Book Title: Shadavashyaka Banav Bodh Vrutti
Author(s): Prabodh Bechardas Pandit
Publisher: Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan

View full book text
Previous | Next

Page 71
________________ A STUDY OF THE GUJARATI LANGUAGE 5.69. Thus, the vowel system of this period is : а 108 Some significant features of distribution may be mentioned. The non-final sequence -oi- >-0-: OG joisi > josi' fortuneteller'. Some i and u in immediate nasal environment are allophones of long i, u, and are retained, instead of merging with a : dhunai>dhune is in a trance'. Nasalised [?] and [] (khecai, phekai) of the preceding period were lowered allophones of /e/ and /o/ respectively (lowering being conditioned by nasa lisation ), now they become allophones of e and ɔ, these 2 and 3 can occur in the non-initial syllable. We have noted above that the e-€ and 0-) contrast is localised only in the initial syllable and in monosyllabic words. In New Gujarati also, the contrast is localised in the initial syllable, and in monosyllabic words. In final position the contrast is neutralised; phonetically, the range of variation in tongue height covers the regions of e-€ and 0-3 respectively. We have, however, transcribed the finals as -e and -o. 5.70. In the dialects of Western and North-Western Saurashtra, however, ai and au > eand o in all positions, and these dialects have a six vowel system : i au e a 0. 5.71. Consequential changes in the grammatical system are far reaching. With final -i and -u > -a, contrast between nom. acc. sg. and inst. loc. sg. is lost in the case of unextended nouns, while sg. pl. contrast of inst. and loc. of the extended nouns is lost (In the nom. acc. of the unextended nouns there is no sg. pl. contrast, while there is a contrast between nom. acc. sg. and pl. of the extended nouns). All this imbalance results in only two distinctions in the noun declension. dir and obl.; e. g. dir. : deva, ghodo, obl. deva, ghoda, -e as the general inst. sg. pl. suffix; -o as the general pl. suffix; both occur after oblique; -e dialectally occurs after the noun stem ghod -e, which is the reflex of old instrumental form ghodai; -e after oblique i. e. ghoda-e is analogical. All these changes are worked out in the New Gujarati period. (See below). Thus, the declensions are : unextended nouns : sg. pl. nom. acc. deva deva inst. loc. deva deve extended nouns nom. acc. ghodo ghodā inst. loc. ghode ghode Inst. sg. of unextended noun is not marked; but frequently, by analogical extension it has also been marked with -e; probably analogical extension may have been from both the sides : inst. pl. -e and inst. sg. -e of the extended nouns; though it is more likely to be influenced by inst. pl. -e because the contraction of final -ehi > -e is much earlier than the contraction of final -ai > -e. Other nouns ending in -a, -i, or -u also have the same analogically extended -e for inst. sg. pl. In New Gujarati, however, -e of the extended nouns survives only dialectally, in the standard - of the mainland -, -e comes after the oblique of the extended nouns; (like all other postpositions ). 5.72. The change of -i, -u > -a obliterates the gender-number distinction in the paradigms of the relative and the demonstrative pronouns (already in the earlier period Jain Education International For Private & Personal Use Only www.jainelibrary.org

Loading...

Page Navigation
1 ... 69 70 71 72 73 74 75 76 77 78 79 80 81 82 83 84 85 86 87 88 89 90 91 92 93 94 95 96 97 98 99 100 101 102 103 104 105 106 107 108 109 110 111 112 113 114 115 116 117 118 119 120 121 122 123 124 125 126 127 128 129 130 131 132 133 134 135 136 137 138 139 140 141 142 143 144 145 146 147 148 149 150 151 152 153 154 155 156 157 158 159 160 161 162 163 164 165 166 167 168 169 170 171 172 173 174 175 176 177 178 179 180 181 182 183 184 185 186 187 188 189 190 191 192 193 194 195 196 197 198 199 200 201 202 203 204 205 206 207 208 209 210 211 212 213 214 215 216 217 218 219 220 221 222 223 224 225 226 227 228 229 230 231 232 233 234 235 236 237 238 239 240 241 242 243 244 245 246 247 248 249 250 251 252 253 254 255 256 257 258 259 260 261 262 263 264 265 266 267 268 269 270 271 272 273 274 275 276 277 278 279 280 281 282 283 284 285 286 287 288 289 290 291 292 293 294 295 296 297 298 299 300 301 302 303 304 305 306 307 308 309 310 311 312 313 314 315 316 317 318 319 320 321 322 323 324 325 326 327 328 329 330 331 332 333 334 335 336 337 338 339 340 341 342 343 344 345 346 347 348 349 350 351 352 353 354 355 356 357 358 359 360 361 362 363 364 365 366 367 368 369 370 371 372