Epigraphia Indica Vol 33

Author(s): D C Sircar
Publisher: Archaeological Survey of India
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/032587/1

Page #1
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA Volume XXXIII (1959-60) attakArtimapAvaza PUBLISHED BY THE DIRECTOR GENERAL ARCHAEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA, JANPATH, NEW DELHI-110 011 1987

Page #2
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA Volume XXXII doo anakanimapAvaza PUBLISHED BY THE DIRECTOR GENERAL ARCHAEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA JANPATH, NEW DELHI-110 011 1987

Page #3
Reprinted 1987 ARCHAEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA GOVERNMENT OF INDIA Price : 135.00 Printed at S. Narayan & Sons, 7117/18. Pahari Dhiraj, Delhi-110 006

Page #4
ARCHAEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA EPIGRAPHIA INDICA VOLUME XXXIII 1959-1960 EDITED BY Dr. D. C. SIRCAR, M.A., Ph. D., F.A.S., F.R.A.S., F.R.N.S. Retired Government Epigraphist for India obe JASA pratnakIrtimapAza Published by the Manager of Publications, Delhi Printed at the Government of India Press, Calcutta, India 1963

Page #5

Page #6
CONTENTS A: Articles No. 1. Two Grants of Raghudeva. By D. C. Sircar, Ootacamund . . :. 1. Raghudevapura Grant of Saka 1378 . . . . . . 2. Dorapalem Grant of 1455-56 A. D. . . . . . . 2. Tippasamudram Inscription of Kampa-Vikramavarman, Year 17. By J. Sundaram, Ootacamund . . . . . . . . >> 3. Dongalasani Inscription of Vankeya-chola, Year 41. By K. H. V. Sarma, Ootacamund . . . . . . . . . . . ,, 4. Two Inscriptions of the time of Gopala. By D. C. Sircar, Ootacamund : 1. Baraudi Inscription of V.S. 1336 . . . . . 2. Narwar Inscription of V.S. 1339. . . . . . >> 5. Kapilas Inscriptions of Narasimhadeva. By D. C. Sircar, Ootacamund . , 6. Jalore Inscription of Chahamana Chachigadeva, V.S. 1331. By G. S. Gai, Ootacamund . . . . . . . . . . , 7. Epigraphic Notes 9-11. By D. C. Sircar, Ootacamund 9. Creation of Rent-free Holdings . . . . 10. Khajjana-Khajjana-Khajjana-Khajjanaka . 11. Panga-Panga-Panga . . . . . . . . . , 8. Barhut Inscriptions in Allahabad Museum. By D. C. Sircar, Ootacamund. , 9. Two Grants of Bhoja Prithivimaldavarman. By G. S. Gai, Ootacamund . ,, 10. Fragmentary.Yajvapala Inscription from Narwar. By D. C. Sircar, Oota camund . . . . . . . . . . . . , 11. Note on Kalyana Inscription of Saka 1248. By D. C. Sircar, Ootacamund. ,, 12. Note on Madakasira Inscription of Diliparasa, Saka 870. By K. V. Ramesh, Ootacamund . . . . . . . . . . ,, 13. Bhairavakonda Inscription of Vikramaditya. By H. K. Narasimhaswami, . Ootacamund . . . . . . . . . . .

Page #7
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [Vol. XXXIII Paa 82 No. 14. Three Inscriptions in Baripada Museum. By D. C. Sircar, Ootaoamund : >> 16. Davangere Plates of Ravivarman. By D. C. Sircar, Ootacamund . . 16. Gyaraspur Inscription of Trailokyavarmadeva. By K. G. Krishnan, Ootaca 108 17. Copper Coin of Harigupta. By D. C. Sircar, Ootacamund . . . . 18. Brick Inscription of Damamitra. By D. 0. Siroar, Ootacamund . . . , 19. Note on Andhavaram Plates of Indravarman III. By V. V. Mirashi, Nagpur > 20. Inscriptions from Gaya. By D. C. Sircar and K. H.V. Sarma, Ootacamund. 1. Inscription of the time of Kakatiya Prataparudra I . . 2. Inscription of the time of Hoysala Narasimha III . . . . 3. Inscription of Krishpadeva-raya, Saka 1444 . . . . . 4. Insoription of Achyutaraya, V. S. 1588 . . . . . ,, 21 Veraval Inscription of Chaulukya Bhima I. By V. P. Jokarapurkar, Nagpur > 22 Unohahra Fragmentary Inscription of V. 8. 1294. By D. C. Sircar, Ootaca mund . . . . . . . . . . . . , 23 Warangal Inscription of Raghudeva, Kali Year 4561. By D. O. Sircar, Oota camund 24. Chikkerur Inscription of Ahavamalla, Saka 917. By B. R. Gopal, Ootaca mund .. . . . . . . . . . . . 35. Dhulla Plate of Srichandra. "By D. C. Bircar, Ootacamund . . . , 26. Chikkalavalasa Plates of Vajrahasta III, Saka 982. By D. O. Siroar, Ootaca 160 156 27. Nagarjunakunda Inscription of Ehavalasri's time, Year 11. By B. Ch. Chhabra, New Delhi . . . . . . . . . . . . , 28. Bhaturiya Inscription of Rajyapala. By D. C. Biroar, Ootacamund . , 29. Mallar Plates of Jayaraja, Year 5. By D. C. Sircar, Ootacamund . ;, 30. Srirangam Inscription of Rajaraja II, Year 11. By K. G. Krishnan, Ootach mund . . . . . . . . . . ,, 31. Budhera Pillar Inscription of V.8. 1381, Saka 1216: By D. C. Sircar, Oota camund . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 32. Note on Bhumara Pillar Inscription of Hastin. By D. O. Sirear, Ootacamund 159 163 167

Page #8
CONTENTS PAGE 173 176 181 186 189 192 199 205 209 - No. 33. Stray Plate in Madras Museum. By P. R. Srinivasan, Madras : . 34. Allahabad Museum Plate of Govindachandra, V.8. 1171. By D. C. Sircar, Ootacamund . . . . . . . . . . ,, 35. Puri Inscription of Chodaganga. By D. C. Sircar, Ootacamund . . . 36. Kalachuri Insoription from Karitalai. By B. C. Jain, Raipur . . . 37. Uppugundur Inscription of Virapurisadata's time, Year 19. By B.Ch. Chha bra, New Delhi . . . . . . . . . . ,,38. Modasa Plate of the time of Paramara Bhoja, V.8. 1067. By D. C. Sircar, Ootacamund. . . . . . . . . . . ,,39. Kanchipuram Inscription of Achyutaraya, Saka 1453. By K. G. Krishnan and V. S. Subrahmanyam, Ootacamund . . . . . . ,,40. Note on Mandasur Inscription of Gauri. By D. C. Sircar, Ootacamund ,, 41. Malga Plates of Samanta Indraraja. By D. C. Sircar and S. Sankaranarayanan, Ootacamund . . . . . . . . . . . ,, 42. Mahudi Plates of Paramara Bhoja, V.8. 1074. By D. C. Sircar, Ootacamund . . . . . . . . . . . 43. Pentapadu. Grant of Choda Bhaktiraja, Saka 1265. By H. K.Narasimha swami, Ootacamund . . . . . . . . ,, 44. Paliad Plates of Bhimadeva I, V.S. 1112. By A. L. Basham, London . ,, 46. Stray Plate from Nanana. By D. C. Sircar, Ootacamund . . . 46. Footprint Slab Inscription from Nagarjunikonda. By D. O. Siroar and A. N. Lahiri, Ootacamund . . . . . . . . 47. Notes on Senakapat Inscription 1. By V. V. Mirashi, Nagpur. . 2. By D. C. Sircar, Ootacamund . .. . . . . . , 48. Insoription from Hombli. By G. 8. Gai, Ootacamund . . , 49. Inscription in Cave IV at Ajanta. By D. C. Siroar, Ootacamund . ., 60, Ratnagiri Plates of Somavamsi Karna. By Debala Mitra, Calcutta 01 Note on Ratnagiri Plates of Somavamsi Karna. By D. O. Siroar, Ootecamund . . . . . . . . . . . 219 235 255

Page #9
vi 22 No. 52. Veligalani Grant of Kapilesvara, Saka 1380. By D. C. Sircar and K. H. V. Sarma, Ootacamund EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXXII 53. Bandora Plates of Maurya Anirjitavarman, Year 29. By G. S. Gai, Ootacamund 54. Chandil Stone Inscription. By D. C. Sircar, Ootacamund. ,, 55. Inscription from Bantvala. By B. R. Gopal, Ootacamund, and R. Sathyanarayana, Mysore. 31 56. Two Inscriptions of Gupta Age. By D. C. Sircar, Ootacamund 33 1. Kalachhala Fragmentary Grant of Isvararata 2. Supia Pillar Inscription of the time of Skandagupta, Gupta Year 141 57. Note on Didgur Inscription of Kattiyara. By G. S. Gai, Ootacamund 58. Mayalur Plates of Chalukya Vijayaditya, Saka 622. By G. S. Gai, Ootacamund.. 59. Madanapada Plate of Visvarupasena. By D. C. Sircar, Ootacamund. 60. British Museum Plates of Govinda III, Saka 726. By G. S. Gai, Ootaca 23 mund. 61. Note on Shar-i-Kuna Inscription of Asoka. By D. C. Sircar, Ootacamund INDEX. By Shrinivas Ritti, Ootacamund... Title page, and Corrections Contents (A. Articles, B. Authors, C. Plates) and Additions PAGE 275 293 297 299 303 306 309 311 315 327 333 339-88 i-xx

Page #10
B. Authors (THE NAMES OF THE CONTRIBUTORS ARE ARRANGED ALPHABETICALLY.) A. L. BASHAM, B.A., Ph. D., F.R.A.S., London, No. 44. Paliad Plates of Bhimadeva I, V.8. 1112 . . . . . . 235 B. CH. CHHABRA, M.A., M.O.L., Ph.D. (Lugd.), F.A.S., New Delhi No. 27. Nagarjunikonda Inscription of Eha valasri's time, Year 11 . . . No. 37. Uppugundur Insoription of Virapurisadata's time, Year 19 . . G. 8. GAI, B.A., Ph.D., Ootacamund No. 6. Jalore Inscription of Chahamana Chachigadeva, V.8. 1331 No. 9. Two Grants of Bhoja Prithivimallavarman . . . No. 48. Insoription from Hombli . . . . . . . . No, 63. Bandora Plates of Maurya Anirjitavarman, Year 29 No. 67. Note on Didgur Inscription of Kattiyara No. 58. Mayalar Plates of Chalukya Vijayaditya, Saka 622 . . . . $11 No. 60. British Museum Plates of Govinda III, Saks 726. . . . . 327 B. R. GOPAL, M.A., Ootacamund No. 24. Chikkerur Inscription of Ahavamalla, Saka 917 . . . . . 131 No. 55. See under B. R. Gopal, M.A., Ootacamund, and R. Sathyanarayana, Mysore B. R. GOPAL, M.A., Ootacamund, and R. SATHYANARAYANA, MysoreNo. 03. Inuoription from Bantvala . . . . . . . 399 B. C. JAIN, M.A., Raipur No. 36. Kalachuri Inscription from Karitalai . . . . . . . 186 V. P. JOHARAPURRAR, M.A., Ph. D., Nagpur No. 21. Veraval Inscription of Chalukya Bhima II . . . . . . 117 K. G. KRISHNAN, M.A., Ootucamund No. 16. Gyaraspur Inscription of Trailokyavarmadeva . . No. 30. Srirangam Inscription of Rajaraja II, Year 11 . . . . . 159 No. 39. Seo under K. G. Krishnan, M.A., and V. 8. Subrahmanyam, Ootacamund . K. G. KRISHNAN, M.A., and V. 8. SUBRAHMANYAM, Ootacamund No. 39. Kanchipuram Insoription of Achyutaraya, Saka 1453 . . . . 199 . . 93

Page #11
viii EPIGRPHIA INDICA V. V. MIRASHI, M.A., D. Litt., Nagpur No.19. Note on Andhavaram Plates of Indravarman III. No. 47. Note on Senakapat Inscription, No. 1. D. MITRA (Mrs.), M.A., Calcutta No. 50. Ratnagiri Plates of Somavamsi Karna. H. K. NARASIMHASWAMI, B.Sc., Ootacamund A. N. LAHIRI, M.A., E.R.N.S., Ootacamund No. 46. See under D. C. Sircar, M.A., Ph.D., F.A.S., F.R.A.S., F.R.N.S., and A. N. Lahiri, M.A., F.R.N.S., Ootacamund No. 13. Bhairavakonda Inscription of Vikramaditya. No. 43. Pentapadu Grant of Choda Bhaktiraja, Saka 1265. K.V. RAMESH, M.A., Ootacamund No. 12. Note on Madakasira Inscription of Diliparasa, Saka 870. S. SANKARANARAYANAN, M.A., Ootacamund [VOL. XXXIII K. H. V. SARMA, M.A., B. Sc. B. Ed., Ootacamund No. 3. Dongalasani Inscription of Venkeya-chola, Year 41. No. 20. PAGE . No. 41. See under D. C. Sircar, M. A., Ph.D., F.A.S., F.R.A.S., F.R.N.S., and S.Sankaranarayanan, M.A., Ootacamund . R. SATHYANARAYANA, Mysore No. 55. See under B. R. Gopal, M.A., Ootacamund, and R. Sathyanarayan, Mysore D. C. SIRCAR, M.A., Ph.D., F.A.S., F.R.A.S., F.R.N.S., Ootacamund No. 1. Two Grants of Raghudeva No. 4. Two Inscriptions of the time of Gopala. No. 5. Kapilas Inscriptions of Narasimhadeva. No. 7. Epigraphie Notes, 9-11 See under D. C. Sircar, M.A., Ph. D., F.A.S., F.R.A.S., F.R.N.S., and K. H. V. Sarma, M.A., B. Sc., B. Ed., Ootacamund No. 52. See under D. C. Sircar, M.A., Ph. D., F.A.S., F.R.A.S., F.R.N.S., and K. H. V. Sarma, M.A., B.Sc. B.Ed., Ootacamund * * 101 251 263 79 219 77 27 1 31 41 50

Page #12
B. AUTHORS Page No. 8. Barhut Inscriptions in Allahabad Museum . . . No. 10. Fragmentary Yajvapala Inscription from Narwar . . . No. 11. Note on Kalyana Inscription of Saka 1248 . . No. 14. Three Inscriptions in Baripada Museum No. 15. Davangere Plates of Ravivarman . . . . . No. 17. Copper Coin of Harigupta . . . .'. . No. 18. Brick Inscription of Damamitra . . . . . No. 20. See under D. C. Sircar, M.A., Ph.D., F.A.S., F.R.A.S., F.R.N.S., and K. H. V. Sarma, M.A., B.Sc., B.Ed., Ootacamund . . . . No. 22. Unchahra Fragmentary Inscription of V.S. 1294 . No. 23. Warangal Inscription of Ahavamalla, Saka 917 : No. 25. Dhulla Plate of Srichandra . . . . No. 26. Chikkalavalasa Plates of Vajrahasta III, Saka 982 No. 28. Bhaturiya Inscription of Rajyapala . : . 121 125 No. 29. Mallar Plates of Jayaraja, -Year 5 . . . . . No. 31. Budhera Pillar Inscription of V.S. 1351, Saka 1216 . . No. 32. Note on Bhumara Pillar Inscription of Hastin . . No. 34. Allahabad Museum Plate of Govin lachandra, V.S. 1171 . No. 35. Puri Inscription of Chodaganga . . . . . . . No. 38. Modasa Plate of the time of Paramara Bhoja, V.S. 1067 . . . . 192 No. 40. Note on Mandasor Inscription of Gauri . . . . . . . 205 No. 41. See under D.C. Sircar, M.A., Ph.D., F.A.S., F.R.A.S., F.R.N.S., and S. Sankara narayanan, M.A., Ootac mund No. 42. Mahudi Plates of Paramara Bhoja, V.S. 1074 . . . . . . '. 215 No. 45. Stray Plate from Nanana . . . . . . . . . 238 No. 46. See under D.C. Sircar, M.A., Ph.D., F.A.S., F.R.A.S., F.R.N.S., and A. N. Lahiri, M.A., F.R.N.S, Ootacamund No. 47. Note on Senakapat Inscription. No. 2 . . . . . . 255

Page #13
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA No. 49. Inscription in Cave IV at Ajanta. No. 51. No. 52. Note on Ratnagiri Plates of Somavamsi Karna No. 46. Foot-print Slab Inscription from Nagarjunikonda D. C. SIRCAR, M.A., Ph.D., F.A.S., F.R.A.S., F.R.N.S., and S. SANKARANARAYANAN, M.A,, Ootacamund [VOL. XXXIII See under D.C. Sircar, M.A., Ph.D., F.A.S., F.R.A.S., R.R.N.S. and K. H. V. Sarma, M.A., B.Sc., B.Ed., Ootacamund No. 54. Chandil Stone Inscription No. 56. Two Inscriptions of Gupta Age No. 59. Madanpada Plate of Visvarupasena No. 61. Note on Shar-i-Kuna Inscription of Asoka D. C. SIRCAR, M.A., Ph.D., F.A.S., F.R.A.S., F.R.N.S., and A. N. LAHIRI, M.A., F.R.N.S., Ootacamund No. 41. Malga Plates of Samanta Indraraja D. C. SIRCAR, M.A., Ph.D., F.A.S., F.R.A.S., F.R.N.S., and K.H.V. SARMA, M.A., B. Sc., B.Ed., Ootacamund- No. 20. Inscriptions from Gaya. No. 52. Veligalani Grant of Kapilesvara, Saka 1380 P. R. SRINIVASAN, M.A., Madras No. 33. Stray Plate in Madras Museum V. S. SUBRAHMANYAM, Ootacamund No. 39. See under K. G. Krishnan, M.A., and V. S. Subrahmanyam, Ootacamund J. SUNDARAM, M.A., Ootacamund No. 2. Tippasamudram Inscription of Kampa-Vikramavarman, Year 17 PAGE 259 269 297 303 315 333 247 209 103 275 173 23

Page #14
C. Plates No. 1. Two Grants of Raghudeva-Plate I. . . between pages 12 and 13 -Plate II . . , 16 and 17 -Plate III . . 20 and 21 4. Tippasamudram Inscription of Kampa-Vikramavarman, Year 17 . . . . . >> 26 and 27 6. Dongalasani Inscription of Vankeya-chola, Year 41 >> 30 and 31 ,, 6. Two Inscriptions of the time of Gopala 1. Baraudi Inscription of V.S. 1336 . to face page ,, 7. ,,2, Narwar Inscription of V.S. 1339 . . , ,, 8. Kapilas Inscriptions of Narasimhadeva-Plate I between pages 42 and 43 -Plate II . 44 and 45 10. Barhut Inscriptions in Allahabad Museum . . to face page 11. Two Grants of Bhoja Prithivimallavarman-Plate I 62 -Plate II. between pages 64 and 65 13. Fragmentary Yajvapala Inscription from Narwar to face page 14. Bhairavakonda Inscription of Vikramaditya . Three Inscriptions in Baripada Museum , . 16. Davangere Plates of Ravivarman 17. Copper Coin of Harigupta . 18. Brick Inscription of Damamitra . . . >> 100 19. Inscriptions from Gaya-Plate I . . . between pages 108 and 109 , - Plate II . . . , 112 and 113 21. Veraval Inscription of Cbaulukya Bhima II . to face page 120 22. Unchahra Fragmentary Inscription of V.S. 1294 . >> 124 23. Warangal Inscription of Raghudeva, Kali Year 4561 between pages 128 and 129 ,, 24. Chikkerur Inscription of Ahavamalla, Saka 917 . to face page 133

Page #15
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXXIII 138 and 139 144 and 145 148 and 149 151 156 and 157 165 167 170 and 171 174 and 175 25. Dhulla Plate of Srichandra . . . . between pages , 26. Chikkalavalasa Plate of Vajra hasta III, Saka 982 27. Nagarjunakonda Inscription of Ehavalasri's time, Year 11 . . . . . . . 28. Bhaturiya Inscription of Rajyapala. to face page 29. Mallar Plates of Jayaraja, Year 5 * .between pages 30. Budhera Pillar Inscription of V.S. 1351, Saka 1216 to face page 31. Bhumara Pillar Inscription of Hastin ,, 32. Inscriptions in Allahabad Museum . . . between pages , 33. Stray Plate in Madras Museum . . . . . 34. Allahabad Museum Plate of Govindachandra, V.8. 1171 . . . . . to face page 35. Puri Inscription of Chodaganga . . . >> , 36. Kalachuri Inscription from Karitalai . . , 37. Uppugundur Inscription of Virapurisadata's Time, Year 19 . . . . . . . 38. Modasa Plate of the time of Paramara Bhoja, . . . . . . betropen pages 39. Malga Plates of Samanta Indraraja. . . 40. Mahudi Plates of Paramara Bhoja, V.S. 1074 . , 41. Pentapadu Grant of Choda Bhaktiraja, Saka 1265 -Plate I . . . . >> 179 184 187 191 196 and 197 212 and 213 218 and 219 226 and 227 42. ,, -Plate II . . . . . . . 230 and 231 , 43. , -Plate IIJ . . . . . . >> ,, 44. Paliad Plates of Bhimadeva I, V.S. 1112 . to face page 45. Stray Plate from Nanana . . . >> 46. Footprint Slab Inscription from Nagarjunikonda between pages 47. Inscription froni Hom bli . . . . . to face page 48. Inscription in Cave IV at Ajanta ... 232 and 233 236 244 250 and 251 258 262

Page #16
PLATES 266 and 267 268 269 286 and 287 >> 51. 295 No. 49. Ratnagiri Plates of Somavamsi Karna-Plate I. between pages - Plate II to face page -Plate III ,, 52. Veligalani Grant of Kapilesvara, Saka 1380, between pages ,, 53. Bandora Plates of Maurya Anirjitavarman, Year 29 . . . . . . . to face page ,, 54. Chandil Stone Inscription . . . . , 55. Two Inscriptions of Gupta Age . between pages ,, 56. Mayalur Plates of Chalukya Vijayaditya, Saka 622 -Plate I . . . . . . . to face page 57. -Plate II . . . . . . between pages 58. Madanapada Plate of Visvarupasena-Plate. 1 . to face page * 59. -Plate II. 298 306 and 307 313 314 and 315 322 324

Page #17

Page #18
ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS Page , , , > 1, foot-note 2, line 3.-For Rajahmahendravarman during the regin read Rajumahen dravaram during the reign 1, foot-note 3, line 4.--For Raghudeva read Raghudevu 6, line 19.-Foremminence read eminence 6, foot-note 4, line 2.-For sthitam .... Godavari read sthitun ... Godavario 6, foot-note 5, line 2.-For vipra read vipra 7, lines 6-7.-For Vijayapratapakapilendra-mahasasana in the Sanskrit read Pratapa ka pilesarapura in the Oriya 8, foot-note 2, line 2.- For Krishna read Krishna 10, line 37 and page 18, text line 128.- Add note-Madhubibhura may be a mistake for madhubhurutha. 11, line 34.- For Upajati read Upajati 12, text line 3.- Read yah ! 13, foot-note 2.-Add note-Or read putrau kirti-pratapao. 13, foot-note 4.-Read sampradeg 14, text-line 44.-For sukhhar nad sukham 15, text lines 65 and 80.- The correction of san=Yajuo is unnecessary 16, text line 93.-Read [sa*]ttumah 16, text line 100.-Read nishnalah 17, text line 115.--For matah read matah ; for svad" read syado 18, text line 126.-- For manao read mahao 18, text line 138.--For Lakshmi read Lakshmi 20, lines 6-13.--Add note-If the author used the word rasa in the sense of 'eight', the year would be Saka 1378 (current). As the second of the two suggested dates falls in the next lunar year, the first one may be regarded as the correct date of the record. 21, foot-note 4.-Omit. 23, line 3.-Read nadu(i-nnadu) 26, text line 13.-For idha. read i-dha (27) . > . >> ,

Page #19
xvi EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (Vol. XXXIII Page 27, line 19.- For dtman read atman 28, line 18.-For Pullempet read Pullampet >> 28, line 28.-For Renandu read Renandu 28, foot-note 4, line 1.- For Da svarmmao read Dasavarmmao 28, foot-note 4, line 2.-For vura read vira 28, foot-note 6.-Read Omuda Derikanao 29, text line 3.-Read (kh-akhi)la 29, text line 5.-Read (di)p-ao 29, text line 25.--Read Baranasi 32, line 23.-For indentify read identify 34, text-line 5.-The correction of kakshyah is unnecessary. 34, foot-note 1.--For danda read danda 35, text-line 27.-For ketum read hetur 36, line 21.-For Purnirmanta read Purnimanta 37, Xine 24.- For presnt read present 37, line 31.- For o. 1255-70 A.D. read c.1155-70 A.D. . 38, line 22.-For exacavated read excavated , , 41, foot-note 1, line 2.- For Huitzsch read Hultzsch 47, foot-note 7.- Add note--Asvayuja sudi 11 seems to have been the date of the grant and not of the festival. 49, foot-note 3.-- For karaniuam read karaniyam 52, line 5.- For as read us 56, line 3.- For all sing rear great sing 58, line 13.-For bhikshumi read bhikshun , 59, line 15.-For Enlightment read Enlightenment 61, line 29.- For definity read definitely 63, text line 8.--For sa-pancha read su pancha foot-note 9.- For (r)adrih read degadrik 69, text line 5.- For sri read fri

Page #20
ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS XVI} Page 69, text line 10.-- For (r)arula[1] read "arata[m] 70, text line 18.-Read suchio , 71, line 31.-For Karnata read Karnata 73, line 32. For discused read discussed , 74, text line 8.--For Jandamalamtare etc. read Jamdamal[C]ri (le='n)tare etc. (H.K.N.) 75, text line 16.-For nagare=rao read nagari=rao , 75, foot-note 4, line 4.-For below read below as 75, foot-note 15, line 2.-Read not sama 77, foot-note 1, line 1.--For Nollipayva read Nollipayya 80, line 7.-For thi read this , 89, lines 33-34, and page 91, text line 20.-Add note-Unichh-adi-parihartavye samadho sahitari may mean 'together with an agree ment in respect of the exemption of unchha, ete. 92, text line 25. -For Sua read Sra . 93, line 34.-For Devapaladeva read Devapaladeva , 94, text line 1.-For Srio read Srio 97, line 19.--For Dhanesar read Dhaneswar * 102, line 29.- For as read has 104, para 4.- Add note-The verb in santi loke==smin in verse 5 may suggest that Mallikar juna was living at the time when the record was drafted or engraved. In that case, verse 11 merely indicates that Gauri made her husband Mallikarjuna free from his debt to his ancestors by performing their sraddha at Gaya on her husband's behalf. 104, foot-note 2, line 3.-For abave read above 105, foat-note 3, lines 3.4.--For Dhruvesvara read Dhruvesvara 107, text line 1.-For lasa. read lasa108, para. 3, line 7.- For magar[*] read maga[mi*] 109, line 4.---For in that Narasimba read in that of Narasimha 113, text line 16.--For kka [II*] read kkaj| 114. lines 25-30... Add note-If Vijayanagara-simhasana-kartala is taken to refer to Achyuta raya, it was he who was made free from his debt to his ancestors by Timinananna by performing their sraddha at Gaya on the king's behalf.

Page #21
xviii EPIGRAPHIA INDICA Vol. XXXIII l'age 118, line 20.- For Konkondala read Konakondla , 118. foot-note 10, line 5.--For munisvarab reud muniorarah , 118, foot-note 10, line 7.-Read pujit-otkrishta 120, text line 15.- For Orlempi read Orlepi 120, text line 24.-'or varggains=cha read varggais:=cha 120, foot-nute 1.-For ramge road range 121, line 29.-For awap read away 122, lines 13-14.-Add note-The 21 generations are generally understod to indicate the ten preceding and the ten succeeding generations of a person together with his own generation. 123, foot-note 1, line 1.-For the read the 128, text line 1.--For pararddhe read parorddhe 132, line 15.--For Rodam read Roddam 137, line 17.-For 2f read of 139, text line 14.-For vidhaya read vidhaya 139, text line 14.-Read svgandhini 144, text line 7.-For lanchhana read lanchhana 144, text line 22.- Read bhupatir= 146, text line 54.--- For uttarayanna read uttarayana 146, text line 56.-- For oashta read oashta 154, text line 20.- For Putkirnnna read Putkirnna 156, line 15.-For to whom read to which 158, foot-note 3.--For Tthre read There ., 161, text line 2.- For yirattar read Yiraffar ., 161, text line 3.-For devarkru read devarku 161, foot-note 11.--For Pudukottai read Pudukkottai 173, line 2.-For Tirupparano read Tirupparas 194, line 39.--For 959 A.D. read 995 A.D. 313, text-line 26. --For viprilarn*) read vipulas n*)

Page #22
ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS xix Page 217, line 4.-For Konkanu read Konkana .. 820, line 39.--For Bhakttraja read Bhaktiraja 220, foot-note 3.-Read pp. 239 ff. 221, last line.-For Surya read Suraya 225, line 36.--For bring read being , 228, last line.Read 70 tam 231, text line i24.- Read cha 234, foot-note 1.-For this read this 237, text line 12.-For sarvvar read sarvada sarvvar 237, text line 15.-Read cha bhagavata and omit foot-note 1. 252, foot-note 1, line 2.-For sdecription read description 256, line 32.- For nscription read inscription 258, foot-note 5.-For Mavali read Mavali 260, foot-note 3.-Add note-For the female name Nagavasu with the honorific &ri suffixed to it, see above, Vol. XXI, p. 64. 265, foot-note 2.-For Chodaganga read Chodaganga 280, foot-note 8, line 3. ---For Kambamumetta read Kambamumetta 283.-For 74 Yarra read 74 Yarra 284.--For 101 Somayajulu read 101 Somayajulu 285, foot-note 5.-For Sardulavrkridita read Sardulavikridita 287, text line 31.-- For Rigvedi read Kigvedi 287, text line 37.--For pu(ja)lli read opuli 289, text line 86.--For Yarra read Yarra 290, text line 141.-For dhuri read dari 291, text line 177.-For tadi read ludi 291, text line 178.--For nella read nilla , 293, line 23.-For seerns to register read seems to be to register ..30, text line 20.-- For nama read nama ., 302, text line 21.- Read "aidida[ru]

Page #23
XX 33 Page 304, line 3.-For characters read chartdre 304, foot-note 8, line 2.-Add at the end of the sentence-as well as in the Gunaighar plate. of 507 A.D. (ibid., p. 331). 309, line 27.-For callled read called ,, 315, line 26.-Read 316, line 5.-For Ballalasena read Ballalasena 318, line 36. For is read are 320, line 41.-For supported read supported ,, 323, text line 31.--For grama-samavasita read grama-parisara-sama visita 328, line 43. For sence read ser sense 331, foot-note 9.-For vu read va 33 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA 39 78 [VOL. XXXIII

Page #24
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA VOL. XXXIII 1959-1960 = No. 1-TWO GRANTS OF RAGHUDEVA (6 Plates) D. C. SIRCAR, OOTACAMUND (Received on 30.8.1957) In the course of my annual tour in search of inscriptions, I visited Rajahmundry in January 1956 in order to examine the copper-plate charters in the collection of the Andhra Historical Research Society. Among the records, kindly shown to me by Mr. R. Subba Rao, the enthusiastic Secretary of the Society, one was a grant of Raghudeva, which Mr. Subba Rao, as I was told, was trying to publish in the Society's journal. On the same occasion, Mr. B. V. Krishna Rao of Rajahmundry was also kind enough to show me a copper plate with inscription on both sides, which was lying in his possession. It was found on examination that this plate contains the central part of another charter of the same Raghudeva. Although Mr. Krishna Rao's plate thus offers us only the fragment of a document, it is interesting because it contains all the details of the grant made by the donor by means of the record in question and also because the introductory stanzas offer an additional information about the genealogy of the Suryavami Gajapatis of Orissa as found for the first time in the other epigraph referred to above. The ancestry of the great Kapilesvara or Kapilendra, the founder of the said dynasty, is shrouded in mystery and traditions on the subject found in such works as the Madala Panji (i.e. the chronicle of the Jagannatha temple at Puri) have unfortunately made the confusion worse confounded. We have now very welcome light on the subject. Both the charters are edited here as they are of considerable interest to the students of Orissan history. The donor of the two grants under study is already known to us from two inscriptions. One of these comes from Tirupati in the Peddapuram Taluk of the West Godavari District and shows that Raghudeva-narendra-mahapatra was the governor of Rajahmundry during the reign of Gajapati Kapilesvara in 1458 A.D. The other record was discovered in the fort of Warangal in the District of that namo, formerly in the Hyderabad State but now in Andhra. This epigraph is dated in 1460 A.D.: The inscriptions of Raghudeva published here bear dates in 1455-56 and 1 Cf. JAHRS, Vol. XXIII, pp. 163 ff; also IHQ, Vol. XXXIII, pp. 275 ff. + See SII, Vol. V, No. 100 (pp. 36-37). The inscription, engraved on a pillar at the entrance of the Srira. ngar ya temple, records that on Jyeghtha-badi 13, Monday, in the year Bahudhanyn (i.c. Saka 1380 expired), whilo Raghudeva-narendra-mahapatra was ruling at Rajahmahendravaram during the regin of Kapilesvara-maharaya, one Trinetradevaganapilaru, the officer of the temple treasury, restored the lands of the temple of Sringararaya, which were being illegally enjoyed by the Mahajanas of the village of Tirupati during the period of Visvesvara. purohita's service. Raghudeva is also mentioned in Kapilegvara's Puri inscription (JASB, 1893, p. 99, No. Il). Mackenzie Manuscripts; No. 15-4-5. The date of the inscription is quoted as Kali 4561, Prama. thin, Magha-sudi 10, Saturday. Taking the Kali year to be current, the date corr ponds regularly to the 2nd Febru. ary 1460 A.D. The record mentions Virabhadra Raghudeva.narondra as the sun of Parasuramadeva-riya of the solar race. As will be soen below, this information is supported by the inscriptions now published. Raghudevs sooms to have accompanied Hambira, son of Kapilesvara, in Hambira's expedition against Warangal which ho conquered about this time. Hambira's own inscription in the Warangal fort, an inacourate transcript of which has been published in SI1, Vol. VII, p. 372, No. 733, bears the date Pramathin, Magha-sudi 10, Va (i.e. Vaddarara, Saturday), regularly corresponding to the 2nd February 1460 A.D. The record actually roads Gajapati-Kapileri dra-maharayala. kumarunda[ ] [4]mbirad &ua-kumara-mahapatri(true)adu Voru[ gamiffs-kota goner For the two inscriptions, seo also A.R.Ep., 1967-68, Nos. B 53 and 88. Raghudova's Warangal inscription has been edited below, pp. 125 ff.

Page #25
2 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXXIII 1456 A.D. Since the earlier of the two records now under review, viz. the one dated 1455-56 A. D., is fragmentary and its introductory part gets some elucidation from the other epigraph, dated 1456 A.D., we shall take up the latter first for discussion. The two known records of Raghudeva, together with the two now under study, show that he was Kapilesvara's governor at Rajahmundry at least from 1455 to 1460 A.D. But he seems to have been placed in charge of the Gajapati province of Rajahmundry some time earlier. The province in question appears to have comprised roughly the present East and West Godavari Districts together with some of the adjoining areas. This was the Rajamahendra-rajya or the kingdom with Rajamahendrapura (or nagara) or Rajamahendravaram (i.e. Rajahmundry) as its capital, which Kapileevara conquered from the Reddis and annexed to the Gajapati empire a few years before the earliest date in Raghudeva's known records. The struggle of the Reddis of Rajahmundry with their kinsmen, the Reddis of Kondavidu, led to the decline of both the houses and to their complete subjugation by the Vijayanagara king Praudha-Devaraya (Devaraya II) who had ascended the throne in Saka 1346 (1424 A.D.). This also speaks of the success of the Vijayanagara king against the contemporary Ganga monarch Bhanu IV (c. 14141 to 1434-35 A.D.) of Orissa because the latter's attempt to annex the Rajahmundry kingdom to the Ganga empire failed. An inscription points to the presence of the Vijayanagara general Telungaraya at Simhachalam in the year Plavanga (1427 A.D.) while the Mudabidure inscription of Saka 1351-Saumya (1429 A.D.) describes Devaraya II as the lion in destroying the crores of elephants of the Matangaraja (Gajapati) and the very Agastya to the ocean of the armies of the Andhra kings (i.e. the Reddis). The latest date for Virabhadra, the last Reddi king of Rajahmundry, is the month of Phalguna in Saka 1359-Pingala (1438 A.D.), when he was apparently a vassal of the Vijayanagara monarch. But a Draksharama (Ramachandrapuram Taluk, East Godavari District) inscription of the reign of Devaraya II, dated Saka 1366 (1444) A.D.), seems to suggest that the Reddi king was still living as late as that date. An inscription at Penugonda (Tanuku Taluk, West Godavari District), dated Saka 1370-Vibhava (1448 A.D.), however, speaks of the rule of the Gajapati king, i.e. Kapilesvara. The Rajahmundry kingdom was thus conquered by Kapilesvara between 1444 and 1448 A.D. There is a tradition that he conquered the courtry named Mahindra (or Rajamahindra) or Mahendra (i.e. Rajamahendra) in the fourteenth Anka year of his reign." Since he ascended the throne in 1434-35 A.D., his 14th Anka or 12th actual regnal year would correspond to 1446-47 A.D. Raghudeva may have been stationed at Rajahmundry soon after the annexation of the Rajamahendra-rajya to the Gajapati empire, i.e. sometime before 1450 A.D. How long he served in the same capacity after 1460 A.D., the latest date known from his records, cannot be determined until further evidence is forthcoming. 1. Raghudevapura Grant of Saka 1378 The set consists of six plates, of which only five bear writing on both sides. The plates are each 10 inches long and 5 inches high. The inscribed plates are numbered in Telugu-Kannada numerals, the figures being engraved in the left margin on the obverse, very near the ring-hole 1 This is the earliest known date found in his records. But the real date of his accession cannot be determined. See JOR, Vol. XXII, pp. 47 ff. SII, Vol. VI, No. 905. Ibid., Vol. VII, No. 202. Ibid., Vol. IV, Nos. 1352 and 1355. M. S. Sarma, History of the Reddi Kingdoms, pp. 192-98. Ibid., p. 193; Mackenzie Manu-ripte, No. 15-4-4. The Gutti fort was besieged by Gajapati Hambira during the reign of Praudha-Devaraya (4.R.Ep.. 1921, p. 114, No. 10 of App. A). Madala Panjt, ed. A. B. Mahanti, Cuttack, pp. 44, 46, Cf. Kaifiyat of Jagannatham quoted by Sastri and Venkataramanayya, Further Sources of Vijayanagara History, Vol. II, p. 84,

Page #26
No. 1] TWO GRANTS OF RAGHUDEVA which is about inch in diameter. The ends of the ring passing through the hole are soldered beneath a seal bearing the figure of a standing caparisoned elephant fixed on its surface. The diameter of the ring is about 44 inches while that of the seal is about 41 inches. The five plates together weigh about 271 tolas. The weight of individual plates varies between 50 and 58 tolas. There are altogether 149 lines of writing on the ten faces of the five plates and they are distributed in the following order : IA-16 lines, IB-15 lines, IIA-17 lines, IIB-16 lines, IIIA16 lines, IIIB-15 lines, IVA-15 lines, IVB-15 lines, VA-17 lines, VB-7 lines. There is a linear drawing at the end of the epigraph on the reverse of the last plate. The same kind of sketch is also found on the other charters issued by the Suryavamsi Gajapatis of Orissa, in some of which it looks clearly like the representation of a sword or dagger (or several swords or daggers). The figure apparently stood for the signature of the donor on the original document later engraved on copper plates. The inscription is written in Telugu characters and in the Sanskrit language and, excepting a short mangala passage in prose at the beginning of line 1, the whole record is written in verse. Its palaeography is characterised by the use of almost similar signs for letters like ch and bh in some cases and for others like ba and bha, bi and bhi, etc. There is no distinction between pand v when used as subscripts in conjuncts. The mark distinguishing bh from b is generally a curve added to the top of the right limb of b. It is rarely a small vertical below the letter (cf. Tallu-bhatta in line 82); but sometimes it is a curve at the same place (cf. tanu-bhara in line 81). The indication of aspiration of this second type is found in chh (cf. chchhi in line 12) and sometimes in th (cf. stambhotha in line 126) in the form of an inward curve in the bottom line of the letters. In a few cases, an inward loop takes the place of the curve (cf. chchha in line 54). The samo medial signs have been used for i and e and for d and o as the distinction between the short and long signs did not develop or was not popular as yet. There are two forms of t (cf. ditas yata stah in line 15). A noteworthy characteristic of the orthography of the record is the representation of th by dh, ddl by dhdh and ph by p in a large number of cases. In some cases, has been written for l. The letter t is often reduplicated after the nasal (cf. jagantti in lines 1-2) while h is often represented by hy and y by yy. Another peculiarity is the substitution of the class nasal by anusrara which is again invariably used in the place of final m. Visarga followed by s or s has very often been changed to the respective sibilant in Sandhi. In several cases, medial ri has been represented by ru (cf. lines 103-04, 107). The date of the charter is quoted in verse 30 in lines 58-59. It was the twelfth of the bright half of the month of Suchi in the year Dhatri of Jupiter's Southern Cycle corresponding to the Saka year counted by lasu (i.e. 8), saila (i.e. 7) and viera (i.e. 13), i.e. 1378. The month of Suchi is Jyeshtha according to some authorities and Ashadha according to others, although in Oriya lexicons it is recognised in the latter sense only. The date thus appears to correspond to the 15th June 1456 A.D. The inscription is divided into four sections, one separated from another by one or more floral designs. It is interesting to note that the stanzas of Sections I and II are numbered, but that the numbering is not continued from Section I to Section II in which the verses have consecutive numbers beginning again from 1. Section III actually begins with a Siddham symbol. Section I may be subdivided into two halves, the first containing adoration to gods and the second a description of the donor's ancestry as well as of the donor and the grant he mado. It consists of 33 stanzas in various metres engraved in lines 1-64 on the four faces of Platos I and II. 1 Cf. the Chiruvroli grant of Hambers in Bharati, Novombor, 1941, p.530; the Balasoro oopper exe-bead inscription of Purushottama in Ind. Ant., Vol. I, p. 335; the Volioherla platos of Prataparudra in Bharati, August 1936, p. 278; abovo, Vol. XXVIII, Plate facing p. 211; sto.

Page #27
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXXIII Section II gives a list of the donees in 40 stanzas in the Anushtubh metre, which runs from line 65 at the beginning of the obverse of Plate III to the first half of line 119 in the middle of the second side of Plate IV. Section III describes the boundaries of the gift village. It consists of 14 stanzas mostly in the Anushtubh metre, which are engraved in lines 119-35. Section IV contains the imprecatory and benedictory part in 8 stanzas in different metres, which are engraved in linos 135-49. There are thus altogether 95 stanzas in the inscription. Section I begins with the Siddham symbd followed by the mangala : avighnam=astu, after which there is another Siddham symbol. The above is followed by several verses invoking the protection of a number of deities. Verse 1 contains a prayer to the tusk of the Lilavaraha, i.e. the Boar incarnation of Vishnu, for the protection of the world from danger, while verse 2 contains a similar prayer to the god Gajasya (i.e. Ganesa). The next two stanzas (verses 3-4) likewise seek for the favour respectively of the goddess Earth and the feet of Kamalapati (i.e. Vishnu). After this, the donor's family is gradually introduced. Verses 5-7 describe the god Narayana (i.e. Vishnu) and the next stanza (verse 8) speaks of Virinchi (i.e. Brahman), the god of creation, who was born out of Narayana's navel and whose two arms produced the martial race (i.e. the Kshatriya clan). According to verse 9, in this race came into being the Sun and the Moon (pushpavantau) from whom sprang two dynasties (i.e. the solar and lunar races). Verse 10 states that there was a Nayaka named Kapilesvara who was one of the many rulers (nripa) born in the solar and lunar races and was the crest-jewel of a number of Nayakas (i.e. was one of the foremost Nayakas or had several Nayakas under him). The real meaning of the word nayaka used in this context is uncertain. An inscription of Saka 1275 (1353 A.D.) from Srikurmam, e.g., mentions the Nayakas of Kalinga either in the sense of royal officers or ruling chiefs, while the Oriya lexicons recognise the word in the sense of a ruler or a leader of forces. There is thus no doubt that Kapilesvara, described not only as a Nayaka but also as a nripa or ruler, was a person of some importance, apparently a small ruling chief. The family names Nayaka and Pattanayaka are still current among the people of Orissa. Verse 11 mentions Jagesvara who was the son of the above-mentioned Kapilesvara and represents him as a great hero and a possessor of numerous elephants. The next stanza (verse 12) speaks of Balarama as the eldest among Jagesvara's sons who were all famous for their prowak Verse 13 states that Balarama and his father Jagesvara died on the battle-field while fighting with certain enemies even though they had already obtained victory in the contest. The following three stanzas (verses 14-16) deal with Kapilesvara, the younger brother of Balarama. This Kapilesvara, named after his grandfather, was the celebrated founder of the Suryavamsi Gajapati family of Orissa. A passage in verse 14 says that Kapilesvara acquired the exalted position (vibhava) of the Dantiraja (.e. Gajapati) by dint of his prowess (saurya). This no doubt refers to his occupation of the throne of Gajapati Bhanu IV, the latest known ruler of the Imperial Ganga dynasty. Verses 15-16 vaguely describe the heroism of Kapilesvara. Verse 17 introduces Parasurama Harichandana as the younger brother of Kapilesvara, while the following stanzas describe Parasurama's son Raghudeva who was the donor of the grant under study. Verses 17-18, 20 and 23-24 of this part are also found in the Dorapalem grant of Raghudeva edited below, although a stanza in that record, mentioning Rama as the younger brother of Paraburama, is not * 1 SII, Vol. V, No. 1205. * The title Gajapati became popular with the latest rulers of the Ganga family gradually. Bhanu I is called Gajapati or Gajagha tapati in a Draksharama inscription (811, Vol. IV, p. 361, No. 1084) of Saka 1196 (1274 A.D.) and Narasimha III Gajapati Peda-Narasimha in a Simhachalam record of Saka 1305=1383 A.D. (ibid., Vol. VI, p. 285, No. 752). Narasimha IV is oalled Gajapati in some inscriptions from Simhachalam ; cf. Gajapati in one of Saka 1328=1406 A.D. (ibid., p. 277, No. 731), and Gajapati or Gajanivahapali in another of Saka 1305=1383 (ibid., p. 286, No. 753). Similarly Bharu IV is oniled Gajapati in two Simhachalam inscriptions respectively of Saka 1336=1414 A.D. and Saka 1339=1417 A.D. (ibid., pp. 447-48, No. 1113 ; pp. 417-18 No. 1040) Cf. below, p. 44.

Page #28
No. 1] TWO GRANTS OF RAGHUDEVA met with in the present epigraph. Verse 19, which is not found in the Dorapalem grant, discloses the fact that the name of Raghudeva's mother was Mallika. Verse 20 says that, owing to his prowess and his conquests Raghudeva was putrikrita by his uncle Kapilesvara. The expression putrikrita may suggest that Raghudeva was adopted by his uncle as a son ; but the idea may also be that Kapilesvara treated Raghudeva as one of his own sons. The second alternative seems to be supported by Raghudeva's Warangal inscription of a later date (1460 A.D.) representing him as the son of Parasurama and not of Kapilesvara. It is difficult to say whether the claim had anything to do with the title Kumara enjoyed by Raghudeva. Verse 33 represents Raghudeva as a Narendra, i.e. a ruler, although he is generally called a Kumara, Nrip-atmaja, Raja-tanaya, Narendraraja-putra (or "sunu) and Narendra-dharanipalatmaja, i.e. prince, and verses 26-27 state that he owed his position to the grace of Kapilesvara whoro viceroy apparently he was. That he was a servant of Kapilesvara is also clearly indicated by the word seta used in verses 25 and 29 with reference to his service to his uncle. Verse 27 may suggest that the title or position of Kumara was assigned to him by Kapilesvara. But the reference to his dig-vijaya (verses 20, 25 and 26) and to his rule over the earth '(verses 22, 24), his comparison with the ancient imperial ruler Kartavirya (verse 22) and the vague reference to the prowess of his arms in many of the stanzas show how the official prasastikara was trying to endow a provincial governor with the glory of an emperor. Verse 27 states that Raghudeva had his headquarters at the city of Rajamahendra (i.e. Rajahmundry) and that the province over which he ruled extended from Simhachala to Giripraja which may be a mistake for Girivraja. Simhachala is no doubt the place of that name in the Visakhapatnam District, Andhra Pradesh ; but the other limit of the province under Raghudeva is difficult to identify. We know, however, that the kingdom of the Reddis of Kondavidu, which also was conquered by Kapilesvara and made a province of the Gajapati empire, lay on the other side of the territory ruled by Raghudeva. It is thus not impossible that Girivraja (literally 'the cowherd settlement on the hill ') was the Sanskrit form of the Telugu name Kondavidu (literally, the city on the hill '). The rendering may of course have been influenced by the names of the celebrated cities called Girivraja, which were the capitals of the ancient Magadha and Kekaya countries. It may be noted that, when Raghudeva was ruling over the district around Rajahmundry, Kondavidu was the headquarters of Ganadeva, another of Kapilesvara's viceroys. Ganadeva's inscriptions bear dates in 1454 and 1455 A.D.' It seems that the province under Raghudeva lay between two other provinces of Kapilesvara's empire, which had their headquarters at Simhachalam and Kondavidu. 1 This case reminds us of a Simhachalam inscription (8I1, Vol. VI, No. 1088, pp. 437-38) of Saka 1381 (1459 A.D.) recording the gift of Hambira-kumara-mahapatra of the Surya-vamba. In the Chiruvroli grant and Warangal record, the donor Hambira is represented as the son of Kapileavara. The date of the record, the title Kumara. mahapatra and the descent from the solar lineage no doubt suggest that Hambers of the Simhachalam inscription was the same as the homonymous son of Kapilesvara, although the title may mean & Mahapatra of the status of & Kumara'. But Hambira-kumara-mahapatra is described in the Simhachalam epigraph as the son of Sandudeva-mahapatra. Since it is impossible to believe that the omperor Kapilesvars has been mentioned as Mahapatra Sandudeva in a record of 1459 A.D., the only possibilities are that Hamabira of the Simhachalam inscription, even though he must have been a close relation of Kapilesvara, was different from the emperor's son of the same name, or that Sandudeva's son Haxhira was adpoted by Kapiledvara as his own son sometime after 1459 A.D. as a reward for Hambira's success in the southern campaigns. Cf. IHQ, Vol. XXXIII, pp. 286-87. Son N. L. Dey. Geographical Dictionary, s.v. Girivrajapura. Cf. the Palampet insoription in Hyd. A.8., No 3. * The Chinta palli inscription (A.R. Ep., 1917, No. 70) of Gapadeva is datod Saks 1378, Bhava, Vajdashasudi 15, Thursday. The date may be the 11th April 1454 A.D.. His Kondavida plates (Ind. Ant., Vol. XX. pp. 390 ff.) were ingued in Saka 1977=Yuvan corresponding to 1458 A.D. Chintapalli is in the Sattenapalle Taluk and Kondavida in the Narasaraopet Taluk, both in the Guntur Distriot of Andhra. The forts of Addanki and Vinukonda lay within Ganadova's province.

Page #29
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA The importance of the genealogical part of the inscription, discussed above, is that it throws welcome light on the ancestry of the great founder of the Suryavamsi Gajapati family of Orissa. Very little information was so far available on the ancestors of Kapilesvara. The tradition recorded in the Madala Panjit and several other works of the type states that, in the early part of his life, Kapili (i.e. Kapiliesvara), & Suryavansi Rauta, Was & cowherd in the employ of a certain Brahmana and that he was picked up by the last Ganga king (Bhanu IV) and brought up in his palace. He is also stated to have begun his life as a thief. It is said that the god Purushottama-Jagannatha advised the king in a dream to adopt Kapilesvara as his successor. During the last years of the Ganga king's rule, the Muslims are reported to have invaded the Ganga kingdom and demanded a large ransom. The king sent Kapila to the Muslims for negotiating a settlement, but died shortly afterwards. The Muslims then sent back Kapila to rule the Ganga kingdom. A tradition recorded in the Gangavamsanucharita, however, says that Kapilesvara was one of the ministers of the Ganga king and that he usurped his master's throne when the latter was away from the capital in connection with a campaign and that the Ganga king after his return from the expedition retired to Gudarikataka where he spent his last days in obscurity. This no doubt seems to be a more sensible account of Kapilesvara's accession to the throne of Ganga Bhanu IV. As regards Kapilesvara's ancestry and early career, our inscriptions now show that he was not a mere cowboy receiving the sovereignty over the Ganga empire merely through God's grace but that his ancestors were people of some importance and that his rise to the sovereign status was really from a platform of emminence created not only by his own prowess but also by the exploits of his forbears. His grandfather, bearing his own name, is stated to have been & Nayaka who was one among the rulers of the solar and lunar races while his father Jagesvara, who possessed a large number of elephants, and his elder brother Balarama lost their lives while fighting against their enemies. Thus the great Kapilesvara was born in a family of ruling chiefs. The tradition describing him as a Rauta (derived from Sanskrit Raja putra and known to be a title of subordinate rulers), which was scarcely understood so long, can now be appreciated in its proper significance. That Jagesvars was the name of the father of the great Kapilegvara is suggested also by his own Veligalani grant issued in 1458 A.D. when he was camping on the bank of the Godavari. Verse 11 of the record in the Sanskrit part speaks of the grant of the village of Veligalani named after himself and his father or parents (sva-pitr-akhyaya)* while the next stanza refers to the grant of Vijayapratapakapilendra-mahasasana lying to the east of the united rivers Krishna and Venna. At the coinmencement of the Telugu section beginning on the obverse of the third plate, the gift village is mentioned as Veligalani alias Kapilesvarapura (Veligalani-Kapilesvarapuranaku) and the Op. cit., pp. 42 ff. Similar traditions are found in the Kafakarajavankavalt, Kaifiyat of Jagannatham eto. See Sastri and Venkataramanayya, op. oit., pp. 82 ff. ? Kalingad eencharitra (Telugu), p. 344. * An inaccurate notice and an extremely faulty transcript of this fragmentary inscription were published respoctively in A. R. Ep, 1934-38, p. 69 (C. P. No. 17) and Journal of the Bombay Historical Society, Vol. VI, pp. 94 ff. The record is dated in Saka 1380 (vy Oma-ibha-vahni-indu)=Bahudhanya, Vaisakhi (i.e. Vaibakha-sudi 16) corresponding to the 28th April 1458 A.D. The inscription describes Kapilesvara's military successes in the passage (with correction of the minor scribal errors): Hampa kam pamagat tal-adhika-tara Dhara cha bhar-atura-dudra Kalbariga vimukta-turaga Dhilli cha Bhillf-vrita (lines 1-4, vorse numbered as 7). The same stanza also occurs in the Chiruvroli grant of Hambira (Bharati, November 1941, pp. 614 ff.), verso 6. * The stanza (after removing small scribal errors) roads : Sak-abda Bahudhanya-namni ganite vyom-Ebha-rahnindubhir: Vaisakhyam Kapilfaro Hariguka. Miduri-almni athitam vith fatyai vidushat bataya cha vasan Godavari. suikata niseshan Veligalani-namakam-adadagnaman sya-pitr-akhyayd || The name of the village has to be road Veliyals for the sake of the metre. The Saka year is indicated by the words vyoma (i.e. O), ibha (i.e. 8), vahni (i.e. 3) and indu (i.e. 1), i.e. 1380. The stenza (after removing small scribal errors) reads : Krishna-dakahina-vahini vijayate Venna-nadi-sangata tal-prachyar Vijayapratapaka pilendr-akhyam maha-fasanam | tatr=dbhanti batam cha vimbati-param vipra Vasishfh. opamas=lad-data Vijayapraldpa-Kapilandro bhak dharm-Ottaral |

Page #30
No. 1) TWO GRANTS OF RAGHUDEVA 120 doneos receiving shares in the two localities are then enumerated in the following order : (1) northern part of Jagesvarapura (Jage svarapurapu vidhiki uttara-freni paschim-adi)-20 Brahmanas; (2) southern part of the same (dakshina-areni paschim-adi)-20 Brahmanas ; (3) northern part of Vellamambapura (Vellamambapurapu vidhiki uttara-breni paschim-adi)-20 Brahmanas; (4) southern part of the same (dakshina-sreni paschim-adi)-20 Brahmanas; (6) northern part of Kapilesvarapura (Kapilesvarapurapu vidhiki uttara-sreni paschim-adi), called Vijayapratapakapilendra-mahasasana in the Sanskrit part-20 Brahmanas; (6) southern part of the same (dakshinafreni paschim-adi)-20 Brahmanas. It appears clear from this enumeration that the village of Veligalani was divided into three parts, one of which was named Jagesvarapura and another Vellamambupura. This further suggests that the word pitsi in the passage sva-pitr-akhyaya means not merely 'father' but both 'father and mother and that the name of Kapilesvara's father was Jagasvara and that of his mother. Vellamamba. The third part of the gift village was named after the donor and the village was sometimes referred to as Veligalani-Kapiles varapura. The female name Vellamamba looks like Telugu in origin and it may be suggested that Kapilegvara had Andhra blood in his veins. This is of course not improbable in view of the fact that his success in conquering wide areas of the Telugu- and Tamil-speaking lands, then under the hegemony of the Vijayanagara king, was due to a very considerable extent, to the help he received from Andhra generals. But the question cannot be satisfactorily solved without further light on the subject, since the Oriya supplement of the Yeligalani grant mentions Vellamambapura as Velamapura or Belamapura and Veluma or Belama may be supposed to have been mado Vellamamba in Telugu. It has, however, to be admitted in this case also that Velama or Belama does not look like a typical Oriya name either. On the other hand, it reminds us of the Velama caste, one of the front-rank agriculturist communities of the Andhra country, to one of the sub-divisions of which belong the Rajas of Bobbili, Venkatagiri, Pithapuram and Nuzvid. The genealogy of the early Suryavami Gajapatis of Orissa, as found in the Raghudevapura grant with its information supplemented by the Dorapalem and Veligalani grants, now stands as follows: Kapilesvara I (called a Nayaka and represented as one of the rulers of the races of the Sun and the Moon) Jagevers (ponsessor of numerous elephants : diod together with his oldest son while fighting with somo onomiop; married Velama or Vellamimba). Rume Balarama Kapile vars II Parasurams (died together with (born of Velams or Vella (married Mallika) his father whilo mathba; first indepenfighting with some dent monarch in the Raghudeva (born of onemios) family; founder of the Mallika; Kapile vara's Stiryavemet Gajapati viceroy at Rajahfamily of Orissa; mundry at least from ascended the throne in 1455 to 1461 A.D.; 1434-36 A.D.) called Chodesvara in the concluding section of the Raghu devapura grant) 1 Tho Oriya part of the document also suggests that the village of Veligalani was divided into three parts, one named after the king's father, another after his mother and the third after himself. Many of the celebrated Gajapati generals were Andhras. Some of those who served under Kapilesvara were Gajarivu Tippa and Damera Timma or Tamma and Tamma's son Basava-bhupals (cf. Sastri and Venkataramanayya, op. cit., pp. 86-87; A. R. Bp., 1892, No. 208 ; etc.). This part of the inscription is carelessly engraved on both sides of the last plate, lines 1-10 on the obverse and line 11 on the reverse. For the text, see I HQ, Vol. XXXIII, pp. 279-80 ; JAS, Lettors and Science, Vol XXIII, No. 1, pp. 13 ff. See Thurston and Rangachari, Castes and Tribes of Southern India, Vol. VII, PP. 336 ff.

Page #31
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXXIII The concluding part of Section I of the record (verse 29 ff. in lines 55 ff.) states that Raghudeva, stationed at Rajamahendranagara (Rajahmundry), paid a visit to Kataka (i.e. modern Cuttack on the Mahanadi, which was the capital of his master Kapilesvara) in connection with some service to be rendered to Kapile vara and there he met on the way a large number of Brahmanas together with their wives and heard their case. For settling these Brahmanas, he then resolved to create an agrahara within the territory under his governorship. The number of the Brahmana donees of the agrahara is given in verse 30 as 40 only. But the list of the donees quoted in Section II (lines 65 ff.) shows 42 names. As will be seen below, it appears that the agragara was divided into 40 equal shares meant for 40 Brahmanas but that actually 2 of the shares had to be subdivided equally among 4 Brahmanas. The donees of the grant were mostly Yajurvedin Brahmanas with only a few pertaining to the The gotras of the 42 Brahmanas enumerated in the list (1), Harita (7), Kasyapa (9), Kaundinya (5), Kausika The information about the donees as found in Section Rigveda. They belonged to various gotras. are: Atreya (6), Bharadvaja (3), Gautama (6), Kutsa (2), Lauhita (1) and Srivatsa (2). II is supplied below in a tabular form. It will be seen from the list, that although the donees are stated to have been met by the donor at Kataka (Cuttack), they do not appear to have been Oriya Brahmanas. Their names indicate that most, if not all, of the donees were Brahmanas of the Andhra areas. Probably they went to Kataka with a view to securing some favour from Kapilesvara, and Raghudeva, having met them there, represented their case to his master and granted them the agrahara with the latter's consent and permission necessary for the purpose. Although the credit for the donation is appropriated by Raghudeva in the record under study as also in the other document edited below, generally a provincial governor was not fully entitled or empowered to create rent-free holdings without the consent and permission of his master in some form. Whether, as a member of Kapilesvara's family and a close relation of Kapilesvara and as the governor of a newly conquered territory, the viceroy enjoyed a special position in this respect cannot be determined. It has, however, to be noticed that, even though charters recording the creation of rent-free holdings by rulers who were purely provincial governors without any reference to their master are not generally known, we have several instances of the kind, besides the two charters of Raghudeva edited here, in such viceregal Gajapati records as the Kondavidu plates1 of Ganadeva-rautaraya-mahapatra who was Kapileevara's viceroy at Kondavidu and claimed to have been a member of his master's family, and the Chiruvroli grants of Prince Hambira who claims to have been a son of Kapileevara and was the leader of the Gajapati forces in the campaigns in the Telugu. and Tamil-speaking areas. It is interesting to note that Kapilesvara himself is also known to have made grants of land in the territories ruled over by the southern viceroys. No. Donee. Donee's father Gotra 1 Vedagiri-dvedin (dvivedin). Varad-Arya Aditya 2 Ananta-bhatta. 3 Mallu-bhatta Narasimhha 4 80maya Devare-bhatta . * . Kaayapa Atreya Harita do. .. . Veda or Sakha Yajus do. do. Agraveda (Rik) Ind. Ant. Vol. XX, pp. 390 ff. Bharati, November 1941, pp. 514 ff. The charter recording the grant of the village of Chiruvroli, situated on the Krishna and renamed Hambirapura after the donor, was issued in Saka 1383 (Rama-ibha-loka-dvijapati)= Vrisha, Bhadra-badi 15 (kuhu), Friday. The date corresponds to the 4th September 1461 A.D. For some other inscriptions of Hambira, see Nos. 148, 157 of 1913, etc. Cf. Kumara-Hamvira-vibhur-yad-ajnaya vijilya karlanta-disam pratapavan | abodhayach-chhatrava-sopitSkehitan kripanikam Dakshina-sagar-ambushu in Kapileevara's description in the Anantavaram plates of Prataparudra (JKRCOI, Vol. XXXIV, p. 39; Kalingadebacharitra, App., p. 104). Cf. The Veligalani grant referred to above,

Page #32
No. 1) TWO GRANTS OF HAGHUDEVA No. Donee Donoo's father Gotra Voda or Bakha . * . . . . . . . . . * . . . . , 5 Annam-arya . . 6 Singan-arya . . 7 Annam-arya 8 Kaman-arya 9 Vedagiri . 10 Prolan-arya . 11 Nagan-arya 12 Naya(Nagaya ?)-bhatta 13 Aubhal-arya . . 14 Tallu-bhatta . . 15 Kaman-arya . . 16 Narayana-bhatta 17 Aditya-bhatta. 18 Kasavan-arya. 19 Timmana-kastrin 20 Visvesvars 21 Krishna-bhatta . . 22 Devare-bhatta . . 23 Poti-bhatta . . 24 Kamarya-bhatta . 25 Appal-arya . . 26 Nagan-arya . . 27 Duggan-arya . . 28 Aubhal-arya . . 29 Bollan-arya . . 30 Bhaskara . . 31 Yaru-bhatta . . 32 Dechi-bhatta . . 33 Mellana . . 34 Soma . . . 35 Aubhala . . 36 Yaran-ary. . 37 Ramachandra . . 38 Singana. . 39 Narasimha .. * . . . . Mallu-bhatte . . Brahma . . Narasimhaba . Aditya . Mallan-arya Betan-arya . Gopal-arya . Tippan-arya . Vallabh-arya . Kiman-arys Mallap-arya . Vallabh-arya . . Kaman-arya . Kamchan-arya . * Aubhal-arya . Nrisitha-wuri . Poddan-arya . . Visvesvara . . Visvesvara. . . Lakshmana . Kaman-arya . Vallabha . . . Mallaya . . Gangan-arya . Singan-arya . Brahmananda. . Aubhal-arya . Aditya . . Srigi (Srigiri :) . . Mallana . Appale-bhatta . Narasith h-arye . . Peddi-yajvan . Yajnan-arya . Anant-arya . . . . . . . . . . Kaikika Yajus . Harita . do. . do. . . Kaubiks . . do. Kasyapa . Kaubiks. Bharadvaja * Kaundinya . . Kakyapa Lauhita. . * Kabyapa Kaundinya Kausika . . Bharadv@ja . .Atroya ... Kabyapa . . do. . . Kutsa . . . Kaundinys . . Atreya do. Kausika. . do. . Kaundinya Kasyapa , de . Srivatsa . . do. Atreya . Bahvpicha (Rik) Harita . . Yajusi . Atreya. . do. . do.. . do. . Harita. Bhiradvaja . . Kasyapa Yajus . Srivatta . . do. . Hauta . . do. . Kaundinya . Bahvpicha (Rik) . Gautam . Yajus * . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Page #33
10 No. Donee 40 Sarap-Arya 41 Madhava. 42 Vissana EPIGRAPHIA INDICA Donee's father Gotra Mallan-Arya Yallanna. Bhaskara. Yajus do. do. Of these Nos. 33-34 and 41-42 are specifically stated to have received only half a share each. This seems to suggest that the other Brahmanas received one full share each. There were altogether 40 shares; but 2 shares were divided equally among 4 Brahmanas. Kasyapa Kausika. [VOL. XXXIII Veda or Sakha . Kutsa Verse 29 of Section I (lines 55-58) shows that the land granted by the charter under study was called Kriddevy-uttarakhanda,i.e. the northern part of Kriddevi, while the next verse mentions the land granted by Raghudeva in favour of the 40 Brahmanas as Kriddevi-khanda situated on the bank of the Goda, i.e. the Godavari (called Gautami in verse 1 of Section III). The three concluding stanzas of the section mention Raghudevapura which was made an agrahara (i.e. a rent-free holding for being owned by Brahmanas) by Raghudeva. It is thus clear that the northern part of what was formerly called Kriddevi-khanda was made an agrahara and granted in favour of a large number of Brahmanas and that the agrahara was re-named as Raghudevapura after the donor Raghudeva. The grant was made for the priti or favour of the god Vasudeva (Vishnu). It was endowed with the privileges of ashta-bhoga and ashta-bhuti. There is no doubt that Kriddevikhanda or Raghudevapura on the Godavari or Gautami is the same as modern Raghudevapuram, about 14 miles to the north-west of Rajahmundry, headquarters of a Taluk of that name in the East Godavari District of Andhra. It is situated on the left bank of the river. Section III of the inscription (lines 119 ff.) describes the boundaries of Raghudevapura situated on the bank of the Gautami (i.e. Godavari). To the north and north-west of the village, the Vriddha-Gautami (i.e. bigger Gautami) was flowing and, to the east of the river, there was an antaripa (an island or a promontory) and the Laghu-Gautami (i.e. the smaller Gautami) flowed beyond it. To the east of the Laghu-Gautami, there was a big stream flowing from the Gautami and, to the east of this stream, there was a row of palmyra trees and beyond them a big Pippala tree. On the way to the Pippala tree (or, at the same place near it), there was a big Vata tree and near it, on the same mound (setu), some palmyra trees. To the north-east of these, there were two bamboo bushes and to their east a tamarind tree. To the north-east of that tree, there was a Baha tree and to its east another tamarind tree. There were two Palasa trees to the north-east of that tree and a Plaksha tree stood to the north-east of the Palasas, and near them, on the same mound, there were the Godineni-tataka (tank), one Pippala tree and two Vata trees. To the north-east of these, there was a stone pillar while a second stone pillar stood towards the east of it. From the second pillar towards the east began a big mound (setu) which ran towards the south. There was a big Pippala tree on it and also the bank of the Mudikava (possibly the name of a tank or stream). To the south of these, there were some Kadamba trees and, to the south-east of the trees, there stood a Madhubibhura [tree] very near a stone pillar. There was Kesava's tank to the south of the pillar and behind the tank there was a curved road marked by a pointed stone, which came from or led to the locality called Kotelapumta. On the said road towards the south-west, there were several Ghosha and Tala trees and to the west of them stood two Pippala trees on the road to or from Muggullu. To the north of them, there was a big Pippala tree as well as a temple of Sankara (Siva). Behind the temple, the Gautami was flowing in the west and there were the temple of Chintalamma and a big Pippala tree on its bank. To the west of these, the Gautami flowed straight in a small stream, to 1 The same privileges are also referred to in such other records as the Kondavidu plates of Ganadeva. Cf. -aibraryy-ashtakam ash ta-bh8ga-sahitam in lines 31-32 (Ind. Ant., Vol. XX, p. 391).

Page #34
11 No. 1] TWO GRANTS OF RAGHUDEVA the west of which there was an island and beyond it ran the bigger stream of the same river. Between these two streams of the Gautami, there was an antaripa and, from that place (adhvan) the northern bank of the Gautami formed a part of Raghu levapura. The concluding section of the inscription in lines 135 ff. contains some of the usual imprecatory and benedictory stanzas. But they are preceded by two stanzas containing the prayer of Sri-Narendra (i.e. the illustrious ruler Raghudeva) to the future rulers and that of Sri-ViraChodesvara of the solar race to the Brahmanas, both for the protection of the grant stated in the verses to have been made by the Narendra or Chodesvara. This seems to suggest that Cholesvara was another name of Raghudeva, the donor of the grant. Whether this suggests that Raghudeva's mother was a Choda or Chola princess cannot be determined. The last verse of the inscription. states that the charter regarding Raghudevapura was kathita by Aduvila Nrisimha under orders from Raghudeva. The word kathita seems to have been used here in the sense of composed' or written'. It is found in a similar context also in some other records. The geographical names mentioned in the inscription include : Kataka (Cuttack) the capital of the empire of Kapilesvara, Rajamahendranagara (Rajahmundry) which was the headquarters of the province under the rule of Raghudeva, the gift village originally called Kriddevy-uttarakhanda or Kriddevi-khanda and re-named as Raghudevapura, and the river Goda or Godavari or Gautami and its courses called Vsiddha Gautami and Laghu-Gautami on which the gift village Was situated. As already indicated above, the province of the Gajapati empire, which was under Raghudeva's rule, is stated to have been bounded by the Simhachala (Simhachalam in the Taluk and District of Visakhapatnam, Andhra) on one side and by what is called Giripraja (probably standing for Girivraja) on the other. This Giripraja or Girivraja was apparently situated towards the west or south-west of Rajahmundry and, as already suggested above, was probably the name applied to another province of the Gajapati empire, which had its headquarters at Kondavidu in the Guntur District. The location of Raghudevapura, the new name applied to the gift village formerly called Kriddevi, has already been discussed above. In the description of its boundaries, mention is made of the Muggullu-marga, i.e. the road coming from or leading to Muggullu which is still known to bo & village about a mile to the south of Raghudevapuram and about 13 miles to the north west of Rajahmundry. I am unable to identify the few other places mentioned in this connection. TEXT [Metres : Section I-verses 1-2, 6, 8-11, 16 Upajati ; verse 3 Indravajra ; verse 4 Harini; verses 5, 7, 31, 33 Anushtubh ; verses 12, 14, 25-27, 29-30 Sardulavikridita ; verses 13, 21-24, Malabharini ; verae 15 Sragdhara ; verae 17 Vasantatilaka ; verse 18 Giti; Verses 19-20, 28 Prithvi; verse 32 Svagata. Section II--verses 1-40 Anushtubh. Section III-verses 1-9, 11-14 Anushtubh ; verse 10 U pajati. Section IV-Verse 1 Sragdhara ; verse 2 Sardulavikridita ; verse 3 Salini ; verses 4-8 Anushtubh.] Section i First Plate, First Side 1 Siddham. [l*] avighnam=astu. [l*] Siddham "[*] Payad=apayat-paramasya pumaloj Lilavarahasya jaga2 mttisti) danishtra | vata-praroh-agra-dalasya lakshmim yad-agra-lagna vasudha babhara | 11 1 Cf. the Chiruvroli grant (Bharati, November 1941, pp. 514 ff.), line 31. * From impressions. * The figure 1 is engraved in the left margin of the plate, near the beginning of line 8. * Expressed by a symbol which is precoded by a floral design. Expressed by symbol.

Page #35
12 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (VOL. XXXIII. 3 Sa-chandra-lekhan gaganam nirikshya muhurmmar-mm)mod-arbuda-mecha kar yah kh@la[n+]=pi4 tri-pramta-charo Gajasyasyo?=vyad=Aj-adyair-abhivaidyamanah 2 Yam udelidhirshur jala5 rasi-lina devo dhar-odbheda-vidhana-churchuh, sanstabdha -rom=ajani Madhavo-ri Baukaryyatasara 6 Vipul=astu bhutyai 31 Pradha(tha)yatu mudai pad-ambhoja-dvayam Kamalapate[r]= nata7 ripu-sira[h*]-Srenyas sadmavati(ti)rna-java-sriyah | vinamad-amari-da(dha)mmill-asta-prapu (phu)lla-b.. 8 ra-du(dru)ma-prabava-patali-itva (ve)shti(shti)bhuta-pramoda-para kramar(mam) | 4 | Asti vastu chid-A9 vanda-mayam advaram achyutan(tam) | avidya-dvaya-na(sa)chivva-vivarttita-jaga[t*) 10 trayan(yam) | 5Sahasra-suthkhyais charanaih sirobhir=netrajh karair=vvyapsa jagad= vasamttarn(tam) vilochani11 bhuta-rav-indu-biinbam vibhun mahatmanam-ajijanad=yat | 6. Ctpatti-sthiti-samhva. (ha)ra-ho12 tu-bhuto-yamn=avyayah Narayano=bhavach-chhriman tri-gun-atma trasi-mayah 171 13 Tan-nubhi-padmad=udabhud-Virinchi[h*] Arashta samastasya char-acharasya | chatur mukhasy=asya ma14 hatmano-hhud=varno bhujabhvam jaya-labtha(bdha)- varnah | 81 Kirti-prata pav-iva murti mam15 tau tau pushpavarttasta)v-uditau yata stah | yasah-pataka jagataiu tato-bhud=vamsa-dva16 yi bhagya-palraun ]parabhih [9 /*] Tat-surya-som-anvaya-bhumi-pala-vas-agrajanam n[ri] First Plate, Second Side 17 pa-san-maninari(nam) visudhdha(ddha)-vrittah Kapilesvard-bhut=san-nayako nayaka mauli-ratnam(tnam) (10 |*] Jagesva18 ras-tat-tanayo mahatma Ragbor=iv=Aja bhuvan-aika-surah | abhud=abhur=vairi-bhuvam bha19 yanari kirti-pratapa-dvaya-bhu[r*)=ggaja(j-au)ghaih | [11 (*) Tasy=asan tanayah prasidhdha (ddha)-vinaya Juge20 svarasy=abhavan vira-chhcha(chchha trita-kirttayah kuralay-ollosi-pratapa-sriyah | tatr= Ladyo Bala21 rama ity=udaya-bhur=unyardhdna(rttha)-nam=abhavat=kbadga-stambhita-sura-vairi-nikara [h*] kirti-pratap-a22 brayah | 12 Asama-samara-sampat-kampit-aris-tad=ayam nija-janaka-sameto yudhdha - (ddha)-sam(sa)nna1 There seems to be an unnecessary and imperfectly formed a matra with kh. * Read Gajasyo vo or Gajaayae80. * Read samstabdha. Sandhi has not been observed here.

Page #36
TWO GRANTS OF RAGHUDEVA -PLATE I 1. Raghudevapura Grant of Saka 1378 raa dumni yaaddsaay rNgNloo shNv udr rooddgddkplN yddgogoysuddaa sNdrjNg snNnirimussNbu duuddhaaNbuddmcrNgaa praaNtjvraag jaatyddjrvgtNddydun ymuddddidi raajaaN "raa rinaaNdd vaadrduddNdaalNbun vjvdbnyaayN - laastu ctt31@di.ytuddu ddNpooshaaNbaajyN mnN anuupddddaav ajyN nmdd mridhm prjlnu prsvpdlin bNddraaNcNdnlu nNdu ymdhuyhyudysaanivvvlN jnaa - pNtt ruNjNbu vsNtN kaani bhNgN caaNbuNdu poolvrN jnvrtijny anNtrN abuu alNcucu nv raaycuuru kaalyyaay annNpleeddbhuuriN smaaj sbhku muNdu cloo naa baaru lNjlNt kNtr raajaadivtt . iishaanuddurNlooutaayni pNjgtaaNbuudirin 16. maa nN .aPOPUcyibaabaaltNddaa i, aNbaa saayNtrN 10 nmoodu taatgaaru sNgaaru aavirbuuddcuvaa yaanaaNtk aNglnyaatlnu blvndivuNddvlyVE.adNyutN raamu kudd yuurnndi naa mbdNbrN... aNt aanmsmrsNpttNbtaarinnyN jjnlu praann bhujN rkN pNtt nddumuniiNginuddini 10/13/2t klN reesujN aNt kj raamaaNdrtaaroo bhvtrnn amRduNddi naa miNddi tnN atnu vysuvaarmu sNpu aNdrN tmdN purivaar rsrNloo vaayuputrsvN - bhuutlu irvaanl btNgmgurini nu:smNdrbaamooraannaavtNs buutaadunaa suutlmNddmain svlli: avunuj vru -- Scale : One-Half

Page #37
32 34 36 38 - - sNbNdN vstuluNbraasyaadibudaavri puunaamaani praa - dNddiNci pviti 0021 aapvddugunaadduru. tubhviNnu - | raajyaaNddydritgunnmu upvaarvruniyNt anu "mN htmtlli kaadu baalluvnu taaddrooni vdlnNdN mNdu | pNtt avshtrni pgtuni puvvvi dunuNdduNnnaa biijN ptri lootu durNtrddNt kaajmaannNdi jy aysaarmu druvu mNddlN mddt viduttaa diNddaa n vijyNgaa tm aa prtaapNtmu vstuNdNttuNdnpu jrupulaaNgaa stiraut eepshy: pr pnaacyutaa eednaaNrubaanijaasaarmuddvnrNdhrraajsuunaa Rdaayindi vNtNdNtdaa bhjNajaasdaarulu 122816 mNditn rNjmi a jgtiNkhuddigaali baalbhN ctaasukhN bhjNttr maaddin aastujNg daaddi abhmunNttt uuddi ubtNbur brblN puNddN gNtu grmul daaddulooNciphaayiddgaarN loo mnN kldi. tn taajaa suuraalu nityN di eNdnN srdaa sru . 40 44 46 i, s ( baaree.s. aNtleedyaaNb bNjli jrlu aN 2.21 ddjnu mNdi naayngdunutulu puvu. jNbuuninNtnNtrN Koraru maavaarnnNraaju kaaru ddNgutaa atnikNgaann 10mNddn mjaanpd niliNpu annN : tuNbnn ddimubtkaani ii pnnu leepu tyN .20 naaNdi aa pn tNddri tn puku Add muNtuNdNjvvnni aa dNb mNci jy aNtraalu - aNtyu dikhNddi psNcaarN vbi niraavu - umu dvdd kNddraalku mupu dhaaNjaaN .. mNdunu lNbaa nittaaru. munsiplNttee vidu smu vln a daa tuni ghttnlu s. vrNddduvmaaN2

Page #38
No. 1] TWO GRANTS OF RAGHUDEVA 13 23 dhdha(ddha)-vahahrana-bhuvi vijit-aris-tyakta-deho vibhinna-dyu-manir-agamad=ishta svar-vadu(dhi)nam 24 kum(ku)ch-agram(gram) | 13 Vira-sri-Kapilesvaras-tad=anujah kirtti-pratapa-dvayi sri vikshalita25 chakravala-charam-oddam-amdhakaro=bhavat Saury-asadita-Damtiraja-vibha26 vo bhu-maridal-akhazdalo lila-svikrita-dig-jay-arjita-mahi(hi)pal-akhila-bri-bharah| [14 | ** 27 Drik-kone yasya sone rana-sarana-mukhe sammukham vairi-vi(vi)ram varam varam varitu 28 varam=Amarapuri-varanaryasvaramvai? | eka yasy=asi-putri(tri) nava-jalada-tati-syamala he 29 ma-bhusha putrali kirti-pra'tapav=alabhata yamalau purvini rakta-rakta | 55/15) | Yasy asi-dhe30 nuh samid-agra-bhumau yav-am kuran karna-vatamsa-bhutan | dvishad-vadhunam grasate 31 nuvelam=apahnuva[na) stana-patra-vallih | 16 | Tasy-anujah Parasurama iti prasidhdho. (ddh5) namna pade Second Plate, First Side 32 na Harichandana eva sakshat | yam prasya(pya) yam[ti*] vibudhah paripurna-kama) sampra33 rdtit-ardhdha (phalladam harid-apta-ki(kirttini (ritim) | 17 | Abhavad-amalogun-aughair uditah kirtt[ya] cha Parasu34 rama-vibhoh | Udaya-gire[h*) si($i)taruchi(chi) Raghudeva-ko(ku)mara-vi(vi)ra-sinhvo (ho)-yam(yam) | 18 Anu(su)ta suta35 m-amgana-kula-matallika Mallika prabbutam=iva mali(lli)ka-prasavam=ishta-gandhan npinam(nam) | [yatah] 36 Parasura[ma-ra*]d-abhavad agranih putrinam-asau Raghuvaro vasi(si) vibhu-manih kadam nabavad | 19 Putri(tri)37 krito mahimna Kapilesvara-damttisti)-raja-si[m*]hveshe)na dig-vijay-arjita-yalasi Raghu deva-kuma 38 ra-sura-[sa*]rdulah | 20 | Raghudeva-kumara-vi(vi)ra-si[m*]hve(he) vidadhane vijayam disam ravim(v-im dvoh pra39 tibimba kata pratapa-kirtyah ppa(pa)riveshas-tu Vidher-ayam viseshah | 22(21) Raghudeva nare40 rindra-rajaputre vipulam sasati Karttavi(vi)rya-kalpe | girayah paripadhdhi(nthi)nam abhuvann=u41 ta sarv-apsarasam kucha nivasah 23(22) Raghudeva-nareindra-rajasunau rana-sanna42 ha-vidhayini prakanam(mam) | Saranam cha rane tada bhajarnte charane va maranam ripu pra 1 Read nur yas=trarante. * The syllable pre may be omitted for the sake of the more * The figure 2 is engraved in the left margin of the plair, near the beginning of line 40. * Roar samprarthila!tha". Read ka than=n=ubharat. ( 155 )

Page #39
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (VOL. XXXIII. 43 vi(vi)rah | 24(23)| Raghudeva-narendra-rajaputre jagatin sasati khadga-bali-bahau 1 charan-a44 vanatis-sukhham bhajamtte(te) rapa-sim-avanatas=tu jamnena! | 25(24) Dhati-dig-vijay arji45 tair-bahunai* ratnaib=cha ghoti-bataih 66a(ka)ti(ti)bhish*] kka(ka)rinam ghatabhir= abhisampujy=anighri-yu46 gmam pituh | vira-bri(sri)-Kapilaavarasya bahudha sevam vidhay=adaradvi(d=vi)ra-ori Raghudeva-ra47 ja-tanayo labdh-akhila-sri(srf)r=abhut | 25 | Jitv=akas=saka(ka)la nihatya cha ripun hritva 48 tadiyyam(yam) dhanam nana-ratna-mahebha-bhapya(vya)-turaga-arenibhir=atyambujau vira Second Plate, Second Side 49 (Gri)-Kapilegvarasya charanau sampujya tat-sevaya "labtlha-sri(Gri) Raghude[va*)-raja tanayo . 50 dharm-adhiko vardhdha(rddha)te | 27(26)| Tishthan=Rajamahemdra-nama-nagare samyak= prajah ppa(pa)laya[n*]51 n=a-Simhva(ha)chalam=a-Giripra(vra)jam=imam bhumim tath=akamtakam(kam) | vira bri(srl)-Kapilesva52 rasya kripaya kurvan Kumar-agrani(pi)rdhi(r=dhi)ra-sri(sri)- Raghudeva-rajatana yah Sri (Sri)sa-priyo va 53 rdhdha(rddha)te | 28(27)! Turamga-ju(khu)ra-dha(da)rita-kshiti-rajah-kanair=vairinam siramsi pata-bhasurair=&54 nu-kalan samachchhada ya *] n mahisura-ganan=punaire-vasubhir=adhthi(rtthi)tais toshayann=asau Raghu55 nsip-atmajah pitur-abhishtadah sumbhate | 29(28) Sevayai Kapilesva[ra*]sya Katakam 56 gatva tato marggato vyaghupya(shy=a)gamane samikshya dharanidevan 8a-bhah(bha)rya57 n=bahun / tad-raksha-hita-dbir=nnarendra-dharanipal-atmajo=manyata Kriddevy uttara-kha58 [m]dam=esha suksiti datum dvijebhya=thiram(ram) | [29 [*] Sak-abde vasu-saila vigva-ganite sa[rn*]vatsare 59 Dhatari Dvadasyam Suchi-sukla-pakshaga-tidhausthau) pradadhdha (d-Dhari pri(pri)taye vira-sri-Raghudeva60 rojatanayah Kriddovi-khamda psram chatvurimsed-abhishta-bhusura-vara-srenyai cha Go61 da-tate [30 [*] Raghudevapuram datva(ttva) Raghudeva-nlipatmajah | Sri(tri)mato Vasudevasya pri(pri)ta62 ye=sa(sa)[v=8*]kalputa | [31 (*) Ashta-bhoga-sa hitam Raghudevag=chrishta-bhuti-sahitan cha vidhaya | 1 Read tosha nena. * Read bahuvidhai or bahu-dhanaio. * Read punar

Page #40
No. 1] TWO GRANTS OF RAGHUDEVA 63 agrahara-Raghudevapuram tat-sarva-manyam-adadhakripatuh1 | 31(32) | Raghudevapu64 rasy-asya likhyate [bhu]sur-ava[lih] | Raghudeva-naremdrasya dha[r*]mmanam=iva malika | 32(33) | 15 Section II Third Plate, First Sides 65 Aasyapas-sanya(d-Ya)jurvedi(df) Varad-[r]yya-tanubhavah | bhlgi(g) Vedagiri-dvedi vid-adhyaya-pa 66 rayapah 1 Atreyo-namhtta(ta)-bhatto-pi Yajurveda-parayanah | bhagigt) prajao mana 67 vidvan-Adityasya [tanubhavah 2. Mahi-vidvin-Mallu-bhatto Harit-anvaya-sukharab | Na 68 rasimhva (ha)-suto bhagi(gi) Yajur-vich-chhastra-vak-patih |3| Haritoo Devare-bhattasutas-So 69 maya-kovida | bhagi sabhyas-sad-acharair-agra-vedi-Pitamahah |4| Kaudikompi Yajula khoi 70 Malla-bhatta-tanibhavah | Annam-Krya-dvijo bhigi(g) Vida-distra-parayanah 151 Harita-Brahma-tana 71 yo Yaju's-sakha-parayanah | bhagi(gi) syach-Chimgan-aryo-pi nity-achara-niram 72 tarah 6 Harito Yajur-adhyaya-nishtho bhagi dvij-ottamah | Annam-arya 73 8-sad-acharo Narasimhva (ha)-tanuba (bha)vah |7| Kaman-arya[h] Kausiko-pi bhagi(gl) bhu74 sura-sattamah | Yajurvedas-sad-chirair-Adityasya tanubhavah |8| Ki 75 syapo Yajur-adhyayah(ya)s-sabhya[h*] pramaniko guni(pi) | Mallan-aryasya tanayo bhagi 76 Vedagiri[*] svayam(yam) | 9| Kausiko Yajur-adhyayo Betan-aryya-tanu-bhavah ! bhusur-a 77 grecard bhagt Prolan-a[r*lyyab priyamvadah | 10 | Bharadvajo Yajue-eakho Gopa. 78 -aryya-tandbhavah | bhagt san-Nigan-Ary-pi sabhyah pramanika-priyah |11| Kauhdi 79 nyo Yajur-adhya[ya"]-Tippap-aryya-tanubhavah | bhagt Naya-bhatto-pi vidvad-yajsika sam 80 matah 12 Kaeyapas-sanya(d-Ya)jut-akkho Vallabh-arya-tanubhavab | bhagavin-Aubhai aryo10-pi The intended reading seems to be adadat sa kripaluh. There is a floral design here to indicate the separation of the following section quoting the list of donees from the foregoing part. The figure 3 is engraved in the left margin near the beginning of lines 72-73. * There is another floral design at the beginning of this line. The correct form of the word is dvivedi. See above, Vol. XXIX, p. 93. The two aksharas raya are engraved in the margin. 'The name is written partially in the margin on an erasure. Between Ya and ju, the letter dd was engraved and rubbed off. One more syllable is required in the name to suit the metre. The intended reading may have been Nagasa. 10 The correct form of the name is 4ubhala which is a modification of 4hobala.

Page #41
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXXIII. Third Plate, Second Sile 81 pramapika-padha(th-x)nugah | 13 | Lauhito Yajur-adya(dhya)yah Kaman-arya-tanubhavah 82 Tallu-bhattopi bhagi syad=Veda-sastra-visar dah | 14 Kussyepo Yajur-adhyayo Ma83 llan-aryya-tanubhavah | Kalpasuttra-priyah kartah Kaman-aryyo=pi bhagava84 n 15 Kaumdinyo Yajur-adhyayo Vallabh-aryya-suto vasi | bhatto Naraya85 no bhagi karmmatho dharma-va*]tsalah | 16 Kausiko Yajur adhyaya-parampa[r*]yya paraya86 nah | Kaman-aryya-suto bhagi bhatt-Aditya-dvij-ottamah ||17|| Bharadvajo Ya87 jur-veda[h*| Kamchan-aryya-buto mahan bhagi syat-Kasa van-aryyas-tu? 88 sabhyas-satisat-priyo vasi ||18|| Atreyo Yajur-adhyaya-pravimo 89 bhagavan=iha | Aubha[l]-aryya-sutas-sabhyah sastri Tirumana-kovidah [9*]|| 90 Srimat-Kasyapa-gotra=pi bhagi Visvesvaras=sudhih | Nyisinha-suri-tanayo Yaju[r]-ve91 di gun-onnatah 20 Kasyapo Yajur-adhyaya-nipuna bhagavan=iha | Peddan-aryya-su92 tas=sabhyah | Ktishna-bhattas=sabha-priyah ||21|| Kutsa-gutro Yajus-sakhi Visvesvara93 tanubhavavabll(bhavah) bhagi sya[d*]=Devari-bhattas-tastri(tri) bhusura-[na"]tta h ||22|| (Kaumlinyo Ya)94 jur-adhyaya-nipuna bhuti-bhasurah ||( 1 ) Poti-[bha*]tto blava(ve)d=bhagi Visvokva[ra-tanu]. bha95 vah ||23|| Astreyo] Yajur-adhyaya-nipuno La[kshma]n-at[maja) () [bhagi] [Ka]ma[r]y[yal Fourth Plate, First Side 96 bhatta[h*) syad-anna-dana-pad-ojva(jjva)lah |24|| Kausiko Yajur-adhyayi Kaimanun-d97 rya-tanu-bhavah | bhagi(gi) syad-Appal-aryo-pi Kalpasutra-priyo vabi 125 Kaunidi98 nyo Yajur-adhyaya-nipuno Vallabh-atmajah bhagi wyun=Na[gun-arya pil parchu-ya) jna-pa99 rayanah ||26|| Kasyapo Yajur-adhyaya-nisito Mallufy-a]tmajah Dulggan-afryo 100 pi karmajna(jna) bhagi sabhya-mano-harah ||27 [Sri]vatsa- gotro] Yajushi nishnatahi 101 suri-vallabhah (1) Aubhalam(l-a)ryo visavan-atra Garg:1 [n-u]ryya-suto vasi(si) |28|| A[tre). 102 yo Bahvpicha-prashtho bhagi nisatha-ka[r*]mmathah (1) Sinngan-aryya-sutas-sa bhyah(bhyo) 103 Bollan-aryyas=satam priyah ||29|| Harito Yajur-adhyaya-viari(hru)tal 104 sli(aru)ta-paragah ||(1) Brahmanamda-suto bhagi Bhaskuro yajva-vallabhah ||30 [ * 105 Avre(tre)yo Yajur-adhyayo Yagu-bhatto=pi bhagavan Aubhal-aryya-su106 tar=sabhyas=sa-dharmmas=soma-snt-pr[i]yah ||311! Atreyo Yajur-adhyayi 1 The danda is redundant. * There is a redundant syllable in this foot of the stanza. Either ayat or tu may be omittod to roctify the defect. . The figure 4 is incised in the margin near the beginning of linen 102-103. * Read Kaman-ao

Page #42
TWO GRANTS OF RAGHUDEVA -PLATE II 1. Raghudevapura Grant of Saka 1378 adhikaarpu mNddlN aayn baagjgiri dunni Formation abunNt jrupu gaani baarivraajaavaass dimNdoolnaanubhdin nluguraanvy kmi raani pu tojaa muhsptivbaasu muNtkN baadi sbaaphrnnmulu pi.yN. mriNt Dear RAYgaastrN vaari lbhytnu ayyee naaraaynn sNbNgtvN kddp rujuyni baadh tn ann maa maaN srd lu naa ? nijaani baa AR strmu kujpp vstu daabaa msiitnuujivaati jgdNyunpmuulNgaa spNdi. ddttN, yjurd vlsjNgaanaa baaridraalnnaaru. bryNddandjaaygohN amaabaadsnaa naa l @ onal sNyu jNdhy tnuuj maa vRtvNlooni tutN 17 nujul baagtaanaabhN? a iii, (mainaa looni raajugaa 1931 taajaa toyjuddyi turuu suucn tlu baaddddN baaginNduddgaajNgaareddu gaukhmmNdymu naayuvlsbymvvaaNtn gdaa! MovNddiyjurdyaatlbhaayNbhmainaa du bhaagiNpugaa 10 koyeemuNdu taapN m musutoo baabRssnnjaalmu n jaayi iid shNcnaay nu aa munnu baanisl shnaayuddu muslmriNt pryoogNddu jtrN vaavini naakNpN joobaa sutulu saitN aNtaa videe pl virmu divsiNcaanNlhj upvaasmujNtyidu baaghdpedd naaynaa jmmuddupoosi baaluru, 20 gootraay tv baannsNcaa bddi . jNtuyni buuti baaguNdaa abaavdhaan viml 1924 putvmu munu Scale : One-Half

Page #43
96 98 100 102 104 106 108 110 112 114 116 118 120 122 124 iv, a iv, b baa33) raaynaa yjny suuri vldu Ou 2010 SI & gaaN6 0 maa trgNgnaayy muNdri prti niraash mr : 100 rooyysaalain bhR lain ii uby anu ddoor raaydymNg sh paurg plu too baagi baagu ceeyjp vll 2018 aatreey tiiybddi vibhaagN au baagaayy su anniyu shriimtry : 11201 yjurdy vil 4 gnn vibhaag bh rde nRni tnsi sukRt vy priy nNdnH | gjo cchidd baari dhuumjnynnNdn 1933shaak baayjurtyy paaddubaagin t aujyyni baa: priyN cNdrvts gootraa abh shshvry brtv yjNdyynnmu yjmi prni nvaanihcgbNddyy annN gooraa gaa yjny tul: ne. haarito jy ybraa jtt ceNdi raaybNddi bucaagrmu ? shaaNddvi inni bhtr byaay "naayktnu bhvH liNgn oo tsNg ree praay||i mriyu juushaa baatt mukhaagisN mt nrsi daanni jypuuddi n 19vraa kRraa ttr vyaakh mllnyynu bhv vNshnikto jaagi suuryy (2yH sstaaN, eriytv maa akhy gotraadi vdini ni ajyaa jupaa rN (prtddi ani daani gaa teg ut duutt kaaNtilikhy puraa vidyN vuy vyN pu tri ve dr t dd vul mudaaniloo tlvaadyNdu abhy raamaal bhuuru daaddi kaasN lll nksstraavykhN evtaalu l n a dRtt sni paarmly vaar diipaal pai d shrii vinnaani 96 98 100 102 104 106 108 110 112 114 116 118 120 122 124

Page #44
No. 1] TWO GRANTS OF RAGHUDEVA 107 Dochi-bhatto-pi bhagavan | Adityasya sutas-sabhyah(bhya)s--su-tri(sru)tah karmmathapriyab 108 32 Harito Malland-py=ardhdha(rddha)-bhagi(gl) [Set]gi3-namdanah | Bharadvajo= pyardhdha(rddha)-bhig! 36 109 ms Mallana-nav-lanah 133 Kaayapo Yajur-adhyaya-papu[r]=bhagt sath ma 110 tab) Appala-bhatta-tanaya Aubbal-Ayyassabhab(bhi)-priyab 134 SriSrivatsagotro 17 Fourth Plate, Second Side 111 Yajushi prasidhdho(ddho) bhagaviniha | Narasimhbva(h-aryya-tanay Yapan-kryyaa Bel 112 tah matah (35) Haritopi Yajurveda[b*] Poddi-yajva-tanubhavah |(|) bhagt jyo113 tirvidam sreshtho Ramachandra-budh-agranih ||36|| Kaumdinyo Bahvricha-areshtho Ya114 jan-aryya-tanubhavah | bhagi Singana-vipropi sat-samg-aika-parayanah |37|| Gau115 tamo pi Yajus-sakha-patur-bhagi satam matah | Narasi[m*]hva (ha)s=sabheya[h*]svad= Ana 116 ht-aryya-tanubhavah |38|| Kaauape-pi Yaju-&khi(khi) Mallan-kryya-tandbhavah [/*] 11 eat-saga-nirato bhagt Surap-[rlyyah priyal(ya)-satam(tam) ||39|| Sri(Srl)mat-Kau 118 sika-Kuts-akhya-gotrau Madhava-Vissanau Yallana-Bhaskara-sutau Yajusha119 veka-bhaginau Section III Siddham3 [*] Etad-vipra-nivasasya Gautami-ti(t)ra-sobhinah | Raghudeva. 120 purasy=a[s]ya si(si)ma-chihnam vilikhyate [ 1*] Raghudevapur-odichyam vayavyam Vri 121 dhdha(ddha)-Gautami tat-prig-dily mathtarfpacha tad-agre Laghu-Gau[ta*]mi [2] Tat-prichythma 122 bati(1) kulya Gautamya nirggata sputash(sphutam) | tat-prichyam tala-pa1n[k*]ticha tad-agre sthula 123 pipa(ppa)lah [ 3*] Tad-adhvani vata sthulastat-setau tala-bhuruhah | tadi(d-ai)sanyam vamsa-ku 124 jau tat-prachyam chinhtripl-taru [4] Ttovi(Tad-ai)eny baba-vrikshasta]t-prachyam chi[m*]tripl-taruh | 125 palasu cha tadi(d-ai)sanya[mi(mai)]nyam [plakshaka]eta[th] [5] Go[dineni]tataka-cha [tat-eltau] pi 1 The name requires one more syllable to suit the metre. It may have been Srigiri. There is a floral design after this to indicate the separation of the foregoing list of donees from the following description of the boundaries of the gift village. Expressed by symbol. This letter had been originally omitted and was later incised in the small space between la and nti.

Page #45
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [Vol. XXXIII Fifth Plate, First Side 126 ppalo vatau sila-stambha=tadi(d-ai)sangani bila-stamblo=tha purvats[b*) ICI 6*] Tad=arabhya mana-setuh pra127 chyam dakshina-dinmukhah | s[th]ulah ppa(pa)lasas=setustho Mudikava-maha-tatah IEI 7*] Tad-dakshina-diki breni-ka128 damba-dharani(ni)-rubah | ajoe(gne)yyai madhubibhurah ppa(pa)shana-stambha-sa gatah |[8*] Kesavasya tatako=pi 129 dakshinasyain dissi sthitah 1[1 9*] Tataka-pascha[d*]-disi Vakra-marggo Kotelapuntasya sil-agra-lakshma | tatas=cha 130 tatrzahvani ghosha-tala-vsiksha[h*) prasidhdha(ddha) disini[r*]pites=cha Ill 10*] Prati(ti)chyam disi Muggullu-ma131 Iggangge) ppi(pi)ppala-yugiakah tata ustta]ra[tah*] sthulah ppipa (pippa)lah Samkar alayah [1 11*] Tatpu(t-pri)shtha-bhagam=a- . 132 rabhya prati(ti)chyatii disi Gautami Chimtalalim-alaya sthula-pippalo Gautami-tatab [li 12*] 133 Tat-pratyag-riju-marggena sukshma-vaha cha Gautami pratyag-disi tato lamka sthu134 la-vaha sha Gautami |[l 13*] Vaha(ha)yor=ubhayor=madhye yo=rtari(ri)pastato= dhvanah [l*] 135 Gautamyar=chrottaro bhago Raghudevapurasya hi [ 14*]" Section IV . Gramai si(si)m-ashta-chihna136 sprisphu)ta-viji(di)ta-lasalt*-kshetran:=ovam dvij-aughair=ukiski)rnam Gautamiyyai(yai)r= amti-a-jala-samai[h*) sna137 na-pan-adi-lolan(lam) datva(ttv=a)sau sri(sri)-na[re*]idro nikhila-ntipa-varan=bhavino yachate svam (dha)rmma138 m m[e) paiayamtu prakalam=iti chirau pramjali>> brahma-kalpam (Imam) |[| 1*) Lakshmi vibhrama-darppanaina) 139 Ravi-kula-kshi(ksht)roda-kalpadrumo nana-bhupa-kiri(ri)ta-ranjita-padah sri(sri)-vira-Cho desvarahmadhdha (d-dha)140 malh*) ppa(pa)ripalyatam=ayan.=iti kshoni(ni)suran=bhavino bhuyah prardhdha (rttha)yate tadi141 yya(ya)-charana-dvadva-prisu maulina l[1 2] Samanyo=yam dharmma-setu[1*]=nri panam kale 142 kale palaniyyolyo) bhavadbhih | i[tt ha]tir sarvan=bhavina[h*) pardhdhi(rtthi)v-endranbu (n=bhuyo bhuyo 1 The figure 5 is not clear in the left margin. . The intended reading may be tate. * There is a floral design after this to indicate the separation of the foregoing description of the boundaries of the gift village from the concluding part of the inscription that follows. * The danda is redundant.

Page #46
No. 1] TWO GRANTS OF RAGHUDEVA Fifth Plate, Second Side 143 yachate Ramacha[m]drah |[| 3*] Ek=aiva bhagini(nl) loke sarvesham eva bhubhujam(jam) | na bhojya na ka 144 ra-grahya vipra-datta vasuhdhar | 4*] Sva-datti[d]dvi-gupath punyah para*]datt-Anupalanath(nam) | 19 145 para-dat-paharina eva-dat[t]amh nishpa(alpha)lamh bhaves [5] Dana-palanayo[r]= madhya(dhye) dinafchehri(ch=chhr)] 146 yonupalanam(nam) | danat=[*]varggamavapnoti palanid-achyutah padath(dam) [6] Sva-dattam pa 147 ra-dattam va yo hareta vasumdharam(ram) | shashtir-varsha-sahasrani vishthayam jiya 148 te krimi 7] Raghudevapurasy=ai[tad-Ra]ghudevas[7]a [kaa]nat | AduvilaNrsimhve(be)na [ka*] 149 dhi(thi)tam dharma-sasanam(nam) || [8*]1 2 Dorapalem Grant of 1455-56 A.D. This is a stray plate inscribed on both sides. It is 8 inches in length and 5 inches in height and contains altogether 26 lines of writing, 14 lines on the obverse and 12 on the reverse. There is a hole (about & inch in diameter) nearly inch inside from the left border of the plate. The hole was no doubt meant for a ring bearing the seal of the donor of the grant in question, on which several inscribed plates including the one under study must have been strung. But the ring with the seal and the other plates of the set are now lost. The plate weighs 33 tolas. The inscription is fragmentary and represents only the central part of a charter. The whole record was probably incised on three plates. The last line on the reverse of the extant plate shows clearly that only a few lines more were required to complete the document which must therefore have ended on the inner side of the next plate. The writing on the obverse of the plate begins with a complete stanza introducing the father of the donor (Raghudeva) as the younger brother of one who must have been mentioned in one or more verses engraved in the lower part of the inner side of the previous plate. The stanza in question is also found in the Raghudevapura grant of which it is the seventeenth verse. Considering the fact that the present plate contains about 7 stanzas (engraved in 14 lines) on the obverse and 51 stanzas (incised in 12 lines) on the reverse, the entire matter of the first sixteen stanzas of the Raghudevapura grant (running upto a little more than 30 lines and almost entirely covering both the sides of plate I which is slightly bigger in size than the present plate) would have covered a little above two faces of one plate of the size of the plate under study. But it is interesting to note that the description of the donor in the present charter (verses 3-6, i.e. four stanzas only) is much shorter than in the other record (verses 18 ff. in lines 33 ff., more than ten stanzas). It therefore looks very probable that the number of stanzas in the introductory part was considerably smaller in this record than in the Raghudevapura grant. In any case, only one plate, with the beginning of the document inscribed probably on the inner side, seems to be lost. 1 This is followed by three floral designs. There is also an ornamental design in the right hand part of the space below the writing. This was the symbolical representation of the donor's signature on the original document later incised on the plates.

Page #47
20 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXXIII The inscription is written in Telugu characters and in the Sanskrit language, the composition being in verse throughout. As regards palaeography and orthography, the present epigraph closely resembles the Raghudevapura grant, although there are a few minor differences in the shape of some of the characters and signs. The medial signs for e and o have been used for the corresponding short signs in the name of the village Dorapalem; cf. lines 18 (verse 10), 21 (verse 11) and 24 (verse 12). The date of the charter is quoted in verse 11 in lines 19-23 as the Saka year counted by rasa (i.e. 6), saila (i.e. 7), rama (i.e. 3) and basin (i.e. 1), i.e. 1376, the year being Yuvan of Jupiter's 60 year cycle as prevalent in South India. There is no other detail of the date but that the grant was made on the occasion of a lunar eclipse. It may be pointed out that the year Yuvan of Jupiter's Southern Cycle actually corresponded not to Saka 1376 (i.e. 1454-55 A.D.) but to the expired Saka year 1377 (i.e. 1455-56 A.D.). There occurred two lunar eclipses in the year, one on the 1st May 1455 A.D. and the other on the 22nd March 1456 A.D. The charter seems to have been issued on either of the two dates. Verse 1 on the plate, as already indicated above, introduces Parasurama Harichandana, the father of Raghudeva, as the younger brother of one whose name must have occurred on the lost first plate of the set. From the Raghudevapura grant, we know that the immediate elder brother of Farasurama was the great Kapilesvara who occupied the Ganga empire in 1434-35 A.D. Verse 2 of our record speaks of Parasurama's younger brother whose name was Rama. It may be noted that Rama's name was omitted even in the fairly elaborate genealogy of the family found in the Raghudevapura grant. The next two stanzas represent Raghudeva-narendra, who enjoyed the title Patra and acquired fame for conquering the quarters, as having been regarded, owing to his prowess, as one of his sons by Kapilesvara Dantiraja (i.e. Gajapati). Verse 5 states how, when Raghudeva-narendra was ruling the earth like king Kartavirya of old, his enemies fled to the hills or made their resting place on the breasts of the celestial nymphs. To make one's resting place on the breasts of the celestial nymphs of course refers to one's death. The representation of the governor of a small territory as a ruler of the earth like Kartavirya is an interesting instance of the exaggeration to which the prasastikaras attached to medieval Indian courts were used. Verse 6 again refers vaguely to the military prowess of Raghudeva-narendra. Verses 7 ff. introduce the donee of the grant. The first of these stanzas mentions Suri-bhatta who belonged to the Kausika gotra and resided at Bhimavara. His son Singan-acharya is mentioned in verse 8 and Singan-acharya's son Tirumalu-bhatta in verse 9. Verse 10 states that the narendra-bhunatha (i.e. the ruler Raghudeva) made a grant of the village of Dorapalem in favour of the Pauranika (exponent of the Puranas) Tirumalu-bhatta. The next stanza states that, in the Saka year 1376, called Yuvan, and on the occasion of a lunar eclipse, Raghudeva granted the village of Dorapalem situated on the bank of the Kaunteya-ganga to the Brahmana Timmaya. Timmaya is a modification of Tirumalaya. The name Kaunteya-ganga is no doubt applied to the Godavari or one of its mouths. Although the association of the river with any of the sons of Kunti is not wellknown from Indian mythology, there may be a local tradition to this effect current in the area in question. Verse 12 states that, after having given Dorapalem to the learned Tirumala, Raghudeva-narendra entreated the future kings for the protection of his Dharma, i.e. the gift made by him by means of the charter in question. The last two lines of the record (lines 25-26) contain more than three-fourths of the wellknown stanza, samanyo-yam dharma-setu, etc., generally found in the imprecatory and benedictory part about the conclusion of a charter. The inscription mentions only three geographical names. They are the locality called Bhimavara where the donee's family resided, the village of Dorapalem which was granted by Raghu.. deva to the Brahmana Tirumalu or Tirumala-bhatta or Timmaya, and the Kaunteya-ganga on the bank of which the gift village was situated. There are several places called Bhimavaram in

Page #48
TWO GRANTS OF RAGHUDEVA-PLATE III 1. Raghudevapura Grant of Saka 1378 kaaraalu 126 hooNddraaN ddphaarmulu mdyN daani daani muulmuuru mnnN kNtttddi mnissi 128 trbddkNgutuNttyN mudu bbuur paashaastrN vNgt nvvulu aNt spNdi. aa naadditivri maagNtti puNt spttilaagaanu , 130 raalini taanu tnu naadi ani mtN prNcNdmunupm 130 pulumulaa maart aNtstul pR pN: shshaayni tpussttbaagmaa 132 tN ssaabNtlNtyniNb pploo puut 132 attu vijuvln vaahcgaa maatR tlNtaa 134 134 aNdrgaaru poohaarpu byoomvNtN ceestee aavu tmlbaarmuddivpurN mNjuuru 136 Mail mNdiraagaatkulu 136 naanaa tN: urivaajulnu raannaa anuloomuNddudriNd duNbrN@Njll 138 vijyN saatti sbhjyNtN 140 mri pNputuNdi 140 mgtnN 142 138 142 l, 144 144 146 aNtkN ceesin raamukyN * @ vln anNd nud taagunnN punnnNclnNdaalnu cirpraadhmnudd pnilNbdit ddaan vyaapaarulku baalN daanmulu sripoonaa cNpddN addigaaN. daahN tvsulnu nivaariNcinaa ii viNduku tn tNdd cln cettlnu naat. aa vivsvN 6. aaNddnu kaanunu aNduku 146 148 148 Scale : One-Half

Page #49
2. Dorapalem Grant of 1455-56 A.D. i. ani sNhricddN 21 nvsaay yNpraaNtNloo sNdraablN,hricee srsNnuNddu 4 2) til kaaduyNvddunnaa bhvnaanni prsaadiloopN b vcceesripdd mnynnaa ssu 6 pdditN mriyu sNjaatuddu maarduddini raajsul eNptu | 81.rNloo jNttnu jy anuppN vaan mNdpNddigaa jnNttutpulaaNgaani ii taanu .ninaamu cuupnulu saagu yittnprNtrNdhrN no snyaas vidaanN muNgvaaNctNb jNbhn mrikoNt a ni nvNdhynaanugnnaanu tana bhvnNloo anNtpurN naabaary ssddinee. naa 14 AN elubddutuNdi kNdaamnivprm paatthaalu baapitisuddulu ceestaayivrgNgaa smNt muNduvrN kuNbhsyt vaarN sNtkmu a mraa venubvirsN mttt kaaviliN. ni buraamunnN venuk aNdi paamulu muNdugaa 2 010 smN smrNlooni veemul s hNgaa vRdvaashNbhu 24 aNddaanu 26 Scale: One-Half

Page #50
No. 1) TWO GRANTS OF RAGHUDEVA 21 the East and West Godavari Districts. Of these, Bhimayaram, the headquarter of a Taluk of that name in the West Godavari District, is the most important and may have been the place intended by the writer of the document. As already indicated above, the Kaunteya-ganga is no other than the river Godavari or one of its mouths. I am not sure about the location of the village of Dorapalem. There is no such name in the list of villages in the East or West Godavari District, although thero is one called Dorachintalapalem in the Chodavaram Division of the West Godavari District. TEXT [Metres: verse 1 Vasantatilaka ; Verse 2 Upajati; Verses 3-4, 9-10 Giti ; verses 5-6 Malabharini; verses 7-8 Anushtubh ; verse 11 Sardulavikridita ; verse 12 Arya ; verse 13 Salini.] First Side 1 Tasy=anujah Parasurama iti prasidhdho(ddho) namna padena Harichanda2 na dva sakshat | yam prapya yati vibudhah paripurana-kamah 3 samprartthit-ardha(etha)-pa(pha)ladam harid-anta-k[Yrttim(rttim) [ 1* Tasy-anujo Rama iti 4 pratito Rama-traram yad=guna-vaibhavai[h*) svaih | gunaih pratapais=cha ya5 sobhir-uchchai[h*] smtiteni kataksham nayate jananam(nam) | [2] Abhavad=amalo gun-au6 ghair=uditah ki(ki)rtya cha Parasurama-vibhah | Uday-achalad=iv=endus-su7 dhaya Raghudeva-raja-kula-tilakah 1[13*]* Putrikcito mahimna Kapila8 svara-dartiraja-simhena dig-vijay-arjita-yalasa Raghudeva-nare9 mdra-patra-simho=yam(yam) [] 4*)' Raghudeva-narendra-raja-simhe vipulam sasa10 ti Kartavirya-kalpe girayah paripamdhi(thi)nam=abhuvann=uta sarv-assa(psa)rasam ku11 cho niva[B]8h || 5*] Raghadeva-narendra-bhutalendro rang-Bannha-vidhayi12 ni pra[ka]mam(mam) | Saranam cha rane tadha(tha) bhajamte charane va maranam ripu pra13 vi(vi)rah ICI 6*deg Asti Kausika-vambyanam=agranih(pih) kula-sekharah | khyato Bhi (Bhimavara-sta(stha)14 na Suri-bhattu(tta)s=sudhisvarah [ 7*] Tat-putrah Simgana(n-a)charya veda-ved-artthalo. pa 1 From impressions. * This is verse 17 of the Raghudevapura grant with slight change in the last foot. * Better read yo gunao. Read ampitaib or srutai). . This stanza introducing a new name in the Gajapati genealogy is not found in the Raghudovapura grant. . This is verse 18 of the Raghudovapura grant, although there is some difference in the wording of the second half of the stanza. * This is verse 20 of the Raghudevapura grant with some diffierenoe in the wording of the last foot . This is verse 23 of the Raghudevapurs grant. . This is verse 24 of the Raghudevapurs grant with slight difference in the first foot. 10 Better road vddanga, although the reading id-artha on aluo bo supported.

Page #51
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXXIII Second Side 15 ragah | sva-dharma-niratah samtah smriti-sostra-purana-vit Ill 8*] Tasy=api 16 sunur-abhavat-Tirumalu-bhattas-sudhi[h*) sruti-smritishu Kausika-vam17 sa-vatamso Vyasa-vachas-sarani-jamghika-sreshthah 1 [l 9*] Pauranikaya 18 ch=asmai Tirumalu-bhattaya dharma-bastra-vide | Dorapale-samjiam=uchita19 gramam vyataram(ran) naremdra-bhunathah [l 10*] sak-abde rasa-saila-rama-sasi-go 20 varsho Yuv-akhyo subhai(bhe) vi(vi)ra-bri-Raghudeva-bhupa-tilaka[b] [sri]. 21 (ma]n=naremdro vibhuh | gramai ari-Dorapale-namakam-ada22 t-Kaumtoya-ganga-tate vipraya prathitaya Timmaya-sudhi-sa23 thjnkya Soma-graho Il 11*Sri-Raghudeva-narendras-Tirumala-vidushe vi24 tirya Dorapalom | iti nathate mabatma bhavi-nfipan pa(pra)rakshya25 tam dharmah Ill 12*] Samanyo=yam dharma-setur=npipanam kale kale pa26 laniyo bhavadbhih | ittan(ttham) sarvan bhavinah partthiv-emdran bhuyol * The rest of the stanna, viz., bhuyo yachate Ramabhadrah || [13*), must have been engraved on the roxt plate.

Page #52
No. 2-TIPPASAMUDRAM INSCRIPTION OF KAMPA-VIKRAMAVARMAN, YEAR 17 (1 Plate) J. SUNDARAM, OOTACAMUND (Received on 9.1.1958) The inscription1 edited below is engraved on a stone set up on the bund of the lake at Tippasamudram in the Vellore Taluk of the North Arcot District. The language of the record is Tamil and the characters used are Tamil and Grantha. The use of the archaic form of " in Vilupperaraiyan in line 13 is interesting. This inscription is dated in the 17th regnal year of Ko-visai(ja)ya-Kampavikramavarman. Its object is to commemorate the digging of a channel called Vilupperaraiyan from the river to the lake at Valivalakkamangalam by Prithiyangaraiyar (Prithivigangaraiyar), the chief of the (nadu i-nnad-udaiya), and his wife Iladapperundeviyar for the merit of Ayyakkutti-adigal who may have been their daughter. The chief interest of this inscription lies in the mention herein of a Prithiyangaraiyar in the 17th regnal year of Kampavarman, apparently as a Pangala-nadu chief, since he is described as the chief of this nadu', i.e. Pangala-nadu in which the findspot of the record is situated. The identity of Prithiyangaraiyar can be established with reasonable certainty. An inscription from Solavaram, dated in the 8th regnal year of Kampavarman, mentions one Rajadittan Mahadevan who is stated to have built a tomb (atiytagaram or palli-ppadai) and a Siva temple at the place where his father Prithivigangaraiyar was buried. The name of this person implies that the son was called Mahadeva and his father Rajadittan. Probably Prithivigangaraiyar was Rajadittan's surname. The chief in our inscription also calls himself Prithiyangaraiyar and the interval between the Solavaram inscription and the present record is very short. These facts appear to suggest that Mahadeva, who should have succeeded his father in the chiefship in the ordinary course, also assumed the title Prithiyangaraiyar. This assumption is supported by the occurrence of the same or a similar title along with the names of the later chiefs of this family." If the identification of the chief of the present record with Mahadeva and the supposition that the members of this family assumed the title Prithiyangaraiyar are correct, then we can say that some of the Prithivigangaraiyars occurring in inscriptions of about this period and region may have belonged to this family of chiefs who ruled over Pangala-nadu.5 The above identification again helps us to fix the period to which this Prithiyangaraiyar and bis overlord Kampavarman belonged. An inscription dated in the 26th regnal year of Rajakesarivarman, who on account of the high regnal year and the palaeography of the record has been identified with Chola Aditya I, refers to one Mahadeva as the father of Gangama[r*]ttandar alias Sembiyan Prithivigangaraiyar. Again we hear of other sons of possibly the same Mahadeva in 1 A. R. Ep., 1939-40, No. 174. * Above, Vol. VII, p. 193. The son's name was taken to be Rajaditya while Mahadeva in Rajadittan Mahadevan was interpreted to mean 'the great king '(op. cit.). But we have many other instances of a son prefixing his father's name to his own, e.g., Nandi Kamplevara (ibil., p. 196), Arinjiya-Pirantakadevar (A.R. Ep., 1920, No. 572), etc. The Sanskrit portion of the first of these inscriptions seems to support this view. See A. R. Ep., 1939-40, No. 139; 1930-31, No. 177; SII, Vol. XIII, No. 319. It is not certain if Selvavanarayan, son of Amanigangaraiyar, figuring in an inscription dated in the 2nd year of Nandippottaraiyar (Nandivarman III) was an earlier member of the family (SII, Vol. XII, No. 45). Above. Vol. IV, pp. 180 ff.; of. Vol. XXIII, pp. 145-46. SII, Vol. XIII, No. 319. (23)

Page #53
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXXIII the reign of Parakesarivarman. One Kamadigal, son of Madevar of Pangala-nadu, is mentioned in an inscription of this king's 8th year. Another of the same person's sons named Prithivigangaraiyar, figures in an inscription dated in the [11]th regnal year of that king. Probably he is identical with Alivin Kallarasi alias Sembiyan Bhuvanigangaraiyar figuring in another inscription of Parakesarivarman. If it can be assumed that Mahadeva, son of Rajaditya of the Solavaram record, whom we have identified with the Prithiyangaraiyar of the present inscription, and Mahadeva, mentioned as the father of the Pangala-nadu chiefs in the inscriptions of Aditya I and Parakesarivarman, are identical, it will follow that Mahadeva was at least a senior contemporary of Aditya I. The acceptance of the suzerainty of Aditya I by these chiefs goes to show that the Chola king succeeded in consolidating his position in this part of the former Pallava dominion. The channel which was dug for the merit of Ayyakkutti-adiga! was named Vilupperaraiyan. This leads us to suppose that the title Vilupperaraiyan was connected with the name of Ayyakkutti-adiga!. Two inscriptions dated in the 19th and 26th regnal years of Rajakesarivarman (Aditya I) mention one Vilupperaraiyar Ayyakkutti-adiga! and her mother Pugalttunai-adiyar. The former may be identified with the person of that name mentioned in our record. It is likely that Pugaltturai-adiyar (or adiga!) was the real name of Iludapperundevi. The above discussion would suggest that Kampavarman, who was the overlord of Mahadeva, was a predecessor of Aditya I in this territory or at least their reigns were not far removed from each other in point of time." lladapperundevi, the title of the wifo of Prithiyangaraiyar, could have been only a surname indicating that she was the daughter of a Lata chief. These chiefs, who called themselves variously as Ladarayar or Ladapperaraiyar, and sometimes also as Virataraja, find mention in a number of inscriptions of the time of the early Cholas. Many inscriptions refer to their matrimonial connections with the families of local chieftains and, in one instance, Chola Rajaditya, son of Parantaka I, is said to have had a wife who was the daughter of Iladarayar. They seem to have held sway over some parts of the Chittoor District and portions of the North and South Arcot Districts. Two inscriptionglo of the reign of Parthivendradhipativarman mention & member of this family named Ayaiyamman alias Paramandaladittan. They state that tho family of the Lata chiefs belonged 1 This king may be identified with Parantaka I owing to the proximity of his reign with that of Rajakesari varman (Aditya I) mentioned above. The palaeography of the record seems to support this. *4.R. Bp., 1939-40, No. 283. * Ibid., 1928, No. 139. Parakesarivarman of both the records must be identical. . Ibid., 1930-31, No. 177. The date portion of the inscription is damaged. Only the figure 1 as the second digit is discernible. . The chiefs of Pangala-nadu were used to the transference of their allegiance to new masters. They submitted to the Rashtrakutas during the occupation of this part of the Chola territory by Kannaradeva (abovo, Vol. VII, pp. 195-96). * 811, Vol. XIII, Nos. 285 and 317. Cf. South Indian Temple Inscriptions, Vol. III, Part I, lxxxvi-lxxxix. The arguments for Assigning Kampavarman's rule to about the middle of the 10th century are not convincing. In the Madras Museum plates of Uttama-chola (SI1, Vol. III, No. 128), the record of the previous transactions is confusing and it is difficult to take them in chronological order and deduce that Kampavarman flourished later than Parantaka I. It is also not safe to identify Atvisvarmma) of the Solapuram record, who is merely mentioned as born in the line of Madhava (above, Vol. VII, p. 193), with Hastimalla, the son of Vayiri-Adiyan and feudatory of Kannaradeva (ibid., 195-96). As regards Niranjanaguru mentioned in an inscription of the 19th year of Kampavarman (811, Vol. XII, No. 105), Venkatasubba Aiyar's views appear to be reasonable (above, Vol. XXIII, p. 145, note). 3 Above, Vol. VII, p. 141; A. R. Ep., 1935-36, No. 63 ; ibid., 1912, No. 168, etc. Above, Vol. VII, p. 134. 10 4. R. Bp., 1906, Nos. 267 and 324. While in the former the chief is called Virataraja in the Sanskrit portion and la dariyar in the Tamil portion, in the latter he is simply called Virataraja. Their identity is discussed in A. R. Bp., 1907, para, 65 ; see also Proc, IHC, 7th session, Madras, Pp. 203 ff. ; above, Vol. XXVIII, pp. 267 ff.

Page #54
No. 2) 25 TIPPASAMUDRAM INSCRIPTION OF KAMPA-VIKRAMAVARMAN, YEAR 17 to the solar race, in which Gunaratnasindhu of the family of Sagara-Virata was born. His son Was Anigopa, grandson Kampadigal, great-grandson Tattalar and great-great-grandson Anaiyamman. We get a Saka date, viz. [88]9, for this last chief in an inscription from Pungapur. With the help of the date in this inscription, we can assign Apigopa and Kampadigal, the great-grandfather and grandfather of Anaiyamman, to the period of the inscription under study. An undated record attributable to the 9th century, mentions one Anigavan Orriyur-piratti, daughter of Vilaqarayar and wife of Vayiramega Vanakovaraiyar. The first name Anigavan and her being the daughter of a Viladarayar seem to indicate that she was the daughter of Anigopa. Probably Iladapperundevi of our record was a daughter of one of these two chiefs. Pangala-nadu seems to have included portions of the present taluks of Polur and Velur in the North Arcot District. The village of Tippasamudram appears to have been originally called Valivalakkamangalam. An inscription belonging to the Vijayanagara period refers to the place as Valivilattimangalam alias Tippasamudram. It is fairly certain that the name Valivilattimangalam itself is a corruption of Valivalakkamangalam. The modern name of Tippasamudram might have been derived from the lake referred to in the inscription. TEXT First Side 1 Svasti sri [ll*] Ko-visaiya-Ka2 mpavikkiramaparumarku ya3 ndu padis-alavadu 4 i-nnadudaiya Prithiya. 5 ngaraiyarum ivar-de6 viyar Iladapperunde7 viyarum tangal maga[!] 8 Ayyakkutti-adigalukku Second Side 9 i-vviruvarum seyda 10 dha[r]mmam Valivalakkamanga 1 Above, Vol. XXVIII, pp. 267 ff. * The name Kampadigal may suggest that the chief had some connections with Kampavarman. * A. R. Bp., 1934-35, No. 233 ; see plate facing page 76. * It is possible that this Vayiramega Vapakdvaraiyar was identical with th, homonymous person mentioned as the son of Perunangai alias Sami Akkan figuring in two inscriptions dated in the 4th regoal year of Aparajita (XII, Vol. XII, Nos. 87 and 88). 4. R. Bp., 1939-40, No. 173. . From impressions.

Page #55
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (VoL. XXXII 11 lattu erikku=kkanda a13 Iruk-kal [l*) i-kkal Vilu13 pperararaiya[n]" i.dha. 14 [r]mmam [l*) idu irakshippane16 [-a]di op-madi-mel (11*] 1 Read pdraraiyan. * This letter is superfluous.

Page #56
2 TIPPASAMUDRAM INSCRIPTION OF KAMPA-VIKRAMAVARMAN, YEAR 17 First Side pulivlm muttputrpaa 3mtnnn ep2 ShQ>220 vaallkkyk pyaakv ee mruttlunnn stem Scale: One-Fourth 2 6

Page #57
Second Side 10

Page #58
No. 3-DONGALASANI INSCRIPTION OF VANKEYA-CHOLA, YEAR 41 (1 Plate) K. H. V. Sarma, Ootacamund (Received on 6.2.1958) The subjoined inscription, edited with the kind permission of the Government Epigraphist for India, was copied in the year 1939-40 from Dongalasani, a hamlet of Kuruguntapalle in the Siddhavatam Taluk of the Cuddapah District. It is engraved on two faces of a large slab measuring about 3.25 feet in height and 1.25 feet in width and lying in front of the Anjaneya temple in the village. There are altogether thirty-five lines of writing. The record is engraved in Telugu-Kannada characters of about the 9th century and its palaeography very closely resembles that of other records of the period and area in question. The letters bh and dh still retain their archaic forms while b cccurs both in its archaic form (cf. varambu in line 12) and its more developed open form (cf. samvatsarambul in lines 8 and 9). The cursive form of the letter y can be seen in the words yokonti (lines 9 and 10) and yella (line 18). The initial vowels a, i and u are used in the inscription. The use of the sign of anusvara above a letter and the archaic forms of r and I as found in early Telugu records is noteworthy. " The inscription is in Telugu prose and verse with an imprecatory verse in Sanskrit at the end. The rules of sandhi are observed and the consonants associated with r are doubled. The number forty-one is indicated by nalvady-adi-yokonti, literally one preceded by forty' The word pempuna (lines 10-11) is used in the sense of atisaya and garusu (line 14) in the sense of boundary'. The expression alisina-vandu (lines 27-28) is similar to that of Tamil alitt-avan and Kannada alisid-aran, for all of which the common root is ali, to destroy'. The royal epithets Temkanaditya, Pusi-illad-atman and Komarara -Bhima appear to be of Kannada origin. The inscription is dated in the fortyfirst regnal year of the king, Chitta (Chaitra) su. 10, Sunday (lines 9-12). But in the absence of the corresponding Saka or cyclic year, it is difficult to fix the exact period of the record. The Madras Museum plates of Balliya-choda, considered to be the earliest charter so far known of this branch, are assigned palaeographically to Saka 850-60 (928-38 A. D.). The later forms of the letters b, j, & and k and the anusvara in the form of a circle placed almost to the side of a letter in the above charter bear close resemblance to the Madras Museum plate of the Vaidumba king Bhuvana-trinetra, dated in Saka 893. These palaeographical features are also noticed in other Vaidumba records from Upparapalli and Animala in the Cuddapah District, which are dated in Saka 894 and 898 respectively. On palaeographic grounds, the present inscription has to be assigned to a date in the proximity of that of the Madras Museum 'plates of Balliya-choda, i.e., c. Saka 850. 1A. R. Ep., 1939-40. App. B, No. 13. Cf. M. Venkataramayya in Trilinga-rajalotsava-samputamu. Above, Vol. XI, p. 347; Vol. XXVII, pp. 221 8. A. R. Ep., 1935-36. App. A, No. 6. JAHRS, Vol. XXIII, p. 50 ff. A. R. Ep., 1935-36, Part II, para. 8. Dr. P. Sreenivasachar assigns the record to 1106-07 A. D. and identifies Balliya-choda with Choda Balliya-choda of Kopidena (JIH, Vol. XV, pp. 48-49). Neither the date nor the identification is acceptable. Above, Vol. XXVII, pp. 67 ff. A. R. Ep., 1905 App. B, No. 325. Ibid., 1938. App. B, No. 198. (27)

Page #59
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXXIII The object of the record is to register a gift of a piece of land to the goddess Kuruva-bhattarika by king Vankeya-chola-maharaja in his fortyfirst regnal year. The eulogy Charana-saroruha-vihita-vilochana, etc., with which the record commences, clearly indicates that the king belongedto the Telugu-Choda lineage. This is the earliest of the known Telugu-Choda records with the Charaya-saroruha eulogy and happens to be the only record mentioning Vankeya-cholamaharaja. 21 Two inscriptions1 copied from Mannepalli in the Darsi Taluk of the Nellore District mention Venka-bhupala, son of Pottapi Nanne-choda, as the grandfather of Balli-choda-maharaja. They are dated in Saka 1067 and 1088 respectively. On the basis of these dates for Balli-choda, we can assign Venka-bhupala, the former's grandfather mentioned in the records, to a period not earlier than Saka 1000. As has been discussed above, the record in question is palaeographically earlier by at least two centuries than the approximate date of Venka-bhupala of the Nellore epigraphs. Therefore Vankeya-chola of the Dongalasani inscription under study cannot be identified with king Venka-bhupala of the Mannepalle records." Two more records from Boppudi and Konidena in the Narasaraopet Taluk of the Guntur District give the genealogy of the Telugu-Chodas who ruled from Konidena. We gather from these that Dasavarman, the son of Mahimana-choda, conquered Paka-rashtia and ruled over Renandu from his capital at Pottapi (in Pullempet Taluk of the Cuddapah District). The Chodas of Konidena, Nellore and Pottapi, all claim Daeavarman as their ancestor; but so far none of his records has come to light and little is known about him. The record from Boppudi mentions king Venka as the son of Dasavarman. It is tempting to identify the chief Vankeya-chola-maharaja of the record under review with Venka, the son of Dasavarman. But his relationship with the later menibers of the family is not clear. Tenkanaditya occurs as one of the epithets of Vanke ya-chola-maharaja. Nanne-choda, author of the Kumarasambhavamu (Telugu), also claims this title. He is assigned by scholars to about the end of the 11th century. The poet-king must have derived this epithet from his ancestor of the record under study. The early Chodas of Renandu, whose territory appears to have extended over almost the whole of the Cuddapah and Kurnool Districts and parts of the Chittoor District, seem to have ruled undisturbed for more than two centuries from about the last quarter of the 6th century. Afterwards their territory was subjected to the incursions of the Banas and the Vaidumbas. By about the 9th century they appear to have been pushed northwards by the latter and later still we find records of a branch of this family as far east and north as Nellore and Guntur. NDI, Part I, Darsi Nos. 48 and 49: Srimat-Pollapi-Nannechoda-tanayah sri-Venka-bhupalakas-tat-putro-ripad-achal-paha-pavih Kama-kshiti-nayakah [*] sunuh Surya-kul-anvay-ambudhi-sasi ri-Balli-bhupalako Gauri-natha-pad-abja-nandita-gunah saujanya-rain-akarah [*]. A. R. Ep., 1939-40 to 1942-43, Part II, para. 65. SII, Vol. VI, Nos. 651 and 628. Ibid., No. 651: Tesham trayanam Dasvarmma-dhatri-patih sva-bauryyad-atha Paka-rashtram [*] akra. mya tira-pravaro raraksha kshamamzimam Pottapi-rajadhanyam [*]. The published text (SII, Vol. VI, No. 651, text lines 33-34) gives the name as [Pam]ka; but a re-examina. tion of the impressions shows that the correct reading is Vemka. Canto I, verse 54: boluchun-Orayurik-adhipatin-alaghu-parakramuda-Demkanadityumdan. *JAHRS, Vol. XXIII, p. 52 ff. Above, Vol. XXIV, p. 186 ff. A. R. Ep., 1935-36, Part II, para, 8.

Page #60
No. 3] DONGALASANI INSCRIPTION OF VANKEYA-CHOLA, YEAR 41 TEXT1 Front Side 1 [8vajati (Chars[pa-sarru 2 [ha]-viha(hi)ta-vi[lochana-Tri 3 lochana-pramukaki(kh-khi)la-[pri 4 thivisvara-karita-Kave[ri-ti] 5 ra-Karikala-kula-ratna-pradi(di)p-a 6 hit-kus()-la-Vashkoya-choja 7 maharajula patta[mbu] gattina 8 pravardda(rddha)mana-vijaya-rajya-[sah] 9 vatsara[m]bul-nalvady-adi-yoko 10 piyagunepti [Chitta]-[su]di perh 11 pana Dasa(sa)miyu [A]ditya 13 va(va)ra[thbu]nandu Kugava 13 bhatariki rendu re[vu]lu 14 pola[m] garusuganu 15 padumatam gonda[yu] ga 16 rusuganu uttara[m]buna. 17 ku guruva damka lopali [ne] 18 la yella sarvva-parihara[vu] iehehe [*]. 19 Sri-Vamkeya-chola-maha 20 raju [Tem]kan-adityundu Komara 21 ra-Bhimundu pusi-illad-atma 22 n-i dharmmuv-a-chandr-arkka-tarakambu is 23 24 idda 25 vandu [Baranasi]. 1 From impressions. The last four lines seem to be in verse. Back Side 29

Page #61
(VOL. XXXIII EPIGRAPHIA INDICA 26 navandu Sripa[1]bba (rvva)tambuna27 (zi ga]la limgambulan=ali[si]23 (na) vandu (revura mu]. 29 ...... galalu i-sta(stha). 30 [na ribu]galavaru I[sa - 31 nasivulu || Bahubhir=vvasu32 da(dha) datta bahubhis-ch=anupa33 lita[ ] *) a(ya)sya a(ya)sya 34 a(ya)da bhumis-tasya ta35 sya tada phalam(lam): [*] 1 Thero is a floral design to indicate the end of the writing.

Page #62
DONGALASANI INSCRIPTION OF VANKEYA-CHOLA, YEAR 41 Front Side 90 13) 12 Scale: One-Fourth

Page #63
24 26 28 30 32 34 Back Side gues ned J2/01 0 24 26 28 30 32 34

Page #64
No. TWO INSCRIPTIONS OF THE TIME OF GOPALA (2 Plates) D. C. SIROAR, OOTACAMUND (Received on 11.9.1957) Both the inscriptions edited below are inscribed on stone slabs which are at present preserved in the Gwalior Museum. The first of them was found at Baraudl and the second at Narwargarh, both in the Shivapuri District of the former Gwalior State. The first record was noticed by M. B. Garde in the Annual Report of the Archaeological Department of the Gwalior State, V. S. 1979, No. 26, and the Annual Report of the Archaeological Survey of India, 1922-23, p. 187. The notices of the record in D. R. Bhandarkar's List of Inscriptions in Northern India, No. 597, and H. N. Dvivedi's Gwalior Rajyake Abhilekh, No. 132, are based on Garde's note. The second epigraph was noticed by Garde in the Annual Report of the Archaeological Department of the Gwalior State, V. S. 1971, No. 9. and in Ind. Ant., Vol. XLVII, p. 242. His views were similarly quoted by Bhandarkar, op. cit., No. 603, and Dvivedi, op. cit., No. 141. Unfortunately the published notices of both the inscriptions are based on incompleto and inaccurate transcripts. Some of the important details are omitted in the notices which contain several errors of omission and commission. They are edited here with the help of impressions prepared under my supervision about the end of 1952 when I visited Gwalior with a view to attending the Fifteenth Session of the Indian History Congress and examining the inscriptions preserved in the Gwalior Museum. Both the inscriptions, which were registered as Nos. 141 and 139 of the Annual Report on Indian Epigraphy, 1952-53, Appendix B, belong to the reign of the Yajvapala or Jajapella king Gopala (known dates between 1279 and 1289 A. D.) of Nalapura. They contain each a prasasti recording the excavation of a vapi. The eulogies were composed by the poet Sivanabhaka belonging to a Mathura Kayasthe family hailing from Gwalior. 1. Baraudi Inscription of V. S. 1336 There are 29 lines of writing, which cover an area about 22 inches in length and about 184 inches in height. The preservation of the writing is not quite satisfactory as a number of letters are damaged here and there. The characters belong to the Devanagari alphabet of about the thirteenth century and closely resemble other contemporary inscriptions discovered in the area in question. The letter b has been indicated by the sign for v. The orthography of the inscription is also similar to that of other records of the age and area. Reduplication of a consonant after is noticed only in a few cases. Anusvara has been used for class nasals excepting some cases while it has taken the place of final mat the end of the first and second halves of stanzas in all cases. The language is Sanskrit and the whole composition, excepting a few passages at the beginning and end, is in verse. It is & prasasti composed in 30 stanzas. The verses are numbered, although there is a mistake in the numbering. The twentyfourth stanza is wrongly numbered as the twentythird and the mistake is continued in numbering the following vorge8. The date of the record is quoted in the last line 88 V.S. 1336, MargabIrsha-vadi 6, Friday. It regularly corresponds to the 27th October 1279 A.D. The month was Purnimanta. The inscription begins with the symbol for Siddham followed by the passage Ori namah Sivaya. Then follow the 30 stanzas of the prasasti. The first two of them (Vorbes 1-2) contain adoration to 18oo abovo, Vol. XXX, pp. 145 8. and Plate ; Vol. XXXI, pp. 323 ff. and Plates; Vol. XXXII, PP. 367 f. and Plates. (81)

Page #65
32 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXXIII the god Sambhu (Siva) and to both Girida (Siva) and his consort Sailasuta (Parvati). Verse 3 introduces the city of Nalapura (modern Narwar) which was the capital of the Yajvapala kings, while verse 4 speaks of king Chahada of the Yajvapala family. Verse 5 mentions king Nfivarman, Bon of Chahada. He is described as a devotee of Daityarati, probably meaning here the god Siva. Verse 6 mentions Asalladeva, son of Ntivarman, as well as his queen Lavanyadevi, while the next stanza (verse 7) continues Asalla's description. Verses 8-9 describe the reigning monarch Gopala who was the son of Asalladeva apparently from the queen Lavanyadevi. Verse 10 introduces a Kshatriya family, to which the hero of the prasasti belonged, as rosembling a family of Brahmanas and the next stanza (verse 11) gives its name as Gaudahara and states that it belonged to the Vatsa gotra. It is possible that Gaudahara is the same as what is now called the Gaur-Rajput. Verse 12 says that the family of the Gaudahara Kshatriyas worshipped three forms of the Mother-goddess, viz. Chamunda, the nine-formed (nava-vidha) Devi and Gaudahara. The Nava-vidha Devi is no doubt the same as Nava-Durga or Durga having nino forms, viz. Kumarika, Trimurti, Kalyani, Rohini, Kali, Chandika, Sambhavi, Durga and Bhadra. Of the three goddesses, Gaudahara was apparently the family deity of the Gaudaharas. Verse 13 says that Tribhuvanagiri was the capital of the stragena king and that there lived one Damadara. It appears that Damodara was a Gaudahara Kshatriya and that the original home of the family in quastion was Tribhuvanagiri, capital of the Surasenas.) The ancient capital of the Surasena country was Mathura; but our inscription appears to speak of a place where a Surasena family was ruling at the time when Damodara flourished. The reference may be to a dynasty like the Surasena royal family known from the Kama (Bharatpur District, Rajasthan) inscription of about the eight century A.D. The name Tribhuvanagiri suggests that it was a hill-fort named after a king called Tribhuvana. But it is difficult to indentify it without further evidence. Verse 14 speaks of Damodara's son Nagadeva, who seems to have been the minister of an unnamed king, and the next stanza (verse 15) of the latter's three sons, viz. Pithana, Jalhana and Maladhara, while verse 16 describes Jalhana who was the second of the three brothers. This importance accorded to Jalhana is due to the fact that he was the most famous amongst the brothers. Verse 16 tells us that Jalhana was reliable and commanded the confidence of the people and that, having learnt this fact, the Hammira himself appointed him as one of his officers at Gopasaila (i.e. Gwalior). The word hammira, derived from Arabic 'amir, was generally used in early medieval India to indicate a Turkish Musalman king, although it gradually came to be adopted sometimes by the Indians as a personal name. The stanza seems to refer to the conquest of Gwalior by Sultan Iltutmish of Delhi (1210-36 A.D.) about the beginning of 1233 A.D. It appears that, after the conquest of Gwalior, the Sultan appointed Jalhana in order to create confidence in the minds of the recently subdued Hindus of the area. It was no doubt a wise step. But it is interesting to note that, even if Jalhana was an officer at Gwalior under the Muslims, many members of his family appear to have migrated to the Yajvapala kingdom and settled there. Verse 17 again refers to Pithana, elder brother of Jalhana, while the following stanza (verse 18) gives the name of his wife as Champa. Pithana is described as a devotee of the god Pasupati (Niva). Verse 19 mentions Devadhara, son of Pithana and Champa, and verse 20 says that he was the Adhikari-mukhya (i.. chief minister) of king Asalladeva. The known dates of the Yajvapala 1 Whitworth, Anglo-Indian Dictionary, s.v. * Bhandarkar's List, No. 1849. See above, Vol. XXX, p. 147.

Page #66
No. 4] TWO INSCRIPTIONS OF THE TIME OF GOPALA king Asalla, father of Gopala, range between 1254 and 1279 A.D.1 Verse 21 refers to Devadhara's wife whose name is given as Nila. 33 Verse 23 refers to the village of Vatapatra which is stated to have been formerly granted to the Brahmanas by a ruler named Naninga. The village is no doubt the same as modern Baraudi (Burhi Baraudi) where the record was discovered; but no ruler named Naninga is known from any record. He seems to have been a subordinate ruler of the district round Baraudi under the earlier Yajvapala kings of Nalapura. Verse 24 speaks of the excavation of a vapi or step-well by Devadhara, apparently in the said village of Vatapatra. The next stanza (verse 25) continues the description of the vapi, while verse 26 contains a prayer to the effect that it might last for ever. Verse 27 speaks of the three sons apparently of the said Devadhara. They were Hariraja, Maharaja and Sivaraja. Verse 28 mentions the poet who composed the prasasti. This stanza is found in several Yajvapala records including the Narwar inscription of V.S. 1339 edited below. The poet was Sivanabhaka described as the son of Kosadhipa (treasurer) Lohata and the grandson of Damodara of a Mathura Kayastha family hailing from Gopadri (Gwalior). The king whom Lohata served as a treasurer is not mentioned. But it appears that the family migrated from Gwalior to the Yajvapala kingdom on the fall of Gwalior in to the hands of the Muhammadans in the reign of Sultan Ilt'tmish of Delhi. Lohata was therefore an officer of the Hindu king either of Gwalior or of Narwar." The person who was responsible for writing the record on the stone for facilitating the work of the engraver was another member of the Mathura Kayastha community. He was Vikrama, son of Bhingaka (verse 29). Verse 30 mentions the engraver. He was Sutrabhrit (Sutradhara) Bhimadeva. The same stanza also states that a Kshatriya named Somadeva was the superintendent of the whole work, probably meaning the excavation of the vapi. Of the geographical names mentioned in the inscription, Nalapura and Gopadri or Gopachala are well-known. The location of the village of Vatapatra where the vapi was excavated has been indicated above. We are not sure about the location of Tribhuvanagiri which may, however, have been a hill-fort in the Gwalior region. TEXT [Metres: verses 1, 8, 11, 18-19, 21 Upajati; verses 2, 14, 25, 27-28 Sardulavikridita; verses 3-4, 20, 22, 26 Vasantatilaka; verses 5-7, 10, 13, 15-16 Mandakranta; verses 9, 12, 23-24, 29-30 Anushtubh; verse 17 Malini.] 1 Siddham Om nama[h] Sivaya || VI(BI)jani kalyana-lat-amkuranam dipas-triloki-timir-avalinath(nam)|panyatmakanam-api pavanani jayanti Sambhob padayo 2 rajamsi || 1 Drashtum manmatha-mamthar-ekshana-bhavas tas ta vila[sa] (sa)-kriyah patum ch-adhara-vimva (bimba)-janma-madhuram piyusham-atyadbhutam(tam | vakshah pitha-vimardda-kharvvita-ku[cha]m la 1 Cunningham read the latest date on the coins of Chahada and the earliest on those of his grandson Asalla as V.S. 1311-1254 A.D. while R.D. Banerji speaks of the former's coins of V.S. 1312 and 1316 and the latter's issues of V.S.. 1315 and suggests that, since their reigns overlapped, Asalla's father Nrivarman did not reign at all (Numismatic Supplement, No. XXXIII, pp. 80-83). The matter requires further examination. No. 146 of A. R. Ep., 1952-53, App. B, seems to suggest that Lohata's master was Yajvapala Chanada of Nalapura. See below, pp. 68, 69 and note 9. From impressions. This is No. 141 of A. R. Ep., 1952-53, App. B. I am indebted to Mr. P. B. Desai for some suggestions. Expressed by symbol.

Page #67
EPHIGRAPHIA INDICA (VOL. XXXIII 8 vdhum(bdhum) tad-alingana kay-aikyozpi Girisa-Saila[su]tayor=utkam manah patu vah ! 2 Saurajya-bhasura-mano-hara-bhuti-patram=aste puram Nalapur-akhyam=ananya4 charu | yatr=adhvara-prachita-pavaka-dhuma-[bhu]ma tapam raver=api para(Ta)sya rti (ti)raschakara | 3 Tasminn=abhut=sahaja-baurya-nivasa-bhumih sri(sri)-Chabadah kshiti patih suksi5 t-adhivasah 1 dor-damda-chamada-charito vilasan-nitamta-tivra-pratapa-sikhi-dagdha-vipa kshya-kakshyah (kshah) !! 4 Tasmad=asid=enavadhi-gunah saucha-Gamgeva(ya)-vfitto Daityara-1 6 ti-pranati-ni[rata]h brf-Nfivarma mahitah [I] Yena chchhinnai ripu-nfipa-sirah-par kajair-archchit-eyam murttih Sambho rana-vasumati ta[n]vata Saiva-vittim(ttim) || 5 Tat-putro=bhuch=chhikhi-mi7 ta-ntipa-skandhilah kshoninathah saury-odagro guna-gana-nidhih srima[d-A]salladeva" | Gauri Sambhor-iva Jaladhija Kabavasy=eva sadhvi nirvyaj-aika-pranaya-va8 satir=yasya Lavanyadevi || 6 Yan-nistrin(strim)sam harita-manijam marcham=aruhya tigmair=vairi-s[t]rinam sva(sva)sita-pavanair=vijyamana jaya-61ih antah-pathonidhichalad-u 9 r-ullola-samghatta-nir[ya]d-vimdu-breni-parischa]ya-milaj-jadya-duhkham jahati || 7 T'a (sm]at=Sudhamaor=iva Rauhinayah Pinakapaner=iva Karttikeyah | nidhir=gunanam cha su-tejasam cha 10 Gopala-nama jayati kshititah || 8 Tasminn=avati bhupale dharam=udda[ma-dhjama [nil] avisramta-makh-ahuta-Puruhuta-kpit-alayam(yam) || 9 Yasy=otpatti[h*] Sarasija[bh]uvah pavana. 11 bhyam bhujabhyam devah sakshad=ajani bhagavan=adimo ya[tra] Chandrah | ishtaih P[u]r[t]tair=a[vati) ja[gatim) karmabhih samtatam yah kshatro vamsah sa jayati mahi deva-sadharana-brth || 10 Tatr=a12 pi Vats-akhya-mun-Imdra-gotra-vibhushanam Gaudahar-anvavayah path-adi-kar[ma] tritaya-pravi[na]h [6]reyasvi[n]am [k]irttiva(ma)tam dhurina) || 11 Chamumda parama baktir-Davi nava-vi13 dha tatha [l*) punya Gaudahar-akhya cha tisro=mur=yatra devata[h] || 12 Asti khyatas Tri[bh]uvanagirir-vibruto rajadhani kirtti-breni-dhavalita-disah surase(se)n-adhipasya [I*) punya-sri 14 kah suchitara-guno yatra tad-vamsa-mukta-ratnam tanyan=rucham=&vikalam=asa Damoda r-akhyah || 13 Asi(si)t-sad-guna-varidhir=nripa-taroh kando yasah-k[au]mudi-chandrase tasya su(su)tah patur=vyavahfitau sri15 Nagadev-abhidhah | ma[rge] sajjana-sevite vicharata visramta-vibrananair=yen=imur bhuvi bh[u]tayah (su)-kpitina nsta[h] param=unnatim(tim) || 14 Trayo va(ba)bhuvu[8]= tanujas-[t]adiya dharm-arthaThore is an unnecessary danda at the end of the line.

Page #68
TWO INSCRIPTIONS OF THE TIME OF GOPALA PLATE ! 1. Baraudi Inscription of V.S. 1336 5.nAzivATa tI jAtikalyANalatAU rANAMdIpanilo kItinirAvalI napigamakAna mArananinayanita paTaka lAkAta ___2 gasiDara emabarelapatavAsAsAvilA kiyA pAulIva ravivajanammapuramA bama paDatavarupIThavimarda vavitAvalAva dAliMgana kATaukvepigi ra zarIlagAnasaru manapArasI rAvatAramanIpAnamAnepuramalArAmanA 443 riktipaTamA tArevenyatiko nimita mAjazAyanivAsamamisAvAhAditipAta adhivAsAdaDita u sivilasacinAtI tApavizvavikSakatvAtasmAdAsI vAyarI zIva gAMgovAhanoda pArA 6 parAtiniyA zarmAma deza Tonadinaipakiraniyamati rAto raMgavasamatI hatAzevahAte pitatpudIna siritA tapazilAlopilAyagoDiyAyAmapaniSiH zrImAmaladeva yaunImAridajalavilakizavaspaivasAdhIni yajika parata tiryaskhalo vaepa devI sadAnihArina pApinamavamAutpativaritrINAMvaripavanaighi sAnAjamI yoniSivalA saMghanihAra pariba TAmila hAra jahAti mAyA gariva morisalavAlamANinivakArtikara nivilanA cAujatIna 10pAlanAmAjavatikilo tazine tinapAlebhAna yA niyati pratimA hatapurakRtakatAlagATAso gahitAsina nAmAvatA 10 yojanA pATevasAcha nimagavAnAdi moPAREtasakariztatatayA yo mahAtimadImAmAlIna 12vazAraMgI vidhAgo umAjavAdApAThAdi kavitA prazikSAvidAI samAhita navani 12 tathApITho hArahAta somavArasamisanamA sahakAritA vAladina.zarasanAsika pAzrI vimeyarakArane divi rAmAda 13 ranumavAsamAra ke daurAna kAmadAsa sAyakakatAkA nAmadevAnidhyAmA vitarita pratinidhAAnenAma vinatama tAjA samajatAcyA sanmArAmAsAna kAmAvanitAnamagrIpI janata1 jImAyAlAyalAbhadAtAvititaronItizAmakItIla takhAnA pakanimI samavikatAgApo didivAsatArA ho vizvavikAsamA Amigagra supati taka pacAsa sajayIzitaMkIsimi1i5 sAyazAsanAlAmuyamanavina yA mArA sApha videha jApAna rAtraya satyAviyA nejatiradArobAnodevaprakavi mAlAdatAzavajanAvaraNa pacanAla visa sononayephAra sAdhavAhitamativimalhAvAratadevaparAvakAritA kazatira jasajasA bhAratIlA HidhatimA kA vAsAcIpikamizAnirAparAzara yayAnadeyakamantevAratAvamAparalatatolAna 143sAMgavIkAyama kammatiranatAsAmadhAra ganimAijokalArUpAya naye (pakSitajAra 399 nAThAyAsa karadhanaPanArasammamA dI gaI mAlArAma zivatArahitA kA navIna pra kAvasAyamAnunila vitarima REWARRyA rijAImakSavamatiuvajAnikatAvamalaTAmApI samAyatadina navina ARsamapannavAvaya: RAdana ISMOOTHdayata : 5 bIuvAjakamarajaka rAjadayAya viramAnavajAracama hAlapaTalAvadAmodanAma umara laDakIhiranamAvilAsarayAmamA nArASadalAyA atikonirupama 2 mA ukAra sitAlizAna ARTAINET nIma tamannAvahAriya: sa vade kimAMES Scale : One-third

Page #69
35 No. 47 TWO INSCRIPTIONS OF THE TIME OF GOPALA 16 kama iva murtti-bhajah | bri-Pithano Jalhana kab=cha dhiman=Maladharas-cha prathita gunaish) svaih || 15 Saury-ambhodhir=jagati chaturo niti-bastresh[v]=adhiti sad-vya para-pragupita-matir-Ja17 Thanah punya-kirttih | Hammirana svayam=adhikrito Gopa-baile viditva sarvv-achara kshama-(pa)richayo vibva-visvasa [dha]ma(ma) | 16 Amita-guna-garishthab Pitha n-akhyo varishthah Pasu($u)pati18 pada-bhaktah punya-charyasu bA(sa)ktah sa jayati sita-kirtti[r*]-lochan-anamdi-murttih paribrita-[pa]ra-[hi]sah kshatra-vamb-avatamsah(sah) || 17 Champ-abhidha tasya su dharma-patni va(ba)bhuva sama[n]ya-bhtisa-pravriddhash [*] 19 Videhaj-apaya-nirasrayah san=pati-[v]rata[s-tat-pri]yatam=iyaya || 18 Ten=ajani kshatriya se[kha]re[na] tasyam $u(su)to Devadharah ksitajnah | anandit-abesha-jan-antarena yatha ghan-antena 20 divi prasadah || 19 Sarvv-opakara-nira[to] naya-para-drisva dharm-oday-ahista)-mati[h] krita-vit-kripaluh Asalladova-ntipa[t]er=adhikari-mukhyah kasy=imtaram na harate sa gupair=udaraih || 20 Nil-&21 bhidha tishthati tasya kanta sadhvi-si(si)ro-ratnam=anamta-kirttih | vimuchya patyus charapa-dvayam ya na devam=a[n]yam khalu manyate=tra 21 Ten-avalokya pa[ta]1. amta-gat-oda-vindu-lolam vayab-sha 22 vasu ch-ipagba[na]m va(cha) loke | dharme krita matir=ananta-gune samasta-jam t-upakara-para-[p]urtta-bha[v]e=navadye] || 22 Asti Nanimga-bhupena dvijabhyo daksha (kshi)niksitah | Vatapatr-abhidho gramah punya23 sampatti-bhajanam(nam) || 23 Adhvaga-srama-nasaya sukpit-opachayaya cha karun ambhodhina tena (va]pi nirmapita subha || 23(24) San-maitriva su-samhita su-kavit-ev= ati-prasann-ojva(jjva)la sad-vadi-pra24 tibh=eva bhamga-rahita kamt=eva netr-otsava punya-srir-i[va] bhuri-[sar]va-phalada jyotsn=eva tap-apaha yasyas-tumga-bila-vibhamga-ghatita ramy-adri-vam(bam)dha sthitih || 24(25) Yavad=vi(bi)bhartti Giriso Gi25 rij-ardham-amgam yavat-punati bhuvanani cha Jahnukanya | tavatpayobhir-amalaita iyam-astu vapi samtarpanaya bhavinam bhuvi bhinna tapa || 25(26) Dhanyah pavanakirttayah suksitino ninsi(si)ma-tat-tad-gu 26 pa-brenibhir=guninam haranti hridaya[m] tasya trayah sunavah | adyah bri-Harirajakas tad-anu cha Sriman=Maharajakastad-bhakta[h] Sivaraja ity=adhiguna visvanbhara bhushanam(nam) || 26(27) Gop-[7]. 27 drau Lipikpit-kule samabhavad-Damodaro Mathurah sunus-tasya visu(su)ddha-kirttir anaghah kos-adhipo Lohatah putras-tasya manishi-manasa-mudam vistara-ketum vyadhad=enam sri-Si1 There is a cancelled visaraga sign after thin lotter. * There is a cancelled s-matra with this letter. The letters ahthat were incised and cancelled by the engraver after this.

Page #70
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA Vox. XXXIII 38 [valnabhako nirupamair=vfittaih prasastim bubham(bham) || 27(8) Mathur-anvaya Kayastha-Bhimgakasy-argasambhavah lilekha Vikramo dhiman=satam-agreBaron Daghah || 28(29) Utkirnpavan=j29 math Bhimadevah sutra bhritam varah kshatriyah Somadevobhud=adhyakshah sarva karmmani || 29(30) Saxhvat 1336 Marggairaha-vadi 6 Sukra-dino ||'|| Srl bri srl srl 2. Narwar Inscription of V.8. 1339 The inscribed space on the squarish stone slab measures about 224 inches in length and 22 inches in height. There are in all 27 lines of writing in the inscription. The preservation of the epigraph is not quite satisfactory. A number of letters are damaged especially in the central part of the record. The characters belong to the Devanagari alphabet of about the thirteenth century and closely resemble those of the Baraudi inscription edited above. In several cases, the distinction between the forms of ch and v is not clear. The sign for avagraha is once used in line 14 in order to avoid the possibility of the personal name Ajayadeva being read as Jayadeva. As regards orthography also, the inscription resembles the Baraudi record. We have the use of anusvara in the place of class nasals and of final m at the end of the halves of stanzas. Reduplication of a consonant after r is noticed only in the cases of t, d, and dh. There are some cases of the wrong use of : for $ and vice versa. The language is Sanskrit and, with the exception of a few passages at the beginning and end, the whole epigraph is written in verse. It is a prasasti composed in 27 stanzas in various metres. The verses are numbered consecutively. The date, quoted in the last line, is V. S. 1339, Pausha-vadi 10, Thursday. It regularly corresponds to the 26th November 1282 A. D. The month was Purnirmanta. The inscription begins with the symbol for Siddham and the word siddhih, which are followed by the 27 stanzas of the eulogy. The first two stanzas (verses 1-2) contain adoration to the gods Siva or Sadasive and Achyuta (Vishnu). Verse 3 introduces a hill or hill-fort called Ratnagiri, while verses 4-8 state that the goddess Maharunda created there a hero named Jayapala who became the progenitor of a family named after him, although it was pronounced as Jajapella by the common people. Jayapala was no doubt the mythical progenitor of the Jajapella (often Sanskritised as Yajvapala) dynasty of Narwar. But the interesting fact supplied by this description is that the original home of the Jajapellas was at Ratnagiri and that their family deity was Maharunda, no doubt a form of the Mother-goddess worshipped originally at Ratnagiri and later possibly also at Nalagiri or Nalapura (Narwar) which the Jajapellas afterwards made their capital. Ratnagiri mentioned in this connection cannot be satisfactorily identified. But it may be the same as the modern town of Ratangarh Khiri (lat. 24deg 49', long. 75deg 13') in the former Gwalior State, situated on the route from Nimach to Bundi, 36 miles north-east of the former and 73 miles south-west of the latter. Verse 6 introduces king Chahada born in the Jajapella dynasty. He is stated to have captured from his enemies a number of forts including Nalagiri (i.e. Nalapura, modern Narwargarh). Chahada thus seems to have transferred the Jajapella capital to Narwar which he had conquered. The next stanza (verse 7) speaks of Chahada's son Naravarman (called Ntivarman in verse 18 and in several other records including the Baraudi inscription edited above) and verse 8 of king Asalladeva, son of Naravarman. Verses 9-10 describe the reigning monarch Gopala who was the son of Asalladeva. An interesting information in Gopala's description is that he defeated king Viravarman, lord of Jojabhukti in a battle fought on the bank of the river Sikata (Sikata-nimnaga-Kachchha-bhumau). King Viravarman seems also to be compared with the epio hero 1 There is a heart-shaped design between the double dandas.

Page #71
37 No. 41 TWO INSCRIPTIONS OF THE TIME OF GOPALA Lakshmana and described as 'the Chandra king of kings' (Chandra-kshitidhara-pati), the nam. Chandra here indicating the Chandella family claiming descent from the Moon-god and often called Chandr-atroya. The passage in question may, however, also suggest that, along with Chandella Viravarman, Gopala also defeated king Lakshmana of the Chandra hill (Chandragiri). But, in such a case, it is difficult to identify the ruler, although Chandragiri may be the same as Chanderi in the Guna District of the former Gwalior State.1 The word sikata is a synonym of baluka and the Sikata river is no doubt the same as the Baluka mentioned in the Bangla inscriptions, according to which the Chandella king Viravarman of Jejabhukti or Jojahuti was defeated by Gopala's forces on the bank of the said river in V.8. 1338 (current) or 1337 (expired), Chaitra sudi 7, Friday, corresponding to the 28th March 1281 A.D.' The river has been identified with the small stream of Barua which flows within a few miles from the fort of Narwar, the capital of Gopals. Since Chandella Viravarman actually beseiged the Jajapella capital, his repulse was no doubt a memorable event to the people of the Jajapella kingdom. The present inscription was incised within two years after the battle. It was therefore quite fresh in the people's memory. Moreover, as will be seen below, the hero of the ealogy under study himself took part in the said battle. Verse 11 introduces the family to which the hero of the prasasti belonged. It is stated that one Anayasimha was born in a family of physicians and was famous for his exploits in many battles. He is further described as a devotee of the god Pasupati (Siva). The next two stanzas (verses 12-13) speak of his heroic son Vijayadeva who is credited with a victory over the armies of a king named Visvala in & battle fought at Hastinapura The name Visvala is a variant of Visala. It is not impossible that Visvala mentioned in our record is the Chahamana emperor of the same name, otherwise called Vigraharaja IV whose known dates range between 1153 and 1164 A.D. As Vijayadeva's grandson was the hero of the presnt record of 1282 A.D., he might well have been a later contemporary of the Chahamana king. The only Hastinapura known to us is the old capital of the Kuru country, identified with a locality on the Ganges in the present Meerut District of U.P. This place was within the dominions of the Imperial Chahamanas of Ajmer and Delhi. It is, however, difficult to determine the circumstances that led to the battle of Hastinapura, in which Vijayadeva claims to have fought against the forces of the Chahmana king. It has to be noticed that we do not know who Vijayadeva's master was. The problem is easily solved if he was an officer of a ruler like the contemporary Gahadavala monarch Vijayachandra (c. 1255-70 A.D.) who is reported to have come into conflict with the king of Delhi. Verses 14-15 mention Vijayadeva's son Ajayadeva and verse 16 the latter's wife Saubhagyadevi. Ajayadeva is stated to have fought with the Mlechchha army. The Mlechchhas referred to were no doubt the Turkish Muhammadans who are often referred to in the epigraphs of the contemporary Indian rulers. But under whom and what circumstances Ajayadeva fought with the Musalmans can scarcely be determined without further light on the subject. It should, however, be remembered that king Chahada, great-grandfather of Gopala, is known to have come into conflict with the Turks. According to Minhajuddin's Tabaqat-i-Nasiri, in 1234 A.D., Chahar-i-Ajar (i.e. Chahada) is stated to have come into conflict with Nugratuddin Tayasil, general of Sultan Iltutmish of Delhi, on the banks of the river Sindh (Kalisindh) and in 1251 A.D. again with Ghiyasuddin Balban, 1 An inscription of V. S. 1361 from Budhora in the Shivapuri District is said to mention Kirtidurga (identified with the Chanderi fort) and Paramabhaffaraka Padmaraja (Dvivedi's List, No. 173). The king mentioned in the rocord is, however, Yajvapala Ganapati (cf. below, pp. 163 ff.). Above, Vol. XXXI, pp. 326 f. See Ray, DHNI, Vol. I. p. 635.

Page #72
28 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (VOL. XXXIII general of Sultan Nasiruddin. But it has to be pointed out that, if the father was a contemporary of Chahamana Vigala or Vigra haraja IV (o. 1154-63 A.D.) and the son of Jajapella Chahada (o. 1234-54 A.D.), both of them must have enjoyed very long lives. Verses 17 ff. describe Gangadeva, the son of Ajayadeva and Saubhagyadevi and the hero of the oulogy under study. An interesting information about him is that he claims to have been & sachiva (minister) of the son of Nrivarman (i.e., of Gopala), who defeated Viravarman in the battle on the Baikata river. It is diffloult to say whether the stanze uses the word jayanta in the sense of 'victorious' or as & secondary name of king Gopala. Gangadeva is stated to have himself taken part in the battle on the Saikata, apparently the same as the Sikata or Baluka mentioned above. The Bangla inscriptions mention Gopala's partisans who died in the said battle with Chandella Viravarman. Here we have one who escaped death in that sanguinary conflict to enjoy the fruits of victory. Verse 19 states that Gangadeva repaired the dilapidated temples in the Padonalaksha vishaya (district or territory), with the administration of which he was possibly associated. This district of Padunalaksha, probably forming the whole or part of Jajapella Gopala's kingdom, reminds us of the two Sapada laksha countries, one of which extended up to the valley of the Siwalik' and the other lay in the present Karimnagar region of the former Hyderabad State. The expressions sa-pada-laksha and pad-ona-laksha literally mean respectively 'one lakh and a quarter', and 'one lakh minus a quarter'. The number in these geographical names refers to the traditional number of villages contained in the geographical units although it is generally exaggerated. Unfortunately the Padonalaksha territory mentioned in our record cannot be identified with precision." Verses 21-23 state that Gangadeva exacavated a vapi or stepwell while verse 24 mentions an upavana or pleasure garden, full of fruit trees and flowering plants, which was also created by him apparently around or in the vicinity of the vapi. Verse 25 contains a prayer that the vapi might last for ever. Verses 26-27 mention the author of the pragasts and the person who wrote it on the stone for facilitating the work of the engraver. The poet responsible for the composition of the eulogy was Sivanabhaka born in a Mathura Kayastha family hailing from Gopadri Gwalior). He was the son of Kosadhipa (treasurer) Lohata and the grandson of Damodara. The same stanza is found in some other prasastis composed by Sivanabhaka, including the Bajaudi inscription edited above. The person responsible for writing the letters of the epigraph on the stone was another member of the Mathura Kayastha community. His name was Maharaja and his father was Somaraja. The name may not be a mistake for Maharaja since the stanza mentioning the person is known from other inscriptions in which also it is spelt as Maharaja... But it is difficult to be definite in this matter as ha could have been changed to ha for the requirement of the metre. The location of the geographical names mentioned in the inscription has been already discussed above. As we have indicated, some of them cannot be satisfactorily identified. Ibid., Vol. II, pp. 1103 ; The Struggle for Empire, pp. 67, 138; above, Vol. XXXI, pp. 323-24. * Ray, op. cit. pp. 1081 ff.; of. pp. 1054, 1067. VOR, Vol. XVIII, p. 40. . JBRS, Vol. XL, Part I, March 1954, pp. 8 ff. No. 146 of 4. R. Ep., 1962-63, App. B, seems to suggest that Padonalaksha was the name of the district round Narwat. See below, p. 68. It may thus have benn the name applied to the Jajapolla kingdom just us the namo Sapadalaksha was used to indicate the dominions of the Chahaminas of Bakambhari. .a. 4. R. Ep., 1962-63, App. B., No. 145; above, Vol. XXXII, p. 389.

Page #73
No. TWO INSCRIPTIONS OF THE TIME OF GOPALA TEXT: [Metres : Verse 1 Upajati (Vamsastha, Indravajra and Upendravajra); verses 2, 6-7, 19 Vasantatilaka ; verses 3, 5, 14-17 Upajuti, verses 4, 21, 23, 25, 27 Anushtubh ; versos 8, 11-12 Malini ; verse 9 Mandakranta ; verse 10 Pankti ; verse 13 Rathoddhata ; verse 18 Arya ; verses 20, 22, 26 Sardulavikridita ; verse 24 Aupachchhandasika.] 1 Siddham || Siddhih! Na yatra rup-adi-vivekita-graho visva(sva)sya nirmana-vidhan cha na sramah | adhibritas=tam paramam=a vasthain sada Sivo vah siva. 2 m=atanotu 1 Drishtv=atasi-kusa(su)ma-konna la-kanti-kantam-amgam rahasy-a pamala prativim(bim)visbi)tam svar(svam) | Lakshmi-kapola-phalakes jana-samka-6 3 yi tad-utpromchchhi(chhi)tam disatu vah bivam-Achyutasya | 2 Gamyo na vidveshi-manora thanam ratha-syadam bhanumato nirundhanvasah satamasti vi. 4 bhuti-patram ramy-odayo Ratnagirir-gir-imdrah ! 3 Tatra sau(sau)rya-mayah kaschi[n*), nirmi[t]Makarumdaya Jayapalo-bhavan-nainna vidvisam duratikra5 mah || 4 Tad-akhyaya prakrita-loka-vridair=uchcharyama[pah) suchi[r-ar]jista)-trihva (ba)l-avadan-[o]rjita-kata-kirttir-Valsah paro-blaj-Jajapella-samjnah || 5 Tatr=86 [bha]van=nfipatir=u[g]ratara-pratapah sri-Chaha[da]s-tribhuvana-prathamana-kirttih | do rddam[da]-chaindima-bharona purah pare[bh]yau(bhyo) yon=a[hrilta Nalagiri-pramu kha gari7 shtah(shthah) 16 Tasmad-aneka vidha-vikrama-lavdhn(dha)-kirttil pu[n]ya-srutih samabha van-Naravarmadevah, bhubhridl-vyudisa-patima ripu-naga-damti-dakshah Griya pari vpi8 tomtra yatha Murarih 7 Ajani jagad-anargly-oddama-ljagrat-prata]pas=tad-anu valslu[ma]t isah srimad-A[sa]iladevah ! prayunita-guna-raji-ranjit-asa(8-a)9 vakasa nirupadhi-nidhir=eka [v]isrutah sreyasai yah (Il 8] [Sri]-Gopalah samajani tato bhuini palah kala[v]atiinta(s=ta)nvan=ki[r]tti[h*) samiti Sikata-ni10 mnaga-kachchha-bhumau | Jejabhukti-prabhum=a[t]i-[va(ba)]lam Virava[r]ma[pam= riddhe] jitva [Cha]mdra-kshakshi)tidhara-pati Laksh[m]anaiii sanyu[g]inam(nam)y 9 Raksha[t]i bhumim tatra mahi-? 11 se varidhi-sima-miti-vimuktam(ktam) [!) 10 Ajbhavad-Anayas[im]ho [Vaidya)-vanee navadyo vivid Ima-samara-sisma)-lavdha(bdha)-visphara-kirttil Pasupati-pada-se(se). 12 va-dhuta-papo vadanyah satata-vidalit-arthi-svarta-sanitapa-[vahnih] | 11 Ajani Vijayadevas-tas[ya su]nus=[ta)rasvi (su]kriti-sukrita-ni[sh]tho vira-charya-dhu From im xessions. This is No. 139 of 4 . R. Ep., 1952-53, App. B. I owe a fow suggestions to Mr. P. B. Desai. * Expressed by symbol. * An annavara above this letter seems to be deleted. * We may also read Sadasivo. . There is an unnecessary dandu with a cancellation mark at the end of the line. This was meant to cover a little vacant space. * It seems that maha has been inade maha to have a short Gifth syllable in the particular foot of the stanze The name is found as Maharunda oinowhere (cf. No. 145 of 4.R. Ep., 1952-53, App. B; ahove, Vol. XXXII, p. 338). Thero is an unnecessary danda at the end of the line to cover a little space.

Page #74
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXXIII 40 13 ripah apahrita-guni-duhkho dig-vadhi-vaktra-66bha-karapa-chapa-vi[sarpa]t-kirtti-karpa [ra-repub || 12 Hastinapura-rape ma]h-aujaso Visvala-prabhu-va(ba)la 14 ni nighnatah vaktum-asti vibhur-atra vikrama[m] yasya vaktra-sata-s[o]bhitah phani || 13 Tato-[bha]valch chhatra]-vi[bheda-mant] dhar-avatamsojayadeva-sarjnah [1] 15 yo Mlechchha-se(se)na-kasha-pattikaya[m] chakre par[iksh]am nija-da[nda]-he[m]nah || 14 N-gena kin-api param [sprisa]mti vimukta-kama jagad-eka-manya | loks 16 trayam yasya visuddha-vesha kirttih paribhramyati tapas-iva || 15 Tasy-anurupa kula-vrittasilaih Saubhagyadevi dayita va(ba)[bh]uva | yaya su-charitra-mayena 17 sasva(sva)t=sva-tejasa visva(sva)m-akari putam(tam) || 16 Aste tayo[*] sunur-udara-karma sri-Gamgadevo bhata-mauli-ratnain(tnam) yen=a[r]ji[ta]m Saikata-sim[dh]u-samkhye ya-navadyam eu 18 bhat-atisa(sa)yi || 17 Sai(Sai)kata-tatini-samkhye bhuja-va(ba)la-jita-Viravarmanah kritinab safchlivaltaya yah prathito Nrivarma sundr-jayantasyal 18 Padonala 19 ksha-vishaye chira-kala-bhagnan-dev-alayan-[g]amayit-Abhinavam-ava[sth]am(stham) | yen-Arjitam wakritam-akahayam-aprameyam-kah padara tri-jagat-jan-vahchchhi(chhi)tanani(nam) || 1[9] 20 Dinams-toshayato gunan-prathayatah sreyah samachinvatah papam nirddahato dhanam vitarato yasy-aavadyath yasal plyushair-iva puritain hima-karaih ka(kt)rquati mi 21 U-lavaischchha(s-chha)nnam hara-latabhir-achitam-idan chakre triloky-amtara[m](ram) || 20 Upayair-itaraih [s]iddham kshiyamanam(nam) vilokya sah punyam varddhi[sh]pu tat-kurvan-vapim-etam-a-2 22 karayat 21 Tap-Apaya-pat-dayail samudayatea(ch-chha)rm-ormi-sampa[ch-ch]itaib [s]aurabhyam paramami vahadbhir-amalair amodibhir-bhuribhih | ya [pu]nyair-iva murttatam-upagataih pu 23 py-[tar-dri[psalya parna [avaldu-varaih payubhir-amitair-varddhishpubhi[b], samtatam(tam) || 22 Manashvi(svi)teva gambhira sad-[vri]ttir-iva nirmala | abh[e]dya sadhu-maitr= iva bhasate ya 24 mano-hara! 23 Kudu(su)ma-phala-hhar-Abhinamra-sakhair-vitapibhir-unmada-bhringakokilai(l-au)ghaib rachiran-upavanami vyadhapi(yi) ten-ahifts-tojala piti-devatAdhvaganih(nam) || 24 25 Yavad-vasati Lokeso nabhi-vuriruhe Hare! | tavad-bhuyad-iyam vapi sreyase-sya mahatmanah || 25 Gop-adrau Lipikpit-kule samabhavad-Damodaro Mathura[h*] sunus-tasya visu(su) 26 ddha-kirttiranaghah kos-adhipo Lohatah putras tasya manishi-manasa-mudam vistarahetu vi(vya)dhad-enati ari-Sivanabhako nirupamai[r*]-vrittaih prasasti subha(bham) || 26 Mathu 27 r-anvaya-Kayastha-Somaraj-angajanmana likhita Maharajena prasastir=iyam=uttama || 27 Samvat 1339 Pausha-vadi 10 Guru-vasare || subham-astu || chha3 || 1 The word seems to be used in the sense of 'victorious'. Otherwise we have to suggest that Vajvapala Gopala was also, known by the name Jayanta. There is an unnecessary danda here with a cancellation mark. This indicates the end of the writing. Cf. above, Vol. XXX, p. 218.

Page #75
4 paNAsi liTAna vAdiviva kitIyale vivayani mAMgaviyata na zramaH paramAvazrIsadAzivarAva hAtasImAkA malakAni kAna maMgaramale prativivitA lakSmI kApAla phala kijana kA Dabahina dizaH zivamanavidA dera hA bAMde rAmato niravAnA sakSamatA amita paramodAmAta jamada mahamAlamA vidyimI rati kA mAlaka daruhAnamA DisI dAjAniti krAMti ko nazanala virutatoSa zrIvAnA 2. pare tyAne nItA jala giri khAgari 6 tagAdAna kA vibhAvamA nidakSaH priyApariva tI vAyA muraariH| ca nijagadanAzayamita aMgarAjI rajitAmI, kAzApaviniriti dikapAla hama kalA kAmitiyAtana gADi ra kRtrima mada (vArividhImA madyAtirikArniza pani padA 12 vA povadAnyaH sataM vidalita vidyA zAskRtikRtIcA khapata alikati ho jasalA nivikrama mojadAdeva jJa 10 14 senA ke pradhikAyAM majadakAma jagadekamAnyA lokA 16 vaTA vizvaveSAdiH parivAsiyA tathA zIlA devI nATI Tona zaghateja sAvika riztA manuradAra kamalarIkA dazota tasAdi saikatara java gatimAnavAH prathito varI naoNrja dAMta jyA dona viSavira kaniyA devAlA maga nAjitaM gurutamanameApadevi jagatI janahitAnAM 20 dInAM sopa yato yataH greTa biyAMtahI sonI tadikAne kAma karaNA kAya mAnavilakarAmakumAra 18 lAla ve zunaM dAra tAnizacita niketana /203 TWO INSCRIPTIONS OF THE TIME OF GOPALA-PLATE II 2. Narwar Inscription of V.S. 1339 8 24 22 kAra TATApada : samudaya samrmateH paura, uparabhavadAdara modi nirvA khyAna bhAvAH payo tiramite vahniti meM 22 agasanavinA mevAmA noTa viruvA naga ko kiye ruciramupavanaMvitenAdivA yAvalokana rudAdi vA zreya mahAnagarapAlikaOM mahA modagemA ghula kilo dara manISa mAnamuda vidyAdeti vAde nI zrIzivalA ko jisame cisosera jogana nAlikhitA maharA DoriTI namaH 2133mal 26 Scale: One-third 2 4 6 8 10 12 14 16 18 20 22 24 26

Page #76
No. 5-KAPILAS INSCRIPTIONS OF NARASIMHADEVA (2 Plates) D. C. SIRCAR, OOTACAMUND (Received on 11.3.1958) The Sikharesvara temple stands on the Kapilas hill at a distance of about sixteen miles from Dhenkanal, headquarters of a District of that name in Orissa. The name Kapilas or Kapilasa is a local modification of Sanskrit Kailasa. There is a stone kalasa or vase now lying in the precincts of the temple. It must have originally adorned the top of an older temple, on the site of which the present temple of Sikharesvars was built at a later date. On receipt of information that the said kala sa bears some writings on it, I visited the temple on the Kapilas hill in November 1957 in order to examine and copy the inscriptions. There are three small inscriptions engraved on the kalasa which measures about 27 inches from the top to the bottom excluding the projection below (about 8 inches long) meant for fixing it up in the hole of & stone slab. The first of the three inscriptions is written in two lines incised around the side of the top of the vaso. These lines are about 30 inches in length and the inscribed space is a little less than 2 inches in height. Individual aksharas are slightly less than one inch high. The second inscription in six lines is engraved around the belly of the vase. As the nature of the space would permit, the lines in the central part of the epigraph are longer than the preceding and following ones. Line 3 of this record contains the largest number of letters (40 in all) and is about 43 inches long. The height of individual aksharas is about one inch and that of the inscribed space a little above 7 inches. The last of the three inscriptions is written in two lines which are incised on the pedestal of the vase. Owing to the tapering nature of this part, the first line is about 281 inches long and the second about 364 inches. The height of the inscribed space is about 3 inches and that of individual aksharas a little above one inch. The beginning and end of the lines in the case of all the three inscriptions are separated by a vertical line. . The characters of the epigraphs belong to the Gaudiya alphabet as prevalent in Orissa in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries A.D. They resemble the letters of other Orissan epigraphs of the said period such as the Sonepur inscription of Bhanudeva published elsewhere in this journal. An interesting point of palaeography is offered by the form of l in the word loka (Inscription No. 2, line 6) which looks like Iloka and reminds us of the diacritically marked 1 of the Oriya alphabet. It is interesting to note that Oriya | resembles l of the other alphabets of the Gaudiya class while its l is distinguished from l by a diacritical mark. The use of this diacritically marked letter is noticed once in an inscription of Narasimha II (c. 1278-1305 A.D.); but it is used in a large number of cases in later records like the Bhubaneswar epigraph of the time of Narasimha IV (c. 1379-1402 A.D.). The rare use of the letter in the earlier epigraphs suggests the possibility of its standing for l. Otherwise we have to suppose that it was 1 which was very rarely employed and this seems to be very unlikely especially in view of the fact that the simpler form of the letter stands for l in the other cognate alphabets. It therefore appears to us that originally the diacritical mark was used as the distinguishing sign of ? but that, at a later Cf. the personal name Kavilasa occurring in the Nagpur Museum plates of the Somavamot king Mahi. bbayagupta I Janamejaya, line 44 (abovo. Vol. VIII, p. 143 and Plate). Huitzsah read it as Kaivildea and suggested the correction Kailasa. But the correct reading seems to bo Karnata. * See above, Vol. XXXII, pp. 323 ff. . Ibid., Vol. XXXI, p. 127, text line 192. * Ibid., Vol. XXXII, pp. 229 ff.

Page #77
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [Vol. XX.XIII date, it came to be generally applied to 1 instead of l through confusion. We shall therefore transcribe the letter as I in the present record as we have done in the case of the inscription of Narasimha II. The language of Inscriptions Nos. 1 and 3 is Oriya as in the Sonepur inscription referred to above, but that of No. 2 is corrupt Sanskrit greatly influenced by the local dialect. Of grammatical interest seem to be the expressions Kailasasikharesvari (Inscription No. 1, lines 1-2) and Kailasasikharesvarai (No. 2, line 5). The affixes i and ai appear to be old dative-locative caseondings. But Inscription No. 3 uses the usual old Oriya dative suffix kaz in Kailasadevakai (lines 1-2). Interesting from the orthographical and linguistic points of view are words like ja(ju)ge (Sanskrit yuge), Vaisakha (Sanskrit Vaisakha) and traddasi (Sanskrit trayodasi for trayodalyam) in No. 1, and maha (Sanskrit maha), Gajatti for Gajapti (Sanskrit Gajapati), Kailasasikharesvara (Sanskrit Kailasasikhao), sarga-loka (Sanskrit svarga-loka), jati (Sanskrit yati), Narasingha (Sanskrit Narasimha) and vijai (Sanskrit vijayi) in No. 2. Inscription No. 1 uses the verbal form dhila (Past Tense). The expected spelling is dila, although the said form also occurs in line 26 of the Bhubaneswar inscription of Narasimha IV referred to above. The ordinary meaning of the word is'gave'; but it has been used in our record in the sense of constructed'. The verb is used in this sense also in Bengali. All the three inscriptions refer to the reign of king Narasimha who no doubt belonged to the imperial branch of the Ganga dynasty of Orissa. As will be seen from our analysis of Inscription No. 2 below, the king is called in line 4 of that record the supporting pillar of the Ganga family. Inscription No. 2 does not bear any date ; but Nos. 1 and 3 are dated. Inscription No. 1 is dated Monday, the 13th of the bright halt of the month of Vaisakha in the year 10 of the reign of Narasimhadeva, No. 3 quotes only the year 18 of the same king's reign without any astronomical detail. Considering the age of the records, the years have to be referred to the anka reckoning. But there were four Ganga kings named Narasimha who ruled in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries and it is not easy to single out the king to whom our records belong. The Ganga kinga Narasimha I, II, III and IV are supposed to have ascended the throne Iespectively about 1238, 1278, 1328 and 1379 A.D. The 10th anka year or 8th actual regnal year of these kings thus corresponded respectively to about 1245-46, 1285-86, 1335-36 and 1386-87 A.D. Among these years, the details of the date as given in our Inscription No. 1 suit only the 30th April 1246 A.D. and the king therefore may have been Narasimha I. Even though it is not possible to be definite on this point, this identification, as will be seen below, seems to be supported by the internal evidence of Inscription No. 2. Inscription No. 3 is dated in the 18th year of the same king's reign apparently according to the anka reckoning and corresponding to his 15th actual regnal year. Inscription No. 1 begins with the auspicious word svasti and states in lines 1-2 that Narasimhhadava constructed a temple (deula) for the god Kailasasikharesvara and that [It was a remarkable achievement) in all the four yugas, viz. Satya, Dvapara, Treti and Kali. In the order of enumeration of the four ages, Treta should have properly preceded Dvapara. Line 2 quotes the date when the temple was built (i.e. completed or consecrated) as Monday, the 13th of the bright half of Vaisakha in the year 10 when the illustrious Narasimhadeva was ruling. This date has already been discussed above. If this Narasimha was the same as Ganga Narasimha I, it may be pointed out that the record under study furnishes the second epigraphic reference to the building activities of that king. It is well known that a stanza quoted in the records of his successors credits him with the construction of a temple for the Sun-god at Konakona which in the modern Konarak in the Puri District of Orissa. The god Sive now worshipped in the Kapilas temple is called 1 Soe above, Vol. XXXI, p. 123, text lines 134-35.

Page #78
KAPILAS INSCRIPTIONS OF NARASIMHADEVA-PLATE I No. 1 Left Half Right Half 235 002 96 9 7 8 ) aicch Scale : One-Half

Page #79
No. 2 Top Part-Left Half Top Part-Right Half Middle Part--Left Half Magna E JEG FORS 229 Scale: One-Third

Page #80
No. 5] KAPILAS INSCRIPTIONS OF NARASIMHADEVA 43 Sikharesvara ; but the earlier name of the deity was Kailasasikharesvara according to Inscriptions Nos. 1-2 and Kailasa, apparently a shortened form of the same name, according to Inscription No. 3. Inscription No. 2 is the most interesting of the three records. Its style reminds us of that of the Kanchipuram inscription of Anangabhima III (c. 1211-38 A.D.), father of Narasimha I, and this fact lends some colour to the identification of Narasimha of our records with Narasimha I. As a matter of fact, some of the passages are common to both the inscriptions which may have been drafted by the same person. Our inscription begins with the word svasti and states in lines 1-2, in the style of the Kanchipuram inscription, that the king succeeded in subduing by the power of his arms the pride of his enemies in numerous battles at the command of the god Purushottama, the lord of the fourteen worlds. This god is no other than Purushottama-Jagannatha worshipped in the celebrated temple at Puri, to whom Anangabhima III dedicated the Ganga kingdom and to whom that king and his successors owed theoretical allegiance." The above passage is followed in line 2 by the epithet Paramamahesvara (i.e. devout worshipper of the god Mahesvara or Siva) and the imperial title Paramabhattaraka. It has to be noted that, although the king was a devotee of the god Purushottama-Jagannatha identified with Vishnu, he claims at the same time to be a worshipper of Siva. The following two epithets of the king in lines 2-3 are still more interesting. In these he is described at the same time as the son of the goddess Durga, called the true cause leading to the creation of the universe, and also as the son of the god Purushottama. It is clear from these statements that Narasimha I was devoted to Mahesvara and his consort Durga as well as to Purushottama-Jagannatha i.e. Vishnu). We know that the Gangas were staunch Saivas till the earlier part of the reign of Anantavarman Chodaganga (1078-1147 A.D.) who became a Vaishoava (i.e. a devotee of the god PurushottamaJagannatha of Purt) after his conquest of the Puri-Cuttack region about the beginning of the twelfth century, and that, although for sometime he claimed to be devoted to both Mahesvara and Vishnu, in his later years he called himself a devotee of Vishnu alone. The devotion of the successors of Anantavarman Chodaganga to the god Vishnu in the shape of the god Purushottama-Jagannatha of Puri received a great impetus at the dedication of the Ganga kingdom to that god by Anangabhima III. It is therefore very interesting to note that our inscription represents Narasimha I as Paramamahesvara, Durga-putra and Purushottama-putra and as the builder of the Siva temple on the Kapilas hill. But it is not surprising in view of the fact that his father Anangabhima III himself is also called both Paramavaishnava and Paramamahesvara as well as Purushottama-putra, Rudra-putra and Durga-putra at the same time in one of his inscriptions in the Siva temple at Draksharama, which records the grants made by him in favour of that Saiva shrine in his 8th an ka or 6th regnal year. These facts point to the catholicity of the religious approach of the Ganga kings Anangabhima III and Narasimha I. The next epithet in line 3 compares Narasimha I with the Great Boar (i.e. Vishnu in his Boar incarnation) that raised up the Vedas and worlds from the ocean. This is followed in lines 3-4 by the imperial titles Maharajadhiraja and Paramesvara und an epithet representing the king as the pillar of support to the Ganga dynasty. The following passage in line 4 calls the ruler both Anantavarman and the victorious Vira-bri-Narasimhadeva and seems also to endow him with the title Gajapati. We know that the successors of Anantavarman Chodaganga enjoyed the 1 See above, XXXI, pp. 94 ff. This seems to suggest that the Kanchipuram inscriptiom was drafted at the Ganga capital. Cf. abovo, Vol. XXX, p. 22 and note 3. * Ibid., Vol. XXX, p. 19; JIH, Vol. XXXv, pp. 75 ff. * Ibid., Vol. XXVIII, p. 240. .SI1, Vol. IV, No. 1329; JIH, Vol. XXXV, pp. 78-79.

Page #81
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (VOL. XXXIII secondary namo Anantavarman. Our inscription seems to show that the title Gajapati which is known to have become a distinguishing epithet of the later rulers of the Ganga family, was enjoyed by Narasimha I about the middle of the 13th century." The next sentence in line 5 contains the main purpose of Inscription No. 2. It records that the king granted the village of Nagana-Bhimapura in favour of the god Kailasabikharesvara. This is followed in lines 5-6 by the imprecatory and benedictory statements that a person acting against the king's meritorious dood, no doubt meaning the grant of the village for the maintenance of the temple, would go to hell after death while one maintaining the grant would go to heaven. The last sentence of the inscription in line 6 again speaks of Vira-bri-Narasimhadeva as one who was always victorious. It seems that it was intended to write this sentence in the form of a prayer and that a word like bhavatu was left out through oversight. Inscription No. 3 also begins with the word svasti and records the grant of the village of Rayi-grama, demarcated by recognised boundaries on all the four directions, in favour of the god Kailasadeva, no doubt the same deity called Kailasasikharesvara in Inscriptions Nos. 1-2. But this grant was not made by the king himself. Its donor was the Senapati or general named Tulasi who was apparently an officer of the Ganga king Narasimha I. The grant was made in the year 18 of the reign of Narasimha I, which, referred to the anka reckoning, would correspond to the king's 15th actual regnal year and to 1252-53 A.D. Inscriptions Nos. 2 and 3 speak of two geographical names, viz. the villages of NaganaBhimapura and Rayi-grama. There is a village called Nagana in the Dhenkanal District, which is well-known for the temple of Naganathesvara. TEXT No. 1 1 Svasti [l*] Satyyat-Dvapara-Treta-Kali-jages Narasinghadovadeula dhila? Kailasasi kharesva2 ri [1] Vaisakha-sukla-traddasi Chandra-varz Srahi dasa 10 v[I]ra-Sri-Narasimghadevalo raja" [il*] No. 2 1 Svasti [l*] Cha[tu]rdasa-bhuvan-adhipati-Srimat-Purushottama-charan-adesata** [fa(sa)]mara mukh-aneka 1 Above, Vol. XXX, p. 20, note 3. The name Anantavarman is applied to Narasimha I in two inscriptions from Srikurmam (8I1, Vol. V, Nos. 1272, 1291). Bhanu I, son of Narasimha I, is called Gajapati or Gajaghapati in a Draksharama inscription (SI1, Vol. IV, P. 361, No. 1084). For the title Gajapati applied to Narasimha III, Narasimha IV and Bhanu IV, see ibid., Vol. VI, Nos. 731, 702, 753, 1040, 1113. See IHQ, Vol. XXXIII, p. 236; above, p. 4, noto 2. * From the original and impressions. * Road Satya. * The word intended is jug&yuge (Sanskrit yugishu). Better read Satya-Trata-Dvapara-Kalio. * Sanskrit Narasimhao. For deul deria in Bengali, meaning to construct a temple', see J. M. Das, Bangala Bhashar Abhidhan, 8.v. daul. Sanskrit Kailasa fikhardtvaraya; Oriya ranku. In old Oriya, the expected form was orakai or Prankai. But of. buarai in line 5 of Inscription No. 2 below. Sanskrit Vaisakha-bukla-trayoda byam. 10 Sanskrit Narasimhao. 11 The intended expression may be rajyd. 11 Read dabar. Tho pamo passage occurs at the beginning of the Kanchipuram inscription of Anangabhima INI,

Page #82
KAPILAS INSCRIPTIONS OF NARASIMHADEVA -PLATE II No. 2 Middle Part-Right Half MOTS ONE o. EUX Lower Part--Left Half NTT Noor Lower Part-Right Half Scale : One-Third

Page #83
No.3 Left Half aakuti 10 305 Right Half Scale: One Third

Page #84
No. 6] KAPILAS INSCRIPTIONS OF NARASIMHADEVA 45 ripu-darpa-mardana-bhuja -v&(ba)la-parakrama[h*}* paramamahesvara[h*] para(ma*Jbhatta raka[h*] jagan[mu](n-mu)la-karana-si(bri)-Du3 rga-putra[h*] Si(bri)-Purushottama-putra[h*] trayil-vasundhara -sainuddharana-prachanda dordanda-ma(ma)havaraha[h*] maharajadhi(dhi)raja4 para[m]esvara[h*) Gam(Ga)ng-anvay-avalama(mba)na-stambha[h*]" srimad-A[na*] ntavarma-[Gaja]tti?-vira-si-Narasighadeva vijay[1] [l*] 5 Kailasasikharesvara[i]' Nagana-Bhimapura maya datalo [l*] etada-dharma-virortham narakam jati [l*] e6 tada-dharma-palanam sarga-lakam gachchhati2 | vira-bri-Narasinghadeva sada vijai" [l*] No. 3 1 svasti [l*) eri-vira-Narasinghadeva-rajye 18 srahi Kailasa2 devakai Tulasi-senupati Rayi-grama chatura-simati (praldata [li*] 1 The akahara ja has been incised on another letter originally engraved. The same passage also cours in the Kanchipuram inscription of Anangabhima III; but there the following epithat is paramavaishnava. The Kanchipuram inscription has jagan-mula-karapa-sri-Purushottuma-putra. * The word trayi means the Vedas. * The same passage also occurs in the Kanchipuram inscription of Anangabhima III. * This passage also occurs in the Kanchipuram inscription. 1 The intended reading seems to be Gajapti for Sanskrit Gajapati. * Read vira-bri-Narasimhadevah. * In the place of Osrarai, early Oriya inscriptions generally have obvarakai, osvarankai, etc. But cf. svari in line 2 of Inscription No. 1. 10 In correct Sanskrit: Kailasabikhar tsvaraya Nagana-Bhimapuran maya duttam. 11 In correct Sanskrit : etad-dharma-virdhat narakash yati. 11 In correct Sanskrit: Elad-dharma-palandt svarga-lokam gachchhali. 11 In correct Sanskrit: vira-Gr-Narasirihad Evak sada vijayi. The intention may have been to add a word like bhavatu here. 16 Sanskrit chatuh-simd-baddha.

Page #85
No. 6-JALORE INSCRIPTION OF CHAHAMANA CHACHIGADEVA, V.S. 1331 G. S. GAI, OOTACAMUND (Received on 27.3.1958) The inscription which is published here for the first time was copied by me in December 1967 at Jalore, the head-quarters of the District of the same name in the Jodhpur Division of Rajasthan. It is engraved on a pillar in the building called Topkhana or a shed for artillery. It is believed that this structure was originally a mosque built by 'Ala-ud-din Khalji out of the materials from the local Hindu and Jain temples and that it was later converted into a Topkhana by the Rathods.1 Three inscriptions found in this building were published by the late Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar. The present inscription is engraved on one face of a rectangular pillar, the other three sides containing three records of Samantasimha who was the successor of Chachigadeva. The present inscription covers a space 5" broad and 18" high and contains 31 lines of writing. It has suffered damage in some places, resulting in the loss or obliteration of several letters. The characters are Nagari. As regards orthography, it may be observed that b appears to have been distinguished from v by a minute dot inside the loop of the former (cf. 'baddha in line 5). The language is Sanskrit. The abbreviated forms thao (lines, 8, 12 and 21), drao (lines 17 and 21) and grio (line 12) are found in the record. For the first two, their full forms, thakkura (line 7) and drammak (line 20) are also met with. And puo appears to stand for putra. In the Bali inscription of Asvaka'dated V. S. 1200, we have pudeg Mohanasuta and Bhandarkar could not explain the contraction pudeg. It seems to stand for pujya which is used in our inscription in pujya Dhanesvurasuri (lines 18-19). Of lexical interest is the use of the desi word vyaja (line 21). It is used in the sense of interest' on money and is the same as Marathi vyaj and Hindi byaj. The date is given at the beginning of the record as Samvat 1331, Abvina su [11]. The portion giving the tithi and the first akshara of the week-day is badly damaged. But the second akshara of the week-day can be read as rau so that the word can be restored as Gurau. Apparently the same month, fortnight and tithi are mentioned again in lines 14-16 of the record, thereby supporting the reading of the tithi as 11 in line 1. Thus the date of the record would be V.S. 1331. Asvina su. 11, Thursday. According to S. K. Pillai's Indian Ephemeris, this date would regularly correspond to the 13th September 1274 A.D. The inscription refers itself to the victorious and blessed reign of the Maharajakula Sri-Chachigadeva ruling at Javalipura. This Chachigadeva is no doubt the king of the Jalore or Songira branch of the Chahamunas. Only a few records of this king have been discovered so far and the known dates for him are V.S. 1319, 1323, 1332, 1333 and 1334. Bhandarkar doubtfully ascribes the damaged Bhinmal inscription of V.S. 1330 this reign. Another record,' found in the same building as the present inscription and dated V. S. 1320, belongs to his period. The object of the inscription is to record the grant of 150 dramma coins to the god Mahavira in the Chaidana-vihara in the Jaina monastery attached to the Nanakiya-gachchha. Nanakiyagachchha, Chandana-vihara and god Mahavira are mentioned in two of the inscriptions of the See Archaeological Reports, Western Circle, 1908-09, p. 55. * Above, Vol. XI, pp. 52-58, 60-62. Ibid., pp. 32-33, No. V, text line 4. * Ibid., p. 57. Bhandarkar's List Nos. 561, 569, 686. 687 and 592. * Ibid., No. 581., p. 383, Table No. 13. Ibid., No. 563. Vor another inseription of the king, dated V. 8. 1828, ace JBRA, Vol. XL, pp. 341-42. ( 46 )

Page #86
No. 6) JALORE INSCRIPTION OF CHAHAMANA CHACHIGADEVA, V. S. 13314? time of Chichigadeva referred to above. The vihara is called thoro Maharaja-sri-Chandanavihara. This Jaina gachchha Napaklya is evidently called after the place Nanaka or Nana in the Ball District of the Jodhpur Division. An inscription from Nana, dated V.8. 1290 (1243 A.D.), gives the ancient name of the place as Nanaka' from which the name of the gachchha is derived. The Chandana-vihara was apparently named after king Chandana of the Jalore branch of the Paramaras. This branch is known from the only record of Visala who was sixth in descent from Chandana. It is found at Jalore and is dated V.S. 1174. Chandana, the son of Vakpatiraja was the first prince of this branch. The occasion for the grant was the Ashtahnika festival conducted on the 11th day of the bright fortnight of Abvayuja. It is mentioned as Ashtahnikapadi in the record of V.8. 1320 referred to above. This Jain festival is usually conducted in the months of Ashadha, Karttika and Phalguna. But the present record shows that it was conducted in the month of Asvina also. The last eight days of these months were observed as days of Ashtahrika-parva when special worship was conducted in the Jain temples. Since the months were Purnimanta, Abvina su. 11 falls during the last eight days of the month. The description of the donor and his relatives is given in lines 7-14. The name of the donor which oocurs in line 11 cannot be read satisfactorily as the first letter is too much obliterated. It seems to consist of three letters, the second and third of which are rai. The first lotter appears to be Na or Nam so that the name may be Nanvai. The same name seems to occur again at the beginning of line 22 where also, unfortunately, the first letter is damaged and lost. The inscription describes him as the son of Dodo and the brother of Dhanasiha (Dhanasinha) and as belonging to the Kayastha lineage. By his charitable acts he became celebrated in his own family. He, accompanied by his brothers Vishnu, [Phu]da and Harichanda (Harichandra), his sons [Rai]. vastha (Raivasimha) and Bhuvanasiha (Bhuvanasiniha) and his mother, made the above-mentioned grant. The money was entrusted to the Superintendent of the monastery (Mathapati) and the members of the assembly (goshthikas) in the presence of Dhanesvara-suri. It is stipulated that the interest on the granted money amounting to 15 dramina coins should be spent on worship, offering and supervision. It may be noted that the interest works out to be 10 per cent of the principal. Apparently this interest was realised annually. The gift was made in order to promote the welfare of the donor. If the mathapati and the goshthikas would not conduct the worship and failed to observe the ceremonies on the ekadasi day, then they would incur the curse of Parsvanatha and Mahavira and would not obtain any merit as long as the moon and the sun would endure. The record ends with the words fubharn bhavatu followed by chha written three times between double dandas indicating the end of the writing. . 1 Bhandarkar's List Nos. 563, 569. For the texts of these records see P. C. Nahar, Jaina Inscriptions, Pt. I, p. 240 (Nos. 901-02). There are several instances in which the Jain gachchhas are called after the names of places in Marwar; e.g. Samderaka-gachohha is called after Sandera or Sanderaka, identified with modern Banderav near Bali (cf. above, Vol. XI, p. 81). * Archaeological Survey, West. Circle, 1907-08, pp. 48-49. * Bhandarkar's List No. 194. Another inscription at Jalore informs us that Chaulukya Kumarapala construotad templo called Kumara-vihara (above, Vol. XI, pp. 54-65). .D. C. Ganguly, History of the Paramara Dynasty, p. 343. * Mirji Annarao, Jaina Dharma (Kannada), p. 572. .' This Jaina festival is referred to in the Halsi plates of Kadamba Ravivarman (Ind. Ant., Vol. VI, p. 26, toxt lines 16-17; Suc. Sat., p. 271). The record states that the king ordained that the festival of Jinandra's glory, lasting for eight days, should be colobrated every year on the full-moov day of Karttiku. I am indebted to Dr. D. C. Siroar for drawing my attention to this reference. * The oxpressions mathapati and good thika should havo to bo takon separately. Cf. mathapatind goshthikai. bacha in the rooord of V.8. 1820 of Chlobigadora referred to abovo. . Cf. above, Vol. XXX, p. 218 and noto.

Page #87
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXXIII The place-name Javalipura mentioned as the seat of the royal residence is, of course, modern Jalore where the record is found. 48 TEXT1 1 Siddham [1] Sam 1331 varshe Asvine' [su 11]. 5 2 [ru] adysha ri-Javalipur 3 Maharajakula-sri-Chachiga 4 dova-kalyana-vijay-ra[jye] 5 al-Nagakiya-gachchha-pratibaddha 6 Jin-alaye sri-Chamdana-viha 7 re Kayasth-anvaye thakkura Dedo 8 putra-tha-Dhanasiha-bhratri(tra) sakala 9 dharmm-ara[ma]-kuly-atulye[na]. 10 ja-ku[la]-nabhae-tala-ineuk[us] 11 tha[Na]vai-namadhuyina bhratni 12 [Vishnu-[Phul'dam-Harichaida-pudeg-tha-[Rai] 13 va[si]ha-Bhuva[na]siha-matara". 14 pramukha-samma(sama)nvitena Asauja1o 15 [ma]se su[kla]-pakshe ekadasi-ti 16 [thau] Ashtabuika-mahotsave sri-Ma 17 viradevasya puj-artham dra 150 sa 18 [tah pachachaad-adhika pradattam(ttam) []*] pujya-del-Dha 19 [no]svara-surina samaksha(ksham) mathapati 20 [g]htikaa drammah samarpitas-cha [[*] From impressions. Expressed by symbol. * Read Aevina. The number 11 appears to have been incised here. The lost akshara may be restored as Gu. The lost akshara may be restored as ni. The reading of this letter is not certain.. The intended reading of the name may be Harichandra. * Read matri.. 10 Read Aevayuja. " It appears that the engraver first carved la and then added ka. 1 This akshara can be restored as ha. Rend goshthikebhyo.

Page #88
No. 6) 21 [8]tsha[th] drammanamh vyajana dia 15 tha 22 [Na]val-rey-orthach puja-naivedya-pro 23 [kaha-dikath(kam) -ohachdr-arkkah) yavas 24 karapanya(yam) yadi te mathapa 25 ti-goshtishthi)kah pajamh na kurvvati 26 JALORE INSCRIPTION OF CHAHAMANA CHACHIGADEVA,V.8. 1331 49 kadai-ithi-karya-karapa 27 [ni] lopayamti tada sri-Parsvana 28 [tha]-eri-Mahaviradevayor-doshe 29 na dushyam[te] | [chha] | tavad a-cham 30 dr-arkkath] yavat [punye]na [na*] grihyah 31 to subhain bhavatu | chha || chha | chha || 1 This akshara seems to be the same as suggested in the name in line 11 above. The form prekshanika occurs in the same context in two Bhinmal inscriptions (cf. Bomb. Gas., Vol. I, pt. I, pp. 482, 485). Read karaniuam. * This damaged letter which is read as chha is unnecessary here. The order of youal and tavat has been reversed here.

Page #89
No. 7-EPIGRAPHIC NOTES D. C. SIECAR, OOTACAMUND (Received on 24.2.1958) 9. Creation of Rent-tree Holdings There are some copper-plate charters' which record the sale of Government land to an applicant paying the usual price and the Government's acceptance of his proposal to create a rent-free holding out of the purchased land in favour of Brahmanas or religious institutions. 'In such a transaction, it was believed, according to an ancient Indian convention, that five-sixths of the religious merit for the creation of the revenue-free holding would go to the purchaser of the. land and one-sixth of it to the king of the country, whose government alone could create such & holding." There is another kind of charters which, instead of speaking of the sale of the land that was created into a rent-free holding by the king in favour of Brahmanas or religious institutions, merely state that the particular holding was created at the request of a certain officer or feudatory of the king or some other persons. In spite of the absence of any reference to sale in such records, some of them appear to be based on a transaction involving sale. Thus the Nalanda plate of Devapala records a grant of five villages by the Pala king to a Buddhist monastery at Nalanda at the request of Maharaja Balaputradeva who was the lord of Suvarnadvipa (Sumatra) and was responsible for establishing the monastery. The five villages were apparently purchased by Balaputradeva from Devapala as otherwise the whole of the religous merit aceruing to the pious act of endowing the monastery with a rent-free holding for its maintenance would go to Devapala and nothing at all to Balaputradeva. This was no doubt an undesirable position for the king of Sumatra. If he really purchased the villages, as he no doubt did, five-sixths of the merit would be his and only one-sixth would go to Devapala according to the convention referred to above. But as regards the land made a rent-free holding at the request of an officer or feudatory of the king, it was no doubt in many cases lying within his jagir or fief or estate. In the case of land forming part of jagirs which royal officers of ancient India enjoyed temporarily,' their occupants lost the rent of the land in question so long as they were in their possession. But the king's Select Inscriptions, pp. 337 ff., 342 ff., 346 ff., 350 ff., 359 ff. *Cf. ibid. p. 844, text line 13; p. 348, text line 16; p. 352, text lino 13; p. 362, text line 11. See also Manu. amriti, VIII, 304; Vishnusmriti, III, 13-14. The same idea is also referred to in other records like the Damodarpur plates, No. 3, lino 7 (above, Vol. XV. p. 136), and No. 5, line 12 (op. cit., p. 143). The texts of most of the inscriptions have often been misunderstood. Cf. Select Inscriptions, p. 352, noto 5. Cf. Select Inscriptions, pp. 331, 375, 421, sto.. It may be pointed out that the foudstory's name was men. tioned in royal charters in this fashion only when he was regarded as of some importance. When he grow inoro powerful, he issued charters himself with obe permission of his master (cf. above, Vol. XXXII, pp. 139 ff.). With further growth in his power, his charters wero, issued without reference to his master's permission but without eonowaliny his subordinato position or indicating it somewhat vaguely (cf. ibid., Vol. XXVIII, pp. 201, 206, 332; Vol. XXX, p. 139; etc.). When still more powerfull, he issued his grants without any reference to his master and endowing himself with a combination of subordinate and imperial titles which could in some cases be so interpreted as to indicate either his subordinate position or independent status (cf. ibid. Vol. XXVII, p. 329; Vol. XXVIII, pp. 109, 284; Vol. XXIX, p. 186). The next stage of course is represented by his charters insued as a full-fledged independent ruler. The sale of land was generally represented in sacion India as a gift. See above, Vol. XXVIII, p. 48, note? Bhandarkar's List. No. 1613. Cf. R. D. Banerji. Baadlar lide, Vol. I, B.8. 1330, p. 210. Cf. Watters, On Yuan Chwang's Travels in India, Vol. I, p. 177. (50)

Page #90
51 No. 7] EPIGRAPHIC NOTES loss of revenue was greater as the land was rent-free even when the fief reverted to him or was subsequently allotted to some other officer. It therefore seems that the occupants of jagirs had to compensate the king's loss at least partially for the creation of revenue-free holdings within their fiefs, as otherwise they could scarcely expect the full religious merit accruing to the pious act. We have also cases where a king is found to ratify the rent-free holdings created in their jagirs by members of the royal family. But it appears to us that a number of grants of rent-free lands issued by the kings were really made on behalf of persons whose names are not mentioned in the documents. This seems to be suggested by the fact that, in a few cases, even though the grants are recorded in the king's name, an endorsement at the end of the documents says that they were made by others and in reality there is a contradiction between facts as stated in the charter proper and in the endorsement. An important document of this type is the Bangaon plate of Vigrahapala, which purports to record the grant of a village by the Pala king in favour of a Brahmana, although in an endorsement at the end it is summarily stated that the grant was made by an officer of the king named Ghantisa out of his own jagir. Another interesting fact is that the indication of a particular grant being actually made by one of the king's officers or feudatories but represented as one made by the king is not clear in the documents though some of them appear to suggest the fact vaguely. There are many records which introduce a person without any ostensible relation with the charter stated to have been granted by the king. Such an introduction is often found at the end of the documents exactly in the position of the endorsement in the Bangaon plate of Vigrahapala III, referred to above. In a few cases, such an enigmatic name is also met with in the body of the charter without any justification for its introduction. Since it is inexplicable why persons without anything to do with the grants should be mentioned in royal charters at all, we suspect that they might have been the real donors of the grants in question and the fact was intended to be rather vaguely indicated in the said way. It also appears that there was an amount of reluctance on the part of the Government to admit such a fact. The Mehar plate of Damodara records a grant of lands in favour of a number of Brahmanas. But at the end of the king's description in verse, there is one stanza introducing Gangadharadeva who was the officer in charge of the royal elephant force. The introduction of this person, as we have indicated elsewhere, cannot be explained unless it is supposed that he was the real donor of the grant although the king was not eager to mention the fact explicitly in the document. The Andhavaram plates of the Eastern Ganga king Indravarman record the grant of a village as an agrahara or rent free holding in favour of several Brahmanas. The king is mentioned as the donor. But, at the end, the record is stated to have been written under orders of eri-Lokarnavadeva who vanquished many foes. The editor of the inscription says, "These plates furnish us with a new Ganga name-Lokarnava." But he admits that the identity of this person cannot be determined without further evidence. The charter was issued in the Ganga year 133. But, instead of describing it as the pravardhamana-vijaya-rajya-samvatsara or Gangeya-vamea-pravardhamana-vijaya-rajya-samvatsara as we 1 See the cases of such holdings created by Princes Suryasena and Purushottamasena and ratified by king Visvarupasena in his Vangtya Sahitya Parishad plate (N. G. Majumdar, Inscriptions of Bengal, Vol. III, p. 147; JAS, Letters, Vol. XX, pp. 206-07). Above, Vol. XXIX, p. 48 ff. Ibid., Vol. XXVII, p. 182 ff. Ibid., Vol. XXX, pp. 52-53. * Ibid., P. 37 ff.

Page #91
62 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (VOL. XXXIII find in other Ganga records, the inscription in question calls it Tumburu-vanta-rajya-samvatsara. This reminds us of the Santa-Bommali platest issued by a Kadamba feudatory of a Ganga king, which describe the Ganga era as Garga-Kadamba-vamsa-pravardhamana-vijaya-rajya-samvatsara even though the Kadambas had nothing to do with the establishment of the era. It appears to as that the grant recorded in the Andhavaram plates of Ganga Indravarman was really made by his feudatory Lokarnava of the Tumburu dynasty. Unless such was the case, it is difficult to explain why he was introduced as ordering for the writing of the document and the Ganga era is described only in this record as associated with the Tumburu dynsaty. There is a stanza about the end of a charter issued by the Sailodbhava king Sainyabhita Madhavavarman II Srinivasa. The inscription was edited by N. G. Majumdar who believed that the date of the grant, viz., year 50, should be referred to the Harsha era so as to yield 656 A.D. There is, however, little doubt that the inscription is dated in the regnal reckoning of the Sailodbhava king. The stanza in question has been read by Majumdar as follows: Jayati Jayanta-pratimah prasabha-samakrishta-ripu-uripa-frikah Sridhara[ po(pau)jrahkshitipo uradikrita-lokanatha-sakhah 11 Since another verse in the inscription states that king Madhavavarian made the grant from his camp at Madhavapura (probably named after himself), Majumdar suggests that the expression Sridharapaura refers to the king's stay, at the time of making the grant, at Sridharapura which is identical with Madhavapura. He also says, "It further describes him i.e. king Madhavavarman) as a friend of the lokanatha who was graciously disposed towards him. By the term lokanatha we are probably to understand the paramount sovereign to whom Madhavavarman owed allegiance." We are sorry that we cannot agree either with Majumdar's reading or with his interpretation. In the first place, what has been read as sridharaporal and corrected to bridharapaural has been read by S. N. Rajaguru, who has recently edited the inscription without noticing that it was previously published, as srituramork. In regard to the reading a for dha, Rajaguru seems to be right since the akshaw has a clear top matra which is expected in w and not in dh. The other disputed alwhara looks more like mu or ya than po. The rending of the expression thus secms to be sri-Varamorah or fri-Farmva)rah. Secondly, the reference in the verse can hardly be to the Soilodbhava king as the foudatory of a certain lokanathn, a king'. Ho was no doubt & feudatory of king Kasatka of Gauda in the Gupta year 300 (619 A.D.). But his later records including the said epigraph are dated in his regnal reckoning and most of them (including the inscription in question describe him as the perfornier of the Asvamolha sacrifice. There is thus little doubt that these charters were issued after Sainyabhita Madhavavarman ll Srinivasa land thrown off the yoke of the Gauda king. In our opivion, lokanalha mentioned in the stanza quoted above is no other than the Sailodbhava king himself and the illustrious Vasamora or Varanara was his fendatory who was the real donor of the grant. The word naradikrita refers to the favour shown by the king to the feudatory by agreeing to the creation of the rent-free holding recorded in the inscription no doubt at the feudatory's request. While re-editing the Balangir Muscum plates of the 8th regnal year of Mahasivagupta Yayati I, we did not fully realise the implication of the endorsement at the end of it referring to Prince 1 Bhandarkar's List No. 2053. * A. R. Ep., 1951-52, p. 5. # Above, Vol. XXIV, p. 148 ff. * Or. Hist. Res. Journ., Vol. II, Parts 3-4, p. 19. Soo HQ, Vol. XXVII, p. 166 ff JAS, Letters, Vol. XIX, p. 117 ff.

Page #92
No. 71 EPIGRAPHIC NOTES Durgaraja, described as the son of Svabhavatunga whom we identified with Mahasivagupta Yayati I himself. The introduction of the prince is really inexplicable and it now appears to us that he was the real donor of the grant which was ratified by his father. Similarly, the real implication of the enigmatic endorsement at the end of the Mahada plates escaped us while re-editing the inscription. It appears to us now that Yasogaja, who seems to be described in the endorsement as a ruling chief born in the family of the issuer of the charter, i.e., king Somesvaradovavarman III, was the real donor of the grant which was ratified by the king. If this was not the case, the endorsement is quite meaningless. 10. Khajjana=Khajjana=Khajjana=Khajjanaka The word khajjana, also spelt khajjana, khajjana and khajjanaka, occurs in several inscriptions of the western part of South India. In the Arga (Karwar District) plates of Kapalivarman, which may be assigned to the sixth century A.D. on palaeographical grounds, the word khajjana is found in the following passage in lines 3-6: Sivapuraka-grame Aditya-ereshthi-Pukkolli-khajjanam...dattam. We have also the following three passages mentioning khajjana in the Bandora (Goa) plates of Prithivimallavarman who seems to have flourished in the seventh century A.D. : (1) atra grama-sime Kapoti-khojjanam asinai Brahmanaya....sampradattam (lines 3-4); (2) khajana-madhyasthopi yupakah Brahmanay=aiva datta iti (lines 7-8); (3) khajjana-parimanan (line 10). The word khajjana is thrice used in the Panjim (Goa) plates of king Jayakesin I of the Kadamba family of Goa, dated Saka 981 (1059 A.D.), in the following three passages : (1) Pavarakhajjana (line 48); (2) Kalp-akhya-khajjana (line 49); (3) Prativa(a)la-khajjana (line 50). A copper-plate grant of Tribhuvanamalla of the same dynasty, dated Saka 1028 (1107 A.D.), uses the word khajjanaka in verse 31 in lines 31-32, which runs as follows : Nannapayyan=namasyam cha Hodda-khajjanakam krayat kritam Nayyena tasmat=tat=kritva pradach=chhataistribhih 11 The word khajjana-khajjana-khajjana-khajjanaka has not yet been satisfactorily understood. While editing the Arga plates, Mr. A. M. Annigeri admits that the expression Pukkolli-khajjana occurring in the record cannot be explained ',while Mr. P. B. Desai suggests in an editorial note that the word khajjana and its variants may denote 'a specific area of cultivable land or locality'.! There is, however, no doubt that khajjana, etc., are the same as the Marathi word spelt both as khajan and khajan. According to Wilson's Glossary of Judicial and Revenue Terms, this word means 'a salt-marsh or meadow ; land lying along the shore of the sea or of inlets, and exposed to be flooded ; ground recovered by embankment from seal. The Maharashtra Sabdakosa also explains the word as 'the area (near the sea-shore) on which a thin layer of sand and mud accumulates after the ebb-tide coming through inlets; a rice field crested out of such an area near a hillock by erecting embankments on the three other sides, a field created by reclamation of the river bed'. It will thus be seen that khajjana and its variants really mean a particular type of cultivable land or a plot of land of the said type. That it does not mean a specific area of land seems to be indicated by the mention of an objeot standing within a.khajjana as found in the Bandora plates and of a khajjana called by the name Kalpa in the Panjim plates, both quoted above. 1 Above, Vol. XXVIII, pp. 283 ff. * Ibid., Vol. XXXI, pp. 232 ff. See below, pp. 293 ff. .G. M. Moraes, Kadambakula, p. 397; M. G, Dikshit, BISMQ, Vol XXXI, Part IV, pp. 27 ff. Above, Vol. XXX, pp. 71 ff. * Ibid., Vol. XXXI, p. 233. Annigeri renda Publi-khajjana. * Ibid., p. 234, note 4. . This meaning is clearly supported by the Bandora plates speaking of lavana-jalan stund wodryya kshetramtupadya (lines 8-9).

Page #93
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXXIII It has to be seen that the word khajjana and its variants are often used together with another expression as in Pukkolli-khajjana, Kapoti-khajjana, Pavara-khajjana, Kalp-akhya-khajjana, Pratibula-khaijaya and Ilolda-Khaijayaka. The possibilities are that Pukkolli, Kapoti, Pavara, Pratibala and Hodda are names of persons or localities or that the words in question indicate particular types of the land styled khajjana-khajjana=khajjana-khajjanaka. Of the three suggestions, however, the one that Pukkolli, Kapoti, Pavara, Pratibala and Hodda are personal names appears to be better than the other two. Kalpa may have, of course, been the name of the field in question. In line 15 of the Sirsi (North Kanara District) platest of Kadamba Ravivarman (c. 490-538 A.D.), we have the expression Bandu-Pukkuli-kshetre. Pukkuli may be a variant of Pukkolli of the Arga plates. Another variant of the same appears in the passage chaturvvinnsati-nivarttana Pukkoli-kshetran in lines 4-5 of the Kuntagani plates of the same Kadamba king. The occurrence of the same expression in several records seems to suggest that it is not the name of a locality since that would indicate that there were too many different localities bearing the same peculiar name. If this is regarded as a particular type of khajjana land, Kapoti, Pavara, Pratibala and Hodda should also have to be taken to mean similar other types. That would make too many types of the land indicated by the word khajjana and its variants. In the present state of our knowledge, therefore, it is better to suggest that Pukkolli, Pukkuli and Pukkoli are the variants of a personal name. In such a case, the expressions Aditya freshthi-Pukkolli-khajjana would indicate a plot of the khajjana type of land in the possession of two persons named Adityabreshthin and Pukkolli, while Bandu-Pukkuli-kshetra would similarly mean a plot of land in the possession of two persons called Bamdu and Pukkuli. Since, in Aditya freshthi-Pukkolli, Adityasresthin seems to be a complete personal name and Adityasreshthi-pukkolli does not appear to be a single name, Bamdu and Pukkuli in the passage Bardu-Pukkuli-kshetra should better be taken to mean two personal names rather than Bamdu-pukkuli as one such name. It seems that khajjana of the Arga plates is a wrong spelling of khajjana or khajjana. 11. Panga=Panga=Panga The earliest reference to the word panga is found in the Hitnahebbagilu plates of the Kadamba Dharmamaharaja kri-vijaya-biva-Mrigebavarman (c. 470-90 A.D.) of Vaijayanti. In this case, a village was granted in favour of a Brahmana with a number of privileges, one of which is indicated by the expression parihita-pang-otkota (lines 17-18). In a similar context, the expression sarvuapanga-parihsita is used as an epithet of the gift village in the Goa plates of Chalukya Satyasraya Dhruvaraja Indravarman, dated Saka 532 (610 A.D.). The passage Varsa(Vamba)vafako.... udaka-purvvakan sarvva-panga-parihsito datto occurs in lines 11-12 of the Kapoli (Belgaum District) plates' of king Asankitavarman of the Bhoja family, who seems to have flourished in the sixth or seventh century A.D. The same word occurs in the form panga in the following passage in lines 26-27 of a copper-plate grant (Saka 1028=1107 A.D.) of Kadamba Tribhuvanamalla : Satataekritva dadau sarvvam=etatapang-adi-varjjitam. In & similar passage in line 42 of the Panjim plates (Sska 981-1059 A.D.) of Kadamba Jayakesin I, it is stated that the donee was to pay panga at a fixed rate every year for the village that was granted to him by the king. 1 Abovo, Vol. XVI, pp. 264 ff. Ibid., p. 267, note 9. * Ibid., Vol. XXXII, pp. 217 ff. . Can pukbuli bo derived from old Telugu pombalu, 'areanuts', in the sense of an arecanut plantation Cf. above, Vol. XII, p. 197, note 3. . Ep. Carn., Vol. IV. p. 136, Hunsur No. 18, and Plates. * JBBRAS, Vol. X, pp. 348 ff. and Platos; above Vol. VI, p. 13, noto 3. cf. slao sarova-panga-parikritar parindrarh in line 7 of the Bandora plates (below, p. 296). Above, Vol. XXXI, pp. 284 ff. * Ibid., Vol. XXX, pp. 77 ff. . Cf. QJMS, Vol. XLV, p. 66.

Page #94
No. 7] EPIGRAPHIC NOTES 55 The word panga-panga has not been properly interpreted. B. L. Rice while translating the Hitnahebbagilu plates admitted his inability to interpret the expression pang-otkota. K. T. Telang while editing the Goa plates of Satyasraya Dhruvaraja Indravarman read sarvva-panguparihrita and translated the expression as 'free from all lame people', although Kielhorn later pointed out that the correct reading is panga and not pangu." Mr. P. B. Desai offered several suggestions on the interpretation of this word. In a note published in the Quarterly Journal of the Mythic Society, he explained panga as 'form' or 'shape' and interpreted the passage Bhairavah pange Gadyanakah occurring in the Panjim plates as 'Gadyanakas (i.e. coins of that name) of the Bhairava type', although an alternative suggestion offered was that pange may be a mistake for ponge derived from pon meaning 'gold'. But later he gave up the above interpretations of the word and offered the following suggestion: "The expression is not found in Sanskrit or Prakrit. It may, however, be connected with the Kannada pangu meaning 'obligation' or 'indebtedness'. This suggestion is supported by the context which shows that the ground for the collection of panga or fee was obligation. The word has passed into the Marathi language and is used in expressions like panga phedanem (to discharge the debt)." The word panga-panga as found in the inscriptions referred to above is no doubt the same as Telugu pangamu recognised in Brown's Telugu-English Dictionary in the sense of 'a tax in the shape of one-fourth of the produce collected in olden times by the government on lands in the possession of gods and Brahmanas' (deva-Brahmana-vrittula mida purvapu sarkaruvaru tisikone chaturth-amsam-ayina kappamu). It may be connected with Tamil pangu and Malayalam panka recognised in Wilson's Glossary in the sense of a share'. Dr. R. Narasimha Rao has drawn my attention to the use of the word in a large number of Telugu inscriptions of the medieval period. Inscription No. 588 in the South Indian Inscriptions, Vol. VI, dated Saka 1189 (1267 A.D.), contains the passage aya-sumkkamu pamgga lekumdan-istimi, "we have made this grant with the exemption of aya-bulka and panga". No. 257 of Vol. X of the same work, dated Saka 1133 (1211 A.D.) has similarly i vrttiki paigamu ledu, "there is no panga in respect of this gift land". No. 405 (Saka 1187-1265 A.D.), No. 422 (Saka 1191-1269 A.D.), Nos. 449 and 450 (Saka 1202-1280 A.D.), No. 488 (Saka 1221-1299 A.D.), No. 492 (Saka 1225-1303 A.D.), No. 499 (Saka 1233-1311 A.D.), No. 520 (Saka 1238-1316 A.D.), No. 527 (Saka 1241-1319 A.D.), No. 539 (of the time of Kakatiya Rudra) and No. 540 (of the time of Kakatiya Prataparudra) of the same volume have the following passages respectively: (1) dunnuvarikim bamggamu ledu (the cultivators of this land are exempted from panga), (2) evvaru dunninanu pamga-tappu pamga-sumkamu pannu kanika darisanamu e-meralavarunu emim gona-ledu (panga-tappu, panga-sulka, pannu, kanika and darsana are not levied from the cultivators anywhere), (3) pamgamu sarvva-manyamu (a free holding which is panga, i.e. free from panga), (4) pamga (not pamggu as in the printed text) kanika mannana achamdr-arkkamuganu (we have permanently exempted it from panga and kanika), (5) i cheniki panga-tapu-sumkamu adigina-varu(varu) pamchcha-mahapatakanam baduduru (the collectors of pamga-tappu-sulka will be committing the five great sins), (6) pamgamu lekumdanum sarvva-manyamuganu manitimi (no panga will be levied by us on the free-holding), (7) ellanan fikini upakshiti pangamu puti madalu kanika darisanamu mamnimstimi (we exempt from upakshiti, painga, pulti, madalu, kanika and darsana for ever), (8) pamga-sarvva-manyamu... ichiri (made Ep. Carn., Vol. IV, translation, p 85. We also failed to explain the expression while discussing the inscription in the Successors of the Satavahanas, p. 266. JBBRAS, op. cit., pp. 365-66; above, Vol. VI, p. 13, note 3. QJMS, loc. cit. Above, Vol XXX, p 75; cf. also ibid., Vol. XXXI, p. 236, note 2.

Page #95
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXXIII cho grant of a free-holding as panga, i.e., exempted from paiga), (9) parga-manyamu (a free-holding which is panga, i.e. free from panga), (10) pangamu veftina padupapalam badu-varu (the colleotors of panga from the cultivators of this land will be committing all sins), and (11) pariga-manyamuiga vidiche (made the free-holding panga, i.e. free from panga). The passage panggamu ledu (exempted from panga) also occurs in Inscription No. 7 from Ongole in the Inscriptions of the Nellore District, Vol. II. In these records panga or panga, besides panga-tappu and panga-bulka, or panga-lappu-sulka in a single compound, is in some cases mentioned along with other levies called aya-bulka, pannu, kanika, darsana, upakshiti, putti and madalu. In some cases, the word panga has been used as an adjective in the sense of free from panga'. The distinction between panga-tappu and pangafulka is not clear. While panga-bulka may be the same as panga explained above, panga-tappu may indicate interest or fine on arrears of panga. Of the seven other items mentioned in the records quoted above, darsana is the same as Persian nazrana, originally a gift or present from an inferior to a superior, a holy man or a prince. Both aya and bulka mean 'toll, tax, customs, etc., and the compound aya-bulka may have been used in the records in the sense of customs duties'. Wilson's Glossary recognises pannu as a Tamil word meaning tax, tribute, custom, rent'. It is also recognised in Brown's Telugu-English Dictionary in the sense of a tax, rent, duties'. Kanika seems to be the same as Kannada kanikekane or kanike-kappa recognised by Wilson in the sense of 'a present from an inferior to a superior, a subscription, a donation'. Brown recognises Telugu kanika or kanuka in the same sense. Putti reminds us of Telugu putti-dosillu recognised by Wilson in the sense of a fee of two handfuls from each putfi of grain paid to the village servants'. Madalu similarly reminds us of what Wilson says under mada: "a half pagoda ; whence it is applied to a rate of rent or payment of 50 per cent." I am not sure about the real meaning of upakshiti. The Hitnahebbagilu plates of Kadamba Mligesavarman uses the expression parihsita-pangotkota (exempted from panga and utkota), in which utkota is another allied fiscal term like panga. The Sanskritic form utkota is not found in the lexicons; but its Prakrit form ukkoda, as used in the Jain Vyavaharasutra, has been recognised by H. T. Seth in his Paiasaddamahannaro in the sense of thins to be offered to the rajakula (the king, royal officers and members of the royal family and presents made to the king and others. The same lexicon recognises ukkoda, which appears to be a feminine form of the same word, as found in works like the Dafinamamala, Praunavyakaranasutra and Vipaka sruta, in the allied sense of 'bribe'. While the form panga may be a word derived from pangu in the same sense, panga may be a wrong spelling of panga. The expression sarva-panga-parihita (exempted from all the pangas) used in some cases would suggest that panga often indicated a levy in general and that there were various kinds of it. The use of expressions like panga-bulka and panga-tappu (ct. aloo pangatappu-sulka) in the same context along with other taxes seems to suggest that panga was sometimes also used to indicate a particular group of levies,

Page #96
No, 8-BARHUT INSCRIPTIONS IN ALLAHABAD MUSEUM (1 Plate) * D. C. SIRCAR, OOTACAMUND (Received on 31.1.1958) Cunningham discovered the remains of the ancient Buddhist Stupa at Barhut (also spelt Bharhut and Bharaut) in the former Nagaud State, of late merged in Madhya Pradesh, in 1873. The best and the most valuable of the sculptured remains' were purchased by him for the Indian Museum, Calcutta, and are now exhibited in the Archaeological Section of that Museum. The inscriptions incised on the stones pertaining to the said collection were studied by Cunningham, Hoernle, Hultzsch' and Luders as well as by Barua and Sinha. Some more relics of the same religious establishment, probably those rejected by Cunningham, were lying in & godown of the rulers of the Nagaudh State. These were secured some years ago by Pandit Vrij Mohan Vyas for the Municipal Museum at Allahabad, Uttar Pradesh. There are altogether seven inscriptions in the Barhut collection of the Allahabad Museum. An unsatisfactory impression of one of these epigraphs reached me more than ten years ago and I published it in the Journal of the Royal Asiatio Society of Bengal, Letters, Vol. XIV, 1948, pp. 113-14 ; but the impression was too flimsy for reproduction. About the end of 1957 I visited the Allahabad Museum and Dr. S. C. Kala, Curator of the Museum, kindly allowed me to copy all the inscriptions of the Barhut collection. The epigraphs are published in the following pages. Like most of the published inscriptions from Barhut, the records under study are small epigraphs in one or two lines. The characters belong to the Brahmi alphabet of about the second century B. C. The language of the inscriptions is Prakrit. No. 1 The pillar bearing the inscription in one line near the representation of an acrobatic scene bears the Museum number Ac/2915. The line is 7 inches in length and individual aksharas are about inch high. The letters are smaller in size in the present upigraph than in any other in the Barhut collection in the Allahabad Museum. This inscription was published by me without illustration in the pages of the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Bengal, referred to above. But, on a careful examination of the record, it is now found that there are some errors in the observations on the epigraph contained in my article. then read the inscription as follows: Pusadataye? nagarikaye bhikhuniye [sa].......... It was suggested that the epigraph, supposed to be fragmerbary, recorda the gift of a pillar or rail by the nun Pushyadatta of the city where the ancient Stupa wus situated. I also suggested that Pushyadatta of this inscription is identical with the nun of that name mentioned in another Barhut inscription read by Barua and Sinha as : Pusadataye nagarikaye bhichhuniye Sakaya thabho danan. 1 See his Stupa of Bharhut, 1879. Ind. Ant., Vol. X, pp. 118 ff., 255 ff.; Vol. XI, pp. 25 ff. Cf. Anderson, Catalogue and Handbook of the Archaeological Collection in the Indian Museum, 1883. *ZDYG, Vol. XL, pp. 58 ff.; Ind. Ant., Vol. XXI, pp. 225 ff. * List of Brahmi Inscriptions, above, Vol. X, Appendix, No. 687-903. Barhut Inscriptions, 1926. * See S.C. Kala, Bharhut Vedika, p. 30, No. 1. ? Macron over e and o has not been used in the article. (67) 5 DGA/58

Page #97
58 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXXIII The full text of our inscription was therefore restored as: Pusadataye nagarikaye bhikhuniye Sakaye suchi (or thabho) danam and translated as, "[A rail (or, pillar) which is the gift) of the [Buddhist] nun Pushyadatta, an inhabitant of the city." It is now seen that there is no trace of any letter after the word bhikhuniye and the epigraph is therefore not fragmentary. Of course a layer of the stone has peeled off about the end of the line; but, even if it may be supposed that there were some letters in this damaged part, they could not have been more than two in number since there is no space for more. At best therefore the word danam may have been engraved after bhikhuniye, although I feel that bhikhuniye is the last word of the record. Indeed Pusadataye nagarikaye bhikhuniye (i.e."[The gift of Pushyadatta, the nun of the city ") and Sakaye thabho danam (i.e." The pillar (which is the gift of Saki ") are two different records as read by Cunningham and do not make a single record as suggested by Barua and Sinha. The word bhikshuni is found in the Barhut records in both the forms bhichhuni and bhikhuni.1 No. 2 The cross-bar bearing this inscription in one line bears the number Ac/2972. It is incised on the stone covering an area about 104 inches in length. Individual aksharas are about 16 inch in height. The inscription reads as follows: [Na]garakhitasa chu matu Chakamuchukaye danam. It may be translated as: "[This pillar is] the gift of Nagarakshita and (his) mother Chakramochika." But the word chu seems to suggest that the present epigraph was the second of a set of two inscriptions, the first recording a gift of Nagarakshita, while the inscription under study only the gift of his mother. The gentleman and the lady mentioned in the record are not known from any other inscription from Barhut. A Buddhist monk of Pushkara, named Nagarakshita, is, however, known from an inscription of about the same period ; but he appears to be different from the person of the same name mentiored in the record under study. No. 3 The railing pillar on which this fragmentary inscription in one line is engraved bears the number Ac/2918. The writing covers a space measuring 54 inches in length with individual aksharas slightly less than an inch in height. The epigraph reads... girino bhanakasa bhatu, after which there are traces of an akshara which may be pa or ha. The word bhanaka indicates & reciter (of sacred texts]' and a number of such reciters are mentioned in the Barhut epigraphs. Our inscription apparently records the gift either of Ha (or Pa)................, the brother of a reciter whose name ended with the word giri, or of both the reciter and his brother. This inscription reminds us of another Barhut epigraph which reads : Namdagirino bhanakasa Selapurakasa thabho danan. "The pillar (which is] the gift of the reciter Nandagiri, an inhabitant of Sailapura". It is not unlikely that the same reciter named Nandagiri is mentioned in the record under study. A person named Nandagiri is known from another Barhut inscription;' but he was not a bhanaka. 1 Cf. Barus and Sinha, op. cit., p. 11, No. 19; pp. 17 f., No. 45 (1 and 3), etc.; and p. 12, No. 22; p. 13, No. 28; p. 18 (4); eto. 18. C. Kala, op. cit., p. 33, No. 19. . Laders' List, No. 607. .8. c. Kala, op. cit., pp. 21-22. C. Barua and Sinha, op. cit., p. 8, No. 15; p. 11, No. 20; p. 13, No. 27; oto. * Ibid., p. 18, No. 41. * Ibid., p. 37, No. 13.

Page #98
No. 8] BARHUT INSCRIPTIONS IN ALLAHABAD MUSEUM 59 No. 4 This inscription is engraved on a pillar bearing the number Ac/2914 as a label for the representation of a Naga offering protection to the Buddha. It is in two lines which cover a space measuring 9 inches by 31 inches. The letters in the first line are somewhat bigger than those of the second. Individual aksharas are between 1" and 2" in height in line 1 and a little less than one inch in line 2. The inscription reads: 1 Muchilido Nagaruja [I*] 2 Tis[w]yi Benakalikaya duna(nam) []*] It may be translated as : "[This is the representation of] Muchalinda, the king of the Nagas (i.e. dragons). This is the gift of Tishya, an inhabitant of Benakataka." If it is believed that dana has been used in the plural number for Sanskrit daniini, it has probably to be suggested that Tishya's gift included more than one piece of stone. The mention of Nagaraja Muchalinda reminds us of two other Barhut inscriptions speaking similarly of the Naga-rajas Erapata (Sanskrit Airavata or Elapatra) and Chakravaka. Accord ing to Buddhist tradition, when there was a great shower of rain at Uruvela where the Buddha was spending the third week after his Enlightment, the Naga king Muchalinda sheltered him by winding his coils seven times round the Buddha's body and holding his head above the Buddha's head. The expression Bena katika (Sanskrit Bainakatika) has been derived from Benakataka in the sense of a female resident of Benakataka.' The name Benakataka seems to indicate a town (kataka) situated on the river Bena which may be a tributary of the Krishnu bearing that name or the Wainganga which is a tributary of the Godavari. But one of the Nasik cave inscriptions appears to locate a place called Benakataka in the district of Govardhana around modern Nasik. No. 5 This inscription in one line is engraved on a rail stone bearing the number Ac, 2967. The writing covers an area of 61 inches in length and individual aksharas are between l' and ' inch in height. The epigraph is both damaged and fragmentary. It reads... [ye Ra]kh[i]tasa thabho danam.' The first ukshara seems to be the remnant of a word indicating a place name in the feminine gender and the fifth case-ending. We have other cases of this type among the Barhut inscriptions ; cf. Moragirimha Nagilaya bhichhuniya danan thabho, "[This) pillar [is] the gift of the nun Nagila from Mayuragiri." No. 6 The fragment of the coping stone on which this inscription in one line is incised bears the number Ac/2925.? The writing covers an area measuring 21 inches in length with individual aksharas about inch high. The record reads: Hansa-jatakai. 1 8. c. Kala, op. cit., pp. 31-32, No. 26. . Barua and Sinha, op. cit., p. 71. * Malalasekera, Dictionary of Pali Proper Names, Vol. II, pp. 638-39. Of. Do, Geographical Dictionary, s.v. Bena and Beni. Cf. Select Inscription, p. 191; Luders' List, No. 1125. . See, e... Barua and Sinha, p. 13, No. 28.Cf. Ind. Ant., Vol. XXI, p. 234, No. 81. :S. C. Kala, op. cit., pp. 28-29, No. 35.

Page #99
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXXIII This reminds us of the numerous scenes from the Jatakas on the Barhut sculptures often bearing inscriptions mentioning the names of particular Jatakas. There is actually another Barhut inscription reading Hansa-jataka. Among the Jatakas mentioned in the Barhut inscriptions, we have Maghadeviga-jataka, Isimigo-jataka, . . . wigajataka, Secha-jatakan, Naga-jataka. Sujatogahuto-jataka, Latuva-jataka, Vidalajataraluku fa-jataka, Uda-jataka, Kimnara-jataka, Miga-jataka, Bhisaharaniya-jataka, Chhadartiya-jataka, Isisimgiya-jataka, Vitura punakiya-jataka, Yavamajhakiya-jataka and Muga pakiya-jataka. It may be pointed out that the names of the Jatakas as quoted in these inscriptions are in some cases found in different forms in the Jataka collections. No. 7 The coping stone bearing this inscription has the number Ac/2910. The record is in two parts. The height of individual aksharas in this epigraph is similar to that of the letters in No. 6. The first part of the inscription reads Gaja-jataka Sasoo and the second jatake which however, seems to be followed by traces of the letters saso. The two parts jointly mention the Gaja jataka and the Sasa-jataka Although the Sasa-jatakat is well known, it is difficult to identify the Gaja-jataka. Among the Jatakas, we have stories in which both the gaja (i.e. elephant) and the saia (i.e. rabbit) are known to have some part to play. 1 Barua and Sinha, op. cit., p. 81; Ind. A., Vol. XXI, p. 239, No. 158. * See Ibid., pp. 78, 80-81, 83, 85, 87-89, 91.94, 97; Luders' List, Nos. 691 ; 694-05, 698, 700-01,703-04, 706, 724, 730, 769, 755-86, 802, 807, 810, 825, 897. Cf. Ind. Ant., Vol. XXI, p. 233, No. 72; p. 239, No. 155. For another Jataka, see ibid., p. 239, No. 157. .S. C. Kala, op. cit., pp. 32-33, No. 7. See Jataks No. 316. Cf., e.g., Jataka No. 322 (Daddabha-jalaka).

Page #100
No. 2 No. 6 No. 3 No. 7 ` bh n+ Edlturn Scale: One-half No. 4 ydu SITE Scale : One-fourth

Page #101
No. 9-TWO GRANTS OF BHOJA PRITHIVIMALLAVARMAN (2 Plates) G. S. GAI, OOTACAMUND (Received on 23.4.1958) Photographs of the two copper-plate inscriptions published here with the kind permission of the Government Epigrapnist for India were obtained in his office during 1949-50. The plates were found somewhere in the Goa territory but the details about their discovery are not known. Both of these inscriptions, called here A and B,belong to the reign of the king Prithivimallavarman of the Bhoja dynasty. The existence of this dynasty is known from a few copper-plate grants. In all, six inscriptions, including the two published here, have been discovered so far. Of these, the Siroda plates of Devaraja are the earliest as they are assignable, on palaeographical grounds, to about the 4th century A. D., while the others belong to the 6th or 7th century A. D. The six inscriptions disclose the names of five rulers, viz. Devaraja, Asankita, Asankitavarman, Kapalivarman and Prithivimallavarman. Unfortunately their relationship to one another cannot be determined in the present state of our knowledge. The records refer only to the ruling kings and do not mention any of their predecessors. For this reason, it is even difficult to say whether Asankita of the Hiregutti plates is the same as Asankita varman mentioned in the Kapoli plates. These Bhoja rulers seem to have held sway in the west coast area comprising the North Kanara District, Goa and portions of the Belgaum District. Among the charters of the family, the Siroda plates were issued from Chandrapura, the Arga plates from Pamasa-kheta, and the present records from Vrishabhini-kheta and Prithivi-parvata. Of these, only Chandrapura has been satisfactorily identified with modern Chandor near the city of Goa. A The set consists of two plates, each measuring approximately 6.5" by 2.2". In the middle of the left margin of each plate, there is a hole. (about 1" in diameter) meant for the ring. The whereabouts of the ring and the seal are not known. The first plate is engraved on the inner side only while the second has writing on both sides. There are altogether eleven lines of writing, of which the first plate and the first side of the second plate have five lines each and the second side of the second plate only one line. Some letters in the third and fourth lines of the first plate are damaged. The rest of the writing is well preserved. The characters belong to what is known as the southern class of alphabets. They generally resemble the characters of the early Kadamba grants and may also be compared with those of the Arga plates of Kapalivarman and the Kapoli plates of Asankitavarman. While these characters are box-headed, those of our record are what may be called hook-headed. They are definity later than those of the Siroda plates of Devaraja and belong more or less to the same period as those of the other Bhoja grants referred to above. On palaeographical grounds, they may be assigned to the latter half of the sixth or the first half of the seventh century A. D. Initial a occurs 1 They have been registered as Nos. 8 and 10 of App. A., A.R.Ep., 1949-50, and briefly noticed above, Vol. XXVI, pp. 337-40. See also Summary of Papers, All-India Oriental Conference, Bombay, 1949, p. 99. Though the Siroda plates of Devaraja were noticed as early as 1933 and published above, Vol. XXIV, pp. 143 ff., the record was assigned to the Bhoja dynasty at a later date. Cf. above, Vol. XXVI, pp. 337 ff. The remaining four records are: (1) Siroda plates of Devaraja, referrred to above: (2) Hiregutti plates of Asankita, above, Vol. XX VIII, pp. 70 ff.; (3) Arga plates of Kapalivarman, above, Vol. XXXI, pp. 232-34; and (4) Kapoli platos of Asankitavarman, ibid., pp. 234-36. (61).

Page #102
62 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXXIII in lines 4, 5 and 10 while initial r is found in line 6. Finalm is written in two ways; cf. the diminutive form of the letter in Dittham (line 1), pallikayam (line 2) and eram (line 6) and the form endowed with only a small hook in Bhojanam (line 1). Final / is indicated by a diminutive form of the letter without the top matra ; cf. khelut and rachanat (line 1) and hirsyat (line 8). The early forun of kh may be noted in Khetat (line 1) and mukh-u (line 10). The language of the record in Sanskrit and the entire text is written in prose. In respect of orthography it may be observed that the consonant following r is invariably reduplicated. The inscription opens with the word ditthun which, however, is written about the beginning of the second line. This expression stands for Sanskrit drishtam. The charter was issued from Vpishabhini-kheta by king Prithivimallavarman of the Bhoja dynasty. The king is not introduced with any titles, imperial or subordinative. But since the charter is addressed to subordinate officials like the Bhojakas, Ayuktakas and Sthuyins (lines 2-3), we may assume that Prithivimallavarman was an in lependent king. The object of the inscription is to record the king's grant of a field, probably surrounded by blue hills, in the village of Bhagala-pallika included in the Kupalapakatahara-desa. It is stated (lines 3-4) that the grant was made for the merit of the king's mother Chetasadevi' at the request of his brother Satrudamana. These two personages, viz. Chetasadevi and Satrudamana, are not known from any other source. The donee was Madhvarya (i.e. Madhavarya) of the Agnivesya gotra. The record is dated (line 9) in the first year of the king's reign and the 13th day of the bright half of the month of Jyoshtha. The executor of the grant was the king himself. A statement in line 10 shows that the gift was actually made by Chetasadevi who was the daughter of Nellika. From this it appears that the gift land was purchased by the king's brother Satrudamana on behalf of his mother Chetasadevi and that the formal donation was made by the king himself. The charter was written by Devalarm-acharya of Bharadvaja-gotra. There are three places mentioned in the record, viz. Vrishabhini-kheta whence the grant was issued, and Kupalapakatahara-desa in which the village of Bbagalapallika was situated. I am unable to identify them. Kupalapakatahara-desa is, however, mentioned as Kupalakata-deba in inscription B below. TEXT First Plate i Dittham [*] Vijaya-Vrishabhini-khotat Bhojanam Prithivimallavarmmano vachanat dese Kupala2 [pa]kat-ahare grame Bhagalapal[1]ikayam varttamana-bhavishyad-bhojak-a3 yukstjaka-sthayy-alayo [vaktavyah] [l*) yath=asmabhir-asinad-bhratuh Satrudamanasya 4 [vijnapyona? asmad-ambayah] Chetas[uldevyah puny-opachay-arttham-asmai Brikma 1 In the Siroda plates (abovo, Vol. XXIV, p. 145, text line 2), the passage containing the names of these officers has been read as bhogik-ayuktaka-othamy-aday8. But the correct reading there appears to be bhojakayuktaka. athayy-adayo as in the present record. * The expression used is nila-dama-raprakah. It may also stand for the name of the field granted. . It has been inadvertently stated that Chetasadevi was the queen of Prithivimallavarman (above, Vol. XXVI, p. 339). * See above, pp. 50 ff. . From photographr. This is No. 8 of App. A of 1949-50. * This word is ongraved about the beginning of the second line. Rend drianfam. Read vijiapanena.

Page #103
TWO GRANTS OF BHOJA PRITHIVIMALLAVARMAN-PLATE I e pdmsp paay 77, Scale : Five-sixths

Page #104
63 No. 9] TWO GRANTS OF BHOJA PRITHIVIMALLAVARMAN 5 naya Agni[ve]oya-sagatraya Ma[dh]varyyaya kshetra-halam(lah) nila-dama-vaprakah Second Plate, First Side 6 sarvva-parihtital-pariharah udakena sampradattah [l*] tad=evam jnatra na kenachit 7 vyansitavyah! yo=smat-kul-abhyantaro=nya va riga-dvesha-lobha-moha-mada-matsaryya8 [di]bhi(bhi)r=ddoshair-abhibhuto him'syat sa-pancha-mahapatak-opapataka-sariyukta[h*] syad=iti [*] 9 datta pattika varddhamanaka-samvval prathama(me) Jyeshtha-sukla-divase trayodasyam [l*] 10 atra sa-mukh-ajnapti[h 1*] Nellika-balikayah Chetasadovyah danam=iti i Second Plate, Second Side 11 Do[va]sarmm-acharyyana(na) Bharadvaja-ssa(sa)gotruna li[khJitam=iti ! The set consists of two plates, each measuring about 8.2" by 2.2" and having a hole on the left margin (about in diameter) for the ring to pass through. The ring and the seal are not found. The first plate is engraved on the inner side only while the second plate bears writing on both the sides. The first plate contains four lines of writing, the first side of the second plate five lines and the second side of the second plate three lines only. Thus there are in all twelve lines of writing. Some letters in lines 10 and 11 are damaged while the rest of the writing is well preserved. The characters are the same as those employed in inscription A above. The grant is issued from the victorious Prithiviparvvata. The charter is addressed by king Prithivimallavarman of the Bhoja dynasty, who is introduced without any royal title as in record A above, to the present and the future Bhojakas, Ayuktakas and Sthayins. The object of the charter is to record the grant of a field called Kapoti-khajjana, situated in the village of Malara included in Kupalakata-desa made by the king for his own merit. The donee was one Damarya of the Bharadvaja gotra, who is also called Agnivesya. The word khajjana occurs in the Arga plates of Kapalivarman referred to above as Pukkolli-khajjana. Apparently it is the same as the modern Marathi and Konkani word khajan which means 'a rice-field created out of the nullah of a sea-shore by putting embankments after the ebb-tide." The inscription further states (lines 7-8) that a yupaka standing in the midst of the field was also given to the donee. The word yupaka may be a mistake for kupaka. The record is dated in the year 25 (expressed in numerical figures), Sravana-sukla 15. The year apparently refers to the king's regnal reckoning, thereby showing that Ptithivimallavarman ruled for about 25 years at least. The charter was written by Buddhaclasa of the Kamboja gotra while its executor was Nidhivara. The boundaries of the gift land are mentioned in lines 10-11 as follows: in the east the rocks ; in the south also the rocky path ; in the west a locality called Vesimika; and in the north a river, 1 Better read parihtita-sarrrao * Anusvara is engraved inside the loop of the medial i sign of hi. * Better read eamratsure. . Read mva. * There are traces of an unnecessary virarga-liko mark after na. * There is a visargn-like mark after it. It is part of the punctuation mark indicating the end of writing. Cf. Maharashtra-dablakosa, s.v. See also above, pp. 52-54.

Page #105
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (VOL. XXXIII At the end (line 12), the inscription once again refers to the grant of the field made by the king in the village of Malaxa. Prithivi-parvata, whence the grant was issued, Kupalakata-desa, which included the village where the gift land was situated, and the village of Malara are the three localities mentioned in the record. It is not possible to identify them. Prithivi-parvata seems to have been named after king Prithivimallavarman. Kupalakata-desa is apparently the same as Kupalapakataharadela mentioned in record A edited above. There is a place called Malowli in the Goa territory, though it is not possible to say whether it represents the village of Malara mentioned in the record. TEXT: First Plate 1 Dittham (Dfishtam) [I*] Vijaya-Psithivi-parvvatat Bhojanam Prithivimallavarmmano vachana[t] dese 2 Kupalakate grame Malare su-gramo varttamana-bhavishyad-bhojak-ayuktaka-sthayy-a3 dayo vaktavyah [l*) yath=asmabhir=asmat-pu[ny-7]pachaya-vivsiddhy-arttham'=atra grama-si4 me Kapoti-khajjanam=asmai Brahmanaya Bharadvaja-sagotray=Agnivesyaya Second Plate, First Side 5 Damaryyayrodakena sampradattam [l*] jnatv=aivam na kenachid=vyamsayitavyam yo v=a[tra] 6 raga-dvesha-lobha-mada-ma(ma)tsaryy-adibhir=abhibhut-atma vyamsanam kuryyat=sa pancha 7 mahapatak-opapataka-samyukta[b*) syad=iti [l*] khajjana-maddhyastho=pi (yu)paka[h]* 8 Brahmanay=aiva datta iti [1] dattam patrakar samvva 20 5 Sravana-sukla diva 10 [5] [l*] 9 likhitam=etach=cha Kamboja-sagotrena Buddhadasen=a[tra) ch=ajnaptir= Nnidhivara[h] [1] dakshinator Second Plate, Second Side 10 [kha]jjana-parimanam setavas=cha [l*] purvvata[h] (pasha]na[h] pi (pashana-vithi] 11 aparato Vesimika uttarato nadi . .. kha[la]-stha[na)-pari[manam] 12 avya[in*]sit[0] Malara-simesmabhis=sampradatteti || 1 From photographs. * This word is unnecessary. * Better read opachay-arihan". * Can this be a mistake for kipakah ? Road datta idi.

Page #106
TWO GRANTS OF BHOJA PRITHIVIMALLAVARMAN-PLATE II i, a aa nrkku muNdu aa bNk bNlooni mulu ani aNtN SH and - vaan Scale : Nine-tenths

Page #107
106 10 12 12

Page #108
No. 10-FRAGMENTARY YAJVAPALA INSCRIPTION FROM NARWAR (1 Plate) D. C. SIRCAR, OOTACAMUND (Received on 14.9.58) The inscription, preserved in the Gwalior Museum, was copied by me when I visited Gwalior about the end of 1952 for attending the Fifteenth Session of the Indian History Congress It was registered as No. 146 of the Annual Report on Indian Epigraphy, 1952-53, Appendix B. The record, stated to have been found at Narwar in the Shivapuri District of the former Gwalior State, is as yet unpublished; but a short notice of it was published by M. B. Garde in the Annual Report of the Archaeological Department of the Gwalior State, V.S. 1982, No. 1. Garde's note was utilised by H. N. Dvivedi in his Gwalior Rajyake Abhilekh, No. 704. It has been supposed that the inscription was engraved during the reign of Asalladeva of the Yajvapala dynasty of Narwar. Actually, however, the record belongs to the time of Asalla's son Gopala whose known dates range between 1279 and 1289 A.D. The inscription is engraved on the excavated bed of a squarish stone slab, the four sides of which are raised. There are 18 lines of writing in the record, the inscribed area covering a space about 19 inches long and about 14 inches high. The inscription is incomplete. The last line, which contains the concluding part of verse 22, ends with the first six syllables of a new stanza; but the rest of this verse was not engraved on the stone. It may be supposed that, as in the case of the Ajmer inscription edited above, the writing was continued on a separate slab. But there is some evidence to show that such was not the case. It is interesting to note that there is enough space on the stone below the last line of the record to accommodate several lines of writing. It is clear therefore that the original idea was to engrave on the stone a complete prasasti of the type known from four other inscriptions of the Yajvapala age, preserved in the Gwalior Museum and edited by us elsewhere in this journal, and that, for some reason unknown to us, the engraver gave up the writing after finishing about three-fourths of the work. The reason of course may have been a sudden calamity that befell the persons concerned. The inscription is not only incomplete but also fragmentary. A layer of stone has peeled off from a considerable area of the surface of the slab. This has resulted in the effacement of a number of letters in all the lines. The number of lost letters is the highest in lines 7-9. The record is a prasasti written in more than 22 stanzas in various metres. The verses are consecutively numbered. In the absence of the concluding part of the inscription, the purpose underlying the composition of the eulogy and its incision on the stone slab cannot be determined; but, considering the fact that the record closely resembles, in all respects, the four other prasastis of the Yajvapala age recording the excavation of step-wells, it may be suggested that the present inscription was also designed to serve a similar purpose. Indeed it is possible to think that the author of the eulogy was the Mathura Kayastha poet Sivanabhaka who is known to have composed several other prasastis of the reigns of the Yajvapala kiugs Gopala and Ganapati. The known dates of these rulers range between 1279 and 1300 A.D. Verses 1-2 containing adoration to the gods Murari (Vishnu) and Sambhu (Siva) refer to the reflection of the former on the cheek of Lakshmi and of the latter on the ear-ring of Siva (Kali). The idea contained in the first of the two stanzas is actually found in verse 2 of a prasasti composed by Sivanabhaka during the reign of Yajvapala Gopala in V.S. 1 Vol. XXIX, pp. 178 ff. 2 See above, pp. 31 ff.; vol. XXXII, pp. 334 ff. (65)

Page #109
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXXIII 1839 (1283 A.D.). Then again the expression saurajya-bhasura occurs in the description of the city of Nalapura in verse 3 of another prasastit composed by the same poet during the reign of the same monarch in V.S. 1336 (1281 A.D.). The word saurajya occurs in a similar context in verse 9 (line 9) in the present record algo. These facts coupled with the other that the eulogy under study was composed during Gopala's reign seems to suggest that the same poet Sivanabhaka was responsible for its composition. The characters of the inscription belong to the Devanagari alphabet of about the thirteenth century and closely resemble those of other Yajvapala inscriptions. The letter b has been indicated by the sign for v. The orthography of the record is characterised by the occasional uge of the class nasal and final m instead of anusvara, and reduplication of consonants after . The language is Sanskrit and, with the exception of a few passages at the beginning, the whole record is written in verse. The inscription begins with the Siddham symbol and the expression siddhih and the passage Ganapati-prasaddhat(dat). The above is followed by two stanzas in adoration of the gods Murari (Vishnu) and Sambhu (Siva), which have already been referred to above. Verses 3-9 describe the kings of the Yajvapala dynasty of Nalapura from Chahada to Gopala. Verse 3 apparently introduces the hill-fort of Nalapura (Narwar) which was the capital of the Yajvapalas since the days of Chahada.) Unfortunately the passage containing the name is lost; but the reference to Naishadha-kshitipa, alluding to the epic king Nala of the Nishadhas, leaves us in no doubt about the author's intention. The stanza also contained the name of the vishaya (i.e. district or territory) of which the above fortress was the capital. The reference is to the Yajvapala kingdom or the district round Narwar which seems to be mentioned as Padonalaksha-vishaya in another epigraphic record. The restoration Padonalaksha in the present epigraph suits the metre of the stanza in question. The name of king Chahada in verse 4 is only partially preserved ; but the name of his son Nrivarman in the following stanza (verse 5) can be clearly read. An interesting information about Ntivarman, which is known for the first time from the present record, is that he defeated the king of Dhara and exacted tribute from him. Since the latest known date of Chahada and the earliest of his grandson Asalla have both been read as V.S. 1311=1254-55 A.D., Nsivarman, son of Chahada and father of Asalla, may be supposed to have ruled for a few months in 1254-55 A.D." He thus appears to have been a contemporary of the Paramara king Jaitugi (known dates between V.S. 12921236 A.D. and V.S. 1300=1243 A.D.) or his younger brother and successor Jayasimha-Jayavarman (known dates between V.S. 1311=1256 A.D. and V.S. 1331= 1274 A.D.) of Dhara and Mandu. There is a passage in verse 5, which seems to suggest that the Yajvapala monarch was helped in his encounter with the king of Dhara by three persons named Skanda, Chandra and Parita, who were possibly his generals. (Verse 6 introduces Nrivarman's son Asalla although the name is not fully preserved. The stanza appears also to have contained the name of his queen who gave birth to his son and successor 1 See above, p. 39, text lines 2-3, verge 2, * See ibid., p. 34, text line 3. See ibid., Vol. XXXI, pp. 323 ff. and Plates ; Vol. XXXII, pp. 334 ff. and Plates ; above, pp. 31 ff. and Plates. * See No. 139 of A.R.Ep., 1952-53, App. B; above, p. 38. R. D. Banerji speaks of Chabada's coins of V.S. 1312 (1255 A.D.) and 1316 (1259 A.D.) and concludes, "Nrivarman did not reign at all, because the reigns of Chahada and his grandson Asalla or Asals overlap " (Num. Suppl., No. XXXIII, p. 83). If this is correct, Nrivarman's achievement has to be referred to the reign of his father Chahada. The language of the inscriptions, however, seems to suggest that Noivarman ruled between Chahada and Asalla. * Bhandarkar's List, p. 397.: above, Vol. XXXII, p. 140.

Page #110
No. 10) FRAGMENTARY YAJVAPALA INSCRIPTION FROM NARWAR Gopala. Her name is lost; but another inscription of the family gives it as Lavanyadevi. The next stanza (verse 7) refers to the person who succeeded to Asalla's position [as kingl (cf. labhe tasya padam). The reference is undoubtedly to Gopala who was the son and successor of Asalla. But the name cannot be traced in the extant parts of any of the three stanzas (verge 7-9) that describe the Yajvapala monarch during whose rule the inscription was engraved. Verse 10 introduces Gopagiri (Gwalior) where the family, to which the hero of the prasasti belonged, originally resided, while the next stanze (verse 11) speaks of a Mathura Kayastha family hailing from that place and belonging to the Harita gotra. Verse 12 describes Syama of the family mentioned in the foregoing stanza. He is compared with Syama-vata or the sacred banyan tree at Prayaga near Allahabad, U.P.: The next stanza (verse 13) speaks of Bhuvanapala who seems to have been the son of Syama, although no word indicating the relationship between Syama and Bhuvanapala can be traced in the extant parts of verses 12-13. An interesting information about Bhuvanapala is that he is stated to have been seated on half of the throne of king Bhoja of Dhara. The expression mantra-balat used in this context seems to suggest that he was a minister of that monarch. It is difficult to determine whether the word mukhya in a damaged passage of the stanza suggests that he was Bhoja's chief minister. As will be seen below, Bhuvanapala's greatgrandson was a contemporary of Yajvapala Chahada (c. 1231-34 A.D.). Bhoja of Dhara, contemporary of Bhuvanapala, therefore cannot be identified with Paramara Bhoja II who ruled about the close of the 13th century. He seems to be none other than Bhoja I (c. 1010-55 A.D.) of the Paramara dynasty. But there is an interval of nearly two centuries between Paramara Bhoja I and Yajvapala Chahada. This seems to be too long a period to be covered by four generations only, even if it may not be altogether impossible. Bhuvanapala's son was Vasudeva (verse 14).whose son was Damadara (verse 15). The name of Damodara's son is lost in verse 16; but he is stated to have been the Kosadhyaksha (treasurer) of king Chahada, apparently the Yajvapala king of that name. Verse 17 states that Damodara's son visited Kasi, Gay, and other holy places, while the next stanza (verse 18) mentions his wife named Dharma who was the daughter of Pithane. The lady Dharma is stated in verse 19 to have given birth to five sons. The first of these five brothers is described in verses 20-22. Unfortunately his name is lost; but he is described as a poet and an expert in vamsa-varnana (i.e. description of families). He is further stated to have been & servant of king Gopa, no doubt the Yajvapala king Gopala who was the great-grandson of Chahada. It is interesting to note that, while the father was a contemporary of Chahada (c. 1231-54 A.D.), the son was serving under Gopala (c. 1279-89 A.D.). The concluding part of the last line of the inscription, as already indicated above, gives us only the first six syllables of a stanza which was expected to be verse 23 of the eulogy under study. It was meant to introduce the younger brother of the eldest of Dharma's five sons. It seems that one of the five sons of Dharma was the hero of the prasasti under study. This is not only suggested by the fact that Dharma's sons were contemporaries of the reigning Yajvapala king but probably also by the mention of their mother in the eulogy. In the prasastis composed during the reigns of Gopala and Ganapati generally the mother of the hero is mentioned and not his grandmother or great-grandmother. But who the hero was cannot be determined. A guess may, however, be hazarded in this connection. We have seen that the eulogy was possibly composed by the poet Sivanabhaka who is described in a stanza found in several records as a member of a 1 Above, p. 34, text line 8. * For the mention of Syama in literary works like the Ramayana (11,68, 23), Kalidasa's Raghutamia (XIII. 63) and Bhavabhuti's Uttararamacharita (Anka I), see ABORI Vol. XXXVIII, pp. 87 ff. * There is only one case of the mention of the hero's grandmother and nono mentioning his great-grandmother.

Page #111
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [Vol. XXXIII Mathura Kayastha family hailing from Gwalior and as the son of Kosadhipa Lobata and the grandson of Damodara. The hero of the eulogy under study belonged likewise to a Mathura Kayastha family hailing from Gwalior, and he was the son of a Kosadhyaksha (name lost) of king Chahada and the grandson of Damodara. It appears possible that the name of Chahada's Kosadhyaksha which is lost in our record was really Lohata which suits the metre of the stanza in question. Thus it seems that the present eulogy was composed by Sivanabhaka in order to record a pious deed of one of his brothers or of his own self. We have seen how verses 20-22 describe the eldest of Dharma's sons as a poet who was an expert in describing genealogies and as one engaged in the service of the Yajvapala king Gopala, although the name of the person is lost. It is, however, interesting to note that the description suits very well the poet Jayasinha, son of Lohata and the author of a prasasti' composed in V.S. 1350 (1293 A.D.) during the reign of Gopala's son Ganapati. Pithana, maternal grandfather of the hero of our presenti, cannot be identified. The name, however, reminds us of Pithana of the Gaudahara Kshatriya community, who was the father of Devadhara, the chief minister of Asalla according to a prasasti of Gopala's time, composed by Sivanabhaka in V.S. 1336 (1279 A.D.). The identification of the two Pithanas is possible if it can be believed that the Mathura Kayasthas and the Gaudahara Kshatriyas intermarried beween themselves. Among geographical names mentioned in the inscription, Kasi and Gava are famous holy places. As already indicated above, verse 3 seems to refer to the bill-fort of Narwar as the capital of the territory called Padonalaksha-vishaya which may have been the name applied to the deminions of the Yajvapalas. TEXT [Metres : verse 1 Upajati; verses 2, 4, 6-7, 9-12, 15-20 Anushrubh ; verses 3, 5 l'asantatilaka : verses 8, 13-14, 21 Arya ; verse 22 Giti.] 1 Siddham ! Siddhih || Ga[napati-pra]saddhat(dat) Ni[l-am]vu(bu)da-sya(bya)[ma-ru]chih kapole puna(tu) Laksh[my]ah prativim(bit)vi(bi)to vah sphuran-mayukhe [vi]male Mura.. 2 [rir=u)-----UU--[nda]m=indah || [1].... tamaso [va(ba)dham) sphuranti [sthiti-sa]lini kumdale vastanur=vv=api Sivaya [dis(sa)tam) Si[va]r(vam) || 2 3 [Paj u [vishay-aika)-vibhushanam y[o] yo N[ai]shadha-ksh[i]tipa-kirtti-vikasa-hetul yah sreyasam cha vibhavasya cha patram=ekam=as[t]e sa [6]imga-kha4 chistaju ud[r]ih 3 Tasminn=abhuta purvvo=bhuchCha. ....i-patiho | bhuja-sau (sau)tirya-nirddhuta-prati[pa)-bhata-pauru[sba]b || 4 Tasmad-abhud-amalla) 1 Above, Vol. XXXII, p. 337, text lines 20-21, verse 22. . Above, p. 32. * From impressions. This is No. 146 of A.R.Ep., 1952-53, App. B. * Expressed by symbol. * There is an unnecessary danda here together with a cancellation mark intended to cover a little blank space At the end of the line. * The word lost here seems to be Sambhavi qualifying the word tanuh. The name may possibly be restored as Padonalaksha. "There is an unnecessary mark ahove this letter. . The passage may be conjecturally restored as "chitaretu Nal-abhidh-adrih. 10 The damaged passage may be restored as 'Chahadah prithics-palib.

Page #112
FRAGMENTARY YAJVAPALA INSCRIPTION FROM NARWAR ColleniuminivilhImA bAlana namAnI samAjamAna nadaEBISHALAUpretaliremitAsanatamvAmiyAnAmanivAraNa UncenAnAriHDVISE nAvAvAsAvavizvAsAtamakAjadAna gariva MAHARA S HdnAgAjinAmA mAyA pramA SHARE dAtamAratadAtAmAkSAkArAvAsAtamAgA kata HE N HEmAdhAnApAstAnamAranAmaniyA nAyakarAnAtahatasAdAtAvinAma KHAlAminAmanAmanAtalAmAdhAnadAtA R ANCHETANImalImInirmacA dil aagunninabanAtAvAdAtA naamaayaa| kAdarI timAima AANETsanApAlAArAdhAnAsAnAkAmA mahAmanasAvA vAlAp a ali navaratArA sattAstavAzAjimAnatajAmAmulIvAra sAdAvana ( DALAGanemArAsatamA manAma tivApAnabAhadagAlA (mAyAko nidAnakA tamAmadimAgamAnA jAdA DinAvAmAnADAdanAvamA vAtAdA gAvisa illustanimal AMARthApanamA samAnatAmAlikAmA cinAjapipaI tathA samAja A ndrenisaHDHARATmAzApAtamAzAyImAsArakhA TRAELEnAlAlamahAlAbhArAmazAnAmAnilivana Scale : Two-fifths

Page #113
No. 10) FRAGMENTARY YAJVAPALA INSCRIPTION FROM XARWAR 6 ki[rttir-i]--0--[h srima]n=Noivarmma-ntipastih) www.-- (1) (Gri)-Bka[m]da Chandra-Paritaih paribh[U]ya yena Dhar-adhipad-api karo jagribi-tidpiptat 5 6 Tat[o-bhu]ch-churi... [1]lah simha-sanii[hara)... [I*).... [pa]vitr=ibbud=yasya kirttir-iva priya || 6 Lebhe tasva padain kirtti-puta-vinse 7 sha... hol akhila-si ..........[ 7*)... jal-a[r]dra-kar-agrah pratihuta -vigivah(ghna)-sad-odit 8 ddhish | asti)........ .......[188].. itim niti-sampanna sa-vananizavan-ojvalijvallam alamkurdva(rvva)tio 9 saurajya............[|| 9*]...[se]....... [sa]rvyamangalah| asti Gopagirir-nama durg88 Durggapatir-yatha 10 10 Varso dhar-avata]]'. ...........nina (cha teshti) Harista-gotrana[rn] Mathurinam yabo-rthinam(nam) | 11 Gunaih suchir api syamo namna Sya 11 mo vato yatha | [ru]......[yo] brita-tapu-rthinam=al hut || 12 Adhyasta Bhuvanapalo Dhar adhibasya Bhoja-bhupasya simhasanam-apy-a 12 rddham maint[r]a-va(ba)lan mukh[y]a..... || 13 Va(Ba)lavan=uddhrita-gotrah [pa]ra - hita-ksitye[sh]u sautatam niratah | upasamit-ahita-nagas-tasya suto Va 13 sudevo=bhut || 14 [Kri].... pritir-gotr-anamdi vsisha-sthitih | Damodaro-bhavat-tasnada apurvvo=mita-vikramah || 15 Tatas-Chahada-bhupala 14 koss-adhyaksho visu... [l*]... 10[8=ta]nayo jajne kutuiva(ba)-bhara-sasahih! 16 Kab. Gay-adi-tirthoshu snana-pind-odaka-kriyah | kritvatma(tma) 15 mochito yena (tri)...... [mat] li 17 T[ena] Dharmm-abhidha dharmmya sadhvi Pithana putrika 1 upayeme kutumva(b-a)rthi-dvij-anainda-para priya || 18 16 Tasyam samana-siki........[to]=rthinam(nam) | utpaditah sutah prajnah pancha Pan cheshuna samah || 19 Tesham=adyah krit-abhyaso vidyasu saka1 The damaged passage may be restored as Grimal-Asallah. The name of the queen is lost. But No. 141 of A.R. Ep., 1952-53, App. B., gives it as Lavanyadovi (cf." above, p. 34, text line 8). There is, however, no space for five syllables here. The passage may be conjecturally restored as Lavanyali-paritrio. . The intended reading may be din-mukhal. * The word lost here may be dana. * There is an unnecessary mark above this letter. * There is an unnecessary double danda hero together with a cancellation mark. * The expression appears to be dhar-avatarea. The passage may be conjecturally restored - valamide tra kulona cha damea cha.. * There is an unnecessary danda here with a cancellation mark. * The expression may be conjecturally restored as buddha-dhib. 10 The name is lost here. It may be Luhafa. 11 The damagod word may be restored as Hlayar.

Page #114
17 lasvapi saya. EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [Vol. XXXIII [t-agranih] || 20 Manita-marggana-vrin[da]h kavir-asmin vamsa varopane nipapabaishyairwiva pravam(bat)dhair-ni 18 rdoshair-yo yata[s-tene | 21]....... karyeshu Gopa-bhupasya sastre sastre nipunah ju(chi)-anu(kula)]b priyathvado data | 22 Tad-avaraj hi 1 The rest of the prosasti was not engraved although there is space for several lines after this. The last akshara of the line (i.e. hri) may have begun a personal name like Hrishikesa, Hridayasa, etc. The stansa cannot be determined. metre of this

Page #115
No. 11 NOTE ON KALYANA INSCRIPTION OF SAKA 1248 D. C. SIRCAR, OOTACAMUND (Received on 24.4.1958) The inscription under study was originally found in the locality called Yellanagar in Ka lyana, the ancient capital of the Chalukyas and Kalachuris in the Gulbarga District of the former Hyderabad State. It is now preserved in the Husaini Bargah in the fort at Kalyana. The inscription has been twice edited, once by Mr. R. M. Joshi in the. Annual Report of the Archaeological Department of His Exalted Highness the Nizam's Dominions, 1936-37, pp. 43-45, and again by Mr. P. B. Desai in the pages of this journal, above, Vol. XXXII, pp. 165-70 and Plate. Unfortunately the writing and engraving of the inscription are both very careless and some of the letters are damaged. There are moreover numerous errors in the language. The text is thus very difficult to decipher and interpret. It is therefore no wonder that both the published transcripts of the epigraph are full of errors and consequently the text has not been properly understood. The readings of the verses in the second half of the record are particularly unsatisfactory in the published transcripts and the editors have disregarded both the metre and the sense. The characters of the record are Nagari; but the letter kh has been written in line 30 in its early Southern form. It seems that b has been indicated by the sign for v. The inscription is written in both prose and verse. Lines 1-14 contain a document in a few sentences in prose, and verses 1-4 in the Sardulavikridita metre in lines 14-29 record the main object of the epigraph. This part is in continuation of the prose section referred to above. There is also a fifth stanza in Anushtubh in lines 29-30 mentioning a new fact. The last two lines of the record (lines 31-32) are damaged. The introductory part in lines 1-8 gives the date: Saka 1248, Kshaya (called Akshaya in verse 2), Karttika-sudi 15, Monday (November 10, 1326 A.D.), when Maharajadhiraja Suratana(Sultan) Mahamada (Muhammad ibn Tughluq Shah of Delhi, called Suratrana Mahimada in verse 1) was the reigning monarch, his Mahapradhana Mallika Kamadina (Malik Qivamuddin Qutlugh Khan) was the viceroy of Maharashtra-mandala and the latter's subordinate Khoja Ahamada (Khwaja Ahmad) surnamed Jandamalantara was the Syaramallika (Persian Sair Malik, Collector of Taxes) at Kalyanapura. The office of the viceroy is indicated by saying that the Mahapradhana was conducting the affairs associated with the imperial seal (or, carrying the imperial seal, according to verse 1). The purpose of the inscription is introduced in the following sentences. It is stated, that, during the troubled days associated with [the rebellion of] Vahavadinnu (Bahauddin Gurshasp, son of the Sultan's father's sister), the people of Karnata discontinued the worship of the god Madhukesvara, installed in a temple at the city of Kalyana as indicated more clearly in verse 1 below. The reason behind this discontinuation of the god's worship is not stated in the record. It may have been due to the priests and devotees of the deity having fled from the city in trouble. It is difficult to ascribe it to the desecration of the god by the Muslims as in that case the Sivalinga would have most probably been broken to pieces. The language of the record seems to suggest that the old Sivalinga was re-installed for worship which had been stopped. Obviously when 1 We are amused at Joshi's remark that the language is grammatically correct'. If the expression punab-pratishtha, used in this connection, may be taken. to mean installation of another Sivalinga in the place of an old one, the passage avabhanga-vipadam...Sambhob in verse 1 may suggest that the old Linga called Madhukeevara had been broken and that the attempt was for its replacement by a new one. But the statement of fact in the passage anjanam baddhikritam (cf. lines 9-10) merely speaks of the stoppage of worship and not of any damage to the Linga. (71)

Page #116
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXXIII better days returned to the Kalyana area after the revolution, there was a controversy among the citizens on the restoration of the god's worship. Some of them (probably the local Hindus) argued that the god should be purified at his place [for the re-introduction of his worship]. But there was another group of citizens (probably Musalmans) who were opposed to the re-installation of the deity. Then Thakkura Mala (Malla), son of Thakkura Nainapala, went to the Khoja (i.e. Ahamada) and represented the case. The Khoja granted his request saying that the worship of the deity was the religious obligation of the supplicant and the members of his community (kuladharma) and that therefore the deity could be re-installed. Mala, son of Nainapala, is mentioned in the versified part of the record as Malla, son of Nainasimha. The word naina in the nam Nainapala or Nainasimha stands for Sanskrit nayana while Mala is the same as Sanskrit Milla or Mallaka, 72 The interpretation of the above section of the record offered by us here requires some elabo ration since both Mr. Joshi and Mr. Desai have read and interpreted the text differently. Some of their views are quoted in the following analysis while their readings have been quoted generally in the foot-notes to our transcript of the inscription. As regards the latter part of the above section of the inscription, Joshi's transcript contains several errors while his faulty translation runs as follows: "When at Kalyana, Khwaja Ahmad... (Shahabuddin, etc.) appointed by him (i.e. Kamadina), in Karnataka, during the rebellion, the vicinity of the god Madhukesvara was awaiting consecration. Efforts were being made (?); desires as to why the deity should not be installed were whispered (?)". What he has understood from the text is given elsewhere in the following words: "Due to a mutiny, the local temple was defiled. Attempts were made to find out the image and re-install it in the former place. Nenapal, the son of Thakur Malapo, perhaps out of hesitation consulted the local Qazi who spoke as follows: That is your religious and family duty and you should act upto it'....". These statements are not all correct. Desai's interpretation of this part of the record is equally erroneous. Thus he says, "It seems that, in connection with the revolution (viparyaya) caused by Bahabadinu, the officer of Kalyana, along with Jandamala, went to Syara Mallika. This gave room for confusion which was taken advantage of by the unruly elements who seem to have caused serious damage to the temple of Madhukesvara and even broken the Sivalinga Soon after this, some devotees of the god from the Karnata section of the population appear to have made a premature offer to embellish the temple. The text of the relevant passage after correction stands as Karnata-lokaih anjana-buddhih krita. But this move was not encouraged by the trustees of the temple. After sometime when the governor of the town returned, a representation was made to him in the matter of re-installing the deity and resumption of ceremonial worship as usual, by Thakkura Malla (Mala), son of Vainasimha or Vainapala, who was in charge of the management of the temple. The request was granted by the governor in consultation with his secretary (named Jamdadasa, probably the same as Jamdamala)." Most of these statements appear to be unsupported by the language of the record as read by us. In the first place, lines 7-8 appear to read Kalyanapure tam (tan)-niro(ru)pita-Sho(Kho)jaAhamada-Jamdamalamtare Syaramallika[tva]m gata(te), 'when Ahamada-Jandamalantara, appointed by him (i.e. Kamadina), was the Syaramallika at Kalyanapura.' Jandamalantara seems to be the surname or designation of Khwaja Ahmad, while Syaramallika seems to be derived from the Persian words sair, tax' and malik,' a master' in the sense of Collector of Taxes'. Thus there seems to be no reference to Ahmad having gone to Syara Mallika in the company of Jandamala. Secondly, 1 It is not altogether impossible that the controversy was between the local Saivas and the members of some other Hindu community such as the Vaishnava. But normally a Hindu community is not expected to object to the re-introduction of the worship of a deity by another Hindu community.

Page #117
No. 11] NOTE ON KALYANA INSCRIPTION OF SAKA 1248 the next sentence in lines 8-10 reads: Vaha[va]dinnu-viparyaye Madhukesvaradeva-sam(sam)dhy(or samnidhau) Karnata-loke(kaih) amjana[m] vudhikritam. Desai's emendation of the last portion as anjana-buddhih krita, ' made a premature offer to embellish [the temple]', is unsatisfactory in view of the passage Madhukesvaradeva-sannidhye (or sannidhau), 'before Madhukesvaradiva (i.e. the god Madhukeevara)', occuring in the same context, although he reads it wrongly. In our opinion, the intended reading for vudhikritam is baddhikritam in which baddha means stopped. The root anj means to celebrate', 'to honour', and anjana may indicate celebration, worship'. It therefore seems to us that all celebrations in the presence of the god Madbuksvara were stopped by the people during the troubled days of Bahauddin's rebellion. This necessitated the purification and re-installation of the god in his old temple and that is exactly what is referred to again not only in the following section of the prose part but also in the versified section that follows. 73 The third sentence reads: jalpanta: deva[h] [40]dhaniya[h*] tatra kim: na hi. In this, alpanta is apparently a mistake for jalpanti, '[the people] are talking'. This means to say that there was a talk or controversy among the people. The conflicting views in the controversy were devah sodhaniyah tatra kim? na hi, "Should the deity be purified [for re-installation] there [in his temple]?" "Certainly not." As already indicated above, it is possible to think that, in this controversy, the Hindu citizens of Kalyanapura were in favour of the re-installation of the god while the Muslims of the place were opposed to the idea. This state of affairs, apparently referring to the time after the viparyaya, led to the efforts of Malla or Mala, son of Nainapala or Nainasimha, for the re-installation of the god. The following section of the prose part reads: tatra tasmin [ni*lja-sthane punar-api deva-sthapana-pujana-vidhaye (or vishaye) sam(sat)-thaku(kku)ra-Nainapala-suta-thakura-Mala(thakkuraMallena) Sho(Khoja-samksha (samaksham) udyasah [kri]ta[h|*] Khoje[na*] prasadam(dah) dattam(ttah) yushmakam kula-dharmo varttate | tat-karaniyam (yam) | The meaning of the section is quite clear. Mala (Malla) appeared before the Khoja and made an effort in regard to the re-installation of the god in his old temple and the re-introduction of his worship. The Khoja favoured him with his permission. In case the controversy was really between the local Hindus and Musalnans, the Khoja was on the side of justice and fairplay in giving this permission against the feeling of the focal Musalmans. Praise is certainly due to him for this act of courage in those days of bigotry and religious fanaticism. As regards the contents of the versified portion following the prose part discused above, Joshi says, "... Kalyana, with its increasing glory, had the chariot of Sambhu moving freely. Nainasimha's son, the best of the Kayasthas, who was perhaps a worshipper of Vishnu, did not like the idea. In 1248 Saka, cyclic year Kshaya, on the full-moon day in Karttika, when at Seshachala god Thakur is generally worshipped, Madhukesvara was installed." These statements are based mostly on wrong readings of the text. Desai on the other hand thinks that verses 1-2 summarise the main facts stated in the prose part. This is also based on misunderstanding. The first four of the five stanzas in the second half of the inscription repeat only a part of what we have in the prose section analysed above and record the result of the Khoja's permission accorded to Mala (Malla) in respect of the re-installation of the god Madhukesvara and the reintroduction of his worship in his old temple. But the Khoja is not mentioned and there is only an indirect reference to the stoppage of Madhukesvara's worship. Verses 1-2 state that, in the night of the day of the moon (i.e. Monday) which was the full-moon day of Karttika in the cyclic year Akshaya (the same as Kshaya mentioned in the prose part), when the nakshatra was Rohini, in the Saka year counted by 8, the 4 seas, the 2 ayanas and 1 (i.e. 1248), when Suratrana Mahimada (the same. as Suratana Mahamada of the prose part) was ruling the earth and Kamadin was his viceroy, the god Madhukesvara was re-installed at Kalyananagara by Kayastha

Page #118
74 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (VOL. XXXIII Naipasimha's son Malla who had become ashamed at the [possible) calamity of Sambhu (i.e. the Sivalings called Madhukebvara) being broken away [in the state of neglect from which he was then suffering). It may be pointed out that it was not the intention of the author to repeat in this part anything from the prose section excepting the date and that the mention of the reigning. monarch and his viceroy is in the same connection. The installation ceremony took place at night, which fact is of course not mentioned in the date of the record given in the prose part. The verses give the additional information that the nakshatra on the date in question was Rohini. Verse 3 is in praise of the god Mahesvara (i.e. Siva in the form of Madhukesvara) who received re-installation. There is no mention of king Mahamada or Mahamada in this stanza as suggested by Mr. Desai. The next stanza (verse 4) prays for Madhukesvara's favour in granting the desires of Malla's heart. Verse 5 speaks of a sasana or grant (probably of land) which was made in favour of Madhukeevara by a person named Vaijaditya and states that this grant was honoured by certain rulers including one named Usyarasimha who was probably a local chief. Mr. Desai considers this stanza to be a passage in prose and speaks of Vijaditya who wrote (.e. drafted) the charter and was respected by Syara Sihadaraja'. He further identifies Syara Sihadaraja with Syara Mallika of line 8. The last two lines of the inscription, which are damaged, appear to contain some personal names. These persons may have been witnesses to the grant made by Vaijaditya in favour of the deity. TEXT: 1 Siddham || svasti eri-sa[k]a 1248 Kshaya-samvatsaro | Karttiko 2 sudi 15 Some | ady=eha samasta-raj-avali-mal-alam3 krita-virajita-maharajadhiraja-bri-suratana-Maha4 madah(da)-rajye tat-pada-padmapajivirtasarna-bhara-[niru]. 5 pita-mahapradhana-Mallika-Kamadina(ne) Maharashtra-mam6 dale samasta-mudra-vyapa[*)n paripamthayati [i*]ty=evam ka7 le varttamane Ka(Ka)lyanapure tamniropita -Sho(Kho)jaAhama8 da-Jamdamalari tare Syaramallika[tva]m gata(te)" | Va(Ba)ha[va]dinnu-7 . 9 viparyaye Madhukesvaradeva-sam (sam)nidhyes Karnata-loke(kaih) amja10 na[m] vudhikritamo jalparta1o deva[h*] [4]odhaniya[h*) tatra kim na hitta From impressions. * Expressed by symbol. * Read padm-opajivita-sarva. Read tan-nirupita. * Sandhi has been avoided here. Joshi: Khaja Ahamada Jandra (Makhatard] Sare Malikatranga; Desai : Ahamada[6] Jandamala(lah) lasthatha)] [Sya]ra-Mallikantam(k-arthan or "k-antikan) gata(tau). The errors in Joshi's transcript have not been noticed in all cases. His readings have often been quoted after removing misprints and inserting diacritical marks. Some minor differences with Desai's transcript also have been left unnoticed. * Joshi : Syaha Badinu ; Desai : Bahabadinu. I have doubts whether the letter b has been used in the name. The mark inside the loop of the letter preceding di may be a flaw in the stone. * The reading may also be samnidhau. . Read baddhikritam. Joshi : sannidhau Karnata-lokt anjanah kritam; Desai: samh[tiya(bhithyan)] Karnata 1878(kaid) arhjana-rudhilbuddhib) kritam(a). 10 Read jalpamti. 11 Joshi : Igatahj ta dan Mianmain latra kin=nahi; Deeai: jalanta-deva[t8 dha nila ata kish na hi (jal. antar-daivatdedhad kshtyatleira kish na 18).

Page #119
No. 11] NOTE ON KALYANA INSCRIPTION OE SAKA 1948 76 11 tra tasmin (ni*lja-sthang' punar=api deva-sthapana-pujuna-vidha yo'l 12 sajn(sat)-thakkure(ra)-Nainapala-suta-[th]akura-Mala Sho(Kho)ja-samkeha(sama keham ody13 sala [krijta[b *1* Sho(Kho)jo[na*) prusidariu (dah) da[t]tamattab)" yushmoika: kula dharmo varttate 14 tat-karaniya[m](yain) || chha | Prithvisa(s-a)dhipatau Mahimada-suratra16 pe mahlm sa(sa)sati prasphurjargu(d-gu)na-Kamadina" sa-vivi(dhim) 16 mudram dadhane tada' | Kalyana nagure=vubhamgas-vipadam dashtva(dfishtv=)17 [pi] Sari(Sari)bhor=ayam. Kayus[th]-ottama-Nainasimhalo-tanayau(yo) dhimam(man) 18 punarullajji[tab] | 1 8a(SA)ko-sht-av[dh]yo(bdhy-a)yan-aika-namni vishama(me) 19 Samvat[sa]re ch=Akshaya ma[s]e Karttika-sarijnake Vidhu-yuta-sri-pau20 rpamat]y[m]** tithau | Rohinya[*] nisi vipra-maliitra-vihitai[h*) s21 va-chathai(yai)" (sh-thaku(kku)ro Malla[h*) sri-Madhuka[ava)rasya vidadhe dha22 nya[b*) pratishthan punah || 2 Ya[rn](Ya)n-netr-ana[la]-tejasi samabhavat Kanomo) 23 pa(py-a)nany-aspada yat-kanth-abharana[ii] jaga la(d-ga)ti-hara[111*] ta[t*) kala-kuta[* visha[m! 1] 24 Cya]dolene" pura Pun-trayam-api praptam katha-koshatain so=yam mahya25 Malesvaro-dhikuruta vatah pratishtha-padam(dann) || 3 Vain(YA)n-nitrazhitr-a)chala-# Derui: kumin prasthane. * The reading may be vishayi also. The following dandu is redundant. * Kead thakkura. Mallena. Jonli : nambardha Nenapala-sula thakura Malayoja (1) samaha (1) uda salapla (1); Deus : sambuddha) wwkkuraVainapala-sula-thakura. Mal Shajn nan[baldhal Jaindndard Ma. Desai, who roads the naines of the futher and the son respectively as Vaiva pala and Mala, thinks that an inoompleto sentence ends after Mila. Note that tak ura in colloquial form of hallura. The name of MAIA is found in vernee 2 and 4 below. Malla. Joshi : Khajana aandishyatt. . Read dind which, however, violates the motre. The author probably thought of Kamadiri Denai: falha. * The word avalhangu means 'breaking off'. Joshi: abhanga : Deni: vardpa. Joshi: Sambho ratham, translated as the chariot of Sambhu'. 10 Desai: Vainasimhu; but the first consonant is clearly 7. Naipasintaha is no doubt the same as Nalqapila of line 12 where, however, the letter ou le confused with v. 11 Desui: *4- Mullaji[tab](Mau-orjitab). 11 The word namni is not happy in this context. 13 Desai: pau( purrumal pyar)). 14 Jorhi : Sesh-uchuli; Desai: elshavn naib ( lui pananaih). 16 Rimaydo or "spanlam. Joshi: patritratnja 1jnsd samahhala Kano yanan (1); Desi: yanirdring. vald Insya rumal havulu karo pata mga produ. The reading of the verb in clearly damabhavat and no samanavam u reud by both Joshi andi Desai. 19 Joali: yu[wwagal bharanam jaga(t)ti harata kalakuta visha: Dewal: pakamja bharand jagaddhani Aarole bilakatu vinhamadt (with two syllables of the following foot of the stanza). the intended reading inay be yud-ba nuiranu. *Joi: madnit ..... pura-trayamaapi....... kathaI Hahalin): Denai: madal tend pund puratruyumsupi (ghajtan kuathirishalim. 1. The intended rearling may be vedlah or better putah. * ubi : Mi vaiheutya mahdivardapi kurwe chdial pratishtha-pridash; Dosal nayan Mah. Mahtavarde dhil urute (che tan gratishiha-padam.

Page #120
76 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXXIII laya pratipadam la[kshmyla chiram chi[hn]ita[b] [8]urya-[Chandra]masnu Satakratu-mukha deva labhan[t]e padam(dam) | so-yam [sarva]-sur-eevaro-pi mahatim dashva(drishtva) pratishta[m] (shtham) nija[m] deva[b] ari-Madhukeevaro vitanutan-Mallasya chitai(tt-ni)shaparb(pam) | Artma[d-U]syara-si[*]h-ada(dya)-raja-pajita-daiva[vava(vat)]' | Vaijadityasya likhita[m*] sasanam* Ma(Ma)dhukasvara[m*]' || chha || thakura-Redhunu Visvarupa Madhuko[eva]ra taye pratipadam tasyam chiram chihnsta; Desai: vantri tram valaia tatha pratipada lakshmyd 1 Joshi:. chiram chihnitam. Joshi... Satkra(possibly Salakra)tu-mukha deva labhanti padam; Desai: hata-ripu-matau batal I umukha deva labha[m]te padam. Joshi: mahata va(ba)dhva pratishtam nija; Desai: mahatam datva pratish++a[*] nij&[m*]. Joshi: ritanute sarvvasya vitt-Eshanam; Desai: vitanutatatat-tasya vitt-shanam. The intended reading may be daivatam. Joshi: brimato samarasiha rajya prajita de (1) ..ga Desai: rimatu Syara Sihada-raja-pajita-[de]va[vacha]. The word Jasana here seems to mean a gift of land. This gift was made by Vaijaditya. The intended word for likhita may be vihitam. In any case, the writer of the document does not appear to be mentioned in the stanza. If the word sana is taken in the sense of the present document, its epithet in the first half of the verse would be unaritable. Jos: Ijaya)dityasya likhita basanam Madhukeevara; Desai: Vijadityasya li[chhi](khi)ta-sasanam Madhu. binara. likhita[m], the letter kh is of the early Southern type. Joshi... Kurare... Madhukivara; Desal: thakura redhatu Visvarupu Madhukitvara... Joshi: ... punarana ......Deal:... [sthana]...'

Page #121
No. 12-NOTE ON MADAKASIRA INSCRIPTION OF DILIPARASA, SAKA 870 K. V. RAMESH, OOTACAMUND (Received on 6.2.1958) The slab which bears this inscription was found in the Cholaraja temple at Madakasira in the Taluk of the same name in the Anantapur District, Andhra Pradesh. The text of the inscription was first published in the Epigraphia Carnatica, Vol. XII, Si. No. 35, and again in the South Indian Inscriptions, Vol. IX, Part I, No. 25. The inscription contains 9 lines of writing occupying an area about 6 feet 10 inches in length and between 2 feet 3 inches and 1 foot 7 incl.es in height. There is a rectangular space in the centre measuring about 2 feet in length and 1 foot and 3 inches in height, which contains a sculpture in relief depicting a warrior being attended upon by two damsels bearing chowries. The inscription is written in Kannada characters and language. The date of the record is quoted as saka 870 (written in words), Kilaka-samvatsara which corresponds to 948-49 A.D. It refers itself to the reiga of the Nolamba-Pallava ruler Diliparasa. The inscription opens with the word svasti followed by the date-mentioned above. It records the death of Ponnayya, a servant of Ballaha, in the battle of Ipili, in which he is said to have fought with great bravery against Gajankusa-chola. The scene in the rectangular space obvious ly suggests that, on his death, he was welcomed by celestial damsels in heaven. The epigraph further states that Ponnayya was the son of Chikkayya and Ichabbe and the younger brothe of Sivaya and Bikiyanna. Sivaya is eulogised as the foremost archer in the 32000 country, no doubt meaning Nolambavadi. It is also stated that the Nolamba-Pallava chief Diliparasa joined the army of Ponnayya when it was on the march. Diliparasa has been called samadhigata-pancka-mahasabda, Prithivi-vallabha, Pallara-kula-tilika, Iriva-nolmban, etc., like the other rulers of his family. The title Pallava-Rama attributed to the chief in this record is interesting in that it is not known to have been assumed by any other NolambaPallava ruler. The title Ekavakya was enjoyed both by Diliparasa's father Ayyappa and by Iriva-Nolahba Nollipayya.. Iriva-nolamba Diliparasa was the younger son of Bira-nolamba Ayyappa and ascended the throne on the death of his brother Anniga. The exact date of Diliparasa's accession is not known. On the strength of the Deoli copper-plate inscription of Rashtrakuta Krishna III, dated Saka 862 (910 A.D.), which is the last known inscription to refer to Auniga and in which Anyiga is said to have been defeated and reduced to a miserable plight by the Rashtrakuta monarch, and the Hemavati inscription of Diliparasa dated 942-13 A.D., which is his earliest known inscription, we can only say that Diliparasa occupied the throne sometime between 94) and 942-43 A.D. He was apparently a feudatory of Krishna III, mentioned as Ballaha in the uscription under study. A point of interest in the inscription is the mention of a certain Gajankusa-chola against whom the battle of Ipili was fought. The epigraph itself does not help us to identify this person. Basing their arguments on the fact that Krishna III led an expedition against the Chola country about the time our inscription was set up, scholars have suggested that (ajankusa-chola may have been the Chola king Parantaka's eldest son Rajaditya. We know that this Chola prince was killed in the A. R. Ep., 1916, No. 728. According to some scholars (cf. Karyafakada Aras manelanagalu, pp. 217-18), Nollipayva was the son of Diliparasa. Mt. N. L. Rao, however, suggests that Dilfparasa and Nollipayya were one and the same chief (QJMS, Vol. XLVIII, 1957-58, p. 36). Cf. QJMS, op. cit., p. 35. SII, Vol. VI, p. 199. A. R. Ep., 1917, Parts II, p. 106; Karnatakada Aruanmanetanayalu, p. 217 (77)

Page #122
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXX III fanious battle of Takkolam by Ganga Butuga in the year 949 A.D., that is to say, within a few months after the issue of the record under discussion, which seems to have been engraved soon after the battle of Ipili. The battle of Ipili must have been fought at a place to the north of the Ganga territory, possibly in the present District of Anantapur. It is thus possible that the modern Ipperu in the Anantapur Taluk was known in early times as Ipili. There is no reason to believe that Rajaditya was at this time camping anywhere near Anantapur. On the other hand, we learn from inscriptions that he was stationed with a huge army for a number of years at Tirunamanallur in Tirumunaippadinadu, situated in the present District of South Arcot, obviously with a view to protecting the kingdom from the Gangas. Following in the footsteps of his enterprising father Aditya I, the Chola king Parantaka I extended his dominions upto Neilore. But the death of Ganga Pfithvipati II, his strongest ally in the north, started a series of troubles from which the Chola kingdom suffered throughout Parantaka's reign. The foremost among the difficulties was created by the usurpation of the Ganga throne by Butuga of the main Ganga line. As a result of this, Parantaka not only lost his hold on the Gangas but had to count them among his enemies. The Vaidumbas, Banas and NolambaPallavas were no doubt already in the enemy's camp. But the Ganges were the nearest among Parantaka's enemies and their king Butuga was closely related to the powerful Rashtrakuta monarch Krishna 11I. It is therefore no wonder that Rajaditya was given the task of safeguarding the north-eastern boundaries of the kingdom against the Gangas. It is also apparent from this that Rajaditya could not have been in the Nolamba-Pallava kingdom unmindful of the more powerful neighbour, Ganga Butuga, who had no reason to be friendly with the expanding power of the Cholas. Who then was this Gajankuba-chola, if he was not of the family of the imperial Cholas ? It is not possible to say anything definite regarding his identity without further light on the subject. But a suggestion may be offered. The name Gajankusa seems to indicate that this Chola chief belonged to the family of the Telugu-Chodas, probably of the Renandu branch. In the Velurpalaiyam plates of the Pallava king Nandivarman III, mention is made of Chola-maharaja Kumarankuba. It has been said that this Kumarankusa belonged to the family of the Renandu Cholas.? Balliyachola. the Telugu-Choda chief of Renandu,who flourished in the ninth century, also enjoyed the title Kumara. ikusa, and this seems to strengthen the suggestion that Kumarinkusa of'. Pallava Nandivarman's epigraph belonged to the family of the Renandu (hodas. If this is accepted, we may further conclude that names ending in ankuka were popular in the family of the Chodas of Renandu. On this basis, Gajankusa-chola may be said to have belonged to the same family. The attack on him led by Nolazba Diliparasa and the army of Krishna Ill seems to have been part of the Rashtrakuta offensive against the Imperial Cholas. 1 K. A. Nilukanta Sastri, The Colas, lut ed. pp. 187-58 * There was an intervening stretch of Ganga territory between the kingdom of the Cholas and that of the Kolambe-l'allavan At the battle was fought further in the mouth, probably the Gangas and not the NolambaPallavas would have beon involved in the conflict. This village is situated to the north-east of Cholasamudram and was within the territory of the Renandu Cholas. It may be that the invading army hurriedly retreated after an indecisive encounter and that, on reaching Modokasira within the Nolamba-Pallava kingdom, a hero stone commemorating the death of Ponnayya was erectod. Nilakauta Sastri, op. cit., pp. 154-58. No doubt the descendants of Prithvipati II continued to be loyal to Parintaka I and his successors. But with the bulk of the territory, which Prithvipati II had been ruling, now under the control of Batuga of the main Ganga line, their power declined and they counted for nothing in the long period of trouble during which the very foundations of the newly built Chola empiro were so rudely shaken. * SI1, Vol. II. pp. 507-10. Ibid., Vol. XII, p. 20. * Journ. Ind. Hist., Vol. XV. p. 258.

Page #123
No. 13-BHAIRAVAKONDA INSCRIPTION OF VIKRAMADITYA (1 Plate) H. K. NARASIMHASWAMI, OOTACAMUND (Received on 17.3.1953) Bhairavakonda is a hill in the Eastern Nallamalai, which extends over a part of the Cumbum Taluk of the Kurnool District, Andhra Pradesh. Its highest point is about 3000 feet above sea level. At a level about 400 feet down from this point, amidst thick jungle, is an unpretentious temple enshrining a small linga called Bhairava. The nearest village from which the temple could be reached is Mohidinpuram, & hamlet of Bogolu, and the temple is situated at a distance of about 5 miles from it. There is a small pond in front of the shrine and, close to it, a much weather-worn image of Ganeka. Another sculpture by the side of this depicts a seated figure with four hands, holding a staff in one of its right hands. Among the other soulptures lying scattered near the temple and mutilated beyond recognition may be mentioned a stone tablet about 2' long and 6' broad depicting labelled images, in relief, of the Seven Mothers (Saptamatikas) with their characteristic vahanas. The epigraph published here is on & slab near these images. The inscription, occupying a rectangular area about 11 inches by 23 inches, is engraved on the dressed surface of the slab. The letters are neatly incised and the entire inscription runs to just 10 lines. The language of the record is Telugu and it is written in archaic characters which may be assigned to the middle of the eighth oentury. Medial i is formed by a circular loop attached to the top of the letter. For this loop formed by an anticlockwise flourish, cf. Ili (line 2) in which the left end of the loop has not been fully extended so as to join the main letter ; see also ndi (line 4) in which the flourish starts from the top of the shaft over na and, after sweeping over it in a circle, descends on the other side of it a little further down than where it started, and Achi (line 6) in which the sign commences almost with an upright stem over which the loop is formed. A further sharp inward bend of the left end of this loop marks the sign of medial i. The vowels & and e occur in the words acharlu (line 8) and Byu[va) (line 7). Attention may be drawn to the archaic forms of b in bol showing the tendency to the formation of the open b, of formed by a horizontal stroke inside & flattened loop, and of th indicated by an elongated upright curve with its ends opening towards the left and its lower end bent inside. Among orthographic peculiarities may be mentioned the use of 8 for e in the names Nandisvara and Dandisvara (lines 4-5) and the use of, in place of r in the expression acharlu (line 8). The inscription records the setting up of the images of Ganapati, Nandisvara and Dandisvara by Kalli-bol. It mentions [Mu]nasanga, the son of Eyuva-acharlu, probably as the sculptor, and ends, with a short sentence in Sanskrit attributing [the engraving of) the document to the same person, The main interest of the epigraph lies in establishing the identity of the ruler Vikramaditya and the deity Dandisvara mentioned in it. In the absence of any prasasti and distinguishing titles or epithets in the epigraph, it is difficult to identify the king. But the internal evidence of the inscription offers some help. The first sentence of the record states that during the reign of Vikramaditya, Kalli-bol had the [images of) Ganapati, Nandisvara and Dandisvara made. In the name of Kalli-b8l, the 1 A. R. Bp., 1949-80, No. 281. The Turimella inscription of Vikramadity. I also ends with sentence in Sanskrit although the main part of the record is in Telagu. See above, Vol. XXIX, pp. 160 ff. (79)

Page #124
80 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXXIII suffix bol, is the honorific plural of boyu and it is found both as bol as in the record under review, and as boyul or boya. Generally, in the formation of such names, the prefix indicates a place name, e.g., in Atakuru-boya, Kumunuru-boya, etc., and the expression as such is construed to stand for the person who held the office of the boya of the place. Sometimes such names are followed by the names of the persons themselves, e.g., Nadukuri-boya Sarvasarman, Kanparboya Mandasarman, etc. It may therefore be suggested that in the expression Katli-bol, the word Kalli stands for the name of the village of which Ganapati was the boya or bol. If thi were so, a person named Ganapati may have caused the images of Nandievara and Dandisvara to be made. But it has to be noticed that there is actually an image of the god Ganapati near the inscribed slab. It is therefore more probable that this is one of the images mentioned in the record and that Kalli-bol himself was the author of this and the other two. Lines 7-9 of the text inention a person named [Mu]nasanga as the son of Eyu[va]-acharlu. This statement is followed by the last sentence of the record, in Sanskrit, attributing the writing (or rather the engraving of the epigraph) to this individual. That this person himself was the sculptor of the images is not ruled out, since his father is referred to by the epithet acharlu (i.e., acharyulu) which is indicative of the artisan class to which he belonged. The term achari is the common designation of an artisan, either a carpenter or a mason. All the three images mentioned in the inscription, viz., Ganapati, Nandievara and Dandievara are lying near the inscribed slab and two amongst them have already been referred to above. About a foot high, in the usual seated posture, with the mushaka as his characteristic vahana, i a much wornout image of Ganapati. By the side of the aforementioned image, there is an equally worn out image of the bull Nandin, which is invariably associated with any temple of Siva. This is indeed the Nandievara referred to in the record. The third image, viz., that of Dandisvara, is a seated figure with four hands, holding a danda or staff in one of its right hands, the objects held in the other three hands being too worn out to be recognised. However, the seated posture of the image and the unmistakable danda ale enough indications for identifying the image as of Dandisvara referred to in the inscription. It may be recalled that the Malepadu and Dommara-Nandyala plates of the Telugu-Choda chief Punyakumara quote an invocatory verse in praise of Lakutapani (Lakulisa). Lakuta or laguda being a synonym of danda, the identity of Lakutapani with Danga. pani, Dandesa or Dandievara is obvious. As Lakulisa appears to have been the family deity of a branch of the Telugu-Chodas of Renadu, Vikramaditya to whose reign the record purports to belong was, in all probability, a member of this branch of the family. It has been shown that there was a branch of this family, the members of which bore names ending in aditya, such as Vikramaditya, Uttamaditya, Satyaditya, etc. Among them are two kings who bore the name Vikramaditya and were related to each other probably as grandfather and grandson. Judging from the similarity of the names and the provenance and palaeography of the records, it is very ikely that Vikramaditya of the record under review is identical with either of hese two rulers (more probably the second of the two) of this branch of the Telugu-Choda family he relationship of which to the main branch is, however, still unknown. If the identification suggested above is accepted, the present epigraph adds one more to the wo known lithic records of Vikramaditya. The sculpture of Dandievara, identified with Lakula, ppears to be the earliest known representation of the deity in South India." 1 Above, Vol. XXXI, p. 79, text lines 36-40. The word boya, said to be a derivative of bhogika, stands for an office. A.R. Ep., 1921-22, Part II, p. 97. Above, Vol. XI, p. 337 ff.; Vol. XXVII, pp. 268 ff. Ibid.. XXVII, p. 248. Cf. ibid., Vol. XI, Plate facing p. 346. Loc. cit.; above, Vol. XXVII, p. 236. Above, Vol. XXVII, p. 209, note 1.

Page #125
BHAIRAVAKONDA INSCRIPTION OF VIKRAMADITYA 2 6 8 10 aam taTAu tadakSaka darda yama nbAya 23 Joyc 10- 20200 tatyA Scale : Three-eighths 2 4 6 8 10

Page #126
No. 13] BHAIRAVAKONDA INSCRIPTION OF VIKRAMADITYA TEXT 1 Svasti brf-Vllera[ml] % dituloa Kalli3 bol Gapapati 4 Nandi(nds)ovaskva)ru Dapdi(adi)6 na(svaru papi(ni)se6 yinohinavaru [l*] 7 Svasti srl-Eyu[vs)8 uchapla koduku (Mul9 nasanya ll*] Tasya(nya) lie 10 khita[rial)

Page #127
No. 14-THREE INSCRIPTIONS IN BARIPADA MUSEUM (1 Plata) D. C. SIROAR, OOTACAMUND (Iteceived on 30.8.1957) There is a small stone pillar preserved in the Museum at Baripada in the Mayurbhanj Distriot of Orissa. The pillar is four-sided and measures about 14 inches in length, 5 inches in breadth and 31 inches in thickness. Three of its faces bear each an inscription in three lines. Sometime before the year 1915, the inscribed stone was brought to Baripada by Mr. Kamakhya Prasad Basu, thon an officer of the former Mayurbhanj State, from the village of Podagadhi in the Udala Subdivision of Mayurbhanj, lying about 4 miles from Udala. There is a temple of the goddess Bhimi or Bhimesvarl in the forest adjoining the village and the internal evidence of the records would Buggest that the stone was secured from the area of the said shrine. The inscriptions were recently published by Pandit Satyanarayana Rajaguru in The Orissa Historical Research Journal, Vol. I, No. 2, July 1952, pp. 178-79, with Plates. While going through Pandit Rajaguru's article, I felt that most of his views on the inscriptions, including their eading and interpretation, are unacceptable. Thus, in the first place, he assigns the three inscriptions on paleographical grounds to different periods ranging from the ninth to the eleventh century and apparently considers the record mentioning Dhruvaraja to be the latest amongst the three. I, on the othor hand, hayo no doubt that Dhruvaraja's epigraph is the earliest of the three records and that they may be asained on palaeographical grounds to the 10th century A.D. The three sides of the slab bear votive records of three different rulers; but the king, who was responsible for fashioning the stone into a pillar for the definite purpose of incising his record on it, is expected to have used one of the two broader faces (5 inches wide) of the pillar and not one of the narrower side faces (3 inches wido). It has to be noticed that Dhruvaraja's inscription occupies a broader face of the pillar, the opposite side at its back remaining blank and the left and right faces bearing the two other inscriptions. It appears that the stone was so placed originally in the temple of a goddess that only the thres inscribed faces were visible to the visitors and that at first there was inscription only on its front face, the two side faces boing inscribed at later dates. This is also suggested by the fact that, of the three records, Dhruvaraja's inscription is the most nestly and carefully engraved apparently because, as already indicated above, the stone was dressed for the special purpose of engraving his record. Its characters also appear to be somewhat earlier than those of the other two epigraphs. Secondly, according to Pandit Rajaguru, the two other records speak of Kumara Dharmaraja alias Durgariya and Satrubhanja respectively. In my opinion, what has been read as Kumira-Dharmarajena is very clearly Kumaravarmarajena, so that the person referred to is a king namel Kumaravarman and not & prince namel Dharmaraja. Moreover, I do not find the naine Durgaraya in this record nor the name Satrubhanja in the other. Thirdly, I do not agree with Pandit Rajaguru's reading and interpretation of the purport of any of the three epigraphs, even though it has to be admitted that, excepting Dhruvaraja's record, the two other inscriptions are very carelessly engraved and are therefore extremely difficult to read and interpret especially because both of them damaged, a few letters being lost at the end of the lines. Such being the case, I requested Mr. P. Acharya, Superintendent of Archaeology, Government of Orissa, to be so good as to send me a few inked impressions of the inscriptions for study. Although Mr. Acharya could not send me the impressions required by me, he was very kind to place A So. N. N. Varu, The Archaeological Survey of Mayurbhanj, Vol. I, 1911, p. 85. (82)

Page #128
No. 14) THREE INSCRIPTIONS IN BARIPADA MUSEUM . 83 . the inscribed stone at my disposal for examination when I visited the Orissa State Museum at Bhubaneswar in January 1956. The stone was brought from Baripada to Bhubaneswar for me and I am extremely thankful to Mr. Acharya for his kindness. The characters of the records belong to the East Indian alphabet of the tenth or eleventh century and resemble those in the early inscriptions of the Bhanjas of Khijjinga-kotta (modern Khiching in the Mayurbhanj District at 21deg55' N., 85deg 50' E.) who call theruselves Adi-Bhanja and are known to have ruled in the eleventh century. The language is only seemingly Sanskrit. It is extremely corrupt in all the three records. But their objeot is fairly clear and it is to record certain gifts of land made in favour of a deity, called by the name Durga in Inscription No. 3. She seems to be none other than the goddess Bhima now worshipped at Pedagadhi, findspot of the inscribed stone. No date is quoted in any of the epigraphs. The first of tho throe inscriptions covers an area about 131 inches in length and 4 inches in height. There is no doubt about its reading and interpretation even though a few letters are broken away from the end of the lines and the first letter in both lines 2 and 3 is damaged. The inscription records the grant of the localities called Vanagrama, Aranapada and Bharalihu made by Dhruvaraja as an agrahara (i.e. rent-free holding) for the bali and nivedya (naivedya) apparently of a deity whose name, however, is not mentioned no doubt because the inscription was exhibited in the shrine of the said deity. As indicated above, the deity seems to be no other than the goddess Bhima of Pedagadbi. Pandit Rajaguru, who could not decipher some of the letters and read some of them wrongly, translates the record as follows: "(It is a grant made) by Sri-Dhruvarajadeva for the purpose of bali and naivedya of the goddess) Bharadi of Arachhupada". But he admits that the letters hara in line 3 are unintelligible to him. Unfortunately he does not make it clear as to what the object granted by the king was and apparently fails to realise the absurdity of his interpretation of the record. As it stands, his translation would suggest that it was the inscribed stone which was granted by Dhruvaraja in favour of a deity for bali and naivedya. Since the stone has no cash value at all, the interpretation is absolutely unwarranted, even if Pandit Rajaguru's reading is accepted as correct. The goddess Bharadi of Arachhupada is no doubt imaginary. The second inscription records a grant made by Kumaravarmaraja. The facts that the epigraph is carelessly engraved and that a few letters are lost at the end of lines 1 and 2 make it difficult to read and interpret the record. But it apparently necords a grant of land just as Inscription No. 1 noticed above. Possibly it mentions two gift villages as Dusakhi situated in Duga .. rayesa and Datia lying in Loshthaja..rya. Pandit Rajaguru translates the record, as he has read it, as follows: "(It is) a grant made by Kumara Dharmaraja (who is also called) Durgaraya in favour of Pinakipati, for the fulfilment of his desires." But his reading of many of the aksharas in the passage Kumara-Dharmarajena Durgarayena Pinakhipate abhishtajavai is imaginary. I do not find any mention of Durgaraya and Pinakipati in the record. His interpretation of pinaki pati as Siva, called Pinaki or Pinakin, is not happy while abhishtajavai is meaningless. Moreover, in this case also, Pandit Rajaguru fails to realise that his interpretation of the record involves the absurd suggestion that the donor re-granted the same stone previously granted by Dhruvaraja. Of course he seems to place Dhruvaraja's inscription in the eleventh century and the present epigraph in the ninth century. But the inherent impossiblity of a king making the grant of a stone and a later iuler granting it once again still remains. The third inscription records the grant of a king whose name ends with the word bhanja. It was a grant of land made in favour of the goddess Durga who, as suggested above, may be the same as the modern Bhima of Pedagadhi. The gift land seems to have consisted of three localities called Tolerpa, Bhuja and Rai .. which were all situated in Nemi-grama in the Madaha vishaya (district). The grant was made to last as long as the sun and the moon would exist. The passage 1 Boo .. above, Vol. XXV, Plate facing p. 160 ; N. N. Vasu, op. cit., Plates 79 ff., etc.

Page #129
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXXIII containing the name of the donor at the beginning of line 2 seems to read odhabhanjena.. If it may be believed that the letters Srima are broken away from the end of the previous line, wy suggest Srimat-Todhabhanjena and in that case the name of the donor may be Todhabhanja even if it sounds rather peculiar. But it is equally possible that one or two of the letters broken at the end of the previous line actually formed a part of the donor's name. Strangely enough Pandit Rajaguru finds a stanza in the Anushtubh metre in the inscription, the first half of which is read as Madarda-vishaye ti(t)re Sa (Sa)trubhanjena datah(tta) [tah [*] while the third foot is supposed to read Lilesabhadra Durgaya, the first five syllables at the end of line 2 and the remaining three at the beginning of line 3. His translation of the record runs as follows: "This grant is made on the border of the Madarda vishaya by Satrubhanja in favour of Lilesabhadra Durga (in perpetuity) as long as the sun and the moon exist." Unfortunately both the reading and the interpretation are in most part imaginary and unwarranted. It is impossible to read the names Satrubhanja and Lilesabhadra in the inscription, while the emendation dattatah is quite meaningless in the context. The translation' on the border of the Madarda vishaya' of what has been wrongly read as Madarda-vishaye ti(ti)re is equally unsound. Moreover, it would involve the impossible suggestion that the inscribed stone, raised on the border of a district, was granted in favour of a goddess. In case a plot of land on the border of the district was meant to be the object of the grant, it is impossible to believe that the record gives only its location without any other details. Indeed there is scarcely any such instance in the whole range of Indian epigraphy. Pandit Rajaguru fails to notice that a few letters are lost at the end of lines 1 and 2 and that the record is in prose. The fact that his interpretation leaves it uncertain as to what the gift really was renders both his reading and translation of the inscription unacceptable. 84 The importance of the inscriptions lies in the fact that they mention three rulers, apparently petty chiefs of the Mayurbhanj region, who dourished about the 10th century A.D. The same area was under the rule of the Atli-Bhanjas of Khijjinga-kotta from about the beginning of the eleventh century. Some of the earliest records of this family, which originally owed allegiance to the Imperial Bhauma-Karas of Orissa, bear dates in the Bhauma-Kara era. This era seems to have started from 831 A.D. The dates in this era found in the inscriptions of the Adi-Bhanjas have been read as the years 288 and 293; but, as we have tried to show elsewhere, the intended reading of the symbol taken to be 200 is really 100. Thus these dates actually stand for 188 and 193 respectively and therefore they appear to correspond to 1019 and 1024 A.D. The three rulers mentioned in the records under study appear to have flourished sometime before these dates apparently as feudatories of the Bhauma-Karas. It seems that the Bhanja ruler mentioned in No. 3 of our inscriptions belonged to a branch of the Bhanja family of Khijjinga-kotta; since, however, his name is not mentioned in the records of the family among its earlier rulers, we may suggest that the branch represented by the Bhanja ruler of our inscription was overthrown by the Adi-Bhanja dynasty known from inscriptions. That the Bhanjas of Khijjinga-kotta called themselves Adi-Bhanja or Original Bhanja' would suggest that there was at least another (probably, earlier) Bhanja ruling family in the area, which was regarded by them as of a more recent origin than their own dynasty and may have been overthrown by them. It also seems that kings Dhruvaraja and Kumaravarmaraja belonged to a dynasty that flourished in the region before the rise of the Bhanjas. This dynasty appears to have been overthrown by the Bhanja family represented by the Bhanja ruler mentioned in No. 3 of our inscriptions. 1 Above, Vol. XXX, p. 221. Cf. IHQ, Vol. XXIX, p. 150; Bhandarkar's List, No. 1487; above, Vol. XXV, p. 167. Above, Vol. XXIX, p. 191, note 2. Ibid., p. 184; of. Vol. XXVII, p. 327, note 1.

Page #130
No. 14] THREE INSCRIPTIONS IN BARIPADA MUSEUM Whether the rulers mentioned in the records under study had their capital at Khijjingakotta, i.e modern Khiching in Mayurbhanj, cannot be determined. Considering, however, the facts that there is no other site in the area, which can be compared with Khiching in regard to antiquity and that some of the sculptures found at the place are earlier than the eleventh century when the Adi-Bhanjas flourished, it seems very likely that the pre-Adi-Bhanja rulers of the region had also their capital at Khijjinga-kotta. Indeed it is possible that Khiching was originally the centre of a big kingdom comprising the northern part of Mayurbhanj and the adjoining areas of Manbhum and Singbhum. But whether the Manas, possibly of Odra origin, also ruled from bere in the sixth century cannot be decided without further evidence. But it is not altogether impossible. The geographical names mentioned in Inscription No. 1 are Vanagrama, Aranapada and Bharadihu. Nos. 2 and 3 also mention several localities; but the reading of the names is not beyond doubt in all cases. I am not sure about the location of any of them, although they appear to have been situated in the present District of Mayurbhanj in Orissa. TEXT: No. 1 1 Siddham [1] Sel-Ddh[r*Javaraja'dov[5]na Va[na] 2 [gr]ma-Arana(pa)pada-Bharadi[hu]...' 3 [grabara va(ba)li-nivedya sa[mA]... No. 2 1 Siddham [*] Kumaravarmarajena Duga... 2 raye[68] Du11akhi Datia" Losh[tha]ja. 13 3 14[rye] data1 [*] 85 1 For an account of the architectural monuments and sculptures of Khiching, see R. P. Chanda's notes in the Annual Reports of the Archaeological Survey of India, 1922-23, pp. 124 ff., Plates XLI-XLII; 1923-24, pp. 85 ff., Plates XXXII-XXXIV; 1924-25, pp. 111 ff., Plate XXXV. I do not agree with Chanda's view that the earliest antiquities from Khiching should be assigned to the eleventh century and to the age of the Adi-Bhanjas. In his Development of Hindu Iconography, 2nd. ed., J. N. Banerjes assigns some of the sculptures roughly to the tenth century (pp. 378, 440) and some others vaguely to the early medieval period (pp. 360, 481). At least the following illustrations in Banerjea's work appear to me to be earlier than the Adi-Bhanja age: frontispiece; Plate XX, figures 1-2; Plates XXX, figures 2-3; Plate XXXV, figure 3. Cf. Journ. Ind. Hist., December 1956, pp. 263 ff. From impressions. Expressed by symbol. The intended reading may also have been frimad-Dhruvaraja. It is difficult to determine if a letter is broken away after the damaged na which may possibly also be read as la. But Vanagrama makes a good name for a village and many localities of this name are known in Eastern India.. The traces of this lost letter at the end of the line suggest ma, so that the expression is "radihum-agrahara. The intended word was apparently samarpita. In correct Sanskrit, we should have Vanagram-AranapadaBharadihu-nama-gramah agraharatvena bali-nivedy-artham samarpitab. There were two letters here, which are now damaged beyond recognition. 10 Of the triangle forming the left limb of &, only the base can be seen now. 11 The letter d resembles its form in Diga in line 1. The akshara may also be read as dra. It does not appearto be pra. 12 The a-matra-like part of the vowel is not quite ciear on the impressions. 18 At least one letter is lost here. 14 The three letters of this line are engraved about the middle of the space. 16 The intended word is datta; but, in correct Sanskrit, we should have [feau griman) daliau.

Page #131
[VOL. XXXIII EPIGRAPHIA INDICA No. 3 1 [Siddham)"...Madaha-vishay[e) (Ne]mi-[grame].. 2 t-TO[dhajbhatjena data[h]* Toler[n]a"(rna)-Bh[u]ja-Rai... 3 Du[r]gay[@]yavata chandr-arka varttati' [l] 1 Expressed by symbol. * There are traces of two damaged letters here. Probably the word is spasti followed by double danda. * The akahamas grame are considerably rubbed off. Two or three letters have broken away after this word They may be conjecturally restored as brima. The word intended is datta, although in correct Sanskrit we should have dattas. . The letter seems to be imperfectly formed. The akahana may possibly be read as da. * Alout two letters are lost after rai. In correct Sanskrit, we should have Durgayai yavat chandr-arlow variate.

Page #132
THREE INSCRIPTIONS IN BARIPADA MUSEUM No. 1 vAyava davA bAda pavArA bana dAtA No.2 No.3 Scale : Two-fifths

Page #133
No. 15-DAVANGERE PLATES OF RAVIVARMAN, YEAR 34 (1 Plate) D. C. SIRCAR, OOTACAMUND (Received on 10.4.1958) A set of three copper plates strung on a ring bearing a seal was received by the Director of Archaeological Researches in Mysore, quarter of a century ago, from Mr. Nadiga Basappa who was a lawyer of Davangere in the Chitaldurg District of Mysore State. It was edited with illustration in the Annual Report of the Mysore Archaeological Department for the Year 1933, pp. 109-16, Plate XXII. Unfortunately there are numerous errors in the published transcript and translation of the record. The most serious defect in the treatment of the inscription is that the grant portion has been wrongly read and translated and consequently the very name applied to the record, viz. Koramanga grant of... Ravivarman,' seems to be a misnomer The editor of the inscription says, " The lands granted are said to be situated near Korannan, a, Samana and Asandi. Koramanga is probably the same as Koramangala, a village situated about eight miles from Hassan and about 40 miles from Asandi. Asandi is a village in the Kadur Taluk of Kadur District near Ajjampur, and Asandi or Asandi-nadu or the province of Asandi is often referred to in inscriptions. The extent of the lands granted seems to be three nivartanas..." There are several mistakes in this statement. In the first place, of the four plots of land granted by the charter, three were situated around a setu or embankment in the southern part of Asandi and the fourth in a locality called Vedirkada apparently within Asandi or in its neighbourhood. Secondly, what has been read as Koramanga (line 17) seems to us to be Koravega which was moreover a locality where the above-mentioned embankment was situated. It was therefore a part of Asandi and does not appear to be a place 40 miles away. Its identification with Koramangala is thus extremely doubtful. Thirdly, what has been read as Samane (line 19) appears to us to be samaye and the passage samaye setu-bandhasya means ' at the extremity of the embankment'. The inscription therefore does not refer to a village called Samana. Fourthly, as our analysis below will show, the area of the four plots of the gift land, excluding the site of the embankment, was six nivartanas and not three nivartanas only. Besides these, there are numerous other errors in the published transcript and translation of the inscription. Under the circumstances, no apology is needed for re-editing the inscription in the following pages. The three plates nieasure each 74 inches by 3 inches. The seal fixed to the ring on which they are strung does not show any representation. The characters closely resemble those of other Early Kadamba charters, especially those issued by king Ravivarman (c. 490-538 A.D.) of Vaijayanti (modern Banavasi in the North Kanara District). The record also resembles other Early Kadamba epigraphs in respect of language and orthography. The language is Sanskrit and the inscription, with the exception of the auspicious word Siddham at the beginning, is written entirely in verse. The orthography is characterised by the reduplication of some consonants following and the use of both the anusvara and the class nasal without discrimination. Final m has been invariably employed at the end of the halves of stanzas. The jih vamuliya has been used once in line 3. 1 Ep. Carn., Vol. VI, Kadar, No. 145. 1 Cf. above, Vol. VIII, PP. 146 ff.; Vol. XVI, p. 264 ; Ind. Ant., Vol. VI, pp. 25-26, 28, 29-30. (87)

Page #134
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [Vol. XXXIII The date of the grant is quoted in line 15 (verse 14). It is the 34th regnal year of the Early Kadamba king Ravivarman, the day referred to being one in the bright half of the month of Madhu (Chaitra) when the nakshatra was Rohini. We know that Ravivarman began to reign about 490 A.D. His 34th regnal year thus fell about 524 A.D. The exact date of the charter. however, cannot be calculated as neither the tithi nor the week-day is mentioned. The inscription begins with the auspicious word siddham and a stanza (verse 1) in adoration of the Sarcuna Sarvalokanatha. Since both Sarvajna and Lokanatha are well-known names of the Buddha, we prefer to identify the deity referred to in the stunza with the founder of Buddhism, even though the editor of the inscription was inclined to associate the verse with Jainism. As will be seen from our discussion below, the objects of the grant were the maintenance of worship in the Siddhuyatara and the increase of the Sangha. The editor of the epigraph regarded these as Jain religious institutions. But Sangha is well-known in the sense of the Buddhist church. As will be shown below, a Siddh-nyutana is also known to have been associated with the worship of the Buddha. We know that the Early Kadambas were Brahinanical Hindus. Although they had Jain leanings and many of their charters contain Jain adorations and were issued in favour of Jains or Jain institutions, they claimed to be devotees of the god Mahasena and the Mothers. This claira is found in the records of Ravivarman, one of which proudly mentious the Kadamba family as having performed the typical Brahmanical sacrifice known as the Asvamedha. If it is believed that the charter under study was really issued in favour of Buddhist religious institutions, it shows that, in spite of their Brahmanical faith, the Early Kadambas not only favoured the Jains but also the Buddhists. This points to the catholicity of their religious policy. Verses 2-4 speak of the following four Kadamba kings: (1) Raghu, (2) Kakustha (correctly Kikutstha), the younger brother of Raghu, (3) Santivarman, the son of Kakustha, (4) Mpigesa, the son of Santivarman and (5) Ravi whose relationship with Msigesa is not specified, although from other records we know that king Msigesa or Msigesavarman was the father and predecessor of Ravi or Ravivarman. The description of the predecessors of Ravi is short, but that of the reigning monarch Ravi continues in the following eight stanzas. Verse 8 speaks of the city of Vaijayanti indirectly as the capital of Ravi's kingdom. An interesting point in Ravi's description is offered by verse 7 wbich states that the land as far as the Narmada (i.e. the people of that region) sought refuge in the Kadamba king and rejoiced. This no doubt refers to Ravi's claim of a sort of suzerainty over the whole of South India as far as the Narmada in the north. The claim is of course conventional and merely means that Ravi was an independent or in perial ruler. As we have shown elsewhere, powerful monarchs of ancient and medieval India generally claimed to be rulers or conquerors of the whole of India which was regarded as the conventional chakravarti-kshetra or sphere of influence of an emperor ; but sometimes a South Indian monarch speaks of sir ilar possession of the land between the Vindhyas and Cape Comorin and a North Indian emperor of that between the Vindhyas and the Himalayas. It may be pointed out here that the editor of the record read narmmadam tam mahi instead of Narmmadanta-mahi and thereby missed an early and interesting reference to the southern chakrauntti-kshetra. Among other conventional claims of the Kadamba king, reference may be made to verses 10-11. The first of these stanzas states that the whole earth wanted Ravi to be its lord while the second says that his coronation ceremony was performed by the goddess Lakshmi herself. But 1 Above, Vol. VIII, pp. 146 ff. Cf. Suc. Sat., pp. 255, 260 ff., 269 ff. * See JRASB, Vol. V, 1939, pp. 407 ff; Sarupa Bharati, pp. 313 ff.

Page #135
No. 15) DAVANGERE PLATES OF RAVIVARMAN, YEAR 34 89 verse 12, the meaning of which is rather obscure, seems to refer to a historical fact. It states that a hillock or hill-fortress called Kunda resisted (adharayat) the missile (ili) let down upon it by Raghu but that it submissively obeyed Ravi's command. This appears to mean that the Early Kadamba king Raghu failed but his descendant Ravi succeeded in capturing a lill-fort called Kunda-giri. This incident is not mentioned in any other record of the family. The identification of Kundagiri is also uncertain unless it is Kudgere in the Shimoga District. Verse 13, with which the grant portion of the record begins, states that a certain Haricatta made a request to the king (in respect of the grant to be recorded in the charter) with a view to obtaining religious merit and that the king was pleased to reply to it (i.c. complied with it). This fact suggests that the real donor of the grant was Haridatta. Verses 14-18 record the grant proper. The first of these stanzas gives the date of the grant which has already been discussed above. The other four stanzas state that the following plots of land were granted by the king at Asandi for the maintenance of worship at the Siddhiyana and the extension or prosperity of the Sangha : (1) a piece of land (mahi) covered by the stone of an embankment (i.e. by an embankment made of stone) at Koravega together with an additional area measuring one nivartana ; (2) a plot of land measuring one nivartana according to the royal measure in the area under water (kedara) near the said embankment, which lay in the southern part of Asandi ; (3) one nivartana of land at the extremity of the said embankment; and (4) a plot of three nivartanas according to the royal measure, which was situated at Vedirkoda. The first three plots of the gift land are mentioned in connection with the embankment apparently in the southern part of Asandi. It is not quite certain that Vedirkoda was also situated within Asandr ; but it is not improbable that it was a locality within Asandr like Koravoga where the enbankment was situated. The expression Siddh-ayatana seems to indicate a Buddhist temple associated with the name of a Siddha like Nagarjuna. It reminds us of the mention of the Pirun-Siddh-uyalam associated with the worship of the lord Pitamaha Samyaksambuddha (i.e. Buddha) in an early inscription from Kosam. The exact area of a nivartana of land is unknown since it was not the same in all parts of the country and all ages of history. Verse 19 states that the plots of land were granted by the king in the presence of all the simantas together with the samadhi or samadhis and that they should have to be exempted from unchha and other dues. It is difficult to say whether the word sumanta here means a feudntory of the king or an inhabitant of the neighbourhood of the gift land. The mention of chha in this context reminds us of the passage unchha-kara-bhar-adi-vivarjita used as an epithet of the gift land in the Halsi plates of Ravivarman. It possibly meant a sort of tolls. The word samadhi means 'storing of grains' and may indicate in the present context 'a granary'. The lands thus appear to have bean granted together with the royal granaries in it. Of the last four stanzas of the record, three are the ordinary imprecatory and benedictory Vorses often found in copper-plate grants. The first of these is, however, a new stanza. of the geograpbical names mentioned in the inscription, the river Narmadi and the city of Vaijayanti are well-known. Asandt has been identified with a village in the Kadur District of Mysore. The hillock called Kunda-giri, as indicated above, cannot be identified. 1 Cf. above, pp. 50 ff. . Above, Vol. XXIV, pp. 146 ff. Ibid., Vol. XXVIII, p. 245, note. Ind. Ant., Vol. VI, p. 28.

Page #136
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [Voz. XXXH TEXT: Metres :-Verse 1 Praharshini ; verses 2-19, 21-23 Anushtubh : verse 20 Vasantafilaka.] First Plate 1 Siddham[us] [Su]ry-anaku-dyuti-parishikta-pankajanam sobhan yad-vahati sad=asya pada padmam [1] 2 devanam=makuta-mani-prabh-abhishiktam Sarvvajnassa jayati(ti) sarvva-loka-nathah || 3 Kirtya dig-antara-vyapi Raghur=asIt=na'radhipa) [l*) Kakuatha-tulyah-Kakustho* yaviya ms=tasya bhupatih [ll 2*]] 4 Tasy-abhut-tanayas-sriman-Santivarmma-mahipatih [1] Mrigesas tasya tanay8 mrigosvara parakramah || [3*) 5 Kadamb-amala-vams-adre[r=mmau]"li[tam=a]gato Ravih [l] Uday-adri-makut-atopa'-dipr ambur=iv=amauman || [4*] 6 Nripa-chchhalena kim Vishnureddaitya-jishnur ayam svayam [l*) hiranmaya-chalan-malam tyaktva chakram vibhavita[m]" || [5*) 7 Samrajye varttamino-pito na madyati para tapah [I*] Srir=8sha madayaty=anyan=atipit=eva varuni || [*] Second Plate, First Side 8 Na[rma]d-amtali-[ma]hi pritya yam=asrity=abhinandati [l*] kaustubh-abh-aruna-chobha yam vaksh Lakshmir-Harer=iva |[7] 9 Ravav=adhijayant-lyam Surendranagarim sriya [l*] Vaijayanti chalach-chitra-vaijayanti virajate || [8] 10 Raver=bhuj-angad- [Alishta]i-chandana-prita-mi[na]sa [1*] tatha Srir=nnamavatileprita Murarer=api vakshasil [9*] 1 From the illustration in 4.R. Mys. Arch. Surv., 1988. * In the loft margin noar the beginning of lino 2. Read deinana which is the reading in A.R. * 4.R. reads tulyam-Kabuotho and suggests the correction (ulyal Kakustho. The correot form of the name Kikustha is Kalutatha. 4.R. reads "varmma. .A.R. reads var f-adrth mau. * A.R. reads makeutatepa and suggests the correction makuf-ajopa. There is a metrical detect here. .A.R. reads nripadechhalanalt and suggests the correction ngipatuchhalanako which is meaningless in the context. * 4.R. roads vibhavitab whinh don not suit the context. 1 A.R. reads nandamangapi. UA.R. reads narmmadanh lam. 44 R. roads bhsyanga-dda-iva. 1 Read abhavat which is A.R.'s reading.

Page #137
No. 15] DAVANGERE PLATES OF RAVIVARMAN, YEAR 34 11 Visva vasumati nathan-nathate naya-kovidam [*] dyaur-iv-Endran jvalad-vajra-diptikorakit-angadam || [10*] 12 Yasya murdhni svayah Lakshmir1-hema-kumbh-odara-chyutaih [*] rajy-abhishekam akarod-ambhoja-salalair-jalaih || [11] 13 Raghuna lambitam-ilim Kundo girir-adharayat [*] Raver=ajna vahaty-adya malam= iva mahidharah [|| 12*] 14 Dharmm-arttham Hari[da]ttena so-yam vijnapito nripah [*] smita-jyotsn-abhishiktena vachasa pratyabhashata || [13*] Second Plate, Second Side 15 [Chatu]stri[m]sattam! #rimad-rajya-vriddhi-sama sama [*] Madhur-mmasas= tithih punya [6]ukla-pakshas-cha Rohini || [14"] 91 16 Ya[da] tada maha-bahur-Asamdyam aparajitah [[*] Siddh-ayatana-puj-arttham Sainghasya paiivriddhaye [ 15*] 17 [Seto]r-upalakasy-api Kora[ve]g-aeritam mahim [*] adhikan-uivarttan-anyena'dattavalis= tamarindamah || [16*] 18 Asandi-dakshine-sy-atha setoh kodaram-asritam [*] raja-manena manena kshetram eka. nivarttanam || [17*] 19 Sama[ye] setu-balm]dhasya kshetrain-eka-nivarttanam [*] tach-ch-api raja-manena Vedirkode10 tri-nivarttanam || [18*] 20 Unchh-di-pariharttavye(vya)-samadhi-sahitam hi tam [] dattavani-sri-maharajas sarvvasamamta-samnidhau || [19*] 21 Jaatva cha punyam-abhipalayitur-vvisalam tad-bhamga-karana-mitasya cha doshavattam [1] Third Plate 22 [varn-ram-[4]skhalita.na[th]yya(yu)man-sika-chittah samhrakashant-nya jagattpatayah. pramapam[20] 23 Bahubhir-vvasudha bhukta raja[bhils-Sagar-dibhih [*] yasya yasya yada bhumis-tasya ta[syal tada phalam [ 21*] AA.R. reads Lakshmi. Better read im. A.R. reads mill and suggests the correction maulau. An unnecessary subscript t is noticed with da. A.R. reads 'tama. A.R. reads Koramamy. A.R. reads adhikan-nivartlunan-yena which is grammatically wrong and meaningless. A.R. reads dattavam svam. A.R. reads dakshinasy". A.R. reads Samane. 1 A.R. reads Vetikause and takes it to be a word of doubtful import. There is a metrical defect here. 11 AR does not read the first two aksharas and reads the following letters as arama-akhalita.

Page #138
2 4 6 8 10 2 14 16 18 20 22 24 ii, a DAVANGERE PLATES OF RAVIVARMAN, YEAR 34 35 172 173 m aa ays 3 sng wnnii ayn phraad 15 J. ii, b re Za furysz bddkmu of pysyy v gay you naa ICZA PSA AS iris Z taa tericu E 10 J238 ED I DR@KPSJ HST Y rNgdii naa hneer sviitt pr 660287563 - khwaam saa phi th hinduu (20 khu IG 9 kaaki aargiri daavttu, 33 kritN rngukkAve231;kyi- DPS 3thaakynndddegpto aa - 12 14 2 4 WERE 3990 55 33 34 bnybhlngthii 11 YESAku kmiddi, 16 per DYICKS TYPE:" si. naa kaaryN n`n khw531945 kk ? ??... 11 18 evrey fr .. Jurid baaduur anee mudraa teli 6 8 sby / aaa H]]7)27we 3:aM 1# EUR knti 75uEUR 622 dmg-ps-kyi-m' |khyenPCQ 24

Page #139
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXXIII # Adbhireddattan trib' i[r-bhu]ktam sadbhit-cha paripalita[m] [l] etani na nivarttanta puruvsoraja)- [rijtani oba [29] 23 Suardattam para-dattan va yo hareta va[sun]dhara[m][!*) shashtim varsha-sahasrani narako pachyata tu sah || [23]

Page #140
No. 16 GYARASPUR INSCRIPTION OF MAHAKUMARA TRAILOKYAVARMADEVA K. G. KRISHNAN, OOTACAMUND (Received on 3.4.1958) Gyaraspur, a town in the former Gwalior State, lies at a distance of 24 miles from Bhilsa on the road from Bhilsa to Sagar. Cunningham gave an account of the antiquities of the place in his Reports. He noticed two fragmentary inscriptions engraved on a plain pillar built into a platform near what is known as the Hindola Toian. The first of these records is dated V. 8. 936. The second inscription, which is of a much later date, forms the subject of this article. It is published here with the kind permission of the Government Epigraphist for India. The language of the inscription, which is fragmentary, is Sanskrit and the characters employed are Nagari of about the 12th century. There are only four lines of writing, the concluding part of all of which is broken away and lost. The inscription refers to the consecration of an imago of the god Chamundasvamideva and records the grant of a village, excluding the lands already in the enjoyment of gods and Brahmanas, with a view to provide for the god's worship. The donor's name is given as Mahakumara Trailokyavarmadeva who made the grant from his camp at Harshapura. The passage containing the other royal epithets enjoyed by the ruler is insufficiently preserved. In connection with the date, the tithi navami is mentioned in the extant part. But the other details of the date and the grant are lost due to the fragmentary nature of the inscription. The record is important inasmuch as it is the only stone inscription of Mahakumara Trailoky&. varmadeva who no doubt belonged to the Paramara dynasty of Malwa. The Bhopal plates of the Paramara Mahakumara Harichandradeva (Hariechandradeva) published in this journal revealed to us for the first time that the said Paramara ruler acquired sovereignty through the favour of Mahakumara Trailokyavarman who had obtained the privilege of the five great sounds. It is also stated in that record that Trailokyavarman meditated on the feet of the illustrious Ya4varmmadeva, the well-known Paramara king of that name. The late Dr. N. P. Chakravarti suggested that Trailokyavarman, if he was not identical with Harischandra's father Lakshmivarman, may have been a son, or more probably a brother, of Lakshmivarmane and that he was possibly ruling as a regent during the minority of Harischandra with the full power of a chief. Though the present record does not throw any light on the position of Trailokyavarman in the genealogy of the Paramaras, it confirms the fact that he ruled for sometime as a Mahakumara. The Bhopal plates, dated in V.8. 1214 Kaittika su. 15, lunar eclipse, corresponding to Saturday, the 19th October, 1157 A.D., were issued when Harischandra was ruling. He seems to have ascended the throne sometime before that date. Thus Trailokyavarman, the donor of our record, Fuled as # Mahakumara about the middle of the 12th century. The grant under study is stated to have been made by Truilokyavurman when he was oncamping at Harshapura which is no doubt the same as Harsaudu, inentioned us Hur lupura in un inscriptious of Paramura Devapaladeve, dated V. S. 1275. Harsauda is a village in the Nimar District of Madhya Pradesh. This suggests that the truct over which Trailokyavarman ruled extended from the Gyaraspur region in the Op. cit. Vol. X (Report of Tours in Bundelkhand and Malw) in 1874.75 and 1876-77), pp. 31 K. Ep., 1952-53, App. B, No. 151. The stone bearing these insoription is now deposited in the Gwalior Museum. . Above, Vol. XXIV, pp. 220 ff. * Ibid., p. 228. . Ind. Ant., Vol. XX, pp. 310 EUR.

Page #141
94 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (VOL. XXXIII Bhilsa District to the District of Nimar. Lakshmivarman, father of Hariechandra and the earliest known Paramara Mahakumara, claims to have appropriated a portion of Malwa sometime before V.8. 1200, the date of his Ujjain plates. It seems that, after Lakshmivarman, Trailokyavarman and Harisch andra ruled successively over the tract referred to above, while members of the main line of the Paramara dynasty were ruling over the territory around Dhara. The only place mentioned in the record is Harghapura, the location of which has been indicated above. TEXT | Siddham' [l*] Svasti || Sri[r*l=jayo=bhyudayas-cha | Ady=eha eri-Ha[r*][sha]pura-sthitena samasta-raja.... 2 ta-samasta-prakiya-virajamana-mahakumara-sri-Trailokyavarmmadevena..... 3 navamyonh srl-Chamupdasvamideva-karita-pratishtbayam paja-nimitte ...... 4 bhojy-aya-sahitam deva-Vra(Bra)hmana-bhukti-va[r*]jam gramo=yam Sri-Chemumdasvami[ne)...... 1 Tbid., Vols. XVI, pp. 254 ff. See also above, Vol. XXIV, p. 230. * From Impressions. * Expressed by symbol. * There is a lotter after jd; but its reading is doubtful. The rest of the line w of the other lines is broken away. * The language bere is faulty though the song is clear.

Page #142
No. 17-COPPER COIN OF HARIGUPTA . 11 Plate) D. C. SIRCAR, OOTACAMUND (Received on 6.2.1958) A copper coin of a king named Harigupta,stated to have been found at Ahichchhatra (modern Ramnagar in the Bareily District, U. P.), was published by Cunningham in his Coins of Medieval India. Its weight is given as 41 grains and size 6 inch. The obverse of the coin contains the representation of a purna-kumbhal on a pedestal while the legend in two lines on the reverse was read as (sri)-mahar[aja)-[Ha]riguptasya. Allan who entered the coin in his Catalogue of the Coins of the Gupta Dynasties, however, observed that the reading of the legend is very uncertain, guptasya alone being clear. But, as regards the reading, we are inclined to agree with Cunningham. Elsewhere in the same work, Allan admits his inability to offer any suggestion regarding the identity of the king who issued the coin, but observes that the palaeography of the legend suggests & date in the fifth century A.D. Assuming the correctness of the reading of the name Harigupta in the legend, we have to see what relations the ruler might have with the Imperial Gupta dynasty of Magadha. It has to be pointed out that the Abichchhatra coin of Harigupta is not without resemblance with the copper coinage of the Imperial Guptas in type and style. One type of copper coins issued by the Gupta emperor Chandragupta II (circa 376-414 A.D.) shows a purna-kumbha (with flowers or leaves hanging down its sides) within a dotted border on the obverse and the legend Chandra beneath & crescent within a similar border on the reverse. Elsewhere Allan suggests that, this type was probably struck in Malwa in imitation of the Malava tribal issues just as Chandragupta II imitated the coins of the Saka rulers in his silver coinage meant for circulation in Western India conquered from the Sakas.? The vase within a dotted border is a well-known feature of the coins of the Malavas. It has to be admitted that the weight of the seven coins of this type of Chandragupta II in the British Museum cabinet varies between 33 and 180 grains, while the weight of the Ahichchhatri coin of Harigupta is 41-0 grains. But a number of copper issues of the Gupta monarch are known to weigh between 40-5 and 49.5 or more grains. Now we have to determine whether Harigupta imitated the copper coinage of Chandragupta II or whether he ruled over a tract near about the Malwa region and imitated the tribal issues of the Malavas. In this connection we have also to see whether Harigupta of the Ahichchhatra coin W88 related to another ruler of the Malwa region who bore a name ending with the word gupta and some of whose coins have been discovered in East Malwa. Some years ago, six copper coins of a ruler named Ramagupta were discovered in a locality near Bhilsa (near the capital of the ancient Akara or Dasarna country comprising East Malwa) and were published in the Journal of the Numismatic Society of India. Their obverse exhibits, within a dotted border, a lion sitting, facing left, with its tail raised and curled, while their reverse shows the legend Ramagula or Ramagupta beneath 1 Seo p 19, Plate II, No.6. * This is often described as a flower vase. * Cf. p. 152, No. 616; Plate XXIV, No. 16. See p. lxi. Cf. p. cv. * Ibid., p. 60: Plate XI, Nos. 21-26. Allan describes the purna kumbha as & flower-vato. Catalogue of the Coins of Ancient India, p. ovl. * See Smith, Catalogue of the Coins in the Indian Museum, Vol. I, pp. 171 f. Cf. Allan, Cat. (Gupta Dynasties,) pp. 52 ff., Nos. 141-45, 147-48, 152-53, 160-61. 16 Vol. XII, PP. 103 ff. (95)

Page #143
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA 96 [VOL. XXXIII a crescent within a similar border. The weight of these coins varies between 2.5 and 31.3 grains. It may be pointed out that lion is a familiar device on the Malava coins, although generally they exhibit the animal in a standing posture. The palaeography of the legend on Ramagupta's coins suggests that they were issued sometime in the fourth or fifth century A. D. Another group of four copper coins, similar to the above six, also found at Bhilsa, have been published in the same journal. There has been a controversy whether Ramagupta of the Bhilsa coins was a local ruler of the Bhilsa region or should be identified with the Gupta king of the same name who, according to literary traditions, succeeded the Gupta emperor Samudragupta (circa 340-76 A.D.) but was ousted by his younger brother Chandragupta II. It is difficult to be definite on this point without further evidence, although the Prakritic form of the name Ramaguta found on some of the coins would suggest a date earlier than the time of Samudragupta who is the first Gupta monarch to have extended his supremacy in the Malwa region. Another point which can scarcely be ignored in this connection is that, if Ramagupta really belonged to the Imperial Gupta dynasty and ruled as an emperor even for a short period, we would have by now discovered at least a few of his gold coins, since the largest number of Gupta coins so far found are gold issues, the Gupta silver and copper coinage being by far less copious. The genuineness of the literary tradition regarding the existence of a Gupta emperor named Ramagupta has not yet been proved by any other evidence, The problem to be solved now is: if Ramagupta is regarded as a local ruler of the Maiwa region unconnected with the Imperial Gupta house and assigned to a date somewhat earlier than the expansion of Gupta supremacy in the said area about the middle of the fourth century A. D., should Harigupta of the Ahichchhatra coin, on which the reading of the name has been doubted by Allan, be regarded as a scion of Ramagupta's family or of any other local ruling house and as flourishing before the middle of the fourth century? The problem of this ruler is, however, rendered more complicated by two factors. In the first place, a newly discovered copper coin of the king not only gives the name quite clearly as Harigupta but is also a very clear imitation of a type of the copper coinage of Chandragupta II. Secondly, we have an inscription testifying to the fact that a king named Hariraja, who claimed to have been a scion of the Gupta dynasty, ruled over the region comprising the present Banda District of U. P. sometime in the fifth century and it is very probable that he is identical with the issuer of the Ahichchhatra coin. A copper coin, now exhibited in the Allahabad Municipal Museum, was examined by me when I visited Allahabad in December 1957. Dr. S. C. Kala, Curator of the Museum, was kind enough to allow me to take a plaster cast of the coin. There can be no doubt that the prototype from which this coin was imitated is the second variety of the second type of the copper coinage of Chandragupta II described and illustrated by Allan in his Catalogue of the Coins of the Gupta Dynasties. The prototype may be described as follows: Obverse: King standing to left (three-quarter length), apparently casting incense on altar with uplifted right hand (as on similar gold coins of the Chhatra type); left hand behind on hip; behind the king a dwarf attendant holding the parasol over him. Smith, op. cit., p. 172. JNSI, Vol. XIII, pp. 128 ff. See ibid., Vol. XII, pp. 103 ff. One of Samudragupta's inscriptions has been found engraved on a pillar at Eran in the Saugor District of Madhya Pradesh (i.e. in East Malwa) and his Allahabad pillar inscription refers to his success against the Aryavarta king Rudradova who is apparently the Saka ruler Rudrasena III of Western India. See Select Inscriptions, pp. 257, 260 ff.; Proc. IHC, Madras 1944, pp. 78 ff. See p. 53, Nos. 144-47; Plate XI, No. 4.

Page #144

Page #145
COPPER COIN OF HARIGUPTA (from Photographs)

Page #146
97 No. 17) COPPER COIN OF HARIGUPTA Reverse: The bird Garuda (the emblem of the Guptas) standing, facing, with outspread wings (without human arms with bracelets as seen on the first variety of these copper coins); legend below the above reading Maharaja-eri-Chandraguptah in one line. The size of the coins is about three quarters of an inch and weight between 36-5 and 101-5 grains. On the coin under study, the obverse does not clearly show the parasol in the hands of the attendant and the proper right side of the bird on the reverse is blurred, while the legend beneath the bird reads Maharaja-sri-Hariguptasya in two lines in characters similar to those of the legend on the Ahichchhatra coin. The size of our coin is 85 inch and its weight 49 grains, although its exact findspot seems to be unknown. We have no doubt that the same Maharaja Harigupta also issued the Ahichchhatra coin, even though Allan doubted the reading of the name on it. An inscription on a bronze image found in the ruins of Dhaneswar Khera in the village of Ichchhawar or Nichchawar in the Banda District, U. P., was published by Smith and Hoey as early as 1895, although they could not decipher the record satisfactorily. The correct reading of this record in two lines is as follows 1 Dava-dharmmyasni*] Gupta-vanso(vams-5)dita-eri-Harirajasya ra(ra)jni-Mahadevya[b] [l*] yad attra punya[m*] tad-bhavatu 2 sa[rvva]-sa[tva(tiva)na][m] mata(ta)-pitsi-pu[rvva]ngama(me)na anuttara-pada-jnana(n-a). vaptaye [l*]* It seems that the ruins of Dhanesar Khera referred to above represent the site of the headquaters of Hariraja mentioned in the inscription. We know that, about the fifth century A.D., the title Maharaja was enjoyed by the subordinates and feudatories of the Gupta Maharajadhirajas.: Our Hariraja, called Maharaja in the legend on his coins, thus appears to have been a subordinate of the contemporary Gupta emperor. The first question now is: if Hariraja belonged to the Imperial Gupta family, why was he called Hariraja and rot Harigupta ? We know that from the assumption of imperial status by Chandragupta I about 320 A.D., his descendants assumed names ending in the word gupta. But we also know that the second name of Chandragupta II is sometimes quoted as both Devagupta and Devaraja. Thus mere mention of the ruler'a name as Hariraja instead of Harigupta does not prove anything. The second question to be answered then is : if Hariraja-Harigupta was a gcion of the Imperial Gupta family even from his mother's side, why is his family relationship with the contemporary Gupta emperor not specified in the inscription? The answer to this seems to be that the relationship was not a very close one. Thus, even if the problem of the Ichchhawar inscription can be solved, the Ahichchhatra and Allahabad Museum coins offer yet another difficult problem. The king enjoyed the feudatory title Maharaja and there is no doubt that he imitated a type of the copper coins of Chandragupta II. The question now is whether a subordinate ruler was allowed by his Gupta suzerain to issue coing of his own. This seems to be extremely doubtful in the present state of our knowledge. As we have already seen, Maharaja Harigupta of the Ahichchhatra and Allahabad Museum coins cannot be assigned to an age earlier than the expansion of Gupta supremacy in Malwa and Central India since he certainly imitated one of the types of the copper coins issued by Chandragupta II, the obverse design of which was itself a copy of the well-known Chhatra type of the same monarch's 1 JASB, Vol. LXIV, 1895, Part I, pp. 159 ff. and flate. * See JOR, Vol. XVIII, 1949, pp. 185 ff. Cf. IHQ, Vol. XXII, pp. 64-65. Select Inscriptions, pp. 273, 420.

Page #147
98 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXXIII gold coinage. But when did Hariraja-Harigupta issue his copper coin of the same type! The answer to this question may be that Harigupta issued the coins on the decline of Gupta power about the last quarter of the fifth century A.D. He seems to have selected some of the popular types of Imperial Gupta coinage prevalent in the area over which he ruled. Considering the problem of local conservatism in ancient Indian numismatics, it does not appear necessary to think that Hariraja-Harigupta's coins were issued shortly after the issue of their prototypes.

Page #148
No. 18-BRICK INSCRIPTION OF DAMAMITRA (1 Plate) D. C. SIRCAR, Ootacamund (Received on 20.1.1958) Dr. A. S. Altekar has recently published, in the pages of this journal, a brick inscription in Brahmi characters of about the first century B.C. or the first century A.D. Its language is Prakrit which is, however, considerably influenced by Sanskrit. It is a fragmentary record in one line referring to the performance of the horse-sacrifice by Asvavatayaniputra Devimitra.' Dr. Altekar has wrongly taken the name of the performer of the sacrifice to be Devamitra This inscription was discovered in a mound near the village of Musonager in the Kanpur District, O.P. In December 1957 I visited the Lucknow Museum where I noticed another brick inscription of the type of the Musanagar epigraph published by Dr. Altekar. It is also a fragmentary record, the left portion of the brick (11" x 71" x 4") being broken away exactly as in the case of the other inscription. The two records may have been originally of the same length; but the extant part of the present inscription, engraved in one line on a side face of the brick and covering an area of about 7" in length, is smaller than that of the Musonagar epigraph. Individual aksharas in our epigraph are between " and 17' in height. Dr. Altekar suggests that the inscribed brick originally formed a part of the platform built round a sacrificial post or pillar. The resemblance betwe'n the two inscriptions is striking. In the first place, both the present epigraph and the Musanagar inscription are incised on a narrow side face of the bricks in question and not on a broad face of them. Secondly, our record refers to a horse-sacrifce performed by Damamitra, a name ending in the word mitra as in the case of Devimitra of Musanagar inscription. Thirdly, the size, style, characters and language of the two epigraphs are similas. Fourthly, both the records end with a symbol standing midway between a cross and the so-called Ujjayini symbol found on early Indian coins. Fifthly, although the exact findspot of our inscription is unknown, the inscribed brick is stated to have been presented to the Lucknow Museum by Mr. F. S. Fanthome, when he was Additional District Magistrate of Kanpur and thus appears to have been discovered in a locality in the Kanpur District if not at Musanagar itself. There is an old mound at Musanagar and ancient coins have occasionally been found there after the rainy season. It is therefore not impossible that both Devimitra and Damamitra belonged to the same family of rulers having their capital at Musanagar or its neighbourhood. As already indicated above, the characters of our record closely resemble those of the Musanagar inscription. But there are some indications which appear to suggest that our epigraph belongs to a slightly later date. In the first place, the triangularity of the lower part of m and of v is more pronounced in the record under study. Secondly, the -matra in mi is a prolongation of the right upper limb of m while the other inscription exhibits the said vowel-mark as a distinct addition to the consonant. Thirdly, while both the left and right limbs of the lower part oft are of the same size in the Musanagar epigraph, the right stroke is considerably elongated in the present record. 1 See Vol. XXX, pp. 118 ff. and Plate. + Macron over e and o has not been used in the article. * A photograph of the inscription was published in Archaeology- A Review, 1955-56, Plate LXIX, C. * Cf. above, Vol. XXX, p. 118. (99) 14 DGA58

Page #149
100 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXXIII On palaeographical considerations, the inscription of Devimitra inay be assigned to the close of the first century B.C. or the beginning of the first century A.D. and that of Damamitra to a date in the first halt of the first century A.D. The Language of the record ia Prakrit; but the influence of Sanskrit 18 indicated by the use of sva (for sa=ssa) in the word asvamedhe. It may be pointed out here that, in the Musanagar inscription, Dr. Altekar read this word as asvamerdha while we suggested the reading asvamedhe or afvamedham. The present record makes it clear that the intended reading of the word in the Musanagar inscription is neither asvamerdha nor asvamedham but asvamedhe. Our inscription begins with the akshara sa which is, however, not fully preserved. Since this is followed by the expression Damamitasa (Sanskrit Damamitrasya), it may be regarded as the remnant of a metronymic like A evavatayaniputasa (Sanskrit Asvavatayaniputrasya) qualifying Devimitasa (Sanskrit Devimitrasya) in the Musanagar record. The last word of the inscription is afvamedhe (Sanskrit asvamedhah). This is followed by the symbol referred to above, which indicates the end of the writing. Although no regal epithet is applied to Damamitra's name, the attribution of the performance of the Aevamedha to him suggests that he was a ruler of importance. The two early rulers of the Kanpur region of U.P., viz. Devimitra and Damamitra known from their brick inscriptions, do not appear to be known from any other source, although coins of many kings with names ending in the word mitra have so far been discovered from various sites in that State. Their relations with other known rulers of the said region, especially with the Mitra kings of Kaubambi and Ahichchhatra, can scarcely be dertermined in the present state of our knowledge. But our inscription adds one more name to the list of the performers of Afvamedha, who flourished in the ancient and medieval periods of Indian history. The name Devimitra points to the influence of the cult of the Mother-goddess on the royal family in question. TEXT ..[sa] D[a]mamitasa as[v]amedhe [ilo TRANSLATION The horse-Bacrifice of (i.e., celebrated by) Damamitra, the.... 1 Cf. Sundaram Pillai Com. Vol., pp. 93 ff. ? From impressions. : This is apparently the last akshara of an epithet of Damamitra in the sixth cage-onding. This stop is indicated by a symbol.

Page #150
BRICK INSCRIPTION OF DAMAMITRA eve Scale : Actual Size

Page #151

Page #152
No. 19-NOTE ON ANDHAVARAM PLATES OF INDRAVARMAN II V. V. MIRASHI, NAGPUR (Received on 19.7.1957) Some time ago I examined the dates of the Ganga era, which contain details necessary for calculation, and showed that the epoch which suits them all is Saka 419 (497-98 A.D.) for & current year and Saka 420 (498-99 A.D.) for an expired year. Later I examined two more dates of the era, which were discovered subsequently. I have shown that both of them corroborate the epoch which I had fixed and that none of the other epochs suggested by other scholars is applicable in their case. Recently we have another date of this era, viz., Gn. 133, furnished by the Andhavaram plates of the Ganga king Indravarman III. It provides me with another opportunity of testing the epoch fixed by me. The plates record a grant made by the king on the occasion of a solar eclipse which occurred on the amavasya of the month of Sravana. Further, in lines 19-20, the plates record the date in the following words: gri-pravarddhamana-Tumvu(bu)ru-vanda(vansa)-rajya-samva(mva)tsaranam sate trintaty(trimsad)-adhike samva(sarva)tsarah 100 30 3 Sravana-masa-amavasya-dinani cha, i.e., in the augmenting dominion of the Tumburu family, in the year hundred increased by thirty--133- on the new-moon day of the month of Sravana. It will taus be seen that the date given in words does not agree with that expressed in numerical symbols. In the indifferent facsimile of the inscription published previously in JAHRS, Vol. XX, the unit symbol appeared to denote 2, as it consisted of two curved horizontal strokes with a dot between them which appeared accidental. Taking the date as expressed in numerical symbols to be correct, I showed, in an article published in the Indian Historical Quarterly, Vol. XXX, pp. 271 f., that according to my epoch, the date Gn. 132 (as I read it then) was quite regular. The new-moon day in amanta Sravana in the expired Ganga year 132 corresponds to the 13th August 630 A.D., on which day there was a solar eclipse as stated in the Andhavaram plates. The excellent facsimile published in this journal, however, shows that the unit symbol of the date denotes 3 and not 2. The date as expressed in numerical symbols must, therefore, be read as 133 and not 132. It does not agree with that expressed in words ; but it has been suggested that the engraver seems to have omitted trayas before trimsat through carelessnes. Dr. Subrahmanyam appears to accept the epoch of the Ganga era fixed by me. Says he, The grant is said to have been made on the occasion of a solar eclipse on the new-moon day of Lravana. Calculating from the starting point fixed by Prof. Mirashi, i.e., Saka 420 plus 132 expired years of the era, we get Saka 552 (630 A.D.) as the date of the grant. According to Swamikannu Pillai's Indian Ephemeris, on the 13th August of that year there was a solar eclipse ; but this was in the month Bhadrapada! Dr. Subrahmanyam's words appear to imply either that the date is irregular according to my epoch, or that the epoch does not suit it exactly. I propose to show that neither of these suppositions is correct. In the detailed ephemeris given by Pillai in Vol. I, Part II, and the subsequent Volumes of his great work, the lunar months are shown according to the amanta scheme; but while giving the * Above, Vol. XXVI, pp. 236 ff. * Ibid., Vol. XXVII, p. 192; Vol. XXVIII, pp. 171 f. * Ibid., Vol. XXX, pp. 87 ff. In his article on the Andhavaram plates, Dr. R. Subrahmanyam has not numbered this Indravarman though there were several kings of this name. Indravarman I was ruling in Gn. 39 and Indrevarman II ruled at least from Gn. 87 to Gn. 97. So this king must be named Indravarman III, for whom we have dates ranging from Gn. 128 to Gn. 154. Ibid., p. 40. ( 101 )

Page #153
102 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXXIII New Moons and Eclipses in Vol. I, Part I, Pillai has adopted the purnimanta scheme of lunar months. This has misled Dr. Subrahmanyam. Table II gives the solar eclipse on the 13th August 630 A.D. under Bhadrapada. As stated before, this month was purnimanta. The same eclipse may, therefore, be said to have occurred on the new-moon day of amanta Sravana, as stated in the Andhavaram plates. The date is thus perfectly regular. It further corroborates the epoch of the Ganga era fixed by me. It may, again, be noted that this is one of the few dates of the era in a current year and that the scheme of lunar months here is amanta as in several other records of the Ganga era as shown already. Let us next see if the date would be regular according to any of the other epochs suggested by other scholars. Leaving aside such epochs as 349-50 A.D., 741 A.D., 772 A.D., and 877-78 A.D. which, on the face of them, appear to be impossible, I shall examine those that approximate to the one fixed by me. They are as follows: 494 A.D. proposed by Mr. Subba Rao, 496 A.D. by the late Mr. J. C. Ghosh, 497-98 A.D. by the late Mr. B.V. Krishna Rao and 504-05 A.D. by Mr. Somasekhara Sarma. Mr. Krishna Rao was previously of the opinion that the Ganga era began on amanta Bhadrapada-su. 13; but he now says that it began on purgimanta Karttika-ba. 1 in the expired Saka year 419 (28th September 497 A.D.). From the equivalents of some dates given in his recent article, he seems to take the epoch of the Ganga era as 497-98 A.D. As the Ganga year, according to him, began in Karttika, we shall get the Christian year corresponding to Gn. 133, for the month of Sravana, by adding 498 to 133. The years of the Christian era corresponding to Gn. 133, according to these epochs, would thus be as follows: Proposed Epocn of the Ganga Era. 494 A.D. 496 A.D. 497-98 A.D. 504-05 A.D. Ganga Year 133, Sravana amavasya Corresponding year of the Christian Era. 627 A.D. 629 A.D. 631 A.D.3 637. A.D. Was there a solar eclipse on this tithi ? No solar eclipse in purnimanta or amanta Sravana. Do. Do. Do. Dr. R. C. Majumdar as recently suggested that the Ganga era started some time between 540 and 556 A.D. As he has not, however, stated the exact epoch of the era as well as the beginning of the Ganga year and the scheme of its lunar months, it is not possible to test its correctness by means of this date. The Andhavaram plates of the Ganga king Indravarman III thus prove the correctness of my view that the Ganga era commenced on amanta Chaitra su. di. 1 in the expired Saka year 420 (the 14th March 498 A.D.). Thus the epoch of the era for a current year is 497-98 A.D. and for an expired year 498-99 A.D. 1 Above, Vol. XXVIII, pp. 171 f. JBRS, Vol. XLII, Part I. Curiously enough, he regards all these years of the era as current. For an examination of his view, see ibid., pp. 309 ff. [This should be 629-30 A.D. according to Mr. Krishna Rao who regards the years of the Ganga era to be current -Ed.] Above, Vol. XXXI, pp. 46 ff.

Page #154
No. 20--INSCRIPTIONS FROM GAYA (2 Plates) D. C. SIRCAR AND K. H. V. SARMA, OOTACAMUND (Received on 12.5.1958) We have elsewhere suggested that inscriptions set up at well-known tirthas by visiting pilgrims sometimes mention kings of distant lands not because the holy places in question formed parts of their dominions but merely because the pilgrims were their subjects or subordinates and that pious people including kings often sought to secure the merit of visiting tirthas of their choice by sending others to those localities at their own cost as their proxies. The four inscriptions edited in the following pages come from Gaya which is one of the most celebrated tirthas of India and they throw welcome light on the said question. The holiest shrine at Gaya is the Vishnupada temple and all the records are found within the precincts of that temple. Gaya is regarded as the most suitable place for the celebration of the post-funeral ceremony called Sraddha for the salvation or the spirits of dead ancestors. Gaya-eraddha (i.e. the performance of Sraddha at Gaya) can be celebrated by anybody for any deceased person at any time of the year, although the fortnight ending with the Mahalaya-Amavasya (i.e. the new-moon day in amanta Bhadrapada or purnimanta Asvina) is regarded as the best time for it and lakhs of pilgrims from all parts of India visit the holy place on that occasion.' 1. Inscription of the time of Kakatiya Prataparudra I The inscription is engraved on a black slab of stone fixed into the eastern wall (right side) of the shrine of Siva in front of the Vishnupada temple. There are in all 31 lines of writing. The preservation on the whole is satisfactory, though some letters are damaged here and there. The inscribed space measures 31 inches in height and 11 inches in breadth. Beneath the writing, there are the representations of the Chakra (discus) and Sankha (conch-shell), the latter on a pedestal, and below these there is K. 1848 incised in English. The English writing apparently refers to the utilisation of the stone slab some time in 1848 A.D.; but it has nothing to do with the inscription. The Chakra and Sankha are the well-known emblems of the god Vishnu and appear to point to the Vaishnava leanings of the person who set up the record under study, The characters are Nandi-Nagart of the twelfth or thirteenth century. The language of the inscription is Sanskrit and it is written in verse with the exception of a passage in prose at the end. There are altogether 12 stanzas, the metre employed being Anushtubh in all cases. The author's command over the language was, however, not quite satisfactory. The orthography of the record is characterised by the use of anusvara in the place of final m and class nasals. The * Ser: abovo, Vol. XXXI, pp. 100-101. . For the importance of Gayt as a holy place especially for the performance of aradilha, see the Vayu Purana, chapters 105 ff.; Kano, History of Dharmasdstra, Vol. IV, pp. 643-79. For the antiquity of Gaya, see JIA, Vol. XXXII, pp. 283 f. This is No. 132 of 4. R. Bp., 1957-58, App. B. The name Naudi-Nagart is usually associated with the Nagart alphabet used in the South Indian records of the Vijayanagara period (cf. Ojha, Palaeography of India, p. 68 ; Renou et Filliozat, L'Inde Classique, Tome II, p. 682). But tbe development of the Yandi. Xagari alphabet can be traced to enrlier times. We have applied this name to the characters of Inscriptions Xos. 1-2 cited in the following pages because they exhibit the Nandi-Nagart forms of some letters. Cf.s in both the records and initial i in Inscription No.2, lipe 18. ( 103 )

Page #155
104 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXXIII name Mallikarjuna (lines 11 and 19) has been spelt with kh instead of k as in Telugu inscriptions." The inscription bears no date. Verses 1-4 in lines 1-9 describe a king named Prataparudra. The first of these stanzas speak of him as mithila-bhupala-mauli-ratna-lasat-pada and raja-firo-mani which may indicate that he was an independent or imperial ruler. The suggestion seems to be supported by verge 3 which represents the king as hearing the burden of the entire earth. Verse 2 refers to his capital as excelling Amaravati, the city of the gods, but does not mention its name. This reference to the capital, which has no direct relation with the purpose of the inscription, seems to indicate that king Prataparudra was ruling from the unnamed city when the inscription was incised. The following five stanzas (verses 5-9) in lines 9-20 describe the preceptor of Prataparudra. Verse 5 states that the name of the king's preceptor was Mallikarjuna who enjoyed the title Tribhuvanividyachakravartin. He is also called suri in the same stanza and kovida in verse 9 and was apparently famous for his learning. The name of "Mallikarjuna is repeated in verse 9, while Verse 7 represents him as a great devotee of the god Siva as it says that Indusekhara (Siva) liked his stay in Mallikarjuna's mind better than his residence on Mount Kailasa. Verges 8-9 state that a locality called Mantrakata lying on the southern border of the Vindhya mountain range (Vindhy-adri-dakshina-prante) and on the bank of the river Gautami (Gautami-tate) was studded with numerous lingas and that the city called Simhadri-nagari, situated in the said locality, was beautified by Mallikarjuna with many buildings. Gautami is another name of the river Godavari, while Mantrakuta appears to be the same as Manthani (also called Mantenna), the headquarters of a Taluk of the same name in the Karimnagar District in the former Hyderabad State but now in Andhra Pradesh. A chief named Gunda is described as the lord of Mantrakuta-nagart in the Hanumakonda inscription' (Saka 1084=1162 A.D.) of Kakatiya Prataparudra I, while the same chief is called Manthanya-Gunda in the Palampet inscription of Saka 1135 (1213 A.D.), and Manttena-Gunda in the Gana pesvaram inscription (Saka 1153-1231 A.D.) of the Kakatiya king Ganapati. Thus the same place is called Mantrakuta-nagari, Manthani and Mantenna. A Siva temple built at the same place, called Mantrakutapura, by Gangadhara, a general of Kakatiya Prataparudra I, is mentioned in the Karimnagar inscription of Saka 1092 (1170 A.D). Verse 10 in lines 21-23 states that Mallikarjuna's wife was Gauri who caused to perform the Gaya-Sraddha, apparently of her husband Mallikarjuna, even though the husband's death is not clearly referred to in the inscription. As already indicated above, &raddha performed in honour of the departed spirits of dead relatives at Gaya is regarded as specially efficacious especially during the dark half of the amanta month of Bhadrapada or the purnimanta month of Asvina. Verse 11 in lines 23-26 speaks of Gauri's daily enti y through the gate of Gaya' and to her securing the salvation of the foremost of her relations (i.e. her husband). Apparently she was performing what is called nitya-fraddha for the emancipation of her husband Mallikarjuna. 1 Cf., o.g., P. Sreenivasachar, A Corpus of Inscriptions in the Telingana Districts, Part III, 1968, p. 71. * Mallikarjuna's title Tribhuvant-vidyd-chakravartin reminds us of the title Sakala-vidya-chakravartir enjoyed by several scholars at the court of the kings of the Hoysala dynasty of Dorasamudra. It has been suggested that the title was conferred on the court pandits by the Hoysala kings (Heo abave, Vol. XXXI, p. 227). It is thus not impossiblo that the title Tribhuvant-vidyd-chakravartin was oonforred on Mallikarjuna by his royal disciple Prataparudra. P. Sreenivasachar, op. cit., Part II, p. 10, text line 34. * Hyd. Anch. Ser., No. 3, p. 3, text line 49. Above, Vol. III, p. 85, text line 18. .P. Sreenivasachar, op. oit., p. 173, text line 142. * Gayd-dvdram dvibanti dint dine seems to refer to Gaurt's daily visit to the Caya temple. * The expression purodhasan cha bandhandm has been used to indicate the husband.'

Page #156
105 No. 20) INSCRIPTIONS FROM GAYA Verse 12 in lines 26-29 gives some interesting information about Gauri, wife of Mallikarjuna. It is stated that formerly she had been passing her days playfully at the feet of the god Gopinatha described as the lord of the Kandammati family, but that at the time being her residence was Manikarnika. As regards her later residence, the place appears to be the same as the famous Manikarnika Ghat at Banaras. But the location of the deity Gopinatha worshipped by the members of the Kandammati family is difficult to determine, although Kandammati seems to be the name of a locality from which the family derived its name. Gaurl's relationship with the said family is not stated in the inscription. We may conjecture that she was born in the Kandammati family. It is, however, very interesting to note Gauri's devotion to the god Gopinatha, undoubtedly a form of Vishnu. Thus she was a Vaishnava,' while her husband Mallikarjuna was a staunch devotee of the god Siva. The document ends with an adoration of the god Gopijanavallabha, the same as Gopinatha: But, while the latter is described as the lord of the Kandammati family, the former is called Mantrakuta-Gopijanatallabha, apparently meaning Gopijanavallabha of Mantrakuta', even if the two appear to be one and the same deity. It is possible to think that the Kandammati family, which originally hailed from the village of Kandammati and to which Gauri seems to have belonged, was at a later date living at the locality called Mantrakuta. In that case, Kadammali-kul-udhiea Gopinatha may of course be safely identified with Mantrakuta. Sopijanavallabha . There is no obvious clue in the inscription to help us in identifying king Prataparudra and his preceptor Tribhuvani-tidya-chakravartin Mallikarjuna. As regards the king, who appears to have been an imperial ruler, we can only think of Prataparudra I (generally called Rudra) and Prataparudra II of the Kakatiya dynasty, who flourished respectively in the periods 1163-95 A.D. and 1291-1330 A.D., and the king of the same name who belonged to the Suryavamsi Gajapati family of Orissa and ruled in the period 1496-1539 A.D. Of these three rulers, Gajapati Prataparudra of Orissa was a great devotee of the god Purushottama-Jagannatha of Puri and was therefore a devout Vaishnava. It is thus extremely doubtful if he could have had a staunch Saiva teacher like Mallikarjuna of our inscription as his preceptor. On the other hand, we know the Saiva leanings of most of the Kakatiya rulers who are described as paramamahesvara in the records of their time and some of whom are known to have received initiation from Saiva religious teachers. This fact leads us to the suggestion that king Prataparudra mentioned in the inscription under review may be identical with either of the Kakatiya monarchs bearing that name: Of the two Kukatiya kings of the same name, viz. Prataparudra I and Prataparudra II, the former is described in several records as paramamahesvara and Svayambhu-pada-padm-aradhaka and there can bu no doubt that he was a devout Saiva. Kakatiya Prataparudra II has not, however, been called it parumamihesvara in any of the numerous records of his time and does not appear to have been For the importance of Banaras as a holy place, see the Malaya Purana, chapters 181-85 ; Kane, op. cit., pp. 018 ff. Manikarnika is one of the five holiest spots at Banaras, the others being Dababvamedha, Lolarka, Kesava and Bindumudbava (Vulsya Purana, Chapter 186, verses 65-68). * The inscription does not say that Gauri was devoted to both Vishnu and Siva. Bota II and probably also his grandson Prola II claimed Ramosvara-pandita of the Mallikarjuna-matba on the Srieaila as their diksha-yuru (Hyd. Arch. Ser., No. 13, p. 25, Ins. No. 7; p. 55, Ins. No. 12; cf. Bharati, Vol. XVIII, Part II, p. 194). Mahidevu is known to have learnt the Saiva siddhantas from his preceptor Dhru. vara-nuntiare (Ilyd. Arch. Ser., No. 13, p. 02, Ins. No. 15) while his son Ganapati was a disciple of a celebrated Saiva teacher named Visvesvarasambhu who was also revered by his daughter Rudramba (SI1, Vol. X, No. 395, 21.203; JAHRS, Vol. IV, pp. 147 ff.). The Kakatiya queen Rudramba was often mentioned as Rudradeva in the masculine ; but she was not called Prataparudra. fee. ... SII, Vol. X, p. 122, No. 241, text lines 5-6. Cf. Teleuam Inscriptions, Nos. 46 ff. 811, Vol. X, No. 319 (p. 281) apparently belongs to the reign of Prataparudra I.

Page #157
106 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXXIII & staunch devotee of Siva. The possibility therefore is that king Prataparudra of our inscrip tion is identical with the Kakatiya monarch Prataparudra I. There is a tradition that the great Saiva teacher Mallikarjuna-panditaradhya was the preceptor of the Kakatiya king Ganapati (1199-1260 A.D.) who was the brother's son of Prataparudra 1. This, however, is clearly wrong since the Malkapuram inscription represents the great Saiva teacher Vibvesvarasambhu, hailing from Purvagrama in the Radha division of Gauda, as the diksha-guru of king Ganapati. But, confused even if it is, the above tradition seems to be based on the fact that a Kakatiya monarch was amongst the disciples of the great Panditaradhya. If such was the case, the Kakatiya disciple of Mallikarjuna-panditaradhya was probably none else than Prataparudra I since the contemporaneity of the Saiva teacher and the Kakatiya king has been admitted by scholars. Under the circumstances, it may not be unreasonable to identify Prataparudra and Mallikarjuna, mentioned in the inscription under study, respectively with the Kakatiya king Prataparudra I and the Saiva teacher Mallikarjuna-panditaradhya at least tentatively for the present till further light is thrown on the subject by new discoveries. A number of legends grew around the celebrated name of Mallikarjuna-panditaradhya, the details of many of which may not have any foundation in facts. But, as indicated above, the traditions representing him as a contemporary of Kakatiya Prataparudra I appear to be genuine. Dr. P. Sreenivasachar identifies the Panditaradhya with the Saiva teacher Mallikarjuna mentioned in an inscription of Saka 1109 (1187 A.D.) from Kudavel-Sangamesvaram about 10 miles from Alampur in the Mahbubnagar District of Andhra Pradesh. Two inscriptions from the Kurnool District of the same State, dated respectively in Saka 1154 (1232 A.D.) and 1157 (1235 A.D.), speak of a disciple of Mallikarjuna who may be no other than Mallikarjuna-panditaradhya. The language of our inscription seems to suggest that the royal disciple Prataparudra was still on the throne when his preceptor Mallikarjuna died. This may suggest that Mallikarjuna-panlitaradhya died before 1195 A.D. In spite of the mention of king Prataparudra I of the Kakatiya dynasty of Warangal in the inscription under study, there is certainly no reason to believe that the Gaya region in South Bihar formed any part of his dominions. We know that South Bihar lay in the empire of the Palas of Bengal and Bihar from the eighth to the twelfth century and in the dominions of the Musalmans from the end of the twelfth century till the British conquest in the eighteenth century. Even in the absence of any reference in the present inscription to the ruler whose dominions comprised Gaya, king Prataparudra mentioned in it cannot be regarded as having ruled over the Gaya region. 1 After the preparation of this paper, we have uxamined an inscription of about Saka 1121 (1199 A.D.) from Manthani (ancient Mantrakuta), which states that Mallikarjua's son Gopala received a big plot of land at Mantrakuta from Kakatiya Rudradeva (i.e. Pratapar udra l) and that the township called Simhagiri-purs (the same as Simhadri-nagarl of tho Gaya inscription) was built by him on the said plot. This epigraph bottles the identity of Prataparudra of the Gaya inscription beyond doubt. Who Manthani insoription is being published in the pages of this journal. * See a poem entitled 'Kakati Prolarajudula prakarsa' in the Kakatiyasarnchika, od. by M. Rama Rao, p. 140. .811, Vol. X, No. 395, p. 207, text lines 79-80. C. Kabattyananchika, pp. 26, 81, 212. Op. cit., Part II, p. 71. Rangachari's List, Nos. Kl. 14 and 19; A. R. Ep., 1926. 26, para. 62 (pp. 116-17). * The death of Mallikarjuna-panditaradbyn has been assigned to 1169-70 A.D. (Kukallycemichika, p. 212 on insuficient and doubtful grounds.

Page #158
No. 20] INSCRIPTIONS FROM GAYA 107 Of the geographical names mentioned in the inscription, the holy tirthas of Gaya and Mapikarnika (called Manikarnika in the record) at Banaras, the mountain range Vindhya and the river Gautami (Godavari) are well-known. Kandammati cannot be satisfactorily identified. The location of Mantrakuta has been discussed above. TEXT1 1 Srimam(man)-nikhila-bhupala-mauli-ratna-lasa. 2 -padab asti Prataparudr-akhyo raja raja 3 siromanih [ 1*] Yat-[pu]ri turag-akirna maha 4 t-kari-ghat-akula | panya-sta(stri)-mukta-vyajena hasa 5 nt-iv-Amaravatim(tim) || 2*] Yad-bhuja-nihit-asesha-ratna 6 garbha-maha-bhu(bha)rah | sithilika (ku)rute nunam Pha[n]dro-piphana-kulam(lam) |[| 3*] Gup-alavala-niya 7 8 ta bahu-mina-phal-amkita | vyapta yat-kirtti 9 [la]tika gagana-sthala-mamjapam(pam) || 4*] Tasya tribhu 10 vanividyachakravartt-Iti visrutah | guravah sam 11 ti loko-smin Mallikha (ka)rjuna-surayah |[| 5*] Ya 12 d-yasamsi sarach-chamdra-vimalani va(vi)tanvate [*] 13 niyatain din-mrigakshinam dukula-vasana-sri 14 yam(yam) 6*] Esham manasam=adhyasya bhagavan-Indu 15 se(se)kharah | na Kailasa-mahasaila-sukh-a 16 [visam apekshate || 7*] Vi[m]dhy-adri-dakshina-pram 17 te vilasad Gautami-tate | Mamtrakuta[m*] sahasra 18 [n]am limganam sthanam-uttamam (mam) | | 8*] Tatra Simhadri-na 19 garith Mallika(ka)rjuna-kovidah | vidvaj-janemi 20 dra-mi(n)radhram ramya-harmyam-achikarat || [9] 21 Gauri gunavati tasya vidvaj-jana-vi 22 [no]dinah dharmapatni Gay-ira 23 ddham vi[ta]-vi[chchha(ghna)]m=akarayat || [10*]Atha 24 Gauri Gaya-dvaram-avisamti dine 25 dine purodhas[a(sain) cha] bamidhunath muktam-81 From impressions.

Page #159
108 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [Vol. XXXIII 26 v=akarot=sati ! [11] Karndammati-kul-a27 dhfia-Gopinatha-pad-arivu(bu)jo tastho)-1 28 syah purvam=abhut=k[r]i[dja. idunini 29 Manikarnike || [12*) sri- Maitraku30 ta-Gopijana[va]llabhaya 31 namah || 2. Inscription of the time of Hoysala Nerasimha III This inscription is engraved on the left door jamb of the doorway leading into a Mahadeva shrine under a peepal tree in the compound of the Visbnupada temple. The writing occupies & space of about 262 inches in height and 4 inches in width, there being altogether 25 lines and each line containing about four aksharas. Immediately below the above record, there is a second inscription which contains 21 lines covering a space equal in area as the first epigraph. It seems that the available space was divided into two halves for the two inscriptions which were very probably engraved at the same time. The record is written in Nandi-Nayari characters of about the 12th or 13th century A.D. with the exception of the last line which is in the Kannada script. The characters resemble those of the Gaya inscription of Prataparudra's time, edited above. The form of vra ir rrajana in lines 11-12 is interesting to note. The language is Kannada and the inscription is written in prose. As regards orthographical peculiarities, the word simha has been spelt as singa (lines 3-4), while niya has been spelt as rina thrice in lines 14-16. The record bears no date, although it refers in lines 2-5, to a ruler named Hosana ViraNarasimhadeva. Hosana is the same as Hoysana, a well-known variant of the dynastic name Hoysala, and there is no doubt that Vira-Narasimha of our record belonged to the Hoysala ruling family of Dorasamudra (modern Halebid in Mysore State). In this connection, it is interesting to note that the second inscription on the same stone referred to above, which is written in the Kannada language and script, reads in lines 1-16 : fri-Vira-Narusi[m]hadevaracara karmalada Jakari nana magarn[*] [Chajridirana Ka(Kha)ra-sanhvatsarada Ba(Bha)drapalda*)-bu 30 So [Gaya) pravesar(san) mudi.... This record, the concluding part of which is damaged, speaks of a person named Chandiranna who was a son of Jakanna, an employee in the mint of ViraNarasimhadeva, and of his visit to Gaya on pilgrimage. It will be seen that both the inscriptions apparently refer to the same Hoysala king named Narasirha or Vira-Narasiriha. But, while the first record which is the subject of our study in these lines does not bear any date, the second epigraph was dated in the cyclic year Khara, Bhadrapada-ba. 30, Monday, i.e. the day of the Mahalaya Amarasya and, as indicated above, the most suitable time for the performance of the sraddha of relatives at Gaya. Unfortunately there were no less than three kings named Narasimha in the Hoysala dynasty of Dorasamudra, all of whom flourished in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. The reign of Narasinha I, son of Vishnuvardhana, is now assigned to c. 1141-73 A.D., while his grandson Narasimha II and the latter's grandson Narasimha III are supposed to have ruled respectively in c. 1220-35 A.D. and c. 1254-91 A.D. There is, however, a clue in the second of the two 1 The akshara looking like tho is redundant. * Sandhi has been avoided here for the sake of the metre. Better rond chu-edanim. * There is a syn bol here at the end of the writing. *This is registered as No. 126 of A. R. Ep., 1967-68, Appondix 13. C4. Bomb. Gaz., Vol. I, Partii, p. 490. See Coelho, The Hoysala Vams, pp. 115, 169, 198,

Page #160
INSCRIPTIONS FROM GAYA-PLATE 1 1. Inscription of the time of Kakatiya Prataparudra I 2 4 6 8 10 12 141 16 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 18 20 22 24 26 28 30 isI meM nipAla malina base pipADA kAyAkalApa gare, nada jIvAmA vA jatihitAza pikulAta calitiya mAlakina vA prAya ka nayana kAMgregavasUlInasva vizvakA jI vivinA M nA tara baMdarAvara lAva sanata paratI lAhAna vAmapeMDa tayAdidApa matadAnamA kuTA hArdi likhAnadezavihina mrhmbii|| pAnaM tAtrasyavinA dinakSalapatrAga pAtA baarke mkAra yadi nAdina dinIca sAThava hun| bA nAka kadaArTikala gopInAtha ghA syAHjatakI hArA zrIma gopIjanamA 1 mAla Scare: One-fourth 2 4 6 8 10 vADi 14 12 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 16 18 20 22 26 28 30

Page #161
2. Inscriptions of the time of Hoysala Narasimha III MZEE SIZ 15 GLICHAKO 12 Cara Scale : One-fourth

Page #162
109 No. 201 INSCRIPTIONS FROM GAYA inscriptions as regards the identification uf Vira-Narasimha. The cyclic year Khara of the Jupiter's sixty-year oycle 48 counted in South India can be associated with the reign of each one of the three kings, viz. Khara-1171-72 A.D. falling in the reign of Narasimha I, Kharam 1231-32 A.D. in that Narasimha II and Khara=1291-92 A.D. about the end of that of Narasimha III. But since the week-day is given as Monday, the details quoted in the epigraph would suit only the year 1291 A.D. The date corresponds to the 24th September 1291 A.D. and the king mentioned in our epigraph is thus no doubt Hoysala Narasimha III. The inscription under study begins with the auspicious word svasti which is followed by a passage in lines 1-11 mentioning a person named Apannd as the son of Acharya Padmanabhabhattopadhyaya of the dehara of Hosana (Hoysala) srl Vira-Narasimhadeva. The word dehara is derived from Sanskrit devagrihaka, a temple', through Apabhraria deharaya. The word acharya is used in Kannada in the sense of a priest and Acharya Padmanabha-bhattopadhyaya was apparently the priest of a temple built by the Hoysala king Narasimha probably at his capital Dorasamudra. Padmanabha's son Apanna is stated in lines 11-18 to have caused to be constructed what is called a Gaya-vrajana-matha and to have discharged thereby his debts to the gods, to his forefathers and to other human beings. The expression Gaya-vxajana-matha appears to indicate a sort of Dharma-sala which was meant for the pilgrims who visited Gaya probably from the Karnata country to which Apanna belonged. Lines 18-23 mention the names of three persons called Rudrapada, Vishnupada and Gadadhara who are stated to have been the witnesses in the matter apparently of the construction of the Matha. It is not clear whether these three persons, who appear to have been local people, were made trustees for the Matha in question by Apanna. Lines 23-24 contain the expression fri-sri forming a mangala and indicating the end of the document. This is followed in the last line (line 25) by the personal name Devarasa written in Kannada characters. Devarasa was possibly responsible for the engraving of the inscription analysed above as well as of the other record incised in the lower half of the surface of the stone. It appears that Apanna of the present record and Chandiranna of the second inscription visited Gaya at the same time. There is little doubt that they were accompanied by many other pilgrims from the area of Karnataka, to which they belonged, one of them apparently being Devarasa. It is not clear from the inscription whether. Apanna, the son of the priest of Hoysala Narasimha's temple, visited Gay, and constructed the Matha at the holy place for the pilgrims probably from Karnataka on his own behalf or at the expense and on behalf of the Hoysala king. But, in spite of the non-mention of the ruler whose kingdom included the Gaya region in the inscription under study, Hoysala Narasimha mentioned in it had obviously nothing really to do with South Bihar. TEXT . 1 Svasti [l *) thri2 Hosana3 Sri-Vira-Na4 rasimgade5. vana deha6 rada acha7 rya-Padmana1 It is also possible to think that the reference is to three local deities. From impressions. We are indebted to Dr. G. S. Gai and Mr. B. R. Gopal fou some help in reading and interpreting this inscription.

Page #163

Page #164
111 No. 20] INSCRIPTIONS FROM GAYA The inscription begins with the auspicious word svasti which is followed by the date in lines 1-4. Next comes a sentence in prose in lines 5-9, which states that the vijaya-sasana (apparently referring to the record under study) was set up by the illustrious Rajadhiraja Rajaparamesvara Virapratapa-Vira Krishnadeva-maharaya. The above is followed by a verse in the Kanda metre, which is in praise of the king. He is represented in the stanza as the husband of Tirumaladevi and as the son of king Isvara-Narasa (i.e. Narasa-nayaka, son of Ievara). It is interesting to note that this verse occurs in the celebrated Telugu work entitled Parijatapaharanamu by the well-known poet Nandi-Timmana (also called Mukku-Timmana) who was an ornament of the court of king Krishnadeva-raya (1509-29 A.D.) of the Tuluva dynasty of Vijayanagara. The stanza is followed by another sentence in prose in lines 17-21 stating that the sasana (i.e. the vijayasasana mentioned in lines 8-9) was composed by Mukku-Timmaya, i.e. Mukku-Timmana referred. to above. The inscription is interesting for several reasons. In the first place, it is a lithic record of the Vijayanagara king Krishnadeva raya set up far away from the territory under his rule. Secondly, it is a composition of Krishnadeva-raya's famous court poet Nandi-Timmana, who is mentioned in no other epigraphic record so far discovered. Thirdly, it quotes a stanza from the poet's celebrated work Parijatapaharanamu and quotations from such works are rare in inscriptions. The inscription refers to itself as the vijaya-sasana (literally a document relating to victory') of king Krishnadeva-raya, set up by the king himself, as if Gaya, where it was set up, formed an integral part of his empire. But we know that in Saka 1444 (1521 A.D.) when the epigraph was engraved, the region was a part of the dominions of the Muhammadans. The said region, moreover, lay far away from the borders of the Vijayanagara empire in the extreme south of India and the sphere of Krishnadeva's influence, with a number of independent states lying between the two areas, and it is impossible to believe in the present state of our knowledge that the Vijayanagara monarch had anything to do with South Bihar. Thus the poet Nandi-Timmana seems to have himself visited Gaya as a proxy of his 'patron. The prevalence of such a practice is well-known from medieval inscriptions. Thus a records from Bothpur in the Mahbubnagar District, of Andhra Pradesh, states how a chief named Vittaya sent two persons named Bachaya and Boppa to Varanasi (i.e. Varanasi or Banaras) in the name of his grandmother' and gave them two Marturus of land for their labour. Another inscription of Saka 1194 (1272 A.D.) from the same place seems to state how another chief named Malyala Gunda gave some lands to several people for making pilgrimages on his behalf to tirthas like Satu (SetubandhaRamesvara), Sriparvata, and Alampuru on the Tungabhadra. Thus in spite of the mention of the record as Krishnadeva's vijaya-tasana set up by himself and of the absence of any reference to the king whose dominions comprised the Gaya region, the Vijayanagara monarch cannot in any way be associated with the area where the inscription was set up by his court poet in his name. As indicated above, Mukku-Timmana probably made the pilgrimage to the holy place on behalf of his patron and there is no reason to believe that Krishnadeva himself visited Gaya. It may be pointed out here that the expression vijaya-sasana is not quite suitable in the present context. The record should have properly been called a dharma-sasana (i.c. a document relating to religious merit), as found in a similar context in the record of Achyutaraya's time, edited below, since it was really associated with the king's endeavour to acquire religious merit by performing & pilgrimage to Gaya through a proxy. Of course it may be regarded as a dharma-vijaya-gasana. About the period in question, the Bihar region was a bone of contention among the Sultans of Delhi. Bengal and Jaunpur. P. Sreenivasachar, Corpus, Part II, p. 142. Ibid.. n. 152 (p. 147, text lines 135 ff.).

Page #165
112 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXXIII The great Telugu poet Nandi-Timmana, who composed the record, is known to have belonged to the Aruvela sect of the Niyogi-Bhrahmanas and to the Kausika gotra and Apagtamba sutra. He was the son of Nandi-Singana and Timmamba and the nephew of a certain Malayamarutakuvi. He was popularly called Mukku-Timmana and the record under study refers to him by this name. : Krishnadeva-raya's services to Telugu literature are well-known. His court was adorned by eight ominent poets called the ashta-diggajas, among whom Allasani-Peddana and Nandi. Timmans were the most famous. Allasani-Peddana is mentioned in a number of epigraphs found at Anniyuri (South Arcot District). Kokatam (Cuddapah District) and Molpadi (Chittoor District) in different parts of the Vijayanagara kingdom corroborating the statement of a Chafu verse attributed to him. Mukku-T'immana, who is mentioned only in the inscription under study, also claims in his Parijata paharanams to have received a number of big villages from the king. Unfortunately we do not have epigraphs to confirm this statement. The present inscription does not mention what he received for the pilgrimage he apparently undertook on the king's behalf. A record from Tippaluru in the Cuddapah District states that the village was once granted to the ashta-diggaja-kavisvaras by king Kpishnadeva-raya. But it does not enumerate the names of the eight poets, although it is almost certain that Peddana and Timmana had their shares in it. of the two jewels of Ktishnadeva's court, while Peddana was a Saiva with Vaishnava leanings and was a disciple of Sathakopa-yati, Mukku-Timmana was a staunch Saiva and was a disciple of Aghorasiv-acharya, probably mentioned in a Pushpagiri (Cuddapah District) recordo dated Saka 1423 (1501 A.D.). The representation of the goddess Mahishamardini on the stone slab bearing Timmana's inscription is in consonance with his religious faith. The importance of the inscription to the student of Telugu literature lies in the quotation from the Parijatapaharanamu. The work was apparently composed by Timmana sometime before the date of our record, viz. 1521 A.D. TEXTio 1 Svasti | Sri-jay-abhyudaya-sa2 livahana-Saka-varshambulu 3 1444 agu nemti Vpisha-sam4 vatsara Ashada(dha)-bahula 13 Mali 5 briman-maharajadhiraja-raja6 paramesvara-vira-pratapa-vira 1 A.R. Ep., No. 623 of 1915. This record mentions him as the governor of the entire Karivachi-sima. Ibid., Nos. 715 and 716 of 1926. Ibid., No. 105 of 1921. K. Viresalingam, The Telugu Poets, Part II, pp. 189-90: Koka ga-gram-ddy-anek-agraharamul-adigina simalayandunrichche. Parijatapoharonamu, Canto V, verse 108: Krisk paraya-kshitisa-kuruna-samalabdha-ghana-chaturanita-ya na mahagrahara-san mana-yutudu. * A.R. Ep., No. 282 of 1937-38. Manucharitramu, Canto I (introduction), verse 6. This Sathakopa-yati seems to be mentioned in two inseriptions at Little Kanchipuram (A.R. Ep., Nos. 474 and 633 of 1919). * Parijatapaharanamu, Canto V, verse 108. 4.R. Ep.. No. 307 of 1996. 10 From impressions. 11 This is a contraction of Mangala-varo, Tuesday'.

Page #166
INSCRIPTIONS FROM GAYA PLATE II 3. Inscription of Krishnadeva-raya, Saka 1444 E0a 2 g39 maak 1 2 33 34 thii 13 14 315 OG OP 16 4 18 ScJON 20 Scale 1 One-fourth

Page #167
4. Inscription of Achyutaraya, V. S. 1588 * ( 11 ) - 30 k.) 3 (Cen Acc8222 eE 1.1 km .) Scale : One-fourth

Page #168
113 No. 203 INSCRIPTIONS FROM GAYA 7 Krishpadeva-maharayalu 8 voima-china vijaya-sasana9 mu || Tirumaladevi-vallabhaka? ka10 runamaya-hridaya raja-kam11 thirava Isvara-Narasa-bhupuramdara. 12 vara-namdana 13 basa-da 14 ppuvara 15 ganddam. 16 kka (!*1* 17 yi(i)-sa18 sanamu 19 Mukku20 Timmaya 21 vrasenu. [II 4.-Inscription of Achyutaraya, V.S. 1888 This inscription is engraved on a sculptured stone slab kept in the Mahadeva shrine to the right of the Vishnupada temple in the compound of the latter. The inscribed surface measures about 20 inches in height and 12 inches in width. There are altogether 21 lines of writing. An image of the goddess Durga is cut in relief in the central part of the lower half of the inscribed face of the stone. Lines 1-11 of the record are engraved above the figure of the goddess while lines 12 and 18-21 are engraved to its right and lines 13-17 to its left. Line 12 should have properly been incised to the left of the image above lines 13-17. The inscription is written in Telugu characters of about the 16th century and the letters very closely resemble those of the record of Krishnadeva-riya's time, edited above. The letter ch is written in two different forms (cf. stapan-acharyya in line 7 and Achchutta in line 10), while t resembles the modern Telugu k. B has been used for v in Vikari (line 3). The language is Telugu and the record is written in prose. The wrong spelling of the words Iresvara for I kvara (lines 8-9), Achchutta for Achyuta (line 10), syasanan for dasana" (line 11), sesenu for chesenu (lines 20-21), etc., exhibits the poor knowledge of the composer especially when compared with the composition of the record of Krishnadeva-raya's time. 1 Read veyim. * Read vallavha. This stanza is from the Parijata paharanamu, Canto 2, Vurde 108. Lines 12.16, as indicated above, are engraved to the left of an excavated bed containing the figure of a deity in relief. * Lines 17-21 are inolsed to the right of the said excavated bed. * It hns been registered as So. 12 of 4.R.Er., 1957-38, Appendix B.

Page #169
114 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (VOL. XXXIII The date of the inscription is very interesting. It is quoted in lines 1-4 as SalivahanaSaka 1588, Vikarin, Margasira-ba. 30, Friday. But the year 1588 really belongs to the Vikrama Samvat and not to the Saka era. This is clearly suggested by several indications. In the first place, Saka 1588 was far removed from the cyclic year Vikarin of both the North Indian and South Indian calendars and the details of the date are irregular for the said Saka year. Secondly, the cyclic year Vikarin of the northern calendar corresponded to V.S. 1588 and the Vikrama and northern cyclic years are sometimes found side by side in the records discovered at Gaya. Thirdly, the details of the date are regular only in the case of the year V.S. 1588 corresponding to Vikarin of the North Indian calendar and this date tallies with the internal evidence of the record stated to have been set up during the reign of king Achyutarzya of the Tuluva dynasty of Vijayanagara, who was the step-brother and successor of Ktishnadeva-raya and ruled in the period 1629-46 A.D. On the other hand, Saka 1588 (1666 A.D.) would fall more than a century after the period of Achyutaraya of Vijayanagara. The details of the date, viz. V.S. 1588, Vikarin, Margasira-ba. 30, Friday, regularly correspond to the 8th December 1531 A.D. The date of the inscription discussed above is followed by a passage in lines 5-11 stating that the dharma-sasana belonged to king sri-vira-Achyutaraya-maharaya, the son of Narasimha, grandson of Isvara and great-grandson of Timmaya. The expression dharma-sasana means * a document relating to religious merit' and undoubtedly refers to the inscription under study. It is quite appropriately employed in the present context since the record was apparently set up by a person who made a pilgrimage to Gaya on the king's behalf. King Achyutaraya is endowed in the inscription with the epithets Rajadhiraja, Rajaparamesvara and Virapratapa as well as Hindu-rajya-sthapan-ucharya (i.e. one who can teach how to establish the sovereignty of the Hindus) and Yadu-kula-tilaka (i.e. an ornament of the Yada family). Lines 12 ff. state that a certain Timmananna made the occupants of the Vijayanagara throne Gaya-mukta. The passage Vijayanagaram(ra)-simhasana-karta[la] in lines 13-17 apparently refers to the departed ancestors of king Achyutaraya mentioned in the record. The expression Gaya-mukta (literally, 'emancipated at Gaya ') no doubt means that Timmananna performed the Sraddha of Achyutaraya's ancestors on the king's behalf at Gaya and thereby led their spirits to emancipation. Timmananna was probably a priest of the Vijayanagara king. The inscription gives the genealogy of king Achyutaraya from his great-grandfather Timmaya who is the earliest historical figure in the Tuluva dynasty of Vijayanagara and is mentioned only in a few copper-plate grants of his descendants and in literary works like the Manucharitramu and Amuktamalyada. He has been identified with the chief named Tirumalaideva mentioned in two inscriptions from Tanjavuro and Srirangam. The earlier of the two records is dated in Saka 1377 (1455 A.D.) and refers to the chief as Mahamandalesvara Medinimisaraganda Katharisaluva SaluvaTirumalaideva-maharaja. His mention in & stone inscription of Achyutaraya is striking and seems to be explained by the fact that he was one of Achyutaraya's ancestors whose sraddha was performed by Timmananna at Gaya. Timmananna was apparently sent to Gaya by Achyutaraya in order to perform the pilgrimage on his behalf and at his cost as well as to celebrate the fraddha ceremony of his departed ancestors. It is impossible to believe that king Achyutariya himself visited Gaya or had anything to do with South Bihar. 1 See, 6.8., Bhandarkar's List, No. 370 which comes from Gays and is dated V.S. 1232 and Vikarin. . Above, Vol. I, pp. 363, eto. Mann.charitromu, Canto I (introduction), verses 23-24. * A muktamalyada, Canto I (introduction), verses 24.28. .811, Vol. II, p. 117, Ins. No. 23. * A. R. Ep., No. 59 of 1892.

Page #170
No. 20) INSCRIPTIONS FROM GAYA 115 The well-known city of Vijayanagata (modern Hampi in the Bellary District of Mysore State) is the only geographical name mentioned in the inscription besides Gaya. TEXT: 1. Sri-vijay-adbu(bhyu)da2 ... livahana-bata-varushach 3 ..-1588 Bi(V)kari-nama-sam4 tsara Marggabira-ba 30 $u? 5 man-maha. Tajadbirajal.10 6 [ja]-paramasvara l-fri-virapratapa | Him [du]-rajya-sta(stha)pan-acharyya | Ya8 [du]-kula-tilaka | Tim(Ti)mmaya I9 resvara! | Narasimhya(ha) | mandale10 ..126ri-vira-Achchutta18raya-ma11 .."yala | dha[r*]mma-sya(ba)sanam | Tim12 15manamna 13 14[Vi]jaya14 [na]garam(ra) 15 simha16 sana-ka 1 From impressions. . The two aksharas lost here may be restored as suasti. The two aksharas lost here may be restored as ya-8a. The word intended is apparently Saka. But, as indicated above, we have to read Vikrama-samvatsarath for Salivahana-Suka-varusham. The two akaharas lost here may be restored as bulu. The akshara lost here may be restored as va. This is contraction of Sukra-vdra, Friday'. * The akshara lost here may be restored as brl. This danda and others in this and the following lines are redundant. 1. Tho akshara lost here may be restored as ra. 11 Read I dvara. 'U The two akaharas lost here may be restored as buara. Read Achyuta. Sandhi has not heen observed. * The lost akshards inuy be restored as hara. This line was incised by the engraver to the right of the image of Durga above lines 18-21 through oversight. ** Lite 13-17 are engraved to the left of the image.

Page #171
116 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (VOL. XXXI 17 Eta[la] 18 Gaya19 mukta20 i se(che)se21 nu [1] Lanos 18-21 are opgraved to the right of the image of Durga below line 12.

Page #172
No. 21-VERAVAL INSCRIPTION OF CHAULUKYA BHIMA II (1 Plate) V. P. JOHARAPURKAR, NAGPUR (Received on 2.4.1958) This inscription was found near the Police Station at Prabhas Patan (Voraval) and is now deposited at the Junagadh Museum. I am editing the inscription from an excellent inked impression received from the Government Epigraphist for India. The inscription is engraved on a stono slab measuring 18"x16'. The left half of the slab is lost. The inscription originally contained 25 lines with 64 letters in each. Approximately 28 letters from each line are now lost with the left half of the slab. The writing is well executed and it is in a good state of preservation except in the fifteenth line. The language is Sanskrit and the characters are Nagari of the 11th or 12th century A.D. The inscription opens with two invocatory verses; but the name of the deity invoked is lost. The next three stanzas describe the capital city of [Apabillalpataka. Verses 6-7 mention Malaraja described as respected by all kings and as the uprooter of all enemies. The following two verses refer to the kings who succeeded Mularaja. Verses 10-12 refer to the ruling king Bhima. Then comes a description of Acharya Kundakunda of Nandi-sangha in three verses. Verses 16-18 refer to a line of teachers that started from Kundakunde. The next two verses describe Srikirti as a prominent pontiff of the line. Verses 21-23 appear to refer to Srikirti's pilgrimage from Chitrakata to 'the holy place of Neminatha', i.e., Girnar, to the welcome he received at Apabillapura and to the title Mandalacharya that was conferred on him by the king. Verse 24 refers to the Mulavasatika.temple of Anahillapura.' The next few verses describe the teachers who succeeded Srikirti. These names include Ajitachandra, Charukirti, Yasahkirti and Kshemakirti. Their interrelation is not clear due to the fragmentary nature of the inscription. Verses 34-41 describe the restoration of a shrine which is probably the temple of Chandraprabha referred to in verse 42. The restoration was made probably at the instance of Mandalaganin Lalitakirti referred to in verse 40. Verse 42 refers to a miracle connected with the image of Chandraprabha. It is stated that the water used for its bath cured leprosy. Verse 44 gives the date of the restoration of the temple and verse 45 mentions the name of the author of the inscription, viz., Pravarakirti. As noted above, the inscription belongs to the reign of Bhima who has to be identified with king Bhima II of the Chaulukya dynasty of Gujarat. Numerous inscriptions of his time have come to light, ranging from 1178 to 1239 A.D. Bhima was a minor when he succeeded his brother Mularaja II and he was supported by Vaghela Arnoraja and his son Lavanaprasada in the difficulties that he faced in the earlier part of his reign. Line 3 of our inscription seems to refer to this fact. Bhima had to face the invasions of the Yadava kings Bhillama and Jaitugi, Paramara Subhatevarman and the Muslims under the leadership of Qutbuddin. In 1197 A.D. his capital Anahillapataka was plundered by the Muhammadans. In the latter part of his reign, Bhima secured the assistance of Viradhavaln, son of Lavanaprasada, and his ministers Vastupala and Tejahpala. He was succeeded by Tribhuvan pala whose earliest known date is 1242 A.D. It is registered as No. 408 of Appendix B in 4. 8. Ep., 1960-61. "[The temple seems to have been named after MOlaraja I.--Ed.) * The struggle for Empire, p. 78-81, (117)

Page #173
118 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXXIII The date of this inscription is recorded in both words and figures; but unfortunately they are not fully preserved. The incomplete passage srimad-Vikramabhupasya varshanam dvada[ ea] in line 24 shows that the year falls in the thirteenth century of the Vikrama era. The third figure after Sar in line 25, from the part that is preserved, seems to be either 4 or 5. It may be compared with the figure 4 occurring in lines 23-25 and 5 in lines 3, 8 and 25. The date may therefore be somewhere between V.S. 1240 and 1269, i.e., between 1183-84 and 1202-03 A.D. As already indicated above, the inscription records the restoration of the temple of Chandraprabha, the eighth Jain Tirthankara, at Prabhasa 'on the shore of the western ocean' (line 23). It is interesting to note that verse 42 referring to the miracle associated with the image of Chandraprabha is found in Madanakirti's Sasanachatustrimfikal which is a Sanskrit work in 34 verses in praise of various Jain holy places. Madanakirti is considered to be a contemporary of Pandita Asadhara whose known dates range from 1228 to 1243 A.D.'. The inscription refers to Kundakunda of Nandi-sangha (line 7). The name of this illustrious Jain teacher is associated with numerous sects of Digambara Jain teachers. Kundakunda Padmanandin was the author of many Prakrit works on Jain philosophy. Though his traditional date falls in the first century B.C., some scholars put him after Pushpadanta and Bhutabali, the authors of the Shatkhandagama, in the second century A.D.,' while others place him after Sarvanandin, the author of the Lokavibhaga (458 A.D.). The second of these two views appears to be nearer the truth. The domicile, from which Kundakunda's name was derived, was Kondakunde, now identified with Konkondala in the Anantapur District, Andhra Pradesh. Early epigraphical records of the Jain sect called Kundakund-invaya are found in Mysore State and date from 797 A.D. They refer to several subdivisions of the line, viz. Desiga-gapa," Kranur-gana, Meshapishinagachcha, etc. The inscription under study is probably the earliest epigraphical record of this line in Northern India. Srikirti referred to in this inscription seems to be identical with the teacher of this name mentioned in Srichandra's Kathakosha.1. In the prasasti portion of this work, Srutakirti, the disciple of Srikirti, is said to have been honoured by kings Bhoja and Gangeya,11 He was succeeded 1 Published by the Viraseva Mandir, Daryaganj, Delhi, 1950, and also in the anekanta, Vol. IX, p. 410. In its complete for the verso runs as follows: Yasys anana-pay-nuliplam akhilan kewah hati danidhayatt sauvarna-atabakeka nirmitam=iva kshamarkarari vigraham sa fuad-bhakti-vidhayind fubhalaman Chandra. prabhal sa prabhustre pakchima-sagaraaya jayatad-Digudaasan Sasanam 1 * Sathuram Promi, Jain Sahitya aur Itihas, p. 346. * Shafkhandagama, Vol. I, Intro., p. 53. * Jain Sahitya aur Itihde, p. 6. . QJMS, Vol. XLVI, pp. 1 ff. * Cf. the Manne inscription in Ep. Carn., Vol. IX, Nelamangala No. 60. The Mercers plates of Avinita, dated Saka 388, referring to six teachers of the Kundakund-anvaya are considered to be spuriou. Ep. Carn., Vol. VI, Kadur No. 1 (Saks 893). * Ibid., Vol. VIII, Sorab No. 262 (Saka 997). Ibid., Vol. VII, Shimoga No. 10 (Saks 1001). 10 The Struggle for Empire, p. 427; Catalogue of Sanskrit and Prakrit Manuscripts in O. P. de Berar, p. 725. The relevant verses aro quoted below : Anahillapure ramya sajjanal Sajjanoabhavat Pragua fa-amanishpanno mukta-ratna-baf-agranth || 2 Mularaja-ntipendrasya dharma-sthanasya g8oh fhikal dharma-sara-dhar. adharah Karma-raja-samah pura | 3 ..........Kund-Endu-nirmalt Kundakundachary-anvayeabharat lharmo murlah Svayam w Srikirti namd munTovarab || 11 Tasmaamo-pahal birhanuda prabhdvedinirmalas Srutakirtih samutpanno ratnan ratnakarad=iva | 12 .......... Gangeya-Bhojad do-ddi-samasta-n pipa-pungavait ! mujit-ottkrish fa-pad-aravindo vidhvasta-kalmashah ||15 11 [These kings are no doubt identical with Paramara Bhoja (o. 1010-68 A.D.) and Kalachuri Gangeys o. 1015-41 A.D.).-Ed.)

Page #174
119 No. 21] VERAVAL INSCRIPTION OF CHAULUKYA BHIMA, II by Sahasrakirti whose disciple Viryachandra was the teacher of Srichandra, author of the Kathakosha. The patrons of Srichandra were the grandsons of one Sajjana who was the Dharmasthanagoshihika of king Malaraja of Apahillapura. Little is known about other teachers mentioned in the inscription. The Nandisangha Pattavali names one Charukirti in V. S. 1262-64. His identification with the teacher of that name mentioned here remains uncertain. The inscription testifies to the flourishing condition of Jainism in Gujarat in the reign of Bhima II, even after a setback received under the rule of Ajayapala and Mularaja II. It also goes to prove that the Digambara sect of the Jains continued to flourish in Gujarat even under the overwhelming influence of the great Svetambara teacher Hemachandra who is probably referred to in line 15 of our inscription. [Metres: Verses 1-23, 25-28, 33-38 Anushtubh; verses 24, 31, 39-40, 44-45 Arya; verse 41 Indravajra; verse 42 Sadulavikridita ; verse 43 Malini.] _TEXT= 1. ...... pravamprati nityamadyApi vAridhau // [1] bhUvAdabhISTasaMsirddhaca su.''' 2. ......pATakAkhyaM pattanaM tadvirAjate / / 3 manye bedhA vidhAyaitadvidhitsuH punarIdRzaM (zam) / / (i) [ka]..... [3] ......[na]yamaMtrayaMtra lakSmI sthirIkRtA // 5 tanniHzeSamahIpAlamaulighRSTAMhi ' sau nRpaH / venotlAtAmunmUlo mUlarAjaH sa ucpate // 7 ekaikAdhikabhUpAlAH sama. (vAji] zrajakhurAhataM (tam) / pratucchamucchalatsUryaparvvabhramamajIjanat // 9 pauruSeNa pratApena puNyena 5 6 - ranyUnavikramaH / zrIbhImabhUpatisteSAM rAjyaM prAjyaM karotyayaM (yam ) // 11 bhAlAkSarANyanamprANAM yo bebhaMja ma 7 ...... naMdisaMghe gaNezvarAH / babhUvuH kuMdakuMdAkhyAH sAkSAtkRtajagattyAH // 13 yeSAmAkAzagAmitvaM tyA 8 ....tapaMcakamujya ( jjya) laM (lam) / racavitvAya jalpati ye'nyaniyamapUrvakaM (kam ) // 15 kAle'smin bhArate kSetre jAtA 9 ....[dhurI ]NAstatva (sva) vatrtmani / teSAM cAritriNAM vaMze bhUrayaH sUrayo'bhavan // 17 sadveSA api nirdoSAH sakalA dhaka 10 .....'bhAvasyAruroh tat / zrIkIrtiM prApya satkIttiM sUri sUriguNaM tataH // 19 yadIyaM dezanAvAri samyagvi 11 ~~~~''[ka]zcitrakUTAccacAla saH / zrImannemijinAdhIzatIrthayAtrAnimittataH // 21 ahi llapuraM ramyamAjagA 1 Ind. Ant., Vol. XXI, p. 77. * From an impression.

Page #175
120 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA. [VoL.XXXIII 12 ......[munIMdrAya dadau nRpaH / birudaM maMDalAcAryaH / sachatraM sasukhAsana(nam) // 23 - zrImUlavasatikAkhyaM jinabhavanaM tatra 13 ....."saMzayaiva yatIzvaraH / ucyate'jitacaMdro yastatobhUtsa gaNIzvaraH // 25 cArukIti yazaHkIrtI dha 14 ...."mukto yo ratnatrayavAnapi / yathAvadviditA|bhUtkSemakIrtistato gaNI // 27 udeti sma lasadjyoH (jyo)ti15 .....lepi vAsite hemasUriNA / vastraprAvaraNAya.... [||29]........[taaN sva] 16 ...kIttiryatkotirnartakIva nari(rI)natti / tribhuvanarA'vAsukinUpurazazitilakanepathyA // 31 te 17 ...: "tiH / / 32. samudatasamucchannazIpajINajinAlayaH / yaH kRtArambhanirvAhasamutsAhaziroma' 18 ..... cayairavagaNyate // 34 vAdino yatpadadvaMdvanakhacaMdreNa biMbitAH / kurvate vigatazrIkAH kalaMka19 ..."da tIrthabhUtamanAdika(kam) // 36 sItAyAH sthApanA yatra someza: pakSapAtakRt / trANa trailokya 20 ....''taduddhataM tena jAtodvAramanekazaH // 38 caityamidaM dhvajamiSato nijabhujamuddhRtya saka21 ... Sato maMDalagaNilalitakIrtisatkIttiH / caturadhikaviMzatilasaddhvajapaTapaTuhastakaM ......-- -- - ---- - - -- -- -- -- metadIya sadgoMSThikAnAmapi gallakAnAM(nAm) // 41 yasya snAnapayonuliptamakhilaM kuSThaM danA -----vu-u-juu---U--u--- - - maM caMdraprabhaH sa prabhustIre pazcimasAgarasya jayatAdigvAsasAM zAsana(nam) // 42 jinapatigRha24 --- -- -- ooooo--- -- -- oooooo ---- - cAryavoM vratavinayasametaiH ziSya vaggaizca sArddha (Im) // 43 zrImadvikramabhUpasya varSANAM dvAda[za] 25 ......'kakItilaghubaMdhuH / cakre prazastimanaghA ...... pravarakItirimAM(mAm) // 45 saM 12 ... 1 [The reading seems to be ramgi-Ed.] * [The word is apparently degmasih.-.Ed.] [The rending is trama.-Ed.] . "[The lotters may be restored as degmaalidivydrive-Ed.]

Page #176
VERVAL INSCRIPTION OF CHAULUKYA BHIMA II janiyatinityamadyAnivAridhi madAnAsamora 2IkArapatanatahirakAtaravAnivanIzAla nayamapAsavAnakA girI hAtAta dildImA mAliTIsIkA 4. cAyanAmAtayatI manavAnAgaloka sancAtApavikAsa saMrAhatImATIparamamAvAsAvaratAnamA 6mAnavikamAnI sAnAgAvastarAlamAriyanayA riyAvakrama disAghogAsAgamAhAtA mArAyalA madanarAyA vidyA tapaMcaka mahAlAnAnimitavA7kAlAsitArAta kApaDAtA rANAmavavarmaniAtAMcA rivivArI mArakAsAlAnA gdaalaayaa| 10 mAhatAnAzIkApaEErAtanavAyAkalAvArisamAdhAna 10 sabakaTAvavAlasaH1117tIvAbhAnAmatamAhiyA mAramA 12IDayadAdezapaTisadamaMTanAcAryaH sadAsatA 3yAmalavamAna sahindasanaMtana majJATAvAtIvaraHyAta UtavAdAzAtArAgaNI zAsakIyazadAtA 14 sAcAra navayavAna zivadhAnaviditA mAyAnagI datirAmamAyA lapivAsivAda samAcAra ASE 16 hAyikA varipatI paNazatakAva13bhattiA samuhatasamanAzI nisara: latAra nidimA sAnAzArAmA :ghaTiyAta34vAdinAyA inaabaadtaa| vAtAvagatamA kalaMka taalmnaadik||36stmaa tAniyasapakAnArAvAsamA ddaatnjaataadvaarmaankrH| madatamAzAlA mahAsakara khAtmeDalagAekAlatakArijAti vanadhakArAtasahasaNTA damakA dhmtdiiymaaddaadhikaanaampiglkaan|4 mA mAnapAnAnimA dinA sadanAsapaDasAramAdhama sAgaraghakaTAtA yAsAzAsananirakSa vA vATItavinayamAmatiHzikSavAdApolIhAna kamAlakAcAkapAsakA Scale: One-third

Page #177

Page #178
No. 22-UNCHAHRA FRAGMENTARY INSCRIPTION OF V. S. 1294 (1 Plate) D. C. SIRCAR, OOTACAMUND (Received on 1.5.1958) The inscribed slab was secured for the Allahabad Municipal Museum from the village of Unchahra in the former Nagod State, now merged in Madhya Pradesh. The fragmentary inscription was noticed in the Journal of the U. P. Historical Society, Vol. VIII, pp. 21 ff., and published above, Vol. XXIII, pp. 186 ff., without illustration. It is re-edited here since our views do not entirely agree with those of the previous writers on the s The inscribed area on the stone slab measures about 17 inches in height and about 12 inches in breadth. There are altogether 21 lines of writing, the first of which is my partially preserved. But it appears that the first line of the inscription is completely broken away along with the upper part of the stone, so that the first line of the extant part of the record is really line 2 of the inscription. A few letters are broken away and lost at the end of several of the lines. The aksharas are about three quarters of an inch in height. The characters of the inscription belong to the Devanagari alphabet of about the thirteenth century. The language of the record is Sanskrit and it is written in both prose and verse. There are five stanzas in the first half of the epigraph in lines 1-13, the rest of it in lines 13-22 being in prose. The palaeography and orthography of the inscription closely resemble those of the later records of the Gahadavala kings, although it is a few decades later than the latest, known Gahadavala epigraph. The use of final m at the end of the second and fourth feet of verses and of the class nasal instead of anusvara in some cases are interesting orthographical features of the inscription under study. The date of the record is given in the prose part in lines 18-20 as the Damanaka-chaturdasi tithi in the year 1294 (in words) apparently of the Vikrama Samvat. Unfortunately the name of the week-day is lost. The month is not mentioned by the scribe no doubt because the name of the tithi gives a clear indication. We know that Damanaka-chaturdasi is the name of the 14th tithi of the bright half of the month of Chaitra. V.S. 1294, Chaitra-su. 14, seems to correspond to Tuesday, March 30, 1238 A.D. The object of the inscription is to record the construction and consecration of a temple of the god Siva styled Vindhyesvara by a lady whose name appears to be Uddalladevi. The name occurs in the prose part in line 17. It was apparently also mentioned in verse 1 ; but the passage containing the letters appears to have broken awap. Where exactly the temple was built is not specified; but probably it was built near the village of Unchahra where the inscribed stone slab has been found. Verse 3 suggests that the temple stood on a hillock pertaining to the Vindhyan range and the suggestion seems to be supported by the name Vindhyesvara applied to the deity installed in it. A hillock actually, stands near the village. Verse 1 of the inscription apparently introduces the lady who was responsible for the construction of the temple in question, although the passage containing her name, as already noted above, seems to have broken away. There is a player in this stanza for the continuity and continuous rule probably of the royal family to which she belonged. Verse 2 speaks of Ranakachakravartin Lakshmana alias Dharmadeva who was related to the mother (matri-paksha) of the said lady. The introduction of this ruler, who was probably the maternal grandfather or uncle of the lady, is 1 See also ARASI,1935-36, pp. 95-96. * Above, Vol. XXIII, p. 134. (121)

Page #179
122 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXXIII difficult to explain unless it is supposed that he was a ruler of the Unchahra area where the temple was built by her. The following two stanzas (verses 3-4) state how the lady caused a temple of the god Sulin or Dhurjati (i.e. Siva) styled Vindhyesvara to be built apparently on the Vindhyas. The purpose behind the construction of the temple is stated to have been the lady's desire to obtain wealth including sons and grandsons as well as the salvation of her dead ancestors. The last stanza (verse 5) states that the eulogy was composed by Pandita Sukhakara. The second half of the inscription in prose repeats parts of what is already stated in the versified section discussed above. But, although it does not mention Ranakachakravartin Lakstmana alias Dharmadeva, it gives some interesting details not found in the verses. Here the lady Uddalladevi is stated to have caused the temple of Vindhyesvara to be built and consecrated it on the Damanaka-chaturdasi in V.S. 1294 for obtaining wealth including children and grand children as well as for her own beatitude and the salvation of the twentyone past generations of her family. It is possible to think that reference is here to seven generations of each one of the three families to which she was related, viz. the families to which her father, mother and husband belonged. A damaged passage in line 20 seems to suggest that she performed the pious deed as a result of the god Vindhyesvaradeva having ordered her to do so in a dream. The lady is further described as born in the Kanyakubja country and to have been the daughter of Mahasamantaraja Bharabadova of the Rashtra family. Rashtra here is apparently a mistake for Rashtrakuta. This shows that the lady was a scion of the Rashtrakuta ruling family of Kanyakubja, i.e. Kanoj. She is stated to have been the patta-rajni or chief queen of a chief named Mahamandadeva who is described as a samanta or feudatory of a ruler of the Gahadavala dynasty, whose name appears to be Aradakkamalla. A person named Pandita Sasyakara is mentioned at the end of the inscription in line 22 apparently as the writer indicating that he wrote the document on the stone for facilitating the work of engraving. The importance of the inscription lies in the fact that it mentions no less than four rulers who flourished in the early decades of the thirteenth century in different parts of U. P. when that region is generally believed to have formed an integral part of the dominions of the Muhammadans. These four rulers, who are not known from any other source, are: (1) Ranakachakravartin Lakshmana-Dharmadeva of the Unchahra region ; (2) Mahasamantaraja Bharahadeva of the Rashtrakuta dynasty of Kanoj : (3) Samanta Mahamandadeva, a feudatory of the Gahadavala king : and (4) king Aradakkamalla of the Gahadavala family. Of these, the first three were feudatories. But, while Mahamandadeva, whose name seems to exhibit an influence of the Arabic name Muhammad, was a subordinate of the Gahadavala king, the overlords of Lakshmana-Dharmadeva and Bharahadeva are not known. Whether they acknowledged the supremacy of the Muhammadans is not clear, although that is not improbable even if the fact has not been indicated in the inscription. The real status of Gabadavala Aradakkamalla is also difficult to determine. He had no doubt some feudatories under him ; but neither subordinative nor imperial epithets have been used with his name. The Set-Mahet inscription of 1119-20 A.D. speaks of Rashtrakuta Gopala, king of Gadhipura (i... Kanoj), and king Madana. This Madana has been identified with Madanapala mentioned as the son of Gopala in the Budaun stone inscription of the time of Lakhanapala who represented the fourth generation after Madanapala and may have flourished about a century later in the beginning of the thirteenth century. Bharahadeva of our inscription may have belonged to a branch of the same house. Lakhanapals of the Budaun inscription may be identified with Lakshmana-Dharmadeva of our record if it is believed that marriage was allowed between different 1 Bhandarkar's List, No. 204 3 Ibid., No. 1670.

Page #180
No. 22] UNCHAHRA FRAGMENTARY INSCRIPTION OF V. S. 1294 125 branches of the Rashtrakuta family. These Rashtrakutas appear to have owed allegiance to the Guhadavala emperors and, after the overthrow of the Gahadavulas, to the Muhammadans. It is well known that in A.H. 590 (1193 A.D.), Mahammad Ghuri, while he was advancing against Kanoj and Banaras, encountered Jaichand, the Rai of Banaras' i.e. the Guhadavala king Jayachchandra) in the vicinity of Chandwar or Chandrawar near the Jumna in the Etawah District of U.P. Jaichand was killed and his capital Banaras was occupied by the Muhammadans. That, however, the Gahadavala suzerainty was not completely destroyed in 1193 A.D., is indicated by the Machhlishahr plate issued by king Harischandra, son of Jayachchandra, on Sunday, Paushasu. 15, V.S. 1253 (January 6, 1197 A.D.), and the Belkbara pillar inscription of Tuesday, Vaisakhasu. 11, V.S. 1253 (April 29, 1197 A.D.) when the feudatory chief Vijayakarna ruling over a part of the Mirzapur District acknowledged the suzerainty of an unnamed imperial ruler of Kanyakubja. The Belkhara inscription shows that Vijayakarna was not subdued by the Muhammadans before April 1197 A.D. although he was doubtful whether he could still refer to Gahadavala Harischandra as his overlord. The present inscription referring to a Gahadavala king named Aradakkamalla as the overlord of Samanta Mabamanda in V.S. 1294 (1238 A.D.) suggests that the rule of the Gahadavala dynasty did not end with the death of Haritchandra. But it is difficult to determine whether Aradakkamalla was ruling as a subordinate of the Muhammadans or as an independent monarch in the regions still unsubdued by the Musalmans. The Tabagat--Nasiri,which attributes the conquest of Budaun, Banaras, Kinnauj-i-Shergarh (Kanoj) and Tirhut to Iltutmish, also speaks of an independent Hindu king named Bartu, Britu or Prithu who is stated to have held sway in the territory of Awadh (Ayodhya)' and to have been killed by the Muhammadans soon after A.H. 623 (1226 A.D.). The continuity of Gahadavala rule probably to a still later date, as suggeted by the inscription under study, may indicate that king Prithu was a scion of the Cahadavala dynasty. His name, however, does not sound like the names of the later Cubadavalas ending with the word chandra. Nor does the name of Aradakkamalla sound like that of a later Gahatlarula. Whether this means that they belonged to a branch line of the family cannot be determined without further light on the subject. But, if Aradukkamalla ruled as an independent monarch, it has to be admitted that even as late as the second quarter of the thirteenth century the Muslims were in occupation only of the important cities and strongholds while the countryside of the Gahadavala empire still continued to be under Hindu domination. Only two geographical names are mentioned in the inscription. They are the well-known Kanyakubjadesa (i.e. the territory around the city of Kanoj) and the Vindhya mountain range. TEXT [Metres : verses 1, 3 Sardulavikriditu; verse 2 Vasantatilaka ; verses 4-5 Anushtubk.] 1. ... --UU-UUUUU U -- 2 [dipt=ai]va surendra-mandala-mu ---U--u--(1-- 3 na gunena bhanti bhuvane sarvve taya nyakkrita[s=ta]--UU- [bhava). 1 In that case, the Rashtrakutas settled in the Unchahra area after their dislodgment from Budaun by the Muhammadans. According to a tradition current about the southern borders of the Allahabad District, the Gakadavalas settled in the northern region of Vaghelkhand after the Muslim conquest of Kanauj and Banaras. * Ibid., No. 433. 3 Ibid., No. 434. * Ravorty's trans., Vol. I, pp. 627-29. . From impressions. * Probably the Siddham symbol followed by the word spasti stood at the beginning of the line.

Page #181
124 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [Vol. XXXIII 4 tv-avichalam rajyaril praistv-adbhutam || [1*] Sumantaraja-tilakah prathitah pri[th]i 5 vyun sri-Lakshmand UUU' Lakshmana-tulya-kirtti) | yan-inatui-paksha mu(i)lia ra(tja)6 ka-chakravartti yatharthyatah khalu tatha sa cha Dharmmadevah || [2*) Sr[i-Vindhyoj7 svara-sulino-dbhutatarah stambh-avali-so[bhi]tah prasudo=[yam=a]ne8 [ka-bhaldra-[pa]vita nana-patik-anvitah ! yach-chhringena divar spri[Annaga)9 ti-hard Vindhyo ravir-utthito vyajad=yad-Uhvaja-parkti-patita[gati)10 rbhbhi(r-bhi)to guror=vvakyatah || [3*] Prasudi=yari tay-ukari sri-Vindhyokva11 ra-Dhurjjateh T putra-pautr-adi-san:pa[t]tyai pitlinan=taranaya cha || [4*) 12 Prasasti-rachanan=chakro panditah sri-Sukhakarah sujan-arbri-saraja13 nma-rajo-ranjita-mirddhajah 1(5*) iti sri-Kanyakuvja(bja)-des-odbhutaya Rashtra14 kula-vamsa-pradipa-mahisamantaraja-sri-Bharahadeva-sutaya srima15 d-Gahadavala-kula-kamala-vikasana sahasramau-sri--A[ra]dakkamalla16 samanta-saranagatavajrapanjara-srimpn-Mahamandadova-pa[tta]r[a)17 jnya sri - Uddalladevya sva-kul-aikavimsati-purusha-santaranartham=at[ma]. 18 (padrama-nihareyasa-praptyai putra-pautr-adi-sampattyai samva[t'.. 19. .. dvadasa-sateshu chaturnnavaty-adhikeshu Damanaka-chaturd[dasya) m. ..! 20 vare sri-Vindhyesva[ra]devasya svapn-a.....' 21 sado=yam karitah pratishthapitas-cha || va.... 22 rina pandita-sri-Sasyakarena10 praba[st]i. ." 1 Three syllables were omitted here by the scribe or engraver through oversight. A word like jayali would suit the metre. * The intended name is apparently Rashtrakata. * Sandhi has not been observed here. Sandhi has not been observed here. Above dda which is the second akshara in the name, there are what may be traces of a sign of medial ai. The queen's name may, therefore, possibly be Uddaillad ovl (for Uddilladerf?) also. * The lost akshara at the end of the line may be restored as nal. * The space at the end of this line and the beginning of the next suggests the restoration samtaleartohu. + The lost name of the week-day may be conjecturally restored as Kuja. * The few aksharas lost at the end of the line may be conjecturally restored as ade sad=&va tal-pra. About five aksharas are lost here. What has been read as ad may also be read as vi. 10 Road Sasyakarena. The letters rina may be a part of the epithet virina. 11 The akaharas lost here may be conjecturally restored as or-likhita.

Page #182
Unchahra Fragmentary Inscription of V. S. 1294 mAninusanadhAnyamamA hAta vilAyatamAsAnantamAmAtala pani gIla bApAlanalalAkItijJAyamA karA vAyAdhanamAsanAmAmAsAdhA salamAnatA ma mAdalAsA bhAsAdiziyana nisAvatAnAbAmAko vatAya gAdivAkara livivAtinAtinAgarAyapani pAtitaH / 10dhItarAgarA vA madhApAsAdAzanayAkAvasAnidhI 10 Rai nAdi sampanApiralA jAgaNAyAma 12 simanAcA paritaHmAjamA maDi.sanA 12 nitamahatazatalaviyanAzAinamAramA 14la pimahAmAsannamAhAnavahAravAyAsAlA rAjakulakarNale vikArAMvasara pAzuztI trAhaka mantra 16 sAmAgama panAmasahasanavAra zAso nadeyAlA lekaziniprAsamanavAta jA 18 lAgi tayAtrA prAmAvisammaliyana DosAzatatamananayavikArataktA 20vArasIvicitAra sAlIko pratikriyA 22 AutinasIsITa Scale: One-half

Page #183

Page #184
No. 23-WARANGAL INSCRIPTION OF RAGHUDEVA, KALI YEAR 4561 (1 Plate) D. C. SIRCAR, OOTACAMUND (Received on 12.5.1958) Many of the imperial ruling families of the Deccan had their capitals in the former Hyderabad State now merged in the Mysore, Andhra Pradesh and Bombay States. Thus Manyakheta of the Rashtrakutas, Kalyana of the Later Chalukyas and Kalachuris, Devagiri of the Yadavas and Anumakonda and Varamgallu of the Kakatiyas were all situated in different parts of the former State of Hyderabad. It was therefore expected that the area, if properly explored, would yield a large number of interesting inscriptions and some time ago a band of my colleagues and assistants were sent to various parts of the region to begin the work. In the course of the exploration of a very small part of the area in 1957-58, Mr. K. H. V. Sarma and Pandit V. S. Subrahmanyam, both Epigraphical Assistants in the Office of the Government Epigraphist for India, visited Warangal and copied some inscriptions that were found at the place. One of these inscriptions from Warangal is edited in the following pages. I am thankful to Mr. Sarma and Pandit Subrahmanyam for the assistance they have rendered me in the preparation of this article. About 150 years ago, Mackenzie's Pandits copied the inscription and their tentative transcript finds a place in the Mackenzie Manuscripts, 15-4-5, p. 106 (cf. Bharati, Vol. XII, Part i, pp. 426 ff.). Unfortunately the Pandits could not read the epigraph satisfactorily. The inscription is divided into two parts, the first engraved on the right wall of the gate of the Warangal fort while the second part is incised on the left wall of the same structure. The first part contains ten lines of writing covering an area about five feet in length and two feet and one inch in height. There are only eight lines in the second part which covers a space about six feet and six inches long and one foot and eight inches high. The epigraph is continued from the first to the second part. The preservation of the writing is not satisfactory as the letters are rubbed off in many parts of the record. The characters of the inscription are Telugu. Initial a has a rather peculiar form resembling modern Telugu lg in shape. But the language is Oriya which is, however, considerably influenced by Sanskrit. There are many errors in the language and orthography of the record. The date, quoted in lines 2-5, is Saturday (Briha-vasara1), Mrigasira-nakshatra, Magha-su. 10, in the year Pramathin which is mentioned as corresponding to the Kali year indicated by the defective passage yckafatad-adkika-pancha-fat-Uttara-chats[*]-sahasra-parimite. The expression packa sat-ottara (i.e. 'with the addition of 500') qualifying chatuh-sahasra (i.e. 4,000) in the same context suggests that the number intended in yekasatad-adhika qualifying pancha-sata should be less than hundred. The word yeka (eka, 'one') forming the first part of this expression clearly suggests that the intended number is one of those immediately following 10 or any of its multiples between 20 and 90. But the name Pramathin applied to the year, which apparently corresponded to one of the Kali years from 4501 to 4599, shows that the Kali year 4561 current (i.e. Kali 4560 expired) is intended since no other year in the said period of 99 years corresponds to the cyclic year Pramathin of the South Indian calendar. Saturday, Magha-su. 10, Mrigasira-nakshatra, in Kali 4561 current, corresponds regularly to the 2nd February, 1460 A.D. The proposed emendation of yekasatad-adhika as ekaskashty-adhika is supported by the internal evidence of the inscription. As will be seen below, the record mentions Raghudeva, the governor 1 For Briha-vara meaning Saturday, see above, Vol. XXXI, p. 100, note 1, (125)

Page #185
126 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (VOL. XXXIII of Rajahmundry under Gajapati Kapilesvara of Orissa, in connection with the Oriya conquest of the fortress of Vorumgallu in the land (rajya) of Varamgallu, i.e. the Warangal fort. The occupation of Warangal by the Oriyas is mentioned in another inscription in the fort, referring to its conquest by Kapilesvara's son Hambira and bearing the date Pramathin, Magha-su. 10, Va (i.e. Vadda-vara, Saturday) which is exactly the same as the date of the record under study. There is no doubt that both the inscriptions refer to the same event, viz. the conquest of the Warangal fort by the generals of Gajapati Kapilesvara. It may be that Hambira was the chief commander of the Gajapati forces and that Raghudeva was the second in command. It is interesting to note that Hambira's inscription is found on the eastern gate of the Warangal fort while Raghudeva's record is incised on its western gate, locally known as the fifth gate. This apears to show that the two leaders of the Gajapati forces led the attack on the Warangal fort from two different sides. Raghudeva, the Oriya governor of Rajahmundry, is also known from several of his inscriptions bearing dates in the sixth decade of the fifteenth century. The object of the inscription is recorded in two sentences in the last two lines (lines 17-18). The concluding part of the first of these sentences is very much damaged. But it seems to read as Vorumgamti-durgga-patinku sadhila in which sadhila (past tense of the Oriya verb sadhiva) has no doubt been used in the sense of subdued' or 'defeated'. It is therefore stated here that Raghudeva-narendra subdued the lord of the Vorumgayti-durga (i.e. the Warangal fort). The second sentence says that he spared the lives of the governor of the fort and the latter's followers (yihara sasainya-sahitya jiva-dana dila). The conquest of Warangal by the generals of Kapilegvara is one of the events in the struggle between the Bahmanis of Gulbarga and the Gajapatis of Orissa. The inscription is interesting from several points of view. In the first place, it represents the god Vishnu as the imperial ruler of the earth and apparently as the overlord of the emperor Kapilesvara of the Suryavamsi Gajapati family of Orissa. The date of the record has been put against the background of eternity as it is represented as falling in the eternal reign period of the said god. This is because of the fact, as we have shown eleswhere, that Ganga Anangabhima III (c. 1211-38 A.D.) dedicated his kingdom in favour of the god Purushottama-Jagannatha of Puri, who is regarded as a form of Vishnu, and that the Ganga king's successors as well as the later imperial rulers of Orissa including their theoretical successors, the present Maharajas of Puri, regarded themselves as the viceroys of the deity who was considered the real lord of the country. This conception is noticed in several inscriptions of the Ganga dynasty. The present epigraph is the only record outside the Ganga family, which echoes the same idea. There is, however, a slight difference in the conception as found in the inscription under review. The god is not represented here as the lord of the kingdom of Orissa with the king of Orissa as his viceroy. The idea expressed in our record is that the god was the lord of the earth while Kapilesvara, endowed with imperial style, was the king of the Utkala country under him. This mode of introducing a king is possibly the only case of the kind in the whole range of Indian epigraphy. The second point of interest in the record is its style which exhibits an influence of certain inscriptions of the Gangas. Some of the passages in Kapilesvara's description in the present inscription are copied from records like the Draksharama," Bhubaneswar and Kanchipuram inscriptions of Anangabhima III and one of the Kapilas inscriptions of Narasimha I (c 1238-64 A.D.). The 1 Above, p. 1, note 3 ; IHQ, Vol. XXXIII, pp. 280-81; cf. SII, Vol. VII, p. 372, No. 733. * Above, pp. 1-2. - . lbid., Vol. XXX, p. 19. SII, Vol. IV, p. 467, No. 1329. . Alove, Vol. XXX, p. 234. * Ibid., Vol. XXXI, pp. 94 ff. See above, pp. 41 ff.

Page #186
-No. 23] WARANGAL INSCRIPTION OF RAGHUDEVA, KALI YEAR 4561 127 most interesting among these epithets are those which speak of the king as Mahesvara-putra, Purushottama-putra and Durga-putra. In the similar representation of Anangabhima III and his son Narasimha I, one may notice the fact that these kings, in spite of their staunch devotion to the god Vishnu in the shape of Purushottama-Jagannatha of Puri, could not possibly dissociate themselves totally from the Saiva leanings of their ancestors. Since, however, the hold of Vaishnavism became gradually stronger and stronger on the kings of Orissa, it is rather strange that the same epithets were applied to Kapilesvara who flourished two centuries later. But this may be explained by the suggestion that the Suryavamsis were also Saivas originally. It has, however, to be noticed that a similar description of Kapilesvara is not noticed in any other inscription of the Suryavamsi Gajapati family. Are we then to suppose that the reason underlying the above description of Kapilesvara was the Saiva leanings of Raghudeva? It will be seen from our analysis below that Raghudeva calls himslef ari-Durga-varaputra as well as sri-Jagannathadeva-[labdha*]vara-prasada. He also bore the typical Saivite name Virabhadra. This prince as well as his father and grandfather are further represented as devotees of the god Mallinatha and the goddess Ganamangalachandi or Mangalachandi. These two deities are probably to be identified respectively with Siva and Parvati since the name Mallinatha is known to be often applied to a Siva-linga1 and Chandi and Mangalachandi are both well-known names of the said goddess. As Raghudeva's grandfather was Kapilesvara's father, it is possible to think that the family was originally Saiva and that Kapilesvara was the first of its members, who was devoted to the god PurushottamaJagannatha. Kapilesvara may have become a devotee of the said deity after his accession to the throne of Gajapati Bhanu IV, since theoretically the Ganga throne belonged to the god. The first section of the inscription in lines 1-5 gives the date, viz. Saturday, Magha-su. 10, Mrigasira-nakshatra in the year 4561 current (in words) in the first quarter of Kali which is one of the four ages, the name of the year being Pramathin. This year is mentioned with reference to the victorious reign of the illustrious god Vishnu just as is done in the case of dates falling in the reigns of particular kings. In consonance with this interesting reference, the date is stated to have fallen in the second Parardha of the god Brahman, in the Svetavaraha Kalpa and the twentyeighth Chatur-yuga of the Vaivasvata Manvantara. Lines 5-6 likewise mention the locality, where the inscription was put up, in an equally grand setting. The concluding part of this passage cannot be fully deciphered. But it seems to speak of the tract of Varumgallu (Warangal) within the dominions of Umainusaha (saha) described as the Suratana of Kalubaraga, i.e. the Bahmani Sultan Humayun Shah (1458-61 A.D.) of Gulbarga. This land is stated to have been situated in the western tract of the Andhra country which formed a part of Bharatavarsha lying in the Jambudvipa section of the earth. This is in consonance with the old conception according to which Jambu-dvipa was one of the four or seven dvipas constituting the earth. The representation of a locality in a similar setting, is however, not unknown in South Indian inscriptions. Thus an inscription of 1077 A.D. gives the situation of the capital of the Kadambas of Banavasi in the following words: "Among the fourteen worlds is the middle world, one rajju in extent. In the centre of that middle world is the Golden Mountain, to the south of which is the Bharata land, in which like the curls of the lady earth shines the Kuntala country, to which an ornament [with various natural beauties] is Banavasi." The next passage in lines 7-17 introduces Raghudeva-narendra who was responsible for the setting up of the record. First is mentioned in lines 7-8 Jagesvaradeva-maharaya described as a devotee of the god Mallinatha and the goddess Ganamangalachandi. Next is described Jagesvara's son Pratapa-Kapilesvaradeva-maharaja in lines 8-14. Kapilesvara is stated to have 1 Cf. P. Sreenivasachar, A Corpus of Inscriptions in the Telingana Districts, Part III, 1956, Nos. Ma. 18-25 (pp. 49 ff.). Ep. Carn., Vol. VIII, Sorab No. 262. See also the Vilasa grant of Prolaya-nayaka, verses 5 ff. (above Vol. XXXII, p. 260).

Page #187
128 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [Vol. XXXIII become a lord of the Utkala country at the command of the illustrious Purushottama described as the lord of the fourteen worlds, i.e. the god Purushottama-Jagannatha of Puri. Next he is described as the son of Mahebvara (Siva)', the son of Purushottama (Vishnu)' and 'the son of Durga'. As already indicated above, these epithets and some others in the description of Kapilegvara appear to have been borrowed from certain records of the Gauga 'king Anangabhima III and his son and successor Narasimha I. In the inscription under study, Kapilesvara is endowed with the imperial title Maharajadhiraja-Paramesvara and is described as belonging to the solar race. He is further called fri-vira-Gajapati (the Gajapati who is an illustrious hero), Gardedvara (lord of Gauda) and vijita-navakoti-Karnat-esvara (Lord of the Karnata-nine-crore country conquered by him). It is interesting. to note that Kalavarag-esvara (i.e. the lord of Gulbarga) is not added here to Kapilesvara's epithets as in other records. This is probably because the inscription was set up in an area belonging to the dominions of the Bahmani Sultans of Gulbarga and the local people were expected to sneer at the hollowness of the claim. Kapilesvara was the first independent imperial ruler of the family and Raghudeva is known to have been his younger brothers' son and his viceroy. at Rajabmundry. The mention of Jagebvara as a maharaya (i.e. makaraja) shows that he was also a ruling chief. This is supported by the evidence of the Raghudevapura grant. Lines 14-15 of our inscription mention ParasuTamedeva as the younger brother of Kapilesvara and as a devotee of Mallinathadeva and Mangalachandi (elsewhere called Ganamangalachandi) Parasuramadeva-raya's son Raghudeva is mentioned in the following lines. He is called Virabhadra Raghudeva-narendra and is described as a devotee of the god Mallinathadeva and the goddess Ganamangalachandi and also as having been a favourite son of the goddess Durga and as favopred by Jagannathadeva, i.e. the god Purushottama-Jagandatha of Puri. It is further stated that Raghudeva was the ruler of Rajamahendravara, i.e. Rajamahendrapura, which is the modern Rajahmundry. As already indicated above, the object of the inscription is recorded in the last two lines (lines 17-18) which state that Raghudeva subdued the governor of the Warangal fort but that he spared the lives of the said Bahmani officer and his soldiers. The god Mallinatha seems to have been the fainily deity of the ancestors of Kapilesvara. Since Mallinatha as the name of a deity is very popular in the Telugu speaking areas and not in Orissa, the original home of the Suryavami Gajapati family may have been in the Andhra country. As we have elsewhere suggested, the mother of Kapilesvara was probably born in the Velama community of Andhra. The genealogy of the Suryavamai Gajapatis of Orissa supplied by the present inscription represents Kapilesvara and Paragurama as the sons of Jagesvara, and Raghudeva, governor of Rajahmundry, as the son of Parasurama. This information is already available from the Raghudevapura and Dorapalem grants of Raghudeva edited above. But Raghudeva's secondary name Virabhadra is known only from the present record. The geographical names mentioned in the inscription have already been discussed thove. TEXT Part I 1 Sri-Vishnu-rajya-pravarddbamanasyal adya [Brahmaao] dvitiyya(ya)-pararddhe' | Sve (Sve)tavaraha-kalpe 1 Above, PP 4, 6 ff. * Cf. ibid., p. 7. * See ibid., pp. 1 ff. * From an impression. . Better read omane. * The danda here and in other places in this and the following lines are superfluous.

Page #188
WARANGAL INSCRIPTION OF RAGHUDEVA, KALI YEAR 4561 First Part lo Scale : One-sixth

Page #189
Second Part

Page #190
No. 28] WARANGAL INSCRIPTION OF RAGHUDEVA, KALI YEAR 4561 129 2 Vaivasvata-manvantta(ta)re ashtabi[ni sa titan chaturyyamgana Kale(lau) prathama pada yekabatad-a-3 3 dhika- | pamcha-sat-ottara- chatu[h*-sahasra- parimit[7] | avadho | Pramadi samvatsare | Uttar-a4 yapo kisi-rutaus | Magha-mase sukla-pakshi dasamyam tithau | Briha vasara | Mrigasi(fi)ra6 nakshatra | iha prithivyain-| Jambu-dvipe Bha(Bha)rasta)-varshe | Andhra-deb-anta rggata-[pabchima) 6 disa-bhage | Ka[lu]baraga-suratana-Umainusaha | Vorumgallu- |- rajy[@]........... 7 sri-Mallinathadeva-Ganamangalachandi-chara[na]-sarana |eri-Jageb[v]aradeva maha8 (rayam]kara putra | bri-cbaturddata-bhuvan-adhipati [srimatu] | Sri-(Puru]shottamasya 'S9 delad=Utkal-adhisa krita-samara-mukh-aneka-ripu-darppa-marddana | bhuja-bala-para krama 10 ......pujya-sattamah |. Mahesvara-(putra char-acha]ra-jagan-mula-karana- | Sri-Puru Part II 11 shottama-putra | sri-Durgga-putra | trayi-vasundhara-samuddharana-pratare-practanda dor-ddamda-(maha-varaha briman-maha]ra 12 jadhiraja-paramesvara Vaivasvata-[kula)-pra[s]uta raksha-daksha..... ..... sri-Rama-guna-7 star[bhilta 13 alam krita | bri-Surya-vams-Avalambana-stambha | sri-Vira-Gajapati-Gavud-okvara vifita nava-koti-Karnnat-esvara | Prata 14 pa-Kapilisvara- deva-maharajankara | tasyalanuja | Sri-Mallinatha- deva-Mangalacha mdi-charana-saranu | Sri-Para 15 b[u]ramadevam(var)kara putra | Sri-Mallinathadeva-Ganamamgalachandi-charana- | Aara nu sri-Jagannathadeva]-[labdha*) 16 vara-prasada | Sri-Durgga-vara-putra | ripu-[darppa)-mana-marddana- | yoka-daksha Sri Rajamahandra) 1 Road imbatita ma'. . Read "-yyugiya. * Rood thoshashty-ao. * Read abde. * Rend Whir-artau. . Read the. * Bandui he not been observed here. . The word is redundant. * Read marddan-aika.

Page #191
130 EPIGRAPHLA INDICA [VOL. XXXIII 17 vara-rajya(ja) Sri-Parusa'ramadeva-raya-tanaya | Sri-Virabhaldra-Raghudeva-narich dra Voruraga[m]-[durgga)18 [patinku) sadhila yihara sa-sainya-sahitya' jiva-dana dili til*] I Read Parafuo. The expression bri-Parasuramo devaraya-tanaya is, however, redundant since the same re. lationship between Parabudima and Raghudeve is already indicated in the passage fri-Parasuramadevil (van)kana putra in lines 14-15 above. The intended word is sahita which is redundant.

Page #192
No. 24 CHIKKERUR INSCRIPTION. OF AHAVAMALLA, SAKA 917 (1 Plate) B. R. GOPAL, OOTACAMUND (Received on 10.4.1958) In December 1957, while touring in the Hirekerur Taluk of the Dharwar District in the present Mysore State in search of inscriptions, I had the opportunity of copying about 21 inscriptions at Chikkerur about six miles from Hirekerur, the headquarters of the Taluk. The earliest inscription1 so far found at Chikkerur is edited here with the kind permission of the Government Epigraphist for India. The inscription is engraved on a stone set up in front of the temple of Banadavva. Long ago Burgess referred apparently to the same inscription as lying in front of the temple of Banasamkari that is the same as Banadavva. According to him, the date of that record is Saka 975. It will be seen, however, that the date is Saka 917 and not Saka 975. The stone is dressed only on the surface where the inscription is engraved. There are 17 lines of writing. The engraver seems to have marked out on the stone the space necessary for incising the inscription by a line both at the top and the bottom. But as that space was not enough, he had to continue the writing below the line at the bottom. Above the line at the top, there are the figures of the sun and the moon. The record is written in Kannada characters of about the tenth century A.D. Barring the imprecatory verse at the end which is in Sanskrit, the language of the epigraph is Kannada and it is written in prose. The engraver has done his job in a very indifferent way and the record contains many mistakes; cf. samvastara (lines 1-2) for samvatsara, Pamlguna (lines 3-4) for Phalguna. The form of m is mostly cursive. The akshara bhai in line 2 has a peculiar form. Similarly noteworthy is the form of n in Uppalana and nadeda (line 9), mijabbe (line 11), degnatana (line 12) and narah (line 15). In punname (line 4) the subscript is n and not n as is usually found in the inscriptions of that period. The record is dated Saka 917.(expressed partly in words and partly in figures), Jaya, Philguna Puppame (i.e. su. 15), Saturday, Uttara-nakshatra. The date, which is irregular, seems to be the 18th February 995 A.D. The record opens with the word svasti followed by the date. Then it states that, when Mahamandalesvara Ahavamalladeva proceeded against Uppala (Utpala) in the course of his northern dig-vijaya after having subdued his adversaries in the south and when Bhimayya was governing Banavase-nadu and Nagarjjuna was the Nalgavunda, Palliga, son of Kondavanigara Jogayya and Nijabbe, and his wife Arasakka, had the image of the goddess Bhalari installed. They also made a gift of land, obviously in favour of the deity. The record does not give the name of the ruling king, but refers to a Mahamandalesvara named Ahavamalla. We know that the region in question was a part of the kingdom of the Western Chalukya king Tailapa II Ahavamalla (973-97 A.D.). But it is difficult to identify Ahavamalla of our record with Taila II since the former is referred to as samadhigatapanchamaha sabda-mahamandalesvara while the latter's records give him the usual sovereign titles borne by the Western Chalukya kings. Ahavamalla of our record may be identified with Irivabedamga Satyaaraya, the 1 This has been registered as No. 255 of A.R. Ep., 1957-58, App. B. Antiquarian Remains of Bombay Presidency, p. 12. (131)

Page #193
132 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (VOL. XXXIII son of Taila II. A record from Lakkundi clearly suggests that this prince was known as handmalla. The inscription thus offers evidence in support of the statement of Ranna that Satyakraya assisted his father in his military affairs." As indicated above, the record refers to a time when Mahamandalesvara Ahavamalla proceeded against Utpala in the course of his northern dig-vijaya after he had put down his adversaries in the south. This indicates that Taila II had to face troubles in the south. The moment the Rashtrakutas were defeated by him, the feudatories of the former declared their independence. Ganga Marasimha wert so far as to enport the Rachtie kuta prince Irdra IV in the latter's claim for the throne. It is well known, however, that Taila II succeeded in subduing them. But he had to face the Cholas who were the hereditary enemics of the Chalukyas as they had been of the Rashtrakutas previously. The contemporary Chola king Rajaraja I conquered Gangavadi, Nolanibavadi and Tadigaippadi, taking opportunity of the chaos that existed for some time after the disappearance of the Rashtrakutas. Taila II took action in repulsing the Chola advance as is evidenced by an inscription found at Kogali in the Hadegalli Taluk of the Bellary District, according to which king Ahavamalla (i.e. Taila II) was ruling from Rodda (identified with Rodam in the Anantapur District) after baving defeated the Cholas and seized 150 elephants from the enemy, on Friday, the 23rd December 992 A.D. It is quite possible that, after the battle referred to in this record, Taila II appointed his own son as the governor of that territory. Three years later, in 995 A.D., our record shows that Satyasraya moved from the place and proceeded against Utpala in the north. This Utpala may be identified with Paramara Munja. The fact that Satyastaya proceeded against Utpala, i.e., Paramara Vakpati Munja, is known for the first time from our record. The date of Munja's death has been placed between V.8. 1050 (993-94 A.D.), when Anitagati compiled his Subhashitaratnasandoha during Munja's reign, and 997 A.D. when Taila II died. Our record minimises this gap. If by February 995 A.D., Satyabraya was on his way against Utpala, the latter's death must have taken place after that date. 'It is difficult to say whether Satyasraya was directly responsible for the capture of Munja which led to the latter's death. Mahasamanta Bhillama claims in his Sangamner copper-plate grant,' dated 1000 A.D., that he crushed the military force of the great king Munja and made the goddess of fortune observe the vow of a chaste woman in the house of the illustrious RanarangaBhima. He might have helped Satyasraya, whose identification with Ranaranga-Bhima is suggested by Ranna's Gadayuddha, very considerably in the latter's battle against Utpala referred to in our record. Bhimayya, it is seen from our record, was ruling over Banavasi. Several inscriptions from Yasale speak of Kadamba Chattayyadeva governing over Banavasi in 993 A.D. Bhimayya must "have begun to govern the division some time after that date. Nagarjjuna, who is said to have been a Nalgamunda, may perhaps be identified with his namesake who is stated in an inscription from Hirechavuti in the Shimoga District 10 to have been a Narggavundu. 1811, Vol. XI, Part I, No. 52. . Gadayuddha, Afvasa 2, verse 47. : K. A. Nilakanta Sastri, The Clus, 2nd ed., pp. 174-75. 811, Vol. IX, Part 1, No. 76. . Cf. Ganguly, History of the Paramara Dynasty, p. 47. * Ray, DANI, Vol. II, pp. 857-58. * Above, Vol. II, pp. 212 ff. * For the names Bhimn, Sahasa-Bhima, Ranayasa-sri-Rama-Bhima, etc., applied to Satyasiaya, of. Aevase 1, verses 22, 52-53, 64, Alviga 2, verses 3, 47. 4. R. Ep., 1939-40, B. K. Nos. 90, 91 and 92. 10 En. Carn. Vol. VIII, Sd, 234,

Page #194

Page #195
CHIKKERUR INSCRIPTION OF AHAVAMALLA, SAKA 917 CX CEMAHONES Scale : One-fourth

Page #196
No. 24) CHIKKERUR INSCRIPTION OF AHAVAMALLA, SAKA 917 133 Banavase-padu was the district round Banavasi, the ancient capital of the Kadambas in the North Kanara District of the Mysore State. TEXT: 1 Svasti Saka-nfipa-kal-ati(t1)ta-sath2 vastara-batamgal=ori[bhai]nd 8 ra 17 [no] Jaya-samvastara'da Parhlgu4 pa-mama)sada punnam. Sanivaram="utta[ro] 5 nakahattram [l*]svasti samadhigata(pa) 6 nchamahababda-mahamam(ma)pdalebva 7 ta brimat Abavamalladovam da 8 kshina-dig-bhabha)gavam nira(ra)kulam madiy=u9 ttara-dig-vijam -geyd-Uppala[na] melo naded=a10 ndu Bhi(Bhf)mayyam Banavasi-nadan-ale Nagarjjunath [Na). 11 Iga(Iga)mundu geyye Kon(Ko)pdavanigara Jogayyam Nijabbe12 ya magam Palligam(ga)n-atana pem(pe)ndatiy=[A]raaakk-e13 neka-sattugam-undu Bhalariyam pratishthe geyi. 14 'sidal' matta[la] keyya[nugge?]" kottam ma[m*]galam [l] Dova-drabyam(vyam) 15 tilaria vapa yavadbhakshamntil ye(yo) narah [l*) tavat16 vad-varisha-saharsrana vishthayam" jaya17 te krimini* [|1 *) 1 From impressions. * There is a symbol here at the beginning of the writing. * Read samvatsara. * The month referred to is Pbalguna. . An anusvara sign seems to have been engraved above ml. Read ijayan. * This and the next line aro engraved in smaller characters. Read geysidar. . The reading and interpretation of these lotters are doubtful. ** Read koffar. 11 The intended reading may be v-api yutad=bhakshati. # Road tavad-varsha-sahasrapi vishphaydin. 13 Therr is a symbol here at the end of the writing.

Page #197
No. 25-DHULLA PLATE OF SRICHANDRA (1 Plate) D. C. SIRCAR, OOTACAMUND (Received on 10. 4. 1958) Five copper-plate grants of king Srichandra, who ruled over the south-eastern part of Bengal about the second half of the tenth century A.D., have so far been discovered. Three of these, which have already been edited, are the Rampal,- Kedarpur and Madanpurplates. The copperplate grants of Srichandra discovered at Idilpur and Dhulla have not yet been edited, although the contents of both the inscriptions have been published. The Idilpur plate was noticed in the pages of this journal. The Dhulla plate was discovered in 1925 by the late Dr. N. K. Bhattasali of the Dacca Museum, whose transcript of the record was utilised by the late Mr. N.G. Majumdar in noticing the epigraph in his Inscriptions of Bengal, Vol. III. 'On an examination of the impressions of the epigraph preserved in the office of the Government Epigraphist for India, it is found that the preservation of the writing is unsatisfactory. A number of letters on both the obverse and reverse of the plate are rubbed off and consequently their reading is doubtful. Bhattasali seems to have waited for the preparation of a complete and more satisfactory transcript than the one supplied to Majumdar and this may be the reason why he could not publish the inscription till his sad demise about the beginning of 1947. It is a single plate measuring 88 inches in length, 71 inches in breadth and 1 inch in thickness. The length quoted is that of the sides, the plate being slightly longer in the middle. The well-known Dharmachakra seal of the Buddhist dynasty of the Chandras is fixed at the top of the plate. It is 3 inches in length and its lower part (24 inches wide) disturbs the continuity of the writing of the first line on the obverse of the plate. The circular surface of the seal is 21 inches in diameter. This surface closely resembles that of the seals fixed on the known copperplate grants of Srichandra. There are altogether 47 lines of writing, 23 on the obverse and 24 on the reverse. The preservation of the writing, as already indicated above, is unsatisfactory. The characters resemble bose of the other inscriptions of king Srichandra who issued the charter. Medial 2 is of both the rishtha-matra and siro-matra types. B has been indicated by the sign for v. The avagraha has been used in lines 28 and 37. The language is Sanskrit and the record is written in both prose and verse ir style similar to that in the other charters of the king. As a matter of fact, all the nine verses forming to a introductory part of the record are also found in one or other of the same king's records. The change of anusvara before & to n and before v to mexhibits some of the orthographical peculiarities. It is also often changed to class riasals. Mistakes like yutiya for jatiya (line 28) and trina for trina (line 30) are interesting to note. The date in line 46 is difficult to read ; but the reading of the portion may be Samta(Samra) 8 A(A)stina-dine 18. Tuis is of course not enough to determine the actual date of the record. But we know from other evidences, as already indicated above, that the Buddhist king Srichandra, who belonged to the C'handra dynasty and ruled over South-East Bengal, flourished about the second half of the tenth century A.D. 1 Above, Vol. XII, pp. 136 ff. und Plate; Majumdar, Ins. Reng., Vol. III, pp. 1 ff. and Plate. * Above, Vol. XVII, pp. 188 ff. and Plate; Majumder, op. cit., pp. 10 ff. and Plate. Above, Vol. XXVIII, pp. 51 ff. and Plate; pp. 337 ff. Above, Vol. XVII, pp. 189-10; Majumdar, op. cit., pp. 166-67. Op. cit., pp. 165.66. 01., .g., above., Vol. XXVIII, Plato facing p. 56. ( 134 )

Page #198
No. 25] DHULLA PLATE OF SRICHANDRA 135 Of the 9 stanzas in the introductory part of the document, verse 1, found in all the known records of the king, is in adoration of the Jina (i.e. Buddha), the Dharma and the Bhikshu-sangha (i.e. the Buddhist Church), the holy trinity of the Buddhists. Verses 2-8 are found in the Rampal and Madanpur plates in the same order while verse 9 is the same as the seventh and last stanza of the introductory part of the Kedarpur plate. Verse 2 introduces a ruler named Parnachandra as born in the family of the Chandras ruling over Rohitagiri. The following two stanzas (verses 3-4) describe Purnachandra's son Suvarnachandra who became a Buddhist. Verse 5 speaks of Suvarnachandra's son Trailokyachandra who is compared to Dilipa and is stated not only to have become the mainstay of the royal fortune of the king of the Harikola country but also to have made himself the lord of Chandradvipa. Purnachandra and Suvarnachandra may or may not have been rulers of Robitagiri ; but Trailokyachandra was apparently the ruler of Chandradvipa as a feudatory of the Harikela king. If Rohitagiri is identified with Rohtasgarh in the Shahabad District of Bihar, it has to be suggested that Trailokyachandra or one of his ancestors migrated to South-East Bengal where Trailokya succeeded in becoming the subordinate ruler of Chandradvipa.within the dominions of the king of Harikela. It appears that the Chandras of Rohitagiri were originally the feudatories of the Pala kings of Bengal and Bihar and that one of the Chandra princes ca to Bengal in connection with his services under the Pala master. But Trailokyachandra seems to have transferred his allegiance to the king of Harikela and was rewarded by the viceroyalty of Chandradvipa. As we have elsewherel suggested, Chandradvipa was the old name of parts of the Buckergunge District and Harikela was originally the name of the area round the Sylhet District, both now in East Pakistan, although at a later date Harikela (also spelt Harikela and Harikeli) came to be used to indicate the tract alled Vanga apparently as a result of the expansion of the dominions of the Harikela rulers over wide areas of South-East Bengal. About the end of the ninth century, the Gurjara-Pratihara king Mahendrapala I (c. 885-907 A.D.) conquered considerable areas of Bihar and North Bengal from the Palas and the fortune of the latter was at a low ebb.Since the Dacca-Tippera region appears to have formed parts of the empire of Dharmapala (c. 770-810 A.D.) and Devapala (c. 810-50 A.D.), this may have been the timewhen the rulers of the Deva Dynasty, as known from the copper-plate grant of Bhavadeva, were ruling an independent monarchs from the city of Devaparvata near modern Comilla in the Tippera District of East Pakistan. Shortly after Bhavadova, the third known ruler of the Deva family, a king named Kantideva was ruling over the tract called Harikela as we know from his Chittagong plate. It seems that the dominions of the Devas of Deva parvata soon passed to the hands of the ruling family of Harikela represented by Kantideva and that the Harikela kings, thus came to be in the possession of wide areas of South-East Bengal including the Buckergunge region. Trailokyachandra appears to have ruled over Chandradvipa as & feudatory of the dynasty of Harikela kings, represented by Kantideva, about the second quarter of the tenth century. 1 See above, Vol. XXVIII, pp. 338-39. * For Mohendra pala's stone inscriptions in these areas, dated in his regnal years ranging between the years 2 and 19 (or 9), soo Bhandarkar's List, Nos. 1641-47. Recently I had an opportunity of examining ono of these records, viz. the Ram-Gaya inscription (ibid., No. 1645) which R. D. Banerji (Mem. A. 8. B., Vol. V, p. 64) read and interpreted as foliows: (1) Om Samvat 8 fri- Mahindrapala | rajyabhisht. (2) ka Saudi-rishi-putra-Sahad Evasya, "Om, the yoar 8 (fron) tho coronation of Mahindrapala. (The gift) of Sahadeva, the son of the Rishi Sauri." The correot reading of the inscription is however : (1) Siddham symbol. Samvata 8 || Mahindapala rajabhist. (2) ka || Saudirini 5 P[M]la-saha deva[dharma). The gift of the image was made by & person named Saudirisi and his five sons whogo names are not mentioned. Cf. JAS, Lotters, Vol. XVII, pp. 83 ff. For another inscription of the 12th regnal year of Bhavadeva, of. Pp. 21-22 of F.A. Khan's report referred to below. Above, Vol. XXVI, pp. 313 ff.

Page #199
138 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXXIII Verse 6 introduces Trailokyachandra's queen Kafchana or Srikanchana, and the next stanza (verse 7) speaks of Srichandra, son of Trailokyachandra and his queen. Verse 8 states that Srichandra brought the earth under his sole umbrella and this conventional description apparently suggests that he was the first independent or imperial ruler of the family. Verse 9 describes him As a digvijayin in the conventional way and this also supports the above suggestion. As will be seen below, there is another indication in favour of the same conclusion The prose passage (lines 17 ff.) following the above introductory part in verse reintroduces king Srichandra as in good bealth, i.e. as fit for making a grant. As in his other grants, the king is described as enjoying the imperial titles Paramesvara, Paramabhattaraka and Maharajadhiraja, as meditating on (or favoured by) the feet of the Paramasaugata (i.e. one devoted to the Sugata or Buddha) Maharajadhiraja Trailokyachandradeva and as issuing the charter from his jayaskandhavara (meaning' capital' in this case) at Vikramapura. It has to be noticed that, while Trailokyachandra is endowed with the title Maharajadhiraja only, Srichandra is called Paramesvara-Paramabhatlaraka-Maharajadhiraja. This supports the suggestion that the father was a feudatory and the son an independent and imperial ruler. It seems that Srichandra threw off the allegiance to the king of Harikela, conquered a considerable part of the latter's territories in South-East Bengal and transferred his capital from Chandradvipa to Vikram.apura in the Dacca District. The rise of Srichandra may have been a result of the struggle between the Palas and the kings of Harikela for the Dacca-Tippera region. The Mandhuk (Tippera District) inscription of the first regnal year of Gopila II (c. 935-92 A.D.) shows that the Palas succeeded in ousting Harikala rule from Tippera before the middle of the tenth century. But shortly afterwards, Srichandra conquered the Dacca-Tippera region originally perhaps on behalf of the Harikela king. Srichandra must have flourished earlier than Govindachandra (c. 1015-40 A.D.) who apparently belonged to the same family and is described in Chola records as the lord of Vangala-deda (originally the same as Chandradvipa but later the name of the Chandra empire in South East Bengal). The armies of the Chola king Rajendra I had an encounter with Govindachandra before 1023 A.D. For some time between the reign of Srichandra and that of Govindachandra, the Dacca-Tippera region seems to have been in the possession of king Mahipala I (c. 992-1040 A.D.). This is suggested by the Baghaura and Narayanpur inscriptions dated respectively in the 3rd and 4th regnal years of the said Pala monarch, both discovered in the Tippera District. Thus Srichandra seems to have ruled for at least about 46 years (cf. the issue of the Madanpur plate in the 46th year of his reign) about the second half of the tenth century between the earlier years of Gopala II and those of Mahipala 1. All the geographical names mentioned in connection with the details of the plots of land granted as given in lines 20-23 cannot be fully deciphered from the impressions, even though Bhattasali offered readings for all of them. There were altogether five plots of land. The first of these was situated in a village (called Durvapatra and situated in Vallimunda-mandala according to THQ., Vol. XXVIII, pp. 51 m. Cf. Above, Vol. IX, pp. 229 ff. * Bhandarkar's List, No. 164; Ind. Cuu. Vol. IX, pp. 121 ff. * Pila rule appears to have been ousted from the Dacca-Tripura region by the successors of Srichandra. Two oopper-plato grants of Ladabachandrs and one of Govinda chandra have been recently discovered at Mainamati in the Tippers District of East Pakistan. These charters, issued from Vikramapura, show that Srichandra was followed on the Chandra throne by his son Kalyanachandra, grand on Ladahachandra and great. grandson Govindachandra. Another charter, discovered along with the above, was issued by Virdharadeva in hin 15th regnal year. He appears to have belonged to the Deva dynasty and flourished about the 13th century. For a note on these inscriptions, see F.A. Khan's report on 'Excavations on Mainamati Hills near Comilla in Further excarations in East Pakistan-Vainamati, pp. 22-28.

Page #200
No. 25] DHULLA PLATE OF SRICHANDRA 137 Bhattasali) in the Khodira villi vishaya within Paundra-bhukti and measured 4 halas. The second plot, apparently in the same area, measured 3 halas and was situated in a locality the name of which appears to us to be Nondiyajo-Jayastara, although it was read by Bhattasali as Loniyajadaprastara. The third plot of land also measured 3 halas and was situated in the village of Tivaravilli no doubt in the same region. The fourth plot measured 2 halas and 6 drogas and was situated in a village (called Parkadimunda and situated in Ikkadasi-vishaya according to Bhattasali) in the Yola mandala. The fifth plot measured 7 halas and was situated in a village (the name of which is read by Bhattasali doubtfully as Mulapatra) apparently in the same neighbourhood. As stated in line 23, the five plots together measured 19 halas and 6 dronne. The exact areas of the land measures called hala and drona (dronavapa of earlier records) are unknown. The list of officers and others to whom the royal order in respect of the grant was issued is found in lines 23 ff. It is similar to the lists found in other charters of Srichandra, although its resemblance is closer to the one in the Rampal plate than that in the Madanpur plate. The privileges to be enjoyed by the donee as enumerated in lines 30 ff. are also similar to those in the list found in the other records of the king. The description of the donee is found in lines 33 ff. He was the Brahmana Vyasagangasarman who belonged to the Vardhakausika gotra, the pravara 2f the three rishis and the Kanva sakla and was the son of Vibhuganga, grandson of Nannaganga (or Nandaganga) and great-grandson of Jayaganga. He is described as the Santirarika, or performer of propitiatory rites, exactly as Pitavasaguptasarnan, the donee of Srichandra's Rampal plate. But, while Pitavasa received & grant for performing a ceremony called Kotihoma, Vyusaganya received the lands mentioned in the present record for performing four homas in connection with a rite called adbhuta-santi. In the expression adbhuta-santi which is well-known to the student of the Purana aud Smriti literature, adbhuta is a synonym of utpata and means any portentous or unusual phenomenon foreboding calamity to a king or a private individual or the population of a land, and santi is a propitiatory rite performed with a view to aierting such an evil. The grant was made by the king in the name of Lord Buddha for the merit of his parents and himself. The charter is stated to have been authenticated by the Dharmachakra seal as in the Case of the king's other grants. The gift lands were made a rent-free holding according to the well-known principle of bhumi-chchhilra-nyaya (i.e. the free enjoyment of land by one who first brought it under cultivation). Lines 40 ff. contain some of the usual imprecatory and benedictory stanzas also known from the king's other records. The date, which has already been referred to above, is quoted in lines 46-47. This is followed by the contractions mahiza-ni...mehaksha-wi, two damaged letters between the two groups of letters probably reading anu. The contraction ni has been regarded as standing for wibaddha or wirikshita, i.e. registered or examined. The contractions mahusa and mahaksha apparently stand respectively for the official designations Mahasandhivigrahika and Mahakshapatalika. It appears that the record was first examined by the Mohasiindhi igrah ika and then by the Mahakshapatalika. Of the geographical names mentioned in the inscription, the location of Harikela, Chandradvipa and Vikramapura has been discussed above. The Paundra-bhukti was the territorial division, the headquarters of which were originally at the city of Pundravardbana identified with modern Mahasthan in the Bogra District of North Bengal. During the age of the Palay, this bhukti or province included considerable parts of South-Eastern Bengal. Although the 1 See the Albhuta-santi section of the Matsya Purana, chapters 228-38 ; cf. also tho quotations from number of authorities in the Sabdakalpadruma (Parisishto), A. V. dlhula. * Cf. JAS, Vol. XX, pp. 216-17.

Page #201
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXXIII Chandra empire does not appear to have included any portion of North Bengal, the name of the old administrative unit was continued in use during the rule of the Chandras. The villages mentioned in connection with the gift lands cannot be satisfactorily identified. But the district called Yola-mandala is also known from the Madanpur plate and has been located in the Manikganj subdivision of the Dacca District. The different plots of land were probably situated in two districts, the two groups being not far from each other. TEXT: [Metres : verses 1, 3 Vasantatilaka; verses 2, 5, 9 Sardulavikridita; verses 4, 7-8 Upajati; verse 6 Indravajra; verses 10-13, 15 Anushtubh; verse 14 Pushpitagra.] 138 Obverse 1 Siddhathavasti | Vandys Jinas-aa bhagavan karup-aika-pat[r]ach [Dharmm]6-py-asu 2 [vijayate jagad-eka-di[pa]b | ya[t-svalya sakala ova-(ma]h-a[nubhava]b sa[thsara-pa]ra[m=u]paga 3 chchhati Bhikshu]-sanghah || [1*] [Chandra]pam=i[ha] Ro[hi]tagiri-rbhu(bhu)ja[mvad vila-[ariyath] vi[khyato] 4 [bhuvi parona]-chandra-sadriah -Parppachandro-bhavat | archchana[m]-pada-pithi[kasu] pa[thitah santa] 5 ninam=agratash-tank-otkirnna-nava-prasastishu jaya-stambheshu tamreshu cha || [2*] Vu(Buddhasya [yab]easaka-[] 6 takam-aka-sa]metha]m-bhaktya vi(bi)bha[r*]tti bhagavan-amrit-a[kar-adsub] | Chandrasya tasya kula-jata it-Iva Vau(Bau)ddhah pu 7 [tra]h sruto jagati tasya Suvarppachandrah || [3*] Daree=[sya] mata kila dohadena di[drikaba-map-da[i] 8 chandra-vimvam | suvarnpa-chandrena hi toshit-eti [Suvarppachandram samu]daharanti || [4] Putras tasya pavitrit-[o] 9 bhaya-kulab kaulina-balt-Biaya's-t[r]ailsky vidito [di]m-ati[thi]bhi[s-Tr]ailokyachandro gunai[h] 10 adharo Harikela-raja-kakuda-ch[chha]ttra-smitanam [eriyam] ya[s-Chandr-opa]pade va(ba) [bhuva]n[ri]pati[redvf] 11 pa Dilip-opamab [5] (Jyotan-va Chandrajaya Sach-tva (Jishur-Gaujet [Harasy-va] Harer-iva Seth) tasya pri]. 12 ya [ka]nchana-kantir-asit Sri kanchan-oty-anchita-[s]sanasya || [6] Sa ra[ja-yo]gena subhe muhu[rtte mau] This may be the reason why the name Pundravardhana-bhukti (or Paundra vardhana") was changed to Paundra bhukti. From impressions, Expressed by symbol. 4Read bhujam vash. Read "ambub, *Read vimbam or bimbam. The Rampal plate has "bayai". Read "astch=chart. The queen's name was either Kanchana or Srikanchana.

Page #202
DHULLA PLATE OF SRICHANDRA Obverse ' bhaangs. yesb @dae.gnyj 4 hjraa SKIindr graar'thiir'assaasum grm | sunini emn smy' ney'| maattheassm smy'er aamgaid hasah ibhe mdhye haaln| esmy' striir #biy's: sses tbe kichu prmmdhu9 st is9 by'esemaamlaa| emtoda(cchii7Xavi bhisaa: mur diy'e bidr| 5 }g[sthaa :389 State/CJA baiiimy' snyjliir easy toaaddaam, bilki - Hriib duH / 9 . paa 'i sbpey'aa Scale : Seven-ninti

Page #203
Reverse to S dlnaamy'ber 24 aar esmy'aashmrmbiiy'aay' cds hipl| edissaarokibu|| 26 mn'-stitiaktag5 () siN / mgina- ysth mey'aahim||| 24 mnshiliati SUmichiletaamdherirseped 30 srbey'aa SAaani ( Aln / hai Us mizat b se yaay' ? 32 IS / hiny jgtekhttiN ephsi(hsmy ykaaen biir mun| SA ( Sto34 ygAaahhiatidi\Adlaati nssiiy'aa S6aamaas! mdy'e setti niy'e / 36 | 'mmbsstraas dmtijaay' / | msur gure mntaa isasuss, Aushaa2|(ly'aamer maansloke , da: 2y' (47tmy't min tiiy' seyal and paare mukh o smy' diy'e mhaa p fl sey'ehe srsrij326 prnn aasn| bikaal tin smkaanjnk

Page #204
No. 25] DHULLA PLATE OF SRICHANDRA 13 [hurtti]kaih suchita-raja-chihna[m*] | [a]vapa ta[syam tanayam naya]jnah Srichandram ind-upamam-Indra-[tejah || ] [7*] 14 Ek-tapatr-abharagim-bhuvash yo vidhaya vai[dheya-ja]n-ividheyah | [cha]k[ara karu nivesit-Ari(r)-yya 15 [ba]h-sugandhini disam-mukhani || [8*] Sprishtah pa[r]thiva-pamsu-dohada-asa-slaghaghanan dig-gajai-ne 139 16 [trapa]m-animeshatah paribita durina vindarakaih | kose[shv-apsajrasam-arvva-palitabhrantim 17 [samar]opayan santano rajasam raneshu jayi]no yasya dyu-marggan-gatah [ 9*] sa khalu Sri-Vik[r]amapura-sam[a] 18 vasita-sr[i]maj-jayas[kandhavarat paramasaugato maharajadhiraja]-srimat-Trailokya chandra[d]e 19 va-pad-nudhyatah para[meeva)rab para[ma]bha[tta)rako majharajdirajah erni Sri chandrade 20 vab kulali ict-[Pau]pdra-bhukty-antabpiti-Khudiravill-vishaye Valli)........ [udala ....tta. 21 gram bala-chatushtayam Nandiyajo-Ja]ya[star [hala]-trayamm Tivaravilla-grime [cha] hala-[tralya Yo[a] 23 [ms]oda[1].... [vishaya-sam]-Pa. dimunda-grame shad-drop-adhika-hala-dvayum 23.10[gra]me cha [hala-sa]pta[kam *] | [a]tra shad-dron-adhika-unavi[nsati11-hala-bhu]mau samapagato abhi Reverse 24 [ja]-j-aka-rajaputra-rajamatya-mahavyahapati-mandalapati-mahisindhivigra 25 hika-mahiinapati-mahakahapajalika-mahasa[rvvajdhikrita mahapratihara-kotapa 26 la-dau[bsidhasidhanika-chauroddhajrapika-nauva(balahastyadvagUmahishajavikadivyapti taka 27 gaulmiks faulkika-dapdapsi(i)ka-dapdanayaka-vishayu(ya)paty-din-any-cha sakala28 raja-pad-pajlvine-'dhya[ksbal-prachar oktan-ih-ak[r]ttitan | chata-bhata-uaja)tyan ja 1 The Kedarpur plate has ghana which has been corrected to ghanair". Bhattasali reads "valli. There are five damaged letters hore. Bhattasali reads Vallimunda-ma. I have doubts about this reading. There are four damaged letters before tta which Bhattasali reads as ttra. He reads the last three of the damaged letters as Durvvapa and the first probably as m (i.e. sambaddha). I have doubts about this reading. Bhattasali reads Lonigsjodaprastar e. Bhattasali reads "valli. Bhattasali apparently reads dvayam. The name of the vishaya is read by Bhattasali as Ikkadasi which seems to us extremely doubtful. The damaged akshara here is read by Bhattasali as rka and the following letter as di. 10 Bhattasai doubtfully reads the name of the village as Milapatra. 11 Read adhik-onavimbati. 13 The intended reading of these letters is samupagal-abesha-radeg. 13 The mark of punctuation here and in the lines below (cf. lines 31 .) is unnecessary. The expression ashyakshaprachara means "notification about the heads of departments".

Page #205
140 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (VOL. XXXIII 29 napadan kshetrakarams=cha [Vra(Bra)hma]n-ottaran (yath-arham-ma]nayati vo(bo)dhayati samadisati 50 cha || mata[m=astu bha]va[tari(tam)] | yath-opari-likhita-bhumir=iyam sya-sim-avachchhinna tri(tri)na-[puti-go)31 obara-paryanta sa-tala (8-6]ddesa m-a[mra)-panasi sa-guvaka-nali[k]era sa-lavana sa-jala32 sthala sa-ga[r]tt-oshara | sa-das-aparadha | sa-chauroddharana | parihrista)-sarvva-pida | a chata-bha[ta). 33 pravesa a-kinchit-spra]gra[hya] | [sa]masia-raja-bhoga-[ka]ra-hiranya-pratyaya-sahita| Jayaga34 iga-p[r]apautraya | Nan[n]agariga-jautraya | Vibhu(bhn)ganga-putraya | Varddhakausika sagotraya | try-a35 raha-pravaraya | Kanva-sakh-idhyayine [santivarika)-fri-[Vyasa]yanga-farmmani(na) [sval) krita-[h]36 ma-Cohatu]shtaye | ad[bhu]ta-santi-nimite(tt) .. ta[va]tie' (punye]=hani vidhivad=udaka purvvakam (kpi*][tva] 37 bhagavantam=Vuddha'-bhattarakam=uddisya mata-pitror=atmanah [cha*) pusya-yaso-'bhi vriddhaye 2-chandr-arkka-kshisti)38 [sa][108 *)-kalam yavat bhumi-chchhidra-nyayena Srimad-Dharmma-chakra-[mudra]ya | ta [mra]-sasaniksitya pradatta (Asma)39 [bhil) ato bhavadbhih (sarvvair=anu]mantavya[m*] [] bhavibhir=api [bhupatibhih] bhumeraeddana-phala-gauraved=apaha[ra]40 [ne me]ha-naraka-pata-bhayach=cha danang=idam=anumody=anupalaniyam [1*] nivasibhih kshetrakarais=cha ajna41 savana-vidheyibhuya ! ya[th-o]chista-pratya]y-opanayah karyya iti [l*) bhavanti ch=atra dharmm-anusamsinah slakah [l*] Bhumim 42 yah pratigrihnati yas-cha bhumim=prayachchhati ubhau tau punya-karmmanau niyatam svargga-gaminau || [10*) Shashti-inva(va)rsha-sahasra43 ni svargge modati bhumidah | akshepta ch=anumanta cha tany=eva narakam (ke) vaset || [11] Sva-dattam=para-dattamva yo hareta vasundha44 ram(ram) sa vishthayam krimir=bhutva pit;ibhih saka pachyate | [12*] Va(Ba)hubhir vvasudha datta rajabhih Sagar-adibhih [l*) yasya yasya ya45 da bhumis-tasya tasya tada phalam || [13*) Iti kamala-dal-amvu(mbu)-vindu-lolam briyam= anuchintya manusliya-jivitan=cha | sakala46 m=idam-udahfitan=cha vuddha' na hi purushaih para-kirttavo vilopyah || 0 || [140] [8amva (Sarhva)t 8 A(A)&vina)-dini 18 (1) mahasa47 ni sanu| ] mahaksha-ni - 1 The subsoript of the conjunot is not clear. Bhattasali roade Nandao. * The reading may be tad=gatavati. . Read vantam-Buddha Read dattat ta. *Read buddhra.

Page #206
No 26-CHIKKALAVALASA PLATES OF VAJRAHASTA III, SAKA 982 (2 Plates) D. C. STRCAR, OOTACAMUND (Received on 16.9.1957) The copper-plate inscription under study was dug up more than three decades ago by a farmer of the village of Chikkalavalasa while tilling a field. The village lies between Urlam and Kambakaya in the Taluk and District of Srikakulam, Andhra Pradesh. It is stated that the plates were found in a field near the border of the village of Kuddamu in the same neighbourhood. The inscription was secured from the farmer by Bhairi Appalaswami Naidu of Chikkalavalasa, who sent them to Pandit Somasekhara Sarma for study and publication. Pandit Sarma published the inscription in the Bharati (Telugu), Vol. II, 1925, Part I, pp. 138 ff., with illustrations. The text of the epigraph was also quoted by R. Subba Rao in the Kalingadegacharitramu (Telugu), Appendix, pp. 50 ff. The record was noticed in the Annual Report on South Indian Epigraphy, 1924-25, C.P. No. 5. I edit the inscription in the following pages from a set of excellent estampages preserved in the office of the Government Epigraphist for India, Ootacamund. The set consists of five plates, the first of which is inscribed only on the inner side while the next three have writing on both the sides. The fifth plate bears no writing and was apparently used for the protection of the writing on the reverse of the fourth plate. The plates were strung on a ring bearing the Ganga seal with the bull and other emblems on its counter-sunk eurface. The charter together with its seal resembles other such records of the early Imperial Gangas, especially those of Vajrahasta III Anantavarman (1038-70 A.D.) to whom it belongs. The plates are rectangular in shape ; but their length is less in the sides (8.4 inches) than in the middle (8:7 inches) while their breadth is more in the sides (3.7 inches) than in the middle (3-3 inches). The characters belong to the Gaudiya or East Indian alphabet and the language of the record is Sanskrit. As regards palaeography, orthography and style, the inscription closely resembles other copper-plate grants of Vajrahasta III, several of which have been published in this journal, some of them very recently. The introductory part of the charter in lines 1-41 is & copy of other such grants issued by the king. The major part of this section (i.e. lines 1-38) is also copied in the copper-plate records of Rajaraja I Devendravarman (1070-78 A.D.), son and successor of Vajrahasta III, and we had occasion to discuss the section in our paper on the Galavalli plates (cf. lines 1-35) of the said monarch, which have been recently published in the pages of this journal. Remarks on the palaeography and orthography of the Galavalli plates also apply to the present record. The date of the charter is quoted in lines 41-45 as the Saka year counted by the words kara (i.e. 2), tasu (i.e. 8) and nidhi (i.e. 9), i.e. 982. The tithi is stated to have been the third of the first fortnight of the month of Karttika. The week-day is given apparently as Monday. The date reminds us of that of another charter of the same kiny, which was issued on Monday, the 7th of the first fortnight of Asbudha in Saku 991. This date was equated with the 9th of Soo abovo, Vol. XXXI, pp. 305 ff. and Plates: Vol. XXXII, pp. 308 f. and Plates. Cf. Vol. IV, pp. 189 ff. and Platcs : Vol. IX, pp. 96 ff. and Plates ; Vol. XI, pp. 149 ff. and Plates; Vol. XXIII, pp. 67 ff. and Plates. 1 Abovo, Vol. XXXI, pp. 191 ff. and Plates. Tbid., Vol. XXIII, p. 69. (141)

Page #207
142 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (VOL. XXXII June 1068 A.D. taking the year to be current and the month Amanta, If, in the case of the date of the inscription under study, the year is similarly regarded as current and the month as Amanta, Saka 982, Karttika-prathama-paksha 3, Monday would correspond to the 11th October, 1059 A.D. On that date, the tritiya tithi began at:55 of the day.1 Lines 38-41 state that Parambabhatlaraka Maharajadhiraja Anantavarman Vajrahastadova (i.e. Vajrahasta III), who was the lord of Trikalinga and a devout worshipper of the god Mahesvara (Siva), issued his order relating to the grant in question to the people of the countryside together with his officers. The gift village was Kuddam (line 42; called Kudda in line 55) which was situated in the vishaya or district of Koluvartani. It was given for the perpetual enjoyment of the donee, without any trouble, for the merit of the king himself and of his parents. But it is interesting to note that the village is not stated to have been a rent-free gift. The expression sarova-pida-vivarjjitam in line 43 shows that the donee enjoyed certain privileges which, however, did not include freedom from the payment of rent. We know that, in chartery recording the creation of a rent-free holding in favour of the donee, the exemption from the payment of rent is specified in clear terms. As will be clear from our discussion of the details of the grant below, the nature of the document under study is that of a kara-sasana or Tent-paying grant. Lines 45-49 describe the donee who obtained the village of Kuddam or Kudda from the king probably by purchase. It is stated that there was a family belonging to the Vaisya community and the Datta (wrong for Danta according to Pandit Somasekhara Sarma) gotra, in which a person named Madhava was born. Madhava's son was Somana-greshthin, whose wife was Erayapa. Somana's son from Erayapa was Mallaya-breshthin to whom the Ganga king Vajrahasta III gave the village in question with libation of water by means of the copper-plate charter under study. The king requests the future rulers of the area to be so good as to approve of this gift and protect it. But the Vaiaya Mallaya-sreshthin obtained the village from the king for the purpose of giving away the major part of it as an agrahara in favour of a large number of Brahmanas, This is made clear by the concluding part of the record in lines 49-56. Another instance of this kind is offered by the Kailan (Kailain) plater of Sridharanarata, according to which an officer of the king obtained a big plot of land from his master probably by purchase and retained a small part of it for himself after having allotted the rest in favour of a number of Brahmanas and a Buddhist religious establishment. It is stated in lines 49 ff. that, after having obtained the charter from the king, the donee Mallaya-Sreshthin kept a part of the village for himself and made over the rest to three hundred Brahmanas. His share consisted of a house-site, a garden-site and an area of cultivable land 1 In the Annual Report of South Indian Epigraphy, 1924-25, p. 64, the date of the inscription under review has been equated with the 30th October 1060 A.D. taking the year as expired. But that day falls in Amanta Margairaba and not in Karttika, either Aminta or Purnimanta. For a number of such records, see JRAS, 1962, pp. 4 ff. In the Annual Report on South Indian Epigraphy, 1924-25, p. 78, it is stated, "The donee reserved a portion of the vintage for himself and granted the rest to the Brahman Mapa-nayaka and fixed the rate of taxes to be paid annually to the king from the village. The granting of villages as agraharas to people of communities other than Brahman is peculiar. But in the copper.charters of the Eastern Ganga dynasty cases in which villages were granted as agraharas to Vaibyas have been noticed already (Copper Plate No. 5 of 1918-19)." The name of the Brahmans was, however, Mapaya-nayaks and not Mapa-nayaks and he was one of the many Brahmapas in whose favour the agrahara was granted. The language of the epigraph doee not suggest the creation of s Vaidyagrahara. Mallaya-brenhthin reservod for himself only a small part of the village and agreed to pay annual rent in both cash and grains. The Vaisy-agrahara mentioned in C. P. No. 5 of 1918-19 acons to have been orested on the condition that rent shonld be paid at the rate of 150 silver coins per year. * 180, Vol. XXIII, PP. 234-36. .. above, Vol. XXIX, p. 51.

Page #208
No. 26) OHIKKALAVALASA PLATES OF VAJRARASTA III, SAKA 982 143 producing one hundred Muras of paddy (or grain) (per year]. The meritorious act of creating an agrahara of the rest of the village in favour of Brahmanas was performed by Mallaya-sreshthin on the auspicious occasion of the Uttarayana-sankranti. The sankranti, however, took place sometime later in the month of December, though the charter was issuod in October. The three hundred Brahmanas who received the major part of the village as an agrahara were headed by Mapaya-nayaka who was the son of Karantama-nayaka from his wife Rekapi and the grandson of Pillisarman. This Brahmana family belonged to the Bahvpicha sakha and Aupamanyava gotra and hailed from the village of Jalambut. The names of the other recipients of the grant are not mentioned in the charter. The last sentence of the record in lines 55-56 state that the rent for the village payable to the king had to be paid at the rate of one hundred Muras of paddy (or grain) and eight Madas (coins of gold or silver) apparently per annum. It was no doubt Mallaya-bresshthin who was responsible for the payment of the rent to the king. But whether he realised a part or the whole of the rent in cash and grains from the Brahmanas is not clear from the language of the inscription. We have shown elsewhere that the old custom in many parts of Andhra and Orissa was generally to pay to the king for an agrahara, even when it was declared as rent-free, an amount of money annually." The amounts mentioned in some records in this connection are 200 Panas (probably of cowries], 10 Mashakas (probably of silver), between 2 and 9 Palas of silver, etc. This was apparently much less than the usual annual rent for & village. The determination of the concessional rates must have depended on such factors as the size and revenue-income of a village, the degree of the king's willingness to suffer loss of revenue in lieu of religious merit, the amount of purchase money received by the king for the creation of an agrahara from the donees or a third party eager to perform & meritorious deed, etc. In the present case, a pious member of the mercantile community seems to have purchased the village for the Brahmanas and the king appears to have fixed the annual rent at the concessional rate of 8 coins and 100 Muras of grain. The exact quantity of & Mura of grain cannot be determined. Mada is generally spelt Madha in Orissan records. It was regarded as a coin weighing 40 Ratis or half of a Tola. Among the geographical names mentioned in the inscription, the village of Kudda or Kuddam has been identified by Pandit Somasekhara Sarma with modern Kuddamu near Chikkalavalasa where the inscription was discovered. The Koluvartani vishaya, mentioned also in some other records of the area, was therefore the district round the said village Jalambur, where the donee's family lived, has been identified with modern Jalamuru about six miles from Kuddamu. TEXT [Metres : verses 1, 4, 12 Sardujavikridita ; verse 2 Arya; verses 3, 7, 13 Anushtubh; verse 5 Vamastha ; verses 6, 10 Malini ; verses 8-9 Giti; verse 11 Vasantatilaka.] First Plate 1 Siddham svasti [l*] Grimatam=akhila-bhuvana-vinuta-naya-vinaya-daya-dana-dakshinya-sa2 tya-baucha-sauryya-dhairyy-a[dji-guna-ratna-pavitrakanam=Atreya-gotranam vi3 mala-vichar-achara-punya-sa(sa)lila-prakshya(ksha)lita-Kali-kala-kalmasha-ma4 shinam Maha-Mahendr-achala-sikhara-pratishthitasya sa-char-achara-guro1 Abovo, Vol. XXX, pp. 114-15. JRAS, op. cit., pp. 8 ff.; 119, Vol. XXIX. i'p. 298 ff. From impresions. Expressed by symbol.

Page #209
144 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXXIII 65 sakala-bhuvana-nirmman-aika-sutradharasya sasanka-chrischuda-mane6 rbhbha(r=bbha)gavato Gokarnnasvaminah prasadatesamasadit-aika-bankha-bhe7 ri-pancha-mahasavda(bda)-dhavala-chchhatra-hema-chamara-vara-vpishabha-lanchhana-samu8 jva(jjva)la-samasta-samrajya-mahimnam=aneka-samara-sanghatta-samu Second Plate, First Side 9 palavdha(bdha)-vijaya-lakshmi-samalingit-o[t*]tumga-bhuja-danda-manditanam 10 Trikalinga-mahibhujam Ganganam=anvayam=alankarishoor=Vishaor=iva 11 vikram-akranta-dhara-mandalasya Gunamaharppava-maharajasya putrah || 0 || Pu12 rvvam bhupatibhir=vvibhajya va'sudha ya panchabhih panchadha bhukta bhuri-para13 kramo bhuja-va(ba)lat=tam=eka eva svayam(yam ekiksitya vijitya sa(ka)tru-nivah[@] 14 na(n) Sri-Vajrahastas=chatus-chatvarimsatam=atyudara-charitah sarvvam=arakshit=sam[a]* 15 || [1*] tasya tanayo Gundamaraja(jo) varsha-trayam=apalayata mahim(him) tad-anajah K[2]16 marpnavadevah pancha-trimsatam=avda(bda)kan || [2*] Tasy=anujo Vinayaditya[h*)sama Second Plate, Second Side 17 satisra[h*] || Tatah Kamarnnavaj=jato ja gati-kalpabhuruhah yo=rajad=rajitah(ta)-chchha18 yo Vajrahasto=yanipatih || [3*) Praschyoda(ta)n-mada-gandha-luvdha(bdha)-madhupa vyalidha-gandan=ga19 janna(n=a)rthi[bhy]ah samadat-sahasram=atulo yas=tyaginvasna)m=agranish *) sah(sa) Sri man=Aniyanka20 bhima-ntipatir=Ggang-anva'y-7[t*]tansa(sa)kah pancha-trimsatam=avda(bda)kan=s&21 mabhunakyi(k=pri)thvir stutah parthivaih || [4*] Tad-agra-sunuh Suraraja-sri(su)nuna 22 [sa*]mas=samastam sa(sa)mit-ari-mam(ma)nda*lab [l*) sma pati Kamarnpava-bhupatir bhbhu(r=bbhu)vam samriddhi23 mama(n-a)rddha-samam samu[j*]jvalah || [5*] Tad-anu tad-anujanmo(nma) Chittajanm-opa [ma]no guna24 nidhir=anavadyo Gundam-akhyo mahisah(sah |) sakalam=idam=arakshi(ksbit) trini Versba l'hird Plate, First Side 25 ni dhatri-valayam-alaghu-teja-nirjjit-arati-chakrah || [6*] Tato dv[ai]maturas-tasya Ma26 dhukama[r]nnavo nsipah II( ) avati sm=avanim=etam=avda(bda)n=ekarnna(n-na)-vimsatin (tim) || [[1] [7*) 27 Atha Vajrahasta-npipater=agra-sutad=akhila-guni-jan-agranya[h [*] Kamarnnavat=kav-indra 1 An unnecessary d-matra was incised after this letter and cancelled by the engraver. An unnecessary i-matra with this letter was cancelled by the engraver. * The letter oya was originally written for ada.

Page #210
CHIKKALAVALASA PLATES OF VAJRAHASTA NU, SAKA 982 it, 5 2 / 2tsh ** yuktraassttr| | 0 S}Page #211
Scale : One-fourth 'itles ) PEELS NCERAL H EASTER BRINDABERBERIJASARAMETE MISHREE 193GRAMEER LEELATED RESUJALA B ORRESTRAT SORDERMATTARA ie ASSTREENERALSE P TETA REETRE1246182PAekA Rashkelep SELEEP MACTER 984 EMALESE.ASTRUERIES ZUL INALETEX ZX67PJETE MBBSTONESISERVEERUTRITI REP218484JHANTERATUNE SSES PEARLETELEVATE MUSHLIBAREERAZEEMERALERTAJEETTER NARASIREFORERPORANTEER CISISASARAMATERNERHIRELETERT ISTOTLINEILDBIRBASIRESS-ICIAMDET RANSLAMMARREETTETTERJARE ENSTRUSTICE Dar inb

Page #212
No 26] CHIKKALAVALASA PLATES OF VAJRAHASTA III, SAKA 982 28 praglyaman-vadata-subha-kirttib [8] Sriya iva Vaidumva(mb-)nvaya-payab-pa29 yonidhi-samudbhavaya-cha [1] yab samajani Vinaya-mahadevyab ri-Vajrahasta 30 iti tanayah || [9*] Viyad-ritu-nidhi-samkhyam yati Sak-avda(bda)-sanghe di 31 nakriti Vrishabha-sthe Rohini-bhe su-lagne [*] Dhanushi cha sita-pakshe Sri(Su)ryavare tri 32 tiyam yuji sakala-dharitrim rakshitum yo-bhishiktah [10] Nyaye(yye)na yatra samam=a 33 charitum tri-vargge(rggam) marggena rakshati mahim mahita-pratape [*] nirvyadha Third Plate, Second Side 34 yas-cha niraghas-cha nirapadas-cha sasvat-praja bhuvi bhavanti vibhutimattyah || [11*] Vyapte Ganga 140 35 kul-ottamasya yasasa(sa) dik-chakravale sasi-pradyot-amalinena yasya bhuvanaprahlada 36 sampadina [1] saindarair-ati-sandra-padka-patalai[b] kumbha-sthal-paf!aklavn(<Page #213
146 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (VOL. XXXIII 48 tbhbha(r=bbha)vibhirbhbhu(r=bhu)mipalairmnia(-a)numo[dya*) dharmma(rmma) gauravat=paripala'niyam=i49 ti || rajatah sasanam lavdhva(bdhva) punar=ayam gramahl' gpiha-sthanam=udyana50 sthanam cha sa(sa)ta-mura-dhany-otpanna-bhumischa(8-oka) sva-sva[***] beshayitval. Jala Fourth Plate, Second Side 51 mvu(mbu)r-akhya-grama-nivusi "Vabhya-sakha-Upamanya-gotrasya | dvij-ottamah | Pi52 llisammah" | tasya putrah Karamtama-nayakah | tasya bharyya Rekapa | tayo53 r=jjattena Mapaya-nayakena saha tri-sa(sa)tebhyah | Vra(Bra)hmanebhyah agraha54 ram kritva Uttarayanna-nimitto(tt) | Mallaya-sre(sre)shthina(na) dhara-purvva55 kam | Kudd-akhya-gramam pradatam=iti || asya gramasya utpanna56 karaih rajnam deyam sa(sa)ta-mura(ra)-dhanyair= ashta-madais=cha || An unnecessary d-matra with this letter was cancelled by the engraver. * The mark of punctuation is unnecessary. * Read Bahuricha-bakh-Aupamanyava-gotrasya. Read sarmma. Read gramah pradatta iti.

Page #214
11 Plata No. 27--NAGARJUNAKONDA INSCRIPTION OF EHAVALASRI'S TIME, YEAR 11 (1 Plate) B. CH. CAHABRA, New Delhi (Received on 5.6.1958) The subjoined stone inscription was copied and examined by me in July 1957 at Nagarjunakopda in the course of my epigraphical tour. It is peculiar in several respects : it is one of the comparatively few Sanskrit inscriptions that have been discovered at this site, most of them being in Prakrit; it is Brahmanistic in nature, the Prakrit ones being all Buddhistic; it is found in six or seven versions, all broken fragments, not a single version having been found in its entirety. It took me some hours to dovetail the fragments till then discovered and kept in the site museum at Nagarjunakonda. Many of the fragments are still missing. I was, however, able to restore the complete text by deciphering the extant parts on the various fragments. The facsimile on Plate A shows the greater part of one of the versions, while those on Plate B represent parts of two more versions. The fragments, of the other versions, so far discovered, are too few and are hence not illustrated here. The ancient site of Nagarjunakonda is situated on the right bank of the Krishna river in the Guntur Digrtict of Andhra Pradesh, and is famous for the Buddhist relics it has yielded in abundance. Of late, the site has been rendered more famous by the Nandikonda Dam Project ; for this hydro-electric scheme, when complete, will have submerged the entire site, as the water so dammed will rise 60 to 70 feet over the vast area now dotted with the excavated antiquarian remains. The Union Department of Archaeology is thus discharging a very special and emergent responsibility of disembowelling, as fast as can be, the buried ruins and salvaging as many of them as it can possibly do before the threatened deluge takes place. It may be remarked that the recent digging operations at Nagarjunakonda have laid bare many Brahmanistic antiquities, whereas those formerly unearthed there almost all belong to the Buddhist faith. The size of the inscribed bits of stone under study is indicated by the scale given in the photographs reproduced here. The inscription consists of six lines in each version. Though the duct of writing is markedly different in each version, the script in all of them is the same Brahmi of about the 3rd or 4th century A.D. It resembles that of the Prakrit inscriptions discovered at the same place, and shares with it the characteristic feature of long and curved top and bottom strokes of the letters. The engraving is neatly and elegantly done. As noticed above, the language of the inscripton is Sanskrit. The composition is remarkably free from errors. Except for the auspicious formula siddham at the beginning, the record is in verse, comprising two stanzas, the first in the Anushtubh metre and the second in Sragdhara. These are logically arranged; the first, being a small one, is divided into halves, each half occupying one line; and the second, being a lengthy one, is divided into quarters, each quarter occupying one line. There is not much that calls for special notice in the script. The mute consonants are shown by the smaller size of the letter concerned : cf. m in lines 1 and 6, and t in line 5. Besides, they ocour This is No. 8 of A.R.Kp., 1957-58, App. B. . Cf. above, Vol. XX, pp. 1 ff. (147)

Page #215
148 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (VOL. XXXIII a little below the line. Further, the mute t is bereft of its top. There is very little difference between the forms of the letters t and n, both being unlooped. The form of the upadhmaniya (line 1) consists of a circle with a cross in the centre, or a four-spoked wheel, so to say, while that of the jihvamuliya (lines 4 and 5) is identical with that of the letter m. In point of orthography, the consonant before or after is in most cases reduplicated. The reduplication of the one before r, in pprasadat in line 5, is noteworthy. The change of visarga into sor & before these letters (lines 4, 5 and 6) is another peculiarity worth noticing. As for the object of the inscription, it records the erection of a temple (prasada), described as the dwelling place for Siva (Sarvvadev-adhivasa)," by one Elisri, on the 11th day of the bright fortnight of the month of Magha during the 11th regnal year of king Ehavalasrt. Elisri, the builder of the temple, is described as a Talavara-vara (apparently the same as Mahalalavara found in many other inscriptions from Nagarjunakonda). obviously in the service of king Ehavalasrl. He is further described to be a grandson of the Senapati Anikki and a son of Gandi. It is significant that our donor's father does not bear any title, while his grandfather is mentioned to be a Sena pati or commander of armies, who had won victories in battle fields and acquired great fame, His own title shows that he too was a high dignitary.. The most prominent thing in the description of Elisri is that he was a devout worshipper of the god Karttikeya or Kumara, the wielder of the terrible spear, so much so that he ascribes the erection of the Siva temple in question to the grace and favour of Karttikeya. The names of the donor, his father and his grandfather as well as that of the king are all nonSanskritic. They are presumably of Dravidian origin. It has been suggested to me that the word ali or eli in the name Elieri may be connected with the Tamil word vel, equivalent to Sanskrit fakti, 'spear' (weapon of the god Kurttikoya). Anyway, this name as well as the others in this inscription require further elucidation. The king Ehavalaari is known from some other inscriptions from the same place, the name being sometimes spelt as Ehuvala. King Ehuvala Chatamula is mentioned as the son of the Iksbvaku king Virapurisadata and Mahadovi Bhatideva. One of this king's records, it is interesting to know, is dated in the very 11th year of his reign as in the case with our inscription. His father and he himself bear the metronymics Madhariputa and Vasethiputa respectively, indicating thereby that the mother of the former belonged to the Madhara gotra while the mother of the latter belonged to the Vusishtha gotra. Ehavala or Ehuvala had a sister whose name was Kodabalisiri, queen of Vanavasaka-maharaja. A much longer and well-preserved Sanskrit inscription engraved on a stone pillar of the time of the same king Ehavalasri has likewise been recently discovered at Nagarjunakonda. It is not possible to equate the regnal year given in the inscription with the corresponding Christian year. Yet, as indicated above, the inscription can palaeographically be placed in the 3rd or 4th century A.D. The text of the present inscription given below is based on my reading of the original fragments of the inscription. 1 I take Sarva here as a well-known synonym of Sira: Sarral Sarrah Sivah Sthanuh. * For Talarara and Mahatalarara, see above, Vol. XX, pp. 6 and 7, notek. * [The Telugu word elika (from the verb elu, 'to govern') means 'a ruler, king, master-Ed.] . Cf. above, Vol. XX, p. 94, Inscription H, text line 10. * Loc. cit., Inscription H. * This is No. 4 of 4.R.Ep., 1957-58, App. B.

Page #216
NAGARJUNAKONDA INSCRIPTION OF EHAVALASRI'S TIME, YEAR 11 A. SaysPOJ (from a Photograph)

Page #217
(from Photographs).

Page #218
No. 27] NAGARJUNAKONDA INSCRIPTION OF EHAVALASRI'S TIME, YEAR il 149 TEXT [Metres : verse 1 Anushtubh ; verse 2 Sragelhara.) 1 Siddham Varsha okadate rajnah-prabhor-Ehavaladriyah [1] 2 bukla-pakshasya Maghasya punya ekadaso-hani ( 1*) 3 Deve yasy=atibhaktir-Hutavaha-tanaye chanda-saktau Kumuro 4 pautras=senapater=yyas=samara-vijayinak=kkhyata-kirtter=Anikke" [I*] 5 prasidan=Gandi-puttras=sa talavara-varah-Karttikeya-pprasadati 6 Elisris=sri-visalam subha-matir=akarot-Sarvvadev-udhivasam |[] 2*) TRANSLATION Luck! (Verse 1) On the auspicious eleventh day of the bright fortnight of the wow of) Magha, dur. ing the eleventh year of the king, the Lord Ehavalari. (Verse 2) Elibri of pure intellect, the chief Talavara, who is intensely devoted to the yod) Kumara, son of Fire,. wielder of the terrible spear.- Elisri, grandson of the army-chief Anikki who had won victories in battlefields and acquired wide renown, Elisri, son of Gandi, with the grace of (the god) Karttikeyu (same as Kumara), built (this) supremely glorious temple, an abode of Sarvadeva (i.e., the god Siva). * Sandhi has not been obwerved hore. . For the representation of Kumara ur Kurttikoya An the son of Agni, non Hopkins, Epic Mytholog. p. 98.

Page #219
No. 28-BHATURIYA INSCRIPTION OF RAJYAPALA (1 Plate) D. C. SIRCAR, OOTACAMUND (Received on 31.5.1958) The stone slab bearing the inscription under study was recovered from the mosque at Bhaturiya, about 20 miles from Rajshahi, headquarters of the District of that name in East Pakistan, by Mirza Mokhtaruddin Ahmad, Superintendent of Police, Rajshahi. It was presented to the Museum of the Varendra Research Society at Rajshahi in August 1954. The inscription was published by Mr. Siva Prasanna Lahiry in the Indian Historical Quarterly, Vol. XXXI, No. 3 (September 1955), pp. 215-31, without any illustration. Recently I received a photograph of the epigraph from the authorities of the Varendra Research Society. On an examination of the record, it was found that there are many errors in Mr. Lahiry's transcript and translation of the document while his conclusions in regard to its historical importance are in several cases mere unwarranted speculations. The inscribed slab is stated to measure between 19 and 194 inches in length and between * 114 and 113 inches in height. The space occupied by the writing is about 187 inches long and 10 inches high. Individual aksharas are about inch in height. There are altogether 20 lines in the record. The last line, which is nearly 13 inches long and is thus shorter than the other lines, has been incised in a central position leaving & space of a little above 24 inches at the beginning of the line and about. 34 inches at its end. The letters are carefully and beautifully engraved and the preservation of the writing is satisfactory, though some letters are slightly rubbed off in the central area of the left half of the inscribed surface. The characters belong to the Gaudiya or East Indian alphabet of about the tenth century A.D. and closely resemble those of the contemporary records of the Pala kings of Bengal and Bihar. Of initial vowels, a (lines 2, 14, 16, 18), a (line 13), i (lines 6, 20) and e (line 19) occur in the inscription. The sign for v has been used to indicate b. The letter has three forms, viz. endowed with the amatra-like sign (cf. mukuta in line 2), with a short stroke in the place of the said sign (cf. Attao and oddhatta in line 2, Karnnata in line 11) and without the sign in question (kapalaih in line 10, Latail in line 11. palla in line 20). There is no appreciable difference between p and y and between the subscript forms of dh and v. The sign for half nasal called chandrabindu or anunasika is used in line 11. The language of the inscription is Sanskrit and it is written in verse with the exception of the word svasti preceded by the Siddham symbol at the beginning in line 1. It is a prasasti or eulogy in 15 stanzas composed in various metres. The author's style is simple. As regards orthographical peculiarities, there are some cases of the use of class nasals in the place of anus vara and a few cases of visarga-sandhi as in ajnas=sirobhih (lines 11-12) and aropita s-Sankara) (line 16). Anusvara instead of final m has been used at the end of the halves of stanzas while final m has not been changed to anusvara before v. Some consonants have been reduplicated in conjunction with the preceding . In line 18, the word jatu has been wrongly written as yatu. The inscription bears no date. But it records a grant of king Rajyapala no doubt belonging to the celebrated Pala dynasty of Eastern India. The Pala king Rajyapala ruled in the first half of the tenth century and his reign period may be roughly assigned to c. 911-35 A.D. The inscription begins with a stanza (verse 1) in lines 1-2, which is in adoration of the god Sambhu (Siva). Verse 2 (lines 2-3) introduces a locality called Attamula which was the home of (150.)

Page #220
No. 28) BHATURIYA INSCRIPTION OF RAJYAPALA 151 the Dasa family or clan. The said place is described as Brihaddhatta-vinirgata probably meaning that Attamula originally formed a part of Brihaddhatta. Lahiry reads the two geographical names wrongly as Attamula and Btihaddhatta. Verse 3 in lines 3-4 states that a person named Malhadasa was born in the said family of the Dasas of Attamula and that Suradasa was the son of Malhadasa, and Sanghadaga the son of Suradasa. Sanghadasa has been described as munificent to the supplicants just as Mount Rohana which is the same as the modern Adam's Peak in Ceylon. Verse 4 in line 5. states that the said Sanghadasa married Sarasvati, the daughter of Suryakunda and Durvayi. Lahiry reads the stanza wrongly and fails to notice the name of Sarasvati, wife of Sanghadasa, mentioned in it. Verse 5 Ylines 5-7) introduces Yasodasa, the son of Sanghadasa and Sarasvati and the hero of the prasasti under study. It is stated that Yasodasa was made a Mantrin or minister by king RAjyapala. Yasodasa has been compared here to the lord of speech', i.e. Btihaspati, the priest and counsellor of the lord of the gods. This of course does not suggest that Yasodasa was a Brahmana by caste. As will be seen below, Lahiry regards him as a member of the Chashi Kaivarta community of Bengal on inconclusive grounds. The Kaivartas are fishermen and those amongst them who gave up their ancestral profession and adopted agriculture are the Chashi Kaivarta or Mahishya. Yasodasa may or may not have been a Kaivarta. The following five stanzas (verses 6-10) describe the achievements of Yasadasa. Verse 6 in lines 7-8 states that Yasodasa received the designation of Sachiva (i.e. a minister or counsellor) from the king while the next stanza (verse 7 in lines 8-10) says that the king made Yasadasa his Tantrudhikurin. The official designation Tantradhikarin, which literally means an officer in charge of administration', appears to be the same as Tantrapala, Tantrapati and Tantradhyaksha of enigraphic and literary records and an early commentator is known to explain the designation Brihattantrapati as Dharmadhi kurini or a judge. The language of our inscription seems to make a distinction among Mantrin, Sachiva and Tantradhikurin and to show how Yasadasa was raised by Rajyapala from a lower post to a higher one on two occasions. Both these stanzas (verses 6-7) mention the king as Rama parakrama. The repetition of the expression in two consecutive stanzas seems to suggest that it was a sort of secondary name of the Pala king Rajyapala and not merely an epithet meaning 'one who is equal to Rama in prowess'. Lahiry understands the passage aerorasair=bhumijaih occurring in verse 7 to mean on the score of the broad-chested Bhumijas' and the Bhumijas have been understood by him in the sense of the Chashi Kaivartas. In his view, the verse mentions the Pala king as having aspired for the status of Indra on the score of his elephants, Bhumijas, land and gold and the worship of gods and Bruhmanas. This has led him to a good deal of speculation regarding Yasodasa having been the chief of the Chashi Kaivarta community, the great help Rajyapala may have received from this community, Yasodasa having been appointed his Prime Minister as a reward for such help, the wellknown Kaivarta chief Divya (who snatched away North Bengal from the hands of Mahipala II about the end of the eleventh century) having been a distant descendant of Yasodasa, etc. But there is nothing of all these in the stanza which may be translated as follows: "who (Yasodasa) was made the Tantradhikarin by the victorious [and] illustrious Ramaparakrama who was aspiring, as it were, for the status of tKe lord of the gods by honouring gods and Brahmanas with (the presents of] haughty elephants in rut, principal horses (asrorasaih) (and) men (bhumijaih) that had surrendered [to him] (upanataih) (as well as) land covered with crops (and) many heaps of gold which were acquired [by him)." The verse merely refers to the fact that Rajyapala obtained the possession of a large number of elephants, horses and infantry men (i.e. prisoners to be made slaves) as well as land and gold, all belonging to his enemies, as a result of his victories over the latter, and that he made presents of them all to the gods and Brahmanas. There is no reference here to the Chasht Kaivartas. 1 Bee above, Vol. XXVIII. p. 339.

Page #221
152 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXXIII Lahiry's contention that Dasa (which is Yagadasa's name-ending or family designation) should have to be taken to indicate the Chashi Kaivarta community and that Kunda (the name-ending or family designation of his maternal grandfather Suryakunda) should have to be taken to be the same as Kundu which is now a family name among theChashiKaivartas of Bengal is equally unsatisfactory. Both Dasa and Kunda are at present known to be the cognomens among various non-Brahmana communities of Bengal including the Kayastha and Vaidya and there is evidence to show that even the Brahmanas of Eastern India bore the said name-endings or cognomens in early times. Verse 8 in lines 10-12 states that, when Yasodasa was occupying the post of the Tantradhikarin of Rajyapala, his master's (i.e. the Pala king's) command was obeyed by the Mlechchhas, Angas, Kalingas, Vangas, Odras, Pandyas, Karnatas, Latas, Suhmas, Gurjaras, Kritas and Chinas. Besides some errors in Lahiry's readings of the stanza, his acceptance of Rajyapala's claim to have been obeyed by all the above peoples as a historical fact is unsound. There is little doubt that it is a conventional claim which is not quite reliable from the historian's point of view in regard to most of the peoples mentioned, even if a few of them may have been actually subdued by the Pala king. The Mlechchhas mentioned in the list appear to have been the Arab Muslims who were in occupation of the lower Indus valley since the first quarter of the eighth century, although the Pala king had little chance of having come into conflict with them. The Angas lived in the MonghyrBhagalpur region forming a part of the Pala dominions in Rajyapala's time. The Kalingas may be identified with the Eastern Gangas then ruling from the city of Kalinganagara in the Srikakulam District of Andhra Pradeab The Vangas lived in South-Eastern Bengal and the Odras of Orissa were then under the rule of the Bhauma-Karas of Guhesvarapataka (modern Jajpur in the Cuttack District). The Pand yas ruled from Madurai over the southernrnost Districts of India while the Karnatas may be identified with the Rashtrakutas of Mangakheta (modern Malkhed in the former Hyderabad State). The Latas lived in the Nausari-Broach region of Gujarat and the Suhmas in South-West Bengal. The Gurjaras were of course the Gurjara-Pratihars of Kanauj. The most interesting in the above list of peoples is the mention of the Kritas.and Chinas since neither of them generally finds a place in the conventional list of adversaries or subdued peoples found in the records of Indian monarchs. It may be suggested that the Sino-Tibetans are indicated by the name China. But the identification of the Krita people is difficult, since they are not mentioned in the list of peoples found in the Indian epic, Puranic and geographical literature. It is of course tempting to suggest that Krita is a modification of Kirota which is the name of a well-known Himalayan people. But there is no evidence in Indian literary works in favour of such a modification. Monier-Williams' Sanskrit-English Dictionary recognises the word Krita as the name of the people of a despised caste on the authority of Wilson, while a tradition recorded by Hiuentsang suggests that certain foreign rulers of the Kashmir region were known as Krita or the Bought'. This reminds us of the name Krita (Krita) or Krita applied in India originally to the Scytho-Parthian era of East Iranian origin, which later came to be known as the Vikrama Samvat. Verse 9-10 (lines 12-14) state how Yalodasa was famous for his munificence in the cause of public welfare. Verse 11 (lines 14-16), which along with the next verse (verse 12 in lines 16-17) records the main purpose of the prasasti, says that Yagodasa built a huge temple surrounded by eight other shrines and established the god Sankara (Siva) in his Linga form (i.e. a Sivalinga) in itx Verse 12 records that the king (i.e. Rajyapala) dedicated the village of Madhusrava in favour of the god Vtishabhadhvaja (Siva) installed by Yasodasa after having fixed the nikara at one hundred 1 Cf. e.g., the list of the Brahmara donees in the Nidhanpur plates of Bhaskaravarman, which contain se von names ending in kunda and two names ending in dasa (Bhattacharya, Kamani pasasanavall, pp. 33 .). The cognomen DABA is popular among the Brahmanas of Orissa. * Watters, On Yuan Chwang's Travels in India, Vol. I, p. 265. * Cf. Select Inscriptions, p. 288 note; The Age of Imperial Unity, pp. 125, note.

Page #222
No. 28] BHATURIYA INSCRIPTION OF RAJYAPALA 163 Puranas apparently per annum., The coin called Purana is well known while the word wikara is recognised in Sanskrit lexicons in the sense of a suitable gift' and in Bengali, by an extension of that meaning, in that of 'an amount which is legitimately payable'. As we have shown elsewhere, when a small amount of rent was fixed for gift lands, it was often designated by some other name than kara, such as trinodaka, agrahara pradeyansa, etc... The word nikara has been used in the present record in a similar sense. The inscription thus records a kara-sasana. Many documents of this kind have been discovered in Orissa and Andhra Pradesh. But the Bhaturiya inscription seems to be the only one of the type so far found in Bengal. It may be pointed out here that Lahiry fails to understand this interesting nature of the record since he suggests that the word mikara should be corrected to nishkara, rent-free'. But the emendation is unwarranted in view of the fact that nishkara does not suit the metre of the stanza. In this connection, it may also be pointed out that there is nothing unusual in the Buddhist king Rajyapala making a grant in favour of the Brahmanical god Siva. Most of the grants of the Buddhist kings of the Pala and other dynasties of Eastern India are known to have been made in favour of Brahmanas or Brahmanical deities or religious establishments. It appears, however, that Yasadasa had to pay an amount of money to the royal treasury in order to get the partially ent-free holding created in favour of the deity installed by him. Verses 13-14 in lines 17-19 are of a benedictory nature, while verse 15 (line 20), which is the last stanza in the prasasti, states that the eulogy was engraved on the stone slab by the artisan Srinidhana. The name of the engraver has been taken by Lahiry to be Nidhana. The author of the prasasti is not mentioned in it. It might have been composed by Yasodasa himself. The inscription does not state where exactly Yasodasa built the temple of Siva. But probably it was built at Attamula in or near Bsihaddhatta. These places cannot be identified. It is, however, possible to think that the site of Yasodasa's temple lies within Bhaturiya where the inscribed slab has been found. The gift village of Madhusrava was also probably in the same region. TEXT Metres : verses 1, 8,13 Sragdhara; verses 2, 4, 15 Anushubh ; verses 3, 7, 11 Sardulavikridita ; verses 5, 9 Mandakranta ; verse 6 Harini ; verses 10, 14 Vasantatilaka ; verse 12 Upajati.] 1 Siddhar svasti Vellad-dor-ddanda-veg-anila-vihata-maha-kshmadhar-ottunga-singa-grava bhrams-opajata-dhvani-chakita-chalad-dig-gaj-onmukta-nadam(dam) I pada-nyasa 2 n=nimajjad-dharani-tala-bhar-abhugna-Bhogindra-bhogan=nfittam=val(r) patu Sambhor=mmu kuta-sasi-kal-aliugita-vyoma-chandram(ndram) || [1*] Attamulam?-iti sthanam=Vfi(m Bri)haddhatta3 vinirggatan(tam) | suchinan=dharmma-bilanan(r)-Dasanam=asti janina-bhuh | [2*] Van be=smin=payasan=nidhav=iva fasi sri-Malhadaso=bhavat=khyatas10=tat-tanayo=pi suuryaA nilayah sri-Suradasah kriti tat-sunus-chall samasta-nandita-su brit=sammanit-abhyagatal sevyo Rohana-bhudhara-pratisamah sri-Sanghadaso=rthinan(nam) || [3*] 1 See JRAS, 1952, pp. 4 ff.; above, Vol. XXX, Pp. 114-15. Cf. above, Vol. XXIX, p. 2 and note 2 ; Vol. XXX, p. 162, nuto 4. * See above, pp. 50 ff. From & photograph. Expressed by symbol. * Read nrittam vah. Lahiry reads Alfamulamo. * Lahiry reads "ddhaya. Lahiry reads Filanan. ** Lahiry reads odaad bhava-khydia. 1 Lahiry reads sinus-cha.

Page #223
154 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA FVOL. XXXIII 5 Upayeme sutam so=pi Durvvayi i-Suryakundayoh | Sarasvatim=Umam Sambhur=Mena Himavatoriya - 5401 Jatas-tabhyam jagati mahito janma-bhuh sad-gubanim 6 kbyatah kirtty disi disi Yasddasa ity=uddhata-stih | devah prithti-yalays-tilako jitvarah parthivanan-chakre Vacham-achipam=iva ya 7 mantrinam Rajyapalah [5] Lavana-juadhi-Syam-7pantan-dig-antara-gochara-tvarita ch&kita-kahonipala-pratishta-nidasanah sachiva-padavim 8 yasmin=basaty-akhandita-sasano vyadhita vasudham -eka-chchhattram sa Ramapara kramah | [6*] Matanghir=mmada-garvvitair=apanatair=asvorasair=bhumijai9 I=urvvya sasya-samsiddhaya va(ba)butithair=hemnan=chayair=arfjitaih sampa[ilya dvija devatah Surapater-aditsun-by-aspadam yah fri-Ramaparikramens 10 jayina tantr-adhikari kriteh ( 7 Mlochchhair=uchchhanna-kalpaih parijana-ni(vi)kalair'= Anga-Kalinga-Vadgar Oddrair=uddina-jivair-apagata-kapataih 11 Pandya-Karppata-Latali: Suhmaih s-opapradanair=asi-bhaya-chakitair=Ggurjjara Krita-Chinaltta yaemisitantr-adhikaram=vidadhati dadhire bhartturnajna12 s=sirobhih | EBM Tay-adharair-amrita-sisirair=ajya-dhara-vinidrair=agny-agarair=upahita sudhair-yajvanam-mandirais cha10 vidya-sattrair-ghana-titli-silair-ddva 13 gebair-mmathair=vva n-aika-dvara disi disi gunair=yasya jagartti kirttih | [9*] Arama -8[@]tu 11.matha-mandapa-sattra-dana-prasada-sankrama-jalasaya14 Bannivikaih t air-ebhirmatma-charit-okti-padaih prasastait yah svamo prasasti-prithu pitham-it-akritorvvin(rvvim) | 110*1 Ashtabhih sura-mandiraih -parivritam 15 prasidam-abhram-liham sampadymendu-marichi-jala-dhavalair-llipta[m] sudha-karddamaih tenayam naya-salina suchi-sila-vinyasta-ling-akfitir=bhaktya 16 dharmma-parayanena bhagavan-iropitas-Sankarah || [110] Asmai Yasodasa-nivesitaya Sri Rajyapalo Vriahabhadhvajaya | batam puranan=nikaran niyamya 17 Madhusravan gramam-adat kehitisah li [12*] Pandu-Prachinava(ba)rhir-Bharata-Dasarath Ekshvaku-Ram-Agnimitraih kirttinam=palanaya kshitipati-tilakaih prarthi18 tam yatra bhuyah tatra vru(bru)mo na tavad=vayam-ati-laghavo ya(ja)tu" kim prarthana bhir-yasmad=visv-opakara-pranihita-manasah palayanty=eva santah || [13*] Asy-edam=a19 yatancin-brita-hari-bobhar sankalpa-siddham=iva nirmmitam=Indumauleh etat-tu ta vad=iha tishthatu saila-sindhu-samsthana-sustham-avanitalam=asti yavat [ll 14] 2015 Indtanila-mani-enigdhe sila-patte=tinirmale prasastir=iyam=utkirnna Srinidhanena 16 pina || [15*] Lahiry roads Durrayi. The comma after kundayoh in the place of danda in Lahiry's transcript seems to be a misprint. * Lahiry roada Sarasvati-praman. . Lahiry roads pratishtha. Labiry reads yasmin=hasatyo. The idea in the second half of the stanza is that Yasodaba was made a Sachiva as he was running the administration of the whole earth on behalf of his master. Lahiry reads ryadhita-rasudhao. * Road sampujya. Lahiry reads sampraksha or sampujya. Lahiry reada vikalai'. Lahiry roads ochapair or viryairo. Read karan vidalhati. 10 Lahiry wrongly suggests, "Read either yajvanair-mmandirait cha or yajvanan-mandirail. The former reading is preferable." 11 Lahiry roads sata and observes, "Reading sata is doubtful. The metro also does not permit it. Read purttu for sata." 11 Lahiry reads avao. 13 Lahiry suggests the correction nishkaram without noticing that the emendation does not suit the metre. He understands the previous word as puranam and fails to grasp the real import of the stanza. 14 Lahiry retains gatu. 15 The line is smaller than the other lines and has teen engraved in a central position and not from the begining of the space. 14 Lahiry prefers arf-Nidhanina.

Page #224
(ydr180104d # WOJE) KUBENDELERSLEPPODERRNEHVIRRES BRL PARRIEREREDEDEEDBULERGI:PID GRLIGERERURNALBURR2 DRAL BORRERRIN PEPERRREDJER LEUVEIRRUPERBRERIEREPOTERI DE UPYWROWERTURRKU:910 ENEURRIERT KERRRRRROLEVEREIRO TeRINDEJNIERURSANDKU RITUSRAEFERIERENRING S VOS DRENOBRERULU'EPIDEEMIDPLEPUREB OPEROUSE 2 GILERRADBIGAR:Rp262 RUNLURE 2012 REPREZEPTLILEORURIETUM PRIUS IMPIJASIDIZIU) ZABRIO BUNDEVEIERIGNALISERADENLIGTIPID BINIBIURO TRUE BEATUIRURRENTRERUMPUTER DRR 212, KRI220:1921:2012 SARPPERLUENIENSINPVUNUR LUPO Bella TEKIS WEREEERRRRRR:RIE:IPPERUSTIERBERZERZURU NBANENLEREYELINERIFKRRINREE PENEPUDROWIERUSENDER LKURORILIRSIELBRIRUR VERDIETFITTEDKRIRUFUPISKERMODIRONET kr:SIKERHYTTERVISIRDILTRYRERNURLPREN: THEREBIEBRERRORIS DERBERRRRRRRRR:RNLEERBEREIRBIERBEDANDERSSON PBUTELIER PLLIERENPERRRUERI SENDIRIRLEIERIGENERERS BERBERER ERWARDSFIGUREER:PRENEUREENTRU PRZEBIELSESRAPPREILLERS RESCENTE RRR"WIDERSTENERE VIVAVAT JO NOILLIUOSNI VAIHALVHA

Page #225

Page #226
No. 29-MALLAR PLATES OF JAYARAJA, YEAR 5 (1 Plate) D. C. SIRCAR, OOTACAMUND (Received on 10.5.1958) A set of three copper plates was recently discovered at the village of Mallar in the Bilaspur District of Madhya Pradesh. The inscription was secuied by Mr. Amarnath Sao of Bilaspur, who showed it to Pandit L. P. Pandeya Sarma of Raigarh, Raipur District, Madhya Pradesh. Pandit Pandeya advised Mr. Sao to send the plates for examination to the office of the Government Epigraphist for India. Mr. Sao was kind enough to agree with the request and the plates were received in my office about the end of April 1958. The three plates, which have rounded corners, measure each about 5.4 inches in length and 2.95 inches in height. The thickness of the central plate is about inch, the other two plates being thinner (about #inch thick). The plates are strung on a ring 1 inch in thickness and 21 inches in diameter. But the seal, orginally affixed to the ring, is now lost. There are in all 23 lines of writing, six lines each on the inner side of the first plate and the obverse and reverse of the second plate and only five lines on the inner side of the third plate. The weight of the three plates together is 324 tolas and that of the ring only 34 tolas. The charter is written in 'box-headed' characters and its language is Sanskrit. As regards palaeography, language, orthography and style, the inscription resembles very closely the Arang platest of the donor of the present grant, which is the only other record of the king so far: discovered. The sign for medial i is made by inserting a dot in the circular sign indicating medial i The upadhmaniya and jihvamuliya have been used respectively in lines 3 and 13 and lines 8 and 18. The numerical symbol 5 occurs twice in line 23. A horizontal stroke with a dot both above and below has often been used as a mark of punctuation (cf. lines 12, 16, 22). In some cases, a pair of horizontal strokes, one above the other, has been employed to indicate either the mark of punctuation (cf. lines 10, 16 and 17) or the sign for visarga (cf. lines 3 and 11). The normal sign of visarga made of two dots placed one above the other, which is also used in the inscription (cf. bhumidah in line 19), has been once used to indicate a mark of punctuation in line 5. The orthography of the record is characterised by the use of double nasal and the reduplication of t after a nasal. Some consonants have often been reduplicated before and after r. The word simha has been written singha as in the Arang plates of Jayaraja and some other records of the kings of Sarabhapura. The record is not dated in any era. It registers a charter of king Jayaraja (Maha-Jayaraja) issued from Sarabhapura which seems to have been situated near modern Sirpur in the Raipur District. The charter was issued on the Afth day of the month of Karttika in the Afth year of the reign of Jayaraja who very probably flourished about the middle of the sixth century A. D., although his exact reign period cannot be determined. The inscription begins with the auspicious word svasti and a sentence in lines 1-5 referring to the order of Maha-Jayaraja, described as a paramabhagavata, issued from Sarabhapura to the agriculturist house-holders of Kadambapadrullaka in Antaranalaka. The name of the gift villagu Kadambapadrullaka seems to be a combination of the names of two contiguous localities called Kadambapadra and Ullaka. The next sentence in lines 5-10 quotes the text of the order which is to the effect that the said village was granted by the king in favour of the Brahmana Kapardisvamin of the Kautsa gotra. The village was gianted as a permanent rent-free holding on the Corp. In. Ind., Vol. III, pp. 191 fl. and Platos. (156)

Page #227
156 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXXIII occasion of a lunar eclipse, for the merit of the king himself and of his parents, by means of a copper-plate charter. The following sentence in lines 10-12 advises the house-holders of Kadambapadiullaka to be obedient to the donee and to pay him the usual bhoga (periodical offerings) and bhaga (the king's share in the produces of the fields). Lines 12 ff. contain the donor's request to the future rulers of the land for the protection of his grant. This is followed in lines 16 ff. by some of the usual benedictory and imprecatory verses represented as the sayings of Vyasa. The concluding part of the document in lines 22-23 states that the executor of the grant was the king himself (cf. svamukh-ajnaya) and that the charter was engraved by Achalasimha who was also the engraver of Jayaraja's Arang plates. The last passage contains the date of the grant, which, as already indicated above, was the fifth day of Karttika in the king's fifth regnal year. The Arang plates of Jayaraja were issued on the 25th day of the month of Margasira in the 5th year of his reign. It will thus be seen that the present grant was issued a few weeks earlier than the Atang plates. The seal of Jayaraja attached to the Arang plates, like the seals of other copperplate grants of the family to whom he belonged, bears the representation of Gajalakshmi above the legend which is a stanza in Anushtubh arranged in two lines. The legend on the seal of the Arang plates was read by Fleet as follows: Prasanna-h[ridalyasy-aiva vikkram-akkra[m]tta-vidvishah [*] srimato Jayarajasya susana[m] ripu-sasanam [||*] On the seal of the Raipur plates of Sudevaiaja (Maha-Sudevaraja), son of Jayaraja's brothe. Manamatra Durgaraja, the first and third feet of the stanza were read by the same scholar as Prasannahridayasy-aiva and srimat-Sudevarajasya, though Pandit L. P. Pandeya read them respectively as Prasanna-tanasy-edam and Sri-Maha-Jayarajasya suggesting that Jayaraja's seal was attached to the charter of Sudevaraja. The reading of the first foot. of the stanza on both these seals is apparently Prasanna-tanayasy-edam, but that of the third foot appears to be srimato Jayarajasya in both the cases. Jayaraja's seal attached to the recently published Sirpur plates of Sudevaraja, which seems to offer the same reading as the seals of the Arang plates of Jayaraja and the Raipur plates of Sudevaraja, reads: Prasanna-tanayas-dash vikkram-tkhata-videisha[} [*] srimato Jayarajasya sasanam ripu-sasanam(nam || Jayaraja was the son of Prasanna or Prasannamatra who ruled sometime after Sarabha, founder of the city of Sarabhapura, and the latter's son Narendra, known from his Pipardula and Kurud plates. Since Sarabha's daughter's son Goparaja is known from the Eran inscription" to have died in 510 A.D., Sarabha and Narendra appear to have flourished respectively about the end of the fifth and the beginning of the sixth century. Prasannamatra and his son Jayaraja, who issued the charter under study, may therefore be tentatively assigned approximately to about the first and second quarters of the sixth century respectively. Of the geographical names mentioned in the inscription, the location of Sarabhapura, the earlier capital of the family to which Jayaraja belonged, has already been indicated above. The other two geographical names are: (1) the gift village of Kadambapadrullaka, and (2) the district of Antaranalaka in which the village was situated. I am not sure about their exact location. 1 Corp. Ins. Ind., Vol. III, p. 197. 1 Mahakosala Historical Society's Papers, Vol. II, p. 41. * See above, Vol. XXXI, p. 103, note 4. Cf. IHQ, Vol. XIX, pp. 139 ff.; above, Vol. XXXI, pp. 263 ff.Bhandarkar's List, No. 1290.

Page #228
MALLAR PLATES OF JAYARAJA, YEAR 5 . } 316- ryy dhM+khnyuMkhkhag/ khuy2 66khae ning khdii69 86 * **11 m n dii1-A3== * Age on-g@} 3 = >> Ja , 11 : 39 / Bal6g3] siim Aaa | * s23138 1ea8aAuuvm3 an . * r +, a y+ oo5 1 kkh khkh khnyuMnR188galag ) APSvay munnphl AIR g1 . thmii qnk ning ook luu = 7424888khnyuM 2ia1g uag=2lqaqa ano 11-aa Q- 6 2 a^31>>61 ! | 3a ae - dii dii 2 5, TV3 - 12 10 09 Scale: Actual Size

Page #229
14 16 18 20 22 ii, b iii tee Date 1850 40vaa is dee hr str dee saaree sbb srdaar ghr - a rya 3 Rev arth vistrt krvaa sroot aaj tee bs srkaar Jashan kthaa vrt gee taaN kaan 202 bbaaii saarnnii daa sbb hoonn k 38 9 3 d= s rttth A 14 | knung sk ? Pin 14 16 18 20 22

Page #230
No. 29] 157 MALLAR PLATES OF JAYARAJA, YEAR 5 TEXT: First Plate 1 Svasti [l*] Sarabhapurat dvi(vi)kkram-opanata-samamtta(ta)-chuda-mani-prabha-pra sek-ambu2 bhr=dh[au]ta-pada-yugalo ripu-vilasini-simattosnt-7)ddharana-betur=vvasu-vasudha3 go-pradah=paramabhagavato mata-pitri(tri)-pad-anuddhyatahi sri-Maha-Jayarajah 4 A[m]tta(ta)ranalakfya-Kadar(da)mbapadrullake prativasi-k[u]tum binas=sama5 jnapayati "viditam=astu vo yath=asmabhir-ayam gramas-Tridasapati6 sadana-sukha-pratishtha-karo yavad=ravi-sasi-tar[a]-kirana-pratihata Second Plate, First Side 7 ghor-addha(ndha)kara[m*] jagad=avatishthate tavad=upabhojya(gyah) sa-nidhis=8-opa nidhi8 r=8-chata-bhata-pravai(ve)sya[h*] sarvva-kara-visarjjitab=K[au]tsa-sagotra-Brahmana Kapa9 rd[d]isvaminaso-som-aparage mata-pitror=atmanas-cha puny-abhivra(vpi)ddha10 ye udaka-purvva[n] tambra(mra)-sasanen=ati[s]pishtase=te" yuyam=evam=upala11 bhy=a[s]y=ajna-Sravana-vidheya bhutva yath-ochita-bhoga-bhajam=upanayamttah(tab) sukham 12 prativa[t*]syatha | bhavishyatas-cha bhumipan=anudarsayati | Dana[d=vi]sishta Second Plate, Second Side puranatio dharmmeshu nisschita-dhiyah-pravadam(da)nti 13 m=anupalanajam dharmma". 14 tasma[d*]=dvijaya suvisuddha-kula-srutaya dattam bhuvam bhavatu vo mati15 r=eva goptum(ptum D1 bhavadvi(dbhi)rapy=esha dattir=anupala 1 From the original plates and their impressions. * The viaarga is indicated by two horizontal strokes instead of the usual dots. * The punctuation mark is indicated by a visarga sign. Originally dhi was engraved. Correctly osvamine. But the sixth case-ending may have been used for the Brahmana having paid some money for the purchase of the village. There is here an unnecessary sign made of two horizontal strokes placed one above the other. This may bo regarded as a redundant visarga rather than a mark of punctuation. "We should better have tad instead of t& in such contexta. Visarga is written here with two horizontal strokes. The punctuation is indicated by a horizontal stroke with one dot above and another below. 10 Read purana. Read dharmmam. There appear to be an anusvara sign above rmma and the faint trace of a final m to its right. # The lettere matir-dva goptunt had been engraved here originally for a second time and were afterwards rubbed off.

Page #231
158 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [Vol. XXXIII 16 yitavya | Vyasa-gitams=ch=atra slokan=udaharamtti(ti) 1* Agner-apatyari 17 prathamam suvarnnam bhur=vvaishnavi suryya-sutas=cha gavah [l*] dattas=traya18 s=tena bhavanttisti) loka yah-kanchanam gam(ga)n=cha mabin=cha dadya[t]* [l*] Third Plate 19 Sham(Sha)shti-varsha-sahasrani svargge modati bhumidah [l*) achchhetta sh=anuman20 tta(ta) cha tam(ta)ny=eva narake vaset [l*] Bahubhir=vvasudha datta rajahbhbhi jabhi)s= Sa21 gar-adibhih () yasya yasya yada bhumis-tasya tasya tada 22 phalam(la)m=iti [1]*] sva-mukh-ajnaya | ukti(tki)rnnam Achalasinghena. [l*] 23 pravarddhamana-vijaya-samvvatsara' pam(pa) tcha 5 Karttika-diso 5 [ll] 1 The mark of punctuation is indioated by horisontal stroke with one dot above and another below. Tho mark of punctuation has been writton here with two horizontal strokoa. * Tthro is hero an unnecessary mark of punctuation written with two horizontal strokes. * Visarga is written here with two horizontal strokes. There is a faint trace of t in the original. * Road sinhena. Road pataardb. Road divadb.

Page #232
No. 30-SRIRANGAM INSCRIPTION OF RAJARAJA II, YEAR 11 K. G. KRISHNAN, OOTACAMUND (Received on 4.3.1958) The subjoined inscription' is engraved to the right of the Svargavasal on the south wall of the fourth prakara in the Ranganathasvimin temple at Srirangam, Tiruchirappalli District, Madras State. The language as well as the script of the inscription is Tamil and it is engraved in characters of the 12th century A.D. The record registers the gift of a golden lamp-stand with a ruby set in it to the god Ranganatha and a sum of 681 achchu for lighting the lamp on all the days of the year. The gift was made by Kodai Ravipanman, one of the Verattadigal' of Malainadu in the 11th year of the reign of Ko-Parakosarivarman alias Tribhuvanachakravarttigal Rajarajadeva. The record begins with the Meykkirtti: Pu-ntaruviya tirumadum, etc., and hence the ruler is to be identified with the second king of the said name in the Chola dynasty. The details of the date, viz., 11th year, Mirichchika (Vrischika) su. 5, Monday, Tiruvonam, regularly correspond to November 19, 1156 A.D. The text of the inscription is drafted in the form of an undertaking given by the representatives of the administrative bodies of the temple such as Srivaishnava-variyam, Sribhandara-variyam, Por-pandarigal, Kanganieeyvar (supervisors) and the temple accountant. It is stated that, having taken charge of tKe lamp and having deposited the money in the temple treasury (Sribhandaram), they would arrange for lighting the lamp on all the 365 days of the year with the interest accruing to the money deposited. The inscription is important because it gives an earlier date for the donor, Kodai Ravivarman, who was a king of Venadu and is known from some inscriptions from the Travancore region." The date of our inscription would be equivalent to year 332 of the Kollam era, in which the Travancore records are usually dated. There is, however, no dated record from Travancore mentioning the reigning king between Kollam 325 and 336 thus leaving a gap of about 12 years in the history of Venadu. On the former date the reigning king was Kodai Keralavarman and it seems to be the latest date available for him. On the latter date, Vira Ravivarman Tiruvadi is stated to have been ruling Venadu. Of the name Vira Ravivarman Tiruvadi, Vira Ravivarman is the name and Tiruvadi a well-known designation adopted by the kings of Venadu. The expression Venattadigal used in our record enables us to identify the donor Kodai Ravivarman with Vira Ravivarman Tiruvadi of Venadu due to the proximity of the dates. The locative suffix il in the expression Venattadigalil can only indicate that there was at least one other member of the family with a title to the throne. On the date of this record, Kodai Ravivarman was perhaps the crown-prince while Kodai Keralavarman or another person not known to us was the ruling king. The institution of the office of the crown-prince is indicated in the inscriptions of Travancore as ilariguru valunnaruluginra. The name Kodai Ravivarman suggests that he may have been related to Kodai Keralavarman. It is likely that Vira-Ravivarman Tiruvadi identified with Kodai Ravi 1 A. R. Ep. No. 68 of 1936-37. + See note 3 below. *TAS, Vol. IV, p. 21, No. 6. Ibid., Vol. VII, p. 7, No. 4. The opposite year to Kollam 336 is a mistake and hence the correct date would be Kollam 338. The corresponding date as pointed out by Mr. A. S. Ramanatha Ayyar would be Saturday, April 29, 1161 A.D. Ibid., Vol. V, p. 78, text line 1. Could it be that the titles Vira and Tiruvadi were not applied to Kodai Ravivarman because he was only a crown-prince and that the record under publication pertains to grant made to a temple lying in the territories of the Cholas ! (159)

Page #233
160 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (VOL. XXXIII varman of our record came to the throne sometime after Kollam 332, the date of the present record, and continued to rule till at least Kollam 340, the latest date assigned to him." In connection with the question of the relationship between the king of Venadu and the Chola monarch, reference may be made to an inscription of this period from Purava.serio near Nagarkoil in Venadu. It states that, in Kollam 340, some members of the Chola military establishment stationed at Kottaru, which is also near Nagarkoil in the same territory,' in association with some members of two other Chola regiments made certain endowments to the god at Puravari-chaturvedimangalam, the approximate date of the foundation of the colony being Kollam 336. It is evident that the military cantonments at many places including Kottaru established by Kulottunga I continued to have their presenoe felt for all practical purposes." During the period of Chola suzerainty from the time of Kulottunga I, the kings of Venadu appear to have been in close alliance with the contemporary Pandya kings. A Tirunelveli inscription of Masavarman Sundara-pandya II, whose date of accession is 1238 A.D., refers to the newly formed village of Iravivarma-chaturvedimangalam stated to have been named after the [king's)? appattar (i.e., father's grandfather). It is not unlikely that the reference here is to Ravivarman of the present record, though the relationship cannot be exactly worked out at present. The contemporanaeity of a Ravivarman of Venadu with Mapavarman Srivallabha is, however, established on the basis of a few records from Puravaseri in the Kanyakumari District of Madras State. The identity of Ravivarman of Venadu mentioned in the inscription of Maravarman Sundara-pandya II with his namesake who is considered to be the contemporary of Maravarman Srivallabha, a predecessor of Maravarman Sundara-pandya II, implies a matrimonial connection between the Pandyas and the Tiruvadis of Venadu. The word varakkattina (line 8) in this inscription seems to indicate that the king of Venada was not himself present at Srirangam but was represented by Ulliruppu Kandan Iravilo who was entrusted with the lamp and the money. Uliruppuli seems to mean here the secretary for the internal affairs of the king. Kodai Ravivarman like most of the kings of Travancore seems to have had a strong leaning towards Vaishnavism since he had also made a gift of lands to PuravariVinnagar-alvar at Puravari-chaturvedimangalam. i TA8, Vol. VII. No. 7. Though Mr. Ramanatha Avvar's suggestion assigning this record to Vira Ravivarman Tiruvadi is not directly borne out by the record as pointed out by Mr. Velu Pillai (Travancore State Manual, Vol. II, p. 78, n. 3), it may be accepted till we get some definite date for Ravivarmap's successor, * Ibid., Vol. VII, No. 7. Mr. Velu Pillai (loc. cit.) has ignored the second of the two documents which is closely connected with the first. Nagarkoil, Paravaberi and Kottaru are situated within a territory called Nanji-nadu in contemporary V&nadu inscriptions. This proves that Kottaru, the military centre, formed part of the territory directly ruled by the king of Venadu. Ibid., No. 1; of. also No. 4. It may be noted that Singan Arangap, the founder of the Pursvari-chaturvedimangalam colony figures in another rooord froin the same place (ibid., No. 2) which is dated in the reign of MarsVarman Srivallabha. The general position of the rulers of Venadu and the contemporary Pandya kinga in relation to the Cholas, the main suzerain power, has been correctly indicated by Mr. Ramanatha Ayyar (ibid., Vol. VI, p. 7). * 8.1.1., Vol. 7, No. 446, lines 6 and 13. of. above, Vol. XXV, p. 72, where a different construction has been adopted. * A.R. Ep., 1896, p. 5, para. 15. See also above, Vol. XXV, p. 84; supra, n. 4. Maravarman Sundara-pandya II was possibly the grandson of Jatavarman Kulabekhara stated to be a son of Maravarman Srivallabha, whose inscriptions commence with the introduction of the Palalamadandai, and the great-grandson of Ravivarman of Vepadu. One Kandan Iravi of Melachcheri is mentioned in the Kilimantr record of Kollem 343 (TAS, Vol. V, p. 84). u Ibid., Vol. IV, No. 3. Mr. Ramanatha Ayyar has interpreted the term as the name of an office connected with the tax department, while Mr. Sundaram Pillai takes it as the name of a place (ibid., Page 17 and noto 4).

Page #234
No. 30] SRIRANGAM INSCRIPTION OF RAJARAJA II, YEAR 11. . 161 The endowment at Srirangam providing for the lighting of the lamp with ghee and camphor was made in achchu, the coinage of the Travancore territory. The corresponding coinage of the Chola country being the kasu, the rate of exchange is enumerated to be 97 kasu for one achchu. But, while the capital invested, i.e., 687 achchu, would yield at this rate only less than 6321 kabu, the amount required as capital is stated to be 633 kafu. The total money required in & year for both ghee and camphor comes to 118 kasu and hence the rate of interest works out to slightly more than 184 per cent. per annum. The money was deposited into the treasury since it was felt that, if it was invested on lands, the endowment might suffer in case the lands fail [to yield]. TEXT 1 Svasti Sri [!] Pul-maruvisya Ti]ru-madum Puvi-madu[m] Jeya-madum | na-maruviya Kalai-madum Puga!-madu=nayandu pulga | aru-marai-vidi-neri[y=a]naittun'=talaippa varu-murai-urimai-mani-mudi-budi=t| tingal-ven[kudai=ttisai-kkalu(li)r=ettun= | tangu tani-kkudan= 2 tan=ena vilarga=p | poru-Kali-ppattigai-chchengolturappa | poru-kadir-ali&puvi vala[*]nd?= udanvara | Villavar yirattars Mi[na]var singalar Pallavar Nadaliyar pa[r]ttivar paniya | enn-arun-karpilio mannaga[m*) puna[*]ndadu" | sempon3 vira-sinnasa[nat]tu-ppuvana-[mulu]dudaiyalloquml'virgirund=aruliya Ko-Pparakesaripa rmar-ana Tribu[valna-chchak[kara]va[r*]ttiga! Sri-Rajarajadevarkru yandu padiponravadu Mi(Vi)richchika-nayarru Parva4 pakshattu=Ppancha[miyulm Tingal-lalamaiyum (pe]rra Tiru[vonatti[1]nalu Tiru varangam Periya-koyilil Tiru[valdi-valavan=cheygira Tiruvarangadasarum Tiruppadiyil Sri-vayishnavargalil Pasalai-Pperi5 ya-koyil-dasaru[m. Ka]ndadai-Ttiruvaranga-Na[raya]na-nam[bi]yum Kuravaiseri-Ttiruva ranga-vallal[@]rum sri-vaiyishnava 14variyan=cheygira Nalu[ri]r-Singappira-nambiyum Vangippurattu Tiruva[y*]kkulattu Alvanum Virenaraya6 .. [vandu]varapati Ta... [Va]damadurai-ppiranda . . . . . . Sri-bans ... riyam Tiru varangattu sabaiyaril Kavunniyan Tiruvarangadevan Alkkondavilli-battanum Paradayan Kesavan Purushottama-battanum P[or]-pandarigal Para 1 From impression. * Soveral texts of this prasasti have been published in the South Indian Inscription Series. Important variations from this text are indicated in the foot-notes. A danda has been introdaood in lines 1-3 at the end of each metrical line. . Cf., Sli, Vol. III, No. 35, where we have anaittum arun-tamifunlani talaippa in a different metre. Loo. cit: karungali-ppattiyai; 8I1, Vol. IV. No. 822: Karungali padimibaich=chengol turappa. The use of the word kl in the next phrase supports the former and patti has accordingly to be translated as stray bull' and not a prostitute' (ibid., Vol. III, p. 81). * SII, Vol. III, No. 35: valiyali. Cf. puli in Inscriptions of Pudukkottai State, No. 136, and valart=uo in SI1, loc. cit. SIT, loo. cit. Telungar. Loo oit: mudaliyar which yields a better sonse. 10 Loc. cit: kar pa which is better. 1. Read punarndu. cf. Inscriptions of the Pudukottai State, No. 138 : purandu which is bettor. 13 Road udaiyalodum. 1 Road Tiruponattu nalil. 14 Road raiskaavao. * This gap may be restored as dara-ta.

Page #235
162 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXXIII 7 [daya]n Tiruvengadavan A[na]ntanarayananum Parada ..... ngal Si-Ramannum sri bagavata ... dariga! . . . ravur S] . . . . Hlag-kiramavittanum .... Kangani seyvargalil Arisya]n Sri-Parankusanambiyum Alvannum Koyir-kanakku Tiruvarangappiriyannum .. . v-anaivom Malai-nattu Velnatu Adigalil sri ri Ko[dai] ... nman vara-kkattina kalaiyil oru ma[ni]kkam-aluttina ponni[n] tirukkuttivilakku l' onru idu [l** idu Emberumanaro aru!" }ichcheyalpadiye kaikkondu ittiruk.' [la]giyamanavala-Pperuma! tirumunbey tirunund[a] ... ku eriya=kkadavad=aga i-ttiruvilakku ...yumm=idattu Tiruvarangadevanal na! onrukku napu-ney naliy=aga nal mun-nurru=aru-pattu anjukku ney mun-nurru afu-patt-aiy-nnaliyum na! onrukku karpuram iran[du] 10 .... dito aga nal mun-nurreatupattu anjukku=kkarpuram mu-ppattu aru-kalanj=araiyum ippadi chandr-[@]dit[ta*]var=chella=kkadavad=agavum [l*] idu bellum=idattu nattile nilan-gondu vidum=idattu nilangalukku alivu vandapodu idu sellade oliyum=enfum sri rin bandarat11 te popn=aga odukkinal viruttiyale selvad=agavum pa[r*]ttu Tiruvarangadeva na]l nasu ney nalikkum karpuram irandu manjadikkum kasu oprukku-Ttiruvarangadevanal ney e-npali agavum kasu onrukku=kkarpuram arai=kkalainj=agavum or-andu nal mun purtt-arupa13 ttu anjukku vendun=kasu 6338 agu-nur[ru mu]-ppattu munrum ka[su] onpade-kalukku achchu onreaga achchu 6893 aru-patt-ette-kale-arai-kkalum Sri-bandaratte i-Ekodai Iravipapmanukk-aga i-pponnin tirukkuttivilakkum ivv-achchum koduvan13 da Paduvay-amarnda Narayananum Solama ... viva. . . .=Ttiruvarangadasanum Irapasinga-Mapavalanum Ulliruppu-Kkandan Iraviyum Alagiyamanavala-pperuma! Tiru-ppalli-ttongal-udaiyargalil Si-Kulasekhara-Ppiramamarayanum Ani-aranga-Ppiram marayanum iv[v*]-anaivaraiym ko14 adu i-ttiru-ppadiyil munbu ... [ivv-anaivam"mum] [Em]b[e]rumanur arulichcheyal ppadiyens i-ppon Sri-bandaratte odukki(ku)vittu=kkondu viruttivale chandr-adittavar i-ttiruvilakkuch=chella-kkadavad=aga naduvip-tirumaditil Nadari-pugalan-Tiruvasalili's 16 Merk=adaiya kal-vetti(tu)vittom iv[v*)-anaivam [11*) Idu Srivashnnava" rakshai [l*] 1 This letter is superfluous. * This may be restored as Iravipao. Cf. line 12. * This numeral is given in its Tamil form. There is a gap of about five feet of space unengraved hero. The mention of Emborumanar is obviously in reference to the image of Ramanuja since he is known to have passed away in Saka 1009-1137 A.D. according to the chronogram dharmo nashtak. . This letter is superfluous. * This may be restored as koyil. Ao * The missing letters are eilako. * Tho missing letters are erideg. 10 This has to be restored as marijadi. u This letter is superfluous. 15 Cf. line 8 above. 1. The nadwvir-tiru-madil is evidently so called because of the seven prakaras (sapt-avarana) of this temple, the fonrth (where this inscription is engravod) is the central one. Nadasi-pugalan Tiruvasal is the original name of what is now popularly called Svargavasal. 1 Read erishgavao

Page #236
No. 31-BUDHERA PILLAR INSCRIPTION OF V. S. 1351, SAKA 1216 (1 Plate) D. C. SIRCAR, OOTACAMUND (Received on 19.2.1958) About the beginning of 1955, I visited the small village of Budhera, about four miles to the south-east of Gudar in the Pichhore Pargana formerly belonging to the Narwar District of the Gwalior State but now to the Shivapuri District of Madhya Pradesh, in order to copy an inscription. Within the limits of the village there stands a hillock close to the north-eastern end of the Jhaloni tank and a roughly dressed pillar of stone, about eighteen feet high above the ground and 15 inches in breadth and 114 inches in thickness, stands on the hillock. The inscription in seven lines of indifferently engraved and badly preserved writing was found on the said pillar. The inscription was previously noticed in the Annual Report of the Archaeologiaal Department, Gwalior State, Samvat 1986 (1929-30 A. D.), pp. 22 and 59-60 (No. 23), and in H. N. Dvivedi's Gwalior Rajyake Abhilekh, p. 26, No. 170. The Report gives the name of the village both as Budera and Budhera and says at p. 22, " It (i.e. the pillar) bears & crudely engraved inscription dated V. S. 1351, which refers to Chanderi and its Bundela rulers. As the inscription is not fully legible, the exact purpose of the erection of the pillar is not clear." Elsewhere at pp. 59-60 it speaks of the inscription as written in the Hindi language and dated in V.S. 1361 and Saka 1216 during the reign of king Padmaraja and further says, "Refers to Kirti-durga and mentions Padmaraja who is endowed with the royal title samasta-raj-avali-samalamkrita-paramabhatjaraka. Other names which can be read are Udaisimha and his son (Hari]raja, etc. Being badly written and partially damaged, its object is not clear." Dvivedi's work quotes the same views; but he spells the name of the village both as Budhera and as Budhera. It is not quite clear from the published notices of the inscription, referred to above, whether Kirti-durga has been regarded as identical with the Chanderi fort and king Padmareja has been taken to be a Bundela ruler. The authors of the notices have also not made it clear whether there is any possibility of Bundela rule at Chanderi 80 early as the end of the thirteenth century when the inscription was 'incised. Another important point they should not have ignored to discuss is that how an imperial ruler named Padmaraja was ruling at Budhera near Narwar and Chanderi at lat. 24deg 42' and long. 79deg 11' in V. 8. 1351 and Saka 1216 when the Yajvapala monarch Ganapati (known dates between V. S. 1348 and 1357, i.e. 1292-1300 A. D.) is known to have been ruling over the same region in the same period from his capital at Nalapura or Narwar at lat. 25deg 39' 2" and long. 77deg 56' 57". As a matter of fact, we have found on a careful examination of the impressions of the record that there is no mention in it of a king named Padmaraja or of Chanderi and the Bundelas, while it clearly speaks of an officer of Gapapati (line 3) apparently as stationed at Kirti-durga. This Ganapati is undoubtedly the Yajvapale king of that name. There are also a few other errors of omission and commission in the published notices of the inscription. Owing to careless engraving and unsatisfactory preservation, it is no doubt difficult to read the whole record. A number of letters are damaged here and there, though the damage is greater in the second half of the epigraph than in the first. But the purport of the record is quite clear. The pillar is a hero stone raised in the memory of two persons who are described in the idaription as hata or killed apparently in a contest with certain unspsoified enemies. (163)

Page #237
164 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXXIII The inscription is written in the Devanagari characters of the medieval period. Its language is not Hindi but corrupt Sanskrit. The data is quoted as V. $. 1351 and Saka 1216 without any other detail. The year corresponds to 1294-95 A. D. The inscription seems to have been incised towards the close of 1294 A. D. or about the beginring of the following year. The record begins with the date : Sa[m]vatu 1351 Sake 1[21]6 |. This is followed in lines 1-4 by the auspicious word svasti and the passage &ri-Kirtti-durgre(rge) samasta-raj-avali-samalakritaparmabhatarka(paramabhattaraka)....maraja-[eri-Gajna pati-mahapradhana-Deuva....... vyapara[1] [ka]roti. The two damaged aksharas before maraja may be padi, so that the reading of this expression, which is clearly an epithet of dri-Ganapati, may be padimara(ra)ja. The authors of the notices of the inscription, discussed above, apparently failed to read the name sri-Ganapati and regarded padmaraja(corrected from padimaraja)as the personal name of the Paramabhattaraka. This cannot be the case, since, of the name sri-Ganapati immediately following, the three aksharas napati are quite clear while traces of the two aksharas fri-Ga can also be easily recognised. What is then the meaning of the epithet that looks like padimaraja ? In our opinion, it is a mistake for paramaraja which is found in a Bangla inscription among the epithets of king Gopala (known dates between V. S. 1336 and 1345, i.e. 1279-89 A. D.) of the Yajvapala family, who was the father and predecessor of Ganapati. This epithet occurs in the following passage; paramabhattarakah parameswarah paramamahesvarah paramaguruh paramarajah. In the present case, we have only the first and last of the five epithets. The name of Ganapati's Mahapradhana is difficult to determine. It may be Deu or Deuva. This officer was apparently stationed at Kirti-durga. A Mahapradhana named Dejai, Deje or Daja is known from the Bangla inscriptions to have served Ganapati's father Gopala. He was probably stationed at Nalapuri-durga or the Narwar fort which was the capital of the Yajvapalas. The Bangla inscriptions appear to state that Mahapradhana Dejai, Deje or Deja was conducting the gadani (or madani)-vyapara. Unfortunately the meaning of the expression is not clear to us. Another difficulty is that the two aksharas before the word vyaparam in the inscription under study are damaged and the word does not look like gadani or madani. Apparently, however, Maha-pradhana Deu or Deuva was the governor of the district round Kirti-durga and the modern village of Budhera formed a part of that district. Some medieval documents use the expression mudra-vyaparam paripanthayati in connection with a high administrative officer like the viceroy and the intended reading in both the present record and the Bangla inscriptions may be mudra-vyapara. This raises the problem of the identification of the fort called Kirti-durga. The Chanderi inscription of a Pratshara ruler named Jaitravarman, who flourished in the eleventh or twelfth century A. D., states that his grandfather's great-grandfather Kirtipala built a fort named after himself as Kirti-durga ; but Chanderi itself is mentioned in the inscription as Chandrapura. It is therefore uncertain whether the Chanderi fort is referred to as Kirtidurga in the inscription in question. Another inscription of V. 8. 1154 (1098 A.D.), from Deogarh in the Lalitpur Subdivision of the Jhansi District, U. P., states that Mahidhara, chief minister of the Chandella king Kirtivarman, built the fort of Kirti-giri or Deogarh, apparently named after his master 1 Abovo, Vol. XXXI, p. 331, No. 3, text lines 1-3. * Ibid., pp. 331 (Nos. 2-4), 332 (No. 5), 334 (No. 9), 335 (No. 10), 336 (No. 15). Ibid., pp. 331 (No. 4, line 6), 332 (No. 5, line 6), 334 (No. 9, lines 3-4), 335 (No. 10, lines 4-5)336 (No. 15, line 5). Cf. above, Vol. XXXII, pp. 152, noto 2 ; 169, text line 6. Drivedi's List, No. 633 ; Patil, The Cultural Heritage of Madhya Bharal, p. 94.

Page #238
BUDHERA PILLAR INSCRIPTION OF V. S. 1351, SAKA 1216 BRELERLDRERNALISHERE MALAMRAPYAAHESTI RAMETROPERTSHEN 75AREL Scale : One-half

Page #239
No. 31) BUDHERA PILLAR INSCRIPTION OF V. 8. 1351, SAKA 1216 166 Kirtivarman. But in any case, Budhera near Narwar seems to be far away from both Chanderi and Deogarh. It is interesting to note in this connection that an inscription of the Yajvapala king Ganapati represents him as having captured Kirti-durga.' The second half of the inscription in lines 4-7 seems to read : Jauhatti-pradhana-Ravija-palniDi.... na-suta-Mudhaisiha-putra-[Hari]raja-Jaira[ ju] (dau] hatau [l*) laghu-putra-Tridhau.... ndi-supu]tre nal Jalmarayana nilve]hed=es yann) | Although there are several lacunae in this section, the purport of the record is clear. In correct Sanskrit the passage would stand as follows: Jatuhattiya-pradhana-Ravija-patni-Di..nu-suta-Mudhaisiritha-putra-Hariraja-Jayarajau drau hatau | Laghu-putra-Tridhau....ndi-suputrena Yamarajena nirvahit-cyam | It states that Hariraja and Jayaraja, sons of Mudhaisirha and grandsons of the Pradhana Ravija of Jatuhatta, were both killed [in the hands of certain enemies) and that Yamaraja son of the younger son [of Mudhaisimha] performed the work of raising the pillar in honour apparently of the two persons who had lost their lives. This part should better have been preceded by a passage like ity=etasmin kale. The name of Ravija's wife who was the mother of Mudhaisimha cannot be fully deciphered. The same is the case with the names of the parents of Yamaraja. The word used to indicate the erection of the pillar seems to be nirvahita (to go with a word like kriya understood) without specifically indicating the nature of the work done. The same word appears to be employed in a similar sense in an early inscription. Of the geographical names mentioned in the inscription, Kirti-durga, as already indicated above, cannot be satisfactorily identified. Jauhatta or Jatuhatta was probably a locality near Budhera where the pillar stands. TEXT" 1 Sa[m]vatu 1351 Sake 1[21]6 | svasti sri-Ki 2 rtti-durgro samasta-raja(j-a)vali-samalamkrita-par[ma) - 3 [bha]tarka-[padi]maraja'-[sri-Ga]papati-mahapradhana 4 Deuva....vyapara[m] karoti [l*}*. Jauhatti18-pradhana 1 Bhandarkar's List, No. 163. Above, Vol. XXXII, p. 340. Cf. the Bangla inscriptions, Nos. 1, 3-5 (above, Vol. XXXI, pp. 330-32). Cf. above, Vol. XXXII, p. 85. From impressions. * Read durge. * Read parama. * Road bhaffaraka. Read paramaraja. 10 The two akshatas lost here are difficult to restore. The intended reading may be misdra-vyaparath. 11 A passage like ity-dlasmin-kalt is required here. Cf. abovo, Vol. XXXI, p. 330 (No. 1, line 3), p. 331 (No. 3, line 8; No. 4, line 4), p. 332 (No. 5, lino 4). 11 Sanskrit Jatuhaf ya.

Page #240
[VOL. XXXIII 166 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA 6 Revija-spa]tni-Di....na--suta-Mudhaisiba'-pu6 [tra)-Ha[ri]raja-Jaira[jujo (dau)" hatau [l*) laghu-putra-Trio[dhau]7 ....ndi(r)-[supu]tre[na] [Ja]marayana' ni[ve]hed=?[yam] | * 1 This name of Ravija's wife should have a feminine ending. * Sanskrit simha. * Read Jayarajau. Read dvau. It is not clear as to whose laghu-putra (i.e. younger or youngest son) the person in question was. But he sooms to have boon the youngest son of Mudhaisimha and a younger brother of Hariraja and Jayarija. . This seems to be the last atahara of the name of the wife of the person who was the youngest son of Mudhaisitha and whose name was oither Tridhau or began with those two akaharas. The female namo intended. may have been something like Anandr. 11. o. Jamardyena (Sanskrit Yamardjena). Road pindhit-syam.

Page #241
BHUMARA PILLAR INSCRIPTION OF HASTIN Scale : One-half

Page #242
No. 32--NOTE ON BHUMARA PILLAR INSCRIPTION OF HASTIN (2 Plates ) D. C. SIRCAR, OOTACAMUND (Received on 4. 6. 1958) The stone pillar bearing this inscription was discovered at Bhumara in the former Nagaudh State in Central India by Cunningham who noticed the epigraph in his Arch. Surv. Ind. Rep., Vol. IX, 1879, p. 16, No. 9, with a translation and an illustration (Plate IV, No. 9). The text of the inscription as read by Fleet in the Crop. Ins. Ind., Vol. III, p. 111, runs as follows: 1 Svasti [*] Mahadeva-pad-[a]2 nuddhyata(ta)-maharaja-Hasti3 rajye Amblode maharaja4 Sarvvanatha-bhoge Indana5 naptra Vasu-gramika-puttra6 Sivadasena vala-ya7 shti[r*]=uchchhritah [l*] Maha-Maghe 8 samba(sarva)tsara Karttika-masa9 divasa 10 9 [!*] As regards the reading of the text, it may be pointed out that the name at the end of line 4 is clearly Indana and not Indana, while the numerical figure at the end of line 9 is 8 and not 9. The name Sarovanatha is spelt generally as Saruvanatha in the records of the king in question. The date of the record is quoted in lines 7-9 as the 18th day of the month of Karttika in the Maha-Magha year of Jupiter's twelve-year cycle. This year has been variously taken as corresponding to the Gupta years 165 (484 A. D.), 189 (508 A. D.) and 201 (520 A. D.).! The object of the inscription is to record the setting up of what is called a valayashti (no doubt the stone pillar bearing the inscription) on the date referred to above in Maharaja-Sarvanatha-bhoga in Ambloda -- in Maharaja-Hasti-rajya by Sivadasa who was the son of the gramika Vasu and the grandson of Indana. The word gramika seems to have been used here in the sense of 'the headman of a village." Cunningham read the word yashti in lines 6-7 of the inscription, which he took to mean 'a sacrificial pillar' But at the same time he observed, "I suppose the pillar may have been set up as a boundary-mark between the territories of the two Rajas (i.e. Hastin and Sarvanatha)." Fleet believed that the expression vala-yashti is a mistake for valaya-yashti which he understood in the sense of a boundary-staff or pillar'. His translation of the principal sentence of the record in lines 1-7 runs as follows: "In [the boundary of] the kingdom of the Maharaja Hastin who meditates on the feet of [the god] Mahadeva ; at [the village of] Ambloda ; [and] in [the boundary of] the bhoga of the Maharaja Sarvanatha ;-[this] boundary-pillar has been set up." Like Cunningham, Fleet also suggests that the object of the inscription is to record the erection, at Ambloda, of a boundary-pillar between the territories of the two Maharajas'. The two kings mentioned in the inscription are Hastin of the Parivrajaka family and Sar vanatha of Uchchakalpa. Besides the present record, the Parivrajaka king Hastin is knowa from his charters issued in the Gupta years 156 (475 A.D.), 163 (482 A.D.), 170 (489 A.D.) and 191 1 See Bhandarkar's List, No. 1661. (167)

Page #243
168 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXXIII (510 A.D.) while the known dates of his son and successor Samkshobha are the Gupta years 199 (518 A.D.) and 209 (528 A.D.). Similarly, the known dates of the 'Uchchakalpa king Sarvanatha are the Gupta years 191 (510 A.D.), 193 (512 A.D.), 197 (516 A.D.) and 214 (533 A.D.) and those of his father and predecessor Jayanatha are the Gupta years 174 (493 A.D.) and 177 (496 A.D.). Roughly speaking therefore Hastin was the contemporary of the father of Sarvanatha who was the contemporary of Hastin's son. Some scholars wrongly refer the dates in the Uchchakalpa records to the Kalachuri era of 248 A.D. instead of the Gupta era of 319 A.D. This is improbable in view of the fact that there is hardly any possibility of the spread of the Kalachuri era in the Uchchakalpa area in the age in question. On the other hand, the prevalence of the. Gupta era in the same area during the age of the Uchchakalpa kings is indicated by the Parivrajaks inscriptions, The suggestion that the Bhumara pillar bearing the inscription under study was set up for demarcating the boundary between the kingdoms of the two kings Hastin and Sarvanaths is highly improbable in view of the following facts. In the first place, as will be seen below, the expression bala-yashti is found in a similar context in another inscription of the same age and area and this clearly shows that there is no justification for correcting vala-yashti to valaya-yashti. It is clear from the record referred to that the intended reading for vala-yashti in the Bhumara inscription in bala-yashti. We know that the records of the Parivrajaka king Hastin as well as others of the age and area in question often use v for b even though they employ b correctly or wrongly in some cases. Secondly, even if the emendation is regarded as justifiable, valaya-yashti would scarcely mean a boundary-pillar' since the word valaya does not really mean 'a boundary. Thirdly, it is difficult to believe that an ordinary villager without any authority would think of taking upon himself the responsibility of fixing the boundary between the dominions of two neighbouring kings. Fourthly, the language of the record shows that the locality where the pillar was set up lay in both Hastin's dominions and Sarvanatha's bhoga and this hardly suits a line of demarcation between the kingdoms of the two rulers. Fifthly, Fleet's interpretations of the passages Maharaja-Hasti-rajye and Maharaja-Sarvanatha-bhoge respectively as in the boundary of the kingdom of Maharaja Hastin' and 'in the boundary of the bhoga of Maharaja Sarvanatha' are no doubt arbitrary, while the suggestion that they refer to the boundary between two kingdoms is quite unconvincing since it is unintelligible why Hastin's kingdom should be called a rajya and Sarvanatha's dominions a bhoga. Sixthly, the word bhoga does not really mean 'a kingdom'. Seventhly, the language of the epigraph suggests that Maharaja-Sarvanathabhoga lay within the dominions of Hastin. The expression Maharaja-Hasti-rajye in such a context would normally mean 'during the reign of Maharaja Hastin', even though the meaning in the kingdom of Maharaja Hastin' may not be altogether impossible in a particular case. But whether the word rajya in our record is taken to mean sovereignty' or 'kingdom', the sentence in question makes it clear, as already suggested above, that what has been called Maharaja-Sarvanatha-bhoga lay within the dominions of Hastin whose reign (less probably, kingdom) is specifically mentioned in relation to the setting up of the pillar bearing the inscription. What can be the meaning of the word bhoga in such a context? 1 Bhandarkar's List, p. 399; above, Vol. XXVIII, pp, 264 ff. Cf. Bhandarkar's List, p. 404. Ibids, loc. cit.; also Nos. 1194-98, 1200, 1702. For an inscription of the Imperial Guptas in the same area, of. p. 172, note 1, below. See, e.g., Vrahmana in line 5 and Brahmasiga in line 9 of the Majhgawam plates of Hastin (Corp. Ins. Ind., Vol. III, pp. 108 ff.). Cf. also sombatsara (for samvatsara) in line 2 of this epigraph as well as in line 8 of the Bhumara pillar inscription.

Page #244
No. 32). NOTE ON BHUMARA PILLAR INSCRIPTION OF HASTIN 169 Fleet says, "Bhoga, lit. enjoyment, possession, government', is a technical territorial term, probably of much the same purport as the bhukti of other inscriptions." It is true that, like bhukti, a province', the word bhoga is often used to indicate a district of a kingdom. In many copper-plate grants, the gift village is stated to have been situated in a particular territorial unit styled bhoga. Mention may be made, e.g., of Kumarivadao near Brihannarika in Gorajja-bhoge within Bharukachchha-vishaya in the Sarsavani plates (lines 19-20)of Kalachuri Buddharaja ; Koniyanam near Bhataurika in Vatanagara-bhoga in the Vaner plates (line 19)* of the same king; Vira-grama in Satimala-bhoga in Palayatthapa-vishaya in the Jejuri plates (lines 25-27)' of the Chalukya king Vinayaditya ; Jijjika-grama attached to Vonkhara-bhoga in the Jirjingi plates (line 11)* of the Eastern Ganga king Indravarman ; Vanika-grama in Avaraka-bhoga within Hunamandala in the Gaonri plates (B, lines 7-8)5 of the Paramara king Vakpati Munja; Kailasa-puragrama belonging to Taradamsaka-bhoga in the Mallar plates (lines 5-6) of the Panduvamsi king Maha-Sivagupta Balarjuna, etc. It will be seen from some of these instances from inscriptions found in different parts of the country that bhoga was a smaller territorial unit than a district called vishaya or mandala. It is also interesting to note that the same territorial unit is called Edevolal-bhoga in the Sorab plates of Chalukya Vinayaditya and Edevolal-vishaya in the Harihar plates of the same king. But, if the word bhoga in the Bhumara inscription is supposed to be used in the sense of a territorial unit like & district or its subdivision, we can hardly escape the conclusion that Maharaja-Sarvanatha-bhoga was a small district of the kingdom of Hastin, even though its name was associated with that of Maharaja Sarvanatha, apparently the contemporary Uchchakalpa king of that name. This does not appear to support the suggestion that the pillar in question was set up in order to demarcate the boundary between the kingdoms of Hastin and Sarvanatha. Monier-Williams' Sanskrit-English Dictionary recognises the word bhoga in the senses of possession, property, wealth, revenue,' besides others. Wilson's Glossary of Judicial and Revenue Terms mentions two kinds of bhoga or possession, viz. 80-vadha (with obstruction) and nir-vadha (unobstructed, undisputed). He also recognises the following expressions containing the same word : (1) bhoga-labha, usufruct in lieu of interest ; (2) bhogottara, a grant of revenue for the enjoyment of a person or deity; and (3) bhoga-bandhaka, a kind of mortgage in which the articles mortgaged may be converted to use and the profits are to be appropriated by the mortgagee in lieu of interest. We have also inscriptions speaking of a vithi (i.e. & shop or stall in a market) as bhogadhina tishthati and bhog-adhina grihita with reference to its lying in the possession or being brought under the possession of an individual. From the sense of possession' the word bhoga came to be used in the sense of the property under one's possession. The word is used in this sense, 0.g., in the Vangiya Sahitya Parishad plate of Vibvarupasens. The use of bhoga (and also of bhukti) in the sense of a territorial unit seems to be due to a further expansion of this meaning of the word. Inscriptions often mention the expressions bhogika and bhoga-pati. Since bhoga-pati is sometimes mentioned in association with nri-pati (i.e. king) and vishaya-pati (i.e.governor of a district)", 1 Above, Vol. VI, p. 298. * Ibid., Vol. XII, p. 34. *Ibid., Vol. XIX, p. 64. * Ibid., Vol. XXIII, p. 84, note 9. Ibid., p. 108. * Told., p. 120. *Thid., Vol. IX, p. 16. Ibid., Vol. XXX, pp. 212-13. .N. G. Majumdar, In Beng., Vol. III, p. 146, text line 42; JAS, Lotters, Vol. XX, p. 203. * Above, Vol. IV, p. 249, text line 44; Vol. VI, 141 note, p. 300; Vol. XII, p. 34; Vol. XXIII, p. 180, taxt line 4; Vol. XXVII, p. 40.

Page #245
170 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXXIII it may be understood in the sense of an officer in charge of a territorial unit called bhoga', althougX the meaning one in the possession of a bhoga, ise, landed property or jagir' is also not impossible in such cases. But the word bhogika seems to be often used in the sense of a jagirdar. Thus the donee of the Srungavarapukota plates (lines 9-10)of Anantavarman is called Achantapura-bhogika Matrisarman. It appears that Mutriaarman was the jagirdar of the village of Achantapura and not the governor or resident of Achantapura-bhoga. We have also other instances of the word bhoga being affixed to a personal name in a compound exactly as in Maharaja-Sarvantidha-bhoga 'in the Bhumari inscription. A stone inscription", from Kosam () now preserved in the Allahabad Municipal Museum, reads as follows: 1 Siddham. [] svasti [l*] Mahasamantadhipati-sri-SrIdhara-bhoge dushtas.2 hani-Bha(Bhf)mena kirttan="eyam karapita | bhattaraka-Laha3 dena # Samvat 4 [11]33 [l* Mahasamantadhipati Sidhara's bhoga mentioned in this record, which is no doubt similar to Maharaja Sarvanitha's bhoga known from the Bhumar, pilar inscription, appears to indicate the jagir or fief in the possession of Sridhara and not the district governed by him. Since it is impossible to believe that Maharaja Sarvanatha was the governor of a territorial unit in the kingdom of Hastin, the sense of a jagir'is certainly more suitable to the word bhoga in the context of the Bhumara inscription. It may be argued that a district originally named after Sarvanatha was later included in Hastin's kingdom. This is improbable in view of the faot that Sarvanatha was later contemporary of Hastin. As regards Maharaja-Sarvanatha-bhoga lying in or comprising Ambloda within Hastin's dominions, there is nothing improbable, in our opinion, in Maharaja Sarvanatha enjoying a jagir within his neighbour's kingdom. This possibility is suggested by the well-known story of the locality called Kasi-grama or Kasi-nigama which lay within the dominions of the king of Kosala but was for & considerable period of time in the possession of the king of Magadha. The said locality yielding a revenue of one lakh coins was given by Mahakosala, king of Kosala, to his daughter Koraladevi for her bath and perfume money when she married king Bimbisara of Magadha and, as n result, became a part of the Magadha kingdom. After Bimbisara's death, Prasenajit, son and successor of Mahakosala, withdrew the gift from Ajatasatru, son and successor of Bimbisara. This led to a protracted war between Magadha and Kosala. Ultimately Prasenajit gave his daughter Vajra in marriage to Ajatasatru and the locality. was given back as part of her dowry. It is not impossible that the village or territorial unit called Ambloda lay in or comprised a bhoga under the enjoyment or possession of Maharaja Sarvanatha even though the area formed a part 1 The word bhojaka is often used in the same sense. CE. Suc. SOL, pp. 64 f. ste. * Above, Vol. XXIII, p. 60. . This is No. 619 of 1967-58, Appendix B. See A8TAR, 1935-36, p. 95. * Expressed by symbol. For Sahani, cf. above, Vol. XXXII, pp. 141-42. The designation Drisk faadhani seems to be the same as Dewchaadhanika, Duhaldhyaaddhanika or Dauheadhyamadhanila mentioned in many records (cf. Majumdar, Inscriptions of Bengal, Vol. 111, p. 185). * The word kirtland is the same as kirlana or kirti often used to indioato an image, & temple, & grant, oto, calculated to render famous the name of the person responsible for it. CL sbore, Vol. XXVIII, p. 184. Read Karita. . The intended reading may be Lahadasya since the object of the theoription rooms to be to record the construction of a shrine for a deity named Lahada. Soo Malala sekera, Dictionary of Pali Proper Name., 5.1, Rangamandoinigama, Konaladevi, Ajditaratu and Pasenadi.

Page #246
INSCRIPTIONS IN ALLAHABAD MUSEUM A Scale : One-third

Page #247
Purug-eu0 : oreog kakarininaritai niyaritatamiro chiyansutohasorekurainanteShang kara TWILL FISHEE SALAMEStoha? dorutomunbirudo 15 1213=E621 33 1/2 ECR261 ru

Page #248
No. 32] NOTE ON BHUMARA PILLAR INSCRIPTION OF HASTIN 171 of the dominions of Maharaja Hastin, just as Kasi-grama or Kasi-nigama in the kingdom of Kosala was in the possession of the king of Magadhs when Mahakosala and Prasenajit were on the throne of the Kosala country, although it is difficult to say whether matrimonial relations existed between Hastin and Sarvanatha. We have now to determine the purpose behind the setting up of the stone pillar at Bhumara since it does not appear to be the demarcation of the boundary between the kingdoms of Hastin and Sarvanatha. Inscribed and uninscribed pillars of stone, found in different parts of India, are innu merable. They were raised for yarious purposes in all the ages of Indian history. Ainongst the inscribed pillars, the earliest belong to the days of the Maurya emperor Asoka (c. 269-232 B.C.).' These are called stambha (Prakrit thabhu, thambha, thablur, thambha) or fila-stambha in the epigraphs they bear. There are some pillars which may be classified as dhuaja-stambhal (often standing before a temple and bearing inscriptions in some cases), jaya-stambhas (often hearing the ealogy of a conqueror) and kirti-stambha* (often bearing the eulogy of a person who performed a pious deed calculated to make him famous). Certain memorial pillars known as hero stoues (often with inscriptions recording the deaths of warriors while fighting against enemies) and sati stones (often bearing inscriptions which record the deaths of widows burning themselves in fire) are found in large numbers in the southern and western regions of India, though they are as well known from other parts of the country. Besides these, we have also other kinds of inscribed pillars bearing small inscriptions as the one on the Bhumara pillar. Some of these are votive pillars set up in religious establishments by pious men, especially pilgrims, for acquiring religious inerit. They ure generally referred to as stambha in Sanskrit and thabhu, thabha, thambha or tharbha in Prakrit in the records incised on them. Instances of such votive pillars are numerous in the inscriptions discovered in the ruins of old Buddhist Slupas like those at Barhut, Sanchi, and Nagarjunikonda.' There is another class of memorial pillars similar to the hero and sati stones. The erection of such pillars in honour of one's dead relatives is referred to in early records like the Suivihar inscrip tion dated in the 11th regnal year of the Kushana emperor Kanishka I and the Andhau inscritions of the year 52 apparently referable to the Saka 'era and corresponding to 130 A.D. Suc) pillars are generally mentioned in the inscriptions incised on them as yashi (Prakrit yathi, lashti). The use of the word yashti in the expression bala-yashti occurring in our inscription may suggext that the Bhumari pillar was a memorial raised in honour of a dead relative of Sivadasa. This relative was possibly his grandfather or grandmother Indani, although it is not clearly stated in the inscription." See Corp. Ins. Ind., Vol. I, pp. xy ff. *Cf., e.g., the Eran pillarinscription of the Guy is yeer 163 (ibid., Vol. III, pp. 88 ff.). * The Eran and Mandador pillar bearing the inscriptions respectively of Samudragupta and Yasodharman fall in this category. Cf. Select Inscriptions, pp. 200 ff.; 393 ff. A Jayu-stawka could sometimes he also regarded AS A kirti-stambha. The Talagunda pitlar baring a pruni of the Kadamba king Kikunthavaran who excavated a tank nea Siva temple belongs to this class. Cf. ibid., pp. 450 ff. . See, e.g., above, Vol. XXXI, pp. 323 ff. See, e.g., Hiralal's List, p. 46 (No. 79), p. 33 (No. 95). etc. In many cases, the inscriptions on tho pillar record both the death of a hero and the self-immolation of his widow. (1. e.g., the Eran inscription of the Gupta year 191 (310 A.D.) in the same work, p. 49 (No. 83). See Barua and Sinha, Barhuf Inecription; above, Vol. II, pp. 87 ff.; Vol. XX, pp. 1 ff; eo. Cf. TRASB, Letters, Vol. XV, 1949, PP. 6-. . Select Inscription, pp. 35-36. For cificial pillars called yupe, nee ibid., pp. 92-93. . Ibid., pp. 167-68. & memorial pillar laving the representation of a dead person is called a chayi-stanbha in. Nagarjunikonda inscription (cf. 4. R. Rp., 1956-57, No. V 26). ** We have other pillarinscriptions without indication as regards the object of setting up the pillars in question, especially when they were raised in a religious establishment. See JRASB, Letters, Vol. XV, pp. 6 ff.

Page #249
179 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (VOL. XXXIII It is interesting in this connection to note that another stone pillar inscription of the middle of the fifth century A.D., discovered in the Bhumara region of Central India, refers to the setting up of a bala-yashi in the following words : sva-puny-apyayan-artham yasah-kirtti-pravardhamanagottra-failika bala yashti[h*) pratishthapita Varga-gramikena. This was a memorial pillar apparently raised in honour of several dead relations of a gramika (headman of a village) named Varga and that is why the bala-yashti appears to be described as a gottra-failika,' a family stone'. There is absolutely no indication in the inscription that it could have been a boundary-pillar of any kind. The meaning of the expression bala-yashti is not clear. The Medinikosha recognises the word bala in the adjectival sense of bala-yukta, strong, stout', and this is suitable in the present context. Bala-yashti may thus indicate a strong or stout (i.e. everlasting) pillar. Even if bala is taken in its ordinary sense of strength, bala-yashti would offer the same meaning in a compound expression. It is difficult to say whether such memorial pillars were popularly and conventionally known to have been 'Balarama's yashti or pillar' just as Asoka's Delhi-Swalik pillar is called Bhimasena's lat or lath (from yashti or lashti meaning a pillar') ? In this connection, reference may be made to a late pillar inscription from the former Rewa State, now preserved in the Allahabad Municipal Museum. It reads as follows: 1 Siddham: [l*) Samvat 1[4J17 samaye Jeshta -vadi 13 Vuddha Maha2 rajadhiraja-sri-Vallaladeva-rajye ato 3 Nayakapalash] tasya varse(se) su-putra-Mah[7]raja-nama 4 pratyutpannah | tad-abhagyat-paramesvara-vaikulyat=886 trbhya[m] saha para-lok-antaritah tad-artham gatra6 m-akarshit | a-chandra-bhanu yavat=tavat=tishthatv-idam(dam) | 7 Bhamina Somaka tatha Chollo] Sahadeva | kpitam gatram(tram)! This inscription refers to a memorial pillar raised by some persons in the memory of a dead man named Maharaja whose two wives appear to have committed Sati, on Wednesday, Jyeshthavadi 13, V.8. 1417 (May 13, 1360 A.D.) during the rajya or reign of Maharajadhiraja Vallaladeva, as a gatra. The word gatra (occurring twice in the record in lines 5 and 7) in the sense of a pillar is unintelligible. It, however, appears to be a mistake or modification of the word gotra which may be a contraction of what is called gotra-failika in the Rewa inscription of the Gupta period, to which reference has been made above. The pillar in question may be regarded as a family stone' since it was raised in memory of three persons (i.e. the husband and his two wives) of a particular family. It is interesting to note that the use of gotra-sailika and gatra in the sense of a memorial pillar has so far been found only in the said records of the Rewa region. Cf. ibid., p. 6. This is the Supia (former Rewa State) pillar inscription of the reign of Skandagupt (456-67 A.D.), dated in the Gupta year 141 (460 A.D.). Cf. CII., Vol. IV, p. 607 and note 7, to which my attention was drawn when the present note was going through the press. * This is No. 528 of 1957-58, Appendix B. See ABIAR, 1935-36, p. 96. . Expressed by symbol. * Read Jydahtha. Road Budhe. * A word like dat would suit the context. * Better read Bhomina-Somaba-Chalo-Sahadevaih.

Page #250
No. 33-STRAY PLATE IN MADRAS MUSEUM (1 Plato) P. R. SRINIVASAN, MADRAS (Received on 6.2.1958) This is a single plate bearing inscription on both sides, which was purchased by the Government Museum, Madras, in 1955, from a person who is stated to have got it from Tirupparan kunram, & suburb of Madurai. Obviously it belonged to a set of which the other plates are missing. I am editing it here with the kind permission of Dr. A. Aiyappan, Superintendent, Government Museum, Madras. The plate measures 10" X 34' x .075". There are ten lines of writing on each side. The preservation of the writing is satisfactory excepting some letters at the beginning of a few lines on both the obverse and reverse of the plate. Though the inscription is fragmentary it is interesting in more respects than one. The characters of the inscription are Tamil and the record may be assigned to circa 10th century A.D. on palaeographical grounds. If the information about the provenance of the plate is correct, it may suggest that the charter was issued from the Pandya kingdom. This is to some extent borne out by the use of certain expressions in the record. Cf. araffu (lines 1-2), Poduvan (line 6), Ilavan (line 18), etc. The introduction of the Chola variety of the Tamil script in the Pandys kingdom, where Vatteluttu was formerly in general use, was largely due to the Chola kings who began to establish their sway over the Pandya region in the tenth century. The expressions rottar (each member), orollar (each member) and orokudi (each family) are interesting. They are characteristic of the region where the record is stated to have been found. The use of padu in ponpadunilam is interesting because it refers to a period earlier than the stage of its use solely as a passive participle. The epigraph uses the marks of pulti or vitama, though not uniformly. The passage that is preserved in this stray plate seems to record the settlement of one family each of the classes of shepherds, oilmongers, pottets, goldsmiths, carpenters, blacksmiths, washermen, Ilavas, Parambas and Paraiyas in a village. Some of them were assigned lands belonging to s god with whom they were required to share the produce. Unfortunately other details are lost. The term arat! kkayam and nilakkanam mentioned in the record require a word of explapation. The former stands for sonie kind of a tax levied from the people of the particular colony referred to in the inscription for the specific purpose of the festival of bathing the images of gods and goddesses in river water. The second term means 'the remittance both in kind and cash according to the land holdings that are leased out to them and enjoyed (unbadu) by the various classes of people settled in a colony'. The word kombu occurs twice in the inscription in two different contexts. In the first instance it is associated with nel or paddy (line 4) and this paddy is said to be divided into shares) and received as wage individually [by the labourers). Here the term kombu indicates the quality of the paddy. In the villages, especially in the District of Ramanathapuram, tbe meykku!!u-al, i.e. the man or woman employed on daily wages basis, is usually paid in kind and gets a quantity of paddy of the first quality. In the second instance, it finds a place in the passage kombil kule-mayaniyum (line 8) as well as in the passage ponpadumilattu ordutarkku kal cheyyum kombil rottarkku (magasilyum in lines 9-10. The word kombu is sociated with lulemaganiyum in the first expression and with maganiyum in the next. It. (173) .

Page #251
174 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (VOL. XXXII therefore, seems to indicate & variety of land. The Mapradia were thus granted two varieties of land. Ponpadunilam is one variety and the other variety is qualified by the term kombu. While the former refers to the most fertile class of land usually situated near the residential site or central belt of fields in a village, the latter may refer to land situated in the outlying parts of the village." This meaning seems to be quite in accord with the context. The term poppadu-nilom means golden land', i.e. the most fertile land. It may be mentioned here that in every village, the lands are classified into several categories according to their fertility. By specifying the land as ponpadu-mlam it is presumable that the place referred to in this inscription should also have other categories of less fertile lands and that the practice of classifying the land is an ancient one. Buoh expressions as atuapayan, meykkattu and melieluttag are equally interesting. Of these, the term meykkatu, as indicated above, is in vogue even today. The adjectives preceding the names of individual Manradis such as panjirriyan seem to stand for the names of various classes among them. Of these adjectives mallan continues to be in vogue to this day. The locality called Panriyur was probably situated in the ancient Pandyan kingdom, though it is not possible to identify it. TEXT First Side 1 1 peru[va"]du [l*] arallu-[k*]kapam samuha'ttil pannirandu uztta-payan kur-i2 ttu ko!!um mudalum utta-kkuraivum arattu-p[panaiyam=aga kolvadu [l*) A3 ftil-palliyar panikk-uriyar aradu-nal rottar kala nel peruvadu [l*] Pa4 pri urarun=kalarun pattam alavum taliy-alavum perar [l*] kombin nel 6 uljur mey-kkattinal kujai vilaiy=aga kalattile kur-ittu kolvadu [l*) i-chcheri6 [kku] Mapradigal Panjirriyan Vattam Poduvanum Pusal Kavan-chellanu . 7 m [cherl]ppan Nilar-kavanum Mallan Kavama[rai]'yan Kurran Kodai Araiyanu8 m Mallan sattam Vattanum [l*) Sattam Vattanukku kombil kale-magapiyum ma9 x[rai] Manradigalukku pon-padu-nilattu orottarkku kal chey'yum kombil ro10 tta[rkku] ma[gani]yum uludu Devarrodum padi itt-unpadu [l*) nilakkanam kar-chey 1 [This explanation is not convincing. The meanings given by the author for the word kombu in the two contexts are contradictory. In the first instance aleo it may mean paddy grown in the kombu variety of land'. The Tamil Lexicon explains the word as the farthest end of a lank bund'.-Ed.) From the original plate. . Its head has been effaced due to corrosion of the plate; so it looks like pa. * The word samuha is in Grantha. This expression which has its variant orollar in line 9, is in vogue id the Ramanathapuram, Madurai and Tirunelveli Districts as well as in Kerala. * This is a mistake for ti. * There is a dot over this letter. In the Ramanathapuram District, a chey is a measure of land, also called md, comprising sixteen mundirle which is approximately equal to of a veli or 24 acres. [Ma was one-twentieth of a otli in those days. -Ed.] . Read Devarodu. The letter m is incised below the letter pd.

Page #252
STRAY PLATE IN MADRAS MUSEUM First Side cchae`303519158,53544 6 emi pii201st SF779%83927Cf15:19 SS16943 C6f1-24 (man++ phi A1 21523576 161 2 50 3, aimaa 2511220414 0 - 0 31 1 2 3 1 15fIOGaam125 5 135 chaaraa? n " raakhaa 465 4 30 6 naayJg44 16 khaanpii 4 ai73 (13929 , Lory26" 1-13 1942(4) ra99thr75 eB5 ESSyz5get": n)) 4 +9 kh hes L5 !"2014 (9 1992 yrs orngng4Juxu19dCry ** 5,0.23% `kaipaid OI ` (0) Scale : Nine-tenths

Page #253
Second Side 543-tunnnaikllukkaak ivngk naalaavaiptee vr kSaiELEPRESS pootaiHotSIENDRAN

Page #254
No. 33] STRAY PLATE IN MADRAS MUSEUM Second Side 11 yall-a]rai='kkalanju pon iruppadu [*] Mellelutanum Tal[pa]rriyum rotta 12 r pon-padu-nilattu kale-araikkal nilam Devarrodu padi ittu upbadu [/*] 13 [nila]-kkiyam rottar padin-ir-arai-kkapam poen-iralp*lpadu [*] Melleluttan14 [num Talpar]riyum At-oruvar pani deyvadu []*] kajarum* [Manradigalum kudiyi 15 [-matta pani teyvadu [1] i-cheheri kudigal kal cheyyal arai-kkalaju pon 16 [nila]-kkanamum kalav-arisiyum nali neyyum iruttu Devar nilam uludu 17 padi itt-unbadu [*] Vaniganum Kusavanum Kavidiyum Tattanu[m] Tachchanum Kol18 lagam Vanganum Ilavagum Parambanum Paraiyanum orokudi irup 19 padu [1] Devar-vappapukku kal cheyyal oru padugaiyum kala-pperum 40 20 duvarai pann-iru kala nellu peruvadu [*] i-chcheri kudigal [va]gdesham* 175 1 Read "yal-arhi. Nilam preceded by bile-aruikkal (i.e. ) seems to suggest that here it is a synonym of chey. [The language seems to suggest that chey was different from tale-araikkal.-Ed.] * Read Devarudu. Read kalarum. The letters "gdaha are in Grantha.

Page #255
No. 34-ALLAHABAD MUSEUM PLATE OF GOVINDACHANDRA, V. S. 1171 (1 Plate) D. 0. STRCAR, OOTACAMUND (Received on 13.2.1968) When I visited the Municipal Museum at Allahabad in Deceinber 1957, Dr. S.C. Kala, Curator of the Museum, kindly allowed me to examine and copy two copper-plate grants in his custody. On examination it was found that both the charters belong to the Gahadavala dynasty of Banatas. Both the inscriptions are engraved on single plates. The first of the two charters, written on both sides of the plate, was issued by the Gahadavala king Madanapala (circa 1100-14 A.D.) and the second, witten only on one side, by his son Govindachandra (circa 1114-55 A.D.). Yadanapala's document was issued on the occasion of the Akshaya-tritiya on Thursday, the 3rd of the bright half of Vaisakha in V. S. 1164, corresponding to the 16th April 1108 A.D. The seal attached to the ring passing through a hole in the plate has the figure of flying Garuda above, the legend fri-Madanapaladevah in the middle and the representation of a conch-shell below. The charter records the grant of the village of Saja in the Chaturasika (i.e., Chaurasi or a Pargana consisting roughly of 84 villages)' of Manighapura in the A[ru]resa pattala (district) in favour of the Brahmana Gangadharafarman of the Bharadvaja gotra. The name of apparently the same padala is also found in the Fyzabad plate of Gahadavala Jayachchandra (circa 1170-93 A.D.), dated V. S. 1233 (1187 A. D.), and it may be the same as the region around Arror, the older name of Partabgarh. The inscription was discovered at Badera in the Kunda Tahsil of the Partabgarh Distriot, U.P. The gift village of Saja lies at a distance of seven miles from Badera which is only two miles from Manikpur (Manighapura of the inscription) near the Ghutni railway station on the branch line between Allahabad and Raibareily. This inscription was published by K. C. Sinha and K. Chattopadhyaya in the Journal of the U. P. Historical Society, Vol. XIV, Part I, pp. 70 ff. The other charter issued by the Gahadevala king Govindachandra is edited below. . As indicated above, this is a single plate inscribed on one side only. The ring bearing the seal passes through a hole measuring 8' in diameter about the middle of the first line of writing.. The plate measures 17 inches in length, 13.5 inches in height and 15 inch in thickness. But the corners of the plate are rounded off and its length and breadth are slightly less at the sides. The soal bears, besides the usual Garuda and conch-shell emblems, the legend frimad-Govindachadra(ndra)deva) . There are altogether 23 lines of writing on the plate. The findspot of the record is not known to me. The inscription resenibles the numerous other charters of Gabadavala Govindachandra in palaeography, orthography and style. The vowel mark of e is written both as sird-matra and prishtha-matra. E is written like p and mn like rll and dh sometimes like v. There is no difference between th and dhu. 'The use of v for b (except in Rambu in line 9), 8 for & and the class nasal for the anusvara is noticed in many cases. The date of the grant is quoted as Monday, the fullmoon tithi of the month of Karttika in V. S. 1171. We have another charter issued by the This tithi was the occasion for the grant of several Gahadavala charters. Cf. the Kamauli plate of V. S. 1172 (above, Vol. IV, pp. 103-04), Pali plate of V. S. 1189 (ibid., Vol. V. pp. 113-15), Lar plato of V. S. 1202 (ibid., Vol. VII, pp. 98-100), etc. . * Soe JBRS, Vol. XL, p. 10. Cf. the name of Vada-chaturskiti-pattala in the Set-Mahot plate of Govindachandra, dated 1188 (above, Vol. XI, pp. 20 ff.). For the Prakritism in the expression chaturanika, cf. bayalist (Sanskrit drachatarishtal) in the name of Rudamaua bayalial-pattala in the Kamauli plate of V. 8. 1190 (above, Vol. IV, pp. 111-12). Ind. Ant., Vol. XV. Pp. 10 ff. No facsimile of the inscription was published. The name has been road as Agurtia. (178)

Page #256
No. 34] ALLAHABAD MUSEUM PLATE OF GOVINDACHANDRA, V. 8. 1171 177 same monarch exactly on the same day. It is the Kamauli plate published above. But in spite of the occurrence of the same date in two different documents, it has to be admitted that it is irregular since Karttika-su. 15 was not a Monday in V. S. 1171 (1114-15 A.D.). The record begins with the symbol for Siddham and the word seasti. These are followed in lines 1-10 by nine stanzas which are already well known from the published Gahadavala charters. The first of these verses contains an adoration of the goddess Sri (Lakshmi) while the next (verse 2) introduces Yasovigraha who is stated to have flourished after the rulers of the solar race (i.e. the Gurjara-Pratihara emperors of Kanauj) had passed away. Verse 3 introduces Yasovigraha's son Mahichandra and the next two stanzas (verses 4-5) Mahichandra's son Chandra who is stated to have obtained by his valour the empire (adhirajya, i.e. samrajya) of Gadhipura (Kanyakubja or Kanauj, i.e. the erstwhile Gurjara-Pratihara empire), and protected the holy places in the Kasi, Kusika (Kusikapura or Gadhipura, i.e. Kanyakubja), Uttarakosala (land around the city of Ayodhya and Sravasti) and Indrasthana (Indraprastha or Delhi) regions. It is also stated that king Chandra eradicated all afflictions of the subjects of the Gadhipura empire (or, less probably, suppressed their rebellion). Chandra's son Madanapala is described in the next two stanzas (verses 6-7) and Govindachandra, who was the son and successor of Madanapala and issued the charter under review, in verses 8-9. A passage in prose in lines 10-13, also known from the king's other charters, then re-introduces Govindachandra, described as Paramabhattaraka Maharajadhiraja Paramesvara and Paramamahesvara and as meditating on (or favoured by) the feet of Madanapala who himself meditated on (or was favoured by) the feet of Chandra. Here also king Chandra is described as having obtained the possession of Kanyakubja (i.e. Kanyakubja or Kanauj). The claim seems to refer to the fact that the Gahadavalas considered themselves successors of the Gurjara-Pratihara emperors. It is often supposed that the reference is to the occupation of the city of Kanauj which is again believed to have been another capital of the Gahadavala monarchs besides Varanasi or Banaras. But the language of verse 4 does not appear to support this interpretation and there is also no evidence to show that Kanauj was a secondary capital of the Gahadavalas of Banaras. The representation of the rulers of this dynasty as 'the Gahadavalas of Varapasi and Kanyakubja' thus appears to be inaccurate. Yasovigraha, founder of the Gahadavala house, seems to have been ruling in the Banaras region as a subordinate of the latest rulers of the Gurjara-Pratihara dynasty, although there is no doubt that, before his grandson Chandra established his imperial status in the last quarter of the eleventh century, the Kalachuris of Tripuri had succeeded in extending their power over the said area. Baihaqi speaks of a Muslim invasion of Banaras about 1034 A. D. when the city belonged to the territory of Gang (i.e., Kalachuri Gangeya, circa 1015-41 A. D.) while the rule of Karna (circa 1041-71 A. D.), son of Gangeya, in that region is proved by epigraphic evidence. The Basahi plate, referred to above, also assigns Chandra's rise to the period after the death of the kings named Bhoja and Karna (i.e., the Kalachuri king of that name). Lines 13 ff. record the details of the grant made by the king on the date discussed above after having taken a bath in the Ganges at Varanasi and having paid respects to the Sun-god and worshipped the gods Siva and Vishnu. The privileges to be enjoyed by the donee of the grant and the officers and others addressed by the king are the same as in the other Gahadavala charters. Vol. IV, pp. 102 f. 2 See ibid., pp. 100, etc. Cf. Ray, DHNI, Vol. I, 507. The Basahi plate (Ind. Ant., Vol. XIV, p. 103, text line 5) describes Chandra as having 'established his capital at Kanyakubja'. But the statement seems to indicate that, after having estab. lished his suzerainty over the former Kanauj empire, Chandra, stayed at the city of Kanauj for sometime. A subordinate ruling family of the Rashtrakutas had its headquarters at that city under the Gahadavilas. See Bhandarkar's List, Nos. 204, 1670. See Ray, op. cit., Vol. II, pp. 773, 783, 785.

Page #257
178 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXXIII The epigraph under study records the grant of the village of Vadhavali in the pattala or district of Kasnabbhavana in favour of Pandita Govardhanabarman who was a Samavedin Brahmana claiming the Sarkavasya or Sarkava gotra and the Angirasa, Amahicha and Aruksha prataras and was the son of Agnihotrin Kosava and the grandson of Pundita Malhana. It may be pointed out that the Sarkavasya or Sarkava gotra is not mentioned in any early work, and it has no doubt been wrongly spelt in the inscription. But the mention of Angirasa among the three pravaras helps us in determining the correct reading of the names of the other two pravuras which have also been wrongly spelt. There is no doubt that the three pravaras are Angirasa, Amahayya (or, Amahiyava, etc.) and Auruksbaya which are assigned in early works to the gotras of the Kapi group. Unfortunately none of the gotras of this group sounds like Sarkavasya or Sarkava. Some authorities include a gotra called Sarngarava in this group and Sarkavasya or Sarkava may be a wrong reading for Sarngarava. The document was written by Karanika-Thakkura Sahadeva who is already known from the Kamauli: and Don Buzurg plates both issued by king Govindachandra in V. S. 1176 (1120 A.D.). The record ends with the passage mangalan maha-srih and the akshara chha written twice between double dandas. The said akshara is an indication of the end of the writing. It is interesting to note that the akshara occurs singly at the end of the grant proper in line 21. Its duplication thus indicates the end of the whole document while its single occurrence earlier means the end of a section only. Besides the Tirthas in certain areas in the modern U. P. as well as Gadhipura or Kanyakubja (i.e., Kanauj) mentioned in the description of king Chandra, only two other geographical names are mentioned in the inscription. They are the district of Kasnabbhavana and the village of Vadhavali. I am not sure about their location. If Vadhavali may be identified with one of the villages named Badhauli in the Districts of U. P., we may possibly suggest the one at lat. 28deg and long. 78deg 15', since there is at lat. 28deg 25' and long. 77deg 30' a village called Kasna which is the first part of the name of the pattala mentioned in the inscription. The second part of this name may possibly refer to Bhawan Bahadurnagar at lat. 28deg 35' and long. 77deg 55'. In that case it has to be suggested that the name of the district was coined by joining the names of two prominent localities in it. TEXT [Metres: verses 1, 3, 10-11 Anushtubh ; verse 2 Indravajra ; verses 4, 7 Sardulavikridita ; verses 5-6, 8 Vasantatilaka ; verse 9 Drutavilambita.) 1 Siddhar? svasti! Akunth-otkantha-Vaikuntha-kantha-pitha-luthat-karah samrambhah surat-arambhe sa Sriyah breyaseaestu vah || [1*) Asid=Asi($i)tadyuti-vansa(vamsa)-jata2 [kshm]apala-malasu divan=gatasu sakshad=Vivasvan=iva bhuri-dhamna namna Yasd(68) vigraha ity-udarah || [2*] Tat-suto-bhun=Mahichandras-chandra-dhama-nibhan ni3 jam(jam) | yen=aparam=skupara-pare vyaparitam yasah(sah) || (3*) Tasy=abhut=tanayo nay-aika-rasikah kranta-dvishan-maydalo vidhva[st-o]ddhata-dbi[ra]'-yova(dha)-timirah sri-Chandra* Soo Gotra pravaranibandhakadamba, pp. 43, 48, 55, etc. *Ibid., p. 41. Above, Vol. IV, pp. 106 f. * Ibid., Vol. XVIII, pp. 218 ff. Cf. ibid., Vol. XXX, p. 218. From impressions. Bupressed by symbol. *Kwas originally incised, Some records read ora.

Page #258

Page #259
ALLAHABAD MUSEUM PLATE OF GOVINDACHANDRA, V. S. 1171 mevASThavekaSThApIThalavAra ramatAranemapiNe yasamuta cAsoTyAnamAnita sakA bAbAlamAnAdivaGgatAmA mAlAhita svAmitamaritA mAnA mAyAmA praharu padArazAta mAnAcAhAkTraya samAjanAna nApAramakapArapAre vyApAritama mAnavanitiyoTinaye yoganidAnAghisA hAlIvilamoha nabIvayovAnAmA yAjada / mAyAbAdAktarapratA mAmatArapA para zamAdimA mAtrAmamajAdAma kAme jAtAnAmanikA misina "tarako mAnahAnIyakA nagaripAlayatI nirgaya TimA malAmanimadada mAikanA ye nAhi jamAtIsa madanasulA ni mAnA meTama tikitIra vaDAmAlakovAna gAva sAmAnya kulamAlAmAle yoni pradalitakanikama rizamAyAdI hindhopayogImAgadAvIlAca vayAcA apavamAna jayananyAdA mazAla guDApatrAtAnina nA / lagalina thAnAgadA mitabhamAyAvatayAditaca nAcidijilAnAvanamAnamAra DAyatanitanavaM dalitalavana sA navarAya nAravadhImIdAra tada vanavIya navAgatAyo goviMda usanapadavAmAtazAmakAramAyAlana nAmakA mAmalA jonavanika nivamarana vallana panija svayamA mAdAgAnAgAsAgasamayakAkAvisa mahinA jihAra kavAyoDAvinAparAyacaparamamA ne gucanizAnAmA pAka nAkA vAvipazAva devApAnImA minahAramA rAjAvAjAparavayaramamAvazI madanapAladevapAdAvamAtA ramanahIpada na sAdhArAyavadhAyapura samAdevI manotinA Kala nImAnalAyAvatatanI grAmaniMdA ninonapadAnupani pitA kA jJApatagaMjamavigatalA nisArikaoNrapalika jiyAnamArakAta mAtahatakAravazAyanajAta pAnagAvalAvakArApAnamamA jJApaTAkara gAdamAniyA yazAvisamAnatAyaparalisiyAmA lAnunala kanavA karAvanAtanadhAraka vidyAvinA matamotaHmatI dhAvikA yA patAmanakArAsatamazvAnakApAnamAyA hinamatalAparavAnika rasa mInArAma mAyA mAnavani pradevamA tapazAsavAyatvAtAmATalapArana samAjaviNyAta nimakAlumavarayA nivAsidivasa sampAdanAlayAta dhAmAvAntapAya mAnakara ma mAnisA tasyayo jAmamA narama mAnihAyAyanayAnamArAyA mAyabAmadAcyA rasAmanAyA thI govaInAmI baharAyokolIna mAlalAtakAra nAvAtaca mApasabhAkAnadhyApachAmabI chapavaya janamANanArAyamAna siDakahomIna yasa agAdAyAnadAsa kAmavAsanAmayAkAmanAmayampAvaramAlayazApayA manAvara nisAnakAyamA mAgha svAvasyaya yAcAjasa sthAnamA tarAyalA laavaa| pakakara yAMcI Dire nAmajalAhAbAkAkA THAN Scale : One-third SEAL amovidavAra Scale : Actual

Page #260
No. 34] ALLAHABAD MUSEUM PLATE OF GOVINDACHANDRA, V 8. 1171 179 4 devo noipah | yen=adaratara-pratapa-sa(sa)mit-ase(&e)sha-praj-apadravami srimad-Gadhipur adhirajyam-asamam dor-vvikramen=arjjitam(tam) || [4*] Tirthani Kasi(si)-Kusi(si)k-O5 ttarakosal-Endrasthaniyakani paripalayat-abhigamyal hem atma-tulyam=anisan (sam) dadata dvijebhyo yen=ankita vasumati sa(sa)tasa(sa)stulabhih [ll 5*] Ya(Ta). 6 sy=atmajo Madanapala iti kshitindia-chuda-masir=vvijayate nija-gotra-chandrah yasy= abhisheka-kalas-ollasitaih payobhih prakshalitam Kali-raja[h*) sa7 kalam dharitryah || [6*] Yasy=asid=vijaya-prayana-samaye tung-achal-ochchais-chalan madyat-kumbhi-pada-kram-asama-bhara-[bhra]sya(sya)n-mahi-mandale chudla-ratna vibhinna-ta8 lu-galita-styan-ussig-udya(blisitah Se (Se) shah pesha -vasu(ba)d=iva kshanam-asau krode nilin-ananah || [7*] Tasm:ad=ajayata nij-ayata-va(ba)hu-valli-vam(bam)dh-avarudhvaddha)9 nava-rajya-gajo narendrah samdr)-amrita-drava-mucham prabhavo gavam yo Govinda chadra(ndra) iti charidra iv=imbu-raseh(seh) | [8*] Ma(Na) kathamapy=alabhanta rana-kshamanistis[ri]shu di10 [kshu] gajan=adha(tha) Vajrineh(nah) kakubhi va(ba)bhru(bhia)mur=Abhramuvallabhah (bha)-pratibhata iva yasya ghata-gajah || [9*] 87=yam samasta-raja-chakra-samsevita-chara nah sa cha parama11 bhattaraka-maharajadhiraja-paramesva(sva)ra-paramamabesva(sva)ra-nija-bhuj-oparjjita sri-Kanyakuvja(bj-a)dhipatya-sri-Chamdradeva-pad-anudhyata-paramabhattaraka maha12 rajadhiraja-paramesva(kva)ra-paramamalesvaleva)ra-bri-Madanapala dava-pad-anudyata paramabhattaraka - maharajadhiraja - paramesva(ava)ra - paramamahesva(sva)ra-srimaa. Govindachandrade13 vo vijayi || Kasnjavbhabbhavana-pattalayam Vadhavall-grama-nivarino nikhila-jana padan=upagatan=api cha raja-raja -rajni-yuvaraja-mantri-purohita-pratiba14 ra-senapati-bhandagarik-akshapatalika-bhishaka(shag)-naimittik-antahpurika-tu(du)ta-kari turaga-pattan-akarasthana-gokul-adhikari-purusha(sha)n samajnapayati vo(bo)15 dhayaty=adisa(sa)ti cha |yatha viditam=astu bhavatam(tam) yath=opari-likhita-gramah sa jala-sthalah sa-loha-lavan-akarah sa-madhuka-chuta-[va*]na-vatika-vitapa-trina-yuti-go chara-pa16 ryantah s-ordhv-avah(dhah) sa-gartt-sharas-chatur-aghata-visu(tu)ddhah s[v]a-sima-pa [r*]ya[n]tah ekasaptaty-adhika-sa(sa)t-aikadasa(ba)-samva[t*]sara Karttiki paurppamasyam ankatah Samvata(vat) 1171 Karttika-su17 di 15 Some bri-Varanasyam Ga[m]gayanh snatva vidhivan=ma[n]tra-deva muni-manu ja-bhuta-pitfi-ganamg=tarppayitva, timira-patala-patana-patu-mahasam=Ushnarochisham= upastha18 y=Ausha[dhi]patisakalasesharam samabhyarchchya tribhuvana-tratur-Vvasudevasya pejam vidhaya [pra]chura-payasena havisha Havirbhujam hutva mata-pitror=atmanas-cha punya-yaso(86)-bhivriddha1 Some records read adhigamya. * Some records read patalan. . There is a redundant superscript r above ama. * Sometimes the correction saisha (cf. Ind. Ant., Vol. XV, p. 12, Note 97) is suggested unnecessarily. The word ita need not be taken here to indicate utpritsha. This word is redundant although the intended expression may be rajaputra or rajanyala. Read balalaikharash.

Page #261
1180 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (VOL. XXXIII 19 ye asmabhih Sarkkavasya-gotzayal Angirasa-Amahicha-Aruksha-tri piavaraya Samaved Adhyayine pandita-bri-Malbana-pautzaya agnihotri-sri-Kesa (sa)va-put[r]aya pa[m]dita20 sri-Govardhanayakarmmane. Vra(Bra)hmanaya gokarnna-kusu(sa)-lata-puta-kara-tal-odaka purvvam=a Padmasad mano Hubuk-antam yavach=chhasaniksitya pradatta iti matva yatha-diyamana-bha. 21 ga-bhoga-kara-pravasikara-Turushkadamda-kudie-kabhriti-samtal-raja-pratyadayan dasyatha || chha || bhavanti ch=atra slokah | Bhumi[m] yah pratigrihna(hna)ti yas-cha bhumin prayachchhati - 22 bhau tau punya-karmmanau niyatau(tam) sva[r]gga-ganinau || [10*] Va(Ba)hubhir=vvasudha bhukta rajabhih Sagar-adibhih | yasya yasya yada bhumi[s-ta]sya tasya tada phalam(lam) [[ 11*] likhi23 "tam karapika-Thakkura-611-Sahadevena || mangala maha-stih || chha || chha || 1 The name is not found in the list of gotras found in enrly Indian literature. The intended reading may be Sarngarapa-sagotraya or Sarngarava-gotraya. * Sandhi has not been observed in this passage. Read Angiras- Amahayy (or Amahfyav, ctc.)-Aurukshaya. .Read Govarddhanabarmmare or Govarddhandryalarmmand. * This seems to be the same as kutaka of some inscriptions . Read samasta. * Better read bhavataschatra blokau. This line is engraved below the second half of the previous line.

Page #262
No. 35-PURI INSCRIPTION OF CHODAGANGA (1 Plate) D. C. SIRCAR, OOTACAMUND (Received on 9.5.1958) Some time ago I was informed that the removal of a coating of plaster from the walls of the temple of Siva called Markandesvara at the well-known city of Puri in Orissa revealed the existence of a number of inscriptions which had previously been hidden from the eye. In November 1957 I visited the temple and copied the inscriptions on its walls. Out of the inscriptions copied by me from the walls of the Markandesvara temple at Puri, three were found to belong to the reigns of three kings of the imperial branch of the Eastern Ganga dynasty. All the epigraphs record the installation of perpetual lamps in the temple of the god Markandesvara. The earliest of these reords is engraved on the right wall of the second gate and belongs to the time of the great Anantavarman Chodaganga (1078-1147 A.D.) who conquered the Puri-Cuttack region from the Somavamsis about the beginning of the twelfth century. The writing of the record is fairly well preserved. This inscription' is edited in the following pages. The preservation of the other two Ganga epigraphs in the Markardesvara temple is unsatisfactory. The earlier of these two inscriptions is engraved on the same wall as the record of Chodaganga and is dated in the third year of the regnal reckoning of Raghava who was a son of Chodaganga and ruled in the period o. 1156-70 A.D. The passage containing the date at the beginning of the record in line 1, which is in Sanskrit, reads : [svasti] Srimat(mad)-Raghavadevasya vijaya-rajyasamvata(sarvat) 3. No other details of the date have been quoted in the inscription. Since the Anka system of calculating regnal years may have been introduced during the reign of Raghava's elder brother and predecessor Kamarnava (c. 1147-56 A.D.),' year 3 may be an Anka year actually referring to the second year of Raghava's reign. The next passage of the inscription in Oriya in lines 1-2 reads : sri-Markande[svara]devara .. .. .. .. .. .. kavadi-pana tini akhanda-dipa varaha. It apparently refers to the investment of three Panas of cowries for the installation of twelve perpetual lamps in the temple of Markandesvaradeva. The third inscription, engraved on the right wall of the doorway, is fragmentary, its lower part being damaged. Its date portion in lines 1-2 reads after the Siddham symbol followed by the word svasti: sri-vira-Bhanu[deva]sya pra. varddhamana-vijaya-rajya-samata 14 srahe. The record was therefore incised in the fourteenth year of the reign of one of the four Ganga kings named Bhanu. The characters employed in the inscription are Gaudiya and not Oriya and this fact may suggest that the king has to be identified with Bhanu I or II rather than with Bhanu III or IV. The year seems to refer to the Anka reckoning and to the twelfth actual year of the reign of the king in question. The next passage in lines 2-4 of this inscription reads: Hara-pritya devi Umarkara data fri-Markakandesvaradevanka [sthi]ra e-divasa a-chanir-arkas akhanda-dipakai........ This clearly shows that, a queen named Uma probably one of king Bbann's wives, created a permanent endowment (sthira) for a perpetual lamp 1 This is No. 408 of 1957-58, App. B. There is another inscription (No. 403 of the same App.) written partly in Telugu and partly in Sanskrit in Gaudiya characters. It records that Atyandi's son Ganganarayana Velandi alias Chodagangana deposited 6 Madhas for the provision of oil for perpetual lamp in the Markandesvara temple on Thursday, Tuli-ku. 12, Saka 1061 (possibly September 27, 1128 A.D.). The inscription, however, does not refer to the reign of Anantavarman Chodaganga. * These are ibid., Nos. 404 and 407. Cr. 811., Vol. V, Nos. 1321-22, 1326-27, 1332-34. ( 181 )

Page #263
182 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (VOL. XXXIII for the god Markandesvara. The name of queen Uma, however, seems to suggest that the king mentioned in the record is really Bhanu III (c.1352-78 A.D). Visvanatha-kaviraja, who wrote his Chandrakala-nafika during the reign of Gajapati Nihsanka-Bhanu (i.e. Ganga Bhanu IV reigning upto 1434-35 A.D.),' quotes in his Sahityadarpana,' composed some time afterwards,' a stanza referring to Umadevi's husband Bhanu, as a contemporary ruler, from a work of his own father Chandrasekhara-sandhivigrahin. Apparently the same Umadevi is mentioned in the Bhubaneswar Parvati temple inscription of the 13th Anka year of the king named Bhanu and in the Simhachalam inscription of Saka 1301, Margabirsha ba. I, Friday (25th November 1379 A.D.) falling in the reign of Narasimha IV (c. 1378-1402 A.D.). It thus appears that Umadevi's husband Bhanu should be identified with Bhanu III, the father of Narasimha IV and grandfather of Bhanu IV, as suggested by Rajaguru and Das. The inscription of Chodaganga, which forms the main subject of this article, contains nine lines of writing. The inscribed area covers & space about 131 inches in height and 32 inches in length. Individual aksharas are about 14 inches in height. The characters of the record are Gaudiya and its language is Sanskrit. But it exhibits considerable influence of the local language and is full of grammatical and orthographical errors. In some of the sentences, the language is actually a mixture of Sanskrit and Oriya and often the meaning has to be conjectured. The date in line 1, given in the king's regnal reckoning, also offers some difficulty. The regnal year is written in two figures, the second of which is clearly 7. The first figure is exactly the same as found in the same date occurring in the Bhubaneswar inscription of Anantavarman Chodaganga, which has been published in the pages of this journal. This doubtful figure has some resemblance with the shape of 5, 80 that the date in both the Bhubaneswar epigraph and the present inscription would appear to be the regnal year 57. But the Bhubaneswar inscription shows that the same yearof Chodaganga's reign corresponded to the Saka year indicated by the chronogram ritu-Rama-khendu, i.e. Saka 1036-1114-15 A.D. Since the said Saka year coresponded to the thirtyseventh and not fiftyseventh regnal year of Chodaganga who ascended the throne in 1078 A.D., the first figure in the number in question had to be read as 3. In view of this, Chodaganga's regnal year quoted in the inscription under study should also have to be read as 37. Thus the epigraph appears to have been engraved in 1114-15 A.D. The inscription begins with the Siddham symbol and the date referred to above. The first sentence in lines 1-4 apparently means to say that, in the year 37 during the reign of the illustrious Chodagangadeva, Sadhu Bhimadeva, & resident of Niralo-grama called an Angabhoga of the god Purushottama, as well as Ruda (Rudra?) and Hari (both probably of the same place) accepted some amount or coins of gold for one chhaya-dipa meant to be a perpetual lamp to be burnt before the god Markandesvara. The epithet sadhu applied to Bhimadeva shows that he belonged to the mercantile community. Possibly Ruda and Hari were also members of the same community. The expression anga-bhoga often occurs in Telugu and Kannada inscriptions in association with ranga-bhoga and arga-ranga-bhoga is sometimes translated as 'decorations and illuminations of a god'.. 'In the present case, the epithet anga-bhoga is applied to a village, the income from which appears to have been utilised for the anga-bhoga or decoration of the deity in question. 1 Seo JOHR, Vol. VI, Appendix, pp. i ff. . Cf. Kane's ed., 1923, pp. 13-14. * Verges from the Chandrakala-natika are quoted in the Sahityadarpana. Cf. JOHR, Vol. III, p. 49. Umadevf is here wrongly taken to be the name of goddess Parvati. SII, Vol. VI, No. 730. Umadevl's relation with king Narasimha is not stated in the inscription. * JOHR, Vol. VI, Appendix, pp. 7-vi. Another known queen of Bhanu III Was Hiradevi. *Above, Vol. XXX, pp. 29 ff. (No. 1), and Plate facing p. 32. Cf. Sreenivasachar, A Corpus of Inscriptions in the Telingana District, Part II, p. 201. For bhoga, 'a jagir', cf. above, p. 170.

Page #264
No. 35] PURI INSCRIPTION OF CHODAGANGA 183 Thus the village of Niralo seems to have been a rent-free holding in the possession of the god Purushottama-Jagannatha of Puri. The expression chhaya-dipa means a lamp held in the hand of an image generally of the donor. The word chhaya, 'image', is known from other inscriptions also. A Srikurmam inscription of Saka 1275, belonging to the reign of Ganga Bhanu III, speaks of the dedication of the chhayas of the king's father Narasimha III and the latter's wife Gangambika, which were represented as holding lamps for offering light to the god in the Srikurmam temple. The responsibility of Bhimadeva and his two colleagues was no doubt to supply oil for the lamp in lieu of the interest of the gold deposited with them. The next sentence in line 4 states : "Now Bhimadeva's son Nana arranged for the discharge fof his obligation)." This shows that, probably after Bhimadeva's death, his son Nana refunded the deposit and thereby freed himself from the obligation of supplying oil for the perpetual lamp. That the responsibility fell upon the son of Bhimadeva alone may further suggest that Ruda and Hari were his own brothers or sons. From the above two sentences we learn that formerly an endowment had been created by depositing some amount or coins of gold with Bhimadeva and others and that, in the 37th regnal year of the Ganga king Anantavarman Chodaganga, Bhimadeva's son Nana freed himself from the responsibility. But who created the endowment that was terminated by Nana is not mentioned in these sentences. The names of the persons responsible for the creation of the endowment are, however, possibly known from the following sentences which describe the creation of a new endowment in the place of the terminated one. The next sentence in lines 4-6 mentions three persons and refers to an image representing all the three of them. The following sentence in line 6 states that Jivanta-sroshthin accepted the gold for the lamp. This apparently means that the said three persons had originally created an endowment for the supply of oil for a perpetual lamp held in the hands of their own images in the temple of Markande vara and that, on the termination of the old endowment, they created another endowment by depositing the same gold with another person named Jivanta-bresthin. The condition binding Jivanta-sreshthin is found in the following sentence in lines 6-1, which states that, in respect of the said perpetual lamp, god Markandesvara would receive two hundred (measures] of oil every month. The name of the measure is not given in the record. In a similar context in the Bhubaneswar inscription of Anantavarman Chodaganga, referred to above, mention is made of the karanka, i.e. a small pot usually made out of coconut-shell and useil in measuring oil. The same kararka measure may be referred to in the present case as well. The names of the three persons who created the endowment are given as : (1) Hari, the Pujahari of the god Markandesvara, (2) Vandau (probably another Pujakari of the same god), and (3) Vasu, the Pujahari of another god whose name appears to be Kohrinesvara. Pujahari is the same as Pujari meaning a priest'. Lines 7-9 at the end of the record mention the names of the persons who were witnesses to the above transaction. These were : (1) Mudrahasta Devadhara ; (2) Nilakamunda (possibly another Mudrahasta) ; (3) Pasapalaka Sridhara; (4) Narayana (possibly another Pasapalaka); (5) Sarmavaji Mahadeva ; (6) Devamendi (possibly another Saimavaji); and (7) Srikarana Hari. Mudrahasta (Oriya Mudiratha) is now the designation of a class of servants of the god Purushottama-Jagannatha of Puri. Devadhara may have been a similar servant of the god Markandesvara. Pasapulaka may be the same official designation found in inscriptions in the forms of Pasayita, Pasaita or Pasayati. Sammavaji may be a mistake for Somayajin. Srikarana is the designation of a scribe. These people appear to have been temple officials. 1 SII, Vol. V, No. 1205. Above, Vol. XXX, pp. 30-31. Cf. ibid., Vol. xxix, p. 107 and note 3.

Page #265
184 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (VOL. XXXIII The inscription is interesting from several points of view. It is the only inscription of Anantavarman Chodaganga so far discovered at Puri where the Ganga king is known to have built the great temple of Purushottama-Jagannatha after its annexation to the Ganga empire and the transference of his allegiance from Saivism to Vaishnavism in the early years of the twelfth century. It is not possihle to determine when exactly and by whom the Markandesvara temple was built. But it is not unlikely that this temple had been in existence when Chodaganga built the temple for Purushottama-Jagannatha. We do not know whether the PurushottamaJagannatha temple was bailt by Chodaganga before or after the 37th year of his reign, though the absence of any reference to the achievement in any of his own records may probably suggest that the construction was undertaken in the later years of his life. We also do not know as to who was responsible for granting the village of Niralo in favour of the god PurushottamaJagannatha, although it is clear that this deity was already enjoying considerable influence when the inscription under study was engraved. The suggestion is supported by the reference to sagara-tira-sannivete Purushottama-sabditam dev-ayatanam in Krishamisra's Prabodhachandrodaya which was staged in the presence of the Chandella king Kirtivarman (c. 1070-1100 A.D.). The name of the yod Kohrinesvara, worshipped at Puri as suggested by the record under review, is interesting. I am not sure whether it is really Ko-Rinesvara suggesting its installation at Puri by the Tamil residents of the area like Kamandi of the Alagum inscription. I have heard of no such deity now worshipped there. The name appears to have been applied to a Siva-linga. Only one geographical name is mentioned in the inscription. It is the village of Niralo. I am not sure about its location. TEXT: 1 Siddham (II) samvata' 37 eri-Chodagangadavasya pra[va*]rddhamina-vijaya-rajye Sri-Markandesva(sva)2 radevasya yavato-chandr-arka[i] pravattamanam-'khandadvipa' srl-Purusotmadeva-angal 3 bhoga-Niralo-grama-vastavya-sadhu(dhu)-Bhi(Bhi)madeva eva[m] Ruda vam Har[T]" eka-chhaya-dvipa-bung 11 1 It is difficult to say whether the suggestion is further supported by the fact that the Anargharagham of Murarimisra (ninth or tenth century according to some, but c. 1050-1135 A.D. Becording to others) was staged on the occasion of the yatra of the god Purushottama of Purt since the epithet lavan-oda-vela-van-ali-lamalaLars-kandala, applied to the deity, does not refer to his worship on the sea-shore and since Vishnu's namo Purushottama was not unknown elsewhere (cf. No. 504 of 1956-57, Appendix B). For the date of Murari, 10 De, Hist. Sans. Lit., p. 449; Kieth, Sanskrit Drama p. 225; ABORI, Vol XXXVIII, p. 88; eto. It has to be noticed that Murari's drama gives a rapid description of well-known places like Ujjayint, Veripal, Kallisa, Prayaga, Tamrapart on the sea, Champs in Gauda, Panchavati, Kundina in Maharashtra, Kinohl in Drivids sad Mahishmati in Chedi-mandala, but not of Purushottamapurf or Purt. The other references pertaining to dates earlier than the eleventh oentury, oited in 01. Hist. Res. Journ., Vol. III, pp. 6 ff., are even more dubious. * Above, Vol. XXIX, pp. 44 ff. * From impressions. * Expressed by symbol. . Read santal. * Read yavacho * Read pravartlamon-akhanda-dip-drthash. * Road Purushottamallen-anga. . Probably Rudra is intended. 1. Read Harid its ataib. 11 Read dipa-suvarnan or dip-arthani muvarnas.

Page #266
maha shraam| yaarAiba ani ma javakvaha e damaghavana vAhanenadaM dAdAlA mAyada ra?emaai erka 2 6 8 e PURI INSCRIPTION OF CHODAGANGA 16. rmAgha N). nATakakA Scale : Two-thirds mahAdadk 8

Page #267
No. 36) PURI INSCRIPTION OF CHODAGANGA 4 gpihitam [l] idanin(nim) sadhu(dhu)-Bhi(Bhi)madevasya puta -Nanena v[I]sudhya' kri (kri)yata [1] Markandesvaskva)rave(da)5 va-pajahari-Hari[b] &vam Vand[au] evan Kohrines[v]a(bva)radevasys pajabari-Vasu dsam (sham) t[bhr)6 rejapa eka(ka) chhaya [1] Ji(JI)vanta-sreshta? dvipa-suna' grihitam [1] Markandesva(kvara[d]evasam prati-mase dvipa7 upajogete taillya(lar) da(dve) tatet [!]etada-artha" sakshisnah] mudrahastha-Devadhara" iva[mNi(NI)lakam[u]8 nda[h*) pasapalaka-Sri(Sri)dhar evam Narayana[h*) Sarmavaji-s-Mahadeva[h*] Devamendi [h*j brskara9na-Harish 107 * Read griftam. * Read putra. * Read vihuddin. * Read Vand its The intended reading is tribkio ; but read trayapdn. * The intended reading is jananar. * Road Irishfind Road dipa-ruparnan or dip-arthani mwvarnar. * Better rend devasya. 10 Read masan dip-opayoge. 11 The idos seems to be dvi-bata-karanka-parimaram. 11 Road etad-arthe. 11 Read midrahasta. 14 An unnecessary anusvara above ra seems to have been osnoelled. 1 The intended reading may bo Somaydji.

Page #268
No. 36-KALACHURI INSCRIPTION FROM KARITALAI (1 Plate) BAL CHANDRA JAIN, RAIPUR. (Received on 13.7.1967) The stone slab bearing the present inscription was dug out by Sri Kanchhedi Lalji Patel in 1953 while he was ploughing his field in the village of Karitalaii in the Murwara Tahsil of the Jabalpur District, Madhya Pradesh. In April 1955, I visited the place and examined the inscription. The inscribed stone was later removed by me to the Raipur Museum. The slab measures 2' 71" in length and 1' 31' in height. The inscription contains 13 lines of writing. A piece of stone has broken away from the top left corner of the slab causing loss of four letters in line 1 and of two letters in line 2. The middle and lower parts of the record are also damaged. The record is well written and neatly engraved. The charactors are Nagari of about the 10th century A.D. and resemble those of the stone inscriptions of the early Kalachuri rulers." The language of the record is Sanskrit and, except the words fubham and me galar at the end, it is metrically composed throughout. There are in all 12 verses. As regards orthography, the consonant following is often reduplicated. V is always written for b. The sign for upadhmaniya has been used thrice in lines 1, 2 and 10. The inscription is not datod. Verse 4 of the record mentions the Kalachuri king Yuvarajadeva (I), son of Mugdhatunga. The damaged portion in verse 6 seems to have contained the name of his son Lakamapardja I whose minister Somesvara is mentioned in verse 10. The objeot of the inscription is to record the construction of a kupa (well) in the heart of the city of Somasvilmipura (obviously Karstalai) by Somebvara who was a minister of Kalachuri Lakshmanaraja II and is known from another record' to have erected a temple of Vishnu at Karstalai. His father Bhakamisra (Bhamisra of the present inscription) was one of the two ministers of king Yuvarajadeva I. Verse 1 seems to praise Vishnu and Lakshmi. Verse 2 praises the moon, while verse 3 refers to the kings of the lunar race. The poet has compared the qualities of the lunar race with those of the moon in phrases having two meanings. In verse 4, we are told that Yuvarajadeva (I), son of Mugdhatunga, was born in the said family. Verse 5 describes the exploits of the former and states that his elephants had pressed the Gaudas, punished the Kosalas, beaten the kings of the south ard conquered the Gurjaras. Thus, unlike the Bilhari inscription, the present record which is definitely earlier than the former, claims for Yuvarajadeva I alias Keyuravarsha, the victories 1 The village is 36 miles north-east of Katni, headquarters of the Murwara subdivision. The following insoriptions were discovered at or near Karitalai : (1) copper plate of Jayanatha, Gupta year 174 (CII, Vol. III, pp. 117 ff.); (2) inscription of Lakshmaneraja I, Kalachuri year 693 (above, Vol. XXIII, pp. 256 ff.; CII, Vol. IV, No. 37); (3) inscription of the time of Lakshmanaraja II, which records the erection of a temple of the Enemy of the Demons' (i.e. Vishnu) by his minister Somesvara (above, Vol. II, pp. 174 ff; CII, Vol. IV. No. 42); (4) Sati record of the time of Virsranadeva, Vikrama Samvat 1412 (ASR, Vol. IX, p. 113; Hiralal- List, No. 48). See also Hiralal, op. oit., No. 74. . Cf. abovo, Vol. II, pp. 174 ff.; Vol. XXIII, pp. 250 ff.: CII, Vol. IV. Nos. 37 and 49. OU, Vol. IV, No. 42. Bhakamitra and Gollaks alias Gauda, son of Bhanu, wore the two ministers of Yuvarajadova I (cf. ibid., pp. Ixxxiv. . Ibid., Vol. I, pp. 266 ff.; CII, Vol. IV No. 45. ( 186 )

Page #269
KALACHURI INSCRIPTION FROM KARITALAI CENTERTAINMETHIMROMETIMANDAHANEYAMIRRIGEMINE HusbandereryadibajTIRTHEPATITISTER ReleasRETOPANISHA mAyaMdarAyapIyA pArayo samaya dAsatA mAriyAyemabahaDEsAmAvaDAyatiyAra mAma sAratasamAyosAya lakITAyApAkhilAmiyakA vinAsAyoyora prasAda vina maratogavigArapeyavidhivata sAvatA raIzAlIvitayAra rAyanitAlamA sarasAvara vayasari bhayaya lAmAlAkadilAyamaviyaralAimalA TenisaradezavAsiyala mAnavaviyana parivaTi vAyasI kATI agale sabhI memaramamAvana sthAniya lAlipasthita mAnayimata sthApana nagadaranimiyara sTorama mAmipUtramatArAmAsvAdanamA 10 10 SHRINEETE hackinjeretirenakPPEAREEKRELAMRUTTAparnahate (from a Photograph)

Page #270
No.38] KALACHURI INSCRIPTION FROM KARITALAI 187 over the Gaudas, Kosalas, the South Indian kings and the Gurjaras only. The views of scholars, who doubt the statement of the Bilhari inscriptiou that Yuvarajadeva I had even conquered Kasmira and the Himalayan countries, find support from the present inscription. On the other hand, it adds two new victories to the list, i.e., those over the Kosalas and the Gurjaras. Verse 6, which is fragmentary, possibly contained the name of Lakshmanarajadera whose merits are described in verses 7-9. Somesvara and his father are referred to in verses 10 and 11 respectively. Verse 12 records the object of the inscription which, as indicated above, was the excavation of a well by Somesvara in the city of Somasvamipura. The city of Somasvamipura (verse 12) may have been named after the shrine of Somasvamin, which seems to be identical with the temple of the Enemy of the Demons' built by Somekvara and mentioned in Lakemanaraja's inscription from Karitalai referred to above. TEXT Metres: Vorbes 1, 7 Anushfubh; verse 2 Sragelhara; verses 3-4 Vasantatilaka ; verses 5-6, 9, 12 Sarlulavikridita ; verse 8 Prithvi : verse 10 U pajati ; verse 11 Arya). " . 1 ......kSmalakSmIbhyAM saha sAdhvajitAyate / yatsmRtI na dviSAM sainyaM sahasAdhvajitAyate // [1] svaggaMsrota pravAhaprathamahimagirirvAta puttvAtvicakSa zzuktipra2 - 'muktA tripuraharazirazzAzvatazvetapadmaH / kAmAntaryAmideho dahanadivasakRnmaNDalAnto triputta puNyajyotizcakAsti trijagati kamalAvA (bA) lava (ba)ndhuH 3 sudhAjazuH // [2*] svacchAzayasphuritanirmalamaNDalAgrasaMkSobhitAkhiladizAzrayavAhinIzA / somAtsadudgatiratIbakarA narendracandrAvalI pravavRte pra4 tivi (bi)mvi (mbi) teva / / [3*] tattrAbhavadbhavanabhUSaNabhUtabhUtiH zrImugdhatuGgatanayo yuvarAja devaH / yasyAMghrivAriruhi vA (bA) DhamalIyamAnAH prApurdviSassapadi saM5 padamApadaJca // [*] ya[ggoM ]DAH . paripIDitAH sarabhasaM yaH kosalAH zAsitA yaH kSuNNAH' gatadakSiNa [*] kSitibhRto yairgujarA nirjitAH / viprebhyaH pratipA6 ditAH pratidinaM te yena dhAnyA] ---- --- purapuraM dappoddha [tAH] sindhu]rAH // [5] indoH sundaratA (bu) dhAddhi budhatAmetAGkalAM zAMtitAmAyorAyu 1 The Age of Imperial Kanauj, p. 89. From the original stone and improssions, [The lost lottore may be restored as Srivatsa-lao-Ed.] '(Tho rending in girir-Dharri".-Ed.] [The mining letters may be rostored as tyagra or tyika.-Ed.] [Read padmam.--Ed.) [Read *l-anta(18) tri".-Ed.] [Road sudharuh.-Ed.) (Sandh bas not been observed here.--Ed.] "[Thorandingsooms to bo Budhad-ribudhatam-Allar-kala.salifam-4.-Ed.)

Page #271
188 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (VOL. XXXIII 7 rabAramAyudhavidhAvutsAhitiA] - - --- - - - ... -vyApi cItasya' yastasmAllakSmaNarAjade]vanRpatiH zrImAnabhUnmAnAbhUH // [*] . manma(ema)hI 8 kariNaH kITAH pASANA ratnarAzayaH / ] ........ [raNe) pAtyavilakSatA // [7*] prabhU - paTakAriNAM - na ------ [bhittitalalekhinAM madhu - 7 viliptacandrArpiNAM (NAm) / aho sumahadadbhataM vacanama todbhAvinAM na yena vinivezitaM hRdi kathAprasaMgAdapi // [8*] nettasthAnaniviSTavArivisararunmuktakezotka10 raiIntAlIvitayAntarAppitatuNastamba (mba) raNaprAGgaNe / varSAsUnnatibhAji meghapaTane yadvAraNAkSauhiNItvA seneva purANazAttravazira piNDAsthi11 kUTaH sthitaM (tam) // [9*] padenavadyo nipuNaH pramANe vAkye vipakvaH zrutipAra dRzvA / vA (bA)lAgnihotrI kuzalaH kalAsu somezvarastasya va (ba) bhUva mantrI // [10*) dhiSaNAnvitopi 12 kAvyapriyopi vu(bu)dhasaMgatopi taccitta (ttram) / yatsakalagraharahitaH zrImadbhAmi asuunursau||[11] somasvAmipurAntarAlatilakaM sa (su) vyApakaM vApikArUpaM kUpamacIcAna]13 [sa] - lAdapyuttama pAvanaM (nam) / yanirmA]paNakAlakarmaThadRSa -- kara ----varta - samantatopi kamaThapRSThasya puSTAstaTaH] // [12*] [zubhaM (bhm)]|| maMgAsa (lam) // ] *[The reading may be vfrasya(s=sa).---Ed.) [The reading is Parttha vilakahatd.-Ed.] [Read [kajl-agati-Ed.] -[The rending indefective and doubtful and does not iuit the motre.-Ed.]

Page #272
No. 37-UPPUGUNDUR INSCRIPTION OF VIRAPURISADATA'S TIME, YEAR 19 (1 Plate) B. CH. CHHABRA, New DELHI (Received on 17. 6. 1958) A fairly extensive site with remains of a Buddhist chaitya has recently been brought to light on the west bank of the Buckingham Canal, somewhere between the railway stations of Chinna Ganjam and Uppugundur, the railway line lying about half a mile south-east of the site. There is a lake, called Rumperu, beyond the railway bridge at that point. The lake is connected with the sea, about 5 miles from there. In ancient times, the sea might have been nearer the site, as it abounds in shells as well as in brickbats, stone pieces and potsherds, lying about or stuck in the ruined structure of the stupa which appears to be of a large size. The nearest village, Uppugundur, in the Ongole Taluk of the Guntur District, is about 2 miles west of the site. The land within which it is situated belongs to one Sri Gogineni Nagiah. The site was accidently exposed by the landlord's men while digging a deep channel for draining out excess rain-water from the paddy fields nearby. The antiquities laid bare included broken stone statues, sculptured pillars, slabs, etc. Some of these have been removed to Uppugupdur where they are kept in an enclosure, close to the Village Munsif's Office, for safe custody. Among the exposed antiquities was a marble pillar which had some figures and designs carved on the top and a Prakrit inscription incised on its lower part. On receipt of information regarding the discovery of the inscription, I visited the site on January 21, 1958, in the company of Sri Pallela Pulla Reddi, the acting Village Munsif of Uppugundur. On arrival there, to our great surprise and disappointment, we found that the inscribed part of the pillar had been broken away and missing. The chisel marks on the remainder of the Dillar as well as a quantity of unsoiled chippings strewn thereabout were proclaiming, so to say, that the act of vandalism had been perpetrated freshly. I was told that, at the time of the removal of a damaged Buddha statue and some sculptured pieces to the village of Uppugundur, the inscribed pillar had been allowed to be left in situ, the landlord having taken it upon himself to take care of that. It is a pity that this pillar was not removed to a place of safety along with the rest of the finds. Luckily, the Superintendent, Nagarjunakonda Excavation Project, had already secured an estampage or two of the inscription, a photograph of which is reproduced here. As may be seen from the photograph, the inscription has undergone some damage at its lower end. The extant portion shows 10 lines of writing, the first six being complete and the remaining ones progressively damaged. Unfortunately, the most important part of the record, in which its object was mentioned, has been lost to us in the portion already broken away. The tenth line, the extant portion of which reads (ya?)-patane maha, obviously mentioned the name of the place (patana, Skt. pattana), followed by what might have been mahachetiyan, the erection of which must have been the object of the record. The script of the inscription is Brahmi of about the 3rd century A. D., akin to the one used in many a similar stone inscription from Nagarjunakonda and places round about. The ornamental treatment of the top and bottom strokes of various aksharas is its chief characteristic. 1 Macron over e and o has not been used in this article. 1 Above, Vol. XX, pp. 1 ff. Amaravati, Jaggayyapeta and Ghantabala are some of the other places that have ielded similar inscriptions. (189)

Page #273
190 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [Vol. XXXIII The language is Prakrit as is the case with the majority of the inscriptions just referred to from the same region. As for its contents, it begins with the auspicious formula sidhan, followed by a symbol which ordinarily stands for Om. Thereafter comes adoration to the Buddha. Then comes the date, the details of which we shall presently notice. After the mention of the date comes the record proper. It states that one Barghila, son of a merchant (raniye, Skt. vavi or vanija), called Vaira (Bkt. Vajra), and grandson of a householder (gahapali, Skt. grihapali), called Sarghila, performed a meritorious deed, the details of which are lost in the missing part of the inscription. It may be observed that the donor is named after his grandfather in accordance with a well-known custom in ancient India. The inscription further informs us that the donor's grandfather hailed from Dhamakada. This place is mentioned also in some Prakrit inscriptions from Amaravati under the variant readings like Dhannakataka and Dhanakataka (both from Skt. Dhinyakataka). The Mayidavolu plates of Pallava Sivaskandavarman, however, mention the place-name exactly as it occurs in our inscription. It is generally identified with Dharanikota. An indication as to the nature of the pious deed performed by Sariglila is afforded by the few surviving letters, that read (ya?]patane maha, in line 10. Possibly he erected a mahachetiya (Skt. mahachaitya) at a place the name of which ended in paana. This must refer to a sea-port or a flourishing coastal town which must have existed on the site of the present ruined stupa. Future discoveries will throw more light as to the identity and the history of the place. Sarighila allowed a number of his near relations to be associated with himself in the merit of the pious act, who are specifically inentioned. They are his mother Dharhinavanikini, his brother Nagilarinaka, his sisters Budharnika and Samudarnika, his wife Sigaramnika, his brother's wife Sarghanika, and children. Some more names are inentioned further on, but their relationship with the donor is not clear owing to the damaged condition of the inscription. They are Vairasirinaka, Nagilanaka, Dhamaiinika and Nagasarimaiinika besides those daniged. There is a mention of children again after the name of Nagilarinaka in line 8. They possibly refer to the children of Nagilarinaka who is most probably identical with Sarnghila's brother mentioned earlier in line 5. The inscription is dated the 13th day of the 4th fortnight of the Summer season (gimhu, Skt. grishma) of the 19th year of [the reigu of the Ilchaku ling Madhariputa SiriVirapurisadata. The highest known regral year of this king is 20 which is cited in the Jaggayyapeta inscriptions already referred to above. On this score, thus, our inscription does not add much to our knowle:lye. However, by its location, it throws some fresh light on the extent of this king's dominions. Its occurrence in a Buddhist record is odd, but instances are met with. Inscriptions F and H of Nigar. junakonda have it ; but it has been left unread. The same is the case with one of the Jaggayyapeta inscriptione. See Plate LXIII in The Buddhist Stupas of Amaracali and Jaggayyapeta by J. Burgess, London, 1887, pp. 110 f. Compare also Fleet's Gupta Inscriptions (C11, Vol. III) p. 46, note 3, and the Nalanda stone inscription of the reign of Yabovarmadeva, above, Vol. XX, p. 43 and note 2. See above, Vol. XX, p. 6 and note 2. . Ibid. Vol. VI pp 84 ff. * The latter part of the name is the feminino of riniya. It is also possiblo that her proper name has not been mentioned here. She is only respectfully referred to here as Damn avanikini, i.e. 'the pious lady, consort of the merchant (Vajra] These children may refer to those of the donor himself, for those of his brother are mentioned separately further on.

Page #274

Page #275
UPPUGUNDUR INSCRIPTION OF VIRAPURISADATA'S TIME, YEAR 19 CMU 502245) I5qd) 2 22:01:09 My fcgO273 194244 kg + e`m 4 4 0.023825kh,643 x 1 U3 ely * : eCl5 - - x duQxx kmsaa25231,- * tum!4xxx TurJIS Tel: 124.121.188 2) 4:00lmakarn maakman 10 10 (from a Photograph)

Page #276
No. 37) UPPUGUNDUR INSCRIPTION OF VIRAPURISADATA'S TIME, YEAR 19191 My reading of the inscription is based on the photograph which I owe to the courtesy of the Superintendent. Nagarjunakonda Excavations Project, TEXT 1 Sidham Um[1] namo bhagavato sava-sat-otamasa Sammasambudhas-eti [l*] 2 maha[t]ajase Madhariputasa Thakunam siri-Virapurisadatasa 3 sarhvacnharam 10 9 gimha-pakham 4 divasam 10 3 Dhamakada-vathavasa 4 Bamghila-gahapatisa natukena Vaira-vaniya-putena Ba[m]ghilena matava Dharmavanikinija bhatuno cha Nagilamnakasa bhagini6 Budhamnikaya Samudamnikaya bhariyaya Sagaramnikaya bhatu-bha7 riyaya Saraghanikaya balaksa]nam chu Vairasirinakasa Chamda . . . .i. 8 kasa "Nagilamnakasa balakanam cha Dhamamnikaya patu......... 9 kaya Nagasammamnikaya cha evam sa-nati-mita-bandha ...... 10 .. ............ .(yaj* patane maha .............5 1 Expressed by a symbol. * The form of the akshara meant to be mha is not regular. * Two medial i signs are seen here over the damaged letters. Only the right side of the letter is visible." [For the symbol in line 1, wbaai & Theinnt of one found in Ausnana inscriptions, seo Select Inscriptions, p. 150, note 3. In line 8, the word is balikanant which is preceded by the list of Sanghila's sons (cf. balakanci in line 7) and followed by that of his daughters. It is better to mad bhagini[nam*] in line 5.-Ed.)

Page #277
No. 38-MODASA PLATE OF THE TIME OF PARAMARA BHOJA, V. S. 1067 (1 Plate) D. C. SIRCAR, OOTACAMUND (Received on 12. 6. 1958) A set of photographs of the inscription published here was received from Pandit Purani Utsavalal of Modasa, the headquarters of a Taluk of that name in the Sabarkantha District in the Gujarat area of the Bombay State, through Dr. M. R. Mazumdar of Baroda. The locality was formerly in the Prantij Taluk of the Ahmedabad District. The Pandit's interest was aroused by the mention of the geographical names Mohadavasaka and Sayanapata in the record since he could easily identify them respectively with the present Modasa and the village of Sinvada in the Modasa Taluk. Unfortunately the original plates were not available for examination in the office of the Government Epigraphist for India, though the inscription is decipherable from the set of photographs referred to above. Considering the welcome light the record throws on the history of the Paramaras of Malwa, it is edited in the following pages. The inscription is stated to be incised on both sides of a single plate measuring about 9 inches in length and about 6 inches in height. There is a hole in its upper margin; but no ring or seal was available. There are in all 21 lines of writing in the inscription, 15 on the first side and 6 on the second. The preservation of the writing is satisfactory. The weight of the plate is not known. The inscription is written in Nagari characters of about the eleventh century A. D. They are rather carelessly engraved and cannot be compared with the beautifully incised letters of the inscriptions of the Paramaras such as the Gaonri plates of Munja, dated V. S. 1038 and 1043. They may, however, be compared with those of Bhoja's Betma platesof V. S. 1076, the characters of which are not as beautiful as those of the Gaonri plates but are nevertheless much more carefully engraved than those of our epigraph. It may be remembered in this connection that the present charter is not an Imperial Paramara record. An interesting feature of the palaeography of our epigraph is the incomplete formation of the letter & (without its vertical right limb) in a large number of cases; cf. Sudi in line 2, vasaka (for vasaka) in line 6, frutadeg in line 7, Sayanao in lines 8 and 9, futdeg (for suto) in lines 12 and 14, eto. Medial e has been written both as prishtha-matra and as fird-matra. In some cases, the siro-matra type of medial e has its top curved towards the right; cf. paramesvara (for paramesvara) in line 3, mandale in line 6, etc. See also the medial signs of ai and o in ih-aiva Valloo in line 7. B has been written by the sign for v. The letter jh, rarely found in early inscriptions, is once used in a personal name in line 15. The language of the inscription is Sanskrit. There are many grammatical and orthographical errors in the text. The record is entirely written in prose, there being not even the usual imprecatory verses. Its orthography is characterised by a confusion between $ and 8 (cf. paramesvara for paramejvara four times in lines 3-6 and futa for suta in lines 12, 14, 18 and 20) besides other errors of spelling. There are many cases of the redundant use of a danda, while sometimes it is placed quite close to a letter so as to look like an a-matra. 1 See A. R. Ep., 1967-68. No. A 23. 8oo also H. G. Shastri's article on the epigraph in Bhar. Vid., Vol. V, 1945, Supplement, pp. 37-40. * See above, Vol. XXIII, pp. 108 11., and Plates. Ibid., Vol. XVIII, pp. 320 ff., and Plates. (192)

Page #278
No. 38) MUDASA PLATE OF THE TIME OF PARAMARA BHOJA, V. S. 1067 193 The date of the charter is quoted in lines 1-2, both in words and in figures, as Sunday, the first of the bright half of the month of Jyashtha in the year 1067 (of the V. S. which was Karttikadi). This date corresponds regularly to the 6th May, 1011 A.D. The inscription begins with a Siddham symbol followed by the date discussed above. Then it introduces (lines 2-6) the rajya of the illustrious Paramabhattaraka. Maharajathiraja Paramesvara Bhojadeva who meditated on the feet of (or, was favoured by) P. M. P. Sindhurajadeva. King Sindhuraja is similarly stated to have succeeded P. M. P. Vakpatirajadeva who is likewise described as the successor of P. M. P. Siyakadeva. It is difficult to say whether the expression Bhojadava-rajye used in the text means ' during the sovereignty of Bhojadeva' or 'in the kingdom of Bhojadeva ', since both interpretations would suit the context. But the word rajya is generally used in the sense of sovereignty ' in such contexts in epigraphic records. Lines 6-7 introduce a subordinate ruler named Vatsaraja who was apparently ruling over Mohadavasaka or the Arddhashtama mandala in it and is described as bholkuramaharajaputra. In the signature of the ruler copied in line 20, his name is written as Vachchharaja. There is no doubt that Mahadavasaka mentioned in our inscription is identical with the Mohadavasaka vishaya known from the Harsola platest of Paramara Siyaka, dated V. S. 1005. The expression bhotkaramaharajaputra may be a mistake for bhoktri-maharajaputra. In that case, Vatsaraja is called Maharajaputra probably because he was an as yet unknown son of the Paramara king Bhoja, although the possibility of Vatsaraja having been the son of some other ruling chief is not precluded. The word bhoktri would suggest that Mohadavasaka or a part of it lay within the fief under Vatsaraja's possession. This interpretation is quite probable in view of the passage Kethanadeva-rajye varttamanah(ne) sri-Kirttipaladeva-puttrai[/*] Sina nava-bhakta(ktri)-rajaputra-Lasha(kshma)napalha(la)-rajaputtra-Attr-A)bhayapala(laih) occurring in a record of the Chahamanas of Nadula. Otherwise the passage bhotkaramaharajaputra would have to be taken to mean that Paramara Bhoja's feudatory Vatsaraja ruling over the whole or a part of the Mohadavasaka district was the son of a chief named Bhotkara-maharaja. But this is less likely. Lines 7 ff. record the grant of two hala measures of land in Sayanapata-grama made by Vatsaraja probably in favour of a Brahmana named Derdda who is described as Vallstakiva and Chaturjatakiya. Sayanapata-grama was situated in Arddhashtamamandala lying within the Mohadavasaka district, mentioned above. Lines 11-12 give the Brahmara's name as Deddaka who seems to be further described as belonging to a family pertaining to the Uparasya gotra and hailing from Harshapura and as the son of Gopaditya. The Upanasya gotra is not found in early Indian literature and it is difficult to determine whether it is a mistake for Aupamanyava. The expression Vallotakiya in the Brahmana's description suggests that he was either the inhabitant of a locality called Vallotaka or belonged to a com munity of Brahmanas known as Vallotaka. The same word also occurs in line 13 as an epithet of certain other Brahmanas. The epithet Chaturjatakiya (lines 7 and 12) applied to the donee apparently means a member of the Chaturjataka of the Cintra prasasti,' which was no doubt an administrative board of four like the Chauthia of Rajasthan (cf. Panchakula or Panchayat which was a similar board of five administrators). The language of the grant portion of the record discussed above is defective and may also indicate that it was the Brahmana Derda or Deddaka who was the donor of the grant and that Vatsaraja merely ratified the transaction. If such was the case, the donee was the son of Gopaditya ; but his personal name is not mentioned. 1 Above, Vol. XIX, pp. 236 ff. and Plates. * Abovo, Vol. XI, p. 49, text lines 3-5; cf. ibid., p.5, text lines 2-3, where the same princes are described as Saninamaka-thokta. . Cf. abovo, Vol. I, pp. 721 ff.; A. K. Majumdar, Chaulukyas of Gujarat, pp. 250-81.

Page #279
194 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [Vol. XXXIII Lines 9-10 describe the gift land as producing such crops as kodrava (a species of grain eaten by the poor people), tila (sesame), mudga (a kind of pulse), vrihi (paddy) and kanika (cummin seed) while lines 10-11 state that the land was given together with a house, a threshing floor, and a quantity of paddy apparently stored there, no doubt in the village of Sayanapata. Lines 13-15 give the names of the parsvikas [of the gift land). By the word parsvika was apparently meant persons owning lands in the neighbourhood of the two hala measures granted to the donee in the village of Sayanapata. The list of the parsvikas includes the names of the following persons : Rajadhyaksha (probably,' a judge ') Vidita ; the Brahmanas Tata, Nata and Pahiya who were residents of Vallotaka or members of the Vallotaka community; the Brahmana Govarddhana as also Keladitya ; Thakura Ranaka, son of Dantivarman; and the Pattakila (i.e. Patel) Jhambaka as well as Lallaka and Goggaka. A similar list of witnesses is found in lines 16-19 and it is stated that the charter was engraved in their presence. This list includes the following names: Thakura Kesavaditya described as the lord of the Samkasakas'; Tampalika and the Mehara (village headman) Vallabharaja ; the Sreshthin Jaudi and Bhabha, both sons of Kapashti; Voivasu (Vaivasvata ?), Gudhayati and Samgema (possibly Sathgama); and Thakura Chandrika, son of Killa or Killa. The real meaning of Sarkasaka used in this section is difficult to determine. Possibly it is the name of a tribe or community and does not stand for sankarshaka, meaning an agriculturist', since ' a lord of the cultivators' is difficult to think of. Lines 19-20 state that the document was written by the scribe Chhaddaka who was the son of Amnaka. A copy of the donor's signature on the original document later engraved on the plates under study is found in line 20. But, as already indicated above, the name is given here in the Prakrit form of Vachchharaja instead of Vatsaraja as found in line 7. The document ends with a mangala in line 21. The inscription is interesting for several reasons. In the first place, Vatsaraja mentioned in it is not known from any other source. Secondly, it is the earliest inscription referring to the reign of the great Paramara king Bhoja. Thirdly, it speaks of Bhoja's rule over parts of the SabarkanthaAhmadabad region, not far from Anahilapataka, the capital of the contemporary kings of the Claulukya or Solanki dynasty of Gujarat. The tradition recorded by Merutunya. and others that Paramara Vakpati Munja, also called Utpala, was succeeded not by his younger brother Sindhuraja but by the latter's son Bhoja is contradicted by Padmagupta's Navasahasar kacharitaas well as by epigraphic evidence. Like the records of the Imperial Paramaras, our inscription, issued by a subordinate ruler, applies imperial titles to Sindhuraja and represents him as the successor of Vakpati and the predecessor of Bhoja. According to Merutunga, Vakpati Munja, while he was leading an expedition against the Chalukyas, was defeated in a battle and captured by the Chalukya king Taila II who put him to death at a later date. The Chikkerur (Dharwar District) inscription of Mahamandalesvara Ahavamalla (i.e. Satyasraya, son of Taila II), dated Saka 917, Jaya, Phalguna-sudi 15, Saturday (possibly February 18, 959 A.D.), states that he was just then moving towards the north for fighting against Utpala (i.e. Paramara Vakpati Munja). This not only shows that the Paramara king was captured sometime after February 995 A.D. but seems also to suggest that he was already in the Chalukya territory in the course of his fatal expedition. It appears that the Chalukya crown-prince's movement from 1 Prabandhachintartani, Tawney's trans., pp. 31-32, 36. XI, 98. * Op. cit., pp. 33-36. * Above, pp. 131 ff. The inscription of course states that Ahavamalla proceeded against Utpala in connection with his nortbern dig-vijaya after having subdued his enemies in the south. But the fact cannot be ignored that its date is too near that of the Paramara king's suothern expedition. The inscription shows that Ahavamalla Satyasraya was then his father's governor in the Dharwar region and that he was under orders of transfer.

Page #280
No. 38] MODASA PLATE OF THE TIME OF PARAMARA BHOJA, V.S. 1067 1 95 the southern part of his father's empire towards the north was part of a scheme of general mobilisation of the fighting strength and resources of Taila II for the defence of the northern regions of his dominions which had been invaded by the Paramara monarch. Since Munja was killed some time before the death of Taila II in 997 A.D., it further appears that, from the date of his departure on his last expedition against the territory of the Chalukya king about the beginning of 995 A.D., Sindhuraja was ruling the Paramara kingdom, first as his brother's representative and then (after Munja's capture or death) as the latter's successor. The beginning of Sindhuraja's rule may thus be assigned to about the commencement of 995 A.D. The duration of the rule of Sindhuraja and the date of the accession of his son Bhoja cannot be determined. Some scholars have suggested that Bhoja ascended the throne about 1005 A.D., while others have placed his accession to about 1010 A.D.1 But there is a definite tradition in the Prabandhachintamani and the Bhojaprabandha recording the duration of Bhoja's reign and there is hardly any reason why it should not be accepted as genuine. According to this tradition, Bhoja ruled for 55 years, 7 months and 3 days. While the earliest known date of Bhoja's son and successor Jayasimha is V. S. 1112, Ashadha-vadi 13 (probably the 13th June, 1056 A.D.) when his Mandhata plates were issued, the Chintamanisaramika, composed by Dasabala at Bhoja's court apparently in Saka 977 (1055-56 A.D.), seems to offer the latest date for the reign of Bhoja. Thus Bhoja seems to have ruled from the middle of 1000 A.D. to the end of 1065 A.D. His father Sindhuraja therefore ruled for about five years between 995 and 1000 A.D. The fantastic stories of Sindhuraja's exploits given in the Navasahasarkacharita (the date of the composition of which is doubtful although it is sometimes believed to be 1005 A.D.) can scarcely be regarded as an evidence in favour of assigning a longer reign to Sindhuraja. No inscription of Paramara Sindhuraja has as yet been discovered; but we have a number of dates for the reign of his son and successor Bhoja. Besides the Chintamanisaranika composed at Bhoja's court in Saka 977 (1055-56 A.D.) and referred to above, the Rajamrigankakarana, ascribed to Bhoja, was composed in Saka 964 (1042-43 A.D.). Bhoja's copper-plate grants discovered so far offer the following dates : (1) Banswara plates? issued on Magha-sudi 5, V. S. 1076 (probably January 3, 1020 A.D.); (2) Betma plates issued on Bhadrapada-sudi 15, V. S. 1076 (probably September 4, 1020 A.D.): (3) Ujjain plates granted on Sunday, Magha-vadi 3, V. S. 1078 (probably 24th December, 1021 A.D.) and issued on Chaitra-sudi 14 of the sume year (probably March 19, 1022 A.D.); and (4) Depalpur platesto issued on Chaitra-sudi 14, V. S. 1079 (probably March 9, 1023 A.D.). Besides these, there are (1) the British Museum Sarasvati image inscription 11 of the reign of Bhoja, dated V. S. 1091 (1034-35 A.D.); (2) the Tilakwala plates issued by Bhoja's feudatory Yasoraja of Sanga makheta-mandala on the occasion of the Soma-parvan on Monday in the 1 See Buhler, Paiyulachchhi, Intro.. p. 9; above, Vol. I, pp. 232-33. * Cf. Bhojaprabandha, ed. Varuder Panolkar, p. 2: l'afichasat-pancha turshaxi sapta-masa-dina-trayam Bhojarajena bhoktaryah sa-Gando Dukshinanthal Seo alsu Prabandhachintamani, ed. Durgashankar Kevalrom Shastri, p. 32. . Above, Vol. II, p. 48: Bhandarkar List, Xo. 139. Buhler ansigned Bhoja's death to a date after 1062 A.D. on inadequate evidence. * Nee JOR, Vol. XIX, Part II, 19.52, Supplement. See above, Vol. I, pp. 232-33 ; cf. Ganguly, Ilintory of the l'aramira Dynasty, pp. 80-81. . Cf. above, Vol. I. pp. 232-33. * Ibid., Vol. XI, pp. 181 ff. * Ibid., Vol. XVIII, pp. 3:20 ff. Ind. Ant., Vol. VI, pp. 53 f.; Vol. XIX, p. 36). 16 IHQ, Vol. VIII, pp. 305 ff. u Bhandarkar's List, No. 120. 1 Ibid., No. 128. 26 DGA/68

Page #281
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXXIII month of Marga, V. S. 1103 (possibly November 17, 1046 A.D.); and (3) the Kalvan plates1 issued by another of the Palamara king's feudatories, named Yasovarman, on the occasion of a solar eclipse on Chaitra-vadi 15 (March 17, 1048 A.D.). It will be seen that the earliest date for Bhoja supplied by these records is Magha-sudi 5, V.S. 1076-January 3, 1020 A.D., although we know that he ascended the throne earlier since Chalukya Jayasimha II claims to have defeated him by Saka 941 (1019-20 A.D.). The present epigraph issued on Sunday, Jyeshtha-sudi 1, V. S. 1067= May 6, 1011 A.D., is nearly nine years earlier than the earliest of Bhoja's inscriptions so far published. The inclusion of the Sabarkantha-Ahmadabad region in the dominions of Paramara Bhoja (c. 1000-55. A.D.) is an interesting information supplied by the record under study. So far the said area was known to have formed a part of the kingdom of Bhoja's grandfather Siyaka (c.948-74 A.D.). Our inscription suggests that, in spite of the foundation of the Chaulukya power at Anahilapataka by Mularaja (c. 961-96 A.D.), the region continued to be under the rule of Siyaka's successors. It is interesting to note in this connection that the inscriptions of Mularaja and his immediate successors do not mention any place to the east of the upper course of the Sabarmati river, which was probably the eastern boundary of the Chaulukya kingdom during the period in question." 196 -The geographical names mentioned in the inscription are: (1) the district of Mohadavasaka; (2) the sub-division of Ardhashtama-mandala (literally, the sub-division of 7 [villages]') in the above district; (3) Sayanapata-grama in the above mandala; and (4) Harshapura. Whether Vallotaka was the name of a locality near Sayanapata cannot be determined. Of these, the location of Mohadavasaka and Sayanapata-grama has been indicated above. The identification of Harshapura, whence the donee's family hailed, is uncertain. It may be modern Harsola in the Prantij Taluk formerly of the Ahmadabad District but now of the Sabarkantha District, though the name also reminds us of the place of the same name mentioned in the Harsauda (old Harshapura in the Hoshangabad District of Madhya Pradesh) inscripton of Paramara Devapala, dated V. S. 1275 (1218 A.D.). TEXTS Obverse 1 Siddham | Samvatsara-sateshu dasasu(su) saptashaptya(shty-a)dhikepna(shu) Jyeshtha-bukla-patka(kaha)-pratipa 2 dayam Samvat 1067 Jyeshta (shtha)-[u]di 1 Ravav=ady-eha samasta-vri(bri)hadraj-vall 3 pva(pu)rvvam(rvva)-paramabhattaraka-maharajadhiraja-paramesva(ava)ra-ari-Siyakadeva padanudhyata'-pa 4 ramabbattaraka-maharajadhiraja-paramisva(iva)ra-irt-Vakpatira(ra)jadava-pad-nudhya (dhya)ta-paramabbatta 1 Above, Vol. XIX, pp. 69 ff. R.D. Banerji's views (ibid., p. 70) that the issue of the grant by a feudatory indicates the decline of Paramara power and that the charter was issued during the troubled days after Bhoja's death are unsound. 2 Cf. above, Vol. I, p. 230. Cf. A. K. Majumdar, Chaulukyas of Gujarat, p. 32. Ind. Ant., Vol. XX, pp. 310 ff. From a set of photographs. * Expressed by symbol. The following mark of punctuation is indicated by a curved stroke. Read pad-anudhyata.

Page #282
MODASA PLATE OF THE TIME OF PARAMARA BHOJA, V.S. 1067 Obverse 90 vAma purasa kA pUrA parivAra samorIta 1061161 vAjAyarA samaya tayAbAbata samajhAmakamalAnA vibhAgAmadharmasvAkzI mIyakalavapadamazana sarakama sahANAvinA paja saracA tAbAmahAdavapAsAnuzAyaramakahA pakanAramA pATA sanasiMtabATatapayavAnapapamahApakrama nAmAca manasvazAsAnAyA jAzamA havAdhakAcA manA ra 'so kApamahApAjavAbavaloTakIyavAzanakAmanA yasa mana pavana ko jhalaTU sAdhya ke pATa yAni pa ka sarakAza gharanI sArA ke paye kayU' yA zyaka pAyAtakAlAnamA lasilavakAridimAkha vasanyamAnahAyA mamatA pakAsAmA mAvAdvArA kAmatApa spAka nAyAbA gAvAtavAya to pAya hAka mApamA satya nAmaka moyA mAlakAlA (zAvamitAvAnAkAyAvAnabhAnA tapADA TITI mAUla usAyanika mala panAmA para | ARUN melA kApAyakavAmIsukSamA 10 12 (from a photograph)

Page #283
kA thAla sajAvA / / aMka 81 kAlA bhavitavavAda 2716 yA lIkA rusavA 10 rAjA ui ke jaba ke phApi mamakha jajJa 20 k| maMgalama ha 16 Reverse 18 ru yA sagA ka kama tIna sAla slkaiir'er'aaOMaa kA 18 20

Page #284
No. 38) MODASA PLATE OF THE TIME OF PARAMARA BHOJA, V.S. 1067 197 5 raka maha(..)raja(ja)dhirajul-paramosva(vairu-sri-Simdhurajadeva-pi(pa)d-kuudhiya(yllya). ta-paramabhattaraka-ma6 laharaja (ja)dhirija-paramosva(svara-sri-Bhojadeva-rajye sri-Mohadava(sa(sa)]k Arddhashtama-mamdale 7 bhatkara -maharajaputra-611-Vatsarajo(ja) ih-aiva Vallotakiya-chnturjatakiya?[]rut-udhya 8 vann-sain* pana(na)-pravara-Vra(Bra)hmana-Dorddasvn Salyanapata-grame pradatta hala-dva9 ya-bhumi-sa (sa)sanan prayachhayatyo=avam yatha [Salyanapata-grame kudrava tila- mu[dga-1'] 10 viihi kanti(ni)k-udi-[ksh]ettra-bhumi sya-chatur-ayhattanayanyatya? tatha grama madhy griha-khala11 dhanya-namati asya Vra(Bra)hmananya Harshapura-vinirggataya Upanasya-agottraya 12 (opaditya-[Au(su)]taya chaturjatakiya-vi(vi)pra-Dedielakasya dharma(rma)-hetava sa (sa)san-aka(ka)rena prada13 tta | bhumi-parasikulo lakhyatti11 [l*) rajalhyafkslia)-Vidita[h*1 | Vallo]takiyi Vra(Bra) hmani[l*] Tata[h*] Nala[h*] [* 14 tu(tu)thi " Pahiya[h*1 | Vra(Bra)hmana-Govardhanash*1 | Koln(li)ditya[,*1 | Dan tivarma-LAlu(su)ta- . "thakura- |*Ranaka[h*) pat[t]a15 kila-/* Jhamva(nba)ka-/" Lalluka- Goggaka-udibhi parisukatvail bhumi datritins Reverse 16 sa[ksh]yoh(no) li(li)khyarte || tratra Sarikasakanam=adhipati- " thakura-Koka viditya 17 tatha Tampalika[h*) / mohara-Vallahharajah | Kapashli(shti)-sutu-srosthi(shthi)-Jaudi[h*) 1 The akshara ja is writton below the line. ? As indicated abovo, this may be either a mistake for thokiri or, loss probably, the personal name of Vatsaraja's father. . Cf. the expression chaturjataklya-vipru in line 12 below. * Read Derddaya ; but, as indicated above, it is difficult to determine whether Derdda was the donce or the real donor of the grant which war ratified by Vatsarija probably with Bhoja's permission. The damo of the Brabmana is written as.Deddaka in line 12 below. Read prayachchhaty. . The danda is redundant. ? Read aghafa-8a myukta. . This may be a mistake for Anpamanyara. . Read Deddakaya; but, as indicated above, it in diMcult to any whother Doddaka was the donce or the donor of the grant in favour of the son of Gopuditya. The name of the Brabmana is written as Derdda in line 8 above. 10 Read parsvika. 11 Read likhyante. 11 Read (r)adinam parsvikalve. 11 Read datteeti. 14 Better read yatha.

Page #285
198 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXXIII 18 Kapashdi(shti)-bu(su)ta-Bhabha[h* | tatha Voiva[b]u[h*j* Gu(Gu)ahayati[h*) Samgoma. Kil(lja -su(su)ta-l" thaku19 ra- ' Chamd[r]ik-adio-samasta-jana-pratyaksha[**] sasanain samukiritan || likhitam 20 chetata? likhya(lekha)ka- |* Amnaka-bu(su)ta-Chchhaddakena | iti || Sri-Cha(Va)chchha (ta)rajasya10 [1*1 21 mamgalam maha-srish*] || | 1 It is difficult to say whether the intended name is Vaivasvata. The intended reading may also be Veiva-suta. * The intended reading may be Sangamal * The intended reading may be Killa followed by an unnecessary darda. * The danda is superfluous. Read Chandrika ity-adio. Resd samutkirnam. Read ch-aitat. . The danda is redundant. Sandhi has not been observed here. The dandas are superfluous. 10 This represents the donor's signature on the original document later ongraved on the platos. Note that the name of the donor is written as Vatsaraja in line 7 above. 11 There are two spiral symbols here between the double dandas.

Page #286
No. 39-KANCHIPURAM INSCRIPTION OF THE TIME OF ACHYUTARAYA, SAKA 1453 K. G. KRISHNAN AND V. S. SUBRAHMANYAM, OOTACAMUND (Received on 7. 12. 1957) The subjoined inscription is engraved on the east wall of the old Sabhanayaka shrine in the Ekamranatha temple at Kanchipuram in the Chingleput District, Madra 8. The inscription contains two parts, one in Sanskrit engraved in Grantha characters and the other, which is incomplete, in Tamil in the Tamil script mixed with Grantha. The Sanskrit portion is couched in verses in Anushtubh intercepted by a prose passage which has also been numbered along with the rest. There is nothing particular to note regarding palaeography or orthography. The inscription is important from the point of view of literary history as it throws light on the authorship and date of four literary compositions in Sanskrit. The epigraph is dated in the reign of Achyutaraya of the Tuluva dynasty of Vijayanagara and the details of the date, viz., Saka 1453,' Khara, Kumbha su. 3, Revati, Friday, correspond to 1532 A.D., February 9, the nakshatra being current till 34 of the following day. The epigraph commences with two stanzas invoking respectively the gods Vighnesvara and Siva. Then it introduces king Achyuta of the Tuluva dynasty, whose greatness is described at length and who is described as the son of Narasa. The king's commander-in-chief Salaka Tirumala is described next as the lord of Ondana-mandala. It is stated that he defeated the Pandya and Kerala kings and acquired sovereignty over them. This Tirumala is then stated to have installed Bhogaraja, son of Timmaraja of the solar race, as governor at Kanchi. Then the record proceeds to narrate an important event that happened during the governorship of Bhogaraja at Kanchi. Bhogaraja worshipped Lord Ekamranatha and summoned an assembly of learned Siva-Brahmanas, Mahesvaras and temple officials before the god Ekamresvara. Two other persons, one described as Ramachandra's brother and the other as Narayana, were also present. On that occasion, the assembly listened to four literary works in Sanskrit composed by Srinivasa, viz. Sivabhaktivilasa (stated to have been an account of the lives of the 63 Saiva devotees), Charanadistava, Bhogavali and Namavali. Srinivasa, the author of these works, is represented as the son of Sitarama of the Bharadvaja gotra and as a resident of Cheyarur. He is also stated to have been well-versed in the Samaveda and to have performed the Vajapeya sacrifice acquiring thereby the singular privilege of carrying the white umbrella. In appreciation of the compositions mentioned above, the sabha is said to have made presents of ornaments and clothes to the poet and to have also arranged for the poet's permanent residence at Kanchi by purchasing a house for him. The house stood on a site, 40' wide, in the northern part of the eastern row of houses in Nallakampa-vithi to the south of the outer prakara of the Ekamranatha temple. The poet also received a sivamana of rice daily and five bharas of grains and five panas per month, to be enjoyed hereditarily. It was further enjoined upon the members of the sabha to see that this gift continues uninterruptedly. The Tamil portion, which is unfinished, refers to the above four works, to the assembly and to Bhogayadeva-maharaja, the karttar of the place. 1 A. R. Ep., 1955-56, App. B, No. 274. The Saka year is obtained from the chronogram Sakshmi-bhagye which is apparently a mistake for Lakshmibhagye because the latter form, besides being more sensible, agrees with the cyclic year Khara which corresponds to Saka 1453. The chronogram is based on the Kafapayadi system. That the persons who performed the Vajapeya sacrifice were entitled to hold the white umbrella as an honour is indicated by the Ramayana, Ayodhya Kanda, Canto 45, verses 22-23, and Govindaraja's commentary thereon. The length of the site is stated to have been the same as that of the adjoining house. (199)

Page #287
200 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [Vol. XXXIII Salaka's son Tirumala, described in the record as Achyuta's commander-in-chief, is the wellknown brother-in-law of the king. Tirumala is deseribed as the lord of Ondana-mandala. Ondana is unknown to us as the name of a territory. But, among the numerous inscriptions referring to this chief, two, one from Gudur' in the Nellore District and the other from Vemularupadu' in the Guntur District, mention Ondanemandalikaraganda as one of his titles, meaning perhaps the chief of the mandalikas each of whom had an elephant. It does not seem to refer to any mandala Ondana by name, as our epigraph would make us believe. It is possible that the composer of our record arrived at this form in his attempt to transliterate this biruda of Salaka Tirumala without knowing its significance. But there is no doubt that this Tirumala is identical with Pedda Tirumala whose genealogy, as gathered from the Vemularupadu inscription and some other inscriptions, from Srirangam, may be recorded here. Salaka Lakkariju Singaraja Salakaraju=Anantamman Akkachchi-amman Timmarsju, son of Poddayadeva netrariju Pedda Tirumala Periya Konamman. Kondamma Pina Tirumala or Chikka Tirumala Tippamman and Konamman Varadamba =Achyuta Bhogaraja, installed as karttar at Kassicht, is called Bhogayadeva-maharaja in the Tamil section of the record. Some inscriptions' from the North Arcot and South Arcot Districts mention a Bhogaiyadeva-maharaja always in association with Salakaraja Tirumala. One of them from Tiruppanangadu states that, when Tirumalaideva-maharaja was camping at Kasschi in the month of Makara in Saka 1453, Khara, after having captured Vira-Narasimharaya-nayakkar, Bhogaiyadeva-maharaja enquired at his instance into a complaint lodged by the authorities of the temple at Tiruppanangidu. against the misappropriation of 50 pon of jodi by the captured chief. The amount is stated to have been formerly remitted by Krishnadevaraya. Narasimharaya-nayakkar withheld the amount even after a reminder from Saluva Timmayar. Bhogaiyadeva 1 Ino.Nel. Dist., Part I, Gudur, No. 108. The text given there reads Onidane-mandao. A Tamil inscription (A. R. Ep., 1919, No. 576) from Kanchipuram gives this expression as Ondanai-mandao. . A. R. Ep., 1909, No. 544. * Ibid., 1938-39, No. 70. * Ibid., 1950-51, No. 318 ; cf. also Nos. 323-24. . Ibid., 1938-39, No. 3 ; 1960-61, No. 340. . Ibid., 1924, No. 170. Ibid., 1906, Nos. 174, 175 and 263 ; 1921, No. 388 ; 1939-40, No. 266. * Ibid., 1907, Part li, para. 60.

Page #288
No. 39] KANCHIPURAM INSCRIPTION OF ACHYUTARAYA, SAKA 1453 201 recovered this amount. In another inscription from Elavanasur, a Bhogaiyadeva is referred to as the son of Tippayadeva-maharaja, who is described as Chola-kula-tilaka and Uraiyur-puravaradhisvara and stated to have served Tirumalaiyadeva-maharaja. Bhogayadeva is mentioned in our record as the son of Timmaraja and as having belonged to the Surya-vamsa. If Timma and Tippa can be regarded as variants of the same name, Bhogaiyadeva-maharaja of the present record would be identical with his namesake mentioned in the Tiruppanangalu and Elavanasur inscriptions. The theme of Srinivasa's Sivabhaktivilasa, stated to be a kavya dealing with the lives of the 63 devotees of Siva, is the same as that of the fine Tamil poetical work entitled Periyapuranan also known as Tiruttondarpuranam composed by Sekkilar in the first half of the 12th century. Sirabhaktivilasa has been noticed in Aufrecht's Catalogus Catalagorum.' Charanadistava, called Padadikesastava in the Tamil portion, is evidently the same as Ekamranathastava noticed in the Catalogus Catalagorum. The works are assigned by Aufrecht to Srinivasa-dikshita who is no doubt identical with Srinivasa-yajvan of our record, the titles yajvan and dikshita being synonymous. Charanadistava was no doubt a description of the god commencing from his sacred feet and ending with the glory of his crown or the head. It is sometimes composed also in the reverse order. It appears that both the types were chosen to describe a god while the latter was employed only to describe a man. The other two works Bhogavalid and Namavali are evidently names of two types of compositions. Apparently they too were compositions on Ekamresa. The munificence of the gifts made to the poet is sufficient indication of the patronage that men of letters enjoyed during the period in question. Cheyarur, the native place of the poet, cannot be identified due to want of further details. TEXT" 1 Subham-astu [1*] Vam-amk-arudha-vamakshi-vakshoj-asakta-pu2 shkaram varanam vighna-tamasam Varanasyam=upasmaha l[1*] Kama3 kshi-tumga-vakshoja-kamkanamkita-vakshasam Silaye sthi4 tam-Ekamra-mule Balendusekhara'm | [2*] Yasy=ajnam sarvva 5 bhupala vahanto nija-murddhabhih | nirajayanti kotira-ratna-di 6 paih pad-a[m*]bujam | [3] *] Nasta)-murddha-pad-angushtha-nakh-agra-krita-randhratah yat-pratapnel? 7 jvala-jalair=utsarppibhir=mmubuh| 4 | Brahmandam mukha-nikshipta-nava-palla[va*)-sam8 hateh | suvarnna-purnna-kumbhasya vibhramam vahati sphutam | [518] [Na] LXV). Ibid., 1906, No. 174. ? See p. 670. Loc. cit. . For the nature of this composition, see Prataparudriya (Bombay Nankarit and Prakrit Series No Kavyaprakarana, p. 98. . From the original and inked impressions, * Cf. Mukaparicha sati, Aryasatakam, verse 15. * Tamil is used here.

Page #289
202 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXXIII 9 la-Nabhaga-Nahusha-Nriga-Rama-mukhan nlipan | atisete pavitrena charite(tre)na 10 nijena yah | 6 | Asau Narasa-bhupala-tanayo vinay-ojva(jjva)lah | Achyutendra 11 maharaya-nama sima su-vartmanam | 7 | Yada bhujena Bhogindra-bhoga-ka 12 lpena sat-prabliuh | vahaty=asosha-vasudha-valayam valayam yatha | 8 | Tada tasya chamu nathas=sarvva-samra 13 iya-dhur-vaha) Ondana-mandal-adhisas=Salaka-kshmapa-bhur=abhut | 9 | Yah Pandya Kerala(!-a)dhisam(sau) para 14 jitya tatah karam | karan=tat-prithivi-rajya-lakshmya iva tad=agrahit | 10 | Asau Tirumala kshmapas=ta 15 sy=aptam prapta-tejasam | Suryya-vams-abdhi-sasinar Surendra-sama-vikramam | 11 | Timmaraja-bhu 16 [va]m Bhogarajam i bhuyasim | 12 | Kanchyan=nyavesayat sa tatra karayan pujam=Ekamresasya 17 Sakshmibhagyet sakasy-abde Khar-abde Kumbha-ge Ravau sita-pakshe tritiyayam 18 Ravatya[m*) vasare Bhrigdh | 13 Pranamy=Aikamraramanan=tasy=agre samupavisat Ri 19 machandr-anujanma Na[ra*]yana='pi cha | 14 | Gautamas=cha Bharadvaja[h*) Kausi[ka]h** Kasyapas=tatha | Aga 20 styas=cha mahanma(tma)nas-Siva-dvija-kul-ottamah | 15 | Kule sile sad-achare tyage bhoga same damel prathitah 21 karanas=cha * kischa(n=cha) kusalas=sakalasu kalasu cha | 16 | Mahesvaras=cha mahitah gup-alayah [l *) ala 22 (y)-Aikamranathasya puratas-tridasa iva | 17 | Tada tata(to) Bharadvaja-Sita(ta)rama sutas-sadhih | Vajapey-arijita-sveta Bharat-adi-kalasu cha 23 ja(chcbha)tra-mandala-manditah | 18 Pada-vakya-pra[ma]neshu prathitag=Chiyarur-grama-vast 1 Bee p. 199, noto 2. Aftor janmd we have to read cha briman to suit tho metro. * The letters fikk are written below the line. * The number 13 was originally engraved and later it appears to have boon corrected into 16. . This danda was wrongly engraved here instead of at the end of this bomistich. * The sign for medial ai is ongraved at the end of the provious line.

Page #290
2 No. 39) KANCHIPURAM INSCRIPTION OF ACHYUTARAYA, SAKA 1453 24 Sam-abdhi-paragah [19*] Srinivasas=Sivasy=ajna (jna)-vasata[h] svena nirmmitam [sha*]shti-bhakta-charitra-dyotakam kavyam=utta 03 tri 25 mam | 20 | Sivabha[kti]'vilas-akhyam=abravayad=imam sabham valim Namavalim*-api | 21 | Eta Cha[ra]nadistavam Bhoga 26 n prabandhan=akarnya santushtas=[tje sabliasadah prasannan Sivam=alakshya Lakshma bhih purvva-sam(sam)sitaih | 22 27 Prasasy-aitari kavim bhusha-vastr-adyaih pratipujya cha kli(ka)lpayanti sma ch=ivasani Kanchyam=ev-asya santatam 2[3 ] han 28 Nallakampa-vidhi(thi)-sreshthi-rathya-purvve Ekamranatha-bahya-prakarad=dakshinato sreny.[u]ttara-pranta-sthi 29 tu[ni*) dakshinottaratas=chatvarimsat-pada-vistritam prativesa-goiha-pracharayama-sam. ayamam Ekamro30 sona ka(kra)ya-labdham ni[dh]y-udy-ashta-bhaga-sahitam=ika-niketanan=ch=asme(smai) Srinivasa 31 yajvane dattavantah | 26 Ekamres-alayat prapyam=amuna [ka]vin=anv-aham . 32 Siva-mana-mitari Sali-tandulanan=cha sanchayam | 27 | Mase maso tatah prapya[m*] 33 vrilinam bhura-panchakam | pananam panchakamam=api" prasadam- Parvatipateh | 2[8 ] 34 Etat-sarvvan-dvija[sy-a*]sya bhojyam putr-adikair=api yath-eshta-viniyog-urham=a kalpantam=akalpa 35 yan 29 Srinivasina vidushi praptam-Ekamran[W]yakat prasannad=etad=khilam pala niyan-na 36 radbipaih | 30 | Mahesvarair=Mmahadeva-divy-ajna-paripalakaih | sthanakais-cha Siva37 priti-kartri-dharmm-arttha-kamkshibhih | 31 | Kamakshi-ku[cha]-mudr-amkas=Sarkarah kimkaran-nijan avya38 d=avyaja-karunya-kallolita-drig-anchalah | 32 Subham? Bolow ti there is another unnecessary letter looking like thi. * The word Namarali is written below the line. * The letter la is written below the line. * The passage running from this upto datlavantah in line 31 is in prose; yet it is enumerated as though it is squal to three verses, thus carrying the number to 26. . Read prachar-uyama. The vertical line of cha appears to have been projected downwards * Read panchakanisch-api. There is a punctuation mark here consisting o stwo symbols resembling the Tamil figure 10 flanking & sign resembling the letteru.

Page #291
204 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXXIII 39 Tiruvekambam-udaiya Nayinar Afupatti(ttu)muvar-puranam Samskrita-ba(bha)shaiyir(yir) chey40 da Sivabhaktavilasattaiyum' tammudaiya Bhogavalli(liyai) yum! Namuvalli(liyai)yumi Pata(da)dikesastavamum 41 ugandu tiru[ch* chevi-chochatti aruluga(gai)yili-kkoyil TaNGattarum Muhusvararum santoshi42 ttu sthalattukku kattar(rttar)ana Bhogayadeva-maharaja. The letter yum is indicated by a symbol. . Read alavatlaiyum. * The letter ch is redundant. * The writing stops here abruptly.

Page #292
No. 40-NOTE ON MANDASOR INSCRIPTION OF GAURI D. C. SIRCAR, OOTACAMUND (Received on 11. 7. 1958) The fragmentary inscription of a ruler named Gauri belonging to the Manavayani family was discovered at Mandasor in Madhya Pradesh while another record of the same ruler, dated V.8. 547 (491 A.D.), was found in a temple in the vicinity of Chhoti Sadri near Neemuch about 32 miles from Mandasor. Both the records were edited by me above, Vol. XXX, pp. 120-32, with Plates. A king named Adityavardhana is mentioned about the beginning of the Mandasor epigraph of Gauri, apparently as ruling from Dasapura (Mandasor). The Chhoti Sadri inscription does not mention this ruler. One of the several possibilities suggested by me regarding Adityavardhana's identification was that he may have been Gauri's overlord and a later member of the Aulikara family of Dasapura. In an interesting paper entitled "New Light on the Ancient History of Malwa ", which has appeared in the Indian Historical Quarterly, Vol. XXXIII, No. 4, December 1957, pp. 314-20, Prof. V. V. Mirashi has tried to show that king Adityavardhana mentioned in the Mandasor inscription of his feudatory Gauri whose known date is V.S. 547 (491 A.D.) and king Dravyavardhana mentioned in the Brihatsamhita (LXXXVI, 2) of Varahamihira who flourished in the sixth century A.D. were later members of the Aulikara ruling family of Western Malwa just as king Yasodharman Vishnuvardhana, one of whose Mandasor inscriptions is dated V.S. 589 (532 A.D.), and that all these three Aulikara kings had their capital not at Dasapura (modern Mandasor) but at Ujjayini. As regards the second of the two suggestions, Prof. Mirashi observes," Dr. Sircar seems to think that Dasapura was the capital of Adityavardhana... There is no basis for this conjecture." I am afraid, Prof. Mirahsi has not been successful in proving his point. We have two pillars of the nature of jaya-stambhas raised by Yasodharman Vishnuvardhana at Dasapura (Mandasor) and it is generally believed that he was ruling from the said city. This is quite possible since the early kings of the Aulikara family very probably had their capital at Dasapura where most of their lithic records have been found. The suggestion is supported by one of the Mandasor inscriptions of this family, which clearly states that, in V.S. 493 (436 A.D.), Aulikara Bandhuvarman was the ruler of Dasapura while the Gupta monarch Kumaragupta was ruling over the earth'. This shows that the Aulikara king Bandhuvarman, who was a feudatory of Kumaragupta and flourished in the second quarter of the fifth century, had his capital at Dasapura. But Prof. Mirashi says, "The pillars commemorate the memorable victory which Yasodharman obtained over the Huna king Mihirakula. The battle appears to have been fought at Dasapura, about 75 miles north by west of Ujjayini. Hence the memorable pillars were erected at Dasapura, the site of the battle, and not at Ujjayini, the capital of Yasodharman." The theory, however, does not appear to be quite convincing in view of the facts that most of the stone inscriptions of the Aulikara kings, as indicated above, have been found at Dasapura and none at all at 1 Cf. ibid., p. xi. CII, Vol. III, pp. 142 ff. Cf. Raychaudhuri, PHAI, 1938, p. 504. See Bhandarkar's List, Nos. 3, 6-7 ; above, Vol. XXVII, pp. 12 ff. For early Aulikara records found elsewhers (not far away from Mandasor), cf. Bhandarkar's List, No. 4; above, Vol. XXVI, pp. 130 ff. The two inscriptions of Yasodharman Vishnuvardhana, a later member of the family, were both found at Mandasor (Bhandarkar's List, Nos. 9, 1870). CII, Vol. III, pp. 79 ff. Cf. Kumaragupte prithivim prasasati in verse 23 and Bandhuvarmmary=udare samyaksphilam Dabapuram idam palayaty-unnat-amse in verse 29. (205)

Page #293
206 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXXIII Ujjayini and that one of these records mentions an early Aulikara king as having his capital at Dasapura, while, on the other hand, there is absolutely no evidence to show that the Aulikarasearlier or later--had anything to do with Ujjayini. Verse 2 of the fragmentary Mandasor inscription of Gauri reads as follows: Jitva ripu-balan sandkhe(khye) ramyari pura[**] das-adi. [l*] ....(na]ra-uyagghte narendr-Adityavarddhane || In my opinion, the damaged akshara at the end of the first half of this stanza is certainly kan while the word lost at the beginning of its second half, as I have suggested, may be restored as palayati or prasasati. The above restoration is supported by the style of epigraphic records including the Mandasor inscription of Bandhuvarman (verse 29) referred to above. There can be little doubt that the stanza represents Adityavardhana, probably an Aulikara, as the ruler of Dasapura ; that is to say that he had his capital at Dasapura. Prof. Mirashi, it is interesting to note, admits that the name Dasapura appears in the verse quoted above) in a fragmentary form', that Adityavardhana is said to have done something to a town whose name contained the word data (probably Dabapura)', that as the name of Adityavardhana is used in the locative case, the intended meaning seems to be that he was ruling at the time', and that the kings Adityevardhana and YasodharmanVishnuvardhana' were connected in some way or other with Dasapura (Mandasor)'. In spite of all these admissions, however, he, strangely enough, comes to the conclusion that the said stanta gives no clear indication as regards Adityavardhana's relations with Dasapura. But, if it is admitted that the name of Dasapura occurs in the verse in the accusative along with that of Adityavardhana in the nominative absolute, I do not see how Prof. Mirashi can easily escape, without resorting to unwarranted conjectures, from the natural conclusion that the king was ruling at the city in question. It will be seen that, while in our opinion verse 2 of the fragmentary Mandasor inscription of Gauri apparently speaks of Dasapura as the capital of Adityavardhana, it offers no indication on the point to Prof. Mirashi. It is, therefore, natural to expect that he has stronger grounds to show that Ujjayini, and not Dasapura, was the capital of Adityavardhana as well as of Dravyavardhana and Yasodharman Vishnuvardhana, all the three kings probably belonging to the same family. Unfortunately the two points Prof. Mirashi has raised as evidence in support of his theory do not appear to be convincing at all as both of them are based on misunderstanding. The first point raised by Prof. Mirashi in this connection is based on the mention of Maharajadhiraja Dravyavardhana as an Avantika or Avantika-nripa, i.e. 'the king of Avanti', in the following stanza of Varahamihira's Brihatsamhita, to which reference has been made : Bharadvaja-matan drishtva yach=cha fri-Dravyavardhanah Avantikah praha nsipo maharajadhirajaka) || Prof. Mirashi takes the name Avanti occurring in the expression Avantika, to indicate the city of Ujjayini. But unfortunately he forgets that Avanti was primarily the name of a people or their country (identical with West Malwa) and only secondarily the name of the chief city of the said people or country. Of course it is well-known that, during certain periods of the history of the Avanti country, Ujjayini was its chief city. The expression Avantika thus means both the lord of the Avanti people or country' and 'the lord of the city of Avanti (identified with Ujjayini)'. One has to note that the Paramara kings like Bhoja are called 'king of Avanti's even though they had their capital at Dhara and not at Ujjayini. It will, therefore, be seen that the epitbet Avantika applied to Dravyavardhana does not prove that his capital was at Ujjayini and not at Dasapura. 1 I do not find any justification for Prof. Mirashi's remark, "The metre appears defective." See Pargiter, Markandeya Purana, trans., p. 344, note; Apte, Sans.-Eng. Dict., App. III, s.v. Avanti. ot. Avanti-bhupala in Monier-Williams' Sans.-Eng. Dich., B.v. Avanti.

Page #294
No. 40) NOTE ON MANDASOR INSCRIPTION OP GAURI 207 Prof. Mirashi's contention that 'the aforecited passage from the Brihaleamhita thus suggests that the later Aulikara kings Adityavardhana, Dravyavardhana and Vishnuvardhana (Yabodharman) ruled from Ujjayini' therefore stands on a shaky foundation. Prof. Mirashi's other argument in support of his theory is based on the Mandasor inscription! of V.S. 589 belonging to the reign of Yasodharman Vishnuvardhana. He says, " It (i.e. the Mandasor inscription of V.8. 589) tells us that the country between the Vindhya and Pariyatru (Aravali) mountains was being governed by one Nirdosha who was a Rajasthaniya appointed by Yasodharman and had his headquarters at Dasapura. This clearly indicates that Yasodharman himself was ruling not from Dasapura but from some other place like Ujjayini." He refers us to the Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum, Vol. III, p. 154, with the following remark : " The name of the viceroy was Nirdosha and not Daksha as shown by Kielhorn." We are sorry to note that there are not only several errors in these statements but also that the inscription does not prove Prof. Mirashi's theory at least to our satisfaction. In the first place, the inscription does not really mention any country between the Vidhya and Pariyatra mountains'. Verse 19 of the record actually speaks of the land bounded by the Vindhya, the Pariyatra and the Sea (Arabian Sea) apparently meaning the region lying to the west of the Vindhya and the Pariyatra and to the east of the Arabian Sea. There is nothing in the record to show that the city of Dasapura was situated in this land. As a matter of fact, the area indicated seems to have been situated to the west of the city in question. Secondly, the person represented in the stanza as the Rajasthaniya, i.e. viceroy or governor, of the said region is not Nirdosha but his father's elder brother Abhayadatta. Verses 20-21 suggest that, on the death of Abhayadatta, the viceroyalty of the above land fell on Dharmadosha who was a son of the former's brother Doshakumbha. Thirdly, it is uncertain whether Abhayadatta was a contemporary and a viceroy of Yasodharman Vishnuvardhana, although Dharmadosha was in office in V.8. 589 when his younger brother Nirdosha excavated a well apparently at Dasapura in the name of his deceased uncle Abhayadatta. Verse 21 of course seems to suggest that Dharmadosha was a viceroy of Yabodharman; but he may have been metioned by Nirdosha merely to indicate his own importance as the brother of an important personage like the governor of a district. Fourthly, for similar reagong, Nirdosha's mention of his relations with Abhayadatta and Dharmadosha scarcely proves that Dasapura, where he excavated the well, lay within the territory under the viceroyalty of his elder brother and paternal uncle, even if both of them were viceroys under the Aulikara king Yasodharman Vishnuvardhana. Fifthly, the inscription does not mention Dasapura as the headquarters of Abhayadatta and Dharmadosha, not to speak of Nirdosha who is not stated to have been a ruler. Sixthly, the mention of the two names together in two different stanzas shows that Daksha was the second name of Nirdosha." Seventhly, even if Yasodharman Vishnu, vardhana had his capital at Dagapura, Abhayadatta and Dharmadosha could have acted as gover nors of the metropolitan district of the Aulikara empire with their headquarters at the capital city. The points raised above will make it clear that the Mandasor inscription scarcely proves the location of Yasodharman's capital at Ujjayini. Prof. Mirashi's statement that all these kings (viz. Adityavardhana, Dravyavardhana and Yabodharman Vishnuvardhana) were ruling from Ujjayini' is thus an unwarranted conjecture, especially in view of the discovery of most of the Aulikara inscriptions at Dasaputa and of the fact that verse 2 of the Mandasor inscreption of Gauri 1 CII, Vol. III, pp. 150-58. . Select Inscriptions, p. 392, note 3. . It may be noted that, when Maharaja Brahmadatta or Maharaja Jayadatta was ruling over Pundrava. rdhana-bhukti with headquarters apparently at the city of Pundravardhana, there was also the office of an Ayuktala (no doubt the governor of the district round the city) at the same city. See above, Vol. XV, pp. 136 f., pp. 188 ff.; Vol. XX, pp. 61 ff.

Page #295
208 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXXIII apparently represents Dasapura as the capital of Adityavardhana just as the earlier Aulikan. king Bandhuvarman is mentioned as the ruler of the same city in another Mandasor inscription. Prof. Mirashi thinks that Maharaja Gauri had his capital at Dasapura. But this view seems to. go clearly against the evidence of verse 2 of his Mandasor Insoription, unless of course Gauri is identified with Adityavardhana. As indicated above, we have only the following two inscriptions of Gauri: (1) the Chhoti Sadri epigraph, and (2) the Mandasor inscription recording the excavation of a tank by him in the suburbs of Dasapura for the merit of his deceased mother. Of course Gauri's activities recorded in these inscriptions do not prove that he had his capital at either of the two places where his records have been found or at a third place, since a ruling chief could build a temple or excavate a tank at his capital or elsewhere in or outside his own territory. Thus according to an inscription of Saka 983 (1060 A.D.) from Barsur in the Bastar District of Madhya Pradesh, a Telugu-Choda Mahamandalesvara named Chandraditya-maharaja, who had his headquarters at Ammagrama, is known to have built a temple of Siva called Chandradityesvara and excavated a tank called Candradityasarovara at Barasuru which was the capital of his Chhindaka overlord, Maharaja Jagadekabhushapa. Another fact that cannot be ignored in this connection is that Dasapura was in early times one of the celebrated holy places in Western India and that death at a place of pilgrimage was considered by the people as highly meritorious. Gauri's mother may, therfore, have visited Dasspura on pilgrimage with a view to meet her end at the holy place. The excavation of wells at Dasapura by both Nirdosha and Gauri in the name of their dead relatives in such a case becomes clear.. Moreover, as already incidated above, verse 2 of the Mandasor fragmentary inscription of Gauri suggests that Dasapura was the capital of his overlord Adityavardhana probably of the Aulikara dynasty. It is, therefore, impossible to believe in the present state of our knowledge that Gauri of the Manavayani family, who was a feudatory chief and not a governor, had also his capital at the same city of Dasapura. We also find it difficult to agree with Prof. Mirashi's view regarding the date of Dravyavardhana who is mentioned in the Brihatsamhita and may be supposed to have belonged to the Aulikara family. The date of the composition of this work is uncertain, although it may have been written some time about the first quarter of the sixth century A.D." It is, therefore, impossible, without further evidence, to prove whether Dravyavardhana ruled in the fifth or sixth century A.D. or whether he was a predecessor or sucessor of Adityavardhana. Prof. Mirashi conjectures that Dravyavardhana was a successor of Adityavardhang and predecessor of Yasodharman Vishnuvardhana and says, "Maharajadhiraja Dravyavardhana of Avanti mentioned by Varahamihira (c. first half of the sixth century A.D.) must, therefore, be placed in the period V. 552 to 589. He may have ruled from c. V. 552 to 572 (A.D. 495-515). He was thus & predecessor of Yabodharman and might have been his father." He lays special emphasis on the last sentence by putting it in italics. Unfortunately, however, all these statements appear to us to be nothing more than guesses unsupported by any evidence worth the name. 1 See Annual Report on South Indian Epigraphy, 1908-09, pp. 111 ff.; Hiralal's Inscriptions in the Central Provinces and Berar, pp. 158-59; The Classical Age, pp. 216, 220. For another similar inscription, seo Hiralal, op. cit., p. 159. Cf. Select Inscriptions, p. 161, text line 2. See above, Vol. XXX, pp. 43 ff. Cf. JAHRS, Vol. XIX, p. 207. * Varahamihira probably composed his Parichasiddhantika in Saka 427 (808 A.D ) sinoe in that work the said Baka year has been taken as the basis of osloulation. The Brihalaarhild appears to have been composed at a later date. The tradition that Varahamihira died in Saka 609 (587 A.D.) is now generally regarded as of dubiona value. Cf. The Classical Age, p. 323,

Page #296
No. 41-MALGA PLATES OF SAMANTA INDRARAJA (1 Plate) : D. C. SIRCAR AND S. SANKARANARAYANAN, OOTACAMUND (Received on 18.7.1958) About the middle of the year 1957, Pandit L. P. Pandeya of Raigarh, Madhya Pradesh, informed the Government Epigraphist for India of the existence of a copper plate inscription lying in the possession of Shri Badri Prasad Rai of Dhoba har in the Bilaspur District of the same State. Under his instructions, Shri Rai was good enough to send the inscription on loan to the Government Epigraphist for India in July 1957, and it was soon returned to him after examination. The owner of the plates was stated to be Thakur Ratansingbji of Malga, P. O. Kotma, District Shahdel, Madhya Pradesh. The inscription is written on a set of three plates which measure about 94 inches by 4 inches each and are strung on a ring measuring about 2 inches in diameter and about 7 incb in thickness: The ring passes through a hole about the iniddle of the upper side of the plates. The first plate has writing only on the inner side while the other two plates are inscribed on both the sides. The record contains 30 lines of writing, 7 lines each on the inner sides of plates I and III and the obverse and reverse of plate II, and only 2 lines on the outer side of plate III. The rectangular seal soldered to the joint of the ring contains only the legend fri-Indrarajah (correctly dr-Indrarajah) in embossed characters. The three plates together with the ring and seal weigh 119 tolas. The characters belong to a variety of the Siddhamatrika alphabet and are assignable to a date roughly between the Bodhgaya inscription" (c. 589 A. D.) of Mahanaman and the Aphsad inscription. (c. 670 A. D.) of Adityasena, that is to say, about the Arst half of the seventh century. The letters are, however, more angular in shape and their top is formed by a hollow triangle of a bigger size than the solid triangle at the top of the letters of the Bodhgaya and Aphsad epigraphs. Letters with a hollow triangle forming the top are sometimes met with in early inscriptions, e.g., in the recently discovered Mallar (Bilaspur District, Madhya Pradesh) plates of Vyaghraraja, written in Southern characters assignable to the 6th century A. D. Among initial vowels, a occurs in line 29; a with length indicated by a curve in lines 1 and 8 and by an angular sign in lines 13, 16, 21 and 24; i in lines 6, 8, 26 and 28 ; u in line 28 and 29; and e in line 29. The medial signs of a anda (cf. also medial 6) are sometimes a bird-matra and sometimes a prishtha-matra. Medial u is written with a downward vertical stroke (cf. "tphulla in line 2), or a curve attached to the lower end of the letter (cf. tunga in line 3). The sign has been written differently in ru in gunair-u in line 1 and charu in line 2. Medial u is indicated by & downward curve added to the left of the vertical stroke of a medial u (cf. murtti in line 4), or a curved stroke added to the rignt side of the u sign (cf.or-bhutva in line 16). The sign for medial a in bhugna in line 23 is of a different type. The subscripts ch and v are not clearly distinguished (cf. svasti in line 1 and of-charu in line 4). The letter m'is written with a straight stroke or a globular mark added to the lower left corner of p (cf. frimao and mati in iine 6). The form of subscript y is angular and the top of the letter is flat. In the ligature ry (cf. paryanta in lines 5 and 13), * OIT, Vol. III, pp. 274 f., and Plato. Ibid., pp. 200 f. and Plate. * No. 6 of 1958-59, App. A. Cf. also above, Vol. XVI, Plato faoing p. 16. ( 209 )

Page #297
210 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (VOL. XXXIII r looks different from the form of superscript r added to other consonants. Visarga is represented either by two dots (cf. samal in line 1) or by two slightly curved strokes placed one above the other (of. 8-odrangah sa-parikarah in line 11). The orthography of the record shows a considerable amount of carelessness on the part of the scribe and the engraver. Words like arahati for arhati (line 24) exhibit the influence of local pronunciation. Though a separate sign for b was not unknown (cf. the brased word Budayyake in line 9), the letter has been represented by u throughout as is.generally done in the contemporary inscriptions of North India. Occasionally consonants are doubled in conjunction with (cf. murttio in line 4 and pittro(r) in line 13). Sometimes the signs for anusura and visarga have been either omitted (e.g. in ya[*] bri[*] in line 2), while often one of them is written for the other (e.g. in pakshah for paksham in line 5, and vasinan for vasinah in line 17). In some cases, visarga is unnecessarily added (e.g. in ghattanah in line 4). Class nasals havo been generally used instead of anusvara (cf. Indra in line 1; pandita in lines 2-3; tunga in line >>). Anusvara is once wrongly changed to si in vanga for vamia in line 17. While it is wrongly used for final min phalan in lines 20 and 26, it is wrongly retained in dattam-va in line 22 and samua in line 30. The language of the record is Sanskrit, and the composition is a mixture of prose and verse. For instances of grammatical errors, see Sailendraraja for rajad in line 3, nirjitua for nirjitya in line 5, Indraraja for orajah in lines 6-7, svaminasyal for svanime in line 15, rajanes for rajabhih in line 19, etc. The record belongs to toe time of Samanta Indraraja and is dated in his regnal reckoning without mentioning any era. The details of the date are given as the avonth day of the first fortnight of the month of Jyeshtha of the Arst (or, eleventh) year apparentiy of Indraraja's reign, the week-day being Tuesday and the nakshatra Uttarabhadrapada. The month was no doubt Purnimanta. The details are, however, not sufficient to determine the exact date of the record. As indicated above, the palaeography of the inscription suggests a date about the first half of the 7th century A. D. The document starte with a Siddham symbol followed by thv auspicious word svasti. The first verse that follows instroduces Samanta Indraraja's fathe, whose name was probably Kshitipati. The next verse describes the donor of the grant, viz. Indraraja, as a great figarer. A long passage in piose in lines 7-17 records Samanta Indraraja's declaration trom his residence at Mandaka to his officers including the gramakuta (village-headman) and ths chief perBons and residents of Salagramamantamaraka (or Salagramamantamaraka) within Gulagramake which was situated in Akasa-rashtra forming a part of the Chhondaparanga vishaya. The village was granted as & tax-free holding to Bhavagvamin, sonof Nagasvamikarman of the Sandilya gotra and the Vajasaneya-Maddhyandina sakha. The order regarding the execution of the grant was passed by Indraraja himself. The above section is followed by IndraTaja's request in lines 17-19 to the future kings to protect the grant. After seven imprecatory verses, some of which are not usually met with, the document is said in lines 27-28 to have been written by Rajaputra Deva and engraved by Dron&ka, son of the goldsmith Isvara. The date of the charter, quoted at the end of the record in liaes 28-30, has been already discussed. The inscription under 1eview is interesting in that Samanta Indraraja and his father are known for the first time from it. Unfortunately we have no clue to determine the dynasty to which they belonged. Indraraja was a Samanta, i.e. a feudatory ruler. But there is no mention of his overlord. The issue of the charter, dated apparently in his own regnal reckoning, without any reference to the overlord, suggests that Indraraja was a semi-independent chief, although *Cf. spaminaya in the Umachal rock inscription (above, Vol. XXXI, p. 67). *Cf. rajanaid in one of the Pandukovar plates (ibid., p. 209.)

Page #298
No. 41] MALGA PLATES OP RAMANTA INDRARAJA 211 be seems to have been the ruler of a small territory in the Shahdol region in the former Rewa State. The area was under the kings of Kausambi in the 2nd and 3rd centuries A. D. and later came under the possession of the Imperial Guptas. In the 6th century, the Mankharis of Uttar Pradesh and Bihar, whose dominions are known to have comprised the neighbouring Kalanjara region of Bundelkhand,' may have extended their power over the Rewa area. It is, therefore, not impossible that Indraraja originally owed allegiance to the Maukharis and ruled semiindependently for sometime between the death of Maukhari Grahavarman about 605 A. D. and the establishment of Harshavardhana's power over the former, Maukhari empire shortly afterwards. The semi-independent period of Indraraja's rule may possibly also be assigned to a date following Harsha's death in 647 A. D. In such cases, the record under study may be assigned roughly to the second decade or the middle of the 7th century. Among the geographical names mentioned in the record, Mandaka whence the giant was issued seems to have been the capital of Samanta Indraraja. It is difficult to say whether the name of Malga, the findspot of the inscription, is a modification of that of ancient Mandaka. The gift village is called Salagramamantamaraka or Salagramamantamaraka which is apparently made out of the names of two localities, viz. Salagrama and Amantamaraka or Mantamaraka. These two localities forming one unit was a part of the village called Gula-gramaks which was situated in a rashtra or subdivision called Akasa within the vishaya or district called Chhendaparanga. Nono of these can be identified. TEXT [Metres : verse 1 Sardulavikridita ; verse 2 Sragdhara ; verses 3-9 Anushtubh.] First Plate 1 Siddham svasti [II] Asi(si)d=Indra-samah kshitau Kabita(ti)pati[h*) lakty, ktriskri) yabhiragupair=u2 tphull-amala-chaju-vimva(mba)-vadana ya[n*] Bri[h*) sada sevate | yo deva-dvija-sadha [pa)3 odita-janasy=adhara-bh[u]to ha va' siddh-[A]dhyasita-hema-tunga-sikharah Sailai(le)ndra raja(jo) yatha (11 *] 4 Jata[s=ta*]sy=atmaja(ja)=pi. prakata-gha(ga)ja-ghata(ta)-ghattanah(na)&=ch[a]ru-murtti [re=nitya[m] dat-abhima* Seo above, Vol. XXXI, pp. 187 ff. An inscription of kandagupta has been found in the forinar Howa State, while Gapta supremacy was acknowledged in Chattisgarh. See ibid., pp. 287-88 ; below, pp. 300 ff. Bhandarkar's List, No. 28; above, Vol. XVII, pp. 18 ff. From photographs and impressions. Expressed by symbol. * The lotter dha is written above the lino. Better road bhut-bhavat.

Page #299
212 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [Vol. XXXIII 5 ni rana-chapala-patuh bhranta-paryanta-[k]irtish [*] nirjitvastyna)rati-pakshah(ksham) prasabham=apahi(hri)6 to(ta) yocha(na) lakshmi visala sa stima[i*)-kri-niketah prati-mati-suchirah Indra7 raja(18) narendrah (|| 2*) Mandakat=para[ma*]mahasvara(ro) mata-pitsi-pad-anudhyatah sri Second Plate, First Side 8 sama(ma)nta Indrarajah Chchhe (Chhendaparanga-vishaya-prativaddhah Akaba rashtre Gula 9 gramako | Salagram mantamarakas gramaku(ku)ta-dconagika10 gandakanayaka-devavarika(ka) n*) sarvvame(n=e)va pramukha[n] yatha-prativasinam (nah) samajna 11 payati viditam=astu bhavata[m) yath=zemabhir=aya[m*)grama[h*]s-odiangah sa-parikarah 12 a-chata-bhata-pravela' sa-nidhih s-opanidhih(dhi)s=chora-danda-yalitah chatuh-6i(si)13 m-adbana-paryants A-chandr-[&]rka-kshiti-taraka-nirodhena mata-pittror=atmanas=cha punya(ny-a)14 bhivriddhayo /* Sa(Sandilya-gotra-VajasanEya-Maddhyandina-Nagasvami-puva(tra) Second Plate, Second Side 15 Bhavasvaminasya pratipaditurety=a'lvagamya | yath-ochita-bhogam=upana16 yanta[h]" ajna-brava pa-vidbeyair-bhutva suktam prativa(va)stavyam=iti svayar=a ch=zemad-vangera samu(mu)tpadya(tsya)nte rajanah(na)s=tairapaniy816 17 jnapara| ye dattir=anu * Read pafuro. Originally da may have been engraved in the place of fu. The reading of the word may possibly be manab also. * Road ruchirachndra. Road baddha. * The punctuation mark is unnecessary. The letters lagrama are engraved whero 'lakbyya were originally written and afterwards erased. Between marakt and grdmakuta, the four letters lwdaysakt, originally written, have been eraeed. If the a eign of ma is regarded as the part of an erased letter the reading may be salagrama-Mantamaraka. These two expressions are not known from any other record. It is difficult to say whether they are mistakes for drangika and dandanayaka. * Read praoddal. There is an unnecesary slanting stroko after bl. Read varjitab. * Read nsrodham. 10 Read andmine. 11 Road pralipadinte 11 Road yadbhih. >> Read vasthe.. 14 Read reapelyan.

Page #300
MALGA PLATES OF SAMANTA INDRARAJA 13 yukti 5 6 phaa/ su%|| 2nd dhssrmii / tti, sh!2, 2 snyjy'dhbnyciNshbiiy'ore 4 isaahazzczspiddi z@y 4 6 sui! 4 x x 9: 48 : 6 | Page #301
gutsudosutotsupusugasutatsuYue 21Ri 24 [karuQi gashinaiaruCB22 surotsuto24 gosupurasu[surusuraihuban bu 26 13 1422222Ming niokerusurabamasuHao kiHao ntorasuto 1.26 manninarunaru, osusumesuruoi 28 22 04 03- 731115de, demiwo28 170205137 sukuwaianhamusutazu! 303251san 30

Page #302
No. 41] MALGA PLATES OF SAMANTA INDRARAJA 213 18 palaniy=atu(nu)modauiya cha | yas=chremo(mam) datti[m*] vilopam=apadayishyat sa 19 panchabhir=niahapatakaih saba sariyuktazi(ktah) sya(sya)[t] [*] [Ba*]hubhir=vasudha bhutva rajanet 20 Sagar-aji(di)bhish *) yasya yasya yada bhumi[s*]=tasya tasya tada phala[m]lam) Il 3*] Shashti 21 varisha -sahasrini svarge modati bhumidah [l] uchhe(chchhe)tta sh=anumanta Third Plate, First Side 22 cha tta(ta)nyriva nurake vasi[t || 4*] Sva-dattam para-dattamva yo hareti(ta) Vasundhara (m1*] kapila-sata-yha 23 tinam=enasa pratipadyate lll 5*] Khila-bhugnas tu ya bhu(bhu)mi[r*]=ya sha bhukta dal=apare* [l*) sa[ta][11*] ya 24 [va]ntu(tutu) ya bhukta na raji hantum=arabati' [l 6*] Asphotayanti pitara[h*] pra valganta(nti). pitamahulh /*] 25 tvan=cko=snii(snia)t-kuli jatastah) sa piattra bhavishyati' [ || 7*] Prupsyard vipula[n") bloga[n*] purvva-datte(tta)sya tat=pha 26 lam(lam) [I*] punar=deh=iti danabhi(d=dhi) punar-bhogi bhavishyasi 118*j 1ha roka kpitan karma tat=pa[ra*]ttr-opi(pa). 27 bhujyati(te) tala-siktasya vrikshasya phalum Aakhasu drikyiti ILI y*] likbitan-cha rajaputta(ttra)-Deve[na*] 28 utkirnari*] suvainakara-Isvaru-putronal Dronakena samaptaichac=ch=)da[in] tasana [111*] Jyushta 1.pratha-13 Read bhukta rajabhih. Read varsha for the sako of the motro, though the form tarisha is also recogniecd. * The letter ra is writton below na. * Road dattam va. The word intended is bhugna which has beon used in tho conse of bhagna. Cf. Apto, Pract. Sans.-Ing. Dict., B.v. * Read para. Originally pu was written. * Read hartum-arhati. The stanza sccms to refer to the right of persons who bring fallow land under cultivation for the first time or enjoy the possession of a plot of cultivated land for a period between 10 and 100 years. Many Authorities. however, speak of 20 years' posression of land and 10 yours' possession of movable property leading to proprietory right. Cf. Milakahara undor Yajnasulkyasmriti, II, verses 24 and 27. * Read 8a (or tvan) nastrala bhavishyati (orosi). Road drisyate. 10 Read kar-Edvara. 11 The letter na is engraved below the line. ! Read Jyesh fhao. 13 The lotter tha is engraved bolow rha, the third letter of the line.

Page #303
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (VOL. XXXIII Third Plato, Second Side 29 ma-paksha Urattara'bhadra pada(da) | Angara(ra)-vara(re) ddi(di)vasa kadasa(88) prava[r*]ddhamana 30 vijaya-rajya-samvatparah' 11" 1 Rond Uttara. * The panotuation mark is unnocenary. * Read sanhvataarad. * The reading may possibly also be 11.

Page #304
No. 42-MAHUDI PLATES OF PARAMARA BHOJA, V. S. 1074 (1 Plate) D. C. SIRCAR, OOTACAMUND (Received on 4. 7. 1958) This is a set of two copper plates, lying in the possession of Shri Ratansinghji Saindhawa of the village of Mahudi in the Jabar Tahsil of the Shehore District of Madhya Pradesh. One set each of unsatisfactory impressions and pencil-rubbings of the inscription was received for examination at the office of the Government Epigraphist for India from Mr. V. S. Wakankar of Ujjain. An attempt to secure the original plates on loan failed. The inscription is, therefore, edited in the following pages on the basis of the above material. The plates measure each about 13.75 inches in length, about 9 inches in height and 2 inch in thickness. They bear writing only on the inner sides. The two holes, separated by an intervening space of 5 inches and meant for the rings on which the plates were strung, are found in the lower margin below the writing on the first plate and in the upper margin above the writing on the second. There are in all 29 lines of writing in the inscription, 15 lines on the first plate and 14 on the other. The preservation of the writing appears to be satisfactory. The last 8 lines of the record (lines 22-29) on the inner side of the second plate are shorter than the other lines by 4 inches as a rectangular area at the left lower end of the surface, about 4 inches in length and 5 inches in height, is occupied by the engraved figure of Garuda which was the emblem of the Paramara rulers and is generally found on their copper-plate grants. The inscription is written in Nagari characters of the eleventh century A.D., which closely resemble those of the charters of the Paramara king Bhoja (c. 1000-55 A.D.) who was also the donor of the grant under study. The letters may be compared with those of Bhoja's Banswara and Betma plates of V. S. 1076 (1020 A.D.) as well as of his Ujjain plates of V.S. 1078 (1021-22 A.D.) and Depalpur plates of V.S. 1079 (1023 A.D.). The inscription uses the avagraha once in line 29 and the initial vowels a in lines 15, 21 and 28, i in lines 16, 25 and 27 and ai in line 1. The letter b has been indicated by the sign for v. The orthography of the record also resembles that of the epigraphs referred to above. Both anusvara and the class nasals have been employed. Although final m has been used correctly in some cases, it has often been wrongly changed to anustara at the end of a sentence or of the second and fourth feet of stanzas. The change of final m to anusvara before v has been wrongly avoided. No stop has been indicated at the end of the second foot of stanzas and the last word of this foot is sometimes joined in sandhi with the first word of the next foot. Consonants like g, n, bh, m and u have been reduplicated when they follow . But rbhbh has been written wrongly for rbbh. As regards visarga-sandhi, we have both chatuhsapta (line 7) and chatus-sima (line 12). The word farmmanaya in line 15 is one of the grammatical errors in the composition of the record. The charter bears two dates. The grant is stated in lines 7-8 to have been made on the occasion of a lunar eclipse on Thursday, the full-moon day of the month of Sravana 1 See A. R. Ep., 1957-58, No. A 26. See also Mr. Wakankar's article on the inscription in the Hindi periodical Usha (Bhoj-anka, pp. 20 ff.), published from Dhar, Madhya Pradesh. Above, Vol. XI, pp. 181 ff. and Plates. Ibid., Vol. XVIII, pp. 320 ff. and Plates. Ind. Ant., Vol. VI, pp. 53 f. and Plates; cf. ibid., Vol. XIX, p. 361. IHQ, Vol. VIII, pp. 305 ff. and Plates. 1 For some other epigraphs of Bhoja's reign, see Bhandarkar's List, Nos. 120 and 128; above, pp. 192 ff.; Vol. XIX, pp. 69 ff. (215)

Page #305
216 EPIGRAPHLA INDICA (VOL. XXXIII in the year 1074 [of the V.8.). But line 28 quotes the date of the charter as Sarhvat (i.. V.8.) 1074, Abvina-rudi 8. There is no doubt that the grant was actually made on the first date, though the doourront which was later incided on the plates under study was prepared on the second date quoted in the record. The year was no doubt Karttikadi. The details of the first date are, however, irregular. V.8. 1074, Sravana-eudi 15, corresponds to the 30th July 1018 A.D. But the week-day was Wednesday and not Thursday as given in the inscription, while there was no lunar eclipse on that date according to Swamikannu Pillai's Indian Ephemeris. V.8. 1074, Asvinasudi 5, seems to correspond to the 17th Soptombor 1018 A.D. The present charter is the second of the copper-plate grants issued during the reign of Paramara Bhoja, the earliest date of his time being offered by the plates of his son or feudatory Vatsaraja, dated V.8. 1067 (1011 A.D.). The introductory part of the inscription beginning with the Siddham symbol followed by two stanzas in adoration of the god Siva and introducing the donor as Paramabhaftaraka Mahapajadhiraja Paramesvara Bhojadova, who was preceded on the throne successively by P. M. P. Sindhurajadeva, P. M. P. Vakpatirijadeva and P. M. P. Styakadeva, is similar to that of the other charters of Bhoja. Lines 5 ff. record, in the usual style, the grant of the village called Dugarylgrama, situated in the territorial unit called Bhumigriha-paschima-dviparhchabatka, in favour of a Brahmana by the king when he was stationed at Dhara. The name of the district seems to indicate an area consisting of 52 villages and lying to the west of a locality called Bhumigriha while Dhara was the capital of the Paramara king. The name Bhumigrihapaschima-dvipamchilatka reminds us of such districts as Nagadraha-paschima-pathaka and Ujjayini-paschima-pathaka mentioned respectively in the Ujjain and Depalpur plates referred to above. Similarly, the word dvipaficha tatka in the name rominds us of such names as Nyayapadrasaptadasaka mentioned in the Betma plates. The donee of the grant was Markandasarman who Was the son of Bhafta Sripati and grandson of Bhatta Gokarna and belonged to & Brahmana family hailing from a locality called Sravanabhadra in Gauda-doba (modern West Bengal). The village was granted as usual with the right to receive all the adayas or imposts such as hiranya (taxes in cash), bhaga (share of the orops produced), bhoga (periodical offerings) and uparikara (additional cess or tax on temporary tenants). This part of the record is in the same style as in the king's other grante. It ends with some of the usual imprecatory and benedictory stenzas. The letter chha thrice repeated in line 27 indicates the end of the document proper. This is followed in the next line (line 28) by the date (V.8. 1074, Asvina-sudi 5) when the document was prepared. In the same line, which ends with a usual mangala, we have also the statement that the king himself was the ajfa, which seems to mean that the announcement of the gift was made by the king himself. The passage sva-hasto-yar maharaja-fri-Bhojadevasya in the next line (line 29) represents the king's signature on the original document later engraved on the plates. The charter ends with the statement that Jasata was the dapaka. The word dapaka means' one who causes another to give'. It is thus not impossible that Jasata was the real donor of the village of Dugaryi in favour of the Brahmana Markandasarman and that king Bhoja merely ratified the creation of the rent-free holding. The word dapaka, however, occurs in many other grants especially of the Paramara kings and is generally understood in the sense of duta or dutaka, i.e. the executor of a grant. The Banswara plates of Bhoja were issued in V.S. 1076, Magha-sudi 5 (probably the 3rd January, 1020 A.D.) on the occasion of what is called Korkana-vijaya-purvan, while his Betma 1 Seo Ind. Ant., Vol. XIX, p. 361, No. 160. * See above, pp. 192 ff. . Cf. above, pp. 50 ff. * Ibid., Vol. XIX, p. 178 and note 2 ; cf. SII, Vol. I, p. 33, note 1.

Page #306
No. 42] MAHUDI PLATES OF PARAMARA BHOJA V. 8. 1074 911 plates were issued in V8. 1076, Bhadrapada-sudi 15 (probably the 4th September, 1020 A.D.) on the occasion of Kornkana-grahana-vijaya-parvan. Hultzsch interpreted the expression occurring in the Banswara plates as the anniversary of the conquest of Konkana,' while D.B. Bhar. darkar suggested the festival day in consequence of the conquest of Konkapa'. D.B. Diskalkar thinks that the Banswara plates refer to Bhoja's conquest of Konkana, and the Betma plates to his occupation of the country' It, however, appears to us that both the expressions mean the game event, viz. Bhoja's conquest of Konkana. The silence of the present record on this achievement of the Paramark king may suggest that Konkana was conquered by Bhoja sometime after the dates of the present grant, probably in 1019-20 A.D. of the geographical names mentioned in the record, Dhara, the capital of Bhoja, is the modern Dhar in the District of the same name in Madhya Pradesh. The location of the gift village of Dugaryi and the district called Bhumigpiha-paschima-dvipafichabatka as well as of the locality called Sravanabhadra in the Gauda country is uncertain. TEXT [Metres : verses 1-2,4-5 Anushtubh ; verses 3, 7 Vasantatilaka ; verse 6 Indravajra; verae 8 Salini verse 9 Pushpitagra.] First Plate 1 Siddham [l*] Jayati Vyomakebo=Bau yah sarggaya vi(bi)bhartti tam(tam aindavim sirasa lekham jagadvi(d-bi)j-ankur-akritim [] 1*] Tanvantu vah 2 Smararateh kalyanam=anisa[m] jatah [[*] kalp-anta-samay-oddama-tadid-valaya-pi ngalah 1[1 2*] paramabhattaraka-mahara. 3 jadbiraja-paramesvara-sri-Slyakadeva-pad-anudhyata-paramabhastaraka-mabarajadbiraja paramesvara-bri 4 Vakpatirajadeva-pad-anudbyata-paramabhatyaraka-maharajadhiraja-paramesvara-bri Simdhurajadeva-pad-.6 nudhyata-paramabhatyaraku-maharajadbiraja-paramesvara-bri-Bhojadevah kusali Bhumigriha-paschima-dvipancha6 kath-intahpati-Dugaryl-gramo samupagatan=samasta-rajapurushan-Vra(n-Bra)hmap ottaran=pratinivasi-pattakila-ja7 napad-adimscha Bamadibaty=astu vah samviditam yatha | Srimad-Dhar-avasthi tair=asmabhit-chatuhsaptaty-adhika(ka)-data-sa8 arbamvatsara sravapa-sudi-paurppamasylith 'Gurau samjata-ama-grahapa parvvapi snatva char-achare-gurum=bhagavanta9.m=Bhavanipatyam(tim) samaabhyarchya samsarasy=asaratam jnatva tatha hi Vat abhra-vibhramam-idam Vasudh-adhipatyam-ap1 Ind. Ant., Vol. XLI, p. 201. Above, Vol. XVIII, P 321.. * A stangs in the Tilakwada plates has been road as Tal-pada-kamala-dhyata Kanyakubja-vinilb*]brilori)tab eash Sravanabhadranath Suradityo Hard(T-0) ttamal || -(Proceedings and Transactions of the First All-India Oriental Conference, p. 324). It is pomalble to think that the Sravanabhadras mentioned in the verse originally lived at the village of Sravanabhadra montioned in the Mahudi plates as situated in West Bengal. From imprensions and pencil-rubbings. Expressed by symbol. * Read sathua

Page #307
218 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXXII 10 ta-matra-madhurd vishay-opabhogah [l* pranas=trin-agia-jala-visdu-sama naranath dharmmah sakha param=sho para-1811 ka-yane ILI 3*) Bhiamat-sari sara-chakr-agra-dhir-adharam=imam sriyam(yam 1) prapya ye na dadus=tesbam paschat-tapah param phalam=iti |(lam || 4 iti) 12 jagato v inasva(kva)ra-sva[ru]pam=akalayy=Opari-likhita-gramas-chatus-sima-gochara yuti-pargantah sa-hira13 oya-bhaga-bhogah saparikarah sarvv-adaya-sametah 611-Gauda-des-antahpati-Sravana. bhadra-sthana-vinirgge14 ta-Vatsya-gotra-pamcha-plavara-Vajasaneya-hakh-adhyayine Bhatta-Gokarnna-pautra Bhatta-Sripati-suta-pamdita15 [M]arkkandalarmmanaya' mata-pitror=atmanab-cha punya-yaso-bhivriddhaye adfishta phalam=angiksitya chamdr-arkk-ar DA Second Plate 16 [va)-kshiti-sama-kalam yavat-paraya bhaktya tasanen-odaka-purvvakam pratipadite iti matva tan-nivasi-pe17 [tta]kila-janapad-adibhir=yatha-diyamana-bhaga-bhoga-kara-hirany-adikam=ajna-bravana vidheyairbhbhu(i=bbhu)tva sa18 rvvam=asma: samupanetavyam(vyam) | samanya ch-aitat-punya-phalash vudhya 'smad-vamsajair=anyair=api bhavibhirbhbho(r=bbho)ktribhir=819 smat-pravsitta-dharmma(rmma)dayo=yam=anumamtavya(vyah) palaniyas-cha uktam chal Va(Ba)hubhir=vvasudha bhukta rajabhih Sagar-adi 20 bhirya(bhih 1 ya)sya yasya yada bhumis-tasya tasya tada phalam ICT 5*] Yan=lha. dattani pura daremdrair-ddanani dharmm-artha21 ya[fa]skarani [l* nirmmalya-vanta-pratimani tani ko nama sadhu[h] punar= adadita [1 6*] Asmat-kula-kramam=uda22 ram=udaharadbhir-anyais cha danam=idam=abhyanumddaniyam(yam lakshmi (kshmya)s=taqid-valla)23 ya-vudvuda-chamchalaya danam phalam para-yabah-paripalanam cha Ill 7*) Saryvan. =etan=bhavi. 24 nah, parthivemdran=bhuyo bhuyo yachate Ramabhadrah [l*) samanyo=yam dharmma. setu 25. r=nnripanam kale kale palaniyo bhavadbhih (11.8*). Iti kamal-dal-ambha(mbu)-virdu-1826 lam sriyam=anuchintya manushya-jivita cha [1*] sakalam=idam=udahritam cha yudhvao na 27. hi purushaih para-kirttayo vilopya iti(pyah || 9 iti) || chha || chha || chha || 28 Samvats 1074 A(A)svina-sudi 8 [l*) svayam=ajna || mangalam maha-erih [1] 29 sva-hasto=yam maharaja-sri-Bhojadevasya || dapako='tra sri-Jasata[ho] || * Readbarmmari. . Read buddhydo. . Read budbuda. . Read buddava: Read Samoat

Page #308
Scale : Seven-twelfths a a ELK` Ch`OWNENK` MNA: I:02 ANCh`APETI AYN ANSIAYOWT`IWNI OR AReil net): 2. Abhi K., 2008 ARTAKARDAK`AGhAtlew IIRAN EW E ERJANKOWT`YOWN, in inch` kvin: #: :Dpiran- : *l , Leheren - : kenaaktiv: Donoviv: Mer /:- D: |-10, ishe: Iren hin End en: Irok`, Erewane erek Hov: N YAR-i | Nor hin Je : aoshoi o:9)] Ili 2 : i : } : :NI: Mets 8 : * i- -- kamein ew i nor, E6:. evNNE - A DELERBETSRAPPELLE | HI Yhetak`siWM <Page #309
lAja nA lovinavAsI hovAnA samAgama pAro) kaJI 22) to nahi ke che che . e . ke koI zodhI )://siloN. pas | mA dho. 5 thI 10 rogothI PET If I E SE HOLD Dhir) hoya ke na karavI _ko cheA roga) . kavi kI - - eIi mATe nI 5 TipI thoDa/ cIjozI , va, navI ht Elo )), zIkhI lITI mATe DM )[ Other MISSELSS) popI bp biESTI 'prANika hilI Niche te pANI LESS E US na De) 4) TE pina) nImIno tIkhagAsatarka roga hArI gaNaENAL M nA , . gItomAM paNa A jIvI che rIte triNI che

Page #310
No. 43-PENTAPADU GRANT OF CHODA BHAKTIRAJA, SAKA 1265 (3 Plates) H. K. NARASIMHASWAMI, OOTACAMUND (Received on 7.3.1958) The set of plates was received for examination by the Government Epigraphist for India in the year 1946-47 from the late Mr. B. V. Krishna Rao, then Assistant Commissioner, Hindu Religious and Endowments Board, Madras. The set consists of 10 thick plates each measuring 5.25" X 9.5", except the last one which is slightly smaller than the rest. The plates have a round hole in the left margin for a ring to pass through, though the ring was missing when the plates were received for examination. Of the ten plates, the first eight are inscribed on both the sides. They are numbered consecutively on their reverse. The ninth and tenth plates are each inscribed on only one of their sides. The tenth plate, as will be seen below, contains a post-script to the document and is also slightly smaller than the rest of the plates. The ninth plate contains a human figure, standing astride, with its head formed by two heads of birds facing opposite directions. It holds two elephants by their trunks, one in each hand. An explanatory passage engraved on the left of this figure says that the donor Bhaktiraja enjoyed the title Gandabherunda, thereby indicating that the figure depicted was that of the mythical bird Gandabherunda. This bird is usually depicted as a double-headed eagle holding elephants in its beaks or claws. In inythology, however, two more fabulous creatures which are said to be the incarnations of Vishnu and Siva respectively, intervene between the elephant and the mythical eagle. They ure the lion, more powerful than the elephant, and the eight-legged Sarabha stronger even than the lion. Although the representation of the Gandabherunda on our record does not conform to its traditional form, it is represented in the same shape in epigraphs like the Tripurantakam (Kurnool District) inscription (Saka 1310) of Annadeva, the son and successor of Bhaktiraja, and the Vinukonda (Guntur District) inscription. (Saka 1377) of the time of the Sagi chief Gannaina-nayaka. The same emblem is embossed in relief on each of the four granite pillars of an imposing gopura at Srirangam. Perhaps the plate bearing the emblem of the mythical hird served the purpose of the seal of the charter under review and was a later addition like the one bearing the post-script. The seal of the Madras Museum plates of Bhaktiraja depicts the same figure in a very crude form. An earlier charter showing an excellent representation of this figure on its seal is the Edavalli plates of the Kota chief Keta III. 14. R. Ep., 1946-47, App. A, No. 3. Mr. N. Lakshminarayan Rao has explained the significance of these mythological figures sculptured in a frieze depicting the chain of destruction in the Buchekvara temple at Koramangala in Mysore and has cited examples of different kinds of representation of the Gandabherunda in the Kannada and Telugu areas. See IHQ, Vol. XX, pp. 341 ff. : A. R. Ep., No. 264 of 1905. * Ibid., No. 528 of 1913. Ibid., 1936-37, p. 77, para. 42. Journal of Oriental Research, Vol. V, pp. 128 ff. Mr. T. N. Ramachandran describes the figure as that of a man. The two heads of the mythical bird are here depicted so indifferently that they give the appearance more of a grotesque human head or that of an owl rather than that of two birde. But a closer examination clears this illusion. It must be noted, however, that the elephant usually associated with this bird is absent in the crude motiff on the real rendering its identification somewhat diffioult. .A. R. Bp., 1916-16, App. A, No. 5; of. p. 138, para. 65. (219)

Page #311
1220 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXXIII Bherunda occurs as a title of Satyarasa, a feudatory of Chalukya Jayasimha, while some of the later rulers adopted titles like Gandabherunda, Rayagajagandabherunda, Gajaughagandabherunda, Arirayagajagandabherunda, etc. The soldiers of a Hoysala regiment are referred to as bherundas in inscriptions." The record is throughout in Sanskrit verse engraved in Telugu characters. It is more neatly executed than the Madras Museum plates of the donor and its composition resembles that of other charters of the period such as the Vilasa grant of Prolaya-nayaka and the Rajahmundry Museum plates of Annadeva-Choda. The medial signs of o and au and the aksharas bi and chi are written alike. The date of the charter is quoted in verses 44-46 (lines 79-81) as Thursday, the full-moon day of the month of Karttika, Saka 1265 (bhuta-tarka-arka), when there was a lunar eclipse. The date is irregular as there was no lunar eclipse in Saka 1265, either expired or current. The first few verses of the charter praise the primordial couple (Siva and Parvati), the elephantfaced god (Ganesa), the Primeval Boar (i.e. Vishnu), the Sun and Moon, and Brahman. The mythical lineage from Brahman down to king Devanika through Marichi, Kasyapa, Bhanu (Sun), Vaivasvata-Manu, Ikshvaku, Kakutstha, Dilipa, Raghu, Aja, Dasaratha, Rama, Kusa, Atithi, Nishadha, Nala, Nabhas, Pundarika and Kshemadhanvan is delineated in the next few stanzas (verses 7-13). Verses 13-17 speak of Nalla-Bhima, born in Devanika's lineage, and his wife Kama; their son Dama and his wife Soma; their son Pota and his wife Anyama; their son Bhima and his wife Pota; their son Dama and his wife Lakshmi; their son Soma and his wife Surama; and their son Ganga. When Ganga came of age, his father Soma of the Solar lineage contemplated the marriage of his son with a bride of the Lunar race (verse 18). Verses 19-23 mention the following members of the Lunar family: Kumara and his wife Gangama; their son Chandra and his wife Gauri; their son Brahman and his wife Surama; their son Deva and his wife Abbidevi; their son Kama and his wife Lakshmyamba; their three daughters and two sons respectively named Irugamba, Devamba, Abbidevi, Venga and Tamma; and Venga's three wives named Mahadevi, Anyamamba and Chennamamba. According to verses 24-28, Ganga of the solar or Kasyapa lineage married Irugamba of the funar race (Manavya-sakula), who gave birth to Kama named after his maternal grand-father and also called Bhakta. The following two stanzas (verses 28-29) speak of the accession of Bhakta or Bhaktiraja and the overrunning of the Andhra country by the Yavanas (Muhammadans). The Musunuri family, to which Bhaktiraja owed allegiance, is described in verses 30-33 as follows: Pochi-nay aka of VengI-vishaya; his son Prolaya-nayaka who left Vengi along with Venga and repaired to a fort in a forest (vana-durga) surrounded by hills. Prolaya-nayaka and Venga are stated to have together subdued the pride of the Turushka horses and reconquered the Andhra country. The four following stanzas (verses 34-37) describe how, on Venga's death, the son of Pochi-nayaka (i.e. Prolaya) installed [in his uncle's estate] his (i.e. Venga's) sister's son Bhakttraja and how the young king defeated the infantry and cavalry forces of the Yavana lords. According to verses 38-42, Anyama, Anyama and Lakshmi were the three wives of Bhaktiraja who enjoyed the title Rajavesyabhujanga and was ruling over Chirhtapemta, Vong!, Chintalapani and Goritaru. Verses 43-44 state that, on Prolaya's death, his cousin (pitrivyasuta) Kapaya-nayaka, installed Prolaya's son Vochi-nayaka on the throne. 1 IHQ, XX, p. 341, note 2. Ep. Carn., Vol. V, Cn. 211. Above, Vol. XXXII, p..... Ibid., Vol. XXVI, pp. 14 ff.

Page #312
No.43) PENTAPADU GRANT OF CHODA BHAKTIRAJA, SAKA 1265 221 According to verses 45-48, on the date already discussed above, Bhaktiraja, having obtained Vochi-niyaka's approval, granted to Brahnianas well-versed in the Vodas and Sastras the village of Pentapadu which was clubbed together with the villages of Enarlagoddu, Mulakala and Jalepalli in Vengi-vishaya and named Gangadharapura after Ganga-bhupati. Verse 49 prays for the success of Bhaktikshitisa who enjoyed the title Gandaraganda and Gavdabherunda. This is followed by twentyeight verses in various metres enumerating the names of the seventysix donees together with the share or shares allotted to each of them as well as their gotras and sakhas. There were, among the donees, persons learned in the Vedas, Vedangas, Vedanta, Tarka, Dharmasastra, Jyotisha, Pada, Padakrama, Purana, Samudrikasastra, etc. Four among them received two shares each and one only a share and a half, while the rest of the donees were assigned either a single share or half a share each. One of the major shareholders was the priest of Bhaktiraja. A learned man named Bharati is mentioned in the post-script. Whether he was the composer of the charter is not known. It is noteworthy that the majority of the donees bear the title or epithet Ghata kasin. This term occurs in inscriptions and literature in several forms such as Ghadesasi, Ghadisasi, Ghadiyasasi, and Ghalisasi. To these may be added the form Ghaisasi or Ghaisasa met with in Kannada inscriptions, The rest of the document, with the exception of the last four benedictory stanzas, enumerate the boundaries of the village granted and mentions, among others, the places Darsaparru, Mudunuru, Vipparru, Kommana, Kataparru, Nakkakunta, etc. List of donees Name Gotra and Sakha Shares ... 2 . 1 1 1. Richchana-yajran (teacher of Sama and Yajus and versed in T'edasiga) . . . . . . . . Harita, Yajurveda. 2. Vallabha-yajvan (versed in Yajue ; priest of Bhaktisa) . . 3. Gangadhara-ghutasinin . . . . . . . . 4. Rudraya-bhatta . . . . . . . 3. Proli-ghatasisin . . . . . . . . Do. . . 6.Devaya-ghatasusin . . . . .. . . Do. . . 7. Sari-bhatta (vorsed in Rik and Fidintor). . .Harita, Rigveda 8. Cangadhara-ghata asin . . . . . . . . . . Do. . 9. Jallaya-yhatarixin . . . . . . . . . Do. . . 10. Xarayana-ghatabusin .. . . . .. . Kaundinya, Rigveda 11. Gangadhara-ghatakilsin (vereed in Turke). . . . . Kaundinya, Yajurveda 12. Koppanitha-bhatta . . . . . . . Do. . . 13. Soma (versed in Vedantu) . . . 14. Poti-ghatneisin (versed in Dharmasastra). . 13. Saryo (Jyutis-saetrin) . . . . . . . . . . . 1 1 1 1 1 * Cf. Journal of the Telugu Academy, Vol. XXVI. pp. 290 ff. A.R. Ep., No. 268 of 1953-54.

Page #313
222 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXXIN Name Gotra and Sakha Sharos . . . . . * . Kaundinya, Yajurveda Kansika, Yajurveda 1 1 . . . . . . . . . . . Do. Do. . . . . . . 1 1 . . 1 . . . Do. . . .. . Kasyapa, Rigveda. Do. ...Kayapa, Yajurveda . . Do. . . Do. . . Do. . . . . . . 1 . . . . 1 . . 1 . . . . . 16. Krishna-ghatasasin ( Jyotis-bastrin) . 17. Namkana-ghatabasin . . . 18. Dasana-bhatta (vorsod in Dharmasastra) 19. Naruyapn (vorsod in Padu) . . 20. Poti-ghatalusin . . . 21. Potaya-ghatasosin... . 22. Muraya (Padakramuria). . 23. Mallaya (vorsed in Rigveda) 24. Poti-ghatabasin (Do.). . 20. Kamaya-ghatabasin 20. Vonnaya-bhatta (vorsod in Tarka) . 27. Annaya (versed in Jyotis-sustra) 28. Poti-ghatabusin . . . 29. Raclraya (vorsod in Vyakarana) 30. Gopala-bhatta (do.) . . . 31. Punyamurti (vorsod in Rik) . . 32. Ananta-bhatta (vorsod in Purana) . 33. Vallabha-bhatta (vorsed in Pada) 34. Kundaya (Chaturvedin) . . 35. Mallnya (Samudrikasastrin) . 36. Bhimaya-ghatashsin . . . 37. Agusti-yajvan . . . . 38. Proli-bhatta (Vedantin). 39. Mallaya-ghatasasin 40. Malli-bhatta . . 41. Bhimaya-ghatakasin 42. Mallaya-ghatasasin 43. Vallabha-ghatasusin . . . 44. Ananta-ghatasasin 45. Vallabha-ghatabusin . 40. Obhala-ghatasasin. 47. Kuchena-ghatakasin 48. Vallabha-ghatasasin . . . 49. Bhadraya-ghntukasin . . . .. . . . i . . 1 . . . Do. . . . . Paradara, Rigveda . . . Do. . . : Parasara, Yajurveda . . Bharadvaja, Yajurveda. Do. . . . . Do. . . . : Do. Bharadvaja, Rigveda . Srivatsa, Yajurveda . . Do. Atrega, Yajurveda .. . Do. . Do. . Gargya, Yajurveda : .Abharadvasu, Yajurveda Harita, Yajurveda., . . . . . . . . .. : . . . . . . 1 1 .

Page #314
No. 43] PENTAPADU GRANT OF CHODA BHAKTIRAJA, SAKA 1265 Gotra and Sakha Harita, Rigveda Do. Kaundinya, Yajurveda Do. Do. Do. Kaundinya, Kanva. Kaundinya, Rigveda Name 50. Appana-ghadasasin 51. Vallabha-ghatasasin * 52. Ketana-ghadasasin. 53. Lingaya-ghatasasin 54. Dommana-ghatasasin 55. Mallaya-ghatasasin 56. Somaya-ghatasasin 57. Alladi 58. Ellaya 59. Ramga. 60. Dochaya-ghatasasin 61. Somaya-ghatasasin. 62. Varadaya-ghadasasin 63. Gapapaya-ghatakasin 64. Chamana-ghatasasin 65. Mailara-ghatasasin. 06. Kesava-ghatasasin. 67. Appana-ghatasasin. 68. Sripati-bhatta 69. Narahari-bhatta 70. Kamaya-bhatta 71. Pinnaya 72. Maraya-ghatasasin. 73. Kommaya-ghatasasin 74. Lakshmana-ghatasasin 75. Playa-gam 76. Bharati . . . Atreya, Rigveda * . * Atreya, Yajurveda Kaeyapa, Samaveda Kasyapa, Yajurveda Maudgalya, Yajurveda Putimasha, Yajurveda Kapi, Yajurveda Bharadvaja, Yajurveda Do. Do. Srivatsa, Yajurveda Do. Do. Do. Srivatsa, Rigveda Kausika, Yajurveda Maitreya, Rigveda Lohita, Yajurveda Kaundinya, Bahvricha . 223 Shares 2 651 The record supplies some new information about some of the earlier members of the donor's family as also of the chiefs of Musunuru. The Muslim inroads into Telingana that followed the downfall of the Kakatiyas and the attempts of the Nayakas of the coastal region to stem the tide of the enemy hordes are well known and it has been shown how the chiefs of the various families such as the Panta-Reddis, the Undirajas, the Recharla chiefs, etc., numbering altogether seventyfive according to the Kaluvacheru grant, rallied round their leaders, the chiefs Prolya-nayaka and Kapaya-nayaka of Musunuru and offered stiff resistance to the Muslims. The more prominent Journal of the Telugu Academy, Vol. I, pp. 107 ff.

Page #315
224 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [Vol. XXXIII among these chiefs were inter-related by ties of matrimony. Of them, the Chodas of Eluva appear to have been a powerful ruling family of which Bhaktiraja was the most eminent nienber. In tracing the descent of this chief who was also called Kama, the charter furnishes his ancestry for seven generations on the paternal side and six generations on the maternal. A comparison of the details of the families as indicated below, with those furnished by the Madras Museum anil Rajahmundry Museum platest reveals some new facts. Solur and Lunar families Solar Lunar Brahman Kshemadhanvan Devanika Nalla-Bhima m. Kuma Dama m. Soma . Kumara m. Gangama Chandra m. Gauri Pota m. Anyama Bhima m. Pota Dama m. Lakshmi Brahma m. Surama Devantipa m. Abbidevi Kuma m. Lakshmyamba Soma m. Sarama -- - Ganga m. Irugamba Devamba Venga m. Tamma Mahadevi, Anyama Kama alias Bhaktiraja m. and Chennama (1) Anyama, (2) Anyama and (3) Lakshmi It will be seen from the above pedigrees that Dama who married Lakshmi was preceded by four generations, viz., Bhima, Pota, Dama and Nalla-Bhima. The Madras Museum plates mention Nalla-Blrima merely as & predecessor of Dama, omitting the three intervening generations, and Karikala as the latter's distant forebear, while according to the Rajahmundry Museum plates, Dama's predecessor was Eruva-Bhima. This Eruva-Bhima or merely Bhima as he is called in our record, is obviously the same person who took the name of his great-grandfather. The name of Bhima's father, viz., Pota, is not mentioned in the Madras Museum plates and his name and those of his predecessors supplied by this record are lost in the Rajahmundry Museum plates. Pota's wife's name occurs as Annemimba in the Rajahmundry Museum plates and as Anyama in the present inscription. The pedigree on the donor's maternal side refers to five generations backwards from Irugamba, mother of Bhaktiraja. Irugamba's brothers were Venga and Tamma, of whom the former is mentioned in our record as an intimate associate of Prolaya-nayaka. We have seen that Prolaya repaired along with Vanga to a fort in a forest when the Andhra country was overtaken by the Yavanas (Muhammadans). This place has been identified with Rekapalle, mentioned in the Vilasa grant as Mount Malyavanta and as the capital of Prolaya-nayaka. In the course of the struggle leading to the reconquest of the country by Prolays and 1 Journal of Oriental Research, Vol. V. pp. 128 ff.; above, Vol. XXVI, pp. 14 ff. *Above, Vol. XXXII, p. 254.

Page #316
No. 43] 225 PENTAPADU GRANT OF CHODA BHAKTIRAJA, SAKA 1265 Venga, the latter lost his life. It seems as though Vonga died without any issue, for, on his death, his overlord Prolaya-nayaka installed Venga's nephew Bhaktiraja to his estate (verse 35). We do not know whether Bhaktiraja held his ancestral principality of Eruva in addition to this newly acquired territory round about Vengi, although that seems to have been the case, nor are we told what became of Venga's brother Tamma who must have, in the natural course, succeeded to his late brother's estate had he survived him. On the death of Prolaya-nayaka, his son Pochi(or Vochi)-nayaka1 ascended the throne with the help of his uncle Kapaya-nayaka. Bhaktiraja now owed allegiance to Pochi-nayaka and obtained the latter's permission to make a gift of certain villages. It will be seen that the donees who numbered 75 held 63 shares altogether. The postscript adds the name of Bharati as a holder of two shares given to him by the donees at the instance of the donor. This brings the total number of shares distributed among the donees to 651. But the post-script specifies the number of shares contained in the gift land as 66 and says further that Bhaktiraja added Uttanampuni to the gift land. This Uttanampuni was thus a piece of land which constituted the remaining share out of the total of 66 that the gift land comprised. The post-script referred to above calls for some remarks. It is dated Ananda, Pausha, Krishnadvadasi, when the sun was in Makara. The Cyclic year Ananda after the date of the main grant, viz., Saka 1265 (1342 A.D.), corresponds to Saka 1296 (1374 A.D.) and thus the interval between the two dates comes to about 32 years. Bhaktiraja's reign probably continued beyond Saka 1296, Saka 1310 (1388 A.D.) being the earliest available date for his son and successor Annadeva. The present grant gives the earliest date so far known for Bhaktiraja, earlier nearly by a decade and a half than his Madras Museum plates, the interval between this and the earliest date cited above for Annadeva being 45 years. Bhaktiraja's success against the Yavana forces referred to in verses 36-37 shows that he associated himself with his uncle or uncles (Venga and Tamma) against the Muhammadans. The events that followed, viz., the death of Venga and perhaps also of Tamma in these battles, made Prolaya-nayaka confer on the young Bhaktiraja the chieftaincy of his uncle's estate. The defeat of Boggara, Dabaru-Khanu and other Muhammadan warriors in the neighbourhood of Gulapundi and Pedakonda by Bhaktiraja while he was yet a youth, as referred to in the Rajahmundry Museum plates of Annadeva, evidently refers to the same achievement. Bhaktiraja's success was at the latest contemporaneous with the date of our charter, viz., Saka 1265 (1342 A.D.). As regards the localities mentioned in the record, Chintapeta, Chintalapuni, Vemgi and Gomturu, over which Bhaktiraja is stated to have ruled and which perhaps formed the central part of Venga's territory to which his nephew succeeded, may be identical with Chinnampeta, Chintalapudi, Peddavegi and Gunturu respectively. Of the places clubbed with Pentapadu, viz., Enarlagoddu, Mulkala and Jalepalle, the first is possibly the same as Yanaralapalle, about a mile and a half due south-west of Penpadu, the other two bring insignificant hamlets of the same village. Of the villages of Darsaparru, Padmara-Vipparru and Kommara, the first is about a mile due east of Pentapadu (or Pentapadu-agraharam as it is now called) in the Tadepalligudem Taluk of the West Godavari District, the second about 4 miles south-west and the third also about 4 miles due south-south-west of the same. The stream called Veyyera runs from west to east about a mile and a half due south of Pentapadu. Mudunuru, another village mentioned among the 1 The name of this chief was wrongly read in A. R. Ep., 1946-47, App. A, No. 3, as Vobi-nayaka. A. R. Ep., No. 254 of 1905. This date is expressed by the chronogram dasa-visva-bhaji Vibhave Margge Sasanka-grahe. The chronogram yields the Saka year 1310 corresponding to the cyclic year Vibhava and the occasion indicated is a lunar eclipse in Marga. The above details regularly corespond to the 14th November, 1388 A.D. * Journal of Oriental Research, Vol. V, pp. 128 ff.

Page #317
226 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXXIII boundaries, still retains the same name and is about 2 miles due south-cast of Pentapadu. Tallareddikunta and other snch names ending in kunta probably indicate certain ponds. I am unable to identify the other names. I expross my thanks to Messrs. K. H. V. Sarma and V. S. Subrahmanyam for having carefully checked the text of the inscription and offered many useful suggestions. TEXT1 Meires: verscs 1, 41 Malini; verxes 2, 5, 7-21, 23-33, 42-47, 78-80, 83-84, 86-91, 93-97, 99-1013, 105-109 Anushdubh ; verse 3 Udgiti; verses 4, 40 Rathoddhata; verses 6, 22, 34-36, 34-39), 48-64, 66-77, 81, 85, 98, Gili; verses 37, 65, 82 Iryu ; verse 92 Indruvajra; verse 104 Silini.] First Plate, First Side | Ori Jayati mithunam=adyam jatarup-aru2 n-ibham ravi-kasi-sikhi-netram raja-rekha-vatarsan(sain) [*] 3 charana-kamala-charnchach-chamcharik-amar-esar 4 Saranam=upagatanain Sasvat-ananda-dayi [Il 1*] 5 Pratyuha-timira-vrata-parakarana-pai miditam(tam) | Bhav-achal-oditain nityam bhaja Gaja7 mukhari mahah || [2*] Astu mude Varaham vapu8 r--anisuin vasumati yasya | visade damshtra-sikha9 ro vilasati bhizingiva kotaki-mukulo ! [3*] First Plate, Second Side 10 Kairav-otkara-kavata-kurichika parcha-bana-nigama-prapam11 chika | rujate viyati raja-rekhika paritha-loka-paribha12 va-lekhiku il [**] Prabodhit-abja-kumude bbusetam bhusit-a13 khila | nayant Nagajabhartur=nisa-divasayah ppa(pa)ti || [5*) NA14 rayara-nabhi-saras-saijatam satatam-avatu vo nali153 nam(nam) yatra madhuvrata-nikaro yamibhir=vved-arttha16 vadam=atanute || [6*) Tatas=samudabhud=Brahma Marichir=Brahmana= 17 mutah | Kasyapah Kasyapad=Bhanur=Bhunor=Vvaivasvato Manuh || [7*] 19 Ikshvukur=asmin=saritano dikshv=utata-maha-yasah Kakutsthah Ki19 Ayapinathas-tat-kule tarani-prabhah | [8*] Dilipabhupas-tad-varnsyo 20 Raghuruetasya nandanah| Ajas=tad-atmajas-tasya data DA From impressions. This is preceeded by a floral design. * The figuro 1 is onyravod against this line in tho margin,

Page #318
PENTAPADU GRANT OF CHODA BHAKTIRAJA, SAKA 1265-PLATE I 2 P 6 8 10 === = = si 12 44 16 gaa sNytrmuNd mnN prsiN viceeshaavnrulo 20 nNddn vi 222222 i, a 28 30 32 mlinu. shkNgaa nrrnuulu rkNgaa jr nivrN saa|| 2 cNdr, kaamtrN saaliNcNuyi. 4 srN, bdil mukhmddN l nikhiNcnumu 3 gl sNbhNdi. i, b ii, a jnaa virvaasrN? i 22 meekpriy bhaavdeevyu sn p shrssN suuriiddu adigNbrini udbrN, shrii nu saaNdi. 2 iipuudds "mNtr mdduuri daanini dvaaddi sNb 26 m ROY d n n t ymunll bvvddddidaaH | smy raamukhygaa minis anNddaa mudrddaalu maam pape daamnn ijaaraal bhdrusNt mgt syt kttee kyaanl tinyy 26 maa mnuj saamu. lok mhiNcaavlsbirN pNddu. uru prpNcaaniki Scale : One-fourth 6 8 naaku prti 10 12 14 16 18 20 2228 24 26 30 32

Page #319
aNttutu thoma ONgaa mn pNddrNdu p - tn kNtti pu btukmm a yoogul daakaa aanNdNgaa mn myuupseedyNvyNgaa anupmtN puNsmuNbyeraa gd mNdpn pnnNgaa prpNcN muNdu ni - kNdigaaN dN|| leedu suvaa ceeshNloo and co were - mtmbNdd tNddaagNgmm aaddu tm rvm nibNbuulaalti kNddaanvupyuvkr pnic muNddmN bNdhN||dnu telNgaann sss rudmu mniyN kNbaanaaN | iidhaaroo | puNjaaly nyN vipuNgvni daaNtoo viluk seN! aagaaguraannNddN ungugru smNdu aaliN prtrN pNpaarnuNdaaNdrmNddlmrN mnN ipurN sNd81 eNprr adi suluvsbhy naaddu naa nuNci 58 ii, - MEN, muNdu aNdubaal asthipNddu pulu, 60 lbhymNg kutN utNbulgaa shriivaatsvNloo sNgraamiNgNploo 62 adi sNclnN soomN n smNt HOMsu muNdu kuNbhN cuuddu vnaalu pnulu muNdu vrsyy cinnmNddNbr cuN abuu iNjnmul 68 mri a llu addu trtrNgNgaa maari 70 WARAN JOM

Page #320
No. 43] PENTAPADU GRANT OF CHODA BHAKTIRAJA, SAKA 1265 227 Second Plate, First Side 21 Sarathas=sutah || [9*] Tad-atma-sambhavo Ramo rajanya-kula-48khara22 | Kubah kusasay-abh-akshas-tanayas-tasya bhupateh || [10] Kubasy-Atithi23 r=utpamna{nno) Nipa(sha)dho-tithi-sambhavah al) Nalb Nishadha-bhupasya sunus sunpita-bha24 shana) || (11) Nabha Nala-tanu-jatah Pumdariko Nabhas-Butah | Pumdarskasya putro 26. bhut-Kshemadhanva kshamapatih || [12*] Devaniko dharapalas-sambhutah Ksha26 madhanvanah | tad-anvaye samutpamno(nna) Nallabhima-naradhipa) || (13*] Tasya karta27 tar-akara Kam-akhya kamint sati | tayor=Dama-dharapalo 28 jajna Soma tad-amgani | [14) Tayoh Pota-dharanathah putras-tasy-Anya29 ma priya | Bhima-bhumipatir-jatas-tayoh Pot:=asya vallabha || [16*) 30 Tayor=Dama-ngipo jato Lakshmis-tasya manorama. | anayos-Soma-ngi31 patis-tanayo vinay-anvitah || [16*] Mahishi Suram=amushya mahaniya32 tar-akritih | tayor-Ggamga-mahspalo gabhira-bridayas-sutah || [17) Bhu33 mi-bhara-kshama-bhuja tasminn=arudha-yauvane Someso=sya vivah-atha Second Plate, Second Side 34 m Soma-vambam=amanyata || [18*] Kumaro nima ntipatiruvvidyate Vidhu-va35 majah | etasya Gamgama devi Gamga varinidher=iva || [19*) Tayo8=Chandra-mahi36 palo jato Gauri tad-angana | Brahma-bhupas-tad-uditas-Gurami ta37 sya sumdari | [20*] Tayor-Ddeva-nfipag-sunur-Abbid&vy=asya vallabha Kama-kshitidase 38 t-putro Lakshmyamba tat-priya sati || [21*3.Jatah Kama-mahlsat-kangas-tisras=su39 tav=ubhau chrasyam(syam) | Irugamba Devamb=apar-Abbidevi cha Vern40 'ga-Tamma-nfipau || [22*) Varhga-kohamapates tiro devyo divy-angan-o41 pamah | Mahadevy=Anyamamba cha Chemnamamb-abhidh=apara || [23*] [Ka)42 byap-anvaya-sambhuto Gamga-kshititalesvarah Manavya-Bakul-ottamaa43 i maninim=Irug-ahvayam(yam) || (24*] Kanyan kamtatar-aka[ra*]m=upayamsta 44 yatha-vidhi | sa tato garbham=adha[tta*) bhuvan-avana-karanam(nam) || [25*) Asu45 ta putram punye='hni punya murttara satam-iva | udite tanayi 46 tasminn=ubhayam vidit-taavar(vam) || [26*) Niriti vasudha-chakram havi[s-tu] 1 The Rajahmundry Museum plates (above, Vol. XXVI, p. 42) real Protambik. * The numeral 2 is engraved against this lino. This half verso completes the sense of the previous stanza. 26 DGA/58

Page #321
228 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXXIII Third Plate, First Side namna Kama-nlipalasya pita sutam=ayoja 47 shtam trivishtapam(pam) 48 yat || [27] Saidave='pi Sive bhaktya Bhakta ity=aparena cha || (1) tato Gamga-mahipa -49 le tratum yate=mar-alayam(yam) || [28*] Balo='pi Bhakti-bhupalas=sa50 dbhis-santanavach-chhritah | Yavanair=avani-chakram-Andhram=atr=amtare 51 htitam(tam) || [29*] Adharma-karma-nirata jatas=sa[r*]vvejanas=tatah | vikrami 52 Vemgi-vishaye vidyate Pochi-nayakah || [30*) Tasya dharma-rato vi 53 rah putrah Prdlaya-nayakah vispijya Vergi-vasudham Vern 54 ga-bhumibhuja saha || [31*) Agad=aga-sat-akramtam vana-durggam vi55 chakshanah samare samit-atesha-Turushka-turag-otkarau || [32*] Puna 56 r=aharatam=etav=Amdhram mandalam=arddhatah, bhujav=j- , 57 va Varahasya bhuvam pralaya-[va]ridheh || [33*] Verga-kshititala[na)58 [tho] vihat-akhila-Yavana-vahini-nathah sahayyakam-iva Third Plate, Second Side 69 karttum samareshu Sachipater=aga[t*]=tridivam(vam) || [34*) Tad-rajye tad-bhagini-ta 60 nayam Bhakti-kshitisam-api balam(lam) | asthapayad=ari-jayinan Kul 61 maram=iva Pochi-nayakasya sutah || (35*] Patutara-bhuja-bala-sa 62 II Bhakti-kshitipalako='tha balo='pi samgrama-ramga-samhfita 63 Yavan-adhipa-subhata-ghotak-atopah || [36*] Tena samareshu sa 64 rddham samgharsham sodhum=akshamah kv=api hata-sishta htita-bha 65 'vana javani Yavanah palayamta || [37*] Mahaniyya(niya)66 vamba-jata mangalatara-vsitta-sila-salinyah | Bhakti-kumarasy=1 67 san=[d]evyas-tisro='nyam=Anyama Lakshmih || [38*] Bharata-Bhagiratha-mukhyais-chira 68 m-upabhukt=api purvva-bhupalaih rajyaty=ananya-purvva rama 69 ne ramanziva vasumati tasmin || [39*] Tasya dharma-guna-visrutam sru tar purit-artthi-nikar-asayau kayau varjit-anya-harinfdri1 This half verse completes the sense of the previous stanza, The numeral 3 is engraved against this line.

Page #322
toi . No. 43) PENTAPADU GRANT OF CHODA BHAKTIRAJA, SAKA 1266 999 Fourth Plate, First Side 71 66(sau) dribau vairi-raja-mukut-Aspadach padath(dam) || [40*) Vitarana-suradhonu72 ravvidvad-ambhoja-bhanus-sa jayati Siva-limga-dhyana-sakt-uriutarangal 78 bala-vibhava-Surendro Bhakt-bhupala-chamdro rana-krita-ripu-bhathgo TX74 ya-vebya-bhujangah || [41*) Chintaporta-sthalam Vomgim=api Chithtalapupiga75 mgam) Gorhtari-vrittim=apy=o[sha] tasti Bhakti-mahspatih || [42*] Kalena tridivan 76 yate tatah Prolaya-nayake tat-pitfivya-sutas=tasya rajyo Kapaya77 nayakah || [43*] Tad-atmajam vira-Vochi-nayakamh naya-kdvidass! 78 abhyashochayad=atmiya-pratha(dha)napurushair=yutah || [44*}' Ath=inuma79 tim=asadya tasya Bhakti-mahspatih | Sak-abda bhata-tarkk-arkka-ga80 nito masi Karttiko || [45*] Parpimayan Guror=vare grahapo staro81 chishah | vitato Vorugi-vishayi sarvva-sasya-rddhi-salini || [46*) Perntta(ta)pa. 82 dur=iti khyato gramah kaschana vidyat' | Enarllagoduu-Mulkala-(Ja) Fourth Plate, Second Side 83 'lepallibhir=anvitah || [47*) Vidvadbhyo viprebhyo vidit-akhila-veda-sastra84 tatvesttve)bhyah | Gamgadharapura-samjnah tan prudad=Gamga-bhupa85 ter=namna || [48] Gamada(da)ragamaao(do) Bhakti-kshitipatir=Aritayaga 86 mdabherumdah / sukritena tena jivad=a-dinakaram=api cha medinim 87 payat || [49*] Rishir=iva Richchana-yajva Haritas-Sama-Yaju88 Or-upadhyayah, bhaga-dvaya-bhag=asminn=adhigata-nigam-arga89 nikara-nishnatah || [50*] Bhaktiiasya purodha Vallabha-yajva Vasishtha i90 va sakhshat | Ramasya Yajushi nipuno Ha(Ha)rito bhaga-yuga91 lavan=asmin || [51*] Gangadhara-ghatasasi Rudraya-bhattag=cha Proli-ghatasa92 si Devaya-ghatasasi syur=Harita bhagino='tra yajushkah || [52*) si93 chi nipuno Vedamti Haritas-Suri-bhatta ekamsi | Gamgadhara-ghataba The two verses together form a yugma. * The four verses ending with this one form a Kalapala. * The figure 4 is engraved against this line near the ring hole.

Page #323
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXXIII 84 at Harito bhagavams=cha Rigvedi [l 53*) Tad-gotras=ta ::-vedi Mallaya-ghatabasi-na96 mako-'mutra ||(1) Rigvedi Ko(Kau)main[**]a bhagi Narayan-akhya-ghatatast (|| 54*] Fifth Plate, First Side 96 Gamgadhara-ghatasasi tarkka-jnah Koppanatha-bhattab=cha | Som-akhya Veda97 mti dharma-vid=anyo='pi Poti-ghatasasi Ill 55*] Jyotih-bastrl [Su]raya. 98 nama Krishn-ahvayas=cha Ghatabasi Ko(Kau)mlinya yaju[shka]s-sarvve pra 99 tyeka-bhagino='mutra || [56*) Numkana-ghatasasy-abhidho Dasana-bhatta100 s=cha dharma-sastra-jnah (1) Narayana-nama='nyah pada-vetta sh=i101 'tha Poti-ghatasasi || [57*] Potaya-ghatabasy-anyo Maraya-na- , 102 ma pada-krama-jaa='pi ||( 1) pratyeka-bhagino='smin=yajushkah 103 Ko(Kau)sik-anvay-odbhutah || [58*) Rigveda-vidau Mallaya-ghatasasy-anyo='pi 104 Poti-ghatasasi | Kamaya-ghatabasy-anyo Vennaya-bhattas=cha tarkka-sa108 stra-jnah I(1 59*] Annaya-nama Jyotis-sostra-jna='nyas-cha Poti-ghatasasi | Vyakara106 na-jfav=anyau Rudraya-Gopala-bhatta-namanau [[| 60*] Kasyapa-gotras=sa107 rvvo yajushka bhagasalino-'mushmin | Annaya-nama jyo Fifth Plate, Second Side 108 tis-sa[stra)-jso bhaga-yugalavan=eshu 1[1 61*) Richi Punyamu109 rttir=a[dh]yo='py=Ananta-bhattah purana-paragatah| Yaju110 shkah pada-vetta Vallabha-bhattah Parasar-anvayinah |[| 62*] Pratyeka111 bhagavamtas=tatah param Kumdayag-chaturve[dr] | Mallayu-sa112 'mudriko=[pi*) Bhimaya-ghatasasy=Agasti-yajva sha [l 63*] 113 Bharadvaj-anvayino Yajushka bhaga-salinas=sarvvel 114 eteshu s-ardha-bhagi Kumdaya-nam-amkitas=chaturvvedi |[] 64*) Rigve115 di tad-gotri vedamti Proli-bhatta ek-amai | Mallaya-ghatasasy-anyag=tata116 h param Malli-bhatt-akhyah || [65*] Srivatsa-gotra-jatau Yajushkau bhaga-halina117 v-atra Bhimaya-Mallaya-Vallabha-ghatabasy-abhidha Yajur-vidas=saivve (11 66*] 118 Atreya-gotra-jatas=tatra pratyeka-bhaga-bhajas=te | Ga[*]gya-ku[lo]=namt-ax 119 khyo Ghatasasi bhagavan=Yajurvedi (167*] Vallabha-ghatasusyami [Ya) Botwoon this and the next line the numeral 5 is engraved against the ring-holo.

Page #324
PENTAPADU GRANT OF CHODA BHAKTIRAJA. SAKA 1265 PLATE II 72 74 76 78 80 82 86 C3. 84 / gNgaadr 88 90 92 94 96 98 100 102 104 ie, b 106 too v, a 1 rsaann | gNddrgN biruNdd shaatuur : juu. telgaa S mNdsvaadi naathRddhaakttry pddu dust rvsi j baa eNcukoo ngrNbhN liNg 72 soordnaa n srvee arthNgH, rNdhrNmRddNdd bhNgaa jpNtNgi ociNtN pNjaa 74 prpti 113 stridivN adirpu srsn raajn jy saayN ceey nirumlvaas DIST - juur r vi naati sskuddilic vas smy vaagmnndi gt ni veegN p vll bhyk Warehou rutrybhddv proolinni mNddee vaari goori raamppddN krsbhr mudividdmriynu Ba vikaartpai pootidee sNsynaa Scale: One-fourth 76 78 80 82 84 2-86 808822 90 92 94 96 98 100 102 104 106

Page #325
108 108 110 110 mNt raam Aata 112 Punaayulu 112 114 A GT tuddicyN tNjl 114 gddN aerige 116 sNclnNdubaari ENSIONcvltpaasbh yuujddni 118 m na M adduN aN shaasnN vi, 120 siniiONATED 122 kNpyuunupllbddddN gyaaystm 120 upndni bhmu sNdddi msliNl mllymu loonyu avdili bymN laaNttu 122 124 126 126 128 sNcyuv mriNt baagaa plu 130 130 aadi nddumujymNdistuNdni mNddlaannNtaa mNcN anNpdnu 132 132 134 134 DECE aNtyunn tNloo 13 136 136 GO 138 aruddu pNddi 138 140 ddNloo Sa 140 54 142 SODS.COM 142

Page #326
231 No. 43] PENTAPADU GRANT OF CHODA BHAKTIRAJA, SAKA 1265 Sixth Plate, First Side 120 jushko='py-Abharadvasor=vvamsyah 11 (1) Obhala-Kuchena-Vallabha-Bhadraya121 ghatasasino='rddha-bhag-arbah |[68*) Harita yajushkas-tad-gotrav=a122 rddha-bhaginav=anyau | Appana-Vallabha-ghatabasy-abhidhanau dvav=adhita123 Rigvedau || [69*] Ko(KE)tana-Lingaya-Dommana-Mallaya-ghatasasinas=cha ya124 jushkah | Kanv-adhiti Somaya-ghatabasy=Allaoir=api chal Rigve125 di [\ 70*] Kaumdinya-gotra-jatas=sarvve bhag-arddha-salinas-tatra | A126 treyav-ardh-amsAv=Ellaya-Ramgau cha Rig-Yajur-vvedo(dau) |[71*] 127 Dochaya-Somaya-ghatasasy-abhidhanau Kasyap-anvay-odbhu128 tau | Same-Yajur-vveda-jnau kramena bhag-ardha-salinav=atra (1 72*] Varada129 ya-Ganapaya-Chamana-ghatasasy-abhidhas=trayo Yajur-vvedah [i* 130 Maudgalya-Putima[sha]na-Kapi-gotras=ch=ardha-bhaginah kramasah |C| 73*] Mai131 lara-Kesav-Appana-ghatatasy-akhya Yajur-vvidas-tatra | bhag-ardha-bha132 ja ete Bharadvaj-anvaye samudbhutah |[| 74*) Sripati-Narahari-bhattau Ka Sixth Plate, Second Side 133 maya-bhatto='pi Pinnay-akhyas=cha Srivats-anvaya-jata yaju134 shkas=ch=arddha-bhaginas=sarvve [[| 75*] Rigvedi tad-gotro Maraya-ghatasasi-na 135 mako='rdh-amsi | Kausika-gotro(trah) Kommaya-ghatasasy-abhidho Yajur-vvi136 dau' tadvat [1 76*) Rigvedi Maitreyo Lakshmana-ghatabasi-namako='rddh-ambi 137 Lohita-gotrah Potaya-ghatabasy-arddh-amsa-bhag=Yajur-vvedi || [77*] 138 #Sima prachyam Bodugumtag=tasya dakshinato='pi 139 cha | Tall-akhya-reddigunto='sya prachyam sima 140 babhuva sah |C| 78*] Goddumballer=Ddarsaparror-madhye ma141 rgo mahan bi yah | Kumarasvamino 142 guntas-tasy=agneyyam=amushya cha (1 79*] Prachyam-ma no 1 Read Ovid-api. * The numeral 6 is engraved near the ring hole.

Page #327
252 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (VOL. XXXII Seventh Plate, First Side 143 rggg mahinmasst sima tatra sa eva yah | Goddumballer=Ddarbaparro144 r=Mudunurosucha samdhi-gah || [80*] Dakshinato='mushy=isin=Muchchenapallegacha 145 Goddumballeg=cha | Mudunuror=api ch=aivam grama-traya-samdhi-madhya146 go marggah || [81] Tat-paschimatas=simMuchchanapalles=cha Goddu[m]balles=cha [lo] 147 Uttanapunes=saudhav=api rachito mya(mti)ttika-rasih || [82*] Tad-va148 yaviya-kakubhi mpid-rafis=sima-lakshanam(nam) | tasy=ottarasya149 m=apy=asin-Nattu-kuly-amtima-sthali || [83*] Tad-vayaviyya(viya)-kakubha(bhi) 150 Mara-bhattasya Koppanoh | kshetram lla(la)kshanam=etabya pratichyam 151 Kandiguntakah ||| 84*] Marapachemga-kshetram tan-nairfityam=amu152 shya dakshinatah | Simgi-setti-Mella-kshetram tat-prachyam mrunma(mpinma)yo 163 rasih || [85*) Tasya dakshinatas=sima Veyyesuratha dakshina [l*) Seventh Plate, Second Side 154 agnoylm disam-arabhya sima sadhu pradarbyate |C| 86*] Agne165 yyam-api Veyyerus-tasya pabchimato-'pi cha | Modu-kshe166 trasya nairfityam Parrumballiya-kulyaka (1 87*] Tasya u157 dichyam sima tu Modor=vayavya isharsh | tasya paschi158 'matag=sima dakshinas=setur=ishyate | [] 88*] Ertuma[l*]ly-akhya169 gumtasya tasya paschimato='pi cha | Parrumballes=cha Vi160 pappa)rror-Ggamgadharapurasya cha [I 89*] Samdhau marggas=sima-samdhir-abhu161 d-a Nakkakuntatah | Nakkakumt-ottar-ottunga-sthali tatra tu la162 kshanam(pam) ICI 90*) Tasyah prachyam Nagadeva-kshtra-setv-anusarata) |[91*]'Ta163 sy-ottarasyam kkalu Kata parror=Ggamgadhar-akhyasya Eighth Plate, First Side 164 purasya olmni | setur-hi simi'tad-anu prasaran-mtit-samdhafya)165 $ paschima-dig-vibhage [1 92*] Setuh Karu-tatakasya ptachyde'sy-ottarato 166 'pi cha | Perfidiikurhtd='sya ch=8dfchyan mpid-rasir-lakshanam sa cha |[193") Kataparro * Tho numeral 7 is engraved noor the ring-holo.. *This is a half verde.

Page #328
PENTAPADU GRANT OF CHODA BHAKTIRAJA, SAKA 1265-PLATE III vii, a 144 146 148 148 150 150 saaNk approte 152 a mddugPRI am 144 - jsNgaa aNdi jysudh muNbN munup 146 kNgutiNcudd nidrumu vrku A smsNbN braavaalni ydyN avutuNdi muddutlu pllNkrimul rddmvutunn mrl konni vrN vaarN agl 152 trNgaa naalu andoraa vii, 154 mNdgbooNddaa ymudditN aNttee 156 pi.muNdu vrspuri drsnlu tn vlpu tl attu 20-0920guNdNj ii sNdrbhNloo anaagrikN mn pNj79 Pold 154 156 158 158 160 160 162 SALA viii, a 164 15 sulu. naaNc 164 1:25 cuknjslu mg puraannN cuNddinNdibaaNpkaalik sbh 166 125 ddl paapulloo pNddiglNcNcumaa EAL muripiNcin puNjddN jt 168 pNblplliyNnu sutul cri vaari 170 praabhNddaalri issnntNtyddi 170 muNbaadppudnNdNtmN 172 172 174 174 asduNddiyu mNcN attcddN pNddgttunuddu naardunimidi Scale: One-fourth

Page #329
viii, 6 acc jrsuddu bNddaaru 176 gaa sNdrpu ddbiyNloo cNddaa muNdu pdi, kNgaa drthi rNgul putrsNprdhigaa sNt nu bvNddddN anvsr bhuu suni sNjydee cNpN suuru * 180 - maaddu....d sNshN vdNtu 182 iNt mNdi lyN laaNddu giNr 182 184 aalyNc raa boos sNpaadN 184 cuNddrN t brtigaa bdupu iNd. guNddN 194 raamNloo dvaaddu aNttuu pdmymdiiyulN visitti vttulu gaasytvaan gNgaangrN pdi lt bbhmdNgaaddNgaa 196 - gyugibrli vdd bNdugudl 196 pNddin kddiyNvrH naani muNdu 198 - bhgNtyu puNju 198 AddNddi..mnN,

Page #330
No. 43] PENTAPADU GRANT OF CHODA BHAKTIRAJA, SAKA 1265 167 Jolepallah Parrapallie-cha sandhi-gab | tat-prichyath mriqmayor(yo) rabis-ta168 d-udichi-disa-sthale [[| 94*] Gulikumto='sya purvasyamh disi sima babhuva tat | 169 kshetram1 Dibalapalliyam tasya dakshinato='pi cha [ 95*] Kotthari-kshetram=eta170 sya prachyam Paluri-Kommanoh [*] kshetram tasy-agni-dig-bhage bana 171 charsirtatmaprabhab [96] Koduru'mushys pa porvvasyah Deva-kahetrtya nam(sam) 172 di(dhi)-(gab | stambho dakshinato-'musys(shya) Kurram-kuchtab pradasyate 97*] Samaya 173 samudras-tasya prachyath disi vartma tasya dakshinatab | Sastrimalla-kahetre mti 174 d-rasis-tasya paschimasyam tu [ 98*] Tadiyam-eva cha kshetram tasya' tasya dakshi175 pato'pi cha Tall-ikhya-reddi-kodaras-tasya dakahipato-' pi [cha*]|[199] Lasamika(1)-ta Eighth Plate, Second Side 176 takasya prichyss-stur-amushya cha | dakshinaaykh Dariaparro 177 r=marga-samdhau mridas-cha yah [ 100*] A-chamdr-arkam=ami vipra 178 Gamgadharapuram subham(bham) | putra-pautra-prapautr-adi-samta 179 tya-'nubhavamtv=idam (dam) || [101*] Bhanu-vamsa-pradipasya Bhakti-bhu 180 pasya sasanam(nam) | bhuyad-a-chamdra-tar-arkkam 1 181 bhumav=udadhi-simani || [102*] Samtatir-vardhatamasya satam 182 sahtosha-kaript palayatv-akhilih prithvith chatur-arga 183 va-mekhalam (lam) || [103*] Samanyo='yam dharma-setur nripanam kale 184 kale palaniyyo(yo) bhavadbhih | sarvan=etan bhavinah parthivemdran 185 bhayo bhayo yachate Ramachandrah || [104] Ninth Plate 186 Bhaktira 187 jugari 188 birudu 189 Gamdabhe 190 rumdam [*] 233 1 There is an unnecessary anusvara here. Read chare tama. This letter is redundant. This word is redundant. The number 8 is engraved near the ring-hole between this and the next line. Against the writing giving the title of the donor is engraved the figure of the mythical man-bird Gandabherunda.

Page #331
234 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA IVOL. XXXIII Tenth Plates 191 Anarhd-Abdd Pausha-krishna-dvadasyam Makar-ayang | Ganga192 dharapure purvvam dapayitva dvij-ottamaih IC 105* Dvau bhagau Bhara193 ti-namnd vidushe Bhakti-bhupatih sa paschad-Uttanampu194 nim grama-grasaya dattavan ([| 106*] Gangadharapurd bha198 gashushat-shashtis=oha tato='bhayan | Gargadharpuri bha196 ga-yugmi Bharati-kovida" |[| 107*] Bam(Ba)bti(hvri)has-sarvva-sostra-jnah 197 Ko(Kau)rhdinyas-sudhiyam varah | dakshinasyam-ath-uj&&(gno)yya198 m prachyam ch=aiva yatha-kramarh(mam) |C| 108*) Voyyerur-Jammi-gudda199 scha Kabekumtas-cha ssma-bhuh /(1 109*] 1 This forms the post-soript to the grant. . This is a half verse.

Page #332
No. 44 PALIAD PLATES OF BHIMADEVA I, V.S. 1112 (1 Plate) A. L. BABHAM, LONLON (Received on 30. 8. 1958) This set of plates was discovered at Pallad, a village in Eastern Saurashtra, just off the niain road from Wadhwan to Bhavnagar, about ten miles north-west of Botad and about the same distance south-west of Ranpur. The plates, deposited in the Rajkot Museum, were sent in 1955 to the Government Epigraphist for India, Cotacamund, for examination. The inscription is edited below from inked impressions and photographs neceived from the Government Epigrapbist for India. The set consists of two plates, each measuring 9' long, 5'4" broad and '1' thick. They are held together by a ring (about 1.75' in diameter) passing through holes (about 15' in diameter) made about the centre of the lower margin of the first plate and the upper anargin of the second. No seal is attached to the plates which, together with the ring, weigh 133 tolas. The plates are engraved on the inner sides only and the writing is fairly well preserved. The characters are Nagari of the eleventh century A.D. and generally resemble those of records like the Palanpur plates of Bhimadeva I and the Kadi plates of Mularaju. No speciul remarks are called for in respect of orthography. The date of the inscription (line 1) is given as V.S. 1112, Chaitra bu. 16. It is further stated in line 4 that there was a lunar eclipse on the said date. These details correspond to the 2nd April, 1056 A.D. The giant was issued when Maharajadhiraja Bhimadova was residing at Akasika-grama (lines 1-2). Bhimadeva is evidently the first king of that name of the Chaulukya family of Gujarat, who ruled in c. 1024-1066 A.D. The present record does not add any new information of historical or chronological importance. The vrant is addressed (lines 2-4) to the king's officials, the Brahmanas and the people of the 116 villages attached to the city of Vayada. Its object (lines 4-8) is to record a grant made by the king in favour of the Jain monastery situated at the said city. The grant consisted of piece of Innd measuring two halas and belonging to a merchant named Sadaka, together with another plot meusuring two Kalasikavapas, which was attached to the said land of Sadaka and was separated from the border of Guduhula by a chari (pasture land). The position of the merchant Sadaka in the transaction is not altogether clear. Since the peasants are toid that they inust now pay their dues direct to the monastery, it seems that he was not the occupant of the land, but, until the issue of the grant, was the landlord and intermediary betwecu the cultivators and the king. Evidently he was now deprived of his rights over the land in question : but the grant gives no evidence of the means whereby this was done. Possibly Sadaka died without leaving heirs; or he may have had his land confiscated for an offence 1 The plates aro registered in 4. R. Bp., 1954-58, No. A 15, and are briefly noticed ibid., pp. 11-12. . Above, Vol. XXI, pp. 171 ff. and Platos. * Ind. Ant., Vol. VI, pp. 191 ff. and Plates. Kalasika-draya-vapa kalusika-udpa-dvaya means a plot of land sufficient for sowing two Kalasikas of sood. Kalasikaviya reminds us of Dronanay a known from many records. The word chari in this song is not found in standard Sanakrit Dictionaries, but is common in this sonno ir Hindi. ( 285 )

Page #333
236 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (VOL. XXXIII of some sort ; or the land was resumed by the king and transferred to the temple with the payment of compensation to the merchant. We are inclined to support the last suggestion, since the transfer takes place on the occasion of an eclipse. At such a time the king, anxious to ward off evil influences by a work of piety, might well have commandeered part of Sadaka's estate in return for compensation. Moreover, if Sadaka were dead or had forfeited his property on account of a crime, this, we might expect, would have been mentioned in the grant. Lines 8-12 vive the boundaries of the gift land as follows: in the east--the field belonging to Kalyapala Kosarin ; in the south-the royal pasture land; in the west-the field belonging to the merchant Bhubhala; and in the north- the road leading to the village of Palavada. Lines 11-15 state that the grant made in favour of the Jain monastery should be protected by the descendants of the king and others. This is followed (lines 15-16) by an imprecatory verse. The writer of the grant was Vatesvara who was the son of Kayastha Kanchana (lines 16-17). This Vatesvara, son of Kanchana, was also the writer of a capper-plate grant of Bhimadeva, dated in the year 93 of the Sitha era, corresponding to V. S. 1093. The dutaka was the Mahasandhivigrahika Bhogaditya who is also known from the Palanpur plates referred to above. The record ends with the sign-manual of Bhimadeva. As regards the localities mentioned in the inscription, Akasika-grama, whence the grant was issued, and Guduhula mentioned in connection with the gift land, cannot be identified. Vayada may be the same as modern Botad referred to above. Palavada is evidently modern Paliad where the plates were discovered. TEXT: First Plate 1 Siddham' Vikrama-samvat 1112 Chaitra-sudi 15 ady=eha Akasika-gram-avase samasta2 raj-avali-virajita-maharajadhiraja-sri-Bhimadevah || Vayad-adhishthana-prati3 va(ba)ddha-vo(sho)das-ottara-grama-sat-antah-pati-samasta-rajapurushan Vra(Bra)[hma) -otta[ran] ja4 napadams-cha vo(bo)dhayatyustu vah samviditari yatha adya Soma-grahana-parvani char-achara5 guru[m] Sarvajnam-abhyarchya Vayad-adhishthaniya-vasatikayai atr=aiva Vayad-a[dh]i sbthane 6 chajri-kshetr-amtaritaya Guduhula-pali-samlagnaya vanika(nik)-Saduka-bhumi-sam[va(ba) dhya)7 manaya kalasika-dvaya-vapa-bhuva sah=asy=aiva Sadakasya satka hala-dvayasya 2 8 bhuh sasana(no)n=odaka-purvam-asmabhih pradattaa syas=cha bhumeb purvasyain dibi Kalya9 pala-Kesari-satkan kshetram dakshinasyam cha rajaklya shart | paschima Ind. Ant., Vol. XVIII, pp. 110-ff.; cf. Bhandarkar's List, No. 1464. * From Impressions and photographs, * Expressed by symbol. .There is an unnecessary avagraha sign after this.

Page #334
PALIAD PLATES OF BHIMADEVA I, V.S. 1112 mA banidimA kAtAyAjAvAna samantra 2 pAvalIni zAtitama sAsArU mAmalamAlavahAnayAnapati - 1.vA'pyati rAmanAtajAtilAnA mAja ravAnabAlagojAvata 4RE M A(dana jamarAmA magaraliyAI sAvarala LI nisAnAyatAvAnIsavayatikAya navinaya tAnA KAvAribAulA pAvisalamayAvalinasAdAkanI majA nayAlasikAi lApahavAhAlAtasAvakAsakA lakSya manAnA rAvala Adi maanvmaadiniklaa| cAlAka samitI savadaki malAde kI yArI pakSinA 10 miliyaka sAIlIyako vAragarapAlagADayAnamA / tiAvATAyala kilA munAnagAna bajAtiniMdA sitanavAda 12- yakSAdIyamAna khAnako ga dinAdivAsamAntAmati vAsanamanikAyamAnupAna kArArinakalanA jApAna nimAlikAssiAlApavAna dAyA'yamatita malinA rAkhavilesa hamAlayana 16sanada zahanAmA nuhaaunaallyaaliklijitaayaa| kAranapulalAva ko'dhAra savAnigAhakavAko gAdirAja 18 Scale: Two-thirds

Page #335

Page #336
No. 4] . PALIAD PLATES OF BHIMADEVA I, V.8. 1119 237 Second Plate 10 yith cha vaniya(ja)ka-Bhabhaliyash kshetram=uttarasyan cha Pulavada-grima-ma11 rgga iti chatar-aghat-opalakshitam bhuvam=etam=svagamya etan-nivasi-janapadai18 r=yatha-dlyamana-bhaga-bhoga-kara-hirany-adi sarvvam=ajna-[krava]na-vidheyais 18 raebhutv='syai vasatikayai samupanetavyamsamanyam charitat-punya-phalan matv a'[sma)14 d-vamsajair=anyair-api bhavi-bhoktfibbir=asmat-pradatta-dharma-dayo='yam=anu mamtavyah 15 palaniyas=cha || uktam cha | bhagavata Vyasena | Shashtir=varsha-sahasrani svarggo tishthati 16 bhumidah | achohhetta sh=anumanta che tany=eva Darakam(ke) vaset i likhitam-idah Kayastha17 Kamchana-suta-Vatesvarena | Datako='tra mahasaidhivigrahika-sri-Bhayaditya isti] 18 bl-Bhimad vasya || 1 The dandou are not c ry. . * The akahana ti loobs khe nymbol. Of. abovo, Vol. XXI, p. 178, note 13.

Page #337
No. 45-STRAY PLATE FROM NANANA (1 Plate) D. C. BIRCAR, OOTACAMUND (Received on 5. 9. 1958) Sometime ago I received for examination an old photograph of the inscribed face of a copper plate from the Rajputana Museum, Ajmer. There are marks of two ring holes on the photograph and it appears that the inscription was originally engraved on the inner side of two copper plates strung on two rings as is the case with the copper-plate grants of many of the West Indian ruling families. The plate is stated to have been found at the village of Nanana about three miles from the Bhagwanpura station on the Western Railway. Bhagwanpura is 27 miles from Marwar Juno tion. The inscription was noticed in the Annual Report on the Working of the Rajputana Museum for the year ending 31st March 1937, pp. 3, 9 (No. 6). There are, however, some minor errorR and inaccuracies in the notices. In July 1958. Dr. Dasharath Sharma of the Delhi University was good enough to send me a copy of his article on the same inscription published without illustration in the Hindi periodical Marubharati, Vol. VI, No. 2, July 1958, pp. 2-4. This aroused my interest in the record and I checked Dr. Sharma's transcript with the photograph of the epigraph in my possession. It was found that, while the preservation of the writing is unsatisfactory and some letters here and there are undecipherable on the photograph, there are some palpable errors in Dr. Sharma's transcript and that most of the many lacunae in it could be filled up with confidence. A number of errors were also noticed by me in the introductory part of Dr. Sharma's paper. Dr. Sharma takes the document to be a charter issued by Chahamana Alhana of Nadol in V. 8. 1205. But this belief is absolutely unwarranted since, as a matter of fact, the epigraph contains a large number of small documents only one of which records a gift of the said ruler. Dr. Sharma reads vyavansikaThandiva in line 1 and dramaka in line 9 and regards the three words as the names of particular coins, the first to be identified in his opinion with Pavisa (equal to 5 cowrie shells), the second with Lohadiya (equal to 20 Pavisas) and the third with the well-known Dramma (equal to 20 Lohadiyas) also mentioned elsewhere in the record under study. But the first of the two passages in question clearly reads tatha vam(vam) sika-Lhaudiyaka, "and the flute-player [named) Lhaudivaka'. The word read as dramaka is again certainly stama(ba)ka meaning' a bunch [of flowers]'. Dr. Sharma also thinks of the possibility of the word pada in lines 1 and 3 signifying a class of coins. The suggestion is, however, impossible in view of the adjectives shodasama (i.e. sixteenth) and saptara(da) sama (i.e. seventeenth) qualifying the word respectively in lines. 1 and 3. It may be pointed out that, though Dr. Sharma failed to read saptada sama in line 3, he has read shoda. fama correctly in line 2. Among other errors of omission and commission in Dr. Sharma's reading and interpretation of the record, mention may also be made of his reference to the Kumaradrona of wheat belonging to Sobhika 'as occurring in line 15 of the record and the suggestion that Kumara-drona may have been a bigger measure of capacity than Drona. As will be seen below, this is all imaginary and unwarranted. The fragmentary inscription is written in Nagari characters of the twelfth century. But it is not engraved by a single person. There are many records of different dates, which were For three other copper-plate grants from Nanini, so ibid., pp. 3-4, . Non. 7-9; of. 4. Felin No. A 79. ( 288 )

Page #338
No. 45] STRAY PLATE FROM NANANA apparently engraved in groups by several persons on different occasions. The various documents engraved on the plate record donations made by both royal and private personages in favour of a religious institution apparently situated at Nadol (cf. ady-eha sri-Nadule in lines 19-20). Among the donors of non-monarchical rank, some were no doubt members of the Chahamana royal family of Nadol. As our analysis of the different documents would show, it was probably the authorities of the said religious institution that were responsible for the preparation of the document. Since Alhanadeva was the donor of only one of the many grants recorded in our epigraph, it is impossible to assign the entire charter to him. The nature of the epigraph somewhat resembles that of the well-known Sironkhurd (Siyadoni) inscription.1 239 The god Tripurushadeva or his temple is often mentioned in the inscription as the receipient of favour. Among other beneficiaries, mention is also made of the god Chandalesvara, whose temple seems to have stood near that of Tripurushadeva, and of the goddess Gauri whose shrine lay within the Chandalasvara temple. The deities Tripurushadeva, Chandalesvara and Gauri are also known from another Nanana copper-plate inscription dated V. S. 1220, Ashadha-sudi 11, Thursday (July 2, 1164 A.-D.). This record speaks of the restoration of the village of Nandana (modern Nanana) in V. S. 1219 and the grant of the village of Chamvodi by the Nadol Chahamana ruler Alhana in favour of the temple of Tripurusnadeva as well as of the same ruler's grant of Bhitalavataka (Bhintalavataka) to the temple of Chandales vara and of four Drammas per month to the shrine of Gauri built inside the Chandalesvara temple by his queen Sankaradevi. The god Tripurushadeva is also known from the Nanana copper-plate inscription of V. S. 1212, Sravanasudi 5, Monday (July 24, 1156 A.D.) referring to the shrine of Lakhayesvara built inside the temple of Tripurushadeva by Lakhapadevi, daughter of Chahamana Kuntapala, probably a member of the Nadol branch of the Chahamana family. The localities called Nandana and Bhintalavataka are also mentioned in the inscription under study. The language of the record is Sanskrit, its orthography and vocabulary being considerably influenced by Prakrit or the local dialect. The language is extremely corrupt in some of the records. The nature of Prakrit influence can be guessed from the use of words like mehari, i.e. a songstress', in lines 1-7, etc.; variga (once written correctly as varika in line 4), i.e. a temple superintendent', in lines 5, 6, etc.; su(su)ravala (probably, one who sets songs or musical instruments to tune') and panavika (i.e. a drum-player') in line 7; doyaraka (i.e. the singer who repeats part of a song after it has been once sung') in lines 7-8, eto. We have also spellings like Jasodhavalena for Yasodhavalena and tritiyayam for tritiyayam in line 9 and forms like ma(me)harina used as Third Person instrumental singular from the word mehari (recognised as mehari in Prakrit) in the feminine. There are several dates in the document, although many of the transactions recorded are undated. The first of the dates, occurring in line 9, is V:S. 1173, Karttika-vadi 3, and the second is quoted in lines 12-13 as V.S. 1171, Pausha-vadi 10. On both these dates Maharajadhiraja Asaraja of the Nadol branch of the Chahamana family made certain grants in favour of a religious institution at Nadol, to which reference has been made above. Line 19 quotes the date V.S. 1122, Karttika-vadi 5, Saturday, when Maharajaputra Kumara Sahanapala made a grant. Line 23 mentions V.S. 1205, Bhadra-vadi 5,Friday, as the date of a grant made by Chahamaria Alhanadeva of Nadol. The importance of these dates will be discussed in the analysis of the contents of the various records in the epigraph. Besides the above dated records relating to grants made by kings and princes, there are several other grants of royal and private personages, which are undated. 1 Above, Vol. I, pp. 162 ff. Cf. ibid., Vol. XXX, p. 19, note 7 p. 159. An. Rep. Raj. Mus., op. cit., pp. 4-5, 9, No. 9; 4. R. Ep., 1956-57, No. A 79. An. Rep. Raj. Mus., op. cit., pp. 3-4, 9, No. 8,

Page #339
240 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [Vol. XXXIII From the ductus of the writing, the inscription can be divided into different sections engraved on different dates. In most of the cases, a section contains more than one transaction. Some of these transactions relate to arrangements (sthiti) and not gifts actually. The sections are analysed below one by one. Section I (lines 1-2). There are three transactions recorded in this section. (a) The first sentence states that the sixteenth pada was allotted to the lasini Vijala, the daughter of Padmavati, with the stipulation that she would enjoy it together with some other unnamed vilasinis (a parabhih saman). The word pada here seems to mean'a share' or ' a quarter of the standard land measure'. An account of 15 other padas appears to be lost with the earlier part of the record on the missing first plate. The word vilasini is also used in line 4 apparently in the sense of a Devadasi. Probably the word ganika (line 2) and mehari (lines 1, 7, etc.) are also used in a similar sense. The name of the deity to whom Vijala was attached seems to have been mentioned in the missing first plate of the set. It may have been the god Tripurusha mentioned in the following sentence. The name of the donor of the pada to Vijala is not known from the extant part of the record. (6) The next sentence states that, in the same way (tatha), the flute-player named Lhaudiyaka (i.e. Lhaudiya) was allotted to Tripurusha which was the name of the deity. The expression tripurusha has been used here and in many other places in the record in the plural. But, in line 21, the same deity is mentioned as Tripurushadeva in the singular. It was therefore the name of a single deity, probably a combined image of the Trimurti of Brahman, Vishnu and Siva. (c) The last sentence of the section speaks of the arrangement, according to which a mehari, whose name cannot be fully deciphered, was to receive annually five Dronas of wheat out of the collections made on behalf of the deity (devakiy-adana-madhyat) from the Nandana-gramiya-bhoga, no doubt a free-holding comprising a part or the whole of the village of Nandana (modern Nanana) under the enjoyment of the deity. This deity seems to be no other than Tripurusha mentioned in the previous sentence. We have already noted that the word mehari, literally & songstress ', seems to have been used to indicate a Devadasi. Section II (lines 2-8). There are four transactions referred to in this section. (a) The first sentence records the allotment of the seventeenth pada to a ganika's daughter with the stipulation that she would enjoy it together with some other ganikas. As indicated above, the word ganika, like vilasini and mehari in Section I, probably means 'a Devadasi'. The ganika's name was Gochhini, though her daughter's name cannot be deciphered. (6) The second sentence records the grant of the village of Bhinkalavada. The village is stated to have been given to Tripurusha, though it was actually meant for the deity Chandalesvara. This probably suggests that the shrine of Chandalesvara lay in the neighbourhood of the Tripurusha temple. The expzession atr-aiva used in connection with Bhintalavada seems to suggest that the village lay in the vicinity of the temple situated at Nalol. The following sentence further states that the income or produce of the said village should have to be collected by the Varikas attached to the god Tripurusha as a part of their own collections and that the expenses for the training, food, etc., of the vilasinis attached to the god Chandalesvara as well as any other expenditure made for the said god should have to be met from the collections or income of the god Tripurusha. It is clear that the management of the affairs of the god Chandalesvara was entrusted to the Varikas of Tripurusha. As we have elsewhere seen, the Varikas were the suporintendents of a temple like the 1 For the deity or deities called the Tripurushas', see also the Karimnagar insoription of Prataparudra I (Sreenivasachar, Corpua, Vol. II, p. 176). For a Tripurusha temple at Anhilwada, see Tawney's Prabandha. chintamani, pp. 26, oto. In the composito Trimurti images of Gujarat, Surya-narayana was often representod in Vishnu's place (Majumdar, Chaulukyas of Gujarat, pp. 300, 381),

Page #340
241 No. 45] STRAY PLATE FROM NANANA Pandas of today. The last sentence of this subsection seems to say that the king and the Varikas should have to look after the permanent one-fourth share belonging to Tripurusha. (c) The next transaction in lines 6-8 records that an araghafta or a machine for drawing water from a well, called Naravattaka and situated in the village of Devanandita which was under the possession of the chief priest of the temple (matha-pati) of Tripurusha, was granted for the maintenance of the worship of Chandalesvara. It appears that two persons named Silapati and Sripala, who were probably engaged in working the araghatta at Devanandita-grama, were allotted to the said god along with a number of persons living probably at the locality where the temple stood (i.e. Nadal). These were the songstresses Vingada, Sitadi, Premali, Ratani, Sriyadevi and Asadevi; the Suravala (a person responsible for setting songs or musical instruments to tune) Jasara ; the drum-player (Panavika) Sripala ; the Doyaraka (a singer who had to repeat parts of a song after they had been once sung) Vadiyaka (i.e. Vadiya); the Mridanga-player Mahipatiyaka (i.e. Mabipatiya); and the flute-player Risiyaka (i.e. Risiya), the son of Govinda. (d) The last sentence of the subsection states that a mehari, whose name is not mentioned, was allotted five Dronas (of wheat) out of Kumara's Dronas (of wheat) at the araghafta at Bhintalavada-grama. It appears that Kumara was the lessee of the araghatta, who used to pay the annual rent for it to the temple in wheat. This transaction is also referred to in Section IV (6) in lines 15-16 below, where the name of the mehari is given as Sobhika. From the grant of the village of Bhintalavada, it appears that most of the transactions recorded above were made by the contemporary Chabamana ruler of Nadol. The name of this ruler seems to be lost with the first plate of the set. But he may have been Asaraja mentioned below. The god Chandalesvara was apparently installed by the queen Chandaladevi mentioned below in line 10 which also mentions Asaraja. It is not improbable that Chandaladevi was a queen of Asaraja. It should, however, be noted that the Nanani copper-plate inscription of 1164 A.D., referred to above, speaks of the grant of Bhintalavataka by king Alhana to the Chandalegvara temple. It is not impossible that Bhinkalavada or Bhinkalavataka was originally granted to the temple by Asaraja but the grant was later renewed by his son Alhana. Section III (lines 9-10). There are two transactions recorded in this section. (a) The first sentence states that one Yasodhavala made a gift of one load of lotuses and one hundred bunches (of flowers) at a place called Ahumala. It is difficult to determine whether the transaction refers to a daily supply of the flowers and whether Ahumala is a modification of Ahavamalla, & well-known personal name which occurs in Section VI, 6. The identity of the donor is uncertain, though he may have been a member of the Chahamana royal family of Nadol. The deity who received the grant is not mentioned, but may probably be Chandalesvara. (6) The second sentence of this section states that, in V.8. 1173, Karttika-vadi 3, Maharajadhiraja Abaraja made certain gifts (the names of which cannot be fully deciphered but may be those of a few localities) in favour of the matha. This matha may refer to the shrine of Chandalegvara, which is mentioned in line 10 below (Section IV, a). The date may correspond to the 11th September 1116 A.D. The only other date for Asaraja's reign so far known is V.8.1167, Chaitra-sudi 1, corresponding to the 12th March 1111 A.D.' Another date for Asaraja's reign is found in Section IV (6) below. Section IV (lines 10-16). This section also speaks of two transactions. (a) The sentence constituting this sub-section is difficult to understand owing to certain errors of the scribe and the engraver. The first part refers to the 100 leaves allowed out of each load of See above, Vol. XXXI, p. 164, note 1. : Bhandarkar's List, No. 182.

Page #341
242 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXXIII leaves by the royal officials (probably the customs officials of Nadol; cf. Section VI, b) to be enjoyed by the goddess Gauri installed in the shrine (matha) of Chandalesvara caused to be made by Maharajni Chandaladevi. A passage in line 11 immediately after this reference is unintelligible. After this there is reference to six persons who are stated to have paid annually 100 Drammas, i.e. the coins of that name. The concluding part seems to say that the merchants, who were willing to give, would have to divide the third share of the leaves and wheat probably received as collections on behalf of the Chandalesvara or Tripurusha temple. It appears that either Chandalesvara would have to receive one-third of the collection of leaves and wheat made on behalf of the Tripurusha temple or Gauri would have to receive a similar share out of the collection of the Chandalesvara shrine (cf. Section V below). We have seen above, that the Nanana copper plate inscription of 1164 A.D. refers to the installation of the goddess Gauri in the Chandaleevara temple by Sankaradevi who was a queen of Alhana, son of Asaraja. If the present transaction has to be referred to Asaraja's reign, we have to suggest that the goddess was installed by Sankaradevi during her father-in-law's rule. (b) This subsection records a regular grant of Maharajadhiraja Asaraja made in V.S. 1171, Pausha-vadi 10, in favour of the mehari Sobhika on the occasion of the king's visit to her house. The gift consisted of the village of Pinchchhavalli which was granted in its entirety as far as its ascertained boundaries. It is stated that no one was allowed to disturb the mehari's possession of the land as long as the earth and the mountains would endure. It is further stipulated that, so long as the mehari Sobhika would be allowed to enjoy the gift village, the five Dronas allotted to her previously out of Kumara's Dronas of wheat (cf. Section II, d) should be enjoyed by the god Tripu rusha and, in case there was nobody to protect [the mehari's enjoyment of] the village, the allotment of Kumara's Dronas to her should again revert to her. The date V.S. 1171, Pausha-vadi 10, may correspond to the 23rd November 1114 A.D. This is the third known date for Asaraja's reign. The two others in V.S. 1167 and 1173 have been referred to above (ef. Section III, b). Section V (line 17-18). There is only one transaction recorded in this section. The first sentence states that the village of Salayi was allotted to the matha together with its entire income. The passage upari-sasana-madhye used in this connection connects this grant with the one recorded above (Section IV, 6). It appears that Pinchchhavalli-grama, allotted to Sobhika, belonged to the matha and that therefore the latter had to be compensated by making the gift of another village in its favour. The following sentence seems to suggest that the matha referred to was the shrine of Chandalesvara since it is stated here that two-thirds of the village would be enjoyed by the matha (apparently of the god Chandalesvara) and one-third by the god Tripurusha. The third and last sentence of the section states that the Bhattaraka, i.e. the king, should act in accordance with the said arrangement. Section V1 (lines 18-19). There are two transactions in this section. (a) The first sentence states that Maharajadhiraja Ratanapila (Ratnapala) gave away one Noriya together with his relations. To which god the persons, who were probably to work as temple. servants, were allotted is not stated. There is no date mentioned in connection with this grant. But we know that V. S. 1176, Jyeshtha-vadi 8, Thursday (22nd April 1120 A.D.) fell within Ratnapaia's reign. Between Asaraja and Ratnapala who was the son of an elder brother and predecessor of Asaraja, we have two inscriptions of Asaraja's son Maharajadhiraja Katudeva or Katukaraja, one of which is dated in V.S. 1172 (1115-16 A.D.). 1 Bhandarkar's List, No. 200. See ibid., Nos. 189 and 1460. The date of the second inscription has been read as Samyat 31 which Bhandarkar refers to the Simha-samvat of V.S. 1170-1113 A.D. and equates with V.S. 1200-1143 A.D. (above, Vol. XI, p. 34). But Katukaraja could not have ruled in 1143 A D. Moreover the Simha-samvat is not known to have been used outside Kathiawar (cf. Ojha, Bharatiya Prachinalipimala, pp. 181-82).

Page #342
No. 45] STRAY PLATE FROM NANANA 243 (6) The second sentence records the monthly grant of 6 Dronas probably of wheat by one Ahavamalla at the maydapika (customs office) at Nadula (Nadol). The identity of Ahavamalla is unknown though he may have been the lessee of the mandapika. The deity, in whose favour the grant was made, is also not mentioned. Section VII (lines 19-22). Only one transaction is recorded in this section. The section records the grant of two kutumbikas (agriculturist householders) named Soliya and Asaicha, formerly living at the village of Nandana (modern Nanana), together with their sons and grandsons so long as they lived. The gift was made at Nadula (Nadol), according to the arrangement based on a charter, in favour of the god Tripurusha by Maharajaputra Kumara Sahanapala in V.S. 1192, Karttika-vadi 5, Saturday (28th September, 1135 A.D.). The passage ady=eha sri-Nadale seems to suggest that the temple of Tripurusha stood at Nadol. This Sahanapala was probably a co-uterine brother of Sahajapala who was the son of Ratnapala's successor Rayapala (known dates between V. S. 1189=1132 A.D. and V.S. 1200=1143 A.D.): from the queen Padmalladevi and is known from an undated inscription. Three deities named after the mother and her two sons are mentioned in line 22 (Section VIII, a). The second sentence states that the arrangement should not be nullified by anybody. Section VIII (lines 22-24). There are four transactions recorded in this section. (a) It is stated in the first sentence that Tripurusha's car could be always utilised by the deities Padinalesvara, Sahanapalesvara, Sahajapalesvara and others. Padmalesvara was apparently named after Padnialladevi, queen of Rayapala, and Sahana palesvara and Sahajapalesvara after her two sons. They appear to have been installed in shrines within or near the Tripurusha temple. (b) This subsection records the grant of the kutum (i.e. kufumbikas) Kikau, Madanapala and Mahanasiha (i.e. Mathanasimha) who were formerly living in the village of Nandana. The gift was made in favour of Tripurusha by a charter by Maharaja Alhapadeva in V.S. 1206, Bhadra-vadi 5, Friday (6th August 1148 A.D. taking the year to be current). Alhana or Alhana, the son of Abaraja and successor of Rayapala, is known from two records of his reign, one dated in V.8. 1209, Magha-vadi 14, Saturday (24th January, 1153 A.D.)' and the other in V.8. 1218, Sravana-vadi 14, Sunday (12th August, 1162 A.D.?). The next sentence states that the arrangement should not be nullified by anybody. (c) Some passages in the next sentence cannot be deciphered. But it seems to mention the grant of one or more persons by the same king Alhapadeva (tath=anena). The grant was probably made in favour of the same god Tripurusha. (d) This sentence, the last of the epigraph under study, states that one bada made a gift of two persons named Gosa and Lobha. The grant seems to have been made in favour of Tripurusha. The above analysis of the contents of the inscription under study exhibits some interesting information about certain customs relating to religious institutions, which were prevalent in Rajasthan during the early medieval period. The gift of persons (apparently as slaves) in favour of temples is one such custom. The geographical names mentioned in the record are Natula, i.e, modern Nalol in the Jodhpur region of Rajasthan, and such villages as Nandana- or Nandana-grama, Bhintalavada-grama, Devanandita-grama, Ahumala, Pinchchhavalli-grama and Salayi-grima. Of these, Nandanaor Nandana-grama is certainly the modern village of Nanna where the plate was found. The other localities appear to hnve been situated in the neighbourhood of Nadol or Nanapa. * See Bhandarkar's List, p. 382. * Ibid., No. 1505, p. 382, note 7. * Ibid., No. 287. Ibid., No. 311.

Page #343
244 EPIGRAPHIA NDICA TEXT1 1 vilasini(nyah) Pa[dm]avati(t)-suta[yah*] Vijalaya-'parabhih samam shodasamam padam pradatta[m](tam) | tatha vath(vam)tika-Lhaudiy&kas-Tripurusha]p[th] pradattab mehari- SI... 2 [n]ikayah varsham prati devakiya-5(y-a)dana-madhyat godhumanam dronah pamcha Namdapa-gramiya-bhogt datavya[b] | gapiki-[G]chhini(p)-sut[aya] chaturtha]" 3 nam aparabhih saptadara(sa)mam padam pradattam || tatha atr-aiva Bhimtalavadagramah sri-Chamdalesvaradev-atha(rtham) Tripurushanam pradattah || 4 amd-grid-utpattis-Tripurushapath satka-varikaih samadaya aviy-idanasy-aika[t]vo(tva) [cha] vidhays ari-Cha[th]dalvariya-vi[1]asint[nam] vidya-[visha] 5 chalya)-bhaktak-adikath(kam) aparam-api yat-kithchid-divaaya kriyati bhattaraka-purabsara-varigai(kai)-Tripurushagih sa(sva)kly-adanens [cha] kurayitavyas-Tri'purushapati. [VOL. XXXIII 6. sthayi bhattarakena, varigai(kai)s=oha sarvada drashtavyah || tatha sri-Chamdale varapujan-artham Tripurushanam satka-matha-patah Devanamdita-grame Naravattakama() Stadt 7 araghattan-tatra. pati-Setpila-samanvita[b] pradattah | atrs maheri-Virgad Primal Batan! | Sriyadhvi | Asa(5)devi(v) | au(au)ravala-Jasara pagavika-Sripalab [do]8yaraka Vadiyakab | marda[th]gika-Mahi(hr)patiyakah | vach(vah)tika[b] Govinda-auta-RisiKumara-dropana madhyad-adi(da)ya yakab Bhihjalavada-gramiya aragha meharim11 [dronah] dro 'pamcha11 datavya[*]|| 9 sri-Jaso13dhavalena Ahumale sya (sa)ta[pa]tra-[bha]ra(rah) 1 stamakam1 100 pradattam(ttam) || Samvat 1173 Kartti[ka]-vadi [3] tri(tri)tiyayam maharajadhiraja-ari-1 Asa(sa)[ra] 10 jona ka loliya mathasya pradattah || maharajni-eri-Chamdaladovya sriChandalievaramadhys karita" Go(Gau)ryah rajakulina bharakath prati dapita-patra From a photograph. Read Vijalaya aparabhih or Vijalaya aparabhib. The name of the mehari cannot be fully deciphered. The name is elsewhere spelt many times as Namdana. The intended reading seems to have been amukayah samam. This letter may be a mistake for mam for samam. Sandhi has not been observed here. 7 Read karayitavyam Trio. Chaturtha seems to mean chaturth-amia. The reading of the two damaged aksharas here may be Sila. 10 This danda and some others in this line and in the next are unnecessary. 11 Better read mehari-Sobhikayai. Cf. lines 13-16. 13 Better read pancha dro 5 in which dro is a contraction of dronah. 13 Read Yas8deg. 14 Read stabakani or stabaka-batam-ekam. 18 Sandhi has not been observed here. 14 The objects granted, mentioned here, are difficult to determine. They may, however, have been localities. 17 Read Chamdaladevya karite Chamdaleovara-mathe.

Page #344
STRAY PLATE FROM NANANA lAzanazanamA bilAsinIya no vati to vIulA yAyalAsisama (vA urAmA nirAdhAzakA rAjadhAna mana nikAyAH pratidivasIyavAdA tamA na sA mA nIlA pAyArAjArAmAyasa yA yAtanA disatAta pasasi saMbaI rAmavara parata navagachi dala yA upazAkhA / anAjA ho na ho to samosa yAcI yAdI va yAtAyAta gatimA HOW : sAmAna thii gharamA kAyAnusAra va parasavAtAvamazAgasvaramA kAma na karatA yA nidhI dilAyAsa lAra yasamA puruSAlakamasukhamAdara najiyAle garabA ARNEARToyA ba dhita tariti usI taralatAratambAthArI mAmAlA tAna tAmagAvAlAharuyAmalA kA mAnadeya kA vega sikhAna-rilaboharAyAjIyAvara vAhana kA sammAna sthAnamAlA yApUna bhAjAra mAtaTAD mAnavapatra sAra10. para PANCEL PAHzA paTa jAma nArAjI vaMdalAdAvAdalapapamA kAlinAgoyA marAja matalakiyatadArapaNA A nAvAbAtala DAmAjo bAjA bArA liyA itara mAvilagAdA lAbhAsalAda patita pAvedAvadha pAlana rAtaze kada dAtAra jAnakAyomanAnI satImAlA gatI hI nadI kA javAjhA anyadAsavana-zAna madata kAmAnAvI asaM sAnAmapitA li kA bAisa kahAtimA kapATAgAlanAsAipilavalANAmA IVAH bAda jAto. yA kuMjaragAhojAyA lavAlida tihitivarakAlayAvanyajanajAta EMAkAyA dIyaMmAka mAralIyAlAhatAnA to pAyAvAdasA bAjhinurupani nAvAnapura navAdA pavAjAma(mana kA binapaliMbavitadAna yA vizavamAna kumAnigAu~ mahAnapatinAlA nasatArA yasadina vAyA moTarasAyakA jazajalo gomaTAramAyAzAsadhA sapanA pAyA uko na vajI 15jana pAlakamA rie nitina bAna / Pakking kA mAla pAlAzAsana panijhAniyA piyA (mAvasajAnAkAra FASLA sAhitya ko samadilI jAta nAjanahita yAjiravAyA KanAcala pAyaaaliyAsAvayAlayakA savAlamA eka jida tAvAsAda 24solarsat vatanAlAyalAya AsasA meM pAyA jAhiradA 4304WITdizadezA jagAzI mola lanaanAjAmakAumAtAda sAlA mAmAlAmA la bAta mAna yA kAmAvara yA lodhAmapurAvA (from a Photograph)

Page #345

Page #346
No. 45) STRAY PLATE FROM NANANA 245 11 nam bata[*] 1 batam=ekam(kam) || gumdakurvayatavadhatamottamovahamgata' | Tuliya thahalahara. Valahara. Visala- Vasal-adi(khyaih) shadbhih janaih sarvada varshan prati dra[mma)12 nam satam=ekam dadadbhir-amkato dra' 100 sata(tam) tat-patra-godhuna(ma)nam tri(tri) tiya-bhagam(gah) vanibhir'datukamaih karttavyah || anyada Samvat 1171 Pausha vadi 10 dasa- 11 13 myam maharajadhiraja-sri-"Asa()rajena(na) ma(me)hari-Sobhikayah satka-gpiha nirikshanaya gaten=asyah Pimchchhavalli-gramah sva-sim14 paryanto vijnata-maryadah pra[s]adiksito='syah vur(bhum)jayamtyah rubhu)mjapayan tyah ken=api kshiti-kshitidhara-kalam yavat paripamthana na ka[rya"] || 15 aparam=agre mehari-So(So)bhikayah diyamana-Kumara-droniya-godhuta(ma)nam pamcha dronah yavad=esham gramam bhumjayati? tavast*] Tripurushai16 r=bhoktavya[h*) [l*) atha kada[chi*]d+vidhi-vasad=gramam=enan ko=pi na palayati tada bhuyo-pi yujyamana-Kumara-dronah maharina.bhe(bho)kta vya[h*] || 17 upari-Sasana-[ma]dhye sarv-adaya-sahitah Salayi-gramo mathasy=ayattah kritas-tan madhyat dvau bhago(gau) mathasya tsitiy-amsas=Tripurushanam pradatto(ttah) anaya sthe(sthi)tya 18 bhattarakena varttaniyam(yam) || (puna][*=maharajadhiraja-sri-Ratana palena (No) riya[kah*) Ba-kutumba[h*) pradatah(ttah) | Sri-Nadalya-mamdapik[@]yam brf1o-A[hava)19 mallena .....masam prati drohi 6 shat yavatayam | amisham paripamthana kv=api na karya || Samvat 1192 Karttika-vadi 5 Sanay=ady- ha eri-Nadu 20 la maharajaputra-kumyara-14gri-Sahapapaladevah sasanam prayachha(chchha)ti yatha | agre Namdana-grame vasaman-asina-16ku 21 tummi(mbi)ka-Sohiys- Asaichau sa-putra-pautr-adikau yavat jivau tavat sasana-sthityan. (tya) sri-Tripuru[sha Jdevaya prada22 ttah(ttau) CI*) kan=api na lopaniyah Sri-Tripurushiya-rathah Sri-Padmalesvara Bahanapalesvara-Sahajapalesvar-adi-devanam sadhyah sarvada || 1 The meaning of this passage is doubtful. Possibly it ends with a personal name. The following danda and others occurring later in the lino aro wrongly incised. * This is an abbreviation of the word dramma. * The intended reading is swamibhs. * These dandas are unnecessary Sandhi has not been observod horo. * Better road bhojayantyah. Read bhojayati. * Read mdharyd. . Read Ratnao. 10 Sandhi has not been observed hero. 11 The word godhamandris would suit the context; but the traces of the letters do not support this reading, u This is an abbreviation of the word drondb. Read datavyah. Read lundra. Better rond vasantau,

Page #347
246 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (VOL. XXXIII 23 Samvana' 1205 Bhadra-vadi 6 Sudreh(kra). || maharaja-srre-Alhanadovona [pr]ak (praa)-Namdana-[gr]amiya-kutum-) | Kikau-Madanapala- | Mahanasihai" ady=ai[va] Sri-Tri(Tri)purushanam sasanena pra-1 24 dattausttah) kon=api ka[d]achit na lopaniyolyah) || tath=a'nena Saleipatra... Simda sutah (praldata(ttih) tatha Gosa-Lobhau Sanena (pra]dattau (I") [ken=api na lopaniya]mitithall 1 Road Sanhvat. * Sandhi has not been bserved here. * This is a ountraction of loufumbika and the following danda is an indication of the abbreviation. The danda is unnecersary. Better road sihhah. * The names of the persons cannot be definitely determined. * This lettor is an indication of the completion of the document,

Page #348
No. 46-POOTPRINT SLAB INSCRIPTION FROM NAGARJUNIKONDA (1 Plate) D. C. BIRCAR and A. N. LAHIRI, OOTACAMUND (Received on 21.11.1958) In the course of the excavations conducted by the Department of Archaeology at the wellknown Buddhist site of Nagarjunikonda, a monastic establishment with a four-winged monastery, a Stupa and a Chaitya-griha was completely exposed in the year 1955-56 at the site marked V-6. The discovery was briefly noticed in the Indian Archaeology, 1955-56-A Review, p. 24. In this connection, reference wae made to the discovery of a stone slab, bearing the representation of the Buddha's feet and a small inscription engraved on it, near the entrance of the Stupa. According to the said notice, the inscription records that 'the sacred feet were of Buddha and were designed and consecrated by or for the Mahaviharavasins of the Theravada-Vibhajjavada school of Ceylon in a Vihara described as Dharana-vihara situated on the Praveni'.' It is further observed that the Mahaviharavasins are described as 'adepts in reading the marks on the human body and fixing horoscopes which constitute the eighth sisana (abbhuta) of the navanga promulgated by Buddha'. Unfortunately, the statements regarding the contents of the epigraph are full of errors. They are apparently based on a defective transcript of the record. There is really no mention in the inscription of a Buddhist monastery called Dharana-rihara, no description of the Mahaviharavasins of the Theravada-Vibhajjavada school of Ceylon as experts in reading the marks on human bodies and preparing horoscopes and no reference to the eighth sasana of the Buddha. Similar footprint slabs, sometimes uninscribed and sometimes bearing inscriptions, bave been discovered at variou: early. Buddhist sites including those of Amaravati and Nagarjunikonda. It is well known that, in early Buddhist art, the Buddha was generally represented by symbols and one of the most popular symbols was his feet. A Nagarjunikonda sleb of this kind is called a patipada (pratipada) in the inscription it bears, while the expressions by which it is indicated in the Amaravati inscriptions are paduka(or patuka)-pala (paduka-patta) and patuka (paduka)." The Nagarjunikonda slab under study bears the representation of the two soles of two feet placed side by side with that of the Bodhi tree in railing, flanked by two human figures, on one side. The niost prominent symbol engraved on each of the soles is the chakra. Behind this are an ankusa, & Naga symbol, a triratna on chakra and a pair of fish with a sankha nearby, while in front of it are two Naga symbols, a svastika, a srivatsa and a purna-ghata with a farkha near it. The five toes in front of the above bear respectively & stambha, an ankuca, another indeterminable symbol, a pair of fish and a triratna on chakra. The inscription under study is engraved in & rectangular space touching the toes of the feet. 1890 op. cit., Plate XXXIX, C. 2 Macron over e and o to indicate the length of the vowels has not been used in this article. * Coomaraswamy, History of Indian and Indonesian Art, p. 31. See above, Vol. XX, p. 37. *Cf. Monier-Williams, Buddhism, pp. 510 ff., 520 ff.; Burgess, Buddhist Stupus of Amaravali, pp. 97 ff. and Plates XLIII, 14; LII, 6 and 8; LIII, 1; MASI, No. 54, Plate XIXa ; Marshall, Sanchi, Plates LXXXVIII, 226, 75b; LXXXVII, 60a ; LXXXII, 42b; Allan, Catalogue of Coins (Ancient India), pp. o, oi, cl, 131, 158-60, 273, etc. ( 247 )

Page #349
248 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [Vol. XXXIII There are only three lines of writing covering an area about 134 inches in length and about 2 inches in height. The first line is slightly bigger than the second owing to the incision of the auspicious word sidhan in the left margin, while the third line is smaller than the second. Tbe letters, excepting conjuncts as well as a, k and r and the letters with vowel-marks added to the top or the bottom, a, 6 less than half an inch in height. The characters are similar to those of the epigraphs incised during he reign of the Ikshvaku king Virapurushadatta and may be assigned on palaeographical grounds to a date about the middle of the third century A.D. Among the few points of palaeographical interest noticed in the record, mention may be made of the fact that the medial i is of the ordinary short type and not of the elongated ornamental form generally found in the Ikshvaku records. This was apparently due to the narrow space available for engraving the epigraph. In the passage Tambapanni-dipa-pasadakanam in line 1, the second n is of the usual type but the first one exhibits a somewhat earlier form. The language of the inscription is Prakrit and its orthography resembles that of the inscriptions of Virapurushadatta's time. The modification of the surd to the sonant is noticed in the word samghada or sanghada (sanghala or sanghala) in line 3. Medial i and n have been generally used in the record for medial i and n. The inscription begins with the auspicious word sidham which is followed by the only sentence in which the record is written. The object of the epigraph is to record the installation of the pair of the Lord's (i.e. Buddha's) feet in the Vihara or Buddhist monastery which has now been exposed by the excavations at Site V-6 at Nagarjunikonda. The language of the passage is vihare bhagardto pada-samghada nipati(hapito (line 3). The intended reading apparently being pada-sanghada nipatithapita or pada-sanghado nipatithapito. The expression used to indicate the feet of the lord is pada-sanghada or pada-sanghada which reminds us of Pali atthi-sanghata, used in the sense of 'the joint (i.e. bone-coupling)' according to scholars. The word is the same as Sanskrit sanghatika, meaning a pair, a couple'. Thus pada-sanghata means 'the pair of feet' obviously referring to the representation of the feet near which the epigraph is incised. The participle nipatithapita has been used in the sense of patithapita (pratisthapita, installed). The purpose behind the installation of the Lord's feet in the monastery is stated to have been the prayer (athana, arthana) for the welfare and happiness of all beings (sava-satanam hita-sukh-athanaya). But the person responsible for the installation is not mentioned in the record. The Vihara or monastery in which the Lord's feet were installed is stated to have belonged to certain Achariyas or Buddhist teachers who are endowed with a number of interesting epithets. These epithets are Theriya, Vibhaja-vada, Kasmira-Gandhara-Yarana-Vanavasa-Tambapannidinapasadaka, Mahaviharavasin, Navanga-Sathu-sasana-atha-vyajana-vinichhaya-visarada and Ariyavanitsa-paveni-dhara. Among these epithets, the third stating that the said teachers converted to the Buddhist faith the peoples of Kasmira, Gandhara, Yavana, Vanavasa and Tamraparni-dvipa is most interesting since it reminds us of the package .... taraj-achariyanan Kasmira-Gamdhara-China-Chilata-Tosali-Avaramta-Varga-Vanatasi-Yarana-Damila-Palura-Tantapannidipapasadakanan Theriyanan Tamba pamnakanam suparigahe Siripavale Vijayapuriya pura-disabhage vihare Chula-Dhanmagiriyan Chetiya-gharam an-pata-santharam sa-chetiyar sava-niyutan karitam uvasikaya Bolhisiriya occurring in another inscription from Nagarjunikonda. The passage states how an upasika (female lay worshipper of the Buddha) named Bodhisri was responsible 1 Soe Childers' Pali Dictionary, s.v. sanghafo. The intended reading does not appear to be samghadani. The word pasadaka means literally 'causing serenity or happiness' and figuratively converting to the Buddhist faith'. The Maharamsa unes the expression dipa-prasadako thero to indicate the monk who converted the Island (Ceylon)'. See Childers, op. cit., s.v. * Vogel suggests the restoration bhadanta-raj-achariyanan here. But the intended reading appears to be Achantaraj-achariyanan occurring in a similar context, in another Nagarjunikonda inscription (Nagarjunikonda Souvenir, ed. Rama Rao, pp. 44-45) and probably meaning the teachers of the Achantaraja school'. Above, Vol. XX, p. 22.

Page #350
No. 46] FOOTPRINT SLAB INSCRIPTION FROM NAGARJUNIKONDA 249 for the construction of a Chaitya-griha in the monastery on the Little Dharmagiri in the Sriparvata range to the east of the city of Vijayapuri for the acceptance of certain Acharyas or Buddhist teachers who are stated inter alia to have belonged to the Tamraparna or Tamraparni country, i.e. Ceylon (Tamba pamnaka), and converted to the Buddhist faith the peoples of Kasmira, Gandhara, China, Kirata, Tosali, Aparanta, Vanga, Vanavasi, Yavana, Damila, Palura and Tamraparni-dvipa. Although the list of countries in the present epigraph contain only five out of the twelve names of the other inscription probably due to the shortage of space, the teachers mentioned in the two records may be the same. In that case, the Buddhist teachers referred to in our inscription were of Ceylonese origin. The epithet theriyanam applied to achariyanam in both the inscriptions is interesting. The word theriya in the masculine plural used in the Mahavansa has been taken to mean the fraternities of the Theravadins'.1 Vogel, who edited the other Nagarjunikonda inscription referred to above, derived the word theriya from thera, 'a monk, an elder'. According to him, theriya is primarily an adjective meaning 'belonging to the theras or monks' from which comes the substantive sense of 'a fraternity or community (of monks)', while N. Dutt commenting on Vogel's views was inclined to interpret the word theriyanan as 'of the nuns' and took all the epithets in the feminine gender. But the epithet Mahavihara-vasinan (of those dwelling in the Mahavibara or Great Monastery) used in our record is in the masculine and shows that Dutt's interpretation is wrong. This Mahavihara seems to be identical with the Buddhist monastery of that name mentioned in several other Nagarjunikonda inscriptions referring to 'the Mahacbaitya in the Mahavihara' and indicating the location of the monastery in the Nagarjunikonda valley. As it is difficult to believe that the Great Monastery at the Ikshvaku capital accommodated nuns, this fact also appears to go against Dutt's suggestion. The epithet Vibhaja-vada (Vibhajja-vada) indicates that the teachers in question belonged to the Vibhajja-vada school. Vibhajja-vada is the doctrine of analysis or the religion of logic or reason and is identical with the Theravada or doctrine of the Elders, which was the original teaching of the Buddhist Church. Thus our inscription mentions the teachers both as Theriya (i.e. Thera-vadin) and as Vibhaja-vada (i.e. Vibhajja-vadin). The remaining two epithets refer to the learning of the Buddhist teachers. One of them says that they were experts in determining the meaning and implication of the nine-fold teachings of the Sastri, i.e. the Buddha (naranga-Sathu-sasana-atha-vyajana-vinichhaya-visarada=nav-angaSastri-fasan-artha-vyanjana-vinischaya-vibarada). Pali Satthu-sasana (Sanskrit Sastri-sasana) is often used in literature to indicate Buddha-easana, i.e. the doctrine or teachings of the Buddha, one of the Lord's popular names being Sattha (Sanskrit Sastri). The nine divisions of the Buddhist scripture are Sutta (sermons in prose), Geyya (sermons in prose and verse), Veyyakarana (explanation or commentary), Gatha (scriptures in stanzas), Udana (pithy sayings), Itivuttaka (short speeches of the Buddha), Jataka (stories of the Buddha's former births), Abbhuta-dhamma (stories of miracles) 1 Cf. Childers, op. cit., 8.v. ** Abovo, Vol. XX, pp. 23, 29. He took the Achariyas as different from the fraternities (of monks) of Tambapamhna (Ceylon)'. Cf. IHQ, Vol. VII, pp. 633 ff. Of. Above, Vol. XX, p. 19 (Ayaka pillar inscription B5, line 5), p. 22 (second apsidal templo inscription F. line 3); Vol. XXI, p. 66 (pillar inscription M 2, line 3). It is doubtful if the Mahavihara-vasins mentioned in our noord can be regarded as a subsect of the Theravadin-Vibhajjavidin community (cf. MASI, No. 71, p. 36). See P.T.S. Pali Dictionary, s.v.

Page #351
250 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXXIII and Vedalla (teachings in the form of questions and answers). The other epithet says that the teachers knew the traditions of the different classes of Buddhist recluses by heart (ariya-vamsa-pavenidhara=arya-ramba-praveni-dhara). The expression paveni-dhara may be compared with dhammadhara, vinaya-dhara, matika-dhara, etc., of the Pali literature as well as vinaya-dhara and mahavinaya-dhara of the Amaravati inscriptions and Digha-Majhima-nikaya-dhara in a Nagarjunikonda inscription. According to Buddhist scripture, there are four classes of recluses (ariya-vansa, literally 'noble family'), viz. those who are contented with the robes presented to them, those who are contented with the food presented to them, those who are contented with the bedding presented to them, and those who delight in meditation. Of the geographical names mentioned in the inscription, Kasmira is still known by its ancient name. Gandhara (the Rawalpindi-Peshawar region), Vanavasa (the district round Banavasi in the North Kanara District) and Tamraparni-dvipa or the Isle of Tamraparni (Ceylon) are wellknown. By Yavana, possibly the old Greek settlement in the Kabul valley was meant. TEXTS 1 Sidham [1*] achariyanam Theriyanam Vibhaja-vadanam Kasmira-Gamdhara-Yavana Vanavasa-Tambapamnidipa-pasadakanan 2 Mahavihara-vasinan nava[m]ga-Sathu-sasana-atha-vyajana-vinichhaya-visaradanam ariya va[m]sa-paveni-dharanam 3 vihare Bhagavato pada-samghala nipatithapitosava-satanam hita-sukh-athanaya ti? TRANSLATION Let there be success! The pair of feet of the Lord (i.e. the Buddha) has been installed, with the prayer for the welfare and happiness of all beings, in the monastery of the teachers who are Theriyas (i.e. Thera-vadins) (and) Vibhajja-vadas i.e. Vibhajja-vadins) ; who caused delight to (i.e. converted to the Buddhist doctrine) (the people of) Kasmira, Gandhara, Yavana, Vanavasa and Tamraparni-dvipa ; who are the residents of the Great Monastery; who are experts in the determination of the meaning and implication of the nine-fold teachings of the Sastri (i.e. the Buddha); (and) who know the traditions of the four) clasees of (Buddhist) recluses by heart. 1 Cf. ibid., s.v. * Burgess, op. cit., p. 37, No. 8; p. 102, No. 26. . Above, Vol. XX, pp. 17, 29. See Successors of the Satavahanas, p. 31. From impressions. * The intended reading is either sanghada nipalithapitz or samghado nipatijapito. "The punctuation is indicated by s horizontal line.

Page #352
FOOTPRINT SLAB INSCRIPTION FROM NAGARJUNIKONDA NUCLEO WISHESE A JIGGWAXAA SELLE LC/UU$?z ZKARJA, LANQUGDULNORA DANEAN WANITA JOI AKSIDAT PURTZIKOLAJ, UK, UDORuk 12 Scale: Two-thirds

Page #353
(from a Photograph)

Page #354
No. 47-NOTES ON SENAKAPAT INSCRIPTION No. 1 V. V. MIRASHI, NAGPUR (Received on 22.11.1957) Drs. M. G. Dikshit and D. C. Sircar have edited the Senakapat inscription of the time of Sivagupta Balarjuna in this journal, Vol. XXXI, pp. 31 ff. This inscription records the construction of a Siva temple and some grants of land in favour of the god installed therein and some Saiva ascetics connected therewith, by Durgarakshita, son of Devarakshita, who was a minister of the Panduvamal king Nannaraja, the great-grandfather of Sivagupta Balarjuna. In the course of the description of Devarakshita there occurs a stanza (verse 7) which the editors have read as follows: Yo Vindhya-dharddhi(r-ddha)rateam Vara[da]-tata-parikata(ta) cha samprapya | ashpripadnika Yatoohandagar-akhyaga khyatish(tim) !! The editors have taken this verse to mean that Devarakshita obtained (apparently from king Nannaraja) the governorship of the Vindhyan territory (Vindhya-dhur-dharatva) as far as the banks of the river Varada (Varada-tata-parihata) and that he became well-known as Yasobhandagara (literally, a store-house of fame').1 The editors' reading and interpretation of this verse are open to several objections. I have in my possession two excellent impressions of this record which Dr. M. G. Dikshit placed at my disposal when he consulted me about the reading and interpretation of this verse. On referrring to them I find that the reading Varada-tata-parihatam(tam) adopted by the editors is very doubt ful. Varada is indeed fairly clear, but the next two aksharas are indistinct, the second being mutilated in the crack which has divided the stone into two parts. Still, in view of the mention of the Varada, it is not unlikely that the following two aksharas were intended to be tata (or rather, kata).* The next four aksharas, however, are certainly not parihatam. The first has a clear curve at the top of its vertical and must be read as pha. The second akshara can hardly be read as ri. It is clearly li; see the form of la in degotpalad in line 1. The reading is, therefore, Varada-tala(or, rather kata)-phalihatam. This, however, does not yield a good sense. The writer or the engraver has evidently committed some mistake here as in some other places in this record. Perhaps, the intended reading is Varada-tata-phanihatam cha samprapya. Dikshit and Sircar, who read Varadatata-parihatam, had to change it into Varada-tata-parihatam to make it qualify Vindhya-dhurdharatvam. But the use of cha after this word clearly shows that Devarakshita had not one, but two attainments, which made him well-known as Yaso-bhand-agara (a store-house of fame). Besides, mere appointment to the Vindhya region, even though it may have extended to the banks of the Varada, would not make a man a store-house of fame. I think, therefore, that the inten ded reading of this verse is as follows: Yo Vindhya-durdharatvam Varada-tata-phanihatam cha samprapya | sashpraptain-iha Yasookandagar-akkyayd khydtim | 1 Above, Vol. XXXI, p. 32. Cf. Bennaka ja mentioned in the Tirodi plates (above, Vol. XXII, p. 172). [See below, p. 255.-Ed.] (251)

Page #355
252 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXXIII 'Having become irresistible like the Vindhya mountain and having exterminated a Naga [king] (Phanin) of Varadatata, [Devarakshita] became well-known as a store-house of fame '.1 From the mention of the river Varada in the description of Devarakshita, who was a minister of the Panduvamsi king Nannaraja, the editors have conjectured that Nannaraja's dominions included the area about the Chanda District. They further say that this inference is supported by the inscription from Bhandak situated on the bank of the Wardha in the Chanda District, which describes Bhavadova Ranakesarin as having restored a derelict Buddhist temple originally built by Suryaghosha, an ancient king of that area. This conjecture also is equally baseless. There is not an iota of evidence to show that the Panduvamsi kings were ever ruling over the Chanda District, or, for the matter of that, over any part of Vidarbha. The inscription of Bhavadeva Ranakesarin did not originally belong to Bhandak. Cunningham, who had noticed the inscription in the Nagpur Museum, conjectured that it must have come from Bhandak, because he was told at Bhandak that 'an inscription on a long red slab had been taken to Nagpur during the time of the Raja about 40 or 50 years previously by Wilkinson Saheb." As the inscription of Bhavadeva Ranakesrin records the restoration of a Buddhist temple and as there are extensive Buddhist remains at Bhandak, Cunningham conjectured that the inscription must have been brought from that place. The Nagpur Museum has no accurate information about the provenance of several stone records which were brought there from time to time from various places in the former Central Provinces and Berar. There was evidently no mention of Bhandak as the provenance of the inscription in the records of the Museum; for Kielhorn, who has edited it in the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, London, was informed that it had been brought there from Ratanpur. I discussed this question in detail in my article on the Mallar plates of Sivagupta and showed that the inscription must have been found somewhere in Chhattisgarh. My conjecture later received confirmation from a statement of Vinayakarao Aurangabadkar, who was deputed by Jenkins, Resident at Nagpur, to search for and report on the inscriptions in Chhattisgarh. In my article on the Somavamsi kings of Southern Kosala published in this journal several years ago, I drew attention to the statements in Aurangabadkar's report, an extract of which had been supplied to me by my friend Dr. Y. K. Deshpande who found it deposited in the India Office Library, London. As I pointed out at the time, Aurangabadkar states that the slab containing the inscription of Bhavadeva was affixed to a large temple at Arang. He gives a transcript and a short description of the contents of this record which leave no doubt about its identity'. Dikshit and Sircar are not inclined to believe the testimony of Aurangabadkar. They say, 'Unfortunately, even if an inscription of the Panduvamsis existed at Arang, its identification with the Bhandak epigraph cannot be established. It is doubtful if any importance can at all be attached to the alleged testimony of Aurangabadkar especially when the evidence of Cunningham and Stevenson seems to point to Bhandak as the provenance of the record'. As this matter is of considerable importance for the history of the Panduvamsi dynasty, I propose to examine this criticism in some detail. At the instance of Jenkins, Aurangabadkar visited several places in Chhattisgarh and submitted a report in Modi characters which is still preserved in the India Office Library (MSS., Marathi D, 1 Besides, the next stanza (verse 8) states that Devarakshita obtained from king Nannaraja a number of vishayas or districts. Verse 7 is, therefore, probably devoted to the adecription of his exploits. Above, Vol. XXXI, p 34. ASI, Vol. IX, p. 127. JRAS, 1905, p. 618. Above, Vol. XXIII, pp. 116 f. Ibid., Vol. XXVI.p.227 note 2.

Page #356
253 No. 47] NOTES ON SENAKAPAT INSCRIPTION 46).1 About the inscription in question he says, 'I give below a copy of the Sanskrit writing on & slab attached to a great temple at Aring (i.e., Arang)'. [Here follows a transcript of the inscription.] The inscription states that there was a king named Suryaghosha.... One of his relatives died by a fall from an upper storey. As a result of grief consequent on this, he became indifferent to worldly matters and built a large structure for a sage. Thereafter flourished Udayana, who was said to have belonged to the Pardava family...... His fourth son Bhavadeva was, like him, meritorious, brave and righteous. He built a Jaina temple. He belonged to the Jaina faith.' The relevant extracts from Aurangabadkar's report given above leave no doubt that the reJord whose contents he summarised therein was identical with the inscription of Bhavadeva Ranakesarin. This record is incised in acute-angled characters. It is creditable to Aurangabadkar that he could grasp the contents of it fairly correctly, though from the mention of Jina in verses 1 and 37 he was misled into supposing that it was a Jaina record. The foregoing account of Aurangabadkar's report would show that the doubts about the importance of his testimony are wholly unjustified and that there was no "speculation " on my part when I stated, on the authority of his report, that Bhavadeva Ranakesarin's epigraph originally came from Arang. Aurangabadkar was an employee of Richard Jenkins who was Resident at Nagpur from 1807 to 1826. He, therefore, saw the inscription in question in situ at Arang more than fifty years before Cunningham noticed it deposited in the Nagpur Museum. Aurangabadkar's statement is thus much more reliable than Cunningham's conjecture. In fact it clinches the issue and proves incontrovertibly that the record came from Arang. As for Stevenson's evidence, "it comes to nothing. He merely states that the inscription was found at Nagpur." He does not connect it with Bhandak or any other place. Apart from the testimony of Aurangabadkar, there are other reasons why the record could not have belonged to Bhandak. Bhavadeva Ranakesarin, who restored the dilapidated temple of the Buddha, was a cousin of the great-grandfather of Sivagupta Balarjuna,' who flourished in the first half of the seventh century A.D. He, therefore, cannot be referred to a period later than the beginning of the sixth century A.D. Suryaghosha, who originally built the temple of 1 Through the good offices of Dr. H. N. Randle, who was then in charge of the India Office Library, I obtained woveral years ago photostat copies of some portion of this report relating to some inscriptions of the Kalachuris of Ratanpur. Soo CII, Vol. IV, p. 601, note 1. Jenkins sent to the Asistio Society of Bengal a report about these inscriptions which was published in the Asiatic Researches, Vol. XV. * See the actual words of Aurangabadkar : 'yA AriMgyAce mahAdevAlayAce bagagavara saMskRta akSara lihile tyAcI nakkala ...."sUryaghoSa nAme rAjA pRthvIpatiH... tyAcA konhI eka Apta mADIvarUna paDUna melA. tyAce zokAstava vairAgya AMgI mAnUna RSIca sthAna moTha bAMdhala.yAce vaMzIcA rAjA udayena nAmaka.yAjalA parivavaMzIcA mhaNata hote...... pAcA cavathA putra bhavadeva nAmaka.hAhI tyAsArakhA guNavAna, pratApavAna sadAcArasaMpanna....'yA rAjAna a fer star. aerat ETETTE... [See below, p. 258.-Ed.) Cunningham noticed the inscription in the Nagpur Museum sometime before 1873. See his ASR, Vol. IX, po 187. See JBBRA8, Vol. I, 1841-44, pp. 148-49. Owing to & wrong reading of verse 5 of this inscription Stevenson supposed that Suryaghosha, who built the temple of the Buddha, was ruling over Orissa. See -JR48, 1905, p. 617, noto 1. * Seo the genealogical table in my 'Three Ancient Dynasties of Mahakosala' (Bulletin of the Deccan College Romarch Institute, Vol. VIII, pp. 47 f.).

Page #357
254 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (VOL. XXXIII the Buddha, is said to have flourished long before Udayana, the grandfather of Bhavadeva. He cannot therefore be later than the beginning of the fifth century A.D. In this period, the Chanda District and the surrounding territory were included in the dominions of the Vakatakas. Several inscriptions of the Vakataka king Paravarasena II, who flourished in this period, have been found in this region. No king named Suryaghosha could have ruled over this territory in the beginning of the fifth century A.D.: There was, however, another king of this name ruling in Chhattisgarh in this period, viz., Sura, whose descendant Bhimasena Il's copper plate inscription dated in G. 182 (501-02 A.D.) was discovered at Arang itself. Sura (often written as Sura) and Surya are synonyms in Sanskrit, both meaning the sun'. This also proves the correctness of Aurangabadkar's statement that the inscription of Bhavadeva Ranakesarin was originally at Arang. The question still remains: What was that record which, as Cunningham's informants told him, was removed from Bhandak to Nagpur ? In the absence of reliable information on the point, I previoulsy conjectured that it may have been the Nagpur Museum prasasti of the rulers of Malwa. Here also Aurangabadkar comes to our aid. He has given elsewhere a transcript of the so-called Sitabaldi inscription of the time of Vikramaditya VI, edited by Kielhorn in this journal, Vol. III, pp. 301 f. Cunningham found this record at Sitebaldi, a suburb of Nagpur ; but it did not evidently belong to that place originally ; for Sitabaldi or Nagpur was not in existence in the time of Vikramaditya VI of the Later Chalukya dynasty. Abo it four years ago, Dr. Deshpande showed me the transcript of an inscription which Aurangabadkar had found near the old caves at Bhandak and asked me if it had been published anywhere. I at once identified it with the aforementioned inscription of Vikramaditya VI. This is, therefore, the inscription which, as Cunningham was told at Bhandak, had been removed by Major Wilkinson from the Wijason Caves of Bhandak to Nagpur. The foregoing discussion must have made it plain that Bhavadeva Ranakesarin's epigraph originally belonged to Arang. Devarakshita, the ririster of Nannaraja, may have raided the country up to the bank of the Wardha, but that does not prove that the Panduvamsis were ruling over the region round Chanda. Cf. Gachchhati bhuyasi kale bhumipatik........ Udayana-nama samutpannab in Bhavadeva's ingcription, JRAS, 1905, p. 626. *[Soe below. p. 256.-Ed.] . This has already been pointed out in my aforementioned article on the three ancient dynasties of Mahikosala. . Above, Vol. XXIII, p. 117.

Page #358
No. 2 D. C. SIROAR, OOTACAMUND (Received on 1.2.1958) Prof. V. V. Mirashi has offered above, pp. 251 ff., his views on the reading and interpretation of verse 7 of the Senakapat inscription with reference to his theories that no portion of the Marathispeaking area formed a part of the dominions of the Panduvamsis of Kosala and that the Bhandak inscription was brought to the Nagpur Museum not from Bhandak in the Chanda District but from Arang in the Raipur District. We do not think that he has succeeded in proving the point to the satisfaction of scholars. He suggests the reading Vindhya-dhurddhri(dur-ddha)ratvan and Varada-tata(or kata)-Phanihatam in the stanza which was read by us as follows : Yo Vindhya-dhurddhri(rddha)ratvan Varada-tata-parihatam(tum) cha samprapya | sapraptavan=1 ha Yasobhandagar-akhyaya khyatim (tim) || Both his readings and emendations appear to us doubtful and unacceptable. But his arguments in favour of the suggestions are more dubious. He thinks that Devarakbuita, whose exploite are described in the stanza, performed two feats according to its first half as indicated by the word cha therein, viz., irresistibility like the Vindhyas and the extermination of the Phanin or Naga king of the Varada valley, and that the said two achievements led to his celebrity as Yasobhandagara, the store house of fame'. Not only are Prof. Mirashi's reading, emendation and interpretation of Vindhya-durddharatvan and Varada-tata-Phani-hatam farfetched and unsatisfactory, his objections against our interpretation of the stanza appear to be based on misunderstanding. We understood the stanza as follows: Yah Varada-tata-parihatan Vindhya-dhur-dharatuan sarprapua. iha Yasobhandagar-akhyaya khyatir cha sampraptavan in which cha does not offer any difficulty at all. There is also no difficulty if his achievement recorded in the first half of the verse is regarded as the cause of Devarakshita's celebrity as the store-house of fame', since the implication is that he conquered the Vindhyan region as far as the banks of the Varada on behalf of his master who made him the governor of that newly annexed territory and conferred on him the title of Yasobhandagara. We do not find any difficulty if, according to verse 8 of the record, Devarakshita received from his master a few.other vishayas either for governing or as fiefs, although the vishayas referred to in these stanzas Inay have been actually comprised in the Vindhyan tract mentioned in verse 7. In any case, even according to Prof. Mirashi's suggestion, Devarakshita, a general of the Panduvamsi king Nanna, became famous after having killed a Naga king of the Varada valley. He therefore, admits Pinduvamsi association with the valley of the Varada. But in his opinion, Devarakshita merely raided the country upto the banks of the Varada and this fact does not prove that the Panduvamsis were ruling over the region ground Chanda. That the reference is only to & raid and not to the occupation of the Varada valley by the Panduvamsi general is, however, purely a matter of opinion. Even if, therefore, Prof. Mira hai's doubtful reading, emendation and interpretation of verso 7 of the Saua kapat inscription are accepted, they do not prove that the Varada valley lay outside the dominions of the Panduvamals. In this connection, Prof. Mirashi has offered a number of suggestions such as that the Vakatakas were in occupation of the Chanda region in the beginning of the fifth century, that Suryagbosha ( 256 )

Page #359
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXXIII mentioned in the Bhandak inscription ruled in that very period, that this Suryaghosha has to be identified with Sura, the ancestor of Bhimasena II of the Arang copper-plate inscription, and that the said inscription of Bhimasena is dated in the Gupta year 182 (501-02 A.D.). All these suggestions are mere speculations and are, therefore, absolutely unwarranted. There is no clear evidence of Vakataka rule in the Chanda region in the beginning of the fifth century. If one suggests that the Vakatakas conquered the area from Suryaghosha, it would be at least as good a conjecture as any of Prof. Mirashi's. The exact period wheh Suryaghosha of the Bhandak inscription flourished is impossible to determine with the evidence at our disposal. The identification of Suryaghosha with Sura is no better than fantastic. The date of the Arang inscription of Bhimasena II is very clearly and certainly the Gupta year 282 (601-02 A.D.). The main object of Prof. Mirashi's note is to reiterate his contention that the Bhandak inscription of Bhavadeva Rapakesarin, now in the Nagpur Museum, was really brought to the Museum from Arang and not from Bhandak, a theory associated with another conjecture that no Marathi-speaking territory formed a part of the dominions of the Panduvameis. This he has tried to prove on the basis of the evidence of Aurangabadkar who is supposed to have noticed the same inscription in a temple at Arang. It has, however, been forgotten that, in the Mahamayi temple at Arang, there is an inscription of the same Bhavadeva Rapakesarin, which has been noticed in Hiralal's List, 2nd edition, p. 110, No. 183. This Arang inscription is damaged and has not been fully deciphered. But it is interesting to note that the name of Ranakesarin occurs in line 13 of both the Bhandak inscription in the Nagpur Museum and the Arang Mahamayi temple inscription. This shows that the two inscriptions had similar, if not exactly the same, contents. Aurangabadkar, therefore, must have noticed this inscription at Arang. It appears that the old king named Suryaghosha built one temple at Bhandak and another at Arang and that both of them were repaired by Bhavadeva Ranakesarin. Bhavadeva's interest in the temples built by Suryaghosha can be easily explained if the latter was an ancestor of the former's mother. 256 Prof. Mirashi is eager to show, in support of his theories, that some other inscripton brought to the Nagpur Museum by Wilkinson was confused by Cunningham with Bhavadeva Ranakesarin's record. Formerly he suggested that it was the Nagpur Museum prasasti of the Paramaras that was brought from Bhandak. But now he says that this suggestion was offered in the absence of reliable information. Now, on the authority of Aurangabadkar, he suggests that it was the Sitabaldi inscription of Vikramaditya VI, and not the Bhandak nscription of Bhavadeva Rapakesarin, that was brought from Bhandak to the Nagpur Museum. But this is as clearly unwarranted as the older suggestion. According to local information available to Cunningham at Bhandak, which Prof. Mirashi has himself quoted, the inscribed stone taken away by Wilkinson was a long red slab. This description suits the Bhandak inscription of Ranakesarin in the Nagpur Museum very well and not the Sitabaldi inscription of Vikramaditya VI even in the least. Bhavadova Ranakesarin's Bhandak inscription measures four feet and ten inches in length and one foot and eleven inches in height, although the number of missing syllables at the end of the lines show beyond doubt that the original length of the slab was not less than six feet and a half. On the other hand, the Sitabaldi inscription of Vikramaditya VI is engraved on an elaborately sculptured pillar and the writing covers an area about two feet in length and eleven inches in height. It is impossible to believe that the villagers of Bhandak could have referred to this pillar inscription as an epigraph on a long red slab of stone. It is difficult to believe that Sitabaldi did not exist before Vikramaditya VI. Even if Vikramaditya's epigraph was brought there from Bhandak, Bhavadeva Ranakesarin's inscription could also have been brought to the Nagpur Museum from the same place.

Page #360
No. 48-INSCRIPTION FROM HOMBLI . (1 Plate ) G. 8. GAI, OOTACAMUND (Received on 10.9.1958) The subjoined inscription was copied by me on the 24th December 1946 at Homblu, a village in the Hangal Taluk of the Dharwar District, Mysore State. The village is situated at a distance of about 10 miles to the north east of Hangal, the headquarters of the Taluk. The inscribed slab is lying in a field called Kali Hakkala (Survey No. 19). The inscription is written in two sections, called here A and B, which are engraved side by side on the same slab and occupy a rectangular space measuring 2'10" by 11.5" with a small gap of 2.5' between them. Bection A is enclosed by three straight lines, only the left side having no such line, while section B is enclosed by such lines on all the four sides. The writing of A covers an area about 1'4.5' by 10" while that of B about 1'2' by 10'. There are only 5 lines of writing in either of the sections, so that the whole inscription is written in 10 lines. A piece of stone has been chipped off from Section B resulting in the loss of a few letters in lines 6-8. But the preservation of the writing on A is quite satisfactory. As will be seen below, both the sections of the inscription record the death of a hero in a tight and as such the slab may be called a herostone (viragal). But it does not contain any sculptures depicting s fighting scene and the death of the hero, which are usually found on such inscribed slabs. The characters of the record are Kannada-Teluga of the 8th century A. D. The letters are neatly and deeply engraved. Initial a occurs in lines 1, 7 and 8. No distinction is made between e and e which are found in lines 3 and 5 respectively. Final I is met with in lines 3 and 8 and final n in lines 5 and 10. As regards orthography, it may be observed that the reduplication of a consonant following is found only in some cases The language of the inscription is Kannada and the text is written in prose. The dative suffix akke in lines 5 and 10, the conjunctive suffix um in lines 2 and 9, and the verbal form eridu in lines 4 and 5 and eridan in lines 5 and 10 are some of the early features of the Kannada language. Section A records the death of Badugiltigamunda of (i.e. son or servant of) Kargamunda after having pierced and won [the fight against Madamma of Nareyangal when Marakke-arasa was governing Banavasi Twelve thousand. The object of section B is to record the death of Animenti, son of [Pri]yamenti of Kargamunda in & fight which is apparently the same as referred to in Section A. The record is not dated nor is the reigning king to whom it should be referred mentioned. But the mention of Marakke-arasa as the governor of Banavasi 12,000 throws some light on the question. Now a record from Naregal, about 2 miles from Hombli, refers itself to the reign of a king named Dora and mentions a certain Marakka-arasa as governing the Banavasi 12,000 province, evidently as a feudatory of the king. This Dora has been identified with the Rashtrakuta king Dhruva who was the son of Krishna I and ruled from 780-94 A.D. The characters of this Naregal inscription are exactly similar to those of our record. And the object of that inscription is also to record the death of a pereon named Dommarakadava[m] on the occasion of a cattle-raid. 1 It is noticed in A. R. Ep., 1946-47, App. B, Nog. 221 and 222. The oxpression menti in Kannada means 'chief or headman'. But it appears to have been affixed to the proper name here. In the case of his father Priyamenti, it may be taken as a proper name or to mean a dear or beloved chief' and, in the latter case, he might be identified with Badugilti-gamunda of Section A. * Abovo, Vol. VI, pp. 102-03. * Ibid. p. 163. Floot's statement that he was the successor of Krishna I has to be modified in as much as Govinda II, elder brother of Dhruva, also ruled for a fow years (776-780 A. D.). (257)

Page #361
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXXIII There can be no doubt that Marakke-arasa of our record is identical with the Marakka-arasa1 of the Naregal inscription. It is possible that the same fight is referred to in both the inscriptions. The same Marakka-arasa figures in an inscription from Sidenur in the Hirekerur Taluk of the Dharwar District. In this record also he is stated to have been governing the Banavasi-nadu as a subordinate of Dhorapparasa, i.e. Dhruva. In yet another record from Kachavis in the Hirekerur Taluk, belonging to the reign of Dhora-Dharavarsha, i.e. Dhruva, a certain Mara is introduced as administering the Banavasi 12,000 province. He is apparently the same as Marakka-arasa. Therefore the inscription under study may be assigned to the reign of the Rashtrakuta king Dhruva. In this connection, two records from Nulgeri in the Hirekerur Taluk may be noticed. One of them refers itself to the reign of a king Gondra under whom a certain Marake-arasa was governing Banavasi 12,000. Gondra may be the Rashtrakuta king Govinda II or III. The other record belongs to the time of Kannara, possibly Krishna I, and mentions his feudatory Marakersa as administering the nadu which may be taken to represent Banavasi-nadu. Marakersa may be the same as Marakka-arasa. Unfortunately the records are not illustrated. If, however, the identification of the kings mentioned in them with Krshna I and Govinda II is accepted, it follows that the Marakkaarasa was the governor of the Banavasi province from their time onwards. And, so far as I know, Marakka-arasa is the earliest known governor of the Banavasi 12,000 province under the Imperial Rashtrakuta kings. The Kachavi record informs us that he had a son named Kattyara from his senior queen Appa-Vineti and the Sidenur inscription apparently refers to the same queen as Binaeti-Abbe who is stated to have been administering the village (i.e. Sidenur). Only one geographical name occurs in the record, viz. Nareyamgal which is the modern Naregal situated about 2 miles from Hombli, the findspot of the inscription. Nareyamgal is also mentioned in the Naregal inscription referred to above. TEXT. Section A 258 1 Svasti srl-Marakke-arasar-Banava 2 si-pannirchcha(rchchha)siranum-ale Nareyagam-7 3 lla Madammana eda(di)rol Karga 4 mundara Badugilti-gamundann-e 5 ridu geldu sa (ava)rggala[ya*]kke eridan [*] Section B 6 Sri Kargamundara [Priya] menti 7 ya maga[m] Animenti. 10 le 8 gadol atavita11 kol[a] . la 9 mele kondu tanun sa(sva) 10 rggalayakk=#zidan [/*] 1 The slight difference in the spelling of the name may be attributed to scribal error. Its form in the Naregal record seems to be correct. A. R. Ep., 1935-36, App. D., B. K. No. 94. Prog. Kan. Res. Bomb. State, 1947-52, p. 43. Ibid., p. 35. Prabhutavarsha Govindarasa under whom one Rajadityarasa was governing Banavasi-Mandala according to an inscription at Mavall in the Sorab Taluk of the Shimoga District (Ep. Carn., Vol. VIII, Sb. 10) has been identi fied with Govinda III (794-814 A. D.), son and successor of Dhruva. Cf. above, Vol. IX, p. 16. Similarly Prabhatavarsha Govindarasa under whom one Ereyammarasa was the governor of Banavasi-nadu as stated in another record from the same place (Ep. Carn., Vol. VIII, Sb. 9) may be identified with Govinda III. From the impressions. 7 Read Narenamga There is some trace of a subscript of r of this lost akshara which may be restored as pri. See above, p. 257, note 2. 10 Two aksharas lost here may be suggested to be a ka from the context. 11 This expression may mean 'here and there'. 12 One akshara is lost here, which may be resorted as ha from the context.

Page #362
INSCRIPTION FROM HOMBILI Section B Section A N SU Scale : One-fourth

Page #363

Page #364
No. 49-JNSCRIPTION IN CAVE IV AT AJANTA (1 Plate) D. C. SIRCAR, OOTACAMUND (Received on 15.11.1958) An inscription was recently discovered on the pedestal of the huge Buddha image in the shrine inside Cave IV at Ajanta in the Aurangabad District of Bombay State. Before the discovery of this record, it was generally believed that the cave bears no epigraphic records and therefore its age was a subject of speculation. The inscription is a votive record written in two lines only. The writing covers an area about 5 feet 6 inches long and about 41 inches high. Individual letters are about 1 inch in height although conjuncts and consonants with vowel-marks are bigger in size. The preservation of the writing is not satisfactory. Some of the letters are damaged here and there, while six letters are totally lost about the middle of line 2. The characters of the inscription closely resemble those of the epigraph of the time of the Vakataka king Harishena in Cave XVI at Ajanta and of the Ghatotkacha cave inscription at the village of Jangla about fifteen miles from Fardapur near Ajanta, which mentions king Divasona of the Vakataka dynasty. It has, however, to be pointed out that our inscription exhibits a form of th which is slightly later than that of the letter as found in the Vakataka inscriptions. While in the Vakataka records, a separate curve is attached to the inner side of the bottom, the present inscription exhibits a loop instead of the separate curve as in records like the Pipardula plates of king Narendra of Sarabhapura, who ruled about the beginning of the sixth century A. D. Since the Vakataka kinge Devasena and Harishena flourished about the second half of the fifth century A.D., our inscription, which is slightly later than their records, may be assigned to the first half of tae sixth century. It may be pointed out, in connection with the date of the record, that the earlier writers on the history of the Vakatakas entertained a wrong view in regard to the chronology of that dynasty. Some of these writers assigned the reigns of king Devasens and his son and successor Harishena to c. 475-500 A. D. and o. 300-20 A. D. respectively. But they mixed up the NandivardhanaPravarapura and Vateagulma branches of the family and wrongly made Devasena and Harishena 1 ASWI, Vol. I, pp. 53, 128 ff. and Plate LVI; above, Vol. XXVI, pp. 142 ff. and Plato facing p. 143 ; eto. ASWI, op. cit. pp. 138 #. and Plate IX. CE. IHQ. Vol. IX, Plato faoing p. 145, text line 8; cf. his Kurud plated above, Vol. XXXI, Plato facing p. 284, text line 13, and Maitraka Dronasimha's Bhamodra Mohota plates of 502 A.D. (abovo, Vol. XVI, Plato facing p. 18, text-line 2). It may be noticed in this comection that the Siroda plates of Dovaraja, which use the samo type of looped th (cf. lines 2, 6), have been assigned on palacographical grounds to the 4th centry A.D. (above, Vol. XXIV, p. 144; Vol. XXVI, p. 389; The Classical Age, p. 191). I have now no doubt, howover, that the palaeography of the record is not earlier than the beginning of the Bth oentury. * Soe above, Vol. XXXI, p. 267. ASWI, op. cit. p. 128. (259)

Page #365
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA 260 [VOL. XXXIII of the Vatsagulma branch the successors of their contemporaries of the Nandivardhana-Pravarapura branch. Another group of scholars assigned Pravarasena II of the Nandivardhana-Pravara pura branch, who was supposed to have been a predecessor of Devasena and Harishena, to the eighth century A. D. on the basis of the identification of his maternal grandfather Devagupta with Adityasena's son of that name ruling over Magadha about 680-700 A. D. It is, however, now known that the two branches of the royal family sprang from Vindyasakti's son Pravarasena I, the end of whose reign is referred to in the historical section of the Puranas, which was compiled when the Gupta empire was confined to Bihar and Eastern U. P., i.e. about the second quarter of the fourth century A. D. We now also know that the maternal grandfather of Pravarasena II of Nandivardhana-Pravarapura was not Devagupta of the so-called Later Gupta dynasty but the Imperial Gupta monarch Chandragupta II who ruled in the period 376-413 A. D. In the Vatsagulma branch, Pravarasena I was followed by: (1) his son Sarvasens ; (2-3) his sons Vindhyasakti II and Ptithivishena; (4) Pravarasena II, son of Prithivishena; (5) his son whose name is lost; (6) his son Devasena ; and (7) Devasena's son Harishena. In the other house, Pravarasena I was followed on the throne by : (1) his grandson Rudrasena I, son of Gautamiputra ; (2) his son Prithvishena I ; (3) his son Rudrasena II ; (4-6). his queen Prabhavatigupta,, daughter of Chandragupta II, and sons Damodarasena and Pravarasena II ; (7) 'Pravarsena's son Narendrasena ; and (8) his son Prithvishena II. Since Sarvagena began to rule about the second quarter of the fourth century, it is difficult to believe that the reign of his grandson's great-grandson Harishena extended beyond 500 A.D. Harishena's father Devasena again was the sixth in descent from Pravarasena I exactly as Pravarasena II of the other branch, who was the daughter's son of Chandragupta II (376-413 A. D.) and could not have ended his reign much later than the middle of the fifth century A. D. Since, however, Gautamiputra of the other branch apparently predeceased his father and did not rule, Narendrasena, son and successor of Pravarasena II of that branch, may be regarded as a contemporary of Devagena of Vatsagulma. Even then the rule of Devasena and Harishena should have to be attributed to a period before the close of the fifth century." The inscription is written in Sanskrit and its orthography resembles that of the contemporary Vakataka inscriptions. Consonants following have often been reduplicated. There are some orthographical errors. The object of the inscription is to record that the image, on the pedestal of which it is engraved, was the gift of a person who was the owner of the monastery', i.e. who built Cave IV at Ajanta. The epigraph begins with a damaged Siddham symbol and this is followed by the two sentences in which the record is written. The first sentence states that the object on which the inscription is incised (i.e. the Buddha image) was the deya-dharma or gift of a person named Mathura who was the son of Abhayanandin and Skandavasu and belonged to the Karvatiya gotra. Apparently Abhayanandin was the name of Mathura's father and Skandavasu that of his mother, although female names like Skandavasu are not often met with. The Karvatiya gotra is not known from ancient Indian literature. Mathura is further described as the Viharasvamin or 'the owner of the monastery'. The monastery referred to is undoubtedly Cave IV at Ajanta, in which the Amage of the Buddha bearing the inscription under study is enshrined. The second sentence, with which the inscription ends, states, in the usual Mahayana style, that the merit accruing to the pious act of Mathura was meant for the attainment of the supreme knowledge by all beings including his parents and others. 1 See OII, Vol. III, Introduction, p. 15. * For the dates of these Vakataka kings, see The Classical Age, pp. 177 ff. . It does not appear to be a singlo namo reading Abhayanandiskandavasu. It is also doubtful whether we can suggest Abhayanandin alias Skandavasu.

Page #366
261 No. 49] INSCRIPTION IN CAVE IV AT AJANTA The passage indicating the persons for whose supreme knowledge the pious act is stated to have been made reads: mata-pitros tat-ambayas-ch-agr-anvavaya-su..........s-sarvva-satva(ttva)nanch-anuttara-jnana(n-a)vaptaye. The expression tat-ambayah in the singular may of course mean 'the amba (i.e. mother) of [one's] tata (i.e. father)', that is to say, 'one's father's mother'. There are, however, words of common use in Sanskrit to indicate one's father's mother and tat-amba is not such an expression. It is, therefore, not improbable that the expression has been used in the inscription to convey a special meaning such as that of one's father's step-mother or aunt. The expression agr-anvavaya-su is incomplete as about six aksharas of the line are lost after su. We may possibly suggest agr-anvavaya-suhridam, 'of the prominent friends of the family [of Mathura, the donor of the image]'. There is space for another word between su[hridam] and s-sarvva and we are inclined to restore the damaged section as 'suhridams-ch-atmanas-sarvvadeg, the word atmanah meaning of one's own'. Thus Mathura seems to have installed the Buddha image in the Vihara or Buddhist monastery (i.e. Cave IV at Ajanta), which he caused to be built, for the attainment of supreme knowledge, leading to Nirvana, by all beings including his parents, his father's mother, step-mother or aunt, the prominent friends of his family and his own self. The importance of the inscription lies in the welcome light it throws on the controversy about the age of Cave IV at Ajanta. The difference of opinion amongst scholars is due to the fact that, in the absence of any inscription in the said Cave, they had so long to depend entirely on the less specific evidence such as that of architectural and sculptural style. Besides the absence of inscriptions in many of the caves, another fact contributing to the confusion regarding the dates of the Ajanta caves is the wrong date assigned by earlier writers to kings Devasena and Harishena of the Vakataka family, during whose rule respectively the Ghatotkacha Cave and Cave XVI at Ajanta were excavated. This point has already been discussed above. A number of writers on the subject are inclined to assign Cave IV at Ajanta to a date between the sixth and eighth centuries A. D. They divide twentynine caves at Ajanta into two broad groups, the first of which is called Early or Hinayana and Caves VIII-XIII are included in it by some scholars. This group of caves is assigned to the period between the second century B.C. and the second or third century A. D. The second group, called Later or Mahayana and supposed to be removed from the other by a considerable period of time, is subdivided into two sub-groups. To the first of these two are assigned Caves XIV-XX believed to have been excavated in the sixth century due to Cave XVI bearing an inscription mentioning Vakataka Harishena whose reign was assigned to the age in question, while Caves VI-VII of the same class are attributed to a date between 450 and 550 A. D. Caves I-V and XXI-XXIX, constituting the second sub-group of the Later or Mahayana group and assigned to the period between 500 and 650 A. D. or between the sixth or seventh and the seventh or eighth centuries A.D., are called the latest Caves at Ajanta ' and' the most ornate group of the whole series'. According to these scholars, therefore, Cave IV, the largest Vihara at Ajanta, belongs to the latest group of Ajanta Caves which may be as late as the seventh or eighth century A. D. There is, however, another view, according to which Cave IV is the earliest Mahayana Vihara at Ajanta and 'was probably excavated in the third century A.D. or still earlier' though the decorative work may have been done at a later date. But the inscription under study now shows that the cave was excavated about the first half of the sixth century A. D. 1 J. Fergusson and J. Burgess, The Cave Temples of India, 1880, pp. 80 ff.; J. Burgess ASWI, Vol. IV (Report on the Buddhist Cave Temples and their Inscriptions, 1876-79), pp. 43 ff.; J. Fergusson, History of Indian and Eastern Architecture, 2nd ed., pp. 188 ff.; A. Coomaraswamy, History of Indian and Indonesian Art, pp. 28, 76 96; etc. There is difference among scholars as regards the date of individual caves. G. Yazdani, Ajanta, Part III, Text, 1946, p. 7.

Page #367
282 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (VOL. XXXIII TEXT 1 (Siddham Ell" doya-dharmmwyatta vihara-svamind-bhayanandi-Skandavasu-putrasya Ma thurasya Karvvatiy[a]-sagotrasya [l*) yad-atra punyam 8 tad-bhathtu mata-pitroparteat-Amblykk-cb=&gr-anva[vdjya-su ............. S-Barvva-matvd ( a)nainch[nujttara-jnan&(n-&)vaptayo t[i](iti )

Page #368
INSCRIPTION IN CAVE IV AT AJANTA Left Half Right Hall Scale : One-fourthi

Page #369

Page #370
No. 50-RATNAGIRI PLATES OF SOMAVAMSI KARNA (2 Plates) DEBALA MITRA, CALOUTTA (Received on 14.10.1958) In 1958, while camping at Ratnagiri (lat. 20deg 38' 30"; long. 86deg 21') in the Cuttack District, Orissa, in connection with the excavation of the Buddhist remains at the hill-top, I came to know that a copper plate lying with a villager had been removed to Puri by & Police Officer. An enquiry revealed that the plate is now in the possession of Pandit Sadasiva Ratha Sarma of Puri. Though it has not yet been possible for me to examine this plate in original, it appears almost certain that it is none other than the one already published by Narayana Tripathi in the Journal of the Bihar and Orissa Research Society, Vol. XVI, 1930, pp. 206-210 and Plate. In the hope that the remaining two plates (the Somavambi charters being triphali-tamrasasanas) might still be available at Ratnagiri itself, I proceeded to make enquiries of the local people and succeeded in locating one of the plates (the third of the complete set) with Shri Raghunath Jena, ex-zamindar of the village. A further search brought to light the second plate in the series, which was lying in the possession of a local gentleman named Dasu Mallik. These two plates, together with the one previcusly published, complete the charter. It was reported to me that all the three plates, originally strung together on a ring (now lost), had been found in an earthern pot by the late Shri Sanatana Mallik, father of the above-mentioned Dasu Mallik, about fifty years back in the south-eastern part of a mound, locally known as Ranipukhuri (literally 'the queen's tank"), situated at the top of the hill at Ratnagiri. Both the plates edited here are well-preserved and measure 14 inches in length, the widths of the second and third plates being respectively 8-9 and 8-7 inches. They have a ring-hole, .8 inch in diameter, at the centre of the left margin. A portion was cut off from both the plates evidently for testing the metal. The second plate (i.e. the first of the set available to me), weighing 3 seers and 13 tolas, is inscribed on both the sides, while the third, which weighs 2 seers and 564 tolas and has a raised rim, is engraved only on one side. The second plate contains eighteen lines of writing on the obverse as well as on the reverse and the third only fourteen lines, the average number of letters per line being thirtythree. The letters are nicely and boldly engraved and have the average height of 4 inch. The palaeography of the charter resembles that of the Orissan inscriptions of about the twelfth century. The top horizontal line of the letters has a triangular hook below on the left side. The consonants p and y are often undistinguishable ; so also are ch and r. The medial sign of u closely resembles that of subscript v. The language is Sanskrit and the record is written partly in verse and partly in prose, though the influence of the local language is noticed in the word Atthavisa for Ashlavim sa (line 33) as well as in the words indicating taxes, viz. chitola, andharua, pratyandharua, antaravaddi, rintakavaddi and vasavaki (lines 38 and 39). As regards orthography, apart from obvious scribal mistakes, the following features may be mentioned the use of sh for 8 in Koshala (line 19) and Toshali (line 33), of s for sh in sata (line [Seo below, pp. 269-70.-Ed.] * The excavations at this mound revealed two full-fledged monasteries. ( 263 )

Page #371
264 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [Vol. XXXIII 66), of & for & in Kasya pa (line 42), of n for final m in valliyan (line 30), angular (line 58), eto., and of the avagraha sign in some cases as yath=a'smabhi (line 36) and Sunasirta'rthavan (line 62); the reduplication of the consonant following the repha in some cases as in kurtti (lines 22, 30 and 61); etc. The charter was issued from Yayatinagara by Paramamahesvara Paramabhataraka Maharajadhiraja Paramesvara Somakulatilaka Trikalingadhipati Karnadeva alias Mahakivagupta on the twelfth day of the bright fortnight of the month of Asvina in his sixth regnal year. Its object was to record the grant of the village of Kona which was within the Brahmo-Atthavisa khanda (sub-division) of Uttara-Tosali to Rani Karpurasri who was the daughter of the son of Udayamati and the daughter of Maharima-Hunadevil and who belonged to the Kasyapa gotra having three pravaras. The mention of the names of her mother and grandmother instead of her father and grandfather is rather unusual. She hailed from the Mahavihara of Salonapura in Utkala-desa, which seems to have been a Buddhist monastery. In that case, she was a Buddhist, though she claimed a Brahmanical gotra. Her title Rani is equally enigmatic. It is not clear if she was the wife of some Ranaka or was one of the secondary queens. The list of persons addressed regarding the grant is identical with that of the Narasinghpur (Balijhari) plates' of Udyotakesarin and comprises officials and dignitaries like samaharti (collector of taxes), sannidhatri (receiver of stolen goods or an officer who introduces people of court), niyuktadhikarika, dandapasika (police officer), pisunavetrika (one who canes the wicked), avarodhajana (inmates of the seraglio), rajsi (chief queen), ranaka (subordinate chief), rajaputra (prince), rajavallabha (persons enjoying royal favour) and bhogijana (village-headman), besides the rural folk. The privileges to be enjoyed by the donee, over and above the common ones found in most grants, were hastidanda, varabalivardda, chittola, andharua, pratyandharua, adatta, padatijivya, antaravaddi, rintakavaddi, vasavaki, vishayali, ahi-danda, hala-danda, bandha-danda, vandapana and vijayavandapana, Most of these occur in the Narasinghpur plates of Udyotakesarin and the Kelga plates, though the exact significance of these still remains to be determined. Hasti-danda, tara-balivardda and hala-danda may mean taxes on the maintenance of elephants, superior bulls and ploughs. The ahi-danda might have been a tax imposed on snake-charmers who earned their livelihood by the exhibition of snakes. Padati-jivya, vandapana and vijaya-vandapana may respectively indicate subsistence for the infantry, tribute to the king and such tribute paid after the king obtained a victory. Karnadeva's minister for peace and war (sandhivigrahin) was Krishnadeva who apparently superceded the members of the Datta family who had held that post up to the reign of Udyotakesarin. Mahakshapatalin (chief accounts-officer) Chhittalla deva was responsible for getting the charter written and it was engraved on the plates by Sankhuka. The inscription throws considerable new light on the history of the later Somavamsis. It furnishes for the first time the names of the three immediate successors of Udyotak@sarin, namely, Janamejaya, his son Puranjaya, and his brother Karna. Of these, Karna is no doubt the same as the Utkalesa Karnakesarin mentioned in the commentary on the Ramacharita, though the suffix kesarin is absent in his own record. In verse 45 of the third Parichchhoda of this work, we are 1 See p. 267, pote 3. The name is not a pure Sanskrit one. This may be due to her Huna origin. [See below, pp. 272-73.-Ed.] JBORS, Vol. XVII, pp. 1 ff. . Above, Vol. XXVIII, pp. 321 ff. The evidence of the Ramacharita commentary and the Madala Parifi shows that the name-ending kesarin beoame associated with the later Somavamits following Udyotaknarin, though their own official records do not show this.

Page #372
265 No. 50] RATNAGIRI PLATES OF SOMAVAMSI KARNA told that Ramapala (c. 1077-1120 A.D.) favoured the vanquished king of Utkala, who belonged to the lineage of Bhava's ornament (i.e. the dynasty of the moon or the Soma-vamsa), and rescued the world from the terror of Kalinga after having killed those robbers of that place,' most probably led by the Ganga king Anantavarman Chodaganga. Ramapala accomplished this towards the later part of his reign following the consolidation of his empire after his victory over the Kaivarta king Bhima, most probably about the beginning of the twelfth century. The commentary on verse 5 of the second Parichchheda supplies the name of this Utkalesa as Karnakesarin who was defeated by Jayasimha, the feudatory ruler of Dandabhukti under Ramapala.3 King Janamejaya, son of Udyotakesarin, succeeded his father. In verse 13 he is stated to have threatened or surpassed the Naga king in bearing the weight of the earth. If this verse has any political significance, the Naga king must have been the Chhindaka-Naga Somesvara I (c. 1069-1097 A.D.) of Bastar, who is known to have come into conflict with the king of Udra.* Puranjaya, son of Janamejaya and grandson of Udyotakesarin, is praised in the inscription in high-sounding words. We are told that even the kings of Gauda, Dahala, Kalinga and Vanga were afraid of his prowess. This is a vague eulogy. The contemporary ruler of Gauda was Ramapala and the contemporary Kalachuri king of Dahala most probably Yasahkarna. The ruler of Kalinga was either Rajaraja I (1070-78 A.D.) or his son Chodaganga (1078-1147 A.D.). The king of Vaiga was no doubt the Yadava king Harivarman. Karpadeva, brother of Puranjaya and another grandson of Udyotakesarin, succeeded his brother. Like other members of his family, he was a devout' worshipper of the god Mahesvara. His viruda Mahasivagupta proves that the alternate assumption of the names Mahabhavagupta and Mahasivagupta was a regular feature in the dynasty. That the prasasti praises him only in vague terms shows that he was not a powerful ruler, though he was maintaining his independent existence in Utkala till his sixth regnal year, as his assumption of imperial titles like Paramabhattaraka Maharajadhiraja and Trikalingadhipati and also the grant of land in Uttara-Tosali testify. Among the geographical names mentioned in the inscription, Kona and Brahmo-Atthavisa are not readily identifiable. Uttara-Tosali roughly corresponded to the modern Balasore District with parts of the Cuttack and Midnapur Districts. Yayatinagara, whence the order conveying the gift was issued, is modern Jajpur, the capital of Utkala under the later Somavamais. Salonapura, evidently identical with Salonapur-adhivasa in Uttara-Tosali mentioned in the Nuelpur plates of the Bhauma king Subhakara, may be the modern Solampur (lat. 20deg 52'; long. 86deg 21') on the bank of the Vaitarani, about 2 miles from Jajpur, a town in the Bhadrak Sub-Division of the Balasore District. The village has yielded a rich crop of Buddhist images of the Mahayana-Vajrayana pantheon, such as Lokesvara, Jambhala and Vajrasattva. 1 Cf. Bhava-bhushana-santati-bhuvamanujagraha jitam-Utkala-tram yah jagad-avatisma samastam Kalingatas tan-nisacharan-nighnan. This refers to the earlier invasion of Chodaganga before his permanent conquest of Utkala. Cf. Simha iti Dandabhukti-bhupatir-adbhuta-prabhav-akara-kamala-mukula-tulit-Otkalesa-Karnakesarisaridvallabha-Kumbhasambhavo Jayasimhab. Above, Vol. X, p. 26. It may be mentioned that about 3 miles from Ratnagiri there is a village called Anikona which is reminiscent of Kona. The village Brahmapur, 14 miles north-east of Ratnagiri, recalls the first part of the name BrahmoAtthavisa. Above, Vol. XV, pp. 2 f.

Page #373
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (VOL. XXXILE TEXT Metres : verres 9, 13 Upajati ; verbes 10, 12, 17-Arya ; verses 11, 15 Rathoddhata ; verse 14 Vaxt fastha; Verse 16 Vasantatilaka; verses 18-20, 22-27, 30-32 Anushfubh; verse 21 Indravajra ; Verde 28 Salini, verse 29 Pushpitagra.) Second Plato, First Side 194 Bhatair=sv&shtavdha(bdha)m=idan narendrai rashtradvayam Konha(sa)lam=Utkalan= cha a-kantakarh sad hayatah samantadbhu(d=bhu)ja-dva20 yam yaeya krit-artham=asit || [9] Tasya tatah sukfita-phalam saphalikfita-loka-lochanas= tanayah sama> 21 jani gun-aika-sima sriman=U[at]dyotakosari npipatih || [10*) Bhakti-du(da)ra-nata-kuntala skhalan-mallika-kusu22 ma-d&ma-rajayah dhaukayanta iva kirtti(rtti)-santatir-yam=pranemur-abhito mahi bhujah || [11* Tanayas-tasya na23 masyan-narendra-maul-indranila-mani-madhupaih [l*) spingarita-pada-padmah samajani Janamejayo nfipatih || [12*] 24 Kripana-dhara-dhara-dhauta-vau(vai)ri-bhupala-kanta-ma(mri)ganabhi-pankah vasun dhara-bhara-maha-dhuri(ri)na-doh-kanda25 nirbha[r*]tsita-Nagarajah: ||[13*] Tatastanu(nujo' manuj-ottamo=bhavat Purajayo vairi-puran-jayo npipa) [l*) namat-kshi26 tis-archchita-pada-pankajah sphurat-Sunasira-samana-vikramah || [14] Gauda-pahala Kalinga-Vanga-ja bhubhu27 jo bhuja-nivarit-arayah | te=pi yasya bhuja-sara-lankaya kampamanam=anisam=mano dadhu28 h || [15*) Tasy=anuji nija-thuj-arjjita-saurya-surya-praudha-prabha-samita-satru-yasah Sasanka 29 h sri-Karnnadeva-ntipatih kshitipala-mauli-samlina-ratna-chaya-chumvi(mbi)ta-pada pithah || [16*] Tri-bhuva30 na-kutira-patale sarpati nijakiya-kirtti-valli(ll=i)yam(yam) | yasya samunnati-bhajan bhuja-yuga-nihari(sre)ni31 kam britva | [17") svasti sri-Yayatinagarata(rat) paramamahesvara-paramabhatta raka-maharajadhi32 raja-paramesvara-Soma-kula-tilaka-Tri-Kalingadhipati-sri-Mahasivaguptaraja devah 33 kusali | Uttara-Tosha(sa)liya-Vra(Bra)hmoshme?)-Atthavisal-khanda-sam Kona-gramah| Atastatic-khandiya-Vra(Bra)hma 1 From the original plates and their impressions. [See below, pp. 269-70-Ed.] * The numberings of the lines and verses are respectively in continuation of those of the first plate. While that plate ends with the name of the king Yayati, the second plate begins with the eulogy of that ruler and continues the genealogy down to his son Udyotakesarin in verses identical with the corresponding ones occurring in the Narasinghpur platos of the latter (JBORS, Vol. XVII. Pp. 1 ff.). * The reference is prohably to both Vasuki and a king of the Naga dynasty. * Correctly Ashfavithia. [See below, p. 273.-Ed.] Sam is a contraction of sambaddha. . [See below, p. 273.-Ed.]

Page #374
sp.1147-OML: @[ 20 RAA ma WA VA NO REG PIESEMBRISKIES JE SEVEDO 12RRELSERNSKE SISERENIEORUNUN DE DERRORISEERISETEERBESAR SEBE) PEDRO BERNARDVERE PEREN PER DAISEBRIS 2NBEEBIESKIEDENIS 08 DESE R SEBIUBIRE 29 EUR3BBEE BRODERIES BELEERDER PESNE POPESTETISTE US SEEDSBROS PORNO A SILISHKEBEBLIESEBBUBENSERE BILDE R REBBEPDESTIBBONG EGLENCEBREIRO) ELLEREGISTERECEVA a) WERKEERRRRSBEREBBRPODEDEDDIE MEGLERAREN B EZOL EPDORDERS NEAKERS GEBRUIKBERUPPB12100 XL24 REPELLERRONGERPRISESSE BEISBE BRUKEEPIRBREPESOR DERECEBER SBDBUBURDA RUBIDEZZFERARBRB 313 I ELVII-VNUVY ISWVAVWOS 10 SALVI TIVNLV

Page #375
es O ESPLOERLIBRILLELEGERSON SE ABRABRANDPIRERILLERS AFBERKERE BISOPPREUSMERJESTRA ENKELESTE os al BRBEJEBOBBPERBINTIS FREE ELIDIRRILESC)23: PSRS 31. DEODOLCE 80 BEEBILEESBEREDEPSERIEUSE BATERIRRORREPEBELSPERREGERI 96 KBSL 3AABELLE REBBIA, 3015 BERS BERBS DESCRIBEDIENABERTISI 3:10 + BEDEN921822@BEELDEPUREBERUB OPISusu ISIDRERENDE PERDECERE, ERREUBBEEBISET BP30HBERSBURE VIBUS REBEREIRRES BEHERE PRENSAS DIREKT OF EPESSEBYGGELEREUS DESIREEB3 BERISIRI 2 Sh NSPIREEMPRIRREBOURBE Es s < /a/ DE RED OBITEERDERERSEPEKBERGEBREISEGELL KSIONERA 9'*

Page #376
No. 50] RATNAGIRI PLATES OF SOMAVAMI KARNA 267 34 nan=apu(puljya samahartri-sannidhatri- | niyuktadhikarika- | dandapasika- 1 pisuna vetrik-avarodha36 [ja] na- rajni- ranakarajaputra- rajavallabha-1 bhogi-jana-pramukha-nivasi-samasta - janapadan=836 [nu]nayati vo(bo)dhayati samajnapayati viditam=astu bhavatam(tam) | yath=a'smabhir= ayan=gramah Second Plate, Second Side 37 sa-jala-sthalah sa-gartt-othars| s-amra-madhuka-prabhsiti-nana-vsikshah | sa-nidhih . B-opanidhi38 h | hastidanda- vara-va(ba)livardda- | chittola-1 andharua- pratyandharua adatta- padati-jivya-la39 ntaravaddi- rintakavaddi- vasavaki- vishayali- ahi-danda- hala-danda va(ba)ndha-danda- vandapana40 | vijayavandapana-prabhfiti-nana-marggani-sameta-bhavishyat-kara-sa hita!! sa-khandla paliyah 41 sarvva-vadha-varjjitah sarvv-oparikara-dana-sa hitah chatuh-sim-avachchhinnah Utkaladesiya-sri42 Salonapura-mahavihara-vinirggatayai | Kasya(sya)pa-sagotrayai try-arsha-pravara: yai | Udayama43 ti-naranyah pautryai | Maharima-Hunadevi(vi)-namnyah putryairani-ari-Karppuraeri namnau(mnyai) | sali44 la-dhara-purassaram(ram) | a-chand[r*]arka-kshiti-fama-kal-opabhog-artham mata pitror=atmanas-cha pu45 pya-yaso-bhivsiddhayel tamra-sasanen=akariksitya | sampradatta ity=&vagatya | samuchi46 ta-kara-bhaga-bhogam=upanayadbhi[r*]=bhavadbhih sukhena prativastavyam-iti | bhavibhis cha bhupati47 bhir=ddattiraiyan-asmadiya | dharmma-gauravad=asmad-anurova(dha)ch=cha sva-dattir iv=anupalaniya | tatha 48 ch=aktan-dharmmasastre ! Va(Ba)hubhi[T*)=vacudha datta rajawab Sagar-adibhil yasya yasya yada bhu49 mih ta(s=ta)sya tasya tada phalam(lam) || [18*] Ma bhud-a-phala-banka vah para-datt parthivah | sva-dattat phala50 m-anantyam- paradat[t*]-anupalanel' [19*] Shashtim varsha-sahasrani svarggo modat bhumidahakshepta 51 ch=anumanta cha dvau tau naraka-gaminau || [20*7 Agner=apatyam prathaman satsu varnnam bhur=Vvaishnavi Surya-su(su)ta 1 The danda here and in must of the cases in this line and the lines below is superfluous. * The first akshara in lines 35-36 is cut off. * The name may also be read Mahachimd. (See holow, p. 272.--Ede] 28 DGA/58 10

Page #377
268 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXXII 62 incha gavah | yah kanchanam ganwcha mahin=cha dadyat | dattas-trayas-tena bhavanti lokah || [21*] Asphota[ya). 53 nti pitaro valgayanti pitamaha b humi-data kule jatah sa nasatrata bhavishyati (29) Bhu[min] 54 yah pratigrihinati yas-cha bhumin prayachchhati | abbau tau punya-karmmanau niyata Svargga-gamisnau) || [23] :: Third Plate 66 Tadaganam sahasrena vajapaya-tatena cha | gavam koti-pradanena bhumi-hartta na su56 dhyati || [24] Harati harayed=yas-tu mandavu(bu)ddhistamo-vpitah su-va(ba)ddho darunaih pabais=triya(tirya)g:yonin 57 sa gachchhati || [25] 8va-dattam=para-dattamva(ttam va) yo haretta(t=tu) vasundhara[m") } 84 vishthayam krimi[r*]=bhutya(tva) pitsibhih saha 58 pachyate | [26*] Gam=eka[m*) svarnnam=ekan=cha bhumer=apy=a[**]ddham=angulam(lam) | haran (na*]rakam=apneti yavadahu59 6-Ba[m]plavah(vam) || [27] Bamanyoryam dharmma-setu[*-nnfirpa(pa)nam kale kala palaniyo bhavadbhih | Ba[r*Jyvan=etana(tan) 60 bhavinah parthiv-end[r*]an bhuyo bhuyo yachate Ramabhadrah || [28] Iti kamala-dal amvu(mbu)-vindu-lola[m*] 61 kriyam=anuchintya manushya-jivitan=cha [l*) sakalam=idam=udahritan=cha vu(bu)ddhvi na hi purushaih para-ki[r]ttayo 82 vilopyah 101) [29*] Pahtionda-mandal-agrena khanditair=ahitair=ayam(yam) | Sunasirom 'rthavan puthyit patre ya63 tra vasundhara | [30*) Yasya vu(bu)ddhi-va(ba)lal=Lakshmir=eka-patn-Iva tarathist-sthi)ta [1] sa sriman Krishnadevo=bhusd*]-bhupa64 t@h sandhivigrahi 11 (31) Mahakshapatali orimana(min) vfras-Chhittallad&vakah b=lilikhat 66 khal-ananda-nasanas-tamra-sasanam(nam) | [32*] paramamahesvara-paramabhattaraka maharajadhi66 Taja-paramesvara-brimat-Karpparajadevasya pravarddhamane-vijaya-rajya sate (shashtha)-samva(samva)tsar | A67 6[v*Jina-budi-dvadasyam(ayam) | anke samvuta(razhivat) @ Atvina-hadi 12 varnpa-vithi-prativa(ba)ddha-sunnahi-vijai(2)ni-. 68 Sankhukena tamra-basanam=idam-utkir nam=iti (1) The danda is unnecessary. Read dadyad. An akahana at the end of each of lines 62-54 in out ofl. * The first letter may also be read as ya and the second ajri or ju. The first letter may also be read a ya and the second thyd. [See below, p. 372.-Ed.] [The figure looks more like 5.-Ed.) "The reading may alno bo eva.

Page #378
11, d 838 18 RATNAGIRI PLATES OF SOMAVAMSI KARNA-PLATE II nAnAsa silavA jayarAja vRkSAjavazanana (3 // tadvAsthAna 15aataHghaaa56 45 vRtA mAgha vAhana hamghAyA TEST talakAlakAni yAtanA vahazatava zAzanale lA naklanamAna dRteH ghadhakA rAya malA 37 nAmI li dhanadhI 16 va lAlavAna mAghImAna laaykH| sAlI naI liin, naaanghAyala kama hAta a grAma kaluvA Avadda mAne 66 13 le ghAtahI jAtA ghAva mahAdazA Aha (da) gAnamd mundhaan mee Scale : Two-thirds 58 60 62 64 66 68

Page #379
sp1!41-OMIS ARBOREIRABLPREENCHERO BERSEN: 21:31 SS S BLSESMERI POPIEREGLEDESETETE LES ROZDRELE DE DERISE PEIN313 222 DEBE PERQLIDSSTEDERENDE E KARRIGAM HARBRILL ERBROE. EBERDOSE BWAREJEL PRIBLISBEENB28BTCWUE:SEES OLEN KEDE-BELESTERPILSSONYL WIBREBRENDOTET KABEERSEPSERBIERETNE LENZUSEN IDENSESEBRE PAPIERELORREISEN IBABSERPAULIS)STU BATERISSRUSSISKE SPREGN. DER EDELSTELSELEDARE PEREEDEL DESCRIERERE:RELISH) DESARROEDER PEDREI BESOSTS SCERRIL OR PRBRAUNERERIBSP231, ILODERNEGADB:B2BNPERPEN 2 LORD EPISODESERTOIRA SORPREB: BRDIT KLEJEDOKLIPER 32PSI EI Aro CORAZOK Olen III ALV7d-VNUVX ISWVAVNOS AO SALVIN MIOVNIVU

Page #380
No. 51-NOTE ON RATNAGIRI PLATES OF SOMAVAMSI KARNA (1 Plate) D. C. SIRCAR, OOTACAMUND (Received on 1.12.1958) In her article on this inscription published above, pp. 263 ff., Mrs. Mitra has correctly surmised that the first plate of the set of the Ratnagiri plates of the Somavamsi king Karna, which was published by Narayana Tripathi in J BORS, Vol. XVI, pp. 206 ff. and Plate, was secured by Pandit Sadasiva Ratha Sarma of Puri. Sometime ago, I received the plate, stated to have been lying in the possession of one Panchanana Sandi of Ratnagiri, from Pandit Ratha Sarma for examination. The writing, as expected, is only on the inner side of the plate. The eight stanzas constituting the epigraphic text are the same as verses 1-8 of the Balijhari (Narsingpur) plates of Udyotakesarind published by Binayak Misra in JBORS, Vol. XVII, pp. 1 ff. and Plates. Unfortunately they have not been quite correctly read and interpreted either by Tripathi or by Misra. I am, therefore, re-editing the said part of the inscription below. TEXTz [Metres : verses 1, 3-7 Sardulavikridita ; verses 2, 8 Vasantatilaka.] 1 Siddham' [*] Jyotsna-sali-samriddhi-bhuh kumudini-has-aika-sampadana dhurtto Dhurjjati mauli-sau 2 dha-vasatih piyusha-dhara-gliham(ham) | Tar-antah-pura-nayako Rati-pateh sastr-aika sa (sa)n-Opalah Kshirod-arnpava-nandano virja(ja)yate devah Sudhadidhitih || [1*] Asy=anvaya mahati sandra tamah-kalanka-vi 3 4 chchhaya-dig-valaya-marijana-kurchchakasya | utpedire sakala-sad-guna-jauma-kandah kund-avadatanyasaso jarga(ga)tibhujas=te ! [2*) Raj=abhuj-Janamejayo='tha nfipatir-jjato Yayatis=tatah srima 5 6 n-Bhimaratho="bhavattad-anu antareshu vijaya-stambh-ava cha kshma-chakra-raksha-mapibashtasv=eva dig. 1 Pandit Ratha Sarma wanted that, in case the inscription was unpublished, I should write a paper on the epigraph and insert his name in it as that of the joint author as had been often done by me previously in his case and in the case of others who made new inscriptions availablo to me. It was, however, found to be a published record. The correct form of the name is Uddyolakiearin. From the original plate and impressions. * Expressed by symbol. ( 269 )

Page #381
270 7 8 9 10 11 nis 12 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXXIII li-[hu](chchha)dmana hrich-chhalyani disa-bhujam=api samaropyanta yaih visphutan" || [3*] Tasmad=Dharmmaratho manoratha-phalar Sitambu-vamsa-ari(sri)yo nistrims-aika-sakba sikha-manir=abhun=ninsesha bhumi-bhujam(jam) yasmin=dig-vijay-avatara(ri)ni pu(pu)ra vidveshi-bhubhumibhujah pratishthanta dig antaram tadanu cha sphitas-chamu(mu)-renavah || [4*] Set-upanta-van-antare Himavatah paryyanta-bhu si(si)mani Pragambhodhi-tati-vanesha(shu) katake Parvvotarakshmabhfitah yasy=ottamyad-arati-raja-yuvati nisvasa-jhanjh-anila-vyasanga-svanad-antarala-mukharair=ggitar yasah kichakaih || [5*] Bhrata tasya vaba)bhuva [bhuta]la pater=Bhutesa-tulya-prabhah prakhyatam kshiti-bhushanam Naghusha' ity=urvvipatinam patih | yad-[d]or-danda-bhu"jangamena vilasan-nistrissa(sa)-jihva-bhtita pitas=te paripanti(nthi)-parthiva-chamu kanth-antare maruta$ !! [6*] Atr=aste kari-va(vri)ndam=unmadam=iha praudho=sti panchanana santy=etasu jagad-druho giri-dari-kumbhishu kumbhinasah(sah) | snebad=ity=abhidhaya v[fi]ddha-Savari-varggena va(ba)ddh asruna yad-vairi-pramada-jano vanabhuvah sancharam=adhyapitah | [7*] Tasy=anujo nata-sa[ma*]sta-sapatna-mauli ratnatsumatsalita -pada-saro[ja-ro] chih | vidya-nidhih pratinidhir=Mmadhusu(su)danasya jato='tha visva-vijayi ntipatir=Yayati) || [8*] 13 14 15 16 17 18 The first of the eight stanzas introduces the Moon-god, the mythical progenitor of the Somavambis. Verse 2 refers to the kings born in the family of the said god and the next stanza (verse 3) mentions three early Somavambi kings, viz. Janamajaya (i.e. Mahabhavagupta I Janamejaya I), his son Yayati (i.e. Mahasivagupta I Yayati I) and his successor Bhimaratha (alias Mahabhavagupta II). In this enumeration, the regular succession of the kings has been indicated since the second ruler was the son and successor of the first and the third the son and successor of the second. We know that Mahabhavagupta I Janamejaya I was the first imperial ruler of the family, very little being known about his father Sivagupta and nothing at all about the latter's ancestors. Verse 4 speaks of king Dharmaratha (Mahasivagupta II), son and successor of Bhimaratha, while verse 5 refers to his conventional dig-vijaya with reference to the chakravarti-kshetra bounded by the Setu (.e. setubandha Ramesvara) in the south, the Himavat in the north, the Eastern Sea (Bay of Bengal) in the east and the Western Mountain (i.e. the mythical Sun-set Mountain) in the west. Verses 6-7 vaguely describe the exploits of Dharmaratha's Lyounger brother and 1 Read yair=visphutam. * The correct form of the same is Nahusha. * There is a defective mark in the plate after this lettor. * Read ratn-amou-sathmiita. * These two letters are cut off.

Page #382
No. 51] NOTE ON RATNAGIRI PLATES OF SOMAVAMSI KARNA 271 successor Naghusha (Nahusha, probably called Mahabhavagupta III). Verse 8 mentions Yayati (i.e. Chapdihara Yayati III Mahabivagupta III) as the anuja of Naghusha (Nahusha), the word anuja being used here in the sense of a younger ccusin, since the Brahmesvara temple (Bhubaneswar) inscription represents Chandihara as the son of Abhimanyu, grandson of Vichitravira and great-grandson of Janamejaya I Mahabhavagupta I. The following stanza (verse 9) on the obverse of the second plate of the set suggests that this Yayati, who was the father of Udyotakesarin, established his rule over both the Kosala and Utkala countries, although his predecessors were very probably rulers of Kosala only. When the early Somavamsis were ruling over Kosala, Utkala was under the rule of the Bhauma-Karas. The Bhauma-Kara queen Dandi-mahadevi was ruling over Utkala at least down to the year 187 of the Bhauma-Kara era, probably corresponding to 1018 A.D., and she is known to have been succeeded on the throne by two other rulers, viz. her step-mother Vakula-mahadevi and her aunt Dharmamabadevi. One of the predecessors of Dandi-mahadevi was Prithvi-mahadevt who was the daughter of the Somavamsi king Svabhavatunga of Kosala (i.e. Yayati I Mahasivagupta I) and was ruling in the Bhauma-Kara year 158 corresponding probably to 989 A.D. Another fact of chronological importance is that Naghusha (Nahusha or Mahabhavagupta IIT) seems to be the same as the ruler named Indraratha defeated by Paramara Bhoja (c. 1010-55 A.D.) as well as the king of the same name who belonged to the family of the Moon and was captured by the generals of Rajendra-chola I at Adinagara (i.e. Yayatinagara) sometime before 1023 A.D.' It is not im possible that verse 9 of the inscription really refers to the subjugation of the Kosala and Utkala countries by the Chola army among others and to their reconquest by Yayati III. It seems that, while Naghusha (Nahusha) was struggling with the Chola occupants of Kosala, Yayati III, who was probably related to the Bhauma-Karas either through his mother or by marriage and may have been passing his days at the Bhauma-Kara court, was fighting with the Cholas in Utkala and that ultimately Yayati III succeeded in consolidating his position in both the countries, his cousin Naghusha (Nahusha) having died (cr killed by the Cholas) in the meantime. Yayati III thus ruled about the second quarter of the eleventh century A.D. (c. 1025-55 A.D.). Besides the importance of the Ratnagiri plates discussed by Mrs. Mitra, there are a few points requiring elucidation. Udyota kesarin, son and successor of Yayati IIT, ruled about the third quarter of the eleventh century (c. 1055-80 A.D.). The Kelga plates suggest that he made over Kosala to a prince named Abhimanyu and was himself ruling over Utkala, while the inscriptions of the Telugu-Chodas indicate that the successors of Udyotakesarin in Utkala had nothing to do with Kosala which passed into the possession of the rulers of the Telugu-Choda dynasty. Karna or Karnakesarin, grandson of Udyota kesarin, seems to have ended his rule over Utkala before the conquest of that country by the Ganga king Anantavarman Chodaganga probably before 1112 A.D. The issue of the present charter from Yayatinagara is thus interesting. The city of Yayatinagara (modern Binka in the former Sonepur Btate in ancient Kosala), built by and named after Yayati I, was originally the capital of the Somavamsis of Kosala. It appears that, after the expansion of Somavamal power over Utkala, their capital in Utkala was also given the name 1 Cf. JRA8B, Letters, Vol. XIII, p. 69, text linos 7-8 (vorse 7). . See The Struggle for Empire, pp. 209 ff. . Cf. verse 7 of the Brahmesvara temple inscription which refers to a Somavamot prince who was staying away from the country when Dharmaratha died without leaving an issue. * See above, Vol. XXVIII, pp. 323-24, Cf. ibid., pp. 286 #. * Cf. The Struggle for Empire, p. 212.

Page #383
272 - EPIGRAPHIA INDICA . [VOL. XXXIII Yaystinagara or Yayatipura, probably after Yayati III who seems to have beun the first Somavamar king of Utkala. This new 'city of Yayati' seems to be the modern Jajpur (possibly a corruption of Yayatipura) which was previously the capital of the Bhauma-Karas, the predecessors of the Somavamgis in Utkala.1 Another interesting fact is that the lady Karpurasri, the donee of the grant, is described as a Rani or queen and as the daughter of a woman and the granddaughter of another woman. I & inclined to take the word pautri in this context in the sense of 'the daughter's daughter'. The absence of any reference to Karpurasri's father and grandfather and her representation as the daughter and granddaughter of females appear to suggest that she was born of a harlot. There are other instances of similar representation of a harlot in inscriptions. Thus the Mahakutesvara (Badami) temple inscription of the time of Chalukya Vijayaditya records the donations of the harlot Vina-poti described as the daughter of Kuchi-poti and granddaughter of Revamanchal and the heart's darling (prana-vallabhe) of king Vijayaditya Satyasrya. Similarly, an inscription of the time of Rashtrakuta Dhruva in the Virupaksha temple at Pattadakal records the donation of Badi-poddi described as the daughter of Goyinda-poddi who was a harlot (.e. Devadasi) of the temple of the queen Loka-mahadevi. These inscriptions are in the Kannada language in which the word poti, poddi or boddi means 'a harlot'. If Karpurasri, apparently one of the secondary queens or concubines of the Somavamsi king Karna, was a harlot's daughter, there are a few points to be explained. The first of these is that whether the word devi suffixed to her mother's name should have to be taken to indicate the latter's status as a queen. We have, however, inscriptions mentioning harlots with names ending in devi. Even if Karpurasri's mother was the secondary queen or concubine of some ruler, we may think that she was originally a harlot but was later married to or associated with a king while Karpurasri had been born before her mother was associated with the ruler. I read the name of Karpurasri's mother as Mahari Mahunadevi, the epithet mahari being undoubtedly the same as Oriya mahari (Prakrit mehari) meaning & songstress or dancing girl or a Devadasi or harlot. She had, therefore, nothing to do with the Huna people as suggested by Mrs. Mitra. Secondly, Karpurasri is described as Salonapura-mahavihara-vinirgata, i.e. hailing from Salonapura-mahavihara. The Devadasis are, however, associated with Brahmanical temples and not with Buddhist monasteries. It is thus impossible to believe that the harlots in question were residents of the monastery at Salonapura. We are, therefore, inclined to believe that Salonapura-mahavihara has been used in the inscription as the name of the locality where the harlots lived. Probably the entire area under the possession of the Salonapura monastery or the village or township around it was known under the name of Salonapura-mahavihara. This is not improbable in view of the fact that the names of the town of Bihar (i.e. Bihar-sharif) and the Bihar State are both essentially derived from the word vihara meaning a Buddhist monastery originally standing at the site or in the vicinity of the modern town of Bihar called Bihar-sharif by the Muhamadans. It is of course uncertain whether the harlots in question were attached to any temple situated in the said locality. The third point to be noticed in this connection is that Karpurasri is stated to have belonged to the Kasyapa gotra. This appears to have been the gotra of one of her direct female ancestors, who first took to the profession of a harlot. 1JIH, Vol. XXXIV, pp. 273 ff. The city seems to be called Abhinava-Yayatinagara in the Madala Panji. * Ind. Ant., Vol. X, p. 103. * Ibid., Vol. XI, p. 125. * A Telugu inscription from Velpuru in the Sattenepalli Taluk of the Guntur District, dated Saka 1131, mentions Kasadi Suramadevi, concubine (Bhoga-stri) of the Kota chief Ketaraja, and her mother Amara-sani who was a harlot (SII, Vol. X, No. 249). * See above, p. 244, text line 7. According to a Bengali saying, one having no getra can claim the Kasyapa gotra. Cf. also Brough, Gotraprataramafijari, p. 171.

Page #384
No. 61] NOTE ON RATNAGIRI PLATES OF SOMAVAMSI KARNA 273 King Karna'. Sandhivigrahin Krishnadeva, who was probably the dutaka of the charter, has been described in the following two stanzas (verses 30-31) : Yajda(d-da)nda-mandal-agrena khanditair=ahitair-ayam(yam) Su(Su)nasiro='rthavan puthvil prithyah) patre yalch=a)tra vasundhara || Yasya vu(bre)ddhi-valba)lal=Lakshmir=cka-patni-va(vra)ta-rsthi(sthi)la [l* sa friman Krishanadevd=bhu[d*]=bhupateh sandhivigrahi || The meaning of the first of the two stanzas, as it is found in the record, is rather obscure. But the author's idea seems to be that king Karna was made the lord of the earth in the real sense by the various kings killed by his minister Kpishnadeve and that the earth, including the territories of those rulers, came into the possession of a better master. Vaheru and Mangaka, who engraved the Balijhari (Narsingpur) plates, are described in that record as Suvarna-vithi-vijnanin, i.e. an artisan who lived in a locality called Suvarna vithi, probably meaning "the goldsmiths' quarters' literally. But, in the present inscription, the ngraver Sankhuka is called Svarna-vithi-Svannahi(or Sunnahi)-v[jfa]nin. It is not improbable that Svannahi or Sunnahi was the name of an area in Svarnavithi or Suvarnavithi. The passage referring to the gift village in lines 33-34 may be read as Uttaru T3sha(sa)liya-vrajme(sic. rajye?) Atfhavisa-khanda-sam[baddha*]-Kona-gramah Atastati-khandiyaVra(Bra)hmanan-apujya, eto. It is difficult to understand why, when the gift village was situated in one khanda or subdivision, the Brahmanas honoured in connection with its grant should be represented as living in another khanda. I think it possible that the intended reading for Atastatikhandiyao is atasztat-khandiyao. In this connection, reference may be made to another inscription of king Karna deva of the Somavamsa of Orissa, which I had an opportunity of examining recently. Among the epigraphs copied by me at the Orissa State Museum, Bhubaneswar, in Decenber 1957, there is a fragmentary inscription engraved on the back of an image of the Sun-god. The characters of the record resemble those of the Ratnagiri plates and its language is Sanskrit. M. P. Acharya informed me that the inscribed image had been secured from the village of Gandhibedha in the Balasore District of Orissa. The left half of the inscription is broken away and lost while the letters of the extant part of the writing have been deliberately rubbed off by means of chiselling. In spite, however, of this attempt to cancel the writing, the first two lines of the extant part of the record can be read as follows: 1 dhiraja-paramesvara-Somakulatilaka-Tri(Tri) 2 sri-Karnnarajadevasya pravarddhamana-vi Before dhiraja at the beginning of line 1, the Siddham symbol follower by the letters paramabhatjaraka-maharajadeg must have broken off. The letters lost at the beginning of the second line, following Tri(Tri) at the end of line 1, must have been "kalingadhipati, Trikalingadhipali being a well-known title of the Somavamsi kings. The number of lost letters in line 1 suggests that there was another expression between "kalingadhipati in the lost part and fri-Karnnao in the extant portion of line 2. This lost word seems to be para manahesvara, an epithet of king Karna found in line 31 of the Ratnagiri plates, in which, however, the said epithet occurs before paramabhataraka. But, if it is supposed to have been engraved in the game position in the lost part of line 1 of the Gandibedha inscription, the gap between the lost kalingadhipali and the extant fri-Karnna in line 2 becomes bigger. Although the Ratnagiri 1 This is No. B 394 of A.R.Ep., 1957-58.

Page #385
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [Vol. XXXIII plates show that king Karna's second name was Mahasivag upta and presumably he was also called Yayati, it is doubtful if we can bring in these names to fill up the big gap created in the lost part of line 2 as a result of paramamahesvana being read in the lost part of line 1. After vio at the end of line 2, jayarajye ..sampa(samvatsare, eto., orojaya-rajyo-samvalsamva) Esare...must have been engraved at the beginning of line 3, which is now lost. Owing to the fragmentary nature of the inscription, the year of king Karna's reign, that must have been mentioned here, cannot be determined.

Page #386
No. 52--VELIGALANI GRANT OF KAPILESVARA, SAKA 1380 (1 Plate) D. C. BIRCAR and K. H. V. BARMA, OOTACAMUND (Received on 13. 12. 1958) This is an incomploto sott of ten plates which were obtained for examination nearly quarter of a century ago from an advocate of Bapatla in the Guntur District. The first plate of the set, which apparently contained about ten lines of writing on the inner side of it, is lost. It is stated that the advocato secured the plates from one of his clients. But the original provenance of the inscription is not nown. The record was published by the late Raja Saheb L. H. Jagadeb of Tekkali in the Journal of the Bombay Historical Society, Vol. VI, pp. 94 ff. (without illustration). But his treatment of the subject is quite unsatisfactory. . The plates measure about 14 inches in length and 7 inches in height (except the eighth plate which is only 6 inches high). They have raised rims and their borders are about 1 inch thick. There is & ring-hole (about 1 inch in diameter) in the plates at a distance of 10 inches from the left margin. The ring, which held the plates together originally, and the seal that may have been affixed to it are both lost. The total weight of the ten plates is 1367 tolas. : The plates bear writing on both the sides. But the record is a palimpsest, being engraved on an earlier grant which, with the exception of the concluding lines in Sanskrit verse, was almost completely beaten in. The names of certain donees of this earlier charter together with their gotras can be read with some confidence. The numbers of the plates in the original document, which were incised in the left margin on their obverse, were not beaten in. The concluding lines of the original grant show that it was also a record of Kapilesvara, the donor of the record that was later incised on the plates. The circumstances leading to the cancellation of the earlier document cannot, however, be determined. The plates are numbered in the Telugu-Kannada numerals. But the numbers refer to the position of the plates in the original document as already indicated above. The figure 4, e.g., occurs in the left margin on the obverse of the first of the plates available. This is really the second plate of the present set and was apparently the fourth plate of the original document. There are 10 lines of writing on most of the inscribed faces. On the reverse of the last plate, there is the conventional representation of a dagger which is generally found at the end of the charters of the Suryavamsi Gajapatis of Orissa. This was meant to represent the king's signature on the original document later inscribed on copper plates. To the right of the representation of the sword, the figure of a standing elephant, the emblom of the Gajapatis (literally, 'the lords of elephants'), is engraved. We know that the figure of an elephant is affixed to the seal of the Rajahmundry plates oi Raghudeva, the nephew and viceroy of Gajapati Kapilesvara. Beyond the elephant on the last plate, there are the representations of the crescent moon and the sun, both of which are often found in medieval epigraphs as an indication of the permanency of the grants recorded therein. There are also representations of the sun and a lotus beneath the above figures of the moon and the sun. A lotus is also seen engraved on the obverse of the same plate, in the left margin near the ring-hole. 14. R. Ep., 1934-35, C. P. No. 17. . Above, Pg, 18. Ct. the figure of an elephant on a stone bearing an inscription of Gajapati Purushottama (811, Vol. X, No. 729). ( 275.)

Page #387
276 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXXIII The inscription is written in Telugu characters except the last plate where there are eleven lines in the Oriya script. The palaeography of the Telugu section closely resembles that of the two grants of Rahgudeva, referred to above. No distinction is made between the medial signs of i and i, e and e and o and 8. Ri is used in the word Rigvedi (lines 29, 30, 31, etc.); but, unlike the modern form of the letter, it exhibits the top matra. The letter t differs from its modern form in that it has no loop at the left end. It is difficult to distinguish between d and D and between bh and ch. The sign of aspiration is indicated by a vertical stroke placed below the letters dh, bh and chh. Th and dh are distinguished; cf. Jagannatha (lines 95, 123, 127), Bhutanathani (line 87) and Bahudhanya (line 13). Anusvara is invariably used for final m and the class nasals. There are some instances of the use of the final forms of n and t. The characters of the Oriya section are of a cursive variety not noticed in the epigraphs discovered in Orissa proper. As in the records written in the later Kalinga script, often the same letter has different shapes and different letters the same shape. For instance, in the passage Jagesarapura-sasana (line 186), the letters g and p are almost similar. The letter bh has been written in several different forms in the words bhogyama (line 181), garabha-bhire (line 182), bhumi (lines 183 and 188) and bhake (line 187). Similar is the case with t in atito (lines 180-81), gota (line 183) and tola (line 188); n in purna (line 182) and Brahmana (lines 183-84); and h in sriharsta (line 181), maharaja (line 185) and hoila (line 188). The similar forms of the letters k and i in Karnnata-Kalavaragesara (lines 184-85) and hoila (line 188), etc., are also noteworthy. Letters like k, j and h have often extremely cursive forms. Conjuncts and letters with vowel-marks are likewise often written in a cursive way, e.g., nd in khande and ti in ati (line 180), sri in friharsta (line 181), etc. The letters / and have been distinguished as in the modern Oriya alphabet. The letter chh has been written by the sign for ksh; but the form of the letter is slightly different in chhatisi and chchadi both in line 189. B has been indicated by the sign for v. As is well known, e (even in Sanskrit words) is always pronounced as b in Oriya as in other East Indian languages. The record is trilingual having four sections, the first and fourth in Sanskrit verse (written in Telugu characters), the second in Telugu prose and the third in Oriya prose. The Telugu section describing the boundaries of the gift village calls for some remarks. The words buruvu (silk cotton), udugula (Alangium Lamarcku), momdugu (bastard teak), tige-mromdugu (Butea superba), turga (coarse grass or Rottleria tinctoria), ravi (Ficus religiosa), marri (banyan tree) and tadi (palm), all denote the names of trees. In the expression damtta-tadi (line 147), i.e. a pair of palm trees, the word damtta is used for modern jamta, 'a pair, a couple'. In the compound words yerram-butta (lines 150, etc.) and nallam-butta (lines 174, etc.), the word putta, 'an ant-hill', is distinguished by the qualifying adjectives yerra, 'red', and nalla, 'black', both referring to the colour of the soil. The words kara (line 156) and dariye (i.e. dari, line 156) are used almost in the same sense of the bank or shore'. In the expression borra-nakka-viriki (line 155), borra (i.e. borra or boriya) means 'a hole or burrow' such as is made by animals, while nakka is a jackal' and virigi means 'ground with many cracks. The meaning of the expression may thus be a plot of dry land with many fissures and burrows made by jackals. The word kanama (lines 161-62) or kanuma means 'a gap' or 'a mountainous pass'. The form imchika (lines 164-65 and 172), a little', is used instead of the modern form imchuka. In the compound avurum-godu1 (line 171), the word kodu means 'a bed of bulrushes, a marsh', and avuru is a kind of grass. Due to saral-adesa, k is changed to g in this expression exactly as p has been changed to b in nallam-butta and yerram-butta. The word chautanumta (line 178) is interesting. It means a well with a parapet around. The word chauta is not found in the lexicons but is now in common use. 1 The same expression is also found in the Vilasa grant of Prolaya-nayaka, where it has been read as avurubade. Cf. above, Vol. XXXII. p. 267, text lines 150-51.

Page #388
277 iNO. 62) VELIGALANI GRANT OF KAPILESVARA, SAKA 1390 In the Oriya portion of the record, s has been generally used for and contractions are noticed in words like smae for samaye (line 189) and Gajapta(pti) for Gajapati (line 184). The change of Sanskrit gau to gau, madhya to madhi, manya to mairnna, etc., has also to be noted. The date of the charter is quoted in verse 11 (lines 13-17) as the Saka year 1380 (expressed by the chronogram vyom-ebha-vahn-indu), Bahudhanya, Vaisakhi (i.e. the full-moon day of the lunar month of Vaisakha). The Oriya part of the inscription seems to supply the name of the week-day Brihaspati, i.e. Thursday. The details suggest 1458 A.D., April 27, Thursday, f.d.t. 77.1 The first section in Sanskrit verse records the grant. The first half of this section is missing, and thus some information particularly about the ancestry of the donor seems to have been lost. Only five syllables, with which the verse marked as the sixth ended, are found at the beginning of the extant part of the inscription. Verses.1-5 of the record and the major part of the sixth stanza were, therefore, incised on the inner side of the lost first plate of the set. The first verse of the extant part (lines 1-4), marked as the seventh, speaks of Vira-bri-Kapilendra's military prowess. It is stated that the noise of his battle-drums filled the whole universe and that, as a result, Hampa trembled, Dhara was pressed hard, the horses fled from Kalubariga and Dhillf was filled with savage women. Verses 8-10 (lines 4-13) describe the glory of Kapilesvara in vague terms. He was an unrivalled ruler who destroyed his enemies and distributed their wealth among learned men. Verse 11 (lines 13-17) states that, while camping on the bank of the river Godavari on the fullmoon day in the month of Vaisakha of the year Bahudhanya corresponding to Saka 1380, KapilasVara made the grant of the village of Veligalani, situated in Hariguka-Medari-siman and renamed it after his father or parents (sva-pitr-akhyaya), in favour of 120 Bruhmanas. The next stanza (verse 12 in lines 17-20) records the grant of a locality named after Vijaya-Pratapa'Kapilendra himself in favour of 120 Brahmanas. The locality is stated to have been situated to the east of the joint streams of the Krishna and Venpa. From the language of the above two verses it may appear that two localities were granted in favour of two groups of 120 Brahmanas each, one of the localities being named after the king himself and the other after his father or parents. But, as will be seen from our analysis of the Telugu and Oriya sections below, this was not the case. Verse 13 (lines 21-23), with which the first section in Sanskrit closes, refers to the enumeration of the donees in the following section in Telugu. The Telugu portion begins in line 23, with the mangala : Subham-astu which is immediately followed by the passage : Veligalani Kapilesvarapuranaku. This may indicate that two villages called Veligalani and Kapilesvarapura were granted in favour of the donees whose names are enumerated in the following lines. The list shows the names of 120 Brahmanas only. We have seen above that verses 11 and 12 of the Sanskrit section may appear to speak of the grant of the two localities in favour of two groups of 120 Brahmanas each. The present section, however, makes it clear that there was only one group of Brahmanas numbering 120, who received the gift. The list of the 120 Brahmanas, receiving equal shares in the gift land, are enumerated in the Telugu section in the following order (lines 23 ff.): I. Northern part of Jagesvarapura, beginning from the west-20 Brahmanas; II. Southern part of the same--20 Brahmanas; III. Northern part of Vollamambapura, beginning from the west-20 Brahmanas ; Bee JAS, Letters and Science, Vol. XXIII, pp. 13-14. * The Oriya section suggests that the village of Veligalani was divided into three asanas named after Jagelvara, Volama (Vellamimba) and Kapildvara and this information can be reconciled with the Sanskrit section under review if the expression sva-pitr-akhyayd in verso Il is taken to mean '[named) after himself and his parents'.

Page #389
278 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (VOL. XXXIII IV. Southern part of the same-20 Brabmanas; V. Northern part of Kapilesvarapura, beginning from the west-20 Brahmanas; and VI. Southern part of the same-20 Brahmanas. It may appear from the above enumeration that the village of Veligalani was divided into two parts, one of which was named Jagesvarapura and the other Vellamambupura. But, as will be seen below, the Oriya section of the charter seems to suggest that the above village was divided into three sasanas, viz. Jagesvarapura, Velamapura (i.e. Vellamambapura of the Telugu section) and Pratapa-Kapilesvarapura, and this may be regarded as supported by the Sanskrit part at the beginning if, as stated above, the expression sva-pitr-akhya in verge 11 is taken to refer to the names of the donor and his parents. It is, therefore, better to take Veligalani-Kapilesvarapuranaku as referring to the gift village as Veligalani alias Kapilesvarapura. In any case, it is clear that the word pitsi in the verse means not merely 'father 'but both father and mother 'and that the name of Kapilendra's father was Jagesvara and that of his mother Vellamamba or Velama. The third section in Oriya (lines 180-90) gives a short summary of the whole transaction which is already indicated in the Sanskrit and Telugu parts. The epithets Vira-fri-Gajapati-Gaudesvara and Navakoti-Karnata-Kalavarag-esvara referring to Kapilesvara's victories over the countries called Gauda, Karnata and Kalavaraga (i.e. the dominions of the Sultans of Bengal, of the Karpata kings of Vijayanagara and of the Bahmanis of Gulbarga) are found for the first time in this record. The same titles were also assumed not only by his successors but also by the later rulers of Orissa, who considered themselves successors of the Imperial Gajapatis, till quite recent times. The charter ends with a fow verses in Sanskrit. One of these verses is in adoration of the Varaha incarnation of Vishnu (lines 191-93). There are two other stanzas (lines 194-99) which, as stated above, belonged to the charter originally incised on the plates. One of these speaks of the creation of a sarva-manya (i.e. rent-free holding) by Kapilegvara after having renounced the thirtysix avedanas or taxes while the other is one of the usual imprecatory and benedictory verses. The word avedana (avadana of the Oriya section, line 189), used in the sense of a tax', is of lexical interest. The word shattrinnsat, literally 'thirtysix', has been used here in the sense of many'.1 This is the only copper-piate charter of the great Kapilesvara, who was the founder of the Suryavamsi Gajapati family of Orissa and ascended the throne in 1434-35 A.D., so far discovered. Two copper-plate grants of prince Raghudeva, the nephew and viceroy of king Kapilesvara, were recently discovered at Rajahmundry and they have thrown a flood of light on the ancestry and early career of the Gajapati monarch. His grandfather, bearing the same name, is stated to have been a Nayaka (a ruling chief) who was one among the rulers of the solar and lunar races, while his own father Jagesvara, who possessed a large number of elephants, and his elder brother Balarama lost their lives in a battle against their enemies. The Warangal inscription of prince Raghudeva mentions Jagesvara, the father of Kapilesvara, as a Maharaya (Sanskrit Maharaja). The record under study speaks of Jagesvarapura named after the father of Kapilendra or Kapilesvara. During the last years of the reign of the Ganga king Bhanu IV, his feudatories like Pratapa Gargaraju of the Silavamsi family of Nandapur and Saubhagyaraju of Viraghattam became semiindependent. The Reddi chiefs Vema and Virabhadra, sons of Allada, conquered the southern 1 Cf. above, Vol. XXX, p. 116. For an elaborate analysis of the Oriya section of the inscription under study, 100 JAS, Letters and Science, Vol. XXIII, pp. 13 ff. Above, pp. 1 ff. The family is stated to have belonged to the Kidyapa gotra in the Nanadmpandi plates of Prataparudra (C. P. No. 5 of 1948-49). . A. R. Ep., 1957-58, No. 55; sbove, pp. 125 ff. * SI1, Vol. V, No. 1170; Vol. VI, No. 950. Ibid., Vol. VI, No. 1101. Viragbattam is in the Palakonda Taluk of the Srikakulam District,

Page #390
No. 52] VELIGALANI GRANT OF KAPILESVARA, SAKA 1380 279 part of the Ganga kingdom, as is borne out by two inscriptions at Simhachalam. The record of Vema1, dated Saka 1356 (1434 A.D.), registers the remission of taxes on the lands belonging to the gods and Brahmanas in the villages of Kaluvalapalli, Oddadi, Potnuru and others, which were acquired by the strength of his own arms. There can be no doubt that the said places were conquered by the Reddis from the Ganga king Bhanu IV. Virabhadra's inscription is undated; but it praises him as a great conqueror. The Mudabidure inscription, dated Saka 1351 (1429 A.D.), however, refers to the success of the Vijayanagara monarch Devaraya II against the Gajapati king and describes the former as 'the lion in destroying the crores of elephants to the lord of elephants (Gajapati), and the very Kalasodbhava (Agastya) to the ocean of the army of the Andhra king (or, kings)'. The Simhachalam inscription of Telungaraya, a subordinate of the Vijayanagara king, also corroborates this fact. The success of the Reddis against the Ganga king thus appears to have been due to the help they received from the Vijayanagara monarch to whom they owed allegiance. The latest record of Gajapati Bhanu IV at Simhachalam is dated Saka 1352 (1430 A.D.)." Kapilesvara made an attempt to subdue the semi-independent chiefs like Pratapa Gangaraju and Saubhagyaraju and to reconquer the southern part of the erstwhile Ganga kingdom from the subordinates of the Vijayanagara monarch. The chiefs of Nandapur and Viraghattams were subdued and with their help the Gajapati king attacked the Reddi kingdom of Rajahmundry. A Draksharama inscription (dated Saka 1366-1444 A.D.) of the Vijayanagara king Dovaraya II suggests that he came to the rescue of the Reddis against the attack of the Gajapati. As a result of the conflict between the Gajapati and the Vijayanagara king, the Reddis lost the Rajamahendra-rajya which became a part of the Gajapati empire. An inscription at Penugonda (Tanuku Taluk, West Godavari District), dated Saka 1370 (1448 A.D.), Vibhava, alludes to the rule of the Gajapati-kshonisa, i.e. Kapilesvara. With the help of the Reddis of Rajahmundry, who were the enemies of their kinsmen ruling from Kondavidu, Kapilesvara marched against Kondavidu and other important forts in the south, captured them all and finally annexed them to the Gajapati kingdom. Kapilesvara appointed his own relatives to govern the southern tracts conquered by him. His nephew Raghudeva was ruling from Rajahmundry and one of his kinsmen named Ganadeva from Kondavidu, 10 while his own son Kumaramahapatra Hambira was in charge of the whole Telugu and Tamil areas annexed to the Gajapati empire. Hambira's son Dakshina-Kapilesvara was also a governor in the Tamil areas, 12 1 Ibid., Vol. VI, No. 1168. Ibid., No. 1169. Ibid., Vol. VII, No. 202, lines 13-14. Ibid., Vol. VI, No. 905. Ibid., No. 784. A. R. Ep., 1933, No. 395. SII, Vol. IV, No. 1375. Mack. Mas., No. 15-4-4; Loc. Rec., Vol. II, p. 200; Sarma, History of the Reddi Kingdom, p. 193, note: Sak-ahde gagan-adri-Rama-dharani-namkhya-sama-purite Vibhav abde cha Tapasya-masi kasino vire dvitiyam(ya)-tithau, Pengoni-akhya-pur-ottamam Gajapati-kahiniba-sandipitam. Vibhav-abde cha does not suit the metre, Above, Vol. XXXIII, pp. 1 ff. 10 Ind. Ant., Vol. XX, pp. 390-93; A. R. Ep., 1917, No. 70. 11 Cf. A.R.Ep., 1941-42, C.P. No. 4. 1 C. ibid., 1919, Nos, 51 and 92; 1937-38, No. 87.

Page #391
280 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXXIII As already indicated above, verse 7 of the present charter refers to the success of Kapilesvara against Hampa, Dhara, Kalubariga (Gulbarga) and Dhilli (Delhi). The same verse is found in the Chiruvroli grant of his son Hambira. Verse 6 of the Gopinathpur inscription also refers to the same achievements of Kapilesvara. We have also seen that the Oriya part of the record under study mentions the king as the lord of Gauda, Karnata and Kalavaraga. Kapilesvara's claim of success against the kings of Hampa (Vijayanagara, capital of Karnata), Dhara (capital of Malava), Gulbarga, Delhi and Gauda may thus refer to a date before 1458 A.D. when the charter under study was issued, although the nature and degree of the success cannot be determined in all the cases. Hampa was the capital of the Vijayanagara king Mallikarjuna who succeeded his father Devaraya II in 1446 A.D. The Gangadasapratapavilasamu states that both the Gajapati of Orissa and the Sultan of Gulbarga attacked the city of Vijayanagara, but that Mallikarjuna sallied forth from his capital and routed the besieging forces. This no doubt admits that Kapilesvara besieged Vijayanagara. The Anantavaram grant also states that Kapilesvara captured the city of Vijayanagara, the seat of the ruler of Karnataka, and received tribute. Dhara was the secondary capital of the Sultans of Malwa and Sultan Mahmud I (1436-69 A.D.) of the Khalji dynasty was the contemporary of Kapilesvara. Muhammadan historians refer to the defeat of the Malwa king at the battle of Muhura by the Bahmani Sultan Alauddin Ahmed (1436-58 A.D.)." The Gajapati monarcb was an ally of the Bahmani Sultan and seems to have helped the latter at the said battle. It is interesting to note that Muhura is mentioned in the list of places subdued by Kapilesvara. Kalubariga or Kalavaraga (Gulbarga) in the present Mysore State was the capital of the Bahmani Sultans. According to the Gangadasapratapavilasamu, the Bahmani Sultans were allies of the Gajapati king and their joint victory over the Sultan of Malwa at Muhura seems to support the statement. But the position was changed with the accession of Humayun Shah (1458-61 A.D.), the eldest son of Alauddin Ahmad Shah. Humayun besieged the fort of Devarakonda with a large army and the chief of the fort appealed for help to the king of Orissa who readily despatched a force. "The infidel's forces being more numerous than that of Islam the latter were routed, and the whole of their baggage, elephants and horses looted." This is also supported by a chalu verse which recounts the victories of Gajaravu Tippa who is stated to have defeated the Yavanas (Musalmans) on the plain outside the town of Kambhammetta in the presence of Ambariya, i.e. Hambira, son of Kapilegvara. Two inscriptions in the Warangal fort, one of Hambirs and another of Raghudeva, 10 refer to the capture of the fort on the 2nd February 1460 A.D. and to the victory of the 1 Bharati, Vol. XVIII, Part II, pp. 516 ff. ? JASB, Vol. LXIX, pp. 173 ff.: Karnaf-5jjhasa-simhah Kalavaraga-jayi Malara-dhvamsa-lila-jarghald Gauda-mardi Bhramaravara-ntipo dhvasta-Phill-indra-garvah. * Kalingadesacharitra, p. 360. Cf. the Anantavaram grant in the Andhra Patrika Annual, 1928-29, Kalingadesacharitra, Appendix, p. 97: Prasahya Karna ta-mahipateh purim nirudhya Vidyanagarim nijair-balaih samunnata manam=iv=ochchhrayan karath samadade karkasa-chakra-vikramah || . Ind. Ant., Vol. XXVIII, pp. 240 ff. * Mack. M88., No. 16-4-3: Vira-pumgavulaku vetalu madelu maniki viharambu Muhurambu. 7 Ind. Ant., Vol. XXVIII, p. 244. . Chalupadyamanimanjars, Vol. II, p. 65 : Yavanula gelvade Yarbarayalu chuda. n=etfaina Kambamumetta baita. .A.R. Ep., 1957-58, No. B 53. 10 Ibid., No. B 55; ahove, pp. 125 IF.

Page #392
No. 621 VELIGALANI GRANT OF KAPILESVARA, SAKA 1380 281 Gajapati generals over Humayun Shah, though the date of the record under study is earlier than that of the capture of Warangal by Hambira and Raghudeva. Dhilli (Delhi) was the capital of Bahlul Lodi (1451-89 A.D.), though nothing has come to light so far about the conflict between Kapilegvara and the Lodr Bultan. Like Muhura, Dhilli also finds mention in the list of places subdued by the former.1 The information about the donees of the charter, as found in the Telugu section, is appended below in a tabular form. Their family names may be mainly divided into two categories : (1) villages whence their families originally hailed, e.g. Bejavada, Addada, Komdapalli, Lolla, Rajukomda, Yedavalli, Akunuri, etc.; and (2) titles indicating their proficiency in particular branches of learning, .g. Shaddarsanam, Samavedin, Vedantam, Bhagavatula, Puranam, eto. Most of the family names mentioned in the list are still in existence in Andhra. The list of donees includes one called Narayapa-dvivedin whose family name is Samavedin but who calls himself a Yajurvedin. His title dvidedin would suggest that he was a student of both the Samaveda and the Yajurveda. I. (a) Northern half of Jagesvarapura No. Name of the Donos Name of the family Gotra Veda or Sakha . Rigveda. 1 Sarva-bhatlu 2 Naga-bhatlu . . . . . . . . . Godavarti . Odde. . . . . . . . . Yajurveda Rigvada Yajurvoda Rigveda . . . . . 3 Rama-bhatlu . . 4 Narkyapa-bhatlu 6 Narkyapa-bhatiu . 6 Annath-bhatlu . 7 Mukti-bhatlu . . 8 Boma-bhatlu . . 9 Yajedvara-somayajulu 10 Vellava-bhatlu. . 11 Narasimha-bhatlu . 12 Mallu-bhatlu . . 13 Parvata-bhatlu. . 14 Rami-bhatlu . . 15 Naga-bhatlu . . 16 Venni-ojhalu . 17 Kanni-dvivbaulu 18 Yata-bhattu . . 19 somd-bhatlu . . 20 Gopala-bhatlu . . Yajurveda Kurti . . Munnangi . Yempalela . Jannasani , Akuntri . Yenamandra. Upadrashta Yeturi . . Gorti. Hari . . Siva . . Yedavalle . Malyala . Kanapalli . Kpiahpathbhatla . Pavye . . Bhamdaru . . Matadadapu. Kadyapa Angirasa-Bhara dvaja. Maudgalya Bharadvaja. . . . Srivatsa Kabyapa . . Kaubika . . Kaundinya. . . Bharadvaja. Srivatsa Vadhola Harita . . Srivatsa . . Kaulika Bharadvaja. * Gargya . . . . Atroya . Gautama Kaulika Rigveda * * * * . . . . Woulu . Yajurveda . Rigveda 1 Mack. M88., No. 16-4-3: Gaja yudhamula gaffu Kambal KaribalupaHananbu gunala-pallo Phili,

Page #393
282 [VOL. XXXIII EPIGRAPHIA INDICA 1. (b) Southern half of Jagesvurpura No. Name of the Donee Name of the family Gotra Veda or Sakha . . . . Yajurveda - Rigveda Yajurveds . . . * . 21 Mallu-bhatlu . 22 Prolu-bhatlu . 28 Trivikrama-bhatlu 24 Mallu-somayajulu 25 Bhimesvara-bhatlu 26 Peddi-bhatlu 27 Somi-bhatlu . 28 Visvesvara-bhatlu 29 Durga-bhatlu'. 30 Mall-Evadhanlu . 31 Vallava-bhatlu . 32 Aditya-bhatlu 33 Vallava-bhatlu . 34 Kommad-ojhalu . 86 Yollu-bhatlu . 38 Kekava-bhatlu . 37 Janardana-bhatiu 38 Rima-bhatlu 39 Narahari-hhatlu . 40 Dechi-bhatlu . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. .. . . . . . . . . . . . . .. Rajukonda. Uppaldri . Parimetta . Kondapalli. . Pulye Gollapundi. Madugari : . Upadrashta. * Manjeti . Kochi. . Lolla . .. Parimetta Darvisula : Konakathchi. . Nagavarapn . . Dhailipale Shaddarkanam Kandari . . Betanabhatis: Yeturi . . Harita . . Kasyapa . . . Gautama . Atreya . . Kaundinya. Harita . Kaundinya . Bharadvaja. . . Harita. . Kikyapa Srivatsa . Gargya . . Atreya . Kausika Bharadvaja Harita Kaubika . Atreys . . . . . . . . Rigvoda . Yajurveda . . . Rigveda Yajurveda . Rigveda Yajurveda . . Rigveda Yajurveda . . . . . . . . 41 Mahakali-bhatlu . . 42 Rimi-bhatlu . . 48 Tippa-bhatlu . 44 Poda-K&mi-bhatia . 48 Vallava-bhatlu. 46 Pot-Avadhaniu . , 47 Gangadhara-bhatia . 48 Barva-bhatlu . . 49 Peddi-bhatia . . 50 Narayana-dvivedulu. 61 Mallu-bhatlu . II. (a) Northern half of Vellamambapura . . . .... Kutes . . . . . Darvisula Srivatsa . . Addida . Harita . . . . . Yorupalela . Bharadvaja . . Ing . Saunaka . Vaddi. . . Kauktka . . . . Penurhbarti Kaundinya. . . Kupps . . . . Sadhu. . . Brtonton . . . Simavedl . Kandinga . . . NAH , . . Bharadoja Yajurveda . . . . . .. . . . .

Page #394
No. 52) VELIGALANI GRANT OF KAPILESVARA, SAKA 1380 No. Name of the Dones Name of the family Gotra Voda or Sakha . Yajurvoda 52 Prolu-bhatlu 53 Annanh-bhatlu . . . . Harita. Vadhula . Vedantam . . Ramakrishnan bhatla Siddhi . . . . . . 54 Yetu-sumayajulu . . * Kinva-sakha . 55 Chitta-ujhalu , 66 Mashchi-bhatlu. 67 Poddi-bhatlu . 68 Narasimh-ojhalu 69 Devare-bhatlu 60 Aubhala-bhatlu . . . . i . . . . . Kayva . . . . . . . Odde . . Odali. Argirasa-Bhara desja Maitreya . . Kaubika . . . . Maitroya . Bharadvaja. Harita . . . . . . . . , Rigveda , . . II. (b) Southern half of Vellamambupura Yajurveda . . . . . . Rigveda Yajurveda . . . . . . . . . . . . 61 Potu-bbatlu . 62 Dovare-bhatlu . . 63 Peddi-bhatlu . 64 Saumitri-bhatlu . . 85 Vallava-bhatlu : . 66 Aditya-bhatlu . . 67 Gamgadhara-bhatlu . 68 Vibvesvar-acharyulu . 69 Anamt-ojhalu , . 70 Peddi-bhatlu . . 71 Narahari-bhatlu. 72 Tirumala-bhatlu. 73 Naga-dvivedulu . . 74 Yarre-ojbalu 76 Narasimh-avadhanlu. 70 Bhairava-bhatlu . . 77 Maru-bhatlu 78 Malla-ojhalu . . 70 (Singa-bhatlu . . (80 Gamgadhara-bhatlu . Chovane peddi . Bhaskararaju Annangeri , Perumadi . Mukkolani. Kadali. . Tadepalli Kamdavalli Muddali . . Damodara . Challa. . Bhagavatula. . Ndri . . Tadapalli . Tadipandi . * Bhutanathani .Poyyala . Anamdula , . Jagarlapandi Divakara-bhatla Harite . . . Kutsa . . Bharadvaja . . . Kaubika . Kaundinya . Harita . . . Bharadvaja : Maudgalya. Kausika . Kaundinya Kapi. . . Harita Atreya . . . .... Gautama . Mudgala . Harita . . Bharadwaja . . Kasyapa . . . . . . . Rigveda Yajurveda Rigveda . . . . . . . .

Page #395
[Vol. XXXIII EPIGRAPHIA INDICA III. (a) Northern half of Kapilasvarapura Name of the family Gotra No. Name of the Donee Vada or SAkhi Yajurveda . Rigveda . , . Yajurveda . . . . 81 Garngadhara-bhatlu . . . Norayana-dvivedula Bharadvaja . 82 Narasimha-bhatlu Tomta-sonayojula . Kaun dinya. 83 Kuldvara-bhathu ... Jagarlapamdi Bhiradvaja . 84 Jagannatha-bhatlu . . Yajianna-bhatla. Kaundinya 83 Barva-bhatlu . . . . Appalebhatia Sandilya . 86 Kasuva-ojhalu. . . . Samkara Gautama 87 Soma-bhatlu * Mangamti . Kasyapa . A8 Yarapota-bhatlu . . . . . Chimtalapati. Harita . 89 Poddi-bhatlu . . . . Satyashadha. Sathamarahapa 90 Podd-ojhalu . . . . Solasa. . Bharadvaja. 91 Somayojulu or somayajulu. Anduville . Kasyapa . 02 Pina-Kami-bhatlu . . . Yarparila Bharadvaja. 93 Rudra-bhatlu . . Betana-bhatla . Kautika . 94 Narasimha-sdmayajulu . . Uttarevarapu Kibyapa . 98 Rama-bhatlu . . . . Chergolani. Kauliks . 06 Prdlu-bhatlu . . . . Kamdavalli Bharadvaja. 97 Patu-bhatlu . . . . Jonnalagadda Gautama . 98 Tallu-bhatlui . . . Mulukalori. Kaupdinya. 09 Gopala-bhatlu . .. Kondapalli . , , 100 Potu-bhatlu . . . . Satakuri Kasyapa . Rigtoda . . : Yajurveda Rigveda III. (b) Southern half of Kapilesvarapura Yajurveda . . + 101 Lakshmana-somayajulu 102 Lingd-ohalu * * 108 Aubhal-ojhalu . . 104 Singa-ojhalu . . 105 Kami-bhatlui : 106 Bhdvanarayana-ojhalu. 107 Tirumala-bhatlu . ' 108 Madha-ojhalu : 100 Malla-8jhalu ... 110 Bhimi-ojbalu . 111 Madhe-ojhalu . . . . Atnduvilla . * * * Talaproi . . . . Mathadapu. . . . Bojavada . . .. Mirachi-bbatla i : Biruvagadda ; : Puranam . Bittagumata . . Kundeti . ... Remalla ... Mukkoleni'. Kadyapa . * Bradvj+ . Kaubika . . Maitreya . . Harita . Sandilya . . , Bharadvaja. Kadyapa . Harita'. : ., Kapve-bakba . ; Yajurveda

Page #396
No. 52) 286 VELIGALANI GRANT OF KAPILESVARA, SAKA 1380 III. (b) Southern half of Kapilesvarapura-contd. No. Name of the Donee Name of the family Gotra Veda or Bakht . Yajurveda . i . . . . . . . 112 Prolu-bhatlu . 113 Jagannatha-bhatlu 114 Tallu-bhatu . 115 Telumgari-bhatlu 116 Kamadeva-bhatia 117 Aubhala-bhatlu 118 Jagannatha-bhatlu 119 Appale-bhatlu . 120 Soru-bhatlu . . Rigveda Yajurveda . . . . . . . Pulya. . . Atroya , Alam uri . Kaundinya. Appaya-dvivedule . Sandilya . Mailavarapu . Bharadvaja. Aavaromula. Kaulika . Katanagadda Atreya . . . Metaku . Kaupdinya . . Darvasula . Srivatsa . . Chetakuri Kikyapa . . . . . . . . . . . . . Rigveda Some of the geographical names mentioned in the record have been discussed above. The gift village of Veligalani is stated to have been situated in Hariguka-Moduri-siman. Mention is also made of the rivers Godavari and Krishna-Venna (Koishna). While describing the boundaries of the gift land, the rivers Bhimarathi and the villages of Pemchikalapadu, Penamarguru, Garagaparti, Moramtada, Kanumuru, Mumdlarumdi and Mirti are mentioned. Amongst the other places mentioned, Delhi is referred to only in a few South Indian epigraphs. Bhimarathi of our record may be identical with the stream of that name mentioned in the Gavarapadu grant of Kakatiya Ganapati, which is now called Bhima-nadi, though the famous Bhimarathi is the modern Bhima, the well-known tributary of the Krishna. Hariguka-Meduri-siman, or Medura-thala As it is called in the Oriya section, is identical with modern Meduru in the Gudivada Taluk of the Krishna District. Kapilesvarapura of our record is no doubt the present Kapilesvarapuram in the same Taluk, which is only a few miles from Meduru. The old name Veligalani and the new names Jagesvarapura and Vellamambapura or Velamapura applied to two parts of Veligalani appear to have gone out of use while the name Kapilesvarapura, which was originally applied to a third part of old Veligalani after the name of the donor, came to be applied to the entire village. The village of Mundiapumdi is apparently the present Mullapudi while Kanumuru is the village of the same name neur Kapilegvarapuram. Penamamguru is modern Penamakuru. The other localities mentioned in connection with the boundaries of the gift village cannot be satisfactorily identified. TEXT . Second Plate, First Side [Sanskrit] 1 pi tolayate | 6 | Vira-sri-Kapilendra tavaka-chamu-dhatishuh(shu) bheri2 dhvanau bhar-abhugna-bhujamga-pumgava-phanasv=akramta-rod-orta Cf. Panchadharla pillar inscription (Saka 1325) of the Kona king Choda II (above, Vol. XIX, p, 156) And the Vilasa grant of Prolaya-nayaka (ibid, Vol. XXXII, p. 267, text line 160-51). Above, Vol. XVIII, p. 356. From impressions. * The 'Telugu nnmeral 4 is incised in the left margin showing that this was the fourth plate of the original grant lator utilisod for drawing up a new onarter. The Arst plate of tho now charter, which was ongraved upparently on the inner Ride only, is lost. Metre : Sardulavileridita(?).

Page #397
286 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXXIII 3 re Hampa kampam=agat tada(to)=dhikadha(ta)ra Dva(Dha)ra cha dhar-atura4 dvara Kalubarigat vimukta-turaga Dhilli cha Bhilli-vrita 17|| Tulya5 chod=rajatena bukti-rajatam hemn=arakutam samam sya6 ch=chet kacha-manis-sureridra-manina sadpisyam-abhyeti chet naksha7 tram graha-nayakena tulanam vindeta chet=tejasa vira-sri-Kapi8 lesvarena samatam=anyo janesa vrajet || 8 ||* Dane yasasi saurya 9 cha Kapilendra-mahikshita. [l*] n-unyo samas=sama[s*)=syus-te chatvarah shoqasa tra 10 yah || 9 || Nissosham nihatah pare vasumati nita tadiyya(ya) vasam ta Second Plate, Second Side 11 d-vitta-pratipadanena sakala vidvaj-janah pohita) vikhyatir=jagada12 ka-vir[ra]' iti cha vyakhyapita rodaso Rainen=eva dhara dharatridasa13 sat=kury--eti buddhis vahan || 10 || Sak-abde Bahudhanya-namni ga14 nite vyom-ebha-vahn-indubhir-Vaisakhyam Kapilesvaro Hariguka-Ma16 duri-simni sthitam(tam) | virsatyai vidusham sutaya cha vasan Go16 davari-saikate nineeshan Veligalanis-namakam-adad-gramam 17 sva-pitr-akhyaya || 11 || Krishna-dakshina-vahine(ni) vijayate Venna(pna)18 nadi-sangata tat-prachyam Vijaya-pratapa-Kapilerdr-akhyam ma19 ha-sasanam(nam) | tatr=abhamti satam cha virsuti-param vipra Vasishth-o20 pama ta(8=ta)d-data Vijaya-pratapa-Kapilemdro bhati dharm-ottarah || 12 | Third Plate, First Side 21 Manishv=anarghyoshu parikshiteshv=iva dvijeindra-ratneshu na lakshyate kra22 mah | tath=api bhumisuraraja-malika vilikhyato raja-vilokha23 na-kramat || 13 ||? 1 Read Kalbariga for the sake of tho metre. * Metre : Sardulavikridita. Metre: Anush fuhh. Of the 4, 18 and 3 persons famous respoctivoly for their liberality, fame and valour, the second group refers to the ancient imperial rulers of the Shodasa-rajaktya section of the Mahabharata (Dronaparvan, chapters 58 ff.). It is difficult to say whether tho first group rofers to Karna, Sibi Ustnern, Bali and Dadhi. chi and the third to Bhishma, Drona and Arjuna. The letter ra is written below the line. The inotro requires Veligalni. * The Telugu numoral 6 is found in the loft margin, indicnting theruhy that the plate was the Afth of the original set. Metre: Vansaxtha.

Page #398
VELIGALANI GRANT OF KAPILESVARA, SAKA 1380 ymNloo pNddiNci hoodaaloo 2 | naa bhaaraabhug bhujNg enoosooN doNdd tpyaaN bdugaa kddaadi raaraa raaru 4 laaryaa turigaanmu luNgaaNbhuvuddaa|| smrkNddaannNrkN uNdNgaa almunoonni rNdmunaa saadhiNcbddin sNpuunaaru. kulgaaN eN eN aa 2016lddu GIA W523 mriniki naani 2020nsunuNddiyu vaattN TELANGA SPIRS. i, mNtt raasaaraam vddiraaju 12 12 2 diiNtN petttti suraanuvaaru mn pNddu juulu vivraamNgaa kaatn 14 nuNci vishaalN naatti mtN , mRtN durmaaraavaalnee vissyaanni srikaa rNgN puNliNgaa muNdu raasnN vNdddu. kNci paadN - eNddgaani jy avtaarNgaann aadrnn Scale: Two-fifths

Page #399
bunooppin kmi pripuu mdvaacnN srraaju maalikaa di limitt prytnN kujmunu eniglaaniki vcciN ciN 24 vidiri dNcin e ddin shkti vaanloo gorre murunndi oo unaagaa bddu aNgiN - baar aNgundi kuri raamaa bhdrumaadivy gaatrmuNttee juNdi. yug sNginaa raay bddubaaN j ckrNloo ndiyiNpaalnaaraayi bNgaa raay jrn sthaaniaaNshNbmnni eetgaa (juddi aaku muni paaddi yenmNddr maabhu 222 22 26 28 30 180 FICERS MA AT SET 283 16 & CENCE ISH AN & CS knnvaarH|OGEN BE EDO kree! j,v. raa raaraa raaraa raaraar icci iNrnn ciNdi girg konni raa kr1 5 6 shrii Slap & ?. MA||raa|68||55|| LACHEZ& SISING SP8Q68 8 M. raaraaddnee vaaddaa kor 28 2018|88| GIE AMG TUDGE. RELLASAY 186 | C. 168 | QrLTH GR ES U T 'SOGASUNTR | A|||| YOGESHI | DSP 100/ vraa shrii MP dd ii GST 2 TV IS 11215. LARGEM MATE & ENTERS ALGULY2D8GQCG 182 iii, a 184 188 ari, a 22222 24 26 28 30 180 182 184 186 188

Page #400
No.52] VELIGALANI GRANT ON KAPILESVAPA, SARA 1380 287 [Telugu] Subham=astu | Veligalani-Kapilesvarapuranaku Jago24 svarapurapu vidhiki uttara-sruni paschim-adi Godavartti-Survi-bhatlu Ka25 Syapa-gotramu Ru(Ri)gvedi Odde Naga-bhatlu Argirasa-Bharadva26 ja-gotrari Ru(Ri)gvedi | Kurti Rama-bhatlu [Mau]dgalya-gotranuu Ya27 jurvedi | Murinna(na)ingi Narayana-bhatlu Bhardvaja-gotraria Ri28 gvedi | Yeapalela Narayana-bhatlu Bharadvaja-gotram Yaju29 rvedi | Jamnna(na)sani Aanna(na) i-bhatlu Srivatsa-yotram Rigvedi | Akunu30 ri Mukti-bhatlu Kaxyapa-gotram Kigvedi Yenamaridra Somu-bha Third Plate, Second Side 31 tlu Kausika-gotram Kigvedi | Upadrashtha Yagnejna)sva[ra*)-sumayajulu 32 Kaunoinya-gotrar Rigvedi | Yeturi Vallava-blatlu Bhuradvuja-go33 trari Yajurvodi | Gotti(rtti) Narasimhya(ha)-bhatlu Srivats.n-potrari Yajurva34 di Hari Mallu bhatlu Vadhula-gotrazi Yajurvedi Sivi Parvata-bhatlu 35 Harita-gotruri Yajurvedi | Yedavalle Rama-bhatlu Srivatsa-go36 tran Yajurvidi | Malyala Naga-bhatlu Kausika-gotrar Yajurvedi | 37 Kunapu(pa)Ili Venna-ojhalu Bharadvaja-gotram Rigvedi | Ktishnam38 bhatla Kanna-dvivedulu Gargya-gotram Rigvedi Puvye Yatu-bhatlu 39 Atreya-gotram Yajurvedi | Bhamdaru Soma-bhatlu Gautama40 gutram Yajurvedi Mandadapu Gopala-bhatlu Kausika-gotraria Fourth Plate, First Side 41 Ru(Ri)gvedi |20 || Dakshina-breni paschim-adi Rajukorda Mallu-bhatlu Ha42 rita-gotram Yajurvedi | Uppaluri Prolu-bhatlu Kasya(sya)pa-gotram 43 Yajurvedi | Purimetta Trivikrama-bhatlu Kasyapa-gotrain Ru(Ri)gvedi Ko 44 adapalli Mallu-somayajulu Gautama-gotram Yajurvedi | 45 Pulye Bhimesvara-bhatlu Atreya-gotram Yajurvedi || Golla46 pumdi Peddi-bhatlu Ka(Kau)mlinya-gotram Yajurvedi Maduguri 47 Soma-bhatlu Harita-gotram Rigvedi | Upadrashta Visvesvara-bhatlu Kau48 mainya-gotram Rigvedi | Majeti Durga-bhatlu Bharadvaja-gotram 49 Yaju[rve]di | Kuchi Mall-avadhanlu Bharadvaja-gotram Yajurvedi ) 50 Lolla Vallava-bhatlu Harita-gotram Yajurvedi Purimetta Aditya The Telugu numeral G is engraved near the ring holo showing that this was the sixth plate of the original set.

Page #401
288 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA Fourth Plate, Second Side 51 bhatlu Kasya(sya)pa-gotram Rigvedi | Durvasula Vallava-bhatlu Srivatsa-gotram 52 Yajurvedi | Ko[na]kamchi Komman-ojhalu Gargya-gotram Rigvedi | Nagava53 [ra]'pu Yellu-bhatlu Atreya-gotrash Yajurvedi | Dhulipala Kasiva-bhatla Ka(Kau)54 sika-gotram Yajurvedi | Shaddarsanam Janardana-bhatlu Bharadvaja-gotram 55 Rigvedi | Kam[du]ri Rama-bhatlu Harita-gotram Yajurvedi | Beta 56 na-bhatla Narahari-bhatlu Kausika-gotram Yajurvedi | Yeturi Dechi-bha57 tlu Atreya-gotram Ye(Ya)jurvedi || 20 || Vellamambapura-vidhiki uttara-sre 58 ni paschim-adi | Mahakali-bhatlu Kutsa-gotram Yajurvedi | Durvasu50 la Rama-bhatla Srivatsa-gotram Yajurvedi | Addads Tippa-bhatla Hi60 rita-gotzah Yajurvedi | Yethpalela Peda-Kami-bhatlu Bharadvaja-gotrah [VOL. XXXIII Fifth Plate, First Side 61 Yajurvedi Inga Vallava-bhalu Saunaka-gotram Yajurvedi | Vaddi Po 62 t-avadhanlu Kausika-gotram [Yajurvedi | Penum[ba]rti Gamgadhara63 bhalu Kaudinys-gotesh Ye(Yajurvedi | Kuppa Sarva-bhatlu Kaudinya. 64 gotra YeYajurvedi | Sadhu Peddi-bhatla Sriva tas-gotrath Ye(Ya)jurvedi | 65 Samavedi Narayapa-dvivedulu Kaumdinya-gotram Ye(Ya)ju 66 rvedi || Nali Mallu-bhatlu Bharadvaja-gotram Ye(Ya)jurvedi | 67 Vedamtam Prolu-bhatlu Harita-gotram Ye(Ya)jurvedi | Ramakrishna 68 m-bhattla(tla) Annam-bhatlu Vadhula-gotram Ye(Ya)jurvedi | Siddhi Yetu 69 amayajulu Athgi[raan). Bharadvaja-goteach Yo(Yajurvedi | Ka 70 mdva(pva) Chitta-ojhalu Maitreya-gotram Kamdva(Kanva)-sakha | Kamdva(Kanva) Mam= Fifth Plate, Second Side 71 chi-bhatlu Kausika-gotram Kamdava(Kanva)sakha | Kamdva(Kanva) Peddi-bhatlu Kausika= 72 gotrach Kathdva(pva)-dakha | Kathdva(Kapva)-Narasimhyo(h-o)jhalu Maitriya-go 73 tram Kamdva(Kanva)-sakha | Odde Devare-bhatlu Bharadvaja-gotram Rigvo 74 di Odali Aubhala-bhatlu Harita-gotram Rigvedi || 20 || Dakshina 75 areni paschim-adi | Chevanapeddi Potu-bhatlu Harita-gotrain 76 Yajurvedi Bhaskararaju Devare-bhatla Kutan-gotra Ya 77 jurvedi Annadigeri Peddi-bhatla Bharadvaja-gotrath Bigvedi | Pe 78 rumdi Baumitri-bhalu Bharadvaja-gotzah Yajurvedi | Mu 79 kkolani Vallava-bhatlu Kausika-gotram Yajurvedi | Kadali Aditya-bha 80 tlu Kaumdinya-gotram Yajurvedi | Tadepalli Gamgadhara-bhatlu Ha 1 Engraved in the left margin. The Telugu numeral 7 is engraved near the ring hole. Originally ya had been written and was corrected to ye.

Page #402
No. 52] VELIGALANI GRANT OF KAPILESVARA, SAKA 1380 Sixth Plate, First Side1 81 rita-gotrach Yajurvedi | Kadave(va)lli Visve[ava*]r-achiryulu Bharadvaja-gotrach 82 Ye(Ys)jurvedi | Maddali Anarht-ojhalu Mandgalya-gotrah Yajurvedi | 83 Damodara Peddi-bhatlu Kausika-gotram Ye(Ya)jurvedi | Challa Narahari-bhatlu Kau84 mdinya-gotram Ye(Ya)jurvedi | Bhagavatula Tirumala-bhatlu Kapi-gotram Ya 85 jurvedi || Nori Naga-dvivedulu Ye(Ya)jurvedi Harita-gotram | Ta 86 dipalli Yara-ojhalu Atreya-gotram Ye(Ya)jurvedi || Tadipum 87 di Narasimhya(h-a)vadhanlu Ye(Ya)jurvedi || Bhutanathani Bhairava-bhatlu Gautama88 gotram Ru(Ri)gvedi || Peyyala Maru-bhatlu Mudgala gotram Ye(Ya)jurve 89 di Anathdula Malla-ojhalu Harita-gotrach Ru(Bigvadi | Jagalla(rla)pa 90 indi Simga-bhatlu Bharadvaja-gotram Ru(Ri)gvedi | Divakara-bhatla Gamga Sixth Plate, Second Side 91 dhara-bhatlu Kasyapa-gotram Ru(Ri)gvedi || 20|| Kapilesvarapurapu vidhi[ki] 92 uttara-sreni paschim-adi | Narayana-dvivedula Gamgadhara-bhatlu Bha 93 radvaja-gam Yajurvedi Tomta-somayajula Narasimhya(ha)-bhatlu 94 Kaumdinya-gotram Ru(Ri)gvedi | Jagarlapudi Kisisvara-bhatlu Bharadvaja 96 gotrah Ru(Rigvedi | Yelyaljanna-bhatla Jagannatha-beatlu Kaumhdinya-gotrah Ru(Ri)gvedi 96 Appale-bhatla Sarva-bhatlu Samdilya-gotram Yajurvedi | Samkara Ka 97 suva-ojhalu Gautama-gotram Ye(Ya)jurvedi | Mangamti Soma 98 bhalu Kyapa-gotrash Ye(Ya)jurvedi Chirhtalapati Yarapota-bhalu Hari 99 ta-gutrach YeYajurvedi | Satyashidha Peddi-bhatlu Sathama[r*Jahana-gotrah Ya Adu 100 jurvedi Solasa Pedd-ojhalu Bhardvaja-gotrain Ye(Ya)jurvodi 101 villa Somayajulu Kasys(ya)pa-gotrath Ye(Ya)jurvedi | Yaparula Pina-Ka Seventh Plate, First Side 102 ma-bhatlu Bharadvaja-gotram Ye(Ya)jurvedi Betana-bhatla Rudra103 bhatu(tlu) Kausika-gotram Ye(Ya)jurvedi || Uttaresvarapu Narasimhya(ha)104 somayajulu Kasya(sya)pa-gotzah Ye(Yajurvedi J. Chedigola 105 ni Rama-bhatlu Kausika-gotram Ye(Ya)jurvedi || Kamdave(va)lli Prolu 106 bhatlu Bharadvaja-gotram Ye(Ya)jurvedi || Jonnalagadda Potu107 bhatlu Gautama-gotram Ru(Ri)gvedi || Mulukaluri Tallu-bha 108 tlu Kaumdinya-gotram Ru(Ri)gvedi || Komdapalli Gopala-bhatlu Kaum109 dinya-gotram Ye(Ya)jurvedi || Satakuri Potu-bhatlu Kasya(eya)pa-go 110 tram Ru(Ri)gvedi || 20 || Dakshina-ereni paschim adi 1 Arduvilla Lakshmanamayajulu Klaya(iya)pa-goteath Ye(Ya)jurvedi | Telaprali Li 111 289 The Telugu numeral 8 is engraved to the left of the ring hole. The engraver has omitted the name of his gotra. *The Telugu numeral 9 is engraved in the left margin.

Page #403
(VOL. XXXIII 290 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA Seventh Plate, Second Side 112 mga-ojhalu Bharadvaja-gotram Ye(Ya)jurvedi | Mandadapu 113 Aubhal-ojhalu Kausika-gotram Ye(Ya)jurvedi | Bejavada Simga114 ojhalu Kausika-gotram Ye(Ya)jurvedi || Mamchi-bhatla Kama115 bhatlu Maitriya-gotram Ye(Ya)jurvedi | Buruu(vu)gadda Bhava116 narayan-ojhalu Harita-gotram Ye(Ya)jurvedi || Pura117 nam Tirumala-bhatlu Samdilya-gotram Ye(Yajurvedi || Bi118 ttagumta Madha-ojhalu Sandilya-gotram Kamdava(Kanva)-bakha || 119 Kumdeti Maila-ojhala Bharadvaja-gotram Kamdava(Kanva)-sakha 120 Remalla Bhima-ojhalu Kasya pa-gotram Kamdava(Kanva)-sakha || Mu121 kkolani Madha-ojhalu Harita-gotrar Ye(Ya)jurvedi | Eighth Plate, First Side 122 Pulya Prolu-bhatlu Atreya-gotram Ye(Ya)jurvedi || Alamu123 ri Jagannatha-bhatlu Kaumdinya-gotram Ye(Ya)jurvedi | Appaya-dvi124 vedula Tallu-bhatlu Cham(sam)ailya-gotram Ye(Ya)jurvedi [l*] Mailavarapu Te125 lumgari-bhatlu Bharadvaja-gotram Ru(Ri)gvedi || [A]"svaromula Ka126 madeva-bhatlu Kausika-gotram Ye(Ya)jurvedi | Katanagadda Aubhala-bha127 tlu Atreya-gotram Ye(Ya)jurvedi | Metaku Jagannatha-bhatlu Kaumdi128 nya-gotram Ye(Ya)jurvedi | Durvasula Appale-bhatlu Srivatsa-gotra129 m Ye(Ya)jurvedi || [Che]takuri Suru-bhatlu Kasya(bya)pa-gotram Ru(Ri)gvedi Eighth Plate, Second Side 130 | 20 || Verasi 1204 [*] Ninth Plate, First Side 140 di padamati-mukhamai mota-raviki velli udugula-putta mo141 chi vu(u)ttaram-mukhamai Bhimarati(thi)-dhari prata-putta mochenu [l*] An142 dun=undi padamati-mukhamai buruvuku velli a-padamati143 Kumpatiputti tirigi nela-puttan=umai vu(u)ttaran-mukhamai poi(yi)144 lokunimgam-dirigi uttaram-mukhamai poyi devara-cheni145 padamati-nallam-buttan=umddi(di) padamati-mukhamai poyi 146 mota-raviki velli a-padamati-pedda-puttan=undi daksha(kshi)nam-mu147 khamai poyi damtta-tadi-puttan=undi padumati-mukhamai po148 yi udugula-puttan-undi uttaram-mukhamai nela kumta mochi pa149 damati-mukhamai poyi pedda-puttan=undi uttaram-mukhamaiyi(mai) 2 The Telugu numeral 1 and a floral design are faintly soon at the margin. The number 10 in Telugu unmorals is engraved near the ring hole. This plate is only 8 inches height. The lotter i seems to have been corrected to a. * The old writing on the rest of the plate is beaten in. Some letters belonging to the earlier grant are visible here and there. * The writing on this plate referring to the boundaries of the gift land begins abruptly in the middle of a word which may be andunumdi.

Page #404
291 No. 52) VELIGALANI GRANT OF KAPILESVARA, SAKA 1330 Ninth Plate, Second Side 160 mamchi-nilla-kumtta-ajna(gne)yam-mula yarram-butta mochenu (1*] 151 Andun-umdi daksha(kshi)nam-mukhamai poyi Pemchikelapadu no152 chi padumati-mukhamai poyi padu tirigi daksha(kshi)pa-mukhamai 153 poyi pramta-mondugu-puttan=umdi turupu-mukhamai 154 poyi yarram-buttan=umai daksha(kshi)na-mukhamai poyi pe155 dda-putta mochi padamati-mukhamai soyi borra-nakka-viriki velli156 kara-vemtane poyi Bhimarati(thi) damti duriye(ya)-duksha(kshi) pann-mukha* 157 mai poyi vamgu vu(u)ttarapu-pramta-putta mochi padamati-mu 158 khamai trge-mrosdumuku velli Paimci-mukkula-ravula-domkka 159 mochi vu(u)ttaram-mukhamai poyi domka tirigi pedda-putton=urn Tenth Plate, First Side 160 [d=im"Jchika-meral voyi padamati mukhamai Bhimarathi mochenu [l*) Amddvn=n. 161 hdi Bhimarati(thi) vemttane uttaram-mukhamai poyi Mallamaraju-kana162 man=umdi padumati-mukhamai poyi Penamamguri polamera163 mlmdi pedda-puttan=undi uttaram-mukhamai Sambane-kumta padamatai164 gam=boyi Nagamayya-putta mochi padamati-mukhamai i165 mchika-mera poyi uttaram-muklamai poyi G@ragaparti po16EUR lamera mimdi nela-putta mochi turppu-mukhamai poyi tum167 ga-kumta mochenu [l*] Amdun=umli uttaran-mukhamai poyi graddala168 marri-kumta tirigi turpu-mukhamai poyi nela-kumta mochi u169 ttaram-mukhamai poyi Moramtada polamera-mimdi Garapapu Tenth Plate, Second Side 170 polamera nirnna(rca)yamu | I(I)sany-adi Kanumuri voddum-jeruvu daksha(kshi)napu-tu 171 munan=umddi(di) daksha(kshi)napu-mukhamai poyi avurun-godu damti 172 inchika-mera payi padumati-mukhamai poyi dakshakshi)napu-mu173 khamai poyi appatimnni(ni) padumati-mukha mai pogi daksha(kshi)na174 mukhamai poyi nallam-buttan=umoi turppu-mu175 khamai poyi pramta-puttan=umddi dakshakshi)na-mukhamni 176 poyi Doddapaneni-vari-tomta padamati Poturaju vam177 kka-tadi-puttan=umdi turppu-mukhamai poyi Mum"lap[u]178 mdi mamchi-nila-kumta padamati-chauta-nuitan=umddi(di) daksha(kshi)na 179 mukhamai poyi Mirti-pedda-puttan=umdi turpu-mukhamai poyi as 1 The letter ra is engraved above the line. * The Telugu numerals 1 and 2 are written vertically at the side of the ring hole. . The writing stops here abruptly.

Page #405
292 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXXIII Eleventh Plate, First Side [Oriya) 180 Medura-thala-madhye Velagalini Koshta(shtha)-kari(ra)na-nama khande ati181 to Bhogyama-dandapata mula-kotha-desaru phedi Sriharsta(sta)182 santake Gautami-nadi-gara[bha]-bhista *Jre Singa Vrehala(pa)ti Purna183 kali(la)-smae Srthaste pani chhalila bhumi-dana nana-gota Vra(Bra)184 hmananku Vira-sri-Gajapta(pati)-Gaudesara rna(na)va-koti-Karppata185 Kalavarag-osara Pratapa-Kapilesaradeva-maharaja186 ikara data Jagesarapura-sasana Velamapura-sasana Pratapa-Ka187 pilesarapura-sasana e tini sasanaku bha[ga*) 40 lekhae bhaga 120 [l*] [@l] 188 vali-tola-jala-bhumi madhikari dei hoila [l*]e gaara bhumi189 paa aihme sarva-mairnna chhatisi avadana madhikari chhadi bhake(ga)-[bho) Eleventh Plate, Second Side 190 ga karaiva [1 *** [Sanskrit 191 Kalyanam=akalayatam Kamaladhinatha) Kolakritir-jala-nidho192 s=samuduhyamana || (I) damtena yasya kanak-achala-karnika 193 bhur=vyakocha-kokanada-koraka-kamtir=asit ||Sri[h*1 | 194 Avedanani shatttrimsat=tyaktva eri-Kapilesvarah [l*) grama195 gras-anvitam gramam sarva-manyam sad=akarot 1(1) Sa196 many-foya dha]rma-setur=nsipanam kale kale pala197 nisyyolyo)] bhavadbhih | ittham sarvan bhavinah pa198 rtthi[vemdra]n bhuyo bhuyo yaschalte [Ra*]ma199 cham(dra] [11*] - A floral design is engraved near the ring hole. * The various designs engraved aftor this have already been discussed above, p. 276. * Metro: Vasantatilaka. * The following six lines, apparently belonging to the original charter, have to be read from the bottom side of the plate. They exhibit marks of being partially beaten in and appear to have been engraved by a different hand. These lines were probably not completely beaten in because they are not unsuitable to the context of the new record. Metro: Anuxhubh. * Motre Salint.

Page #406
No. 53-BANDORA PLATES OF MAURYA ANIRJITAVARMAN, YEAR 29. (1 Plate) G. S. GAI, OOTACAMUND (Received on 13.11.1958) This copper-plate inscription is edited here, with the kind permission of the Government Epigraphist for India, from a set of photographs obtained in his office during the year 1949-50.The plates are reported to have been found at a place called Bandora in the Goa territory, along with the two grants of Bhoja Ptithivimallavarman and another two of the Kadamba kings Tribhuvanamalladeva and Shashthadeva II respectively. The set consists of two plates, each measuring about 6-6" by 2.6'. In the left margin of each plate, there is a hole about .25" in diameter, through which passed a ring. A small piece of copper is chipped off in the right-hand corner of the first plate ; but only three or four letters have been lost thereby, which, however, can be restored without difficulty. Otherwise, the writing is wellpreserved. The characters of the record closely resemble those of the two grants of the Bhoja king Prithivimallavarman referred to above though they are box-headed (of a peculiar type) in our inscription instead of what has been called hook-headed in the other records. So on grounds of palaeography, the present inscription may be referred to about the 6th or 7th century A.D. Each plate is engraved on the inner side only and there are eleven lines of writing, the first plate containing five lines while the second plate six. The orthography of the record does not call for any special remarks. The language is Sanskrit and the entire text is in prose. In point of style also the record bears close similarity to the two Bhoja grants mentioned above. The inscription opens with the word dittham. The charter is issued from the victorious Kumara-dvipa and refers itself to the reign of the Maurya Maharaja Anirjitavarman (line 1). It is addressed, in the words of the king, to the inhabitants of the Twelve-village desa as well as the present and future officials such as the bhojakas, ayuktakas and sthayins (lmes 2-3). The object of the record in lines 3-8 seems to register the king's grant of one hala of khajjana land as well as a piece of land, including a house-site, a garden and a tank belonging to an unnamed Rashtrakuta. In addition to this, some land to be reclaimed by clearing the forest (aranya-karshana) by employing four batches of workers (preshya-kula) was also granted. The gift was made for securing the welfare and final beatitude of the king as well as of Nagapadda, Malladatta and Achala. The donee was Hastyarya of the Harita gotra, who is called ukta-niyoga and grihita-sahasra. The expression mkta niyoga seems to have been used in the sense of a specified or appointed person. while grihita-sahasra appears to denote '& person learned in the Sama-Veda (which is supposed to have a thousand branches]'. The gift was exempted from all taxes (panga). 1 It is registered in A.R. Ep., 1949-60, App. A, No, 9. Cf. also above, Vol. XXVI, PP. 339-40. . Abovo, pp. 61 ff. * Ibid., Vol., XXX, pp. 71 ff. . Below, Vol. XXXIV, pp. 105 f. . For panga meaning a kind of tax, 100 above, pp. 64 ff. ( 293 )

Page #407
294 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXXIII Lines 8-9 state that the Brahmana, i.e. the donee Hastyarya, who would enjoy the produce of the land by putting up a bund to prevent the salt water [from entering the field on the sea-shore] should not be disturbed in his enjoyment by anybody. This is followed by another imprecatory sentence in lines 9-11. The executor (ajnapti) of the grant was the king himself (line 11). The charter ends with the date (line 11) which is given as the tenth day of the seventh fortnight of Hema, i.e. Hemanta, in the twentyninth year apparently of the king's reign. This year 29 is expressed by the numerical symbols for 20 and 9. The inscription is important as it introduces a hitherto unknown king of the Maurya dynasty, viz. Anirjitavarman who seems to have held sway somewhere in the western coast about the Goa territory about the 6th or 7th century A.D. Though it is difficult to identify Kumara-dvipa whence the charter was issued, it appears to have been located somewhere in this region. In this connection, we may notice another copper-plate inscription which is also reported to have been discovered in Goa and which belongs to the reign of a king named Chandravarman. It is dated in the second regnal year of the king, Chaitra (?) ba-di 10. On palaeographical grounds, this record may be referred to a date slightly earlier than that of the inscription under study. Its object is to record the donation of some land to the Maha-vihara at Sivapura which is identified with the modern village of the same name near Chandor in Goa. This shows that Chandravarman was ruling over some part of the Goa territory. Unfortunately the first line of the record which apparently contained the name of the dynasty to which Chandravarman belonged is very badly damaged and effaced. Dr. M.G. Dikshit read two letters in this line as maryya and suggested that the king might have belonged to the early Kadamba dynasty. In a note on this inscription, Dr. D. C. Sircar suggested the reading of the word Mauryya as an alternative to m-aryya and observed that Chandravarman of Goa might have had some relations with the Mauryas of the Konkan. A close examination of the printed facsimile of the record would show that the reading of the word Mauryya in line 1 is almost certain and this no doubt refers to the dynasty to which Chandravarman belonged. Thus we get one Chandravarman of the Maurya dynasty who was also ruling somewhere in the west coast in the Goa territory near about the period of the inscription under study. Except Chandravarman and Anirjitavarman, no other king of this dynasty ruling in the said region at this period is known. But from the Siroda plates of Devaraja and from the recent discovery of a few copper-plate grants of the kings of the Bhoja dynasty, we learn that these Bhoja Lings also held sway somewhere in the Goa territory on the west coast from the fourth to the sixth century A.D. The relations between the two Maurya kings Anirjitavarman and Chandravarman with the Bhoja kings cannot be determined without further light on the subject. It may, however, be noted that, in the celebrated Aihole inscription of Pulakesin II dated in 634 A.D., the king's father Kirtivarman I is described as a night of death to the Mauryas, Nalas and Kadambas of whom the Mauryas were ruling in the Konkan as stated later in the record. Mangalesa and Pulakesin II also are credited with success against these Mauryas. The events took place during the latter half of the sixth century and the first half of the seventh century A.D. It is not impossible that the Mauryas defeated by the early Chalukyan kings belonged to the same branch as that of Anirjita varman and Chandravarman. Since the early Western Chalukyan records do not refer to the defeat of the Bhojas but 1 New Ind. Ant., Vol. IV, pp. 181-84 and Plate. An. Bh. Or. Res. Inst., Vol. XXIII (Silver Jubilee Volume), pp. 510-13. Above, Vol. XXIV, pp. 143 ff.; Vol. XXVI, pp. 337 ff. Ibid., Vol. VI, pp. 4 ff., text line 4. This event is also referred to in the later records like the Kauthem grant (Ind. Ant., Vol. XVI, pp. 15 ff.) Above, Vol. VI, pp. 4 ff., text lines 6 and 10.

Page #408

Page #409
BANDORA PLATES OF MAURYA ANIRJITAVARMAN, YEAR 29 g: JeggEyR 2 2 $ png? 1snn C * * RE a d); thaag91 9 . SU, * (c) 14 ostate 6 (p .s 1 - pk 4-J&A .m, suddh242 2 pd ( 2 )maap: 3) 1 muangkhae 13jJx153 1 10 piiooyvaasmpaan 09dia, To (from Photographs).

Page #410
No. 53] BANDORA PLATES OF MAURYA ANIRJITAVARMAN, YEAR 29 295 only to that of the Mauryas, it appears that the latter ousted the Bhoja kings in the west coast about the sixth century A.D. and that they, in their turn, were defeated by the early Chalukyas of Badami. As stated before, the gift was made for the merit of the king as well as that of three other perBons named Nagapadda, Malladatta and Achala. The relationship of these three persons with the king is not mentioned. It is possible that they were the real donors of the gift," and the land, including the house-sito, garden and tank belonging to the Rashfrakuta, appears to have been purchased by them for the purpose of the gift. The expression khajjana occurs in some other records of this regiou and it has been shown to be the same word as the modern Marathi (and also Konkani) khajan meaning 'a rice-field created out of the nullah on a sea-shore by putting embankments after the ebb-tide. It is interesting to note that this meaning is supported by our inscription which states that the donee would cultivate the land by putting up an embankment to prevent the salt water (lavana-jalan setuna nivarya kshetram=utpadya cha). Kumara-dvipa is the only geographical name mentioned in the record and it has been discussed above. TEXTS First Plate 1 [Di]ttham (Dfishtam) [*] Vijaya-Kumaradvipan-Mauryya-maharajasya Srimad Anirjjitavarmmand vacha[nat]" dese Dvadasagramgas gramo(ma)-paurakah varttamana-bhavishyad-bhojak-ayuktaka-stha [yy-a]-* 3 dayas=cha vaktavyah yath=atra grama-sime=smabhih Nagapadda-Malladatt-Achalanatinam) 4 atmanas=cha ih-amatrika-ni[h*]oreyas-arttham khajjanam(na)-halam=erakam -ekatah @katas-cha 8 rashtrakuta-tataka-vataka-griha-sthana-bhu(bhu)mih chatu[r*]bbig=cha preshya-kulairyyad-stra sime . Second Plate 6 Brahmanah aranya-karshanam(pam) karapayati tens sarddha[m](rddham) uktarkta): niyogaya gribista]7 saha(ha)sraya Harita-sagotraya Hastyaryyaya sarvva-panga-parihtita-pari(ri)haram 8 udakena sampradattam [l*) jnatv=aivam Brahmanah lavana-jala[m] setuna nivaryya kshet ram 9 atpadya ch=opabhumjamanah na kenachid=vyamsayitavya) [I*) yo=smat-kul-abhyantaro nyo va ragaSee above, pp. 50 ff. Ibid., pp. 53-54 and 63. * Prom photographs * The portion in brackets has been chipped off. . Read gramya. Read thom. Read karayati.

Page #411
296 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (VOL. XXXIII 10 dvosha-lobha-mada-matsaryy-idibhir-ddoshair=abhibhutah vyamsanan-kuryyat sa pancbus mahapatak-o11 papataka-samyukta[h] syad=iti (l) atr=ajaaptih svaya maharajah || savva(sarhva) 20 9 || Hema 7 diva 10 [1]

Page #412
No. 54-CHANDIL STONE INSCRIPTION (1 Plate) D. C. SIROAR, OOTACAMUND (Received on 23.3.1958) In November 1957 I received an impression of a stone inscription for examination from Mr. A. C. Banerji of the Mid-Eastern Circle of the Department of Archaeology, Patna. The inscribed stone was found by the Circle officers at the village of Chandil in the Singhbhum District of Bihar. The stone slab was originally the lintel in the doorway of an old temple destroyed long ago. A new temple was later constructed on the foundation of the old one. The inscription is written in three lines; but the third line is very small. The beginning of the second line is ahead of the first while line 3 begins ahead of line 2. The incision of the letters is deep and most of them can be seen clearly from the back of the impression. But the impression itself suffers from indifferent in king. The space covered by the writing is about 251 inches in length and about 34 inches in height. The characters of the record resemble those in the epigraphs of the age of the early Palas and may be assigned to a date in the eighth or ninth century A.D. on palaeographical grounds. Both the Devanagari and Bengali types of the anusvara are used in the epigraph. The language of the inscription is Sanskrit ; but it is very corrupt there being a number of grammatical and orthographical errors. An interesting orthographical feature is the indiscrimje nate use of 6 and 8 in the words Satata (Sanskrit satata), futa (Sanskrit suta) and sira (either Sanskrit firas or a mistake for Siva). The inscription, written in three sentences, bears neither any date nor the name of the ruler of the country. Its object is to record the construction of a devakula or temple, apparently at Chandil in the Singhbhum District where the inscribed stone has been found, by a person named Damappa who was the son of Bhogulla. This is indicated by the last sentence of the record which reads: Bhogullasya futa-Damappena deva kula sthapitan (i.e. Bhogullasya sutena Damappena devakulan sthapitam). The name Damappa seems to be of Kannada origin and the original home of the family to which the person belonged may have been in the southern part of India. The name of the deity for whom Damappa built the shrine is not clear from the context. But the person is introduced in the first sentence o sthe record as a devotee of a deity called Bhagavati Trailokyavijaya and it is apparently this goddess whose shrine was built. This sentence reads : fri-bhagavatyan Trailokyavijayam Damappa satatar bhaktibhave tishthati (i.e. tri-bhagavatyam Trailokyavijayayam Damappah satatam bhakti-bhavena tishthati). The second sentence of the inscription is very much corrupt. It reads : na[ma)-daranan pra[tyeksha) jit-anjalim=ashthanga sirasa yojya pata[m] pranamami. It will be seen that, while the first sentence uses the name of the individual responsible for the construction of the shrine in the Third Person, the second is apparently represented as his speech in the First Person. Moreover the too many grammatical errors in the sentence make it very difficult to understand its real import. But we may possibly suggest that the main part of the sentence in correct Sanskrit should be nama-smaranat pratyakshan krit-anjalin 8-asht-angan firasa yojya patan pranamami. In that case, firasa yojya, 'one worthy of being placed on the head', together with namasmaranat pratyaksha, 'one who becomes visible to a person as soon as the latter remembers her name', has to be regarded as an epithet of the goddess Trailokyavijaya. The sentence would then mean : "I bow down, with all my eight limbs and with folded palms, to the goddess who becomes visible to & person as soon as he remembers her name and who is worthy of being placed on the head, after having fallen flat on the ground." ( 297 )

Page #413
298 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [Vol. XXXIII Or, should we think that ti intended word is Siva-syujyaya ? Siva-sayujya is of course 'communion with the god Siva', or a brorption into Siva'. Sayujya is the last of the four grades or states of mukti or beatitude, the three others being salokya (being in the same world as the god to whom one is devoted), samipya (nearness to the object of devotion), and sarupya (assimilation to or conformity with the deity), to which some authorities add sarshti (equality in rank or condition or power with the deity). If this emendation is accepted, Damappa no doubt believed that his devotion to the goddess Trailokya vijaya would lead to his communion with Siva. The association of Trailokyavijaya and Siva again would suggest that the goddess was conceived as the Sakti of the god. There is no goddess named Trailokyavijaya in the Hindu or Buddhist pantheon. In the lexicons, the expression trailokyavijaya in the feminine is recognised only in the sense of a sort of hemp from which an intoxicating infusion is prepared'. But the name of the goddess reminds us of the Buddhist god Trailokya vijaya whose conception is associated with the Buddhist attempt to humiliate the Hindu deities Siva and Parvati. This god is represented as blue-coloured, fourfaced and eight-armed and as exhibiting the Vajrahunkara-mudra (i.e. with the wrists of the principal hands crossing at the breast, an attitude indicating intensity) with the hands holding the bell and thunderbolt, as carrying in the three other right hands the khafanga (a staff with a skull at the top), goad and arrow and in the three other left hands the bow, noose and thunderbolt, as standing in the pratyalidha attitude (ie. with the left foot advanced and the right drawn back) with garments of various colours, and as trampling on the head of Siva with his left foot and the breasts of Gauri or Parvati with the right. Trailokyavijaya was probably conceived by the Buddhists as the Sakti of the god Trailokya vijaya even though she may not have enjoyed wide popularity. But our inscription may also suggest that in the early medieval period the goddess was already identified with Gauri or Parvati, the consort of Siva. The case may thus be similar to such other Buddhist deities as Tara. The inscription would then, along with others like the Narayanpur Vinayaka image inscription of the fourth regnal year of the Pala king Mahipala (probably Mahipala I, c. 992-1040 A.D.), give an indication as to how the Buddhist masses were gradually absorbed into the Brahmanical society. The Narayanpur inscription records the installation of a Brahmanical deity by a follower of the Buddhist faith. Whether the nature of our inscription is Buddhist, or semi-Bud lhist, the region around Chandil appears to have come once under the influence of Buddhism. TEXT 1 Sri-bhagavatya[m] Ttrailokyavijayan Damappa[h*] ba(sa)tata[m] bhakti-bhavetisti)shthati [[*] na[ma]-saranai? > pra[tyokshal' jit-anjalim=ashthanga sira sa yojya pata[m] pranamani 1Bhogullasya su(su)ta 13-Damappena 3 devakula[m*) sthapitam(tam || Cf. Sabdakalpadruma, S. v. sayujyan. Soe Sadhanamala, 0.0.8., p. 511, No. 202; B. Bhattacharya, Indian Doldhist Iconography, pp. 146-47; A. Cotty, Gods of Northern Buddhism, pp. 114.16. Ind. C'HU., Vol. IX, pp. 121 ff. Fron an impression. Read ovijayayam. Detter read bharona. ? Bettor read smaranal. Read pratyakshan. The akshara oh tha is written below the line. Read krit-anjali s-doh tangan. 1. The intended reading may be sirasi yojyum (or sa inyoya) or Siva-sayujyaya. 11 Read patan. 1. Tho punctuation mark is indicated by a risarya-like sign. 1Better Bhogulla-suta or Bhogullaaya sutena; but sapeksha-samadas aro quito common in the epigraphio litora. lure of India. Sec Select Inscriptions, pp. 175, note 6; p. 179; p. 278, note 3, etc.

Page #414
CANDIL STONE INSCRIPTION Scale: One-third 2

Page #415

Page #416
No. 55-INSCRIPTION FROM BANTVALA B. R. GOPAL, OOTACAMUND, AND R. SATHYANARAYANA, MYSORE (Received on 6.3.1958) The inscription, edited here with the kind permission of the Government Epigraphist for India, is engraved on a stone tablet fixed into a platform in front of the Venkataramanasvamin temple at Bangvala in the Mangalore Taluk of the South Kanara District. The epigraph is engraved in Kannada script excepting the last two lines which are in Nagari characters. Its language, however, is Kannada all through. As regards the palaeography of this late record, it is interesting to note that it uses the sign for indicating the length for e and 0, which is placed to the right side of the letter. The record registers the death of Svami Bhuvanendra-tirtha Sripada of the Kasi matha and the erection of a lamp-post by Srinivasa Baliga, the fifth son of Venkatesa Baliga of Bantvala, in commemoration of the event. The inscription contains two dates, one relating to the death of the Svami and the other to the erection of the lamp-post. The first date is Saka 1808, Vyaya, Margasirsha-bu. 1, Friday, corresponding to the 26th November 1886 A.D. The same date is referred to in the concluding section in Nagari characters (lines 20-21), where reference is made to Friday the twelfth day of the month of Vrischika in the year Vyaya. The details agree with the 26th November 1886 A.D. The date of the erection of the lamp-post is given as Magha fu. 18, Tuesday, regularly corresponding the 8th February 1887 A.D., and this English date also is specified in the record in line 19. Srinivasa Baliga, the donor of the lamp-post, was a Brahmana of the Gauda-Sarasvate community belonging to the Kasi matha. It is said that the Sarasvatas originally belonged to the Punjab where they dwelt on the banks of the river Sarasvati. Some of them are believed to have migrated to Bihar and settled in Tirhut, whence they moved westwards and settled in Goa in the South Konkan.' About 1554 A.D. when the Portuguese, who were by then masters of Goa, began their religious persecution, the Sarasvatas fled from Goa and settled in the neighbouring Sonda State, the North and South Kanara Districts and the Cochin and Travancore States. In the earliest Kadatas (old account books) and palm-leaf documents available in the South Kanara District, they are known as Konkanastha or, as we find in our inscription, Konkana-desiya-GaudaSarasvata. Till the advent of Madhvacharya, the founder of the dualistic philosophy, the Sarasvatas belonged to the Kavale matha (Kaivalyapura or Quela in Goa). But later many of them became followers of Madhvacharya and set up their own spiritual heads. Thus there are two other mathas of the Gauda-Sarasvata community besides the Kavale matha, viz., the Kasi matha and the Gokarna matha, both being Vaishnava institutions of the dualistic school of philosophy. A matha at Bantvala was established by Svami Devendra-tirtha of the Kaki matha about the middle of the 18th century. Svami Bhuvanendra-tirtha, whose death our record registers, was the disciple of Syami Suyatindra-tirtha and is said to have possessed mantra-sakti as well as vaidya-kakti. He attained samadhi at Basrur in 1886 A.D. on the date given above. 1 A.R.E-p., 1956-57, No.B 223. According to a noto received by us from the authorities of the Kasi matha, Srinivisa Baliga was the socond son of Venkatesa Baliga. But, according to the genealogical chart received from Shri B. Vaikunta Baliga, the former was the fifth son of the latter and this is supported by the record under study. For further details about the Gauda-Sarasvatas, see Chavan, Vaishnava Dharma of the Gauda-Sarasvatas. : ( 299 )

Page #417
300 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXXIII The donor of our record was a member of the Baliga family that was among those that fled from Goa and after various vicissitudes at last settled at Baotvala and had a temple constructed there. A celebrated member of this family is the late Bab Baliga, in whose memory a peepal tree was planted and a high stone platform was built for its protection. Our inscription is engraved on one of the stones fixed into this platform. In the present inscription, Bantvala, described as the abode of the guru, is referred to as Vatapura. The main interest in the record lies in the fact that it contains & song in praise of the guru. The song is, as the record itself mentions, in the Kapi-raga and ata-tala (ashta-tala). Kapi is a dedya (imported) raga, borrowed from Hindustani music and assimilated into the Karnataka system. It is a bhashanga-janya-raga belonging to the Kharaharapriya mela, omitting ga and dha in the ascent, with curvature about dha in the descent, and employing Kakali nishada as an accidental in the ascent. It bears & general structural resemblance with its North Indian namesake and is in wide usage in South India, especially since the advent of the Trinity of Karnataka music, viz. Tyagaraja, Dikshitar and Sama Sastri. Ata-tala is one of the seven suladi talas of ancient origin popular in Karnataka, especially in the devotional songs of the Haridasas. The song in our record consists of a pallavi, an anupallavi and two charanas, and is in the literary style of the Haridasas. The pallavi and anupallavi are of equal length, each consisting of two lines of eleven and thirteen syllables respectively. Each of the two charanas is of approximately the same size and consists of four lines. Inasmuch as the anupallavi of the present composition is of the same size as the pallavi, the general rule in musical composition that the anupallavi should be twice the length (i.e. twice the number of lines of the same size as in the pallavi) is not observed. It may, however, be noted that it is one of the numerous exceptions where this rule is not followed. The composition conforms, in any case, to the rule so far as the charana is concerned as it is twice in length of the anupallavi. The two charanas are also in general agreement with the compositional style of the Haridasas in the simple, almost prosaic, form of the language, the subject matter, the length of each line and the mention of the author in the last line of the last charaya. The metre of the composition cannot be classified under matra-gana or ansa-gana. The accent and caesura are nowhere uniform. At best, it is an approximate Anavartans-vritta and as such suits melodic rendering. The approximately uniform syllabic quantity in the lines of the verse is an advantage to the composition which is nibaddha (i.e., set to time) in view of the possibility of equitable syllabic distribution over the tala cycle. The syllabic quantity in the lines is suited to the atta-tala cycle of fourteen matras, as there would be the minimum crowding or gap. Moreover there is abundance of the metrical units tribrach, dactyl and anapaest in the composition. The absence of complex consonantal combinations is a feature of the song. Despite all these, the composition lacks force of expression and elegance. The literary theme of the song is consistent with Madhva philosophy which places considerable importance on the status of the guru and marks out a gradation of the jivas in the cosmic world in which the guru-traya head the list. The theme of the song is suitable since Bhuvanendra-tirtha was probably the guru of the author. The song may be translated freely as follows: Pallavi : There is no god greater than the Preceptor. Emancipation cannot be obtained without [the guidance of] a good Preceptor. * We are indebted to the manager of the Kasi matha for giving us information about the Gauda-Karnevatn community and the Kasi maha and some other details.

Page #418
No. 55) INSCRIPTION FROM BANTVALA 301 Anupallavi : The foot of the lord, the Preceptor, which has created the world, is without beginning, middle or end. It is beyond nada and sruti. It is to be seen and understood through sadhana. Charanas : The mortals made of the three gunas (viz., sattva, rajas and tamas) contemplate the foot of the Preceptor which is free from these constant attributes. Countless great saints contemplate the foot of the Preceptor in their hearts. All the living world as represented by the celestial, human, teptilian, aerial and animal beings as well as the movable and immovable (i.e., animate and inanimate) are but the light (reflected] from the dust on the Preceptor's foot. The. noble Vatapura is the abode of the Preceptor. The name of the composer of the song occurs in line 7 as Srivasa ktishna. Enquiries reveal that the donor was a pious man who was an ardent lover of poetry and music. It may be surmised that he himself composed the song. The text, however, refers to the composer as hailing from Sirivala which we are unable to identify. TEXT 1 Om [1] Raga kapi ashtatala (varasa] [*) Guruviind-adhika daivavilla sad-guru vinah. 2 mukti doregombud-illa i pallavi || Adi-madhy-anta-rabitavu | jagad-adi3 nirmita gurunathana padavu | nad-adi-frutig-agocharavu | bhalba)lu sadhisi ti4 lidu-no(no)diro guru-padavu | Guna[tri]ti(ti)y-atma murtiyaru nitya-guna-virahi6 ta guru-pada-dhyaniparu gananey=illada yogi[svara]ru | hriday-amganadali guru-pa6 da-dhyaniparu | Sa(Su)ra-nar-oraga-khaga-mrigavu char-achara jagat guru-pada-ront teja7 [sa]vu | Vara-Vatapura guru-yiravu | Sirivalada Sri(Sri)vasakrishnana sald-gu]oruvu || yama-niya8 m-adya-ashtamga-yoga-sampannar-ada Komkana-desi(si)ya Gauda-Sarasvata Brahmana (jna)9 tists)ya' guru-paramparyaKasi-mata(tha)da Suyatimdratirtha Sripadamgalevara kara-Ica10 mala-samjata Srimad Bhuvanendra-tirtha Sripadamgalavaru asht-amga-yoga ba11 ladim sahaj-anamda samadhiyam padedu sthita-prajnar=agi prarabdh-anusara bhoga12 vam tirisi adya Salivahana Saka varusha 1808 ne Vyaya samo rada Margi(rga) birsha su13 kla pratipade Bhrigu-vara masma)dhyanna(hna) abhija(ji)n-muhurttakke iha prakra(ksi)t-anusara dehavam tore14 du atm-anamda chidabha nama aikya nirupadhika punaravartti-rahita sasvi(sva)ta maksh anamdava15 min-aidid-a eriguruvarar-amghriya (e]kamta bhakt-anubhaktar-adha(da)vara pada-kamala. renugalimda 1 From impressions. * The reading is doubtful and the meaning not clear. . The reading is doubtful. Could the reading be jadeg in the sense of caste ! * Read puramparya. The akshara san is the abbreviated form of samratara the last letter (ra) of which, however, is also inscribed.

Page #419
302 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXXIII 16 alamkru(kri)tam=ada sira(8-sara] -cha(ja)[ta Il] Supravara Kasya(bya)pa-gotraja ghana vamai(ta)athar-ada Bamtavala 17 Venkatesa Baligara aidane maga Srinivasa Baliganu Srimad Bhuvanamdra-tirtha Sripa18 damgalavara yasassu chirakala uliyuvaste i di(di)pa-stambhavu sthapisidd-ag-iruttade [l*] 19 Magha sukla paurpami Kuja-vara ta' 8 ne Phebravari 1887 ne isavi [l*] 20 Srimad Bhuvanemdra-tirtha Sripadamgalavaru Vyaya nama samvatsarada Vrbichi21 ka-masa dina 12 ne Bhrigu-vara deha vam tora(re)du makshavan-aidida(ru) l*] * The letter rd looks like la. # The letter id is the abbreviated form of Idrikhu meaning date. . This and the next line are engraved in Nagart characters.

Page #420
No. 56-TWO INSCRIPTIONS OF GUPTA AGE (1 Plute) D. C. SIRCAR, OOTACAMUND (Received on 9.5.1959) 1. Kalachhala Fragmentary Grant of Isvararata The inscription was discovered by Prof. A. V. Pandya of Sardar Vallabhbhai University at the village of Kalachhala near Karali, about 10 miles to the west of Chhota Udaipur in Kathiawar. It is stated to have been lying with one Gambhirasingh Adesingh Parmar of the said village. Prof. Pandya deciphered the text of the inscription with the help of Prof. V. V. Mirashi and Dr. M. G. Dikshit and has published his transcript in the Vallabh Vidyanagar Research Bulletin, Vol. I, No. 2, International Language Section, pp. 2 and 28, with a photograph (Plate II A facing p. 4) and an eye-copy (p. 28). Prof. V.y. Mirashi has also edited the inscription in CII, Vol. IV, pp.603-04, Plate XCVII. This is the first plate of a set, which is inscribed only on the inner side. The concluding part of the record, probably engraved on two other plates (i.e. on both sides of the second and the inner side of the third), is lost. There is a hole in the lower margin of the writing. But the ring which must have passed through it to hold the plates together and the seal of the donor of the charter which may have been affixed to it are both lost. The plate measures about 8 inches in length and about 3 inches in height. Its weight has not been recorded. There are only four lines of writing on the plate. The characters belong to the West Indian variety of the South Indian alphabet of about the second half of the 4th century A.D. Letters like n and medial u exhibit an angle at the lower end. The intial vowel i occurs in - line 1. The language of the record is Sanskrit. Of orthographical interest is the fact that. consonants are rarely reduplicated in conjunction with . Prof. Pandya assigns the record approximately to the fourth century A.D.' and further says, "Shri Miraghi supports the writer's dating of this plate (4th century A.D.), for its characters and wording bear close resemblance to those of the grants of the Maharajas Svamidasa, Bhulunda and Rudradasa. He suggests further that Isvararata's suzerain was some king of the Abhira dynasty." In his own work referred to above, Prof. Mirashi says that Isvararata ruled in the 4th century A.D. over a fairly extensive territory including Central Gujarat and parts of the Khandesh District as a feudatory of the Abhiras and that his family continued to hold Central Gujarat until it was ousted by Sarva-bhattaraka who rose to power about 400 A.D. as indicated by his coins imitated from those of the Western Kshatrapas.. We are sorry that it is not possible to agree with these views entirely. About the period in question, Kathiawar and the adjoining regions formed a part of the dominions first of the Sakas of Western India and then of the Imperial Guptas. No Abhira emperor is known to have ruled in the 4th century over wide areas of Western India. The palaeography of the epigraph closely resembles that of the Sanchi inscription of Chandragupta II (376-413 A.D.), which is dated in the Gupta year 93 (412 A.D.). It is considerably earlier 1 An inaccurate transcript and a faulty interpretation of the record were originally published by Prof. Pandya in a brochure entitled New Dynasties of Gujarat History, 1950, p. 12, together with the same photograph and eye. *Ibid., p. 2. 3 Ibid., p. 28. * Op. cit., p. xxxvi. Prof. Mirashi's views that the records of Svamidasa, Bhulunda and Rudradasa (Bhandarkar's List, Nos. 1259, 1266 and 1861) are dated in the Traikutaka-Kalachuri-Chidi era and that they were feudatories of an unknown Abhira ruler (of. ABORI, Vol. XXV. pp. 159 ff.; OII, Vol. IV, pp. 5 ff.) are absolutely untenable. See IHQ, Vol. XXII, pp. 84-85; Vol. XXIV, pp. 75-77. * Cf. CII, Vot. II, No. 5, Plate III B; Buhler's Table VII. ( 303 )

Page #421
304 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXXIII than the Mandasor inscription (473 A.D.) written in the same alphabet. Among the copperplate grante of Svamidasa, Bhulunda and Rudradasa, the palaeography of Svamidasa's grant of the Gupta year 67 (386 A.D.) resembles that of our record while the characters of Bhulunda and Rudradasu, dated respectively in the Gupta years 107 (426 A.D.) and 117 (436 A.D.), are decidedly later. The characters of our epigraph, however, appear to be slightly earlier than the inscriptions of Chandragupta II and Svamidasa, referred to above. A date in the second half or about the last quarter of the fourth century A.D. appears therefore to suit the inscription under study. The charter begins with a symbol for Siddham which is followed by a single sentence forming the introductory part of the grant. It introduces & subordinate ruler named Isvararata who is described as paramabhattaraka-padanudhyata, i.e. meditating on (or favoured by) the feet of & Paramahhatlarka who was an imperial ruler and apparently Isvararata's overlord. The order of the chief Isvararata, in regard to the grant to be recorded in the document, was issued from Prachakaba to the Brahmanas and other villagers of Vedhyakupika-grama situated in Vanlikpatta and to all his officers such as the Ayuktas and Viniyuktas as well as the Kumaramatyas, Uparikas, Dandikas, Dandapasikas, Hastyasvajanavyapritas, Chatas and Bhacas who were associated with the said village. This shows that Isvararata granted either the village called Vedhyakupika-grama or a portion of it to some donee whose name must have occurred in the latter part of the document engraved on the other plates of the set, which are now lost. The word patta in the name Vankika-patta reminds us of its use in the sense of a district in records like a copper-plate grant of king Hastin of the Parivrajaka family. Ayukta seems to have been an administrative officer appointed by the king and Viniyukta & subordinate officer under the Ayukta, who was probably appointed by the latter. Kumaramatya was an administrative officer enjoying the status of a prince and Uparika a viceroy. Dandika, and Dandapatika, generally occurring in the list of royal officials in the copper-plate grants, are often understood in the sense of a judge of criminal cases and a police officer respectively. Hastyasvajanavyapritas were apparently military officers in charge of the elephant force, cavalry and infantry. The Chatas and Bha tas appearing in numerous records seem to have been policemen and Paiks. The title Paramabhattaraka, applied to Isvararata's overlord who is not mentioned' by name, was not assumed by Indian monarchs before the rise of the Guptas in the fourth century A.D. The official designations Kumaramatya," Uparika and Viniyukta? are similarly unknown in the records of the pre-Gupta 'age. There also appears to be Gupta influence on the official designation Hastyasvajanavyaprita. Under the circumstances, it is impossible to believe that Isvararata flourished before the Gupta occupation of Western India. It is well known that the imperial style Paramabhattaraka, together with Maharajadhiraja and Paramesward, was popularised by the Gupta emperors whose feudatories enjoyed the title Maharaja. This is clearly indicated by epigraphic records like the Udayagiri inscription of 401 A.D. mentioning a Sanakanika Maharaja as meditating on (or favoured by) the feet of * cn, Vol. In, No. 18, Plate XI. * Above, Vol. XV, Plato facing p. 289; CII. Vol. IV, Plate II, A-C. * For namos ending in rata, see CII, Vol. III, pp. 33, 904 ; IHO. Vol. XXIII, pp. 221 f. <Page #422
No. 56) TWO INSCRIPTIONS OF GUPTA AGE 305 Paramabhattaraka Chandragupta II. That the Gupta suzerain was sometimes mentioned only as Bhafcaraka or Paramabhaffaraka without specifying the name is clearly indicated by inscriptions like the Baigram platel of 448 A.D., and the Paharpur plate of 479 A.D. There is little doubt that, about the beginning of the 6th century A.D., king Narendra of Sarabhapura mentions & Gupta emperor in his Kurud plates: merely as the Paramabhattaraka and that Maharaja Satrudamana (first half of the 5th century A.D.) in his Peddadugam platest and Maitraka Dronasimba in his Bhamodra Mohota plates (502 A.D.) call themselves respectively Bhattaraka-padanudhyata and Paramabhattaraka-pad-anudhyata with reference to a Gupta emperor. There can also be no reasonable doubt that the Maharajas Svamidasa, Bhulunda and Rudradasa issued their charters in the Gupta years 67 (386 A.D.), 107 (426 A.D.) and 117 (436 A.D.) respectively and called themselves Paramabhattaraka-pad-anudhyata with reference to their Gupta suzerains. The Gupta emperor Samudragupta (c. 335-76 A.D.) claims to have defeated the Aryavarta ruler Rudradeva who seems to be none other than the Saka Mahakshatrapa Rudrasena III ruling over the Malwa-Rajasthan-Kathiawar region in the period between 348 and 378 A.D. The absence of Rudra sena's coins for the period between 351 and 364 A.D. was rightly regarded by Rapson as 'marked by some political disturbance during which the coinage ceased'. As we have suggested elsewhere, this was probably due to his defeat at the hands of Samudragupta and acceptance of the latter's allegiance. But Rudrasena III appears to have assumed independence about fifteen years after his subjugation by the Gupta monarch. This necessitated the reconquest of the Saka dominions by Samudragupta's son Chandragupta II (376-413 A.D.). The latest date on the coins of the Saka Mahakshatrapa Rudrasimha III falls between 388 and 397 A.D. while the presence of Chandragupta in East Malwa, in connection with a military expedition, is indicated by his Udayagiri inscriptions, one of which is dated in the Gupta year 82 (401 A.D.). The Saka dominions in Western India thus appear to have been permanently annexed to the Gupta empire about the close of the 4th century A.D. Isvararata of Kathiawar, acknowledging the supermacy of a Gupta emperor, may thus have issued his grant either about 360 A.D. when Kathiawar appears to have formed a part of the Samudragupta's empire or shortly after the overthrow of Saka Rudrasimha III by Chandragupta II. It may be questioned whether he would have been allowed to issue a charter in his own name in the above fashion when Gupta power was fully established in the erstwhile Saka kingdom. But, as already indicated above, we have instances of some other feudatories of the Gupta emperors issuing similar grants apparently with the permission or acquiescence of their overlords. The importance of the inscription under study lies in the fact that it is the earliest extant copper-plate charter of the usual type so far discovered in the northern part of India. It appears to be earlier than the Dbanaidaha platele (dated the Gupta year 113-432 A.D.) of the time of Kumaragupta I, which was so long regarded as the earliest such genuine record. i I am not sure about the location of Prachakasa nor of the district called Vankka-patta and the village called Vodhyakapika-grama. But Vankika-patta may be modern Wankaner in Kathiawar. Prachakaba cannot be indetified with Prakasha in the West Khandesh District, since the chiefdom of Isvararata does not appear to have extended beyond Kathiawar. 1 Ibid., pp. 342 ff. (cf. Bhatfaraka-pad-anudhyata in line 1 and Bhaffaraka-padanam in line 13). Ibid., pp. 346 ff. (cf. Paramabhaffaraka-padanam in line 16). * Above, Vol. XXXI, pp. 267-68. Ibid., pp. 89 ff. * Select Inscriptions, pp. 403 ff. * Rapeon, ('a'alogue of Coins, p. 145. Proc. IAC, 1944, pp. 78 ff. Select Inscriptions, pp. 271, 272 and noto 5. ... Rapain, Catalogue, pp. cxlix ff.; Alin, Catalogue (Gupta). pp. Xxxvii f., lxxxvi f. 10 Select Inscriptions, pp. 280 ff.

Page #423
306 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA TEXT1 1 Siddham2 [*] svasti [*] Prachakasayah paramabhata(tta)raka-pad-anudhyata Isvararata[b] kusali 2 Vankika-patte Vedhyakupika-grama-samupagatatsa (n=sa)rvvan-ev-asmad-ayukta vini [VOL. XXXIII 3 yuktin-kumaramaty-oparika-dapdika-dapdapatika-hastyasvajanavy[prita]-cha4 bhat-adidbra(n=Bra)hman-ottarams-cha grama-prativasi[na]h kusalam-anuvarnya. bodhaya No. 2. Supia Pillar Inscription of the time of Skandagupta, Gupta Year 141. The stone pillar bearing the old inscription under study was discovered in the village of Supia in the former Rewa State now merged in Madhya Pradesh. The pillar was utilised at a much later date to incise another inscription recording a performance of the Sati rite. This second epigraph on the back side of the pillar is much damaged ; but its purport is clear from the sculptural representation above the lines of writing. The older inscription recording the purpose for which the pillar was orginally raised is written in seventeen lines covering an area about 8 inches in breadth and about 22 inches in height. Impressions of the inscription and photographs of the pillar were received in the office of the Government Epigraphist for India for examination about fifteen years ago. A small paper on the inscription was read at the Archaeological Section of the Banaras Session of the All-India Oriental Conference, 1943-44. It was published in the Proceedings of the Session, Vol. III, 1948, pp. 587-89. Unfortunately, the note was based on an inaccurate transcript of the epigraph. It is stated that "the object of the inscription is to record the consecration of an image of the goddess Shashthi by one Chhandaka.' But what was read as Shash thi is clearly yashthi(shti) meaning 'a pillar' and undoubtedly referring to the stone pillar on which the inscription is engraved. It was moreover not Chhandaka but his brother Varga whose pious activity is described in the record. About ten years ago, I received an impression of the inscription from the late Prof. D. R. Bhandarkar through Dr. R. C. Majumdar and noticed it briefly in the Journal of the Asiatic Society, Letters, Vol. XV, 1949, p. 6. The characters are the same as in the contemporary inscriptions of the central part of India such as the earlier records of the kings of the Parivrajaka and Uchchakalpa dynasties. The language of the inscription is Sanskrit, although there are some errors of graminar and orthography. As regards orthography, it may be noted that, like many contemporary inscriptions, our epigraph exhibits the reduplication of some consonants preceding or following r. A point of orthographical interest is offered by the words vansa (for vam sa) and chatvarinsa (for chatvarim sa). The date of the record is quoted in lines 8-9 in words as the year 141 of the reign of Skandagupta. The year has of course not to be referred to the regnal reckoning of the monarch, as the language may literally suggest, but to the Gupta era. Thus our inseription was engraved in the year 460-61 A.D. The specific day of the year, when the epigraph was incised, is indicated at the end of the record in lines 16-17, although the passage asyam divasa-purvvayam follows the mention of the year in lines 9-10 as if the day has been already indicated in the preceding section. The exact date of the record is given as the second tithi of the bright half of the month of Jyeshtha. 1 From the photograph published in the Vallabh Vidyanagar Research Bulletin, Vol. I, No. 2, International Language Section, Plato facing p. 4. Expressed by symbol. The last letter of the expression bodhayatt was apparently engraved on another plate which is now lost. Of. CII, Vol. IV, p. 607 and note, to which my attention was drawn when this paper was going through the press. Cf. ibid., Vol. III, pp. 93 ff., Nos. 21 ff.

Page #424
TWO INSCRIPTIONS OF GUPTA AGE 1. KALACHHALA FRAGMENTARY GRANT OF ISVARARATA - :33 Au r % pNnee plkn nuuN 3: 104 vaah khuun 19 joon no tii taaN (from a Photograph)

Page #425
2. SUPIA PILLAR INSCRIPTION OF THE TIME OF SKANDAGUPTA, GUPTA YEAR 141 2 TENT: ha 14 p AADE 14 vaa Scale : One-Third

Page #426
No. 56) TWO INSCRIPTIONS OF GUPTA AGE 307 Linos 1-8 introduce the reigning monarch, during whose rule the pillar was raised by one of his subjects. Mention is first made of Ghatotkacha, and Maharaja Samudragupta is the stated to have belonged to the former's family. Samudragupta was actusiy tale sou oi Chandragut I and the grandson of Ghatotkacha. The inscription then' mentions Vikramaditya, the son of Samudragupta, and Vikramaditya's son Maharaja Mahendraditya. There is no reference to the qualities or achievements of any of these rulers, and Ghatotkacha and Vikramaditya are mentioned even without the epithet Maharaja. It may be mentioned in this connection taat the genealogy of the Guptas in the records of the family generally begins with Maharija Gupta, father of Maharaja Ghatotkacha. But the mention of Ghatotkacha as the head of the Gupta gouealogy is found in the copper-plate grants of the Vakataka queen Prabhavatigupta, daughter of Chandragupta II Vikramaditya, which represent Ghatotkacha as the first king of the Gupta family. Another interesting feature of this part of the record under study is that Chandragupta II, son of Samudragupta, and the former's son Kumaragupta I have been mentioned in it by their titles as Vikramaditya and Mahendraditya respectively. These titles are found in the legends of some of the coins issued by these monarchs and not in the inscriptions of the family. We have also to note that the Gupta records generally mention Gupta and his son Ghatotkacha with the title Maharaja, while Ghatotkacha's son Chandragupta I and the latter's successors are endowed with the more dignified title Maharajadhiraja. But inaccuracy in such details is not unexpected in a private record like the one under study.' Lines 4-8 describe the reigning monarch Skandagupta, also called a Maharaja rather inaoourately. He is stated to have been equal to the Chakravarlins: in prowess and valour, to Rama (probably meaning Rama, son of Dabaratha) in righteousness and to Yudhishthira in the matter of speaking the truth as well as of good conduct and modesty. These are of course vague praises which do not offer any historical information. The next three lines (lines 10-12) introduce the person who was responsible for erecting the pillar. First is mentioned a freshthin or banker named Kaivarti-breshthin. Kaivarti-greshthin's son is stated to have been Hari-breshthin whose son was Sridatta. This Sridatta seems to be described as a kutumbika, i.e. a husbandman, residing at the locality called Avadara. The language of the section may also be taken to mean that it was Kaivarti-areshthin who was a kutum bika of Avadara. But it is doubtful whether the same person should have been called both a fresh thin and a kutumnbika. Next Varga is introduced as the brother of Sridatta and Chandaka as the brother of Varga. Thus Hari-sreshthin had three sons, viz. Sridatta, Varga and Chhandaka, of whom Sridatta seems to have been the eldest and Chhandaka the youngest. It is interesting to note that, while the father and grandfather were freshthins or bankers by profession, none of the three brothers is called freshthin. On the other hand, as already indicated above, the elder brother appears to be described as a kutumbika or husbandman while the second brother Varga is called a gramika or village headman in the latter part of the document. This probably suggests that the cognomen was not yet stereotyped in the family. Lines 13-15, recording the object of the inscription, state that Varga-gramika, for the purpose of acquiring merit for himself, erected the bala-yashi which was a gotra-sailika meant for the 1 Cf. Select Inscriptions, p. 412, note 3. See, e.g., the Mankuwar image inscription mentioning Kumaragupta I a . Maharaja (ibid., p. 288, noto 2). * Twelve ancient imperial rulers of Indian tradition, beginning with Bharata, are specially called Cakravartins. Cf. Monier-Williams, Sanskrit-English Dictionary, s.v: The words breah thin and kufumbilu as found in inscriptions have been generally understood in the abovo . Seo Liders' List, Nos. 976, atc. Nos. 24, sto. Cf. R. Fick, The Social Organisation in North-East India. Eng. trans.. pp. 256-57.

Page #427
308 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [Vol. XXXIV increase of yasah and kirti. It will be seen that Varga, who was the elder brother of Chhandaka, younger brother of Sridatta, son of Hari-Sreshthin and grandson uf Kaivarti-areshthin, has been meritioned here as Varga-gramika. The word gramika affixed to Varga's name suggests that he was the headman of a village which seems to be no other than Avadars. The synonymous words yasah and kirti, when used together, are often understood in the sense of glory in this life and fame after death.1 There is no doubt that the stone pillar, which bears the inscription and was erected by Varga, is called a bala-yashti. The use of the word yashti in the sense of a pillar raised in memory of the dead is known from the Sui-Vihar and Andhau inscriptions. It therefore appears that Varga raised the pillar bearing the inscription in memory of his grandfather Kaivarti-breshthin, his father Hari-breshthin, his elder brother Sridatta and his younger brother Chhandaka who were apparently all dead. The memorial pillar is also called a gotra-sailika or 'family (pillar of] stone' apparently because it was raised in the memory of several members of the family. We know that the word gatra, apparently a mistake for gotra which is a contraction of gotra-sailika, was used to indicate a memorial pillar in the region in question even in the medieval period. The word bala in the expression bala-yashti seems to have been used in the sense of strong or stout'. Otherwise we have probably to suggest that, somehow in some regions, such memorial pillars were called 'Bala's (ie. Balarama's) Club' just as the pillars bearing Aboka's incriptions are known in certain places as 'Bhimasena's Club'. But this is less likely. The only geographical name mentioned in the inscription is Avadara which appears to have been a locality near modern Supia, the findspot of the epigraph. TEXT 1 [Srij-Gha[40]tkachash [*] tad-vansec prava ... 2 [noj? mahara(ra)ja-sri-Samu[dragu]pta[1*] ta[t-pu)3 [tra][b] sri-Vikkrama[ditya[*] ta[tputra][b] mahara(ja)4 (sr]-Mah@[ndraditya)[1*tasya (pa]tra[b] Chakkra[va) 5 [rtti]-tuslyo] [maha]-bala-vikkra[me]pa R[ama)6 [tu]lyo dharmma)-pa[ra]taya Yudhishtira sa[tye)7 nacharavi[naya] maharaja-sri-Ska[nda)8 guptasyal. rajya-(samvaltsara-sato eka9 chatvari[nsotta)raket [1] [asyam) divasa-pa10 rv vayam(yam) Avadara-vastavya-kutumbi[kah "] 11 Kaivartti-sreshthi-naptri(pta) Hari-breshthi-pu[tra][h*] Brida12 [tta][b 1*) tad-bhratri(ta) Vargga[h *) ta[d-bhra]ta(ta) Chohha(Chha)ndaka 1 11 13 sva-puny-apyayan-artham yasah-ki14 [rtti)-pravardha[ya*]mana-gottra-failika bala-ya15 shthi(shtih) pratishthapita Vargga-gramikena 16 Jo(Jye)shtha-masa sukla-pakshasya dviti17 (yayam] tisthau] [lk] 1 Cf. CII, Vol. I, p. 18, note 7. See Select Inscriptions, pp. 135-36, 167-69. . Cf. above, p. 172. * From an impression. . Road tad-vanee. * The two lost aksharas may be restored as rtland or rddhamd. * The damaged letter looks more like ndr. * Road Yudhishthira-tulyah. * Road nedchara-vinayaib or better saty.dchara-vinayoit. 10 Road guplab tasya. 11 Read Orithead-uttarake. 18 The lost lotters may be restored as shetti 11 Read warhutanara.

Page #428
No. 57-NOTE ON DIDGUR INSCRIPTION OF KATTIYARA G. S. Gar, OOTACAMUND (Received on 26-11-1958) The inscription which comes from Didgur in the Haveri Taluk of the Dharwar District, Mysore State, was published by Fleet in the pages of this journal, Vol. VI, pp. 251-53. It refers itself to the reign of a king named Kattiyara under whom a certain Dosi was governing the Banavasi twelve-thousand province. The record is not dated but Fleet assigned it, on palaeographical grounds, to about 800 A.D. As regards the king and the governor, he wrote, "The names of the king and of the local governor are not known as yet froin any other records. It seems impossible to explain the existence of this record in the Rashtrakuta territory and in the period to which it must be referred, except on the supposition that Kattiyara was one of the twelve confederate kings and princes, headed by Stambha-Kambayya, who shortly after A.D. 794 sought to dispute the sovereignty of the Rashtrakuta king Govinda III. And, in my opinion, that is certainly the explanation of the matter."! Further, from the emblem of boar found at the top of the record, he suggested that Kattiyara was a Chalukya, descended from the Chalukya house of Badami, and that he might be the same Kattiyaradeva mentioned as an ancestor of the later Chalukyas of Kalyana in the Managoli inscription of 1161 A.D. Thus, according to Fleet, Kattiyara of the Didgur inscription was a Chalukya chief of the Badami house, who flourished about 800 A.D. during the time of the Imperial Rashtrakutas. Now palaeography is only an approximate test and, as will be shown below, we shall not be wrong even if we refer the Didgur inscription to about the middle of the 8th century A.D. Tben the question arises whether there was any king named Kattiyara at this time and in this region who. as stated in the record, was 'ruling the earth' indicating tnereby his sovereign status. And the only supreme king about this period was Kirtivarman II (744-45 to 757 A.D.), the last ruler of the Chalukva dynasty of Badami. One is therefore led to identify the Kattiyara of the Didgur inscription with Kirtivarman II and it is not difficult to see that the name Kattiyara is only a colloquial form of Kirtivarman. This identification is supported by the fact that Kirtiv: eman I (566-96 A.D.) who was the sixth king in ascent from Kirtivarman II was also called Katt-ara sa as revealed by his Godachi plates. Just as the imperial Rashtrakuta kings Dhruva, Krisliga and Govinda were also called Dhora or Dhorapparas., Kannara and Gojjiga or Gojjigadeva respectively, Kirtivarman I as well as Kirtivarman II were called Katti-arasa or Kattiyara. The palaeography of the Didgur inscription does not militate against this identification. The characters of the record resemble those of the Adur and Pattadakal' stone inscriptions as well as the Vakkaleri?ard Kendur plates of Kirtivarman II. We may, for example, compare the letters n, d, y, 1, 6, etc. 1 Above, Vol. VI, p. 252. Ibid., Vol. V, pp. 15 ff. . Ibid., Vol. XXVIIT, PP. 59 ff. The name Kattiyara is only the shortened form of Kattiyarimit Ind. Ant, Vol. XI, p. 68. . Above, Vol. III, pp. 1 ff. * Ibid., Vol. V, pp. 200 ff. * Ibid., Vol. IX, pp. 202 f.

Page #429
310 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (VOL. XXXIII Now Kattiyaradeva mentioned in the Managoli inscription referred to above as an ancestor of the later Chalukyas of Kalyana is, in my opinion, none other than the same Kirtivarman II, though Fleet was not inclined to accept this identification. The record expressly states that this Kattiyaradeva was of the Chalukya family and that his hereditary capital was at Kisuvolal, i.e. modern Pattadakal. It is not clear why Fleet says that Kirtivarman II did not stand in the relationship with Ayyana I of the later Chalukyas as asserted in the Managoli record. For, the inscription clearly states (text lines 5-6) that Ayyana belonged to the Chalukya lineage descended froin the younger brother of Kirtivarman's father, i.e. Bhima I who was the younger brother of Vikramaditya II and uncle of Kirtivarman II. And exactly this is the relationship which is mentioned in the Kauthem plates of Vikramaditya V and the Nilgund plates' of Vilaramaditya VI and is accepted by Fleet. In view of the identification of Kattiyars of the Didgur inscription suggested above, let us now see whether Dosi who is mentioned therein as the governor of Banavasi-12000 could also be identified. From the Vakkaleri plates of Kirtivarman II, we learn that certain villages included in Panungal-vishaya were granted by the king at the request of one D3siraja. This would suggest that Dosiraja was a subordinate of the king, probably in charge of the Panungal-v ishaya which was included in the larger territorial division of Banavasi-12000 and comprised the area round about modern Hangal in the Dharwar District. As the provenance of the Didgur inscription is not far from Hangal, it is tempting to identify D35i of the Didzar record with Dosiraja of the Vakkaleri plates. Incidentally, it may be observed that the Didgur inscription provides the earliest reference krown so far to the Banavasi province as a twelve-thousand division in the records of the Chalukyas of Badami. Ahuve, Vol. V. p. 20, note 4. * [id. n., Vol. XVI, pp. 15 ff. : Above, Vol. XII, pp. 142 ff. Bomb. Gnz., Vol. 1, Part ii, p. 379.

Page #430
No. 58-MAYALUR PLATES OF CHALUKYA VIJAYADITYA, SAKA 622 (2 Plates) G. S. GAI, OOTACAMUND (Received on 13.11.1958) During the year 1941-42, a set of copper-plates was obtained in the Office of the Government Epigraphist for India from one Shri Venkata Reddi who was then a Branch Post Master at Nossam in the Koilkuntla Taluk of the Kurnool District, through Shri M. Somasekhara Sarma. The plates are reported to have been found at Mayalur, & village in the same Taluk. The inscription is edited below with the kind permission of the Government Epigraphist for India from a set of impressions preserved in his office. This is a set of three rectangular plates with slightly raised rims all round to protect the writing. Each plate measures 9-12" by 4.25" approximately and has a hole (about -6' in diameter) at the left margin, through which passes a ring with a diameter of about 4.5'. The ends of the ring are soldered to the brackets at the base of a circular seal about 1.36' in diameter, which contains on its counter-sunk surface the figure of a standing boar facing the proper right. The plates, with the ring and the seal, weigh 132 tolas. The plates have suffered some damage, specially the second and the third, and hence the writing is not in a good state of preservation. Moreover, the engraving on the third 'plate is rather careless. The first plate is engraved on one side (inner) only while the remaining two plates bear writing on both the sides, the second side of the third plate having only four lines of writing. There are altogether 43 lines of writing, the first plate and the two sides of the second plate having 10 lines each and first side of the third plate 9 lines and its second side 4 lines. The characters are early Kannada-Telugu and closely resemble those of the other grants of the same king. The palaeography and orthography do not call for special remarks. The language is Sanskrit and except the invocatory and imprecatory verses, the text of the entire record is in prose. The inscription refers itself to the reign of the Western Chalukya king Vijayaditya who ruled from 696 to 733 A.D. The introductory portion (lines 1-31) giving the genealogy of the family from Pulakesin I to the ruling king Vijayaditya is identical with that found in the other known grants of this king. The record is dated in Saka 622 (expressed in words) and the fourth regnal year, Vaisakha Paurnamasi. Since Sravana of the Saka year 618 expired was the first month of the first year of this king : Vaisakha of Saka 622 expired would fall in his fourth year as stated in the record. The date is not verifiable in the absence of further details. However, according to S. K. Pillai's Indian Ephemeris, Vaisakha Paurpami of Saka 622 expired corresponded to Thursday, the 8th April 700 A.D. The inscription records that on the above-mentioned date, when the king was camping at Pottalikinagara in the Bavihara district, he made a grant of the village of Yukrdmba to the west of Vifohihichodi in the Pe[de]kal district as an eka-bhoga gift to a person named Marafarman of the Vatsa gotra and to other Brahmanas well-versed in the Vedas. 18. A. R. Bp., 1938-40 to 1942-43, p. 232 (No. A 6 of 1941-42). *Cf. above, Vol. XXXII, pp. 317 ff. C. Bomb. Gas., Vol. I, Part ii, p. 370 and note 5. (311)

Page #431
512 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXXIII The record is important in that it is one of the few inscriptions belonging to the early part of the king's reign and is the earliest copper plate grant of the king discovered so far in the Telugu country. We have two more records dated in the fourth regnal year of this king. One is the Kotturu stone inscription' which does not supply any more details of the date except the mention of the regnal year. The other is the Nerur copper-plate inscription dated in Saka 622 (exkired), Ashadha Paurnima. In this year, the month of Ashadha was intercalary so that the date of the inscription under study is two or three months earlier than that of the Nerur plates. The Nerur plates were issued from Rasenanagara which is identified with modern Rasin in the Ahmednagar District of the Bombay State. And Pottalikanagara in Bavibara-vishaya from where the present plates are issued may be the same as Pottalakere or Pottalakese which was the capital of the Western Chalukya king Jagadekamalla Jayasimha II (1018-42 A.D.) and is also spelt 28 Hottalakere in the Kannada records, the change of p to h being a regular feature in that language. If this identification is accepted, then our inscription provides the earliest reference to the place known so far. Pottalakere was identified by Fleet with modern Dannayakankere in the Bellary District on insufficient grounds; but later researches have shown that the place can be identified with modern Patancheru which is situated at a distance of about 18 miles north-west of Hyderabad. And so Bavihara-vishaya seems to have comprised the area round about this place. As shown above, the Nerur plates were issued two or three months later than our grant and, during this intervening period, the royal camp was shifted from Patancheru to Rasin which is about 250 miles north-west of Patancheru. The writer of the grant was Mahasandhivigrahika (minister for peace and war) Rama Punyavallabha. He lived almost conterminously with Vinayaditya and wrote almost all his grants while the same position was enjoyed by Niravadya Punyavallabha, who was possibly his son, during the reign of Vijayaditya. Rama Punyavallabha was last mentioned as the composer of the Harihar plates of Vinayaditya dated Saka 616, and Niravadya Punyavallabha appears for the first time in the Rayagad plates of Vijayaditya dated Saka 625. Therefore, the inscription under study is interesting in that it shows that Rama Punyavallabha lived also for some time during the reign of Vijayaditya and seems to have died sometime between Saka 622 and Saka 625. Punyavallabha was possibly the name of the family.? Besides Pottalikanagara and Bavihara-vishaya discussed above, other geographical names mentioned in the record are: Pedekal-visbaya, the gift village Yukrombe included in it and Vinchihicheli to the west of which the gift village was situated. Pedekal-vishaya is mentioned in an earlier copper-plate inscription of the king's father and predecessor Vinayaditya also secured from the same village Mayalur. It also figures as Pedekalli-vishaya in the Togarchedu plates of the same king Vinayaditya.' This tract is identified with the Pedakanti-sima of the later Vijayanagara records, which comprised a part of the modern Kurnool District. I am not sure about the identification of Yukrombe and Vinichihichedi. 1 Above, Vol. XXX, pp. 69 ff. Ind. Ant., Vol. IX, pp. 125 ff. * Bomb. Gaz., Vol. I, part ii, p. 437 and note 8. * Sarana Sahitya (Kannada), Vol. IX, pp. 456-57 and 521-25. . Ind. Ant., Vol. VII, pp. 300 ff. . Abovo, Vol. X, pp. 14 ff. The last two or three lines of the Nerur plates of Vijayadity dated in Saka 622 and referred to above, which are lost, possibly contained the name of the writer of that grant. *Above, Vol. X, p. 15; Vol. XXVI, p. 323. *JOR, Vol. X, pp. 27 ff. JBBRAS, Vol. XVI, pp. 231. Cf. 4.B.Ep. for 1939-40 to 1942-43, p. 232.

Page #432

Page #433
MAYALUR PLATES OF CHALUKYA VIJAYADITYA, SAKA 622-PLATE 1 maantu pai 255 maartu mtu knnnlaik 13- 222caar, ileecaak s, a VOLTA atikrikkttaar Poora Scale: Two-thirds

Page #434
No. 58] MAYALUR PLATES OF CHALUKYA VIJAYADITYA, SAKA 622 313 TEXT First Plate 1 Svasti [l*] Jayaty=avishktitam Vishnor=v varaba[m] kshobhit-arnpava[m](vam) [l*) dakshin Onnata-da[ru]shtr-agra-vibranta2 bhuvana[m] vapuh [II * Srimatam sa kala-bhuvana-samstuyamana-Manavya-sagotranam Ha3 riti-putranam sapta-loka-matsibhis=sapta-matfibhir-abhivarddhitana Karttikeya-pari raksha4 pa-prapta-kalya[na-param]paranam Bhagavan-Narayana-prasada-samasadita-Varaha-la6 fichhan-ekshana-kshana-vasiksit-asesha-mahibhfitam Chalikyanam, kulam=alankariB shnor=asvamedh-avabhsitha-snana-pavitrikcita-gatrasya 6-Pulakesivallabha-maha7 rajasya sunuh parakrain-akranta-Vanavasy-di-para-ntipati-mandala-pranibaddha vifuddha8 kirttih sri-Kirttivarmma-Prithivivallabha-mahara[jas-ta]sy=atmajas=samara-samsa[kta saka]'l-Ottara9 pathesvara-sri-Harshavarddhana-paraja[y-opalabdha)-Paramesvara-sabdasya (Satya}" braya-Sripri10 thivivallabha-maharajadbiraja-paramasvarasya (priya]s-tanayasya prajnata-naya Second Plate, First Side 11 sya khadga-matri(tra)-sahayasya Chitrakaoth-abhidhana-pravara-turamgamen=aiken=ev=7 [tsa)12 rit-asesha-vijigishor=avanipati-tritay-antaritasti) sva-guro[h*) sciyam-atmasatkritya 13 prabhava-kulisa-dalita-Pandya-Chola-Ke[ra]la-Kalabhra-prabhriti-bhubhri[d-a]dabhra vi[bhra). 14 masy=anany-avanata-Kanchipati-makuta-chumbita-padamvu(ibu)jasya Vikramaditya Satyasraya16 Sriprithivivallabha-maharajadhiraja-paramisvara-blattirakasya priya-sunul, 16 pitur=ajnaya Bali(le)ndusekharasya Tarakaratir=iva daitya-balam=atisamuddhatari trai17 rajya-Kanchispati]-balam=avashtabhyu karadiktita-Kamera-Parasika-Simhal-adi dvip-adhipasya 18 sakal-Ottarapatha-natha-mathan-oparijit-orjjita-Pali-dhvaj-adi-samasta-paramaisvaryya19 chihnasya Vinayaditya-Satyasraya-Sriprithivivallabha-maharajadhiraja-paramesra20 ra-bhattara kasya priy-atmajas-kaisava ev=adhigat-usesh-astra-sastro dakshin-asa-vijayini 1 From impressions. The portion in brackets is lost due to a hole in the plate. * The portion in brackets is indistinct.

Page #435
314 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (Val. XXXI Second Plate, Seconil Side 21 pitama[hi] sa munmulita-nikhila-kantaka-samhatir=Uttarapatha(tha)-vijigisho[r=gu]ro22 r=agrata ev=ahava-vyaparam=icharann=arati-gaja-[gha]ta-patana-visiryyamana-kti23 pana-dharas=samagra-vigrah-agresaras=s&n=sa[hasa)-rasikah=parammu(ranmu)khiksita (satru-manda]24 [lo] Gamga-Yamuna-pali-dhvaja-pa[da]-dhakka-mahasabda-chihnaka-manikya-matagaj adi[n=pi)25 toisatkurvvan=paraih=palayamanair=asadya katham=api vidhivasad=apanito=pi pra26 tapad=eva visha[ya)-prakopam=arajakam=utsarayan=Vatsaraja iv=anapekshit-a27 para-sahayaka[s=tad-a]vagrahan=nirggatya sva-bhuj-avashtambha-prasadhit-asesha-vi28 svambharah-prabhur-akhandtta-sakti-trayatvatchha(ch=chha)tru-mada-bhanjanatva[d= udara]tvan=niravadyatva 29 [d=yas=sama]sta-bhuvan-asrayas=sa kala-paramaisvaryya-vyakti-hetu-spali-dhvaj-ady-u]jva Gjva)la30 prajya-rajyo Vijayaditya-Satyasraya-Sripsithivivallabha-maharajadhiraja-pa Third Plate, First Side 31 ramesvara-bhattarakas-sarvvan=evam=ajnapayati [l*) viditam=astu vo=sma. 32 bhit-dvavinsaty-uttara-shachchha(t-chha)teshu Saka-[varshejshv=atiteshu pravarddhami33 na-vi[ja]ya-rajya-samvatsare chaturtthe vartta mane Bavihara-visha34 [ye] Pottalika-nagaram=adhivasati vijaya-skandhavare Vaisa35 [kha)-Paurnnamasyam Agnikarya-nimittam Pe[de]kal-vishaye Vinchishi)36 [cheldi-varuna-disa-Yukrombe-nama gramax(mah) Vatsa-gotraya 37 Marasarmmanam(rmmane) eka-bhogam Brahmanebhyo veda-para(ra)gebhyas=sa-bho38 gas-sarvva-budha-paribar-opeto dattam(ttah 1) Yasya yasya yada-bhumi39 [s-tasya ta]sya tada phalam [ll*]Svam(Svam) [datum) sumabatsa(ch=chha)kya[m] duhkha[m] Third Plate, Second Side 40 m=anyatcha(sya) palana[m1"] danam va palana[m") v=eti danasri(ch=chhre)yo-nupa lana[m '1 *) 41 Svadatta(ttam) paradatta(ttam) va yyo(yo) haretista) vasundha(ndha)ra[m ] shasti[m] varsha-sa(sa)ha(ha)sra42 ni vishta(shta)ya[m*] jayate krima(mih | ) Mabasandhivigrahika-sri-Rama-punya[va * - 43 llabha(bhe)na likhitam=idam sasa(sa)na[m] ! 1 This is the second half of a well-known stanza. This finalm is unnecessary.

Page #436
MAYALUR PLATES OF CHALUKYA VIJAYADITYA, SAKA 622-PLATE II tool 21.3 krkraak M tee vaannn , SERTT E Scale : Two-thirds

Page #437
TRAS * p MY

Page #438
No. 59--MADANAPADA PLATE OF VISVARUPASENA (2. Plates..) D. C. SIRCAR, QOTACAMUND (Received on 30.3.1959) The inscription was first published by N. N. Vasu in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Vol. LXV, 1896, Part I, pp. 6-15 and Plates. He recorded its discovery as follows: "In the village of Madanapada, Post Office Pinjari, Pargana Kotalipada of the Faridpur District, a peasant whilst digging his field found a copper plate and made it over to the land-holder who kept it in his house. This plate was made over to me by Pandita Lakshmi Chandra Sankhyatirtha in 1892." The inscription was subsequently acquired by the Asiatic Society of Bengal, though later it could not be traced in the Society's collection. N. G. Majumdar re-edited the inscription in his Inscrip tions of Bengal, Vol. III, 1929, pp. 133-39; from the facsimile published by Vasu, which was, however, not quite satisfactory and reliable. Neither Vasu nor Majumdar could read and interpret the grant portion of the record correctly and the latter remarked, "This portion of the text being extremely corrupt and full of scribal mistakes, it is difficult to say what is actually intended." In 1952, I had an opportunity of examining the plate in the Dacca Museum where it is now preserved and was also allowed by the authorities of the Museum to take impressions of the inscription. On an examination of the epigraph, it was found that the said grant portion of the charter is fairly free from scribal errors while its meaning is quite clear. Consequently I published my reading and interpretation of parts of the record in the Journal of the Asiatic Society, Letters, Vol. XX, 1954, pp. 209-17 and Plates. Since the inscription throws considerable new light on the history of the Senas of Bengal, some of the readers of my paper have requested me to re-edit the Madanapada plate in the Epigraphia Indica with a full-size illustration. The inscription is engraved on both sides of a single plate measuring 12 inches in length and 10 inches in height. The Sena seal representing the god Sadasiva is affixed at the top of the plate and it is referred to as the Sadasiva-mudra in line 50 of the inscription. As regrads palaeography and orthography, the inscription closely resembles other Bengal epigraphs of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries and nothing calls for remarks in these respects. The language of the record is Sanskrit and it is written in both prose and verse. After the Siddham symbol followed by the mangala O nam5 Narayanaya at the beginning, there are 20 stanzas in lines 1-31. All these verses are also found in the Idilpur plates often ascribed to Kesavasena who is supposed to have been a brother of Visvarupasena. The Idilpur plate, however, contains four additional stanzas which are also found in the Vangiya Sahitya Parishad plate of Visvarupasena. The versified introduction referred to above is followed by the grant portion in prose in lines 31-53. Then come seven of the usual imprecatory and benedictory stanzas and a verse mentioning the dula in lines 53-59. Lines 59-60 contain certain endorsements in prose and the date of the charter in the regnal year 14. The most interesting feature of the inscription is that a large number of passages in it are re-engraved on erasures. As will be seen from our discussion below and the notes on the text of the inscription, the original donor of the charter was another king of the Sena family, whose name was erased to re-engrave the name Visvarupa at a later date. 1 Op. cit., p. 6. Op. cit., p. 138, note 4. See N. G. Majumdar, op. cit., pp. 118 ff. Ibid., pp, 140 ff, and Plates. (315)

Page #439
316 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (VOL. XXXIII Verse 1 contains an adoration to the Sun-god, to whom the Paramasaura donor of the charter was specially devoted, while verse 2 introduces the Moon-god whom the Sena kings claimed as the progenitor of their family. The next stanza (verse 3) refers to the kings of the lunar race and Verse 4 introduces king Vijayasena (c. 1095-1158 A.D.) as one of them. The following two stanzas (verses 5-6) describe Vijayasena's might in vague terms. Verse 7 speaks of Ballalasena (c. 115879 A.D.), son of Vijayasona, while Lakshmanasena (o. 1179-1206 A.D.), son of Ballalasena, is introduced in the following stanza (verse 8). Verses 9-10 continue the description of king Lakshmanasena. The second of these two stanzas may be translated as follows: "In hundreds of previous births, that king (i.e. Lakshmanasena), leaving aside all care for his liberation, surely propitiated Hara (i.e. the god Siva), on the banks of the Suradhuni (i.e. the Ganges), being desirous of having & son. For this reason] (etasmat), the illustrious Visvarupa, who was the head of (i.e. the foremost among) the celebrated kings and was determined to cause the widowhood of his enemies' wives, was born to him). Otherwise how could it be possible] ?" If the word etasmat used in the stanza is taken to mean from this [king, i.e. Lakshmanasena]', we may have the following in place of the last two sentences of our translation : "Otherwise, how could be born to this [king] the illustrious Visvarupa who was the head of the celebrated kings and was determined to cause the widowhood of his enemies' wives ?" Thus king Visvarupasona is introduced in this stanza as the son of Lakshmanasens and the verses immediately following must naturally be regarded as describing his achievements and not of his father Lakshmanasena. The second of the two verses 11-12 in the following description of Vibyarupasena state that the king planted sacrificial posts as well as pillars of his victories in battles at the following places (1) the coast of the Southern Ocean where there is the altar on which Musaladhara (BalaramaSankarshana) and Gadapani (Vishnu-Koishna) dwell ; (2) the site of Visvesvara near the junction of the Asi, Varan, and Ganges; and (3) the banks of the Triveni. The three places referred to are no doubt Puri in Orissa, Varanasi (Banaras) and Prayaga (Allahabad). Verse 13 mentions the queen of the same Visvarupasena. But the original name in three aksharas (uu-) following eri was erased and a new name in four aksharas was re-engraved in the space, the re-engraving also affecting the medial i sign of fri. The third and fourth of the four aksharas read devi; but the first and second of them cannot be deciphered because neither the original writing was fully erased nor were the re-engraved aksharas clearly incised and properly shaped. There is no doubt that originally the name of Visvarupasena's queen was engraved in the verse. But whose name was re-engraved after having erased the original writing? The answer to this question is clearly supplied by the next stanza (verse 14) in which the donor of the charter is introduced as born of the king and his queen mentioned in the previous stanza It is interesting to note that the aksharas visvarupa are quite obviously re-engraved before senadevah in this verse in the space where originally only two aksharas were engraved. It is also to be noticed that the second of these two aksharas of the original name had a superscript r above it and that this sign was not erased apparently through oversight. Owing to the incision of four aksharas in the space of only two and to the presence of the superscript r above the second of the two aksharas originally engraved, the donor's name looks more like Visvarra than Visvarupa. The two corrections in the names of the donor and his mother in the original writing of the introductory part of the Madanapada plate show beyond doubt that the grant was originally made by the son of Visvarupasena and that Visvarupasena's name was subsequently inserted in the place of his son's. As & result of these corrections arbitrarily made at a later date in the original composition, the reader is compelled to regard verses 11-12 as describing Lakshmanasena even though this is quite against the trend of the composition and its original and real meaning. As we shall see below, there is further evidence in the grant 1 The son's name was in two aksharas and the metre of the stanza was originally Aryd. With the introduction of the bigger name of the father, the metre became Giti,

Page #440
No. 591 MADANAPADA PLATE OF VISVARUPASENA 317 portion of the document to show that the original charter was issued by the son of king Visvarupasina. Verses 15-20 describe the donor of the original grant, i.e. the son of Visvarupasena, although the corrections in verses 13-14 lead to the description being referred to Visvarupasena himself. Verse 15 states that the king in question had a thirst for military pursuits ever since his youth. Verse 16 refers to his liberality vaguely while the next stanza (verse 17) represents him as the death to the Garga-Yavanas no doubt meaning the Turkish Muhammadans, whatever the significance of the word garga in this context may be. Of verses 18-20, the first and second speak of his scholar. ship and physical charm respectively and the third states that he granted many villages in favour of the Brahmanas. Lines 31 ff. introduce the donor as having issued the charter from his victorious camp at Phasphagrama, the name of which has been wrongly read as Phalgugrama. In this section, srimatVisvarupasenadeva, supposed to be described as Ariraja-vrishabhanka-sankara, is mentioned as the son of Ariraja-madana-sankara-srimal-Lakshmanasenadeva, the grandson of Ariraja-nihsankasankara-srimad-Ballalasenadeva and the great-grandson of Ariraja-vrishabha-sankara srimadVijayasenadeva. It is, however, interesting to note that, as in verse 14 in the introductory part discussed above, the four aksharas visvarupa in the king's name (line 38) have been re-engraved on an erasure offering space only for two aksharas which were originally engraved and the second of which had a superscript r above it. In this case also, the sign of superscript r was not erased apparently through oversight. Equally interesting is the fact that, in his title written as Arirajavrishabhanka-sankara, the aksharas vrishabha appear to have been re-engraved after having erased the aksharas nihsa, so that the title of the original donor of the grant was Ariraja-nih sanka-sankara. But more interesting is another fact. It is that, in the names and titles of the donor's father, grandfather and great-grandfather, the aksharas between srima (or srimat) and senadeva in the former and between ariraja and sankara in the latter are re-engraved on erasures. In many of these cases, the traces of the original writing are clear and these show beyond doubt that the original donor was represented as the son of Visvarupasena, the grandson of Lakshmanasena and the great-grandson of Ballalasena. That such was the case is also suggested by the description of the father of the donor of the charter, i.e. Lakshmanasena after the correction but Visvarupasena in the original writing, as Paramasaura. In his own records, Lakshmanasena is called either Paramavaishnava or Paramanarasimha1 while his son Visvarupasena was the first Paramasaura in the Sena family. This shows that the person, who was responsible for the erasure and reengraving and changed the name of Visvarupasena to that of Lakshmanasena, forgot to correct the former's epithet Paramasaura to the latter's Paramavaishnava or Paramanarasimha. It has also to be noticed that the final t in srimat has been joined in sandhi with the first letter of the kings' names in this section in all the cases excepting that of Visvarupasena. This fact suggests that the first letter of the original royal name in the stanza did not require any modification of t in Sandhi It may have thus been a letter like s. All the five kings including the donor are called Gaudesvara. But the donor and his father are endowed with certain additional epithets such as those indicating their descent from the Sena family and the lunar race. They have also the imperial titles Paramesvara, Paramabhattaraka and Maharajadhiraja. Their title Saranagata-vajra-panjara was originally used by the subordinate rulers of the Kannada-speaking area which was the original home of the Senas. The title Asvapatigajapati-narapati-raja-tray-adhipati appears to have been assumed by the later Senas after a 1 N. G. Mujumdar, op. cit., pp. 86, 95, 101, 111. In their own records, Vijayasena and Ballalasena claim to have been Paramamahesvara (ibid., pp. 62, 73). Ballalasena seems to have become a Vaishnava in the later years of his life since he is described as Paramavaishnava in one of his son's records (ibid., p. 95).

Page #441
318 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXXI successful encounter with the GAhadavalas of U. P., who are known to have enjoyed the title. It has to be pointed out that verse 12 of our inscription refers to the victories of Visvarupasena (Lakshmanasens after the correction) at Banaras and Allahabad which formed parts of the dominions of the Gahadavalas before their overthrow by the Turkish Muhammadans. Since Visvarupasens's reign of about fourteen years has to be assigned to o. 1206-20 A. D., i.e. after the Turkish conquest of Eastern India, his exploits at Banaras and Allahabad have to be assigned to the period when his father Lakshmanasena was ruling. The Madhainagar plate represents Lakshmanasena as having conquered the king of Kabi (Banaras), i.e. the Gahadavala king, and having obtained success in Kalinga and otber countries. Visvarupasena must bave commanded the Sena forces against the Gahadavalas as his father's general. The list of subordinates and officers, whom the donor addressed in respect of the grant, is quoted in lines 38-41. This is similar to auch lists quoted in other Sena charters. The said list of addressees is followed in lines 41 ff. by the declaration regarding the grant. Lines 41-43 state that the gift land was situated in a village in the Vikramapura bhaga (division) of Vanga forming & part of the bhukti (province of Pundravardhana and that it was bounded in the east by an embankment and a plot of land belonging to the village of Athayaga-grama (or Athapaga-grama), in the south by a piece of land belonging to Varayipada-grama, in the west by a plot of land belonging to Unchokatti-grams and in the north by an embankment belonging to the locality called Virakatti. The expression varayi-pala in the name of one of the boundary villages is interesting as it means the habitation of the Barayis (betelvine-growers)'.. The actual description of the gift land in lines 43-46 is entirely written on an erasure, clear traces of the original writing being visible under many of the aksharas. The gift land is stated to have been situated in the village called Pinjakashthi or Pinjothiya which is the modern Pinjari near Madanapada, the findspot of the record. A portion of the village yielding an annual income of 132 Puranas or Churnis was excluded and the remainder yielding 500 [Puranas or Churnis) per annum was made the subject of the grant. In this connection, the contraction sam stands for samwatsarika 'annual', and sam-bhu-hi for samvatsarika-bhumi-hiranya, 'annual revenue of the land in cash', while bahih has been used to indicate 'excluded'. The smaller part of the village, yielding 132 Puranas per year, was called Padati-Sapamarka apparently after a Paik named Sapamarka, and belonged to the asrama of Kandarpasankara probably a deity named after Ariraja-mailanakankara Lakshmanasena, the expressions kandarpa-sankara and madana-sarikara being synonymous. It is further stated that the donee also received another plot of land yielding 127 Puranas or Churnis annually (sa-hiasamvatsarika-hiranya) and situated in the village of Narandapa-grama belonging to the share of the said asrama of Kandarpasarkara. It was the property of a dependant of the king (svakiya-palya-sva), that is to say, it formed part of a jagir in the possession of one of the king's dependants. The two plots of gift land is now mentioned as Pinjothiya-grama. It appears that, in the original grant, the whole village of Pinjakashthi was granted in favour of the donee of the charter and that, sometime later when it was brought to the notice of the authorities that a part of the village belonged to the Kandarpasankara asrama, the necessity of making & readjustment was felt. The donee's loss of 132 Puranas or Churnis per year was then compensated by the gift of another piece of land yielding 127 Puranas or Churnis. The two plots of the gift land were situated in the villages of Pinjokashthi and Narandapa, apparently abutting on each other; but they were now made one unit under the name Pinjothiya which appears to be a modified form of Pinjokashthi. The dopee's privileges enumerated in lines 45-46 are similar to those found in the other charters of the Senas. 1 Ibid., p. 111.

Page #442
No. 59) MADANAPADA PLATE OF VISVARUPASENA 319 Lines 46 ff. describe the donee who was the Brahmana Visvarupadevasarman of the Vatan gotra and the Bhargava, Chyavana, Apnuvat, Aurva and Jamadagnya pravaras. He was the son of Vanamalin, grandson of Garbhesvara and great-grandson of Parasara. The donee is called , sruti-pathaka, i.e. a reciter of the Vedic texts, and the grant is stated to have been made according to the principle of bhumr-chchhidra for acquiring the merits as described in the Siva Purana. An interesting passage in this section states that the grant was made in the month of Bhadra (probably on the 8th day) in the year 14. But, in the expression chaturdasayavdu(bdi)ya, chaturda sa is clearly re-engraved after having erased the aksharas dviti, so that the passage read dvitiy-avli(bdi)ya in the original writing. Thus the original grant was made by the son of Visvarupasena in his second regnal year while the corrections were carried out in the charter in the 14th year of Visvarupasena's reign. The above section is followed in lines 52 ff. by the donor's request to future kings for the prouection of the grant, seven imprecatory and benedictory verses being quoted in this connection. The concluding section contains & verse (lines 58-59) stating that Kopivishnu, the Mahasandhivigrahika (minister of foreign affairs) of Gauda, was the duta or executor of the grant This is followed by three endorsements: (1) briman-mahasam-karana-ni (i.e. friman-mahasandhwigrahika-karananirikshita),' 'examined and approved by the office or clerk of the minister of foreign affairs '; (2) tri-mahamahattaka-karana-ni, 1.e. examined and approved by the office or clerk of the Mahamahattaka (probably the head of the group of villages including the gift land); and (3) erimatkarana-m, i.e. examined by the king's personal office or by his personal clerk. The date of the issue of the charter, viz. the 1st of Asvina in the year 14, comes at the end. It is interesting to note that this date is not re-engraved on an erasure, although it certainly refers to the reign of Visvarupasena and not of the original donor of the charter. This is clear from the fact that while the original grant was made in the second year of the reign of Visvarupasona's son, the corrections were inserted in the 14th regnal year of Visvarupasens himself. It seems that this space was blank in the original grant, the date of which in the donor's second regnal year was quoted in line 51. What has been stated above regarding the nature of the grant, viz. its original 18sue by the son of Vigvarupasena and the later insertion of Visvarupasona's name in the place of that of the original donor, seems to admit of no doubt. But it involves a number of problems most of which cannot be settled without further light being thrown on the subject by new discoveries. We have seen that the name of the original donor of the Madanapada plate, who was the son of king Visvarupasena and whose name was erased in verse 14 and line 28, was written in two aksharas before sena, that the second of these two aksharas was endowed with a sign of superscript and that the first of them was a letter like s which did not necessitate the change of the preceding t in Sandhi. The word in two aksharas that suggests itself to us for filling up this lacuna is suryya since Kumara Suryasona is known from the Vanglys Sahitya Parishad plate of Visvarupasena and he is generally regarded as a son of the latter. But the name of his mother who was the queen of Visvarupasena, that was erased in verse 13, cannot be restored. Even the re-engraved name of Vibvarupasena's mother, who was the queen of Lakshmanasena, cannot be read in our inscription. It has been read as Tadadevi or Tandradevi. But they do not suit the metre. In this connection, it may be pointed out that the Idilpur plate, ascribed to Kada vasons, exhibits the erasure of the old writing of the name of the donor's mother in verse 14 (verse 13 of our record) and that of the donor in verse 15 (verse 14 of our record) as well as in line 43 (just as in line 38 of our record). The queen-mother's name in this case has been read as Chandradevi which also violates the metre. The contraction ni may also stand for nibaddha or registered (of. abovo, Vol. XIX, p. 18, text lin. 16). We have drishta, which is the same as nurikakita, seen', on the oopper plates of such dynasties us The Vakatakas and the Pallavas. See Select Inscriptions, pp. 406, 412, 419, 183, 437. 1 Sve Hisl. Beng., Dacca University, Vol. I, p. 227.

Page #443
320 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXXIII The aksharas read as devi svasta?)sya in this record are, however, clearly 'devy-amushya which is also the reading in the same verso as found in the Vangiya Sahitya Parishad plate. In the Madanapada plate, the intention of the person responsible for the corrections was probably to correct tad-asya after devi to tasya in socordance with the requirement of the metre, though he forgot to effect the change. The Vangiya Sahitya Parishad plate of Visvarupasens quotes the name of his mother, in our opinion, as Ahvapadevi. It thus appears that the intended correction in the Madanapada plate was bry-Ahvanadevia tasya and in the Idilpur plate fry-Ahvanadevy= amushya, even though the aksharas huana are not recognisable in either of the cases. I do not think it possible that the queen's name was quoted differently in the three inscriptions. Another problem relates to the name of the donor of the Idilpur plate which exhibits similar re-engravings on erasures as the Madanapada plate and was issued from Phasphagrama whence the Madanapada plate was also issued. In our opinion, the reading kesava in verse 15 and line 43 of this inscription is a mistake for visvarupa engraved after having erased suryya exactly as in the Madanapana plate. Indeed the suggestion that kesava is a wrong reading for visvarupa in the Idilpur plate was already offered by some scholars, although it has been generally ignored by writers on the history of the Senas.' It is, however, difficult to ignore it since it appears to be supported not only by the re-engraved names but also by the fact that the so-called Kesavasena's title in the Idilpur plate, which was wrongly read as Ariraja-asahya-sankara by previous writers, reads Ariraja-nashabha-sankara, in which shabha is clearly written on an erasure. It appears that what now looks like nashabha is the result of an attempt to re-engrave vrishabha after having erased nihsarka just as in the Madanapada plate. Vi varupasena's title appears really to have been Ariraja-vrishabha-gankara as in the case of his great-grandfather Vijayasena just as his son assumed the title Ariraja-nihtanka-sankara in imitation of his own great-grandfather Ballalasena. We have seen how, in the Madanapada plate, vrishabha is re-engraved after having erased nissa so that the epithet reads there as Ariraja-opishabharka-sarkara which is meaningless. Now we come to the most important of the problem relating to this enquiry. It is that the Vangiya Sahitya Parishad plate, which does not exhibit clear signs of re-engraving the names of Visvarupasena and his mother on erasures, has all the stanzas of the Madanapada plate in the B&me order with a few additional stanzas that are also found in the Idilpur plate and that Viuvarupasena's title there reads Ariraja-vrishabhanka-sarkara. In our analysis of the introductory stanzas of the Madanapala plate, we have seen that verses 11 ff. should have to be regarded as referring to Visvarupasena and verses 14 ff. to his son and that, by the arbitrary insertion of Vibyarupasena's name in the place of his son's, we have not only Visvarupasena twice introduced in this part, the second introduction being quite unnecessary and even unnatural, but have also to regard verses 11 ff. as continuing the description of Lakshmanasena and verses 14 ff. as describing Visvarupapena, even though this is plainly against the trend of the composition. How then could this modified composition be quoted in a genuine charter of Visvarupasena himself? The only answer to this question that suggests itself to us is that the introductory part of the Vangiya Sahitya Parishad plate of Visvarupasena is merely a copy of the modified draft of the introductory section of his son's records and is not a fresh and independent composition. This seems to be snpported by his title Ariraja-Vrishabharka-ankara as found in Vangiya Sahitya Parishad plate. Vrishabharka in this expression is quite meaningless and the emendation usishabh-anka does 1 Cf. JAS. Letters, Vol. XX, pp. 201-02. *Cf. above, Vol. XXX, p. 149 and note 3. : See Bhandarkar's List, No. 1693 and notes; JA8. Lotters, Vol. XX, p. 211. * The explanation I suggested in JAS. Letters, Vol. XX, p. 212, seems to be wrong.

Page #444
321 No. 59] MADANAPADA PLATE OF VISVARUPASENA not improve the position since the title would not still offer any satisfactory sense. The copy must have been made from a modified draft like that of the Madanapada plate which, as we have seen, reads vrishabhan ka since vrishabha was re-engraved on nih sa of mihsanka without erasing nika. That nka was left out through oversight is suggested by the correction effected in the same title in the Idilpur plate in which shabha is re-engraved after having erased sanka. The circumstances under which Visvarupasena's son ruled during the lifetime of his father cannot be determined in the present state of our knowledge. The case does not look like that of Pangu Nirjitavarman succeeding his son Partha on the throne of Kashmir. It appears that the 14th regnal year of Vievarupasena, when the corrections were offected in the Madanapada plate, fell not long after the 2nd regnal year of his son when it was originally issued. Thus it looks as if the son was raised to the throne when the father was already a king for several years. Whether this was the result of the son's revolt and temporary success against the father or the father being temporarily incapacitated by the attack of some disease from which his recovery was not expected or by his captivity for a few years in the hands of his enemies is more than what we can say at present. In the Idilpur plate, originally issued by Visvarupa's son like the Madanapada plate. the son seems to refer to his father reverentially as brihan-nrepati-charanahi while the son, if he is identical with Suryasens as he seems to us to be, is mentioned in the Vangiya Sahitya Parishad plate as having created a jagir which was ratified by Visvarupasena. These facts probably suggest that the second of the two alternatives, viz. the son ascending the throne during & period when the father was somehow incapable of holding the reins of government, is preferable. Whether the issue of Suryasena's grants from Phaspha-grama suggests the temporary loss of Vikramapura to some enemy is more than what we can say at present. He ruled at least for about three years since the Idilpur plate was issued in his 3rd regnal year. The period of the son's rule seems to have corresponded roughly to the years 11-13 of the father's reign. Of the geographical names mentioned in the inscription, we have already spoken of the reference to Puri, Banaras and Allahabad. The gift village was situated in the province of Pundravardhana which included wide areas of Northern and South-Eastern Bengal in the age in question. Its division called Vanga must have comprised the Dacca-Faridpur region while the Sub-Division of Vikramapura no doubt included the Munshiganj Sub-Division of the Dacca District and the Madaripur Sub-Division of the Faridpur District. The Madaripur region, now separated from the Pargana of Vikramapura in Munshiganj by the river Padma, is still called Dakshina-Vikramapura, 'South Vikramapura', and it seems that the old Vikramapura division was divided into two halves by the changing course of the Padma at a date later than the Sena age. As already indicated above, the gift village called Pinjokashthi or Pinjothiya is the modern Pinjari in the Kotalipada Pargana of the Faridpur District. The other localities mentioned in the inscription including the description of the boundaries of the gift village have not been identified. TEXTS Metres: verse 1 Vasantatilaka ; verses 2-3, 5, 7-10, 13, 15-16, 20 Sardulavikridita ; verses 4, 17 Prithvi : verses 6, 12 Sragdhara; verses 11, 26 Pushpitagra; verse 14 Giti; verses 18, 21-25 Anushtubh ; verse 19 Manda kranta; verse 27 Arya.] Obverse 1 Siddham o namo Narayanaya || Vande='ravinda-vana-va(ba)ndhavam=andhakara-kara-niva (ba)ddha-bhuvana-traya-mukti-hetum paryaya-vistrita-si1 Ariraja-vrishabha-lankara means the god Siva to the bull that was the enemy kings, the bull being Siva' vahana. The expression vrishabh-anka has no senso suitable to the context. * See Ray, DHNI, Vol. I, pp. 124-25. N. G. Majumdar, op. cit., p. 126, text line 49. * Ibid., p. 147, text line 54; p. 148, text line 86. From impressions. * Expressed by symbol,

Page #445
322 [VOL. XX11 2 -sita-paksha-[yugmamadya)ntam-adbhuta-khagath nigama-drumasys || [1] Paryasta-pha tik-achalam vasumatim visva(shva)g-vimudribhavan-mukta-kutmalam-avdhi(bdhi)m-s EPIGRAPHIA INDICA 3 mva(mba)ra-nadi-vany-avanaddham nabhah | udbhinna-amita-manjari-parichita dik-kaminth kalpayan pestyunmilatu Pushpasiyaka-yaao janm-antar 4 Chandramah || [2] Etasmat kshiti-bhara-nihsaha-airo-dam (da)rvvikara-gramani-visram-otsavadana-dikshita-bhujas te bhubhujo jajnire | yosham-apra 5 timalla-vikrama-kath-aravdha (bdha)-prava (ba)ndh-adbhuta-vyakhy-ananda-vinidra-sandrapulakair-vyaptah sadasyair-ddisah || [3] Avatarad-ath-anvaye mahati tatra devah 6 avayam Sudhakiragadekhard Vijayasana ityakhyaya | yad-amghri-nakna-dhdengi-ephuritamaulayah kshmabhujo Dasasya-nati-vibhramam vida 7 dhire kil-aikaikasah(sah) | [4] Nil-ambhoruha-sodaro-pi dala yan-marmmani kadamvi(mbi)nikanto-pi jvalayan-manashai madhupa-anigdha-pi taavan bha 8 yam() nirnnikt-anjana-sannibho-pi janayan-notra-klamam vairinam yasy-asha-janadbhutaya samare kauksheyakah khelati || [5] Ishan-nistrimsa-ni 9 dra-viraha-vilasitair-vvairi-bhupala-vameyan-uchchhidy-ochchhidya mul-avadhi bhuvam akhilam jasato yasya rajnah | asit tejo-jiglaha saha diva 10 sakarep-aiva doshnas-tul-abhud-bharttr-aiv-aafvishapam-ajani dig-adhipair-va simvividab [6] Khilat-khadga-lat-apamarjana-hrita-pratyarthi il darppa-vara-tasmid-apratimalla-kirttirabhavad-Va(d-Ballasno nzicab yaayay dhana-etmni 65pita-aarid-duhsancharayath britah sathaakta-dvipa 12 dante-dagda-divikam-aropys vairi-ariyab || [7] Set-kanto-pi na mayays Va(Ba)-jay! Vag Ivard-pyaksharath vakturh n-ty-apatah kala-nidhir-api 13 pramukta-dahigrahah | Bhog-Indre-pi na jihmagaib parivitas-trailokys-rth-bhuta tasmal-Lakshmapasina-bhupatir-abhud-bhlidks-kalpa-drumah || [9] 14 [Pestyshanigada-evanair-nniyamita-pratyarthi-ba$?mbhujam maddhykhna jala-pana mukta-kara-prokhola1-ghapta-ravaib ayath via-vilasini-ja 15 na-man-majtra-manju-evanair-yen-akari vibhinna-davda(bda)-ghatan-ivandhyash tri-sandhyam nabhah || [9] Purvvam janma-sateshu bhumipatina santyajya mukti-gra16 ham nunam tena sut-arthina Suradhuni-tire Harah pripitah, atasmat-katham-anyathi ripuvadhraidhavya-va(ba)ddha-vrate vikhyata-kahitipala-mau 17 lir-abhavat eri-Visvarapo nripah || [10] Na gagana-tala eva sita-rasmir-nna Kanaka-bhudhara eva kalpa-sakhi | na vivu(bu)dha-pura eva Devarajo 18 vilasati yatra dhar-avatara-bhaji || [11*] Valayam Dakshin-avdhe(bdhe)r-MmusaladharaGadapani-samvasa-vedyam kshetre Visvesvarasya sphurad-Asi-Vara 19 p-Alosha-Gang-ormmi-bhaji | tfr-otsange Trivanyah Kamalabhava-makh-tambhanirvvyaja-pata y-dohchair-yajfa-yupaih saha samara-jaya-eta 20 mbha-mala nyadhyayi || [12] Yam nirmmaya pavitra-papir-abhavad-Vadhah satinath fikharatnamh ya kim-api sva-rupa-charitair-vviavath yay-Alankritam | 1 This has been worngly read as prodgala here and in the Idilpur and Sahitya Parishad plates. Sandi has not been observed here. This has been read as rasmiana,

Page #446
7. biadia|bnnaarekaaeptaa haasaan MADANAPADA PLATE OF VISVARUPASENA-PLATE I * *: - - - 21-634, 9. 12 ss :...1h ]]} }||baaprbhu khnnptrkaar4/lthoy'khaastHaz]}} naaST 1iri saantnaay' saatkaahnaar'aadhaarn anl 7:375Sasstthaalumbaay' baabdiklaay'nkaanti baadd'aan gnnbyaanaanaanaagiraa baannillallaanaabhaaktaadi4/aagr, ||77il:15||lgnyaanjalainyaa878r`bpnaayaanniiy'r| :,70}{{biadaasn)yaaraagraay' dudhaabnmaaliie:Tstaay' naanaa drbe| Titanfri. {20} hy'"{:}{(f2138:|| baarbiy'aansm3allznaal hraannnaa? nrbenaaril4jaanaalaarphaasthgelalaaraasud| saasaaialaihattthaali4/afaoy'aachl bhy'aasaabaagonaa srnyjaar, s| gugur`aannbiy'aansoy'ebsaar`aatthaaIeRngglyaangtaay'| 11HCyaattribitaansulaa3Jakhy'aadhaappaabaasihiHtbbaay'aasngaassttr| Bidanyaabibiraagr2graangaay'enaay' niy'aannaaghaabaabbngny'nubi (@din Taasaay'ndhir'obaatdurbsnthunuibhusthaanii:Rnaam: | sukhsaanaachgusumaastaamH][maasukubaay'aalmaar'aar'aadhiir'gnn!sinaa| 332baanaanbiti]sussliida]{sr`nbhgilghuraaghttinaayy | naanaa naanaabi?f=3damaanaaghinaaldidajtaabisaahaaluy'aa | 1:l saa:}{{ zyaansptraabaasaarnbaagaanbb,712) raay'| t: *78j4Cz1:17bniliiy'aa]iiaza4baanychaay' suraasuraanyjaabdaa gubner (||) 121 *3}aabaasler38523dhybaanaabhyaanaaebhiy'aamiissmby'| 1a707qaariy'aalbaathaanaalaagaaliy'aadeby'ebaapniljaatn| afzniq17dh kaaosaalaambaajaaratthpsoshriiraalpbinnsaagaachi enbissaanner pribrNgrher 3tiy'aailaaniy'aarmtibtbbdhyaay'4/ sbaann 3Ns);}laai) surenjaamaamaahnaanaan prdaan 125 baanu bllnaay'k,nnaadhinknyaasinobaasaay' naabaaliy'aabi "tthaan 5711) {0}{{jaaninaahaalsi zissidraa;Tgy'H thti|79aa 21. 1 =j1Fnaabhulnaa |}{: ]aathiaiimaaN][2aabr laa!!!: Tia 17727530 Tattth{uy'aaler bnyaa: (aby'aahaabaakaatthaan| 3=1eTI 23 (saaptaahir raadhaarnyaatnaalaalaakhaanaay'| naBtaalhaa{} }{2}yuk33iibnaaniitHsrotsbnaa; 294/bhaalaaelaabaad sklhe:1&}}illaibigreddiy'aaraahaamaaningrnimnaaHgraaph' Ae A er 30. Scale : One-Half

Page #447
No. 59] MADANAPADA PLATE OF VISVARUPASENA 323 21 Lakshmir-Bhur=api vanchhitani vidadhe yasyah sapatnyaul maharajni r[... devi] tada asya mahishi s=abhut=tri-vargg-ochita || [13*] Etabhyam Sasisakha22 ra-Girijabhyam=iva va(ba)bhiva Saktidharah | Sri-[Visvarupa]'senadavan pratibhata bhupala-mukuta-mapih || [148] A-kaumaram=¶-sangara-bhara-vyapa23 ra-toishna-vasa-sv-antasy=asya nisamya vira-parishad-vandyasya dor-vvikramam n=edam n=edam=idan=cha n=eti chakitair-durggam pravibya drutan nirggachchhs. 24 dbhir=arati-bhupa-nivahair-bhramyadbhir-ev=asyate !| [15*] Kalpa-kshmaruha-kananani Kanaka-kshmabbsid-vibhagan=nidhim ratnanam pulin-antarani cha pari25 bhramya prayas-alasah | tat-pada-payodhara-pranayini chichhaya-vitan-anobald vibra myanti satam=anidra-vidas-odbhranta mano-vfittaya) || [16*) 26 Kim=etad=iti vismay-akulita-lokapal-avali-vilokita-vissiinkhala-pradhana-jaitra-ja(ya)tra bharahi ka sasa prithivim=imam prathita-vira-va27 rgg-agranih sa Gargga-Yavan-invaya-pralaya-kala-Rudro nfipah || [17*] Padm-alay=dti ya khyatir=Lakshmyi eva jagat-traye Sarasvaty=api tam lebhe yad-anana28 krit-alaya || [18*] Aruby=abhramliha-griha-sikham=asya saundaryya-rekham pabyantibhih puri viharatah paura-simantinibhih | vant-akutai'r=naya29 na-valitair=vibhramam darsayantyo drishtah sakhyah kshapa-vighatita-prema-rukshaih kata kshaih || [19*] Eten=onnata-vesma-senkata-bhuvah srotasvati30 saikata-krida-lola-marala-komala-kala[t*]-kvana-pranit-otsavah viprebhyo dadire mahi magha[va]ta naka-pratishtha-bhritah paka-pra Reverse 31 kramasali-sali-savala-kshetr-otkatah karvvat.h || [20*] iha khalu Phasphagrima-sama vasita-srimaj-jayaskandhavarat sama32 stasu'prasastyupeta -Ariraja[vfishabha]"lankara-Gaudzsvara-brima[d*-[Vijaya)-10 senadeva-pad-anudhyata-samastasu prasastyupeta -Ariraja For sapatnyau mahao, better road sapatni-dvayan or sapatnyorudvayan as in the Vangitya Sahitya Parishad plate. The language of the stanza as found in the Madanapadi and Idilpur plates is faulty because the use of sapatnyau in the dual renders the verb vidadht in the singular unsuitable. * The four aksharas giving the name of the queen are written on the erasure which originally accommodated only three aksharas after brf. The sign of bri has been affected by the erasure and it looks like Srd. Of the two damaged letters before devi, neither can be satisfactorily read because the original aksharas were not carefully and fully erased and the new aksharas clearly shaped. The name has been read as Sri-Tandradevi or frt-Tadadevi both of which violate the metre and could not have been the intended reading. See above, pp. 319-20. Here the four aksharas vibvarupa have been re-engraved in the space for only two akaharas that had been originally incised. The name vidvarupa cannot be easily recognised and looks somewhat like vidvarrd. The superscript r above the second of the two akaharas in which the original name was written has not been affected by the erasure. The two original aksharas may have been suryya. See line 38 below. * The reading is bharah and not bhaval. . This has been wrongly read as varti-abitai. . The name of the locality has been read by previous writers as Phalgurdma. The akshara looks more like sra, though in the Gaudiya alphabet often there is no difference between the medial sign for u and subscript 5. In any case, the intended reading is pl. * Sandhi has not been observed here. * These three akaharas were re-engraved after having erased the aksharas mabanka. The original n was changed to e by re-touching its loop. The visarga and medial i signs of the original nich are still visible. 10 Although the traces are not clear, these were no doubt re-engraved after having erased d.Falldla.

Page #448
324 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXXIII 33 [nihsanka] sankara-Gaudesvara-srima[d*]-Va(Ba)llala] senadeva-pad-anudhyata. samastasu'prasastyupeta -asvapatigajapatinarapatirajatrayadhi34 pati-Sonakulakamalavikasa bhaskara-Somavamapradipa-pratipanna-Karnna-satyavrata Gangeya-saranagatavajrapanjara-paramesva35 Ta-paramabhatyaraka-paramasaura-maharajadbiraja -Arirajasmadana]*sankara Gaudasvara-srima[l-Lakshmana]"senadeva-pad-anudhya36 ta'-asvapatigajapatinarapatirajatrayadhipati-Senakulakamalavikasabhaskara-Somavamsapra dipa-pratipanna-Karnna-satyavra37 ta-Gangeya-saranagatavajrapa njara-paramesvara-paramabhattaraka-para masaura-maharaja dhiraja -Ariraja[vrishabha]*nkabankara38 Gaudeavara-srimat-[Visvarupa]"senadeva-pada vijayinah | samupagat-asesha-raja rajanyaka-rajni-ranaka-rajaputra-rajamatya-ma39 hapurohita-mahadharmmadhyaksha-mabasandhivigrahika-mahasenapati-dauhsadhika chauroddharanika-nauva(ba)lahastyasvagoma40 hishajavikadivyaprita-gaulmika-dandapatika-dandanayaka-vishayapaty-adin=anyams-cha Rakala-raja-pad-opajivino-'dhyaksha41 pravaran chatta-bhatta10-jatiyan Brahmanan Brahman-ottarams=cha yatharham manayanti vo(bo)dhayanti samadisanti cha [l*] viditam=astu bhavatam ya42 tha Paandravardhana-bhukty-antahpati-Vang Vikramapura-bhage purve Athayaga grama'1-janghala-bhuh sima dakshine Varayipada-grama-bhuh si43 m paschime. Unchokatti-grama-bhuh sima uttare Virakatt112-janghala[h*] siva ittham chatuh-sim-avachchhinnah(nna)-Pinjokashth113-grama-madhyat Kandarppasankar-a These three aksharas are clearly re-engraved on an erasure. Originally madana must have been engraved at this place. * These aksharas are re-engraved on an erasure. Originally l- Lakshmana must have been engraved. The first akshara still looks more like lla. * See above, p. 323, note 7. Sandhi has not been observed here. * The person responsible for the erasure and re-engraving forgot to change this epithet of Visvarupasena to Paramavaishnava or Paramanarasimha which was the correct epithet of Lakshmanasena. * These three aksharas must have been re-engraved after having erased the aksharas vrishabha, although the traces are not clear. ? Thene aksharas are clearly re-engraved on an erasure. That originally d-Visvarupa was engraved is proved by the traces of pa underneath na and of the medial i sign of dvi. The space also suggests that four aksharas and not three were originally engraved here. . These three aksharas were apparently re-engraved after having orased nihda of nihdanka, the last akshara of the original word in three aksharas being left out through oversight. The intended reading seems to be arirajavrishabha-Sankara and not ariraja-vrishabhanka-sankara. . These four aksharas were clearly re-engraved after having erased a name in two aksharas. The second akshara of this original name had a superscript which was not erased. The re-engraved name looks more like Visvarra than Vidvarupa. Note that t of brimat has not been modified in sandhi as in the other cases in this section. The original name engraved here seems to have been Suryya. See line 22 above. 16 This is the same as chata-bhata of early inscriptions. 1 The name may also be read as Afhapaga-grama. 11 The name has been read as Virakashti. 1 The name has been read as Pinjakashi. From this word down to Pinjothiya in line 46, the letters are all reengraved on erasures. From the beginning of this re-engraved section down to trinay at the end of line 45, the aksharas are small in shape and pressed against each other. This was due to the fear that all the aksharas might not find space enough to be accommodated in the blank created by the erasure. But when the work of re-engraving had reached the beginning of line 46, it was found that the remaining aksharas were not enough to fill up the available space in that live. Thus the aksharas re-engraved on the orasure in line 46 are bigger in size, and have more space between any two of them than even in the original part of the writing.

Page #449
32 34 36 38 40 42 KR 44 46 48 50 54 56 58 erpr taar 60 597 Ana sija 520 5 niSpAdana MADANAPADA PLATE OF VISVARUPASENA-PLATE II a laagraamy' bipr smaapnii 18 gaajii 1998: baabaa maa baagaali ghrg gt sp mhaaraajaadhiraa MEG brssnn 02 1527 siri gaalib gaan 27 Scale: One-Half baap gaan 17370 baadhi baa Sala saanbaani s9 aapindini k Ana : jatAtata paa sber 32 34 36 38 40 42 44 46 48 50 52 54 56 58 60

Page #450
No. 59) MADANAPADA PLATE OF VISVARUPASENA 325 44 sramiya -padati-Sapamarka-sam"-vadva)trimsat-purap-ottara-churngi-sat-aika: 132 va(ba) hih sam-bhu-hi* 500 tatha Kandarppasankar-amsa-bhumau Narapdapa-grame svakiya palya-svam sa[1n*]-6 45 hi [1]27 dvabhyam sapta[v]imsati-puran-adhika-sam-churapa(rnni)-shat-satik-otpattika Pinjokashthis-gramah sa-jala-sthalah sa-jhata-vitapah s-osharah sa-guvaka-narikelasa trina-yu10. 46 ti-paryyanta upari-likhita-chatuh-si(si)m-avachchhinnah Pinjothiyall-gramo=yam Siva puran-okta-bhumi-dana-pha47 la-prapti-kamanaya Vatsa-sagotrasya Bharggava-Chyavana-Appuvata-Aurvva-12 Jamadagnya pravarasya Parasa (sa)radevasarmmanah prapautraya Ve48 tsa-sagotrasya Bharggava-Chyavana-Apnuvata-Aurvval-Jamadagnya-pravarasya Garvbhe (rbbhe)svaradevasarmmanah pautraya Vatsa-sagotrasya Bharggava49 Chyavana-Apnuvata-Aurvva12-Jamadagnya-pravarasya Vanamalidevasarmmanah putraya Vatsa-sagotraya Bharggava-Chyavana-Apnuvata50 Aurvva 12-Jamadagnya-pravaraya sruti-pathakaya1: sri-VisvarupadevasarmmanBrahmana ya vidhivad=utspijya Sadasiva-mudraya mu31 drayitva bhu-chcbhidra-nyayona chaturdasaly-avdibdi)ya"-Bhadra-dinas tamrasa. seniksitya pradatto='smabhih yatra chatuh-sim-avachchhi62 nna-sam-sasana-bhu-hit. 627 tad-bhavadbhih sarvvair=ev=anumantavya bhavibhir=api n fipatibhir=apaharane naraka-pata-bha53 yat palane dharmma-gauravat palaniyam | bhavanti ch=atra dharmm-anusamsinah slokah | Asphotayanti pitaro valgaya54 nti pitamahah | bhumido='smat-kule jatah sa nas=trata bhavishyati || [21*] Bhumim yah pratigtihnati' yag=cha bhumim, prayachchhati ubhau 55 tau punya-karmmanau niyatam svargga-gaminau || [22*] Va(Ba)hubhir=vvasudha datta rajabhih Sagar-adibhih | yasya yasya yada bhumis-tasya i 1 This was read as Kandarpasankara-gramiya. 1 This was read as byadhamarkyan. Sam is a contraction of sathvataarika. * This was read as tribatika . This was read as sahih ai bhahi. Bahih (Bengali bai) is the same as bahirbhdla (.. excluded) As found in somo records (cf. above, Vol. XXVIII, p. 190, text line 185, etc.). Samh-bhu-hi stands for sarvatsarika-bhumi-hiranya. This was read as "acao. * The last seven akaharas were not read. 7 This was read as eachchhitta. * The akshara was read as shfi. * The visarga was omitted. 10 This akshara may also be read AS pa. 11 The re-incision on erasure in this part ends with the akshara ya 12 Read Chyavan-Apnuvad-Auruva. 10 This was read as thatipa fakaya. 14 The intended reading is chaturdas-abdiya. The four aksharas 'chaturdasa are re-engraved after having erasod two aksharas. The medial i and signs attached respectively to the first and second of the letters are still visible. There is no doubt that the expression dvitiy-abdiya was originally engraved and that chaturdasa was re-engraved after having erased dviti. 15 The intended reading may have beon dine 8. 1. Samh-sasana-bhu-hi (samvatsariba-Sanana-bhumi-hiranya), 'the annual revenue of the gift and in cash', is the same as basana-sar-bha mi deana-adinhvataarika-bhumi-hiranya) of line 68 of the Yangiya Sahitya Parishad plate (N. G. Majumdar, Ins. Beng., Vol. III, p. 148). 17 Read valganti cha or pravalganti.

Page #451
326 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (VOL. XXXIII 56 tasya tada phalam || [23] Shashti-varsha-sahasrapi svarggo tishthati bhumidah | akshepta ch=anumanta cha tany=eva narake vaset || [24] Sva-da57 ttam para-dattam va yo bareta vasundharam sa vishthayam krimir-bhutva pit;ibhih saha pachyate || [25*] Iti kamala-dal-amvu(mbu)-vindu-lo58 lam sriyam-anuchintya manushya-jsvitan=cha | sakalam=idam-udahfita fi=chs vu(bu)ddhvi na bi purushaih para-kirttayo vilopyah |[26] Sachiva59 sata-mauli-lalita-pad-amvu(mbu)jasyanubasane dutah | Sri-Kopivishnur-abhavad-Gauda mahasandhivigrahikah || [27*] Sriman-maha60 san-karana-ni || Sri-mahamahattaka-karapa-ni || Srimat-karana-ni | sam 14 Abvina-dino

Page #452
No. 60-BRITISH MUSEUM PLATES OF GOVINDA II, SAKA 726 G. 8. Gai, OOTACAMUND (Received on 31.7.1959) The inscription was published by Fleet in Indian Antiquary, Vol. XI, pp. 125--27 and Plates. The findspot of the plates is unknown. They appear to have been deposited in the British Museum along with the other epigraphical collections bequeathed by Fleet. The set consists of three plates, each measuring about 5.75" long and 2.5' broad. The ring attached to the plates is .25" in thickness and 2.5" in diameter. The circular seal fixed to the ing is about 1.5' in diameter and has, in relief on a counter sunk surface, a much worn representation of Garuda, sitting cross-legged on a lotus and facing full front. The first and the last plate are engraved on one side only while the second plate has writing on both sides. Though the plates are corroded here and there, the writing is very well preserved. The first plate and the second side of the second plate have each 6 lines of writing whereas the first side of the second plate and the third plate have 4 and 3 lines respectively. Thus there are 19 lines altogether. The characters are early Kannada Telugu and are regular for the period to which the record belongs. Of the initial vowels a occurs in line 16, i in lines 12 and 13 and e in lines 2, 9 and 11. Dravidian is found in lines 1, 10 and 18 and I in lines 1. 7 and 9. Final n is met with in line 15 and final ? in lines 5 and 6. L is written either with a curve inside the letter as in lines 4, 8, 10, etc., or with a curve outside as in lines 9 and 19. Bis of the box type (cf. lines 3, 5, 8, 9, etc.) and kh of the cursive variety of lines 2 and 19). There is no distinction between medial e and e or o and 0. As regards orthography, the consonant following r is generally doubled (cf. lines 1, 6, 9, etc.). There are certain orthographical errors like s used for 6 (line 2), bh for b (line 2), b for v (line 14), etc. The language is Kannada prose except the imprecatory verses and a sentence at the end referring to the composition of the record, which are in Sanskrit. The inscription is interesting in more than one respects. It is the shortest of the copperplate inscriptions of Govinda III discovered so far. Besides being the only copper-plate grant of the Rashtrakuta dynasty which is written in the Kannada language, it is one of the earliest copper plate inscriptions in that language. The form of the record resembles rather that of the stone inscriptions of the dynasty than that of the copper-plate grants. There is no invocatory verse at the beginning and the inscription straightway begins with the date-portion as in the case of the stone inscriptions. Neither the genealogical account of the ruling king is given noi is the grant addressed to the feudatory officials as is generally found in the case of the copper-plate grants. The present inscription is the only record mentioning the name of the Pallava adversary of Govinda III as Dantiga, i.e., Dantivarman (761-812 A.D.): Prof. V. V. Mirashi's view (above, Vol. XXIII, p. 206 and note 4) that the absence of the genealogical section in these plates is due to the fact that they were not issued from the capital of the king is not cons incing. There are numerous instances of copper-plate grants which were issued from places other than the capitals and yet contaic the genealogical section. Cf. the copper plate grants issued by Chalukya Vijayaditya (696-733 A.D.) from the following places away from his capital at Bidami: Rasenanagara (Ind. Ant., Vol. IX, pp. 125 ff.), Karahatnagara (above, Vol. X, pp. 146 ff.), Elapura (Ind. Hint. Quart., Vol. IV, pp. 425 ff.) and Kuhundinagara (A. R. Ep. 1934-36, App. A. No. 22). The Rashtrakuta king Govinda III himself was encamped at a place called Suguturu at the time of issuing the Nesarika grant (below, Vol. XXXIV, Part III.) ( 327 )

Page #453
328 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (VOL. XXXI The nscription commences with the word svasti and proceeds to give, as indicated above, the data which is expressed in words as Saka 726 (expired), Subhanu, Valtakha vadi 5, Taursday. According to the Southern cycle, the expired Saka year 726 corresponded to Tarana and Subhanu fell in the previous year, viz , Saka 725 expired. In the latter year, the given tithi was not Thursday 88 mentioned in the record while, in the Saka year 726 expired, it regularly corresponds to Thursday, the 4th April 804 A.D. This, therefore, appears to be the intended date of the record. The inscription refers itself to the reign of Goyindara, the Kannada form of the name Govinda, who, from his distinguishing epithet Prabhutavarsha as well as the date of the record, is none else than Govinda III. He also bears the usual epithets Prithvivallabha-maharajadhirajavaramesvara-bhatara. We are informed in lines 5-6 that his queen (mahadevi) was Gamundabbe who is not known from any other source. It is not clear in what connection she is mentioned in the record. It may, however, be suggested that the king made the grant specified in the sequel at the request of his queen, though it is not so stated Lines 7-12, refer to the conflict of the king with the Pallava ruler and the object of the record. They have been translated by Fleet as follows: "when the king), having conquered Dantiga who ruled over Kanchi, had come to levy tribute, and when his encampments were on the bank of the river Tungabhadra, and when having at (his) first (visit) approved of the tirtha called Ramasvara, he came (there again) to spear the boars that had been preserved (for his sport) having seen that the tirtha was an excellent one, he allotted to the Gorava named Sivadhari,....the grant of king Kirttivarma to (the god) Paramebvara." Fleet read the words in line 7 as Dantiganame geldu and translated them as having conquered Dantiga.' But the word geldu does not give any sense in Kannada unless one assumes that it is a mistake for geldu, the verb gel meaning to conquer'. Moreover, the emphatic e in Dantiganame does not suit the context. We propose to read the two words as Dantigana meg=eldu which means 'having marched against Dantiga.' Thus the sentence has to be understood in the sense that the king was on his march to Kanchi against the Pallava king Dantiga in order to levy tribute from him and that on his way he had fixed his encampments on the bank of the river Tungabhadra. This shows that the conquest of the Pallava king by Govinda III was not complete on the date of this record but was subsequent to it. In view of this conclusion, it would be necessary to modify the opinion of the scholars who have written on the chronology of the conquests of Govinda III and who following Fleet's translation, have understood that the conquest of the Pallava king was complete when the present plates were issued in 804 A.D. Fleet translated the sentence Ramesvara emba tirtthada modalolamepp=ikki (lines 9-10) as having at (his) first visit) approved of the tirtha 'called Ramesvara'. He understood modalo! in the sense of at first and thought that it referred to the first visit of the king to the place. This led him to suppose that the king came there again to spear the boars referred to in the next sentence (line 10) porada pandigalan=iriyal=bandalli. He also took mepp=ikki in the sense of having approved'. Now the word meppu is not found in Kittel's Kannada-English Dictionary and the meaning given by Fleet does not suit the context. We feel that meppu may be connected with mepu meaning grazing, pasturage" derived from the root me or mey 'to graze and mepp=ikki has to be taken as qualifying the following words porada pandigalan. The word modalo! in the sence of first or first visit' does not suit the preceding word tirtthada which is in the genitive case. Altekar (The Rashtraku fas and their Times, p. 63) thought that Govinda III was returning from his expedition against the Pallava king when the present plates were issued. Cf. also above, Vol. XXIII, p. 215; Vol. XXXII, p. 159. - Mepu is used in this sense in the Kannada work Pampa-Bharata (Chapt. V, section in prose after verse 43) n the description of the hunting expedition of Arjuna.

Page #454
No. 60] BRITISH MUSEUM PLATES OF GOVINDA III, SAKA 726 329 So it has to be understood in the sense of' in front of' or' opposite to'. The whole sentence appears to mean that there was a sort of a game-sanctuary located on the opposite side of Ramesvaratirtha (i.e. on the other side of the river) where boars were grazed and preserved for hunting purposes. Thus the words modalol and bandalli do not support the view that the king had visited the same place on two occasions, as supposed by Fleet. But this does not preclude the possibility of an earlier invasion of the Pallava capital by Govinda III. The fact that the king was on his march in order to levy tribute from the Pallava king may possibly suggest that the latter had failed to pay the tribute levied on a previous occasion. This view may gain support from the statement, that from Sribhavana, Govinda III went to the banks of Tungabhadra with his forces and captured the fortune of the Pallavas, though it was already in his hands." The object of the inscription (lines 11-12) is to register the renewal of a grant, by the king, to the priest (gorava) Sivadhari. It is stated that the former grant was made by Kirtivarmaraja-paramesvara who was most probably Kirtivarman II (744-45-757), the last imperial Chalukya ruler of Badami. The meaning of the expression mudumbeyaman untu used in this connection is not clear but it appears to refer to the name of a locality or to the former privileges attached to the grant which was renewed by Govinda III. Thus lines 7-12 of the inscription may be rendered as: "When (Govinda III) was on his march, in order to levy tribute, against Dantiga who was ruling over Kanchi, and when he had fixed his encampments on the bank of the river Tungabhadra, and when he had come to spear the boars that had been grazed and preserved (for his sport) on the opposite side of the tirtha called Ramesvara (i.c. on the other side of the river), seeing the beauty of the tirtha, he (i.e. the king) gave to the priest named Sivadhari the grant of Mudumbeyam which was (formerly) given by Kirtivarmaraja-paramesvara." Lines 13-17 contain the imprecatory portion and a sentence in lines 17-18 refers to a stream called Kunda or Kundu as lying on the boundary of the gift land. This is followed in lines 18-19 by the mention of Mahasandhivigrahin Sridhara as the writer of the grant. This officer is not known from the other grants of Govinda III. The chronoglogy of the campaigns of Rashtrakuta Govinda III has been discussed by many scholars. As pointed out by Prof. Mirashi, the copper-plate charters of Govinda III fall into two groups. The first one gives the draft of the introductory part which mostly follows that of the earlier charters of the Rashtrakuta family. To this group belong the Paithan plates (Saka 716), Anjanavati plates (Saka 722) and the Jharika grant (Saka 725). To the second group, which gives a new draft describing the victories of Govinda III, belong all his other charters including the Manne plates (first set) of Saka 724 and the Badaneguppe plates of Saka 730 which were issued by the king's brother Stambha. Prof. Mirashi has tried to show that all the important victories of Govinda III (including the submission of Dharmapala and Chakrayudha) were attained before 1 It may, however, be pointed out that though Fleet seems to have rectified this mistake later (Bom. Gaz., Vol. I, Part ii, p. 397; above, Vol. XXXII, p. 159 and note 5), other scholars have followed it. Cf. above, Vol. XXIII, p. 216 and note 7. Cf. above, Vol. VI, p. 244, verse 18: sva-kara-sthitam-api punar-niseeshamakrishtavan...... Pallavanam eriyam. Cf. also, above, Vol. XXIII, p. 216 and K.V.8. Aiyar, Three Lectures, p. 82. * Fleet takes Paramesvara as the name of the god to whom Kirtivarman made the grant previously. But it seems better to take it as an epithet of Kirtivarmaraja. For other meanings suggested by Fleet, see Ind. Ant., Vol. XI, p. 127 and note 20. s Above, Vol. III, pp. 103 ff. Ibid., Vol. XXIII, pp. 8 ff. 'Ibid., Vol. XXXII, pp. 157 ff. Ep. Carn., Vol. IX, N1. 61. Mys. Arch. Rep., 1927, pp. 112 ff.

Page #455
330 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXXIII Saka 724, the date of the Manne plates (first set). But from the recent discovery of the Jharika grant of Saka 725 using the earlier draft, it has been shown that the Manne plates which are dated one year earlier i.e. Saka 724) and in which the later draft is used should be regarded as spurious. Therefore, the earliest record to use this new draft is the Nesarika grant of Saka 727. It follows that Govinda finished his campaigns in the north as well as south before Saka 727, the date of the Nesarka grant, if we follow the usual criterion of ascertaining the chronology of his campaigns by the appearance of the earlier and later drafts. From the wellknown verse nitva Sribhavane, etc., found in this later draft, we learn that, from Sribhavana (identified with modern Sarbhon in Broach District) where he had spent the rainy season, Govinda III marched with his forces to the banks of the Tungabhadra and, staying there, captured the fortune of the Pallavas. This shows that Govinda conducted his southern campaign from the banks of the Tungabhadra. This is corroborated by the fact that when the Jharika grant was issued, the royal camp was on the bank of the river Tungabhadra near Alampur, and that the inscription under review also states that the king had fixed his encampment on the bank of the same river. Evidently all the abovementioned three references to the royal encampment on the bank of the river Tungabhadra point to the same event in Govinda's southern campaign. It appears that this expedition commenced from the date of the Jharika grant (November 803 A.D.) and was not yet complete on the date of the present inscription (April, 804 A.D.). However, it must have been completed soon after the date of the present record, since the Nesarika grant, dated 21st December 805 A.D., was issued when the king was apparently on his way back to his capital. The chronology of the southern campaign detailed above would show that Govinda's northern conquests were completed before November 803 A.D., the date of the Jharika grant. As indicated above, Govinda III marched quickly from Sribhavana to the banks of the Tungabhadra as if to suppress some sort of revolt from the south. In this connection, it is interesting to note that the Anjanavati plates, dated in June 800 A.D. (Saka 722), were issued from Govinda's capital at Mayurakhandi and, as already indicated, use the earlier draft. It is therefore reasonable to conclude that the northern campaign of the king must have been conducted between June 800 A.D., the date of the Anjanavati plates, and November 803, the date of the Jharika grant. One may, however, ask why this northern expedition is not referred to in the Jharika grant. But, as already stated, the king was still engaged in his southern expedition on the date of this grant and even some time thereafter as proved by the inscription under study and he could only prepare the new draft incorporating his exploits in the north as well as in the south sometime before issuing the NeBarika grant in December 805 A.D. The village or locality called Mudumbe cannot be identified. 1 Above, Vol. XXIII, p. 297. In his latest contribution on the subject, Altekar also adopts the same view. Cf. The Age of Imperial Kanauj, p. 8. Ibid., Vol. XXXII, p. 169. [The reason cited cannot be regarded as enough for characterising the Manpo plates as spurious. For & CBBB of this kind among the records of the Eastern Ganga monarch Anantavarman Chodaganga, see above, Vol. XXVIII, p. 239, where I suggested an unnecessary correction. Ed.] Below, Vol. XXXIV, Part III. [The Nesarika grant or any other record of Govinda III does not mention Chakrayudba, though according to the Sanjan plates of Amoghavarsha I he surrendered to Govinda III along with his ally Dharmapala. Some of the conclusions of Mirashi and others thue appear to be based on argumentum ex silentio.-Ed.] Cf. above, Vol. VI, p. 244, verse 18. [The absence of reference to the northern campaign in the Jhariki grant of 803 A.D., before which it must have been completed as indicated by the issue of the charters of the period between 802 and 805 A.D. from the southern camps, makes Dr. Gai's explanation rather doubtful. Govinda III was not actually fighting with the Pallaves on the Tungabhadra and the officers with him could have drawn up the new draft in any of his camps if he so desired. -Ed.]

Page #456
No. 60] BRITISH MUSEUM PLATES OF GOVINDA III, SAKA 726 331 TEXT: First Plate 1 Svasti [ 1 ] Saka-nfipa-kal-atita samvatsaramgal=elnuri(r=i)rppatarane 2 ya Subhanu embha(mba) varshada Vaina(sa)kha-masa-kfishpa-pa3 ksha-pafchame(mi)-Brihaspati(ti)varam=agi [l*) Svasti(sti) Prabhu 4 tavarsha-sri-Prithuvi(thvi)vallabha-maharajadbiraja pasra*]me . 3 svara Goyindara-bhatarara Gamundabbegal' mahade 6 viyar=agi*(gi) rajya(jya)-pra[va]rddhamana kalado! Second Plate, First Side 7 Kanchiyan=a va(va) Dantigana meg=eldu' kappam-gola 8 l=bandalli Turgabhadreya tadiyol=tana-biduga 9 l-ildu Ramesvara emba tirtthada modalol=mepp=i 10 kki porada pandigalan-iriyal-bandalli(lli) tirtthad-o?pa 11 n=kandu. Sivadhari emba goravargge Mudumbeya 12 man=untu Kitthi(rtti)vammo(rmma)raja -paramasvara-dattaman=vitta[1]'[l*) i Second Plate, Second Side 18 idam kecisidarola(1=a)r=appode int-appat(ppar) [l*] 14 Sva-datta[m*] para-dattambao yo hareti(ta) vasu 18 ndharan(ram ) shashthi(shti)-varsha-sahasrani(ni) vishtha18yam jayate krimi[h 1*] Api varsha-sahasrapi From the Plates in Ind. Ant., Vol. XI, between pp. 126 and 127. * The two letters gal were first omitted and then inserted below the following letter ma. * The akshara ra is written below the line between ya and gi. Fleet reads Dantiganame geldt. Fleet reads tirttham-olpan=kandu. . These two letters were first omitted and then inserted below the line between mmo and the following letter pa. Fleet roads-vitta[r*). .This akshara is redundant. .Read paradattarhage

Page #457
332 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA Third Plate 17 tena me nanyato bhayam(yam ) purvva-sthiti Ku18 nd-emba tore mere [*] Mahasandbivigra(gra)ha'dhi19 karn(-)dhi(dhi)pat[b] Sridharasya likhitah sya[ ||* ]* 1 This is only a half verse. * This letter ha is written below the following letter dhi. Read likhitam. [VOL. XXXIII This letter is unnecessary. While this article was going through the press, I visited Alampur in the Mahbubnagar District, Andhra Pradesh. It was at this place, situated on the bank of the Tungabhadra, that Govinda III was camping as shown above. About a mile to the north of Alampur, there is, on the river-bank, a locality called Ramoevara which is evidently the same as Rameevara-tirtha mentioned in our record. I noticed here the remains of one or two old temples. But what is more interesting is that; on the other bank of the river opposite Ramoevara, there is still a small jungle and I was informed that it is infested with boars even today. I was also told that a stone inscription of the reign of Govinda III, which is now kept in the museum at Alampur, was originally found at this Ramoevara. These facts go to confirm the interpretation of the text (lines 9-10) offered at pp: 328-29.above.

Page #458
No. 61-NOTE ON SHAR-I-KUNA INSCRIPTION OF ASOKA D. C. SIROAR, OOTACAMUND (Received on 21.7.1959) A rock inscription of the Maurya emperor Asoka (c. 269-232 B.C.) was recently discovered in a locality called Shar-i-Kuna near Kandahar in Southern Afghanistan, that is to say, in the vicinity of the site of the ancient city of Alexandria founded by Alexander the Great in Arachosia. It is a bilingual record, one of its two versions being in Greek and the other in Aramaic. Both the versions of the inscription have been published in Italian by U. Scerrato, G. Tucci, G. P. Carratelli and G. L. della Vida in a small book entitled Un editto bilingue greco-aramaico di Asoka-La prima isorizione greca scoperta in Afghanistan, Rome, 1958, and in French by D. Schlumberger, L. Robert, A. Dupont-Sommer and E. Benveniste in the Journal Asiatique, 1958, No. 1, pp. 1 ff. A paper on the same inscription received by us from Prof. J. Filliozat is appearing in the pages of this journal, below, Vol. XXXIV, pp. 1 ff. The Shar-i-Kuna inscription is an edict referring to the results of Asoka's propagation of what he called his Dharma and we know that such results are referred to in some of his other edicts, especially in Minor Rock Edicts I-II and Rock Edict IV. The two versions of the Shar-i-Kana inscription are really independent free translations of an edict (or two versions of an edict) that may have been drawn up in Prakrit at Akoka's Record Office at Pataliputra and sent to his Viceroy and the Mahamatras at Alexandria in Arachosia for being translated into Greek and Aramaio no doubt for respectively the local Greek (Yavana) and Kamboja subjects of the Maurya emperor, who are referred to in Rock Edicts V and XIII. The Aramaic text refers to & fact recorded in Rock Edict I that formerly numerous birds and animals used to be killed daily at Asoka's kitchen for the preparation of curries, but that, at the time of the issue of Rock Edict I, only three living beings were being killed for the same purpose. The Aramaic version also mentions the Maurya king clearly as the lord of the people and officers of the Kandahar region where the edict was engraved. No clear allusion to these is found in the Greek text. Likewise there is mention of the king's hunters only in the Greek text and not in the Aramaic vereion. We may regard the Shar-i-Kuna inscription as Minor Rock Edict IV. The Greek version of the Shar-i-Kuna edict has been satisfactorily deciphered and interpreted. though there are some doubtful passages in the Aramaic version. The importance of the inscription lies in the fact that it not only proves the inclusion of Afghanistan, apparently the home of the Yavanas and Kambojas, in Asoka's empire but also quotes the date when the emperor became a zealous propagator of Dharma. The Greek version of the Shar-i-Kuna edict has been translated into French as follows: (A) Dix ans etant revolus, le roi Piodasses a montre aux hommes la Piete. (Ten years having passod [since his coronation), king Priyadarsin has shown Piety to the people.) (B) Et depuis lors il a rendu les hommes plus pieux, et tout prospere sur toute la terre. (And, since then, he has rendered the people more pious, and all prosper on the whole earth.) 1 Asoka could not have issued such an edict to the subjects of a foreign ruler. The Bairic-Bhabr1 inscription may be regarded as Minor Rock Edict Ill. See my Inscriptions of Asoka, Delhi, 1957, pp. 27, 38-39. There is some difference between the views of the Italian and French scholars. We have followed the latter. A study of the Aramio version by F. Altheim and R. Stiebl has since appeared in East and West, September 1958, pp. 192 ff. The use of Past Tense is required here since the following sentence nakes it clear that the reference is to an earlier event. ( 333 )

Page #459
334 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. Xxxtu (C) Et le rois s'abstient des etres vivants, et les autres hommes et tous les chasseurs et pecheurs du roi ont cesse de chasser. (And the king abstains from the eating or slaughter of] living beings, and other people and all the king's hunters and fishermen have given up hunting.) (D) Et ceux qui n'etaient pas maitres d'eux-memes ont cesse, dans la mesure de leurs forces, de ne pas se maitriser. (And those who could not control themselves havo ceased not to control themselves as far as they could.) (E) Et ils sont devenus obeissants a pere et mere et aux gens ages, a l'inverse de ce qui etait le cas precedemment. (And they have become obedient to (their) father and mother and to the old people contrary to what was the case previously.) (F) Et desormais, en agissant ainsi, ils vivront de facon meilleure et plus profitable en tout. (And henceforth, by so acting, they will live in an altogether better and more profitable way.) It may be translated roughly into Prakrit, as used in Abaka's inscriptions in general and, in particular, his edicts at Shahbazgarhi in the Peshawar District (as also Mansehra in the Hazara District) of West Pakistan, as follows: (A) dasa-vash-abhisitena rana Priyadrabina janaspi dhram-anusasti pravatita (dasa-varsh-abhishiktena rajna Priyadarbinajano dharm-anusastih pravartita ) (B) tata chu tena munisa badhataram dhra ma-yuta kata prana cha vadhita hita-sukhena savra-puthaviyam tatah cha tu tena manushyah badhataram dharma-yutah kpitah pranah cha vardhitah hita-sukhena sarva-prithivyam ) (C) rana chu pran-arambho paritijita savrehi cha manusehi ludakehi cha savrehi kevatehi cha rano paritijita vihimsa bhutanam | (rajna cha tu pran-alambhah parityaktah sarvaih cha manushyaih lubdhakaih cha servaih kaivartaih cha rajnah parityakta vihimsa bhutanam 11 (D) yesham chu n=asi samyamo te pi cha samyata bhuta yatha tena tona sakam (vesham cha tu na asst samya mah te api cha samyatah bhutah yatha tena tena sakyam ) (E) te pi cha mata-pitushu vudheshu cha subrusharti yadibam no bhuta-pruvam (te api cha mata-pitfishu vriddheshu cha susrushanti yadfisam no bhuta-purvam ) (F) evam cha karamina to pacha hita-sukhena vadhisanti badham chu vadhisanti || (evam cha kurvanah te paschat hita-sukhena vardhishyante badham cha vardhishyante II) The Aramaic text has been translated into French as follows: (A) Dix ans etant revolus (?), il advint (?) que notre seigneur Priyadarsi le roi se fit l'instaurateur de la Verite. Ten years having passed (?), it so happened (?) that our lord, king Priyadarsin, became the institutor of Truth.) (B) Depuis lors le mal a diminue pour tous les hommes, et toutes les infortunes (), il les a fait disparaitre ; et sur toute la terre (il y a] paix [et] joie. (Since then, evil became diminished among all men and all misfortunes (?) he caused to disappear; and [there are) peace [and] joy on the whole earth.) (C) Et, en outre, [il y a) ceci en ce qui concerne la nourriture : pour notre seigneur le roi on [ne] tue (que) peu [d'animaux); en voyant cela, tous les hommes ont cesse [de ture des animaux] : meme(?) ceux qui prennent les poissons (=les pecheurs), ces hommes-la sont l'objet d'une interdiction. (And, moreover, [there is this in regard to food : for our lord, the king (only) a few (animals) are killed ; having seen this, all men have given up [the slaughter of animals] : even (?) those men who catch fish (i.e. fishermen) are subject to prohibition.)

Page #460
836 No. 61] NOTE ON SHAR-I-KUNA INSCRIPTION OF ASOKA (D) Pareillement, ceux qui etaient sans frein, coux-la ont cesse d'etre sans frein. (Simi larly, those who were without restraint have ceased to be without restraint.) - (E) Et [regne) l'obeissance a sa mere et a son pere et aux gens &ges eonformement kun obligations qu'a imposees a chacun le sort. (And obedience to mother and to father and to old men (reign) in conformity with the obligations imposed by fato on each [person).) (F) Et il n'y a pas de Jugement pour tous les hommes pieux. (And there is no Judgement for all the pious men.) (G) Cela (=la pratique de la Loi) a ete profitable pour tous les hommes et sera encore profit able. (This [i.e. the practice of Law] has been profitable to all men and will be more profitable (in future].) The text may be rougaly translated into the same Prakrit as follows: (A) daba-vash-abhishitena rana Priyadrabina spamikena no tada dhram-anusasti pravatite | (dasa-varsh-abhishiktana rajna Priyadarsina svamikena nah tada dharm-anusastih pravartita ) (B) tata apayasa hini jata savraspi cha janaspi tena dupratibhaga nivatita | asti pi samti cha priti cha savra-puthaviyam tatah apayasya hanih jata sarvasmin cha jane tena dushpratibhagah nivartitah | asti api santih cha pritih cha sarva-prithivyam (C) eta che pi bhutam | sup-athaya chu rano no spamikasa lahukam arabhiyati tasa cha drasana savra manusa na arabhamtievam pi ye cha kevata te pi cha niyamena samyata (etat cha api bhutam sup-arthaya cha rajnah nah svarikasya laghukam=alabhyate | tasya cha darsanat sarve manushyah na alabhante evam= api ye cha kaivartah te api cha niyamena samyatah). (D) evam pi yesham cha n=asi samyamo te pi cha samyata bhuta | (evam-api yesham cha na asit samyamah te api cha samyatah bhuta)) (E) savre cha mata-pitushu suarushamti vadhesba cha subrushamti yadibam tasa tasa katavam aropitam (sarve cha mata-pitfishu susrushanti vidheshu cha busrushanti yadsisam tasya tasya kartavyan aropitam ) (F) Dharma-yutanam chu kho paratra n=asti vicharana | (dharma-yutanam cha tu khalu paratra na asti vicharana ) (G) save cha manusa dhrama-charanena abhumnata cha abhumnamishati cheeva | (sarve cha manushyah dharma-charanena abhyunnatah cha abhyunnamishyanti cha eva II) The first sentence in both the versions suggests that Aboka boca me & zealous propagator of Dharma ten years after his coronation, 1.e., in the eleventh year of his reign. The same date is also suggested by the evidence of some of his other records. It is usually believed that Aboka's coronation took place about 269 B.C. and that he became a Buddhist after he had been greatly moved by the horrors of the campaigns in Kalinga which was conquered by him, according to Rook Edict XIII, eight years after his coronation, i.e., in his ninth regnal year.

Page #461
336 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXXIII Akoka's Minor Rock Edicts I-II were issued earlier than his Fourteen Rock Edicts. They were promulgated when Asoka had passed the 256th night of a long tour undertaken for the propagation of Dharma.Minor Rock Edict I states that, at the time of its issue, Asoka had already been an upasaka (i.e., a lay follower of the Buddha) for a little over two years and a half and that, out of this period of a little over two years and a half, he had not been zealous in respect of Dharma for one year at the beginning, but that, as a result of his close contact with the Sangha or Buddhist church, he became a zealous propagator of Dharma thereafter for a little over one year. To this period of zealous activity must be assigned the emperor's pilgrimage to Sambodhi (i.e., Mahabodhi or Bodhgaya) undertaken, according to Rock Edict VIII, in the tenth year after his coronation (i.e., in the eleventh regnal year), and the creation of the posts of the Dharma-Mahamatras in the thirteenth year after coronation (i.e., in the fourteenth regnal year), which is referred to in Rock Edict V. The pilgrimage to Sambodhi, the holiest of the Buddhist tirthas where the Buddha attained enlightenment, may be regarded as one of the earliest acts of the active period of Asaka's religious life, to which Minor Rock Edict I pointedly refers. Pillar Edict VI, issued in the twentysixth year after Asoka's coronation (i.e., in the twentyseventh regnal year), states that he issued (i.e., first issued or began to issue) Dharma-lipis, i.e., edicts relating to the Dharma he preached, in the twelfth year after his coronation (i.e., in the thirteenth regnal year). Rock Edict III contains an order of Asoka asking certain classes of his officers to set out on tour once in every five years for the propagation of his Dharma in addition to their normal duties, and this order was promulgated in the twelfth year after coronation, i.e., in the thirteenth regnal year. Rock Edict VI is stated to have been caused to be written down in the same year. These activities of the thirteenth regnal year of Asoka must likewise be attributed to the period when he was a zealous propagator of Dharma. On the basis of these facts, we suggested elsewhere (1) that Asoka became a Buddhist in the second half of his tenth regnal year (i.e., nine years after his coronation, c. 260-259 B.C.), (2) that he came into close contact with the Buddhist Church, became a zealous worker in the cause of Dharma and undertook a pilgrimage to Sambodhi, in the second half of the eleventh regnal year (i.e., ten years after coronation, c. 259-258 B.C.), (3) that he set out on a tour for the propagation of Dharma about the middle of his twelfth regnal year (i.e., eleven years after coronation, c. 258-257 B.C.), and (4) that Minor Rock Edicts I-II were issued in the course of that tour in the first half of his thirteenth regnal year (i.e., twelve years after coronation, c. 257-256 B.C.). The Shar-i-Kuna edict now coroborates the suggestion that Asoka became an active propagator of Dharma ten years after his coronation, i.e., in his eleventh regnal year, and sets at rest certain unwarranted speculations about the duration of Asoka's upasakatua when Minor Rock Edict I was issued. The nature of the Shar-i-Kuna edict is similar to that of Minor Rock Edicts I-II and both the former and the latter appear to have been issued in the same year and may be counted among the earliest edicts issued by Abaka. As indicated above, the imperial order contained in Rock Edict III was issued and Rock Edict IV was caused to be written down in the thirteenth regnal year of Asoka. But Rock Edict V, belonging to the set of the Fourteen Rock Edicts including Rock Edicts III and IV, contains & reference to the creation of the posts of Dharma-Mahamatras in the following year. 1 Cf. Ancient India, No. 4, pp. 18-19; my Maski Inscription of Addka, p. 25, notel; above, Vol. XXXII, p. 3. *Cf. Maski Inscription of Asoka, pp. 29-30. . For the meaning of the words upela, upayata and upagati used in indicating Asoka's relation with the Sangha, seo ibid., p. 24 ; above, Vol. XXXII, p. 9, note 1. . This is quite obvious from the language of the different versions of Minor Rock Edict I (see Marki Inscription of Asoka, pp. 23-25) and is now corroborated by the evidence of the Shar-i-Kuna edict. Ibid., p. 25. Ibid., pp. 23 ff., 29-30.

Page #462
No. 61] NOTE ON SHAR-I-KUNA INSCRIPTION OF ASOKA 337 The set of the Fourteen Rook Edicts could therefore have been engraved in Asoka's fourteenth regnal year at the earliest. Amongst the Six Pillar Edicts forming another set, it is known from Pillar Edicts I, IV, V and VI that the set was issued twentysix years after Asoka's coronation, i.e., in the twentyseventh regnal year. Pillar Edict VII added to the above set of six on the DelhiTopra pillar was caused to be written down in the following year and this particular set of Seven Pillar Edicts could not therefore have been engraved before Asoka's twentyeighth regnal year. bere is a fairly long and rather inexplicable interval of more than a decade between the issue of Minor Rock Edicts I-II (thirteenth regnal year) and the set of the Rock Edicts (thirteenth and fourteenth regnal years) on the one hand and that of the Pillar Edicts (twentyseventh and twentyeighth regnal years) on the other. During this interval, Asoka may have been busy with his tours of pilgrimage and with the schism in the Buddhist Church, both referred to in some of his records. The Shar-i-Kuna edict (very probably of the thirteenth regnal year) suggests that the hunters and fishermen in Asoka's service, who had originally been responsible for supplying animals and fish to the royal kitchen for the preparation of curries, gave up the practice of catching animals and fish under the king's orders. This reminds us of the fact that, according to Pillar Edict V, the emperor banned the slaughter of certain species of animals and fish totally and of all kinds of them on particular days of the month, in his twentyseventh regnal year (i..., twentysix years after coronation). The general prohibition therefore came after many years of intensive propaganda, even though Pillar Ediot VII says that, in the matter of the propagation of Dharma, Asoka consilered propaganda by far more effective than prohibition.

Page #463

Page #464
INDEX By Shrinivas Ritti, M.A. The figures refer to pages, n. after a figure to foot-notes, and add. to additions. The following other abbrevia tions are also used :-au.=author; ca.=capital; ch.-chief; ci.=city; com country: com.composer; de deity; di. -distriot or division; do. - ditto; dy.dynasty; E.Eastern ; engr. engraver; ep.-opithet; fo=family; fe. female ; feud.-feudatory : gen.-general; gr.=grant, grants; ins. inscription, inscriptions ; k.king : 1. locality : 1.m. linear measure, land measure ; m.Emale; min.-minister; mo. mountain, myth. =mythological ; n.=name; N.=Northern ; off.=office, officer; peo.=people; pl.-plate, platea; pr.prince, princess ; q.-queen; ri.=river; 8.=Southern ; 8..=same as; te.=temple; 1.d.territorial division; Tel.=Telugu ; tit.title; in. town; tk. =taluk; vi. village; W.Western; wk.work; tot weight.] PAGE Paga . . 80 H49, 10 : . . . a, initial, . . 61, 150, 209, 215, 257, 327 a, initial, resembling modern Telugu k.,. 125 a, medial, . . . - 209 a, initial, . . . . 27, 79, 150 a, medial . . . . 192, 209 Abbhuta-dhamma, . . 249 Abbidevi, fe., , . 220, 224, 227 Abhayadatta, off., . . . 207 Abhayanandin, mm, 260 and n, 262 Abhayapala, k., . . . 193 Abhimanyu, Somavathfi k., . . . 271 Abhinava-yayatinagara, 8.a. Yayatipura, ci., 272 n Abhira, dy., . * 33 and n Achabbe, fe., Achala, m., * . 293, 295 Achalasirgha, Achalasimha, engr., 156, 15A Achantapura, vi, * 170 Achan fapura-bhoga, * 170 Achat fapura-bhogika, 170 Achantaraj-achariya,. 248 n Achantaraja school, . . 248 n achari, artisan', . . . . achariya, s.&. acharya, . . . 248, 249 n Acharya, Buddhist teacher', . . 249 achchu, . . * 159, 161-62 Achohuttaraya, 6.a. Achyutaraya, Vijaya nagara k., . . . . . . 116 Achyuta, 8.a. Achyutaraya, 199-200 Achyuta, 8.a. Vishnu, de.. . 36, 39 Achyutariya, Vijayanagara k., 111, 113-14, 199 Achyutaraya-maharaya, do., . .. 114 Achyutendra-maharaja, do., . . . 202 Adam's peak, mo., . . adatta, tax, . . . . . . 264, adaya, 'impost', . . . .. 216 adbhuta, 3.c. utpata. . . . . . 187 adbhuta-santi, ceremony, . 137 and n, 140 AddAda, ., . . . . . 281-82, 288 Addanki, fort, . . Adhikari-mukhya, chief min., .. . 82, 85 Adhyaksha, off.,. . . 86 Adi-Bhafija, f . . 83, 88 and a Adigal, . . . 162 Adinagara, 6.a. Yayatinagara, ci., . 271 Aditya, m., .. . 8. 18 Aditya, do.. . . ,16 Aditya, do.. . 9, 17 aditya, name ending, Aditya I, Chola k.. la k.. . . , 23, 24 and n, 78 Aditya-bhatlu, donee, . . 282, 287 Aditya-bhatla, do, 283, 288 Aditya-bhatta, do., . 9,16 Adityagena, k., . . . . . 209, 260 Aditya-sroshthin, m.,. . . . . 54 Adityabr Eshthi-pulekolli, . Adityabreshthi-pukkoli-khajjana, . . Adityavardhana, Aulikara k., . . 205-08 Ador, vi., . . . * 309 Aduvila Nrisimha, com., . 11, 19 Afghanistan, co., . * 333 Agasti-yajvan, donce, . 222, 230 Agastya, sage, . . . 2, 279 Aghorasiv-acharys, ascetic, . . 112 Agni, de... . . . . 149 Agnihotrin, til.. . . 178, 180 Agnikarya, . . . . 314 Agnimitra, k., . . 164 agrahara, rent-free-holding', . 8, 10, 61, 83, 142 and n, 143 agrahara-pradeyamba, tax, . . . . 168 Agrahara-Raghudevapura, vi., . . . 18 Ahamada, 4.a. Khoja Ahamada, off. . . 72 Ahamada Jandamalantara, tit... Ahavamalla, 1., . . . . 241, 243, 245 * 80 do. ( 339 )

Page #465
340 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [Vol. XXXIII * 320 . 59 . 12 119 PAGE Ahavamalla, 8.a. Irivabedanga Satya raya, W. Chalukya k. . 131-33, 194 and n Ahavamalla, 8.a. Tailapa II, do., . 131-32 Ahavamalladeva, do. . . . . . 131 Ahavamalla-Satyaeraya, do.. . 194 n Ahichchhatra, 8.a., Ramnagar, vi, 95-97, 100 ahi-danda, tax, . * 264, 267 Ahmedabad, di., . 192, 196 Ahmednagar, do.. . . . 312 Ahobala, n., . 15n Ahumala, I., . . 241, 243-44 Ahvanadevi, Sena q.. ai, affix, . . 42 ai, initial,. . . ai, medial, . . . Aihole, vi., Aihole ins. of Pulakesin II, . 294 Airavata, 8. a. Elapatra, Na aidvaryy-ashtaka, privilege, * 10n Aja, myth. k., . . 121, 220, 226 Aja, o.a. Brahman, de. . Ajanta, I., . . . 259-61 Ajatasatru, Magadha k., 170 Ajatasattu, 16., . . . . 170n Ajayadeva, ch., . . 36-38, 40 Ajayapala, Charilukya k., Ajitachandra, preceptor, 117, 120 Ajjampur, vi., . . . . . . 87 Ajmer, ci., . . . . . . 37, 238 Ajmer ing., . . . : 65 Akara, 8.a. Dasarna, co., . . 95 Akaba, Akasa-rashtra, di.,. 210-12 Ak sika-grama, vi., 235-36 chi-amman, fe. * 200 hapatalika, off. . . Akumuri, f., . . . 281, 287 Akumuri, vi., . * 281 Alagiyamanavala-Pperumal, de . 162 Alagum ins., . . 184 Alampur, vi., . . 106, 330 Alampfiru, do... Alamuri, f., . 285, 290 Alauddin Abmad, Bahmani Sultan, Alauddin Ahmad Shah, do.. Alauddin Khalji, k., . . Alexander the Great, do. . . . . 333 Alexandria, ci.,. . . . . Alhana, s.a. Alhana, Chahamanu k., 243 Alhapa, Alhapadeva, do.. . 238-39, 241-43. 246 Allvin Kallarasi, s.a. Sombiyap Bhuvana gangaraiyar, ch.. . . . . . 24 Alkkondavilli-battan, . . . . . 161 PAGE Allada, Reldi ch.. . . . . . Alladi, donee, . . . 223, 231 Allahabad, ci., . . 57, 67, 97, 121, 178, 316, 318, 321 Allahabad Museum pl. of Govindachandra, . 176 Allahabad pillar ins. of Samudragupta, 96n, 304n Allasani-Peddana, poel, . . . . 112 Alvan, m., . . . . . 161-62 Amanigangaraiyar, ch., . . 23n Amantamaraka, 8.a. Mantamaraka, l... 211 Amarapuri, myth. ci... . . . . 13 Amarasani, fe. . . . . * 272n Amaravati ins., . . . 250 Amaravati, myth. ci... . . . 104, 107 Amaravati, vi... . . . 189n, 190, 247 Ambaraya, 8.a. Hambira, Gajapati k., 280 Ambbfradeva, 8.a. Hambira, do.,. . In Ambloda, l., . . . . 167, 170 Andhra, co., . . 228 Anduvilla, f.. . . . . 284, 289 Amitagati, au... . 132 Ammagrama, ca., . . . 208 Amnaka, . . 194, 198 Amoghavarsha I, Rashtrakuta k.. . 330n anda-gana, . . - . . . 300 Amuklamalyada, wk.,. . . 114 and n Apahilapataka, ca., . . 117, 194, 196 Anahillapura, do., . 117, 119 Anniyamman, 8.a. Paramandaladittan. Lata ch., . . 24-25 Anandula, f., . . . . 283, 289 Anandi, n., 166n Anangabhima III, E. Ganga k., 43, 44 n, 45n, 126-28 Ananta-bhatta, donee, . . . 8, 15 Ananta-bhatta, do.. . . . . 222, 230 Ananta-ghatabasin, do.. . . . 222, 230 Anantanarayanan, m., . . . . 162 Ananta-Ojhalu, donee, . . . 283, 299 Anantapur, di.,. . . 77-78, 118, 132 Anantapur, tk., . . . . 78 Anant-arya, m., . . . 9, 17 Anantavaram pl., . 280 and n Anantavaram pl. of Prataparudra, . 8n Anantavarman, E. Ganga k., . . . 170 Anantavarman, n., . . . . 44 and n Anantavarman, a.a. Narasimha I, E. Ganga 43, 46 Anantavarman Chodaganga, do., 43, 181 and n, 182-84, 265, 271, 380n Anantavarman, Vajrahasta III, do. . 141 Anantavarman Vajrahastadeva, 8.a. Vajra. hasta III, do. . . 142, 145 Anargharaghava, wk.. . . . . 184n * 179 . . 111 280 280 *

Page #466
PART VIII] PAGE Anavartani-vritta, Anayasimha, ch., andharua, tax, 300 37, 39 263-64, 267 Andhau ins., 171, 308 Andhavaram pl. of Ganga Indravarman III, 51-52, 101 and n, 102 2, 7, 127-28, 220, 224, 279 70 Andhra, co., Andhra, peo., Andhra, Andhra Pradesh, state, Andhra-desa, co., Anga, peo.. Anhilwada, tn., Api-aranga-Piprammarayan, Anigopa, ch., Anigovan, n., Anigovan Orriyur-piratti, fe., Anihillapura, ci., Apikki, gen., Anikona, vi., Animala, do., Animenti, n, Anirjitavarman, Maurya k.,. Aniyankabhhima, k., 5 and n, 7, 10-11, 77, 79, 104, 106, 111, 118, 125, 141, 143, 147, 152-53 129 152, 154 240n 162 25 25 25 Anjaneya, te., Anjanvati pl. of Saka 722, Annadeva, Choda ch., Annam-arya, donee, Annam-Arya, do., Annam-bhatlu, do., Annangeri, f., Annaya, donee, Annemamba, 8.a. Anyama, f., Anniga, Nolamba-Pallava ch., Anniyur, I., anlahpurika, off., Antaranalaka, di., antaravaddi, tax, Anumakonda, ca., anunasika,. anupallavi, anusvara, . anusrara, wrongly changed to *, anvaya, Jain sect * . INDEX 118n 148-49 265n 27 257-58 293-95 144 27 329-30 219-20, 225 9, 15 9, 15 283, 288 283, 288 222, 230 224 77 . . 112 179 155-57 263-64, 267 125 150 300-01 27, 87, 110, 134, 210, 215 297 297 anusvara, Bengali type, anusvara, Devanagari type, anusvara, indicated by circle, anusvara, substituted by class nasal, 121, 150, 176, 27 210 anusvara, used for class nasa, 3, 31, 36, 103, 276 3, 31, 103, anuevara, used in place of final m, 150, 210, 276 210 118m 1 * Anyama, fe., Anyamamba, s.a. Anyama, Apamna, 8.a. Apanna, n., Apanna, n., Aparajita, Pallava k., Aparanta, co., Aphsad ins. of Adityasena, Appal-arya, donee, Appale-bhatla, f., Appalebhatlu, donee, Appale-bhatta, m., Appana-ghatasasin, donee, appattar, father's grandfather,' Appa-Vineti, fe.,. Appaya-dvivedula, f., Arabian sea, Arab Muslims, peo., Arachhupada, l.,. Arachosia, Arang, vi.,. Arang pl. of Bhimasena II, Arang pl. of Jayaraja,. Arasakka, fe., arattukkanam, tax, Aravali, mo., Arcot, North, di., Arcot, South, du., Arddhashtama-mandala, t.d., Argi pl. of Kapalivarman, Aring, 8.a. Arang, vi., Arinjaya-Pirantakadevar, ch., Ariraja-asahya-sankara, tit., Ariraja-madana-sankara, do... Ariraja-nih sanka-sankara, do., Ariraja-vrishabha-bankara, do., Ariraya-gaja-gandabherunda, do., Ariraya-gandabherunda, do., ariyavamea-paveni-dhara, ep.. Arjuna; epic hero, Arnoraja, Vaghela k., Arror, s.a. Pratabgarh, tn., Arupattumuvay, Aruresa-pattala, t.d., PAGE 220, 224, 227-28 220 227 110 109 25n 249 209 9, 16 284, 289 285, 290 9, 17 223, 231 * Aradakkamalla, Gahadavala, k., araghatta, machine for drawing water', Aranapada, I., * 160 258 285, 290 207 152 83 333 122-24 241, 244 83, 85 and n 252-56 256 155-56 131, 133 173 207 24-25, 200 24, 78, 112, 200 193, 19 . 341 . * 97 53-54, 61 and n, 63 213 and n . 23n 320 317-18, 324 317, 320, 324 and n 320, 321 n, 323-24 .220 229 248 286n, 328n 117 176 204 176

Page #467
342 Aruvela, sect., Aryavarta, co., Abadevi, fe., Asadhara, aut., Asaicha, m., Asala, Asalla, 8.a. Asalladeva, Yajvapala k.. Asalladeva, do., Asamdi, Asandi, Asandi, vi., Asandi-nadu, t.d., Asankita, 8.a, Asankitavarman, Bhoja k., Adankitavarman, do., . Adaraja, Chahamana k., ashtabhoga, privilege, ash fabhuti, do., Ashta-diggaja, eight poets', Ashthahnika, Ash tahnika-parva, festival, Askjalnikapadi, s.a. Ashfahnika, do., ashta-tala,. Asi, ri., Aboka, Maurya k., nymic, Atakuru, vi., Asvaka, k., tit., Aevaromula, f., Aevavatayaniputa, Aevavatayaniputra, metro 112 96n, 305 241, 244 118 243, 245 32, 33 and n, 34, 36, 65, 66 and n, 67-68, 69 and n 32, 35-36, 39, 65 87, 89, 91 87 61 54, 61 239, 241-45 10 and n, 14 10 and 14 112 47-48 47 301 316, 322 171-72, 308, 333 Abvapati-gajapati-narapati-raja-tray-adhipati, Atithi, myth. k., Attamula, I., affatala, 8.a. ashta-tala, Atthavisa-khanda, di., Atvivarman, ch., Atyandi, do., su, medial,. Aubhala, 8.a. Ahobala, n., Aubhala-bhatlu, donee, Aubala-bhatlu, do., EPIGRAPHIA INDICA Atastati-khanda, di., Athapaga-grama, Athayaga-grama, vi., Aubhal-arya, do., Aubhal-arya, do., Aubhal-Arya, do., Aubhal-arya, m., Aubhal-arya, do., Aubhal-ojhalu, do., and n, 334-35, 336 and n, 337 46 "Aulikara, f., Aurangabad, di., avadana, s.a. avadana, tax', 317 285, 290 99-100 80 273 318, 325 and n 220, 227 . * PAGE 105-51, 153 and n 300 273 24n 181n 220 15n 283, 288 285, 290 9, 15 9, 16 9, 17 9, 16 9, 16 284, 290 205 and n, 206-08 259 278 . * . . Avadara, I., avagraha, Avanti, co., Avanti-bhupala, k., Avantika, 8.a. Dravyavardhana, do., Avaraka-bhoga, t.d., Avaramta, co., Avinita, Ganga k., Awadh, 8.a. Ayodhya, ca., aya, 'tax', Ayaka pillar ins., aya-bulka, tax, Ayodhya, ci., ayukta, off., ayuktaka, do., . Ayyakkutti-adigal, fe., Ayyana I, W. Chalukya k., Ayyappa, Nolamba-Pallava ch., B b, archaic,. b, box type, b, developed open form of b, distinguished from v, b, indicated by the sign for v, b, later form of b, used for v, ba and bha, written alike, Bab, "., Bachaya, m., Badami, tn., [VOL. XXXIII Bahauddin Gurshasp, do., Bahlul Lodi, Sultan of Delhi, Bahmani, dy., Baigram pl. of 448 A.D., Baihaqi, au., 307-308 36, 134, 215 206 and n, 208 206n 206 169 248 118n 123 Badaneguppe pl. of Saka 730, Badaun ins. of the time of Lakhanapala, Badera, vi., Badhauli, di., Badi-poddi, fe., Badugiltigamunda, m., Bainakatika, 8.a., Benakataka, I., Bairat-Bhabra ins., Bala, 8.a. Balarama, epic hero, . 56 . 249n 55-56 123, 177 304, 306 62 and n, 63-64, 207n, 293, 295 23-25 310 . * PAGE 27 46 31, 66, 71, 134, 150, 186, 192, 210, 215, 276 27 113, 168, 176 3 299 111 272, 295, 309-10, 327n, 329 329 .122 * 272 275 and n, 258 136 Baghaura ins. of Mahipala I, Bahabadinu, Bahavadinu, s.a. Bahauddin, off., 72, -74 and n 71, 73 281 126-28, 278, 280 305 177 59 . 77 27, 79 327 * 176 178 333n 308

Page #468
PART VIII] Balangir Museum pl. of Mahasivagupta Yayati I, Balaputradeva, k., Balarama, epic hero, Balarama, Gajapati ch.. Balarjuna, 8.a. Mahaaivagupta, varkai k., . Balasore, di., Balasore ins. of Purushottama, bala-yashti, Bali, myth. k., Bali, ci., Bali, di., Ball ins. of Advaka, Baliga, f... Balijhari pl. of Udyotakesarin, Ballaha, 8.a. Krishna III, Rashtrakuta k., Ballalasena, Sena k., Bamdu-pukkuli, Bamdupukkuli-kshetra, Bapa, f., Banadavva, 8.a. Banasankari, de., Banaras, ci., Banasankari, de., Banavasi, ca., Banavasi, Banavasi-nadu, t.d., Banavasi-12000, do., Banda, di., Ballibhupalaka, 8.a. Ballichoda-maharaja, Balli-chodamaharaja, Tel.-Choda ch., Balliya-choda, Balliya-chola, do., Baluka, ri., Bardu, n., bandha-danda, tax, Bandhuvarman, Aulikara k., Bandora, vi., Bandora pl. of Anirjitavarman, Bandora pl. of Prithivimallavarman, Bangaon pl. of Vigrahapala III, Bangla ins., Banswara, 1., Banswara pl. of Bhoja, Bantavala, vi., 52 50 172, 316 4, 6, 12, 278 Pandu Bapatla, 7., Barasaru, s.a. Barsur, ca., Baraudi, vi., Baraud! ins.. Bareily, di., 169 265, 273 3n 168, 171-72, 307-08 286n, 322 47n 47 46 299 and n, 300, 302 264, 269, 273 77 316, 317 and n, 320, 322, 324 28n 28 PAGE * 54 28, 78 131 105 and n, 107, 111, 123, 176-77, 316, 318, 321 131 87, 127, 133, 250 131-33, 258 and n, 310 257-58, 309-10 96-97 264, 267 205 and n, 206, 208 293 . 27 and n, 78 37 * INDEX 54 293 53 and n, 54n 51 37-38, 164 * 215-17 195, 215-16 299-300, 302 275 208 31. 33 36. 38 95 Barhut, vi., Barhut ins., Barhut sculptures, Baripada, I., Baroda, ci., Barsur, vi., Bartu, s.a. Prithu, k., Barua, stream, Basahi pl., Basarur, vi., Basava-bhupala, gen., Bastar, di., Bavihara-vishaya, do., Bejavada, f., Bejavada, l., Belama, f., Belamapura, 8.a. Velamapura, vi.,. Belgaum, di., Belkhara pillar ins., Bellary, di., Bena, ri., Benakataka, I., Benakatika, 8.a. Benakataka, do., . Bengal, Bengal, N., Bengal, S.-E., Bengal, S.-W., Bengal, W., Bennakata, I., Beni, s.a. Bena, ri., Beta II. Kakatiya ch... Betana-bhatla, f., Betana-bhatlu, do., Betan-arya, m.. Betma pl. of Bhoja, bh, archaic, bh, mark distinguishing from b, bh, reduplicated when following r, bh, written in different forms, bh and ch, written alike, Bhabha, merchant, Bhabhala, do., Bhadra, 8.a. Durga, de., Bhadrak, t.d., Bhadraya-ghatasasin, donee, bhaga, share, Bhagalapallika, vi., Bhagavatula, f.. Bhagiratha, myth. PAGE 57-58, 171 57-60 60 82-83 192 208 123 343 37 177 and n 299 7 n 208, 264 311-12, 314 284, 290 281 7 7 54, 61 123 115, 132, 312 59 and n 59 59 134-35, 150-53, 314 135, 137-38, 151, 321 134-35, 152, 321 152 216, 217n 251n 59 n 105n 282, 288 284, 289 9, 15 192, 195, 215-17 27 3 215 276 276 194, 198 236-37 .... 32 265 222, 231 156, 216, 218, 237, 269 62 281, 283, 289 228 .

Page #469
344 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (Vol. XXXIII PAGE . 238 PAGE Bhagwanpura, vi.. ? Bhairava, de., . . Bhairava-bhatlu, donee, . 283, 289 Bhairava-gady&paka, coir, . . 55 Bhairavakonda, hill, Bhairavakonda ins. of Vikramaditya,. . 79 Bhakamisra, min., .. . 186 and n Bhakta, Bhakti, Bhaktfraja, Choda ch., 220,-21, 228-29, 233-34 Bhaktikumara, 8.2. Bhaktiraja, do. . .228 Bhaktiraja, do.,. . 219-21, 224-25 Bhalari, de.. . . . . 131, 133 Bhandaru, J., . . . 281, 287 Bhamina, m., . . 172 and n Bhamiera, a.a. Bhakamisra, min., 186, 188 Bhamodra Mohota pl. of Dronasimha, .259 n, 305 Bhanaka, 'reciter', . . . 58 bhandagarika, off. . . 179 Bhandak, vi., . . . 262-56 Bhandak ins.. . . 255-56 Bhafija, f., . . . 83-84 Bhanu, m., . . 186 n Bhanu, 'sun', . . 220, 226 Bhanu 1, E. Ganga k., . . 4 n, 44 n, 181 Bhanu II, do.. . . . . . 181 Bhanu III, do... .. . . 181-83 Bhanu IV, do... 2, 4 and 1, 6, 44 n, 127, 181-82, 278-79 Bhanudeva, k., . . Bhanu-vania, 'solar race', ... bhara, measure,. . . . 199, 203 Bharadi, Bharadihu, I., 83, 86 and n Bharadvaja, . . . . . 200 Bharahadova, Rashtrakufa ch.. . . 122, 124 Bharata, myth. k.. . . . . 154, 228 Bharata, co.. . Bharata-kala, 'art of dancing'. . Bharatavarsha, co. . . . . 127, 129 Bharati, doner, . . . . 223, 225, 234 Bharati, f., Bharatpur, di.. . 32 Bharaat, Bharhut, Barbut, vi... 57 Bharukachohha-vishaya, 1.d., 169 Bhashanga-janya-raga, . . . . 300 Bhaskara, donee, 9,16 Bhaskara, .. . 10,17 Bhaskararaju, do.. . 283, 288 Bhaskaravarman, k.,. 152 n Bhataurika, vi., . . . . 169 Bhatideva, Ikahvaku g.. . . . . 148 Bhattaraka, 'king'. . . . . . 242 Bhaturiys, vi., . . . 150, 158 Bhaturiy ins. of Rajyapala, . . 150, 163 Bhauma, Bhaume-Kara, J., . 84, 152, 265, 271-72 Bhava, 8.a. Siva, de.,. . . 265 and n Bhavabhuti, poet, . . . . 67 n Bhavadeva, Deva k., . . . . . 135 Bhavadeva-Ranakesarin, Parduvansi pr., 262, 253 and n, 254 and n Bhavanagar, ci.. . . . . . 235 Bhavanarayana-ojhalu, donee, . 284, 290 Bhavanfpati, 8.a. Siva, de... Bhavasvamin, do. . . . . Bhawan Bahadurnagar, vi., . . Bletnpda, tit., . thichchhuni, bhikkhuni, 'Buddhist nun', . Bhikshu-sangha, 'Buddhist Church', 135, 138 Bhilla, tribe, .. Bhillame, Yadara fend., Bhillams, Yadava k... Bhilsa, ci., . . . . . . 93, 95-96 Bhilsa, di.. . . . . . . . 94 Bhima, ch., . . . 220, 224, 227 Bhimi, de. . . 82-83 Bhima, Kaivarta ch... . . 265 Bhima, off . . . 170 Bhimi, ri. . . . 285 Bhima I, E. Chalukya k., . 310 Bhima II, do., . . . . . 117, 119 Bhimadeva I, Chaulukya k., . . 236-37 Bhimadevs, engr., . . 33, 36 Bhimadeva, n., . . . . 182-85 Bhima-nadi, 8.a. Bhima, ri.. . . 285 Bhima-cjbalu, donce,. . 284, 290 Bhimaratha, 8.a. Mahabhavagupta II, Soma vanal k., . . . . . 270 Bhimarathi, 8.a. Bhima, ri, 285, 290-91 Bhimasena, epic hero, . . . 172, 308 Bhimasina II, k., . . . . 254, 256 Bhimavara, L., . . . . . . 20 Bhimavaram, do., . 20-21 Bhimaya-ghataasin, donce, . 222, 230 Bhimaya-ghatasasin, do.. . . 222, 230 Bhimayya, off... . . . . 131-33 Bhimesvara-bhatlu, dones, . . 282, 287 Bhimedvart. 3.a. Bhima, de.) . . 82 Bhingaka, scribe, 33. 36 Bhinmal ins. of V.S. 1330, 46, 49 n Bhintalavada, vi., . . 240-41, 243-44 Rhintalavitaka, 8.a. Bhintalavada, do... 239, 241 Rhinaharaniya-jataka,. . . . . 60 Bhishma, epic hero, . . . 286 n Bhitalavataka, .a. Bhintalavataka, vi... 239 bhoga, 'jagir', . . . , 170, 182 n bhoga, periodical offerings', .156, 216, 218, 287, 267 bhoga, 'Yerritorial unit', . . . 169-70 * 202 221

Page #470
PART VIII) INDEX 345 PAGE 209 * 231 bhoga-bandhaka, kind of mortgage, . . . 169 Bhogaditya, off., . . . . 236-37 Bhogaiyadeva, 8.a. Bhogaraja, do., . . 201 Bhogaiyadeva-maharaja, 8.a. Bhogarajo, Jo., . 200 bhoga-labha, 'usufruct in lieu of interest', . 169 Bhogapati, off., . . . . 169 Bhogaraja, do... . . 199-200, 202 Bhogavali, wk., . . 199, 201, 203-04 Bhogayadeva-maharaja, 8.a. Bhogaraja, off. . . , 199-200, 204 bhogijana, 'village headman', . . . 264, 267 Bhogika, off.. . . . . 80 n, 169 bhogika, 'jagirdar'. . . . . . 170 bhogika, 6.a. bhojaka, do. . . . . 62 n Bhogindra, myth. serpent., . . 153, 202, 322 bhopottara, grant of revenue for the enjoyment of a person or deity', . . . . . 169 Bhogulla, m., . . . 297, 298 and n Bhoja I, Paramara k., . 67, 69, 118 and n, 177, 192, 194-95, 196 and n, 197n, 206, 216 and n, 216-17, 271 Bhoja II, do., . 67 Bhojadeva, 8.a. Bhoja I, do. 193, 195 n, 197, 216-18 Bhojaka, off. . 62 and n, 63-64, 170 n, 293, 295 Bhojaprabandha, wk., . . . . 195 and n Bhojaraja, o.a. Bhoja I, Paramara k.,. 191 n Bhopal pl. of Harichandradeva, . . 93 bhotkaramaharajaputra, . . . . 193 Bha, de., . . . . . Bhubaneswar, ci.. . . 83, 182, 271, 273 Bhubaneswar ins. of Anangabhima III,. . 126 Bhubaneswar ins. of Anantavarman Choda ganga. . . . . . . 182-83 Bhubaneswar ins. of Narasimha IV, . 41-42 Bhubaneswar Parvati temple ins., 182 Bhuja, l.,. . . . . . 83, 86 bhukti, 'subdivision', . . . 169 bhukti, province', . . . 169, 318 Bhulunda, k., . . 303 and n, 304-05 Bhumara, vi., . * 167-68, 171 Bhumara ins. of Hastin, . 167, 168 and n, 169-71 Bhumara region, . . . . . 172 Bhumigriha, I., . . : 216 Bhomigpiha-paschima-dviparohasat, di., 216-17 Bhimija, 'community', * 151 Bhotabali, au.. . . . . . * 118 Bhatanathani, f., . . 283, 289 Bhuteks, 4.a. Siva, de... . Bhuvanapala, min., . 67, 69 Bhuvanastha, 4.a. Bhuvanasinha, m... 47-48 Rhuvanasitha, do., . . . 47 PAGE Bhuvanatrinetra, Faidumba k., . . . 27 Bhuvanondratirtha, saint, . . 299-302 bi and bhi, written alike, . Bihar State, . 111, 135, 150, 211, 260, 272, 297, 299 Bihar, South, . . 106, 109, 111, 114 Bihar, 8.a. Bihar-shariff, tn., . . . . 272 Bikiyanna, m.,. . . . . . . 77 Bilaspur, di. . . . . . 155, 209 Bilhari ins.. . . . . . 186-87 Bimbisara, Magadha k., . . Binaeti-Abbe, 8.a. Appa-Vineti, fe., . . 258 Bindumadhava, holy place, . . 105 n Bittagunta, f. . .. . . 284, 290 Bobbili, Rajis of . . 7 Bodhgaya, tr., . . . . * 336 Bodhgaya ins. of Mahanaman, Bodhi tree, Bodhisiri, 8.a. Bodhisri, fe., . Bodhiri, do.. . . Bodugumta, l., . Boggara, Muhammadan soldier, . 225 Bogolu, vi. . . . 79 Bogre, di., * 137 bol, s.a. boya, . 80 Bollan-arya, donee, 9,16 Bombay State,. . . 125, 192, 259, 312 Boppe, m., . . . . 111 Boppudi, vi., . . . 28 Botad, do., . 235-36 Bothpur, do., . . . 111 boya, s.a. bhogika, off., . 80 and n boyul, 8.8. boya,. Brahma, ch., . . . . 220, 224, 227 Brahma, m., . . . . . 9, 15 Brahmadatta, ch., . 207 n, 304 n Brahman, de.. . 4, 127-28, 220, 224, 226, 240 Brahmananda, m., . . . 9, 16 Brahmapur, vi, . . 265 Brahmekvara te., . 271 and n Brahmo-Atthavisakhanda, di., 264, 265 and n, 266 Bsihaddhatta, l., . . . . 151, 163 Brihannarika, vi.. . . i . . . . 169 Brihaspati, sage, . 151 Brihatsanhita, wok.. . . 205-07, 208 and Brihattantrapati, s.a. Dharmadhikarin, judge', 151 British Museum ins. of the reign of Bhoja, 195 British Museum pl. of Govinda Ily,.. . 327 Brita, 8.a. Prithu, k., . . . 123 Broach, di.. . . . . . 330 Buchesvara to... . 219 Buckergunge, di, . . . . * 186 Buckingham canal. . . . . . 189 . . . 270

Page #471
346 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (VOL. XXXIII PAGE PAGS Budaun, ci. . . . . 123 Buddha, 69, 88-89, 135-37, 189-90, 247-50, 253 and n, 254, 259-61, 336 Buddhadasa, scribe, . . . . 63-64 Buddharaja, Kalachuri k.,. . . 169 Buddhism, 88, 135, 153, 298 Buddhist church, . 88, 135, 336-37 Buddhist stupa, . . 57 Budhagupta, k.,. 304 n Budhamhnika, fe., . . 190-91 Budhera, vi.. . . 163-65 Budhera, Budhera, do. 37 n, 163 Budhera ins. of V. 8. 1351, . Bundela, 1- . . . . 163 Bundelkhand, 1.d., . . . 211 Bundi, tn.. . . : Burhl Baraudi, 8.a. Baraudi, vi.. . 33 Borvugadda, f., . 284, 290 Batuga, W. Ganga k., . . 77, 78 and n . . * . 10 183 * 289 . . . 36 Chandalesvara, de.. . . * 244 Chandalesvara-matha, 244 n Chamdana-vihara, 8.4. Chandana-vihara, Jaina monastery, . . . . 46-48 Chandiranna, o.a. Chandirappa, m., . 108 Chandra, s.a. Chandra, ch., Chandradevs, .a. Chandra, Gahadavala k.. . 179 Chandrika, 8.a. Chandrika, off. 198 and n Champi, fe., . . 32, 36 Champa l., . . . 184 D Chamunda, de., . . . . . 32, 34 Chamundasvamideva, do. . . . 93-94 Chimvodi, vi. . Chanda, ci. . 204-86 Chanda, di.,. . 282, 254-88 Chandi region, . 286 Chandala devi, Chahamdna g., . . 241-42 Chandalekvara, de., . . . Chandalesvara te., . . . 289, 241-42 Chandana, Paramara ch., . . Chandana-vihara, Jaina monastery, . 47, 48 Chandella, J., . . 37-38, 164, 184 Chanderi, I., . . . 87 and n, 168-65 Chanderi ins. of Jaitravarman, . . 164 Chapdi, 8.a. Parvati, de., . . . 127 Chandihara s.a. Yayati Mahasivagupta III, Somavandi k., . . 271 Chandika, 8.a. Parvati, de., . . . 32 Chandil, vi., . . 297-98 Chandil stone ins.. . . Chandiranpa, .. . 108-09 Chandor, vi.. . . 61, 294 Chandra, dy.. . . 134-35, 136 and n, 138 Chandra, Gahadavala k., . 177 and n, 178 Chandra, gen., . . . . . . 66 Chandra, m., . . . 220, 224 Chandra, 8.a. Chandella, f.. 37, 39 Chandrabindu, 8.8. Anunafika, . . 150 Chandridevi, q., . Chandraditya-maharkja, Tel.-Choda ch., * 208 Chandraditya-sarovara, tank, . * 208 Chandradityesvara, 8.a. Siva, de., . . * 208 Chandradvipa, ca. . . . . 185-37 Chandragiri, 8.. Chandari,. . . * 87 Chandragupta I, Gupta k.,. . . 97, 307 Chandragupta II, do., 96-97, 260, 303-06, 807 Chandrakala-nafika, sok. . . 182 and a Chandraprabha, Tirthan kara, 117, 118 and n, 120 andraprabha to., . . 117-18 Chandrapura, c.a Chapdor, vi.. . 61, 164 Chandrasekhara, off., . . . . . 182 Chandratreya, 6.a. Chandello, .. 37 Chandravarman, .. . . . . . * Cape Comorin,. . Central Provinces and Berar, * 252 Ceylon, co., . . . . 151, 247, 249-50 ch, subscript, . . . . . 209 ch, written in different forms, . . 113 ch and bh, written alike. . . . . 3 ch and v, written alike, . . . 36 Chaohigadeva, Chahamana k., 46, 47 and n. 48 Chahada, Yajvapala k., 32, 33 n, 34, 36-39, 66 and n, 67, 68 and n, 69 Chahamans, f.,. 37-38, 46, 238 and n, 239, 241 Chahamana of Jalore (Songira), do., 46 Chabamana of Nadula, do., 193, 238-39, 241 Chahar-i-Ajar, 8.a. Chahada, Yajrapala k.. . 37 chaitya, . . . . . . 189 chaitya-griha, . . . 247 Chakamuchuka, 4.a. Chakramochika, fe., . 58 Chakramoohika, do... * 58 Chakravaka, Naga k., chakravarti-kshatra, . . chakravartin, tit., * 307 and n Chakrayudha, k.. . 329, 330 Chalikya, ... Chalukya, dy.. . 313 Challe, 1. . . . 283, 289 Chalukya, dy.,, 54, 71, 131-32, 169, 194-96, 200, 272, 294, 309-11, 327 Chalukya of Badami, do.. . 295, 309-10, 829 Chalukya of Kalyana, do... 125, 309-10, 254 Chamana-ghatatisin, donee, . , 223, 231 Chandaladevi, 3.a. Chandaladevi, Chahamann que . . . . . . 244 and n 297 319

Page #472
PART VIII) INDEX 347 PAGE PAGE . . 77 Chandrawar, 8.a. Chandwar, tn., . . . 123 Chandrika, off... 194, 198 Chandwar, in.. . . . . . . 123 Characters : Bengali, . . . . . 297 Box-headed, . . . 61, 151, 293 Brahmi, . . 57, 147, 189 Devanagari, . 31, 36, 66, 121, 164, 297 East Indian, 9.a. Gaudiya, . 83, 141, 150 Gaudiya, . 41, 141, 150, 181 and n, 182, 323 n Grantha, . . 23, 174 n, 175 n, 199 Kalinga, . . 276 Kannada, . . 77, 108-09, 110 n, 131, 299 Modi, . . . . . 252 Nagari,, . 46, 71, 93, 103 n, 110 n, 117, 186, 192, 215, 235, 238, 299, 302 and n Nandi-Nagari, 103 and n, 108 Oriya, 41, 181, 276 Siddhamatrika, . . 209 Southern, . 61, 303 Tamil, . . . 23, 159, 173, 199 Telugu, . . 3, 20, 79, 110, 125, 220, 276 Telugu-Kannada, 27, 257, 311, 327 Vatteluttu, . . . 173 Charara,. . , 300-01 Charanadistava, s.a. Ekamranathastava, wk., 199, 201, 203 chari, chari-kshetra, 'pasture land', . 235 and n, 236 Charukirti, preceptor, . . . 117, 119-20 Chishi-Kaivarta, community, . . 151-52 Chattayadeva, Kadamba k., . . . * 132 Chattisgarh, . . . . . 211n chafu verse, . . . . . . 112 Chaturasika, 8.a. Chaurasi, t.d., . . . 176 Chaturjataka, 'administrative board", i * 193 Chaturjatakiya, 'a member of the chaturjataka', 193, 197 and n Chaturmukha, 8.2. Brahman, de., . : : 12 Chaturvedin, ep., . . . . . 222 Chatur-yuga, . . . Chaulukya, dy., . . 47 n, 117, 194, 196, 235 Chaurasi, 1.d., . . chauroddharana, levy,. . . 140 Chauroddharanika, off., . 139, 324 Chauthia, 'administrative board", . 193 Chedi-mandala, co., . 1840 Chemgolani, . . 284, 289 Chennama, 8.a. Chennamamba, fe., . 224 Chennamamba, do.. . . 220, 227 Chetakori, f. . . 286, 290 Chetasadevi, Bhoja q., . . * 62 and n, 63 Chevanapeddi, f. . . . 283, 288 chey, l.m.,. . 173, 174 n, 176 n Cheyarur, vi.. . 199, 201-02 chh, indication of aspiration, . . . 8 chh, written by the sign for kah, . . 276 Chhadartiya-jataka, . . . . . Chhaddaka, scribe, 194, 198 Chhandaka, m., . 306-08 Chhatra type of coins, . 96-97 Chhaya-dipa, 182-84 Chhaya-sthambha, 171 Chhattisgarh, t.d., 262, 264 Chhendaparanga-vishaya, di., 210-12 Chhindaka, J. . . . . . . 208 Chhindaka-Naga, do... Chhintalladeva, off.. . * 264 Chhota Udaipur, l., . 303 Chhoti-Sadri, do.. 206, 208 Chikkalavalasa, vi., 141, 148 Chikkalavalasa pl. of Vajrahasta III, . 141 Chikka Tirumala, ... Pina Tirumala, m., 200 Chikkayya, do... . . Chikkerur, vi., . . 131, 194 Chikkerur ins. of Ahavamalla, 181, 194 Chilata, co., . . . . . 248 Chimgan-arye, donee, . . . 18 Chimtalamma, 8.a. Chintalamma, de.. . . . 18 Chimtalapati, .. . . . . . 284, 289 Chintalapuni, de.. . . . . . 229 Chimtapemta, ca., . . 220, 229 chittrini, tree, . . . 17 China, co., . . 248-49 China, a.a. Sino-Tibetan, peo. . . 162, 164 Chingleput, di.,. . . * 199 Chinnaganjam, vi. . 189 Chintapeta, 8.a. Chinnampota, do., Chintalamma te. . * 10 Chintalapallipadu ins. of Ganadava, . 60 Chintalapudi, oi., . . 226 Chintalpini, o.a. Chintalapudi, do.. . 220, 225 Chinnampota, do.. . . .225 Chintamanisararika, wk., . Chiruvroli, vi.. . . . . 8 Chiruvroli gr. of Hambira, 3 n, 8 n, on, 8. 11 n, 280 Chitrakantha, . of horae, . . . . 313 Chitrakata, l., . . . . 117-19 Chittagong pl. of Kantideva, . . . 136 Chittajanman, 8.a. Kama, . . . 144 Chittalladeva, off., . . 268 Chitta-ojhalu, donee, . . * 283, 888 chitola, privilege, 263-64, 267 Chittoor, di.. . . 24, 28, 112 Choda, .... . . . . 11, 270, 219 Choda III, Kona . . . . . 285 . 127 * 176 6 DGA/60

Page #473
348 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [Vol. XXXIII . 28 28 * 207 313 . . 79. PAGE Choda of Eruva, f., . . . . . 224 Chods of Konidena, do.. . Chods of Nellore, do., . . 28 Choda of Pottapi, do... Choda of Renandu, do.. . 28, 78 and n, 80 Chodaganga, Chodagangadeva, 8.. Anantavarman Chodaganga, E. Ganga k... 181-84, 265 and n Chodagangana, ch., . . . . 181 n Chodavaram, 1.d., . . . Chodesvars. 8.a. Raghudeva, Gajapati ch., . 7, 11, 18 Chola, dy., . 11, 23, 24 and n, 77, 78 and n. 132, 136, 169 and n, 160 and n, 161 Chofa co., Chola-kuulatriaka, tit., 201 Chola-naharaja, do.. . 28 Cholarija te . . Chola-samudram, vi., . 78 n Cholo, m., 172 and n Chronogram: bhuta-tarkk-arkka, 220, 229 dala-vibva-bhoji, 225 n dharmo nashtah, 162 n gagan-adri-rama-dharani,. 279 n kara-past-nidhi, 141, 145 lakshmi-bhogya, rama-ibha-loka-dvija pati, . . 8n rasa-faila-rama-dadi, . . 20, 22 ritu-rama-kh-endu, . lakshmi-bhogya, wrong for lakshmi-bhogya, 199 n, 202 Sadu-nidhi-vitva, . : 3 waru-baila-vibva, viyad-fitte-nidhi, . 145 vyom-ebha-vahn-Indu, 8n, 277,286 churni, coin, . . 318, 326 class nasal, . 66, 87, 103 Comilla, I., . . * 135 Cuddappah, di.,.. . . 27-28, 112 Cumbum, tk., . . . . . . . 79 Cuttack, ..., . 8,11 Cuttack, di., . 152, 263, 265 * 199 PAGE Dadhfohi, sage,. . . . . 286 n Dahala, co., . . . . . 265-66 Daityardti, .a. Siva, de., . . 32, 34 Daksha, off.. . . . . . Dakshina-Kapilesvara, Gajapati pr., . 279 Dakshinapatha, . . . . . 196 n Dakshina-Vikramapura, l.. . . . 321 Dama, ch., . . . . 220, 224, 227 Damamita, D&mamitra, Mitra k., 99, 100 and a Damanaka-Chaturdast, . 124, 221-22 Damappa, m., . . . . . Damarys, donee, . . . . . 63-64 Damera Tamma, Timma, gen., . . * 7n Damils, co., . 248-49 Dammavanikini, n., . . . . 190 n Damodara, k.,. . . . . . 51 Damodara, off. . . . 32-35, 38, 40, 67-69 Damodarpur ins., . . . . 304 n Dantiraja, s.a. Dantiraja, . . . . 13 Damtiverman, 8.a. Dantivarman, m., . . 197 Dandabhukti, di., . . . . 265 and a dandanayaka, of. : . 139, 212 n, 324 Dandapani, o.a. Lakutapani, divinity, . 80 dandapatika, B.. dandapafika, off. . . 324 dandapdaika, do.. . 139, 264, 266, 304, 306, 824 Dapdos, o.a. Dandapani, divinity 80 dandika, off., . . . 304, 306 Dandimahadevi, Bhatma-Kara q.,. . . 271 Dandisvara, 8.a. Dapdapani or Lakutapani, divinity . . . . . 79-81 Dantiga, 8.a. Dantivarman, Pallaua k., 327-29, 331 and n Dantivarman, M., . . . . . 194 Dantivarman, Pallava k., . . . .327 dapaka, 'one who causes another to give', 216, 218 darbana, levy, . . . . 68-56 Darsaparru, vi.,. . . 221, 225, 231-33 Darsi, tk., . . . . . . 28 Dasa, ., . . . . . . 151-53 Dasa, cognomen, . . . 152 and n Daha bala, au., . . . . Dasana-bhatta, donee, . . . 222, 230 dataparadha, fine, . . 140 Dalapura, .a. Mandasor, ca. 206 and n, 208-08 Dabaratha, epic k., 164, 220, 226, 807 Dasarna, co., . . . . . . 96 Dasaivamedha, holy place, . . . 106 n Dasavarman, Tel.-Chada k., . . . 28 and n Dati, vi... . . . . . 83, 85 Datta, J., . . . . . 264 daubaddhanika, off. . . . . 170 , 324 . . 182 d, roduplication after, . . 36 d and d, written alike, . 278 Dabaru-Khanu, Muhammadan soldier,... 225 Dacca, di., . 135-36, 138, 321 Dacon Museum, . . 134 ddabha jataka, . . : 6

Page #474
PART VIII) INDEX 349 PAGE 63-64, 71, 73-75, 93, 123, 131, 133, 178, 179, 194, 95, 216, 217, 220, 229, 299, 302, 311.12, 314 -87 Dark Half . . . . 182 . . 115, 105, 241, 244 239, 243, 245-46, 328, 331 * . . 31, 36 14 PAGE dauhaadhasadhanika, s.a. daubsadhanika, do., 139 dauhsadhyasadhanika, s.a. duuhsadhanika, do., 170 n Davangere, di.,. . . . Davangere, tn., . 87 Davangere pl. of Revivarman, . . 87 Days of the week : EnglishSunday, . . 27, 123, 193, 195-96, 243 Monday, . .In, 42, 71, 73-74, 109, 141, 159, 176-77, 198, 239 Tuesday, . . . 10, 112 n, 123, 299 Wednesday . . . . . 172, 216 Thursday, . 5n, 36, 46, 178, 181 n, 215-16, 220, 239, 242, 277, 311, 328 Friday, . . 31, 114, 115 n, 132, 182, 199, 239, 243, 299 Saturday, . . I n, 93, 125 and n, 126-27, 131, 159 n, 194, 239, 243 Days of the week : Indian-- Adityavars, . . . . . . 29 Angaravara,. . . . . 214 Bhrigu, Bhriguvara, . . 202, 301-02 Brihaspativara, . 277, 311 Bsihavira, Brihavasara, 8.a. Saturday, 125 and n, 129 Budha, Budhavara, . . 124 n, 172 and n Chandravara,. . Guru, Guruvasara,. 40, 46, 217, 229 Kujavara, . 302 Ma, Mangalavara, * 112 and n . 196, 202 Sani, Sanivara, 133, 245 Salivara, . . 279 n So, Somavara, 145, 179 Sukra, Sukradina, Sukravara, 36, 115 n, . 246 Suryavara, , . . 145 Tingal. . . . . . . 161 Vaddavira, o.a. Saturday, 1 n, 126 Days of the month : Bright half 102, 193, 196, 241, 299, 301 2 . . . . . . . 306 3 . . . 141-42, 145, 176, 199, 202 . 161, 195-96, 216, 218, 239 Ravi, . . 242 . 36, 40, 242, 245 225, 234 2, 172, 195 . . 243 15 or 30 101,108,14-15, 196 ddh, representation by dhdh, Deccan, co., . . . . . . 125 Deobi-bhatlu, donee, . . . . 282, 288 Dechi-bhatta, do. . . . . 9,17 Deddaka, 8.a. Derdda, ds., . . 193, 197 and n Dodo, m., . . . . . . . 47-48 Deja, Dejai, Deje, off., . . . 164 Delhi, ca., . . . 32-33, 37, 71, 111, 177, 280, 285 Delhi-Swalik pillar edict of Asoka, . . 172 Delhi-Topra pillar cdict of Asoka, . . 337 Der kanaditya, 8.a. Tenkanaditya, ep. 28 n Deogarh, vi. . . . 164-65 Deogarh, 8.4. Kirtidurga, fort, . . . Deoli pl. of Krishna III, . . . . Depalpur pl. of Bhoja, . .195, 215-16 Dordda, s.a. Deddaks, donee, ... 193, 197 and n dibya, . . . . . . . 300 Deu, 8.a. Douva, min., . . . . 164 Douva, do. . . . . . .164-65 Deva, ch., . . * 220, 224, 227 Deva, dy.. . 135, 136 n Deva, acribe, . 210, 213 devadasi, . * 240, 272 Devadhara, m., . . . * 183, 185 Dovadhara, min., . . 32-33, 35, 68 Devagiri, ca., . . . . 125 Devagupta, k., . . . . . 260 Devagupta, o.a. Chandragupta II, Gupta k., . 97 Devakshetra, field, . . . . . 233 Devamba, fe.,. . 220, 224, 227 Devamondi, m., . . . . 183, 183 Devamitrs, Mitra k., . . . . 99 Dovanardita-grama, Devanandita-grama, vi., 241, 243-44 Devanika, ch., . . . . 220, 224, 227 10 . . . 27, 29, 126-27, 129 . 46, 48, 123, 148-49, 210, 214, 239 . . 3, 14, 181 n, 264, 268 . . . 42, 44, 62-63 . . . . 121, 195 12 13 14 . . . . . .

Page #475
350 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (VOL. XXXII Devapila, Pala k.. . Dovapala, Devapaladeva, Paramara k., PAGE 50, 136 . 93, Devaparvata, oi., . . . 135 Devarija, Bhoja k.,. . Dovaraja, 6.a. Chandragupta II, Gupta k... 97 Devarakonda, fort, . . . . . 280 Devarakshita, min., . . 251, 252 and n, 254-55 Devarasa, m., . . . . . 110-11 Devarsys, II, Vijayanagara k.,. . 2, 279-80 Devard-bhaglu, donce, 283, 288 Devard-bhatlu, do., . 283, 288 Devari-bhatta, do. . . * 9,16 Devard-bhatta, m., . 8, 15 Devabarmm-acharya, scribe, . 63 Devadna, Vakafaka k., . 269-61 divavarika, off.. . . . 212 Devaya-ghatabasin, donee, 221, 229 Devendratirtha, saint, . . 299 Devendravarman, 8.a. Rajaraja I, E. Ganga k., 141 Dovl, de., . . 32, 84 Devimita, Dov!mitra, k., . 99-100 27, 276 dh, reduplication after r, . * 36 dh, written like v, .. . 176 dh and v, subsoript forms, . 160 Dhamamnika, fe., . 190-91 dharma-dhara,. . 250 Dhammagiri, I., . . . . . . 248 Dhamme-vinikini, fe., . . . 190-91 Dhamakada, 6.c. Dharanikota, I., . * 190. 91 Dhansidaba pl. of the time of Kumaragupta I,' 305 Dhanakataka, a.a. Dharanikota, I., . . 190 Dhanesha, Dhanasimha, m., . . . 47-48 Dhanesvara-suri, preceptor, . . . 46-48 Dhaneswarkhora, l... . . . 97 Dhannakataka, s.a. Dharanikota, 1... . 190 Dhanyakataka, 6.a. Dharapikota, do., . . 190 Dhar, ci., . . . . . 216 n, 217 Dhari, a.a. Dhar, ca., . n. 68.87, 94, 206, 216-17, 277, 280, 286 Dharidhipa, Dharadhisa, 8.. Bhoja I, Paramara k., . . 69 Dharapikota, 1.. . . . . 190 Dhurma,. . . . . .333, 335-37 Dharma, fe. . . . 67-69 Dharmadeva, 8.a. Lakshmapa, k., . 121-22, * PAGE Dharmamahadevi, Bhaumakara g. . . 271 Dharma-mahamatra, off., . . . 336 Dharmamaharaja, tit., . . Dharmapals, Pala k., . . . 135, 329, 330 n Dbarmarija-Durgaraja, n., . . . 82-82 Dhurmaratha, 8.. Mahasivsgupta II, Somavam k., . . . . 270, 271n dharmafisana,. . . 111, 114-15 Dharmasastra,. . . . . 221-22 Dharmasthana-goshthika, . . .118, 119 dharma-vijaya-sasana, . . . 111 Dharwar, di., , 131, 194 and n, 267-58, 309-10 Dhenkanal, ci., . . . Dhenkanal, di.. . Dhillt, .a. Delhi, ci., . . 6 n, 277, 280 and n, 281 and n, 286 Dhobabar, vi., . . . . . 209 Dhora, ..a. Dhruva, Rashtrakuta k. 258, 309 Dhorapparasa, 8.a. Dhruva, do., . . 309 Dhruva, do. . . 257 and n, 258 and n, 272, 309 Dhruvaraja, ch., . . . 82-84, 85 and n Dhruvisvaramuntavara, preceptor, . 105 D Dhalipala, J.. . . . .: . . 282, 288 Dhulla, vi.. . . . . . . 134 Dhulla pl. of Srichandra, Dhurjati, 8.a. Siva, de.. . 122, 124 dhuaja-stambha, . . Dibalapalli, I., . . . * 233 Didgur, ni. . . . 309 Didgur ins. of Kattiyara, 309-10 Digambara, Jaina Sect, 118-19 Digha-Majjhima-nikaya-dhara, ep.. . 250 dilesha-guru, . . . . 105 n, 106 Dikshitar, com. . . . . . 300 Dilipa, epic k., . . . 135, 138, 220, 226 Dillparasa, Nolamba-Pallava ch., . 77 and n, 78 Divakara-bhatia, ... 283, 289 Divya, Kaivarta ch., . . . . 151 Dochaya-ghataksin, donec, . 323, 231 Doddapaneni, n., . . . Dommala-ghatabasin, donee, 223, 231 Dommarakadave, m., . . . . 257 Dommara Nandyala pl. of Punyakumara,. 80 Don Buzurg pl. of Govindachandra, Dongalasini, hamlel, . . . . Dongalasini ins. of Vankeys-chola. . 27 Dora, a.a. Dhruva, Rashtrakufa k., . Dorapparasa, o.a. Dhruys, do. 258 Dorspalo, .a. Dorapalem, i., . . . 22 Dorapalem, do... . . . . 20-22 . 171 Dharmadhikarin, judge', . Dharmadabs, nff., . . Dharmagiri, mo.. . . Dharma-lipi, . . . . . . . . 151 207 . . . 336

Page #476
PART VIII) INDEX 351 PAGE Dorapalem gr. of Raghudeva, 4-5, 7, 19, 128 Dorasamudra, 8.a. Halebid, ca., . . . 103 n, 108-09 Douhakumbha, off.,. 207 Dosi, do., . . . . . * 310 Dosiraja, o.a. Dosi, do. . . 310 doyaraka, singer who repeats part of a song after it has been once sung' . 239, 241, 244 dra", s.. dramma, coin, . . 46, 48-49, 245 Drakaharams, vi., . . .. Draksharama ins. of Anangabhima III, 126 Draksharam ins, of Devaraya II, : 2, 279 Draksharam ing. of Saka 1196, . . 4 n, 44 dramma, coin, 46-49, 238-39, 242, 245 n drangika, off., . . 212 n Dravida, co., . . . . . Dravyavardhana, Aulikara k.,. . 206-08 droo, drona, measure, . . . 244 and n, 245 Drona, epic hero, . * 286 n drona, l.m., . . . 137, 139 and n drona, measure, : 288, 240-43, 244 and n, 246 and n dronagtka, off., . . . . . 212 Dronaka, engr., 210, 213 dronavapa, 8.a. drona, I.m., . . 137, 235 n Dugaryigrama, vi.. . . 216-17 Duggan-arya, donee, . . . . 9, 16 Durga, de.. . 32, 43, 84-85, 86 and n, 113, 116 n, 116 n, 128-29 Durga-bhatlu, donee, . . . . 282, 287 Durgaputra, ep., . . 43, 45, 69, 127, 129 Durgaraja, pr., . . . . . . 53 Durgaraja, 8.a. Manamatra, k.,. . . 156 Durgaraja, 8.a. Dharmaraja, do., 82-83 Durgarakshita, min., . . . . 251 Durga-varaputra, ep., * . 127 Durvapatra, vi., . . 136 Darvasula, f.,. . 282, 288, 290 Darvayi, fe.. . . . . . and n Dubakhi, vi.. .. 83, 85 dushfasahani, off., . 170 and a duta, dutaka, executor of a grant, 216, 236 37, 273, 319, 326 Dvapara, age,. . . . 44 and a dronauradameer. PAGE e and d, writuen alike, . . . 257, 276 Earth, de., Eclipses : Lunar . . 20, 22, 93, 156, 157, 198, 215-17, 220, 225 n, 229, 235, 235-36 Solar- . . . . . . 101, 196 Edavalli pl. of Keta III,. . 219 Edevolal-bhoga, t.d., . . . . . 189 Edevolal-vishaya, 8.a. Edevolal-bhoga, do... 169 Ehavala, Ehavaladri, Ikahvaku k., . . 148-49 Ehuvala, 1.a. Ehavaladri, do., . 148 Ehuvala Chantamale, s.. Ehavalaari, do., 148 cka-bhoga, . . . . . 311, 314 Ekamranatha, de., . . . . 199, 203 Ekamranathastava, wk., . . . 201 Ekamranayaka, 8.a. Ekamranatha, de., . 203 Ekamreba, .a. Ekamranatha, do.. . 201-03 Ekamrokalaya, te., . . . . . 203 Ekavakya, tit... . . . . . 77 Elapatra, myth k., . . . . . 59 Elapura, ci., . . . 327 n Elevanabur ins.. . . . . 201 eli, ali, s.a. vel, . . . . . : 148 elika, 'ruler', . . . . 418 n Elibri, off. . . . . . . 148-49 Ellaya, donee, . . 223, 231 Embarumanar, . . * 162 and n Emblems : Chakra, . . . . . 103, 107 Elephant, standing, . . 275 Garuda, . . . . . 97, 216 Sankha, . . . . 103, 107 Enarlagodda, o.a. Yonarala pelle, vi.. 221, 225, 229 Eras: A.H., . . . . . . . 123 Bhauma-Kara, . . . 84, 271 Ganga, . . . 51-52, 101, 102 and n Gupta, . 52, 167-68, 171 n, 172 n, 186 n, 254, 256, 303-06, 308 Harsha, . . . . . . 62 Kalachuri, . . . . 168, 186 Kali, . 11, 125, 127, 129 Kollam, . . 159 and n, 160 and n Krita. Krita, o.a. Soytlio-Parthian, .' . 162 32, 43, 116 D82, 287 e, initial, . e, initial,. e, medial, . . . . . . . 79 150, 209 20, 184, 176, 192, 209, 276, 299

Page #477
352 Saka, Salivahana, 8.a. Saka," Sam., 8.a. Vikrama, Samvat, 8.a. Vikrama, Scytho-Parthian, Simha, Vikrama, Traikitaka-Kalachuri-Chedi, Vikrama, Karttikadi, Eran, vi., Eran ins., PAGE 1 n, 2, 3, 14, 20, 22, 27, 53-55, 71, 73-75, 77, 95, 101-02, 104, 106 and n, 110-12, 114, 115 n, 133, 141-42, 145, 162 n, 163-65, 171, 181 n, 182-83, 194-96, 199 and n, 200, 202, 208 and n, 219-20, 225 and n, 229, 272 n, 275, 277, 279 and n, 286, 299, 311-12, 314, 327-28, 330-31 112, 114, 115 and n, 301 48, 118 36, 40, 46, 124, 134, 135 n, 140, 163, 165, 170, 172, 179, 184, 216, 218, 242 n, 244-45, 246 and n 152 236, 242 n 303n 31, 36, 46, 65-66,- 68, 93-94, 113, 114 and n, 115 n, 118, 121-23, 132, 152, 163-65, 176-78, 186 n, 192, 195-96, 205, 208, 215-17, 235-36, 238-39, 241, 242 and n, 243 193 96 n, 156, 171 n 59 142, 145 258 n 232 225 224 123 . 79-81 * Ereyamarasa, ch., Ertumalli, I., Eruva, do., Eruva-Bhima, Etawah, di., Eyuva-acharlu, m., * Erapata, s.a. Airavata or Elapatra, myth. k., Erayapa, fe., : Fardapur, vi., Faridpur, di., Fyzabad pl. of Jayachchandra, 1achchha,. Jachchhas: Desiga, Meshapishana, Nanakiya, Sandesara, G 7, reduplicated when following r, 7 and p, written alike, * * EPIGRAPHIA INDICA . 259 315, 321 176 215 267 47 and n 118 118 . 47-18 47 n Gadadhara, m.,. Gadadhara te.,. Gadadhar-ghat, 7., Gadapani, 8.a. Vishnu-Krishna, de., Gadayuddha, wk., Gadhipura, 8.a. Kanoj, ci.,. gadyanaka, coin, Gahadavala, dy., . [VOL. XXXIII 132 and n 122, 177-79 55 37, 121-24, 176 and n, 177 and n, 198, 318 190 44 n 60 226 4 n 77 78 gahapati, s.a. grihapati,' householder", Gajaghatapati, s.a. Gajapati, tit., Gaja-jataka, Gajamukha, 8.a. Ganesa, de., Gajanivahapati, s.a. Gajapati, tit., Gajankusa chola, 8.a. Rajaditya, Chola k., Gajankusa-chola, Renandu Choda ch., Gajapati, dy., Gajapati, tit., Gajapati-Gaudesvara, do., Gajapti, s.a. Gajapati, do., Gajaravu Tippa, gen., Gajasya, s.a. Ganesa, de., 1 and n, 2 and n, 4-6, 7 and n, 8, 11, 21 n, 45 n, 105, 126, 128, 275 and n, 278-81, 292 . 2, 4 n, 43, 44 and n, 182, 279 and n 278 45 n 7 n, 280 4, 12 and n 42, 45 220 141 PAGE .109-10 110 110 316, 322 Gajatti, s.a. Gajapati, tit., Gajaugha-gandabherunda, do., Galavalli pl. of Rajaraja I Devendravarman, Gamdabherunda, s.a. Gandabherunda, tit., Gamdhara, 8.a. Gandhara, co., Gamga, 8.a. Ganga, dy., Gamga, 8.a. Ganga, ri., Gamgadeva, 8.a. Gangadeva, ch., Gamgadhara-bhatlu, donee,. Gangadhara-ghatasasin, s.a. Gangadharaghatasasin, do., Gangadhara-ghatakasin, s.a. Gangadharaghatasasin, do.. Gangadharapura, 8.a. Gangadharapura, vi., . 229, 233 250 227-29 227 40 283, 289 229 230 * 229, 232-34 Gamgama, 8.a. Gangama, fe., Gamganaryya, 8.a. Ganganarya, m.. Gamgeya, 8.a. Bhishma, epic hero, Gamundabbe, Rashtrakuta q., Gannadeva, ch., 5 and n, 279 Ganamangalachandi, s.a. Parvati, de.,. Ganapati, do.,. 227 16 34 328, 331 127-29 66, 63, 79-81 104, 105 n, 106, Ganapati, Kakatiya k., 285 Ganapati, m., 80

Page #478
PART VIII] INDEX 353 RAav PAGE * 104 38 ob . Ganapati, Yajvapala k., . '37, 65, 67-68, 163-65 Ganapaya-ghatatasin, donee, . , 223, 231 Ganapesvaram ins. of Ganapati, . . Gandabherunda, myth. bird, * 219 and n, 233 n Gandabherunda, tit.. . . 219-21 Gandakanayaka, off., . 212 Gandara-ganda, tit., . . . . 221 Gandhara, co.,. . . . . 248-50 Gandhibedha, 14. . . 273 Gandhibedha ins., . * 273 Gandi, m., .148-49 Gapesa, de., . . . 4, 79, 220 Gang, 8.a. Gangeya, Kalachuri k. . . 177 Ganga, m., . . . . . 220-21, 224 Ganga, E., dy., . 2, 4 and n, 6, 20, 42, 43, and n, 44-45, 51-52, 102, 126-28, 141, 142 and n., 144-45, 152, 169, 181. 84, 265, 271, 278-79, 330 n Ganga, W., do., . . 77, 78 and n, 132 Ganga, ri., . . . . 179, 322 Gangadeva, ch., . . Gangadhara, gen., * 104 Gangadhara-bhatlu, donee, 282, 288 Gangadhara-bhatlu, do., . Gangadhara-bhatlu, do., . . 284, 289 Gangadharadeva, off., . Gangadhara-ghatasasin, donee, . . Gangadharapratapavilasamu, wk., 280 Gangadharapura, 8.a. Pentapadu, vi., . . Gangadharafarman, donee, . . . 176 Gangama, fe., . . . . 220, 224 Ganga ma[r*]ttandar, 8.a. Sembiyan Prithi vigangaraiyar, ch., . . . . . 23 Gangambika, E. Ganga q.,. . . 183 Ganganarayana Velandi, .a. Chodaganga, . . 181 n Gangan-arya, m., . . . Gangavadi, t.d., . * 132 Gangavamkanucharita, wk., . , 6 Ganges, ri., . . . . 37, 177, 316 Gangeya, Kalachuri k., .. 118 and n, 177 GangEya-vamsa, 8.a. E. Ganga dy., . . 51 gapika, s.a. devadasi, . . 240, 244 Gannama-nayaka, Sagi ch., . . . 219 Gaonri pl. of Munja. . . . 169, 192 Garagaparti, vi., . 285, 291 Garbbhesvaradeva, m., . 319, 325 Garga-yavana, 8.a. Turkish Muhammadans, peo.. . . . . . . . . 317, 323 garusu,' boundary', . wowoty y or wo . . . . . . 27 gatra, .a.gotra. . . . . 308 Gauda, coit . . 52, 106, 128, 184 n. 195 n. 216-18, 265-66, 278, 280 and n, 319, 326 Gauda, peo. . . . . . 186-87 Gauda, 8.a. Gollaka, min., . . . 186 Gaudahara, de. 32, 34 Gaudahara, f... 32, 34 Gaudahara, s.a. Gaur-Rajput, do.. . Gaudahara-Kshatriya, community, . . 32, 68 Gauda-sarasvata, do., . 299, 301 and n Gaudesara, s.a. Gaudierara, tit., * . . 292 Gaudesvara, do.. . . . 128, 317, 323-24 Daulmika, off... . . . . 139, 324 Gauri, Manavayani k., . . . Gaurl, 8.a. Parvati, de., . . 34, 138, 239 42, 244, 298 Gauri, fe., . . 104 and n, 105 and n, 107 Gauri, do., . . . 220, 224, 227 Gaurinatha, 8.a. Siva, de., . . . . 28 n Gaur-Rajput, f., . . . . . . 32 Gautami, s.a. Godavart, ri.. . 10-11, 17-18, 104, 107, 292 Gautamiputra, metronymic, . . . . 206 Gavarapadu gr. of Ganapati, . . . 285 Gavudesvara, s.a. Gaudesvara, tit.. . . 129 Gaya, ci., . . 67-69, 103 and n, 104 and n, 106-11, 114 and n, Gaya ins., . . . 103, 106 Gaya ins. of Prataparudra's time, Gaya pl. of Samudragupta, . . 304 n Gaya-mukta, . . 114, 116 Gaya-Sraddha, ceremony, . . * 103-04, 107 Ghadesasi, s.a. Chatasasin, ep., . 221 Ghadisasi, do... . Ghadiyasasi, ., . . . 221 Ghaisasa, do., . . 221 Ghaidasi, do., . . 221 Ghalisasi, do.. . . Ghantasala, vi., . . 189 n Ghantisa, off... . 51 Ghafabasin, ep., . 221 Ghatotkacha, Gupta, k., 307-08 Ghatotkacha cave ins., . 259 Ghisuddin Balban, gen.,. * 27 Ghutni, vi., . . . . * 176 Girija, 9.a. Parvati, de.. . 35, 323 Giripraja, 8.a. Girivraja, I., . . 5, 11, 14 Girisa, 8.a. Siva, de... . * * 32, 34-35 Girivraja, I., . Girivrajapura, ci., . . . 50 Girnar, in., . . . 117 Goa, t.d., . . . 53, 61, 64, 293-94, 299-300 Gos pl. of Satyasraya Dhruvaraja Indra Varman. . . . . . . 54-55 Gochchhini, fe., . . . . . 244 Goda, 8.a. Godavari, ri.. . . . 10-11, 14 . 221 . . 221 * 221

Page #479
354 Godachi pl. of Kirtivarman I, Godavari, ri., Godavari, East, di., Godavari, West, do., Godavartti, f., Goddumballi, I., Godineni-tataka, lake, . Goggaka, m., Gojjiga, 8.a. Govinda, Rashtrakuta k., Gokarna, m., Gokarna-matha, Gokarpasvamin, s.a. Siva, de.. Gollaka, 8.a. Gauda, min., . Gopa, s.a. Gopala, Yajvapala k., Gopachala, 8.a. Gwalior, ci., Gopaditya, m... Gopadri, s.a. Gwalior, ci., Gopals, m.,. Gopals, Rashtrakuta k.. Gopala, Yajvapala k., Gopinatha, do., gorasu, 'boundary', gorava, priest', Gorajja-bhoga, t.d., Gorti, J., Gosa, n... Gollapudi, f... Gomturi, Gomturu, 8.a. Gunturu, ci., 220, 225, 229 Gondra, c.a. Govinda II or III, Rashtrakuta k., wk., Gotras: PAGE 309 6 and n, 10-11, 20-21, 59, 104, 107, 229, 277, 285-86 2, 10, 21 2, 21, 225 281, 287 231-32 . 10, 17 194, 197 . Atreya, Gopala-bhatlu, donee, Gopala-bhatlu, do., Gopala-bhatta, do., Gopal-Arya, m., paraja, k., Gopasaila, s.a. Gwalior, ci., Gopljanavallabha, s.a. Gopinatha, de... . gotra, B.a. gotrabailika, Gotrapravaranibandhakadamba, Aupamanyava, Abharadvasu, Agastya, Agnivedya, Angirasa-Bharadvaja, . . EPIGRAPHIA INDICA . * 309 216, 218 299 144 . * goshihika, member of the assembly', . 47 and n, 48 and n, 49 172 * 186 n 282,287 . 258 67, 70 33 193, 197 and n 33, 35, 38, 40, 67, 69 106 n 122 31-34, 36-39, 40 n, 65-68, 136, 164. 281, 287 284, 289 222, 230 9, 15 156 . 32, 35 105 . 105, 108 29 328-29, 331 169 281, 287 243, 246 * * 178 8-9, 15-16, 143, 222-23, 230-31, 281-83, 295, 287-90 143, 146 n, 193, 197 222, 231 202 62-64 281, 283, 287, 288 Bharadvaja, Danta, 8.a. Datta, Datta, Gargya, Gautama, Harita,. Kamboja, Kapi, Karvatiya, Kasyapa, Kaundinya, Kausika, Kutsa,. Lauhita,. Lohita, Maitreya, Mathara, Maudgalya, * PAGE 8-9, 15-17, 62-64, 176, 199, 202, 222-23, 230-31, 281-85, 287-90 142 145 . 222, 230, 281-82, 287-88 8-9, 17, 202, 281-84, 287, 289 8-9, 15-17, 67, 69, 221-23, 229-31, 281-84, 287-90, 293, 295 63-64 178, 223, 231, 283, 289 260, 262 8-10, 15-17, 202, 222-23, 230-31, 264, 267, 272 and n, 278, 281-85, 287-90, 302 . [VOL. XXXIII 8-9, 15-17, 221-23, 230-31, 234, 281-82, 283-85, 287-90 8-10, 15-16, 20-22, 112, 202, 222-23, 230-31, 281-82, 284-85, 287-90 8-10, 16-17, 155, 157, 282-83, 288 8-9, 16 223, 231 223, 231, 283-84, 288, 290 148 223, 231, 281, 283, 287, 289 289 222, 230 223 231 210, 212, 284-85, 289-90 178 178, 180 178, 180 n 284, 289 282, 288 Mudgala, 8.a. Maudgalya,. Parisara, Patimasha, Patimashana, Sandilya, Sarkava, 8.a. Sarkavasya,. Sarkavasya, Sarngarava, Sathamarshana, Saunaka, Srivatsa, Vatsys, gotra-bailika, family [pillar of] stone,' Upamanya (Aupamanyava), Upanasya, . Vadhula, Varddhakausika, Vasishtha, Vatsa, + 8-9, 16-17, 222-23, 230-21, 281-82, 285, 287-88, 290 146 193, 197 281, 283, 287-88 137, 140 148 32, 34, 311, 314, 319, 325 218 172 307-08

Page #480
PART VIII] INDEX 355 Pacz Gwalior, ci., . 31-33, 38, 65, 67-68 Gwalior State, , . 31, 33, 36-37, 65, 93, 169 Gyeraspar ins. of Trailokyavarmadeva, 93 * 828, 381 Grahaverman, Haukhari ' R., ...... 6 285 PAGE Govardhana, di, .. . . . . Govardhana, m., . . . . 194, 197 Govardhanabarman, donee, 178, 180 and n Govinda, m., . . . . . 241, 244 Govinda, 8. a. Govinda III, Rashtrakaja k., * 330 Govinda II, do., . . . . . 257-58 Govinda III, do.. . 258 and 1, 809, 327 and n, 328 and n, 329, 380 and n Govindachandra, Chandra k., . 136 and n Govindachandra, Ganadavila k. . . 176 and n, 177-79 Govindarasa, . a. Govinda III, Rashfrakufa 268 n Goyinda-poddi, fe., . . . . 272 Goyindara, 6.a. Govinda III, Rashtrakufa : . . . 211 gramakata, of... . . . 210, 212 gramika, 'headman of a village,' do., 167, 172, 307-08 Groek settlement, 250 grihta dhamra,. . . . . . 2 Gudar, vi., . . . . . . . Gudarikataka, vi., . Gudivada, tk., . . . Gadhayati, m.,. . . . . 194, 198 Guduhula, l., . . . . 236-36 Gudur, vi., . . . . . . . 200 Guhakvarapataka, 8.a. Jajpur, ca., . 162 Gujarat, co., . . . 117, 119, 162, 192, 194, 240 n, 303 Gulagrimaka, vi., . . . . 210-12 Gulapundi, L., . . . . . 225 Gulbarga, ci., . * 128-28, 278, 280 Gulbarga, di., . Gulikumta, I., . Guna, di.,. . Gupamaharnava, E. Ganga k., . . . 144 Gunaratnasimdhu, Lafa ch., . . . 25 Gunda, ch., . . . . . . 104 Gundama, E. Ganga k., . 144 Gundamarkja, do. . . . . 144 Gantur, di., . . . . . 6 n, 11, 28, 147, 189, 200; 219, 272 n, 276 Guntur, tk.. . . . . . . 6n Guptoru, tr... . Gupta, dy.. . . . 96-98, 168, 172, 206, 211 and n, 260, 303-06, 307 Hapta, Gupta k., . . . . 807 Gurjara, peo. . . . . 162, 164, 188-87 Gurjara Pratthara, dy. . i 186, 162, 177 Gutti fort, . . . . . . . . 276 A, represented by hu, . . . . . . 8 Radagalli, tk., , 132 hala, l.m.,. . 137, 139, 198-94, 197, 236-86, 293 hala-danda, tax, . . . . . 284, 287 Halebid, ca.. . . . . 108 Halsi pl. of Ravivarman, 47 9, 89 Hambira, Gajapati pr., . In, 2 n, 8 n, 8 n, 126, 279-81 Hammira, Turkish Musalman k., . , 32, 38 hammira, derived from Arabic amir, . . 32 Hampa, a.a. Vijayanagara, ca., 6 n, 271, 280, 286 Hampi, do.. . . . . . Hathaa-jataka, . . . . . 69 Harvira, o.a. Hambira, Gajapati pr. . .8 Hamvirapura, 8.a. Chiruvrdli, vi.. . . 8n Hangal, tk.. . . . . . . Hangal, tn., , . . . 287, 810 Hanumakonda ins.. . . . . 104 Hara, 6.a. Siva, de.. . . . 138, 181, 316, 322 Hari, do. . . . . . 40, 90, 138 Hari, m.,. . . . 281, 287 Hari, do., . 182-83, 184 and n, 185 Harichamda, 4.a. Harichandra, do., 47-48 Harichandana, tit., . . . 4, 13, 20-21 Harlobandra, ., . . . .4An Harichandra, do.. . Harichandradova, 4.a. Haribohandradova, Paramara k.. . . . 93 Haridasas, . . . . . Haridatta, donor, . . . . 89, 91 Hariguka-modori-afman, t.d., . , 277, 286-86 Harigupta, k.. . . . . . . 96-98 Harihar pl. of Vinayaditya. . 269, 312 Harikela, Harikala, Harikeli, co.,. . 135-38 Haririja, k., . . . . . 96-97 Haririje, m., . . . . . Hariraja, do.. . . . 189, 168, 166 and a Hariraja, 6.a. Harigupta, k., , . 97-98 Hartschandra, Gahadavala k.. . . . 123 Harikohapdrs. Partindra r. . . 93-94 Ilarishons, Pakafaka k., . . 269-61 71 800

Page #481
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA VOL. XXXIII Rdad : i, affix, . : 27,103 n, 110, 150, 200, 215, 303, 327 i, medial, . . . . 79, 155, 191 n, 248 , medial, . . . . . 79, 156 i and I, medial, written alike, . 110, 276 Ichchhawar, vi., . . . . . 97 Idilpur pl. of Kekavasena, 315, 319-21, 322 n, 323 n Idilpur pl. of Srichandra, . . . . 134 Ikhaku, o.a. Ikshvaku, dy., . . 190-91 Ikkadasi-vishaya, di.,. . . . 137, 139 n Ikshvaku, dy.. . . . . . . 148, 248-49 Ikshvaku, epic k., . . . 154, 220, 226 1, locative suffix, . . . . 159 Iladapperundevi, Iladapperundeviyar, fe., 23, 25 IlAdapperundevi, alias Pugalattunaiadigal, * 309 do. PAGB Harlartehthin,-.,. . . . . 307-08 an, k. of Vanga, . . 265 Harsauda ins. of Devapala, * 196 Harsha, Harshavardhana, k., . . 211, 313 Harshapura, 6.a. Harsauda, vi., 93-94, 193, 196-97 Harshapura, 8.a. Harsola, do. . . . 196 Harsola pl. of Siyaks, . . . . . Hassan, tr., hasti-danda, tax, . . . . 264, 267 Hastimalla, ch., . . . . 24 n Hastin, Parivrajaka k.. . . 167.71, 304 Hastinapura, ca., . . 37, 40 Hastyarya, donee, . . 293-95 hastyasvajanavyaprita, off... 304, 306 hastyabu shfrabalavyaprita, do., . 304 n Haveri, Ik.. . . Havirbhuk, 5.. Agni, de... 179 Hazara, di.. . . 334 Homachandra, preceptor, Hema-suri, ascetic, . . Hemiyati ins. of Diliparass, Himagiri, ... Himalsys, mo.. Himalaya, do... . . . . 88, 187 Himavat, .a. Himalaya, do.. . . 154, 270 Hinayana, sect, . . . . 261 Hindols-toran, . . . . . . 93 Hindu, community. .. 32-33, 72 and n, 73, 88, 114, 123, 298 Hindu-rajya-sthapan-acharya, ep... . 114-15 Hindustan school of music, . . . . 300 Miranya, 'tax in cask', . Hirbohavuti, oi., . Hirogutti pl. of Asankita, . . 61 Hirekerur, tk., . . . 131, 258 Hirekorur, vi., . . . . 131 Hitpahebbugilu pl. of Mrigekavarman, . . 54-58 Huen-tang, Chiwe traveller, . 162 Hodds, 1.. 64 Hodda-khajjaraka, . . . 53-54 Moma, ceremony, . . Hombli, vi., 257-58 Hosana, o.a. Hoysala, dy., . 108-09 Hoshangabad, di., . . 196 Hottalakere, ca.. . Hoysala, dy.. . . 104 n. 108-09, 220 Hridaybea, 1h.. . 70 n Hrishikoda, do.. * 70 n Eumkyun Shah, Bahamant Sulfan, 127, 280-81 Hape, peo.. . . . 205, 284 n, 272 Lapadovi, . . . . . 164 and n, 267 Hana-mandala, f.d.. i .. . 169 Satavaha-tanaya, ..a. Karttikoya, de., . Eyderabad, oi. . . . . 312 Hyderabad State, . . 1,38, 71, 104, 126, 162 Iladarayar, Lafa ch., . . 24 and n, 25 Ilanguru Vaunnarufuginra, crown pr., 169 Ilava, community. . . , 173, 175 Illtutmish, Sulfan of Delhi, Ingo, . . . . . 282, 288 Indans, Indani, N., . . . . 167, 171 India, co.,. . 32, 88, 139, 161, 211, 297 India, Central, . . . 97, 167, 172 Indis, Eastern, . .85 , 160, 162-63, 318 India, Northern, . . . . . . 118 India, South, , . 20, 80, 88, 109, 111 India, Western,. 95, 96 , 208, 303-05 Indrs IV, Rashfrakufa k., . . . . 132 Indrantlamani,. Indraprastha, 6.a. Delhi, . . . 177 Indraraja, ch., . . 210-12 Indraratha, a.a. Mahabhavagupta II, Somavathuk.. . . . 271 Indrasthans, ci., . . . 177, 179 Indravarman, E. Ganga k., . . 61-62, 169 Indrevarman I, do., * * . . 101 n Indraverman II, do., , , . . . 101n Indravarman III, do., . , 101 and n, 102 Indravarman, o.a. Satya raya Dhruvaraja, k., 66 Indus valley, . . .. . 162 Ipili, o.a. Ipperu, vi... . 77-78 Irapakinga-Mapavala,. . . . . 162 Iran, co., . . . . . 162 Iravi, . . . . . . . 162 Iravivarma-chaturvodimangalam, vi.. . 160 Iriva-bodanga Satykaraya, W. Chalukya k... 131 IriveNolamba, tit., . . . . . 77 Iriva-Nolamba Nollipayya, Nolamba Pallava ch.. . . . . . . . 77 IrugA, Irug&tba, Je. 220, 224, 227 * 137 * 312

Page #482
PART VIII] Isanasiva, priest, Isimigo jataka, Islam, Tevara, m., Levara, Vijayanagara k., Ievara-Narasa, 8.a. Narasa-nayaka, do., Ievararata, ch... Jagannatha-bhatlu, donee, Jagannatha-bhatlu, do., Jagannatha-bhatlu, do., j. Jabalpur, di., Jabar, tehsil, Jagad kabhushapa, Chhindaka k., Jagadokamalla, 8.a. Jayasiraha, W. Chalukya 1.. Jagannatha te., Jagarlapamdi, f., Jageevara, Gajapati k., Jageevaradeva-maharaya, s. a. Jageevara, do.,. Jageevarapura, vi., Jain, sect, Jainism, 30 60 280 210, 213 111. 114 Jagannathadeva, 8.a. Purushottama-Jaganna tha, de., Jagannathadeva labdha-varaprasada, ep., Jain monastery, . Jairaja, 8.a. Jayaraja, m., * Jaitravarman, Pratihara k., Jaitugi, Paramara k., Jaitugi, Yadava k., Jajapella, 8.a. Yajvapala, dy., 111, 113 303-06 Jaggayapeta ins.,. jagir, 'fief',. jagirdar, Jaichand, 8.a. Jayachchandra, Gahadavala k., 27, 276 186 215 208 . 312 285, 290 285,290 284, 289 128-29 127 1 283-84, 289 4, 6-7, 12, 127-28, 227 n, 278 127, 129 7, 277-78, 281, 285, 287, 292 189 n, 190 and L . 50-51, 170 170 123 118 88, 119 235-36 165-66 PAGE * * * * 164 66 117 31, 36-37, Jajpur, ci., 38 and n, 39 152, 265 108 Jakamna, Jakanna, m., Jalambar, Jalambaru, s.a. Jalamuru, vi., 143, 146 Jalamuru, do., . Jalepalle, Jalepalli, do., Jalhana, Jalhanaka, off., 143 221, 225, 229 32, 35 46,47 and n Jalore, ci.,. Jamaraya, 8.a. Yamaraja, m., Jambhala, de., 165, 166 and n 265 INDEX Jambudvipa, myth, island, Jamdadasa, Jamdamala, off., Jamdamalantara, surname, Jammigudda, L., Jamnasani, Jannasani, f., Janamejaya Mahabhavagupta Somavams k., janapada, Janardana-bhatlu, donee, Jandamalantara, 8.a. Khoja Ahamada, .. Jangla, vi., Jasara, n... Jasata, donor, Jasodhavala, 8.a. Yasodhavala, do., Jatavarman Kulasekhara, Pandya k., Jatuhatta, L., Jauhatta, s.a. Jatuhatta, do., Jaadi, m.,. Javalipura, 8.a. Jalore, ca., Jayachchandra, Gahadavala k., Jayadatta, k., Jayadeva, n., Jayaganga, m., Jayakesin I, Kadamba k., Jayanatha, Uchchakalpa k., Jayanta, 8.a. Gopala, Yajvapala k., Jayapala, myth. hero, Jayaraja, k. of Sarabhapura, Jayaraja, m., * Jejahuti, 8.a. Jejabhukti, do., Jejuri pl. of Vinayaditya, jh, Jhaloni tank, Jhambaka, off.. Jhansi, di., jihvamuliya, Jijjika-grama, vi., Jina, 8.a. Buddha, Jinendra, divinity, Jirjingi pl. of Indravarman, Jivanta-ereshthin, m.,. Jishnu, Jodhpur, di., jodi, Janamejaya I, PAGE 127, 129 72, 75 n 72, 74 234 281, 287 264-66, 269-71 . Jayasimha, Dandabhukti ch., Jayasimha, Paramara k., Jayasimha, poet,. 195 68 196, 220 . 312 66 136, 139 171 and n, 205 Jayavarman, 8.a. Jayasimha, Paramara k., 66 Jejabhukti, co., 36-37, 39 Jayasimha II, W. Chalukya k., Jayasimha II Jagadekamalla, do., Jayasimha-Jayavarman, Paramara k., jayaskandhavara, 'capital', jayastambha, 37 218 282, 288 71-72 259 241, 244 216, 218 244 * . 160n 156 and n 165 194, 197 n 46, 48 123, 176 107 n, 304 n 137, 140 137, 140 53-54 168 . 38, 40 n 36, 39 155-57 165, 166 n 265 and n * 357 * 169 192 168 * 194, 197 * 164 87, 148, 155 169 135, 138 .47 n 169 183, 185 138 46-47, 243 200 * . .

Page #483
868 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (VOL. XXXIII PAGE 131, 13 . . * 233 . 284, 289 * 123 * 117 Jogayya-kondavanigara, m.; Jolopalle, vi., . . . Jonnalagadda, . . Jumna, ri., Junagadh, Jupiter's sixty-year cycle, . Jupiter's twelve-year cycle, . jyotisha, . jyotib-dastra, Jyotib-sastrin, . . Jyotirvid, . . . . . . . 3, 20, 109 . 167 . . 221 222, 230 221-22, 230 17 . PAGS Kalaohuri, dy... . 71, 118 n, 128, 169, 177, 188, 263 n, 286 Kalajara, L., . . . . . . . . . 211 . kafariju, . . . . . . 162, 176 kalaba, . . . . . . 41 kalasika, measure, . . . . 235n kalasikavapa, l. m., . .. .235 and n, 238 Kalasodbhava, .. Agastya. . . . 279 Kalavuraga, 5.a. Gulbarga, ci., 278, 280 and n Kalavarageda, Kalavaragesvara, tit., 128, 202 Kalbariga, 8.a. Gulbarga, ci., . . 286 n Kalt-araikkal, l.m., . . . 175 and a Kali, de... . . . . . 32, 65 Kali age, . . . . 42, 44 and a . Kalidasa, poet, . . . 67 Kali Hakkals, field, . . . . 257 Kalinga, co., . , 162, 164, 265 and n, 266, 318, 336 Kalingadibacharitra, wk., . 6n, 8 n Kalinganagara, ca., . . . 145, 102 Kalisindh, ri., . . . . 37 Kalli, vi.. . . . . . . 80 Kalli-bol, m., . . . . . 79-81 Kalpa, 11., . . . . . . 53-54 Kalpakhya-Khajjana, . . 63-64 Kalpasutra, wk., . . . Kalubarga, s.a. Gulbarga, ci., . 127, 129, 277, 280, 288 Kaluvacheru gr., . . . . . 223 Kaluvalapallo, vi.. . . . . 27 Kalvan pl. of Yalovarman, . . . . 196 Kalyana, ca., . . 71-73, 125, 309-10 Kalyanachandra, Chandra k., . . 138 n Kalyananagara, 8.. Kalyana, ca., 73, 75 Kalyanapura, 6.a. Kalyana, do..... 71, 74 Kalyan ins. of Saka 1248, . . . . 71 Kalyani, o.a. Durga, de., . . . . 32 Kalya pala, of... . . . . 236 Kama, m., . . . . . 220, 224, 227 Kims, .. Bhaktirkja, ch., . . 220, 224, 16 27, 104, 110, 276 , written alike, . . 276 Kabul valley, . . . . . . Kachavi ins.. . . 258 Kadali, f., . . . . 283, 288 Kadamba, dy... 47 n. 52-54, 56, 61, 87-90, 127, 132-33, 171 , 293-94 Kadamba, tree,. . . 10, 18 Kadambapadra, I., . . . . 155 Kadambapadrullaka, vi.. . 155-57 Kadi pl. of Malaraja, ... . . . 235 Kadur, di., . . 87, 89 Kadur, tk., . . . kai, Oriya dative sufit, . . Kaifiyat of Jagannatham, wok., . . 6 Ksilan (Kailsin) pl. of Sridharanarata, 142 Ksilasa, l., . . . 184 n Kailasa, myth. mo.. . 104, 107 Kailasa, 1., . . Kailasa, Kailasadeva, .a. Kailasasikharekvara, de. . . . . . . . 43-45 Ksilasa paragrama, vi., . . .. 169 Kailasasikhardvara, de., . . . 42-44, 45 and n Kaivalyapura, 6.4. Quela, oi., . . Kaiverta, community, . . . . 151, 265 Kaiverttirishthin, ., . . . 307-08 Kaka!i-njo wa,. . . . . . 300 Kakati-Prolarajadula-predamaa, wk., . . 106 n Kakatiya, dy., . . 55, 103-04, 106 and n, 106 and , 125, 223, 285 Kakustha, 8.. Kakutstha, Kadamba 88, 90 and n Kakuathavarman, do.. . . . . 171 n Kakutaths, myth. k., . . . . 220, 228 Kalabhra, I., . . . .313 Kalkohhala fragmentary iba. of Itararile, .303 87 228 Kama, Tel.-Choda k., . . . . . 28 n Kima, fe., . . . . 220, 224, 227 Kama-bhatlu, donec, . . 284, 290 Kamadeva-bhatlu, do.. . 285, 290 Kimadina, 8.a. Malik Qivamuddin Quthugh Khan, min... . . 72-74, 75 and n Kama ins. . . . . . . 32 Kimikebl, de... . . . . 201, 203 Kaman-Arya, donde, . . . . 9, 18 Kaman-ary, do., . . . . . 9,16 Kimenyem.. . . . . 9, 10 Kamen-irya, do.. . . . 9, 16 and Kimandi, do. . . . . 184

Page #484
PART VIII) INDEX 359 PAGB Kimarnava, Kamarnavadeya, E. Ganga k... 144, 181 Kamarya-bhatta, donee, . . . Kamauli pl., . . . . 176 n, 177-78 Kamaya-bhatta, donee, . . 223, 231 Kamaya-ghatasasin, do. . . . 222, 230 Kambakaya, vi., - . * 141 Kambalu-pattana, ci., . . * 281 n Kambhammetta, Kambamumetta, tn., . 280 and n Kamboja, co., . . . 383 Kamchana, 8.a. Kafichana, m., . . Kamchan-arya, do. . . . . . 9, 16 Kamdammati, I., . - . 106, 108 Kam davalli,., . * 283-84, 289 Kamdigumtaka, I., . . . . . 232 Kamduri, f., . . . . 282, 288 Kamera, co., . . . . . Kampadigal, Lafa ch., . . . 25 and n Kampavarman, Kampavikramavarman, k., 23, 24 and n, 25 and n Kamta.ma-nayaka, m., . . . . 146 Kamuru, l., . . . . 291 Kanara, North, di., . . 54, C1, 87, 133, 250, 299 Kanara, South, do... . . . 299 Kanauj, ci., 62, 177 and n, 178 Kanchana, m.,. . 236 Karohani, o.a. Srikifichani, Chandra q., 136,138 KAfohl, o.a. Kafchipuram, ci., 184 n, 199-200, 202-03, 328-29 Karchipati, ep., . . . . . . 313 Karchipuram, ci. . 112n, 199, 200 n Kanchipuram ins. of Achyutaraya, . 199 Kanchipuram ins. of Anangabhima III, 43 and n. 44 n. 45 n, 126 Kandadai, . . . . . . . 161 Kandahar, ci., . . . . . . 333 Kandammati, vi.. . 107 Kandan Iravi, m., . . . 160 and n, 162 Kandarpasankara, de.. . * 318, 324-25 Kandarpasankara-grema, vi., . . 325 n Kandarpasankar-asrama, k., . . . . 824 Kane, . . . . . . 56 Kunganideyvar, supervisors, . . . 159, 162 lanika, 'cumin seed', . . * 194, 197 kanila. . . . . 55-56 kanike, lapike-kappa, . . . 56 Kanishka I, Kushana k., . . . Kanna-dvivedulu, donee, 281, 287 Kannara, .a. Krishna, Rashfrakufa k... 309 Kannara, 8 a. Krishna I, do. . . . 268 Kennaradeva, s.a. Krishna III, do.. . 24 n Kanoj, oi., . . . . . 122-23 Kanpar-boya Mandalarman, W., . . . 80 RAPhE Kanpur, ci. . . . 99, 100 Kanpur, di., . , .. . 99 Kantideva, Harikala k., . . . 136 Kanuka, s.a. Kanika,. . . . . 56 Kanumaru, vi., . 286, 291 283, 288 Kanyakubja, Kanyakubje, Kanyakubja, 6.a. Kanoj, ca.. . 122, 177 and n, 178-79, 217 Kanyakubja-dosa, co., . . . 123-24 Kanyakumari, di., . . . . 160 Kipalivarman, Bhoja k.. . 63, 61 and n, 63 Kapardisvamin, donee, . - 156, 157 Kapashti, m., . . 194, 197-98 Kapayandyaka, Musunuri ch., 220, 223, 226, 229 Kapila, 4.a. Kapileevara, Gajapati k. . Kapilds, Kapilisa, hill, . . 41-43 Kapllas ins. of Narasimha 1, . . 126 Kapilondra, o.a. Kapilekvara, Gajapati k., 277-78, 285-86 Kapile vara, do.. 1 and 0, 2, 4-6, 6 and n, 7 and n, 8 and 2, 11-14 20-21, 126-28, 276, 277 and 2, 278-81, 286, 292 Kapildkvarapurs, vi... 6-7, 277-78, 284-88, 289, 292 Kapili, s.a. Kapilesvara, Gajapati k., . . 6 Kapi-raga, . . . . . 299, 301 Kapoli pl. of Adankitavarman, 64, 61 and D Kapati-hajjana, . . . 63-64, 69-64 kappa, . . . . . . 86 kara, . . . . . 153, 218, 237,267 Karahata-nagara, ci., . . . 327 n Karali, vi., . . . . . . . Karapika-Thakkura, off.. . . . 178, 180 karanka, measure, . . . . . 183 Karantama-nayaka, Karantama-nayake, m., 146 karadasana, 'rent-paying grant',.' . 142, 153 Kargamunda, off., . . . . 257-58 Karikala, Chola k., . . . 29, 224 Karimnagar, di., . 38, 104, 240 D Karimnagar ins., . . . 104, 240 n Karltalai, vi., . . 186 and n, 187 Kari-turaga-pattan-akarasthana.gokul-adhikari, off.. . . . . . . Karivichi-dima, t.d., . . . . 112 Karpa, epic hero, . . . . 286 Karpa, Kalachurik.... . . . 177 Karpa, Karpadova, Somapanil k. . 264-66, 209, 271-74 Karapakbarin, <Page #485
360 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (VOL. XXXII RDOS PAGE Karpata, Karnataka, co., 71-73, 109, 162, 154, 280, 300 and n, 292 Karnate-nine orore, do. orore,do., . . . . . 128 Karpatska school of musio, . . 300 Karpsts-loks, peo.. . . . . : 74 and Karpura erl, ., . . . 264, 267, 272 Kartavirya, myth. k., 5,13, 20-21 Kartikeya, de... 34, 148, 149 and n Karttar, off. . . . . . 199-200 Karu-tataks, lake, . . . . . 232 Karwar, di., . . . . 63 Kasadi Suramadevi, 272 n Kasavan-arys, donee,. . 9,16 Kafekumta, l.,. . . . . . 234 Kashmir, co., . . . 112, 321 Kadt, 3.. Bandras, Varanasi, ci... 67-69, 177, 179, 318 Kasigama, K&sgrama, L., . 170 and n, 171 Kadi-matha, . . . 299 and n, 300 n, .301 Kasinigama, Kadr-nigama, I., 170 and n, 171 Kisvara-bbatlu, dones, . . . 284, 289 Katmira, co., . . . . 187, 248-50 Kasmira-Gandhara-Yavana-Tambapannidipa. pasadaka, ep., . . . . . . 248 Kasna, vi... . . . . . 178 Kasnabbhavana, Kasnabbhavana-pattala, di., 178 Kavamaraiyam Mallan. They * . * 174 Kiva-challan Pasal, do.. . * 174 Kavert, ri.. . . . . . . 29 K&vidi, . . . . . . 175 Kavilion, 8.4. Keiliss, Kavunniyan, 17., . . 161 Kayastha, community, . . 36, 40, 47-48, 66, 67-68, 73, 76, 152, 236-37 Kodara, I., . , 288 Kadarpur pl. of Srlobandra,. 134-35, 139 a Keksys, co., . Kelidity, .. . . . . . 194, 197 Kalgs pl., . . . . 264, 271 Kalhanadova, Chahamana k.. . . * 193 Kendur pl. of Kirtivarman II, . Kerala, co., . . . . 174 n, 199, 202, 313 Keralavarman, 8.. Kodai, Venadu k., . 159 Kesarin, oft. . . . . . . . 288 Kotava, de, . . . . 34 Kesava, holy place, . . . . Kebave, . . . 10, 18 Kalava, do., 178, 180 Kelava-bhatlu, dones, . . 282, 288 Kekaviditya, off., . . 194, 197 Kelava-ghatasasin, donee, . . 223. 231 Ketavan Paradayan, m., . . . . 181 Katavasona, Sena k.,. . Kata III, Kota ch., . . . . 219 Ketana-ghatasosin, donec, * 223, 231 Ketarija, Kota ch.. . . . 272 Kdybravarsha, s.a. Yuvarajadeva I, Kalachuri . . 186 105 79 k.,. . . 12 71. 79. 104, 327 khajan, khajar, 'a salt marsh or meadow', 63, 63, 295 khajjana, khajjara, khajjana, khajjanaka, ... khajan,. . . 53-54, 63-64, 293, 296 Khalji, dy. . . Khandesh, 1.d., . . . . . . 303 Khandesh, West, di.. . . . . . Kharahara priya-mila, . . . . . 300 . . . 280 Khandesh. kabu, coin, . . . . . . . 161-62 Kasuva-ojhalu, donee, . . . . 284, 289 Kadyapa, sage,. . . 220, 226 Kabyapa lineage, 8.a. Solar lineage, . 220, 227 Kataka, 8.. Cuttack, ci., . . * 8, 11, 14 Katakarajavarkavali, wk.,. . Katanagadda, f., . . . 285, 290 Kataparru, I., . . . . 221, 232 Kafapayadi eystem, . . . . 199 n Kathakosha, wok.. . . . . 118-19 Katharis aluva,. . Kathiswar, Co., ... * 242 , 303, 306 Katni, tn., . . . 186 n Kattiarasa, Kattiyara, 3.a. Kirtivarman I, W. Chalukya k.. . . . . . 309 Kattiyars, Kattiyaradeva, o.a. Kirtivarman II, do., . . . . 309-10 Kattiyarasa, 11., .. . 309 Kattyars, ., . 258 Katudbva, Katukaraja, Chahamdna k., 241, 242 and n Kaunteya-Gang , 6.a. Godavarl, ri.. . 20-22 Kausambl, .a. Kosam, ci., 100, 170, 211 Kauthem pl. of Vikramaditya V. 294 n, 810 Kapadi-para, . . . . . 181 Kavalo-matha. . . . . . . 299 kha fudnga, . . . . . . . 298 Khediravillt, di., . . . . 137, 139 Khiching, vi.. . . . 83, 85 and a Khijjinga-kotta, 3.a. Khiching, ca.. . 83-86 Khoji Ahamada, 6.a. Khwaja Ahmad, off. 71-73, 74 and 2, 75 and n Khwaja Ahmad, do., . . 71-72 Kikau, Kikiu, ., . . . 243, 246 Kma, Kula, m... . . 194, 198 and a Kislimaptir ins., . . . . 160 Kishnara-jdtaba, tok . . . . . 80 Kinnaaf-l-Shergarh, ... Kanot, a.. . . 123 Kirite, co. . . . . . 249

Page #486
PART VIII) INDEX 36] PAGE PAGS . 162 Kirata, 3.6. Himalayan people, kirtana, kirttana, kirli, 'a fame-producing woork', 170 and n Kirtidurga, 6.a Chanderi fort, . . 37 n, 163-65 Kirtigiri, 8.a. Deogarh, fort, . 164 Kirtipala, Pratihara k., * 164 Kirtipaledeva, ch., . . * 193 lirti-stambha, . . . . . 171 and n Kirtivarman, Chandella k., 164-65, 184 Kirtivarman I, W. Chalukya k... 294, 300, 313 Kirtivarman II, do.. . . . 309-10, 328, Kondakunde, a.a. Konkondala, 1.. . 118 Kondamma, fe., . . . . . . 200 Kondavanigara Jogayya, m., . . 131, 133 Kondavidu, l., , . 2, 8 and n, 8, 11, 379 Kondavidu pl., . . . . 5n, 8, 10 n Konidena, vi., . . . 27 n, 28 Koniyanain, do., . . . . 169 Konkan, Konkana, f.d., . 217, 294, 299 Konkanastha, community, 299 Konkordala, vi. . * 118 Ko-Parakosarivarman, 6.a. Rajarajadeva, Chola . 159 329 . . . 310 Kirtivarmaraja, .a. Kirtivarman II, do. 329 and 1, 331 Kiguvolal, o.a. Pattadakal, ca., . Kodabalisiri, 9... . . 148 Kodai Araiyan, 7., . . Kodai Iravipanman, 8.a. Kodai Ravivarman, Venadu k., . . . . . 162 Kodai Keralavarman, do., . . . 159 Kodai Ravipanman, 8.a. Kodai Ravivarman, do.. . . . . . 159, 162 Kodai Ravivarman, .a. Vira Ravivarman Tiruvadi, do., . . . . 169 and n, 160 Kodrava, a species of grain!, . 194, 197 Kogali, vi., Kohrinesvara, de.. 183-86 Koilkuntla, tk., Kokata-grama, 8.a. Kokatam, vi.. . 112 n Kokatam, do. . . . 112 Kollag, . . . 175 Koluvartani-vishaya, di.. . . 142-43, 145 Kamadigal, ch., . . Komarara Bhima, ep... . 27, 29 kombu, paddy' or quality of paddy, 173, 174 and n Komdapalli, vi., . . 281-82, 284, 287, . . . 132 * 311 * 24 Kopivishnu, min., . . . . 319, 326 Koppana, M., . . . . . . 232 Koppanatha-bhatta, donee, . . . 221, 230 KO-Pparakisariparman, tit., . . . Koramanga, Koramangals, vi., . 87, 91 , 219 n Koravega l. . . . . . 87, 89, 91 Ko-Rinekvara, de., . . . . 184 keadhipa, off. , . . 33, 681 toadhyaksha, do. . 38, 67-69 Kosala, co.,. . . 170-71, 255, 266, 271 Kosala, Southern, 1.d., . . . 252 Kosala, peo.. . . 186-87 Kosaladevi, q.. . . 170 and no Konam, tn., . 89, 170 Kota, J., . . . . 219, 372 Kotalipada, 1.d., . . . 316, 321 Kotelapumta, ., . . . 10, 18 kofi-Moma, ceremony.. . . . 137 Kotma, vi.. . . . 200 Koffapala, off... . . . . 189 Kottaru, l. . . . 160 and a Kotthari-kahetra, do., . Kottaru ins. of Vijayaditya, 312 Kovisaiya Kampavikkirama, ..a. Kampavar. mag, ch., . . . . . 23, 25 Koyir-kanakku, off.. 188 krama, . . . . . . 222, 230 Kriddevt, Kriddevi-khanda, Kriddovy-uttara khanda, 3.g. Raghudevapura, I., 10-11, 14 Krishna, di.. . . . . . . 285 Krishni, ri., . . and n, 8 n, 59, 147, 268, 277, 286-86 Krishna, Rashtraku ta k., . . . 309 Krishna I, do. . . . . . . 257 and a Krishna III, do.. . . . . 77, 78 Krishnabenna, 3.a. Krishna, ri.,, 286 Krishpa-bhatta, donee, . . . 9, 16 Krishnadeva, min. . . . 264, 268, 273 Krishpadova, Kpishpadevariya, Vijayanagara k., . . . . . . 110-14, 200 Krishna-gataliain, donce,. . : 222, 280 Krishnan-bhatla, h... . . 281, 287 233 289 . Konkana, Konkana, t.d., . Konkana-grahana-vijaya-parvan, vijaya-parvan, . . . Kommana, l., . . . Komman-ojhalu, donee, . Kommara, vi., . . Kommaya-ghatasasin, donee, Kona, f. . . . . Kona, Kona-grama, vi.. . . . . Komkana. 216-17 . 221, 233 . 282, 288 . .225 223, 231 285 264, 265 and n, 266, 273 282, 288 . Konakamchi, f., . . . Konakopa, 8.a. Konarak, 1., . Konamman, fe., . Koqamman, Periya, do. . Koplirak, l. . . . . . . . . . 200 200 42

Page #487
362 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (VOL. XXXIII PAGH Kapalkata, 6.a. Kupallkata-doaa, di., 64 Kupallkata-doda, do. . . . . 62-84 Kupalapakatahara-desa, 3.. Kupalakata-doda, do.. . .. . . 62, 64 Kuppa, J.,. . . . . . 282, 288 Kuravaiferi, vi., . . . . . 161 Kurnool, di., . . 28, 79, 106, 219, 311-12 Kurram-kumta, ... . . . . . 233 Kurti, . . . 281, 287 Kuru, co.,. . Kurud pl. of Narendra, . . 156, 269 n, 306 Kuruguntapalle, vs., . . . . Kuruva-bhattarika, de. 28-29 Kuba, epic k., . . . . . 220, 227 Kulavan, . . . . . . . 176 Kushana, dy., . : 171, 191 Kukika, Kubikapura, 8.a. Kanyakubja, ci., 177, 179 kufum, s... kufurbika, agriculturist house holder', . . . . 243 bufumbika, do... . 307 and n, 308 . 37 . 27 PAGB Krishnamidra, at.. . . . 184 Krishnaraya, ... Krishnadovariya, Vijayana gara k., . . . . . . 1120 Krishpavenni, ..a. Krishna, ri., . . 985 Kita, peo. . . . . . 112, 184 Kshatrapa, W., dy. . . . . . 808 Kshatriya, community. . . 39-38, 68 Kahamadhanvan, myth. k.,. . 820, 824, 227 Kohomakirti, ascetic, . . . .. 117, 120 Kahitipati, ch., . . . 210-11 Kachna-ghata ikin, doncs,. . . 222, 231 Klohi, f., . . . . . 282 287 Kaohipoti, fe., .' . . . . . 272 Kudavel-Sangamavaram ins., . . . 108 Kudde, Kuddam, Kuddamu, vi... 141-43, 145-46 Kuhundinagara, cl.. . . . 327 D Kulabokhara-Ppiramamarkyan. . . . 162 Kulottanga I, Choja . . . 160 Kamara, ch., . . * 220, 224, 227 Kumkra, 8.4. Karttikoya, de., 148, 149 and n, 228 Kumara, h., . . . . . * 841 wmara, tit., . . Kumaradrona, measure, 238, 241-42, 244-45 Kumara-dvipa, I., . . * * 298-98 KumKragupta I, Gupta .. 206 and n, 806, 307 Kumara-mahapatra, off., . 6 n, 279 Kumdramalya, do. . . . . 804, 808 Kumaraokuse, Renandu-Chola ch., . . 78 Kumarapala, Chaulukya k., . . . Kumarasambhavamu, tok., . . . 28 Kumarasyami-gumta, l., . . . 231 Kumkravarman, Kumaravarmarija, k., Kumara-vihara, te.. . . Kumarika, 8.a. Durga, de.,. . . Kamarivadad, vi., . * 169 Kurdeti, f., . 284, 290 Kumuntiru-boya, Th.. 80 Kinapalli, 1. i . 281, 287 Kunda, 3.a, Kundagiri, fortress, . . 89, 91 bunda, name ending, . . . 102 and n Kunda, Kunda, stream, . . 329,882 Kunda, tk., , . . . . 176 Kundagiri, L., . . . . . 89 Kundakunde, Kundukund-Ioharya, prosp. tor, . . . . 117, 118 and n, 119 Kundakunda-Padmanandi, do., . . 118 Kandaya, dones, . . . . 222, 280 Kandins, ci., . . . . . . 184 Kundu, ... . . . . . . 162 Kaptagani pl. of Rsvivarman, Kuntala, co.. . . . . Kuntapals, Chahamana ch., . . 289 Kantt, epic q.. . . . . bipala, . . . 63, 64 and D . 47 1 and 1., distinguished, . . . 41, 276 1. final . . . . . 267, 327 1. rosembling Telugu k. . . . * 110 27, 327 Ladabachandra, Chandra k., . . 186 a Ladapperaraiyan, Lafa ch., . . . . 24 L&dariyar, 8.a. Ladappersraiyar, do... 24 Lagna : Dhanus, . Dhanus, . . . . . . . . . 145 . Lahada, de., . . . 170 and a Lakhapadovi, fe., . 239 Lathapapala, 1.a. Lakshmana-Dharmadeva, . . . . . . 122 Lakkaraju, m., . . . . . . 200 Lakkundi, vi.. . . . . . . 182 Lakshmana, epic hero, . . 37, 39, 123 Lakshmana, 4.a. Dharmadeva, k., . 121-23 Lakshmana, do., . . . . . 37 Lakshmana, m., . . . . . 9,16 Lakshmana-Dharmadeva, k., . . 122 Lakshmana-ghatassin, donee, . , 223, 231 Lakshmapapala, k.. . . . . . 193 Lakshmanarija I, Kalachuri k., do.. . 186 n Lakshmanarija II, . . . . . 186 Lakshmanarajadeva, 8.a. Lakshmanarija II, do. . . . . . . 187-88 Lakabmapasona, Lakabmapasenadeva, Sena k.. . . . . 316-20, 322, 324 and n Lakshmana-Somayajula, donde,, . 284, 289

Page #488
PART VIII) INDEX 363 PAGE Lakshmanosvara, de., . . 239 Lakshmi, do. . . 39, 65, 68, 88, 90, 91 and n, 177, 188-87, 273, 323 Lakahmt, fe., . 220, 224, 227-28 Lakshmivarman, Paramara k., . 93-94 Lakshmyamba, f., . . . 220, 224, 227 Lakulisa, de., . . . . 80 Lakutapani, 6.a. Lakulisa, do., . . 80 Lalitakirti, preceptor, . . . . 117, 120 Lalitpur, t.d., . 164 Jalliks, ., . 194, 197 Lingi-ojhalu, doncs PAGE Lavanyadovt, Yajvapala g., . . 32 ,34, 67, 69 n Legends : Chandra, Madanapaladevah,. . Maharaja-r-Chandraguptah, . Maharaja-bri-Hariguptasya, Ramagula, Ramaguptah,. . . Sri Indrarajah, Srimad-Govindachandradevah,. . Sri Maharaja-Hariguptasya. . . . 96 Lhaudiya, Lhaudiyaka, m.,. . 238, 240, 244 Lilavaraha, boar incarnation, . . 4, 11 Ltlesabhadra, de.. . 84 Linga, Sivalinga, 71 n, 152 284-89 Lingaya-ghata sisin, do.. . . . 223, 231 Lipikrit-kula, community of scribes, 38, 40 Lobha, 1., . . . . . . 243, 246 Lodi, dy... - 281 Lohadiya, coin, . . . . 238 Lohate, off. . . 33 and n, 35, 38, 40, 68, 69 Loka-mahidevi, .. . . . . 272 Lokanatha, 3.a. Buddha, . . 88 Lokanatha, ... Sainyabhita Madhavavarman II Srinivasa, Sailodbhava k., . 89 Lokarnava, Lokarnavadeva, ch., . . 61-62 Lokavibhaga, wok.. . . Lokesa, ... Brahman, de., . . . . 40 Lokebvara, do... * 268 Lolarks, I., . . . . . 101 n Lolla, f. . . . . . 282, 287 Lolla, vi.,. . . . . . 281 London, ci.. . . . . . . 252 Loniyajodaprastara, I., . . 137, 139 n Lord, a.a. Buddha, . . . . 248-50 Lunar race, . . . 4, 6, 99, 220, 224 * 118 Prakrit, . Languages : Apabhramsa,'. . . . . 109 Arabic, . . . . 122 Aramaio, * 333 and n, 334 Bengali, 42, 44 n, 163 French,. . . * 333 and n. 334 Greek, . . . . . 333 Hindi, . . 46, 163-64, 235 n Italian,. . 333 and n Kannada, * 27, 55-56, 77, 108-09, 110 n, 131, 221, 257 and n, 272, 297, 299, 312, 317, 327, 328 and n Konkani, . . . 63, 295 Malayalam, . . . . 65 Marathi, . . . 46, 53, 55, 63, 256-56, 295 Oriya, . 7 and n, 42, 44 n, 125-26, 181-83, 272, 276, 277 and n, 278, 292 Pili, . . . 248-50 55-57, 96, 99-100, 118, 147, 189-90, 194, 239, 248-49, 272, 333-35 Sanskrit, . 3, 5, 6, 20, 27, 31, 36, 42, 46, 55, 62, 66, 79 and n, 80, 83, 85 n, 88 n, 87, 93, 99, 100, 118, 121, 125, 131, 134, 141, 147-48, 150, 153, 165, 164, 181 and n, 182, 186, 192, 199, 204, 210, 220, 235 n, 239, 248-49, 253 and n, 254, 260-61, 263-84, 273, 275-76, 277 and n, 278 and n, 285, 292-93, 297, 303, 306, 311, 316, 327 Tamil, . . . . 8. 23, 56-56, 159, 199, 200 n, 201, 203 n Teluga, 6-8, 27, 64 n, 55-56, 79 and n, 104, 110-13, 128, 148 n, 181 n, 182, 272 n, 276-78, 281 Lar pl. of V.8. 1202, 176 n Lasamika-tataka, lake, . 233 Lata, co., . . . . 24 Tata, peo. . . . 162, 164 Latuva-jataka, wk., . . 80 Lavanaprasada, Vaghela k.. . . . . 117 . M . . . 131 7, final, . 62, 87, 103, 121, 160, 215 m, final, substituted by anusvara, . . 3, 36, 160, 276 m, final, used for anusvara, . 66, 210 m and p, written alike, . . . 209 m, reduplicated when following 215 m, used for final m. . . . . . 264 ma, l. m., . . . . . . 174 1 Machhlfshahr pl. of Harischandra, . mada, coin, . . . 55-56, 143, 146 Madkha-vishaya, di.,. . . . Madakasira, tk., . . . . . 77 Madakasira, tn., . . . . . 77, 78 n 123

Page #489
364 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (VOL. XXXIII . 53 * 318 . . 12 PAGE Madalapariji, wk., . . 2 n, 6, 264, 272 n . . . . . 65-56 Madama, Macamma, m., . 267-58 Madana, 6.a. Madanapala, Rashtrakufa ch., 122 Madanakirti, au, . . 118 Madanapada pl. of Visvarupasona, 316-18, 319. 21, 323 n Madanapala, Gahadavala k., . . 176-77, 179, Madanapala, m., . . . . * 243, 246 Madanapala, Rashfraksta ch.. * 122 Madanpur pl. of Srichanda, . 134-38 Madarda-vishaya, t.d., . . . . 84 Madaripur, do... . . . 321 Maddali, f. . . . . . 289 Midevar, ch., . . . * 24 madha, s.a. mada, coin, . 143, 181 n Madhkinagar pl., . . Madha-ojhalu, donee, . . 284, 290 Madhariputa, metronymic, * 148, 190-91 Madhava, ch. . . . 24n Madhava, de., . Madhava, donee, . . . 10, 17 Madhava, m., . . * 142, 148 Modhavapura, I., . Madhavarya, donee, . . . 62 Madhavavarman II, Sailodbhava k., . . 52 Madhukamarnnava, E. Ganga k.,. . . 144 Madhukaavara, de., . 71 and n, 72-75, 76 and n Madhukesvara, m., . . . . 76 and n Madhusrava, vi.. . . . . 162-84 Madhusudana, de, Madhvacharya, philosopher, Madhva philosophy, . . . . 300 Madhvarya, .a. Madhavarya, donet, Madhya Pradesh, state, , 57, 93, 96 n, 121, 155, 163, 186, 196, 205, 208-09, 215 and n, 217, 306 Madras Museum pl. of Balliya-choda, . . 27 Madras Museum pl. of Bhaktiraja, 219-20, 224-26 Madras Museum pl. of Bhuvanatrinetra, . 27 Madras Museum pl. of Uttamachola, . 24 n Madras, state, 169.60 Maduguri, f., 282, 287 Madurai, ca.. . . . . . 152, 173 Madurai, di.. . . . . 174 n Magadha, co., . . . , 95, 170-71, 280 magani, . . . . . . 173 Maghadeviya. ska, vk., . . . 60 Mahabharata, do. . . . . . 286n Mahabhavagupta, tit., . . . . . 265 Mahabhavagupta-Janamejaya I, Somavami A., . . . . . 270-71 PAGE Mahabodhi, o.a. Bodhgaya,. . . 336 Mabachim , ., . * 267 n Mahada pl., . . . Mahadeva, ch., . . . 23 and n, 24 Mahadeva, de.,. . . . 108, 113, 167 Mahadeva, m., . . . 183, 185 Mahadeva, Kakatiya k.. . . 106 Mahadeva-dvija, 6.a. Siva-dvija, 203 Mabidevi, fe., dov, J., . . . . . 220, 224, 327 Mahadevi, . . . . . . 97 Mahadtvi, tit., . 148 mahadharmonadkyaksha, off., 324 Mahkjayaraja, 8.0. Jayaraja, Sarabhapura k., 165-67 Mahakali-bhatlu, donee . 282, 288 Mahakali-bhatlu, do., . 288 Mahakosala, co.. 254 n Mahakosala, Kosala k., . . 170-71 Mahakaha, s.a. Mahakshapatalika, off. 137, 140 Mahakshapa falika, do. 137, 139, 264 Mahakshapa falin, 6.a. Mahakshapatalika, do. 268 Mahakshatrapa, tit., . . . . . 306 Mahakumara, do.. . . . . 93-94 Mahikutesvars te. ins., . . 272 Mahalaya amavasya,. . . . 103 Mahamada, ... Muhamad bin Tughlug Shah, Sulfan of Delhi, . . . 71, 73-74 Mahimada, do... . . . . Mahamahattaka, off... . * 319 Mahamanda, Mahamandadeva, ch., 122-24 Mahamandalesvara, tit. . . 131-32, 208 Mahamatra, off... Mahamayi te., . . . . 286 Mahanadi, ri. . . Mahanastha, Mathanasinha, m., . 243, 246 Mahapatra, tit., . . . Mahapratihara, off.. . Maharaja, Maharaja, scribe, 33, 36, 38, 40, 172 Maharaja, tit., . 50, 97, 207 n, 208, 304-05, 307 and a Maharajadhiraja, do., . 43, 45, 71, 112, 116, 128, 136, 139, 142, 145, 177, 179, 193, 196-97, 206, 216-17, 235, 264, 266, 268 304 and n, 306 Maharajakula, do. . . . . 46, 48 Maharajapura, ep. . . . 197, 239, 244 Maharaja-Sarvanatha-bhoga, t.d.,. . 167-70 Maharashtra, co., . . . . . 184n Maharashtra-mandala, t.d., . . . 71, 74 mahari, mahari, mahari, mehari, dancing girl'. . . . . . 245, 272 Maharima-Hanadovi, . . . . .204.67 Maharanda, de... . . . 36, 39 and n 1. Maldna, 4.a. Mahdsandhivigrahika, of... 137,146 . . 299

Page #490
PART VIII) INDEX 365 * 250 PAGE Mahdadmantadhipali, tit., . . . . 170 Mahasamantaraja, do.,' . . . 122, 124 Mahasandhivigrahika, Mahasandhivigrahika, ofl., 137, 139, 236-37, 312, 314, 319, 324, 328, 329. 332 Mahasenapati, do.. . . . . 139, 324 Mahasena, de., . . . . . . 88 Mahasivagupta-Balarjuna, Panduvansi k., 169, 265 Mahasivagupta, 3.a. Karpadeva, Somavansi . 264, 266, 274 Mahasivagupta-Yayati I, do.. . 52-53, 270-71 Mahadivagupta II, do.. . . . . 270 Mahasivagupta III, 8.a. Chandihara Yayati III, do.,. . . . . 271 Mahasthan, I., . . . . . 137 Mahasudevaraja, Sarabhapura k.,. . . 156 Mahatalavara, off. . . . .148 and n Mahavamba, wk., . 248 n, 249 mahavihara, . . . . . 264 Mahaviharavasin, ep., . 247-48 mahavinayadhara, Mahavira, divinity, , 46-49 Mahavyuhapati, off... * 139 Mahayana, wect, , , 260-61, 265 Mahbubnagar, di., . . 106, 111 Mahendra, 8.a. Rajamahendra, ca., . . 2 Mahondrichala, mo., . . . . 143 Mahendriditya, Gupta k. . 307-08 Mahondrapala I, Gurjara-Pratthara k... 135 and n Mahesvara, 8.a. Siva, de., . . 43, 74, 75 and n, 128, 142, 266 MAhekvara, sect, . . . 199, 202, 204 Mahesvaraputra, ep... . . . 127, 129 Mahichandra, Gahadavala k., 177-78 Mahidbara, min., . . . . 164 Mahlmada, . a. Muhamad bin Tughluq, Sultan of Delhi, . . . . . . 71, 73, 75 Mahimana-choda, Tel.-Choda k.. Mahindra, Mahendra, 8.a. Rajamahindra, co., 2 Mahindrapala, 8. a. Mahendrapala, Gurjara. Pratihara k., . 135 n Mahipala I, Pala k., . . 136, 298 Mahipala II, do.. . . . . 181 Mahfpatiya, Mahfpatiyaka, 1., . , 241, 244 Mahishamardini, Mahishasuramardini, de., . 110, 112 Mahishmati, ci.,. . . . 184 n Mahmud I, Khalji Sultan, . . 280 Mahudi pl. of Bhoja,. 215, 217 n Mahanadevt, fe... . . . 272 Mailara-ghatakasin, donee, . . 223, 231 Mailavarapu, f. 285 290 Mainamati, I.. . . 136 n Maitraka, do.. . . . . . 209, 805 eno.. . . RAOU Majhgawam pl. of Hastin,. . 1680 Male, Mala, 8.. Malla, off., . . 72-73, 78 and n Maladhars, ., . . 32, 85 Malsinidu, t.d... Melapo, 8.a. Malla, off. . . 72, 76 n Malars, ti, 88-84 Malaya, Co., . 95-96, 280 Malayamarutakavi, m., . 112 Malepadu pl. of Punyakumara,. . Malga, vi.. . . . 200, 211 Malik, master', . . Malik Qivimuddin Qutlugh Khin, off., . Malhadass, m., . . . . . 151, 153 Malhana, do. . . . . . 178, 180 Matkapuram ins., Malkhed, tr., . . . . 162 Malla, off... . . 72-74, 76 and n, 76 Malladatta, m., . . . . . 293, 295 Mallaks, ..a. Malla, off, Malla-kshetra, I., . . 232 Mallamaraju, m., . . . . 291 Mallana, donee, . 9, 17 Mallans, m., . . . 9, 17 Mallan-arya, do. . * 8, 16, 17 Malla-ojhalu, donee, . 283-84, 289-90 Mall-avadhanulu, do... * 282, 287 Mallaya, do.. . . . 222, 230 Mallaye, m., . . . . . 9, 16 Mallaya-ghata sasin, donee, . 221-22, 280 Mallaya-rishthin, donor, . 142 and n, 143, 145-46 Mallar, vi., . . . . . . 155, 209 Mallar pl. of Jayaraja, . . . . 155 Mallar pl. of Mahakivagupta Balorjuna, 169, 262 Mallar pl. of Vyaghraraja, . . . . 209 Malli-bhatta, donee, . . . . 222, 230 Mallika Kamadina, 8.a. Malik Qivamuddin Qutlugh Khan, of, . . . . 71, 74 Mallika, fe., . . . . . 5, 7, 13 Mallikarjuna, Vijayanagara k., . , .280 Mallikarjuna-matha, . . . 105n Mallikarjuna-panditaradhya, preceptor, . 104 and n, 105, 106 and n, 107 Mallinatha, Mallinathadeva, 8.a. Siva, de., 127-29 Mallu-bhatlu, donee, . . . . 281, 287 Mallu-bhatlu, do., . . . 282, 287-88 Mallu-bbatta, do.. * 8,16 Mellu-bhatta, m., . 9, 15 Mallu-somayajilu, do.. . . . 282, 287 Malowli, vi.. . . . . 64 Malwa, co. . . 93 97, 192, 254, 280 Malwa, East, 1.d. . . . 95, 96 n, 300 Malwa, Wust, do.. Malyala, J., . . . . 281, 287 307

Page #491
366 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXXIII PAGE . . Gala, CO., . . 210.12 207 * 304 PAGE Malyala-Gauda, ch.. . . ... 111 Malyavanta, mo. . . . 224 Mamohi-bhatla, J., . . 284, 290 Mamchi-bhatlu, donce, . 283, 288 Mam dadapu, S.,. . . 281, 284, 287, 290 Marjeti, do., . . . . 282, 287 Mana, do., . . . 85 Managoli ins. of 1161 A.D.,. 309-10 Manamatra-Durgaraja, Sarabhapura k., Manavayani, S... 204, 208 Manavya-bakula, 'lunar race', . . 220, 227 Manbhum, tr., . . . . 85 Mandaka, ca., . mandala, 'district, . . 169 mandalacharya, tit., 117, 120 mandalaganin, do.. 117, 120 mandalapati, off., . . . 139 mandapika, 'customs office', . . . 243 Mandasarman, N., . . : 80 Mandasor, l.. . . 205 and n, 206 Mandasor ins... . * 208 Mandasor ins. of Bandhuvarman, * 206 Mandasor ins. of Gauri, . . 205 Mandasor ins. of V.8. 598,. Mandasor ins. of Yasovarman, 171 n Mandasor ins. of 473 A.D., . Mandhata pl. of Jayasimha, . . . 195 Mandhuk ins. of Gopala II, . 136 Mandu, ca., - . . Mangake, engr.,. Mangalachandi, 8.a. Ganamangalachands, de.. . . . 127-29 Mangalesa, W. Chalukya k., . . . 294 Mangalore, tk.,. .. . . . 299 Manganti, Mangamti, f., . . . 284, 289 Manighapura, 8.a. Manikpur, I., . . * 176 Manikarnika, Manikarpika Ghat, l., 106, 107-08 Manikganj, t.d., . . . . . . 138 Manikpur, vi., . . . . 176 marijadi, wt., . . . . . 162 and n Mankuwar image ins., . . . 307 n Manne ins. . . . . . 118 n Mannepalli ins., Manne pl. of Saka 724, . 324, 329, 330 and n Manradi, . . . . . 174-75 Mansehra, I., . . . . . . 334 Mantamaraka, do., , . . . . 211 Mantenna, 8.a. Manthani, in.. . Manthani, do., . . . 104, 106 n Manthani ins. of Saka 1121, . . . 106 n Manthanya-Gunda, 8.a. Gunda, ch. . 104 Mantrakata, Mantrakutanagari, Mantrakatapura, 8.a. Manthani, tn.. . 104-06, 106 n, 107 Mantrakata-Gopljanavallabha, de., 105, 108 Manttona, 6.a. Manthani, tn., . * 104 Manttena.Gunda, 3.a. Gunda, ch., . 104 Manucharitramu, wk., . . 112 n, 114 and n Manusmriti, do., . . . . . . 50 n Manyakhota, 6.a. Malkhod, ca., 125, 162 Mapaya-nayaka, feud., 142 n, 143, 146 Mara, 8.a. Marakka-arasa, do., . 268 Mara-bhatta, m., . . 232 Maraka-arasa, Marakka-arasa, feud., . Marakke-arasa, 6.a. Marakka-arasa, do., 257-58 Marapachemga-kahetra, l., . . . 232 Marabarman, m., , , , 311, 814 Marasimha, Ganga k.. . . . 132 Maravarman Srivallabha, Pandya k., 160 and n Maravarman Sundara-pandya II, do., 160 and n Maraya, donee,. Maraya-ghatabasin, do., Marichi, m., . . . . . . 220, 226 Markandasarman, donee, . * 216, 218 Markandesvara, de.. . . . 181-85 Markande vara te., . . . 181 and n, 183-84 Markandeya Purana, wk., . , . 206 Markara pl. of Avinita, . . 118 n marri, 'banyan tree', . . . . 276 Marturu, l.m., . . . 111 Maru-bhatlu, donee, . . 283, 289 Marwar, i.d., . . 47 n, 238 mashaka, coin, . . 143 Matangaraja, 8.a. Gajapati, Mathanasimha, ., . . . . 243 Mathapati, 'superintendent of monastery, or 'chief priest', . 47 and n, 48-49, 241, 244 Mathura, ca., . . . . 32 Mathura, m., . 260-62 Mathura, Mathura-Kayeatha, community, 31, 33, 35-36, 38, 40, 65, 67-69 matikadhara, ep., . . 250 matra, matra-gana, . . . , 300 Matrikarman, done. . . . . . 170 Matsya Purana, wok., . . 106 n, 137n Maukhari, dy.. . . . . . . 211 Maurya, do.. . . . 171, 293-95, 333 Mavali, vi.. . . . . . . 258n Mayalar, do., . . 311-12 Mayalur pl. of Chalukya Vijayaditya,. 311 Mayidavolu pl. of Pallava Sivaskandavarman, 190 Mayuragiri, l.. . . . . . . 59 Mayurakhandi, ci.. . . . . . 330 Mayurbhanj, di., . . . . Medinikosha, wk.. . . . . 172 Medinimisaraganda, ep. . . . 114 Medura-thala, o.a. Medori-elman, t.d., 286, 292 . . 86 273 * 28

Page #492
PART VIII INDEX 367 PAGI 37 . . . 192 . 27EUR PAGE Meduri-siman, do.. . . . 6 n, 285 Meduru, vi., . . . . 285 Meerut, di., Mebar pl. of Damodars, . MEhara, 'village headman', . . 194, 197 mehari, dancing girl,' 239-42, 244 and n, 245 Malachcheri, I., . . . 160 n Mellelutan,. . . . . 175 Melpadi, vi., . .. 112 Mena, fe.,. . i 154 menti, 'chief' or 'headman', 257 n Merutunga, au., . . . . . . 194 Metaku, J., . . . . . 285, 290 Metres : Anushfubh, 4, 11, 21, 33, 39, 68, 71, 84, 90, 103, 119, 123, 138, 143, 147, 149, 153, 156, 178, 187, 199, 217, 226, 266,286 n, 292 n, 321 Arya, 21, 39, 68, 119, 143, 187, 226, 266, 321 Aupachchhandasika, . . . . : 39 Drutavilambita, . . . . . 178 GTU, . . 11, 21, 68, 143, 226, 316, 321 Harint, . . . . . . 11, 153 Indravajra, 11, 39, 119, 138, 178, 217, 226, 266 Kanda, . . . . . 111 Malabharini,. . . . 11, 21 Matini, . 33, 39, 119, 143, 226 Mandakranta, . . 33, 39, 163, 321 Pankis, . . Praharshini, . . . . 90 Prithvi,. . Pushpitagra, . . . 138, 217, 226, 321 Rathoddhata,. . . 39, 226, 266 Salini, . 11, 21, 217, 226, 266, 292 n Sardulavikridita, . 11, 21, 39, 71, 119, 123, 188, 143, 153, 178, 187, 211, 289, 285 n, 286 n, 321 Sragdhara, 11, 147, 149, 153, 187, 211, 321 Svagata, . . . . . . 11 Udgiti, . . . . . . . 226 Upajati, . 11, 21, 33, 39, 68, 138, 153, 187, 266 Vamiastha, . . . 39, 143, 266, 280 Vasantatilaka, . 11, 21, 33, 39, 68, 90, 123, 138, 143, 153, 178, 187, 217, 268, 269, 292 n, 321 meykkadu-al. . . . . 173 Midnapur, di.,. . . 265 Miga-jataka, wk., . Mihirakula, Hana k... Minavar, dy., . Minhajuddin, ax., . Mirti, vi.,. . Mirzapur, di., . . . . Mitakshara, wk.. . . 213 Mitra, dy., . . . . . . 100 Mlecbcha, 4.a. Arab Muslim, peo., . 162, 164 Mlechchha, 8.a. Turkish Muhammadan, do., 37, 46 Modasa, tk., . . . . . Modasa, tn., . . 193 Modu, Modu-kshtra, I., . . . . 232 Mohada-visaka, 8.2. Modasa, do., . 193 Mohada-vasaka, Mohadavasaka-vishaya, di, 193 198-97 Mohapasuta, n., . . . . . . 4EUR Mohidinapuram, 1., . . . . . 7EUR mondugu, bastard teak', . . Months (Indian): 142 and Purpimanta,. . 31, 36, 47, 142 n, 210 Chaitra, . 27, 37, 88, 91, 102, 121, 195-96, 235-36, 241 Chitta, <<.a. Chaitra, . . . . . 294 Vaisakha, 50, 60, 42, 44 and n, 123, 159, 176, 277, 286, 311, 314, 328, 331 Jyeshtha, .ln, 83 2-63, 172 and n, 193, 196, 210, 213 and n, 242, 306, 308 Ashadha, 3, 47, 110, 112, 141, 195, 239, 812 Sravana, . 63-64, 101-02, 216-17, 239, 811 Bhadra, Bhadrapada, 8 n, 101-04, 108, 196, 217, 239, 243, 246, 319, 326 Assuja, Akvayuja, Asvina, 40-47, 48 and n, 103-04, 134, 140, 216, 218, 264, 268, 319, 320 Karttika, 47 and n, 71, 73-75, 93, 102, 141, 142 and n, 145, 155-56, 158, 187, 176-77, 179, 220, 229 239, 241, 244-46 Marga, Marga sira, . 31, 36, 114-15, 142 n, 156, 182, 196, 225 n, 299, 321 Pausha, 36, 40, 123, 225, 234, 239, 242, 245 Magha, 1 n, 125-27, 129, 148-49, 196-98, 216, 243, 299, 302 Phalguna, . 2, 47, 131, 133 and n, 194 Kumbha, . . . 199, 202 Madhu, s.a. Chaitra, .. . ... 88 Makara,. . . . . . . 200 Mirichchika, 8.a. Vrischika, . 169, 161 Suchi, . . . . . . . 14 Sachi, 1.a. Ashadha. Suchi, s.c. Jyeshtha, Tapesya, . . 279 n Vrischika, . . 299, 302 Months (Fuglith) : January, . . 1, 123, 143, 195-96, 218, 243 February, .In, 125, 131-32, 194, 199, 280, 299 Phebravari, 1.a. Febrtiary, . . . 60 . : 302

Page #493
368 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (VOL. XXXIII Pags . . . 821 PAGs mundiri, ..., . . . . . 174 n Munjs, Paramara k.. 132, 169, 192, 194-95 Munshiganj, t.d., . . mura, l.m., . . . . . . 148, 148 Murarimisra, au.. . . . . 184n Muaw 18, 1.d., . . . . 186 and h Musalman, Muslim, peo., 6, 32, 37, 72-73, 106, 117, 123, 223, 280 Musanagar ing., . . . . . 99-100 Musundri, . . . . . 220 Musundru, ca., . . . . . 223 Mysore State, 87, 89, 108, 110, 118, 125, 181, 133, 219 n, 257, 280, 309 March, 20, 37, 102, 121, 195-96, 241 April, 123, 159 n, 176, 235, 242, 277, 311, 328, 330 May. . . . . 20, 172, 193, 196 Juno, . . . 3, 110, 142, 195, 239, 330 July. . . . . . . . .239 August, . . . . . 101-02, 243 September, . 8 n, 46, 109, 181 n, 195, 216-17, 241, 243 October, . 31, 93, 142 and n, 143 November, 35-36, 71, 159, 182, 196, 226 n, 242, 299, 330 December, . . 46, 114, 132, 195, 330 Moragiri, 8.a. Mayuragiri, l., . . 59 Moramtadu, vi... . . . 285, 291 Mother goddess, . . . 32, 36, 88, 101 Mrigesa, Mrigetavarman, Kadamba k., 54, 68, 88, 90 Muchalinda, Muchilida, Naya k.,. . 59 Muohchenapalli, l., . 232 Madabidure ins. of Baka 1362, . . 2, 279 Muddali, f. . . . . . . 283 Mudhaisiha, Mudhaisimha, m., . 165, 166 and n Mudikava, rank or stream, . Mudiratha, s.a. Mudrahasta, off. Mudrahasta, do. . . . 183, 186 and n mudra-vyapara,. . . . 164, 165 Mudumbe, I., . . . . 329, 330-31 Mudunuru, vi., . . 221, 225, 232 Mugapakiya-jataka, . . Mugdhatunga, Kalachuri k., . 186-87 Muggullu, vi.. . . 10, 11, 18 Muhammad, n., . . 122 Muhammad bin Tughluq Shih, Sultan of 801 . 60 Delhi, m, archaic form, . . . . 23, 181, 248 . . . . 247, 278, 827 , reduplicated when following , . . 214 Nabhaga, myth. k., . . . 202 Nabhas, do., 220, 227 nada, . . . . Nidari-pugalan-Tiruvalal, 8.. Stargavatal, 1., . . . . . . . 162 and Nadol, ci., . . . ... 298-42 nadu, 8.a. Pangala-nidu, i.d., ' . 23 Nadukuri-boya, 8., Sarvasarman, ., 80 Nadala, 8.a. Nadol, ci., . . 193, 248, 245 Naga, dragon',. . Naga, dy... .. . 59. 252, 268, 266-68 Naga-bhatlu, donte, . . . . 281, 287 Naga-bhatlu, do.. . . 281, 287 Nagadeva, min., . . . . . 82, 84 Nagadeva-kshetra,l.,. . . 282 Nagadraha-paschima-pathaka, di.. . 216 Naga-dvivedulu, dones, . . . 283, 289 Nagaja, 8.2 Partati, de.. . . . Naga-jataka, wk., , . . . Nagamayya, n. . . . . . . 201 Nagana, vi. . . . 44 Nagani-Bhimapura, 8.a. Nagana, do.. 44, 45 and a Naganath&kvara te., . . . . 44 Nagan-arya, donce, . . . . 9, 16 Nagan-arya do., . . 9, 16 Nagapadda, 1., . . . . . 293, 296 Nagaraja,' king of dragons', , . . 59 Nagarsja, Nagal. . Nagarakhita, Nagarakshita, Buddhist monk, 68 nagarika,. . .' . . 67-58 Nagarjuna, Buddhist Siddha, . . . 89 Nagarjuna, off., . . . . 181-83 228 * Muhammad Ghuri, Muslim k., Muhammadan, peo.. . 33, 111, 117, 122-23, 225, 272, 280 Muhura, l. . . . . 280 and n, 281 Mika panchasati, wk., . . . Mukkolani, S., . . . 283-84, 288, 290 Mukku-Timmana, Mukku-Timmaya, 8.a. Nandi-Timmana, au. . . . 111-13 Mukti-bhatlu, donee, . . . 281, 287 Malapatra, vi., . , . 139 n Malaraja I, Chaulukya k., . , 196, 235 Mularaja II, do., . . . 117, 118, n, 119 Mulakala, Mulkala, vi., - . 221, 225 Mulavasatika, te., . . 117, 120 Mullapadi, do.,. . . . . 285 Mulukaluri, f., . . 284, 289 Murdlapurdi, vi, 285, 291 Muthnangi, Munnang, do... 281, 287 Munasanga, sculptor,. . 79-80 80 966

Page #494
PART VIII) INDEX 369 PAGE PAGE 79-81 Nandaganga, 8.a. Nannaganga, m., 137, 140 n Nandagiri, R., . . . . 58 Nandampundi pl. of Prataparudra, . . 278 n Nandana, o.a. Nanana, vi., . . 239, 240, 243 Nandapur, ca., . . . . 278-79 Nandi-Kampesvara, ch., . . . 23 n Nandikonda, l., . . . 147 Nandin, . . . . 80 Nandippottaraiyar, 8.a. Nandivarman III, Pallava k.. . . . 23 n Nandisangha-pataveli, wk., . . . 119 Nandi-Siragana, m., . . . . . 112 Nandigvara, do., . . Nandi Timmane, au., . . . . 111-12 Nandivarman III, Pallava k., . 23 n, 78 Naninga, Naninga, ch., . . . 33, 35 Nanji-nidu, 6.d., . . . 160 n Nanna, Nannaraja, Panduvamdi k., . . 265 Nannaganga, 8.a. Nandaganga, m., . 137, 140 Nannapayya, do., . . . Nannaraja, Panduvamsi k., 251, 252 n, 254 Nanne-choda, k., . . . . - 28 Narabari-bhatlu, donee., . . . 282, 288 Narahari-bhatlu, do.,. . . . 283, 289 Narahari-bhatta, do.,. . . 223, 231 Narandapa, Narandapa-grama, vi . 318, 328 Narasa, Vijayanagara k., . . 199, 202 Narasanayaka, do., . . . 111 Narasaraopet, tk., . . . 5n, 28 Narasimgadeva, 8.a. Narasimha III, Hoysala . . . . 109 Narasimghadeva, 8.a. Narasimha I, E. Ganga . 147-48, 171, 189, 190 n, 247-49 Nagarjunakonda ins. of Fhavalasri's time, 147 Nagarjunikonda ins., . 171, 248 n., 249 Nagasammamnika, fe., . 190-91 Nagasvamin, Nagasvimibarman, m., 210, 212 Nagaudh State,. . - 67, 167 Nagavarapu, S., . * 282, 288 Naghusha (Nahusha), 8.a. Mahabhavagupta MI, Somavan i k., . . . . 270-71 Nagila, fe., . . . . . . 59 Nagilarnaka, m., . . . . 190-91 Nagod State, . . * 121 Nagpur, ci., . . 252-54, 256 Nagpur Museum pl. of Mahabhavagupta I Janamejaya,. . . 41 n Nahusha, myth. k., , . 202 Nahusha, o.a. Mahabhavagupta III, Somavamo. k.. . . . . . . 270 n, 271 Nainapala, Nainasimha, off 72-74, 76 and n Nakkakumta, Nakkakunta 1.. . 221,232 Nakshatras; Mrigasira, . 125, 127, 129 Revati, . 199, 202 Rohini,.. 73-75, 88, 91, 145 Tiruvanam, . 159, 161 and n Uttar., 8.a. Uttarabhadrapada, . . 131, 133 Uttarabhadrapada, . . . . 210, 214 Nala, f. . . . . . . 294 Nals, myth. k., . . 66, 201-02, 220, 227 Nalagiri, 6.. Narwar, ca., . . 36, 39 NAlandi ins. of the reign of Yasovarmadeva, . 190 n NAlanda pl. of Devapala, . . . 60 Nalando pl. of Samudragupta, . . 304 n Nalapura, o.a. Narwar, ca... 31-32, 33 ind , 34, 36, 66, 163 Nalapura-dnega, 8.a. Narwar fort, . 164 nalgamunda, off . nalgamtsadu, do.. . . 133 Nili, f. . . . . .. . 282, 288 nali, measure, . . 162 Nalla-Bhima, ch., . 220, 224, 227 Nallakampa-vithi, n. of street, 199, 203 Nallamalai, Eastern, hill range, . . 79 Naltr, vi., 161 Namavall, tok.. . . 201, 203 and n, 204 Namdana, 3.a. Nandana, vi.. . . 244-46 Nihvai, m., . . . 47-49 NII, L., . . . Nan ins., . . . . N&ns, m., . . . 183, 185 Nanaka, 8.a. Nana, I., . . Nanana, vi.. . 238 and n., 239-43 Nanana pl. of 1164 A.D., . . 239, 241-42 53 .. . 131-32 Narasimha, donee, . . . . 9, 17 Narasimha, m... . . . . 8, 15 Narasimha, do... . . 9, 15 Narasimha I, E. Ganga k., . 42, 43, 44 and n, 126-28 Narasimha II, do.. Narasimha III, do.. . 4 n, 41-42, 44 n, 183 Narasimha IV, do. - 4 n, 42, 44 n, 182 and n Narasimha, I, Hoysala k., . . . 108-09 Narasimha II, do.. . . . . 108-09 Narasimha Ill, do. . . . . 108-09 Narasimha, Vijayanagara k., . . 114-18 Narasimha bhatlu, donee.,. . . 281-287 Narasimha-bhatlu, do., 284, 289 Narasimhadeva, 3.a. Narasimha I, E. Ganga k., . . . . . . . 42, 45 n. Narasimhbariya-nayakkar, ch., . . . 200 Narasimh-arya, m., . . . . 9, 17 Narasimha somayajulu, do., . . 284, 289! Narasimh-avadhanalu, doner, . . 283, 289 Narasimh-ojhalu, do. . . . . 283, 288

Page #495
EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXXIII RDOS * 97 . 86 Narasinghadeva, 6.4. Narasithha I, E. Ganga k., . . . . . 44-45 Narasinghpur (Balijhari) pl. of Udyota kboarin, . . . . 264, 266 n Naravarman, 6.a. Ngivarman, Yajuapala k., 36, 39 Nkravattaka, s. of a well, . . 241, 244 Nariyana, doncs, 222, 230 Narayana, m.. . 199, 202 Nariyapa, off... 183, 186 Nariyana-bhatlu, donec, 281, 287 Narayana-bhatta, do., . 9,16 Narayana-dvivedin, do., .281 Nariyana-dvivedula, f., 284, 286 Narayana-dvivedulu, donee, . 282, 288 Narayana-ghata sisin, do., . 221, 230 Narayanan, m... . . . 162 Nirayanpur ins. . 136, 298 Naregal, vi.. . : 287-58 Narendra, Sarabhapura k... 156, 250, 309 Narondrasena, k., . . 260 Naroyatgal, o.a. Naregal, vi.. . 257-58 drop duundu, off. . . * 132 Narmada, ri., . . 88-90 Narwar, Narwargarh, fort, 31-33, 36-37, 38, 66-86, 68, 163, 165 Narwar ins. of V.S. 1339, . . . . 33, 36 Nasik cave ins... . . . . 59 Nita, m., . . . * 194, 197 Natta-kulya, l., . * 232 Naubalahastyasuagomahishajavikadivyaprita, of.. . . . . . . 100, 033 Nava-Durga, 6.a. Durga, de.. . . . 32 Navakoti-Karnata-Kalavarg-isvara, tit., . 278, 292 Navakoti-Karpat-esvara do., . . 128-29 Navangn-Sathu-Sasana-atha-uyajana-vinichha. ya-visarada, ep., . . . . 248 navanga, . . . . . . . 247 Navasahasankacharila, wk., . . . 194-95 Navavidha-Devi, 8.a. Durga, de., . . 32 Naya-bhatta, Nagayabhatta, m.,. . 9, 15 Nayaka, 'royal off, or ruling ch.',. 4, 6-7, 12 Niyakapala, m.,. . 172 Noomuch, vi., . . 205 Nallika, n., 62-63 Nellore, di.. 28, 200 * Nellore, in.. . . 78 Nemi-grama, vi.. . . . 83, 86 Nemijinadhisa-tirtha, 8.a. Girnar, holy place, 119 Nenpal, Nenapilo, 8.a. Nainapala, off... 72, 75 n Nerur pl. of Vijayaditya, . . * 321 and n Nesarika gr. of Saka 727, . . 327 n, 330 and n Neulpur pl. of Subhakara,. . . . 265 ni, s.a. nibaddha or nirikshita, . . 137, 140 nibadilha, 'net to time, . 300 RAOS Nichoh war, s.o. Ichobhawar, vi., . . Nidhana, 1., . 163, 164 n Nidhanpur pl. of Bhiskaravarman, 162 n Nidhivars, off... . . . 83-84 Nijabbe, fe., . . 131, 133 nibara, 'omall amount of rent on gift land", 152.54 NIJA, fo., . . . 38, 38 Nilakamanda, m., . 183, 185 nilakkanam, remittance, 173-74 Nilan-Kavap, ., . * 174 Nilgund pl. of Vikramiditys VI, * 310 Nimach, tn., . * 38 Nimar, di., 93-94 Niralo, Niralo-grama, vi., 182-84 Nirajanaguru, Mh., .240 Niravadya-Punyavallabha, off.. . * 312 Nirdoshs, do.. . 207-08 nirvana, . . * 261 Nishadhs, peo.. . . nitya-fraddha, ceremony, . 104 nivartana, L.97... . . . 87, 89, 91 and a Niyogi Brahmapa, sect, Niyuktadhikarika, off., Nolamba-Pallava, S... Nolambavadi, i.d., Nollipayya, Nolamba-Pallava ch., . 77 and n Nollipaypa, 8.a. Diliparasa, do.. . . . 77 n Nondiyajo-Jayastara, I., 137, 139 Nori, f., . . . . . 283, 289 Noriya, Noriyaka, 1... Nossam, vi., . . . . 311 Nriga, myth k... . 202 Nrisimha-suri, m., . 9, 16 Nrivarman, Yajvapala k., 32, 33, 34, 36, 38, 40, 86 and n, 69 Nalgeri, oi., . . . . . . 258 Numerals: Telugu. Telugu-kannada. . 2, 275, 285 n, 286 n, 287 n, 288 n, 289, 291 n Namkana-ghata sisin, doncs, . . 222, 230 Nusratuddin Tayasii, gen., . . . . 37 Nyaya : Bhumichchhidra-nyaya, . . 137, 140, 319 Nyayapadra-saptadakaka, di., . 218 o and , medial, written alike, . . 3, 276 0, modial, . . 20, 192, 209, 220, 276, 299 Obhala-ghata sasin, donee, . . 222, 231 Odali, . . . . . . . . 283, 288 Oddadi, vi. . . . 270 Odde, f. . . . . . 21, 183, 287-88 Odra. pen., . . . . 86, 152. 164

Page #496
PART VIII) INDEX 371 RAOS * 169 PAGE Ondana, Ondina-mandala, i.d.. . 199-200, 202 Ondarai-mandalikara-ganda, Ondane-mandalikara-ganda, ep. . * 200 and n Ongole, tk., . . . . 189 Orayur, ci., . . 28 n Orissa State, . 1-4, 6-7, 41-42, 82, 84 85, 106, 126-28, 143, 152-53, 181, 253 n, 263, 273, 275-76, 278, 280, 316 Oriya, peo.. . . . . 126 Oriya Brahmana, Palliga, h.. * 291 Palanpur pl. of Bhimadeva I . . 285-86 PAlavida, 6.a. Paliad, vi.. . . . 286-37 Palayatthana-vishaya, 1.d.,. . . Paliad, vi.. . . . . . . 236-86 pali-dhuaja, . . . 318-14 Pili ple of VS. 1189, , , 176 n Pallava, dy.. .. 24, 78, 161, 190, 319, 327, 328 and n, 329 and n, 330 and Pallava-Rama, tit. . . . . . 77 pallavi, . . . . . . 300-01 . 181, 183 pallippadai, tomb, . Palura, Co., 248-49 Paldri, m., . . . Pamasa-kheta, I., parga, s.8. panga, levy, panga-manya, . . pathga-suka, . . panga-lappu, . . panga-lappu-bulka, fax, . 68 pangga, 8.8. panga, panga, . . . Pampa-Bharata, tok... . . . 328 n pana, coin, . . . 143, 181, 199, 203 panaska,. . . . . 239, 241, 244 Panchadharala pillar ins. of Choda III, 285 Panchakula, administrative board, . . 193 Parichasiddhantika, sok., . . 208n Panchavati, .. . 184n Panchayat, administrative board, . . , Ploda, off. * 241 Papdava, J., . . . . . 253 and n Pandita, ep.. . . 119, 122, 178 Panditaradhya, 8.. Mallikarjuna, teacher, 106 Pandu, epic k.,.. . . . 164 Pandukesvar pl., . . . 9100 Panduvamal, dy. . . 189, 251-62, 254-56 Pandya, co., . . 199, 202, 813 Pandya, dy. . 152, 164, 160 and n, 173-74 panga, panga or panga, levy, 54-56, 293 and n Pangala-nadu, .d., . , 23, 24 and n, 26 pangamu, taz, . . . . . . 65 panga-parihsita, privilege, . panga-parihrita-pariharam, do., . 54n panga phedancn, 'to discharge the debt, panga-bulka, s... panga-lappu-bulka, levy, panga-lappri, do.. . . . . . 68 panga-lappu-tulka, do.. . pangotkofa, do. . . . . . 55-56 pangu, 'share', . . 68 Pangu Nirjitavarman, Kashmir k. . 331 Panjim pl. of Jayakatin I. . . . 69-86 Panjirriyag, . . . . * 174 panta, 'share', . . . 68 pann . . . . . . 88.56 193 . P, changed to b,. p and written alike, p and , written alike, p and y, written alike, pada, . . . . 221-22, 230 pada, coin,. . . 238 pada, 'share', or quarter of the standard measure', . . 240, 244 Padadikesastava, wk.,. 201, 204 pada-krama, . . . . . . 221 Padamati, 1., . . padatijiuya, levy, . 264, 267 Padsti-Bapamarks, I., . 318, 325 Padimaraja, 8.a. Paramaraja, tit., . 164-65 Padmi, ri, . . 321 Padmagupta, au., . 194 Padmalesvara, de., . 243, 245 Padmalladevi, Chahamanc q. Padmanabha, Padmanabha-bhattopadhyaya, priest, . . . Padmaraja, k.,. . 37n, 163 Padmara-Vipparru, vi., . . . . 225 Padmivat, fe.,. . 240, 244 Pidonalakshe, Padonalaksha-vishaya, t.d., 38 and n, 40, 66, 68 and n, Paharpur pl. of 479 A.D. . . . 306 Pahlya, m., . . . . . 194, 197 Paik, off., . . . . .. . 318 Paith dimukku, L., . . . 219 Paithan pl. of Saka 718, . 329 Paiyalachchhi, tok.. . Pika-rishtra, co.. . 28 and n Pakistan, East, do.. . 135, 136 n, 150 Pakistan, West, do... * 334 pala, wt., . . . . . . 143 Pile, dy... . 50-51, 106, 135, 136 and n, 137, 160-53, 297-98 Palakonda, tk., . . 278 Palampet ins. of Saks 1136, inc. of Saks 1135 5n, 104 243 109 195n

Page #497
372 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXXIII . . 122 137, 139 * 324 PAGE Papriyur, vi, . . Papta-Reddi, S., . . . . . 223 Pinungal-vishaya, i.d., gaivinaya, Ed., . . . . . 310 Paraiys, community. . . . Parsiyan.. . . . 176 Parakesarivarman, 8.a. Parantaka I, Chola k., . . . . . . 24 and n Paramabhagavata, ep., . . . 166, 167 Paramabhaffaraka, do., 37, 43, 45, 136, 139, 142, * 145, 164-65, 177, 179, 193, 196-97, 216-217, 264, 266, 268, 304 anin, 305 Paramaguru, do.. Paramamaheswara, do., 43, 45, 105, 145, 184, 177, 179, 264, 266, 268, 317 n, 324n, Paramandrasimha, do., . 317 Paramandaladittan, Lafa ch.. . 24 Paramira, dy... 47, 66-67, 93-94, 117, 118n, 132, 169, 192-93, 194 and n, 195, 196 and n, 208, 215 -17, 256, 271 Paramaraja, op. . . 164, 165n, Paramadaugata, do.. . . . . 136, 139 Paramasaura, do.. . . 316- 17, 324 Paramavaishnava, do., . . 49, 45 n, 327 and n, 824n, Paramba, community. . . . . . 178 Papambap. . .. . . . . 176 Paramebvara, de. 328, 320n Parameevara, ep., 43, 45, 136, 139, 164, 177, 179, 193, 216-17, 264, 266, 268 Parkakutanambi, off.. . . . . . 182 Parintaka I, Chola k., 24 and n, 77, 78 and n, Peradara, 7.. . . . . . . 319 Paradara, Paradaradevasarmman, do., 310, 326 Pirasika, co., . . . . . . 318 Parafurama, Parafuramadeva, Parasuramado. variya, Gajapati pr. 6, 7, 13, 20-21. 128-29, 130 n Parstar.mn Harichandana, o.a. Paraburima, 4, 20 parikrita-pang-otkota, privilege, i . . 64 Parijatapaharanamu, wk., 111, 112 and n, 113 and n Parita, gen., . 66, 69 Parivrajaka, dy.. . . * 167-68, 304, 306 Parlystra, ... Aravali, mo., . 207 Parkadimunda, vi.. . . Parrapallo, do... . . Parrumballi, do. . . Pirtranatha, divinity, . . Partabgarh, di., . Partabgarh, tn., . . PAGE Partha, Kashmir k., . . 321 Pirthivendradhipativarman, k.,. . . Parvata-bhatlu, donce, . . 281, 287 Parvati, de. . 32, 127, 182 n, 220, 298 Parvati te.. . . . . . 182 pasdita, a.s. Pasayita, off.. . pasapalaka, do., . . 183, 185 pasdyali, ... patayita, do... . . . 189 poudyita, do.. . . . . . 183 Pasonadi, ., . . . . . 170 n Pabupati, o.a. Sivs, de. . 32, 36, 37, 39 Pataliputra, ca., . . . . . . 383 Patagohoru, vi., . . . . . . 312 Patal, off.. . . . . . . . 194 patra, tit... . . . . . 20 Pattadakal, vi. * 272, 809-10 paffakila, s.a. Patel, off.. 194, 197, 218 pattala, 'district, . 176, 178 Pattanayaka, tit., Paffa-rajit, do... Paandrabhukti, t.d. Paundravardhana, do.. Paurapika, Pavara, Th., . 64 Pavara-khajjana, 63-64 pavenidhara, ep. * 280 Pavisa, coin, * 238 Podagadhi, I., . . 82-88 Poda-kimi-bhatlu, donce, . . 282, 288 Pedakanti-simi, .d., . . 312 Podakonda, I., . .225 Peddadugam pl. of Satrudamana, . . . 305 Peddapa, poet, . . . 112 Peddan-arya, m., 9, 16 Pedda Tirumula, 8.a. Salaka Tirumala, off.. 200 Peddayadevanetraraju, m., . . 200 Peddi-bhatlu, donee, . . . 282, 287 Peddi-bhatlu, do.. . 282, 288 Peddi-bhatlu., do.. 283, 288 Peddi-bhatlu, do.. 283, 288 Peddi-bhatlu, do.. 283, 288 Peddi-bhatlu, do.. 284, 289 Peddi-yajvan, m., . 9, 17 Pedd-ojhalu, donee, 284, 289 Podekal, 8.a. Pedekal vishaya, di., . 311 Podekal-vishaya, Pedokalli-vishaya, do., 312, 314 Pemohikalapadu, vi.. . . . . 285, 291 Perdlikumta, I., . . Penamakuru, vi.. . . . 285 Penamamguru, 8.a. Penamakuru, do.. . 285, 291 Pongonda, 8.a. Penugonda, do. . . Pentapidu, Poptapadu-agraharam, do.. 219, 221, 225-26 Penugonde, do, . . . . . 2, 279

Page #498
PART VIII) INDEX 373 Page . . . . 200 161 . 291 184 it. Kosala k. . . 56 Rdan Periya Konamman, fo.. Periya-Koyil, . Periyapuranam, wk... 201 Perumadi, J., . . 283, 288 Perumbanti, do.. 282, 288 Perunangai, 8.., Sami Akkap, ., . 25 n Peshawar, di.. . . 334 Poyyala, f... . . 283, 289 ph, ropresented by P.. Phalgu, ri., . . 110 Phalgu-grama, ca., . 317, 323 n Phapin, 8.a. Naga, dy. . . . 255 Phasphagrama, ca., . . 317. 320-21, 323 Phadi, M., . . . . . 47-48 Pichhore, t.d., . . . . 163 Pillibarman, m., . . . 143, 146 Pimchchhavalli-grama, Pinchchhavalli grama, vi.. . . . . 242-43, 245 Pina-Kama-bhatlu, donee, . . . 284, 289 Pina-Tirumala, 3.a. Chikka-Tirumala, m., 200 Pinjart, vi.. . . . . . 315, 318 Pinjokashthi, Pinjokashthi-grama, ... Pinjari, do., . . 318, 321, 324 and n, 325 Pisijothiya, 4.a. Pidjari, do. . . 318, 321, 324 n, 326 Pinneye, donee, . . . 223, 231 Pipardula pl. of Narendra, . Narendra, . . 156, 259 Pibunavetrika, off.. . . . . 264, 268 Pitamaha, ... Buddha, . . 89 Pitavasa, Pitav sa-guptasarman, donee, 137 Pithana, m., . . 32, 35, 67-69 Pithapuram, I., . . Pochi-nayaka, 3.a. Prolaya, ch.. . 220, 225, 228 Puduvan Vattan, . . . Polur, tk., . . . 25 pon, coin, . . 200 pon, 'gold", Ponnayya, off... . . 77, 78 n Ponpadunilam, variety of land, . . 174 Por-pand drigal, te, administrative body, 159, 161 Portuguese, peo.. . Pota, fe., . . 220, 224, 227 Pota, n., . . . 220, 224, 227 Pot-avadhanulu, donee, * 282, 288 Potaya-ghatasasin, do., . 222, 230 Potaya-ghatasasin, do, * 223, 231 Poti-bhatta, do... . 9,16 Poti-ghatassin, do.. . 221, 230 Poti-gbatasasin, do.. . 222, 230 Poti-ghatatasin, do.. 222, 230 Potntru, vi.. . . . . 279 Pottalakere, 0.a. Dannayakanakere, do., 312 Pottalakere 8.a. Patanchera, do... Pottalikanagara, 8.a. Pottalakero, do., 311-12, 314 Pottapi, ca.. . 28 and a Pottapi Nanne-choda, ch., . 28 and n Potu-bhatlu, donee, . . 283, 288 Potu-bhatlu, do.. . . . 284, 289 Potu-bhatla, do.. . . 284, 289 Poturaju, 7., . . . Prabandhachintamani, wk., 194 n, 195 and n, 240n Prabhisa, Prabhas Patan, vi., . 117.1 Prabhavatigupta, Vakafaka q., . , 260, 307 Prabhatavarsha, tit., . . 258 , 328, 331 Prabodhachandrddaya, wk., . . . Prachakata, vi., . . 304-06 Prachinabarhi, myth. k., . . . . 164 Pragvata, community. . . . . . . 118 n Prakasha, vi., Prantij, tk., . . 192, 196 prdoada, "temple', Prasanna, Prasannamatra, Sarabhapura K., * 166 By . . . 170-71 Prabnavyakara nasutra, wk., . . . , 66 Pratapa Gangaraju, Silavam feud.,. 278-79 Pratapa-Kapilesvaradova, 1.a. Kapiledvara, Gajapati k., . . . . . 127, 129 Pratapa-Kapilesvarapura, vi., 278 Pratiparudra, n., Prataparudra, Kakatiya k., 56, 104 and n, 106, 107-08 Prataparudra I, do... 103-04, 105 and n, 106 and n, 240 Prataparudra II, do.,. . . . 106 . . 201 Pratibala, .. . . . . . . . . 54 Pratibala-khajjana, 53-64 Pratihara, f., . . . 164 Pratthara, off.. . . . 179 pratyalidha, posture, . . 298 pratyandharua, levy. . * . 263, 267 Praudhadevaraya, 6.a. Devaraya II, Vija. yanagra k., . . . . 2 and n Pravaras : Amahayya or Amahlyava, . 178, 180 n Amahicha, . . . . . 178, 180 Amahiyava, . . . . 178, 180 n Angirasa, 178, 180 and n Apnavat, 319, 325 and n Aruksha, . . 178, 180 Aurukshaya, . . . 178, 180 n Aurva, . . . . . 319, 325 and n Bhargava, . . . . . 319, 328 Chyavana, . . 319, 325 and n Jamadagnya,. . . . . 310, 325 Pancha (Pancharsheya). . . . 218 Tryarsha. . . . . . . . . 137, 140 Pravarakirti, con.. . . . . . 174 66 * 299

Page #499
974 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (VOL. XXXm S . PAGE . 247 PAGE Pravarasina, rukitaku k., . . . . 260 Pravarasina I, do. . . . . 260 Pravarasena II, do. . . . . 204. 200 Pravarasina II, Vatsagulma k.. . , 260 Praveni, ri.. . . . Prayaga, ... Allahabad, ci.. . 67, 184 n, 316 Prumali, fe., . . * 241, 244 prishya-kula, 'batch of worlero', 293, 296 prishtha-matra,. . . . 192, 20g Prithvigangaraiyar, ch. . * 23, 24 Prithivigangaraiyar, tit. . 23 Prithivimallavarman, 8.a. Prithvinallararman, Bhoja k., . . . . . Prithiviparvata, . . . . 61, 63-64 Prithiyangaraiyar, ch., . . . . 24-25 Prithiyangaraiyar, lit., . . . . . 23 Prithu, k., . . * . . 123 Prithvimahidevt, 9.. . . . Prithvimallavarman, Bhoja k., 61, 62 and n, 03. 64, 293 Prithvipati II, Ganga k., . . 78 and n Prithvlshina I, Vakataka k., . . 200 Prithvishena II, do.. . . . . . 260 Prithvishena, Vatragulma k., . . 260 Priyadarsin, Piyaclasi, 6.a. A koka, Maurya k., 333-35 Priyamenti, m., . . . 267 and n, 258 Prola II, Kakatiya k.,. . . 106 n Prolambika, fe., . . . .. . 227 n Prolan-&rya, donee, . 9, 16 Prdlaya, Prolaya-nayaka, ch., 220, 223-25, 228, 276 n, Proli-bhatta, donee, . . 222, 230 Proli-ghatabilsin, do.. . . . 221, 229 Prolu-bhatlu, do.. 282, 287 Prolu-bhatlu, do.. 283, 288 Prolu-bhatlu, do.. . 284, 280 Prolu-bbatlu, do. 281, 290 pro, s.a. pujya,. . * . 46 pu", s.a. putra, . . . 46, 48 Pagalttunai-adiyar, fe. . . . pajakari, s.a. pujari,. . . . 183, 185 pajari, 'priest', . . . . . . 188 Pukkoli, Pukkolli, Pukkoli, n., . Pukkoili-khajjana, Pukoli.khajjana, 53 and n, Pundra bhukti, di. . . . . 137-38 Pundravardbana, 3.a. Mahasthan, ci., 137, 207n Pundhravardhana, di.. . . . 318, 821 Papdrayardhana-bhukti, .a. Paundravardhana bhukti, do. . . . . 138 n, 207 n Punganur ing., . . . . 25 Punjab, . . . . . . . 299 Punyakumara, Tel. choda ch., . . 80 Punyamurti, donee, . . . Punyavallabha, f., . . 312 Purana, . . . . 137, 221-22, 230 Purana, coin, . . . 153-54, 318, 325 Puranam, .. . . . . 281, 284, 290 Puranika,. . . . . . . . 20 Purajaya, Somoramsi k., . . . 264-66 Puravari-chaturvedimangalam, 1., 160 and n Puravari Vinnagar-altar, de., Puravaseri, vi... . . 160 and n Puri, tn., . 1, 42-43, 105, 126-28, 181, 183, 184 and n. 263, 316, 321 Puri ins. of Chodaganga, . . . . 181 Puri ins. of Kapilegvara, . . . In Parimetta, 1., . . . 282-3, 287 Parpachandra, Chandra k., . . 136, 138 purnakumbha. . . . . . 96 and a Punohita, . . . . . . . 179 Purushottama, Gajapati k., . 276. Purushottama, 8.2. Purushottama-Jagan natha, de.. . . . 128-29, 184 n Purushottama, 8.a. Vishnu, do.. . 43-44, 128, 182, 184 Purushottama-bhattan, n., . . . . 161 Purushottama-Jagannatba, de., 6, 43, 105, 126-28, 183-84 Purushottamapuri, 8.a. Purt, ci.,. . Purushottamaputra, ep. 43, 46 and n, 127, 129 Purushottamasena, Sena pr., . . 61 n Purvagrima, vi.. . . . . . 106 Purvasiddhayatana, Buddhist te., Pusadata, 8.a. Pushyadatta, fe. ascetic, 57-58 Pushkara, L., Pushpadanta, at.. . . 118 Pushpagiri ins... . . . 112 Pushyadatta, nun, . . , . 6T Pusi-illad-alman, ep... , 27, 29 puti, putti, . . . 68-66 puffi-dosilfu, levy, . . . . . 66 Puvye, ... . . . . . 281, 287 . 68 . 311 294 Pukkoli-kshara,. . . . . Pukkoli, o.a. Pukkolli, Pukkoli, n., . Pulakesin I, W. Chalukya k., . . Puiskesin II, do.. . . Pulakesi-valla bhe, 8.a. Pulskedi Ido... Pullempet, tk.,. . . . . Pulya, f. . . . . . . . Palyo, do.. . . . . Pundartka, k., . . . . . O . 285, 282, 287 220 Qazi, religious teacher, . . Quels, 8.. Kaivalyudura, I., Qutbuddin, Muslith l, . . . . . . . 72 . 299 . 117

Page #500
PART VIII] r, represented by r. I, r, causing reduplication of consonants, . Radha, di., Raghava, E. Ganga k., Raghu, epic k., 201 n, 210 27, 31, 36, 62, 66, 87, 148, 150, 155, 186, 257, 260, 303, 306, 327 79 27, 79, 327 106 181 Raghu, Kadamba k., Raghudeva, Gajapati ch., R Raghudevapura, vi., Raghudevapura gr. of Saka 1378,. Rajadityarasa, ch., Rajahmundry, ci., Rajadhiraja, ep... Rajadhyaksha, off., Rajadittan Mahadevan, ch., Rajaditya, do., Rajaditya, Chola k., 1 and n, 2, 4-5, 7-8, 10-11, 13-15, 19-22, 125-28, 130 and n, 275-76, 278-81 PAGE * Rajanyaka, tit.,. Rajaparamisvara, ep.,. Rajaputra, tit., " Raghuvamba, wk., 67 Raghuvara, s.a. Raghudeva, Gajapati ch., 13 Rai of Banaras, 8.a. Jayachchandra, Gahadavala k., Raibareily, tn., Raigarh, do.. Raipur, di., Raipur pl. of Sudevaraja, Raivastha, 8.a. Raivasimha, m., Rajamahendrarajya, Rajamahendravara-rajya, co., Rajamahendri-rajya, do., rajamalya, off., Rajamrigankakarana, wk., * 12, 220, 226 88-91 10-11, 14-15, 17-19 23 and n 23 n, 24 24, 77-78 258 n, 1-2, 5, 7-8, 10-11, 126, 128, 278-79 Rajahmundry Museum pl. of Annadeva-choda, 220, 224-25, 227 n, 275 Rajahmundry pl. of Raghudeva, Rajak sarivarman, s.a. Aditya I, Chola k., 23, 24 and n 56 2, 7, 19-20, 21 n, 128 rajakula,. Rajamahendra, Rajamahendranagara, Rajamahendrapura, Rajamahendravaram, a.a. Rajahmundry, ci.,.. 1n, 2, 5, 8, 11, 14, 21, 128 123 176 155, 209 155, 255 156 47-48 111, 114 194, 197 2, 129 279 . 139 . 195 179 n 111-12, 114-15 6, 179 n, 210 INDEX Rajaraja I, Chola k., Rajaraja I, E. Ganga k., Rajarajadeva, 8.a. Rajaraja II, Chola k., Rajasthan State, Rajasthaniya, off.. Rajavallabha, do., Rajavebyabhujanga, tit., Rajendra I, Chola k., Rajshahi, ci., Rajshahi, di., Rajukonda, f., Rajyapala, Pala k., Rakhita, n., Rama, epic k., Rama, Gajapati ch., Rama-bhatlu, donee, Rama-bhatlu, do., Rama-bhatlu, do., Rama-bhatlu, do., Rama-bhatlu, do., Ramachandra, do., Ramachandra, m., Ramachandrapuram, tk., Ramacharita, wk., Ramagupta, Gupta k., Ramakrishna-bhatla, J., Ramanathapuram, di., Ramanuja, saint, Ramapala, Pala k., Ramayana, epic, Ramesvara, I., Ramaparakrama, s.a. Rajyapala, do., Rama-punyavallabha, min., . do... Ranganatha, de., Rani, tit., Rapipukhuri, n. of a mound, PAGE 132 141, 265 159, 161 32, 46, 193, 243 207 - 264 220 136, 179, 264, 271 150 150 281-82, 287 150-54 59 21, 161, 154, 202, 220, 227, 229, 286, 307-08 4, 20-21 281-287 Ranna, poet, Ranpur, vi., Rasi: Makara, Vrishabha, . * . 375 Rameevara-pandita, preceptor, Rameevara-Setubandha, holy place, Ramga, donee, Ram-Gaya ins., Ramnagar, vi., Rampal pl. of Srichandra, Ranaka, tit., Ranakachakravartin, do., Rapakesarin, n... Raparanga-Bhima, 8.a. W. Chalukya k., Rapayasa-ari-Rama-Bhima, 8.a. Satyaaraya, Satyaeraya, 281, 287 282, 288 282, 288 284, 289 9, 17 199, 202 2 264 and n 95-96 283, 288 173, 174 n 162 n 265 151, 154 312, 314 67 n, 199 n 328-31 105 n 111 223, 231 135 n 95 134-35, 137, 138 n 139, 194, 197, 264, 267 121-124 256 132 132 159 264 263 132 - 235 225, 234 145

Page #501
376 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (VOL. XXXIII Pags Paga * 323 Ratant, fe., Ruda, ... Rudra, ... 182-84 Rudamana-bayalisi-pattala, t.d. i . 176 n Rudra, de.. . Rudra, m., . 182, 184 n Rudra, do., . . . . 182, 184 Rudra, Kakatiya k., . . . . . 66 Rudra, 8.a. Prataparudra I, do... . . 105 Rudri-bhatlu, donee, . . . . 284, 289 Rudradasa, k., .. . . 303 and n, 304-08 Rudradeva, 8.a. Prataparudra I, Kakatiya k., 106 n Rudradeva, 8.a. Rudramba, Kakatiya q., 105n Rudradeva, 8.a. Rudrasena III, Saka k., 06 n, 305 Rudrimba, Kakatiya q.. . . . 105 n Rudrapada, m., . . . . . 109-10 Rudraputra, ep., . . . Rudrasena I, Vakajaka k., .. * 260 Rudrasena II, do.. . . 260 Rudrasens III, Saka k., 96 n, 308 Rudrasimha III, do... 306 Rudraya, donee, . . . . 222, 230 Rudraya-bhatta, do., . . . 221, 229 Rumperu lake, . . . . . . 189 Risons-nagara, .a. Rasin, ca., . 312, 327 n Rashtra, 8.d. Rashtrakuta, dy.. . 122, 124 Rashtrakuta, do.. . . 24 n, 77-78, 125, . 132, 152, 177 n, 222, 224 n, 267-58, 272, 309, 327 and n, 329 richfralata, off., . . . . 293, 295 Risin, vi., . . . . . 312 Ratanapila, ... Ratnapala, Chahamana k., 242, 245 Ratangarh Khiri, tn., . 36 . . 241, 244 Ratanpur, I., . . . 262 Rathod, - . . 46 rati, wt., . . 143 Ratnagiri, I. . 263, 265 n. 269 Ratnagiri, 4.a. Ratangarh Khiri, en., , 38, 39 Ratnagiri pl. of Karna, . 263, 269, 271, 273 Ratnapala, Chahamana k.,. . 242-43 Ratnapura, ca.,. . . . . 263 n, Rauta, 8.a. Rajaputra, tit., . Ravi, o.a. Ravivarman, Kadamba k.. . 88-91 Ravije, m. . 165, 166 and n, Ravi-kula, aolar race, . . . . . 18 Ravivarman, Kadamba k.,. . 47 n, 54, 88-89 Ravivarman, s.a. Kodai Ravivarman, Vena du k., . . . . . 160 and n, Ravivarman Tiruvadi, o.a. Kodai Ravivarman, do. . . . . . 159, 160 and n, Rayagad pl. of Vijayadity, Rayagajagandabherunda, tit., . . . 210 Rayspala, Chahamana k. . . . . 243 Rayl-grama, vi.. . . . . . 44-46 Recherla, ., . Reddi of Kondavidu, do.. . 2,5 Reddi of Rajahmundry, do., . 2, 278-79 Rodhunu, 1.. . . .. . 76 Rekapa, fe. 143, 146 Rekapallo, vi., . . . . . . 224 Remalla, f.. . . . 284, 290 Renandu, co., . . 28, 78 and n, 80 Rovamanchal, fe., . . . ... 272 Rewa State, . . 172 and n, 211 and n, 306 . . 276 ri, medial, represented by ru, Richchana-yajvan, donee, . . 221, 229 rintakavaddi, tax, .. . . 263-64, 287 Risiya, Risiyika, 11., . . . . 241, 244 ran, written like rill, . . . . . 178 Rodam, vi. . . . . . . 132 Rodda, 5.a. Rodam, do., . . Rohana 8.. Adam's peak, mo., . Rohitagiri, 8.a. Rohtasgarh, fort, . Rohipl, ... Durgl, de.. . . . . 32 Rohtangarh, fort, . . . 136 . . 312 27, 103 n, 192 , used for 4, , 27, 38, 79, 176, 264, 277 , used for sh, . . . . . 263 * and , used for visarga, . . . . 148 # and 8, indiscriminately used, 192, 297 Sabarkantha, di.. . . 192, 194, 196 Sabarmati, Ti., . . . . . . 196 Sabdakal padruma, sok.. . . 137 n, 298 n sabha, 'assembly'. . . . . . 199 Babhan yska te.. . . . . . 199 Sachi, . . . . . 188 Sachiva, 'minister, or counsellor', . . 38, 161 Sacrifices : Abvamedha, . . . . 52, 88, 100 Vajapeya. . . . . 199 and n, 202 Sada, 1... . . . . . 243, 246 Sadaka, merchant, . . . . 236-36 Sadasiva, .a. Siva, de.. . . . . 36 Sadasiva-mudra, . . . . . 316, 325 Sadhanamala, wk.. . . . . 298 sadhu, ep., . . . . Sadhu, ... . . . . . 282, 288 Sagar, tn., . . . . . 93 Sagaramnika, fe., . . . 190-91 Bagara-virata, f., . Bagi, do.. . . . . . . . 219 Sabadeva, . . . . . . 135 D 182

Page #502
PART VIII) INDEX 377 . 300 PAGE Samahartri, off., . . . 264, 267 Samana, vi.. . . . . 87, 91 n Samanta, tit., . . 123, 210 Simantasimha, Chahamana k., . . . 46 Samarasiha, n., . . . . * . 76 n Samasastri, com.. . Samavedin, . . . 178, 281-82, 288 Samayasamudra, 1.. . 233 Sambana-kunta, do., . . . 291 Sambhavi, de., . . 32, 68 n Sambhu, 8.a. Siva, do.. . 32-34, 65-66, 71 n, 73-74, 75 and n, 150, 153-54 Sambodhi, 8.a. Bodhgaya, . . . . 336 Sargama, m., . . . . . 194, 198 n Samgema, 8.a. Samgama, do., . 194, 198 Sangha, s.a. Sangha,. . . 89, 91, 336 n Samghanika, fe.. . . . . . 190-91 Sarghile, m., . . . 190, 191 and n Sami Akkan, 8.a. Perunangai, n., . . 26 n samipya, . . . . . . 298 Sarkara, de., . . . . . . 18 Samkara, f., . . . - 284, 289 Samkasaka, community, . . 194, 197 Samkshobha, Parivrajaka k., . . Sanmanaka-bholta, . 193 n Sanmavaji, s.a. Somayajin,. 183, 185 Samudamnika, fe., 190-91 Samudragupta, Gupta k., . 96 and n, 171 n, 304 n, 305, 307 Samudrika-Sastra, 221 Samudrika-sastrin, * 222 * PAGE Sahadeva, do. : . 172 and n Sahadeva, off., . . 178, 180 Sahajapala, Chahamana k., . . 243 Sahajapalesvara, de.,. . . 243, 245 Sahanapala, Sahanapaladeva, Chahamana . 239, 243, 245 Sahanapalesvara, de., . . . Sahant, off. . . . 170 and n Sahasa-Bhima, 8.a. Satyasraya, W. Chalukya k., . . . 132 n Sahasrakirti, preceptor, . . . . 119 Sahityadarpana, wk.,. . . 182 and n Sahitya Parishat pl., 8.a. Vangiya Sahitya Parishat pl., . . . . . . 322 Sailapura, I., . . . . . . 58 Sailendraraja, 8.a. Himalaya, mo., . Sailodbhava, dy.. . . Sainyabhita Madhavavarman II, Sailodbhava . 52 sair, 'tax',. . Sair Malik, 'collector of taxes', . . - 71 Saiva, sect, . . . 43, 72 n, 106, 112, 127 Saivasiddhanta, . . 105 n Saivism, religion, . . . 184 Saja, vi.. . . . . . . 176 Sajjana, m., . . 118 n. 119 Saka, dy... 95, 96 n, 303, 305 Saka, Saka, fe., . . . 58 Sakalavid yachakravartin, til., . 104 n Sakhas : Bahvpicha, . . . * 143, 146 n, 223 Kanva,. . . . 137, 140, 223, 231, 282-84, 288, 290 Rigveda, 221-23, 230-31 Samsveda, . . . . . 221, 223 Vabhya, mistake for Bahvpicha, . 146 Vajasanoya, . . . . . . 218 Vajasaneya-Madhyandina, . . 210, 212 Yajus, . . . . 15-17, 221-23, 230-31 Sakhambharf ca., . . 38 and n Saktidhara, de... . . 323 Salagrama, ., . 3 211 Salagramamantamaraka, Salagramimantamaraka, do. . . . . * 210-11, 212 n Salaka Tirumala, Salakaraja Tirumala, gen., . . . . . 199-200, 202 Salsyi, Salayigrama, vi., . 242-43, 245 Salonapura, 6.a. Solampur, do., .264-68, 267, 272 Salonapur-Adhivasa, .a. Salonapura, do.. Saldnapura-mahavihara, . . salokya. . . . . . . . 298 Saluva, dy.. . . . . . * 200 3luva Timmayan, off. . . * 200 Saluva-Tirumalaideva.maharaja, ch., . . 114 samadhi, 'granary'. . . . . 89, 91 168 Sanakanika, f . Sanchi, l., . . . 171 Sanchi ins. of Chandragupta II, 303 Sandera, Sanderaka, .a. Sanderav, l.,. 47 n Sandhivigrahin, off.. . . . 264, 268, 273 Sandudeva, do... Sangamakheta-mandala, 1.d., Sangamner pl. of 1000 A.D., Sangha, 'Buddhist Church', . Sanghadasa, m., . . . . . 151, 153 Sanjan pl. of Amoghavarsha I, . . 330 n Sankara, de., . . 10, 152, 154, 203 Sankaradevi, Chahamana q.. . 239, 242 Sankhuka, engr. . . 264, 268, 273 Sannidhari, off. . . . . 264, 266 Santabommali pl., . . . . . 52 Santi, propitiatory rite, . . 137 Santivarika, 'performer of propitiatory rites'. . . . . . . 137, 140 Santivarmma, Kadamba k., . . . 88, 90 Sapadalaksha, co., . . . . . 38 Sapamarka, n., . . . . . . 318 Saptamatrika, . . . . . . 79 Sarabha, k., . . . . . . 156

Page #503
378 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXXIII PAGS . . . 299 55-56 : 80 Sarabhapura, ca., . . .166-67, 269, 305 Saraladika, . . . 276 Saranagatavajrapanjara, tit. . 317 Sarasvata, community, .- 299 Sarasvati, de., . . . . 146, 323 Sarasvati, fe., . . . . 151, 154 and n Sarasvati, ri., . . . Barbhon, vi.. . . . Barsavani pl. of Buddharaja, 169 sarahti, . . . . 298 . sarupya, . - . . 298 Sarva, Sarva, Sarvadeva, 8.a. Siva, de., . 148 n, 149 Sarva-bhatlu, donee, . . . . 281, 387 Sarva.bbatlu, do. . . . . . 282, 288 Sarva-bhatlu, do. . . . . 284, 289 Sarva-bhattaraka, k.. 303 Sarvajna, o.a. Buddha, . 88, 90 Sarvalokanatha, 8.a. Buddha, 88, 90 Sarvamanya, 'rent-free holding', . . . 278 Sarvanandin, au., . . 118 Sarvanatha, Uchchakalpa k., 167-71 Sarvapangaparihita, . . Sarva farman, ., 80 Sarvasena, Valsagulma k... * 260 Saba-jataka, Ideana . . . . . . : 247 Sasanachatustrimbika, wk.,. . 118 Sabinka, k. of Gauda,.. Skatri, o.a. Buddha, 249-50 Sastrimallakshetra, I., Sasyakara, scribe, . 122, 124 and n Satakuri,. . . . . 284, 289 aff, rite, . . . . 172, 308 Batimala-bhoga, . . . . 169 sati stone, . . . . . . 171 Sathakopa-yati, asectic, * 112 and n Sathu, s.a. Sastri,. . 249-50 Satrubbassja, Bhanja ch.. . . 84 Satrudamana, Bhoja pr., . . . 62 Satrudamana, k., . . 305 Sattam Vattan... . . 174 Sattenepalli, tk., . . * * 272 Satya, age, . 42, 44 and 1 Satyaditya, Te.-Choda ch., . ... 80 Batyarada, ch., . . . . . .220 Satyashidha, f., . . . . 284, 289 Satyasraya, 6.. Pulakesin II, W. Chalukya k., 318 Satyadraya, do. . . . . . 132 and n, 194 Satyadraya Ahavamalla, do.. Batyakraya Dhruvaraja' Indravarman, Omalukya k.,. . Saubhagyndovi, fe., . . . 37-38, 40 Baubhagyarsju, ch.. . . . 278-79 PAGI Baudi, Saudi-risi, .a. Sauri, sage, . 1867 Saugor, di.. . . . . . 96 n Saullika, off.. . . . . . . 187 Saumitri-bhatlu, donee, . . 283, 288 Saurashtra, Eastern, co., . . . 286 Sayanapata, 6.a. Sinvada, vi.. . 192, 194, 196 sh, used for . .. . . . . . 263 Shaddarsanam, f. . . . 281-82, 288 Shahabad, di.. . . . . . 185 Shahabuddin, . . . . 72 Shahbazagashi, I., . . . Shahdol, di., . Shar-i-kuns ins. of Asoka, : 333, 336 and n, 387 Shasthadeva II, Kadamba k., . . 203 Shashethi, de., . . . . 306 Shaskhandagama, wk., . . . 118 and n shafirimbat, 'all', 'many', . . . . 278 Shehore, di., . 216 Shimoga, do., . . 182, 258 n Shivapuri, do., . . 31, 37 n, 65, 163 Shodabarajaklya, section of the Mahabharata, 286 n Sibi, epic k., . . . . . 286 n Siddham symbol, 3-4, 11, 31, 33, 36, 39, 66, 68, 74, 86, 04, 123 n, 138, 143, 147, 150, 153, 177-78, 181. 82, 184, 191, 193, 210-11, 216-17, 260, 262, 273, 304, 306, 316, 821 Siddhavatam, tk., . . . . . .27 siddhayatana, . . 88-80, 91 Siddhi, .,. . . . . . 283, 288 Sidenur ins., . . . . 289 Bikata, 8.a. Baluka, ri., . 88-40 Sikharebvara, .a. Siva, de., : 41-43 Silapati, M., . . . . . 241 Simdi, N., : . . . 246 Simdhurajs, Paramara k., . * 197 Simga-bhathu, donet, . 288, 289 Simgans, 8.. Singans, do.. 17 Simgan-acharya, 4.a. Singap-acharya, m., Simgap-aryya, 8.a. Singanarya, do., Simga-ojhala, donec, . . . . 284, 290 Singibetti-kshetra, . . . Simhachala, Simhachalam, tn., 2, 6, 11, 14, 279 Simhachalam ins. . . . 4 n, 6 n, 182 Simhachalam ins. of Telungariya, .. . 297 Simhadrinagari, I., . . 104, 108 n, 107 Simhagiripurs, o.a. Simhadrinagart, do. 106 n Simhala, co., . . . . . . 313 Sindrava-bhoktri, . . . . . 198 Sindh, 6.a. Kalisindh, ri.. . . . . 87 Sindhurija, Sindhurajadova, Paramara k., 198-98, 216-17 Singa-bhatla, dones, . . . , 288, 289 * 233 16 . . 282

Page #504
Part VIII) INDEX 379 . . 265 * * 200 161 85, 297 . 241, 244 Sithtaku-vamon, 6.a. Somaya PAGE Singalar, 8.a. Chola, dy., . . : 161 Singatna, donee, . . . Singan-acharya, m., , Singan Arangan, do... 160 n kingap-arys, do., . Singan-arya, donee, 9, 15 Singarija, m., . . . Singeppira nambi, n., . Singhbhum, di., . . Sino-Tibetans, peo., . . 162 Sinvada, vi., . 192 SI-Raman, . . . 162 Sirivala, vi., * 301 Sirods pl. of Devaraja, 61 and n, 62 n, 259 n, 294 siromatra, . . 192, 209 Sironkhurd (Siyadoni) ins.. . . . 239 Sirpur, tn., . . . . . 165 Sirpur pl. of Sudevaraja, . . . . Sirsi pl. of Ravivarman, . . . . Sita, . . . . . Sitabaldi ins. of Vikramaditya VI, . 254, 256 Sitadi, fe., . . . . . . 241, 244 Sitarosu-vamsa, 3.a. Somavamsa, dy.,. . 270 Sitarama, m., . . . . . 199, 202 Siva, de... i 31-33, 36-37, 39, 42-43, 65-66, 74, 83, 103-04, 105 and n, 106, 121-22, 127-28, 142, 148 and n, 149-50, 152-53, 177, 199, 201, 203, 216, 219-20, 228, 240, 298, 316, 321 n Siva, do, . . . . . 65, 68, 201 Sivi, f., . . . 281, 287 Siva te., . . . 2 43, 80, 104, 148, 163, 171 n, 181, 208, 261 Sivabhaktivilasa, wk., . . 199. 201, 203-04 Siva-Brahmana, community, . . 199 Sivadasa, M., . . . . . . 167 Sivadbari, priest, . . . . 328-29, 331 Siva-dvija, 8.a. Siva-Brahmana, . Sivagupta-Balarjuna, Panduvansi k., 261-63, 270 Sivalinga, : . 71-72, 74, 127, 162, 184, 229 Sivamana, measure, . . * 199, 208 Sivanabhaka, com.. 31, 33, 36-36, 38, 40, 66-68 Sivapura, vi.. . . . 294 Sivapuraka, do., . . Siva Purana, wk. . . . 319 Sivaraja, m., . 33, 35 Siva-sayujya, . . . . . 298 and n Sivaskandavarman, Pallava k., . . . 190 Sivaya, m., . . . . . Siyaconi ins.. . 239 Siyaka, Styakadeva, Paramura k., 193, 198, 316-17 Siwalik valley, I., . . Skanda, gen., . . . . . PAGE Skandagupta, Gupta k., 172 , 211 n, 808-08 Skandavasu, m., . . . . 260 and n, 269 Smriti, . . . . . . . 137 Sobhikk, fe., . 241-42, 244 n, 245 tahiro, .,* * * * * . 23, 245 Solampar, vi., . . solanki, ... Chalukya, dy. 104 Solapuram ins., 24 Solar raoo, . . 12, 4, 6, 11, 26, 190, 220, 224 Solasa, f.,. . . . . . 284, 289 Solavaram, vi, Solavaram ins... . . . 23-24 Soma, ch., . . 220, 224, 227 Soms, dones, . 9, 17 Soma, do. . . . * 221, 280 Boma, fe., . . . . 220, 224, 297 Som-bhatlu, doncs, . . . 281, 287 Somi-bhatlu, do., . . . 281, 28T Somd-bhatlu, do. Soma-bhatlu, do.. . . . . 284, 289 Bomadeva, off... . . . . 33, 36 Somaka, m., . . . . 172,172 Soma-kula, dy. . . . . . 266, 273 Smakulatilaka, ep. . . . . 264, 266 Somana, Somana-rahthin, m.. . : 142, 146 som-Anvaya, lunar race, . . . . 13 Somaraja, ., . . . . 88, 40 Somasvamin te., . . . . . . 187 Somasvamipura, ..a. Karitalai, vi.j . 186-88 8mavanda, dy... 41 n, 181, 227 262, 263-66, 269-70, 271 and 872-73, 884 Bomayi, doncs, 8, 18 8maya-ghatadiain, do., 223, 231 Somaya-ghstabisin, do., 223, 281 Somayajin, op. . . . . . 188, 185 R Somayajulu, doncs, . . . . 284, 289 Somoda, . . . . . . . 120 Somoda, de., . . . 297 Somebvara, min., . . 186 and n, 187-88 Somotvara I, Chhindaka-Naga ch., . . 265 Somodvaradevavarman II, k., . . 5 Sonda, ., . . . . . . . 999 Sonepur, I., . . . 271 Sonopur ins. of Bhanudeva,. . 41 Sorab, tk.,. . 268 Borab pl. of Vinayadity, . . . Southern Ocean, . . . : 316 Sraddha, ceremony, . 103 n, 104, 108, 114 ardhi, 'year', . . . . . . 1-46 Sravanabhadra, I., : 216, 217 and n, 318 Srivasti, ci., . . . . 17 Sreshthin, . . . . . 194, 307 and Sribhandara, "temg treasury'. . . 160, 163

Page #505
380 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (VOL. XXXII PAGB 136, PAON Soguturu. I.. . . . . . 327n Suhma, peo. . . . . . 162, 154 Suivihar ins.. . 171, 308 Sujatogauto.jalaka, . . * 60 Sukhakara, com.. . . 122, 124 Suladi-tala, . . . 300 Sulin, .a. Siva, de.. . * 122, 124 suka, 'tar' . . . . 58 Sultan, tit. 32-33, 37-38, 71, 111 n, 278, 280 Sumatra, co.. . . . . 50 Sunasira,. . . 266, 273 Sunnahi,l.. . , 273 Supia, vi... 306, 308 Supia ins. of the reign of Skanda gupta. 172 n, 306 Sura, Sara, k., . . 254, 256 Saradasa, m.. . . . . . 151, 158 . Suradhunt, 8.a. Ganges, ri., . . 316, 322 Suraditya, m., . 217 Surama, fa, . . . 220, 224, 227 Surap-arya, donee, . . . 10, 17 Suresena, co., . . . 32, 34 Sarasena, f. . . . : 32 Suratana, Suratrana, s.a. Sulfan, tit., 71, 73-76, 127 Artbhandas 4 hariyan, administratire.body, 159 Srbhavana, o.a. Sarbhon, ci.. . 330, 339 Srichandra, qu., . 118-19 Srichandra, Srichandradeva, Chandra 136 and n, 137, 139 Soldatta, m., . . . . . 307-08 Sridhara, ch., . . . . . . 170 Sridhara, off., . . 183, 185 Sridhara, do.. . . 329, 331 Sridhara-bhoga, . . . . . 170 Sridharaparata, k., . . . . 142 Sridharapura, l., . . . . . 52 Srigiri, ., . . . . . 9, 17 and n Srikakulam, di... . 141, 152, 278 n SrikaBohani, o.a. Kanchan, Chandra q. 136, 138 and n Sribarana, off., . . . 183, 185 Sutkirti, pontiff,. . . 117, 118 and n, 119 Brtkurmam ins... 44 n Srikarmam ins. of Saka 1975, . . 4, 183 Srtkurmam te., . . . . . Brinidhana, engt. 153-54 Srinivasa, M., . . . 299 and n, 302 Srinivisa, 8.a. Sainyabhita Madhavavarman II, Sailodbhava k., . . . . . 52 Srinivka, Srinivasa-dikshita, Srinivisayajvan, W., . . . . . 199, 201, 203 Srpals, m.,. . * 241, 244 Sriparvata, hill, . , 30, 111, 248-49 Sripati, m., . . . 216, 218 Sripati-bhatta, donet, . .. 223, 231 Srirangam, tn., . . 159-61, 200, 219 Srirangam ins.. . . . . . 114 Srirangam ins. of Rajaraja, . . . 169 Srirangaraya to. . . . . . In Srisaila, . . Srivasakrishna, com.. 301 Srivaishnavavariyam, adm sistrative body. . 169, 101 Sriyadevi, fe., . . 241, 244 Srungavarapukota pl. of Anantavarman, 170 Srutakirti, preceptor, . . . 118 301 Atambha, Stambha-Kambhayya, Rashfraefa pr.. . . 309, 329 8tMiniya, off.. . Bthanu, .a. Siva, de., . . . 148 Sthayin, off-, . . 62 and n, 63-64, 293 Siapa . . . . . 171, 247 Subhakara, Bhaumakara k.,'. , Dhamakara k... . . . 265 Subhashitaratnasandoha, wk... . . 132 Subhatavarman, Paramara k.. . : 117 Sadevarija, Sarabhapura k., . . Bugata, 8.a. Buddha, 1050 Suravala, one who sets songs on musical instruments to tune! . . 239, 241, 244 Surendranagarl, myth. ci., . . . . 90 Sari-bhatta, donce, . 221, 229 Sari-bhatta, m... . 20-21 Saru-bhatlu, donce, . 285,290 Surys, do., ... 221,230 Burys, k.,. . . . * 254 Suryaghosha, do. 252, 253 and n, 254-56 Surya-kula, 'solar race,' . . 28 n Stiryakunda, m., . . . 151-52, 164 Suryanarayana, de, . . . . 240 n Sury-anvaya, solar race', . . . . 12 Suryasena, Sena pr., . 51 n, 319, 321 Surya-ramba, solar race'. . . 201-02 Haryavarda, a.a. Suryavama Gajapati, dy. on, 127, 129, 278 Suryavathi Gajapati, do.. . 1, 3-4, 6-7, 105, 126-28, 275, 278 Sutrabhrit, s.a. Satradhara, off.. . 33, 36 Suvarnachandra, Chandra, k., . 135, 138 Suvarnadvipa, 8.a. Sumatra, co., . . Suvarna-vithi, I., 278 Suyatindratirtha, saint, . . . 299, 301 Svabhivatunga, ... Yayati I, Mahakivagupta I, Somavarhol k., . 63, 271 Svamidasa, k., . . . 303 and n, 304-05 Svannabi, a.a. Sunnahi, I., . . . . 273 Svargavikal, do.. . . . . 159, 162 n Svartavithi... Nuvarpavithi. . 273 Inuti, . 50 . . 126

Page #506
PART VIII) * INDEX 381 Paca Svetambara, Jaina sect, . . 119, 127-28 Syams, m., 67, 69 Syima-vata, tres, . . , 67, 09 Syaramallika, 8.a. 'Sair Malik, collector of taxes . . . . . 71-72, 74 and n Syara-Sihadaraja, off., . . . 74, 78 n Sylhet, di. . . . . 186 Symbols : Ankusa,. . . . . . 247 Chakra, . . . . . . 247 Naga, . . 69, 247 Parnaglaba, Sankha. Srivatea, Stambha, Svastika, 247 247 * 247 tarka, Triratna, 176 , final, 4, reduplicated after the nasal, 1, reduplicated after 1, # and k, written alike,. . 1 and 1, written alike, . Tabaqat-i-Nagiri, wk., . Taobohan, n., . . Taqidevi, do., . . Taddyrktaka, off. . . Tadepalli, I., . . Tadepalligudem, tk.,. . tadi, 'palm' , . . Tadigaippadi, t.d., . . Tadipindi... . . . Tadviniyuktaka, off.,. . Taila II, W. Chalukya k., .. Tailapa II, 3.a. Taila II, do.. Takkolam, vi... . . . tala,. . . tala, tree, . . . . . . Talagunda pillar ins... . * . Talavara, op. . . Talavaravara, do.. . Talla. l. . . . Tallareddikunta, vi., . Tall-bhatia, donee, . Tallu-bhatla, do.. . Tallu-bhatta, do.. . Talparri, ... '. . . Tambapana, 3.a. Tamraparna, co.. Tambaparhnaka, . . . Tanma, gen., . . . . 160 82, 276 3, 156 . 36 . 113 . 148 . 37, 123 . 175 319, 323 n . 304 n . 283, 288 . . 225 . .. 276 . 132 283, 289 304 n 132, 194-95 . . 131 . . 77 . 300 10, 17-18 171 n 148 n, 149 . . 148 231, 233 226 284, 289 284, 290 9, 16 . . 175 . 249 n . . 249 . . 7n PAGB Tamma, m.. . . . . 220, 224-25, 227 Timpalika, do... .. . 194, 197 Tamraparna, 8.a. Ceylon, co., . . . Tamraparni, 3.a. Tamraparpa, do., 184 , 249 Timraparpl-dvipa, o.a. Ceylon, do.. . 248-50 Tandridevi, ... . . . Tanjavur, in.. . . . . . . 114 tantradhikarin, off.. . . . 161-62, 154 tantradhyaksha, 8.8. tantradhikarin, do., . Tantrapala, s.a. T'antradhikarin, do.. . . Tanuku, tk., . . . . . 2, 279 Tara, Buddhist de.. . . . . 298 Taradamsaka-bhoga, di.. 221, 222, 230 Tata, m., . . . . 194, 197 Tattalar, Lafa ch.. 26 Tattan, ... . Tejapale, min.. . * 117 Tekkali, L., . . . Telaproli, J. . . . 284, 289 Telingane, 1.d., . . . 223 Telugu co., . 7, 219 n, 279, 312 Telugu-Choda, dy. . 28, 78, 80, 208, 271 Telungar, peo... 161 Telungaraya, Vijayanagara ch., Tolungari-bhatlu, donee. . . . 286, 290 Tenkanaditya, ep.. . 27-29 th, represented by dh, tha and dha, written aliko, . 176 thao, 8.a. thakkura, off * 46, 48-49 Thakkura, do.. . . 46, 48, 72-73, 76 and a Thakur, de.. . . . 73 Thakura, Thakkura, off.. 76 and n, 194, 197-98 Thakura, Thakur, s.a. T'hallura, do., . 72, 753 Thera, 'a monk' or 'an elder', . . 249 Theravada, doctrine, . . . . 249 Theravada-Vibhajjavada, do. . . Theravadin, community. . . . 249 Theravadin-Vibhajjavadin, do.. . . 249 n Theriya, Theravadin, . . 248-60 Tilakwada pl. of Yaboraja, . . 195, 217 Timmamba, fe.,. . . Timmans, dones, . . 16 Timmana, poet,. . . Timmanamna, Timmapanna, ., . 114-16 Timmana-Sastrin, do.. . . Timmaraja, ch., . . . . . 199, 201-02 Timmaraju, m., . . . . . 200 Timmaya, 8.a, Tirumalaya, do., Timmaya, s.n. Tirumalaideva, Tuluva k., 114-15 Timmayyar, Saluva ch., . . . 200 Tippa-bhatlu, donce, . . . . 282, 288 Tippaluru, I., . . . . . 112 . . 113 112

Page #507
382 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [Vol. XXXIII * 251 . 117 Pacs Travancore, co., . . . . . Travancore and Cochin State, . . . 249 Treta, age, . . . . . 42, 44 and Tribhuvana, k.,. . . Tribhuvanachakravartligal, tit., . 159, 161 Tribhuvanagiri, co., . . . 32-34 Tribhuvanamalla, Kadamba k.. . 53-54, 293 Tribhuvanapala, Chaulukya k.. . Tribhuvanavid yachakravarti, til... 104 and , 106, 107 Trikalinga, co... .. . . 142, 144-46 Trikalingadhipati, til., . . . 264-66, 278 Trimtrti, de.. .: . 32, 240 and a Trindtradevagarapilars, of... . . tripodaka, tax, . . . . . . 163 Tripurahara, 4.a. Biva, de.. . . .187 Tripurantakam ins. of Annadova, Tripurl, ca.. . . .. Tripurusha, Tripurushadeva, de., 239, 240 and n, 241-46 Triveni, ri.. . . . . . 316, 322 Trivikrama-bhatlu, donec, . . . 282, 287 Tulast, gen., 44-45 Tulis, ., . . . . 245 Tuluva, dy. . 111, 114, 199 Tumburu, J. . . . . 52, 101 Turnga-kunta, I., . 291 Tungabhadrs, ri. . 111, 328-29, 330 anda, 331 Turimella ina. of Vikramaditya I,. . Turk, peo.. . . . . . . . 37 Turkish Muhammadan, do., . 32, 317-18 Turushka, do.,. . . 220, 228 turushka-danda, tax, . . . . 180 Tyagaraja, saint, . . . . . 300 * 177 . 78 . 160 * PAGE Tippamman, fe., . . . 200 Tippan-arya, m., . 9.16 Tippasamudram, 6.. Valivalakkamangalam, , 23, 25 Tippayadeva-maharaja, ch... . . . 200 Tippers, di., . 136, 136 and n Tirhut, I.d., . . 123, 299 Tirodi pl., . . . Tirthankara, , . . . 118 Tiruchirappalli, di.. . . 159 Tirumala, a.a. Salaka Tirumala, ger.. . 199-200, 202 Tirumala, 6.a. Tirumalabhatta, doner, 20, 22 Tirumala-bhatlu, do., . . . . 283, 289 Tirumala-bhatlu, do. . . . 284, 290 Tirumala-bhatta, Tirumalaya, do.. . 20, 22 Tirumaladevi, Vijayanagara g., . 111, 113 Tirumalaideva, Tuluva, ch., . . . . 114 Tirumalaidova-maharaja, Tirumalayadeve maharaja, 8.a. Salaka Tirumala, gen., 200-01 Tirumunaippadi-nadu, di... Tirunamanallar, vi.. . . . 78 Tirunelveli, di.,. . . 174 Tirunelveli ins., . . . Tirupati, tn., , , 1 and Tiruppadi, ... . . Tirappanangadu, vi... * 200 Tiruppanangadu ins... 200-01 Tirupparankunram, I., . Tirwilondarpuranam, wk.. 201 Tiruvadi, til., . 159 and, 160 Tiruvadi Valavan. . . * 161 Tiruvarangadisa, m.,. . . 161-62 Tiruvarangadevan, do.. . 161-62 Tiruvarangam, a.a. Srirangam, tn., . 161 Tiruvaranga Narayananambi, m., . . . 161 Tiruvaranga Vallalar, do.. . * 161 Tiruvarangappiriyan, do.. . * 162 Tiruvengadadevan Paradayan, do., 161-62 Tiruvaykula, . . . . 161-62 Tina, Tishy., fe., . . . 69 Tivaravilli, vi.. . . 137, 139 Todhabbanja, Bhanja ch... 84, 86 Togarchedu pl. of Vinayaditya, * 312 tola, tol.. . . . . . 143 Tolerpa, . . . . 83, 86 Topta-somayajula, f. . . . 284, 289 Topkhana, shed for artillery, . . . . 48 Tosall, co., . . . . . 248-49 Trallokya, Trailokyachandra, Trailokya chandradova, Chandra k., . . 135-36, 138-39 Trailokyavarian, Trailokyavarmmadova, Para mara k... . . . . 93-94 Traitik ya vijaya, de... . . . 297.98 161 173 u, initial, . . . . . 27, 62, 909 u, modial, ... 209, 303, 323 n 4, medial, resembling subscript vi.. . 263 4, medial, . . . . . . -209 Uchohakalpa, ca., . . 167-69, 906 Udaisimha, 1. . . . . . . . 163 Uda-jataka, . . . . 60 Udala, t.d. . . . . . 82 Udala, tn, . . . . 82 Udana, wk.. . . . . 249 Udays, myth. mo.. 13, 21, 90 Udayagiri ing. of 401 A.D., . . . . 304,00 Udayapstr. fe... . . 264, 267 Udayana, Pandava k., . 253 and n, 254 and n Uddalladevi, ... . 121-22, 124 and n

Page #508
PART VIII) INDEX .382 PAQs Uttarapathanatha, U Harapathikuara, tit.. . 313 Uttararamacharita, wk.. . . . 67 a Uttara-Tonali, co. . . . 264-86, 273 Uttarebvarapu, .. . . . 284, 289 Uttar Pradesh, state, . 87, 67, 06-97, 99-100, 122-23, 164, 176, 178, 211, 260, 318 . . . 165 Pags Uddyotakoarin, Udyotakesarin, Somavand k., . 264 and n, 266, 268 and n, 269 and n, 271 Udrs, co.. . . . . . . 268 Ujjain, ci., . . . 215-16 Ujjain pl. of Bhoja, . . * 195, 215-16 Ujjain pl. of Lakshmivarman, . . . 94 Ujjayinl, ci.. . . . * 184 n. 206-07 Ujjayinl-pabohima-pathaka, .d., Ujjayini symbol on coins, . * , 99 wkkoda, wkkoda, s.a. ulkota, levy.. utaniyoga, off. . . 293 Ullaka, I., . . . ulliruppu, ofl. . . . . . Uma, de... . . . . . Uma, Umidovi, E. Ganga q. 181, 182 and n Umachal rock ins. . S 210 n Umainsaha, ... Humayun Shah, Bahmant Sultan, . . . . . . 127, 129 Unchabra, vi.. . . . 121-22 Unohabra ins.. . . . . 121 wichha, . . . 89, 91 Unchokatti-grama, vi. * 318, 324 Undirkja, f. '. . . . 223 upadhmaniya . . . . 148, 166, 186 Upadrashta, J.. . .. . 281-82, 287 upakshiti, tax, . . 55-56 wparika, off., , . . . 304, 306 wparitara, additional cess or tax on temporary tenanta, . . . . . 216, 218 wpanaka, 'lay follower of the Buddha,' . 336 wpdeakatva, . . . . 386 wpdsika, Jemale lay worshipper of the Buddha,' 248 upaydta, . 336 n upeta, . Uppala, 4.a. Vakpati Munja, Paramara k.. . 13), . 161 ... . . . 80, 99 , used to indicato , . 86, 180, 210, 276 and dh, written alike. . . . 150, 176 reduplicated when following . . . . 216 0, subscript, .. . . . 209, 323. 0, substituted by b, .. . . 168, 176, 186 v and p, written alike, Vachcharaja, ... Vatearaja, ch., . 193-94, 198 Vida chaturabftipattala, di., 1760 Vadamadursi, vi.. Vaddi, . . . . 282, 288 Vadhavali, vi.. . . 178-79 Vadiya, Vadiyaka, n., 241, 244 Vedner pl. of Buddharaja, . . . .. 289 Vagbela, dy.. . . 117 Vaglevara, 3.a. Brahman, de., Vahavadinna, 6.0. Bahauddin Gurshasp. ch.. . . 71, 73-74 Vaheru, engr. . ' . . . 873 vahni,' thres', Vaidumba, S.. . . 27-28, 78, 146 Vaidys, community. . . . . 162 Vaijaditya, m., . . . . 74, 78 and 1 Vaijayanti, 6.a. Bansvael, ca.. . 54, 87-90 Vaikunths, . . .. . . . 299 Vainapala, ... Nainepala or Naipasimba, m., . . . . . . 72, 78 D Vaipa pals, Vainasimha, of.. . 72,76 Vaira, .a. Vajra, merchant,. . . 190-91 Vairasirinska, m., . . . . 190-91 Vaishnava, seot, 43,72 n, 103, 106, 112, 299, 317 n Vaishnaviam, religion, . . 127, 160, 184 Vaibye, community, . 142 and a, 146 Vaidy-agrahdra, . . . . . 10 n Vaitaranl, ri.. . . . . . 285 Vaivasvata, m., . . . . 194, 198 n Vaivasvata-kule, solar race', 129 Vaivasvata Manu, . . . . 220, 228 Vaivasvata-manvantara, . 127-129 Vajra, s.a. Vaira, merchant, . . * 190 and a Vajr., Koala pr.. . . . . . 170 Vajrahasta I, E. Gunga k.; . . . . 144 . 336 183 . . . Uruvela, L. Uppalari, f. . . . . . 282, 287 Upparapalli, vi., . . Uppagundur, do. .. 189 Uraiyurpuravaradhisvara, til, . . . 201 Urlam, si, . . . . . .. 141 Uravels, 1, . . . . . . 19 Usyarasimha, M., . .. . 74, 76 Utkala, Utakala-dela, co., . 126, 128-29, 264, 265 and n, 266-67, 271-72 utkofa, levy, Utpala, 2.4. Munja, Paramara k... 131-32, 194 and a wpdla, unusual phenonenon'. . . . 137 Uttame-chola, Chola k.. . . . . 24 n Uttamiditya, Tel.-Choda ch.. . . . 80 Uttanampani, Uttanapuni, I., . 225, 232, 234 Uttars-kosala, co., . . . . 177, 179 Uttaripatha, do... . . .314 10A

Page #509
384 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [Vol. XXXII PAGE PAGE * 259 Vajrahasta II, do., . . Vajrahasta Anantavarman, 6.a. Vajrahasta III, do. . . . . . 141-42, 145 Vajrahumkara-mudra, . . . . . 298 Vajrasattva, Buddhist de., , . . . 265 Vajrin, 8.a. Indra, Vakataka, dy., . 254-56, 259, 260 n, 261, 307, 319 Vakataka of Vatsagulma, do.. . Vakkaleri pl. of Kirtiverman II, . Vakpati Mufija, Paramara k., 132, 169, 194 Vakpatiraja, Vakpatirajadeva, do., 47, 193, 196, 216-17 Vakula-mahadevi, . . . . . . Valahara, n., . . . . . 246 Vala-yashti, . . . 168 valaya-yashti,' boundary staff or pillar, 167-68 Valivalakkamangalam, l. 23, 25 Valivilattimangalam, 8.a. Tippasamudram, do., 25 Vallabha, m., . . 9, 16 Vallabha-bhatta, donee, . 222, 230 Vallabha-ghata basin, do., 222, 230 Vallabha-ghatasasin, do.. 222, 231 Vallabha-ghata sisin, do.. 222, 231 Vallabha.ghatasasin, do., 223, 231 Vallabharaja, m., . 194, 197 Vallabh-arya, do., . 9, 15 Vallabh-arya, do. 9, 16 Vallabha-yajvan, donee, 221, 229 Vallaladeva, k.,. . * 172 Vallava-bhatlu, donee, . 281, 287 Vallava-bhatlu, do., . ., 282, 287 Vallava-bhatlu, do., . . - 282, 288 Vallava-bhatlu, do. . . * 282, 288 Vallava-bhatlu, do.. . . 283, 288 Vallimunda-mandala, di., . . 136, 139 n Vallotaka, community or l... * 193-94, 196-97 Vamga, c.a., . . . . . . 324 Vamkeya-chola-maharaja, Tel.-C'hoda k., 28, 29 Vandika, flute-player' . . . 238, 244 Vanagrama, 1., . . . . 83, 85 and n Vanamalidavasarman, m., . . . 325 Vanamalin, do... . . . . 319 Vanavasa, 8.a. Vanavaei, co., . . 248, 250 Vanavasaka-maharaja, k., . . . 148 Vanavasi, co., . . . 248-49, 313 vandapana, levy,. . . . . 264, 267 Vandau, m., . . 183, 185 Vanga, co.. , 136, 154, 248-49, 265-66, 318, 321 Vanga, peo.. . . . 152 Vangala-desa, co., . . . . . . 136 Vanglys Sahitya Parishat pl. of Visvarupasens, * 51 n, 169, 232 n, 316, 319-21, 325 n Vangippuram, vs., . . . . . 161 Vanigan, . . . . . . * 176 Vanika-grama, vi.. . . . . * 169 vaniya, merchant', * 190 Vankika-patta, s.a. Wankaner, di., . 304-06 Vannan, washerman, . . . * 175 Varaballvarda, levy. . . . . 264,267 Varada, ri. . . 251-52, 256 Varadamba, fe., . . . . . . 200 Varad-arya, m... . . . . 8, 15 Varadaya-ghata sasin, donee, . 223, 231 Varaha, de., . . . . 226, 228, 278 Varahamihira, au., ... 205-06, 208 and n Varangallu, 6.a. Warangal, ca.,. . 125-26 Varamore, Varanara, ch., . . . . 52 Varapa, ri, . 316, 322 Varanars, ch., . . . . . . 52 Varapasi, .a. Banaras, ci.,. 111, 184 n, 316 Varanasl, 8.a. Varanasi or Banaras, do., 111, 177, 179 Varsylpada, 'habitation of Barayis (vetel-vine growers)'. . . . . . 318 Varayipada-grama, vi., . . . 318, 324 Varga, m., . . . . . 172, 306-08 Variga, Varika, 'temple superintendent', 239-41, 244 Varum(ga* Jalli-kota, 6.a. Warangal fort, . In Varungallu, 8.a. Warangal, ci., . . 127 Vasala, n... . . . . . . . 245 vasavak, tax, . . 263-64, 267 Vasethiputa, metronymic, * 148 Vasishtha, sage, . . 6 n, 229, 286 Vastupala, min.. . . . . . 117 Vasu, m., . . . . . . . 167 Vasu, off... . . . . 183, 186 and n Vasudeva, do.. . 67, 69 Vasudeva, 8.a. Vishnu de... . . 10, 14,179 Vasuki, myth. serpent, . 266 Vatanagara-bhoga, t.d. . * 169 Vatapatra, 6.a. Baraudi, vi., 33, 35 Vatapura, 8.. Baptavala, do., . . 300-01 Vatesvara, scribe. . . . . 236-37 Vatsagulma, ca., . . . . . Vatearaja, ch., . . 193-94, 197 and n, 198 n, 216 Vayada, 8.a. Botad, vi.. . . . 235-36 Vayiramega Vanakovaraiyar, ch... 26 and n Vayiri-Adiyan, do.. . . . . . 24 n Vayu Purana, wk., . . . . 103 Veda, . . . . . . 221 Vedas : Agraveda, 4.a. Rigveda. Rigveda, . 8, 221-22, 229-30, 281, 288-85, 287-90 Sama, Samavoda, 199, 203, 221, 229, 231, 281, 293 Yajurveda, Yajus, 8-10, 15-17, 221, 229, 231, 281-85, 287, 288-90 Vedagiri, donee, . . . 9, 15 260

Page #510
PART VIII] Vedagiri-dvedin, do., Vedalla, Vedanga, Vedanta, Vedantam, f., Vedantin, Vedha, e.a. Brahman de., Vedhyakupika-grama, vi., Vedikorda, I., Veivaku, m., vel, 'spear', Velagalini, 8.a. Veligalani, vi., Velama, caste, Velama, 8.a. Vellamam ba, 221 281, 283, 288 222, 229-30 322 304-06 87, 89, 91 194, 198 148 292 7, 128 7, 277 and n, 278 7,278 285, 292 174 n 3 n veli, l.m., Velicherla pl. of Prataparudra, Veligalani, vi.,. 6 and n, 7 and n, 275, 277 and n, 278, 285-86 6-7, 8 n, 275 7,287 7,277 n, 278 7, 277-78, 282-83, 285, 288 23 162 272 n 25 78 278-79 227-29 228-29 Velamapura, 8.a. Vellamambapura, vi., Veligalani gr. of Kapileavara, Veligalani-Kapileevarapura, vi., Vellamamba, q., Vellamambapura, s.a. Velamapura, vi., Vellore, tk., Vel-nadu, co., Velpuru, vi., Volur, tk., Velurpalaiyam pl. of Nandivarman III, Vema, Reddi ch., Verga, Vemgi, 8.a. Vengi, co., Vergi-vishaya, do., Verka, 8.a. Vamkeya-choda Tel.-Choda k., Vemulurupadu ins. of Tirumala, Venadu, co., Venattadigal, Venga, n.,. Vongi; t.d., Vengi, s.a. Peddavegi, vi., Vengi-vishaya, 8.a. Vongi, t. d., Venka, Tel.-Choda k., Venkatagiri, I., Venkataramanasvami, de., Venkatesa, n., Venna, ri., Venna-ojhalu, donee, Vennaya-bhatta, do., PAGE 8, 15 250 221 Veraval, 8.a. Prabhas Patan, I., Veraval ins. of Chaulukya Bhima II, Visimike, I., Votikauta, do., Yeyyeru, stream, . " 28 200 159-60 159 220, 224-25 220, 225 225 220-21 28 and n 7 299 299 and n, 302 6 and n, 277, 286 281, 287 222, 230 117 117 63-64 91 n 225, 232, 234 * . . * INDEX Vibhajavada, s.a. Vibhajjavadin, ep., Vibhajjavada school, Vibhuganga, m., Vichitravira, Somavami k., Vidalajatarakukufa-jataka, Vidarbha, co., Videhaja, 8.a. Sita, Vidhu-vama, lunar race, Vidita, off., Vidyanagara, ci., Vighnoevara, de., Vigrahapala III, Pala k., Vigraharaja IV, Chahamana k., vihara, 'Buddhist monastery', Viharasvamin, 'owner of a monastery', Vijaditya, m., Vijala, fe., Vijayachandra, Gahadavala k., Vijayadeva, hero, Vijayaditya, W. Chalukya k., vilasini, s.a. devadast, Villavar, dy.,. Vilupperaraiyan, channel, Vilupperaraiyan, tit., Vilupperaraiyar Ayyakkutti-adigal, fe.,. 385 199 51 37 248 260, 282 76 m 240, 244 and n 37 37, 39 272, 311-12, 314, 327 n, 128 .123 2, 7, 25, 108 n; 111, 239, 279-80, 312 112, 114-16, Vijayakarna, ch., Vijayanagara, dy., Vijayanagara, 8.a. Hampi, ci., 199, 278, 280, Vijayapratapa-Kapilendra, s.a. Kapileevara, Gajapati k., Vijayapratapakapilandramahadasana, vi., 6 and n, 7 Vijayapuri, I., vijaya-basana, 248-49 111, 113 316-17, Vijayasena, Vijayasenadeva, Sena k., 317 and n, 320, 327, 322 vijayavandapana, levy, Vijitanavakotikarnakesvara, tel., Vikrama, scribe, . Vikramabhupa, k., Vikramaditya, Tel.-Choda k.,. Vikramaditya, Chandragupta II, Gupta k., 307-08 Vikramaditya II, W. Chalukya k., 264, 267 128-29 33, 36 118, 120 79-81 Vikramaditya V, do., Vikramaditya VI, do., . 310 310 254, 256, 310 313 136 and n, 137, 139 321 Vikramapura-bhoga, do., 318, 324 Vilasa gr. of Prolayanayaka, 127 n, 220, 224, 276 n, Vikramaditya Satyaaraya, do., Vikramapura, ci., Vikramapura, di., 285 n 240, 243 161 23, 24, 26 n 24 24 * PAGR 248-50 249 137, 140 271 60 252 35 227 194, 197 280 n

Page #511
886 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA (VOL. XXXIII RDOI .. 107 PACJ Pishayapati, of. . 189, 160, 824 Vishnu, de, . . 4, 10,36, 48, 66-66, 73, 90, 103, 106 and n, 126-28, 144, 177, 184 n, 186 anda, 319-20, 240 and'n, 278 Vinhpu, m.. 47-48 Vishpu-Krishna, de.. . . . 316 Vishnupada, , 109-10 Vishnupads to... . . 103, 108, 110, 113 Vishnumriti, wt., . . . . 60 D Vishnuvardhana, Hoyvala, k., . . . 108 Viasana, donee . . . . . 10, 17 Visvalo, .4. Visala or Vigraharaja, Chdhamana k.. . . . . . . 37, 40 Vidvantha-Kavirkja, au. . . . 182 Vitvardpa, *. . . . 76 and n Vitvartpe, 6.a. Vitvartpesene, Sina k., 316, 321-22, 323 Vilvartpadevadarman, dones, . . '319, 326 Vitvardpastos, Vitvartpesenadeva, Sina k., . 51 n, 189, 318-21, 323, 324 and a Visvokvara, dones, . . . . . . 16 Vilvovara, M., . . . . . 9, 10 Vitrabrera, do. . . . . . . 113 Vibravara-bhatlu, dones, . . 282, 287 Vitvbdvarichiryalu, do. Visvokvara-purohita, Mh., . 10 Vilvovarssambhu, preceptor, . . 108 n, 100 Vindhyldri, mo.. . Vingada, Vingada, fe., . . 241, 244 Vinkpoti, do. . . . . . . vinaya-dhara, . . . . . 250 Vinayaditya, E. Ganga k., . 144 Vinayaditya, W. Chalukya k.. . 169, 312-13 Vinayamahidevi, E. Ganga . . . . 145 Vihohihichedi, vi. . . 311-12, 314 Vindhya, mo. . 88, 104, 107, 121-24, 207, 261-62, 256 Vindhyabakti II, Vateagulma . . 260 Vindhyokvara, Vindhyodvaradeve, .a. sive, da., . . . . 121-22, 124 Vinsyukta, of, . . . . . 304, 306 Viniyuktaka, do.. . . . . 304 Vinukonda, fort, . Vinakopda ins. of Bagi Gannaman yaki, 219 Vipabaida, wk., . Vipparru, L., . . . . 221, 232 Virabhadra, Reddik... 2, 278-79 Virabhadr, ... Raghudova, Gajapati ch. 10, 197-98, 180 Virachodekvars, chi . . . Vindharadeva Deva k.. . 136 Viradhavala, Vaghda k., . . 117 Virghattam, ca.. . 228-29, 378 and n, 279 Vira-grama, vi.. . * * * 169 Virakkahthi, ... Virakatt, do . 394 Virakani, L., . . . . . 318, 824 Vire-Krishpadeva-mahiriya, ... Krishnadeva riya, Vijayanagara k., . . 111 Vir-Narasimgadova, 6.4. Narasimha III, Hoysala k.. . .. .. . . 108-09 Viru-Narasirahardyan yakkar, ch., . 200 Virapralapa, ep. . . 111-12, 114-15 Virapurisadata, ... Virapurushadatta, Ikohvaku k.. . . 148, 189-91, 248 Virarimadeva, oh.. . . . 186 n Vira-Ravivarman Tiruvadi, 2.. Kodai Ravi varmag, Venadu k.. . . 159, 160 Virstarije, Lajach., . . 24 and Viravarman, Chand alla k., Virtpaksha to., . . . . 272 Viryachandra, preceptor, . . 119 Vimkhapatnam, di., . 8,11 Vinkhapatnam, tk., . . Vals, Ohahamana k.. Viala, A., . . . . 246 Vale, ... Vigraharaja IV, Chhamdna k.. . 38 visarga, . . . 160 visarga, changed to ori, . . . , 148 vitorpolandii, . . 150, 215 viskaya, 'district, 187, 160 vishayatt, laito . . . . . 206, 207 Viturapunahiya-jaka, . . . . 60 Voohi-nyaks, 1.4 Pochi-nayake, ch.,'. 220, 221, 226, 220 Vonkhira-bhoga, ... . . . . . 160 Vorungallu, Vorurgapti, ... Warangal, fort, . 126, 129-30 Vrinbabhadhuaja, ... Sive, de. . 162, 164 Vpishabhipi-kheta, I., . . . . 61-62 Vyaghrarja, k., . . . . . 209 vakarasa, . . . . . 222, 230 Vyha, au., . . . . 22, 166, 168 Vykanganga, Vyksagangatarman, dona, 137, 140 Vyanaharasdira, wk . . . 66 pyoman, 'zero', . . . . . . Vymakoda, de.. . . . . . . . . 188. 210 citarya, chand in Wadhwan, tr.,. . . . . . 235 Wainganga, ri.. . . . . 60 Warangal, ci., , 12, 106, 126-27, 278, 281 Warangal, di., . . . . . . 1 Warangal fort . I and D, 125-26, 128, 380 Warangal ins. of Hambtrs,. . 11,8a Warangal ins. of Raghudeva, .1, , 126, 978

Page #512
PART VIII) Wardha, ri., Wijason caves, y, y and p, written alike, y, represented by yy, Yadava, dy., Yadu, f., Yadu-kula-tilaka, ep., Yajnan-Arya, m., Yajnanna-bhatla, f.,. Yajnavalkyo-smriti, wk., Yajneevara-somayajulu, donee, Yajurvedin, Yajushka,. Yajvapala, dy., 27, 209 150 3 117, 125, 265 114 114-15 9, 17 284, 289 213 n 281, 287 8, 281 229 31-32, 33 and n, 36, 37 n. 40 n, 65-68, 163, 165 10, 17 165, 166 n Yallana, Yallanna, M., Yamaraja, do., Yambaraya, 8.a. Hambira, Gajapati pr.,. Yamparela, f., Yanaralapalle, vi., Yaran-arya, donee, Yarapota-bhatlu, do., Yarra-ojhalu, do., Yaru-bhatta, do., Yasabkarna, Kalachuri k., Yasabkirti, preceptor, Yasale, vi., yashti, Yasodhavala, m., Yasoraja, ch., Yasovarmadeva, k. of Kanauj, Yasovarmadeva, Paramara k., PAGE 252, 254 254 Yasovarman, ch., Yasovigraha, Gahadavala ch., Yatu-bhatlu, donee, Yasobhandagara, ep., Yasodasa, min.,. 151-53, 154 and n Yasodharman Vishnuvardhana, Aulikara k., 171 n, 205 and n, 206-08 241 53, 195 190n 93 196 177-78 281, 287 60 248-50 Yavamajhakigamgataka, Yavana, co., 280n 284, 289 225 * 9, 17 284, 289 283, 289 9, 16 265 117-20 132 171 251, 255 . . INDEX Yavana, a.a. Greek, peo.. Yavana, 8.a.Muhammadan, do., Yayati Mahasivagupta I, Somavami k., Yayati III, 8.a. Chandihara Mahasivagupta, do., Yayatinagara, s.a. Binks, ca, Yayatinagara, a.a. Jajpur do., Yayatipura, 8.a. Yayatinagara, do., Years: Anka, Karttikadi, Mahamagha, Years, cyclic : Akahaya, 8.a. Kahaya, Ananda,. Bahudhanya, Bhava, Dhatri, Dhatu, s.a. Dhatri, Jaya, Khara, Kilaka, Kahaya, Pingala,.. Plavanga, Pramadi, 8.a. Pramathin, Pramathin, Saumya, Subhanu, Tagara, . Vibhava, Vikarin, Vikrama, Vrisha, Vyaya, Yuvan, Years, Regnal: 1, 1 or 11, 2, 3, 4, 5, 220, 224-25,228, 280 and n 52-53, 269-71 * 387 PAGE 333 271-72 271 264-66, 272 271-72 . 42-44, 181-82 216 167 . 71, 73, 75 225, 234 1n, 6 n, 277, 286 5 n 3 14 131, 133 108-09, 199 and n, 200, 202 77 71, 73-74 2 2 129 1 n, 125-27 2 328, 331 328 2, 225 n, 279 and n 114 and n, 115 . 114 8 n, 110, 112 299, 301 5 n, 20, 22 62-63, 136, 214 210 23 n, 321 136, 181, 321 25 n, 136, 236, 298, 314 155-56, 158

Page #513
388 EPIGRAPHIA INDICA [VOL. XXXIII 6, . PAGE . . 264, 288 . . . . 23-24, 62 . . . . 42, 44, 336 24, 148-49, 159, 160, 171,214 n, 335-36 . . 10. . 41, PAGE 87-88, 91 182-84 27-29 . 182 281, 287 . 281 . . . . . 11, 11 or 1, 11-13, 13, . . . . 321 1,336 37 1311, INI, 331, 3:6 and 11. . . 134 57, Yodavalle, J.. Yoluvalli, vi.. . . Yollingar, l.. Yollu bhulu, donee . . Yool, S. . . Yonimodra, du.. * Yoturi, S., . . . Yete-omnyujulu, donee, . Yuli-mandula, di.. . . Yudhishthira, epic hero, Yukrumbe, vi.. . . . yupa, 'sacrificial pillar', . yupaka, . . . Yuvarujadiva I. Kalachuri k.. ul. 1991 . . 282, 288 281-82, 287-18 . . 281, 287 * 281-82, 287-88 . 283, 288 . . 137-39 * 307, 308 and n . 311-12, 314 . . . 171 n . 53, 63-64 . 186 and n, 187 . 63 64 3 34,336 3:37 3:17 293-94, 296

Page #514
_