलागी रे ॥ २८ ॥ धन्य देवी अम सहु गुण गावे, द्वेषी जवासा मुकाई जावे रे । गुजरातनी यात्राओ सिद्धायां, सवी नगरमां सन्मान पायां रे ॥ २९ ॥ भावनगर मां सन्मान रूपाखें, सूनावाला नो प्रेम निहालुं रे । भक्तिभाव सवी जनतारी धारे, धर्म मंगल मन अवधारो रे ॥ ३० ॥
। दूहा ।। दैवी प्रकरण पूरण करी, प्रस्तुत विषय जवाय । सूरि आणा मनमां धरी, शिवपुरी विहार कराय ॥ १ ॥ हिमांशु शिष्य रत्न ग्रही, शासन दीपक नो बिहार । उपदेशे उपकार सही, मार्ग मां अनेक विचार || २ ।।

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__ [D] जैन-दर्शन-विशारदा जर्मन डॉ. क्राउज़े
का निधन*
- अगरचन्द नाहटा, बीकानेर जैनधर्म का प्रचार विदेशों में बहुत ही कम हुआ है, क्योंकि वहाँ लम्बे समय तक जमकर धर्म-प्रचार नहीं किया गया। जैसा अन्य धर्मावलम्बियों ने किया है। जैन प्रतिनिधि गए और कुछ समय बाद ही लौट आए। एक वातावरण बना पर वह स्थायी नहीं रह सका, क्योंकि किसी भी वृक्ष का पौधा सिंचित हुए बिना फल-फूल नहीं देता। मुनि सुशील कुमार जी व चित्रभानु जी वहाँ जाकर ठोस काम कर रहे हैं। आशा है काफी नए जैनी वहाँ के व्यक्ति बन जायेंगे और वे लोग जो प्रचार का काम हाथ में लेंगे तो धर्म-प्रचार में और भी तेजी आयेगी। क्योंकि स्थानीय व्यक्ति जितनी सुगमता व सरलता से काम कर सकते हैं, उतना बाहर का व्यक्ति जाकर नहीं कर सकता।
_सबसे पहली बाधा तो भाषा की आती है, फिर वहाँ की संस्थाओं और विशेष व्यक्तियों, पत्र-पत्रिकाओं से सहयोग प्राप्त करना भी आवश्यक होता है। नए-नए जाने वाले व्यक्ति को पहले उसकी आवश्यक जानकारी प्राप्त करने में ही काफी समय लग जाता है। अखिल विश्व जैन मिशन की स्थापना स्वर्गीय कामता प्रसादजी जैन ने इसीलिए की थी कि विदेशों के जैन-धर्म प्रेमियों से सम्पर्क बढ़ाया जाय। यहाँ से उन्हें जैन साहित्य भेजवाकर उनका जैन-धर्म के प्रति आकर्षण बढ़ाया जाय। परं खेद है वैसी सफलता मिलने की आशा ही प्राप्त हो सकी। कामता प्रसादजी के स्वर्गवास होने के बाद तो इस संस्था का काम बहुत ही ढीला पड़ गया है। क्योंकि उपयुक्त कार्यकर्ता नहीं मिल सके अन्यथा भगवान महावीर की 25वीं निर्वाण शताब्दी और उसके बाद सर्वत्र जैन-धर्म की धूम-धाम मच जानी चाहिए थी। क्योंकि उस महोत्सव से भारत में ही नहीं विदेशों में भी एक अच्छा वातावरण बना था। खैर गई सो गई राख रही की, उक्ति के अनुसार अब भी जैन-धर्म का प्रचार विदेशों में तेजी से करवाना चाहिए।
विदेशों में भी जैन साहित्य के प्रति सर्वाधिक आकर्षण जर्मनी के विद्वानों में रहा है। डॉ. हर्मन जैकोबी एवं उनके साथी और शिष्यों ने बहुत से जैन ग्रन्थों
* “अहिंसा-वाणी', वर्ष ३०, अंक १२ में प्रकाशित ।

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का गम्भीर अध्ययन किया, जैन ग्रन्थों का सम्पादन व प्रकाशन करवाया एवं विद्वत्तापूर्ण निबन्ध लिखे। इससे जैन-धर्म और साहित्य को एक नयी दिशा मिली। क्योंकि उन निष्पक्ष विद्वानों ने एक नया वातावरण तैयार किया। उन्होंने बहुत-सी प्रचलित बातों की सच्चाई की जाँच-पड़ताल की। उस समय जो बहुत से लोगों की यह आम धारणा बनी हुई थी कि बौद्ध और जैन-धर्म में बहुत सी बातें समानतः हैं, अतः दोनों एक हैं या जैन-धर्म बौद्ध धर्म की शाखा है। इस भ्रान्ति का सर्वथा निवारण डॉ. जैकोबी ने पुष्ट प्रमाणों से किया, जिससे यह भ्रान्ति सदा के लिए दूर हो गयी और धर्म का गौरव विश्व के सामने चाहे थोड़े रूप में ही हो, पर प्रतिष्ठित हो सका।
जर्मन की ही एक विदुषी महिला ने तो भारत में आकर भारतीयता स्वीकार कर ली व अपना नाम भी सुभद्रादेवी रख लिया था। यहाँ की गुजराती, हिन्दी आदि भाषाओं पर अधिकार प्राप्त करके जैन-धर्म सम्बन्धी महत्त्वपूर्ण लेख लिखे और कुछ वर्षों में ही बहुत अच्छा और ठोस काम किया। स्व. पूज्य विजयधर्म सूरिजी के साथ-साथ विजयेन्द्र सूरिजी और विद्याविजय जी आदि से उनका अच्छा सम्पर्क रहा। शिवपुरी के जैन विद्यालय में वे रहीं। फिर मध्य प्रदेश की शिक्षा विभाग में ऊँचे पद पर प्रतिष्ठित हुईं। इधर काफी वर्षों से वे ग्वालियर में ही रहीं। जैन-समाज की उपेक्षा के कारण इधर के कुछ वर्षों में वह जैन-धर्म से सर्वथा उदासीन हो गईं और अन्त में, ईसाई व चर्च ( गिरजाघर ) की शरण ही लेनी पड़ी। अभी-अभी उनसे विशेष सम्पर्क रखने वाले श्री सूरजमल जी धाड़ीवाल, ग्वालियर के पत्र से ही विदित हुआ है कि मिस क्राउज़े उर्फ सुभद्रा बहन का निधन 28 जनवरी 80 को हो गया है। उन्होंने अपना ग्रन्थ भण्डारकर
ओरियण्टल इन्स्टीट्यूट पूना को दे दिया था और अन्य समस्त सम्पत्ति चर्च को दे दी थी। बड़े दुःख की बात है कि जैन-समाज ने उनकी कोई खोज-खबर तक नहीं ली।
मेरे बड़े लड़के धर्मचन्द का विवाह ग्वालियर के श्री चुन्नीलाल जी पारेख की लड़की से हुआ था। अतः ग्वालियर जाने का मुझे कई बार मौका मिला। प्रथम बार जब मैं उनसे उनके बंगले पर मिलने गया और बहन जी के नाम से सम्बोधित किया तो वे बहुत खुश हुईं कि आज मेरा एक भाई मेरी खोज-खबर करने यहाँ आ पहुँचा है। जैन पत्र आदि में प्रकाशित उनके लेखों से तो मैं पहले से ही प्रभावित था और उन्होंने जैन-धर्म स्वीकार कर लिया है, यह भी मुझे मालूम था। उनसे मिलने पर ज्ञात हुआ कि वे जैन इतिहास पर शोध कर रहीं थीं, अतः मैने उस समय भी सभी जानकारी उन्हें दी तो वे बहुत ही प्रसन्न हुई। मुझे अपने यहाँ कुछ खाने का अनुरोध किया तो मैंने कहा कि मन्दिर के दर्शन किये बिना मैं मुंह में पानी तक नहीं डालता। वहाँ मेरे यह कहने के साथ-साथ

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Appendix
619
ही उन्होंने नवपद सिद्धचक्र का गट्टाजी और जैन मूर्तियों के फोटो आदि मेरे सामने रख दिये और कहा कि मैं भी इनका नित्य दर्शन करती हूँ, अब तो आप इनका दर्शन करके दूध-फल आदि कुछ तो लीजिए। फिर कुछ समय तक तो हमारा सम्बन्ध पत्र-व्यवहार आदि द्वारा ही बना रहा। फिर उनका मेरे पत्रों का उत्तर नहीं आने से मुझे भी पत्र देना बन्द करना पड़ा। एक बार और भी उनसे मिलना हुआ, ऐसा स्मरण है। डॉ. क्राउज़े सम्बन्धी मेरा लेख बहुत वर्ष पूर्व जैनजगत में प्रकाशित हो चुका है एवं उनके लेखों की सूची मेरे पास सुरक्षित है। कुछ वर्ष बाद ग्वालियर जाने पर मालूम हुआ कि वे चर्च में चली गयीं हैं एवं अस्वस्थ हैं। जैन-समाज की उपेक्षा से वे बहुत ही खिन्न हैं। एक सूरजमल जी धाड़ीवाल ही उनकी समय-समय पर सुधि लेते हैं। यह जानकर साधर्मी के सेवा की भावना की हममें कितनी कमी हो गई है, बड़ा दुःख हुआ। पूना में जो उन्होंने अपना ग्रन्थ-संग्रह भेज दिया है, उसमें से जैन सम्बन्धी सामग्री का उपयोग वहाँ के जैन समाज एवं विश्वविद्यालय के जैन विभाग को जरूर करना चाहिए।

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[E ] डॉ० शैर्लोट क्राउज़े ( सुश्री सुभद्रा देवी )
डॉ. कपिलदेव द्विवेदी *
जन्मादिवृत्तम्
शैर्लोट क्राउज़े सैषा हेर्मोन क्राउज़े सुता । पञ्चनवति वर्षे सा अष्टादश शताधिके ॥ १ अष्टादशे मई मासे हाले शर्मण्य नामके ।
―――
विदुषे विदूषी पुत्री जनिं लेभे शुभे दिने ॥ २ ॥ विदुषी डॉ. शैर्लोट क्राउज़े श्री हेर्मोन क्राउज़े की पुत्री थीं। उनका जन्म जर्मनी के हाले नगर में १८९५ ई० में १८ मई को हुआ
था ॥ १-२ ॥
जनवरी सप्तविशे दिने ग्वालीयरे स्थले । संवत्सरे द्रशीतितमे ऊनविंश- शताधिके ॥ ३ ॥ पञ्चाशीनि वयस्का सा दिवं माता गुणोच्चया । अमरा स्वगुणैः श्रेष्ठौ जैन धर्मधुरन्धरा ॥ ४ ॥ उनका देहावसान ग्वालियर नगर में
२७ जनवरी १९८० ई० को हुआ। वे ८५ वर्ष की थीं । वे जैन-धर्म की धुरन्धर विदुषी थीं । वे अपने श्रेष्ठ गुणों के कारण अमर हो गई हैं ।। ३-४ ॥
अभिनन्दन
शर्मण्य देशोद्भव क्राउज़े सा
देवी सुभद्रेति शुभं स्वनाम
शैर्लोटवर्मा विदुषी विदग्धा ।

जग्राह शास्त्रेस्वनुस्वभावा ॥ १ ॥
सुश्री डॉ. शैर्लोट क्राउज़े जर्मन महिला थीं। उन्होंने शास्त्रों में विशेषज्ञता प्राप्त की थी। उनकी जैन शास्त्रों के प्रति विशेष अभिरुचि थी । उन्होंने भारत में आकर अपना नाम सुभद्रा देवी रखा ।। १ ।। * पूर्व कुलपति, गुरुकुल महाविद्यालय, ज्वालापुर ( हरिद्वार ) ।

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Appendix
हर्टेलवर्यस्य गुरोः सुशिष्या
मा भारतं प्राप्य विजयेन्द्रसूरिम् ।
उपास्य तं ज्ञाननिधिं वरेण्या
दीक्षामगृहणाद् जिनधर्मनिष्ठाम् ॥ २ ॥
वे डॉ॰ जॉन हर्टेल की सुशिष्या थीं । उन्होंने भारत में आकर जैन आचार्य श्री विजयेन्द्र सूरि से जैन-धर्म की दीक्षा ली ॥ २ ॥
जैनस्य धर्मस्य प्रचारकार्ये
अहर्निशे सा सततं प्रवृत्ता ।
साऽयापयत् सात्विक जीवनं स्वं
साध्वी सती भोग विरक्तभावा ॥ ३ ॥
डॉ. क्राउज़े जैन-धर्म के प्रचार कार्य में दिन-रात लगी रहती थीं । उन्होंने अपना सात्त्विक जीवन बिताया। वे सांसारिक भोग-विलासों से दूर रहती थीं और उन्होंने एक सती- साध्वी का जीवन बिताया ॥ ३ ॥
श्रद्धा तपस्त्याग सुमूर्तिरेषा नित्यं सुशास्त्राध्ययने शिक्षाविभागे तु निदेशिका सा
प्रवृत्ता ।
शिक्षाप्रसारे व्यदधात् प्रयत्नान् ॥ ४

सुश्री सुभद्रा देवी श्रद्धा, तप और त्याग की मूर्ति थीं । वे सदा शास्त्रों के अध्ययन में लगी रहती थीं । वे सिंधिया शासन में शिक्षा विभाग में उपशिक्षा के निदेशक के पद पर कार्यरत रहीं और शिक्षा - प्रसार में विशेष योगदान किया ॥ ४ ॥
स्वशास्त्रज्ञानेन बुधान् प्रसाद्य
621
स्वसत्त्ववृत्त्या कलुषं प्रमार्ण्य ।
त्यागेन योगेन गुणेन भक्त्या लेभे सती लोकसमादरं
सा ॥ ५ ॥
सुश्री सुभद्रा देवी ने अपने शास्त्रीय ज्ञान से विद्वानों को प्रसन्न कर दिया था। उन्होंने अपने सात्त्विक भावों से अपने पापों को धो दिया था । उन्होंने अपने त्याग, योग-साधना, गुणों और अभिभाव से सभी लोगों का आदर प्राप्त किया था ।। ५ ।।

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622
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बालप्रिया सात्त्विकभावनिष्ठा
शैलौटवर्मा वर वर्णिनी सा । जिनेन्द्र-भक्ता स्तुति-मन्त्र-दक्षा
आराधभक्त्या हत-कल्मषाऽऽसीत् ।। ६ ।। सुश्री डॉ. क्राउज़े बच्चों से बहुत प्रेम करती थीं। वे सात्त्विक भावों वाली थीं और श्रेष्ठ व्रतधारक थीं। वे जिनेश्वरदेव की भक्त थीं। वे स्तुतिपरक मन्त्रों के पाठ में दक्ष थीं। अपने आराध्य की भक्ति से उनके पाप नष्ट हो गए थे ॥ ६ ॥
बाल्येऽपि या सत्त्वगुणोदयेन
विरक्तभावा शुभकर्मनिष्ठा । प्राच्ये प्रतीच्ये विविधे सुशास्त्रे
अवाप दाक्ष्यं प्रतिभा-प्रभावात् ।। ७ ।। बचपन से ही उनमें सात्त्विक गुण उदय हो गए थे, अत: वे संसार से विरक्त-सी और शुभ कर्मों में तत्पर रहती थीं। भारतीय और पाश्चात्य शास्त्रों में उन्होंने अपनी प्रतिभा से विशेष योग्यता प्राप्त कर ली थी ॥ ७ ॥
भाषासु बह्वीषु विदग्धतां सा
लेभे सती स्वीय परिश्रमेण । अध्यैष्ट सा गुर्जर-राजभाषां
तथाऽऽर्यभाषां महताश्रमेण ।। ८ ।। डॉ. क्राउज़े ने अपने परिश्रम से अनेक भाषाओं में विशेष योग्यता प्राप्त की थी। उन्होंने बड़े परिश्रम से गुजराती और हिन्दी भाषाएँ सीखीं थीं ।। ८ ॥
सम्प्राप्य सा भारतवर्षमेतद्
जिनेश्वरे भक्तिमती बभूव । आदर्शभूता निजभक्तिभावे
__ गौरीव साक्षाद् विरराज विज्ञा ॥ ९ ॥ डॉ. क्राउज़े भारतवर्ष में आकर जिनेश्वरदेव की भक्त हो गईं। वे अपनी भक्ति-भावना में आदर्श थीं। वे विदुषी क्राउज़े साक्षात् पार्वती जी की तरह सुशोभित होती थीं ॥ ९ ॥

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Appendix
623
सा सिद्धहस्ता जिनधर्मशास्त्रे
लिलेख लेखान् विविधांश्च ग्रन्थान् । वेदोक्तधर्मे जिनधर्मवृत्ते
कथाप्रबन्धे व्यलिखत् प्रबन्धान् ॥ १० ॥ डॉ. सुभद्रा देवी जैन-धर्म के शास्त्रों में पारंगत थीं। उन्होंने बहुत से लेख और अनेक ग्रन्थ जैन-धर्म के विषय में लिखे हैं। उन्होंने वैदिक धर्म, जैन-धर्म का इतिहास तथा कथा-साहित्य पर भी अनेक निबन्ध लिखे हैं ॥ १० ॥ जिनधर्मसूरीन् अवलम्ब्य सैषा
कृतीरनेकाः प्रणिनाय विज्ञा । सा चाऽर्हतां जीवनवृत्तमेवम्
अवर्णयत् चारुगिरा गुणाढ्या ।। ११ ।। गुणी एवं विदुषी डॉ. सुभद्रा देवी ने जैन-धर्म के विद्वानों के विषय में अनेक ग्रन्थ लिखे हैं। उन्होंने अर्हतों का जीवन-चरित भी सुन्दर भाषा में लिखा है ॥ ११ ॥

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[F] Reg. Miss Charlotte Krause
Miss Charlotte Krause, D/o Hermann Krause, 11th Sept. 1962, she entered into an agreement with the Catholic Diocese of Jhansi to build a bungalow in the compound of R. C. Church St. Johbn Baptist no rent would be charged nor lease money demanded and Roman Catholic Diocese of Jhansi would have possession of the bungalow after her death. She died on 27th January 1980 at 10.30 p.m. with the parish priest at her side.
She was burried on 28th January 1980 at about 4.00 p.m after a concelebrated mass by 3 priests Frs. George Chennat, Abraham Palakudy and Alphonse.
Her will as below :
Will
IN THE NAME OF GOD THE FATHER. THE SON
AND THE HOLY SPIRIT A MEN I, Miss Charlotte, D/o Hermann Krause, herewith cancel the wills previously made by me, i.e. dated 21.2.1973 and ( Supplementary ) 26.2.1973 and 19th August, 1977.
I make this will, which is my last will, on this day 13th of January, 1979 out of my free will, without any compulsion or force, any inducement or favour from anybody and in my proper senses. It will come in force at once on my death. So long as I am alive, I shall remain the sole owner and possessor of all my property, both movable and immovable. On my death, my entire property shall be distributed in the following way :
To the Roman Catholic Diocese of Jhansi, I leave the Bunglow built by me in the compound of the Roman Catholic Church of St. John the Baptist, at Lashkar, on the

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II.
III.
IV.
V.
Appendix
plot belonging to the said Diocese, as per agreement entered upon by me with the Bishop of Jhansi and specified in his letter dated 11th September, 1962, according to which "No rent will be charged nor any lease money demanded for the site where the building is going to be constructed", by the Diocese, and I, on my part, gifted the bunglow to the said Diocese, the Diocese to have possession of the bunglow after my death.
625
Together with the building, I leave to the same Diocese all the masonry-construction, fittings including electrical ceiling fans, and curtains and furnitures.
To my brother Erich Hans Krause, 78, Kirk Drive, Rochester, N.Y. 146110 U.S.A. or in case he does not survive me, to his legal heirs, I bequeth my shares and deventures of foreign companies with the dividends and interest as well as the cash balance lying with the Swiss Bank Corporation, Zuerich, in my name under Depot No.. 2333764, which I am holding as per licence No. EC. Co. FAS 218/IAS (K-24 ) dated 13.4.1972 of the Reserve Bank of India, Bombay.
To the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, P.O. Deccan Gymkhana, Poona - 1, I leave (1) all my books other than Homeopathy and Medicines, (2) my finished and unfinished research papers and notes with their boxes, if any. To Shrimati Kochuteresa Vakayil, resident of R. C. Church Compound, Lashkar, Gwalior, I leave my sarees, blouses, petticoats, other wearing apparel, pieces of blouse material, sewing machine, bedding, one table fan, table lamp and all items of jewelry that would be found in my residence.

To Miss Kamla Chaturvedi, teacher, Caramel Convent School, Lashkar, Gwalior, I leave a sum of Rs. 5000.00 (Rupees five thousand).

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626
Dr. Charlotte Krause : Her Life & Literature
VI.
VII.
VIII.
To Mumtaz Dlo Shri Bafati Qureshi Rangrej, resident of Kampoo Road, I leave a sum of Rupees 20,000.00 ( Rupees twenty thousand ), kitchen stoves, pots, pans and tins with contents, and one table fan, provided she is in my service at the time of my death. If not all these items and the amount will go to Shrimati Kochuteresa Vakayil, resident of R.C. Church Compound, Lashkar, Gwalior. To Shrimati Mary widow of Shri Michael Clay, R.C. Church Compound, I leave a sum of Rupees one thousand five hundred ( Rs. 1500.00 ). The Estate duty (Death Duty ) and other taxes as may be due at the time of my death and arrears of Income and Wealth Tax, or any other sum pending against me at the time of my death are to be from my shares and debentures in Indian companies and contents of my sealed packet No. 171 11 dated 7.5.1971, lying in safe custody with the State Bank of India, Gwalior, excepting the accounting about which provision is made in the following para. All the expenditure needed for the execution of this will is also to be charged to the accounts mentioned in this para. For the purpose of meeting expenses connected with my burial, a set of Gregorian Masses for the salvation of my soul, recurring anniversary masses for the same purpose and feeding poor on my death, I have opened a joint saving account in the name of myself and the Roman Catholic Church of St. John the Baptist, Lashkar, represented by the Priest-in-charge of the latter, with the Bank of India, Gwalior, with the following proviso: So long as I am alive, the Pass Book shall remain with me and only myself shall be entitled to operate on it, while after my death, the survivor may withdraw from the remaining sum such amounts as are required for the specified
IX.

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Appendix
627
X
purposes, change the remaining balance into Fixed Deposits and utilise the interest for helping poor talented children in their studies. I leave the residue and remainder of money referred to in para VIII above, stationary, crockery, cutlery, correspondence records, cooler, heater, type-writing machine, books on Homeopathy, Medicine, my antiquities (brass stateettes etc. ), Medicine, Homeopathic, Biochemic and others kept in various places and all other articles not mentioned herein above, to Shri Xavier Vakayil, resident of R.C. Church compound, Lashkar, Gwalior. If anybody owes me anything at the time of my death, the debt should be considered as written off. As the executors of this will, which still come in force after my death, I appoint (1) The Priest-in-charge of the Roman Catholic Church of St. John the Baptist, Lashkar, Gwalior and (2) Shri Xavier Vakayil, R.C. Church compound, Lashkar, Gwalior. This is my last and only will.
Sd/C. Krause
XI.
XII.
Signature of the attested
(illegible )
SdHarvallabh Bhargav Notary, Gwalior dt. 13.4.1979.

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Page #674
General Editor Prof. Sagarmal Jain D Important Publications 1. Studies in Jaina Philosophy -Dr. Nathamal Tatia 2. Jaina Temples of Western India ---Dr. Harihar Singh 3. Jaina Epistemology -1.C. Shastri 4. Concept of Pancasila in Indian Thought -Dr. Kamla Jain 5. Concept of Matter in Jaina Philosophy -Dr. J.C. Sikdar 6. Jaina Theory of Reality --Dr. J.C. Sikdar 7. Jaina Perspective in Philosophy & Religion-Dr. Ramji Singh 8. Aspects of Jainology ( Complete Set : Vols. I to VII) 9. An Introduction to Jaina Sadhana --Dr. Sagarmal Jain 10. Pearls of Jaina Wisdom -Duli Chand Jain 11. Scientific Contents in Prakrit Canons -N.L. Jain 12. The Heritage of the Last Arhat : Mahavira . -C. Krause 13. The Path of Arhat - T.U. Mehta 14. Jainism : The Oldest Living Religion -- Dr. Jyoti Prasad Jain 15. Values of Human Life -Dr. Jagdish Sahay 16. Doctrine of Karma in Jaina Philosophy-Dr. H.V.Glasenapp 17. Aparigraha : The Humane Solution -Dr. Kamla Jain 18. The History of Jaina Art - Dr. U.P. Shah 19. Jaina Monastic Jurisprudence -Dr. S.B. Deo 20. Rsibhasita : A Study -Dr. Sagarmal Jain 21. A Cultural History of Nisithacurni -Dr. Madhu Sena 22. Political History of Northern India from Jaina Sources -Dr. G.C. Chaudhari 23. Jainism in a Global Perspective: Ed.-Dr. S.M. Jain & S.P. Pandey 24. Jaina Karmology -Dr. N.L. Jain 25. Jaina Biology -Dr. N.L. Jain Parsvanatha Vidyapitha, Varanasi-221005 INDIA