Sambodhi 1998 Vol 22

Author(s): Jitendra B Shah, N M Kansara
Publisher: L D Indology Ahmedabad
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/520772/1

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ORIENTAL RESEARCH INSTITUTE
LIBRARY
ACCESSION No.
CALL NO
SRI VENKATESWARA UNIVERSITY
TIRUPATI

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SAMBODHI
VOL. XXIII
1998-99
(Professor A. M. Ghatage Felicitation Number)
EDITORS
J. B. SHAH N. M. KANSARA
BUO
L. D. INSTITUTE OF INDOLOGY
AHMEDABAD

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NUORT LIB
S
TIF
(11:59
SAMBODHI VOL XXII, 1998-99
Editors :
J B Shah
N M Kansara
Published by : JB Shah
L D Institute of Indology Ahmedabad 380 009 (India)
Price Rs. 150-00
Computer type setting :
Sharadaben Chimanbhai Educational Research Centre, 'Darshan' Opp Ranakpur Society, Shahibag, Ahmedabad-380 004 (India)
Printer :
Chandrika Printery, Mirzapur Road, Ahmedbad 380 001

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1r E
Prof. A. M. Ghatage

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Professor A. M. Ghatage
Prof Ghatage was born on the 10th of August in Hasurchampu, a small village in the Gadhinglaj Taluka of Maharashtra He was educated at the primary level in the English School at Gadhinglaj His High School education was at the Rajaram High School, Kolhapur He was graduated as a First-divisioner B A Honours in 1932 and post-graduated as a First-class M A. of the University of Bombay twice, once with Prakrit and Pāli and again with Sanskrit and English Shri A. M Ghatage got his PhD degree at the same university in 1940 under the guidance of Prof H D Velankar in Sanskrit Linguistics, with 'History of Causal Formation in Indo-Aryan' as the subject of his doctoral dissertation Thanks to a Fellowship of the Rock Feller Foundation of New York, he studied Descriptive Linguistics and Historical Linguistics at the University of Pennsylvania in Philadelphia in the year 1956-57
His teaching career began as a Lecturer in Ardhamāgadhi at the SP College, Pune in 1935-36, and next he joined the Rajaram College, Kolhapur as the Assistant Professor of Sanskrit and Prakrit from 1936 onwards With the merger of the Kolhapur State in the then Bombay Province, he was absorbed in the Bombay Education Service Class II, and served in the Karnataka College, Dharwar, as also in the Nagpur Mahavidyalaya, in the same post During his stay at Philadelphia in 1956-57, he supervised over the Rgveda students for one term in the absence of Prof Norman Brown From 1957 his services were loaned to the Deccan College, Pune, first as the Professor of Linguistics, and next as the Director of the Language Project, and a few years after as the Professor of General Linguistics and Head of the Department of Linguistics, this was till 1978
Since 1968, he also worked as the Director of the Centre of Advanced Studies in Linguistics, as also the Joint-Director, of the Deccan College, Pune In 1973 he was appointed as the General Editor of the project of the Sanskrit Dictionary on Historical Principles He retired from this post on the 10th of August, 1983 at the age of 70 years, but was asked to continue as Emeritus Adviser to the

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Dictionary Project for nine months On the 10th of August, 1984, he left Pune and retired to his native place
Again in 1987, he was requested by the charitable institution named Sanmatı Tirtha, to take up the Project of the Dictionary of Prakrits and since then he has been working at the Bhandarkar Onental Research Institute, Pune Upto March, 1995, two fascicules of the dictionary containing the "A"-reference to the Jain Literature have been published
As a College Teacher, Prof A.M Ghatage taught Sanskrit, Prakrit and Linguistics to the undergraduate and post-graduate classes since 1936 through 1978, and 22 research students got their PhD degree, between 1961 and 1978, under his guidance as a Guide He taught Modern Linguistics at the Summer Schools and Winter Seminars of the Language Project and Department of Linguistics for short penods he was Visiting Professor at the Kurukshetra University, Kurukshetra (UP)
Prof Ghatage had attended two archaeological excavations, one at Harappa and the other at Brahmagırı He delivered the Wilson Philological Lectures in 196162 at the Bombay University, and in 1968 on Applied Linguistics at the Shivaji University, Kolhapur Between 1945-46 he attended two excavations of Archaeology one at Harappa and the other at Brhmagin
He has published 20 books, edited three Seminar Reports, and about 75 research articles and papers in various oriental journals As the Director of the Languages Project, he organized five Summer Schools, and three Winter Seminars in India He was selected as the General President of the All India Oriental Conference for the Ahmedabad Session in 1985 He presided over the First National Prakrit Conference at Banglore in December, 1990 He was given an award for his work on the Prakrit Dictionary, and another award called Prakrta Jñanbhārati Puraskāra at Hydrabad in 1993, and Hemacandrācārya Award at Delhi in 1998 Since 1993, he is a Life-Member of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, Pune, and since 1993 of the Lingustics Society of India He was elected as the Honorary Secretary of the Bhandarkar Onental Research Institute, Pune, for a penod of three years, and again for the second term up to 1999 He has received the prestigious and rare Certificate of Merit for Sanskrit and Prakrit, awarded by the President of India Even at this advanced age of 86, he is alert and actively worlang on the further fascicules of the Prakrit dictionary

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CONTENTS
1 Jamna studies in Europe
2 The Bauddha-Santana Dvatrımsıkā of
Siddhasena Divakara
3 Invocatory Sanskrit Verses in Jaina
Inscriptions Karnataka
4 Seal of Zahid Shāha
5 The Mangala Verse of the Nyāyasıddhänta-muktavali Mahadeva Bhatta verses Rāmarudra
of Viśvanatha
Bhattacārya
6 Popular Sports and Pastimes in 12th
Century Gujarat as Depicted in the
7 Outstanding Linguistic Features of the Sattakas
8 Historicity of Tribhuvanapaladeva and
Kumarapaladeva in the Dutängada of Subhata
A Critical Review
9 Physical Dating and Indian Archaeology 10 Doctrine of Karma in Jainism
11 Impact of Jamnistic Perception on Society 12 Some Modern Concepts of Marriage in the Smrti Literature
13 The Vastu-vidya of Varahamıhıra
14 Meetings with Shri Kartikeya Trivedi
15 सर्वानन्दसूरिकृत श्रीजगडूचरित महाकाव्य
exciten
16 'रसगगाधर' के काव्यलक्षण की समीक्षा
17 "शाकुन्तल" के विदूषक की उक्तियों में पाठान्तरों का एक
समीक्षात्मक अध्ययन
18 आचार्य विशेश्वर के 'अलकार प्रदीप' में सारश्यमूलक
अलकारों का निरूपण
19 મૂલદેવની ગૂઢ લિપિ
20 મહિમભટ્ટ અને વ્યજનાવ્યાપાર
21 અભિલેખોના સપાદન અને વિવેચનના મારા અનુભવો
22 તામ્રપત્ર અગે સ્પષ્ટતા
23 પાટણની બે અપ્રગટ ચૈત્યપરિપાટીઓ
Colette Caillat
M A. Dhaky
Hampa Nagarajaiah
Z A. Desai
Swera Prajapati
Saloni N Joshi Chandramauli S Naikar
DP Agrawal
Yajneshwar S Shastr
N L Jam
Sunanda Y Shastri N M Kansara
N M Kansara गोविन्दलाल श शाह जागृति पण्ड्या
वसतकुमार म भट्ट
1
पारुल माकड
લક્ષ્મસભાઈ ભોજક
અણ્ણા કે પટેલ
હરિપ્રસાદ શાસ્ત્રી
હરિપ્રસાદ ગ શાસ્ત્રી, એ આર શાહ
રસીલા કડી, શીતલ શાહ
11
Sudarshan Kumar Sharma 57
19
36
39
43 49
3 j8ཡཿ
69
75
83
96
108
119
121
132
138
152
157
160
165
171
173

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217
227
229 231
233 236 238 240
241
242
Reviews
Outline of Abhinavagupta's Aesthetics by V M Kulkarnı T S Nandı Amaracandrayatı's Kávyakalpalatā-vrtti edt
Parul Mankad Maharānā Kumbhā and His Times by Ram Vallabh Somani
Shridhar Andhare Arhat Pārśva and Dharanendra Nexus by M A. Dhaky Varsha G Jani The Brhat-Kalpa-Niryuktı of Bhadrabahu and the Brhat-kalpa-bhasya of Sanghadasa Gani edt by W B Bolleé
NM Kansara Nyāyasangraha by Muni Nandighosh
N M Kansara The Bhărata-Samhita by K K Shastree
NM Kansara Srimad Bhagavata-Mahāpurānam by N J Shastri NM Kansara Anantanāha Jina Canyam by Pt Rupendra Kumar Pagariya
NM Kansara Ācārānga Prathamna śrutaskandha Prathama Adhyayana by K. R Chandra
N M Kansara Jainism in India Travel Notes and Photographs by Nicole Tiffen
NM Kansara Śākuntala śailīšāstrīya Abhyāsa by V K. Lele NM Kansara Saptaka Writings on Music by M A. Dhanky NM Kansara Sanskrit Rāmāyanas other than Vālmīki's The Adbhuta, Adhyatma and Ananda Rāmāyanas by Dr V Raghavan
NM Kansara Women's Role in Kudiyāpattam by LS Rajagopalan N M Kansara Gangavatarana-Campüh ed by Dr Gaya Caran Tripathi
NM Kansara Bhārati-Mangalāyatanam Dr Ramanarayan Mishra N M Kansara Anekāntavāda Eka Samīksātmaka Adhyayana Dr Rajendralal Doshi
NM Kansara Vädı-Vinodah of Sankara Miśra Ed by Dr Vishvambhara-nathagiri
NM Kansara Miśra-Nibandhāvali alias Šāstrīya-ShodhaNibandha-Ratnāvalı Ramnarayan Mishra
NM Kansara Dhätupratyayālokah Dhātvarthacandrikā Ca Dr Goparaju Rama
NM Kansara
244
247
249
251 252
254 254
255
257
258
259

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Brief Notices
The Poetry of Business
Jaina Siddhanta Sıksana
Ātmānveśī
Nandana-Kalpataruh
Muktaka-Śataka
Lord Swāmīnārāyan
Pimage
Bhādara-nā Tārā
Gāthā-Mañjarī
Patram Puspam
Acknowledgements
VII
N M Kansara
N M Kansara
N M Kansara
N M Kansara
N M Kansara
N M Kansara
N M. Kansara
N M Kansara
N M Kansara
N M Kansara
261
261
262
263
263
264
264
265
265
266
268

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Statement about ownership and other particulars about Sambodhi, the Yearl Research Journal of the L. D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad to be published m th first issue every year after the last day of March.
FORM IV (See Rule 8)
1. 2
Ahmedabad Yearly
Place of publication Periodicity of its publication Printer's Name Nationality Address
Indian
4
Publisher's Name Nationality Address
Jitendra B Shah Indian Director L D Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad - 380 009 1 Dr Jitendra B Shah 2 Dr Narayan M Kansara Indian LD Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad - 380 009
5
Editors' Names
Nationality Address
Name and addresses of Individuals who own the newspaper and partners or shareholders holding more than one-percent of the total Shares
Nil
I, Jitendra B Shah, hereby declare that the particulars given above are true to the best of my knowledge and belief
Jitendra B. Shal
Director

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JAINA STUDIES IN EUROPE
Colette Caillat
At the beginning of his paper on “Buhler as a collector of mss", Ernst Leumann who, since 1884, was professor at the University of Strassburg', wrote “It is generally not known or scarcely noticed to what an extent the history of any science is dependent on the local distribution of its material" (Indian Antiquary 27, 1898, P 368-370 = Kleine Schriften (infra] p 294-296) As far as Jaina studies are concerned, this remark has proved up to this day for the fact that, thanks to the action of Buhler (sometimes helped by Jacobi) and of Albrecht Weber, the Berlin National Library had bought many Jaina manuscripts already during the years 1870-1888, and the fact that, later, E Leumann further collected new Jaina (especially Digambara) manuscripts for the Strassburg library, explain why, in Europe, research on Jainism has for many years been philologically oriented, has concerned especially canonical, "procanonical” and postcanonical texts, has been conducted specially in Germany or in association with German scholars, and has often been written not in English, but in German (or in French, Italian) But, due to the considerable development of the science of religion and of anthropology, perhaps also due to the important influx of Jains first into UK, later into North America, it appears that, since two or three decades, several British scholars, after 1970/75, have been attracted to the study of the Jains and the Jaina community on the other hand it should be acknowledged that some books concerning Jaina art have also been published, viz Klaus Bruhn, The Jina-images of Deogarh (Leiden 1969), to which can be added La cosmologie jaina, présentation de Colette Caillat, d'aprés les documents recueillis par Ravi Kumar (Paris 1981), an English rendering of the latter is due to K R Norman, The Jaina cosmology (Basel, Pans, New Delhi 1981) Further, after Los Angeles - New Orleans, the Victoria and Albert Museum (London) arranged a remarkable presentation of the peaceful Liberators Jaina art from India (23 November 1995 - 18 February 1996), as recorded in the Souvenir issue of Ahimsā, the quarterly magazine of The Institute of Jainology (Vol 5, 34, Sept -Dec 1995)
A conspectus of some of the fundamental books and of more recent studies on Jainism can be found in the lists published by Klaus Bruhn and Colette Caillat in Jain studies in honour of Jozef Deleu Edited by Rudy Smet and Kenji

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2
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Watanabe (Tokyo 1993), under the title "Jainology in Western publications" (p 13-66) "I Philology", by K Bruhn, "II Languistics, mainly Middle Indo-Aryan' by C Caillat, further "The study of Jaina art", by K. Bruhn More specialized bibliographies have elsewhere been published by K Bruhn, eg recently, i "Bibliography of studies connected with the Avasyaka-commentaries", in the Catalogue of the papers of Ernst Leumann compiled by B Plutat ([cf infra], p 119-136) Other detailed bibliographical data is available in The "Svetämbarc Canon" A descriptive listing of text editions, commentaries, studies and indexes Based on editions held in the Library of the Australian National University Compiled by Royce Wiles, Canberra, Apnl 1997 Further, a "Review article" "Recent Jain research", due to Paul Dundas, "is intended to be a resource for graduate students and non-specialist instructors who wish to onent themselves with recent research on the Jain religion"
This list can be supplemented by the "Bibliography of secondary sources" included p 261-270 of the valuable book, by P Dundas, The Jains (London and New York, 1992) In this publication, Dundas naturally presents the major aspects of Jainism, he also shows particular interest in the history and evolution of the community Further, in recent papers, he examines some sectarian trends and polemics, and the reactions of Jainism to the general historical and social conditions, in an attempt to view Jainism in the global Indian context In several respects he appears to be attracted towards the investigations conducted by Amencan scholars such as John Cort and Phyllis Granoff-a sign that interchanges between Amencan and European "Jainology" are developing
At present, social and anthropological studies are flourishing in UK, as testified by several books and conferences Michael Carruthers and Caroline Humphrey, The assembly of listeners Jains in society (Cambridge 1991), Marcus Banks, Organizing Jainism in India and England (Oxford 1992), Caroline Humphrey and James Laidlaw, The archetypal actions of ritual A theory of ritual illustrated by the Jain rite of worship (Oxford 1994) As for Peter Flugel, who is connected both with UK and with Germany, he seems particularly interested in Jaina reform movements (cf his 1994 [unpublished] doctoral dissertation, and his recent paper "The ritual circle of Terapanth Svetämbara Jains", published in the Bulletin d'Etudes Indiennes [infra] 13-14 (1995-96, p 117-176)
On the other hand, philological studies, especially of the Svetämbara canon, are continued, eg by K. R. Norman, whose investigations focus on grammatical,

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Vol XXII, 1998
JAIN STUDIES IN EUROPE
lexicographical, metrical aspects of old texts, and, the case being, on various Jain/Buddhist parallels Unfortunately, the untimely death of R Williams deprived Jainology of a very gifted scholar, the editor of Two Prakrit versions of the Manipati carita (London 1959, James G Forlong Fund 26) and author of Jaina Yoga A survey of the mediaeval Śrāvakācāras (London 1963, London Oriental Series 14) he had been in touch with Muni Punyavijaya and Muni Jambūvijaya, as well as with Walther Schubring Recently, "procanonical" treatises of the Digambara tradition and the evolution of Jaina thought have drawn the attention of W J Johnson, Harmless souls Karmic bondage and religious change in early Jainism with special reference to Umāsvāti and Kundakunda (Delhi 1995) As for the Tattvārtha Sūtra, it is now endowed with a new very suggestive English translation by the late lamented Nathmal Tatia, That which is Tattvārtha Sūtra A classic Jain manual for understanding the true nature of Reality (London , 1994) Sponsored by the Institute of Jainology, London, and published in the series "The sacred Series of the International Sacred Literature Trust in association with Harper Collins Publishers", this translation is evidently meant for scholars interested not in the Sanskrit language or in sūtra-style, but in philosophy and religion as such, this is a very valuable contribution to Jaina studies Philology remains at the centre of Jaina studies in Germany Some scholars, in particular Klaus Bruhn, are keen to further the preparation of research tools, as well as the conceptualization of "Jainology", and its integration into the general trend of contemporary epistemology (of infra) Thanks to the "Glasenapp-Stiftung", important articles and monographs of previous scholars are now conveniently collected and published (by Franz Steiner Verlag GMBH, Wiesbaden, now Stuttgart), in volumes entitled Kleine Schriften They include the works of Hermann Jacobi (1850-1937) edited by B Kolver (1970, Glasenapp-Stiftung 4 2), of Walther Schubring (1881-1969) edited by K Bruhn (1977, Glasenapp-Stiftung 13), of Ludwig Alsdorf (1904-1978), two volumes, edited by A Wezler (1974, Glasenapp-Stiftung 10 and 1998, Nachtragsband Glasenapp-Stiftung 35), of Ernst Leumann (1859-1931) edited by Nalını Balbir (1998, Glasenapp-Stiftung 37) The latter can be supplemented by two other publications One is the Catalogue of the papers of Ernst Leumann in the Institute for the Culture and History of India and Tibet, University of Hamburg Compiled by Birte Plutat (Stuttgart 1998, Alt- und Neu-Indische Studien Hamburg 49) The other is the remarkable Catalogue of the Jaina manuscripts at

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Strasbourg, by Chandrabhal Tripāthi (Leiden 1975, Indologia Berolinensis 4) this is precisely the manuscript collection acquired by E Leumann a century ago Among other tools to be mentioned is the “Jaina concordance and Bhāsya concordance", by K Bruhn and C B Tripathi (Berlin), of which "A bibliographical report" by CB Tripāthi is included p 300-329 of the Studien zum Jainismus und Buddhismus Gedenkschrift für Ludwig Alsdorf (ed Klaus Bruhn und Albrecht Wezler, Wiesbaden 1981, ANISH 23) In this memorial volume, ten, out of 25 articles, bear on Jainism, several contributions deal with Buddhist and Jaina exegetical literature, a subject that, of late, has attracted some attention Conspicuous among these studies are the "Āvaśyaka Studies I” by K Bruhn, a previous student of Alsdorf his essay is, naturally, a tribute to Alsdorf, who, himself a pupil of Schubring, was therefore a member of the Leumann paramparā, on the other hand, it is also a sort of research program in a vast and intricate subject in which Leumann had been specially interested, as shown by his Ubersicht uber die Āvasyaka-Literatur (Aus dem Nachlass hrsg von Walther Schubring, Hamburg 1934, ANISH 4), and his ĀvaśyakaErzahlungen (Leipzig 1897), of infra Another Jainological program has also been drafted by Bruhn in 1987, in Leiden, "Sectional studies in Jainology" (published in the Panels of the VIIth World Sanskrit Conference, vol VI, ed C Caillat, Leiden 1991, p 36-54) this scheme relates to “Jainism with special reference to ethics" Meanwhile, (re)editions, studies, translations of the Svetāmbara canon (often including references to the canonical commentaries) have continued to be published, among others the posthumous edition, by Deleu, of Schubring's Nāyādhammakahão (Mainz 1978), in fact a critical summary of the text, with 2 appendices. Gustav Roth's Mallī-jñāta study (1952) has been made available (Wiesbaden 1983), W B Bollée's Studien zum Süyagada I, II (Wiesbaden 1977, Wiesbaden-Stuttgart 1988) have prompted various comments, in particular by K. R. Norman and H Tieken (WZKS 25, 1981, 30, 1986) Though it was published in Japan (thanks to the very active Chūō Academic Research Institute Philologica Asiatica Monograph Series 10, Tokyo 1996), mention can also be made of the translation from the Dutch into English, by J W de Jong and Royce Wiles, of Nurayāvalıyāsuyakkhandha. Uvangas 8-12 of the Jain Canon Introduction, text-edition and notes (1969) by Deleu, the author of Viyahapannattı (Bhagavai), the fifth Anga of the Jaina Canon (Brugge 1970)
" Series 10 10 Academ. Rough it

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JAIN STUDIES IN EUROPE
At the same time, Leumann's direct or indirect pupils also have given much attention to the canonical commentaries, the importance of which has been emphasized again and again, eg by L Alsdorf, "Jaina exegetical literature and the history of the Jaina canon" (in Mahāvīra and his teachings, ed A. N Upadhye, et al, Bombay 1977, p 1-8) The latter's student, Adelheid Mette, in her book Pind'esană, a monograph on Oghanuryukti (331-337, 372-595) and on the associated Müla- and Brhad-bhäsya laid the foundation for a systematic study of the ogha-pinda literature For this subject research tools are provided also by W B Bollée, Pada index of the Pinda- and Oha-Nyjutti (Stuttgart 1991), and Materials for an edition and study of the Pinda- and Oha-Nyjutt of the Svetämbara Jain tradition, II Text and glossary (Stuttgart 1994) The same scholar also published The Nujuttis of the Svetämbara Siddhanta Ayāranga, Dasaveyalıya, Uttarajjhāyā and Suyagada (Stuttgart 1995), as well as Bhadrabahu, Brhat-Kalpa-Niryukti and Sanghadāsa Brhat-Kalpa-Bhasya (Stuttgart 1998), viz I-II Romanized and metrically revised version, Notes from related texts and a selective glossary III Glossary of selected words These three volumes are dedicated respectively to Pt D D Malvania, Dr (Mrs) Madhu Sen, Prof HC Bhayani, the first of them includes the "Glossary of Schubring, Doctrine of the Jainas" by Elfrun Linke (Appendix, p 375-411) Digambara counterparts of the above texts had been addressed by other students of Alsdorf by R P Jain, Pinda-suddhi Das sechste Kapitel von Vattakeras Mülăcăra und der ähäkamma Abschnitt der Pinda-njutti (New Delhi 1983), by K Okuda, Eine Digambara Dogmatik (beanng on Mülăcăra, chapter 5, Wiesbaden 1975), by K. Oetjens, Siväryas Mülärädhanā (Hamburg 1976) Naturally, most of these publications include the study of grammatical and linguistic problems, and of points of vocabulary Further, formal studies on canonical texts have attracted the attention of Bansidhar Bhatt The canonical niksepa Studies in Jaina dialectics (Leiden 1978, of Idem, "A composite niksepa in the Acara Nuryukti, Gedenkschrift Alsdorf, supra, p 1-9, also "Acara-Cülas and Nuyukti", Deleu volume, p 85-121, etc)
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Though Leumann's investigations in the "Avasyaka-Erzählungen" ceased after 1900, nevertheless his publications and unpublished papers (supra) contributed, since about 20/30 years, to a renewed interest in Jaina narrative literature, in Germany and in France, as can be seen from the Proceedings of the International Symposium on Jaina canonical and narrative literature, Strasbourg 16-19 June 1981 (ed Nalını Balbir and Colette Caillat, Indologica Taurinensia 11, 1985, p.

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15-339) In this volume, several aspects of this topic are considered K Bruhn, “Repetition in Jaina narrative literature", D D Malvania, "On Bhadreśvara's Kahāvali, CB Tripāthi "Pancakalpabhāsya and cognate texts", N Balbir, "The micro-genre of dāna-stones”, etc More than one doctoral thesis should also be mentioned, viz I Hoffmann, Der Kathākośa (Munich 1974 editio princeps, with a German translation), Georg Baumann, Drei Jaina-Gedichte in Alt-Gujarati (Wiesbaden, 1975), K. Verclas, Die Avasyaka-Erzahlungen uber die Upasargas im Vergleich mit den Versuchungen des Bodhisattva (Hamburg 1978) Also related to what Bruhn calls the "Āvaśyaka-cluster" is the study of the jīvāstitvasıddhi in the doctoral thesis of K Butzenberger Beitrage zum Problem der personalen Identitat in der indischen Philosophie Die Juntstische Beweise fur die existens eines jīva im Višesāvasyakabhāsya, 1991) Moreover, at present, Prof Srinivasan (Hamburg) is preparing a book on Ahimsă discussions in the Nilakesī (and commentary) in their bearing on ecological ethics, thus inviting to the study of Tamil Jaina literature
In France, traditionally (except for Guérinot, and in spite of epistolary exchanges between Munırāj Dharma Vijaya Sūri and Sylvain Lévi), Jainism has attracted less attention than Buddhism has done Nevertheless, Jules Bloch was greatly interested in the linguistic variety of the Jaina tradition, especially the Middle Indo-Aryan languages Later, thanks to W Schubring's kind help, C Caillat could gain some insight into the Svetāmbara canonicai literature She also was benefitted by the generosity of the L D Institute of Indology (Ahmedabad) and its successive directors her edition-French translation-commentary of the Candāvejjhaya (Paris 1971) is based on manuscripts from Berlin and Ahmedabad, where also the Atonements in the ancient ritual of the Jaina monks have been published (1975, L D Series 49) Relations between the French and the German and Indian scholars and institutes remained friendly ever since, and contacts with the Indological institutions in Ahmedabad, Hamburg, Berlin, and, later, Münster continued Nalini Balbir, after her PhD thesis on the Dānāstakakathā. Recueil de huit histoires sur le don (Paris 1982 [editio princeps, introduction, French translation, notes]), was encouraged by K. Bruhn and C B Tripāthī to turn to the study of the Avaśyaka tradition, and submitted a doctoral thesis Etudes d'exégèse jaina les Avaíyaka (Paris 1986, unpublished) It includes a comprehensive and analytical survey of the Avašyaka Niryukti and its prose commentaries (with emphasis on the narrative aspect), and on the exegetical vocabulary and methods of the Jaina commentaries A revised version has been

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published, along with a select glossary prepared by a German colleague, Thomas Oberlies (who added a large selection of Middle Indo-Aryan lexemes and their etymology) The title of the book (2 volumes) is an obvious reference to E Leumann's pioneering work I Nalını Balbir, Avasyaka-Studien Introduction générale et traductions [
P33-197, 201-472, English summary P 473-482], Thomas Oberlies, Avaśyaka-Studien Glossar ausgewahlter Worter zu E. Leumanns "Die Avasyaka-Erzahlungen” [203 pl (Stuttgart 1993, ANISH 45, 1, 45, 2) N Balbir has also published many monographs and participated in several collective projects (cf among others, her analysis, edition, French translation and commentary of Raidhu's Anatthami Paddhadī, in Indologica Taurinensia 14, 198788, p 47-77) Since Buhler's remarks on the Vividhatīrthakalpa, passages of this text have been variously used by different scholars, but there had been no analysis of the whole composition This has been attempted by Christine Chojnacki, reader in Sanskrit in the Lyon University Vividhatirthakalpah Regards sur le lieu saint jaina (Pondichéry 1995, 2 vol I French translation and commentary, II Annexes) The same scholar recently examined Maheśvarasūn's Jñanapañcam kathā, in the Bulletin d'Etudes Indiennes (= BEI 15, 1997, p 31-113, cf infra) Finally, in France also, some books are based on field work and anthropological outlook M C Mahias, Délivrance et convivialité le systéme culinaire des jaina (Pans 1985) is an investigation of the food system of Digambara Jains, especially of the Agrawala caste in Delhi, N Shåntà, La vole jaina Histoire, spiritualité, vie des ascétes pèlerines de l'Inde (Paris 1985), after general considerations, describes the Jaina nuns' life (English translation The unknown Pilgrims History, Spirituality, Life of the Jaina Women Ascetics, Delhi 1997) It has been seen above that, in The Netherlands also, Jainism has retained the attention of scholars H Tieken shows interest in "Textual problems in an early canonical Jaina text" (the Suyagada passages studied by W B Bollée, of supra), and in Prakrit (especially Ardhamāgadhi) morphology, RJ Zydenbos in Moksa in Jainism, according to Umāsvātı (Wiesbaden 1983), as well as in the almsbegging ritual of the Digambara monks, while J Bronkhorst (now in Lausanne, Switzerland) has several publications on the history of Jaina philosophy, cf The two traditions of meditation in ancient India (Stuttgart 1986, repr. Delhi), etc In Italy, at the end of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th century, thanks to the small but valuable collection of Jaina manuscripts acquired especially by

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COLETTE CAILLAT
SAMBODHI
A De Gubernatis in Surat and Bombay (1885-86), several excellent editions and translations of Jaina texts have been published But, in more recent years, this branch of Indology has been comparatively neglected Nevertheless, law books have retained attention, and O Botto translated i Nītıväkyāmrta di Somadeva Sūri (Torino 1962) The activities of the "Società Indologica Luigi Pio Tessitori" (http //www tessitori org), Udine, can also be mentioned (cf their Web-site), as it is in touch with the Jaina community in Bikaner, where Tessitori's intercourse with Muni Vijaya Dharma Sün is well remembered Carlo della Casa has recalled "Gli studi grainıcı di Luigi Pio Tessiton" in the Atti del Convegno Internazionale di Udine 12-14 novembre 1987 (Brescia 1990) It is proposed to edit Tessiton's unpublished papers
Due to circumstances, little has been done in Eastern Europe concerning Jainism, except for the thesis of A Terentyev, on "Umāsvāti's Tattvārtha-sūtra as the oldest source of postcanonical Jainism" (cf Russian Academy of Sciences, Moscow 1983)
The above bibliographical notes only aim at giving a general survey of the main trends of Jaina studies in Europe Other indications will be gained from the Acts of the conference organised by Olle Qvarnstrom in Lund (Sweden) in June 1998 that provided an opportunity for exchanges between European and American scholars interested in Jainism Another forum can be found in scientific journals. It has been recalled above that the Bulletin d'Etudes Indiennes (Paris) has welcomed articles concerning Jainism The same is true of the Berliner Indologische Studien (= BIS) see for instance, among several others, Th Oberhes, "Die Erzahlungen vom Kāmpulya-Konig Brahmadatta Eine Untersuchung im Anschluss an Vorarbeiten von Ernst Leumann" (BIS 9/10 1996, p 259-313), etc
Other publications have been aimed at the general reader, specially those in encyclopaedias, eg, in France, in the Histoire des religions (Bibliothèque de la Pléiade, Paris 1970, reprint, with bibliographical additions, 1999), or, in Italy, in the Enciclopedia delle scienze sociali (Roma 1996) In Germany, the volume Gotter und Mythen des indischen Subcontinents, edited by H W Haussig and H Bechert (Stuttgart 1984), 1.e the volume 15 of the Worterbuch der Mythologie (ed H W Haussig) Includes a chapter “Die Mythologie des Jinismus" (p 205284) by J Deleu • it had been published independently already in 1978. Jainism will naturally be the subject of several chapters in the volume on

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JAIN STUDIES IN EUROPE
Ahimsā prepared by the Hamburg Institute for the Culture and History of India and Tibet
Further, some translations intended for the general public should be mentioned A Mette, Durch Entsagung zum Heil Eine Anthologie aus der Literatur der Jaina (Zurich 1991), the French translation, by Nalini Balbir and C Caillat, of Yogindu's Paramātmaprakāśa (Lumière de l'Absolu, Paris 1999)
Several other initiatives could be mentioned Because of the comparatively numerous Indian and Jaina communities who reside in Leicester (England), a Jaina temple has been consecrated in that town, and a Jaina University proposes a three year course in Jainism Similarly, in Antwerp (Belgium), "Sarasvati, Research Centre Indology" announces "in preparation a multi-lingual (English, Hindi, Gujarati) publication on the philosophical, religious and cultural aspects of Jainism ” In England and in France, introductions to Jainism have been issued Jainism explained (Jain Samaj Europe Publications, 1985), by Paul Marett, the translation into French by Pierre Amiel, of Vilas Sangave's Aspects of Jaina religion (Le Jainisme Philosophie et religion de l'Inde, Paris 1999) A more ambitious, well planned book is due to Kurt Titze, who "sees himself as an intermediate between scholars and the general user of public libraries", and secured contributions by K Bruhn, Jyoti Prasad Jain, Noel Q King, Vilas A Sangave, and others Jainism, A pictorial guide to the religion of non-violence, Delhi 1998 Finally, a recent, interesting attempt to reach a wide audience, on Internet, is due to Klaus Bruhn Five Vows and six Avashyakas The Fundamentals of Jaina Ethics (edited by Carla Geerdes 1999 [http //www herenow4u de/ger/spr/religion)) the paper is based on a short lecture held in Berlin in Dr N K Jain's Yoga School (20 04 1997) Further short documentary films dealing with various aspects of Jain culture (diksā, Digambara monks, pilgrimage to Palitana) are now regularly shown on French channels (directed by J - M Duhaut, D Soltan and F Raboton, etc )
From the above survey it should be clear that, in Europe, in spite of the limited number of scholars who have more or less specialized in Jainology, progress has continued regularly, new projects have been started, new problematics have emerged, and the general public is more and more informed and interested in Jainism

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FOOT NOTES :
1 Before the 1870-1871 war between France and Germany, Strassbourg was in France After the 1871 French defeat, Strassbourg was included in Germany After the 1914-1918 "great war", Strassbourg was returned to France
2 Cf the announcement in Jain Journal, Calcutta, January 1970, p 3-12, and the subsequent description of the project in Bettrage zur Indienforschung Ernst Waldschmidt zum 80 Geburtstag gewidmet, Berlin 1977, p 67-80
3 Cf Colette Caillat's article in the Acts of the International Conference "Tessitori and Rajasthan", Bikaner, 21st-23rd February 1996 (forthcoming)

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THE 'BAUDDHA-SANTĀNA DVĀTRIMŚIKĀ* OF SIDDHASENA DIVĀKARA
M A. Dhaky
As one of the sources complementary to the Buddhist proper for the study of the Buddhist doctrines, philosophy, and epistemology, are notices figuring in the Nirgrantha literature This field is particularly valuable for the period between the fifth and the ninth century A D , when several dialectical and commentanal works of the two major Nigrantha sects reviewed the Buddhist doctrinal and epistemological positions at some length, sometimes in considerable detail The discussions, whether of confutations or refutational nature or, somewhat rarely just neutral, take into account the then prevailing Buddhist conceptual as well as epistemological positions on the bases of the then available works of the famous Buddhist masters, particularly Nāgārjuna Asanga, Vasubandhu, Dinnāga and Dharmakīrt. The additional, indeed sterling, importance of such Nırgrantha notices is also due to the citations they contain of the many non-Sthaviravādın works, all in Sanskrit and now lost, some today available only in Tibetan translations The useful and relatively earlier Nirgrantha works of the Northern tradition which embody these interesting as well as very valuable data are the auto-commentary of Mallavādı called the Dvādaśāra-naya-cakra (c A D 550-600) and the elucidatory further commentary on it by Simhaśūra Ksmāśramana (c AD 675), Gandhahasti Siddhasena's commentary (c A D 760-770) on the Sa-bhāsya Tattvarthädhigama-sutra of Umāsvāti (c A D 350), and Haribhadra's Anekāntajaya-patākā, the Šāstra-vārtā-samuccaya as well as the Lalitavistarā tīkā (c A. D 770-780) The more important early commentarial works of the Southern Nırgrantha Church which carry in-depth discussions on Buddhist positions are of Akalankadeva (active C A D 725-770) and of Vidyānanda (c. 1st half of the 10th century AD) The work to be briefly introduced in this paper, the BauddhaSantānadvātrimśıkā of Siddhasena Diväkara (active c A D 400-444), possesses two distinctions First, it is the earliest known Nırgrantha work which dwells on the philosophical doctrines of the Mahāyānic (and possibly other contemporaneous and allied or otherwise) post-canonical Buddhist schools Second, it is largely free of polemics, for in its limited compass of a dvātriskā
* See Appendix to this article.

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in Sanskrit', it succinctly dwells on the delineation of the main doctrinal positions of the Buddhist creed without seriously indulging in their refutation This work is relatively less known among, and the least used by, even the Nirgrantha scholars an attempt, hence, is made in this paper to focus on its content without delving into the details and without resorting to serious interpretative efforts which are best left to the savants of the post-canonical Buddhism The work, as is available, contains 31 in lieu of 32 verses Perhaps the opening (invocatory), and not the concluding (as had been suggested), stanza is lost Siddhasena's works are known not only for their terseness but also profundity At the same time, as often, his style does not allow an easy access to its core and essential content The Bauddha-Santāna-dvātrimsikā, as its rubric would suggest, must in the main deal with the famous Buddhist concept of pratityasamutpada or the principle of dependent origination' However, it covers a larger field of the basic Buddhist notions, concepts, and postulates about the nature of Reality and concomitant themes The Dvātrimśikā, in the process of exposition, presses into service the then up-to-date jargon of the Buddhist philosophical visions From the concepts noted and the terms used, Siddhasena seemingly was familiar with the works of Nāgārjuna, and possibly of the Vaibhāska, Sautāntrika, and other pre-Yogācāra school masters who flourished before Asanga and Vasubandhu ( A D 400-480), as also possibly several other known, but less famous, some plausibly now unknown Buddhist writers Dinnāga's celebrated apohavāda (whether sabdārthāntara or arthāntara) and his logical positions, not to say of Dharmakīrt's amplified and refined statements which place earlier Buddhist theories and epistemological as well as logical postulates in clearer light and more defendable position, are absent in Siddhasena's composition This is because Siddhasena, predictably, had flourished before Dinnāga c A D 480-540 or earlier by a few decades) No old elucidative commentaries (excepting a late medieval one on the 21st, the Parātma-dvātrimśikālo) are available on Siddhasena's dvātrimśıkās Since he is subtle, concise, and a guably had loved ambiguity, his works are among the major challenges in the Nigrantha dārśanic literature, in terms of intellecting not only the content but also his intentions Sukhlal Sanghvi and Bechardas Dohı" as well as Pınakın Dave 12 who worked on his dvātrimśikäs, had found them tough The paucity of older manuscripts in sufficient number added one more impediment in deciding on a more sensible reading in some cases while

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13
editing or interpreting his works Consequently, the three scholars have only briefly touched upon this Bauddha-santāna-dvātrimśıká in their discussions However, Vijayasuśīla-sūri, recently has attempted to comment on it in Sanskrit with the help of the notes left by his guru, Lāvanyavijaya-sūri?, casting as he did some light on the content and intent of this important composition I shall not attempt to translate the text Such an endeavour needs much deeper study and can involve considerable period of time, at fust in understanding Siddhasena and then projecting his perception and portrayal of the Buddhist concepts, and next initiating comparisons with those known from the Buddhist sources themselves, followed by a sensible and fluent rendenng in English of the total content and meaning with the help of the typical Buddhist terminology he uses I shall, therefore, broadly point out to the terms he employed in the Dvātrimikā concerned These terms indeed are a sufficiently clear indicator of how closely acquainted was he with the Buddhist philosophy The terms used in the present Dvātrimśıkā are clear enough, it is the phraseology which is often dense In the opening six verses Siddhasena alludes to nirvana (cessation of all activities), avidyā and vidyā (nescence and true knowledge), viveka (discretion), pudgala-skandha (the physical or materialaggregate), sūnyatā (void), mamatva (attachment or ego), bhāvanā (contemplation), and santāna or the wellknown concept of the interdependent coorigination or relational causation which included factors of momentary manifestation in the flux of existence Santāna's wellknown metaphorical association with the river-flow and the lighted lamp is expressed here as santānam bhāvanārtham vā sarit-prāta-pradīpavat (6) Further on, Siddhasena refers to the mahābhūtas (primary or elemental varieties of Nature), rūpa (material form and shape), viñana (discriminative consciousness), naya (standpoint), and how the vikalpa (mental discourse) comes into play (7) Then follow the verses in which the terms such as moha (delusion), trsnā (greed) smrti (memory), mana (mind), samkalpa (relatively determinative or discerning thought ?) cetana (consciousness), karma (deed-latency), and the upacara (convergence, convention, metaphorical transferance), all or most of which have typically Buddhist connotations At some places, his statements of course are as lucid as they are accurate and authentically Buddhist and their meaning at once becomes intelligible for instance when he writes 'cittavad rūpakāya-sya vailaksanyam ksane ksane (10')', referring to the character of the rūpakāya (set of forms) that changes at each

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moment in accordance with the mental state He next refers to samskära (latency or modal disposition), jātı (birth), jñāti (race), vyñana (perception), pañca-skandha (five naturalities), skandha-prakāra (the type of naturality involved ?) and the validity of sūnyatā This is followed by one more telling observation on the denial of the existence of Self with reference to its morphistic externality Bāhyam-āyatanam nātmā yathā netr-ādayas-tathā, (13") Next follows the important Buddhist considerations of the hetu-pratyaya (principal and subordinate causal conditions) and one more famous Buddhist notion of the momentariness and apparent continuality and next extinction of al phenomenic activities, like a lamp-flame 'ksantkatv-ādı-buddhes-ca nirvanācca pradīpavat (15")', and Nirvanam sarva-dharmānām-avkalpam ksane ksane (16")"4 and how it is brought about by the hetu-pratyaya-bheda (differentiation of main and subsidiary causal conditions) In the next two verses he further explains the reality of nirvana and its relationship with citta and the way it is impressed on or generated or manifested A very telling verse next follows about the apparent and the virtual' in relation to prajñā or cognativity by using the metaphor of the face and its image in the mirror 'Darpanastham-iva prajfiä-mukha-bimbam atanmayam, tat-samuttham ca manyante tadyat-pratyaya-janmarah, (22") The next verse is equally profound in meaning and pulsates with the wisdom of the Buddhist way of looking at objects and phenomena, where the metaphor of the memory of a dream is employed with acuity Na samagri-svabhāvo'yam ato najñāna-bhedatah, syapnopalabdha-smaranam ntvrttis-ca na nety apt (23)' The similes and metaphors he uses in the next verses (pataha-dhvanıvat-loka (25) or Vikalpo'ranı-vahnivat (30") etc further clarify the Buddhist perception of the phenomenic factors and the apparent Reality Although these verses cannot phrase by phrase be traced in the known Buddhist works, the ideas and choice of words as well as the flow and direction of thoughts are faithfully Buddhist and are replete with the typically Buddhist insights, motifs, and imagery The last or the summing verse affirms with an ending note that this represents Buddha's (thought-constructs and) preaching śāsana-pranayo muneh (31') (The entire Dvātrimśikā is reproduced at the sequel for reference, for it is not easily available or accessible It follows the version of Vijayasuśīla-sūn)

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Notes and References 1 See Dvādaśāram nayacakram, pt 1, (Ed. Muni Jambūvijaya), Bhavnagar 1966,
'Introduction' (Sanskrt) pp 14-17 & Introduction' (Gujarāti) pp 49-50 On the basis of a notice in the Prabhāvaka-carita of Prabhācandrācārya of Rāja-gaccha (A. D 1277), which records Mallavādı defeating the Buddhists at Bhrgukaccha in Vira Samvat 880 / A. D 353 Muni Jambüvijaya places the famous dialectician in the fourth century A. D However, this date cannot be correct since Mallavādı had commented upon Siddhasena Diväkara's Sanmatiprakarana Hence he has to be placed later than c A. D 450 Moreover, Mallavādı, in his Dvādaśāra-nayacakra, cites a gātha each from the Avasyaka-niryuktı ( A D 525) and also from the Brhatkalpabhäsya ( A D 550) Also, at several places, he refutes Dinnāga ( AD 480-540) Hence he is best placed in the latter half of the sixth century A. D (Cf Jitendra Shah, "Vādindra Mallavādı Ksamāśramana-no Samaya”, Nirgrantha Vol I, Ahmedabad 1996, Gujarāti section, pp
1-11) 2 Muni Jambūvijaya dates him before A. D 625 since Simhaśūra takes no notice of
Dharmakārt's positions However, two objections to this dating are palpably present First, Simhaśūra's grand disciple Siddhasena-ganı's commentary on the Sa-bhāsya Tattvärthadhigama-sūtra of Vācaka Umāsvāti reveals familiarity with the work of the Southern Nigrantha dialectician and epistemologist, Akalankadeva, particularly his Tattvārtha-vārtika, which is to be dated some time in the second quarter of the eighth century A. D Hence Siddhasen's Vrtti cannot be placed earlier than c. A D 760-770 On this reckoning, and granting Siddhasena-an abbatial pontiff-a long span of life, his grand-preceptor Simhaśūra's Vrtti on the Dvādaśāra-nayacakra can at the earliest be placed c A. D 675 During my examination of the various early commentaries of the Northern Nigrantha writers, I noticed that, to those Jaina writers of north who wrote before A. D 700, the southern works, be they Brahmanical, Buddhist, or Nirgranthist, were unavailable for consultation Hence the seventh century writers took no notice of the works of the famous Mimāmsaka thinker Kumārıla Bhatta, the great Buddhist philosopher and epistemologist Dharmakirts, and the equally great Nirgrantha authors such as Samantabhadra ( A D 550-625) and Pujyapāda Devanandı (active c A D 650-680)
3 Among the more notable of his several works for our purpose are the Tattvärtha
värtıka and the Laghıyastrayi. 4 Particularly his Tattvärtha-sloka-värtika. 5 In has first appeared in Śrī-siddhasena-Duvākara-krta-granthamälā, Bhavnagar Vs

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1965 (A D 1909) Also of A N Upadhye, Sıddhasena's Nyāyāvatāra and other works, Bombay 1971 (Upadhye's preface is uninformative, uncritical, and soaked with stiong sectaiian venom) A third publication which incorporates this dvätrimśikä was edited
by Vijayasuśīla sūrı, atled the Dvātrımsad-dvātrimsikāh, Botad 1977 6 This was, as will be further said, due to the difficulty of understanding it fully 7 I possess insufficient expertise in Buddhism to venture in the direction of such an
attempt
8 This is at present a more generally accepted date I shall, therefore, forgo citing recent
discussions on it
9 If Dinnāga is ultimately proven Vasubandhu's direct disciple as the Northern Buddhist
traditions (as also the Nigrantha Simhasūra ksamāsramana) held, his date will have to be shifted back by three to four decades Even then he remains posterioi to Siddhasena Divākara
10 This is by Siddhicandra, a friar of the Tapā-gaccha, who flourished in early 17th
century in the Mughal period
11 For details, see the author's Hındı edition of the Sanmatl-prakarana, Ahmedabad 1963 12 His thesis foi Ph D entitled Siddhasena Duvākara A Study, from which Upadhye
extracts in his Siddhasena's, pp 51-68 Also of Dave's introduction in Gujarātī to
Vijayasusīla-sūri's edition, p 42 13 See Vijayasuśīla-sūri, pp 375-396 14 The Nirgrantha commentators (Devanandı, Simhasüra, Akalankadeva, Haribhadra, and
later writers) cite a verse beginning with the words Ksanıkäh sarva-samskäräh which is yet to be traced from the Buddhist sources

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Appendix पञ्चदशी बौद्धसन्तानद्वात्रिंशिका । नाहकृतस्य निर्वाण न सेत्स्यत्यनहकृत । न चाविद्या विवेकाय न विद्या भवगामिनी ॥१॥ अन्योऽन्यविषयान् पश्यन् पुद्गलस्कन्धशून्यता । न जानाति शमैकार्था बुद्धाना धर्मदेशना• ॥२॥ सख्यादिभेदादन्यत्व भवाच्चान्योऽन्यसङ्कर. । स्कन्धपुद्गलयोर्यस्मात् स्कन्धमात्रागत पुमान् ॥३॥ सेनावनवदेकान्तबुद्धेः प्रज्ञप्तिसौष्ठवात् । कीलवत् क्रियते मिथ्या मानकीला प्रवृत्तये ॥४॥ ममत्वाभिगमात् सत्त्वस्तच्च्युतो भ्रष्टराजवत् । भारहारादियोगास्तु व्याससंग्रहणाङ्गवत् ॥५॥ अवक्तव्यमसद्भावात् प्रश्नार्थस्य खपुष्पवत् । संतान भावनार्थं वा सरित्प्रातप्रदीपवत् ॥६॥ महाभूतोच्छ्यो रूपं विज्ञान विषयो नय । देवनाट्यपृथग्भावो नृजात्यादिविकल्पवत् ॥७॥ विपर्यासात्मक मोहसङ्गात् तृष्णा स्मृतेर्मनः । सकल्पश्चैतनाकर्म चेतयित्वोपचारत ॥८॥ चक्षुरूपादिसस्कारसमुत्थ सर्वजातिषु । विज्ञानमिव ज्ञातीना नानात्वमिति जातितः ॥९॥ चित्तवद् रूपकार्यस्य वैलक्षण्य क्षणे क्षणे । तद्धि जात्यन्तर तुल्य न बाध्यत्पुपपत्तित ॥१०॥ सत्त्वोपचारौ व्युच्छिन्नौ स्कन्धाना पश्चकल्पवत् । शून्यता वा प्रतिष्ठत्वादेतदेव प्रपञ्चितम् ॥११॥ स्कन्धप्रकार पश्यन्तो जगत्पुष्योपकारवत् । किमस्तीत्युपगच्छेयु किमेव तु ममेति वा ॥१२॥ बाह्यमायतन नात्मा यथा नेत्रादयस्तथा । तद्विकल्पगतिश्चित्तमन कस्यात्र किं यथा ॥१३॥ हेतुप्रत्ययवैचित्र्यात् तानेवमिति भक्तय. । कथ हि संप्रधायेंत भावो भावविशेषत ॥१४॥ संमोहात् स्मरणात् तत्त्वकलाभावान्न कर्मणः । क्षणिकत्वादिशुद्धेश्च निर्वाणाच्च प्रदीपवत् ॥१५॥

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MA DHAKY
SAMBODHI
निर्वाणं सर्वधर्माणामविकल्पं क्षणे क्षणे । हेतुप्रत्ययभेदात् तु तदन्त इव लक्ष्यते ॥१६॥ ससारे सति निर्वाणं क्षणिकस्य गतिः कुतः । जन्मवत् तेन चित्तस्य निर्माणमपि संस्कृतम् ॥१७॥ यत् सस्कृतमनित्यं तद् भनादन्योऽन्यसंस्कृतम् । निर्वाणमनसां यस्माद् भुक्तविप्रतिषेधनात् ॥१८॥ धर्मवद् विषयेभ्योऽपि यदा विज्ञानसभवः । संस्कारेभ्यस्तदा जन्म किं तस्य कुरुते क्षमा ॥१९॥ न पूर्वा न परा कोटि विद्यते धाक्फलं मते । पूर्वविप्रतिषेधस्तु हेतुप्रत्ययसम्भवात् ॥२०॥ अहेतुप्रत्ययनय पूर्वापरसमाभवम् । विज्ञान तत्समुत्थं का संव्यवस्येद् विचक्षण ॥२१॥ दर्पणस्थमिव प्रज्ञामुखबिम्बमतन्ययम् । तत्समुत्य च मन्यन्ते तद्वत् प्रत्ययजन्मनः ॥२२ ॥ न सामग्रीस्वभावोऽयमतो नाज्ञानभेदतः । स्वप्नोपलब्धस्मरणं निवृत्तिश्च न नेत्यपि ॥२३॥ न चानिष्टप्रयोगो नः कुशलप्रतिपत्तिवत् । मन्यमानो हि दोषं वा गुणं वा परिकल्पयेत् ॥२४॥ पटहध्वनिवोकः कल्पनामनुवर्तते । यत. स्वभावो भावो वा तस्य वक्तु न युज्यते ॥२५॥ न चोपदेशवैफल्य स्पविज्ञानजन्मवत् । दुःखमुत्पद्यते तस्य स्वार्थाहानमयुक्तिवत् ॥२६॥ न चास्यागन्तुसंक्लेशः शुद्धिर्षा भक्तयस्विमाः । स्मृतिसनसमा किन्तु तेजस्यरणिवृत्तिवत् ॥२७॥ चित्तचारवशात् सङ्ग स्मृतिवन्न विसयते । सस्कारायतनापेक्ष निरोधापत्त्यनन्तरम् ॥२८॥ अकुरव्यक्तिनिष्पत्तिश्चेतः सत्त्वस्य तत् कथम् । अविद्या तृष्णयोर्यद्वन्न नानात्वं न चैकता ॥२९॥ समविज्ञानयोस्तद्वद् वेधे कान्तमतः शिवम् । श्रोतः प्राप्त्यादिरस्यास्तु विकल्पोऽरणिवहिवत् ॥३०॥ एकचित्तेऽपि वा कृत्स्नदुःखज्ञानोपपत्तितः । ग्राममोहक्षमोदर्क शासनप्रणयो मुनेः ॥३१॥

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INVOCATORY SANSKRIT VERSES IN JAINA INSCRIPTIONS
(KARNATAKA)
Hampa Nagarajaiah
1 1. Introduction Jainism, one of the oldest and richest religions in the world, has preserved its basic and original doctrinal characteristics Jainism rose to unrivalled brilliance in the field of letters, arts, architecture, culture and in the domain of politics This religion has an uninterrupted history of three thousand years and even today its followers, nearly six million, are found throughout the length and breadth of India Though the basic canonical texts of Jainism are mostly in Prakrit, a good number of works are also found in Sanskrit and in some other regional languages 12 Karnātaka is one of the states in southern part of India, where Jainism claimed great antiquity and where it never failed to receive the warmest hospitality and the sincerest devotion from the rulers and the people alike The advent of Jainism into the fertile regions of Karnātaka is connected, and rightly So, with the immigration of Jainas under their celebrated pontiff Śrutakēvali (a person possessing the infinite knowledge of Jaina scripture)—Bhadrabāhu and his disciple the Maurya Emperor Chandragupta and this happened towards the end of fourth century BC and the beginning of 3rd Century BC 21 Ācārya Bhadrabāhu and his followers from North India came to South India, reached the present Śravana Belgola in Hassan district (Karnataka state) and settled there in course of time Jainism became a dominant religion in Karnātaka and guided the fortunes of some well-known royal families It is not known exactly what was the language spoken by those early Jains, but it is believed that Prakrit was their mother-tongue After they settled in Karnātaka, Jains either adopted Kannada or continued to speak their own Dravidian language, because it is said that Jains are orginally dravidians, a non-aryan race 22 At Śravanabelagola, the place of early settlement in Karnataka and at many other places in the same state or wherever Jains went, constructed monasteries, donated liberal grants in cash and kind and wrote a number inscriptions recording such memorable events that happened during their life

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SAMBODHI
time
23 In Śravanabelagola alone there are more than 573 inscriptions and all these inscriptions are included in a single volume entitled Epigraphia Carnatika, vol 2, and its re-revised edition has been published by Kannada department of Mysore University in Karnataka state (1973) Perhaps this is one and only instance in the world where so many inscriptions are found and where the entire volume of inscriptions, numbering around six hundred, is devoted to the epigraphs of one and only one place, a world record worth entering the Guinnes book
3 It is the usual practice in Indian inscriptions that they commence with one or many invocatory verses and conclude with some imprecatory lines, which can also be in verse
31 Invocatory lines can be in prose or in verse, but the latter enjoys preference The accepted standard and model is to make use of the poetical skill, poetry prevails and the frequency of verses increase Therefore, even when the rest of the text is in prose, it opens with a verse and that too with a Sanskrit verse Such a beginning was considered auspicious and prestigious Besides, Sanskrit enjoyed a sort of supenonty complex
32 The inscriptions as documents, either official or private, had a specific purpose in view Hence, language of the masses prevailed Jains were equally at home in Prakrit and Sanskrit Jaina inscriptions of Karnataka are, to a very great extent, influenced by Sanskrit
33 The reason for the preference of Sanskrit to Prakrit is not far to seek, as already explained in 31 It is well-known that the Jains found Prakrit to be a powerful media to propagate their philosophy among the masses, in the north (India) In the south the dominance of Sanskrit as against Praknit appears to have coincided with the spread of Sanskrit in the elite circles of the upper class, and the donars had Sanskrt leanings This fact is evident from the higher frequency of Sanskrit verses
331 It is interesting to note that even the Prakrit inscriptions contained, both the prefatory and the imprecatory portion written in Sanskrit Only the Prakrit inscriptions, of the early Kadambas of Banavası,-and of Kadamba Mayuravarman, does not contain any Praknt invocatory verse
34 The impact of Sanskrit was so much on the early inscriptions of Karnataka

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and of Kannada language, that the local Kannada language itself is relegated to secondary status and is used to specify the boundaries of the gift land and the names of the surrounding villages or such other minor details 35 The quality of Sanskrit language used in these inscriptions is good Generally the verses are simple and effective, though on the whole gentle and delicate, at times it is pedantic 366 The Sanskrit language employed here is embellished to enhance the grandeur, metrical composition and the verses are charming It is noteworthy that these compositions in Sansknt are remarkably free from errors 41 Invocatory verses differ, though not in metre employed in the composition of various verses, but in content, from religion to religion If the core subject matter of the epigraph belongs to a Saivite tradition, then invocatory verse will invariably be on salutation to Lord Siva Likewise Vaisnava inscriptions start with a prayer to Lord Visnu, and Jaina inscriptions commence with a prayer to Jina, a spiritual victor 411 This paper is an attempt to critically examine the invocatory verses of Jain inscriptions found in Karnātaka, and the methodology applied in this paper is mainly diachronic study and secondarily a synchronic study 412 All the findings of this critical examination of invocatory verses are carefully listed 42 Out of about (twenty four thousand) 24,000 inscriptions in Karnataka, only (two thousand) 2000 belong to Jainism and many of them contain invocatory verses Most of these invocatory verses are of academic excellence and literary mert This paper also attempts to assess, for the first time, the SOCIO-religio-historical importance of Sanskrit verses, in addition to the Kannada verses, found in the Jain inscriptions of mediaeval period 43 Jain inscriptions have certain special features of their own which make them distinct from others These inscriptions and the invocatory verses have, in their own way, enriched Kannada language and literature and they are the forerunners for the later writers to follow 431 Niśıdhi stones are again a special feature of Jainism Probably in no other part of India, we find similar inscriptions in such large numbers 432 Sallekhanā is a process of death by the ntual fasting, as prescribed by the

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SAMBODHI
Sästras Sallekhana is a willing submission to death, without any love or hatred against anybody, living or dead After voluntarily accepting the vow of sallekhand and adopting the prescribed posture of reclining, one should renunciate all the worldly belongings by thought, word, and deed, and only concentrate on happily relinquishing this mundane world by fasting unto death This process of concentration leads not only to the gain of complete control over the senses but also to a gradual destruction of the human body Memorial stones are erected to commemorate the holy death of such persons, whether he or she is a revered saint or a lay disciple Such commemorative monuments are called Nifadhi, which are usually engraved on solid rock columns Hundreds of Nisadhi monuments, carved and attractively sculptured, are found throughout the length and breadth of Karnataka Among the outstanding centres where a good number of free-standing Nisidhi pillars with inscriptions, are found, mention should be made of Śravanabelagola, Koppala and Hombuja
HAMPA NAGARAJAIAH
44 Some of the major Jain poets have also composed inscriptions, poets Ranna, Santinatha, Nagacandra, Janna are some such significant writers
5 Though these epigraphs are mainly and solely Jain oriented, they also provide an authentic basic material for a socio-cultural study Each religion enjoyed freedom of worship and of expression In total there was coexistence of all religions though at times they differed to agree It is obvious that the philosophy of one religion was different from the other Naturally, each religion tried to establish its superiority and thus increase its social status, popularity, and its votanes As a result, a cold war among the existing religions was inevitable Each religion had its followers, who tned their best to show and prove that their religion was ancient, possessed an excellent tradition and enjoyed an abundant royal patronage. Various religious leaders, who were also highly learned in vanous branches of knowledge and the philosophy of other religions, used to challenge other religions to, either establish their superionty or accept a secondary position Of course, this verbal conflict and argument was only on ethical and moral grounds and usually did not exceed its accepted norms
6 Further the same invocatory text can also be examined from the stylistic point of view Some of these verses are composed at a time when Sankrit was no longer a spoken language and the regional languages were preferred to Sanknt The geographical boundary of these invocatory verses was limited only to the present Karnataka state Kannada, one of the Dravidian languages, had been both the language of the ruler and the ruled, of Karnataka state Both the

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administration and the literary circle employed Kannada as the language of the media Because the language of inscriptions of this linguistic area was mostly Kannada, some of the invocatory verses of Jain inscriptions are also in Kannada 61 A discussion of the scope and nature of Kannada invocatory verses is out of context in this paper The religious heads or ascetics, who were dedicated to propogate Jainism, made strenuous efforts to impart and popularise the tenets of this religion through the language of the masses They were well-versed not only in Prakrit and Sanskrit, but also in Kannada To cite some outstanding examples, the names of Gunabhadra, Vādırāja and Abhinava-Vadı-Vidyānanda are important Some of the inscriptions contain, instead of the entire śloka or verse, only a portion of the original invocatory poem For example bhadram astu jina śāsanāya' (EC VI (BLR) Chikkamagalur 75 p 185, SII X1-1 94 1059 p 89) A variant form of the same, bhadram astu jina śāsanasya—Is used in another inscription (EC II(R) 155(126) 1113 p90) Gangadharam inscription of Jinavallabha, younger brother of Pampa, the earliest and the best of Kannada poets, opens with and invocatory sacred sentence- 'om namah Siddhēbhyah' (LAP Karim Nagara 3 A D 950)—Siddha is a liberated soul with infinite knowledge Some inscriptions carry only a 'Siddham' at the beginning [Corpus of Kadamba Inscriptions (1985), No 9 A. D 458 pp 34-38, ibid, No 29 A D 523 P 107] The sacred word 'Sıddham' is used in non-Jain inscriptions also, a Hindu inscription (ibid, No 1 A. D 40, p 3) and a Buddhist inscription (ibid, No 20 A. D 524 p 70) begins with the same auspicious word Siddha in Namah Suddhēbhyah (SII IX-1 346 and 347 127576 Kögan pp 369-70] is different from Siddham, which has a non-sectarian connotation Siddhēbhyah is confined to Jain inscriptions only and it goes with various permutation such as 'namah Siddh bhyah śāsanam jina-Sasanam' [EC II(R) 177 (144). 12 c p 135] and 'namah siddhebhyah bhadram bhūyatā' [SII XX. 46 1072] 71 There are some Jain inscriptions with abbreviated Sanskrit invocation • Śrī Vardhamānāya namah [EC II(R) 493(480) p 312], Sri Chandranāthāya namah [ıbıd) p 313], Sri Nēmınāthāya namah (ibid, 495(482)p 314] Sri Vītarāgāya namah (KI 1 51 1432 Karıkını), Sri Gomatesāya namah [EC II(R) 487 (356) P 308] etc There are also some Jaina inscriptions without any Jaina invocation [SII XVIII 79 1074 I SII XI-1 5 752 Annigen, ibid, 38 950 Naregal, SII XX 4 683 Lakshmēsvar)

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HAMPA NAGARAJAIAH
SAMBODHI
8 Before I conclude this paper, it would be befitting to draw the attention, of Sanskrit scholars in particular, to one of the rare inscriptions of importance An inscription from Bastıhallı, a village of antiquity in Hassan district of the same Karnātaka state, has preserved an unique dialogue and discourse of an illustrious Balacandramuni-panditadeva It is said that the poets eagerly praise him for his divine speech which is issued from the mouth of Jinendras, the spiritual victors, enters and increases, and thus shines with more lustre I quote only the relevant portion kas-tvam kāmah kayete han-hara-vidhi-vidhvamsakrt-pamca-bānāh Köyam dharmmā kayesa bhramara-maya-guna-ste'tra kim yoddhukāmah! Samkhyātitair-ggunaughair-jjagati daśa-vidhais-cāru-dharmmair anamtairVvānair-wālēmdu-yogi lasatı kuru tatas tat-padāmbhõja-sevā 11 Yenādhitam atita-bädham amitam sajñāna-sampādakam Šāstram sarva-janōpakān vihitācārocitam prēmatah Tasmādānata-bhabya-kamja-taranēr välemdu-yögīśvarād 11 Aptam mukti-sukhaika-sādhanam anuprekshópadēsādhikam || Dakshöyam akshapādādı paksham āvīksya tat-ksanë Pratyaksādı-pramánēna 11 81 Following is the translation of the text Who art thou ? (Kas-tvam) ? Kāma (kāmah), who is the God of love (cupid) What are these (kayete) ? The five arrows that have overcome Hari (the Lord Visnu the protector) Hara, (Lord Siva the destroyer) Vidhi (Lord Brahma, the creator)
What is this (köyam) ? A bow (dharma) What is this (kayēsa) ? The bow-string, like a line of bees (bhramara-maya-gunas) What are they here for (tetra kim) ?
In order to fight the warrior kâma-Cyöddhu kāmah) He (bālendu) shines with unnumbered bow strings, otherwise a number of virtues, ten kinds of bows, otherwise the famous ten merits called the dasha dharma (uttama kshamā, mārdava, ārjava, śaucha, satya, samyama, tapas, tyāga, akimcanya and brahmacarya), and endless arrows, otherwise arguments Therefore, do service to the lotus feet to this Bālendu-yogi Like a sun to

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lotuses, the bowing bhavyas (Jainas), Bālendu-yógi gave instruction in Anupreksas, the topics of meditation, which are 12 in number and embrace a wide range of subjects practically covering all the principles and cardinal teachings of Jainism Able in the process of refuting at first sight by illustrations proofs, the premises of the nature of Akshapada who is the rishi Gautama, was Bālenduamun [EC IX (R) 402 (V Be 132) C 12-13th C Bastihalli P 368-69] 9 After a critical study of these invocatories, the following observations can be made i The material contained in the invocatory lines, whether a verse or a
prose, have new dimensions worth a detailed study 11 Out of about two thousand Jain inscriptions of Karnātaka state (India),
many contain the invocation poems, though there are stereotyped
invocatory verses, there is also variety 11 There are eulogies of Jaina preceptors, either of the Jina, the pathfinder,
or of pontiff of higher rank The invocation refers both to a person of mythology (Purana-purusa) and to historical persons None of the Jaina invocation contain a Prakrit verse Non-Sanskrit invocatory verses are in Kannada which had been the regional and
administrative language of Karnātaka for over two thousand years vi Even when the language of the invocatory verse or the entire text of the
inscription is in Sanskrit, the script used is only Kannada Vu Whether these invocatories are just stray verses, exclusively composed for
the concerned inscription or quotations taken from some texts is a matter to be carefully examined The usual and famous invocatory śloka-Srimath-parama-gambhira-syād-vād-āmõgha-lāñcanam --IS a quotation from Akalamka-achārya's work 'Prāmāna-Samgrah' (above A D 7th century) But, except the other slokas composed by poet
Ravikīrthy and Mangarāja, the source of most of the verses is wscure VIL Even when some of the invocatories are repeated, it is found that there
are some different textual readings, at times, it is observed, that some corrupt forms are used in such cases, it is not the defect of the
1V

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SAMBODHI
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HAMPA NAGARAJAIAH
composer but the limitation of the sculptor From the point of view of prosody, though higher frequency is of Sloka metre, different varieties of vritta is also used Sragdharā, sārdūlaVikrīdita, Mālını, Rathoddhatā, Indravajrā, Campakamälä vrittas are also used None of the invocatories exhibit any hatred or derogatory remarks against any non-Jain sect or religion, even when there is the glorification of Jain tradition But a clear suggestion is evident that Jainism was at logger heads with Buddhism, each one trying to score over the other and establish its superior authority
APPENDIX - A
aparımita-sukham analpāvagamamayam prabalābala-hritāmtakam 1 nikhilāvalóka-vibhavam prasaratu hridayē param Jyötth 11
(EC Vol II (R) No 364 (258) A D 1432 p 227 Āryā verse) = Of unlimited joy, consisting of perfect knowledge, remover of fear by mighty power, of all-seeing greatness, may the supreme light pervade the heart
Uddīptākhila-ratnam uddhrita-jadam nānā-nayāmtargriham Sasyātkāra-sudhābhiliptijanıbhrit kärunya-kūpochchhrita äropya fruta-yānapätram-amrita-dvīpam nayamtah parān Ete tirthakrito madīya-hridayē madhyē bhavā"dhy ăsatām ||
[EC Vol II (R) No 364 (258) A. D 1432 p 227) Särdūla-vikrīdita) May they dwell in my heart, the Tirthankaras, possessed of all brilliant jewels, freed from bilge-water (otherwise, saving the ignorant), containing cabins of various modes of argument, painted with the lime (or, nectar) of the syātkāra, and furnished with the high most of compassion for living creatures, -who, taking on board the ship of sacred lore, others (found) in the middle of the ocean of worldly existence, carry them over to the island of immortality
Jagat-tritaya-nāthāya namo janma pramäthine | Naya-pramāna-vägraśmi dhvasta-dhväntäya śāntayē ||
(EC Vol II (R) No 209(160) 12c p 144] Obeissance to the lord of the three worlds, destroyer of births, Sänti, who dispels the darkness (of ignorance) by the rays of authoritative arguments

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Jagatritaya-vallabhah śrtyam apathya-väg-durlabhah Sitātapa-nivarana-tritaya-camarõdbhāsanah || Dadātu yad aghāntakah padavinamra-jambhäntakah Sanas sakala-dhisvarā vijaya-pārsva-tīrthëśvarah ||
[EC Vol IX (R) Bēlür 389 (V Be 124) A D 1133 p 353 Prthvi vrtta] Vijaya Pārsva-tirthēsvara, the favourite of the three worlds, unassailable by false speech, resplendent with the triple white umbrella (sıtātapa nivarana tritaya) and chownies, chămara, the destroyer of sın, his feet being worshipped by Jambhāntaka (1 e Indra, the chief of the gods), may grant us property
Jayatı jagadēka-bhānuh syād-vāda-gabhastı-dīpitam yena Prasamayya tumira-patalam sāksātakrta sakala bhuvanēna 11
(MAR 1920 8th C P 23, IWG 1984. No 71.p 253] Victorious is he, who is the singular sun of the world by whom the rays of Syādvāda were lighted and by whom the entire world was released) realised from the cover of darkness in the form of the doctrines of the opponents
Jayaty atrśayajınair bhāsura-ssura-vanditah Śrimän jina-patih srstēr ādeh kartā dayödayah |
[SII XX No 3 A. D, 630] Victorious is the lord Jina, who is shining with great) Jinas, who is saluted by gods, who is the maker of the first creation and who is full of compassion.
Jayaty anekadhā visvam vivinvann-amsu-mān iva Śrī-vardhamāna-dēvo rutyam padma-prabodhanah ||
[KI Vol 1 No 3 A D 750] Victory to lord Vardhamāna who has displayed this Universe in manifold ways and who awakens (puts to bloom) the padma (Padma, lotus) daily like the sun.
Jayatı bhagavān(f) Jinēndro [vī]ta-jarā-marana Janmano yasya jñānasamudrāntarggatam akhilañ jagad-antarīpam iva 11
[El Vol VI AD 634 pp 1-12, Ihole] = Victorious is the holy Jinendra, he who is exempt from old age, death and birth, in the sea of whose knowledge the whole world is comprised like an island The author of this poetic composition and of the entire inscription in Sanskrit, written in the year Saka samvat 556, is Ravikīru, a court-poet (Poet laureate

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SAMBODHI
of Pulıkesin II, emperor of Badāmi Chalukya dynasty )
Jayatu jagati nityam jaina-sanghodayārskah Prabhavatu jinayogi-brāta padmäkara-śrth-| Sammadayatu casamyag-darśara-jñāna-vritta Prakatita-guna-bhāsvad-bhavya cakrānurägah |||
(EC Vol IX (R) Bēlür No 389 A D 1133 p 353 Mālını Vrtta] May it daily advance in the world, the rising son the Jina samgha, may prosperity be to the lotus-pond the group of Jinayõgis, may affection be to the shining bhavyas (or blessed ones, the Jainas), distinguished for right principle, right knowledge and night conduct in their mode of life
Jayatu-durita-dūrah kshira-kūpāra-hārah Prathita-prthula-kırttı-sri-subhendu-bratīšah || Gunamani-gana-sindhuh śishta-lõkaika-bandhuh Vibudha-madhu-praphullah phulla-bānādı-saly-ah ||
[EC Vol II (R) No 155 (126) A D 1113 p 90 Mālıni Vrtta] Inaccessible to sin, of wide-spread fame resembling the milk ocean and a pearl necklace, an ocean to the jewels of good, qualities, sole friend of the good, a flower to the bees, the learned, a spear to the trouble of cupid, may the lord of ascetics, Subhendra be victorious
Dhārmmika-pundarīka-sanda-modana-karāya gunottarāya | Samsāra-sāgara-nimam hastāvalambanavate Jina-sāsanāya |
[EC Vol VII-1(BLR) Śikānpur No 8 A D 1080, p 124 ] Praise of the Jina sāsana, a course of joy to the lotus pond, the righteous, of the highest virtue, extending a hand to pull out those who are sunk in the ocean of family cares (Praise of who erected a Jinälaya to ādı-Brahma ) This invocatory verse can be compared with another verse under discussion, ie with bhadram bhavatvakhila dhārmika pundarīka shandāvabodhana
Nir gramtha-vrata-chārı-sūri-vacanān nistrimsa-mrstäkrtir
Yo duścchedam akhandayat prthu-filā-stambam jayābhyudyatah 11 (He) who, attempting for victory (heading for victory), stationed the wide rock pıllar, which is hard to break and which is of eight sharp sides, on the advice of the scholar, who was a follower of the Nirgrantha-vow

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Bhadram bhavaty akhila-dhārmmika-pundarikaSandāvabodhana-sumitra-divākarāya || Samsāra-sagara-vicitra-tamaghnajantor Nastāvalambana-krto jina-śāsanāya ||
[SII Vol IX-1 No 387 A D 1297] Let there be auspiciousness to the ordinance of Jina which is the friendly sun awakening the host of lotuses in the form of pious persons and which lends a supporting hand of pious persons and which lends a supporting hand to the being who is oppressed by the peculiar (various) darkness of the ocean of mundance existence
Bhadram bhüyaj jinēndranām sāsanāyaghanāśine Kutīrttha-dhvānta samghāta-prabhinna-ghanabhānave | (A regular śloka)
[SII Vol IX-1 No 52, AD 1007] May prosperity be to the sın-destroying doctrine of the Jinēndras, a fierce sun in dispelling the mass of darkness, the heretical doctrines
Bhadram astu jina-śāsanāya sampadyatām prati vidhāna-hētavě 1 Anya-vādı-mada-hasti-mastaka-sphotanāya ghatanā-pathiyasē 11.
[EC Vol II (R) No 79(69) 12th C P 55] (this is a rathodhata śloka) May prosperity be to the doctrine of Jina, which is a source of self-defence to its followers, and which is clever in preparing itself to break the heads of the rutting elephants, the hostile disputants This hostile attitude of one religion against other, existed and persisted for a long time But it is also a fact that the hostility was mostly based and thrashed (and discussed) on the philosophical level and confined to theoretical arguments Adherents of different religions lived together and co-existence was possible People belonging to one religion helped the people of another religion There are a number of epigraphical references of liberal grants made to temples of another religion with equal respect Standard and set rules and religious policy of the state was always to look upon all religions on par Jains have donated land and money to Śaiva temples and vice versa
Bhadram samantabhadrasya pujyapādasya sanmateh || Akalanka-guror bbüyāt śāsanāya jinësinah || [EC Vol VII-1(BLR) Śıkarıpur No 221 A D 1075 p 299]

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30
HAMPA NAGARAJAIAH
SAMBODHI
Prosperity be to the śāsana of Samantabhadra, of the learned Pūjyapāda, of Akalamka-guru, (the śāsana) of the lord Jina
Yasya saddharma-māhātmyāt saukhyam jagmur muniśvarah Tasya sri-pārsvanāthasya sāsanam varddhatām ciram ||
[EC Vol VII(R) Nāgamamgala 64 (IV Ng 76) AD 1145 p 45] May the doctrine of that Pārsvanátha, by the greatness of whose good law the great sages obtain bliss, increase for ever
Yen ayol na vēsma sthiram arthavidhau vivekinā jina-veśma | Sa vijayatām ravkirtih kavitāśritā-kālıdāsa-bhāravi-kīrtih 11 [El VI 634 A. Dlhole (Bijapur district / Badami tq)
PP 1-12, Arayāgīti = May that Ravikīrti be victonous, who full of discernment has used the abode of Jina, firmly built of stone, for a new treatment of his theme and who, thus by his poetic skill, has attained to the fame of Kālıdāsa and of Bhāravi The author of this poetic composition is the famous poet-laureate of Pulikesin II, written in the year Saka Samvat 556 (A. D 634) This is not an invocatory verse in the sense that this is the last verse of the inscription
Viro Višishtām vinatāya rātım ih trilõkair-abhi-varnyateyah Nurasta-karmmā-nikhilārttha-vēdī pāyād-asau paschima-tirttha-näthah 11
[EC II (R) 360(254) 1398 P 215-16 Upajätı metre) May the destroyer of karma (sin), knower of all things, Vira, the last Tirthanātha (Tirthankara, the omniscient spirtual teacher of the Jains, who is also a builder of the ford for Jains to follow), who is praised by the three worlds as the maker of an excellent gift to his devotee, protect(us)
Śrtyam kriyāsur jagatām adhrsvarās Sam anta-bhadrām-akalanka-nis calām ! Tamo pa(hārā)ya jinēndra-bhānavah Sphuranti võ yan-nayamāna bhänavah || [SII Vol XX. No 52 A. D 1077-78]
May the Suns in the form of Jinendras, who are the overlords of the worlds and whose rays have been flashing upwards (?), bring (Kuryāsuh) that wealth (glory) which is auspicious allround (Samantabhadrām) and which is steady without any blemish (Akalankanścıltäm)

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INVOCATORY SANSKRIT VERSES IN
Śrī-jayaty-ajayya-māhātmyam visāsl-(śrī)ta-ku-säsanam Śäsanam Jainam-udbhäst mukti-lakshaika-śäsanam ||
[EC Vol II(R) No 364(258) A D 1432 p 227] Victorious is the brilliant doctrine, of unassailable greatness, of Jina, which refutes false doctrines and is the sole controller of the goddess of emancipation
Śri-nābh@yo-jitah sambhava-nami-vimalāh Suvratānamta-dharmmāsCamdrāmkah śānti-kumthū-sa-sumati-suvidhiah-sitalo-vāsupūpyah | Mallih śrēyah supārsvau jalajaruchuro nandanah Pārsva-nēmi-Śrī-viras-chett dēvā bhun dadatu chatur-vimsatir-mmamgalāni ||
[EC Vol II (R) No 360(254) 1398. p 215) = Nābhēya (Rishabha), Ajita, Sambhava, Namı, Vimala, Suvrata, Ananta, Dharma, Chandränka (Chandraprabha), śānti, Kunthu, Sumatı, Suvidhi (pushpadanta) Śitala, Vāsupūdya, Mallı, śréya (Śrēyāmsa), Supārsva, jalajaruchi (Padmaprabha), Ara, Namdana, Pārsva, Nemi, Vira, may these 24 gods grant good fortune in the world In this prayer like invocatory verse, nowhere the name of Jain, Jainism or Jina is mentioned And also the prayer is not for any favour of any individual As such, this poem is non-religious and assumes new proportions of a radical and secular approach to human wishes
Śrī-prabhā chandra-siddhānta-devo jīyacchiram bhuvi Vikhyāto bhaya-siddhanta-ratnākara itt smritah 11
[ÉC VIII (R) Arakalgūd, No 133, A. D 1079-80 P 186] May Prabhachandra-siddhāntadeva, famous in the world, remembered as bearing the title ubhayasıddhānta ratnākara (an ocean of both siddhāntas) live long
Śrimapayatty-anekanta-vāda-sampaditõdayam Nis-pratyüha-namat-päkaśāsanam jina-śāsanam 11
[EC Vol VIII-I(BLR) Sorab No 262 A D 1075] Victory to the ordinance of Jina which attains eminence through Anekāntavāda and which Indra salutes without hesitation (impediments)
Śrimapaina-vachõbdhl-vardhana-vidhuh sahitya-vidyā-rudhisSarppa-darppaka-hasti-mastaka-lutthat protkanttha-kantthīravah

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32
HAMPA NAGARAJAIAH
SAMBODHI
Suman-gunacandra-diva-tanayas saujanyāvant sttheyātu Su-Nayakirtti-dēva-munipa-ssiddhanta-chakrēśvarahl
[EC Vol II (R) No 564 Undated p 345] A moon in increasing the ocean, the teaching of Jina, a mine of literature, a roaring lion striking the head of the elephant, the cunning cupid, the birth place of kindness, the illustrious emperor of philosophy, Guna-Chandradeva's son Nayakırtıdēva-munipa, may he continue long (to guide us)
Srinat-parama-gambhira-syād-vädāmogha-lañchhanam | Jiyāt trailokya-nāthasya śāsanam jinaśāsanam ||
[EC Vol II (R) No 176(143) AD 1123 p 128] May the doctrine of Jina be victorious, the doctrine of the lord of the three worlds, the unfailing characteristic of which is the glorious and most profound syadvāda
Śrimat-pavitram-akalamkam-ananta kalpam Svāyambhuvam sakala-mangalam adı-tirtham | Nityotsavam marimayam nilayam jinānām Thailõkya-bhushanam- aham saranam prapadyė || [EC Vol VII-1(BLR) Sägara No 159 A D 1159]
I respectfully resort to the first Tirthankara (Rśabha-deva), who is endowed with glory, who is without blemish, whose creation is infinite (anantakalpa), who is self-born, who is all auspiciousness, who of ever festivity, who is the bejewelled abode of the Jinas and who is the ornaments of the three worlds
Śrimat-syadvada-mudrāmkitam-amalam-ahınemdra-cakrēšvaredyam Jainiyam śāsanam vśruitam-akhila-hitam dosha-dūram gabhiram ! Jiyāt-kärunya-janmāvanır-amita-gunair-vvarnnyanīka-prarekaih Samsēvyam muktikanya-parıcaya-karana-praudham etat trilökyam ||
[EC Vol II (R) No 72(65) A D 1313 p 30] Sragdhara = May the pure, famous, beneficial, faultless and profound doctrine of Jina, which is stamped by the seal of the glorious syād-vāda, extolled by the Nāga kings, Indras and emperors, the fountain-head of mercy, followed by host of virtuous and pre-eminent men, and capable of procuring intimacy with the maiden of salvation, be victorious in the three worlds
Śriman-nätha-kulēndur-indra-parishad-vamdya-śruta-śrī-sudhāDhara-dhauta-jagat-tamopaha-mahah-pinda-prakāndam mahat |

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INVOCATORY SANSKRIT VERSES IN
Yasmān nirmmala-dharmma-vārddhi-vipula śrīr-yvarddhamānā satām Bharttur-bbhavya-caköra-cakram avatu śrī varddhamano jinah ||
[EC Vol II (R) No 77 (67) 1129 p 42 Śārdulavikrīdita ] = May he protect the circle of the chakõras (The bartavelle or Greek partridge said to subsist upon the moonbeams) the blessed Vardhamana Jina, a moon to the illustrious Nātha race, honoured by the court, of Indra, supporter of the good, a large and excellent globe of light dispelling the darkness of the world purified by the ambrosial stream of his learning, through whom the great glory of the ocean of pure religion increases
Śriman-nābhēya-nāthädy-amala-jinava rănika samdhoru-vārddhih Praddhvastāgha-prameya-pracaya visaya-kaivalya-bodhoru vēdih Sasta-syātkāra-mudrā-sabalita-janat anandanādoru-ghoshah Sthērād-achandra-tāram parama-sukha-mahāvlryya-vīci nikāyah ||
[EC II (R) 71(64) 1163 p 27 Sragdharā] May the great ocean of nectar consisting of the group of the illustrious Nábhēya-nātha (1 e Rishabha) and other great holy Jinas continue as long as the moon and stars endure, an ocean which has the highest knowledge regarding the group of faultless objects for its great altar (or,-seal, -ring), which has the shouts of joy of the people distinguished by the token of the excellent syātkāra (or, syādvāda) for its great roar, and which has supreme happiness and great splendour for its cluster of waves
Samsāra-vana-madhye-asmin-nruums-tadgān jana-drumān! Alõky-älökya sad-yrittañ cchinattı-yama-takshakah |
[EC Vol II (R) No 163(133) AD 982 p 106] In the midst of this forest of mundane existence does the carpenter yama select upright round (otherwise, well-behaved) trees in the shape of men and cut them down
Tārā spnārālakausē sura-krta-sumhano vrsti puspāśayāliSto-mākrāmam-tidrhajadhara-patalı dhambhatoyasya mūrdhniSöya sri Gummateśas-tribhuvana-sarasi ramjaneya-rājahamso bhavya-bbhanur-belugula-nagarī-sādhu-jē jiyatīrdam ||
[EC Vol II (R) No 473(342) A D 15th c p 285 Sragdharā vrtta] Victorious of the city of Belgola is Gummatesa, a royal swan in beautifying the pond of the three worlds, a sun to the lotuses, the blessed, over whose head

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HAMPA NAGARAJAIAH
SAMBC
34
abounding in shining curls swarms of bees coveting the flowers showerec the gods move about in the shape of a cluster by clouds APPENDIX - B Anustubh slöka is actually Gāyatrı, extended by another päda, thus it has pādas(verse-lines) each It has many varieties, the most popular variet characterised by1 The fifth syllable in each pada being laghu', and the sixth being 'guru 1 The seventh syllable being 'guru' in the first and the third pādas, and la
in the second and fourth pädas (pamcamam laghu sarvatra sashtam guri śloka is so popular in Sanskrit that it very much dominates the epics and 1 Sanskrit kāvyas, it is prevalent even in Purānas, Sāstras, dictionaries and in inscriptions Even though there are references and examples in Kann immitating and assimilating this Sanskrit sloka style, it did not become pop in Kannada literature Arya is a type of four line verse which consists of 30 mātrās in the first and 27 mäträs (a prosodical unit in Indian literature) in the second half, thus totally consists of 57 mätrās Aryä yrtta is also called as Gäthā vrtta Prākrit language the same Aryä (Gathā) Vrtta, enhanced by seven more māt became a verse of 64 mātrās
Kannada poets adopted this Arya (Gathā) model and, though they retained form, they changed the name from 'Arya-Gathā' into 'Kamda' Kannada p mostly preferred this kamda metre to all other forms of verses and 1 Kannada poetry is abounding in kamda metre APPENDIX - C ABBREVIATIONS
BLR = Benjamin Louis Rice, who edited the volumes C = Century EC = Epigraphia Carnatika and its Volumes El = Epigraphia Indica and its Volumes IAP = Inscriptions of Andhra Pradesh
IWG = Inscriptions of western Gangas, ed, Ramesh, K. V, 1984 KI = Karnatak Inscriptions, and the numbers succeeding indicate the numt

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INVOCATORY SANSKRIT VERSES IN
of Volume and Inscription
MAR = Mysore Archaeological Annual Reports
(R) Revised edition
35
[example
EC II (R) No 364(258) Epigraphia Carnatica, Volume II, revised edition, No 364 is the number of the new edition and the number in bracket (258) is the old number of the same inscription of earlier editions ]
SII = South Indian Inscriptions and its Volumes

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SEAL OF ZAHID SHÄHA
Z. A Desal
There are in all twenty two seals imprinted on the leaf, of which fourteen ar square and eight octagonal in shape While both the seals are identical in tha they belong to the same person, they differ in their legends to the extent tha the one on the square seals contains the name and designation of the perso in whose name the seal is made as well as the date, but the legend on th octagonal seals in addition contains the name of the father, omitting, howeve the date, as will be clear from their readings quoted hereunder
A Square Seal
Zahid Shāh
Khalifa al Qadiri a'r-Rifa'i
.
1201 (H)
"Zahid Shah, spiritual head (Khalifa, hit Successor) of the Qadiri (and) the Rifa (orders) 1201 H (24 October 1786 12 October 1787 A D)"
B Octagonal Seal
Zahid Shah bin Lal Shah
Khalifa al-Qadira war-Rifat
"Zahid Shāh son of Lal Shah, Spiritual Head (Khalifa, lit Successor) of the Qadiri and the Rifai (orders) "
The purpose of putting a number of two identical seals of the same person or a leaf is not clear Separate legends of the two seals of the same person is no unusual in the case of officials or noblemen who would have a fresh sea prepared with a different legend consequent upon change of designation appointment to a new post, or promotion in the year of the event of that occurrence In the case of other persons, that is not usually the case Therefore it is difficult firstly to explain fully or quite satisfactorily two seals of his anc also the fact that these were put a number of times on the same sheet of paper Then again, one seal has name of the owner of the seal without the father's name, but without the date write the other, his name along with the date One

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SEAL OF ZAHID SHAHA
would be tempted to think that the seal with the date was made when Zahid Shah succeeded his father in the spintual headship of the Qadiri-Rifa'i order in the year engraved on the seal
That Zahid Shāh occupied a prominent position in the heirarchy of the QadiriRifai order of his town, city or region is clear from the text of the seal-legend In India, while Qädıri order founded by Shaikh Muhyiud-Din Abdul-Qadir Jilāni (d 1165 A D) is quite widespread throughout India, the Rifa'i order initiated by Shaikh Ahmed Rifa'i (d 1192 A D) is mainly confined to Gujarat with its chief centre Surat and later on, also at Vadodara A Rifai saint-Gujare poet Shah Ali Jiyu Gamdhanī lived in Ahmedabad and lies buried in the eastern most part of the Raikhad locality of the city where his tomb can be seen on the main road from Khamasa gate to Jamalpur gate He had died in A D His descendants live in Ahmedabad But Surat and Vadodara Rifa'i and Qadri-Rifa'i families are more prominant
On the reverse of the leaf are a couple of verses doha or kavit in Gujarati written in Devanagari and Gujarati characters The one at top left, written vertically upwards reads.
मरम न बुर्जे माहलो
नहि चित एक र
सुदर पण सोहे नही ष (ख) राष (ख) री छे ढोर
37
Below it inscribed horizontally as usual from left to right is the same dohā or kavit with a heading (?) and a name of a person with its place of residence
ऐर्दणा | व्यास बलदेव फुमखामें
वालेशर रहिया
गाम कुमा मधे रह
19
मरम न बुफें माहलो नहि चित एक ठोर
सुदर पण सोधे नही
षरा षरी घरी छे ढोर
Below this is evidently the signature and address of the writer of the above
પનસા (સાહ) રતન (સા)મજી ગમા (ગામ) કંડન (કીના) રવસુછ (રહેવાસી છે)

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ZA DESAI
SAMBODHI
દદ મનસુખરમ (રામ)
8 0492H1 (6494241) 5141 (14) dla-512- Ra 9 (Paul :)) That this Gujarati writing is from the pen of Mansukh Räm of the Bazar (Market), Visnagar (in Mehsana district) is clear from the word EE for Ezud le signature preceding the name as also from the word in erased in the second Devnāgari quotation This signature it may be noted is written in Bodi (GULL) Gujarati characters, that is to say without vowel marks like in most cases The Devnagarı-Gujarati writing is assignable to the century

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THE MANGALA VERSE OF THE NYAYASIDHĀNTAMUKTĀVALI OF
VISVANATHA : MAHADEVA BHATTA VERSUS RĀMARUDRA BHATTĀCĀRYA
Swera Prajapati
In the field of Sanskrit Šāstras the most remarkable point is that all Šāstras are interdisciplinary in their nature and scope They form an unitive whole even though there are intra-differences among themselves Each Śāstra is enriched by the principles of the other Here in this paper I have taken up an example to show how Alamkāraśāstra develops a concept of its poetic blemish on the strength of the principle of Nyāyaśāstra and later on how an expert of Nyāyaśāstra makes use of that principle while analysing a piece of poetry in a Nyāya work The Mangala verse of the Nyāyasıdhāntamuktāvalil of Viswanātha Nyāyapancānana reads.
चूडामणीकृतविधुर्वलयीकृतवासुकिः ।
भवो भवतु भव्याय लीलाताण्डवपण्डितः ॥१॥ (He by whom the moon is made to be crest-jewel, he by whom Väsuki is made to be grant armlet, may that Bhava, who is an expert in the art of sportive dance Tāndava, be the cause of your well being ) This verse, according to Rāmarudra, is faulty for having a poetic blemish called Samāptapunarätta In this verse 'Bhava' is a vibesya (substantive) pada and the last clause, lilātāndavapandita is an adjective added after the completion of the sentence a Mahādeva Bhatta, the author of the commentary Dinakarī does not agree with Rāmarudra on this point The clause, lilātāndavapandita, according to him, is itself a Višesya, it is not an adjective as said by Rāmarudra So there is no fault Explaining further the nature of the poetic defect, Samāptapunarātta, he argues that "Only in case of a sentence which is completed and the substantive again is added with some adjective then the above defect arises m Thus this argument, says Rāmarudra, is not convincing Mahadeva himself is
* Research officer, Oriental Institute, MS University Baroda - 390 002

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SWERA PRAJAPATI
SAMBODHI
40
conscious of the weakness of this contention and hence has proposed another explanation which seems cogent enough Mahadeva asserts that the last clause "lılätändavapandita" gives the reason of the entire make-up of the Lord Siva The sentence is not complete without it The question, therefore, naturally arises Why Lord Siva put the moon on his crest and made Väsuki his armlet ? "Lilātandavapandita is the answer to this question that the Lord Siva is going to perfom his favourite dance Tändava and a dancer must make decoration which is necessary for his purpose So the sentence, inspite of the mention of the verb, does not give a complete and coherent meaning without the last clause, lilātāndavapandita There is no ground, says Mahadeva, to change the concluded sentence just for the sake of construing an additional adjective (višesana) with the substantive (vibesya) The defect under consideration arises only in the case where the sentence has already covered the logically self-sufficient meaning and the introduction of a fresh adjective giving rise to fresh expectancy, utthāpyākānksā le occasioned by force But in the case of the present verse, there is no such expectancy The last clause lılātāndavapandita does not create any fresh ākānksā The final clause though delivered as an adjective states the reason and the logical necessity without which the proposition becomes meaningless and this fact exempts the case from the blemish under reviews Now, a look at the nature of this defect from the poetic works will be helpful to analyse the problem in hand samāpta-punarätta (resumption of the concluded) anses of a speaker employs a further qualification when the relation of the subject with the predicate has been fully understood Mammata does not give any definition of it The logic of this defect lies in the consideration that when a sentence is completed or when a proposition expressed by it is logically self-sufficient, the addition of a further adjectival clause is necessarily of the nature of an after-thought For example
क्रेङ्कार स्मरकार्मुकस्य सुरतक्रीडापिकीना रवो झङ्काये रतिमञ्जरीमधुलिहा लीलाचकोरीध्वनिः । तन्व्याः कञ्चुलिकापसारणभुजाक्षेपस्खलत्कङ्कणः क्वाणः प्रेम तनोतु वो नववयो लास्याय वेणुस्वन. ॥
(Like unto the twang of Cupid's bow, the sweet singing of the cuckoo of dalliance, the humming of bees in the bloossom of love, the sound of the parridge of graceful sportiveness, -may the jingling of the slender girl's bangles

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THE MANGALA VERSE
dropped in the shaking of her arms at the time of the attempt to remove her bodice-expand your love I the gingling resembling the ring of the flute played to the dancing of youthfulness 1)
Vol XXII, 1998
41
Here the sentence concludes at 'tanotu vah but the qualification 'navavayolläsyäya venusvanah' is thrown in, after the sentence has been completed, without matenally adding to the beauty or intensity of the effect already produced
This dosa is based on logical relevance The Naiyäyıkas have devoted considerable attention to the problems of the logical conditions of the constituent words coming into relation with one another in a sentence They affirm that there are three conditions viz, äkänksä (logical dependence of one word upon another word), yogyata (mutual compatibility) and sannidhi (proximity) A sentence understood to be completed when the akansä is satisfied It is of two kinds 1 utthita-äkänsä (spontaneous) and 2 utthäpyaäkänksä (occasioned by after thought) In the given context the blemish of samaptapunarätta anses from having recourse to the second type of äkänksä In the instance quoted above the addition of the last clause 'navavayoläsys venusvanah' only ends in repetition without satisfying any logical requirement But if an additional meaning is conveyed by the adjectival clause, the defect does not arise The defect in the present case would be avoided if it would be given in the form of a sentence which can be effected by the substitution of yah' for 'vah' which would give it a formal status of a separate clause The verse then would give a meaning as May the ringing sound of the moving bangles which plays the role of the music of the flute and which accompany the dancing of youth expand your love
Mammata also asserts that samaptapunarätta is neither a defect nor an excellence in some cases where the resumption is not for the purpose of adding a further epithet but is introduced as a distinct statement
Samāptapunaratta is a logical defect If a sentence either in prose or in poetry is completed and a further addition does not give anything new and simply repeats the same idea, then, there is no logic in adding a word, sentence or a clause If it is done, it leads to the fault of samäptapunarätta for the simple reason that it is an extra addition without any purpose
Now to conclude as in ordinary sentence so also in a piece of poetry logical completion is a necessary factor From the point of Nyayaśāstra a sentence is
4

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SWERA PRAJAPATI
SAMBODHI
42
said to be complete if it fulfils the expectancy If a piece of poetry or a verse does not give a coherent and complete meaning what is expected from the point of view of the listener, then expectancy arises Either for the expectancy or for the purpose of some other cause of an addition is made which does not fit into the structure of the verse after the formal completion usually denoted by the verb The poetic blemish samāptapunarātta, is rooted in the idea of logical completion of the sentence Poeticians have developed this concept on the logical foundation of the Nyāyaśästra
It is interesting to see here that Rāmarudra argues against Mahadeva Bhattācarya on the issue of whether the given piece of poetry is defective or not ? As I understand in the above given versecüdāmanıkrtavidhu, the term līlātändavapandita is added with a definite purpose It is a substantive, of bhaya It explains the nature of him and also explains why he has made moon his cüdāmanı and why Väsuki as his valaya The given clause therefore fulfils the desired expectancy Taking into consideration this point the argument of Mahādeva seems to be convincing But, as apparently clear the construction of verse is little awkward which perhaps urges Råmarudra to find a fault with it However, his argument is not clear and convincing He shows excessive logical concern and argues that the word is given after the completion of the sentence and it does not add anything new to the content of meaning, But Mahadeva nghtly argues and shows how the given Mangalasloka is free from the defect of Samāptapunarätta
REFERENCES 1 Nyāyapaficānana Viśvanātha, Karkāvali-Muktavali, with Dinakari and Rāmarudri,
edited by Shukla Hariram, Pub by Chowkhamba Sanskrit Series, Benaras 1959 2 क्रियाऽन्वयेन शान्ताऽऽकाक्षस्य भवो भव्याय भवत्वित्येतावताऽन्वयबोधेनैव भवपदस्य शान्ताऽऽकाक्षतयोतरत्र
विद्यमानस्य "लीलाताण्डवपण्डित" इति विशेषणस्याऽन्वयार्थ स भवः पुन. कीदृश ? इत्याकाङ्क्षासम्पादनाय
भवपदेन भवस्मरणस्यावश्यकतया भवति समाप्तपुनरात्तत्व दोष इति भावः । Ramarudri, P 1-2 3 wafa gefastoa, : THYRICA ea. Dinakarī, P 1 4 विधोः किमिति चूडामणीकरणम् ? किमर्थ वा वासुकेर्वलयीकरणम् ? इत्याकाक्षाया निराकाङ्क्षप्रतिपत्तिर्न
Hafa istifafarerga faratas 991065444 ara: Dinakari, P 2 5 उत्थाप्याऽऽकाक्षया विशेषणाऽन्वय एव तन्प्रसरादिनि । लीलया ताण्डव नृत्य, तत्र पण्डितोऽभिज्ञ इत्यर्थः ।
Dinakari, P 2 6 Parekh Nagindas, Mammata no Kavyavicāra, Gujarati Sahitya Parishad, Ahmedabad, P
275

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POPULAR SPORTS AND PASTIMES IN 12TH CENTURY GUJARAT AS
DEPICTED IN THE CANDAPPAHACARIYA
Salont N. Joshi
References to sports and means of entertainment are found in abundance in ancient Jaina texts The royal households included a vanety of sportsmen such as acrobats (nada) dancers (nattaga), wrestlers (malla), boxers (muttthiya), Jesters (velambiya), reciters (kahaga), storytellers (akkhayaga), ropedancers (alla), jumpers (pavaga), rāsa singers (läsaka), pole dancers (lamkha) etc References to these are found in the Rajapraśntyasutra! Aupapātikasūtra? Detailed description of these sports and means of entertaining are found in the Candappahacarıyam composed in Prakrit by Haribhadra of (12th century AD) This work is yet unpublished and a palmleaf manuscript is available in Hemacandrācārya Jain Inānabhandāra at Patan? It describes the life of Candraprabhasvāmi—the ninth Tīrthankara of the Jainas along with his six previous births in his fifth previous birth he was Ajitsenacakravartî in the narration of whose life story we find detailed and beautiful description of Udyānakrīdā
It was the end of winter and the beginning of autumn Here the author gives a detailed description of nature (V 2868-2881) Ajitsena pleads with his beloved to visit nagaraudyāna to observe and enjoy the beauty of autumn He announced that the citizens my join hım His subjects happily join the king Here the poet describes the beauty of Vanaśrı and of Kandukakrīdā, Puspacayanakrīdā Dolākridā, music dance, and drama (vs No 2917-2951) performed by the citizens for their own entertainment The king was very happy to see his people enjoying themselves
Then he occupies his seat on Kridagiri made of crystal Players commenced their performances to please the King This description of entire performance of various sports is very lively and picturesque Sometimes the author uses Apabhramśa language to make this picture more effective It is very rare and elaborate description of different kind of sports at one place such as nada, natta, jalla, malla, velambaga, kahaga, lamkha, indajālıya Let us see in detail how this work narrates the different kind of sports

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44
SALONI N JOSHI
SAMBODHI
Laudarāsa (Lakutarasa)
It is very popular in Gujarat and specially played in present times during Navarātrī festival Here there is no detailed description, how this lakutarāsa played It seems to be the same as what popularly known as Dāndıyā-rāsa But the author describes the sound of playing sticks and musical instruments (pataha, karadı, mrdanga) played with rāsa which filled the entire atmosphere with sound very similar to thunder clouds Nădaya (Nāțaka), Natta (Nstya) Natās started showing their skills according to rules mentioned in BharataNātyaśāstra with various abhinaya Then the dancers began showing their performance with the help of various Karana and nrtyavıdhı The pleasing sounds of their Katimekhalās gave joy and satisfaction to the audiences
Jallakrida (Varatrakhela), Rope dance
According to Abhayadevasūri ( in the commentary of Rājapraśniyasūtra) jalla means rope dancer', but he mentions that many commentators interpret jalla as 'one' who praises the King' Malayagin takes jalla in this sense, in the commentary on Aupapātikasūtra? Here in 'Candappahacarıya' the word jallis used for rope dancers While standing on the rope these jallas were exhibiting different types of skills, such as throwing the disk (cakra) in the sky and catching it, and doing the same thing with a ball They were moving the knives tied with thread which creates the impression of a circle of knives They were also dancing on the rope balancing themselves Description of this king of Jallakrīdā is very rarely found Mallakrīda
References to Mallakrīdā are found in many places in Sanskrit and Prakrita literature Here the poet mentions two types of Malla boxers (mutthi malla) and wrestlers (nijuddhamalla) They were showing their skills by fighting and deceiving each other
Velambaga-(Vidambaka Vidusaka)
Vidūsakas were performing special type of folk dance known as 'Perani' wearing mask, artificial teeth, nails and hair Through their various kinds of facial gestures they were entertaining the spectators 10

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POPULAR SPORTS AND
45
Kahaga=Kathaka, Story tellers Among the entertainers storytellers were also included They were telling vanous kinds of stories with physical and facial gestures, so that people became wonderstuck11
Lamkhakrīdā (Mahāvamśāgrakhela) = Bamboopole dance References to Lamkhas (Mahāvamśāgra khelakah) are found abundantly in ancient Jaina texts, especially in the Tlāciputrakathā The oldest and detailed description can be read in the 'Avasyakacūrni (early 7th century A D )12 This sport is called 'langhan-padanakrīdā (jumping up on pole and again jumping down) also A board is fitted on a long bamboo pole and two big nails are fixed on it Two hollow pipes are fitted on the sole of players shoes He jumps in the air and lands on the board in such a perfect manner that both standing nails exactly come under the two hollow pipes of his shoes He moves around himself speedily seven times in front and seven times in back, without losing his balance Then he jumps on the ground safely A little disbalance may lead the player in hundred pieces
Above mentioned description is not found in these Udyankrīdā Here this kriidā is described in only one Apabhrmkha' verse 'Lamkha' players were ascending the tall post of bamboos like an aeroplane in the sky and performed amazing feats They moved on the post like potter's wheel The description of this krīdā is also found in another place in the same text In the story of Ilāciputra' (4292-4294),14 the author narrates this lamkhakrida with the help of three verses which is similar to those in the Avašyakacūrnu
Indajālıya (Indrajāla) After the description of lamkha poet describes the skill of magicians in three Apabhrmśa verses These magicians made people wonder-struck by producing precious stones, pearls and fire from mouth They were roasting the grains with the corner of their clothes They were showing the plants full of leaves, flowers, and fruits after immediately sawing the magic seeds The king enjoys the skill of magicians In reality, it was nothing but hypnotising the common people is
Thus this text gives valuable information about various kinds of sports and means of entertainment which were wellknown in ancient times

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46
७
८
४
FOOT NOTES
१ रायपसेणइ सुत्त (राजप्रश्नीसूत्र ) - मलयगिरिवृत्ति सपा. प. बेचरदास दोशी, प्रका. गुर्जर, अमदावाद, १९१४ पृ.
२ औपपातिकसूत्रम् अभवदेवसूरि टीका. प्रका. आगमोदय समिति, सूत १९१६ पू. २
चदहचरिय कर्त्ता श्रीचद्रमूदिशिष्य आचार्य हरिभद्रसूरि ताडपत्रीय हस्तप्रत पत्र २६५ प्रथा ८०३२, माप x २ इच लेखन सवत १२२३
-
ता सविसेस खेलय - खेली लोएण पाड-पहुएण ।
लउडरास खेल्नणय सपमोय काठमाढत्तं ॥
-
सिद्ध नह-विवर पक्ष-करडी-मुमुक्षण
आउज्जाण सद्दो उच्छलिओ विविह- पाडेहिं ॥
SALONI N JOSHI
लउडस- सद्देण सचलिओ तह कह वि तमि खणे । जह राया सपरियणो सजाओ चित्त लिहिओ व किं च ॥
पुढवि पडे रमणीय पवर वायहि आउज्जइ ।
पाठस - जलहर - गहिर- सरेण जण- विरइय-चोण्जइ ॥
५ सच्चविय भरहभावा चक्कीव तरुव उदिय पत्त - सिरी । पयर्डेति नाडयाइ नडा अणेगाहिणय सारा ॥
लठडारासु तयाणुसारि तिव केंवइ खेल्लाहि । जिव लोयह अन्नत्थ कहिं वि मण-नयण न डोल्लाहिं ॥
हरियम-रणिर-पग्वरिय जय-जय-तोस । सच्चविय - विविह करणा कुणति अत्रे व नट्ट-विहिं ॥
६ जय - वस्त्र खेलका राज स्तोत्रपाठको इत्यन्ये- औपपातिकसूत्र - See (२)
See (१)
अत्रत्थ वरत्ता - खेलियाठ,
वाइ-गीय - संगय-नट्ट - विहाणेण नट्टय-जणेण । स्ववि तह चक्की जह से दालिनवणेड़ ॥
"
तहि चक्क उल्ललतियाठ ।
दशगुणम् पुपु शिपाद गोहिल रामतियाठ ॥
या वि गुणवतियाद, गोलय-छुरिया पयडेंतियाठ
SAMBODI

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POPULAR SPORTS AND
तिग-जोगिण जणु रजतियाठ
नच्चति वरत्ता-सठियाठ ॥ ९ बाहूरूय-कर-चलण-पमुहगाइ अणेग-भगेहिं ।
कुव्वता मल्ला निय-निय-विन्नाणाई पयडेंति ॥ निज्जुद्ध-जुद्ध-कुसला अन्ने अन्नोन्नमगसधीओ। यलेंति सव्वति य पुणो वि कय करणयाइ सया ॥ केवि पुण मुट्ठिमाला परोप्पर मुट्ठि-पहरण-पसत्ता ।
वंचति मुष्टि-पहारे करण-विसेसेहि उल्ललिलं ॥ १० केवि पुण विहिय-पडिमुह-कारिम-बहुदत वाल-नह-नियरा ।
दसति पेरणाइ बहुणि जणजणिय-चोज्जाइ ॥ नच्चता गायता कुणति तह विविह-वयण-चेष्टाओ । जेण हसावति जय पि सुगत्तं पयसता ॥
११ कहगा कहेंति बहुविह कहाओ तह विविह-हावभावेहिं ।
जह चित्तालिहिओ इव उवउत्त-मणोजणो सुणइ ॥ वज्जिस्मद्दलिया रणझणत-कसालिया-रख-मिसेण । के वि हु दूर-गयाण वि जणाण कुव्वति आहवण ॥ तयणतरमाढत्त तरतरा-रुइर-ठाणय-पबधा ।
गायता गीयाइ कवति पुट्विाल्ल्-चरिपाइ । १२ श्रीमदावश्यक सूत्र, पूर्व विभाग, भद्रबाहुस्वामि नियुक्ति, हरिभद्रसूरि वृत्ति. प्रका. आगमोदय समिति, सूरत १९१६,
पृ. ३४९ १३ लंखा उण चडिवि महत-वसि
बहु-पव्वरमि गयणावयंसि अकिलेसिण किरिणा विचित्त देंति
कुभार-चक्कु जिम्ब पुणु फिरत ॥ १४ नरजुयल-पाणि-सपुड-उद्धीकय गरुयवस सिहरमि ।
ठविऊण कट्ठफलय तत्थ दो कीलगे निसिठ ॥ त मूलमि य दो पाठयाओ ठविकण गयणमुप्पइठ । किरणप्पओगओ पाठयासुपाए परिटुवइ ॥ जइ पुण कहमवि चुकेइ पाठयाण तओ स सहसत्ति सयखंडी होइ पडेऊणं विस्सभरावीठे ॥

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SALONI N JOSHI
SAMBODHI
१५ दसहि नाणाविह इदियाल
जण-जणिय-चोज्ज अपभूय काल नाणाविह मणिमोत्तिय-पवाल
कड्डहिं मुहाउ अग्गि-जाल ॥ भुजहिं वत्थचलि धाणियाओ
तडयड-सद्देण फुडतियाओ तक्खण-आरोविय-भूय-गुलिय
दसहि सुपत्त लहु फुल्ल फलिया ॥ इच्चाइ-सयल-विनाण-नाण
सच्चवइ निवई विस्सुय-नडाण परमत्थ-वियारि न ताइ किं चि
पर जणहिं मोहु जण-दिहि वचि ॥

Page #60

OUTSTANDING LINGUISTIC FEATURES OF THE SATTAKAS
Chandramouli S. Naikar
From time immemorial, drama' is the most attractive of all the literary forms because it pleases and appeals to all tastes of mankind 2 It is indeed a reflection of all that man observes, thinks, feels, experiences and identifies himself with Sanskrit Drama being of divine, legendary origin, it has evolved through many centuries in the past by great poets like Bhāsa, Kālidāsa, Śūdraka and Bhavabhuti When compared to these literary luminaries, the Prakrit playwrights ie, Sattakākaras like Rajasekhara and others though lesser poets, their dramatic compositions or Sattakās have a peculiar charm of their own and deserve to be studied for whatever they are worth
There are six Sattakäs that have come down to us They are as follows
1 The Karpūramañjarī of Rajasekhara of the 10th century A. D
2 The Rambhāmañjarī of Nayacandra of the 15th century A D
3 The Candralekha of Rudradāsa of the 17th century A. D
.
4 The Vilasavati of Märkandeya of the 17th century A D (second half) 5 The Śrngāramañjarī of Visvesvara of the 18th century A. D (first quarter) 6 The Anandasundari of Ghanaśyama of the 18th century A. D (first half) Karpūramañjarī composed by the great poet and rhetorician Rajasekhara belongs to the 10th century AD is the earliest And the Vilasavati of Märkandeya is known to us only by reference
A thorough linguistic study of these Sattakās can be substantial enough for an exclusive dissertation But, it is impossible to give here an adequate idea within the limited space and restricted canvass at our disposal, of the infinite variety and beauty of these cameos of thought and feeling Therefore, only the outstanding linguistic peculiarities of features of the Sattakas have been noted here For this purpose we shall take up the first Sattaka ie the Karpūramañjarī
Karpūramañjarī:
Scholars have discussed at length and controversy over the language in general

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50
CHANDRAMOULI S NAIKAR
SAMBODHI
and Prakrit dialects of the Karpūramañjari. Some held that it is written in Saurasenu but others held that it is written in Māhārāstri Grammarians like Märkandeya, it has been noted by scholars, remark that Răjasekhara's Sauraseni has its own peculianties, for, he uses 'd' for 't' in verses composed in Māhārāstn Even scholars like R Pischel, charge that Rājasekhara has committed dialectal erros in the Karpūramanjarī by using forms like 'ghettūna' often and 'genha' once only. He repeats this charge in his monumental work Noting all such points and facing the problem of proper text of the Karpūramañjarī to be followed, we come to the conclusion that Rājasekhara has composed his Karpūramasjari in Prakrit which is an admixture of Māhārästri and Sauraseni dialectal characteristics Taking into account the date of Rājasekhara (c. 10th century AD) we can say that he was surrounded by the living Prakrit tongue and was naturally much influenced by it This living Prakrit language must have had not only the characteristics of both Saurasenī and Māhārāstri dialectss but also the currency of certain words some of which have crept into this Sattaka
Sten Konow has collected such words and put them in a table under the caption 'Rare and provincial words' some of them have been called by him Māhārāstnicisms N G Suru observes that Rajasekhara's home being the old Mahārästra ie, Vidarbha (which was also called Kuntala country), such Māhārāstricisms could naturally form part of Rajasekhara's diction If we carefully look into Konow's table above, we come to know that most of these words are Deśī words & But several of these and a few others can be traced to Marăthi The following words are interesting in the sense that they suit with the minor variations even to the phonology of the current Marathi language, wherein their meanings also are almost intact
Kadilla (A cloth girt round the lions) Kodda (desire)
37 3
Khadakkiä (A side door) Camga (Beautiful)
20-21
31,33 24,25,26,28
Nipatta (Abundant) Tappara (large)
17
20-21

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OUTSTANDING LINGUISTIC FEATURES OF
Tikkidā (Adorned with a tulaka)
II
11-12 Cakkala (Round)
34 (Gali) bailla (A strong but lazy bull)
20-21 Bāulluā (A doll)
19-20 Besides the usages of Deśī and provincial words or vernacularisms, Rājasekhara here and there has put in his literary Prakrit of the Karpūramañjari the very breath of the living tongue words like 'dosolah' (pair of sixteen' (1V-10), abuses like bhamaratente (having an unsteady character like a bee), and 'tentākāle (owner of the gambling place) (1 2021), popular proverbs like 'suse sappo' desantare vejjo' (the snake is dangling over the head while the physician is away in a distant land) (TV 18-19) and expressions like rūdhā kā khandanā ?? (How can there be a break from customary usage ? (II 27) are some of the examples of such outstanding peculiarities Rambhāmañjari Nayacandra composed his Rambhāmañjarī in the 15th century AD when Praknit had ceased to be a living tongue His knowledge of Prakrit was acquired through Prakrit grammar and he was the earliest imitator of the Karpūramañjari Though he uses three languages 1e Prakrit, Sanskrit and Marāthī, in his work the main language is Prakrit which has both the characteristics of Sauraseni and Māhārästri The artificiality of Nayacandra's Prakrit in this Sattaka has been already pointed out by R P Poddar in the introduction of his edition. To substantiate this view the learned editor has exemplified vetse I 32 To strengthen this view, verses like I 48 and II 5 etc , can be pointed out as additional examples Moreover Prakrit forms like 'maccamm' (
18), pūdo' (19) 'gambhūrida' ( 50) etc, further confirm the artificial nature of the Prakrt language here As the author's Prakrit knowledge is solely based on Prakrit grammer, it is not found fluent also Could it be the reason that the author resorted to the "Promiscuous use'10 of Sansknt and Prakrt, and even Marāthī ? Moreover, Naycandra's Prakrit here is conspicuous by the absence of provincialisms or vernacularisms But forms hke Caccaribhau' ( 60), Jau' (I 53) etc indicate some Apabhramsa influence that could prevail in his native tongue Desī words are rarely found, yet words like 'chailla' (wise) (I 13), 'madappharo' (pride) (III 15) etc somehow reconcile us in this regard

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CHANDRAMOULI S NAIKAR
Candralekha
Scholars have noted that Rudradāsa has composed his Candralekha in Praknt which has assimilated Mähärästri and Sauraseni characteristics almost on an equal footing During his period Praknt was not a living tongue at all
SAMBODHI
Dr AN Upadhaye has opined that his Prakrit is nearly the same as the one described in the grammar of Vararuci, current in South India " Thus his knowledge of Prakrit is based entirely on Prakrit grammar
12
Therefore, there is no wonder if the Praknt language of the Candralekha sounds artificial But unlike the Praknt of Nayacandra, Rudradāsa's language is fluent and forceful Possibly owing to his perfect mastering of it with grammar lexicons and early excellent Praknt works of Pravarasena, Häla etc
The following five Dell words used by the author in this work bear testimony to the above noted fact
Phulla
Chailla (wise)
Purilla (excellent)
Cukka (A clenched hand)
Thora (Gradually becoming large)
(1 16 35)
(126)
(III 4)
(IV 15)
(IV 19)
Śrngāramafijari
Scholars have noted already that Visvesvara has composed his Śrngärmañjarī in Prakrit which has both Mähärästri and Sauraseni dialectal charactenstics He belongs to the last stage of the decadent period of Praknt literature ie the 18th century AD, and he being a voluminous Sanskrit author, acquired the knowledge of Prakrit through grammatical works and composed his Sattaka Hence its language naturally sounds artificial It is possible as Dr AN Upadhye remarks, 18 that he first mentally drafted in Sanskrit and then expressed it in Prakrit A close scrutiny of verses like I 38 III 15 etc would easily convince us of this view
Moreover his formation of Praknt words like 'Samatta' (Skt Samasta), Pamma (Skt Padma), niccaa (Skt Niscaya) etc, further more elucidate the artificiality of his language 14
Visvesvara who flourished in Northern India has not been influenced by his native tongue or by the Apabhramsa elements rooted in it, for his Prakrit does

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OUTSTANDING LINGUISTIC FEATURES OF
not contain either provincialisms or Apabhramsa forms Another linguistic peculiarity of Visveśvara's Prakritis his rare use of Deśī words like chailla (wise) (I 6), cikkhulla (Mud) (III 10) etc But he is found to have been partial to the Dhātvaādeśas, is the reason for which is very difficult to trace Anandasundarī
It has been noted by scholars that this Sattaka too has been composed in Prakrit in which Māhārāstri and Sauraseni dialectal characteristics are found to a considerable extent Ghanaśyāma, the author of this Sattaka, who is mainly a voluminous Sanskrit writer, 16 belongs to the last stage of the decadent period of Prakrit literature 1 e 1800 A D and whose knowledge of Prakrit is based primarily on the study of grammatical works He is the last available imitator of the Karpūramañarī and he is said to have produced twenty Prakrit works, of which three were Sattakas, the Anandasundarī being the sole extant Sattaka by his pen The Prakrit language of this Sattaka displays considerable artificiality and lack of natural and lively expressions The artificial knack of mental drafting in Sanskrit and then converting it into Prakrit also applies to him Dr A. N Upadhye, the editor of Anandsundarī observes in this regard that the Prakrit verses II 6 and III 11 can be conveniently changed into Sanskrit even without distrubing their metre 17 Similar artificiality is also conspicuous in the following Prakrit words18 arbitrarily changed from Sanskrit Cakira (cakra) P 14 Sirusa (sūrsa)
P 23 nuva (nrpa) P 29 Usamga (utsanga) P 54 Ghanaśyāma, flourishing during 1800 A D is practically free from the influence of Apbhramsa forms in his Prakrit writings But as an accomplished scholar, he has at his command some Desī words like 'masına' Masrna (
12), 'camga' (beautiful) (1 2), riñcholi (a line) (
p 35) etc, which he could scatter in his writing The most interesting feature of Ghanaśyāma's Prakrit is that his abundant use of Marāthī words and roots with Prakrit inflexions The following list of such forms would indicate that many of them are in currency in Marāthī even to this day

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CHANDRAMOULI S NAIKAR
(12)
(p 2)
(p 3)
(p 6)
(p 6)
(p 9)
(p 11)
(p 24)
(p 14)
(p. 15)
(p 18)
(p 39)
(p 49)
(p 50)
(p 52)
(p 12)
Even some of Ghanasyama's full Prakrit expressions sound quite close to Marathi 19
kodana
ghodo
thevūna
gheūna
makkadacettha
songa
kappuna
khäuna
porassa
pottae
basadu
plūna
badabadat
dukkari
pähüna
khādao
ettha basadu pingalo (p 9)
na dakkhavanti ma tondam (p 24)
Thus these outstanding linguistic features indeed demand our special attention while taking a linguistic survey of the Sattakas and they do enhance the structure and the style of language of these Sattakas
FOOTNOTE.
1 Kävyesu nātakam ramyam A popular saying
2 Natyam bhunnarucerjanasya bahudhäpyekam samärädhanam
4 Ibid. S 584
5 Scholars differ in this conection
SAMBODHI
Malavikāgnimitram I 4
Avasthanukrtirnatyam rūpam driyatayocyate
Dasarupaka, I 7
3 Comparative Grammar of the Prakrit Languages, Eng Tr by S Jha Varanasi 1957,
s 22
6 Karpuramaljart (Sattaka), Ed. by Sten Konow and Charles R Lanman, Harvard, 1901, p 201
7 Karpūramanjari, Ed. by N G Suru, Ruparel College, Bombay 1960, pp LIV-LVII 8 Op cit p 201

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9 Rambhāmañjarī, Research Institute of Prakrit, Jainology and Ahimsa, Vaishali (Bihar),
1976, p 2 10 As termed by Dr A N Upadhye, Introduction to his Candralekhi, Bharatiya Vidya
Bhavan, Bombay 1945, p 42 11 His edition of Candralekhā. Introduction, p 63 12 Moreover, Rudradāsa's period is the decadent period of Prakrit literature, vide Dr A.
N Upadhye, op cit, p 58 13 In his edition of Śrngärmañarī, introduction, p 41 14 For details vide ibid, pp 41-42 15 As remarked by Dr A. N Upadhye, Op cit, p 42 16 Besides being a reputed Marathi writer also 17 Ghanaśyāma's Anandasundarī, Motilal Banarasidass, Banaras 1955, p 18 18 Dr A N Upadhye calls such words as abnormal forms op cit, P 19 19 At such contexts we cannot forget that the author has called himself 'Mahārāstra
Cüdāmanī through the words of Vidūsaka, Anandasundari, op cit, p 3

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CHANDRAMOULI S NAIKAR
SAMBODHI
REFERENCES
Malavikāgnimitram of Kälıdāsa Dasarūpaka of Dhanafijaya Karpuramañjari of Rājasekhara
1 Ed by Sten Konow and C R Lanman, Harvard 1901
2 Ed. by N G Suru, Ruparel College, Bombay 1960 Rambhāmañjarī of Nayacandrasuri,
Ed. by R. P Poddar, Research Institute of Prakrit, Jaunology and Ahimsa, Vaishali (Bihar) 1976 Candralekhā of Rudradāsa
Ed by Dr A. N Upadhye, Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan, Bombay 1945 Srngārmañjan of Viśveśvara
Ed. by Dr A N Upadhye, Journal of the University of Poona, Vol XIII, 1961 (Humanities) Anandasundari of Ghanaśyāma
Ed. by Dr A. N Upadhye, Motilal Banarasidass, Banaras 1955 Comparative Grammar of the Praknt languages by R Pischel Eng Trans by S Jha, Varanası 1957

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HISTORICITY OF TRIBHUVANA-PĂLA-DEVA AND KUMĀRA-PĀLA-DEVA IN DŪTĀNGADA OF SUBHAȚA . A CRITICAL
REVIEW:
Sudarshan Kumar Sharma?
Dūtāngada of Subhata containing fiftysix verses commencing with two benedictory verses and a regular Prologue refers to the Parisad of Mahārājādhırāja-śrīmat-tribhuvanapāladeva as ordaining the poet to take up the task of initiating a play which has been called as "chāyā-nätaka" by the poet, not in the real sense of the term denoting its meaning The play was to be enacted on the occasion of a procession in honour of Devaśrī-kumārapāla-deva in the spring season The poet calls himself as Mahā-kavi though no other work of his is available extant He calls himself as "padavākya-pramāna-pärangatah" The play in its present extant available form is a one act play, the shorter version, as illustrated by scholars like Dr Sushil Kumar De, AB Keith,V Varadācārı, M Winternitz, Krishnamachariar, Baladeva Upădhyāya,' G V Devasthalı, 10 and others, apart from a longer version forming a part of the Mahānātaka available in two recensions, Bengali, in fourteen Acts and the Devanāgarī recension having ten Acts, revised by some Madhusūdana at the command of Vikramaditya and also by Dāmodara at the command of Bhoja Dr Sushil Kumar De calls it as spectacular play of popular type, composed frankly for a festive occasion which fact will sufficiently explain (having regard to the expansive character of popular entertainments) its alleged laxity, as well as the existence of various recensions (pointed out by Pischel), but there is nothing to show that it was meant for shadow pictures, except its doubtful selfdescription as a chāyā-nātaka, which need not necessarily mean a shadow play" Dr Sushil Kumar De, 12 A. B Keith 13, M Winternitz, 4 D V Devasthalı, 15 M Krishmamachariar, 16, Krsna Caitanya,all are unanimous in placing Subhata as contemporary of Caulūkya king Trbhuvanapāla of Ahnılavāda in the thirteenth century A D Both of them Sushil Kumar De 18 and A B Keith call Kumarapāla as deceased and dead king, respectively The date these scholars ascribe to the author and his work is 1242-1243 A D and the spring festival, they hold as having been held in commemoration of the restoration of the Saiva

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SUDARSHAN KUMAR SHARMA
20
temple of devapattana (Somnath) in Kathiawäda M Winternitz and G V Devasthali go to the extent of giving a definite date as March 7, 1243 for the enactment of the play on the stage Kumarapala's date has been given by M Krishnamachanar as A. D 1147-1172. Dr V. Varadäcäri", however, refers to author Subhata of Dütängada as having lived in 1200 A D But he strangely enough refers to its enactment on the stage in 1243 A. D at the same spot Vacaspati Gairola" refers to the enactment of this play (anātikā) in 1142 A. D in the court of Tnbhuvanapala-deva King of Anahılavāda
SAMBODHI
Subhata is, however, very clear in his enumeration of Tribhuvanpala-deva as majārājādhirāja and Kumarapala-deva as Deva, the court of former having asked the poet to initiate the creation of the play and its enactment on a spring festival in the procession organised in honour of Kumarpala-deva Both of them appear to have been living persons, Tribhuvanapala-deva as the supreme sovereign and Kumāra-pala-deva as a prince
Whether the two had a congenital or bereditary relation, it shall have to be determined by examination of the evidences available at hand both from the point of view of literary works, histoncal and inscriptional records belonging to the twelfth and thirteenth century A. D
"Udyoginam purusa-simham upaiti laksmir darvam ht davam itt kāpurusäh vadanti darvam nihatya kuru paurusam atma-faktyā yatne krte yadi na sidhyati ko'tra dosah"
verse no 524 occurring in Pañcatantra25 (Mitrabheda) verse 365 and Mitrasampräptikam verse 134 tales 15 and 5 respectively and m Prastänkä verse 11 of the Hitopadeśa, helps us construe the point that Subhata flourished between the age of Visnu Sarma and Narayana Pandita
The explicit allusion to Subhata" in the Kirt-Kaumudi by Someśvara" (11791262 A. D) as
"Subhatena padanyasah sah kopt samitau krtah Yend, dhunäpi dhirānām romāñco năpaciyate."
gives us a clue to the point that Subhata flourished as quite anterior to Someśvara ie in the twelfth century A. D and earlier but not in the thirteenth century by any means as postulated by scholars quoted above
Anata-ramasastri Vetāla in his Introduction to Dütangada says as under

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The Patrony of Tribhuvanapāla-deva in case of Subhata stands established but the suzerainty of Tribhuvanapāla-deva in the Gurjara country is not patent Therefore, Subhata while taking recourse to the patrony of Śrī-kumārapāladeva, the over-lord of Gurjara country deemed as hailing from Gurjara country as held by many scholars deserves to be connived at Even if he enjoyed the patronage of Gurjara king, his being a person of the Gurjara clan, leaves doubts as such According to Dr RS Tripāthī,30 "The Caulūkya (Solānkı) house of Anahılavāda or Anhil-pătaka, identified with modern Patan in Gujarat was founded by Mūlarāja son of Rāji He was a son of the Prince of Kalyāna-Kataka, in Kanauj and his mother belonged to the Căvada or Căpotkata line, which ruled over a portion of Gujarat prior to the rise of Caulūkyas Mülarāja succeeded to the throne of Anahılavāda after having slain his maternal uncle in 941 A. D Bhīma-I, nephew of his grandson Durlabharāja was the next important figure having reign period as 1021-1063 A D Mülarāja died in 996 or 997 A. D The intervening period of reign of some one is not given by Dr Trpāthī Karna, son of Bhīma-I succeeded and ruled between 1063-1093 AD, followed by Jayasımha Siddharāja (A. D 1097-1143 A D) Kumārapāla has been described as a distant relation of Jayasimha Siddharāja, who usurped the throne as the latter had no male issue Merutungăcărya, however, refers to one Āhada as the adopted child of Jayasimha Siddharāja (Cahadanāmā kumārah śrī-siddharājapratipanna-putrah)91 who was probably slain or dethroned by Kumārapāla (before succeeding to the throne of Jayasimha Siddharāja śri-kumāras paladevasyājñāma-vamanyamānah sapadalaksiyabhūpateh pattıbhāvam babhāra)32 Kumārapāla died shortly before 1172 A. D His reign period has been determined as 1143-1172 by Dr Tripāthī Vācaspati Gairola3 refers to Vägbhata as the mahāmātya of Kumārapāla He also refers to Hemacandra Jainācārya as the court scholar of Jayasimha Siddharāja whose life sketch has been given in the Kumārapāla-carita by him34 Hemacandra in his Abhidhānacintamants has referred to kumārapāla caulūkya as a Rājarsih Paramarhata"Kumārapālas-caulūkyo rājarsih paramāahatah mrtasvamoktā dharmātmā mārivyasana-vārakh rājavīzi rājavamśyo vijyavamsyo tu vamsaje" Dr Nemi candra Sastri in his Introduction to Abhidhana-Cintamani of Hemacandra has referred to Hemacandra and Kumārapāla having the relation of teacher and a taught He also refers to Siddharāja as of same age as Hemacandra Siddharăja was senior to Hemacandra by only two years Dr Nemicandra Šāstri also refers
111cs

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SUDARSHAN KUMAR SHARMA
to the war of succession after Siddharaja and alludes to the succession of Kumarapala in Vikram Samvat 1194, Märgaŝirsa-14 Professors Rasık Lal Pärikh and VM Kulkami in their Introduction to Kävyänusāsana" of Hemacandra refer to Kumarapala-pratibodha of Somaprabha Süri and discuss in details the works of Hemacandra detailing the personal life and faith of Kumārapāla and Jayasimha Siddharaja They also refer to Prabandhakośa of Rajasekhara referring to Kumarapala's consultations with Hemacandra and, on the basis of Trisasti-salākāpurusa-carita verses 16-18, they refer to Kumārapāla as the conqueror of Ladı, Daśärna, Mälava, Kuru Sindhu and other inaccessible countries with the power of his own arms, a veritable lion, a descendant of Śrīmūlarāja and a great Arhata They also refer to his relations with Great Udayana and his equally great son Bähada, Abhada Amiga etc They also refer to Jayasimha as the predecessor of Kumarapala holding Hemacandra to respect Bahada was the minister of Jayasimha Siddharāja who followed Hemac andra According to M Winternitz, Someśvara in his Kirti-kaumudi brings to knowledge the history of Caulukyas of Anahila-vāda
SAMBODHI
Dr. R S Tnpathi" in his "History of Kanau" on the evidence of Kumarapalacarita Prakrta Dvyäśraya-Mahäkävya of Hemacandra refers to the devastation of Kanyakubja Kumärapäla's reign penod he assigns as 1144-1172 A D
HD Velankara in the Age of Impenal Kanauj refers to Hemacandra of Gujarata living at the court of Kumarapala in the twelfth century A. DR C Majumdar refers to Kumarapalacarita as a biography of Kumārapāla Caulukya, wntten by Hemacandra who was born in the year 108942 A D, and died in 1173 A. D 43 at the ripe old age of 84 years, a short time before Kumarapala died Dr Kailasa Candra Jaina" in "Malwa through the Ages" refers to Kumarapala as the successor of Jayasimha Siddharaja on the basis of Dvyasraya canto XXX verse 13, as also to the Caulûkya ruler Ajayapala's reign period as 1172 A D to 1175 A. D on the basis of Indian Antiquary Review of all the facts enumerated above makes the following, points clear 1 Dvyasraya-Mahäkävya of Hemacandra also called Kumarapala-carita, the Kumarapalacarita of Jayasimhasün Siddharaja and Prabandha-cintamani of Merutungācārya refer to Kumarapala as the immediate successor of Jayasimha Siddharaja having the foster son of latter indulging in war of succession with him for a year or so, bearing the name as Ahada
2 Merutungacārya refers to Ajayapala as the immediate successor of

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Kumārapāla-deva
Hence the question of Tribhuvana-pāla-deva succeeding or preceding Kumārapāla does not arise at all He was neither a father nor a son of Kumārapāla
Mūlarāja, son of Rājī (961-996) (A D)
Cámunda (997-1009 AD)
Vallabha (1009 A D
Durlabha (1009-1021 A D)
Nāgarāja
Bhīma-I (1021-1065 A. D)
Karna(1063-1093 A D)
Ksemarāja
Haripāla
Jayasimha Siddharāja (1093-1143 A D)
Tribhuvanapāla
Majhīpāla
Kumārapāla
(1143-1173 A. D) Ajayapāla (1173-1175 AD)
Mūlarāja-II (1176-1178 AD)
Bhima-II (1178-1241 A. D)
Tribhuvanapāla-II 1242 onwards

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SUDARSHAN KUMAR SHARMA
SAMBODHI
M Krishnamachariar is the only critic who has brought two Trbhuvanapālas, one before Kumārapala and the other after him in his "History of classical Sanskrit Literature" para 116 pp 204-206, under the head-"Someśvara-Deva" where in while enumerating the descendants of Sola under the successors of Mūlarāja holding the office of Purohita viz Lalla, Muñja, Soma, Ama, Kumāra, Sarvadeva, Āmiga, Kumāra and Someśvara, he refers to the geneology of Mūlaraja as given by C V Vaidya in his History of Mediaeval Hindu India (III209) as under. Someśvara was the son of Kumāra and Laksmi His 8th ancestor Sola was enrolled as the state Purohita by king Mülarāja, the founder of the Caulūkya Dynasty Kumāra was in the court of Kumārapāla, Ajayapāla and Mülaraja II Kumāra had three brothers Saryadeva, Muñja and Ahada Kumāra was made a generalissimo of the forces of Mūlarāja II and he vanquished King Vindhyavarman of Dhar Like M Winternitz, Dr M Krishnamachari also takes Someśvara as the court poet of King Viradhavala (1219-1239) A D. and Visaladeva (1343-1271 A. D) as revealed by Prabandha-kośa of Rājasekhara, having flourished between 1179 and 1262 A D His Kirti-Kaumudī is a biography of Vastupala minister of Vāghela kings Lavanaprasāda and Viradhavala"? Someśvara calls himself as the chief priest of the king of Gujarat and is the author of many inscriptions dated between 1241 and 1255 A D One of these inscriptions contains a stanza from Kirti-Kaumudī the panegyric of liberal minister Vastupāla4 Dr M Krishnamacharior calls Someśvara as a frend of Vastupāla. He also calls Harihara, Subhta as Someśvara's friends who praised his poetry This geneology refers to Cāmunda as the son of Mülarāja I reigning between 997 and 1009 A D Vallabha son of Cāmunda having died or having been Ignored, Durlabharāja (1009-1021 A D) succeeded Cămunda Bhīma-I being the son of Nāgarāja who died during the reign period of Durlabharāja was the nephew of Durlabharāja, grand son of Mülarāja-I as stated by Dr R S Tripāthi 50 Bhima-I was succeeded by Karna Ksemarāja brother of Karna, father of Harpāla and grandfather of Tribhuvanapāla having expired during the reign period of Karna, and having Jayasimha Siddharāja succeeding himself as his son, was succeeded by Kumārapāla brother of Maīpāla and father of Ajayapāla The point of this Tribhuvanapāla-I father of Kumārapäla-deva (1143-1173 A. D) stands precluded by a possibility being the Mahārājādhırāja referred to by Subhata as he never ascended the throne according to this geneology which

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HISTORICITY OF
agrees with the geneologies given by other historians Ajayapāla was not the son of Kumārapāla He was the nephew of Kumārapāla, brother of Mahīpāla whose son Ajayapāla was Ajayapāla's two sons Mūlaraja-II and Bhima-II reigned between 1170 and 1242 A. D Tribhuvanapāla-II succeeded Bhīma-II in 1242 A. D This Trbhuvanapāla has been recognised as the patron of Subhata by scholars like S K De, A B Keith, Winternitz, Krsnacaitanya, Baladeva Upādhyāya and others, a proposition irreconcilable with the factual representation of Subhta who clearly calls Tribhuvanapāla-deva as Mahārājādhırāja and Kumārapāladeva as Deva simply, a Māndalıka or a vassal or a Crown Prince Dr Kailāśa Candra Jainası refers to one Tribhuvanapāla-deva, son of Prthvīpāladeva and father of Vijayapāla-deva mentioned in the INGNO-DA Inscription of Vijayapāla-deva dated 1133-1134 A D , inscribed in the neighbour-hood of Ujjain which records Mahārājādhırāja Parameśvara Vijayapāladeva who after worshipping Śiva, granted the village of Agasīyaka, situated to the south of Inganapat (Modern Ringod now in Ratlam district), to the god Gohadeśvara Dr Jain judges from the titles held by the kings mentioned in this inscriptional record that Vijayapāladeva was an independent monarch and had established an independent Kingdom An undataed inscription found at Bhopal of Laksmi Varman reveals that the rulers of this dynasty belonged to the dynasty of Adhi-Dronācāryānvaya Subhata, therefore, appears to have been the court poet of this Tnbhuvanapāla-deva having the title Mahārājādhırāja as Vijayapāladeva held this title as such when running reign as independent monarch Had Subhata been the court poet of Kumārapālacaulūkya having Hemacandra, Bāhada, Ābhada, Amiga as his court poets Kumārapālacanta of Hemacandra would never have omitted his name As Dr Miss Pratipāla Bhātia exclaims in her Thesis "Paramāras" "Vijayarāja is the last known ruler of the Vāgada line of the Paramāras No trace has been found of his successors It is known, however, that in Vikram Samvat 1212-1155 A. D, Vāgada was being ruled over by one Mahārāja-Surapāla, son of Vijayapāla, son of Tribhuvanapāla, who was the son of Prthvīpāla alias Bhartrpatta, who issued his inscription from Thākardā in the Dungarpur state One Mahārājādhırāja Amrtapāla, son of Mahārājādhiraja Vijayapāla alias Bhartrpatta who according to the Vīrapura Copper plate, dated VS 1242-1185 A. D was a subordinate chief ruling over the Vāgada country under the suzerainty of Caulūkya Bhīma-II, was probably the brother and

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SAMBODHI
successor of surapāla This Vijayapāla the father of Surapāla has been identified with Vijayapāla of Ingnoda inscription, dated VS 1190=1133 A D the geneology given for these rulers makes it clear that they were not connected with the Paramāra dynasty which was ruling in Vāgada only three decades earlier 54 This shows that by the time the Paramāras of Vāgada were dethroned by the members of a family whose name is not known to us It may be that when tlie Caulūkya king Siddharāja Jaisimha invaded and occupied Malwa, he captured Vāgada as well This is proved by the Talwārā inscription of Jaisimha Siddharāja (Annual Report of Rājaputānā museum-1915-1916 p 2) It was perhaps during these circumstances that the princes of this family accepted the Caulūkyan suzerainty From another inscription dated VS 1236=1179 A D found at Solaj in Dungarpur state, we find that king Samantasimha Guhila was ruling over Vāgada Samantasimha, however, seems to have been dispossessed of his newly established kingdom by Mahārājādhırāja Amrtapāla of the Vīrapura copper plate grant dated A, D 1185 who may have established himself with the help of his Caulūkyan overlord The Caulūkyn paramountcy in this area is proved also by an inscription at Dīwārā, dated V S 1253=1196 A D in the Dungerpur State"
Hence independence of Vijayapāla, Surapāla Amrtapala and prior to them of Tribhuvanapāla in the area contiguous to Ujain goes beyond any scepticism and the reference to Tribhuvanapăla-deva as Mahārājādhırāja Trbhuvanapaladeva of Subhata, definitely makes Subhatta as the court poet of this Tribhuvanapāla-deva in the tweltfth century A. D prior to the period of Someśvara who eulogises Subhata in his Kirti Kaumudi 4 Kumārāpāla Caulūkya being yet a prince or Mändalıka being a son of Tribhuvanapāla father of Mahīpāla father of Ajayapāla, grandson of Haripāla and great grandson of Ksemarāja brother of Karna, father of Jaisimha Siddharāja was definitely a distant relative of Jaisimha Siddharāja whom he succeeded by a war of succession by dethroning or defeating Ahada, the foster son of Jaisimha Siddharāja He was a prince whose suzerainty was anticipated after Jaisimha Siddharāja by Subhata who in the reign period of Tribhuvanapala-deva simply organised a procession (yātrā) in the spring season simply to offer a laudatory encomium to the future ruler of the Caulūkya suzerains The question of two Tnbhuvanapālas mentioned in the geneology of Mūlaraja given by C V Vaidya in his History of Medieval Hindu India (III 209) stands ruled out as being considered patrons of Subhata because the past never became a king and the

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second having occupied the throne in 1242 did not enjoy longer period of reign as Mahārājādhırāja as the king of Mālava as well as Yadava rulers of Devagını and the Muslim invaders kept their roads into the territory of Gujarāt Anahılavāda and occupied it between A. D 1178 and 1297
FOOTNOTES
1 Paper presented to the 39th session of the all India Oriental conference, M S
University Baroda October 13-15, 1998 2 Retired Principal, M R Govt College Fazılka HIG Bloc-61, B-3, Sector-VI,
Parwanoo (Pın 173220)
3 Sūtradhārah-Visva-visvambharabhāra-samuddharanā divarāhasya nijabhuja-yugala
vidalita-sakalavairi-venda-sundari-netra-nılotpala-vigulita-bahala-vāspapūra-plavamānapratāpa rājahamsasya mahārājādhırāja śrīmat-trbhuvanapāla-devasya parisadājñayā prabandha-višesam ahamupakramamāno 'smi Bho bho ! Sāmājikāh | śruta sāvadhānāh yad adya vasantotsave deva-śrī kumārapāladevasya yātrāyām pada-vākyapramāna-pārangatena mahā-kavină śrīsbhatena vinirmitam dūtāmgadam nāma chāyānātakam abhinetavyam Haridās Samkrta Granthamālā, 202, Mahā Kavi Subhat Pranıtam Dūtăngadam nāma Chāyā-natakam, editied by Sāhityācārya Śrī madanantarāmaśāstri Vetāla with Sanskrit and Hindi tīkā-dvayam and an Introduction in Sanskrit, Published by Chaukhambā Amarabhārati Prakāśana post Box No 138 K-37/ 130, Gopal Mandıra Lane, Vārānasī, (221009) (India) Jayakrsnadāsa Harıdās Gupta,
1950, printed at Vidyā Vilāsa Press Banaras 4 History of Sanskrit literature (Prose, Poetry and Drama) University of Calcutta 1947
Printed and published by Śíbendranātha Kajīlāla, Superintendent, Caluctta University
Press, 48, Hazra road, Ballygañja Calcutta pp 502-503 5 The Sanskrit Drama, p 269 Geoffrey Cambridge Oxford University Press Amen House
London E C First published 1924 Reprinted Lithographically 1954 Printed in Great Britain Hindi version Samskrta Nätaka p 285, Dr Udaya Bhānu Simha, Motilal Banarasi Dass, Bangalow Road, Jawahar Nagar Delhi, 11007 Second ed 1971
Published by Sunder Lal Jain and Printed by Shanti lal Jain at the Jainendra Press 6 History of Sanskrit Literature, P 170 Ram Narain Lal Booksellors and publishers
1952 Allahabad Hindi ed p 183 Rāmanārāyana Lāla Beni Prasāda Allahabad 2 Revised and enlarged ed 1962 by Dr Kapıla deva Dvivedı, Allahabad Printed by Rāma Bābu Agravāla Janodaya Press Allahabad 2

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7 History of Indian Literature vol III part-I, P 274, 103, (Classical Sanskrit Literature
translated from German with Additions by Subhadrā Jha) Motilal Banarası Dass
(MLBD) Delhi-6 (New Delhi-110007) First ed 1963 8 History of Classical Sanskrit Literature, para-771, p 686 and para-116, pp 204-205
MLBD, Delhi-110007 First reprint 1970 Published by Sunder Lal Jain and printed by
Shanti Lal Jain 9 Samskrt Sahitya kā Itthāsa by Padma Bhūsana Ācārya Baladeva Upadhyāya erstwhile
organiser Research Deptt Sampurnananda Samskrt Viśva Vidyālaya, Varanasi, Säradā Niketana Vārānasi-5 First ed 1977, Tenth ed 1978, Reprint ed 1983, 1985 Printer
Kripa Printers Kāyasthānā Road, Kānapura, Paricched XI, P 598 10 Age of Imperial Kanau, Bhāratiya aidyā Bhavana History and Culture of the Indianı
people volume IV Bharatiya Vidya Bhavana Bombay First published in 1955, Second edition 1964, printed in India by P H Raman at Associated Advertisers and Printers 505, Tardeo Arthur Road Bombay 34, and Published by S Ram Krishan, Executive Secretary, Bharatiya Vidyā Bhavan, Caupātty road, Bombay-7, p 181 Also Samskrit Sahitya Kā Navīna Itihasa by Krsna Caitanya Hindi translation of A New History of Sanskrit Literature, by Vinaya Kumar Rai, Professor All India Samskrt Vidyāpītha, Delhi, Caukhambă Vidya Bhavana Vārānasi-I (CVBV) 1965, Printed at
Vidyā Vilāsa press Vārānasi 11 HOSL, p 503 op cit cff 4 above 12 Ibid. P 502 13 S D P 269 op cit cff 5 above 14 HOLL Volm, pt I, P 274, cff 7 above op cit 15 AOIK. P 182, op cit cff 10 above 16 HOCSL, P 686, op cit. cff 8 above 17 SSKNI P 375 op cit cff 10 above 18 HOSL p 503 op cit off 11 above 19 S D p 269, op cit. eff 13 above 20 Op cit cff 14, 15 above 21 Op ait off 16 above 22 Op cit HOSL, p 170, cff 6 above 23 (Samskrta Sähitya Kā Itihasa) SSKI p 812 Vidyā Bhavana Rästrabhāsā grantha malā

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HISTORICITY OF
Caukhambā Vidya Bhavana, Vārānasi-1 1960 Vidyā Vilāsa press Vārānasi 24 op cit PP 9-10, cff 3 above 25 pp 75 and 26 respectively-MR Kale's ed MLBD Delhi-110007, 1969 second edition
published by Sunder Lal Jain and printed by Shanti Lal Jain at Jainendra Press 26 P3 MR Kale ed MLBD Delhi, 110007 Sixth ed 1967 27 SSKI Baladeva Upādhyāya p 598, op cit cff, 9 above 28 HOIL. M Winternitz, P 103, op cit cff, 14 above 29 p 3, LL 9-13 op cit cff, 3 above, Bhūmikā Subhata-kavestribhuvana-pāla-deva
samāśrayanam tāvat tadājñayā prastuta-nätakanırmāna-kartrtvena prasiddham Tribhuvanapäla-devasya gurjaradeśa-śāsanam tv aprasıddham At-as cagurjaradeśādhipateh śri-kumārapāla-devasyäśrayanam kurvānah Subhato gurjarajātia eveti kesämain matam pramānābhāvād upeksaniyam gurjara-deśāśrayane' pu kaver
gurjarajätiyatvam na vaktum sakyam, anyajātiyenapı tathā karttum Sakyatvāt 30 (HOAT) pp 385-391 History of Ancient India MLBD Delh1-6 (New- Delhi-110007)
Second ed 1960 31 p 79 Singhi Jaina Grantha Mālā grantha tika-11 Chief editor Jinavijayamuni śāntini
ketana-Bengal 1930 Part-I 32 Op cit cff 30 above p 389 Also sec Samskrta Sāhitya kā Itthāsa (SSKI PP 593-94)
Vācaspati Gairolā op cit cff 23 above 33 SSKI P 358 34 Ibid., p 594 35 I 376 pp 175-176 edited by Haragovinda Šāstri Caukhambā Vidyabhavana Vārānasi
I Vidyabhavana Granthamālā, No 109, 1964 36 Introduction p 17 Ibid 37 Published by Śrī Candulālā Vardhamāna Shah M G Kāpadia Jayantilal Ratna Canda
Shah Gwalior Tank Road Bombay 26 WB Printed by V P Bhagwat Mou), Printing
Bureau, Wadı, Girgaon, Bombay-4 pp50,51,52 38 Op dit 39 p 318 MLDB Delhi-6, (Now Delhi-110007) 1959 Photo Process Impression (First ed
1937) 40 p 208 Prākrta B-section under Language and Literature op ait off 10 and 15 above 41 An Advanced History of Ancient India (AAHOAI) P 202 and Prācīna Bhārata edited by
Visuddhānanda Pāthaka and translated by Paramesvarī Lāla Gupta p 390-pt 1

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Macmillan and Co Ltd New York St Martin Press 1958 and MLBD Delhi-110007 Narendra Prakash Jain and Jainendra Prakash Jain 1986 Reprinted edition Also see Prácīna Bhārata Kā Itthāsa Ramā Śankara Tripathi, pp275-278, MLBD Delhi
110007 Reprint ed 1977 42-43 Kavyanusāsana - Introduction pp 36 and 52 op cit cff 37, above 44 Pages 363-364 and 367 MLBD Delhi-110007 First ed 1972 Volume XVIII, P 341 45 Op cit, cff 16, above 46 Dr R S Tripathi and others take his reign as 941-996 as already observed 47 HOIL p 103, op cit cff 14 above 48 Ibid. 49 HOCSL p 205, op cit cff 16 above 50 HOA p 386, op cit cff 30 above 51 Malwa through the Ages p 360 MLBD Delhi-110007 Fırst edition 1972, published by
Sunder Lal Jain and printed by Shantılal Jain at the Jainendra press a Bungalow Road
Jawahar Nagar, Delhi-110007 52 pp 194-195 Published by Messrs Munshi Ram Manoher lal oriental publishers, 54
Rani Jhansı Road, New Delhi-110055- published by Devendra Jain and printed at Navchetan press private Limited (Lessess of Arjun Press, Naya Bazar Delhi-6) First
published August 1970 53 Vāgda comprised the hilly tracts of Mewar and the former states of Bānswāră and
Dungarpur, extending along longitude 73-22 to 75-00 E and Latitude 23-20 to 23-55N This is the land par excellence of Bhils who practising shifting cultivation, like to build their scattered huts upon hillocks and burn the shrubjungle for cultivation in the rains (Proceedings of the Indian Science Congress, 1938, The Presidential address of
the Geography section, p 123) 54 Op cit cff 27 above

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PHYSICAL DATING AND INDIAN ARCHAELOGY
D. P. Agrawal
INTRODUCTION Today its possible to date a vanety of events and phenomena not only pertaining to human history but even to the history of our planet earth and the universe Physics has provided us a large number of dating techniques which make it possible As a result, we know now that the universe is not infinitely old The universe today is estimated to be about 15 billion years old and the earliest homınıd about 4 million years In the mid-50's Libby employed a radioactive form of carbon for dating antiquities and artifacts of organic origin Prof Lal built up a lab in Bombay at the Tata Institute of Fundamental Research (TIFR) to use this new and sophisticated technique of measuring very weak radioactivity By 1962, Radiocarbon Lab of TIFR had become operational and a major national programme of dating Indian Archaeology was undertaken by the author The Radiocarbon (140) Laboratory of TIFR, later on shifted to Physical Research Laboratory, Ahmedabad It has produced thousands of 14c dates by now Many of the sites in Pakistan have also been dated by foreign laboratories in more recent times, another method of dating was developed by measuring Thermoluminescence (TL) emitted by pottery, terracottas and bricks But most of the Stone Age was still out of the range of 14c dating Therefore, some other techniques based on uranium-thorium, potassium-argon (K-Ar), fission track etc were also developed and used to a limited extent to date the early Stone Age In India we are now having sophisticated technologies in a variety of fields which have a great potential for resolving outstanding archaeological problems With more younger archaeologists coming from a science background, there will be a lot of fruitful interaction between the scientific labs and archaeological institutions THE TECHNIQUE I briefly explain the principles and limitations of 14c dating technique below For details of other dating techniques we would like to refer to our popular book, Dating the Human Past (Agrawal and Yadava, 1995)

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70
Many chemical elements are stable, but some are unstable because of some extraneutrons in their nucleus or for some such reasons Radiocarbon (14c or carbon-14) is similar to stable carbon (12.) in all other respects except that it has two extra neutrons in its nucleus which make it unstable and liable to change with time Such unstable elements are called 'radioactive' because in course of time they decay or give out a part of themselves by way of some radiation (alpha, beta particles or gamma-rays) Carbon-14 gives out an electron and becomes stable nitrogen (14N) The rate of spontaneous decay for each radioactive species is unaffected by any other process Carbon-14, when isolated,, decays by 1% every 83 years It means that in 5730 years a given amount will be reduced to half, after 11460 years to a quarter and so on in the modern plants and animals the ratio of radioactive to non-radioactive carbon atoms is approximately one to a million million (carbon-14/carbon-12 = 1/8x1011 As time goes on, the concentration of radiocarbon keeps going down Plants get their food (and therefore carbon) by the assimilation of carbon dioxide through photosynthesis Plants are consumed by animals and humans and thus all life forms are labelled by 14c As one knows the half life (5730 years) and one can measure the radiocarbon, one can easily calculate the Age Calibration of carbon-14 dates Normally the real and measured ages should be the same, but it is not so As one goes back beyond 500 BC, the carbon-14 ages tend to become consistently younger and, between 500 B C and 1300 A. D, the ages are overestimated Such discrepancy can be measured by dating tree-rings of a known Age One can use trees like bristlecone pine and sequoia which live for thousands of years, or one can use tree trunks from bogs which have been dendrochronologically dated and thus are related to each other The main calibration curves of different labs agree among themselves This has made it possible to have an internationally accepted calibration curve which can now be used by all laboratories and users (see Appendix 5, Agrawal and Yadava 1995) How to calculate error If the Age is 4000 + 100 BP, the probability that the true Age lies within the given ranges is as follows
One sigma error = 4100 to 3900 BP Probability = 68 3%

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PHYSICAL DATING AND
Two sigma error = 4200 to 3800 BP Probability = 95 5%
Three sigma error = 4300 to 3700 BP Probability = 99 7% Besides these probabilistic errors, there are other systematic errors Accelerator mass spectrometry (AMS) technique In this technique, one measures the actual number of carbon-14 atoms present in the sample The greatest advantage of AMS dating is the sample size about 1 mg of carbon is sufficient for AMS techniques It leads to a precision of +50 years As little as 100 microgram of carbon has been dated recently Contamination The soil (archaeological debris) over the sample works as a filter to prevent contamination by younger carbon Bones from open sites are not useful for carbonate dating as there is no collagen left in tropical sites Sampling from the penphery of a mound should be avoided Caves and rock shelters minimise bone contamination ARCHAEOLOGICAL DATING Let's now discuss the role of physical dating techniques in Indian archaeological studies through the conventional categones of Stone Age, Neolithic, Harappan, Chalcolithic, Megalithic penods In addition, we have given 14c dates for some Rock Art sites, PG ware sites, NBP and early iron sites, and also dates from various old workings of gold, copper, zinc etc The calibrated dates are expressed in terms of "B C/A. D" But in the text, to avoid any confusion, only B C/A D terms have been used, though the discussion and interpretations are based on calibrated dates Stone Age The earliest Stone Age tools belonging to Homo habilis go back to 24 Myr (million years) and are expected to go further back (Semaw et al, 1997) Homo erectus has been dated to 16 Myr in Africa The only early K-Ar date in India has been reported from Bon, near Pune and goes back to 14 Myr (million years) It is a volcanic material overlying an Acheulian assemblage Bhaskaran et al (1989) have reported two groups of carbonate deposits from Saurashtra Group I has a range of 50-70 Kyr (thousand years) and Group II, 75-115 Kyr These dates have been used to define the chronology of the underlying Acheulian (early Stone Age) assemblage There are only a few 14c dates for the Middle Palaeolithic sites but they are generally too young for taking them into

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account We had dated two wood samples from Mula dam (TF-217, 345) Both were beyond the limit of 14c range One TL date for Didwana gives the range 144-350 Kyr Similarly TF-1002 from Dhom dam gives a date of greater than 35 Kyr and is thus beyond the range of 14c dating method In Kashmir (Kusumgar et al 1985) fission track dating technique has been used to date the Matuyama/Gauss magnetic reversal boundary to about 23 Myr This is close to the globally accepted value of 24 Myr for this event Its importance lies in the fact that this date marks the lower boundary of the Villafranchian (modern-like) fauna in South Asia In India the Neolithic cultures are generally equated with the beginning of agriculture and polished Stones axes It may however be not true for all the sites There is circumstantial evidence from the lakes of Didwana, Sambhar and Lunkaransar in Rajasthan that agriculture may have started 7-8 Kyr in that region The evidence is in the form of Cerealia type pollen and finely comminuted pieces of charcoal indicative of large scale burning and clearance In Rajasthan, however, the archaeological assemblages of this period are not Neolithic Stone axes but a microlithic assemblage In Kashmir the sites of Burzahom and Gufkral were excavated by the Archaeological Survey The earliest dates for Burzahom go back to 2600 B C Mehrgarh period 1A goes back beyond 8000 B C Thus, in the Indian subcontinent the oldest dates for the Neolithic should go back to this period It must be noted that Mehrgarh shows a transition from late Stone Age to early agriculture Eventually it blossoms into the Harappa culture The Peninsular Neolithic goes back to 2200 B Cat Terdal and Tekkalakota Chirand, a Neolithic site in Bihar, goes back to about 2000 B C Koldıhawa and Mahagara in U P tend to show the Neolithic beginning around 6000 BC The Vindhyan Neolithic at Kunjhun river site goes back to 3300 B C In retrospect, the dates from the earliest levels of Mehrgarh, Koldihawa, Kunjhun river and the lakes of Rajasthan indicate a much earlier beginning of agriculture in South Asia going beyond 6000 BC Bronze Age cultures The calibrated dates from Harappa generally do not go beyond 2500 B C Only the pre-harppan/Kotdijian dates go beyond c. 2500 B C The dates for the Kulli culture also suggest a time spread between 2500-2200 B C The Indian site Kalibangan (Harappa Culture) also shows a spread between 2400-2000 B C Lothal, on the other hand, tends to suggest that it dates to 2200-2000 B C

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Rojdi in Gujarat also gives a similar time spread, though a couple of radiocarbon dates go back to c 2500 B C At Surkotda most of the dates fall around 2000 B C
PHYSICAL DATING AND
73
Chalcolithic cultures.
The "e dates for Chalcolithic sites in Pakistan, mainly from Pirak range from 1500 to 800 B C Jodhpura is associated with a typical copper artifact assemblage in Rajasthan It is dated to about 3000 B C The Lustrous Red Ware (LRW) dates from Onyo-tumbo tend to go even beyond 3000 B C (PRL1425, 1426) Prabhas Patan had earlier given "e dates going back to c 3000 BC It appears that in Gujarat one is dealing with an indigenous culture which is pre-Harappan "e dates now suggest that in the north-west Indo-Pak sub-continent there is a neolithic beginning of local cultures which in some areas developed into the Urban Harappa culture The dates for the Chalcolithic cultures of eastern India range from c 1800-900 B C The Central Indian Chalcolithic sites of Chandoli, Daimabad, Dangwada, Eran, Inamgaon, Kheda, Navdatoli, Nevasa, Sonegaon have also been dated Most of these sites have Jorwe and Malwa culture habitations Though some of the calibrated dates go back to c 3000 B C, the general time spread seems to be confined to 20001500 B C and for Jorwe culture it is 1500-1000 B C There are a few dates for Daimabad culture suggesting a time spread between 1800-1700 B C Megalithic sites
It is interesting to note that the few consistent radiocarbon dates (TF-183, 173, 179) indicate that the beginning of Megalithic culture in the Doab goes back to c. 2000 B C In the south, c. 1000 B C probably marks the transition between Neolithic and megalithic phases
Ancient metal working sites
Some copper, gold, silver, zinc mines from different parts of India have also been radiocarbon dated Radiocarbon dates suggest that the exploitation of Kolar Gold Mine goes back to 600 A. D The earliest copper mine dates are from Rajpura Darba (Rajasthan) giving a date of c 1300 BC The Zawar zinc mines have given some dates which go back c 400 B C As zinc is very volatile it was not smelted in the west till the Roman times When mixed with copper it produced brass The 400 B C dates from Zawar are the earliest recorded radiocarbon dates for zinc smelting in the whole world
Use of copper is indicated in the Harappa culture sites and even some pre

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SAMBODHI
Harappa culture sites like Mehrgarh but the old workings have not been studied in detail and therefore we do not have dates going back to 3000 B C or so PG Ware sites, NBP Ware and early iron sites
DP AGRAWAL
74
Now about 21 radiocarbon dates are available for PG sites and it is clear that their time spread is between 800-400 B C The solitary early date from Atranjikhera site is aberrant The NBP Ware sites are covered between 600-300 BC though, some of the dates seem to go back a little bit earlier The dates from Pirak suggest the advent of iron in the beginning of first millennium B C The Sohgora Chalcolithic period dates go back c. 1400 B C but otherwise the black and red ware is confined between 800-300 B C Probably, it does not have a very diagnostic cultural value It is found with different types of assemblages
Hanikara presents some early first millennium dates for beginning of Iron
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
The author is grateful to his colleagues Dr Sheela Kusumgar and M G. Yadava for multiple help
BIBLIOGRAPHY
1 Agrawal, D P and M G Yadava, 1995 Dating the Human Past, Pune ISPQUS
2 Baskaran, M G Rajagopalan and B 1 K. Somayajulu 1989. 230Th/234U and e dating of the Quarternary carbonate deposits of Saurashtra, India, Chemical Geology (Isotope Geoscience Section) 79 65-82
3 Kusumgar S, N Bhandan and D P Agrawal 1985 Fission track ages of the Romishi Lower Karewas. In Climate and Geology of Kashmir the Last Four Million Years (eds) D P Agrawal, S Kusumgar and R. V Krishnamurthy New Delhi Today and Tomorrows Printers and Publishers pp 245-247
4 Lal, B B 1997 The Earliest Civilisation of South Asia, New Delhi Arya Book International
5 Possehl, GL 1994 Radiometric Dates for South Asian Archaeology Publisher not given
6 Semaw S, P. Renne, J W K. Harris, C S Feibel, R L Berner, N Fesseha and K. Mowbray 1997 25 million-year-old stone tools from Gona, Ethiopia Nature, vol 385, pp 333-336

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DOCTRINE OF KARMA IN JAINISM
Yajneshwar s. Shastri
The doctrine of karma is accepted by almost all philosophical systems of India barring Cārvāka This doctrine of karma has special significance in Jainism In fact, it is a driving force of this system According to Jainism, annihilation of all kinds of karma is liberation' and three-Jewels2 viz , right faith in the nine fundamental principles taught by Jina, right knowledge of these principles and right conduct are prescribed to annihilate these karmas Jaina concept of karma is totally different from other schools of thought According to Jainism Karma is neither a mystical force nor unseen power as some philosophical schools believe Karma is something material in nature The subtle particles of matter which flow into the soul and cause its bondage are called Karma Karma is infra-atomic particles of matter It is subtle matter, which cannot be seen by the ordinary sense organs Jainas believe that there kind of subtle particles of matter pervade the entire cosmic-space When we act, physically, mentally and vocally, these subtle particles are attracted towards the soul and stick to it and become cause of bondage of the soul The soul is perfect in its orginal state It has infinite knowledge, insight, power and bliss But the subtle particles of matter enter into the soul and make the mundane soul bound and put limitations to its capacity from beginningless past It is association of Karmnic matter which makes the soul impure and limited It is Karmic matter that binds the soul to the body Passions (kasāyas) viz, anger, pride, infatuation and greed, wrong belief (muthyātva), want of control (avirati), negligence (pramada) and Psychophysical activities (yoga) of mind, speech and body are the cause of bondage] These factors attract fresh-material particles which get transformed automatically into Karmic particles and engender empirical bondage of the soul Just as particles of dust cling to the oily body, similarly the karmic particles sticks to the soul which has become sticky by attachment and aversion Four passions are the main force in holding the soul in bondage, cause of suffering and cycle of births and deathsIt is, these passions accompanied by

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wrong belief, want of control, negligence and yoga are the main cause of eight kinds of Karmabandha Umäsväti Vācaka, descubes functions of these passions giving beautiful simile in his Praśamaratıprakarna. He states, passion is a king, wrong belief, non-control, negligence and psycho-physical activities are its army, assisted by this army, passions, the King attacks the soul and becomes the cause of eight kinds of Karma These four pasions are divided into sixteen kinds on account of their function Each passion is of the following four kinds anantānubandhi, apratyākhyānāvarana, pratyākhyānāvarana and sanjyalana anantānubandhi passion is that which obstructs the spiritual right belief and right conduct and thereby prepares the ground for endless mundane career Apratyākhyānāvarana obstructs the partial right conduct Pratyākhyānāvarana obstructs aptitude for complete conduct and allows the existence of nght belief and partial conduct Sanjvalana passion obstructs the perfect type of conduct and thus stops us from attaining Arhathood Besides these passions, there are nine kinds of semipassions (nokasāyas), which are so called because of their less-obstructing nature They accompany as well as excite passions They are Laughter (häsya), Liking (rati), disliking (aratı), grief (śoka), fear (bhaya), disgust (ugupsä), hankering after women (purusaveda), hankering after man (strīveda) and hankering after both the sexes (napumsakaveda)? Right belief and Right conduct are the main means in attaining liberation These passions obstruct the right belief and hamper the right conduct Lesya is another important concept connected with theory of Karma Leśyā is responsible for the duration of bondage of Karma Leśyā is defined as that which associates the self with karmic particles (lisyate, slusyate, karmanā saha ātmā iti lefyā) Leśyā is said to be that by means of which the soul is tainted with ment and dement It is also considered as colour of the soul or emotions colouring the soul It works like a glue between the soul and karmic particles Just as glue is responsible for making colour fast and fixing them on canvas, similarly this Leśyā is responsible for the length of time of Karmabandha Leśyā is dependent on the yoga i e psycho-physical activities of speech, mind and body Sometimes, our activities, reflect different kinds of Leśyās, i e emotions There are six kinds of Leśyās.
(1) Black (Krsna) (2) Blue (nula)

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(3) Gray (kapota) (4) Red (tayasa) (5) Yellow (padma)
(6) White (śukla) First three viz, black, blue, gray are inauspicious while remaining three i e red, yellow and white are auspicious in character and function All jīvas are influenced by these Leśyās or emotions Only the Siddhas (1 e liberated souls) are free from the influence of the Leśyās and they are called alesins or gataleśyās Amongst these sıx Leśyās (emotions) the black, blue and gray are the lowest type of emotions Such as cruelty, hostility, unkindness, hypocrisy, evil mindedness, thoughtlessness, wrathfulness, corruptibility, through which soul is brought to misery The black leśyā is the worst of the three bad emotions colouring the soul The blue is less evil than the first The grey may lead men to do evil The red, yellow and white are the good leśyās, which bring happiness The red removes all evil thoughts, yellow leśyā helps to control passions Love and hatred disappear under the influence of white leśyā Each following one is better than the preceding one and the last is the best By observing the activities of man we can judge, by which leśyā he is influenced Influence of each leśyā is beautifully illustrated through the behaviour of six persons Once upon a time, sıx persons were travelling together, in the forest They became hungry These hungry travellers saw ripe fruits on a jambu tree and thought of eating the fruits The problem before them was how to get fruts from jambu tree The first man suggested that the tree must be up-rooted, to eat fruits The second man told others to cut off half of the tree, the third recommended to chop off the big branches, forth told them to cut only small branches, fifth said, let us pluck the fruits only and sixth advised not to hurt the tree but gather the fallen fruits on the ground and eato Here, we can see, all the six persons are under the influence of different kinds of leśyā The first one is influenced by black lestya, so his act is more cruel, uprooting the tree itself The second has blue, the third grey, the fourth red, the fifth yellow and the sixth white The white leśyā is the best and the Jaina religious efforts are directed towards the acquisition of this pure leśyā, which is

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helpful for minimising the duration of bondage of Karma
The Karmas which bind the soul are classified into eight fundamental types on the basis of their nature viz
SAMBODHI
(1) Knowledge obscuring Karma (jñānävaraniyakarma)
(2) Insight obscuring Karma (darśanävarniyakarma)
(3) Feeling producing Karma (vedaniyakarma)
(4) Deluding Karma (Mohaniyakarma)
(5) Age determining Karma (Ayuskarma)
(6) Body determining Karma (nāmakarma)
(7) Heredity determining Karma (gotrakarma), and
(8) Power hindering Karma (antarāyakarma)"
Knowledge obscuring Karma (jñānāvarniya), insight obscuring Karma (darśanavarniya), deluding Karma (mohaniya) and power hindering Karma (antaraya) are called ghatikarmas, (deadly Karmas) as they tend to obscure the real nature of self, affect the attributes of the soul These Karmas not only lead to worldly misery but also retard the moral progress of the aspirant Remaining four Karmas, viz, feeling producing Karma (vedaniya), age determining Karma (ayuskarma), body determining Karma (näma) and heredity determining Karma are called aghati Karmas, because these are not directly concerned with obscuring the nature of the soul In the absence of ghätikarmas they do not retard the moral progress of the aspirant
These eight kinds of fundamental Karmas are subdivided into 97 kinds11
I
The Jäänävaraniya Karma which obscures the knowing faculty of the soul is divided into five kinds viz, the Karma which obscures the knowledge acquired through the senses and the mind, prevents our right conscience and intellect It is known as matyñänävaraniya The Karma which prevents acquiring knowledge of scnptures is called srutajfiänävaraniya That which hinders direct knowledge of matenal objects is avadhyñänävaraniya, that which obscures direct knowledge of the thought of others is known as mähah-paryayajñānävaraniya, and lastly that which prevents us from knowing night way of attaining liberation (kevalajñānāvaraniya) Darlandvaraniya or insight obscuring Karma prevents us from having night

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faith, nght vision, right view It is of nine kinds (1) Physical sight obscuring Karma (caksurdarśanāvaranīya) (2) Perceptual power of the four sense organs and the mind obscuring
Karma (acaksurdarśanăvaraniya) (3) Faculty of direct insight obscurng Karma (avadhıdarśanāvaraniya) (4) The Karma which obscures the nght intution of obtaining perfect
knowledge (kevaldarśanāvaraniya) (5) Light or pleasant slumber generating Karma (nidrā) (6) Heavy slumber generating Karma (nidrānidrā) (7) The Karma which causes sound sleep which overtakes a person sitting
or standing upright (pracalakarma) (8) The Karma which causes an exceedingly intensive sleep that overtakes
a person while walking (pracalāpracala). (9) The Karma which generates worst type of slumber with terrific vigour
through which man may commit horrible crime in the sleep III Feeling producing Karma (vedaniya) is cause of feeling pain and pleasure
and is of two kinds, which helps us to get worldly pleasure (sātā-vedaniya)
and which leads us to misery (asātāvedaniya) IV Deluding Karma (mohanīya) which obscures right faith and nght conduct
is divided into 28 kınds First of all it is divided into two kinds that which obscures right belief, infatuates the person, on account of this person loses his discriminative power of distinguishing right and wrong belief (darśanamohanīya) and the Karma which obscures the right conduct, which is the property of the soul (caritramohaniya) The first is divided into three kinds viz, that which obscures the right belief and generates complete wrong belief (mithyātvamohanīya), that which obstructs in getting complete right belief but produces correct partial belief (samyaktvamohaniya) and that which produces mixed belief having some degree of truth and same degree of falsity (miśramohanīya) The latter is divided into 25 kinds on the basis of obstruction produced by 10 passions
(kasāyas) and 9 semi-passions (nokasāyas) V Age determining Karma which determines the length of life span of all It

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is of four kinds Viz, that which determines the age of celestial beings (deva), human (mānusa) animal or subhuman (turyak) and helish beings
(nāraka) VI Body determining Karma determines the physical diversities, State of
existence (gati), caste, body, etc VII Heredity determining Karma determines the heredity or family It is of two
kinds, that which determines superior heredity (uccaugotra) and inferior
heredity (nicairgotra) VIII The power hindering Karma which obscures the power of the soul is of five
kinds, (1) that which obstructs the charity (dānäntarāya) (2) That which obstructs profit of any kind (läbhäntarāya), (3) that which hinders enjoyment of a thing which can be enjoyed once, such as good food, good drink, etc (bhogāntarāya), (4) that which hinders the enjoyment of something which can be enjoyed again and again, such as good clothing, dwelling place, bed, etc (upabhogāntarāya), (5) that which obstructs the power of a person and makes a very strong person incapable of exercising
his power No other religion or philosophical school has made so minute or detailed study of doctrine of Karma Vanous Karmas determine every activity of man Birth in particular family, high or lower, particular kind of physical body, social status, even man's nature, all are determined by particular Karma Every being of this vast universe is guided by its own Karma The heavenly bodies and even gods are not exceptions Every event of life is due to the Karma of previous life Birth and death, pain and pleasure, sufferng, disease, everything is dependent on Karma But Jainism believes that though the various Karmas of man constantly determining him in various ways, still he has infinite power within him to follow the right path, he has a freedom of will to act Man can overcome all Karmas by his own efforts and become finally liberated
Vanous kinds of ethical disciplines are prescribed to achieve freedom from clutches of bondage of Karma At first, the inflow of fresh Karma is to be stopped by observing five great vows (pañicamahāvrata), practicing cautious behaviour while walking, speaking, taking food, keeping and receiving things and evacuating bowels; (samitis), controlling psycho-physical activities of mind, speech and body (guptis), ngorously following ten kinds of religious virtues (daśavidhadharma), reflecting on 12 kinds of anupreksās, conquering hardships

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(parisahajaya) and controlling passions Then by austerities (or penance) already existing Karmas must be annihilated When this end is achieved, the age old partnership between the soul and matter is dissolved and the soul shines in its intrinsic nature of infinite faith, knowledge, power and bliss Freed of the dead weight of Karma, the soul flies up to the summit of lokākāśa and remains there ever after
FOOTNOTES
1 Krtsnakarmaksayo moksah - Tattvārthasūtra (TS)-X 2 TS 11 3 Praśamaratıprakarana (PP) - Umāsvād Verse-56 4 PP - 55 5 PP - 30 6 PP - 33 7 PP Intro P 35 8 Täh krsna-nila-kāpota-taijasi-padma-sukla-nāmānah.
Ślesa iva varnabandhasya Karmabandhasthitividhätryah
PP 38 9 Ibid. Introduction - P 36 10 Ibid. Verse-34 11 Ibid. 35 12 Ibid. Introduction pp 34-38

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Bibliography
1 An epitome of Jainism - k.b. Jindal,
Munshiram Manoharlal, Delhi 1996 2 The Heart of Jainism - S Stevenson,
Manshiram Manoharlal, Dehli 1995 3 Jaina Philosophy Histoncal outline,
N N Bhattacharya, Dehli 1976 4 Tattvarthädhigamasutra-with Tīkā - parts I, II
ed. H R Kapadia, J S Javeri, Bombay 1926, 1930 5 Praśamaratıprakarana of Umāsvātı edited and translated
by Dr Y S Shastri, L D Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad 1989 6 Suttāgame, Vols I, II Ed. Pupphabhikku, and Mani
Shri Phulchandji Maharaj, 1993, 1954

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L. Jain
Society and its Components
The term 'Human Society' is defined as everchanging complex and awaring system consisting of individuals, communities and institutions mutually interesting and reciprocating a web of social relationship and organised on the basis of similarity of culture, ideology and behaviour etc for their overall welfare and stability Gupta and Sharma' have mentioned many examples like Kamla (1920), Anna (1938) and Ramu - the wolf-boy (1954) to indicate that an individual is only a biological species at birth but he develops as a social being in the society inheriting language, habits, cultural values and behaviours Thus, the individual and society are interdependant for their mutual growth The sociologists have counted more than a dozen impact factors for overall growth, central power and development of society involving family, mares, customs, political and legal system, education, morality and religion etc Among these, religious thoughts (and lives of torch bearers) are major factors influencing the individual and society in many ways leading them towards the sacred path of cultivation of good virtues, better economic, moral and equalıtarian life, development of personality, personal security, psychological satisfaction, moral recreation and adjustment capacity The society, in general, has two forms . (a) animal and (b) human We are concerned here with the human society only The biological difference between the two is not important However, the earlier seers have differentiated them on the basis of religion This term has been elaborated in terms of eighteen sociocultural factors by sociologist They involve the way of life-thoughts and practices, physical and non-physical culture of arts, language, literature, philosophy, ideals and values and customs and traditions Thus, the term religion is taken as a sociological factor for human society specifying its various thoughts and activities The relgion, thus, has high impact in society involving groups and individuals The society consists of many groups based primarily on religion, class communities, professions, politics, economics and culture etc The religion, being defined as a way of life, has impact of all these gr for the aforesaid objects The

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earlier history and current trends in world testify this statement Religion and Jinistic Perceptions The term 'Religion could be defined as a system of a set of activities, behaviours, rituals, beliefs and practices for socialisation of individual for the ordered pleasure and upliftment of society Formerly, the religion had a supernatural-based definition, but the scientific age has dethroned it by a sociological one to suggest that it is a symbol of collective conciousness about the above activities It is the explanatory form of the earlier one as the way of life.
The earlier Jain texts indicate that the Ford-makers and seers were definitely sociologists in their thoughts and sermons They preached the objectives of misery-removal, welfare and best of happiness for all beings through the words “Savva-jaga-jiva-rakkana-dayatthaye bhagvayā pavayanam kahıyam" "Dhamme hitayam Payanam" "Sattvän ye dharat uttare sukhe," where the specific terms indicate all types of living beings rather than human beings only where individuals form the unit However, the later periods turned the table towards the individual welfare etc as the objective of religion Nevertheless, as the individual forms the basic unit of society, their groups should also be effected by these objectives and methods to acquire them It must be pointed out that a true religion is really humanism based on principle of 'live and let live' Thus religion is universal However, a good number of religious systems have developed independently during different periods of history and in different regions of the world Ellwood, Jr seems to be right to suggest that each system is only a partially altered version of cosmic religion under different names in fact, all religions are sister concerns Jainism is also a system of humanism-happiness of all beings with certain perceptions of codes and ideals Jainas suggests that it is a system of ascendants, independent, intelligent, rational and self-efforting people of the world This system has perceived (a) physical and psychical non-violence, (b) detailed mutational causeeffect law of Karma (c) work-based system of caste and status, (d) equal and respectable status and potency of women, (e) ethical and pluralistic realism, (f) septadıc predication law, and (8) psychological spiritualism These are described in traditional language in Jaina texts which should be presented in current scientific language for their wider understanding and impact in the coming century The major Jaina perceptions are summarised here in this fashion

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(Happiness, H and Satisfaction, S
The happiness and satisfaction are the prime objectives of life and religion The Jaina system postulates that human welfare, happiness, H or satisfaction, SIS proportional to religiosity, R If H or S is defined as the number of desires / acquirements divided by their total numbers, we have, as the economists will
IMPACT OF JAINISTIC PERCEPTIONS ON SOCIETY
say
R HD/D, and S =Aq/Aq,
This leads to the result that if one wishes to maximise H or S, the number of desires or acquirements must be made minimum, 1 e the denominator must be very small This is what the theory of non-possession or Aparigraha postulates One has to limit them for better life This principle states limitation in consumeristic mentality and, therefore, better welfare and religiosity It has a potency of increasing overall pleasure in the world
(2) Perception of Three A's (or N's, Individual Triad)
S1
S, * S, + S,
85
The Jinistic perception of three A's (or N's) is very important for the welfare of individual and society It aims at cultivation of one's own mind, speech and body This triad of non-violence, non-one-sided-ness and non-possession represents the process of highest welfare If one follows this triad, it results in multiplicity of its effects, as shown below N, (Non-violence) + N, (Nononesided-ness) + N, (Non-possession) N,N,N, This is the perception of welfare at Individual level This tnad is the exposition of non-violence at every level It is not a totally negative term In positive way, it means love and reverence In a practical way, it is minimising pain and passion to self and others It is positivity-onented negativity with optimisite bias
=
(3) Perception of Three S's (Sociological Triad)
The Jaina system is a shramanic (Striver) system It has the welfare of the society as an objective This could be attained by the tnad of Sweating, S,, Selfsupporting, S, and Sameness, S, It is known that as one works hard, one becomes self-supporting and all hard workers develop sameness among all This triad belongs to the makers of own destiny This triad has also the multiple effect like the earlier one This trad exemplifies the development of the society through karmic processes
S,S,S,
=

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(4) Perception of three R's (Spiritual Trad) The Jinistic system is basically spiritual It aims at releasing the karmically embodied being from the karmic shackles through the triad of three R's of Right faith, Right knowledge and Right conduct It is called Gem-trio or Tradic confluence in Jaina system It involves all the perceptions mentioned above which are specific forms of this triad This is also multiply effective All these three triads are the condensed forms of many Jinistic vows and practices which emanate from the basic perception of non-violence for which the Jainas are noted (5) Cause-effect Law of Karma : Weber-Freshner-Equation The Karma theory is one of the most developed theory of action-reaction of our daily life It has more a basic of psychology rather than physical basis The psychologists have developed an equation which could be applied for mental processes and their physical effects This equation is known as Weber-Freshner equation If S is the stimulent mental emotion / state and R is the resultant effect, we have, S = K In R This stimulant here is the karmic force and the R is the effect produced This equation has been verified for medium range stimulents but it needs verification in case of finer karmic forces Moreover, the karma theory is a mutational theory which makes effects proportional to forces which are always changing in their nature depending upon many environmental factors This equation has ascertained the psychological nature of karma theory and that karma theory could be explained in that way The karmas are also said to be inversely proportional to destinities, i e lighter or better the karmas, higher will be the destiny of the living beings It requires that good karmas only will yield human life Impact of Jinistic Perceptions on Components of Human Society We are living in an age of scientific and industrial development leading to more and more consumerism and comforts It has created larger number of problems in compansion to Mahāvīran age-some carry-over of the past and some newly created ones These problems start with individuals in terms of their ethical standards, family life including the status of women and upto many social, national or even global problems of ethnics, population growth, environmental

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pollution, economic disparity and politics of government, war and peace etc It is seen that the above triads have had large impact on improving the mentality and actions of individuals in the society in the past their impact is a tr-timal phenomena They have potency and pregnancy for better present and future of practised honestly The Jaina ascetics are the crest of the fourfold Jinistic order They command and control social and religious life of the community They have influences royalties, army commanders and nich men in the past Their sermons for reveronce of life and love have changed the course of life of many heretics and sinners as could be clear from the early Jaina texts They were instrumental in establishing non-violent royalties in many parts of India They promoted the concept of non-absolutism through academic debates Ācārya Bhadrabāhu, Arya Suhasti, Samantabhadra, Akalanka, Bappabhatti, Simhanandı, Sudatta, Śılagunasün, Acārya Tulasi and Vidyāsāgara, Hemcandra and Hīrvijayjī and others have moulded the public and royalities to the path of these triads The institutions of ascetics still continues to hold similar position even today The politicians and richmen still seek their blessings and advice on many national and social problems of modern life The Jinistic perceptions have a large impact on common men to practice the triadic path for prosperity, progress and peace physically and spiritually It seems that most of the people of the world are Jainas without proclamation as they realise the truth of these triads and follow them as far as possible That is why, Tobias' has pointed out that the practice of non-violent way of life has given a viable alternative towards these objectives Their non-violent businesses prove the fact that non-violence can be economically more frutful Though he points out that nobody could be totally non-violent and a theory always breaks down in practice to a certain extent, but Jinistic perceptions are ethically realistic and practically workable under some restrictions The Jainas have had a large impact on their life style in this country and abroad in the past and present. A summary of such impact has been brought out by GP Jain recently Impact of Society : (a) Action-based Caste System The general society of the east has been stricken with many traditional problems thwarting its overall physical and spiritual progress The birth-based caste system is one of them Though it seems to have been based on division of labour in the society but it lacked mutational progress and encouraged conservatism and self-pride The Jaina system has no place for it as all human beings--nay all living beings are equal and similar in potency of progress That is why the

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Jainas have been originating from all traditional castes and ethnic groups without proselytisation Of course, it agrees to work-based caste system which has the modern form of professional class system as in the west of today There is no bar for anybody to modify or move for better and better class of professions Even the Govt today is encouraging this process. It is due to homogenisation of heteregeneous groups that a society of highest morals and least crime rates and offences has developed There have been virtually the class and religious conflicts of Jainas with others as are observed in current days Per chance, these are due to their supremacy concepts or political ambitions which the Jainas do not have. They have been the neutral components of the society and adjustable with all because of their non-violent attitudes This point has restricted their promotion far and wide but it now seems to be the toch bearer for a better society and human race of the future and twenty first century. The Jainas go beyond the carnivere mentality of the west They favour peace and love ever war and hatred. This system has never deviated from the tradic concepts and that is why it remains as one of the best living religions of the world The pacifist doctrine of non-violence was unknown in the west until about 12th century Since then, it has been making high in roads and now it has become one of the major roads of their life and culture The birth-based caste system, hence, does not find any place there The Jaina system points out that one's outlook should be four-foldly tuned substantively, regionally, temporally and modally. This is ascertained by the fact that Jaina seers have added, modified, redefined many theoretical and practical issues for necessary tunings with times indicating their attitude of scientificity There has, thus, never been fundamentalist attitude in them which has been oi is there in other systems and decried by the conscientious intelligensia. The intellectually equalitarian and polyviewistic training gives accommodation capacity in the society for alleviating birth-based theories and sectarianism and promoting tolerance and harmony This training is the need of the day This training of the Janas has a great impact on their continued preservation. (b) Equal Status and Potency of Women It is unfortunate that the patriarchial society has always been non-genuine towards women folk in general despite some better litanic or biographical references The Mahāvīran age had the traditional society where they were taken even as a marketable commodity They were taken as property He

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revolted against this attitude and promoted the concept of equality of sexes, status and potency of women along with regulated marriage and see through the minor vow of celibacy He placed them in two cadres of nuns and vetaresses in his four-fold order whose strengths were nearly double the cadres of men There have been many llustrious women in Jaina order for promotion of Jaina culture and literature The Jaina nun-system has been and is very influential even today for preserving the Jinistic practices They are promoting Jaina ideology even abroad in different countries Mahāvīra was very far sighted on the issues of women and we are experiencing it in current times when they are holding positions of heads of Govt, administrators in civil, police and even in defence services along with other fields including politics The case of 33-50% reservation is also pending indicating the current state of thinking about the status of women The concept and practice of equality of sexes has effected the women in more than one way While they have their duties of morality-based procreation, they hold their nghts for equality in personal and social spheres This morality of sex has resulted in least sexual offences and lesser population growth among the Jainas This inbred concept is now felt necessary in the days of AIDS by modern women society with alleviated their major physical and psychological problems Besides marriage, there have been many associated problems in the past like remarriage, widow marriage and in the present the Sati tradition, divorce and abortion The west had no such problems as it did not give much value to th morality of sex, though it attaches sacredness to the marriage However, the conservative east did rule against these issues It is only during the last 150 years that the women folk has risen from their slumber and have started utilising Mahāvīran concept of equality of sexes Now, Satı burning is resisted tooth and nail and legally also the other issues are also moving in affirmative direction One remembers the days when advocates of such issues were insulted by the society However, the days have changed stealthily The tuning in women problems is being effected with respect to the changing times and conditions as per Mahāvīram dictums It is not only the pre-creative issues which attracted the attention of Mahāvīra He also took up the case of education and leadership potency of women He had a large number of women disciples who were proficient in canons and conducts His chief nun was Candanabālā The women of today are being educated in different fields and they are taking leadership in many specialised

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areas This is a pleasant sign of the impact of realistic Jaina perception on women equality This trend is going to be ascelerated in the twenty first century (c) Politics and Peace Tobias has written that there are very few pure or even medium level nonviolent people Nevertheless, their principle is very attractive It is the harbinger of peace It provides solutions not only for problems associated with individuals but it also guides to solve the national and international problems on round tables too Though the Jinistic non-violence has not been able to stop wars and violence in the world, but it has done quite a lot in this direction in India It has been applied in terms of peace treaties and political war stoppage for long The institutions of ambassadors has been its other form Many political and religious leaders have been impressed by this principle and have realised its dormant potencies That is why, they could make it an nstrument of social equality and national independence Mahatma Gandhi, Velson Mandela, De Vakera, Martin Luther King, Dalai Lama, Fuji Guruji and others are the shining stars of this age in getting the potency of non-violence manifested in different parts of the world They have let us believe that it is not only a principle for individuals, but it can function in wider areas of groups and nations Many royalties were impressed by the non-violent life, learnings and teachings of Jaina saints and gave them not only royal patronage but began practising it in part and encouraging the public to follow suit through royal decrees Many names of such saints have been cited earlier in this regard As a result, non-violence has become a global political, economic, social and environmental principle The institutions like UNO, G-77, SAARC, Non-alliance movement and others are practical forms of non-violence at global level The concept of armyless states, moral rearmament and nuclear and chemical war banning are its sheets Conflict resolution is its effects It is due to this potency that many institutes of peace and non-violent studies and training have been established in many parts of the world This subject has attracted the academic world too and international congresses are held by them off and on Many scholarships are also instituted for conflict resolution studies The political powers have applied the concept of Panchasila for mending the ways of the world through political morality They have started solving their problems through consensus, pursuations, intermediaries and round table

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conferences to avoid wars and attendant destructions The rays of non-violence are increasingly peeping through to usher in a new era of peace and progress in the war-torn world This will give us a better world in twenty-first century The impact of this Jinistic principle has resulted in movements like 'Land Gift of Vinobaji and 'Renunciation of meal once a week of L B Shastri in India for reducing the rich-poor conflicts and increase the amount of happiness in general The WHO, UNICEF, Red Cross Society, Lion and Rotary movements and many other philanthropic institutions throughout the world are the proponets for improving chances of peace and progress They are working on Jinisitic principle without any adjective (d) Economic Problems Jinistic Socialism It is seen that the world is infested with disparities on economic fronts There are pairs of classes like rich-poor, master-servant, landlord-peasant, mill-ownerworker and the like where the capitalistic trend has resulted in majority of them under deprivation and turmoil The Jinistic perception of all men are religiously and morally equal' has been out of the way since long The natural instinct of ambition in men has resulted in these classes and class wars Formerly, the religion also seemed to support this status quetist view psychologically on the basis of Karma theory However, this was neither desirable nor justified in view of the mutational character of Karmas The Jinistic perception of Aparlgraha or equitable distribution and sharing of wealth, denational duty and limitation of wants and greedy nature have paved the way to eliminate the above disparities Collectively, these perceptins are termed as 'Jinistic Socialism' This has potency to equalise human beings at physical and social level too They are already equal spiritually This perception is again a humanitarian application of non-violence which develops an attitude on non-attachment towards wealth and encourages its proper distribution as indicated by Kempfort' This attitude will have to be ingrained in human mind to cherish for an egalitarian society The current systems of Gandhism, Communism etc are but newer varieties of this Jinistic socialism with different types of adjustments The co-operative movement throughout the world is its another version (E) Environmental Problems
The most important aspects of Jinistic perceptions have been the cultivation of

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an attitude of (1) livingness in all natural objects (1) feeling of equality and compassion for them and (ul) observational interdependence among all the living beings Taking men at the center, all its inside (volitions, mind) and outside (earth, water, air, plants, minerals, animals etc) surroundings form what we call environment There has been a natural balance between men and their environment so that his health, wealth and happiness were protected However, the population growth greedy nature, consumersm, industrialisation gases and wastes, mis-use of forests etc have broken this balance which is now effecting the warmth of the globe at large involving the depletion of protective ozone layer Man could not realise the gravity of this situation until about early half of this century but now he has got acutely worried about it The Jainas were forsighted on this issue too Their first book of Acărānga tells us that violence or mis-use of the environment systems leads to delusion, bondage, hell and death How a man could be called religious if he injures his own class of lower life? The indifference towards this perception and injunction has effected us heavily today However, these injunctions have advocated two points. (1) Vegetarian food habits and (11) upkeep of environmental balance These points now show a high impact on global front to maintain clean environment
For quite a long time, westerners were not in favour of vegetarianism and they counted many deficiencies in it Now, it is said to be scientifically nutritive, economically sound, aesthetically enriched and charming and spintually noble In contrast, non-vegetarianism causes as many as 160 types of diseases That is why, it is getting global popularity and many national and international organisations have come up in its favour More and more people worldwide are adopting this food style It has a potency of making up food shortage of the world A large number of non-vegetarian chain stores is being wound up It gives health, longevity, saves wealth aand serves humanity in producing secretions encouraging qualities of compassion and reducing the bad qualities of anger, conflict and aversion It also keeps the environment safe Currently, It holds high impact on society which is going to increase faster in twenty first century. The upkeep of environmental balance has become most important for the survival of our universe The Brazil and Kyote type conferences are being held globally to devise ways and means in this direction Television and other media are propagating for savaging forests, check mis-use of water and other natural resources, use of depollution devices in transport systems, industrial gases and wastes are being developed globally. The afforestation festivals are

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being organised Population growth faster is being tackled medically All these steps are being taken unconscious of Jinistic principles of (1) checking available use of natural resources (u) limiting wants (u) restricted celibacy and, of course, non-violence The principle of animism and reverence for life is coming to practice which is an indirect impact of these principles How best it could have been if these principles would have been taken into account while industrial progress was under development There are nearly seven vows and practices which are advocated by the Jainas in this direction
People can argue 'religion has nothing to do in these matters' However, if it is the way of life for socialisation and welfare of society, any issue interferring in this objective has to be tackled by its perceptions. The above Jama perceptions are specifically important for ecological balance One should try to take as much from mother earth as much it could regenerate The Jaina Declaration on Nature' (1990) is an effort to promote this objective worldwide This problem could not go critical if these perceptions are followed with resolve The man has been guilty of neglect of them specially in increasing population in geometrical proportion Though it seems that religious seers have not proved to be powerful enough to subdue the matenal scientists but one feels the man would have to turn back to seek refuge in religious injunctions like the physicists now turning towards metaphysics in their theonsation Tobias has nghtly said that Jinistic injunctions are a little Switzerland in this turbulent environment
(F) Philosophy
The Jaina system is noted for its non-extremist middle course philosophical concepts because of its mental, vocal and physical triad of non-violence It prefers a naturalistic trend over any supernatural one That is why, it does not have creator God concept so that a man could become master of his own destiny by his own efforts The major Jaina philosophical concepts are based on the principle of non-absolutism It has proved to be more realistic than theoretical only It has relativistic approach It has devised its perceptions on the basis of physical and psychical, physical and modal real and ideal aspects of any issue The scientific theory of Relativity and its later developments have verified. the correctness of this philosophical concept experimentally This concept has a heavy impact on the mould of the society, politicians and economists who have to look into the welfare of all The scholars have verified it statistically and superpositionally 10 This inculcates the capacity to develop an attitude of liberalism, tolerance and harmony in thoughts and actions and creation of

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casteless and creedless society which is the need of the day This principle is a very important instrument in socialistic tempo of the Jaina system It requires persons to think ever any issue from many angles before taking any decision that is what the management people suggest Thus, this principle asks us to manage our mind, speech and body to be in tune for maximum benefit to the individual and society The Jaina philosophy discusses many topics on physical and spiritual issues on logical and intellectual basis This has influenced the world of philosophers in the east and west It is highly impressive and is referred by many noted scholars This has provoked the middle course way in real life The western Journals have a variety of comparative discussions on this concept in modern language This philosophy is also an off-shoot of non-violence and other triads However, this requires presentation of Jinistic philosophical works through English language for wider objective—a high need for twenty first century (g) Social vs Individual Aspects It has been pointed out that the basically socialistic concepts of Jainism were later transformed into pre-dominently individualistic bias This is the case of all eastern religious systems This might have happened at the start of devotional cult and in middle ages This has led to catastrophe in general life The man has become so much individualistic that one almost overlooks the society and we are facing the disorder in almost all spheres of life and the nation itself The twentieth century end requires that the medieval age trend should be reversed to socialistic objectives as the individual is made through the society and one's own contnbution is very small The west could grow through socialistic base though it is also now moving towards the same catastrophic line The saint and intelligensia should try to modify their traditional views to get the idea of socialistic objectives of the religion into daily practice The twenty first century requires this background from the twentieth century people It has been pointed out by many scholars that this trend has been responsible for non-popularisation of Jinistic perceptions Of course, there were many other factors too like absence of impressive saints, lack of internal power and practices and concept of harsh and rigid vows etc All these factors have to be tuned with respect to regions and times The pastorientation and traditional language are also such factors The twenty first century requires that these drawbacks should be minimised as far as possible to

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make our perceptions more amenable for better understanding and practice Conclusion The discussions above indicate the various types of impacts of Jinistic perceptions on different components of the society The twentieth century trends suggest towards movement of practicing these perceptions This will have to be intensified This author has every hope that the next century will have widened these practices for better peaceful and progressive world It is pleasing to learn that the Jainas are promoting these perceptions through national and international institutions like Western Order of Jainism, JAINA, JAFNA, Brahmi Society, Jaina Academy, Jaina International, Anubibha etc Their efforts will lead to a highly powerful Jinistic world in twenty first century
REFERENCES
1 Gupta, M L, and Sharma, D D, Sociology (H), Sahitya Bhavan, Agra, 1986 2 V Ferm (Ed.), Encyclopedia Britannica, London 1964, p 646 3 N L Jain, in Prakrta Vidya, 3-4, 1992-93, p 14 4 Ellwood, Jr, Many People, Many Faiths, Prentic-Hall Inc, Englewood Cliffs, N J
USA, 1986 5-6 N L Jain, Jaina System in Nutshell, JSK, Satna, 1993 7 Tobias, IX Michael, Life Force, Humanities Press, Berkeley, CA, 1991 8 Gokul Prasad Jain, Videso maim Jaina Dharma, DJ Mahasabha, Delhi 1997 9 Waldemar Lempfort, Today and Tomorrow, Dennis-Dobsen, London 1947 10 D S Kothan in K. C Shastri Fel. Vol. Rewa 1976, p 3 68

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SOME MODERN CONCEPTS OF MARRIAGE IN THE LIGHT OF THE SMRTI LITERATURE
Sunanda Y Shastri
There are many sources like epics, classical Sanskrit literature, sutras, smrtis philosophical works, different commentaries on smrtis and many other texts t understand, contemporary society Among these sources smrtis are importan sources to understand the social practices, laws and rules and politics Smrti. are important because, they are treatises of rules about conduct, social custom and usages, legal matters and family life They also reflect the current practice: in contemporary society There were, it is said, more than one hundred smrtis out of which Mänavadharmafästra (or Manusmrti) is the oldest, most importanı and exhaustive source Some other important smrtis are-Visnusmrti, Yajnavalkyasmrti, Näradasmrti, Brhaspati etc Manusmrti is said to have been composed probably between 200 B C-200 A D Smrtis seem to have formed the minutest rules and laws regarding individual's life, and hence marriage is an important subject discussed in the smrtis at length
The institution of marnage must have come into existence in very remote past Even the extant Vedic texts show that the institution of marriage was fully developed, and that the Vedic society was not a promiscuous one Marriage was regarded as but highly necessary to qualify for the performance of religious nites and begetting children' Marnage was regarded as religious and social duty Marriage ntuals were already developed and were regularly practiced Girls were married at quite a mature age2 The very notion of marriage implies many other aspects such as, legality, children and their nights, extra mantal relations, monogamy, polygamy, poliandry, levirate (nuyoga), sonorate (husband of a barren woman marrying her sister for progeny and some of those children are counted as of the barren wife), social status, inheritance, divorce, nullification of marnage, remarriage and widow-marriage etc Since marnage was regarded as social institution, the various aspects naturally demanded consideration as they were intimately interconnected with marriage Mammage being the union of two persons of opposite sex coming from two different surroundings, it became social event of fargoing consequences
The ancient Indian law-makers looked upon marriage as more of a duty than

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a means of pleasure it was one of the major-acts of refinement (samskāras) One became a house-holder after marriage and was thus authorised to perform duties towards elders, children, society and religion Views about marnage were found transitory and more and more social aspects came to be discussed in connection with marriage One view from Manu's famous text is, 'external laws for husband and wife are to keep them on the path of duty, whether they are separated or united Another famous text that of Nārada (3rd CAD), says that the legal rules are laid down regarding marriage and other mutual relations between husband and wife The marriage is discussed here regarding following topics - [1] Choice of bridegroom and bride, [2] man's virility test, [3] forms of marriage, [4] Anuloma and Pratiloma marriage (marriage in direct order of Varnas and
in inverse order of Varnas) and social arrangement for their progeny [5] Monogamy, polygamy and polyandry, [6] Divorce and separation, [7] Remarriage, [8] Levilate and sonorate, and [9] Arrangement for the children born without wedlock (1) Choice of bridegroom and bride Manusmrti gives stress on the choice of bride-groom Manu has given in detail the qualities of maiden one should choose as a bride He prescribes the right colour of her eyes and hair, her health, family background and he even wants to consider her names Woman's choice about her life partner is not considered at all A later work, like Nāradasmrti, stresses completely on the choice of maiden It is considered important and consent given by the girl is an essential part of marriage Her acceptance of marnage proposal and her consent in clear words is considered as bethrothaló (2) Man's virility test Here a very unique view comes up, which probably is the first of its kind in the smrti literature Young man seeking hand of the maiden had to undergo

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physical fitness test including the virility test, after he proposes to the parents of the girl It is said that, "when the fact of his vinlity is placed beyond doubt, he shall obtain the maiden'" Marriage would not take place unless he passed the test The part of maiden's choice and man's virility test bears likeness to the tradition of Swayamvara It is more or less a cross between Swayamvara and an arranged marnage
This betrothal is not indissoluble and could be broken if some fault is found in either of the party It could be even broken if a better suitor approaches for the maiden Marriage takes place only with the chanting of mantras with the ritual of joining hands"
(3) Forms of Marriage
In the sutra and smrti literature, eight different forms of marriage are described They are (1) Brahma Vivaha-It is the one in which a maiden properly decked with ornaments is given to the bridegroom with religious ceremony10
(2) Prajapatya Vivaha-Daughter is given to a virtuous bridegroom with the words, 'fulfil your sacred duties together"
(3) Arsa Vivaha-Father of the bride receives a dress, a bull and a cow, by way of a token gift, from the bridegroom and gives his daughter with proper rituals and ceremony
(4) Darva Vivaha-Darva means fate During a sacrifice, when the host gives his daughter to the officiating priest in the front of the altar it is called Daiva marriage's
(5) Gandharva Viväha-when a maiden and a young man unite through love and mutual desire, it is called Gandharva marriage"
(6) Asura Vivaha-when the price is paid for the bride by the bridegroom, then the bride is given ceremoniously to him, it is Asura marriage's
(7) Raksasa Vivaha-Raksasa means a demon. When a girl who is unwilling and resisting is abducted and forcibly marned it is called Raksasa marriage. (8) Paisāca Vivaha-Pisaca means a ghost, or a basest or foulest thing When a girl is approached while she is asleep or intoxicated or mad or unconscious and raped, and consequently married to the person it is called Paisaca form of marriage

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First four forms of marriage are legal, socially acceptable and praiseworthy, according to most lawmakers There are certain and definite opinions about the legality and morality of all marriage forms Manu recognizes first six forms of marnage as legal for Brāhmanas Ksatryas and Vaśyas can get married as per the last four forms But Paiśāca and Asura forms are criticised Last three forms of marriage gave more or less a free hand to Ksatriyas--the military and ruling class of the society They always did not follow the moral code of conduct laid down by Brāhmanas The acceptance of Rāksasa form is proof of this licence Another peculiar thing about the Parśāca form is that it is legally recognized which is the most condemnable and noteworthy of all That may be probably to give social status and protection to the victimised woman or girl
One more facet regarding the legality is found in Nārada's treatise Only first four forms are recognised as legal and are prescribed for all orders of men In the law of inheritance of property, only first four lawful forms of marriage are considered Property of a childless woman goes to her husband only, if she is married to him according to any one of the four praiseworthy forms beginning with the Brāhma form 16
Common feature in Arsa and Asura form of marriage is bride's price which seems to be paid in both cases Only a token gift of clothes, a cow and a bull is given to the bride's father in Arsa form This practice came into being, probably because, parents of the girl would lose her services once she is gone with her husband and to compensate such losses, the token price was given Price is paid for the bride in the Asura marriage and if higher bid is there from another suitor, then bride is given to him This is actually the sale of the bride and cannot be compared with Arsa marriage In the first four forms there is not much difference. Only the selection of bridegroom differs, but marriage ntual is same Regarding Gāndharva and other marriages, Devala has very clearly stated "In marriages under Gāndharva and other forms, the nuptial nte is intended to be performed by the members of the three Varnas by an agreement in the presence of the fire ” (misalfface faltaalle. Wa: 1 Sam) This implies that in whatever form a maiden is obtained, the legalization and solemnization of the marriage is to be done only after the performance of the rituals with mantras in the presence of the fire

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(4) Anuloma and Pratiloma marriages and social arrangement for their progeny
The Aryan society was divided into four varnas or classes according to the division of labour, intellectual and physical capacity, likings and inclinations etc The one whose profession is learning and teaching was Brahmana Brahmanas were supposed to learn, teach and preserve Vedic tradition by handing it to worthy students The second varna is Ksatriya-the warmor class or ruling class-who would take the responsibility of protection of people, fight enemies etc The Vaisyas were mainly involved in trading-inland and overseas and agriculture The fourth varna-śūdras probably were the labour class people, at times those conquered in the battles and kept to serve three varnas This system was flexible in its early days Later, especially in the smrti penod it became as ngid as could be This flexibility gave birth to the concept of Anuloma and Pratiloma
Anuloma marriage is marriage in direct order of the varnas and Pratiloma is marriage in inverse order of varnas Among the varnas, Brahmanas are supenor, next comes Ksatriya and then Vasya and lastly the Śūdras
Theoretically, all the lawmakers insist on marrying a boy or girl of the same varna" And if the marnage is to be inter-varna then, men are allowed to marry with the women of inferior varna, but women are not allowed to marry men of inferior varna When man marries with the woman of inferior varna, the manage is called Anuloma marrage-marriage in direct order of classes; and if a woman of higher varna marries with the man of inferior varna-then it is pratiloma marriage-marriage in inverse order of varnas
Despite of strict rules and social prohibition, human elements like love and passion always played its role and the rules were not strictly followed Intervarna marriages were disliked by the Smrtıkaras" Sometimes it is interpreted that the rule about marrying a man or woman of the same varna may be for the first marriage only In case, one has to marry again, for the some or the other reason, then man can take wife from other varna (lower) than his own The mixing of varnas is criticised even in Bhagvadgitā19
This rigidity of the varna system gave rise to many social problems The children born of inter-varna marnages were never really accepted in either father's varna, nor the mother's varna These children were supposed to be of different caste than mother and father's The children born through Anuloma

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marriages are called 'Apasada' children Manu has declared nine sons born through Anuloma and Pratiloma marriages The name given below is of that caste by which they are recognized in the society - (1) Ambastha--son born through the union of Brāhmana father and Vaisya
mother20 (2) Nisāda—son of Brāhmana father and Śūdra mother21 (3) Ugra-son of Ksatriya father and Sūdra mother (4) Süta-son of Brāhmana mother and Ksatriya father23 (5) Māgadha-son of Ksatrtya mother and Vasya father24 (6) Vaidehaka-son of Brāhmana mother and Varsya father25 (7) Ayogava—son of Sūdra father and Vaisya mother26 (8) Kśattri--son of Śūdra father and Ksatriya mother27 (9) Căndāla-basest of the sons declared by the ancient lawmakers He is born
of Brāhmana mother and Śūdra father28 Again when these castes mix within or with main varnas, then other subcastes are created Detail description of such sub-castes is found in Manusmrtı29 It seems that those lawmakers or the intellectual leaders of the contemporary society were anxious to protect pure varna system from defilement They nevei wanted to give the status of mother's or father's varna to the children born of inter-varna In other words it can be said that the system itself became rigid and overpowering for them and the whole society, that they could not penetrate into it to accommodate the new extensions of the society or failed to carve a niche for them Thus many new castes were created and it gave rise to the utter confusion in the society (5) Monogamy, Polygamy and Polyandry As a general rule monogamy seems to be in the practice in the contemporary society Since the wife is called 'Sahadharma-cārini' ie who performs duties of family life, religion and rituals with her husband Another thing is, laws about the marriage in all the smrti literature does not indicate that man can have more than one wives Rules about remarriage, i e., when the spouse is deceased or divorced are there, but not one single rule is found about marrying

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SAMBODHI
102
again, while the first wife is there alive, hale and hearty Another very important thing is, man has to take an oath at the time of marriage ntual that, 'he would never transgress his wife's privileges in the matters of religion and duties, financial matters and worldly pleasures30 Still, the instances of polygamy are found For instance, King Dasaratha had three wives Famous philosopher Yājñavalkya had two wives--Maitreyi and Kätyāyani Lord Krsna also had many wives Probably wealthy people and kings might be exceptional cases, but it definitely was not a rule, nor was the practice of polygamy encouraged There are not many instances regarding polyandry There is neither any rule, nor the custom Draupadi's episode is there in the Mahābhārata more as an exception than a rule Even at that time it raised a lot of controversy Except in few uncivilized tubes, polyandry did not exist at all in the cultured sections of the Indian society at all times (6) Divorce and Separation Peculiarity of the rule of divorce lies in the prohibition to lodge the complaint, ie husband and wife must not lodge complaints against each other? It is considered a sin, if husband and wife leave each other through mutual dislike32 In a case, where wife commits adultery, then it is not an offence on the husband's part, if he leaves her. He can drive her out of house, or treat her like a slave and her head is shaven 34 There are also punishments for men which are prescnbed for the higher degree criminals35 A man can abandon his wife if she is wasting husband's property on pretext that it is her 'Strīdhana', or when she is procuring abortions, or when she is barren, or when she hates her husband, or when she attempts to kill her husband36 It is advised that a woman who always shows malice towards her husband, or who always quarrels, or who gives birth to female progency, or who drinks spirituous liquor, or who is suffering from disease should be abandoned $8 It is obvious that it was a male dominant society where interests of men came before lives of women
Regarding women, divorce is allowed to a girl who is faultless, but is unknowingly married to a man having some blemish or fault Then, she can approach the royal court and get her marriage dissolved Her relatives should restore her to a better suitor39 This procedure is more like a nullification of

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marriage
The other cause of nullification of marriage is, when husband has gone abroad immediately after marriage and does not return within the three months In such a situation she can marry to another suitor40 Nullification of marriage and instance of remarriage is very clear in these cases
If a maiden is abandoned by her husband immediately after marnage ceremony for whatsoever reason, then she should be remarried with another suitor with proper Vedic rituals again" The social justice in this rule is obvious
(7) Remarriage
Remarriage is advocated for women in the following five classic situations -, viz, (1) If husband is lost and not heard of for a specific period of time, (2) f dead, (3) if he becomes a religious ascetic, (4) if he is impotent and (5) if he is expelled from the caste for heinous crime or sinful actions42
Among them, apart from death, the other four are genuine reasons for divorce and remarriage In all these five cases, a woman's future becomes bleak In act, according to (levirate) Nyoga such women can beget sons to support herself in their old age It is sheer irresponsibility on the men's part in the other cases, except death Begetting a son for a husband who has done no justice to 11s wife, nor cared for her, is not proper The best thing is that she should live her life happily and normally with another man If a man starts leading ascetic ife ignoring worldly responsibilities or does something which makes him outcaste or one who is impotent and knowingly deceives the maiden, do not need any consideration or justice by creating a ksetraja son for him.
In case husband is lost, 1e he goes abroad and is not heard for a considerable ength of time, then his wife is supposed to remarry after stipulated period of waiting This waiting period is different for the women of different varnas Waiting period for the women having sons is longer than those not having
sons
--Brahmana woman should wait for eight years if she is having son, and four years, if she does not have son
-Ksatriya woman having son should wait for six years and three years if she has no son
-Vaiya woman with son should wait four for years and two years if she is

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SAMBODHI
not having son -For a Südra woman the period is one year, if she has son and if one without son marries before the stipulated waiting period is over, then no rule is
violated in her case13 (8) Levirate and Sonorate By levirate (nıyoga) is meant the situation when after the death of a man without progeny, his brother is duty-bound to marry the widow and any children born out of their union are counted as the progeny of the deceased man Levirate was performed not only in the occasion of husband's death, but also in the case of an impotent man who is unable to procreate progeny He allows his wife to beget children through another man, with the permission of elders in the patriarchal society of India, it was always more than a need to continue father's lineage through a male issue A son only can perform rituals for father after father's death Son-biological or legal offers funeral ball-ofrice (pinda) to the dead father It is believed that, after the funeral ball-of-rice is offered, then father would not have to starve in the world of the Manes, thereafter Another thing is that the property remains in the family when there is male issue to continue the lineage
Woman was free to decide whether to perform the levirate or not Usually elders of the family and clan would decide in this matter they would order her to perform the levirate and go to her brother-in-law, and have relation with him until a son is born" The rule was,-'one should resort to Niyoga, when there is threat of family's extinction ' Children born without the authorisation of elders are deemed illegalo
Sonorate-Husband of a barren woman marries to her sister, and some of the children born to the union are counted as those of the childless wife* (9) Social arrangement for the children born without wedlock Thought is given to the children born through extramantal relations for the sake of inheritance This category consists of the sons, who may not be biological sons of their fathers They are as follows - (1) Ksetraja-A son begotten according to the law of Niyoga on the appointed
wife of dead man, or of impotent man, is called ksetraja-one begotten on the field-wife47

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(2) Datrima—A son who is given by his parents to a man, of the same caste
and having no issue, with a libation of water is considered as adopted
son 48 (3) Krtrima--A son whom a man adopts as his own son and who is of the
same caste49
(4) Gudhotpana—When a male child is born in a household and his father's
identity is not known, then that child belongs to the husband of his mother 50
Apaviddha—A male child who is deserted by his parents and is taken by
another man as his son, he is called 'a cast off son' (6) Kānīna--A son born to an unmarried damsel while she is in her father's
house This son belongs to him, whom she wedssi (7) Sahodha—Knowingly or unknowingly, when one mamies a pregnant bride,
the child of hers belongs to him whom she marries 52 (8) Krtaka-When one buys male child from his father and mother for the
sake of a having son, he is called Krtaka son (9) Paunarbhava—A son of a remarried woman by her second husband is
classed under this category Lawmakers have given a subtle thought for the placement of such children in the social set up It could be psychologically difficult for any man to accept a pregnant bride or he may abandon her after knowing the fact In the case of 'Gudhotpama' son, if there were not any law to protect such a child, then he would have had to live as an orphan All these children were not disowned Apaviddha son was adopted out of sheer pity and compassion A maiden's son also was looked after in her father's house and law authorised him to officiate as the child's father who marries the maiden Ancient law thus seems to have made provision for such children and made some corrections for some of the human failures
FOOTNOTES
1 Rgveda - X. 85 36 2 Rg X. 22-46 3 Manu smrti, IX, 1

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4 Naradasmrti, XII, 1 (Abbreviation Nr)
5 Manusmrti - III-1
6 स्त्रीपुसयोस्तु संबन्धे वरणं प्राग् विधीयते ।
वरमाद् ग्रहणं पाणेः सस्कारोऽथ द्विलक्षणः | Nr XII-2
7 when you you Pedongperari: 1
पुमाश्चेदविकल्पेन स कन्या लब्धुमर्हति ॥ Nr XII-8
8 Nr XII 30
9 Nr XII
3
10 Nr XII 40
11 Nr XII 40
12 Nr XII
-
.
-
13 Nr XII 41
-
41
14 Nr XII 42
-
SUNANDA Y SHASTRI
15 Nr XII 42
16. स्त्रीधन तदपत्याना भर्तृगाम्यप्रजासु तु ।
ब्राह्मादिषु चतुष्बाहुः पितृगामीतरेषु च ॥ Nr XIII - 9
17 सजाति श्रेयसी भार्या सजातिश्च पतिः खियाः । Nr XII - 4
18
Yajnavalkyasmrti 1-56
19 Bhagavadgită 1-41
20 Manusmrti - X-8
21 Manusmrti - X-8
22 Manusmrti - X-9
23 Manusmrti - X-11
24 Manusmrti - X-11
25 Manusmrti - X-11
26 Manusmrti - X-12
-
27 Manusmrti - X-12
28 Manusmrti - X-12
29 Manusmrti - X-15, 18
30 धर्मे च अर्थे च कामे च नातिचरामि ।
-
SAMBODHI

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31 ईर्ष्यासूयसमुत्वे तु सम्बन्धे रागहेतुके ।
दम्पती विवदीयाता न ज्ञातिषु न राजनि न राजनि || Nr XII-90 32 Nr XII-90 33 Nr XII-90 34 Nr XII-90-91 35 Nr XII-70 36 Nr XII-92 37 Nr XII-93-94 38 Nr XII-80 39 अज्ञातदोषेणोढा वा निर्दोषा नान्यमाश्रिता ।
बन्धुभि. साभियोक्तव्या निर्बन्धुः स्वयमाश्रयेत् || Nr XII-96 40 प्रतिगृह्य च य कन्या वरो देशान्तर व्रजेत् ।
समतिक्रम्य कन्यान्य वरयेद्वरम् ॥ Nr XII-24 41 Nr XII-46 42 नष्टे मृते प्रव्रजिते क्लीबे य पतिते पतौ ।
पञ्चस्वापत्सु नारीणा पतिरन्यो विधीयते INr XII-97 43 Nr XII-98-99 44 Nr XII-82 45 Nr XII-85 46 Encyclopaedia of Social Sciences, vol 10 p 14 47 Manu ZX-167 48 Manu ZX-168 49 Manu1X-169 50 Manu Ex-170 51 Manu1X-172 52 Manu 1x-173 53 Manu ZX-174

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THE VĀSTU-VIDYĀ OF VARĀHAMIHIRA
N. M. Kansara
Varāhamıhıra (505 A D) was a scientist of rare merits, who in spite of his regard for ancient traditions and sages, followed always the scientific method In view of his extraordinary and masterly treatment of the subject of astronomy and astrology in all their ramifications, he was held in high esteem by scholars of ancient and medieval India About his greatness Alberuni (11th cent A D ), the Arab scholar and traveller, testified that he had already revealed himself as a man who accurately knew the shape of the world, and on the whole his foot stood firmly on the basis of the truth, and that he clearly spoke out the truth Varāhamıhıra is supposed to have been one of the nine traditional gems in the court of a mythical Vikramāditya?, and is thus stated to be a contemporary of Kālıdāsa, a poet of unrivalled fame? The Brhatsamhitā, usually classed under the astronomical and astrological treatises, is but a semi-Purāna, dealing, as it does, with heterogeneous subjects like the Purānas themselves in this treatise there are but five chapters devoted to both architecture and sculpture But the subjects have been treated with a master hand The chapters open with a definition of the science of architecture, and the author goes on to describe, briefly but succinctly and to the point, the sutable building sites, testing of soil, general plan, comparative measures of storeys and doors, and carvings thereon, and other important parts of the buildings
The preliminary subjects are described in the opening chapter No 53, entitled "Vāstuvidya" Then follows a description of the buildings proper, in chapter No 56, entitled Prāsāda-laksanam, under the same twenty types as in the Matsyapurāna and the Bhavisyapurāna, the names and details being identical The preparation of cement is discussed in a separate chapter No 57, entitled Vajralepa-laksanam'. One whole chapter No 79, entitled 'Sayyā-laksanam', is devoted to the construction of the necessary articles of house-furniture, such as bedsteads, couches, and seats Quite consistently with a sense of proportion Varāhamıhıra devotes only one chapter No 58, enttled 'Pratimā-laksanam' to sculpture, where, too, the details of images are described in a scientific manner

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which is missing in other ancient literature Although he is accused of being in the habit of copying his authonties and appropriating their materials he has mentioned distinctly in his treatise seven architectural authorities, viz, Garga, Manu, Vasistha, Bhaskara, Viśvakarman, Nagnajit, and Maya *
109
The word 'västu' literally means "a place of residence", or a house-site and a house proper Varāhamıhira uses 'Västu' in the strictly limited sense of a residential building 5 Varahamıhıra first gives overall measurements for five kinds of houses meant for a king, army-chief (senäpati), ministers (saciva), queens (mahisi), crown-prince (yuvaraja) and his younger brothers, feudatory chiefs (sämanta) state officials (rāja-purusa), chamberlain (kafcukin), royal courtesans (vesya) and artistes (kalājña), envoys (dūta), astrologers, priests and physicians, persons belonging to the four primary classes and sub-classes, treasury and pleasure-house (ratı-bhavana) The houses of a king may measure 108, 100, 92, 84, or 76 cubits in breadth, the length being greater than the breadth by a quarter? The houses of an army-chief may measure 64, 58, 52, 46, or 40 cubits broad, their length being one-sixth more than the breadth The house of a minister may measure 60, 56, 52, 48, or 44 cubits broad, the length exceeding the breadth by one-eighth For a crown prince the houses may measure 80, 74, 62 or 56 cubits broad, the length being one-third more than their width The dimensions of the houses of his younger brothers may be half of those of the crown-prince The houses of feudatory chiefs and high state officials are equal to the difference between the houses meant for the king and his minister The best house of this class may measure 48 hastas x 67 hastas and 12 angulas The difference between the houses of a king and his crownprince gives the dimensions for the houses of chamberlains, royal courtesans and artistes, the largest house of this group would thus be 28 h x 28 h 8 a9 Of the houses meant for the royal astrologer, prest and physician, the largest one measured 40 cubits in breadth, the width of the remaining four types for this class decreasing by 4 cubits each in a descending order and their length being greater than the breadth by one-sixth The residences of the officer-incharge of workshops (karmädhyaksa) and of the envoys corresponded to the difference between those prescribed for the crown-prince and the minister The difference between the measures of the residences of a king and his commander gives us the dimensions of treasure-house and pleasure-house as also for the houses meant for superintendents of state departments "The best structure of this class is thus 44 h x 60 h a "

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The houses meant for the members of the four classes (varnas) measured 32. 28 24, 20, 16 cubits in width, with the provision that a Brahmin could have all the five types of houses, a Ksatrya, the last four; a Vaisya, the last three; and a šūdra, the last two The length of these houses of the four varnas exceeded the breadth by one-tenth, one-eighth, one-sixth and one-fourth in a descending order People from the lowest sections of society were to have houses with smaller dimesions Houses with various measures are prescribed for state officials in accordance with their caste According to a general rule laid down for the purpose, a royal officer was to have houses with dimensions equal to the difference between those of the houses of the army-chief and those prescribed for the caste to which he belonged Persons of mixed castes like Pāraśava could have houses with dimensions equal to a half of those prescribed for both of his parents put together Thus the biggest house of a Pārašava would be 26 h wide 12 There was no fixed rule as to the size of the cattle-sheds, residences of ascetics, granary, armoury, a structure for keeping sacrificial fire ablaze and pleasurehouse 13 Besides the proportionate length of individual houses noticed above, it is laid down that the length of a structure consisting of a single room (sāla) should be twice its breadth Normally, the height of a building was required to be equal to its width 4
Proportionate measurements for different parts of a structure are laid down in detail A peculiar method of obtaining measures for the hall (sälä) and the balcony (alında) in all the houses, except those of the four castes, was to add 70 to their width and place the sum total separately at two places and then to divide one by 35 and the other by 14, the two quotients thus give measures for the sālā and the alında, respectively As for the houses of the four castes, the śāla and the alında measured 4 h 17 a x 3 h. 19 a for a Brahmin, 4 h 3 x 3h 8 a for a Ksatriya, 3 h 15 a x 2 h 20 a for a Varsya, and 3 h 13 a x 2 h 18 a. or 2 h. 3 a. for a Sudra 15
Outside the house a pathway (vīthikā) was to be made, its width being onethird of the śālā6 The location of the pathway formed a basic of the classification of dwellings Thus, a structure was called Sosnisa, Sayāśraya, Sävastambha and Susthita according as there was a pathway to its east, west, south or north, and on all sides, respectively In a house consisting of more than one storey, the height of the ground-floor

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hould be one-sixteenth of the width with an addition of four cubits, and the height of each of the following storeys (bhūmi) should be diminished by onewelfth of the preceding one 18 Chickness of the walls was laid down to be equal to a 1/16th of the total breadth in view of much stress laid on the strength and stability of a house 19 Thus, for instance, the walls of the first type of the royal house would be 6 h 18 . thick As regards the door-way, the breadth of the houses of the king, the army-chief ind others (except) those of the four castes) increased by an eleventh and with in addition of 70, when turned into angulas gives the height of the door-way, ind a half of that its width 20 For the four-caste houses, the width of the doorway could be obtained by adding 18 digits to a 5th of their breadth taken as ingulas and then again adding to it one-eighth of itself, three times this would De its height 21 The thickness of the two side-frames (säkha) of a door is as nany angulas as its altitude numbers in cubits, one and half that measures zives the thickness of the threshold and the upper block (udumbara), and oneaughtieth of seven times the height gives the breadth of all the four pieces 22 Normally, the door was placed in the middle of the front wall and faced a 'ardinal point and never an intermediate direction with a view to prevent obstructions (vedha) to light and air and to provide hygienic conditions it is laid lown that the door should not face a road, tree, corner, well, pillar, mud, god temple), a Brahmin's house and a water sluice 2 In densely populated towns ind villages, it is recommended, in order to avoid difficulties, that the minimum listance between the door and the obstructing object should be twice the height of the door 24 Further the door should not be such as opens or closes by itself, s larger or smaller than the prescribed dimensions, one above another, too narrow or broad, bent, pressed hard by the upper block, bent inward or outward, and stands in a haphazard direction All these defects were believed o augur evil to the landlord or family members 2 The main door (müladvāra) Nas embellished by auspicious decorative designs like a pitcher, a bilva fruit, oliage and boughs and the Pramathas 26 As to the columns, Varāhamıhıra has given proportionate dimensions and their nouldings. Thus, its width at the bottom should be equal to 1/80th part of une times its height, and the same decreased by 1/10th its width at the top 27 These measures are meant for the columns supporting the upper storey or roof

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and not for free-standing columns to which also they can be applied with some minor changes We are asked to divide the entire height of a pillar into nine parts, the pedestal (vāhana) being the lowest The second part immediately above it was the one shaped like a pitcher (ghata) The eighth part at the top resembled a lotus flower and was consequently known as Padma or Kamala the ninth part immediately above it being called the Upper Lip (uttarostha) Between the two lower and the two upper parts was the shaft which occupiec five of the nine divisions 28 The pillars were given various names, such as Rucaka, Vajra, Dvivajraka, Prālınaka, and Vetta, in accordance with the shape of the shaft 29 The architraves (bhāratulas) were horizontally placed above these columns and their number depended on that of the columns, but their thickness was the same as that of the pillars Cross-beams (tulopatulā) were placed above the architraves, and therr thickness was lessened by a quarter 30 These details are of unusual interest for us inasmuch as they throw welcome light on the evolution of the 'Gupta order' 31 The Gupta pedestals are mainly square In spite of this change, names like Ghata, Kamala and Uttarostha were allowed to continue, presumably because they had a history and tradition behind them That the names of the mouldings of pillars are older than Varāhamihira is evident from their mention in the Kıranākhyatantra The circular Asokan shaft was replaced by many-sided ones of which the octagonal one seems to have been the most popular It is this evolved form of the shaft that is referred to by Varāharuhıra 32
The general plan of a residential house in the days of Varāhamıhıra seems to have been based on a courtyard surrounded by chambers (śālā) on one, two, three or four sides He has mentioned five kinds of four-chambered (catuhśālā) houses, viz, Sarvatobhadra, an edifice with uninterrupted terraces (alında) on all the four sides and broken by four doorways, especially recommended for a royal residence and temples, 33 Nandyāvarta, a structure with verandahs starting from the wall of the hall and going to its extremity from left to right and with a door on each side except in the west, 34 Vardhamana having the front terrace of the main building extending from the left hall to the right hall, thence another terrace from left to right and thereon again another, and having a door on each side except in the south, 95 Svastika, having an entrance in the east, and a continual western verandah at the ends whereof begin two other verandahs (southern and northern) going from west to east and between the

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extremities of the latter having the fourth terrace (eastern), Rucaka, having two terraces touching the ends in the west and east, and touching these two internally two more and one door on each side except in the north of these Sarvatobhadra was suitable for kings and other persons of eminence, while Nandyävarta and Vardhamana are said to be best for all the Svastika moderate 37
113
Of the three-chambered (trisalaka) houses, Varāhamıhira has referred to four types, viz, Hiranyagarbha, a three-halled house without a northern hall, Suksetra, a house without an eastern hall, Culli, lacking a southern hall, and Paksaghna, without a hall in the west Out of these the first two are spoken of with approval, while the last two are regarded as inauspicious
38
As for the two-chambered (dv-sälaka) houses, Varähamıhıra has mentioned six types, viz, Siddhartha, Yamasurya, Danda Vata, Grhaculli and Kaca, according as they had chambers in the west and south, west and north, north and east, east and south, east and west, and south and north of these only the first type was considered to be auspicious and the rest inauspicious
39
Varahamıhira is very particular in his recommendations about the selection of a site for building a house Thus, he recommends that the soil that is soft, even and of sweet adour and taste, that is not hollow from inside, and that abounds in commendable herbs, trees and creepers is highly suitable for the purpose He advises that a house should not be constructed close to the residence of a minister or a rogue, a temple, a cattya tree and a cremation ground, or facing a cross-road, and on a site shaped like a tortoise and abounding in anthills and holes "Here, he seems to be prompted by the desire to provide an hygienic and peaceful environment and to ensure the durability of the structure Further, he disapproves the presence of water to the east, south-east, south, south-west, west and north-west of a house, while he approves of that to the north and north-east 42
40
He gives us three modes of testing the soil As per the first mode, a circular pir, one cubit in diameter and depth, should be dug in the centre of the site, it should be filled again with the same earth; according as the pit is insufficiently filled, just filled and overfilled, the site in question should be regarded the worst, the moderate and the best respectively As per second mode, the pit should be filled with water which was allowed to remain for the time required for a hundred steps, if the water is not diminished, the site is

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best suited for erecting a structure And, as per the third mode, if an adhakafull of the earth dug out of the pit weighs 64 palas, the site is fit for construction These instructions too aim at avoiding a porous and loose soul for building a house and are inspired by practical considerations of ensuring the stability of the structure as also that of ascertaining the quantity of water available 43 In modern times, one would be surprised of find Varāhamıhıra prescribing the houses of the four classes in their descending order to be located in the north, east, south and west 4 The reason lies in the then prevalent astrological beliefs Thus, the intermediate directions, were supposed to be presided by the demonesses called Caraki in north-east, Vidāri in the north-west, Putana in the south-east and Rākšasi in the south-west they were relegated to the out-classes such as Syapacas 45 A piece of land possessing certain properties was though to be specially suited to a particular class In this connection, declivity of a site towards a particular direction, colour, odour and taste of the soil, and the variety of the grass growing over it were taken into consideration Thus, a plot declining towards the north, east, south and west, white, red, yellow and black in colour, smelling like clarified butter, blood, food and wine, sweet, astringent, sour and pungent in taste, and covered by Kuśa, śara, dūrva and kasa grass is recommended for the four classes in a descending order 46 This, and a few other, methods of testing the soil and the practice of relegating it to a particular class on the basis of its declivity, colour, odour and taste were prevalent from very early times as is evident from their mention in the Grhyasutras 47 They are also mentioned in almost all the works of both the northern and southern architectural traditions, indicating their wide-spread popularity and universal operation throughout India 48 After the examination of the soil, the site was ploughed and seeds were sown, evidently to test its fertility Then followed purificatory rites consisting of the stay of the Brahmins and cows there for a night Next, the landlord went to the site at an auspicious moment prescribed by an astrologer, worshipped deities and honoured the architect and the Brahmins Lastly, touching his head, breast, thighs and feet according as he was a Brāhmana, Ksatrya, Vaisya or Śūdra, he drew a demarcating line which marked the commencement of construction 49 Varāhamihira mentions two types of site-plans (pāda-vinyāsa), viz , the one consisting of eighty-one squares, and the other of sixty-four squares These squares

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were believed to be presided over by forty-five deities, thirty-two of them external and thirteen internal 50 Of these two the second one was specially meant for temples As for the first one, Brahma occupies nine squares in the centre of the remaining deities twenty others, known as dvipada, preside over two compartments each, and four deities, called tripada, occupied three squares each This plan was applicable to all kinds of secular structures, towns and villages " Though Varahamıhıra refers to only square plans, they could as well be applied to circular, hexangular and sixteen sided structures which are mentioned by him His commentator Utpala is aware of this omission on the part of our author and supplies necessary information about circular and trangular plans from a work of one Bharatamuni 52 The nine meeting points of the diagonals and the exact middle points of the squares (1/8th of a square) were considered to be the most vulnerable points and these together with Brahma-sthāna, when hurt >y impure articles, nails, pegs, pillars, etc, were believed to bring trouble to the andlord in the corresponding limbs of his body 53
115
The building site was believed to constitute the body of the House-God Vastunara) He is a male figure and his image should be carved in the likeness of man He should be represented in such a way as to cover the entire site His lead is turned to the north-east and face hung down Different parts of his >ody are occupied by several gods 54
After the selection of the site and the preparation of the ground plan, the next >peration, known as the stone-laying ceremony, consisting of laying blocks of tones first in the south-east and then in the south, south-west, west, northeast, north, north-east and east in order followed, and it marked the :ommencement of building Columns and doors were also erected in a similar nanner 55
Besides mentioning burnt bricks, wood and stone as building materials, /arähamıhıra describes, in Ch 56 of the Brhatsamhità, four kinds of plaster, viz, wo vajralepas, vajratala and vajrasanghata. Of these vajralepa was composed of he precipitate of unripe tinduka and kapittha fruits, blossoms of silk-cotton tree, eeds of sallaki, skin of dhavana and vaca boiled in a drona of water and reduced o 1/8th of its original volume and finally mixed with resin of a tree (srivatsaka), asa, guggulu, bhallātaka, resin of devadāru, resin of sarja, linseed and bilva fruit.5% Another plaster of the same name was prepared in the above manner from lac, esin of devadāru, guggulu, grhadhuma, kernel of the kapittha and bilva fruits, ruits of naga, numba, tinduka and mädana, resin of sarja and myrobalan fruit 57

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The vajratala paste was prepared in the above manner from the horns of cows, buffaloes and goats, hair of donkeys, skins of buffaloes and cows, nimba and kaputtha fruts and rasa 5 The plaster known as vajrasanghāta was composed of eight parts of lead, two parts of bell-metal, and one part of iron rust These pastes were applied hot to temples, mansions, windows, linga images, walls and wells, and are said to adhere for an unusually very long time 59 Since the site-plan is inspired to a great extent by religious considerations, oblations were offered to Vāstunara and deities of squares, omens interpreted from the appearance of fire, and worship was offered to deities while demarcating a building site 60 Every constituent of a structure was looked upon with a feeling of sanctity, and columns and doors were erected after they were decked with parasols, wreaths, cloths, incenses and ornaments 61 After building was ready, the entrance ceremony was performed as now with great pomp and show, the house was decorated with abundance of flowers, leafed arches and pitchers filled with water, Brahmins recited Vedic hymns and gods were worshipped with incenses, perfumes and oblations 62 Varāhamıhıra has recorded certain beliefs pertaining to the time when the landlord entered a finished or unfinished house, they are prevalent even in modern times, since there is a revival of the Vāstundyā recently These beliefs are associated with the birds and animals crying harshly or warbling sweet supposed to indicate the presence of a bone or wealth, respectively, inside the earth Similarly, braying of an ass at the time of measuring the sight, a dog or jackal crossing the measuring string, snapping of the measuring string, a peg driven upside down, the architect and the landlord forgetting something, the falling from shoulder, draining away or breaking of a water-jar, birds sticking to columns and doors, and the shaking, fall or misplacement of pillars or doors were believed to indicate some bad omens 63 Varāhamıhıra refers to the architect by the common name sthapati who combined in himself the function of both the engineer and the mason, enjoying a high status, since he was responsible for preparing the ground-plan and for the successful completion of the undertaking 4
REFFERENCES 1 Varāhamıhura's Brhat-samhita (VBS), Sanskrit Text and English Translation by M.
Ramkrishna Bhat, Parts I, Motilal Banarasidass, Delhi 1981, Introduction, p xi 2 India as seen in the Brhastamhitā of Varāhamthira (ISBV), by Ajay Mitra Shastri,

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Motilal Banarasidass Delhi 1968, p 35 3 Hindu Architecture in India and Abroad by Prasanna Kumara Acharya, Mānasāra Series
Vol Vil, Oxford University Press, London, 1946, p 241 4 Ibid., p 84 5 VBS, 52 1,11,15,22,31,37, 55 9, 1066 6 ISBV, pp 372-373 7 VBS, 524 8 Ibid., 52 5 9 Ibid., 528 10 Ibid., 52 149 11 ISBV, p 374 12 VBS, 52 12-15 13 Ibid., 52 16 14 Ibid., 52 11 15 Ibid., 52 18-19 16 Ibid., 52 20 17 Ibid., 52 20-21 18 Ibid., 52 22 19 Ibid., 52 23, ISBV, P 377 20 VBS, 52 24 21 Ibid., 52 25 22 Ibid., 52 27 23 Ibid., 55 10, ISBV, P 378 24 VBS, 52 74-76 25 Ibid., 52 77-79 26 ISBV, P 378 27 VBS, 52 27 28 ISBV, P 379 29 Ibid., pp 379-380 30 VBS, 52 30 31 ISBV, P 381 32 Ibid., p 382 33 VBS, 52 31, ISBV, pp 382-383 34 VBS, 52 32, ISBV, P 383

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35 VBS, 52 33, ISBV, p 383 36 VBS, 52 34, ISBV, P 383 37 VBS, 52 35-35 38 Ibid., 52 37-38, ISBV P 384 39 Ibid., 52 39-41, ISBV, P 384 40 VBS, 52 86 41 lbid, 52 87-88, ISBV, P 384 42 VBS, 52 117, ISBV, P 384 43 ISBV, P 384-385 44 VBS, 52 67-68 45 Ibid., 52 81-82 46 ISBV, P 385 47 Gobhila Grhya Sutra, vu 22 23 48 ISBV, P 386 49 Ibid., p 386 50 VBS, 52 42-50 51 Ibid., 52 7, 70, ISBV 52 Utpala on VBS, 55 56 53 VBS, 52 2-3 54 ISBV, P 390 55 VBS, 52 110-111 56 Ibid., 52 23, 110-111, 56 103, 5-6 57 ISBV, P 391 58 Ibid., P 391 59 Ibid, pp 391-392 60 VBS, 5297, 111 61 Ibid., 52 111 62 Ibid., 52 103-105, 107 63 Ibid., 52 103, 105-109, 112 64 ISBV, p 392 This to acknowledge, with highly due thanks, that I have practically
sought to rather abridge the material presented by Dr Ajay Mitra Shastri, Chapter VII of his learned work ISBV

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MEETINGS WITH SHRI KARTIK TRIVEDI
N. M. KANSARA
The following members of the Non-teaching Staff of the L D Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad, visited Shri Kartık Trivedi, in the underground gallery of the LD museum, Ahmedabad, on the dates mentioned herein this report 1 On 21st February, 1998 Dilip Y Vyas (Accounts Clerk) 17 PM to 18 PM.
He gave Kartik a small photograph of his dead sister and asked him to summon the presence of her spirit and get the answers to his questions about the cause of her death The reply was that she was very sensitive and had drunk a poisonous medicine and thereby died she was visiting her house and knocking at the backside door and has given an indication of the glimpse fo her presence to Jayantibhai Vyas confirmed that this was true He also confirmed the fact that she liked the day of Sarad Punam and some members of his family have felt her presence on that day Same date and time . Harshad Kantilal Shah (Head Clerk) He gave Kartik a photograph of his diseased father Immediately Kartik began to speak and told about Shri Kantlal's relation with Jayantibhai, and with Manguben, with whom Kantlal lives on the spirit plane Manguben was Harshad's grandmother Kantial was doing a job under Natvarbhai Patel There was no question of Manguben ever troubling Harshad or his family; she was a pious soul This was confirmed by
Harshad 3. Same date and time . Dalpatsimha P. Chauhan (Clerk)
He gave Kartik a photograph of Dungarsimha, the husband of Dalpatsimha's wife's sister, who had died some time back. Kartık got the reply from the spirit of the deceased that he was not murdered, but had died a natural death As regards the spirit's wish, he told that since he was devoted to a goddess they should offer five sweetballs to her He lives in the spirit world Same date, 19 P M. : Urmila Brahmbhatt She gave Kartık a photograph of her father-in-law, Vitthaladas C Brahmbhatt, and asked about the last wishes of the deceased in the course of his clairaudience with the deceased kartik mentioned the names of Padmaben, at present in U K., and of Rameshbhai, at present in U S.A., both of which were closely related with the deceased, but Kartık uttered them as having heard from her father-in-law Kartik was not expected to know the names of these persons, unless he heard their names from the deceased father-in-law On 20th February, 1998 : Mangaji Jugalji Parmar (Head Peon) : 17 P. M. He handed over a photograph of his deceased brother Natvarlal Jesingbhai Parmar (cousin brother) to Kartık, and the latter began to mention the names like Jasvantbhal (a fast friend of Natvarlal), Dalap at Dayaram (an affectionate gardener), Vasant (the

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driver of his boss in Bombay who used to knock him with his palm thrice or four times in the morning and evening, Kartik further revealed that Natvarlal (who lived in Bornbay for about 35 to 40 years and served as cook of actors and actresses) is happy in the above world of spirits and still wishes to help people as much as possible all this tallied with the information which Mangaji had about his brother Some time in the first week of March, 1998 · Dr D. G Vedia, Professor of Sanskrit, Uttar Gujarat University, Patan about 3 PM Dr Vedia gave Kartik a photograph of Kusum, the deceased wife of his son Nikhil Kartik revealed that she was living in spirit world with some lady relatives whose name began with R, and was happy that they should not worry about her, and that
Kusum had no objection of Nikhil married again 7 On 10th March, 1998. Premila Mukundbhat Kansara, 9.45, A M.
All the three of us, i e, Premila (my wife's sister), Niranjana (my wife) and myself (N M Kansara) went to see Kartık. We handed over to him a photograph of Jijna, the deceased young daughter of Premila Kartık attuned himself with her spirit and revealed that she mentioned the names of Pareshbhai, Jyotiben, Lataben, Vidyaben, whom Premila did not know But when the names of Babulal (Premila's brother), Pravinbhai (their neighbour), Ronak (the brother of Jigna's husband's elder brother's wife), Pradyumnabhai (another neighbour or acquaintance at whose house Jijna used to go for seeing or enjoying TV programmes), Zarina, Mayaben, Rama, Rashmi etc, these tallied with the living or dead friends of Jijna On 13th March, 1998. Prof. Kapadia, Prof. Kanjibhai Patel, Dr Jitubhai Shah and Prof. Kansara about 17 P. M. All the four of us went to meet Kartika, and we found him sitting in the chamber of the museum curator Shri Lalitkumar in the L D Musium We presented to Kartika a typed and bound volume of the doctoral dissertation of Prof Vasantbhai Parikh of Amreli About hundred and eleven pages in the beginning and about ten pages at the end were torn out and removed from it We requested Kartık to identify and locate the person with whom this disjoined material of about 21 pages was lying He said the material was in Patan and some scholar, whose name began with M had taken it, it was likely to be sold to some Germans When we further requested him to try to locate if there was a copy of the thesis in Ahmedabad, after some effort he located it in the Gujarat University And, both Dr Jitubhai and myself (Kansara) had actually gone to the Gujarat University Liberary and located and seen a copy of it on the previous day to verify as to how many pages and containing what matter were missing 1 This was our attempt to test Kartika in slightly different field of retrieving lost things II (Prof Ujamshi Kapadia is co-ordinator, Prof Kanjibhai is the Administrator and Dr Jitendra B Shah is the Director of the L D Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad)
N M. Kansara

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सर्वानन्दसूरिकृत श्रीजगडूचरित महाकाव्य - समीक्षा
गोविन्दलाल शं. शाह
मध्यकालीन गुजरात में जिन जैन कविओं ने सस्कृत में साहित्य सर्जन किया इन में धनप्रभसूरि के शिष्य सर्वानन्दसूरि भी एक हैं । जगडूशाह या जगडूशा या सिर्फ जगडू नाम से सुविदित श्रीमाली श्रावक वणिक व्यापारी वि. सं. १४वीं शताब्दी में हो गये, जिन्हों ने साहस एव देश-विदेश के व्यापार से-खासतोर से कहा जाय तो समुद्र पार के जहाजी व्यापार से-धनसपत्ति अजित की थी। इस जैन श्रेष्ठी ने तत्कालीन कच्छ, काठियावाड, सिंध, गुजरात आदि प्रदेश में अकाल-दुर्भिक्ष के तीन-चार साल तक अपने निजी कोठारों में से अन्नदान देकर तथा द्रव्य, वस्त्र और पात्र का दान करके जनता की सेवा की थी । मरणासन्न मनुष्यों और पशुओं को जीवनधारण करने में सहायता की थी। जगडू ने कच्छ के भद्रेश्वर में जिनमन्दिरों का निर्माण करवाया था ।
जगडू के बारे में अनेक किंवदन्तियाँ प्रचलित हैं । इससे जगडू दन्तकथाप्रथित व्यक्ति (legendary figure) लगता है ।
वॉटसन 'काठियावाड गेझेटियर' में लिखते हैं कि इ. स. १५५९ (सं. १६१५) में जो अकाल पडा था वह 'जगडूशा का अकाल' कहा जाता है । राजकोट में आजी नदी के पूर्व तट पर जो मिनारे हैं वे 'जगडूशा के मिनारे' कहे जाते है । सर्वानन्दसूरि ने इस महाकाव्य में अकाल के जिन वर्षों का उल्लेख किया है इसके साथ यह समय का मेल नहीं है।
मा
जामनगर जिला में समुद्र तट पर हर्षदमाता याने हरसिद्धमाता का मन्दिर है इसके साथ जगडूशा की बलिदान की कथाएं जुडी हुई है इनका कोई निर्देश इस महाकाव्य में नहीं है ।
एक परम्परा अनुसार जगडूशा कच्छ के वागड प्रदेश में कंथकोट गाँव के थे और भद्रेश्वर नगर में आकर बसे थे । अन्य परम्परा जूनागढ के गीर प्रदेश को जगडूशा का जन्मस्थान मानती है।
महान धर्मात्मा, शरवीर, दीर्घदृष्टि सपन्न, उदार दाता, अहिंसा के आराधक, भाग्यवान सेठ जगडू को नायक बनाकर सर्वानन्दसूरि ने 'श्रीजगडूचरित' नामक ऐतिहासिक महाकाव्य लिखा है जिस में सात सर्ग और ३८८ श्लोक हैं ।
ब्यूलेर के हस्तप्रत विषयक रिपोर्ट २/२८४ में इस ग्रथका निर्देश है । ब्यूलर ने इस चरित काव्य के ऐतिहासिक अश, अपनी टिप्पणी के साथ प्रकाशित किये हैं। मोहनलाल डी देसाई के अनुसार विसलदेव के समय सवत् १३१२ से १३१५ में जबर दुष्काल पडा, उस वक्त कच्छ के भद्रेश्वर के श्रीमाली जैन जगडूशाह ने सिंध, काशी, गुजरात आदि देशों में बहुत अन्न देकर दानशालाएँ शुरू की थी और तीन साल तक दुष्काल का सकट का निवारण किया था ।

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SAMBODI 'श्रीजगडूचरित' पर एक लेख में कृष्णलाल मो. झवेरी ने लिखा है कि लोककी रहनसहन, दे की स्थिति, एव नायक का वृत्तांत का वर्णन, वाचक को इस समयका यथार्थ दर्शन करवाता है कंथकोट, भद्रेश्वर आदि नगरों के वर्णन के आधार पर वे स्थायी विभूति से उस समय कित समृद्धिवान थे यह स्पष्ट होता हैं ।
'श्रीजगडूचरित' का कथानक संक्षेप में इस प्रकार है ।
सर्ग १:- सर्ग का नाम 'वीयदुपभृति-पूर्वपुरुष-व्यावर्णन' है। इसमें ४५ श्लोक हैं। " श्रेयसे भवतु पार्श्वजिनाधिनाथः" इन शब्दों से यह महाकाव्य का आरम्भ आशीर्वाद से होता है। प्रथ सात श्लोकों में पार्श्वनाथ, सरस्वती, गुरु धन प्रभसूरि तथा ऋषभदेव को नमस्कार किये गये हैं अ सत्पुरुषों के बारे में कहा गया है । कथावस्तु का आरम्भ करते समय ही कवि ने अपनी काव्यप्रति' का परिचय इस श्लोक में दिया है।
"लक्ष्मीस्तरङ्गतरलापवनप्रकम्पश्रीवृक्षपत्रनिभमायुरिहाङ्गभाजाम् ।
तारुण्यमेव नवशारदसांध्यरागप्राय स्थिरा सुकृतजा किल कीतिरेषा ॥ श्लोक २४ तक अपने चरित्र नायक जगडू के गुणों की प्रशंसा चलती है । श्लोक २ से जगडू के पूर्वजों का वर्णन है । "श्रीमालवंश इह मेरुरिवोन्नतोऽस्ति ..." । इस वश में वीया वरणाग, वास नामक पुत्रपरंपरा चली । वास के पाँच पुत्र श्री वीसल आदि थे। श्री वीसल । चार पुत्र थे जिन में से एक सोल नामक पुत्र था । कवि सर्वानन्द ने पूर्वजों के सदगणों का वर्ण किया है। अन्त में पुष्पिका में 'श्रीजगडूचरित' को महाकाव्य कहा है ।
सर्ग २ :- सर्ग का नाम 'भद्रेश्वरपुर-व्यावर्णन' है । इसमें २४ श्लोक हैं । श्लोक १ २४ तक भद्रेश्वर नगरी का सुन्दर वर्णन है । उदा.
महापुरन्धीकरदर्पणाभं महेम्यलोकः परिभासमानम् ।
अस्तीह भद्रेश्वरनामधेयं पुरं वरं कच्छकृतैकशोभम् ॥ (४) इस नगरी की रक्षा के लिये शेषनाग, देवमन्दिरों मे घण्यनाद, समुद्रतट, वणिकों की हा में सुवर्ण और रत्न के ढेर, नगरी के शौकीन तरुणों, मृगनयनी स्त्रीओं के मधुरगान आदि का वर्ण है । नगरी भोगवती, अमरावती, अलका से उत्कृष्ट थी । अगुरुचन्दन के धूप, मधुरभृदङ्ग, क्रीडाशुव की मानिनी को मान छोडकर भोग करने की सलाह आदि का भी वर्णन है। यहाँ कुछ शृंगारिए श्लोक भी है । उदा. "प्रासाद पर बैठे कबूतरों के पास से नववधूओं अपने रतिसमय के सुन्र हुंकार सीखती थी" । जब पतिने कटिवस्त्र को हाथ से खींच लिया है तबभी सच्चे पद्मरागर्मा जडित गृह की कान्ति से शरीर आच्छादित होने के कारण कमलाक्षी लज्जित नहीं होती थी।
इस नगर में मनुष्यों पुण्यबुद्धिवाले थे, देव और गुरु मत्सररहित दिखाई देते थे । वहाँ र मनुष्य पर्वत की तरह उन्नत एवं स्थिरता से शोभित थे ।११

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बदरगाहवाले इस नगर में जगडू के पिता सोल ने 'कथकोट छोडकर, ज्यादा संपत्ति प्राप्त करने के लिये सकुटुम्ब निवास किया ।
सर्ग ३ :- इस सर्ग का नाम 'रत्नाकर-वरदान-व्यावर्णन' है । सर्ग में ६१ श्लोक हैं । आरम्म में सोल के तीन पुत्र, जगडू, राज और पद्म का और उनकी पत्नीओं क्रमशः यशोमती, राजल्लदेवी और पद्मा का काव्यात्मक वर्णन है । बाद में जगडू को, बकरा के कठ में बाँधा हुआ मणि की पूजा करने से, लक्ष्मी की वृद्धि का वर्णन है।
जगडू की पुत्री प्रीतिमती का यशोदेव के साथ लग्न तथा दुर्भाग्य से उसकी युवावय में मृत्यु का निरूपण है।
जगडू प्रगतिशील एवं क्रान्तिकारी विचार के थे । १४ वीं शताब्दी में विधवा का पुनर्विवाह का विचार-क्रान्तिकारी लगता है। पुत्री का पुनर्लग्न के लिये जगडू ने अपनी ज्ञाति से संमति प्राप्त की लेकिन अपने कुटुम्ब की दो वृद्ध महिलाओं का विरोध होने के कारण विचार को कार्यान्वित नहीं किया ।
तीनों भाईओं की यहाँ पुत्र संतति नहीं थी । जगडू चिंतित रहता था । सात दिन उपवास करके नैवेद्य धरकर समुद्र के देव वरुणदेव की । आराधना की जगडू ने प्रसन्न वरुण से वशवृद्धि कर पुत्र तथा धनवृद्धिकर घन माँगा । वरुण ने कहा 'तेरे भाग्य में पुत्र नहीं है, लक्ष्मी तेरे यहाँ स्थिर रहेगी, तेरे जहाजों को समुद्र में कभी नुकसान नहीं होगा । तथा भाई राज के यहाँ दो पुत्र
और एक पुत्री होंगे। इस प्रकार का वरदान तथा रत्न देकर देव अंतर्धान हो गये । जगडू सुबह घर को लौट ।
इस सर्ग में पुत्र संतति के बारे में अच्छे श्लोक हैं ।२ निशान्त और सूर्योदय का कवि ने सुन्दर प्रकृतिवर्णन किया है ।
सर्ग ४:- सर्ग का नाम 'भद्रासुरदर्शन' है। इसमें ३६ श्लोक हैं । जगडू सेठ का एकसेवक जयंतसिंह याने जेतसी जगडू के लिये धन कमाने के लिये समुद्र पार करके आर्द्रपुर (एडन) पहूँचा। वहाँ राजा को नज़राना देकर प्रसन्न करके किराया पर विशाल मकान लेकर रहता था । एक बार समुद्र तट पर एक बडा पथ्थर खरीद ने के बारे में स्तम्भपुरी-खभात के तुर्क के सेवक काराणी के साथ टक्कर हो गई। दोनों कीमत बठाते चले । तील लाख दीनार तुरन्त देकर जेतसी ने तुर्क का पराजय किया। जेतसी अन्य कोई सामान लिये बिना जहाज में केवल पथ्थर लेकर भद्रपुर वापस आया । विदेश में प्रतिष्ठा बनाई अत: जगडू ने वींटी तथा रेशमीवस्त्र देकर जेतसी का सन्मान किया। उसकी मासिक आय बढाई । तीन लाख दीनार का पथ्थर घर के आगन में हि रखा ।
नगरदेवता भद्रदेव योगीन्द्र का रूप लेकर जगडू के घर आये । यौगिक शक्ति से देखनेवाले भद्रदेव ने पथ्थर घर में मंगवाकर तीक्ष्ण शस्त्र से तोडने के कहा । ऐसा करने पर शिला के दो

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SAMBODHI
भाग हो गये । अनेक दिव्य रत्नों की पक्ति दृष्टिगोचर हुई । राजा दिलीप ने रत्न अन्दर रखे थे ऐसा ताम्रलेख भी मिला । भद्रदेव अन्तर्धान हो गये । दिनप्रतिदिन जगडू की समृद्धि बठती रही । उनके यश का काव्यात्मक वर्णन है ।।
सर्ग-५ .- इस सर्ग का नाम 'पीठदेव नरपति दर्पदलन' है। इसमें ४२ श्लोक हैं। मर्यादा छोडकर आगे बठनेवाली प्रलयकालीन समुद्र जैसा, पारकर देश का राजा पीढदेव, सैन्य की उठती धूलि से सूर्य को आच्छादित करता हुआ कच्छदेश को खदेडता हुआ भद्रेश्वर पर आक्रमण ले आया। सोलकी वश के राजा भीमदेव ने दुर्ग बनवाया था। पीठदेव उसको तोडकर, लूट चलाकर वापस चला गया । जगड ने नगरदर्ग का पुनर्निमाण शुरू किया । यह जानकर पीठदेव ने दूत भेजकर जगडू को मना करते हुए कहा, "शृङ्गद्वय चेत् खरमूख्रिभावि, तदा विधातासि च वप्रमत्र ॥२ जगढ़ ने प्रत्युत्तर भेजा "खरस्य शृङ्गे विरचय्य मूर्ध्नि दुर्ग करिष्ये विहितप्रयत्नः ॥१४ दूत ने समझाया कि बलवान पीठदेव के साथ स्पर्धा करके, द्रव्य के अभिमान में आपको कुल का विनाश नहीं करना चाहिए । "पश्य प्रदीपस्य विभा विलोक्य पतन् पतङ्गो लभते विनाशम् ॥"५
प्रतिज्ञा पूर्ण करने के लिये जगडू ने उमदा नज़राना लेकर अणहिलपुर के राजा लवणप्रसाद से भेट की। राजा को स्तुति और धनसे सतुष्ट करके कहा, "जिस तरह जल का प्रवाह सरिता तट को तोडता है। उसी तरह आपके पूर्वज भीम ने जो बनवाया था वह दुर्ग पीठदेव ने तोडा है। मुझे क्षत्रियों के बडे ३६ कुल में उत्पन्न योद्धाओं का सैन्य वहाँ रखने के लिये दीजिये ।
भद्रेश्वर में लवणप्रसाद का सैन्य जगडू की साथ है ऐसा जानकर पीठदेव भाग चला । छ मास में दुर्ग बन गया । जगडू ने नया सैन्य गठित किया तथा लवणप्रसाद का सैन्य वापस भेजा। दुर्ग में दो सींग वाला गधा का पथ्थर का शिल्प बनवाया । पीठदेव के साथ संधि करके जगड़ ने पीठदेव को निमत्रित करके सत्कार किया । मान खडित होने के कारण आघात से पीडित पीठदेव के मुख में से रुधिर निकल आया और वह मर गया । इस तरह जगडू ने पीठदेव का अभिमान तोडा ।
सर्ग ६ :- इस सर्ग का नाम 'सकलजनसजीवन' है। इसमें १३२ श्लोक हैं । आरम्भ में जैन आचार्य परमदेव के तप एवं चमत्कार का वर्णन है। परमदेव जब भद्रेश्वर आये तब जगड़ ने उनका पूजा-सत्कार किया । परमदेव से नित्य उपदेश श्रावण करने से जगडू को धर्म के प्रति प्रीति हुई। जगडू परमदेव के साथ सघ लेकर गिरनार तथा शेजुंजय की यात्रा के लिये निकला । साथ में चतुरग सेना भी थी। कवि ने सघप्रयाण का याचकों को अन्न, वस्त्र, पात्र के दान का बीच में आनेवाले जैन दहेरासरों का जीर्णोद्धार तथा ध्वजारोहण का सरस वर्णन किया है ।
जगडू ने भद्रेश्वर वापस आकर वीरनाथ के मदिर पर सुवर्णकलश तथा सुवर्णदण्ड की स्थापना की । सुन्दर अष्टापद जिनमदिर अपने परिवार के लोगों का कल्याण के लिये बनवाया । जगडू ने तालाबों और वाटिकाओं की नवरचना करवाई। पूजा के पुष्पों के लिये उद्यान बनवाया । कपिलकोटा

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Vol XXII, 1998 सर्वानन्दसूरिकृत श्रीजगडूचरित
125 में नेमिमाधव मंदिर, कुन्नड में हरिशकर मदिर, ढाँक(सौराष्ट्र) में आदिनाथ मदिर तथा वर्धमान (वढवाण) में अष्टापद दहेरासर बनवाया । शतवाटी नगरी में ऋषभदेव का दहेरासर बनवाया । शेत्रुजय पर सात दहेरी, पौषध शाला, शंखेश्वर पार्श्वनाथ के दो रजतपाद, पित्तल का देवालय, गुरु के शयन के लिये ताम्रपलग बनवाये । खीमली में मस्जिद बनवायी । परमदेव का श्रीषेण नामक शिष्य को उत्सव के साथ आचार्यपदवी दी । राजा के सैन्य द्वारा मुघल लोगों को जीतकर शाति स्थापित की। एकदा परमदेव गुरु ने जगडू को एकात में कहा
द्वीन्द्वग्नि चन्द्रवर्षेषु व्यतीतेष्वथ विक्रमात् ।
दुभिक्षं सर्वदेशेषु भावि वर्षत्रयावधि ॥ अपने प्रवीण अनुचर भेजकर सभ देशों में सभी तरहके धान्य का संग्रह करने को गुरु ने कहा। जगत के लोगों को जीवनदान देकर यश प्राप्त करना चाहिये । जगडू ने गुरुवचन को सर पर रखा। पूरा आयोजन करके अनेक देशों में धान्य का सग्रह किया । सचमुच अकाल पड़ा । दुष्काल के दो वर्ष कष्ट से पसार हुए । राजाओं के कोठारों में भी धान्य नहीं बचा था । एक द्रम्म(चवन्नी) से चना के तेरह दानें मिलते थे ।
दान, दया और युद्ध ये तीन प्रकार की वीरता प्राप्त श्रीमालवश के रत्न जगडू ने लावणप्रसाद के पुत्र वीसलदेव को अन्न के आठ हज़ार कोथले दिये ।१०
सोमेश्वर आदि कवियों ने जगडू की प्रशंसा की । सर्वानन्दसूरिने भी "श्री श्रीमालकलोदयक्षितिधरा "१८ श्लोक में प्रशसा काव्यात्मक शैली में की है। अन्य काव्यात्मक और प्रशसात्मक श्लोकों में बलि, शिव, विष्णु गोवर्धनधर कृष्ण, दिग्गजों, पश्चिम की गगा, धन्वन्तरि आदि के सन्दर्भ में उपमा, व्यतिरेक, रूपक आदि अलंकारों से जगडू का वर्णन हुआ है।
जगडू ने कौनसे राजा को कितनी सहाय की थी इसके बारे में ऐतिहासिक माहिती इस काव्य में दी गई है। "सिंध के राजा हमीर को धान्य के १२००० कोथले, उज्जैन के राजा मदनवर्मन को धान्य के १८००० कोथले, दिल्ही(गर्जनेश) के सुलतान मोजउद्दीन को धान्य के २१००० कोथले, काशी के राजा प्रतापसिंह को धान्य के ३२००० कोथले, कंधार देश के सधिल राजा को धान्य के १२००० कोथले दान में दिये थे ।९ जगडू ने धान्य को वितरण हो सके इसलिये ११२ दानशालाएँ बनवाई थी ।२० जगड़ ने ९,९९,००० धान्य के कोथले तथा अठारह करोड दाम याचकों को दुष्काल के समय दिये थे।२९
सर्ग-७ :- सर्ग का नाम 'त्रिविष्टप प्रापणः' है । इस सर्ग में ३९ श्लोक हैं । तीन वर्ष बाद अच्छी वृष्टि हुई । कवि वर्णन करते है -
"अम्भोधरानतितनीलकण्ठाः स्वगर्जनच्छद्ममदनादाः ।

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SAMBODH
गोविन्दलाल शं शाह
सच्चातकव्रातरवच्छलेन गुस्तरां श्रीजगडूयशांसि ॥२२
बीसलदेव राजा का मंत्री नागड ने जगडू से अपना अश्व देने की माँग की, जो जगडू
अमान्य की ।
जब श्रीषेणसूरि नाग के बारे में चर्चा कर रहे थे तब आपका कंथकोट के एक योगी व साथ विवाद, श्रीषेणसूरि का अपने योगबल से अपने देह में नागदंश का विषप्रसार रोकना, सुंदरस्तोत्र गान, सात दिनों बाद योगी का उसी नाग के दश से मृत्यु आदि चमत्कारिक प्रसंग का वर्णन है
जगडू की श्रीषेणसूरि पर श्रद्धा बढती रही। श्रीषेणसूरि के पास से धर्मतत्त्व सूनकर जगज्ज का उद्धार करने वाला जगडू अपनी आयु पूरी करके हरि के लोचन को पावन करने के लि स्वर्ग में गये ।
तब लोगों को लगा की आज ही बलि, शिबि, विक्रम, जीमूतवाहन, भोज स्वर्ग में गयें शोक के कारण दिल्हीपति ने मस्तक पर से मुकुट नीचे उतारा, वीसलदेव के पुत्र अर्जुन ने अतिशय रुदन किया । सिंधपति हमीर ने दो दिन तक अन्न नहीं खाया। सभी राजाओं ने शोक मनाया
जगडू के राज और पद्म नामक दो भाई गुरु वचन से भारी शोक का त्याग करके धर्मकार्य में अग्रेसर रहे और राजा से सन्मानित रहते थे ।
शरद पूर्णिमा के चन्द्र के कम्पित किरण जैसी उज्ज्वल और जाज्वल्यमान कीर्ति के प्रकाश से पृथ्वी को निर्मल करने वाले और श्रीषेणसूरीन्द्र के चरण द्वन्द्व की सेवा में तत्पर ऐसे श्रीसंघ के उन दोनों अग्रणीओं ने श्रीमान विसल का समग्र कुल को बहुत समय तक सुशोभित किया । समीक्षा :- (१) महाकाव्यत्त्व
आचार्य दण्डी ने काव्यादर्श तथा विश्वनाथ ने 'साहित्यदर्पण' में २४ तथा अन्य आलकारिकों ने संस्कृत महाकाव्य के लक्षण दिये हैं । 'श्रीजगडूचरित' की परीक्षा इन लक्षणों के परिप्रेक्ष्य में हम कर सकते हैं ।
कवि सर्वानन्दसूरि ने 'श्रीजगडूचरित' को, प्रत्येक सर्ग की पुष्पिका में महाकाव्य कहा है। यह महाकाव्य सर्गबद्ध है । सात सर्ग होने के कारण विश्वनाथ का 'अष्टयधिकाः सर्गा:' तथा 'ईशान संहिता' का 'अष्टसर्गात् न न्यूनम्' लक्षण 'श्रीजगडूचरित' में नहीं दिखाई देता । द्वितीय संर्ग में तीस से कम श्लोकसंख्या है । अन्य सर्ग में इससे ज्यादा है । इस महाकाव्य का आरम्भ आशीर्वादात्मक है । कथावस्तु के बारे में 'अन्यद् वापि सदाश्रयम्, 'अन्यद वा सज्जनाश्रयम्' लक्षण लागु होता है । नायक जगडू है जिसका जन्म सद्वश में हुआ है और जो 'धीरोदात्तगुणान्वितः है। नायक चतुर और उदात्त भी है ।

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इस महाकाव्य का प्रधान रस दयावीर प्रकार का वीररस है। शृगार तथा शान्तरस गौण हैं । चमत्कारिक प्रसग निरूपण में अद्भुत रस है । जगडू के जन्म से लेकर मृत्यु तक की कथा समग्र काव्य में वर्णित होने के कारण मुख्य, प्रतिमुख, गर्भ, विमर्श, निर्वहण नामक नाटकसन्धि हैं। प्रत्येक सर्ग एक वृत्त में और अन्त में वृत्तपरिवर्तन हुआ है, कहीं बीच में भी भिन्नवृत्त पाया जाता है ।
तुर्क का सेवक काराणी, पारकर का पीठदेव, कथकोट का योगी आदि दुर्जनों की निन्दा की गई है । परमदेव, श्रीषेणसूरि आदि सज्जनों की प्रशसा है।
भद्रेश्वरनगरी का वर्णन, समुद्र की आराधना प्रसग पर रात्रि एव प्रभात का वर्णन, दुष्काल के बाद मेघवर्षा होनेपर प्रकृति का वर्णन है। निशान्त और सूर्योदय का कवि ने सदर प्रकृति वर्णन इस श्लोक में किया है । उदा.
प्रस्वेदबिन्दुनिभनिर्गलदच्छतारा विश्वस्तमेचकतमो वसना निकामम् ।
कोकाम्बुजन्मनिवहे विहितापराधा शीघ्रं ययौ रविभियेव निशा पिशाची ॥ लोकरञ्जक बननेकी क्षमता, काव्यानन्द देने की क्षमता इस महाकाव्य के पास है। उपमा, रूपक, अतिशयोक्ति, अर्थान्तरन्यास, अपहनुति आदि अलंकार इस काव्य में पाये जाते हैं। नायक के नाम से महाकाव्य का शीर्षक रखा गया है । सर्ग की कथा अनुसार सर्ग के नाम दिये गये हैं । इस महाकाव्य चतुर्वर्ग फल से युक्त है। नायक जगडू का जीवन धर्म, अर्थ, काम और मोक्ष चतुर्वर्ग पुरुषार्थ का दृष्यन्त है। काव्य में जैनधर्म का वातावरण है। किसी एक लक्षण की कमी होने पर भी 'श्रीजगडूचरित' सरल शैली में लिखा हुआ महाकाव्य है।
जैन धर्म का वातावरण :- इस महाकाव्य में जैन परिवार की कथा है। जगडू सेठ के पूर्वज वीयहु, वरणाग, वास, श्रीवीसल, वीरदेव, नेमि, चांदू, श्रीवत्स, लक्ष, सुलक्षण, सोल, सोही धर्मपरायण जैन थे । शेत्रुजय और गिरनार की यात्राएँ, ऋषभदेव की सेवा, परोपकार और व्यापार के साथ इनका सम्बन्ध रहा था । जगडू के पिताजी सोल सात तत्त्वों को जाननेवाले, सात पवित्र क्षेत्रों में द्रव्य का व्यय करनेवाले, सात नर्क के भय से रहित थे ।२६ परमदेव नामक जैन गुरु का आचाम्लवर्धमान व्रत का निर्देश है । इस को आम्बील व्रत भी कहा जाता है । इस व्रत में तेल. घत. दग्ध. दधि रहित. रसवर्जित भोजन लिया जाता है । माष(उड़द) को पानी में भीगोये रखकर इसका भोजन किया जाता है । परमदेव आचार्य ने सघ में विघ्न करनेवाले सात यक्षों को शखेश्वर पार्श्वनाथ में उपदेश दिया तथा दुर्जनशल्य राजा का कुष्ठरोग मिटाया था । आचार्य परमदेव, इर्या, भाषा, एषणा, आदान निक्षेपण, आलोकित पानभोजन-ये पाँच समीति तथा मन, वचन, काय ये तीन गुप्ति का आश्रयभूत होनेवाले, १७ प्रकार को संयम का पालन करनेवाले, सर्व भव्य पुरुषों को उपदेश देनेवाले थे। परमदेव के कारण जगडू को धर्म में प्रीति हुई । परमदेव जीव,, अजीव, आश्रव, बन्ध, सवर, निर्जरा और मोक्ष-ये सप्ततत्त्वी विद्या का प्रकाश करने वाले थे । जगडू ने संघयात्रा की । परमदेव ने संघयात्रा में जगडू का संघ के अधिपति के रूप में तिलक किया ।

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गोविन्दलाल शं शाह
SAMBODHI जेन मदिरो पर ध्वज आरोपण, शेत्रुजय, गिरनार के जैन मदिरों की यात्रा, २४ तीर्थंकरों की मतवाले अष्टापद दहेरासर बॅधवाना, ऋषभदेव का दहेरासर बधवाना, जिस में अन्न, वस्त्र, पुस्तकों के साथ पढने का इतेजाम होता है ऐसी पौषधशाला का निर्माण करवाना, परमदेव का शिष्य श्रीषेण को आचार्यपदवी का उत्सव, आनेवाले तील साल में दुर्भिक्ष होनेवाला है ऐसा जाननेवाली परमदेव की ज्योतिष विद्या या यौगिक विद्या, श्रीषेणसूरि का योगी के साथ सर्पविद्या के बारे में विवाद, नागदश का विषप्रसार थामना, राज और पद्म की गुरूपदेश तथा धर्मकार्य में श्रद्धा इस महाकाव्य का जैन वातावरण पर-परिवेश पर-प्रकाश डालते हैं ।
पात्रालेखन .- कवि सर्वानन्द ने नायक जगडू का चरित्रचित्रण विस्तार से किया है। यह ऐतिहासिक महाकाव्य होने के कारण इसमें अतिशयोक्ति होना सभव है । जगडू के धर्मनिष्ठ पूर्वज, भाग्यवशात् मणिप्राप्ति से वृद्धि, समुद्रदेव के वरदान से लक्ष्मी की वृद्धि, भद्रदेव की कृपा से पत्थर मे छिपे हुए रत्नों की प्राप्ति, अन्य देश के राजाओं के यहाँ भी जगडू सेठ का आदरणीय स्थान, गुजरात की महाजन परपरा का प्रतिनिधि जगडू ने युक्ति से किया हुआ पीठदेव का पराभव, जैन आचार्यों और धर्म प्रति सपूर्ण श्रद्धा, सघयात्रा तथा दहेरासर आदि के निर्माण के लिये द्रव्य का दान, दुष्काल में अनेक देशों के राजाओं को तथा जनता को अन्नदान में व्यक्त दानवीर जगडू की करुणा इत्यादि गुणों को प्रकाशित करने में कवि सफल रहे हैं । इस महाकाव्य में जेतसी, तुर्क का अनुचर काराणी, पीठदेव, परम-देवसूरि, योगी, लवणप्रसाद, हमीर, विशलदेव वाघेला श्रीषेणसूरि, मंत्री जागड, जगडू की पत्नी यशोमती, पुत्री प्रीतिमती, राजलदेवी आदि गौण पात्र हैं ।
भाषा-शैली-व्याकरण :- 'श्रीजगडूचरित' की संस्कृत भाषा महदंश सरल है । वर्णात्मक श्लोकों में भाषा समासयुक्त है । कथनात्मक श्लोकों में पुराणों जैसी भाषा है। काव्य में यथावसर वैदर्भी तथा गौडी शैली पायी जाती है । सर्वानन्द की भाषा व्याकरण शुद्ध है । दलयोंबभुण (I20), शुशुभिरे (1-29), व्यधायि (1-41), चरयों बभुव (II-8), रचयोंञ्चकार (II-9), कलयाँ बभूवुः (II-12), ठोकयित्वा (III-46), कारयामासिवान् (VI-72), जैसे रूप मिलते हैं ।
छन्द :- अलंकार .- सर्वानन्द विविध समवृत्तों में काव्यरचना करने में निपुण है । प्रथम दो सर्ग का हि छन्दोवैविध्य देखा जाय तो प्रथम सर्ग में १ से ३१ श्लोक वसततिलका में, ३२ मालिनी में, ३३-३४ उपजाति में, ३५ दोधक में, ३६-३७ शार्दूल-विक्रीडित में, ३४-४५, वंशस्थ में, ४४ द्रुतविलबित में हैं । द्वितीय सर्ग में १ से १६ श्लोक उपजाति में, १७ शार्दूलविक्रीडित में, २४२५ रथोद्धता में, श्लोक २६ स्वागता में है।
अमुक श्लोकों में क्लेशदायक यति है । उदा. (i) भिक्षाकृते श्रीजगडूनिवासाङ्गणेऽऽगमत्तद् गुणहृष्टचित्तः ।
यहाँ 'सा' के पास पादसमाप्ति है और 'ग' से८ नया पाद शुरू होता है जो दोषपूर्ण हैं ।

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सर्वानन्दसूरिकृत श्रीजगडूचरित
(11) चकार सत्त्वैकनिधिः स धीरः ॥२९ किलेति योगीन्द्र वर्यः प्रमाणी
यहाँ एक पाद के अन्त पर 'प्रमाणी' है । नया पाद चकार से आरम्भ होता है । 'प्रमाणी चकार' को इस तरह तोड़ना सही नहीं लगता ।
Vol XXII, 1998
129
सर्वानन्द ने उपमा, रूपक, अर्थान्तरन्यास, अतिशयोक्ति आदि अर्थालंकारों का प्रयोग किया है । उदा. (१) 'जिस तरह पाँच कल्पवृक्षों से मेरु, पाँच व्रतों से साधु, पाँच मुख से शिव, पाँच नीति के अड्डों से राजा, इस तरह (जगडू का पूर्वज) वास पाँच पुत्रों से सुशोभित था । "३० इस श्लोक में उपमा है । (२) मयूर को जैसे मेघ को देखकर, चक्रवाक को सूर्य को देखकर, चकोर को चन्द को देखकर आनंद होता है वैसे गुरु को देखकर जगडू को प्रसन्नता हुई ।" इन श्लोको में अर्थान्तरन्यास अलंकार है ।
(३) साधोर्मतिः स्फुरति भूरितरोदयाय । १२
(४) क्व धियः स्खलन्ति विवेकतो निर्मलमानसानाम् ।१३
(५) पश्य प्रदीपस्य विभां विलोक्य पतन् पतङ्गों लभते विनाशम् ॥४
(६) निजप्रतिज्ञापरिपूरणाय कुर्वीत मानी हि गुरुप्रयत्नम् ॥५
अतिशयोक्ति का एक उदाहरण इस प्रकार है ।
" सघ चलने से ऊडी हुई धूलि - रजः आकाशगंगा के किनारे ऐसी एकत्रित होकर कीचड हो गया कि जहाँ सूर्य के अश्व फसा हुआ रथ को महाकष्ट से चलाते थे ।
इस श्लोक में रूपक तथा अपहनुति अलकार है ।
धन्वन्तरिर्भूवलये ऽवतीर्णो भूयोऽपि सोलात्मभूवच्छलेन । धान्यौषध सङ्ग्रहवान्निहन्तुं दुर्भिक्षरो गंजनतार्ति हेतुम् ॥३७
यहाँ निर्देशित एक श्लोक में 'भूभृत्' शब्द पर श्लेष और व्यतिरेक अलकार 1
"चार हाथवाले श्रीकृष्ण ने एक गोवर्धन पर्वत को ऊठाया (भूभृत्), मगर दो हाथवाला जगड़ ने सर्व भूभृत् ( राजाओं) का, अन्नदान देकर उद्धार किया, यह आश्चर्य है ।८
ऐतिहासिक अंश :- 'श्रीजगडूचरित' महाकाव्य में अणहिलवाड पाटण के लवणप्रसाद, वीरधवल, विशलदेव, राजाओं के, (थर) पारकर का पीठदेव, सिंधका हमीर, स्तम्भतीर्थ खभात का तुर्क, दिल्ही के मोजउद्दीन, राजा दुर्जनशल्य, उज्जैन के मदनवर्मन, काशी के प्रतापसिंह आदि राजाओं के निर्देश हुए हैं । तत्कालीन सामाजिक, धार्मिक, आर्थिक एवं राजकीय स्थिति का भी परिचय इस काव्य से मिलता है ।

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SAMBODHI
गोविन्दलाल श शाह उपसंहार-- सर्वानन्दसूरि के 'श्रीजगडूचरित' में सहृदय भावक को काव्यानन्द दे सके ऐसे बहुत श्लोक हैं।
पचमहाकाव्य और अन्य प्रचलित सस्कत महाकाव्यों की पंक्ति में हम न भी रखें तोडी कवि ने जगडू के करुणा, दानवृत्ति, मानवसेवा, जैनधर्मसेवा, वणिक व्यापारी की आत्मसझ, दीर्घ शत्रु का कटक युक्तिपूर्वक दूर करके अपना सर ऊँचा रखनेकी जातिगत विशेषता. इस महाकाव्य में कहीं अभिधा से कहीं व्यंजना से दिखाई है ये बात सराहनीय है।
कवि दीक्षाग्रहण किये सूरि महाराज थे । अतः यह सर्जन, कोई आर्थिक लाभ लेने के लिये नहीं किन्तु निःस्वार्थभाव से कवि ने किया है । आपको जगडूश्रेष्ठी की गुणराशि ने आकर्षित किया होगा । तथा कवित्वशक्ति होने के कारण आपने इस महाकाव्य लिखा होगा । जैन धर्मप्रसा भी इस महाकाव्य का उद्देश नहीं लगता । जैन तत्त्वज्ञान का उपदेश भी इस महाकाव्य द्वारा अपेक्षित नहीं है। इस साहित्य कृति में-महाकाव्य में एक महान परोपकारी दानवीर श्रेष्ठी का चरित्र सभी धर्मों के लोगों के सामने प्रस्तुत करने की कवि की मनीषा दिखाई देती है। जगड़ की सर्वानन्दने की हुई यह प्रशसा हृदय की गहराई से है यह कहकर श्लोक देकर मैं विराम करता हूँ। श्रीश्रीमालकुलोदयक्षितिधरालङ्कारतिग्मद्युतिः प्रस्फुर्जत् कलिकालकालियमद्प्रध्वंसदामोदरः । रोहः कन्दरवर्तिकीर्तिनिकरः सद्धर्मवल्ली दृढत्वक्रसारो जगडूश्चिरं विजयतां सर्वप्रजापोषणः ॥
पादटीप । १ श्रीजगडूचरित-सपादक मगनलाल दलपतराम खख्खर, प्रकाशक 'मेसर्स एन एम, नी कपनी, मुबई, मुद्रक -
गोवर्धन मुद्रणालय, मुबई (१८९६ A. D) उपोद्घात में छ कथाएँ दी गई है (पृष्ठ ५ से १) २ वहीं उपोद्घात पृ. ४ ३ "जैन साहित्यनो इतिहास" (गुज.) मोहनलाल दलीचद देसाई । १९३३ पृ. ४०१ ४ वहीं पृ. ४०१ ५ वहीं पृ. ४०२ पर 'वसत' सामयिक से उद्धृत ६ कवि सर्वानन्दसूरिकृत 'श्रीजगडूचरित' सर्ग-१ श्लोक-४ ७ "इति आचार्य धनप्रभ गुरुचरणराजीव चंचरीकशिष्य श्री सवाणन्दसूरि विरचित श्रीजगडूचरित महाकाव्ये वीयहुप्रभृति
पूर्व पुरुषव्यावर्णनो नाम प्रथम. सर्गः । ८ श्रीजगडूचरित II-I ९ वहीं 11-12,
II-22 सुपात्रदत्तोज्ज्वलवित्तराशिविमुक्तदोषः कृतधर्मपोषः । जनः समग्रोऽपि च यत्र रेजे सौजन्यधन्य. कलितोरुकीर्ति ॥
वहीं II-27 १२ स्तम्भेनेव गृह नागाधीशेनेव महीतलम् ।
१०

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Vol XXII, 1998
सर्वानन्दसूरिकृत श्रीजगडूचरित.
131
नजरेणेव वोहित्य कुल पुत्रेण धार्यते ॥ श्रीजगडूचरित II-32 धूलिधूसर पुत्राङ्गपरिष्वङ्गसुखामृतैः ।
धन्याना हृदये ताप सकलोऽपि विलीयते ॥ 11-33 १३ श्रीजगडूचरित V-8, १४ वहीं v-9, १५ वहीं V-11, १६ वहीं VI-64, द्वी-२, इन्दु-१, अग्नि=३, चन्द्र=१ १३१२(वि. स.) (असाना वामतो गतिः ।) १७ वहीं VI-90,
वहीं VI-92, १९ वहीं VI-125, 126, 127, 124, 129 (क्रमानुसार) २० वहीं VI-130 २१ वहीं-नवनवतिसहस्त्रयुतानवलक्षधान्यमूटकाना सः । अष्टादशरैकोटीरर्थिभ्योऽदत्त दु समये | VI-132 २२ वहीं-VII-2, २३ दण्डी-काव्यादर्श (1-14 से 22 तक) २४ विश्वनाथ-साहित्यदर्पण (VI -315-325) २५ श्रीजगडूचरित v-8, २६ वहीं II-1, २७ वहीं-सर्ग- VI-, २८ वहीं IV-27, २९ वहीं V-30, ३० वहीं 1-30, ३१ श्रीजगडूचरित- VI-11, ३२ वहीं II-28, ३३ वहीं IV-24, ३४ वहीं V-11, ३५ वहीं V-36, ३६ वहीं VI-38,
___ वहीं VI-119, ३८ वहीं VI-95, ३९ वहीं VI-92

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'रसगंगाधर' के काव्यलक्षण की समीक्षा*
जागति पण्ड्या
काव्यशास्त्रीय आलोचना में काव्य के स्वरूप के विषय में सर्वप्रथम विचार किया जाता है। भामह से लेकर जगन्नाथ तक सभी आचार्यों ने काव्य का स्वरूप दर्शाते हुए काव्यलक्षण देने का प्रयास किया है। उन सबका परिशीलन करने से ज्ञात होता है कि भामह रुद्रट आदि आचार्यों ने शब्द और अर्थ दोनों को काव्य माना है जब कि दण्डी, वामन आदि आचार्यों ने केवल शल्द को । जगन्नाथ भी 'शब्दः काव्यम' का स्वीकार करते हैं।
'रसगगाधर' में दिया गया काव्यलक्षण इस प्रकार है-रमणीयार्थप्रतिपादकः शब्दः काव्यम् ।।
इस काव्यलक्षण को देने से पूर्व जगन्नाथ बताते हैं कि, कीर्ति, परम आहलाद जैसे कई प्रयोजनो की सिद्धि काव्य के द्वारा होती है अत• कवि और सहृदय दोनों के लिए काव्य का ज्ञान होना आवश्यक है। वैसे तो काव्य का ज्ञान उस में प्राप्त या निरूपित गुण, अलङ्कार आदि के द्वारा होता है फिर भी विशेष्यरूप काव्य विशेष्यता का प्रतिपादन करने के लिए तथा उनसे भिन्न अन्य बातों से काव्य को अलग दर्शाने के लिए काव्यलक्षण दिया जाता है।
जगन्नाथ ने अपने काव्यलक्षण में रमणीय अर्थ प्रदान करनेवाले शब्द को काव्य कहा है । इस के द्वारा शब्द पर आधारित किन्तु रमणीय अर्थरहित रचनाओं से काव्य का पृथकत्व और साथ ही शब्द पर आधारित नहीं किन्तु रमणीय अर्थ देनेवाले कटाक्ष आदि से भी काव्य का पृथकत्व अभिप्रेत है।
काव्यलक्षण देने में जगन्नाथ ने बडी सझ-बूझ का परिचय दिया है। उसमें उल्लिखित हरेक पद स्वारस्यपूर्ण है। जगन्नाथ ने शब्द को ही काव्य माना है, पर यह शब्द रमणीय अर्थ का प्रतिपादन करता हो यह जरूरी है। यहाँ लक्षण में 'रमणीय' पद के होने से सामान्य अर्थवाची शब्द-जैसे कि, 'घटमानय', काव्य के प्रान्त में नहीं आ सकते । 'अर्थ' पद के होने से व्याकरणशास्त्र, कि जिससे रमणीय शब्द की सिद्धि होती है, उसका समावेश काव्य में नहीं हो सकता । तथा च, रमणीय अर्थ की अभिव्यक्ति करते हुए कटाक्षादि भी शब्दरूप नहीं होने से काव्य के क्षेत्र से बाहर रहते हैं । एक बात यह भी उल्लेखनीय है कि, यहाँ 'अर्थ का प्रतिपादक' ऐसा प्रयोग किया है, इस से केवल वाच्यार्थ ही नहीं, अपि तु लक्ष्यार्थ, व्यङ्ग्यार्थ आदि हर कोई अर्थ को देनेवाला शब्द काव्य माना गया है । जगन्नाथ के काव्यलक्षण में रखी गई रमणीयता की शर्त इतनी बुलंद ही कि सामान्य शब्द और शास्त्र में निबद्ध शब्द से काव्य का प्रान्त सुरक्षित रहता है। इस रमणीयता के द्वारा जगन्नाथ का अभिप्रेत काव्य के लोकोत्तर आहलाद का अनुभव कराने की योग्यता है। यह लोकोत्तरता या अलौकिकता जो कि चमत्कार का ही दूसरा नाम है, वह आनन्द का एक ऐसा विशिष्ट

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'रसगंगाधर' के काव्यलक्षण...
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धर्म है जो केवल अनुभव से ही प्रमाणित किया जाता है ।
काव्यलक्षण देने के बाद जगन्नाथ ने स्पष्टतापूर्वक समापन करते हुए काव्य की तीन व्याख्याएँ दी हैं और तत्पश्चात् प्राचीनों के काव्यलक्षण का खंडन किया है।
यहाँ इन तीनों व्याख्याओं का विशद विवरण न करके उसका निर्देशमात्र ही पर्याप्त समझा जायेगा, क्योंकि, यह समग्र निरूपण पूर्णतया शास्त्रीय और तर्कसंगत प्रतीत होता है। उसके स्वीकार में हमें कोई आपत्ति नहीं ।
जगन्नाथ कहते हैं कि
इत्थ च चमत्कारजनकभावनाविषयार्थप्रतिपादकशब्दत्वम्, यत्प्रतिपादितार्थविषयकभावनात्व चमत्कारजनकताऽवच्छेदक तत्त्वम्, स्वविशिष्टजनकताऽवच्छेदकार्थप्रतिपादकताससर्गेण चमत्कारत्ववत्वमेव वा काव्यत्वमिति फलितम् ।।
प्रथम व्याख्या के अनुसार चमत्कृति उत्पन्न करनेवाली भावना के विषयरूप अर्थ का प्रतिपादक शब्द काव्य है । दूसरे में, शब्द से प्रतिपादित अर्थविषयक भावना कि जिसमें चमत्कृति उत्पन्न करने का वैशिष्ट्य है, उसे काव्य कहा गया है । जब कि, तीसरी व्याख्या के द्वारा बताया गया है कि चमत्कारकतायुक्त होना ही काव्यत्व है, जो चमत्कृति से विशिष्ट आनन्द उत्पन्न करनेवाली भावना को आनन्दजनकता के द्वारा विशिष्ट करते हुए अर्थ के प्रतिपादक शब्द के ससर्ग से सिद्ध होता है।
यहाँ तक हमने जगन्नाथ के काव्यलक्षण को यथाकथित रूप में प्रस्तुत किया है। काव्यलक्षण के विषय में यह समग्र चर्चा, जो जगन्नाथ ने की है वह नितान्त नावीन्यपूर्ण है। किसी भी आलकारिक ने इस तरह काव्य का स्वरूप निश्चित करने का प्रयास नहीं किया । भामहादि आचार्यों ने जो काव्यलक्षण दिये हैं उन सब में जगन्नाथ का यह प्रयास अत्यधिक सफल समझा जाता है, फिर भी "शब्दः काव्यम्' की जो परम्परा है उस का स्वीकार युक्तिपूर्ण नहीं है। इस परम्परा का स्वीकार करके जगन्नाथ ने जिस अंदाज से प्राचीनों के काव्यलक्षण का खडन किया है, उस विषय में पुनः विचार करना आवश्यक है।
सर्व प्रथम मम्मयचार्य के काव्यलक्षण का खडन करते हए जगन्नाथ ने कहा है कि. शब्द और अर्थ दोनों का एक साथ बोध होता है, यह कहना ठीक नहीं है, क्योंकि, उसके लिए कोई प्रमाण प्राप्त नहीं होता है। इससे उलट काव्य जोरों से पढा जाता है । 'काव्य में से अर्थ समझ में आता है । मैंने काव्य सुना किन्तु 'उसका अर्थ नहीं पाया ।' ऐसे ऐसे लोकप्रसिद्ध व्यवहार से फलित होता है कि, विशिष्ट शब्द ही काव्य है ।
यह जो तर्क जगन्नाथ ने दिया है वह हमें मान्य नहीं, क्योंकि, जो प्रमाण उपर दिये गये हैं, उसी से यह सिद्ध होता है कि. काव्य से अर्थ को अलग नहीं किया जा सकता । काव्य में

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जागृति पण्ड्या
SAMBODHI अगर अर्थ है तभी उसे पाने या न पानेकी बात सोच सकते हैं । अतः लोकव्यवहार को जगन्नाथ ने प्रमाणरूप माना है वह गलत है ।
__ दूसरा यह कि, जगन्नाथ ने रमणीयार्थ का प्रतिपादन करते हुए शब्द को काव्य कहा है तो सगीत के शुद्धस्वर या आलाप में सुनाई देनेवाली ध्वनि को भी, उसकी रस-व्यंजकता के कारण काव्य कहना होगा । भिन्न-भिन्न रागों के आलाप में से कोई न कोई भाव की अनभति होती ही है यह तो प्रसिद्ध बात है । इस तरह जगन्नाथ के काव्यलक्षण में अतिव्याप्ति दोष आ गया है।
इस विषय में अगर यह कहा जाय कि. संगीत के स्वरों में वाच्यार्थ या लक्ष्यार्थ तो होता नहीं है अतः उस शब्द को काव्य कैसे कहेंगे? तो उत्तर यह है कि, इस तर्क का स्वीकार करने से तो यह सुतराम् सिद्ध होता है कि काव्य में प्रतिपादित शब्द में वाच्यार्थ या लक्ष्यार्थ अतर्निहित होते ही हैं और काव्य की व्यंजना इस अभिधा या लक्षणा का अवलम्बन करके ही प्रवृत्त होती है, जब की, सगीत की व्यजना केवल ध्वनि के स्वरूप से आवाज के द्वारा ही साकार होती है। इस तरह काव्य का शब्द अर्थयुक्त-अर्थसहित-सार्थ हो, यह सिद्ध होने से, केवल शब्द को नहीं किन्तु शब्द और अर्थ दोनों को ही काव्य कहना समुचित होगा और तर्कशुद्ध भी । जगन्नाथ ने खुद भी रमणीय अर्थ द्वारा, वाच्यार्थ, लक्ष्यार्थ और व्यङ्ग्यार्थ से युक्त ऐसा अर्थ लिया है ।
अतः जगन्नाथ के काव्यलक्षण में अतिव्याप्ति दोष और व्यवहारविरोध दोनों प्रतीत होते हैं। उस की अपेक्षा मम्मट का काव्यलक्षण सविशेष ग्राह्य लगता है, जिसमें भामह-आनन्दवर्धन आदि का अनुसरण है और जिसे हेमचन्द्र भी पुरस्कृत करते हैं ।
प्राचीनों के काव्यलक्षण का खंडन प्रस्तुत करते हुए जगन्नाथ ने जो उद्धरण दिया है, वह'अदोषौ सगुणौ सालङ्कारौ शब्दार्थों काव्यम्' मम्मट के काव्यलक्षण" से भिन्न है और हेमचन्द्र के काव्यलक्षण- से काफी हद तक मिलताजुलता है (उसमें से केवल 'च'कार ही छूट गया है । अतः श्री आर. बी. आठवलेजी ने कहा है कि जो शब्द मम्मट के काव्यलक्षण में नहीं है, उन्हें उसमें थोपकर जगन्नाथ ने उनकी नाहक टीका की है। लेकिन हम कहेंगे कि हेमचन्द्र ने मम्मट के काव्यलक्षण में प्राप्त बातें ही अपने शब्दों में दोहराई है । हेमचन्द्र के काव्यलक्षण में प्राप्त 'सालङ्कारी च' शब्दों द्वारा मम्मट के 'अनलकृती पुनः क्वापि' का स्वीकार अभिप्रेत है ही । अत: यह मानना होगा कि जगन्नाथ ने जिस लक्षण का खडन किया है वह मम्मट के काव्यलक्षण का सारसक्षेपरूप है, या तो फिर 'प्राश्चः' के द्वारा मम्मट और हेमचन्द्र दोनों अभिप्रेत हो ऐसा भी हो सकता है । इसी वजहसे शायद जगन्नाथ ने ऐसे शब्द उद्धृत किये, जो दोनों को लागु होते हो ।
जो भी हो—पर प्राचीनों के इस प्रथम मत का खंडन करते समय जगन्नाथ का सर्वप्रथम निशान 'शब्दार्थों' पद बनता है। काव्य का प्रवृत्तिनिमित्त उस में निहित काव्यत्व है इस बात का स्वीकार करके जगन्नाथ कहते हैं कि यह काव्यत्व क्या है। 'एको न द्वौ'-एक वस्तु दो तो नहीं सकती, इस न्याय से काव्य भी शब्द और अर्थ दोनों रूप नहीं हो सकता । अगर दोनों को भिन्न

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VoI XXII, 1998 'रसगगाधर' के काव्यलक्षण
135 भिन्न स्वीकार करें तो एक ही रचना में दो काव्य प्रवृत्त होंगे ।"
जगन्नाथ की यह दलील तर्क पूर्ण अवश्य है, फिर भी इसे हम स्वीकार नहीं सकते, क्यों कि, शब्द और अर्थ के 'सम्यक योग' से ही साहित्य निष्पन्न होता है अतः काव्य में प्रवृत्त होते शब्दार्थयुगल में से किसी एक का दूसरे से अलग होना संभव नहीं। अत: काव्य तो एक अविभाज्य इकाईरूप ही है। कालिदास ने 'रघुवश' में, 'वागर्थाविव सम्पृक्तौ जगतः पितरौ' की स्तुति द्वारा इसी बात को पुरस्कृत किया है । आनन्दवर्धन ने भी 'शब्दार्थों तावत् काव्यम्' ऐसा कहकर, इस विषय में किसीको कोई आपत्ति नहीं है यह सूचित किया है । 'तावत्' द्वारा सर्वसम्मति का सूचन होता है इसे 'लोचन' कार ने नोट किया है ।
इस तरह जगन्नाथ ने 'शब्दार्थों के प्रति जो आक्षेप किये हैं, वह स्वीकार्य नहीं हो सकते। उन्होंने 'अदोषौ' और 'सगणौ' की जो टीका की है, उसमें विश्वनाथ का प्रभाव स्पष्ट है । यहाँ यह कहना होगा कि विश्वनाथ ने मम्मट का जो खंडन किया है वह रस को आत्मा मानकर तथा शब्दार्थ को शरीर मानकर किया गया है, लेकिन विश्वनाथ और जगन्नाथ भी यह भूल जाते हैं कि, शरीर, आत्मा-जैसा प्रयोग रूपकात्मक ही हो सकता है। विश्वनाथ खुद भी समझते ही हैं कि गुण रस के धर्म होते हुए भी उनकी साक्षात् अभिव्यक्ति तो शब्दार्थ के माध्यम से ही होती है, अत: प्रत्यक्ष या परोक्ष रूप से गुणों का सम्बन्ध शब्दार्थ से है ही । यह बात आनन्दवर्धन में भी प्राप्त होती ही है। आनन्दवर्धन ने ध्वनि को काव्यात्मा के रूप में जो वर्णित किया है वह तो परम्परा के अनुसार ही समाम्नातपूर्व:-यह स्पष्ट है। वास्तव में शरीर, आत्मा इत्यादि प्रयोग तो केवल अर्थवाद है। दण्डी, वामन जैसे आचार्यों ने इस रूपकात्मक शैली का प्रयोग किया है, जिसे परवर्ती आचार्यों ने भी अपनाया है। किन्तु भामह कि जो शुद्धरूप से तार्किक थे, उन्होंने स्पष्टरूप से 'शब्दाौँ ' को ही काव्य कहा है तथा उसीका स्वीकार मम्मट, हेमचन्द आदिने किया है, जो समुचित लगता है । अत: काव्यलक्षण के विषय में जो 'शब्दः काव्यम्' की परिपाटी का स्वीकार हुआ है वह तार्किकरूप से समीचीन नहीं ठहरता, जब कि 'शब्दार्थों काव्यम' की, भामह द्वारा पुरस्कत, आनन्दवर्धन आदिको अभिप्रेत तथा मम्मयादि के द्वारा समर्थित परम्परा ही सर्वस्वीकार्य है।
पादटीप ★अखिल भारतीय प्राच्यविद्या समेलन -३९-१९९८ में प्रस्तुत किया हुआ शोधपत्र । १ रसगगाधर (र. ग.) १ १ २ तत्र कीर्ति-परमालाद-गुरुराजदेवताप्रसादाद्यनेकप्रयोजनकस्य काव्यस्य व्युत्पत्ते. कविसहदययोरावश्यकतया
गुणालङ्कारादिभिर्निरूपणीये तस्मिन् विशेष्यताऽवच्छेदक तदितरभेदबुद्धौ साधनं च तल्लक्षण तावनिरूप्यते ।
र. गं. १० वृत्ति, पृ.८ ३ रमणीयता च लोकोत्तराहलादजनकज्ञानगोचरता ।
र. गं. १-१ पर वृत्ति, पृ. १०

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जागृति पण्ड्या
SAMBODHI
४ लोकोत्तरत्वं चाहलादगतश्चमत्कारत्वापरपर्यायोऽनुभव साक्षिको जातिविशेष ।
र. ग. १-१ पर वृत्ति, पृ. १० ५ र. ग. १-१ पर वृत्ति, पृ. ११ ६ यत्तु प्राच-- 'अदोषौ सगुणौ सालसगै शब्दार्थों काव्यम्' इत्याहु । तत्र विचार्य ते शब्दार्थयुगल न
काव्यशब्दवद्वाच्यम्, मानाभावात् "काव्यमुच्चैः पठ्यते' काव्यादर्थोऽवगम्यते' 'काव्य श्रुतम्, अर्कोन ज्ञातः' इत्यादिविश्वजनीनव्यवहारतः प्रत्युतशब्दविशेषस्यैव काव्यपदार्थत्वप्रतिपत्तेश्च ।
र. ग. १-१ पर वृत्ति, पृ. १४ ७ तददोषौ शब्दार्थों सगुणावनलकृती पुन• क्वापि ।
काव्यप्रकाश-१-४ A ८ अदोषौ सगुणौ सालङ्कारी च शब्दार्थों काव्यम् ।
काव्यानुशासन-१-११ ९ देखिए । 'रसगगाधर' (खण्ड-१) श्री रा. ब. आठवले द्वारा सम्पादित-पृ. १८ १० अपि च काव्यपदप्रवृत्तिनिमित्त शब्दार्थयोासक्तम् ? प्रत्येकपर्याप्त वा ? नाद्यः "एको न द्वौ' इति व्यवहारस्यैव
श्लोकवाक्यं न काव्यम्' इति व्यवहारस्यापत्ते. । न द्वितीयः, एकस्मिन् काव्ये काव्यद्वयव्यवहारापत्ते. ।
र. ग १-१ पर वृत्ति, पृ. १७ ११ तावद्ग्रहणेन न कस्याप्यत्र विप्रतिपत्तिरिति दर्शयति । 'लोचन'- 'ध्वन्यालोक' १-१ पर.

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Vol XXII, 1998
'रसगगाधर के काव्यलक्षण.
137
सन्दर्भग्रन्थ:
१ रसगगाधरः
सम्पादक श्री बदरीनाथ झा और श्री मदनमोहन झा प्रकाशक चौखम्बा विद्याभवन, बनारस, १९५५ 'रसगगाधर' (खण्ड-१) अनुवादक श्री रा. ब. आठवले सम्पादक श्री नगीनदास पारेख प्रकाशक युनिवर्सिटी ग्रन्थनिर्माण बोर्ड, अहमदाबाद, प्रथम आवृत्ति, १९७४ ध्वन्यालोक (लोचनसहित) : सम्पादक डॉ. तपस्वी नान्दी प्रकाशक सरस्वती पुस्तक भण्डार, अहमदाबाद, प्रथम आवृत्ति, १९९७-९८ काव्यप्रकाश (बालबोधिनी टीका सहित) : सम्पादक श्री आर. डी. करमारकर प्रकाशक श्री आर. एन. दाण्डेकर भाण्डारकर प्राच्यविद्यासशोधनमन्दिर, पूणे, सप्तम आवृत्ति, १९६५ काव्यानुशासन : सम्पादक श्री रसिकलाल परीख प्रकाशक श्री महावीर जैन विद्यालय, मुम्बई, प्रथम आवृत्ति-१९३८.
ભારતીય સાહિત્યશાસ્ત્રની વિચારપરપરાઓ’ सम्पादक डॉ. तपस्वी नान्दी। प्रकाशक युनिवर्सिटी ग्रन्थनिर्माण बोर्ड, अहमदाबाद, द्वितीय सशोधन आवृत्ति, १९८४

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" शाकुन्तल" के विदूषक की उक्तियाँ में पाठान्तरों का एक समीक्षात्मक अध्ययन* वसंतकुमार म. भट्ट
1
० १ 'अभिज्ञानशाकुन्तल' की अद्यावधि अनेक आवृत्तियाँ प्रकाशित हुई है । जिस में से कतिपय आवृत्तियाँ तो राघवभट्टादि की टीका-टिप्पण के साथ प्रकाशित हुई है। अभी अभी गुजरात विश्वविद्यालय में श्रीमती पूनम पङ्कज रावळ के द्वारा "घनश्यामकृत अभिज्ञानशाकुन्तल-सञ्जीवन-टिप्पण का समीक्षित पाठसम्पादन" (A. D. 1991 ) शीर्षकवाला एक महानिबंध प्रस्तुत हुआ है और Ph.D की उपाधि के लिए स्वीकृत भी हुआ है । प्रोफे. डॉ. श्रीरेवाप्रसाद द्विवेदीजी के द्वारा भी "कालिदासग्रन्थावली" में अभिज्ञानशाकुन्तलम्' की एक समीक्षित आवृत्ति (2) प्रस्तुत हुई है । शाकुन्तल की जो प्रमुख आवृत्तियाँ है और जो प्रकाशित टीकाटिप्पणादि है वह निम्नोक्त है :
१ (क) ŚAKUNTALĀ BY KĀLIDĀSA
(ख) KĀLIDASA'S ŚAKUNTALA
(ग)
(The Deva-nagari Recension of the text) Ed Monier Williams,
Chowkhamba Samskrit Series Office, 3rd edition, Varanasi, 1961
(घ)
(Critical edition of the Bengali Recension)
Ed Pischel Richard, Second edition, Harvard University Press, 1922
ABHIJÑĀNA-ŚAKUNTALA OF KALIDĀSA (The Kashmiri recen
sion)
Ed Belvalkar S K
Sahitya Akademi, New Delhi, 1965
कालिदासग्रन्थावली
सम्पादक : द्विवेदी रेवाप्रसाद
काशी हिन्दू विश्वविद्यालय, (द्वितीयं संस्करणम् वाराणसी, १९८६
२ टीका-टिप्पणादि (प्रकाशित)
(क) अभिज्ञानशकुन्तलम् । ( मैथिलपाठानुगम्)
(शंकर-नरहरिकृत-व्याख्याद्वय समेतम् ) सम्पा. उपाध्याय श्रीरमानाथ शर्मा मिथिलाविद्यापीठ प्रकाशन, दरभंगा, १९५७

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Vol XXII, 1998 'शाकुन्तल' के विदूषक की उक्तियाँ..
139 (ख) अभिज्ञानशाकुन्तलम् (काट्यवेमविरचितया वसतराजीया व्याख्यया समेतम्) सम्पा. रंगाचार्य श्री चेलमचेल आन्ध्रप्रदेश साहित्य अकाडमी, हैदराबाद, १९८२
(ग) अभिज्ञानशकुन्तल-चर्चा (अज्ञातकर्तृका) (१९६१ तमे ऊस्ताब्दे अनतशयन सस्कृत पन्थावल्यां १९५ तमांकन प्रकाशितस्य ग्रन्थस्य पुनर्मुद्रणम्) Published by University of Kerala, Trivandrum, Reprinted-1977
(घ) अभिज्ञानशाकुन्तलम्
(अभिरामकृतया दिङ्मात्रदर्शनाख्यया टीकया संभूषितम्) श्रीवाणीविलास-मुद्रा-यन्त्रालय, श्रीरङ्गम् । (समय अनुल्लिखित)
(ङ) अभिज्ञानशाकुन्तलम् (टीकाद्वयोपेतम्-राघवभट्ट एवं श्रीनिवासाचार्य तिरुमलाचार्य) मद्रास, १९५० (च) घनश्यामकृत अभिज्ञानशाकुन्तल-सञ्जीवनटिप्पण का समीक्षित सम्पादन सम्पादिका : श्रीमती पूनम पंकज रावळ,
A PhD thesis, submitted in the Gujarat University, Ahmedabad-1991 (unpublished )
इन में मोनीयर वीलीयम्स की जो आवृत्ति है उसमें देवनागरी-वाचना का पाठ है । रिचार्ड पिशेल ने बगाली वाचना का पाठ सम्पादित किया है । डॉ. एस. के. बेलवेलकरजी ने काश्मीरी वाचनानुसार पाठसम्पादन किया है और प्रोफे. रेवाप्रसाद द्विवेदी ने देवनागरी वाचना का ही अपनी मनीषा के अनुसार पुनः सम्पादन किया है । [यहाँ पर यह उल्लेखनीय है कि अद्यावधि दाक्षिणात्य हस्तलिखित प्रतियाँ के आधार पर कोई दाक्षिणात्यवाचना का स्वतंत्र समीक्षित पाठसम्पादन करने का प्रयत्न नहीं हुआ है ! ]
'अभिज्ञानशाकुन्तल' पर जो टीकाटिप्पणादि साहित्य लिखा गया है, वह कौन सी वाचना का अनुसरण करनेवाला है यह भी द्रष्टव्य है :-(१) शंकर और नरहरि की टीकाएँ मैथिली पाठ परम्परा का अनुसरण करनेवाली है, (यह दोनों टीकाएँ प्रायः बंगाली-गौडी-वाचना के साथ अधिक साम्य रखती है) । और शुद्ध बंगाली वाचना में संक्रमित होनेवाले शाकुन्तल पर जो चन्द्रशेखर की 'सन्दर्भदीपिका' टीका है, वह अद्यावधि अप्रकाशित ही है । (२) राघवभट्ट की व्याख्या देवनागरी वाचना का प्रतिनिधित्व करती है। और (३) अभिराम, चर्चा, काट्यवेम, घनश्याम एव श्रीनिवास की टीकाएँ यद्यपि दाक्षिणात्य ही कही जाती है फिर भी वह नागरीपाठ परम्परा के साथ अधिक साम्य रखती है, (अतः श्री रेवाप्रसाद द्विवेदी ने तो उसको पृथक् वाचना मानी ही नहीं है।)
[(४) शारदा अर्थात् काश्मीरी वाचना के शाकुन्तल पर लिखी गई कोई भी टीका ज्ञात नहीं

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वसन्तकुमार म भट्ट
SAMBODHI
साराश यह है कि अभिज्ञानशाकुन्तल की प्रायः पाँच वाचनाएँ उपलब्ध होती है । (क) बगाली वाचना (पिशेल द्वारा सम्पादित (ख) मैथिली वाचना', (ग) काश्मीरी वाचना (डॉ. बेलवेलकरजी द्वारा सम्पादित), (घ) देवनागरी वाचना और (ड) दाक्षिणात्य वाचना ॥
२. इन में से कौन सी वाचना में संक्रमित हुआ या सुरक्षित रहा पाठ अधिक श्रद्धेय है, और कौन सी पाठपरम्परा प्राचीनतम है ? । इस प्रश्न का कोई निर्विवाद समाधान मिलना सरल नहीं है । साथ में यह भी सत्य है कि जब तक संस्कृत वाङ्मय की 'अभिज्ञानशाकुन्तल' आदि जैसी श्रेष्ठ काव्यकृतियाँ का समीक्षित पाठसम्पादन हमारे सामने नहीं आयेगा तब तक किसी भी काव्यकृति का समीचीन मूल्याकन नहीं हो सकेगा ॥ प्रस्तुत लेख में, शाकुन्तल के टीकाटिप्पण साहित्य को आधार बनाकर और प्रायः विदूषक की उक्तियाँ लेकर" हम-(क) कतिपय पाठअन्तरों के उद्भव हेतु ढूँढने का आयास करेंगे। तथा विभिन्न वाचनाओं में पाठान्तरों का सक्रमण कहाँ से शुरु हुआ होगा इस सदर्भ में कुछ अनुमान प्रस्तुत करेंगे ॥
१ विदूषक की उक्तियों में प्राप्त होते हुए कतिपय पाठान्तर और उनका विश्लेषण अब प्रस्तुत
१ 'शाकुन्तल'के द्वितीय अङ्क के प्रारभ में एकाकी विदूषक की एक लम्बी उक्ति है । उसमें वह कहता है कि
A अअं मिओ अ वराहो त्ति मज्झंदिणे वि गिम्हे । (अय मृगः अय वराह इति मध्यंदिनेऽपि ग्रीष्मे. )
(-पिशेल, पृ. १७) B अयं मृगोऽय वराह इति । (-शंकर, पृ. १९३) C अय मृगोऽयं वराह इति .। (नरहरि, पृ. ३११) D. अय मृगोऽयं वराह इति. | काश्मीरी, पृ. २६ E अय मृगोऽयं वराहोऽयं शार्दूल इति । काट्यवेम, पृ. ३४ F. अयं मृगः, अय वराहः, अयं शार्दूल इत्यत्र. । चर्चा, पृ. ७९ G अयं मृगोऽयं वराहोऽय शार्दूल इति । अभिराम, पृ. ६९ H अय मृगोऽयं वराहोऽयं शार्दूल इति । घनश्याम, पृ. १०२ I. अयं मओ मृगः ।. अयं वराहोऽयं शार्दूल इति
-राघवभट्ट, पृ. १२४

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Vol XXII, 1998 "शाकुन्तल" के विदूषक की उक्तियाँ
141 J अअ मिओ इत्यादिना अयं मृग पुनरय वराह इति तदलाभे अय शार्दूल इति ।श्रीनिवास, पृ. १२४
___ यहाँ पर बगाली वाचना एव मैथिलीवाचना में केवल 'मृग' तथा 'वाह' का उल्लेख है, लेकिन देवनागरी वाचना के टीकाकार राघवभट्ट एवं दाक्षिणात्य वाचना के अन्य टीकाकारों ने 'मृग', 'वराह' के साथ 'शार्दूल' का भी निर्देश किया है । अतः हम ऐसी कल्पना कर सकते है कि विदूषक जब रगभूमि पर प्रवेश करता होगा, तब व्याधलोगों की अनुकृति करता हुआ साभिनय यह वाक्य बोलता होगा । उस में कुछ और नया अभिनय जोड़ने के लिए दाक्षिणात्य नटमण्डलियों ने यह "अय शार्दूल:" वाला नया पाठ्याश प्रक्षिप्त कर दिया होगा ।
२. उपर्युक्त सन्दर्भ में उसका एक वाक्य इस प्रकार है :A मम अधण्णदाए सउन्तला णाम का वि तावसकण्णआ दिट्ठा । पिशेल, पृ. १७ (मम अधन्यतया शकुन्तला नाम कापि ) B.ममाधन्यतयाऽभाग्येन शकुन्तला नाम । शकर, पृ. १९४ c प्रविष्टेनाधन्यतया शकुन्तला नाम..। नरहरि, पृ. ३१२ D तावसकन्यका शकुन्तला ममाधन्यतया दर्शिता ।-काश्मीरी, पृ. २७ E तापसकन्यका शकुन्तला नाम ममाधन्यतया दर्शिता ।-काट्यवेम, पृ. ३४ F. उदरस्याधन्यतया दर्शितेत्यनेन..। चर्चा, पृ. ८१ G अत्र राजकर्तृके शकुन्तलादर्शने निजोदरनिर्भाग्यतायाः प्रयोजक । अभिराम, पृ. ७१. H . शकुन्तला नाम ममाधन्यतया दर्शिता । घनश्याम, पृ. १०४ I शकुन्तला ममाधन्यतया दर्शिता । राघवभट्ट, पृ. १२६
J अधन्यतयेति । असभाव्यस्थले राज्ञो युवतिदर्शने स्वस्याधन्यतयैव हेतुरिति ।-श्रीनिवास, १२६
यहाँ पर भी बगाली वाचना, मैथिलीवाचना और काश्मीरीवाचना में केवल 'ममाधन्यतया' ऐसा पाठ है, लेकिन दाक्षिणात्य वाचना के दो टीकाकार--एक चर्चाकार और दूसरे अभिराम "मम उदरस्य अधन्यतया"या "निजोदरनिर्भाग्यतायाः" ऐसा पाठान्तर प्रस्तुत करते है। दूसरी और देवनागरी वाचना के टीकाकार राघवभट्ट, एव दाक्षिणात्य वाचना के अन्य टीकाकार-काट्यवेम, घनश्याम तथा श्रीनिवास भी केवल 'ममाधन्यतया' ऐसा पाठ ही देते है। इस से यह प्रतीत होता है कि नाट्यप्रयोग के समय कोई अज्ञात नटमण्डली के द्वारा सामाजिकों को हसाने के लिए ही 'ममाधन्यतया' में 'ममोदरस्य अधन्यतया ऐसा शब्दविशेष प्रक्षिप्त कर दिया होगा | क्योंकि संस्कृत नाटकों में विदूषक

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142 वसन्तकुमार म. भट्ट
SAMBODHI का ही आम जनता के साथ संबध होता है, और लोकानुरञ्जन कराने के लिए:
गे-और नोटामाअन कराने के लिए मनुधार के पास उसकी उक्तियों में प्रक्षेप या परिवर्तन की अधिकतर सम्भावना रहती है।
३ द्वितीय अङ्क की इसी लंबी उक्ति में विदूषक और भी एक वाक्य बोलता है, जिसमें रगक्षमता बढाने के लिए कुछ पाठपरिवर्तन हुआ है ऐसा स्पष्टरूप से दिखाई पड़ता है । जैसे कि
A एसो बाणासणहत्थो हिअअणिहिदपिअअणो वणपुष्फमालाधारी इदो ज्जेव आअच्छदि पिअवअस्सो । (एषः बाणासनहस्तो हृदयनिहितप्रियजनः वनपुष्पमालाधारी इतः एव आगच्छति । - पिशेल, पृ. ११७.
B एष बाणासनहस्तः .हृदयनिहितप्रियजनः पुष्पमालाधारी इत एवागच्छति प्रियवयस्यः । - शंकर, १९४
C. एष बाणासनहस्तो ह्रदयविनिहितप्रियतमो वनपुष्पमालाधारी इत एवागच्छति प्रियवयस्यः । नरहरि, पृ. ३१२ __D एष राजा बाणासनहस्ताभिर्यवनीभिः परिवृतो वनपुष्पमालाधारी इत एवागच्छति । - काश्मीरी, २७
__E एष बाणासनहस्ताभिः वनपुष्पमालाधारिणीभिः यवनीभिः परिवृत इत एवागच्छति..। काट्यवेम, ३४
F यवनिकाभिः परिवृतः इत्यनेन । चर्चा, पृ. ८२
G यवनिकाभिः आसन्नपरिचारिकाभिः । वनपुष्पमालाधारिणीभिरिति देशौचित्यात् । अभिराम, पृ. ७२.
H एष बाणासनहस्ताभिर्यवनीभिर् वनपुष्पमालाधारिणीभिः परिवृतः इत.।- घनश्याम, पृ. १०४
I एष बाणासन धनुर्हस्ते यासा ताभिर्वनपुष्पमालाधारिणीभिरिति यवनीभि परिवृतः इत एवागच्छति । राघवभट्ट, पृ. १२७
J यवनीशब्देन राज्ञः शस्त्रधारिण्य उच्यन्ते । श्रीनिवास, पृ. १२७.
यहाँ पर बगाली एव मैथिलीवाचना में जो पाठ है वह प्रायः एकरूप है, लेकिन काश्मीरीवाचना से शरू करके देवनागरी एव दाक्षिणात्य वाचना में एक नया ही पाठपरिवर्तन दिवा रहा है। प्रथम प्रकार के पाठानुसार रंगभूमि पर केवल पुष्पमाला को धारण करके हाथ में धनुष्यबाण लिया हुआ राजा दुष्यन्त प्रविष्ट होगा । परतु दूसरे प्रकार के पाठअनुसार तो शस्त्रधारिणी और पुष्पमाला पहनी हुई यवनीस्त्रियों से परिवृत्त हुआ राजा दुष्यन्त रंग पर प्रविष्ट होगा । तो यह दूसरे पाठ में रगक्षमता बढ़ाने का आयास है । [अथवा यह भी संभव है कि अल्पसंख्यक पात्रसृष्टि के द्वारा यदि कोई सूत्रधार ने इस नाटक का प्रयोग करने का उपक्रम लिया होगा तो उसने "यवनीभिः परिवत्तः"

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Vol XXII, 1998
"शाकुन्तल" के विदूषक की उक्तियाँ . वाला पाठ बदल दिया होगा । जो बंगाली वाचना में प्रतिबिम्बित हुआ है । ]
४ मृगया के लिए प्रोत्साहन देनेवाले सेनापति पर क्रुद्ध होता हुआ विदूषक बोलता है कि A जाव सिआलमिअलोलुवस्य कस्स वि जुण्णरिच्छस्स मुहे णिवडिदो होसि । पिशेल, पृ.
( यावत् शृगालमृगलोलुपस्य कस्यापि जीर्णक्षस्य मुखे निपतितः भवसि)
B यावत् शृगाललोलुपस्य कस्यापि जीर्णभल्लूकस्य मुखे निपतितोऽसीति । शंकर, पृ. १९७ _____C यावन्नासिकाया लोलुपस्य कस्यापि जीर्णक्षस्य मुखे न निपतितो भवसीति । नरहरि, पृ.
३१३.
D यावत्सीमाशृगाल इव जीर्णक्षस्य मुखे । काश्मीरी, पृ. ३१ E नरमासलोलुपस्य कस्यापि जीर्णऋक्षस्य मुखे निपतिष्यसि । - काट्यवेम, पृ. ४०. F आहिण्ड्य गत्वा, तीक्ष्णर्भस्य क्रूरभल्लूकस्य । पतितो भवेति शपनम् । - चर्चा, पृ. ९१. G. मुखे पतितोऽसि, जीर्णऋक्षस्ते नासा भक्षयति इति भावः । - अभिराम, पृ. ८४
H ...इदानीं नासिकामांसलोलुपस्य कस्यापि जीर्णऋक्षस्य मुखे पतितो भवसि । - घनश्याम, ११०
I नरनासिकालोलुपस्येति स्वभावोक्तिः । जीर्णऋक्षस्य वृद्धभल्लूकस्य कस्यापि मुखे पतसि पतिष्यसि । - राघवभट्ट, पृ. १४२.
J. जीर्णऋक्षस्य वृद्धभल्लूकस्य । - श्रीनिवास पृ. १४२
यहाँ पर बंगाली इत्यादि सभी वाचनाओं में 'जीर्णयस्य' ऐसा पाठ है । परंतु मैथिलीवाचना का अनुसरण करनेवाला टीकाकार शङ्कर ने 'जीर्णभल्लूकस्य' ऐसा पाठान्तर दिया है, जिसमें 'ऋक्ष्य' के लिए मिथिलाप्रान्त - बिहार - में प्रयुक्त होनेवाला 'भल्लूक' शब्द स्वीकारा है। संभव है कि विदूषक की उक्तियाँ प्राकृत में उच्चरित होती थी, तो जहाँ पर यह शाकुन्तल खेला गया होगा, वहाँ की प्रादेशिक बोली के अनुसार यह शब्द रखा गया होगा ।
दूसरा यहाँ जो बंगाली वाचना में 'शृगालमृगलोलुपस्य' ऐसा पाठ है, उसके स्थान पर अंशतः परिवर्तनवाले अनेक पाठान्तर मिलते है । लेकिन यहाँ पर जो 'नरमांसलोलपस्य' या 'नरनासिकामासलोलपस्य' ऐसा पाठान्तर दिखाई देते है, वह प्रसङ्लोचित लगते है । क्रुद्ध होकर ब्राह्मण विदूषक आखेट की स्तुति करनेवाले सेनापति को यही शाप दे वह अधिक उचित है । एवमेव यह दूसरा पाठान्तर देवनागरी एवं दाक्षिणात्य दोनों वाचनाओं में प्रचलित है, अधिक व्याख्याकारों के द्वारा स्वीकृत है।

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वसन्तकुमार म भट्ठ
SAMBODHI
५ विदूषक को जब ज्ञात होता है कि राजा दुष्यन्त कोई आश्रमनिवासिनी तापसकन्या में अनुरक्त हुआ है तो वह कहता है कि
144
A भो । जधा कस्स वि पिण्डखज्जूरेहिं उव्वेइदस्स तिन्तिडिआए सद्धा भोदि तथा अन्तेउरइत्थीरदणपरिभोइणो भवदो इअ पत्थणा । - पिशेल, २२
(भोः यथा कस्यापि पिण्डखर्जूरैः उद्वेजितस्य तिन्तिडिकायाम् श्रद्धा भवति, तथा अन्तःपुरस्त्रीरत्न परिभोगिनः भवतः इय प्रार्थना 1)
B
तिन्तिडाभिलाषो भवति तथा स्त्रीरत्नपरिभोगिनो भवत इयमभ्यर्थना । C तिन्तिलिकाभिलाषो भवति तथा स्त्रीरत्नहारिणो भवत इयमभ्यर्थना ।
D
E
- नरहरि, पृ. ३१४
तन्तिडिक्यामभिलाषो भवति तथा स्त्रीरत्नपरिभोगिनो भवत इय प्रार्थना । काश्मीरी, ३३ तिन्त्रिणीफले अभिलाषो भवेत्, तथा स्त्रीरत्नपरिभाविनो भवत इयम् अभ्यर्थना । पृ. ४४
चर्चा, पृ. ९४
F अत्र बहुत्व तिन्त्रिण्यामेकत्व च विवक्षितम् । स्त्रीरत्नपरिभाविन इति । - तिन्त्रिणीफलेऽभिलाषः स्त्रीरत्नानि परिभवितुमतिपरिचयादवज्ञातु शीलवतः ।
G
अभिराम, पृ. ९०
H तिन्त्रिण्याम् अभिलाषो भवेत्तथा स्त्रीरत्नपरिभाविनो भवत इयमभ्यर्थना । - घनश्याम, ११३. I तिन्तियां चिञ्चायामभिलाषो भवेत्तथा स्त्रीरत्नानि परिभवितुं तिरस्कर्तुं शील यस्य तस्य भवत इयमभ्यर्थना । - राघवभट्ट, पृ. १५०
J तित्रियाम् । - श्रीनिवास, पृ. १५०
यहाँ पर दो शब्दों के पाठान्तर समीक्ष्य है : (क) 'तिन्तिडिकायाम्' (tamarind ) शब्द बगाली, मैथिली एवं काश्मीरी वाचनाओं में प्रचलित है, दूसरी और देवनागरी एवं दाक्षिणात्य वाचनाओं में 'तिन्त्रिणीफले' ऐसा पाठान्तर दिखाई पडता है। संभव है कि सूत्रधारों ने अपने प्रदेश का जो प्रचलित शब्द होगा वही परिवर्तित करके रखा होगा । (ख) दूसरा जो शब्द है वह 'स्त्रीरत्नपरिभोगिनः ' है, वह उपमानभूत 'पिण्डखर्जूर के भोक्ता' के साथ अन्वय रखता है । लेकिन देवनागरी एव दाक्षिणात्य वाचनाओं में 'स्त्रीरत्नपरिभाविनो' ऐसा पाठ मिलता है; जिसका 'उद्वेजितस्य' शब्द के साथ बध जोड़ना है । अब यहाँ पर विदूषक की जो मजाक उड़ाने की आदत है उसको देखते हुए
वह 'स्त्रीरत्नपरिभाविनः' वाला (दूसरा पाठान्तरवाला) शब्दप्रयोग ही करेगा ऐसा प्रतीत होता है । और वही पाठ अधिक क्षेत्रों में प्रचलित लगता है । अथवा जिन सूत्रधारों ने 'स्त्रीरत्नपरिभोगिनः'
काट्यवेम
-
1
-
शंकर, १९९
-

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VoI XXII, 1998 "शाकुन्तल" के विदूषक की उक्तियाँ
145 का 'तिन्त्रिण्याम् अभिलाषः' कैसे हो सकता है ? ऐसा सोचा होगा उन्होंने, उसे बदल कर 'स्त्रीरत्नपरिभाविनः' बनाया होगा । ऐसा करने पर भी 'पिण्डखजूर के भोक्ता' के साथ अन्वय बन जाता है । और, यह भी ध्यानास्पद है कि 'स्त्रीरत्नपरिभाविन' वाला पाठ ही दुष्यन्त की भ्रमरवृत्ति को ध्वनित करने में समर्थ है । अतः यही पाठ आन्तरसम्भावनायुक्त कहा जायेगा |
६ द्वितीय अङ्क में दुष्यन्त का प्रेमप्रकरण सुनने के बाद विदूषक बताता है कि - A गहिदपाधेओ किदो सि ताए । ता अणुरत तवोवणेतुम तक्केमि । (पिशेल, पृ. २३) (गृहीतपाथेयः कृतोऽसि तया । तत् अनुरक्त तपोवने त्वा तर्कयामि ।) B गृहीतपाथेयो भवान् कृतस्तयेति । अनुरक्त तपोवनमिति तर्कयामि । - शकर, पृ. २०३
C गृहीतपाथेयो भवान् कृतस्तया । अनुरञ्जित त्वया तपोवनमिति तर्कयामि । - नरहरि, पृ. ३१६
D भो गृहीतपाथेयो भव । कृतं त्वयानुरूप तपोवनमिति तर्कयामि । - काश्मीरी, पृ. ३५ E यद्येव गृहीतपाथेयो भव । कृत त्वयोपवन तपोवनमिति पश्यामि । - काट्यवेम, पृ. ४७ F तहिं गृहीतपाथेयो भवसीति । अनुपसर्ग निरूपद्रवम् । - चर्चा, पृ. १०० G यद्येव गृहीतपाथेयो भवसि कृत त्वयानुपसर्ग तपोवनमिति पश्यामि । - अभिराम, पृ. ९७ H यद्येव गृहीतपाथेयो भव । कृत त्वयोपवन तपोवनमिव पश्यामि । - धनश्याम, पृ. ११६ I तेन हि गृहीतपाथेयो भव । कृत त्वयोपवन तपोवनमिति पश्यामि । - राघवभट्ट, पृ. १६० J गृहीतपाथेयो भवेत्यनेन तपोवनमुपवनमिति अनेन शातिप्रधाने । - श्रीनिवास, पृ. १६०
उपर दाक्षिणात्य वाचना के चार व्याख्याकारों ने "गृहीतपाथेयो भव, कृत त्वया उपवन तपोवनमिति पश्यामि ।" वाला पाठ स्वीकारा है । यहाँ पर विदूषक दुष्यन्त को एक सलाह देता है कि - यदि शकन्तला में तम अनुरक्त हए हो तो तुम्हारी यह आखेटयात्रा लम्बे दिन चलेगी, और मार्ग में पाथेय की जरूरत होगी, सो उसे इकट्ठा कर लो । एव वह दुष्यन्त को अभिनन्दन भी देता है कि तुमने तपोवन को उपवन बना दिया है । यद्यपि राधव भट्ट के मतानुसार 'कृत त्वयोपवन तपोवनम् इति' इस वाक्य में "उद्देश्यविधेयभावे व्यत्ययो ज्ञेयः" (पृ. १६०) अर्थात् उद्देश्य रूप 'तपोवन' का और विधेय रूप 'उपवन' का पदक्रम विपरीत हो गया है । तथापि वह विशेष वाक्भंगी से बोलने पर अभीष्टार्थ की प्रतीति करायेगा । इस सन्दर्भ में दाक्षिणात्य पाठपरम्परा का अनुसरण करनेवाले अभिराम एव चर्चा टीकाकार ने जो पाठान्तर स्वीकारा है, वह प्रसगानुरूप नहीं दिखाई पडता । दूसरी और बगाली वाचना का पाठान्तर सन्दर्भानुसारी होते हुए भी सरल है। उसमें विदूषक के व्यक्तित्व की कोई आभा प्रतिबिम्बित नहीं होती है। शंकर के द्वारा प्रदर्शित उत्तरार्ध का वाक्य किसी भी तरह से चारु अर्थवाला नहीं है। नरहरि ने तया के उपरान्त 'त्वया' शब्द को भी उत्तरार्ध में रखकर परिशुद्धवाक्य बनाया है। काश्मीरी वाचना का पाठ भी विदूषक के व्यक्तित्व के अनुरूप

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146 वसन्तकुमार म भट्ट
SAMBODHI है । लेकिन बंगाली एवं काश्मीरी इन दोनों वाचनाओं में राघवभट्ट द्वारा प्रदर्शित उद्देश्यविधेय भाव का भग परिहत करने का प्रयास हो सकता है ।
७ द्वितीय अङ्क के अत में विदूषक के मन में शकुन्तला के रूपातिशय को देखने की इच्छा-कौतुक-हैं या नहीं । इस प्रश्र का उत्तर देते हुए विदूषक कहता है कि -
A पढम अपरिबाध आसि । सपद रक्खसवुत्तन्तेण सपरिबाध । - पिशेल, पृ. २५ (प्रथमपरिबाधमासीत् । साप्रत राक्षसवृत्तान्तेन सपरिबाधम् ।)
B प्रथममपरिबाधमप्रत्यूहमासीत् साम्प्रत राक्षसवृत्तान्तेन सप्रत्यूहं सविघ्न कुतूहलमिति । - शकर, पृ. २०५
C प्रथममनपबाधमासीत् साम्प्रतं राक्षसवृत्तान्तेन सापबाध कौतूहलम् । - नरहरि, पृ. ३१६
D प्रथम सपरिवाहमासीत् । राक्षसवृत्तान्तेन पुनः साप्रत बिन्दुरपि नावशेषितः । - काश्मीरी, पृ. ३८
E प्रथम सपरिवाहमासीत् । इदानीं राक्षसवृत्तान्तेन बिन्दुपि नावशेषतः । - काट्यवेम, पृ. ५० F प्रथम सपरिवाहमासीत् । राक्षसवृत्तान्तेन पुनरस्य बिन्दुरपि नावशिष्टः । - चर्चा, पृ. १०४ G सपरिवाहमासीत् बिन्दुः तस्य लेशः ।
-अभिराम, पृ. १०३ H प्रथम सपरिवाहम् आसीदिदानीं राक्षसवृत्तान्तेन पुनरस्य बिन्दुरपि नावशेषितः । - घनश्याम, पृ. ११९
। प्रथम सपरिवाहमासीत् । इदानीं राक्षसवृत्तान्तेन बिन्दुरपि नावशेषितः । - राघवभट्ट, पृ. १६८
_J प्रथम, सपरिवाह बिन्दुरपि बिन्दुमात्रमपि । - श्रीनिवास, पृ. १६८ ___ यहाँ पर बगाली एव मैथिलीवाचना में विदूषक कहता है कि पहेले तो शकुन्तला को बिना कोई विघ्न देखना था, लेकिन अब राक्षसों का वहाँ होना सून कर लगता है कि कोई विघ्न के साथ ही शकुन्तला को देखनी होगी। दूसरी और काश्मीरी, देवनागरी एव दाक्षिणात्य वाचनाओं में विदूषक की उक्ति है कि पहेले तो शकुन्तला को देखने का कुतूहल (नदी के) परिवाह की तरह था । लेकिन राक्षसवृत्तान्त को सून कर मेरे मन में अब कौतूक का एक बिन्दु भी अवशिष्ट नहीं रहा है। इस उक्ति में से विदूषक का भीरु स्वभाव भी उभर कर बहार आता है और सामाजिकों को हास्य मिलता है।
सभव है कि यहाँ विदूषक की उक्ति में जो शब्द 'सपरिवाहम्' है, उसमें 'व' कार का 'ब' कार, और 'ह' कार का 'घ' कार करने के बाद - अर्थात् 'सपरिवाहम्' का 'सपरिबाधम्' ऐसा अनुवाद होने के बाद - बंगाली वाचना का अनुसरण करनेवाले पाण्डुलिपियाँ के लेखकों ने

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Vol XXII, 1998
"शाकुन्सल" के विदूषक की उक्तियाँ. उनमें से "बिन्दु' शब्द को भी हट दिया होगा |
८ पञ्चम अङ्क के आरम में जब दूष्यन्त विदूषक को हंसवती । हसपदिका के पास भेजता है तब वह बोलता है कि -
A गहिदो तए परकेरएहि हत्थेहि सिहण्डए अच्छभल्लते । ता अवीदराअस्स विअ समणस्स णत्थि दाणि मे मोक्खो ।
- पिशेल, पृ. ५९ __(गृहीतस्त्वया परकीयैः हस्तैः शिखण्डके अच्छभल्लः ॥ तत् अवीतरागस्य इव श्रमणस्य नास्तीदानी मे मोक्षः ।)
B गृहीतस्तया परकीयैर्हस्तैः शिखण्डके अच्छमल्लः । विगतरागस्येव अप्सरसा गृहीतस्य नास्ति मे मोक्षः ।
- शकर, पृ. २५४-२५५ ___C गृहीतस्तया परकीयैर्हस्तैः शिखण्डके अच्छभल्लः । अविगतरागस्यापि सुजनस्य नास्ति मे मोक्षः ।
(नरहरि, पृ. ३४०) D गृहीतस्य तया परकीयैहस्तैः शिखण्डके अप्सरसा वीतरागस्येव नास्ति मे मोक्षः ।
-काश्मीरी, पृ. ७७ ___E गृहीतस्य तया परकीयैर्हस्तैः शिखण्डके अप्सरसेव वीतरागस्य नास्ति मे मोक्षः । काट्यवेम,
९८
F गृहीतस्य तया परकेरकाभ्या हस्ताभ्या शिखण्डाञ्चले अप्सरसा वीतरागस्येव नास्तीदानी मे मोक्षः ।
- चर्चा, पृ. १६४ G परकेरकैः परकीयैः ।. शिखण्डाश्चले शिखण्डाने । वीतरागस्य तपस्विनः । मोक्षः मोचनम् ।
- अभिराम, १९०. H गृहीतस्य तया परकीयाभ्या हस्ताभ्या शिखण्डेऽप्सरसेवावीतरागस्य नास्ति मे मोक्षः । -
घनश्याम, १६९. I. गृहीतस्य तया परकीयैर्हस्तैः शिखण्डके अप्सरसा वीतरागस्येव नास्तीदानी मोक्षो मोचनं कैवल्य च ।
- राघवभट्ट, पृ. २८७ J मौनम् ।
- श्रीनिवास, पृ. २८७ यहाँ पर काश्मीरी. देवनागरी एवं दाक्षिणात्य वाचनाओं में 'वीतरागस्येव अप्सरसा वाला पाठ प्रसिद्ध है और जो सन्दर्भानुसारी ही है । विदूषक अपने को 'वीतराग' जैसा कहता है । क्योंकि उसके मन में अंशमात्र भी स्त्री-आसक्ति नहीं है और सामने जो हसपदिका है वह अप्सरा जैसी है, जो वीतराग ऋषि को पकडनेवाली-अनुरक्त करनेवाली-होती है ! तो यह उपमा कालिदासीय ही है। परंतु बंगाली वाचना का पाठ कुछ अपपाठ जैसा लगता है। क्योंकि 'अवीतरागस्य इव श्रमणस्य' में श्रमणसम्प्रदाय के यति की और जरूर आक्षेप है, लेकिन वह प्रहसन या भाण प्रकार के रूपक

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वसन्तकुमार म भट्ट में हो तो सुसगत लगेगा । यहाँ पर नाटक में, और वह भी कालिदास के नाटक में अस्वाभाविक लगता है। एवं यह भी ध्यानास्पद है कि मैथिली वाचना का अनुसरण करनेवाला टीकाकार शकर भी 'अप्सरसा' वाला पाठ ही स्वीकारता है ॥ एवमेव बगालीवाचना में आया हुआ 'अच्छभल्ल' शब्द भी प्रक्षिप्त लगता है, कालिदासने तो द्वितीय अङ्क में 'जीर्ण-ऋक्ष' शब्द रखा था । और नरहरि को छोडकर और कोई व्याख्याकार ने उसको स्वीकारा नहीं है।
____वीतरागस्येव' के स्थान पर आया हुआ 'अवीतरागस्येव' पाठान्तर भी पश्चाद्वर्ती काल का हो सकता है। जिस में श्रमणों की और से आक्षेप को हटाया गया है । अतः यह भी प्रादेशिक पाठपरिवर्तन की चेष्टा हो सकती है ।
९ षष्ठ-अङ्क में मातलि के द्वारा पकडा गया, विदूषक अपने को 'बिडालगृहीत मूषक' की उपमा देता है :
A मज्जारगहिदो विअ उन्दुरो णिरासो म्हि जीविदे। (मार्जारगृहीतः इव उन्दुरः निराशोऽस्मि जीविते) - पिशेल, ९१ B मार्जारगृहीत इवोन्दुरुनिराशोऽस्मि जीविते । - शंकर, २८० C मार्जारगृहीत उन्दुर इवानीशोऽस्मि जीविते .। - नरहरि, ३५९ D मार्जारगृहीत इव उन्दुरो निराशोऽस्मि जीविते सवृत्तः ।।
-काश्मीरी, पृ. ११९ E बिडाल गृहीतो मूषिक इव निराशोऽस्मि जीविते संवृत्तः । - काट्यवेम, पृ. १५१ F पाठ्याशः अनुपलब्धः । - चर्चा, पृ. २०५. G वाक्यमिद नैव व्याख्यातम् । - अभिराम, पृ. २७९ H बिडालगृहीतो मूषक इव निराशोऽस्मि जीविते सवृत्तः । - घनश्याम, पृ. २३७ I बिडालगृहीतो मार्जारगृहीतो मूषिक इव निराशोऽस्मि जीविते संवृत्तः । - राघवभट्ट, पृ. ३९४ J मौनम् । - श्रीनिवास, पृ. ३९४
यहाँ पर पूर्वोत्तर भारत में प्रचलित बंगाली, मैथिली एवं काश्मीरी वाचनाओं में जो 'उन्दुर/ उन्दुरु' शब्द मिलता है, वह ध्यानास्पद है। यहाँ पर 'मार्जार' शब्द तो संस्कृत है, और उसे बिना कोई परिवर्तन अपनाया गया है । परंतु यह जो 'उन्दुर' या 'उन्दुरु' शब्द है वह देश्य शब्द है और उन प्रान्तों में प्रचलित मूषक-जन्तु का जो प्रादेशिक 'उन्दुर' ऐसा नाम प्रसिद्ध होगा उसका प्रयोग किया गया है।
देवनागरी और दाक्षिणात्य वाचनाओं में एव टीकाकारों ने 'मूषक' या 'मूषिक' ऐसा संस्कृत शब्द अपरिवर्त्य रखा गया है, और 'मार्जार' शब्द का त्याग करके, उनके स्थान पर "बिडाल' जैसा देश्य-प्रादेशिक-शब्द रख लिया है । इस उदाहरण से यह सिद्ध होता है कि जो विदूषकादि की

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I XXII, 1998
"शाकुन्तल" के विदूषक की उक्तियाँ
कृत उक्तियाँ होती है, उसमें प्रादेशिक बोली के प्रचलित शब्दों को लेकर अनेकस्थान पर परिवर्तन ये गये है । [ इस सन्दर्भ में स्मर्तव्य है डॉ. ए. बी. कीथ का यह विधान :- we must hold at neither recension of Kalidasa's Sakuntala is of conclusive value]
विदूषक की उक्तियाँ में से लेकर यहाँ पर जिन पाठान्तरों की चर्चा की गई है उससे यह ष्ट रूप से प्रतीत होता है कि (क) कदाचित् रङ्गक्षमता बढाने के लिए, (ख) एव हास्यनिष्पत्ति ने के लिए, तथा (ग) कुत्रचित् प्रादेशिक बोली भाषा में जो शब्द प्रचलित रहा होगा उसका स्वीकार करके विदूषक की उक्तियों में पाठ-परिवर्तन किया गया है । पाठान्तरों के उद्भवहेतु अन्य / अधिक भी हो सकते है । ( लेकिन विस्तरभय से हम प्रस्तुत विषय का उपसंहार ते है 1)
२० उपर्युक्त पाठान्तरों का तुलनात्मक अभ्यास करके, टीकाकारों के पास जो पाठपरम्परा क्रमित हुई दिखाई पडती है उसका वंशानुक्रम अब समीक्ष्य है :
२१ (क) काश्मीरीवाचना, मैथिली वाचना और बंगाली वाचना जहाँ पर एकरूप है-समानऐसे वाक्यों (अय वराहो) १.१ एव ( स्त्रीरत्नपरिभोगिनः ) १५ 1
(ख) उपर्युक्त दोनों सन्दर्भों में देवनागरी और दाक्षिणात्य वाचना का पाठ एक समान है : नय शार्दूलः' इतना अधिक पाठ १.१ में है, और १५ में 'स्त्रीरत्नपरिभाविनः' ऐसा पाठान्तर
I
(ग) कुत्रचित् ऐसा भी प्रमाण मिलता है कि काश्मीर की वाचना और दाक्षिणात्य वाचना पाठ में समानता है। जैसे कि १३ में 'बाणासनहस्ताभिः यवनीभिः' वाला पाठ सभी दाक्षिणात्य काकारों ने, और देवनागरी वाचना के टीकाकार राघव भट्टने भी स्वीकारा है। तथा १७ में दिखाई ना हुआ 'बिन्दुरपि नावशेषितः ' वाला पाठ्यांश काश्मीरी वाचना और दाक्षिणात्य वाचनाओ में, तथा घवभट्ट में भी एक समान है ।
इस का सम्भवतः ऐसा कारण हो सकता है कि वह पाठ या तो दाक्षिणात्य / देवनागरी चना से काश्मीरी वाचना में गया होगा अथवा तो काश्मीरी वाचना से शुरु हुआ यह पाठान्तर [क्षिणात्य पाठ परम्परा में और देवनागरी वाचना में भी सक्रान्त हुआ होगा । इतने अश में इन तीनों चनाएँ संमिश्रित पाठपरम्परावाली दिखाई पड़ती है | तथा पाठान्तरों के आदान-प्रदान का केन्द्र कश्मीरी वाचना हो सकती है ॥
(घ) दाक्षिणात्य वाचना के अभिराम और चर्चाकार जैसे दो टीकाकार कुत्रचित् स्वतंत्र पाठ देते है । उदाहरण के रूप में १२ में 'उदरस्य अधन्यतया', तथा १६ में 'अनुपसर्ग पोवनमिति' वाला पाठान्तर ॥
इस समीक्षण को एक चित्र से स्पष्ट किया जाय तो 'अभिज्ञानशाकुन्तल' की विभिन्न {चनाओं और उनके टीका-टिप्पणकारों द्वारा स्वीकृत पाठपरम्परा का वंशवृक्ष निम्नोक्त रूप का हो नकता है .
:

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वसन्सकुमार म भट्ट
SAMBODHI
अभिज्ञानशा(शकुन्तलम् -कालिदास का स्वहस्तलेख
+ (अनेकानेक प्रतिलिपियाँ)
'क्ष' ( अज्ञात दो प्रवाह ) 'ज्ञ'
'य'२ (संमिश्रण)
यह
मैथिली बगाली
मैथिली वाचन
बगाली वाचना (चन्द्र
टीकाकार शेखर
देवनागरी वाचना
दाक्षिणात्य वाचना
काश्मीरी शकर वाचना टीकाकार
नरहरि .
"की टीका
अप्रकाशित
१०
टीकाकार राघवभट्ट
चर्चा
अभिराम टीकाकार
काट्यवेम टीकाकार
घनश्याम टीकाकार
श्रीनिवास टीकाकार
टीका
यहाँ पर यह भी उल्लेखनीय है कि १, २, ३, ४, ५, ६ - में 'अभिज्ञानशाकुन्तल' का (कुल मिला के प्रायः १९४ श्लोकवाला) लघुसंस्करण स्वीकृत है; और ७, ८, ९, एवं १० में 'अभिज्ञानशाकुन्तल' का (कुल मिलाके प्रायः २२१ श्लोकों वाला) बृहत्संस्करण स्वीकृत है ॥
३. डॉ. एस. के. बेलवेलकरजी की उक्ति "The final text naturally belongs to no particular recension" का स्मरण करके उपर्युक्त पाठान्तरों का सिंहावलोकन करेंगे, तो सत्र रूप से यह कहना होगा कि - ११ का 'अयं शार्दूलः', १.२ का 'ममोदरस्य', १५ का 'स्त्रीरत्नपरिभाविनः', १६ का 'कृतं त्वयोपवनं', १.७ का 'बिन्दुरपि' एवं १.८ का 'वीतरागस्येव' वाले पाठान्तरों जो देवनागरी एव दाक्षिणात्य वाचनाओं का है (जिसको कुत्रचित् काश्मीरी वाचना का भी समर्थन है) उन्हें बंगाली वाचना के 'शकुन्तल' में कटाक्ष, हास्य इत्यादि से रहित बनाया गया है। अथवा, मूलतः बंगाली वाचना के यह सरल, कटाक्ष एवं हास्य निरपेक्ष वाक्यों । शब्दों को देवनागरी एव दाक्षिणात्य वाचनाओं में ले जाकर कटाक्ष इत्यादि से परिवर्तित या प्रक्षिप्त करके बडे चोटदार बनाये गये है ॥

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Vol XXII, 1998
"शाकुन्तल" के विदूषक की उक्तियाँ..
151
टिप्पणो
The paper was awarded the "DR. V Raghavan Prize", in the classical Sanskrit section
of the 36th Session of the All India Oriental Conference, May 28-30, 1993, Poona १ प्रस्तुत लेख में इन्हीं आवृत्तियों का पृष्ठाक दिया है। २ मोनीयर वीलीयम्स ने जो सामग्री का उपयोग किया है (दष्टव्य . प्रस्तावना, पृ. 1) उसमें बगाली पाण्डुलिपि
भी है, और राघवभट्ट की व्याख्या का समावेश नहीं है। ३ डॉ. बेलवेलकरजीने कौन सी पाण्डुलिपियाँ का उपयोग किया था ? वह इस सम्पादन के प्रकाशक डॉ. वी.
राघवन के द्वारा भी अज्ञेय रहा है। (द्रष्टव्य : Preface, p m) ४ द्रष्टव्य • New Catalogus Catalogorum, Vol ONE, (Revised Edition, University of Madras,
1969, (pp 281-287) ५ कतिपय विद्वान उसे पृथक्वाचना नहीं मानते है। परतु उसका बंगाली वाचना में ही समावेश होता है ऐसा कहना
६ यह सुविदित है कि संस्कृत नाट्यसाहित्य के रीकाकारों ने श्लोकों के शब्दार्थ, अन्वय और सन्धिसन्ध्यङ्गादि का
विवरण करने के साथ साथ विदूषकादि नीच पात्रों की प्रत्येक प्राकृत उक्तियाँ का सस्कृत छायानुवाद भी दिया
है। अत. वह उक्तियाँ हमारे लिए पाण्डुलिपि की तरह उपादेय है। ७ केवल विदूषक की उक्तियाँ इसलिए ली जाती है कि प्रस्तुत अभ्यासलेख अनतिविस्तृत बना रहे । ८ A SANSKRIT-ENGLISH DICTIONARY - By Monier Williams (Berkeley, 1976) में (page
193) बताया है कि यह उन्दुर / उन्दुरु शब्द केवल केशग्रन्थों में मिलता है, अन्य कोई सस्कृत ग्रन्थ में उसका प्रयोग नहीं हुआ है। See "The Original Śakuntala”, in the Sir Ashutosh Mookerjee Silver Jubilee Volumes
m, Orientalia, part-2, (pp 344-59) Calcutta, 1925 १० यह दूसरे पक्ष को स्वीकार किया जाय तो "The Vidusaka" byG K Bhat (New Order Book Co,
Ahmedabad, 1959) में शाकुन्तल के विदूषक का जो पात्रचित्रण किया गया है वह भी विपरीत हो जायेगा। इति दिक् ॥

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आचार्य विश्वेश्वर के 'अलंकार - प्रदीप' में सादृश्यमूलक अलंकारों का निरूपण
पारुल मांकड
आचार्य विश्वेश्वर ने अलकार - निरूपण के लिए तीन ग्रन्थों की रचना की है। उनमे 'अलकार- मुक्तावली' और 'अलकार-प्रदीप' कुवलयानन्द की तरह सुबोध शैली में रचें गए हैं । उनकी यशोदा कृति 'अलकार - कौस्तुभ' ही है, जिस में पंडितराज जगन्नाथ की तरह नव्यन्याय शैली में खण्डन - मण्डन - सह अलकारों का विमर्श निरूपित है । प्रस्तुत शोधपत्र में 'अलकार - प्रदीप' में निरूपित सादृश्यमूलक अलंकारों का सक्षिप्त विवेचन किया गया है ।
'अलकार - प्रदीप' में केवल अर्थालंकारों का ही निरूपण है । आचार्य विश्वेश्वर ने अपने पूर्वाचार्य रुय्यक और शोभाकर मित्र के समान सूत्रात्मक निरूपणपद्धति स्वीकार की है । प्रत्येक सूत्र में तद् तद् अलकार-लक्षण निबधित है तथा छोटी-सी वृत्ति में उसका विवरण दिया गया है।
आचार्य विश्वेश्वर ने स्वय कोई वर्गीकरण नहीं दिया, फिर भी अध्ययन की सुविधा के लिए अलकार के सुप्रसिद्धि ७ वर्गों में हुए विभाजन को ध्यान में रखते हुए प्रथम वर्ग सादृश्यमूलक वर्ग के अर्थाकारों की समीक्षा यहाँ प्रस्तुत है ।
सादृश्यमूलक अलकारों में विश्वेश्वर ने भी प्रथम क्रम उपमा को ही सादर दिया है । उनका उपमा-लक्षण जगन्नाथ के उपमा-लक्षण से प्रभावित है । 'चमत्कार - प्रयोजकं सादृश्यवर्णनमुपमा' ।१ ( पृ० - १) तुलना करें—सादृश्य सुन्दरं वाक्यार्थापस्काकर उपमालकृति । (रु ग. २/१)
विश्वेश्वर ने 'चमत्कार' शब्द पर बल दिया है । उपमा का भेदोपभेद निरूपण विशेषतः मम्मटानुसारी है । परतु धर्माभिधान के आचार्य ने षट् प्रकार प्रदर्शित किये हैं । साधारणधर्म षड्विध होता है, जैसे (१) उपचारमूलक (२) अनुगामी, (३) समासभेदयुक्त (४) श्लेषयुक्त (५) बिम्बप्रतिबिम्बभावयुक्त और (६) वस्तुप्रतिवस्तुभावयुक्त ।" इस तरह विश्वेश्वर ने उपचारमूलक, समासभेदयुक्त और श्लेषयुक्त ये तीन नूतन प्रकार अपनी ओर से जुडै हैं ।
लुप्तादि का निरूपण पूर्वाचार्यों के ही आधार पर किया गया है । ( पृ० २,३)
परिणाम अलंकार में आरोप्य का प्रकृतोपयोगित्व उन्होंने रुय्यक और विश्वनाथ की ही तरह स्वीकार किया है । (सूत्र - २)
शोभाकर मित्र का अनुसरण करते हुए उन्होंने उदाहरण अलंकार स्वीकार किया है । (पृ. ७) जो जगन्नाथ ने भी निरूपित किया है ।
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अनन्वय का लक्षण कुछ क्लिष्ट सा हो गया है उपमेय और उपमान की) एकता अनन्वय अलंकार है
। उपमान और उपमेय में ज्ञायमान की (= । ज्ञायमान का अर्थ वृत्ति में स्पष्ट करना

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चाहिये था । लेकिन इस सूत्र की वृत्ति ही नहीं है । ज्ञायमान ऐक्य का अर्थ उपमेय/उपमान की
रूपता हो सकता है । यहाँ उदाहरण में इव शब्द का प्रयोग उपमान और उपमेय का ऐक्य स्पष्ट करता है। (द्रष्टव्य, अंतिम पद्यांश-लोकेऽस्मिन्वरवणिनि । त्वमिव मे सत्य त्वमाभाससे ॥ (पृ. ५)
शोभाकर और जगन्नाथ का अनुसरण करते हुए उन्होंने सर्वथा उपमान के निषेध को असम माना है । परस्पर के सादृश्य को उपमेयोपमा स्वीकार किया है ।
अनन्वय, असम और उपमेयोपमा का आपस में सूक्ष्म भेद विश्वेश्वर ने निश्चित किया है, वह सचमुच सराहनीय है।
विश्वेश्वर ने मम्मट की तरह उत्प्रेक्षा में सम्भावनापक्ष पर ही बल दिया है, रुय्यक के अध्यवसान पक्ष पर नहीं । स्वरूप हेतु और फल मुख्य तीन ही प्रकार गिनाये हैं ।
सादृश्य-निबन्धन में प्रकृत अर्थात् उपमेय में जो सशय है उसे सन्देह कहते है। यहाँ विश्वेश्वर ने मम्मट का अनुसरण किया है और वितर्क -विकल्प का आरोप-स्वरूप निरूपण सन्देह है, ऐसा वृत्ति में स्पष्ट किया है, वृत्ति में अधूरापन है। कदाचित् विश्वेश्वर सन्देह में वितर्क और विकल्प दोनों का स्वीकार करते है। वे केवल विषय को ही सन्देहास्पद मानते है, अल. स. कारने विषयी अर्थात् उपमान को भी सन्देहास्पद स्वीकार किया था । (अल. प्र. सू. ८ की वृत्ति अल. स. सूत्र १८)
रुय्यकादि के जो निश्चयगर्भ अथवा निश्चयमध्य संदेहालकार है, वह अलकार-प्रदीप में वितर्कालकार नामक स्वतत्र अलकार स्वीकार किया गया है । लक्षण में स्पष्टरूप से निर्देश दिया है कि 'सशयोत्तरमनिर्णये ऊहो वितर्कः ।। (सू.-९ पृ.१०) शोभाकर ने भी वितर्क को अलग अलकार स्वीकार किया है परत उन्होंने 'अपोह' पर बल दिया है, विश्वेश्वर ने ऊह-तर्क पर । (द्रष्टव्य, अल. २, पृ. ४५, अल. प्र. पृ. ११)
विकल्प अलंकार में विश्वेश्वर को रुय्यक-जयरथ की तरह पाक्षिकी प्राप्ति स्वीकार्य है, (सू. १) किन्तु उन्होंने औपम्यगर्भ चारुत्व का कोई उल्लेख नहीं किया जो विकल्प के लिए पूर्वाचार्यों ने अनिवार्य समझा है। एक बात और भी है कि विकल्प वाक्यन्यायमूलक अलकार है, विश्वेश्वर ने सादृश्यमूलक अलकारों के अतर्गत उसको सूत्रित किया है ।
रूपक-निरूपण पूर्वाचार्यों के अनुसार ही है, (सू. ११) आरोप का स्वीकार भी है, और सावयव और निरवयव दो भेदों का स्वीकार है ।
रत्नावली अलंकार दीक्षितजी के आधार पर सूचित किया है । अपहृति में विश्वेश्वर ने प्रकृत के निषेध पर बल दिया है । अत: लक्षण सपूर्णरूप से मम्मटानुसारी है । (सूत्र १३)
__ शोभाकर और जयरथ की तरह विश्वेश्वर ने 'निश्चय' अलकार को स्वतत्र अलकार स्वीकार किया है परतु उदाहरण में अपहति की स्पष्ट छाया है । (पृ. १७)

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SAMBODHI
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अर्थश्लेष के प्रकारों के अन्तर्गत भाषाश्लेष को स्वीकृति दी गई है। समासोक्ति में रुय्यक-जगन्नाथ के विचारों का समचित सक्षेप प्रशंसनीय है।
अत्र प्रकृतेऽप्रकृतनायिकादिव्यवहार एवारोप्यते इति सर्वस्वकारादयः । नायिकात्वादिकमप्यारोप्यते इति रसगङ्गाधरादयः 1 (सू. १६ की वृत्ति-पृ.-२०)
निदर्शना में रुय्यक ने वृत्ति में अन्वयबाध शब्द प्रयोग दिया है, विश्वेश्वर ने वही से प्रेरणा लेकर 'अन्वयानुपपत्त्या सादृश्यपर्यवसान निदर्शना ।' सूत्र रचा है । (सू. ३७) द्वितीय निदर्शना भी सर्वस्व के निरूपण पर आधारित है ।
दीक्षितजी का नूतन अलंकार 'ललित' (जो जगन्नाथ में भी है) विश्वेश्वर ने स्वीकार किया है, लक्षण में शब्दान्तर है, किन्तु भावार्थ समान है (सूत्र १८, कुव. १२) ।
अप्रस्तुतप्रशंसा, प्रस्तुताकुर के सूत्र क्रमश: रुय्यक और दीक्षितजी के आधार पर रचे गये हैं । (सूत्र, १९,२०) विश्वेश्वर ने अतिशयोक्ति के छ प्रकार दिये हैं, जो दीक्षितजी के कुवलयानन्द पर निर्भर है । (सू. २१)
इस तरह सम्भावनम् और मिथ्याध्यवसिति भी दीक्षितजी के आधार पर सूत्रित किये गये है (सूत्र २२, २३) विश्वेश्वर में कोई खास विशेषता दृष्टिगोचर नहीं होती ।
हेतु अलंकार में आचार्य विश्वेश्वर ने कार्य और कारण का अभेद-कथन माना है । द्वितीय हेतु अलंकार रुय्यक का काव्यलिंग ही है । (द्र. सू. २५ की वृत्ति. अलं. सं. सू. ५८)
अलंकारखदीप का उल्लेख-निरूपण सर्वथा रुय्यक के अलं. स. पर आधारित है। किन्तु रुय्यक ने उल्लेख के कारणों में रुचि, अर्थित्व और व्युत्पत्ति दिये हैं तो विश्वेश्वर ने मात्र प्रमात्मक ज्ञान ही स्पष्ट किया है । (सू. २६, अलं. स. सू. २०)
प्रतिवस्तूपमा, दृष्टान्त, दीपक, मम्मट, रुय्यक और जगन्नाथ पर आधारित है । आवृत्ति दीपक को उन्होंने दीपक के अन्तर्गत ही माना है ।
तुल्ययोगिता रुय्यकानुसारी है । व्यतिरेक मम्मटानुसारी है । (सूत्र ३१, ३२)
विश्वेश्वर का आक्षेपनिरूपण सर्वस्वकार अनुसार निरूपित है। (सूत्र, ३३) व्याजस्तुति (सूत्र४१), सहोक्ति पूर्वाचार्यों पर आधारित है । सहोक्ति में चमत्कार धर्म को उन्होंने अनिवार्य माना है । (४२) विनोक्ति की दूसरी व्याख्या अलंकारभाष्यकार अनुसार है।
पर्यायोक्त रुय्यक पर आधारित है । दूसरा पर्यायोक्त उनकी नवीन उद्भावना है । भ्रान्तिमान भी पूर्वाचार्यों के आधार पर रचा गया है । (सूत्र १७) (रम्यभ्रमो प्रान्तिमान् ।) रम्य विशेषण विश्वेश्वर का योगदान है।

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इन अलकारों का वर्गीकरण और क्रम नियत न होने से हमने जो अलकार सादृश्यमूलक है और विरोध जैसे सादृश्येतर संबन्धमूलक अलकारों के अन्तर्गत रखे गये हैं उन सभी को सादृश्यमूलक समझ कर ही हमने विवेचित किये हैं ।
'अलकार प्रदीप' कार आचार्य विश्वेश्वर उस समय में हुए हैं, जब उनके सामने दीक्षितजी का सगम शैली में रचा गया कुवलयानन्द और प्रौढ शैली में रची गई चित्रमीमांसा भी थी तथा नव्यन्यायशैली में रचा गया आलकारिक धुरधर पडितराज जगन्नाथ का ग्रथराज 'रसगगाधर' भी था। उन्होंने मम्मट के का. प्र. में स्वीकृत ६१ अलकारों को ही स्वीकार कर पडितराज की ही नव्यन्याय शैली में मम्मट रुय्यक और स्वय जगन्नाथ के मतों के खण्डन से भरपूर काव्यशास्त्र की अलकारपरपरा के हृदय पर सुशोभित 'अलकार कौस्तुभ' की रचना की । यह ग्रथ 'विद्वद्जनहृदयरञ्जनाय' है । परंतु यहाँ इस शोधपत्र में हमने जिस प्रथांश की समीक्षा की है वह ग्रथ जो सूत्रात्मक पद्धति का है और कारिकापद्धति का ग्रथ है अलकारमुक्तावली' । ये दोनों ग्रथ जो अलकारों के अभ्यास की साधना आरंभ कर चूके है उनके लिए है । हम इन्हें 'बालाना तो नहीं परतु 'किशोराणामवगाहनाय' अवश्य समझेंगे।
अल. प्र. के सूत्र सक्षिप्त और सरल है । यहाँ रुय्यक के अलकार सूत्रों की तरह अपने आप में परिपूर्ण नहीं है । कभी कभी वृत्ति भी अधूरी-सी प्रतीत होती है । यहाँ सादृश्यमूलक अलंकारों को ले कर हमने जो ग्रंथाश का अध्ययन किया है उनसे आचार्य विश्वेश्वर की एक प्रौढ आलंकारिक के रूप में प्रतिभा निखरती है। विश्वेश्वर ने अपने पूर्वाचार्यों के अलकार मत का सग्रहसंचय और विश्लेषण अनुपम रूप से किया है । अलकारों के परस्पर के सबन्ध और उनके विषय में पूर्वाचार्यों का योगदान उन्होंने सारांश रूप में प्रस्तुत किया है । उपमा के तीन नये भेद, पर्यायोक्त का द्वितीय प्रकार उनकी प्रतिभा की देन है । परतु विकल्प, निश्चय इत्यादि अलकारों के स्वरूपनिरूपण में अस्पष्टता रह गई है। दीक्षितजी को समर्थित करते हुए उन्होंने प्रस्तुताकुर, ललित आदि अलकारों का स्वीकार किया है, किन्तु लक्षण में किश्चित् परिष्कार भी किया है । इस तरह अलं. प्र. का अर्थालंकार की विकासयात्रा में निःसन्देह अपना अमिटस्थान तो है ही।
पादटिपण्ण १ विकसितमभिरामतम रदनधुतिकेसर रुचिरपत्रम् । अलकश्यामलमाननमलिमलिनं नलिनमिय तस्या. ॥
-धर्माभिधाने च बहवः प्रकाराः । अत्रोक्ता. षट् । विकसितमित्युपचार. (२) पद्ये पत्रविभात्मकमुख्यविकाशः, मुखे तूपचारादुल्लास-विशेषः अभिरामेत्यनुगामित्वम् (३) रदनातिवत्केसराणि यत्रेति पद्मपक्षे, रदनद्युतय एव केसराणि यवेति मुखपक्षे इति समासभेदः । पत्रपदस्य दलपरत्वं कस्तूर्यादिपत्रलेखापरत्व चेति श्लेषः । कुन्तलभ्रमरयो बिम्बप्रतिबिम्बभावः । (१) स च वस्तुतो भिन्नयोरन्योन्यसादृश्यादभिन्नतयाध्यवसितयो प्रयोगः । श्यामलत्व मालिन्य
चाभिन्नतया तद्विशेष्यतयोपात्तमिति वस्तुप्रतिवस्तुभावः । (२) (अल. प्र. पृ., १,२) २ उपमानोपमेयपोर्जायमानमैक्यमनन्वयः ॥ (अलकार पृ. ५)

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156
पारुल माकड
SAMBOI
३ अनन्वये उपमानान्तरव्यवच्छेदो व्यङ्ग्य , असमे वाच्य , उपमेयोपमाया तृतीयोपमानव्यवच्छेदो व्यङ्ग्य इति विशे
४
मादृश्यनिवन्धन पकृतसशय सन्देह । (अल प्र.-८) और (अल. स. सू. १८ की वृत्ति)
मदर्भग्रन्थ.१ सपा नपालप्रदेशीय-श्री विष्णुप्रसाद भण्डारी 'अलकारप्रदीप' (आचार्य विश्वेश्वरकत) हरि
सस्कृतग्रन्थमाला, ई. स. १९२३ २ सपा मी. आर. देवधर, अलकाररत्नाकर (शोभाकरमित्र कृत) ओरियन्टल बुक एजन्सी पूणे, ई. स. १९ ३ सपा. डॉ. ग्वाप्रमाद द्विवेदी, अलकारसर्वस्व (रुय्यककृत) चौखम्बा सस्कृत सीरीज आफिस, वारा
ई. म १९७१ ४ पारुल माकड, अर्थालकारों की विकासयात्रा के सदर्भ में अलकारसर्वस्वकार रुय्यक एक अध्ययन
अप्रकाशित शोधप्रबन्ध, गुजरात युनिवर्सिटी, ई. स. ११८०
संक्षिप्ताक्षर
१ अलकारखदीप - अल. प्र. २ अलकाररत्नाकर अल. र. ३ अलकारसर्वस्व अल. स. ४ काव्यप्रकाश -का. प्र. ५ कुवलयानन्द -कुव. ६ द्रष्टव्य -द्र. ७ रसगगाधर र ग

Page #168

મૂલદેવની ગૂઢ લિપિ
લક્ષ્મણભાઈ ભોજક
સુવર્ણ-રૌપ્ય-સિદ્ધિ-શાસ્ત્ર” નામના આ ગ્રંથમાં કેટલાક ગૂઢ-લિપિના પ્રયોગો જોવામાં આવ્યા છે આવા કેટલાક શબ્દો તેના પેજ-નબર પેરેગ્રાનબર અને પક્તિ-નબર સાથે નીચે બતાવ્યા છે
અમુક વસ્તુને ગુપ્ત રાખવા ખાતર વૈદ્ય, જોષી, ધાતુવિદ્યાવાદી, મત્રવાદી વગેરે લેખકોએ કરેલા એક જ લિપિના વર્ણ-પરિવર્તનરૂપ ફેરફારોથી આવી ગૂઢ-લિપિઓ ઉત્પન્ન થઈ છે
આ ગૂઢ-લિપિનું નામ “મૂલદેવી-લિપિ” છે મૂલદેવ ઈ. સ. પૂર્વે થઈ ગયેલ વિદ્વાનું રાજમાન્ય પુરુષ છે મૂલદેવી-લિપિન કોઇક નીચે પ્રમાણે છે
માલય: વાયો રેયા, ર૬-ૌ -હૈ પરસ્પરનું ! शेष वर्गेषु वर्गेषु, मूलदेवेन भाषितम् ॥१॥ स्वर. स एव कथ्यते ॥ इति मूलदेवीलिपिः ॥ षिरिलोनडीएम सिरियं ॥ श्रीरस्तु ॥ (ષિસોનીન વિત)
.
|
1 | | ટ | 8
12 | | | ૪ | M | N | | | | | શ | | | | કોષ્ટકમાં લખેલા અક્ષરો ઉપરના બદલે નીચેના વાચવા અને નીચેના અક્ષરને બદલે ઉપરના વાચવા સ્વરો જેમ હોય તેમ જ રાખવા
જૈન-આગમ વિશેષાવશ્યકની ટીકામા અઢાર લિપિઓના નામ આવે છે તેમા એક “મૂલદેવીનામ છે
આ સુવર્ણરૌપ્રસિદ્ધિશાસ્ત્રના પુસ્તકના વિદ્વાનું સપાદક મહોદય ડૉ. જે. સી. સીકદારે આ ગ્રંથમાં આવતા ગૂઢલિપિના શબ્દો યથારૂપે સાચવ્યા છે અને આ શબ્દો નથી સમજાય તેવી પ્રમાણિકપણે ટિપ્પણી પણ કરી છે આ ટિપ્પણીના આધારે આ શબ્દોની સમજ લખવા પ્રેરાયો છુ હજુ કેટલાક શબ્દો સમજાયા વગરના રહી ગયા છે
મૂલદેવી-લિપિમા “જ” નો “ર” વાચવાનો છે મધ્યકાલીન ગુજરાતીમા “”નો “a” કેટલાક લખે છે તેવુ આમા પણ થયું છેજેમ કે “પુત-પુ” પણ “qતુ-પુ થાય એટલે મૂર્ધન્ય " જ લખવો જોઈએ

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SAMBODHI
158
લક્ષ્મણભાઈ ભોજક
મૂલદેવી-લિપિના પ્રયોગો પંક્તિ
મૂલદેવીલિપિ
પેરેગ્રાફ ન
દેવનાગરી લિપિ
पोसेदास ती(ता)षो पादे पो? ना १५
तोले वाल पारो ताबे तो? मा(सा) १
०
३२/२
०
३२/२
०
३२/३
पादु
ताबु
०
३२/३
३२/३
-
नाला प्रादेपो(ष) ताखो(षो) प्रादेपो १ प्रादेपो २ षुतु तोला १
माझा त्राबेर ति] पारो त्राबे तो[लो] १ त्रांबे तो[लो] २ रुपु तोला १
३४/१
३४/१
३४/१
३४/१
३४/१
३४/२
३४/२
0000 cc c c Mo० : c c
प्रादेपो १ हा? पांदु तो १ हख तो. सु (पु.)२ खा(षा)डा पो.१ खचिको असंअवीके प्रादे प्रहर १ हा १
त्राबे तो० १ बा[ल] १ तांबु तो० १ वंग तो०१ रु(पु) २ राजा तो. १ ग(गु)टिको कलंक होए त्रांबे प्रहर श्वा[ल]१
३४/२
४३/३
१
२०/२
तापो
पारो
mm
प्रादेपा
त्राबे ता

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Vol XXII, 1998
चढली की की हु
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મહિમભટ્ટ અને વ્યંજનાવ્યાપાર
અરુણા કે પટેલ આનંદવર્ધનના મતે કાવ્યનો આત્મા પ્રતીયમાન ધ્વનિ છે તેને અભિવ્યક્ત કરતી મહાકવિઓની વાણી પોતાના પ્રતિભાવિશેષને પણ વ્યક્ત કરે છે કેવળ શબ્દાર્થના જ્ઞાનથી વ્યગ્યાર્થનું જ્ઞાન થતુ નથી વ્યગ્યાર્થને વ્યક્ત કરતી શબ્દની અલગ શક્તિ છે વાક્યર્થને પ્રકાશિત કરતો શબ્દનો અભિધાવ્યાપાર પૂર્ણ થઈ જાય, પછી શબ્દનો બનાવ્યાપાર કાર્યરત બને છે અને વ્યગ્યાથને અભિવ્યક્ત કરે છે વ્યગ્યાર્થની અભિવ્યક્તિમાં વાચક શબ્દ તેમજ વાચ્ય અર્થ વૈકલ્પિક સ્વરૂપે સ્વને ગુણીભૂત બનાવી દઈને વ્યગ્યાર્થને વ્યક્ત કરે છે અનુમાનવાદી મહિમભટ્ટ વજનાવ્યાપારનો સર્વથા અસ્વીકાર કરે છે તેમના વ્યક્તિવિવેક' ગ્રંથનો ઉદેશ ધ્વનિના સર્વ ભેદપ્રભેદોનો અનુમાનમા અતર્ભાવ દર્શાવવાનો તેમજ ધ્વનિની પ્રાણભૂત અભિવ્યજનાનું ખાન કરવાનો રહ્યો છે, તેવુ સ્વય ગ્રંથકારે જણાવ્યુ છે આથી તેમના વ્યક્તિવિવેક'માં રજૂ થયેલા તેમના વજનાવિરોધી વિચારોનું પરીક્ષણ કરીશુ (અ) શબ્દમાં અભિધા સિવાય, કોઈ અન્ય વ્યાપારની સત્તા નથી – મહિમભટ્ટ જણાવે છે કે શબ્દને અનેકાર્થબોધક શક્તિના આશ્રયરૂપ માનીને, તેના પર
ની. અભિધા સિવાયની અન્ય શક્તિની જે કલ્પના કરવામાં આવી છે, તે શબ્દના સદર્ભમા નહિ, અર્થના સંદર્ભમાં સુયોગ્ય જણાય છે કારણ કે શબ્દ અનેક શક્તિઓના આશ્રયરૂપે સિદ્ધ થતો નથી અને વળી, જે કોઈ એકથી વધારે શક્તિઓ એક જ આશ્રયે રહેલી હોય, તેમની પ્રવૃત્તિ પરસ્પરથી નિરપેક્ષ કે સ્વતંત્ર હોય છે તેમાં પૂર્વ અને અપર ક્રમ હોતો નથી. જેમકે અગ્નિની દાહકતા, પ્રકાશકતા આદિ પરતુ જે શક્તિઓને શબ્દની આશ્રિત માનવામાં આવી છે, તેમાં આવું જોવા મળતું નથી કારણ કે અન્ય શક્તિઓની પ્રવૃત્તિ અભિધાપૂર્વકની હોય છે તે શક્તિઓને ભિન્નાશ્રયા માનવી જોઈએ, કેવળ શબ્દ પર આધારિત માનવી જોઈએ નહિ
ગ્રંથકારના વક્તવ્યનુ તાત્પર્ય એ છે કે શબ્દમાં એકસાથે અનેક અર્થોને વ્યક્ત કરવાનું સામર્થ્ય નથી તેથી અન્ય અર્થોની પ્રાપ્તિ માટે શબ્દમાં લક્ષણા, વ્યજના વગેરે વ્યાપારોની કલ્પના કરવામા આવી છે, તે યુક્તિસંગત નથી લક્ષણ અને વ્યજનાને શબ્દની શક્તિરૂપે ઓળખાવવા, તે ભૂલભરેલું છે કારણ કે વાચ્યાર્થ સિવાયના જે અર્થો પ્રાપ્ત થાય છે, તે અર્થના વ્યાપારો છે, શબ્દના નથી શબ્દને તો કેવળ અભિધાવ્યાપાર જ સભવિત છે શબ્દના સમાશ્રયે અનેકવિધ અર્થોની પ્રત્યાયિકા શક્તિઓ રહેલી છે તે બાબતનું કોઈ પ્રમાણ નથી શબ્દ અનેક શક્તિઓનો આશ્રય છે. તે માન્યતાનું ખડન કરવા મહિમાએ ઉપરના ગદ્યખડમાં ત્રણ યુક્તિઓ દર્શાવી છે
જયા એક જ પદાર્થ પર અનેક શક્તિઓ આશ્રયરૂપ હોય, ત્યા૧ તે શક્તિઓ પરસ્પરથી નિરપેક્ષ હોય છે

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Vol XXII, 1998 મહિમભટ્ટ અને જનાવ્યાપાર
161 ૨ તેમાં પૂર્વ અને અપર ક્રમ હોતો નથી ૩ તે શક્તિઓ એકસાથે પોતાનું કામ કરે છે
ઉદાહરણ તરીકે, અગ્નિમાં દાહકત્વ અને પ્રકાશવરૂપ બે શક્તિઓ છે. અગ્નિનુ દાહકત્વ અગ્નિના પ્રકાશત્વને રોકી શકતું નથી, તે જ રીતે અગ્નિની પ્રકાશિકા શક્તિ અગ્નિની દાધિકાશક્તિને રોકી શકતી નથીવળી, અહી એવો ક્રમ પણ જણાતો નથી કે પહેલા અગ્નિની દાહિકાશક્તિ પ્રવૃત્ત થાય, ત્યારબાદ તેની પ્રકાશિકાશક્તિ પ્રવૃત્ત થાય અથવા તો, આનાથી વિપરીત. પ્રથમ પ્રકાશિકાશક્તિ પ્રતીત થાય. ત્યારબાદ દાહિકાશક્તિની પ્રતીતિ થાય આમ બનતુ નથી પ્રાય અગ્નિનું દાહકત્વ અને પ્રકાશકત્વ-બને એકીસાથે પ્રવૃત્ત થતા દશ્યમાન થાય છે એટલે કે અગ્નિ પ્રકાશ આપે છે. સાથોસાથ આપણને દઝાડે પણ છે આમ, અગ્નિની બને શક્તિઓ યુગપતુ પોતપોતાનું કાર્ય કરતી જોવા મળે છે શબ્દ પર આશ્રિત અભિધા, લક્ષણા અને બજના વિશે વિચારીએ, તો એમ જણાય છે કે આ ત્રણેય શક્તિઓ અગ્નિની શક્તિઓની માફક અન્યોન્ય નિરપેક્ષરૂપે, પૂર્વાપર ક્રમભાવરહિત અને યુગપત્ કાર્ય કરતી જોવા મળતી નથી કોઈ પણ આચાર્ય એવો ઉલ્લેખ સરખો કર્યો નથી કે અભિધા, લક્ષણો અને વ્યાજના યુગપતું કાર્ય કરે છે એટલુ જ નહિ, વસ્તુસ્થિતિ આનાથી વિપરીત છે ૧ અભિધાશક્તિ કોઈ એક જ નિશ્ચિત અર્થ આપે છે, તેથી અન્ય અર્થ માટે અન્ય શક્તિની કલ્પના કરવી પડે છે ૨ આ શક્તિઓના વ્યાપાર પરસ્પર સાપેક્ષ જોવા મળે છે જેમકે તાત્પર્યા અને લક્ષણા અભિધાની અપેક્ષા રાખે છે વજન પણ અભિધામૂલક અને લક્ષણામૂલક હોય છે ૩ વ્યગ્યાર્થની પ્રતીતિમા પૂર્વ અને અપરક્રમ જણાય છે તેથી ત્રણેય શક્તિઓનુ યુગપતુ કાર્યકારિત્વ સંભવી શકતું નથી અર્થપ્રતીતિમાં કોઈ એક વૃત્તિ કે શક્તિ એક વાર પોતાનું કાર્ય કરી લઈ, વિરત થઈ જાય છે, ત્યારે જ અન્ય શક્તિનો વ્યાપાર સભવી શકે છે આવો અનુભવ સાક્ષાતુ થાય છે તેથી શક્તિઓને શબ્દ પર આશ્રિત ન માનતા, ભિન્નાશ્રયા માનવી જોઈએ કેવળ અભિધાને જ શબ્દનિષ્ઠ માનવી જોઈએ અન્ય શક્તિઓ તો અર્થાશ્રયા છે તેથી લક્ષણા, વ્યાજના આદિ વ્યાપાર અર્થના છે, શબ્દના નહિ (બ) વાચક શબ્દ અને વ્યંજનાવ્યાપાર વચ્ચે સ્વાભાવિક સંબંધ નથી.
જો એમ દલીલ કરવામાં આવે છે, શબ્દાર્થના નિત્ય સંબધના સિદ્ધાંત અનુસાર, સ્વભાવપ્રાપ્ત કાર્યકારણભાવ તો સામાન્યરૂપે સિદ્ધ છે જ તેથી વ્યજનાશક્તિનો સ્વીકાર કર્યા વિના વ્યગ્યાથની. પ્રતીતિ થાય છે, તેમ માનવામાં શો વાધો છે ? આના ઉત્તરરૂપે પ્રથકાર જણાવે છે કે ગેય વસ્તુનો તેના રાગ, લય આદિનો વિભાવાદિ સાથે સ્વાભાવિક સબધ છે જેમકે વિયોગિની કે વૈતાલીય છદોમાં ગાવામાં આવતી કરણપ્રશસ્તિ તેના અર્થના જ્ઞાતાને તેમજ અર્થ નહિ જાણનારા ભાવકને સમાન રીતે ભાવવિભોર બનાવી દે છે ભાવ ( શબ્દો) અને તેની અભિવ્યક્તિ (=રાગ, લય આદિ) વચ્ચે સ્વાભાવિક સબધ રહેલો છે, તેવો સ્વાભાવિક સબધ શબ્દ અને વ્યગ્યાર્થ વચ્ચે નથી આથી વ્યગ્યાર્થીની પ્રતીતિ પ્રજ્ઞાવાન સહૃદય ભાવકને જ થાય છે, મૂર્ખ આદિને વ્યગ્યાથેની પ્રતીતિ થતી નથી તેથી શબ્દનો વ્યગ્યાર્થ વચ્ચે સ્વાભાવિક સબધ સ્વીકારી શકાય નહિ મહિમાના શબ્દોમાં

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અરુણ કે પટેલ
SAMBODHI
"नापि शब्दस्याभिधाव्यतिरेकेण व्यञ्जकत्वं व्यापारान्तरमुपपद्यते, येनार्थान्तरं प्रत्याययेद व्यक्तेरनुपपत्तेः सम्बन्धान्तरस्य चासिद्धेः । तदभावेऽपि तदभ्युपगमै तस्यार्थनियमो न स्याद निबन्धनाभावात्, न हयस्य गेयस्येव रत्यादि वैः स्वाभाविक एव सम्बन्धः, सर्वस्यैव તwતીતિપ્રસ' 1"
અર્થાત્
અને વળી, શબ્દનો અભિધાથી અતિરિક્ત વ્યજકત્વરૂપ વ્યાપાર બની શકે નહિ, કે જેથી કરીને તે અન્ય અર્થનું જ્ઞાન કરાવી શકે કારણ કે વ્યજના શબ્દમાં બનતી જ નથી અને ભજના સિવાય શબ્દનો અન્ય સબધ સિદ્ધ થતો નથી અને તેના અભાવમા (=વ્યક્તિ, અન્ય પ્રકારનો સબધ કે અભિધા સિવાયના અન્ય વ્યાપારના અભાવમા) પણ તેનો (=શબ્દમા વ્યજકત્વનો) સ્વીકાર કરી લેવામાં આવે, તો પણ તેમા અર્થનો નિયમ (=નિયત અર્થની પ્રતીતિ કરાવવી) રહેશે નહિ કારણ કે નિશ્ચિત અર્થપ્રતીતિના નિબંધનનો અભાવ હશે. (=અભિધામા રહેલા સકતગ્રહની માફક કલ્પિત વ્યજનામાં નિયત અર્થની પ્રતીતિ કરાવનાર સંકોચક કારણ નથી.) આનો ગેયની માફક ઇત્યાદિ સાથે કોઈ સ્વાભાવિક સબધ પણ નથી કારણ કે બધા જ પ્રકારના (વ્યજક કે વાચક) શબ્દોથી તે અન્ય અર્થની પ્રતીતિ માની લેવામા આવશે.' (ક) વ્યંગ્યાથેની પ્રતીતિ ઔપાધિક છે તેથી અભિધાવ્યાપાર તેના દ્યોતનમાં નિષ્ફળ નીવડે છે :
વ્યગ્યાથેની પ્રતીતિમા મુખ્યાર્થબાધ આદિ હેતુપાચકનો અભાવ જણાય છે, તેથી ત્યા લક્ષણાવ્યાપારની શક્યતા નથી, તેમ માની કોઈ એવી દલીલ કરે, કે ત્યા અભિધાવ્યાપાર કારણરૂપ હોવો જોઈએ તેના પ્રત્યુત્તરરૂપે પ્રથકાર જણાવે છે કે
__ "नापि समयकृतः व्यञ्जकत्वस्यौपाधिकत्वाद् उपाधीनां चार्थप्रकरणादिसामग्रीरूपाणामानन्त्यादिनियतत्वाश्च प्रतिपदमिवशब्दानुशासनस्य समयस्य कर्तृमशक्यत्वात् ।'
અર્થાત્
“અને તે નિયત અર્થનો પ્રત્યાયક નિયમ (સકતગ્રહ)થી પણ થતું નથી, કારણ કે બજકત્વ ઉપાધિજનિત (conditional) હોય છે અને અર્થ, પ્રકરણ આદિ સામગ્રીરૂપે અનત હોવાથી અનિયત હોય છે. તેથી પ્રત્યેક પદે શબ્દાનુશાસનની માફક સકતગ્રહનો નિર્દેશ અશક્ય છે ' પ્રકારની દલીલ એવી છે કે અભિધા તો સકતગ્રહ પર આધારિત છે ભજનાનો શબ્દ સાથેનો સંબંધ ઉપાધિયુક્ત છે તે અર્થ, પ્રકરણ આદિ પર આધાર રાખીને અર્થાન્તરનુ ઘતન કરે છે. ધ્વનિવાદીઓએ તો સ્વીકારેલું જ છે કે વક્તા, બોદ્ધા, કાકુ, વાચ્યવૈશિસ્ત્ર, ચેણવૈશિષ્ટચ આદિ પર વ્યગ્ય અર્થ આધારિત હોય છે એનો અર્થ એ કે વ્યગ્યાર્થ આ બધા તત્ત્વો સાથે સાપેક્ષ (Relative) હોય છે અને તે બદલાતો રહે છે. અને આમ હોવાથી, વ્યગ્યા અનતરૂપે બની જવાનો સંભવ રહે છે. આથી વાચ્યાર્થ અને વ્યગ્યાર્થ વચ્ચે નિયત સંબધ સ્વીકારવો જોઈએ. આનદવર્ધનના મત અનુસાર, વક્તા, બોદ્ધા, કાક આદિ પર આધારિત વ્યગ્યાર્થ અનિયત થઈ જશે. વ્યગ્યાર્થીની અનિયતતાને કારણે અને સાપેક્ષતાને કારણે કેવળ સકતગ્રહ પર આધારિત અભિધાવ્યાપારથી તેની

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Vol XXII, 1998 મહિમભટ્ટ અને વજનવ્યાપાર
163 પ્રતીતિ થશે નહિ વ્યગ્યાર્થની ઔપાધિકતાને પ્રથકાર ઉદાહરણો આપીને સમજાવે છે તેણે એક જ “રામ” શબ્દ ભિન્ન-ભિન્ન સદર્ભવશાત્ કેવા ભિન્ન-ભિન્ન વ્યગ્યાર્થોને પ્રગટ કરે છે, તે નીચેના ઉદાહરણોમા સમજાવ્યું છે
"एक एव हि शब्दः सामग्रीवैचित्र्याद् विभिन्नार्थानवगमयति, यथा 'रामोऽस्मि सर्व सहे' इति, 'रामेण प्रियजीवितेन तु कृत प्रेम्णः प्रिये ! नोचितम्' इति, 'रामस्य पाणिरसि निर्भरगर्भखिन्नसीताविवासनपयेः करुणा कुतस्ते' इति, "रामे तयन्तवसतौ कुशतल्पशायिन्यद्यापि नास्ति भगवन् | भवतो व्यपेक्षा' इत्यादावेक एव रामशब्दः ।' અર્થાત્
એકનો એક શબ્દ સામગ્રીના ભેદને કારણે ભિન્ન-ભિન્ન પ્રકારના અર્થોનું જ્ઞાન કરાવે છે જેમકે
(૧) હુ રામ છુ, બધુ જ સહન કરી લઈશ (૨) હે પ્રિયે ! જિંદગીનો મોહ રાખનાર આ રામે પ્રેમને ઉચિત વ્યવહાર કર્યો નથી
(૩) તુ રામનો હાથ છે કે જે કઠોરગર્ભા જાનકીને ત્યજી દેવામાં કુશળ છે તને કયા ક્યાથી હોય ? (૪) ભગવાન સમુદ્ર ! કિનારે તંબુ તાણીને કુશની ચઢાઈ પર સૂઈ રહેલા રામ પર હજુ સુધી આપ ધ્યાન આપતા નથી ? ઈત્યાદિમાં એક જ રામ શબ્દ (ભિન્ન-ભિન્ન અર્થોનો બોધ કરાવે છે.)
અહીં પ્રથમ વાક્યમાં રામનું સક્લદુખભાનત્વ બીજા વાક્યમાં રામની સાહસકરસિકતા ત્રીજા વાક્યમાં રામની ક્રૂરતા, ચોથા વાક્યમાં “રામ' શબ્દનો સર્વશક્તિમાન તથા સહિષ્ણુ રામ, તેવો અર્થ સાહિત્યાચાર્યોએ કર્યો છે. આમ, એક જ રામ શબ્દના ભિન્ન-ભિન્ન અર્થો પ્રાપ્ત થયા તેનું કારણ શુ છે? અભિધાવ્યાપારમાં શબ્દ તો કોઈ એક ચોક્કસ નિયત અર્થ આપે છે, કારણ કે શબ્દમાં રહેલો સકત અર્થબોધમા કારણરૂપ હોય છે વ્યજનાવ્યાપારમા સકતઝહ હોતો નથી તેથી બનાવ્યાપારમાં શબ્દ વડે નિયત અર્થની પ્રાપ્તિ થઈ શકે નહિ. ઉપર આપેલાં ઉદાહરણોમા એક જ રામ શબ્દના ભિન્ન-ભિન્ન અર્થો ધ્વનિવાદીઓએ દર્શાવ્યા છે આ ભિન્ન-ભિન્ન અર્થો તે તે પ્રકરણ, સદર્ભ આદિના આધારે પ્રાપ્ત થયા છેઆમ, ભજનાવ્યાપારમાં સકતગ્રહ ન હોવાથી એક જ શબ્દના અનેક અર્થો પ્રાપ્ત થતા હોઈને વ્યગ્યાર્થ અનત થઈ જવાનો ભય રહે છે. વળી, ધ્વનિવાદીઓએ વ્યગ્યાથની પ્રાપ્તિ ઉપાધિથી યુક્ત (conditional) છે, તે બાબતનો સ્વીકાર પણ કર્યો છે જ ઉપરના ઉદાહરણોમાં તે સિદ્ધ થાય છે. શબ્દની અભિધાશક્તિ તો કેવળ સતિત અર્થોમાં જ રહેલી છે. ઔપાલિક અર્થપ્રતીતિમાં શબ્દની એવી કોઈ શક્તિ નથી તેથી ઔપાધિક અર્થપ્રતીતિથી યુક્ત વ્યાજનાશક્તિ શબ્દના આશ્રયે હોતી નથી. તેથી શબ્દ અને પ્રતીયમાન અર્થ વચ્ચે કોઈ અન્ય સબધ રહેલો છે, તેવુ
સ્વીકારી શકાય નહી. અર્થ, પ્રકરણ આદિ પરિસ્થિતિજન્ય ઉપાયો વડે પ્રતીયમાન અર્થની ગમકતા સિદ્ધ થાય છે, શબ્દ વડે પ્રતીયમાન અર્થની ગમકતા સિદ્ધ થતી નથી તેથી આ ચર્ચા ઉપાડવી જ વ્યર્થ છે તેવુ મહિમભટ્ટે જણાવ્યું છે

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અરુણ કે પટેલ
SAMBODHI 164 | ‘વ્યક્તિવિવેક'કારનું કહેવાનુ તાત્પર્ય એવુ છે કે જ્યાં અર્થપ્રાપ્તિ સામગ્રી પર આધારિત હોય, ત્યાં અર્થોની અનિશ્ચિતતા પ્રવર્તે છે તેથી ત્યા શબ્દ અને અર્થ વચ્ચે કોઈ નિશ્ચિત સબધ શકા બનતો નથી અહી આપવામાં આવેલા ઉદાહરણોમાં અર્થની અનેકાર્થતા સામગ્રી પર નિર્ભર છે. તેથી અર્થપ્રતીતિમા સામગ્રી હેતુરૂપ છે, શબ્દ નહિ શબ્દ વ્યક બનતો જ નથી, એવું જણાવીન ગ્રંથકારે શાબ્દી વ્યજનાનો છેદ ઉડાડી દીધો છે એટલુ જ નહિ, ભજનાવ્યાપાર તે શબ્દનો વ્યાપાર જ નથી, તવુ સિદ્ધ કર્યું છે તેમના મત અનુસાર, ભિન્ન-ભિન્ન સદર્ભો દ્વારા જે અર્થાન્તરની પ્રતીતિ થાય છે, તે અનુમૈયાર્થ છે કારણ કે શબ્દની કેવળ અભિધાશક્તિ છે અર્થની કેવળ લિગતા - સાધ્યની અનુમાયિકા શક્તિ) છે તેથી વ્યાજના નામનો અન્ય વ્યાપાર શબ્દમાં સિદ્ધ થતો નથી તેમજ અર્થમાં પણ સિદ્ધ થતો નથી પ્રથકારના શબ્દોમાં -
शब्दस्यकाभिधा शक्तिरर्थस्यैकैव लिङ्गता ।
न व्यञ्जकत्वमनयोः समस्तीत्युपपादितम् ॥ ઉપસંહાર ” (૧) શબ્દમા અભિધા સિવાયનો કોઈ અન્ય વ્યાપાર નથી (૨) વાચક શબ્દ અને જનાવ્યાપાર વચ્ચે સ્વાભાવિક સબધ નથી (૩) વ્યગ્યાથેની પ્રતીતિ ઔપાધિક હોવાથી, અભિધાવ્યાપાર તેના ઘોતનમાં નિષ્ફળ નીવડે છે, તેવું જણાવીને મહિમભટ્ટ શાબ્દીવ્યજનાનુ ખડન કર્યું છે એટલું જ નહિ, અર્થના વ્યાપારને તો અનુમાન કહેવાય, તેમ કહી આર્થીવ્યજનાનુ પણ ખડન કર્યું છે અને આ રીતે, ધ્વનિના હાર્દરૂપ અભિવ્યજનાવ્યાપારનો છેદ ઉડાડી દીધો છે. તેમની આ ચર્ચામા અદ્ભુત તર્કશક્તિના દર્શન થાય છે પાદટીપ ૧ આનંદવર્ધન ધ્વન્યાલોકસ- ત્રિપાઠી રામસાગર, મોતીલાલ બનારસીદાસ, દિલ્હી-૧૯૬૩, ૧-૧૧
૭,૧૮,૧-૧૦ ૨ ‘અનુમાડનવ સર્વચૈવ જ્ઞને. પ્રાચિતમ્
व्यक्तिविवेक कुरुते प्रणम्य महिमा परा वाचम् ॥' --ભમહિમ-વ્યક્તિવિવેક-(વ્ય વિ.)સદ્વિવેદી રેવાપ્રસાદ ચૌખમ્બા સસ્કૃત સીરીઝ ઑફિસ, વારાણસી ૧૯૬૪, ૧-૧ ૩ પ્રાઇrછૂતા ધ્વનેÁ$િત્તિ સૈવ વિવિતા | ભટ્ટ મહિમ-વ્ય. વિ. ૩-૩૩ ૪ ભટ્ટ મહિમ-વ્ય. વિ. પૃ. ૧૧૩-૧૧૪ ૫ ભટ્ટ મહિમ-વ્ય. વિ. પૃ. ૧૪૬ ૬ ભટ્ટ મહિમ-વ્ય. વિ. પૃ ૧૪૬ ૭ ભટ્ટ મહિમ-વ્ય. વિ. પૃ. ૧૪૭ ( Vānanācārya Jhalkıkar--Kavyaprakās'a with Bälbodhini-B ORI, Poona 1965 P 188 ૯ આનંદવર્ધન-ધ્વન્યાલોક-ઉત્તરાર્ધ પૃ. ૬૬૫ ૧૦ ભટ્ટ મહિમ-વ્ય, વિ. પૃ ૧૪૯ ૧૧ ભટ્ટ મહિમ-વ્ય. વિ. ૧-૨૭

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અભિલેખોના સંપાદન અને વિવેચનના મારા અનુભવો
હરિપ્રસાદ શાસ્ત્રી અભિલેખ એટલે કોતરેલુ લખાણ કોઈ પણ પદાર્થ પર કોતરેલુ લખાણ એના અનેક પ્રકાર છે, જેમકે શિલાલેખ, તકતીલેખ પ્રતિમાલેખ, પાળિયાલેખ, કબરલેખ, સિક્કાલેખ, તામ્રપત્રલેખ ઇત્યાદિ ભારતમાં અભિલેખ કોતરવાની પ્રથા છેક આઘ-ઐતિહાસિક કાલથી પ્રચલિત છે અભિલેખો એ ઇતિહાસ માટે માહિતીનો એક મહત્ત્વનો સ્રોત છે અભિલેખોમાથી રાજકીય ઇતિહાસ ઉપરાત સાસ્કૃતિક ઇતિહાસના વિવિધ પાસા વિશે તે તે સમયની માહિતી સાપડે છે અનેક અભિલેખ વિભિન્ન સામયિકોમાં પ્રકાશિત થતા રહે છે ને એના કેટલાક સંગ્રહ પણ ગ્રંથરૂપે પ્રકટ કરાય છે હજી અનેક જ્ઞાત અભિલેખ અપ્રકાશિત રહ્યા છે ને કેટલાય અભિલેખ ધરતીના કે મકાનના પેટાળમાં છુપાઈ રહ્યા છે
પુસ્તકોના સંપાદનની જેમ અભિલેખોના સપાદનની પણ નિયત પદ્ધતિ વિકસી છે એમા પ્રાસ્તાવિક વિભાગમાં અભિલેખન પ્રાપ્તિસ્થાન, પદાર્થ, માપ, પક્તિ સખ્યા, લિપિ, ભાષા, લેખનપદ્ધતિ ઈત્યાદિ દર્શાવીને આખા લેખનો સાર આપવામાં આવે છે પછી લેખમાં જણાવેલ રાજા, અધિકારીઓ અને સ્થળોનું અભિજ્ઞાન દર્શાવવામા આવે છે તેમજ લેખમાં આપેલી મિતિની બરાબર આવતી ઈસ્વી સનની તારીખ પણ આપવામાં આવે છેરાજાઓ, અધિકારીઓ, અન્ય મનુષ્યો, વહીવટી વિભાગો, નગરો અને ગામો, ઐતિહાસિક ઘટનાઓ વગેરે વિશે કઈ નવી માહિતી ઉપલબ્ધ થતી હોય, તો તેના પર પણ પ્રકાશ પાડવામાં આવે છે
પ્રાસ્તાવિક તથા વિવેચનાત્મક લખાણ પછી મૂળ અભિલેખનો પાઠ પક્તિવાર આપવામાં આવે છે આ પાઠ લિખતર કરીને વર્તમાન લિપિમા આપવામાં આવે છેપાઠશુદ્ધિ, છદ વગેરેની જરૂરી વિગત નીચે પાદટીપમા અપાય છે પછી જરૂર જણાય, તો પ્રાચીન અભિલેખનો અનુવાદ અગ્રેજીમાં કે વર્તમાન પ્રાદેશિક ભાષામાં આપવામા આવે છે
વળી અભિલેખના પાઠની સાથે એના લખાણનો ફોટોગ્રાફ પણ આપવામાં આવે છે, જેથી જિજ્ઞાસુ અભ્યાસીઓ એના મૂળ પાઠની ખાતરી કરી શકે.
અભિલેખોનું સંપાદન અને વિવેચન કરી એનું પ્રકાશન કરવાનું મને કેવી રીતે પ્રાપ્ત થયું ને એમા મને નોધપાત્ર અનુભવ કેવા થયા એના કેટલીક અગત વાત કરુ
એમ. એ.માં મુખ્ય ભાષા સંસ્કૃત અને ગૌણ ભાષા અર્ધમાગધી તેમજ સસ્કૃતની અંદર વૈકલ્પિક જૂથમાં “એપિઝા' લઈ હ ૧૯૪૨માં એમ. એ. થયો ત્યારે મને ભારતીય અભિલેખો(જને અગ્રેજીમાં nscriptions અને એ સમયે ગુજરાતમાં ‘ઉત્કીર્ણ લેખો કહેતા)નો ઠીકઠીક અભ્યાસ થયેલો વળી ડૉ. ન્યૂલર અને ૫ગૌરીશંકર ઓઝાના પુસ્તકો દ્વારા ભારતીય પ્રાચીન

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166 હરિપ્રસાદ શાસ્ત્રી
SAMBODHI લિપિવિદ્યાઓ પણ ગાઢ પરિચય થયેલો, પછી હું પીએચ ડી માટે વલભીના મૈત્રક રાજ્યના અભિલેખોનો તલસ્પર્શી અભ્યાસ કરતો હતો.
એ દરમ્યાન ૧૯૪પમા મારી સસ્થામાં બહારગામથી એક નામાંકિત સાહિત્યકારનો પત્ર આવ્યો કે અમારા ગામમાં એક પ્રાચીન તામ્રપત્ર-લેખ મળ્યો છે તે બરાબર વચાતો નથી, તમારે ત્યા કોઈ એ વાચી આપી શકે એમ હોય, તો એમને અહીં મોકલશો. સંસ્થાના અધ્યક્ષશ્રીની સૂચનાથી હું ત્યાં ગયો બે તામ્રપત્રો પર કોતરેલો એ લેખ ત્યા એક વણિક વિધવાને ત્યાં હતો તેમણે એ તામ્રપત્ર વાચવા માટે મારા યજમાનને ઘેર લઈ જવા આપ્યા. રાતે મે એનો આખો પાઠ ઉકેલી લખી લીધો યજમાન સાહિત્યકારની વિનતીથી એનો ટૂક સાર એમને ગુજરાતમા, લખી આપ્યો. બીજે દિવસે સવારે હુ અમદાવાદ પાછો ફર્યો
મારે હવે અભિલેખના પાઠની પાકી નકલ તૈયાર કરવાની હતી તેમજ એ લેખમાં જણાવેલ રાજા, સામત, સ્થળો તથા લિપિ વિશે કેટલુક અન્વેષણ-સશોધન કરી એનો પ્રાસ્તાવિક તથા વિવેચનાત્મક લેખ તૈયાર કરવાનો હતો કે આ બધુ ત્રણ ચાર દિવસમાં નિરાતે કરવા ધારેલુ ત્યા મુબઈના “જન્મભૂમિ'માં સમાચાર પ્રગટ થયા કે અમુક ગામના અમુક સાહિત્યકારને એક પ્રાચીન તામ્રપત્ર-લેખ મળ્યો છે ને તેમાં અમુક રાજાએ અમુક બ્રાહ્મણને અમુક વર્ષમા ભૂમિદાન કર્યું હોવાનું જણાવ્યું છે સમાચારમા એ અભિલેખ વાચી આપનારનો કોઈ નામનિર્દેશ ન મળે ને એનો બધો જશ એ સાહિત્યકારને જ આપવામાં આવેલો ! આ મારો પહેલો અનુભવ ! મને બોધપાઠ મળ્યો. મે હવે એ અભિલેખના સપાદન તથા વિવેચનને લગતો મારો લેખ તાકીદે તૈયાર કરી દીધો ને ભારતીય વિદ્યાને લગતા એક સંશોધન-સામયિકના પરિચિત સંપાદકને મોકલી આપ્યો તેમાં મે પેલા સાહિત્યકાર જેમની મારફત મને આ અભિલેખ વાચવા મળેલો તેમનો ય નિર્દેશ કરેલો મેં સપાદિત કરેલો અભિલેખ ટૂંક સમયમાં વિગતવાર પ્રકાશિત થયો લેખ સોલકી કાલના આરભનો હતો ને એમાથી કેટલીક નવી માહિતી મળી હતી.
બીજે વર્ષે મને એક અન્ય પ્રાચીન અભિલેખ વાચવાનું પ્રાપ્ત થયું એક નામાનિત પ્રકાશક એક દિવસ મારી સંસ્થામાં મારી પાસે આવ્યા, તાબાનુ એક પતરુ લઈને. મને કહે, આ વાચી આપો, એમાં શું લખ્યું છે ? મે પૂછ્યું, તમે એ જાણીને શું કરવા માગો છો ? એ કહે, મારો એક લેખસંગ્રહ છપાવાનો છે. એમાં આને લગતા લેખનો સમાવેશ કરી લઉ આ જાણી હુ ચેતી ગયો. મે જોયુ તો આ પતરુ કોઈ મૈત્રક રાજાના દાનશાસનનું પહેલું પતરુ હતુ, તેમા દાનના દાતા તથા એના પૂર્વજોની પ્રશસ્તિ આપવામાં આવેલી. મે એ લખાણના જરૂરી અંશ ઉતારી લીધા, ખૂટતા અશ અન્ય દાનશાસનોમાના પાઠ પરથી પૂરી શકાય એમ હતા. મેં કહ્યું, આ પતરામાં તો માત્ર દાતા અને એના પૂર્વજોની જ્ઞાત માહિતી આપી છે, ખરી બાબત તો બીજી પતરામાં આવે, તમે એ પતરુ લઈ આવો બીજે દિવસે એ ભાઈ બીજુ પતરુ લઈને આવ્યા. વાચતા વાર લાગે એમ હતુ મે કહ્યું, તમે મૂકી જાવ, નિરાતે વાચી રાખુ, પછી કાલે લઈ જશો તે કહે, ના, હુ મૂકી ન જઉં, આ તો મારે બાજુમા કોર્ટમાં જવાનું છે, હજુ થોડી વાર છે, ત્યા સુધીમાં વચાય તે વાચી આપો હુ મૂકી

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Vol XXII, 1998 અભિલેખોના સંપાદન અને .
167 ન જઉં, હું મારા બાપનોય વિશ્વાસ રાખતો નથી. એ મારી સામે બેઠા રહ્યા એટલી વારમાં વચાય તેટલુ બધુ મે વાચીને ઉતારી લીધુ એટલામાથી મને એનો પૂરો પાઠ મળે તેમ હતુ એમની વિનતીથી મે એમને અભિલેખનો ટૂક સાર ગુજરાતીમાં લખી આપ્યો ને એ પતરુ લઈને ગયા મે પેલા પરિચિત સપાદકશ્રીને બધી હકીકત જણાવી પ્રકાશન માટે એમનુ માર્ગદર્શન માગ્યું એમણે સલાહ આપી કે હાલ તમે એ અભિલેખનો સાર આપશો ને એનું વિવેચન કરશો, પણ મૂળ લેખનો પાઠ પ્રકટ કરશો નહિ ને એ રીતે આ મૈત્રક અભિલેખનો સાર વિવેચન સાથે પ્રગટ થયો આ મારો બીજો અનુભવ એ વાતને પંદરેક વર્ષના વહાણા વાયા એક પરિચિત મુનિશ્રીએ મને જણાવ્યું કે પેલુ તામ્રપત્ર મને ભેટ મળ્યું છે. તમારે એનો પાઠ સંપાદિત કરવો હોય તો લઈ જશો મે મૂળ તામ્રપત્ર નિરાતે વાચી વર્ષો પર મે લખેલા પાઠમાં જરૂરી સુધારાવધારા કર્યા ને એ અભિલેખનો પાઠ સંપાદિત કરી પુનઃ પ્રકાશિત કર્યો, જરૂરી ઋણસ્વીકાર સાથે
અમદાવાદ જિલ્લામાં દસકોઈ તાલુકામા કાન્દ્રા નામે ગામ છે. ત્યાં એક માનનો પાયો ખોદતા મૈત્રક રાજા ધરસેન ૩ જાનુ એક દાનશાસન પ્રાપ્ત થયેલુ એ વલભી સવત ૩૦૫ (ઈ. સ. ૬૨૪)નું છે રાજાએ આનંદપુરના એક બ્રાહ્મણને એક ગામનુ દાન દીધેલુ. એ ગામ કાથદ વિષયમાં આવેલુ હતુ આનદપુર એટલે મહેસાણા જિલ્લાનું વડનગર કાશદ એટલે કાન્દ્રા. એ સમયે એ વિષય એટલે કે જિલ્લા જેવા મોટા વહીવટી વિભાગનું વડુ મથક હતું આદ્રોટક એ. ધોળકા તાલુકામાં આવેલુ આદ્રોડા ગામ છે આનદપુર અને કાથડ્રદ અગાઉ મોટા નગર હતાં તે હાલ નાના ગામ બની ગયા છે દેશો અને માણસોની જેમ નગરોનીય ચડતીપડતી થાય છે ! રાજાની છાવણી ત્યારે ખેટક(ખેડા)માં હતી. ગુજરાતમાં ખેટક (ખેડા) અને ભરૂચકચ્છ(ભરૂચ) ત્યારેય જિલ્લાના વડા મથક હતા ને હાલ પણ છે
આબુ પાસે પણ કાસ%ા નામે ગામ આવેલુ છે એ એક ગચ્છનું મૂળસ્થાન હતું પરંતુ અહી આ કાસ%ા જ અભિપ્રેત છે જ્યારે વલભીનો ભંગ (નાશ) થવાનો હતો ત્યારે જૈનોએ ત્યાની કેટલીક મહત્ત્વની પ્રતિમાઓ અન્યત્ર ખસેડી દીધેલી. તેમાં આદિદેવની પ્રતિમા કાશહદ મોકલેલી કાસન્દ્રામાં આવી કોઈ પ્રતિમા હાલ છે કે કેમ તેની તપાસ કરવા હું ત્યાં ગયેલો. ત્યાના દેરાસરમાં આદિદેવની પ્રતિમા નથી, પરંતુ એની બાજુમાં આવેલા ભાત ગામમાં ઋષભદેવનું જૂનું દેરાસર છે. હ કાસ%ાથી પાછો આવવા ત્યાના બસસ્ટેન્ડે ઊભો હતો ત્યારે ત્યાં ત્યાંના એક ભાઈ ઊભા હતા. એમણે હુ ક્યાથી અને શા માટે આવેલો એની પૂછપરછ કરી મે એમને પૂછ્યું, અહીં કોઈને ત્યાં તામ્રપત્ર હશે ? એ કહે, હા, અહીં એક જણને ત્યા છે એ ભાઈને પણ અમદાવાદ આવવાનું હતું મે કહ્યું, તો આપણે એમને મળીને પછીની બસમા જઈએ. એ કહે, આજે તો એ બહાર ગામ ગયા છે મે પૂછ્યું એમનું નામ શુ? તો એ કહે, એ તમને અડવા નહિ દે મે કહ્યું, તો મને તમારુ નામઠામ આપશો ? એમણે મને નામ-ઠામ લખી આપ્યું. બસ આવી અમે અમદાવાદ પહોચ્યા બસમાથી ઊતરતા એ ભાઈએ સ્પષ્ટતા કરી, મે તમને જે નામ-નામ લખી આપ્યા તે બનાવટી છે; હું કોઈ અજનવીને મારા ખરાં નામ-ઠામ આપતો નથી મને ખાતરી થઈ, એમણે કરેલી તામ્રપત્રની

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હરિપ્રસાદ શાસ્ત્રી
વાત પણ પોકળ હતી ! કોઈ વાર આવાય અનુભવ થાય
એક દિવસ એક ભાઈ સસ્થામા મારી પાસે આવ્યા એમની પાસે એક શિલાલેખની શાહીછાપ હતી મને કહે, જુઓ તો, આ વચાય છે ? એમણે પોતાનો પરિચય અહીના ટેક્સટાઈલ મ્યુઝિયમના ક્યુરેટર તરીકે આપેલો મે લેખ વાચવા કોશિશ કરી કોઈ અક્ષર મૌર્યકાલીન બ્રાહ્મી લિપિય અક્ષર જેવા લાગે, પણ બીજા કોઈ અક્ષર બધ બેસે નહિ મે એ છાપ વારવાર ઉથલાવી જોઈ મને ખાતરી થઈ કે એ લેખ કોઈ વિદેશી લિપિમા કોતરાયો છે, ભારતની કોઈ લિપિમા નહિ મારી વિનંતીથી એ ભાઈ એ છાપ મને આપતા ગયા મે પરદેશમા તપાસ કરાવી, તો એ લેખ આરમેનિયન નામે વિદેશી લિપિમા નીકળ્યો. અમદાવાદની એક વલદા કબર પર કોતરેલો આ લેખ ટોચ ઉપર ખ્રિસ્તી ધર્મના પ્રતીક ક્રૉસનુ ચિહ્ન પણ ધરાવે છે મારી વિનંતીથી આ શિલાલેખ જર્મનીના પ્રો. રાયે સપાદિત કરી પ્રકાશિત કર્યો છે. આ લેખની છાપ મને આપનાર હતા શ્રી રમણલાલ ના મહેતા, જે આગળ જતા વડોદરામા સ્થાયી થયા ને મારા પરમ મિત્ર બન્યા
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SAMBODHI
અભિલેખોમાથી ક્યારેક નવી માહિતી મળે છે. દા. ત. આબળાસમાથી મળેલા એક દાનશાસન પરથી સૈન્ધવ વશના રાજા પુષ્યણના પુત્ર અહિવમાં ૨ જાની માહિતી મળે છે મહાસામન્ત ચદ્રાદિત્યના હિળોલ દાનશાસન પરથી વલભીભગની મિતિ પર બધુ પ્રકાશ પડે છે ૧૧મી સદીમા મોડાસા વિષય(જિલ્લા)નુ વડ મથક હતુ ને ત્યા પરમાર રાજા ભોજદેવના સામત વત્સરાજ શાસન કરતો હતો. વડનગરમાથી મળેલા વિસ ૧૦૬૯ના દાનશાસન પરથી સોલકી રાજા દુર્લભરાજના મહા સામત કૃષ્ણરાજ વિશે તેમજ નાગક્કક(નાયકા) મડલ નામે વહીવટી વિભાગ વિશે જાણવા મળે છે. લાડોલના બે દાનશાસન સોલકી રાજા કર્ણદેવ ૧લાએ અને એમના પુત્ર (સિદ્ધારાજ) જયસિહદેવે સુમતિનાથની વસતિકાને ભૂમિદાન દીધાનુ જણાવે છે કુમારપાલના આ બન્ને પુરોગામીઓ પોતે પરમ માહેશ્વર હતા એ સદર્ભમા આ હકીકત રસપ્રદ ગણાય સોલકી રાજા જયતસિંહ (જયસિહ) જેનુ વિ. સ. ૧૨૮૦નુ તામ્રપત્ર મળેલુ તેનુ વિ. સ. ૧૨૭૪નુ તામ્રપત્ર મળતા આ રાજા જયસિહ રજાએ ભીમદેવ રજાના રાજ્યકાલ દરમ્યાન પાટણ વિસ્તારમા ૧૫ વર્ષ રાજ્ય કર્યાના મુદ્દાને સબળ સમર્થન મળે છે મુગલ કાલ દરમ્યાન અમદાવાદમા રઘુનાથદાસ સ ૧૭૭૯મા અમૃતવર્ષિણી વાવ બધાવી આ વાવ સારગપુર દરવાજા અને કાલુપુર દરવાજાની વચ્ચે આવી હતી એ બે દરવાજાઓની વચ્ચે પાચકુવા દરવાજો તો રેલવે થયા પછી સગવડ ખાતર આગળ જતા બધાયો અમદાવાદની મ્યુનિસિપાલિટીએ આ વાવ પુરાવી ત્યા સડક ક૨વાનુ વિચારેલુ, ત્યારે ઇતિહાસ-પુરાતત્ત્વના જાણકારોએ એને પાચકુવા દરવાજા કરતા વધુ પ્રાચીન વાવનુ મહત્ત્વ દર્શાવી એ વાવને સુરક્ષિત રાખવા સમજાવેલુ મ્યુનિસિપાલિટીએ શાણપણ દાખવી મરાઠાકાલીન વાવ અને બ્રિટીશકાલીન દરવાજો બને રહેવા દીધા
અમદાવાદમા રહેતા સહુને ત્રણ દરવાજા સુપરિચિત છે એમા એક ગોખલામા એક મહત્ત્વનો શિલાલેખ છે એ તરફ ભાગ્યે જ કોઈ ધ્યાન આપે છે. વિ સ ૧૮૬૮મા વડોદરાથી ફત્તેસિહરાવ ગાયકવાડની સવારી અમદાવાદ આવી, ત્યારે આ નગરના આગેવાનોએ પિતાની

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VoI XXII, 1998
અભિલેખોના સપાદન અને
મિલકતના વારસામા સરકાર તરફથી થતી હરકત વિશે ફરિયાદ કરી ત્યારે ગાયકવાડ સરકારે ફરમાવ્યુ કે દીકરો, અપુત્ર દીકરી અને દૌહિત્ર વારસદાર ગણાય
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હઠીસિહના દેરાસરમા એ દેરાસર કોણે અને ક્યારે બધાવ્યુ એને લગતા બે શિલાલેખ કડારેલા છે—એક સસ્કૃતમા અને બીજો ગુજરાતીમા આ દેરાસર બધાયે ૧૫૦ વર્ષ થયા
અમદાવામા યહૂદી સેનેગોગ, પારસી અગિયારીઓ અને શીખ ગુરુદ્વારાઓના તતીલેખ પણ મહત્ત્વના છે
અભિલેખોમા જણાવેલ મનુષ્યો, સ્થળો અને મિતિના અભિજ્ઞાન માટે અગાઉ સાધનસામગ્રી મર્યાદિત હતી હવે ‘ગુજરાતનો રાજકીય અને સાસ્કૃતિક ઇતિહાસની ગ્રંથમાળા, ગુજરાતના જિલ્લાઓના તાલુકાઓના સર્વ ગામોની અકારાદિ યાદીઓ તેમજ ઈ સ ૧થી ૨૦૦૦ સુધીના તિથિ-તારીખોને લગતા કોકોની સામગ્રી ઉપલબ્ધ છે આથી અભિલેખોના સપાદન-વિવેચનમા સરળતા રહે છે
અભિલેખોના સપાદનમા એક સમસ્યા છે સહ-સપાદનની કેટલીક વાર કોઈ ને કોઈ અપ્રકાશિત અભિલેખ પ્રાપ્ત થયો હોય તો એ એનુ સપાદન એના જાણકાર પાસે કરાવે, ત્યારે પોતે એ અગે કઈ શાસ્ત્રીય જ્ઞાન ન ધરાવતો હોવા છતા એ અભિલેખના પ્રથમ કે દ્વિતીય સપાદક તરીકે પોતાનુ નામ સામેલ કરવાની શરત મૂકે છે ! કેટલીક વાર પુરાતત્ત્વ વિભાગ કે મ્યુઝિયમના કોઈ અધિકારી, પોતે અભિલેખનુ સપાદન કરવામા કઈ મદદ કરી શકે તેમ ન હોવા છતા, પોતાની મારફત મળેલા અભિલેખના સપાદક તરીકે પહેલુ કે બીજુ નામ પોતાનુ મૂકવાનો આગ્રહ ધરાવે છે અપ્રકાશિત અભિલેખમા આપેલી હકીકત પ્રકાશમા આવે એ હેતુથી એના ખરા સપાદકે ઘણી વાર આવા સહ-સપાદકનુ નામ સામેલ કરવા સમત થવુ પડે છે ? મને પણ આવા અનેક અનુભવ થયા છે મારે આ સદર્ભમા નોધવુ જોઈએ કે જ્યારે અભિલેખ-વિદ્યાના બે કે ત્રણ જાણકારો સાથે મળીને સપાદન કરે, ત્યારે તેઓનુ સહ-સપાદન ખરેખર સાર્થક હોય છે મને ડૉ પ્ર ચિ. પરીખ તથા ડૉ ભારતીબહેન શેલત જેવા સહ-સપાદકોના સક્રિય સહકારથી અભિલેખોનુ સપાદન કરવામા હમેશા મજા આવી છે
અભિલેખો એ આપણી અણમોલ સાસ્કૃતિક સપત્તિ છે પૂર્વજો પાસેથી મળેલા આ વારસાને સુરક્ષિત રાખવો ને આવતી પેઢીઓ માટે એવો વારસો મૂકતા જવો એ આપણુ પરમ કર્તવ્ય છે એક દાખલો આપુ શિહોરના ધનજીભાઈ નામે કસારાએ એક વાર ગુરૂ વ સોસાયટીના પ્રમુખ શ્રી રમણભાઈ મહીપતરામ નીલકઠના નામે પત્ર લખી, તેમને મળેલ એક પ્રાચીન તામ્રપત્ર વાચી આપવા વિનતી કરેલી સંસ્થા તરફથી હુ શિહોર ગયો પહેલા મેં એમને આ તામ્રપત્ર ક્યાથી મળેલુ મને પૂછ્યું, તો તેમણે જણાવ્યુ કે અહીંના બજારમા હુ એક કસારાની દુકાન પાસેથી પસાર થતો હતો, ત્યારે મે જોયુ તો એ ભાઈ એક તાબાના પતરાને કાપી ઓગાળી રહ્યા હતા મે જોયુ તો એ પતરા પર લખાણ કોતરેલુ હતુ આથી મે એમને એમ કરતા રોક્યા તો એ કહે,એ લખાણ શા
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170 હરિપ્રસાદ શાસ્ત્રી
SAMBODHI કામનું ? એનુ તાબુ કેટલુ સરસ છે ! મે એમને થોડી રકમ વધુ આપી એમની પાસેથી એ પતર ખરીદી લીધુ ને એમા કોતરેલા લખાણ અને કેટલેક સ્થળે પત્ર લખ્યા મે આ તામ્રપત્ર પરનો લેખ વાચ્યો, એનો ફોટો લીધો, એનું સંપાદન અને વિવેચન કર્યું ને એનો લેખ પ્રકાશિત કર્યો વયોવૃદ્ધ ધનજીભાઈને તામ્રપત્ર-લેખના ઐતિહાસિક મૂલ્યની સૂઝ હતી, જ્યારે પેલા યુવાન કસારાને માત્ર એ તામ્રપત્રની ધાતુમાં જ રસ હતો !
તામ્રપત્ર લેખ હોય કે પ્રતિમાલેખ હોય, સિક્કાલેખ હોય કે તકતી લેખ હોય, પાળિયાલેખ હોય કે કબરલેખ હોય, સ્મારકલેખ હોય કે શહીદલેખ હોય—એને જાળવવો એ આપણી સહુની ફરજ છેઆપણે ત્યાં રહેલા એવા અભિલેખને અગત માલિકીની ન રાખતા કોઈ મ્યુઝિયમને આપવો જોઈએ, જેથી એ બરાબર જળવાઈ રહે બને તો ભેટ આપવો અથવા વેચાતો આપવો
જાહેર સ્થળે કે મ્યુઝિયમમાં કે અન્યત્ર જળવાયેલા અભિલેખનો પાઠ સંપાદિત થઈ વિવેચન સાથે પ્રકાશિત થાય, તો જ એનો મુખ્ય હેતુ સાર્થક થાય છે, સસ્કૃત, ફારસી વગેરે ભાષામાં લખેલા બધા વાચી ન શકે અરે સસ્કૃત કે પ્રાકૃત લેખ અતિપ્રાચીન હોય, તો એને સસ્કૃતના શિક્ષક કે અધ્યાપક કે પડિત પણ ન વાચી શકે, કેમ કે એના લિપિસ્વરૂપમાં સમય જતા ભારે પરિવર્તન થયુ હોય છે. આથી અભિલેખ વાચવામાં પહેલી જરૂર રહે છે તેની લિપિ જાણવાની ને પછી એની ભાષા જાણવાની અભિલેખની લિપિ તથા ભાષા જાણતા હોઈએ, તો જ એનો પાઠ સંપાદિત કરી શકીએ ને એનુ લિપ્યતર તથા ભાષાતર કરી શકીએ પછી જરૂર રહે છે તે તે દેશકાલના ઇતિહાસની જાણકારીની ઐતિહાસિક ભૂગોળ તથા કાલગણના-પદ્ધતિઓની જાણકારી પણ જરૂરી બની રહે છે આ સર્વ માટે અભિલેખ વિદ્યાનો અભ્યાસ જરૂરી છે એ જાણનાર વિદ્વાનો અપ્રકાશિત અભિલેખોન સંપાદન અને વિવેચન પ્રકાશિત કરે, તો જ તે ઈતિહાસમાં ઉપયોગી નીવડે છે
મને પરિચિત તથા અપરિચિત વ્યક્તિઓ પાસેથી અવારનવાર અનેક અપ્રકાશિત અભિલેખો પ્રાપ્ત થયા છે અત્યાર સુધીમાં ૭૦ જેટલા અપ્રકાશિત અભિલેખોનું સંપાદન-વિવેચન કરી એને જુદા-જુદા સામયિકોમાં પ્રકાશિત કરવાનું પ્રાપ્ત થયું છે. એમાના ૬૬ અભિલેખોને લગતા પ્રાસ્તાવિક-વિવેચનાત્મક લેખોનો એક નાનો સંગ્રહ મે “સ્વ-સંપાદિત શિલાલેખો અને તામ્રપત્રો નામે પુસ્તકરૂપે તૈયાર કરી અને કાલવાર ને સમયવાર વર્ગીકૃત કર્યા એ ક્ષત્રપાલ મૈત્રકકાલ, અનુ-મૈત્રક કાલ, સોલકી કાલ, સલનકાલ, મુગલ કાલ, મરાઠાકાલ, બ્રિટિશકાલ અને અનુસ્વાતંત્ર્ય કાલને આવરી લે છે ગુજરાત ઈતિહાસ પરિષદે આ પુસ્તક ૧૯૯૧માં પ્રકાશિત કર્યું છે.
અભિલેખોનો અભ્યાસ એ મારો પ્રિય વિષય છે ને મને આટલા અપ્રકાશિત અભિલેખો સપાદિત કરી પ્રકાશિત કરવાનું પ્રાપ્ત થયું છે અભિલેખોના સંપાદન અને વિવેચનને લગતા મારા વિવિધ અનુભવો અને એને લગતા અન્ય આનુષગિક મુદ્દાઓ વિશે આપની આ સંસ્થાના સશોધનવાર્તાલાપ શ્રેણીના સંયોજકોનો તેમજ આપ સહુનો આભાર માનું છું *
* લા. દ. ભારતીય સંસ્કૃતિ વિદ્યામંદિરની સશોધન વાર્તાલાપ શ્રેણીમાં તા ૧૩-૦૨-'૯૮ના રોજ અપાયેલુ ચોથ વ્યાખ્યાન (કેટલાક સુધારા-વધારા સાથે)

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તામ્રપત્ર અંગે સ્પષ્ટતા-૨
આ તામ્રપત્રના સપાદક શ્રી અ.૨ શાહે પતરાની દુરસ્તી તથા પતરાનુ માપ, તોલ વગેરે વિશે વિગતે માહિતી આપી છે પરંતુ દાનશાસનના વાચન તથા સપાદનમા ઠેકઠેકાણે ભૂલો કરી છે. આ તામ્રપત્ર વલભી સવત ૨૦૬નુ છે, છતા લેખના શીર્ષકમા એનુ વર્ષ “વિ. સ. ૨૦૬” જણાવ્યુ છે*, એમા તો ૩૭૫ વર્ષનો ફેર પડી જાય છે સપાદકે આ તામ્રપત્ર ક્યારે સાફ થયુ ને આ લેખ ક્યારે લખ્યો તે વિગત જણાવી નથી પરંતુ આ લેખ ‘સબોધિ'ના ૧૯૯૭-૯૮ના એકમા ૧૯૯૯મા પ્રકાશિત થયો તે પહેલા ‘સામીપ્ય'ના પુ૰ પના અક ૧-૨મા ૧૯૮૮મા પ્રકાશિત થયો હતો. એમા એનુ સપાદન ડૉ. પ્ર ચિ. પરીખ અને ડૉ ભારતી શેલતે કાળજીપૂર્વક શુદ્ધ રીતે કર્યું હતુ ને એ લેખ તેઓએ ૧૯૯૧મા પ્રસિદ્ધ કરેલા “ગુજરાતના અભિલેખો • સ્વાધ્યાય અને સમીક્ષા” નામે ગ્રંથસ્થ અભિલેખ-સગ્રહમા પણ પ્રકાશિત થયો છે છતા આ તામ્રપત્ર એ પછી ૧૯૯૯મા ‘સબોધિ’મા પ્રકાશિત થયુ ! એના સપાદક તથા ‘સબોધિ'ના સપાદકોના ખ્યાલમા નહિ આવ્યુ હોય ! આ સપાદકે તો પ્રાચીનલિપિવિદ સપાદકોએ સપાદિત કરેલો પાઠ જોયો હોત તો આ સપાદનમા આટલી બધી ભૂલો આવત નહિ વળી આ તામ્રપત્રમા ધ્રુવસેનનુ નામ બે વાર કેમ આવે છે તે સમજાયુ હોત, તેમજ આ તામ્રપત્ર પરથી કુક્કુટ ગામના સૂર્યમંદિર ૫૨ નવો પ્રકાશ પડે છે તે પણ ખ્યાલ આવ્યો હોત
બીજુ, ‘સબોધિ’ના આ અકમા એ પછી ‘પાશુપતાચાર્ય મેઘરાશિનુ તામ્રપત્ર’ પ્રકાશિત થયુ છે, તેમા એના બે પતરાના શીર્ષકની ઉપર જે બે ફોટા છપાયા છે તે ખરી રીતે શ્રી વિજયરાજદેવના વિ. સ. ૧૧૬૦ના દાનશાસનના પતરાના છે, નહિ કે પાશુપતાચાર્ય મેઘરાશિના વિ સ૰ ૧૧૩૧ના દાનશાસનના પતગના ઉતાવળમા કઈ સરતચૂક થઈ લાગે છે
હરિપ્રસાદ ગં. શાસ્ત્રી
નિવૃત્ત અધ્યક્ષ, ભો. જે. વિદ્યાભવન, અમદાવાદ
* આ ભૂલ અમારી અર્થાત્ ‘સબોધિના સપાદકની છે, લેખકની નથી લેખકે તો વલભી સવતનો જ ઉલ્લેખ વ. સ” એ રીતે કરેલો NMK.

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એ આર શાહ
SAMBODHI
સદર સબોધિમા સજોગવશાત્ છપામણી અને ચકાસણી દરમ્યાન ભૂલ રહી ગઈ છે અમારા લેખના શીર્ષકથી જ ભૂલની શરૂઆત થાય છે જે બાબત યોગ્ય નથી, લેખનુ શીર્ષક વિષયમા જણાવ્યા મુજબ “ધ્રુવસેન પહેલાનુ તામ્રપત્ર (વ. સ. ૨૦૬)' છે જ્યારે પ્રસિદ્ધ થયેલ સબોધિમા છપાયેલ છે “ધ્રુવસેન પહેલાનુ તામ્રપત્ર(વિ. સ. ૨૦૬) ૧. સ અને વિ સ૰ ને કા૨ણે સમય ગણતરી ખોટી પડે તે સ્વાભાવિક છે ઉપરાંત અન્ય ભૂલો પણ છે જે પાછળ દર્શાવેલી છે
31
172
વળી અમારા લેખ સાથે ચાર-ફોટા હતા જે છાપવામા આવ્યા નથી ફોટા દ્વારા લેખમાની વિગત અને તામ્રપત્રની માહિતી સરખાવી શકાય લેખમા ચિત્ર ૧, ૨, ૩, ૪ છે પરંતુ છપાવવાનુ રહી ગયેલ હોવાથી લેખની માહિતી તામ્રપત્ર પ્રમાણે ચકાસવી મુશ્કેલ બને છે લેખમા છપાયેલ ભૂલોની વિગત નીચે મુજબ છે સદર ભૂલો અને ચિત્ર ૧ થી ૪ બાબતે ઘટિત થાય તેવુ આયોજન કરી આભારી કરશોજી
અનં
પાન નં.
લીટી નં
(૧)
૧૧
(૨) (૩)
૨
(૬)
(૭)
(૮)
(૯)
(૧૦)
(૧૧)
(૧૨)
(૧૩)
૯૬
૪ ૩ ૩ ૪ ૪ ૪ 8 8
૧૦૦
૧૦૧
૧૦૨
૧૯
શીર્ષક
૨૪
૨૪
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૨૮ (છેલ્લી)
૧૮
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છપાયેલ ભૂલ
વિનસ ૨૦૬
વિ. સ ૨૦૬
ચિત્ર-૧
ચિત્ર-૨
૧૭૦૧૭ ગ્રામ
દ્રોણસિહ
ચિત્ર ૩ અને ૪
प्रतिख्यापित
विधारणा
फलमिति
सु पू
(૩)ભ્યો
સદર્ભ(૨)
કોન્વેન્શન ઑફ એન્ટીક્વીરીઝ
-
સુધારેલ ભૂલ
વ સ ૨૦૧
૧ સ ૨૦૬
૧૭૧૭મા
દ્રોણસિજહ
प्रतिस्थापित
विचारणा
મિતિ-''
(અવતરણ ચિહ્ન)
सु ५
(૩)મો
કોન્ઝર્વેશન ઑફ એન્ટીક્વીટીઝ
એ. આર. શાહ

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પાટણની બે અપ્રગટ ચૈત્યપરિપાટીઓ
રસીલા કડીઆ, શીતલ શાહ
પાટણની ચૈત્યપરિપાટીઓ કે પાટણમાના દેરાસરોની યાદી સોળમા સૈકાથી છેક વીસમાં સૈકા સુધી એક કે તેથી વધુ સંખ્યામાં મળી આવે છે
૧ સં. ૧૫૭૬મા રચાયેલ શ્રી સિદ્ધિસૂરિ કૃત પાટણની ચૈત્યપરિપાટીનું શ્રી ભોગીલાલ સાડેસરાએ સંપાદન કર્યું છે અને તે “સબોધિ” (વ. ૪, અક ૩-૪, પૃ. ૩૮)માં પ્રકાશિત થઈ છે.
૨ સં. ૧૬૪૮માં રચાયેલ શ્રી લલિતપ્રભસૂરિની પાટણની ચૈત્યપરિપાટીનુ સપાદન શ્રી કલ્યાણવિજયે કર્યું છે અને સ. ૧૯૮૨મા “શ્રી હરવિજયજી ફ્રી લાયબ્રેરી, અમદાવાદ દ્વારા પ્રકાશિત થઈ છે
૩ સં. ૧૭૨૯ત્ની પડિત હર્ષવિજયની પાટણ ચૈત્યપરિપાટી
૪ “તીર્થમાલા સ્તવન” ઉપાધ્યાય જ્ઞાનસાગરજીએ સં. ૧૮૨૧માં રચેલ છે અને તેમાં જ પાટણની ચૈત્યપરિપાટી વર્ણવી છે. ઈ. સ. ૧૯૪૩મા જૈન સત્ય પ્રકાશ” (વર્ષ ૮, અક. ૧૨)માં તે પ્રકાશિત થઈ છે
૫ સં. ૧૯૫૯માં રચાયેલી, શ્રી પત્તન જિનાલય સ્તુતિ પંહીરાલાલે સંસ્કૃત ભાષામાં લખી છે.
૬ સં. ૧૯૬૭મા શ્રી પાટણ જૈન શ્વેતાંબર સઘાલુની સરભરા કરનારી કમિટી તરફથી પાટણનાં જિનમંદિરોની મંદિરાવલી પ્રકટ થઈ છે
૭ વર્તમાન જિનમંદિરો શીર્ષક હેઠળ સં. ૧૯૮૨મા પાટણમાં કેટલા દેરાસર હતા તેનો કોઠો
૮ આ ઉપરાત શ્રી ભોગીલાલ સાંડેસરાએ “સબોધિ'માં છપાયેલા પોતાના લેખમાં જણાવ્યું છે કે – સં. ૧૯૧૩માં ૧૯૩ કડીમાં રચાયેલી સંઘરાજ કત પાટણ ચૈત્યપરિપાટીની હસ્તપ્રત અમદાવાદના પગથિયાના ઉપાશ્રયના ભડારમાં છેજો કે ડહેલાના ઉપાશ્રયના ભડારના સ્થાને પગથિયાના ઉપાશ્રયના ભડારના નામનો સરતચૂકથી ઉલ્લેખ થયો હોવાનો સંભવ છે | મુનિ કલ્યાણવિજય સપાદિત “પાટણની ચૈત્યપરિપાટીમા આમાંની મોટા ભાગની ચૈત્યપરિપાટીઓ એક સાથે સમાવિષ્ટ થવા પામી છે જેમ કે, પડિતે હર્ષવિજયજીની “પાટણ. ચૈત્યપરિપાટી' પરિશિષ્ટ રૂપે (પૃ. ૯૩ થી ૧૫૫), પડિત હીરાલાલે સંસ્કૃત ભાષામાં લખેલી શ્રી પત્તન જિનાલય સ્તુતિ પણ પરિશિષ્ટ રૂપે (પૃ. ૧૦૬થી ૧૧૨), સ. ૧૯૬૭ની મદિરાવલી મુનિ કલ્યાણવિજયજીના પ્રસ્તુત પુસ્તકના પૃ. ૩૪-૩૫ પર તથા સ. ૧૯૮૨ના વર્તમાન જિનમદિરો આ

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જ પુસ્તકના પૃ. ૧૧૯ પર પ્રાપ્ત થાય છે
ભોગીલાલ સાંડેસરા નિર્દેશિત સઘરાજની કૃતિની પગથિયાના ઉપાશ્રયમાં તપાસ કરી પણ ત્યાથી એ પ્રાપ્ત થઈ નહીં અન્ય ભડારોમાં તપાસ કરતા એક નવી જ કૃતિ પ્રાપ્ત થઈ અને તે હતી કવિ લાધા શાહ કૃત પાટણ ચૈત્યપરિપાટી (સં. ૧૭૭૭). એલ ડી ઇન્સ્ટિટ્યૂટ ઓફ ઇન્ડોલોજીમાં સૂચિપત્ર જોતા આ કૃતિની જાણ થઈ અને હસ્તપ્રત મેળવી (લા. દ. સૂ. ૮૬૪૩ પાટણ ચૈત્યપરિપાટી, પત્ર-૧૩) આ ચૈત્યપરિપાટીનો ઉલ્લેખ અગાઉ ક્યાય થયેલો જાણવામા આવ્યો નથી “જૈન ગૂર્જર કવિઓ'મા લાધા શાહની બીજી કેટલીક કૃતિઓનો ઉલ્લેખ થયેલો છે (ભા. ૧, પૃ. ૧૯૮-૨૦૧) એમા એમણે જ લખેલી “સુરત ચૈત્યપરિપાટી” (સ. ૧૭૯૩)નો ઉલ્લેખ છે પરત. એના પહેલા લખાયેલી પાટણની આ ચૈત્યપરિપાટી વિશે એમાં કોઈ નોધ નથી આમ બન્ને ચૈત્યપરિપાટીઓ ઉપલબ્ધ થતા હવે આપણને પાટણના જૈન દેરાસરોની કડીબદ્ધ ઈતિહાસ પ્રાપ્ત થાય છે
કવિ સઘરાજની પાટણની ચૈત્યપરિપાટીની ખોજ આ દરમ્યાન ચાલુ જ હતી અને સદ્ભાગ્યે તે અમને ડહેલાના ઉપાશ્રયમાંથી મળી આવી (ડ. ન. ૧૦૮, પ્રત ન ૫૩૩૧, પત્ર - ૭) પ્રસ્તુત કૃતિ સં. ૧૬૧૩માં લખાઈ છે કૃતિને અને કર્તાનું નામ સઘરાજ વચાય છે
૧. શ્રી લાધાશાહ કત પાટણ ચૈત્યપરિપાટી (સં.૧૭૭૭)
ભલે મીડુ | શ્રી ગુરુભ્યો નમ //
ર
પ્રણમી પાસ જિનેશરૂ, સદગુરુ સારદમાય રચના ચૈત્ય પ્રવાડની, રચિસુ જન સુષદાય પોલિ પોલિ જે અહૈ, પાટણમે પ્રાસાદ નામ ઠામ કહી વરણવુ, સુણિયો ચિત્ત આહ્વાદ
ઢાલ – લલાનાની પહેલી પાટણમે પ્રભુ પ્રણમીઠ, શ્રી પંચાસરો પાસ લલાના પોલે પ્રેમા દોસી તણે, પ્રતાપે તેજ પ્રકાસ. પ્રાસાદ અજિત જિદનો, ચોમુખ પ્રતિમા આર લલાના સુદર વૃક્ષ સણી તલે, બહુ જિન પ્રતિમા સાર લલાના લઘુ પ્રાસાદ શ્રી શાંતજી ભેટતા ભાવઠ જાય લ. ચંદ્રપ્રભુ શ્રી પાસજી પ્રાસાદ દોય સુહાય. લ. - ચિંતામણિ પાડા માહિં, ભેટ્યા ચિતામણિ પાસ. લ. ગામડપ ભલી કોરણી, અતિ ઉચો જિન આવાસ લ૦
૩ લ. પાટણ.
૪ પા
૫ પા.
૬ પાવે

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કંસારવાડે ભેટીયા, પ્રાસાદ પ્રથમ જિર્ણોદ લ. પ્રાસાદ બીજે સોભતા, સીતલ જિન સુખકદ લ ૭ પા સાહને પાડે સોભતા, પ્રણમીઈ આદિ જિણદ, લ. સુદર મૂરતિ નિરષતા, દુર ટલ્યા દુખ દેદ લ.
૮ પાઠ પોલે વડી પોસાલનઈ, પ્રાસાદ દોય ઊતગ લઇ ચઉમુખ વાડીપાસજી, જિહાં નિતનિત ઓછરગ. લ. ૯ પા. બીજે જિનમંદિર જઈ, રીષભ નિણદ જોહાર લઇ પાસ નારંગો નિરષતા, ઉપનો હરષ અપાર. લ. ૧૦ પા. સાહાવાડે જિનમદિરે, ભેટીયા સાંમલપાસ લઇ પ્રાસાદ સાતમા જિન તણો, ભેટીયા સ્વામી સુપાસ લઇ લઘુસાવાડે ભેટીયા, શાંતિ જિદ અભિરામ લઇ ભેસાતવાડે શાંતિજી, પાસિ ગૌતમસ્વામી લઇ
૧૨ પા. તરભાણુંવાડે ભલો, પ્રાસાદ એક વિસાલ, લ. સોલસમાં જિન શાંતિજી, ભેટીયા દેવ દયાલ લ૦ ૧૩ પ્રા. તંબોલી પાડા માહિ, જગગુરુ શ્રી મહાવીર, લ, પૂજીયે પ્રણમીયે ભાવસુ મુખસોધન ગણે ધીર લ. ૧૪ પી. પ્રાસાદ સામી સુપાસનો, શિષરબદ્ધ શ્રીકાર, લ. પરતો પરગટ દીપતો, ભવિજનને સુખકાર લઇ ૧૫ પs કુંભારિયા પાડા માહિ, આદિ જિનેસ્વર દેવ લ. મહતાની પોલિ શાંતિજી, જસ કરે સુરનર સેવ. લ. - ૧૬ પાટ મણીયાટી પાડા માહિં ભેટીયા વીર જિર્ણોદ લઇ પ્રાસાદ બીજે નીરજીયે, આદિનાથ મુખચદ લ.
૧૭ પા
ચંદ્રભાણ દોસી ગૃહ, સહસકોટ* અતિસાર, ચોમુષ પ્રતિમા ધાતુમય, પ્રણમુ એક હજાર
* સહસ્ત્રકોટને પ્રસ્તુત પ્રતના હાસિયામાં નીચે મુજબ સમજાવવામાં આવેલ છે
૩૦ ચોવીસ જિન ૭૨૦ જિન ૧૬૦ બત્રીસ વિજય ૧૨૦ જિન કલ્યાણના ૨૦ વિહરમાન ૪ શાશ્વત સર્વે થઈ ૧૦૨૪ જિન પ્રતિમા

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રસીલા કડીઆ, શીતલ શાહ ત્રાગડીયાવાડે નમુ, આદિ જિનેસર દેવ, પાસે પદ્મપ્રભુ તણા, પાય પ્રણમુ નિત્યમેવ
ઢાલ બીજી સીયલ કહઈ જગ હુ વડો - એ દેસી પોલે જરાષોટડી તણે ષટ જિનભુવન વિચારી રે નામ ઠામ કહી દાણવુ તે સુણયો નરનારી રે પાટણમેં પ્રભુ પ્રણમીયે આદિનાથ સાંતિનાથના ભુવન યુગલ મનમોહઈ રે, પાસ ભુવન જઈ ભેટીયા સુપાસ મૂરતિ અતિ સોહાં રે અષ્ટાપદ જિનમદરે, ચંદ્રપ્રભુ સુખકારી રે, પાસ નગીનો પ્રણમીઈ, ભુવન બિંબ બલિહારી રે ૩ પાક મૂરતિ ચંદ્રપ્રભુ તણી, નિજ સ્વરુપ સુ નિરષો રે, જિન પ્રતિમા જિન સારીષી, આતમ રતિ થઈ પરષો રે ૪ પા. પોલિ સુગાલકોટડી તણે શ્રી શંભણ પાસ વિરાજે રે, કલી કાલે મહિમા ઘણો ષભનયર માટે છાજે રે
૫ પાઠ પીપલીયા પાડા માહિ, શ્રી શાંતિ જિનેશ્વર ભેટ્યા રે, મોહન મૂરતિ નિરષતા, દુખ દાલિદ્ર સવિ મેટ્યા રે ૬ પા ઉચી સેરીયે નિરષીયે, શ્રી શાંતિનાથ આવાસો રે, પાટણ નગર તણો ધણી, વનરાજ ચાઉડો પાસે રે ૭ પાત્ર ભંયરે શ્રી ભગવતજી શાંતિનાથ અતિ દીપ) રે, બિબ અનોપમ નિરષીયે, જુ મુગતા ફલ સીપે રે સૌભાગ જેચંદને ઘરે, દેહરાસર માટે દીઠા રે, ચંદ્રપ્રભુ જિન પાસને, પ્રણમતા પાતક નીઠા રે
૯ પાટ પાંચ પ્રાસાદ સોહામણા, સુદર સાલવીવાડે રે, વિગતસુ હવે સાભલો નામઠામ જેણે પાડે રે
૧૦ પાઠ ગોલવાડ પાસજી ત્રેવીસમા જિન વદો રે, પોલે ધાંધુલનીયે ભેટીયા, સંભવનાથ જિણો રે
૧૧ પા. પોલે નારાયણ તણે, રીષભ દેવ જુહારો રે, ભવસાયર માહિ બૂડતા ઉતારે ભવ પારો રે
૧૨ પા
૮
પા.

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પોલે જઈ તરસેરીયે નેમનાથ નિત્ય વદો રે, પાસે આદિ જિનેસ મલ્લિનાથ સુખકદી રે
૧૩ પાડ દેહરે પરતરગચ્છ તણે, સાંતિનાથ ભગવતો રે, શુભ યોગઇ કરી વદના, અશુભ કરમ કયા અતી રે ૧૪ ઢાલ બીજી પૂરી થઈ, થયા પ્રાસાદ ચાલીસો રે, સાહ લાધો કહે ભાવસુ, ભેટ્યા શ્રી જગદીસો રે ૧૫ પા
દુહા ટાંકલવાડે ભેટીયા, જગજીવન જિનરાજ, ટાંકલ પાસ જોહારતા, સફલ દિવસ થયો આજ પોલે પડીન્દી તણે, સમરુ સીતલનાથ, ભવ ભ્રમ ભૂલા જાને, આપે સિવપુરી સાથ
" ઢાલ – ત્રીજી
દેસી - નણદલની હો ભવિયણ પોલે જઈ ક્ષેત્રપાલનઈ પ્રણમુ સીતલદેવ હો ભવિ પાસે રહી પદમાવતી દેવી કરે જિનસેવ.
૧ હો ભવિ. પાટણમે પ્રભુ પ્રણમીઇ, ઠામ ઠામ જિનરાજ, ભ. બિબ અનોપમ નિરષતા, અજબ ઠરણ લહુ આજ ૨ ભ૦ પા પોલે કોકાનઈ ભલા, પ્રાસાદ દોય જિદ, કોકો પાસ જોહારીઇ, જેમ ટલે દુખદદ
૩ ભપા પ્રાસાદ બીજે નીરખીયે, અભિનંદન જિનરાય, ભ. મૂરતિ સૂરતિ નિરષતા નયણે તૃપતિ ન થાય ૪ ભપા. હો ભવિ. ઢંઢેરવાડે ઢલક્તો ઉચો જિન આવાસ,
Blo મોટુ બિબ વિરાજતુ, ભેટ્યા સાંમલ પાસ ભ૦૫ પાત્ર હો. ભ. પ્રાસાદ બીજે વીરજી, ચરણ નમુનિસ દીસ, ભ૦ સાસન જેહનું વર્તસઇ, વરસ સહસ એકવીસ ભવિ. ૬ પાઠ પ્રાસદ ત્રીજઇ પાસજી, કલિકુંડ જિનરાય, ભ૦ અહિ વૃશ્ચકના ભય ટલે, સમરતા સુખ થાઈ ભ. ૭ પા. પ્રણમુ મહતાની પોલિ, મુનીસુવત જગનાથ, ભs અશ્વ તણી પરઇ ઓધરઇ, આપઈ સિવપુરી સાથ ભ. ૮ પાટ.

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તિહા થકી જમણી દિસઇ, ચાલો ચતુર મન લાય, ભ. વા વષાર તણે પાડે, સોલસમો જિનરાય ભ૦ ૯ પાઠ પાડે ગોદડને નમ, આદીશ્વર જિન ગેહ,
Alo Alo વિચમિ ચોમુખ નિરષીયે, મોટી યાત્રા એહ ભ. ૧૦ પોલે શ્રી અંબાવિનઈ, દીઠો સાંતિ દીદાર, સાતિ સુધારસ વરસતો, ભવિ જન ઠારણહાર ભ. ૧૧ પા. મુનિસુવ્રત જિન ભેટીયા, મહાલક્ષમીને ક્ષેત્ર, હો ભo પ્રાસાદ ચિત્ર નિહાલતા, હરષીત થયા દોય નેત્ર ભ. ૧૨ પા. પોલે કરણાસાહને, સીતલ જિન સુખકાર, બીજે સાંતિ સોહામણા, બિબ રતનમય સાર. ભવિ. ૧૩ પાઠ પ્રાસાદ લીબડીની પોલે, સાંતિ જિનેશ્વર દેવ, ભ. કવિ કહિએ મુઝ સાહબો, દરિસણની નિત્ય ટેવ ભ. ૧૪ પા ત્રણ્ય ઢાલ, આઠે દુવે, અઠાવન પ્રાસાદ, સાહ લાધો કહિં નિત્ય, પ્રતઇ રણઝણે ઘટાનાદ ૧૫ પા.
દુહા ભાભાની પોલે જઇ, ભેટ્યા ભાભો પાસ, નામે નવનિધ સપજઇ, પ્રગટે લીલ વિલાસ યજુરીપાડે અછે, મોહન પારસનાથ, ભવ ભય ભાવઠ ભજણો, પ્રણમું જોડી હાથ
ઢાલ - ચોથી કપુર હોઈ અતિ ઉજલુ રે – એ દેશી પ્રથમ નિણંદ પ્રણમી કરી રે, ચૈત્ય જોહારુ એક, કુતકીયાવાડે જઈ રે, આણી હૃદય વિવેક. સોભાગી પ્રાણી વદો શ્રી જિનરાય પાટણમે મન લાય, પ્રભુ પૂજે પાતિક જય, પ્રભુ નામે નવનિધ થાય. સો
આ કણી પોલે ઘીયાનીયે ભેટીયા રે, સાંતિનાથ સુકુમાલ, પ્રાસાદ બીજે દિપતા રે, પાર્શ્વનાથ દયાલ ૨ સોભા

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૩ સોભા
પાટણની બે અપ્રગટ ચૈત્યપરિપાટીઓ પોલે વાગોલને ભેટીયા રે, નાભિનરિદ મલ્હાર, પોલે કાંન રેવા તણે રે, મુનીસુવ્રત સુવિચાર પંચોતરી પોલે જઈ રે, પ્રથમ નમુ આદિનાથ, વસાવાડે ભેટીયા રે, સોલસમાં શાંતિનાથ પોલે અષઈ ગણીયા તણે રે, આદિશ્વર અરિહંત, પોલે અજુવસા તણે રે, સાંતિનાથ ભગવત ષેતલ વસહી ભેટીયા રે, ખેતલો પાર્શ્વનાથ, બીજે શ્રી મહાવીરજી રે, ત્રીજે શ્રી સાંતિનાથ પોલે સંઘવીનીયે ભેટીયા રે, મૂરતિ મોહન પાસ, પ્રાસાદમે પ્રભુ ભેટીયા રે, આણી મન ઓલાસ દેહરે શ્રી આદિનાથ રે, નબિ બેઠા જિનરાજ, દેહરાસરમે ભેટીયા રે, જિનજી ગરીબનિવાજ ધાતુમય જિનરાજના રે, બિબ અનોપમ દોય, પાસ સુપાસ વિરાજતા રે, દેહરાસર માહિ જોય પોલે સૂરજી માધવ તો રે, ષષલીઓ પ્રભુ પાસ, પ્રાસાદમે પ્રભુ દીપતા રે, જુ રવિ કિરણ પ્રકાસ ચાચરીયા વાડે ભલા રે, પ્રાસાદ દોય જિસદ, વિજયચિતામણિ પાસજી રે, શાંતિ જિન સુખકદ પોલ ભલી લાલબાઈની રે, પ્રાસાદ એક ઓદાર, ધર્મ જિશેસર ભેટીયા રે, ધર્મ તણો દાતાર કસુંબીયા વાડૅ નમુ રે, સાહિબ સીતલનાથ, ભુંયરા માટે પ્રભુ ભેટીયા રે, પરગટ પાર્શ્વનાથ. ઢાલ ચોથી પૂરી થઈ રે, ઉગણાસી પ્રાસાદ, સાહ લાધો કહે પ્રણમતા રે, દુર ટલે વિષવાદ
૧૦ સો.
૧૧ સો.
૧૩ સો.
૧૪ સોભાગી,
હવે વાદુ મન મોબસુ, શ્રી જિન ભવન મુઝાર, રાતિકાવાડે જે અછે, તે સુણયો નરનાર(૨). અબજી મહતાને જઈ પાડા માટે જિનરાજ, સીતલનાથ જોહારીયે, તારણતરણ જિહાજ

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રસીલા કડીઆ, શીતલ શાહ
SAMBODHI
ઢાલ – [પાચમી]. આશ્રવ ભાવન સાતમી રે – એ દેસી દોસી વછા મૂલજી તી રે, પાડા માટે જિનરાજ, સંભવનાથ નિહાલતા રે, સિદ્ધા વછીત કાજો રે ચૈત્ય જુહારીયે, શ્રી પાટણ નગર મુઝારો રે, અશુભ નિવારીયે - આ. ચોષાવટી પોલે જઈ રે, ભેટા શ્રી સાંતિનાથ, બલીયાની પોલે ભલા રે, ભેટ્યા શ્રી આદિનાથી રે ષીમજી ફડીયાનઈ અછે રે, પાડા માટે જિનગેહ, ચારુ પાસ જુહારીયે, દરસન દુર્લભ જેહો રે લષીયાર વડે વાદીયે, સાહિબ મોહન પાસ, બીજે સ્વામિ શ્રીમંદ રે, વિદેહ ક્ષેત્ર જસ વાસો રે પોલિ શ્રી મલ્લિનાથની રે, ભેટા શ્રી મલ્લિનાથ, સામ વરણ પ્રભુ સોભતા રે, પરીકરસુ જગનાથો રે ૫ યોગીવાડે યુગતસુ પ્રણમું સાંમલો પાસ, ભુંયરામાંહિ શ્રી સાંતિજી રે, નિરષતા અધિક ઓલાસો રે ૬ શૈ. ફોફલીયા વાડે નમુ રે, સાહિબ સાંતિ જિદ, ચિત્રભુવન અતિ કોણી રે, નિરક્ષીત નયણાણદો રે બીજે ભુવન જોહારીયાં રે, શ્રી સંભવ જિનરાય, ત્રીજે ભુવને પાસજી, ભેટા ભગવત પાયો રે વેલજી સાહાનાં મંદરાં રે, દેહરાસર માહિ જેહ, શ્રી મુનીસુવ્રત ભેટીયા, સુદર મૂરત એવો રે સોનારવાડે નિષિીયે રે, ભુવન યુગલ અતિસાર, પ્રથમ નમુ શ્રી વીરજી રે, સૂરતિ કી બલિહારી રે. બીજે ભુવને સાંતિજી રે, મુઝ સાહબ સુખકાર, પ્રભુ પદકજ નિત્ય પ્રણમતા, દિન દિન જય જયકારો રે ૧૧ ચૈત્ય પાટણમે ત્રણેય ભંયાં, સપ્ત દેહરા દેવ, પંચ્યાસી જિન દેહરા, પ્રણમીજે નિત્ય મેવો રે
૧૨ ચૈ. પંચાણું સર્વે થઈ રે, પાટણ નગર મઝાર, ભુવન બિબ જોહારતા, ઉપનો હર્ષ અપારો રે ૧૩ ચૈત્ર
ao sto

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પાટણની બે અપ્રગટ ચૈત્યપરિપાટીઓ
પ્રાસાદે જિનવર તણા, બિબ સખ્યા નવિ થાય, તિણ કારણ મૂલનાયકો રે, વાદુ શ્રી જિનરાય રે ઘર ઘર દેરાસર ઘણા, પાટણમે સુવિસાલ, ભાવ થકી માહરી હોજ્યો, વદન કરુ ત્રિણ્ય કાલ રે
ઢાલ – ધન્યાસી [છઠ્ઠી]
દીઠો દીઠો રે વામા કો નદન દીઠો એ દેસી
૧૪ ચૈ
જિન પ્રતિમા જિનવર સારીષી, ભાષી વીર જિણદો, જૈન ભાવઇ ધરી જે જિન પૂજે, તે ન લહે ભવફંદો રે જિન દરસનથી લહે ભવિ પ્રાણી સમકિત સિવસુખકદો, જે જન ભાવ ધરી જિન સમરે તે પ્રાણી ચિરનદો રે સંવત સતર છીઉતરા વર્ષે, રહી ચોમાસ આણદો, શ્રી જિનવરની યાત્ર કરી તિહા, નાટિક નવનવ છદો રે
૧૫ ચૈ
વદો વાદો રે, ભવિ પાટણમે જિન વાદો, ચૈત્યપ્રવાડ કરી, મન મોદઇ, દાલિદ્ર દુષ નિકદો રે ૧ ભવિ પાટણમે
૨ ભવિ
૩ ભવિ
૪ ભવિ
કટૂક ગછ માહે અધિકારી સાહ કલ્યાણ કવિ ઇદો, તાસ પાટિ લહુજી અતિ સોભીત સાહ થોભણ ગુણ ચો રે ૫ ભવિ
તાસ શિષ્ય શ્રી જિનગુણ રાગી પાટિ પ્રભાવિક ચદો,
સાહજી લાધો કહે, શ્રી જિનના ગુણ, સમરે ઇંદ નરિશ્તો રે ૬ ભવિ
સતર સિત્યોતરા, માગસર માસે દિ સાતમ વાર મંદો, વોહોરા તિલક તણે, આગ્રહથી રચીઓ, સ્તવન જિષ્ણુદો ૨૭ ભ ॥ ઇતિ શ્રી ચૈત્યપ્રવાડિ સ્તવન ||
181
નોધ :
૧ પ્રતનુ લિખતર કરતી વખતે ‘ખ'ના અર્થમા પ્રાચીન ૫૨૫૨ા પ્રમાણે ‘ષ' લખેલ હોય તો તેને મૂળ અક્ષર ‘’ જ રાખ્યો છે
૨ પ્રતમા જ્યા અશુદ્ધ પાઠ છે ત્યા લિખતરમા શુદ્ધ કરીને મૂકવામા આવ્યો છે
૩ જ્યા શબ્દ ઉમેરવા જેવો લાગ્યો છે તેને લિખતરમા ઉમેરી દીધો છે અને તેને પણ અશુદ્ધ-શુદ્ધ પાઠ તરીકે નિર્દેશવામા આવેલ છે

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SAMBODHI
રસીલા કડીઆ, શીતલ શાહ
કઠિન શબ્દો પ્રતાપે – પ્રકાશ કારણી - કોતરણી
છરગ - આનંદ પરતો - પરિચય, પરચો
સીપે - છીપમાં નીઠા - ખલાસ થવા સૂરતિ - મુખ વર્તસઈ - પ્રવર્તશે પરઇ - જેમ ઊધઈ - ઉપાડીને, ઊચકીને પ્રતઈ - પ્રત્યેક જિન ગેહ- જિન ગૃહ, દેરાસર વિચમિ - વચમાં, વચ્ચે ભાવઠ - મુશ્કેલી, ભીડ ભલી - સારી નબિ - નવી ઊદાર - ઉત્કૃષ્ટ જિહાજ - જહાજ, વહાણ યુગલ - બે પરીકર સુ- પરિકર સહિત મુઝાર - મા, મધ્યે શ્રીમદ રે - સીમધર ચારુ - સુદર ચિત્રભુવન- ચિત્રોવાળો, સુદર યુગતસુ - જુગતી, યુક્તિ, જોડી સામવરણ- શ્યામ રંગના સારીખી - સરખી, જેવી, એકસરખી પદકજ - ચરણકમળ રખાઓ - રખોપુ કરનાર છીઉતરા - છોતેર મદો - શનિ

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પાટણની બે અપ્રગટ ઐત્યપરિપાટીઓ
183
શુદ્ધ પાઠ
અશુદ્ધ પાઠ ગુભ્યો
પ્રારભે
ગુરુભ્યો
પ્રાસારસાદ
પ્રાસાદ
લલાના
લલના
દુહો – ૨ ઢાલ-પહેલી ગા૧ ઢાલ-પહેલી ગા૯ ઢાલ-પહેલી ગા. ૧૩ ઢાલ-બીજી ગા૫ ઢાલ-બીજી ગા૧૨ ઢાલ-બીજી ગા. ૪ ઢાલ-ચાર ગા૩
પ્રભુ પ્રભુ સોલસલમાં કુલીકાલે જહારો સોલસલમા નીરદ
પ્રભુ સોલસમાં કલીકાલે જુહારો સોલસમા નરિદ '
પ્રતના આધારે કરેલી જિનાલયોની યાદી વિસ્તાર
મૂળનાયક
વિશેષતા પ્રેમા દોસીની પોળ પચાસરા પાર્શ્વનાથ અજિતનાથ
ચૌમુખજી શાતિનાથ
નાનું દેરાસર ચંદ્રપ્રભ સ્વામી
પાર્શ્વનાથ ચિતામણિ પાડો ચિતામણિ પાર્શ્વનાથ રગમડાની સુંદર કોતરણી કસારવાડો
આદેશ્વર
શીતલનાથ સાહનો પાડો
આદેશ્વર વડી પોસાલની પોળ વાડી પાર્શ્વનાથ ચૌમુખજી આદેશ્વર
નારગા પાર્શ્વનાથ સાહાવાડો
સામલ પાર્શ્વનાથ
સુપાર્શ્વનાથ લઘુસા વાડો
શાતિનાથ ભેસાત વાડો શાતિનાથ
પાસે ગૌતમ સ્વામી

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રસીલા કડીઆ, શીતલ શાહ
SAMBODHI
તરભાણ વાડો
વિશાલ પ્રાસાદ
તબોલી પાડો
શિખરબધ દેરાસર
કુંભારીયા પાડો મહેતાની પોળ મણીયાટી પાડો
ચંદ્રભાણ દોસીનું ઘર દેરાસર
ત્રાગડીયા વાડો
શાતિનાથ મહાવીર સ્વામી સુપાર્શ્વનાથ આદેશ્વર શાતિનાથ મહાવીર સ્વામી આદેશ્વર સહસ્ત્રકુટ આદેશ્વર પદ્મપ્રભ સ્વામી આદેશ્વર શાતિનાથ પાર્શ્વનાથ ચદ્રપ્રભ સ્વામી નગીના પાર્શ્વનાથ ચંદ્રપ્રભ સ્વામી સ્થભણ પાર્શ્વનાથ શાતિનાથ, શાતિનાથ
જરાષોટડી
યુગલ ભુવન
સુપાર્શ્વનાથની મૂર્તિ અાપદ
સુગાલ કોટડીની પોળ પીપલીયા પાડો ઊચી શેરી
પાસે વનરાજ ચાવડાની મૂરતિ છે. ભોયરામાં શ્રી શાતિનાથ સોભાગ જેચંદનુ ઘર દેરાસર
ચંદ્રપ્રભ સ્વામી
સાલવી વાડો
ગોલવાડો ધાધુલની પોળ નારાયણની પોળ તરશેરીયાની પોળ
પાર્શ્વનાથ સભવનાથ આદેશ્વર નેમનાથ આદેશ્વર-મલ્લિનાથ શાતિનાથ ટાકલા પાર્શ્વનાથ
ખરતર ગચ્છનું દેરાસર
ટાકલ વાડો

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પાટણની બે અપ્રગટ ત્યપરિપાટીઓ
18s
185
પાસે પદ્માવતી દેવી
ઊચુ દેરાસર
સાપ તથા વીંછીનો ભય જાય
વચમાં ચૌમુખજી
દેરાસરમાં સુંદર ચિત્રો
પડીગૂદીની પોળ શીતલનાથ ક્ષેત્રપાલની પોળ શીતલનાથ કોકાનો પાડો
કાકા પાર્શ્વનાથ
અભિનદન સ્વામી ઢઢેરવાડો
સામલ પાર્શ્વનાથ મહાવીર સ્વામી
કલિકુડ પાર્શ્વનાથ મહેતાની પોળ મુનિસુવ્રત સ્વામી વખારનો પાડો
શાતિનાથ ગોદડનો પાડો
આદેશ્વર અબાવિની પોળ
શાતિનાથ મહાલક્ષ્મીની પોળ મુનિસુવ્રત સ્વામી કરણા સાહની પોળ શીતલનાથ
શાતિનાથ લીબડીની પોળ
શાતિનાથ ભાભા પોળ
ભાભા પાર્શ્વનાથ ખજૂરીનો પાડો મોહન પાર્શ્વનાથ કુતકીયા વાડો
આદેશ્વર ઘીયા પોળ
શાતિનાથ
પાર્શ્વનાથ વાગોળની પોળ આદેશ્વર કાન રેવાની પોળ મુનિસુવ્રત સ્વામી પચોતરી પોળ
આદેશ્વર વસાવાડો
શાતિનાથ અખઈ ગણીયાની પોળ આદેશ્વર અજુ વસાની પોળ શાતિનાથ ખેતલવસહી
ખેતલો પાર્શ્વનાથ
સ્ફટિકની પ્રતિમા કવિને નિત્ય દર્શનની ટેવ

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રસીલા કડીઆ, શીતલ શાહ
SAMBODHI
મહાવીર સ્વામી શાતિનાથ
સઘવીની પોળ
મોહન પાર્શ્વનાથ આદેશ્વર પાર્શ્વનાથ સુપાર્શ્વનાથ
ધાતુ બિંબ-ઘર દેરાસર ધાતુ બિંબ-ઘર દેરાસર
સૂરજી માધવની પોળ
પાર્શ્વનાથ
ચાચરીયા વાડો લાલબાઈની પોળ
વિજયચિંતામણિ પાર્શ્વનાથ શાતિનાથ ધર્મનાથ.
ઉત્કૃષ્ટ પ્રાસાદ શીતલનાથ
ભોયરામાં પરગટ પાર્શ્વનાથ
કસુબીયા વાડો
રાતિકા વાડો.
અબજી મહેતાનો પાડો દોશી વછા મુલજીનો પાડો ચોષાવટીની પોળ બલીયાની પોળ ખીમજી હડિયાની પોળ લખીયાર વાડો
શીતલનાથ સભવનાથ શાતિનાથ આદેશ્વર ચાપ પાર્શ્વનાથ મોહન પાર્શ્વનાથ સીમધર સ્વામી મલ્લિનાથ
ઘર દેરાસર
મલ્લિનાથની પોળ
યોગીવાડો
સામલો પાર્શ્વનાથ
ભોયરામાં શાતિનાથ
કોકલીયા વાડો
સરસ કોતરણી
શાતિનાથ સંભવનાથ પાર્શ્વનાથ મુનિસુવ્રત સ્વામી
વેલજી સાહાનુ ઘર દેરાસર
સોનાર વાડો
મહાવીર સ્વામી
શાંતિનાથ ભોયરા - ૩ ઘરદેરાસર - ૭ દેરાસર - ૮૫ કુલ દેરાસરો : ૯૫

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પાટણની બે અપ્રગટ ચૈત્યપરિપાટીઓ
લાધા શાહે કૃતિને અતે પોતાનો ટૂંકો પરિચય આપ્યો છે તેને આધારે જાણવા મળે છે કે તેઓ કડવાગચ્છના છે. આ પાટપરપરામાં આવતા શાહ કલ્યાણ - લહુજી - શાહ થોભણ - શાહ લાધોના નામ જણાવ્યા છે. જયત કોઠારી સપાદિત જૈ શૂ કૈ (ભા ૫, પૃ ૧૯૮ થી ૨૦૧ મા આ કવિ અને તેમની અન્ય કૃતિઓ વિશેની મળતી વિશેષ માહિતીને આધારે તેઓશ્રીની ‘પાટણની ચૈત્યપરિપાટી' સિવાયની અન્ય કૃતિઓ નીચે મુજબ છે
૧ ચોવીશી
સ ૧૭૬૦
સ ૧૭૬૪
સ. ૧૭૯૩
સ ૧૭૯૫
સ ૧૮૦૭
૨ જબુકુમાર રાસ
૩ સુરત ચૈત્યપરિપાટી
૪ શિવચદજીનો રાસ
૫ પૃથ્વીચદ્ર ગુણસાગર ચરિત્ર બાલા,
187
‘જબુકુમાર રાસ' મા તેમણે પૂર્ણ પટ્ટાવલિ આપી છે અને તે આ પાટપરપરામાં કડવા ગચ્છ (કટુકગછ)ના નાયક સાહ કડુયો (શાહ ક ુવો) છે. તેમની પાટે અનુક્રમે ખીમ - વીરુ - જીવરાજ તેજપાલ – રતનપાલ - જિણદાસ - તેજ - કલ્યાણ - લઘુજી - થોભણ - સાહ લાધો આવે છે. વળી, સંસ્કૃતમા લખાયેલ પૃથ્વીચંદ્ર ગુણસાગર ચરિત્ર બાલાવબોધમા તેઓશ્રીએ પોતાનુ નામ લાધાનું સંસ્કૃત ‘લબ્ધક' કર્યું છે
આ પ્રતનુ માપ ૧૩ સેમી x ૧૧ સેમી છે. બે બાજુ ૧ ૭૫ સેમી. માપની માર્જીન છે માર્જીનની બે ઊભી લીટીઓ લાલ રગની શાહીથી કરેલ છે. આ પ્રત લેખનમા શિરોરેખાનુ અલકરણ છે પ્રતના પાના ૧૩ છે ચૈત્યપરિપાટી ૧૨મે પાને પૂરી થાય છે. તે સપૂર્ણ થયે પ્રતમા ૧૩મે પાને અજિતનાથનુ અપૂર્ણ રહેલુ સ્તવન આપેલુ છે આ પ્રતના અક્ષરો મોટા છે. પ્રત્યેક પૃષ્ઠમા પક્તિઓ ૧૩ છે. પ્રત્યેક પક્તિમા અક્ષરો સરેરાશ ૧૩ છે. કડી ૯૧ છે પ્રતની સ્થિતિ સારી છે
૬ ઢાળ અને ૧૦ દુહા સાથે ૯૧ કડીની આ ચૈત્યપરિપાટીમા કવિએ પ્રથમ ગુરુવદના કરી છે અને ત્યારબાદ શ્રી પાર્શ્વનાથ, સદ્ગુરુ અને સરસ્વતી દેવીને પ્રણામ કરી પાટણની પોળે પોળે આવેલા દેરાસરોને નામ ઠામ સાથે વર્ણવ્યા છે. વિસ્તાર મોટો હોય તો વિસ્તારનુ નામ દર્શાવી, તેમા આવેલ નાની પોળોના નામ સાથે દેરાસરોના નામ આપ્યા છે. વચ્ચે વચ્ચે કવિ દેરાસરોની ગણના જણાવતા રહ્યા છે જો કોઈ દેરાસરમા વિશેષતા હોય તો તેને નોધવાનુ તે ચૂકતા નથી આ જ કારણે તે સમયે ઊંચી શેરીના શાતિનાથના દેરાસરમા શ્રી શાતિનાથ ભગવાન પાસે વનરાજ ચાવડાની મૂર્તિ હોવાની વિગત ઉપલબ્ધ થાય છે લીંબડીની પોળમા શાતિનાથના દેરાસરની વિગત આપતી વખતે કવિએ તે દેરાસરના નિત્ય દર્શનની પોતાની ટેવ હોવાનું જણાવ્યુ છે તેને આધારે કવિ ચોમાસા દરમ્યાન લીંબડીની પોળમા રહ્યા હોય તેવુ અનુમાન થઈ શકે છે. અહીં દેરાસરમાની બિંબ સખ્યા જણાવવામા આવી નથી. કૃતિમા કવિએ (ઢાળ ૫, ગા૰ ૧૪) જણાવ્યુ છે કે એટલી બધી સખ્યામા બિંબ છે કે જેથી ગણી શકાય તેમ નથી અને તે કારણે જ માત્ર

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SAMBODHI મૂળનાયકોને વાઘા છે નિર્દેશિત કર્યા છે ) તથા ભોયરાને અલગ દેરાસર ગણવામાં આવ્યું નથી અને કવિએ ભોયરા, ઘર દેહરાસર અને દેરાસર એમ વર્ગીકરણ કરી દરેકની અલગ અલગ સંખ્યા જણાવી છે. આ સૌનો સરવાળો કરતા તે સમયે પાટણમાં કુલ ૯૫ દેરાસરો હતા કૃતિને અને તેમણે પોતાના ગચ્છ, ગુરુઓના અને પોતાના નામનો પરિચય આપ્યો છે સ૧૭૭૬માં તેઓએ પાટણમાં ચોમાસુ કર્યું હતું અને પ્રસ્તુત કૃતિ સ. ૧૭૭૭ માગશર વદ સાતમના રોજ શનિવારે વોરા તિલકના આગ્રહને લઈને રચાઈ હોવાનું જણાવ્યું છે
અઢારમા સૈકાની સ૦ ૧૭૨૯ની પાટણની ચૈત્યપરિપાટી અગાઉ પ્રસિદ્ધ થઈ હતી તેમા સ ૧૭૭૭ની પ્રસ્તુત કૃતિથી અઢારમા સૈકાના પાટણના દેરાસરોના ઇતિહાસ પર વધુ પ્રકાશ પડે છે
૨. સંઘરાજ કૃત પાટણની ચૈત્યપરિપાટી (સં. ૧૬૧૩) સ. ૧૫૭૬(ઈ. સ. ૧૫૨૦)મા મુનિ સિદ્ધિસૂરિએ પાટણની જે ચૈત્યપરિપાટી લખી હતી તેમાં માત્ર સ્થળ નામ તથા મૂળનાયકના નામ સાથેના જિનાલયો અને ક્યાક કેટલાક દેરાસરની વિશેષતા જણાવવામાં આવી છે બિલ સંખ્યા કે દેરાસરની સંખ્યા ક્યાય જણાવી નથી
એ પછી માત્ર ચાલીસ વર્ષો બાદ સઘરાજની પાટણની ચૈત્યપરિપાટી મળે છે જે એની ઝીણી ઝીણી વિગતોને કારણે અતિ મૂલ્યવાન બની રહે છે
પ્રસ્તુત કૃતિમાં પ્રાય મૂળ હસ્તપ્રતનો પાઠ યથાવત્ રાખ્યો છે શબ્દાને “ઉ” અને “ઓ' છે ત્યા પ્રાસને ધ્યાનમાં લઈ “ઉ” નુ “ઓ' કે ઓ' નું “ઉ” કરીને સુધાર્યું છે. ઘરદેરાસર માટે તે સમયે દહેરાસર શબ્દ પ્રચલિત હતો પરંતુ અહી દરેક ઠેકાણે દહેરાસુર શબ્દ આપ્યો છે. આથી અમે દહેરાસુર શબ્દ જ કાયમ રાખ્યો છે જ્યા પાઠ અશુદ્ધ લાગ્યો છે ત્યાં કૃતિને અને ઢાળ તથા કડી દર્શાવી અશુદ્ધ પાઠ સાથે શુદ્ધ પાઠ આપ્યો છે. વળી, કૃતિને અને કઠિન શબ્દોના અર્થ આપવામા આવ્યા છે, તેમાં શબ્દના અર્થ બાબતે જયા સદિગ્ધતા છે ત્યા અમારી ધારણા મુજબનો અર્થ મૂકી પછી ત્યાં પ્રશ્નાર્થ મૂકવામાં આવ્યો છે શબ્દનો અર્થ મળ્યો નથી ત્યાં માત્ર પ્રશ્નાર્થ મૂક્યો છે
પ્રતને આધારે તૈયાર કરેલી જિનાલયોની યાદીમાં દેહરા અને દહેરાસર અલગ તરી આવે તે માટે ઢાળ નબર દર્શાવીને દેહરાસરને ક્રમ આપ્યો છે પ્રતના લિપ્યતરમાં સ્થળનામ તથા મૂળનાયકના નામને કાળા બીબામાં છાપવામાં આવ્યા છે
ઢાળ પ્રમાણે કવિ નિર્દેશિત દેહરા, દહેરાસર તથા બિંબ સખ્યાનો સરવાળો આપવાની સાથે આપણી ગણતરી પ્રમાણે કેવો તફાવત નજરે પડે છે તે જણાવતો કૃતિમાં નિર્દેશિત સંખ્યા મુજબની ગણતરી કોઠો પણ આપવામાં આવ્યો છે ઢાળ - ૨માં આકણી પ્રમાણે શબ્દની એકરૂપતા જળવાઈ રહે તે માટે અર્થો લખાયેલ કે પદવ્યત્યય પામેલ શબ્દને સુધારીને બધે સ્થળે “જિન તુ' કર્યું છે અને તે ઢાળ નીચે તેની નોધ મૂકવામાં આવી છે

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પાટણની બે અપ્રગટચૈત્યપરિપાટીઓ
189
પ્રત પરિચય .
પ્રસ્તુત પ્રત અગાઉ જણાવ્યું છે તેમ પગથિયાના ઉપાશ્રયેથી મળી છે (પ્રત ન પ૩૩૧, ડા ન, ૧૦૪) આ પ્રતની સ્થિતિ સારી છે પૃષ્ઠ પ્રમાણ ૨૫.૫ સે. મી. x ૧૧ ૫ સે. મી. છે તે ૭ પૃષ્ઠોમા છે અને સંપૂર્ણ છે ૭મા પૃષ્ઠ પર માત્ર પાચ પક્તિઓ છે પ્રત્યેક પૃષ્ઠમાં એકદરે ૧૩ થી ૧૬ પક્તિઓ સળગ લખાયેલ છે. પ્રત્યેક પક્તિમાં સરેરાશ ૪૫ થી ૪૯ અક્ષરો છે કાળી શાહી દ્વારા ૨ સે. મીન્ની માર્જીન રાખવામાં આવી છે અહી હરતાલથી પીળા રંગના દડ કરવામાં આવેલ છે ૭ ઢાળોમાં વિભાજિત આ કૃતિ ૧૯૩ કડીઓની બનેલી છે ૨. સંઘરાજ કૃત પાટણની ચૈત્યપરિપાટી (સં. ૧૬૧૩)
| ભલે મીડુ / | || શ્રી ગુરુભ્યો નમ ||
સરસતિ સામિણિ સમરી માય, નિરમલ મતિ પામી સહિગુરુ પસાય
ચૈત્ય પ્રવાડિ શ્રી પાટણ તણી, કરવા ષતિ ભવનની ઘણી ૧ પહિલ શ્રી ચઉવીસ જિસદ, પૂજી પ્રણમી તે જિનચદ
સુગુરુ વચન મન માહિ ધરી, ચરણ સદા તેહના અણસરી ૨ તે ગુરુજીનઈ ચલણ પ્રસાદ, ગુણ ગાઉ હુ મન ઉલ્લાદિ
વલી વિશેષઈ ઋષભ જિણેસ, પહિલુ પૂજ કરી દેસ ૩ પાસ નિણદ વિઘન ઉપસમિઈ, આણંદઈ ભવીયણ જે નમાં
- સવત સોલ તરોતરઈ વરષ્યિ, પ્રથમ જ્યેષ્ઠ શુદિ પુનમ પુષ્પ ૪ ગુરુવાસરિ ગાઉ જિન ધણી, આરભી પૂજા જિન તણી
સાવધાન થઇ સહુ સભલુ, જિમ સુખ સંપત્તિ હેલા મિલ ૫ શાતિ કરણ સોલસમા રાઈ, નિશિ દિન પ્રણમૂઉ તેહના પાય
શાંતિનાથ પ્રમુખ જગદીસ, ત્રઇસઠિ પ્રતિમા નાન્સીસ ૬ વર્ધમાન ઘરિ વદુ દેવ, દશમા જિનની કીજઈ સેવ
નવૂ દેહરાસુર પ્રતિમા આરિ, ગુણ ગાતા મનિ હરષ અપાર ૭ સાહા રતના સુત ઘરિ ઉદાર, ત્રણ પ્રતિમા વદુ સુખકાર
વસુપુજ પાસ ચંદપ્રભ વદ, પૂજઉ ભવીયા મનિ આણદ ૮ શ્રી કંબોઈલ કરઈ કલ્યાણ, નવ પ્રતિમા વદુ નિત જાણ
કટકીઆ વાડઈ આણદ, છ પ્રતિમાસુ ઋષભ નિણંદ

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સેઠ મેઘરાજ તણાં ઘરિ જોય, વિમલ સહિત ત્રણ પ્રતિમા હોઈ
સેઠ વણાયગ સહરીઆ તણાઈ, જોઈ શ્રી જિન ઊલટ ઘણિ ૧૦ તિહા પ્રણમી જઈ શ્રી જિન વિમલ, ચપક કેતકી લીજઇ કમલ
ત્રણ પ્રતિમા પૂજીજઇ સહી, વધિ સહિત જિમ સૂત્રિ કહી ૧૧ ધુલી પરવિ મુનિસુવ્રત સ્વામિ, દરીય પણાસઈ જેહનઈ નામિ
તિહા પ્રતિમા પ્રણમૂલ છત્રીસ, ધ્યાન કરુ તેહનું નિસ દસ ૧૨ સંઘવી અટ્ટાઘરિ અણસ, વાસપુજ્ય જિન પૂજા કરુ
ત્રાણ પ્રતિમા તિહાં કણિ ભાવીઈ, ગોદડનઈ પાડઈ આવીઇ ૧૩ દોસી ગુણરાજ દેહરઈ સાર, મૂળનાયક શ્રી નાભિ મલ્હાર
પ્રતિમા આઠ તિહાર જે કહી, વિસા નાથા ઘરિ આવ્યા સહી ૧૪ તિહા પ્રણમુ શ્રી ઋષભ જિસદ, સિષરબધ દેહરાસુર ચદ
બિંબ પ્યાર જિન મૂરતિ સાર, નાથાસાહા પાડઈ ઊદ્ધાર ૧૫ મૂલનાયક પ્રણમુ શ્રી શાંતિ, ભાજઇ ભાવીક તણી ભય બ્રાતિ
તિહા પ્રતિમા છઇ બઈતાલીસ, ચુવીસવઠ્ઠા સહિત કહીસ ૧૬ દોસી દમા રામા ઘરિ બિન્ન, ચંદપ્રભ દેહરાસુર જિન
પ્રતિમા પાચ અછઈ તિહા સહી, વદન કીજઈ વધિસૂ રહી ૧૭ સેઠ ભોજા દેહરાસુર જોઇ, ચંદપ્રભ જિનવર તિહાં હોઈ
બિબ આરિ નિતુ વદન કરી, પ્રણમતા પામઇ શિવપુરી ૧૮ મહિતાનાં પાડઈ જોઈઈ, સાહા વછરાજ ઘરિ જિન ચાહીઈ
બિબ પાચસૂ પાસ જિસદ, કાસગીયા દીઠઈ આણદ સુંદર ઘર મહિતા સારગ વિવહાર સિદ્ધ મનિ જાણઈ રગિ
મહાવીરસૂબિ જિનસાર, આગી કઠિ અનોપમહાર ઢંઢેરવાડઈ પહતા જામ, પ્રથમ દેહરઈ શ્રી સોમલનામ
આલીસ પ્રતિમા તિહા વાદીઇ, દરસણ દીઠઈ આણદીઇ મહાવીર બીજઈ સુર્ખ કરઇ, પ્રતિમા દેખી હોયડૂ ઠરઇ
બિ પ્રતિમા નિત કીજઈ સેવ, ત્રીજઈ દેહરઈ સામલ દેવ ૨૨ ઉદભત્ત મૂરતિ સેવુ પાય, ભેટિ ભાવઠિ દૂરિ પલાય
પૂજા કરતા હરષ અપાર, સતર ભેદ વધિ કીજઇ સાર ૨૩

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નવ પ્રતિમા નમીઇ ભાવસુ, વિસા મેલાનાં ઘરિ આવસૂ
તિહા તીર્થંકર ત્રેવીસમું, બિબ પાચ જિન ભાવિૐ નમુ ૨૪ સાહા સાચા ઘરિ હરષ અપાર, નવૂ દેહરાસુર સોહિ સારા
તિહા પ્રતિમા પ્રમુષ અગ્યાર, પ્રણમતા પામુ ભવપાર દેહરાસર દેષી હરષીઇ, સાહા ભોજાઈ ઘરિ નિરષી
સંભવ શીતલ બે જિન કહુ, આભરણઈ મન મોહી રહું ૨૬ છત્રત્ર) મસ્તકિ મોહઈ, જડત હાર આગી સોહાઇ
નવકમલે જિનવર પગ ઇવઇ, જડ્યા જડિત હીરે નવનવઈ ૨૭ ઘરિ પુહુરા પારષિ રાઈચંદ, મૂળનાયક શ્રી આદિ જિસદ
બીજઈ પાસ પારશ્વનાથ, છ પ્રતિમા નિત કરુ સનાથ ૨૮ કોકો દેહરા માહિ જોઈ, કાસગીયા બે ઉદભત્ત હોઈ
મૂરતિ દેખી મન ઉલ્હસઈ, પૂજઈ તસુ ઘરિ કમલા વસઈ ૨૯ પ્રતિમા સતર અછિ મહાવીર, પ્રણમતા પામઈ ભવતાર
કોકાપાસઇસુ બે હોઈ, સેઠ મેઘાના ઘરમાં જોઈ પાડા ખેત્રપાલમા દેવ, શીતલ સ્વામી દસમા દેવ
શીતલ નીર ભરી ભંગાર, સીતલ ચદન કેસર સાર પ્રતિમા બહતાલીસ ભાવી, પારષિ કીકા ઘરિ આવીશું
ત્રિ ગઢઈ સમોસરણ મડાણ, ચુબારે શ્રી શીતલ જાણ સિષર કલસ ધજ ઉપઈ સાર, ઘટ તાલ ઘેઘૂર ઝમકાર
સતર ભેદ પૂજા કીજી, નવ પ્રતિમા નવ અગ પૂજઇ સંઘવી ટોકર ઘરિ જાણીઇ, દેહરાસુરજૂ મન આણી
બે પ્રતિમા એક જિન ચુવીસ, કર જોડી નિત નામ સીસ પીતલમઇ પ્રતિમા મનિ આણિ, મંત્ર વણાઇગનઈ થરિ જાણિ
ચર્મ તીર્થકર સેતુ સદા દાલિદ દોહગ નાવઈ કદા તિહા થિકી હવઇ પારીવાવિ, પ્રતિમા સ્મારિ ભલી તિહાં ભાવિ
આદિનાથ મૂલનાયક નામિ, પાસાં છએ બે ગોતમસ્વામિ ૩૬ બીજઈ પાડઈ દેહરા દોઈ, મહાવીર સેવઈ સુખ હોઈ
પ્રતિમા સાત તણું મડાણ, દેહ દીપઇ ત્રિભુવન ભાણ ૩૭

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બીજઈ દેહરઈ ત્રેવીસમુ, સુપ્રભાત ઊઠીનઈ નમુ
બિબ આરની પૂજા કરુ, સાહા વિદ્યાધર ઘરિ સીચર મહાવીર મૂલનાયક દેવ, પ્રતિમા સાત તણી કરુ સેવ
મૂરતિ દેવી હરષા જામ, સાળીવાડઈ પુછતા તામ હુયા દેહરાં ચૌદ સોહામણા, દેહરાસુર ઉગણીસ
ભવિક જીવ ભાવઈ નમુ, એણી ઢાલિ તેત્રીસ ત્રણિસઈ ઉગસુત્તરિ નમુ, પ્રતિમા ભવીયણ લોય હવઈ સાળીવાડા તણા, સાભલયો સહુ કોઈ
ઢાલ - જિન તુ. ત્રસેરીઈ હવઈ પુછતા જામ, મલ્લિનાથ મૂલનાયક નામ
પ્રતિમા પાચ પ્રધાન જિન તુ નેમનાથ દેહરઈ બીજઇ, દોઈ પ્રતિમાસુ વદન કિજઈ
સીઝઈ સઘલા કાજ જિન તુ વરસા સેઠ તણાં દેહરાસરિ, મૂળનાયક શ્રી આદિ જિસેસર
કેસરિ ચરચુ અગિ જિન તુ પ્રતિમા આઠ વલી તિહાર જાણ, વીજાવાડઈ વલી વષાણુ
જાણુ શ્રી જિન પાસ જિન તુ કુરસીપાડી અચિરાનંદન, છ પ્રતિમા સૂ કીજઈ વદન
ચદન કુસમિ પૂજિ નિ તુ કલહરવાડઈ શાંતિ જિસેસર, પ્રતિમા છપન્ન પરમ જોગીશ્વર
નદીસર અવતાર જિન તુ કઈઆવાડઈ માહિ પ્રધાન, આઠ પ્રતિમાસૂ મહાવીર નિદાન
શાન તણું દાતાર જિન તુ દણાયગવાઈ કષભ નમી જઈ, ઉગણાતી પ્રતિમા પૂજી જઈ
લીજઈ ભવનુ લાહનુ જિન તુ ધાધુલિપાડઈ સુવધિ સુજાણ, ત્રિતાલીસ પ્રતિમા મડાણ
આણ વહુ નિજ ચિત્ત જિન તુ ગોલવાડિ મન હરષ ધરજઈ, સાત પ્રતિમાસૂ પાસ પૂજીજઈ
કીજઇ સફલ સસાર જિન તુ

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બીજઇ દેહરઈ પ્રતિમા ચૌદ પૂજઉં, ભવિયા મનિ આણદ
ચંદવદન મુખ જોઇ જિન તુ પાસ જિગંદ લેસી ઘરિ કહીઈ, પૂજી પૂનાવાડઈ જઈ રહીઈ
શ્રી જિન પાસ જિન તુ આલીસ પ્રતિમા તિહા પૂજેટૂ બડૂયાવાડઈ આદિ નમસૂ
કહિસ્ર દોઈ બિબ સાર જિન તુ સત્રાકવાડઈ સાત ફણુ જિન, આઠ પ્રતિમા વાદુ ભવિયણ જિન
બિન તે જિન નિત વદ જિન તુ ઉચાપાડા માહિ જિણેસર, સંઘવી નાકર દેહરાસુર
હરષ ધરુ જિન દૈષિ જિન તુ છ પ્રતિમા એક જિન ચવિસઈ, જમ લઈ પ્રતિમા સાત કહીસઈ દીસઈ શ્રી જિન શાંતિ જિન તુળ
પ૭ નવું દેહરુ અતિ સુંદર સોહઈ, પાસ જિણદ મૂળનાયક મોહઈ જોઈ દસ બિબ સાર જિન તુ
૫૮ પ્રસ્તુત ઢાળ-રમા જિન તુ આકણી તરીકે છે પણ અહી ક્યાક એકલો જિ લખ્યો છે, ક્યાંક એકલો જિન લખ્યો છે ક્યાક તુ જિન લખાયું છે એ બધામાં એકરૂપતા આવે તે માટે અહીં અને જિન તુ એમ સુધારીને કરવામા આવ્યું છે
દેહરાસુર ત્રણ જાણીઈ, અનઈ વલી દેહરાં ચૌદ
ઇમ સત્તરે પૂજા કરી, નરનારીના વૃદ બસઈ સત્તાણું બિંબની પૂજા કીજઈ સાર,
નવે ઘરે આવીયા, આણી હરષ અપાર
ઢાલ - સલૂણીતુ નવે ઘરે આવી ભાવી ભાવના, અતિ ઉચ્છવ રગિ કરીએ પૂજ્યા પાસ નિણદ ચદન કુસમિ એ, બિબ આઠ ભાવઈ ધરી એ પંચાસર શ્રી પાસ આગ્ધાપૂરણ, જિન પ્રતિમા નવ વાદીઇ એ હરખ્યા હીયા મઝારિ, હરષ ભવનિ જઇ જિન દેખી આણદીઆ એ મૂલનાયક શ્રી આદિ પ્રથમ તીર્થકર, એસી પ્રતિમા ભાવીઇ એ ભમતી માહિ દેહરી યડી નિરષી નઈ, ત્રીજઈ દેહરઈ આવીયા એ
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તિહા પ્રતિમા પાત્રીસ, ચુવીસવદ્યાસુ વાસપુજ નાયક ધણી એ ચુથઇ જિન ઉગણીસ પ્રતિમા પૂજીઇ, મૂલનાયક મહાવીર તણી એ પોસાલ માંહિ દેહરુ પાચમુ, જોઈનઇ નરષીઇ નેમિસિરુ એ તેર પ્રતિમા તિહા વાદી, પાપ નિકદીનઇ સેવીઇ રાજ લિવરુ એ ઉંચી સેરી માહિ દેહરુ નરષતા, હરષિ હઇડુ ઉલ્સઇ રે થભાગુષચિત્રામ છોહ અતિ ઝલલઇ એ, પ્રતિબિબ રુપ માહિ વસઈ એ ૬૬ નદીસર અવતાર શાંતિ પ્રમુખ, જિન બિંબ ત્રીસ તિહા ભાવયો એ બીજઇ દેહરઇ શાંતિ પ્રતિમા બાર એ, પોસાલ માહિ જાણજ્યો એ પ્રતિમા છઇ અગ્યાર ત્રીજઇ દેહરઇ એ, ચંદપ્રભ જિનવર તણી એ ત્રિણિ પ્રતિમા શ્રી પાસ વાદી ઉરડી એ, ભણસાલી સમરથ તણી એ સાઊકુ પારસ્યનાથ દેહરઈ પાચમઇ એ, પ્રતિમા પચાવન ભણ્ એ ચંદપ્રભ જિનરાજ જિમણઇ પાસઇ એ, પીતલમઈ પ્રતિમા ઘણૂ એ સપ્રતિરાઇ ભરાવીઆ, જે સુહસ્તિસૂરિ તે ગુરુ ઉપદેશિ લહી એ વરસ બિસઇ એકાણુ અતર ખેતલુ, શ્રી મહાવીર પછી કહી એ પ્રતિમા અછð અઘોત વરસ સતર સઇ એ, ઊપરિ એકાણુ તણી એ ધિન તે અવતાર ધિન નરનારીય તણા કરઇ જાત્રા જિનવર તણી એ સૂરીઆભિ સુર* પૂજી તિમ જિન પૂજિજ્યો, ભવિક જીવ ભાવિ નમી એ ટાલુ મનની ભ્રાતિ ગણધર ભાસઇ એ, જિનપ્રતિમા શ્રી જિન સમી એ ૭૨ ત્રિકરણ સિદ્ધિ જે પૂજઈ તસુ સકટ નાસઈ, દુર્ગતિ તે ના વસહી એ નાગમણપાડા માહિ દેહરા બેઅ છઈ, પોસાલમાહિ તે કહી એ
૭૧
SAMBODHI
૬૪
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૬૭
૮
૬૯
૭૦
26
એકઇ શ્રી જિન શાંતિ નેમીસર તણી એ, છ પ્રતિમા સુખ સાગરુ એ ચુવીસ જિન સૂપાસ બીજઇ દેહરઇ એ, પૂજિત સવિ સકટ હરુ એ પીપલ પાડઇ શાંતિ એકાદશ પ્રતિમા મૂરતિ મોહણ – વેલડી એ બીજઇ પાડઇ પાચ પ્રતિમા પૂજીઇ, અજિતનાથ જિન કેરડીઇ પૂજ રચી તિા અગિ રગિ આવીઆ, ચિંતામણિ પાડા ભણી એ તિષ્ઠા પ્રતિમા જિન ત્રીસ ધરણંદપાસઇ એ, પૂજા સારઇ જિન તણી એ ૭૬
૭૪
૭૫
* જંબુ પ્રશપ્તિ આગમ અને ભગવતી ચૂર્ણિમા સૂર્યભ નામના દેવે ભગવાનની પૂજા કરી હતી તેવી વાત નોધવામા આવી છે

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સંઘવી અરજનપાડઈ સોલકું, જિન મૃગ લછન્ન જિનનઈ ભણ્ એ પ્રતિમા દશાનિતેર સેવ કરુ, સદા કર જોડી નિત ગુણ ઘણૂ એ પરાકોડી મઝારિ શાંતિ ભવનિ જઈ, ભાવના તિહા ભાવસું એ બાવન દેહરી માહિ દેઈ, પ્રદક્ષણા આદિ ભવન માહિ આવસૂ એ પ્રતિમા એકસુ નવ બેહુ દેહરઈ થઈ, સાહા સદરથ ઘરિ સાચ એ તિહા છઇ પાશ્વનાથ ચક્રવદન મુખ બિંબ પાચ શેવા કરું એ જન્મ કરુ સપવિત્ર ભાવના ભાવીઇ એ, અષ્ટાપદ ભણી સાચર્યા એ પ્રતિમા એકસુ સાઠિ સાત ઊપરિ કહી, ચંદપ્રભુ તિહાં પરવર્યા એ તોરણ તPય મડાણ થાભે કોરણીઅ, પત્થર જામલિ પૂતલી એ કરતી નાટારંભ જિનવર, આગલિ દીઠઈ મનિ પૂગી રલી એ સહા મેઘા ઘરમાહિ શાંતિ જિણસર, ત્રણ પ્રતિમા મનસુ ધરી એ મગતાફલમાં હાર પૂજી દીસઇએ, સોવનિમાં ફૂલઇ કરી એ ઠાકર હરષા ઘરિ ફટિક રત્ન પ્રતિમા, ચંદપ્રભ જિનવર તણી એ તિહા પ્રતિમા જિન ચ્યાર વદી આવીયા, નરસંગ ઠાકર ઘરભણી એ ૮૩ વદ્યા પાસ જિણદ પ્રતિમા આર એ, દેહ કાતિ સોવન તણી એ છત્ર ભલા સિરિ સોહઈ, દેશી મોહીઈ દેહરી જિન દીપાં ઘણી એ ૮૪ આદિલ મન માહિ દેહરાસુર દેવી, ઘરિ આસા ઠાકર તણાઈ એ સિષરબદ્ધ અવતાર ત્રણ પ્રતિમા વાદી, ચંદ લંછણ જે જિન તાઈ એ ૮૫ વામા દેવિ મલ્હાર નીલવરણ કાતિ, હાંસા ઠાકર ઘરિ કહીઈ એ નવ પ્રતિમા નવ અગિ પૂજી અગિ એ, સિંહાસણિ બઈઠી સહી એ ૮૬ દેહરુ સુદર સોહઈ સુરનર મોહઈ એ, ચિત્ત દિન તિહા દીસઈ ઘણી એ પ્રતિમા ચંદપ્રભ સ્વામિ મોહન મૂરતિ જોતા, અતિ રલીઆમણી એ ૮૭ ઠાકર શ્રી આસધીર બિંબ ભરાવીઓ, ઉપમ કાતિ પા તણી એ પૂજઊ તે ભગવત પૂજ્યા આપઈ એ, ઠાકર પદવી આપણી એ ૮૮ આભરણે અતિ દીપઇ મોતી માણિક, જોતિ જિસી સૂરય તણી એ નવ પ્રતિમા તિહા જાણી, આણી મન માહિ સેવ કરુ ત્રિભોવન ધણી એ ૮૯ ત્રાંગડીઆનઈ પાડઈ આદિ જિસેસર, અઠાવીસ પ્રતિમા કહી એ પદમપ્રભ જિન છઠ્ઠા વદન કીજઇએ, સીઝઈ કાજ સઘલા સહી એ ૯૦

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SAMBODHI
દૂહા
છ દેહરાં જાણજયો, અનઈ દેહરા બાવીસ
સઘ સહુ હરષિ કરી, નિત નિત નામુ સીસ અઠાવીસ જિનભવનની સંખ્યા ત્રીજઇ ઢાલિ.
અઢાર ઊપરિ સાતસઇ જિનપ્રતિમા નિહાલિ
ઢાલ,
મણહટ્ટીઆ પાડા માહિ મહાવીર વષાણુ,
તિહા પ્રસાદ નવું કરિઓ પ્રતિમા પાચ જાણુ પાડઈ મહમાઈઆ તણાઈ પ્રતિમા અગ્યાર,
ચરમ તીર્થંકર પૂજઈ, ત્રિભોવન શણગાર તિહા થકી હવઈ ચાલીઆ એ, હીયડઈ હરષ ધરી જઈ,
તંબોલી પાડઈ જઈ જિન પૂજા કીજઈ ચૌદ બિબસૂ શ્રી સુપાસ અતિ સુંદર સોહઈ,
ભણસાલી સોના તણાં દેહરાસુર મોહઈ ત્રણિ પ્રતિમાસુ ઋષભદેવ વદુ ભવી પ્રાણી,
થાવર પારષિનઇ ઘરિએ તે ઉલટ આણી. આરિ પ્રતિમાસૂ શ્રી શાંતિદેવ જિન વદન કીજઇ,
મંડલિક પારષિ ઘરિ દેહરાસુર ત્રીજઇ બિંબ ત્રણસૂ ઋષભદેવ પૂજી ફલ લેશું,
પૂના પારષિ ને ઘરિ બિબ ત્રણ નમેનૂ બઈડાપાડા માહિઈ તિહાં પરતર દેહરુ,
મડપ ચુક વિશાલ થભ જોતા નહી અને સોલમ્ શ્રી શાંતિદેવ ભૂલનાયક નામ,
જિહા પ્રતિમા એકવીસ કહી વદી પુહત્તા જામ વૈદ્ય તણા પાડા માહિ નવું દેહરુ સોહઈ,
દેશ પ્રતિમાસૂ ચંદપ્રભ જોતા મન મોહ પોસાળના પાડા માહિ દેહરઈ રિસહસર,
તિહા પ્રતિમા પાત્રીસ છઠ પૂજી ચદન કેસર

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Vol XXII, 1998
પાટણની બે અપ્રગટ ચૈત્યપરિપાટીઓ
ભજબલ શ્રેષ્ઠિ તણઇ ઘર દેખી મન રીઝઇ સિષરબધ પ્રાસાદ જિસુ કુણ ઉપમ દીજઇ
આઠ બિબ સેવુ સદા આભ૨ણે સોહઇ
પરગર વલી રુપા તણીએ પાચ રત્નમઇ સોહઇ
જવહરી રુપા તણઈ દિર સુવિધ સુજાણ
બિબ પાચ તિહા જાણીઇ ચિત્રામિ મડાણ
સેઠ ઠાકરસા તણઈ ભવનિ તિહા વેગિ આવી આઠ પ્રતિમાસુ ઋષભદેવ મન સિદ્ધિ ભાવી ભરથ સાહા પાડઈ જઈ પૂજઉ ૫૨મેસર
નવ પ્રતિમાસુ સોહીઇ તિહાં આદિ જિજ્ઞેસર થાવરસાહા તણઇ ઘરિ પ્રતિમા ચ્યાર જોઈ
સાહા સિઘરાજ તણઇ ઘરિ પ્રતિમા પાચ હોઇ કંસારવાડા માહિ નવુ પ્રાસાદ મનોહર
ભમરી નખસ છાજઇ ભલી દેષી મોહઇ સુર મૂલ ગભારઇ આદિ દેવ ત્રિભોવન જન વદન બિબ સોલ તિહા પૂજીઇ લેઈ કુકુમ ચદન દેહરાસુર સોહામણુ વથા પારિષ ઘિરે
પાસ જિજ્ઞેસર સહિત આઠ પૂજિ વિવિધ કરિ પાડઇ ઢાલ ઊતારનઇ સેઠ ટોકર જાણ્
સુમતિનાથ ચુવીસસૂ બીજા સોલ વખાણ્ ભઈસાતવાડઇ શાંતિનાથ જિનવદન કરસૂ
ચુપન્ન પ્રતિમા જિન તણી ભાવિ ગુણ ભણસૂ સાહાવાડા ભણી સાચરયા, અતિ આણંદ આણી
બાવન બિબસુ શ્રી સુપાસ વધુ ભવિ પ્રાણી સગરકૂયાપાડઈ કહૂ જિનહર એક સાર
પનર બિબ તિહા જાણીઇ વામા દેવિ મલ્હાર નારિગપુર શ્રી પાસદેવ સવિ સંકટ ચૂરિ
વીસ બિબ તિહા ભાવયો સેવક સુખ પૂરð
૪
૫
૬
છ
८
૯
૧૦
૧૧
૧૨
૧૩
૧૪
૧૫
૧૬
૧૭
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SAMBODHI
198
જિનમદિરની માગણી સષા પેષ સાર
નાનાવિધ વરસી તણા ચિત્રાસ અપાર હબદપુર હરષઈ જઈ નેમીસર નરવુ
વિહરમાન જિન વીસસૂ નવ્યાસી પરવું મોઢ મોઢ પાડઈ જઈ કરુ ચૈત્ય પ્રવાડિ
છ પ્રતિમાસુ પૂજ કરી આવ્યા જોગીવાડ સામલ પ્રતિમા શાંતિદેવ પ્રતિમા એકવીસ
મૂરતિ અતિ રુલીઆમણી નિત નિત નામે સીસ ડ્રગર સેઠ તણઈ ઘરિ શ્રી શાંતિ જિણસર
બિ પ્રતિમા તિવા જિન તણી સેવ સારઈ સુરનર દોસી ભોજા તણાં ઘરિ દેહરાસુર વધુ
પ્રતિમા સાતસૂ ધર્મનાથ દેશી આણદુ સોમાસેઠ તણાં ઘરિ દેહરાસુર ભાડૂ
છ પ્રતિમા પૂજા કરી મફલીપુરિ આવું શાંતિ જિણોસર સોલમા એ નિશિ દિન પ્લાઉ
બિંબ પાચ પૂજી કરી જિનના ગુણ ગાઉ
૨૨
ચૌદ દેહરાસુર વદીયા, જિણહર દીપઈ સોલા
ઈમ તીસે જિન પૂજીયા, ભગતિસૂ રગ રોલ ૨૬ ચુસય બિબ નવ્યાસીય ચુથી ઢાલિ વિચાર હરષ ધરી સહુ આવીઓ, માણિકચુક મઝારિ
૨૭ ઢાલ – જીરાઉલુ જગનાયક, સેવ કરઈ સુખદાયક ત્રાયકપનગનઈ પદવી ધરીએ, વરસ સહસ્ત્ર બાસી
તણી લોક પ્રસિદ્ધ તે સુણી, તે ધણી વદન કીજઇ ધરી એ ૨૮ માલીપાડઈ વખાણઈ સેઠ મહિપા ઘરિ જાણીઈ આણીઈ બિબ અગ્યાર તિહા વળી એ, માંડણપાડઈ જાઈઈ બિબ બાર તિહાં ગાઈઈ ધ્યાઈ મહાવીર જિન મનિરલી એ ૨૯ સેઠ મલ્હાર પાડઈ ભણ્ શાંતિનાથ ગુણ ઘણૂ તિહાં સુષ્ણુ પ્રતિમા સાત સોહામણી એ મલ્લિનાથ ભણી આવીઇ એંસી પ્રતિમા તિહા ભાવીઇ. પૂજાવી તિહા ત્રણિ સુવીસી જિન તણી એ
૩૦

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ભાણા પારષિ પાડઈ કહૂ નવૂ દેહરુ દીપઇ બહૂ તિહાં સહૂ પૂજ રચે વિવિધ કરી એ પાસ જિણેસર વધૂ એ બિબ તેર તિહા વદૂ એ નદૂ એ અવિધિ આસાતન જે કરી એ ૩૧ ધિન તે નર અવતાર દેહરા કીયા ઊદ્ધાર એ સાર સમકિતની દીપતિ ઘણી એ વેગિ ગુલાલ ગુથાવાઇ ચપક કેતકી લ્હાવીઇ આવીઇ પાડઈ વિસા ભોજાલક્કી એ ૩૨ બિબ ચાર પૂજા કરુ વિરમ વડઈ અણસરું મનિ ધરુ શાંતિનાથ સુખસાગર એ. બિંબ સતાવીસ પૂજા કરી પાડઈ બલીદ હર્ષ કરી મનિ ધરી બિંબ અઢાર વદન કરું એ ૩૩ સાણીસર માહિ જાણીઇ મુનિસુવ્રત મનિ આણીઈ બિંબ પ્યાર જિનવર તણા એ સતરભેદસ્ વધિ સહી રાઇયાસણી માહિ કહી આણ વહી પૂજા કીધઈ ફલ ઘણા એ ૩૪ પાડઈ માં વિદ્યાધર શાંતિનાથ સોહકર સખકર પ્રતિમા ત્રણ તિહાં ખરીએ કસૂબીઆપાડઈ કહી શીતલ જિન ભવને એ, સામહી નવ પ્રતિમા સેવા કરી એ ૩૫ બીજઈ દેહરઈ જાઈઈ પાસ જિસેસર પ્લાઈઇ, ગાઈડ બિંબ તેર નિત ભાવસુ એ કોઠારી મ નિ આણીઇ ઔર પ્રતિમા વીર જાણીતું ગુણ ઘણી મહ જસવંત ઘરિ આવ એ સામલ વન શ્રી પાસ એ પૂરઈ મનની આસ એ પાસઈ એ ત્રિણિ પ્રતિમા પીતલ તણાઈ આવ્યા ઘરિ બાઈસારુ એ કાસગીયા બે વારુ એ ધારુ એ નવ પ્રતિમા તિહા ગુણ ઘુણી એ કોવારી પાડઈ હરષીઈ પાસ જિણેસર નિરષીઈ પરખીઈ એકાદશ જિન સુદર એ ઘરિ નાકર મોદી તણઈ છ પ્રતિમા હરષિ ઘણિ ગુણ ઘણાં જેહના દેવી સુરવર એ ૩૮ સહી ઘરિ મંત્રી જેરાજ એ વાસપુજ્ય તિહા છાજઇ એ વાજઈ એ મદલ તાલ સઘૂઘરી એ જિન પ્રતિમા તિહા ચ્યાર એ પૂજિત પામઈ પાર એ સાર એ પૂજ કરુ ભાવિ કરી એ ૩૯ વિરાષા એષિ ઘર સાર એ વામાદેવિ મલ્હાર એ હાર એ ચપકમઈ સોવન તણા એ બિબ આઠ તિહાં પૂજીજઈ સતર ભેદ વિધિસૂ કીજઈ એ જન્મ સફલ માનવ તણ એ ૪૦ સંઘવીનઈ પાડઈ જઈ સંઘવી વસ્તા ઘર સહી તિહાં કહી ચંદપ્રભ દેહરાસરુ એ છ પ્રતિમા અતિ સુંદર સેવકનઈ શિવસુખ કરુ સુદર જસ સુરનર સેવા કરુ એ ૪૧ વહુરા સંઘરાજ ઘરિ ભણુ દેહરાસુર રલીઆમણે ગુણ ઘણુ ચંદપ્રભ જિનવર તણા એ પ્રતિમા ચ્યારસુ ચગિ જોતા ઊલટિ અગિ એ રગિઈ એ મનમાહિ માનવ તણા એ ૪૨ સંઘવી લટ્ટકણ ઘરિ ભણી અજિતનાથ પ્રતિમા થણી જિન તણી મૂરતિ લીઆમણી એ દેહરઠ આદિ જિણેસર બિંબ થ્યારિ અતિ સુંદર સુરવર ભગતિ કરિના ભાવિ ઘણી એ ૪૩

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SAMBODHI દૂહા નવ દેહરાસુર નરશી દેહરા તેર ઊદાર,
એ સંખ્યા બાવીસની ભવીયણ જાણઓ સાર પચમે ઢાલ પ્રકાસી પ્રતિમા જિનની સાર, ઉગણસઠિ ઊપરિ બિસઈ ત્રિભોવન તારણહાર
ઢાલ – ઊલાલુ ફોહલીઆ વાડઈ જઈઇ, જિનહર સાત તિહા કહી,
આદિ જિણેસર નાયક, મન વછિત ફલ દાયક ચુત્રીસ જિન ચૌદ પૂજઉ મનિહિ આણંદ,
દેહર નવુ સોહાકર ત્રેવીસમુ સુખસાગર પ્રતિમા સતસૂ કહીઈ, મૂરતિ દેશી ગહગહીઈ,
સેઠ ધણદત્ત ઘરિ હરષ, પર્આના ઘર માહિ પરષ દશ પ્રતિમાસુઅ પાસ, પૂરઈ મન તણી આસ,
સાહ માધવ ઘરિ જોઈ, પ્રતિમા સાત તિહા હોઈ બારસમુ જિન ભાવુ, સેઠિ વીરા ઘરિ આવું,
પ્રતિમા એકાદશ જાણું, વાસપૂજ્ય મનિ આણુ પૂનમીયા દેહરઈ ચૌદ, પ્રતિમા દીઠઈ આણદ,
વલીઆરવાડઈ દેહરુ, શાંતિ જિણેસર કેરુ એકાદશ પ્રતિમા સાર, જોતા હરષ અપાર,
મદલિ મદલિ બાંઠા સૂયડા, છાજઈ દીસઈ યડા શાંતિસર મહાવીર નમુઅ નિરતર ધીર,
સોનારવાડઈ વદન, નવૃ દેહરુ જગરજન જોતા અનોપમ દીસઈ, તિહા પ્રતિમા છઈ ત્રેવીસ,
ભંડારી પાડઈ ભગતિ, જિન પૂજા કીજઈ જુગતિ. વામાદેવિ મલ્હાર, બિબ આઠ જિન સાર,
શાંતિજિદ અપાર, કઠિ અનોપમહાર સાહા સદયવચ્છનઈએ, ઘરમા પૂજ રચી જઈ,
બિ પ્રતિમા ભાવિ ભાવીઈ સાર, પ્રતિમા પ્યાલીસ નિય્યાર પ૬

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ચુવીસવટ્ટાસુઅ વધુ, દરશિણ દીઠઈ આણદુ,
ઘરિ આવ્યા દોસી કમણ, દેહરાસુર ભાનુ ભવયણ વાસપૂજ્ય વધુ સાર, છ પ્રતિમા દીપઈ હાર,
નષસ કરી અતિસાર, તોરણ થાભ અપાર દોસી દેવા ઘર જઈઇ, શીતલ જિનવર કહીઈ,
પ્રતિમા સાત સોહાકર, દોસી વીરા ઘરિ જિનહર પ્રતિમા ચ્યાર જુહારી, શીતલ જિન સુખકારી,
સેઠ કરમસી ઘરિ વદુ, આદિ જિણેસર વધુ છ પ્રતિમાસૂસ સોહબ, સહા મનજીએ ઘરિ મોહઈ,
પાડઈ સાહાકરણાનઈ, કરિસિ સેવા શીતલનઈ ત્રેવીસ પ્રતિમા પૂજીજઇ સાહા મનજી ઘરિ,
અભિનવ રત્નમાં બિંબ સંભવ પ્રતિમા આઠ તિહા વદુ મુખ સોહિ પૂનમ ચદુ,
દેહરાસુર જગરજન, જોતા દરીય નિકદન સેઠ પાતા ઘર સુમતિ, દેહરાસુર વારુ જુગતિ,
પ્રતિમા પાચ તિવા જુગપતિ, દાત તણી તિહા વતપતિ દાડિમ બાજઇ પૂતલી યત્ર કલઈ,
ધજ લહિકઈ, સુગધ વસ્તુ મહિ મહિકઇ તિહા થી ખેતલવસહી, કરસૂ પઈસતન સહી,
પ્રતિમા આઠ પ્રકાસ, વાસિપુ એ પાસ સંશા પારષિ ઘરિ બિન, દેહરાસુર આદિ જિન,
પ્રતિમા આર સુચગ, ફૂલ ગુલાલ સુ ૨ગ રયણમાં જિનવર આર, ચમુખ પૂજઇ સાર,
પારષિ નાથાના ઘરમા, ચુમુખસુ આઠ પ્રતિમા બીજઈ દેહર શાંતિ, ભાઈ ભવની ભ્રાતિ,
આર પ્રતિમા ગુણ ગાસુ, ત્રીજે દેહરઇ જાસૂ તિહા અછઈ પાસ કુમાર, બિબ પાચ જિન સાર,
અજિતનાથ જિન બીજઓ, સેઠ લકા રિ પૂજા
FY

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રસીલા કડીઆ, શીતલ શાહ
ત્રિણિ પ્રતિમા તિહા મનોહર, વુહુરા વછા ઘર સુદર, વાસપૂજ્ય જિન જાણી, ચ્યાર પ્રતિમા મનિ આણી વિમલ જિજ્ઞેસર પ્રતિમા, સેઠ અમીપાલ ઘરમા, નવૂ દેહરાસુર સાર, પ્રતિમા આઠ ઉદાર ઘર પારરિષ ઉદિકરણ, ચંદપ્રભ ચકિરણ,
દેહરાસુર મન મોહઇ, ત્રીજી ભુઇ જિન સોહઇ રત્નમય બિબનઇ કલસ, સદફકારી કામ સરસ,
ત્રણિ પ્રતિમા તિહા ભાવી, લટકણ સાહા પાડઇ આવી પીતલમઇ શ્રી જિન શાંતિ, દેહ સોવ્યન જિસી કાતિ, છ પ્રતિમા ગુણ ગાઉં, જિમ અવિચલ પદ પાઉ આન્નાવાડઈ જાસુ, પૂજ કરી ગુણ ગાસ,
પ્રતિમા સાતસુ સોહÛ, ત્રેવીસમુ જિન મોહિ હદ્ પારિષ ઘર ભણીઇ, ત્રણિ પ્રતિમા તિહા થુણીઇ, શાંતિનાથ પૂજા કરીઇ, સયલ સિધ્ધિ સુષ ભરીઇ મહિતા હાદા કૂઅરજી, તસુ ધરિ બે પ્રતિમા પૂજી, નીલ વર્ણ સિ૨ઇ પાસ, વિછત પૂરઇ આસ પૂજ રચી જઇ તિહા ચગિ, સંઘ સહૂ મિલી રિંગ, ભગતિ જુગતિ બહૂ વિસ્તર, મણોરથ પૂરઇ જિજ્ઞેસ૨ દૂહા અઢાર દેહરાસુર અતિ ભલા દેહરા તેર વાણિ,
છઠિ ઢાલિ પ્રકાસીયા ઇમ એકત્રીસઇ જાણિ ત્રણિસઇ છ પ્રતિમા સહી પૂજી આણંદપૂરિ,
મન માહિ સમરસિઇ તેહનઇ દુર્ગતિ દૂરિ. છત્રીસ સતર ભેદસૂ પૂજા કીધી ચંગિ,
પચશબ્દ નિરઘોષસુ નિતુ નવુ ઉચ્છવ રગિ
હાલ
પાટણ નગર વખાણીઇ એ, જિનવદન અવર ન બીજુ કોઇ, જિન ભવન રુલીઆમણૂ એ, જિન અતિહ અનોપમ હોઇ
SAMBODHI
૭૧
૭૨
૭૩
૭૪
૭૫
૭૬
09
७८
૭૯
८०
૮૧
૮૨
૮૩

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Vol.
II, 1998
પાટણની બે અપ્રગટ ચૈત્યપરિપાટીઓ
203
બાણ દેહરા દપતા એ, જિન નિરખતા અતિ આણદ,
દેહરાસુર અતિ સોભતા એ, જિન સોલ કલા જિમ ચંદ ઉગણહત્તરિ વદ્યા સહીય, હીયડઈ ધરીય વિવેક,
સર્વ થઈ સખ્યા સણ એ, જિન એકસુ સાઠિનઈ એક પ્રતિમાની સખ્યા કહી એ, જિન ચુવીસસઈ અડત્રીસ,
પૂજા કીજઇ હરષસુ એ, નશિ દન નામુ સીસ પ્રસિધ્ધ દેહરાસુર જે સુસ્યા એ, જિન તે સંખ્યા એ સાર
ઘર ઘરિ જિન પ્રતિમા ભલી એ, વદન કહિતુહૂ ન લહૂ પાર નસિ દિન તે વદન કરુ એ, જિન વલીય ગામોગર દેવ,
સાસય અસાસય જે પડિમા ભવિ ભવિ દેયો શેવ. વિનતડી પ્રભુ હું કરું એ, મયા કરું ભગવત,
કર્મ વશિ બહુ પરીભમિલ એ, તારણ તૂ અરીહત વિધપક્ષ ગચ્છ ગુરુ જયકરુ એ, શ્રી ધર્મયૂરતિ સૂરિ,
ગુરુ પ્રસાદિઈ ચૈત્યપ્રવાડિ કીધઈ આણદ પૂરિ સંવત સોલતરોતરઈ એક માસ આસાઢ તે રગ,
પુન્યમ વાર શિન થિર રહુ એ, પાટણ નયર અભગ
કિલસ
અણહલવાડઈ નયર પાટ િચુવીસઈ જિન જગગુરુ એ,
શાતિ જિનવર શાંતિકારક સયલ સઇ સુખાક જા દૂધ સાગર ચદ તારા સૂરિ મેરુ મહીધર ,
તા ચૈત્ય અવિચલ કહઈ સેવક સંઘરાજ સુખાક ઈતિ શ્રી ચૈત્યપ્રવાડિ સપૂર્ણ || || શ્રી /
અશુદ્ધ પાઠ શુદ્ધ પાઠ
પહિલું નિસ
ઢાળ ૧, કડી ૨ ઢાળ ૧, કડી ૧૨ ઢાળ ૧, કડી ૧૬ ઢાળ ૧, કડી ૨૦ ઢાળ ૧, કડી ૩૧
પૂહિલ નસિ ભાંતિ આગી. ભગાર
બ્રાતિ આગી. ભૂગાર

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SAMBODHI
ઢાળ ૧, કડી ૩૨ ઢાળ ૧, કડી ૪૨ ઢાળ ૧, કડી ૬૩ ઢાળ ૩, કડી ૭૧ ઢાળ ૩, કડી ૭૯ ઢાળ ૩, કડી ૭૯ ઢાળ ૪, કડી ૧ ઢાળ ૪, કડી ૧૦ ઢાળ ૫, કડી ૩૧ ઢાળ ૬, કડી ૬૨ ઢાળ ૬, કડી ૬૪ ઢાળ ૬, કડી ૬૪ ઢાળ ૬, કડી ૮૦ ઢાળ ૭, કડી ૯૩
ત્ર ગઢ જિન ૨ આસી નારીય તણા ચદવન બિહૂ એવીસ મનોર અવધિ અભિવન સમતિ વત્તપતિ એ ત્રીસઈ
ત્રિ ગઢઈ જિન તુ એંસી નરનારીય તણા ચક્રવદન બેહૂ એકવીસ મનોહર અવિધિ અભિનવ સુમતિ વતપતિ એકત્રીસઈ
કઠિન શબ્દો
શબ્દ
અર્થ
શબ્દ
અર્થ
- તેવીસ - પારેષ - ચોક - પરિકર - નકશી
સહિગુરુ - શુભગુર, કલ્યાણકારી ગુરુ પતિ - ? ક્ષમા, સમભાવ વધિ - વિધિ ધુલી પરવિ - ધૂળી પડવો દરીય - દરિદ્રતા પણાસઈ - નાશ પામવો કણિ - કને, પાસે પૂહિલ વિધિસૂ - વિધિ સાથે
- જ્યારે
- સાથે, સહિત આણ - આજ્ઞા.
- ધારણ કરુ ઉદભત્ત - અદ્ભુત
- પહેલું
દશનિતેર પારષિ ચુક પરગર નખસ વરસી ચિત્રામ ચુસય ચુથી રયડા સામરહી સિરઈ સોચન થણી
જામ
- ચિત્રકામ - ચારસો - ચોથી - સુડા - ? સન્મુખ, સામે -- શ્રી ? - સોનાના - સ્તુતિ
વ

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પાટણની બે અપ્રગટ ચૈત્યપરિપાટીઓ
205
સાર
ભાવઠા શબ્દ
- દરિદ્રતા, સંકટ
અર્થ
- સરસ
અર્થ
શબ્દ
યુથઈ
- સૂર્ય
- પૃથ્વી
કાસગીયા - કાઉસ્સગ્ગીયા
મંત્ર - મત્રી. હેવ - હવે
વણાઇગ - વિનાયક ભંગાર - કલશ
દોહગ - દુર્ભાગ્ય જામ તામ - જ્યારે ત્યારે
ચર્મ - છેલ્લા (ચરમ) ચુબારે - ચાર ધારવાળુ (ચોમુખ) દૂયા
- દૂજા, બીજા તુ - તો
સીચરુ - સચરવુ જમલઈ - કુલ, બધુ મળીને
એણી - આ - ચોથુ
અચિરાનદન - શાતિનાથ રાજલિવરુ - રાજુલનો વર = નેમિનાથ પૂગી - પહોચી ઉરડી - ઓરડી
સૂરિ સાકુ - સ્થળ નામ છે
મેરુ અદ્યોત - અદ્દભુત ?
દાડિમ - રોજ કેરડીઈ - કેરડુ = કે, નુ
યત્ર કલઈ - યત્રની ચાપ અથવા
કળ થાભે - થાભલે
લહિકઈ - લહેકે છે કરણી - કોતરણી
પઈસતન - પ્રવેશ જામલિ - જુમ્મ, યુગ્મ, બે
ભુઈ
- માળે બેહૂ
દાત તણી વતપતિ - હાથીદાતની કારીગરી સોવનિમઈ - સુવર્ણની
નાભિ નિરદ - આદેશ્વર આફણી - આપોઆપ
શવપુરિ - શિવપુરી અવતાર - રચના ?
રળી
- આનંદ ગુલાલ - લાલ ફૂલનો છોડ
ચગિ
- સરસ સૂરય - સૂર્ય
ત્રાયક
- ત્રાતા, બચાવનાર સીઝઈ - સિદ્ધ થાય
સુખકર
- સુખકરે એકાદશી - અગિયાર
- લહાણું, લાભ ઉગણહત્તરિ - ઓગણસાઠ
મદલિ મદલિ
- ઠેકાણે ઠેકાણે ત્રિકરણ સિદ્ધિ - મન, વચન, સૂયડા
- પોપટ, સૂડા કાયાની સિદ્ધિ
- ૧૬૧૩ શાસય
સોલતરોતરઈ - શાશ્વત અશાસય - અશાશ્વત
- પૂર્ણિમા પૂન્યમ
લાહનું

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- શનિ
206 રસીલા કડીઆ, શીતલ શાહ
SAMBOE મયા - કૃપા
શિન કહીઉ - કહેતા સદફકારી - એક પ્રકારની કારીગરી વામા દેવી મલ્હાર - પાર્શ્વનાથ સદ; - મોતીની છીપ
ગામાગર. - ગામ બહાર પન્નગ - સાપ
ઘૂઘુર
- ઘુઘરી, ઘટ કવિ નિર્દેશિત ઘર દેરાસર, દહેરા તથા બિબ સંખ્યાની ગણતરી દર્શાવી છે તથા આ ગણતરી કરીએ છીએ તે મુજબ ક્યા ગણતરીનો મેળ બેસે છે તે અને એમાં કયા સ્થળે ફેર માલુમ પડે છે તેને સ્પષ્ટ કરતો કોઠો દર્શાવવામાં આવ્યો છે
કવિ નિર્દેશિત ગણતરીનો કોઠો ઢાળ દહેરાસુર + દેહરાં = કુલ દેરાસર બિબ સંખ્યા
૧૯ + ૧૪ = ૩૩ ૩૬૯ ૩ + ૧૪ = ૧૭ ૨૯૭ ૬ - ૨૨ = ૨૮ ૭૧૮ ૧૪ + ૧૬ = ૩૦ ૪૮૯ ૯ + ૧૩ = ૨૨ ૨૫૯ + ૧૩ =
૩૦૬ ૬૯ + ૨ = ૧૬૧ ૨૪૩૮
me owne
૩૧
કૃતિમાં નિર્દેશિત સંખ્યા મુજબ કરેલી ગણતરીનો કોઠો ઢાળ ઘરદેરાસર + દેરાસર = કુલ દેરાસર પ્રતિમા સંખ્યા
૨૦ + ૧૩ = ૩૩ ૩૬૯ ૩ + ૧૪ = ૧૭ ૨૯૫ ૬ + ૨૨ = ૨૮ ૭૧૫ ૧૪ + ૧૬ = ૩૦ ૪૮૯ ૯ + ૧૪ = ર૩
૨૬૦ ૨૦ + ૧૧ = ૩૧ ૩૦૯ ૭૨ + ૯૦ = ૧૬૨ ૨૪૩૭
હાલ-૧ કવિએ ઢાળને અને આપેલ પ્રતિમાની કુલ સંખ્યા દર્શાવી છે તે મુજબ ગણતરી કરત બરાબર થાય છે પણ એક વાત ધ્યાનમાં લેવા જેવી છે તે અહીં ખેત્રપાલના પાડામાં વણાયક
+

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207
મત્રીના ઘ૨માના મૂળનાયક મહાવીર સ્વામીનો આ ટોટલમા સમાવેશ થયો નથી વળી, કવિ નિર્દેશિત ઘ૨દેરાસર ૧૯ અને દહે૨ા ૧૪ છે. અલબત્ત કુલ દેરાસરનુ ટોટલ ૩૩ બરાબર થાય છે
ઢાલ-૨
કવિએ નિર્દેશ્ય છે તેમ અહીં દહેરા, ઘરદેરાસરની કુલ સંખ્યા ૧૭ બરાબર થાય છે કવિ નિર્દેશિત બિંબ સખ્યાની ગણતરી ૨૯૭ છે પણ ઢાળ - ૧મા એમણે જેમ મહાવીર સ્વામીની બિબ સખ્યામા ગણતરી કરી નથી તેવી રીતે આ ઢાળમા પણ વીજાવાડાના પાર્શ્વનાથની સંખ્યા અને ગોલવાડના લેસીના ઘરના પાર્શ્વનાથની સખ્યા દર્શાવી નથી આપણી ગણતરી મુજબ બિંબ સખ્યાની ગણતરી ૨૯૫ થાય છે
ઢાલ-૩
કવિએ દર્શાવ્યા પ્રમાણે અહીં ૬ ઘરદેરાસર, ૨૨ દેરાસર અને ૭૧૮ બિંબ સખ્યા છે, અલબત્ત બનેની મળીને દેરાસરની કુલ સખ્યા ૨૮ બેઉમા બરાબર થાય છે પણ બિંબ સંખ્યા આપણી ગણતરી મુજબ ૭૧૫ થાય છે
ઢાલ-૪
પ્રસ્તુત ઢાળમા કવિ નિર્દેશિત ઘરદેરાસર, દેહરા અને બિબ સખ્યા મળી જાય છે ઢાલ-પ
આ ઢાળમા કવિએ ૯ ઘરદેરાસર, ૧૩ દેહરા અને બિંબ સખ્યા ૨૫૯ જણાવેલી છે સઘવીના પાડાના સઘવી લટકણના ઘરનુ અજીતનાથના ઘરદેરાસરની બિબ સખ્યા જણાવવામા આવી નથી. આપણી ગણતરી મુજબ ૯ ઘ૨દેરાસર, ૧૪ દેહરા અને ૨૬૦ બિબ સખ્યા થાય છે
ઢાલ-દ
અહીં કવિએ ૧૮ ઘરદેરાસ૨, ૧૩ દહેરા અને ૩૦૬ બિબ સખ્યા જણાવી છે આપણી ગણતરી પ્રમાણે ૨૦ ઘરદેરાસર, ૧૧ દહેરા અને બિંબ સખ્યા ૩૦૯ થાય છે આમ, કવિ નિર્દેશિત સખ્યાની ગણતરી આપણી ગણતરી પ્રમાણે જુદી પડે છે
પ્રતના આધારે જિનાલયોની યાદી
વિસ્તાર
મૂળનાયક
ઢાલ-૧
વિશેષતા
શાંતિનાથની પોળ
શાતિનાથ
૧ વર્ધમાનના ઘરમા
શીતલનાથ
નવુ ઘરદેરાસર
૨ સાહા રતના પુત્રના ઘરમા વાસુપૂજ્ય સ્વામી-ચંદ્રપ્રભુ- પાર્શ્વનાથ
કબોઈ પાર્શ્વનાથ
પ્રતિમા
સંખ્યા
× ∞ જ હુ

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રસીલા કડીઆ, શીતલ શાહ
SAMBODHI
કટકીઆ વાડો
૩ સેઠ મેઘરાજના ઘરમાં ૪ સેઠ વણાયગ સહરીઆના ઘરમાં
આદેશ્વર વિમલનાથ વિમલનાથ મુનિસુવ્રત સ્વામી ધૂળી પડવે દર્શનનું મહત્ત્વ વાસુપૂજ્ય સ્વામી
૫ સઘવી અટ્ટાના ઘરમાં ગોદડનો પાડો ૬ દોસી ગુણરાજના ઘરમાં ૭ વિસા નાથાના ઘરમાં નાથાસાહાનો પાડો
આદેશ્વર આદેશ્વર
શિખરબદ્ધ દહેરાસર
શાતિનાથ ચોવીસવટા સાથેની
પ્રતિમાઓ ચંદ્રપ્રભુ સ્વામી ચંદ્રપ્રભુ સ્વામી
૮ દોસી દમા રામાના ઘરમાં ૯ સેઠ ભોજાના ઘરમાં મહેતાનો પાડો ૧૦ સાહા વછરાજના ઘરમાં ૧૧ સારગ મહેતાના ઘરમાં
પાર્શ્વનાથ મહાવીર સ્વામી
કાઉસ્સગ્ગીયા સાથે મકાન સુદર, , પ્રતિમાના કઠમાં અનોપમ હાર
ઢંઢેરવાડો
અદ્ભુત મૂર્તિ
૧૨ વિસા મેલાના ઘરમાં ૧૩ સાહા સીચાના ઘરમાં ૧૪ સાહા ભોજાના ઘરમાં ૧૫ પારેષ રાયચદના ઘરમા કોકાનો પાડો
શામળ પાર્શ્વનાથ મહાવીર સ્વામી શામળ પાર્શ્વનાથ પાર્શ્વનાથ નામ નથી સભવનાથ-શીતલનાથ આદેશ્વર
નવુ દહેરાસર મોહક આભરણો પાસે પાર્શ્વનાથની પ્રતિમા ૬
બે અદ્ભુત કાઉસ્સગ્ગીયા ૧૭
૧૬ સેઠ મેઘાના ઘરમાં
મહાવીર સ્વામી કોકા પાર્શ્વનાથ

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209 ખેત્રપાલનો પાડો શીતલનાથ
૪૨ ૧૭ પારેષ કાકાના ઘરમાં શીતલનાથ ત્રિગઢ સમોવસરણ, ચૌમુખજી ૯ ૧૮ સઘવી ટોકરના ઘરમાં નામ નથી એક ચોવીસી ૧૯ મત્રી વણાઇગના ઘરમા મહાવીર સ્વામી પિત્તળની પ્રતિમા દર્શાવી નથી ખારી વાવ
આદેશ્વર, પાસે ગૌતમસ્વામીની
બે પ્રતિમા બીજો પાડો
મહાવીર સ્વામી
પાર્શ્વનાથ ૨૦ સાહા વિદ્યાધરના ઘરમા મહાવીર સ્વામી
ઢાલ-૨
સાળી વાડો ત્રસેરીયું
મલ્લિનાથ નેમનાથ આદેશ્વર
પાર્શ્વનાથ
નદીશ્વર પટ
૧ વરસા સેઠના ઘરમાં વીજા વાડો કુરસી પાડો કલહર વાડો કઈઆ વાડો દણાયગ વાડો ધાંધલિ પાડો ગોલવાડ
શાતિનાથ શાતિનાથ મહાવીર સ્વામી આદેશ્વર સુવિધિનાથ પાર્શ્વનાથ ચંદ્રપ્રભુ સ્વામી પાર્શ્વનાથ
દર્શાવી નથી
૨ લેસીના ઘરમાં પૂના વાડો બડૂયા વાડો
પાર્શ્વનાથ
આદેશ્વર

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210
પાર્શ્વનાથ
સાત ફણા યુક્ત
સત્રાક વાડો ઊંચો પાડો ૩ સઘવી નાકરના ઘરમાં
શાતિનાથ પાર્શ્વનાથ
એક ચોવીસી નવુ દેહરુ
ઢાલ-૩
નવે ઘરે નવઘરુ) પંચાસર
પાર્શ્વનાથ પાર્શ્વનાથ આદેશ્વર
ભમતી સાથે વાસુપૂજ્ય સ્વામી ચોવીસવટા સાથે મહાવીર સ્વામી નેમિનાથ પોસાલ = પોષધશાળામા ૧૩
ઊંચી સેરી
શાતિનાથ
નદીશ્વર પટ તથા સુદર કોતરણી
૩૦ પોસાલ = પોષધશાળામા ૧૨
શાતિનાથ ચદ્રપ્રભુ સ્વામી પાર્શ્વનાથ પાર્શ્વનાથ
૩
ભણશાળીની ઓરડીમાં ચંદ્રપ્રભુ સ્વામીની અતિ પ્રાચીન પિત્તળની પ્રતિમા
નાગમણ પાડો
શાતિનાથ - નેમિનાથ
સયુક્ત દેરાસર, પોસાલ = પોષધશાળામાં
પાર્શ્વનાથ શાતિનાથ
આકર્ષક પ્રતિમા
અજિતનાથ
પીપલ પાડો બીજો પાડો ચિતામણિ પાડો સંઘવી અરજનનો પાડો
પાર્શ્વનાથ
ધરણેન્દ્ર સાથે
શાંતિનાથ

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પાટણની બે અપ્રગટ ચૈત્યપરિપાટીઓ
211
પરાકોડી.
બાવન જિનાલય
૧
/૯
શાતિનાથ આદેશ્વર પાર્શ્વનાથ
૧ સાહા સદરથના ઘરમાં
૧ ૧
દ
અષ્ટાપદ
ચંદ્રપ્રભુ સ્વામી કોતરણીવાળા થાભલા ૧૬૭ ૨ સાહા મેઘાના ઘરમાં શાતિનાથ ૩ ઠાકર હરષાના ઘરમાં ચંદ્રપ્રભુ સ્વામી સ્ફટિકની પ્રતિમા ૪ નરસગ ઠાકરના ઘરમાં પાર્શ્વનાથ ૫ આસા ઠાકરના ઘરમાં ચદ્રપ્રભુ સ્વામી શિખરબદ્ધ દેરાસર ૬ હાંસા ઠાકરના ઘરમાં પાર્શ્વનાથ નીલ વર્ણના પ્રતિમા,
સુંદર દેહરાસર
ચદ્રપ્રભુ સ્વામી ઠાકર આસધીરે ભરાવેલ ૯ ત્રાંગડીઆનો પાડો
આદેશ્વર પદ્મપ્રભુ સ્વામીનું
ઘણું મહત્ત્વ
ઢાલ-૪ મણહટ્ટીઆ પાડો મહાવીર સ્વામી નવુ દેહરુ મહમાઈઆ પાડો મહાવીર સ્વામી તંબોલી પાડો
સુપાર્શ્વનાથ ૧ ભણશાળી સોનાના ઘરમાં આદેશ્વર ૨ થાવર પારેષના ઘરમાં શાતિનાથ ૩. મડલિક પારેષના ઘરમાં આદેશ્વર ૪ પૂના પારેષના ઘરમાં નામ નથી. નબઇડા પાડો
શાતિનાથ ખરતરગચ્છનું દેરાસર ૨૧ વૈદ્યનો પાડો
ચંદ્રપ્રભુ સ્વામી નવુ દેહરુ પોસાળનો પાડો
આદેશ્વર ૫ ભજબલ શ્રેષ્ઠિના ઘરમા નામ નથી. શિખરબદ્ધ દેરાસર,
રૂપાનુ પરિકર,
૫ રત્નની પ્રતિમા ૬ ઝવેરી રૂપાના ઘરમાં સુવિધિનાથ
છ છ જ છે કે 2
છે
9
દ

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212
૭ સેઠ ઠાકરસાના ઘરમા
ભરથ સાહનો પાડો
૮ થાવર સાહના ઘરમા
૯ સાહા સિઘ૨ાજના ઘરમા
કંસારવાડો
૧૦ વુથા પારેષના ઘરમા
ઢાલ ઉતા૨નો પાડો
૧૧ સેઠ ટોકરના ઘરમા
ભઇસાત વાડો
સાહા વાડો
સગરકૂયાનો પાડો
નારિગ પુર
હબદપુર મોઢ મોઢ પાડો
જોગી વાડો
૧૨ ડુંગ૨ સેઠના ઘરમા
૧૩ દોસી ભોજાના ઘરમા
૧૪ સોમા સેઠના ઘરમા
મફલીપુર
માણેકચોક માલી પાડો
૧ સેઠ મહિપાના ઘરમા
રસીલા કડીઆ, શીતલ શાહ
આદેશ્વર
માંડણ પાડો
સેઠ મલ્હારનો પાડો
આદેશ્વર
નામ નથી
નામ નથી
આદેશ્વર
પાર્શ્વનાથ
સુમતિનાથ
શાતિનાથ
સુપાર્શ્વનાથ
પાર્શ્વનાથ
પાર્શ્વનાથ
નેમિનાથ
નામ નથી
શાતિનાથ
શાતિનાથ
ધર્મનાથ
નામ નથી
શાતિનાથ
ઢાલ-૫
નામ નથી
મહાવીર સ્વામી
નવુ દે, સુદર નકશી કામ
ઘણુ ચિત્રકામ
વીસ વિહરમાન
શ્યામલ પ્રતિમા
SAMBODHI
८
૭ =
૪
૧૬
પ્
92 9
૧૫
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૨૧
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)
E
૫
૧૧
૧૨

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Vol XXII, 1998
પાટણની બે અપ્રગટ ચૈત્યપરિપાટીઓ
213
શાતિનાથ મલ્લિનાથ પાર્શ્વનાથ
ત્રણ ચોવીસી નવુ દેહરુ
K
&
ભાણા પારેષનો પાડો વિસા ભોજાલખીનો પાડો વીરમ વાડો બલઈ પાડો સાણીસરમાં રાઇયા સેણી માં વિદ્યાધરનો પાડો કસુંબીયા પાડો
નામ નથી શાતિનાથ નામ નથી. મુનિસુવ્રત સ્વામી
૨
૦
શાતિનાથ શીતલનાથ પાર્શ્વનાથ મહાવીર સ્વામી પાર્શ્વનાથ
0 ૦
૨ મહ જસવતના ઘરમાં
શ્યામ રંગની પ્રતિમા, ત્રણે પ્રતિમા પિત્તળની બે કાઉસ્સગ્ગીયા
0
નામ નથી
૩ બUસારુના ઘરમાં કોવારી પાડો
m 2
પાર્શ્વનાથ નામ નથી. વાસુપૂજ્ય સ્વામી પાર્શ્વનાથ
૪ નાકર મોદીના ઘરમાં ૫ મત્રી જેરાજના ઘરમા ૬ વીરાણાના ઘરમાં સંઘવીનો પાડો ૭ સઘવી વસ્તાના ઘરમાં ૮ વુહુરા સઘરાજના ઘરમાં ૯ સઘવી લટકણના ઘરમાં
જ
ચંદ્રપ્રભુ સ્વામી ચદ્રપ્રભુ સ્વામી અજિતનાથ આદેશ્વર
દર્શાવી નથી
ઢોલ-૬
ફોહલીઆ પાડો
આદેશ્વર પાર્શ્વનાથ
નવુ દેહરુ

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214
૧ સેઠ ધણદત્તના ઘરમા
૨
સેઠ પટ્આના ઘરમા
૩ સાહા માધવના ઘ૨મા
૪ સેઠ વીરાના ઘરમા
વલીયાર વાડો
સોનાર વાડો
ભંડારી પાડો
૫ સાહા સયવચ્છના
ઘરમા
૬ . દોસી કમણના
૧૧ સાહા મનજીના
ઘરમા
૧૨ સેઠ પાતાના
ઘરમા
રસીલા કડીઆ, શીતલ શાહ
નામ નથી પાર્શ્વનાથ
નામ નથી
ખેતલવસહી
૧૩ સથા પારેષના
ઘરમા
૧૪ પારેષ નાથાના
ઘરમા
વાસુપૂજ્ય
વાસુપૂજ્ય
શાતિનાથ
શાતિનાથ-મહાવી૨
સ્વામી
પાર્શ્વનાથ
શાતિનાથ
ઘરમા
૭ દોસી દેવાના ઘરમા ૮ દોસી વીરાના ઘરમા શીતલનાથ
૯ સેઠ કરમસીના ઘરમા શીતલનાથ
૧૦ સહા મનજીના ઘરમા આદેશ્વર કરણા સાહાનો પાડો
નામ નથી.
વાસુપૂજ્ય સ્વામી
શીતલનાથ
સભવનાથ
સુમતિનાથ
વાસુપૂજ્ય સ્વામી
આદેશ્વર
નામ નથી. શાતિનાથ
નવુ દેહરુ
૧૦
૭
૧૧
પૂનમીયા ગચ્છનુ દેરાસર ૧૪
૧૧
કઠે અનોપમહાર
એક ચોવીસવટો
તો૨ણ અને થાભલાની નકશી
રત્નની પ્રતિમા
કળવાળી પૂતળીઓ, હાથી દાતનુ નામ
SAMBODHI
રત્નની ૪ પ્રતિમા, ચૌમુખજી
છુ
૨૩
८
૨
૪૪
g
∞ જ ધર્મ
૨૩
८
૫
८
૪
૪

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Vot XXII, 1998
૧૫ સેઠ લકાના ઘરમા
૧૬ વુહુરા વછાના ઘરમા ૧૭ સેઠ અમીપાલના ઘરમા ૧૮ પારેષ ઉદિકરણના ઘરમા
લટકણ શાહનો પાડો
આન્ના વાડો
૧૯ દૂ પારેષના ઘરમા ૨૦ મહિતા હાદા કૂઅરજીના
ઘરમા
પાટણની બે અપ્રગટ ચૈત્યપરિપાટીઓ
પાર્શ્વનાથ
અજિતનાથ
વાસુપૂજ્ય સ્વામી
વિમલનાથ ચંદ્રપ્રભુ સ્વામી
શાતિનાથ
પાર્શ્વનાથ
શાતિનાથ
પાર્શ્વનાથ
નવુ દહેરાસર
ત્રીજે માળ, રત્નમય બિબ
રત્નમય કળશ, સદફકારી કામ
પિત્તળની પ્રતિમા
૫
૩
*
૩
દ
૭
૩
215
નીલ વર્ણની પ્રતિમા
પ્રારભે કવિએ ગુરુને નમસ્કાર કરી, સરસ્વતી દેવીનુ સ્મરણ કર્યું છે. સ. ૧૯૧૩ના પ્રથમ જેઠ માસની પૂનમ અને ગુરુવારના દિવસે જિનપૂજા કરી આ ચૈત્યપરિપાટી શરૂ કરે છે
ર
કવિ સઘરાજે અહીં પ્રત્યેક વિસ્તારના નામ સાથે તે-તે વિસ્તારમાં આવેલા દહેરા, ઘરદેરાસર તથા તે-તે જિનાલયમાની બિંબ સખ્યા આપી છે બે-ત્રણ સ્થળે મૂળનાયકનુ નામ કે બિંબ સખ્યા દર્શાવવામા આવી નથી કોઈ પણ જિનાલયમાની નાની સરખી વિશેષતા પણ નોધવાનુ તેઓ ચૂકતા નથી જેમ કે – કટકીયાવાડાના મુનિસુવ્રત સ્વામીના જિનાલયમા ધૂળેટીએ દર્શનનુ મહત્ત્વ છે, કેટલાક જિનાલયમા ભમતી છે તો કેટલાકમા ચોવીસવટા છે તો કેટલાકમા નદીશ્વર પટ છે, કોઈક ખરતર ગચ્છનુ દેરાસર છે, કોઈક પૂનમીયા ગચ્છનુ છે, કોઈક બાવન જિનાલય છે, કોઈક સયુક્ત દેરાસર છે, ક્યાક ચોમુખજી છે, ક્યાક ત્રિગઢ સમવસરણ છે તો ક્યાક શિખરબદ્ધ જિનાલય છે જેવી વિગતો
-
જિનાલયમાની પ્રતિમાઓ અદ્ભુત છે, આકર્ષક છે, પ્રતિમાજી પર મોહક આભરણો છે, કઠે અનુપમ હાર છે, નીલ વર્ણની, શ્યામ વર્ણની કે રત્નની પ્રતિમા છે, કાઉસ્સગ્ગીયા છે, વીસ વિહરમાન છે - આવા બધા ઉલ્લેખો કવિના સૂક્ષ્મ અવલોકનનો પરિચય કરાવે છે
તે સમયે પાટણનાં આ જિનાલયો કેવા અદ્ભુત હતા તેનુ વર્ણન પણ કવિ કરવાનું ચૂકતા નથી જેમ કે – કસારવાડાના આદેશ્વરના જિનાલયમા સુદર નકશી કામ છે, અષ્ટાપદમા ચદ્રપ્રભુના જિનાલયમા કોતરણીવાળા થાભલા છે અને તેના પર બે-બે પૂતળીઓ છે, નારિંગપુરમા પાર્શ્વનાથના જિનાલયમા વિપુલ પ્રમાણમા ચિત્રકામ જોવા મળે છે, ભડારી પાડામા દોશી દેવાના ઘરદેરાસરમા

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SAMBODHI
216
રસીલા કડીઆ, શીતલ શાહ તોરણ અને થાભલાની નકશી અદ્ભુત છે. કરણાશાહના પાડામાં શેઠ પાતાના ઘરદેરાસરમાં કળવાળી પૂતળીઓ અને હાથી દાતનું કામ જોવા મળે છે, ખેતલવસહીમાં પારેખ ઉદિકરણના ઘરદેરાસરમાં રત્નમય બિબ અને કળશ તથા સદફકારી જેવી કલા-કારીગરી છે – જેવી વિગતો
કેટલેક સ્થળે કવિ કોઈક પ્રતિમા, કોઈક સ્થળ કે કોઈક નકશીકામ સદર્ભે લબાણપૂર્વક નોધ કરે છે
આવી એક નોધ ઊચી શેરીના પાર્શ્વનાથના જિનાલયમાની ચદ્રપ્રભુ સ્વામીની પ્રતિમા સદર્ભે પાચ કડીમા આપી છે તે જણાવે છે કે – આ પ્રતિમા પિત્તળની અતિ પ્રાચીન પ્રતિમા છે આર્ય સુહસ્તિસૂરિના ઉપદેશથી સપ્રતિ રાજાએ તે ભરાવેલી છે અને કવિ ચૈત્યપરિપાટી લખે છે ત્યારે આ મૂર્તિ ૧૭૦૦ વર્ષ જેટલી પ્રાચીન છે અને તેથી આ પ્રતિમાના દર્શન એટલે એનું જાત્રા જેટલુ મહત્ત્વ છે
આ ચૈત્યપરિપાટીમા કવિએ તે-તે વિસ્તારમાં બધાયેલા નવા દેરાસરોની વિગતો પણ જણાવી છે આવા નવા દેરાસરોની સંખ્યા ૯ જેટલી છે મુનિ સિદ્ધિસૂરિની ચૈત્યપરિપાટીમાં આ દેરાસરોનો ઉલ્લેખ નથી
અને ૭મી (છેલ્લી) ઢાળમા કવિ આગળની ૬ ઢાળમાં નિર્દેશિત દેહરા, દહેરાસર અને બિબ સખ્યાનુ સપૂર્ણ ટોટલ આપે છે અને પોતે આ ચૈત્યપરિપાટી (વિધિ પક્ષ) અચલગચ્છીય ગુરુ મુનિ ધર્મમૂર્તિસૂરિની કૃપાથી આનદ સાથે સ૦ ૧૬૧૩ આષાઢી પૂનમ અને શનિવારના રોજ પાટણ નગરમાં પૂર્ણ કરી હોવાનું જણાવે છે કલશમાં કર્તા તરીકે કવિ પોતાનું નામ સંઘરાજ જણાવે છે
તાં ચૈત્ય અવિચલ કહઈ સેવક સંઘરાજ સુખાકરું. કવિ સઘરાજ પાટણની ચૈત્યપરિપાટી કરતાં નોધે છે કે કેટલાક જિનાલયમાં તેઓએ ચપક, કેતકી, કમલ જેવા પુષ્પો વડે પુષ્ય પૂજા કરી છે વિધિપૂર્વક સૂત્રો બોલ્યા છે ૩૬ જિનાલયોમા વિધિ સહિત સત્તરભેદી પૂજા ભણાવી છે ઘણા બધા જિનાલયોમા કેસર અને ચંદનથી ભગવાનની અગ પૂજા તો કરી હોય જ આ અભિવ્યક્તિ દર્શાવે છે કે તેઓએ આ ચૈત્યપરિપાટી કરતી વખતે અતિ ઉલ્લાસ અને હૃદયના અનેરા ભાવ અનુભવ્યા છે
પાટણની ચૈત્યપરિપાટીઓમાં પ્રસ્તુત ચૈત્યપરિપાટી તેની વિગતસભરતાના કારણે અમૂલ્ય છે પાટણના જિનાલયોના ઈતિહાસના અધ્યયનમા આ વિગતો બહુમૂલ્ય ઉમેરણરૂપ છે

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REVIEW "OUTLINE OF ABHINAVAGUPTA'S AESTHETICS" V. M. Kulkarni, Pub : Saraswati Pustak Bhandar, Ahmedabad - 380 001 First Edn., May 1998 pp. 1-105 + 5 (Appendix) = 110/Rs. Dr V M Kulkarni's book viz Outline of Abhinavagupta's Aesthetics consists of ten valued articles on topics connected with Indian Aesthetics in general and Abhinavagupta's (=A's) approach to the same in particular Before taking a detailed review of Dr Kulkarni's present work, I will hazard to suggest a new title for it such as "An indepth study of Abhinavagupta's Aesthetics", for that exactly it is I know prof Dr V M Kulkarni as a great scholar, so thorough, hard-working and meticulous in his approach to any problem that falls within the scope of Sanskrit Alamkāras'āstra in general He exhibits an unbiased and balanced application and dedication to whatever he picks up for a close study, be it in Sanskrit or Prakrt His expressions in keeping with his conclusions are clear and unbiased like his thinking as also seen in his Studies in Sanskrit Sahityas'āstra I count him as one of the greatest modern alamkārikas in company with Dr Rewaprasad Dwivedi, Prof KD Tripathi, the late Dr Ram Chandra Dwivedi, the late Dr K. Krishnamoorthy and Dr Raghavan, Pundit Vis'ves'vara, Dr Bishwanath Bhattacharya, Prof R C Parikh, Prof RB Athavale, Dr Hiriyanna, and also Profs Gnoli, Masson, Patwardhan, K. Kunjunni Raja, M M Sharma and the rest The chief merit of his approach is that he goes to the root of a given problem from many angles, tries to interpret the given authour quoting all relevant passages from his writing and then takes a critical, unbiased view, that can be acceptable to all In this respect I would place him with the great Pundit Jagannātha of the Rasa-gangādhara fame For sure, this study is meant only for those who justifiably claim to have a closer acquaintance with Ā. The present work consists of ten articles engaged in a thread-bare analysis of the problem concerned, highlighting Abhinavagupta's approach in a clear and critical way However, small minds have some small problems and we will atempt to throw light on these points In the first article on "Sanskrit theory of Beauty" (pp 1-17) the author suggests at the outset that "in India, however, the study of Aesthetics does not form a branch of Philosophy" (pp 1) as in the West Dr V M Kulkarnı brings out the

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special traits of Indian approach to the theory of beauty as compared with the western approach The Indian thinkers do not 'venture upon a definition of Art, applicable to all the (Fine) Arts They merely attempt a definition of one of the Fine Arts, namely, poetry (or creative literature as such) and investigate into the source of literary beauty Finally, they arrive at the conception of rasa as the first and foremost source of Beauty in literature" (p 1-2) Dr V M Kulkarni quotes from Prof Hiriyanna and suggests that, "The conception of Rasa is general and furnishes the criterion by which the worth of all forms of fine art may be judged" (pp 2) He also refers to some scholars in their modern writings expressing a view that in the context of other fine arts the term rasa is used in its metaphonical extension only He avoids entering into any controversy in the fashion of the great Anandavardhana (-A)
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While further introducing the problem on hand vız Sanskrit Theory of Beauty, Dr Kulkarni discerns two stages-distinct as he notes in the growth or development of Sanskrt (Skt) literary criticism The first stage is represented in the works of known writers on poetics such as Bhamaha, Dandin and the like who preceded Anandavardhana and Abhinavagupta,-with whom goes the second developed form of literary criticism The earlier authors such as Bhamaha, and also those not known to us but who also preceded A and A, reveal, in the opinion of Dr V M Kulkarnı an effinity with what is called the "pratiyamāna" or suggested, or implied, or inner sense in poetic compositions, but they did not make it a "pre-condition" so to say, or better say "principal condition" for excellent poetry Their approach to beautiful poetic expresion, was more directed towards "the external" aspect as compared with the "internal aspect" of poetic beauty However, the fact remains that even Bhamaha and the earlier lot of alamkärikäs considered the problem of 'rasa' and subsumed it under 'alamkära', which was 'saundarya' or poetic beauty in general For them "Vācām alamkrtth' beauty of expression' in general was 'ista' e 'a must' for all poetry and this beauty in general was inclusive of rasa So, if Dr Kulkarni observes (pp 3) that, "We may, therefore, regard them as, on the whole, representing the first stage in the growth of literary enticism and aesthetics", we may not differ from him, but only add that this so called 'first stage' consisting of Bhamaha and others-for there must be others not known to us but known to Bharata who at several places mentions Kävya-rasa', was not a 'dark-age" and that this first stage also reveals awakening towards the concept of rasa and its position in literature in general and in drama, or performing art in general also

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So, we may only partly agree with Dr Kulkarni when he observes that it was Ā. the author of Dhvanyaloka (=Dhv) who completely revolutionized the Skt poetics and aesthetics with his “novel theory that dhvani (suggestion) is the soul of poetry (pp 3) We may say that A was the first known advocate of Vyañjanā-dhvani-rasa theory and perhaps Dhy was the first written document in this direction, known to us Even A. in his locana confesses his ignorance concerning any earlier written document on dhvani when he says, "Vinā'pı Visusta-pustakesu vinives'anāt” But the thought-currents were very much there and even A. clearly recognizes the same when he says samămnätapūravah" Dr V M Kulkarnı is inclined not to take this expression "literally" (pp 3), but why not ? ask we, when even Bharata uses the term "Kavya-rasa' several times and expects everything,-- guna, dosa, laksana, and alamkāra-to be correlated with rasa,-a tendency so clearly advocated by A A. and their so-called dhvanıvādī followers ? So perhaps it is safer to suggest that the enquiry concerning beauty took care of all forms-external such as word and expressed meaning, and internal such as guna and rasa and we have with us documents concerning 'the external' only The earlier writers, on the authority of Bharata, were absolutely conscious of the fact of rasa, the base, and also other sources of charm corelated with this centre It is one thing that they called 'rasa' an alamkāra, but calling it 'ātmā' or otherwise was only a metaphorical explanation and it was Ā who was perhaps the first to inherit the whole theoretical and complex thinking and attempted a neat presentation in writte form, with his thrust and tilt towards vyañjanā
Dr Kulkarni, neatly and elaborately, quoting original sources, discusses the topic of Poetry vs Philosophy (pp 3-6) and suggests that the former is the result of pratibhā or genius and the latter-s'āstra- is the outcome of prajñā ie intellect He presents the views of different writers on this and also quotes the ideas of poets on the nature of beauty He then turns to älamkārıkās on the nature of beauty (p 8), and discusses A's and A.'s observations (p 9), ending with Jagannātha's views (p 10), thus trying to ascertain whether the ālamkārıkās had a subjective or objective view concerning beauty He also covers up the topics of 'nature of rasa' (p 14), about the content of Rāvya (p 15), and the method of Kavya (p 15) also We agree with Dr Kulkarni (p 17) when at the end he observes. "In conclusion, cărutva-pratiti' (perception of beauty) is the very soul or the essence of poetry (creative literature) This perception of beauty presupposes the existence of objective beauty due to a

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beautiful suggested sense and its perception by a sensitive reader or spectator The subjective-cum-objective nature of beauty is suggested, when A says in the mangalas'loka to his Locana "sarasvatyās tattvam kavi-sahridayākhyam vijayate” In his foot notes, and this is true with the rest of his writing, Dr Kulkarni has acknowledged the sources (pp 17, ft n 46) of his inspiration However, a short bibliography at the end of the book would also have been more welcome 'Bharata's concept of Bhava' (pp 19-28) presents the Natyas'āstra (NS) view on bhāva Dr Kulkarni clearly explains the terms such as bhăva, vibhāva, anubhāva, sthāyıbhāva, sättvikabhäva etc Bharata derives the word bhāva, "from the causative of bhu, 'to be', which may be intended in two different meanings that is, 'to cause to be' (viz bring out, create, etc) and 'to pervade' The first explanation gives us-Kavyarthān bhāvayanti iti bhāvāh— e bhāvas bring out the purposes of poetry The second explanation suggests how bhāvas pervade the minds of the spectators as any smell does (pp 18) The author explains Bharata's views on vibhāvas and anubhāvas, who for him are unlimited in number, while sthāyl-vyabhıcārt and sättvikas are unalterably fixed as eight, thirty-three and eight respectively (pp 19) Dr Kulkarnı takes up the explanation of the verse “Yo'rtho hrdaya-samvādī” especially the first half He cites the interpretations of M Ghosh, Dr Bhat, (Bharatanätya-mañjart), J L Masson and M V Patwardhan, an interpretation following the Bälapriyā on the Locana on Dhy, and of Dr K. Krishnamoorthy (=KK) In our view Dr Krishnamoorthy's interpretation is entirely off the mark and unacceptable When Dr K Krishnamoorthy observes (pp 21) "Bharata is not talking of sahrdaya at the commencement of his seventh chapter but of bhāva in drama This context should not be observed” (pp 21), he seems to be under Dr KC Pandey's age-old observations Actually, we fail to understand and therefore categorically reject the very idea that a great dramaturgist of the stature of Bharata can ever divorce the spectator's response from that of the total consideration of dramatic art We, therefore, support Mammata when he uses such terminology as-nartake'pı pratiyamanah, connecting Bhatta Lollata with the Sāmājika also, for no expert on dramaturgy can ever leave behind exclusively the spectator's response For us, the first half of the verse would mean "the (sthāy-bhāva) of the theme ie Kavya-vastu, which is hrdaya-samvadi i e having internal harmony, or sympathetic identification is the cause of rasa " This is a very simple and clear

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explanation We agree with Dr Kulkarni when he observes, "A close look at the verse would reveal that its first half is concerned with the rasa-nuspattı whereas the second half with its enjoyment by a sahrdaya" Then, while explaining the Sthāyıbhāva (p 21), Dr Kulkarni quotes a verse, viz "bahūnām samavetānām" etc, and suggests that Abhinavgupta quotes it in his Locana, the verse seems to be a genuine one We agree with this Dr Kulkarni has given the page number (p 386) of the B P Edn which he has consulted But we wish that everywhere he has quoted from Locana, he should have given the direct reference also, such as "Locana on Dhv - udyota number Karikā number” The b' part of this verse can be explained as "Sa sthāyı (bhāvah) rasah mantavyah, s'esah (bhāvāh) Sañcarino matäh"-meaning—"that sthāyıbhāva quich is delineated in major portion of a given composition leads to the principal rasa, the rest to subordinate rasas" Actually Abhinavagupta, does the same as seen in the text quoted by Dr V M Kulkarni on pp 21, and the translation that follows Dr Kulkarni observes (
p 23)—"From these passages it would seem that according to Abhinavgupta, vāsanās or samskāras are the same as sthāyıbhāvas " We may further explain that väsanās or samskāras are for Abhinavgupta the laukika sthāyıbhāvas and they become alaukika when presented through the medium of art and attain to the state of rasa On pp 23, Dr Kulkarni goes to observe "After it is activated there takes place hrdaya-samvāda (sympathetic response) Our feeling is that first step is hrdaya. samvāda or sympathetic identification on the part of the sāmājika ie his mind should rest in the Kavya-vastu, and then follows the rest For this quality, hrdaya-samvada-18 absence of disbelief on the part of the samājika, and if disbelief continues it leads to the first of the seven faults concerning rasaexperience, viz Sambhāvanā-virahah Or, perhaps it is both absence of disbelief and incapacity to feel a particular bhāva, which both make for hrdaya-samvada, Abhinavgupta in his commentary on the S'anta-rasa goes to observe that—"na sarvasya sarvatra hrdaya-samvādah " This point is open to debate Dr Kulkarni (
p 24) correctly observes that the Vyabhıcāri-bhāvas, can attain the status of a Sthäyıbhāva We may refer to the reading accepted by Masson and Patwardhan in their presentation of the portion of the A bh (=Abhinavabhāratī) on the s'antarasa in their excellent work on the S'antarasa The author observes that, "There is, however, no such suggestion from

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Bharata's text that a Vyabhucaribhāva can become a sthāyibhāva, though A accepts this Dr Kulkarni also quotes Abhinavagupta's contradictory opinion that "A Sthayin can become a vyabhicärın but a vyabhicārın can never become a sthāyın" We may say that when Bharata enumerates 'Jugupsā' as a vyabhucarin in case of Srngära, he in a way rubs off the difference between the sthayin and the vyabhicärin Perhaps this Bharata accepts as a one-way-affair The Sthayin can be a vyabhicärin and not vice-versa but Abhinavagupta perhaps extended this observation So when Abhinavagupta (p 25, ftn 14-(11) denies the status of Sthäyttä to Vyabhicärins, he has Bharatās partial acceptance in his mind He himself is clear in both-way traffic
Dr Kulkarni nicely observes that (p 25) the new or additional vyabhicārins mentioned by Bharata are only synonyms He, however, is ill at ease with himself when he observes, (p 25) that 'No satisfactory answer is so far, found to this baffling question' viz that how could Bharata include some insentient (jada, acetana) and external (bähya) states in the list of sentient and internal vyabhicārins? We may think that when Bharata talks of nudra, marana, ālasya, vyädhi etc he means the respective mental states that lead to these physical expressions This can be an easy and acceptable solution Similarly, when Bharata mentions frama, cinta and älasya as the vibhāvas of nidra, a vyabhicárin, the reference could be to the mental states caused by these Again, when Bharata lists some of them as anubhāvas, obviously he seems to refer to the angika-abhinaya-external expression that goes with them This is how wel can support Bharata-Sthutasya samarthanam' I
Dr Kulkarni (p 26) considers closely the nature of sättvikabhāvas We may note that in all the references citied, 'sattva' stands for absolute mental concentration, or singleminded devotion to one's work by the artist Thus for Abhinavagupta 'bhava' stands for citta-vrtti-vis'esa, 1 e a special state of mind These mental states depending on propnety and context, take the form of sthäyt, vyabhicari, or vibhāva or anubhava The vibhāvas and anubhavas being external and insentient are not 'bhäva' proper, but sthäyt-vyabhicärt and sättvika bag the honour of being called bhava' proper
Dr Kulkarni discusses 'Dual nature of Sättvika-bhāva' in the next article He points out that for Bharata the categones of bhavas are not unalternately fixed The author feels that the treatment given to the thirty-three vyabhicărins in the seventh chapter puts them on par with the Sthayins We may note that in the bhävädhyaya, Bharata tries to explain how various vyabhicärins were to be

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presented through acting This perhaps does not put them on par with the Sthāyins The author also suggests how the Sättvikas are treated as vyabhıcárins (pp 29 ft n 2) But we may suggest that the sättvikas when they are mentioned as vyabhıcărins stand for the mental states behind them They need not be taken as physical 'stambha, 'Vaivarnya' etc Perhaps we have to understand a metaphorical sense here Even Dr Kulkarni (p 30) himself feels that (line 15) "These sättvikas are used here in the sense of internal feelings which have not manifested themselves externally" p 30, ft 3,4,5 They are to be taken this way only without getting confused or scarred about it Or, could it be that when Bharata calls these sättvikas as vyabhıcārins, he wants to convey that even the sättvikas are not absolutely or unalternatively fixed with suggestion of this or that basic emotion On p 31, ftn 10, Dr Kulkarnı refers to Dr Raghavan's remark He seems to place all Sättvika-bhāvas on par with anubhävas and therefore takes them as jada, -not bhāvas proper following Abhinavagupta's observation But when Dr Raghavan (ft n 9, p 31) tries to seek support from Abhinavagupta's remark, he overlooks the fact that all sāttvikas are not equally 'yada' or external but that they have a dual nature and we feel that even when insensient sättvikas like 'bāspa' tears etc, are considered, Abhinavagupta calls them jada only from external point of view Virtually they stand for the mental states that accompany them from behind Thus, p 31, ft n 7 explains how sāttvikas take advantage of, or are partly dependent on the nature of vyabhıcārın and abhinayas As they partake of the nature of vyabhıcārins, ie as the sāttvikas are basically 'a-zada' they are to be separated from mere external acting 1 e abhinaya. It is because of this that, Abhinavagupta declares, as quoted by Dr Kulkarni on p 32, that-tasmat sthāyivyabhıcărin-sättvika eva bhāvah (also on pp 42) Dr V M Kulkarnı goes on to discuss how Hemacandra explains this point (p 33) He observes (p 34), that the sättvikas such as 'stambha' etc first suggest the physical attributes and are therefore called anubhāvas, but ultimately they stand for the mental states like love etc This is exactly our observation seen earlier in this review The authour observes that the sättvikas (p 34) have no trace of independence even like vyabhıcārins The meaning is that we may have a vyabhıcāri-dhvanı but never a sättvika-dhvanı The authour also explains how Dhananjaya accepts the dual nature of sättvikas (p 34, 35) Dr Kulkarni refers to Dr Raghavan's understanding about 'sattva' on pp 35 We do not feel that Dr Raghavan places all this in its correct form Dr V M Kulkarni then explains how Vis'vanātha, S'aradātanaya and others understand sättvika-bhāva

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Dr Kulkarni (p 36, para-2) puts forth the views of Abhinavagupta, Hemacandra (
H C) and Kumāraswāmin clearly These tally with our observations earlier that external manifestations like 'stambha' etc suggest ultimately the internal states Dr Kulkarnı gives in detail the views of Kumāraswāmin, Rasatarangini, Rasa-ratna-pradīpikā, Rasapradīpa, Masson and Patwardhan (pp 36, 37) etc We do not agree with the view of Masson/ Patwardhan ( 38) but stick to our explanation as above Dr Kulkarnı gives the view as given in the Marathi work-Bhāratīya Nātyas'sāstra (
p38) He feels that the explanation is ingenious but not convincing We accept this and refer to our understanding as discussed above We may add that the Rasagangadhara has not taken sättvikabhāvas as independent categories Whưe discussing "Hemacandra on Sättvikabhāvas" Dr V M Kulkarni (
p41) observes that, 'a careful look at Bharata's treatment of Karuna, vīra, and adbhuta would show that Bharata gives some of the sättvika-bhāvas as anubhāvas and some others as vyabhicārins This treatment implies that according to Bharata they partake of both characters,—they are both vyabhıcārıbhāvas and anubhāvas" We have explained our understanding very clearly as it tallies with this Our impression is that on P 42 there is some repetition of ideas and expression, but this, we feel is unavoidable as Hemacandra follows Bharata and almost paraphrases Abhinavagupta Dr Kulkarni has quoted Hemacandra (p 43) as translated by M Patwardhana, Hemacandra has given excellent illustrations, and (p 44) has note which again confirms our clear and correct understanding as to the nature of sāttvikabhāvas "The final position is this—the external sättvikabhāvas such as stupefaction, etc are physical attributes and they operate as anubhāvas suggesting the corresponding) internal sāttvikabhāvas and in reality they (ultimately) suggest emotions, psychic states, such as love, world-weariness, etc” (ft n 11, p 44) on pp 45, Dr Kulkarni says that Kumāraswāmın holds that it was Hemacandra who alone has original thinking on this topic It is possible that by the time of Kumāraswāmin the A bh on NS VII was not available tull it was reconstructed by my worthy guru Dr Kulkarni with the help of Hemacandra The next topic taken up by Dr Kulkarni is “Rasa-Laukika" He has tried to explain this tradition from Bharata onwards The author suggests that we come across a few indications in Bharata's wnting which lead one to infer that he believed that it is nearly the sthāyıbhāva of the world that is called rasa, when

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imitated or represented on the stage, and that some rasas are pleasurable and some others sorrowful (p 47) We beg to differ In the NS-I when the demons rise against the performance, Brahman explains that local bhavas are not to be confused with dramatic emotions Art is not life It is life plus something It is above life It is 'ananda', which is above worldly happiness and unhappiness This suggests Bharata's concept of dramatic art The expression (pp 48) "sthayyeva tu raso bhavet" (or rasībhavet) as quoted by Dr Kulkarni clearly suggests that it is the sthayin presented through the medium of art, that is the real stuff of which drama is made of There can be no other explanation As to the terms such as "sthayi-prabhavah" and "sthäyyätmakah", the real difference is (p 48) that srngära and karuna in loka produce different responses in different people at worldly level as the case may be, but as for häsya and or other rasas the general response of all concerned is identical, whether in everyday life or art Therefore they are "sthayyätmaka" as against "sthāyi-prabhava" On p 49, Dr Kulkarni explains Sankuka's position We may add that the expression 'vastu-saundarya-bala' also supports this on p 50-51 the views of Siddhicandra are quoted For us Siddhicandra was partly under Jagannatha's influence and partly had a confused view when he discards some rasas totally We feel like totally discarding such confused wnters who have a tendency to create problems rather than to solve them He does not deserve mentioning along with A., Abhinavagupta and Jagannatha
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Next topics discussed by Dr Kulkarni is "Rasa-Alaukika" The presentation 1 neat and thorough as can be expected of him He has quoted pointedly fron Abhinavagupta and Locana. No scholar-including Dr Raghavan and Dr K. Krishnamoorthy-has presented this thesis so thoroughly and so clearly He has pointed out that Abhinavagupta (p. 65) has used the term 'a-laukika' in different shades He has ably concluded (p 67) that both Abhinavagupta and A are 'autonomists' in a wider sense of the term We fully accept this conclusion Actually we are of the firm opinion that nobody in the westphilosopher or a literary critic-has scaled the heights reached by Abhinavagupta and A Actually they have stood higher-atyatisthadas'angulam-as compared to any known great writer in either East or West The next article-Rasa and its pleasurable Nature' follows as a natural corollary from the earlier article We agree with Dr Kulkarni's conclusions As to the next article (p 80-89)-"Rasa and its Aáraya" we generally agree with Dr Kulkarni's observations, but as to Bharata's position we beg to differ

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slightly We do not subscribe to Dr Kulkarni's conclusion that-Bharata held the view that permanent emotions are themselves rasas and that they are found in the drama In other words, according to Bharata's view, it is in the drama itself that rasa is located" We should be very clear about the fact that when Bharata says "abhivyañjitan väganga-sattvopetan, sthāyıbhāvān asvadayanti sumanasah he clearly accepts that sthāyins suggested through art-medium are not laukika and that they are tasted by spectators mentally not as external sweets (modaka), but as emotions located in their own consciousness We have to interpret Bharata consistently at all places and we can do this with the help of Abhinavagupta alone As for Sankuka's position (
p82) our understanding is very clear that when Śankuka talks of “rāmādı-anukārya', he means the historical Rāma as is accepted by Dr Kulkarnı himself when he explains the position of Locana (p 82, last para) in the words " who is removed both in space and time from the spectators” Surely, we cannot take say, "Raman-lall as a historical figure as in case of Rāma, if a poet takes Raman-lal as his hero So, both the positions are acceptable-VIZ that Rāma or any character, can be a historical figure or poet's creation But in either case as anukārya they are worldly Again, for Śankuka, anukrta sthāyın is rasa and we have a feeling that if we give weightage to the expression 'vastusaundaryabala'—we can locate rasa in the Sāmājika as it is he who 'infers' rasa "Anukrita-anumita-sthāyı is rasa Actually this anumiti-paramparā differs from vyañjanā-dhvani-parampară in name only because Mahimā as shown by Dr Kulkarnı in a later article does not equate kävyänumitt' with 'tarkānumiti' and the quarrel is then in name only As to the niew of Nätyadarpana N D we cannot accept the same, for they display partial understanding of art-expenence as compared to the great Abhinavagupta and Ā. As to Bhoja's view, for the present we rely on Dr Raghavan's explanations, but our understanding is that some scholar will have to take a fresh close and independent view of Bhoja's position in future Similarly a comparative study of the N D and A. bh also awaits further investigation As to the last article on Mahımā, we feel that Dr Kulkarni should have looked into the Hindi Edn of Dr Rewaprasad Dwivedi also On p 48 Dr Kulkarni is indecisive as to between Bhoja and Mahimā who is echoing whom Our instinct says that Mahimă represents the onginal source and as compared to Bhoja he was a writer of greater calibre and originality Dr Kulkarni calls Mahimā to be 'a natyāyka' (p 98) We fail to support this We also do not accept that Bhatta

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Nāyaka was a sāmkhya philosopher Hemacandra, though a Jain does not become a 'pratyabhijña-vādın' because he follows Abhinavagupta's lead Similarly, Mahimā need not be a naiyāyika simply because in the field of aesthetics he advocates "kāvyānumiti' Again we do not choose to jump to the conclusion that Mahımā did not see Abhinavagupta or that Ā does not refer to 'citra-turaga' (
p 101) which is Mammata's creation No, Abh also talks of gauh' painted through 'sindurādı' and from 'gauh' to 'turaga' we do not have to travel miles As to Bhatta Näyaka's view (
p103) on aesthetic experience in poetry we accept it but add that even Abhinavagupta seems to accept that bhāvanā in poetry takes place through 'guna' and 'alamkära' as revealed by his explanation of 'lalıtocita-sanniveśa-Cāru' on Dhy I 1 We feel that full passages could have been quoted in it notes Dr Kulkarnı deserves all praise for his presentation We repeat our earlier observation that it is Dr V M Kulkarni alone who for the first time, has presented in a coherent and critical way all the observations of Abhinavagupta spread on the vast canvas of his Abh and Locana, concerning art-expenence For us, he seems to be as great as Jagannātha of the Rasa-gangădhara fame We welcome this valuable work of Dr V M Kulkarni
Tapasvi Nandi AMARACANDRAYATI'S KAVYAKALPALATĀVRTTIH (KKLV) (With two commentaries - PARIMALA and MAKARANDA) Edited by Dr RS Betai, Published by L D Institute of Indology (L D Series - 117) Ahmedabad - 380 009, First Edition July 1997, pp total 413, Introduction - 1-24, KKLV 3-232, Parsistam -1- PARIMALA (auto commentary) 1 to 146, Parisistam - II, 147 to 156 Price - Rs 225/The present work belongs to 13th century A. D, during Vastupāla's times-one of the great ages of Gujarat The Sanskrit poetics has its practical aspectkalāpaksa-also in poetic term it is called 'kavisiksā' Most of the works of kavisiksā are written in Gujarat and most of the authors there of were the Jain monks As we come to know from Introduction, KKLV has a double authorship, ie of Arisimha and Amaracandra, though being a homeholder was the kalāguru of Amaracandra Amaracandrayatı was from Vāyata Gaccha (Guy Vāyada Gaccha) and a disciple of Jinadattasun Traditionally, the present work is known only by the name of Amaracandrayatı

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His 'Parimala'-though a great auto-commentary has partly come to the light There, in the Stabakas 2-3 (104 kārıkās)—we find the comments only on sūtras 173 and 174, in 24 - The comments on 8 kārıkās vig - 12, 13, 14, 21, 31,34, 4 1-47 Amaracandrayatı is said to have written another auto-commentary called Manjari, but unfortunately it is lost to us Dr Betai has taken great pains in editing and in giving in his notes a critical and comparative estimate about 'Parimala', 'Makaranda', and other works of kavuśiksā He has given a brief account about the work and has succeeded in it to some extent There are a few mistakes of proof reading, for intance the word "kārikā" (printed as kärılā on p 9-10) The comparison reveals the detailed study of the Sanskrit Poetics on the part of the editor But it is rather strange why Dr Betai fails to mention the Alamkāracıntămanı of Ajitasenācārya (from Digambara sect-A. D 15th) while companng KKLV with other works of the kind It may be noted that this work has been greatly influenced by Amaracandra's work; eg vide the Varnyavıśayāh of Mahākāvya both in the Alamkāracintamani, pp 6-15 and in the KKLV 1-5 45-78)
This work is divided into four broad groups known as Pratana (=chapters) and they are subdivided into stabakas (1) Chandasıddhi- pratäna has five stabakas-Anustupaśāsanam, Chando'bhyāsa, Sāmānyaśabdä, Väda and Varnyasthith (113 kārkās) (2) Śabdasıddha-pratāna has four stabakas (1) Rudhi-Yaugrkamıśrākhyah (2) Yaugikanāmamālākhyah (3) Anuprāsākhyah and (4) Lāksanıkākhyh (206 kärikās) [3] Ślesasiddhipratāna has (1) Vyutpädanam (2) Sarvavarnanam (3) Uddistavarnama (4) Adbhutavidhih and (5) Citraprapanchah--five stabakas (consists 189 kärikäs) [4] fourth and last Arthasiddhi-pratāna-has seven stabakas-(1) Alankārābhyāsah (2) Vrhyopasthith (3) Akārārthopasthitih (4) Krtyarthopasthith (5) Prakırnakah (6) Samkhyāsamkhyah and (7) Samasyäkramah (consists....290 kärikäs) Naturally, without knowing Chanda, Ślesa, Alamakaras of Sabda and Artha's a poet can never write his poetry, rather he should not Amaracandra has taught the would be poets as to how they may become famous, and attain the status of great poet (= Mahākav) First of all a poet must have wisdom (pratibhā) Then, with the help of scholarship (vyutpattı) and training (abhyāsa), gradually he can be a master in the field of poetry Dr Betai has narrated in detail about the Parimala commentary, scholarship of

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229 Amaracanda and about the Makaranda commentary of Pt Subhavijayagani, who flourished in 1665 (VS) and was one of the disciples of famous Hīravijayasūri Sübhavijaya seems to accept almost all the conclusions of 'Parimala' since he entertains a sense of great respect for Parimala commentary He prefers to be but brief and at the same time perfectly critical, in his comments, on certain passages of different stabakas of KKLV Thus, he has commented only on angabhangasleśa but on sakalakriyāstabaka he states that it is simple hence not to be commented upon (sugamostiti na vyākhyātah) Subhavijaya was also a great scholar He follows the views of Mammata and Hemcandra So his commentary is more elaborate, more detailed and subtler After the Introduction the text of KKLV with Makaranda runs to 232 pages Dr Beta has given variants in footnotes for the text for the 'Makaranda' commentary and for the Parimala commentary He has edited this work with the help of so many Mss but unfortunately he has not given any detailed account or opinion of the Mss utilities by him Anyway, this edition has become much better than former by Hosang Shastris of Kashi. (1931 A. D)
Parul K. Mankad
MAHARANA KUMBHA AND HIS TIMES. Ram Vallabh Somani Publisher : Ramchandra Agrawal, Jaipur Publishing House, SMS Highway, Jaipur. pp. 344, Price : Rs. 450/In keeping with his tradition of writing, Shri Ram Vallabh Somanı has embarked upon the topic of his interest and profound research in this publication His contents speak of the Early History from Pre and Proto history of Mewar through various eras and dynasties coming down to the end of the Sultanate period In the second phase of his Life History he comments upon the family relationships and other details Then he goes to describe his several battles with Malwa and Gujarat in a greater detail with facts and figures The chapter on Administration, deals with several aspects such as religious taxes, market taxes and other regular procedures
More stress seems to have been laid on two important chapters namely Literature and Art which describe his views on Jain literature and on Acharya Som Sundar Suri (1457-1499) the well-known Yuga Pradhan of the Tapagaccha congregation in the Soma Saubhāgya Kavya, composed by Pratistha, Som gives

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a vivid account of the Muni's life in detail The author has given a very detailed information of his works with relevant foot notes It is true that his contributions in literary pursuits are of renowned significance in this chapter a large number of MSS have been quoted with valuable information which was hitherto unknown
Mention must be made of the detailed study on Sutradhāra Mandana, enumerating his works like Prāsāda Mandana, Rāja Vallabha Mandana, Rūpa Mandana, Devatā Mürtt Prakarana, Vāstu Mandana, which throw significant light on various aspects of iconography, sculpture and architecture
His valued treatise on vocal and instrumental music called Sangita Rāja stands second to none in substance and style on which several authors have researched in the past the other worthy contribution is the Rasikpriyā commentary Gita Govinda by Jayadeva, which was translated and commented upon as a most significant event in literature during this period The author has dealt with this chapter in a much minute detail exploding the myth of the authorship of Sangita Rāja and many such works which were erroneously attributed to Mahārānā Kumbhā Sri Somanı has categorically put up his views with adequate proof which will go a long way in correcting certain views for future generation
The chapter on Art and Architecture revolves around the two main projects namely, the temple of Ranakpur and the building of the Kirtistambha Though other famous monuments such as the Jain temple of Shringar Chawkı of Ca A D 1301, The Mahāvīra Jain temple of 1300 A. D and many others have also been dealt with In describing them he has given long lists of inscriptions and new names of Śresthus, Sūtradharas and others which are new additions
Subsequent chapters are on the socio-economic conditions and inscriptional evidences and readations of certain early concepts which have once again been quoted
On the whole the work undertaken is of a comprehensive nature and painstaking Its importance as an excellent reference book cannot be denied I congratulate the author for his erudite endeavour
Shridhar Andhare.

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ARHAT PĀRŚVA AND DHARŅENDRA NEXUS-edited by M. A Dhaky, published by L. D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad and B. L Institute of Indology, Delhi. First edition 1997, Total Pages I to XIV and 1 to 148, plates 67, Price Rs. 600/Prof M A. Dhaky has edited the present volume The material presented is vast and truly encyclopaedic The volume embodies the papers read at the Seminar held at B L Institute of Indology, on Arhat Pārsva and Dharnendra Nexus The papers discuss Pārsva's history, teachings, doctrines and monastic discipline of hus sect and the plausible factors behind the connection of Dharanendra with Pārsva have been investigated Moreover, the surveys of the epigraphical as well as scriptural material related to Jina Pārśva have been included There are in total fourteen research papers out of which two are in Hindi The details of some of the papers are as follows In an introductory estimation of Arhat Pārsva and Dharanendra Nexus, the sources which include the details of Jinas including Pārsva as reflected in the Northern and Southern Nirgrantha tradition are narrated Information about Pārsva--his birth, parents, height complexion etc, is given along with the other details of his sect In the teachings of Arhat Pārsva and the distinctness of his sect, inscriptional and literary evidence of Arhat Pārsva and Jina Vardhamana Mahāvīra is given Philosophical and ethical views of Arhat Pārsva have been descnbed The teachings of Pārsva in Isibhāstyāma text compiled in circa 1st century BC has been explained with due reasons It contains discussion about the nature and different planes of the world [loka), the meaning and different forms of motion (gati) and Karma philosophy The essence of the doctrines and ethical teachings of Pārsva as embodied and exposited in Isıbhāsıyālm has been summarized Moreover, the teachings of Pārsva presented in the Sūtrakrtānga, the Uttaradhyayana, and the Vyākhyāprajñaptı, have been elaborated The facts about Pārsva, as noted in the Paryusana-Kalpa, like the dates and names of five Kalyānakas, names of his eight Ganadharas and the number of his disciples etc, are mentioned in the Jaina canonical literature "Arhat Pārsva with Dharanendra in hymnic Literature" gives the historical background of the hymnic Literature which includes the time, language and composers of the hymns About 25 citations from the different hymns With details have been presented

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There are three papers regarding the images and temples of Pärśva in central India [Madhyapradesha and Bundelkhand of Uttar Pradesh], Orissa, Bengal and in Ellora caves The detailed narration of the five images of Gupta and post Gupta period, five images of Pratihāra penod have been given Moreover, description of about sixteen images of four territories of Central India is also included The study shows that the art of the Mathura tradition was also followed in Central India
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Regarding twenty six images of Orissa and twenty four images of Bengal certain common characteristic positions have been discussed along with Iconographic traits The description of thirty one figures of Parsvanatha of Ellora caves numbering 30 to 34 is given, in view of the Nirgrantha Iconography
In two papers of "Jina Päriva and his Temples in Inscriptions Southern India" five Kannada inscriptions have been described in detail It shows that Jainism never became a popular religion in the Andhra Pradesh among the local Andharas Jainism did not fare any better in Kerala also. Moreover, information of about ten inscriptions in Kannada and Sanskrit from Karnataka reveals that the worship of Pärsvanatha is attested to in all ages after Jainism had secured a firm foothold
Two papers on the Tirthas of Parsvanatha in Rajasthan and Gujarat gives the details of fifteen Pärsvanatha Tirthas of Rajasthan and eight Tirthas of Gujarat The facts about Gujarat Tirthas are available in the medieval and late medieval Svetāmbara literature
The present work highlights all subjects of Indian history, culture, art, literature and Jaina Philosophy The papers also reveal anthropological as well as ontological interpretations of this special nexus The style of papers is scholarly and Sastriya It will serve as important research material from historical and cultural view points especially for researches in the field of Indian folk-tale The nch literary narrative and linguistic data of such work may be helpful for filling up gaps in our cultural history of the period around C A 1000 A. D Both, the editor and the publisher of the book deserve hearty congratulations for bringing out such a highly valuable and interesting work
A humble request can be made to publish, if possible, new editions, in Hindi, to afford a wider publicity, and to motivate the researchers to undertake some related work in the subject
Varsha G. Jani

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The BRHAT-KALPA-NIRYUKTI of Bhadrabāhu and the BRHAT-KALPABHĀŞYA of Sanghadāsa Gani, edited by Prof. Willem B. Bollée in Romanized and metrically revised version, with notes from related texts and a selective Glossary Published, in three parts, by Franz Steiner Verlag, Stuttgart (West Germany), Part I, pp xxiv + 411, Part II, pp XXXIV + 421, Part III, pp VI + 315 In his Preface, Prof Bollée recalls that when in Bhavnagar in 1972, he was lucky enough to obtain through the publishers, Sri Ātmanand Jain Sabhā, from their special reserve, a copy of the six-volume Brhatkalpasūtra the work being long out of print by then This is, he thinks, probably the most valuable and well-known among the many texts edited by the scholarly sadhus Caturvijaya and Punyavijaya In his very brief Introduction, he has made the following observations (1) The old Kalpa-sūtra as opposed to the Paryusana-Kalpa, which is worshipped and recited on six days at the annual religious festival of the Svetambara Jains in the middle of the four-month monsoon period, belongs to the large body of the Cheda-sütras, the Jain counterpart of the Buddhist Vinaya Also known as Vedakalpa, but better known as Brhat- (sadhu-) kalpa, it is the fifth and main section of the canonical disciplinary literature of the Jaina, the collection of precepts and prohibitions Duly observed they effect the fulfilment of right conduct (kalpa) (2) Th Jains in many respects have stricter rules than eg the Buddhists, the type of literature in question is considerable, but not only canonical, as shown by the Niśītha., Mahānisītha-, Vyavahāra-, Daśaśrutaskandha- and Pamcakalpasūtras, but also exegetical like Niryuktı, (Brhac-)cürni, (Brhad-)bhāsya, Tikā, Vrtty, etc The greater part of both groups still waits to be published and of some texts like Pamcakalpasutra and its Cürni only the name is known (3) In the 1930's, the two learned monks, Caturvijaya and his pupil Punyavijaya produced the six-volume edition of the Brhatkalpasūtra with Bhadrabāhu's Niryuktı (1st cent CE), Samghadāsas Bhāsya (6th cent CE ?) and the Vrtti or Tīkä begun by Malayagını in the 12th cent, and continued from vs 608-3678 by Ksemakirti (4) The niryuktus, as is well-known, may have been composed as memory aids for monastic teachers, and for that very reason they ere metrical Following the expansion of topics to be treated the stanzas from Brhadbhāsya or Mülabhāsya

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or Mahābhāsya were added Thus, Bhadrabāhu's small original swelled to nearly seven thousand (7,000) aryas These additions are often quotations from the Āvasyaka-niryukti and Oha-riryukti, while the Niśīthabhāśya and the Višesävaśyakabhāsya cite the Brhatkalpa-bhäsya (5) The printed text of the Nisīthabhäsya has many vanants, often insignificant ones, and on the whole the tradition is less good one than that of the Brhatkalpabhäsya The Ta-śrtis and n/n have as a rule not been considered in his critical apparatus Much of what K R Chandra remarked of the Mss in the Prakrit Text Society's edition of the Paumacarlya holds good for our texts as well Larger groups of the BKBh stanzas borrowed by NisBh
(6) Often the additions are not without interest when, for instance, they contain keywords of parables (udäharana) which latter exegetical prose texts, like cūrni, tīkā, etc, elaborate One of these, the Nisītha-cūrnī was taken up by the late Madhu Sen, as the subject of her doctoral thesis, titled A Cultural Study of the Nisītha Cūrni, and became an informative book which Bollée has often quoted in his selective glossary appearing in the third volume of this BKBH edition (7) The only other scholar known to have extensively used the BKBh was the late Jagdishchandra Jain for his Life in Ancient India as Depicted in the Jaina Canon and Commentaries, the disadvantage of this otherwise very valuable study being that its learned author rarely distinguishes between the niryuktı, bhāsya, cūrni, and vrtti, thus disregarding the great difference in time between the various strata of the tradition
(8) If the text is metrical, the metre in question is usually signalled, since this may prove essential for the correctness of the text, whereas prose texts tend to be too detailed and circumstantial Here, Prof Bollée has suggested various ways of dealing with bulky Indian scriptural traditions of the kind, treated by the two scholars mentioned above (1) One can make a systematic inventory of the contents and turn it into a cultural study as Madhu Sen did (u) One can choose a portion of the text which is related, edit, translate and comment on it with the help of the tikä, etc as Adelheld did with the Pind'esanā
(w) The entire text can be brought out as a basis for further study, with a

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complete glossary, as Bollée did with the Pında-nıryuktı and the Oha-nıryuktı, or with an ample selection of important words, as he himself did in the case of small Nijuktis on the earlier canonical texts The BKBh being still verginal territory so far, he has once more opted for this third approach to start work on it Prof Bollée has further pointed out that glossanes of this kind may, on the one hand, serve as an index rerum and a complement to the table of contents, on the other, they can provide the new Dictionary of the Prakrit Languages appearing in Pune and the supplements of Turner's Comparative Dictionary of the Indo-aryan Languages with new words, wordforms and references, and thus may indirectly also be useful for the etymological references in dictionaries of modern Indian languages In the case of the text, although Prof Bollée has taken it to serve mainly as a reference, it was metrically checked and a number of emendations were made, but minor variants like ve u/o, n/n, ya- and ta-sruti have not been considered Further, various parallels were added from other texts which happened to have at least pratīka-indices, viz Nisītha-bhāsya, Nuryuktı-samgraha, Višesāvasyaka-bhāsya, and Pravacana-sāroddhāra.
Now, as regards the contents of Bollee's Edition Part One contains Preface, Abbreviations, Summary of the contents of the BKBh vols 1-3 and translation of the Kappasutta 1, Introduction, Volume one (Vss 1-806), Volume two (Vss 807-2124), Volume Three (Vss 2125-3289), Corrections on Material for an Edition and Study of the Punda- and Oha- Nijjuttis of the Svetāmbara Jain Tradition, Vol II Stuttgart 1994, Corrections on The Nijuttis on the Seniors of the Śvetämbara Siddhānta Stuttgart 1995, Appendıx, Elfrun Linke's Glossary of Schubring's Doctrine of the Jainas
Part two contains Preface, Summary of the contents of the BKBh vols 4-6 and translation of the Kappasutta 2-6, Volume four (Vss 3290-4876), Volume five (Vss 4877-6059), Volume six (Vss 6060-6490), Corrections on Materials for an Editions and Study of the Pinda- and Oha-Nujjuttis, vol II stuttgart 1994 Part three contains Preface, Abbreviations, Glossary of Selected Works, Remarkable Sanskrit words from the commentary, Bibliography, Index renum (vss) Additions and Corrections to the Glossary, and Additions to the Remarkable Sanskrit words from the Commentary

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A cursory look at the list of the contents would testify to the fact that Prof Bollée has taken all possible precaution and care to see to it that this latest of his literary research product gets born in the best possible beauteous form One would feel that this work should be transliterated back into Devanagari in order that his labours are made known to the notable Jains in India, so that they may realize how much trouble a veteran Western scholar has taken Anyway, Prof Bollée deserves our profuse heartfelt congratulations for the excellent work he has presented to the academic world NMK NYĀYASANGRAHA (With Hindi Trand Explanation) by Muni Nandighosh Vijay Publ Kalıkāla-sarvajña Śrīhemacandrācārya Samkskāra Śiksana Nidhi, Ahmedabad, 1997, PP 52+416 Rs 250/The sūtras of the Nyāyasamgraha and other Paribhāsā-samgrahas perform three types of functions (1) They help in explaining or elucidating the meaning of the sūtras (2) When two sūtras seem to apply in a particular case simultaneously, they help in deciding which should take precedence over the other of the two (3) They help in formulating the acceptable usage and eliminating the unacceptable one The author is a Jaina Muni, and a disciple of Acārya Śrī Vijaya-sūryodaya-sūri The present work endeavors to explain in Hindi all the Nyāyas, ie the Parıbhāsās, utilized in the Siddha-haima-sabdānuśāsana of Hemacandra, and listed together in the fourth Päda of the Seventh Adhyāya of his work
The excellence of Muni Nandighosavijaya les not only in fulfilling successfully his commendable mission of translating and elaborating the original Sanskrit Sūtras in lucid Hindi, but also in his learned Introduction, entitled "Nyāyasamgraha . Eka Adhyayana' in Hindi, in which he has discussed the following 21 topics the need for the science of grammar, the origin and development of Parbhāsā through Panini, Vyādi and Kātyāyana, Hemacandra, his life and learned scholarship, Sıddha-harma-sabdānušāsana and the Haimaparıbhāsā-vrttis, the structural system of the Nyāyasamgraha, the author, the definition of the terms 'nyāya' and 'panbhāsa', the necessity of Paribhāsā/ Nyāya, the order of the Sūtras of Paribhsā/Nyāyas, the Nyāsa on the Nyāyārthamañjūsā-brhad-vrtti, the sources of Paribhāsā/Nyāyas, the definitions of Nityatva and Anutyatva, the nature of the Anubandhas, the nature and determination of Kāryī, the nature and determination of Nimitta, the maxim of Bala and A-bala, the supriority of Apavāda-vidhi, the application of the Paribhāsās, and its restrictions, the commentaries of Paribhāsā or the text of the Paribhāsās in

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different systems of grammar, the Paribhāsā-sūcana of Vyādı, the Paribhāsäs of Śākatāyana and of Hemacandra, the Paribhāsās of Hemacandra and Jainendra and the concluding remarks The style of the work is quite lucid and simple, but from the variety of his style affords ample proof of his deep scholarship Thus, to convey the sense of the words iñāpaka' indicator) and fanityatā'impermanence), he has utilized a variety of synonyms, to make the subject interesting and entertaining Thus, for conveying the sense of anitya and anityatā he has used the words, sthiratā, asthestva, anaikāntikatva, vyabhıcāri, savyabhıcāra While Hemacandra composed, apart from his magnum opus SHSS, his own auxiliary texts, viz , the Dhātupātha, the Ganapātha, the Unādı-sūta, and the Lingānuśāsana, no work pertaining to his own Partbhāsās has come from his own pen This gap was sought to be filled by Hemahamsa-gani by composing his Nyāya-samgraha Hemahamsa-gani composed his work, along with an elaborate commentary named Nyāyārtha-mañjūsä, on Friday, the 2nd day of the bright half of the Mārgaśīrsa month of the year 1515 of the Vikrama Era In this work the author has adopted the sūtra style, and in it too he has arranged the aphorisms, under various adhikāra and their meaning depends on the anuvrta, much in the manner of Pānını
While Panini in his Sanskrit grammar, the Astādhyāyi had actually utilized certain text-crtical rules governing his aphonsms, Kātyāyana identified them as Parıbhāsā-sūtras, and Patañjalı explained and illustrated their use, their independent listing and explanation of the Paribhāsās utilized by Panini in his was first attempted by Vyādi in his now no longer extant work called Samgraha We get information about the Paribhāsas of ancient grammarians in the works of Sīradeva, Kaiyata, and Haradatta Vyādı came a few centuries after Pānını and a couple of them before the times of and Patañjalı Moreover, we find some Paribhāsās among the Vārtikas of Kätyāyana, and most of them occur in Vyādi In the Päninian tradition, thus no notable work seems to have been done after Vyadı upto the twelfth century AD On the other hand, during this period the systems of Śäkatāyana, Cändras and Kälāpa developed their Paribhāsā-pāthas It is for the first time since then that we find a compact text portion of the Paribhāsās in the sūtras 18 to 135 in the second Päda of the First Adhyāya of Bojadeva's Sarasvatīkanthbharana-vyākarana And, Hemacandra was inspired to compose his own independent Vyākarana, named Siddha-haimasabdānuśāsana (SHSS), from this work of Bhojadeva NMK.

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THE BHARATA-SAMHITĀ, IE., THE UR-MAHABHARATA (THE OLDEST EPIC OF THE WORLD), Vols I-II redacted by MMU Brahma Prof (Dr) Keshayram K Shastree (Bambhania), Gujarat Research Society, Ahmedabad, 1998, (Vol 1 pp xxy +1- 344, (Vol II) pp IV + 345-670, Rs 600/- (of both volumes to be sold together) More than a quarter and half century back Oldenberg, the veteran German scholar, opined that the Mahābhārarta began its existence as a simple narrative, and became in course of centuries, the monstrous chaos, and that besides the main story there were veritable forests of small stones and besides, numberless and endless instructions about theology, philosophy, natural science, law, politics, practical and theological knowledge of life A poem full of deeply significant dreamings and surmisings, delicate poetry and school-masterly platitudes full of sparkling play, of oppressive and mutually jostling masses of images, of showers of arrows of endless battles, clash after clash of deathdespising heroes, of over-virtuous ideal men, of ravishing beautiful women, of ternble-tempered ascetics, of adventurous fabulous beings, of fantastic miracles - full of empty flood of words and wide, free peeps into the order of the course of the world This was the opinion of that learned scholar after reading carefully the vulgate edition of the Mahābhārata (MBH) And, Dr VS Sukthankar too felt that the MBH was a veritable chaos, containing some good and much useless matter, and that it was a great pity that a fine heroic poem, which may evenm be found to contain precious gems of ancient Indian history, should have been thus ruined by its careless custodians And, it was under his pioneership that a skillful surgical operation in the form of Higher Criticism could still disentangle the submerged "epic core" from the adventitious matter in the form of the "interpolations"
It is true that even after clearing off of the hundreds and thousands of interpolations in the Critical Edition of the BORI, Poona, we do not get a pure epic One cannot but agree with the opinions of Franz Bopp and Christan Lassen that in the MBH there are pieces belonging to very different periods and of very different colour and content A stnking attempt at reconstructing the onginal epic was made between 1883 and 1894 by the Scandinavian scholar Soren Sorenson Rejecting accordingly from the Vulgate text everything that appeared to him like an episode or a didactic digression, he obtained at first an edition of some 27,000 stanzas But even this extract, he thought, included materials belonging to different epochs

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His second attenuation rendered the epic to a concentrated essence of some 7,000 or 8,000 stanzas, which seem to have satisfied his soul The attempt of Sorenson stood by itself for more than eight decades A couple of decades back the veteran Indian scholar from Gujarat, Professor Keshavram K Shastree of the B J Institute of Learning and Research, Ahmedabad, undertook the love's labour, though not to lose, of extracting the original core called "Jaya" and later on its amplified epic form "Bhärata" He based his work purely on the internal evidence still preserved and profusely available even in the vulgates and in the Critical Edition, too It was very clear to him that there was a Bhārata-samhită of 24,000 ślokas in extent when the Anukramanıkā Parva came into existence The author of this sub-Parvan had the information of a tradition that there existed such a Samhitā formerly and this was confirmed by the Ašvalāyana Grhyasūtra (3 4 4) that mentions "Bhārata" as also "Mahābhārata" as two distinct works At the time of separation of both these recessions the MBH had nearly one hundred thousand slokas (MBH, 1 56 13), containing in it not only the eighteen Parvas but also the Harivamsa also Prof Shastree found the clue to discover the Bharata-samhita of 24,000 ślokas from the list of contents in the slokas 37-39 of the 55th Adhyāya of the Adiparvan, from which it was felt that the poem ended with the victory of the Pandavas causing Duryodhana's death And, these conclusive slokas, viz, 7, 21. 22, of the 61st Adhyāya of the Salya-parvan were located by him Again, he found the statement about the entry of Yudhisthira in Hästinapura in the 14th śloka of the Asvamedhika-parvan, though the total victory should have had its end after the completion of the Aśvamedha sacrifice (MBH, XIV,91) Further he found that the commencement of the Mahābhārata was located at the beginning of the third Adhyāya of the Adl-parvan (MBH, I 3 1) Thus He, could infer that the real narration begins with the arrival of the Pandavas from the forest after the death of their father, and in the first instance, ends with the conclusion of the 91st Adhyāya of the Ašvamedhika-parvan. One thing was quite clear that the MBH was full of didactic and mythical matter scattered here and there, under which the historical matter was lying hidden Then, again, the truly puzzling problem was of the superhuman characteristics of Krsna, and wherever such narration occurred they were found to be easily discernable, and their very absence being found to be much helpful

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in restoring the flow of the narration They were all, as found, inserted at later dates when both of them were established as supreme godheads during the Puranic penod When he found that some verses of First Adhyāya of the Bhagavadgitā are found repeated in the 47th Adhyāya of the Bhīsma-parvan with slight changes, where they were more suitable, he felt that the proper place for the BG was between the 42nd and the 43rd Adhyayas, and that the BG of 18 Adhyāyas could not be included not only in the Bhārata, but perhaps in the Mahābhārata, too It might have been, according to his opinion, a purely independent metrical Upanisadic composition of repute a creation perhaps of some ancient date, comprising about a hundred verses only, and coming in existence during the composition the formulation of the Bhārata, not earlier than perhaps between the 15th century BC and the 6th century BC And, the BG of the 700 hundred verses got inserted in the old text of the Mahābhārata well before the time when as yet the Northern and the Southern recessions had not been separated as such
As regards the Jaya Samhită of 8,800 verses, it was not unknown, as is clear from the verse specifically mentioning the number of verses that both Vyāsa and Suka knew but perhaps Sanjaya did not Professor Shastree located them and published them as the Ur-Bharata, that is supposed to be composed as early as the time of the King Janamejaya, and later on Vaišampāyana prepared a revised and enlarged version in the form of the Bharata, adding the prolonged dialogues between Sanjaya and the king Dhrtarăstra, and expanding it to the extent of about 24,000 verses Thus, Professor Shastree richly deserves the congratulations from the comity of scholars and lovers of Indian culture for the incessant painstaking labors that he has undergone for years together in locating both the Jaya-samhitā as well as the Bhārata that were lying dormantly hidden in the vast encyclopedic Mahābhārata, that was critically edited by the late Dr V S Sukhthankar and his most worthy followers and published from the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, Pune NMK. ŚRIMAD-BHAGAVATA-MAHĀPURĀNAM (SATVATA-SAMHITĀ) in Sanskrit, edited by Navnitpriya Jyeshtharam Shastri, Vidyanidhi Trust, Nadiad, V Sam 2054, PP, 22+ 728, non-priced The Bhagavata Purana has been presented afresh in the form of this edition by Shri Navanıtpriya Shastri of Nadiad, who is one of the famous popular

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expositers of the work for the lay public subscribing to the living Vaisnava way of religious faith as per the philosophical tenets of Shri Vallabhācārya and as per the rules of religious conduct as laid by his illustrious son Vitthlesa The speciality of this edition is that it follows the text-readings of the concerned Purána as adopted by Śrī Vallabhācārya in his famous commentary, called Subodhınī, which is held in high respect by all the suddhādvaita Vaisnavites Thus, from the text-critical viewpoint it is an excellent record of the text of the Purāna as adopted by the famous Ācārya In his Sanskrit Introduction, titled Prakāśana-prasāda-prakāśa, he has discussed in the traditional way the Anubandhcatustaya, as also the specialty of the Purāna from the viewpoint of a staunch Vallabhite Vaisnava It is thus a very useful work fulfilling the urgent needs of Vallabhite Vaisnavas in general and of the editors of the Bhāgavata Purāna who would find ready at hand mine of the readings of the text as followed by Vallabhācārya and adopted by him in his famous commentary called Subodhinijt with high respect His subtitle of the work, as he calls it Sätvat-Samhitā, is open to controversy, since there is quite a different work of that name and it is different from this Purāna NMK
ANANTANĀHA JINA CARIYAM of Śrī Nemicandra-sūri, edited by Pt Rupendra Kumar Pagariya, (L D Series 119), L D Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad, 1998, pp 24 + 747, Rs 400/This Prakrit metrical work is a biographical epic based on the life of the 14th Jaina Tīrthankara named Jina Anantanátha It has been edited and published for the first time by Pt Rupendra Kumar Pagariya from a single extant paper manuscript preserved in the Samvegi Upāśrasya Jñāna Bhandara in Ahmedabad Being a very old manuscript, some of the folios are too much dilapidated and worn out that the gaps are almost impossible to fill Over and above the mistakes, and a general tendency to confound va ba, cal va, ctha ccha, pa/e, e/pa, dda/tta, tth/ddha, w/o, etc, the scribe has at times written single consonants like kha, na, ma, tha, etc, in place of the conjunct ones like kkha, nna, mma ccha, ttha, etc He has at times failed to understand the padlmātrā of the subsequent syllable as a part of the previous one Hence, the editor has preferred to keep the reading as it is in the manuscript, even though it was difficult to make out its meaning

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In his Hindi Introduction, the editor has given an account of the manuscript he has utilized, the gist of the narrative in this epic, the details found in the Grantha Prasasti of the Ms, the authorship and his work, the sources of the epic, and a list of the details about twenty-seven incidents in the biography of Anantsanätha
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The original Prakrit work is divided into four Prastavas, treating the events of his three previous lives, his birth, his marriage along with consecration as a king and his initiation, and his attainment of supreme wisdom and his sermons The work consists of 9610 Gāthās, including the final sıx Sanskrit verses of author's Prasasti
Published as the work is for the first time, it should invite the attention of scholars of Prakrit languages, and it should also attract the research students aspiring to find a suitable topic, to take it up for a very detailed linguistic, literary and cultural study of the work.
The author of his work was Acārya Nemicandra-süni of the Vada-gaccha, and a disciple of the famous Acarya Amradeva-sün, the author of the Akhyänakamanikosa-vrtti From the Prasasti at the end of the work we come to know that he composed this work in the year V Sam 1497, which means he lived in the late half of the 15th and the first half of the 16th century of the Vikrama Era Pt Paganya has rendered great service to Indology by bringing to light this rare Praknt work, and for it he deserves our congratuations NMK.
ACARAMGA PRATHAMNA ŚRUTA-SKANDHA PRATHAMA ADHYAYANA, edited by KR Chandra, Praknt Jain Vidya Vikas Fund, Ahmedabad, 1997, pp XXVIII + 327, Rs 150/
The First Adhyayana of the First Śruta-skandha of the Acarāmga, is considered to be the earliest and oldest composition of the Jaina Ardhamägadhi Agamas It has been re-edited linguistically only The task undertaken by its editor Dr KR Chandra is a Herculean one as per the opinions of various scholars and particularly of the late Agama-prabhakara Muni Shri Punyavijayajı and Pt Bechardas Doshi It took the editor ten years of painstaking labor to prepare this edition as it was first of all very necessary to sort out the archaic wordforms of the original Ardhamägadhi from the published authentic editions of the important Agamic Ardhamāgadhi texts and from the all available manuscripts It entailed the preparation of thousands of cards for recording the vanant readings, to be arranged alphabetically in order to ascertain the onginal

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word-form By way of preparing the background of his researches, Dr Chandra had published three works to do the spadework The first one was about discovering the ancient archaic Ardhamāgadhi language of the 5th century BC when Mahāvīra delivered his sermons in that language to the laity The next one was about the restoration of the onginal language of the Ardhamāgadhi texts And the third one was the exploration of the ancient traits of the Ardhamāgadhi language from the Prakrit Grammar of Hemacangra, and those of others The author knows well that right from the times of the 24th Tirthankara Mahāvīra, the emphasis has been on the contents of the sermons delivered by the great Arhat, than about the exact nature of the language, since the sermons were essentially oral, that it was the task of the direct principal disciples, known as Ganadharas, to reduce them to laconic aphoristic texts and preserve them in oral tradition, and that the texts thus preserved in oral traditions were sought to be reduced to written documents much later, from time to time centuries after the demise of Mahāvīra But, being a linguist by profession, the editor has taken up the uphill, and almost impossible, task of discovering the onginal nature of the language of the times of the great Tirthankara, and has been working on it with utmost missionary zeal in this he has obtained the commendations and encomiums from veteran scholars of Prakrt language and Jainism, like Prof A.M. Ghatage, Prof GV Tagare, Pt Nathmal Tatia Prof SR Banerjee, Shn J P Thaker, Shri M A Dhanky, Prof Sagarmal Jain and many others, since it is beyond controversy that the language in which Lord Mahāvīra taught his sermons was definitely archaic Ardhamāgadhi It should be noted that the editor has gone about the task undertaken by him here very systematically First he has presented the concordance of the orthographic variants sūtra-wise from the editions of the Mahāvīra Jain Vidyalay, the Āgamodaya Samiti, the Jain Vishvabharatı, the Sılänka's commentary and from several earliest known manuscripts of the 13th, 14th, and 15th centuries Nest he has documented variation between writing the nasal consonant as a dot or homo-organic (para-sarvarna) nasal, between the n and n, between preservation, voicing or elision of the intervocalıc stops or the stop-constituents of aspirate stops Dr Chandra has given, in the fourth section statistical information about

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certain phonetic changes as seen in earlier and later word-forms, along with a complete alphabetical index of all the word-forms of the restored text, and has also presented in parralel columns, the restored text along with the corresponding texts according to the known earlier editions Thus, the present work by Dr Chandra succeeds in giving a glimpse of some phonological and morphological features of the original Agamic Ardhamägadhi, of which we find a later form in the Eastern Aśokan inscriptions And the literary evidence based on comparative documentation and assessment of all available data substantiates it
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Dr Chandra has tackled one of the several aspects of the task of restoring the Agamic texts Other requisites for forming a sound, authentic and trustworthy idea of the original character of the Agamic texts and the historical changes they have undergone, are those of tracing and locating old words and meanings, expressions, phrases, verses, stylistic devices, themes, legends and tales that are specific and commonly shared by the early stratum of the Ardhamägadhi and the Päh canonical texts
This is indeed a stupendous, rather Herculean, task of important research work that may be taken up by other veteran scholars and students of the Ardhamāgadhi canon, for which Dr Chandra has taken for himself the role of a torch-bearer, and which should be undertaken with regard to the senior texts of the Jaina canon The importance and the stupendity of the undertaking can be realized when it is taken into account that Dr Chandra could cover only a uny fraction of the text of just one part of the one of the eleven Agamic texts Let us hope, inspite of his uneven health, he continues to inspire some of the like-minded scholars of Praknt languages and Jainology to take up the bid and continue his researches in the field with all the earnestness it fully deserves NMK
JAINISM IN INDIA. TRAVEL NOTES AND PHOTOGRAPHS, by Nicole Tiffen, Introduction by Colette Caillat, English Translation by Patrick Andrews, Weber, Switzerland, 1987, pp 116, Price not mentioned
This excellent volume comprising high-class photographs of the Jain temple of Palitana, Shankheshwar and Delaware, and Ranakpur is a rare feast for the eyes of a connoisseur of Jain art and architecture of Gujarat
In he introductory article, entitled 'The Jain Community in India' Professor Colette Calliat of the University of Paris has surveyed the ongin of Jainism and

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the Jain community nght from the days of the Upanisads, through the Great Epics, the Rāmāyana and the Mahabharata, and has remarked that although the Jain community is a tiny minority group consisting of about three million, their importance is not inconsiderable because of the part they in the activities of the Indian Republic She has given a brief picture of the way of their religious beliefs and practices, of the highly austere life-style of the Jain monks And, at the end she has noted that it is remarkable that one of the most famous Indians of the 20th century listened to, and diffused in his own way, the echoes of the message preached around the middle of the first millenium BC, to the faithful who were going to form the Jain Community, that very same community who, in 1974-75 solemnly celebrated the 2500th anniversary
of Mahavir's Nirvana
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Just on the page facing the first one an outline map of some parts of Gujarat/ Rajasthan is given with the locations of the Mount Abu, Ranakpur, Udaipur, Ahmedabad, Cambay, Shatrunjaya, and Palitana, and a few other places The follows two photographs one of the nuns of the Shatrunjaya and the other of the pilgrims climbing up to the temples of Shatrunjaya by the 3,970 steps About forty-two color photographs are given in the section pertaining to Palitana, and each photograph is preceded by a brief write up by Nicole Tiffen Among these are the photographs of one of the many hitters used to help certain pilgrims to climb the hill, of the outer wall, the forecourt of the fortress, a group of pilgrims climbing the sacred hill at dawn, the great east gate, the Pujans, the tower of the temple of Chaumukh, a statue of the Tirthankara Adinatha, a Jain Brahman about to bless a delegation, pilgrims being blessed by the Jain Brahmin after they bowed before the statue of Adinatha, the donors from Rajasthan listening to an address, servants and pilgrims meditating inside the main temple, the Jains seated in the lotus position on the marble floor, one of the tutees (courtyards) between the 863 temples of Shatrunjaya, the ancient tree near the little temple of Rayana puja and the Tirthankara statue, a Jain passing through the courtyards of the temples of Chaumukh on Shatrunjaya, Jains ready for the morning ceremonies at the time of angi or the offering of flowers, a line of the faithful before the main statue of the Tirthankara Adinatha at the back of a rocky shnne, one of the entrances to the temple of Chaumukh (1618), the sacred hill of Shatrunjaya, a marble kiosk on the way where boiled water is served, a Jain family on way back from the temple to Palitana, the Jain Muni Abhaysagarajı, a famous guru of Palitana, a Shraman

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(great sage) a luminous ochre of dusk, the entrance of the Bahu temple. a statue of Mahavira the 24th Tirthankara with ears of diamonds and enthroned in the Bahu tetnple, the Samosaran temple in Palitana (1986), two flights of steps to the sanctuaries of Pārsvanātha and Mahāvīra, part of the dome and the 108 "identities", Jain girls singing and dancing in honour of Tiffen's visit, young girls dancing and singing for the Tirthankaras, the Jain girls seated in front of the dresser with jars of boiled water, a poor woman waiting serene at the nursery, Ihansniji the Mother Supenor of the Palitana nuns, a ceremony of induction of a nun by the great Jain Brahmans and the gurus of Palitana, a novice nun turning in front of the little tabernacle containing the statue of the Tirthankara Adinatha, two nuns in the Palitana lodging house, the dressing of the bride, the first part of the wedding ceremony in which the future husband presents the bride with a ritual bouquet, and a mother blessing her daughter ties to her husband by a long cord
Of Shankhesvar and Dilwara, eighteen photographs are included here They pertain to a young lady sitting beside the exquisitely carved pillars, a woman bnnging offerings of unusual shape and in strange materials like six pots mounted on one another with metal flags and the tower balanced on her head single-handedly, women clad in the most beautiful saris, the turban wearing bearers of the sacred carriage led by a Jain carrying a lion emblem of Mahāvīra, the sliver carnage with the statue of Mahāvīra and the Brahman in charge of the ceremony mounted on to it, the two temples of Dilwara, Vimala Vasahi and Tejahpala seen over the top of their outer wall on Mount Abu, preparations for one of the day's ceremonies in front of the sacred shrine, one of the parts of the 52 gateways of the temple of Tejahpala, the statue of a
Tīrthankara in a niche in one of the Tejahpala gateways, the wild rocks of Mount Abu seen across the courtyard of Tejahpala temple, inset carvings in the ceilings of the outer gallery of the sanctuary, details of the inset ceiling representing the tutelary goddesses of Adinatha, one of the many domes of the sanctuary of Adinatha dedicated also to the goddess Sarasvati, details of the domes of the mandapa (colonnaded hall) in Vimala Vasahi, the centre of the vast dome in the shape of a lotus flower of exceptional delicacy, another dome of Adinatha's sanctuary in the temple of Vimala vasahi with representations of dancers and tutelary goddesses, details of one of the four pillars surrounding Adinatha's temple, and one of the pillars of almost Gothic style surrounding the alcove of Adinatha

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And, of the Ranakpur, nine photographs are given They depict the general view of the Adinatha temple of Ranakpur (14th century) in Rajasthan, the roof of Ranakpur sheltering several shrines making a total of 29 mandapas (colonnaded halls), the' Mukha-mandapa hall housing three four faces of Adinatha each one turned towards one of the four cardinal points, a miniature Jain house with little sculpture of the architect Depaka on the right, statue of Lord Pärsvanatha the 23rd Tirthankara with his hood of cobras surrounding him with an intricate decoration of serpentine tracery and in company of his tutelary goddesses, the Pårsvanatha portrayed in greenish-blue in the temple of Vasupujya, the statue of the Emperor Akbar set in one of the many pillars of the temple of Ranakpur, small statue of Rajput Emperor Kumbharana carved in one of the pillars when the temple of Ranakpur was built, a view taken from the roofs of Ranakpur looking down on the part of the temples with the 1,444 pillars
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And the last nine photographs are about the Jains' pilgnmage to Palitana They depict the a vast awning of red cotton accommodating about 2,000 pilgrims as they wait to go up at dawn to the fortress enclosing the Shatrunjaya temples, nuns equipped with their long staffs with the tip carved like a temple pinnacle which enables them to pray away from holy places, a view of the tops of the temples on the western side of the citadel of Shatrunjaya, some of the courtyards and roofs of the temples of Shatrunjaya built at the beginning of the 19th century, the three important temples of Shatrunjaya, viz,Sampriji, Nandivaradwipa and Kumarapala, a procession working its way into a secret cleft on one of the very wild unspoiled sides of the Palitana region, a meeting of a small group of Jain pilgnms in their traditional costumes, and a general view of Palitana, with the Agam Mandir in the foreground
A very short bibliography is given at the end of the book NMK
SAKUNTALA SAILISASTRIYA ABHYASA (Marathi) by Dr Vaman Keshav Lele, Inhas-Patnika Prakashan, Thane 400 602, 1997, pp 205, Rs 250/
Kalidasa has been eulogized as the foremost among almost all the poets in the field of ancient and medieval Sanskrit, Praknt, Apabhramsa and Paisacf poetic literature, and in spite of thousands of poets of that have come and gone during the last so many hundreds of years, he has been declared as but unique His literary output is limited to two epics, three dramas, and two lyncal poems Among his dramas, the Sakuntala has been estimated as the best one, so much

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so that the German poet Goethe is said to have placed it on his head and danced So far, no study of this work carried out from the point of view of stylistics has come to our notice Hence this attempt by Dr Lele The structure of the sakuntala is bilingual, the high-class characters like Duśyanta and others speak in the Sanskrit, while Śakuntalā and others speak in the Prakrits According to the norms of stylistics, the evaluation of the structure and style should follow the language in which the text has been composed But since the author is not conversant with the Prakrits, he has depended on the Sanskrit rendering (chāyā) of the Prakrit part of the text of the drama Western scholars have studied this drama in its English translation and based their conclusions on it Hence they may not be regarded as normative Now, the sakuntala is a drama, and as such it is meant to be witnessed as being enacted on a stage For this reason it has been categorized as a visualcum-audible literary piece In the case of the literary works like epics and lyncal poems, the reader or the listener has to exercise his/her imagination to mentally visualize the incidents and the characters, and they have to be recreated mentally for the sake of enjoying them on the contrary, in the case of a drama, both the incidents as well as the characters with their dressings and dialogues are present alive in front of the audience, and are in no need of being imagined In view of the use of more than one language, the ancient Indian drama is but a mixed literary piece Dr Lele has analyzed the sakuntala stylistically from the points of view of the status and styles of the languages, of the dialogues and the moods expressed therein, and the adumbrated means of styles, the used by various characters in the drama The western stylisticians believe that the dramatist first of all prepares a rough draft of the script of his drama, which he might revise again and again many times over with care, which process they call by the terms "revision, refinement and polishing" and which makes the literary piece perfect But since we have no record about the original manuscript written by the Kālıdāsa himself, we have no means to pass any remark about it, although the Indian rhetoricians have also approved this process like Bhämaha and Vamana In his last chapter pertaining to suggested additions and alterations in the extant text of Kālıdäsa's drama, he has critically examined as many as 175 cases in which the text needs to be revised As regards the purpose of making

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these suggestions he has clarified towards the conclusion of the chapter that since this drama was unique some of the members of the audience may have got the text copied and the process might have been responsible for the flaws noticeable at present Further, the author has no intention to prove the superiority of his talent, or give vent to his ego, in connection to the highly celebrated ancient poet His intention is to just present impartially the result of his academic application of the stylistic analysis of the extant text of the drama, and to point out that they are not worth neglecting, since they detract the poetic work from its status of a literary work fully free from shortcomings At the end of his monograph, Dr Lele has given a bibliography listing about thirtytwo English, one Marathi, six Sansknt and one Hindi works utilized by him for
reference
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This work is highly readable revolutionary attempt at scrutinizing an ancient classic from the viewpoint of stylistics, and is most welcome addition to the applied Indological research in the field NMK.
SAPTAKA WRITINGS ON MUSIC (Guj) by Madhusudan Dhanky, Shardaben Chimanbhai Educational Research Centre, Ahmedabad, 1997, pp 22+117, Rs 66/
This collection of articles on music by Prof Madhusudan Dhanky is in a way one of the rare one soly devoted to the art criticism It is thus a sort of the first sunray directed to the yet uncultivated dark corner of exposition and criticism in the field
This work contains in all seven articles, along with a Prak-kathana by the publisher Dr Jitendra Shah, a very brief Amukha by Shri Shinsh Panchal, a Purovacana Aläpa Sathe Vārtālāpa by Prof Harivallbh Bhayanı, a Pūrvävalokana by Prof Hasu Yajnik, and the Prästävika by the author himself
17
In the First article with the title, "Agiyo Ane Svarna-bhramara" (The Fire-fly and the Golden-bee"), presents an able study of the comparision and the contrast of the North Indian musiv with the South Indian one It is such as only Dhanky could do, highly conversant as he is with the intricacies of bringing forth with precision the proper tunes of particular octaves, with their elaboration in the form of Äläpa, the melody set in the Vilambita rhythm, the one in the Madhya one and the one finally in the Druta one, all them intertwining appropnately in their body a variety of Tänas and frequent play with the intricate rhythmic modificatory variations In spite of this onginal and generic similarity, the

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question arises as to why should there be so much difference between the two styles While the problem has been very elaborately explored by the celebrated late Pundit Omkarnath Thakur long back in his classical work Pranava Bhārati. Prof Dhanky notes that the problem has been rather discussed less, and mostly people have been satisfied with some presuppositions only But Dhanky has himself entered into the style and explored the problem on his own, and drawn his own impartial conclusions Thus he has noted that while there is in the Northern tradition a very systematic method of fixing up the proper places of the Śrtus, of strengthening the musical notes, of touching the lowest notes of the Mandra octave as also the highest ones of the Tära octave, of training up the vocal cords to bring out highly melodious musical piece, there is no such provision in the Southern one The number of the popular Rägas in the Southern tradition is comparatively greater than that in the Northern one, and the trainees in the former learn at least four or five compositions each and every melody, as a result of which their throat is rendered more dynamic in moving from one melody to another In the second article, 'Samgita-mām Raktı-no Vibhāva' (The concept of Emotionalism in Music') he notes that a musical note is after all a basic and fixed up unitary Śrti, which becomes a note when the Śrtz become a main point of rest But the nature of a Srtz is so subtle, like a point of a needle, that it is very difficult to clasp it on any fixed place Thus it is with great effort that one grasps the true Sadja note in the case of persons from persons or different musical instruments It is when the proper place has been grasped with precision that the emotional effects start getting manifested In the third article, 'Rāga Mālkosa-num Asli Abhidhān' ('The Original Nomenclature of the Räga Mālakosa'), Prof Dhanky has noticed that there is melody named 'Hindolam' which resembles the melody called Mälakosa' in the North Indian Musical tradition But then would arise another problem about the nomenclature of the already existing melody named 'Hindola' in this latter tradition in his search for the roots of this problem, Prof Dhanky has been drawn to trace the nature of the ancient Suddha Octave in what is currently known as the Bhairavi Thäta, which might prove a very useful discovery since it is at present very difficult to determine the nature of the ancient fundamental pure octave of Bharata or Sarngadhara, and it is unanimously accepted that it was like that of the current Kāfi Thäta And, it further follows that possibly the melody called Mālakosa' today may have been prevalent in the

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form of Audava-Bhatrava with the Rsabha and the Pañcama dropped The fourth article, 'Samgita-mām Vädyavādana-nā Śresthatä" ("The Supenonty of Instrument-playing in Music) justifiably supports the viewpoint of Gayaka-rājā Although the throat is the best instrument, the singers take the assistance of the instruments to supplement their deficiency Ustad Bismilläkhāna imparts instruction first by singing, and then asking the students to produce the same melody through his Śahanãi Thus, singing is the foundation of instrument playing
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The fifth, sixth and the seventh articles, named 'Nilamma Kadambi, Thakura Jayadeva Simha' and 'V G Doräisämi' respectively, are biographical in nature, but they throw considerable light on vanous aspects of Indian musical lore, pertaining to various Gharânäs, ladies and gents musicians, Pandits, Väggeyakäeras and their ideosyncracies
Over and above their being research ventures in the field of Indian music, they present the specimens of real research articles, as distinguished from other wnte-ups like reviews, studies, and cnticism NMK.
SANSKRIT RAMAYAŅAS OTHER THAN VALMIKI'S, THE ADBHUTA, ADHYATMA AND ANANDA RAMAYANAS by Dr. V Raghavan Dr V Raghavan Centre For Performing Arts, Chennai-600 020 1998, pp xv+ 143, Rs 100/
The prime intention of the Dr V Raghavan Centre has been to bring out hi unpublished works and continue to encourage research activities in the area of interests that he cherished during his lifetime The present volume is a compilation of his lectures on the three Rämäyanas It gives a remarkable insight into them from more than one point of view, as also an idea of the depth of his scholarship, the method of his presentation, and the new insights into the very purpose and the scope of the compilation of these new Ränmäyanas when the Välmiki Ramayana had already influenced the Indian thought and culture
The main purpose of the Adbhuta Ramayana is to present the Śäkta religion and philosophy Sitä is made the central figure here and identified as the forms of Sakti, Maheśvari, Dörgä, etc Her glory is descnbed on the model of the vibuti-yoga of the Gitä and is made to act like Mahäkäli On killing Rävana she is described as dancing on his body in the ferocious form of Sakti Certain

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important changes are also made in the structure of the story Sitā is here the daughter of Rāvana Two Rāvanas, one with ten faces and another with thousand ones are envisaged It was the latter who was destroyed by Sītā Her marvelous acts performed while killing the senior Rāvana justify the title of this work as 'Adbhuta' one The second one is the Adhyātma Rāmāyana It has a philosophical orientation Much of its philosophy is drawn from the Bhagavata Rāma is descnbed here as the role model of Krishna Bhakti is given utmost importance, the intention being to popularize Rāma-worship This work is known to have considerably influenced Kabırdas and Tulsidas, and presents the philosophy of Rāmānanda also Its aim seems to correlate the teachings of the Bhāgavata and the Rāmāyana and relate these two incarnations to the same Supreme God Visnu The third lecture is on the Ananda Rāmāyang, in which the misdeeds of Rāvana start much earlier than abducting Sītā This work introduces a number of background episodes to explain the conduct of Kaikeyi, Mathara and a few other events that are apparently unjustified The Jain and Buddhist traditions too follow this technique It also introduces a number of pleasant events, particularly in the Vilāsa and Vivāha kāndas, which justifies its name In the course of his lectures on these three Rāmāyanas, Dr Raghavan neatly presents its contents, compares the same with Vālmīki's narrations, Bhāgavata and other Purānas wherever necessary, states the changes, additions and the omissions made, brings out the philosophical and religious points referred to and evaluates the total contribution made by these three works to Indian thought and culture M M Prof T T Pandurangi of the Bangalore University has highlighted all these points in his Foreword to this valuable work NMK WOMEN'S ROLE IN KÜDIYĀPATTAM by LS Rajagopalan Kuppuswami Sastry Research Institute, Chennai-600 004, 1997, pp XXXIV + 224 Rs 250/ It is commonly believed that Kūdıyāpattam is the only surviving performance tradition of the classical Sanskrit plays written between the second and the eleventh centuries CE The tradition has been jealously preserved by a few families of Cākyars and Nambiyārs as performers and a few hundred enlightened people around the temples as spectators The tight discipline and rigorous training of the performers perhaps accounts for the qualities of precision and orderliness that are still the hallmarks of Kūdiyāpattam performances But what distinguishes the Kūdıyāpattam theatre from theatres in

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many other parts of the world is the active presence of women in it both as actresses and as singers
It is this extremely fascinating aspect of the role of women in Kūdiyāpattam and the related Nangyar Köttu -+that LS Rajagopalan has undertaken to discuss in depth in this scholarly treatise, after equipping himself through long years of patient watching, listening and discussion, to write the same He is one of the few who can write with authority and conviction on this subject
Rajagopalan begins his subject with an account of the different attitudes to the position of women in life and art in ancient India and then quite methodically he moves on to the social setting in Kerala with its matnlineal orientation The mocro-analysis of the social structure given by him helps us understand the overall situation behind the Kūdiyāpattam theatre He then gives a graphic description of the 'Act of Surpanakhā', the second act of Śaktibhadra's Rāmāyana play called Ascaryacūdāmani, and the roles of Rāvana, sister Śūrpanakhā, both as Lalită in disguise and as the demoness without disguise are discussed in detail This is followed by a similar account of the first act of Subhadra-Dhanañayam, and the fifth act of the same play The other plays he briefly mentions as the current repertoire of Kūdıyāpattam are TapatiSamvaranam (Act I), Abhiseka (Acts I, III) Svapnavāsavadattam (Act IV), Nāgānanda (Act II), Sakuntalam (Act III), Bhagavadajjukam and Āścaryacüdāmanı (Act IV), the references being to the annual performances in Thrissur
More than half the book is concerned with Nangyar Köttu, where the stage is exclusively dominated by the single woman performer Rajagopalan has given a scene by scene accounts of the entire Śri-Kssnacaritam told in a series of verses to be rendered solo by the actress There is more or less a comprehensive survey of the whole performance running to several days, and the points for our special attention have been highlighted, and illustrative verses are quoted in Sanskrit along with comments on the acting style While the book gives a lot of information, the important thing to be anted is that it creates in the reader a desire to see Kūdiyāpattam, and prepares him to understand and appreciate the niceties of the performance Prof K Ayyappa Paniker of the Sangeet Natak Akademi, New Delhi has enlightened us on all these points about the book in his scholarly Foreword NMK

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GANGAVATARANA-CAMPUH (Sanskrit) of Shankara Balakrishna Dixit edited by Dr Gaya Caran Tripathi Ganganath Jha Central Sanskrit University, Chandrashekhar Azad Park, Allahabad, 1996, pp 67 + 159, Price not mentioned The Gangavatarana-campūh (middle of 18th Cent Dr GC Tripathi publishes CE) for the first time It describes the legend of the descent of the Ganges in a literary form of a Campū It has been authored by a Maharashtrian named Śamkara Dīksit of Benaras It is undoubtedly a work of high literary merit The work has been ably edited on the basis of two manuscripts preserved in Benaras, although both of them have not preserved the original text so well as to yield a satisfactorily critical edition of the work. In his learned and exhaustive Introduction Dr Tripathi has fully dealt with the topics like the authorship, the term Campū and its genre, the manuscript: material, the contents of the original Sankrit work, the date of its composition the plot, the works read by the author, the other works of the author, the author's estimate as a poet, the political situation of Benaras and around during the times of the poet, and so on At the end of the book the editor has given an index of the verses, and in the three appendices that follow, he has given excerpts from Ms No 24792 of the Vidyapith containing the writings of the author, some verses of his second work, and of his third work, respectively And, lastly the editor has obliged u: by given graphic illustration of some of the Citrabandhas, viz , the Khadgabandha, the Sarayantrabandha, the Padmabandha, too The last page gives us a photographic picture in black and white of the clay sculpture o Makaravāhini Gangā at Ahicchatra of the Gupta period Dr Tripathi has thu: a highly commendable service to the academic community, for which he owe our hearty congratulations NMK. BHARATI-MANGALĀYATANAM (Sanskrit) by Dr Ramanarayan Mishra Rangesh Prakashan, Gayatri puram, Pındra, Devariya (UP), 1997, pp 4 + 250 + 2, Rs 70/
This is a collection of poems of Dr Ramanarayan Mishra, Reader, Ganganatha Jha Central Sanskrit University, and Allahabad It includes the Gangāstava o 110 verses (pp 1-19), the Udbodhanam of 13 verses and the Acāryābhivandanan of 10 verses (pp 20-23), the Manobhāvaprastutth of 291 verses (pp 24-73), the

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Atmanriksanam of 130 verses (pp 73-95), the Mangaläcaranopahita-fodhakaryakramah of 109 verses (pp 96-114), the Siddhanta-rahasyam of 41 verses (pp 115-121), the Sridhari-tikánusmrth of 71 verses (pp 122-129), the Śritīrtharaja-prayaga-stavah of 31 verses (pp 130-135), the Śri-rädhä-stavah of 101 verses (pp 136-147), the Sri Val Dhamaväsi-P Bhû Sîtärämäcārya-suprabhatam of 50 verses (pp 148-156), the Atma-nuvedanam of 138 verses (pp 157-180), the Mangalam of 149 verses (pp 181-206), the Mangalabhümıh of 98 verses (pp 207223), the Bhajata re manuja kamalävaram of 120 verses (pp 224-244), and the Jagadäcärya 108 Śri Visvaksenäcäryänäm samstavah of 24 verses (pp 245-250) The last two pages give an Errata
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Of these the Gangastava, the Śri-tirtharāja-prayāga-stava, the Śrī-rädhä-stava and the Bhajata re manuja kamalāvaram are concerned with philosophical topics and are conducive to mental peace, if they are recited daily for some time and memorized Some of his thoughts incorporated in the verses of his Atma-nuvedanam are really interesting and instructing to people in general and politicians in particular Thus, for instance, the verse "Ya rājanītir na manoratha-plutā, āprajājanānām anurodhakarmanā Samāśrită sangatimantrana"drtā, Sa naiva lokābhyudaya-prabhāvii " suggesting that the administrative policy that is bot ambitious, not supported by public mandate and not honoring the cooperative thinking, is not likely to conduce to public welfare The poet has used a vanety of poetic metre which testify to his nch scholarship and profound literary equipment NMK.
ANEKANTAVĀDA EKA SAMİKṢĀTMAKA ADHYAYANA (Hindi) by Dr Rajendralal Doshi, Ganganath Jha Kendnya Sanskrt Vidyapeeth, Allahabad, 1982, a-th 363, price not printed
This book incorporates the doctoral dissertation of Dr Doshi, at present working in the Ganganath Jha Central Sanskrit University, Allahabad, as a Pandit scholar Muni Vidyanand of Mudabidri Jain Math as contributed a Foreword entitled 'Anekanatavāda Aura Syadvāda' in Hindi
Dr Doshi has noticed two points after deep study of the works on philosophy and ancient scriptural literature that there has been prevalent in India night from the Vedic times two parallel thought processes, one of which was the Anekantaväda and the other was parallel ones resembling the Anekäntaväda

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And they are mentioned in the later works and philosophical systems too Its nomenclature as such and its formal installation has been effected by the Jainism, and thence forward it has come to be known by the specific name of the Anekantavāda
The book is divided into six chapters The first chapter deals with the origin and development of the Anekāntavāda, and the veteran thinkers who contributed to its development The second chapter discusses its nature as a principle in the Jain Āgamas, and its later development by the subsequent Ācāryas, which includes the concepts of Nayas, its vaneties, the Syādväda, the Saptabhangi, and others The third chapter brings together the views of the veteran thinkers opposing the Anekāntaväda, and they are discussed in detail after presenting them in a sort of tabular form Further all the refutations that are found to have been attempted by the Jain Ācāryas has also been given systematically Not only that the discussions by the authors that are not counted as opponents as such have also been presented in this chapters in the fourth chapter are collected the sympathetic thoughts of different philosophers, as also of the modern thinkers In the fifth chapter the Anekātavāda is discussed from the point of view of its relevance modern scientific age The sixth chapter presents a sort of a survey of the whole work
The chief contribution of Dr Doshi lies in the fifth chapter of the work Here he has discussed the relevance of the Anekāntavāda from the points of view of religion, society, literature-art-culture, internationalism, political policy, and has emphasized that it is the life breath of the world peace, and of democracy While surveying the Anekāntic outlook in different systems of philosophy, he has highlighted the harmonizing effect of the Anekāntavāda, pointing out that the Advaita of the Vedāntins is in fact the Samgraha-naya, the materialism of the Cārvāka is the Vyavahāra-naya and the Paryayavāda or the Ksanikavāda of the Buddhists is but the Rjusūtra-naya of the Anekantavāda
Dr Doshi's work thus serves to present an uptodate account of the Anekantavāda right from its ongin, its development in later times and discusses its relevance in the modern scientific age from various points of view It is thus a valuable contribution to the Indian philosophic research in general and the Jainistic one in particular The work deserves to be accessible to those who can read in English only NMK.

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VĀDI-VINODAḤ OF SANKARA MISRA, re-edited by Dr Vishvambhara-nathagını, Viveka-prakashanam, Prayag, (UP), 1995, pp xxxv+ 297, Rs 54/
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Dr Dr Vishvambhara-natha-giri, a Senior Professor, Ganganath Jha Kendriya Vishvavidyapeeth, Prayag The Vadi-vinodah is an independent Sansknt work on Nyaya philosophy, particularly pertaining to the technique of logical discussion, or a debate intended to determine the truths with regard to the scnptural topics The work was first edited by M M Ganganath Jha in 1915, and had been out of print since last few decades Dr V N Gini has re-edited it with the help of three Mss
The author of this work is Sankara Mira (1450-1550 CE), who was a son of Bhavanatha, a learned Brahmin of Mithila in Bihar He has composed as many as fifteen Sansknt works, five of them on the Nyayadarsana, five on the Vaisesika, one on the Advaita Vedanta, three dramas and one anthology of his own poems
The Vädivinoda is a Sanskrit work on the science of debating (katha) a particular point of philosophy as propounded in scriptural works Katha can be of three types, viz, Väda, Jalpa and Vitanda Out of these three Väda is the debate between Guru and disciple both of whom are eager to know the truth and both are detached This work has been composed with a view to introduce the reader with the essentials of a formal debate of the genuine discussion type, to determine the truth regarding the topic of spiritual importance And the author has taken care to present the subject in as simple a manner as to be quite entertaining since he has avoided the use of technical terminology as far as possible It explains the topics of the sixteen elements accepted by the Indian logicians (natyāyıkas)
The work is divided into three chapters, each of which is called an Ulläsa The first chapter treats the nature of Katha, Hetväbhāsa, Chala, Jati and Nigrahasthäna The second chapter discusses the Padartha, Dravya, Guna and Karma The third chapter elaborates upon the similanty of Padartha, Dravya, Guna, the nature of Indriya (senses), different views regarding the Padartha, Dravya, Guna and Pratyasattı Then it presents the viewpoints of Cärväka, Buddhist, Päsanda or Soma, Jain, Bhätta or Kumänila, and Prabhakara Then follows the discussion about Vyäpti and Sabda The fourth chapter is devoted to the instruction about refuting the questions put forth by the adversary The fifth

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chapter seeks to instruct about hurting the ego of the adversary in response to his question which is just not answered
The two appendices give us indices, the first of works, their authors and their sectarian adherence, and the second of the verses and quotations The students in the Sanskrit colleges, who are introduced currently to the Indian logic through the old works like the Tara-samgraha of Annambhatta or the Tarka-bhāsā of Keśavamısra, and the like, shall benefit much more and shall be equipped in a better manner and with up do date information and logical technique of the universities begin to prescribe this excellent monograph of Sankara Miśra Dr Vishvambhara-natha-gırı has done a great service to the academic community by reediting such a valuable work NMK. MIŚRA-NIBANDHAVALI, alias śASTRIYA-SODHA-NIBANDHA-RATNĀVALI (in Sanskrit), Part I, by Dr Ramanarayan Mishra, Reader, Ganganath Jha Kendnya Sanskrit Vidyapeeth, Allahabad, Rangesh Prakashan, Devarira (UP) 1993, pp xix + 343 + xi, Rs 88/
The author has composed his Mangalācarana and his Kiñcun-Nivedana in twentythree Sanskrit verses, the concluding one being “Ksamyo janoyam budhair avasyam, Naivasti sacchastra-patha-prabodhah | Tenaiva satya-skhalanam nibandhe, Svābhāvikam vīksya sudharavadbhih 11" which entreats the scholars to correct the faults and forgive the author in view of his shortcomings The collection is further adorned with the Sammati each by Dr. Umashankar Mishra of the Directorate of Education, UP, and by Ram Prasad Tripathi, Principal of the Sampurnand Sanskrit University, Varanasi, as also by an Amukha or Introduction by the author The work is a collection of thirty-seven Sanskrit articles of the author Dr Mishra has mad it clear in his Introduction that by the term Sastra he intends to include all the traditional disciplines like Veda, Vyakarana, Vedānta, Sāhitya, Dharmaśāstra and others over an above the six systems of Indian philosophy Thus, the articles entitled 'Yoga-tantra-vimarśa', 'Sphotavāda-vilāsa', 'Advaitatattväloka', etc, pertain to philosophy, those entitled 'Samāsa-mimämsä', 'Dhavartha-vāda-vimarśa', etc, treat the topics of Sanskrit Grammar, 'Sahityamimamsa', Vyañjanäyrtti-vārtā, etc, deal with the topics of Sanskrit Poetics The whole work is in Sanskrit, and the style adopted is that of the traditional

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classical Sanskrit works wherein the exact location of the sources of quotation is not at all given, except the mention of the name of the work Thus, for instance, in his essay entitled 'Sphotavāda-vimarśa' he has the following passage as quoted from the Bhagavadgītā, viz, “Aham sarvasya prabhavah mattah sarvam pravartaten | Yatah sarvānı bhūtānı bhavanyādı yugāgame || Yasmiś ca pralayam yānti punar eva yuga-ksaye" introducing it by the words 'Gitāyām api', presuming it to be the responsibility of the reader to fend for himself to find as to in which chapter does the verse occurs and at which number' And here also, we find that while the first line of the quotation can be located as, say Bhagavadgītā 10 gab, the next two lines are nowhere to be found in the BG !! This is the traditional deficiency which should be scrupulously removed if any scholar wishes to preserve one's academic prestige There is no doubt about the scholarship of Dr Mishra but for this lack of exactitude, and academic carefulness By way of a specimen of his sound scholarship, may be cited his article on 'Pānınīya Śiksā' which is practically the best among the commentaries on the work, since it enlightens the reader about almost all the controversial points pertaining to the work. Being in Sanskrit, the work will be accessible to only the scholars of Sanskrit, and there too only to those who would care to read articles written in Sanskrit Any way Dr Mishra has contnbuted his mite to the enrichment of modern Sanskrit essay literature, for which he deserves encomiums NMK DHĀTUPRATYAYALOKAH DHĀTVARTHACANDRIKA CA (Sanskrit) by Dr Goparaju Rama, Ganganath Jha Central Sanskrit University, Allahabad, 1995, pp 1 + 144, Rs 120/The author is the Head of the Department of Literature, Ganganath Jha Central Sanskrit University, Allahabad He has composed these two works, viz, the Dhātupratyayaloka and the Dhätvarthacandrikā, both of which are published in the form of a single book The aim of this work is to venture to project the real picture as to which of the nearly two thousand Dhātus listed in his Dhătupātha by Panini with different suffixes and all spread over the Astādhyāyī carries how many suffixes and in what senses Dr Rama has culled together all of those suffixes together and arranged them as per their context of sense The roots are arranged in the alphabetical order All the suffixes are given under each root followed by its forms, rules and their number in the Siddhāntakaumudi

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The second part, viz, the Dhatvarthacandrikā, is virtually an index of the sam roots dealt with in the first part, viz, the Dhätupratyayaloka, but arranged nc alphabetically but rather in the order in which they occur in the Siddhanta kaumudi Here one can find out in one place as to how many roots are rea in a single sense Dr Rama has taken proper care in providing the number c each sutra, as has been found in the edition of the Siddhanta-kaumudi with th Tattvabodhini commentary The work is a sort of twofold alphabetical index c Sanskrit Dhätus, with the details about the suffixes they are mentioned in th Dhatupatha, easy to refer to by those interested in the subject NMK.

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THE POETRY OF BUSINESS, by Atul K Shah, Colchester C04 3SQ, UK (Email ashah@esses ac uk Web http.//sersun 1 essex ac uk/~ashah/), 1998, pp 69, price not mentioned The author-poet is a well-known writer and speaker on business issues, and the contents of this book were successfully presented to entrepreneurs in North America, Africa and Europe It was these dialogues which prompted the writing of this book
Although it is rare to see business and poetry linked together, the author believes business is and can be a creative endeavour For a long time he has been interested in aspects of business ethics, and in spite of the common response to the effect that there is no room for ethics in business, his mission is to spread the stories wherein entrepreneurs have been ethical and have been keen to share their success with others, to communicate these ideals and values, and encourage others to raise their values in life The book is a collection of sixty-three poems, with such varied titles like Money, Whistle-blower, Sale, Addiction, Grave, Green Business, Double Life - Shareholders, Debt, Reciprocity, and many more long ones His poetry is couched in British English The book is but a Draft Pre-Publication Copy - Subject to Author's Copyright It is printed in very tiny - 8 point fonts - often with centre alignment to enhance the beauty of the poem in print A few specimen will give a taste of the author's poetic relish In his poem entitled Child Labour, the poet concludes "You can rely on our promise Child labour has been kicked out But bullying and hard labour stays in" In Business Education, he writes "I say values are the key, To education. And you have none” In Stock Market, he writes "Hurry, Hurry, While greed lasts, Make your money, Easily, so you can spend it, Recklessly Forget about your conscience Don't worry, If you become more greedy, You will still live, Happily Just make your buck, Without a fuss You can now afford, A psychiatrist " NMK
JAINA SIDDHANTA ŠIKŞAŅA (Hindi), by Muniśrī 108 Pramāna Sāgara, Publ. Anand Sighai, Jabalpur, (3rd Edn), 1996, pp 58, Rs 11/

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This book is a collection of succinct outlines of twenty topics of the tenets of Jain philosophy and religion according to the Digambara tradition The topics outlined are a general introduction, a glimpse of the history of Jainism, the path of liberation, proper outlook, reality and elements, Jiva-tattva and its nature, its various states, the Non-Jiva, Asrava, Karma, Speciality of the principle of Karma, Samvara, Nirjarä, Moksa, gradual steps to selfdevelopment, the conduct of householders, the conduct of mendicants, means of proof and outlooks, Anekānta and Syädvāda This is very handy and beautifully printed book to be kept at hand for easy reference NMK ATMĀNVEŚT (Hindi), by Muni Ksamāsāgara, Vidya Prakashan Mandır, New Delhi, (Revised 2nd Edn ), 1998, pp 120, Rs 30'This work is an unusual biography of an extraordinary Digambara Jain saint Ācārya Śrī Vidyāsāgara-ji by his disciple The incidents of the part of his early life that are seen very intimately by a mother, are narrated through the mouth of the saint's mother Śrīmati-ji, and that covers pages 1 to 66, while in the rest of the 54 pages the inspiring incidents are narrated by the author himself The learned scholar Yashpal Jain of Delhi has contributed an Introduction (bhūmikā) in which he has pointed out that his is not a simple biography, it is rather a religious pilgrimage, in which there are many jaunts and halts, the first being that of the childhood, during which the child gave out indications of the future course of life he was going to adopt The second part of the book records incidents highlighting the aspects of the life of the saint, such as, a guest, his love of Nature, first meeting, innocent life-style, a treasure of jewels, association with good people, the introvert pilgrim, the self-sun, victory over obstacles, intuition, detachment, holy message, granting protection, the real path, alertness, Nırgrantha, titles, purity, infinite love, composure, liberation, best spiritual endeavor, regarding others as one's own selves, mercifulness, real grace, instruction of duty, self-discipline, resting in one place, importance of renunciation, occasion, self-confidence, practice of equanimity, strong determination, test, highly nearby, inspiration for duty, wishing welfare, attachment with a detached one, tolerance, humble faith, self-control, experience and meditation on the Self It is hoped that these incidents will unfailing inspire the readers to further goodness in his life. NMK.

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263 NANDANA-KALPATARUH (Sanskrit), compiled by Kīrti-trays, First sākhā, Shri Jain Granth Prakashan Samiti, Khambhat, 1999, pp 93, Rs Nil This work is an anthology of devotional Sanskrit poems of the three 'Kirti'-, viz, Muni Dharma-kīrti-vijaya, Muni Kalyāna-kīrtı-vijaya and Muni Ratna-kirtivijaya, over and above those of their preceptor Ācārya Vijaya-śīlacandra-sūrı The last one has contributed devotional songs about all the twenty-four Jinas, cast in the form of classical musical pieces, which one feels have been personally sung by the author The poetic songs about 30 and covering first 31 pages in all, are followed by a tribute, and a biographical account, many other narrative pieces in Sanskrit prose Each page of the book is marked with a black and white picture of a tree This is, in fact, the first issue of a devotion-oriented Sanskrit journal, to be published at irregular intervals, perhaps when sufficient number of poems and prose pieces are received for publication in it, which betrays the poet and musician in the holy personality of a Jain Acārya, who seems to be grooming his disciples too on to his path NMK. MUKTAKA-SATAKA (Hin.) by Digambara Jainācārya 108 Śri Vidyāsāgara i Mahārāja, publ Vijay Kumar Jain, New Delhi, 1995, pp 26 Price Thinking and retiocination This book being a collection of 102 verses, no list of contents has been given The book starts with a colour photograph of the Ācārya, on the first inner page, followed by the printer's page, dedication, introduction, short life-sketch of the Ācārya and his works, and then the poetic pearls A couple of specimen may be presented here
Kyom bhatakatā tū mudhā, Kyom dukha sahatā bahudhä Taba mitegi yaha ksudhā, Jaba milegi nija sudhā 1|27||” Sapta-svarom se atita, Suna Rahā hüm Samgīta
Mano vinā kā tā, tuna-tuna dhvanita apăra ||77|| Here in the first verse the Poet-Ācārya points out of the futility of roaming from place to place and person to person, with the added remark that the spiritual hunger will not be satisfied till one attains to the inner joy of the Selfrealization in the second verse he seems to have reached a point in his

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spiritual Sadhan, at which a Yogin comes to hear the internal humming sound which is referred by numerous saints as the Anāhata-nāda The verses are neither set in a fixed meter nor are they meant to be sung But they afford a glimpse of the path of spiritual sojourn of the poetic author NMK. LORD SWAMINARAYAN (AN INTRODUCTION) by Sadhu Mukundcharandās Swaminarayan Aksharpith, Sahibaug Road, Amdāvād-380 004 (India), 1999, pp 2 + 79, Rs 20/This is a very handy introduction to the laymen educated in the westernoriented tradition prevalent at present in India, as also to the English-speaking non-Indians, who may be genuinely interested to know about His Holiness Pramukh Swami Maharāj, the current Head of the Bocāsanavāsī Śrī-aksarapurusottama Svāminārāyana Samsthā, who has been representing the spiritual Guruship in succession of the four Pragata-brahma-svarūpa predecessors like Svāmi Gunātītānanda, Bhagatjī Mahāraj, śāstriji Mahārāj, Yogiji Mahārāj It his under his very powerful inspiration that the unique monuments of Lord Svāminārāyan have been coming up in Ahmedabad, Gandhinagar, Bombay, Delhi, Calcutta, Madras, London, Newyork, Nairobi, and other places The book contains, apart from the Preface, ten chapters, viz, Early Days, Teenage Yogi, Divine Leadership, Uplift of Women, Disciples, Scriptures, Mandırs, Philosophy, Teacings After the Epilogue, an account of the Successors of Lord Svāmınārāyan is given It is followed by Observations of Historians and Scholars, an Appendix, Features of Devotion in the Daily Life of a Disciple, Source References, Bibliography, Glossary and Index It is an ably composed and beautifully produced publication that one would like to go through just for the joy of doing so, if not out of genuine curiosity NMK. PIMAGE by Lt Col C C Bakshi (retd ), Pravin Prakashan Pvt, Rajkot, 1998, Pp 144, Rs 160/This work is an English translation of the Gujarati book "Jivana-nā Ramga", and is dedicated to "princess Parul" because of whom the author who came to write it It is a collection of letters addresses to Parul by Dada Every letter begins with "Salutation to the Revered Guru" They contain varied spiritual thoughts and narration of spiritual experiences during his contact with numerous saints and Yogis in the course of his career in military service culminating in the

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final position as a Lt Col in the Indian Army The varied aspects of the author's personality as a spiritual seeker after secrets of human life have been amply revealed in these letters He has authored a remarkably famous book, entitled Coscon which is abbreviated form of Cosmic Consciousness, and is translated into Gujaratı with the title Vaisvika Cetană by the author himself
NMK.
BHĀDARA-NĀ TĀRĀ (Guj) by Lt Col C C Bakshi Pravin Pustak Bhandar, Rajkot, 1998, pp 171, Rs 80/This book is a novel-like poetic narration of the sweet reminiscences of the author right from his primary school days upto the end of his service as a high-ranking military officer It is divided into five sections, carrying the headings . (1) Bhādara-nā Tārā (The Stars of the Bhādar river); (2) Kāyā kalpa (The Rejuvenation of the body), (3) Case Cāse Moti (Pearls in each of the farming squares), (4) Apaņum Camatkārika Mana (Our wonderful mind), (5) Anurnām Akho Vada Samkelyo (The whole of the bunyan tree has been compressed into an atom), and (6) Prakirnaka (Miscellaneous). The headings of these sections are by themselves remarkable and highly significant, and the book carries its title from that of the first section One is astonished to find here a hardcore military office with a soft heart ascending to the height of poetic sentiments in the last section he has given a piece of his wnting called Katāva in which he has narrated in alliterative prose a simple incident, but what is important is not the incident, nor its meaning, but rather the prose itself which is to be read aloud and is thus quite enjoyable We may have a specimen of a line or two here : "Rāna-mām, kāna-mām motã phūlagotā khosine gāna-mām gulatāna evā be miam sultāna-nā mokalyā mulatāna-thi avatā hata Te be mitra, citra-victra caritra karata, vändarāthī daratā, to pana hemmata-ne dharatā, vividha prakāra-nă äkāra-ni väto karatä.." NMK GATHA-MANJARI (Guj) by Harivallabh Bhayani, Parshwa International Foundation for Research and Education, Ahmedabad, 1997, pp 56, Rs 60/-. This is a collection of a hundred poetic pearls from the celebrated Prakrit Gähākosa alias the Gathā-saptašati of the celebrated Prakrit poet Häla Each of the poetic pieces presented here in the form of the original verse in printed in the Gujarati script, followed by its free Gujarati translation by the editor.

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translator Prof Bhayanı The verses are classified subject-wise, such as DevaStuti (Prayer), Rtu-o (Seasons) with sub-headings like Vasanta, Grīsma, Hemanta, etc, and Anurliga (Attachment) with sub-headings like Samyoga (Union), Sparśa (Touch), Cumbana (Kiss), etc The first thirty-two pages carry a detailed and learned Introduction by the author, giving an account of the nature and types of Muktaka-kävya, ancient pieces of such poetry, division of the subject matter, appreciation, and a short bibliography At the end of the book, the author has given a comparative table showing the original serial numbers of the translated pieces corresponding to those that are given to them in this collection This book is a welcome addition to the Gujarati literature
NMK
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PATRAM PUSPAM (Guj.) by Prof Harivallbh Bhayanı, Image Publications Pvt Ltd, Mumbai, 1998, pp 91, Rs 50/
This is a collection of the author's poetic rendering in Gujarati of some of the most poetical and beautifully charming Sanskrit and Prakrit picturesque verses selected from the works devotional poems pertaining to Krisna worship. The verses translated in the form of Gujarati poems are from the Ritthnemicariya of Svayambhudeva, the Krsnakarnämrta and Balagopala-stutt of Bilvamangala, Śrngaraprakāśa, Bhagavata, and others
Prof Bhayani has found the poetic narration of the loving relationship of the Gopis headed by Radha vis-à-vis Krishna as most interesting and a source on infinite treasure of poetic sentiments, since they depict their feelings of various types with reference to the sports of Krishna's childhood
The main contents of the book, covering the first seventeen pages, are the thirty-four poems, with original Sanskrit or Praknt text printed in Gujarati script followed by Gujarati rendering. Then follows the appendices Appendix 1 is divided in three parts Part I treats the two topics, viz, The cosmic sight of Yasoda, and the cowherd damsels selling Krishna Part II deals with rtuvarnana treating the rains in Vrindavan, and the sarad season in Vrindavan Part III contains three Stotras, viz, Bhisma-stutt, Brahma-stuti, and Venugita Appendix II contains a brief outline of the tradition of the Venugita, Gopigita, Bhramaragita, and reminiscences of a Caturmāsī Bhāgavata-katha, followed by an article about the Carudatta-cantra and researches about Krishna Appendix

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III is about the Krsna-krīdita of Keshavdas Appendix IV is about Viraha-bhaktı Appendıx V is about the development of the nature of Krishna as Bhagavān Then follows a write up about the tradition of Krishna poems, the notes, and bibliography Here the author, normally a staunch rationalist reveals a rather tender aspect of his personality as a lover of poetry NMK.

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS elektrolden Jubilee com Journal of Oriental Research, Madras The Kuppuswami Sastri Research tute Golden Jubilee Commemoration Volume, Vol LXIV-LXVII, (1994-97) Kuppuswami Sastri Research Institute, Madras, 1998 IPYA, the Quarterly Journal of B J Institute of Learning and Research, tedabad, Special issue on the occasion of the birth centenary of the Late Rasiklal C. Parikh Vol 13, No 4, January 97 March 1997 ANAM (Half-yearly Bulletin of the Purana-Department, Sampurnanand skrit University, Varanasi), Vol XI, No 1, All-India Kashiraj Trust, Fort, inagar, Varanasi, January, 1998 (ANAM (Half-yearly Bulletin of the Purana-Department, Sampurnanand skrit University, Varanas), Vol XI, No 2, All-India Kashiraj Trust, Fort, anagar, Varanasi, July, 1998 MANA, Golden Jubillee Issue, Apnl-June, 1999, Parshvanath Vidyapith, anasi 114019